The Urban Gaze: Exploring Urbanity Through Art, Architecture, Music, Fashion, Film and Media [1 ed.] 9781848884533, 9789004374836

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The Urban Gaze

Inter-Disciplinary Press Publishing Advisory Board Ana Maria Borlescu Peter Bray Ann-Marie Cook Robert Fisher Lisa Howard Peter Mario Kreuter Stephen Morris John Parry Karl Spracklen Peter Twohig Inter-Disciplinary Press is a part of Inter-Disciplinary.Net A Global Network for Dynamic Research and Publishing

2016

The Urban Gaze: Exploring Urbanity through Art, Architecture, Fashion and Media

Edited by

Silvia Mazzucotelli Salice

Inter-Disciplinary Press Oxford, United Kingdom

© Inter-Disciplinary Press 2016 http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/publishing

The Inter-Disciplinary Press is part of Inter-Disciplinary.Net – a global network for research and publishing. The Inter-Disciplinary Press aims to promote and encourage the kind of work which is collaborative, innovative, imaginative, and which provides an exemplar for inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary publishing.

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Inter-Disciplinary Press, Priory House, 149B Wroslyn Road, Freeland, Oxfordshire. OX29 8HR, United Kingdom. +44 (0)1993 882087

ISBN: 978-1-84888-453-3 First published in the United Kingdom in eBook format in 2016. First Edition.

Table of Contents Introduction: Urban Space as an Interpretative Gaze Silvia Mazzucotelli Salice Part I

Projections: The City as a Subject in Film and Media Captured Ideologies In Cinematic Spaces: Jacques Tati’s Les Vacances De M. Hulot, Mon Oncle and Playtime as Case Studies Ayşegül Akçay

Part II

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3

Contagious Media: Zombie Criticism of ‘Real’ Space Naja Later

11

How Place Influences Popular Culture: Finding Meaning in Creative Media Huston John Gibson and La Barbara James Wigfall

25

Canvas: Artistic Encounters with Urban Environments Micro Cities: Swoon’s Architectural Conversation Pieces and the Confrontation of Publics Lara Bullock

35

Group Ginger: Legacy and Place Making through Temporal Use Sarah Mills and Simon Baker

45

Part III Vibrations: Space and Place in Music Performance All the World is a Stage: The Transformative Power of Space in Electronic Dance Music Irina Cvijanović

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Musicking Tourism: Music Performance in Bars in the Tourist Industry in the Contemporary Old Town of Lijiang, Yunnan Shuo Yang

71

Part IV

Creations: Production and Consumption in the Fashion and Music Industries Image Thunderstorm: Brazilian Urban Fashion and Music as a Symbolic Web Maria Carolina Garcia, Sylvestre Luiz Thomaz Gonçalves Netto, Carolina Testoni Parisi Corrêa and Silvana Ventura Ribeiro Bujarski

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‘Pirates’ and ‘Freetards’: The Discourses and Rhetoric of Online Music Consumption Nick Webber

95

Exploring a Digitised, Networked Milieu: The Cardiff Independent Music Sector in the Age of Immaterial Product Joanne Coates Part V

109

Visions: Reimagining Urban Space Creative Revitalization of the Urban Space: The Residual Areas Project in Turin Silvia Mazzucotelli Salice

119

Urban-Architecture as a Battleground of Socio-Cultural Struggle Murat Çetin

129

Reinventing Urban Landscape: 21st-Century Data-Scape Alteration Tamara Marić, Marina Tolj and Bojana Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci

141

Introduction: Urban Space as an Interpretative Gaze Silvia Mazzucotelli Salice The Urban Gaze: Exploring Urbanity through Art, Architecture, Music, Fashion, Film and Media rises from an interdisciplinary study on Urban PopCultures, a thematic research and publications project aiming to examine, explore and critically engage with issues related to urban life. This work is designed to introduce readers to the interactions and crossovers between culture and the city and it intends to investigate urbanity as a cultural form on the basis of a comprehensive and geographically representative collection of case studies. The concept of city will have an important role in the entire work. Considering its wide application and the fact that models and approaches to the study of urbanity differ significantly, it is essential to clarify in which way the term is used: the definition of urban life recalled in the following pages goes beyond the mere physical structure of the city to discover those elements that mark a city as distinctive mode of human group life. In what is probably one of the most famous articles of American sociology, Louis Wirth, successor of Simmel and Park, writes: The city has thus historically been the melting-pot of races, people and cultures, and a most favorable breeding-ground of new biological and cultural hybrids. It has not only tolerated, but rewarded individual differences. It has brought together peoples from the ends of the earth because they are different and thus useful to one another, rather than because they are homogeneous and like-minded.1 Wirth, looking for a real sociological definition of city, identifies three basic categories of urban dimension: size, density and heterogeneity. With the latter, the author refers to the structure of urban social stratification, more complex and diverse than that of a more integrated society, and thus refers to the variety of groups, project, practices, styles, ways of life and forms of expression that endlessly feed and enrich the urban environment. The cities Wirth has in mind are however the American cities of the early decades of the XX Century; his idea of urban life recalls the concept of metropolis previously explored by Simmel and recognizable because of its fragmented, mutant and frantic nature. The psychological foundation, upon which the metropolitan individuality is erected, is the intensification of emotional life due to the swift and continuous shift of external and internal stimuli. […] To the extent that the metropolis creates theses psychological conditions – with every crossing of the street, with

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__________________________________________________________________ the tempo and multiplicity of economic, occupational and social life – it creates in the sensory foundations of mental life, and in the degree of awareness necessitated by our organization as creatures dependent on differences […].2 The city, in essence, becomes the meeting point of different cultures and traditions, in which every individual is both a producer and a privileged witness of its evolution and of the transformation of the human condition. The industrial metropolis is therefore a place where every resident feels him or herself like a stranger because of the variety of people attracted and where diversity is tolerated more than in the smaller pre-industrial communities. The idea of the city depicted in these approaches is that of a city that takes care of the management of diversity but fails to provide an urban space able to nurture a common sense of belonging: not in the sense of the smoothing differences in one big ideology but in the sense of the ability to secure a urban space allowing the expression of cultural difference and public dissent. Talking about urbanities today, with all the economic and social transformations that have affected and are affecting contemporary cities, implies, as explained also by Armin and Thrift, a confrontation with problems and issues that, although starting from the dilemmas mentioned above, have reached a degree of complexity unthinkable in those days.3 In such a context, the volume tries to outline some trends that are marking the contemporary urban landscape. The goal is to capture the relationships between the physical form of the city and its populations, and then to describe how the distribution of dissimilar groups of residents contributes to the definition of the ‘social morphology’ of the city.4 The volume, in particular, focuses on the interrelations between city and culture, as they are represented and negotiated in art, architecture, music, fashion, and film but also in any other media. The chapters illustrate the real and imaginary ways that we interact with the cities through the portal of the arts and argue that the observation of the organization of the urban space tells us something about the community that produced it. In fact, the society is not simply organized - in the sense of taking shape – in space, but, while pursuing its organization, it modifies and shapes the urban space itself. As a consequence cityscapes are clearly constructed and shaped by human actions but also conditioned by the landscape in which they are placed and by the technology used to build and organize them. Art, Architecture, Music, Fashion, Film and Media critically engage with urban space and actively contribute to the creation of original cityscapes. The term cityscape is frequently invoked. As David Frisby argues, it calls into questions the idea of urban landscape as a primarily visual and cultural phenomenon associated both with the official and the alternative vision of a city.5 While the first one is evident in its urban planning practices, the alternative visions are expressed in forms of urban popular culture (film, art, music and so on). The

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__________________________________________________________________ perspective, which views the cityscape as the result of these two complimentary visions, is here termed ‘urban gaze’ and derives from Michel de Certeau’s critique of the planner’s gaze:6 it thus visualizes urban space as the point of encounter between the idea of city designed by planners – made of maps, patterns, streets, squares and green spaces – and the image recreated by residents and city users in their everyday life while the live, work, walk, experience, discuss and consume the city. The urban gaze, in other words, makes a claim for the idea that the cityscape encapsulates a relation to the city. The emphasis given to the cultural processes that underpin the production of the urban space is not new in the literature. However whilst much efforts has been used to describe the urbanity as a way of life, the spatial essence of cities has been overshadowed for long time by the great emphasis given to time. The public space has long been reduced to the stage of a society.7 Only in the last twenty years, social sciences have overcome the idea of social action as a spatially and temporally situated action.8 In the past, for example, except rare and precious exceptions such as the analyses carried out by the Chicago School, social theorists, though assuming that the historical development of human societies happened in cities, have rarely interpreted the social transformations as a product of the city. Today, starting from a review of Lefebvre’s work,9 the awareness of the spatial imagination potential has gradually spread and the opportunities offered by the use of ‘space’ as the primary unit of analysis in the interpretation of the urbanities have been rediscovered.10 If society, social relations and sociability can be realized in full form only in the urban space, then the approaches that put the spatiality of the city at the centre of its reflection should precede all other considerations and the observation of the practices of use of city space should be the first form of social investigation. In Lefebvre’s work, for example, the revision of the concept of urban space is pivotal. The French philosopher especially criticizes traditional urbanism for being a social engineering scheme asserting universal principles and failing to attend local conditions.11 According to the author, traditional urbanism designs urban spaces departing from abstract ideas of functions and needs instead of looking at the active process of spatialisation wherein space is simultaneously created by social action and creates social action.12 Lefebvre, in essence, looks at the space as the product of social tensions, as the result of individual and plural actions, as the constant sedimentation of history in space: individuals, through active engagement with physical space, turn it into a social space, filling it with memories, sensations, images, smells and sounds. The urban space, therefore, cannot exist as a neutral space because it is the result of social tension existing in each historical period and, therefore, it survives as a reality socially, politically and historically depicted. Essentially Lefebvre argues that a society, and in the end even all forms of social relationship, took place, evolve, and changed in urban settings which were both physically real and socially imagined through what he called the social

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__________________________________________________________________ production of urban space. Thus, the contributions collected in this volume seek inspiration in Henri Lefebvre’s study, La production de l’espace where the author alerts the reader to the multiple connotations of the concepts of ‘space’ and ‘spatiality’. In its most basic meaning space signifies a physical place – a street, a field, a seaside; this is what Lefebvre calls absolute or natural space, which can be measured and described in objective and cartographic terms. In human societies, however, spaces acquire meaning and purpose through their use and cultural reconfiguration, or through their complex social contexts. It is in this latter sense, as social or cultural space, that the various authors of this volume investigate urban space. We are concerned with logico-epistemological space, the space of social practice, the space occupied by sensory phenomena, including products of the imagination such as projects and projections, symbols and utopias.13 The focus of the book is in fact two-fold: on the one hand it seeks to describe and analyse how people configure and reconfigure the spaces in which they live or, to better say, it focuses on ‘spatial cultures’ and on the exploration of the relationship between how cities work and what cities mean; and on the other hand it presents urban space as an interpretative gaze, anchored in human life not just as something to look at but as a cultural form to live in socially. In particular it offers a stimulating range of inter-disciplinary cross-geographic perspectives showing how the urban space is experienced and manipulated through the portal of the arts all around the globe, focusing on examples ranging from Brazil to Italy, from Turkey to China. The volume is divided into five sections. Each part is dedicated to the cityscape as a product of the artistic and cultural practices taking place in the urban space. More precisely each chapter embrace separate artefacts – projections, canvas, vibrations, creations and vision – presented as the outcome of the relation between the city and a specific art form – respectively cinema, music, visual art, fashion and, finally, architecture and urban design. In Part I, entitled ‘Projections: The City as a Subject in Film and Media’, the authors describe how the built and natural environment is portrayed in popular culture, specifically in creative media, causing us to examine how we perceive and value different experiences in the spectrum of media and reality. In Part II, ‘Canvas: Artistic Eencounters with Urban Environments’ the analysis will focus on how the production of contemporary cityscapes is visualized as a technical problem and on how the responses to this technocratic visions construct alternative visualisation of the urban landscape; particular attention is given to socially engaged artistic interventions and to the comparison between community

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__________________________________________________________________ art tools and traditional urban planning practices with the intention of showing the limits of the planner’s gaze toward the creation of inclusive and resilient cities. In Part III, ‘Vibrations: Space and Place in Music Performance’, the authors explore the transformative power of music on urban spaces and investigate how music-making practices come into relationship with urbanities. Part IV, entitled ‘Creations: Production and Consumption in the Fashion and Music Industries’, investigates urban subcultures and their consumption styles: particular attention is given cloths and music as system of signs able to distinguish one cultural group from the other one and as cultural expression of specific urbanities. And, finally, Part V, ‘Visions: Reimagining Urban Space’, calls into question the relationship between city and architecture presenting the planning act from two opposite perspectives: on the one hand as the result of capitalist control over the city and, on the other hand, as a possible space for collective action and community design.

Notes 1

Louis Wirth, ‘Urbanism as a Way of Life’, The American Journal of Sociology 44 (1938): 10. 2 Georg Simmel, ‘The Metropolis and Mental Life’, Simmel on Culture: Selected Writings, ed. D. Frisby and M. Featherstone (London: Sage, 1997), 174-186. 3 Ash Amin and Niegel Thrift, Cities: Reimagining the Urban (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002), 78. 4 Guido Martinotti, Metropoli: La muova morfologia sociale della citta. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1993), 137. 5 David Frisby, Cityscapes of Modernity: Critical Explorations (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002), 117. 6 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. S Rendall (Berkley: University of California Press, 1984), 101. 7 For a complete analysis see, for example, Alberto Gasparini, La sociologia degli spazi (Roma: Carocci, 2000). 8 Edward Soja, ‘Writing the City Spatially’, City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 7 (2003): 271. 9 See, in particular, Henri Lefebvre, La Production de l’espace (Paris: Anthropos, 1974). 10 See for example Edward Soja, Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined Places (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996); Soja,‘Writing the City Spatially’, 271. 11 Henri Lefebvre. La Production de l’espace (Paris: Anthropos, 1974), 24. 12 Ibid., 27. 13 Ibid., 12.

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Bibliography Amin, Ash and Niegel Thrift. Cities: Reimagining the Urban. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002. De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by S. Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. Frisby, David. Cityscapes of Modernity. Critical Explorations. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002. Gasparini, Alberto. La sociologia degli spazi. Roma: Carocci, 2000. Lefebvre, Henri. Le droit à la ville. Paris: Anthropos, 1968. Martinotti, Guido. Metropoli. La muova morfologia sociale della citta. Bologna: Il Mulino, 1993. Simmel, Georg. ‘The Metropolis and Mental Life’. Simmel on Culture: Selected Writings, edited by David Frisby and M. Featherstone. Sage, London, 1997. Soja, Edward. ‘Writing the City Spatially’. City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 7 (2003): 269-281. ———. Thirdspace. Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined Places. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996. Wirth, Louis. ‘Urbanism as a Way of Life’. The American Journal of Sociology 44 (1938): 1-24.

Part I Projections: The City as a Subject in Film and Media

Captured Ideologies In Cinematic Spaces: Jacques Tati’s Les Vacances De M. Hulot, Mon Oncle and Playtime as Case Studies Ayşegül Akçay Abstract Starting from Charlie Chaplin’s Modern Times, cinema has worked as a critique tool for modern city and urban life. Furthermore the main idea behind the scenes had become not only a critique tool for the modern city but also the whole idea turned out to be an industrial representation of the urban life within this modern city vision. The cinematic scenery started to reflect a captured moving image museum in which ideologies are stored and then sold to urban realm. Moreover, cities in cinema turned into brands of societies through images. Therefore representations of the cities through moving image were expanded as an interest for spreading ideas especially after 1920s. Thus cinema as an art and cinema as an industry in capitalist system became argumentative. In this study captured ideologies within cultural representations in cinematic images will be discussed through Jacques Tati’s three movies, which were directed between 50s, and late 60s in which modernism term had its rising popularity in urban culture. The main reason for discussing Tati’s vision as a case study is about his inductive approach towards the notions of space, time and ideology. The films reflect a sequential argument for this chapter, starting from individualism in Les Vacances de M. Hulot, then by questioning the building as the unit within contradictions of a family in Mon Oncle and lastly the criticism of modern city as the system and by so the urban transformations in Playtime. Conception of cinematic images within Tati’s case will enlighten the central purpose of ideological representation of urban life in cinematic images. Tati uses architecture as a tool in order to depict the urban transformations. Cinematic representations of city will be discussed as a comparative analysis of space and urban life terms by referring to cultural images, ideologies and symbols. Key Words: Architecture, urban life, cultural images, cinema, ideology. ***** 1. Introduction Since 19th century, cinema has been the most effective visual art form in order to reach the realm of the audiences, societies. After the industrial revolution the everyday life changed within terms of the city and culture notions. In this era as city became an object for mass production; cinematic images and spaces became representations of everyday life with their communicative power; that can reach all through the world with one moving image.

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__________________________________________________________________ This communicative power turned cinema into a critique tool for modern city and culture after the industrial revolution. In addition the main idea behind the scenes had turned out to be an industrial representation of the urban life within this criticized modern city visions. Thus cinema as an art and cinema as an industry in capitalist system became argumentative. It can be enlightening to refer to Adorno at this point. According to him the capitalist system and culture industry kept people away from real art by commodity fetishism and standardization at 20th century.1 In this manner, city notion in cinema become a commodity, which can be viewed and consumed over and over again with its images. The cinematic scenery become like a captured moving images museum in which ideologies are stored and then sold. Cities in cinema become brands of societies through images. Therefore representations of the city through moving images become an interest for spreading ideas. Here referring to Brian Wallis’ Art after Modernism: Rethinking Representation would be comprehensive in order to understand the ideological content within representation. According to Wallis when considering in social terms, representation stands for the interest of power. He emphasizes that all institutionalized forms of representation sustain corresponding institutions of power that directs ideological messages through cinematic images, photographs, newspapers, and advertisements and as a dilemma the art itself.2 In this chapter captured ideologies within cultural representations in cinematic images will be discussed through reading Jacques Tati’s three movies (Les Vacances de M. Hulot, Mon Oncle and Playtime) as case studies. The study attempts to make a comparative analysis of city, image and ideology terms through these cases. In this chapter the initially asked questions will be: 1. How do produced images work as ideological projections? 2. What are the meanings of cinematic images in cultural representations? 3. How does cinematic image work as a critical understanding of ideology and city? The main reason of discussing Tati’s vision as a case study in this chapter is about his inductive approach towards the notions of space, time and ideology. The films will reflect a sequential argument for this chapter, starting from individualism in Les Vacances de M. Hulot, then by questioning the unit (building) within contradictions of a family in Mon Oncle and lastly the criticism of the system as modern city and by so the urban transformations in Playtime. 2. The Individual in Les Vacances de M. Hulot Tati’s approach towards life situations always comes with comedy genre within the architectural images. He uses visual and spatial elements in order to depict the idea around the characters where architecture and city turns out to be foregrounds.

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__________________________________________________________________ However, in his film; Les Vacances de M. Hulot (1953), he does not emphasize the built environment very much. Instead of using symbolic tools, he prefers to point out space as a background where just the actions and situations attract the spectator. His approach within this movie is individualistic and it depends on the main character M. Hulot, who becomes Tati’s protagonist through time appearing in his other films. M. Hulot is a shy and a surprising character, who responses all events and situations within a childish manner. In Les Vacances de M. Hulot, M. Hulot goes to a summer vacation at a seaside village. However, the audience does not see the village in detail; they just see the seaside and the hotels that M. Hulot and other characters stay during their vacation. The guesthouse Hotel de la Plage displays the portrait of French middle classes from a critical point of view where M. Hulot does not fit in this picture of life evidently. Les Vacances de M. Hulot as one of the cult movies of Tati, does not project directly an ideology through images; in fact it just generates a framework of the French classes. In film, the main critiques are about the capitalist system and selfcentered intellectuals pretending to be enjoying their holiday without having fun. As a matter of fact except M. Hulot, the characters in the film; children, dogs, the girl and the American woman, no one seem to be trying to really enjoy the holiday. Consequently the produced narrative works as an ideological projection of society in Les Vacances de M. Hulot by using an individual’s contradictions throughout the daily situations. 3. Using the Unit in Mon Oncle In his film, Mon Oncle (1959), Tati directs the spectator to the absurdity of life, the leisure of the upper and middle classes by using his legendary character M. Hulot as a repetitive image. Unlike his previous film-Les Vacances de M. Hulot he structures the leisure, modernization, consumerism and life themes around the unit, which in this case is Villa Arpel, the house of M. Hulot’s sister. Emilie Bickerton who is a journalist and a critic in Paris, points out that the film was made at a time when France was starting to buy into the American dream with gusto, importing motors, cars, televisions and kitchen appliances.3 She describes quite clearly the film Mon Oncle juxtaposing the world of M. Hulot’s apartment in a traditional French village and the new city nearby, where his sister lives in a modern home called Villa Arpel.4 Tati makes the critique of the utopian consumerism of modernism and the modern era by using this produced architectural images and designs like the ones in Villa Arpel. He conducts the ideology behind the images architecturally by showing how this mass production, standardization and monoculture create an everyday life of alteration and alienation. Furthermore, Tati constitutes the representation of this alteration and alienation on the contradiction between M. Hulot and his sister’s lives, where the traditional and the modern collide in architectural environment. The traditional life

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__________________________________________________________________ of M. Hulot symbolizes freedom from many aspects comparing to his sister’s modern life at Villa Arpel. Film begins with a scene from M. Hulot’s environment where the freedom and spontaneity are the main themes concentrating on the movement of dogs, people and M. Hulot eventually. Everything seems to be so colorful and different in this scene of life, which refers to the traditional streets, houses and dwellers of France. On the contrary, the scene off to work, takes place at M. Hulot’s sister’s house, Villa Arpel, where all the circulation paths are designed and defined within Euclidean geometry. Every element is clean cut including the garden design of the house, the paths, the circular windows, the furniture, automatic doors, even the movement of the dog walking through the designed path of the garden. Thus this systematic designed life style forces the dwellers actions, which is the main situation that M. Hulot wants to run away from. Hence, Tati uses architecture as a tool in order to define these two distinct environments where the territories of the society drawn upon. He makes the critique of modernization and mass production in which the life is pre-determined and imposed by the style. In that manner, Tati also reflects Adorno’s definition of cultural industry where the critical tendencies and potentialities vanish within consumerist and controlled society. This is the case of vanishing of life situations and the determination of existence. In Mon Oncle, Villa Arpel’s households do not determine their existence in the environment, it is defined by architecture. Space is foremost the purpose for architectural creation, in which the everyday life happens. In this case however, spatial approach of Tati shows how these systems turn out to be beyond a background defining the existence of people’s lives. 4. The System in Playtime After examining the individual and the unit terms, Tati deals with the system in Playtime (1967), again with M. Hulot character, but this time using him as a visitor and as a conductor for the spectator. In Playtime, every scene is designed within a transformative narrative where the city notion becomes a subject, a vital character in the film. Although Playtime takes place in Paris, Tati does not give a clue about the real Paris image at all. He uses the city’s absence instead of using its visual power. In the film, the spectator sees Paris starting from the Orly Airport, where a group of American tourists start their Paris tour. Unlike the other references due to the Paris films, Tati conducts a built Paris image with modern architecture by using just steel and glass elements. In the film, there are just scenes of the reflected dreamy Parisian cult images like Eiffel Tower, Montmartre, appearing through a glass door. The characters always move in still scenes with long shots in which Tati represents the space to the spectator in detail. Standardization theme can be read directly through cinematic images of Playtime like in Mon Oncle. The representation of standardization is everywhere, by streets, by cars, by graphical

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__________________________________________________________________ signifiers directing traffic and by travel agency posters where the same modern building image type represents every city as generated symbolic patterns. Moreover, the patterns of this standardization designed as the system in Playtime reflects figurative symbols that refer to the exact opposite of Parisian urban architecture and urban life that is constructed on Haussmann’s urban ideal. As one of the figurative symbols, the long perspectives of Paris streets can be shown. These streets function beyond being conjunctive thoroughfares for built environment and urban life. Their essential objective lies beneath their urban forms where they also secure the city against civil war, against its own dwellers.5 As a matter of fact, in Playtime spectator cannot capture these perspectives within streets or in urban architecture. The image is so dominant that Paris has risked its heritage in this modern era in Playtime. Despite its dominant modern image what people see is nothing more than a city without a character at all. The apartment windows in Playtime have a wide angle about the consumerist society and leisure time. Tati reflects the ideology settings and popular dominant culture themes by using the apartment windows affectively. In scenes, audiences see the lives inside the windows and how they resemble each other with their identities. Although the households differentiate from each other, the spaces they live in, the programs they watch, the way they react to the situations remain the same according to Tati. Tati’s vision here can be referenced to Abercrombie’s view where a crude dominant ideology thesis as applied to popular culture would suggest that audiences are relatively passive and absorbing the ideological content of TV, film or popular music without reflection. According to Abercrombie, audience activity is a complex notion that three aspects of this notion are choice, differentiation and creativity.6 He constructs the gender issues, age groups and social classes as differentiation modes of audiences. Audiences exercise choice, are highly differentiated and are creative in their responses.7 However in Playtime, spectator does not reach to the level of these three aspects, choice, differentiation and creativity. How people chose and how people differentiate are represented through architectural images in Playtime case. Audience gets the main message with differentiation of the space during the film. The people’s movements following architecture, using straight lines and right angels, referring to Euclidean geometry as aforementioned, again constructs sequential images in Playtime. Therefore in addition to the spatial differentiations, the characters’ actions and motions orient the audience to this critical realm. The restaurant scene can be given as an example for this situation. In this scene, when people start to dance the system vanishes, they turn around, make curves and the Euclid geometry clean cuts starts to be demolished within these movements. Jonathan Rosenbaum who is a film critic, expresses that in the restaurant scene: The apparent conflicts between separate points of interest become resolved when spectator realize that all the wandering

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__________________________________________________________________ strands are bound up in the same fabric and every detail on the screen is privileged in relation to the whole, which gradually assumes the shape of a turning circle.8 He remarks that Tati conducts this concept also through the city traffic image resembling the climactic circus vision as an endlessly turning carousel.9 Therefore from all these aspects Tati manages to reflect a critical understanding of ideology and city within Playtime by these conceptual cinematic images. He emphasizes the corrupted system in environment and in society by using architecture. According to Tati the film industry just sells movies like they sell spaghetti or Danish beer.10 He criticizes them being careless about what artist tries to do, or not being respectful to artistic control.11 In one of his interviews Rosenbaum asks Tati how he feels about the buildings in his films because he makes a lot of jokes of them. His answer is: It depends. In New York sometimes, when you’re very high up and look out the window, you have a marvelous vista of lights − it’s very impressive. But if you go down the elevator at say, six in the morning, what you see isn’t so impressive. It looks like you’re not allowed to laugh or whistle or be yourself: you have to push the button where it says push, there’s not much way of expressing yourself. But when you see all those lights at night, you want to create music, paint, express yourself, because it’s another dimension on the reality, it’s like a dream. You don’t see who’s living in the buildings or what’s happening there.12 5. Concluding the Individual, the Unit and the System The initially asked questions tried to be answered by referring to Tati’s films in three concepts, the individual, the unit (building) and the system (city) where these concepts direct the reader to M. Hulot, Villa Arpel and Paris. Tati’s films in this context reflect the approaches of both Adorno and Benjamin with their cinematic images in which the capitalist system and culture industry kept people away from real art by standardization13 and at the same time opened a mediation gate between the screen and the spectator14 in 20th century. The selected films of Tati are directed between 50s and late 60s including a 10year period in which modernism term had its rising popularity in culture. Wallis as an art critic points out that at 80s any understanding of contemporary art and criticism is necessarily bound up with a consideration of modernism depending on cultural standards. According to him modernism as the great dream of industrial capitalism, an idealistic ideology turned into an institution today. In addition he emphasizes that its once provocative or outrageous products lie entombed in the cultural institutions they once threatened and offended.15

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__________________________________________________________________ To sum up, conception of cinematic images within the Tati’s case enlightens the central purpose of ideological representation of cinematic images from two perspectives as aforementioned. Les Vacances de M. Hulot, Mon Oncle and Playtime intertwine within their constructed cultural images, ideologies and symbols that are inserted in the individual, the unit (building) and the system (city) in this study.

Notes 1

Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, ‘The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception’, Dialectic of Enlightenment, ed. Gunzelin Schmid Noerr, trans. Edmand Jephcott (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002), 94-137. 2 Brian Wallis, ‘What’s Wrong with This Picture? An Introduction’, Art after Modernism: Rethinking Representation, ed. Brian Wallis (New York: The New Museum of Contemporary Art, 1984), xii. 3 Emilie Bickerton, ‘Fun and Games with Monsieur Hulot’, The Guardian, 2009, viewed 28 May 2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/2009/dec/05/jacques-tatihulot-french-film. 4 Ibid. 5 Walter Benjamin, ‘Paris, Capital of the Nineteenth Century’, Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings, ed. Peter Demetz (New York: Shocken Books, 1978), 146-163. 6 Nicholas Abercrombie, ‘Popular Culture and Ideological Effects’, Dominant Ideologies, eds. Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill and Bryan S. Turner (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990), 199-228. 7 Ibid. 8 Jonathan Rosenbaum, Movies as Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 37-41. 9 Ibid., 39. 10 Jonathan Rosenbaum, Tati’s Democracy: An Interview and Introduction (Drain Magazine, 2006), viewed 8 March 2013, http://www.drainmag.com/ContentPLAY/Review/Rosenbaum.html 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Adorno and Horkheimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 95. 14 Walter Benjamin, ‘The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’, Illuminations, Essays and Reflections, ed. Hannah Arendt, (New York: Schocken Books, 1969), 217-251. 15 Wallis, What’s Wrong with This Picture? An Introduction, xii.

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Bibliography Abercrombie, Nicholas. ‘Popular Culture and Ideological Effects’. Dominant Ideologies, edited by Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill and Bryan S. Turner, 199-228. London: Unwin Hyman, 1990. Adorno, Theodor and Max Horkheimer, ‘The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception’. Dialectic of Enlightenment, edited by Gunzelin Schmid Noerr, translated by Edmand Jephcott, 94-137. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002. Bickerton, Emilie. ‘Fun and games with Monsieur Hulot’. The Guardian, 5 December 2009. Viewed 28 May 2013. http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/2009/dec/05/jacques-tati-hulot-french-film. Benjamin, Walter. ‘The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’. Illuminations, Essays and Reflections, edited by Hannah Arendt, 217-251. New York: Schocken Books, 1969. Benjamin, Walter. ‘Paris, Capital of the Nineteenth Century’. Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings, edited by Peter Demetz, 146-163. New York: Shocken Books, 1978. Rosenbaum, Jonathan. Movies as Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, 37-40. Wallis, Brian. ‘What’s wrong with this picture? An Introduction’. Art After Modernism: Rethinking Representation, edited by Peter Demetz, xii. New York: The New Museum of Contemporary Art, 1984. Ayşegül Akçay is a PhD candidate at Middle East Technical University and works as a Teaching Assistant in İstanbul Kemerburgaz University. While interested in the representation of city in cinema, currently her research is devoted to the understanding of the contribution of moving image to design process.

Contagious Media: Zombie Criticism of ‘Real’ Space Naja Later Abstract This chapter discusses contemporary perceptions of urban space and pop culture space, and by extension a redefinition of fiction and reality, as articulated by transmedia phenomena in New Horror. Although New Horror research often focuses on the cinematic medium, some of the most fascinating advances in the movement can be seen in other media. Of particular interest is the proliferation of zombie culture: films, television shows, video games, novels, comics, advertising, publicity stunts, live action games, performances, and even news reports are now zombie spaces. The zombie serves as an apt metaphor, infecting these spaces, highlighting uncanny similarities and sinister or repulsive elements. The zombie uses fear to criticise our understanding of space, humanity, and reality. The basics of horror can be understood in terms of space: there is a safe space and an other space, and the narrative is propelled by the other permeating, infiltrating, and corrupting the safe. Zombies do this literally: they violate the space of our bodies, minds, pop culture, internet, urban spaces, and most intriguingly, spaces we consider nonfictional. The urban space and news media provide fascinating examples: these are spaces, or media - is there a difference now? - that we can read as fictional or real. Zombies exist on the street now: whether we read the zombies as real or these spaces as fictional, we are reconsidering how we think about these spaces and all spaces. Fake news articles about zombies, and now real ones as well, force us to challenge news media and all other media. The urban space can be reimagined as a fictional space, causing us to examine how we perceive and value different experiences in the spectrum of media and reality. The zombie virus is very real: now it infects reality. Key Words: Zombies, Transmedia, Reality, News, Terror, Rudy Eugene, Games, Urban space. ***** The zombie outbreak has come to pass. Over the past decade, legions of undead have infected our media and spaces. The virus can no longer be controlled within the horror film or video game: it is spreading through novels, comics, television shows, mockumentaries, internet, news reports, apps, and live-action play. Like the insidious and inevitable threat that they represent, zombies are everywhere. Zombies are one of the most dynamic, profitable, and popular monsters of horror today. The zombie’s movement through media is the focus of this chapter, because the zombie performs on many levels a core function of horror. Horror concerns the blurring or violation of boundaries between the safe and the other.

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__________________________________________________________________ Zombies violate many boundaries within a narrative, the primary being the mind and body. Zombies also violate geographical boundaries, especially in the popular survivalist narrative. They take over vast territories, placing tight limits on safe regions, and invade survivors’ home space. Many zombie stories prove that the media and government are also overwhelmed. The circumstances of these corruptions are endless: zombies corrupt the reliability of law and economy, the impenetrability of the home, the control of willpower, and even the human advantage of speed with the introduction of the sprinting dead in 28 Days Later.1 The most unusual space zombies have infected recently is that of media. Zombies corrupt not only their fictional worlds but the space in which these fictional worlds are accessed. The horde has invaded Jane Austen novels and bigbudget television drama.2 The safe world of the how-to guide and the TV news report have been violated by zombie stories.3 The undead have caused us to reconsider the urban space as a medium for fiction as zombies parade through our streets and are discussed by crime journalists.4 This violation of media, particularly real media, marks the New Horror zombie’s real social impact. This chapter discusses how and why zombie fans critically shift boundaries such as those of audience/creator and real/fictional when they spread the virus narrative faster than a running zombie can carry it. Numerous theories explain the zombie’s traction in the world today. The violation of the safe, and thus the success of New Horror in general, can easily be related to the culture of terror in the 21st-century west. Kyle Bishop provides an eloquent exploration of the environment in which zombies flourish.5 To Bishop, the zombie explains and exaggerates these fears of bioterrorism and virus epidemics, of the devastated cities seen in the wake of terrorism and natural disaster, of unreliable government and dangerous civilians: This renaissance of the sub-genre reveals a connection between zombie cinema and post-9/11 cultural consciousnesses. Horror films function as barometers of society’s anxieties, and zombie movies represent the inescapable realities of unnatural death while presenting a grim view of the modern apocalypse through scenes of deserted streets, piles of corpses, gangs of vigilantes– images that have become increasingly common and can shock and terrify a population that has become numb to other horror subgenres.6 The zombie’s success is tied in with heavily protested and highly televised American wars: zombie godfather George A. Romero has stated that his early films were a response to America’s involvement in Vietnam.7 It is no coincidence that Romero became active again post-9/11 during the Iraq war, a period Bishop calls the ‘Zombie Renaissance’.8

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__________________________________________________________________ War is not the only terror problem-keeping zombies on our screens. Virus scares have swept the globe regularly since 9/11. 28 Days Later was shot before 9/11 or the anthrax scare that immediately followed, but it garnered success due to its release at the height of these issues. Enough zombie films are released every year that each seems to be a commentary on the upcoming virus: anthrax in 2002, SARS in 2003, bird flu recurring since 2005, and swine flu in 2009. Gendy Alimurung describes how zombie fans have used the undead as a direct commentary on the media paranoia of each virus scare: As real-life H1N1 swine flu rages through Mexico, Europe, Asia and the United States, and the world’s medical organizations prepare for a mutated viral onslaught this fall, a hoax BBC “report” of a new “H1Z1” strain circulates. ʽThere has been a small outbreak of ‘zombism’ in London due to the mutation of the H1N1 virus,ʼ the hoaxster writes.9 The H1Z1 hoax not only deconstructs virus paranoia as a terror problem. Its more striking critique is that of news media and the reliability of administration, a central concern in times of terror. As well as a commentary on violence, paranoia, government, and apocalypse, the zombie also serves as an important criticism on complacency. ‘Zombie’ is a popular slang term for someone trapped by routine and obedience: the survivalist fantasy of zombie media is appealing to those driven to escape this trap. Whatever media the zombie invades, it comments upon the unthinking masses that engage in the medium. In order to retain humanity, the non-zombie must be clever. This confrontation of complacency is of utmost importance to the zombie’s power in the contemporary world. Within their narrative worlds, zombies comment on the political, the social, and the economic. By expressing these narratives in different media, zombies demand that we critically engage in the media we think is real, and how we react to these issues in a ‘real’ context. This is the most interesting boundary zombies have crossed: the line between the ‘fictional’ medium and the real medium. Jody Keisner’s description of horror describes the boundary being violated as that of reality: ‘Horror movies have become postmodern, in part, because of their questioning of reality; they push viewers to consider their own notions of what is real’.10 Angela Ndalianis makes a similar claim: The horror genre, more than any other genre, has relied on the powerful relationship that’s forged between spectator, game player or reader and the fictional worlds it weaves for their consumption. One of the most powerful effects that horror has is to be able to affect the sensorium in such a way that it

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__________________________________________________________________ perceptually collapses the boundaries between reality and fiction.11 This is not to say that an audience cannot differentiate between the real and the fictional, but that the ambiguity of the relationship between fictional and real is criticised using zombies. The redefinition of reality is a central concern in terror culture: Jeffrey Melnick refers to 9/11 as a ‘profound rupture in time and space’; one which zombies quickly infected and critiqued.12 When zombies begin to corrupt real spaces, they cause fans and audiences to confront what we take for granted as real: events like a person walking down the street, a news article, or a television report, for example. One of the most tangible renegotiations of reality and fiction is the use of the urban space in zombie storytelling. Despite being geographically real, the urban environment is used as a zombie in ways similar to any other media. A useful way of reconsidering these geographical spaces as a form of media is in the Internet term ‘IRL’, short for ‘in real life’. The concept of IRL helps to orient the zombie in the urban space, because it describes a real space in the context of media, particularly Internet culture. IRL is just as susceptible to zombie invasion, and can be read in the same way as we might read zombies in cinema, television, comics, gaming, Internet, news, and so forth. Ndalianis describes an audience’s engagement with ‘real’ space as an IRL medium: [...] in the fictional expansion that occurs across media the sensorium turns its attention to an intensive cognitive and sensorial immersion into fictions that are dispersed across multiple media environments, which also include the “spectator’s” actual geographical landscape.13 The zombie’s IRL presence has spread greatly since the Renaissance. Cities throughout the Western world hold annual ‘Zombie Shuffles’: events where fans dress themselves in zombie costumes and march through a city, mimicking both apocalypse and the ‘real’ format of a public demonstration. This also highlights an important development in how fans approach zombie media in the new century. A key concern of Ndalianis’ is the use of the word ‘spectator’ or ‘player’ to describe the person engaging in the transmedia experience: In such a mediascape, we’re no longer just a spectator or game player, instead (if choosing to participate), we become embroiled in a collective experience that not only requires us to communicate with other media fans, but which also places us in fictional scenarios that present themselves as “realities”.14

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__________________________________________________________________ While I often use the word ‘audience’, in many cases ‘fan’ is a more appropriate definition. Just as the zombie can easily transgress many forms of media, so can the fan of zombies corrupt boundaries between the ‘author’ and the ‘audience’. Some of the most striking zombie narratives are not published or produced through entertainment companies, but from these audiences or players engaging on a creative level. Zombie Shuffles represent a gathering of these fans, creatively using costume and the IRL medium to comment upon the public demonstration as a real or fictional medium. Another use of the IRL space is in the game IRL Shooter.15 Started by a group of zombie game fans, IRL Shooter offers players a real zombie game experience. Players engage by roleplaying a group of mercenaries armed with laser tag guns. The game takes place in abandoned warehouse is set up as a fictional facility with actors hired as attacking zombies. Fans in IRL Shooter can move through these urbanised spaces and participate via physical roleplay in the zombie apocalypse. A similar form of physical/technological gaming uses fictional audio over real space for the simultaneous purpose of entertainment and exercise. The iPhone application Zombies, Run! utilises a phone’s data to track the runner’s progress through the fictional world as they run in the real world.16 The app plays a series of radio broadcasts sent from a base to which the player must run, with the broadcaster describing the horde ‘right behind you’. The player can also include chases, in which random attacks of zombies are announced, and the player is forced to run or die. While moving in a real space as tracked by GPS, the player is also developing a story-world via interactive audiovisual engagement. Zombies, Run! and other IRL sensations are transmedia experiences in the sense that IRL is a medium. When playing, fans are not asked to start a ‘run’, ‘mission’, or ‘game’, but to ‘continue story’. Like fan, it is difficult to classify these works as entertainment, game, or narrative, but it is clear that zombie fans are engaged in playing, whatever the style, with the real space. The fear of zombies is given an edge by their physical and geographical existence in these IRL spaces. So too are the fears that zombies represent: terrorism, urban decay, natural disaster, unreliable authority, virus pandemics, and economic strife all happen IRL. However, the wider Western world often experiences these disasters of terror culture only through news media. A popular explanation of the zombie narrative’s resonance is that zombies give fans a chance to act out their own experience with these hypothetical symptoms of terror, or as Bishop says: ‘the indulgence of survivalist fantasy’.17 This is surely true of many zombie fans, but the creative works of zombie culture suggest a more critical use of zombie’s reality/fiction corruption. I propose that the IRL zombie does not cause fans to fantasise, but to examine the presentation of fantasy as reality through the powerful technique of play. The IRL zombie criticises the reality of terror media and exposes its tendency to fantasise or sensationalise disaster. For the average Westerner, news media

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__________________________________________________________________ conducts itself as an unfiltered medium of terror culture’s reality. Discussing news as reality, Misha Kavka says: The term ‘reality’ need not be limited to palpable or documentable experiences, but must increasingly be thought in terms of techniques of documentation which produce a sense of immediacy.18 Despite the widely-accepted principle that news accurately documents reality, Western news media - and the authorities whose message it conveys - has many well-documented exaggerations and fabrications in terror culture. Brian A. Monahan identifies the subjectivity of news media and reality post-9/11: By packaging and presenting the attacks and their aftermath as a dramatic, emotional saga filled with tragedy, suspense, sorrow, inspiration, and heroes, the mainstream media succeeded in creating a particular reality of September 11.19 In the context of zombies in news, it is worth considering Alimurung’s description of the zombie as a mindless consumer, representing to fans the masses that subscribe to news media without out any critical examination of its particular realities.20 If the fans are survivalist, they are encouraged to be smarter. This is a more real form of survival for the average zombie fan: the ability to critically navigate media and reality in terror culture is far more important survival skill than a fantasy disaster. The creative commentary on media subjectivity is enacted by zombie fans as an extension of news reportage. Fans and journalists can insert the zombie into a news medium and have it appear believable, revealing how sensational terror news can be. Rather than implying that zombie fans are gullible and wanting to indulge, I suggest that this critiques the unreliability of news. The boundary between fiction and reality, as seen in geographical spaces and news, is so tenuous in terror culture that the zombie can easily transgress it. If a zombie fan can play in the IRL space as a semi-fictional reality, then the news media that represents reality is equally subjective to fictions of zombies. One of the most startling events to provoke a zombie news sensation was the case of Rudy Eugene, the ‘Miami Zombie’.21 On Saturday 27th May, 2012, in Miami, Florida, a crazed Rudy Eugene was shot and killed for chewing the face of homeless man Ronald Poppo.22 This bizarre and tragic event caused a media storm which one article called the ‘Summer of Zombies’: dozens of cases of cannibalism and violent behaviour were reported and associated with Eugene for months after the event.23 The attack was initially blamed on a new drug known as ‘bath salts’, causing a scare typical of terror culture and sensationalised media.24 No evidence

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__________________________________________________________________ of bath salts were found in Eugene’s toxicology report, marking another fictional news scare.25 The bath salts fantasy quickly gave way to a more absurd assumption about the event: that Eugene was a zombie, and the apocalypse was coming. Zombie fans and many mainstream reporters flooded the Internet with articles about Eugene carrying a zombie virus or representing a zombie trend.26 AOL reported in an article titled Zombie Apocalypse: CDC Denies Existence of Zombies Despite Cannibal Incidents that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released a statement five days after Eugene’s attack confirming that the ‘CDC does not know of a virus or condition that would reanimate the dead’.27 Time Magazine used the headline ‘Zombie Alert’ without irony.28 News media’s willingness to use ‘zombie’, whether in quotation marks or as a possible threat, indicates the extent to which news media can operate in the same manner as fictional media. The willingness of mainstream media to engage in zombie narratives to describe real events made these sources almost indistinguishable from popular tongue-in-cheek blogs. Gawker and io9 led with headlines ‘The Zombie Apocalypse May Actually Be Upon Us’ and ‘How the zombie apocalypse starts’, echoing and exaggerating the already wild assumptions being made by more legitimate news sites.29 Hundreds of news articles, some relating to Eugene and some relating to unrelated health scares and sociopathic attacks, flooded the Internet with zombies and demonstrating the willingness of fans and media consumers to engage in the zombie as a real problem. The blurring of boundaries between ‘joke news’ and ‘real news’ serves more as a parody of the latter than of fans’ gullibility. Parody was not the only form of criticism voiced by zombie fans: popular blog Cracked released an article with a scathing analysis of mainstream news media’s reaction to the Miami Zombie. Titled 4 Ways the Face-Eater Zombie Craze Proves The Media’s Broken, Cracked deconstructs the breaking of boundaries between ‘real’ media, in this case news, and entertainment media such as blogs and fictional narratives.30 Eugene may not have been a ‘real’ zombie, but the representation of his IRL story by real news sources suggests that zombies can infect media to the extent where a tangible, zombie-free reality seems to be more of a fiction. The zombie’s presence in news and urban media forces us to consider two options: the first, that zombies are real, otherwise, that news media is not. Taking into account the statement by the CDC and horror fans’ ability to distinguish, even when playing, fantasy from reality, the latter seems more likely. Zombie play would suggest that fans can acknowledge the boundary of fiction and reality as a manipulable space, and thus that all media - even and especially news and IRL - is subject to creative fictions. This is not to say that reporters are deluded and believe in zombies, but that in a saturated media economy, news has been forced to take on more sensational, dramatic, and narrativised techniques to compete in the market. A more cynical suggestion is that it furthers a political agenda. Jay David Bolter explores these changes to news as a result of 9/11 and reality TV:

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__________________________________________________________________ The news networks had long realized that their coverage of a disaster needed to be turned into a story. The technique of narrativization was used extensively throughout the September 11 coverage, as vignettes of sacrifice and heroism served to build up a larger story. The technique was used again in the coverage of the American mobilization against and invasion of Iraq.31 Botler’s indicates that narritivised news - and in the case of Eugene thoroughly fictionalised news - is an important aspect of terror culture. This explains both the success of the disaster narrative, but also the cynicism with which fans approach all media. Zombie fans are quick and dynamic when they generate zombie narratives in real spaces. Some provide scathing critiques of news using hoax articles and real play. During the Summer of Zombies, a fake Huffington Post article diagnosed Eugene with a zombie virus LQP-79: a fabrication, certainly, but so were ‘bath salts’.32 In February 2013, hackers accessed the emergency broadcast system of Montana’s KRTV television stations to alert viewers that ‘the bodies of the dead are rising from their graves and attacking the living’.33 These hoaxes demonstrate the ease with which the verisimilitude of news can be manipulated, and serve as a commentary upon news media’s capacity to exaggerate disaster, especially in terror culture. More striking than these parodies are the commentaries on news provided by zombie fans’ curatorship of coincidence. One example is a list in popular circulation immediately after Eugene’s attack is a piece titled Zombie apocalypse coming soon from the blog ihopericksantorum.tumblr.com.34 The list collects ten news articles relating to biohazard health scares and sociopathic behaviour in Florida, all published in the week prior to Eugene’s attack. A more extensive ‘Full zombie behavior watch list’ was recorded on the website Pastebin, linking worldwide reports of biohazards, viruses, violence, and brain disease news.35 By simply juxtaposing truths to make a fiction, these lists demonstrate, in true horror form, the remarkable tenuousness of the boundary between reality and fiction. The zombie’s social impact can no longer be measured within the major entertainment industry. The most creative and striking variations on the virus narrative are the independent fan movements of online news manipulation and play. Zombie fans have used the undead to comment on all manner of spaces and media presentations, deconstructing our boundaries between reality and fiction - an issue which has disastrous real-world effects in terror culture. Techniques such as live performance, hybridised urban media, parody, hoaxes, curatorship, manipulation, gaming, and juxtaposition force audiences to confront and critique all forms of media before taking their realism for granted. Zombies comment on many socio-political issues of the age, but perhaps the most salient is their ability to serve as a warning against mindlessness, and a true re-negotiator of the real.

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Notes 1

Alex Garland, 28 Days Later, dir. Danny Boyle, 2003, (London: DNA Films, 2003), DVD. 2 Jane Austen and Seth Grahame-Smith, Pride and Prejudice and Zombies (Philadelphia: Quirk Classics, 2009). 3 Max Brooks, The Zombie Survival Guide (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2003). Graham Cluley, ‘Hacked TV channels broadcast zombie apocalypse emergency alert [VIDEO],’ nakedsecurity.sophos.com, 12 February 2013, Accessed 15th February, 2013, http://nakedsecurity.sophos.com/2013/02/12/hackers-zombie/. 4 Michael Sheridan, ‘Man fights to live after face is eaten by naked attacker in Miami,’ NY Daily News, 28 May 2012, Accessed 29 May 2012, http://www.nydailynews.com/news/national/man-fights-live-face-eaten-nakedattacker-miami-article-1.1085553; Melbourne Zombie Shuffle, http://www.facebook.com/melbournezombieshuffle. 5 Kyle Bishop, ‘Dead Man Still Walking: Explaining the Zombie Renaissance,’ Journal of Popular Film and Television, Vol. 37:1 (Spring 2009). 6 Bishop, ‘Dead Man Still Walking,’ 17. 7 Joseph Maddrey, Nightmares in Red, White and Blue: The Evolution of the American Horror Film (Jefferson, North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2004): 122. 8 Bishop, ‘Dead Man Still Walking,’ 17. 9 Gendy Alimurung, ‘This Zombie Moment: Hunting for What Lies Beneath the Undead Zeitgeist,’ LA Weekly, 14 May 2009, Accessed 14 August 2011, http://www.laweekly.com/content/printVersion/583554/. 10 Jody Keisner, ‘Do you Want to Watch? A Study of the Visual Rhetoric of the Postmodern Horror Film,’ Women’s Studies: An inter-disciplinary Journal, Vol. 34:4 (2008): 416. 11 Angela Ndalianis, The Horror Sensorium: Media and the Senses (McFarland Publishing, 2012): 163. 12 Jeffrey Melnick, 9/11 Culture, (Chichester, United Kingdom: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009): 18. 13 Ndalianis, The Horror Sensorium, 165. 14 Ndalianis, The Horror Sensorium, 163. 15 ‘Patient 0,’ IRL Shooter, Accessed 9 November 2012, http://irlshooter.com/. 16 ‘Zombies, Run!,’ Zombies, Run!, Accessed 5 December 2012, https://www.zombiesrungame.com/. 17 Bishop, ‘Dead Man Still Walking’, 20. 18 Misha Kavka, ‘Love ‘n the Real; or, How I Learned to Love Reality TV’, The Spectacle of the Real, ed. Geoff King (Bristol, UK: Portland, OR: Intellect, 2005): 95.

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Brian A. Monahan, The shock of the news: media coverage and the making of 9/11 (New York: New York University Press, 2010): xvi. 20 Alimurung, ‘This Zombie Moment’. 21 Nadege Green, ‘He’s not a zombie, he’s my son,’ The Age, 1 June 2012, Accessed 1 June 2012, http://www.theage.com.au/world/hes-not-a-zombie-hes-myson-20120531-1zkj8.html. 22 ‘What you need to know about Rudy Eugene, the naked face-eating zombie,’ Periscope Post, 30 May 2012, Accessed 31 May 2012, http://www.periscopepost.com/2012/05/what-you-need-to-know-about-rudyeugene-the-naked-face-eating-zombie/. 23 Philip Caulfield, ‘Another Florida ‘zombie’ attack? Naked man storms girlfriend’s house, bites chunk out of man’s arm,’ NY Daily News, 21 June 2012, Accessed 21 July 2012, http://articles.nydailynews.com/2012-06-21/news/32356269_. 24 ‘What you need to know about Rudy Eugene, the naked face-eating zombie’. 25 Adam Gabbatt, ‘Miami face-chewing attack: no bath salts found in Rudy Eugene’s system,’ The Guardian, 27 June, 2012, Accessed 29 June 2012, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/27/florida-miami-face-chewing-bathsalts. 26 Melissa Locker, ‘Zombie Alert: Man Throws His Own Intestines At Police,’ Time Magazine, 31 May, 2012, Accessed 11 June 2012, http://newsfeed.time.com/2012/05/31/zombie-alert-man-throws-his-own-intestinesat-police/. 27 Julie M. Rodriguez, ‘CDC: There Is No Impending Zombie Apocalypse,’ Care2 Causes, 9 June, 2012, Accessed 11 June 2012, http://www.care2.com/causes/cdcthere-is-no-impending-zombie-apocalypse.html. 28 Locker, ‘Zombie Alert’. 29 Neetzan Zimmerman, ‘Grab Your Boomstick: The Zombie Apocalypse May Actually Be Upon Us,’ Gawker, 29 May, 2012, Accessed 11 June 2012, http://gawker.com/5914059/grab-your-boomstick-the-zombie. Lauren Davis, ‘How the zombie apocalypse starts: Naked attacker found eating man’s face,‘io9, 27 May, 2012, Accessed 2 June 2012, http://io9.com/5913643/how-the-zombie-apocalypse-starts-naked-attacker-foundeating-mans-face. 30 Daniel O’Brien, ‘4 Ways the Face-Eater Zombie Craze Proves The Media’s Broken,’ Cracked, 1 June, 2012, Accessed 9 June 2012, http://www.cracked.com/blog/4-ways-face-eater-zombie-craze-proves-mediasbroken/?fb_ref=like&fb_source=timeline 31 Jay David Bolter, Preface to The Spectacle of the Real, by Geoff King (Bristol, UK: Intellect Books, 2005), 9-12, 11.

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‘LQP-97 Zombie Virus,’ Snopes, 3 May 2012, Accessed 5 December 2013, http://www.snopes.com/horrors/cannibal/lqp-79.asp. 33 Cluley, ‘Hacked TV channels broadcast zombie apocalypse emergency alert [VIDEO]’. 34 ‘Zombie apocalypse coming soon,’ ihopericksantorum, 30 May, 2012, Accessed 30 May 2012, http://ihopericksantorum.tumblr.com/post/23988224221/zombieapocalypse-coming-soon. 35 ‘Full Zombie Behavior Watch List,’ Pastebin, 30 May 2012, Accessed 31 May 2012, http://pastebin.com/VD0QNiA2.

Bibliography Alimurung, Gendy. ‘This Zombie Moment: Hunting for What Lies Beneath the Undead Zeitgeist.’ LA Weekly. 14 May 2009. Accessed 14 August 2011. http://www.laweekly.com/content/printVersion/583554/. Austen, Jane, and Grahame-Smith, Seth. Pride and Prejudice and Zombies. Philadephia: Quirk Classics, 2009. Bishop, Kyle. ‘Dead Man Still Walking: Explaining the Zombie Renaissance.’ Journal of Popular Film and Television 37.1 (Spring 2009): 16-25. Bolter, Jay David. Preface to The Spectacle of the Real, edited by Geoff King, 912. Bristol, UK: Portland, OR: Intellect, 2005. Brooks, Max. The Zombie Survival Guide. Three Rivers Press, 2003. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2003. Caulfield, Philip. ‘Another Florida ‘zombie’ attack? Naked man storms girlfriend’s house, bites chunk out of man’s arm.’ NY Daily News. 21 June 2012. Accessed 21 July 2012. http://articles.nydailynews.com/2012-06-21/news/32356269. Cluley, Graham. ‘Hacked TV channels broadcast zombie apocalypse emergency alert [VIDEO].’ nakedsecurity.sophos.com. 12 February 2013. Accessed 15 February 2013. http://nakedsecurity.sophos.com/2013/02/12/hackers-zombie/. Darabont, Frank. ‘Days Gone Bye.’ The Walking Dead. Season 1, Episode 1. Directed by Frank Darabont. 31 October 2010. Atlanta, GA: AMC, 2011. DVD.

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__________________________________________________________________ Davis, Lauren. ‘How the zombie apocalypse starts: Naked attacker found eating man’s face.’ io9. 27 May 2012. Accessed 2 June 2012. http://io9.com/5913643/how-the-zombie-apocalypse-starts-naked-attacker-foundeating-mans-face. ‘Full Zombie Behavior Watch List.’ Pastebin. 30 May 2012. Accessed 31 May 2012. http://pastebin.com/VD0QNiA2. Gabbatt, Adam. ‘Miami face-chewing attack: no bath salts found in Rudy Eugene’s system.’ The Guardian. 27 June 2012. Accessed 29 June 2012. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jun/27/florida-miami-face-chewing-bathsalts. Garland, Alex. 28 Days Later. Directed by Danny Boyle. 2002. London: DNA Films, 2003. DVD. Green, Nadege. ‘He’s not a zombie, he’s my son.’ The Age. 1 June 2012. Accessed 1 June 2012. http://www.theage.com.au/world/hes-not-a-zombie-hes-my-son20120531-1zkj8.html. IRL Shooter. ‘Patient 0.’ Accessed 9 November 2012. http://irlshooter.com/. Kavka, Misha. ‘Love ‘n the Real; or, How I Learned to Love Reality TV’. The Spectacle of the Real, edited by Geoff King 95-103. Bristol, UK: Portland, OR: Intellect, 2005. Keisner, Jody. ‘Do you Want to Watch? A Study of the Visual Rhetoric of the Postmodern Horror Film.’ Women’s Studies: An inter-disciplinary Journal, Volume 34:4 (2008): 411-427. Locker, Melissa. ‘Zombie Alert: Man Throws His Own Intestines At Police.’ Time Magazine. 31 May 2012. Accessed 11 June 2012. http://newsfeed.time.com/2012/05/31/zombie-alert-man-throws-his-own-intestinesat-police/. ‘LQP-97 Zombie Virus.’ Snopes. 3 May 2012. Accessed 5 December 2013. http://www.snopes.com/horrors/cannibal/lqp-79.asp.

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__________________________________________________________________ Maddrey, Joseph. Nightmares in Red, White and Blue: The Evolution of the American Horror Film. Jefferson, North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2004. Melnick, Jeffrey. 9/11 Culture. Chichester, United Kingdom: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. Monahan, Brian A. The shock of the news: media coverage and the making of 9/11. New York: New York University Press, c2010. Ndalianis, Angela. The Horror Sensorium: Media and the Senses. McFarland Publishing, 2012. O’Brien, Daniel. ‘4 Ways the Face-Eater Zombie Craze Proves The Media’s Broken.’ Cracked. 1 June 2012. Accessed 9 June 2012. http://www.cracked.com/blog/4-ways-face-eater-zombie-craze-proves-mediasbroken/?fb_ref=like&fb_source=timeline. Pearson, Nick. ‘Fake zombie attacks Miami residents.’ ninemsn. http://news.ninemsn.com.au/world/8478170/fake-zombie-attacks-miami-residents. Rodriguez, Julie M. ‘CDC: There Is No Impending Zombie Apocalypse.’ Care2 Causes. 9 June 2012. Accessed 11 June 2012. http://www.care2.com/causes/cdcthere-is-no-impending-zombie-apocalypse.html. Sheridan, Michael. ‘Man fights to live after face is eaten by naked attacker in Miami.’ NY Daily News. 28 May 2012. Accessed 29 May 2012. http://www.nydailynews.com/news/national/man-fights-live-face-eaten-nakedattacker-miami-article-1.1085553. ‘What you need to know about Rudy Eugene, the naked face-eating zombie.’ Periscope Post. 30 May 2012. Accessed 31 May 2012. http://www.periscopepost.com/2012/05/what-you-need-to-know-about-rudyeugene-the-naked-face-eating-zombie/. Zimmerman, Neetzan. ‘Grab Your Boomstick: The Zombie Apocalypse May Actually Be Upon Us.’ Gawker. 29 May 2012. Accessed 11 June 2012. http://gawker.com/5914059/grab-your-boomstick-the-zombie.

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__________________________________________________________________ ‘Zombie apocalypse coming soon.’ ihopericksantorum. 30 May 2012. Accessed 30 May 2012. http://ihopericksantorum.tumblr.com/post/23988224221/zombie-apocalypsecoming-soon. Zombies, Run!. ‘Zombies, Run!’. Accessed 5 December 2013. https://www.zombiesrungame.com/. Naja Later is a PhD candidate at the University of Melbourne. She is currently researching the relationship between New Horror, terror, and screen technology. She is also a public speaker and guest co-editor of Refractory: a journal of Entertainment Media, showcasing the rise of transmedia horror narratives.

How Place Influences Popular Culture: Finding Meaning in Creative Media Huston John Gibson and La Barbara James Wigfall Abstract This chapter analyses how popular culture portrays the built and natural environment, specifically in song and film. To explore the influence of environmental, social, and economic development on creative media, we offered an exploratory educational adventure of place through the cultural media of song and film. Student discussion and comparative chapters were used for collective and individual reflection on the media revealed in class. Content analysis was used to examine student written responses. The findings of this study show how creative media shape society’s perception of place, and how perception of place shapes creative media. The implications should help explain popular discourse about the relationship between society and place. Key Words: Pop culture, creative media, public perception, city planning. ***** 1. Introduction and Background Popular culture, as a display of creative expression, offers a unique perspective of how society’s perceptions of place shape creative media. Expressions of song and film particularly can reflect the built and natural environment; moreover, these creative media may shape society’s perceptions of place as well. [Examining forms of pop culture can] expand our understanding of how people respond to life in cities and how this response is in fact influenced by the images of the city they see.1 First in May 2011, and then again in May 2012, we offered a two-week special topics class looking at planning in pop culture.2 The objective of the course was to encourage students to think creatively about how our built and natural environment affects us as individuals and as a society, providing evidence of this through the cultural arts, especially film and song. This is certainly not the first time creative media have been used in a planning curriculum; Carl Abbott, an urban studies professor, has demonstrated the public understanding of planning’s social issues through science fiction cinema.3 We too incorporate the science fiction film genre in our mix. For example, in the 2009 film District 9, the science fiction storyline mirrors South African apartheid, with independent development in the movie between aliens from space and humans on Earth.4

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__________________________________________________________________ Our course took an entertaining, thematic glance into media and environment, subdivided by categories like suburban sprawl, urban blight, environmental degradation, gentrification, and so forth. Each class comprised a mixture of listening/viewing experience and discussion for both popular song and film that addressed the subject via mainstream cinema and lyrical music expression. Music genres included folk, rock, rap, alternative, and so forth; while film genres included drama, comedy, foreign, animation, and science fiction. In addition to our preselected media, students in the course brought in alternative creative works that added to our cultural arts inventory. The objective of this course was to encourage students to think creatively about how our regional and community environment affects us as individuals and as a society, providing evidence of this through the cultural arts with which they were familiar. Student discussion and comparative reflection chapters were used as a device for collective and individual reflection on the media revealed in class. One of the inspirations for this course was a class focusing on the anthropology of Blues culture Gibson took at the University of Mississippi (Ole Miss) as an undergraduate student.5 Ole Miss is home to the largest Blues archive in the United States, and the Blues as a genre probably originated just down the road in the Mississippi Delta region. For many reasons, it was one of his favorite courses as a student, and he always wanted to offer a community and regional planning version of this class. The main reason for this is the anthropologic lessons one can learn from dissecting lyrics of song that reflect the artist’s world. Through classical Blues, students can peer into the lifestyles of rural Southern poverty in Mississippi or urban Midwestern industrial Chicago in the early to mid-1900s. On this same note, beyond the single genre of the Blues, popular media allows others the see, hear, and feel places they can either identify with or have never seen. Wigfall had explored film in her design studios at the University of Texas/San Antonio and encouraged students to explore various themes in visual media. Many of them were so preoccupied with academic demands that they could not imagine how scholarship could have an influence on entertainment. Yet, pop culture has much to share about the nuances of society’s psyche in place based scholarship.6 Gibson and Wigfall pooled their collective resources and offered such a course, using the media of music and film. Our course was offered by the Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning (LARCP) in the College of Architecture, Planning and Design at Kansas State University. Students came from all four disciplines in the college: architecture, interior architecture, planning, and landscape architecture. In 2011, the class had 12 students, with 7 in 2012. Furthermore, in 2012, a student in the American Ethnic Studies program took the class, its first student outside of the college. The songs covered in the music portion had as their subjects suburban sprawl, environmental degradation, economic depression/development, civic pride, urban blight, governmental involvement, social constructs, and transportation. As an

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__________________________________________________________________ example, one of the songs discussed was the 1983 pop hit Walking in L.A. by the Missing Persons: ‘You won’t see a kid walking home from school; Their mothers pick them up in a car pool; Walking in L.A.; Walking in L.A.; Nobody walks in L.A’.7 The idea depicted is a landscape dominated by the automobile, a central discourse in the US urban planning and design dialog. To our knowledge, no member of the Missing Persons has a degree in urban planning, yet their observations are culturally apt to the urban design of modern American cities. While we know of no institutional archive of planning music or movies, we as individuals have been collecting our personal archives for years because of an inherent interest in the subject. Furthermore, the students are aware of songs themselves and have the chance to share their own catalogs. After all, to be considered a class on pop culture, it must offer content both cultural and popular.8 The consumer base of society certainly helps influence the style and content of mainstream music and film. Every day, the class listened to selected songs, studied the lyrics, and discussed the meanings/implications to the related professional and academic discourse. In addition, they watched a full-length movie each day and discussed such planning themes as urban immigration, water rights, urban blight, suburban teen programming, natural habitats, and governmental influence. During the term, the students watched about eight full-length movies, and listened to dozens of songs. In addition, we shared a few clips of known relevant television shows. 2. Methods and Materials By the end of the first course (2011), the students completed two take-home reflection papers, each addressing the film theme for each week. On the last day of the course, students were also asked to complete an in-class reflection for the music portion, addressing specific questions: 1) What are some of the main themes that emerged (whether via discussion or for you personally)?; 2) How might these themes tie together, if they do?; 3) What lessons might be learned from this discussion of planning in pop culture via music?; 4) Why/how might these lessons be important to planners/designers, or society in general?; 5) What was the most significant song you heard (it’s ok if this is a song-chain)? Why?; 6) Are there any additional songs you would like to add to the course’s song bank? The evaluation was slightly different in year two (2012). This time the student reflection required a paper more resembling an open-ended term paper than a reflection on predetermined questions; they had a week to complete the paper. However, students were still asked the following: 1) What are some of the main themes that emerged and how might they tie together (whether via discussion or for you personally)?; 2) What lessons might be learned from this discussion of planning in pop culture and why/how might these lessons be important to you personally or society in general?

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__________________________________________________________________ In the first year, the final questions were only about the music, but in the second year, the reflection blended music and film. However, with either a formally written term paper about the class or an in-class handwritten reflection about the music portion, the overall messages were quite similar: this was an eye-opening experience for our students. The findings are a summation of the content of these two student assignments and help in understanding their interpretation of the meaning in the media: how place influences popular culture. 3. Findings First and foremost, both years, the students seemed to enjoy the course. In answering the questions in the first year’s class (2011), the students clearly identified the main themes for question one, although some identified more strongly with some songs over others for personal reasons; and all could link the various themes in question two. In answer to question three, lessons learned, they took away the following: ‘the American public is confused’ about what they want (freedom versus a controlled environment); ‘every next generation’s planning seems to be a reaction to the previous generation’s living’; and [everyday] ‘people recognize communities, planning, and the importance of each in our society’. For planners and designers, in response to question four, some notable lessons included the following: people are different and want choices in their environment; people are deeply affected by their surroundings; the public understands the importance of the planning and design profession, even if they don’t know they do; public relations are important to planning and design; how people view a project will ultimately affect its success; and, we, as a society, need to think about the longterm consequences of the actions we take today. In response to question six, the students suggested no new songs on the day of the reflection, but every student at some point during the course shared a song with the class. Moreover, students will follow up after the class is over, sometimes years later [Gibson noted this from introductory level planning courses at another institution where he had incorporated similar material].9 Although films were strictly planned because they required preparation, students shared videos during the course, offering film options (foreign films in particular) well after the course ended. Among the students, in response to question five, favorite songs varied dramatically between individuals, as well as in topic and genre. Many noted the 1970 song Big Yellow Taxi by Joni Mitchell: ‘Don’t it always seem to go; That you don’t know what you got ‘til it’s gone; They paved paradise and put up a parking lot’.10 Formal teaching evaluations further illustrated an overwhelming response from the students: they found the course fun and educational, allowing them to look at familiar subjects in a different way. Because the 2012 assignment was more open-ended, the responses do not fit as neatly in a packaged write-up, we have summarized each student’s main points for

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__________________________________________________________________ this paper. The first student (planning) was a visiting student from China. She noted this class as a ‘life changing experience’, introducing her to American culture. She also brought a Chinese perspective to the class, which benefited the group as a whole. This student felt that ‘planning and pop culture is everywhere’. The second student (architecture) tended to get more excited about the movies than the songs, possibly due to the visual aspect of film. One video in particular, which looked at the future of cities, really made her angry because she disagreed with the concepts. This was actually a video from the 1960s, featuring Walt Disney’s vision for EPCOT (Experimental Prototype Community of Tomorrow), a vision that was never fully realized. She called her grandparents immediately after that class to discuss EPCOT, referring to Walt’s utopian vision as ‘crazy’. Her anger demonstrates the power of creative media; as she noted in her concluding sentence, ‘[t]he media has a very strong power over people and if used correctly can have a strong influence in changing the planning world’. This film actually helped change legislation in Florida, allowing for the Disney’s semiautonomous development of Disney World, which went on to play a role as a major central Florida growth shaper.11 The third student (planning) felt he learned many lessons related to planning through the media like the effect of greed, ignorance, and racism on society. In addition, he wrote that the class inspired him to look further into pop culture to better understand the planning profession. The fourth student (planning) raised some provocative questions in his paper. He asked what might motivate someone to write a song about a specific place. He also struck a thematic cord saying, ‘[w]e as a culture are pretty apathetic about issues until they affect us directly. In a lot of cases, at this point it is too late’. This certainly is a recurring theme in several of the movies, songs, and regrettably the professional discourse of planning itself. The fifth student (architecture) wrote an extraordinarily passionate paper, starting with the sentence: ‘The American dream today is failing’. He continues to write about the manipulation of society by big business and government. While not all songs or films shared were negative, much of the popular media addressing issues in planning are by default somewhat jaded. This may go back to the very first song played in the class, the 1970 classic Big Yellow Taxi by Joni Mitchell, which has been performed by many other artists as well. Perhaps you do not know what you have, until it is gone (…) and then maybe you sing (or make a film) about the tragedy.12 The sixth student (ethnic studies) expressed particular surprise at the now seemingly obvious ways in which her major and architecture connect. She went on to comment that she had never even heard of the planning profession before this class but now sees it as a field closely allied to her own. This course seemed to open her eyes in many ways and thus did exactly what it was intended to do: allow

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__________________________________________________________________ critical/creative thinking about planning related issues, all around us, as portrayed though the media of popular culture. The seventh student (architecture), who was from China, started by stating her parents worried when she signed up for this course, that she would not learn anything ‘sitting around and listening to music and watching movies all day.’ However, she explained how wrong her parents were. She was able to take many of the US cases discussed in class, from the past and present, and relate them to current issues in China, such as the displacement of people from their land for building dams for electricity in the name of progress. 4. Discussion and Conclusions In summary, whether listening to a song or watching a film, students from different disciplines, and different cultures, all could relate to the pop culture examples shared; they connected to the issues discussed in part through the media. Student experiences ranged from surprise to anger and everything in between. We must conclude that pop culture is an effective medium for finding real meaning, even for one of the most academic of subjects. Interestingly, not all songs or film shared were negative; many were upbeat and happy. However, the negative seemed to stick with the students more and was instrumental in creating their reflections. In the end, whether positive or negative, if planners and designers are tuned into pop culture, we perhaps can better understand public perceptions of our creations: places.

Notes 1

Nancy G. Leigh and Judith Kenny, ‘The City of Cinema: Interpreting Urban Images on Film,’ Journal of Planning Education and Research 16 (1996): 51. 2 La Barbara J. Wigfall and Huston J. Gibson, ‘Private Production of Public Open Space: The Downtown Los Angeles Experience’ (Course, Kansas State University, 2011 & 2012). 3 Carl Abbott, ‘Cyberpunk Cities,’ Journal of Planning Education and Research 27 (2007): 122. 4 Neill Blomkamp and Terri Tatchell, District 9 (Culver City: TriStar Pictures, 2009), DVD. 5 Peter Aschoff, ‘Sociology 315: Leisure and Popular Culture’, (Course, University of Mississippi, 1995). 6 Marcel Danesi, Popular Culture: Introductory Perspectives (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), 2-5; Barry Richards, Disciplines of Delight: The Psychoanalysis of Popular Culture (London: Free Association Books, 1994), 1718.

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__________________________________________________________________ 7

Missing Persons, ‘Walking in L.A.,’ Rhyme and Reason, Track 16 (Los Angeles: Capital Records, 1984), Audio Album. 8 Danesi, Popular Culture, 2-5. 9 Huston J. Gibson, ‘Urban and Regional Planning 4022: Collective DecisionMaking’ (Course, The Florida State University, 2010); Huston J. Gibson, ‘Urban and Regional Planning 3000: Introduction to Planning and Urban Development’ (Course, The Florida State University, 2005 & 2006). 10 Joni Mitchell, ‘Big Yellow Taxi,’ Ladies of the Canyon, Track 10 (Los Angeles: Reprise, 1970), Audio Album. 11 Richard Fogelsong, Married to the Mouse (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 70-73. 12 Mitchell, ‘Big Yellow Taxi.’

Bibliography Abbott, Carl. ‘Cyberpunk Cities.’ Journal of Planning Education and Research 27 (2007): 122-131. Aschoff, Peter. ‘Sociology 315: Leisure and Popular Culture’. University of Mississippi, 1995. Course. Bozio, Terry. ‘Walking in L.A.’ Rhyme and Reason. Track 16. Los Angeles: Capital Records, 1984. Audio Album. Blomkamp, Neill and Terri Tatchell, District 9. Culver City: TriStar Pictures, 2009. DVD. Danesi, Marcel. Popular Culture: Introductory Perspectives. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008. Fogelsong, Richard. Married to the Mouse. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001. Gibson, Huston J. ‘Culture Urban and Regional Planning 3000: Introduction to Planning and Urban Development’. The Florida State University, 2005 & 2006. Course. ———. ‘Urban and Regional Planning 4022: Collective Decision-Making’. The Florida State University, 2009 & 2010. Course.

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__________________________________________________________________ Leigh, Nancy G. and Judith Kenny. ‘The City of Cinema: Interpreting Urban Images on Film.’ Journal of Planning Education and Research 16 (1996): 51-55. Mitchell, Joni. ‘Big Yellow Taxi.’ Ladies of the Canyon. Track 10. Los Angeles: Reprise, 1970. Audio Album. Richards, Barry, Disciplines of Delight: The Psychoanalysis of Popular Culture. London: Free Association Books, 1994. Selnow, Gary W. and Richard R. Gilbert. Society's Impact on Television: How the Viewing Public Shapes Television Programming. Westport: Praeger, 1993. Taun, Yi-fu. Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values. Columbia University Press, 1990. Wigfall, La Barbara J. and Huston J. Gibson. ‘Planning 699: Planning in POP Culture’. Kansas State University, 2011 & 2012. Course. Huston John Gibson is an assistant professor in the Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning at Kansas State University (USA). His scholarship focuses on community infrastructure. La Barbara James Wigfall is an associate professor in the Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning at Kansas State University (USA). Her primary concentration is community development.

Part II Canvas: Artistic Encounters with Urban Environments

Micro Cities: Swoon’s Architectural Conversation Pieces and the Confrontation of Publics Lara Bullock Abstract The recent mainstreaming of Street Art has afforded Street Artists unprecedented means with which to develop their practices. As a result, I argue that this movement is occupying a new place both inside and outside the art institution that addresses Street Art’s traditional critiques of consumerism, politics, neocapitalism/neoliberalism, but through unprecedented ways such as through institutional sponsorship and by adopting philanthropic postures, thereby complicating the ethos of traditional Street Art. In late 2011, on the cosmopolitan Rua de Avenida de Paulista, next to the Museo Arte Sao Paulo de Chateaubriand stood a piece by Swoon; a Street Artist from New York City. Its title, Encampment Ersilia, refers to Italo Calvino’s invisible and mobile city, which is notable for the ever-increasing connections that are forged between its inhabitants. In order to highlight this shift in Street Art practice, I will use this piece as a central case study in this paper. Swoon’s Encampment Ersilia is part community centre, part homeless shelter, part artwork, and attracted a myriad audience. Swoon intended the site to operate as 'a new city (…) a delicate quiet song, a temporary freedom, a meeting place where words stitch a new reality and children are born in unexpected ways'.1 Despite the potentially grandiose naïveté of this desire, Swoon’s installation did in fact function as a micro city. Though, the work was temporary. It functioned as part of Swoon’s overarching methodology of place-making; each piece she makes, is arguably conversant in an ongoing dialogue that links her entire practice. This work departs from Swoon’s early wheat-pasting work on the streets, but uses the same modalities of Street Art: its activation is dependent on the street, it is temporary, it is meant to bring people together. In my paper, I will discuss the consequences of this departure in the work of Swoon and other contemporary Street Artists. Key Words: Street Art, socially engaged art practices, urban development, Institutional Critique, Public Culture, place-making, dialogic art, Urban Art, visual culture, contemporary art. ***** 1. Encampment Erisilia: An Introduction Encampment Ersilia, a work by New York Street Artist Swoon, was created for the 2011 exhibition De Dentro e De Fora (Inside Out, Outside In) at the Museo Arte São Paulo de Chateaubriand (MASP). The exhibition featured the work of international Street Artists from France, The United States, the Czech Republic,

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__________________________________________________________________ and Argentina. Each artist had a piece that was exhibited inside the museum (as is common for Street Art museum exhibitions) and a few also had pieces outside of the museum, on the street. Swoon’s piece was unique, however, in that it was created for and could only exist at this site, and though it possessed traditional Street Art elements, as I will discuss below, it also transcended beyond the bounds of traditional Street Art. Encampment Ersilia resembled the makeshift architecture of a house in a favela as it was constructed of recycled wood, cardboard, and paper, but functioned as a community centre, as well as a shelter, and served as a node from which to gather and venture out into the city of São Paulo. Despite the sensorial-visual feast, the most apparent element of Ersilia was that there was life there: pigeons, a dog, museum patrons, tourists, wanderers, homeless people, a garden. A circle of homeless people chat in the gazebo as others circumambulate or stare, puzzled, judging or admiring. It was inhabited; that is to say, it was filled with people when I visited several times during museum hours, and even housed a few after hours, who utilized it as a home. This was a structure simultaneously being invented and in decay. It was well-worn and impressive; like a phoenix, it was continually being re-imagined and remade, perhaps composted. Encampment Ersilia had rooms, like a house, but the population size of a small village, as hundreds of people visited it throughout the duration of the exhibition. Water was on the counter in containers, there was a sofa, a gazebo, and an edible garden on its side. One exterior wall featured a schedule and calendar that could be filled in with chalk according to the happenings that day. The mode of operation, or government, was organic and DIY. The liveliness of action was mirrored in the vibrancy of the aesthetic. This little structure gestured toward self-sustainability, as it could support life, which serves as a metaphor for the crux of Swoon’s practice: to foster the sustainability of human potential, relationships, and creativity and 'making moments of connection and moments of wonder'.2 The title of Encampment Ersilia comes from Italo Calvino’s novel, Invisible Cities, featuring a chapter about a town called Ersilia in which people attach strings from point to point to create relationships. These strings are colour-coded, however, to indicate what sort of relationships they are. Swoon’s work serves to salvage these forgotten strings and supports to re-make a new Ersilia. Encampment Ersilia is womblike, as is Calvino’s Ersilia: In Ersilia, to establish the relationships that sustain the city's life, the inhabitants stretch strings from the corners of the houses, white or black or gray or black-and-white according to whether they mark a relationship of blood, of trade, authority, agency. When the strings become so numerous that you can no longer pass among them, the inhabitants leave: the houses are dismantled; only the strings and their supports remain.3

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__________________________________________________________________ 2. Encampment Erisilia: Symbolic and Generative Power Swoon’s Encampment Ersilia is generative and nourishing as it bears ideas, actions, and education as its children. One enters into the piece and then helps to transform and create it through their engagement with it. Metaphorical strings of Encampment Ersilia become umbilical cords of anyone who enters, for they will spread the piece, it is now a part of them, whether as a memory or as provocation. The tours and walks that originate here are meant to teach people, or at the very least, allow them to experience the city of São Paulo in a different way. Despite its busy exterior, Encampment Ersilia was recognizable as a piece by Swoon. She has perfected an unmistakable style that combines found or salvaged materials with her meticulous, delicate paper cut outs and line drawings. In Swoon’s work, each new piece hearkens back to previous pieces, or people. In Encampment Ersilia for example, one could find Walkie, the boy from Haiti, the 90-year old female Aborigine nomad Mrs. Bennet from the ICA in Boston, and the Ice Queen (the artist’s grandmother) from the Art In The Streets exhibition at the Los Angeles Museum of Contemporary Art. Each piece is conversant in an ongoing dialogue that links her entire practice. These figures from the past are used to forge new relationships and meanings in the present. Though Swoon uses Encampment Ersilia as metaphor for the potential for reinvention of human relationships between each other, to the city, and to nature more generally, the specificity of its existence in São Paulo is deliberate. She states: Conversations that begin here will connect Ersilia with occupations around the São Paulo city centre occupied spaces under the freeways, homes in empty factories, farms under the electric lines, and temporary sites of culture in the streets. We will also invite you to join us on a series of walks through the city to view it in its current and everlasting moment of metamorphosis (…). Each walk will be a mobile open meeting that tackles the metropolis and its questions, drawing a series of paths of conceptual debate and active intervention.4 São Paulo is a city that has a rich history of activism and a government that has vacillated between restricting and listening to the people. The Clean City Law, which outlaws advertisements, thereby highlighting São Paulo’s historic beauty, is one example. Another is a more lenient attitude toward Street Art as a result of when famous Street Artist duo Os Gêmeos convinced the Minister of Culture and Mayor Gilberto Kassab that graffiti murals are important cultural landmarks in 2006. Swoon’s occupations in this encampment, hearken to São Paulo’s history as a city that embraces culture, but also alludes to how the museum is similar to a military state of previous times in the way that it is becoming increasingly restricted from the people.

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__________________________________________________________________ Encampment Ersilia’s location at the MASP was also significant. In order to arrive at Swoon’s Ersilia, one could walk from the street or sidewalk and under MASP. The building was designed by Brazilian Modernist architect, Lina Bo Bardi, who was interested in people-centered architecture, and features a vacant space at street level which enables people to wander from the sidewalks to explore beneath the structure’s solid, cool, and colourful legs which support the glass body of the museum. Bardi conceived of the space as 'a permanent and open space to be formally used by the museum and also informally appropriated by the population of São Paulo (…). In one of her watercolours, [Bardi] imagined the terrace being used for activities from art exhibitions to a large, colourful playground'5. Encampment Ersilia’s existence at a museum which has a history of supporting the common people, a belief in freedom from corporate sponsorship, and that is interested in bringing diverse publics together is intentional as these are operating tenets of Swoon’s methodology. At one point, from the 1960s to the 1980s, MASP even became one of the 'main stages of dissent and emergence of new political voices and subjects in the public life of the city'.6 However, the history of the museum as a space for such activities has become increasingly restricted, particularly for MASP, due to 'Budget problems, the concern with safety, the increasing commodification of art and culture, and the growth of the tourist industry [which] have made the museum less accessible'7 since the time of its creation. Despite the initial aims of the museum, the museum is no longer free; the body is no longer transparent. To see art at MASP that is not on this platform outdoors, one is literally and symbolically separated from the street by the ticket price and elevators that deliver patrons to the hermetically sealed floors of art. Because of this, it is significant that Encampment Ersilia remained outside. The location of Encampment Ersilia at MASP, not only stands as a memento mori, but as a call to action, a reminder that art belongs to the people; a message that is central to Street Art. Like the work of most Street Artists, Swoon’s piece is site-specific. With Encampment Ersilia, Swoon had created a temporary city. It is a metaphorical city within the very real, cosmopolitan city of São Paulo that is “organized” in its own grassroots fashion. But in making a gesture such as this in a big, capitalist, cosmopolitan city, it represents an escape, an alternative to this modern way of life, which is governed by the exchange of capital instead of the exchange of knowledge. Swoon states that she intended the site to operate as: a new city (…) a delicate quiet song, a temporary freedom, a meeting place where words stitch a new reality and children are born in unexpected way (…). [In the press release, Swoon states] Welcome to Encampment Ersilia. We invite you to a slice of the present and window into the future. We have come as visitors and have found treasures. We gather them together for you to

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__________________________________________________________________ discover and lead you back to the caverns and clouds from which they emerge. The city eats itself and is reborn as fertile compost.8 .

Just like the inhabitants of Calvino’s Ersilia, Swoon is place-making with Encampment Ersilia. She incorporates history and the present, and collaborates with São Paulo’s inhabitants to create for them a unique place, which they help design by staging actions, or by simply being there. This brand of collaboration is a central theme that runs throughout most of Swoon’s work. In this way, she creates a micro city within the city of São Paulo. In so doing, she suggests that there is a need for a new city, or at least the possibility of one free from the dominant neoliberal, capitalist one, suggesting that the macro city is not working or fulfilling a need. Swoon’s city of Ersilia had several effects. It highlighted negative aspects, such as the economic disparity of São Paulo made apparent by the diverse groups that inhabited Ersilia, yet, it also highlighted the potential for community and collaboration. It also provided a comment on sustainability through its repurposing of trash for flower pots and the use of recycled wood for structural support. It is through this kind of grass-roots operation that Street Art retains its avant-garde status. Instead of a moment of encounter, Swoon’s Ersilia provided an experience. Her work is extremely thoughtful, both in terms of its aims to show 'the beautiful and the real (…) [with] no pressure to be anything or buy anything'9, but also in terms of her stylistic choices. For example, her paper cut-outs and use of thick lines in her drawings, are reminiscent of German Expressionist painting, which developed as a response to the capitalistic, industrialized, and materialistic economic situation in pre World War I-Germany. This overwhelming wealth and overcrowding in the cities often resulted in a feeling of alienation, not unlike major metropolitan cities like São Paulo, today. Swoon’s project, with its focus on human connection, is incredibly conscientious. 3. Encampment Erisilia: Street Art? Within the past decade, Street Art has become less marginalized and more mainstream. Instead of celebrated by a tight-knit group of youth or practitioners, Street Artists appear in magazines, in advertisements endorsing certain products, and an increasing number are able to live off of their art. Street Art’s presence in art institutions is becoming more common, though some Street Artists remain resistant to it. The effect of the mainstreaming of Street Art is manifold. The context is changed, which forces the artists to adopt a new method of dissemination and adapt their work to these uncharted surroundings. The recognition and monetary compensation that is resultant from institutional sponsorship has resulted in criticisms of the art and artists, most commonly for selling-out. Instead of rejecting the institution altogether, however, there has been a resultant turn in

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__________________________________________________________________ Street Art toward philanthropic posturing, something that is central to Swoon’s work, as a way to subvert the institution, while at the same time, relying on it. There has been a recent turn in contemporary Street Art from the street itself, to street as symbolic for the people or different communities: bringing what is now considered high art to street level. Artists like JR and Swoon have been working with various populations to get to know the people and subsequently producing art and collaborating with locals to give attention to their particular struggles or stories. Perhaps the most museum-like, or un-Street Art-like quality about Encampment Ersilia was that, in addition to being made available to anyone who approached it (as all Street Art is), Encampment Ersilia was on display, which is a central operating tenet of museums. While Street Art is typically visible and accessible on the streets, it is not on display. Museums display, which serves to mark something as possessing cultural weight and that thus, is of merit. Encampment Ersilia, as with many other of Swoon’s projects rewrites and redefines ingrained structures and expands the museum’s definition of art. What is innovative is that the museum provides the platform from which to do this, which enables Swoon to beckon a new, diversified audience. Street Art has traditionally subverted the matrix of autonomy and superiority of the art object, if only by virtue of its existing outside of the art institution. Encampment Ersilia however, is conversant with it. The exhibition is sponsored and funded, and thus, Swoon’s histories of illegal activities are implicitly endorsed. She utilizes the museum to critique culture as she initially set out to do independently on the street. She therefore subverts this traditional relationship by conforming to it by participating within the bounds of the institution. Swoon’s Ersilia was not in the museum, it was also not on the street (…) at least, not in the usual way one would expect to see Street Art, tucked in an alley or made prominent on a billboard. It was, however, symbolically of the street as it was outside and suffered the same effects as a street piece would: its activation is dependent on the street, it is temporary, it is meant to bring people together, and it is consistent with the style of Street Art. Due to the design of MASP, it was accessible from the street, which was essential for Encampment Ersilia to function. The historical avant-garde and often Street Art and graffiti use the tactic of shock to get a message across. In other words, they present the viewer with something outrageous in the realm of Duchamp’s Fountain, or impossible, such as Yves Klein’s Leap Into the Void, in order to shock the viewer into self-reflection or enlightenment. Grant Kester, in his book The One and The Many, argues that the tactic of shock is outdated in today’s art world. Today’s media-bombarded audiences are hard to shock. As they have learned that the art museum is there to give them a certain brand of experience, which is often designed to shock, dismay, or appal; in other words, they expect it.10 Street Art in the museum is forced to take a different approach. It is legal, accessible, and often friendly and inviting. The

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__________________________________________________________________ most remarkable results of this conversion however, are the methods and strategies through which the work operates. Swoon’s work operates through the subtle creation of a message experienced collaboratively. Unlike movements like Social Practice Art that ascribe a similar operative collectivity, the aesthetic remains an important aspect of both Swoon’s work and most Street Art in general. In fact, the aesthetic is central to its operation: it is what initially grabs the viewer’s attention. Swoon’s work for example, is insistent on the visual to connote an overt message, but it also serves to signify more subtle ideas, such as with the reverberations of her distinctive style. Like other socially geared art movements, there is a 'complex interdependence of the aesthetic and the ethical'11 with Swoon, as with other Street Artists, who have risen to fame as a result of their recognisability on the street. The aesthetic also alludes to a feeling of familiarity, comfort, and consistency, which in turn, begets a feeling of inclusion. Street Art is an art form that is often synonymous with the two-dimensional in the form of paint, stencils, wheatpastes, or paper cutouts, and possesses a hard edge and the grittiness of being on the streets. Its aesthetic design is often simple and sometimes haphazard as a result of the necessity for haste, due to its illegality. All of these elements are also present in Swoon’s Encampment Ersilia: it was dirty and worn, Swoon’s signature delicate wheat pastes were crinkling towards their fate as pieces of yellowed paper, a result of enduring the rain and soot and the overall effects of being outside, ultimately betraying their physical ephemerality. Like most Street Art, Encampment Ersilia was meant to be destroyed: entropy at its finest. Yet, Ersilia is lasting. The addition of the word encampment in her title conjures notions of a military structure, a temporary stopping place, and acknowledges São Paulo’s past under military regime. Like an encampment it is temporary, its physical structure was intended to be struck with the close of the exhibition. However, like its namesake, Calvino’s Ersilis, Encampment Ersilia has a life beyond the grounds under the museum in each new relationship that resulted from it. It creates a micro city within a city. It is also a home, for it is a point of origination and potentially, a point of return. Encampment Ersilia is about action, visibility, and community. It is acknowledging the past, and suggesting a future.

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Image 1 : Swoon’s Encampment Ersilia, 2011 at MASP. © Lara Bullock 2011.

Notes 1

Swoon, ‘Press Release for Encampment Ersilia as part of the exhibition De Dentro e De Fora’, Museo Arte São Paulo de Chateaubriand, August 17, 2011December 23, 2011. 2 Sean Irving, 'Interview with NYC artist Swoon', Lifelounge, 19 February 2011, viewed 10 February 2013, http://www.lifelounge.com.au/art-and-design/interview/interview-with-nyc-artistswoon.aspx. 3 Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities (London: Vintage, 1997), 76. 4 Swoon, ‘Press Release for Encampment Ersilia as part of the exhibition De Dentro e De Fora’, Museo Arte São Paulo de Chateaubriand, August 17, 2011December 23, 2011. 5 Zeuler R.M.A. Lima and Vera M. Pallamin, 'An Uncommon Common Space', Encountering Urban Places: Visual and Material Performances in the City, ed. Lars Frers and Lars Meier (Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2007), 88. 6 Ibid., 93. 7 Ibid., 95. 8 Swoon, ‘Press Release for Encampment Ersilia as part of the exhibition De Dentro e De Fora’, Museo Arte São Paulo de Chateaubriand, August 17, 2011December 23, 2011.

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Nicholas Ganz, Graffiti Women: Street Art from Five Continents (New York: Abrams, 2006), 204. 10 Grant H. Kester, The One and the Many: Contemporary Collaborative Art in a Global Context, (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 105. 11 Ibid., 102.

Bibliography Calvino, Italo. Invisible Cities. London: Vintage, 1997. Ganz, Nicholas. Graffiti Women: Street Art from Five Continents. New York: Abrams, 2006. Irving, Sean. 'Interview with NYC artist Swoon'. Lifelounge, 19 February 2011. Viewed 10 February 2013. http://www.lifelounge.com.au/art-and-design/interview/interview-with-nyc-artistswoon.aspx. Kester, Grant H. The One and the Many: Contemporary Collaborative Art in a Global Context. Durham: Duke University Press, 2011. Lima, Zeuler R.M.A. and Vera M. Pallamin. ‘An Uncommon Common Space.’ Encountering Urban Places: Visual and Material Performances in the City, edited by Lars Frers and Lars Meier, 88-96. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2007. Swoon, “Press Release for Encampment Ersilia as part of the exhibition De Dentro e De Fora,” Museo Arte São Paulo de Chateaubriand, August 17, 2011-December 23, 2011. Lara Bullock is a Ph.D. Candidate in Art History, Theory and Criticism, specialising in Contemporary Art at the University of California, San Diego. Lara is interested in cultural criticism, DIY aesthetics, and art as a malleable and ever changing term.

Group Ginger: Legacy and Place Making through Temporal Use Sarah Mills and Simon Baker Abstract This chapter will examine three realized projects in Leeds and York, England, to question the legacy and value of temporal use within the city and the connections between affect and place. The three case studies are; an established annual light based festival, a single night pop up cinema, and an art installation sited on a disused viaduct. Each project questions the future use of our heritage buildings, their sites and context. The case studies form destinations, which are not part of an established cultural heritage trail or route. The action of making and doing reverses our analysis of art and film from a tool we were using to help understand a place, to a medium that helped to define a place as a meanwhile use. Simon Baker is a protagonist who worked to re-appropriate the underutilized spaces and Sarah Mills is a lecturer of Architecture and uses film and Situationist techniques to analyse the subversion of the everyday. Challenging the normative modes of architectural practice engenders collaboration and questions existing policies, guidelines, buildings and the current purpose of place. Key Words: Temporal, place, creativity, underused, meanwhile, appropriation, situationist, pop-up, policies, heritage. ***** 1. Group Ginger Democratic structures, it is frequently believed, allow for the participation of everyone. However, upon examination we can see that this is not achieved without some cost, evidenced in procedures that are too long, bureaucracy and ultimately loss of interest and ambition. However, small independent groups are making things happen by re-activating public spaces which challenge the current democratic structures, promoting social responsibility and innovation. These groups have decided to unlock the institutional stagnation and just do it.1 Group Ginger is one such group, which is currently based in Leeds and London, England. A ginger group is a formal or informal group within, for example, a political party seeking to influence the direction and activity of the organisation as a whole. Ginger groups work to alter the party's policies or practices, while still supporting some of its general goals. ‘To ginger up’, the term comes from the use of ginger root to make a horse seem more lively, or to add flavour or spice to food and beverages. The adopted collective title of our activities indicates the overarching intention; to highlight the possible and to draw attention to situations in a positive, opportunistic and celebratory manner.

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__________________________________________________________________ This chapter examines three projects related to a ‘just do it mentality’ largely pursued by a frustration with the stagnation within the current bureaucracy. During 2012/2013 the slashing of the Art’s budget in England is twinned with the reimagination of abandoned spaces as opportunities for new public experiences as sub –Victorian parkland or small oasis’s within the city. The following projects; a new institution launched via a planning application for an installation on a disused viaduct, an established annual light based festival and walk in/drive in cinema in an existing car park all challenge the normative modes of architectural practice questioning existing policies and current definitions of place. Research is derived from the French recherché meaning to ‘search’ or ‘go out and seek’ as such Group Ginger’s practise based research promotes spaces becoming public and more relevant to others by rendering these spaces visible, to show that they matter. 2. The Monk Gate Viaduct as an Institution The first project considers a site-specific installation and institution in relation to de Certeau’s notion of ‘space as a practiced place’ and argues that in ‘practicing’ specific places certain works produce critical spaces.2 At a given moment, each of the individual projects discussed within this chapter can be understood as an isolated spot, however when viewed over time, places in the city are positioned in relation to one another, temporally as well as spatially.3 In July 2003, an open ideas competition for the highline in New York’s reuse solicited 720 different proposals. New York architectural practice Diller and Scofidio’s winning entry approached the High Line as a found object, rather than one which needed to be made picturesque. The idea of surprise, found in the unexpected views across the city provided by The High Line has been enhanced and the route is dotted with considered ways to experience urban juxtapositions. It is peppered with new vistas, entranceways, sun decks and lawns, but the effect is generally to prompt gentle appreciation rather than shock.4 While the High Line was imagined as an exceptional piece of urbanism the Promenade Plantée in Paris was part of a wider urban strategy. In 1987, the Council of Paris approved the general building principles of the planted promenade and decided to acquire the disused SNCF buildings. The promenade, designed by landscape architect Jacques Vergely and architect Philippe Mathieux, effectively became a huge spine of regeneration. In landscaping terms, the Promenade Plantée is very traditional. The Bastille end of the path passes through planted boarders, symmetrical sculptural interventions and archways. The brilliance and the curse of projects like the High Line and the Promenade Plantée is that they at once present a perfect solution for City authorities to seize upon, using redundant infrastructure to create new physical links that reconnect parts of the city originally segregated by industry, however they often have little idea of how to initiate and bring about their desired end game.

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__________________________________________________________________ The idea of the found object as a surprise is investigated more modestly in the proposal for Monk Bridge viaduct in Leeds. The viaduct was built in 1846 and designed by the engineer Robert Gainger for the Leeds and Thirsk Railway Company and the Leeds, Dewsbury and Huddersfield Railway. Of grit stone ashlar and rock faced rustication, the overall length of the viaduct is 300m carrying the two first generation railway lines to Leeds second station, Wellington Street Terminal. 5 Outline planning approval was achieved in 2007 by Lend Lease for four residential towers to the north of the listed Monks Bridge railway viaduct. The planning application proposed the viaduct would become a piece of public realm with access for all connecting the proposed residential towers and creating a new pedestrian link from the more deprived edge of centre communities via a new residential and commercial area to the city centre and mainline station. The economic climate in the Yorkshire region has prevented any current development. The status quo for these static sites is do nothing, add to the developers land bank or gain planning for a temporary car park to generate short term revenue. However these stalled sites have become points of opportunity, intervention and alternative economies motivated by enthusiasm and determined belligerence to not take no as an acceptable answer. Group Ginger began to advocate an interim solution for Monk Bridge more immediately deliverable. The intention is to raise Leeds commuters, residents, and workers awareness of the forgotten landscape and in so doing secure the longer term public benefit that the viaduct could offer. The viaduct is now a self-seeded, inaccessible wilderness but also for some an oasis from the city. A renewed natural habitat now exists with trees and wild flowers including wild orchids. The first installation along the viaduct increases awareness of this piece of wildness within the city; the robustness of its infrastructure allows it to thrive unaffected by the demands of the city below. The viaduct presents a sanctuary, a protected wild landscape retreat for group of indigenous red hinds with calves and a lone red stag. The deer acknowledge the renewed importance and value of green spaces and the recognition of seasonal changes in our cities to nurture wellbeing. They are not about words, statements or promises but being. Placing the group on the viaduct engages the public, changing their everyday experience and ambivalence with their redundant industrial heritage and asks them to consider why they are there. In claiming this territory the deer establish a new place for art in the city. Group Ginger secured funding from The Royal Institute of British Architects and planning consent for a change of use from redundant heritage structure to a structure for a new cultural platform in February 2013. Organisations such as the Leeds City Council, the Leeds City Art Gallery and Leeds Architecture Centre have all supported the proposals and the private owners of the viaduct have agreed to the installation for the first piece for work.

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__________________________________________________________________ The first installation secures statutory approvals and through existence certifies the establishment of a new institution. Further events are planned and Group Ginger will submit an application for Arts Council England funding to pursue further events and installations for three years in line with the planning application time frame. These future happenings will reach out to engage with wider audiences, artists and practitioners including the City Art Gallery’s online archive and to a collection of art works depicting the viaducts active past and historic narrative relevant to that specific place in the city. De Certeau’s understanding of the difference between space and place is closely related to his notions of practice, tactic and strategy. Practices move across divisions between place, time and types of action, allowing connections to be made between places and their activities and their variants located elsewhere.6

Figure 1: Monk Bridge Viaduct, Leeds © Simon Baker 2013. 3. Illuminating York The second project to be discussed considers the public interaction with a light festival and is paralleled with Victorian use of nonsense writing to question the social rules of the western use of public space today. The way humans interact with the environment is filtered through socially determined ideologies that characterise their identities. In Lewis Carols books Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass he envisaged a built environment that is determined by constantly negotiated interactions between human body and place. Carol uses linguistic games, logic games and the books dream premise to launch indirect attacks on the status quo.7 By linking Alice’s identity to her perception of space Carol sets up the conditions for a built

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__________________________________________________________________ environment that challenges her cultural assumptions. The primary dimensional interaction that expresses the architecture of Wonderland occurs across scales. Alice and the Mad Hatter both argue over the same question; how do abstract dimensions such as time and language influence identity through the way they map measurement on the body?8 Illuminating York is one of York’s biggest annual events, last year attracting more than 60,000 visitors. Over the past six years the festival has presented specially commissioned digital artworks on several of the city’s historic buildings, celebrating York’s unique architecture and bringing internationally renowned artists to the city centre for thousands to enjoy. Illuminating York is organised by a steering committee which comprises of representatives from Visit York, City of York Council, York Museums Trust, Science City York, University of York and local York businesses. It is an on-going project, which aims to use light and innovation to breathe new life into York’s historic built urban environment after dark, championing the development and progression of permanent lighting projects.9 Group Ginger won the commission for illuminating York in 2012, with Arup Associates. The proposed theme was ‘Alice in Wonderland’. Unusually proposing to limit the installation for the light festival to the York Minster Gardens only, to create a territory, a found space as a surprise, instead of reducing the spectacle to a two dimensional interface across the landmarks of the city. The entrance into Wonderland in York was to challenge the ideologies of dimension, time and language whilst detaching the visitor from the comfortable medieval architecture of York. The projections, objects and spaces created challenged preconceived ideas of space and scale as all notions architecture became a silhouetted back drop and space became reimaged. The visitor negotiated the dream space; including flying bicycles, giant mushrooms, also interactive spaces enabling one to draw or dance on the city wall using projections. The disengagement with everyday life, by literally walking through a threshold and changing signage, pathways and established conventions enabled a new way of looking at public space. The intention of wonderland was to provide a new means of experiencing the cities heritage while questioning the legacy of the festival. Museum gardens is closed to the public after dark, wonderland illuminated the gardens and allowed visitors to experience a different landscape. We had hoped and still hope that some of the garden illuminations may become permanent fixtures during the winter solstice and that the gardens, which act as a pedestrian link across the city, may remain open in line with the current political policies. Throughout the design Group Ginger encouraged the opening of new routes by taking down gates and fences to highlight previously un-seen areas of the city walls. Our interest was in using the temporary event to establish long-term changes in habitual behaviour.

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Figure 2: Entrance to Museum Gardens, Illuminating York © Giles Rocholl 2012 The event established a step change for the festival moving it on from a cinematic experience to an exaggeration, an amplification of a spatial domain. It is difficult for the festival to move back from this position and the forthcoming briefs for artists seek to exploit this aspect, which was previously not explored.

Figure 3: Rocholl. G., 2012. Flying bicycles, Illuminating York © Giles Rockoll 2012 Alice now belongs to a text that has become the status of Myth. In the Philosophy of Nonsense Jean-Jacques Lecercle proposes that nonsense in the

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__________________________________________________________________ Victorian context as a genre is a by-product of the development of the institution of the school and that the text provides an imaginary solution to the real contradiction for wanting to capture a wider population for elementary schooling and a resistance that a cultural upheaval inevitably arouses.10 In the context of the installation in York, the school is the perceived democratic institution (the students have long since been captured) where good behaviour and grammar are learnt and we are told how to behave in public places. The children in Carroll’s text do not go to school; the child has not been captured by the institution. Our wonderland reflects and challenges current behaviour and the authorities’ control of public and social space.

Figure 4: Rocholl. G., 2012.Wonderland, against the city walls, Illuminating York © Giles Rocholl 2012. 4. The Marshalls Mills Cinema In Lefebvre’s Production of Space; Abstract space is produced by Capitalism, and is described where history is experienced as nostalgia, nature as regret and the user alarmingly silent and manipulated by the media in ways that are damaging to their social spaces and daily life. The possible new solution to neocapitalism’s abstract space is ‘differential space’.11 He suggests, that a new differential space will emerge that embraces and enhances difference. In Spaces of Hope, David Harvey notes that Lefebvre leaves few clues as to how this space might be realized except that it will rise from the contradictions in abstract space.12 Building upon a Marxist idea of production Lefebvre explains the dynamic relationships of capitalist commodification and acknowledges that space itself is an ‘active moment’ that needs to be ‘actively produced’ and not just left to its own devices.13 The third oasis to be explored while considering differential space is a large car park behind an old flax mill in Holbeck, Leeds. Yet another site with outline

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__________________________________________________________________ planning consent for further office buildings, which are unlikely to materialize in the near future. The site is an ugly, underused and under-populated, listless and lazy and in contrast to the productivity of the mill’s inhabitants. This external space had once been a thriving and noisy point of activity, trade and gossip outside the thriving but suffocating mill. In 1803 Marshalls Mill was the largest flax mill in the country employing over 1000 people. Its developer and owner, John Marshall was a Victorian entrepreneur who was interested in the well-being of his work force. In 1822 he establish a school in Holbeck, he was also involved in founding the Mechanics Institute and the Literary and Philosophical Society and in 1826 began a campaign to establish the University of Leeds.14 The mill is now Grade II* listed and was converted into offices in 1997. In considering this large semi-public space, rather than starting with abstract ideas about urban space, Group Ginger started with the study of everyday lives of the inhabitants of the mill and surrounding Holbeck Urban Village to think about situationist techniques and working in a non-hierarchical manner, addressing concerns as they were identified rather than assigning priorities to issues. In order to engage with the heritage of the mill and its changing landscape Group Ginger promoted ideas related to wellbeing; exercise, planting, places to socialise and a programme of events to evolve the car park from a commodity to an asset for the people working in and around the mill. From 2011-2012, Simon Baker oversaw the refurbishment (for Igloo Regeneration Fund) of the mill, including 70,000 square feet of commercial space for new office suites, reception and entrance areas, and the forecourt landscape and courtyard, which stood on the site of an old mill building. A cinema event in the car park space marked this renewal, as well as anniversaries of firms involved in the mill’s redevelopment, Igloo Regeneration (10 years), and Quarmby Construction (40 years). The event was a celebration for the completion of the works and for the people who had worked to bring it back to life but deliberately located in the car park, the only space not touched during the redevelopment. The one night screening was part of the Green Film Festival a nationwide festival, and was sponsored by Igloo Regeneration, Quarnby Construction and Leeds Metropolitan University. Group Ginger was also supported by local cafés and a local brewery who served beer from their old ice cream van. We were interested in the transformation of an underutilized space and the opportunity to see and sense the mill, outside the usual office hours, at one off cinema event. People were invited to drive, walk or cycle in to the film screening. One off events interrupt the everyday but it is precisely their ability to do so that is important in highlighting spaces that might be easily-overlooked and otherwise mundane places of daily life.

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Figure 5: Marshall’s Mill, Holbeck, Leeds © Simon Baker 2013.

Figure 6: Cinema entrance, Marshall’s Mill © Rick Harrison 2012. Perhaps few would use the term ‘happy’ to describe sitting in a Leeds car park at night. However, in symmetry with the film we were able to screen, Happy (2011 Dir. Roko Belic) we were able question the connections between affect and place. This exploration reversed our analysis of temporal from a tool we were using to help understand a place, to a medium that helped us think further about ways of progressing differential space. The configuration of urban spaces must adapt to meet the changing needs of dynamic populations and recognize that design is an integral part of the processes of habitation that should involve all human urban dwellers.

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Figure 7: Outdoor Cinema, Marshall’s Mill © Rick Harrison 2012. 5. Conclusion In this chapter we have discussed three realized projects to question; does the act of performing an activity in a displaced location or repeating an event have the potential to be transformative? We believe that by performing spatial practices’ events, both temporal and permanent, can focus attention on the critical potential of a place. Jane Rendell’s observations in Art and Architecture, proposes site specific art’s possibility of turning reactionary actions into De Certeau’s ‘tactics’. The works described above elaborate de Certeau’s understanding of space as a practised place through social explorations of the particular sites and as a consequence pose larger questions about space in a democracy.15 In this work Group Ginger wishes to provide a glimpse of what might happen if the contradictions of ‘abstract space’ as defined by Lefebvre were acknowledged and addressed in the design of human environments. To enable the projects discussed to be delivered, they had to address the role that time plays in the process of spatial production. One of the main aims of Group Ginger is the uncovering and making visible hidden structure political, social or economic. The making things visible on-line however is not enough the uncovering needs to be physical and ‘actively produced’. Like Alice we perceive space consciously through ideal measurements and unconsciously through relative measurements. The recognition of direct experience is vital, an experience that can be usefully referred to consistently and carefully applying a small number of metaphors. Group Ginger is also interested in pursuing the ghost elements of the city or the archaeology of lost histories. The projects

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__________________________________________________________________ discussed in this chapter link the imaginative entrepreneurial spirit of the Victorian, whilst addressing the current institutional stagnation. The projects collectively deliver a psychic survey of the climate in which Group Ginger is constructed; a survey more accurate than counting the empty shops or the car parks sitting as empty sites. Often the value of art lies in the author’s identity this is not the case here. The value actually lies in just doing it.

Notes 1

Silvia Colmenares, Experimental Practices within Public Spaces: Just Do It (Paper: Production of Place, UEL 2012). 2 Michel De Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life. Part III: Spatial Practices, trans. S. Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 91-130. 3 Jane Rendell, Art and Architecture. A Place Between (London: I.B Tauris, 2006), 57-71. 4 Joshua David and Robert Hammond, Highline. The Inside Story of New York City’s Park in the Sky (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 2011). 5 Robert Fitzgerald, Report on the Wellington Street Railway Complex (Leeds: Leeds City Council, 1985). 6 De Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life. Part III: Spatial Practices, 29. 7 Carol, Lewis. Alice in Wonderland. London: Penguin Classics. Reprinted, 2006. 8 Julian Wolfrey, The Rhetoric of Affirmative Resistance: Dissonant Identities from Carroll to Derrida (New York: St Martin’s press, 1997), 30. 9 York City Council, ‘Illuminating York’, accessed 05 March 2013. http://www.illuminatingyork.org.uk. 10 Jean-Jacques Lecercle, The Philosophy of Nonsense; Institutions of Victorian Nonsense Literature (London: Routledge, 1994). 11 Henri Lefebvre, Critic of Everyday life, Vol. 1. trans. J. Moore (London and New York: Verso, 1991), 64. 12 David Harvey, Spaces of Hope (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 183. 13 A. Merrifield, Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction (New York: Routledge, 2006), 106. 14 Jane Hatcher, Industrial Architecture of Yorkshire (Hampshire: Phillimore and Co Ltd, 1985), 155. 15 Jane Rendell, Art and Architecture. 57-71.

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Bibliography Awan, Nishat, Tatjana Schneider, and Jeremy Till. Spatial Agency: Other Ways of Doing Architecture. NY, USA: Routledge, 2011. Carol, Lewis. Alice in Wonderland. London: Penguin Classics. Reprinted, 2006. David, Joshua and Richard Hammond. High Line: The Inside Story of New York City's Park in the Sky. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 2011. De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Part III: Spatial Practices. Translated by Steven Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. 91130 Fitzgerald, Robert. Report on the Wellington Street Railway Complex. Leeds: Leeds City Council, 1985. Harvey, David. Spaces of Hope. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Hatcher, Jane. Industrial Architecture of Yorkshire. Hampshire: Phillimore and Co Ltd, 1985. Lecercle, Jean-Jacques. The Philosophy of Nonsense; Institutions of Victorian Nonsense Literature. London: Routledge, 1994. Lefebvre, Henri. Critic of Everyday life, Vol. 1. Translated by J. Moore. London and New York: Verso. 1947/1991. Merrifield, Andrew and Herbert Muschamp. Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction, First Edition, New York: Routledge, 2006. Rendell, Jane. Art and Architecture. A Place Between. London: I.B Tauris, 2006. Wolfrey, Julian. The Rhetoric of Affirmative Resistance: Dissonant Identities from Carroll to Derrida. New York: St Martin’s press, 1997. Sarah Mills graduated from the Architectural Association and has practised Architecture in London. Currently, a Senior Lecturer in Architecture at Leeds School of Architecture, a member of the Yorkshire and Humber Design Review Panel and Group Ginger.

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__________________________________________________________________ Simon Baker graduated from the Architectural Association, London. He is a practising architect, a Building Environment Expert for Design Council CABE, chair of the Architecture Centre for the Leeds City Region and RIBA Yorkshire region. Simon is also a member of Group Ginger.

Part III Vibrations: Space and Place in Music Performance

All the World Is a Stage: The Transformative Power of Space in Electronic Dance Music Irina Cvijanović Abstract According to Michel de Certeau, space exists if one takes into consideration vectors of direction, velocities, and time variables. It occurs as the effect produced by the operations that oriented it, situate it, temporalize it, and make it function in a multivalent totality of conflicting programs. Space gains the role of the practiced place. A city is a contested space, adds Tim Etchells in foreword to Jen Harvie’s book Theatre and the city, therefore it is used at the same time by many people or groups whose interests do not by any means coincide. Not only that in the city the relationship between local and global could be seen, but also between cultures nested in and around each other. Following these ideas, in this paper I focus on spaces where electronic dance music (shortly EDM) has been performed, in relation to the development of this musical genre in Belgrade (Serbia) in the nineties of the last century. During that period unrestrained existence was a kind of distant Utopia signified as opposed to everything that had happened in former Yugoslavia only in a decade: disintegration of the country, wars, and isolation. All situations were followed by the Student protest, NATO bombing and Belgrade’s revolution on October 5th 2000 when dictatorship of Slobodan Milošević toppled. Like the theatre space, as well as those permeated with the symbolic elements of ritual, spaces where EDM was performed in Belgrade during the nineties were disconnected from the outside world and marked out as special. Determining such a space as a site for play, I will illuminate its deep socio-cultural implications. Key Words: Space, city, electronic dance music, DJs, isolation, performativity, liminoid activity, resistance, in-between. ***** 1. What This Is all About? Inspired by the phrase ʽAll the World's a Stageʼ, which Shakespeare introduced in his play As You Like It to compare the world to a stage and life to a theater play,1 I indicate the ways in which electronic dance music - shortly EDM - developed in Serbia during the nineties. Precisely, from disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991 until the end of Slobodan Milošević's regime in 2000. Having in mind the fact that there is no study about EDM in Serbia, even in the whole post-Yugoslav space, the pioneering attempt will hopefully shed light on the phenomenon per se and on all facts pointing out its importance. Survey is based on: a personal field research I conducted in few phases from 2010 to 2012 with DJs, producers and promoters; popular press inquiries, reviews and media shows that promoted EDM during the

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__________________________________________________________________ nineties; but also on participation in clubbing from the mid nineties to date. In addition, as an activist during the socio-political upheaval in the former Yugoslavia which precipitated the subsequent disintegration of Yugoslavia as a result of the wars, sanctions and isolation, I took part in a number of protests which became part of everyday life in Serbia at the turn of the centuries. My survey draws on this experience which has become integral to my research topic. Finally, the focus of my attention is concentrated on the concepts of space, city space and performative space. Michel de Certeau points that space exist only if one takes into consideration vectors of direction, velocities, and time variables. It is composed of intersections of mobile elements. It occurs as the effect produced by the operations that oriented it, situate it, temporalize it, and make it function in a multivalent totality of conflicting programs. Certeau's example is clear: the street, geometrically defined by urban planning, becomes transformed into a space by walkers, and then they transform each spatial signifier into something else.2 Tim Etchells asserts that a city is a contested space because it is used at the same time by many people or groups whose interests do not by any means coincide. In the city the relationship between local and global could be seen, as well as between cultures nested in and around each other. The city becomes a space with multivalent meanings. Therefore, the model of temporary communities formed within the auditorium have the possibility to reflect to the temporary communities outside.3 Finally, Erika Fischer-Lichte elaborates that a performative space opens exceptional possibilities which focus on the relationship between actors and spectators, as well as on movement and perception. Whatever the ways in which these possibilities are realized or neglected they affect the performance space. It illuminates the fact that every movement of people, objects, even noise has a power to transform it and create an atmospheric space.4 2. The Twilight of Communism, Darkness began to Fall At the end of the eighties people in former Yugoslavia began to abandon the idea that everything should be in stasis by conjuring Josip Broz Tito’s ghost in the slogan After Tito, Tito. Separation of republics and civil war followed while ʽcollective human bodyʼ developed and constructed at the basis of Communist ideology of brotherhood and unity, converted to ʽcollective human fleshʼ.5 Situated at the atmospheric place where winds blew in all directions and make ambient mixture of East and West, at the beginning of the nineties Serbia was in a liminal space that did not allow clear visibility of the state.6 Before the period of transition and formation of constitutional democratic statehood after 2000, Serbia, guided by Slobodan Milošević dictatorship, lived in the ambient of darkness and feeling of uncertainty. The fear was part of everyday life, and the regime successfully maintained in through physical repression, social control and domination in the public sphere. The citizens in the nineties became

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__________________________________________________________________ ʽcollectively endangered bodyʼ.7 A number of difficult situations followed: the hyperinflation period when the National Bank printed banknote of 500 billion dinars, the largest nominal value which brought people to the edge of shortage, Student and civil protests, NATO bombing, and, finally, Belgrade’s revolution in 2000, on October 5th, when Milošević’s regime toppled. Being the key metropolis of South-Eastern Europe, Belgrade has always been a meeting place for art and culture and a city open to new influences. However, from the imposition of sanctions in 1991 until its partial abolition at the end of 1995, Belgrade was the most isolated in recent history. On the other hand, as a complete contrast, it started to build the base for development of EDM similarly as it was in the other world metropolises such as Detroit, Frankfurt, Berlin, and London. In that time not only dominant pop and rock culture developed within Yugoslav cultural space was marginalized and a vulgarized form of the folk revival - named turbo folk - began to emerge in the foreground, but also Belgrade’s urban night life received a new energy. Metaphorically speaking, at the dark, rainy sky appeared the hole that spawn a ray of light and pointed it on urban city clubs. EDM exploded into life and began to spread through the city, soon after through the whole country. Even though, it followed the achievements of urban pop culture developed within Yugoslav cultural space, EDM significantly differed from them. Narrative structures of pop and rock gradually began to convert into performative constructions giving attention to dance activity, body movements and its meanings. 3. Associations, Organizations and Performances At the turn to the nineties when the illegal rave scene was taking over deserted warehouses and open fields all over the Europe, group of young Belgrade’s enthusiasts saw the importance to bring new culture that was growing and implement it in the local environment. They began to organize parties, to connect with acclaimed international DJs, to promote new concept of music. Shortly actualizing new popular culture in Serbia resulted with the creation of the EDM scene. Most of the EDM pioneers were connected to Musical Editing in Radio or Television programs, either they were developing organizations such as Technokratia for promotion ideas how to use high technologies in creative purposes. Or they were just fans of this musical genre with a deep knowledge in popular music, mixing and making tracks to sound and to be danceable. Recognizing the potential of EDM, in the early nineties DJs started to organize associations such as United DJs of Trance, Integra, Kozmik, Experiment. Not only that through such associations’ DJs created good platform to express ideas and opinions in music and improve the quality of club parties, but they also built a reputation in the local community. In addition, DJs gave specific titles to their performances referring to the uncovering and questioning about new spaces as well as inducing altered states of musical consciousness. Parties appeared with titles such as Star trek, Zero G, Sonic virus – linking to the SF characters and movies;

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__________________________________________________________________ Dance Adventure, Accelerate, The Outer Limits, Temple of Mind, Spirituality, Psychodelic Trance Experience – highlighting the effects that are supposed to be experienced by the audience and transitions into the Other worlds; Techno tribe, Techno pagans – linking performances to the ritual, or whole projects such as Trans Serbia referring to travelling through time and reminding on national culture, places with the special energy which are of great importance such as fortresses, caves etc. 4. Spread of Energy: The Temple of EDM and Other Spaces Besides various clubs where firstly Belgrade DJs were playing and tending to provide educational level in their performances (they gradually created the audiences’ taste!), Industria (Industry) had been distinguished as special. Physical space was transformed into performative. Located in the city centre, Industria often referred to as the temple of electronic dance music. Its importance lies also in fact that the club is positioned at the intersection point of the urban energy. Sited in the basement of Plato’s Pub, the club of the Belgrade University Faculty of Philosophy, the square in front of the Faculty was the meeting and finishing point for the students’ demonstrations since 1968, Industria was little more than a cellar. It is a boiler room of the Faculty, where heating tubes were in the ceiling. Its décor was modelled on the industrial design of Manchester’s Hacienda club, and it would shape EDM trends in Belgrade for the next few years. With spontaneity and enthusiasm EDM pioneers took from the seriously conflicting time a piece of the city and turned it into their creative oasis. When the club opened in 1994, it looked superior and different to everything else. Walking downstairs into the club, created a sense of descending into the abyss but also into the unique atmosphere. The atmosphere was an effect of a large number of people who were dancing in phenomenal lightning and loud, energetic EDM sound. The audience presented their creativity through dance movements, clothes and dressing style which they usually wore for parties in Industria. Sun glasses and whistles were important clubbers props. Whistles became instruments for accompanying DJ performances. Creativeness was individually experienced and collectively expressed while at the same time contrasts the image of the isolated Belgrade. Entering into unique dancing experience, can be thought as liminoid activity, according to Victor Turner, where the emphasis is on entertainment and experimentation.8 Also, it provided a site for social and cultural resistance. The audience used their whole bodies to be a part of EDM performance. As a part of play, liminoid experiences were strongly connected with audiences freedom and power of dance on the EDM. Reflecting their impression of music through bodily movements and communicating with other dancers also with movements, enhanced by dressing style (which contributed to transformation), the audience experienced travelling through sound structures, investigation of space and connection with

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__________________________________________________________________ others. In that way, the audience achieved unification which was the important in establishing the collective voice. It will soon after reflects on the streets. The audience in Industria was a mix of young urban people, students, artists and longstanding clubbers. Some of them had in the club their first experience of connecting with others and achieving collectivity in that sense. Finally, club's name Industria as industrial and transformative activity, as well as its visual identity with metal bars, pipes, foil stairs – refer to something different to ordinary life. Like the theater space, Industria was disconnected from the outside world and marked as specific. Focus of EDM events soon after moved also to alternative spaces in which DJs performances were upgraded to another level connecting live musical and video performances. The aim was to observe the space for performance as a staged event, and DJ performances received a new meaning and energy. Suitable were: the old airport hangar, Industry of Motors and Tractors warehouse, unfinished buildings, for centuries existing spaces that were building up modern civilization like fortresses and Tašmajdan caves (which was out of bounds during Communist period), as well as open spaces in nature. Discovering of new spaces meant clearing the air with music and dance, transforming the space into a performative and making the audience free their spirits looking for new sources, motivation and strength, going back to the roots, or to nature as well as those places that refer on technology. Gradually EDM became a strong source of identity against the regime, even though this, at the beginning, referred to minority of urban community. For young people in Belgrade, going out clubbing was the way of showing an unspoken opposition to the dominant order. Besides, the phenomenon of EDM started to unfold not only as a reluctance of sounds of war, living in isolation, exhausting media propaganda, but also as their need to discover new sound and physical spaces. As the free space in Serbia became more and more limited, energy that was created around EDM increasingly began to expand. It gave to its participants a feeling of belonging and a good platform to develop their own meanings. Nonetheless, music and dance were transport into the new, performative spaces, unburdened of politics, depression, and full of creative ideas that seek spiritual unification. On the other hand, observing through the level of music, characteristics of EDM were significant in unification. The energy came up from the core of music. As in other parties worldwide, EDM beats and rhythm could be seen and felt in the bodies of the dancers.9 Also, rhythmical whistling gave to the performance special, signal tone. Loud sounding of music influenced the creation of noises on the streets as well as the whole concept of experiencing and interpreting sound through body. Gaston Bachelard emphasized that cellar is the dark being of the house, the being that has influence, and has a specific role in the underground powers.10 Bachelard’s

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__________________________________________________________________ idea opens up a field for thinking about possibilities on how creative energy shaped within underground EDM spaces could be transposed on the ground. Student protest Belgrade is the world that started on November 1996 and lasted until February 1997 against Milošević’s regime, was students desire to be included again in the world’s contents. As the longest youth rebellion in recent European history, the protest was colored by Shakespeare’s verse with the message that Belgrade is the stage while protest participants are equally performers and the audience.11 Not only that students used various elements and symbols form the vast field of popular culture to construct non-violent resistance (banners with cartoon heroes, popular music lyrics, even private messages; flags; dressing style, etc), but they also redefined streets through the whistling and walking. This act made a direct link to EDM. Redefining physical spaces, blowing whistles and filling the air with noise was a storming into regime controlled space, but also the moving sound that helped participants to connect through it. Blowing whistles and filling the air with sound was important. It was a system of recognition relating parties to protests; it was community building while defining who is in and who is outside the group. It was also a political act that related with specific social practice, musical genre and politics. In other words, re-defining streets with whistling sound was storming into regime controlled space, while, on the other hand, the moving sound helped participants at EDM parties to connect through it and achieve a strong “unification” with DJ and music s/he played. Repeating basic rhythmic fragments that reminded almost military signals whistle players at the streets communicated and created noise models with the intention to clear the air, eliminate evil forces and to give warning that they occupied space. The second important element of the protest were the drummers. They became one of the most influential symbols of the time. Magical power of rhythm was marked as well as creation of unique community in which all participants were part of the same rhythm and sound whether they were dancing, whistling, or drumming. Energy created by rhythm and sound from the club spaces, got its social role and gave a cultural impact to the protest.12 Whistling and rhythm created magical effects of public trance and shaped the social performance. The aim was to incorporate performance practices to achieve transforming effects. Liberation of the bodies through sound and rhythm firstly within EDM in club spaces influenced to a great extent the whole idea of moving, walking and making noise which were the most important concept of protest and demonstrations in Serbia at the turn of the centuries. In addition, EDM created energetic space that reflected on the streets and was also one of the considerable acts for transfiguration of Serbian society during the nineties. It sheds a light on the fact that EDM in Serbia during the period was not just escapism, nor just sub-culture. It was a type of lifestyle. Although, it looked like an underground culture at the beginning, EDM actually was not. It occupied the space in-between because it was presented in the State media. Firstly, in the early nineties EDM found its space at YU radio shows where

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__________________________________________________________________ DJs presented their opinions of music, played recorded DJ sets and informed listeners about parties in Belgrade. Around the same time, young people from organization Technokratia made the link for EDM promotion in the State television. Figuratively speaking, Technokratia occupied television space with the show VJ Techno and set up the base for EDM, sharing information about events, parties and educating the audience about new developments in the international scene. Also, independent media such as radio B92 promoted EDM as much as they could because in that period free speech was forbidden in Serbia while the regime tended to control whole media space. In addition, paradox appeared: through the sound space of EDM State and independent media communicated, and both they strongly influenced the development of the scene of EDM. 5. Conclusion All the facts lead to the ascertainment that it seems as if EDM found during the nineties a new atmospheric dimension that resists restrictions, conflicts and misunderstanding. Sound of EDM as a global, transnational phenomenon that allows numerous creative formations, in Serbia during the nineties was sound conjunction with world, other cultures, and field for expressing and experiencing new ideas and whole new culture that was growing. International EDM artists who played in Serbia during isolation and sanctions such as Barney York, Laurent Garnier, The Prodigy, Lady B and others, were quite surprised by good reception of the audience, their understanding of EDM as well as media openness for promotion and presentation of their performances. During the nineties EDM in Serbia colored the air with freshness and night transformed into the space of creative expression. Therefore, spaces where EDM was performed during the first phase of EDM development until 2000, clubs, alternative spaces and even streets can be conceived as experimental theatres of change. The energy that was creating within EDM phenomenon in Serbia was one of significant elements for shaping ideas about transfiguration of society and it also contributed to the creation of a strong atmospheric space of change.

Notes 1

William Shakespeare, As You Like It: The Oxford Shakespeare As You Like It , Oxford World's Classics (USA: Oxford University Press, 2008). 2 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkley, Los Angeles, London: University California Press, 1984), 117. 3 Tim Etchells, Foreword to Theatre and the City, by Jen Harvie (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), xii. 4 Erika Fischer-Lichte, The Transformative Power of Performance: A New Aesthetics, trans. Saskya Iris Jain (London and New York: Routlegde, 2008), 107.

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Dubravka Ugrešić, Kultura laži: antipolitički eseji (Beograd: Edicija Reč, 2008), 76. 6 Nenad Dimitrijević, ´Srbija kao nedovršena državaʼ. Između autoritarizma i demokratije: Srbija, Crna Gora, Hrvatska; knjiga II: Civilno društvo i politička kultura, ed. Dragica Vujadinović, Lino Veljak, Vladimir Goati and Veselin Pavićević (Beograd: CEDET (Centar za demokratsku tradiciju), 2004), 58. 7 Ugrešić, Kultura laži, 130. 8 Victor Turner, Od rituala do teatra: ozbiljnost ljudske igre, trans. Gordana Slabinac (Zagreb: August Cesarec, 1989), 113. 9 Mark J. Butler, Unlocking the Groove: Rhythm, Meter, and Musical Design in Electronic Dance Music (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2006), 3. 10 Gaston Bašlar, Poetika prostora, trans. Frida Filipović (Čačak, Beograd: Alef, Umetničko društvo Gradac, 2005), 39. 11 Aleksandra Jovićević, ‘Teatar, parateatar i karneval: građanski i studentski prostest u Srbiji 1996-1997’, Urbani spektakl, ed. Milena Dragićević-Šešić and Irena Šentevska (Beograd: CLIO, 2000), 157. 12 Sretenović, Dejan. ʽNoiseʼ, Walking on the Spot: Civil Protest in Serbia November 17 1996 - March 20 1997, ed. Radio B92 (Belgrade: B92, 1997), 90.

Bibliography Bašlar, Gaston. Poetika prostora. Translated by Frida Filipović. Čačak-Beograd: Alef, Umetničko društvo Gradac, 2005. Butler, Mark J. Unlocking the Groove: Rhythm, Meter, and Musical Design in Electronic Dance Music. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2006. Certeau, Michel de. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Rendall. Vol. 1. Berkley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1984. Dimitrijević, Nenad. ‘Srbija kao nedovršena država.’ In Između autoritarizma i demokratije: Srbija, Crna Gora, Hrvatska; knjiga II: Civilno društvo i politička kultura, by Dragica Vujadinović, Lino Veljak, Vladimir Goati and Veselin Pavićević, 57-72. Beograd: CEDET (Centar za demokratsku tradiciju), 2004. Đurković, Miša. Diktatura, nacija, globalizacija. Beograd: Institut za evropske studije, 2002.

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__________________________________________________________________ Fischer-Lichte, Erika. The Transformative Power of Performance: A New Aesthetics. Translated by Saskya Iris Jain. London and New York: Routledge, 2008. Harvie, Jen. Theatre and City. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Shakespeare, William. As You Like It: The Oxford Shakespeare As You Like It (Oxford World's Classics). USA: Oxford University Press, 2008. Sretenović, Dejan. ‘Noise.’ Walking on the Spot: Civil Protest in Serbia November 17 1996 - March 20 1997, 86-94. Belgrade: B92, 1997. Turner, Victor. Od rituala do teatra: ozbiljnost ljudske igre. Zagreb: August Cesarec, 1989. Ugrešić, Dubravka. Kultura laži: antipolitički eseji. Beograd: Edicija Reč, 2008. Irina Cvijanović is a PhD candidate at the IPP ‘Performance and Media Studies’ at the Johannes Gutenberg University in Mainz, Germany. Cvijanović is currently working on a PhD project related to the issues of new authenticity in electronic dance music in Serbia at the turn of the centuries.

Musicking Tourism: Music Performance in Bars in the Tourist Industry in the Contemporary Old Town of Lijiang, Yunnan Shuo Yang Abstract This chapter takes the transformation of music performances in bars in the Dayan Ancient Town of Lijiang, Yunnan as its research subject. Lijiang is a prefecturelevel city in the northwest of Yunnan Province, China. As one of the most popular tourist destinations in China, besides experiencing the extremely beautiful scenery and splendid minority culture, visiting the local bars with live music performances is also a must-do activity for tourists from all over the world. By the end of the 1990s, bar culture from urban cities in China began to spread to this relatively remote place and integrated with minority culture. The co-existent of different culture nurtured a leisurely urban lifestyle and a unique atmosphere of romance and love which further enabled Lijiang’s tourism industry to prosper. This chapter combines archival study, interviews, and participant observation in order to explore in detail how urban music culture entered this remote town inhabited mainly by minority ethnic people, how did this change influence the local tourism and did this new cultural image of Lijiang formed gradually. By reconstructing the transformation process of the music performance in bars and discussing the interaction between music, tourism, and social-cultural changes, it, thus, aims to illustrate the crucial role music performance in bars had during the process by which the bar culture created a new significant image for Lijiang’s tourism, which has long been overlooked by the local government or missed by scholars. In addition, this chapter demonstrates that music performance, tourist industry, and the social-cultural context engage one another actively, stimulating each other’s changes and are also responsible for each other’s existence. Key Words: Lijiang, music performance, tourism, urban bar culture. ***** 1. Introduction In his profound elaboration, Chris Small argued that music is an action rather than just an object. For this action, which means to take part in any musical activities in any capacity, he proposed a new gerund: musicking. Musicking functions as both a social and even a political act. When researching music, it is important to study musical activities, especially performance and the relationship between music, its environment, and its participants.1 This chapter takes the music performances in bars in the Old Town of Lijiang, Yunnan as its research subject. By reconstructing the transformation process of the music performance in these bars from 1995 to the present and discussing the interaction between music,

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__________________________________________________________________ tourism, and other social-cultural transformation, it aims to demonstrate that music performance in bars was important to the process through which bar culture created a new, significant image, which is central to the local tourist industry. 2. Bar Culture in the Old Town of Lijiang Lijiang is a prefecture-level city in the northwest of Yunnan province, China. The city is well known for its beautiful scenery and vibrant minority culture, which attracts many visitors (see Image 1 and Image 2). Over the past thirty-plus years of the tourism exploitation, local government has gradually turned Lijaing into a very popular tourist destination attracting people from all over the world. In 2012, Lijiang received 15,991,500 tourists, among whom, 87,400,000 overseas tourists and 15,140,000 domestic tourists.2 The Old Town of Lijiang is located in the ancient block of Lijiang. It is the earliest and most important tourism development in Lijiang. Because of its ancient history and unique architectural features, this old town was chosen as the first UNESCO heritage site in China, in 1997.

Image 1: the Old Town of Lijiang, © Yang Shuo June 2012

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Image 2: Lashi Lake, Lijiang, © Yang Shuo June 2012 In addition to the beautiful scenery and diverse minority culture, the Old Town of Lijiang is also famous for its unique atmosphere of leisure and romance. From overwhelming amount of publicity of Chinese social media and word of mouth from tourists, the Old Town has earned the appeal of the town of romantic encounters (Yanyu Zhi Cheng). This romantic encounter part is understood commonly to encompass the leisurely lifestyle in Lijiang and the love affair of people immersing themselves in the romantic atmosphere. For creating this special atmosphere, the bar culture in the Old Town is of crucial importance. Bars in the Old Town of Lijiang are not places for natives to kill time after work; they are mainly designed for tourists and new immigrants. Since the earliest bars opened on Xinhua Street in 1996, the Western bar culture started to grow in this remote place and gradually integrated with local minority culture, becoming a major attraction for tourists. Although detailed official statistics are still lacking, in the current Old Town, covering an area of 3.8 square kilometres, there are full of bars with different sizes occupied three to four main streets. On the rest of the streets, one can find one or two smaller bars every twenty meters. 3. Transformation of Music Performance in Bars of the Old Town of Lijiang During the development of bars in the Old town, the role of music performance is becoming increasingly important. One can find live music performance not only in every single bar in the old town but also in many restaurants and cafes.

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__________________________________________________________________ According to my observation, today’s Old Town bars with regular live music performances can be divided into two main categories: disco bars and live music bars. They are commonly described by natives and new immigrants as Noisy Bar (Nao Ba) and Quiet Bar (Jing Ba). From the north gate of the Old Town to Sifang Street, there is a street along which several bars face each other across the narrow canal (see Image 3). This bar street is the main location of disco bars. When the night falls, this bar street becomes an uproarious and dazzling world. The crowds and alcohol fill the air with a heady and sometimes flirty atmosphere. Live music bars are scattered in every street and small alley in the old town and they are often smaller than bars on the bar street. Although they are not located in the prime area of the Old Town, they still have a very steady cliental composed by tourists. The most popular bars are often standing-room only, for those who have not had the foresight to make a reservation. In comparison with the disco bars, the music performance in the live music bars is as described by the locals as quieter and more artistic.

Image 3: The Bar Street in the Old Town of Lijiang, © Yang Shuo July 2012 In the past two decades, the business patterns of bars in the Old Town and the performances that take place inside have experienced a gradual transformation process, which may be divided into three primary stages. The first stage is from 1995 to 2000, when the earliest bars in the Old Town were opened. After the 1996 Lijiang earthquake and the 1999 World Horticultural

Shuo Yang 75 __________________________________________________________________ Exposition, the reputation of Yunnan Province has been greatly enhanced.3 Lijiang, a beautiful but unexploited place, started to grab people’s attention internationally, especially those who were looking for a peaceful retreat from the hustle and bustle of the city. Artists and travellers gradually moved to Lijiang and opened up bars converted from old houses. At that time, there were just a few tourists making the journey to Lijiang. These bars were not operated for profit, and it is a stretch to even call them bars in the traditional sense of the word; they were more like friendly rest-stops and casual meeting places. At night, artists and their friends would get together, sitting around the fireplace, chatting, drinking beers, and singing until midnight. With this relaxing atmosphere, it was easy for people to open their hearts and fall into romantic relationships with people they had just met. They might travel together in this beautiful place and never have chance to see each other again once they left. After 2000, the development of bars in the Old Town entered the stage of commercialization. From 2000 to 2008, the annual number of tourists visiting to Lijiang grew from 2,580,000 to more than 6,000,000. 4 Because of the rapid development of the tourist industry and business in the Old Town, merchants from other provinces in China continually poured into the town and started to conduct different businesses, such as handcrafts retailing, guest houses, and, of course, the entertainment business. As a result, native residents, most of whom were ethnic minorities, drifted away from the old town and, the original minority culture and customs were gradually substituted by urban cultures.5 During 2000 to 2008, the number of bars in Lijiang continued to increase and the bar street began to take shape. On the bar street, a river divided the bars into two parts located on each side and connected by several wooden bridges. All the bars were decorated in a style with natural decorations and ethnic elements. To attract tourists and become more competitive, music performance in bars also became more commercialized. During the daytime, live singing was stabilized as a regular programme with audience requests as part of the show. The price was from thirty yuan to fifty yuan for just one song. Although the original minority culture in the Old Town has been destroyed, minority culture is still one of the primary reasons or attractions for tourists to travel to Lijiang. Thus, bar owners tried hard to emphasize and even add ethnic features into the music performance as highlights. Some bars arranged antiphonal singing (Dui Ge), a cultural custom of many Chinese minority groups, as part of the music performance. Every night, the bar street was full of tourists from all over the world. Staff working in bars wearing minority costumes often stood alongside tourists on each side of the river or just sat in bars in front of the open windows, singing in a question-and-answer format. In contrast to traditional minority antiphonal singing, in bars, tourists could sing whatever they liked, from well-known Chinese folk songs such as Jasmine Flower (Moli Hua) and Nanni Bay (Nanni Wan) to classic Chinese popular song at that time like The Love of Boat Trackers (Qianfu de Ai). For visitors from the urban areas, this music activity, which was transformed from

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__________________________________________________________________ minority culture, was new and exciting. In this exotic and beautiful town, singing out loud and relaxing themselves with people from different places was romantic. But this romance also came at a price. The antiphonal singing required an extra fee of fifty yuan. Because there was no obvious sign or previous notice telling tourists that there would be a charge of this programme, plus the endless noise from bars on the bar street, disputes and quarrels often arose between customers and managers. As a result, in January 2007, the antiphonal singing was cancelled by the LPMB-Lijiang Protection and Management Bureau (Lijiang Gucheng Baohu Guanliju). Not only did the intervention of LPMB fail to prevent people from trying to combine the minority feature into their daily music performance; it increased the transformation of performance in the disco bars on the bar street. In the mean time, various popular cultural performance projects such as Lishui Jinsha and Yinxiang Lijiang were launched in Lijiang one after another. These pressurized bar owners to become even more commercialized and increase the entertainment experience for tourists. Music performance became the essential business strategy. When I was doing my fieldwork in the Old Town last year, I can easily hear the deafening disco music from as far away as the north gate of the Old Town. On the bar street, waiters and waitresses sway their bodies or clap along the music to attract people’s attention. According to my observation, music performance often starts at 8 pm, including song and dance shows and vocal performances by minority singers. These programmes are interspersed with DJs playing disco music as the break of every section. In the arrangement of music performances, minority features and the atmosphere of entertainment are emphasized greatly. Performers, from the singers to the host, are all peoples from different ethnic groups in Yunnan province or introduced as minority peoples. The performance repertoire includes newly composed songs describing the hospitable tradition and romantic story of minority people and the beautiful scenery in Lijiang, and some rhythmic popular songs sung in mandarin. As for the song and dance show, I vividly remember my amazement when I went to these bars and observed the song and dance show for the first time; I was shocked by the degree of commercialization. Immediately after the host introduced the name of the song, the booming beat of the music filled the air while the host continued to shout through the microphone to excite the audience. At the same time, more than ten young, beautiful women, smiling and wearing magnificent but revealing costumes, walked onto the stage from every corner of the bar and started to dance, psyching up the audience (see Image 4). Also, many of the bars use high technology equipment, such as the LED lights and screens to play advertising videos of scenery in Lijiang and local customs, creating a more immersive experience for the audience. The whole show is conceived as a gathering of sisters and brothers from the different minority groups of this beautiful place to welcome visitors from all around the world.

Shuo Yang 77 __________________________________________________________________

Image 4: Song and Dance Show in a Bar on the Bar Street, © Yang Shuo December 2011 A possibly unique feature of the bar street is that when tourists walk along the street, they can find slogans everywhere promoting an idealized image of malefemale relationship or love affair. Just to name a few examples, on the central bottom of the picture taken on the bar street, a slogan states that all women are paper tigers (suoyou nvren doushi zhi laohu), which literally means that all women are just tough on the outside, but if the pursuer is brave enough, they can all be conquered, and using limited life time to date as many girls as you can (yong youxian de shijian pao wuxian de niu) play to ignorant and misinformed male sensibilities (see Image 5). According to my observation, these interesting and seductive slogans were definitely one of the most popular sights on the bar street. Since 2008, different bars have been working hard to create the most glitzy music performance to attract customers. Because of the rampant commercialization, the so-called romance atmosphere on the bar street now has degraded into a world of tawdry over-indulgence. Some tourists I talked to even use the attribute horrible to describe the music on the bar street. However, during the same period, another type of bar had been developing and had quickly become very popular among tourists – the live music bar. The predecessor of the live music bar was street performance in the Old Town of Lijiang. From 2007, artists and street singers started to busk on the streets of the Old Town. The main instruments often included a guitar and a Djembe, which continue to be the most popular formation of the band in a live music bar today

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__________________________________________________________________ (see Image 6). The songs they sang were either their original songs about life in Lijiang or popular urban folk and rock songs. During these performances many tourists stop when passing by and stay for a while to listen. This form of street performance was very well received and reached its climax in 2008. However, increasing numbers of buskers caused crowd congestion on the narrow street, which attracted the LPMB’s attention and resulted in strict restrictions and controls over street performances. Under this circumstance, live music bars started to open one by one in the Old Town. Different from bars on the bar street, bar owners of live music bars(known as ‘Quite Quiet? Bar’) intended to bring everyone back to the time when bar was a place for people to communicate and get together easily and happily.6

Image 5: Slogans on the Bar Street, © Yang Shuo June 2012 In live music bars, the creation of a romantic environment is extremely important. The sense of romance does not just mean people’s expression of love, but it also indicates an ideal lifestyle of simplicity, joy, and relaxation. Every component of this romantic environment is crucial, especially the music performance. According to my observation, most live music bars are designed in the elegant and traditional style. The bars are dimly lit with candles everywhere. The fire pond, which belongs to the cultures of several minority groups, is an important feature of live music bars in the Old Town. Tourists often press together around the fire pond, listening to music, relaxing, and getting drunk (see Image 7).

Shuo Yang 79 __________________________________________________________________ Live music bars provide only live music performance. Good singing skills and legendary life stories of singers are also significant determinants of the popularity of certain live music bar. To satisfy the tastes of different tourists, the repertoire includes not only classic popular songs in Chinese or English with new instrumentation, such as The Time of Wake Up（Mengxing Shifen）and Baby by Justin Bieber, but also singers’ original pieces. The lyrics are about their life in Lijiang or their understanding of love, from which one could easily sense the leisurely lifestyle in Lijiang and the emphasis on seizing the opportunity to love.

Image 6: Street Performance in the Old Town of Lijiang, © Yang Shuo August 2008 Their performance style is very casual. When singing or playing instruments, singers often hold a cigarette or a bottle of beer in their hands, chatting with audience members, making jokes, or asking audience members to sing along with the performers. The strong interaction between singers and audiences quickly narrows the gap between people and helps to establish a friendly and comfortable space for everyone. 4. Conclusion Since the urban bar culture entered the Old Town of Lijiang in the 1990s, music has been transformed from an adornment of people’s lives into one of the most important attractions for tourists from all around the world. The transformation of live performance in bars and different types of music also reflects the process

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__________________________________________________________________ through which the tourist industry in Lijiang searched a unique identity for this place other than picturesque scenery and rich minority culture, and promoting this new identity to the nation and the world. Music performance in bars takes the performing form from urban culture and adds local minority ethnic features, although the latter has been heavily commercialized.

Image 7: Audience Sitting Around the Fire Pond and Listen to Music, © Yang Shuo June 2012 During the development of bar culture in the Old Town of Lijiang, music performance, tourist industry, and other social-cultural context continued to interact with one another, simulating each other’s changes and meanwhile, are responsibile for each other’s existence. Music performance, while being adapted to meet the increasing needs of the tourism market and influenced by local government, has integrated with extra-musical elements such as the decoration style of the physical space, interaction between singers, audience, and alcohol, creating a unique environment for tourists in Lijiang to escape the pressure of city life. This has resulted in the creation of a new image as ‘the town of romantic encounters’, attracting increasing numbers of tourists to revisit this old town.

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Notes 1

Christopher Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening (Hanover, NH and London: Wesleyan University Press, 1998), 1-18. 2 Lijiang Shi Lvyou Ju ‘ 二 零 一 二 年 丽 江 市 旅 游 接 待 情 况 ’ 丽 江 旅 游 局 http://lj.xxgk.yn.gov.cn/canton_model56/newsview.aspx?id=2136701 (accessed March 3,2013) 3 He Shiyong 和仕勇, ed. Lijiang Gucheng Zhi 麗江古城志 (The Old Town of Lijiang Annals)( Kunming: Yunnan Minzu Chuban She 昆明：雲南民族出版社, 2011), 470. 4 Lijiang Shi Lvyou Ju 麗江市旅遊局 (Lijiang Tourism Bureau). Last accessed 2 February, 2013. http://lj.xxgk.yn.gov.cn/canton_model56/default.aspx?departmentid=6019 5 He Shiyong 和仕勇, ed. Lijiang Gucheng Zhi 麗江古城志 (The Old Town of Lijiang Annals)( Kunming: Yunnan Minzu Chuban She 昆明：雲南民族出版社, 2011), 475. 6 Interview with Da Song, owner of Fan Jian, in Lijiang, 6 July 2012; interview with Xiao Yan, bar investor, in Lijiang, 14 July 2012.

Bibliography Cao, Lin, and Pu Hengjian 曹林，蒲亨建. ‘Guangzhou jiuba yinyue jiqi wenhua Beijing diaocha yanjiu(shang)’ 廣州酒吧音樂及其文化背景調查研究（上）. Yinyue Yishu 音樂藝術 (The Art of Music) 04(2010): 44-52. ———. ‘Guangzhou jiuba yinyue jiqi wenhua Beijing diaocha yanjiu(xia)’ 廣州酒 吧音樂及其文化背景調查研究（下）. Yinyue Yishu 音樂藝術 (The Art of Music) 04(2011): 73－81. Small, Christopher. Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening. (Hanover, NH and London: Wesleyan University Press, 1998), 1-18. Deng Yongyong 鄧勇勇. ‘Jiyu youke xuqiu de lijiang dayan guzhen yejian lvyou chanpin diaocha fenxi’ 給予遊客需求的麗江大研古鎮夜間旅遊產品調查分析 (Analysis of Night Tourism Products in Lijiang Dayan Old Town Based on the Needs of Visitors). Shengtai Jingji 生態經濟(Ecological Economy) 2(2011) 246250.

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__________________________________________________________________ He Shiyong 和仕勇, ed. Lijiang Gucheng Zhi 麗江古城志 (The Old Town of Lijiang Annals). Kunming: Yunnan Minzu Chuban She 昆明：雲南民族出版社, 2011. Lijiang Shi Lvyou Ju 麗江市旅遊局 (Lijiang Tourism Bureau). Last accessed 2 February, 2013. http://lj.xxgk.yn.gov.cn/canton_model56/default.aspx?departmentid=6019 Long, Xiaoyi 龍肖毅. ‘Dali gucheng lvyou jiuba wenhua ganzhi shizheng yanjiu’ 大理古城旅遊酒吧文化感 知實證研究 (An Empirical Study of Tourist Bar Culture Sensation in Dali Old Town). Dali Xueyuan Xuebao大理學院學報(Journal of Dali University) 9, no.1(January 2010):34-37. Sina Video.’Lijiang Jiubajie zhifu Muxin Zuoke Xinlang Yunnan Lijiang Pindao’ 麗江酒吧街之父牟鑫做客新浪雲南麗江頻道(An Interview with Mu Xin – Father of Bar Street in Lijiang), Sina. Accessed December 23, 2012. http://video.sina.com.cn/v/b/67885169-2076897471.html Zhongguo Lijiang Lvyou Wang 中國麗江旅遊網(Lijiang Travel Network). Last accessed 2 February, 2013. Shuo Yang is MPhil candidate of Ethnomusicology, University of Hong Kong. Her most recent research deals with the interaction among music performance, tourism, minority culture and the urban socio-cultural environment of contemporary Lijiang.

Part IV Creations: Production and Consumption in the Fashion and Music Industries

Image Thunderstorm: Brazilian Urban Fashion and Music as a Symbolic Web Maria Carolina Garcia, Sylvestre Luiz Thomaz Gonçalves Netto, Carolina Testoni Parisi Corrêa, and Silvana Ventura Ribeiro Bujarski Abstract The aim of this chapter is to create a discussion about the diverse cultural sign systems that compose the symbolic web present in Brazilian urban fashion. This work analyses the rain of images that pop up in street wear, supported by the influences and interferences of Brazilian pop music and cultural multiplicity, through the semiotics of culture. Norval Baitello semiotic approach and the miscegenation theories developed by Amalio Pinheiro offered support to the research. The blend of everything together and mixed, as a result of the combination of man and culture, brings along the cultural miscegenation as a fracture of signs that leads to (new/other) articles of clothing which constantly try to reflect innovation. Key Words: Image, street style, Brazilian fashion, Brazilian music, cultural semiotics, miscegenation, symbolic web. ***** 1. Introduction: Rain of images I am not Brazilian I am not a foreigner I am not from anywhere I am from nowhere I am not from São Paulo I am not from Rio, I am not Portuguese I am not from Brasília, I am not from Brazil No nation has given birth to me I don’t care. I am not there I am not here.1 Where do multi-exposure and interposition take us? The song ‘Lugar Nenhum’ (‘Nowhere’), a track launched by Brazilian rock band Titãs in the 1987 album Jesus não tem dentes no país dos banguelas (Jesus has no teeth in the country of the toothless), seems to discuss such question. A dynamic net of information and image exposure, which is shown in the song lyrics above, points out various

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__________________________________________________________________ contradictory references. Moreover, it simultaneously requires a constant flow of renovation while pursuing renewable mental images. When referring to various places, the song writers state that nowhere is actually where it all begins and ends up. They provide diverse information: either references of places, distinct ideologies or different cultures. Everything is put together, then mixed and remixed with a purpose, creating a sort of kaleidoscope. This multiple granary of images, constantly supplied, ends up causing a feeling of emptiness, mostly due to the confusion it generates while mixing references from all over. In culture, such feeling is only filled up with another series of image exposures, creating then a permanent loop. This situation generates a blend of blurred images. Emerging from tangled information, such kaleidoscopic images put aside the role of object and might take control over one’s imagination. A strategy like this is developed through the essence of symbols, leaving material aspects aside. Actually, symbols seem to appeal to listeners in two ways: a) by bringing back personal memories of the items quoted; b) by sharing such images in a common ground, the song itself. An image, a simple drawing at first sight, seems to assume a three dimensional presence, having a life of its own and acquiring implicit meanings which are continuously renovated every time the lyrics are shared. It is as if there was an invisible layer of meaning lying underneath each word spelled by the musicians and the crowd that sings and shares their hit. Therefore, it becomes more and more important to arouse all senses, so as not to be sedated by images that look new on one side, but also bear hidden meanings in the other side. As Norval Baitello analyses, being everything simultaneously might lead one to become nothing as well.2 So, one should be willing to search for innovation in this new composition, or mixture, wherever it appears. Images begin to devour people’s bodies, at least the way they used to think about them, while travelling on the surface of objects, that is, they share their meaning erratically.3 Whenever images start to ‘swallow’ previous images, a process known as iconophagy is established. The concept of iconophagy, developed by Norval Baitello Júnior and supported by Cultural Semiotics, tells us that images are tools that we might use as a way of writing.4 The superposition deconstructs individual symbolism and invites us to add divergences, creating a single image made of various others and with multiple layers of meanings. When neither we decipher nor we use them, they end up devouring the imagination. Within this profuse gathering of information that is pointed out, it is possible to realize that fashion consumers, as well as music lovers, mix and match information. They look for their individualities in order to set their position and impose themselves to the society as unique. In a certain way, it is possible to understand that fashion is subjective. In other words, the inner world of each person comes to the outer side of his body through his way of dressing and composing, or styling, the multiple images that are shown on the body.5 Fashion,

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__________________________________________________________________ as well as music, is a means of symbolic communication in which images play a major role. Image, a magic word, derives from the Latin word imago and refers to the portrait of a dead person. This means that the image retains the presence of an absence and vice-versa. The image represents something that is no longer present and that is why it is included in the second reality, the one that refers to humankind dreams and fantasies6. Humans are not only what we see, that is, the biological aspect of the body. On the contrary, the body holds concealed invisible messages that unfold in cultural, social and linguistic symbols. They represent information that has been intrinsically stored in minds and dreams, wishes and daydreams, stories and traditions since human origins.7 As Norval Baitello says, ʽthe long life of symbols can only be possible due to their support, the imageʼ.8 Not only clothes are part of this scene, but all the surroundings. Bodies act as a source of expression and a means of communication from which postures, appearances, biotypes and gestures can be accessed. This new edition of mixtures brings in its base the maintenance of cultural roots. They include mythological and historical references as well as beliefs. All things considered, can we see ourselves as victims of the huge Rain of Images that consume us? In times of globalization, we are exposed to an expressive amount of images. It is like a storm that constantly hits us. As much as the feeling of showing off is born, it becomes necessary to look like and perhaps become an image. As the images wear out, they are devoured by new ones, which keep recycling the first ones. After all, can we be considered victims or executioners? Are we doomed to be controlled by media? According to the Media Theory developed by Harry Pross and largely discussed by Norval Baitello Júnior, the body is the primary source for communication9. When two people meet there is an exchange of information through countless links, channels, relations, connections and languages. Therefore, the primary media demands two bodies in the same time-space. Man starts to realize his ability to communicate with others. On the other hand, he also understands that his physical death, which generates non-physical existence, ends such ability to command the constant reinvention of his self-image. If the body is the transmission vehicle of human symbolism and main source of its expression, body absence freezes his image in other’s memories. If there is no control left over these memories, physical absence marks a sort of non-existence. Consequently, the conflict of being eternally present generates an enormous fear of death.10 As a result, rituals and symbols are created and used to keep man alive. 2. The Storm We grow up listening to the illustrious saying of Leonardo Da Vinci: ʽthe eyes are windows of the soulʼ. Close the windows! We are constantly invaded by storms that are miscegenation of images. For instance, Paralamas do Sucesso, a famous

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__________________________________________________________________ Brazilian pop rock band from the 1980s, used to make crowds sing together every time they played their song ‘Aonde quer que eu vá’ (‘Wherever I go’).11 Singing the chorus along with the band leader, each person might image, in his own fantasies, who the aforementioned subject of the song might be, evoking a silent and powerful personal memory. Therefore, the song lyrics state this storm invasion precisely at the point when the singer repeats the chorus ‘wherever I go/ I take you/ in my eyes’. An image, as we understand it, includes any kind of communication with conventional and figurative signs that walk side by side in all the socio-cultural journey of the society, self-transforming, editing and re-editing itself. An image creates itself and gets lost. Afterwards, it becomes a mean of changes and an invitation to submission, as the above mentioned lyrics illustrate. The massive communication of technological devices, such as internet apps that allow people to download music, propels images at an immense speed. In a way, they are pushed in a mass process, creating a symbolic consumption pattern. As it happens in Paralamas do Sucesso song, every moment images interpenetrate and create new images and symbolisms. They become wish and consumption products and therefore acquire economic value in the capitalist world. They are present in fashion, on TV and movie screens, in desires, in gestures, in tastes. They are everywhere. However, when choosing what we want to see, we do not realize what we see and we do not go deeply. The storm of information aims at a modelling; it constantly releases a bombardment of images that does not permit the information to reach our souls, or, better saying, that our souls see it. Thus, we get inert, sat as if we were being punished. 3. Brazil and Its Rain of Mixed Images So far, how has Brazil been dealing with the images brought by foreigners since the colonization process? As previously mentioned, an outfit assumes the role of a second skin; it transforms the body into a support for images and gives life to them. In ancient times it used to bring along all the imagery from traditions and rituals, painting and primitive masks, reflecting the unconscious. As Norval Baitello states, ʽfashion is where the body survives in its ancient vivacityʼ.12 In Brazilian 1600s and 1700s society, due to its Portuguese colonization, clothes and habits were typical portraits of Europe at that time. European role models were kept faithfully by immigrants, from fabrics to silhouettes, not even considering the high temperatures of the tropics. At the time of the Portuguese Empire in Brazil, the manufacturing of garments was done by seamstresses and embroiderers that had settled not only in the capital, but also in prominent towns.13 Although cotton production had already started in Brazil, it was supposed to be used for the clothes of the less privileged social classes, mainly formed by slaves and natives.14

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__________________________________________________________________ Brazil, a result of a shock of many cultures at the same space and time, suffered a disruption with the so-called classical civilization processes. Diverse skin colours, languages and cultures, all of them from different origins, were gathered and grouped on the same ground. Because of the high complexity of its settlers, Brazil suffered anthropophagic translating processes which transformed this country into a dense structure of intersemiotical translation.15 The lyrics of the song Canta Brasil, eternalized by Brazilian female singer Gal Costa, present images of this mixed country. An indigenous Brazil, followed by the arrival of black slaves and European colonizers, which brought along their baroque/ romantic movement, is presented in the lyrics. The jungles have given you your barbaric rhythms at night And the black have brought reserves of weeping from far away The white ones used to talk about love in their songs And from this mixture of voices your singing was born. 16 This is the beginning of the hybrid image about Brazilian land. The acceptance of cultures and traditions of others transmutes, blends and shapes itself. The sudden encounter creates a new man. Consequently, a new culture is formed by the miscegenation. On the other hand, it also causes a fracture of signs against its changes and presentations. The absorption and transformation of contents is able to modify a sign system and even create a new one. The exchange among these cultures and symbols generates a new, unique and different culture, with its own distinct semiotics. Brazilians were born hybrids, considering the blend of cultures. The nation is definitely a heterogeneous mixture. The country cities do not have a particular style, they are neither classical nor Renaissance inspired, instead they sum up layers of elements that do not show a precise style when harmonized as one.17 Brazilians are heirs of several cultural traditions. They are wealthy in their construction; they have used this information to generate their own language of renovated signs. This interesting kaleidoscope generates new images and texts at each movement. Many differences share the same space and they are transformed into an idle game, which requires fitting, moving and articulation. It is important to highlight the 1920s Week of Modern Art (Semana de Arte Moderna) as a significant movement regarding the valorisation of these Brazilian hybrid feelings. Artists from different areas were gathered in an anthropophagic movement intending to make Brazilian traditions clear. This group of artists, through their works, culturally shook the mixture of national urban references,

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__________________________________________________________________ causing a rupture with the traditions (copy and acceptance of the European model) and opening space to Brazilian freedom. Amálio Pinheiro tells us that miscegenation is the ability to embody and acknowledge the presence of the other in different situations18. As a matter of fact, it means a relation which allows all participants to be symbolically devoured and digested in a plural way. It is an endless and sometimes unpleasant process, for it is difficult to understand and assume in daily life. In Latin America, and especially in Brazil, miscegenation has been present since the European arrival on its lands, both in fashion and in music. In the sixties, fashion designer Zuzu Angel broke barriers and used native and artisanal raw materials from Brazil in her creations.19 Musician Heitor Villa-Lobos expressed the in and out movement praising the culture from Brazil. His positioning can be noticed in his classical songs that bring up Brazilian themes. Brazil, due to its enormous territorial extension and according to its different ways of colonization, geographic and/or social formation, owns a countless range of musical and melodic texts. Anthropologist Hermano Vianna explains that if a man from a different origin is inserted in such a hybrid culture as the Brazilian one, that is, a culture in which this man does not belong, but where he feels good, he can assume these many roots as his own.20 Altogether, local and foreigner create a new rhythm of walking and allow the body to remain at a constant and exciting party. He explains the feeling: this happens due to the passion of being alive, as well as for the allowance to be hybrid. Samba music, born in Africa, brings along in its lyrics and melodies the sound of Afro descendants summed up to build a representation of popular Brazil. It has its exaltation at carnival, one of the most traditional celebrations. The pagan feast, which disrupted boundaries and penetrated the core of every Brazilian city, is one of the first feasts where hierarchies are inverted and the break of patterns is allowed. The proletarians cross-dress themselves, they are transformed into kings, a small bourgeoisie… using words and behaving in ways that are not theirs.21 Nothing is static in Brazilian culture. It is necessary to exchange, interlace, agree and be connected with time and environment. It is fundamental to give in to trade-offs and cross languages. These are actually symptoms of cultural miscegenation. Brazilian social movements, born from regional, political or different cultures, have been better reflected in its fashion and music since the sixties. These movements usually appear as a need or social claim that brings along the ways and fashions of the lower classes. This situation is exemplified by musical waves such as Tropicália, Bossa Nova, Hip Hop, Pagode and in the regionalist musical traditions as Axé, Sertanejo, Tecno-Brega, Forró and others. According to Amálio Pinheiro, the best example of miscegenation can be found in street style, in lower social classes, in the non-official knowledge, at the suburb dances, in street conversations, in nursery rhymes and in the way people dress. 22

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__________________________________________________________________ Many of these Brazilian fashions are temporary and, as a consequence, they are absorbed by the middle class and propelled by social and mass media. Nowadays, it is possible to see programs that aim lower classes and it is clear that the stimulus for these people to turn out to be opinion-makers is present. The image seen in popular movements is much bigger than a rebel social voice. It is a contemporary portrait of the local culture. Each time a group stands out above the others, fashion comes out in the way of rhythms and outfits. Nízia Villaça points out that in the Eastern society, the first author to outline the idea of glocal was sociologist Roland Robertson23. According to these thoughts, the concept of ‘glocalization’ has the merit of restore to globalization its multidimensional reality; the interaction between global and local would avoid the word ‘local’ to define only an identity concept, against the modernity chaos, which is considered dispersive and bound to homology. She says that in the glocal (global and local) world, mass media appeal towards difference democratizes, making available a new dynamic in the periphery. She also refers to anthropologist Hermano Vianna, who comments about culture in the periphery as ʽa baroquefashion-pop of powerful gaugeʼ. 24 Suburban culture is also a smashing TV broadcasting hit, mainly because there is a current need to expose already existing prominent social cultures in Brazilian music. Suburban musical movements, like Afro-Reggae and Axé, in Bahia; Funk, in Rio de Janeiro; Tecno-brega, in Belém do Pará, constitute major radio and tv shows attractions. This contemporary Brazilian musical miscegenation brings its fashion counterpart as well, which translate to clothing language these musical movements. They are a source of inspiration for the development of fashion collections. Besides, they are able to influence the ways of dressing of each group as well. Brazilian street style inspired by music moves in a picturesque way. Movements burst on rapidly by the immediate creation of a media icon, by the opportunities of brand creation from news or by the random choice of a brand to define a movement. Therefore fashion items showcased by these elements become wish products. Urban fashion is a precise portrait of a hybrid Brazil where colours, shapes, styles and individual choices blend in an interesting plurality. The regionalisms create an intersection with both the dynamic of globalization and the social identity of each social group. Everyone assumes the right to be different and fulfil his identity. Media in all their genres expose people to the symbolic webs of images, either real or subjective, and assume an important reference in cognitive consumption. This generates a divergence in the meaning of the image. Not always what is read is what is seen. It is in the image decoding that it is possible to differentiate the consumer. The same product has different symbolisms according to who wears and styles it. However, it is necessary to have cultural background to establish a link

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__________________________________________________________________ with the product.25 The diverse social classes reprocess the symbolic webs, allowing the appearance of new significances according to each culture. Such situation is easily noticed in national television broadcasts. Brazilian leading TV channel Globo Network offers in its Sunday morning a schedule of attractions from which an entertainment program called Esquenta (Warm up) calls the attention. Produced by anthropologist Hermano Vianna and hosted by popular actress Regina Casé, whose career was built mainly through engagement in TV programs which connect the suburbs and the cities, Esquenta shows the image of everything-together-and-mixed perfectly. Samples of music styles such as pagode, funk and samba, sang and danced by favela inhabitants, artists and intellectuals, are the basis of the Sunday attraction. It mingles the poor and the wealthy using body language and body images. Many different groups of people are put together, nevertheless, they keep their heterogeneous characteristics. Taking into account Nízia Villaça thoughts, ʽit is in homogenized globalization that one looks for the heterogeneousʼ.26 This can be noticed not only in such symbolic web and its multiplicity of information, but also in the storms of images that pour over Brazilian cultures. One can feel Brazilian identity being built through such kaleidoscopic mixture. Brazilian music and Brazilian fashion are just flashes of the colored portrait of images built by Brazilian people, who are always in the process of creation, edition and re-edition.

Notes 1

Arnaldo Antunes, Charles Gavin, Marcelo Frommer, Sérgio Britto, Tony Belotto, ‘Lugar Nenhum’, Song played by Titãs. Jesus não tem dentes no país dos banguelas, 10th track, 45 RPM, producer Liminha, recorded September, 1987 (São Paulo: WEA, 1987), LP. 2 Norval Baitello Jr, A era da iconofagia – ensaios de comunicação e cultura (São Paulo: Hacker Editores, 2005), 25. 3 Carol Garcia, Imagens errantes: ambiguidade, resistência e cultura de moda (São Paulo: Estação das letras e cores, 2010), pp. 10-44. 4 Norval Baitello Jr, A era da iconofagia – ensaios de comunicação e cultura, 32. 5 Cristiane Mesquita, Moda contemporânea – quarto ou cinco conexões possíveis (São Paulo: Anhembi Morumbi, 2007), 78-90. 6 Ivan Bystrina. Tópicos de Semiótica da Cultura. Pré-print. (São Paulo: PUC-SP, 1995). 7 Norval Baitello Jr, A era da iconofagia – ensaios de comunicação e cultura, 17. 8 Ibid.,14. 9 Ibid.,32.

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Ibid. Herbert Vianna; Paulo Sérgio Valle. ‘Aonde quer que eu vá’. Song played by Paralamas do Sucesso. Arquivo II. 12nd track. 45 RPM, 1991/2000, producer Carlo Bartolini, recorded September 2000, (Rio de Janeiro: EMI, 2000), DVD. 12 Norval Baitello Jr, O pensamento sentado – sobre glúteos, cadeiras e imagens (Rio Grande do Sul: Unisinos, 2012), 43. 13 Carol Garcia, Ana Paula de Miranda. Moda é comunicação: experiências, memórias, vínculos. (São Paulo: Anhembi Morumbi, 2005), 41-44. 14 Carol Garcia, Imagens errantes, 45-60. 15 Denise Lourenço, ‘Fanzine e procedimentos antropofágicos’, O meio é a mensagem, editor Amálio Pinheiro (São Paulo: Estação das Letras e Cores, 2009), 88. 16 Alcir Pires Vermelho; David Nasser, ‘Canta Brasil’. Song played by Gal Costa. Meu nome é Gal. 10th track, 45 RPM, producer unknown, recorded 1989 (São Paulo: Universal Polygram, 1989), LP. 17 Manuel J. Palmerim, Literatura e consciência política na América Latina (São Paulo: Global Editora e Distribuidora Ltda, 1969), 16. 18 Amálio Pinheiro, O meio é a mensagem, 9-16. 19 Carol Garcia, Ana Paula Miranda, Moda é comunicação: experiências, memórias, vínculos, 51. 20 Hermano Vianna. ‘Sem vergonha nacional’. O Globo, 10 de junho de 2007. Segundo caderno (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Globo, 2007). 21 Nízia Villaça. Mixologia: comunicação e cultura de consumo. (São Paulo: Estação das Letras e Cores, 2010), 150. 22 Amálio Pinheiro, O meio é a mestiçagem, 25-26. 23 Nízia Villaça. Mixologia, 176-215. 24 Ibid., 187. 25 Ibid., 56. 26 Ibid., 93. 11

Bibliography Baitello Jr., Norval. A era da iconofagia – ensaios de comunicação e cultura. São Paulo: Hacker Editores, 2005. Baitello Jr, Norval. O pensamento sentado – sobre glúteos, cadeiras e imagens. Rio Grande do Sul: Unisinos, 2012. Garcia, Carol, Miranda, Ana Paula. Moda é comunicação: experiências, memórias, vínculos. São Paulo: Anhembi Morumbi, 2005.

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__________________________________________________________________ Garcia, Carol. Imagens errantes: ambiguidade, resistência e cultura de moda. São Paulo: Estação das Letras e Cores, 2010. Lourenço, Denise. ‘Fanzine e procedimentos antropofágicos’, O meio é a mensagem, edited by Amálio Pinheiro, 85-90. São Paulo: Estação das Letras e Cores, 2009. Mesquita, Cristiane. Moda contemporânea – quatro ou cinco conexões possíveis. São Paulo: Anhembi Morumbi, 2007. Palmerim, Manuel. Literatura e consciência política na América Latina. São Paulo: Global Editora e Distribuidora Ltda, 1969. Pinheiro, Amálio. O meio é a mensagem. São Paulo: Estação das Letras e Cores, 2009. Vianna, Hermano. ‘Sem vergonha nacional’. O Globo, 10 de junho de 2007. Segundo caderno. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Globo, 2007. Villaça, Nilza. Mixologia: comunicação e cultura de consumo. São Paulo: Estação das Letras e Cores, 2010. Maria Carolina Garcia is a fashion journalist and author based in São Paulo, Brazil. As the founder and chief culture officer of NAU, Carol has been travelling the world as a coolhunter since 2000. She is also a professor at Anhembi Morumbi University. Sylvestre Luiz Thomaz Gonçalves Netto is a communication scholar interested in Marketing, Fashion Sociology and Politics. Currently, he is working within the field of Culture Semiotics at CISC/ PUC-SP. Carolina Correa Testoni Parisi is a fashion designer and postgraduate student in Fashion Business. She designs and develops collections for jeanswear companies. Silvana Ventura Ribeiro Bujarski is a fashion stylist. Her expertise touches the field of design and development of fashion products as well as the field of purchase. At present she collaborates with the Fashion, Image and Consume Research Group.

‘Pirates’ and ‘Freetards’: The Discourses and Rhetoric of Online Music Consumption Nick Webber Abstract The availability of recorded music in online digital formats (e.g. mp3, streams), and the increasing use of the Internet to access and acquire music, has provoked significant public debate in recent years. Sharing of music, for little or no cost, has been extensive and music industry organisations, whose revenue streams and established business models are threatened by this activity, face off against what they see as consumers and advocacy groups that support this alternative to commercially-priced physical recordings. Yet the digital music market has matured as this debate has proceeded, and in 2013, music is available through a variety of paid online services, to stream or download at relatively low cost. And while many of the earlier arguments advanced both for and against online formats and free filesharing have proven difficult to sustain, the rhetorical positions adopted by many producers, distributors and consumers of music more than a decade ago are recited broadly unchanged. And indeed, sharing has long been at the heart of debates about the economics and culture of music. What, then, can this debate tell us about music consumers and their relationship to the music industry? This chapter investigates the ways in which online music consumption has been presented during the period from 1999 to the present. It focuses specifically on both internal and external constructions of music consumers, including file-sharers and their communities. The study examines these discourses and rhetoric not for their oftcited commentary on rich music industry organisations or freeloading file-sharers, but instead for their insights into popular music consumption cultures and their practices. Their narrative of criticism and justification help us to explore the identities performed by music consumers, and to understand how those consumers make meaning from their consumption. Key Words: popular music, online music, music industry, music culture, file sharing, downloading, discourse, rhetoric. ***** 1. Introduction With the launch of Napster in 1999, the sharing of copyrighted music files online quite suddenly became a significant mainstream activity. A public debate about the implications of this for the major music industry continues even today. Participants in this debate have take up some quite extreme rhetorical positions, with many arguments hinge on speculation – whether or not someone who downloaded a song for free would or would not otherwise have bought it, for

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__________________________________________________________________ example – and in essence it’s impossible to bring this debate to a satisfactory conclusion. We can, however, use the debate as a source of information: participants reveal their views of music consumers and their own consumption practices, and we can learn something about the way public debates are shaped by advocacy of particular positions and by ways of thinking about those positions. In what follows, I will investigate some of the ways in which online music consumption has been presented during the period between 1999 and the present day, focusing on constructions of music consumers, including file-sharers. I will examine the discourses and rhetoric employed in the public debate for insights into the culture and practice of popular music consumption. The narrative of criticism and justification helps us to explore the identities performed by music consumers, and to understand how those consumers make meaning from their consumption. 2. The Story so Far… There is already a substantial body of academic work on online music, a large amount of which has tried to measure the volume of file-sharing taking place and its impact on the music industry,1 and there has been some polarisation among academics on this issue.2 Unfortunately, this economic focus has tended to crowd out other aspects of the debate altogether.3 Other scholars have criticised this reductionism,4 and offered a more nuanced understanding of the impact of the technical innovations that have taken place.5 People can now consume music in more ways than they ever have previously, and practices in relation to music have changed as a consequence. It’s also been suggested that an understanding of music consumption should be rooted within wider notions of music fan practice.6 Some scholars have explored consumption in more detail in particular contexts, and they have highlighted the need for further analysis.7 Unfortunately, some studies that have investigated music consumption have adopted (probably unwittingly) the rather pervasive rhetoric of the major music industry, and this has potentially distorted their outcomes.8 My aim here was to avoid some of these problems by looking at perhaps more organic sources of information. To gain ready access to discussions which incorporated not only industry views but also those of music consumers themselves, I decided to base this study on news coverage of online music, specifically that produced by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)’s online news service. There is a huge amount of material in the public domain about online music, but the BBC’s material gives a sense of continuity: they have a consistent and accessible archive of online news over around 16 years, and certainly between 1999 and 2013, and they generally avoid the inflammatory stances of some wellknown commentators on online music, such as The Register’s Andrew Orlowski, who is known for calling file-sharers ‘Freetards’.9 The BBC open many articles for comment, and their extensive readership means that stories can often attract

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__________________________________________________________________ hundreds of reader responses. Here, then, I see news as a provocation, which elicits comments from readers. The BBC news site returns over 1200 items in response to a search for ‘online music’, and while many of these give us little information, in order to make this study manageable, I sampled 50 articles in total. These included hundreds of comments by the general public, as well as a number of uncommented stories, which supplied context or included specific music industry commentary. In analysing the postings, I focused on three areas: the ways industry representatives talked about music consumers; the ways consumers talked about themselves; and the way the context of the debate shaped the discourses presented. 3. Fans, Consumers and Customers The terminology used by debate participants was notable, particularly the words ‘fan’, ‘consumer’, and ‘customer’. Music industry representatives seemed tremendously careful about the terms they used, and in this they differed from both commenters and news authors. There was an overwhelming tendency for industry representatives to refer to ‘consumers’, and they only used other terms very infrequently – ‘fan’ occasionally as a rhetorical device, for example10 – which suggests a coherent position and a clear perspective. ‘Consumers’ seems to act as a catch-all and neutral term: consumers use music whereas customers buy it, and so through its choice of terminology the industry appears to address all participants in music consumption. For others, there is rather less precision, and terms are used semi-interchangeably: one comment referred, for example, to ‘the consumers, the fans’,11 and authors would sometimes vary their terms within a single article.12 Furthermore, authorial use sometimes clashed with industry usage: ‘despite the launch of many legal download services, customers still seemed to prefer to get their music free online’.13 Interestingly, the terminology used by commenters changed to relate to the nature of the debate. In mid-2000, the term ‘fan’ was used several times in comments on one Talking Point piece, for example.14 Yet in a similar piece from mid-2001, ‘fan’ was being supplanted by ‘consumer’; and, as time went on, ‘consumer’ was increasingly supplanted by ‘customer’.15 Thus while commenters’ terminology to describe themselves varied, it seemed to be meaningful. The term ‘fan’ seemed to be particularly important. It was used in both a positive and negative or critical manner by commenters: some self-identified as fans (e.g. ‘As a keen music fan’),16 and some musician commenters referred to ‘my fans’.17 But there was a clear tendency, both among commenters and music industry representatives, to use ‘fan’ as a way of criticising file-sharing behaviour. ‘I think every music "fan" who supported Napster should be ashamed’, wrote one commenter.18 So fan, along with the related term music-lover, appeared to be used as an indicator of status, value, and credibility. It was also used in the construction ‘real fan’; a more explicit assertion of authenticity or critique. ‘REAL fans’ are

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__________________________________________________________________ better than consumers of ‘ready-made-popstar tv’,19 we are told, and ‘a true fan’ would buy multiple copies of the same CD if they had different cover art.20 But, equally, ‘if you steal music you can’t be a real music fan’21 and, in the words of one teenager, ‘if you were a true fan of an artist then you would go out and buy their music’.22 This idea of authenticity is also associated with another term: ‘pirate’. Again, this is a term industry representatives seem to avoid, but commenters and article authors use it more freely. Industry quotes refer to piracy, and to pirate goods, but not, in general, to pirates as people. The term is not absent from the discourse of the industry more generally, though – a quick look at IFPI reports shows extensive use of the word (although, interestingly, this usage seems to reduce after c. 2007).23 But in the context of news, we see the more neutral ‘piracy’ and its relation ‘illegal file-sharing’, of which more later. For commenters, though, ‘pirate’ plays a role of similar importance to ‘fan’. Article authors use pirate extensively and (almost) carelessly,24 but commenters seem to deploy it more thoughtfully. It is predominantly used critically, and only on rare occasions do commenters selfidentify as pirates, perhaps to note the distinction between youthful and adult behaviour25 or in a more political (and, arguably, non-naming context), to refer to membership of the Pirate Party.26 The broader pattern of use is easily recognisable as a practice of othering. Who exactly pirates are goes undefined, but they are not the person who is talking about them. The issue of authenticity, however, only seems to emerge for those acting in what might be called marginal positions: ‘People who download music for profit (the REAL pirates) are wrong, but the vast majority use it to gauge the latest musical influences’, we are told;27 ‘the real focus shouldn't be on internet downloads for personal use but on the professional pirates that distribute illegal CDs and DVD at car boot sales and markets’.28 4. Consuming Music In the course of debate about online music, commenters also often describe their consumption media of choice, their reasons for choosing, their frustrations with their consumption experience, and their wants and needs as music consumers. Although many of these perspectives are very individual, they sometimes indicate a growing consensus about specific concerns with the online music experience. In 2012, this was summarised very well by one contributor: What if there is no legal release of the song that you download? What if the DRM on a song I have purchased makes it impossible to play legitimately [sic]? What if I already own a copy but the disc has been damaged? What if I have paid for it with no option to refuse, and want an easily storable copy (BBC broadcasts for instance)?29

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__________________________________________________________________ While we might see this as a (short) manifesto of justifications for downloading music for free, it is clear that there are underlying and important cultural practices here. Throughout the period, many comments mentioned access to back catalogues and music not presently on release, not only as a reason to download, but as an injunction to the music industry to provide desired services.30 Closely keyed to this requirement was the idea of using downloading services and, in later years, streaming services, to revisit songs from the past, to ‘wallow for hours in nostalgic listening’ as one commenter remarked.31 The issue of DRM, digital rights management, first appeared in comments around 2002, but by 2006 this was such a concern that a quarter of the responses to an ‘ask the industry’ feature engaged with this specific issue.32 Though some people were simply affronted by restrictions on what they saw as their possessions, many others were concerned about the inflexibility that DRM brought to their consumption experience, well summarised in one complaint: ‘I would like to download more but the fact that where I listen and watch is not the same as where I download causes me problems’.33 These objections highlight practices of platform shifting, using music in multiple locations, and the importance of convenience and portability in the use of music. Comments also indicated that, when frustrated, people instead downloaded music for free or returned to the use of physical formats.34 All of these issues can be seen to some extent as part of an interrogation of the position that downloading music for free is problematic. Yet, as noted, this is quite a short list in many ways, due perhaps to the changing nature of online music over time. In earlier years, comments referred to other consumption practices facilitated by free downloads which were clearly important to music users. Perhaps the most significant of these, discussed in many early posts, is the idea of sampling music prior to purchase. Drawing analogies in some instances with radio as an initial source of new musical experiences,35 the desire to preview the contents of an album before investing money and to discover new artists was widespread.36 Notably, this particular complaint begins to disappear around the middle of our period, suggesting that this need had been met, perhaps by sites like Last.fm and YouTube, and by song previews. Elsewhere, the issue of sharing music with friends, another important practice facilitated by file-sharing and prevented by DRM, can be seen to be met by services such as Spotify, for example.37 Of course, some commenters reject online music entirely, preferring physical music products. A 2013 article about the collapse of music chain HMV elicited numerous comments detailing attitudes to physical and online music. Many exhibited a preference for physical formats, sometimes alongside online music, and cited a variety of reasons including the experience of holding or shopping for the artefact, the security of ownership, and recording quality.38 These issues recur throughout the period, with earlier comments also mentioning problems using online services, the format-specific needs of different consumption locations (at work, for example), and DRM as previously noted.39

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__________________________________________________________________ 5. Economics and Law In many ways, these discourses and practices reflect a nuanced version of those we might expect to encounter. There are, in addition, a number of other practices, which are mentioned in isolation – downloading for free to avoid the embarrassment of buying a particular CD, for example – and other criticisms of the music industry, such as the timing of releases. But the issue of physical versus online formats highlights a discourse which is represented throughout the vast majority of comments on these articles, and which is perhaps more surprising than others. This discourse is focused on economic and financial issues, and is, I would suggest, the dominant discourse in these discussions. A major reason given for choosing physical artefacts over digital is cost. Throughout the period, commenters insist that music is too expensive, that downloads should be cheaper than physical products, and that the music industry is too rich. And while I was initially uninterested in what I regarded as a fairly commonplace construction of wealthy major labels, it is such a strong theme here that it would be foolish to ignore it. Robbie Williams’ personal wealth was cited as an example of music industry excess in three successive years (2002-4),40 and people reported that financial considerations were an important factor in their music consumption choices – whether they bought downloaded or physical music, but also whether or not they bought music at all, and what kind of music they bought when then did so.41 And while some such perspectives stem from a need to justify the use of file-sharing sites, clearly those choosing CDs over online services for price reasons were signalling a more substantial issue, which formed a fundamental part of their music consumption practices and experience. We must also consider a further complication here: this is a mediated debate. Some comments were guided by prompts from article authors,42 and even where they were freely solicited, commenters were responding to the provocations the articles presented. It is also noteworthy that a large number of articles on these subjects seem to result from music industry press releases. Some articles lead with statements like ‘The British Phonographic Industry (BPI) has warned it may sue people who swap songs on the Internet illegally’,43 and these might be expected to provoke particular kinds of responses. As a consequence, the rhetoric of the major music industry, articulated in this case through a trade association, has a distinct influence on the public debate. As it is the industry and not the consumers who make the news, therefore, the news reflects industry concerns, shaping the resultant discussion. That music fans reimagined themselves as customers during this debate is perhaps a clear indication that it reflects a specific kind of relationship. Similar influences can perhaps also be seen in the legal discourse, which surrounds discussions of file-sharing. As noted already, the music industry talk about illegal file-sharing alongside (and often interchangeably with) piracy. In the early years of the study period, the meaning of downloading was rather unambiguous – there were no sanctioned services in place, so to download or to

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__________________________________________________________________ file-share was to indulge in a particular kind of practice.44 But, as official services appeared, a distinction began to be drawn between different kinds of online music access; the influence of the vocal music industry representation is perhaps clear in a strong shift towards a discourse of illegality, therefore; the phrase ‘illegal downloading’ had, by late 2002, become commonplace in comments.45 6. Conclusion So the public debate about file-sharing and online music more generally reveals a number of perspectives on music consumption. The music industry use terminology carefully, and authors and audiences more freely but with significant meaning, and authenticity is important even when talking about the other. Commenters initially identified themselves as fans, but came to regard themselves principally as consumers and then, more recently, as customers, with ‘fan’ and ‘pirate’ used as oppositional terms reflecting appropriate behaviour. At the margins, the trope of the ‘real fan’ or ‘real pirate’ was used to support a case for a particular interpretation or view on that behaviour. In practice terms, early access to unfettered sharing prompted clear identification of ‘desirable’ practices which consumers wanted the music industry to facilitate, and which are in fact still under discussion today. In a recent video, a representative of Sony Music Entertainment observed that they are still figuring out what music fans really want.46 Surprisingly, (at least to me) the issue of money appears to be far more central to music consumption experiences than more ‘artistic’ interpretations of music activity might lead us to believe, not only as a major factor in music-related decision making, but also resulting in an underlying hostility to the major music industry. The extent to which this is a result of music industry and or file-sharing discourse, and the extent to which it results from individual and societal circumstances, benefits further investigation. Finally, the nature of debates of this kind, and the way they are stimulated and located, clearly affects the discourses presented. Particularly, here, we are reminded of the distorting effect of mediation when there is uneven access to newsmaking.

Notes 1

See for example, Luca Molteni and Andrea Ordanini, ‘Models of Online Music Consumption: Definition and Implications for Management. SDA BOCCONI, Research Division Working Paper No 02-70’, SSRN eLibrary (2002); Steve Jones and Amanda Lenhart, ‘Music Downloading and Listening: Findings from the Pew Internet and American Life Project’, Popular Music and Society 27.2 (2004); David Bounie, Marc Bourreau, and Patrick Waelbroeck, ‘Pirates or Explorers? Analysis of Music Consumption in French Graduate Schools’, SSRN eLibrary

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__________________________________________________________________ (2005); Kembrew McLeod, ‘MP3s Are Killing Home Taping: The Rise of Internet Distribution and Its Challenge to the Major Label Music Monopoly’, Popular Music and Society 28.4 (2005); William Kinnally et al., ‘Getting up on the Download: College Students’ Motivations for Acquiring Music via the Web’, New Media & Society 10.6 (2008). Peter Tschmuck, ‘The Economics of Music File Sharing – A Literature Overview’ (paper presented at Vienna Music Business Research Days, University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, June 9-10, 2010) notes the contradictory nature of the findings of many studies. 2 For the industry position see, for example, Shane Homan, ‘Dancing without Music: Copyright and Australian Nightclubs’, Popular Music and Society 33, no. 3 (2010). The converse can be seen in Robert L. Frost, ‘Rearchitecting the music business: Mitigating music piracy by cutting out the record companies’, First Monday 12, no. 8 (2007), viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.firstmonday.org/ojs/indexphp/fm/article/view/1975/1850. 3 Dave Laing and Norton York, ‘The Value of Music in London’, Cultural Trends 10.38 (2000). 4 Andrew Blake and Graham Jeffery, ‘Commentary: The Implications of “the value of Music in London” for Local and Regional Music Policy’, Cultural Trends 10.38 (2000); Gilbert Rodman and Cheyanne Vanderdonckt, ‘Music for Nothing or, I Want My MP3: The Regulation and Recirculation of Affect’, Cultural Studies 20. 2 and 3 (2006). 5 Rob Drew, ‘Mixed Blessings: The Commercial Mix and the Future of Music Aggregation’, Popular Music and Society 28.4 (2005); Fabian Holt, ‘The Economy of Live Music in the Digital Age’, European Journal of Cultural Studies 13.2 (2010). 6 Tim Wall and Andrew Dubber, Specialist Music Fans Online: Implications for Public Service Broadcasting (Birmingham City University; Arts and Humanities Research Council, 2009); ‘Experimenting with Fandom, Live Music, and the Internet: Applying Insights from Music Fan Culture to New Media Production’, Journal of New Music Research 39.2 (2010). 7 See, for instance, Sarah Louise Baker, ‘Pop in(to) the Bedroom: Popular Music in Pre-Teen Girls’ Bedroom Culture’, European Journal of Cultural Studies 7.1 (2004); Dan Laughey, Music and Youth Culture (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006); Andy R. Brown, ‘Popular Music Cultures, Media and Youth Consumption: Towards an Integration of Structure, Culture and Agency’, Sociology Compass 2.2 (2008); Nathan Wiseman-Trowse, Performing Class in British Popular Music (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Ann Werner, ‘Girls consuming music at home: Gender and the exchange of music through new media’, European Journal of Cultural Studies 12.3 (2009).

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For example, the UK Children Go Online study assumed that the downloading of music was illegal, and related it to hacking (Sonia Livingstone, UK Children Go Online: End of Award Report, viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.esds.ac.uk/doc/5475/mrdoc/pdf/q5475uguide.pdf ). 9 For example, Andrew Orlowski, Take that, freetards: First music sales uptick in over a decade, accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.theregister.co.uk/2013/02/28/ipfi_annual_music_stats/. 10 Geoff Taylor, Time to take on the file sharers, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7452621.stm. 11 Rory Cellan-Jones, Music piracy - who’s on the moral high ground?, accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-18892655, comment 95. 12 Some use all three, for example Michael Geist, Why popstars are going it alone, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7047723.stm. 13 BBC, ‘Legal downloads swamped by piracy’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7832396.stm. 14 BBC, ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point/853706.stm. 15 Compare, for example, comments from June 2001 (BBC, ‘End of free music on the web?’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point/1373072.stm), August 2003 (BBC, ‘Record sales for ‘cheap’ albums’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/3158767.stm) and April 2005 (BBC, ‘Online music lovers “frustrated”‘, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/4474143.stm ). 16 BBC, ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/3395161.stm, comment 47. 17 E.g. BBC, ‘Napster: A musician’s view’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/1168030.stm. 18 BBC, ‘End of free music on the web?’, comment 30. 19 BBC, ‘Digital download day: Your views’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/2293175.stm, comment 88. 20 BBC, ‘Copyright controls “out of tune”‘, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/2968216.stm, comment 3. 21 John Kennedy, ‘Digital music: Industry answers - “How can teenagers be persuaded?”‘, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/4642374.stm#7. 22 BBC, ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’, comment 28. 23 See for example, IFPI, ‘IFPI Music Piracy Report’, viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.ifpi.org/content/library/piracy2001.pdf; ‘The Recording Industry Commercial Piracy Report’, viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.ifpi.org/content/library/piracy2003.pdf; ‘Digital Music Report’, viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.ifpi.org/content/library/digital-music-report-2007.pdf.

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BBC, ‘Net firms in music pirates deal’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7522334.stm., for example. 25 BBC, ‘Digital download day: Your views’, comment 25. 26 Finlo Rohrer, ‘Getting inside a downloader’s head’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/8106805.stm, comment 9. 27 BBC, ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘, comment 23. 28 BBC, ‘EMI boss defends music industry’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/3079908.stm, comment 25. 29 Cellan-Jones, ‘Music piracy - who’s on the moral high ground?’, comment 58. 30 For example: Rory Cellan-Jones, ‘Facts about file-sharing’, accessed 13/4/2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/technology/2009/11/facts_about_filesharing.html, comments 19 and 41; BBC, ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’, comments 3, 6, 50, 73, 75, 77, 79 & 100. 31 BBC, ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’, comment 77; Laura Schocker, ‘Spot kicks’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/8174101.stm, comment 3. 32 BBC, ‘Digital music: Ask the industry’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/4596228.stm. 33 Ibid., comment 68. 34 E.g. BBC, ‘Online music lovers “frustrated”‘, comment 27. 35 For example, BBC, ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘, comment 23. 36 For example, BBC, ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’, comments 19, 25, 27, 37, 57, 59, 63, 69, 84, 89 & 100; BBC, ‘Digital download day: Your views’, comments 28, 59, 67, 88 & 90; BBC, ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘, comments 4, 10, 12, 32, 41, 50, 74 & 81. 37 Schocker, ‘Spot kicks’, comment 4. 38 BBC, ‘Digital music ‘becomes mainstream’ in the UK’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-21365281, see particularly comments 28, 108, 64, 96. 39 BBC, ‘Digital download day: Your views’, comments 41, 52. 40 Ibid., comment 33; BBC, ‘EMI boss defends music industry’, comment 24; BBC, ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘, comment 55. 41 For example, BBC, ‘Digital download day: Your views’, comments 43, 74, 41. 42 ‘You told us your views on the price of CDs’, for example: BBC, ‘Record sales for ‘cheap’ albums’. 43 BBC, ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘. 44 See, for example, BBC, ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’ and BBC, ‘End of free music on the web?’ 45 BBC, ‘Digital download day: Your views’. 46 BPI, ‘Digital Music Nation - Interviews’, accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.bpi.co.uk/videos.aspx.

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Bibliography Baker, Sarah Louise. ‘Pop in(to) the Bedroom: Popular Music in Pre-Teen Girls’ Bedroom Culture’. European Journal of Cultural Studies 7.1 (2004): 75-93. BBC. ‘Copyright controls “out of tune”‘. Accessed http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/2968216.stm.

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2013,

———. ‘Digital download day: Your views’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/2293175.stm. ———. ‘Digital music ‘becomes mainstream’ in the UK’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-21365281. ———. ‘Digital music: Ask the industry’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/4596228.stm. ———. ‘EMI boss defends music industry’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/3079908.stm. ———. ‘End of free music on the web?’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point/1373072.stm. ———. ‘Legal downloads swamped by piracy’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7832396.stm. ———. ‘MP3 verdict: should Napster be shut down?’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/talking_point/853706.stm. ———. ‘Net firms in music pirates deal’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7522334.stm. ———. ‘Online music lovers “frustrated”‘. Accessed http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/4474143.stm.

24

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2013,

———. ‘Record sales for ‘cheap’ albums’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/3158767.stm. ———. ‘UK song-swappers “could be sued”‘. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/music/3395161.stm.

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__________________________________________________________________ Blake, Andrew, and Graham Jeffery. ‘Commentary: The implications of ‘the value of music in London’ for local and regional music policy’. Cultural Trends 10.38 (2000): 35-40. Bounie, David, Marc Bourreau, and Patrick Waelbroeck. ‘Pirates or Explorers? Analysis of Music Consumption in French Graduate Schools’. SSRN eLibrary (2005). BPI. ‘Digital Music Nation http://www.bpi.co.uk/videos.aspx.

Interviews’.

Accessed

24

June

2013,

Brown, Andy R. ‘Popular Music Cultures, Media and Youth Consumption: Towards an Integration of Structure, Culture and Agency’. Sociology Compass 2.2 (2008): 388-408. Cellan-Jones, Rory. ‘Facts about file-sharing’. Accessed 13/4/2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/technology/2009/11/facts_about_filesharing.html. ———. ‘Music piracy - who’s on the moral high ground?’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-18892655. Drew, Rob. ‘Mixed Blessings: The Commercial Mix and the Future of Music Aggregation’. Popular Music and Society 28.4 (2005): 533-551. Frost, Robert L. ‘Rearchitecting the music business: Mitigating music piracy by cutting out the record companies’. First Monday 12.8 (2007). Viewed 24 June 2013, http://firstmonday.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/1975/1850. Geist, Michael. ‘Why popstars are going it alone’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7047723.stm. Holt, Fabian. ‘The economy of live music in the digital age’. European Journal of Cultural Studies 13.2 (2010): 243-261. Homan, Shane. ‘Dancing without Music: Copyright and Australian Nightclubs’. Popular Music and Society 33.3 (2010): 377-393. IFPI. ‘Digital Music Report 2007’. Viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.ifpi.org/content/library/digital-music-report-2007.pdf.

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__________________________________________________________________ IFPI. ‘2001 IFPI Music Piracy Report’. Viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.ifpi.org/content/library/piracy2001.pdf. IFPI. ‘The Recording Industry Commercial Piracy Report 2003’. Viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.ifpi.org/content/library/piracy2003.pdf. Jones, Steve, and Amanda Lenhart. ‘Music Downloading and Listening: Findings from the Pew Internet and American Life Project’. Popular Music and Society 27.2 (2004): 185-199. Kennedy, John. ‘Digital music: Industry answers - “How can teenagers be persuaded?”‘. Accessed 7 October 2015. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/4642374.stm#7. Kinnally, William, Anamarcia Lacayo, Steven McClung, and Barry Sapolsky. ‘Getting up on the download: college students’ motivations for acquiring music via the web’. New Media & Society 10.6 (2008): 893-913. Laing, Dave, and Norton York. ‘The value of music in London’. Cultural Trends 10.38 (2000): 1-34. Laughey, Dan. Music and Youth Culture. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006. Livingstone, Sonia. ‘UK Children Go Online: End of Award Report’. Viewed 24 June 2013, http://www.esds.ac.uk/doc/5475/mrdoc/pdf/q5475uguide.pdf. McLeod, Kembrew ‘MP3s Are Killing Home Taping: The Rise of Internet Distribution and Its Challenge to the Major Label Music Monopoly’. Popular Music and Society 28.4 (2005): 521-531. Molteni, Luca , and Andrea Ordanini. ‘Models of Online Music Consumption: Definition and Implications for Management. SDA BOCCONI, Research Division Working Paper No 02-70’. SSRN eLibrary (2002). Orlowski, Andrew. ‘Take that, freetards: First music sales uptick in over a decade’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://www.theregister.co.uk/2013/02/28/ipfi_annual_music_stats/.

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__________________________________________________________________ Rodman, Gilbert, and Cheyanne Vanderdonckt. ‘Music for Nothing or, I want my MP3: The regulation and recirculation of affect’. Cultural Studies 20.2 & 3 (2006): 245-261. Rohrer, Finlo. ‘Getting inside a downloader’s head’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/8106805.stm. Schocker, Laura. ‘Spot kicks’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/8174101.stm. Taylor, Geoff. ‘Time to take on the file sharers’. Accessed 24 June 2013, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/7452621.stm. Tschmuck, Peter. ‘The Economics of Music File Sharing – A Literature Overview’. Paper presented at Vienna Music Business Research Days, University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, 9-10 June 2010. Wall, Tim, and Andrew Dubber. ‘Experimenting with Fandom, Live Music, and the Internet: Applying Insights from Music Fan Culture to New Media Production’. Journal of New Music Research 39.2 (2010): 159-169. ———. ‘Specialist music fans online: implications for public service broadcasting’. Birmingham City University; Arts and Humanities Research Council, 2009. Werner, Ann. ‘Girls consuming music at home: Gender and the exchange of music through new media’. European Journal of Cultural Studies 12.3 (2009): 269-284. Wiseman-Trowse, Nathan. Performing Class in British popular music. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. Nick Webber is Senior Researcher and Research Developer at the Birmingham Centre for Media and Cultural Research, Birmingham City University, UK. His current research includes contemporary popular music consumption, online archiving and civic history, and the culture of massively multiplayer online games.

Exploring a Digitised, Networked Milieu: The Cardiff Independent Music Sector in the Age of Immaterial Product Joanne Coates Abstract The rise to prominence of digitised networks and platforms of wireless communication brings with it an increased focus on immaterial labour and production, highlighting the transformative effect on economic, political and social relations within and across online and offline spheres. This issue is particularly salient for the music industry, where debates over the possibilities and pitfalls of digitisation have been dominated by the interests of large mainstream music labels, who strongly oppose the decline of established and lucrative business models amid the rise of peer-to peer filesharing and declining CD sales. This doctoral research sought to challenge the privileged status afforded to mainstream discourses, examining the economic and social bases of change as experienced by promoters, musicians and audiences in Cardiff’s independent milieu. Adopting a multimethod, qualitative approach, this chapter uncovers the evolving attitudes to illegal filesharing. It highlights not only how the social practices of promotion and communication between social actors transforms the way music is shared, but also facilitates new forms of social relations across online and offline domains. The decommodification of music in its immaterial form, and its subsequent recommodification across online and offline modes has resulted in dramatic shifts in the way music is promoted. Such findings raise important issues relating to economic sustainability, and how that can be achieved under such emergent conditions. This chapter explores new ways in which professionals are attributing value to music and other products, which in turn has implications for understanding adaptation to key challenges of digitisation. What emerges is a need to acquire a wider understanding of such impacts across the entirety of the music sector, not merely the priorities of the mainstream. Key Words: Music industry, digitisation, immaterial product, illegal filesharing, sustainability. ***** 1. Introduction This chapter discusses one aspect of my PhD thesis, an ethnographic study of Cardiff’s independent music sector from 2009-2011. Broadly, the research sought to understand the social bases of change arising from the rise to prominence of digitisation and online networks amongst an independent music milieu.1 It explores not only how the social practices of promotion and communication between social actors transforms the way music is shared, but also facilitates new forms of social relations. The research uncovered the complexity of the operation and practice of

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__________________________________________________________________ prosumption amongst audiences of the milieu, eschewing celebratory narratives to reveal the patchy and unpredictable nature of democratisation of participation of consumers within the milieu.2 Another dimension to this study, and the aspect that will be more closely examined in this chapter, relates to the emerging attitudes to illegal filesharing in the independent context. As part of understanding the social bases of change, it was important to explore how professionals were making sense of the disruption that immaterial product, the mp3 music file, had caused to established (and previously lucrative) mainstream business models. This chapter firstly proposes a re-orientation in thought, for both the mainstream music industry and the policy direction of the UK Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS), suggesting that instead of focusing purely on economic losses as a result of illegal filesharing, that such shifts be viewed in their social context as part of a wider set of changes. Secondly, the de-commodification of music in its material form, and its subsequent re-commodification across online and offline domains has resulted in innovative modes of value creation. Finally, it concludes by challenging the mainstream music industry discourse around illegal filesharing, recommending a more inclusive approach to policymaking across the entire music sector. 2. Emerging Social and Economic Shifts in a Digitised Milieu The nature of Cardiff’s independent milieu differs markedly in composition, operation and the nature of interaction between professionals and audiences in comparison with mainstream acts and large record labels. This research makes no attempt to compare the two on equal terms. It instead seeks to highlight new forms of sociality emerging from digitisation, and make the case that the mainstream should take such developments into account in order to devise more innovative and less draconian modes of regulation. This chapter will firstly highlight three important social and economic shifts identified in the PhD thesis, before moving onto understanding the implications of these shifts for the illegal filesharing debate. The first issue is that of changing notions of value attached to the music itself, and the new modes through which value is being created. Despite resistance from the mainstream, digitisation has acted as the catalyst for such re-negotiation of value. Economic value of music is declining as other, once peripheral products, become more salient, evident in the increase in price of gig tickets and merchandise. The decline of the CD as a popular format, in conjunction with the sheer accessibility of mp3’s has contributed to a rampant collecting behaviour amongst consumers, which renders music disposable. The notion of the single or album as the most valued commodity has been eroded in favour of the à la carte mode of purchasing promoted by iTunes and other facilities. As the value of music decreases, new regimes of value are being instilled in other artefacts and experiences.3 This is of particular significance in the Cardiff milieu, and highlights how digitisation has contributed to an emerging fluidity within the

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__________________________________________________________________ production/consumption relationship in which traditional notions of commodity value have been destabilised, whilst other products are increasingly assigned value. The ways in which this is being achieved within the Cardiff milieu is experimental, but indicates a significant shift in efforts to remain sustainable in amid increased economic precarity. As the reconfiguration of value has been highlighted within the literature, so too has the issue of democratisation of creation and dissemination of digitised product amongst so-called ‘prosumers’.4 Prosumers can be defined as consumers who take a more active and creative role within a given milieu, but who are not in a predominantly productive role. The ability for almost anyone to create and transmit their work has been constructed by many as one of the defining features of the internet and the digital transformation.5 However, this research questions such a smooth narrative, proposing that there are certain side-effects of such positive developments which call into question the extent to which democratisation is present within practices of communication and exchange. Instead, consumers are not so much creating their own content, but aggregating professionally created data, which has indirect social effects, resulting in a less dynamic movement amongst prosumers. The need for intelligent promotion is called for to prevent the breakdown of professionalism in promotion, and to maintain engagement with fans, thus ensuring quality and sustainability of the independent milieu; something that is of great importance to the mainstream. Finally, alongside disruptions of value and democratisation comes evidence that digitisation is also reconfiguring motivations for pursuing a career in independent music. Whilst previous research has highlighted the binary between cynical mainstream sector pursuits and the more noble, art for its own sake ethos, this chapter provides a more nuanced picture of motivations which complicates these oppositions.6 Although romanticised notions of the independent milieu and their claims to authenticity exist, there is evidence that such claims are being disrupted and redefined in the digital era. The data show that although professionals make such claims, not all those working within the milieu consider this their primary motivation. There is some expectation that their work will garner some form of revenue, however realistic this possibility may be. Musicians and promoters framed discussions of their work within terms that emphasised monetisation and sustainability, suggesting that making a living, no matter how small, was also important in this context. Sustainability becomes increasingly important as a means to reinstate professional credibility, and evidence of such motivations has important bearings on the wider challenges to sustainability that digitisation has threatened, namely, the long-established modes of commodification and revenue generation. This chapter argues that the independent Cardiff milieu’s approach to sustainability, although in a state of transformation, can serve as lessons for other sectors of the music industry and can serve to combat

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__________________________________________________________________ justifications for draconian approaches to illegal filesharing espoused by the mainstream industry. 3. Illegal Filesharing: Acceptance and Adaptation in the Milieu This chapter emphasises the importance of taking note of the perspectives of the independent milieu and its contribution to the economic and social debates around digitisation. The complexity of social and economic change has been alluded to above, but equally important is communicating the wider implications of these shifts and their use in altering the perspectives of those fixated solely on economic threats posed by digitisation, such as the mainstream’s punitive approach to illegal filesharing. It is argued that independent perspectives highlight a multitude of other transgressions, but that they are also developing a range of adaptations to such situations in order to ensure their endeavours become sustainable. An important condition for this was their attitudes to illegal filesharing and to the affordances of digitisation as a whole. Unlike the unified discourses emerging from the mainstream, these accounts are diverse and highlight the plurality of attitudes that exist amongst independents. The case for a potential sharing culture can be made in this milieu, and was welcomed to various degrees by professionals who took part in the research. From promoters’ and musicians’ perspectives, the changes brought about by digitisation were to be adapted to rather than resisted. There was an acceptance of sharing, and a sense of inevitability around the changing modes of consumption. For the most part, professionals agreed that the most constructive approach was adaptation as opposed to resistance, as these quotes from promoters and musicians illustrate: (...) but I think it’s never going to be stopped (...) filesharing (...) I mean, you could just (...) say for instance you meet someone you have a lot in common with and you say ‘oh, I know this band, you’ll really like them’ (...). I mean, that’s filesharing, that’s just sharing an interest with someone’ (Gareth, musician).7 Hard-line initiatives to reduce piracy by punitive methods towards consumers were considered futile and out of step with the economic and interactional set up of consuming and discussing music online, as Gareth continues: (...) I wouldn’t say [filesharing is] illegal, I wouldn’t say it’s morally wrong either...I mean, you can’t call listening to music a crime really, at least that person is listening to it, and without filesharing they might not have even listened to that band (...).8

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__________________________________________________________________ Practices, such as sharing of unlicensed music are increasingly considered acceptable, or even necessary to the innovative reproduction of the milieu. These findings point to a potential re-orientation within the independent milieu with regards to legality, and have important implications for the way music is disseminated. Furthermore, such acceptance questions traditional boundaries of sustainability espoused by the mainstream. Despite discourses of acceptance and adaptation to the benefits and pitfalls that digitisation has brought, sustainability was still a top priority for many professionals, as Gareth elaborates further: (...) two of the songs we recorded with [name of band], they cost us over £500 (...) so we don’t want to give them away (...) because it took a lot of production and time and effort and our money (...) we can’t just throw it away (...).9 Promoters highlighted the importance of giving away music as ‘taster’ content in certain circumstances, and in this sense is an indicator of adaptation. This highlights the changing landscape of promotion as music is shared across online and offline spaces.10 However, this was only acceptable provided that outcomes relating to promotion and consumption of music remained sustainable. Respondents drew the line at unfettered access to content without remuneration, advocating a new set of promotional tactics, which attempted to ascribe value to existing or new products in their drive towards sustainability. There was little broad support for the creative commons ethos, indicating a continued commitment to neo-liberal values which privilege individual ownership and the right to benefit financially from their own creative output. It became apparent that such perspectives framed efforts to retain sustainability, whilst acknowledging the reality of digitisation. 4. Innovation in Promotion and Fan Engagement: Advocating Adaptation The following section will outline fledgling attempts to re-ascribe value to music or music-related products and how such practices may have implications for the music sector more widely. Professionals in the Cardiff milieu are experimenting with new methods of value creation in an attempt to maintain sustainability. Not only are they challenging established economic models of revenue creation, but also reconfiguring social relations with fellow professionals and fans. Here, two examples are cited; the first discusses the way in which musicians are attempting to re-inscribe value into physical products and the gig, and the second elaborates on attempts by musicians to encourage fans to submit their own content for promotional purposes. Independent musicians have aimed to secure fan engagement across both online and offline spaces. Combating what they view as an increased disengagement with

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__________________________________________________________________ physical acts of fandom, such as attending gigs and the decline of CD sales, they have aimed to foster sustainability through securing novel forms of payment, as musician Joel explains: (...) one of the new formats is that you get a card. It’s a unique card with a unique code (...) but it’s a card with our art on it...it’s like you scratch away or whatever, and it’s got a code and you go to a specific website and you type in the code and you get the album for like two, three pound and still make a profit (...).11 Not only does the physical artefact secure purchase of their music and give fans the favoured digital format, it also successfully engages milieu members both in the embodied experience of the gig and in the legitimate purchase of music, with the revenue going directly to the artists.12 The bridging of online and offline engagement in such a way attempts to bridge the gap between the materiality of the purchase and the consumption of the immaterial product, invoking the aesthetics that were so important pre-digital i.e. the album artwork. This example constitutes an attempt to re-inscribe value to both previously valuable cultural product, and also to the music in its immaterial form. Online spaces are also used to encourage a continuous engagement between audiences and professionals in a mutual reproduction of the milieu. Musicians frequently attempted to engage their fans in a variety of creative tasks to support their promotional efforts. Some can provide a direct promotional purpose, such as recruiting fans to make up street teams, but others included designing tattoos for the musicians and designing artwork for album covers, evidence of reviving more traditional conceptions of fandom and participation, but also a willingness to harness their prosumptive capacity.13 Although this was an adaptive response on the part of the musicians, prosumption is constructed predominantly through musician need, and although important to the reproduction of the milieu, instances of prosumption are patchy and driven by musicians rather than spontaneously initiated by members of the milieu. Such examples illustrate the willingness of professionals and audiences alike to adapt and innovate to changing conditions of digitisation. However, such efforts are in their infancy; more research is required to understand the multitude of ways in which value is being re-ascribed and prosumptive activities harnessed in order to re-establish sustainability in this and other independent milieux. 5. Conclusion This chapter has attempted to outline key economic and social shifts within an independent music milieu resulting from digitisation. Changing notions of value, the patchy instances of prosumption, and changing conceptions of sustainability have all been touched upon as significant consequences of the growing ubiquity of

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__________________________________________________________________ networked communication. Evidence within the dataset has drawn attention to attitudes and practices which point both to new economic configurations and new forms of sociality arising from such changes. These beginnings can potentially provide the wider music industry with a blueprint for adaptation and innovation, rather than resistance to emerging and inevitable practices of sharing music. It is argued that this is a preferable alternative to legislating against peer-to-peer filesharing, which is increasingly becoming an ineffective and costly exercise with little discernible benefit for large labels.

Notes 1

Peter Webb, Exploring the Networked Worlds of Popular Music: Milieu Cultures (London: Routledge, 2007). 2 Axel Bruns, Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond: From Production to Produsage (New York: Peter Lang, 2008). 3 Arjun Appadurai, The Social Life of Things (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 4 Bruns, Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond. 5 See: Mark Poster, ‘Consumption and Commodities in the Everyday’, Cultural Studies 18 (2004): 409-423; Mark Cote and Jennifer Pybus, ‘Learning to Immaterial Labour 2.0: MySpace and Social Networks’, Ephemera: Theory and Politics in Organisation 7 (2007): 88-106; Bruns, Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond; Nigel Thrift, Non-Representational Theory: Space, Politics, Affect (London: Routledge, 2008). 6 Robert Strachan, ‘Micro-Independent Record Labels in the UK,’ European Journal of Cultural Studies 10 (2007): 245-265. 7 Interview with ‘Gareth’ (participants have been anonymised for reasons of confidentiality), by Joanne Coates, Museum Place, Cardiff, May 4, 2010. 8 Interview with ‘Gareth’ (participants have been anonymised for reasons of confidentiality), by Joanne Coates, Museum Place, Cardiff, May 4, 2010. 9 Interview with ‘Gareth’ (participants have been anonymised for reasons of confidentiality) by Joanne Coates, Museum Place, Cardiff, May 4, 2010. 10 Nancy Baym, ‘The Swedish Model: Balancing Markets and Gifts in the Music Industry’, Popular Communication 9 (2011): 22-38. 11 Interview with ‘Joel’ (participants have been anonymised for reasons of confidentiality) by Joanne Coates, Museum Place, Cardiff, February 7, 2011. 12 Wendy Fonarow, Empire of Dirt: The Aesthetics and Rituals of British Indie Music (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2006). 13 Bruns, Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond.

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__________________________________________________________________

Bibliography Appadurai, Arjun. The Social Life of Things. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Baym, Nancy. ‘The Swedish Model: Balancing Markets and Gifts in the Music Industry’. Popular Communication 9 (2011): 22-38. Bruns, Axel. Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond: From Production to Produsage. New York: Peter Lang, 2008. Castells, Manuel. The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000). Cote Mark and Jennifer Pybus ‘Learning to Immaterial Labour 2.0: MySpace and Social Networks’. Ephemera: Theory and Politics in Organisation 7 (2007): 88106. Fonarow, Wendy. Empire of Dirt: The Aesthetics and Rituals of British Indie Music. Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2006. Poster, Mark. ‘Consumption and Commodities in the Everyday’. Cultural Studies 18 (2004): 409-423. Strachan, Robert. ‘Micro-Independent Record Labels in the UK’. European Journal of Cultural Studies. 10 (2007): 245-265. Thrift, Nigel. Non-Representational Theory: Space, Politics, Affect. London: Routledge, 2008. Webb, Peter. Exploring the Networked Worlds of Popular Music: Milieu Cultures. London: Routledge, 2007. Joanne Coates had recently completed her PhD thesis at Cardiff University, entitled ‘Exploring digitised, networked milieu: the Cardiff independent music sector in the age of immaterial product’. Her interests lie within the areas of network studies, cultural policy, and popular music.

Part V Visions: Reimagining Urban Space

Creative Revitalization of the Urban Space: the Residual Areas Project in Turin Silvia Mazzucotelli Salice Abstract This chapter addresses the connections between cities’ revitalization, public space and issues such as social inclusion, urban governance and citizens’ participation in the decision making process within the Italian context. More generally it aims to answer the following questions: how do people transform spaces into places? What’s their role in designing urban public spaces? How do they creatively intervene in the design of urban spaces? Public space, as clearly expressed by Lefebvre, is the primary site of public culture. But it is also, as Zukin points out, a privileged window to city’s soul and creativity. In such a context the chapter takes into account good practices of community planning realized in Turin and in particular it presents the outcomes of an ethnographically-oriented participantobservation study conducted while I worked as consultant within the Residual Areas Project, a program managed by the Urban Design Office of the Municipality, meant to intervene in neglected public space located in trouble urban district. The ‘Residual Areas Project’ is intended as an area of co-design between art, architecture, urban planning and social sciences and aimed to (re)design and (re)vitalize those spaces implementing a bottom-up logic and setting-up a sense of belonging through actions based on active collaboration between citizens, users, mediators and planners. In such a context the chapter aims to present the above mentioned project trying to show all different levels of citizen’s involvement in planning and design and finally questioning its impact on creating more liveable and inclusive cities. Moreover it also attempts to clarify the conceptual framework within which a similar planning method should be analysed. Key Words: Space, place, Turin, residual areas, community planning, co-design, creativity. ***** 1. Premises: On Social Claims of Urban Design Contemporary urbanities often remind us about chaotic and layered agglomerations, reflecting the fragmentation and dispersion typical of current settlement patterns. Vast and dispersed territories where a wide mix of activities, people and cultures outline the profile of a city already existing conceptually, but which is still waiting for a plan able to embody it. The deindustrialization of urban centres has triggered a series of metamorphoses that have led to radical changes involving both the appearance and the relational fabric of the city: cities staging breakdown of the urban fabric,

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__________________________________________________________________ requalification and gentrification of urban centre or intensifying density in their business districts also display increasing wealth disparities, immigration and slum production, uneven access to services and processes of segregation and privatization.1 For these reasons, the urban context can no longer be assessed solely by reference to geometrical criteria but requires an understanding that goes beyond the expansion of space, to capture those aspects, sometimes not so immediately obvious, intervening at social and organizational level. On the impact of the spatial dimension on cities’ social organization, either the social doctrine of new urbanism and the sociological debate calling into question the ecological explanations of the Chicago School and, more recently, the contributions of Lefebvre, De Certeau, Augé and Davis are fairly well known: on the one hand the social claims of new urbanism, in line with the tradition of the Chicago School, are based on social determinism or, to better say, on the belief that social interactions and sense of community could be cultivated via the organizing power of public space; on the other hand more contemporary approaches root in an idea of a socio-spatial dialectics, meaning that people constantly modify and remodify places while, simultaneously, places constantly impact on people’s social life. Both points of view are neither correct or free of critics: new urbanism, for example, is plagued by a axiomatic visions and sheer lack of evidence while the sociological debate on urban space is often considered too much conceptual and distant from design logics. However they represent scientific attempts to underline the dialectical relationship between social structures and the everyday practices of inhabitants and subjectively constructed spaces and places. Furthermore they stress the need for further research on this topic. Within this framework is traced the rationale of this chapter. By focusing on urban public space and analysing a bottom-up planning perspective that - similarly to new urbanism - attempts to build a sense of community integrating mixed land uses and careful design of the urban fabric, and that - similarly to recent sociological debate on public space - takes into account processes of symbolic reappropriation of public space, this chapter aims to answer the following questions: where, when and under what conditions can social relations and sense of community be linked to the physical design of urban space? 2. Public Space and Its Relational Pattern One possible lens to observe these processes, and thus to answer the above mentioned question, is through the optics of public spaces. In such a context the latter is used as a category able to take into account the requirement of real urban quality that the term entails and thus as a concept embodying civic, aesthetic, functional and social meanings. Within social sciences two separate conceptions of public space have been until now leading an almost independent existence: the public sphere and the publicly

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__________________________________________________________________ accessible spaces. The first one raises the important and ever pressing question of participative democracy, whereas the second one lends more attention to the idea of individual liberties, notably under the form of the a ‘right to the city’ as expressed by Lefebvre.2 The public space we have today is forced to a mass privatization, which is slowly leading it to extinction. Following the transformation process undergone by postmodern cities in moving from place of production to place of consumption, the term public, associated with the notion of space, seems to have lost its function of social bonding. Recalling Ritzer argumentations, where before there was a shared space, now there are just empty containers - buildings, i.e. - able to reproduce the typical relational dynamics of outdoor locations solely through purchase and consumption practices.3 And if, thank you to the digitalization of communication processes, we have witnessed the creation of new forms of online agora, in parallel we have faced a slow but decisive exclusion of physical public spaces by the vast majority of urban plans, as if the recognition of many potential online relationships had mistakenly promoted the idea that the analogous offline site was no longer necessary. All urban areas which in recent years have passed through deregulated forms of expansion have spread the perception of public space as something to be threatened with extinction. The increase of shopping malls and outlet villages outside cities’ borders and, in particular, along the highways connecting the city centres to peripheral areas, have consumed substantial portions of the historical urban fabric, determining a redefinition of the traditional border between town and country, but also increasing the marginalization of spaces for collective use, often converted, as noted by Davis, into privatized places catheterized by public access.4 Therefore the process we are witnessing is radically altering not only the image, but also and above all, the social and cultural significance of public space. The risk of this violent transformation is the permanent loss of meeting function of public space which is so essential to the existence of collective life. As Hannah Arendt points out in The Human Condition: The public realm, as the common world, gathers us together and yet prevents our falling over each other, so to speak. What makes mass society so difficult to bear is not the number of people involved, or at least not primarily, but the fact that the world between them has lost its power to gather them together, to relate and separate them.5 This mass privatization of public space is due to a profound loss of urban space understood both as physical and as a relational space. In fact, the process of urbanization that has characterized the post-industrial period has led to the affirmation of disjointed spaces that reflect an equally disjointed system of social

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__________________________________________________________________ relations. As a consequence, the contemporary city, being unable to express a complete and effective integration between physical space and social function, seems no longer able to strengthen those identity processes which were evident in its recent past. The case of Turin is thus interesting. Until 1985 Turin was one of the major industrial cities of Northern Italy. Together with Milan and Genoa, was considered the pivotal centre of manufacturing industry and the hub of Italian automotive industry. In Turin, in fact, was located the headquarters of FIAT, the largest Italian car manufacturer. The relationship between the city and the Agnelli company was profound: the town economy was so markedly dominated by mechanical and car that often the city itself was labelled as one-company-town. Over the last fifteen years Turin has lost the connotation of factory town. Since the Nineties, when the city began to dismantle the distinctive Fordist apparatuses, also the city identity has been putted into question. The decline of its industrial identity can be date back to April 2002, when, as a consequence of the crisis of the industrial market, the sixty-ninth edition of the Salone dell’Automobile was cancelled and the historical Mirafiori plants were transformed into giant empty buildings. From this moment on, the city attempted both a process of physical and symbolical regeneration: departing from the Winter Olympics bid, the town began to work on the redevelopment of the urban fabric and to narrate itself as a city devoted to culture and contemporary art. The pattern is not new. Since the Eighties many cities face the crisis using cosmetic policies. The latter, as underlined by Vicari Haddock, are intended to heal the wounds of the city through physical interventions within the urban voids and embody the idea that the economic recovery passes through the rhetoric of cultural investment and of major events organization.6 Besides these critical interpretations, positive signs may still be traced: first, the recent rediscovery of the importance of spaces for collective use has led to the successful first and second edition Biennial on Public Space, held in Rome in 2011 and 2013; secondly, on the front of the architectural studies, the idea, as pointed out by Koolhaas, that blank space should no longer be conceived as an absence but, on the contrary, as a value has finally spread and, in the field of urban planning, the projects conceiving public space in terms of cultural property to be protected and enhanced have increased.7 In Turin, for example, the strong working class identity of the city, its small size and the traditional openness to immigration, have slowed the expansion of mere processes of public space privatization and have also limited interventions of iconic architecture. The city has, in fact, remained faithful to its collective and social ideals investing on governance and experimenting actions of community planning and management of public space. The Residual Areas project run by the City of Turin is a fitting example in this sense: first because it identifies a possible area of co-design between social sciences, architecture, urban planning and design;

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__________________________________________________________________ secondly because it is more and more aimed to design the physical appearance of the city and to restructure the relationships that underpin urban life; and finally because it embodies the locus where top‐down cultural policies and bottom-up interventions and civic initiatives mutually fertilize contributing to the creation of sustainable urban forms, in terms of both quality of place and quality of life. In such a context, it is useful to investigate the way in which the production of space can take place, to examine the techniques and methods implemented and, finally, to assess which public space is possible to imagine. 3. The Residual Areas Project: Definition and Method Started in 2008 by the Urban Design Division of the Municipality of Turin, the Residual Areas Project is an innovative planning method that results in an area of co-design between architecture, urban planning, art and social sciences and which aims to restore living places for the inhabitants of Turin. The name, Residual Areas, indicates the scale of the projects itself: differently from typical regeneration actions, which usually take place on large and wide areas, the Residual Areas Project has a community dimension and, thus, it is destined to small and neglected spaces. It aims to re-design public space implementing bottom-up logic able to involve and to set-up a sense of belonging through actions based on active collaboration between citizens, users, mediators and planners. In other words it aims to recapture the social dimension of public space through innovative planning strategies able to meet needs and desires of inhabitant and thus able to supply the contemporary social demand for the city. How does it work? Satisfying such a demand means operating on two levels: understanding and mediation. On the understanding level, the Residual Areas Project consists, in fact, of an ethnographic research aimed to identify the uses and main functions – legal and illegal, latent and manifest – associated to public space. Spaces are, in fact, never merely physical. The spatial dimension is modified through the use - or non-use of places, environments and situations. Consequently, the space experience is a complex system of physical, social and cultural elements. Also the notion of city canters and peripheral areas are not simply the outcome of mere physical distance. On the contrary, it is often the perception of relative distances that reveals the existence of a social and symbolic interpretation of the space. The space, in other words, it is partly constructed through people’s assessments and impressions: such perceptions are inextricably intertwined with considerations of safety, dignity, inclusion and exclusion, of city’s image and social life; and its meaning, although taken for granted for a long time, it is embedded in (and partly determined by) everyday practices of inhabitants. On the mediation level, the Residual Areas project, recognizing the importance of community planning, consists of a several outreach sessions, workshops and interviews between inhabitants and planners aimed to negotiate the final outcome

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__________________________________________________________________ of the project (from the shape to the colour; from the pedestrian use to road condition; from street furniture to art intervention etc.). Significant alterations in the spatial pattern, such as those provided by redevelopment projects or regeneration actions, are intended to uncover hidden meanings, unexpressed perceptions, unspoken fears and long hidden expectations: people, in fact, are called to transform their habits in the light of the change that is taking action to review their everyday ways to make room for construction sites and, willy-nilly, to reformulate the semantic map of the neighbourhood and of their presence in it. The construction of the new symbolic map of the neighbourhood is an activity which involves both the inhabitants and designers in a process of continuous interaction. The latter, in particular, are called to recognize and to know the uses of the neighbourhood and of its spaces, to listen and interpret the wishes and expectations of residents and, finally, to mediate their astonishment vis-à-vis the physical transformation. 4. How Do People Transform Spaces into Places? This Residual Areas project looks at the city as the outcome of a ‘continuous production of urban space’, resulting from the complex interweaving of practices engaged by people with different powers, desires, aspirations and responsibilities.8 Particularly in the last decade, the ways of building the city have increasingly turned towards the practices of involvement of the inhabitants. In this context, the language and technical tools typical of the cultural background of the urban planner, established in the late nineteenth century, and essentially based on the validation of rational logic as the only one able to understand and modify the urban reality, clashed with the need to communicate with the language of everyday life. In a such a context in which the planned city, in dealing with the historical city, shows continuous cracks and faults, architecture and urbanism are constantly offering solutions aimed to reverse this hiatus. Nevertheless the complexity of urban life seems obscure to them. The cities of the past, as expressed by Mumford seemed to have, in comparison, a self-regulatory capacity and a direct connection between their physical transformations and the social changes typical of the groups living within their borders.9 A connection seemed to exist between the physical city and it spiritual and symbolic life and such a connection seemed to make interdependent the outer and the internal case and to stimulate a transformation of the other. Not only. The cities of the past have always been places where, different ways of living, dissimilar cultured and distant practice of live intertwined with one another giving meaning to the urban form. Starting from this issue of the presence of multiple life practices, no longer necessarily directly connected to the territories in which they take place, the question today is more about how to intervene in Western cities. It is therefore possible for the planner to use more understandable planning languages? It is possible to create an interaction between the technical language, broadly

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__________________________________________________________________ characterized by rational logic, and the languages more closely related to the urban experience, expression of a more rational and sensible practice? Or, more generally, how do people transform spaces into places? What’s their role in designing urban public spaces? How do they creatively intervene in the design of urban spaces? It may be interesting to reformulate the question considering the urban space as a ‘container’, which is produced by the society as whole since it contains not only the knowledge creations designed by experts but also ‘other methods and other resources of the socio-political game’.10 City’s transformations bring out the local governments’ need for new planning tools, able to answer the questions that the city expresses. The complex nature of the problems of the contemporary city, moreover, means that such answers should be searched outside the traditional planning tools. In such a context, the method of Residual Areas shows how the traditional policies of urban renewal, based primarily on challenging social exclusion and built primarily on physical intervention, have been changed into policies that take into account the idea that cities are not only comprised of building materials and structures, but are basically, and moreover, made of people, networks and intangible elements, such as memory, history, social relations, emotional experiences, cultural identities. In the recovery of this dimension lies the importance of a method as the one presented in the previous pages aimed to activate planning languages closer (and thus more comprehensible) to the inhabitants; to extend the power of government to those who live in the city; and to enrich the technical language with everyday life poetry. In particular, the Residual Areas project tries to rebuild a new relationship between planner and citizen and between citizen and public space; it suggests the involvement of residents in regeneration actions and, in particular, it promotes inhabitants’ involvement in community planning actions. In such a context urban planning as to be conceived as a service, in the sense that it constitutes a different use of the places either at the psychological, symbolic and emotional level. City planning abandons the technical language and embraces a multidisciplinary approach thus contributing to the enhancement of the collective meanings embedded in places. Working sensibly and paying attention to the opinions and the interactions of all inhabitants living in the area, urban planners transform the space into a public and political entity: public space becomes in fact transformed into a place of dialogue and democratic debate. However, community planning is not a panacea. It must be seen not as a completed solution to current problems, but as an opening to a new urban politics, what I call an urban politics of the inhabitant.

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Notes 1

Simon Curtis, ‘Global Cities and the Transformation of the International System’, Review of International Studies 37 (2011): 1925-1926. 2 Henri Lefebvre, Le droit à la ville (Paris: Anthropos, 1968), 35. 3 George Ritzer, Explorations in the Sociology of Consumption: Fast Food, Credit Cards and Casinos (London: Sage, 2001), 25-34. 4 Mike Davis, The City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (New York: Verso, 1990), 226-232. 5 Hanna Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 52-53. 6 Serena Vicari Haddock, ‘La rigenerazione urbana: un concetto da rigenerare’, Rigenerare la città. Pratiche di innovazione sociale nelle città europee, ed. Serena Vicari Haddock and Frank Moulert (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009), 26-29. 7 Rem Koolhaas, ‘Junkspace’, October 100 (2002): 178. 8 Henri Lefebvre, La Production de l’espace (Paris: Anthropos, 1974), 432. 9 Lewis Mumford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations and Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961), 67. 10 Lefebvre, La Production de l’espace, 354.

Bibliography Arendt, Hanna. The Human Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958. Curtis, Simon. ‘Global Cities and the Transformation of the International System’. Review of International Studies 37 (2011): 1923-1947. Davis, Mike. The City of Quartz: Excavating The Future in Los Angeles. New York: Verso, 1990. Koolhaas, Rem. ‘Junkspace’. October 100 (2002): 175-190. Lefebvre, Henri. Le droit à la ville. Paris: Anthropos, 1968. ———. La Production de l’espace. Paris: Anthropos, 1974. Mumford, Lewis. The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations and Its Prospects. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961.

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__________________________________________________________________ Ritzer, George. Explorations in the Sociology of Consumption: Fast Food, Credit Cards and Casinos. London: Sage, 2001. Vicari Haddock, Serena. ‘La rigenerazione urbana: un concetto da rigenerare’. In Rigenerare la città. Pratiche di innovazione sociale nelle città europee, edited by Serena Vicari Haddock and Frank Moulert, 19-50. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009. Silvia Mazzucotelli Salice is is currently research fellow at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Università Cattolica of Milan. She is primarily concerned with the interplay of art and urbanities. To date she has found public space a rich site for sociological inquiry.

Urban-Architecture as a Battleground of Socio-Cultural Struggle Murat Çetin Abstract Architecture is closely yet paradoxically connected to the two basic and complementary human instincts; to construct and to destruct, in other words to live and to die. Therefore, architecture and urbanism can be considered as the spatial dimensions of an ideological war of different interest groups in cities. Such a war mainly manifests itself as the polarisation between corporate sector and public sector, global and local, modern and traditional. Planning acts as a means of capitalist control over the urban (public) space under a macro-orthodoxy approach despite the public reaction via manipulation of public space through; microurbanism in urban-leftovers and queer-spaces, reclamation of landfills, and ephemeral architecture. A large body of community seem to resist through guerrilla war tactics of architecture against the comprehensive strategic war plans, technoscientific artillery, and devoted and well-trained troops of neo-liberal corporate bodies. Who will survive in such a relentless spatial war depends largely on the development of counter-strategies and accurate calculations based on game theory. The chapter will address the issue of reconstruction and resilience of cities with particular reference to the case of Istanbul, her transformation zones and conservation areas. Hence, the study will focus on urban paradigm shift and complexity of Istanbul as a multi-cultural, multi-layered metropolitan city in a post-modern era. The article intends to develop alternative strategies towards reshaping urban environment via architecture primarily by analysing the morphology of new urban spaces and emergent forms of life. Consequently, architecture of cities is argued as a para-military instrument for the tactical deployment of conflicting ideologies into an ongoing state of socio-cultural battle between opposing parties of the city. Key Words: Urban, multi-cultural, spatial, morphology, architecture, third space, queer space. ***** 1. Urban-Architecture as Ultimate Dilemma: Construction vs. Destruction Architecture is directly yet paradoxically related to the two basic and complementary human instincts; to construct and to destruct. These instincts are deeply rooted in human psyche through subconscious attitudes developed towards the dilemma between life and death. In other words, architecture and urbanism are seen as collective and multi-dimensional activities whereby the life is conceived as a struggle for survival. Hence this eternal war between existence and absence on earth reflects itself in architecture and city making like all human activity.

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__________________________________________________________________ Moreover, ramifications of this struggle can also be seen among the parties who share (and thus struggle for) the urban realm. Therefore, architecture and urbanism can be considered as spatial dimensions of an ideological war1 of different interest groups within cities. Such a war manifests itself as polarisation between corporate and public sectors, global and local as well as between modern and traditional. In this context, urban transformation appears as a spatial war between those who have power and those who do not. Hence, the professional disciplines as organized bodies and the public seem to be polarized because of their different interests in distributing and sharing urban space. In various locations around the world (e.g. South America, Mid-Asia, Middle-East, particularly Turkey etc.), the current incidences of urban transformation displays the general characteristics of gentrification whereby urban poor is continuously been pushed away from valuable areas of cities for the benefit of urban elite. Unfortunately, professional bodies which plays central role in shaping of built environment in cities inevitably and indirectly, if not deliberately, serves the global processes of cruel gentrification in the name of urban transformation. Having defined this struggle as its problem area, the chapter is structured around the central argument that suggests a paradigm shift in the role of architecture whereby it turns into a weapon for para-military reactions by public against ongoing means of urban transformation and being exploited by urban elite to exclude the urban poor by manipulating urban spatial configuration in favour of those who have advantages in terms of socio-economic status and political power. Such a paradigm shift requires a shift in the mind-set of the professional bodies from being advocate of power to that of public. The chapter will explore dualities to which urban form addresses. It will elucidate the disciplines of architecture, urban design and city planning, on the one hand, and the initiatives of individuals as well as NGO’s on the other. While the discipline appears to serve the intentions of those who have the power to control the urban realm, the individual initiatives emerge as efforts to reclaim urban space for public benefit. Following this struggle through its spatial traces will constitute the main axis of discussion along this chapter. 2. Planning as a Means of Controlling Public Realm in Urban Space Planning acts as a means of capitalist control over urban (public) space under a macro-orthodoxy approach despite public reactions via manipulation of public space through micro-urbanism. The city, and thus urban space, is obviously, the focus of global economic system. Particularly today, with their role as economic value generators, public spaces are increasingly seen as essential means of speculative developments particularly in real-estate sector.2 Such commodification of public space refers to the recognition of public realm as a commodity to be bought and sold.3 Commercialisation of public space means that public realm is used to produce

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__________________________________________________________________ profit rather than to improve the quality of public space and life.4 Both commodification and commercialization of urban space necessitate a deliberate control of urban space. Obviously, as Akkar Ercan says, such strict control measures result in generation of highly ordered and disciplined public spaces.5 Such an organization of urban space inevitably produces a very sterile and stratified urban environment.6 She says: Under strict control of public and private security forces, these public spaces do not welcome everyone, particularly the urban poor. While, on the one hand, variety in design is strongly promoted in so-called new urban landscape, on the other hand, variety in users and activities7 is not desirable. In contrast, through design and management policies, undesirable members of urban population are deliberately pushed out of these public spaces through mechanisms of gentrification. In this sense, such public spaces serve for ‘social filtering’,8 ‘social segregation’ and therefore cause gentrification.9 The promotion of social filtering and gentrification is also encouraged by citymarketing and re-imaging policies.10 As Akkar Ercan says referring to McInroy:11 Public spaces which are produced under the pressure of citymarketing policies undermine the needs of local communities for the sake of private interest.12 Moreover ‘the privatisation, commodification and commercialisation of public spaces, increasing control over them, and consequently the imbalance among their roles’,13 certainly constitute a major problem in city and its administration. Akkar Ercan asserts: ‘The dilemma of today’s public spaces is a consequence of not only the neo-liberal policies but also the capitalist culture in general. Complex capitalist relations under the hegemony of transnational capital power are currently spatially and socially shaping, managing and controlling public spaces of the postindustrial cities’.14 Public spaces, however, is the center of a significant ideological position. Public spaces in cities are considered as places where everyone encounters the other.

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__________________________________________________________________ Within the framework of the relationships between power and urban space,15 the ongoing processes of urban transformation and urban gentrification works against the true nature of cities. As Habermas16 theorizes, in the public sphere, structures of power should be accessible to all social formations, such as poorer segments, lower classes as well as minorities.17 The current context of capitalist economy and global system inevitably forces lower segments of the society to battle over the urban space so as to reclaim their share from this distribution. Architecture seems to have taken position on the side of power throughout the ages. This process seems to have been accelerated as the end user had been gradually distanced from the making (particularly decision making processes) of architecture. Dovey’s18 argument on the relationship between power and architectural (thus, urban) space insinuates that architecture as a discipline and architects as both professionals and intelligentsia of the society should re-position themselves for a fair reversal of the ongoing process. 3. Urban Space as a Battleground for Spatial War in a Global Capitalist Era Since urban context can be conceived as a battleground for a socio-cultural struggle between urban elite and urban poor, each party on the different ends of this bipolar scale develop their own strategies to succeed in increasing their share. While the former deploys the economic and legal instruments to gain the control over urban space, the latter responds through illegal or ad-hoc solutions to reclaim public realm. A large body of community seem to resist through guerrilla war tactics of architecture against the comprehensive strategic war plans, technoscientific artillery, and devoted and well-trained troops of neo-liberal corporate bodies. Who will survive in such a relentless spatial war depends largely on the development of counter-strategies and accurate calculations based on game theory. The polarized nature of this struggle could be explained through the concepts of Global City Hypothesis which argues that the economic restructuring of the new global economy produces highly uneven and polarized employment structure in urban society.19 This puts urban space into the center of discussions where the actors of the urban context are divided into two on the basis of economic income. In other words, urban space becomes the scene for the economic struggle to increase the share from urban space simply because urban spatial configuration is the reflection of how urban wealth is distributed. Akpinar explains the spatial consequences: The significant increase in international investment and the arrival of the multi-national corporations along with the major accounting, advertising, and marketing firms and the fashion, design and entertainment industry causes changes both in spatial and demographic configuration and the internal structure of large metropolitan cities.20

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__________________________________________________________________ While, as Akpinar asserts, ‘the social consequence of the economic restructuring is class polarization characterized by a number of high income professionals and a vast population of low income causal, informal and temporary segments at the bottom’,21 its spatial consequence is the socio-spatial segregation of the parties within the city. The effects of liberalization policies resulted in unprecedented fragmentation and polarization.22 The chapter discusses the impact of globalization on reconfiguration of the sociospatial segregation trends in global cities. It can be considered as an attempt to explain the increasing segmentation and growing socio-economic inequalities brought by the the world economy. This makes the study, to some extent, closer to the wider perspective suggested by Bourdieu in which the social field is evaluated according to the societal relation within the multidimensional space position.23 In the study, the characteristic of the social field is not defined by the attributes of the occupying social-economic classes rather it is defined by the patterns of societal relations formed within the society24 Akpinar says: The dimension of inequality between different social blocks, their sociospatial distribution, and the relationship between the material culture and symbolic inequalities in the context of globalization is analyzed and discussed for mapping the inequalities.25 According to her, the effects of the crisscross between the class position and urban spatial characteristics are potential urban studies topics. In capitalist system, the real-estate market is intrinsically a structure of power, in which the possession of certain attributes for some groupings of individuals is relative to other.26 Thus, the market is a system of economic relationships built upon relative bargaining strengths of different groups. Stratification refers to the structured inequalities inherited in the capitalist’s societies as a consequence of the class relationships.27 Class based segregation suggests that social and spatial distance is overlapped. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the growth of the urban areas was correlated with the social relation. Chicago School suggested that the spatial/physical distance could easily be mapped with the social distances.28 Besides the highly pronounced effect of socio-spatial segregation by designing the new kind of inequalities in the post-structuralist era in the winds of the globalization, in parallel with wider intellectual debate about post-structuralism and post-modernism in general.29 4. Architecture as a Para-Military Instrument for Spatial Reconciliation The city as an organism develops not only urban problems as described above but also their anti-theses, that is to say counter-architectural initiatives. All actions by powerful segments of the society are usually counter-balanced by reactions

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__________________________________________________________________ from the other parties in the city. Some of these counter actions could be spatial whereas the majority is related to the usage of the spatial interventions that are implemented by their opponents. Therefore, these struggles within the city could easily be observed in the social re-production of space. As accentuated above, this chapter discusses the issue of reconstruction and resilience of cities with particular reference to the case of Istanbul, its transformation zones and conservation areas. Hence, it focuses on urban paradigm shift and complexity of Istanbul as a multi-cultural, multi-layered metropolitan city. It was intended to develop alternative strategies towards reshaping urban environment via architecture has hitherto been not developed. There have been several attempts to transform certain locations within the city. However, these initiatives have not been planned and implemented by sufficiently and meticulously analysing the morphology of new urban spaces and emergent forms of life. Consequently, these initiatives not only failed but also developed their counter-architectural formations as para-military instrument for the tactical deployment of opponent ideologies into the ongoing state of socio-cultural battle between conflicting parties of the city. The case studies below best exemplify the socio-cultural struggle among different classes as well as their spatial ramifications. 5. Istanbul as a Battleground between Rich and Poor or Elite and Plebite: Cases of Tarlabasi and Sulukule Istanbul has lived through two major growth booms (1950s and 1980s) during 20th century that have determined its urban shape. Currently, the city is facing the latest boom, particularly with the recent law popularly known as urban transformation law. This boom has been much more centrally planned (designed, financed, implemented and controlled) and mostly through formal housing settlements developed by both the public and private sectors en masse associated with a massive population increase. Nonetheless, the way decision makers, in other words, powerful segmentrs of the society who are able to centrally control current transformation has put gentrification in the center of their efforts. In Istanbul there are a number of inner city slum areas that have experiencing different patterns of urban transformation. This chapter will look at two specific areas that are undergoing urban transformation processes; Tarlabasi which is mainly dominated by Kurdish immigrants and Sulukule which is primarily is a settlement for gypsy population in Istanbul. After the opening of Tarlabasi Boulevard at 1986, the area has been disconnected from its urban context. The area was already run down and was housing lower-middle class families and immigrants. The area was quickly marginalized and became a district for the very low-income people who live in extremely crowded spaces. The area also started to be associated with crime so overall deterioration accelerated. Meanwhile Beyoglu area was facing a process of

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__________________________________________________________________ renewal by becoming a hub for nightlife. Real-estate values have risen significantly in the area. Nevertheless, the extreme conditions of urban poverty and physical deteroriaration remained. Istanbul and Beyoglu Municipalities initiated the intervention in Tarlabasi, but since the area in question is vast, it is difficult for the public to finance the process of renewing hundreds of buildings. Thus, private sector was invited and preliminary projects are designed. Once this project is executed, it is believed that private owners in the vicinity will have the economic motivation to renew individual buildings. The current and projected values of the properties are calculated; the owners are presented with a priority to buy into the project if they can afford to pay the differnce amount. The project has attracted major public criticism and resistance mainly because of concerns over the close relationship of the developer company with the government. Chamber of Architects insists that there is no public benefit in the project and should be stopped. Public criticism also stresses that the project will result in a complete gentrification of the area. The implementation is about to be completed and major protests are expected to occur.30 Sulukule is a very striking example among the urban transformation projects in Istanbul. the area located just near to a part of the city walls of Istanbul had been inhabited by a Romani (Anatolian Gypsies) community for quite a long period of time. It is known that this period stretches back to Byzantine times. Unlike Tarlabasi, the buildings in Sulukule consisted of some temporary structures. The area was well-known for its underground and marginal nightlife, attracting visitors from Istanbul as well as other cities. The area has great touristic and commercial potential not only because of its proximity to major historic landmarks but also because of the salient characteristics of the community. The renewal and transformation project was initiated and financed by Fatih Municipality. The area has been cleared off from its original inhabitants and all buildings are demolished despite the protests held in 2010. The original inhabitants who lived in squatters in the area are re-located into fringes of Istanbul. The project has drawn major criticism from the public not only because of the complete gentrification of the area but also due to the urban cleansing based on ethnicity and socialeconomic status. The proposed architectural design consists of repetitive blocks, completely ignoring existing urban pattern.31 Moreover, the area had social problems caused by extreme poverty. The municipality presents problems such as crime, drug trafficking, and under-age prostitution as justifications for undertaking the project.32 Instead of addressing the possible solutions of social problems, the proposal chooses the easiest path of removing the consequence from the sight. Doubtlessly, major motive to remove these people from their roots is the increasing property values around the area. As discussed above, the word urban transformation is becoming quickly synonymous with gentrification and political corruption in the eyes of the public in Istanbul. Inner city areas that have been neglected for so long have become

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__________________________________________________________________ fashionable again and are under great (economic and political) pressure for redevelopment by powerful segments of the society. 6. Concluding Remarks As mentioned above, architecture is closely yet paradoxically connected to two human instincts; to construct and to destruct associated with the dilemma between life and death. The most striking and clear example of the manifestations of these instincts is urban development and transformation through gentrification of urban space. The phenomenon of transformation through gentrification plays the role of ostracizing the other for the benefit of the self in urban space. In return, the spatial response of the other, as a survival technique in urban realm, creates micro-spatial formations, and various temporary and transitory spaces. Here, architecture and urbanism emerge as the spatial dimensions or weapons of an ideological war between different interest groups in cities. Here, planning appears as a strategic instrument of capitalist control over the urban public space at macro-scale despite the public reaction at micro-scale. Having focused on the current urban paradigm shift and complexity of Istanbul as a multi-cultural, multi-layered metropolitan city in our post-modern era, the article developed alternative strategies towards reshaping urban environment via architecture primarily by analysing the morphology of new urban spaces and emergent forms of life. The chapter showed the results of gentrification projects in Istanbul with reference to specific cases of Tarlabasi and Sulukule. In result, architecture of cities, which is argued as a para-military instrument for the tactical deployment of conflicting ideologies into an ongoing state of socio-cultural battle between opposing parties of the city, is suggested as a counter-weapon or a counter-strategic instrument to implement the spatial aspects of a civic environment in a city.

Notes 1

Louis Althusser, ‘Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses’, Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, trans. Ben Brewster, ed. Louis Althusser (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 121-76. 2 See, for example, Ian H. Thompson, ‘Landscape and Urban Design’, Introducing Urban Design, ed. Clara Greed, Marion Roberts (Essex: Longman, 1998), 105-115 and also Ali Madanipour, ‘Public Space in the City’, Design and the Built Environment ed. Paul Knox, Peter Ozolins (New York: John Wiley, 2000), 117125.

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See, for example, Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris, ‘Private Production of Public Open Space: The Downtown Los Angeles Experience’, (PhD diss., University of California, 1988); Madanipour, ‘Public Space in the City’. 4 Francis Tibbalds, Making People-Friendly Towns (Essex: Longman-Boyer, 1992). 5 Muge Z. Akkar Ercan, ‘Public Spaces of Post-Industrial Cities and Their Changing Roles’, METU JFA (2007): 115-137. 6 See, for example, Loukaitou-Sideris Private Production of Public Open Space, 1988; Anastsia Loukaitou-Sideris, ‘Privatisation of Public Open Space: Los Angeles Experience’. Town Planning Review (1993) 64-2, 139-167 and also Darrel Crilley, ‘Megastructures and Urban Change: Aesthetics, Ideology and Design’, The Restless Urban Landscape, ed. Paul Knox (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993), 127164. 7 Crilley, ‘Megastructures and Urban Change’. 8 See, for example, Trevor Boddy, ‘Underground and Overhead: Building the Analogous City’, Variations on a Theme Park, ed. M. Sorkin (New York: The Noonday Press, 1992), 123-153 and also M. Christine Boyer, ‘The City of Illusion: New York’s Public Places’, The Restless Urban Landscape, ed. Paul L. Knox (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993), 111-126; Crilley, ‘Megastructures and Urban Change’. 9 Muge Z. Akkar Ercan, ‘Public Spaces’, 130. 10 Ibid. 11 Neil McInroy, ‘Urban Regeneration and Public Space: The Story of an Urban Park’, Space and Polity 4/1 (2000): 23-40. 12 Muge Z. Akkar Ercan, ‘Public Spaces’, 130. 13 Muge Z. Akkar Ercan, ‘Public Spaces’, 131. 14 Ibid. 15 Kim Dovey, Framing Places Mediating Power in Built Form (New York: Routledge, 1999); Kim Dovey, Becoming Places: Urbanism/Architecture/ Identity/Power (London: Routledge, 2010); Kim Dovey, On Politics and Urban Spaceʼ, Debating the City: An Anthology, eds. Jennifer Barrett and Caroline ButlerBowden (Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of NSW and University of Western Sydney, 2001), 53-69. 16 Jürgen Habermas, Kamusallığın Yapısal Dönüşümü (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1997). 17 Muge Z. Akkar Ercan, ‘Public Spaces’, 131. 18 Kim Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2008). 19 Figen Akpinar, ‘Sociospatial Segregation and Consumption Profile of Ankara in The Context of Globalization’ METU JFA 1, (2009): 1-47.

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Akpinar, ‘Sociospatial Segregationʼ, 1. Ibid. 22 Deniz Kandiyoti, ‘Introduction: Reading the Fragments’, Fragments of Culture , (London-New York: I.B. Tauris and Co. Publishers, 2002) ed. D. Kandiyoti and A.Saktanber. 23 Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1984). 24 Murat Guvenc and Tansi Senyapili, ‘Crisis Segregation and Consumption Profile of Ankara’, METU JFA 1, (2009): 44-8. 25 Akpinar, ‘Sociospatial Segregationʼ, 4. 26 Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism. Vol. 1. Power, Property and the State (London : Macmillan, 1981). 27 Richard Scase, Sınıf: Yöneticiler, Mavi ve Beyaz Yakalılar [Class: Managers, Blue and White collars], tr. by B. Şarer, Rastlantı Yayınları (İstanbul, 2000). 28 Akpinar, ‘Sociospatial Segregationʼ, 5. 29 Fiona Devine and Mike Savage, ‘The Cultural Turn, Sociology and Class Analysis’, Rethinking Class: Culture, Identities and Lifestyles, ed. Fiona Devine et al. (Palgrave: McMillan, 2005). 30 Arda Inceoglu and Ipek Yurekli, ‘Urban Transformation in Istanbul: Potentials for a Better City’ (paper presented at the Enhr Conference 2011, Toulouse, France, July 5-8, 2011). 31 Ibid. 32 Libby Porter, Whose Urban Renaissance? (New York: Routledge, 2009). 21

Bibliography Akkar Ercan, Z.Muge. ‘Public Spaces of Post-Industrial Cities and Their Changing Roles’. METU JFA , (2007): 115-137. Akpinar, Figen. ‘Sociospatial Segregation and Consumption Profile of Ankara in The Context of Globalization’. METU JFA 1, (2009): 1-47. Althusser, Louis. ‘Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses’. In Lenin and Philosophy and other Essays. Translated by Ben Brewster, edited by L. Althusser, 121-76. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971. Boddy, Trevor. ‘Underground and Overhead: Building the Analogous City’. Variations on a Theme Park, edited by M. Sorkin, 123-153. New York: The Noonday Press, 1992.

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__________________________________________________________________ Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Translated by Richard Nice. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1984. Boyer, M.Christine. ‘The City of Illusion: New York’s Public Places’. The Restless Urban Landscape, edited by P. L. Knox, 111-126. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993. Crilley, Darrel. ‘Megastructures and Urban Change: Aesthetics, Ideology and Design’. The Restless Urban Landscape, edited by P. L. Knox, 127-164. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1993. Devine, Fiona. and Mike Savage. ‘The Cultural Turn, Sociology and Class Analysis’. Rethinking Class: Culture, Identities and Lifestyles, edited by F. Devine. Palgrave: McMillan, 2005. Dovey, Kim. Framing Places Mediating Power in Built Form. New York: Routledge, 1999. ———. Becoming Places: Urbanism / Architecture / Identity / Power. London: Routledge, 2010. ———. Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2008. ———. ‘On Politics and Urban Space’. Debating the City: An Anthology, edited by J. Barrett and C. Butler-Bowden, 53-69. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of NSW and University of Western Sydney, 2001. Giddens, Anthony. A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism. Vol. 1. Power, Property and the State. London: Macmillan, 1981. Guvenc, Murat and Senyapili, Tansi. ‘Crisis Segregation and Consumption Profile of Ankara’. METU JFA 1 (2009): 44-48. Habermas, Jürgen. Kamusallığın Yapısal Dönüşümü, İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1997.

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__________________________________________________________________ Inceoglu, Arda and Yurekli, Ipek. ‘Urban Transformation in Istanbul: Potentials for a Better City’. Proceedings of Enhr Conference 2011, 5-8 July, Toulouse, 2011. Kandiyoti, Deniz. ‘Introduction: Reading the Fragments’. Fragments of Culture, edited by D. Kandiyoti and A.Saktanber. London-New York: I.B. Tauris and Co. Publishers, 2002. Loukaitou-Sideris, Anastasia. Private Production of Public Open Space: The Downtown Los Angeles Experience. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, California: University of California, 1988. ———. ‘Privatisation of Public Open Space: Los Angeles Experience’. Town Planning Review 64.2 (1993): 139-167. Madanipour, Ali. ‘Public Space in the City’. Design and the Built Environment, edited by P. Knox and P. Ozolins, 117-125. New York: John Wiley, 2000. McInroy, Neil. ‘Urban Regeneration and Public Space: The Story of an Urban Park’. Space and Polity 4.1 (2000): 23-40. Porter, Libby. Whose Urban Renaissance? New York: Routledge, 2009. Thompson, Ian H. ‘Landscape and Urban Design’. Introducing Urban Design, edited by C. Greed, 105-115. Essex: Longman, 1998. Tibbalds, Francis. Making People-Friendly Towns. Essex: Longman-Boyer, 1992. Murat Cetin is an Associate Professor in Kadir Has University. After being Graduated from M.E.T.U., he completed his PhD at University of Sheffield. While interested in the morphology of urban space and its formal language, currently his academic research is focused on socio-spatial dimension of urban transformation.

Reinventing Urban Landscape: 21st-Century Data-Scape Alteration Tamara Marić, Marina Tolj and Bojana Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci Abstract How can we keep pace with the times and avoid losing the genius loci in the process? Contemporary cities and towns need to be in interaction with people in order for public spaces to be vivid, active and pulsate with urban beat. We are exploring what urban landscape is nowadays in terms of walkspace and walkscape and ways in which it is possible for this landscape to interact with new technologies? Through historical review we analyze the concept of walkspace and walkscape in the cities. Possibilities of using Web 2.0 technologies are displayed through a variety of contemporary interventions and experiments in space. Case study deals with reinventing urban space in the town of Samobor, Croatia - located west of the state capital Zagreb. The goal is to award new, fresh spirit to the town with strong historical heritage and character, in order to prevent losing its identity as a tourist town by becoming mundane in this time of new technologies. In this way small town can survive and strive in the age of globalization and pop cultural transformation. Without forgetting their past, towns can now prosper in the 21st century lifestyle and new technologies can, without depleting the town’s identity, help us to strengthen it and make it more perceptible and interactive. The final result of this research is a ‘Landscape Loop’ concept derived from permutations of routes and walks through urban space, displaying town’s distinct values. Existing spaces are transformed by technology, utilizing Web 2.0 technologies via cell phones. Voids in urban public spaces are revived, phone creates images and stories displayed only in virtual reality, but coexisting in parallel with historical town of Samobor. ‘Landscape Loop’ can merge town and pop culture into contemporary urban landscape, thus making strong city branding in these times of change. Key Words: Urban landscape, Web 2.0 technologies, Croatia, Samobor, landscape loop. ***** 1. Introduction This research is a result of student research project on Landscape Architecture Workshop of 3rd semester Master study under the mentorship Prof. Bojana Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci and is a part of the research project ‘The Urban and Landscape Heritage of Croatia as Part of the European Culture’ which is being carried out by the Faculty of Architecture at the University of Zagreb. Under the term of Urban Landscape this research implies all public spaces of an urban settlement and its surrounding context. They are, or they have the potential

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__________________________________________________________________ to be, vivid places of everyday life, dynamic in their nature. Every history period has its own vision for these spaces and in the digital times it is important to adapt them to a new way of life. By making them more interactive and attractive, these spaces can cope with the time of rapid change and exponential development of new technologies. This context is well explained by Ray Kurzweil - the futurist and inventor: (...) Technological paradigm shifts fall on a continuous logarithmic line, in our time the speed of the microprocessor is doubling every 18 month. Moore’s law is a familiar example, but it is actually part of a long pattern of an exponential increase in the progress of technology... Technological breakthroughs are not only happening constantly. They are happening faster and faster!1 Today scapes are a common way of expression and here we will call Datascape a form of using new technologies in public space to create more attractive and interesting urban landscape. Motion – the act, process, or result of moving implies also the person’s location and activities during a specific time – is one of the main components of defining the space, especially involving the themes of urban environment and landscape. Two new terms are the result of rethinking the urban landscape in 21st c. and they are in a close connection with motion: Walkspace is the place of motion and Walkscapes are all the places that we observe and perceive during the motion.2 Urban landscape is therefore in following projects seen as the place of walkspace and walkscape in the cities and towns. 2. Historical Overview of the (Urban) Landscape and Walkspace By walking, wandering, strolling, running, etc. we give meaning or articulation to the walkspace. At the beginning of the modern human history, before the agrarian revolution, walkspace was the whole nature and nomadic wandering was the first form of an intervention in the (natural) landscape mainly by engraving pathways. Wandering became strolling in settlements and a procession with walkways (antic alley in Egypt, pathways in Greece) as perhaps the first step closer to the urban landscape of walkspace.3 (...) hunters of the Palaeolithic period and nomadic shepherds are the origin of the menhir, the first object of the landscape from which architecture was developed. The landscape seen as an architecture of open space is an invention of the civilisation of wandering.4

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__________________________________________________________________ Open spaces of the medieval towns (streets, squares, gardens) are in its whole walkspace. This was the urban landscape in the medieval times, characterized by utility in the town, built within the human scale and determined in its size. Some of these towns kept the essence of their medieval urban walkspace and walkscape, it creates their identity and touristic attraction. Venice is one example, and the work called WalkSpace: Beirut-Venice, for the Lebanese Pavilion at the Venice Biennale 2011, shows us how this historical space can become contemporarily interesting by using Web 2.0. technology.5 Through the development of parks and landscape architecture, urban landscape gained its new elements. The climax in affirmation of walkspace in the cities was in the 18th and 19th c. when public gardens (London Hyde and Regent’s Park, Augarten and Prater in Vienna, New York Central Park) were erected as large urban public places. It was the time of citizenship and the dawn of contemporary urbanization.6 The outcome of which was the concept of Garden city as a model of urban planning for new, healthier and better community. Since then, a huge technological revolution and improvements had an impact on the 20th c. life and urbanism. The modern city is planned as dispersion of buildings in landscape. Urban landscape is everywhere, but becoming non-obvious in its large scale, because new cities are in the scale of a vehicle, that soon became the main planning issue. In effort to overcome that, some solutions separated different types of motion – pedestrian and vehicular. Today public transport and urban landscape are the means to a more sustainable city. Urban landscape provides human scale spaces in urban planning and also it gives a contemporary image to the city. 3. New Technology and the Space Technology enriches our lives. We have an opportunity to dive into a different world, a world that’s not necessarily connected to our reality. More and more architecture companies use these technological advantages to give users new spatial experiences. The advantage is not only in new possibilities of spatial experiences but also in work processes architects use. That is an unprecedented occurrence in history; one person can easily do the whole project in short time period, depending naturally on the level of their software literacy. Luka Piškorec, research and teaching assistant at the ETH Zürich says: In my opinion, when technology is involved, some decisions are not in our hands. This is also a certain critique of a protechnological society. No one ever asked architects if they want to draw on computers, but today it’s not a choice anymore. Digital fabrication will start a revolution similar to the one when digital printers and plotters appeared. Suddenly, architectural offices didn’t have to possess an army of draftsmen, which in

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__________________________________________________________________ turn put some other skills in foreground. If we let computers (or robots for that matter) do the boring and cumbersome tasks, we’ll have more time do concern ourselves with the design.7 Projects using new technologies also promote other desirable values like sustainability. This is nicely shown in Windstalk project by Atelier DNA, where they use piezoelectric technology in creating urban forest. 8 Technological forest is not only visually enticing but in addition it generates sustainable energy. BIG’s project for Audi Urban Future Award creates smart roads that generate energy and provide life feed of information for driverless cars and pedestrians, creating safer traffic, and new vision for city’s future. In the process a new way of moving is created, cars do not require roads any more, and space they engulfed before can be used for different purposes. Datagrove, a project by Future Cities Lab is a technologically advanced installation. It ‘senses’ digital information from its surroundings and displays it in the form of light, sound or text. Datagrove senses people’s presence and reacts by creating subtle sonic undulations. This is a truly interactive installation that provides a connection between digital (virtual) reality and our physical reality.9 There are many projects using optical illusions, or virtual reality bordering the reality, like the proposal for Urban Intervention Competition by PRAUD.10 Project, amongst other details, proposes a device called the Jelly Bean that looks like a giant blimp and serves as a microclimate controller. It can generate fog, clouds, rain, or create an illusion of sunshine, and at night it can be used as a projection screen. Are we near to crossing the border of becoming the Type I civilization (Kardashev scale) that controls its planet weather and can harvest all of the energy available to them on their planet? Mobile phones using Web 2.0 technologies redefine moving in different ways. They let us experience our surroundings in ways that weren’t possible until recently. We can, using GPS system, find out at any time our current location. Apps like WalkSpace provide us with different routes through the city, giving us different picture of the city.11 Directions appear on our mobile phone screen where to move, and when to stop and look around. Many where concerned that staring at our mobile phones would make us unaware of our surroundings, but apps like this one defy this theory, it does not just do the opposite of that, it does it in an interactive way that wasn’t imaginable before. 4. Case Study: Green Loop of the Town of Samobor Town of Samobor is an urban settlement with the population of 37,000; in the northwest part of Croatia near the border with Slovenia. It is situated 20km west of the Croatia city capital Zagreb which gives it good road connections to the rest of Croatia and Europe, and therefore good opportunities for urban growth and development.12

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Figure 1: Samobor location in Europe and Croatia. © Marina Tolj 2013. A. Genius Loci Samobor is the town of long history and urban tradition. Since the beginning it was formed as a trade settlement at the important crossroad. At the end of 19th c. and the beginning of the 20th c. the town was formed as an excursion spot in attractive countryside with beautiful landscapes. Its landmarks were the highlands and water streams with forests, as well as its picturesque architecture, cultural heritage and tradition. Part of the Samobor tradition is the urban landscape characterized by walkways, pedestrian parts of the town and promenades, especially the one alongside the Gradna stream. The most famous custom in Samobor is the carnival which lasts for 10 days with masked processions through the town walkspace.13

Figure 1: Samobor nature landmarks. © Marina Tolj 2013. B. Current Situations and Future Issues: Comparison with Towns in England This kind of towns, with strong tradition and connection to the natural surroundings, are attractive for tourists as vacation and excursion places. They have a network of pedestrian routes with deferent themes and manifestations

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__________________________________________________________________ throughout the year in the spirit of the place and local life. For example these kinds of towns are Abingdon on Thames, Dunstable and Lichfield. Samobor is very similar to these examples but unfortunately this spirit of place is gradually becoming inadequate for contemporary tourism spot, and the town is decreasing in its popularity as a tourist destination. Contemporary way of life is the main reason for this effect, but here we will show how modern technologies can help reactivate tradition, reanimate people to walk and make public space more interactive and interesting. C. Samobor Data-Scape Historical, architectural and many other values of Samobor are categorized and systematized, creating many thematic walks from this data. Trades, for example are connected in to a walk, with time specific characteristics, meaning one can take this walk in certain time of a day or a week. Famous restaurants and pubs are connected in their own thematic gastro walk, as are the best examples of historic architecture in architecture-walks. There can always be more and more of this walks, adding to new diverse tourist offer, which is based on all that Samobor already has, but presented in a new way.

Figure 2: Recognized, categorized and systematized walks. © Marina Tolj 2013.

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__________________________________________________________________ D. Is Seeing Believing? All of these walks are an input for a mobile phone app, turning the town into a mobile phone application of its own sort. Mobile phone application, called Samobor’s Datascape, works in the way that it lets you create, through various built in filters and permutations, the walk that best suits your desires. If you want to see traditional trades of Samobor, the application makes a walk through Samobor filed with them. Walks are combined from an ever expanding list of existing, but newly recognised, walks. In addition app creates augmented reality, displaying pictures of the past or future events overlaid with viewed space. Thus the new digital layers are added to the town. Layers are invisible to the naked eye, but the phone and the Datascape app makes them visible and interactive. Point your phone in various directions, and augmented reality appears on your screen.

Figure 3: Mobile phone app Datascape. © Marina Tolj 2013.

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__________________________________________________________________ Besides the virtually added layers, a new, real route is added, called Green Loop. Green Loop is a connection of the park-forest Anindol, the promenade alongside the Gradna stream, and many parks in to a circular walk. To make this walk distinguishable from others, 8 new interactive spots are added.

Figure 4: Green Loop. © Marina Tolj 2013. Three spots are situated in Anindol park-forest. First one is the Digital Speaker’s Corner, a wall in essence, but an interactive one, with an usb input. Everyone can come with their data and display them on the wall; as an exhibition. Second spot is the Reminiscence of the time passed, ruins of the Old town of Samobor made in to a fair, with small, non-intrusive kiosks selling traditional products. Third one is the Split personality pavilion, in the place of the old

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__________________________________________________________________ pavilion; a new contemporary interpretation reflects the forest on its reflective surface. The split personality aspect is revealed trough mobile phone, where you can still see the old pavilion.

Figure 5: ˝the Split personality pavilion˝. © Marina Tolj 2013. There are two interactive spots in a segment of the Green Loop connecting south Samobor parks. First one the Train that was is a gallery displaying the history of train transportation in an old train segment situated in the park.

Figure 6: ˝the Train that was˝. © Marina Tolj 2013. Second spot is called Oversized Lego cubes; a meadow with large cubes on it. The cubes can be rearranged in any desired way, creating fortresses, tables and chairs (...). The last row of three interactive spots is on the promenade alongside

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__________________________________________________________________ Gradna stream. One of them, at east end, is the Garden of perpetual change, different plants that go through their cycles in different time of the year, so that experience of the Garden is always different, and the whole cycle of plants change is visible while viewing trough the mobile phone. Middle spot is the Power of the water in the play of light. Gradna stream had many water mills on it in the past, now they are all but gone. To revive this image a mill is added at the place where it once was, as well as the bridge. The mill now powers the LED lights on the bridge, creating motion shadow when someone passes through the bridge. The last spot is In the right place at the right time an interactive display board with live feed of relevant information on weather, events happening and so on. 5. Conclusion New technologies offer us new ways to reinvent space around us. We are inevitably moving towards higher and more infiltrated use of new technologies. Technology doesn’t just make our lives easier; it changes the space around us, eventually turning everything in to Datascape. As we saw, smart roads (Audi competition by BIG), smart installations (Datagrove), smart walls... are all in the near future if not present of the urban landscape. We can only try to implement these technologies in the ways that are of the most value to us, putting walk as an aspect of human life not only beneficial but essential to ones wellbeing, as main goal, enriched by new technologies. One’s imagination can now easily become the reality.

Notes 1

Big DK, ‘Interpretation of the Ray Kurzweil Description of Evolution in Technology’, Bjarke Ingels Group, Audi Urban Future Award, project completed 2010, Viewed on 7 October 2015. http://www.big.dk/#projects-audi. 2 Tamara Marić and Bojana Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci, ‘Walkspace: Linear Space: Motion in the City of Split,’ Prostor 43 (2012): 118-131, Viewed on 7 October 2015, http://www.arhitekt.unizg.hr/prostor/default.aspx. 3 Francesco Careri, Walkscapes: Walking as an Aesthetic Practice (Barcelona: GGLand&ScapeSeries, 2008), 10-14. 4 Ibid., 13. 5 Conor McGarrigle, ‘WalkSpace: Beirut-Venice’, June 2011. Viewed on February 15 2016, http://www.conormcgarrigle.com/venice.html. 6 Bojana Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci and Mladen Obad Šćitaroci, Public Parks and Gardens of Croatian Towns in 19th-Century in a European Context (Zagreb: Šćitaroci, 2004), 12-44.

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Luka Piškorec, ‘Prepustimo li računalima da se bave dosadnim stvarima, imat ćemo više vremena baviti se dizajnom!’, May 15, 2012, Viewed on 15 February 2016, http://pogledaj.to/. 8 ‘Windstalk: Entry for Land Art Generator.’ Collaborative Design Laboratory, 2010, Viewed on 7 October 2015, http://atelierdna.com/masdarwindstalk/. 9 ‘Datagrove: Future Cities Lab’, Archdaily, September 25, 2012, Viewedd on 5 August 2015, http://www.archdaily.com/276041/datagrove-future-cities-lab/. 10 Alison Furuto, ‘Urban Intervention: Public Space Competition Proposal / PRAUD.’ ArchDaily, March 18, 2012, Viewed on August 5, 2015, http://www.archdaily.com/?p=217374. 11 ‘Walkspace.’ YouTube, March 31, 2011, Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xGbtD8a3ZOw. 12 Samoborski muzej, Urbani razvoj Samobora (Samobor: ADS, 1990) 13 Danijel Vojak, ‘Počeci turističke povijesti Samobora, ili - kako je Samobor postao omiljeno izletište Zagrepčana u razdoblju od 1862. do 1901,’ KAJLiterature, Art and Culture Periodical 45 (2012): 101-115

Bibliography Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci, Bojana and Obad Šćitaroci, Mladen. Public Parks and Gardens of Croatian Towns in 19th-Century in a European Context. Zagreb: Šćitaroci, 2004. Careri, Francesco. Walkscape: Walking as an Aesthetic Practice. Barcelona: ‘GG’ - Land&Scape Series, 2008. Samoborski muzej. Urbani razvoj Samobora. Samobor: ADS, 1990. Vojak, Danijel. ‘Počeci turističke povijesti Samobora, ili - kako je Samobor postao omiljeno izletište Zagrepčana u razdoblju od 1862. do 1901. ‘ KAJ-Literature, Art and Culture Periodical 45 (2012): 101-115. Web ‘Datagrove.’ ADNA / Future Cities Lab, 25 September, 2012. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://www.archdaily.com/276041/datagrove-future-cities-lab/.

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__________________________________________________________________ Furuto, Alison. ‘Urban Intervention: Public Space Competition Proposal / PRAUD.’ ArchDaily, 18 March, 2012. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://www.archdaily.com/?p=217374. ‘Interpretation of the Ray Kurzweil Description of Evolution in Technology’., Bjarke Ingels Group, Audi Urban Future Award, project completed 2010. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://www.big.dk/#projects-audi. Marić, Tamara and Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci, Bojana. Walkspace: Linear Space: Motion in the City of Split. Zagreb: Prostor 43, 2012, 118-131. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://www.arhitekt.unizg.hr/prostor/default.aspx. McGarrigle, Conor. ‘WalkSpace: Beirut-Venice’, June 2011. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://www.conormcgarrigle.com/venice.html. Piškorec, Luka. ‘Prepustimo li računalima da se bave dosadnim stvarima, imat ćemo više vremena baviti se dizajnom!’ pogledaj.to, 15 May, 2012. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://pogledaj.to/arhitektura/prepustimo-li-racunalima-da-se-bavedosadnim-stvarima-imat-cemo-vise-vremena-baviti-se-dizajnom/. ‘Windstalk: Entry for Land Art Generator.’ Collaborative Design Laboratory, 5 August 2010. Viewed on 5 August 2015. http://atelierdna.com/masdarwindstalk/. Tamara Marić, mag.ing.arch., is a research and teaching assistant at the Faculty of Architecture in Zagreb and PhD student at TU Wien. She is co-author of 3 scientific papers, co-author of the 1st prized architectural work in New York. Marina Tolj, mag.ing.arch., has graduated at the Faculty of Architecture in Zagreb. Her interest in science and technology was firmly present from early school beginnings. Amongst many skills and hobbies are photography and coding, she is taking online courses dealing with sustainability, networks, design etc. Bojana Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci, PhD, is a Professor at the Dep. of Urban and Spatial Planning and Landscape Arch. at the Faculty of Arch. in Zagreb. She is author/co-author of 8 books and numerous scientific papers, conference proceedings, studies, urban and landscape architecture plans. www.scitaroci.hr