The Texture of Images The Relic Book in Late-Medieval Religiosity and Early Modern Aesthetics (Library of the Written Word) [Translation ed.] 9789004404489, 9789004440128, 9004404481

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The Texture of Images

Library of the Written Word volume 85

The Handpress World Editor-in-Chief Andrew Pettegree (University of St Andrews) Editorial Board Ann Blair (Harvard University) Falk Eisermann (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz) Shanti Graheli (University of Glasgow) Earle Havens (Johns Hopkins University) Ian Maclean (All Souls College, Oxford) Alicia Montoya (Radboud University) Angela Nuovo (University of Milan) Helen Smith (University of York) Mark Towsey (University of Liverpool) Malcolm Walsby (enssib, Lyon) Arthur der Weduwen (University of St Andrews)

volume 66

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/lww

The Texture of Images The Relic Book in Late-Medieval Religiosity and Early Modern Aesthetics

By

Livia Cárdenas Translated by

Anne Simon

leiden | boston

This publication was originally published as Cárdenas, Livia, Die Textur des Bildes. Das Heiltumsbuch im Kontext religiöser Medialität des Spätmittelalters. © Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin, Boston. All rights reserved. The translation of this work was funded by Geisteswissenschaften International – Translation Funding for Work in the Humanities and Social Sciences from Germany, a joint initiative of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Federal Foreign Office, the collecting society VG WORT and the Börsenverein des Deutschen Buchhandels (German Publishers & Booksellers Association). Cover illustration: Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), detail from fol. 17v, reliquary shrine, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. ©The Trustees of the British Museum. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Cárdenas, Livia, author. | Simon, Anne, translator. | Cárdenas, Livia. Textur des Bildes das Heiltumsbuch im Kontext religiöser Medialität des Spätmittelalters. Title: The texture of images : the relic book in late-medieval religiosity and early modern aesthetics / by Livia Cárdenas ; translated by Anne Simon. Other titles: Textur des Bildes. English Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2021] | Series: Library of the written word, 1874-4834 ; volume 85 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020036021 (print) | LCCN 2020036022 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004404489 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004440128 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Relic books. | Books and reading--Europe, German-speaking-History--16th century. | Books and reading--Religious aspects--Christianity. | Christian saints--Cult--Europe, German-speaking. | Authenticity (Philosophy) | Aesthetics, Medieval. | Aesthetics, Renaissance. Classification: LCC Z1023 .C27313 2021 (print) | LCC Z1023 (ebook) | DDC 002--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020036021 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020036022

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1874-4834 ISBN 978-90-04-40448-9 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-44012-8 (e-book) Copyright 2021 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Preface to the English Edition ix Acknowledgements x Translator’s Note xii Key German Terms xiii List of Illustrations xiv Abbreviations xxv Introduction 1 1 Relic Books: Issues of Genre and Classification 1 2 The State of Scholarship 8 3 The Aims of This Study 10

Part 1 The Diversification of the Genre 1 Mimesis as Politics 15 1 The Title Page of the Nuremberg Relic Book 18 2 The Introductory Text 20 3 Processional Sections and Epilogue 23 4 The Organization of the Book 31 5 Hans Mair’s New Edition of 1493: Commission or Free Enterprise? 38 6 Excursus: The Manuscript of 1458 39 7 The Book as Pictogram of the City 42 8 The Motivation of the Book’s Commissioners 50 9 The Self-Privileging of the Citizens 56 2 Competition between Cities and Printers 60 1 The Basic Type and Layout of the Bamberg Relic Book 61 2 Competition between Cities 66 3 Competition between Printers 76 3 Speculating on Similarity 131 1 The Preface of the Würzburg Relic Book 134 2 The Sequence of the Relics: An Open Problem? 136 3 Speculating on Similarity in the Text: The Copied Intercessory Prayers 139

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Contents

4 Speculating on Similarity in the Image 143 5 Hans Mair: Printer in His Own Name 145 4 Familiar Means – New Piety 149 1 Preface and the Calendar of Indulgences 154 2 The Location of the Event 156 3 “Is Clearly Displayed in Image and Word” 159 4 The Martyrdom of Saint Stephen 167 5 The Saint’s Martyrdom and the Reader’s Own Death 169 6 From Didactics to Endowment 175 7 One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The New Title Page 178 5 Aesthetic Enhancement 183 1 Lucas Cranach: The Art of Court and Book 185 2 The Wittenberg Relic Book 191 3 Shifting Statements: A Comparison between the B-Edition and the A-Edition 215 4 Model, Copy and Aesthetic Sublimation 227 5 Functional Aspects 246 6 The Relic Book as Stage Mask: The Media Staging of Social Climbing and the Accumulation of Salvation 254 1 The Commissioner of the Manuscript 257 2 The Starting Point for the Endowment 258 3 The Structure of the Manuscript 263 4 Reference Values 278 7 Troy, Rome, Halle: History and Genealogy 315 1 The Artists of the Halle Relic Book 317 2 Exquisitely Archaic or Exclusive: The Title Page 318 3 Troy, Rome, Halle: Albrecht Dürer’s Engraving 322 4 The Donors Are in the Picture: Portraits and Coats of Arms – The Beginning and the End 330 5 The Introduction 333 6 The Organization of the Book 335 7 Fidelity to and Distance from the Object: Strategies of Realization 354 8 The Fine Art of Trumping 370

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Part 2 Synthesis of a Genre 8 The Mediality of the Relic Book 373 1 “diser maß und gestalt”: Text and Reality 373 2 Autonomy and Aesthetics of Reproduction 383 3 Analogy versus Genealogy: The Relic Book as Precursor of Collection and Exhibition Catalogues 391 9 The Texture of the Book 401 1 The Realm of Possibilities: Social Compensation, Didactics, Memorial Object and Objet d’art 401 2 The Image as Genuine Narrative 406 3 Interaction of Image and Text 407 4 The Commissioners of Relic Books 408 5 The Book as Realm of Piety 409 6 The Book as Realm of Mediality 409 7 Texture 410 Appendix 1 Catalogue of Relic Books 411 Appendix 2 Bamberg Relic Books: Comparison of Distribution and Number of Reliquaries in All Editions 460 Appendix 3 Bamberg Relic Books: Comparison of the Emendations in the Editions by Hans Mair, 1493/1495 464 Appendix 4 Würzburg Relic Book: List of New Woodcuts 466 Appendix 5 Wittenberg Relic Book: Changes between Edition A and Edition B 468 Appendix 6 Vienna and Hall Relic Books: Comparison of Liturgical Chants 470 Appendix 7 Hall Relic Book: Index of Headings 472 Appendix 8 Hall Relic Book: Distribution of Woodcuts in the Manuscript 488 Appendix 9 Libellus demonstrativus (c. 1517) 494 Appendix 10 Indulgentiae ecclesiae metropolitanae Magdeburgensis 496 Bibliography 499 Index 542

Preface to the English Edition The English edition of my book arose out of a conversation with Andrew Pettegree (St. Andrews) following a lecture at the Basel Renaissance Colloquium in 2016. Significantly, the topic of the Colloquium was ‘Renaissance Books. A Mediology.’ This constitutes what might be called serendipity. Andrew Pettegree’s interest and encouragement, and the acceptance of this study on relic books for his book series Library of the Written Word, provided a good point of departure for everything else. At Brill, Arjan van Dijk and Francis Knikker were responsible for guiding this volume through the press. My heartfelt thanks go to Katja Richter, my editor at De Gruyter, for putting it forward for ‘Geisteswissenschaften International,’ the prize promoting the translation of scholarly works in the Arts, and for her faith in me. This prize made possible the translation, undertaken with great care and patience by Anne Simon. Anna Becker (Aarhus) and Anja Rathmann-Lutz (Örnsköldsvik/Basel) were always ready to answer my many and varied questions about translation and interpretation. Finally, many colleagues and friends have contributed to this book in one way or another. My thanks go to all of them. Livia Cárdenas Basel/Berlin, April 2020

Acknowledgements Acknowledgements and their expressions of gratitude are a familiar genre; nonetheless, the variant on the praise of contemporaries – supervisors, examiners, colleagues, family – voiced here is no empty topos. First and foremost, my thanks go to Horst Bredekamp, whose aid and support were, from the very beginning, decisive in guiding the dissertation on which the original German edition of this book was based. Achatz von Müller offered benevolent criticism, friendly advice and sparkling conversation in its concluding stages. I also wish to thank him for the opportunity for discussion with students in co-taught seminars on ‘Reality c. 1500’ at the University of Basel. Helga Möbius’s constant, critical insistence has also contributed greatly to my general academic education. Without exception, all the libraries and archives consulted in the writing of this book were friendly, obliging and infinitely helpful. My particular thanks are due to the staff at the Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, who not only granted me access to their treasure house of books but also shared their knowledge with me. Konstanze Mittendorfer of the Department of Incunabula, Old and Rare Books at the Austrian National Library generously facilitated my access to the numerous objects of my desire. Giulia Bartrum, Department of Prints and Drawings, British Museum, smoothed my path to the only known copy of the first edition of the Wittenberg Relic Book. In the Parish of St. Nicholas (Hall in Tyrol) Father Jakob Patsch and Cornelia Sonderegger granted me free access to the manuscript by one of my heroes, Florian von Waldauf. A stipend from the Gerda Henkel Stiftung (Düsseldorf) supported the work on my doctoral thesis. Thanks for support are also due to the Geschwister Böhringer Ingelheim Stiftung für Geisteswissenschaften in Ingelheim am Rhein, the Christine Bonjour Stiftung (Basel) and the Miranda Floh Stiftung. My gratitude goes to Philipp Zitzlsperger, Silke Tammen, Yvonne Northemann, Markus Leo Mock, Christian Taaks and Jan Henkel for informative, interested conversations. I owe a particular debt to Sabine Heiser and Dorothea Klein for their friendly, energetic support on the home stretch of my doctoral dissertation. I also wish to thank my family, especially Dirk Schumann, Sonia Cárdenas and Nora Butter, who from the very beginning have been at my side in my struggle with Nuremberg City Council, printers, the Bishops of Bamberg, a burgher of Vienna, a royal counsellor and emperors, kings and princes of the Empire; and who are also my anchor on the shore of the turbulent ocean of academia. Above all I wish to thank my mother, Marguerite Blume-Cárdenas, who was the first to read the manuscript of my doctoral dissertation, even

Acknowledgements

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b­ efore it was submitted to the Faculty of Philosophy III at the Humboldt University, Berlin, in September 2010. This book is dedicated to the memory of my beloved grandmother, Luise Olga Charlotte Kraushaar (neé Szepansky) (1905–1989). Livia Cárdenas Basel/Berlin, June 2013

Translator’s Note Translation is always a matter of selection and interpretation, especially in the case of texts which are five hundred years old. Grammar, spelling, syntax and punctuation change over time, as does the meaning of vocabulary; and ­fifteenth- and sixteenth-century texts (even those from the pen of educated authors) are generally more coloured by local dialect features. Moreover, these texts are written in a different cultural context and cultural shorthand, in a world infused by devotional practices and religious reference points which can be difficult for the more secular twenty-first century to reconstruct. Terms such as Heiltumsweisung, Heiltumsstuhl, Heiltumsbuch, Gang and so forth resonate in ways which cannot be captured in a single-word translation. The list of key terms attempts to explain the most significant. It is hoped the reader will be patient with the truncated terminology which has, of necessity, been used in this translation and that it does not impede his/her own imaginative reconstruction of the texts and images of late-medieval devotion. Translations of extracts from source texts stay close to the original – inelegant, but of greater help in their understanding. Anne Simon London, April 2020

Key German Terms Gang is the word used for one of the strictly sequential processions or stages into which a public display of relics was divided. It also designates the corresponding section in the printed work, or relic book, which records this display. Heiltum is the outdated word for the relic of a saint. It is related to heilen (to heal) and heilig (holy), so relics healed in a spiritual as well as physical sense (a meaning lost in modern German Reliquie or English relic, something left over). Heiltumsbuch is the term for the books which, in text and image, documented the public display of relics. Reading them was meant to enable imaginative reconstruction of the event and ultimately to aid spiritual healing, i.e., salvation. Heiltumsschreier or “relic shouter” was the title given to the man who, in a loud voice, announced the relics and reliquaries in the order in which they were presented. The Latin term vocalissimus (from Latin vocalis) was also used. Heiltumsstuhl literally means “relic chair.” It is the word for the stage (usually constructed especially for the occasion and several stories high) from which the salvific relics were displayed to the assembled faithful. Heiltumsweisung was the public display of relics (left-over bits of bone, skin, hair, cloth and random objects associated with the saints) and hence of the healing, redemptive powers condensed into them. It took place on special feast days. Schreizettel (literally “shout note”) were the sheets of paper on which the relics were listed in the order of their presentation to the assembled faithful. The contents of the various reliquaries were proclaimed or shouted out one by one.

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Nuremberg Relic Book 1487: Title page. Incun. 1487.H 4 Rosenwald Collection 120, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 19 Nuremberg Relic Book 1487, fol. 4r: Display stage and first processional section. 4 Inc. c.a. 514, München BSB 25 Imperial Crown, Imperial Treasury, Vienna. Weltliche Schatzkammer, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Weltliche_Schatzkammer_Wien_(190)2.JPG [accessed 2 February 2020] 28 Nuremberg Relic Book 1487, fols. 4v and 5r: Depiction of the second and beginning of the third processional sections with the Imperial Crown, Coronation Regalia, swords of Charlemagne and Saint Maurice and ostensories. Incun. 1487.H 4 Rosenwald Collection 120, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 29 Nuremberg Relic Book 1487, fols. 5v/6r: Relic of the Cross, the Holy Lance and the Imperial Cross. Incun. 1487.H 4 Rosenwald Collection 120, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 30 Nuremberg Relics (Nuremberg c. 1425/50). Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Photo: Monika Runge 36 Nuremberg Relics (Nuremberg c. 1485). British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 37 Nuremberg Relic Book 1493, fol. 4r: Display stage with depiction of the first procession. Clm 428, München BSB 43 Nuremberg Relic Book 1493, fol. 4v: Imperial Crown and coronation robes. Clm 428, München BSB 44 Nuremberg Relic Book 1493: Title page. Clm 428, München BSB 45 Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg (Anton Koburger, 1484), fol. 1v. Incun. 1484. N8 Rosenwald Collection 107, Library of Congress Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington D.C. 47 Hans Rosenplüt, Lobspruch auf Nürnberg (Max Ayrer, [s.a.]): Title page. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – PK 48 Kunz Has, Gedicht auf Nürnberg (Peter Wagner, 1492): Title page. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – PK 49 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1), fol. 5v. 4 Inc. c.a. 978 m, München BSB 75 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2): Title page. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 78 Die Reformation des gerichtes der Dechaney des Thumstifts zu Bamberg (after 26 November 1488), fol. 1v. 2 Inc s.a. 1021m, München BSB 79

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Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fols. 1v/2r: The procession with the shrine of Emperor Henry; George fighting the dragon. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Library of Congress Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington D.C. 80 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 8v. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Library of Congress Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington D.C. 83 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 9v. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Library of Congress Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington D.C. 84 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 5v: Coconut reliquary highlighted. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 85 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 7r: Coconut reliquary highlighted. R.B. Msc. 3/2, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 86 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 6v. © British Library Board 87 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 4r: Crystal monstrance highlighted. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 88 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 5r: Crystal monstrance highlighted. R.B. Msc. 3/2, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 89 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 4r. © British Library Board 90 Reliquary monstrance (Lamp of Saint Cunigunde), Bamberg Cathedral Treasury. Ernst von Bassermann-Jordan and Wolfgang M. Schmid, Der Bamberger Domschatz (Munich: Bruckmann, 1914), fig. 13 91 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 7v. R.B. Msc. 3/2, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 92 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 7r. © British Library Board 93 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 7v: Nail ostensory. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 94 Nail ostensory, front and back, Thomas Rockenbach 1485/86, Bamberg Cathedral Treasury. Ernst von Bassermann-Jordan and Wolfgang M. Schmid, Der Bamberger Domschatz (Munich: Bruckmann, 1914), fig. 20 95 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 18v. © British Library Board 96

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Illustrations Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 13r: Monstrance and Nail ostensory. R.B. Msc. 3/2, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 97 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 8r, left column, centre: Emperor Henry’s Chalice. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 98 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 19r. © British Library Board 99 Arm reliquary of Saint Vitus, Bamberg Cathedral Treasury. Ernst von Bassermann-Jordan and Wolfgang M. Schmid, Der Bamberger Domschatz (Munich: Bruckmann, 1914), pl. XXII 100 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 23r. © British Library Board 101 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 11v. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 102 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 34r: Jugs from the Marriage at Cana. © British Library Board 103 Bamberg Relic Book 1495: Title page. R.B. Inc. typ. V 35m, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 104 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 8r, left column, centre: Emperor Henry’s Chalic. R.B. Inc. typ. V 35m, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 105 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 10r: With Emperor Henry’s arm and Empress Cunigunde’s head. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 106 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 10r: With Emperor Henry’s arm and Empress Cunigunde’s head. R.B. Inc. typ. V 35m, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 107 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 11r: Jugs from the Marriage at Cana. R.B. Inc. typ. V 35m, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 108 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 9r. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 109 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 9r. R.B. Inc. typ. V 35m, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 110 Würzburg Relic Book 1493, fol. 3v. 25.G.22, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 111 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 16v. R.B. Msc. 3/2, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 112 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/9), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fol. 23v. © British Library Board 113

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Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1): Title page. 4 Inc. c.a. 978 m, München BSB 116 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3): Title page. HV Rar 100, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 117 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fols. 1v/2r: Emperor Henry and Empress Cunigunde with a model of Bamberg Cathedral; above them the coats of arms of the Emperor, the Bishop in office and the city. HV Rar 100, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 118 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fols. 4v/5r. HV Rar 100, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 118 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fol. 8v. HV Rar 100, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 119 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fol. 9v. HV Rar 100, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 121 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4), fol. 9v. Rés. M. 465, gallica.bnf.fr/Bibliothèque nationale de France 122 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4): Title page. Rés. M. 465, gallica.bnf.fr/Bibliothèque nationale de France 123 Bamberg Relic Book 1509: Title page. HV Rar 101, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 125 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. MS. 15689, fols. 35v/36r: Knight holding the banner of Saint George; procession with Emperor Henry’s shrine. © British Library Board 127 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fols. 1v/2r: Procession with Emperor Henry’s shrine; knight holding the banner of Saint George. HV Rar 101, Staatsbi­ bliothek Bamberg, Photo: Gerald Raab 128 Würzburg Relic Book 1493, title page: Saint Kilian between Colmán and Totnan. 25.G.22, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 132 Hartmann Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle (Nuremberg, 1493), detail from fol. CLXIv: Saint Kilian and his companions Colmán and Totnan. Incun. 1493.S32 Rosenwald 166, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 133 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fols. 4v/5r. The images re-used in the Würzburg Relic Book, fols. 3v/4r, are highlighted. Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection 162, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress 144 Würzburg Relic Book 1493, fols. 3v/4r. The images taken over from the Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fols. 4v/5r, are highlighted. 25.G.22, Österreichi­ sche Nationalbibliothek 144

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Illustrations Missale speciale Herbipolense (Würzburg: Georg Reyser, after 8 March 1495): Coat of arms of Bishop and Bishopric with Saint Kilian. 2 Inc. s.a. 879 h, München BSB 147 Vienna Relic Book 1502, title page: Knight with pennant and city coat of arms. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch nach der Ausgabe vom Jahre 1502 sammt den Nachträgen von 1514 mit Unterstützung des k.k. Handelsministeriums, ed. by k.k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie (Vienna: Gerold, 1882) 151 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 1v: Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 153 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 3v: Display stage. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 157 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fols. 8v and 9r. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 161 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 10r. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 162 Reliquary of the cross of Saint Andrew (c. 1440), Vienna, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum. Arthur Saliger and Waltraut Kuba-Hauk, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum Wien (Vienna: Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, 1987), fig. 28 163 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 4v. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 165 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fols. 10v/11r. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 166 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 17v: Martyrdom of Saint Stephen. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 168 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 24r: Death’s coat of arms. Das Wiener Heilig­ thumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 170 Albrecht von Eyb, verse adaptation of individual prose passages from the Ehebüchlein and Spiegel der Sitten, Munich, BSB, Cgm 5185, fol. 17r: Death’s words. Cgm 5185, München BSB 173 Vienna Relic Book 1514, fol. [a]r: First page of the supplement. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 176 Vienna Relic Book 1502, reliquaries re-set in 1514. A: Detail from fol. 5r (I/2). B: Detail from 6v (II/8). Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 177 Vienna Relic Book 1514, title page: Saint Stephen. Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch (Facsimile edition 1882) 179 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), title page: Lucas Cranach the Elder: Frederick the Wise and John the Constant, engraving, 1510. 158 d. 64, British

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Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 192 Lucas Cranach the Elder: Frederick the Wise, engraving, 1509. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, PK 193 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 1v: Castle Church. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 198 Castle Church, Wittenberg, photo c. 1914. Private Archive: Martin Steffens 199 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fols. 35v and 36r: Statuettes of the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 208 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 44r: Statuette of the Risen Christ. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 209 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 7v. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 211 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 35r: Bust and statue reliquary of Saint Anne with the Virgin Mary and Christ Child. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 213 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 44v: Coat of arms of Frederick the Wise. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 214 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 1r: Title page. 159 c. 54 (1), British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 218 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 51r: Christ on the Cross with the Virgin Mary and John the Evangelist . 159 c. 54 (1), British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 219 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 20r. 159 c. 54 (1), British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 220 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 20v. 159 c. 54 (1), British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 221 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 5r. 159 c. 54 (1), British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 223

xx

Illustrations

93

Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 50v. 159 c. 54 (1), British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 224 Glass of Saint Elizabeth, Art Collections of the Veste Coburg. Beate Böckem etc. (eds.), Apelles am Fürstenhof. Facetten der Hofkunst um 1500 im Alten Reich (Berlin: Lukas, 2010), p. 173 228 Glass of Saint Elizabeth, drawing, ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 47r. Thüring­i­ sches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar, Ernestinisches Gesamtarchiv 229 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), detail from fol. 3v: Glass of Saint Elizabeth. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 230 Cross fashioned from rock crystal, drawing, ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 29r. Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar, Ernestinisches Gesamtarchiv 231 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 39r: Cross fashioned from rock crystal. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 232 Statuette of Saint Wenceslas, drawing, ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 53r. Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar, Ernestinisches Gesamtarchiv 233 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 26v: Statuette of Saint Wenceslas. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 234 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 25r: Skull of a legionary. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 236 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 9v: Skulls of Saint Ursula’s companions. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 237 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 31v: Reliquary of Saint Bartholomew. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 238 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 20r: Statuette of Saint Pancras. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 241 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 22r: Reliquary shrine. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 242 Aschaffenburg Codex MS. 14, fol. 234v: Reliquary shrine. Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg 243

94

95 96

97

98

99 100

101

102

103

104

105

106

Illustrations 107

108 109

110 111 112a/b

113a/b

114 115 116

117–119

120–122

123

xxi

Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fols. 5v/6r. 158 d. 64, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 244 Hall Relic Book 1508/9, fol. 6r: Distress at sea. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 260 Hall Relic Book, 1508/09, fol. 19v: Emperor Maximilian, King Philip of Spain and Florian Waldauf with their coats of arms and courtiers. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 267 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 1r: Title page with the Hall coat of arms. Pfarr­ archiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 282 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 3v: Foundation image with the Holy Trinity. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 283 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 11v, woodcut VI: Donor, his family and a crowd of pilgrims in a chapel; woodcut VII: Coronation of the Virgin. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 286 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 27v, woodcut XII: Donor with his family and the faithful in a chapel; fol. 28r, woodcut XIII: Vision of Mary in the Waldauf Chapel. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 288 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, between fols. 9 and 10: Priest preaching. Pfarr­ archiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 290 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 11r: Meditating priest. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 291 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 23v/24r: Translation of the relics from Rettenberg Castle to Hall. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 292 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 51v, woodcut XIIII: Pope Alexander VI; fol. 54r, woodcut XV: Pope Julius II; fol. 67r, woodcut XVII: Emperor Maximilian I. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 294 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 87v, woodcut XXII: King Philip of Spain; fol. 88r, woodcut XXIIII: Christoph von Schrofenstein, Bishop of Brixen; fol. 90r, woodcut XXIII: Leonhard von Keutzschach, Archbishop of Salzburg Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 295 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 68r: Heraldic shields of the conservatores appointed by Maximilian. From top to bottom and left to right: Imperial double eagle with the coat of arms of Tyrol (for the Tyrolese provincial government); the Archbishop of Salzburg; Bishoprics of Brixen and Augsburg; the Monastery of Kempten; the Cathedral Chapter of Brixen; the Monastery of Wilten; the towns of Kempten, Meran, Hall, Innsbruck and Sterzing. Pfarr­ archiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 298

xxii

Illustrations

124

Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 125v: Display stage. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 299 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 133v/134r. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 301 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 138r and 150v: Pages from the eighth and fourteenth processional sections. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 302 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 154r (reliquary casket no. 93) and 160r (reliquary casket no. 113). Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 302 Cross reliquary (before 1508), Town Museum, Hall in Tirol. Gert Ammann (ed.), Heiltum und Wallfahrt. Katalog der Tiroler Landesausstellung im Prämonstratenserstift Wilten und in der Benediktinerabtei St. GeorgenbergFiecht 1988 (Innsbruck: Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, 1988), p. 142 304 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 180v: Cross reliquary. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 305 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 146r: Reliquary of Leopold. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 306 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 163v: Reliquary of the Crown of Thorns. Pfarr­ archiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 306 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 153r: Reliquary of Saint George. Pfarrarchiv St. Nikolaus, Hall in Tyrol, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 307 Marx Reichlich, former altar retable in the Waldauf Chapel, outer wing: Florian Waldauf and Saints George and Florian. Town Museum, Hall in Tyrol, Forum Hall in Tirol. Neues zur Geschichte der Stadt, 2 (2008), p. 275 308 Marx Reichlich, former altar retable in the Waldauf Chapel, outer wing: Barbara Mitterhofer, Saints Barbara and Birgitta and members of the Birgittine Order. Town Museum, Hall in Tyrol, Forum Hall in Tirol. Neues zur Geschichte der Stadt, 2 (2008), p. 276 308 Hall in Tyrol, Church of Saint Nicholas, grille of the Waldauf Chapel with Waldauf’s coat of arms. Photo: Dirk Schumann 310 Hall in Tyrol, Church of Saint Nicholas, grille of the Waldauf Chapel from the outside and inside. Photo: Dirk Schumann 311 Halle Relic Book 1520: Title page. H: T 724.4° Helmst. (3), Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel 319 Albrecht Dürer, Apocalipsis cum Figuris, title page of the Latin edition of the Apocalypse, Nuremberg 1498. Hubertus Lossow (ed.), Die heimlich ­Offenbarung iohannis: die sechzehn Holzschnitte Albrecht Dürers zur Geheimen Offenbarung (3rd edn., Freiburg i. Br.: Christophorus, 1948) 321

125 126a/b

127a/b

128

129 130 131 132 133a

133b

134 135a/b 136 137

Illustrations 138

139 140 141 142 143

144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152

153 154 155

xxiii

Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 1v: Albrecht Dürer, Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, engraving. H: T 724.4° Helmst. (3), Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel 323 Halle Relic Book 1520: Foundation woodcut. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 331 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 3r: The Golden Rose. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 339 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 3v: The Blessed Sword. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 342 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 41r: Bust of Saint Joachim. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 346 Peter Vischer, bronze epitaph of the Electoral Prince Friedrich the Wise, 1527, Wittenberg Castle Church. Bernhard Gruhl, Die Schloßkirche in der Lutherstadt Wittenberg (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2006), p. 53 347 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 47v: Statuette of Saint Peter. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 349 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 56v: Bust of Saint Maurice. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 350 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 57v: Bust of Saint Erasmus. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 352 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 84r. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 356 Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 312v: Pelican reliquary. Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg 357 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 113v. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 358 Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 409v: Bust of Mary Magdalene. Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg 359 Halle Relic Book 1520, detail from fol. 58v: Statuette of Saint Stephen. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 362 Albrecht Dürer, Saints Stephen, Sixtus and Lawrence, woodcut, c. 1504/05. British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings. © The Trustees of the British Museum 363 Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 24r. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 364 Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 121v: Resurrection reliquary. Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg 365 Albrecht Dürer, woodcut of the Resurrection, Large Passion, 1510. Yale University Art Gallery 366

xxiv 156 157 158

159 160

Illustrations Halle Relic Book 1520, detail from fol. 67v: Statuette of Saint George. Halle, Marienbibliothek, Photo: Livia Cárdenas 368 Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 256v: Statuette of Saint George. Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg 369 Hartmann Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle (Nuremberg 1493): Depiction of the cities of Perugia, Siena, Mantua, Ferrara, Damascus and Kärnten (here: fol. CLIXr, Ferrara). Incun. 1493.S32 Rosenwald 166, Library of Congress Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington D.C. 376 A so-called counterfeit-guilder broadsheet (Ulm: [Johann Zainer the ­Elder, 1482]). Einbl. V 46, München BSB 379 A so-called counterfeit-guilder broadsheet ([Munich: Johann Schaur 1482]). Einbl. V 46, München BSB 380

Abbreviations 1

Relic Books

NRB 1487 NRB 1493 BRB 1493/1 Pfeyl BRB 1493/2 Mair BRB 1493/3 Sporer BRB 1493/4 Sporer BRB 1495 BRB 1509 HaRB HRB VRB 1502 VRB 1514 WRB-A WRB WüRB 2

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487 Nuremberg Relic Book 1493 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1) Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2) Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3) Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4) Bamberg Relic Book 1495 Bamberg Relic Book 1509 Hall Relic Book 1508/09 Halle Relic Book 1520 Vienna Relic Book 1502 Vienna Relic Book 1514 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A) Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B) Würzburg Relic Book 1483 [1493]

Secondary Literature

ADB Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie B Bartsch BSB Bayerische Staatsbibliothek BSB-Ink Inkunabelkatalog Bayerische Staatsbibliothek C Copinger CDB Codex diplomaticus Brandenburgensis; Riedel CDB ChrSt. Chroniken der deutschen Städte DAW Diözesanarchiv Wien Dolch Langer/Dolch GW Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke H Hain HC Hain and Copinger Holl. Hollstein LCI Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie LThK Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche NDB Neue Deutsche Biographie

xxvi

Abbreviations

ÖNB Österreichische Nationalbibliothek RI Regesta Imperii Rst. Reichsstadt RTA Reichstagsakten (see Historische Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (eds.), Deut­ sche Reichstagsakten) Schr. Schreiber StadtAN Stadtarchiv Nürnberg StAN Staatsarchiv Nürnberg ThHStAW Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar, Ernestin­isches Gesamtarchiv TRE Theologische Realenzyklopädie USTC Universal Short Title Catalogue VD 16 Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschiene­ nen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts (VD 16)

Introduction 1

Relic Books: Issues of Genre and Classification

What exactly constitutes a relic book has been, and is still, judged very differently by scholars. Initially a variety of books were subsumed into this category, albeit without any strict definition, producing a catalogue which gradually increased in size. As early as 1821 Joseph Heller compiled the first list of such books in his study of the engravings and woodcuts of Lucas Cranach the Elder.1 However, Heller was a connoisseur who contented himself with listing titles under this generic term. It was Anton Ruland, in Über das Vorzeigen und Ausrufen der Reliquien (1863), who was the first to characterize this group of books, without, however, actually using the term ‘relic book’ (Heiltumsbuch). He describes the books he lists as the first exhibition catalogues. In his view these books were the logical result of both pilgrimage to locations where relics were displayed and the invention of printing; and constituted publication of the “Reliquienverzeichnisse einzelner Orte und Städte” [inventories of the relics in individual places and towns], which served in part “to draw the attention of the faithful to such holy relics, partly in order to press a book into their hands during the display so that they might follow the priest presenting the relics.”2 Ruland’s classification is based on function, a tendency still found in more ­recent scholarly literature.3 In his catalogue Ruland therefore included the 1 Joseph Heller, Versuch über das Leben und die Werke Lucas Cranach’s (Bamberg: Kunz, 1821), pp. 350–357; also in: Joseph Heller, Verzeichniss sämtlicher Kupferstiche und Holzschnitte von und nach Lucas Cranach dem Älteren (Bamberg: Kunz, 1821), pp. 94–101; second, extended edition with a more comprehensive list: Joseph Heller, Lucas Cranach’s Leben und Werk (2nd rev. edn, Nuremberg: Lotzbeck, 1854), pp. 197–200. Heller’s apparently self-evident use of the generic term ‘Heiltumsbuch’ [relic book] for a larger group of books is probably based on the bibliographer Georg Wolfgang Panzer’s use of this term for the Nuremberg Relic Book in his Annalen der ältern deutschen Litteratur, which Heller cites (Georg Wolfgang Panzer, Annalen der älteren deutschen Litteratur oder Anzeige und Beschreibung derjenigen Bücher, welche von Erfindung der Buchdruckerkunst bis 1526 in deutscher Sprache gedruckt worden sind (3 vols., Nuremberg: Grattenauer, 1788–1805), i (1788). 200, no. 352, 451, no. 1024). 2 “die Gläubigen auf solche Heiligthümer aufmerksam zu machen, theils um ihnen bei der Vorzeigung selbst ein Büchlein in die Hand geben zu können, damit sie dem die Reliquien vorzeigenden Priester folgen könnten” (Anton Ruland, ‘Über das Vorzeigen und Ausrufen der Reliquien oder über die “Heilthumsfahrten” der Vorzeit,’ Chilianeum, 2 (1863), pp. 231–236, pp. 285–295, pp. 336–344 (p. 235)). 3 Amongst others, Anton Legner, Reliquien in Kunst und Kult: Zwischen Antike und Aufklärung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995), p. 103; and Falk Eisermann, ‘Die Heiltumsbücher des späten Mittelalters als Medien symbolischer und pragmatischer

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_002

2

Introduction

f­ollowing: illustrated printed works structured according to the sequence in which the relics were presented during the display (Heiltumsweisung) and containing woodcut illustrations of the reliquaries (and occasionally even the ­relics); a chronicle without a list of relics; and several chronicles with them.4 As part of his treatise Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche (1879) Franz Falk published an annotated catalogue of books, now categorized clearly as ‘Heilthums-Büchlein’ [little relic books].5 To this extent Falk provides us with the first, albeit descriptive, discussion of the genre as such. Basing his observations on Ruland’s remarks, he also describes chronicles, as well as illustrated books which refer in concrete terms to the display of relics in a given location. Ruland had compiled a list of printed works from nine different places, but Falk was able to increase this to sixteen and, in addition, to give details of further printed works.6 Thus, since Anton Ruland’s Über das Vorzeigen und Ausrufen der Reliquien (1863) and Franz Falk’s Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche (1879), scholarly literature has grouped the following under the heading of relic books: first, any illustrated books whose structure reflects that of a public display of relics; second, chronicles furnished with lists of relics or which even just discuss relics in the course of their narrative. In his Die Verehrung der Heiligen und ihrer Reliquien in Deutschland im Mittelalter (1890/1892), which has become the standard work, Stephan Beissel has recourse to Falk’s catalogue, permanently establishing the concept of the relic book and the inclusion in it of the two groups of works mentioned above.7 Over time the catalogue of these works increased in size and now encompasses manuscripts, incunabula and early printed works in equal measure.8 To

4 5 6 7 8

­ ommunikation,’ in Rudolf Suntrup etc. (eds.), The mediation of symbol in late medieval and K early modern times. Medien der Symbolik im Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 2005), pp. 37–56 (p. 44). Ruland appears not to have known Heller’s list since the two lists diverge in the case of several books. Franz Falk, Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche, zunächst in Deutschland, bis zum Jahre 1520 (Cologne: Bachem & Schuler, 1879), pp. 59–75. For example, Falk cites five printed chronicles for Andechs, whereas Ruland cites only two. Stephan Beissel, Die Verehrung der Heiligen und ihrer Reliquien in Deutschland im Mittelalter (Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1890/1892; repr: Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1983), part 2, pp. 123–124. Between the last quarter of the fifteenth century and 1520, broadsheets were printed which depict relics belonging to various places, including Aachen, Maastricht and Kornelimünster (1468 or 1475) (München, Staatl. graphische Sammlungen, Inv. no. 118 308; Schr. 1937); the Andechs Relic Broadsheet, a single-sided print from 1496 (London British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings; Schr. 1936m); the so-called ‘half-woodcut’ (second half of the fifteenth century) as well as the so-called ‘whole woodcut’ (c. 1480) showing the Nurem­ berg Imperial Regalia (Schr. 1942 und 1942a); the Relic Broadsheet from the Basilica of Saints

Introduction

3

do justice to the diversity of the genre, relic books have been subdivided into two groups: first, relic books which either take the form of chronicles (with lists of relics) or are pragmatically historiographical; second, relic books which follow a liturgical pattern or draw on ritual. Kühne was the first to adopt this sensible distinction; he was followed by Eisermann, who provides a detailed definition encompassing both groups.9 Wolfgang Schmid, by contrast, advocates a considerably broader definition of the genre of the relic book, although he wishes to see the term limited to printed works. He calls them ‘Heiltums­ schriften’ [relic pamphlets] or ‘Heiltumsdrucke’ [relic prints]. However, under these headings he includes everything related to the issues around their inventories of relics, or to pilgrimage in the broadest sense.10 Kühne himself points out that Hildegard Erlemann und Thomas Stangier had previously compiled an extremely precise inventory of the characteristics of relic books.11 According to this, the genre includes (printed) books produced on the occasion of displays of relics. Their distinctiveness consists in the pictorial and textual reproduction of the precious reliquaries exhibited to the faithful during the displays in their prescribed sequence. The design and organization of the books are, then, guided by the course of the liturgy during the display, the ostensio reliquiarum. In general, the books boast an introductory title woodcut and a preface, followed by illustrations of the relics accompanied by more or less detailed texts. The conclusion frequently consists of intercessory prayers, occasionally followed by a summary of all the relic fragments in a given collection. In line with the displays, the books are predominantly subdivided according to individual groups of relics, the so-called Gänge or Umgänge: in other words, into sections which reflect the individual processions or 9

10

11

Ulrich and Afra in Augsburg (1520), which is the copy of an older broadsheet (Schr. 1936). In this study they are referred to only briefly. Hartmut Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum. Untersuchungen über Entstehung, Ausbreitung, Gestalt und Funktion der Heiltumsweisungen im römisch-deutschen Regnum (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2000), pp. 42–46; Falk Eisermann, ‘Heiltumsbücher,’ in Kurt Ruh (ed.), Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon (2nd edn., 14 vols., Berlin: de Gruyter, 1978–2008), xi (2001), cols. 604–609; Eisermann, ‘Heiltumsbücher des späten Mittelalters,’ especially pp. 38–39 and pp. 44–46. See also the summarizing list of relic books compiled by Erich von Rath in ‘Heiltumsbücher,’ in Lexikon des Gesamten Buchwesens (3 vols., Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1935–1936), ii. 77–78; or H. Rosenfeld, ‘Heiltumbuch,’ in Lexikon des gesamten Buchwesens (2nd rev. edn., Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1987ff.), iii (1991). 428–429. Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Die Wallfahrtslandschaft Rheinland am Vorabend der Reformation. Studien zu Trierer und Kölner Heiltumsdrucken,’ in Bernhard Schneider (ed.), Wallfahrt und Kommunikation – Kommunikation über Wallfahrt (Mainz: Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 2003), pp. 176–185. Hildegard Erlemann and Thomas Stangier, ‘Heiltumsbuch,’ in Robert-Henri Bautier etc. (eds.), Lexikon des Mittelalters (10 vols., Munich/Zurich: Artemis & Winkler, 1980–1999), iv (1989), cols. 2032–2033.

4

Introduction

c­ ircumambulations. Kühne, however, finds fault with the fact that this characterization excludes a large proportion of the literature previously identified in scholarship as relic books,12 since Erlemann and Stangier follow a narrower definition of the genre in the Lexikon des Mittelalters, including only those works which mirror the pattern of the liturgy. In their view, the numerous chronicles containing lists of relics do not belong to the genre, in itself an indirect decision to be guided by structural characteristics and to count as relic books only works based on ritual and, for the most part, illustrated. This brief overview of the classification and attribution of relic books, which vary with each scholar, already demonstrates that we are dealing with a nebulous, not readily definable genre. On the one hand, they seem, in the broadest sense, to be mere catalogues of collections aimed at diverse addressees; on the other, they are literature. On the one hand, the inclusion of lists of relics constitutes the prerequisite for the definition of a work as a relic book; on the other, these lists are found in such diverse contexts that it proves difficult to categorize relic books as belonging to one particular, distinct genre. In agreement with Erlemann und Stangier, and going further than Eisermann, who criticizes Schmid’s understanding of the term as far too broad, this study proposes to use the generic term ‘relic book’ only for the small group of books based on ritual. Thus, in the context of the present work only those books will be discussed which relate to a display of relics and mirror the course of its liturgy. This can be justified on both formal and historical grounds: one the one hand, it is necessary to ensure the structural comparability of the works; on the other, the use of the term ‘relic book’ for such sources can actually be documented for works related to rituals but not, by contrast, for chronicles containing lists of relics. 1.1 Contemporary Usage or Heuristic Construct Until recently it was assumed that the term ‘relic book’ had no roots in contemporary usage and that the designation was, instead, a heuristic construct which had established itself since the studies by Anton Ruland and Franz Falk.13 This assumption arose because the term in fact occurs only once in the title given to the group of books assembled under this heading since the nineteenth century, or in the titles of the books themselves. It is found in the manuscript from Hall in Tyrol, which originated in 1508/09 and was meant to serve as the source for a printed book. It is, however, debatable as to whether this state of affairs justifies talking, with puritanical strictness, about constructed terminology,

12 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 39. 13 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 34–42.

Introduction

5

since the above assumption is contradicted by the substantial evidence found in either the relevant printed books themselves or the written sources which refer directly to them. Thus the designation ‘heiligthumpüechlein’ [little relic book] comes at the very beginning of the introductory text in the two editions of the Nuremberg Relic Book;14 while above the title of the copy of the Vienna Relic Book in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nuremberg a sixteenth-­ century hand has noted ‘Hailthümb-büechel’ [little relic book] in brown ink.15 Moreover, in its record of expenditure the account book of the Fraternity of Corpus Christi in Vienna uses this designation when referring to the hand-colouring of “drew gemalte heyltumb puchl” [three little, painted relic books]. Furthermore, the text of the manuscript from Hall also refers to the “heilthumbpuechlein” [little relic book]. That the precise term ‘Heiltumsbuch’ [relic book] appears only once in the title of these books is not unusual, since the titles of all the books discussed here are so formulated as to paraphrase their contents.16 They point to the fact that the books record the exhibition of relics and most mention the actual occasion, namely, a specific display. Thus, the wording of these titles, which understands itself as functional rather than literary, does not need to refer to the actual genre.17 14 15 16

17

“Zu dem ersten Jst zu wissen Jn disem heiligthu[m] püechlein…” [In this little relic book the first thing that should be known is …] (NüH 1487, fol. 1v). Only the spelling differs in the Nuremberg Relic Book of 1493. WieH 1502/14, copy: Library of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, Sig. St. 902d. Titles whose wording paraphrases the contents of a book are still in evidence in the 1490s, especially in texts in German. In the view of Randall Herz, the use of the formulaic introductory phrase “In diesem Büchlein” [In this little book] has been taken over from manuscript production (Randall Herz, ‘Das Titelblatt in Nürnberg: Entstehungslinien der Titelformulierung und Titelblattgestaltung,’ Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 63 (2008), pp. 43–92 (p. 54)). On the development of the title and the layout of the title page see also Anneliese Schmitt, ‘Zur Entwicklung von Titelblatt und Titel in der Inkunabelzeit,’ Bei­ träge zur Inkunabelkunde, 3rd ser., 8 (1983), pp. 11–29, with the older secondary literature. The “Heiltumsbuch von Hohenwart” [Hohenwart Relic Book], first given this name by Geldner, should be classified as a chronicle: Ursprung und Anfang des Berges und der Burg Hohenwart [Ingolstadt: printer of the Lescherius, not before 1489], gw 12883. See Ferdinand Geldner, ‘Das Heiltumbuch von Hohenwart, ein unbekannter Wiegendruck,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1969), pp. 91–94. Hence it is possible to disregard the designations “Heiltumsverzeichnisse mit Reliquienbildern” [lists of relics with pictures] or “illustrierte Reliquienverzeichnisse” [illustrated catalogues of relics] suggested for this group of books by Philippe Cordez on the basis of Kühne’s problematization of the term (Philippe Cordez, ‘Wallfahrt und Medienwettbe­ werb. Serialität und Formenwandel der Heiltumsverzeichnisse mit Reliquienbildern im Heiligen Römischen Reich (1460–1520),’ in Andreas Tacke (ed.), “Ich armer sundiger mensch.” Heiligen- und Reliquienkult am Übergang zum konfessionellen Zeitalter (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), pp. 37–73 (p. 39)).

6

Introduction

1.2 A Short-lived Genre With the Halle Relic Book, which, according to the evidence of its colophon, Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg (1490–1545) had printed in Halle in 1520, we reach the end of a comparatively small, short-lived group of books. To a certain extent, the spread of the Reformation cut short their development. Admittedly, even at the end of the sixteenth century relic books were still being printed – for example, in Andechs – but this took place in completely different circumstances. The early books are often only a few pages long. Their distinctiveness consists in images depicting the precious reliquaries displayed to the faithful during a Feast of the Relics in a precisely prescribed sequence of events. The reliquaries – otherwise only visible within the framework of their fleeting ­display – were translated by the illustrations into a different medium and thereby made accessible to a larger circle of people outside the liturgical act. Let us cast a brief glance backwards: the first printed, illustrated relic book appeared in Nuremberg in 1487.18 It was commissioned by Nuremberg Council and reproduces the Imperial Regalia, which had been kept safe in the HeiligGeist-Spital [Hospital of the Holy Ghost] since 1424. A second edition followed in 1493. Further relic books, structured in a similar fashion, appeared for Bamberg in 1493 in at least four editions, one of them without illustrations. In 1495 a fifth edition followed and in 1509 a sixth. A printed publication also appeared in 1493 for the display of relics in Würzburg; it recycled some of the woodcuts from the Bamberg book. A quantitative as well as qualitative leap distinguishes the Vienna Relic Book, printed by Johannes Winterburger in 1502 and the most lavishly designed book to that date. The end point is represented by the two most voluminous, artistically important examples of the genre: the Princes’ editions printed in Wittenberg in 1509 and illustrated by Lucas Cranach the Elder; and the above-mentioned Halle Relic Book commissioned by Albrecht of Brandenburg. The unpublished Hall manuscript owned by the imperial counsellor and protonotary Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein also belongs in this group; it was meant to serve as the model for a book which was, however, never printed. Thus the group of works studied in this volume are either printed books or books intended for print.19 We shall return to the specific mediality of the printed book. 18

19

The Magdeburg indulgentiarum (Indulgentiae Ecclesiae Metropolitanae Magdeburgensis, probably printed between 1483 and 1486), is also known – for good reason – in secondary literature as the Magdeburg Relic Book. It has not been included in this study as it is a special form which lacks the specific linking of text and image so crucial here. See Appendix 10. This study does not assume that the inventory of extant relic books for which we have evidence corresponds to the actual number which existed. Above all, the general possibility

Introduction

7

1.3 Defining the Boundaries of the Genre This study, then, explicitly does not discuss all those manuscripts, generically similar but not generically identical, which were intended for private use.20 While such use does not exclude their being deployed for purposes of prestige and hence reaching a more or less extensive public amongst family and friends or in political and socio-economic contexts, the intention and communicative potential of the printed book should be strictly separated from this purely gestural public.21 Also excluded are the large group of guides to relic collections (Heiltumsführer) which, in their function as pilgrimage guides, inform the reader either about selected relics in one or more places or about selected churches.22 Their main purpose is religious information and not the spiritual

20

21

22

and probability of transmission suggest such correspondence is unlikely. This is, moreover, concretely demonstrated by the relic books themselves, which have come down to us in only one or two copies each; as well as by a further edition of the Bamberg Relic Book, from the press of Hans Mair in 1493, which can only be reconstructed indirectly. See Appendix 1. These include the Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics from 1508/09, today in the British Library, London (Add. ms 15,689); the magnificent parchment codex depicting Cardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg’s collection of relics in Halle, the Aschaffenburger Codex Ms. 14 (c. 1526 ) (Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg); as well as the ‘Heiltums- und Ablaßbuch’ [Book of Relics and Indulgences] (B 79), now in the Stadtarchiv in Mühldorf am Inn, which belonged to Degenhart Pfeffinger von Salmanskirchen, Hereditary Marshall of Lower Bavaria and Chamberlain to Frederick the Wise. On Pfeffinger see Leonhard Theobald, ‘Das Heiltums- und Ablaßbuch Degenhart Pfeffingers,’ Beiträge zur bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, 32 (1925), pp. 49–70; Anton Legner, ‘Das Heiltum des Degenhart Pfeffinger,’ Das Mühlrad, 4 (1954), pp. 22–26; Enno Bünz, ‘Die Heiltumssammlung des Degenhart Pfeffinger,’ in Tacke (ed.), “Ich armer sundiger mensch,” pp. 125–169. Pfeffinger’s book dates to between 1511 and 1515 and, once again, differs fundamentally from the two codices already mentioned; in particular it lacks the demonstrative gestus. The term ‘gestische Öffentlichkeit’ [gestural public sphere], coined here, is used in preference to Jürgen Habermas’s concept of ‘repräsentative Öffentlichkeit’ [representational public sphere] (Jürgen Habermas, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit. Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (new edn., Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1990), pp. 58–67). The Rhenish and Trier relic books also belong in this sizable group, which has been exhaustively discussed by Wolfgang Schmid, amongst others. It also includes the illustrated pilgrimage guide by Arnt von Aich (1517), which has been missing since World War i and has come down to us only in photographs. On these works see, for example, E[duard] Teichmann, ‘Zur Heiligthumsfahrt des Philippe von Vigneulles im Jahre 1510,’ Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschichtsvereins, 22 (1900), pp. 121–187; Erich Stephany, ‘Der Zusammenhang der großen Wallfahrtsorte an Rhein – Maas – Mosel,’ Kölner Domblatt, 23/24 (1964), pp. 163–179; Wolfgang Seibrich, ‘Die Trierer Heiltumsfahrt im Spätmittelalter,’ Archiv für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 47 (1995), pp. 45–125; Wolfgang Seibrich, ‘Die Heiltumsbücher der Trierer Heiltumsfahrt der Jahre 1512–1517,’ Archiv für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 47 (1995), pp. 127–147; Michael Embach, ‘Die Trierer Heiltumsschriften

8

Introduction

participation which forms an integral part of the relic books’ role. The significance of relic books, which they retain despite the fact that the vast majority offer little or no help in reconstructing the exact appearance of lost Church treasures, is rooted in the extensive loss of these very objects. In – or rather because of – their ‘inadequacy,’ and as a result of the blanks left by this loss, the books create the objects as historical phenomena outside the printed works themselves, since, despite their difference from and contrast to the ‘real,’ largely lost, objects, the images bear witness to the fact that these once existed. 2

The State of Scholarship

Although the first inventories of relic books were compiled as early as the beginning of the nineteenth century as part of the nascent Romantic interest in the artistic expression of religious belief in the Middle Ages, to this day we lack a scholarly review and overview of the extant, heterogeneous material. des 16. Jahrhunderts zwischen Wallfahrtspropaganda und Maximiliansapotheose,’ in Bernhard Schneider (ed.), Wallfahrt und Kommunikation – Kommunikation über Wallfahrt (Mainz: Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 2003), pp. 229–244; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Reliquien, Wallfahrt und Wirtschaft in rheinischen Städten am Vorabend der Reformation: Beispiele aus Trier, Köln, Aachen und Düren,’ in Markus Mayr (ed.), Von goldenen Gebeinen. Wirtschaft und Reliquien im Mittelalter (Innsbruck: Studienverlag, 2001), pp. 148–185; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Die Wallfahrtslandschaft Rheinland am Vorabend der Reformation. Studien zu Trierer und Kölner Heiltumsdrucken,’ in Schneider (ed.), Wallfahrt und Kommunikation – Kommunikation über Wallfahrt, pp. 17–195; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Der Nürnberger Buchdruck und die Wallfahrt zum Heiligen Rock,’ GutenbergJahrbuch (2003), pp. 119–133; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Wallfahrtspublizistik am Niederrhein am Vorabend der Reformation,’ in Dieter Geuenich (ed.), Heiligenverehrung und Wallfahrt am Niederrhein (Essen: Pomp, 2004), pp. 71–98; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Die Wallfahrtsstadt Trier im Spiegel früher Pilgerdrucke,’ Landeskundliche Vierteljahrsblätter, 51 (2005), pp. 51–65; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Ein Heiltumsdruck für Kornelimünster,’ Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschichtsvereins, 107/108 (2005/06), pp. 149–166; Barbara Rothbrust and Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Trierer Heiltumsdrucke. Eine Einführung,’ in Wolfgang Schmid and Michael Embach (eds.), Die Medulla Gestorum Treverensium des Johann Enen. Ein Trierer Heiltumsdruck von 1514. Faksimileausgabe und Kommentar, Armarium Trevirense. Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Erzbistums Trier, 2 (Trier: Porta Alba, 2004). The Libellus demonstratiuus omnium reliquiarum (c. 1517), produced for the Aachen relics, represents a hybrid form and similarly forms no part of this study. Although it presents, in images and Latin texts, the four major relics exhibited in the septennial display, its main focus is actually directed beyond them to other Aachen relics, since it also describes relics which did not form part of the display and would always be shown to pilgrims on demand. Pilgrims are directly addressed in the introduction, so continuity rather than a specific event is reported. To that extent the Libellus is a pilgrimage guide rather than a relic book. For a brief description see Appendix 9.

Introduction

9

­ aturally, the early stages of research into this topic – in the history of religion, N liturgical analysis and, not least, the history of art – were interconnected from almost the very beginning, with the result that we can speak of scholarship’s genre-orientated interdisciplinarity avant la lettre.23 Initially, art historians were not interested in an analysis of printed relic books: although the graphic illustrations may at times be very elaborate, the vast majority do not depict the goldsmith’s art in a way which would allow us to recognize the objects concerned.24 An adequate, uniform identification of the reliquaries – as facilitated, for example, by the illustrations in the famous Aschaffenburg Codex ms 14, with its depictions and descriptions of the relics belonging to Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg in Halle – cannot be achieved by using the printed books.25 Not until research became orientated towards the genre itself and its inherent combination of mediality and aesthetics, that is, towards the art-­historical contexts for the analysis of the images, did the genre of relic books attract attention in its own right. In 1989, in the exhibition catalogue Reliquien. Verehrung und Verklärung (edited by Anton Legner), Hildegard Erlemann und Thomas Stangier were the first to reflect on the genre to which these books belong.26 Although brief, their remarks remain the accepted state of scholarship and to this day have not been superseded by any studies which sift through the entire material. In an essay from 1994 Kerstin Merkel devotes attention to the staging of the Halle and Wittenberg relics. For the first time relic books are analysed from the perspective of the staging of precious relic collections in printed and graphic form. This analysis is supported by Dagmar Eichberger’s study, which contributes important observations on the structure of the Halle Relic Book. In his work Reliquien in Kunst und Kult Anton Legner provides an overview of relic books from the perspective of their display rather than focusing on the genre as such;

23 24

25 26

The relevant secondary literature is listed in the pertinent chapters. Accordingly, the codices describing the Halle and Bamberg relics (Aschaffenburger Codex Ms. 14 and London bl, Add. ms 15,689) have chiefly been used in the art-historical reconstruction of lost examples of the goldsmith’s art (e.g., Marc Rosenberg, ‘Heilthumbücher und Goldschmiedekunst,’ Zeitschrift für christliche Kunst, 4 (1891), cols. 371–378; Philipp Maria Halm and Rudolf Berliner, Das Hallesche Heiltum. Man. Aschaffenb. 14 (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1931)). The drawings in the Aschaffenburger Codex were first published and analysed in detail by Philipp Maria Halm and Rudolf Berliner (Halm and Berliner, Das Hallesche Heiltum). In 2002 a publication on cd-rom followed: Das Halle’sche Heiltum (2002). Hildegard Erlemann and Thomas Stangier, ‘Festum Reliquiarum,’ in Anton Legner (ed.), Reliquien – Verehrung und Verklärung. Skizzen und Noten zur Thematik und Katalog zur Ausstellung Schnütgen-Museum Köln (Cologne: Greven & Bechtold, 1989), pp. 25–31.

10

Introduction

while in his comprehensive afterword to the facsimile edition (2002) of the Halle Relic Book of 1520, Heinrich L. Nickel summarizes existing research.27 Hartmut Kühne’s notably comprehensive studies on the late-medieval phenomenon of relic displays are written through the lens of Church history; and relic books serve as his compendium of sources, albeit not altogether unproblematically.28 Relic books perform a similar function for Christof L. Diedrichs, who examines displays from the perspective of performativity.29 Basing his work chiefly on Hartmut Kühne’s findings, Philippe Cordez provides an overview of the ways in which images present relics, but in contrast to the present study avoids differentiating between categories.30 Cordez also allows his conclusions to be guided by Kühne’s work and hence blocks his own chance to place the mediality, or artistic shape, of the printed books at the centre of his study, although he himself describes this as striking. 3

The Aims of This Study

Thus, on the basis of the inventory described above, the present work attempts, for the first time, to analyse the genre of printed relic books, both considering individual works and summarizing their common features. The aim is twofold: first, to allow the genre’s individual variants, that is, the individual printed works, to receive their proper due; second, simultaneously to bring out the spiritual and cultural achievement of the genre as a whole. In this respect, this study is to be understood as contributing to the semiotics of a genre through the identification and discussion of specific characteristics. Above all, it wishes to explore the narrative of the printed image, which should be acknowledged and appreciated in its genuine singularity just as much as in its relevant intertextual context. In the present work, then, both the significant autonomy of 27

Kerstin Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg. Ihre Heiltumsbücher und Inszenierung,’ in Andreas Tacke (ed.), Meisterwerke auf Vorrat. Die Erlanger Handzeichnungen der Universitätsbibliothek. Bestands- und Ausstellungskatalog (München: Form Druck, 1994), pp. 37–50; Dagmar Eichberger, ‘A Renaissance Reliquiary Collection in Halle, and its Illustrated Inventories,’ The Art Bulletin of Victoria, 37 (1996), pp. 19–36; Legner, Reliquien in Kunst und Kult, pp. 88–119; Heinrich L. Nickel, Das Hallesche Heiltumbuch von 1520. Nachdruck zum 450. Gründungsjubiläum der Marienbibliothek zu Halle (Halle: Stekovics, 2001), pp. 288–291. 28 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum. 29 Christof L. Diedrichs, “Man zeigte uns den Kopf des Heiligen.” Bausteine zu einer Ereignis­ kultur in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Berlin: Weissensee, 2008). 30 Cordez, ‘Wallfahrt und Medienwettbewerb.’

Introduction

11

the printed image within a book and the meaning of this image – which simultaneously communicates with the text – are to be understood as the texture of the image. Hence it is necessary to devote attention to the printed work’s specific mediality, which gears text and image to a “broader” public, a public which, if not literate, is at least familiar with ‘reading’ images, even if it resists specific categorization according to social class. The open, communicative potential inherent in the interaction of text and image confronts both with new challenges within the context of their own era. Such challenges can result in ruptures – well known to scholarship – such as the repetition or redundancy of images.31 However, at the same time the aesthetic quality of individual variants also merits attention (especially the relic books for Wittenberg and Halle), since this quality creates completely new – and, for a long time, unique – p ­ ossibilities for the artistic presentation of the book. In this context special attention should be paid to the role of those who commissioned the books and decisively determined their design and organization. In the process they were not solely concerned with social and cultural prestige or pious gestures: rather, in a far more complex manner, a cultural semiotics of competition and outperformance emerges, as will be demonstrated in detail. In addition, it is necessary to examine not only the extent to which the intentions of these patrons are positioned within the genre, but also how they serve social and intellectual expectations. More than all other factors, the transformation in piety and the intensified participation in religious life constituted a prerequisite for the development of the specific attention economy available to the commissioners of such works. We should ask whether it is not more probable that the reasons for the rapid demise of the genre are to be found in this area rather than in the apparently plausible, but ultimately rather superficial assumption of a rupture resulting from the Reformation. 31

See especially Norbert H. Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt: Tendenzen und Entwicklungs­ linien der Druckillustration in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit,’ in Barbara Tiemann (ed.), Die Buchkultur im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Hamburg: Maximilian-Gesellschaft, 1999), pp. 163–252.

Part 1 The Diversification of the Genre

∵

Chapter 1

Mimesis as Politics After their arrival in Nuremberg, the first public display of the Imperial Regalia took place on 5 May 1424, the festum lanceae et clavorum domini [Feast of the Spear and Nails of Our Lord].1 King Sigismund had ordered the Imperial Regalia to be removed from Karlstein (Karlštjn Castle) and taken first to Plintenburg (Viségrad) and subsequently to Ofen (Buda) in order to protect them from seizure by the Hussites.2 In autumn 1423 he had then had them transferred to Nuremberg “eternally and irrevocably.”3 This move enabled him to take the sting out of opposition to him from the Electoral Princes and to defuse the tense situation within the Empire.4 The church of the Heilig-Geist-Spital was chosen as the permanent repository for the Regalia (the hospital and alms 1 Pope Innocent vi established the second Friday after Easter as the Feast of the Holy Lance and Nails of Our Lord in view of Friday being the day of the Crucifixion (Franz Machilek, Karlheinz Schlager and Theodor Wohnhaas, ‘O felix lancea. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Heiligen Lanze,’ Jahrbuch des Historischen Vereins für Mittelfranken, 92 (1984/85), pp. 43–107 (p. 48)). 2 This is not the place to discuss the history of the Imperial Regalia. Numerous works have been published on the subject. Nikolaus Grass surveys and summarizes the literature (Nikolaus Grass, Reichskleinodien – Studien aus rechtshistorischer Sicht (Vienna: Böhlau, 1965), pp. 5–16). Gunther Wolf goes into the current state of research, especially on the Imperial Crown. In addition, he provides a chronology of the fate of the Imperial Regalia since 1938, when they were taken from Vienna to Nuremberg at the behest of Adolf Hitler (Gunther G. Wolf, Die Wiener Reichskrone (Vienna: Skira, 1995), pp. 11–10, pp. 180–181). On the display of the Imperial Regalia see, most recently, Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 82–152; and from the perspective of the display as performance and event, Diedrichs, “Man zeigte uns den Kopf,” pp. 187–229. 3 Sigismund’s decrees and deeds are published in Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, ‘Diplomatarium Lipsano-Klinodiographicum pp. Imp. Rom. German ab A. 1246 ad 1764,’ Journal zur Kun­ stgeschichte und zur allgemeinen Litteratur, 12 (1784), pp. 36–216 (pp. 76–81). 4 The Electoral Princes who opposed Sigismund accused him of neglect of the Empire and the alienation of imperial estates. This is discussed in detail by Helmut Müller, ‘Die Reichspolitik Nürnbergs im Zeitalter der luxemburgischen Herrscher 1346–1437,’ Mitteilungen des Vereins zur Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 58 (1971), pp. 1–101 (pp. 70–80); and briefly also by Julia Schnelbögl, ‘Die Reichskleinodien in Nürnberg 1424–1523,’ Mitteilungen des Vereins für Ge­ schichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 51 (1962), pp. 78–159 (p. 78); Machilek, Schlager and Wohnhaas, ‘O felix lancea,’ p. 61; Klaus Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg, ‘Die Krongesandtschaften,’ in Nürnberg – Kaiser und Reich. Ausstellung des Staatsarchivs Nürnberg (Neustadt a. d. Aisch: Degener, 1986), pp. 83–87 (p. 83); Franz Machilek, ‘Die Nürnberger Heiltumsweisungen,’ in Stephan Füssel etc. (eds.), Wallfahrten in Nürnberg um 1500 (= Pirckheimer Jahrbuch für Re­ naissance und Humanismusforschung, 17 (2002)), pp. 9–52 (pp. 30–31).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_003

16

Chapter 1

house were under the control of Nuremberg Council), since, according to the express will of Sigismund, the Regalia were to be placed in the guardianship of the imperial city and not of the Church.5 Along with the Imperial Regalia the citizens of Nuremberg obtained the right to the annual display of the Relics and a trade fair which began on the same day and lasted a fortnight.6 With the arrival of the Imperial Regalia Nuremberg City Council commissioned a book for internal purposes in which all the privileges and rules relating to the Relics were continuously recorded. This book of privileges, which is now lost, was called the “Heiligthum Buch” [Relic Book].7 The term was obviously transferred to the book printed by P. Vischer in 1487 at the behest of Nuremberg Council, the first to reproduce, in text and image, the display of relics in Nuremberg as it unfolded. While the designation may not appear in the title, it does appear in the first words of the preface.8 Nevertheless, the woodcuts in the printed relic book do not represent the first reproduction in pictures of the Imperial Regalia. According to other works which have come down to us, at least two different single-sheet woodcuts had previously existed which boasted a drastically simplified depiction of the individual objects along with their names.9

5 “Och sol kein prister, domit zu schiken, noch dheinen gwalt doruber haben” [Moreover, no priest shall dispose of or have any power over them] (document published in Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ pp. 76–80). 6 Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 129, Machilek, ‘Die Nürnberger Heiltumsweisungen,’ pp. 38, 41. 7 All but a few pages of this book, which was still used by the city clerk and annalist Johannes Müllner (1565–1634) for his Annalen der Reichsstadt Nürnberg and by the polymath Christoph Gottlieb von Murr (1733–1811), were lost in the nineteenth century. The rest are in the Staatsarchiv in Nuremberg under the shelfmark StAN Rep. 52b, RSt. Nürnberg, Amts- und Standbücher 26. Julia Schnelbögl was able largely to reconstruct the contents of this book of privileges (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 149–152). Murr records that the “relic book” consisted of two parchment folio volumes and had been kept from 1424 until 1524 (Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ p. 82). 8 “Zu dem ersten Jst zu Wissen Jn disem heiligthu[m] püechlein…” [In this relic book the first thing that should be known is …] (nrb 1487, fol 1v). 9 The older woodcut of the Nuremberg relics, the so-called ‘half-woodcut’ (Schr. 1942), is dated to the second quarter of the fifteenth century. All extant copies stem from a fragmented woodblock and were not created before the sixteenth century (see the exhibition catalogue Die Anfänge der Druckgraphik (2005), cat. no. 59, pp. 212–214). The younger woodcut, the socalled ‘whole woodcut’ (Schr. 1942a), dates to the 1470s or 1480s; its composition is very largely based on the older one. Philippe Cordez postulates that, amongst other things, a fresco formerly found in the Nuremberg Church of Our Lady acted as a model for the two prints (Cordez, ‘Wallfahrt und Medienwettbewerb,’ p. 46). However, contradicting this view, it is evident that the painting, which was completely destroyed in World War ii, in all likelihood did not depict the Imperial Regalia but rather the high-status relics, in their reliquaries,­

Mimesis as Politics

17

The Nuremberg Relic Book consists of six leaves; the last page is unprinted. P. Vischer, who is named in the colophon and generally thought to have been the printer, is, however, more likely to have been the publisher.10 The printed book itself probably comes from the press of Peter Wagner or Marx Ayrer.11 Two variants of Vischer’s book exist, or at least two editions from the same year, something which until now has been completely unknown. The differences between the two consist in the spelling of individual words on folios 1v and 6r, which belong to one gathering; apart from the citation of one name the wording itself remains unchanged. In the assumed first edition, or variant print, the intercessory prayers at the end of the book still mention “Cunradten Bischofen … czu Bamberg” [Conrad, Bishop … of Bamberg]. However, in the period following the arrival of the Imperial Regalia in Nuremberg there had been no Bishop of Bamberg by that name.12 If this refers to the Bishop of Bamberg Konrad von Ergersheim (elected 1201/02, d. 1203), who was elected 10

11

12

presented to the Church of Our Lady by Emperor Charles iv (Katharina Blohm, ‘Die Frau­ enkirche in Nürnberg (1352–1358). Architektur, Baugeschichte, Bedeutung’ (2 vols., un­ published doctoral thesis, Technische Universität Berlin, 1990), i. 175–178). Hain 8415; Ernst Voulliéme, Die deutschen Drucker des 15. Jahrhunderts (2nd edn, Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1922), p. 129; gw M 27302; also Albert Schramm, Der Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke (23 vols., Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1920–1943), xviii (1935), 10. Little is known about P. Vischer; without any supporting evidence he is identified as the Nuremberg bronze-founder Peter Vischer the Elder (Severin Corsten, ‘Vischer, P.,’ in Lexikon des gesam­ten Buchwesens (2nd edn., Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 2009), viii. 128). This assumption is already contradicted by Ferdinand Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker. Ein Hand­ buch der deutschen Buchdrucker des 15. Jahrhunderts nach Druckorten (2 vols., Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1968/1970), i. 180; and Herz, ‘Das Titelblatt in Nürnberg,’ p. 68. Karl Schottenloher, Die Entwicklung der Buchdruckerkunst in Franken bis 1530 (Würzburg: Stürz, 1910), p. 17; and, following him, Ursula Schmidt-Fölkersamb in the exhibition catalogue Reformation in Nürnberg (1979), cat. no. 48, pp. 44–45; Franz Machilek, ‘Die Heiltumsweisung,’ in Nürnberg – Kaiser und Reich, pp. 57–66 (pp. 62–63); and Machilek, ‘Die Nürnberger Heiltumsweisungen,’ p. 33. Hermann Engel draws attention to the fact that the fonts used by Marx Ayrer can also be found, with slight variations, in works printed by Friedrich Creußner and, above all, by Nuremberg printers of small, popular works such as Peter Wagner, Hans Hoffmann, P. Vischer, Hans Mayr and Ambrosius Huber, with the result that the allocation to specific printers of works without a colophon creates considerable difficulties (Hermann Engel, ‘Bamberg – der erste Druckort Marx Ayrers,’ Bibliotheks­ forum Bayern, 4 (1976), pp. 218–224 (pp. 223–224)). Only this printed book can safely be ascribed to P. Vischer; further printed works have either not come down to us or did not exist in the first place. Erich Freiherr von Guttenberg, Das Bistum Bamberg, part 1 (Berlin/Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1937), pp. 246–277. At the time of the election of Heinrich Groß von Trockau as Bishop of Bamberg there was also no Bamberg canon called Konrad (Johannes Kist, Das Bamberger Domkapitel von 1399 bis 1556. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte seiner Verfassung, seines Wirkens und seiner Mitglieder (Weimar: Böhlau, 1943), pp. 119–127).

18

Chapter 1

but never took office13 (although there is no reason for him to be named here), we must proceed from the assumption that this is a printing error which was corrected in the second edition.14 The book consists of the title page and introductory text; the reproduction in text and image of the three Gänge, or processional stages in which the Relics were presented to the faithful during the public procession; and a short epilogue with intercessory prayers for the Pope, Emperor, King and the whole of Christendom. The naming of Heinrich, Bishop of Bamberg, in the intercessory prayers allows a more precise approach to dating the second print (B) at least. Heinrich iii Groß von Trockau was elected Bishop in Bamberg Cathedral on 1 February 1487. His predecessor, Philipp Count of Henneberg, had died in Bamberg on 26 January 1487.15 The edition of the Relic Book in which Heinrich is definitively mentioned as Bishop of Bamberg cannot, therefore, have been printed before 1 February and was certainly created with an eye to the display of the Relics, which that year fell on 27 April. 1

The Title Page of the Nuremberg Relic Book

Formally, the title page of the Nuremberg Relic Book consists of two parts: the upper part with the xylographic title, Wie das hochwirdigist auch kaiserlich heiligthum. Vnd die grossen Römischen gnad darzu geben. Alle Jaer außgerüfft vnd geweist wirdt Jn der löblichen Statt. Nuremberg [How the Most Venerable also Imperial Relics. And the Great Grace of Rome Bestowed Upon Them. Are Pro­ claimed and Presented Each Year in the Praiseworthy City of Nuremberg]; and the lower part with the city’s coat of arms (Fig. 1). The title page displays the lesser Nuremberg coat of arms, the shield divided into two fields: in the right field one half of the imperial eagle; in the left field six red and silver bends. The framed title takes the form of a seven-line, unornamented panel and line strips with bars between them; its top line remains blank while the bottom strip is indented on both sides. The empty strips create a less cramped impression, particularly because the script, with its descenders, transects the line bars in places. The bottommost, bilaterally indented line, on 13

Johann Looshorn, Geschichte des Bisthums Bamberg (7 vols., Bamberg: Handels-Druckerei 1886–1910), iv. 589–591; Guttenberg, Das Bistum Bamberg, p. 163. 14 Only one parchment copy of the second edition has been preserved. For documentation of the printed versions see Appendix 1. The entire composition of the type in the gathering was reconfigured in order to correct the name; all other leaves (fols. 2–5) are identical. Quotations from fols. 1 and 6 are taken from the second, corrected edition. 15 Looshorn, Geschichte des Bisthums Bamberg, pp. 357, 388; Guttenberg, Das Bistum Bam­ berg, pp. 268–277.

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 1

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487: Title Page

19

20

Chapter 1

which the word “Nürnberg” appears, creates the visual and textual transition to the Nuremberg coat of arms beneath it. In this way the coat of arms represents the word above it in concrete, visual form and, vice versa, the word determines the heraldic sign. The rather unusual lay-out of the title page reprises elements of metal memorial plaques and translates them into graphic form, since rectangular panels with line strips and a coat of arms underneath were in widespread use as epitaphs or panels bearing commemorative texts.16 In the first decades of the sixteenth century rectangular panels predominate, with a coat of arms either separately mounted underneath or cast integral with them.17 2

The Introductory Text

The introductory text in the Relic Book consists of four sections. The first describes the arrival of the Imperial Regalia in Nuremberg and provides brief information about the sequence of events during the festive Mass and the display of relics.18 It adds that the “hernach bestimpt hochwirdigist kaiserlich Heiligthum” [hereafter defined, most venerable Imperial Relics], which had been “grossen eren Jn dy loblich Stat Nüremberg eingefürt” [been brought into the praiseworthy city of Nuremberg with great honour] in 1424, are exhibited once a year on a specially constructed display stage in the market place, the tabernacle or Heiltumsstuhl. After the Mass, which is celebrated on a portable altar erected on the display stage for this occasion, the display of the Relics takes place with the participation of “geystlich vnd weltlich Fürsten Hern[n] p[rä]laten Mitsambt den Elter[e]n des Jnner[e]n Rates der Stat Nürmberg” [spiritual and secular princes, lords, prelates, together with the Elders of the Inner Council of the city of Nuremberg]. This section also states that, after the end of the service, the priest will read out the following prefatory remarks and proclaim the indulgence, the “grose Romische gnad dy zu dem hochwirdigisten Kaiserlichen heiligthum gegeben ist” [great grace which has been b­ estowed by

16

Peter Zahn, Die Inschriften der Friedhöfe St. Johannis, St. Rochus und Wöhrd zu Nürnberg (Munich: Druckenmüller, 1972), esp. no. 6, pp. 2–3 and, albeit it later, no. 18, p. 7. 17 Zahn, Die Inschriften der Friedhöfe, p. xvii. 18 Using further sources, Schnelbögl describes the course of the display of relics in Nuremberg (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 116–129); as do Machilek ‘Die Heiltumsweisung,’ pp. 63–64; Machilek, ‘Die Nürnberger Heiltumsweisungen,’ pp. 34–37; Kühne, Osten­ sio Reliquiarum, pp. 144–152; Christof L. Diedrichs, ‘Reliquientheater. Die Weisung der ­Reichskleinodien in Nürnberg, oder: Performative Patina mittelalterlicher Kunst,’ in Erika Fischer-Lichte etc. (eds.), Diskurse des Theatralen (Tübingen/Basel: Francke, 2005), pp. 211–229 (from the perspective of perception and staging).

Mimesis as Politics

21

Rome on the most venerable Imperial Relics]. The first, second and third processional sections of the display will then follow. The book, then, records every individual object, as well as the “heiligthumbs­ stuel form vnd gestalt Auch alle wort die der briester daselbst list vnd außrüef­ fen” [shape and form of the display stage and also all the words read and proclaimed by the priest]. This indication is important, since its emphasis on completeness serves to confirm the mimetic representation of both the Imperial Regalia and the event itself, without their actually being replaced by the book. The introductory section ends with the anticipatory remark that all this follows “afterwards.” The second section, which follows on directly, reproduces the opening remarks read out by the Heiltumsschreier [relic shouter] or voca­ lissimus on the day of the display; we also know about this custom thanks to three extant Schreizettel [proclamation [lit.: shout] sheets], or sheets of paper listing the relics to be announced by the vocalissimus. However, the preface to the book does not correspond verbatim to any of the three proclamation sheets, although it might reflect the wording of one which is no longer extant but was in use in 1487.19 The preface starts formulaically with the statement that while it would be “zimlich Pillich vn[d] Gepürlich” [proper, right and fitting] to hold a “herliche lobred” [glorious speech of praise] on the objects to be displayed, this speech would be dispensed with because of the numbers present.20 Here the Imperial 19

20

Schnelbögl is mistaken in claiming that the text of this printed work follows the preface of the oldest copy verbatim (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 125). The oldest proclamation sheet was in use between 1438 and 1459; the second from 1494 (?) until 1519; and the third from 1519 until 1524 (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 123–124). Although the second proclamation sheet displays the date 1494, Pope Julius is named in the intercessory prayers: “So bitten wir unsrn Allerheiligisten, in Got vater und herrn, herrn Julium Babst den annderen” [Thus we pray to our most sacred, in God the Father and Lord, Pope Julius ii]. “Julium” and “annderen” are crossed through; “Leonis” [Leo] and “zehenden” [X], respectively, are inserted after them (StA N, RstN Rep. 44e / Losungsamt, Akten si L 133, no. 1 (1)). Julius ii had only been Pope since 1503, so it is necessary to reconsider the dating of the proclamation sheet. Possibly we are dealing with the copy of a proclamation sheet from 1494 in which the names had been brought up-to-date. “Jedoch wolle[n] wir zu sunder[e]m lobe diß hochwirdigen heiligthums demütigklich erkenne[n] vn[d] veriehen Das vnnser synne vnd vernunfft zetunckel seyen Das genugsamlich zeloben vnd zepreisen vnd doch guete hoffnung habe[n] das der almechtig got vnnser geprechligkeit durch gnad dyß hochwirdigisten seines heiligthums barmhertzig­ lich werd erfulle[n] Vnd vns die wir hie solche waerzeichen vnd cleinet des pitter[e]n tods cristi andechtiglich sehen Die selbigen an de[m] Jüngsten gericht frolich anschauen laßen Vnd vnns denn zu dem ewigen himlischen vaterlandt seliglichen einlaiten” [Nonetheless, we wish, for the especial praise of these most venerable relics, humbly to acknowledge and proclaim that our senses and reason are too obscured sufficiently to laud and to praise them and yet we cherish high hopes that God Almighty will mercifully redeem our frailty through the grace of these the most precious of His relics and a­ llow us,

22

Chapter 1

Relics are not named individually; however, the relics of Christ in the third processional section, that is, the most important relics, are especially highlighted by a brief characterization of each. A piece of the Holy Cross is mentioned, “[d]aran vnser herre Jhesus cristus seinen pittern[n] vnschuldige[n] tod nach seiner heilige[n] menschheit vmb vnsers heils vnd erledigung willen geliden hat” [on which Our Lord Jesus Christ has suffered His bitter, innocent death after His holy Incarnation for the sake of our salvation and release from sin] (fol. 1v). On the topic of the Holy Lance it speaks “von dem wirdigen eiße[n] des spers Das das wunsam hertze cristi geoffnet hat Darauß alle cristenliche Sacrame[n]t entspr[u]nge[n] sein” [of the venerable iron of the Lance which opened the blissful heart of Christ, from which all Christian sacraments have their origin]. About the Nail and the Thorns we are told they have “wirdigisten leichnam Jhesu cristi vnsers heilands verbundt vn[d] sein heiligs bluet darauß gedru[n]ge[n]” [wounded the most venerable body of Jesus Christ Our Saviour and His Holy Blood gushed forth from it]. These objects are “nach dem waren vn[d] hochwirdigiste[n] Sacrament des fronleichnams vnssers herr[e]n Jhesu cristi dy negst vnd wirdigiste[n] vber alle andere heiligthum” [after the true and most venerable Sacrament of the Body of Our Lord Jesus Christ the next and worthiest above all other relics] and hold a great treasure of grace (fols. 1v–2r). The third section includes the recitation of the indulgences which could be obtained during the display of the Relics and by visiting the Heilig-Geist-Spital, also called the Neues Spital [New Hospital], on the feast days listed.21 Directly after the description of the display the faithful are admonished to remain calm in the event of fire, an indication that this passage might reproduce a text designed to be ‘shouted out.’ At the same time, this section makes it clear that the book was intended as a mimetic reflection of the event. The indulgences for the Neues Spital, as well as the number and magnitude granted on individual feast days and special occasions, are again listed separately in the fourth and final section of the introductory text, which concludes by naming the considerable sum of the indulgences available at the Neues Spital. They amount to “Czweyhundertmaltaussent Dreyssigtaussent Sechshundert vnd Sechtzig tag ablas Jn dyßer vorgenanten kirche[n] vnd Spitals” [two hundred and thirty

21

who here regard these emblems and gems which are the precious relics of Christ’s bitter death with such devotion, to see the same emblems and gems again at the Last Judgement with joy in our hearts and lead us in bliss to our eternal fatherland in Heaven] (nrb 1487, fol. 2r). To distinguish it from the Elisabethspital, which was given the name Altes Spital [Old Hospital] after the Heilig-Geist-Spital was founded.

Mimesis as Politics

23

thousand six hundred and sixty days of indulgences in this aforenamed church and hospital]. The text also exhorts the faithful to partake in the blessings of these indulgences.22 The list of indulgences cited here and their combined total correspond to those found in the indulgence book of the Heilig-Geist-Spital, which was started in 1358.23 The express inclusion of this list in the preface can certainly be connected to the extension of the hospital, which had been decided on that same year, and to the need for increased funding associated with it.24 However, beyond this concrete economic necessity the main concern was to use the Heilig-Geist-Spital (which was administered by the city) to present Nuremberg itself as a place for accumulating salvation. 3

Processional Sections and Epilogue

The separate compilation of the indulgences for the Neues Spital is followed by the reproduction in text and image of the three Umgänge or processions during which the Relics are displayed. The titles of the sections describing the processions are given prominence by the use of larger type. The text which accompanies each object corresponds more or less verbatim to the text of the proclamation sheet.25 One peculiarity of the first processional section is 22

23

24

25

“Das ist der ablas des neüen spitals zu dem heilige[n] geist Jn der loblichen stat Nür[e] mbergk vn[d] domit vo[n] vil heilige[n] vn[d] Erwirdige[n] vettern[n] bebste[n] Cardinel[e]n Ertzpischoffen vnd pischoffen begnadt vnd begabt ist zu denn zeiten vnd tage[n] wie hernach volgt” [This is the indulgence for the new Heilig-Geist-Spital in the praiseworthy city of Nuremberg and it is thus favoured and endowed by many holy and honourable relatives, popes, cardinals, archbishops and bishops with indulgences which may be obtained at the times and on the days listed hereafter] (nrb 1487, fol. 2v; the sum of the indulgences is mentioned on nrb 1487, fol. 3r). Ulrich Knefelkamp, Das Heilig-Geist-Spital in Nürnberg vom 14.–17. Jahrhundert. Ge­ schichte, Struktur, Alltag (Nuremberg: Verein für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 1989), pp. 271–273. On the other hand, no privileges actually seem to exist which grant the HeiligGeist-Spital anything like the high calculated total of 230,660 days’ worth of indulgences (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 125). On 30 October Nuremberg Council decided to build the diaphragm arches necessary to extend the Heilig-Geist-Spital over the river (Knefelkamp, Das Heilig-Geist-Spital in Nürn­ berg, p. 45 and fn. 20). We can assume planning for this had already started long in advance in order to secure the funding. Thus, the decision to erect two bridges next to the Heilig-Geist-Spital had already been taken in 1485 (p. 99). As far as the Umgänge or the processional sections are concerned, the texts of the proclamation sheet do not change (StAN, RstN. Rep. 44e, Losungsamt, Akten si L 133, no. 1 (1–3)). The oldest proclamation sheet is printed in Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 154–158.

24

Chapter 1

the separate reproduction of text and image. In the two following sections the objects are depicted separately and the explanatory texts appear next to them; here the account of the first section appears as a scene which is integrated into the display of the Relics and reproduces both the actors in this display and their audience. A full-page woodcut depicts the display stage, which was constructed anew on the market place every year (Fig. 2).26 The stage was built out of wood with a tent-shaped roof. It consists of a gallery for the display of the Relics and a mezzanine on which archers with crossbows and men armed with halberds and spears are stationed in order to protect the Imperial Regalia. The top storey of the display stage is decked in a patterned carpet. Seven candles stand on a ledge in front of it; these are tended by a scaled-down man kneeling on their right. The roof is crowned by a small bell tower with a flag flying on either side. Each flag depicts the Cross with nails driven into the cross-beam, the Crown of Thorns on the outside and the Holy Lance on the inside, nearest the bell tower. Underneath the Cross the imperial arms with the one-headed eagle appear. Churchmen and laymen, alternately holding reliquaries and candles, are assembled on the gallery. They are obviously intended to be the prelates (bishops or abbots) and members of the Inner Council mentioned in the introduction, who display the relics in the first processional section. In his hand the second figure from the left holds a sheet of paper as well as a staff with which he points to a reliquary. This is the vocalissimus, who, in a loud voice, announces the relics one by one. Interestingly, it is possible to recognize three of the five reliquaries presented in the woodcut. Saint Anne’s arm is depicted as an encased arm bone; John the Baptist’s tooth is visible in stylized form in a small tower ostensory; and, finally, “[e]tliche glider von dreyerley keten damit die heiligen zwelffpotte[n] Sant Peter Sant Pauls vnd der yetzo genant Sant Johans ewangelist in iren gefencknussen gekettent synd gewesen” [[v]arious links from three chains with which the holy Apostles Saint Peter, Saint Paul and Saint John, now called the Evangelist, were chained up in their prisons] are held, without any sort of precious setting, in the hands of the cleric on the extreme right of the stage. The piece of Christ’s manger also displayed in the first processional section and a piece of John the Baptist’s robe are presented in small shrines. Hence the scene does not just depict the display of relics in general: the ­block-cutter

26

Construction was commissioned by the Council and carried out under the direction of the city’s Clerk of Works; Endres Tucher’s Baumeisterbuch, amongst other sources, provides us with information on this topic. It is published in Matthias Lexer (ed.), Endres Tuchers Baumeisterbuch der Stadt Nürnberg (1464–1475) (Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein, 1862), pp. 125–132; see also Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 107–108.

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 2

25

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487, fol. 4r: Display stage and first processional section

also reproduces the exact sequence of the relics in the first section, in the very order which can be followed in the adjacent text.27 27

Contrary to Hartmut Kühne’s assertion that a reliquary from the first processional section is missing from the woodcut, all five reliquaries are depicted (Kühne, Ostensio Reliqui­ arum, p. 5).

26

Chapter 1

The participants in the display are shown standing at ground level. They include men and women of various ages and from various social classes who follow events on the display stage. In the central foreground a pilgrim can be recognized by the badge fastened on his hat; and in the second row, on the right, a monk can be identified by his tonsure. Small genre details flow into the depiction: one woman holding a child by the hand and another with a small dog at her feet hold circular disks aloft. These are probably meant to represent mirrors intended to capture the reflection of the Imperial Relics and transmit their salvatory effects, as we know from the display of relics in Aachen.28 The unknown block-cutter achieves nothing like the quality of a Michael Wolgemut,29 who, amongst other things, enjoyed success as a designer for the book-printing industry of his day. However, he manages an impressive variety in the reproduction of faces and gestures. In the crowd of viewers on the 28

29

The round disks have already been interpreted as mirrors (amongst others by Heinrich Schwarz, ‘The Mirror of the Artist and the Mirror of the Devout. Observations on some paintings, drawings and prints of the fifteenth century,’ in Kress Foundation (eds.), Studies in the History of Art, dedicated to William E. Suida (London: Phaidon, 1959), pp. 90–105 (p. 104); Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 108, fn. 8a). On the so-called Aachen mirrors see Kurt Köster, ‘Gutenbergs Straßburger Aachenspiegel-Unternehmen von 1438/1440,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1983), pp. 24–44, with his revision of older secondary literature on Gutenberg’s Aachen mirror business. The mirrors created for the display of relics in Aachen had a different size and shape. However, Köster assumes that even “conventional” mirrors found a use (pp. 35–34). On Gutenberg’s serial production of the Aachen mirrors see Heinz Hugo Schmiedt, ‘Gutenbergs Pilgerspiegel-Manufaktur,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1994), pp. 22–31. Franz J. Stadler, Michael Wolgemut und der Nürnberger Holzschnitt im letzten Drittel des 15. Jahrhunderts (Strasbourg: Heitz, 1913), p. 186. Machilek asserts that the woodcut can be ascribed to Wolf Traut, but this seems rather unlikely (Machilek ‘Die Heiltumsweisung,’ p. 62; Machilek, ‘Die Nürnberger Heiltumsweisungen,’ p. 33). He is followed by Volker Schier, ‘Musik im rituellen Kontext. Die Messe zur Nürnberger Heiltumsweisung,’ in László Dobszay (ed.), Cantus Planus. International Musicological Society Study Group, Pa­ pers Read at the 9th Meeting, Esztergom & Visegrád, 1998 (Budapest: Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Musicology, 2001), pp. 237–251 (p. 244); Livia Cárdenas, Friedrich der Weise und das Wittenberger Heiltumsbuch. Mediale Repräsentation zwischen Mittel­ alter und Neuzeit (Berlin: Lukas, 2002), p. 22; Volker Schier and Corine Schleif, ‘Seeing and Singing, Touching and Tasting the Holy Lance: The Power and Politics of Embodied Religious Experiences in Nuremberg 1424–1524,’ in Nicolas Bell etc. (eds.), Signs of Change – Transformations of Christian Traditions and their Representation in the Arts, 1000–2000 (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2004), pp. 401–426 (pp. 409–410). While there is no precise evidence for Wolf Traut’s date of birth, the assumed dates speak against his authorship. Traut’s date of birth is reconstructed by Rauch as c. 1478 (Christian Rauch, Die Trauts. Studien und Bei­ träge zur Geschichte der Nürnberger Malerei (Strasbourg: Heitz & Mündel, 1907), p. 2); and by Lata as between 1482 and 1487 (Sabine Lata, Wolf Traut als Maler (Neustadt a. d. Aisch: Schmidt, 2005), p. 28).

Mimesis as Politics

27

l­eft-hand side of the image he convincingly portrays a man craning his neck from the foreshortened perspective of the back of his head, the face merely hinted at. Moreover, the confident exploitation of the surface area at his disposal demonstrates a real craftsman’s skill, as does the tension generated between the various forms of ornamentation, through the pattern of lozenges and quatrefoils on the carpet adorning the display stage, as well as the candles arranged on its axis and the richly varied arrangement of spectators and armed guards beneath the scene of the display itself. The representation of the Insignia and Relics in the second and third section of the procession are simple by comparison, but nevertheless endowed with significant features. The Imperial Crown, for example, consists of plates with an arch and cross on the forehead piece. In the woodcut the ends of the plates are depicted as coming to a point, a discreet pictorial modernization of the actual appearance of the Crown, which today is kept in Vienna. The illustration in the Nuremberg Relic Book is one of the decidedly rare images from the Middle Ages; and the admittedly simplistic, but nonetheless characteristic, representation of the Crown makes it clear beyond any doubt that we have the Vienna Crown before us (Figs. 3 and 4). The woodcut deftly but unobtrusively modifies the original object while simultaneously retaining – or, if you will, establishing – its pictorial identifiability. This in turn generates self-adaptation and self-assimilation on the part of the Imperial Crown, which now inscribes itself into the structure and order allocated to it by the block-cutter responsible for the woodcut and by his patron. Hence it also assumes monumental stature in comparison to the other Regalia. The Imperial Robes, on the other hand, are represented as a group hanging from a carrying pole and not in the correct proportions.30 A “praune Ein schwartze Vnd ein weisse geweichte cleidung genant dalmatica” [brown, a black and a white consecrated robe called a dalmatic] hang bunched together over the pole; next to them is the cope, decorated with a lion; then a stole; a belt; two sceptres; gloves; and shoes. Two orbs are depicted squashed underneath them, almost as an afterthought. Its illustration of only two imperial orbs distinguishes the Nuremberg Relic Book from the two earlier woodcuts of the Imperial Regalia; this also differs from their actual number, recorded in Sigismund i’s deed of transfer (1423), which mentions three orbs.31 The ­summarizing list in the accompanying text mirrors the squashed, additive 30 31

There is also visual evidence for the presentation of garment relics on carrying poles from Bamberg and Aachen: for example, on Aachen pilgrimage badges (illustrations in Köster, ‘Gutenbergs Straßburger Aachenspiegel-Unternehmen’; and in brb 1493–1509). Printed in Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ pp. 76–80.

28

Chapter 1

Figure 3

Imperial Crown, Imperial Treasury, Vienna

a­ rrangement of the robes,32 although more objects appear in the picture than are explicitly mentioned in the text. With its additional information the picture competes with the text and, in the process, dominates it. The very simple, unadorned woodcuts of the Imperial Sword and Saint Maurice’s sword which conclude the second processional section portray significant features present in the originals as well. Whereas the Imperial Sword has a round pommel, the sword of Saint Maurice has a pointed one. Differences in the size and shape of the swords have also been levelled out to make them fit onto the page. The formatting of the objects to fit the dimensions and proportions of the printed pages has the probably not unintentional effect that the image of the Imperial Crown dominates all other objects on this double page, which include five ostensories belonging to the third section of the procession. 32

“vnd vil ander einem kaiser zugerhorender dinge Bey zweintzig stücken oder mer” [and many other items belonging to an emperor, approximately twenty pieces or more] (nrb 1487, fol. 4v).

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 4

29

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487, fol. 4v and 5r: Depiction of the second and beginning of the third processional section with the Imperial Crown, Coronation Regalia, swords of Charlemagne and Saint Maurice and ostensories

However, the following verso is reserved for the most important relics amongst the Imperial Regalia, a strategy which ensures they are not forced to compete pictorially with the preceding objects. The third processional section is concluded by a piece of the Wood of the Cross, the Holy Lance, the reliquary in which they are preserved and the Imperial Cross, which in addition contained the “bebstlichen brieff vnd bulle[n] die vber das hohwirdig heiligthu[m] gebe[n] sein” [papal briefs and bulls issued concerning the most venerable relics]. These woodcuts, too, offer very simplified representations of the objects: the Holy Lance and the Nail affixed to it are strongly stylized, but nevertheless represented with their characteristic features, such as the golden sleeve round the blade of the Lance. The same thing is true for the Imperial Cross, which, with square ends to its crossbars and the suggestion of valuable jewels, appears on an axis to the relic of the Cross and next to the shaft of the Lance (Fig. 5).

30

Figure 5

Chapter 1

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487, fols. 5v/6r: Relic of the Cross, the Holy Lance and the Imperial Cross

These depictions are followed by the epilogue containing the intercessory prayers for the Pope then in office, Innocent viii; the late Emperor Sigismund, who, with the Imperial Relics, “stat vnd alle vmgelegne landt erleücht vnd erfeüt hat” [has illuminated and gladdened the city and all the surrounding ­territory]; Emperor Frederick iii; and King Maximilian i; as well as for Heinrich, Bishop of Bamberg; all Christian princes; and all Christian people. In particular, the “Regiment vnd loblichs wesen dißer Stat” [government and laudable character of this city] are included in the intercessory prayers. The decisive role played by Nuremberg Council in the procedures and staging of the relic displays and as custodians of the Imperial Regalia is clearly highlighted here through the Council’s inscription of itself into the list of those explicitly mentioned in the intercessory prayers. Finally, the participants are exhorted to remain still and wait to be blessed by the priest with the Holy Cross. Then the Hymn of the Cross, “O du gebenedeites creutz” [O Thou Blessed Cross], follows. Even before the colophon, readers are alerted to the fact that the Relics are returned to their depository, the Heilig-Geist-Spital, in a “silbrin vn[d] vergulte[n] sarch” [silver and gilt casket] and suspended from the ceiling there.

Mimesis as Politics

31

For this reason, all those wishing to obtain these indulgences are exhorted to attend the display of relics: “Darvm[b] welcher me[n]sch gnad begert Der mag solichs hochwirdig heiligthu[m] suche[n] vnd [der] große[n] romische gnad teilhafftig mache[n]” [Therefore whichever person desires grace, may he seek out such highly venerable relics and participate in the great grace of Rome].33 Altogether, it is evident that the text of the Relic Book combines various modes. By far the most comprehensive part is taken up by the direct account of the relic display as it unfolds and incorporates the proclamatory texts in the variants transmitted on the proclamation sheet. These include the stage directions for the priest, several times adopted verbatim, as well as his words to the participants in the display: for example, “Darnach list der briester vn[d] rüfft Bleibt sten man wirdt noch den segen … gebe[n]” [After that the priest reads and cries out, ‘Remain still, the blessing will be … given’].34 The shorter part consists in the descriptive presentation of the course of the ceremony and the enumeration of the various indulgences to be obtained on the day of the display as well as in the Heilig-Geist-Spital itself. 4

The Organization of the Book

In the Relic Book the organization of the insignia and reliquaries into three processional sections is based on a well-considered strategy of dramatic impact.35 As mentioned above, and as is customary in later relic books, the sequence follows the order in which the Relics are exhibited. The reproduction of the proceedings in text and image is not determined by the layout of the book; nevertheless, it does, for the first time, repeat the events connected with the display in the medium of the printed book and thereby offer the potential, as well as the real, possibility of re-enacting these proceedings outside the time-limited framework of the festivities. In the medium of the book, the display of the Imperial Relics in Nuremberg becomes available for perpetual appropriation and repetition. 33

34 35

nrb 1487, fol. 6r. Since the indulgence could only be obtained during the festum lanceae et clavorum, this statement can only be understood in this way, since Nuremberg Council expressly drew attention to this fact during the extraordinary display more or less forced on them by Frederick iii on 10 May 1442. We shall return to this. nrb 1487, fol. 6r. On the performative nature and staging of the display in Nuremberg see Diedrichs, ‘Reliquientheater’; for a comparison of the display in Nuremberg and Halle see Christof L. Diedrichs, ‘Ereignis Heiltum. Die Heiltumsweisung in Halle,’ in Tacke (ed.), “Ich armer sundiger mensch,” pp. 314–360; Diedrichs “Man zeigte uns den Kopf des Heiligen,” esp. pp. 187–229.

32

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The Imperial Regalia had been displayed individually on specific occasions since 1315, but Emperor Charles iv was the first to institutionalize proceedings with the introduction of the festum lanceae et clavorum Domini in Prague.36 In contrast to the display in Nuremberg, the ostensio reliquiarum he introduced for Prague in 1356, which was to be celebrated annually, consisted of four processional sections, each characterized by an entirely different sequence of the relics.37 As well as the Imperial Regalia, the relics of Bohemian saints were publicly displayed in Prague and the first processional section was reserved for these.38 They were followed in the second section by relics of Mary and Christ – amongst them a small fragment of the Cross and a Nail of Christ – as well as small fragments of the chains of the sainted Pope Clement i. Links from the chains with which the Apostles Peter, Paul and John had been kept prisoner, as well as a piece of John’s robe, a sliver from Christ’s manger and the Karlštejn Passion reliquary cross, were allocated to the third section. In the fourth processional section, at the climax of the display, the Imperial Regalia and Relics were presented: the swords of Charlemagne, Saint Maurice and Saint Stephen; the Imperial Crown; a tooth of Saint John the Baptist; Saint Anne’s arm bone; a sliver of Christ’s Cross and, as the final object, the Holy Lance with the affixed Nail. Hartmut Kühne assumes that in the processional sections the reliquaries were ordered according to institution: according to this theory, the first and second sections presented relics belonging to Prague Cathedral; the third 36

The first display of the Imperial Regalia for which we have documented evidence took place in Basel in 1315 at a meeting of spiritual and temporal dignitaries at the court of Frederick the Fair (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 82–87). 37 Two ordines for the display of relics in Prague (in a shorter and longer version) have been preserved in the Staatsbibliothek Munich. They are printed in Joseph Neuwirth, ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte der Klöster und der Kunstübung Böhmens im Mittelalter. (iv. Zwei Verzeichnisse der beim Feste der Reliquienzeigung in Prag ausgestellten Reliquien),’ Mit­ teilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Deutschen in Böhmen, 34 (1896), pp. 92–123 (pp. 117–123). On the sequence of events in the Prague display see Machilek, Schlager and Wohnhaas, ‘O felix lancea,’ pp. 57–58; and Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 106–132. The display of relics for the festum lanceae et clavorum Domini was conducted on the Cattle Market (now Charles Square) in Prague. The longer of the two ordines could also have been composed for a display of relics at St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague (Dorota Leśniewska, ‘Das Heiligtümerfest in Böhmen des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ in Jacek Wiesiołowski (ed.), Pielgr­ zymki w kulturze średniowiecznej Europy: materiały xiii seminarium mediewistycznego (Poznań: ptpn, 1993), pp. 199–204 (p. 201); Hartmut Kühne, ‘Heiltumsweisungen: ­Reliquien – Ablaß – Herrschaft. Neufunde und Problemstellungen,’ Jahrbuch für Volks­ kunde (2004), pp. 42–62 (p. 59)). 38 The first processional section began with the heads of the Bohemian saints or the saints particularly revered in Bohemia, i.e., Wenceslas, Vitus, Sigismund and Adalbert; the heads of the Evangelists Mark and Luke, as well as those of Popes Urban and Gregory, were also displayed (Neuwirth, ‘Beiträge,’ pp. 118–119).

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33

s­ ection relics from the Chapel of the Holy Cross at Karlštejn; and the fourth the Imperial Relics.39 In Nuremberg, by contrast, the relics were ordered chronologically, their sequence following the history of salvation from Christ’s childhood to His sacrificial death on the Cross; and the Imperial Regalia were embedded into this sequence. Thus, the first section of the procession included the relics connected to Christ’s childhood as well as His companions or His genealogy. At the same time, the first relic, a piece of the manger, was used to commemorate the Mother of God and the Three Kings.40 However, the manger was not simply named as a contact relic in its own right: the Birth and the Adoration by the Three Kings were also commended to spectators as objects of devotion and, through the book, to readers as well, for it was not just in the preface to the Nuremberg Relic Book that “andechtiglich sehen” [seeing devoutly] was specifically exhorted. Similarly, the arm relic of Saint Anne is the occasion for pointing to the “Junckfrauen vnd kintpetterin” [Virgin and woman in childbirth] Mary; and through the relic of Saint John the Baptist the Forerunner of Christ is recalled. Here we see, opened up before us, the whole spectrum of the Holy Family and the Forerunner of Christ in the person of John the Baptist, whose naming in itself already evokes the Baptism of Christ. The second processional section is reserved for the Imperial Insignia alone; in it the Crown, robes, sceptre, imperial orb and the swords of Charlemagne and Saint Maurice are paraded. The brief exposition in this section explicitly emphasizes the fact that these insignia belonged to the Holy Emperor Charlemagne and provides an account of his deeds: “Vnd das romisch keiserthum das vor in krieche[n] zu Constantinoppel gewest ist Jn seiner person an deütsche zunge[n] bracht” [And the Roman Empire that had previously been in Greece

39 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 122. The links in the chains of the three Apostles, the sliver from Christ’s manger and the piece of Saint John the Evangelist’s robe were amongst the relics given to Charles iv as gifts by Pope Urban V in 1368. In 1423 they were sent to Nuremberg along with the other Imperial Relics (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 128; Franz Machilek, ‘Privatfrömmigkeit und Staatsfrömmigkeit,’ in Ferdinand Seibt (ed.), Kai­ ser Karl iv., Staatsmann und Mäzen (Munich: Prestel, 1978), pp. 87–101 (p. 94)). 40 “Zum ersten Ein stück von der krippen Darein dy Junckfreülich kintpetterin maria den newgepor[e]n cristum einlegt müterlich trost gethan Vnd mit lob eren vn[d] andechtigem gebete den den sy geporen het wirdigklich enfangen hat daselbst in auch dy künige in bedeütnusse vnser vnd der gantze[n] heidenschafft mit iren opffer[e]n begrüsset vn[d] enpfangen habe[n]” [First a piece of the manger in which the Virgin Mary, in her confinement, laid the new-born Christ and comforted him in a motherly way; and worthily ­received Him whom she had born with praise, honour and pious prayer; and where the Three Kings, as a symbol of us [Christians] and the whole of heathendom, also greeted and received Him with their sacrificial gifts] (nrb 1487, fol. 3v).

34

Chapter 1

in Constantinople was brought in his person to the German-speaking lands [lit.: tongue]].41 The text about the Insignia themselves is embellished with hagiographical details, as well as details from the legend of Charlemagne. For example, on the subject of Charlemagne’s sword it says: “Sant keiser karls swert Das im der engel bracht domit er gotlicher krafft gar vil streit Czu trost [der] criste[n]heit mechtiglich sig behalten hat” [The sword of the sainted Emperor Charlemagne, which was brought to him by an angel so that, aided by the power of God, he won mighty victories in numerous battles to the solace and succour of Christendom].42 The third processional section, which brings together only the Passion Relics, is introduced accordingly: “Nun wirt man eüch zeigen Die stück die das leiden vnnsers her[e]n antreffen” [Now you will be shown the objects linked to the martyrdom of Our Lord]. As in the first section, the Relics are ordered according to the chronology of events in the Passion. Thus the Last Supper is recalled in the form of the tablecloth used at it; Christ’s washing of His Disciples’ feet by “[e]in Stück von dem Schürztuch, das unser Herr Jesus Christus bei der Fußwaschung der Jünger verwendete” [a piece of the apron which Our Lord Jesus Christ wore when washing the Disciples’ feet]. In line with the – strictly observed – chronological re-enactment of the Passion through the Relics, the thorns from the Crown of Thorns appear before the fragment of the Holy Cross. The most important relic, noticeably distinguished from the others by both its size and the length of the accompanying text, is the Holy Lance with the Nail from the Cross affixed to it. The text paints a drastic picture of the Lance wounding Christ’s body, plunging in as far as the golden sleeve which encircles its tip. This golden sleeve, which was attached to the Lance at the behest of Charles iv, is given a new meaning as a decisive sign.43 In contrast to the actual object, in the woodcut the Lance is depicted with a shaft and thus the narrative momentum of the Lance piercing Christ’s side is brought to a visual point. The differences between the display of relics in Prague and Nuremberg are rendered particularly apparent by the different weighting of events in the dramatization of the proceedings. In Prague the Imperial Insignia and Relics were displayed last, a decision which also assigned them the most important position. However, the opening scene was reserved for the relics of the Bohemian saints. In Nuremberg the Imperial Insignia and Relics constituted the 41 nrb 1487, fol. 5r. 42 nrb 1487, fol. 5r. 43 Charles iv had the golden sleeve added to the Lance in order to conceal a fracture, like two others beneath it (Percy Ernst Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik. Bei­ träge zu ihrer Geschichte vom dritten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert (3 vols., Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1954–1956; suppl.: Munich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1978), ii. 532).

Mimesis as Politics

35

entire display; here objects were added which had played no role in Prague: the robes, imperial orb and sceptre of Charlemagne. In Nuremberg, therefore, the objects which in Prague were included in just one – namely, the final – section were organized into three sections in a strictly chronological, eschatologically focused narrative. Ultimately the division of the display of relics into three processional sections was correlated to the symbolic significance of the number three itself. However, the insignia of the ruler of the Holy Roman Empire were embedded into the history of salvation, in its turn manifested through the Imperial Relics. To this extent the Empire’s Christological dimension is unequivocally demonstrated here.44 For their part, the two older, single-sheet woodcuts depicting the Relics again illustrate the status Nuremberg ascribed to itself through the relic display and Relic Book. The sheets, the design of which is closely related, can be seen as belonging to the same tradition as depictions of the Weapons of Christ or Instruments of the Passion (Arma Christi) (Figs. 6 and 7).45 Despite their presentation of the very same objects, the difference to the book could not be greater. The objects in the single-sheet woodcuts are loosely grouped round a centre, the Lance, and subordinated to it as the most important relic. All the objects can be viewed at once. The Relics do not follow one another in the temporal succession necessitated by the sequence of their display and its reproduction in a different medium, the book. Moreover, the two single sheets give no indication of place, which is implicitly suggested by the objects themselves. Thus the sequence of the display, and its mimetic repetition in the book, simultaneously reflect the annually repeated events of the Passion, in whose centre the Imperial Regalia and hence the Empire itself figure as part of the history of salvation – as does, decisively, the location of their safe-keeping, the city of Nuremberg itself. It was printing which first made possible the assertion and commemoration of this programmatic synthesis and the role of the Regalia in perpetuating the status of Nuremberg.

44

45

The eschatological orientation of the display, the Relic Book and the whole ceremony is also reflected in the liturgy, since the Office of the Mass and a draft sermon which have come down to us both have this as their focus (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 117–120). This refers to the above-mentioned ‘half-woodcut’ (Schr. 1942) as well as the ‘whole woodcut’ (Schr. 1942a). The link to depictions of the Arma Christi is already recognized by Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 41; Cordez takes this further (Cordez, ‘Wallfahrt und Medienwettbewerb,’ p. 46). On depictions of the Arma Christi see Robert Suckale, ‘Arma Christi. Überlegungen zur Zeichenhaftigkeit mittelalterlicher Andachtsbilder,’ Städel-Jahrbuch, 6 (1977), pp. 177–208.

36

Figure 6

Chapter 1

Nuremberg Relics (Nuremberg c. 1425/50)

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 7

Nuremberg Relics (Nuremberg c. 1485)

37

38 5

Chapter 1

Hans Mair’s New Edition of 1493: Commission or Free Enterprise?

In 1493 Hans Mair reprinted the, obviously successful, first two editions of the Nuremberg Relic Book.46 The text follows the editions of 1487 verbatim, although it differs in the spelling of individual words and there are occasional omissions; however, that does not alter the subject matter. In the epilogue, which exhorts those present to offer prayers of intercession, the name of the Pope currently in office is updated, so that the text now reads: “so biten wir fur vnsern allerheiligste[n] in got vater vnd heren hern Allexandry der sechst Babst” [So we pray for our holiest lord Pope Alexander vi, lord in God Our Father and Lord].47 While no printed copies of Hans Mair’s Nuremberg Relic Book have come down to us on parchment, the bibliographer Georg Wolfgang Panzer did record one in the possession of the Nuremberg Losungsstube or Tax Office.48 If copies printed on this expensive material really did exist, Mair’s edition of 1493 might also have been a commission, since all the extant books printed by Mair are, without exception, small works which seldom exceed twelve leaves. In the case of Hans Mair, therefore, we cannot assume he had sufficient financial means at his disposal to use such expensive material without having received a commission and the guaranteed purchases this brought with it. On the other hand, dealers at the Nuremberg trade fair could offer their wares without restriction and book printers were often their own booksellers. However, a ­residual risk remained. The edition on paper, by contrast, was certainly more likely to have been within the economic means of its printer, although the price of paper also played a considerable role in a printer’s calculations,49 particularly as the re-cutting of the very simple woodcuts did not place any demands on the skill

46

On the Nuremberg printer Hans Mair see Voulliéme, Die deutschen Drucker, p. 130; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 183; and the chapter ‘Speculating on Similarity.’ 47 nrb 1493, fol. 6r. 48 Panzer, Annalen, i. 451, under no. 1024; Heller refers to Panzer (Heller, Lucas Cranach’s Leben und Werk, p. 198). Panzer attests to a parchment copy of the editions printed by both Mair and Vischer in the safekeeping of Nuremberg Tax Office (Losungsstube). The printed edition by Vischer to which he testifies is probably the copy now in the Staats­ archiv Nuremberg (StAN, Rep. 52 a, Rst. Nbg., Handschr. no. 399a). However, it is no longer possible to prove the existence of a printed edition from 1493. This may very well have been lost along with the above-mentioned book of privileges (the so-called Relic Book) instigated by the Council. See note 7. 49 See Walter Krieg, Materialien zu einer Entwicklungsgeschichte der Bücherpreise und des Autorenhonorars vom 15. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Stubenrauch, 1953), esp. pp. 15–17.

Mimesis as Politics

39

of the block-cutter. Thus, Mair’s printed edition leaves us in the dark about the commissioners and commissioning of works in Nuremberg. 6 Excursus: The Manuscript of 1458 It is generally supposed that the text in both the Nuremberg Relic Book from 1487 and the printer Hans Mair’s later edition from 1493 was based on a manuscript which had been in existence since 1458. This assumption was ­re-­introduced into scholarship with lasting effect by the studies of Julia Schnel­ bögl and went on to become the view which has dominated research since then. Here, however, it will be subject to revision.50 In her study Schnelbögl refers to the information provided by as many as three eighteenth-century authors – Wolfgang Hieronymus Herold, Georg Andreas Will and Christoph Gottlieb von Murr – who report that the text was already available in manuscript form in 1458.51 However, they merely point to its existence, without providing evidence and obviously without ever having held it in their own hands. While, at the beginning of their descriptions, Herold and Murr do mention a manuscript from 1458, the texts they subsequently reproduce are, in both cases, the later edition of the Nuremberg Relic Book printed by Hans Mair in 1493, something which becomes apparent through, amongst other things, Hans Mair’s colophon, reproduced by both authors in full. In his Diplomatari­ um, then, Murr did not reproduce a manuscript version from 1458, contrary to what was assumed until very recently.52 How, though, did authors of the eighteenth and even seventeenth centuries come to assume the existence of a manuscript? Wolfgang Hieronymus Herold, Georg Andreas Will and Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, who mention a manuscript but reproduce, or know, only the text of Hans Mair’s printed edition, seem for their part to be interpreting a comment by Christian E ­ rdtmann, 50

Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 125. All subsequent authors base their work on this view and will not be listed individually here. 51 Wolfgang Hieronymus Herold, Noribergam, Insignium Imperialium Tutelarem (Halle: Zeitler, 1713), Appendix, cols. 7–18; Georg Andreas Will, Nürnbergische Münzbelustigun­ gen in welchem so seltne, als merkwürdige Schau- und Geldmünzen sauber in Kupfer ge­ stochen, beschrieben und aus der Geschichte erläutert worden (4 parts, Altdorf: Georg Peter Monath, 1764–1767), part 1, p. 91; Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, Beschreibung der vornehm­ sten Merkwürdigkeiten in der H.R. Reichs freyen Stadt Nürnberg und auf der hohen Schule zu Altdorf (Nürnberg: Zeh, 1778), p. 157; Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ pp. 117–133. 52 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 134, and pp. 144–152. This view led to the incorrect citation of Murr’s transcript as the supposed ordo of the Nuremberg relic display of 1458.

40

Chapter 1

whom they themselves do not consider trustworthy. In 1629 the latter had, in his treatise Norimberga, in flore avitae romano-catholicae religionis, ex an­ tiquissimis variorum Monasteriorum, Bibliothecis, veteribusque Monumentis, graphice delineata et expicta, prefaced his reproduction of the edition of the Nuremberg Relic Book from 1493 with the Latin heading, “Ostensio Sacrarum reliquiarum in Imperiali Vrbe Norimbergensi” and added, “ex aliquo libello, Anno cccc.lviii, Norimbergae impresso.”53 In Erdtmann, therefore, the date 1458 appears for the first time. While the author Johann Christoph Wagenseil, whom Schnelbögl does not quote, and Wolfgang Hieronymus Herold do not name Erdtmann, they will probably have known his treatise.54 Georg Andreas Will, in his Münzbelustigungen of 1764, seems to have been the first to state what the older authors do not write. He rightly doubts that books were printed in Nuremberg as early as 1458 and surmises that Erdtmann was either mistaken in the date or took a manuscript for a printed work. Moreover, Will merely takes the reference to the manuscript of 1458 from Erdtmann’s edition, so had no personal knowledge of said manuscript.55 It is, however, striking that none of the above-mentioned authors, although leading authorities on the history of the book in Nuremberg, seems to have been familiar with P. Vischer’s edition of the Nuremberg Relic Book from 1487. Neither does Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, who compiled a catalogue of works in which the Imperial Insignia

53

Christian Erdtmann, Norimberga, in flore avitae romano-catholicae religionis, ex antiquis­ simis variorum Monasteriorum, Bibliothecis, veteribusque Monumentis, graphice delineata et expicta, A. Christiano Erdtmanno. v.o.r.s. (s. l., 1629), pp. 29–36. Christian Erdtmann is a pseudonym of the Suffragan Bishop of Bamberg Friedrich Forner (1570–1630) (adb, vii. 157–159; ndb, v. 270). 54 Johann Christoph Wagenseil, De sacri Rom. imperii libera civitate Noribergensi commenta­ tio. accedit de germaniae phonascorum von der Meister-Singer, origine, praestantia, utili­ tate et institutis sermone vernaculo Liber (Altdorf: Jobst Wilhelm Kohles, 1697), pp. 229– 233. Wagenseil transmits the text of Mair’s edition of 1493, albeit omitting all passages which refer to the indulgences as well as long sections of the introductory text. 55 “Ostensio sacrarum Reliquiarum in Imperiali urbe Norimbergensi ex aliquo libello, Anno M. cccc. lviii. Norimbergae impresso. We only cite this title from Erdtmann’s Norimberga in flore (p. 29) in order to mention the small book which was allegedly printed in 1458 and would, of course, be extremely rare. Although it may have been asserted that it was printed in Nuremberg soon after 1440, as the age in which printing was invented, such a claim is unreliable and to this day it has not been possible to find any book printed in Nuremberg which is older than 1470. That bizarre Erdtmann, whose work is full of errors, may either have made a mistake in the year of publication or – most likely – passed a manuscript off as a printed book. He in any case talks all too vaguely about it – ex aliquo libello – too vaguely for him to have seen it or have possessed a transcript of it” (Will, ­Nürnbergische Münz-Belustigungen, i. 91).

Mimesis as Politics

41

and Relics are recorded.56 The printed book from 1487 was recorded for the first time by Georg Wolfgang Panzer in his three-volume Annalen der ältern deutschen Litteratur from 1788.57 In so far as the text of the Relic Book was reprinted in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it was always in Hans Mair’s younger variant.58 Similarly, the statements in the various works by Murr also fail to make it unambiguously clear whether or not he ever held a manuscript version from 1458 in his hands,59 or – more probably – just reproduces Erdtmann’s statement, supposedly corrected, since the wording of the heading in Erdtmann is almost identical to that in Murr.60 It is not unequivocally apparent from any of the texts that a manuscript from 1458 was available. Rather, Erdtmann’s account seems to have been cited repeatedly and with variations. It cannot be stated with absolute certainty that the authors mentioned above were not, in fact, familiar with a manuscript from 1458 which is no longer extant. However, as can be demonstrated, they always transmit Mair’s printed edition. It is more probable – something already assumed by Will but then rejected by him in favour of the manuscript idea – that Erdtmann did have access to a printed work other than the edition by Mair which he reproduces, but that he might have made a mistake in the date rather than the type of document. If this is the case, it is very probable that

56 Murr, Beschreibung der vornehmsten Merkwürdigkeiten, pp. 157–164. 57 Panzer, Annalen, i. no. 1024, p. 451. The assumption that Vischer’s edition was rediscovered at a later date is also confirmed by the fact that it is only found in the addenda to the volume, whereas Mair’s edition appears in the main work (no. 352, pp. 200–201). 58 Wagenseil reproduces neither the title nor Mair’s colophon with the year 1493, but it is still evident from the text itself that his master copy could only have come into existence after 1492, since Pope Alexander vi (1492–1503) is mentioned in the intercessory prayers reproduced by Wagenseil (Wagenseil, De sacri Rom. imperii libera civitate Noribergensi, p. 232). 59 See Murr, Beschreibung der vornehmsten Merkwürdigkeiten, p. 157; Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ pp. 117–118; Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, ‘Ausführliche Beschreibung der sämmtlichen Reichskleinodien und Heiligthümer, welche zu Nürnberg im Chore der neuen Spitalkirche zum Heil. Geist verwahret werden,’ Journal zur Kunstgeschichte und zur allgemein­ en Litteratur, 14 (1787), pp. 136–191 (pp. 139–140). 60 In Erdtmann it says: “Ostensio sacrarum Reliquiarum in Imperiali Vrbe Norimbergensi, ex aliquo libello, Anno cccclviii, Norimbergae impresso” (Erdtmann, Norimberga, p. 29). In Murr it says: “Ostensio sacrarum Reliquiarum in Imperiali Vrbe Norimbergensi, ex aliquo libello, scripto A. 1458, et impresso Norimbergae, 1493” (Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ p. 117). Moreover, Murr adds that Erdtmann’s edition is so flawed that he (Murr) is reproducing a corrected version, so he probably used Mair’s original as his model. Mair’s original may have been part of Nuremberg Council’s comprehensive book of privileges, which brought together all the documents concerning the Imperial Regalia. See note 7.

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the printed edition to which Erdtmann refers is, in fact, the obviously longforgotten print by Vischer from 1487. 7

The Book as Pictogram of the City

Apart from the title image, the woodcuts in Hans Mair’s edition have been re-cut exactly as they are in the first edition and are almost all true-to-side throughout. The very exact copies of the woodcuts led to the occasional assumption that the illustrations were identical and the originals had, therefore, simply been re-used in 1493. For example, in 1884 Richard Muther declared that the edition of 1493 boasted the same woodcuts as the one from of 1487; in addition, he describes the title page of 1493 as that of the older edition by Vischer.61 In Volume 18 of his Bilderschmuck der Frühdrucke Albert Schramm also assumes the re-use of the woodcuts from 1487; however, he differentiates between the title pages.62 To this day Schramm’s identification of the woodcuts in the 1493 edition as those of the older printed work has led scholars to suppose the woodcuts are identical, even though Wilhelm Ludwig Schreiber (1910/11) and Franz J. Stadler (1913) already draw attention to the differences.63 The woodcut of the display stage is only slightly coarser and more angular in its details than its source model from 1487, but follows its predecessor very closely in its individual features (Fig. 8). In the depiction of the Imperial Crown, the small leaves on the arch of the Crown end in a point, whereas they are round in the version from 1487 (Fig. 9). The only example of a laterally inverted image comes in the copy of the imperial robes depicted hanging from the supporting pole. In the younger version the cope with the representation of the bicaudal lion appears to be have been turned to the left. Similarly,

61

Richard Muther, Die deutsche Bücherillustration der Gothik und der Frührenaissance (1460–1530) (2 vols., Leipzig/Munich: Hirth, 1884), i. 61. Hartmut Kühne, too, mistakes the title page of the Mair edition for that of the Vischer edition (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 139). 62 Schramm, Bilderschmuck, xviii. 12 and tables 92, 93, 115. 63 The most frequently reproduced illustration of the display stage is often wrongly attributed, e.g., in the exhibition catalogue Hans Sachs (1981), p. 69; Anton Legner, Reliquien in Kunst und Kult: Zwischen Antike und Aufklärung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995), p. 93; Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 3. See, by contrast, W.[ilhelm] L. [udwig] Schreiber, Manuel de l’amateur de la gravure sur bois et sur métal au xve siècle, v, Catalogue des incunables à figures (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1910/11), V/1, nos. 4193 and 4194, p. 279; Stadler, Michael Wolgemut, pp. 143–144.

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 8

43

Nuremberg Relic Book 1493, fol. 4r: Display stage with depiction of the first procession

the ­other vestments point in the opposite direction and are reproduced in simplified form. Because of their unadorned style, reminiscent of a pictogram, it is much harder to differentiate between the other illustrations.

44

Figure 9

Chapter 1

Nuremberg Relic Book 1493, fol. 4v: Imperial Crown and coronation robes

On the redesigned title page, however, the Nuremberg coat of arms from the older edition is replaced by Mary and the Christ Child standing between the

Mimesis as Politics

45

Figure 10 Nuremberg Relic Book (1493): Title page

city’s patron saints, Sebaldus and Lawrence, under a trefoil arch. Above them the unframed title runs across the entire type width (Fig. 10).64 64

The title differs immaterially from that of the 1487 edition and does so only in the odd spelling.

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Sebaldus, Nuremberg’s patron saint, has been assigned the more important left side. He holds the model of his church and a staff. The scallop shell associated with Santiago de Compostela is attached to his hat and identifies him as a pilgrim. In his left hand Lawrence holds a grill, the emblem of his martyrdom, and with his right hand he grasps his dalmatic. Both saints turn towards Mary, who in her arms holds the Christ Child, His hand raised in a blessing. She is depicted as a Madonna on the Crescent Moon, with a sceptre in her hand. Some sense of space is given by the hatched floor on which the group of figures stand. Franz J. Stadler ascribes the title-page woodcut to a Nuremberg artist, to whom he gives the provisional name of the Master of the Meinrad Legend.65 For his title page, the Master of the Meinrad Legend could already have had recourse to a number of pictorial inventions in Nuremberg book printing. The Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg, printed by Anton Koberger in 1484, is introduced by a woodcut ascribed to Michael Wolgemut which shows Saints Sebaldus and Lawrence standing on pillars under ogee arches, the three Nuremberg coats of arms between and beneath them (Fig. 11).66 The title woodcut of Hans Rosenplüt’s Lobspruch auf Nürnberg, printed by Marx Ayrer, is probably based on it.67 This really quite coarse woodcut depicts Mary with the Christ Child between Sebaldus and Lawrence; in front of them is the lesser Nuremberg coat of arms (Fig. 12). The title page of Kunz Has’s Gedicht auf Nürnberg, printed by Peter Wagner in 1492, shows a further variant.68 Here, very simply executed, are the city’s two patron saints, Sebaldus and Lawrence, standing under branch-tracery arches and holding the lesser coat of arms (Fig. 13). 65

66 67

68

Stadler chose his title based on the woodcuts of the Wallfahrt zu den Einsiedeln vnd die legend Sant Meinrat, which was also printed by Hans Mair c. 1495 (Hain 16141, gw M 17588, Schr. 4611). With it Stadler ties in a series of anonymous woodcuts used to illustrate a number of minor works (Stadler, Michael Wolgemut, esp. pp. 139–162). Thus, the Master of the Meinrad Legend worked for several minor Nuremberg printers: Peter Wagner, Friedrich Creußner, Hans Hoffmann, Caspar Hochfeder and Ambrosius Huber, as well as Hans Mair. The printing blocks obviously passed into the possession of the printers, since the same woodcuts are often used for different printed works. Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg (Hain 13716, Schr. 5051, gw M 27333). The woodcut is found on fol. 1v. See also Stadler, Michael Wolgemut, p. 67. Hain 13984, Schr. 5148, gw M 38982. The Lobspruch auf Nürnberg does not record its date of printing, but as Marx Ayrer was only active as a printer in Nuremberg between 1483 and 1489 this work had already come into existence before Hans Mair’s Nuremberg Relic Book (Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 176). Kunz Has, Gedicht auf Nürnberg (Nuremberg: Peter Wagner, 1492) (C 2896, gw M 12132, Schr. 4184). Stadler links this title woodcut to Wolfgang Hamer, whom he sees as distantly related to the Master of the Meinrad Legend, but qualifies this by mentioning that Hamer may also have been “only” a publisher (Stadler, Michael Wolgemut, pp. 162–163, 166).

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 11 Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg (Anton Koburger, 1484), fol. 1v

47

48

Figure 12

Chapter 1

Hans Rosenplüt, Lobspruch auf Nürnberg (Max Ayrer, [s. a.]), title page

Thus Hans Mair and the Master of the Meinrad Legend take as their model the design of the title pages of printed books which definitely belong in the context of the imperial city, whether as shorter encomia civis in prose or as legal works. The coats of arms and the city’s patron saints, Sebaldus and Lawrence (also patron saints of the two parish churches), were guarantees of the significant

Mimesis as Politics

Figure 13

49

Kunz Has, Gedicht auf Nürnberg (Peter Wagner, 1492), title page

connection to Nuremberg of the printed work in question. Hence the title page of the second edition of the Nuremberg Relic Book also signals its unambiguous point of reference. The Book becomes a pictogram of the city in its synthesis of title page, pictorial abbreviation and textual explication of the Imperial Regalia, which have been entrusted to the imperial city for safe-keeping.

50 8

Chapter 1

The Motivation of the Book’s Commissioners

Until now it has been assumed that Nuremberg Council commissioned the Relic Book of 1487, without the question ever being posed as to what might have motivated the city elders to have it printed.69 However, there are probably multiple, complex reasons for the work’s appearance in 1487 of all years, rather than at any other time. A glance at the history of the Imperial Regalia from the time of their arrival in Nuremberg may cast light on the motives behind the commission. For Nuremberg, custodianship of the Imperial Regalia from 1423 onwards was bound up with two things: diverse privileges and considerable prestige among the other imperial cities.70 Frankfurt could lay claim to being the city where the German Kings (or Kings of the Romans) were elected; Aachen, on the other hand, was the site of their coronation. While Emperor Charles iv may have stipulated in the Golden Bull (1356) that the first Imperial Diet after the coronation of a new King had to take place in Nuremberg, the city’s standing as guardian of the Imperial Regalia was incomparably greater, since custodianship of the imperial treasure created an important connection to the monarchy and hence a huge increase in Nuremberg’s status. The presence of the Imperial Regalia was also enduringly anchored in the cityscape. The day on which the Relics were displayed in the market square was an established date in public life, one which the authors of chronicles used as a matter of course to date other events.71 In the Lobspruch auf Nürnberg, composed by the poet Hans Rosenplüt, the Relics figure as one of the seven “jewels” of the imperial city.72 The presence of the Imperial Regalia and their annual display in Nuremberg were of major significance for both the social prestige and the economic life of the city and for its Church institutions. The Council kept the offerings for 69 70 71 72

Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 124–125. Ursula Schmidt-Fölkersamb, amongst others, follows her in this (see Reformation in Nürnberg, pp. 44–45). Schnelbögl takes as her starting point the function of the Relic Book as a medium for information and advertising. The privileges included the granting of a fourteen-day (later twenty-four-day) trade fair, which competed with that in Frankfurt from the moment it came into existence (Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 129–139). Evidence in Joachim Schneider, Heinrich Deichsler und die Nürnberger Chronistik des 15. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1991), p. 125. Reprinted in Hans Rosenplüt, Reimpaarsprüche und Lieder, ed. by Jörn Reichel (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1990), pp. 220–234, esp. p. 226. In composing the gnomic poem, Rosenplüt was probably also pursuing personal interests. Jörn Reichel assumes that Rosenplüt wanted to remind Nuremberg Council of his existence (Jörn Reichel, Der Spruchdichter Hans Rosen­ plüt. Literatur und Leben im spätmittelalterlichen Nürnberg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1985), pp. 200–205).

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51

themselves.73 The two parishes and the houses of the religious orders equally profited from the influx of people for the event, since on the occasion of the annual ceremony they displayed their own valuable relics on their altars.74 Visitors to the display were able to obtain further indulgences when they sought out five churches in the city in commemoration of the Five Wounds of Christ: the church of the Heilig-Geist-Spital, Saint Sebaldus, Saint Lawrence, Saint Egidien [Giles] and the church of the Carthusians.75 The Almosengefällbuch of Saint Lawrence’s, a record of the money placed into the church’s collection box, provides us with evidence that the day of the display of the Imperial Regalia was one of the most lucrative in the entire year.76 The Dominican nuns of Saint Katherine’s Convent also participated in the event, at least in their spiritual imagination, since they were denied direct participation. The instructions for readings at meal times in the Convent record a thin book which contained Masses, Epistles, Gospel readings and sermons on the Relics; on the day of the display the readings were taken from this volume.77 However, Nuremberg’s function as custodian of the Imperial Regalia, which King Sigismund had decreed were to remain in Nuremberg eternally and irrevocably,78 did not remain unchallenged. While Albrecht ii (1438–1439) had

73

Heinrich Dormeier, ‘Kirchenjahr, Heiligenverehrung und große Politik im Almosengefällbuch der Nürnberger Lorenzpfarrei (1454–1516),’ Mitteilungen des Vereins zur Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 84 (1997), pp. 1–60 (p. 19). 74 The Mesnerpflichtbuch [Book of Sexton’s Duties] from Saint Lawrence’s lists the following under “On dem heiltüm abent” [On the eve of the display of relics]: “Jtem on dem heiltumabent so tüt man s. Lorentzen altar und all elter auf und steck(t) di großen und di klain gülden fanen in kor und di großen, weißen fanen hinten in di kirchen und kert di kirchen 2 oder 3 tag darvor und setzt om heiltumabent zü mittag das heiltum heraus auf den stül und schlecht on dem abent züsamen schreck mit allen glocken und nach der vesper” [Likewise, on the eve of the display of relics Saint Lawrence’s altar and all the altars are opened and the large and small golden flags are placed in the choir and the large, white flags are placed in the apse of the church and the church is swept two or three days beforehand and, at midday on the eve of the display of relics, the relics are put out on the display stage and in the evening all the bells are rung loudly enough to put the fear of God into people and after Vespers] (published in Albert Gümbel, Das Mesnerpflichtbuch von St. Lorenz in Nürnberg vom Jahre 1493 (Munich: Kaiser, 1928), p. 24; for Saint Sebaldus see Albert Gümbel, Das Mesnerpflichtbuch von St. Sebald in Nürnberg vom Jahre 1482 (Munich: Kaiser, 1929), pp. 19–20). 75 Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 93. 76 Dormeier, ‘Kirchenjahr,’ pp. 18–20. 77 Paul Ruf, Bistum Bamberg, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, 3,3 (Munich: Beck,1939), p. 659. 78 Cited after Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ p. 80.

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confirmed Nuremberg’s privileges,79 his rule was of such short duration that the issue of confirmation of Nuremberg’s right to custodianship was raised again under his successor, Frederick iii. However, when Nuremberg Council sent a delegation to Vienna in 1440, soon after Frederick’s election, he refused to recognize the privileges associated with the Relics.80 Obviously Frederick was not at all of the opinion that Nuremberg had a permanent right to custodianship of the Imperial Regalia, since in the time that followed he persisted in denying Nuremberg the renewal of the privileges attached to the Relics.81 Even when Frederick came to Nuremberg in May 1442 he refused to grant the wish of its citizens that he confirm their right to custodianship of the Relics. On 3 May the Imperial Regalia were exhibited to Frederick and his retinue in the chapel of the Heilig-Geist-Spital. Shortly afterwards Frederick iii put pressure on the Council to stage a public display of the Imperial Relics in his honour on a day other than the date established for the annual display. His request was granted with some reluctance and a display took place on 10 May, albeit explicitly without the proclamation of the indulgences, which was bound to the date of the annual Feast of the Relics.82 After his departure from Nuremberg, Frederick, now in Frankfurt, demanded the Imperial Regalia for his coronation in Aachen; the Council consented only after Frederick had promised to return the Regalia to the envoys without delay.83 Frederick iii must deliberately have omitted to request the Imperial Regalia during his stay in Nuremberg since consent might have been made contingent on the city’s right to custodianship being recognized.84 However,

79

StAN Rep. 1a Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Kaiserprivilegien no. 380 and no. 385; Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ pp. 148–150. The confirmation of privileges by Albrecht ii is also mentioned in Nuremberg chronicles (ChrSt. iii. 354). Due to his premature death Albrecht ii was never crowned (rta Ältere Reihe, 13, pp. 115–116, no. 50, fn. 3). 80 ChrSt. iii. 354; Müllner, Die Annalen der Reichsstadt Nürnberg von 1623, part ii, 1351–1469, ed. by Gerhard Hirschmann (Nuremberg: Stadtarchiv, 1984), p. 343; Schnelbögl, ‘Reichs­ kleinodien,’ pp. 96–99; Albert Huyskens, ‘Die Aachener Krone der Goldenen Bulle, das Symbol des alten deutschen Reiches,’ Deutsches Archiv für Geschichte des Mittelalters, 2 (1938), pp. 401–497 (pp. 463–470). 81 Moeglin assumes Frederick was doubtlessly of the opinion that the Empire and the Habs­ burg dynasty were irrevocably linked (Jean-Marie Moeglin, Dynastisches Bewußtsein und Geschichtsschreibung. Zum Selbstverständnis der Wittelsbacher, Habsburger und Hohen­ zollern im Spätmittelalter (Munich: Stiftung Historisches Kolleg, 1993), p. 39). 82 ChrSt. iii. 365–370; Müllner, Annalen, part ii, p. 356; Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 96–97. 83 ChrSt. iii. 376–377, also printed in rta Ältere Reihe, 16, pp. 203–205, no. 111. 84 Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 97. In contrast to Schnelbögl, Albert Huyskens assumes that the King was intentionally denied sight of the Insignia during his private display in order to avoid such an inquiry (Huyskens, ‘Die Aachener Krone,’ pp. 464–465).

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53

the Council’s hope that consent would prompt the desired recognition of custodianship was to be disappointed yet again.85 In 1443 the Council sent Karl Holzschuher and Berthold Volckamer to see Frederick in Vienna with the same aim. Here they were forced to discover that the King had no intention of confirming Nuremberg’s privileges regarding the Relics. On the contrary, he demanded the surrender of the Relics to him since “sein gnade wer nu zum reiche erwelet und gecronet und sein vorfaren am reiche romische keyser und kunige hatten sulch heiligtumclennet alzeit in ir gewalt gehatt” [His Grace had now been elected and crowned ruler of the Empire and his ancestors in the Empire, Holy Roman Emperors and Kings, had always had such relics and regalia in their power].86 Since the Council failed to react, two months later Frede­ rick demanded that the Regalia be taken to Regensburg, whence he intended to have them removed to Wiener Neustadt and kept safe there.87 Nuremberg Council did not acquiesce to this demand either: rather, in order to win time, it delayed a message it had promised to send the King. In the meantime the City Council asked the Faculty of Law at the University of Padua for a legal opinion, which fell in their favour, since the transfer of the Imperial Regalia to Nuremberg had been approved by the Pope and he outranked the Emperor, for which reason his decision carried greater weight, particularly because it concerned the translation of relics.88 Despite this Frederick continued to insist on what “im von dez heiligen reichs wegen zu stunde” [was rightfully his on account of the Holy Empire].89 Thereupon the Council turned to the Electoral Princes for support.90 It was not until the reaction of, above all, the spiritual Princes, who similarly found in Nuremberg’s favour, that the King ceased insisting on the surrender of the Imperial Regalia. However, Frederick iii obtained the Imperial Regalia a second time for his coronation as Emperor in Rome on 19 March 1452.91 Nuremberg Council, 85 ChrSt. iii. 377–378. 86 ChrSt. iii. 380. 87 ChrSt. iii. 380. 88 Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 98–99; judgement printed in Murr, ‘Diplomatarium,’ pp. 153–181. 89 ChrSt. iii. 381. 90 ChrSt. iii. 381, Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 99. 91 This is reported by various sources. See, for example, the information in Huyskens, ‘Die Aachener Krone,’ pp. 467–469; the report on the coronation by someone in imperial circles printed in ChrSt. xxii. 321; the statements by the Nuremberg chronicler Heinrich Deichsler about the services of Nikolaus Muffel: “und er het vor dem kaiser Friedrich zu Rom peim papst Nicolao dem funften die mayestat clainet, die hie zu Nurmberg pei dem heiltum sind, zu Rom geprawchet zu der kronung im mcccc im xlix jar” [and, before Emperor Frederick in Rome, he had brought to Rome to Pope Nicholas v the royal regalia [lit.: jewels] which are amongst the holy relics here in Nuremberg for use in the corona-

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which had chosen one of its members, Nikolaus Muffel, as head of the delegation to Rome and had entrusted him with the transmission of the Imperial Regalia, nonetheless remained distrustful. It instructed Muffel, “das du solliche gezierde untz czu der gepürlichen zeite bey dir behalten sollest, und so die gepraucht werden, wider zu deinen Hannden nemen” [that you should keep these precious objects with you until the appropriate time and once they have been used you should take them back into your own hands].92 Muffel was further instructed that, should Frederick’s procession to Rome be cancelled, he was to return with the Imperial Regalia immediately; and if the King or his counsellors should insist on the Regalia being left with them, he was to point out the indispensability of the objects to the public display of relics.93 In any case, the delegation from Nuremberg took advantage of their stay in Rome to petition the Pope for an increase in the number of indulgences which could be obtained on the occasion of the display. While Nicholas v declined to make any concessions on the issue of indulgences, he did confirm the imperial city’s right to custodianship of the Imperial Regalia for all eternity. This strengthened Nuremberg’s position vis-à-vis the Emperor, who, although he stopped insisting on the surrender of the Imperial Regalia, had still not confirmed the privileges granted to the city in association with them.94 The Imperial Insignia

92

93

94

tion in mcccc in the xlix year [i.e., 1449]] (ChrSt. x. 309–310, v. 9). See also the information provided in his Gedechtnüssen by Nikolaus Muffel himself, who was entrusted with conveying the Imperial Regalia (printed in ChrSt. xi. 742–751 (pp. 747–748)). StAN, RstN, Briefbücher 22, fol. 73r. The document is dated “vig. Martini” (10 November) 1451 and cited in Gerhard Hirschmann, ‘Die Familie Muffel im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Patriziats, seiner Entstehung und seines Besitzes,’ Mitteilun­ gen des Vereins zur Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 41 (1950), pp. 257–392 (p. 319). Nikolaus Muffel (1410–1469) was a member of one of the most respected and oldest patrician families in Nuremberg. At the age of twenty-three (i.e., since 1433) he was already a member of Nuremberg Council; in 1445 he was elected one of the “Sieben Ältere Herren” [Seven Elders, the inner council which constituted the real ruling power in Nuremberg]; in 1457 he was even elected to the position of vorderster Losunger [Chief Treasurer, the most important office in the city] (p. 312). “Vnd ob du vielleicht durch vnsern Herren Kunig, oder sein Rate furgehalten werde, dye gezierde hindter dir zulassen, So behilf dich darmit wie die zvite weisung des Hailigtums her zugee, da nu die stuck, bey den andern nit vorhannden wern vnd gezaigt werden, so wurd das ganntz offenbar vnd vnfug pringen” [And if, perhaps, Our Lord the King or his counsellors should propose to you that you leave the precious objects behind, So avail yourself of this excuse: how would the second display of the relics proceed if these pieces were now not present with the others and displayed, then the whole matter would become public and cause mischief] (StAN, RstN, Briefbücher 22, fols. 95v, 96r, letter of 14 December 1451; see also Hirschmann, ‘Die Familie Muffel,’ pp. 319–320). Joseph Kraus, ‘Die Stadt Nürnberg in ihren Beziehungen zur römischen Kurie während des Mittelalters,’ Mitteilungen des Vereins zur Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 41 (1950), pp. 1–153 (p. 47); on the journey to Rome see ChrSt. x. 309–310, xi. 747–748.

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were not removed from Nuremberg again until 1486, when, at the bidding of Frederick iii, they were used on the occasion of Maximilian’s coronation as King of the Romans. The Council’s envoys Gabriel Nützel and Ulmann Stromer took the Crown, Sword, sceptre, imperial orb and robes to the coronation in Aachen.95 In accordance with the Golden Bull, which stipulated that the first Imperial Diet after the election of a new King should be held in Nuremberg, Emperor Frederick iii sent instructions to Nuremberg to prepare accommodation in the Castle.96 His father’s missive testifies that Maximilian was also most urgently awaited at the Diet, to attend which Frederick arrived in Nuremberg on 7 or 13 May 1487.97 It is not just the anticipated and announced visit by the recently elected King which gives us reason to assume the citizens of Nuremberg were, once again, anxious and ambitious for their rights over the Imperial Regalia to be confirmed by Friedrich’s successor, or at least for the existing status quo to be sanctioned. In this connection the printing of the Relic Book was obviously a strategic gambit, since the work brought home, in striking, visual terms, the connection between Nuremberg and the Imperial Regalia; and was able to demonstrate the imperial city’s claim as simply as it did efficiently, using the medium of printing, which made it possible to reproduce this claim innumerable times. The enormous number of affluent visitors who were expected in Nuremberg on the occasion of the Imperial Diet promised to bring about the intended dissemination of the work.98 In contrast to both the single-sheet woodcuts mentioned above (Figs. 6 and 7), which, while they depicted the Imperial Regalia in their entirety, did not suggest the slightest connection to Nuremberg, the title page of the Relic 95 96 97

98

Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 103. rta Mittlere Reihe, i, 2, no. 766, p. 740. Information about Frederick’s arrival in Nuremberg differs: Müllner records 7 February (Johannes Müllner, Die Annalen der Reichsstadt Nürnberg von 1623, part iii, 1470–1544, ed. by Michael Diefenbacher (Nuremberg: Stadtarchiv, 2003), p. 78); as does ChrSt. v. 490, here in fn. 6 the reference is to 7 March. The date of 7 March is also given in rta Mittlere Reihe, 2, 1, p. 59. According to Heinig, Frederick iii still tarried in Schwäbisch Gmünd on 2 March 1487 and he gives 13 March as the date of arrival (Paul-Joachim Heinig, Kaiser Friedrich iii. (1440–1493). Hof, Regierung und Politik (3 parts, Cologne/Weimar/Vienna: Böhlau, 1997), part 2, p. 842, part 3, p 1386). It was to become Frederick’s longest sojourn in Nuremberg (see Frederick’s letters to Maximilian (rta Mittlere Reihe, 2, 1, nos. 162–164), pp. 271–274). On the reasons for Maximilian’s non-appearance despite his declared intentions, see rta Mittlere Reihe, 2, 1, p. 59. A contemporary source talks about 100,000 visitors to the display of relics in 1487 (Reinhard Seyboth, ‘Reichsstadt und Reichstag. Nürnberg als Schauplatz von Reichsversammlungen im späten Mittelalter,’ in Jürgen Schneider etc. (eds.), Festschrift Alfred Wendehorst (2 vols. = Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung, 52 (1992)), i. 209–221, p. 219, fn. 53).

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Book immediately expresses the link between the city and the precious relics: it speaks for itself and whoever commissioned it. Nuremberg’s coat of arms, in conjunction with the title, leave no doubt as to where the “Imperial Relics” were guarded and annually displayed, presenting location and display as a single unit.99 With its form of an inscription plaque with the city’s coat of arms beneath it (Fig. 1), the title page even emphasizes the city’s right to guard the Imperial Treasure and thus summarizes the intention of the book at a glance. 9

The Self-Privileging of the Citizens

Due to the conflict between Emperor Frederick iii and Nuremberg over custodianship of the Imperial Regalia, the manner in which the Imperial Crown is depicted in the Relic Book acquires particular significance. Because of its nature not just as a relic but also as an insigne, it was amongst the objects displayed in the second processional section; their loss was particularly to be feared during the quarrel about the privileges connected to the Relics. These were, after all, the objects lent for coronations, as we know from a spare ­proclamation sheet 99

It was also the lesser Nuremberg coat of arms which, from 1350 onwards, was ultimately used as a secret signet on the back of the city seal and, in this context, signalled actions legitimized by the city (Reinhold Schaffer, ‘Die Siegel und Wappen der Reichsstadt Nürnberg,’ Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, 10 (1937), pp. 157–203). Furthermore, the lesser coat of arms was part of the Nuremberg triad of arms, which, amongst other things, was used for the introductory woodcut in the above-mentioned Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg commissioned by Nuremberg Council Fig. 11) (Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg, Hain 13716, Schr. 5051, gw M 27333). On the Council’s commissioning of the printing of the Reformation, see Wolfgang Leiser, ‘“Kein Doktor soll ohn ein solch Libell sein.” 500 Jahre Nürnberger Rechtsreformation,’ Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 67 (1980), pp. 1–16. The entirely heraldic ornamentation of the relic chest made in 1438–40 for the storage of the Imperial Relics unites the great and lesser Nuremberg coats of arms. On the relic chest see Albert Gümbel, ‘Hans Schesslitzer genannt Schnitzer und Peter Ratzko, die Goldschmiede der Nürnberger Heiltumstruhe,’ Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, 45 (1925), pp. 90–97; Heinrich Kohlhaussen, Nürnberger Gold­ schmiedekunst des Mittelalters und der Dürerzeit 1240 bis 1540 (Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1968), cat. 169, pp. 95–97. The shrine of the city’s patron saint, Saint Sebaldus (completed in 1397), already combined the lesser coat of arms and the imperial eagle in its diamond pattern (Kohlhaussen, Nürnberger Goldschmiedekunst, cat. 167, pp. 93–94; Gerhard Weilandt, Die Sebalduskirche in Nürnberg. Bild und Gesellschaft im Zeitalter der Gotik und Renaissance (Petersberg: Imhof, 2007), pp. 157–158 and Cat. Ib ii, pp. 528−533, esp. p. 530). Similarly, the lesser Nuremberg coat of arms also appears on the illustration of the Man of Sorrows which introduces the regulations governing the treatment of patients in the lazar house of Saints Peter and Paul (StadtAN Rep. D7 Siechkobel St. Peter- und Paul, Amtsbücher no. 1a, fol. 2v).

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for the relic display in 1486, at which neither the coronation robes nor the insignia could be exhibited as they had been taken to Aachen for Maximilian’s coronation.100 Before the printing of the Relic Book there is very little evidence for pictorial representations of “Charlemagne’s plate crown.”101 The block-cutters of the two older, single-sheet woodcuts of the Imperial Regalia had contented themselves with reproducing the image of a crown, in both cases a cross-hoop crown, and with giving it the caption, “das ist die kron keyser karels” [This is the crown of Emperor Charlemagne]. The explicit titling of the picture meant the object could be identified; however, the image was not based on the actual object. Thus, the general image of a crown and its designation by the text were enough for the older, single-sheet woodcuts to evoke the relic of Emperor Charlemagne. It was not mimesis that mattered but the imagining of an idea. Text and image thus confirm each other in a sort of virtuous circle. By contrast, we may assume that the printed book from 1487, with its ‘authentic’ depiction of the imperial plate crown, one informed by using the original as its model, was intended to enable identification of the crown by means of the picture alone and to assign it to Nuremberg as the only legitimate place for its safekeeping. Nuremberg produces the authentic image and through it legitimizes its own claim to custodianship. Hence the mimetic image and with it 100 “Wiewol vormals in diser ordenung die Stuck die Tugent vnd wirdigkait des Heiligen Kaysers Karls Crone Zeppter Claidung vnd anders antreffende gezaigt worden sind yedoch nach dem dieselben Stuck … Friderichen romischen Kayser … zu Cronung des durchleuchtigisten … Herrn Maximilian … Vnsers gnedigisten Herren des New erkornen romischen Konigs zugesendet sein worden So werden dieselben Stuck solicher vrsachen halben auf das male nicht geweist noch gezaigt” [However, although formerly at this point in the sequence the pieces touching the virtue and dignity of the Holy Emperor Charlemagne, the crown, sceptre, robes and other objects, have been displayed, since these same pieces have been sent to the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick for the coronation of His Most Serene Highness Lord Maximilian, Our Gracious Lord, the newly elected King of the Romans, so for this reason these same pieces will on this occasion be neither displayed nor shown] (StAN, Rep. 52b, RSt. Nürnberg, Amts- und Standbücher, no. 26). The parchment is headed “loco Secundi transitus 1486.” On its classification as part of a proclamation sheet, see Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ p. 123. 101 This crown was depicted as the insigne of Charlemagne, who appears in the row of Charles iv’s forebears as part of a cycle of frescos (c. 1356/57–60) in Karlštjn Castle. However, this depiction has only come down to us as a copy in a miniature from the first half of the sixteenth century (Percy Ernst Schramm, Hermann Fillitz and Florentine Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, ii, Ein Beitrag zur Herrschergeschichte von Rudolf i. bis Maximilian i., 1273–1519 (2 vols., Munich: Prestel, 1962–1978), p. 63, no. 46a, illustration on p. 149). A plate crown with a simple hoop is also worn by the figure of Charles iv on the Old Town Bridge Tower in Prague (after 1380).

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the whole book – which, equally mimetically, mirrors proceedings during the relic display in its role as a medium for the sacralization of place – are not the expression of an actual state of affairs but rather of the production of meaning. This view is supported by the – albeit later – conduct of Nuremberg Council, which obviously did not accept Albrecht Dürer’s draft sketch for their commissioned diptych of Emperors Charlemagne and Sigismund, intended for the chamber where the Relics were kept. In the sketch Charlemagne still wears a cross-hoop crown, whereas Sigismund is crowned with laurel leaves. However, in the version of the diptych which was finally executed in 1512–13 Charlemagne wears the octagonal plate crown and Sigismund a cross-hoop crown.102 Here, too, we see the commissioners’ claim to a representation of the Imperial Crown which is based on the original kept in Nuremberg and hence authentic and identical. Thus, the first representation of the Crown in Nuremberg to exploit mimetic likeness to argue its point originated in Nuremberg Council’s use of a book to promulgate the Relics and the exact course of the annual display. This took place at precisely the moment when the Council was keen, in a process which sublimated the juridical act, to preserve the privileges granted by Sigismund, to make them manifest and to postulate them as inseparably linked to the imperial city. In a sense, the Relic Book takes the (empty) place left by the withheld legal act and stands for the self-privileging of Nuremberg’s citizens. In the Regalia guarded in Nuremberg the Empire simultaneously manifested itself in its sacral and Christological dimension as both insignia and relics; and the continual re-interpretation of the provenance of the Relics, undertaken over long periods of time, ultimately made a decisive contribution to this development.103 With the Relic Book the city increased the space available 102 Rosenthal offers a detailed discussion, albeit one combined with a somewhat long-winded hypothesis about the Imperial Crown (Earl E. Rosenthal, ‘Die “Reichskrone,” die “Wiener Krone” und die “Karls des Großen” um 1520,’ Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlun­ gen in Wien, 66, n. s., 30 (1970) pp. 7–48 (pp. 33–37)). On the finished diptych Charlemagne wears not only the plate crown but also the vestments kept in Nuremberg, whereas in the sketch he wears a costly robe with a shoulder cape of ermine (Hans Tietze and Erika Tiet­ ze-Conrat, Kritisches Verzeichnis der Werke Albrecht Dürers (2 vols., Basel/Leipzig: Holbein, 1937–38), i/1. no. 435, p. 60, no. 504, 505, pp. 76–77). 103 For example, historically the Lance has been associated with Saint Longinus, who is reputed to have pierced Christ’s side with it, and also with Saint Maurice (Berent Schwineköper, ‘Christus-Reliquien. Verehrung und Politik,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesge­ schichte, 117 (1981), pp. 183–281 (pp. 208–209 and pp. 229–230); Machilek, Schlager and Wohnhaas, ‘O felix lancea,’ pp. 44–45). The identification of the relic of Saint Anne’s arm bone in the first processional section is probably a shift in attribution, since the Trifels inventory of the Imperial Regalia from 1246 still includes an arm bone of Saint C ­ unigunde,

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for prestigious self-representation to include the media of book-printing and printed images. Enduring and emphatic expression was to be given to the assumption and preservation of the rights connected to the continued sojourn of the Imperial Regalia in Nuremberg. For Nuremberg, the question of the custodianship of the Imperial Regalia was also a question of its own identity and standing amongst the imperial cities; Nikolaus Muffel, leader of Nuremberg’s delegation to Frederick iii’s coronation as Emperor in Rome, testifies to this in his “memoirs”: “item kein potschaft von den anderen reichstetten wurd also geert als die stat Nuremberg: die het den grosten namen” [Likewise no embassy from the other imperial cities is so honoured as that from the city of Nuremberg: it has the greatest name].104 whereas in the deed transferring the Imperial Insignia to Charles iv in 1350 an arm bone of Saint Anne is mentioned but that of Saint Cunigunde is missing (Schramm, Fillitz and Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, p. 59). The Trifels inventory is printed in Percy Ernst Schramm and Florentine Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Köni­ ge und Kaiser, i, Ein Beitrag zur Herrschergeschichte von Karl dem Großen bis Friedrich ii., 768–1250 (Munich: Prestel, 1962), pp. 110–111; the deed transferring the Imperial Insignia from Louis ii, Elector of Brandenburg to Charles iv is printed in Adolph Friedrich Riedel (ed.), Codex diplomaticus Brandenburgensis, ii/2 (Berlin: Reimer, 1845), no. 925 and no. 926, pp. 293–295. The Imperial Crown is first called the “corona Karoli” by Frederick the Fair in the display of the Imperial Regalia in Basel in 1315 (Jürgen Petersohn, “Echte” und “falsche” Insignien im deutschen Krönungsbrauch des Mittelalters? Kritik eines Forschungs­ stereotyps (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1993), p. 86). 104 Gedechtnüsse 1468, memorial book of Nikolaus Muffel, published in ChrSt. xi. 742–751 (here p. 748). Between 1442 and 1487 Emperor Frederick iii had no further opportunity to attend a display of relics in Nuremberg. That he had obviously not forgiven the affront given by Nuremberg’s refusal to hand over the Imperial Regalia emerges from his nonappearance at the display which took place on 27 April 1487, an absence explicitly mentioned by the chronicle authors: “und die k.mt. plaib auf der vesten und kom nit herab” [and His Imperial Majesty remained in the fortress and did not come down] (ChrSt. xi. 493; see also Müllner, Annalen, part iii, p. 83). On Frederick iii’s itinerary see Heinig, Kaiser Friedrich iii.

Chapter 2

Competition between Cities and Printers On the occasion of the public display of relics in Bamberg in 1493, not one but four, probably even five, different relic books appeared, printed by three different printers. The years 1495 and 1509 each saw one further edition. The latter translates into woodcuts the drawings from an illustrated codex of the Bamberg Cathedral relics (1508/09).1 On the one hand, this unique mixture of one unillustrated and five (or six) illustrated, printed relic books presupposes a high turnover. On the other, it points to competition between printers and in presentation, as well as to a variety of reactions to the public’s taste. The illustrated Bamberg relic books all follow the structure established in the first, nonillustrated edition, printed in 1493 in the printing shop of Johann Pfeyl and his occasional associate Heinrich Petzensteiner under the title Die außruffunge des hochwirdig[e]n heiligthums des loblichenn stifts zu Bamberg [The Proclamation of the Most Venerable Relics of the Laudable Cathedral in Bamberg]. Structurally, this work, like the Nuremberg Relic Book, follows the division of the relic display into processional sections, only here without illustrations of the reliquaries. The pattern set by Nuremberg – namely, the division into title page, preface, a list of the relics according to processional sections and an epilogue – can also be found in the Bamberg relic books. Since all the editions are related to one another in various ways and, moreover, the display itself always functions as the superordinate third party, the characteristics of the Bamberg Relic Book will be introduced first and then significant characteristics of the individual editions will be explored at greater length.2

1 London, British Library, Add. ms 15,689. On the Codex see Walter Tunk, ‘Der Bamberger Domschatz in der Darstellung eines Prachtkodex der Dürerzeit,’ in Hermann Nottarp (ed.), Monumentum Bambergense. Festgabe für Benedikt Kraft (Munich: Kösel, 1955), pp. 430–438; commentary by Renate Baumgärtel-Fleischmann on the facsimile edition of the Codex: Renate Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Das Bamberger Heiltum von 1508/09 der British Library London (Add ms 15689),’ in Historischer Verein Bamberg (eds.), Das Bamberger Heiltum von 1508/09 der British Library London (Add ms 15689), i, facsimile (Bamberg: Historischer Verein, 1998). The volume of commentary announced by the same author was unfortunately never published. 2 The display of relics in Bamberg had taken place every seven years since the end of the fourteenth century; on its origins see Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 275–292. The oldest document which explicitly bears witness to the ostensio stems from 1437 (p. 277).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_004

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The Basic Type and Layout of the Bamberg Relic Book

1.1 The Preface to the Relic Book The preface, which, compared to that in the Nuremberg Relic Book, is quite short (less than one page), starts formulaically with a reference to the age and origin of the public display of relics belonging to Bamberg Cathedral. This took place every seven years, for which reason – the preface says – the multitude were also assembled there that day.3 The faithful, whose reason is too slight sufficiently to honour our omniscient, holy God, are exhorted, out of humble, heartfelt sincerity, to recognize the relics and to regard them in all humility, trusting in Jesus Christ and the intercessory prayers of all the beloved saints.4 The text refers directly to the display itself, without reflecting the medium of the book, in contrast to the introductory passage in the Nuremberg Relic Book, for example.5 This omission and a comparison with the three proclamation sheets preserved in Nuremberg suggest that the preface to the Bamberg Relic Book might simply reproduce an official schedule for the proclamation of the 3 “In dem namen lob vn[d] ere des almechtig[e]n gots amen Als von altem herko[m]men vnd loblicher gewonheit das hochwirdige loblich vn[d] kosparlich heiligthumb diß wirdigen stifts hie tzu bamberg. ye vber sieben iare offenlich gezeigt vn[d] geweist wirt. darzu vns dan[n] got der almechtig vff heute das zu zeigen vnd zu sehen versamelt hat” [In the name, praise and honour of Almighty God. Amen. As by ancient tradition and laudable custom the most venerable, laudable and precious relics of this worthy cathedral here in Bamberg are publicly shown and displayed every seven years, for which God Almighty has gathered us here today in order to show and to see them] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 1v). 4 “Hirumb so sey das vnnser aller lob vnd ere des hochwirdigen heiligtumbs. das wir auß demutiger innikeit. vnser hertzen erkennen vnnd betrachten sollen. das vnser vernunfft zu vil gering ist den almechtig[e]n got in seinen lieb[e]n heiligen genuglich zu volloben vnd eren. Jn gantzen on zweifelichen getrawen. der barmhertzig got. werde durch solche vnser demutige betrachtunge. das bitter leyden [christi] vnsers seligmachers vnd erlosers. Auch aller seiner lieb[e]n heiligen furbette. in der ern vn[d] lob diese zeygung furgenomen ist gnediglich erfullen alle vnser menschliche gebreclikeit. vnd das solchs geschee so sprechendt mit gantzer andacht amen” [Concerning this, let all our praise and honour be directed towards the most venerable relics, which we, out of humble, heartfelt fervour should recognize and regard, that our reason is much too slight sufficiently to praise and honour Almighty God in His beloved saints, entirely and with faith unclouded by doubt. Merciful God. May through this our humble contemplation of the bitter suffering of [Christ] our Saviour and Redeemer, also the intercessory prayers of all His beloved saints, in whose honour and praise this display has been undertaken graciously to redeem our human frailty, and that such a thing may happen, speak with your whole devotion Amen] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 1v). (Translator’s note: the punctuation in the original means this passage could be interpreted with equal validity in a number of ways.) 5 “Zu dem ersten Jst zu wissen Jn disem heiligthu[m] püechlein…” [In this little relic book the first thing that should be known is …] (nrb 1487, fol. 1v).

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relics, or at least be closely based on one.6 Occasionally, the speeches and instructions to participants recorded in the Bamberg preface echo those set out in the three extant proclamation sheets for Nuremberg, some of which also found their way into the preface of the Nuremberg Relic Book: e.g., the formulaic passage in which the renunciation of a ‘herliche lobred’ [splendid encomium] is explained by the large number of those present. We also find – and the preface ends on this – the exhortation to remain calm in the case of fire or other disturbance and, on penalty of punishment, not to leave the square until permission has been granted. 1.2 The Structure of the Display The preface, with its admonition to the faithful to participate devoutly in the display of relics, is immediately followed by the eleven processional sections. Each section is identified by the relevant number and brings together between twelve and fifteen reliquaries. In Nuremberg the relics were grouped according to a dramaturgy which mirrored the history of salvation, the Imperial Regalia appearing as an integral component of this history. In later books the sequence is dictated by the hierarchy of the saints. Unlike either of those, the display of relics in Bamberg does not follow any consistent narrative or narratively hierarchical thread. Nevertheless, even here the arrangement reveals purposeful structuring and grouping, discernible on the level of both content and form. Indeed, the planning of both content and form proves to be extremely obvious, since both culminate in the same symbolism of the Cross and hence the theology of sacrifice and salvation. At the same time, however, it cannot be overlooked that the most important relics occupy the beginning, middle and end of the book.7 The first processional section contains, almost exclusively, relics of the vestments of the patron saints of Bamberg Cathedral: George; Peter; the imperial saints Emperor Henry (973–1024; canonized 1147) and Empress Cunigunde (c.975–1040; canonized 1200); and Otto, Bishop of Bamberg (canonized 1189). The eleventh and twelfth sections display relics of the Cross in cross reliquaries, as well as two jugs from the Marriage at Cana.8 In this way the last section presents, as its 6 For this view see also Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 285. No official schedule for the proclamation of relics has been preserved for Bamberg. 7 Pointed out by Tunk, ‘Der Bamberger Domschatz,’ p. 434; Franz Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze und ihre Weisungen,’ in Hans-Günther Röhrig (ed.), Dieses große Fest aus Stein. Lesebuch zum 750. Weihejubiläum (Bamberg: St. Otto-Verlag, 1987), pp. 217–256 (p. 252); Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 289–290. 8 Relics of other saints can be found amongst the relics of the Cross in the eleventh processional section; however, they are mentioned as a group and remain of secondary ­importance

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climax, the theme of Christ’s sacrifice on the Cross, His act of redemption and His working of miracles. The jugs from the Marriage at Cana have been seen by scholars as representative of all His other miracles.9 However, a glance at the symbolic and typological significance of these relics suggests the improbability of such a compromise. The Eucharist and Christ’s sacrificial death are the key concepts addressed here, since the Marriage at Cana was understood as a prefiguration of the Eucharist and hence points to Christ’s sacrificial death,10 through which we return full circle to the relics of the Cross, their significance enhanced by the allusion to Christ’s presence in the Eucharist. Relics of the most diverse saints are assembled in the second through to the tenth processional sections, including, repeatedly, relics of the Virgin Mary, Christ and the patron saints of the bishopric. Walter Tunk and Franz Machilek point out that in these sections the relics are organized according to type of receptacle:11 fabric and contact reliquaries (i); monstrances (ii–v); pyxes, chalices, beakers, horns, i.e., vessels of various sorts (vi); arm reliquaries (vii); busts (statuettes and busts as well as three arms) (viii/ix); caskets (x); crosses and the two jugs from the Marriage at Cana (xi). This formal arrangement into monstrances, containers of various shapes, arm reliquaries, busts, caskets and Cross reliquaries is paralleled by an increasingly pictorial quality of the vessels, a feature which suggests that, on the level of the visual imagination, the work strives to present the growing completeness of the relic, from fragment to entire body to the relics of Christ.12 Thus a pattern of amplification is pursued by

9 10 11

12

in this context: “Dornach ein creutz darin ist auch ein span von dem heiligen creutz. vnd do bey sant cristofels. sant moriczen sant yppoliti der heiligen merterer. sant marthe vnd barbaren der heiligenn iunckfrauen, vnd sunst mer anders wirdigs heiligtumbs” [Then a cross, in it is also a sliver from the Holy Cross as well as venerable relics of Saint Christopher, Saint Maurice, Saint Hippolytus, the Holy Martyrs, Saints Martha and Barbara, the Holy Virgins and more besides] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 7v). Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 252. Adolf Smitmans, Das Weinwunder von Kana. Die Auslegung von Jo 2, 1−11 bei den Vätern und heute (Tübingen: Mohr, 1966), pp. 50−53, pp. 244−253. Tunk, ‘Der Bamberger Domschatz,’ p. 343, Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 252. It is possible partially to reconstruct the organization of the relics and reliquaries according to type during their display for other places as well, such as Regensburg and Magdeburg. Moreover, for Regensburg Kühne postulates a relationship with the ordo of the Bamberg display (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 245 and pp. 232–233). On Regensburg see also Leonhard Theobald, ‘Die Regensburger Heiltumsweisung und das Regensburger Heiltumsverzeichnis von 1496,’ Zeitschrift für bayerische Kirchengeschichte, 7 (1932), pp. 16–27. Be that as it may, nowhere achieves the stringency of the typological sequence followed in Bamberg. This process is substantially related to the text. Concepts have the potential to spark the imagination, something also reflected in the woodcuts. The designation of the relic as an

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means of pictorial evidence. Two presentational modes are used to structure both the form and content of the display itself and the relic books which ­record it. While there is no analogy between the organization of form and content, they do interact, since both ultimately flow into the image of the Cross and the Eucharist as symbols of Christ’s sacrificial death. A procession with the shrine of Saint Henry follows the display of relics; Hartmut Kühne views it as constituting the twelfth processional section, since he wishes to force an occurrence of the highly symbolic number twelve. The memorial cult of Saint Henry was practised in Bamberg with burning intensity; and even if one disagrees with Kühne, he undoubtedly captures its essence: first, by making the procession in honour of Saint Henry an integral part of the entire relic display; second, by seeing the display as a presentation of ‘holy Bamberg’ in the figure of its patron saint, with the universal history of salvation depicted through the numerous relics of Christ.13 That the Cathedral Chapter did not view the procession with the shrine of Saint Henry as an integral part of the display is demonstrated by the preface and epilogue to Pfeyl’s printed edition of 1493.14 Both refer to the procession at the end of the ceremonies, which conclude with intercessory prayers and blessings. 1.3 Reliquary Texts The texts which accompany the reliquaries include varying amounts of detail. The type of reliquary is consistently identified throughout, although

arm, a head or corpse, when in all probability only individual bones and particles are to be expected, becomes possible due to the medieval concept of pars pro toto, according to which the virtus of the saints is also preserved in their small bodily remains. For a detailed account see Peter Dinzelbacher, ‘Die “Realpräsenz” der Heiligen in ihren Reliquiaren und Gräbern nach mittelalterlichen Quellen,’ in Peter Dinzelbacher etc. (eds.), Heiligenverehrung in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Ostfildern: Schwabenverlag, 1990), pp. 115–174; Arnold Angenendt, Heilige und Reliquien. Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Beck, 1994), pp. 154–158. 13 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 290–291, based on Tunk, who describes the procession with Henry’s shrine as the twelfth act (Tunk, ‘Der Bamberger Domschatz,’ p. 434). For the memorialization of Henry in Bamberg etc., see Renate Klauser, Der Heinrichs- und Kunigundenkult im mittelalterlichen Bistum Bamberg, Festgabe aus Anlaß des Jubiläums “950 Jahre Bistum Bamberg 1007–1957” (Bamberg: Historischer Verein, 1957); Bernd Schneid­ müller, ‘Die einzigartig geliebte Stadt – Heinrich ii. und Bamberg,’ in Joseph Kirmeier etc. (eds.), Kaiser Heinrich ii. 1002–1024. Katalog zur Bayerischen Landesausstellung 2002 (Stuttgart: Theiss, 2002), pp. 30–51 (pp. 48–51). 14 The passage on the procession is found only in the preface to the first Bamberg Relic Book (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 1v); in all other books the procession is mentioned only in the epilogue.

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there is rarely any mention of the material from which it is made.15 Then follow the saints whose relics – either fragments or whole body parts – are contained in the reliquaries; they are all characterized in various ways.16 More ­comprehensive accounts of their life and significance are occasionally offered for the saints important to Bamberg Cathedral, such as the Cathedral’s patron saints Peter and George; the founders of the Bishopric, Henry and Cunigunde; and the Bishop and “Apostle of the Pomeranians,” Saint Otto.17 This is also the case for the most important relic of Christ in the Cathedral treasure, the Holy Nail, re-set in a new reliquary by the Bamberg goldsmith Thomas Rockenbach in 1485/86.18 The Nail was doubly significant, since its status as a Passion r­ elic 15 16

17

18

For example, “Ein cristaller Kelch” [A crystal chalice] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl (vi/ 5), fol. 5r); “Ein vergults kesselein” [a gilt casket] (vi/6, fol. 5r); “In eim gezirten[n] horn” [In a decorated horn] (vi/10, fol. 5v); “In einem vergulten haubt” [In a gilt skull] (viii/5, fol. 6r). The texts contain a large number of variants. Occasionally we find only the laconic remark that we are dealing with a martyr, a holy bishop or a virgin; occasionally the name is given; in other cases the text becomes somewhat more detailed: “Mer in einem silberein neuen pild ist ein gantz haubt der vnschuldigen kindlein. die der boß konig herodes hat lassen toten” [Furthermore, in a new, silver bust is an entire head of one of the Innocents whom the evil King Herod caused to be slaughtered] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl (viii/8), fol. 6r). About Saint George, for example, it says: “Des heiligen ritters vn[d] merterers sant Jorgen banir diß wirdig[e]n stiffts haubthern das von himel kummen ist Das auch von fursten grauen rittern vn[d] knechten teutzscher lande in veldtzugen vnd streitten groß gehalden[n] vn[d] geert wirt” [The banner of the holy knight and martyr Saint George, the principle patron saint of this worthy church, which came down from Heaven and is also revered and honoured by princes, counts, knights and ordinary soldiers from the German lands on campaigns and in battles] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 2r); and about Henry: “Dornach des heilig[e]n keiser heinrichs banir diß stiffts patron vnd auffrichter. darvntter er mit den behein poln vn[d] winden gestriten. do im die heiligenn sant lorentz auch der ritter sant iorg vnd sant adrian in der lufft erschinen vnd zu hilff kamen. vn[d] also der heiligen cristenheit veindt mechtiglich vber wunden hat” [After that the banner of the holy Emperor Henry, patron and builder of this church, under which he fought against the Bohemians, Poles and Wends, when the holy Saint Lawrence and also the knight Saint George and Saint Adrian appeared to him in the sky and came to his aid and thus overcame the enemies of Christendom with great might] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 2r). “Der negel einer mit dem die allerheiligisten glider vnsers hern ihesu [christi] durchwundet vnd mit seinem heiligen blut vberflossen sein. Da bey sol ein iglich mensch mit sonder andacht vnd innikeit das bitter leiden vnd blutvergissen vnsers hern [christi] betrachten. da mit er verdin. das im sein swere sundt abgewasschen werden. darvmb [christus] der herr verwundet vnd sein blut vergossen hat” [One of the nails with which the most holy limbs of Our Lord Jesus [Christ] were wounded and over which His Holy Blood flowed. In its presence every man should, with special devotion and fervour, contemplate the bitter suffering and blood-shedding of Our Lord [Christ] so that he may deserve that his grievous sins be washed away, for which [Christ] the Lord was wounded and shed His Blood] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fols. 4v/5r). For a detailed discussion of the goldsmith Thomas Rockenbach, his employment by the Bishops of Bamberg and his manufacture of the ­ostensorium

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was linked to its importance as a gift to Bamberg Cathedral from Emperor Henry ii.19 1.4 The Epilogue The book concludes by exhorting all the faithful to offer up intercessory prayers for the Pope, cardinals, Holy Roman Emperor Frederick iii, Bishop Heinrich (Groß von Trockau), the Cathedral and the principality with its land and people. Intercessory prayers for the nobility, the whole of Christendom and the fruits of the field follow. Subsequently, those present are invited to take part in the procession, “bei einer stund oder ee” [in an hour or sooner], with the “kostlichen gulden sarch darin ligt des heiligen sant keiser heinrichs leichnam. der ein stiffter ist gewest des stiffts Bamberg” [precious golden coffin wherein lies the body of the holy saint, Emperor Henry, who was a founder of Bamberg Cathedral]. This is followed by the exhortation to partake in the “grossen mercklich[e]n ablas diser kirchen” [great, notable indulgences of this church] “mit seiner stewr vnd almusen” [with its tributes and alms], which are used only for the adornment of this church. The text concludes with the announcement of the blessing “mit dem wirdige[n] kostlichen grossen stuck des heiligen creutzs” [with the venerable, precious, large piece of the Holy Cross], the words “Crist ist erstanden” [Christ has risen] and the colophon, which in some cases includes the printer’s name.20 Like the preface, the epilogue refers directly to the display of relics. Here, too, it is probable that the text used by the vocalissimus served as a basis for this passage, as for the entire book. 2

Competition between Cities

Nuremberg’s civic self-representation in the Relic Books of 1487 and 1493 was obviously successful; and Bamberg clearly wishes to match it with something comparable, a work which makes public Bamberg’s sacral significance, embodied in its display of relics. One consideration certainly played a major role in these deliberations: namely, that the display in Nuremberg, which was more recent in origin and took place annually, was always staged earlier than the one

19 20

of the Nail, see Renate Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach († 1496),’ Bericht des Historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemaligen Fürstbistums Bamberg, 112 (1976), pp. 161–248, esp. pp. 184–185, pp. 197–216. The Emperor had received the Nail relic from King Rudolf of Burgundy (Ernst von ­Bassermann-Jordan and Wolfgang M. Schmid, Der Bamberger Domschatz (Munich: Bruckmann, 1914), no. 79, p. 34). Quotations from the epilogue (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fols. 7v/8r).

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in Bamberg, which followed a seven-year cycle. Indeed, in the years following the introduction of the festive ceremonies in Nuremberg in 1424, the second Friday after Easter (the traditional date of the display of the Imperial Regalia) only once fell on the day after the feast celebrating the consecration of Bamberg Cathedral, the day on which the Bamberg relics were displayed (6 May). This happened in 1451, when the second Friday after Easter fell on 7 May. Nevertheless, then, too, the citizens of Bamberg will have had to struggle against the attractiveness of the festivities in Nuremberg. Just how prestigious the display of relics was for Bamberg’s self-image is demonstrated not least by the Lobspruch auf Bamberg (1453–59), composed by the Nuremberg coppersmith and didactic poet Hans Rosenplüt.21 This work describes the relics exhibited in Bamberg every seven years as the third of five jewels which grace the cathedral city.22 The first jewel is the fertile land which surrounds it; the second the navigable river which powers numerous mills; the third the above-mentioned relics; the fourth the indulgences, comparable only to those in Rome; the fifth, the fourteen saints buried in the city. Thus, three of the jewels inhabit the same spiritual sphere. In Rosenplüt’s work Bamberg surpasses even the cities of Rome, Paris and Constantinople, since all these fell at some point for various reasons: only the incomparable Bamberg has not. Rosenplüt begins his encomium with these topoi of transcendence.23 Rosenplüt highlights the status of the Bishop and the pointedly staged dominance of the spiritual sphere. On this basis Jörn Reichel proceeds from the 21

22 23

Ein löblicher spruch vo[n] der erentreichen Stat Bambergk. Vnd von yrer große[n] freyheit Die der heilig Kayser Heinrich bestetigt hat. Vnd auch von den kleiner[e]n die daryn[n] sein Vn[d] auch vil heiliger leichnam [A poem lauding the honourable city of Bamberg and its great freedom, which the holy Emperor Henry has confirmed, and also the smaller ones which are in it and also the bodies of many saints] (Bamberg: [Hans Sporer], 1491); copies: bsb München; Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt M.; ÖNB Wien. Reprinted in: Otto Hartig, ‘Hans Rosenplüts Lobspruch auf die Stadt Bamberg mit dem Bamberger Stadtwappen, gedruckt von Hans Sporer in Bamberg 1491,’ Bericht des historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemaligen Fürstbistums Bamberg, 86 (1937), pp. 5–24 (pp. 19–23); and Rosenplüt, Reimpaarsprüche und Lieder, pp. 235–240. On Rosenplüt’s professional status and the encomium on Bamberg see Reichel, Der Spruchdichter Hans Rosenplüt, pp. 139– 154, p. 202; generally on encomia see Heide Weißhaar-Kiem, Lobschriften und Beschreibungen ehemaliger Reichs- und Residenzstädte in Bayern bis 1800 (Mittenwald: Mäander, 1982), esp. pp. 40–57. A reference to Rosenplüt’s encomium is found in Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ pp. 217–218, pp. 231–231; and Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 287–288. Ein löblicher spruch vo[n] der erentreichen Stat Bambergk ([Hans Sporer], 1491), fol. 2r. On the structure of medieval panegyrics and the topos of transcendence, see Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (7th edn., Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 156–157, pp. 162–163.

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assumption that the Bishop commissioned the Lobgedicht from Rosenplüt, who was already known beyond the borders of Nuremberg thanks to his encomium on that imperial city, which lay in the Diocese of Bamberg.24 Here a ­situation marked by tension and competition becomes apparent, one which prompted the Bishop of Bamberg to make a point of countering the paean to Nuremberg with one to his cathedral city, intended to emphasize Bamberg’s status on the grounds of its sacral dignity. The competitiveness between the two cities is also revealed on Nuremberg’s part by Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle, printed in the same year as the Bamberg Relic Book. In the chapter on Bamberg the “holy Emperor” Henry ii and his spouse Cunigunde appear as part of a history of the city characterized as bloody and full of conflict; and feature almost as pale, distant figures rather than the glorious founders of the Bishopric. Admittedly, their activity as founders is no more concealed than the fact that the imperial couple lie buried in Bamberg. Moreover, Schedel mentions all sorts of miracles which had taken place at their tombs in the Cathedral. Even more revealing, however, is the list of what is not mentioned: the numerous relics of Henry and Cunigunde and their importance for the relics in the city. Here it is possible to speak of active concealment rather than a sober historiographical evaluation of the neighbouring Franconian city.25 In a second sideswipe, clad as Humanist criticism, the only relics to be included in the very meagre list enumerated here are those of Saint Otto, Bishop of Bamberg and Apostle of Pomerania; the banner of Saint George; the knife with which Peter sliced off Malchus’s ear; and the two jugs from the Marriage at Cana. However, in the same breath Schedel expresses clear doubt about their authenticity, commenting: “Sie glawben auch zwen auß den sechß krüegen daselbst sein in den von de[n] herr[e]n vnßerm hayland weyn auß wasser gemacht ist als die histori der eua[n]geleste[n] setzt” [They also believe that two of the six jugs are there in which Our Lord and Saviour turned water into wine as the Gospels tell us].26 24

Hans Rosenplüt, Der Lobspruch auf Nürnberg, in Rosenplüt, Reimpaarsprüche, pp. 220– 234. Here Rosenplüt already counts the Imperial Regalia amongst the seven jewels of Nuremberg. The person who commissioned the panegyric on Bamberg was probably Georg von Schaumberg, who had been Bishop since 18 May 1459. On the issue of Schaumberg as the commissioner of the poem see Reichel, Der Spruchdichter Hans Rosenplüt, p. 202. 25 In this context it is also striking that Berengar’s capture in Bamberg by Otto i and his death there “im[m] ellend” [in a foreign land], events which actually precede Henry’s and Cunigunde’s acts of benevolence towards the city, follow the short passage describing the couple (Hartmann Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle, fol. clxxvr) (H 14510, gw M 40796). 26 Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle, fol. clxxvr (H 14510, gw M 40796).

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Bamberg’s imperial relics, on the other hand, could not have given any reason for such sober, distanced doubt. On the contrary: due to their ancient presence in the city and its utterly undisputed custodianship of them, the Emperor’s remains would easily have put Nuremberg in the shade, since the latter had only sheltered the Imperial Regalia within its city walls since 1423 and had recently been forced to fight Frederick iii for the right to custodianship. The Humanist historiography of the Nuremberg Chronicle, which appears to appraise critically, is purely intentional in nature and only qualifies its statements when necessary. This becomes clear in Schedel’s criticism of the sacral myth which forms such an integral part of the city’s identity: no such criticism is voiced in relation to Nuremberg. The Imperial Regalia are listed in, by comparison, the most exhaustive detail, in a kind of apotheosis at the end of the chapter describing the city; and their annual display, which takes place “mit großer solennitet vn[d] zierlichkeit” [with great solemnity and magnificence], is announced.27 King Sigismund’s recent decree remains unmentioned. In the depiction of the Holy Lance some of the Imperial Regalia also find their way into the woodcut image of Nuremberg, the only city view in the sizable volume to occupy an entire double page to itself.28 However, here the author experiences no doubts about the authenticity of the Imperial Insignia, unlike Enea Silvio Piccolomini, later Pope Pius ii, who signals uncertainty through his critical, Humanist phrasing when he narrates the coronation in Rome of Frederick iii as Emperor.29 27 Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle, fol. cir (H 14510, gw M 40796). 28 A Mount Calvary group can be found in the foreground, outside the city wall; the Arma Christi are fastened to its three crosses. The winged lance attached to the central cross has an open-work tip and the Nail is hinted at (Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle, fol. C (H 14510, gw M 40796)). See also the survey in Albert Bühler, ‘Die heilige Lanze. Ein ikonograph­i­ scher Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Reichskleinodien,’ Das Münster, 16 (1963), pp. 85–116 (p. 104). 29 “Wenn aber Karls des Großen Ornat derart beschaffen war, so haben zweifellos die alten Fürsten und Könige nicht so sehr den Prunk der Kleider als den Ruhm ihres Namens gesucht, haben lieber durch ihre Taten als mit ihren Gewändern glänzen wollen. Doch als ich die einzelnen Dinge genauer beschaute und das Schwert untersuchte, da schien es nicht von jenem großen ersten Karl, sondern vom vierten herzustammen, der Sigismunds Vater gewesen ist. Der böhmische Löwe nämlich war darauf eingegraben zu sehen, dessen sich jener als König von Böhmen bediente. Im Volk jedoch blieb das Gerücht bestehen, es sei Karls des Großen Ornat gewesen” [If, however, the nature of Charlemagne’s vestments was such, then the old princes and kings doubtlessly sought less the magnificence of the garments than the fame of their name and preferred to shine through their deeds rather than their robes. However, when I looked at the individual objects more closely and examined the sword, it did not seem to stem from that great, first Charles but rather from the fourth of that name, who was Sigismund’s father. That is to say, the Bohemian lion

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The relics guarded and displayed in Bamberg were not unknown in Nuremberg. The Nuremberg year books contain an account, hitherto completely neglected, by a man from Nuremberg who was present at the display of relics in Bamberg in 1465. The author introduces the entry for 6 May with the words: “Item 1465 jar da hat ditz hernach geschriben heiligtum in iren gefesen zu Bamberg gezaigt an sant Johanns tag vor der pforten” [Also, in 1465 these relics, hereafter recorded, were displayed in their containers in Bamberg on the Feast of Saint John before the Latin Gate].30 Then the relics, divided into eleven processional sections, are listed without comment.31 The author further notes that the Bamberg display lasted four hours: “Item die 11 geng zu zaigen das wirdig heiligtum wert vier Stund auf den tag” [Also, to display the venerable relics in eleven processions lasted four hours on the day].32 In this statement we have a unique testimony to the duration of the Bamberg display, about which one account from 1493 says: “Die Summa des wirdige[n] heiligthums ist pey dreyhu[n] dert stücken oder mer” [The sum of the venerable relics comes to around three hundred pieces or more]. Until now it has been assumed that the display stretched over at least half a day.33 However, this account proves more than just Nuremberg’s interest in the exhibition of relics in Bamberg, for the record is evidence that this display had been subdivided into eleven processions since at least 1465. Hence it is not possible, as scholars have done thus far, simply to assume that the relics included in the displays increased in number over time and that the number of sections therefore steadily rose from one to eleven. To date the records only attest that could be seen engraved on it, which [symbol] the latter employed as King of Bohemia. However, amongst the populace the rumour persisted that they had been Charlemagne’s regalia] (cited after Berthe Widmer (ed.), Enea Silvio Piccolomini; Papst Pius ii. Biographie und ausgewählte Texte aus seinen Schriften (Basel/Stuttgart: Schwabe, 1960), p. 219). In this connection it is the critical, Humanist observations by Enea Silvio Piccolomini which matter, not the archaeological findings for the Imperial Regalia, on which a comprehensive body of secondary literature exists: e.g., Schramm and Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser; Schramm, Fillitz and Mütherich, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser; Grass, Reichskleinodien; Hermann Fillitz, ‘Die Reichskleinodien – Ein Versuch zur Erklärung ihrer Entstehung und Entwicklung,’ in Bernd Schneidmüller etc. (eds.), Heilig – römisch – deutsch. Das Reich im mittelalterlichen Europa (Dresden: Sandstein, 2006), pp. 133–161. 30 Cited after ChrSt. x. 292. 31 It cannot be said with any certainty about detail that the display in 1465 really did proceed in the sequence reproduced in the year books. The author probably wrote down the text following the ceremonies (ChrSt. x. 70, fn. 2 and 292, fn. 1). 32 ChrSt. x. 295. 33 brb 1493/3 Sporer, fol. 2r (similarly brb 1493/4 Sporer, fol. 2r). On the assumed duration of the Bamberg relic display see Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 251.

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around 1400, so in the early days of the displays, fifteen relics were presented in one section.34 Then comes the account in the Nuremberg year books from 1465, followed by the Relic Books of 1493, 1495 and 1509. Thus, the subdivision of the Bamberg display into eleven processional sections is documented from 1465 onwards. It is not possible to trace a continuous development through several stages but only an abrupt increase. We may, therefore, postulate that the sudden rise in the number of relics and processional sections constitutes a further reaction to the nearby competitor, Nuremberg, because Bamberg doubtless had to counter Nuremberg’s annual exhibition of relics since 1424 with something more attractive of its own.35 This was possible with a public display which, by assembling the numerous relics from throughout the entire city, promised a broad salvific spectrum. In this way, the display of relics in Bamberg became a mirror of the sacral topography of the city extolled by Rosenplüt in his encomium: “Dan[n] nach rom nie kei[n] stat ward gestifft die so vil bewerts aplas antrifft” [For since Rome no city has been founded where one finds so many time-tested indulgences].36 Despite the deliberately reticent description of the Bamberg relics found in the Nuremberg Chronicle, no less a figure than Hartmann Schedel himself displayed a lively interest in them. In 1497 Katharina Haller, the mother of his second wife, gave him a codex, dating from 1412, of the Weistum über die Rechte der bambergischen Hausgenossen. On empty pages and newly bound-in leaves he added supplements to the history of Bamberg, as well as a list, in Latin, of 34

35

36

Nine out of the fifteen relics mentioned here crop up again later in the first processional section of the display. On the dating of the oldest catalogue of relics for the Bamberg display, which exists in two handwritten copies (München, bsb, Cgm 267, fols. 238v–240r; Landesbibliothek Coburg, Ms Sche. 16), see Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach,’ p. 198, fn. 144; Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 276, pp. 278–279; a partial reproduction of the catalogue in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in German translation in Chr.[istian] Haeutle, ‘Die Bamberger Dom-Heiligtümer und das heil. KaiserGrab,’ Bericht über Bestand und Wirken des historischen Vereins für Oberfranken zu Bamberg, 38 (1875), pp. 89–151, esp. pp. 95–96. The Bamberg display of 1430 probably did not take place (Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 247). We can thus assume that Bamberg did not react to competition from Nuremberg until the display of 1437, or, at the latest, the display in 1444. The latter date is supported by the fact that only a few weeks previously the Council of Basel had granted Bishop Anton von Rotenhan an indulgence for the Cathedral for a display of ­relics which took place on the festival of the consecration of the Cathedral. Bamberg certainly hoped it would prompt a growth in attractivity as well. On the granting of the indulgence by the Council see Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ pp. 249–250; Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 277–278. Ein löblicher spruch vo[n] der erentreichen Stat Bambergk ([Hans Sporer], 1491) fol. 2v, cited after the copy in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (4° Inc. s.a. 1942m).

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Bamberg’s relics ordered according to their processional sections (transitus).37 Some of the reliquaries can be proved to come from other monasteries, so they, and this division into sections, make it clear that we are dealing with an ­account of all the relics exhibited during the display and not merely those belonging to Bamberg Cathedral.38 Consequently, the subtly modulated depiction of Bamberg in Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle sheds revealing light on the competition between Nuremberg and Bamberg. The Bamberg Relic Book of 1493 from the Printing Shop of Johann Pfeyl Given this competition, the printing of the Bamberg Relic Book by Johann Pfeyl may well have been commissioned by the Bishop and prompted by similar motivation. If so, Heinrich Groß von Trockau would have been the commissioner.39 Since the display brought together relics not just from the Cathedral but from the whole city, it is also possible to read the book as a sort of sacral civic encomium. The Bamberg relic display of 1493 was the first to take place 2.1

37

38

39

Manuscript catalogue of relics, copy in his own hand by Hartmann Schedel (bsb, Clm 46, fols. 5v, 6v, 8v; note on the gift of the manuscript in 1497 on fol. 32v). On the manuscript as a whole see Richard Stauber, Die Schedelsche Bibliothek. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Ausbreitung der italienischen Renaissance, des deutschen Humanismus und der medizin­i­ schen Literatur (Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1908), p. 91; Renate Klauser, ‘Eine unbekannte Bamberger Stadtansicht,’ Bericht des historischen Vereins Bamberg, 96 (1957/58), pp. 97–99 (p. 98); exhibition catalogue Graphiksammlung Schedel (1990), cat. no. 86, p. 266. With reference to a yet-to-be-published study, Baumgärtel-Fleischmann dates the original of the relic catalogue to between 1440/41 and 1467/68 (Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach,’ pp. 181–182, fn. 88). See also Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 244. Schedel records twelve processional sections instead of the eleven for which indisputable evidence exists at the time of his copy. There are two possibilities: that before 1465, the year of the report on the Bamberg relic display in the Nuremberg yearbooks (ChrSt. x. 292–295), the number of sections amounted to twelve and was subsequently reduced to eleven; or that the number twelve represents a plan by Bamberg Cathedral Chapter which remained unrealized. This cannot be decided here. The abrupt rise in the number of sections in the Bamberg display is not contradicted by the relic catalogue transmitted by Schedel – quite the opposite. Klauser calls this list the catalogue of the Cathedral relics (Klauser, ‘Eine unbekannte Bamberger Stadtansicht,’ p. 98). According to Machilek, the arms of Bartholomew, Cyriacus and Anastaia, the heads of Saints Luke and Nonnosus (all found in Schedel’s relic catalogue (bsb, Clm 46, fol. 8v)), the relic of Saint Gall, Saint Katherine’s oil and the relics of Saint Nonnosus (Clm 46, fol. 6v) belonged to the monastery of Saint Michael (Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 242 and p. 252). Saint Gangolf’s arm came from the Collegiate Church of Saint Gangolf (Clm 46, fol. 8v). Machilek calls Pfeyl’s edition of the Bamberg Relic Book from 1493 a print with official character (Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ pp. 244–246).

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there after the Nuremberg Relic Book appeared in 1487, so it is very probable that Pfeyl’s edition originated as a reaction to the publication of the first, and perhaps also the second, Nuremberg Relic Book.40 The printer responsible for its execution also suggests a commission from Bishop Heinrich Groß von Trockau. Johann Pfeyl specialized in liturgica and was responsible for the ­usual, official printed matter of the diocese; later his printing shop produced not only the Bamberg Peinliche Halsgerichtsordnung [Procedure for the Judgement of Capital Crimes] (1507) but also the last Bamberg Relic Book of 1509. The interesting fact about Bamberg – namely, that Mass was celebrated in the Cathedral after the procession with Henry’s sarcophagus and not, as in Nuremberg, before the actual display of relics – is found only in the preface to Johann Pfeyl’s Relic Book of 1493.41 This reference is missing from the preface of all other printed editions. Although the “official printed matter” that was Pfeyl’s Relic Book could draw on the authority of the person who commissioned it, it did suffer from one clear disadvantage, especially considering the possibilities inherent in the medium of print: it lacks any illustrations of the sacred objects. Even the title page bears no identificatory image, despite the fact that works from the printing shop of Sensenschmidt and Petzensteiner (whose business dealings had been taken over by Pfeyl as Sensenschmidt’s brother-in-law) had boasted depictions of, for example, the founders of the Bishopric which might have graced the title (or even second) page of the Bamberg Relic Book.42 Distinguishing type is 40

41

42

It is not possible to determine the precise chronology of the second Nuremberg Relic Book (Mair, 1493) and the first Bamberg Relic Book (Pfeyl, 1493) without any ambiguity. However, in 1493 the display of relics in Nuremberg took place on 19 April, while the Bamberg display followed seventeen days later. “Nach dem aber ewr menig so groß vn[d] nach der zeigung dy an ir selbst la[n]g ein lobliche pcession vn[d] auch das heilig meß ampt im thum zu haldenn ist. mag ein lange rede nit stat gehaben” [However, since your crowds are so large and after the display, which in itself is long, a praiseworthy procession takes place and also the holy office of the Mass is to be held in the cathedral, it is not possible for a long speech to take place] (brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 1v). According to this, the display stage (tabernaculum) – the existence of one in Bamberg has been proved by the accounts of the Cathedral Sexton’s Office – only served for the display of the relics and not for the divine office. On the accounts see Haeutle, ‘Die Bamberger Dom-Heiligtümer,’ pp. 117–119. Johann Pfeyl was the brother-in-law of Johann Sensenschmidt, who was called from Nuremberg to Bamberg in 1479 by the Abbot of the Michelsberg Monastery, Ulrich iii Haug. Sensenschmidt, who often collaborated with Heinrich Petzensteiner, specialized in liturgica. Pfeyl had taken over the printing shop after Sensenschmidt’s death (before 13 June 1491) (Otto Meyer, Bamberg und das Buch (Bamberg: Fränkischer Tag, 1966), pp. 14– 17; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 49–53; Gottfried Zedler, ‘Quellen zur Geschichte des Bamberger Buchdrucks im 15. Jahrhundert,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1930),

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used only for the six-line title on the top two-thirds of the page: Die außruffunge des hochwirdig[e]n heiligthums des loblichenn stifts zu Bamberg [The Proclamation of the Most Venerable Relics of the Laudable Cathedral in ­Bamberg]. As on the title page of the Nuremberg Relic Book of 1487, the last line is reserved for the name of the city of Bamberg, thereby according it greater prominence (cf. Fig. 49). The appearance of the list of relics and the deictic structure of their respective texts in Pfeyl’s Relic Book allow only limited comparison to the comprehensive lists of relics found in the older, printed chronicles of Georgenberg and Augsburg. In the latter, the presentation of information follows a certain logic: the texts confine themselves to identifying, in long, summary lists, the saints whose relics were actually present. However, in contrast to Pfeyl’s edition, these texts offer no response to a pictorial deixis. Moreover, the type of relic is rarely specified. Thus the records in Georgenberg, for example, note: “Item von sant Cristina” [Also, of Saint Christina].43 Augsburg records are only slightly more detailed. Here, for example, it reads: “Item gepein von sant Columbe” [Also, bones of Saint Columba].44 The lists of relics reproduced since 1495 in the printed chronicles of Andechs are the first to correspond, in the deictic structure of their text, to Johann Pfeyl’s Bamberg Relic Book (Fig. 14).45 This is because, in contrast to Georgenberg and Augsburg, the Andechs chronicles also mention the reliquaries, a detail which integrates the gesture of display. The entries read: “Ain monstrantz darinn ist” [A monstrance is in it]; “Ain pild darin ist” [An image is in it]; or “Ain Arm darin ist” [An arm is in it]. The Andechs chronicles, with their lists of indulgences and relics, may, first and foremost, constitute a reaction to the Nuremberg and Bamberg Relic Books. The chronicles function without any images of the reliquaries but, in contrast to  Pfeyl’s printed book, are rendered attractive by their description of the

43 44 45

pp. 149–157 (p. 156)). Examples of printed works adorned by the woodcut of the two imperial saints include: Die Reformation des gerichtes der Dechaney des Thumstifts zu Bamberg ([Bamberg: Johann Sensenschmidt and Heinrich Petzensteiner, after 26 November 1488]) (hc 13715, gw 10627); Statuta Synodalia Bambergensia, (Bamberg [Johann Sensenschmidt], 21 May 1491) (H15025, gw M 43343); Missale Bambergense (Bamberg, Johann Sensenschmidt and Heinrich Petzensteiner, 24 March 1490) (H 11264, gw M 24241). Tafel des Anfangs des Klosters und der Abtei auf Sankt Georgenberg ([Augsburg: Anton Sorg, after 5 October 1480]), fol. 27v (gw 10642). Augsburgs Ursprung und Anfang ([Augsburg: Johann Bämler, 14]83), fol. 31r (gw 2860). The first printed Andechs chronicles from c. 1472 and 1473 do not include any lists of relics (Chronik von Andechs, both Augsburg, Johann Bämler, gw 1639 and gw 1640). Printed Andechs chronicles with lists of relics are: [Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, c. 1495], gw 1641; Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger [c. 1495], gw 1642; Wessobrunn: Lukas Zeissenmair [1508], VD16 V2527.

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Figure 14 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1), fol. 5v

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­ onastery’s history, since it is interlaced with an itemization of the n m ­ umerous relics preserved there. Thus, in contrast even to the simple lists of relics found in the chronicles, the first Bamberg Relic Book lacks any chance of ­appearing attractive to a paying public. This deficit, especially of a twofold ­reconstruction of the relics in the reader’s imagination by means of text and image, was immediately exploited by two printers for their own ventures. One was Hans Mair from Nuremberg, who had already organized the second edition of the Nuremberg Relic Book of 1493. In turn, the Bamberg printer Hans Sporer, who published smaller works, built on Mair’s promising enterprise, obviously successfully as well. 3

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The Bamberg Relic Book (1493) from the Nuremberg Printer Hans Mair That competition between cities was not the only factor is demonstrated by the Nuremberg printer Hans Mair, whose printing shop had already been responsible for the Nuremberg Relic Book of 1493. Following the official edition by Johann Pfeyl, Mair printed an illustrated relic book for the Bamberg display. The colophon informs us that the book was completed on 3 March 1493.46 This was more than enough time also to find interested buyers during the fortnightlong Nuremberg trade fair, which began on the day the Imperial Regalia were displayed; and hence to be able to count on the possibility of sales beyond the Bamberg display.47 For the printer, the economic aspect weighed more heavily than any competition between cities. Hans Mair must, however, have used a different text as the basis for his edition, since in places it differs noticeably from Pfeyl’s printed version of 1493, something which cannot be attributed to marginal alterations by a printer versed in reading.48 However, apart from a 3.1

46

47 48

“Gedruckt vnd selligklichen geendet in der keisserlichen stat Nurmberg von Hans mair an sant kungunden tag in der fasten nach Cristi gepurt do man zalt mcccc vnd lxxxxiij Jar” [Printed and blessedly completed in the imperial city of Nuremberg by Hans Mair on Saint Cunigunde’s Day in Lent in the year after Christ’s Birth mcccc and lxxxxiij] (brb 1493/2, Mair, fol. 12v). In 1493 the display of the Imperial Regalia in Nuremberg fell on 19 April, so Mair was able to offer his book for sale well in advance of the Bamberg display. Moreover, in the first processional section Mair’s edition records two objects more than Pfeyl’s. In ninth place in the first section Mair mentions: “So ist das aber ir mentel einer” [Thus that is again one of her robes] (meaning a cloak belonging to Cunigunde); and in

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few differences from the reliquaries included in the Bamberg Relic Book of 1509 (also from Johann Pfeyl’s printing shop), Mair’s texts bear striking similarities to precisely this later edition.49 In order to compete with the official Bamberg edition, Mair adorned his entire printed Relic Book with illustrations of the reliquaries; he also added two further, whole-page woodcuts commissioned from the Nuremberg Master of the Meinrad Legend.50 The title of Mair’s edition differs from that of the official one. In it Mair refers to the medium of the book and simultaneously provides more information by pointing to the seven-year cycle of the festivities. Now the title, which runs over four lines, reads: In disem puchlein stet verczeichet das hochwirdig heiltum das man do pfligt alle mal vber siben Jare ein mal zu Bamberg zu weisen [In This Little Book Stand Listed the Most Venerable Relics which it is the Custom to Display Once Every Seven Years in Bamberg]. Underneath, in the framed woodcut, appear Henry and Cunigunde; as founders of the Bishopric of Bamberg they hold a model of Bamberg Cathedral between them (Fig. 15). In the image, space is suggested by the tiled floor on which the imperial couple stand. Beneath the model of the Cathedral is the coat of arms of the Bishopric of Bamberg, the lion rampant with a bend. By designing his title page in this way Mair not only gives the reader the identificatory title image missing from Pfeyl’s print, but also feigns official status, since (as mentioned above) the two founders of the Bishopric were frequently portrayed on works printed at the behest of Bamberg Cathedral (Fig. 16). The Master of the Meinrad Legend obviously also used these images as a model.

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50

eleventh place: “So ist das abe ein rock der selben Junckfrauen sant kungund der keiserin” [Thus that is again a robe of the same virgin Saint Cunigunde the Empress]. A woodcut illustrates each one (brb 1493/2 Mair, fols. 3r/v). While more or less the same relics and reliquaries were exhibited during the Bamberg display of 1493 and 1509, there were a few minor differences, summarized by Haeutle (Haeutle, ‘Die Bamberger Dom-Heiligtümer,’ pp. 102–113, esp. pp. 112–113); see also Appendix 2. The differences noted in Haeutle and Appendix 2 probably arise from the different control text used by Haeutle. Machilek assumes that either individual pieces from other churches and monasteries were not lent out or that pieces from the Cathedral’s own collection could not be displayed (Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ p. 253). Renate Klauser undertook a textual comparison of five editions of the Bamberg Relic Book (Mair 1493, Sporer 1493 i and ii, Mair 1495, Pfeyl 1509); Pfeyl’s edition from 1493 was not available to her (Renate Klauser, ‘Zur Geschichte des Bamberger Heiltums im späten Mittelalter,’ in Magistro Nostro. Festschrift für Otto Meyer (Würzburg, 1956, typescript), pp. 79–103). See ‘Mimesis as Politics.’

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Figure 15 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2): Title page

However, as suggested above, Mair offered even more: as well as the title page, he added two whole-page woodcuts to the book. The first, which shows the procession with the shrine of Emperor Henry ii, reproduces the forecourt of Bamberg Cathedral with, by comparison, considerable topographical precision (Fig. 17). The numerous participants – led by the clergy, who walk in front of the shrine – file round the outside of Saint George’s Choir and re-enter the

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Figure 16 Die Reformation des gerichtes der Dechaney des Thumstifts zu Bamberg (after 26 November 1488), fol. 1v

­ athedral through the Portal of Adam. Another illustration of this procession C can be found in the Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), although there the participants take a slightly different path. However, a now-missing painting or woodcut probably served as the model for both images – the

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Figure 17 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fols. 1v/2r: The procession with the shrine of Emperor Henry; George fighting the dragon

­ oodcut in Mair’s edition and the drawing in the Codex (Fig. 58)51 – since it is w difficult to imagine that the later Codex, commissioned by Bamberg Cathedral, and the ­subsequent woodcuts in the Bamberg Relic Book of 1509 were based on the woodcut in the work published in Nuremberg in 1493. The page opposite the woodcut of the procession illustrates a scene from the legend of Saint George (Fig. 17). The saint, in armour and on horseback, fights the dragon. In the background, on the left, the king’s daughter kneels in prayer while an angel descends from Heaven holding in its hands a shield boasting the cross of Saint George. The scenery is a Franconian landscape with a mountain, a castle and the backdrop of a city in the distance. Two heads can be seen peeping over the castle ramparts; as the princess’s parents they may belong to the inventory of the legend of Saint George but can, simultaneously, be interpreted as Henry and Cunigunde. This type of visual realization links the events surrounding the chivalric saint to the real presence of the two ­imperial saints; and places George, as one of the patron saints of Bamberg Cathedral, alongside them. The image leads beyond the introductory text directly to the first relic to be displayed, the standard of Saint George, one of Bamberg’s 51

The depiction may have been based on the lost textual source for the Mair edition postulated above.

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most important relics. The accompanying text even permits a reference back to the woodcut, since it informs the reader that, through his virtus – his Christian chivalry – the saint had merited the display of his standard alongside Bamberg’s precious relics; and that the standard had come down from Heaven itself, since in German lands princes, counts and knights also fought (in defence of Christendom).52 Besides the title, Mair’s edition provides another reference to the medium of the book. It comes in the epilogue, in the passage promoting the procession with the shrine of Emperor Henry: Auch solt ir wissen das ‫ ׀‬noch pei einer stunde oder ee so wirt ma[n] euch halte[n] ein lobliche processen vmb disen hofe da‫׀‬mit wirt man umb tragen den kostlichen gulden sarch dar inen ligt der leichnam des heiligen Keisser heynrichs der ein stiffter dis wirdigen stiffts gewessen ist als es in dem anfang dis puchleins verzeichet vnd gemalet ist.53 [You should also know that in an hour or sooner a praiseworthy procession will be staged for you around this courtyard; with it will be carried round the precious golden sarcophagus in which lies the body of the sainted Emperor Henry, who was a founder of this worthy cathedral, just as is recorded and depicted at the beginning of this little book.] Since only the preface to Pfeyl’s edition from 1493 includes the reference to the procession with Henry’s shrine, and since no other book mentions it until the epilogue, the phrase “verzeichet vnd gemalet” [recorded and depicted] can only refer to the woodcut of the procession on the second page. Hans Mair compresses text and image somewhat in his relic book. The reliquaries appear to the right of the respective texts, one beneath the other in two columns. As many as ten objects are depicted on one page. In this way Mair was able to accommodate, on only twelve pages, the 136 reliquary woodcuts, the two ­narrative 52

53

“Zum ersten So ist das das paner det heiligen Ritters vnd merterers sant Jorgen ditz wir­ digen Stiffts haubtheren der mit seiner Cristenlichen Riterschaft woll verdint hat Das man solch sein paner bey disse[n] wirdigen heiltum halten vnd czaigen sol vnd das Jst auch von himel kumen da auch sunderlich jn Teutschen landen Fursten grafen Riter vnd knecht jn streiten gros halten vnd das besunder eren” [First, then, that is the banner of the holy knight and martyr Saint George, patron saint of this worthy church, who with his  Christian chivalry has truly deserved that this his banner be carried and displayed amongst these venerable relics and also it came down from Heaven since especially in German lands princes, counts, knights and ordinary soldiers revere it greatly and particularly honour it] (brb 1493/2 Mair, fol. 2v). brb 1493/2 Mair, fol. 12v.

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descriptions of the procession and the fight with the dragon, as well as the preface and epilogue. 3.2 Conceptual Forms: Differences between Text and Image The difference between, or convergence of, the reliquaries and their depiction in the woodcuts in the Bamberg Relic Book can only be reconstructed with the aid of the few remaining medieval objects in the Cathedral Treasury.54 ­Assuming that the majority of the reliquaries exhibited during the Bamberg display were not re-worked in the years between 1493 and 1509, the Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09) also offers an indirect, albeit retrospective, opportunity for the comparison of lost reliquaries, since its drawings originated before the original objects made for the display of 1509. At the same time, the Codex is the source model for the images in the Bamberg Relic Book of 1509.55 Chief witness for the closeness of the drawings to the objects themselves are, in turn, the few reliquaries from before 1500 which have been preserved. These include, amongst other things, the robes of the imperial couple, the ostensory for the Nail and the arm reliquary of Saint Vitus. In the Relic Book, the sequence of the reliquaries and their accompanying texts have been altered or completely changed in very few instances, so these must guide any comparison between the receptables depicted in Mair’s edition and those in the Codex or Pfeyl’s printed work from 1509. It is obvious at first glance that whoever executed the woodcuts of the robes and sword from the first processional section in Mair’s Relic Book knew the woodcuts of the Imperial Regalia in Nuremberg and based his work on them rather than on actual sight of the original objects. The latter are drastically simplified and reduced in size; the robes, as usual, hang from a carrying pole. A similar style of simplification and reduction can be observed in the portrayal 54

55

On the Bamberg Cathedral treasure see Bassermann-Jordan and Schmid, Bamberger Domschatz, esp. nos. 4–14, 20, 38–46, 70–80. In the mid-sixteenth century Bamberg Cathedral Treasury suffered significant losses during the Second Margrave War, when the reliquaries made of precious metal were melted down in the Würzburg Mint in 1553/54 in order to meet Margrave Albrecht Alcibiades’ demands for contributions. Further losses of medieval reliquaries can be recorded in the course of renovations, mainly in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Haeutle, ‘Die Bamberger Dom-Heiligtümer,’ ­ pp. 126–127; Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach,’ pp. 183– 184; Renate Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Silberbesitz der Bamberger Bischöfe von Anton von Rotenhan († 1459) bis Georg Schenk von Limpurg († 1522),’ Bericht des Historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemaligen Fürstbistums Bamberg, 116 (1980), i. 273–316, 298; Machilek, ‘Die Bamberger Heiltümerschätze,’ pp. 236–240). Relics were re-set at the behest of the Cathedral Sexton’s Office (Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach,’ pp. 180–197); these date mainly from the 1480s, some from the early 1490s.

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of the numerous monstrances, arms, busts and shrines, which appear in stereotypical rows (Fig. 18 and 19). Comparison with the extant reliquaries and both the Codex and Relic Book from 1509 makes one thing clear: neither Mair nor the Master of the Meinrad

Figure 18 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 8v

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Figure 19 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 9v

Legend seem to have possessed detailed knowledge of the relics. At best they had only a very vague, partial one, since in most cases – and obviously f­ ollowing the text, so ‘image/ining’ it in the best sense of the word – the block-cutter

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Figure 20 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 5v: Coconut reliquary highlighted

depicts a monstrance whenever the text reads “in dieser Monstranz” [in this monstrance]; a statuette whenever it reads “in disem bild” [in this image]; a reliquary bust whenever it reads “in disem haubt” [in this head]; and so forth.

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Figure 21 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 7r: Coconut reliquary highlighted

That this does not correspond to the actual inventory of reliquaries is demonstrated by the diversity of the objects consistently described as monstrances in the second to fifth sections of the Codex and in Johann Pfeyl’s Relic Book from 1509. Two examples out of many may suffice to illustrate this. The third reliquary in the third processional section is simply called a monstrance. In the Mair edition it is also depicted as such. However, thanks to the Codex and Pfeyl’s printed edition we can reconstruct, in this position, a coconut chalice

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Figure 22 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 6v

used as a container for relics and merely designated by the not-unusual collective term ‘monstrance’ (Figs. 20–22).56 56

In medieval inventories ‘monstrance’ was used for all types of reliquaries and ostensoria, in contrast to today’s usage, in which the term means a display vessel for the consecrated

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Figure 23 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 4r: Crystal monstrance highlighted

A similar case occurs with a vessel called a crystal monstrance, found in third position in the second section. Here Mair depicts a tower ostensory which host (Joseph Braun, Die Reliquiare des christlichen Kultes und ihre Entwicklung (Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1940), pp. 56–57).

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Figure 24 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 5r: Crystal monstrance highlighted

might almost be described as artistic, whereas the original is something of a conglomerate, consisting of a crystal foot with mounted metal capsules.57 The 57

The cut-rock-crystal foot is Egyptian work from the tenth to twelfth centuries; the reliquary was probably mounted in the thirteenth or fourteenth century (BassermannJordan and Schmid, Bamberger Domschatz, no. 20, pp. 13–14).

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Figure 25 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 4r

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Figure 26 Reliquary monstrance (Lamp of Saint Cunigunde), Bamberg Cathedral Treasury

drawing in the Codex does justice to the strikingly asymmetrical shape of the reliquary (Figs. 23–26). Moreover, the idea of these phenomena as the realization of a concept – that is, as conceptual forms – is supported by the fact that the one vessel in the “monstrance section” which has a different name, namely an ostrich egg, is ­illustrated accordingly.58 However, a comparison with the corresponding depictions in the Codex and the later edition of the Relic Book reveals more d­ ifferences than similarities. In Mair’s edition the ostrich-egg reliquary ­displays the hint of a quatrefoil foot with a nodus. It is held by metal clasps; and the curved dome of the dish is crowned by a small, pinnacle-like attachment (see Fig. 20, centre of the right-hand column). The Codex and the edition from 1509 depict a 58

“Jn disem strause[n]ay ist heiligtu[m] des heiligen sant merteins der ei[n] bischof zu turo[n] gewest ist” [In this ostrich egg is the relic of the holy Saint Martin, who was a bishop of Tours] (brb 1493/2 Mair, iii/6, fol. 5r).

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Figure 27 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 7v

d­ ouble-headed ostrich egg with circular, fluted feet. The edges of the lips are mounted and have two small S-shaped handles on either side (Figs. 27 and 28).59 59

Sebastian Bock, Ova struthionis. Die Straußeneiobjekte in den Schatz-, Silber- und Kunstkammern Europas (Freiburg i. B.: Bock, 2005), cat. no. B 25a, p. 206.

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Figure 28 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 7r

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Figure 29

Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 7v: Nail ostensory

Similarly, the ostensory of the Nail, remounted in 1485/86 and preserved in Bamberg Cathedral Treasury to this day, is illustrated in Mair’s edition by a woodcut which displays more dissimilarities than similarities to the object. In Mair’s woodcut the Nail is held by two angels kneeling on a rectangular, fluted base (the long edge faces the viewer). The actual ostensory, by contrast, has a quatrefoil base with a clear-cut, deeply fluted shaft which divides into two branches supporting brackets. On the ostensory, the angels holding aloft the Nail kneel on these (Figs. 29–32).60 The chalice which, according to the text, was presented by Emperor Henry to the Cathedral of Saint Lawrence in Merseburg, a donation which saved his soul, is depicted in Mair as an unadorned chalice lacking the characteristic handles on the sides (a detail retained by the drawing in the Codex), as well as the quatrefoil ornamentation on the front (Figs. 33 and 34). The arm with the relics of Saint Vitus remains in Bamberg Cathedral Treasury to this day.61 The illustration in the Codex is true to the original reliquary, 60 61

On the later, chiefly Baroque, alterations to the ostensory, which mainly affected what had been its back, see Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach,’ pp. 197–216. The arm reliquary of Saint Vitus is Bamberg work and was made in 1490 (BassermannJordan and Schmid, Bamberger Domschatz, no. 80, p. 35).

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Figures 30a/b

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Nail ostensory, front and back, Thomas Rockenbach 1485/86, Bamberg Cathedral Treasury

since it shows the arm holding a cockerel, the symbol of the martyr, in its hand (Figs. 35 and 36). Thus, the arm reliquary with its attribute refers directly to the relics of this particular saint. In Mair’s edition it is depicted, like all other arm reliquaries, without any sort of embellishment, simply as a right arm with a small window in the palm for viewing the relic (Fig. 44, left column, bottom). Moreover, the accompanying text explains that “dar Pey … der arm der heiligen Junckfrawen sant Aldegundis” [the arm of the Virgin Saint Aldegundis [is] also … in there].62 Thus the seventh processional section displays twelve arm reliquaries and names thirteen obects. The depiction has become a pictogram; hence in Mair 62

The army reliquary of Saint Vitus (vii/12) brb 1493/2 Mair, fol. 9r.

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Figure 31 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 18v

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Figure 32

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Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 13r: Monstrance and Nail ostensory

the illustration is merely one out of numerous, similarly non-specific images,63 something which makes it possible for the woodcut of the arm reliquary to be the visual representation of two different objects. While they are still named together in the edition from 1509, Pfeyl portrays two different arm reliquaries. Finally, let us turn briefly to the depiction of the two jugs from the Marriage at Cana. In Mair they are represented in the modest form of two late-medieval jugs with a grooved, ring-shaped base and handles but no other o­ rnamentation. The drawing in the Codex portrays them as spherical vessels, one with a base and neck ring, the other with two handles (Figs. 37 and 38). Here, then, at the latest, it becomes clear that Hans Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book is not concerned with the authentic reproduction of the reliquaries exhibited in the display.64 The decisive factor is the suggestion of their presence and aura 63 64

The concepts of pictogram and conceptual form will be discussed separately. Engelhart comes to the diametrically opposed conclusion, speaking of the documentary nature of the woodcuts, also in the Würzburg Relic Book (Helmut Engelhart, ‘“…der gestalt wie hierbei abgemalt ist.” Der Einband des Fuldaer Evangeliars M.p.th.r. 66 der Universitätsbibliothek Würzburg in illustrierten Exemplaren der Würzburger Bischofschro­ nik des Lorenz Fries,’ Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, 73 (2011), pp. 227–279 (pp. 258–265)). For the Würzburg Relic Book see below

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Figure 33 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 8r, left column, centre: Emperor Henry’s Chalice

(the demonstratio ad oculos) by means of the picture. The reliquary is evoked in and by the image. In this way the woodcut asserts its authenticity, one confirmed by the relationship between text and image, since for their part text and image signify nothing other than the phenomenon.

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Figure 34 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 19r

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Figure 35

Arm Reliquary of Saint Vitus, Bamberg Cathedral Treasury

Despite the pictorial reduction almost to the status of a pictogram, the stereotypical arrays of reliquaries thereby produced and the very high degree of generalization in the illustrations, Mair does not repeat a single woodcut in this edition. Repetition might well have been expected in view of the ­continuous string of arm reliquaries whose details barely differ, especially as the repetition of woodcuts in one and the same printed work was not uncommon.65 With an eye to economic success, Mair reacted to the public’s taste in two ways: first, by adding identificatory, narrative depictions at the beginning of the Relic Book; second, by illustrating the entire book with woodcuts of reliquaries. The success of this project is proved by the reprint issued by Hans Mair in 1495. 3.3 Hans Mair’s Reprint of 1495 The new edition of the Bamberg Relic Book in 1495 is evidence of a market for such books even outside the rhythm of the septennial display. According to its colophon, printing was completed on Saint George’s Day (23 April) of that year. Since the display of the Imperial Regalia in Nuremberg fell on 1 May 1495, the Bamberg Relic Book was ready for sale a good week before the feast day and 65

Two examples amongst many are: Rudimentum novitiorum (Lübeck: Lucas Brandis, 1475) (H 4996, gw M 39062); and the above-mentioned Nuremberg Chronicle by Hartmann Schedel (H 14510, gw M 40796).

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Figure 36 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 23r

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Figure 37 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 11v

the start of the Nuremberg trade fair. This occasion was certainly a material factor in the issuing of a new edition, which probably took place with a certain degree of haste. While the second edition of the Bamberg Relic Book from

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Figure 38 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 34r: Jugs from the Marriage at Cana

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Figure 39 Bamberg Relic Book 1495: Title page

Hans Mair’s printing shop differs from the first in only a very few places, the text exhibits numerous printing errors, even in the title (Fig. 39).66 66 “in dsem puchlein stet verczeichendt das hochbirdig heyljtum das man do pfligt alle mal vber siben Jare ein mal zu Bamberg zu beisen” [In this small book are listed the highly

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Figure 40 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 8r, left column, centre: Emperor Henry’s Chalice

The epilogue has been updated in that Emperor Frederick’s name has been omitted from the intercessory prayers, in which only the “allerdurchleuch­tigisten venerable relics which it is customary to display once every seven years in Bamberg] (brb 1495 Mair, fol. 1r).

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Figure 41 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 10r: With Emperor Henry’s arm and Empress Cunigunde’s head

fursten vnd herrn herrn Maximilianum Romischen Konig” [His Most Serene Highness and Lord, Lord Maximilian, King of the Romans] is r­ emembered.67 67

brb 1495 Mair, fol. 12r.

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Figure 42 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 10r: With Emperor Henry’s arm and Empress Cunigunde’s head

With a few exceptions Mair repeats the images from the 1493 edition. In the third, fifth and tenth processional sections woodcuts depicting monstrances and shrines have been changed around. In the seventh section, in which the arm reliquaries are displayed, he repeats the first six arm-woodcuts from folio 8v on folio

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Figure 43 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 11r: Jugs from the Marriage at Cana

9r, with the result that two arm reliquaries at a time are depicted by an identical woodcut.68 In the Relic Book of 1495 new, or different, woodcuts are used for six objects. These include the chalice presented by Emperor Henry ii to Merseburg 68

For a table of the alterations see Appendix 3.

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Figure 44 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fol. 9r

­ athedral (described above), which is now depicted with its characteristic C handles (Fig. 40). A similar procedure was followed with the woodcuts showing Henry’s arm and Cunigunde’s head in second and third position in the ninth section, as well as with the two jugs from Cana. Henry’s arm holds the imperial orb in its hand; Cunigunde’s head no longer appears as a bust with a small window but on a flat

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Figure 45 Bamberg Relic Book 1495, fol. 9r

dish; and the jugs from Cana are now depicted in the form of round balls (Figs. 41–43). Hence all five woodcuts depict significant features of the objects they represent, just as they are portrayed in the Codex (Figs. 34 and 38).

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Figure 46 Würzburg Relic Book 1493, fol. 3v

The only new woodcut which does not resemble the depiction in the Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics is the “pilde vnser Lieben frauen” [image of Our Beloved Lady] at the beginning of the eighth processional section.69 Here, as in the 69

brb 1495 Mair, fol. 9r.

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Figure 47 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fol. 16v

first edition, we find a statue of Mary with the Christ Child, while the ­Codex shows Mary as a seated figure with the Christ Child standing next to her. The new woodcut of Mary is, however, not new at all but recycled. It was used by Mair in the lost variant edition of the Bamberg Relic Book of 1493 (discussed below), as well as in his Würzburg Relic Book, also printed in 1493 (Figs. 44–48).70 70

The Würzburg Relic Book was printed by Hans Mair after the Bamberg Relic Book of the same year (see ‘Speculating on Similarity’).

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Figure 48 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 23v

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Five of the six reliquaries depicted in new or different woodcuts are, then, among the most important in the Cathedral’s collection of precious relics. However, it is significant that not all woodcuts are affected by this change. This process reveals that while it may appear opportune to take the source model as a guide for the images, this is not actually absolutely necessary, as the carousel of woodcuts depicting monstrances and shrines, the repetition of arm reliquaries and the simple swopping of the image of the Virgin demonstrate. 3.4 The Competition: Hans Sporer’s Bamberg Relic Books (1493) When he printed his first Bamberg Relic Book on 4 May 1493, Hans Sporer was competing with Hans Mair even more directly than with Pfeyl’s official edition. Sporer completed his edition two months after the appearance of Mair’s and a mere two days before the display of relics in Bamberg. Hans Sporer had come to Bamberg from Nuremberg, where he had been active as a print-colourist and card-painter.71 He had also published several block books, in part pirate copies of other products. In Bamberg he then printed books using movable type. Moreover, in his works he calls himself a book printer. Ferdinand Geldner emphasizes that the production of such small works was less timeintensive than that of block books. This made them easier to market because they could be sold more cheaply thanks to their production in large numbers.72 Even in his first work known to have been printed in Bamberg, Sporer plays it safe by reprinting an obviously successful work.73 For the display of relics 71

Sporer crops up in Nuremberg court records in 1479 because he “sein weib so hart geslagen, daz sie des sol tod sein” [hit his wife so hard that she should be dead] (Theodor Hampe, Nürnberger Ratsverlässe über Kunst und Künstler im Zeitalter der Spätgotik und der Renaissance (1449) 1474–1618 (1633) (3 vols., Vienna: Graeser; Leipzig: Teubner, 1904), i. 28). In the records he is called a print-colourist and card-painter. Sporer’s first Bamberg print is dated 1487 (Visierbüchlein C 2517, gw M 50786). Nothing is known from the years 1488 to 1490. On Sporer see Hampe, Nürnberger Ratsverlässe, i. 28–29; Ferdinand Geldner, Die Buchdruckerkunst im alten Bamberg 1458/59 bis 1519 (Bamberg: Meisenbach, 1964), pp. 53–65; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 21–22; and Ursula Timann, Untersuchungen zu Nürnberger Holzschnitt und Briefmalerei in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts mit besonderer Berücksichtigung von Hans Guldenmund und Niclas Meldeman (Münster: lit, 1993), pp. 18–21. 72 Geldner, Buchdruckerkunst, p. 53. However, mass production is a relative concept, since a printer such as Sporer will probably have had limited funds at his disposal for the ­production of printed works, something which would also have affected his access to adequate supplies of paper. 73 Geldner, Buchdruckerkunst, p. 57; fn. 293, p. 108. In 1485 and again in 1487 Sporer reprinted the Visierbüchlein (1485: München bsb, 4° Inc. c.a. 437a, bsb-Ink V-239, gw M 50785; 1487: formerly Dresden slub, now Russian State Library, C 2517, gw M 50786). The Visier-

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announced for 1493 he printed a Bamberg Relic Book based on the two extant editions: in other words, a work which promised success – or, rather, sales. He deliberately took Pfeyl’s official edition as a model for the text and typography of the title. Sporer reproduces Pfeyl’s title in exactly the same spelling and layout (Figs. 49 and 50).74 However, in contrast to Pfeyl he recognized and exploited the potential of the empty space beneath the title and, like Mair, filled it with an identificatory woodcut. In contrast to Mair, his imitation of the layout of the title left little space for the woodcut. Nonetheless, he compensates for this, too, by arranging four coats of arms beneath the title, using ribbons to join them into pairs. On the top left of the page, and hence in the most important place, he presents the coat of arms of Emperor Henry; and, on the top right, the coat of arms of the Bishop of Bamberg then in office, Heinrich Groß von Trockau, as well as, beneath that, the coats of arms of the Bishopric of Bamberg and the city itself. The reference to the printer himself appears in smaller type underneath these coats of arms: “Gedruckt zu Bamberg Hinter Sant Mertein Von Meister Hannssen Puchdrücker” [Printed in Bamberg behind Saint Martin’s by Master Hans, book-printer]. This is the only time any printer names himself on the title page of a relic book. On the second page, which in Mair’s Relic Book contains the woodcut of the procession, Sporer repeats the coats of arms from the title page and beneath them adds a depiction of Henry and Cunigunde holding Bamberg Cathedral (Fig. 51). A simple arch resting on capitals overarches and encloses the imperial couple. The spandrels are pierced, offering the one point in this woodcut where an illusion of space is given. The figures are developed solely in outline, without any sort of hatching, and reduced to the bare minimum. The woodcuts of the reliquaries are just as simplified: they have been cut throughout using those in Mair’s edition as a model and for that reason are, for the most part, reversed left to right (Figs. 52 and 20).

74

büchlein originally appeared in 1485, probably printed by Marx Ayrer with the type of Johann Sensenschmidt (München bsb, 4° Inc. c.a. 437, bsb-Ink V-238, gw M 50784). With regard to the virtually identical typefaces of Pfeyl’s and Sporer’s titles, we might ask whether Sporer, rather than re-setting Pfeyl’s title as precisely as possible, re-cut it in wood in order to imitate the official edition. This is supported by the fact that, for Sporer’s Bamberg Relic Book, Ferdinand Geldner identifies typeface 2 for the text and typeface 4 for the title (Geldner, Buchdruckerkunst, nos. 150–171, p. 99, also gw). The large typeface 4 is used by Sporer solely for the two Relic Books; for most of his other printed works, by contrast, he uses xylographic titles. If he had it, why should Sporer not have used his typeface 4 on further occasions, as he did his typeface 3, and renounce the use of a xylographic title? Ultimately, differences in what are always the same letters point to the fact that he cannot have used a typeface.

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Figure 49 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1): Title page

Whereas his competitor allows each object a woodcut of its own, Sporer again reproduces a row of six arm reliquaries, starting on fol. 8r and ending on fol. 8v. Moreover, the appearance of the objects in his work is even more ­simplified than in Mair’s. Sporer largely avoids hatching in the depiction of the reliquaries as well, concentrating on the contours and omitting minor e­ mbellishments

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Figure 50 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3): Title page

such as crockets on the small pinnacle towers or small crosses, which Mair includes throughout. In this way the stereotypical portrayal of the objects becomes even more apparent. Just as with the title, Sporer leans on Pfeyl’s edition for the texts which accompany the reliquaries, although he also takes Mair as a guide in some ­passages. Thus in an extract from the epilogue announcing that a ­procession

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Figure 51 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fols. 1v/2r: Henry and Cunigunde with a model of Bamberg Cathedral; above them the coats of arms of the Emperor, the Bishop in office and the city

Figure 52 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fols. 4v/5r

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Figure 53 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fol. 8v

with Emperor Henry’s shrine will follow the ceremonies, Sporer, just like Mair, remarks, “als es in de[m] anfa[n]g verzeichet ist” [as it is recorded at the  beginning].75 In the process Sporer foregoes both the reference to the 75

brb 1493/3 and 4 Sporer, fol. 12r.

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­ edium of the book and the additional epithet “gemalet” [depicted]. This pasm sage therefore lacks any concrete point of reference, since he neither mentions the procession in the epilogue nor follows Mair in presenting a corresponding picture. However, in contrast to all other printers of the Bamberg Relic Book, at the end of the prologue Sporer again refers to the number of relics: “Die Summa des wirdige[n] heiligthums ist pey dreyhu[n]dert stücken oder mer” [The sum of the venerable relics amounts to almost three hundred pieces or more].76 He thereby simulates an officially sanctioned edition and its legitimizing link between the Bishop and the printer, one he makes manifest by placing himself on the title page in close vicinity to the depiction of the Bishop’s coat of arms. Which Mair Edition Does Sporer Copy? A Lost Edition of the Bamberg Relic Book As discussed above, in his depiction of the reliquaries Hans Sporer took the woodcuts in Hans Mair’s recently published edition as his sole model, in ­contrast to his practice with the texts. The only significant divergence is found in the image of the Virgin Mary (viii/1) (Fig. 53).77 Here we might expect Sporer to be active creatively, but he is not. On the contrary: he re-cuts the very woodcut of the Virgin Mary also used by Mair in both his Würzburg Relic Book of 1493 and the later edition of the Bamberg Relic Book of 1495 (Figs. 45 and 46). This allows us to postulate a now-lost variant print of the Bamberg Relic Book, published by Hans Mair in the same year but before Sporer’s first edition, since why should Hans Sporer copy all the woodcuts from Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book (3 March 1493) and take only one from a different book? Obviously, the woodcut of the Virgin Mary from Hans Mair’s first edition was no longer usable and had to be replaced. This was done using a motif transmitted in a similar fashion by the extant pictorial template and, once again, without reference to, or consideration of, the actual appearance of the object. The variant edition created in this way could also have provided all the models for the woodcuts in Hans Sporer’s rival printed work. 3.5

3.6 Hans Sporer’s Second Edition of 1493 The success of Sporer’s plan is demonstrated by the second edition, which he printed only a few days later. The colophon does not state the exact date of printing but is evidence that the book was completed after the display of relics

76 77

brb 1493/3 and 4 Sporer, fol. 2r. Further, less striking divergences from the images in Mair’s edition consist in the reorganization of some woodcuts of monstrances within one section.

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Figure 54 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3), fol. 9v

on 6 May 1493.78 The direct reference in the colophon to a (vague) point in time after the display makes it likely that the book was printed extremely close 78

“Gedrückt noch ein mal nach der zeigu[n]g des heilthums zu Bbmberg Jm Lxxxxiij. Iare” [Reprinted after the display of the relics in Bamberg in Lxxxxiij] (brb 1493/4 Sporer, fol. 12r).

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Figure 55 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4), fol. 9v

to the event, if not the day after it. Moreover, this indication again proves there was still a market for relic books even after the ceremonial exhibition and that printers counted on sales. Sporer undertook only a few amendments to the

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Figure 56 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4): Title page

second edition. These affected the title page and the depiction of the coats of arms and included a correction to the number of reliquaries. By contrast, the text of the entire book was re-set, resulting in changes to spelling and the terms for the processional sections, as well as minor alterations to the page layout,

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which did not, however, affect the arrangement of the reliquaries on the individual pages.79 The technically advantageous number of twelve leaves was also retained. In his first edition Sporer had obviously missed out a reliquary in the ninth processional section: Cunigunde’s hand, which in all other editions (without exception) appears in fifth place in this section.80 He supplied the text and image of the missing woodcut. In order to gain space for the insertion of Cunigunde’s hand he trimmed the bottom off the previous woodcut, which depicts an arm reliquary of the same saint, and inserted the additional woodcut and its accompanying text (Figs. 54 and 55). Whereas Sporer did not alter the appearance of the title, he did replace one of the four coats of arms on the title page, that of Emperor Henry. Instead of the quartered coat of arms with Bavarian lozenges and lion rampant, the woodcut depicts one with Bavarian lozenges and the imperial double-headed eagle in the quarter (Fig. 56). This change made it necessary to remove the ribbons connecting the coats of arms in the top row. This new heraldic constellation also appears on the second page above the woodcut of the two imperial saints. In his second edition Sporer omits the reference to the printer which his first edition flaunted, unmissably, on the title page. We can only speculate as to whether there was official pressure to alter the coat of arms which, in both cases, designated H ­ enry ii. Indeed, it is striking that the coats of arms of the territory and the Empire have different referents. The complete absence of the printer’s name is also striking. 3.7 Unrivalled: The Bamberg Relic Book of Johann Pfeyl from 1509 When Johann Pfeyl printed another relic book, this time for the display of relics in 1509, the situation was more favourable. At the time he enjoyed a ­monopoly on printing in Bamberg.81 His direct competitor in the city, Hans Sporer, had probably been prohibited from staying there any longer; and Hans Mair, the Nuremberg printer of small works who specialized in relic books, was no longer active after 1499.82 The second Bamberg Relic Book from the printing shop of Johann Pfeyl was, most certainly, another commission from the Bishop of Bamberg; however, now that bishop was Georg Schenk von 79

Thus in Sporer’s first edition, for example, it says: “Der Vierde gang” [The fourth processional section] (brb 1493/3 Sporer, fol. 5r); and in the second: “Hernach volget der .iiij. gang” [Hereafter follows the fourth processional section] (brb 1493/4 Sporer, fol. 5r). 80 brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 6r; brb 1493/2 Mair, fol. 10r; brb 1495 Mair, fol. 10r; brb 1509 Pfeyl, fol. 15v. 81 Geldner, Buchdruckerkunst. 82 Hans Sporer moved to Erfurt, where he can be documented from 1494 onwards (Geldner, Buchdruckerkunst, p. 65; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 21–22; on Mair see Voulliéme, Die deutschen Drucker, p. 130).

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Figure 57 Bamberg Relic Book 1509: Title page

L­ impurg. The printer and the new patron had obviously learnt from the flop of 1493 since the edition is illustrated with woodcuts throughout. The wording of the title refers to the “new” combination of text and image: Die weysung vnnd außruffung des Hochwirdigen heylthumbs zu Bamberg. nach de[m] rechten waren heilthumb abgezeychnet. 1509 [The Display and Proclamation of the Most Venerable Relics in Bamberg Copied from the Veritable True Relics]. Whereas the title of the first Bamberg Relic Book refers only to the proclamation of the

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r­ elics, thereby signalling the translation of auditory information into printed (hence readable, consultable) text, the expansion of the title through the reference to the display transfers the demonstrative gestures of the public display to the book itself and announces the representation of the event in images. Beneath the title, Henry and Cunigunde now appear in a framed woodcut, holding the model of the Cathedral in their hands as founders of the Bishopric and each boasting an imperial hoop crown and sceptre (Fig. 57). Beneath the model of the Cathedral the imperial coats of arms hang from a hook. Beneath that, and between the imperial couple, the coat of arms of the current Bishop and commissioner of the work, Georg Schenk von Limpurg, rests on a floor suggested by hatching. This title page matches the design of official works from the Diocese of Bamberg. The formulation of the title, the depiction of the founders of the Diocese and of the Bishop’s coat of arms all serve to highlight, in a pronounced fashion, the official nature of the edition. With its addition of “nach dem rechten waren heilthumb abgezeychnet” [Copied from the Veritable True Relics] the title of the Relic Book incorporates a statement which initially appears unambiguous: that the reliquaries depicted in the woodcuts were copied directly from the original objects. However, that is only indirectly the case, as a comparison between extant reliquaries and the Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09) makes clear. The ­woodcuts in Pfeyl’s edition follow the large-format, watercolour line drawings of the reliquaries which originated in a commission from Bamberg Cathedral Chapter (Figs. 21, 22, 24, 25, 27, 28, 31, 32, 47, 48). Renate Baumgärtel-Fleisch­ mann postulates the painter Hans Wolf, attested as living in Bamberg from March 1508 onwards, as the draughtsman.83 However, the Codex, which contains thirty-six leaves, includes only the drawings of the reliquaries with their respective texts, the procession with Henry’s shrine and the bearer of Saint George’s banner. The reliquaries are not subdivided into processional sections, nor does the omnibus volume feature a prologue or an epilogue.84 Johann Pfeyl must, ­therefore, have had a further source text at his disposal, something also suggested by the information about the reliquaries, since this certainly differs from the Codex. The block-cutter transferred the drawings to the block of wood in a simplified, greatly reduced form, with the result that the woodcuts appear laterally inverted when compared to the images in the Codex. 83 84

Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, ‘Kommentar,’ p. 2; on the commissioner of the work, p. 3. The paper Codex measures c. 47.5 x 32.2 cm. For the most part two or three reliquaries are depicted on one page; however, thirteen monstrances are reproduced in large format on one page.

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Figures 58 Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fols. 35v/36r: Knight holding the banner of Saint George; procession with Emperor Henry’s shrine

While in his competitors’ editions from 1493 the reliquaries are persistently depicted with a certain rigidity and schematism, here they are characterized by relaxed verve and the predominance of the contours over modulatory detail within the images. Because the woodcuts are based on the drawings in the Codex, greater variety in the representation of the reliquaries is visible than in the editions by Mair and Sporer, something particularly evident in the rendition of the monstrances. Nevertheless, the work adheres to the conventions governing reliquary texts, since in sections two to five the most diverse containers, including the numerous ostrich eggs in their various settings, are uniformly described as monstrances.85 The true-to-side transposition of the drawings to the wood blocks, and hence their laterally inverted reproduction in print, influence the depiction of both 85

In the Codex of the Bamberg relics, too, the various ostensories are uniformly called monstrances.

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Figure 59 Bamberg Relic Book 1509, fols. 1v/2r: Procession with Emperor Henry’s shrine; knight holding the banner of Saint George.

the procession with Henry’s shrine and the knight with the banner of Saint George. In the Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics these two images appear after two blank pages following the drawings of the reliquaries. The knight with the banner of Saint George is portrayed on the left-hand side; on the opposite side is the procession round Saint George’s Choir at the Cathedral (Fig. 58). In contrast to its representation in Hans Mair’s Relic Book, the procession does not make its way into the Cathedral through the Portal of Adam but rather goes through the chapter house into the cloisters. The topography of the Cathedral forecourt is also reversed by the lateral inversion of the image. In the Relic Book the two woodcuts are in reverse order, mirroring the orientation of the monumental knight towards the procession in the Codex. The printed work retains this orientation. The inversion is corrected by the printer when it threatens to disrupt the meaning of the image. Now the procession appears on the left-hand, or second, page and the knight on the following right-hand page (Fig. 59). The sequence thus corresponds to that found in the edition by Hans Mair, who also reproduces the procession on the second page, albeit

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t­opographically true-to-side, and Saint George fighting the dragon on the third page. In Pfeyl’s edition the armoured banner-holder stands on the suggestion of a floor. His helmet is adorned by a disk with the heraldic animal of the Diocese of Bamberg. On the one hand, we may assume that the image of the bannerholder reflects the tradition of the banners of Saint George and Emperor Henry being carried by various people during the procession, to be determined in each case but probably including knights.86 On the other hand, in the context of the Relic Book and the patronate of the Cathedral, the armoured figure becomes Saint George himself. For his part, in a doubly reciprocal process Saint George becomes a citizen of Bamberg thanks to the striking ornament on his helmet: Bamberg’s heraldic animal, the lion rampant with bends. Johann Pfeyl’s edition is distinguished from those of Mair and Sporer not just by the claim to (more) authentic representation of the reliquaries – expressly emphasized in the title – and greater variety in the depiction of these objects, but also by a more generous page layout, also reflected in the doubling of the number of leaves to twenty-four. The vast majority of the processional sections begin at the top of the page.87 Two or three reliquaries are arranged, one beneath the other, in only one column per page; the accompanying text appears on the left. Although the woodcuts illustrate reliquaries of varying sizes, their depiction in standardized formats – due to printing – remains the dominant style.88 According to the text of the relic books, on the whole the same reliquaries were exhibited during the Bamberg displays of 1509 and 1493. The Codex and the edition of 1509 differ in their identification of the contents of certain containers, suggesting that the choice of reliquaries assembled for the display was prone to alteration, even after their inclusion.89 In the intercessory prayers in the epilogue the names of the Pope and the Bishop of Bamberg are updated through the mention of Julius ii and Georg Schenk von Limpurg. In contrast to the display of 1493, Pfeyl includes fewer reliquaries in two processional sections following the first, something obviously based on an error in the

86 87 88 89

Haeutle, ‘Die Bamberger Dom-Heiligtümer,’ pp. 120–121, Renate Kroos, ‘Liturgische Quellen zum Bamberger Dom,’ Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 39 (1976), pp. 105–146 (p. 113). Exceptions are sections 5, 6 and 11, which begin in the middle of the page. The drawings in the Codex show the reliquaries in various sizes on the large-format leaves. Such variation in proportions is scarcely to be found in Pfeyl’s edition. See Appendix 2.

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t­ransmission of the images, since the Codex lists the two missing objects in sections ten and eleven.90 Pfeyl’s second edition of his Bamberg Relic Book also includes the following remark in the conclusion to the passage which describes the procession with Emperor Henry’s shrine: “als in dem anfang diß puchleins verzeychnet ist” [just as is recorded at the beginning of this little book]. Thus, like Mair but in contrast to Sporer, he refers to the image at the beginning of the work.91 The edition and its illustrations take over the draughtsman’s claim. However, the important thing for the producer, as well as recipient, of the images is the ­assertion that they were copied from the originals, a claim which implicitly emphasizes the veracity of the depictions, guaranteed as it is by the fact that the artist responsible drew with the original objects in front of him. Consequently, we, the readers, have before us the likenesses of sacred reliquaries which results from legitimate access to them. In this respect, the reference to their eyewitness status promises double authenticity: one pictorial and one related to the illustrator’s access to the relics. At the same time, this suggests the exclusivity of the artist’s ‘reproductive’ access to the original. Thus, the addition made to the title – “nach de[m] rechten waren heilthumb abgezeychnet” [Copied from the Veritable True Relics] – is to be understood as a conscious distancing from the wording of the title in the earlier books. It is not, however, intended as fraudulent labelling. This is demonstrated by comparable remarks about portrait-painting – “das Abmalen nach der Natur” [copies painted from nature] – which in the context of the late-fifteenth century referred, in fact, to the reproduction of pictures by pictures.92 It would be possible to formulate this observation even more pointedly, since we can, here, recognize the early stages of modern forms of pictorial and printed culture: the authenticity of the image is linked to the ‘copyright’ of the printer. 90

91 92

The relic shrine with a large piece of Saint Helena’s arm is missing: “Jn dieser laden Ist ein mercklich groß stuck von dem arm der heiligen frauen Sant helena Die ein muter Constantini deß keiserß vnd finderin deß heiligen creutz gewesen ist” [In this casket is a remarkably large piece of the arm of Saint Helena, who was the mother of Emperor Constantine and the finder of the Holy Cross] (Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 31r; in brb 1493/2 Mair: x/12); as well as a Cross reliquary: “In disem Creutz ist ein Span von dem heiligen creutz vnd dabey Sant Cristoffels, Sant Moritz[e]n … heiligtumb” [In this cross is a sliver of the Holy Cross and with it relics … of Saint Christopher, Saint Maurice] (Codex of Bamberg Cathedral Relics (1508/09), London, British Library, Add. ms. 15689, fol. 33v; in brb 1493/2 Mair: xi/10). brb 1509 Pfeyl, fol 24r. Valentin Groebner, Der Schein der Person. Steckbrief, Ausweis und Kontrolle im Europa des Mittelalters (Munich: Beck, 2004), pp. 28–29.

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Speculating on Similarity With the Würzburg Relic Book in 1493, Hans Mair, the Nuremberg printer of small, popular works, once again demonstrated a fine nose for the potential economic success promised by the exploitation of a relic display in the medi­ um of the printed book. He followed the obviously successful editions of the Nuremberg and Bamberg Relic Books with a book for another Franconian me­ tropolis, Würzburg. Indeed, in the layout of the first page of the Würzburg Relic Book Hans Mair copies his Bamberg edition. The title runs over four lines and reads: In disem puchleine ist czu wysen das hochwirdig heylthum in der lobli­ chen stat Wirczpurg das man do pfligt zu weisen alle Jar an Sant kyliga [n]s tag. [In this small book the most venerable relics of the laudable city of Würz­ burg are to be known which are customarily displayed there every year on Saint Kilian’s Day.] He thus adopts the wording of the Bamberg edition, with its reference to the medium of the book. Moreover, the location and date of the display – Saint Kilian’s Day fell on 8 June – are mentioned here for the first time. Mair also plays it safe in the design of the title page by using a tried-and-tested formula: as in the relic books for Nuremberg and Bamberg, he depicts the city’s patron saint. The Master of the Meinrad Legend has again created a woodcut, this time of Kilian, the Apostle of Franconia, and his two companions Colmán and Tot­ nan (Fig. 60).1 In the framed woodcut Saint Kilian appears as a bishop with an upright sword and crozier; his companions Colmán and Totnan turn towards him. They are depicted as young men in chasuble and dalmatic, the vestments of a priest and a deacon. All three are distinguished by haloes. Colmán holds a pat­ en; Totnan a chalice.2 They appear as acolytes of the Bishop, who stands at a 1 Stadler, Michael Wolgemut, p. 147. 2 Muth gives the reverse attribution. According to this, Totnan would be holding the paten and, from the viewpoint of the observer, be standing to the left of Kilian (Hanswernfried Muth, ‘Kilian, Kolonat und Totnan. Zur Ikonographie der Frankenapostel bis zur S­ äkularisation,’ in Johannes Erichsen (ed.), Kilian. Mönch aus Irland aller Franken Patron. Aufsätze (Munich: Haus der Bayerischen Geschichte, 1989), pp. 349–365 (p. 359)). However, this attribution fails © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_005

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Figure 60 Würzburg Relic Book 1493, title page: Saint Kilian between Colmán and Totnan to take account of the differences between Colmán’s and Totnan’s robes. As a priest, Colmán wears the chasuble to which he is entitled and Totnan, as deacon, wears the dalmatic. More­ over, Colmán, as the higher-ranking clergyman, is entitled to be placed on Kilian’s right.

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slight remove from them on the central, raised part of the plinth. The trio are framed above by a branch-tracery arcature. Beneath Kilian is a coat of arms with the Franconian rake, the heraldic insignia of the Diocese of Würzburg. The sword in Kilian’s hand permits a twofold interpretation. It was, at one and the same time, the instrument of the saint’s martyrdom and the symbol of the Bishop of Würzburg’s dignity as Duke, a rank he had held since Emperor Fred­ erick Barbarossa had elevated the Bishopric to the status of the Duchy of Fran­ conia in 1168.3 It was the expressive combination of the instrument of martyr­ dom and the symbol of the Duchy which made this attribute so successful. However, it also illustrates the saint’s patronage, which extended from the dio­ cese to protect the whole Duchy of Franconia.

Figure 61 Hartmann Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle (Nuremberg, 1493), detail from fol. clxiv: Saint Kilian and his companions Colmán and Totnan

3 Max H. von Freeden, ‘Das fränkische Herzogsschwert,’ in Erbe und Auftrag. Von fränkischer Kunst und Kultur. Aufsätze und Artikel aus fünfzig Jahren – eine Auswahl (Würzburg: Freunde Mainfränkischer Kunst und Geschichte, 1988), pp. 84–89 (pp. 84–85). For the iconography of Saint Kilian and his companions generally, see Muth, ‘Kilian, Kolonat und Totnan’ and the exhibition catalogue Kilian (1989), pp. 249–250.

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According to visitation reports from the early sixteenth century, the trilogy of saints must have formed part of the iconographic programme of numerous altar retables in the Diocese of Würzburg.4 Their widespread iconography is also reflected in their depiction as half-length figures in Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle (Fig. 61). There is, therefore, no reason to suppose that Mair was fulfilling specific wishes on the part of his commissioner in the Würzburg Relic Book. Rather, his title page is modelled on widespread contemporary iconographic formulae. These include the typical depiction of Kilian with an upright (ducal) sword and bishop’s crozier as well as the diocese coat of arms, although it is telling that Mair has not integrated into it the heraldry of the reigning Bishop of Würz­ burg. The importance of Mair and of his interests as a printer of relic books will be discussed at greater length below. 1

The Preface of the Würzburg Relic Book

On the second page of the book, the preface immediately starts by repeating the information found in the title and developing it further. It states, formulai­ cally, that the display of relics takes place according to “altem herkumen vnd loblicher gewanheit an dem tag Sant Kyligan” [ancient tradition and laudable custom on Saint Kilian’s Day]. This is followed by the announcement that the legend of Kilian and his companions will be read aloud and indulgences proclaimed which could benefit whoever “sein hilf vnd steuer gibt zu de[m] loblichen paw vnd tzirde des lobliche[n] stifts” [gives his help and tribute to the laudable building and ornament of the laudable cathedral].5 An extremely brief transitional passage leads into the quotation, in the vernacular, of a bull issued by Pope Boniface ix for the Bishop of Würzburg on 26 March 1401. It contains an ad instar indulgence which, under the normal preconditions, granted indulgences to Christians donating money for Würzburg Cathedral on Saint Kilian’s Day and the two subsequent days. This indulgence enjoyed equal status to the one granted on Ascension Day in Saint Mark’s Basilica in Venice or on the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross at the Monastery of Einsie­ deln.6 Boniface’s document is seen as the origin of the display of relics in Würz­ burg; and its inclusion in the Relic Book serves above all to reinforce this

4 Muth, ‘Kilian, Kolonat und Totnan,’ p. 359. 5 WüRB, fol. 1v. 6 In Mair it says erroneously: “die kyrche[n] Sant mauritzen von wenedig” [Saint Maurice’s Church in Venice] (WüRB, fol. 2r).

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claim.7 In 1402 Boniface ix repealed all the ad instar indulgences he had grant­ ed, a fact which was obviously wilfully ignored in Würzburg. However, in 1477/78 Bishop Rudolf von Scherenberg and Würzburg Cathedral Chapter did turn to Pope Sixtus iv with a request that the privilege of the indulgence be renewed. The indulgence was confirmed by Sixtus in a bull dated 2 May 1478 and a supplement of 30 April 1479, albeit only for a period of three lustra (or fifteen years).8 This meant the ad instar indulgence was granted to Würzburg only until 1493. As might be expected, neither this state of affairs nor the re­ newal of the indulgence by Sixtus iv is mentioned in the Relic Book. The reproduction of the text of the bull is followed by the listing of numer­ ous indulgences – the “gemein ablas tausent tag” [general indulgence of 1,000 days] – which could be obtained at the altars in the Cathedral during Mass and on particular feast days; the list contains over seventy.9 Saint Kilian’s Day is separated from the other feast days because of the display of relics which took place on this day. In addition, the reader discovers that the display took place after High Mass or the daily Mass. After it, “das heyltum getrage[n] an dy stat do man an den hötzigklichen tagen das ewngeli[u]m list das ist pei de[m] altar des pfarars” [the relics were carried to the place where the Gospel readings take place on high feast days, that is, by the priest’s altar].10 This is followed by remarks of a general nature which refer directly to the sequence of events in the display: an exhortation should be issued to the assembled multitude; a 7

8

9 10

On the display of relics in Würzburg see Ruland, ‘Über das Vorzeigen,’ pp. 289–295, pp. 336–344. In his Kunstgeschichte der Stadt Wirzburg Niedermayer presents the relics in the same sequence as the Relic Book (Andreas Niedermayer, Kunstgeschichte der Stadt Wirzburg (2nd edn., Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1864), pp. 239–242). See also Wilhelm Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum des späten Mittelalters,’ Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, 11/12 (1949/50), pp. 127–158; Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 293–309. On the privilege of Boniface ix’s ad instar indulgence, its revocation and renewal by Sixtus iv, see Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 130–131; Nikolaus Paulus, Geschichte des Ablasses bis zur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts (vols. 1–3, Paderborn: Schöningh, 1922/23), iii. 244. However, it cannot be assumed, as Schulze and Kühne do, that Sixtus’s restriction of the in­ dulgence to fifteen years means it was granted only three times at five-yearly intervals (Hel­ mut Schulze, Der Dom zu Würzburg. Sein Werden bis zum späten Mittelalter. Eine Baugeschichte (3 vols., Würzburg: Schöningh, 1991), ii. 153; Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 301). It is more probable that Sixtus reckoned with a renewed request for the extension of the privi­ lege after fifteen years and the payments which might be expected for granting it. The Marian feasts are only summarized, which results in a total of over seventy feast days: “An allen festen der selygen iuckfrau marie” [On all feast days of the Blessed Virgin Mary] (WüRB, fol. 2v). WüRB, fol. 3r. The existence of an ephemeral display stage hung with carpets has already been proved for 1484; however, it is not mentioned in the Relic Book. On the display stage see Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ p. 131; Appendix iii, p. 140; and Helmut Schulze, who suspects that the Cathedral’s western porch, erected after 1480, was in fact a display stage (Schulze, Dom zu Würzburg, i. 153–154).

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general confession of sins should take place; and then the relics should be ex­ hibited, beginning with the arm of Saint Andrew.11 2

The Sequence of the Relics: An Open Problem?

The oldest inventory of relics (1837/38) exhibited during the display has come down to us from Carl Gottfried Scharold, but without any archival evidence. It probably originates from the holdings in the Archive of the Cathedral Chapter and was compiled in 1480.12 The list, in Latin, names thirty-three reliquaries along with relics and occasionally the donors. On the basis of the almost-total agreement with the texts accompanying the first thirty-three reliquaries in the Relic Book, Engel assumes that Scharold might not have transmitted the com­ plete inventory, or that the list from which he copied was incomplete. Howev­ er, Engel himself draws attention to the fact that during the Würzburg display relics from other churches and monastic foundations in the city were also ex­ hibited. We have evidence for this in a written request dating from the era of Bishop Rudolf von Scherenberg.13 In 1528 Johann Reinhard, a member of the Cathedral Chapter, drew up a list as a precaution, as there was a plan to melt down the city’s reliquaries and treasures during the Pack Affairs, a potentially serious confrontation about religion prompted by Otto von Pack, who in 1527 reported to Landgrave Philipp of Hesse that an alleged alliance of Catholic princes and bishops was intent on removing Philipp and the Ernestine Elec­ toral Prince of Saxony, John the Constant, and on crushing (Protestant) ‘here­ sy.’ This list reveals which reliquaries came from other churches.14 It records the two busts of Saint John the Evangelist and Saint John the Baptist (nos. 39 and 40) as coming from the Collegiate Church of Saint John in the quarter of 11

12

13 14

“Czum ersten schol man thun ein andechtigkliche vrrmanung dem gesamelten volck // Czu dem anderen ein gemeine peycht zum drite[n] so[l]l man weisen das heylthum vnd zum ersten den arm des heiligen zweblfpoten sant andree” [First, one should devoutly exhort the whole of the people; second, a common confession; third, one should display the relics and first the arm of the Holy Apostle Saint Andrew] (WüRB, fol. 3r). [Carl Gottfried] Scharold, ‘Geschichte und Beschreibung des St. Kilians-Domes oder der bischöflichen Kathedralkirche zu Würzburg,’ Archiv des historischen Vereins von Unterfranken und Aschaffenburg, 4.3 (1837/38), pp. 1–148 (pp. 138–141). He includes the inven­ tory as one of the “Beilage. Verzeichnisse des seit 1448 vorhanden gewesenen Domschatz­ es,” so does not explicitly date the list. Engel dates it to the 1480s (Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 132–133). Reproduced as Enclosure ii in Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ p. 132, p. 139. Printed as Enclosure vii in Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 150–151. In it the reliquar­ ies were valued, but then left with their respective religious foundations after all.

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the city known as Haug; the bust of the first Bishop of Würzburg, Saint Bur­ chard (no. 41), from the Monastery of Saint Burchard; and the reliquary with Saint Cunigunde’s arm (no. 38) from Neumünster Collegiate Church.15 The heading on the inventory of relics transmitted by Scharold initially says only that the reliquaries listed therein were kept behind Saint Kilian’s Altar in the small choir: “Hinter St. Kilians Altar in dem klein Chörlein seindt dise hirnach­ geschrieben Stuck.”16 Consequently, reliquaries such as, for example, the bust of Saint Burchard or Cunigunde’s arm, which did not belong to the treasury of relics in Würzburg Cathedral, would, rightly, not be mentioned in it. However, the reliquary busts of Saint Kilian and his companions (nos. 42–44), which are also omitted from Scharold’s inventory but were certainly part of the Cathedral treasure, were most probably kept in a different place. This issue can no longer be resolved as we lack the context for the source. No order of display has come down to us for Würzburg, so its reconstruction rests on Mair’s Relic Book, which reproduces the reliquaries in one continuous sequence without dividing them into processional sections. This state of affairs has led scholars to disregard the lack of structure and, by analogy to displays in other places, to devise groups into which the Würzburg display might have been divided.17 Hartmut Kühne, for example, obviously prompted by the wish for congruence with other places, reconstructs four sections for Würzburg, supposedly consisting of three groups of twelve reliquaries and one of elev­ en.18 However, as there are several places for which no division into proces­ sional sections is recorded, we must ask whether it makes any sense to postu­ late one here.19 As depicted by Hans Mair, the sequence of relics and reliquaries does not suggest any ordering according to either their significance in the history of sal­ vation or their typology (as is the case in Bamberg, for example). Kühne’s or­ ganization of the first twelve reliquaries according to the dignity of the respec­ tive saints is difficult to follow, since, within a theologically determined sequence, a more prominent position might have been expected for the relic of 15 16 17

The numbering of the reliquaries follows their sequence in the Würzburg Relic Book. Scharold ‘Geschichte und Beschreibung,’ p. 138. Ruland assumes – albeit for the post-Reformation relic displays – a subdivision into two processional sections (Ruland, ‘Über das Vorzeigen,’ p. 340). 18 Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 307–308. 19 No division into processional sections has come down to us for the displays in the follow­ ing places: Augsburg, Cologne, Kornelimünster; probably without division into sections, Regensburg (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 320–324, p. 259, pp. 204–207, pp. 331–333). The list of Regensburg relics from 1496 is published in Theobald, ‘Die Regensburger Heiltumsweisung.’

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Christ. However, this comes third, so after the relics of Andrew the Apostle and Saint Margaret, but before those of Saints John the Baptist and John the Evan­ gelist. It is, therefore, not possible to compare the general organization of relics and reliquaries. This was obviously undertaken according to criteria which can scarcely be reconstructed today.20 Kühne’s hypothesis that the relics were di­ vided into four sections for the procession is based on the architectural articu­ lation of the Cathedral porch into twelve lancet windows. The porch was con­ structed for the display but no longer exists. He takes as his source the commemorative medallion from 1618, but even if this were as convincing as desired, the architectural structure of the display stage does not constitute an adequate argument, especially as the number twelve is too widespread a struc­ tural element of religious architecture.21 The only thing about the sequence of the Würzburg relics which can be reconstructed with absolute certainty from Mair’s Relic Book is the orchestration of the opening and conclusion of the display according to a deliberate, programmatic agenda. In addition, we know that relics from other churches in the city were also exhibited: as in Bamberg, the sacral prestige and representation of Würzburg were a primary concern. The display starts with relics of Saint Andrew the Apostle, to whom the high altar of the Cathedral was dedicated. The iconographic finale fades out in the following sequence: the reliquary busts of Saint Burchard, the first Bishop of Würzburg; Totnan; Colmán; and Saint Kilian. These are followed by a “puch des saluators” [book of the Saviour], probably the Evangeliary of Saint Kilian, in which – or so the text tells us – fragments of numerous, named saints are pre­ served.22 Two reliquaries of the Cross conclude the display. Thus, the final im­ ages in the book depict the “Würzburg saints”; a codex which signifies the word and mission of the Apostle of Franconia, Kilian, and is generally counted as 20

21 22

Kühne, too, is able to recognize some sort of order only in his proposed first and forth groups, whereby his arguments can only really be followed for the fourth group of the “Würzburg saints.” For groups two and three he identifies various, unverifiable, possibili­ ties, such as the chronological sequence of the relics or their inclusion in the display (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 308). On the Gothic porch of Würzburg Cathedral see Schulze, Dom zu Würzburg, i. 153–154; and illustrations of the medallion from 1618 in ii. 416, A. 165. Schulze is more reserved re­ garding the possibility of transmission through the medallion. The Evangelistary of Saint Kilian kept in the Cathedral Treasury was reputedly discovered when his bones were raised and subsequently kept in the Treasury. In the late-sixteenth century it was exhibited during the display of relics. Two lists, one in Latin and one in German, are reproduced in Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 151–152 (in each case no. 9); on the dating see p. 137. They are also reproduced in Ruland, ‘Über das Vorzeigen,’ pp. 292–295, pp. 336–340. Book bindings often served as depositories for relics; in inven­ tories they are often called plenaria (Braun, Reliquiare, pp. 46–47).

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one of his attributes; and, finally, two crosses. This iconographic sequence is not entirely reflected in the enumeration of the relics, for between the reli­ quary bust of Saint Killian and the “book of the Saviour” a whole series of other saints are named, fragments of whom were preserved in the high altar.23 Ac­ cording to the text, the blessing was bestowed on all present with the last cross to be displayed and the display proper was thereby concluded.24 In the Relic Book the blessing is followed by the usual intercessory prayers for the reigning Pope, Alexander vi, and the cardinals; for Emperor Frederick iii; King Maximilian i; Bishop Rudolf von Scherenberg; the Cathedral Chapter; the aristocracy; and the fruits of the field. The work is concluded by the colo­ phon on the last page, which names Hans Mair and records the date of publi­ cation.25 The year 1483 is, however, quite obviously a typographical error since Alexander vi, the Pope named in the intercessory prayers, and Emperor Fred­ erick iii determine the temporal framework for the production of the Book. Previously, Hans Mair had always updated the names of people mentioned in the intercessory prayers in his Relic Books. However, since Alexander vi was not elected until 11 August 1492 and Frederick iii died on 19 August 1493, the printing of the edition must have been finished by the Eve of Trinity Sunday 1493 (1 June).26 3

Speculating on Similarity in the Text: The Copied Intercessory Prayers

Like the Nuremberg and Bamberg Relic Books, the Würzburg Relic Book ends on intercessory prayers. These are, however, strikingly similar in their wording 23 24 25

26

These “heyligenn Rasten auff de hohe[n] altar im thum stiff” [saints rest on the high altar in the cathedral] (WüRB, fol. 5v). “An dem letzten so beist man daß recht kreütz cristi. Vnd myt dem so benedeit man daß volck Amen” [Last, the True Cross of Christ is shown and with it the people are blessed. Amen] (WüRB, fol. 6r). “Gedruckt vnd seligklichen geendet in der keisserliche[n] stat Nurmberg von Hans Mayr an der heiligen Drifaltigkeit obent nach Christi gepurt als man zelt mcccc vnd lxxxiij Jar” [Printed and blessedly completed in the imperial city of Nuremberg by Hans Mair on the Eve of the Feast of the Holy Trinity in the year after Christ’s Birth mcccc and lxxxiij] (WüRB, fol. 6v). In 1483 the Eve of Trinity Sunday fell on 24 May. The dating of the work to its probable year of publication, 1493, frequently derives from the naming of Pope Alexander vi in the in­ tercessory prayers; nevertheless, there have always been assertions based on Mair’s typo­ graphical error. Engel chronicles the enduring confusion over the erroneous dating of this edition in secondary literature (Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 133–134, fn. 32).

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to those found in Hans Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book. Merely the name of the bishop and city are adjusted to suit the other location and some account taken of the fact that the ceremony took place later in the year, since “the Easter time” becomes “the holy time.” Of course, such intercessory prayers adhered to a certain repeated, basic formula which affected, above all, the hierarchy of the luminaries listed. They always began with the highest-ranking representatives of Christianity – the Pope and the Emperor – followed by the bishop of the dio­ cese in question, then the aristocracy in general and all Christian people. The prayers finished on the fruits of the field. However, Hans Mair obviously did not have access to all the texts for his Würzburg Relic Book, so in taking over earlier prayers he clearly counted on the analogous structure of intercessory prayers. The adoption of the text from the Bamberg Relic Book will be illus­ trated using a significant passage, one concerning the Emperor and King. In the Würzburg Relic Book it reads: Darnach fur den allerdurchleuchtigisten fursten vnd hern herr friderich von gotlicher fursichtigkeit romischen keiser vnd fur de[n] durchleuchti­ gisten Fursten vnd hern hern Maximilianni romischen kunig das er in gebe miltigklichen den heyligen geist Seiner weißheit Sein krafft sterck vnd macht vnd steten frid wider wider zusten allen vngelaubigen haiden turcken anfechtern verfolg[ern] widerspenigen der kirchen das di den vnterworffen werden dar durch der almechteg got geeret vnd gelobet vnd das heilig romisch reich gesterckt vnd erhochet werde.27 [Thereafter for His Most Serene Highness Prince and Lord, Lord Freder­ ick, by God’s Grace Holy Roman Emperor, and for His Serene Highness Prince and Lord, Lord Maximilian, King of the Romans, that He bounti­ fully bestow on them the Holy Spirit of His wisdom, His power, strength and might and perpetual peace in order that they might withstand all heathen infidels, Turks, attackers, persecutors and intractable enemies of the Church so that these might be vanquished by them and thereby Al­ mighty God be honoured and praised and the Holy Roman Empire strengthened and exalted.] In Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book the corresponding text is worded as follows: Darnach fur den allerdurchleuchtigsten fursten vnd hern her Friderichen von gotlicher fursichtigkeit romischen keiser vnd fnr den durchleuchtig­ sten fursten vnd hern hern Maximilianum romischen kung das er in gebe 27

WüRB, fol. 6r.

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miltigklichen den heiligen geist seiner weißheit sein krafft sterck vnd macht vnd steten frid wider zusten allen vngelaubigen haiden turcken anfechtern vervolgern widerspenigen der kristenlichen kirchen das die den vntterborffen werden dar durch der almechtig got geeret vn[d] gelobet vnd daz heilig romisch reich gesterckt vnd erhochet werde.28 [Thereafter for His Most Serene Highness Prince and Lord, Lord Freder­ ick, by God’s Grace Holy Roman Emperor, and for His Serene Highness Prince and Lord, Lord Maximilian, King of the Romans, that He bounti­ fully bestow on them the Holy Spirit of His wisdom, His power, strength and might and perpetual peace in order that they might withstand all heathen infidels, Turks, attackers, persecutors and intractable enemies of the Christian Church so that they might be vanquished by them and thereby Almighty God be honoured and praised and the Holy Roman Empire strengthened and exalted.] Naturally, it would also be possible simply to take for granted the stereotypical nature of such intercessory prayers in the Würzburg Relic Book. However, this is not the case. Rather, in order to give his Book the appropriate ending Hans Mair copied his own publications, as can be seen in the corresponding pas­ sages from the intercessory prayers reproduced in his Nuremberg Relic Book, printed using P. Vischer’s edition of 1487 as its basis. Here, for example, Em­ peror Sigismund – who had had the Imperial Regalia brought to Nuremberg – is even mentioned before Emperor Frederick and King Maximilian. Nurem­ berg City Council follow the Bishop of Bamberg, in whose diocese Nuremberg lay. However, the equivalent passage concerning the Emperor and King already exhibits significant differences: Darnach für dy allerdurchleüchtigisten vnd grosmechtigisten fürste[n] vnd her[e]n Her[e]n Friderichen Romische[n] kayser Etcett[era] Vnd hern Maximilian Romische[n] künig Etcet[era] Vmb ir glückseligs wesen vnd lanckleben zu auffang schutz schirm vn[d] trost allem cristenlichem volck vn[d] de[m] heilige[n] romischen Reich.29 [Thereafter for His Most Serene and Most Mighty Prince and Lord, Lord Frederick, Holy Roman Emperor etc., and Lord Maximilian, King of the Romans etc., for good fortune in their affairs and long life for the repul­ sion of harm, the protection, shield and solace of all Christian people and the Holy Roman Empire.] 28 29

brb 1493/2 Mair, fol. 12r. nrb 1493, fol. 6a.

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The wording of the Nuremberg intercessory prayers makes it clear that loca­ tion and occasion really are reflected as differences in the text, even in compa­ rable passages where textual agreement might be assumed. Thus, we might similarly have expected divergent wording in the texts in the Würzburg Relic Book. Further comparison of the above passage from the intercessory prayers for Emperor and King in the Bamberg Relic Books produced by various printers supports the assumption that here, too, the competing printers counted on the effectiveness of analogy, since in the first edition, the official one by Johann Pfeyl, the passage on Emperor Frederick iii is very general and does not even mention King Maximilian: Darnach fur den allerdurchleuchtigisten fursten vn[d] hern hern Frid­ richen romischen keiser das im got gebe weisheit sterck vnd krafft vor zusteen der heyligen romischen kirchen vnd dem heiligen romischen reich.30 [Thereafter for His Most Serene Highness Prince and Lord, Lord Freder­ ick, Holy Roman Emperor, that God may give him wisdom, strength and power to shield the Holy Roman Church and the Holy Roman Empire.] However, King Maximilian is found in the intercessory prayers in Hans Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book (quoted above). In addition, the relevant passage is con­ siderably more comprehensive and includes expectations of the young King as a warrior against the infidel. By contrast, Hans Sporer, who printed the third Bamberg Relic Book, does mention Maximilian, in connection with the re­ quest that God might grant him wisdom and strength to rule over the Holy Roman Church and the Empire: Darnach für den allerdurchleüchtigisten Fürsten vnd herr[e]n Herr[e]n Fridereiche[n] von götlicher füsychtigkeit Römischen keyser Vnd für den durchleüchtigisten Fürsten vnd herr[e]n Maximilianum Römischen künige das er in miltiglichen gebe den heilige[n] geist seiner weisheit vn[d] krafft vn[d] macht vor zusten der heilige[n] römischen kirchen vnd dem heiligen römischen reich.31 [Thereafter for His Most Serene Highness, Prince and Lord, Lord Freder­ ick, by God’s Grace Holy Roman Emperor, and for His Serene Highness, 30 31

brb 1493/1 Pfeyl, fol. 7v. brb 1493/3 Sporer, fols. 11v/12r.

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Prince and Lord Maximilian, King of the Romans, that He [God] may bountifully bestow on them the Holy Spirit of His wisdom and strength and might to shield the Holy Roman Church and the Holy Roman Empire.] However, Sporer does not mention the “vngelaubigen haiden turcken anfech­ tern verfolgern widerspenigen der kristenlichen kirchen” [heathen infidels, Turks, attackers, persecutors and intractable enemies of the Christian Church] whom Mair bears so exhaustively in mind in the Bamberg, and therefore also the Würzburg, Relic Books. 4

Speculating on Similarity in the Image

For his Würzburg edition, which ran to only six leaves, Hans Mair reprised the page layout already tried and tested in the Bamberg Relic Book. He depicts nine to ten reliquaries with their relevant texts in two columns per page. For the representation of the forty-seven reliquaries he re-used twenty-seven woodcuts from the Bamberg Relic Book and had only twenty cut specifically for the Würzburg edition. Of these newly cut wood blocks, Mair in turn used two in the Bamberg Relic Book of 1495.32 Thus over half the woodcuts depict­ ing reliquaries in the Würzburg Relic Book are taken over from a different con­ text (Figs. 62 and 63). Just as in the Bamberg Relic Book, Mair took the designation of the reliquar­ ies as his starting point. The reliquaries for which he used printing blocks from the Bamberg Relic Book include an arm reliquary, a jug, monstrances, chalices and crosses. Here the general characteristics of the conceptual form were both decisive and unproblematic. When, by contrast, he came to reliquaries whose accompanying texts signal significantly different iconographic characteristics, Mair also reacted with a new image. Basically, this affects the dragon reliquary with relics of Saint Margaret, the tower reliquary, a few reliquary busts and the Codex.33 32

33

Namely, the woodcut in twentieth position in the Würzburg Relic Book (a so-called “head”). The picture of Mary, number 7 in the Würzburg edition (which also appears in Hans Mair’s edition of the Bamberg Relic Book from 1495), must already have been part of the lost variant edition printed in the same year. It therefore represents further use in Würzburg of printing blocks from the Bamberg Relic Book. “Jtem in dem sylberen vbergülte[n] dracken ist der fuß sant Margerethen der heilige[n] Junckfruaen” [Likewise, in the silver gilt dragon there is the foot of Saint Margaret, the Holy Virgin] (WüRB, fol. 3r, (Nr. 2)). Moreover, new woodcuts were produced which de­ picted a glass prunted beaker (described in the text as a long glass); a (crystal) vessel on

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Figure 62 Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2), fols. 4v/5r. The images re-used in the Würzburg Relic Book 1493, fols. 3v/4r, are highlighted

Figure 63 Würzburg Relic Book 1493, fols. 3v/4r. The images taken over from the Bamberg Relic Book, 1493 (2), fols. 4v/5r, are highlighted

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Since Würzburg’s collection of relics was also lost during the Second Mar­ grave War (1553), their containers being melted down to obtain precious met­ als, it is not possible to comment with any degree of certainty on how faithfully the woodcuts reproduce the originals, or at least those reliquary illustrations which are new rather than taken over from the Bamberg Relic Book. However, even with this group we can probably assume that for Mair and his block-­cutter the texts were a decisive influence on the design of the woodcuts; and that the significance of the concept was realized in its conceptual form. Thus, just as with the adoption of texts for the intercessory prayers, in the realm of pictorial reproduction Mair gambled on similarity. He clearly reacted by having new ­illustrations cut only when the significance of the text required it, a practice comparable to the updating of the name of the relevant bishop and city in the intercessory prayers. 5

Hans Mair: Printer in His Own Name

In all probability, the Würzburg Relic Book was not the result of a commission by the Bishop of Würzburg, Rudolf von Scherenberg, from the Nuremberg printer of popular works, Hans Mair, although Wilhelm Engel proceeds from this assumption.34 Engel’s supposition is based on the text of Pope Boniface ix’s bull, printed at the start of the book, and on the reliquary texts, which corre­ spond to the Latin texts in the inventory of relics transmitted by Scharold, ­albeit in a vernacular version.35 According to Engel, only the authorized com­ missioner of the work could have passed on this list to the Nuremberg printer. While it is not possible to trace concrete paths which may have led Mair to the relevant texts, the awareness and transmission of the Bamberg relic display in  Nuremberg civic historiography make it clear that such knowledge was

34 35

feet; a tower ostensory with two coats of arms (“mit schieltenn” [with shields]); an osten­ sory with two crystal cylinders (called this in the text); a coconut reliquary (called a nut in the text); three beakers; and a so-called “head.” See the complete list in Appendix 4. Engel­ hart obtains a quite different result (Engelhart, ‘“… der gestalt wie hierbei abgemalt ist.,”’ pp. 258–265). He starts from the premise that Mair knew the originals, at least through pictures, and strove to give his woodcuts a documentary character. Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 134–135; implicitly also in Ruland, ‘Über das Vorzei­ gen,’ p. 294; and Hans Thurn, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, 55 (1993), pp. 143–156 (p. 143). The list is published in Scharold, ‘Geschichte und Beschreibung,’ pp. 138–141 and as Ap­ pendix iv in Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ pp. 140–142.

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widespread, at least amongst the literate classes. If, for the texts in the Würz­ burg Relic Book, Engel refers to the list of relics from the 1480s transmitted by Scharold,36 he also assumes that the structure and sequence of the display rested on a long tradition and were not determined anew every year. In this context Ruland and Engel cite Hans Mair’s competence in producing and using images, something already demonstrated several times in the Nurem­ berg and Bamberg Relic Books and a contrast to the official Würzburg printer, Georg Reyser. However, this, too, is no reason to assume a commission. Admit­ tedly, Reyser – who at this time had the monopoly on printing and produced the official publications of the Diocese of Würzburg – did not illustrate his books so extensively, but that was chiefly due to the genre of the book in question. Reyser was responsible for official publications, almanacs and, above all, liturgical books. As a rule his liturgical works, such as breviaries and missals, contain up to three illustrations; the undated Rosenkranz Unserer Lieben Frau [Rosary of Our Dear Lady] (C 5168) is the first to present its readers with twelve wood­ cuts.37 In the Breviarium Herbipolense from 1479 (gw 5356) we have a commis­ sioned work in which Reyser and his then, albeit temporary, business partner reproduce an engraving under the printing privilege of the reigning Bishop, Ru­ dolf von Scherenberg, the first in a book printed in the German-speaking terri­ tories.38 For this period the engraving represented a reproductive technique which was absolutely novel in book-printing. Reyser was granted privileges for official publications of the Cathedral Chapter on several more occasions by Ru­ dolf von Scherenberg – and, after his death, by his successor; they always in­ cluded permission to identify an edition as official by adding the coat of arms.39 36 Engel, ‘Das Würzburger Heiltum,’ p. 135. 37 Schramm, Bilderschmuck, xvi. 11–12, 16–17. On Georg Reyser see Kurt Ohly, ‘Georg Reysers Wirken in Straßburg und Würzburg,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1956), pp. 121–140; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 230; Helmut Engelhart, ‘Die frühesten Druckausgaben des Missale Herbipolense (1481–1503). Ein Beitrag zu einem “Census” der liturgischen Drucke aus der Offizin Georg Reysers in Würzburg,’ Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, 62/63 (2001), pp. 69–174; Helmut Engelhart, ‘Georg Reyser zum 500. Todestag,’ Mainfränkisches Jahrbuch, 56 (2004), pp. 130–161; Falk Eisermann, ‘Buchdruck und Herrschaftspraxis im 15. Jahrhundert. Der Würzburger Fürstbischof Rudolf von Scherenberg und sein Drucker Georg Reyser,’ in Horst Brunner (ed.), Würzburg, der Große Löwenhof und die deutsche Literatur des Spätmittelalters (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2004), pp. 495–513. 38 Breviarium Herbipolense (Würzburg: Georg Reyser and Associates, 1479) (gw 5356). He still produced the Breviarium Herbipolense in collaboration with his partners Stephan Dold and Johann Beckenhub. The association was probably dissolved after 1479; Reyser undertook all further printing on his own (Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 230; Engelhart, ‘Die frühesten Druckausgaben,’ p. 75). 39 Ohly, ‘Georg Reysers Wirken,’ pp. 133–135; reproduction of the text of the privileges based on several missal editions by Reyser between 1481 and 1499 in Engelhart, ‘Die frühesten Druckausgaben,’ pp. 141–146.

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The engraving in the Breviarium Herbipolense not only depicts Kilian, pa­ tron saint of the Diocese of Würzburg, above the diocese coat of arms, but also reproduces Scherenberg’s richly ornamented coat of arms. Georg Reyser re­ peats this motif as an engraving in different variants and formats in his liturgi­ cal works for the Diocese of Würzburg. Then, from 1493 onwards, he prints the double coat of arms of Bishop and Bishopric in one woodcut in the appropri­ ate publications (Fig. 64).40 Moreover, in a city like Würzburg, which by the standards of the Late Middle Ages could be called a metropolis, it seems quite improbable that none of the resident print-colourists or block-cutters possessed sufficient competence in

Figure 64 Missale speciale Herbipolense (Würzburg: Georg Reyser, after 8 March 1495): Coat of arms of Bishop and Bishopric with Saint Kilian 40

Variants on the engraving of the coats of arms can be found in various formats: e.g., in the Missale Herbipolense from 1481 (hc 11309), 1484 (H 11310) and 1491 (H 11310); and in the Agenda Herbipolense from 1482 (gw 463). The double coat of arms appears as a woodcut from 1493 onwards, beginning with the Missale Herbipolense (H 11312) (Erich von Rath, ‘Die Kupferstichillustrationen im Wiegendruckzeitalter,’ in Johannes Hofmann (ed.), Die Bibliothek und ihre Kleinodien (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1927), pp. 58–68 (pp. 64–65)).

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the production of images to illustrate a book like the Würzburg Relic Book in a fitting fashion. If the Nuremberg printer Hans Mair was indeed commissioned to produce the Würzburg Relic Book, he would most certainly have advertised the authorization of his project by placing the reigning Bishop of Würzburg’s coat of arms on the title page. Rather, he put Kilian and his companions on the title page together with the diocese coat of arms, a speculative association by Mair himself. The re-use, in the Würzburg work, of over half the woodcuts and the complete texts of intercessory prayers from the Bamberg Relic Book is de­ signed to complete the former work appropriately and is similarly speculative in nature. Here, at the very latest, it should be apparent that Mair cites himself, so to speak, when he acts in his own right – as a publisher with the usual, specula­ tive, commercial risks. He obviously wished to minimize these risks through the numerous Relic Books he printed: three books for three different cities in the course of just one year. He evidently expected decent sales, not just gener­ ally from a supra-regional clientele but also from the annual Nuremberg trade fair. However, compared to the major Nuremberg publisher Anton Koberger, the attested number of works printed by Hans Mair is eminently modest.41 Nonetheless, thanks to the four illustrated relic books he printed between 1493 and 1495 he is, overall, the printer who produced the most works of this type. They are joined by the richly illustrated, vernacular legend of Saint Meinrad, the Wallfahrt zu den Einsiedeln vnd die legend Sant Meinrat [The Pilgrimage to Einsiedeln and the Legend of Saint Meinrat], which is aimed at a similar clien­ tele.42 In some way, then, Mair became a specialist for this type of literature, one designed to appear to pious lay readers around 1500. 41

42

In the Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke seventeen printed works are attested for Hans Mair; whereas there are a total of 265 for Anton Koberger, although they include a large number of single-page broadsheets. Little is known about the Nuremberg printer Hans Mair; there is evidence for him between 1493 and 1499. His printing shop produced both the Bamberg Relic Books discussed above and the second Nuremberg Relic Book. Further, he tended to print narrow-format books and broadsheets (Voulliéme, Die deutschen Drucker, p. 130; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 183). Wallfahrt zu den Einsiedeln vnd die legend Sant Meinrat (Nürnberg: Hans Mair [c. 1494/95]) (H 16141, gw M 17588).

Chapter 4

Familiar Means – New Piety The lengthy closing passage informs the reader of the Vienna Relic Book that this particular book project was chiefly instigated by the Viennese burgher and city councillor Matthäus Heuperger.1 He had the book printed in 1502 by the printing shop of Johannes Winterburger, at that time the only one in Vienna.2 Copies were printed on parchment, a costly material, and on paper. Heuperger had compiled the texts and the woodcuts (by an unnamed artist) the 1 The merchant Matthäus Heuperger (d. 1515) came from a family resident in Hall in Tyrol. He moved to Vienna and there built the inn “Zum Goldenen Hirschen” [At the Sign of the Golden Stag] in the Rotenturmstraße. He was a member of Vienna City Council and the Fraternity of Corpus Christi (fraternitas Corporis Christi, or the Guild of the Body of the Lord God), for the renewal of which he was chiefly responsible. On Heuperger see Wolfgang Lazius, Historische Beschreibung der Weitberümbten, Kayserlichen Hauptstatt Wienn in Österreich (Vienna: Formica, 1619), Book 4, p. 24; Nikolaus Grass, Der Wiener Dom, die Herrschaft Österreich und das Land Tirol (Innsbruck: Rauch, 1968), pp. 79–96. Normally 1516 is given as the year of Heuperger’s death, but Perger suggests a different one (Richard Perger, Die Wiener Ratsbürger 1396–1526. Ein Handbuch (Vienna: Deuticke, 1988), p. 211). 2 Dolch provides evidence for three different printed editions of the Vienna Relic Book from 1502 (Eduard Langer (ed.), Bibliographie der österreichischen Drucke des xv. und xvi. Jahrhunderts, rev. by Walther Dolch, i/1 (Vienna: Gilhoffer & Ranschburg, 1913). 49–51). The amendments are mainly corrections of typographical errors, hence the different editions will not be examined more closely in the following discussion. On the Vienna Relic Book see Franz Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ in Das Wiener Heiligthumbuch nach der Ausgabe vom Jahre 1502 sammt den Nachträgen von 1514, ed. by k.k. Österrisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie (Vienna: Gerold, 1882), pp. v–xv; Hedwig Gollob, Systematisches beschreibendes Verzeichnis der mit Wiener Holzschnitten illustrierten Wiener Drucke der Jahre 1482–1550 (Strasbourg: Heitz, 1925), no. 131, pp. 66–68; Hans Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Das Exlibris des Matthäus Heuperger,’ Österreichisches Jahrbuch für Exlibris und Gebrauchsgraphik, 32 (1937), pp. 1–6; Rudolf Bachleitner, Der Heiltumschatz der Allerheiligen Domkirche zu St. Stephan in Wien (Vienna: Erzbischöfliches Domund Diözesanmuseum, 1960), pp. 11–15; Maria Magdalena Zykan, ‘Die Holzschnitte in den Werken des Wiener Druckers Johann Winterburger (1492–1529)’ (Vienna, Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, examination paper, 15 May 1965, typescript), pp. 20–32; Eisermann, ‘Die Heiltumsbücher des späten Mittelalters,’ pp. 47–49; finally, and in greater detail, Sabine Heiser, ‘Andenken, Andachtspraxis und Medienstrategie. Das Wiener Heiltumsbuch von 1502 und seine Folgen für das Wittenberger Heiltumsbuch von 1509,’ in Tacke (ed.), “Ich armer sundiger mensch,” pp. 208–238. On Johannes Winterburger see Michael Denis, Wiens Buchdruckergeschicht bis m.d.lx. (Vienna: Wappler, 1782), pp. vi–vii; Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ pp. vii–viii; Anton Mayer, Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte 1482–1882, i, 1482–1682 (Vienna: Verlag des Comités, 1883). 21–30; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 253; Josef Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet (2nd edn., Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1982), p. 485; adb, xliii. 476–480.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_006

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previous year.3 In 1514 he furnished the still-available copies of the first edition with a new title page and added a supplement of two leaves with woodcuts depicting a further twenty-one reliquaries; these had been re-set in the interim or newly added to the treasury of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, as noted in the introduction to the extra pages. The first edition of the Vienna Relic Book (1502) was, with its 268 woodcuts (255 showing reliquaries), not only the most substantial book of its kind to-date: it also boasted a layout which was both different and unique, despite its structural similarity to its predecessors.4 The Vienna edition shares with its predecessors the structuring of the title, prologue, processional sections (here also called ‘Prozessionen’) and epilogue. In addition, the epilogue is followed by a one-year calendar which brings together all the indulgences which could be acquired in the most holy Cathedral of Saint Stephen. The title, which appears on the first page, reads: Jn Disem Puechlein ist Verzaichent das hochwirdig heyligtu[m]b so man Jn der Loblichen stat Wienn Jn Osterreich alle iar an sontag nach dem Ostertag zezaigen pfligt [In This Little Book Are Recorded the Most Venerable Relics Which Are Publicly Displayed Every Year in the Laudable City of Vienna in Austria on the Sunday after Easter Day]. Beneath it a knight in full armour is depicted in a large-format, framed woodcut (Fig. 65). Standing on a sketchily drawn patch of grass against an undefined background, 3 “(A)Uf den montag nach Sannd Jacobs tag so man czellt nach Cristi vnsers lieb[e]n herren geburde funfzehe[n]hundert vnd ain iar ist diss vorangetzaigt hochwirdig heyltu[m]b vn[d] antlas … mit gunst vnd willen der Ersame[n] hochweisen herrn Burgermaister vn[d] rate der Loblich[e]n stat wienn vnd[d] nemlich aus sonderim[m] fleisse vnd darlegen Mathewsen hewpperger auch der zeit des rate vnd burger daselbs betracht angeben vnd zu samen gezog[e]n” [On the Monday after Saint James’s Day in the year after the birth of Our Dear Lord Christ 1501 the previously announced, most venerable relics and indulgences … were contemplated, announced and assembled together with the goodwill and permission of the Honourable, Most Wise Lord Mayor and Council of the praiseworthy city of Vienna and namely due to the particular diligence and expense of Matthäus Heuperger, also at this time a member of the Council and citizen of that city] (vrb 1502, fol. 24v). No really credible attribution of the woodcuts to a particular artist exists. Hedwig Gollob has suggested Master A.F., but this arose from the need to identify a Viennese master working with an entirely German feeling for form (Hedwig Gollob, ‘Winterburgers buchkünstlerische Beziehungen zu Oberitalien,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1936), pp. 82–87 (p. 84)). She ascribes all the woodcuts in the Vienna Relic Book to Master A.F., with the exception of the martyrdom of Saint Stephen, discussed below (Hedwig Gollob, Der Wiener Holzschnitt in den Jahren von 1490–1550. Seine Bedeutung für die nordische Kunst, seine Entwicklung, seine Blüte und seine Meister (Vienna: Krystall, 1926), pp. 36–46). However, the master’s monogram identified on the display stage by Gollob alone remains mysterious. Zykan speaks more cautiously of the Meister des Wiener Heiltumsbuches, holds him responsible for all the woodcuts in the book and sees considerable similarity to the Nuremberg woodcut (Zykan, Die Holzschnitte, esp. p. 20 and p. 36). 4 The Vienna Relic Book leads the field when it comes to the number of reliquaries illustrated in a printed relic book. Only the Hall Relic Book with its 237 objects comes close.

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Figure 65 Vienna Relic Book 1502, title page: Knight with pennant and city coat of arms

he fills the image. His left hand rests on the pommel of his sword; his right hand holds an unfurled, fluttering pennant. He is flanked by the coats of arms of Vienna – the double-headed eagle and the shield with the cross – both also

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standing upright on the patch of lawn. Looped leather straps attached to the top of both heraldic shields conceptualize these as actual objects and hence as removed from the sphere of immaterial signs. The information presented on the first page refers to the relics which are displayed in Vienna once a year on Low Sunday (the first Sunday after Easter).5 However, it is striking that neither the title nor the title image establishes a connection to the sacral location of the display. The naming of the city as a point of reference rather than the Cathedral of Saint Stephen and All Saints is important, since it alludes to the civic context of the book project, just as in Nuremberg, where only the link between the city and the Imperial Regalia was to be emphasized. The woodcut of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral on the second page finally provides a pictorial reference to the place where the relics listed in the Book are kept safe (Fig. 66). The Cathedral, as seen from the north-west, appears in a full-page, framed woodcut. The woodcut dispenses with any further characterization of the surrounding topography: the Cathedral simply stands there without any delineation of its environment or even the ground beneath it. However, the image is based on its actual appearance. The choice of the north-west prospect allows two things: a well-balanced pictorial composition, since the mighty south tower could be situated at the centre of the image; and the suggestion that Saint Stephen’s Cathedral as a whole looked symmetrical, without needing to conceal the north tower, which was still being built. Despite the depiction of a construction crane, the tower blends in with the ornamental linear depiction of the entire architectural complex. The accompanying text does not compensate for the failure of the woodcut to locate the Cathedral within civic space; on the contrary, it reinforces this omission. Balanced blocks of text on either side of the tower read as follows:

Aller heylig[e]n en Sand Stef Turn vnd an kait. Abgunn [All Saints St. Step

Thuemkirch= fan Mit dem der schigklig= derueht. [etc]. Cathedral han with the

5 On the display of relics in Vienna see Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 334–347. The first display took place on 2 April 1486, in the reign of Matthias Corvinus (pp. 337–339). However, the display did not, contrary to Kühne’s assertion, take place on the anniversary of the consecration of the church (23 April) (p. 342). The celebration of a church consecration could not fall on a moveable feast day such as the first Sunday after Easter. However, a special display of the relics did take place on the anniversary of the church consecration (vrb 1502, fol. 2v), just as it was also customary in other places to display relics on particular Church feasts.

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Tower and ot Features por

ther seemly trayed [etc.]]

The splitting of words, which on first sight seems rather clumsy, gains meaning within the symmetry of the pictorial composition. The aim is not to create a

Figure 66 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 1v: Saint Stephen’s Cathedral

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symmetry of sense but of shape. Thus, the aesthetic balance of the image as a whole, and not that of its constituent parts, takes precedence over the ‘logical’ distribution of the text, which in this way infiltrates the image. Taken on its own, the inserted text acquires the nature of an object description. While the woodcut depicts the Cathedral of Saint Stephen and All Saints with its distinctive characteristics, the text itself contains no reference to the church as the “location of the spectacle.” This is only implicitly clarified by the inclusion of the church in the Relic Book and mention of it on the following pages. The mimetic quality of the represented object is indicated by the terminology: ‘abkonterfeien’ [to replicate; imitate; portray], used in the literature of the period to mean the same as painting a portrait.6 It is altogether possible for this concept to encompass a range of meanings, from unmediated ‘realism’ to the reproduction of the specific, typical characteristics of the object or person portrayed. By dispensing with any suggestion of space and instead adding an ‘object text,’ the artist gives the Cathedral the appearance of a ‘graspable’ receptacle. This creates an analogy to the subsequent woodcuts of reliquaries, since they are similarly ‘inscribed’ and also lack localization in space. Thus, the main function of the image is to present the nature of the Cathedral as a receptacle rather than to define the location of the relic display. This is not identified until later in the book with the illustration of the display stage, the platform constructed for the occasion. 1

Preface and the Calendar of Indulgences

The woodcut of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral is followed by a three-page-long preface. It starts formulaically by addressing the faithful, stating that while it “pillich zymlich vnd gepurlich were … ein schöne Lobrede zethuen” [would be right, fitting and proper … to give a fine speech of praise], this was not to be accomplished in a few words and so would be dispensed with. Instead, everyone should take to heart and contemplate the relics and the suffering of Christ and all the martyrs present in them, so that they, the faithful, “dardurch das ewig hymlisch vaterlannd erlanngen mogen” [might in this way reach the eternal fatherland in Heaven].7 A second paragraph, separated from the preceding text by a woodcut initial, announces that the “gotshawss aller heyligen Thuemkirchen sand Steffans” [the house of God, the Cathedral of Saint Ste6 Peter Parshall examines the linguistic usage of ‘Konterfei’ [counterfeit] and its various layers of meaning. He shows that the term only refers to a direct likeness in a limited way (Peter Parshall, ‘Imago contrafacta: Images and Facts in Northern Renaissance,’ Art History, 16 (1993), pp. 554–579). 7 vrb 1502, fol. 2r.

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phen and All Saints] is endowed with numerous indulgences. Since listening to them being read out would be tedious, they are listed and compiled in the following calendar, which concludes the book.8 Thus every person who was ready to repent could visit Saint Stephen’s and acquire “genad vnd ablas tötlicher sund” [grace and the remission of deadly sins]. This is followed by two pages which list, in detail, the size of the indulgences and how they are to be obtained. In listing the indulgences offered by Saint Stephen’s directly after the preface, the Vienna Relic Book follows the Nuremberg publication, which also records the indulgences of the Heilig-Geist-Spital at this point. The list of indulgences, again set off from the preceding explanation by its own woodcut initial, begins with indulgences which are not bound to a specific day.9 They are followed by the indulgences for concrete dates, such as the day of the relic display itself or the anniversary of the consecration of the Cathedral. The text also mentions a gift of relics from Duke Rudolf iv and the indulgences connected to them, as well as those instituted by Pope Boniface ix for visiting all the churches in Vienna. All further indulgences granted by popes, cardinals or bishops are “im Kalender hernach begriffen” [contained in the following calendar], namely, the calendar at the end of the book, which lists, by month and in elaborate, two-colour printing, all further indulgences connected to the church which could be obtained on fixed days.10 Each month has its own page and the number of days in the month is given. Each day identifies the relevant saint and the number of indulgences to be obtained on that date; and the print changes colour: depending on whether the day is printed in red or black – so whether the feast is a high-status one or not – the number of indulgences is indicated in the complementary colour. The characteristic linguistic style of the first paragraph of the preface suggests Heuperger possibly had recourse to the text of the vocalissimus, while both the other sections are certainly based on his own editorial work, as he emphasizes in the epilogue to the Book. 8

9

10

The passage containing the words “verdrieslich zuhoren were” [would be tedious to hear] may suggest that the list of the indulgences which follows was not actually read out during the display, something Kühne takes into consideration (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 342–343). However, the calendar at the end of the book brings together completely different indulgences from the list in the preface. It cannot, therefore, be stated with any certainty whether the indulgences in the preface were read out or not. Two examples: “Jtem vou ainer yeden Mess oder ambt. vj. M.vj.C. vnd xl. Tag” [Likewise, from every Mass or divine office vj. M.vj.C. [years] and xl. days] (vrb 1502, fol. 2r); “Jtem welher mensch vmb die kirchen get vnd pett mit andacht vmb all gelawbig Selen der corper da pegraben seind. erlangt ij.M.xl. tag” [Likewise, whatever person goes round the church and prays with devotion for all the faithful souls of the bodies buried there obtains ij.M.xl. days] (vrb 1502, fol. 2v). In the calendar the moveable feasts are allocated to a “probable” month, albeit without a concrete date, so Easter is found under April, Whitsun under June etc.

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The Location of the Event

After the preface, the depiction of the display stage follows on page 6 (Fig. 67). The caption printed in metal type above the framed woodcut reads: “Die Form vnd gestaldt des heyltumbstuels” [The form and shape of the display stage].11 In contrast to Nuremberg and Hall, this is not ephemeral architecture constructed specifically for the feast day. Vienna is the only place where a permanent building was erected especially for the display, on the other side of the church.12 The image of the edifice, constructed using ashlar, shows both the long and the narrow sides and almost bursts the frame. An open gallery ­rises above a monumental arch; from its openings, which are embellished with carpets, the relics are exhibited to the faithful. The façade of the building is adorned by the figure of Saint Stephen crowned by a baldachin; underneath it is a coat of arms. At the same height, on the left-hand side of the building, is a sculpture of Saint Christopher; on the right-hand side the sculpture under the baldachin is missing, just as it is on the rear of the building, on the left. At the foot of the display stage numerous faithful are gathered on both sides – sitting on benches or stools or standing – in order to devote their attention to following the display. In a striking, studied contrast to the viewers gazing piously at

11

12

This heading for the Vienna display stage harks back to the Nuremberg stage, the illustration of which is introduced by the words: “Das ist dy form vnd gestalt diser yetzgenante[n] heiligen stücke vnd mitsampt dem heiligthumstuel wy ir do sehet” [That is the shape and form of these herewith named holy relics and together with the display stage as you see here] (nrb 1487, fol. 3v). Another echo of Nuremberg seems to be the woodcut of the display stage, which comes in roughly the same place in the Vienna Relic Book as it does in the Nuremberg one. The display stage was erected in 1485/86 (Bachleitner, Der Heiltumschatz, pp. 7–8). It was not finished by the first display of relics on 2 April 1486, since in his diary for that day the Viennese doctor Johannes Tichtel notes: “Monstrate sunt eo die prima vice reliquie in noua altana lapidea, nondum plene completa” (Johannes Tichtel, Tagebuch von 1477–1495, ed. by Th. G. Karajan (Vienna: Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, 1855), p. 39). The structure, to the west of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral in the Rotenturmstraße, was erected diagonally above the street and, like the depiction of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral before it, was based on actual conditions, as the map of Vienna (1609) by Jacob Hoefnagel (1575–1629/30) suggests (see illustration in the exhibition catalogue 850 Jahre St. Stephan (1997), p. 205). The display stage was dismantled in 1699. The contract between Vienna City Council and the building contractor Johann Georg Bauernfeindt regarding the dismantlement is dated 25 September 1699 and published in Albert Camesina, ‘Die Maria-Magdalena-Capelle am Stephansfreithof zu Wien und dessen Umgebung,’ Berichte und Mittheilungen des ­Alterthums-Vereines zu Wien, 11 (1870), pp. 216–294, no. 141, pp. 242–243. Apart from coats of arms, it mentions figures of Saint Stephen and Saint Katherine. The decorative elements of the building were to be taken down undamaged and remounted in a place yet to be determined.

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Figure 67 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 3v: Display stage

what is happening above, three dogs play in the free space underneath the arch; another sleeps in the foreground on the left. Just as in Nuremberg, and later in Hall, the woodcut depicts a display of relics. However, unlike in Nuremberg and Hall, no importance is attached to distinguishing between the various clergy entrusted with exhibiting the relics or

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between the relics themselves.13 Rather, two or three people gather behind every opening in the gallery, holding barely identifiable objects in their hands. In this way events can be classified according to context, but otherwise remain really quite vague. The depiction of the display in Vienna clearly emphasizes the participants and their representation as pious followers of the ceremony. The woodcut thereby replicates the preface and its exhortation to the faithful to participate in the display with devout hearts.14 Attention is focused on participation in the ritual, not on the ritual itself. Proximity is created, not in the modern sense of the spatial overcoming of distance, but through rapt participation, through an approach with the heart. The depiction of the display stage is followed by a short text which refers directly to the subsequent illustration of the Cathedral relics. The passage presents a peculiar change in mode: from the (self-)reflection of the book, with its portrayal of the reliquaries in pictures and in writing, to a direct address to the participants in the display: every person is to keep himself under control and not to incite any pushing and shoving, commotion or racket, so that no one is disturbed or hindered in his devotion.15 The faithful are once again exhorted to participate in the indulgences through pious, penitent contemplation, as well 13

14

15

In the Nuremberg Relic Book the first processional section in the display is recorded together with the depiction of the display stage, whereas in Hall in Tyrol the clergy present an exemplary selection of reliquaries from the relic collection. Both books place evident value on the identifiability of the objects. “Demnach sollen vnd wellen wir got den allmechtig[e]n in aller diemuetigkait mit andechtigen berewten hertzen anrueffen vnd pittu[n]. … Also das wir diss gegenburtig heyligtumb vnd das leyden vnnsers herrn Jesu christi. Auch die marter vnd das verdienn aller lieben heyligen ansehen zu hertzen nemen vnd betracht[e]n Und dardurch das ewig hymlisch vaterlannd erlanngen mogen” [After that we should and would wish to call out and pray to God Almighty in all humility with devout, contrite hearts … so that we see, take to heart and contemplate the holy relics here present and the suffering of Our Lord Jesus Christ, also the martyrdom and merits of all the beloved saints and may thereby reach our eternal fatherland in Heaven] (vrb 1502, fol. 2r). “(H)Eernach ist in Figuren vnd Schriften klerlich angezaigt wie das hochwirdig heyltumb benannter aller heyligen Thuemkirchen sand Steffans in der Loblichen stat wien[n] des Ertzhertzogtumbs Osterreich aus alltem herkomen vnd Loblicher gewonhait alle Jar ierlich Sontags nach dem Ostertag gezaigt wirdet. Mit diser ermanunng das ain yeder mensch auf sich selbs aufmerken habe. kain Gedrang Aufrur oder geschrai anfach. darmit niymand in seiner Andacht geirret noch verhindert werde. Und die mensch[e]n diss hochwirdig heyltu[m]b mit seiner gezierde andechtigklich vnd mit berewtem hertzen anschaw[e]n” [Hereafter it is clearly shown in images and texts how the most venerable relics of the aforenamed Cathedral Church of Saint Stephen and All Saints in the praiseworthy city of Vienna in the Arch-Duchy of Austria are displayed according to ancient tradition and praiseworthy custom annually every year on the Sunday after Easter, with this exhortation: that each person keep himself under control and not incite any pushing and shoving, commotion or racket so that no one be disturbed or hindered in his devotion and people contemplate these most venerable relics and their adornment devoutly and with contrite hearts] (vrb 1502, fol. 4r).

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as to say intercessory prayers for the whole of Christendom. They are similarly exhorted to pay tribute for the adornment of, and addition to, the praiseworthy relics. In particular, after each processional section they should pray for the founders of the venerable House of God and for all those who had given donations for the relics and could not be named by name here. The preliminary matter ends with another, brief, announcement of the following eight processional sections and their reliquaries (the only passage to be set in larger font and set off from the rest of the text on this page) and leads into the main part of the book.16 Like the description of the Cathedral, this passage points to the replication of the objects and thus to the accuracy with which woodcuts of the reliquaries reflect the latter’s form and/or function. 3

“Is Clearly Displayed in Image and Word”

According to evidence in the Relic Book, the display of relics in Vienna was subdivided into eight processional sections.17 As was customary in other places as well, their sequence and structure were intended to mirror the hierarchy of the saints. The display started with relics of Christ in the first two sections, followed by Marian relics in the third. The other sections were devoted to the Apostles (iv), Martyrs (v, vi), Confessors (vii) and, finally, the Holy Virgins (viii).18 The number of each section stands above it in large type; then, for the first time in a relic book, the responsories or antiphons to be intoned at the beginning of each section are specified and the theme of that section is identified.19 The headings above the processional sections identify the particular 16

17

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19

“Hernach volg[e]n die acht procession oder vmbgeng des heyltumbs mit Jren Figuren vud schigkligkaiten in ainer ordnu[n]g nachainander. Ain yeklichs stnck in sunderhait mit fleis abgunteruecht” [Hereafter follow the eight processions or parades of the relics with their forms and properties in order one after the other, each individual object diligently depicted] (vrb 1502, fol. 4r). Heuperger’s Relic Book represents the only known source to-date for the sequence of the display of relics in Vienna (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 341). The Hall Relic Book (1508/09) remarks (later, but still in the context of the Relic Book and with reference to display) that while the Book itself comprehensively documents all the relics in Waldauf’s collection, during the display it was not possible to name them all due to their large number. In view of the numerous reliquaries brought together in the Vienna Relic Book (255), the question arises for Vienna, too, of just how coherent or incoherent the Book and the display actually were. However, that question cannot be pursued further here. The sequence of the groups of saints mirrors their order in the Litanies of the Saints (Gisbert Knopp, ‘Sanctorum nomina seriatim. Die Anfänge der Allerheiligenlitanei und ihre Verbindung mit den “Laudes regiae,”’ Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertums­ kunde und Kirchengeschichte, 65 (1970), pp. 185–231 (pp. 205–206)). For example: “Der annder vmbgang. Singt man die Respons. Jn mo[n]te oliueti. Aber wirt man euch zaigen das heyltumb das vnnserm herrn Jesu Christo zuegehort” [The second

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group of saints whose relics are to be exhibited; however, this attribution is not strictly adhered to in any of the sections. To give but one example: relics of Saint George, the Apostles etc. can also be found in the section reserved for the relics of Our Dear Lady. This demonstrates that, while some attempt was made to categorize the relics in both the Book and the display, there was obviously no further need to re-order the expanded contents of the reliquaries themselves.20 In its formal arrangement of the woodcuts depicting the reliquaries, the Vienna Relic Book breaks with two practices: first, its arrangement of the images in straight, vertical columns; second, a starkly reduced style of representation with virtually no drawing or shading within the outline of the image.21 More or less uniformly, up to twelve reliquaries are reproduced per page, in up to four rows separated by horizontal lines, their descriptive texts beside them.22 The rows created in this way all have approximately the same dimensions, reducing the reliquaries to roughly the same proportions in the illustrations throughout the Book. Only infrequently do individual objects break out of this given catalogue order by rupturing a row through their size (Fig. 68).23 The obvious wish to unify the reliquaries through standardized dimensions is further reflected by the integration of the individual sections headings into the actual sequence of the processions, with the result that they occasionally occur at the bottom of a page while the illustration of the relevant reliquaries begins on the following one. This means the pages of the Book are more or less balanced and empty spaces are avoided. The Vienna Relic Book is distinguished from its predecessors in two ways: the order in which the reliquaries are presented; and its departure from a

20 21 22 23

procession. The response “Jn mo[n]te oliueti” is sung. You will again be shown the relics of Our Lord Jesus Christ] (vrb 1502, fol. 6r). It was customary to compile antiphons and responsories from existing formularies of the Mass and divine office and be guided therein by thematic considerations. This method had two advantages: these antiphons and responsories did not then require express approval from the Pope; and they were generally known. See Volker Schier for comments on the Feast of the Relics in Hall and a list of the responsories and antiphons for the display of relics in Halle, Hall, Nuremberg and Vienna (Volker Schier, ‘Hören, was nicht sichtbar ist: Die akustischen Komponenten von Heiltumsweisungen,’ in Tacke (ed.), “Ich armer sundiger mensch,” pp. 361–397 (p. 387, pp. 391–396)). Detailed identification of the songs intoned before the processions occurs only one more time, in the Hall Relic Book of Florian Waldauf (1508/09) (see Appendix 6 and ‘The Relic Book as Stage Mask’). The allocation of the reliquaries to a given section was probably guided by the most important or numerous relics in each particular vessel. Cf. here especially the Bamberg Relic Books. The division into four rows is only reduced when the respective headings take up the space or the end of the section is reached. This is the case only six times in the entire Book, with 255 woodcuts of the reliquaries.

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s­ tarkly reduced mode of representation. The detail in both text and image surpasses that of relic books printed before that date. The pictogram character of the woodcuts recedes and the drawing within the outlines is much more lavish, even if schematic at times. The Vienna relic collection was decimated several times in the drive to obtain precious metals during the wars against the Turks, so here, too, it is only possible to judge how accurately the woodcuts depict the actual objects in the case of a few reliquaries.24 However, these, at least, make it clear that the illustrations are not freely imagined, but integrate

Figure 68 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fols. 8v and 9r

24

On the collection of relics in Vienna Cathedral and its dissolution see Bachleitner, Der Heiltumschatz, pp. 3–11; and the catalogue of the Cathedral Museum (Arthur Saliger and Waltraut Kuba-Hauk, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum Wien, ed. by Erzbischöfliches Domund Diözesanmuseum Wien (Vienna: Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, 1987)). Elisabeth Schwarzmeier reconstructs the fourteenth-century collection of relics with, amongst other things, the help of the Vienna Relic Book (Elisabeth Schwarzmeier, ‘Rekonstruktion des Wiener Heiltumschatzes von St. Stephan aus dem 14. Jahrhundert’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Vienna, 1988)).

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Figure 69 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 10r

important details of the originals, as suggested by the reliquary of the cross of Saint Andrew (Figs. 69 and 70).25 The woodcut shows the tiny figure of Saint Andrew in a long robe and nailed to a saltire, as well as traces of the holes at the ends of the crossbars of the Latin cross and the ornamental pattern round its edges. While the woodcut is not 25

A detailed description of the reliquary of the cross of Saint Andrew can be found in Saliger and Kuba-Hauk, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, pp. 26–28.

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Figure 70 Reliquary of the cross of Saint Andrew (c. 1440), Vienna, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum

able to convey the expressively anguished gesture of the figure, which on the original reliquary is twisted sideways, importance has obviously been attached to reproducing specific characteristics in simplified form and to capturing significant features without reproducing the objects in all their detail.26 The guiding principle of ‘imitation’ or ‘portrayal’ (abkonterfeien) is observed without it being necessary to ‘replicate’ the original exactly. The text in the woodcut of Saint Stephen’s Cathedral and at the end of the preface claims that the reliquaries are faithfully depicted. The veracity of this claim only really becomes evident through material comparison and not through the explication of texts on the theory of images. In this sense, the ‘imitation’ of the reliquary of Saint Andrew offers ‘realistic’ access to it. 26

Comparable observations can be made about the two other objects depicted in the Relic Book and still in existence: a gemstone with the image of a lion and a reliquary cross (Bachleitner, Der Heiltumschatz, p. 15, pp. 24, 31, Figs. 14, 19; Saliger and Kuba-Hauk, Domund Diözesanmuseum, pp. 28–29; 850 Jahre St. Stephan, pp. 178–179; Schwarzmeier, Rekonstruktion, pp. 30–40).

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The detailed design of the woodcuts goes hand-in-hand with greater precision in the texts themselves. As noted, the Bamberg Relic Books already include information about the reliquaries; almost throughout the Vienna Book we also find information on the materials from which the objects are made (silver; silver gilt, etc.).27 In addition, characteristic decorative features are frequently mentioned, such as “mit ainer Coraln” [with a piece of coral]; or “darauf vnser frauwen pild” [the image of Our Lady on it]; or “mit ainer parillen gescheibt” [with a magnifying glass pane].28 In this way the texts adopt the structural characteristics of inventory lists without, however, transposing the latter into the vernacular.29 The eight processional sections are comparatively uniform in structure, but the first and fifth stand out somewhat. The depiction of a half-length figure of Christ opens the first section; it is roughly twice the size of the other woodcuts (Fig. 71).30 This page is also distinguished from the others by its design and layout, since it is the only one to lack a structured division into fields and is reserved for the heading to the first section and the reliquary of Christ alone. Moreover, the start of the text is again expressly marked by a woodcut initial. The extremely high number of relics housed in the figure of Christ is signalled by the text which surrounds the woodcut. This, too, represents a privileged position within the Book. The first processional section brings together forty-sevenreliquaries – the highest number in all the sections – of which thirty-eight are reliquaries of the Cross. Only two merit their own text; all the others – ­another peculiarity of the first section – are summarily lumped together in one text after the figure of Christ and described as crosses “mit Silber vnd gold gezieret darin manigfeltigklich[e]n des holtz des heyligen kreytz mit vil 27 28 29

30

While the relics in the Nuremberg Relic Books are always accompanied by a commentary, in the Bamberg Relic Books it is their reliquaries which are named (monstrance, ostrich egg, etc.). In only a very few cases is the material used also identified. All examples are taken from the third processional section (vrb 1502, fol. 9r). The documentation of the reliquaries varies considerably in the oldest inventory (before 1393) of the chamber in Saint Stephen’s Treasury where the relics were kept. However, the inventory generally includes specific information about the objects and materials used and, somewhat less frequently, about other characteristic features. Examples include: “Item unum plenarium ligneum cum reliquiis. … Item caput sancte Regine cum corona argentea, in cuius pectore continentur aliqui lapides preciosi. … Item monstrancia aurea cum pede argenteo continens reliquias sancti Marci” (quoted after Saliger and KubaHauk, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, p. xvii). According to an entry in the parchment copy in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nuremberg the figure of Christ was created in 1494: “Salvator Jst Im / 1494 n Jar gemacht / word[e]n” [Saviour, was made in the year 1494] (fol. 4v, gnm, Sig.: St. 902d (Postinc.)). This copy includes information about the weight of the reliquaries throughout. Ogesser gives 1496 as the date of completion for the figure of Christ (Joseph Ogesser, Beschreibung der Metropolitankirche zu St. Stephan in Wien (Vienna: von Ghelen, 1779), p. 108).

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Figure 71 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 4v

a­ nderm heyltu[m]b” [decorated with silver and gold and containing many pieces of wood from the Holy Cross as well as many other relics].31 31

vrb 1502, fol. 4v. The plenaria, monstrances and other precious objects which come after the cross again boast their own dedicated text.

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The fifth section is also distinguished from the others, not as distinctly but nonetheless noticeably (Fig. 72). Its heading appears at the bottom of a lefthand page, so the following page starts with the image of a reliquary in the form of a half-length figure. As is to be expected, Stephen, the principle patron saint of the Cathedral, opens the section, which is devoted to Martyrs. The figure of Stephen cuts across the boundaries of its own field, something found in only a few other places but not repeated at the beginning of a section. At the end of the list of processional sections, which concludes with the Holy Virgins, we find the observation that the relics represented in the Book all come from Saint Stephen’s Cathedral. The text also announces that the work does not include all the many other relics in the Cathedral or those in the monasteries and other churches throughout the city. In addition, it recommends to Christians, for their veneration, three more complete saints’ bodies and numerous relics in the Cathedral treasury yet to be set in reliquaries.32 In the epilogue, which follows immediately, attention is drawn to the fact that all alms and donations

Figure 72 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fols. 10v/11r 32

In the context of the display and the Relic Book, the reliquaries illustrated in the work are formalized into a discreet collection. There is, therefore, a difference between this group and the collection of all the relics owned by the Cathedral, as becomes evident from the reference above and the fourteenth-century inventories of the Cathedral treasury of relics. In other words, the Relic Book does not depict all the Cathedral’s relics. See also

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are used for the adornment of the relics and building of the church. After the display the Bishop of Vienna or his representative will allow participants to partake in grace and indulgences and will pronounce the blessing with a large, renowned piece of the Holy Cross. The epilogue ends on a short intercessory prayer. 4

The Martyrdom of Saint Stephen

The epilogue is only loosely connected to the end of the relic display: like the introduction, it alternates between general gestures and specific causes. However, it by no means signals the end of the Relic Book, but is followed by a woodcut showing the martyrdom of Saint Stephen, which simultaneously provides the pictorial prelude to the Cathedral’s calendar of indulgences (see above). The calendar is, in turn, followed by a further woodcut of the so-called ‘coat of arms of Death.’ Only then does the book conclude with Matthäus Heuperger’s lengthy colophon, which also states the printer’s name and the place and year of publication. Matthäus Heuperger’s own coat of arms is printed in two of the copies of the Vienna Relic Book which have come down to us, something which suggests these were intended either for personal use or as a personal gift.33 At the end of the book the full-page image of Saint Stephen is the first to present the Cathedral’s patron saint, but not – contrary to what one might expect – as a hieratic, standing figure but in the pictorial narrative of his martyrdom (Fig. 73). Here the Vienna Relic Book again departs from the – admittedly recent – tradition of relic books in which the patron saint of the church in question figures at the beginning of the work and as a pictorial corpus incorruptum of him- or herself.34 The narrative element in the woodcut of Saint Stephen

33

34

Schwarzmeier, who lists relics from the collection of Duke Rudolf iv which are not illustrated in the Relic Book (Schwarzmeier, Rekonstruktion, esp. pp. 41–47); and Saliger and Kuba-Hauk, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, no. 6, pp. 22–24, no. 7, pp. 25–26. These are the copy stolen from the Österreichisches Museum für Angewandte Kunst in Vienna and the copy in the City Library in Västerås (Sweden) (Isak Collijn, ‘En av Johann Winterburg i Wien tryckt Donat i Strängnäs Domkyrkobibliotek,’ Nordisk Tidskrift för Bokoch Biblioteksväsen, 20 (1933), pp. 111–118; illustrations in Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Exlibris’; and Ritter, ‘Vorrede’). Heuperger’s coat of arms is held by two wild men, adorned with an elaborate crest and framed by branch tracery. Compare the title pages or prefaces to the Relic Books of Nuremberg (Mair 1493), Bamberg (Mair 1493, 1495); Sporer 1493; Pfeyl (1509), Würzburg (Mair 1493) and Halle (1520).

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provides a contrast to this: the saint is depicted kneeling in the foreground of a barren, stony landscape, suffering his martyrdom. He is surrounded by henchmen who, their arms raised in widely swinging gestures, prepare to hurl rocks at him and to strike him. In the second row a Jewish High Priest points to the

Figure 73 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 17v: Martyrdom of Saint Stephen

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Deacon, who folds his hands in prayer and gazes up beyond his tormentors at an angel descending from Heaven with a cloth in its hands. In the background, on the left, is a contemporary medieval city, complete with church tower and city wall, which transposes events into the viewer’s present. Not without reason does the road leading from the city gate to the martyrdom group end directly above the head of the martyred saint. This visual strategy introduces into the reader’s field of vision the city gate in Jerusalem outside which Stephen was stoned and which is mentioned – expressly and with some frequency – in late-medieval travel reports; and simultaneously provides the opportunity to associate Vienna directly with the saint. His patronage is, once again, highlighted as a subject for the reader’s contemplation and Vienna is transformed into a second Jerusalem.35 On the one hand, the woodcut of Saint Stephen compensates for the lack of references to the Cathedral’s patron saint, who, up to that point, is virtually absent from the book.36 On the other, its goal is the pictorial realization of the saint’s martyrdom, through which the Book binds together the patronage of the Cathedral, the viewing of the relics and the relic collection itself. 5

The Saint’s Martyrdom and the Reader’s Own Death

The final woodcut, which takes up an entire page, comes after the Cathedral’s calendar of indulgences and just before the final epilogue and the colophon. Yet again, the peculiar subject of the woodcut sets the Vienna Relic Book apart from its predecessors. Usually known as “Death’s coat of arms,” it is a memento mori which combines concrete and metaphorical elements (Fig. 74).37 The woodcut is divided into three zones, the central one being occupied by a snake-sheathed shield bearing a coat of arms which boasts crossed bones, toads and a skull as its crest. Resting on the skull, a tumba or coffin hovers in the

35

36 37

The city gate of Jerusalem, for example, is mentioned in Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio in terram sanctam: “Deinde venimus ad portam sancti Stephani per qua[m] ipse no[n] longe ab ea fuit lapidatus” (cited after the edition of 29 July 1490 (Speyer: Peter Drach), fol. c[-vj]r (fol. 26r) (gw 5076)). Only the bust of Saint Stephen is briefly described as the “pild vnsers Haubther[e]n” [the bust of our patron saint] (vrb 1502, fol. 11r, v/1). The coat of arms is one of the fictitious heraldic devices so widespread in the Middle Ages and Early Modern period. See Wolfgang Augustyn, ‘Fingierte Wappen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Bemerkungen zur Heraldik in den Bildkünsten,’ Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst, 56 (2005), pp. 41–82.

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air in a celestial sphere suggested by clouds.38 Snakes twist themselves around the bier. Candlesticks stand at the four corners of the coffin, which is covered in a black pall; in the middle is a font for holy water with an a­ spergillum, in the

Figure 74 Vienna Relic Book 1502, fol. 24r: Death’s coat of arms 38

The open grave with the body could support the idea that a tumba is depicted in the top part of the woodcut. Ultimately, however, it is impossible to decide whether it is a tumba or a coffin which was used for laying out the body in the church. What is important is its context as part of the rituals for the dead, something which is not undermined by either of the possible interpretations.

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Liturgy for the Dead the classical instrument for the absolutio, the absolution at the grave as well as the tomb.39 In a – in the truest sense of the word – profoundly earthly sphere, penetrated by the pointed tip of the shield bearing Death’s coat of arms, a corpse which has already decayed into a skeleton lies in a dug-out grave. The open shroud allows the viewer to see the snakes and toads which, gnawing at its bones, have taken possession of the body. Hoe and spade to the left and right of the hollowed-out hole in the earth point to the immediacy of death. Underneath the decayed body winds a scroll bearing the inscription “▫ M ▫ G ▫ W ▫ ALL ▫ HERNACH ▫ 1502 ▫” [▫ M ▫ G ▫ W ▫ ALL ▫ HEREAFTER ▫ 1502 ▫]. The year is followed by two crosses which cut across each other diagonally; these are interpreted as the artist’s signature.40 The letters “M ▫ G ▫ W” have been variously interpreted: as the artist’s signature; as the initials of the Italianized name of the printer Johannes Winterburger; or, most probable, as the abbreviation of an adage.41 Even if the image on its own were not sufficient to conjure up a memento mori, this is expressly accomplished by the inscription “All hernach,” frequently found on tombstones.42 “All hernach” was understood as a maxim addressed as a 39

Numerous depictions of a coffin (or tumba) covered by a pall during the Office for the Dead are known from book illustration. In Books of Hours the illuminations mainly come at the beginning of the Office for the Dead. Examples from various fifteenth-century Books of Hours are brought together in the exhibition catalogue Ars vivendi – Ars moriendi (2001), pp. 108, 117, 127, 133, 183, 280. See also the remarks on the illustration of the Office for the Dead by Gabriele Bartz and Eberhard König, ‘Die Illustration des Totenoffiziums in Stundenbüchern,’ in Hansjakob Becker (ed.), Im Angesicht des Todes. Ein interdisziplinäres Kompendium (2 vols., St. Ottilien: eos, 1987), i. 487–528. On grave-side customs see Renate Kroos, ‘Grabbräuche – Grabbilder,’ in Karl Schmid etc. (eds.), Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Munich: Fink, 1984), pp. 285–353, esp. pp. 287–293, pp. 299–307, pp. 318–319. 40 Zykan, Die Holzschnitte, p. 22, Heiser, ‘Andenken,’ p. 214. 41 The fact that the same letters appear on the title page of 1514, obviously the work of a different artist, speaks against an artist’s signature, as pointed out by Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ p. xi; Zykan, Die Holzschnitte, p. 22; Maria Magdalena Zykan, ‘Der Buchschmuck Winterburgers und der Donaustil,’ in Kurt Holter etc. (eds.), Werden und Wandlung. Studien zur Kunst der Donauschule (Linz: Oberösterreichischer Landesverlag, 1967), pp. 37–53 (p. 49). ­Bachleitner, amongst others, argues the case for a resolution of the initials as Magister or even Meister [Master] Giovanni Winterburger (Bachleitner, Der Heiltumschatz, p. 13). Several scholars have suggested that “mgw” is the abbreviation of a maxim relating to the words “all hernach” [everything hereafter]: “Morgen gehen wir” [Tomorrow we depart] (Denis, Wiens Buchdruckergeschicht, p. 17); “Mit Gott wir all’ hernach” [With God all of us hereafter] (Mayer, Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte, p. 26); “Mit Gottes Will” [With God’s Will] (Zykan, Die Holzschnitte, p. 22). That “mgw” might have no connection to “all hernach” is suggested by the solitary appearance of the three letters on the title page of 1514, which is discussed below. 42 (A.) Ilg, ‘all hernach,’ Mitteilungen der k.k. Central-Commission zur Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst- und historischen Denkmale, n. s. 2 (1876), pp. cx–cxli; Franz Falk, ‘All

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warning to the living by Death, so as his own words. This is demonstrated not just by tomb inscriptions but also by Death’s speech in the verse adaptation of prose passages from the Ehebüchlein and the Spiegel der Sitten by the Canon of Bamberg Cathedral, Albrecht von Eyb (1420–1475). They introduce Death, depicted as a naked man with a fleshless skull who is being devoured by worms, as follows: “Der dot bin ich ein gemeiner mordt | Allehernach ist mein sprich wort” [Death is my name, a common murderer | ‘All of us hereafter’ is my saying] (Fig. 75).43 Even if this memento mori can in no way be classified as belonging to the literary and iconographic genre of the ars moriendi, it must still be seen in the light of the genre’s defined function: constant visualization of the immediacy of death.44 Death’s coat of arms, combined in the Vienna Relic Book with the tumba and the corpse in the open grave, serves an equally didactic purpose, one which includes the woodcut’s unequivocal statement that at the moment of death all outward splendour is worthless, since Death renders everyone equal. The coat of arms, which normally serves the unambiguous i­ dentification of a person, now points, with its image and in its monumentality, only to Death itself, not to an individual with the attributes of his worldly status. This pictorial statement at the end of the Vienna Relic Book clarifies the function of the entire project. Readers are exhorted to intensify their individual efforts to achieve salvation. The warning of imminent death – not expressed outright but made explicit through the image – also sheds a different light on the calendar of indulgences and its programmatic framing by the woodcuts of Stephen and Death’s coat of arms: both the calendar of indulgences at the end and the list of indulgences at the beginning of the Book convey the offer, or rather the exhortation, to every reader to strive for the certain salvation of his soul, not least through the acquisition of indulgences. hernach – All hernach,’ Mainzer Journal, 218 (18 September 1897), p. 1; Petrus Ortmayr, ‘“All hernach.” Bedeutung und Verbreitung dieses Wortes auf oberösterreichischen Grabdenkmälern des 16. Jahrhunderts,’ Christliche Kunstblätter, 90 (1952), pp. 17–21. 43 Albrecht von Eyb: prose adaptation of individual prose passages from the Ehebüchlein and the Spiegel der Sitten, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 5185, fol. 17r. The adaptation stems from c. 1474/75 (Max Herrmann, Albrecht von Eyb und die Frühzeit des deutschen Humanismus (Berlin: Weidmann, 1893), pp. 400–417); on the manuscript specifically see Karin Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften aus Cgm 4001–5247, Catalogus Codicum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, v/7 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1996), pp. 516–517. 44 On ars moriendi in general see Rainer Rudolf, ‘Ars moriendi i,’ in Gerhard Krause etc. (eds.), Theologische Realenzyklopädie (36 vols., Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1977–2004), iv (1979). 143–149. In the first half of the fifteenth century the University of Vienna was a centre of ars moriendi literature. The Sterbebüchlein [books on how to die a good death] of the Viennese School were widely disseminated, especially in South Germany; they also influenced fifteenth-century books of devotion (Rudolf, ‘Ars moriendi,’ pp. 145–149).

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Figure 75 Albrecht von Eyb, verse adaptation of individual prose passages from the Ehebüchlein and Spiegel der Sitten, Munich, bsb, Cgm 5185, fol. 17r: Death’s words

The Book, and with it the calendar, are aimed specifically at care for the afterlife and bound together by a pseudo-individual address which achieves greater publicity through print.

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The memento mori that is Death’s coat of arms and the visual presentation of Saint Stephen’s martyrdom have a dual purpose: to warn the reader about death and the transience of life; and to highlight the martyr’s readiness to accept death. Hence the images which frame the calendar of indulgences strive for the visual realization of both a saint’s martyrdom and the reader’s own (imminent) death. In this way the Vienna Relic Book is swept into the current of late-medieval piety known as the Devotio Moderna. The projection of individuality in the Book is directed at the single, specific human being, who must learn consciously to encounter and to accept death. This idea is also profoundly inherent in the Devotio Moderna: namely, that each person develops within himself knowledge of the reality of divine salvation. The imitatio Christi plays a key role in this: it teaches us – as Christ once did on the Mount of Olives – to accept our own death.45 Knowledge of death is central to Christian doctrine on Prudence. Prudence is bound up with the Devotio Moderna and, in the ars moriendi, for example, makes it appear possible to acquire such knowledge. Hence the Relic Book can also be viewed as part of Christian teaching on Prudence and woven into the discursive net of the Devotio Moderna without belonging to it as a school of thought. The possibility of individualization inherent in the duplication of word and image in book-printing also shares features of the Devotio Moderna in as much as the Book accords the address to the individual priority over the address to the masses.46 Matthäus Heuperger belongs in this particular tradition of the Devotio Moderna when, through the Book, he compensates for the mass nature of the public event by making the display of relics accessible in the vernacular, offering it as (individual) re-enactment. If, then, the Devotio Moderna was concerned with the constant renewal of the Christian life in every individual, Heuperger presents himself more broadly as a late representative of this pious movement: not simply because he was successful in his efforts to have the Relic Book published, but also because he was one of the key initiators of the revival of the Fraternity of Corpus Christi at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna. To this end he made a special trip to Rome in 1507 in the company of Johannes

45

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Along with the Bible, the Imitatio Christi was the most widespread and influential work of the Devotio Moderna. Even if he was not the author, Thomas à Kempis, one of the main representatives of the new devotional movement, is credited with having a substantial hand in it (Hans Norbert Janowski (ed.), Geert Grote, Thomas von Kempen und die Devotio moderna (Olten: Walter, 1978)). See Nikolaus Staubach, ‘Pragmatische Schriftlichkeit im Bereich der devotio moderna,’ Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 25 (1991), pp. 419–461 (pp. 453–454).

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Rogkner, Wilhelm Rollinger and Markus Hebesgruber, all burghers of Vienna,  in order to intercede with Pope Julius ii for the reinstatement of the Fraternity.47 6

From Didactics to Endowment

In the augmented edition of the Vienna Relic Book issued in 1514, Matthäus Heuperger foregrounded fundamentally different concerns. This was not a reprint, since he used the remaining stock of the edition from 1502 and added a two-leaf supplement with the heading: “Vermerkent merung: besseru[n]g: vnd zunemung diss wirdigenn heyltumbs” [Note: increase, improvement and augmentation of these venerable relics] (Fig. 76).48 The supplement, bound between gatherings b and c of the remaining stock, inserts the additions in the optimal position: after the eighth and final processional section devoted to the Holy Virgins and before the epilogue and c­ alendar of indulgences. In the introductory lines of the supplement Heuperger ­explains that he has now had all those items “ab conterfaythen vnd trucken” [portrayed and printed] which are not listed in the old Relic Book since they were either

47

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The travellers were successful. Julius ii renewed the ratification of the Fraternity of Corpus Christi and granted several more privileges and indulgences. In addition, Heuperger was able to obtain indulgences from other cardinals. The Fraternity’s duties included: the enhancement of the worship of the Blessed Sacrament; material care for the poor; and intercessory prayer for the poor souls in Purgatory (Ernst Tomek, Spaziergänge durch AltWien (Graz/Vienna: Styria, 1927), pp. 172–174; Grass, Der Wiener Dom, p. 92). There is documentary evidence for the Fraternity since 1347 (Tomek, Spaziergänge, p. 171; Grass, Der Wiener Dom, p. 89). The dates given for Heuperger’s journey to Rome differ in secondary literature: Ankwicz-Kleehoven suggests 1504 (Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Exlibris,’ p. 1); others 1505 (Ogesser, Beschreibung, p. 281; Denis, Wiens Buchdruckergeschicht, p. 16; Mayer, Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte, p. 25, fn. 52); or 1507 (Tomek, Spaziergänge, p. 172; Grass, Der Wiener Dom, p. 92). The latter two cite the dating of the bulls of indulgences and other documents to 20 February and 1 October 1507. Divergent statements in Ogesser and others might result from the first payments by the members of the Fraternity, which, according to the Fraternity Book, started as early as 1505 (daw, Gedenkbuch der Fronleichnamszeche, Wiener erzbischöfliches Ordinariatsarchiv, ms 146, fol. 25r). The Gedenkbuch [Memorial Book] was, however, only started in February 1510, as is evident from the corresponding entry. The entries in question were probably copied over from an older register (Tomek, Spaziergänge, p. 174). Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ p. xiv; Mayer, Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte, p. 26; Dolch, Bibliographie der österreichischen Drucke des xv. und xvi. Jahrhunderts, no. 86, pp. 86–87.

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Figure 76 Vienna Relic Book 1514, fol. [a]r: First page of the supplement

added to the relic collection in the years between 1502 and 1514, or were re-set during this period. Once again, he claims to have done this at his own expense and of his own desire in order to honour the most venerable relics. He finds it important to inform the reader that the reliquaries are designated by the l­ etters

Familiar Means – New Piety

Figures 77a/b

177

Vienna Relic Book 1502, reliquaries re-set in 1514. A: Detail from fol. 5r (I/2); B: Detail from 6v (ii/8)

a, b and c up to x; and that the identification of both processional section and respective location makes it clear where the individual objects actually belong.49 All in all, the supplement lists twenty-one reliquaries ordered according to section, here called a “procession.” The structure of the woodcuts echoes the edition of 1502: individual registers separated by lines and with explanatory texts which inform the reader whether the reliquary in question has merely been given a new setting or is a new addition to the treasury of relics.50 They note that six objects were re-set and fifteen reliquaries added (Figs. 77a/b). 49

50

“(H)Jernach seyen aigentlich verzaichnet die stuck so in den alten heyltumbpuechln abgeen vnd erst hertzue ko[m]men auch etliche alten stuck in ander form auff fuessel ge­ richt sein worden von dem 1502 Jarn/pis auff 1514 Jarn/ die dan her[r] Matheus hewpperger abermals auff sein costen vnd darlegen/zw Ern dem hochwurdigen heyltumb auff ain newß ab conterfaythen vnd trucken hat lassen / dartzw ain yetlichs stuck mit dem a.b.c. Jn welhe procession es gehort alhie / vnd vor im puechl aigentlich gemerckt vnd verzaichnet an welhe stat wo sy abgeend vnd hingehorn wirt man alles in disem platel vinden nach der Registratur des .a.b.c.” [Hereafter the objects missing from the old relic book and not included until this one are listed properly, as are various old objects which have been attached onto feet in a different form between 1502 and 1514, which Herr Matthäus Heuperger has had portrayed and printed, again at his own expense and own cost, in honour of the most venerable relics, and now with each object identified by an “a,” “b” or “c”; in which procession it belongs properly noted and recorded here and at the beginning of the book; also in which position they are missing and belong. This will all be found on this small page after the register of the a. b. c.] (vrb 1514, supplement, fol. [a]r). “Jn der Annder proceß das 8 stuck ain guldin plenary darin von dem hailtumb des pluetige[n] Swaiß christi diß stuek ist auff ain fues gemacht worden” [In the second ­procession, the eighth object is a golden plenarium containing a relic of the bloody sweat of Christ; this object has been set onto a foot] (vrb 1514, fol. [a] r); or “Jn der Achtisten

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The numbers denoting the section and the quantity of objects are inserted between the individual reliquaries as a heading in larger type, which makes the repetition of the number of the corresponding procession in the reliquary texts distinctly redundant. The woodcuts themselves are all roughly the same size and, as in the older works, present the objects in a very simplified form, albeit furnished with characteristic features. Although the style of representation is not strikingly different, the more systematic hatching suggests another artist created the woodcuts of the reliquaries, most probably the same one as created the new title page.51 7

One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The New Title Page

As well as the two-leaf supplement, Matthäus Heuperger had a new title page added to the edition of 1502 (Fig. 78). This was either glued or bound in at the front of the old inner book. Through its title, the edition of 1502 relates the proclamation and display of the relics to the city of Vienna alone; and presents the city separately from the actual location where the relics were kept and exhibited. It does so by depicting the knight with Vienna’s coat of arms in first place, then Saint Stephen’s Cathedral and finally the display stage. However, this division into categories, ­presumably programmatic, is negated by the new title page. The new, very ­comprehensive title, printed in red, explicitly alludes to the sacral repository of the relics and the city of Vienna.52

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proceß das 37 stuck vnd das letz in diser proceß Jn ainer schoenn silbrein mo[n]strantzen etwas vergult darin ist ain pis aus der achsl sa[n]cte katahrine” [In the eighth procession, the thirty-seventh piece and the last in this procession, in a beautiful silver-gilt monstrance, is a piece of Saint Katherine’s shoulder blade] (vrb 1514, fol. [b]v). Hedwig Gollob identifies a Master A.N. as the creator of the title woodcut of 1514. It is just as impossible to establish the artist’s monogram as it was with the above-mentioned ­Master A.F. In both cases the author’s jingoistically German undertone is unmistakable when she characterizes the artist, who was trained in Italy but was nonetheless Viennese, as having a “deutsche Grundstimmung” [a fundamentally German tone] (Gollob, ‘Winterburgers buchkünstlerische Beziehungen,’ p. 83; see also Hedwig Gollob, ‘Der Künstler des Titelblattes aus dem Wiener Heiligtumbuche vom Jahre 1514,’ Monatsblatt des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Wien (1925), pp. 71–79; Gollob, Der Wiener Holzschnitt, pp. 49–59; Hedwig Gollob, ‘Das Titelblatt des Wiener Heiltumbuches und seine kulturhistorische Bedeutung,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1972), pp. 156–159 (p. 156)). Zykan attributes the woodcut of Saint Stephen to the Master of the “Historia Friderici et Maximiliani” (Zykan, Die Holzschnitte, pp. 48, 57–58). “In disem Buechl sein Alle vnnd yede Stuckh des hochwirdigen Hayltumbs der zeit Jn aller heyligenn Thumkirchen Sant steffan der stat Wienn in Osterreich verhande[n] vnd albeg

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Figure 78 Vienna Relic Book 1514, title page: Saint Stephen

den nagst[e]n Su[n]tag nach dem Ostertag Jarlich zaigt werden : dem nach : dem alten puchl vil stuck die erst her zwe kume[n] vnd in pesser Form pracht worden abgen

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Beneath it, the title-page picture shows Stephen in the foreground; he fills the image and holds a palm leaf, the symbol of martyrdom, in one hand, while the other gathers up his dalmatic to form an apron in which he presents the stones which were the instruments of his martyrdom. In the background the visual space opens up and reveals the city of Vienna surrounded by mountains. The scenery is framed by pilasters luxuriantly entwined by vines along which putti clamber and play. They tussle, drink and hold the coat of arms of both Vienna and the Habsburgs. In the foreground two more putti present Heuperger’s coat of arms and that of his second wife, Anna Parth.53 Between them a scroll unfurls which bears the letters already familiar from Death’s coat of arms in the first edition, “M ▫ G ▫ W.” The nature of the new title page is completely different from that of 1502: it is simultaneously innovative in its form and conservative in its structure, combining information which in 1502 was either scattered across the book or deliberately not thematized at all. Occupying the most prominent position, Heuperger and his wife are clearly present in their coats of arms. Previously, in a gesture of modesty, the meritorious initiator of this enterprise did not approach the reader until the epilogue. By contrast, Matthäus Heuperger is now mentioned twice in the whole supplement: once by name in the heading; once in the form of his heraldic symbol on the title page. However, this transforms the initiator into a patron. He becomes the explicit focus of attention. Beyond that, the title on the front page names Saint Stephen’s Cathedral as the repository of the relics and the patron saint of the Cathedral is depicted as a standing figure, unharmed and showing no sign of physical pain. The new title-page picture also displays the imperial coat  of arms; predictably, it stands above that of Vienna and to one side of Stephen’s head. In this way it was possible, if not to reverse, at least subtly to

53

a­ igentlich verzaichnet. Anno Domini. 1514” [In this little book are each and every piece of the most venerable relics currently present in the Cathedral Church of Saint Stephen and All Saints in the city of Vienna in Austria and which are always displayed annually on the first Sunday after Easter : after that : many objects missing from the old book which are first added here and have been brought into a better form are listed properly. Anno Domini. 1514] (vrb 1514). On the identification of Anna Parth’s coat of arms see Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ p. xiv. The title woodcut is unimaginable without knowledge of Lucas Cranach’s depiction of Saint Stephen (Holl. 89) in the Missale Pataviense (1502), but nonetheless fails to achieve the latter’s hauntingly expressive quality. It can only be speculated as to whether the Master of the Vienna title page from 1514 knew the Wittenberg Relic Book and its woodcut depicting the coat of arms of the Electoral Prince framed by trees and tussling putti.

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c­ ounterbalance the striking neglect in the 1502 edition of the signifying function of the location for the imperial dynasty, amongst other things as the burial site of Duke Rudolf iv and Emperor Frederick iii. We have evidence that Heuperger was interested in reaching Maximilian i as well and, to this end, dedicated an especially illuminated Relic Book to him in 1507, one most probably printed on parchment.54 The original edition could only perform the gesture of dedication using means which lay outside the textual and visual information assembled within the book: namely, by creating a precious, unique copy through the choice of material – parchment instead of paper – and the exclusivity of the illumination. Heuperger did not have the Emperor, the Cathedral of Saint Stephen and All Saints and his own person explicitly articulated and integrated into the book until its supplement. Thus city, church patronate, sovereign feudal authority and donor are aesthetically combined in the view of a landscape, the sight of a city, the figure of a saint and the heraldic symbol. This superfluity of statements – when compared to the edition from 1502 – is, however, to be read reciprocally: the reference to the Emperor, and donor of relics to the Cathedral, under whose protection the commissioner of the book directly places himself, is to be understood as a dedication and hence as a tribute to feudal structures.55 The direct illustration of the Cathedral and the imperial patron on the new title page meant that the externalization of Heuperger’s project assumed a decidedly memorial function through the ostentatious inclusion of his own coat of arms. The bourgeois enterprise which constituted the Vienna Relic Book of 54

55

For 1507 the account book of the Viennese Fraternity of Corpus Christi records the payment of three shillings to Master Wilhelm for the colouring of three small relic books (Umb drew gemalte heyltumb puchl), which were presented as gifts to Emperor Maximilian, the Bishop of Gurk (and later Archbishop of Salzburg) Matthäus Lang and the Duke of Jülich (daw, Wiener Ordinariatsarchiv, viii, St. Stephan, ms 20, fols. 48r/v). Maximilian was himself a member of the Viennese Fraternity of Corpus Christi, as emerges from the Fraternity’s Memorial Book (daw, Gedenkbuch der Fronleichnamszeche, Wiener erzbischöf­ liches Ordinariatsarchiv, ms 146. fol. 156v). Moreover, the members of the Fraternity also came from places other than Vienna: e.g., Nuremberg, Hall in Tyrol (Achatius Heuperger, Matthäus’s brother, and the former’s wife Anna (fol. 25v)), Altötting etc., as well as the entire Convent of the Poor Clares (fol. 140v). In 1513/14 a relic of the Cross (vrb 1502, i/2, fol. 5r) was given a new setting and then appears with its new reliquary in first place amongst the relics included in the book for the first time (vrb 1514, fol. A; Figs. 76, 77a/b). The reliquary, which still exists, bears the imperial coat of arms with the hoop crown (Saliger and Kuba-Hauk, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, pp. 28–29). However, the prominent donor of the ostensory is not mentioned in the supplements.

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1502 was, with its didactic ambitions, originally directed at the whole community of the faithful. However, the supplement of 1514 initiated a striking shift in function, one which obviously kept the same public in its sights but simply had other statements and other tasks in store for them.

Chapter 5

Aesthetic Enhancement When, after the death of his father, Frederick the Wise took over the reins of gov­ ernment in the Electorate of Saxony, Wettin dynastic power had been marked­ ly weakened.1 In 1485 his father, Ernst, and the latter’s brother, Albrecht, had  ­divided their territories between them, having previously ruled jointly. Until then their territories had been amongst the most important in the Em­ pire, but the division had created the two Wettin dynastic lines, the Ernestine and Albertine, which later competed against each another.2 Faced with this situation, Frederick fell back on Wittenberg, the former principle city of the Saxon-Ascanian Electorate, in order to develop it as a court residence. Until then the small town had played no role in Wettin politics. In 1423, when the House of Saxony-Ascania had died out, the town, together with the Elector­ ship, had passed to the Wettin Frederick the Quarrelsome. Since then the cas­ tle had served as the seat of the administrative department of Wittenberg. Thus, the choice made by Frederick the Wise was obviously rooted in consid­ erations of political legitimacy, above all strategies designed to make his status as Electoral Prince emphatically clear by invoking its seniority and anciennity.3 Frederick had an imposing palace built on the site of the old castle. The Castle Church was built as the third wing of the complex, on the very spot where the old castle chapel of the Ascanian dukes had also stood.4 It was intended to 1 The analysis presented here is based on my Master’s thesis: Cárdenas, Friedrich der Weise. However, it offers a whole series of sections which delve more deeply into the more compre­ hensive question posed by this study, which focuses on the description of genre and funda­ mental analysis of the role of images in printing around 1500. Accordingly, the older text has also been decisively abbreviated. 2 Ingetraut Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise: Kurfürst von Sachsen, 1463–1525 (Göttingen: Vanden­ hoeck & Ruprecht, 1984), p. 68. 3 Peter Findeisen, ‘Zur Bedeutung des Wittenberger Denkmalbestandes,’ in Stefan Oehmig (ed.), 700 Jahre Wittenberg: Stadt – Universität – Reformation (Weimar: Böhlau, 1995), pp. 67–78 (p. 72). Prestige played a significant role in the Electoral Prince’s choice of location, which was designed to enhance his self-representation. This emerges from, amongst other things, the fact that the Electoral Prince and his brothers spent hardly any longer periods of time in Witten­ berg, despite having rebuilt the Castle as their residence. Moreover, the town was ­unimportant for the administration of the whole state since the court traditionally took up temporary resi­ dence in Torgau, Weimar and Altenburg (Sibylle Harksen, ‘Das Schloß zu Wittenberg,’ Schriften­ reihe des Stadtgeschichtlichen Museums Wittenberg, 1 (1977), pp. 25–46 (p. 36)). 4 On the building history of the Castle and its church see Harksen, ‘Das Schloß zu Wittenberg,’ pp. 26–36; Klaus Niehr, ‘Memorialmassnahmen – Die Wittenberger Schloßkirche im frühen

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_007

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house Frederick’s huge collection of precious relics, which he constantly aug­ mented, and to become the locus of a display which took place annually on the Monday after Misericordias domini.5 When exactly Frederick hatched his ambitions plans for Wittenberg Castle Church cannot be established. However, we know for certain that he brought numerous relics back with him from his pilgrimage to Palestine in 1493. These included Saint Anne’s thumb, which he had purchased on Rhodes.6 The start of his systematic collecting is normally dated to the procurement of a papal brief on 12 June 1507.7 This exhorted all bishops and prelates in the Empire to donate to Frederick relics from their own possession. In the introduction to the Relic Book Frederick let it be known that this was happening: “Domit aber yre furstlich gnad / der keyns vnterliessen / so zu zeytlichem vnd geystlichem aufnemen vnd erheben der berurten kirchen erschiessen möcht” [So that your serene highnesses might not omit any which might contribute to the temporal and spiritual increase and elevation of the aforementioned church].8 However, the relics in Wittenberg Castle Church already played an important role, as we see from (amongst other things) the fact that in 1504 the chaplain Christoph List had informed Frederick the Wise that he, as executor of the will of Dr. Thomas Loeser, would give all the silverware from the latter’s estate to the Castle Church in order for reliquaries to be fashioned out of it.9 The relics came into Frederick’s possession in different ways. In part he asked for them, refer­ ring to the papal brief; in part they were gifts of state or from friends.10 Several

16. Jahrhundert,’ Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 71 (2008), pp. 335–372, with the older re­ search literature. 5 On the display of relics in Wittenberg see Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 400–423. The first display took place in 1504 (Thomas Lang, ‘1 gulden 3 groschen aufs Heyltum geopfert. Fürstliche Rechnungen als Quellen zur Frömmigkeitsgeschichte,’ in Enno Bünz etc. (eds.), Alltag und Frömmigkeit am Vorabend der Reformation in Mitteldeutschland (Leipzig: Leip­ ziger Universitätsverlag, 2015), pp. 81–148 (p. 130)). 6 Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 355. 7 Frederick obtained this brief at the Imperial Diet in Constance (Paul Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung an der Schloßkirche zu Wittenberg unter Friedrich dem Weisen (Gotha: Perthes, 1907), p. 10; Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 356). 8 wrb, fol. 3r. 9 Fritz Bünger and Gottfried Wentz, Das Bistum Brandenburg, part 2, Germania Sacra, i, iii/2 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1941), p. 105. 10 The information about gifts of state relates mainly to the years between 1511 and 1521; the correspondence pertaining expressly to the papal authorization of 1507 has not been pre­ served (Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 68–84). On other means of acquiring relics see Enno Bünz, ‘Zur Geschichte des Wittenberger Heiltums. Johannes Nuhn als Reliquienjäger in Helmarshausen und Hersfeld,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Thüringische Geschichte, 52 (1998), pp. 135–158.

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of the pieces which entered the collection at a later date had belonged to the French king Francis i. Other donors included Jean, Duke of Bourges and the Auvergne; the Count of Poitou; the Regent of the Hapsburg Netherlands, Mar­ garet of Austria and Burgundy; as well as Cardinals Raffaele Riario and Sigis­ mondo Gonzaga. The relics requested by Frederick were occasionally shared or entered the church treasury in exchange for pictures by Lucas Cranach the Elder.11 1

Lucas Cranach: The Art of Court and Book

The task of transposing the reliquaries from the Wittenberg relic collection into the medium of the woodcut fell to Lucas Cranach the Elder. He had ar­ rived in the Saxon ducal seat from Vienna in 1505 in order to take up his post as court painter to Frederick the Wise. It is not possible to reconstruct with any certainty how he came to hold this office, but Cranach enjoyed excellent con­ nections to Humanist circles in Vienna; and a recommendation to Frederick the Wise might have come from them. For example, Johannes Cuspinian, whose portrait Cranach painted c. 1502, had close ties to Conrad Celtis,12 who had been crowned poeta laureatus by Emperor Frederick iii in 1487 on the

11

12

Werner Schade, Die Malerfamilie Cranach (Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 1974), p. 409, no. 155; Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 357. Occasionally, pragmatic concerns were linked to the surrender of relics desired by the Electoral Prince. Thus Jakob Vogt, Frederick’s confes­ sor, had, on Frederick’s behalf, selected various objects from the Benedictine monastery of Posa near Zeitz for the Castle Church in Wittenberg. He was permitted to choose from the monastery’s collection of precious relics, whereupon Abbot Jodokus, in return for re­ linquishing various items from his monastery’s collection, asked of Frederick, “Die sache das holtz Im kammerforst betreffendt und auch sunst, wo sichs begeben würde, In ange­ borner furstlicher mildikeit gnediclichen zcu bedencken” [in his innate princely benevo­ lence to regard graciously the business with the wood in the Kammerforst and also else­ where, if it should arise] (Paul Flemming, ‘Zur Geschichte der Reliquiensammlung der Wittenberger Schloßkirche unter Friedrich dem Weisen,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Kirch­ engeschichte der Provinz Sachsen, 14 (1917), pp. 87–92 (p. 92)). The letter is dated 12 May 1517. The correspondence on this issue dragged on for over two years; Frederick did not grant the monastery the right to fetch wood annually from the Kammerforst until 1519. Celtis had been called to the University of Vienna by Maximilian in 1497; there Cuspinian had greeted him with a poem. Both were poetae laureati. Celtis was Head of the Collegium poetarum et mathemathicorum, the actual Faculty of Arts at the University Vienna, found­ ed by Maximilian in October 1501; his deputy was Cuspinian (Dieter Koepplin, Cranachs Ehebildnis des Johannes Cuspinian von 1502. Seine christlich-humanistische Bedeutung (Düsseldorf: Stehle, 1973), p. 57, p. 101; exhibition catalogue Lukas Cranach i (1974), p. 121).

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recommendation of Frederick the Wise.13 Further, Celtis had penned an elabo­ rate dedication to Frederick the Wise in his first edition of the works of Hrots­ vitha of Gandersheim (1501).14 For his part, Cranach had produced woodcuts for the Missale Pataviense printed in 1503 by the Viennese printer Johannes Winterburger, who also printed works by Cuspinian and Celtis.15 With his choice of Vienna Lucas Cranach had sought proximity not only to the circle of Humanist patrons but, above all, to the Hapsburg court, which, around 1500, constituted the highest peak to which an artist could aspire north of the Alps. Dieter Koepplin points out that Cranach had virtually no competitors in Vienna.16 What were, then, the qualities which so distinguished Cranach that he was appointed court painter to the Electoral Prince of Saxony, one of the most im­ portant princes in the Holy Roman Empire? The duties awaiting him in Wit­ tenberg were decidedly varied and extensive. He had to meet his princely mas­ ter’s demands for quality and for the efficiency which made it possible to cope with the huge range of tasks involved in rebuilding and furnishing the Witten­ berg residence.17 Cranach was able to demonstrate artistic quality in the form of aesthetically exceptional works and the ability to innovate (e.g., the socalled Schleißheim Crucifixion (1502)); an – admittedly not exceptional – familiarity with various artistic techniques (painting, drawing for woodcuts); and the promise to accomplish the tasks with which he was charged within an appropriate time frame. These were all qualities which Frederick the Wise was bound to value – and not just for reasons of prestige. Hence the praise of the artist by the scholar Christoph Scheurl, Professor of Canon Law in Wittenberg, 13

Sabine Heiser, Das Frühwerk Lucas Cranachs des Älteren: Wien um 1500 – Dresden um 1900 (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 2002), p. 55, with fn. 284; Lukas Cranach i, p. 44. 14 Lukas Cranach i, p. 44. 15 Heiser, Das Frühwerk Lucas Cranachs, p. 56, pp. 80–82. 16 Lukas Cranach i, p. 121. Koepplin starts from the premise that a position at court was Cra­ nach’s chief ambition (Koepplin, Cranachs Ehebildnis, p. 55). It should be noted en pas­ sant that, apart from Cranach, several Humanist scholars made their way from Vienna to Wittenberg and its university: e.g., Georg Sibutus (1485 – after 1528); Richardus Sbrulius (after 1480– after 1520); Johannes Hadus (c. 1488–c. 1524) (Alois Schmid, ‘“Poeta et orator a Caesare laureatus.” Die Dichterkrönungen Kaiser Maximilians i.,’ Historisches Jahrbuch, 109 (1989), pp. 56–108 (pp. 99, 101–102, 105); Franz Machilek, ‘Georgius Sibutus Daripinus und seine Bedeutung für den Humanismus in Mähren,’ in Bernd Harder etc. (eds.), Stu­ dien zum Humanismus in den böhmischen Ländern (Cologne/Vienna: Böhlau, 1988), pp. 207–241). 17 Quite apart from Wittenberg, the castles in Lochau and Coburg were also in need of fur­ nishing, as was Torgau, where Cranach worked after he was first appointed (Schade, Die Malerfamilie Cranach, pp. 402–405).

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although a topos, certainly rested on firmer foundations than rhetoric alone. Scheurl included his encomium in a dedicatory letter to Cranach with which he had prefaced the printed version of a speech given in 1508 about the glori­ ous foundation of the University of Wittenberg and in which he emphasized the supreme skill and speed of the master.18 The conventional topos in Scheurl’s praise of the artist is unmistakable: Scheurl awards Cranach first place amongst painters, albeit only second to Dürer, the undisputed genius. However, in this context the topos does not merely mean stereotypically gushing adulation.19 Quite the contrary: this very use of formulaic topoi in the “eulogy of contempo­ raries” demonstrates the operation of tried-and-tested, tradition-soaked and hence incontestable speech patterns and tropes.20 In other words, Cranach’s abilities are not invented by Scheurl but objectified, i.e., located in the context of all those abilities which, in the eyes of contemporaries, constituted the ideal type of the artist. During his early years in Wittenberg Cranach was veritably showered with panegyric poetry and speeches and integrated into the circle of Humanists who commemorated one another in paeans of praise. Even before Scheurl, the Carmen […] de musca chilianea, a Latin poem by Georg Daripinus Sibutus printed in 1507, expresses effusive appreciation, lauding Cranach as the Prax­ iteles of painting, erudite in art, who even outperformed the poet and elevated the art of painting, with the result that no one on earth merited the same level of laudation.21 The publication of the above-mentioned oratio by Christoph Scheurl is followed by several poems and verses from the pens of Wittenberg scholars which contain similarly topos-infused panegyrics for the painter and his panegyrist Scheurl. Christian Beier, for example, apostrophizes Cranach as a great and learned painter whose pictures have learnt to speak like the poets 18

Oratio doctoris Scheurli attingens litterarum prestantiam, nec non laudem ecclesiae colle­ giatae Vittenburgensis (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1509), vd 16 S 2803. 19 “Wahrlich, wenn ich den einzigen Albrecht Dürer, meinen Landsmann, dieses unzweifel­ hafte Genie, ausnehme, so gewährt, nach meinem Urteil, nur Dir unser Jahrhundert den ersten Platz in der Malerei” [Truly, when I except the one and only Albrecht Dürer, my fellow countryman, this undoubted genius, then in my judgement this century awards you alone the first place in painting] (cited after Heinz Lüdecke (ed.), Lucas Cranach der Ältere im Spiegel seiner Zeit. Aus Urkunden, Chroniken, Briefen, Reden und Gedichten (Ber­ lin: Rütten & Loening, 1953), p. 49). 20 Curtius, European Literature, esp. pp. 154–166. Warnke assembles an abundance of further topoi referring to artists from Antiquity which illustrate this point (Martin Warnke, The court artist: on the ancestry of the modern artist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 40–41, 213–214 and passim). 21 Georgii Sibuti Darpini Poete Oratoris laureati Carme[n] in tribus horis editum de musca Chilianea (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1507), fols. 4v–5r, vd 16 S 6264.

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of Antiquity. He compares his genius to that of numerous Classical painters, ranging from Zeuxis to Apelles, who all have to bow down before him, for Na­ ture has bestowed on Cranach his masterly hands and Minerva his skill.22 Rich­ ardus Sbrulius praises Dürer, who towers head and shoulders above the man from Kos [Apelles], and lauds Cranach as second only to Dürer; both together surpass Apelles in morality, artistry and craft.23 Andreas Karlstadt von Boden­ stein certainly pulls out all the stops when, in praise of Cranach, he invokes a whole horde of Classical artists as the Greats of Art whom Cranach surpass­ es.24 Otto Beckmann resumes Scheurl’s praise of the artist, asserting that Cra­ nach alone amongst German painters deserves the name Apelles.25 Thus when Scheurl, in his oratio, praises Cranach’s speed, he may break out of this conven­ tional sequence of topoi, but he also confirms its inherent claim to veracity, since the court painter to the Electoral Prince of Saxony had to work quickly in order to satisfy the demands of the court.26 If we follow Sabine Heiser and take seriously the remark about Cranach’s education in the ars graphica by his father, and also consider his documented activity for the Viennese printer Johannes Winterburger, then it is but a short step to the development of two notable characteristics of his later work: the organization of his workshop by division of labour; and the serial produc­ tion of his output.27 The unmistakable style developed by Cranach as court 22 23 24 25 26

Christian Beier, in Scheurl, Oratio, fols. 15v–16r. Richardus Sbrulius, in Scheurl, Oratio, fol. 16v. Andreas Karlstadt, in Scheurl, Oratio, fol. 17r. Otto Beckmann, in Scheurl, Oratio, fol. 17v. “[P]assim om[n]es te laudant [que] mira celeritate pingas” (Scheurl, Oratio, fol. 2v (A-ij v)). With regard to the praise for Cranach’s speed, Edgar Bierende refers to a purported topos about artists. However, Pliny the Elder’s rather peripheral remark about the skill and ra­ pidity of the painter Nicomachos of Thebes did not lend itself to development into a to­ pos about artists, the existence of which cannot be proved in Classical literature (Edgar Bierende, Lucas Cranach d. Ä. und der deutsche Humanismus. Tafelmalerei im Kontext von Rhetorik, Chroniken und Fürstenspiegeln (Munich/Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2002), p. 283; Pliny, Natural History, xxxv, §109). In recent years Gunnar Heydenreich has devoted himself to the phenomenon of Cranach’s speed, looking at its technological aspects (Gun­ nar Heydenreich, ‘“… dass du mit wunderbarer Schnelligkeit malest.” Virtuosität und Ef­ fizienz in der künstlerischen Praxis Lucas Cranach d. Ä.,’ in Bodo Brinkmann (ed.), Cra­ nach der Ältere (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz, 2007), pp. 29–47). See also the catalogue for the Bremen exhibition which took the painter’s speed as its theme: Lucas Cranach der Schnell­ ste (2009). 27 Heiser, Das Frühwerk Lucas Cranachs, p. 45, p. 50, pp. 52–56. The assertion that Cranach was instructed in the ars graphica by his father stems from a commemorative text (1556) on Cranach’s death by Matthias Gunderam, a Master at the University of Wittenberg, published in Heller, Lucas Cranach’s Leben und Werk, pp. 279–282.

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painter – one which led to the long failure to attribute to him his early work in Vienna – was decidedly courtly and could only have emerged from his ties to the Wittenberg court, since the characteristic stamp of his painting largely served that court.28 If we accept Scheurl’s testimony in its decisive points – artistic mastery and speed – then, in choosing Cranach, Frederick the Wise re­ ally had selected the best possible man for the many tasks ahead. This view is supported by the high salary paid to Cranach, which Berthold Hinz describes as compensation to the painter for remaining at the Saxon ducal seat.29 In his role as court painter Cranach wanted his works to bring him recogni­ tion and importance, both as an artist in his own right and as the painter of his employer. Thus Cranach reinvented himself in Wittenberg and as court paint­ er, in itself an expression of his immense capacity for innovation. Moreover, he continued to be inventive, since his work across generic boundaries was also original and creative. With the realization of the Wittenberg Relic Book he de­ veloped the book into a medium for the artist as well as an artistic medium. Cranach exploited the existing genre of the relic book for self-promotion and, almost in passing, invented the artist’s book. He probably worked on the wood­ cuts for the Wittenberg Relic Book in 1508; the first edition was printed in 1509 and, according to its colophon, a second edition appeared in the same year.30 The first edition was discovered by Ernst Schulte-Strathaus in 1930.31 A com­ parison of the two editions reveals a shift in emphasis on the part of the prince who commissioned it and the artist who executed it; and this shift allows even more light to be shed on the relationship between the editions. The printer has been identified as Symphorian Reinhart, who came from Strasbourg. He was 28 29 30

31

Heiser traces the construction of the early work (Das Frühwerk Lucas Cranachs, pp. 29– 34); see also Max J. Friedländer and Jakob Rosenberg, Die Gemälde von Lucas Cranach (2nd edn., Basel: Birkhäuser, 1979), pp. 13–19. Berthold Hinz, Lucas Cranach d. Ä. (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1993), p. 17. Cranach’s annual salary was more than double that of Jacopo de’ Barbari, his predecessor in the post. Thanks to the depiction of the coat of arms, the start of Cranach’s work on the woodcuts can be fixed as 1508, since the distribution of colours on the Electoral coat of arms (party, initially white in the top part, black in the bottom, then reversed) was changed between 1507 and 1508 (Eduard Flechsig, Cranachstudien, part 1 (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1900), pp. 20–23; Ernst Schulte-Strathaus, ‘Die Wittenberger Heiltumsbücher vom Jahre 1509 mit Holzschnitten von Lucas Cranach d. Ä.,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1930), pp. 175–186 (p. 179)). Schulte-Strathaus ‘Die Wittenberger Heiltumsbücher,’ p. 179. This copy is now in London, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, inventory number 1949-4-11-4991 (1–68). See also Giulia Bartrum, German Renaissance Prints 1490–1550 (London: British Museum Press, 1995), no. 176, pp. 173–174; and David Paisey, Catalogue of German Printed Books to 1900. The British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings (London: British Library, 2002), no 402, p. 75.

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probably a member of Cranach’s workshop as a block-cutter, too, and in that capacity may have had a hand in creating the woodcuts for the Relic Book.32 Several models existed for Cranach and his patron to use as their guide. Cra­ nach must undoubtedly have been familiar with the Vienna Relic Book of 1502, which was printed by Johannes Winterburger at the very time when Cranach is known to have been resident in Vienna.33 This is further supported by the fact that in 1503 the same printing shop produced the Missale Pataviense, illustrat­ ed by his woodcuts.34 We may also assume that Frederick the Wise was familiar with various editions of a number of relic books, possibly even the Vienna Relic Book, the hitherto most lavish work in this genre. On the way back from his pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1493 the Electoral Prince had visited the pilgrimage sites of Altötting and the ‘holy mountain of Andechs.’ In the mon­ astery at Andechs he bought ‘ten printed chronicles,’35 probably the Chronik des Heiligen Berges Andechs [Chronicle of the Holy Mountain of Andechs], which had appeared in several editions and included a comprehensive list of relics.36 We may also assume that Frederick knew at least one edition of the Nurem­ berg Relic Book, since he had spent time in the imperial city in 1487 and even attended the display of relics that year as one of the dignitaries on the display stage.37 The project of the Wittenberg Relic Book is inconceivable without knowledge of the early printed works in this genre. They were to be surpassed by a hitherto unseen skill in design and layout, demonstrated not least by the use of two different image-printing techniques which up to that point had rarely been combined.

32

The first to point this out was Gustav Bauch, with reference to Otto Beckmann’s verses about Reinhart in Scheurl’s Oratio (1509), fol. 17v (Gustav Bauch, ‘Zur Cranachforschung,’ Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, 17 (1894), pp. 421–435 (p. 423)). On Symphorian Rein­ hart see also Maria Grossmann, ‘Wittenberg Printing, Early Sixteenth Century,’ Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies, 1 (1970), pp. 53–74 (pp. 62–65). 33 See Lukas Cranach i, Chapters iv and v; Heiser, Das Frühwerk Lucas Cranachs, pp. 47–51. 34 vd 16 M 5606; see also Lukas Cranach i, p. 122. 35 Reinhold Röhricht and Heinrich Meisner, ‘Hans Hundts Rechnungsbuch (1493–1494),’ Neues Archiv für sächsische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, 4 (1883), pp. 37–100 (pp. 80–82). 36 The chronicles do not include the list of relics from the very beginning; the first list is in­ cluded in the 1495 edition by Johann Schönsperger (gw 1641). 37 ChrSt. xi. 429. Frederick also attended the display of relics in Nuremberg in 1496 (ChrSt. xi, 586; Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 140–141). The accounts of the Sexton’s Office of Bamberg Cathedral and the Bamberg Exchequer (Kammeramt) reveal that Frederick the Wise frequently sojourned in Bamberg (1485, 1487, 1493, 1497, 1500) and there donated “ad reliquias” (Haeutle, ‘Vornehme Besuche,’ pp. 20–28). It may be assumed that on one of these occasions he also became acquainted with one of the Bamberg relic books.

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The Wittenberg Relic Book

2.1 Title Page The Wittenberg Relic Book is introduced by an engraving, the only one in the work.38 It portrays the two co-regent brothers, Frederick and John. The title of the Book appears above them: Dye zaigung des hochlobwirdigen hailigthums der Stifftkirchen aller hailigen zu wittenburg [The Display of the Most Praisewor­ thy Relics of the Collegiate Church of All Saints in Wittenberg] (Fig. 79). We are immediately confronted by the unmistakable connection between relics and rule, since the coats of arms of both Electorate and Duchy are exhib­ ited on the left and right spandrels of the lightly sketched round arches fram­ ing the brothers. Previously, title pages of relic books had commonly depicted the patron saint of the church in question, or the church itself, or even a com­ bination of the two, but here this custom is discarded in favour of portraying the founders. The picture of the Castle Church follows in second place, as a woodcut on the reverse of the page. The image of the two brothers corresponds to the typology of paintings of couples.39 They are depicted as half-length fig­ ures behind a parapet lacking any further detail. Both figures are curtailed at the side, a feature which endows them with a stronger presence and immedia­ cy. The small panel bearing Lucas Cranach’s signature with the winged serpent is self-confidently placed on the parapet; it also records the date of the engrav­ ing, namely 1510.40 Here, on the first page of the Book, the two brothers are not presented only as donors: the type of image chosen by Cranach conveys, in visual terms, the political alliance of their joint rule and their family relationship.41 However, the political and family affiliation modelled for us simultaneously incorporates distinction by rank. A few details point to the portrait of the Electoral Prince being accorded greater significance. The brothers are depicted in such a way that Frederick distinctly cuts across John. On the one hand, this underlines 38

39 40 41

Unless otherwise noted, all statements about the following text are based on the defini­ tive edition (the last supervised by the artist) of the Wittenberg Relic Book. This is la­ belled the “B-edition.” The following discussion makes fundamental observations on the A-edition and variants in the B-edition. The A-edition is cited as WRB-A, the B-edition as wrb. Not all complete extant editions contain the engraving. For example, it is not in any of the copies printed on parchment, where the space beneath the title is blank. For docu­ mentation see Appendix 1. Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ p. 40. The date indicates that part of the print run was not completed by the addition of the engraving until this particular year, which means the printing of the inner book took place at the end of 1509. Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ p. 40.

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Figure 79 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), title page: Lucas Cranach the Elder: Frederick the Wise and John the Constant, engraving, 1510

their solidarity and inseparability; on the other, it signifies hierarchy. Frederick stands in the foreground on the right, the ‘privileged’ side. He occupies ap­ proximately two thirds of the image, while John stands behind him, appears pressed against the edge of the picture and, simply by virtue of this ‘­marginality,’ assumes a subordinate position. In fact, John looks as though he had merely

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been added to an earlier engraving by Cranach (1509) (Holl. 5) which may have served as the basis for the double portrait (Fig. 80). This earlier portrait depicts Frederick the Wise on his own, framed by an arch and behind a parapet. While Frederick is taken over from the earlier e­ ngraving as an autonomous ­component

Figure 80 Lucas Cranach the Elder: Frederick the Wise, engraving, 1509

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of the image, John does not stand alone but is crammed in, flat, behind the figure of his brother. By depicting John’s arm resting on the parapet, ­Cranach attempts to soften this somewhat abrupt insertion and to integrate John into the picture. The princes’ clothing is elegant: Frederick wears a gown with a fur collar and his head is covered by a costly cap, while John wears his hair loose and the sleeves of his garment are fashionably slit. The manner in which the princes, especially Frederick, are portrayed corresponds to a particular representation­ al template, which can be traced from 1507 onwards and remains unaltered until 1522.42 On the one hand, we see a modus operandi typical for Cranach: namely, the repeated variation and re-use of solutions to pictorial problems. On the other, this mode of representing his person must have been sanctioned by the Electorate Prince himself, since other artists, too, had recourse to this portrait type, occasionally through mediation by Cranach.43 Besides the inclusion of his co-regent brother, a few, decisive alterations to Frederick’s person compared to the engraving of 1509 allow us to draw conclu­ sions about a change in the intention of his message. In the earlier engraving Frederick holds the tip of his fur collar; his left hand rests on the parapet; and he gazes out of the picture to his left. Apart from the general form of the arch of honour, which contemporaries must have known above all in the form of framed niches for figures of saints,44 this portrait focuses on the person of the Electoral Prince and is kept quite generalized. In the version from 1510 Freder­ ick holds a string of paternoster beads in his hands and directs his contempla­ tive gaze slightly upwards. The supposedly slight variations in the depiction of Frederick, the addition of the prayer beads and the alteration in the direction of his gaze suggest that it seemed important to integrate religious meditation and devotion into the title page and present them to the public. At the same time, the portrait integrates a gesture of piety better suited to linking the per­ son of the donor to the contents of the book.

42

43 44

Until 1507 Frederick wears his hair long, then he has his hair cut and wears a cap (Flechsig, Cranachstudien, p. 84). No new changes can be observed until 1522 (Friedländer and Rosenberg, Die Gemälde von Lucas Cranach, no. 19). Before 1522 depictions of Frederick the Wise were chiefly donor portraits; after that we find a new type of formal portrait of him with a beret. For example, the free-standing sculpture of Frederick in the Castle Church in Wittenberg from c. 1519/20; or even portraits on coins, for which Cranach occasionally provided mod­ els (Schade, Die Malerfamilie Cranach, p. 404). See Martin Warnke’s study of Cranach’s portrait of Luther (1520) (Martin Warnke, Cra­ nachs Luther. Entwürfe für ein Image (Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1984), p. 30).

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Very early on Werner Schade pointed out that the engraving of 1509, with its portrait of Frederick alone, was in all likelihood originally planned as the titlepage image for the Wittenberg Relic Book.45 Frederick thus deliberately opens his Relic Book with an image of himself as territorial lord in an attitude of reli­ gious devotion, although in this context he prefers to be depicted with his brother rather than on his own. Consequently, the double portrait not only constitutes an expression of fraternal harmony, but also underlines the growth in power which joint rule was intended to serve.46 The interplay of devotion and harmony in Frederick’s representation with his brother is the most impor­ tant aspect of the title page, which thus makes a statement about religion, fam­ ily and, ultimately, territorial politics, linking the reference planes of sacral treasure and territorial claim, just as the introductory text suggests. The state­ ment on the title page is confirmed and intensified by the large-format wood­ cut of the Electoral coat of arms at the end of the book. In this way a frame­ work is created which unequivocally suggests the shared identity of the relics and Saxon rule. 2.2 The Choice of Media The use of an engraving as the title image for a book otherwise illustrated throughout by woodcuts was new.47 The exploitation of this technique for a portrait was also comparatively new. Before then, only Israhel van Meckenem had used it to create a portrait of himself and his wife Ida (Holl. 1). The second portrait engraving we know of stems from the Lower Rhenish monogrammist ‘Master B R with the Anchor’ (c. 1480) and represents a king.48 The third p ­ ortrait engraving was produced by Cranach himself, namely, the above-mentioned 45 Schade, Die Malerfamilie Cranach, p. 33. 46 This is also abundantly evident in the written sources. Frederick reproached his brother Ernst, Archbishop of Magdeburg, with intending to sow the seeds of discord between him and John. A couple of years before his death Frederick wrote that his brother John was his only friend. The Electoral Prince’s private secretary, Georg Spalatin, probably also reflect this state of affairs when he writes that he knows of no more united pair of brothers in the Empire (Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 251–252). 47 Lukas Cranach i, p. 218; Schade, Die Malerfamilie Cranach, p. 33. Engravings were alto­ gether rare in printed books. The Würzburg printer Georg Reyser was the first in the Ger­ man territories to use an engraving as book decoration in a printed work (see ‘Speculating on Similarity’). 48 The Nuremberg doctor and Humanist Hartmann Schedel included it in an edition of Livy’s Historiae Romanae Decades (Rome, 1472) and furnished it with verses referring to Emperor Frederick iii. Anzelewsky argues persuasively that it is probably a portrait of the English king Edward iv, which was re-interpreted by Schedel as one of Frederick iii (Fed­ ja Anzelewsky, ‘An Unidentified Portrait of King Edward iv,’ The Burlington Magazine, 109 (1967), pp. 702–705; exhibition catalogue Schedel (1990), no. 88, p. 269).

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engraving of Frederick the Wise from 1509, the basis for the double portrait and the title page of the Wittenberg Relic Book. Thus, ten years before Dürer dis­ covered the portrait engraving for himself, Cranach had already engraved his first portrait in copper. The innovation represented by the use of an engraving for the title page must, then, signal an intention with regard to content. Al­ though engraving was a technique which could be used to achieve different graphic effects, fewer copies could be printed than with a woodcut if decent quality was to be maintained; and the expenditure of time and effort involved in the combination of relief and intaglio printing on the same page was incom­ parably higher. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the early days of this medium, the image engraved in copper constituted an original work by the artist. Furthermore, it was easier to correct or alter at a later date. The tech­ nique permits greater differentiation in the drawing of lines and varying inten­ sity in their dark-light shading.49 With an engraving it is, therefore, possible to achieve higher quality in the depiction of matter and materials. Thus Cranach was able to model the faces of the two princes more subtly; and adequately to reproduce their lavish, costly clothes in all their sumptuousness. In contrast to an engraving, with woodcuts the production process is divid­ ed into two operations: cutting and carving.50 As a medium the woodcut offers greater possibility for multiple reproduction. A considerably higher number of prints can be produced from one printing block than from one copper plate since subtle nuances are worn away in the latter. Woodcuts and book-printing were equivalent methods of relief-printing, so the use of an engraving as the title image achieves two things. On the one hand, it is renewed proof of Cra­ nach’s powers of artistic innovation; on the other, it is evidence of his versatil­ ity. He presents his employer to the reader in an innovative medium for this type of image and in an unusual place; and at the same time presents himself. The small panel with his signature is placed, unmissably and self-confidently, at the ‘entry’ to the picture, signalling that its creator is the artist Lucas Cranach.

49

50

On this topic Hans Belting remarks that the engraving allowed the display of technical virtuosity and thematic inventiveness, aspects which also made it attractive to the upper classes (Hans Belting, Bild und Kult. Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst (Munich: Beck, 1993), p. 475). The two steps in the process were initially carried out by one person, but the profession of block-cutter very quickly developed (Walter Koschatzky, Die Kunst der Graphik (11th edn., Munich: dtv, 1993), pp. 53–54). Nonetheless, the two processes could still be carried out by a single person.

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2.3 The Location of the Relics As intended in this engraving, the prestige-enhancing function of the title page is shifted from the patron saint of the church to the donor, but this is compen­ sated for on the second page, since its woodcut depicts the Church of All Saints, the shrine of the precious relics. This sequence reveals that the Vienna Relic Book provided the model for both form and content of the Wittenberg Book, since in the former work Saint Stephan’s Cathedral – which was also dedicated to All Saints – similarly appears on the second page, a parallel which refers to both the patronage and the pictorial representation of a dynastically significant location. Wittenberg Castle Church is shown from its northerly as­ pect, which is turned towards the town and hence forms the prestigious, public front. The church is viewed in the middle distance and fills the picture. Behind a low fence two footbridges cross the stream which used to flow there and lead to the two church portals. Cranach’s efforts to reproduce the precise details of the church can be deduced from its depiction and also emerge from a careful scrutiny of the surviving structure (Figs. 81 and 82).51 Further correspondence, this time in formal aspects, can also be perceived. This echoes the Vienna Relic Book, where it is also possible to discern the closeness of the woodcut to the actual state of the cathedral. However, in the Vienna Relic Book the image dispenses with greater detail in its depiction of the topography surrounding the cathedral, whereas in the Wittenberg Relic Book a sharply sloping, steep mountain rises to the left behind the church all the way to the edge of the picture. In this woodcut Cranach synthesizes a precise rendition of the architec­ ture with an – apparently – equally precise rendition of the surroundings: but only apparently, since the depiction of the mountain does not correspond to the actual countryside round Wittenberg. However, with its suggestion of topographical precision, the image presents a particular concept by translat­ ing the town’s name into visual form. As a concept, the name Wittenberg [White Mountain] is taken literally: the mountain, then, points to the town 51

The building alterations carried out in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries mainly affected the church interior. Apart from the abolition of the west choir, the structure of the single-nave church – the number of bays and hence of window tracts; the construc­ tion of the flying buttresses, apse etc. – dates from the time of its original construction. On the later building alterations see the exhibition catalogue Von der Kapelle zum Natio­ naldenkmal (1998); Franz Bischoff, ‘Die Einrichtung des sogenannten kleinen Chores an der Wittenberger Schloßkirche durch Kurfürst Friedrich den Weisen – Auftrag und Aus­ führung,’ Sachsen und Anhalt, 25 (2007), pp. 147–188 (with the older secondary literature on the west choir).

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Figure 81 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 1v: Castle Church

itself and adequately translates the meaning of the word into the pictorial medium.52 The mountain ridge not only performs the task of illustrating the 52

Carsten-Peter Warncke investigates this understanding of images in the Early Modern period (Carsten-Peter Warncke, Sprechende Bilder – sichtbare Worte. Das Bildverständnis in der frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 1987), esp. pp. 39–80).

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Figure 82 Castle Church, Wittenberg, photo c. 1914

conceptual form of the town’s name but, beyond that, fulfils a compositional function, since it counterbalances the tall, looming tower situated in front of the church and slightly to the right. The layout of the image in the Vienna Relic Book is symmetrical thanks to the choice of the north side as the aspect from which the Cathedral is viewed, the resultant, central location of the tower and the suggestion of a single-tower façade. This symmetry is realized

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in the Wittenberg Relic Book using different means and a different arrange­ ment. Cranach balances the layout of the image symmetrically by situating mountain and tower as counterweights in the graphic design which commu­ nicate with each other within the pictorial space. Through his inclusion of the mighty tower, which originally belonged to the Castle, the church is clear­ ly allocated the function of Castle Church and refers, therefore, to its secular patrons and founders.53 This, in turn, draws a line to the preceding depiction of Frederick and John. 2.4 Chronicle of a Collection: The Introductory Text The introduction begins by addressing the faithful: “allen vnnd yeden Crist­ glaubigen menschen waß er wirden wesens oder Stands die befunden. sey kunt vnd offenbar” [to all and every Christian person, of whatever dignity, na­ ture or estate he may be, let it be proclaimed and revealed].54 This is immedi­ ately followed by an account of the origins of the collection, whose most sig­ nificant relics date back to the Saxon Ascanians. We are told that Rudolf of Saxony received a precious relic, a thorn from Christ’s Crown of Thorns, from the French king Philip vi in return for military aid;55 and the introduction goes on to describe Rudolf’s furnishing of the Castle Church in Wittenberg in hon­ our of God, His Mother Mary and All Saints. The fact that his son, Rudolf ii, endowed the church with further revenue is also stressed. The sequence con­ tinues with Frederick’s direct predecessors as rulers of Saxony: Frederick the Quarrelsome; his own father Ernst and the latter’s brother Albrecht; down to Frederick the Wise himself and his co-ruler and brother, John. Frederick is named by his two highest imperial offices – Arch-Marshal (Erzmarschall) of the Holy Roman Empire and Imperial Governor (Reichsstatthalter) – and, 53 54 55

Today the tower is part of the Castle Church (Harksen, ‘Das Schloß zu Wittenberg,’ p. 35). wrb, fol. 2r. “Hertzog Rudolff von Sachssen … bey dem Cristliche[n] koenig Philipsen vo[n] franck­ reich sich solcher manlichen vn[d] redliche[n] getette jn houptkriegen vnd feltschlagen erzaygt vnd bewisen das er vnder andern königklichen belonu[n]gen seyner rumlichen Ritterlichen vbungen. Die sonder groß gab. Ayns heiligen dorns der yn der heiligen Chron vnd vnserm herrn vnd erlöser sein gebenedeuts haubt schmertzlich verwunt mit eynem gulden bilde ains königs … erlangt vn[d] verdient hat” [Duke Rudolf [ii] of Saxony … showed and proved himself to the Christian King Philip of France with such manly and upright deeds in major battles and in campaigns that, amongst other royal rewards for his glorious chivalric exploits, he obtained and deserved the especially magnificent gift of a holy thorn from the Holy Crown of Thorns which had inflicted painful wounds on the blessed head of Our Lord and Saviour, together with the image of a king in gold] (wrb, fol. 2r). The relic was kept in the small statue reliquary of Saint Louis (wrb, fol. 41v).

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­ aturally, by the title of Electoral Prince, as was his due. John is named with his n most important titles: Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meissen. Once again it becomes apparent that while John may be co-ruler, his rank is lower than that of his brother. Nonetheless, the political statement made by the title page is repeated in the declaration that both princes took up the reins of government in “nachuolg der fußstapffen des obgemeltes lobliches churfursten jrer gnaden vatters Hertzog Ernsts vo[n] Sachse[n]” [following in the footsteps of the aforementioned laudable Electoral Prince, their gracious father Duke Ernst of Saxony].56 Value is placed on the aspect of joint rule: uni­ ty is programmatic. It is made clear that, while the collegiate church had already received en­ dowments and donations from Frederick’s predecessors and ancestors, it would henceforth be particularly and generously remembered “zu geystlicher tzyre” [for its spiritual adornment] and “un[ter]haltung ewiges gots diensts” [maintenance of the eternal service of God]. Cardinal Raimund Peraudi, Bish­ op of Gurk in Austria and General Legate to the Holy Roman Empire of the Throne of Saint Peter in Rome, is mentioned by name; he consecrated the church. The procurement of the papal brief exhorting all bishops and prelates of the Empire to donate relics to Frederick also finds its way into the text. The precise information about the date the papal brief was acquired – “auff Jungst gehabten Reychstag zn Costentz” [at the Imperial Diet recently held in ­Constance] – demonstrates its significance for Frederick’s collection, the aug­ mentation of which was sanctioned by the Pope, something to which attention is explicitly drawn.57 More praise is lavished on the Castle Church as a place for the worship of God and the saints. The Assembly of the Saints are intended, as intermediaries, to commend people to God. A further function of the work, one simultaneously aimed at both participation on earth and transcendence, is addressed when the reader is told that all reliquaries and vessels in the Book were listed, illustrated (copied) and printed so that all Christians might be moved to acquire indulgences and thereby to attain eternal bliss, as well as for the praise of God, Mary and all the saints.58 56 57 58

wrb, fol. 2v. This is the above-mentioned brief of 12 June 1507. “Vnd alle Cristglaubige menschen zu aplas vn[d] außleschung yrer sunde Auch zuerlan­ gung ewiger seligkeit gereytzt vnd bewegt werden mögen So ist dem almechtigen Maria der lobwirdigsten vnnd hochgebenedeytisten Junckfrawen vnd mutter gots. Allen lieben heiligen. Vnnd dem gantzen hymelischen hehr zu sonderlichem lob vnd ehrerbietung furgenomen alles vnd yedes gedachter löblichen Stifftkirchen hailigthum mit seyne[n] zirlichen beheltnussen Jn diß büchlein stuckweyß verzaichen abmalen vnd drucken zu

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Then the texts tells us the date for the display of relics, which takes place “Jerlich auff Montag nach dem Sontag Misericordia d[omi]ni” [Annually on the Monday after Misericordia Sunday], and records the indulgences to be ob­ tained on this occasion.59 The reader is informed, in minute detail, how many indulgences are available in every processional section and for every fragment of relic.60 The important Portiuncula indulgence is also mentioned, which could be obtained at times other than the display. However, the fame brought by its full remission of sins illuminated the display of relics as well and served to demonstrate the importance of the location. The Portiuncula indulgence could be acquired in the Castle Church annually, on All Saints’ Day, and, as observed in the text, had been granted to the Castle Church by Pope Boniface ix.61 Further, the introduction remarks that this particular indulgence could only be obtained “an wenige[n] orten dan zu Assias vn[d] diser Kirche[n]” [in few places other than Assisi and this church], a claim which emphasizes the exclusivity of Wittenberg Castle Church.62 In conclusion, the precious relics are once again recommended to the faith­ ful “zu besserung yres lebens Vud merung yrer seligkait” [for the reform of their lives and increase of their blessedness]; and, so that nothing might remain concealed, the text emphasizes that it presents everything in the same se­ quence as the display of relics: “Vnd volgt die zaigung des hailigthumbs diser maß vnd gestalt” [And the display of the relics follows this measure and

59 60

61 62

lassen” [And let all Christian faithful be prompted and moved to obtain indulgences and extinguish their sins, also to achieve eternal salvation. Thus, from this aforementioned praiseworthy church each and every holy relic, with its finely ornamented container, has been individually sketched, copied and printed in this little book to the especial praise of and reverence to Almighty Mary, the most praiseworthy and blessed Virgin and Mother of God, of all beloved saints and the whole Heavenly Host] (wrb, fol. 3r). wrb fol. 3r. Misericordias domini is the second Sunday after Easter. “[Z]u einem yeden gang hundert tag Vnd von einem yeden stuck oder partickel desselben [des Heiligtums] der vber etlich tausent seint hundert tag aplas geben” [For every proces­ sional section one hundred days and for every piece or particle of the same [the relics], of which there are several thousand, one hundred days of indulgence are granted] (wrb, fol. 3v). The document awarding the Portiuncula indulgence dates from 19 June 1398 (Kühne, Os­ tensio Reliquiarum, p. 405). wrb, fol. 3v. Andreas Meinhardi, a Master of the University of Wittenberg, reports in greater detail on this point in a didactic poem in Latin, in which we read that the Portiun­ cula indulgence could be obtained only in Assisi (as the introduction notes) and in Saint Birgitta’s monastery of Vadstena (Dialogus illustrate et augustissime urbis Albiorene vulgo Vittenberg dicte (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg) (vd 16 M 2251)). This poem is readily availa­ ble in the German translation by Martin Treu (Andreas Meinhardi, Über die hochberühm­ te und herrliche Stadt Wittenberg, transl. and ed. by Martin Treu (Leipzig: Reclam, 1986), p. 142).

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form].63 The book therefore claims to provide a pictorial reflection of the dis­ play and combines this with the promise to make it possible for the reader to reconstruct the event in his imagination at any time. The introduction, therefore, offers a historical overview, starting with the origins of the relic collection and Castle Church under the Saxon Ascanians and ending with Frederick the Wise and John the Constant. It praises the princes as donors, founders of Wittenberg University, commissioners of build­ ings and territorial rulers; and only then does it announce the salvation to be secured through the treasury of merit and mention the date of the display. The text reflects the claim made by Frederick the Wise, already manifest in the choice of location for his splendid, prestigious castle and the augmentation of the treasury of relics belonging to the collegiate church.64 It constitutes a de­ termined reference to seniority and ancient status and hence the Electoral Prince’s integration into history. Organizational Principles: From Structures of Grouping to Structures of Narrative The Wittenberg Relic Book, like other relic books, mirrors the display in its di­ vision into processional sections. What is new and innovatory is that the head­ ing on every double page identifies the section, so the reader is always in a position to match the relics or their containers to their respective point in the display.65 Other new features are the register which gives the sum of all relics by reliquary and by section; and the statement of the sum total of all the frag­ ments of saints and indulgences connected to them. The Book is subdivided into eight processional sections, although later inventories of the Wittenberg relic collection provide evidence that the constant growth of the collection, also after 1509, led to the institution of further sections.66 In the printed work these are organized according to the hierarchy of the saints. Consequently, the first and second sections include the relics of Holy Virgins and Widows; the third section those of the Confessors of the Christian faith; the fourth and fifth sections the relics of the Holy Martyrs. The sixth section brings together the bones of the Evangelists and Apostles; while the vast majority of relics in the 2.5

63 64 65 66

wrb, fol. 3v. The founding of the University in 1502 also belongs in this context. For example: “Der erst gang dis heiligthums” [The first processional section of these rel­ ics]; “Der ander gang dis heiligthums” [The second processional section of these relics] etc. In 1513 there are nine; and five years later, in 1518, there are already twelve (Fritz Bell­ mann etc. (eds.), Die Denkmale der Lutherstadt Wittenberg (Weimar: Böhlau, 1979), pp. 261–264).

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seventh section are those of Christ and of saints with a direct or indirect rela­ tionship to Christ: for example, contact relics of prophets and patriarchs and John the Baptist, or relics of Saint Anne and the Virgin Mary. Relics of divine miracles from the age of the Old Testament are also listed here. The eighth sec­ tion contains only relics of Christ’s Passion. This sequence of saints in their groups is already encountered in the introductory invocations in earlier Lita­ nies of the Saints,67 albeit in reverse order, i.e., the sequence ends on the group of the Virgins, as is the case in the Vienna Relic Book. 2.6 The Glass of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary The importance of theme and content intensifies with each section, especially towards the end, just as the entire Book also reaches a dramaturgical climax towards its end.68 Similarly, the reliquaries and relics which open a given group can be of considerable significance, something which is particularly true of the reliquary which inaugurates the entire presentation of the Wittenberg relics: the Glass of Saint Elizabeth. On the one hand, the Glass is said to have been owned by the saint herself; on the other, it contained relics of her. It is one of the few reliquaries in the collection whose history can be traced back quite a long way and, in contrast to all the others, it still exists.69 In the Wittenberg Relic Book it occupies a prominent first place amongst the illustrations of the reliquaries. If the sequence in the Book is compared to older inventories of the Wittenberg relics, the Glass first appears in this position in this particular printed work.70 According to the accompanying text, the Glass contained vari­ ous fragments of the saint, including her cloak, her robe, her hair and her bones.71 67 68 69

70 71

Knopp, ‘Sanctorum nomina seriatim,’ esp. pp. 205–206. Evidence for individual examples in Cárdenas, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 47–65. Today the Elizabeth Glass is kept in the Art Collections of the Veste Coburg, inv. no. a. S. 652. After the relic collection was dissolved by Electoral Prince John the Constant, the Glass came into the possession of Martin Luther (Bernd Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ in Johannes Schilling (ed.), Die Reformation und das Mittelalter. Kirchenhistorische Auf­ sätze (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991), pp. 249–262). On the dissolution of the Wittenberg relic collection see Ernst Müller, ‘Die Entlassung des ernestinischen Kämmer­ ers Johann Rietesel im Jahre 1532 und die Auflösung des Wittenberger Heiligtums,’ Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 80 (1989), pp. 213–239. As well as the Glass, a Marian relic (one not given a setting) has also been preserved, namely, a piece of blue velvet reputed to have come from her cloak. Each time in the fourth place in the fourth section: in the inventory reproduced by Mein­ hardi (Meinhardi, Über die hochberühmte hochberühmte und herrliche Stadt Wittenberg, p. 131); in ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 47r; and ThHStAW Reg. O 212, fol. 3v. “Erstlich wirt hie gezaigt Ein glaß Sante Elysabeth Eyn partickel von yrem mantel Eyn partickel von yrem kleydt Ein partickel von yren haren Viij andre partickel yres hailigen

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The noteworthy opening sequence with Elizabeth, present through the Glass and the relics preserved in it, might be explained by the acts ascribed to her. She is said to have restored the sight of a boy born blind and to have raised not fewer than sixteen people from the dead.72 These miracles, which align her with Christ, allowed her to appear worthy of inaugurating the long sequence of Holy Virgins and Widows. However, this cannot have been the only decisive factor in the choice of her relics as the prelude to the rest of the Book. Eliza­ beth’s Glass is mentioned for the first time in the fourteenth century as one of the precious relics in the Franciscan monastery at the foot of the Wartburg founded in 1331 by the Landgrave of Thuringia, the Wettin Frederick iii. Eliza­ beth’s relics, amongst them her chalice, girdle and spoon, were frequently lent out. The saint’s girdle was worn by Thuringian princesses as protection during childbirth.73 On one such occasion the relics failed to make their way back to the Franciscan monastery. This emerges from a letter written by the guardians of the two Franciscan monasteries in Eisenach to the Electoral Prince Freder­ ick the Wise on 11 November 1491. According to them, the first wife of the Wet­ tin Duke William iii, who really did give birth to two daughters in 1449 and 1453, sent for the relics ‘in ettlichen iren Noeten’ [her various times of distress] and obviously kept them.74 Since then William iii and his second wife, Katha­ rina von Brandenstein, had lent the relics to pregnant women from the House of Wettin and the wives of reigning princes so that they might facilitate a “gluckseliger, sneller geburt” [blessed, rapid delivery].75 The Glass was proba­ bly used as a drinking vessel and for the production of wine to which miracu­ lous powers were attributed. In 1474 one of the addressees, Albrecht Achilles, Electoral Prince of Brandenburg, reports that after an unproblematic delivery his wife Anna “viel Weins in den kopf giessen lassen, den in neue gefeß ­gefasset, armen Frauen mitzutailen” [had a great deal of wine poured into the chalice, had it transferred into new vessels, in order to share it with poor [i.e., pregnant] gebeins. zwen zehn von der heiligen Elizabeth” [First are shown here a Glass of Saint Elizabeth, a fragment of her cloak, a fragment of her robe, some of her hair, eight other fragments of her holy bones, two toes of Saint Elizabeth] (wrb, fol. 3v). 72 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 56. 73 Joseph Kremer, Beiträge zur Geschichte der klösterlichen Niederlassungen Eisenachs im Mittelalter (Fulda: Fuldaer Actiendruckerei, 1905), p. 90. Koch offers an exhaustive list of all the people to whom the relics were lent (Robert Koch, ‘Der Glasbecher der heiligen Elisabeth in Coburg,’ in Sankt Elisabeth. Fürstin, Dienerin, Heilige. Ausstellung zum 750. Todestag der hl. Elisabeth (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1981), pp. 272–284 (pp. 281–282)). 74 Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ p. 252, p. 336, fn. 12; see also Brigitte Streich, Zwischen Reiseherrschaft und Residenzbildung. Der wettinische Hof im späten Mittelalter (Cologne/ Vienna: Böhlau, 1989), p. 220. 75 Cited after Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ p. 252.

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women].76 In this way a stock of ‘sanctified’ wine was produced and the mi­ raculous powers of the relic multiplied.77 In Marburg, too, the centre of the cult of Saint Elizabeth, relics of the saint served to support women in the hour of childbirth. Here it is relatives of the Landgrave of Hesse, of the House of Brabant, to whom they were temporarily loaned.78 The relics of Saint Elizabeth fulfilled two functions: on the one hand, they were meant to soothe pregnant women’s fear of giving birth and avert the danger of death; on the other, they had a political, dynastic role.79 The Houses of Wettin and Brabant, both related to or descended from Elizabeth, exploited their common relative, who was canonized in 1235. She was of use to the family in that their holy ancestor was supposed to ensure the survival of the two dy­ nasties.80 Such actions were aimed above all at the self-image, or rather the self-construction, of the noble houses.81 These historical connections illumi­ nate the backdrop against which the relics – important to the Wettins from both a political and a genealogical perspective – occupy a position as promi­ nent as the beginning of the Wittenberg Relic Book. This pre-eminence, both during the display and in the Book, highlights the family’s descent from an important saint and at the same time commends them to her. Since the relics of Elizabeth first become tangible through this edition,82 we may assume that, by this juncture at the latest, the visualization of the dynasty’s association with a saint was deliberate policy. Saint Elizabeth was used for the sacral and auratic legitimation of the Wettins’ own dynastic claims.

76 77 78 79 80

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Cited after Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ p. 252. Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ p. 252. Three such cases can be documented for the years 1468, 1485 and 1490 (Moeller, ‘Eine Reli­ quie Luthers,’ p. 253). Moeller brings out this point (Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ p. 253). Moeller, ‘Eine Reliquie Luthers,’ p. 253. After the death of Henry Raspe iv in 1247 there were several contenders for the Landgraviate of Thuringia, but the Wettins were success­ ful in asserting themselves against the Landgrave dynasty of Hesse (Hans Patze etc. (eds.), Geschichte Thüringens, ii/1 (5 vols., Cologne: Böhlau, 1974)). On the exploitation of Saint Elizabeth for specific purposes see Karl Ernst Demandt, ‘Ver­ fremdung und Wiederkehr der Heiligen Elisabeth,’ Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesge­ schichte, 22 (1972), pp. 112–161; Matthias Werner, ‘Mater Hassiae – Flos Ungariae – Gloria Teutoniae. Politik und Heiligenverehrung im Nachleben der hl. Elisabeth von Thüringen,’ in Jürgen Petersohn (ed.), Politik und Heiligenverehrung im Hochmittelalter (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1994), pp. 449–540, who partly corrects him. It is interesting that the saint’s girdle and spoon, which are mentioned several times in the briefs, are not listed in the Relic Book. They were probably deliberately omitted from the relics belonging to the church. In 1580 the spoon was still present when the archive re­ cords were reorganized (Koch, ‘Der Glasbecher,’ p. 284, fn. 41).

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2.7 Pointed Theological Emphasis Sections 1 to 6 are really just concerned with loosely accentuating the begin­ ning and end of the work,83 although the ranks of the holy community were, noticeably, led by a saint worshipped by the dynasty. However, the last two sections can be read as a theological narrative. Based on the sequence of their relics and the iconographic programme of their reliquaries, the Life and Pas­ sion of Christ are reconstructed in approximately chronological order. This does not constitute a picture story in the real sense, but rather pictorial, sacral and material references to events in the history of salvation and the Passion.84 Relics of Old Testament figures come at the beginning of the seventh proces­ sional section and, as prefigurations of Christ, appear before those of John the Baptist, Saint Anne, mother of Mary, and Mary herself. They also come before the relics of Christ, the sequence of which reconstructs the history of His child­ hood and Passion. The relics of Mary are united in the small statue of the Madonna in the sev­ enth section and listed in such a way that Mary’s whole life unfolds in chrono­ logical sequence (Fig. 83). The sequence begins with the town in which Mary was born, continues with the stations of her life and concludes with relics from the spot whence she ascended into Heaven. Accordingly, in the following stat­ uette of the boy Jesus we find only objects which relate to His birth and early childhood, such as fragments of the manger, His cradle, myrrh (a gift from the Three Kings) and of the place where Christ was circumcised. It is only consist­ ent that the eighth section, which contains only relics of the Passion, culmi­ nates in the image of the victorious Risen Christ (Fig. 84). The eighth section sums up the number of relics in the entire Castle Church collection and specifies the indulgences to be obtained, but before this a “Sarch

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The relics of Saint Ursula, for example, are included at the end of the group of the Holy Virgins and Widows, since these were particularly important to Frederick. Frederick was a member of the Fraternity of the Small Ships of Saint Ursula, whose patron he is reputed to have been (Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 363; Lukas Cranach i, pp. 223–224). The socalled “Small Ships of Saint Ursula” are Ursulan fraternities whose numerous members (including bishops, abbots and kings) hoped for safe passage to the eternal shores under the saint’s protection, to be achieved by the small ship’s holy cargo (the Masses and prayers paid-for or promised as the fare on joining) (‘Ursula,’ in LThK, x. 574–575). Gener­ ally on Fraternities of Saint Ursula see André Schnyder, Die Ursulabruderschaften des Spätmittelalters (Bern/Stuttgart: Haupt, 1986). By contrast, the processional section of the Apostles and Evangelists was concluded with the two Princes of the Holy Roman Church, Saints Peter and Paul. Kalkoff draws attention to the fact that the history Our Lord’s Passion came at the end as the climax (Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 62).

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Figure 83 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fols. 35v and 36r: Statuettes of the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child

mit Silber beschlagen” [coffin with silver mounts] is mentioned. In it were pre­ served “partickel heiliger gepein … gestein von heilige[n] stetten / welche durch vorbleichen [der] schrifft aldershalben nicht mochten gelesen vn[d] namhafftig angetzeigt werden” [fragments of saints’ bones … stones from holy sites which cannot all be identified and recorded by name because the inscrip­ tions have faded].85 An annotation in the Weimarer Skizzenbuch [Weimar Sketchbook] provides clarification: this casket was placed in front of the Castle Church during displays of the relics,86 ensuring that the nameless remains of 85 wrb, fol. 44r. 86 The Weimar Sketchbook (ThHStAW Reg. O 213) is a pictorial inventory of Wittenberg rel­ ics. Subdivided into seven processional sections, it brings together eighty-two pen-andink drawings of reliquaries in the Wittenberg collection. It also notes the saints whose relics were kept in them. The quality of the sketches varies and they are by various hands. The book of sketches was created after the inventory reproduced by Meinhardi in his Dia­ logus (Bellmann, Denkmale, p. 257). Robert Bruck was the first to publish sections of the Sketchbook (Robert Bruck, Friedrich der Weise als Förderer der Kunst (Strasbourg: Heitz, 1903), pp. 214–215, pp. 303–307; Robert Bruck, ‘Die Originalentwürfe zu den Wittenber­ ger Heiligtümern,’ Monatsberichte über Kunst und Kunstwissenschaft, 3, 11/12 (1903),

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Figure 84 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 44r: Statuette of the Risen Christ pp. 301–304). See also Katharina Flügel’s habilitation thesis on the drawings of the statu­ ettes c­ ontaining relics (Katharina Flügel, ‘Das Weimarer Skizzenbuch zum Wittenberger Heiligtum. Die Zeichnungen der Reliquienstatuetten und einige Bemerkungen zur Kunst in Sachsen unter Friedrich dem Weisen’ (unpublished habilitation thesis, University of

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saints were also commended to the attention of the faithful. It was customary to hold onto relics such as these and to exhibit them within the framework of a display; or to record them in lists of relics. This tradition always contained a reference to the great age of the relics, legitimizing them in a sort of circular reasoning.87 As with the relic from the Crown of Thorns obtained generations earlier, the Book refers to the antiquity of the relics in the Wittenberg collec­ tion, without, however, suspending the theological narrative, which climaxes in the image of the Risen Christ. The collection and its aesthetic presentation in the medium of print document the wish to make present the entire com­ munity of saints through both their relics and the pictorial evidence of their reliquaries; and thereby to enable the faithful to experience the history of sal­ vation in material form. 2.8 Stressing Significance through Pictures The illustrations of reliquaries in older relic books follow one after the other in a uniform sequence; and the differences in size and proportion of the reliquar­ ies are levelled out by the uniform format of the woodcuts. The Wittenberg Relic Book, however, pursues the opposite strategy: the images are not pre­ sented in the same format throughout, nor are there pages whose design and layout are repeated.88 The distribution of images on the page corresponds to the sequence of saints within the hierarchical categories of the various sec­ tions. The tendency to group together saints who belong to a specific social class or estate is reflected in the formal order and layout of the reliquaries. Striking clusters of smaller vessels on one page (albeit never more than four) alternate with pages on which only one vessel is depicted. Consequently, the arrangement of the woodcuts both on the individual pages and throughout the entire book is correlated to the structural sequence of the relics in their containers. Since, contrary to previous practice, the reliquaries were not arranged in a uniform sequence,89 their aesthetically pleasing presentation appears to have

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Leipzig, 1988)). The casket is illustrated on fol. 89r of the Weimar Sketchbook (ThHStAW Reg. O 213). This casket appears at the very beginning of the inventory from 1513 (Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 54–55). Anonymous reli))cs are also included in the lists of relics in the Andechs Chronicles (gw 1641, gw 1642, VD16 V2527); the Augsburg Chronicle (gw 2860); and the Hall Relic Book of Florian Waldauf. In the Halle Relic Book of Albrecht of Brandenburg it is noticeable that the identification of relics takes place in the first processional section, in line with the reverse sequence within the Book. The series of the Apostles constitutes an exception, since here their depiction as a group was the decisive plan behind the representation of them. Cf. the Relic Books of Bamberg, Würzburg and Vienna, as well as the Hall Relic Book, which came into existence at about the same time.

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played a role. Such considerations went beyond alternating the array of relics in their receptacles. Each section and each page exhibit a different layout. Only once are four reliquaries depicted on one page (Fig. 85).

Figure 85 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 7v

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Whilst in the first six processional sections frequently two, occasionally even three, woodcut illustrations are included on one page, only once in each of the last two sections do we find two illustrations on one page. This ­corresponds to the increasing importance of the relics towards the end of the Book, which expresses itself in the fact that an entire page each is devoted to reliquaries containing the more important ones. Moreover, both woodcuts present relics which belong together, namely, of Saint Anne (seventh section) and the Holy Cross (eighth section). Here the pages are not, as in the first six sections, di­ vided between several saints, but devoted solely to one person (Saint Anne) or the relics of the Cross. We have, then, a case of pictorial intensification, not fragmentation (Fig. 86). 2.9 Model and Symbol The Nuremberg Relic Book was the model for the structural sequence of the Wittenberg Relic Book. Even if far fewer in number, the relics of the Passion are also presented in the Nuremberg work as the climax of the third and final section and are ordered chronologically: from a piece of the tablecloth used at the Last Supper to the cloth with which Jesus dried His Disciples’ feet to the actual relics of the Passion, namely, the thorns from the Crown of Thorns, the slivers of the Cross and the Holy Lance with a nail from the Crucifixion bound onto its shaft. The multitude of saints whose relics were preserved in the Wittenberg col­ legiate church reveal the Electoral Prince’s systematic, policy-driven endeav­ our to assemble the community of saints in its greatest possible ­completeness– an intention which derived its symbolism from the patronage of the church, which was dedicated to All Saints.90 Although it had already been consecrated in honour of All Saints under the Ascanians, it was only under Frederick the Wise and his assembly of relics from the greatest conceivable number of saints that this patronage assumed concrete, tangible form. Taken together, the pro­ cessional sections reflect the presence of the hierarchy of saints, rendering their whole community visible and culminating in the image of the Risen Christ. After the publication of the Book the Electoral Prince still strove to aug­ ment his treasure, a desire manifested in his indefatigable, persistent collect­ ing. His activity was simultaneously informed by the wish for comprehen­ sive protection and insurance through the intercession of as many saints as ­possible, a concern reflected more generally in the continual increase in the 90

Erlemann and Stangier, ‘Festum Reliquiarum,’ p. 29.

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Figure 86 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 35r: Bust and statue reliquary of Saint Anne with the Virgin Mary and Christ Child

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Figure 87 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 44v: Coat of arms of Frederick the Wise

number of endowed Masses at the end of the fifteenth century.91 The introduc­ tion to the Book makes it clear, however, that this cannot have been the sole 91

On the purchase of relics after 1509, see Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 66–84; Bünz, ‘Zur Geschichte des Wittenberger Heiltums.’

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motive. Moreover, unlike older relic books the work does not conclude on the colophon or intercessory prayers for the Pope, Emperor and imperial aristoc­ racy, but with Frederick’s coat of arms (Fig. 87). It is framed by trees, the crowns of which form a sort of baldachin. A multitude of small putti romp around the tree tops and on both sides of the coat of arms. This draws a line back to the beginning of the Book with its portrait of the ruling princes; and the relics are unequivocally presented in the context of Saxon rule. 3

Shifting Statements: A Comparison between the B-Edition and the A-Edition

As mentioned above, Ernst Schulte-Strathaus was the first to draw attention to the two variant editions of the Wittenberg Relic Book; he also proved the exist­ ence of the hitherto unknown first edition (A). This is fifty-two pages long and illustrated by 108 woodcuts, of which 105 depict reliquaries; whereas edition (B), published only a short time later in the same year, is forty-four pages long and boasts an engraving and 119 woodcuts, amongst them 117 reliquaries.92 The significant divergences between the A- and B-editions – the sequence of relics and text; the number of relics and reliquaries; a different method of counting – gave Schulte-Strathaus grounds to suppose that the collection had increased in size in a relatively short space of time and therefore been reorganized, with the result that the A version had rapidly become out-of-date. Since no copies of the first edition are still extant, apart from one whose existence is known to us, Schulte-Strathaus assumed the edition had been withdrawn and destroyed.93 However, a second look at the A-edition reveals the fundamental reason for the restructuring of the B-edition: the wish to sharpen the statement made by the Book and thereby enhance its quality as a medium of communication. The re­ ally quite rapid growth of the collection and its ensuing reorganization cannot have been the decisive impulse behind the new edition, because subsequently the collection was steadily augmented at a vigorous pace without this giving rise to a further edition.94 The intention must have been to align the contents 92 93 94

For a compilation of woodcuts added to the B-edition, see Appendix 5. Schulte-Strathaus, ‘Die Wittenberger Heiltumsbücher,’ p. 179. The assumption that an edi­ tion was withdrawn is confirmed by woodcuts from the A-edition which were cut out of the book and have come down to us as single objects. See Appendix 1. The growth of the collection can be traced using the inventories compiled after the print­ ing of the Relic Book in 1509. The inventory Jena, Univ. Bibl. ms App. 23b (after 1509 and before 1513) records eight processional sections with 118 relics; the inventory Jena, Univ. Bibl. ms Bos. qu. 26a, fol. 1 (1513) lists nine sections with 134 reliquaries; the inventory ThHStAW Reg. O 211, fol. 1 (1518) records twelve sections with 173 vessels (the extension of the relic collection to twelve sections probably took place as early as 1516; cf. a Summa of

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differently, a re-orientation which required a restructuring, more images and additional theological explication. The following discussion highlights ­essential differences between the A- and B-editions, albeit without going into every last detail. The most decisive changes, which resulted in a significant shift in the state­ ment made by the work, consist in the recasting of its beginning and end, since in the A-edition the coat of arms of the Saxon Electoral Prince now appears below the title (Fig. 88).95 At the end we find the depiction of Christ on the Cross with the Virgin Mary and John the Evangelist, an image similar to those Cranach had created for the Passau Missal. The colophon is printed under­ neath (Fig. 89).96 The depiction of the Church of All Saints is found in the same place on the second page and followed in turn by the introduction. Apart from differences in the spelling of individual words, the text is essentially identical to that of the later edition. In the A-edition the number of relic fragments is noted only spo­ radically in the list of individual relics, a practice which excludes a summary by reliquary and processional section. Accordingly, a reference to the sum total of relic fragments is lacking at the end of the book. Further differences between the two editions are the relationship between text and image and the positioning of the woodcuts. Thus, in the A-edition a woodcut far more frequently occupies a page to itself.97 This, if anything, loos­ er distribution of the illustrations frequently gives rise to pages of pure text which list fragments of saints’ bodies. The layout of the images and their

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96 97

the relics dated the same year in ThHStAW Reg. O 154, fols. 17–20). In 1518 Spalatin records twelve sections with 174 reliquaries (ThHStAW Reg. O 154, fols. 24–35). This information is taken from Bellmann, Denkmale, pp. 258–264. The years between 1509 and 1518 therefore witnessed an increase of fifty-seven reliquaries. Spalatin notes the sum of the relics: in 1513 there were 5,262 and in 1518 17,443, in contrast to the 5,005 pieces recorded in the Relic Book of 1509 (Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 64–65). The use of the tree-framed coat of arms of Electoral Saxony as the title image may have been inspired by the title woodcut in the Peregrinatio in terram sanctam by Bernhard von Breydenbach (Mainz, 1486) (gw 5075). Apart from the B-edition of the Wittenberg Relic Book, the woodcut of the coat of arms of Frederick the Wise is used in Andreas Boden­ stein von Karlstadt, Verba Dei (Wittenberg: Melchior Lotter d. J., 1520) (vd 16 B 6210); cf. Lukas Cranach i, no. 101, p. 220. This woodcut of the Crucifixion was re-used in Martin Luther, Eyn Sermon von der be­ trachtung des heyligen leydens Christi (Wittenberg: Johann Grunenberg, 1519, 1520, 1521) (vd 16 L 5538, L 6520, L 6524, L 6527); see also Lukas Cranach i, no. 102, p. 221. In the A-edition there are eighteen pages which each have two woodcuts, whereas in the B-edition there are twenty-eight pages with several woodcuts, sometimes three or four.

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a­ ccompanying texts creates empty spaces of varying sizes on the pages of the book (Figs. 90 and 91). This demonstrates that its layout is not yet properly co-ordinated. By con­ trast, in the B-edition there are no pages which contain only text, apart from those in the introduction. Occasionally, the texts surround the images, making it possible to achieve a lower number of pages despite depicting a higher ­number of reliquaries. The images and passages of text now look substantially more concentrated.98 The textual description of the reliquaries also proves thoroughly redundant in the A-edition as compared to the B-edition. The reliquary texts are arranged in such a way that the reliquaries are numbered consecutively in each proces­ sional section. First a text identifies, in larger font, the receptacle itself and significant characteristics of either the material from which it is fashioned or the object itself. Then the saints whose relics it contains are listed in a smaller font; occasionally the relevant body parts or other items are specified (e.g., part of an arm, the head, a tooth, cloak etc.). The phrases “dorinne ist” [in it is], “hat in sich” [has inside], “helt in sich” [contains inside] invariably build the bridge between the reliquary and its contents.99 The B-edition no longer relies on such context-dependent measures. It transfers this redundant linguistic com­ munication to the complex possibilities of the images themselves in order to convey information. The eight processional sections which follow the introduction are ordered ac­ cording to the hierarchy of saints. This organizational principle can be traced from the A-edition of the Wittenberg Relic Book onwards, so was probably not implemented until the book was in production.100 After the table of contents, 98

Schulte-Strathaus feels this compression of text and image detracts from the beauty of the page design (Schulte-Strathaus ‘Die Wittenberger Heiltumsbücher,’ p. 182). However, it is precisely the dense arrangement of images that creates a greater visual appeal. 99 For example: “Zum Sechsten eyn Sylbern groß Bilde Sant Dorothe Darinne ist Von sant Dorothee funff partick Von sant Constancia eyn groß Beyn Jtem von …” [Sixth, a large silver bust of Saint Dorothy, in it are five fragments of Saint Dorothy. Of Saint Constance a large bone. Likewise of …] (WRB-A, fol. 6r); “Zum a[n]deren Eyn silbern Arm mit eyner obirgulten hant vn[d] Apffell hat in sich Eyn groß gebeyn Von dem arm sant Kayser Hein­ rich” [Second, a silver arm with a gilt hand and apple, has inside a large bone from the arm of the sainted Emperor Henry] (WRB-A, fol. 14v); “Zum funffte[n] eyn rothe Taffel mit zcwelf Silbern obirgulten Rosen dar jn[n]e edelgesteyne heldt jnn sich …” [Fifth, a red panel with twelve silver-gilt roses set with jewels, contains in it …] (WRB-A, fol. 22v). 100 Kalkoff’s remark that the systematic arrangement of the relics was based on an older tra­ dition cannot be confirmed (Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 53). Comparison to inventories compiled before the printing of the A-edition shows the relics were not yet

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Figure 88 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 1r: Title page

arranged according to the hierarchy of the saints (cf. Meinhardi (before 1506); Meinhardi, Über die hochberühmte hochberühmte und herrliche Stadt Wittenberg, Chap. 7, pp. 119–139; ThHStAW Reg. O 212 and ThHStAW Reg. O 213 (both before 1509)). On the classification and dating of the inventories see Bellmann, Denkmale, pp. 257–259.

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Figure 89 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 51r: Christ on the Cross with the Virgin Mary and John the Evangelist

which precedes the relics, the relics of a single saint are occasionally distributed across several reliquaries and sections. In 1508 Andreas Meinhardi, a Master in the Seven Liberal Arts at Wittenberg University, published a panegyric to the Saxon capital which included a list of relics. For the sixth processional s­ ection

220

Figure 90 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 20r

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Figure 91 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 20v

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alone he mentions eleven reliquaries containing relics of Saint Sebastian and other saints; further fragments of this saint are found in the fourth section. The relics of other saints are similarly spread across various reliquaries and sections.101 However, even in the A-edition the saints’ relics are not uniformly and consist­ ently allocated to their respective groups throughout.102 For example, ­although the Glass of Saint Elizabeth is also found in the first section in the A-edition, it does not occupy first place (Fig. 92). Rather, the text starts by identifying six vessels which contain the relics of various Virgins, Confessors, Martyrs and Apostles.103 Hence the heading above the first section runs as follows: “Der erst Gangk Jn welchem zum Ersten angezceigt wirdet das wirdig heylthumb von Jungkfrawen vnd witwen Hat etlich Tafelen Darinne hailgthumb vermischt ent­ halden” [The first processional ­section in which the worthy relics of Virgins and Widows are shown first. It has some panels which contain a mixture of relics].104 Furthermore, in contrast to the second edition, which lists only relics of Saint Elizabeth as being in the Glass, fragments of Saints Hedwig, Hilaria, Veronica and Sophia are mentioned. Moreover, the first, house-shaped, reliquary in the fourth section, which to­ gether with the fifth was dedicated to the Martyrs, contained the following rel­ ics (amongst others): some of Mary’s milk; part of the whip used to flagellate Our Lord; some of Saint Stephen’s blood; a piece of the True Cross; and frag­ ments of Saints Maurice, John the Baptist, Bartholomew, further Virgins and Confessors.105 In the B-edition these relics are assigned to their sacral 101 This work is the above-mentioned Dialogus (Meinhardi, Über die hochberühmte hoch­ berühmte und herrliche Stadt Wittenberg, esp. pp. 134–139; see also ThHStAW Reg. O 213, e.g., fols. 64v, 65v, 67v). 102 The necessity for a rearrangement did not affect all relics. There are some reliquaries which have the same contents in A and B. 103 This is without any indication as to their contents: “Ein holtzen Taffel mit zweyen flugeln domit man die Taffel zu thut” [A wooden panel with two wings with which the panel is closed]; “Ein klein Teffelein mit Gelber vn[d] Brauner seyde[n] vberzoge[n]” [A small lit­ tle panel covered in yellow and brown silk]; “Ein Taffel mit einez Crucifix an einem teyl vnd an dem andern teyl tregt Jesus das Creutz” [A panel with a crucifix on one part and on the other part Jesus carries the Cross]; “Ein klein Teffelein mit zweien deken in einem grunen futer” [A small little panel with two wings in a green cover]; “Ein rundt Pacificale in Rotem Sammot” [A round pax in red velvet]; “Ein viereckicht Taffel ym mittel vnser liebe[n] frawen bild” [A rectangular panel, in the middle the image of Our Dear Lady] (WRB-A, fols. 3v–4v). These six containers are subsumed under the first number. Eliza­ beth’s Glass is cited as the second in the sequence: “Zum andern wirtt hie gezeigt ein glas Sant Elisabet” [Second, a glass belonging to Saint Elizabeth is displayed here] (WRB-A, fol. 5r). 104 WRB-A, fol. 3v. 105 WRB-A, fols. 15v/16r.

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Figure 92 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 5r

c­ ategories; thus, the relics of Mary and John the Baptist are found in the s­ eventh section and those of Passion in the eighth, etc. Similarly, as well as numerous Passion relics, relics from Our Lord’s manger are listed in the last vessel in the

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Figure 93 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A), fol. 50v

eighth processional section (Fig. 93).106 In the B-edition these appear in the newly added statuette of the Christ Child in the seventh section, in line with 106 They are, in fact, in the penultimate receptacle. A woodcut of a further reliquary follows but this stands on its own, without an accompanying text to identify the relics (WRB-A, fol. 51r).

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the rigorously theological principles behind the structure and layout of this edition. Thus, the relics in their reliquaries were not ordered in a strictly systema­ tized sequence until the second edition of the Relic Book (B). However, it was not just the sequence of reliquaries which was reorganized while designing this edition: here, for the first time, the relics were logically re-ordered within their reliquaries and also assigned to the hierarchy of the saints in accordance with their category.107 In the short time which elapsed between the printing of ­editions A and B, further reliquaries – or perhaps only woodcuts of ­reliquaries – were added and the relics most stringently classified. Since the disparate se­ quence is no longer found in the B-edition, we may assume the order was changed in light of the latter’s ‘encyclopaedic’ arrangement. The relics of the saints – occasionally of several – are now either brought together in one reli­ quary or preserved in two successive reliquaries. Only in the last two sections does the theme of the relics themselves dictate their distribution across a larg­ er number of receptacles, but the chosen order is adhered to just as rigorously. The A-edition thus falls behind the B-edition when it comes to the possibili­ ties for expressing theological concepts. This is also evident in the last three processional sections, which are dedicated to the Apostles and the Childhood and Passion of Christ. In the A-edition, the Apostles’ relics are ordered and presented in a jumbled juxtaposition of Apostle statuettes and elaborate reli­ quaries; the B-edition, by contrast, boasts a doctrinally complete sequence of images. The statuettes of Matthew, Matthias, Simon, Judas Thaddaeus and Philip – not previously included – are added and through their arrangement two to a page complete the pictorial series of the twelve Disciples as an obvious theological group.108 The series now begins with the space-filling image of a lion as the symbolic animal of the Evangelist Mark; this is followed by the stat­ uettes of Matthew and Matthias and ends with the bust of Peter.109 The se­ quence accords a special place to the Apostolic thinking which binds the relic collection to the concept of missionizing. Similarly, in the last two sections the A-edition does not observe the same pictorial-theological rigour as the B-edition and align the images with the his­ tory of salvation. One example will suffice. In the A-edition the statuette of 107 Here, too, this can be reconstructed by comparing the inventories to the A-edition of the Wittenberg Relic Book (Meinhardi, Über die hochberühmte und herrliche Stadt ­Wittenberg, Chap. 7, pp. 119–139; ThHStAW Reg. O 213; ThHStAW Reg. O 212). 108 There is also a reliquary with the skin from Saint Bartholomew’s face (following the statu­ ette of Bartholomew), which breaks up the uniform series of Apostles but can be ex­ plained by this Apostle’s function as the personal patron saint of Frederick the Wise. 109 In the A-edition a panel reliquary occupies first position in the sixth section; the lion is only in second place. In last place is a statuette of Saint Peter; the bust of Saint Peter comes before that.

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the Risen Christ neither concludes the final section nor contains relics of the Tomb and the Resurrection, as is the case in the B-edition.110 Instead, the statu­ ette contains more relics of the Passion, which are linked to the Flagellation and hence to Christ’s human nature. In the B-edition the Risen Christ con­ cludes the collection, so the promise of resurrection after death is expressed not just in the image but, principally, in the actual relics and their sequence. In the second edition, this is also what creates the eschatological statement. The i­ncorporation of the Saxon ruling dynasty into the history of salvation is only achieved by replacing the depiction of the Crucifixion with the Electoral Prince’s coat of arms and creating an eschatological message through the posi­ tioning of the image of the victorious Risen Christ. On the whole, although the A-edition demonstrably, and pointedly, refers to the Electoral Prince as patron, it cannot operate on the same level as the B-edition, either paratactically or systematically, but above all theologically. The latter edition was purified, ful­ filling the wish for a more intense statement. Therefore, we may legitimately assume that the A-edition represents a type of draft edition, which is not only surpassed by the B-edition but ultimately and definitively redeemed by it. In the B-edition we have, for the first time, a complete, systematic and theo­ logically satisfying ideal-typical presentation of a relic collection. This is con­ firmed by the objection raised by the Chapter of the Castle Church on 9 No­ vember 1513 against the instruction from Frederick the Wise to surrender a large number of relics to his counsellor Count Philipp of Solms. Alongside nu­ merous other arguments against the surrender of the precious relics owned by the collegiate church, the Chapter cited the publication of a work listing and describing them. They claimed that giving away relics – the Count desired a total of 272 pieces – would render the edition unreliable.111 However, by this point the printed book had already failed to reflect the collection accurately for a long time, since the latter had grown through the addition of numerous reliquaries and relics.112 The Chapter’s argumentation was also served by the complex image of the collection, with its theological and territorial-dynastic statement. This statement allowed the Relic Book to appear a yardstick and ideal type despite the increase in relics and reliquaries.

110 In the B-edition the relics in the statuette of the Risen Christ are: “Vom Stein, der auf dem Grab gelegen hat, vom Grabe Christi, von der Stelle, von der aus Christi gen Himmel ge­ fahren ist” [A piece of the stone which lay on Christ’s Tomb, a piece of Christ’s tomb, a piece of from the spot whence Christ ascended into Heaven] (wrb, fol. 44r). 111 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 52. 112 The inventory from 1513 (Univ. Bibl. ms Bos. qu. 26a, fol. 1) records nine sections with 134 reliquaries; the B-edition records eight sections and 117 reliquaries (Bellmann, Denkmale, p. 258; and wrb).

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Model, Copy and Aesthetic Sublimation

The relationship between the original object and its representation in a wood­ cut can only be reconstructed for the one extant piece from the collection, the Elizabeth Glass. Otherwise only indirect comparison is possible, using the ­Weimar Sketchbook, which contains drawings of the Wittenberg relics.113 The sequence of original – sketch – woodcut can be followed without gaps only for the Elizabeth Glass (Figs. 94–96). For all other reliquaries we are obliged to do without the comparison to the concrete reference object. It is obvious from the Elizabeth Glass and its picture in the Weimar Sketch­ book that the drawings attempt to reproduce the reliquaries as faithfully as possible. In the Weimar drawing the precise embellishment of the ornamental high relief on the glass beaker is clearly recognizable. The border on the rim is accurately depicted in the sketch, as are the heart-shaped, ray-ribbed forms, the double volutes on the wall of the vessel and the characteristic ringed foot, which exhibits deep, rectangular notches. Important evidence for the near-complete fidelity to the original objects of the reliquary illustrations in the Weimar Sketchbook is the fact that features of an earlier style remain readable in the early sixteenth-century drawings. Thanks to them, the illustrations at times make it possible to order the reli­ quaries chronologically. For example, the image of a cross fashioned from rock crystal (Figs. 97 and 98) in the Sketchbook can be matched to a group of Vene­ tian crystal crosses created at the beginning of the fourteenth century.114 Where the arms of the cross intersect, a head is depicted which, despite its re­ duced size in the drawing, is still clearly recognizable as a late-Roman imperial bust, an object which suggests that an antique gem was integrated. A fur­ ther example of the stylistic fidelity of the drawings is the reliquary of Saint

113 Cited several times above under ThHStAW Reg. O 213. 114 A strikingly similar crystal cross has been preserved in Erfurt Cathedral Treasury, together with other crosses from this group (Edgar Lehmann and Ernst Schubert, Dom und Severikirche zu Erfurt (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1991), pp. 147–148; Hans R. Hahnloser and Susanne Brugger-Koch, Corpus der Hartsteinschliffe des 12.–15. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1985), pp. 131–132). One remarkable, feature are the ends of the crosses, which taper off into similarly stylized lilies. In the view of Jo­ hannes Erichsen the Erfurt cross is identical to the one from the Wittenberg relic collec­ tion (see Claus Grimm etc. (eds.), Lucas Cranach. Maler-Unternehmer aus Franken (Augs­ burg: Pustet, 1994), cat. No. 139, pp. 318–319). However, the drawing depicts the foot of the cross as completely flat, whereas the Erfurt piece has a concave foot made of rock crystal with ornamental engraving, one of several features which would have been omitted from the drawing.

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Figure 94 Glass of Saint Elizabeth, Art Collections of the Veste Coburg

Wenceslas in the form of a statuette (Figs. 99 and 100).115 He is depicted wear­ ing the coat of plates typical for the fourteenth century and holding a flag and escutcheon in his hands.116 Shield and sword are just as much a part of the 115 In both the drawing and the woodcut a ring in a simple setting is depicted on the plinth. Bellmann, Harksen and Roland suspect it was donated by the Ascanian Duke Wenceslas at the end of the fourteenth century (Denkmale, p. 265). It was customary to bring gifts to the statues of saints (Renate Kroos, ‘Opfer, Spende und Geld im mittelalterlichen Gottes­ dienst,’ Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 19 (1985), pp. 502–519, esp. pp. 515–516; Renate Kroos, ‘Hoch- und spätmittelalterliche Goldschmiedeplastik in der Mark Brandenburg (Quellen und Überlegungen),’ in Lothar Lambacher etc. (eds.), Die mittelalterliche Plastik in der Mark Brandenburg. Protokollband (Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 1990), pp. 147–152 (p. 149)). 116 Friedrich Hottenroth, Handbuch der deutschen Tracht (Stuttgart: Weise, 1896), pp. 425– 426; Bruno Thomas, Deutsche Plattnerkunst (Munich: Bruckmann, 1944), p. 35.

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Figure 95 Glass of Saint Elizabeth, drawing, ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 47r

characteristic equipment as the knee guards, the sollerets and the chains for securing weapons which hang from the armour. At the beginning of the six­ teenth century this type of armour, reproduced here in such detail, was no longer modern, or rather no longer conceivable in terms of weapons technolo­ gy.117 However, it is not merely the argument of weapons technology which 117 Hottenroth, Handbuch, pp. 424–452.

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Figure 96 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), detail from fol. 3v: Glass of Saint Elizabeth

supports the idea that an older figure was copied, since the effect of a taut corslet produced by the upper body is a characteristic feature of sculpture from the second half of the fourteenth century.118 The function of the Weimar Sketchbook as a pictorial inventory of the Witten­ berg relics makes it possible to understand the precision of the detail in its ­reliquary drawings, evident in the faithful rendering of older stylistic elements in some objects.119 Since, however, the drawings are by various hands, we must 118 For example, this statuette is stylistically similar to the statue of Wenceslas in the Saint Wenceslas Chapel (1373) in Prague Cathedral (exhibition catalogue Die Parler (1978), ii. 653–654). 119 Flügel conjectures that the drawings are the draft designs by goldsmiths and woodcarvers for the reliquaries in the Wittenberg relic collection. Using stylistic analysis, she undertakes their attribution to specific, above all Saxon, workshops, especially the­

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Figure 97 Cross fashioned from rock crystal, drawing, ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 29r

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Figure 98 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 39r: Cross fashioned from rock crystal

statuettes. She does not discuss in any detail the reliquaries which can be proved to be older (Flügel, ‘Das Weimarer Skizzenbuch’). However, the supposition that the sketches of the statuettes in the Weimar Sketchbook are draft designs does not preclude the function of a pictorial inventory.

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Figure 99 Statuette of Saint Wenceslas, drawing, ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 53r

assume that they do not all depict the object as faithfully as the image of the Elizabeth Glass. Nonetheless, they constitute a relatively dependable ­benchmark for comparison to the Wittenberg Relic Book.120 The illustra­ tions  in the Book are not solely the product of Cranach’s imagination, nor would it be possible unambiguously to identify each object on the basis of the

120 Since the Weimar Sketchbook originated before 1509 and contains only eighty-two draw­ ings, it does not offer the possibility of comparison for all the reliquaries in the Relic Book.

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Figure 100 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 26v: Statuette of Saint Wenceslas

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­woodcuts.121 However, comparison of the Weimar drawings to the illustrations in the Relic Book reveals that the woodcuts were not intended to reproduce the reliquaries precisely: rather an entirely independent pictorial concept led to representations which were distinctly different from the original objects. This is particularly evident in the illustration of the Elizabeth Glass. Al­ though the sketchy drawing still reproduces the object in a recognizable fash­ ion, in the woodcut the Glass is turned into an impressive prunted beaker with modern Renaissance decoration (Figs. 95 and 96). Wsith this transformation the Elizabeth Glass is transplanted into a contemporary world of experience, the precious Glass transformed into a richly decorated, but no longer unique, beaker. Just like the illustrations in earlier relic books which reduced the object to a type, this beaker could signify the object without concretely reproducing it. Henceforth, then, first place in the Book is occupied by a profane object depicted artistically and simply designated a container for relics. However, ­unlike Koch we should not assume the wood-engraver had no idea what to do with the unfamiliar decorative forms and therefore turned the unusual glass into a commonplace prunted beaker because glasses of this sort, which would have been in everyday use, were much more familiar to him from his daily life.122 On the one hand, we must assume that Cranach had already reinter­ preted the saint’s glass as a prunted beaker in his preparatory sketch; on the other, a beaker like that was not an everyday utensil but rather an object which corresponded to a distinctive lifestyle. Consequently, this is not the inept artist making a mistake in drawing but an aesthetic decision. It is not only the contemporary repertoire of forms which is projected onto the depiction of reliquaries but also iconographic patterns. For example, the skull of a soldier from the legion commanded by Saint Maurice is presented on an ornamental, shallow dish like the platter on which the head of Saint John the Baptist is normally presented. It is not shown in the way skull relics com­ monly are, namely on a flat, padded plinth, like the skulls of Saint Ursula’s companions in the second processional section of the Wittenberg Relic Book, for example (Figs. 101 and 102).123 In the same woodcut a sword from Saint 121 Zimmermann assumes that Cranach invented freely (Hildegard Zimmermann, Lucas Cra­ nach d. Ä. Folgen der Wittenberger Heiligthümer und die Illustrationen des Rhau’schen ­Hortulus animae (Halle: Gebauer-Schwetschke, 1929), p. 9). Merkel and Bünz argue the reliability of the woodcuts (Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ p. 41; Bünz, ‘Zur Geschichte des Wittenberger Heiltums,’ p. 151). 122 Koch, ‘Der Glasbecher,’ p. 272. 123 Skull relics were also mounted in silver and brass and adorned with coloured stones and wax, with the result that occasionally only the dome was visible. Others were presented in

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Figure 101 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 25r: Skull of a legionary textile covers on cushions; skulls were also set in head reliquaries (Legner, Reliquien, pp. 278–284). The depiction of the head of a soldier from the Theban Legion in the Weimar Sketchbook concentrates on the skull (ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 25r). This could lie either on a dish or a multifoil plinth, something it is impossible to decide due to the perfunctory

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Figure 102 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 9v: Skulls of Saint Ursula’s companions

nature of the sketch. The fact that a dish is depicted as the supporting surface for the skull in the Wittenberg Relic Book says nothing about its actual presentation.

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Figure 103 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 31v: Reliquary of Saint Bartholomew

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Maurice’s company is added to the depiction of the head on a dish; in the Wei­ mar Sketchbook the sword is still given a page to itself.124 This sword could be seen in two ways: as the weapon which belonged to the soldier saint; or as a symbol of his martyrdom. In the woodcut, the skull, dish and sword create an analogy to the martyrdom of John the Baptist and to one of the best-known motifs in his iconography. The incorporation of the iconographic formula of John the Baptist’s platter creates an intentional parallel which aligns the saint of the Theban Legion with John the Baptist.125 The iconographic assimilation results in increased significance for the relic itself. Just as the image of the legionary’s head cites John the Baptist’s platter, the woodcut of a reliquary containing Saint Bartholomew’s facial skin cites the ico­ nography of the Veronica. This is intended to effect an increase in the impor­ tance of the relic by presenting it in a specifically referential way, a p ­ articularly pertinent strategy because Bartholomew was the personal patron saint of Fred­ erick the Wise.126 The woodcut of Saint Bartholomew’s reliquary shows a bearded face within the image field of a richly decorated frame crowned by a pediment; the face ends in a ragged line: the saint’s peeled-off skin (Fig. 103). The illustration not only depicts the relic, but incorporates the Apostle’s countenance and aligns it with the image of Christ on the Veronica. In general, Christ’s face appears on the cloth in a frontal view and without the base of the neck. This mode of representation is echoed in the depiction of the Apostle’s face, which appears against a neutral background, front-on and without the base of the neck. Moreover, the image of Bartholomew’s facial skin and head creates a double reference to the saint’s martyrdom: to his flaying and to his subsequent beheading.127 The images of the reliquaries of both legionary and Apostle increase in sig­ nificance by incorporating familiar patterns of representation. By referring to an iconography which is unambiguously occupied and everywhere present, 124 wrb, fol. 25r; and ThHStAW Reg. O 213, fol. 26r. 125 On the iconography of Saint John the Baptist’s platter, which was represented frequently and in the most diverse media, see Hella Arndt and Renate Kroos, ‘Zur Ikonographie der Johannesschüssel,’ Aachener Kunstblätter, 38 (1969), pp. 243–328. 126 This is proved by numerous paintings, including the Dessauer Fürstenaltar [Dessau Princ­ es’ Altarpiece] of 1510 and Cranach’s engraving ‘Frederick the Wise Worshipping Saint Bar­ tholomew’ (after 1510). Moreover, in his will of 1517 Frederick calls Bartholomew his “holy angel,” in whose intercession he placed most faith after that of the Holy Trinity and the Mother of God (Markus Leo Mock, Kunst unter Erzbischof Ernst von Magdeburg (Berlin: Lukas, 2007), pp. 191–192). 127 Legenda Aurea, ii. 61; and for the reference to Bartholomew’s head at his execution, see ‘Bartholomäus,’ in lci, v. 331.

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these relics are sublimated in a way which transcends the form of the reliquary and points directly to the relics themselves. However, at the same time the art­ ist’s hand points to the artist himself, to his ability to sublimate, to infuse with religious meaning the serial sequence of the collection portrayed in a contem­ porary, “agitated” style. The illustrations in the Wittenberg Relic Book have one thing in common, despite the variety of objects they represent: the diverse sty­ listic features of the non-contemporary reliquaries in the relic collection are toned down in favour of a uniform, and unifying, mode of representation. The woodcuts, which possess an aesthetic quality hitherto unseen in relic books, appear lively in comparison to the drawings; and the decorative embellish­ ment is eminently in keeping with the times. The style of the objects is harmo­ nized and modernized; and alterations and independent interpretation have flowed into the woodcuts in the process.128 While the bases of non-figural reliquaries frequently underwent alteration and the vessels themselves were often adorned with rich, detailed, vegetable forms, the statuettes are imbued with touches of movement and animation: wide, flapping cloaks and streaming hair which transcend the models of gold­ smiths’ work. They become representations of people in action, recognizable as static sculptures due solely to the socle. The colonization of the vessels by sprawl­ ing putti, the heads of lions and rams and luxuriant flora corresponds to this ani­ mated mode, which is expressed in mimicry and gesture. The process of translat­ ing the objects into woodcut form produced pictures of an artistic value entirely their own. These illustrations do not focus on merely reproducing the reliquaries but on copying them in a distinctly artificial form. The modernization of the drawing was just as much a part of this as the convergence of the reliquaries achieved by a harmonizing style. To this extent, Cranach’s woodcuts resemble the early relic books in their choice of a unifying mode of representation. In the latter, this takes the form of graphic reduction to the status of pictogram; in Cra­ nach, of standardization in the sense of the court style he developed, in which the abundance of line was as much a part as the re-invention of ornamentation. Cranach demonstrates his skill in the woodcuts of the Wittenberg relics, es­ pecially those of statuary reliquaries, a skill whose strength lies above all in the spatial staging of the figures. The statuettes are skewed away from a frontal view and shown from different angles (Fig. 104).129 Light and shade, as well as the rendition of perspective, serve to locate the figures in space. 128 For example, the statuette reliquary of Saint Louis, depicted as a beardless youth holding an ostensory containing a thorn from Christ’s Crown of Thorns, is reinterpreted as a bearded, middle-aged ruler (wrb, fol. 41v). 129 The pictorial invention of the woodcuts continued to serve Cranach as a fund of models for figures and ornamentation in both his own work and that of his workshop. The re-use of certain motifs in his altarpieces and other pictorial media has been investigated by

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Figure 104 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 20r: Statuette of Saint Pancras

A decisive contrast to the abbreviated illustrations in the older relic books is created by convergence with the observer’s sphere of reality and, at the same various scholars, including Erichsen, who also examines the use of Dürer’s woodcuts as models for Cranach’s work (Johannes Erichsen, ‘Altäre Lucas Cranachs und seiner Werk­ statt vor der Reformation,’ in Claus Grimm etc. (eds.), Lucas Cranach. Ein Maler-Un­ ternehmer aus Franken (Augsburg: Pustet, 1994), pp. 150–165).

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Figure 105 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fol. 22r: Reliquary shrine

time, the demarcation from it. The reduced suggestion of space creates allu­ sions to an environment for the objects which is conceived as real and hinted at through shaded-in surfaces. Another innovation is a design element which is absent from older relic books and again demonstrates the difference to them: namely, the framing of each illustration. This underlines the idea that a new aesthetic concept is pursued in the Wittenberg Relic Book. The frames isolate the images from the text and transpose them into their own contextual reality.

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Figure 106 Aschaffenburg Codex ms. 14, fol. 234v: Reliquary shrine

Both the object illustrated and the woodcut itself are identified as independ­ ent images and removed from direct visual access. The woodcut of a shrine containing the entire corpse of one of the Holy In­ nocents makes it clear that actual proportions were not taken into c­ onsideration

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Figure 107 Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B), fols. 5v/6r

when illustrating the reliquaries, but that representation of them was adjusted to suit the demands of the page layout. A similar shrine has been found in the collection of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg in Halle. It is reproduced in both the Halle Relic Book of 1520 and the lavish Aschaffenburg Codex ms 14 which records the Halle relics (Figs. 105 and 106).130 The coffin containing the relics boasts high-profile frame mouldings and stands on square bases; its lid is decorated with diamond shapes and the crest 130 Codex ms 14, Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburg, fol. 234v. Rasmussen proves that this shrine was created in Nuremberg. He postulates that Albrecht bought it from the Dominican monks in Nuremberg and that they, for their part, could have received the precious reli­ quary as a gift from Frederick the Wise (Jörg Rasmussen, ‘Untersuchungen zum Halleschen Heiltum des Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg i und ii,’ Münchener Jahr­ buch für Bildende Kunst, 27 (1976), pp. 59–118 (p. 79); 28 (1977), pp. 91–132). Despite Kühne’s assumption, it need not have been the same shrine (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 422), since then Albrecht would have replaced Frederick’s coat of arms by the coat of arms with the imperial eagle, as can be seen on the Aschaffenburg drawing. Moreover, the shrine is already depicted in the printed Halle work from 1520 (hrb, vi/49, fol. 79v), so at a time when the Wittenberg collection was still in full use.

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of the lid is adorned with intertwined leaf tendrils. The visual correspondences even include the number of mounted gemstones which surround the opening in the lid. Merely the coats of arms differ. However, the considerable ­foreshortening of the shrine in the Wittenberg woodcut results from an adjust­ ment in the proportions of the reliquary to fit the rectangular format of the page; and once again demonstrates Cranach’s hand forcing the design in his transformation of the reliquaries. In this case, the optimal exploitation of the surface at his disposal and the primacy of the page layout are decisive. The process of harmonization, or rather the adjustment of the dimensions of the reliquaries to a size compatible with the page, can be assumed wherever sev­ eral woodcuts are grouped symmetrically (Fig. 107). Another peculiar feature which fundamentally distinguishes the Witten­ berg Relic Book from the older ones is the way in which the objects are de­ scribed. Whereas in the Bamberg and Hall Relic Books reliquaries (bust, mon­ strance, ostrich egg etc.) are not uniformly identified, the material seldom named and precious stones or pearls almost never mentioned, in both the ­Wittenberg and the Vienna Books the descriptive texts almost always begin with such information. Here the exemplary nature of the Vienna work once again becomes apparent. In marked contrast to the latter, however, the infor­ mation about the materials used – so characteristic of the Wittenberg volume – is set in larger font. The descriptive texts name the materials and the reliquary illustrated by the woodcut first, in part with brief, significant information about the object, such as “Zum .xii. Ein Berlinmutter mit silber vberguldt oben ein lawen” [Twelfth, mother-of-pearl with silver gilt and above a lion]; or “Zum xv. Ein vber guldt Kestlein mit viel durchsichtigen Berillen vnnd edeln gestein be­ saczt” [Fifteenth, a gilt casket set with many transparent beryls and precious stones].131 Only then does the enumeration of the saints and their relics follow, with a precise statement of the number as well as the nature of the fragments. The use of larger font in the descriptions of the materials is always subordi­ nated to the layout of the page, with the result that, when space is short, occa­ sionally only the number of the object appears in larger type. Its prioritization in the sequence of reliquaries, as well as the distribution and size of the font, demonstrate that the presentation of costly goldsmithery was an essential ­aspect of the publication. Immense value is placed not only on the treasure of eternal salvation, but also on these material treasures and their artistic worth; and this value is expressed in the design of the book. Cranach’s aesthetic subli­ mation of the relic collection thereby acquired outstanding significance, which 131 wrb, fol. 6r; wrb, fol. 10r.

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could, however, only unfold against the backdrop of a corresponding dynastic, religious interest in sublimation on the part of the princely patrons. 5

Functional Aspects

5.1 Genealogy and Individual Salvation When the Wittenberg Relic Book was printed, participants in the display of relics were able to obtain indulgences to the value of one hundred days from every small relic and a further one hundred days and one quadragene from each of the eight processional sections.132 The relic collection continued to grow even after the book had appeared and Frederick persisted in his attempts to have the size of the corresponding indulgences raised; these were, in fact, increased considerably in the years that followed. In 1520 Georg Spalatin, ­private secretary and court preacher to the Electoral Prince, calculated that the sum of the indulgences connected to all the relics in the Castle Church came to 1,902,202 years, 270 days and 1,915, 983 quadragenes.133 It is only possible to conjecture how many people wanted to take advan­ tage of the Wittenberg indulgences. Frederick’s own actions indicate that large crowds flocked together on the days of the display and on All Saints’ Day, the day on which it was possible to secure the Portiuncula indulgence, an oppor­ tunity pointed out in the introduction to the Relic Book. Frederick was suc­ cessful in his efforts regarding the Portiuncula indulgence: both in having the limitation on the number of priests who could hear confession and grant absolution lifted; and in increasing the period during which confession could be made from two days before and after All Saints’ Day to eight days.134 The fact that men were pressed into service to ensure the safety and protection on the roads of those seeking salvation also points to the large number of people 132 A quadragene or carene was the remission of sins which could otherwise only be ob­ tained through forty days of intensified penitential discipline (‘Carena und Quadragene,’ in LThK, ii. 940 and viii. 909–910). 133 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 65–66. This sum results from Pope Leo x’s at­ tempts to win Frederick over to his political plans for the election of a new King of the Romans. In 1519 Leo x grants the Electoral Prince indulgences, for a relatively low fee, which had already been negotiated in 1516 but had appeared too expensive to Frederick at that particular juncture. The Pope raised the indulgence granted per fragment of relic to one hundred years and days and 101 quadragenes (Helmar Junghans, Wittenberg als Lu­ therstadt (2nd edn., Berlin: Union, 1982), pp. 50–51; on the election of the King of the Ro­ mans see Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 213–219). 134 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 10–11.

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t­ravelling to Wittenberg during these times.135 The immense number of ­relics and ­indulgences connected to them enabled the Electoral Prince to secure sal­ vation for his people and for himself. In his portrait on the first page of the Relic Book Frederick has himself represented as a territorial sovereign fulfilling his duties as ruler, a role which includes care for the salvation of his subjects’ souls. The introduction points to this: “Vnd alle Cristglaubige menschen zu ap­ las vn[d] außleschung yrer sunde Auch zuerlangung ewiger seligkeit gereytzt vnd bewegt werden moegen” [And so that all Christian people might be roused and moved to acquire indulgences and erase their sins and also to obtain eter­ nal salvation].136 At the end of the relic display it was customary to pray for the salvation of the souls of the Pope, Emperor and territorial princes, as well as for the whole of Christendom. This exhortation to prayer, found at the end of the Nuremberg, Bamberg and Würzburg Relic Books, is missing from the Wit­ tenberg Relic Book. However, later inventories of the relics provide evidence that the display of the most precious relic, the thorn from Christ’s Crown of Thorns, was used as an opportunity for devout prayer for the salvation of the souls of the founders of the Castle Church and its present benefactors.137 Thus, by mobilizing the participants in the displays Frederick the Wise was also able to intensify his own memoria. Frederick the Wise endeavoured to assemble in his church as complete a host of saints as possible, the expression of his wish for communion with the saints in life as well as in death. The Wittenberg Relic Book is, in turn, the mirror of the saints’ communion with the Electoral Prince. Through the ­layout of the 135 On the occasion of the display of relics in 1520: “ij ß iiij g Zcerung vij person und vij pferd, welche die grentz und helde beriethen uff zceigung des hochwirdigen heyligthumbs montag nach montags nach misericordias domini, auf sonnabend zcw nacht nach quasi­ modogeniti, Sontag, montag und dinstag, den halben tag nach misericordias domini zcw marzcan und wittenberg” [ij ß iiij g provisions for vij people and vij horses which were patrolling the borders and hills for the display of the most venerable relics on the Monday after the Monday after Misericordias Domini; on Saturday at night after quasimodogeniti, Sunday, Monday and Tuesday; for half a day after Misericordias Domini in Marzahn and Wittenberg] (cited after Georg Buchwald, ‘Zur mittelalterlichen Frömmigkeit am Kursächsischen Hofe kurz vor der Reformation,’ Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 27 (1930), pp. 62–110 (p. 108)). In 1513, on the occasion of All Saints’ Day, when the Portiuncula indulgence could be obtained: “ißxlij g die Edeleut und schultzen aus der pflege zcu Mar­ tzan vortzert, als sie uff der straßen und grentz gehalten uff das Aplass omnium sancto­ rum” [ißxlij g nobles and sheriffs fed from the land cultivated at Marzahn when they stopped on the roads and borders on their way to obtain the indulgence of All Saints] (Buchwald, ‘Zur mittelalterlichen Frömmigkeit,’ pp. 62–110 (p. 73)). 136 wrb, fol. 3r. 137 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 63.

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book, the religious subject matter is interlaced with secular self-­representation, a tendency which can be reconstructed in light of the introduction. While still alive, the Electoral Prince commends himself as one of the crucial donors to the relic collection and the founder of Wittenberg University, into which the Castle Church was ultimately incorporated.138 This not only makes the ­Electoral Prince unequivocally responsible for the relics in Wittenberg Castle Church: his naming and portrait on the title page endow the portrait with a de­ cidedly memorial function.139 Beyond that, the introduction records the (not quite complete) order of succession of the Electoral Princes of Saxony to ter­ ritorial rulership, including Frederick’s forbears. Seconded by his brother, he presents himself as a territorial prince and donor, while his predecessors, in their role as territorial rulers, are expressly incorporated into his dynasty. The Relic Book and the entire relic collection documented in it are explicitly linked to a single person, a feature which distinguishes it markedly from all previ­ ously published works in that genre, if one excludes the Hall Relic Book of Flo­ rian Waldauf, counsellor to King Maximilian, which never appeared in print. There is one possible objection: that the book should be a­ ssociated with both ­princely brothers, Frederick and John, as the title page might suggest. However, this claim lacks validity since – as demonstrated above – while Frederick may make a gesture of sorts towards his family, John actually appears more as a satellite of his brother than a real actor.140 Relic Book and Collection as Status Symbols of the Electoral Princes of Saxony The Wittenberg Relic Book does not merely use its woodcuts to reproduce the Electoral Prince’s collection: the Book itself also acquired the status of a gift 5.2

138 Friedrich Israël, Das Wittenberger Universitätsarchiv, seine Geschichte und seine Bestände. Nebst Regesten der Urkunden des Allerheiligenstiftes und den Fundationsurkunden der Uni­ versität Wittenberg (Halle: Gebauer-Schwetschke, 1913), p. 66, no. 83. 139 On the naming and depiction of the donors (living and dead) as a constituent element in their memoria, see Otto Gerhard Oexle, ‘Memoria und Memorialbild,’ in Karl Schmid etc. (eds.), Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Munich: Fink, 1984), pp. 384–440 (p. 385, p. 399); Otto Gerhard Oexle, ‘Memoria als Kul­ tur,’ in Otto Gerhard Oexle, Memoria als Kultur (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), pp. 9–78 (pp. 50–51). The memorial aspect is also aggressively present in Florian Waldauf’s endowment in Hall (Tyrol); and in Würzburg the names of the donors of the reliquaries were called out during the display (Erlemann and Stangier, ‘Festum Reliqui­ arum,’ p. 28). 140 Cf. the section above on the double portrait of the princes. This is confirmed by the nu­ merous depictions of coats of arms in the Relic Book as well. They almost exclusively show the coat of arms of the Electoral Prince (not the Saxon crancelin) and therefore constitute the conscious demonstration of Frederick’s predominance.

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and collector’s item. In all likelihood, one of the first people to own a copy of the Wittenberg volume was the Nuremberg doctor and Humanist Hartmann Schedel, who is known to have possessed not just a substantial library but also a valuable collection of prints and drawings. It remains unclear how the Book came into Schedel’s possession.141 He may have received it as a gift from the Electoral Prince, but it cannot be ruled out that he was given the work by ­Christoph Scheurl, who had returned to Nuremberg from Wittenberg in 1512, since Schedel’s copy is found in a miscellany volume from his library and bound in with Scheurl’s Libellus De Laudibus Germanie [et] ducu[m] Saxoniae (1508).142 Moreover, there is evidence that Scheurl gave away copies of his own works, as well as Cranach’s, to friends and acquaintances.143 With regard to graphic reproduction, Belting establishes that the function of the devotional image could no longer be separated from that of the collector’s item.144 This is particularly true for the Wittenberg Relic Book, which is definitely at the ­interface between graphic art and book, between devotional manual and col­ lectable item. In this context, the religious content is inextricably linked to its imposing qualities as a collector’s piece. This is further indicated by the “popular edition” of the Relic Book, which was meant to appear in a plain octavo format.145 The lavish, deluxe edition adorned by an engraving would, then, have been accompanied by a smaller, and certainly more reasonably priced, edition of the Wittenberg Relic Book. The different for­ mats point to a difference in both target customers and i­ntended use. In the planned, smaller, octavo edition the aspect of a devotional book would have tak­ en precedence, while the larger edition was probably intended as a prestigious 141 Today it is kept in Munich: bsb, Sig.: (4°) Rar 1648 # Beibd. 1. See also Richard Stauber, Die Schedelsche Bibliothek. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Ausbreitung der italienischen Renais­ sance, des deutschen Humanismus und der medizinischen Literatur (Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1908), p. 212, with the old shelfmark. On Schedel’s collection of prints and drawings see the exhibition catalogue Graphiksammlung Schedel (1990). 142 vd 16 S 2794. Schedel’s book collection actually contained several works by the jurist (Stauber, Die Schedelsche Bibliothek, p. 212). 143 In 1511 he gave Richardus Sbrulius, for example, “einen Friedrich iii.” [a Frederick iii] (probably the engraving (1509) by Cranach mentioned above), as thanks for poems. He similarly honoured Bartholomäus Tempelfeld with this portrait (Gustav Bauch, ‘Zu ­Christoph Scheurls Briefbuch,’ Neue Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete historisch-antiquari­ scher Forschungen, 19 (1895/98), pp. 400–456, no. 47b and no. 47c). In the same year he gave his uncle Johann Scheurl works praising Saxony and the Castle Church (no. 47d) (probably De laudibus Germaniae and die Oratio). Numerous further gifts of books by Scheurl are recorded in the regesta compiled by Bauch (nos. 47e, 50–51, 53c–e, 70d). 144 Belting, Bild und Kult, p. 477. 145 The woodcuts in this smaller edition have come down to us thanks to their re-use in the Hortulus Animae (1549) by the Wittenberg printer Georg Rhau (Zimmermann, Lucas Cra­ nach d. Ä.).

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present.146 The two editions of the Relic Book – the popular and the princes’ edi­ tions – clearly demonstrate that the ­status-appropriate ­representation of the Electoral Prince by the Relic Book – accomplished by both text and image – ­coalesced with both aspects of the relic collection: the religious-dynastic and the material-political. The decidedly public nature of the Book, a result of replication through printing, must have been of decisive importance to Frederick. He could assume that his relics would achieve greater popularity through the graphic me­ dium; and that he would, at the same time, present his collection to the public through his self-representation as religious ruler. His personal piety is combined with the exquisite splendour of the o­ rnamentation in the Book, which merely befits the objects depicted in it: for reasons of both private devotion and the un­ derstanding of political self-­representation as a matter of state policy, the relics belonging to the princely dynasty are given lavish settings and a sumptuously endowed sacral space.147 Legner’s remarks, so aptly formulated to describe the Counter-Reformation, can also be applied to the presentation of the relic collec­ tion belonging to the Electoral Prince of Saxony in the early sixteenth century. Versions of the Princes’ edition were printed on both paper and parchment. The latter were probably not intended for sale but conceived as exclusive ­dedication copies given by the Prince to a smaller circle of addressees, just as  ­Maximilian later intended with Theuerdank.148 The different editions of the  ­Wittenberg Relic Book were apparently created for different circles: the 146 The single-sheet broadsheets depicting relics of the pilgrimage to Einsiedeln and created by Master E.S. are comparable. They appeared in three different sizes, obviously intended for buyers with different purchasing power (Belting, Bild und Kult, p. 477). In addition, princes gave one another catalogues of relics as gifts: e.g., Ernst of Magdeburg received a “vorzceichniß des heyligthumbs zw Bernneburg” [inventory of the relics at Bernburg] as a gift from Princess Margarethe von Anhalt, Lady of Bernburg (cited after Mock, Kunst unter Erzbischof Ernst, p. 223, fn. 193). 147 Legner, Reliquien, p. 208. 148 Ursula Timann, ‘Lucas Cranach und der Holzschnitt,’ in Grimm etc. (eds.), Lucas Cranach. Ein Maler-Unternehmer, pp. 201–207 (p. 206); Kerstin Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg. Ihre Heiltumsbücher und Inszenierung,’ in Andreas Tacke (ed.), Meisterwerke auf Vorrat. Die Erlanger Handzeichnungen der Universitätsbibliothek. Bestands- und Aus­ stellungskatalog (München: Form Druck, 1994), pp. 37–50 (p. 42). Maximilian “bestimmt sein Ruhmeswerk nahezu ausnahmslos zur Reproduktion … Wo schon das Ruhmeswerk nicht mit einer exklusiv-aristokratischen Hofgesellschaft rechnen kann, da erscheint die Wahl reproduzierender Verfahren vollends darauf zu deuten, daß Maximilian seine ge­ dechtnus vor der ›Öffentlichkeit‹ errichten wollte” [almost without exception, destined for reproduction the works designed to commemorate his fame … Where works intended to construct and commemorate his fame cannot count on an exclusively aristocratic court society, the choice of reproductive processes seems to point entirely to Maximilian’s desire to erect the memory of himself ‘in front of the public’] (Jan-Dirk Müller, Gedecht­ nus. Literatur und Hofgesellschaft um Maximilian i. (Munich: Fink, 1982), pp. 268–269). Ferdinand’s instructions regarding Theuerdank indicate he envisaged a circle of a­ ddressees

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­ archment edition as a lavish gift for high-ranking personalities; the paper edi­ p tion for affluent participants in the relic displays; and the smaller, octavo book, if it was ever printed, for interested parties not blessed with such deep pock­ ets.149 In their role as the wider public, the latter take part in a new form of political legitimation through religious participation. Hence the Relic Book does not merely respond to the Wittenberg relic collection and its display, but, in its artistic independence, expresses the conscious will for public representa­ tion, something which relates especially to the printed work itself. A contribu­ tory factor of equal importance is Cranach’s skill as artist: as court artist and creator of the illustrations, he contributed to the fame of his patron, since all who held the Wittenberg Relic Book in their hands must inevitably have con­ nected it to the Electoral Prince, not only – and this must be emphasized once again – ­because the Electoral Prince was present in the Book in the form of his portrait and coat of arms, but precisely because of the court-influenced format of the Book as a whole, a product of Cranach’s genuine artistic skill. 5.3 Religion and Economy Frederick the Wise combined various functions in the Wittenberg relics and especially in the publication of the book documenting them. The politics of State and territory were certainly crucial considerations: just as Frederick wished for his own educational establishment, he wished for his own locus of grace.150 Ultimately, however, the mercantile aspect of the enterprise should not be underestimated. The not-infrequent practice of holding trade fairs and relic displays on the same dates demonstrates that they were seen as mutually advantageous events. For Regensburg there is evidence that even Pope Inno­ cent viii, in his bull authorizing its display of relics, recommended that the ceremony be combined with Regensburg’s annual trade fair, with the result that the initiators of the “salvific show” were able to profit from the willingness of visitors to the fair to dig into their pockets.151 selected by the Emperor himself, since he talks about the distribution of the work (Müller, Gedechtnus, pp. 268–269). 149 The octavo edition will still have been more expensive than one-sided broadsheets or pilgrimage badges. Engelhart provides evidence for a comparable course of action with an edition of a Psalter from the printing shop of Georg Reyser, for which we have dedica­ tory and preferential copies on parchment and paper and with special illumination (Hel­ mut Engelhart, ‘Georg Reysers Druck des Psalteriums mit dem Kommentar des Bischofs Bruno von Würzburg,’ Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter, 74 (2012), pp. 473–511 (p. 485, pp. 501–505)). 150 Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 358. 151 Die “Reliquien könnten Stück für Stück die allergrößte Verehrung … durch die Gläubigen finden, wenn sie einmal im Jahr, am besten zur Zeit des Marktes, der im Monat Septem­ ber in dieser Stadt abgehalten wird und zu dem gewöhnlich sehr viele Besucher kommen,

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It was customary for money from the “indulgence business” to flow into building projects which were in part motivated by religion and in part exploit­ ed a religious motive. Frederick, for example, attempted to use the proceeds from the sale of indulgences to finance the reconstruction of the bridge over the River Elbe at Torgau (Saxony); his strategy was to link the indulgence to the construction of a small chapel dedicated to Saint Anne. This chapel was to be built on the bridge; and nominally it received the money, which was, in fact, used mainly to build the bridge itself.152 In addition, Frederick succeeded in obtaining indulgences which were intended to contribute to the buildings of the Castle Church in Wittenberg, as well as the furnishings and appointments for its divine services.153 Like other territorial princes, Frederick tried to retain possession of indulgences which otherwise benefitted others outside his ­territories. A directive from Emperor Maximilian served as justification: in fu­ ture rulers should only tolerate indulgences in their territory with the permis­ sion of the Emperor.154 Frederick had allowed the indulgence for the war against the Turks promulgated by Cardinal Raymond Peraudi at the end of 1489. However, when the campaign against the Turks failed to materialize, nothing could persuade him to hand over the money collected for the offen­ sive so that it might be used for other purposes.155

an einem hierfür besonders geeigneten Tag zur genannten Kathedrale gebracht und den zu diesem Markt zusammengeströmten Christgläubigen gezeigt würden” [Object by ob­ ject, the relics could experience the greatest possible veneration … by the faithful if once a year they were taken on a particularly suitable day to the above-named cathedral, pref­ erably at the time of the market held in this city in the month of September and normally visited by many visitors, and displayed to the Christian faithful who stream to this mar­ ket]] (published in Achim Hubel, Der Regensburger Domschatz (Munich/Zurich: Schnell & Steiner, 1976), p. 20). In Nuremberg and Hall (Tyrol), too, the displays of relics were linked to annual markets or trade fairs (for Nuremberg see Schnelbögl, ‘Reichskleinodien,’ pp. 129–137; for Hall Erlemann and Stangier, ‘Festum Reliquiarum,’ p. 25). 152 Bruck, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 30–31; and Paul Kirn, Friedrich der Weise und die Kirche. Seine Kirchenpolitik vor und nach Luthers Hervortreten im Jahre 1517. Dargestellt nach den Akten im Thüringischen Staatsarchiv zu Weimar (Leipzig/Berlin: Teubner, 1926), pp. 121– 122. This was an indult permitting all those who contributed the twentieth of a Rhenish gulden to consume butter and milk during Lent. It was put into effect by Pope Innocent viii in 1490 and prolonged by Julius ii to twenty years in 1512 (Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reli­ quienverehrung, pp. 23–24). 153 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 9. 154 Kirn, Friedrich der Weise, p. 124. 155 Maximilian wanted to divert the money into his own pockets. He offered to use part of the money to settle some of Frederick’s debts to the Wettins. Frederick, however, used the money for his university (Kirn, Friedrich der Weise, p. 123).

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The augmentation of his own relic collection shows that Frederick was keen that his subjects should find sufficient indulgences in their own territories.156 A further, important motivation was to profit personally from the money which came flowing in and not to lose it to other pilgrimage destinations out­ side state borders. It was certainly at his request that in March 1510 his brother Ernst, Archbishop of Magdeburg, and Bishop Johannes of Meissen issued the mandate to all secular priests in their dioceses, as well as those belonging to religious orders, to exhort the faithful to visit the display of relics which took place in All Saints’ Church, Wittenberg, on the Monday after Misericordias domini.157 In all probability the assembled believers had their attention drawn to the relic books during these displays. We know that in Hall in Tyrol the vo­ calissimus promoted them in the course of his introductory address. The man­ dates of the Archbishop of Magdeburg and Bishop of Meissen were certainly able to do more for the popularity of the Wittenberg display than the presum­ ably ­expensive Book; nevertheless, the Book may well have played a role in advertising the collection, the university and the fame of the territorial prince. This is because the Book offers a singular aesthetic economy, one already hinted at in the comparison of the A and B versions above. To clarify: Cranach’s design and layout of the B-version create a paratactic structure distinguished by the parallelism of text and image; by careful use of the dimensions of the book (of each individual page and the book as a whole); and by the overall quality of design and production. Compared to the A-edition, the catalogue of relics represented by the B-edition is thoughtfully enhanced; and, in this final variant, provides a systematic, summarizing list of all the relics. This is by no means self-evident, as demonstrated by a glance at the older version, A, in which every single relic is listed “individually.” Thus, the final version, B, pre­ sents, in quite a different fashion, a systematically ascertainable sum of the salvation promised by the collection, one also reflected in the calculated total of all the indulgences accumulated therein. In short: the B-edition of the Wit­ tenberg Relic Book represents an aesthetically elevated account book which details the economy of the salvation of souls and reflects both the religious and the material significance of the precious relics. Cranach’s design and layout transform the Book itself into a precious object linked in sublime fashion to the double treasure represented by the relics. 156 Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 358. 157 Israël, Das Wittenberger Universitätsarchiv, pp. 70–71, no. 87, no. 88.

Chapter 6

The Relic Book as Stage Mask: The Media Staging of Social Climbing and the Accumulation of Salvation Between 1489 and 1509 Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein accumulated an immense collection of relics. That was not in itself remarkable for the period around 1500: it would have been expected of every member of the upper aristocracy. His place of residence, his power, his project of legitimizing himself, especially through material objects and visual self-representation: all this was part of the culture. What, though, do we expect from a royal counsellor, protonotary and social climber par excellence such as Florian Waldauf? As is so often the case with medieval relic collections, very few of Waldauf’s relics have been preserved in their original form and setting. This renders the transmission of a manuscript composed by Florian Waldauf himself all the more important: it was intended as the source for a printed work which never saw the light of day. Although we are not, on the basis of this manuscript, able to comment on the quality of the relics and reliquaries, in it we possess one of the most spectacular, complex witnesses for the institutionalization and construction of memoria by a courtier. It documents the unfinished project of the Hall Relic Book of the Golden Knight, royal counsellor and protonotary Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein.1 The manuscript intended as the master copy for printing includes woodcuts glued in separately and dates to 1508/09. We know it is the source model 1 On Florian Waldauf (also Baldauf) see Ernst Verdroß-Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein. Festschrift zur 450-Jahr-Feier der Haller Stubengesellschaft (Innsbruck: Wagner, 1958); Hermann Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian i. Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit (5 vols., Munich: Oldenbourg, 1971–1986), v (1986). 244–247; the knowledgeable introductory remarks by Heinz Moser in his collection of documents in regesta pertaining to Waldauf’s endowment (unfortunately without bibliography): Heinz Moser, Waldaufstiftung Hall in Tirol. Urkunden aus den Jahren 1490–1856 (Innsbruck: Tiroler Landesarchiv, 2000), pp. 6–48. See also Volker Honemann, ‘“Spätmittelalterliche” und “humanistische” Frömmigkeit: Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein und Heinrich Bebel,’ in Rudolf Suntrup etc. (eds.), Tradition and innovation in an era of change / Tradition und Innovation im Übergang zur Frühen Neuzeit (Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 2001), pp. 75–98; Volker Honemann, ‘Waldauf, Florian, von Waldenstein,’ in Kurt Ruh (ed.), Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon (2nd edn., 14 vols., Berlin: de Gruyter, 1978–2008), x (1999), cols. 607–611; both list the older secondary literature. On Florian’s connections to Nuremberg, see René Hurtienne, ‘Haller WaldaufReliquien in Nürnberg – Nürnberger Reliquien in Hall? “Transportierte Frömmigkeit” im Spätmittelalter,’ Forum Hall in Tirol. Neues zur Geschichte der Stadt, 2 (2008), pp. 300–321. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_008

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b­ ecause of the numerous notes for the printer found throughout the entire manuscript. In 1883 Ludwig Freiherr von Hohenbühel, genannt Heufler zu Rasen, was the first to describe the manuscript and woodcuts in greater detail. Josef Garber was responsible for the edition and a painstaking examination of the manuscript. Since it mentions a number of historical personalities, he was able to date the manuscript more precisely to the last two years of Waldauf’s life; he also established that Hans Burgkmair the Elder was responsible for the woodcuts.2 The manuscript is bound in parchment on which the draft of a will has been written.3 It comprises 186 numbered leaves and 145 woodcuts by the Augsburg artist Hans Burgkmair. Six woodcuts and just under thirty leaves are missing: folios 20, 21 and 91–116; and probably also a leaf at the end after folio 186.4 Josef Garber postulates precisely thirty-one missing leaves. However, this is based on his adding-up of the folio numbers noted on the cover. Garber assumes these indicate the length of the individual parts of the Relic Book (there are five) and uses them to calculate the original length of the manuscript as 189 leaves.5 However, it is striking that the numbers quoted always correspond to

2 Ludwig Freiherr von Hohenbühel gen. Heufler zu Rasen, ‘Die Holzschnitte der Handschrift des Heilthum-Büchleins im Pfarr-Archive zu Hall in Tyrol,’ Mittheilungen der k.k. CentralCommission zur Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst- und Historischen Denkmale, n. s. 9 (1883), pp. 5–15, pp. 63–70, pp. 115–130; Josef Garber, ‘Das Haller Heiltumbuch mit den UnikaHolzschnitten Hans Burgkmairs des Älteren,’ Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, 32.6 (1915), pp. i–clxxvii (pp. i–liii). On the Hall Relic Book see also Erich Egg, ‘Kaiser Maximilians goldener Ritter Waldauf und das Haller Heiltum,’ Das Fenster. Tiroler Kulturzeitschrift, 5 (1969), pp. 401–419; Erlemann and Stangier, ‘Festum Reliquiarum,’ pp. 25–31; on the display of relics see Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 445–464; on Burgkmair’s woodcuts Ashley West, ‘Hans Burgkmair the Elder’s Woodcuts for the Hallin-Tyrol Heiltumsbuch: Tradition, Authenticity, and Artistic Authority,’ Forum Hall in Tirol. Neues zur Geschichte der Stadt, 2 (2008), pp. 254–273. Except for the title, the Hall manuscript is cited from the edition by Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ who modernizes the spelling of the text. For easier reference, Garber’s page numbers are also given. 3 The document is the draft of a will of Duke Eric of Brunswick and Lüneburg in which Waldauf (amongst others) appears as a witness. For a comprehensive discussion of the dating, circumstances and contents with an edition of the text, see Romedio Schmitz-Esser, ‘Persönliche Beziehungen von Macht und Frömmigkeit: Erich von Braunschweig, Katharina von Sachsen und Florian Waldauf. Der Umschlag des Haller Heiltumsbuches als übersehene historische Quelle,’ Forum Hall in Tirol. Neues zur Geschichte der Stadt, 2 (2008), pp. 278–299. 4 There are numerous mistakes in the manuscript pagination; some small leaves have been inserted later. For a precise itemization see Appendix 1. The woodcuts are numbered consecutively, with the result that the original total can be deduced from the missing numbers. See Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxxii; and Appendix 8. 5 Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. iv. Designation of folios: “the first part fo – 4 // the second part fo – 14 // the third part fo – 26 // the fourth part fo – 51 // the fifth part fo – 94” (HaRB, noted on the inside of the parchment cover, above left).

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the folio number at the beginning of a particular segment of the Book. In other words, the list on the cover represents a sort of table of contents rather than information about length. It is mere coincidence that adding up the folio numbers results in a figure which might indeed approximate the original number of leaves. It is not possible to determine with absolute certainty the length of the manuscript when it was originally compiled, but, on the basis of the way the text develops, it is highly likely that very few words or sentences followed folio 186 and that the manuscript ended on folio 187. By comparing passages of handwriting Josef Garber could prove that Waldauf wrote out the manuscript in his own hand.6 The manuscript underwent two major editorial revisions after the death of the donor.7 The first revision noted only a few corrections; probably inserted the woodcuts, which Waldauf may not have lived to see delivered; and added a commentary on them.8 Subsequent revisions mainly shortened the text, so the manuscript does not represent a coherent document finalized by Waldauf himself. However, the woodcuts were created for their specific location within the text, since, when the fair copy was written out, a space was left specifically for each one to be inserted. Moreover, a glance at the woodcuts themselves leaves no doubt that Hans Burgkmair followed precise instructions from their commissioner. Burgkmair very probably even visited Hall in Tyrol and received Waldauf’s instructions during his stay.9 The later alterations do not negate the initial idea behind the original version. On the contrary, the continuation and later abbreviation are evidence that the plan to publish the manuscript, as intended by its commissioner, had not been renounced.10 For this reason the following discussion will treat the manuscript as a coherent, unified concept. 6 7

8 9

10

Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. vi–vii. The first redaction was undertaken between 1510 and, at the latest, 1521; the second after 1519 (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxxi). The introduction of the Reformation into Hall and the cessation of the relic displays in 1524 meant the work was never actually printed (Franz Schweyger, Chronik der Stadt Hall 1303–1572, ed. by David Schönherr (Innsbruck: Wagner, 1867), p. 19). Above woodcut vi can be read: “stifter in ainer schauben und gegenuber beata virgo in assumptione cum nonnullis” [donor in a tabard and opposite beata virgo in assumptione cum nonnullis] (HaRB, fol. 11v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxiii). Burgkmair’s sojourn in Hall is confirmed by the, in places precise, reproduction of topographical features in several woodcuts in the Book (x, xi, xiii, no. 123). See also Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. li–liii; Tilman Falk, Hans Burgkmair. Studien zu Leben und Werk (Munich: Bruckmann, 1968), p. 63; West, ‘Hans Burgkmair the Elder’s Woodcuts,’ pp. 266–267. Additions and corrections were still being made to the manuscript in the seventeenth century. In 1657, with the permission of the Bishop of Brixen, the head of Saint Verena was exchanged for that of Saint Syrus in order to translate the former to the collegiate

The Relic Book as Stage Mask

1

257

The Commissioner of the Manuscript

Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein must have been blessed with an ambitious personality. There is no other explanation for his rise to the highest echelons of a society ordered by estate. Even if Waldauf’s peasant origins appear to be a historiographical construct, fictional rather than documented, he was certainly of low estate and his path through life was both unusual and shaped by his ascent through the ranks of society.11 Very little is known about Florian Waldauf’s youth. He himself wastes not a word on it in the descriptions in the Relic Book which allow us glimpses into his biography, despite their being written in his own hand. On the contrary, in the Relic Book he commences his account at a much later point in his life. Consequently, his youthful years are woven round by myths and legends which later chroniclers write into the social climber’s biography and which were intended to contribute to the construction of a Tyrolese hero.12 Florian Waldauf was probably born in Anras in the Puster Valley around 1445.13 After attending a Latin school – something which has not yet been proved but can be taken as certain – he entered the service of Archduke Sigismund as a chancery scribe in Innsbruck. An uncle on his mother’s side, Hans Wieser, probably played a significant role in his obtaining this post, since Wiesner was secretary to the Archduke.14 Thus Waldauf owed the first step on

f­ oundation of Santa Verena (HaRB, fol. 137r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. cxlii and xxxi). These entries attest to the continuing importance of the manuscript, at least as a type of inventory. 11 Heinz Moser rightly doubts the opinion, firmly established in secondary literature, that Waldauf was of peasant stock (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, pp. 1–10). Two recent conference volumes are devoted to class dynamics in a late-medieval society divided into estates: Kurt Andermann etc. (eds.), Zwischen Nicht-Adel und Adel (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2001); Günther Schulz (ed.), Sozialer Aufstieg. Funktionseliten im Spätmittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit, Büdinger Forschungen zur Sozialgeschichte, 2000/2001 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2002). 12 A more recent, still uncritical account is Eduard Schreiber, ‘Der Marienverehrer Ritter Florian Waldauf v. Waldenstein aus dem Pustertal und seine Stiftung in Hall,’ Lieb-­FrauenBote, 49.4 (1999), pp. 13–17; for a contrasting view see Moser, Waldaufstiftung, esp. pp. 6–9. 13 Statements about the year of Waldauf’s birth vary; the majority are based on estimates and interpretations of his age in a donor portrait on the wing of an altar retable in the Holy Chapel in Hall in Tyrol (today in the town museum in Hall) (Verdroß-Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, p. 10; Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, v. 244). 14 Verdroß-Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, p. 10; Nikolaus Grass, ‘­CamposantoTeutonico-Privilegien für Österreich. Ein Beitrag zur Sakralkultur im Zeitalter Kaiser Maximilians i.,’ in Walter Höflechner etc. (eds.), Domus Austriae. Eine Festgabe Hermann Wiesflecker zum 70. Geburtstag (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1983), pp. 137–158 (p. 139); Moser, Waldaufstiftung, pp. 11–12.

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the career ladder to family connections. Florian Waldauf probably entered the service of the newly elected King Maximilian i in 1486, at the latest in 1487. The stages which led to the change in employer will not be reconstructed here. However, Waldauf seems to have played a fairly substantial role in Habsburg retention of the Tyrol, since he received quite a large reward from Maximilian for his services, including the signing over to him of offices and revenues.15 In 1488 he was elevated to the nobility and in 1490 knighted by Maximilian outside Stuhlweißenburg [Székesfehérvár, Hungary].16 Subsequently, Waldauf appears as imperial counsellor, protonotary and envoy. 2

The Starting Point for the Endowment

In the Hall Relic Book, Florian Waldauf immortalizes a major act of endowment which was triggered by events of 1489, in other words, roughly twenty years before the manuscript was composed. That, at least, is what the author would have us believe. In the first part of the manuscript he gives an account, presented as autobiography, of the reasons for the endowment. According to this, the experience which prompted the later donation of a collection of relics to Saint Nicholas, the parish church of Hall – the collection documented so exhaustively in the manuscript – was the peril suffered by the royal counsellor and his employer Maximilian during a crossing of the Zuiderzee from Amsterdam to Sperrdamm.17 Seized by fear of death, Waldauf swore an oath to “got dem almechtigen, der heiligen lieben junkfrau Maria und allen gottes heiligen und engeln in todesnoten” [God the Almighty, the Dear Holy Virgin Mary and all God’s saints and angels in mortal danger] that, should he be fortunate enough to be saved, he would donate “nach seinem höchsten vermugen drei ding oder sachen” [three objects or things according to the best of his ability]. 15 Moser, Waldaufstiftung, p. 12. 16 On 29 July 1488 Maximilian bestowed noble status and privileges on Florian Waldauf with the title “von Waldenstein” (Sebastian Ruf, ‘Doctor Johannes Fuchsmagen,’ Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums für Tirol und Vorarlberg, 21 (1877), pp. 93–119 (pp. 99–102); Verdroß-­ Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, pp. 14, 16, 19–21; Moser, Waldaufstiftung, p. 12 and p. 53, no. 000-02). In 1483 Archduke Sigismund had already issued a letter permitting Waldauf to improve his coat of arms; this was confirmed by Emperor Friedrich iii (Verdroß-Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, p. 11). 17 HaRB, fols. 5v–9v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lviii–lxi. A later hand substitutes Sperrdamm for Schydamm. The manuscript records the “wildem ungestumen … meer” [wild, stormy … sea] and later the fog which rolled in and hampered the crew’s ability to orientate themselves. The ice floes on the frozen sea cut the hull to pieces in the process.

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This is how he records his resolve at the beginning of his Relic Book.18 The three things are, in brief, the institution of a ministry; the endowment of a chapel or church in honour of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary; and the establishment of a relic collection for this chapel or church, including a festum reliquiarum (display of relics) and the procurement of indulgences.19 Maximilian had the danger he suffered at sea woven into the plot of his verse epos Theuerdank (published in 1517) at various points; and Josef Garber sees this as evidence for an actual incident.20 However, Garber fails to question the fact that a largely fictitious narrative serves as the mutual guarantor of a real event, causing a narrative circle to advance to the status of lasting evidence. Instead, he viewed the claim that distress at sea prompted a religious endowment as evidence of the story’s credibility. However, contemporary and later chronicles maintain silence on this incident.21 This suggests two things: either the experience did not carry the same decisive weight for the historiography of Maximilian and the Habsburgs as it did for Waldauf and Maximilian in their allusion to it as autobiography; or it really must be viewed as a purely 18 19 20

21

HaRB, fol. 8v, fol. 9r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lx–lxi. For the interpretation of the oath and the stipulation of the items to be donated, see HaRB, fols. 10v–12r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lxii–lxiii. The display of relics took place in Hall from 1502 onwards (Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, p. 452). Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. xxvi–xxvii. Peril at sea is given literary form several times in Theuerdank, e.g., Chapters 32, 43, 46, 64, 65, 72. The narration in Chapter 46 is closest to the events described by Waldauf (Theuerdank (1517), fols. [o-vj] r – p v). On Theuerdank as a memorial monument to Maximilian see Müller, Gedechtnus, esp. pp. 108–130. Florian Waldauf appears to have been the only one to record this incident. It is not found in either Joseph Grünpeck’s Historia Friderici iv. et Maximiliani (Joseph Grünpeck, ‘Historia Friderici iv. et Maximiliani i.,’ Der österreichische Geschichtsforscher, 1 (1838), pp. 64– 97); or Johann Jacob Fugger (Johann Jacob Fugger, Spiegel der Ehren des höchstlöblichen Kayser- und Königlichen Erzhauses Oesterreich (Nuremberg: Endter, 1668)); or Gerard von Roo, who relies almost entirely on the redaction of Grünpeck’s Comentaria (L1) and Gesta Maximiliani (L2), long believed lost (Gerard von Roo, Annales, oder Historische Chronick der Durchleuchtigisten Fürsten und Herren / Ertzhertzogen zu Oesterreich (Augsburg: Schultes, 1621)). On the transmission of Grünpeck’s redactions and Roo’s reworking of them, see Hermann Wiesflecker, ‘Joseph Grünpecks Redaktionen der lateinischen Autobiographie Maximilians,’ Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 78 (1970), pp. 416–431. The Burgundian court historian Jean Molinet also notes nothing for 1489 about Maximilian’s being in danger at sea. Nevertheless, in the account of the reconquest of St. Omer by Habsburg troops he uses the metaphors of the sea and ships as an analogous motif (Jean Molinet, Chroniques de Jean Molinet, ed. by Georges Doutrepont and Omer Jodogne (3 vols., Brussels: Palais des académies, 1935–1937), ii, 1488–1506 (1935). 89–90). In his comprehensive biography of Maximilian, Wiesflecker, too, refers only to Waldauf’s account for this incident (Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, i. 222).

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fictitious construct. Whether fact or fiction, the integration of this motif into the explanation for Waldauf’s endowment occurs in a context which excludes the possibility of a purely factual interpretation. The initial experience is simultaneously staged as an initiation: it marks a turning point which announces itself as a rite of passage. Since it explains the reason for establishing the endowment, this part of the narrative is decisive for the entire project; and the incident is, therefore, also integrated into the book on the pictorial plane in the form of a woodcut (Fig. 108).22

Figure 108

22

Hall Relic Book 1508/9, fol. 6r: Distress at sea

For a list of all the woodcuts and their positions within the book, see Appendix 8.

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The configuration of the woodcut imbues the scene of peril at sea with immense significance, since the visual testimony reinforces the eyewitness account recorded in the text. Text and image serve to construct Waldauf’s personality and thus become witnesses to the origins of the endowment, namely, to the original impulse in the person of the donor himself. In a narrow section of the scene the woodcut shows a crowded ship. The sail is cut off by the upper edge of the image; and at the sides the bow and stern of the ship very nearly cut across the line which frames the scene. Seated amongst the crew, Maximilian is recognizable by his crown. Raising his head slightly, he looks in the direction of the stoutly billowing sail, its coat of arms displaying the imperial eagle and set on a Burgundian cross raguly. His travelling companions, tightly crushed together, helplessly stretch out their hands to the heavens or fall fearfully into one another’s arms. Directly behind Maximilian a man turns his back on events; it is not difficult to recognize him as Florian Waldauf in the act of swearing his oath. In his record Waldauf reports that Maximilian alone showed no signs of alarm and attempted to distract the terrified crew. Hence the woodcut reveals three reactions to misfortune on the part of the seafarers: the fearless Maximilian; the royal counsellor turning to the Virgin Mary in his prayers; and the agitated, terrified retinue. On the one hand, Waldauf’s report is figuratively reflected in the varied, differentiated depiction of diverse emotions; on the other, a far broader context is reflected. The balanced, triangular composition of the woodcut and the softly rippling waves contradict the image of a storm or an even marginally existential emergency, but that paradox is far from decisive in this connection. The frequently encountered motif of deliverance from distress at sea functions as assurance of salvation. The image of imminent shipwreck or peril at sea has the power to conjure up various allusions. While the woodcut depicts the transitory moment of the advancing threat, typological motifs are evoked in the subsequent – textually documented – miraculous rescue, which is thereby inscribed into a typological series of such rescues: Noah (Genesis 8), Jonah (Jonah 1–2), Peter and Christ (Matthew 14:22–33).23 The complex metaphor of the ship incorporates a whole spectrum of Christological planes of reference, all of which are present, as is the parallelism between the intrepidity displayed by the Apostle Paul during a storm at sea and that demonstrated by Maximilian (Acts of the Apostles 27:1– 25).24 Consequently, the eques ecclesiae Maximilian and his retinue become 23 24

On the history of the motif see Sabine Mertens, Seesturm und Schiffbruch. Eine motivgeschichtliche Studie (Rostock: Hinstorff, 1987), pp. 15–18, pp. 30–31. A further parallel: Paul assures prisoners and crew that only the ship would be damaged, but no person harmed (Acts of the Apostles 27:22). For his part Waldauf describes how the ship sinks when it reaches the mainland but all occupants are rescued (HaRB, fol. 9v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxi).

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the retinue of Christ. Waldauf embeds the whole proceedings in a historicalsalvific sequence, elevates and sublimates it. The reference to, and continuation of, topological and eschatological motifs function as guarantors of the donor’s self-affirmation. Consequently, the allegorization of the incident results in the visual translation of Waldauf’s project to endow the church and the transcendence of the whole enterprise. Surviving danger at sea relates to the narrative in the Relic Book in yet another way. Before his description of their rescue from peril, Waldauf reports on Maximilian’s capture by the burghers of Bruges and his subsequent liberation.25 According to Waldauf’s account, Maximilian and his retinue were returning to Holland in order to force its cities back into submission when he and the donor Florian Waldauf were plunged into danger at sea. In a comparatively concise description of events, the aversion of shipwreck acquires a further connotation. In Waldauf’s narrative, Maximilian’s liberation from captivity in Bruges equates to the saving of the State from calamity. The prevention of misfortune is juxtaposed onto the Emperor’s survival of peril at sea; and together they evoke the classical topos of shipwreck as a metaphor of disaster for the State.26 Rescue from distress at sea correlates to the averting of calamity from the State. The embedding of Waldauf’s account into a broader temporal context – Maximilian’s imprisonment and release – no longer appears to contextualize the events themselves, but rather points to the function of the incident as a metaphor for the politics of State. Thus, the image of salvation from peril at sea becomes the allegorical conclusion and commencement in one. It signifies the victory over a misfortune which threatens the State and a prelude to Waldauf’s religious endowment. In the context of political developments, image and account are transformed into a motif which signifies triumph: the woodcut depicts Maximilian gazing firmly at the sail resplendent with eagle and cross raguly; and this gaze marks out the ruler as saviour of the State. At the same time, it is the triumphal gesture of the ruler emphasizing his claim to the Burgundian Netherlands. Hence the balanced, triangular composition of the image does not reflect existential emergency but rather the issues of 25 26

HaRB, fols. 6v–7r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lvii–lviii. For a comprehensive account of the historical events see Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, i. 207–222. On its use in Cicero see Kurt Goldammer, ‘Das Schiff der Kirche. Ein antiker Symbolbe­ griff aus der politischen Metaphorik in eschatologischer und ekklesiologischer Umdeutung,’ Theologische Zeitschrift der Universität Basel, 6 (1950), pp. 232–237 (p. 234). On the earliest comparisons between state and ship in Classical authors, see Johannes Kahlmeyer, Seesturm und Schiffbruch als Bild im antiken Schrifttum (Hildesheim: Fikuart, 1934), pp. 39–47. See also the remarks on the Classical allegory of the ship of state in Hugo Rahner, Symbole der Kirche. Die Ekklesiologie der Väter (Salzburg: Müller, 1964), pp. 319–324.

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s­ tabilization and stability inherent in saving the State from disaster. The interplay of text and image elevates the personal fate of the donor and his lord to Christian exemplarity. One thing is obvious: through his oath Florian Waldauf inscribes himself into both the context of imperial politics and the implication of these events for the history of salvation, strands which run as a leitmotif throughout the entire work. 3

The Structure of the Manuscript

The manuscript is divided into five parts. A separate preface draws attention to the papal indulgences which could be obtained by visitors to the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley on thirty-five days and feast days a year; and to the permission given to the priests and named father confessors to grant absolution from sins, apart from those sins which the Pope alone might absolve. Further, it mentions Maximilian i’s letter of safe conduct, which assures all visitors of “shelter and shield” all year round. A brief content summary of the five segments of the Relic Book follows, under the heading “Dises heilthumbpuechlein wirdet getailt in funf tail” [This little relic book is divided into five parts].27 The first part (fols. 4v–14r) discusses the cause for the endowment and describes the various stations on the road to its institution, including the danger encountered at sea and Waldauf’s oath. Further details include Waldauf’s revelation of his oath to his confessor, Maximilian i and various scholars so that he might confer with them on its interpretation; as well as the results of this consultation and Waldauf’s decision. The second part (fols. 14r–25v) describes, in considerable detail, the acquisition of the numerous relics and indulgences, mostly obtained by Waldauf in the course of his travels with Maximilian. By his own account, support from a great variety of spiritual and secular princes enabled Waldauf to acquire relics from the entire Holy Roman Empire and its ­margins – Hungary, Bohemia and Burgundy – as well as from the hands of Frederick iii and Vladislaus ii, King of Hungary and Bohemia.28 It is striking that Emperor Frederick iii and King Vladislaus of Hungary and Bohemia are

27 28

HaRB, fol. 2v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lv. For the structure of the manuscript, based on the indices of the various headings, see Appendix 7. Maximilian often sent Waldauf on diplomatic missions to the King of Bohemia and Hungary Vladislas ii, including in 1493 (Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, v. 246; VerdroßDroßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, pp. 24–25).

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the only two donors of relics to be identified by name. All other places of origin and donors remain decidedly vague and are merely summarized.29 Almost every one of the fourteen paragraphs about the acquisition of the relics ends on the remark that many highly venerable relics were acquired for the foundation and chapel in Hall. A more specific number is given only in the case of relics from Cologne: “Aus der heiligen stat Coln ob zweitausent stuck heilthumbs erlangt” [More than two thousand relics acquired from the holy city of Cologne] (fol. 17v). However, this figure seems to be more symbolic in nature. Waldauf’s description of his acquisition of relics also allows him to mention the various diplomatic missions he undertook within the sphere of Maximilian’s court. Alongside the good offices of prominent spiritual and secular personalities, Waldauf never grows tired of emphasizing, repeatedly, the “grossen angekerten vleiss” [immense diligence employed] through which he, as founder and donor, came to enjoy the enormous gifts of relics. In addition, the numerous occasions on which he provided political and other services are also commemorated. Similarly, in the second part of the book Waldauf talks about the commencement of construction work on the Holy Chapel and its addition to the parish church of Saint Nicholas in Hall in 1493; about building accommodation for the preacher who had been appointed; and about the purchase of furnishings and equipment for the chapel.30 Waldauf also informs the reader about 29

30

E.g., “An demselben zug aus Holant in Brabant und darnach auf Cöln und den Rein auf gen Franckfurt hat der stifter durch seinen grossen angekerten vleiss darzu durch gnedig hilf und furdrung kaiser Maximilians allenthalben von den stiften, clöstern, gotsheusern, pfarrkirchn und kirchen in den fürstenthumben Brabant, Gheldern, Holant, Gulch, zum Perge, Cleue und Westvalen auch in andern gravenschaften und herrschaften, in steten und auf dem lande und sunderlichen auch in der stat Franckfurt vil hochwirdigs heilthumbs erlangt, das ime williglich gegeben ward zu seiner furgenommen capellen und stiftung zu Hall im Yntal” [In the same journey from Holland to Brabant and then to Cologne and the Rhine and up to Frankfurt our donor, through his immense diligence employed in this matter and through the gracious help and promotion of his efforts by Emperor Maximilian, acquired many highly venerable relics from all sides, from the religious foundations, monasteries, houses of God, parish churches and churches in the Duchies of Brabant, Guelders, Holland, Jülich, Berg, Cleve and Westphalia and also in other counties and feudal territories, in cities and in the country and especially also in the city of Frankfurt. These relics were willingly given to him for his planned chapel and foundation in Hall in the Inn Valley] (HaRB, fol. 14r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxvi). “und der stifter und die stifterin fiengen auch an allenthalben zu bestellen und ze kaufen gulden tuech und vil samat, atlass, tamask und ander seiden von manigerlai varben zu ornëten und messgewanden und fiengen auch an allenthalben in der nehend umb die stat Hall und im Yntal gelegen ze kaufen guete gewisse zins, rent, nutz und gulten zu notdurft irer capellen und furgenommen stiftung zu Hall im Yntal” [And the donor and his

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the execution of book projects in partial fulfilment of his oath, something which emerges from the interpretation of his vow in the first part of the book.31 These projects included the translation of two texts – the pseudo-Birgittine Funfzehen ermanungen und gebete von dem heiligen leiden und pittern marter unseres herrn Jhesu Christi [Fifteen Exhortations and Prayers on the Holy Suffering and Bitter Martyrdom of Our Lord Jesus Christ] and the Offenbarungen [Revelations] of Saint Birgitta of Sweden – and the funding of their publication.32

wife also began to order and buy from everywhere golden cloth and much velvet, atlas silk, damask and other silks in many different colours for clerical robes and liturgical vestments and also started to buy everywhere in the vicinity around the town of Hall and the Inn Valley good, secure, interest-yielding investments, annuities, income and tax in kind for their chapel and planned foundation in Hall in the Inn Valley] (HaRB, fol. 17v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxix). 31 In the passage on the interpretation of the oath it says: “Und der stifter solte auch weiter verordnen, damit derselben [Birgitta] funfzehen ermanungen und gepete von dem heiligen leiden Christi vil auf grosse briefe und auch vil in petbuechlein auf Latein und Tewtsch von neuen gedruckt und in alle cristenliche lande ausgetailet, ausgepraitet und eröffnet wurden, damit die andechtigen cristenmenschen derselben gepete und des grossen verdienens, so daraus kumpt, bericht und dadurch geursacht und bewegt wurden, dieselben allerandechtigisten und grossverdienstlichisten ermanungen und gepete zu lob, eere und dank dem heiligen leiden Christi auch mit andacht ze peten” [And the donor should make further stipulations so that the same person’s [Saint Birgitta] Orationes quindecim [Fifteen Exhortations and Prayers on the Holy Suffering of Christ] be reprinted in Latin and German on large sheets of paper and in many little prayer books and distributed, spread and opened in all Christian lands in order that the pious Christian people report on those same prayers and great merits resulting from them and are occasioned and moved by them also piously to pray those same most devout and most meritorious exhortations and prayers to the praise and honour of and in thanks for the holy suffering of Christ] (HaRB, fol. 11r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxiii). 32 The Funfzehen ermanungen und gebete (so designated in HaRB, fol. 11r and fol. 18r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxix) are the orationes quindecim or Fünfzehn Gebete zum Leiden Christi. Latin printed editions are: gw 4362–4383; German gw 4384–4388. There is a list of all manuscripts in Ulrich Montag, Das Werk der heiligen Birgitta von Schweden in oberdeutscher Überlieferung (Munich: Beck, 1968), pp. 25–34. The printed edition of the Fünf­ zehn Gebete arranged by Waldauf is lost. Garber (‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. xv, xviii) and Verdroß-Droßberg (Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, p. 43) doubt the edition was ever printed. Montag, by contrast, could prove the existence of a German printed edition (Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 1492) by means of a later copy which contains the colophon in which Waldauf is named as commissioner of the edition (Montag, Birgitta, pp. 30 and pp. 108–109). The Latin edition of the Revelations recommended by Maximilian and organized by Waldauf was printed in Nuremberg by Anton Koberger on 21 September 1500 (gw 4392); the German edition in Nuremberg by Anton Koberger on 12 July 1502 (vd 16 B 5596). The two editions are adorned with the coats of arms of Maximilian and Waldauf. On the printing of the Revelations see Montag, Birgitta, pp. 103–123.

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In this section Waldauf also describes the marriage agreements which he, as Maximilian i’s go-between, had concluded with the Spanish royal house for Maximilian’s children Philip and Margarethe. His commitment in this matter had earnt him Aragon’s Order de la Jarra y el Grifo, or Order of the Jar of the Salutation.33 Florian Waldauf introduces his contribution to the HabsburgSpanish marital alliances into the Relic Book, where they intrude like a foreign body in the subsequent narrative, lacking any perceptible connection to his actual endowment. Moreover, since the report wants folios 20 and 21 and is therefore incomplete, and since one of the two woodcuts illustrating these events went missing along with these folios, Waldauf’s motive can only be deduced from the eminent significance of the event itself and the function of the work. The surviving woodcut, number viii, depicts a group of people facing towards the right (Fig. 109). The space is undefined and only the floor tiles and wall panelling allow us to interpret it as an interior. Maximilian, his son Philip and Florian Waldauf appear in the first row; behind them stand courtiers tightly crushed together. The three main figures display their coats of arms in front of them. Waldauf’s coat of arms has the appropriate proportions, being somewhat smaller than those of Maximilian and Philip. This, however, cannot belie the fact that his portrayal directly behind the King and future Emperor, and the latter’s son, is intended to document Waldauf’s eminently important role in the marriage. How Waldauf views himself in light of his share in this politically significant event is made all too apparent. His opinion of his worth is, moreover, scarcely relativized by his gesture of holding his biretta in his hand – humility owed to the presence of his employer – or the depiction of his person as smaller than Maximilian and Philip.34 His role, so immodestly depicted here, is 33 See ri 14, ii/2, no. 1290. The wording of the document can be found in Antonio de la Torre, Documentos sobre Relaciones internacionales de los Reyes católicos, v, 1495–1497 (Barcelona: csic, 1965), no. 37, pp. 205–209. Names for the Order vary: Order of the Jar of the Salutation (Orden de la Jarra de la Salutación), Order of the Jar, later Order of the Stole and Jar (Orden de la Stola y Jarra) (D’Arcy Jonathan Dacre Boulton, The knights of the Crown: the monarch. orders of knighthood in later medieval Europe 1325–1520 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1987), pp. 330–338). The prospect of this honour was probably intended to influence Waldauf in favour of the negotiations aimed at bringing about the double wedding; these were being forced by the Spanish side (Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, ii (1971). 36). For exhaustive detail on the Habsburg-Spanish marriage contracts see Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, ii. 27–43. The arrangement of the marriage also had a positive effect on Waldauf’s foundation itself, since the Spanish royal couple are occasionally documented as its advocates (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, p. 16, pp. 91–92, no. 044-01, p. 93, no. 047-00). 34 Even Garber obviously feels it was inappropriate for Waldauf to place himself in the same row as Maximilian and Philip, since he thinks he recognizes Waldauf’s likeness in a figure

The Relic Book as Stage Mask

Figure 109

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Hall Relic Book, 1508/09, fol. 19v: Emperor Maximilian, King Philip of Spain and Florian Waldauf with their coats of arms and courtiers

in the second row, although he agrees that the coat of arms in front of the person on the left undoubtedly identifies Waldauf (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxxiv).

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a­ cknowledged in the heading to this part of text, which is added in a later hand: “Wie der stifter kaiser Maximilians ainigen sun und tochter gen Hyspanien verheirat hat” [How the donor has married off Emperor Maximilian’s own son and daughter to Spain].35 We can only surmise what was depicted in woodcut ix, which has gone missing from this context.36 Its composition was in all likelihood a symmetrical answer to the layout of woodcut viii, since otherwise the group of high-ranking personalities would act into a void. In terms of both form and content, it is conceivable that the parties to the treaty – the Spanish King Ferdinand, his wife Isabella and their daughter Joanna – are depicted as the counterpart to the portrayal of Philip on the opposite page. Whatever the case, the double wedding represented Waldauf’s greatest ­diplomatic triumph.37 However, this bold venture, considered imperial business by Maximilian, casts a different light on his most important secular achievement,38 since an eschatological dimension is tied to the reference value embodied in the Empire: namely, the Empire as the vessel for the history of salvation. The endowment was directed at God and the saints; the book, however, remains tied to Waldauf and was intended to ensure his perpetual presence as donor. The book documents Waldauf’s endowment and, thanks to the endless thematization of his own person, inevitably contains elements of autobiography; in this context his most important diplomatic success serves above all to memorialize the donor. At the end of the second part of the Relic Book Waldauf records the conferment of indulgences for the Holy Chapel by Popes Alexander vi and Julius ii, as well as the translation of the relics from the Chapel of Saint Anne in Waldauf’s castle of Rettenberg to the town of Hall. Finally, he mentions that underneath the (imperial) red-marble paving, the floor of the Holy Chapel had been covered with soil from the tomb of Saint Ursula in Cologne. The third part (fols. 26r–50v) meticulously records the individual features of the endowment and their observance, just as laid down in the letter of endowment.39 This includes a list of the patron saints of the Chapel, as well as ­detailed 35 36

HaRB, fol. b8v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxx. There are no marginal notes which refer to the subject of woodcut ix (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxxiv). 37 Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, v. 246. 38 That Maximilian regarded the Habsburg-Spanish double wedding as an imperial matter and not as Habsburg dynastic politics is proved by his efforts to include the Electoral Princes in the process. The double marriage could acquire the appearance of a state treaty since the preliminary contract had already been co-signed by Arch-Chancellor Berthold of Mainz (Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, ii. 34). 39 Garber lists the forty points of the endowment in abbreviated form (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. xxviii–xxix). Maximilian commissioned his court scribe Hans Ried to

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regulations for the office of preacher and the chaplaincy. It records how the – notably numerous – feast days of the Holy Chapel and the anniversary of the donor’s death were to be celebrated.40 The liturgical acts and chants which recurred in a weekly or annual cycle are also listed, amongst them the daily reading of the Fünfzehn Gebete zum Leiden Christi [Fifteen Prayers on the Suffering of Christ]. We also find stipulations about furnishing the Chapel with eternal lights; about the liturgical utensils and paraments; and about how offerings and other revenue from the Chapel were to be dealt with. A considerable amount of space is taken up by the administrators of the endowment, their duties, endowment finances and the accountability for them. This section also stipulates the duty on the part of the clergy in the Holy Chapel and the Church of Saint Nicholas to read the letter of endowment twice a year and “also vassen sy die ordnungen und stiftungen der heiligen capellen in ir gedechtnuss” [in that way they will retain the regulations and endowments of the Holy Chapel in their memory] (fol. 40v). An entire passage is devoted to the staging of the display of relics; it contains an urgent exhortation that on this occasion prayers also be offered for the salvation of the souls of the founders Florian and Barbara (fol. 42v). An interesting passage attests to Florian Waldauf’s keenness to ensure that strict economy was observed in the expenses of the foundation, especially with regard to the future acquisition and ornamentation of reliquaries. He notes that reliquaries should not be embellished with flowers, foliage or ­anything else which was fragile or very costly in order to keep wages and expenses as low as possible.41 Waldauf especially emphasizes the safeguarding and ­preservation

40 41

write the letter of endowment. On the letter of endowment see Moser, Waldaufstiftung, no. 047-05, pp. 96–102. In other words, the thirty-five feast days for which papal indulgences were granted and fourteen further feast days (HaRB, fols. 35v–37r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lxxxii–lxxxiii). “Und alsoft man kunftiglich pilder, monstranzen, kreuz, truhel, arm, oder ander gefess von silber oder gold zu zierung und behaltung des hochwirdigen heilthumbs machen wirdet, sullen burgermeister und rat der stat Hall verfuegen und darob sein, damit dieselben gefess alle ansehenlich stark und ganz glat gemacht werden und das man nichts von pluemen, laubwerch oder anderm daran mache, das leicht prechen mëchte oder ze machen vil costen wurde, damit in allwege das macherlon wenig coste und uncosten verhuet werden” [And as often as one will in future make images, monstrances, crosses, caskets, arms or other vessels out of silver or gold for the adornment and preservation of the most venerable relics, the burgomaster and council of the town of Hall should dispose and be mindful that these vessels are all made handsome, strong and smooth and that no flowers, foliage or other such ornamentation are added which might break easily or be very

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of his endowment. The giving away and dispersal of relics belonging to the Chapel are threatened with excommunication by the Pope (fols. 42r/v). Further, he stipulates that if the endowment was not kept in Hall, it was to be transferred to the parish church of Saint James in Innsbruck, together with all the funding, relics and privileges without exception, including the pardons and indulgences. If the endowment were also to flounder there, it was to be transferred to Brixen Cathedral. Then, in a lengthy paragraph reserved solely for this purpose, Waldauf curses all those who act to the detriment of, or attack, the endowment. In the process he falls back on the ultimate formulaic instrument: the sanctio from imperial or papal documents. However, he turns the phrasing of the poena into a curse. Waldauf takes the classical legal wording of the threat of punishment found in public documents and, in order to protect the endowment, transforms it into magic, citing a transcendent power as the sanction for this threat. The threat of eternal damnation signals utterly presumptuous hubris on the part of Waldauf the private person.42 Here the essential feature of the endowment again becomes clear – and significantly so. In pronouncing the sanctio reserved for the Pope alone, in conjunction with the poena of a curse, Waldauf turns the code of a public office into a spiritual code arrogated to himself as a private individual. This is the hubris characteristic of a social climber, one which characterizes the entire endowment. The exhaustive, formulaic malediction is followed by the information that four identical letters of endowment were issued, one of which was kept safe by the donor and his male heirs, one by the Dean of Brixen Cathedral, one by the burgomaster and council of Hall and one by the burgomaster and council of Innsbruck. The third part ends with the announcement that the letter of endowment was issued on 29 ­December 1501, but that establishment of the foundation had already taken place on 14 February 1496. The fourth part (fols. 51r–93v) records the papal and imperial privileges and confirmations, as well as those granted by further high-ranking spiritual and secular princes. Beside diverse privileges, indulgences and confirmations for the endowment granted by Popes Alexander vi and Julius ii, they include

42

expensive to make, so that the maker’s fee costs them little and great expense is avoided] (HaRB, fols. 44v–45r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xc). “Derselben menschen seelen sullen auch vor dem jungsten tag nimmermer zu rue noch rast kommen und inen das verdienen und die gueten werk gemainer cristenhait in ainen fluech gekeret werden” [The souls of these same people shall never come to peace or rest even before Judgement Day and the merits and good works of the whole of Christendom shall be turned into a curse on them] (HaRB, fol. 50r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xciii).

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Maximilian’s letters of protection and safe conduct.43 This part also notes that the Holy Chapel enjoys the same indulgences and privileges as the Campo Santo Teutonico in Rome; and confirms that the donors – husband and wife – and their offspring may be buried in it.44 To this end, soil from the Campo Santo Teutonico in Rome has been procured with the permission of Julius ii; it is to be strewn on the floor of the Holy Chapel and thereby create a Campo Santo for Waldauf’s burial place, with all appendant privileges. This wish was prompted in no small part by a legend which had been in circulation since the late fifteenth century: namely, that Saint Helena herself had ordered sacred soil to be taken from Calvary in Jerusalem to the Campo Santo Teutonico and strewn there.45 Thus Waldauf ennobles and sanctifies his chapel in equal measure. In the obvious urge to omit nothing, his projected family burial site is furnished with the hallowed earth of the Campo Santo in Rome and the equally hallowed earth of the grave of Saint Ursula in Cologne. Moreover, his aspirations and his focus on the highest achievable goal led him to pave the entire chapel with red, imperial-seeming marble throughout, a material which signified an investment in both the ennoblement of his burial site and the elevation of his social rank.46 This section goes on to list the “Conversatores, richter und hanthaber” [conservatores, judges and administrators] appointed by the Pope and the twelve “commisarien, conservatores, richter, executores, behalter und hanthaber” [commissioners, conservatores, judges, executors, custodians and administrators] appointed by the Emperor and to explain their duties. The Pope had

43

44

45 46

The privileges are for the most part reproduced as extracts; according to Garber the original texts are reproduced in the case of the papal confirmation of the foundation, the imperial decree of confirmation and the letter of safe passage for pilgrims (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxix). HaRB, fol. a 56v and fol. b 56r. See also Nikolaus Grass, ‘Camposanto-Teutonico-Privilegien für Österreich. Ein Beitrag zur Sakralkultur im Zeitalter Kaiser Maximilians i.,’ in Höflechner etc. (eds.), Domus Austriae, pp. 137–158 (pp. 137–139, 144–145); and the register for the relevant document in Moser, Waldaufstiftung, pp. 118–121, no. 062-03. Waldauf acquired Campo Santo privileges for other parish cemeteries as well (Grass, ‘Camposanto,’ pp. 144–146). Grass, ‘Camposanto,’ p. 137. Above all the block-book edition of the Mirabilia Urbis Romae ensured widespread dissemination of this legend; it lists the numerous indulgences connected to the Campo Santo (Grass, ‘Camposanto,’ pp. 137–138). On the provision of soil from Saint Ursula’s grave in Cologne and of the red marble for the tomb see HaRB, fol. 25v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxxv. On the Campo Santo privileges see HaRB, fols. a 56v and b 56r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. xcix–xcx. On the iconology of red marble see Thomas Raff, Die Sprache der Materialien. Anleitung zu einer Ikonologie der Werkstoffe (Munich: Waxmann, 1994), pp. 40–42.

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a­ ppointed the Dean of Salzburg Cathedral and its diocese and the Deans of the Cathedrals and dioceses of Trent and Brixen. The Emperor appointed the Archbishop of Salzburg; the Bishops of Brixen and Augsburg; the Abbots of the monasteries of Kempten and Wilten; the city governments of Kempten, Meran, Hall, Innsbruck and Sterzing and the Cathedral Chapter of Brixen.47 In addition, we find confirmation of the endowment by King Philip of Castile, Christoph von Schrofenstein, Bishop of Brixen, and by Leonhard von Keutzschach, Archbishop of Salzburg; as well as mandates for indulgences from the latter two. Because folios 91 to 117 are missing, both the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth parts are lost. The third part, with its exhaustive account of the stipulations set out in the endowment letter, both documents and gives contractual form to the endowment as viewed from the inside. The confirmation of privileges from various quarters recorded in the fourth part strengthens the endowment as viewed from the outside. By involving these high-ranking individuals and listing the numerous freedoms and privileges granted by them, Waldauf strives for both the objectification of his foundation and its express connection to his person. The third and fourth parts of the book are characterized by the persistently, tediously varied repetition of passages which deal with the protection and preservation of his endowment and by the constant thematization of the donor and his family. These features attest to Waldauf’s endeavour to safeguard himself and his work in perpetuity and for all eternity. Finally, the fifth part (originally from fol. 94 onwards) is devoted to the display of relics as it took place once a year on the third Sunday after Saint George’s Day. Before this, however, the text again highlights the ways in which the chapel had been particularly favoured. The instructions for the clergy and the indulgences are reiterated, as is the fact that the endowment cannot be revoked. This results in numerous redundant repetitions of content already familiar from the third and fourth sections of the Relic Book. The course of the display is then narrated in exhaustive detail, the relics are listed in the sequence in which they are displayed and their accompanying texts are adorned with Hans Burgkmair’s woodcuts of the reliquaries. The woodcuts in the earlier parts of the manuscript are numbered through in roman numerals, whereas the numbering starts again in Arab numerals with the woodcuts of the reliquaries. The display of the relics begins with the address to the faithful by the priest and includes the instructions for priest and participants. In this section the 47

Maximilian himself was counted among the guardians of the foundation. While the text talks about twelve, he is not mentioned explicitly with the other eleven. However, the imperial coat of arms is one of the twelve coats of arms to appear in this context.

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instructions on appropriate behaviour and the description of the order of display always flow into the narrative, which even goes so far as to tell participants to clear their throats.48 The priest’s introductory address contains a further reference to printed relic books and an indication that not all relics listed in this Book are proclaimed during the display itself, since their number was so great this could not be accomplished within a single day.49 We have here not only a 48

49

This reads as follows: “Der erst umbgang. Zu dem ersten umbgang, so die respons ‘Regnum mundi’ gesungen ist, list der priester mit lauter stimm also: In der ordnung, als man euch das heilthumb list und nennet, in derselben ordnung wirdet man euch das zaigen. In dem namen, lob und eere des almechtigen gots sullet ir am ersten mit andacht sehen das loblich heilthumb und clainat von den heiligen frauen, wittiben, junkfrauen und martrerin. Soliche stuck heilthumbs wellet mit solicher andacht sehen, das euch gnad und seligkait davon bekommen und ir dadurch verdienen mugt aplas und vergebung eur sunde, darumb Christus der herr sein heiligs pluet vergossen hat. Darauf ruft der priester das heilthumb aus und zaigt dieweil mit dem vergulten steblein auf das gefës, darinn das heilthumb stet. .1. In disem pild ist heilthumb: ain glid von der hand sand Vrsula, der heiligen kunigin, junkfraun und marterin” [The first processional section. For the first section, once the response ‘Regnum mundi’ has been sung, the priest reads out the following in a loud voice: “In the order in which the relics are read to you and named, they will be shown to you in the same order. In the name, praise and honour of God Almighty you shall see first, with devotion, the praiseworthy relics and jewels of the holy women, widows, virgins and martyrs. You want to see such relics with such devotion that you will receive grace and bliss from them and may earn through them indulgences and remission of your sins, for which Christ the Lord shed His holy blood.” Thereupon the priest proclaims the relic and all the while points with a gilded staff to the container in which the relic stands. .1. In this picture is a relic: a joint from the hand of Saint Ursula, the holy queen, virgin and martyr] (HaRB, fol. 126r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. cxxxii– cxxxiii). Elsewhere it continues: “Zu dem neunten umbgang list der ausrueffer also: Ir andechtigen in Christo! Nu werdet ir sehen funf tafeln nach einander, darinn auch beschribens heilthumb ist … Soliche stuck heilthumbs wellet mit solicher andacht sehen, das euch gnad und seligkait davon bekommen. Reuspert euch. Darauf plasen und hofiern die trumetter und darnach die pfeifer und pusauner; darnach singen die cantores die respons: ‘Beati estis sancti dei omnes’ etc. .58. In diser tafeln ist heilthumb: von sand …” [The vocalissimus reads the following for the ninth section: “You pious in Christ! Now you shall see five panels one after the other in which the described relics also are …. You want to see these items of relics with such devotion that you receive grace and bliss from them. Clear your throats. Then the trombone players will blow and sound a fanfare and after that the pipers and trumpeters; after that the cantores sing the response ‘Beati estis sancti dei omnes’ etc. .58. In this panel is the relic of Saint …”] (HaRB, fol. 139r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cxlv). “Ir sullet auch wissen, das in etlichen pildern, monstranzen, kreuzen, sërchen, armen und andern gefessen sovil stuck heilthumbs sind, das nit muglich ist, alles heilthumb auf ai­ nen tag auszurueffen; demnach wirdet man von jedem pild, monstranzen und andern ge­ fessen nur etlich stuck heilthumbs ausrueffen und die andern umb kurze willen unterwegen lassen. Welcher oder welche aber wissen wolten alles heilthumb von stuck zu stuck, das in allen pildern, monstranzen und andern gefessen ist, dieselben mugen das lesen in

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statement of the inherent function of relic books but also evidence that the Book presents considerably more relics and reliquaries than the display itself. In several places Waldauf’s manuscript mentions small books; and later editors liked to assume that passages had occasionally been copied from them.50 Garber links such references to the exhortation to buy the Relic Book and sees them as pointing to a planned smaller edition, which, like the larger manuscript, was either not realized or has gone missing.51 However, it is not at all certain that the small books mentioned in the text really do refer to a shortened, printed version of the Relic Book, since the relevant allusions to the “klaine puechel” [small little books] all come from the fourth part of the manuscript, in which the privileges granted by the Pope, Emperor and other highranking spiritual and secular princes are listed. Thus this small book, which is cited several times, could also be a sort of book of privileges; and the price of “ain gleichen phenning” [an even penny] could well be meant symbolically rather than refer to a smaller edition of the Relic Book which was either already in existence or being planned. Either Waldauf wished, at this juncture, to highlight demonstratively that the possibility of participation was open to all; or he intended to subsidize the cost and to bind book dealers into charging a certain sum,52 since the stated price of an even penny cannot refer to the printed version planned by Waldauf, as its size would have given good reason to expect a higher price.53 The display of relics is subdivided into twenty-one processional sections and its sequence is, as customary, dictated by the hierarchy of the saints, starting with the Virgin Mary and rising to a dramatic climax with the relics of

50 51 52 53

den gedruckten heilthumbpuechlein, die man hie zu Hall am markt und andern enden umb ain gleichen phenning zu kaufen vindet” [You should also know that in some busts, monstrances, crosses, coffins, arms and other vessels there are so many pieces of relics that it is not possible to proclaim all the relics on one day; accordingly, only some relics from each image, monstrance and other vessels will be called out and others, for the sake of brevity, will be left out. However, whichever man or woman wishes to know all the relics piece by piece which are contained in all images, monstrances and other vessels, they may read about them in the printed relic book which can be found for purchase here on the market place in Hall and in other places for an even penny] (HaRB, fol 123v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. cxxx–cxxxi). HaRB, fols. 69v, 77v, 78r, 81v, 86r. Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. vi. There is some evidence for commissioners of printed liturgica fixing the prices, e.g., in Würzburg (Ohly, ‘Georg Reysers Wirken,’ p. 135). Cf. the price lists in Wilhelm Abel, Agrarkrisen und Agrarkonjunktur. Eine Geschichte der Land- und Ernährungswirtschaft Mitteleuropas seit dem hohen Mittelalter (3th edn., Hamburg/Berlin: Parey, 1978), p. 124.

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Christ’s Passion.54 Occasionally the relics of a particular group of saints are distributed across several sections. Thus, sections i–viii are allocated to the Holy Virgins. The ninth is reserved for five relic panels containing relics from all groups of saints. The Confessors can be found in sections x–xi; the Martyrs in sections xii–xvii; the Apostles, Evangelists and John the Baptist in section xviii; relics of the Virgin Mary in section xviiii; and the relics of Christ are exhibited in the last two sections (xx and xxi). The texts of the vocalissimus furnish evidence that the various groups of saints, or the relic panels, were viewed as a single group in, at times, several processional sections. Directly before the text starts to describe the display, it provides an overview of the sequence in which the relics are exhibited. Nine groups are listed, progressing from the “heiligen frauen, witiben, junkfrauen und martrerin” [Holy Women, Widows, Virgins and [female] Martyrs] to the “merklich gross und praits stuckh von dem holz des heiligen kreuz” [notably large and wide piece of the wood of the Holy Cross].55 A new “category” is only highlighted in some detail when it begins; and only then is the reader/viewer exhorted to contemplate these objects devoutly: “mit solicher andacht sehen, das euch gnad und seligkait davon bekommen” [to look at them so devoutly that you gain grace and bliss from it].56 These words are repeated for every group of relics, as are the instruction (cited above) to clear one’s throat and the indication that the trumpeters, trombonists and pipers commence playing, whereupon continually changing chants are intoned. Subsequently, each processional section within an individual group starts by identifying the section and the response, or antiphon, which the cantores should start singing at this point.57 The only other place where the responsories or antiphons for the section openings are comprehensively listed is Matthäus Heuperger’s Vienna Relic Book. The chants which in each case form the prelude to a new group of saints accord largely with those

54

55 56 57

On the course of the display of relics as set out in the manuscript see also Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 457–464. The arrangement of the saints according to hierarchy is different in, for example, each of the relic books from Vienna, Wittenberg, Halle; and, in the broadest sense, in Nuremberg and the lists of relics in the chronicles of Georgenberg (gw 10642), Andechs (gw 1641, gw 1642, H 970 = VD16 V2527) and Augsburg (gw 2860). HaRB, fols. 123r–v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cxxx. HaRB, fol. 143v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cxlviii. “Zu dem dreizehenden umbgang singen die cantores die respons: ‘Absterget deus omnem lacrimam’ etc.” [To the thirteenth section the cantores sing the response “Absterget deus omnem lacrimam” etc.] (HaRB, fol. 150v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cliii). Further: “Zu dem vierzehenden umbgang singen die cantores die antiffen: ‘Gaudent in celis anime sanctorum’ etc.” [To the fourteenth section the cantores sing the antiphon “Gaudent in celis anime sanctorum” etc.] (HaRB, fol. 152v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. clv).

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in the Vienna Relic Book.58 Their sequence, however, is reversed, since in the Vienna Relic Book the Virgins come at the end, whereas the Hall Relic Book begins with them. It is possible that its choice of chants was inspired by the display of relics in Vienna. The “brief, sigel und urkund umb das hochwirdig und kostparlich gross heilthumb” [letters, seals and documents relating to the numerous, most venerable and precious relics] are kept in the two chests which conclude the twentieth, and hence penultimate, section. Thus they, too, enter the ranks of relics and reliquaries. Here it becomes evident that Florian Waldauf was keen to turn every item of information into an image. The final processional section (xxi) is separated from the rest by prayers included in the list of indulgences and intercessory prayers for the Emperor, the Pope, the clergy, Christian princes, the donors and the whole of Christendom, especially for those who contribute or have contributed to the foundation, its establishment and its maintenance. At the end of each individual estate or group (clergy, princes, donors etc.) the intercessory prayers conclude with the Lord’s Prayer or Ave Maria and with other prayers (against inflation, strife, for the fruits of the field etc.); their exhaustiveness demonstrates the wish for comprehensive protection against harm. Similarly, at the end of these prayers the reader/viewer is called upon to support the relics and the chapel “mit milter handraichungen hilf, steur und almusen” [with a benign helping hand [i.e., generous financial donations], aid, tributes and alms] and to participate in the indulgences in this way. The final section consists of just one piece, a reliquary cross with which all those present are blessed at the end of the display. The concluding address follows, embedded in chants. Here we find a parallel to Nuremberg, since there, too, all participants are blessed with a reliquary cross; and while in Nuremberg the blessing may not constitute a separate section, it does use the Imperial Cross. The reliquary of the Cross donated by Maximilian is still in the possession of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Hall. Romedio Schmitz-Esser has elucidated the ways in which this reliquary expresses Maximilian’s imperial aspirations, since the relics preserved inside it are either of the highest rank or can be  related to the status of the donor.59 These imperial implications cannot, 58 59

Compare the combination of the chants and hymns for displays in Halle, Hall, Nuremberg and Vienna in Schier, ‘Hören, was nicht sichtbar ist,’ pp. 391–396; and in Vienna and Hall in Appendix 6. Romedio Schmitz-Esser, ‘Kreuzreliquiar Maximilians i. aus Hall (Waldaufsche Stiftung),’ in Evelyn Brockhoff etc. (eds.), Die Kaisermacher. Frankfurt am Main und die Goldene Bulle 1356–1806 (Frankfurt am Main: Frankfurter Societäts-Druckerei, 2006), pp. 414–416. According to the Relic Book, the relics which have been preserved include pieces of: the wood of the Cross; Longinus; Helena, mother of Emperor Constantine; Balthazar, one of the Three Kings; Bishop Anselm; Bishop Jenewein (Ingenuin) and Bishop Albuin, both

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­ owever, have been decisive for the Relic Book or Waldauf’s intended stateh ment, since while the highly prominent donor may be present in his coat of arms on the reliquary, the manuscript itself places no value on identifying him. The corresponding woodcut does not display the coat of arms, nor is there the slightest mention of the donor in the text. Both the visual and the textual reference appear anonymized and isolated, something which ties them to Waldauf’s relic collection alone. A different reference value was decisive for Florian Waldauf. Once again, the direct link to the display of relics in Nuremberg seems to have played a role. In analogy to the blessing in Nuremberg with the Imperial Cross, which was also the reliquary in which both the wood from Christ’s Cross and the Holy Lance were preserved, the blessing in Hall was given with a reliquary cross whose chief contents were “ain merklich praits und gross stuck von dem holz des heiligen kreuz” [a notably large and wide piece of the wood of the Holy Cross]. Nevertheless, it was possible to compensate for the missing Holy Lance with the relics of Longinus.60 The final woodcut, which follows the concluding address and the words “Und hat die weisung ain ende” [And the display ends], is given the number 124. It depicts an altar, identified by the text as the altar in the Holy Chapel; further relics were preserved in it. Evidence is provided by the virtually endless list of saints’ names which follows, ordered once again according to the hierarchy of the saints.61 The text which has come down to us ends on a kind of (self-)protective gesture aimed at criticism and doubters. Waldauf explains – emphatically and

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patron saints of the Diocese of Brixen; Saint Anne, mother of Mary; the arch-martyrs Stephen, Eustachius, Agapitus und Theospitus; Saint Katherine; Florian; and the Bishop and martyr Maximilian (HaRB, fols. 180v and 181r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. clxix). Regarding Saint Longinus it says: “ain armspindl von sand Longin, dem ritter und martrer, der die recht seiten und das suess herz unsers herrn Jhesu Christi am Stam des heiligen kreuz mit dem heiligen sper geöffent und verwundet hat, daraus pluet und wasser zu abwaschung unser sunde miltiglich geflossen ist, daraus die tauf in vergebung der sunden und alle cristenliche sacrament ir tugent und kraft empfangen haben” [an arm bone of Saint Longinus, the knight and martyr, who opened and wounded the right side and the sweet heart of Our Lord Jesus Christ on the stem of the Holy Cross, out of which blood and water sweetly flowed to wash away our sins, from which baptism as forgiveness of sins and all Christian sacraments received their virtue and their strength] (HaRB, fol. 181r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. clxix). Beginning with the Holy Virgins via the Confessors, Martyrs, Apostles, the Virgin Mary as far as the relics of Christ. Then follows the mention of nameless relics, whose documents of authentication have faded or been lost: “der nämen got dem almechtigen bekannt sind” [whose names are known to God Almighty]. This is also the case in, for example, the chronicles of Augsburg (gw 2860) and Andechs (gw 1641, gw 1642), or in the Wittenberg Relic Book, in a different order each time. Above the relics in the altar, a document also informs the reader that Konrad, Bishop of Belinas, had sealed them in there (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, pp. 90–91, no. 044-00).

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exhaustively – that the presentation of a saint’s head or arm, for example, did not actually mean the entire head or arm was present, but possibly only part of it. His point of reference are churches with numerous relics, such as Rome, Cologne or Trier.62 This is entirely in accordance with the medieval idea that part of a whole can signify the whole itself: the saint is present in every part of his body and his virtus, too, remains present in his mortal remains.63 4

Reference Values

4.1 Chronicles and Relic Books As demonstrated by the arrangement of the manuscript’s contents and by its size, Florian Waldauf’s book project surpasses other illustrated relic books in 62

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“Es ist auch ze wissen: Wann man ain stuck heilthumbs hat in ainer kirchen zu Rom oder zu Cöln, Tryer oder in andern steten, stiften oder kirchen, da auch vil hochwirdigs heilthumbs ruet, ist dasselb stuck von dem haubt ains heiligen, so nennt man gemainiklich das haubt gar; ist es aber ain stuck von ainem arm, so nennet man ain arm … und also tuet man allen gliden. Und wiewol oft ain haubt oder glid nit ganz da ist, so nennet man doch das ganz haubt oder glid und das wirdet also gemainiglich gehalten bei allen stiften, clöstern und kirchen in der cristenhait, do gross heilthumb ist. Und darumb ob man ain haubt oder ain glid oder ander stuck heilthumbs ains heiligen öfter oder bei mer kirchen oder auch in andern landen nennet oder weiset von demselben heiligen, so sol doch niemands daran zweifeln, das dennoch ain jedes stuck gerecht und warhaft heilthumb ist zu gleicher weise, wann ainer uber land reitet oder geet und sicht ainen turn oder die maur von ainer stat, so spricht er: ‘Ich sich die stat,’ und er sicht doch nur den thurn oder die statmaur; also ist es auch mit dem heilthumb” [It should also be known: If one has a piece of a relic in a church in Rome or Cologne, Trier or in other cities, religious foundations or churches where there are also many other relics, if that piece is from the head of a saint, then it is customary to name the whole of the head; if, however, it is a piece of an arm, then the arm is named … and the same is done with all limbs. And although a head or a limb is often not present in its entirety, the entire head or limb is still named and this custom is observed in all religious foundations in Christendom where there are many relics. And therefore whether a head or limb or other piece of a relic of a saint is named frequently or in several churches or even in other countries, no one should doubt that that nonetheless every piece is a legitimate and true relic in the same way, just as when one rides or walks across country and sees a tower or city wall, then he says, “I see the city” and yet he actually sees only the tower or the city wall. It is the same thing with relics] (HaRB, fol. 186v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. clxxii). Waldauf goes on to explain that is it is also possible there could be several saints with the same name, who could all have been popes or kings etc., so that the different designations of them in different places were no grounds for doubting the authenticity of the relics. Peter Dinzelbacher, ‘Die “Realpräsenz” der Heiligen in ihren Reliquiaren und Gräbern nach mittelalterlichen Quellen,’ in Peter Dinzelbacher etc. (eds.), Heiligenverehrung in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Ostfildern: Schwabenverlag, 1990), pp. 115–174; Arnold Angenendt, Heilige und Reliquien. Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Beck, 1994), pp. 154–158.

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both structure and scale. He envisaged a much larger venture: he linked the lengthy chronicle of his foundation, which also included a detailed list of all its legal aspects, to the visual and textual evidence for his relic collection. Although this means his project could be classified as a chronicle with a list of relics, in contrast to such chronicles the underlying tone is personalized throughout.64 The Relic Book is inseparably linked to the person of Florian Waldauf himself. If this book project had been realized, it would have produced one of the most comprehensive printed witnesses to a late-mediaeval endowment and the collection of relics which belonged to it. Consequently, the chosen title is a deliberate understatement: In disem Heÿlthumb Puechlein wirdet antzaigt, wie das hochwirdig kostparlich vnd mercklich gross heÿlthumb vnd dartzu die pëbstlichen grossen Römischen gnaden vnd Aplass, damit die heÿlig Capellen vnser Lieben Frawen Zu Hall im Ÿntal, hern Florians von Waldenstain Stifftung, miltigklichen vnd reichlichen erleucht vnd begabt ist, aus Pëpstlichem gewalt alle Jar geweÿset vnd ausgeruefft werden, am dritten Suntag nach sand Geörg tag in der loblichen Stat Hall im Ÿntal.65 [In this little relic book it is announced how the most venerable, precious and notably numerous relics and their papal, great Roman grace and indulgences with which the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley, the foundation of Lord Florian Waldauf of Waldenstein, has been generously and richly illuminated and endowed, are displayed and proclaimed every year by authority of the Pope on the third Sunday after Saint George’s Day in the estimable town of Hall in the Inn Valley.] What is mentioned in the title – the reproduction of the precious relics – takes up, roughly, a mere third of the pages in this voluminous work. Nevertheless, the relics are the goal of Waldauf’s efforts to make provision for his life in the next world, since he devoted himself with the greatest possible vigour to the comprehensive sanctification of his burial place, expending his whole energy on ennobling his actions through the elevation of his own status and legitimizing them through the highest authority. With 123 reliquaries, the collection of relics assembled by Waldauf, with prominent help, in barely two decades can claim a place amongst the great 64 65

Cf. the Andechser Chroniken, gw 1641 (Schr. 3268), gw 1642 (Schr. 3267), Hain 970 (VD16 V2527) (Schr. 3269); also the chronicle of Georgenberg, which was closer (gw 10642). HaRB, fol. 1r. The title is reproduced without the amendments of a later redaction. For the title of the last redaction see Appendix 1.

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relic collections in the Empire around 1500 on the grounds of size alone. For comparison: in 1509 117 reliquaries are documented for the Wittenberg relic collection of the Electoral Prince Frederick the Wise. For the Benedictine monastery of Andechs, the family monastery and occasional burial place of the Dukes of Bavaria, we have a woodcut from 1496 depicting its relic collection in 107 reliquaries; and 136 reliquaries were exhibited during the display of relics in Bamberg in 1493.66 This comparison can only be undertaken on the basis of the number of reliquaries, since the Hall Relic Book – like the others – does not count all the small relics individually. Ultimately, it is the number of reliquaries and myriad saints listed in the book, and then named by name in the displays, which bring the immense magnitude of the treasure to the reader’s attention and appreciation. Florian Waldauf, then, used the comparatively young genre of the printed relic book to document for eternity his triad of endowments and collection of relics in the appropriate manner; and simultaneously to promote them effectively and on a large scale. He adapted the genre with this in mind. It is highly likely that Waldauf was familiar with the Nuremberg edition of 1487, the first illustrated relic book, which would certainly have been available for purchase outside the actual period of the relic display.67 In addition, we have evidence for Waldauf’s sojourn in Nuremberg at the time of the display in 1491.68 It is also very probable that he knew the Vienna Relic Book of 1502, since Matthäus Heuperger, the leading member of the Viennese Fraternity of Corpus Christi and initiator of the printed Vienna Relic Books (1502/1514), belonged to a ­family

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For Wittenberg: Bellmann, Harksen and Roland, Denkmale, pp. 261–264, with a compilation of older and more recent inventories of the relics. For Andechs: the exhibition catalogue Schatz vom Berg Andechs (1967), p. 73. The Andechs relics also reproduce the Blutenburg Relic Panel, which was commissioned by Duke Sigismund of Bavaria; 111 reliquaries are depicted on it (Schatz vom Berg Andechs, pp. 73–74). For Bamberg see ­Appendix 2. For Bamberg, at least, there is reliable evidence that books were also printed at times other than the septennial relic displays and were then available for purchase. This emerges from, amongst other things, a letter by Waldauf sent from Nuremberg and dated 20 April 1491. In it he thanks Archduke Sigismund for payment and the gift of armour (David Schönherr (ed.), ‘Urkunden und Regesten aus dem k.k. Statthalterei-Archiv in Innsbruck,’ Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhau­ ses, 2 (1884), pp. i–clxxxviii (p. i), Register no. 503). Florian Waldauf was in Maximilian’s retinue when the latter stayed in Nuremberg from 15 March until 19 August (Albrecht Kircher, Deutsche Kaiser in Nürnberg. Eine Studie zur Geschichte des öffentlichen Lebens der Reichsstadt Nürnberg von 1500–1612 (Nuremberg: Die Egge, 1955), p. 20; ChrSt., xi. 563– 564; 728–733). In 1491 the Nuremberg display of relics took place on 15 April.

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which had moved there from Hall in Tyrol.69 In addition, Florian Waldauf was friends with the Humanist Johannes Fuchsmagen (c. 1450−1510), who lived in Vienna but had been born in Hall and was also a member of the Viennese Fraternity of Corpus Christi.70 Ultimately, however, with his unique project Waldauf went well beyond the fledgling concept of the relic book. Nevertheless, he consciously exploited its formal visual layout, especially that of the Nuremberg Relic Book of 1487. The guidelines for the first page already reveal clear parallels to the design of the Nuremberg edition. In each case the title appears above the city coat of arms and the name of the place is clearly highlighted through the use of a larger font (Figs. 110 and 1).71 That, of all works, the Nuremberg Relic Book should have served as a point of reference for the Hall title page is hardly surprising, given that this particular work had transposed the Imperial Regalia, embodiment of the Empire in its sacral dimension, to the medium of the printed book, which provided a different framework for the representation of their prestige. Yet again, Waldauf’s pictorial argumentation has, symbolically and concretely, taken the supreme model as its guide. 4.2 Topics and Persuasion In the Hall Relic Book, the images constitute the main vehicle for the argument. Waldauf never forgets to build visual bridges to the people of the highest social rank who supported him and his project. Through the portraits of Emperor and King, popes and bishops – whom Waldauf always adeptly links to himself – the protonotary is associated with the highest echelons of society. The very first woodcut in the book (after the title page with the Hall coat of arms) provides eloquent testimony to Waldauf’s strategy. It depicts the veneration of the Holy Trinity and the Virgin Mary (Fig. 111) and is pasted in directly opposite the start of the text in the first part of the Relic Book, which it introduces. The image is divided into three fields. The top one is reserved for the saints; the middle one for the secular powers; and the bottom one for the faithful. In the heavenly sphere the Crucified Christ appears in an aedicula. God the 69 70 71

Wolfgang Lazius, Historische Beschreibung der Weitberümbten, Kayserlichen Hauptstatt Wienn in Österreich (Vienna: Formica 1619), Book iv, p. 24. See, amongst others, Ruf, ‘Fuchsmagen.’ That it was indeed intended to set place names in larger font in the printed edition is proved by the note to the printer, “gross schrifft” [large script], noted in a later hand in the margin next to “Hall im Ÿntal” [Hall in the Inn Valley] and underlined (HaRB, fol. 1r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. liv).

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Figure 110

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 1r: Title page with the Hall coat of arms

Father is enthroned on Christ’s right; on His left the crowned Virgin kneels in intercessory prayer. Both are written into the architectural ensemble, approached by two steps, and form the cornerstones of a triangular composition.

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Figure 111

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 3v: Foundation image with the Holy Trinity

The Dove of the Holy Ghost appears below the (from the viewer’s standpoint) left-hand bar of the Cross. Apostles and prophets are depicted on either side of the Trinity and Mary, making various gestures. The highest spiritual and secular dignitaries are portrayed in the middle field, worshipping the events which take place above them. On the left kneel

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Popes Alexander vi and Julius ii, as well as the Bishop of Brixen, Christoph von Schrofenstein; on the right we see another triple formation: Emperor Maximilian i, his son King Philip of Spain and, behind the two of them, the author of the foundation, Florian Waldauf. All assume the same kneeling position and are unmistakably identified by their coats of arms. Behind the ecclesiastical trio further high-ranking dignitaries can be recognized, such as a cardinal. In the background, between Maximilian and Philip, an Electoral Prince is visible in his typical robes; and behind this group members of a retinue can be seen. The bottom field depicts kneeling men and women, for the most part seen from the back; their clothes identify them as burghers and peasants. On the left we see the coat of arms of the Tyrol; on the right that of the town of Hall, a more elaborate version of which is displayed on the title page. Especially the upper section is distinguished by unusual pictorial invention, obviously the result of the deliberately symmetrical composition of the image. It unites the idea of the Throne of Mercy – a crucifix held by God the Father with the Holy Ghost appearing above it – and the Enthroned, God the Father and Christ, with the Dove of the Holy Spirit between them. If the Crucified Christ is portrayed within the context of the Trinity, He is generally depicted by means of an axially symmetrical composition in which God the Father holds the Cross in front of Him and the Dove is shown either in front of God’s breast or above Him.72 In Burgkmair’s woodcut, by contrast, the focus is shifted to Mary, the main dedicatee of the foundation. She merges into the composition of the Trinity by entering the triangle of the Crucified Christ and God the Father as a cornerstone. This image clearly draws on a different pictorial formula – the (already performed) Coronation of the Virgin, which is a figuration of Mary’s Assumption into Heaven – and illustrates the patron saint of the foundation in the function of intercessor. In this way the patron of the Hall endowment and its founders mirror one another in the first woodcut in the work, providing the prelude to the book as a whole. Whereas the bottom group of the faithful “rank and file” is clearly separated from the spiritual and secular powers, the heads of Pope and Emperor intrude 72

On depictions of the Trinity in general, see Wolfgang Braunfels, Die Heilige Dreifaltigkeit (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1954); and ‘Dreifaltigkeit,’ in lci, viii, cols. 525–537; François Bœspflug, La Trinité dans l’art d’Occident (1400–1460) (Strasbourg: Presses Universitaires de Strasbourg, 2000); Wolfgang Augustyn, ‘Die Darstellung der Trinität: Das schwierige Gottesbild im Spiegel der Bildüberlieferung,’ in Eckhard Leuschner etc. (eds.), Das Bild Gottes in Judentum, Christentum und Islam. Vom Alten Testament bis zum Karikaturenstreit (Petersberg: Imhof, 2009), pp. 45–80.

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into the heavenly sphere of Mary and the Trinity. The visualization of their sacral nature through their inscription into the sphere of the Holiest of H ­ olies and their contact with it could not be any clearer; and Florian Waldauf’s participation in this contact is expressly depicted. This woodcut, in which all the central participants come together in their portraits, is evidently intended as a visual realization of the foundation itself. However, all three fields are approximately the same size; and this harmonization produces a shift in the spheres of addressee and commissioner. On this stage set, the deployment of protagonists and extras in the donor portrait seems as hypertrophic as it is incomplete: in the manuscript Waldauf’s wife Barbara Mitterhofer is mentioned alongside the donor with noticeable frequency, yet, while she may find a place elsewhere in the Book – namely, in the predictable context of familial ­self-representation – she is not portrayed in this programmatic picture. There is, moreover, no doubt about the programmatic nature of the image, precisely because it depicts the endowment with all its protagonists. The identification of the people portrayed in the woodcut, and quite specifically of Waldauf himself, is not left to chance, just as it is not in the rest of the Book. Apart from the woodcut illustrating distress at sea, which follows the chronological sequence of the work, Waldauf’s coat of arms appears every time he crops up in an image. He is given even greater weight when included in the retinue of the Emperor and the latter’s son, Philip, and in the scene depicting the veneration of the Holy Trinity and Mary. Here Waldauf even dislodges the Electoral Prince into the second row of worshippers. The presentation of Waldauf as a pious Christian worshipping the holy figures to whom his foundation is dedicated is not reserved for the woodcut of the Trinity alone. It recurs twice in the Relic Book in a different constellation: Waldauf as donor in the circle of his family engaged in the devout worship of Mary, who is crowned by the Trinity. Each time he and his family are depicted in the company of other faithful in a sacral space; and each time the Assumption of the Virgin is relegated to a second, corresponding woodcut. The first pair of woodcuts (vi and vii) are found in the first part of the book, which discusses the reasons for the endowment, the interpretation of the oath and Waldauf’s decision (Figs. 112a/b). The two images are placed horizontally on the verso of a page left free for that purpose and, in the context of the narrative, come before Waldauf’s decision to build a chapel or church in honour of the Assumption of the Virgin and to establish a collection of relics. Waldauf, his wife, his son and their retinue are shown richly clothed and kneeling in the interior of a chapel. They are

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Figures 112a/b Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 11v, woodcut vi: Donor, his family and a crowd of pilgrims in a chapel; woodcut vii: Coronation of the Virgin

identified by shields bearing their coats of arms. Pilgrims bringing votive offerings to the chapel altar are depicted behind this group, while both Waldauf, dressed in a long robe with a fur collar, and his retinue look past the altar and out of the picture, gazing devoutly at the corresponding image, in which the Mother of God has already been assumed into Heaven, ascending in a wreath of clouds. The donor is portrayed on the extreme right, at the edge of the woodcut, but this locates him closest to the vision of Mary, who is carried aloft by small angels. To the left and right, half-figures of the Apostles emerge from the garland of clouds. Mary is crowned by God the Father and Son, who also emerge from the clouds, above them the Dove of the Holy Ghost. A rainbow arches above the Coronation group. Six reliquaries are depicted underneath these events: an ostensory; a reliquary cross; an arm reliquary; a skull on a cushion; and the busts of a male and female saint. They represent the ideal-typical assembly of the various forms of reliquary, also found in large numbers in the Hall relic collection. Their reproduction on a standing surface locates them in the material here and now, whereas Heaven is clearly distanced from them by the ribbon of clouds and

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thus defined as the imaginary sphere of the hereafter. However, the two woodcuts are imbued with elements of a vision in relation to the text, since they are placed next to the description of Waldauf’s intention to found a chapel and establish a collection of relics. In this way the “Christian people,” whose perception of the relics is a fundamental prerequisite for the functioning and success of the memorial foundation, are already included in the project.73 The rainbow which overarches the Coronation group also belongs to the prospective portrayal of the foundation: the symbolism of the rainbow goes back to Noah’s Ark and the motif of the New Covenant with God; in the context of Waldauf’s planned endowment it refers to the granting of his prayer to be saved from peril at sea. As in the description of this event, typological motifs are evoked in order to locate the foundation within the history of salvation. Waldauf appears a second time in an image which uses the same formula: the family’s representation of itself worshipping the Virgin at the beginning of the third part of the Relic Book, where the individual features of the foundation and their observance are noted. Woodcuts xii and xiii are pasted onto a double page (Figs. 113a/b). Placing them in this section creates a striking connection between the donor, made present in his image, and the act of endowment affirmed by the text – an indissoluble intertwining thematized time and again throughout the book in different ways. Here Waldauf is depicted in his family circle, surrounded by his retinue. They are in a different chapel, one with a central column and different furnishings. While the coats of arms of Waldauf’s wife and son are the same as in woodcut vi, Waldauf’s own coat of arms is adorned by two elaborately decorated helmets and is incomparably more splendid, and also larger, than those of his closest relatives and his own previous ones. This time Waldauf is depicted in the centre of the page, set off from his family and retinue 73

A later addition makes clear the necessity of participation: “Und damit auch die cristenmenschen dester begiriger und genaigter werden, dieselb kirchen oder capellen und darzu auch das hochwirdig heilthumb daselbst zu besuechen, solte sich der stifter befleissen, zu derselben kirchen oder capellen zu erlangen … gnaden und aplass, damit die ­andechtigen cristenmenschen … zu rainung irer gewissen und ablegung der sunde aus pebstlichen gewalt peichten und puessen mechten” [And so that Christian people, too, become all the more desirous and inclined to visit these same churches or chapels and in these very places also the most venerable relics, the donor should take pains to secure … grace and indulgences for these churches or chapels in order that the devout Christian people … might confess and do penance for the cleansing of their conscience and shedding of their sins by the power of the Pope] (HaRB, fol. 12r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxiii).

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Figures 113a/b Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 27v, woodcut xii: Donor with his family and the faithful in a chapel; fol. 28r, woodcut xiii: Vision of Mary in the Waldauf Chapel

not only by his size but also by his slightly higher position on a step just to the left of the column in the centre of the space. The free space in front of him is occupied by his coat of arms, placed before the step and once again doubling his physical presence. Of the six woodcuts in the book which portray Waldauf, this is the only one which shows him in protective armour as a miles pius. On the one hand, it points to the enhancement of his status as miles auratus.74 On the other, the donor’s ability to defend himself explicitly highlights his gesture of protecting and defending his endowment. In these two woodcuts the attention of Waldauf and his family is again directed outside the page, their gesture of devotion focused on the Mother of God, depicted in the woodcut on the facing page. Mary appears in a chapel 74

He had been dubbed a knight by Maximilian at Stuhlweißenburg (Székesfehérvár, Hungary) in 1490 (Verdroß-Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, pp. 19–21; Moser, Waldaufstiftung, no. 000-02, p. 53).

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interior in an aureola of clouds and angels, above her the Trinity, who crown her. Of the sacral spaces represented in woodcuts vi, xii and xiii, this is the only one which can be reliably identified thanks to characteristic items amongst its furnishings.75 This woodcut shows the Holy Chapel itself, a c­ onclusion ­supported not just by the grating which fences off the space, but also by the reliquary cupboard just visible in the background, which has been preserved to this day, albeit in a modern remodelling.76 The angels hanging in front of the altar and bearing candles, also depicted by Burgkmair, have similarly been preserved. Moreover, the image of Mary could also be read as an allusion to the original statue of Mary on the altar retable, which was later integrated into the Baroque altar.77 The woodcut renders the authentic location concrete, an effect realized by Burgkmair through his inclusion of the actual furnishings in the chapel. In the context of the Book, this visual strategy serves to render not

75

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Garber does not differentiate between the spaces in woodcuts vi, xii and xiii; he calls them all the Holy Chapel (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. xxxiii–xxxiv). VerdroßDroßberg, by contrast, identifies the space in woodcut xii as the Chapel of Saint Wolfgang, destroyed in 1670, but without giving a reason (Verdroß-Droßberg, Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, plate xii). Like Moser (Waldaufstiftung, p. 33), he probably refers to von Hohenbühel, who was the first to call the setting of woodcut xii the Chapel of Saint ­Wolfgang, also without further explanation (Hohenbühel, ‘Holzschnitte,’ p. 68). However, it is indeed impossible to identify the location with any certainty; Waldauf’s text, at least, provides no information. Waldauf’s Holy Chapel is in the east yoke of the north aisle and was separated from the main church by lattice work. Parts of the original furnishings have been retained to this day in the Baroque transformation of the building, including the contemporary lattice work and the red-marble paving. The reliquary cupboard, which is set into the interior of the north wall of the Chapel and today can only be seen with its modern fittings, is still basically late-medieval in concept. This cupboard is referred to in the passage in the Relic Book which informs the reader how and where the relics were kept safe after their translation from Rettenberg to the Holy Chapel: “Und also hat der stifter an demselben tag das hochwirdig heilthumb in die heiligen capellen zu Hall im Yntal geantwurt und das in ainen wolversorgten merblein sarch, do es tag und nacht loblichen beleucht wirdet, setzen und versorgen lassen” [And so on the same day the founder had the most venerable relics taken to the Holy Chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley and had them placed and taken care of in a well-crafted marble casket where they are laudably illuminated both day and night] (HaRB, fol. 25v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxxv). The statue of the Madonna and the candelabra angels are attributed to Michael Pacher or his workshop. The angels were re-set and are now in the Tyrol Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum in Innsbruck (Clemens Sommer, ‘Eine Madonnenfigur des Michael Pacher in der Stadtpfarrkirche zu Hall in Tirol,’ Jahrbuch der Preußischen Kunstsammlungen, 48 (1927), pp. 226–229; Erich Egg, Gotik in Tirol. Die Flügelaltäre (Innsbruck: Haymon, 1985), p. 421).

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, between fols. 9 and 10: Priest preaching

only the foundation tangible, but also, and especially, the promise of salvation inherent in it. Both pairs of woodcuts (vi/vii and xii/xiii) represent a variation on the woodcut depicting the worship of the Holy Trinity (ii) at the start of the Book, albeit in a version which concentrates on the family. The initiator of the endowment, its addressee and its bearers appear in three different ­constellations: Waldauf, the donor; Mary, to whom the foundation is dedicated; and the faithful, who ultimately guarantee the memoria of the donor. Waldauf’s family and the eminent endorsers of the foundation make an entrance as changing actors in the whole undertaking. The donor’s shifting self-­ representation is, therefore, to be understood as a figuration of his piety, his memoria and the economy of the salvation of his soul. Two smaller images, which precede woodcuts vi and vii, correspond to the first item in Waldauf’s oath. Woodcut iiii portrays a priest preaching a sermon in front of a large audience (Fig. 114). The second woodcut, number V, shows a cleric kneeling before a crucifix and immersed in reading his book (Fig. 115). These woodcuts allude to Waldauf’s intention also to establish a ministry, as

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Figure 115

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 11r: Meditating priest

well as the obligation of the priest to read the Fifteen Prayers of Saint Birgitta every day. Waldauf represents, in two individual woodcuts and one double one, the three aspects of his purpose in establishing an endowed foundation; and in the process does not forget to position the initiator of the entire enterprise blatantly and strikingly centre-stage. Similarly, in woodcuts x and xi, which depict the solemn translation of the relic collection from the Chapel of Saint Anne in Rettenberg Castle to the town of Hall in 1501, everything is focussed on the person of Waldauf, despite the large number of participants in the procession.78 Three coats of arms appear, 78

1501 was the date of the translation of the relics (HaRB, fol. 24v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxxiv). We have two documents from 1502 in which Cardinal Raimund Peraudi and Melchior, Bishop of Brixen, grant permission for the translation of the relics and the

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one of which is even shown twice (Figs. 116). The woodcuts are both divided into three fields, each of which portrays a densely packed procession of people. The points of departure and destination can be recognized thanks to Waldauf’s family coat of arms and Hall’s town coat of arms, which appear on the architecture of the castle (defensive wall) and town (tower) respectively. As in the woodcut of the Holy Chapel (xiii), here, too, Hans Burgkmair is guided by actual architectural features;79 and obviously intended the point of departure and destination to be identifiable without recourse to the coats of arms affixed to each.

Figure 116 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 23v/24r: Translation of the relics from Rettenberg Castle to Hall

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erection of the display stage (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, pp. 104–106, no. 049-00 and no. 05100). On the fief of Rettenberg, which Waldauf acquired from Maximilian in 1492, see Oswald Trapp, Tiroler Burgenbuch, vi, Mittleres Inntal (Bozen: Athesia, 1982). 303–326. This observation can also be found in Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. li–liii; Tilman Falk, Hans Burgkmair. Studien zu Leben und Werk (Munich: Bruckmann, 1968), p. 63; West, ‘Hans Burgkmair,’ pp. 266–267.

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The Relic Book asserts that 32,784 people took part in the procession.80 Burgkmair perfectly conveys the sheer number of participants in his depiction of them, although they can only be classified as secular or spiritual through their clothes. Waldauf brings up the rear of the procession, already distinguished from the mass of the participants by his biretta and an ornately patterned, long robe; he alone is identified by his coat of arms. Thus, the translation of the precious relics to Hall and their introduction into the town are bound exclusively to his person, the other participants serving a purely ornamental function. The supposed transformation of the relics into public property, suggested by their translation from Rettenberg Castle to Hall parish church, is something of a sham. While the prominent endorsers of the foundation follow in the course of the Book, their appearance merely provides a colourless epilogue to the donor’s hubristic self-thematization. The highest-ranking representatives of Christendom, whose endorsement of his project was so crucial to Waldauf and whom he therefore integrated into his Book as unambiguous visual and textual proof, make an appearance both as part of the assembly of saints and estates in the Trinity woodcut at the beginning of the manuscript and in individual portraits in the fourth part of the book (Figs. 117–122). Figure 118 Figure 119 The supporters of the foundation – Popes Alexander iv and Julius ii; Emperor Maximilian i; King Philip of Spain; the Bishop of Brixen, Christoph von Schrofenstein; the Archbishop of Salzburg, Leonhard von Keutzschach – are shown seated on thrones, with their coats of arms, holding a document with a seal in their hands and wearing the insignia of their authority: tiara; imperial mitre crown; crown or mitre. In the context of the narrative it becomes obvious which document is referred to in each case, since in this section of the work Waldauf incorporates copies of the instruments of validation and the relevant documents in hierarchical succession. The depictions of these figures function as authors’ portraits, accompanying and authenticating their texts. Conversely, the texts and images represent these people in an inverted constellation of the relationship between image, text and author. Fifteen heraldic shields are integrated into the prominent sequence of the six supporters: three after the portraits of the two Popes and twelve more after

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HaRB, fol. 25v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxxv. This number of people present at the procession stems from a later hand; the manuscript originally talked of approximately six thousand fewer.

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Figures 117–119

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 51v, woodcut xiiii: Pope Alexander VI; fol. 54r, woodcut xv: Pope Julius ii; fol. 67r, woodcut xvii: Emperor Maximilian i

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Figures 120–122 Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 87v, woodcut xxii: King Philip of Spain; fol. 88r, woodcut xxiiii: Christoph von Schrofenstein, Bishop of Brixen; fol. 90r, woodcut xxiii: Leonhard von Keutzschach, Archbishop of Salzburg

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that of Maximilian.81 The woodcut which originally followed the portrait of the Pope then in office, Julius ii, showed three coats of arms – those of the three conservatores appointed by the Pope – but is now lost.82 The twelve coats of arms which follow the portrait of the Emperor are consolidated into groups of three in four rows. These are the heraldic symbols of the people appointed by Maximilian for the holy “capellen zu Hall im Yntal auf ewigkait” [chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley for eternity] as commissioners, conservatores, judges, executors, custodians and administrators (Fig. 123).83 The endorsement of Waldauf’s foundation by the supreme representatives of Christendom and their presentation in a sequence of images serve, definitively and unmistakably, to shift legitimation of the entire endowment project onto the visual plane, an act which – thanks to the succession of several images with similarly stacked intentions – almost turns into a calculated campaign to convince. Indeed, the visuality may even be focused on overwhelming the viewer. 4.3 The Display Stage The illustration of the display of relics in Nuremberg provided the model for another woodcut, that of the display stage in Hall, which appears in the fifth 81

82 83

The sequence corresponds to the people’s rank and status in relation to the foundation. The two popes are followed by Maximilian, then Philip. Only the Bishop of Brixen was placed before the higher-ranking Archbishop of Salzburg, but this, too, was to be corrected in the printed edition, as suggested by, amongst other things, the numbering of the woodcuts (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxxvii). These are the coats of arms of the Dean of Salzburg Cathedral as well as the Deacons of Trent and Brixen (HaRB, fol. 60r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cii; c.f. also p. xxxvi). HaRB, fol. 68r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cviii. In the manuscript (last redaction) the conservatores are listed as follows: “den erzbischove zu Saltzburg, den bischove zu Brichsen, den bischove zu Augspurg, den gefursten abt zu Kempten, .n. den landhofmeister, hofmarschalk, landhaubtman, canzler, stathalter und regenten des Tyroli­ schen landsregiments zu Insprugk, den thumbrobst, thumbdechant und das erwirdig capitel der hohen stift zu Brichsen, den abt zu Wiltein und die burgermaister und rate der stete Kempten, Meran, Hall im Yntal, Insprugk und Stertzing und alle ire und ir jedes nachkommen” [the Archbishop of Salzburg, the Bishop of Brixen, the Bishop of Augsburg, the Prince Abbot of Kempten, .n. the Steward of the territory, the Seneschal, the Governor, the Chancellor, the Stadtholder and Regent of the government of the province of Tyrol in Innsbruck, the Dean, Deacon and honourable Chapter of the Cathedral in Brixen, the Abbot of Wiltenand, the Burgomaster and Councellors of the towns of Kempten, Meran, Hall in the Inn Valley, Innsbruck and Sterzing and all their successors] (HaRB, fol. 68r; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. cviii and p. xxxvi).

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section of the book after the priest’s prologue and before the first processional section (Figs. 124, 2).84 Despite the expansive structure of the Hall Relic Book, the position of the display stage corresponds exactly to its position in the Nuremberg Relic Book. However, the Nuremberg woodcut illustrates the first processional section, whereas various types of reliquary are presented on the Hall tabernacle: the bust of a female saint; an arm reliquary; a skull reliquary; an ostensory; and a, or the, reliquary cross. In this way a visual summary of all the processional sections is provided and the display of relics is condensed into one picture. In this illustration Burgkmair is able to represent crowds and groups of people, graduated in size and on three different planes. On the roofed-over upper storey of the display stage a vocalissimus, proclamation sheet and pointer in hand, announces the relics. Other people, holding lighted candles, throng next to and behind the men portrayed as bishops or abbots with the right to wear a mitre. Burgkmair skilfully arrays the large gathering of the faithful, who stand in dense flocks beneath the display stage and follow the display of relics.85

84

85

This was established by Tilman Falk (Falk, Hans Burgkmair, pp. 63–64). Garber, too, points to the similarity in composition (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxxviii; see also ­Erlemann and Stangier, ‘Festum Reliquiarum,’ p. 28). Moser revises the opinion that Waldauf imitated the display of relics in Vienna. He, too, assumes that Nuremberg is the point of reference. However, in the woodcut of the Hall display stage he finds a reliable visual source for its actual appearance by assuming that in Hall even details such as the wooden construction were copied from the Nuremberg model (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, p. 35). However, initially these details establish only visual parallels. Whether Burgkmair really portrays the Hall display stage or whether his version actually depicts the ideal-typical view of a display stage derived from the Nuremberg woodcut – as a number of corresponding details suggest – can only remain a matter for speculation. The display stage originally stood next to the Chapel of Saint Wolfgang, which was built onto Saint Nicholas’s in the north-east and consecrated in 1505 (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, no. 056-01, p. 111). In 1670 the Chapel of Saint Wolfgang was destroyed by the church tower collapsing during an earthquake. Between 1695 and 1698 a new chapel was erected in its place which was dedicated to Saints Wolfgang, Joseph and Valentine (Josef Engel and Franz Egger, Die Heilige Kapelle unserer Lieben Frau in Hall in Tirol. Festschrift anläßlich der iv. Jahrhundertfeier der Übertragung der heiligen Reliquien aus Rettenberg nach Hall ­ (­Innsbruck: s­ elf-­published, 1951), pp. 62–63; Verena Friedrich and Romedio Schmitz-Esser, Hall i. Tirol. Pfarrkirche St. Nikolaus und Kapellen (Passau: Peda, 2007), pp. 37–38). One source states that the display of relics in Hall attracted over ten thousand participants as a general rule. While this seems unlikely given the size of Hall, it allows us to deduce a horrendous number of participants (see the register in Moser, Waldaufstiftung, p. 125, no. 065-04).

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Figure 123

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 68r: Heraldic shields of the conservatores appointed by Maximilian. From top to bottom and left to right: Imperial double eagle with the coat of arms of Tyrol (for the Tyrolese provincial government); Archbishop of Salzburg; Bishoprics of Brixen and Augsburg; Monastery of Kempten; Cathedral Chapter of Brixen; Monastery of Wilten; towns of Kempten, Meran, Hall, Innsbruck and Sterzing

Amongst them are a man and a child who – just as in the Nuremberg woodcut – hold aloft small mirrors in order to capture the salvific effect of the relics in their reflections. In the intermediate zone, on the second storey of the s­ tructure,

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Figure 124

299

Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 125v: Display stage

stand armed men wearing armour. In the woodcut of the Nuremberg display each group is strictly contained within its own field; in the depiction of the Hall display the soldiers’ erect halberds invade the sphere of the c­ arpet-adorned balustrade, almost touching the precious objects. The immense value of the relics defended here is signalled by the marked, and above all space-­consuming,

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performance of defensive capacity. This is, therefore, a visual calculation which serves three purposes: authentication of the enormous number of relics to ­follow; emphasis on the major status of their display; and their ennoblement, since they unambiguously merit protection. Whereas the two flags on the tent-shaped roof of the display stage in Nuremberg depict the Crown of Thorns and the Holy Lance next to the Cross and Nails, and beneath them the heraldic shield adorned by the imperial eagle, the Hall woodcut, in a renewed gesture of endorsement, depicts flags adorned by the coats of arms of Popes Alexander vi and Julius ii. In addition, the Hall coat of arms appears underneath the bell on the roof ridge. While, the imperial city exploits the combination of the Arma Christi and the heraldic imperial eagle to legitimize and thematize itself in its function as guardian of the Imperial Regalia, the foundation and endowment in Hall draw on the performance of the display to secure, once again, their self-affirmation and endorsement from outside and by the highest instance. Waldauf counters Nuremberg’s reference to itself as a holy city with a gesture of endowment infused with the highest sacral and sovereign authority. 4.4 The Reproduction of the Objects In both his reproduction of the reliquaries on a reduced scale and the serial nature of the illustrations Burgkmair is guided by the earlier printed relic books, as a cursory glance at pages in the Relic Books of Vienna (1502) and Bamberg (1493) makes clear (Figs. 125, 126a/b, 62, 72).86 However, Burgkmair reduces size and variation rather than limiting an image to its outline or omitting detail in the drawing.87 When flipping through the pages one occasionally thinks one has seen the same picture for two different reliquaries. Appearances, however, are deceptive. His modifications to the illustrations of the various objects are sometimes extremely slight (Figs. 127a/b). Despite the numerous, recurrent motifs of busts, arms, caskets, panels and heads resting on cushions, Burgkmair created an individual wood block for each object. Within the constraints imposed by the format and the type of object, he developed a great wealth of variation, albeit without achieving great variety in the end result – namely the overall visual appearance of the relic

86 87

See also West, ‘Hans Burgkmair.’ On average, the woodcuts of the reliquaries measure between 3 and 5 cm wide and 4.5 and 6 cm high (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xli).

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Figure 125

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 133v/134r

c­ ollection – and possibly without even wanting to. This creates the effect of substantial unity and uniformity.88 88

Ashley West suggests seeing this as a pattern of authentication for the entire collection. She sees Waldauf as competing especially with the nearby Benedictine Abbey of Georgenberg, which could boast the relics of 132 saints and permission, granted by Pope Sixtus iv in 1480, for two public displays a year, as well as a history reaching back into the tenth century. In order that Waldauf, with his “artificial product,” should not look like a “Disneyland of holiness,” he needed older reference values, which he found, for example, in the soil from the grave of Saint Ursula in Cologne and the Campo Santo in Rome. Moreover, the pressure to compete and to justify made it a quasi-necessity for Waldauf to be guided by earlier printed relic books (West, ‘Hans Burgkmair,’ pp. 256–257). On Georgenberg see Thomas Naupp, ‘Zur Geschichte der Wallfahrt nach Sankt Georgenberg,’ in Gert Ammann (ed.), Heiltum und Wallfahrt. Katalog der Tiroler Landesausstellung im Prämonstratenserstift Wilten und in der Benediktinerabtei St. Georgenberg-Fiecht 1988 (Innsbruck: Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, 1988), pp. 94–105 (p. 98–99); Kühne, Ostensio Reliqui­ arum, pp. 390–399. On the basis of variations in the reliquaries in the woodcuts, Garber und Falk assume their considerable fidelity to the items portrayed. Their crown witness for Burgkmair’s care in ensuring exact reproduction is Maximilian’s reliquary of the Cross (discussed below), the only item in the collection which can be proved to have been preserved (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. liii; Falk, Hans Burgkmair, p. 63). However, the reliquaries are depicted in such a general way that it is only possible to establish their

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Figures 126a/b Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 138r and 150v: Pages from the eighth and fourteenth processional sections

Figures 127a/b Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fols. 154r (reliquary casket no. 93) and 160r (reliquary casket no. 113)

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4.5 Signs of Social Exclusivity: Coats of Arms, Signa, Patron Saints Coats of arms perform an eminently important function throughout the entire book. They serve, on the one hand, to identify a person; on the other, to attribute the donations of relics in the fifth section of the manuscript. However, heraldic shields are encountered far more frequently in the historical chronicle and the legal part of the work than in the visual and textual lists of reliquaries and relics. It is striking that heraldic shields are used to identify reliquaries as gifts in only three woodcuts. This restraint in identifying donors is all the more significant because gifts of relics from a huge variety of people and institutions can not only be taken for granted: they are documented in diverse sources ­other than Waldauf’s own account of his procurement of relics.89 Pope ­Alexander vi and Maximilian sanctioned the acquisition by Waldauf of an immense number of relics in Cologne, not all of them recorded in the illustrations; and, apart from those, the still-extant reliquary of the Cross in Waldauf’s relic collection was also donated by Maximilian. His coat of arms is engraved on the shaft of the cross.90 The woodcut, however, only reproduces, in enlarged form, the characteristic angels holding the central panel with the relic of the Cross. Otherwise both illustration and accompanying text lack any evidence of the donor (Figs. 128 and 129). We might have expected that these gifts above all, but also others, would at least have been documented by pictures, as was

89

90

faithful illustration on the formal plane of the type of reliquary. West, by contrast, assumes Burgkmair concentrated on the significant features of the objects; for her it is not relevant whether or not he was concerned with authentic reproduction. In her view Burgkmair searched for a simple style in order to make the cohesiveness of the collection apparent and to confirm the credibility of his status as eye-witness (West, ‘Hans Burgkmair,’ p. 269). Compare the documents concerning them with the corresponding proof of origin in Moser, Waldaufstiftung, nos. 014–026. For Waldauf’s own statements about the acquisition of the relics see HaRB, fols. 14r–18v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lxv–lxx. On the probable gift of Nuremberg relics of Saint Sebaldus to the foundation at Hall see Hurtienne, ‘Haller Waldauf-Reliquien.’ However, the identification of relics of Sebaldus in the Hall manuscript is not quite as explicit as Hurtienne would have us believe (Hurtienne, ‘Haller Waldauf-Reliquien,’ p. 314). Rather, the relics of the patron saint of Nuremberg appear in the middle of a list of numerous saints and without an explicit identification of the link to Nuremberg of either the saint himself or his relics. The assumption of the importance of Sebaldus’s relics may appeared justified from the point of view of Nuremberg, but in the context of Waldauf’s collection they are merely a few among thousands. The cross is in the possession of the Church of Saint Nicholas in Hall and kept in the Hall town museum (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. lii–liii; Amman (ed.), Heiltum und Wallfahrt, p. 142). On the dating and programmatic arrangement of the relics within the reliquary, see Romedio Schmitz-Esser, ‘Reliquienkreuz König Maximilians,’ in Romedio Schmitz-Esser (ed.), Der Taler um 1500. Eine Haller Münze zwischen Arm und Reich (= Haller Münzblätter, 7 (2007)), cat. no. 9.1, pp. 263–265 (pp. 263–264).

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Figure 128

Cross reliquary (before 1508), Town Museum, Hall in Tyrol

comprehensively the case in the – albeit later – edition of the Halle Relic Book of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg.91 However, the woodcuts in Waldauf’s manuscript depict coats of arms on only three reliquaries: the imperial eagle on the reliquary bust of Saint Leopold; Florian Waldauf’s coat of arms on a bust of Saint George; and the coat of arms of Duke Eric of Brunswick and Catherine of Saxony on another reliquary.92 The Leopold reliquary, a donation from Maximilian, is also d­ ocumented in other sources. In 1506 he commissioned the master goldsmith Benedict 91 92

Cf. the chapter ‘Troy, Rome, Halle.’ Catherine was the second wife of Archduke Sigismund, in whose service Waldauf began his career. After Sigismund’s death she married Eric of Brunswick. Waldauf was in close contact especially to Catherine, whose finances he administered (Schmitz-Esser, ‘Beziehungen,’ esp. pp. 285–290).

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Figure 129

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 180v: Cross reliquary

Burkart to create the bust of the saint.93 The patron saint of Austria, who was not canonized by Pope Innocent viii until 1485 and then at the instigation of Emperor Frederick iii, is depicted in the woodcut wearing an archducal hat and with a heraldic shield bearing the imperial eagle (Fig. 130).94 He appears in first place in the eleventh processional section, which was devoted to the Confessors. The coat of arms is the only reference to the donor; there is none in the text itself. However, adorning the bust of Leopold with the imperial eagle shifts the function of the former from patron saint of Austria to a saint of the Empire.

93

Schönherr, ‘Urkunden,’ p. xxv, register no. 788; Erich Egg, ‘Stiftungen – Heiltum – Ablässe,’ in Ammann (ed.), Heiltum und Wallfahrt, pp. 58–81 (p. 69). The relics of Saint Leopold had been raised from their tomb in the Chapel of Saint Nicholas in Klosterneuburg on 15 ­February and preserved in the shrine commissioned by Maximilian as early as 1495 (Eli­ sabeth Kovács, ‘Der heilige Leopold. Rex perpetuus Austriae?,’ Jahrbuch des Stiftes Kloster­ neuburg, n. s. 13 (1985), pp. 159–211 (pp. 176–177)). 94 Friedrich iii’s efforts to have Leopold canonized took an inordinate amount of time; he made the first attempts as early as 1465 (Kovács, ‘Der heilige Leopold,’ pp. 159–160).

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Figure 130

Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 146r: Reliquary of Leopold

Figure 131

Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 163v: Reliquary of the Crown of Thorns

Waldauf was not merely a petitioner: his good post at Maximilian’s court certainly enabled him to make demands. For example, Schmitz-Esser proves that Eric of Brunswick and Catherine of Saxony wished to stay in Waldauf’s valuable good books by supporting the foundation in Hall.95 Waldauf subsequently honoured the donation of the immensely significant relic of the Crown of Thorns by recording the donors’ coats of arms in the woodcut (Fig. 131). They 95

Schmitz-Esser, ‘Beziehungen,’ p. 287.

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Figure 132

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Hall Relic Book 1508/09, fol. 153r: Reliquary of Saint George

appear to the left and right of the tower ostensory, in which the thorns are visible. Here, too, the donors are not mentioned in the text.96 Waldauf’s own coat of arms is flaunted on the illustration of a reliquary bust of Saint George in the fourteenth section (Fig. 132). He chose his personal patron saint to display his coat of arms, but George was also an auxiliary patron saint of the Chapel of Saint Mary in Hall.97 It is also Saint George who, together

96

97

The reliquary, number 117, is in the twentieth processional section (HaRB, fol. 163v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. clxiv). This reliquary may have been preserved. SchmitzEsser cautiously identifies it as a tower ostensory today in the Town Museum in Hall in Tyrol. The Brunswick and Saxon coats of arms are not preserved on it, but two rivets could point to their having been mounted on it originally (Romedio Schmitz-Esser, ‘Turmostensorium (des Erich von Braunschweig?),’ in Schmitz-Esser (ed.), Der Taler um 1500, pp. 265–266.). The manuscript provides information about the patron saints of the Holy Chapel: “Und sy haben dieselb heilig capellen in dem lob und eeren der heiligen und ungetailten ­Drivaltigkait und in sunderhait der hochgelobten junkfrauen Marien schidung und himelfart und des heiligen zwelfpoten und himelfursten sand Thomasen auch sand Florian, sand Georgen, Sand Cristoffen, Sand Erasmen, sand Martein, sand Barbaran und sand Brigitten, wittiben von Sweden, weihen lassen” [An they have had this same holy chapel consecrated in the praise and honour of the Holy and Undivided Trinity and in particular the Death and Assumption of the most lauded Virgin Mary and of the Holy Apostles and Princes of Heaven Saint Thomas, also Saint Florian, Saint George, Saint Christopher, Saint Erasmus, Saint Martin, Saint Barbara and Saint Birgitta, widow of

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Figure 133a Marx Reichlich, former altar retable Figure 133B in the Waldauf Chapel, outer wing: Florian Waldauf and Saints George and Florian

Marx Reichlich, former altar retable in the Waldauf Chapel, outer wing: Barbara Mitterhofer, Saints Barbara and Birgitta and members of the Birgittine Order

with Saint Florian, Waldauf’s patron saint, appears behind the donor on the outer left wing of the altar retable in the Holy Chapel (Figs. 133a and 133b).98 Once again, the outer wing of the retable illustrates Waldauf’s tendency to accumulate not just possessions and relics but also offices and honours, which

98

S­ weden] (HaRB, fol. 28v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxxviii). See also the original naming of the patron saints (Moser, Waldaufstiftung, nos. 058-01, 060, 062). The unusual information concerning the date of the Heiltumsweisung – “am dritten suntag nach sand Geörg tag” [on the third Sunday after Saint George’s Day] – indicates that Waldauf was determined to have his personal patron saint mentioned in the title and during the proclamation itself. The panels were painted by the Tyrolese artist Marx Reichlich between 1501 and 1505 (Egg, Gotik, pp. 421–431).

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he presents in a targeted fashion. An armour-clad Waldauf kneels in a sacred interior, his hands folded in pious prayer. In front of him kneels a boy in a parallel position; the coats of arms identify the two as father and son. Waldauf the Elder’s coat of arms appears together with the collars of two orders strung ­between two pillars. The one on the right is the collar of the Order of the Jar of the Salutation, which the King and Queen of Spain had bestowed on Waldauf in 1496. To its left hangs the esses-collar of the House of Lancaster.99 Waldauf himself wears the collar of the Brandenburg Order of the Swan.100 Standing behind him, Saints Florian and George tower over him. In his veneration of Saint George, as in so many things, Waldauf modelled himself on his employer Maximilian, who had a particular affinity to the chivalric saint.101 Waldauf’s wife Barbara Mitterhofer kneels in the corresponding outer right panel. Like

99

Waldauf was a member of numerous orders of chivalry and bearer of many high-ranking honours. However, it is not possible to establish a direct connection between Waldauf and the English court. In February 1489, one month before the danger at sea described by Waldauf, Maximilian concluded a treaty of friendship and trade with England, the Spanish having acted as the intermediaries (Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian, v. 29). Moreover, in 1491 Waldauf was also in Maximilian’s retinue during the latter’s sojourn in Nuremberg between 15 March and 19 August. This year saw an extraordinary display of the Imperial Regalia, at Maximilian’s request, for an embassy from the King of England (Müllner, Annalen, part iii, p. 116). On the identification of the collar on the left as that of the House of Lancaster, see Christian Steeb, ‘Der Ratmannsdorfer Grabstein auf dem Weizberg. Ein steierischer Ritter des 15. Jahrhunderts als Träger zweier seltener ausländischer Ordens­ zeichen,’ Blätter für Heimatkunde, 68 (1994), pp. 144–149; Christian Steeb, ‘Die Livery Collar des Hauses Lancaster. Ihre Entstehungsgeschichte und ihre Darstellungen in Österreich,’ Zeitschrift der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für Ordenskunde, 20 (1995), pp. 1–17 (pp. 14–15); Rainer Schoch etc. (eds.), Albrecht Dürer. Das druckgraphische Werk (3 vols., Munich: Prestel, 2001–2004), iii. 489–490. 100 The three collars identified above surround Waldauf’s coat of arms (printed on the reverse side of Maximilian’s coat of arms) in the Latin and German editions of Saint ­Birgitta’s Revelations, instigated by him and printed in Nuremberg by Anton Koberger (cf. plates in Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, iii. 490). Here, too, the collar of the Order of the Swan takes pride of place, as it does on the altar retable, being placed directly around the coat of arms, while the Order of the Jar of the Salutation and the English royal livery of the House of Lancaster flank it to the left and right. 101 Walter Winkelbauer, ‘Kaiser Maximilian und St. Georg,’ Mitteilungen des österreichischen Staatsarchivs, 7 (1954), pp. 523–550; Inge Wiesflecker-Friedhuber, ‘Maximilian i. und der St. Georgs-Ritterorden,’ in Franz Nikolasch (ed.), Studien zur Geschichte von Millstatt und Kärnten. Vorträge der Millstätter Symposien 1981 bis 1995 (Klagenfurt: Habelt, 1997), pp. 431–453.

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Figure 134

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Hall in Tyrol, Church of Saint Nicholas, grille of the Waldauf Chapel with Waldauf’s coat of arms

her husband, she wears the collar of the Brandenburg Order of the Swan round her neck. Depicted in a gloomy landscape, she is commended by Saint Barbara, whose attribute, the tower, is cut off by the left edge of the picture. Saint Bir­ gitta appears behind the pair, writing in a book and surrounded by male and female members of her order. Mary and Christ look down from the clouds above onto the densely packed scenery beneath them. It is not only the close connection to these important saints as patrons of his Holy Chapel which is meant to secure divine grace for the donor: the combined concept and visual argumentation of relic collection, relic book and

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Figures 135a/b Hall in Tyrol, Church of Saint Nicholas, grille of the Waldauf Chapel from the outside and inside

chapel ­demonstrate a purposeful mise-en-scène of exclusivity, used by Waldauf to secure considerable social prestige for himself. This is also explicitly exhibited in the Chapel furnishings, since the numerous signs of his social ascent are presented in an easily decoded form, not just on the altar but also on the dividing grille: here the donor is, once again, clearly identified by his coat of arms (Fig. 134).102 In addition, skilfully worked little jars with lilies appear on the finials of the ogee arches on the grille; while they can generally be taken as a reference to Mary’s virginity, ultimately they represent the emblem of the Order of the Jar of the Salutation, of which Waldauf was a member (Figs. 135a/b).103 Even in this decorative form – which can almost be called understated – veneration of Mary and demonstration of social prestige are linked.

102 Garber was also able to prove the Chapel contained a likeness of Waldauf in bronze, by the side of which Maximilian wanted to place his own; or that this was at least planned (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. xxii). 103 This abbreviated representation of the Order of the Jar of the Salutation as a jar with three lilies is found frequently, e.g., on the epitaph of Otto iii of Ratmannsdorf in the parish church of Weizberg in Styria. This epitaph also boasts the livery collar of the House of Lancaster (Steeb, ‘Livery Collar,’ pp. 12–13). The jar also appears on the title page of the Book of Relics and Indulgences of Degenhart Pfeffinger von Salmanskirchen (Mühldorf am Inn, Stadtarchiv, B 79); and on his tombstone in Salmanskirchen. On the abbreviated depiction of the Order see Coreth, ‘Orden,’ p. 43.

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The – only apparently – sparing annotation of three reliquaries in the entire collection with the donors’ coats of arms proceeds in a similar manner. It is precisely this sparseness which highlights Waldauf’s exclusivity as the donor of the collection. Waldauf really does place great value on making his connection to popes and emperors very clear. In the second part of his book, therefore, he reveals the origins of his relics, which come from unimpeachable sources, namely the most eminent houses and venerable churches in the whole of Europe. By naming these he directly proclaims the authenticity and legitimacy of his relic collection. However, his interest in the visual identifiability of the donors of his relics was kept within extremely manageable limits, since his visual presentation of his salvatory relics concealed the participation of others as part of his overall concept. On the intellectual plane this intentional silence causes the involuntary association of Waldauf with all the reliquaries whose donor is not identified – or, quite simply, with all reliquaries. Through the permanent visual thematization of his person, Waldauf – despite references to other donors – absorbs the total stock of the endowment unto himself. He is not one amongst many but rather one amongst few and ultimately the only one. However, Waldauf’s staging of himself as a donor “in the picture” simultaneously enhances his social exclusivity. By allowing the illustration of only two coats of arms other than his own – that of Maximilian and the alliance coat of arms of Eric of Brunswick and Catherine of Saxony – he uses the catalogue of relics as a medium for the representation of his social network. As a court official of the Emperor designate and financial administrator to the wife of the Duke of Brunswick, he presents these contacts as the favour of princes and pictorially as an ascent into precisely this princely realm, without having, as donor, to “share” his valuable relics in the process. This explains why each of the three coats of arms is only displayed once in the entire Book. This visual restriction models social standing without questioning the unequivocal attribution of the endowment to Waldauf. This mode of proceeding confirms that the use of images to argue a case very consciously runs counter to the chronicle-like exposition of the acquisition of relics at the start of the book. A similar procedure is followed in the texts which describe the relics and which – as customary in other relic books, too – with one exception fail to mention the donor. For the reasons mentioned above, this exception is, once again, Waldauf’s employer.104

104 In the nineteenth processional section: a piece of red silk in which Mary’s shirt had lain in Aachen and which Maximilian had received as a present during his coronation in 1486. He presented it to Waldauf for the Holy Chapel (HaRB, fol. 161v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. clxii).

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4.6 Sublimation of the Person Seen overall, Waldauf’s endowment and the planned printed edition of the Relic Book represent a universal endeavour to ensure that his memoria endured. The institution of the endowment, which encompassed a sizable collection of relics and their annual display, can only be understood in light of the Sublimation of his person and the securing of personal salvation. Waldauf planned the Holy Chapel in the Church of Saint Nicholas in Hall as his family burial site and was ultimately laid to rest there amongst all his relics. He ­intended the constant repetition, and hence lasting visualization, of his ­image  – and not only in the medium of the Relic Book. Repetition and ­visualization were anchored in the very midst of the host of saints, visible to every visitor. Consequently, his picture and that of his wife appear as donor portraits on the Chapel altar; his coat of arms and signs of honour on the dividing grille. The staging could not be clearer: Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, the golden knight, protonotary – and social climber – in a posture of devotion before the Mother of God in his Holy Chapel, surrounded by his relics, enduringly immortalized in the medium of print. A model of humilitas masks superbia. The planned printed edition of the Relic Book was intended to document the endowment comprehensively in text and image. Consequently, its history and legal constitution, aimed at ensuring continuity in the memorialization of Waldauf’s family, take up considerable space in the manuscript. This resulted in an intensely visualized affiliation of the family with the highest ranks of ­society, one intended to reach a larger public through the medium of print. Moreover, the objectivization of the family’s self-staging in the printed version was meant to counter, with all pictorial and sacral authority, all imaginable doubts regarding the grace and favour bestowed by the powerful in Heaven and on earth – the saints and the princes. Waldauf pulls out all the stops for himself and his foundation. In the act of transforming his relics into public property, an act strikingly represented in the woodcuts of processions, he was positively forced to make a bogus claim. As the title of his work suggests, under the mask of the Relic Book Waldauf presents the extensive memoria of his own person. In so doing he transcends the genre, but simultaneously creates a new medium for self-staging in the form of his endowment, salvific and social networks. This does, indeed, constitute economic speculation, albeit one which uses the concept of ‘economy’ in the broadest possible sense.105 The project had to be made attractive to a potential 105 Comparable investments in social prestige and the expectation of salvation, albeit from a fundamentally different starting point, are analysed in Achatz von Müller, ‘“Il viso per la

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buyer, an appeal which lay in the promise of salvation inherent in the display of relics and was rendered memorable through the fiction of a relic book. In the expected economic success of the book – or, more precisely, in its purchasers’ participation in the donor’s project of salvation and memoria – Waldauf sees a guarantee for the success of his actual economic concern: the accumulation of salvation. What we have here is double book-keeping which speculates simultaneously on material success and the expectation of salvation. The investment in picture, printed work and chapel was the basic prerequisite for the desired success of Waldauf’s social and salvational speculation. pittura vive lunga vita.” Zur Sozialfunktion religiöser Bildstiftungen im italienischen Spätmittelalter,’ in Richard Faber etc. (eds.), Kunst und Religion. Studien zur Kultursoziologie und Kulturgeschichte (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 1999), pp. 135–151.

Chapter 7

Troy, Rome, Halle: History and Genealogy When Albrecht of Brandenburg, Archbishop of Magdeburg and Mainz, Bishop of Halberstadt and, finally, Cardinal as well, had the Halle Relic Book printed in 1520, not only had he considerably expanded the relic collection inherited from Ernst of Saxony, his predecessor in the Archdiocese of Magdeburg, but he had also settled on a new resting place for the holy bones. Ernst had earmarked the Chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene on the Moritzburg in Halle to house the relic collection; and Albrecht shared his preference for the residence in Halle.1 However, in the course of his activities as a collector, the collegiate church at the Chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene planned by his predecessor in Halle must have seemed too small and unsuitable for his own plans. Although he did, indeed, found the collegiate church for which Ernst had paved the way, he considerably expanded the former’s project. Albrecht not only succeeding in increasing the number of secular canons, but also in relocating the collection to a larger church. To this end, the Dominicans were compelled to leave their traditional home. After the translation of the immense collection of relics, it was kept in the so-called “Neues Stift” [New Collegiate Church]. From 1519 onwards it was to be exhibited to the faithful once a year during a public display.2 The Halle Relic Book – 121 leaves long and illustrated by an engraving and 237 woodcuts – appeared shortly before the beginning of the display under the ­title: VOrtzeichnus vnd zceigung des hochlobwirdigen heiligthumbs der Stifft­ kirchen der heiligen Sanct Moritz vnd Marien Magdalenen zu Halle [The Inven­ tory and Display of the Most Laudable Relics of the Collegiate Church of Saints 1 On Archbishop Ernst, the Chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene and its furnishings, see Mock, Kunst unter Erzbischof Ernst, pp. 165–251. He lists the older literature. 2 Ernst of Magdeburg already seems to have planned a display of relics in Halle (Kühne, Osten­ sio Reliquiarum, p. 427). On the display at the Neues Stift in Halle see Michael Scholz, Re­ sidenz, Hof und Verwaltung der Erzbischöfe von Magdeburg in Halle in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1998), pp. 213–215 and pp. 220–222; Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 424–444; Diedrichs, ‘Ereignis Heiltum.’ In Halle the displays began in 1519 (Hartmut Kühne, ‘Heiltumsweisungen: Reliquien – Ablaß – Herrschaft. Neufunde und Pro­ blemstellungen,’ Jahrbuch für Volkskunde (2004), pp. 42–62 (p. 56); Kirn, Friedrich der Weise, p. 170). Delius postulates 1520 as their beginning ([Walter] Delius, ‘Eine Urkunde zur Reformationsgeschichte der Stadt Halle,’ Zeitschrift des Vereins für Kirchengeschichte der Provinz Sachsen und des Freistaates Anhalt, 26 (1930), pp. 159–164 (p. 162)); Redlich 1521 (Paul Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg und das Neue Stift zu Halle 1520–1541. Eine Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichtliche Studie (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1900), p. 233).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_009

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­ aurice and Mary Magdalene in Halle]. The colophon testifies that the book M was printed in Albrecht’s favourite residence.3 The printer, who is not named, has been identified as Wolfgang Stöckel, who at this time ran a printing shop in Leipzig.4 The model for the creation and design of the printed Halle Relic Book was the Wittenberg Relic Book of Frederick the Wise. However, despite their similar structure Albrecht’s enterprise was fundamentally different from that of his predecessor in terms of its message and strategic focus. It also stands in direct competition to its near neighbour in Wittenberg with regard to size, layout and the enlistment of Albrecht Dürer, the German Apelles. In 1526 Al­ brecht had the entire relic collection of the Neues Stift documented for a second time, namely, in a parchment codex. The codex includes full-page drawings and descriptions of the reliquaries in the collection, with a precise list of all the relics preserved in them. Today this manuscript is kept in the Court Library in Aschaffenburg under the shelfmark Codex Ms. 14. The number of reliquaries depicted in the printed book differs from that in the Codex: on the one hand, it 3 “Gedruckt yn der löblichen stadt halle; Nach Christi Vnsers hern geburt Funfftzehenhu[n] dert Vnnd Jm Zcwenntzigstenn Jhare” [Printed in the praiseworthy city of Halle in the year after the birth of Our Lord 1520]. Two printed editions of the work exist; the wording of their colophons is slightly different (vd 16 V 896 and vd 16 V 897; cf. Appendix 1). The printed edition is discussed at greater length for the first time in Joseph Heller, Das Leben und die Werke Albrecht Dürer’s, ii. 2. (Bamberg: Kunz, 1827). 510−512; [Carl Michael] Wiechmann-Kadow, ‘Das Hallische Heiligthumsbuch,’ Archiv für die zeichnenden Künste, 1 (1855), pp. 196–210. 4 The printed work was attributed to either Martin Landsberg or Georg Rhau until Benzing made a plausible case for Wolfgang Stöckel (Josef Benzing, ‘Die Anfänge des Buchdrucks in Halle an der Saale,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1939), pp. 202–211 (p. 203)). On Wolfgang Stöckel see Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, p. 88, p. 175, p. 277; J. Braun, ‘Wolfgang Stöckel,’ Börsenblatt für den deutschen Buchhandel, 51 (1884), pp. 6129–6131; Otto Ziegler, ‘Leben und Werk Wolfgang Stöckels und die Anfänge des Dresdener Buchdrucks,’ in Christoph Jobst, Denkschrift zum 150jährigen Bestehen der Firma Meinhold & Söhne (Dresden: Meinhold, 1927), pp. 1–42; Hans Bockwitz, ‘Wolfgang Stöckel,’ Börsenblatt für den deutschen Buchhandel, n. s. 4 (1948), pp. 694–695; Thomas Döring, ‘Bibeldruck und Ablaßzettel. Albrecht von Brandenburg als Auftraggeber für den Buchdruck,’ in Andreas Tacke etc. (eds.), Der Kardinal. Albrecht von Brandenburg, Renaissancefürst und Mäzen (2 vols., Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2006), ii. 285–291 (pp. 288–290). Despite the attested presence of Stöckel in Leipzig around 1520 there is no reason to contradict the colophon of the Halle Relic Book and give Leipzig as the place of publication, as do the catalogue and volume of essays for the exhibition Der Kardinal (i. 91; ii. 288 (only the image caption)). In contrast to its editors, in the same catalogue Thomas Döring assumes that the work was printed in Halle (Döring, ‘Bibeldruck,’ p. 290). It is not impossible that printers printed with their typefaces in other places. Although there is no evidence of other printers in Halle at that time and Wolfgang Stöckel was resident in Leipzig, Johann Sensenschmidt, who had operated a printing shop in Bamberg in 1479/80, more than once went to other places for a short time specifically to print, for example to Freisingen (1482), Regensburg (1485) and Dillingen (1489) (Geldner, Buchdrucker­ kunst, pp. 39–45; Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 49–50, 268–269, 271–276).

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is much higher than the inventory given in the manuscript; on the other, some reliquaries in the printed Halle Relic Book are missing from the manuscript.5 1

The Artists of the Halle Relic Book

Apart from the famous engraving by Albrecht Dürer, The Small Cardinal (B. 102), which Albrecht had printed on the reverse of the title page, the vast majority of the 237 woodcuts were the work of the Nuremberg painter and draughtsman Wolf Traut. It is possible to identify him thanks to his monogram on the statuette of Saint Peter in one of the woodcuts.6 In Wolf Traut, Cardinal Albrecht was able to attract an artist from Dürer’s immediate circle for his book project. Traut had already worked on printed books a number of times and had also collaborated on the Triumphal Arch for Emperor Maximilian.7 It is not unlikely that Dürer was, in fact, Albrecht’s artist of choice and it was only through the former’s mediation that Wolf Traut was awarded the contract for the sketches for the Relic Book.8 Traut was unable to complete work on the 5 Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14. also goes under the name “Hallesches Heiltum”; for a comprehensive discussion of the Codex see Philipp Maria Halm and Rudolf Berliner, Das Hallesche Heiltum, Man. Aschaffenb. 14 (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1931). Térey includes two lists with a breakdown of the items in the printed book and the manuscript (Gabriel v. Térey, Cardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg und das Halle’sche Heiligthumsbuch von 1520 (Strasbourg: Heitz, 1892), pp. 69–79). 6 The woodcut comes at the beginning of the fifth processional section. In 1889 Wilhelm Schmidt was the first to discover Wolf Traut’s monogram in the Halle Relic Book. The monogram on the statuette of Saint Peter had previously been reproduced by Brulliot, but Nagler recognized it as that of Wolf Traut (François Brulliot, Dictionnaire des monogrammes, marques figurées, lettres initiales, noms abrégés etc. (3 vols., Munich: Cotta, 1832–1834), i. no. 3160b; Georg Kaspar Nagler, Die Monogrammisten (5 vols., Munich: Franz, 1858–1879), v. no. 900, pp. 181–182). However, Nagler lacked any knowledge of the original context of the woodcut of Saint Peter, which was discovered by Wilhelm Schmidt (Wilhelm Schmidt, ‘Wolf Traut,’ Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, 12 (1889), pp. 300–302). On Wolf Traut see Lata, Wolf Traut. 7 Térey, Cardinal Albrecht, pp. 85–106; Rauch, Die Trauts, pp. 81–84 and pp. 93–94; exhibition catalogue Meister um Albrecht Dürer (1961), pp. 214–220; Thomas Schauerte, Die Ehrenpforte für Kaiser Maximilian i. Dürer und Altdorfer im Dienst des Herrschers (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2001), pp. 92–93. 8 In his preface to the edition of a selection of woodcuts from the Halle Relic Book Richard Muther speculates that Cardinal Albrecht commissioned the woodcuts for the Relic Book in Augsburg in 1519, at the same time as he commissioned the engraved portrait from Dürer (Richard Muther, ‘Vorrede,’ in Hallisches Heiligthumsbuch vom Jahre 1520, Liebhaber-­ Bibliothek alter Illustratoren in Facsimile-Reproduction, 13 (Munich/Leipzig: Hirth, 1889), p. vi). A further connection between the artist and the commissioner could exist through the

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Relic Book, since the records for the tolling of the death knell (Totengeläut­ bücher) at the churches of Saint Sebaldus and Saint Lawrence in Nuremberg indicate he died between 30 May and 19 September 1520.9 Stylistic variations in the illustrations and the depiction of the Golden Rose, which Albrecht of Brandenburg did not receive from Pope Leo x until 25 October 1520, demonstrate that the woodcuts had not been completed by the time of Traut’s death.10 The remaining forty-four woodcuts were ascribed to Pseudo-Grünewald, whose works have since been ascribed to three different hands, amongst them Simon Franck, the Master of the Mass of Saint Gregory, whose altar cycle, painted from designs by Lucas Cranach the Elder, adorned Cardinal Albrecht’s Neues Stift.11 2

Exquisitely Archaic or Exclusive: The Title Page

In contrast to all the older, illustrated relic books the Halle Relic Book lacks a title picture. It does not, however, lack a lavish layout for the title page (Fig. 136). The title is printed in a typeface decorated by extravagant, ornamentally curved and curling lines. The stylized, elaborate line decoration is cut from

­Franconian line of the Hohenzollern, for whose burial site in the Cistercian monastery of Heilbronn Wolf Traut executed several altars (Rauch, Die Trauts, pp. 80–81, pp. 84–87, pp. 96–100; Meister um Albrecht Dürer, pp. 207–208; Lata, Wolf Traut, p. 125). 9 Rauch, Die Trauts, p. 2; Lata, Wolf Traut, p. 25, p. 408; cf. also the indication of the year of Traut’s death in Hans Bösch, taken from the same source (Hans Boesch, ‘Nürnberger Ma­ ler des 16. Jahrhunderts,’ Mitteilungen aus dem germanischen Nationalmuseum, 2 (1889), pp. 70–72 (p. 72)). 10 Jakob May, Der Kurfürst, Cardinal und Erzbischof Albrecht ii. von Mainz und Magdeburg, Administrator des Bisthums Halberstadt, Markgraf von Brandenburg und seine Zeit. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Cultur- und Reformationsgeschichte. Jahr 1514–1545 (2 vols., Munich: Franz, 1865/1875), i. 349–351 and Appendix 36, pp. 89–91. However, the award had already taken place on 6 June 1520 (Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 279). 11 Eduard Flechsig thought Hans Cranach might be Pseudo-Grünewald (Eduard Flechsig, Cranachstudien, (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1900), pp. 222–236). Friedländer und Rosenberg think the paintings attributed to Pseudo-Grünewald are actually the work of three different artists (Friedländer and Rosenberg, Die Gemälde von Lucas Cranach, pp. 95–98). For a reconstruction of the Pseudo-Grünewald question see the concise summary in Andreas Tacke, Der katholische Cranach. Zu zwei Großaufträgen von Lucas Cranach d.Ä., Simon Franck und der Cranach- Werkstatt (1520–1540) (Mainz: von Zabern, 1992), pp. 33–41. Tacke postulates Simon Franck as Master of the Mass of Saint Gregory (pp. 89–110). Gabriel von Térey still assumes three artists were responsible for the woodcuts (Térey, Cardinal Al­ brecht, pp. 89–110). The present study follows Flechsig in attributing the woodcuts to two artists (Traut and Anonymous), but not the identification of the anonymous artist as Hans Cranach (Flechsig, Cranachstudien, pp. 179–202).

Troy, Rome, Halle

Figure 136

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Halle Relic Book 1520: Title page

two different woodblocks. One set of lines encircles the upper part of the title and unfurls out of the initial “V.” In the lower part, the uppercase “H” of the word Halle appears to give birth to a latticework of lines which plays with supposed symmetry and separates the title from the lower edge of the page. This line

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ornamentation is also used a number of times in the Book as marginal decoration.12 The linear compositions surrounding the title derive their form from the marginal illustrations or design of initials in manuscript illumination. They are also influenced by decorative elements in the major printed works commissioned by Maximilian, which in their turn are influenced by manuscripts. Similarly abstract, linear, framing patterns are a feature of Albrecht Dürer’s marginal illustrations for Emperor Maximilian’s Prayer Book (1514/15); and can be found in the medium of the woodcut even earlier: namely, in the design for the title of the German and Latin editions of Albrecht Dürer’s Apocalypse (1498) (Fig. 137).13 Knowledge of Albrecht Dürer’s work for Emperor Maximilian i’s Prayer Book or, more probably, the titles in the Revelation of Saint John (Apocalypse) might have provided the stimulus for Wolf Traut’s design of the title page, since although the title page of the Halle edition does not match the sophistication of Dürer’s titles for the Apocalypse, the latter can be viewed as exemplary.14 The decorative line work in evidence here boasts a rich variety of distinctive forms, which are frequently re-used in the most intricate variations in the Book itself as decoration for empty spaces. While such line ornamentation may be quite rare in the typographical decoration of title pages, taken by itself the ornamental repertoire of the title page is perfectly normal for the 1520s.15 However, the ornamental title border in a decorative Renaissance style was widespread at the time. In this case a conscious decision is made to use an exclusive decorative design. The ornamental layout of the title page has been described as an ‘exquisite archaism.’16 Taken on its own, this feature, which in retrospect appears 12 13 14

15

16

It crops up a total of seven more times on the following pages: hrb, fol. 39r, fol. 41v, fol. 46v, fol. 68v, fol. 79r, fol. 91v, fol. 107v. For Emperor Maximilian’s Prayer Book see especially the study by Friedrich Teja Bach on Dürer’s graphic art, with examples from book illumination (Friedrich Teja Bach, Struktur und Erscheinung: Untersuchungen zu Dürers graphischer Kunst (Berlin: Mann, 1996)). German and Latin editions of the Apokalypse of 1498 (Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, ii. no. 109 and no. 110, pp. 67–68); a Latin edition followed in 1511 (p. 69, no. 111). This style of calligraphic design for the title page is not unique. The design of the first page of the table of contents in Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle (Nuremberg 1493, hc 14508) might have been the stimulus for Dürer. At the same time the Nuremberg printer Friedrich Creußner printed the Roseum memoriale of Petrus of Rosenheim, which begins with the woodcut of an artistically ornate, convoluted initial (Nuremberg 1493, hc 13988). Numerous examples could be cited. See also the title page to Albrecht Dürer’s Unterwei­ sung in der Messung (1525), where the typographical layout of the title produces a textual image which narrows towards the bottom of the page (vd 16 D 2856; illustrated in Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, iii. 171). Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ pp. 43–44; and in reference to it Livia Cárdenas, ‘Albrecht von Brandenburg – Herrschaft und Heilige. Fürstliche ­Repräsentation

Troy, Rome, Halle

Figure 137



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Albrecht Dürer, Apocalipsis cum Figuris, title page of the Latin edition of the Apocalypse, Nuremberg 1498

im Medium des Heiltumsbuches,’ in Tacke,“Ich armer sundiger mensch,” pp. 239–270 (pp. 260–261).

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o­ld-fashioned, can simply be understood as a form of exclusivity which ­functions chiefly as an intentional display of prestigious design and serves the self-representation and self-promotion of the person who commissioned the book. Turning the first page immediately reveals the identity of that person in two images. The use of Renaissance decorative motifs modernizes almost the entire illustration of the Book. Far from negating the modernity of the reliquaries, the woodcuts by the two artists underline it. While the reliquaries are not as subject to the sort of creative reinterpretation and graphic updating carried out by Lucas Cranach in the woodcuts for the Wittenberg Relic Book, in the Halle Relic Book the depiction of the various features of the reliquaries is frequently just as overshadowed by the personal style of the two artists. In the Halle Relic Book, too, the representation of the objects is stylistically simplified, so they cannot be used to date the goldsmiths’ work, as was possible with the drawings in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14. However, the freedom in refashioning which Lucas Cranach allowed himself when translating reliquaries into the woodcuts in the Wittenberg Relic Book has given way to a comparatively tame modernization to suit the taste of the time. It should be remembered that designing the layout of a book entailed a twofold strategy, one which these days we perceive as a rupture or anachronism, but was not necessarily viewed as such by contemporaries. On the one hand, we have the explicitly image-free title page, whose ornamental design harks back to manuscript illumination and, in the context of prestige projects intended to make the commissioner of the work appear more aristocratic, undoubtedly becomes the expression and proof of its own exclusivity, once again assuming the character of an image. On the other hand, the reliquaries are consistently depicted in modern, Renaissance forms. Modernity and exclusivity are here intertwined and their symbiosis characterizes the commissioner of the book in several ways. 3

Troy, Rome, Halle: Albrecht Dürer’s Engraving

The elaborately designed title is followed on the second page by Albrecht Dürer’s engraving of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, the Small Cardinal of 1519 (Fig. 138).17 The shipping of two hundred copies and the copper plate to the

17

To distinguish it from another engraving of Albrecht of Brandenburg by Dürer created in 1523, the so-called Large Cardinal (B. 103). A preliminary study for the engraving of 1519 was done at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg; it is now in the Albertina in Vienna (W. 568; inv. no. 4853). A further study, which originated during the preliminary work on the

Troy, Rome, Halle

Figure 138

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 1v: Albrecht Dürer, Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, engraving

commissioner of the work clearly demonstrates that this engraving was not meant merely as a one-off gift, but was probably intended from the very e­ ngraving and in which Dürer sought to combine the inscriptions with the portrait bust, used to be in Bremen; now it is in Russia (Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, i. 221–223).

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beginning to serve as the donor portrait in the Halle Relic Book.18 Frederick the Wise had already had his Wittenberg Relic Book of 1509 embellished by an engraving by Lucas Cranach the Elder depicting him and his brother John (Fig. 79). However, the two brothers appear on the title page, whereas Albrecht’s portrait does not appear until the second page, a gesture intended to distinguish him. Nonetheless, Albrecht Dürer’s woodcut must have been the unmistakable trump card, since Scheurl, in his dedicatory speech to Cranach, had already put the Wittenberg painter in an unequivocal second place after the important Nuremberg artist and reviver of the Classical Age. In the engraving Albrecht of Brandenburg is portrayed behind a parapetlike panel which bears the Latin inscription sic ocvlos sic ille genas sic ora ferebat anno etatis sve xxix mdxix. His coat of arms appears above his head on the left; his titles are listed on the right.19 Albrecht is dressed in a mozzetta and biretta; in this three-quarter-length portrait he turns to the right. The markedly upright posture and sternly modelled facial features create an 18

19

The engraving was printed directly into the Halle Relic Book; it was not pasted in as a separate step, as the inspection of the extant exemplars has established. The shipping of the engraving is documented in a letter from Dürer to Georg Spalatin, private secretary and court preacher to Frederick the Wise (Hans Rupprich, Dürer. Schriftlicher Nachlaß (3 vols., Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956–1969), i. 85–86). On the assumption that the engraving was intended as book decoration from the very beginning, see Lukas Cranach i, p. 88; Anna Scherbaum in Erich Schneider (ed.), Dürer – Himmel und Erde. Gottes- und Menschenbild in Dürers druckgraphischem Werk (Schweinfurt: Ludwig & Höhne, 1999), p. 182; Matthias Mende in Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, i. 218–223; and Berthold Hinz, ‘Des Kardinals Bildnisse – vor allem Dürers und Cranachs,’ in Tacke etc. (eds.), Der Kardinal, ii. 19–27 (p. 20). On the engraved portrait of Albrecht see, amongst others, W[ilhelm] A[ugust] Luz, ‘Der Kopf des Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg bei Dürer, Cranach und Grünewald,’ Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, 45 (1925), pp. 41–77 (pp. 47–57); Heinrich Wölfflin, The Art of Albrecht Dürer (London. Phaidon, 1971), p. 266; Erwin Panofsky, Albrecht Dürer (3rd edn., Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1948), pp. 200–201, p. 211; Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, i. 221–223; Wolfgang Schmid, ‘Denkmäler auf Papier. Zu Dürers Kupferstichporträts der Jahre 1519–1526,’ in Klaus Arnold etc. (eds.), Das dargestellte Ich. Studien zu Selbstzeugnissen des späteren Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit (Bochum: Winkler, 1999), pp. 223–259. On portraits of him in general see also Horst Reber, ‘Die Bildnisse des Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg,’ in Roland Berthold (ed.), Albrecht von Brandenburg: Kurfürst, Erzkanzler, Kardinal 1490–1545. Zum 500. Geburts­ tag eines deutschen Renaissancefürsten, rev. by Horst Reber (Mainz: von Zabern, 1990), pp. 83–98; Karsten Temme, ‘Der Bildnisgebrauch des Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490–1545). Funktion, Themen, Formen’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Technische Universität Berlin, 1991); Der Kardinal, i. 184–199, 223–243. “Thus he wore his eyes, cheeks and mouth in the twenty-ninth year of his age, 1519”; “Albrecht, by the grace of God Cardinal-Priest of the Holy Roman Church with the title church of Saint Chrysogonus, Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Administrator of the Diocese of Halberstadt, Margrave of Brandenburg” (Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, i. 221).

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expression of decisiveness. The thorough modelling of the face is matched by that of his robe. The folds in the material of the mozzetta at the neck and shoulders are almost metallic in their severity, an effect reinforced by the play of light and shadow on Albrecht’s clothes and face. Albrecht stands out before a dark curtain, which provides a background extending to halfway up his head and on which the artist’s monogram is inscribed. In this portrait Dürer has created a composition in which a flat surface alternates with a person who takes possession of the space. The field of the inscription and the list of titles, between which Albrecht appears to be caught, convey no spatial dimension. Heinrich Wölfflin remarks appositely: “The coat-of-arms and inscription bear down on it rather than embellish it.”20 Their sheer size certainly lends the coat of arms and the list of titles a presence similar to that of Albrecht himself. Apart from the image of Albrecht, the engraving refers to its subject in three different ways. First, it displays the coat of arms as the sign of the dynasty to which Albrecht belongs or as an actual representative of that dynasty and its territory.21 Second, the titles are evidence of offices and honours and thus present the official person. The titles and the coat of arms are mutually explanatory, but each points beyond the statement made by the other, since amongst Albrecht’s titles the spiritual offices outweigh the secular ones, whereas in the coat of arms his secular status as a sovereign territorial ruler dominates. Third, against the background of literary allusions, the Latin verse – the adaptation of a hexameter from Book 3 of Virgil’s Aeneid – highlights the portrait as an authentic likeness of its subject.22 Quotation, coat of arms and titles combine to create a constant circling around, and cross-reference to, the man whose portrait this is. The quotation, with its reference to Aeneas, the legendary founder of Rome, has long been ignored in interpretations of the engraving. It is either merely 20 Wölfflin, The Art of Albrecht Dürer, p. 266. 21 On the issues connected to coats of arms and portraits see Hans Belting, ‘Wappen und Porträt. Zwei Medien des Körpers,’ in Martin Büchsel etc. (eds.), Das Porträt vor der Erfin­ dung des Porträts (Mainz: von Zabern, 2003), pp. 89–100. 22 “Sic oculos, sic ille manus, sic ora ferebat” (Aeneid, 3/490). Virgil uses ‘manus’ instead of ‘genas.’ Temme’s explanation for the change is that the reference to the countenance was more fitting than one to the hands; Merkel points out that Albrecht’s hands are not visible on the portrait by Dürer (Temme, ‘Bildnisgebrauch,’ p. 114; Kerstin Merkel, Jenseits-­ Sicherung. Kardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg und seine Grabdenkmäler (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2004), p. 54). Hans Holbein the Younger uses a variation on the quotation from Virgil in the portrait of Georg Gisze from 1532 (Staatliche Museen Berlin, Gemäldegalerie). It addresses the portrait’s air of realism and liveliness: “Sic oculos vivos, sic habet ille Genas” (Oskar Bätschmann and Pascal Griener, Hans Holbein (Cologne: ­DuMont, 1997), pp. 181–183; see also Temme, ‘Bildnisgebrauch,’ p. 114).

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mentioned in passing or viewed as the expression of the Humanist aspirations of the commissioner of the work, but no further significance has been attributed to it.23 Kerstin Merkel deserves credit for being the first to establish a direct connection between Albrecht of Brandenburg and the quotation from Virgil, which she links to Albrecht’s wish for a Classical sobriquet.24 This interpretation is, however, open to question, since his interest in claiming a sobriquet would surely have prompted its open use on other occasions, otherwise it would hardly have achieved its aim. That, however, is not the case and hence it seems unlikely that Albrecht harboured this intention. Paths to different interpretations open up if we interrogate the quotation from Virgil to establish both the statement it actually makes and its connection to Albrecht. The line is taken from the farewell scene between Andromache and Aeneas. Andromache, Hector’s wife, compares Ascanius, son of the departing Aeneas, to her dead son Astyanax. Using the category of ‘similarity,’ the quotation evokes the closeness of the portrait to its subject, pointing directly to the mastery of the artist himself. At the same time, the concept alludes to historical, genealogical similarity and thereby acquires a pictorial and textual dimension which imbues the portrait and the portrayed with multi-layered meaning. This, in turn, generates an oscillation between artist, image and subject. The quotation from Virgil’s Aeneid is also linked to the immanent reference to the legendary city of Troy and its descendants. Consequently, its inclusion in the engraving, albeit in slightly altered form, creates a comparison between Albrecht of Brandenburg and Aeneas’s dynasty.25 This allusion allows Albrecht to manifest his own genealogical connections: since the first half of the fifteenth century at the latest the Hohenzollern dynasty, of which Albrecht was a member, had posited a relationship with the Colonna family in order to lay 23

E.g., Temme, ‘Bildnisgebrauch,’ pp. 113–114; Kurt Löcher, ‘Humanistenbildnisse – Reformatorenbildnisse. Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten,’ in Hartmut Boockmann (ed.), Lite­ ratur, Musik und Kunst im Übergang vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit. Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1989–1992 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), pp. 352–390 (p. 363); Sabine Fastert, ‘Wahrhaftige Abbildung der Person? Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490−1545) im Spiegel der zeitgenössischen Bildpropaganda,’ Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchenge­ schichte, 97 (2002), pp. 284−300 (p. 288); Thomas Schauerte, ‘Der Kleine Kardinal,’ in Der Kardinal, i. 241–242; implicitly Schmid, ‘Denkmäler auf Papier.’ 24 Merkel, Jenseits-Sicherung, pp. 53–54. 25 On the reception of Virgil see the summary in Werner Suerbaum, ‘Vergilius Maro P.,’ in Hubert Cancik etc. (eds.), Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike (Stuttgart/Weimar: Metzler, 1996–2003), xii/2 (2003), cols. 42–60 (esp. cols. 52–60). Between 1503 and 1518 alone at least seven print runs of the Aeneid appeared in Leipzig from various printers (vd 16 V 1403, V 1404, V 1411–1413, zv 22124, zv 23721).

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claim to descent from Troy and Rome, origins which welded the dynasty into world history.26 This was by no means original. The Hohenzollern were only one of numerous European aristocratic houses to claim a place in this tradition. Alongside many others, the Habsburgs, especially Maximilian i, also pointed to the same mythological roots.27 On the basis of their rapid political ascent in the fourteenth and fifteen centuries and their comparatively recent affiliation to the estate of Princes of the Holy Roman Empire, the Hohenzollern were under considerable pressure to prove their credentials.28 Above all in conflict situations they pursued various strategies in order not to appear upstarts.29 These included the reference to three things: a founding figure – a role played by the Hohenzollern Frederick iii; their great service and loyalty to the Holy Roman Kings and Emperors; and the demonstrations of favour resulting from such conduct.30 Not least of these strategies was the construction of Trojan descent through their blood ties to 26

27

28 29

30

The first known mention of this claimed descent stems from 1424 and Pope Martin v, who was himself a member of the Colonna family (Erwin Herrmann, ‘Genealogie und Phantasie. Zu den Abstammungstafeln der Hohenzollern seit dem 15. Jahrhundert,’ Archiv für die Geschichte von Oberfranken, 62 (1982), pp. 53–61 (p. 57); Jean-Marie Moeglin, ‘Le personnage du fondateur dans la tradition dynastique des Hohenzollern,’ Le Moyen Âge. Revue d’histoire et de philologie, 46 (1990), pp. 421–434, with the correction of the year, pp. 430– 431). Moeglin excludes neither the possibility that Pope Martin invented this descent to use as a political tool, nor that a corresponding tradition might already have existed amongst the Hohenzollern by this point (p. 431). The notion of Trojan origins had roots stretching back a long way (Anneliese Grau, Der Gedanke der Herkunft in der deutschen Geschichtsschreibung des Mittelalters (Trojasage und Verwandtes) (Leipzig: Triltsch, 1938); František Graus, ‘Troja und trojanische Herkunfts­ sage im Mittelalter,’ in Willi Erzgräber (ed.), Kontinuität und Transformation der Antike im Mittelalter (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1989), pp. 25–43; Jörn Garber, ‘Trojaner – Römer – Franken – Deutsche. Nationale Abstammungstheorien im Vorfeld der Nationalstaats­ bildung,’ in Klaus Garber (ed.), Nation und Literatur im Europa der frühen Neuzeit (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1989), pp. 108–163, on the Habsburgs esp. pp. 155–156; Alphons Lhotsky, ‘Apis Colonna. Fabeln und Theorien über die Abkunft der Habsburger. Ein Exkurs zur Chronica Austriae,’ in Hans Wagner etc. (eds,), Aufsätze und Vorträge, ii, Das Haus Habsburg (­Munich: Oldenbourg, 1971). 7–102 (pp. 19–33)). On the descent of the Hohenzollern from Troy and Rome, see Herrmann, ‘Genealogie und Phantasie’; Moeglin, Dynastisches ­Bewußtsein; Moeglin, ‘Le personnage du fondateur,’ pp. 430–434. In 1363 the Hohenzollern were elevated to the rank of Imperial Princes by Charles iv (Peter Moraw, ‘Franken als königsnahe Landschaft im späten Mittelalter,’ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte, 112 (1976), pp. 123–138 (p. 128)). Examples in Moeglin, ‘Le personnage du fondateur’; Jean-Marie Moeglin, ‘“Toi, Burgrave de Nuremberg, misérable Gentilhomme dont la Grandeur est si récente.” Essai sur la conscience dynastique des Hohenzollern de Franconie au xve siècle,’ Journal des Savants (1991), pp. 91–131. See Moeglin, ‘Le personnage du fondateur,’ esp. p. 426.

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the Roman family of Colonna, which could be proved from 1424 at the latest. In 1466 Margrave Albrecht (Achilles) even wrote the following in a letter to his brother, Electoral Prince Frederick ii: Wir sind zu Troya In Turckischem wesen vertriben worden bey vnnsern Hern vnnd sind gen Rom komen, die dritten Fursten, die do warn, mit Romischen keysern und konigen, Aber von Rom vertriben vnd In das ­Reich komen, vnd von den gnaden gots vmb vnnser guttat vnd fromkeit Im reych durch Romisch keyser vnd konig hoher vnnd grosser worden, dann wir ye gewesen sein, vnd die hochsten mit anndern nach dem keyserlichen vnnd koniglichen stule, vnnd wer noch besser, wir sturben vnnd verdurben, dann das wir In vnnsern alten tagen zu poszwichten an vnnsern rechten Hern vnnd guten Frunden werden sollten.31 [We were driven from Troy in Turkey together with our lords and came to Rome, the third princes who were there, with Roman emperors and kings. However, we were driven from Rome and arrived in the Empire; and through the grace of God on account of our good deeds and our piety we rose higher and became greater in the Empire through Holy Roman Emperors and Kings than we had ever been before; and, with others, were the highest after the imperial and royal thrones; and it would be better if we passed away and perished than that, in our advanced years, we should behave like rogues towards our rightful lords and our good friends.] The idea that the Hohenzollern could trace their descent back to Troy and Rome had not disappeared since then.32 Albrecht revived this notion of their 31 32

cdb iii, 3. 76; also cited in Herrmann, ‘Genealogie und Phantasie,’ p. 58; Moeglin, ‘Toi, Burgrave,’ pp. 101–102. As late as after 1593 Hans Henneberger (or Hennenberger, d. 31 December 1601), court painter to the Duke of Prussia, painted a family tree of the Hohernzollern family for Königsberg Castle; the tree had its roots in Troy and Rome (R. Philippi, ‘Der Briefmaler Hans Henneberger,’ Neue preußische Provinzialblätter, 9 (1864), pp. 321–344, esp. pp. 327– 328). Friedrich Lahrs disagrees, naming Adam Lange (d. 13 July 1593), Henneberger’s predecessor as court painter, as the author of the Hohenzollern genealogy (Friedrich Lahrs, Das Königsberger Schloß, Bau- und Kunstdenkmäler des deutschen Ostens, series B, 1 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1956), p. 76). The family tree, which is painted on canvas, adorned the Duke’s chambers in the east wing until 1808 and was then transferred to the so-called “Ahnensaal” [Hall of Ancestors]. An illustration of the Ahnensaal can be found in Adolf Boetticher, Die Bau- und Kunstdenkmäler in Königsberg, Die Bau- und Kunstdenkmäler der Provinz Ostpreußen, 7 (Königsberg: Teichert, 1897), p. 79. For the family trees in general see Wulf D. Wagner, Das Königsberger Schloß. Eine Bau- und Kulturgeschichte, i, Von

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origins in order to draw attention to them in connection with his portrait. He did so at exactly the moment he was created Cardinal and this Roman office became an important point of reference for his social prestige and political career. Subsequently, the connection to Rome was manufactured through both Albrecht’s descent from Troy and Rome and his new office.33 Both by virtue of his lineage and as a Cardinal with his own titular church, Albrecht was now a “Roman” – a thoroughly justified accumulation of titles. In order to promote his rank and dignity he did not limit himself to Dürer’s engraving, which could be used and reproduced in any number of ways and any number of times. Rather, he also used the medium of the medallion, which, like the engraving, could be reproduced numerous times as part of a series. In 1518 alone, the year Albrecht was elevated to the rank of Cardinal, two different medallions appeared alongside Dürer’s preparatory sketches for the engraving; on these medallions Albrecht’s portrait and the quotation from Virgil were again linked.34 Albrecht’s representation of himself through medallions is

33

34

der Gründung bis zur Regierung Friedrich Wilhelms i. (1255–1750) (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2008). 157, illustrations on pp. 328–329, colour plates 3–6. Reproductions of the paintings by Paul Trummer (now destroyed) are preserved in the archive of colour slides in the photo library of the Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte in Munich. The text which accompanies the resting figure of the progenitor of the Hohenzollern line reads: “Vrsprungk vnd herkom[m]en der Durchlauchtigen Hochgebor[n]en Chur: vnd Fursten dieser Margraffen zu Brandenburg etc. Dergleichen der wohl gebornen Graffen von Zollern sindt der Zeit als Frefridus von Rom ein Cholumneser seines Vrspru[n]ges ein Troianer in Deutschland kam” [Origins and descent of His Serene and High-Born Highness, Electoral Prince and Prince of these Margraves of Brandenburg etc. Similarly of the noble Counts of Zollern since the time when Frefridus of Rome, a member of the Colonna family, by descent a Trojan, came to Germany]. Albrecht never went to Rome although three papal elections took place during his cardinalate (Friedhelm Jürgensmeier, ‘Kardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490–1545). Kurfürst, Erzbischof von Mainz und Magdeburg, Administrator von Halberstadt,’ in Berthold (ed.), Albrecht von Brandenburg: Kurfürst, Erzkanzler, Kardinal, pp. 22–41 (p. 28)). On the contrary, Albrecht was in no rush actually to reside at his title church, as is apparent from the dispensation from Rome granting free choice of residence, sent by Albrecht to Mainz Cathedral Chapter; the Chapter protested against Albrecht’s elevation to Cardinal (6 October 1518) (Fritz Herrmann (ed.), Die Protokolle des Mainzer Domkapitels, iii, Die Pro­ tokolle aus der Zeit des Erzbischofs Albrecht von Brandenburg 1514–1545 (Paderborn: Hessische Historische Kommission, 1932). 156). Evidence of the medals in Temme, ‘Bildnisgebrauch,’ cat. 64, 65. The quotation from Virgil also appears in the second engraving of Albrecht, created by Dürer in 1523; on six more medals (1523, two in 1524, 1537, two in 1538); and on a full-length portrait of Albrecht (now lost) from 1523 (Temme, ‘Bildnisgebrauch,’ cat. 66, 67, 68, 92, 93, 94, 108). For Albrecht’s medallions in general see Hermann Maué, ‘Medaillen auf Albrecht von Brandenburg,’ in Andreas Tacke (ed.), Kontinuität und Zäsur. Ernst von Wettin und Albrecht von Branden­ burg (Göttingen: Wallstein 2005), pp. 350–379.

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e­ vidence of his interest in making symbolic currency of his princely prestige, which here turns visibly into “symbolic capital.” In the engraving Albrecht appears in his new Roman office, his old dignities and his honourable, ancient lineage. The quotation from Virgil, with its learned allusion to the son of the famous Trojan and legendary founder of Rome, ­becomes an elegantly tailored reference to the Cardinal’s family relationships and political networks within the Church. Surrounded by references – coat of arms; titles; inscription – Albrecht’s portrait becomes the subject of actively steered memory.35 Dürer and his client seem to have pulled out all the stops, since Albrecht’s legal claim, social position, high-ranking descent and authority – which he embodies as a highly placed Prince of the Church, Electoral Prince and member of an influential aristocratic line – are all expressed in the engraving. Moreover, in terms of artistic form, the curtain behind the bust of the Cardinal echoes the depiction of saints, an allusion which further emphasizes the rank and dignity of the man portrayed.36 The Halle Relic Book becomes the image-carrier not just of Albrecht’s collection of relics but also of his portrait and his aspirations, since he is depicted, and hence memorialized, in various ways: as Cardinal, as arch-episcopal donor together with his predecessor in office. 4

The Donors Are in the Picture: Portraits and Coats of Arms – The Beginning and the End

Besides the technical aspect of avoiding relief and intaglio printing on the same page, printing Dürer’s engraving on the second page created an alliance between two vastly different images. The woodcut on the following page adds a further aspect to Albrecht’s appearance in the engraving, where he sports extra-liturgical garments with manifold badges of honour, since in the woodcut Albrecht is portrayed facing Ernst of Magdeburg, his predecessor in office as Archbishop of Magdeburg and founder of the Halle relic collection (Fig. 139). Just like Ernst, Albrecht is represented in sumptuous liturgical

35

For the identification (also through coats of arms) of a person which is so crucial to me­ moria, see Peter Schmidt, ‘Inneres Bild und äußeres Bildnis. Porträt und Devotion im späten Mittelalter,’ in Büchsel etc. (eds.), Das Porträt vor der Erfindung des Porträts, pp. 219–239 (p. 235); and the reflections of Otto Gerhard Oexle (e.g., in Otto Gerhard Oexle, ‘Memoria und Memorialbild,’ in Karl Schmid etc. (eds.), Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Munich: Fink, 1984), pp. 384–440 (p. 385)). 36 Merkel, Jenseits-Sicherung, p. 53.

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Figure 139

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Halle Relic Book 1520: Foundation woodcut

vestments. The compressed composition shows them kneeling and holding between them a model of the Neues Stift, which ranked second in the Arch-­ Diocese after Magdeburg Cathedral.37 The towers on the model of the church 37 Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 9, Scholz, Residenz, p. 183.

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soar up into an aureola of clouds and angels which encircles the patron saints of the church: Mary Magdalene, Maurice and Erasmus. John the Evangelist stands behind A ­ lbrecht as his patron saint; behind Ernst is the Apostle Thomas. Both act as intermediaries to the otherworldly sphere of the church’s patron saints and close the circle of founders, church model and holy guardians. The form of this woodcut copies a foundation pamphlet for the consecration of the Chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene created by Lucas Cranach the Elder c. 1514.38 In contrast to the woodcut by Cranach, which depicts Albrecht of Brandenburg and Ernst of Magdeburg with the model of the Chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene, in the woodcut from the Relic Book the heraldically more important left side (from the perspective of the viewer) is reserved for ­Albrecht. In the later woodcut, the model of the church and its patron saints have been  replaced and the persons depicted have swopped sides. The image reflects the title pages of older relic books, which generally portray the patron saints of a church or diocese, or even the church in question – sometimes both.39 In the Nuremberg Relic Book of 1493, for example, the title page presents the city’s patron saints Sebaldus and Lawrence, Mary and the Christ Child. In the Bamberg Relic Book, on the other hand, the founders of the diocese, Henry and Cunigunde, hold the model of Bamberg Cathedral (Figs. 10 and 15).40 For Halle, copying the formal composition of the foundation woodcut of 1514 creates a synthesis of these possibilities. Echoing the depiction of saints, Albrecht and Ernst are represented as founders, holding the model of the collegiate church, above which its patron saints appear.41 The coats of arms of the founders and the collegiate church itself are shown in the foreground.42 38

39 40 41 42

Berlin, Staatliche Museen – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett (inv. no. 357-2), illustration in Merkel, Jenseits-Sicherung, p. 43. The dedication page has occasionally been viewed as the title page originally planned for the Halle Relic Book (Flechsig, Cranachstu­ dien, p. 201; Eva Steiner, ‘Das alte Titelblatt zum Halle’schen Heiligthumsbuch. Ein Beitrag zum Holzschnittwerk Lucas Cranachs d.Ä.,’ Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für vervielfälti­ gende Kunst. Beiträge der graphischen Künste, 53.2/3 (1930), pp. 46–48; Ulrich Steinmann, ‘Der Bilderschmuck der Stiftskirche zu Halle. Cranachs Passionszyklus und Grünewalds Erasmus-Mauritius-Tafel,’ Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Forschungen und Berichte, 11 (1968), pp. 69–104 (p. 70); Temme, ‘Bildnisgebrauch,’ p. 127). The suggestion that the page was created for the consecration of the Chapel is more convincing (Mock, Kunst unter Erz­ bischof Ernst, p. 190; Der Kardinal, i. cat. no. 125, pp. 228–229). For discussion of the two pages see also Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ pp. 43–44. See the still-apposite characterization of the title pages in Erlemann and Stangier, ‘Festum Reliquiarum,’ p. 27. See ‘Mimesis as Politics’ and ‘Competition between Cities.’ See the remarks in Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ pp. 43–44. The coat of arms of the collegiate church was already in use before the official award by Emperor Charles v on 14 May 1521 (Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 42).

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Being presented in this way endows the two archbishops with an unmistakable public image and renown as donors. Heraldry is used again at the end of the book to convey the same facts when Albrecht’s and Ernst’s framed, magnificent coats of arms are allowed an entire page each. They are in the same sequence as in the founders’ portrait. On the double page Albrecht’s coat of arms appears on the left and that of his predecessor on the right. The parallel to the Wittenberg Relic Book is evident: there the coat of arms of Frederick the Wise also occupies an entire page at the end of the Book. In both cases the portrait is complemented by the coat of arms; they function as brackets round the beginning and end of the work and unequivocally associate the relic collection with its founders. 5

The Introduction

The extremely short introduction, which takes up just over one page, confines itself to remarks about the display of relics and the indulgences. The fact that it omits any reference whatsoever to a founder stands in marked contrast not only to the portraits and presentation of the two founders on the preceding pages, but also to the introduction in the otherwise so exemplary Wittenberg Relic Book. Over something more than three pages the introduction to that work describes the history of the relic collection from its beginnings to the time of Frederick the Wise. The formulaic opening of the text in the two works is almost identical, but what follows could not be more different: in one we find the history of the collection and the personalities involved, and hence the association of the collection with the rulers of Saxony; in the other, we have the complete opposite.43 The Halle text makes a few general references to the display of relics and a rather reserved one to its time and location, as well as providing some information about the ceremonies and indulgences. Here we find the only concrete reference to a person: Pope Leo x, source of the innumerable indulgences which every Christian is exhorted to obtain. The establishment of a Fraternity of Saint Erasmus is also mentioned; it is endowed with “vilen heilbaren freiheiten vo[n] Bebstlicher heilickeit lauts der selbtigen auch der Cardinall Ertzbischofflichen vnd Bischofflichen Bullen” [many salvific freedoms

43

The Wittenberg Relic Book reads: “Allen vnnd yeden Cristglaubigen menschen waß er wirden wesens oder Stands die befunden. sey kunt vnd offenbar” [To all and every Christian person, of whatever dignity, nature or estate he may be, let it be proclaimed and revealed] (wrb, fol. 2v).

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from his Papal Holiness according to his same bull and also the bulls of cardinals, archbishops and bishops].44 The text ends on the remark that the “Cleynott eigentlich vnnd stuckeweiße wie folgt vortzeichnet” [precious items are listed as follows properly and piece by piece] so that everyone might obtain this great treasure for the soul.45 Unlike in some of the earlier books, the introduction does not include elements from the preface to the display. Instead, it contains an address to the imaginary viewer which presents the transformation of material treasure – the precious objects – into images as the guarantor for the acquisition of immense treasure for the soul – the indulgences. Comparison with the preface to Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14 clarifies the difference in their points of reference, since in the latter, apart from information about the division of the display into nine processional sections and the allocation of various groups of saints to each one, we find directions to the participants which resemble those in the Nuremberg and Bamberg Relic Books: for example, “Stehet Stille vnnd dringt nicht eynander” [Stand still and don’t push one another]; or “Ewer liebe vnnd andacht Sollenn auch wissenn, das alle menschenn beydes geschlechts, szo alhyer erscheynen” [Your love and reverence should also know that all people of both sexes who appear here].46 With its practical instructions, the Codex concretely addresses potential participants in a display, whereas the preface to the printed work targets an imaginary reader/viewer and simultaneously transcends place and time. The background to the differences between the Halle and Wittenberg Relic Books is obvious: Halle and the collection assembled by Ernst and Albrecht are unable to offer a history stretching far back into the past.47 Did Albrecht actually want one? Ernst of Magdeburg was the first to begin installing a collection of precious relics in the Chapel of Mary Magdalene; and Albrecht enlarged, relocated and ultimately realized this project. With the exclusive, yet decidedly modern, design of the Book he shifted his expectations, aiming not for the suggestion of tradition but a title page which harked back to the exclusivity of 44 45

46 47

hrb, fol. 2v. “Dormit nun ein itzlicher christgleubiger dissen merglichen vn[d] grossen Selenschatz liederlicher erobern vn[d] sich zcu erlangunge desselbtigen fuglich vn[d] fruchtbarlicher schicken möge Jst hochbemelts groswirdiges heiligthum vnd desselbtigen Cleynott eigent­ lich vnnd stuckeweiße wie folgt vortzeichnet” [So that every Christian person may acquire this notable and great treasure of the soul with a glad heart and make haste to obtain it in a seemly and fruitful manner, these highly proclaimed, highly worthy relics and their precious jewels are listed properly and piece by piece as follows] (hrb, fol. 3r). Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fols. 2v/3r. Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ pp. 43–44.

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manuscripts. The decoration of the title page, with its variety of ornamental lines, also appears within the Book itself as an element of its design. Ornamentation, and the visual reference to Albrecht’s predecessor in office, are intended to associate collection and foundation with their initiators – not to suggest a tradition but to establish one, since Albrecht’s period in office and that of his immediate predecessor would have been too short to suggest a long tradition. 6

The Organization of the Book

The Halle Relic Book is organized like most of its predecessors. First come the title and one or more images designed to establish identity; then the preface; they are followed by the relics, organized into nine processional sections, just as – the book suggests – they are presented to the faithful on the day of their display. In the Halle Relic Book, as in the Books from Vienna, Wittenberg and Hall, the sequence of relics mirrors the hierarchy of the saints. In the relic books for Wittenberg and Hall in Tyrol the most important relics, those of Christ, are found at the end, whereas in Vienna and Halle it was decided to organize them in the reverse order.48 The sequence of the nine sections in the Halle Relic Book takes the following shape: the first section is devoted to relics whose names had faded. The second assembles the relics of Christ; then come the relics of Mary (iii); those of the Patriarchs and Prophets (iv); the Apostles and Evangelists (v); the Martyrs (vi); the Bishops and Confessors (vii); the Holy Virgins (viii); and the Holy Women and Widows (ix). The processional sections in the Halle Relic Book incorporate varying numbers of reliquaries. The sixth one includes the most, namely fifty-three receptacles with fragments of the Holy Martyrs. The number of reliquaries is counted throughout each section. The accompanying texts are structured in much the same way. Their number – first, second etc. – is followed by a brief identification of the object and an equally brief characterization of the materials from which it is made: silver, golden, mother of pearl, with gems and pearls etc. The relevant saint and his or her relics are also named.49 Occasionally the descriptions include succinct hagiographical information. For example, we learn that Zacharias was the father of John the Baptist; about others we learn whether 48 49

See also Cárdenas, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 45–71, as well as the relevant chapters on the individual relic books in this study. “vom hewpt sancti Andree. Von seinem schulterbein das keiser Otto gen Mebelloben bracht. Eyn tzan vo[n] ym. … Vo[n] seiner rieben” [Of the head of Saint Andrew. Of his shoulder blade which Emperor Otto brought to Magdeburg. A tooth of his … One of his ribs] (hrb, v/7, fol. 50v).

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they were bishops or kings. From time to time the donor and the recipient of the relics are mentioned, in order to distinguish whether Ernst or Albrecht is involved.50 Then the number of pieces in each reliquary is specified. The quantity of relics assembled in a single vessel varies considerably: lists almost a page long alternate with information about a few solitary items. The sum of all the relics is given at the end of each section, as well as the indulgences to be obtained in years, days and quadragenes. Like the headings, the summary of the number of fragments in each section is set in larger type, with the result that beginning and end are marked out and embraced by visual brackets. Despite this accentuation through font, the image of the reliquary still dominates the layout of the page, since this is determined by the different woodcut formats. The texts are subordinated to the dimensions of the images. Not every section heading can be found at the top of a page; and the legend is sometimes placed below, above or beside the image; sometimes it flows round it; sometimes it is printed on the following page. Empty spaces between text and image are occasionally filled with intertwined decorative lines executed as a woodcut; occasionally empty spaces are simply left blank. In this way the design and layout of the pages change constantly and escape the serial stereotypicality of the earlier printed relic books. In the second edition of the Wittenberg Relic Book the allocation of different categories of relics to various sections was strictly observed. In Halle, by contrast, the relics of a given saint could occasionally crop up in different processional sections or even in reliquaries which did not immediately follow one another.51 Nevertheless, here, too, the order was by no means arbitrary, since particular significance is unmistakably assigned to the beginning of every section: first position is always occupied by either the highest-ranking relics or

50

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“Ein hirnschal mit .vij. anderen mergliche[n] stucke[n] auß der gesellschafft des heyligenn Achacij Hat Babst Julius Ertzbischofen Ernsten gegeben” [A skull with 7 other notable pieces from the company of Saint Achatius were given by Pope Julius to Archbishop Ernst] (hrb, vi/48, fol. 78r); “Zcum vierden Ein silbern vbergult sant Merteins bild das keiser Maximilian vnserm gnedigsten herren gegeben” [Fourth, a silver-gilt image of Saint Martin which was given by Emperor Maximilian to our most gracious lord] (hrb, vii/4, fol. 85r). Examples include: “von den Haren Marie” [Of Mary’s hair]; or “Vom kleide Johannis des ewangelisten” [Of the robe of John the Evangelist] (hrb, ii/25; fol. 31r). Both Apostles appear in the section with the relics of Christ and not those devoted to Mary or the Holy Apostles and Evangelists. To give another example: “Eine ribbe von sant Jacobo Ertz­ bischoffs. Von sant Marculo kriechischem bischoff” [A rib of Saint Jacobus, Archbishop. Of Saint Marcellus, a Greek bishop] (hrb, viii/40, fol. 12v). The relics of both saints are included in the section devoted to the Holy Virgins.

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those most significant to Albrecht and his family. Hence the structure of the entire Book is once again reflected within the sections themselves. 6.1 The First Section – A Prologue The hierarchical sequence of saints – beginning with Christ and ending with Holy Women and Widows – is not introduced until second place, being preceded by a section whose composition is frequently viewed as somewhat jumbled. It boasts the following caption: Der erste gang Jn welche[m] antzeigt wirt vo[n] den lieben heiligen welcher heiligthumb vermenget durch einander leyt auch welcher namen erbliche[n] vn[d] vnleselich sein. Des gleichen vom heiligen land von Agnus dei vnd was gewonlich Bebstliche heilickeyt Jerlich benedicirt vn[d] hinwegk gibt.52 [The first section, in which the beloved saints are displayed whose relics lie all mixed up together, also whose names have faded and are illegible. Similarly, [the relics] from the Holy Land, of the Agnus Dei and what his Papal Holiness blesses and gives away every year.] According to its heading, this section brings together mixed relics, no longer identifiable relics, relics from the Holy Land and Agnus Dei, as well as consecrated gifts from the Pope. Hence the first section – in contrast to all subsequent ones, which unite individual relics or groups of saints – announces itself as a sort of hybrid, something which neither excludes nor impairs its programmatic statement. The inclusion in the first section of relics which, due to faded labels of authentication, can no longer be identified does not, as suggested elsewhere, signal the age and venerability of the collection,53 since the age of relics does not, on its own, tell us anything about the age of the collection in which they are preserved. If the commissioner of the Relic Book had intended to create the 52

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hrb, fol. 3r. Paul Redlich assumes that the Agnus Dei was meant by the words “his Papal Holiness blesses and gives away every year” (Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 258). However, it can only mean the Golden Rose at the beginning of the section and the consecrated Sword, because, in contrast to the Rose and Sword, which were presented every year, since the middle of the fourteenth century the Agnus Dei (wax discs) had only been consecrated and distributed by the Pope every seven years, beginning in the first year of a pontificate (Adolph Franz, Die kirchlichen Benediktionen im Mittelalter (2 vols., Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1909), i. 557). Cárdenas, ‘Albrecht von Brandenburg,’ pp. 260–261, following Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ pp. 43–44.

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appearance of a tradition with a long history, he would have taken pains to advertise it through the appearance of the reliquaries as well. That is not the case. Rather, these receptacles are represented just like all the others: in a unifying pictorial style which adopts overwhelmingly modern, Renaissance forms. Moreover, the donor portrait on the second leaf of the book makes sufficiently clear who is to thank for the precious objects. In itself, the age of relics may well function as a prestige-promoting factor, but not necessarily the age of the collection. In other words: if a relic collection boasts origins stretching far back into the past, this will always enhance the prestige of its owner; but if the collection is new, prestige rises in proportion to the difference between the age of the relics and the “youth” of the collection. The explicit staging of the age of individual relics emphasizes this difference. There is, in any case, a prestigious aspect to the activity of collecting antiques: the donor’s ability to grasp at objects across the distance created by time. This renders the collector/donor all the more radiant: here, Albrecht in union with his predecessor.54 While Ernst of Magdeburg is included in the first and final flourishes of founder-promotion, ultimately Albrecht of Brandenburg remains the defining personality around whom the entire layout of the Relic Book revolves. This is demonstrated not just by the portrait engraving of Albrecht which opens the Book and the woodcut of the two donors which follows, but also by the subsequent sequence and arrangement of reliquaries within processional sections, since the first section opens with the Golden Rose, given to the Cardinal by Pope Leo x, as we are informed by its accompanying text (Fig. 140).55 Once a year a Golden Rose was presented to a chosen personality on Laetare Sunday, the fourth Sunday in Lent.56 Albrecht was probably the first spiritual prince of the Holy Roman Church ever to have received such a gift.57 Through their owners Golden Roses often found their way into the treasury of a particularly favoured church; these were mostly (family) burial places or palace churches in the broader sense.58 Although in themselves neither relic

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On Halle’s lack of tradition as princely residence and seat of the archbishopric see Scholz, Residenz, p. 219. 55 “First is shown here a rose made entirely of gold which Pope Leo x gave Our Gracious Lord the Cardinal as a special honour of this praiseworthy collegiate church” (hrb, fol. 3v). 56 ‘Rosa d’oro,’ in Gaetano Romano Moroni, Dizionario di Erudizione storico-ecclesiastica (103 vols., Venice: Tipografia Emiliana, 1840–1879), lix. 111–149; Elisabeth Cornides, Rose und Schwert im päpstlichen Zeremoniell von den Anfängen bis zum Pontifikat Gregors xiii. (Vienna: Geyer, 1967); on the ceremony and award see pp. 45–54. 57 Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 233, p. 279. 58 Christiane Schuchard, ‘Die goldene Rose Papst Nikolaus’ V. von 1453 in der Berlin-Cöllner Schloßkapelle,’ in Berlin in Geschichte und Gegenwart (= Jahrbuch des Landesarchivs Berlin

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 3r: The Golden Rose

nor reliquary, these artistically designed Roses could occasionally achieve the status of relics. They were viewed as a beneficent sign of papal favour.59 In

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(2000)), pp. 7–25. Albrecht, too, planned the Neues Stift as the site of his tomb (Merkel, Jenseits-Sicherung). Expressly on the Rose given to the Duke of Bavaria Albrecht iii, see Schuchard, ‘Die gol­ dene Rose,’ p. 15, n. 80.

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a­ ddition, on the donation of the Golden Rose indulgences were often granted to the churches in which they were kept. That is the case with the Golden Rose belonging to Wartislaw viii, Duke of Pomerania (bestowed in 1406 or 1407), who gave the Rose to a chapel on the Marienberg near Usedom. The Bishop of Cammin permitted the annual display of the Rose on Laetare Sunday and granted an indulgence for any visit to the chapel.60 Albrecht iii (the Pious), Duke of Bavaria, presented the Rose awarded to him in 1455 to the Benedictine monastery in Andechs, which served him as a family monastery and mausoleum, but was also a pilgrimage destination.61 The Rose was exhibited with the monastery’s own relics whenever they were displayed and became part of its treasury of relics. This is confirmed by the lists of relics included in the Andechs chronicles; and made very plain by the depiction of the Rose in illustrations of the Andechs relics.62 On the other hand, quite apart from distinguishing the person to whom it was presented, the award frequently had a political purpose.63 This is demonstrated not least by the Electoral Prince of Saxony Frederick the Wise, who was meant to be persuaded, by the gift and the prospect of previously denied indulgences, to reach a decision pleasing to the Pope 60

Herrmann Hoogeweg, Die Stifter und Klöster der Provinz Pommern (2 vols., Stettin: Saunier, 1925), ii. 281–282; Norbert Buske, ‘Zwei mittelalterliche Gnadenstätten auf der Insel Usedom. Die Verehrung der Himmelskönigin bei Zinnowitz und die Verehrung der Gol­ denen Rose bei Usedom, mit ergänzenden Bemerkungen über die Mechthildverehrung in Krummin und über die herzoglichen “Einhörner,”’ Baltische Studien, 107 = n. s. 61 (1975), pp. 33–43; Schuchard, ‘Die goldene Rose,’ p. 14. 61 Benedikt Kraft, Andechser Studien (2 vols. = Oberbayerisches Archiv, 73/74 (1937/40)), pp. 107–108, pp. 204–205; Anselm Bilgri, ‘Die Geschichte des Klosters Andechs,’ in Joseph Kirmeier etc. (eds.), Herzöge und Heilige. Das Geschlecht der Andechs-Meranier im eu­ ropäischen Hochmittelalter. Landesausstellung Kloster Andechs (Munich: Haus der Bayerischen Geschichte, 1993), pp. 188–192 (p. 188). 62 The Rose appears on the fragments of the Andechs Relic Altar from 1494 (today AndechsErling, parish church of Saint Vitus). On the Andechs Relic Leaf from 1496 (Schr. 1936m; London British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings) and the Blutenberg Relic Panel from 1497 (today Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich), see Schatz vom Berg An­ dechs, cat. nos. 68–71, pp. 71–74. The Rose is also included in the list of relics in the Andechs chronicles: “Item ein rosen gemacht von gold pysem vnnd palsam die hat gesegnet / heylig vater bapst Felix der funfft des namens. zu miteruasten vnnd die geschickt de[n] durchleüchtigen fürsten hertzog Albrecht stiffter des gotzhauß [der] die bey seine[n] lebe[n] hat her verordnet auf disen heylige[n] berg zu de[n] andern heyltum” [Also a rose made of gold, musk and balsam which the Holy Father Pope Felix v of that name blessed on Laetare Sunday and sent it to the Serene Prince Duke Albrecht, founder of the house of God, [who] during his lifetime had it brought here to this holy mountain to the other relics] (Cronick von dem hochwirdigen vnd loblichen heyltum auff de[m] heyligen Perg Andechs genant Jn obern Bayren (Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, [1495]), fol. 30v (München, bsb, Sig. 4° Inc. s.a. 589; gw 1642)). On the Andechs relic display see Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 348–377. 63 Cornides, Rose und Schwert, p. 65.

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in both the Luther affair and matters concerning the pending election of a King of the Romans.64 Albrecht’s great-uncle, the Electoral Prince Frederick ii, had received a Golden Rose from Pope Nicholas v during a pilgrimage to the Holy Land; at the Prince’s request, it was to be kept in the castle chapel in Cölln an der Spree. Only a few days after the presentation of the Rose, the Pope also granted an indulgence for visitors to the chapel.65 It is, therefore, hardly surprising that the Golden Rose was incorporated into the church treasure of the Neues Stift in Halle and into the Relic Book. However, its position at the beginning of the first section accords this testimonial gift the role of an opening fanfare to the entire relic collection, a status which is significant and, together with the Blessed Sword which follows the Rose, takes on the function of a kind of prologue to the entire catalogue of treasures. The Sword, the second illustration in the Book, was presented to Albrecht by Maximilian i at the Imperial Diet in Augsburg on the occasion of his elevation to the status of Cardinal (Fig. 141).66 Maximilian had received it from Pope Leo x, together with a hat. Like the Golden Rose, the Sword and hat were gifts from the Pope intended to honour the recipient and were presented once a year. The consecration, or blessing, of the Sword took place during Matins on Christmas Day.67 The Sword no longer appears in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, Albrecht’s sumptuous manuscript created in 1526 and illustrated by drawings of the reliquaries in the Halle relic collection. It was, however, still part of the Halle church treasure and its liturgical celebrations, since in the Breviarius ecclesiae collegiatae Hallensis,68 the collegiate church’s Liber ordinarius from 1532, the 64 Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 360, 411–413; Wolfgnag Petke, ‘Das Breve Leos x. an Georg Spalatin von 1518 über die Verleihung der Goldenen Rose an Friedrich den Weisen,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 80 (1998), pp. 67–104. 65 Schuchard, ‘Die goldene Rose,’ p. 9; and cdb iii, 1, no. 191, pp. 312–313. The castle chapel was elevated to the status of a parish church in 1450/51 and transformed into a collegiate church in 1465 (Schuchard, ‘Die goldene Rose,’ p. 13, with nn. 48 and 49). 66 May, Kurfürst, i. 183–184; Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 161, p. 280. 67 The consecration of the Sword and the subsequent awarding of it together with the hat are documented from the beginning of the second half of the fourteenth century (Cornides, Rose und Schwert, p. 42). On the Sword and its awarding see also ‘Stocco e Berrettone ducale,’ in Moroni, Dizionario, lxx (1854). 39–61; Eugène Müntz, ‘Les épées d’honneur distribuées par les Papes pendant les xive, xve et xvie siècles,’ Revue de l’art chrétien, 32 (39) (1889), pp. 408–411; 33 (40) (1890), pp. 281–292; 38 (44) (1895), pp. 491–492; Julius Lessing, ‘Die Schwerter des preußischen Krontresors,’ Jahrbuch der Königlich-Preußischen Kunstsammlungen, 16 (1895), pp. 103–137. 68 Staatsbibliothek Bamberg Sig.: Msc. Lit. 119, 198 leaves. The exact title is: Breviarius glori­ ose et prestantissime ecclesie Collegiate Sanctorum Mauritij et Maria magdalene : Hallis : ad sudarium. domini 1532 (Friedrich Leitschuh and Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Bamberg (3 vols., Bamberg: Buchner, 1898), i/1. 267–268).

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Figure 141

Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 3v: The Blessed Sword

Paul Wolters published extracts from the Breviarius (Paul Wolters, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Neuen Stifts in Halle,’ Neue Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiete historisch-­ antiquarischer Forschungen, 15 (1882), pp. 7–41). On the Breviarius see Matthias Hamann, ‘Die Liturgie am Neuen Stift in Halle unter Kardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg,’ in Der Kardinal, ii. 323–339.

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Sword is mentioned in connection with a memorial mass for Emperor Maximilian i, who had died in 1519.69 All this clearly reveals that Albrecht intended his placement of the Sword in the printed work to make a particular statement. In contrast to the Golden Rose, which was frequently kept in church treasuries, papal Swords came into the custody of churches far less often.70 They were not linked to the granting of indulgences, nor were they treated as relics. This raises the question of why the Sword found its way into the Relic Book. With the inclusion of Rose and Sword, gifts from the Pope and the Emperor, A ­ lbrecht forged a link between himself and the two highest-ranking representatives of Christendom.71 Should the images not have spoken for themselves, the texts would have made this more than obvious. Albrecht, recently raised to the rank of Cardinal, was the recipient of the highest papal and imperial honours. The prominent location of the two gifts in the printed work was undoubtedly intended to illustrate Albrecht’s relationship to Pope and Emperor in unmissable fashion. While the giver of these gifts may not emerge from the woodcut of the Rose alone, the drawing in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14 records that the Rose had the name of Pope Leo engraved on a strip of moulding on its base. By contrast to the Golden Rose, whose papal origins can only be deduced from the relevant text in the Relic Book itself, the woodcut of the Sword depicts medallions mounted on the blade which display, respectively, Albrecht’s coat of arms with the Cardinal’s hat (top); then the imperial coat of arms with the eagle and

69

70

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“Item Octaua die E[pi]ph[an]ie d[omi]nide sero cantant[ur] Vigilie mortuo[rum] sole[m] nissime. Et alterea die scilicet Felic[es] in princis missa a[n]i[m]arum pro Serenissimo et Inuictissimo Imperatore Maximilano. Et feretru[m] cooperietur plana aurea palla. Et ponitur sup[er] feretru[m] Corona Imperialis. Gladius argenteus, quem dedit Eccl[es]ie n[ost]r[e] Sceptru[m] et Pomu[m] regale” (Breviarius, fol. 56r; also in Wolters, ‘Ein Beitrag,’ p. 15). In 1497 the Duke of Pomerania Bogislaw x received the Sword and hat from Alexander vi (Müntz, ‘Les épées d’honneur,’ p. 291; Cornides, Rose und Schwert, p. 103). The Duke gave these papal gifts to Stettin Cathedral as an eternal memorial. They were displayed in a solemn procession every year until the Reformation (Buske, ‘Gnadenstätten,’ p. 40). Cornides also provides evidence that the Sword presented to King James iv of Scotland in 1507 was given to Holyrood Abbey (Cornides, Rose und Schwert, p. 106). However, Heinrich Modern, whom she cites, claims that the sword was presented to James iv at the Abbey (Heinrich Modern, ‘Geweihte Schwerter und Hüte in den kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses,’ Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Aller­ höchsten Kaiserhauses, 22/3 (1901), pp. 127–168 (p. 151)). On the ‘sword of state’ see Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen, iii. 1051–1053. Dagmar Eichberger has already pointed to Albrecht’s close connection to the Pope and Emperor, documented by his placing of the Rose and Sword in the first processional section (Eichberger, ‘A Renaissance Reliquiary Collection in Halle,’ p. 24).

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the hoop crown; then the name of the Pope (including the year of his pontificate), “Leo PP x AV,” as well as his family coat of arms with the keys of Saint Peter.72 Since the fifteenth century political expectations had been attached to the conferring of the Sword. This testimonial gift developed into an instrument of diplomatic ceremony, used to remind the recipients of their duties as defenders of Christendom against the Ottoman Empire and, later, as the spearhead in the fight of orthodoxy against the Reformation.73 Consequently, the conferral of hat and Sword on Maximilian during the Imperial Diet at Augsburg in 1518 was linked to the exhortation to take up arms against the Turkish threat.74 This reveals one essential function fulfilled by including the Sword as the first illustration in Albrecht’s Relic Book: the motif of “defensio christianorum.” Viewed against this background, the Sword is no longer just a sign of imperial and, indirectly, papal favour. In a kind of protective gesture, the visual staging of the Sword illustrates the mission with which its recipient was charged: the defence of the Christian faith. Albrecht locates himself in the ranks of the defenders of the faith; and within the collection the visual staging of the Sword assumes the character of religious propaganda in the sense of the “militia Christi.” 6.2 Witnesses and Witnessing – Christ, Mary, Patriarchs and Prophets The second and third processional sections, devoted to relics of Christ and the Virgin Mary, were the highest ranking. Here Albrecht once again consciously distinguished himself from his predecessor in Wittenberg by expressly ­establishing the two sections. In the process he was less concerned with the representational, narrative re-enactment of the history of salvation through the relics and the iconographic programme of their reliquaries than with demonstrating his actual ownership of these important objects. In subsequent ­sections Albrecht refocuses on other factors. Family and considerations of territorial rule enter the picture, but throughout the entire book the beginning of 72

The year of the pontificate and occasionally even the year of the presentation itself were engraved on the Swords or their blades (Modern, ‘Geweihte Schwerter,’ pp. 139–140). Accordingly, the letters “A V” after “Leo PP x” on the picture of the Sword can be deciphered as “Anno V,” since the consecration took place in the fifth year of Leo’s pontificate. Heinrich Modern gives the sixth year (p. 142). However, the Medici Pope was actually crowned on 19 March 1513. Hence the consecration of the Sword fell in the fifth year and its presentation not until the sixth year of his pontificate. The brief which accompanied the shipping of Sword and hat is dated 5 May 1518. 73 Cornides, Rose und Schwert, pp. 42–43. 74 J[ohann] H[einrich] Hennes, Albrecht von Brandenburg, Erzbischof von Mainz und von Magdeburg (Mainz: Kirchheim, 1858), pp. 69–71; May, Kurfürst, i (1865). 183–184.

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each section is highlighted by important relics. The fourth section, “von den heiligen Patriarchen vnd Propheten” [On the Holy Patriarchs and Prophets] begins with a reliquary bust of Saint Joachim (Fig. 142). At first glance the bust of this saint and its prominent position appear just as unusual as the inclusion in the book of the Rose and Sword, since veneration of the Virgin Mary’s father was not terribly widespread in the Middle Ages. Not until Pope Julius ii was his feast day included in the Roman breviary.75 Depictions of Joachim on his own are rare. He is often portrayed as part of the Holy Family or in narrative cycles depicting the Life of the Virgin, but mostly he is encountered in connection with Saint Anne, the mother of Mary.76 In the woodcut the saint fills the frame, wearing splendid robes and set on a round, imposing base adorned with scrolls ending in dolphin heads. His head is encircled by a halo on which the inscription sanctvs ioachim appears; he wears a fur-trimmed hat and a robe with a wide, ermine shoulder cape. In his hands he holds a lamb and a string of prayer beads which hang down over the plinth and just touch the upper edge of a coat of arms mounted on the base and perfectly visible. The coat of arms reveals that the bust is a gift from the Electoral Prince of Brandenburg Joachim i to his brother.77 However, the saint’s garments demonstrate that the bust represents more than the Electoral Prince’s patron saint: thanks to its ermine rim, Saint Joachim’s hat resembles that of the Electoral Prince and the robe, with its wide, ermine shoulder cape, similarly points to the apparel of an Electoral Prince (Fig. 143).78

75 76

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The feast is identified as confirmed by Julius ii in the Venice Breviary of 1522. It was abolished by Pius v and finally included in 1622 by Gregory xv (Gabriela Kaster, ‘Joachim,’ in lci, vii, cols. 60–66). Outside a narrative context Joachim is found on the central panel of the Gadebusch Altar Retable (c. 1490), attributed to Hermen Rode and today in the Staatliches Museum Schwe­ rin, Schloß Güstrow. The panel depicts Maria with the Christ Child between Saints Anne and Joachim. The latter holds a lamb on one arm; the wings depict scenes from the life of Anne and Joachim. The identification of the reliquary as a gift from the Electoral Prince of Brandenburg Joachim i to his brother is found in Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 283. The bust of Joachim is not depicted in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14. Either the commissioners and artists took the liberty of placing the bust of Saint Joachim at this point in the printed book; or, more probably, the reliquary was removed, since other reliquaries from the fourth section do not appear in the Aschaffenburg manuscript or have changed position. Contemporary illustrations reveal that the hat of the Electoral Prince widens somewhat towards the top, while in the woodcut Joachim’s hat is slightly tapered and the ermine rim is not so high as was usual in this period. For a comparison see the bronze epitaph of Electoral Prince Friedrich the Wise in the Castle Church in Wittenberg, cast in 1527 and hence almost contemporaneous. See also Hottenroth, Handbuch, pp. 417–418, p. 588.

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Figure 142

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 41r: Bust of Saint Joachim

Through the analogy of the names, the donor coat of arms and the morethan-obvious cladding of the saint in the garments of an Electoral Prince, Albrecht’s brother is projected as the father of the Virgin Mary. On the pictorial plane this personal union is subtly steered by the way the prayer rope falls.

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Figure 143

Peter Vischer, bronze epitaph of the Electoral Prince Frederick the Wise, 1527, Wittenberg Castle Church

Skilful positioning creates the impression that the coat of arms hangs from it. The prayer rope creates the link between the portrait and the donor’s coat of arms, uniting the two distinct spheres of saint and Electoral Prince, otherwise separated by person and history. In and with its container, the reliquary bust, evidence of the saint in the form of his relic, becomes witness to an asserted, symbolic lineage. It was generally the custom to place the donors’ coats of arms on reliquary busts and occasionally they make it possible to document various donors in the Halle Relic Book and, much more frequently, in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14. Frederick the Wise, for example, gave Albrecht a reliquary statuette of his patron saint, Frederick of Utrecht, which appears in forty-third place in the sixth processional section in the Relic Book.79 However, it is unusual to find a concrete person alluded to in the reliquary statuette or reliquary bust of a given saint. Nonetheless, the reliquary bust of the patron saint of Hungary, Saint 79

Friedrich’s coat of arms appears only in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14. The statuette of Friedrich was made by Friedrich’s goldsmith Christanus During and completed in May 1519. The bill is extant (Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, pp. 281–282; and Appendix 24a). Redlich identifies further gifts in the Halle relic collection, albeit not only by means of the coats of arms (pp. 278–290).

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Ladislaus, is assumed to be the crypto-portrait of King Sigismund, although this is less obvious than with the bust of Joachim in the Halle Relic Book.80 In the reliquary he donated to the Cathedral of Saint Lambert in Lüttich in 1471, the Duke of Burgundy, Charles the Bold, “merely” had his own physiognomy replicated in the features of Saint George, who commends him.81 Joachim, Electoral Prince of Brandenburg, goes one step further in his appropriation of a saint, which could scarcely be more explicit. Joachim’s self-staging as the father of Mary obviously has the same goal as Albrecht’s latent genealogical allusion to the Hohenzollern’s Trojan roots. More even than that: by having himself depicted as the father of the Holy Family, Joachim stages an imitatio sancti, that is, a magical merging with the saint: he simultaneously displays humilitas and magnificentia, a kind of lordly humility. 6.3 Of Apostles, Martyrs and Holy Women The fifth processional section, dedicated to the Apostles and Evangelists, starts logically with Peter and Paul. As mentioned above, in the woodcut of the statuette of Saint Peter we find Wolf Traut’s monogram, which the artist has selfconfidently placed between the combined coats of arms of the Electoral Princess Margaretha of Brandenburg (Fig. 144).82 The two Princes of the Apostles are followed by the statuette of John the Evangelist, the very saint who, as Albrecht’s patron saint, is depicted in the first woodcut in the Book.83 It is telling that Saint Thomas, the patron saint of Ernst of Magdeburg, does not follow

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Today the Ladislaus reliquary is kept in the cathedral treasury of Györ. Elfriede Regina Knauer detects facial characteristics in the Ladislaus bust which she relates to portraits proved to depict Sigismund and so reaches the conclusion that the reliquary may be a crypto-portrait of Sigismund (Elfriede Regina Knauer, ‘Kaiser Sigismund. Eine ikonographische Nachlese,’ in Lucius Grisebach etc. (eds.), Festschrift für Otto von Simson zum 65. Geburtstag (Frankfurt: Propyläen, 1977), pp. 173–196). Friedrich B. Polleross, Das sakrale Identifikationsporträt. Ein höfischer Bildtypus vom 13. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (Worms: Werner, 1988), pp. 271–272. For a comprehensive discussion of the unusual reliquary of Charles the Bold, see Barbara Welzel, ‘Bildnis – Schenkung – Territorium. Zum Reliquiar Karls des Kühnen von Gérard Loyet,’ in Christiane Kruse etc. (eds.), Porträt – Landschaft – Interieur. Jan van Eycks Rolin-Madonna im ästhetischen Kon­ text (Tübingen: Narr, 1999), pp. 203–217; and Hugo van der Velden, The Donor’s Image. Gerard Loyet and the Votive Portraits of Charles the Bold (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000). Van der Velden classifies it as a votive offering (p. 108). Although Margaretha of Brandenburg was Albrecht’s mother, this was probably a gift to Ernst of Magdeburg since the statuette of Peter is already listed in the inventories of 1513 and 1514 (Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 271). That John the Evangelist, as one of the most important Apostles, did not necessarily have to come after Peter and Paul is demonstrated by, amongst other things, the sequence of the Apostles in the Wittenberg Relic Book (B). There, in line with the reversed weighting, the Apostle precedes Peter and Paul.

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 47v: Statuette of Saint Peter

immediately, since he was significant for Ernst but not to the same degree for Albrecht. That Albrecht particularly valued the name saints and patron saints of his church and bishoprics is made clear by, above all, the section which includes the Martyrs.84 It is introduced by the statuette of Saint Maurice and his banner in second place (Fig. 145). 84

Dagmar Eichberger points out the prominent position in the Halle Relic Book of the patron saints of the Neues Stift, Maurice, Mary Magdalene and Erasmus (Eichberger, ‘A Renaissance Reliquiary Collection,’ p. 30).

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Figure 145

Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 56v: Bust of Saint Maurice

The chivalric saint was patron saint of both the Neues Stift – as the first ­woodcut in the book demonstrates – and the whole Archdiocese.85 This is announced in the hagiographic text for the woodcuts: “Zcum ersten ein silbern

85

Ernst of Magdeburg had already promoted the veneration of this saint (Gude SuckaleRedlefsen, Mauritius: Der heilige Mohr. The Black Saint Maurice (Zurich: Menil Foundation, 1987), pp. 82–86). Here, too, Albrecht follows his predecessor.

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Brustbil sancti Mauricij Patronen des ga[n]tzen Stiffts” [First, a silver bust of Saint Maurice, patron of the whole church]; “Zcum andern Ein stuck einer ellen lang vnd .iij. viertel breyt vo[n] de[m] banyr des heylige[n] Mauricij des Patron diß ertzstiffts” [Second, a piece one ell long and three quarters wide of the banner of Saint Maurice, patron of this archdiocese].86 The relics of Saint Maurice, who was also the patron saint of the entire Holy Roman Empire, are immediately followed by a bust and a reliquary casket of Saint Erasmus, who had been the patron saint of the Brandenburg line of the House of Hohenzollern since the middle of the fifteenth century (Fig. 146).87 This function also determined the choice of Erasmus as one of the co-patron saints of the Neues Stift. His cult was first introduced to Halle by Albrecht. Originally, Mary Magdalene and Erasmus were to be the name saints of the planned collegiate church.88 Later that was changed in favour of Saint Maurice. However, because of his significance for Albrecht, Erasmus still appears in the ranks of the church’s patron saints, both in the first woodcut in the Book and in his reliquary text, where he is described as “mitpatron diser löblichen Stifftkirchen” [co-patron of this praiseworthy collegiate church].89 The reliquary busts of Maurice and Erasmus take up almost the entire woodcut; they are followed by the portrait statuette of Saint Stephen, patron saint of the Diocese of Halberstadt. The choice of Albrecht as Archbishop of Magdeburg and, shortly after, Administrator of Halberstadt meant a readjustment to their territorial boundaries for the Brandenburg Hohenzollern. It therefore seems logical that the patron saints of the Diocese appear in a prominent position. On the other hand, in this context of family and territorial rule Saint Martin, the patron saint of Albrecht’s second archdiocese, Mainz, may have played a less clearly accentuated role in the Relic Book, even if he naturally appears in it: he is found in the seventh processional section, “von den heyligen Bischoffen und Beichtigern” [On the Holy Bishops and Confessors], and there only in fourth place after statuettes of Saint Augustine, Saint Wolfgang and an elaborate reliquary in the shape of a pelican, which contained relics of Saint Nicholas and other saints. A further reliquary of Saint Martin in the form of the statuette of a rider is found in sixteenth place in the same section. The relics of Saint Ursula’s companions appear in first place in the eighth ­section, “von den heyligen jungfrawen” [On the Holy Virgins].90 According to 86 hrb, fol. 56v and fol. 57r. 87 Steinmann, ‘Bilderschmuck,’ pp. 92–97. 88 Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 16; Steinmann, ‘Bilderschmuck,’ p. 93. 89 hrb, fol. 58r. In Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14 he is described as “mitt patron dyeszer loblichen Stifftkirchenn” [co-patron of this laudable church] (fol. 231r); and in the Breviarius ecclesiae collegiatae Hallensis of 1532 as “Protector noster” (Msc. Lit. 119, fol. 150v). 90 Further relics of this group of saints are included in the same section.

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 57v: Bust of Saint Erasmus

the Breviarius ecclesiae collegiatae Hallensis the saint’s feast day was one of the important ones celebrated at the Neues Stift. The same source documents the saint as a co-patron: “Die silbern brustbilde S. Mauritij, S. Marie Magadalene,

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S. Erasmi, S. Vrsule” [The silver portrait busts of Saint Maurice, Saint Mary ­Magdalene, Saint Erasmus, Saint Ursula] were exhibited on their feast days.91 Saint Ursula, then, counted as a co-patron saint of the Neues Stift at the latest from the date the Brevarius was written, probably even earlier. Here, too, the background of family and dynasty may have been crucial for the elevated position of these relics, since Ursula is the name saint of a sister of Albrecht who was already deceased at the time the Relic Book was printed.92 Her annual memorial mass is recorded in the Breviarius and especially highlighted through the choice of words.93 However, Albrecht’s esteem for this saint can also be traced elsewhere: the relic collection in Halle contained the glass sarcophagus of Saint Margarethe, one of the company of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, which played a central role in Albrecht’s concept of a tomb monument.94 Moreover, between 1520 and 1526 Albrecht had a reliquary bust of Saint Ursula made (illustrated in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14) and his portrait and coat of arms mounted on its base.95 Further, several diptychs have come down to us which portray Albrecht as a saint opposite Saint Ursula, thought to be a portrait of the Archbishop’s mistress.96 Whether as name saint of his deceased sister or favoured saint of Albrecht’s mistress, or whether neither is connected to the prominence of the reliquary, it is certain that Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins were amongst Al­ brecht’s preferred saints and that he owned numerous fragments of them ­preserved in several reliquaries in his relic collection.97 Before 1518 Frederick the Wise, too, had inaugurated a separate section in his collection for the numerous relics of the Eleven Thousand Virgins.98 The high number of potential, 91

Breviarius ecclesiae collegiatae Hallensis, fol. 190v; see also Wolters, ‘Ein Beitrag,’ pp. 24–25. 92 Albrecht’s sister Ursula was born in 1488 and died in 1510. 93 “Memoria Illustrissime domine Vrsule, Ducisse Meckelburgensis pp., charissime Sororis domini nostri Alberti” (Breviarius ecclesiae collegiatae Hallensis, fol. 9v; see also Wolters, ‘Ein Beitrag,’ p. 14). 94 Merkel, Jenseits-Sicherung. The woodcut of Margarethe’s sarcophagus can be found at hrb, viii/2, fol. 96v; Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, viii/3, fol. 352v. 95 Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 353v (viii/4). 96 Kerstin Merkel has studied the legends around Albrecht’s mistresses and their naming (Kerstin Merkel, ‘Albrecht und Ursula. Eine Wanderung durch Literatur und Legendenbildung,’ in Andreas Tacke (ed.), “… wir wollen der Liebe Raum geben.” Konkubinate geistlicher und weltlicher Fürsten um 1500 (Göttingen: Wallstein 2006), pp. 157–186). See also Andreas Tacke, ‘Agnes Pless und Kardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 72 (1990) pp. 347–365; and Der Kardinal, i, nos. 92a, b and 93 a, b, pp. 188–194. 97 A further family link can be forged between Albrecht’s sister Anna, who was already dead when the work was printed, and Saint Anne, who was one of the most popular saints of the age and comes after Mary Magdalene in the Halle Relic Book. 98 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, p. 69, n. 2.

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available, relics of the Virgins is not enough to explain this, as Albrecht’s ­penchant for this particular saint can certainly be detected in his various cryptoportrait across from her; and a particular esteem for Saint Ursula can also be traced in Frederick the Wise, who was actually the patron of a Fraternity of the Little Ship of Saint Ursula.99 Saint Mary Magdalene, the third patron saint of the Neues Stift, opens the ninth section; in line with the structure and hierarchy of the book she appears at the beginning of the group devoted to the “heyligen auserwelten Frawen vnd witwen” [Holy Chosen Women and Widows]. Like the woodcuts of Saint Maurice and the bust of Saint Erasmus, here, too, the depiction of the saint – in accordance with her status as patron saint of the church – bursts the frame and is almost monumental in its proportions. The woodcut of Mary Magdalene occupies the entire page, dislodging the descriptive text onto the following one. The presence of her image, like that of her co-patron saints, points to the presence of the saint herself. This is a visual strategy which can be traced for several reliquaries and is discussed below. 7

Fidelity to and Distance from the Object: Strategies of Realization

Some objects from the Halle relic collection have been preserved and a comparison of them to the corresponding drawings in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14 confirms that the manuscript reproduces the reliquaries precisely, down to the very last detail.100 Halm and Berliner consider the Codex to be the most important source of knowledge of the goldsmith’s art in the late-Gothic period (after 1400) and the Early Renaissance in Germany.101 On the basis of the drawings they undertake attributions in style and location. Jörg Rasmussen compiled an inventory of extant items which have been identified to-date and, thanks to their illustrations in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, was able to produce studies of German treasury art and, specifically, of individual workshops.102 Like the 99

Lukas Cranach i, pp. 223–224; Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 363; Schnyder, Ursulabru­ derschaften, p. 327, p. 374. 100 The exhibition catalogue Albrecht von Brandenburg (1990) brings together the still-extant items from the collection. The almost identical reproduction of the original in Aschaf­ fenburg Codex Ms. 14 and the transformation of the illustrations through the use of Renaissance ornamentation in the printed Halle Relic Book are established by Redlich, Car­ dinal Albrecht, pp. 252–257. See also Eichberger, ‘A Renaissance Reliquiary Collection,’ pp. 26–27. 101 Halm and Berliner, Das Hallesche Heiltum, p. 14. 102 Jörg Rasmussen, ‘Untersuchungen zum Halleschen Heiltum des Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg i und ii,’ Münchener Jahrbuch für Bildende Kunst, 27 (1976), pp. 59–118; 28 (1977), pp. 91–132.

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­ eimar Sketch Book for the Wittenberg collection, the corpus of drawings can W serve as a point of reference for originals which have not been preserved; and the comparison between the Codex and the printed Relic Book reveals a wide spectrum of distance and fidelity in the reproduction of the reliquaries in the latter’s woodcuts. Moreover, the woodcuts in the Halle Relic Book vary considerably in quality, something which cannot be explained by the different hands alone, since differences in quality appear in the work of both artists. Occasionally, a certain precision in the depiction of the reliquaries bears witness to real knowledge of them and hence to their having been drawn in situ. This can be said of both artists in equal measure. As examples of the woodcuts attributed to Wolf Traut, the pelican reliquary and the bust of Mary Magdalene from the seventh and ninth processional sections will be compared to the illustrations in Aschaffen­ burg Codex Ms. 14. The pelican tearing open its breast to feed its young in the woodcut corresponds to the drawing down to the last detail (Figs. 147 and 148). A small fenestella in the base reveals the finger of Saint Nicholas mentioned in the text next to the woodcut. Even the beringed finger bone can be seen. Al­ brecht’s coat of arms is mounted under the viewing panel. The round, half-dome lid of a repository for further relics bulges on the pelican’s breast; as depicted in the drawing, it is embellished with a stone clasped in a setting. Great store is set by apparently inessential details, such as the nest suggested by the basketwork and the configuration of the base with the diamond shapes produced by criss-crossing rods. However, the proportions in the woodcut appear more compressed than in the drawing. Only the moulding of the profile and foot of the base is simplified. Due to the monochromy characteristic of this genre, the woodcut – in contrast to the drawing – reflects the material qualities of an ob­ jet d’ art to a lesser degree; the image appears more like the narrative of the mythical bird. The woodcut portrayal of the bust of Mary Magdalene is, on the one hand, just as close to the corresponding drawing as the pelican reliquary, only departing from it in small, albeit not inessential, details, such as the moulding of the base or the formulation of the jewellery on the hair and neck (Figs. 149 and 150). On the other hand, the fluttering ribbons bound into the saint’s hair evoke animation. The donor’s coat of arms is intentionally given greater prominence: somewhat enlarged, it appears to strain away from its allocated position on the shaft of the base and up over its rim to infringe on the saint’s sphere. Both Wolf Traut and the anonymous artist extensively alter, or interpret, the reliquaries in their depiction of them.103 However, both remain more ­restrained 103 Modifications are frequently based on the addition or omission of attributes. In the statuettes of Saint Dorothy (hrb, viii/29, fol. 106v) and Saint Augustine (hrb, vii/1, fol. 82v),

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Figure 147

Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 84r

than Lucas Cranach in the Wittenberg Relic Book. The stylistic updating of the objects is equally characteristic for the outward appearance of the Halle Relic Book. To judge from the illustrations in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, the reliquaries are obviously older, but the woodcuts liberate them from their the iconographic programme was unhesitatingly reduced and the small assisting figures omitted. On the other hand, palm leaves were added to other saints.

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Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 312v: Pelican reliquary

­ eriod-specific detail in order to offer the viewer a harmonious ensemble p marked by Renaissance ornamentation. Even if the form and decoration of a casket – for example, a silver sarcophagus in the first section – are extremely

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Figure 149

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 113v

simple, the woodcut adds feet to the gable end in the shape of scrolled leaves and small buds, “correcting” the casket by means of minute decorative elements which correspond to contemporary taste.104 Due to their function in the service of the saint’s image or reliquary, bases especially constitute a largely ignored area and are subordinated to the aesthetic primacy of the object they 104 hrb, i/9, fol. 7r; Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 8r, i/6.

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Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 409v: Bust of Mary Magdalene

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support. Thus, their design allows greater freedom and the artist may alter them as he sees fit. Here virtuoso, apparently infinitely variable, games are played with form. In contrast to the woodcuts, whose appearance presupposes knowledge of an object, many other illustrations seem to be based on a brief description of the object in the inventory and display a certain freedom. In addition, ­knowledge of the reliquary can be overlaid by expectations of, and conventions in, visual representation which cause the artist to fall back on the setpiece re-working of his own artistic solutions, or on those of other artists, and result in the depiction of an item being liberated from its reference object. At the same time, the broad spectrum of possibilities for portraying an object in a woodcut does not in the least alter the fact of its stylistic modernization. On the contrary, it further supports such modernization since, in the moment he detaches himself from the specificity of the original object, the artist is still not liberated from his personal style or contemporary conventions. Wolf Traut occasionally made use of set-piece models and solutions which were prefigured either in his own creative output or that of Albrecht Dürer.105 A striking example is the statuette of Saint Stephen. His model was the same saint in a woodcut by Albrecht Dürer from 1504/05 in which Stephen appears with Pope Sixtus and Saint Lawrence in an open hallway (B. 108) (Figs. 151 and 152).106 With regard to motifs, the most important agreements are the head tilted to one side; the saint’s hand thrust under the dalmatic in order to hold the stones of his martyrdom as if in an apron; and the palm branch in his other hand, which rises above Stephen’s head on one side. Traut had already created a variation on Dürer’s Stephen in the title woodcut to the Missale Pataviense, printed by Jodokus Gutknecht in Nuremberg in 1514.107 Here Traut tilts the saint’s head in the other direction and places the stones in a bunched dalmatic supported by both hands. The palm branch leads diagonally from the right hand to the

105 On Traut’s adaptation of Dürer’s works as models see, especially for the paintings, Lata, Wolf Traut, pp. 79–88. 106 Térey points to Wolf Traut’s close dependence on this woodcut by Dürer (Térey, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 95, p. 103). On the formal rather than stylistic dependence on the various title pages of the Missale Pataviense in Wolf Traut’s design of the title, see Marlene Zykan, ‘Ein früher Nürnberger Missaldruck und der Wiener Buchholzschnitt,’ Kunstjahrbuch der Stadt Linz (1974/75), pp. 3–14. 107 Missale Pataviense (vd 16 M 5613), fol. 1v (copy in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Sig. Rar. 2285)). The woodcut with the patron saints of the Diocese of Passau, Stephen, Valentine and Maximilian, is on the verso of the title page and takes up the whole page.

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left shoulder. Similarly, the woodcut of the statuette of Saint Lawrence in the Halle Relic Book is strongly influenced by these models and offers a further variant on both templates.108 The woodcut of a Resurrection group from the second section of the Relic Book provides a further example of the use of well-known graphic solutions borrowed from Albrecht Dürer in the adaptation of an original. Even if the iconographic formula results in similarities between this woodcut and the drawing of the reliquary in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, Traut borrows some elements from Dürer’s Resurrection of Christ in the Large Passion (B. 15), ­without, however, achieving the latter’s complexity of interpretation (Figs. 153 and 154). In the woodcut, Christ stands with cloak and victory banner, hand raised in the gesture of benediction, in front of the open grave, around which four sleeping guards are arranged in various poses. On the narrow side of the grave, on the left, a prone guard thrusts his sharply foreshortened form into the spatial depth of the image. On the right, depicted entirely from the side, a guard seated on the ground supports his head in his hands. Of the two others guarding the grave, only a head resting in a hand can be seen on the right and a helmet on the left. An obvious difference to the drawing in the Codex is the cloak which Wolf Traut drapes round the shoulders of the Risen Christ. Furthermore, contrary to what the drawing appears to suggest for the reliquary, he would have had no reason to depict the guard in such a strikingly foreshortened pose. Rather, in such details we find points of contact to the complex, delicate iconographic solutions by Dürer. In the foreground of his Resurrection woodcut Dürer depicts a drastically foreshortened guard, who, leaning against the closed sarcophagus, supports himself on one arm. A further guard, shown from the side, has one leg casually crossed and his head similarly resting on the Tomb. Traut creates a variation on precisely these two foreground figures without, however, achieving the same rigour in the foreshortening of the prone figure or the same casualness in the sitting one (Fig. 155).

108 Another model for the woodcuts of statuettes in the Relic Book was provided by the Retable of the Holy Kinship (also known as the Artelshofen Altar) (1514) by Wolf Traut (today in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich). It was originally a donation by Kunz Horn to the Chapel of the Cloth-Makers in Saint Lawrence’s in Nuremberg. It was not only Saint Katherine, who appears on the left wing, who was used in the corresponding woodcut. The other saints, especially Christopher and, once again, Stephen, also served Traut as a fund of motifs (Lata, Wolf Traut, pp. 163–184).

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 58v: Statuette of Saint Stephen

The abbreviated adaptation of Dürer’s figures is obviously of greater concern to Traut than the grotesque-seeming poses of the guards as depicted for the reliquary in the Codex. Moreover, Traut negates the reproduction of the reliquary as an object in favour of the visual narrative. In Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14 the base, and the actors arranged on it, make it clear that the image r­ epresents a reliquary. Traut omits these features completely, using hatching to suggest a

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Figure 152

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Albrecht Dürer, Saints Stephen, Sixtus and Lawrence, woodcut, c. 1504/05

space which serves to locate the figures, progressively staggered, within the depth of field. Deciding in favour of what is probable and a­ voiding what is extreme, he omits the lid of the Tomb, which in the manuscript drawing is shown tipped up and hanging in the air at an angle behind Christ. Instead, he places it diagonally across the grave.

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Figure 153

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Halle Relic Book 1520, fol. 24r

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Figure 154

Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 121v: Resurrection reliquary

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Figure 155

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Albrecht Dürer, woodcut of the Resurrection, Large Passion, 1510

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Of course, Traut made far more decisive changes to the figure of Saint George, re-interpreting the static portrait statuette as a dragon-fighting, dynamically lunging knight (Figs. 156 and 157). His headgear is adorned by a large decorative feather, following the style of the period; his cuirass is modern.109 He plunges his lance into the wide-open maw of the squirming dragon clamped between his legs.110 In contrast to the Codex, which depicts this saint as a beardless youth with a well-proportioned, ideal face, in the printed work George sports a wild beard and his features are clearly stamped by his advanced age. As in the Bamberg and Würzburg Relic Books, woodblocks were re-used in the Halle Relic Book, too, albeit to a far lesser extent. The woodcut of a ­reliquary casket was printed three times; that of a bone clasped in a setting twice.111 While the “Armröhren” [arm pipes] of Luke the Evangelist and Saint George no longer appear in Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, it still includes the three caskets – identifiable by their annotations – illustrated in the Relic Book by the same woodcut. The stereometric form of the three shrines is almost identical; however, their ornamentation and icongraphic programmes differ. These examples should suffice to illustrate the various strategies: on the one hand, leaving the appearance of the objects largely unaltered; on the other, detaching them from their fixed form in the process of translating them into a different medium. In the first case, it remains possible to match the image to the object it represents; in the second, the text plays the prominent role, becoming decisive in the differentiation and identification of the object. In both cases – albeit with a different figural sequence, which organizes the “image” as a polyvalent medium – proof of authenticity remains the main function of the image. Like the structurally varied treatment of the original reliquaries – as either a very close likeness or a graphically free representation, in the Relic Book the various coats of arms are depicted in a far from uniform manner. In the printed work they belong chiefly to the two donors, Ernst and Albrecht. 109 Similarly, Traut decks Saint Martin in contemporary ornamental plumes (hrb, vii/16, fol. 89r). He omits the base and, by suggesting the ground, places the mounted saint and the beggar within a landscape, thereby – as with the Resurrection group – allowing the narrative precedence over the reproduction of the reliquary. 110 Traut may have borrowed the dragon, which squirms in characteristic fashion, from ­Dürer’s woodcut of Saint George (1504/05) (B. 111) (Schoch, Albrecht Dürer, ii. no. 138, pp. 135–136). In his design of the armour Traut was also able to fall back on a drawing dated 1513 in which he depicted a Saint George on horseback fighting the dragon (Lata, Wolf Traut, pp. 260–262 and p. 377). 111 Arm bone at hrb, v/16, fol. 55r = hrb, vi/24, fol. 67v; and casket at hrb, vi/53, fol. 81r = hrb, viii/38, fol. 111r = hrb, viii/40, fol. 112r.

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Figure 156

Halle Relic Book 1520, detail from fol. 67v: Statuette of Saint George

Those of all the other donors are largely omitted or considered dispensable.112 While a comparison to the Codex reveals that by no means all of Ernst’s and Albrecht’s coats of arms appear in the Relic Book, the tendency is nonetheless striking: the numerous reliquaries which can be identified not just through their accompanying text but also through heraldic shields can unambiguously be assigned to Ernst and Albrecht. 112 There are a few exceptions: e.g., the Christ Salvator donated by Emperor Maximilian (hrb, ii/9, fol. 22v); and the Saint Martin (hrb, vii/4, fol. 84v); as well as the above-­ mentioned coat of arms of Albrecht’s brother, Electoral Prince Joachim, on the bust of Saint Joachim (hrb, iv/1 fol. 41r); further, the coat of arms of the Duchess of Saxony on the statuette of Saint Peter (hrb, v/1, fol. 47v); the unfinished coat of arms of George of Saxony on the statuette of Saint Simon (hrb, v/13, fol. 53v); another coat of arms, which points to Frederick the Wise because of the Electoral coat of arms (hrb, vi/43, fol. 76r) (see also Redlich, Cardinal Albrecht, p. 271); and the coat of arms of the Lords of Schöneberg (hrb, ii/13, fol. 24v). On the identification of the coats of arms see Friedrich Schneider, ‘Wie­ dergewinnung von Miniaturen aus dem Aschaffenburger Prachtcodex des Halleschen Heiligtums, einer Stiftung des Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg,’ Hohenzollernjahr­ buch, 1 (1897), pp. 174–186 (p. 179).

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Aschaffenburg Codex Ms. 14, fol. 256v: Statuette of Saint George

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The Fine Art of Trumping

It is blatantly obvious that Albrecht of Brandenburg’s Relic Book constituted a response to the medialization by Frederick the Wise of his own relic collection in the service of his self-promotion. The close structural similarities of the Relic Books printed in Wittenberg and Halle make clear the subtle, and less subtle, strategies employed by Albrecht of Brandenburg to trump Frederick in the ­media competition with his close neighbour. The demonstrative modesty of the unillustrated, depersonalized, Halle title page is directly counteracted on the following pages by the engraving which portrays the commissioner of the work; and by the dedicatory page, which depicts the two initiators of the collection, Ernst and, once again, Albrecht. If we look again at the speech by Christoph Scheurl, or even at the encomium by Richardus Sbrulius, the choice of artist for the engraved portrait of the Cardinal is given an even more ingenious twist, for while Scheurl praises Cranach in the most glowing tones in his Oratio, it is nonetheless Dürer, the “undoubted genius,” who must first be removed for Cranach to merit first place amongst painters; and Richardus Sbrulius, too, allows Cranach to be “only” the closest to Dürer.113 Hence Albrecht exploits not just the possibility of outdoing Frederick in the scope and size of his book, but also the depiction of himself by the artist whose name is on everyone’s lips and who even enjoys the support of the German Emperor. Ultimately, Albrecht of Brandenburg relies on the predominance of his own person in places where he cannot and will not circumvent his predecessor in office, Ernst of Saxony. On the dedicatory page, and in the woodcut displaying the coats of arms, the Hohenzollern inevitably occupies the more important side. Finally, Albrecht is more economical in his use of text, but all the more extravagant in his use of images. The brief introduction is followed by evidence for the attestation of papal and imperial favour, while Frederick could, after all, always produce a saint as a relative. However, the Halle Relic Book illustrates twice as many reliquaries as the Wittenberg Relic Book and Albrecht manages to create a printed work which is almost three times as long as that of his neighbour. 113 Scheurl, Oratio, fol. 1v; ‘Richardus Sbrulius,’ in Scheurl, Oratio, fol. 16v.

Part 2 Synthesis of a Genre

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The Mediality of the Relic Book 1

“diser maß und gestalt”: Text and Reality

The special quality of relic books is found in their illustrations, in the alleged or actual re-enactment of the ephemeral event which constituted the display of relics. First and foremost, the display itself is founded on, and justified by, the visual experience: that is, the event created by gazing at venerated objects. The relic book’s illustrations of the original relics and reliquaries makes this visual experience accessible to third parties, those not present at the display.1 Nonetheless, the process of transforming the objects into images can be completely different in each case. The spectrum stretches from – occasionally repeated – pictograms characterized by the greatest possible reduction in form and detail to lavishly designed and executed, framed woodcuts (Figs. 52, 145). Both modes of visual presentation can, however, differ from the original item in fundamental ways. They have the capacity to construct independent pictorial contexts and connections based on varying intentions. Despite this visual spectrum, each work claims authenticity in the meaning, form and ornamentation of the reliquaries portrayed and this claim is expressed in similar ways. In the Nuremberg Relic Book printed by P. Vischer in 1487 the introduction asserts: Vnd was man darnach wirdiger stück des heiligthumbs Czu dem ersten Ander[e]n vn[d] Dritte[n] gang bringt Vn[d] wy erlich die getrage[n] Ausgerüfft vnd geweist werde[n] Do pey eines yetzlichen stücks Vnd des heiligthumbsstuel form vnd gestalt Auch alle wort die der briester da­ selbst list vnd ausrüeffen ist. Das alles volget eige[n]tlichen hernach.2 [And which of the worthy pieces of the relics are brought thereafter in the first, second and third section and with what honour the items carried are proclaimed and displayed, including every single object and the form and design of the display stage, also all the words which the priest 1 See Klaus Niehr, ‘“als ich das selber erkundet und gesehen hab.” Wahrnehmung und Darstellung des Fremden in Bernhard von Breydenbachs Peregrinationes in Terram Sanctam und anderen Pilgerberichten des ausgehenden Mittelalters,’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2001), pp. 269– 300 (p. 274), for the illustrations of the Peregrinatio in terram sanctam by Bernhard von Breydenbach. 2 nrb (B), fol 1v. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_010

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reads and are called out there. That all follows in its proper form hereafter.] Here the category of ‘eigen’ [correct; proper] or ‘eigentlich’ [correctly; properly] is decisive, since it bestows authenticity on the images of the reliquaries. Here, then, terminology is used which can also be found in older literature and early pilgrimage reports as well as later treatises on the theory of art.3 In the Halle Relic Book of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, which appeared in 1520, the claim to authentic, or mimetic, reproduction is formulated in a similar manner. The last sentence reads: “hochbemelts groswirdiges heiligthum vnd desselbtigen Cleynott [ist] eigentlich vnnd stuckeweiße wie folgt vortzeichnet” [highly acclaimed, most worthy relics and their precious jewels [are] listed properly and piece by piece as follows].4 The Wittenberg Relic Book refers, in a separate claim, to the “gestalt” of the relics, that is, to the depiction of them in the illustrations. The preface ends on the words: “Vnd volgt die zaigung des hailigthumbs diser maß vnd gestalt” [And the presentation of the relics follows in this measure and form].5 The text asserts that the reliquary is completely congruent with its reproduction in an image. This is true only to a limited extent in the woodcuts by Lucas Cranach, who re-invents the objects he portrays, something demonstrated in detail in Chapter 7 and to be taken up again here in a different context. The title of the Bamberg Relic Book of 1509 makes a statement about the fidelity of its illustrations which is comparable to the pronouncement in the Wittenberg Relic Book: Die weysung vnnd außruffung des Hochwirdigen heyl­ thumbs zu Bamberg. nach de[m] rechten waren heilthumb abgezeychnet [The Display and Proclamation of the Most Venerable Relics in Bamberg Drawn according to the Proper True Relics]. It is tempting to believe that the artist was sitting directly opposite the originals when he created the woodcuts. However, this is only indirectly the case, since the woodcuts are based on drawings of the reliquaries executed in the context of the Bamberg relic display in 1509 and subsequently assembled in an omnibus volume (Figs. 31, 32, 47, 48). The printed work and its illustrations take over the claim made by the draughtsman. However, the assertion that the reliquaries were “drawn” directly from the originals, with its resultant stress on both the fidelity and the eyewitness nature of the illustrations (they are, after all, ‘licensed’ copies of the holy vessels), is important for both producer and recipient. On the level of the text, it is possible 3 Niehr, ‘“als ich das selber erkundet und gesehen hab,”’pp. 274–275. 4 hrb, fol. 3r. 5 wrb, fol. 3v.

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to follow the claim about the pictorial reproduction of the reliquaries, but such authentic rendition has a decidedly versatile function: as well as an occasionally overt role as prestige-enhancing self-representation by their commissioners, relic books also serve to memorialize what took place and to imagine what was not seen.6 In the present study, the pictogram nature of the illustrations in many of these books has been mentioned several times. Here the various elements of that discussion will be combined and analysed to offer a final synthesis. The Relic Book commissioned by Nuremberg City Council and printed in 1487 reproduces the Imperial Relics and Regalia in a very reduced form. Despite the considerable simplification of the objects (for example, the Imperial Crown, venerated as a relic of Charlemagne), we nonetheless have one of the earliest depictions of the Imperial Crown based on the original item, since older woodcuts of the Imperial Regalia merely identify the object and, instead of the plate crown, depict a hoop crown mounted with a cross, a style typical of the period (Figs. 3, 4, 6, 7). It is, then, not at all necessary for the illustration and the actual item to correspond exactly, even when referring to one and the same thing. Such disjuncture is a widespread phenomenon in early graphic reproduction, even as late as the seventeenth century. This explains why, in the Nuremberg Chronicle (1493) by Hartmann Schedel, it is possible to find one and the same woodcut depicting the cities of Perugia, Siena, Mantua, Ferrara, Damascus and Kärnten (Fig. 158).7 This method of proceeding could be transferred from one book to another, as demonstrated by the Nuremberg printer Hans Mair, who re-used twentyseven woodcuts from his Bamberg Relic Book of 1493 in his Würzburg Relic Book, also printed in 1493. Thus, of the altogether forty-seven woodcuts in the Würzburg edition more than half are repeated from a different context. It is, then, self-evident that the woodcuts bear no direct relation to the objects they represent. Nevertheless, these depictions of the reliquaries create links to their conceptual definitions, since only through the text do they become tangible as categories (Figs. 62, 63). However, the first use of these woodblocks in the Bamberg Relic Book offers no guarantee for the subsequent, specific reproduction of the objects in question. Quite the contrary. This can be demonstrated by reconstructing the ­procedure 6 On the representational function of relic books see the discussion below. 7 This information relates to the German edition. Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle contains a total of 1,809 woodcuts from 645 woodblocks. Norbert Ott has studied the repetition of woodcuts primarily for their narrative continuity (Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt,’ esp. pp. 192–216; on the Nuremberg Chronicle, pp. 225–228).

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Hartmann Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle (Nuremberg 1493): Depiction of the cities of Perugia, Siena, Mantua, Ferrara, Damascus and Kärnten (here: fol. clixr, Ferrara)

followed by the printer Hans Mair. If we compare his illustrated edition with the last printed edition of the Bamberg Relic Book from the hand of Johann Pfeyl (1509), we see that the latter makes completely different claims for its fidelity in depicting the reliquaries. In his starkly simplified woodcuts of the objects, Pfeyl is guided by the drawings executed for the relic display in Bamberg in 1509. When Hans Mair and his block-cutter produced the woodcuts for “his” Relic Book, they obviously had before them an unillustrated work which had appeared in print only a short time previously (in the same year); and created illustrations based on its terse descriptions of the reliquaries (Figs. 19–24).8 Thus when the text in Mair’s edition talks about a monstrance, we see the simplified depiction of a monstrance; if it talks about an ostrich egg or an image, an ostrich-egg reliquary or a bust is shown. However, it is clear from the drawings in the Codex of the Bamberg 8 See ‘Competition between Cities.’

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relic collection commissioned by Bamberg Cathedral Chapter in 1508/09, and from the corresponding woodcuts in the printed work by Pfeyl, that the reliquaries were characterized by far greater variety than their accompanying texts suggest. The term ‘monstrance’ could be used as a general term for a coconut chalice and in Hans Mair’s work results in an image which corresponds to that particular term (Figs. 19–21). The definition of a specific object results from its (con)text, but not necessarily from its concrete rendition. The chief concern was not, then, the depiction of the specific form of the reliquary but rather a graphic reference to the object itself and its significant contents. A picture can represent the quintessential elements of a monstrance in an abbreviated illustrative form without the object losing its concreteness and specificity. Visually, the reproduction of a particular type (monstrance, casket etc.) was sufficient to evoke the object thus designated.9 Norbert H. Ott describes the functional interaction of text and image in the context of narratives and in connection with the repetition of woodcuts within a single printed work. He does so both for the output of an individual printing shop and the transfer from printing shop to printing shop. Ott gives two explanations for the repetition of images in printed books: first, the particular nature of woodcuts, whose inherent quality correlates closely with the nature of the printed book itself; second, and especially, the economic exploitation of book-printing, which focuses on reproduction and speed. However, this ­explanation – even if it does represent an advance on the older, judgmental argument of arbitrariness on the part of printers (as opposed to a wish to uphold originality, which is judged more favourably on principle) – ultimately remains on the level of phenomenology.10 The irritation provoked by ­repetition, 9 10

This procedure is also followed in the woodcuts for the Wittenberg Relic Book, just in a more elaborate form. Muther initially expresses himself with restrained regret when he writes, in relation to the repetition of woodcuts in the first illustrated Augsburg Bible, that the use of the same woodblocks for similar objects is practised in the most extensive fashion (Muther, Die deutsche Bücherillustration, p. vi). He subsequently reaches a much clearer evaluation of such repetition, distinguishing it from the woodcuts in a Cologne edition, which are all unique pieces. In his view, in the Augsburg Bible the individual woodblocks are repeated in the most boring way (p. vii). He finally expresses an unequivocal opinion when he asserts that only woodcuts created specifically for their respective purpose are important enough to be studied (p. xv). Muther is concerned with the absolute originality of the work of art. The exceedingly learned art historian Max J. Friedländer does not even go into the repetition of woodcuts in different (book) contexts, possibly because, despite a differentiated evaluation of the various achievements of woodcuts, he does not wish their apparently random re-use to cast doubt on the character of printed works as art (Max J. Friedländer, Der Holzschnitt (Berlin: Reimer, 1917), pp. 30–49). Heinrich Theodor Musper mentions the repetition of woodcuts but does so almost necessarily with regard to Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle and in any case with profound esteem (H.[einrich] Th.

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a feature which certainly appears arbitrary, can be soothed by its reassuring interpretation as part of technological progress, which occasionally acts blindly. The assumption that this technology contributes to the further ­development of the woodcut and hence to the “liberation of the drawing” from its subservient role – as Ott puts it – is, however, beyond doubt.11 Nonetheless, when one talks about the possibility of rationalizing and “industrializing” book production by exploiting the potential for rapid duplication inherent in both the woodcut and printing, one initially describes merely this particular fact.12 The multiplication of pictorial forms and formulae was already incorporated into manuscript production in the Late Middle Ages. Why this was possible in widely divergent contexts must, however, be explained by the possibilities inherent in the image itself:13 namely, its fundamental ability to generate independent knowledge over and above the text; and, moreover, over and above pure illustration, understood as the functional, literal reproduction of the text in an image. In and of itself, the image is not merely translated text; rather, it follows its own laws. The repetition of woodcuts in narrative contexts might be explained by a reduction in visual information, something which resulted in more widely applicable visual formulae. In Der Heiligen Leben, printed by Günther Zainer in Augsburg in 1471/72, the re-use of the picture of Bishop Severin for the depiction of Willibrod was, therefore, unproblematic.14 This is possible, and easily explicable, because the iconographic templates were open to the repetition of basic hagiographic patterns, stereotypy being combined with stereotypy. A similarly “problematic” case is presented by the so-called “counterfeit-guilder broadsheets” (Falschguldenblätter), individual examples of which give rise, on the visual plane, to colliding claims which obviously did not irritate contemporaries.15 The printing of the counterfeit-guilder broadsheets was intended to alert people, through text and image, to the fact that counterfeit money was in

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[eodor] Musper, Der Holzschnitt in fünf Jahrhunderten (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1964), pp. 92–93). He also records as fact, almost in passing, the migration of woodblocks from one printing shop to another. He does so in order to analyse the specific stylistic characteristics of woodcuts (p. 104), but not as a phenomenon peculiar to books, in contrast to Ott. Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt,’ pp. 230–235. Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt,’ esp. p. 219, pp. 228–230. On the multiplication of pictorial forms and formulae in German-language manuscript production see Norbert H. Ott, ‘Auf dem Wege zur Druckgraphik. Illustrationen deutschsprachiger Handschriften des Spätmittelalters und ihre Beziehungen zu Holz­ schnitt und Kupferstich,’ Exlibriskunst und Graphik (1992), pp. 5–17. Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt,’ pp. 196–205, with numerous other examples. On broadsheets warning against counterfeit guilders, with a chronology of their emergence and interdependence, see Konrad Haebler, ‘“Falsche-Gulden”-Blätter aus der Frühzeit der Druckkunst,’ Zeitschrift für Bücherfreunde, 11 (1907/08), pp. 219–233.

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circulation (Figs. 159 and 160). The vividness of the woodcuts was meant to increase potential knowledge about counterfeit currency in a way that was completely comprehensible. Nevertheless, at times pure vividness was all that was on display, rather than precise informational value, since the woodcuts from

Figure 159 A so-called counterfeit-guilder broadsheet (Ulm: [Johann Zainer the Elder, 1482])

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Figure 160

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A so-called counterfeit-guilder broadsheet ([Munich: Johann Schaur 1482])

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the respective Ulm and Munich presses did not depict the counterfeit coins in the way we might have expected.16 Of what use, then, is a stereotypical depiction which irritates our perception of it? The text imparts the general information that counterfeit coins exist; the specific information – that the problem can be pinned down in the image – emerges from the pictures of the counterfeit coins, that is, from the woodcuts. Closer inspection, however, reveals the deceptiveness of organizing information in this way, because, as proved by the Ulm and Munich broadsheets, it can be turned on its head. Their text presents information about the counterfeit coins while the image warns the reader about general problems surrounding the false appearance of coins. Text and image are, then, informants sui generis, utilizing the potential inherent in combining these media. The reader or viewer learns that counterfeit money exists; the viewer or reader has at his disposal the additional information that such money is represented in the picture. The information imparted by text and image interlocks. The two media convey information independently; the image neither “illustrates” the text nor does the text explain the image. The explanatory model at work has its roots in intellectual history, albeit not the reflections on aesthetics found in medieval philosophy, since these unequivocally refer to form as the emanation of divine power and therefore constitute an analysis of form.17 (This is discussed below.) Rather, if we are to understand the representation of objects, people and places etc. in the context of woodcuts and text in the printed book and, in this connection, the whole potential for the repetition of, or variation on, pictorial formulae inherent in this

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Haebler, ‘Falsche-Gulden-Blätter,’ pp. 223–226. The text of the Ulm broadsheet which warns the public about counterfeit guilders also deviates from its supposed Augsburg source; and the Munich broadsheet even exhibits an underlying clash between text and image. Haebler asserts that the illustrations in the Munich broadsheet are especially sketchy and incorrect. He further claims that the coins depicted by the broadsheet cannot be recognized in its description of them (Haebler, ‘Falsche-Gulden-Blätter,’ p. 225). For the Reutling broadsheet, on which the coins are also depicted incorrectly, see Haebler, ‘Falsche-Gulden-Blätter,’ p. 227. Haebler also notes hurried drawings on an older broadsheet from Johann Schönsperger’s printing shop. A comparable case, albeit from a ­completely different context, concerns the depiction of coins in the Saxon ordinances ­governing coinage from 1500. There the coins are depicted in the form of coats of arms, but, according to Haebler, more as types than individual pieces (Haebler, ‘FalscheGulden-Blätter,’ p. 233). See the compilation of philosophical ideas on art and beauty in the Middle Ages in Rosario Assunto, Die Theorie des Schönen im Mittelalter (Cologne: DuMont Schauberg, 1963).

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medium, we must investigate the various theories on the perception of ­“reality” in the form of concepts and objects. Without even attempting to address the complexity of the dispute over universals in High and Late Scholasticism, we shall point out the essential positions in the differing perceptions of reality argued by Nominalism and Realism, since these constitute the intellectual and historical background for the term ‘conceptual form,’ introduced here as a tool in the interpretation of images. Neither Nominalism and Realism, which still clashed in the fifteenth century, is capable of representing two realities at the same time: one apprehensible by the senses and one invisible. In the Convivio Dante addresses this deficiency directly: “[T]he truth at times is at variance with appearance and then may be discussed from a different perspective.”18 However, the simultaneous representation of two realities can be achieved by the parallel autonomy of text and image, since they complement each other. The interaction between text and image reacts, therefore, to the deficits in Nominalism and Realism, for the conceptual form questions Nominalism’s proposition that the Divine can be represented in text alone. As a matter of principle, the presence of the sacred in intellectual concepts must also be apprehensible as sensual reality, for a completely text-based possibility does not encompass this reality; rather, it requires the image. These problems are, once again, directly addressed by Dante: “These visible things, both the proper and the common insofar as they are visible, enter the eye – I do not mean the things themselves, but their forms – through the diaphanous medium, not actually but mentally.”19 Form and image, then, give rise to the practice of depicting the essence of things according to their being, as Dante says. The representation and multiplication of the essence itself created the possibility of recognizing reality in the way demanded by the late-medieval shift from the invisible to the visible.20 At the same time, the link to the text signified the potential for legitimization. 18

Dante Alighieri, Convivio. A Dual-Language Critical Edition, ed. and trans. by Andrew Frisardi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 171. 19 Dante, Convivio, p. 173. 20 In Roger Bacon, for example, recognition is linked to the sense of sight: “And with Ezekiel in the spirit of exultation we should sensibly behold what he perceived only spiritually …. For without doubt the whole truth of things in the world lies in the literal sense, as has been said, and especially of things relating to geometry, because we can understand nothing fully unless its form is presented before our eyes, and therefore in the Scripture of God the whole knowledge of things to be defined by geometrical forms is contained and far better than mere philosophy could express it” (Roger Bacon, Opus maius (1268), Pars quarta: Mathematica, quoted in Samuel Y. Edgerton, The Renaissance Rediscovery of ­Linear Perspective (New York: Basic Books, 1975), p. 18). For the controversial points criticized by William of Ockham in Roger Bacon’s work on the possibility of perception and

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The category of the ‘conceptual form’ should be seen against this background. Two fundamentally different works serve to illustrate this. In Hans Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book of 1493, the woodcuts of the reliquaries react to the guidelines established by the text and provide a general idea of the object’s form, but not of the object itself. Here, however, the context identifies the concrete object.21 In Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle, on the other hand, the images of cities both designate one particular, concrete city and, as images of the city in general, allude to all cities. The conceptual form emerges, then, from the general and the specific at the same time, the link between them being predetermined by the concept (in the form of the text). The image copies the concept in its/a general form, rather than the “individual” object. The essence of the concept suffices; there is no need for the specific form. At the same time, the image, as form, refers to something specific, which actually exists, and hence to something concrete. Consequently, the image must also encompass the object as form, something which the concept of text is not in a position to accomplish. The image seems to emerge from this combination of Nominalist and Realist positions and disassociate itself from the text as the “victor” – thanks to its potential to be One and simultaneously All. 2

Autonomy and Aesthetics of Reproduction

Despite being active at different times, and certainly arguing from different perspectives, both Carl Friedrich von Rumohr (1785–1843) and Norbert H. Ott eventually realized it was only with the advent of graphic reproduction (or the woodcut) that drawing was released from its function as servant to the text. Graphic reproduction liberated drawing; the woodcut was only the prerequisite for the autonomous drawing.22 Whereas Ott sees the conditions for this

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r­ ecognition, see Hans Belting, Florenz und Bagdad. Eine westöstliche Geschichte des Blicks (Munich: Beck, 2008), pp. 144–150. Cf. the section on conceptual forms. Rumohr writes: “Im einzelnen sind die Holzschnitte jener Meister, in soweit sie überhaupt für original gelten dürfen, nichts weniger als das deckende Abbild ihrer Handzeichnungen, vielmehr: der Ausdruck ihrer eigenthümlichen Sinnesart in einer neuen, für sich bestehenden Kunstform” [Taken individually, the woodcuts by those masters, in as much as they can be considered original at all, are anything but the comprehensive copy of their hand-drawn sketches; rather, they constitute the expression of their peculiar way of thinking in a new, autonomous art form] (Carl Friedrich von Rumohr, Zur Geschichte und Theorie der Formschneidekunst (Leipzig: Anstalt für Kunst und Literatur, 1837), p. 54). Rumohr turns against the neo-classical depreciation of printed images. He was probably also the first to analyse theoretically the problem stated here. More recent scholarship

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development chiefly in the economy and regularity which characterize the production of pictures for the printed book, Rumohr advances aesthetic arguments. When discussing the artistically significant woodcut, he presupposes that this, too, requires the artist’s hand in the cutting of the block. In his view, therefore, drawing enjoys no primacy over technology. In Western art theory, the claim is repeatedly made that drawing by hand enjoys pre-eminence as the “emanation of pure spirit,” a view often supported by reference to Vasari and Zuccari. However, the technical translation of image to woodcut divides the production of the image into two operations. This dictum, transmitted in the Hegelian thought patterns of the age, led to the differentiation of the more highly esteemed act of drawing (the artist) from that of block-cutting (the craftsman).23 In the aesthetic tradition, therefore, the drawing is increasingly linked to the concepts of art, originality and, ultimately, intellect, whereas the woodcut has to make do with reproduction and imitation.24 This is also reflected in the definition found in the Deutsches Wörterbuch [German Dictionary] of the Brothers Grimm, in which the entry for ‘Original’ [original] records that the neuter form ‘Original,’ used as a noun, means “das ursprüngliche, eigentümliche und angeborne” [primordial, characteristic and innate] as well as “das ursprüngliche im gegensatze zur kopie oder nachahmung” [the original in contrast to the copy or imitation].25 A glance at Vasari teaches us that the problematic nature of original and imitation presented itself quite differently in the sixteenth-century theory and practice of art; consequently, our mundane concepts, as expressed in the Grimms’ notion of the dichotomy between an original and a copy, found no

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and theoretical articulation are most incisively represented by Ott (Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt,’ esp. pp. 230–235). Rumohr rejects the notion (formulated as a principle) of the division of the production process between two different people, artists and artisans. He explains his thinking in detail (Carl Friedrich von Rumohr, Hans Holbein der jüngere, in seinem Verhältnis zum deutschen Formschnittwesen (Leipzig: Anstalt für Kunst und Literatur, 1836), pp. 6–8, 38, 41; Rumohr, Geschichte und Theorie, esp. pp. 3, 10–12, 15–16, 23–32). The graphic arts have traditionally been seen as a mere “service medium.” This view is contradicted by a comprehensive, recently published volume of essays, Druckgraphik, which brings together the outputs of two conferences. Individual studies portray printed graphic art, in all its variations, as an independent, innovative visual medium (Markus A. Castor etc. (eds.), Druckgraphik. Zwischen Reproduktion und Invention (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2010)). Ott’s use of theory is, however, more considered. The present study is not concerned with reproducing this scholarship in its entirety, but with differentiating between its important positions. Problems of detail, such as those discussed individually and impressively by Kristeller, Friedländer, Musper etc., may be omitted here. ‘Original,’ in Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1889), vii, col. 1347.

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basis for negotiation there. The problematic nature of the difference between original and imitation, or between the drawn object and the drawing of the object, does not exist in Vasari. The term disegno designates that quality in painting which signals the highest aesthetic and intellectual level. In Vasari disegno is closely linked to the idea of pictorial invention and only refers in second place to execution, that is, to ‘drawing.’26 Thus, in the chapter on woodcuts which concludes his On Technique: Being the Introduction to the Three Arts of Design, Architecture, Sculpture and Painting, he writes: All these lines of work and ingenious arts, as one sees, are derived from design, which is the necessary fount of all, for if they are lacking in design they have nothing. Therefore although all processes and styles are good, that is best by which every lost thing is recovered and every difficult thing becomes easy.27 Against this backdrop all artistic production in any material is nothing but a copy or reproduction of the disegno. Here we must turn briefly to the misunderstanding that Vasari saw the reproductive arts as lacking disegno. His alleged reservations do not refer to all graphic arts, or all “wood-cutters,” but only to those whose technical skills are inadequate. Thus, in his preface to the first volume of Lives of the Artists Vasari “merely” writes “senzaché gl’intagliatori, che non hanno disegno, tolgono sempre alle figure, per non potere né sapere fare appunto quelle minuzie que le fanno” [not to mention that the engravers, who have no draughtsmanship, always rob the faces (being unable or not knowing how to make those

26 That disegno does not simply mean ‘drawing,’ which is initially just a technique to execute a likeness, is clear from Vasari’s remarks: “Seeing that design … draws out of many things a general judgement, it is like a form or idea of all the objects in nature, most marvellous in what it compasses … . But let this be as it may, what design needs, when it has derived from the judgement the mental image of anything, is that the hand, through the study and practice of many years, may be free and apt to draw and to express correctly, with the pen, with the silver-point, the charcoal, the chalk, or other instrument, whatever nature has created” (B. Baldwin Brown (ed.), Vasari On Technique: Being the Introduction to the Three Arts of Design, Architecture, Sculpture and Painting, trans. by Louisa S. Maclehose (London: Dent, 1907), pp. 205–206). Cf. Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite de’ più eccelenti pittori, scultori e architettori nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568, ed. by Rosanna Bettarini and Paola Barocchi (6 vols., Florence: Sansoni, 1966–1987), i. 111; and Wolfgang Kemp, ‘Disegno. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Begriffs zwischen 1547 und 1607,’ Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft, 19 (1974), pp. 219–240 (pp. 226–227). 27 Brown, Vasari On Technique, p. 284. See also Vasari, Le Vite, i. 172.

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minutenesses)].28 Vasari’s cursory dismissal of any element of disegno in the work of “incompetent” woodcarvers is found only in the preface to the second edition of the Lives, an addition which is explicable in pragmatic terms. Whilst in the first edition he had to omit discussion of the woodcut as an art form, in the second, illustrated edition this dismissal epitomizes the distinction between the portrait in the printed image and Vasari’s descriptive portraits of artists in his text.29 Vasari was unequivocal in classing the reproductive arts as belonging to the realm of aesthetics. Just how unequivocal is demonstrated not only by their explicit attribution in the Introduction to the Three Arts of Design, Architecture, Sculpture and Painting, but, even more clearly, in the biography of Marcantonio Raimondi, in which Vasari evinces enormous respect above all for Albrecht Dürer, both as an engraver and as a woodcut artist.30 Moreover, it becomes clear that Vasari also attributes a high degree of artistic skill to imitation, that is, to perfect reproduction in and of itself – in Dürer’s case by Raimondi.31 It should, therefore, be noted that Vasari acknowledges disegno in reproductive graphic prints, not just implicitly but also explicitly.

28 Vasari, Le Vite, ii. 32; English translation: Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors and Architects, trans. by Gaston Du C. De Vere (10 vols., London: MacMillan & The Medici Society, 1912–15), i. lix [accessed 22 December 2019]. 29 Even the remark which follows this passage – “that perfection which is rarely or never found in portraits cut in wood” (Vasari, Lives, i. lix) – must be read in the context of the competition between the arts and not as the exclusion of one particular art from disegno. The first edition was meant to include woodcut portraits of the artists, but these were omitted in order not to delay publication (Giorgio Vasari, Kunstgeschichte und Kunsttheorie. Eine Einführung in die Lebensbeschreibungen berühmter Künstler anhand der Proemien, ed. by Matteo Burioni etc., trans. by Victoria Lorini (Berlin: Wagenbach, 2004), p. 142, n. 188). 30 Two examples will suffice: “On a plate of the same size he engraved with supreme delicacy of workmanship, attaining to the final perfection of this art, a Diana beating a nymph”; “That this is true is also proved by the circumstance that in the year 1511 he represented the whole life of Our Lady in twenty sheets of the same size, executing it so well that it would not be possible, whether in invention, in the composition of the perspective-views, in the buildings, in the costumes, or in the heads of old and young, to do better” (Vasari, Lives, vi. 93–94); cf. also Vasari, Le Vite, v. 4–5. 31 “He thus began to copy those engravings by Albrecht Dürer, studying the manner of each stroke and every other detail of the prints that he had bought, which were held in such estimation on account of their novelty and their beauty, that everyone sought to have some” (Vasari, Lives, vi. 96); cf. also Vasari, Le Vite, v. 7. Moreover, Vasari mentions that Marcantonio copied the monogram himself in order to make the pages identical to their model.

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Lucas Cranach’s Wittenberg Relic Book will now be examined in light of the deliberations by Rumohr and Ott on the autonomization of drawing in reproductive graphic printing, since in this respect it represents the most “complete” example of the genre. The printed Relic Book includes not just illustrations of reliquaries in woodcuts by the hand of the artist: for at least one of the objects from the Wittenberg relic collection we have the complete series: original reliquary, drawing after the original reliquary and woodcut with reference to the original.32 Personal examination (the Glass of Saint Elizabeth) and conclusion by analogy (the readability of older stylistic characteristics in the objects depicted) allow us to establish the fidelity of the drawings to the original reliquaries, as well as the ideal autonomy of the drawing in the woodcuts (Figs. 94−96, 99, 100). Lucas Cranach gave the illustrations of the reliquaries a completely new status. He modernized them in the medium of graphic reproduction, with the result that the woodcuts present a stylistically unified picture of the relics and their precious settings, although these actually originate from different periods. The anonymous artists responsible for the drawings of the Wittenberg relics in the Weimar Sketch Book reverse the widely held view of the autonomy of the drawing, since they “imitate” the original objects in their depiction of them. The drawing is, then, closer to the original; and it is the drawing, not the printed image, which exhibits the character of a reproduction. The woodcut, by contrast, goes beyond its supposed task of capturing an object mimetically and creates an independent reality by taking up, and creating free variations on, only the idea and theme of an object.33 The preface to the Wittenberg Relic Book emphasizes the nature of its woodcut illustrations as likenesses: “Vnd volgt die zaigung des hailigthumbs diser maß vnd gestalt” [And there follows the display of the relics in this measure and form]. In the printed work this enables text and image to appropriate the claim to authenticity in their reproduction of the original. However, this does not transpire in the same way as it does in the drawings. The opposite is true. At the very point where Lucas Cranach’s graphic production suggests the closest possible link to the source object, namely in the reproduction of actual reliquaries, Cranach develops his greatest freedom by giving the conceptual form priority over the reproduction of something “merely” seen. Cranach goes further, abandoning the serial layout of the relic book and its fixed ranking of 32 33

Cf. ‘Aesthetic Enhancement,’ esp. the section ‘Model, Copy and Aesthetic Sublimation.’ The reliquary woodcuts in the Wittenberg Relic Book can, then, be described using the conceptual forms already discussed, even if they present a considerably more complex aesthetic than the “pictogram woodcuts” in the early books.

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the reliquaries, features which had been the norm up to that point (Figs. 38, 69, 101−104). Every page is given its own layout and every reliquary its own aesthetic form. The text is arranged either to slot round the images, or to complement them (not vice versa). In other words, by not forcing a uniform size on the reliquaries through the use of a standard format, Cranach emphasizes and maintains their diversity despite harmonizing them stylistically. In so doing he asserts their authenticity. Beyond that he bestows the status of independent images on his woodcuts, not merely through his artistic skill in the depiction of the reliquaries, but especially through his framing of them. This artifice represents an innovation by Cranach in his illustration of the items from the Wittenberg relic collection. It emphasizes the intrinsic value of each likeness, while the virtuosity of the woodcut increases the distance between the pictorial copy and the object itself. Cranach’s innovation results in the aesthetic reinterpretation of the reliquaries, as their presentation in the image evolves into a work of art and hence claims the status of the original.34 Thanks to their mastery, the graphic arts are in a position to compete with the extravagant material splendour of the goldsmith’s art: a functional paragon whose visual aesthetic reproduces the aesthetic status of an object rather than its shape and appearance. Here, then, invention is based solely on the aesthetic mimesis of the object by art; and the concept of the “reproduction of an object” by means of the graphic arts can, and may, be connected to the mediality of multiple reproduction, but not to the likeness itself, which is based on the form of the original object. In the Relic Book Lucas Cranach’s graphic art serves to reproduce the reliquaries, but at the same time transcends and transforms them. Despite the still-valid claim to authenticity, the reliquary is transformed into an autonomous image which no longer requires back-projection onto the object outwith the book. The possibility of reproducing a picture multiple times in the form of woodcuts results in a shift in status. Publication and multiple reproduction potentially render both picture and original object public in the printed book. However, this produces a shift in the status of the image as a medium. The image becomes autonomous, is released, within the context of its perception, from the conditions of its production. We have observed the following: drawing and printed image behave differently from the original object they depict. The drawing is closely based on the form and appearance of an object. By contrast, the woodcut is autonomous 34

Martin Warnke, ‘Vom Reliquiar zur Kunstkammer. Die Reliquiensammlung Friedrichs des Weisen,’ in Norman Rosenthal etc. (eds.), Nationalschätze aus Deutschland. Von Luther zum Bauhaus (Munich: Prestel, 2005), pp. 46–51 (p. 50).

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and at best guided by the rules governing images. Indeed, the woodcut clearly wishes to be an image. In order to understand this difference, let us once again cite Vasari. For him the drawing only becomes the optimal expression of disegno, the pictorial concept, the pictorial invention, when it most closely captures the nature of the object represented: for the things studied from nature are really those which do honour to him who strives to master them, since they have in themselves, besides a certain grace and liveliness, that simple and easy sweetness which is nature’s own …. Hold it moreover for certain, that the practice that is acquired by many years of study in drawing … is the true light of design.35 Only practice with the object before one’s eyes creates the technical prerequisites for this interplay of disegno, drawing and fidelity to nature. The printed image, by contrast, displays a freer attitude to the concept of a picture. Its technical skill is already doubly assured: through the technology of printing itself and through the artist’s skill in exploiting it. Vasari explicitly highlights the direct connection between disegno and the arts of painting, sculpture, architecture and, indeed, the woodcut: “All these lines of work and ingenious arts, as one sees, are derived from design, which is the necessary fount of all, for if they are lacking in design they have nothing.”36 A further characteristic of woodcuts and printing comes into play: their ability to address a broader public. They detach themselves from the ties which still dominate the drawing, namely those to a very specific commissioner or addressee. In this respect, too, the woodcut becomes an autonomous image. It is true that Cranach – for easily understood reasons – did not implement Vasari’s theories in his work. Nonetheless, Vasari’s theory of design – disegno – marked the clear zenith of a considerably older notion of pictorial conception, drawing and technology.37 It is well known that Vasari derived the theoretical 35 Brown, Vasari On Technique, p. 208; cf. also Vasari, Le Vite, i. 112–113. 36 Brown, Vasari On Technique, p. 284; cf. also Vasari, Le Vite, i. 172. On this issue in general see Matteo Burioni, ‘Gattungen, Medien, Techniken. Vasaris Einführung in die drei Künste des disegno,’ in Giorgio Vasari, Einführung in die Künste der Architektur, Bildhauerei und Malerei, ed. by Matteo Burioni (Berlin: Wagenbach, 2006), pp. 7–24 (p. 11). 37 As early as c. 1390 Cennino Cennini had declared drawing to be the foundation of all art, but had not found the concept of a picture in it (Lara Broecke (ed.), Cennino Cennini’s Il libro dell’arte. A new English translation and commentary with Italian transcription (London: Archetype, 2015), p. 25). Here, design as an ‘idea’ is not identical to design as a term in drawing, either. For his part Alberti stresses the primacy of drawing in De pictura (Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting and On Sculpture: the Latin Texts of De Pictura and De Statua, ed. and trans. by Cecil Grayson (London: Phaidon, 1972), pp. 67–69). In Alberti, the draft

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basis for his concept of design from Leon Battista Alberti’s treatise De pictura; the term itself, however, comes from the somewhat later translation of Alberti by Cosimo Bartoli, which appeared in 1550. Bartoli translated Alberti’s ‘lineamentum’ with ‘disegno.’38 In his treatise on architecture, De re aedificatoria (1452), Alberti had already drawn attention to the particular quality of line drawing, for which he uses the Aristotelean term ‘lineamentum.’ Alberti limits this separation of draft and execution to architecture, whereas Vasari makes it binding for the design arts as a whole.39 This concept accompanies the history of the arts from the middle of the fifteenth century onwards and is also adopted by Dürer, who is probably the first to apply it to the printed image.40 Even before Vasari he emphasizes the necessary link between drawing and closeness to nature, the equivalence of the proportions in a drawing to the object it depicts: “Dorum las ein jtlich ding pey seinem natürlichen wesen beleiben, also daz hawbt oder pild peylewftig pey seinem forigen gewicht oder jn haltung beleib” [For this reason leave every object in its natural state, so that head or image in the same sense remains true to its original weight or posture].41 With Dürer we also have a crucial witness for the close link between theory and practice in the arts. The woodcut must not, then, be considered a weaker reproduction of the drawing.42 Almost the is the direct translation of the artist’s fixed visual ideas, which are fed by the study of nature (Michael Wiemers, Bildform und Werkgenese. Studien zur zeichnerischen Bildvorbereitung in der italienischen Malerei zwischen 1450 und 1490 (Munich/Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1996), pp. 22–27). However, the high regard in which Alberti holds drawing, or circumscription (circumscriptio), does not allow us to deduce, as David Rosand does, that we become witnesses to the invention or re-invention of drawing as an independent art (David Rosand, ‘Um 1500,’ in Friedrich Bach etc. (eds.), Öffnungen. Zur Theorie und Geschichte der Zeichnung (Munich: Fink, 2009), pp. 93–108 (p. 94)). On the contrary: in Alberti drawing always remains the foundation for painting, sculpture and architecture, despite its intrinsic aesthetic value. On the history of the concept of disegno between 1547 and 1607, see Kemp, ‘Disegno.’ 38 Burioni, ‘Gattungen, Medien, Techniken,’ p. 11. 39 Burioni, ‘Gattungen, Medien, Techniken,’ pp. 11–12. 40 Albrecht Dürer, Unterweisung der Messung (Nuremberg, 1525) (vd 16 D 2856); and Al­ brecht Dürer, Die Proportionslehre (Nuremberg, 1528) (vd 16 D 2859). 41 Rupprich, Dürer. Nachlaß, ii. 404. 42 Rumohr stresses that woodcutting was not a mere imitation of line drawing: “Wo denn jemals wäre das Vorhaben der Formschneider gewesen, Federzeichnungen wenn auch nur nachzuahmen, geschweige deren fac simile hervorzubringen? … So viel von den Formschnitten, welche den Federzeichnungen in der That nachzuahmen streben. Der größere Theil aber der wahrhaft guten will das nicht. Im Gegentheil haben die g­ eistreichen Formschneider alter Zeit, nach den allgemeinen Bedingungen ihrer Kunstart, wie nach den besonderen ihrer Schule und ihres Talentes, etwas ganz neues hervorbringen müssen, das weder in den übrigen Druckkünsten, noch den verschiedenen Zeichnungsarten

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contrary: Lucas Cranach’s woodcuts in the Wittenberg Relic Book demonstrate that, in depicting the original reliquaries, the woodcut is able to deal with them in an aesthetically more complex manner than the drawing. Consequently, despite their differing aims, drawing and printed image appear as the aesthetically equal products of graphic art. 3

Analogy versus Genealogy: The Relic Book as Precursor of Collection and Exhibition Catalogues

It was Julius von Schlosser who permanently established the theory that cabinets of curiosities developed out of church treasuries: “In diesen Kirchenschätzen des ausgehenden Mittelalters ist der Charakter der späteren Kunstund Wunderkammern schon deutlich angelegt; in der Tat setzt sich die hier wirkende Sinnesart, nur weltlich gewendet, in den großen fürstlichen Privatsammlungen des Nordens seit dem 14. Jahrhundert fort” [The character of the later cabinets of curiosities is already clearly present in these church treasuries. Indeed, the effective mentality here has, since the fourteenth century, been perpetuated – albeit with a secular twist – in the great princely private collections of the North].43 Even before Schlosser, relic collections were the self-­ evident precursors of the museum. In Museum Museorum (1704–14), his ­seminal work on the history and description of cabinets of curiosities and natural history specimens, the Gießen scholar Michael Bernhard Valentini dedicates a chapter to the “den geistlichen Raritäten und Reliquien der Römisch-­ Catholischen” [religious rarities and relics of the Roman Catholics]. He writes,

43

jemals ein identisches Gegenbild haben kann” [When would the intention of the blockcutter ever have been even simply to imitate line drawings, let alone to produce facsimiles? … So much for the woodcuts which do actually strive to imitate line drawings. That is not, however, the intention of the majority of the truly good ones. On the contrary, the ingenious block-cutters of a bygone era were obliged, in accordance with the general conditions of their art form and the specific conditions of their school and their talent, to produce something entirely new which can never have an identical counterpart in the other printing arts or the various types of drawing] (Rumohr, Geschichte und Theorie, pp. 51–52). Julius von Schlosser, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Spätrenaissance. Ein Handbuch für Sammler und Liebhaber. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sammelwesens (Braunschweig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1978; repr. of the 2nd edn. from 1923), p. 26. Schlosser phrases it similarly in the first edition of Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Spätrenaissance (p. 20); and again in Die Kunstliteratur: ‘Die mittelalterliche Kirche war zugleich das Museum ihrer Zeit’ [The medieval Church was simultaneously the museum of its age] (Julius von Schlosser, Die Kunstliteratur. Ein Handbuch zur Quellenkunde der neueren Kunstgeschichte (Vienna: Schroll, 1924), p. 183).

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“[d]aß die Herren Geistlichen auch ihre eigene Musea und Raritäten-Kammern haben, erscheint aus so vielen Reliquien, welche in den Clöstern und StifftsKirchen hin und wieder gefunden werden” [that my lords the clerics also have their own musea and cabinets of curiosities is evident from the many relics which are occasionally found in the monasteries and collegiate churches].44 Schlosser, then, did nothing but adopt the view of older literature on museums and perpetuate it in his writing. In his Geschichte der Sammlungen für Wissenschaft und Kunst in Deutschland (1837) Gustav Friedrich Klemm, too, apostrophizes churches as the museums of the Middle Ages: on the one hand as “Vereinigungsorte von Gemälden und Skulpturen” [the places where pictures and sculptures are brought together]; on the other, as “Aufbewahrungsstätten von seltenen und werthvollen, besonders heiligen Gegenständen” [sites where rare and valuable, especially holy, objects are preserved].45 As if it were self-evident, Klemm makes use of illustrated relic books as vehicles for the transmission of such objects, that is, as sources of and crown witnesses for his deliberations. Only recently has Martin Warnke questioned this commonplace view, suggesting armouries, for example, as possible precursors of modern art-collections – and rightly so, if one postulates a necessary, genealogical development which allows objects from relic collections in churches to find, in a manner of speaking, refuge as material objects in cabinets of curiosities after, or upon, the dissolution of such collections.46 In this way the continuity of their sacral aura was secured for the art museum. Valentini and Schlosser declare this alleged transferral of the aura of sacred objects to be the genealogy of the art collection. Their theory was supported by the “curious” containers found in both cabinets of curiosities and relic collections, such as ostrich eggs or drinking horns, the so-called “gryphons’ claws.”47 These “exotic” objects were plainly 44 45 46 47

Michael Bernhard Valentini, Museum Museorum, oder vollständige Schau-Bühne aller Materialien und Specereyen, nebst deren natürlichen Beschreibung (3 vols., Franckfurt am Mayn: J.D. Zunner, 1704–14), ii. 195. Gustav [Friedrich] Klemm, Zur Geschichte der Sammlungen für Wissenschaft und Kunst (Zerbst: Kummer, 1837), pp. 135–143. Warnke, ‘Vom Reliquiar zur Kunstkammer,’ p. 50. See the evidence in Jörg Rasmussen, ‘Mittelalterliche Nautilusgefäße,’ in Jörg Rasmussen (ed.), Studien zum europäischen Kunsthandwerk. Festschrift für Yvonne Hackenbroch (Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1983), pp. 45–61; and Henk van Os, Der Weg zum Himmel. Reliquienverehrung im Mittelalter (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2001). Stefan Laube also creates a genealogy out of the presence of curious objects in relic collections and cabinets of curiosities. He even postulates that the “curious” reliquaries in the relic collections of Wittenberg and Halle were purely profane works of art intended to compensate for the lack of a cabinet of curiosities (Stefan Laube, ‘Zwischen Hybris und Hybridität. Kurfürst Friedrich der Weise und seine Reliquiensammlung,’ in Tacke (ed.), “Ich armer sundiger

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­ redestined to serve as the containers for relics in relic collections and, through p their costliness and rarity, to reflect the sacral aura of fragments of saints. In cabinets of curiosities, however, they reflected the “wonders” of the world. In contradiction to this projected genealogy, actual historical facts demonstrate precisely the opposite: due to the lack of sufficient economic resources most medieval relic collections were used as reserves of precious metal and melted down in case of need – after 1500 frequently because of confessional conflict in the wake of the Reformation or, as in Vienna, because of the danger posed by the Turks, but certainly also because of straightened financial circumstances, as in Wittenberg.48 In these contexts the overwhelming majority of reliquaries were transformed into hard currency: the metals were melted down and the precious stones sold off.49 It would, therefore, certainly be possible to claim that relic collections had, as actual matter, found their way into numismatic cabinets in art collections thanks to the potential for transformation inherent in gold and coinage. Continuity through material transformation is, however, not really addressed by the genealogical theory. Rather, in every destruction of a relic collection its continuing material value was at stake, not the auratic (artistic) value of the object in question. In order to clarify the possible connection between the relic collection and the museum, it is worth glancing at the structural characteristics of relic books, with their response to the collections they represent in ideal-typical form. Precisely this representational function might make the relic book seem like an early form of museum or gallery

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mensch,” pp. 170–207 (pp. 204–206)). On the attempt to discover the prefiguration of the museum and cabinet of curiosities in relic collections, see Stefan Laube, Von der Reliquie zum Ding. Heiliger Ort – Wunderkammer – Museum (Berlin: Akademie, 2011), p. 66, p. 183, pp. 195–196 and passim. Müller, ‘Die Entlassung des ernestinischen Kämmerers,’ esp. p. 231; Cárdenas, Friedrich der Weise, pp. 125–126. Manfred Groten presents earlier cases of the (perceived as inherently dual) function of church treasures as a medium of sacrality and a monetary reserve. For example, in order to finance his rebuilding project, Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen had some of the cathedral treasure melted down. In order to raise money for the conquest of the imperial fortress of Kaiserswerth, Archbishop Wigbold von Holte borrowed a silvergilt image of Mary with the intention of pawning it (Manfred Groten, ‘Schatzverzeichnisse des Mittelalters,’ in Anton Legner (ed.), Ornamenta ecclesiae. Kunst und Künstler der Romanik (3 vols., Cologne: Greven & Bechtold, 1985), ii. 149–154 (p. 149)). In Lübeck, relics considered worthless were found in or behind chests; they had been robbed of their precious reliquaries during the Reformation (Die Hanse, ii. 490–491). Tacke describes the dissolution of the Berlin relic collection in some detail (Andreas Tacke, ‘Der Reliquienschatz der Berlin-Cöllner Stiftskirche des Kurfürsten Joachim ii. von Brandenburg. Ein Beitrag zur Reformationsgeschichte,’ Jahrbuch für Berlin-Brandenburgische Kirchengeschichte, 57 (1989), pp. 125–236 (pp. 152–161)). On the dissolution of the relic collections of Bamberg, Vienna and Würzburg see the relevant chapters.

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catalogue and mean that nothing short of the “missing link” between relic collection and museum had been found. However, the fact that structural analogies furnish us with a better starting point than genealogical connections is quickly illustrated: to a certain extent, the relic book occupies a position between the old inventories known to the Early Middle Ages and the collection catalogues of the modern age. It shares certain literary features which are specific to the genre, without necessarily having to be declared the genealogical mediator between the two. For example, the relic book exhibits a laconic brevity of description comparable to that found in inventories.50 Furthermore, the preciousness of a collection is stressed through the medium of the book itself.51 From 1500 onwards we see the combination of description and pictorial presentation, of knowledge and visual experience. The later (early) collection inventories may seem the equivalent of the relic books in terms of text and illustration, but actually refer to these features neither explicitly nor implicitly.52 Despite the discontinuity in the historical development of the illustrated art-collection catalogue, a generic relationship between it and the illustrated relic book can be found on the structural level: each reveals a decided orientation in its representation of, and an aesthetic response to, the collection it represents.53 This response, however, also marks the striking difference between 50 51

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See, for example, the inventories of treasures compiled by Bernhard Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, part 1, Von der Zeit Karls des Großen bis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Prestel, 1967). On the inventory as an indication of the value of a precious collection see also Lucas Burkart, ‘Das Verzeichnis als Schatz. Überlegungen zu einem inventarium thesauri romane ecclesiae der Biblioteca Apostolica (Cod. Ottob. lat. 2516, fol. 126r–132r),’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, 86 (2006), pp. 144–207. In relation to the Museo cartaceo, Ingo Herklotz writes that the concept of illustratione is decisive for the methodological linking of visual and written sources. He sees it as rooted in the idea of a complementary use of literary and archaeological witnesses. Herklotz also asserts that the illustrative approach sees itself as an answer to the predominance of philology, which threatened to suffocate antiquarian research at the beginning of the seventeenth century. In his view, the museo cartaceo was conceived as a tool for precisely this methodology (Ingo Herklotz, Cassiano Dal Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Hirmer, 1999), p. 265). On the early Roman collection catalogues from the seventeenth century and their representational function, see Petra Thomas, ‘Frühe Sammlungskataloge und Sammlungsbeschreibungen des 17. Jahrhunderts,’ in Henning Wrede etc. (eds.), 300 Jahre “Thesaurus Brandenburgicus.” Archäologie, Antikensammlungen und antikisierende Residenzausstattungen im Barock. Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums Schloss Blankensee 30.9–2.10.2000 (Munich: Biering & Brinkmann, 2006), pp. 241–260. Thomas also remarks that a canon of collection catalogues did not yet exist in the seventeenth century. This study does not deal separately with the categorization of the collection of both sacred and the profane objects, an aspect discussed at length in the chapters on individual books.

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them, since even in their most broken form the relic collection and the relic book still communicate with the divine, their aesthetic qualities serving as the vehicle for such communication. For example, in the Wittenberg Relic Book the account of the collection’s history is intimately associated with the representation, in text and image, of the prestige of Frederick the Wise as founder of the collection. The Zaigung [display] mentioned in the title points to a visual experience of the objects in the collection, the hochlobwirdigen hailigthums der Stifft kirchen aller hailigen zu wittenburg [the highly laudable relics of the Collegiate Church of All Saints in Wittenberg]. Despite the intense focus on Friedrich the Wise and the Saxon Electoral Princes, the link to the divine does still exist in the Wittenberg Relic Book. This is confirmed, first, by the last sentence of the introduction: Das allen frum[m]en christen menschen zu besserung yres lebens Vud merung yrer seligkait. nit hat sollen verborgen sein noch bleiben Vnd volgt die zaigung des hailigthumbs diser maß vnd gestalt.54 [That should not have been or remain concealed, for the improvement of the lives and increase in salvation of all pious Christian peoples. And there follows the display of the relics in this measure and form.] Second, the integration of the rulers of Saxony into the history of salvation also points in this direction. Florian Waldauf’s Hall Relic Book combines the history of the collection with the aesthetic experience of the relic collection to a far greater extent. Contradicting the – admittedly limited – possibility of displaying the relics in a single day, it claims to depict the collection in its entirety and hence to reproduce it completely.55 54 55

wrb, fol. 3v. “Ir sullet auch wissen, das in etlichen pildern, monstranzen, kreuzen, sërchen, armen und andern gefessen sovil stuck heilthumbs sind, das nit muglich ist, alles heilthumb auf ai­ nen tag auszurueffen; demnach wirdet man von jedem pild, monstranzen und andern ge­ fessen nur etlich stuck heilthumbs ausrueffen und die andern umb kurze willen unterwegen lassen. Welcher oder welche aber wissen wolten alles heilthumb von stuck zu stuck, das in allen pildern, monstranzen und andern gefessen ist, dieselben mugen das lesen in den gedruckten heilthumbpuechlein, die man hie zu Hall am markt und andern enden umb ain gleichen phenning zu kaufen vindet” [You should also know that so many pieces of relics are present in various busts, monstrances, crosses, caskets, arms and other containers that it is not possible to proclaim all relics in a single day; accordingly, only a few relics will be proclaimed from each bust, monstrance and other containers and the others omitted for the sake of brevity. Whichever man or woman wishes to know every relic

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The Halle Relic Book does not include a history of the collection, but it does contain a specific reference to its founders, Archbishop Ernst of Saxony and Cardinal and Archbishop Albrecht of Brandenburg, in the prominent placing of their portraits and coats of arms. For the younger of the collection’s two patrons, Albrecht, this gesture expands to incorporate family structures. Here, as in the Wittenberg Relic Book, the salvatory function of the collection is combined with the self-promotional representation of the person. The marked reference to this latter purpose constitutes the logical conclusion of the introduction.56 The title of the Halle Relic Book achieves two things: the term “zceigung” [display] points to the viewability of the relics; while the term “Vortzeichnus” [inventory] refers to the nature of the Relic Book as an inventory and hence to the fact that it reproduces the collection in its entirety. On 9 November 1513 the Chapter of the Collegiate Church in Wittenberg lodged its objection to Frederick’s giving away of relics from the church’s treasure to Count Philipp of Solms. This, too, points to the Relic Book as a catalogue of holdings with a prestige-promoting function. One of several reasons cited is the desire to preserve the integrity of the collection. The Wittenberg Relic Book serves as a guideline and an argument: Fünftens habe der Kurfürst das Heiligtum nach Gängen ordnen und es danach auch drucken und in die Lande und unters Volk ausgehen lassen; nun begehre der Graf fast aus allen Gängen, außer dem ersten, Reliquien, und würde der ausgegangene Druck unzuverlässig werden.57 [Fifth, the Electoral Prince had the relics organized into processional sections and then also printed and [copies] sent out into the territories and amongst the people; now the Count desires relics from almost all sections apart from the first and so the printed book which has gone out would become unreliable.]

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piece by piece which are in all busts, monstrances and other containers may read about them in the little printed relic books which can be found for purchase here in Hall on the market square and in other places for an even penny] ( HaRB, fol. 123v; Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. cxxx–cxxxi). “Dormit nun ein itzlicher christgleubiger dissen merglichen vn(d) grossen Selenschatz liederlicher erobern vn(d) sich zcu erlangunge desselbtigen fuglich vn(d) fruchtbarlicher schicken möge Jst hochbemelts groswirdiges heiligthum vnd desselbtigen Cleynott eigent­ lich vnnd stuckeweiße wie folgt vortzeichnet” [So that now every Christian believer may acquire this notable and great treasure for the soul with a glad heart and may hurry to acquire it in a seemly and fruitful manner, these highly proclaimed, highly venerable relics and their precious jewels [are] listed properly and piece by piece as follows] (hrb, fol. 3r). Quoted from Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 51–53.

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The book is put forward as an argument, based on its function as a d­ escriptive catalogue which details the holdings of the relic collection and documents them as something to be preserved. In the process the clerics point, severely, to the public status of both the treasure and the book: the Electoral Prince had the relics printed and sent out into the territories and amongst the people.58 The difference between an inventory for internal use, which could certainly be emended, and a “(collection) catalogue” available to the public in published form is clarified indirectly. At this point the Wittenberg relic collection was already considerably larger than it had been when the Relic Book was created in 1509, so the Book by no means reflected the current size of the expanded collection. This shows that, in the Chapter’s dispute with the Electoral Prince, the Relic Book, because of its public status, served as documentation of the idealtypical holdings of the relic collection and hence as an argument for the preservation of the collection as an ensemble. A crucial difference between an early collection catalogue and a relic book does not, then, consist in its aesthetic features as such but in their function. Marcanton Michiel offers one of the best known, and earliest, aesthetic appreciations of collections by describing individual objects in such a way that they can still be recognized.59 Schlosser correctly identifies aesthetic admiration as the stimulus for this “realism.” In the relic books, by contrast, the sacral statement is aestheticized, so while the object itself need not necessarily be depicted in a recognizable manner, its sacral significance does (as discussed above in a different context). Analogous to the supposed nature of relic collections as the precursors of modern art galleries and museums, the ephemeral representations of relic collections in public displays were termed exhibitions and the illustrated relic books designated the first “exhibition catalogues.”60 Martin Warnke also rebels against this commonplace in the history of scholarship – and not without cause,61 even if it is not possible to ignore structural analogies between the “modern” e­ xhibition catalogue and the relic book (something Kerstin Merkel points out).62 ­Nonetheless, 58 Kalkoff, Ablaß und Reliquienverehrung, pp. 51–53. 59 See Theodor Frimmel, Der Anonimo Morelliano (Marcanton Michiel’s Notizia d’opere del disegno). i. Abtheilung: Text und Übersetzung (Vienna: Graeser, 1888), pp. xiv–xv; and Schlosser, Kunstliteratur, pp. 189–191. The earliest notes were probably made before 1520, the most recent around 1543 (Frimmel, Anonimo, pp. xix–xxi). 60 Ruland, ‘Über das Vorzeigen,’ p. 235. Koch is also very clear about calling relic books the precursors of exhibition catalogues (Georg Friedrich Koch, Die Kunstausstellung. Ihre Geschichte von den Anfängen bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1967), p. 149). 61 Warnke, ‘Vom Reliquiar zur Kunstkammer,’ p. 50. 62 Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ pp. 41–42.

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such analogies also fail to prove “genealogical” descent in line with the following template: the modern collection or exhibition catalogue is derived from the relic book and this in turn is derived from earlier inventories of treasures. The essential characteristics of relic books will now be briefly summarized in order to clarify the analogy to the exhibition catalogue (which this study employs rather than adopting a supposed genealogy). Illustrated relic books are created for different places. Their distinguishing characteristic is the presentation, in pictures, of the precious reliquaries exhibited to the faithful during a display of relics which follows a precisely prescribed sequence. The organization of the books is determined by the course of the liturgy during the ostensio reliquiarum – at least, this is the claim. The illustrations of the reliquaries are accompanied by more or less detailed texts. Using the printed books, it was possible imaginatively to reconstruct and re-live the display of relics outside the times designated for their exhibition. These characteristics reveal a decided emphasis. At first glance, some of the features identified here make relics books look like an early form of modern exhibition catalogue. As Kerstin Merkel remarks of the Wittenberg and Halle Relic Books, their essential function – self-evident today but absolutely novel at the time – is documentation and representation. Exhibition catalogues illustrate and interpret a collection which is visible for only a brief period and often assembled only for this particular time. However, because the collection is portrayed in text and image, the book becomes its permanent representative.63 This representational function was already present in, and intended by, late-medieval relic books and chronicles containing lists of relics, as demonstrated by a passage from the illustrated Augsburg chronicle Vom Ursprung und Anfang der Stadt Augsburg [On the Origins and Beginnings of the City of Augsburg], printed in Augsburg by Johann Bämler in 1483.64 As well as the history of the city it includes a chapter about the discovery and elevation of the relics of Saints Ulrich and Afra and an unillustrated register of relics, introduced by the words: Wie das wirdig heyltum zu sant vlrich vo[n] vili wege[n] nit mag alle zeit einem yedlichem gezeyget werde[n] der des begeret. darumb so wirt hie in disem püchlin nach ordenunge an geczeychnet / dem der das nit gesehen hatt noch mag auch etwas wisse da vo[n] vnd müge dar durch 63 64

Merkel, ‘Die Reliquien von Halle und Wittenberg,’ p. 41. Hie nach in disem biechlin würdet kürtzlichen begriffen wie lang die keyserlich stat augspurg vor langen zeiten iren vrsprunge vnd anfang gehebt [Hereafter in this little book is briefly contained how long the imperial city of Augsburg had its originings and beginnings a long time ago] (Augsburg: Johann Bämler, 1483) (gw 2860; Schr. 3391).

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gepessert vnd dem gotzhauß geneigeter werden Jn gotes namen amen das Register.65 [How the venerable relics in Saint Ulrich’s church may, for many reasons, not be shown at all times to all and sundry who desire it, so here in this little book they are depicted in sequence for him who has not yet seen them or been in a position to see them, also some information about them; and may he thereby be improved and become more favourably inclined to the house of God. In the name of God Amen. The register.] According to this, the book lists the relics of Saint Ulrich, which were not accessible for everyone at all times, as part of the chronicle in order to render them accessible in a manner which transcends time and space (praesentatio in absentia). However, the illustrated relic books also point indirectly to their function as representatives of their collections. This is clear from the wording of their titles, which almost universally state the time set for the display. This may have been repeated annually or in a seven-year cycle, but was, nonetheless, unique in its consistency.66 If the medium itself – the book – is thematized at the same time – as is the case in Bamberg, Würzburg, Vienna (1502) and Hall, as 65 66

Vom Ursprung und Anfang der Stadt Augsburg, fol. 22v (gw 2860). For Nuremberg: “Wie das hochwirdigist Auch kaiserlich heiligthum. Vnd die grossen Römischen gnad darzu gegeben Alle Jaer außgerüfft vnd geweist wirdt” [How the highly venerable, also imperial relics and the great Roman grace bestowed on it are proclaimed and displayed every year] (nrb 1487); for Bamberg: “[J]n disem puchlein stet verczeichet das hochwirdig heiltum das man do pfligt alle mal vber siben Jare ein mal zu Bamberg zu weisen” [In this little book are listed the highly venerable relics which are customarily displayed once every seven years in Bamberg] (brb 1493/2 Mair); Würzburg: “In disem puchleine ist czu wysen das hochwirdig heylthum in der loblichen stat Wirczpurg das man do pfligt zu weisen alle Jar an Sant kyliga[n]s tag” [In this little book are to be known the highly venerable relics in the praiseworthy city of Würzburg which are customarily displayed there every year on Saint Kilian’s Day] (WüRB); Vienna: “Jn Disem Puechlein ist Verzaichent das hochwirdig heyligtu[m]b so man Jn der Loblichen stat Wienn In Osterreich alle iar an sontag nach dem Ostertag zezaigen pfligt” [In this little book are recorded the highly venerable relics which are customarily proclaimed in the praiseworthy city of Vienna every year on the Sunday after Easter Day] (vrb 1502); Hall in Tyrol: “In disem Heylthumb Puechlein wirdet antzaigt, wie das hochwirdig kostparlich vnd mercklich gross heylthumb … alle Jar geweyset vnd ausgeruefft werden, am dritten Suntag nach sand Geörg tag” [In this little relic book is announced how the highly venerable, precious and notably great [collection of] relics … is displayed and proclaimed every year on the third Sunday after Saint George’s Day] (HaRB). The relic books of Wittenberg and Halle do not reflect a specific date; neither do the editions of the Bamberg Relic Book by the printers Johann Pfeyl (1493, 1509) and Hans Sporer (1493).

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well as indirectly in Wittenberg and Halle – it is always explicitly presented as ­representative of the collection. The collection is not reproduced as compellingly “complete,” nor is its performative function reflected. Rather, the book appears as a “symbol” of the collection and, similarly, of the exhibition of the same. Let us look at the early history of collection- and exhibition catalogues. Julius von Schlosser was right to use Marcanton Michiel’s Notizia d’opere del disegno to point to the aesthetic urge behind the description of Northern Italian art collections, an urge which is almost entirely absent from relic books, apart from the prominent works for Wittenberg and Halle.67 Ingo Herklotz analyses the structural analogy for the up-and-coming “paper museums” in some detail and brings out very clearly the simultaneity of knowledge and visual experience mediated through text and image.68 However, here, too, analogy does not lead to genealogy, because the antiquarian catalogue feeds off the immediate need for plainly naturalistic (i.e., direct) representationality. Above all, however, catalogues only construct these “museums” (which do not need a material collection as a guideline) in the reader’s head. The opposite is the case with the relic books: they require the concrete collection but not the direct representationality, since their pictorial system alludes to the Otherworldly and thus invokes a religious significance. In them, too, visual experience and knowledge are linked, but their fusion is directed at the certitude of the completely invisible. Thus, the relic book enjoys a structural, analogical relationship to the collection- and exhibition catalogue, but not a compelling historical, genealogical one. The reasons for the emergence of these three genres of the literature of art lie beyond their mutual relationship and should be sought in a media revolution: the multiplication of text and image; book-printing and wood-cutting; and the cognitive interaction created by this revolution between the visual and knowledge-based functions of text and image. 67 Schlosser, Kunstliteratur, pp. 189–192; Frimmel, Anonimo. 68 Herklotz, Cassiano Dal Pozzo, pp. 261–283.

Chapter 9

The Texture of the Book 1

The Realm of Possibilities: Social Compensation, Didactics, Memorial Object and Objet d’art

The relic book is a hybrid genre, distinguished by its ability to do justice to a multiplicity of functions while simultaneously focusing on an ideal public orientated towards participation in acts of religious devotion. The intention of those commissioning relic books does not, therefore, have to accord with the way these books are generally received. Quite the opposite: there can be a yawning gap between alternating functions. The following discussion analyses the significant achievements of the individual relic books examined in this study; this in turn will enable us to summarize the visual and communicative potential of the relic book. In its dispute with Emperor Frederick iii over the right to guard the Imperial Regalia, publication of the Nuremberg Relic Book served Nuremberg City Council as a manifestation of the desired, but lacking, juridical act confirming this right. The conflict, which simmered on unresolved for years, was simply waited out after both sides had undertaken every attempt to achieve their respective goals. However, when the Imperial Diet of 1487 and the attendance of Emperor Frederick iii offered the chance to consolidate Nuremberg’s position, the Council pounced. With the maximum of rhetorical restraint, but with all necessary clarity, it chose to present its claims in pictogrammatic form: publication of the book demonstrated the Council’s awareness of the responsibility it had assumed and represented the unconditional defence of its right to guard the Regalia. The book stresses that it presents the complete relic collection. Its comprehensiveness is demonstrated by two things: the account of the display and its sequence; and the depiction of the Imperial Regalia. Above all in the illustration of the Imperial Crown, the magnetic core of the Imperial Insignia, emphasis is placed on the identifiability of the object despite its simplified rendition in the woodcut. If we compare the Nuremberg Relic Book to the two older relic broadsheets, the importance ascribed by the city to the guarding and display of the Imperial Regalia (and in this connection to the Relic Book as well) becomes clear. On the broadsheets, the relics are presented in the spiritual order found in Arma Christi pictures, that is, devotional media. By contrast, the Relic Book requires the sequential turning of its pages in the course of

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a­ ctually lapsing time and therefore forces the temporal sequence of the display itself to become medialized. The printed book alone provides the explicit link between the Imperial Regalia and the Imperial City through the lesser Nuremberg coat of arms on its title page and the wording of the title itself. The second edition of the Nuremberg Relic Book must also be understood as a pictogram of the city: although the imperial city’s coat of arms is replaced on the title page by its patron saints, Sebaldus and Lawrence, and by the Virgin Mary, its contents – text and images – are copied from the first edition. Both Nuremberg Relic Books introduce themselves to the reader/viewer as mimetic representations of the Imperial Insignia and the relic display, without actually being a substitute for the event itself. With the publication of the Nuremberg Relic Book, Nuremberg City Council did not react to the expectations of the “public” but created a public document of its claim to guard the salvific treasure of the Empire. The self-representation of the citizens could be linked, through the presentation of the Imperial Regalia in the Book, to the expectation of participation by the potentially largest public of all: the Imperial Estates. While Nuremberg had only had such prominent relics at its disposal since the translation of the Imperial Regalia by King Sigismund in 1423, Bamberg, the nearby bishop’s seat, could point to numerous, older, relics. Bamberg was home to the bones of the imperial couple Saints Henry ii and Cunigunde and the city’s custody of them was, on principle, unchallenged. Nonetheless, Bamberg, where relic displays took place every seven years, was obviously forced to compete with the attractiveness of the younger – and, what is more, annual – events in Nuremberg. The display of its relics promised to bring the bishop’s seat just as much prestige as the display of the Imperial Regalia did to Nuremberg. That Bamberg’s self-perception was especially anchored in them is demonstrated not least by Hans Rosenplüt’s Lobspruch auf Bamberg (1450s), in which the relics, exhibited every seven years, figure as one of the five gems of the city. Bamberg had its eye on Nuremberg’s strikingly successful civic self-­ representation in the Relic Books of 1487 and 1493, as well as on their equally successful sales, when several relic books were published at the same time, by different printers, for the Bamberg display of 1493. The first, purely text-based book was the product of competition between the two cities. It was commissioned by the Bishop of Bamberg, Heinrich Groß von Trockau, from the printing shop of Johann Pfeyl, who was otherwise entrusted with the printing of official material. During the Bamberg displays, relics belonging not just to the Cathedral but also to sacred locations throughout the city were brought together, with the result that the Book simultaneously functioned as a sacral civic encomium. However, the official nature of the commission could not disguise the failure of the first Bamberg Relic Book to exploit all the possibilities available to

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the medium of the book, since Pfeyl included neither an identificatory picture on the title page nor any illustrations of the sacral objects. While this printed work may have responded to the wishes of the bishop who commissioned it, it also decisively neglected the expectations and taste of the public. This left a gap, as no twofold, imaginative reconstruction of the display through text and image was offered. The printer of the second Nuremberg Relic Book, Hans Mair, was the first to step in and fill the gap, doing so at breakneck speed. Hans Sporer, too, had an eye for the enhanced marketability of a relic book with illustrations. Like Mair, he was a printer of small, popular works and dependent on efficient, economically successful working practices. He therefore copied what was essential from the editions of Pfeyl (text) and Mair (images). Hans Mair was keen to furnish his book with woodcuts of the reliquaries, but also bore in mind the narrative of both location and display when, in addition to illustrations of the objects, he included both the procession around Bamberg Cathedral with the casket of Emperor Henry and the depiction of Saint George (one of the Cathedral’s patron saints) fighting the dragon. In these narrative illustrations, and those of the actual reliquaries, Mair trusted in the general readability of liturgical acts and hagiographic patterns. This pertains above all to the woodcuts of reliquaries, as they do not depict the actual objects but interpret the guidelines in the text. Mair’s illustrations of the reliquaries depict the interpretation of concepts and are based not on the original objects but on the text. His representations of the reliquaries are, then, conceptual forms. By copying Mair’s pictures, Hans Sporer also reproduces the latter’s ideal mode of proceeding. The market must have been receptive, as Mair, Sporer and ultimately Johann Pfeyl printed further editions. In Bamberg the competition with Nuremberg metamorphosed into a media competition between printed works. Hans Mair produced literature of ‘lay piety’; and in his Würzburg Relic Book of 1493 he was concerned above all to minimize the risks associated with the enterprise. In large areas of his production he fell back on readily available resources and, in copying text and images from the recently published Bamberg Relic Book, he speculated on its success and on the fundamental similarity of liturgical acts and artefacts. One characteristic feature of the early relic books is their visual rendition of the reliquaries, reduced in the woodcuts to highly generalized pictograms. This basic pictographic pattern was not merely disrupted in the Vienna Relic Book, which Matthäus Heuperger, a citizen of Vienna, compiled and had printed: the book actually targets the public in a different way. While the Relic Books of Nuremberg and Bamberg constitute social compensation and react to extremely diverse competitive situations, the Vienna Relic Book is more deliberately, and more directly, targeted at its recipients, since its commissioner takes second place in the title and design of the Book. Instead, various elements of its design and structure, in both text and image, encourage the reader to ­engage

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in intense spiritual participation. With depictions of memento mori and martyrdom, and with the reflex reaction to the constant participation by individuals in sacral events, the Book is absorbed into the broader context of the latemedieval Devotio Moderna without belonging to it. The ‘bourgeois’ project of the Vienna Relic Book of 1502 was didactic in its intent and originally aimed at the entire community of the faithful as an ideal. However, its commissioner, Matthäus Heuperger, was not permanently persuaded by his own gesture of modest, humble self-effacement in the interest of a (pseudo-)individual address to the faithful. This is demonstrated by the augmented edition of the Vienna Relic Book from 1514, since the potential of the medium as a memorial object had obviously been recognized. Through his identification by name and the depiction of his coat of arms, the religious didact Heuperger is transformed into a donor. However, even this elevation of the Vienna Relic Book to a prestigious medium for Matthäus Heuperger’s memoria pales by comparison to the project of the royal counsellor and protonotary Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein. When, in 1508/09, Florian Waldauf created a voluminous manuscript intended as the copy source for a relic book which remained unprinted, this author, who came from very humble origins, had risen to the highest echelons of society. The manuscript was not just a mirror of Waldauf’s wide-ranging activity as a collector and donor of relics, which he housed in a specially furnished chapel in Saint Nicholas’s, the parish church of Hall: it also staged his persona as the donor of a comprehensive treasury of merit. The manuscript ultimately reveals itself to be far more than a “mere” relic book, as the title suggests. Waldauf combines two things: the exhaustive chronicle of his donation and foundation, which includes the detailed listing of all relevant juridicial aspects; and the visual and textual evidence of his relic collection and its display, an account which occupies less space. Waldauf never forgets to focus everything on the person of the donor – namely, himself. Thus, the planned relic book unites a personalized chronicle (ego-chronicle) with a virtual relic display, since, in contrast to the display, the Book promotes the ideal additional value of its allegedly complete reproduction of all the relics in the collection. Despite huge quantities of text, the Hall Relic Book argues chiefly on the level of the image. Waldauf exploits the personalities who support his project and come from the highest social classes by putting them – literally – in the picture. He always knows how to relate the portraits of emperors and kings, popes and bishops to his own person and hence to link himself with the highest echelons of society. Topoi and motifs which suggest exemplarity – such as danger at sea and rescue from it – as well as references to the supreme political powers – the universal authority of Pope and Emperor – enable Waldauf to

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inscribe himself into both the context of imperial politics and the implication of these motifs within the history of salvation. Superlatives shine a guiding light throughout the Book. Waldauf’s transformation of the precious relic collection into public property by relocating it to the parish church of Hall and publicizing it in the form of a book remains a mere sham. The planned printed edition would have served to legitimize Waldauf’s endowment project and present it to the outside world. It unites the universal memoria of Waldauf’s family, intended to secure their salvation, with the demonstration of his “untouchable” social prestige. The promise of salvation, which was tied to the display of relics and presented under the veneer of a relic book, was intended to generate pure marketability through its attractiveness to the potential purchaser. The expected participation of potential buyers in the donor’s project of salvation and memorialization was intended to serve Florian Waldauf in two ways: as the direct enhancement of his prestige; and as the enhancement of the market value of his intended publication. Waldauf transcends the genre of the relic book and, beneath its mask, creates for himself a medium for the staging of both his endowment and his salvific and social connections. Completely new demands on aesthetic design are made by the relic books for Wittenberg and Halle, which were commissioned by princes. The two ­commissioners – the Electoral Prince of Saxony Frederick the Wise and Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, Archbishop of Magdeburg and Mainz – exploit the genre for two purposes: on the one hand, as a public medium for princely self-representation and the presentation of sublime collections; on the other, in order to guarantee the inscription of their own dynasties into the history of salvation. Both the Wettin Frederick the Wise and the Hohenzollern Albrecht of Brandenburg obviously felt the need for legitimation and self-promotion. The former was forced to react to the division of the Wettin territories and consolidate the hegemony of his share of territorial rule, to which the dignity of Electoral Prince also belonged. For his part, Albrecht was concerned to emphasize the legitimacy of his accumulation of offices and titles. Frederick used the order and layout of the Wittenberg Relic Book to illustrate his blood-relationship to a saint; and continued the collection of relics begun under the Ascanians as if this were a self-evident commitment. The arrangement of the relic collection and its aesthetic presentation in the woodcuts by Lucas Cranach are evidence of two impulses: the wish to establish the presence of the whole community of saints through their presence in their relics and the visual evidence of their reliquaries; and the desire to make the history of salvation materially tangible. The framing of the relics by portraits of the two co-regent brothers, Fredrick and John, and the Electoral coat of arms

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builds an obvious bridge to the rulership of Saxony and embeds the collection in it. Hence the entire organization of the book serves the sacral and auratic legitimation of the dynastic claims of its commissioner. In attempting to surpass his precursor, Albrecht of Brandenburg also takes him as his point of orientation in his Relic Book. This ambition influences both the size of the work and the multitude of asserted positions. While Albrecht includes Ernst of Magdeburg – his predecessor as Archbishop of Magdeburg and founder of the Halle relic collection – amongst the instruments of his self(re)presentation – namely, in the donor portraits and coats of arms at the beginning and end of the work – ultimately Albrecht of Brandenburg and the representation of his family remain central to the entire layout of the Book. By depicting the gifts with which Pope and Emperor have honoured him, he cites the highest representatives of Christendom, just as he uses pictorial and literary allusions to point to the roots of his dynasty in Troy and Rome and thereby integrates himself into “world history.” The aesthetic enhancement of their (relic) collections through picture and book served both commissioners as proof of their exclusivity. Illustrating the objects with a high degree of artistic skill meant presenting them to suit contemporary taste in the modern medium of the book and sublimating them aesthetically. Nevertheless, despite the freedom of their illustrations it is possible for the books to be ideal-typical ­representatives of their collections. 2

The Image as Genuine Narrative

Even if text is constitutive in identifying an object and that object’s place in the sequence of illustrations, in the relic books it is captured as a pictogram and hence transformed into a visual sign which unfurls its own narrative presence in the books. This study has shown that this pictorial narrative not only fulfils specific functions but also creates free spaces for more complex illustration. The extraordinary spectrum forged by the illustrative possibilities of the relic book, which range from pictogrammatic contraction to explicit visual aesthetics, generates the capacity of the book to function in diverse ways. These in turn allow the expression of the thoroughly varied expectations with which commissioners and public greeted the book. An independent economy of the image emerges which performs a variety of roles. The depiction of an object as a pictogram, and the aesthetic formulation of that object, are transformed into its visual sign without asserting an explicit claim to authenticity. In specific contexts, however, the illustration is nonetheless proof of the authentic. The image thereby generates a higher degree of referentiality than is possible for

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the text alone. It appears merely to reproduce something fleetingly visible, but appearances are deceptive. Rather, it is the image alone which transposes the ephemeral sequence of the assembled relics into the permanent sequence of their significance, which in turn need no longer be connected to the concrete event that was the relic display. The image, then, liberates the collection from its historical ties and elevates it to the status of a timeless construct. In other words: it is the image alone which defines the collection comprehensively and enduringly. At the same time, however, the viewer’s gaze is directed back from this timeless space onto the concrete, tangible form of the objects themselves. The relic book’s demonstratio ad oculos moulds its public of readers and viewers into a single group, who testify to the lasting presence of the sacred through their function as eyewitnesses. The visual suggestion of this presence causes the distinction between the real presence and the depiction of the object to blur, the image becoming the medium for the sacred, for its removal from time and its concrete evocation. The graphic design of the title pages does not present what is absent. In the title, the image serves to the signify the topographical location of the sacred. The sacred thus appears as the auratic sublimation of a concrete place linked to the relic collection represented in the book. Book, location and the sacred merge in the figuration of the title as a whole, in its image and wording. The image appears as its own order of signification, one which can stand on its own. Only contemplation of the images can evoke the presence of the sacred and transpose it into a supratemporal form; hence the image is not just illustration but genuine narrative. 3

Interaction of Image and Text

The concept of perception which shapes relic books is bound up with the narrative qualities of the image. The book is not structured by a supposed dominance of the text: on the contrary, its structure is steered by the mutual interaction of both information carriers. It is only the consecutive image-text sequence of the relic book which makes it possible to imagine something absent as present. Both text and image point to the “real” object and to each other. The text, although different in each case, is always fixed to common formulae, while the image varies. For this reason we can speak of the dominance of the image, since only the arrangement of images in a book permits truly individual ­meanings to emerge. It is meaningless to object that unillustrated relic books also exist, since the only known example of this type follows the pictorial ­deixis of its competitors and not the informational logic of the text in those

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early chronicles which include lists of relics.1 Conversely, the book only ­becomes a book through the text. Hence the images in the relic book function differently from the pictures of relics on broadsheets.2 The interaction of image and text does not constitute a dispensable variable, but is, rather, the – only apparently self-evident – prerequisite for the presence and function of the book. 4

The Commissioners of Relic Books

Even if the origins of the relic book could, on the grounds of structural similarities, be traced from inventories, this genre displays two fundamental, ineradicable features: first, its facing outwards at an “open” public not bound by ­membership of a specific estate; second, its staged link to a liturgical spectacle.3 Nonetheless, the material aspect of the relic book, its nature as the description of a collection, binds it to the interests of the person who commissioned it. Its aesthetic response endows the description of a collection with a representative character, but may also be linked to the demonstration of a juridical argument and/or describe the (commissioner’s) status. The relic book is linked to a particular location through the specific structure of its title and hence always constitutes the more or less clearly marked sacral praise of a given city. However, in the interaction between the book and the person who commissioned it, such praise presents itself as a social gesture. Ultimately, the commissioners’ intentions, many and varied though they may have been, always focus on encouraging participation by the public. The exhortation to participate serves the specific – and here virulent – economy of attention.

1 This relates to the Bamberg Relic Book (1493) from the printing shop of Johann Pfeyl. See above. 2 Cf. The relic broadsheets from Augsburg (c. 1500, Schr. 1936) and Andechs (1496, Schr. 1936m). On the two prints see Gepp-Labusiak, Die Heiltumskammer, pp. 13–14, pp. 16–17; Schatz vom Berg Andechs, cat. no. 70, p. 73, Fig. 77. 3 In view of the complexity of the genre, the possibility that the Munich rotolus (München bsb, Clm 30035) can be taken as a related pre- or early form of the relic book proves irrelevant (Elisabeth Klemm, ‘Ein illustriertes Reliquienverzeichnis in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek. Ein Beitrag zur Passauer Buchmalerei des 14. Jahrhunderts,’ in Helmut Engelhart etc. (eds.), Diversarum artium studia: Beiträge zu Kunstwissenschaft, Kunsttechnologie und ihren Randgebieten. Festschrift für Heinz Roosen-Runge zum 70. Geburtstag am 5. Oktober 1982 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1982), pp. 75–104 (p. 102)).

The Texture of the Book

5

409

The Book as Realm of Piety

The relic book possesses the quality of effectively transcending time, a feature which corresponds to the chronological unfolding of the relic display. Nonetheless, the relic book makes the sacral event accessible to all believers in ­ideal-typical form, independent of time and space. The words “allen und jeden Christgläubigen” [all and every believer in Christ] deliberately address the lay public. In the dramaturgy inherent in the display of relics everyone is directly exhorted to “andächtigen Schauen” [devout contemplation]; the book perpetuates such contemplation as a constant, valid renewal of Christian life beyond the “heiligen Schau” [holy spectacle]. It thus shares in a revolutionary religious transformation: the replacement of tactile piety by a generally accessible, contemplative piety. The relic book is part of the renewal and spiritualization of late-medieval popular piety from the bottom up. This process is linked to a tendency to abstraction which not only internalizes piety but privatizes it as well. We are confronted by an apparent paradox since, in the hands of the individual recipient, a publication intended for an anonymous public becomes a deeply private perceptual experience. The relic book is profoundly aligned with the intensification of lay piety in the wake of the Devotio Moderna and could, in this context, be placed in the same category as a whole series of theological treatises. However, in contrast to such treatises it retains its air of a religiosity mediated in public by the clergy and functions as a bridge between older gestures of piety and new devotional postures in society around 1500. 6

The Book as Realm of Mediality

The relic book is part of the so-called media revolution – book-printing – which necessarily encompasses the multiple reproduction of images, especially by means of the woodcut.4 The increasing role played by media in attitudes towards participation in religious events is inherent in the relic book, ­generating not just an internalized devotional realm which appears simultaneously ­public 4 Michael Giesecke has painstakingly analysed the media revolution sparked by book printing and nothing much can be added in this respect, see: Michael Giesecke, Der Buchdruck in der frühen Neuzeit. Eine historische Fallstudie über die Durchsetzung neuer Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien (2nd edn., Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 1998). Nevertheless, he fails to notice the profound connection between the printing of image and book, which could only completely justify the metaphor of a media revolution when combined. Ott, by contrast, makes this connection clear (Ott, ‘Leitmedium Holzschnitt’).

410

Chapter 9

and private (see above), but also a novel incorporation of piety into media. The materiality of the book becomes the guarantor of religious mediation, which increasingly manages without the fixed location of church and liturgy, making the medium of the book all the more essential. The conformity of the book with the demands of the market opens the way to an economically effective realm defined by material and spiritual competition, a space which is exploited by both the commissioners of relic books and the civic societies they represent. An additional factor are the economic interests of the printers, whose direct competition is the reason for the conformity of the relic book to the demands of the market. The books vie with one another in two ways: as vehicles for the communication of social and religious interests; and as market competitors. Commissioners, civic societies and printers attempt to outbid one another in this medium; and their competitiveness shapes the design of the books in even the smallest of print runs. Design is not, then, merely the expression of a specific investment by the people or institutions linked to relic books, but also the product of the latter’s mediality. 7 Texture To conclude: all told, the relic book proves to be a special species of book. It is text and image at the same time, but does not desire only to be looked at or only to be read. Rather, it offers instruction on inner contemplation which goes beyond any act of reading. It does not allow itself to be subsumed into any known literary genre and does not wish to be understood as a literary genre in its own right. The dominance of images typical for this type of book does not merely mould the style of the text but should, in turn, be understood as a visual text, to be read with close contemplation. The present study has chosen the concept of ‘texture’ to describe this material interweaving of, and interaction between, image and text. The term is intended to capture the singular – if not unique – mediality of this type of book. The appeal to the imagination of the reader/viewer acts as a hinge between the actual display of relics on the one hand; and, on the other, the contemporary tendency to private, lay piety as a form of religious knowledge increasingly – and increasingly clearly – bound up with the emergent generic characteristics of the book as a storehouse of knowledge. As a result, there was scarcely room for the relic book as a literary type – and not just due to the social and religious transformation of society around 1500. In media terms it was in every sense a hybrid which was soon to prove inadequate for the modern development of the book.

Appendix 1

Catalogue of Relic Books The following catalogue lists all the relic books discussed in this study. It systematically brings together information on length; material; colouring of illustrations; other specific features of both the genre and the individual copies; and, whenever possible, on their provenance. Line breaks are marked by forward slashes [//]. The processional sections in the displays and books are given in Roman numerals; the position of each reliquary within a procession is given in Arabic numerals. Any illustrations other than the reliquary woodcuts are listed. The date of the public display of relics in a city is given on the first mention of the location. No claim to completeness is made for this inventory. Further finds can be expected in scholarly and public libraries, especially copies of sixteenth-century printed editions. Relic books in private collections are only included in exceptional cases. The catalogue in the English edition of this study is augmented by a number of copies. The locations of the individual copies are listed in alphabetical order. The Hall manuscript is included after the printed books. All copies marked by [*] are either missing or could not be examined personally by the author.



Nuremberg Relic Book 1487 A-Edition

Wie das hochwirdigist Auch kaiser- // lich heiligthum. Vnd die grossen // Römischen gnad darzu gegeben. // Alle Jaer außgerüfft vnd geweist // wirdt . Jn der löblichen Statt . // Nüremberg Colophon: Jn der löbliche[n] stat Nüremberg Gedrükt 1487 P. Vischer (fol. 6r) Bibliographical Reference: H 8415, gw M 27302, bsb-Ink H-29 Printer: P. Vischer [more probably: Marx Ayrer or Peter Wagner (?), cf. Schottenloher, Entwicklung der Buchdruckerkunst, p. 17] Place of publication: Nuremberg Year of publication: 1487 Commissioner/publisher: P. Vischer, Nuremberg City Council Artist: Anonymous Length: 6 leaves, gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 3 sections: (I) Precursors, Christ’s companions, Christ’s childhood; (ii) Imperial Regalia; (iii) Passion reliquaries

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_012

412

Appendix 1

Number of woodcuts: 15 (incl. xylographic title) Title image: So-called small Nuremberg coat of arms, xylographic title Further illustrations: Display stage with the display of the reliquaries in the first section (fol. 4r) Display: from 1424 onwards annually on the second Friday after Easter on the festum lanceae et clavorum domini (Feast of the Lance and Nails); display in 1487 on 27 April.

Copies 1

| State Archive, Coblenz (Landeshauptarchiv Koblenz; previously Staatsarchiv)

Shelfmark: Best. 406,1 Nr. 10 (Stück 1) Description: Copy on paper; coloured; lacks fol. 4 (display stage); section headings underlined; on fol. 3r the list of indulgences underlined in red; underneath, the handwritten (probably contemporary) number 230,660 noted in red (= sum of indulgences obtainable) Provenance: The holdings which include the Nuremberg Relic Book came from the Königliches Augusta-Gymnasium Coblenz (today Görres-Gymnasium); the Königliches Augusta-Gymnasium evolved out of the Jesuit College in Coblenz and the holdings originally came from this College.

2

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Shelfmark: Clm 472 Description: Copy on paper; coloured; fols. 237–242 numbered in Hartmann Schedel’s hand Provenance: Hartmann Schedel’s library Comment: The copy is bound into a miscellany manuscript which belonged to Hartmann Schedel (271 fols.) and contains Latin and German texts on the history of Nuremberg and Franconia, a description of the city of Nuremberg, distichs and a letter from Sigmund Meisterlin to Hartmann Schedel (cf. bsb-Ink H 29,2).

3

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Shelfmark: 4° Inc. c.a. 514 Description: Copy on paper; coloured; fols. 189–194 numbered in Hartmann Schedel’s hand Provenance: Hartmann Schedel’s library Comment: Originally part of a manuscript miscellany which included the printed work by Marcus Antonius Sabellicus, De situ urbis Venetae; and Schedel miscellany manuscript in Latin and German, today preserved as a separate volume (cf. bsb-Ink H 29,1).

Catalogue of Relic Books

413

4

| State Library, Passau (Staatsbibliothek Passau)

5

| Library of Congress, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington, D.C.

Shelfmark: Incun. 47 (old shelfmark: 148) Description: Copy on paper; notes in a later hand next to the text; partial numbering of relics Comment: Part of a miscellany volume with six other printed works.

Shelfmark: Incun. 1487.H 4 Rosenwald Collection Description: Copy on paper; coloured Provenance: Copy was originally in the Liechtenstein Princely Collections; described in Hanns Bohatta, Katalog der Inkunabeln der fürstlich Liechtenstein’schen Fi­ deikomiss-Bibliothek und der Hauslabsammlung (Vienna: Gilhofer & Ranschburg, 1910), no. 289, p. 345; The Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection. A Catalog of the Gifts of Lessing J. Rosenwald to the Library of Congress, 1943 to 1975 (Washington: Library of Congress, 1977), no. 120, pp. 30–31; cf. Frederick R. Goff, Incunabula in American Libraries. A third census of fifteenth-century books recorded in North American collections (New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1964) (H-10), p. 289. John ii von Liechtenstein (1840– 1929) acquired the extensive library of Franz Ritter von Hauslab (1798–1883) with c. 20,000 volumes, numerous maps and drawings. (My thanks to Dr. Konstanze Mittendorfer, Department of Incunabula and Old and Rare Books, Austrian National Library, for this information.) This copy of the Relic Book must have been in the Liechtenstein collection as it is described by Bohatta under the holdings in the Hauslab Collection.



Nuremberg Relic Book 1487 B-Edition

Wie das hochwirdigist Auch kaiser- // lich heiligthum. Vnd die grossen // Römischen gnad darzu gegeben.// Alle Jaer außgerüfft vnd geweist // wirdt . Jn der löblichen Statt . // Nüremberg Colophon: Jn der loblich[n] stat Nüremberg Gedrückt. 1487 P Vischer. (fol. 6r) Bibliographical Reference: None as yet Printer: P. Vischer [more probably: Marx Ayrer or Peter Wagner (?), cf. Schottenloher, Entwicklung der Buchdruckerkunst, p. 17] Place of publication: Nuremberg Year of publication: 1487 Commissioner/publisher: P. Vischer, Nuremberg City Council Artist: Anonymous

414

Appendix 1

Length: 6 leaves, gatherings unnumbered. Number of sections: 3 sections: (I) Precursors, Christ’s companions, Christ’s childhood; (ii) Imperial Regalia; (iii) Passion reliquaries Number of woodcuts: 15 (incl. xylographic title) Title image: So-called small Nuremberg coat of arms, xylographic title Further illustrations: Display stage with the display of the reliquaries in the first section (fol. 4r).

Copy 1

| Bavarian State Archive, Nuremberg (Bayerisches Staatsarchiv Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: Rep. 52 a, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, mss. no. 399a (Rst. Nbg., mss. no. 399a) Description: Copy on parchment; coloured; heightened in gold; differences to the A-Edition include: spelling of numerous words and the naming of the Bishop of Bamberg Heinrich (von Trockau). Differences to the A-Edition are only found on fols. 1 and 6, which are printed on one gathering; fols. 2–5 are identical in A and B Provenance: It is probably the copy documented in 1788 by Georg Wolfgang Panzer as belonging to the Nuremberg Tax Office (Losungsstube) (Panzer, Annalen, i (1788). 451, no. 1024). This parchment copy must, then, have belonged to the original records of Nuremberg City Council Comment: The copy in the Bayerisches Staatsarchiv, Nuremberg is known but until now not identified as a separate edition or variant print.



Nuremberg Relic Book 1493

(W)Je das hochwirdigist Auch keiser // lich heiligthum Vnd die grossenn // Romischen genad dar zu geben ist vnd Alle // Jare ausz gerufft vnd geweist wirt Jn der // loblichen Stat Nuremberg Colophon: Jn der loblichen stat Nuremberg Getruckt mcccc // vnd lxxxxiij Jar von Hans Mair (fol. 6v) Bibliographical Reference: H 8416, gw M 27304, bsb-Ink H-30 Printer: Hans Mair Place of publication: Nuremberg Year of publication: 1493 Artist: Master of the Meinrad Legend

Catalogue of Relic Books

415

Length: 6 leaves, gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 3 sections: (I) Precursors, Christ’s companions, Christ’s childhood; (ii) Imperial Regalia; (iii) Passion reliquaries Number of woodcuts: 14 Title image: Mary with the Christ Child between Saints Sebaldus (left) and Lawrence (right) framed by a trefoil arch Further illustrations: Display stage with the display of the reliquaries in the first section (fol. 4r) Comment: With the exception of the title page all the illustrations are exact copies of the woodcuts in the edition of 1487; the blocks are not, as is commonly supposed, used a second time Display: From 1424 onwards annually on the second Friday after Easter on the festum lanceae et clavorum domini (Feast of the Lance and Nails); display in 1493 on 19 April.

Copies 1

| Berlin State Library (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin)

2

| August Kestner Museum, Hanover

3

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Shelfmark: 8° vb 1928,10 Description: Copy on paper; uncoloured. Comment: Copy has been restored; fol. 4 protected by a cloth covering; fol. 3, in the same gathering as fol. 4, has been incorrectly joined (fol. 3r is now 3v and vice versa).

Inventary number: E(rnst) 178 A (old shelfmark: Cul. iv 1993) Description: Copy on paper; uncoloured Provenance: From the collection of Friedrich Georg Hermann Culemann (1811– 1886), owner of a printing works and Senator; Culemann’s art collection (including his collection of incunabula) was acquired from his estate by the city in 1887 and formed, amongst other things, the basis for the August Kestner Museum (cf. Konrad Ernst, Die Wiegendrucke des Kestner-Museums zu Hannover, rev. by Christian von Heusinger (Hanover: Culemann, 1963), p. xvi).

Shelfmark: Clm 428 Description: Copy on paper; sparsely coloured with blue and red (only mouths, capital letters, a few decorative elements and gemstones, the hems of garments); pagination in red ([fols.] 266–271) in Hartmann Schedel’s hand Provenance: Hartmann Schedel’s library Comment: Bound into a miscellany manuscript belonging to Hartmann Schedel.

416 4

Appendix 1

| German National Museum, Nuremberg (Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg)

Signatur: Inc. 8°2268 Description: Copy on paper; uncoloured Provenance: Fol. 6r: “Dieses Exemplar kommt aus der Ebnerschen Auction i p.N.” [This copy comes from the Ebner auction i p.N.] (19th cent.); subsequently collection of the Freiherr von und zu Aufseß; stamp of ownership on first and penultimate page (the stamp used before 1852) (cf. Antonius Jammers (ed.), Bibliotheksstempel. Besitzvermerke von Bibliotheken in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1998), no. 112, p. 169; cf. also Barbara Hellwig, Inkunabelkatalog des Germanischen Nationalmuseums Nürnberg (Inkunabelkataloge Bayerischer Bibliotheken) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1970), p. 145, no. 461) Comment: This copy is part of the permanent exhibition and it was not possible to carry out a full inspection; the facsimile from 1979 provided the basis for personal inspection: Nürnberger Heiltumsweisung (reprint of the edition: Hans Mayr, Nürnberg 1493), Schriften zur Reformationszeit, 15 (1979).

5

| German National Museum, Nuremberg (Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: Inc. 8°2268a/St. 902 Description: Copy on paper; coloured; sparingly heightened with gold; underlining and crossing-through in places Provenance: Heilig-Geist-Spital [Hospital of the Holy Ghost]? On the last page (fol. 6v) is the stamp of ownership of the Heilig-Geist-Spital, possibly from the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century (transcription: nev spital zum heiligen geist in nvrenberg; on the inside a picture of the Holy Lance, the Cross, two imperial orbs, reliquary with arm of Saint Anne, two monstrances; below left coat of arms with imperial eagle; on the right the lesser Nuremberg coat of arms). The stamp of ownership matches the so-called ‘Klippenschilling’ from the second half of the sixteenth century Comment: Handwritten list of the individual relics (on the leaf bound in at the end of the Relic Book; the hand is seventeenth or eighteenth century; in black-brown ink); heading: Specificatio der Stück des Heyligthumbs so zu Nürnberg verwahret liegen. The sequence of this Specificatio exactly follows the list in King Sigismund’s deed of donation from 1423 as reproduced in Murr, Beschreibung der vornehmsten Merkwürdigkeiten, pp. 76–80; and Will, Nürnbergische Münz-Belustigungen, pp. 99–100. This copy is not listed in Hellwig, Inkunabelkatalog.

6

| City Library, Nuremberg (Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: Nor. 53. 4° Description: Copy on paper; uncoloured; underlining in a few places

Catalogue of Relic Books

417

Comment: Restored on 20 May 1983.

7

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien)

Shelfmark: Inc. 9.H. 47 Description: Copy on paper; uncoloured; handwritten notes on the title page Provenance: Ownership stamp of the K.K. Hofbibliothek.



Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1)

Die außruf- // funge des hoch //wirdig[e]n heilig // thums des lob // lichenn stifts zu // bamberg. Colophon: Gedruckt zu bamberg. Jm xciij. iar. (fol. 8r) Bibliographical Reference: gw 3232, bsb-Ink H-27 Printers: [Johann Pfeyl and Heinrich Petzensteiner] Place of publication: Bamberg Year of publication: [14]93 Commisioner/Publisher: Bishop Heinrich iii Groß von Trockau; Bamberg Cathedral Chapter (?). Length: 8 leaves, gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 11 sections with the identification of 138 relics and reliquaries distributed across the sections. See Appendix 2 Number of woodcuts: None Title Image: None Display: Every seven years on the anniversary of the consecration of Bamberg Cathedral (Johannis ante portam Latinam) on 6 May.

Copies 1

| Saxon State and University Library Dresden (Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (slub), Dresden)

Shelfmark: Ink. 169 (4°) Description: Copy on paper Provenance: Königliche Öffentliche Bibliothek (Dresden) (stamp).

418 2

Appendix 1

| University Research Library Erfurt / Gotha (Gotha branch) (Universitäts- und Forschungsbibliothek Erfurt / Gotha)

Shelfmark: (fbg) R: Mon.typ 1493 4° 8 Description: Copy on paper; nineteenth-century notes about the copy on the inside of the front binding Provenance: Herzogliche Bibliothek Gotha, stamp of ownership on fol. 1r (bibliotheca dvcalis gothana), in use after 1800 until the mid-nineteenth century (Jammers, Bibliotheksstempel, p. 95).

3

| Bavarian State Library Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Shelfmark: Inc c.a. 978 m Description: Copy on paper; title underlined in red; section headings rubricated and underlined.

4

* | University Library, Wrocław

Shelfmark: xv. Q. 729 Provenance: Stamp: Hereditate Steinwehriana. Bequest of Wolf Balthasar Adolph von Steinwehr (1704–1771), Professor of Philosophy in Göttingen; from 1742 Professor of History at the University of Frankfurt (Oder); before his death he bequeathed his book collection and 12 Thaler to the library there. After Viadrina University was closed in 1811 the entire holdings went to Wrocław (Breslau) Comment: Described in Bronisław Kocowski, Katalog Inkunabułów Biblioteki uniwersyteckiej we Wrocławiu, part 1 (Wrocław: Państwowe wydawnictwo naukowe, 1959), no. 381, p. 108, p. 293.



Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2)

(I)n disem puchlein stet verczeichet // das hochwirdig heiltum das man // do pfligt alle mal vber siben Jare // ein mal zu Bamberg zu weisen Colophon: Gedruckt vnd selligklichen geendet in der keisserlichen stat Nur // mberg von Hans mair an sant kungunden tag in der fasten nach // Cristi gepurt do man zalt mcccc vnd lxxxxiij Jar (fol. 12v) Bibliographical reference: gw 3234, bsb-Ink 28 Printer: Hans Mair Place of publication: Nuremberg Year of publication: 1493 on Saint Cunigunde’s Day [3 March]

Catalogue of Relic Books

419

Artist: Master of the Meinrad Legend Length: 12 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 11 Number of woodcuts: 139, including 136 woodcuts of reliquaries representing 139 objects distributed across the processional sections. See Appendix 2 Title image: The imperial couple Henry and Cunigunde holding the model of Bamberg Cathedral between them; the coat of arms of the Diocese of Bamberg underneath Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Procession round Bamberg Cathedral with casket containing Henry; fol. 2: Saint George fighting the dragon.

Copies 1

* | Formerly in the Capuchin Monastery on the Wesemlin, Lucerne

2

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Copy: No longer traceable Description: Incomplete copy. Cf. the correspondence of the Kommission für den Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, with the Capuchin Monastery. The answer, which has been preserved only as an extract from the correspondence, suggests the copy was incomplete, since the Kommission des Gesamtkatalog were informed that the last line on fol. 11v (the penultimate page) was the last line of the printed text, not the colophon Comment: In 1927 the work was still present in the Capuchin Monastery (cf. the correspondence of the Kommission für den Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, Staatsbi­ bliothek, Berlin, with the Capuchin Monastery). After an audit of the incunabula in the Capuchin Monastery on the Wesemlin (Lucerne) by Father Klementin Sidler on 6 ­November 1963 the book was no longer present. Cf. the relevant, dated typescript in the monastery library, seen by the author in 2006. In 2006 the book was still not traceable. On a further audit by the Provincial Archivist Christian Schweizer it could still not be found. (My thanks to Christian Schweizer for this information in a letter of 9 April 2019.) Literature: Alexander Schmid, ‘Verzeichniss von 251 Incunabeln, welche in der Bi­ bliothek der V.V. Capuziner auf dem Wesemlin zu Luzern sich befinden (1466–1500): Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der ältesten Buchdruckerkunst,’ Der Geschichtsfreund: Mitteilungen des Historischen Vereins der Fünf Orte Luzern, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden ob und nid dem Wald und Zug, 30 (1875), no. 244, p. 122.

Shelfmark: Clm 428 Description: Copy on paper; sparsely coloured; bound into a miscellany manuscript belonging to Hartmann Schedel; handwritten pagination in red on the upper right of recto pages (fols. 253–264); on fol. 264v (the last page of the printed book is fol. 12v) is a handwritten note: Laus deo

420

Appendix 1

Provenance: From Hartmann Schedel’s library

3

| Library of Congress, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington, D.C.

Shelfmark: Incun. 1493.H 46 Rosenwald Collection (Rosenwald Collection 162) Description: Copy on paper; wrongly bound; sequence of gatherings:1, 2, 6, 3, 4, 5. This results in the following sequence of pages: 1, 2, 6, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 7, 11, 12. The wrong binding seems to be contemporary. (My thanks for this information to Stephanie Stillo, Curator of the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection.) Provenance: Sylvain S. Brunschwig (ex libris) Comment: Described in: The Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, no. 162, p. 38; and Frederik G. Schab, in Vision of a Collector. The Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection in the Library of Congress. Rare Book and Special Collections Division (Washington: Library of Congress, 1991), no. 35, pp. 164–167.



Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2*)

Variant edition of the Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2) Printer: [Hans Mair] Place of publication: [Nuremberg] Year of publication: [1493] Comment: This variant print is not extant. Its existence can only be reconstructed indirectly. Since Hans Sporer (see the following entry: Bamberg Relic Book 1493[3]) copied all reliquaries etc. from the edition of Hans Mair’s Bamberg Relic Book but deviates significantly in one woodcut (Section viii, 1, image of Mary), there must have been a further variant furnished with a new woodcut of the image of Mary which was also copied by Sporer and re-used by Hans Mair in his edition of the Würzburg Relic Book (1493; no. 7, fol. 3v) and the Bamberg Relic Book of 1495 (cf. Chapter 2; Appendices 3 and 4).



Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3)

Die außruf- // funge des hoch // wirdig[e]n heilig // thums des lob // lichenn stifts zu // bamberg. Colophon: Gedrückt zu ba[m]berg a[m] sampstag nach walpurgis // Jm Lxxxxiij. Jare. (fol. 12r)

Catalogue of Relic Books

421

Bibliographical Reference: gw 3235; C 2902 Printer: Hans Sporer Place of publication: Bamberg Year of publication: [14]93, Saturday after Walpurgis [4 May] Artist: Hans Sporer Length: 12 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 11 Number of woodcuts: 138, including 135 representing 138 objects distributed across the sections. See Appendix 2 Title: Text of the title is probably xylographic Title image: Four coats of arms grouped in pairs. Above: the coats of arms of Emperor Henry (Bavarian lozenges, lion rampant) and the Bishop in office Heinrich Groß von Trockau; below: coats of arms of the Diocese of Bamberg and the city; beneath them in metal type: Gedruckt zu Bamberg Hinter Sant Mer // tein Von Meister Hannssen Puchdrücker Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Repetition of the four coats of arms on the title page; underneath a woodcut with Henry and Cunigunde holding the model of Bamberg Cathedral under an arch.

Copy 1

| History Society, Bamberg (Historischer Verein, Bamberg)

Shelfmark: hv Rar 100 Description: Copy on paper. Provenance: From the estate of the Archbishop of Bamberg Michael von Deinlein (1800–1875); a handwritten note on the new flyleaf reads: “Von s[eine]r Excellenz dem ehrwürdigsten Herrn Erzbischofe Michael von Deinlein dem historischen Verein in Bamberg geschenkt am 12. August 1863” [Given by His Excellency the Most Honourable Lord Archbishop Michael von Deinlein to the Historischer Verein in Bamberg on 12 August 1863] Comment: Deposited by the Historischer Verein Bamberg in the Staatsbibliothek Bamberg; on a leaf bound in at the front of the book are handwritten notes on the volume and on contemporary literature (probably shortly after the donation).



Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4)

Die außruf- // funge des hoch // wirdig[e]n heilig // thums des lob // lichenn stifts zu // bamberg.

422

Appendix 1

Colophon: Gedrückt noch ein mal nach der zeigu[n]g des heil. // thums zu Bbmberg Jm Lxxxxiij. iare (fol. 12r) Bibliographical reference: gw 3233 Printer: [Hans Sporer] Place of publication: Bamberg Year of publication: [14]93 (after 6 May) Artist: Hans Sporer Length: 12 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 11 Number of woodcuts: 139, including 136 woodcuts depicting 139 objects distributed across the processional sections. See Appendix 2 Title: Text of the title is probably xylographic Title image: Four coats of arms grouped in pairs. Above: the coats of arms of Emperor Henry (Bavarian lozenges, imperial double-headed eagle) and the Bishop in office Heinrich Groß von Trockau; below: coats of arms of the Diocese of Bamberg and the city. Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Repetition of the four coats of arms on the title page; underneath a woodcut with Henry and Cunigunde holding the model of Bamberg Cathedral under an arch.

Copies 1

| Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

2

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien)

Shelfmark: Rés. M. 465 Description: Copy on paper; uncoloured. Provenance: Acquired by Joseph Van Praët between 1806 and 1807 from the collection of the Nuremberg bibliographer Georg Wolfgang Panzer (1729–1805) for the Bi­ bliothèque nationale (Albert Labarre, ‘Sur quelques incunables de Bamberg (1493),’ Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1977), pp. 80–84; on Van Praët cf. Dominique Varry, ‘Joseph Van Praët,’ in Dominique Varry (ed.), Histoire des bibliothèques françaises, 4 vols., iii, Les bibliothèques de la Révolution et du xixe siècle: 1789–1914 (Paris : Cercle de la Librairie/ Promodis, 2009). 405–407).

Shelfmark: Sig.: 25.G.23 Inc Description: Copy on paper; title page lightly coloured.

Catalogue of Relic Books



423

Bamberg Relic Book 1495

(I)N dsem puchlein stet verczeich- // endt das hochbirdig heyljtum // das man do pfligt alle mal vb- // er siben Jare ein mal zu Bamb // erg zu beisen Colophon: Getruckt vnd selligklichen geendet in der keisserlichen stat Nu // rmberg von Hans Mair an sant Jorgen tag mau zelt nach // Cristi gepurt mcccc vnd lxxxxv Jare (fol. 12v) Bibliographical reference: gw 3236, C 1370 Printer: Hans Mair Place of publication: Nuremberg Year of publication: 1495, on Saint George’s Day [23 April] Artist: Master of the Meinrad Legend Length: 12 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 11 Number of woodcuts: 139, including 136 woodcuts depicting 139 objects distributed across the sections. See Appendix 2. Mostly reproduction of the woodcuts from 1493; in contrast to the edition from 1493 some woodcuts are used twice. For a comparison of editions BaH 1493/2 (Mair) and BaH 1495 see Appendix 3 Title image: Imperial couple Henry and Cunigunde holding the model of Bamberg Cathedral between them; underneath the coat of arms of the Diocese of Bamberg, repetition of the title woodcut of BaH 1493/2 (Mair) Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Procession round Bamberg Cathedral with Emperor Henry’s shrine; fol. 2r, Saint George fighting the dragon, repetition of the woodcuts from BaH 1493/2 (Mair).

Copies 1

| State Library, Bamberg (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg)

Shelfmark: R.B. Inc. typ. V 35m Description: Copy on paper; initial letters rubricated. Provenance: Copy formerly belonged to the Abbey Library of Klosterneuburg (see Alois Fauser and Hermann Gerstner, Aere perennius: Jubiläums-Ausstellung der Staatlichen Bibliothek Bamberg zur Feier ihres 150jährigen Bestehens (Bamberg: Staatliche Bi­ bliothek, 1953), no. 172, p. 56; and Klauser, ‘Zur Geschichte des Bamberger Heiltums,’ p. 82). The copy belonged to the holdings sold in the 1920s as an emergency measure. (My thanks to Dr. Heinz Ristory, Director of the Abbey Library, Klosterneuburg, for this information.)

424

Appendix 1

Comment: Conservation measures in October 1952 and bound in old parchment; defects on all leaves on the lower part of the book binding; in places text and illustrations are missing.

2

* | Russian State Library, Moscow

Shelfmark: mk Inc/1728 Provenance: Copy formerly belonged to the Sächsische Landesbibliothek (today Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek – slub, Dresden); original shelfmark: Ink. 1404 4°; lost to Russia due to the Second World War.



Bamberg Relic Book 1509

Die weysung vnnd außruffung des // Hochwirdigen heylthumbs zu Bam- // berg. nach de[m] rechten waren heilthumb // abgezeychnet. 1509 Colophon: Gedruckt als man zalt nach christi gepurt. M.ccccc. vnd ix. Jar. (fol. 24r) Bibliographical Reference: vd 16 W 1720 Printer: [Johann Pfeyl] Place of publication: [Bamberg] Year of publication: 1509 Comissioner: Bishop Georg iii Schenk von Limpurg Artist: Anonymous Length: 24 leaves; gatherings marked: a 1–8, b 1–8, c 1–8 (a i–iiij [v–viij] etc.) Number of sections: 11 Number of woodcuts: 136, including 133 depicting 135 objects distributed across the processional sections. See Appendix 2 Title image: The imperial couple Henry and Cunigunde holding the model of Bamberg Cathedral between them; underneath the coat of arms of the imperial couple hanging from a hook; underneath that the coat of arms of the Bishop of Bamberg Georg iii Schenk von Limpurg Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Procession round Bamberg Cathedral with Emperor Henry’s shrine; fol. 2r: Knight with banner of Saint George.

Copies 1

| History Society, Bamberg (Historischer Verein, Bamberg)

Shelfmark: hv Rar. 101

Catalogue of Relic Books

425

Description: Copy on paper; incomplete; missing 8 leaves: fol. 3, fol. 4, fol. 5, fol. 6, fol. 11, fol. 12, fol. 13, fol. 14 Comment: Bequest from the Historischer Verein Bamberg in the Staatsbibliothek Bamberg.

2

| History Society, Bamberg (Historischer Verein, Bamberg)

3

| Library of the Metropolitan Chapter, Bamberg (Bibliothek des Metropolitankapitels, Bamberg)

Shelfmark: hv rar. 102 Description: Coloured copy on paper; fragment; 13 leaves preserved: fol. 4, fol. 6, fol. 8, fol. 9, fol 16, fragment of fol. 17 (the top two woodcuts), fol. 18, fol. 19, fol. 20, fol. 21, fol. 22, fol. 23, fol. 24. These pages are bound into a seventeenth-century, handwritten copy of the book; the missing woodcuts are traced on tissue paper with black ink and glued into the book in the relevant places Comment: Bequest of the Historischer Verein Bamberg in the Staatsbibliothek Bamberg.

Shelfmark: Bbg. 364 Description: Sparsely coloured; copy on paper; some underlining; pages numbered by hand Provenance: Modern ownership stamp of the Cathedral Chapter

4

| City Library, Bamberg (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg)

Shelfmark: R.B. Msc. 3/2 Description: Copy on paper; title page trimmed at the top; the title is missing; bound into a miscellany volume (fols. 69–92) between a printed work (Nonnosus Stettfelder, Dye legend und leben des Heyligen sandt Keyser Heinrichs ([Bamberg]: Hanß Pfeyll ­[ Johann Pfeyl], 1511, vd 16 L 980)) and a manuscript (Ein kurtzer Summarischer Tractat Von Ankunfft vnnd erbawung der Statt Bamberg vnd des Thumbstifftes auch wieuiel Bischoff von Anfang biß vff Anno 1591 doselbsten REgirt vnnd des ortts frucht vnnd nutzbarkeitten) Provenance: According to the librarian Stenglein’s remark on the flyleaf, a gift from Schönlein in 1863. Previously owned by Martin Jos. von Reider (1839) according to an inscription in the book. Martin Jospeh von Reider (Bamberg 1793–Munich 1862), draughtsman and art collector, built a sizable collection of art and antiquities. He had a special interest in the history of Franconia, chiefly the Prince-Bishopric and city of Bamberg (adb, xxvii. 683–685). Schönlein, probably Johann Lukas Schönlein (Bamberg 1793–Bamberg 1864), was a doctor and clinician; after a long working life in v­ arious places he returned to Bamberg, where he dedicated himself to a thorough study of Bamberg history (adb, xxxii. 315–319, esp. p. 317; ndb, xxiii. 419–420)

426

Appendix 1

Comment: Restored in 1977; mending and patching of damaged pages with paper (cf. glued-in page on the back cover).

5

| Print Room, Berlin State Museums (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)

Shelfmark: 2710 (call number: 314 blau) Description: Coloured copy on paper; incomplete; lacks 4 leaves: fols. 3–6; the third section follows the title page and introductory depictions Provenance: Ownership stamp of the Print Room of the Königliche Museen.

6

* | Reasearch Library, Dillingen/Donau (Studienbibliothek Dillingen/Donau)

Shelfmark: xii 53,4 Description: Copy on paper Provenance: Georg Ruoff, Anhausen (d. probably 1626), (Legate at the) Chapter of Augustinian Canons Wettenhausen 1626; note of ownership on the inside of the front cover; in 1811 the library of the Chapter of Augustinian Canons in Wettenhausen was incorporated into the holdings of Dillingen. (My thanks to Rüdiger May, Director of the Studienbibliothek, for this information.)

7

| German National Museum, Nuremberg (Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: 8° K 1695 Description: Coloured copy on paper; restored (patching of paper) Provenance: From the collection of Freiherr von und zu Aufseß (old ownership stamp); listed in: Bibliothek des germanischen Nationalmuseums zu Nürnberg (Leipzig: Fleischer, 1855), p. 274.

8

* | Bodleian Library, Oxford

9

* | Chapin Library (Williams College Libraries), Williamstown, Massachusetts

Shelfmark: Douce B subt. 171 Description: Copy on paper. The title page has the number 9 in the top right-hand corner; this may have been a tract number in an earlier binding. (My thanks to Jo Maddocks, Assistant Curator of Rare Books, Bodleian Library, for this information.) Provenance: From the collection of Francis Douce (1757–1834). He bequeathed his sizable collection of books to the Bodleian Library, Oxford. (My thanks to Jo Maddox for this information.) See: Catalogue of the printed books and manuscripts bequeathed by Francis Douce, Esq to the Bodleian Library (Oxford: University Press, 1840), p. 20.

Shelfmark: German Bamberg

Catalogue of Relic Books

427

Description: Incomplete copy (Information from online catalogue [accessed 11 March 2019]).



Würzburg Relic Book 1483 [1493]

In disem puchleine ist czu wysen das // hochwirdig heylthum in der loblichen // stat Wircz­ purg das man do pfligt zu // weisen alle Jar an Sant kyliga[n]s tag Colophon: Gedruckt vnd seligklichen geendet in der keisserliche[n] stat Nurmberg // von Hans Mayr an der heiligen Drifaltigkeit obent nach Christi ge // purt als man zelt mcccc vnd lxxxiij Jar (fol. 6v) Bibliographical reference: H 8417, gw M 51827 Printer: Hans Mayr [Mair] Place of publication: Nuremberg Year of publication: 1483 an Sankt Trinitatisabend [25. Mai] = misprint, actually [1493, 2 June]; cf. the naming of Pope Alexander vi (1492–1503) in the intercessory prayers on fol. 6r Artist: Master of the Meinrad Legend Length: 6 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: Lacks division into sections Number of woodcuts: 48, including 47 reliquaries; 20 reliquary images newly cut; 27 re-used from BaH 1493/2 (Mair) and BaH 1493/2* (Mair). See Appendix 4 Title image: Saint Kilian between Saints Colmán and Totnan under a trefoil arch; underneath the coat of arms of the Diocese of Würzburg (so-called Franconian rake) Display: Annually on Saint Kilian’s Day (8 July).

Copies 1

| Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Library, State Library of Lower Saxony, Hanover (Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Bibliothek, Niedersächsische Landesbibliothek, Hannover)

Shelfmark: Ink. 44b Description: Copy on paper; scattered, faded underlining in Indian ink; notes in pencil from the late-nineteenth / early twentieth century on the title page Provenance: In the Library holdings after 1866; not included in Bodemann, Eduard, Xylographische und typographische Incunabeln der Königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Hannover (Hanover: Hahn, 1866); possibly only after 1947 (cf. ownership stamp on the endpaper: “Niedersächsische Landesbibliothek Hannover”)

428

Appendix 1

Comment: Restored on all outer edges.

2

* | Formerly in the Abbey Library of Klosterneuburg, Lower Austria

3

| Liberna Collection, Draiflessen Collection, Metting

4

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien)

Comment: The copy in the Abbey Library of Klosterneuburg was part of the holdings sold in the 1920s as an emergency measure. (My thanks to Dr. Heinz Ristory, Director of the Abbey Library of Klosterneuburg, for this information.)

Inventory number: Inc 89 Description: Copy on paper with contemporary rubrication. The copy is incorrectly bound. Sequence of gatherings: 1, 3, 2; sequence of leaves: 1, 3, 2, 5, 4, 6. The modern parchment binding makes it probable that it was wrongly re-bound at the time of the new binding. Provenance: Bought from the Sir Thomas Barlow Collection for the Liberna Collection (previously Hilversum) in 1956; since 2012 on permanent loan to the Draiflessen Collection, Mettingen (Cf. information leaflet of the Liberna Collection).

Shelfmark: 25. G. 22 Description: Copy on paper; Court Library binding suitable for frequent use, c. 1900.

5

| University Library, Würzburg

Shelfmark: J.t.q. 413 Description: Copy on paper Provenance: A label stuck into the inside of the front binding reads: “Geschenk des K. pr. geh. Rathes und Professors D. von Schönlein” [Gift from the Royal Prussion Privy Councillor Professor D. von Schönlein]. The donation to the Library by Sir D. von Schönlein is also mentioned in the Würzburger Journal, no. 232, Thursday, 27 S­ eptember 1849.



Vienna Relic Book 1502

Jn Disem Puechlein ist Verzaichent das // Hochwirdig Heyligtu[m]b so man Jn der Lob- // lichen stat Wienn Jn Osterreich alle iar an // sontag nach dem Ostertag zezaigen pfligt. Colophon: Und nachmals diss puchl Nach cristi gepurde. Tausent funf hun- // dert vnd zway iar durch Johanne[s] Winterburg auch burger daselbs // zu Wienn gedrugkt vnd zu endbracht (fol. 24v)

Catalogue of Relic Books

429

Bibliographical Reference: vd 16 H 3281, H 3282, H 3283 (Dolch 33, 33a, 33b) Printer: Johannes Winterburger Place of publication: Vienna Year of publication: 1502 Commissioner/Publisher: Matthäus Heuperger Artist: Master of the Vienna Relic Book Length: 24 leaves; gatherings numbered a 1–8 to c 1–8, (a i–iv [v–viii] etc.) Number of Sections: 8 sections ordered according to the hierarchy of the saints: relics of Christ (I and ii); relics of the Virgin Mary (iii); relics of the Apostles (iv); relics of the Martyrs (v and vi); relics of the Confessors (vii); relics of the Holy Virgins (viii) Number of woodcuts: 268, including 255 reliquaries distributed across the processional sections: i/47, ii/26, iii/30, iv/30, v/29, vi/ 25, vii/33, viii/35 Title image: Knight in armour with sword and banner as well as the coat of arms of the city of Vienna (double-headed eagle with imperial crown and cross shield) Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Saint Stephen’s Cathedral, Vienna; fol. 3v: Display stage; fol. 17v: Martyrdom of Saint Stephen; fol. 24r: Death’s coat of arms and 8 initials in reverse printing on fol. 2r, fol. 4r, fol. 4v, fol. 17r, fol. 24v Display: Annually on the first Sunday after Easter (White Sunday/Low Sunday/ Quasimodogeniti Sunday).



Vienna Relic Book (Augmented Edition) 1514

Jn disem Buechl sein Alle vnnd yede Stuckh // des hochwirdigen Hayltumbs der zeit Jn aller heyligenn // Thumkirchen Sant steffan der stat Wienn in Osterreich // verhande[n] vnd albeg den nagst[e]n Su[n]tag nach dem Ostertag // Jarlich zaigt werden : dem nach : dem alten puchl vil stuck // die erst her zwe kume[n] vnd in pesser Form pracht worden ab // gen aigentlich verzaichnet. Anno Domini. 1514 Bibliographical Reference: vd 16 H 3284 (Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b) Printer: [Johannes Winterburger] Place of publication: Vienna Year of Publication: 1514 Commissioner/Publisher: Matthäus Heuperger Artist: Master of the Historia Friderici et Maximiliani Length: 3 leaves; gatherings unnumbered; title page bound or glued on at the front of the remaining copies of the 1502 edition; also 2 leaves bound in between gatherings b and c (between Section viii and the epilogue)

430

Appendix 1

Number of sections: Supplements to Sections i/ ii/ v/ vi/ vii/ viii Number of woodcuts: 23, including 21 reliquary woodcuts distributed across the sections: i/2, ii/5, v/4, vi/5, vii/4, viii/1 Title image: Saint Stephen in front of a landscape and city view with the coats of arms of the commissioner of the work and his wife, the Habsburgs and the city of Vienna Further illustrations: An initial in reverse printing.

1

Copies 1502 | Print Room, Berlin State Museums (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)

Shelfmark: 2581 (call number: 640 blau) Description: (vd 16 H 3283) Copy on paper; occasional underlining of relics or saints’ names in red; handwritten entry on fol. 5r Provenance: From the collection of the Postmaster General and later Minister of State Carl Ferdinand Friedrich von Nagler (1770−1846) (provenance stamp “v. N.” on the title page); this collection was acquired for the newly founded Print Room; its relocation was completed on 4 March 1835; Kupferstich-Sammlungen der Königlichen Museen (ownership stamp). On stamps indicating provenance see Peter Dreyer, ‘Zur Kenn­ zeichnung von Provenienzen im Berliner Kupferstichkabinett,’ Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen, 26 (1984), pp. 291−299.

2

* | Formerly in the Berlin State Library (Staatsbibliothek Berlin)

3

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Shelfmark: 4 Libri impr. rari qu. 193 Description: Coloured copy on paper (according to the online catalogue of the Staatsbibliothek, Berlin [accessed 8 August 2011]). Comment: Moved during the Second World War from Berlin to Fürstenstein (Spree); today Jagiellonian Library Cracow (Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Kraków) but without catalogue entry (as of 11 March 2019).

Shelfmark: Rar. 1746 Description: (vd 16 H 3283) Coloured copy on paper; originally part of a miscellany volume; page numbers noted on the upper right of the recto pages (fols. 334–357).

4

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München)

Shelfmark: Rar. 1747

Catalogue of Relic Books

431

Description: (vd 16 H 3281) Incomplete copy on paper with some dark-brown colouration on the first pages and the Martyrdom of Saint Stephen (fol. 17r); handwritten entry on the title page by the side of the knight; the last leaf (fol. 24) is missing.

5

| University Library, Munich (Universitätsbibliothek München)

6

* | Library of the Benedictine Monastery of Seitenstetten, Lower Austria

Shelfmark: 4 Hist. eccl. 2732 Description: (vd 16 H 3282) Sparsely coloured copy on paper; handwritten entries in ink in a sixteenth-century hand Provenance: Munich University Library stamp of ownership in use until the end of the nineteenth century, which does not necessarily mean that the copy only entered the University Library in this period. In the nineteenth century numerous volumes in the Library were stamped to indicate ownership for the first time. (My thanks to Irene Friedl, Department of Early Printed Books. Munich University Library, for this information.)

Shelfmark: p / 4.31 Description: Copy on parchment (kindly confirmed by the Monastery Library).

7

| Cathedral and Diocesan Museum, Vienna (Dom- und Diözesanmuseum Wien)

Inventory number: Prot.-Nr. L-83 Description: (vd 16 H 3282) Copy on paper; a few scattered red crosses or dashes by some reliquaries Comment: On loan from the Cathedral and Metropolitan Chapter of Saint Stephen and All Saints.

8

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien)

Shelfmark: C.P. 2.B.64 Description: (vd 16 H 3282) Copy on paper; handwritten entries on fol. 18r (beginning of the calendar of indulgences); sixteenth-century hand Provenance: Stamp of the Library of the Fideicomiß (FID.C).

9

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien)

Shelfmark: C.P. 2.B.65 Description: (vd 16 H 3282) Copy on paper; some scattered underlining in the text and handwritten annotations on fol. 4r in black ink under the first printed block of text:

432

Appendix 1 Der Turckisch kayser Soliman so könig Ludwigk vo[n] Vngk[arn] Im 1526ten Jar erlegt. Hot das Sylbergeschir vom Hayltümb verschmeltzen machen das mit souil angekaufft, als wol geschatz ist worde[n]. Auch ist der Sylbren Sarch Zu Closter Nawburg is schmelzt worde[n] vnd S. Leopoldt Ins holtz gelegt worden, Vber etlich Jar wider ein newer Sarch gemacht von konig Ferdinandus. [The Turkish Emperor Süleyman, who defeated King Louis of Hungary in 1526, had the silver vessels of the relics melted down which cost so much to buy, as has been estimated. The silver coffin in Klosterneuburg was also melted down and Saint Leopold put into a wooden one; after several years a new coffin again made by King Ferdinand.]

Under the second printed block of text: Has ego Reliquias Wiennen[ses] Vidi ego Joannes Dernschwa[m] Anno D[omi]ni 1507 Jn capsis et reposito aiiii r[el]i[qui]js argenteis nu[n]c vero vix in ligneis co[n]servant[ur], Quia sub cura Medico[rum] su[n]t ob lignu[m] Guaiacum,1 mox sanandi S[an]cti … et resuscitandi …

Fol. 11v: Beneath the second reliquary in the fourth row (robe of Saint George): Ist Muffar [??] isth // auff Vngerisch // Alles erlogen [Is Muffar (?) is // in Hungarian // Everything is a lie]

Fol. 12r: Above the first reliquary (reliquary casket, whose accompanying text begins with “Jn aine[n] schwaren sarch” [In a heavy coffin]): ye schwarer ye besser [the heavier the better] Provenance: From the estate of Hans Dernschwam von Hradiczin (1494−c. 1568) Dernschwam was a Humanist, miner and traveller in the Orient. He studied in Leipzig, Vienna and Rome; was a tutor to princes in Budapest and Preßburg (Bratislava) and was in the service of the Augsburg Fugger family. In 1568 his library of 651 volumes was purchased for the Imperial Library in Vienna (ndb, iii. 609); Imperial Library (round stamp and handwritten entry on the title page, fol. 1r: Ex Augustissima // Bibliothecâ Ca’sareâ Vindobonensi).

1 Guaiacum officinale, also called Lignum Sanctum (vel Benedictum), Lignum vitae or French Wood, Latin American medicinal herb; imported into Europe since the beginning of the ­sixteenth century; served amongst other things as a remedy for Syphilis.

Catalogue of Relic Books

10

433

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Wien)

Shelfmark: C.P. 2.B.66 Description: (vd 16 H 3282) Coloured copy on paper; lacks two leaves: fol. 17 and fol. 24 Provenance: Stamp of the Library of the Fideicomiß (FID.C).

11

| Vienna University Library (Universitätsbibliothek Wien)

12

| Vienna City Library (Stadt- und Landesbibliothek Wien)

Shelfmark: i 302205 es Description: (vd 16 H 3281) Sparsely coloured copy on paper; underneath the title woodcut handwritten entries from the late sixteenth or seventeenth century.

Shelfmark: 17757 A (Inv. no.: 12.846) Description: (vd 16 H 3283) Copy on paper; lacks the last leaf, fol. 24. Provenance: From the estate of the Haydinger Collection; purchased after the death of Franz Haydinger on 15 January 1876 (Leopold Tatzer, ‘Seltene Viennensia der Stadtbibliothek,’ in Festschrift zum hundertjährigen Bestehen der Wiener Stadtbibliothek 1856–1956 (Vienna: Verlag für Jugend und Volk, 1956), pp. 46–69 (pp. 47–48)); Franz Haydinger (1797–1876) is considered to be the first collector of Viennensia Comment: According to the Inventory Book this was added to the inventory on 19 February 1877.

1

Copies 1514 (1502) | Print Room, Berlin State Museums (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)

Shelfmark: 2580 (call number: 643 blau) Description: (vd 16 H 3281 and Dolch 86b) Copy on paper, without the title page of 1514; lacks the last leaf of the printed edition of 1502 (fol. 24); on fol. 23 two leaves of supplements (otherwise the supplements are bound between gatherings b and c = fols. 16 and 17); a few scattered handwritten notes in the calendar; the parchment is damaged in some places by cutting; re-adhesions; some woodcuts have been cut out and later replaced by added pieces of parchment on which the missing pictures are copied (fol. 4, fol. 11). Provenance: Königliches Kupferstichkabinett 1886 (ownership stamp).

2

* | Harvard University Library (Houghton Library Collections), Cambridge, MA

Shelfmark: Typ 522 14.869

434

Appendix 1

Description: Complete copy (information from online catalogue [accessed 11 March 2019]).

3

* | Formerly in the Library of the Chapter of Augustinian Canons, Herzogenburg, Lower Austria (Bibliothek des AugustinerChorherrenstiftes Herzogenburg, Niederösterreich)

Copy: Cannot be traced Comment: According to the inventory of 1920 the Relic Book was still in the possession of the Monastery of Herzogenburg; a number of important printed books and manuscripts went missing between 1930 and 1955; there are no records of auctions. (My thanks to Günter Katzler, Research Associate, Stiftsbibliothek Herzogenburg, for this information.)

4

* | New York Public Library

5

| German National Museum, Nuremberg (Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: Spencer Coll. Ger. 1502 Description: Incomplete copy on paper; second edition with numerous misprints, including supplements from 1514 bound in after fol. 9 (= b) and fol. 14 (= b-[vi]); a trimmed copy of the title page from 1514 on the back flyleaf. Description from: Dictionary Catalogue and Shelf List of the Spencer Collection of Illustrated Books and Manuscripts and Fine Bindings (The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox & Tilden Foundations. The Research Libraries), 2 vols. (Boston, 1971), i. 805–806 (Also in the online catalogue [accessed 16 October 2012]) Provenance: Part of the Spencer Collection.

Shelfmark: St. 902d Description: (vd 16 H 3281 and Dolch 86b) Copy on parchment; lacks the title page of 1514; the supplement between gatherings b and c bound to the edition of 1502; noted in brown ink on the title page of 1502: Hailthümb-büechel (probably still the first half of the sixteenth century); weight noted in brown ink next to the reliquary woodcuts throughout Provenance: The information about weight noted next to the reliquary woodcuts makes it probable that this was originally the copy belonging to Saint Stephen’s ­Cathedral in Vienna (first postulated by Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Exlibris,’ p. 6). It was then in the collection of the Hungarian bibliophile István Nagy (ownership stamp on fol. 12r); in 1878 it was purchased by the German National Museum for 850 Marks (see gnm card catalogue).

Catalogue of Relic Books

435

6

* | Västerås City Library, Sweden (Stadsbibliotek Västerås)

7

* | Formerly in mak, Austrian Museum of Applied Arts, Vienna (Österreichisches Museum für angewandte Kunst / Gegenwartskunst Wien) (previously Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe)

Shelfmark: Paleotyp 121 Description: (vd 16 H 3281, Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b) Copy on paper; Matthäus Heuperger’s ex libris in a woodcut; see secondary literature for reference to illustrations Provenance: Formerly in the library of Västerås läroverk [Teacher Training College]; the most valuable books went to the City Library. (My thanks to Jan Larsson, Västerås City Library, for this information; also to Göran Tegnér for his good offices.) Literature: Isak Collijn, ‘En av Johann Winterburg i Wien tryckt Donat,’ p. 117; ­Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Exlibris,’ pp. 2–3.

Inventory number: 1838 (lost through theft) Description: (vd 16 H 3281, Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b) Copy on parchment with all the supplements from 1514 and Matthäus Heuperger’s ex libris in a woodcut (cf. facsimile edition (Vienna, 1882)); the binding of the supplements cannot be clarified as they are reproduced separately in the facsimile edition. Matthäus Heuperger’s coat of arms, painted on parchment, is clued inside the book cover; a sixteenth-century woodcut depicting a Turkish encampment is glued onto the front flyleaf (Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ p. xiii; Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Exlibris,’ p. 2) Provenance: Copy belonging to Matthäus Heuperger; noted on the upper edge of the flyleaf: Jhesus Maria M.H. and ex libris Caroli Böhm (Ritter, ‘Vorrede,’ p. xiii; ­Ankwicz-Kleehoven, ‘Exlibris,’ p. 2). Ritter and Ankwicz-Kleehoven resolve M.H. as Matthäus Heuperger. Purchased by the Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Ge­ werbe for 24 florins from the antiquary Weikert in late 1867 or early 1868 (see the inventory of books in the Österreichisches Museum 1–3568) Comment: Lost through theft in 1973. (My thanks to Dr. Rainald Franz, Curator at mak.)

8

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien)

Shelfmark: C.P. 2. B. 67 Description: (vd 16 H 3282 and Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b) Copy on paper; title page of the 1514 edition glued onto the verso of the leaf bound in before it; the title of the 1502 edition follows; the two title pages face each other on opposite pages Comment: It cannot be excluded that the title of 1514 was glued in later (nineteenth century?); the leaf used for backing is machine-made deckle-edge paper; this is supported by the fact that the woodcut and title are not, like the copy in Vienna City Library (no. 5), glued in across the whole surface and on the recto, but only in four places.

436

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9

| Schottenstift, Vienna

10

| Vienna City Library (Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, Wien)

11

* | Library of Congress, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Washington D.C.

Shelfmark: 42.d.36 Description: (vd 16 H 3283 and Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b) Copy on paper; almost completely missing; only the title page of 1514 is preserved. Ownership stamp of the Schottenstift on the verso; originally bound together with sixteenth-century works printed in Vienna; except for the title page of 1514 the inner book has been torn out of the volume Comment: Classification of the copy under vd 16 H 3283 according to Langer and Dolch, Bibliographie, p. 51, no. *33a; here, however, the work is only listed as the edition from 1502 without the supplements. The loss only became apparent during research for this study. It cannot be excluded that the book was lost several decades ago, if not already at the beginning of the twentieth century. The title page described here may belong to one of the copies which listed the supplements but not the title page.

Shelfmark: 17756 A (Inventory number: 566) Description: (vd 16 H 3282, Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b) Copy on paper; the title page from 1514 is glued onto the recto of the leaf bound in before it; gatherings a and b follow (including the title of the 1502 edition); the two leaves of supplements are bound in before the whole of gathering c Provenance: Since 1862 at the latest part of the holdings of Vienna City Library; included in the inventory between 8 September 1858 and 30 June 1863 (= period covered by the inventory volume) Comment: Price of 2 florins without date and provenance; however, it is listed in the first printed catalogue of the entire holdings of Vienna City Library of 1 November 1862 (Tatzer, ‘Seltene Viennensia,’ p. 46); inventory printed as: Verzeichniß der in der städtischen Bibliothek befindlichen Werke (Vienna, 1862).

Shelfmark: BX4627.5.V5 S8 Rosenwald Collection (Rosenwald Collection 593) Description: Copy on paper with the supplements of 1514 but without the new title page; supplements bound in between gatherings b and c (see entry in The Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection 1977, no. 593, p. 114: a8, b10, c8) Comment: Described in The Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection 1977, no. 593, p. 114; and Frederik G. Schab in Vision of a Collector, pp. 165–167.

12

* | Library of the Cistercian Abbey of Zwettl, Lower Austria (Bibliothek des Zisterzienserstiftes Zwettl, Niederösterreich)

Shelfmark: xi/i ii/13.017 (formerly: iii a 33)

Catalogue of Relic Books

437

Description: Complete copy on paper (My thanks to Father Petrus Gratzl, Library and Archive, Monastery of Zwettl, for this information).



Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (A)

Dye zaigung des hochlob- // wirdigen hailigthums // der stifft kirchen aller // hailigen zu // wittenburg Colophon: Getruckt Jn der Chürfurstlichen // Statt Wyttemburg. Anno d[omi]ni // m ccccc vn[d] jX Jar. (fol. 51v) Bibliographical Reference: VD16 zv 24309 Printer: [Symphorian Reinhart] Place of publication: Wittenberg Year of publication: 1509 Commissioner: Fredrick iii the Wise. Electoral Prince of Saxony Artist: Lucas Cranach the Elder and workshop Length: 52 leaves (the last one blank); gatherings numbered a 1–4 bis n 1–4 [a i−iij[iv] etc.] Number of sections: 8 sections ordered according to the hierarchy of the saints: Holy Virgins and Widows (i and ii); Holy Confessors (iii); Martyrs (iv and v); Apostles and Evangelists (vi); Precursors of Christ, Holy Family, Christ’s childhood (vii); relics of the Passion (viii) Number of woodcuts: 108, including 105 reliquaries distributed across the sections: i/14; ii/14, iii/12; iv/13; v/13, vi/13; vii/12; viii/14. See also Appendix 5 Title Image: Coat of arms of Frederick the Wise Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Castle Church; fol. 51v: Christ on the Cross with Mary and John Display: Monday after Misericordias (second Sunday after Easter).

Copies 1

| Department of Prints and Drawings, British Museum, London

Shelfmark: 159 c. 54 (1) (Inventory no.: 1949-4-11-4991) Description: Copy on paper; bound together with another printed work: Postilla Guellerni (Leipzig, Melchior Lotter the Elder, 1514, VD16 E 4387) Provenance: The copy came from the antiquarian bookseller J. Halle in Munich to the British Museum (Schulte-Strathaus ‘Die Wittenberger Heiltumsbücher,’ p. 178 and p. 183); Campbell Dodgson’s ex libris on the inside of the front cover

438

Appendix 1

Comment: Further copies can, at the moment, only be proved through the existence of individual woodcuts which display the corresponding text or woodcuts on the reverse; at least one can be proved by two loose leaves now in private ownership.



Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 (B)

Dye zaigung des hochlobwirdi- // gen hailigthums der Stifft // kirchen aller hailigen zu // wittenburg Colophon: Gedruckt in der Churfurstlichen Stat Wittenbergk // Anno Tausent funffhundert vnd neun. (fol. 44r) Bibliographical Reference: VD16 Z 250 Printer: [Symphorian Reinhart] Place of publication: Wittenberg Year of publication: 1509 Commissioner: Frederick iii the Wise, Electoral Prince of Saxony Artist: Lucas Cranach the Elder and workshop Length: 44 leaves; gatherings numbered a 1–4 bis l 1–4 [a i–iij[iv] etc.] Number of sections: 8 sections ordered according to the hierarchy of the saints: Holy Virgins and Widows (i and ii); Holy Confessors (iii); Martyrs (iv and v); Apostles and Evangelists (vi); Precursors of Christ, Holy Family, Christ’s childhood (vii); relics of the Passion (viii) Number of woodcuts: 119, including 117 reliquaries distributed across the sections: i/15; ii/16, iii/15, iv/16; v/15, vi/17; vii/12; viii/11; also an engraving. See Appendix 5 Title image: Frederick the Wise and John the Constant (engraving) Further illustrations: Fol. 1v, Castle Church; fol. 44v, coat of arms of Frederick the Wise.

Copies 1

| Bamberg State Library (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg)

Shelfmark: J.H. Inc. typ. iv. 93 Description: Copy on paper; handwritten annotation next to the Glass of Saint ­Elizabeth (I/1, fol. 3v): “Jn der aufthailung des Hailthums ist luttern diss S. Elisabeth Cristalline glas worden ist fast das köstlichst gewesen under den ander allem” [In the distribution of the relics this crystalline Glass of Saint Elizabeth was polished; it is by

Catalogue of Relic Books

439

far the most precious of all the others]; the woodcuts on fol. 5v and fol. 9r are coloured (19th century?).

2

| Bamberg State Library (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg)

3

| German Historical Museum, Berlin (Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin)

Shelfmark: J.H. Inc. typ. iv. 93a Description: Copy on paper; lacks the title page, instead of which a leaf has been bound in bearing the printed note: “Verzeinuß vnd Zeigung // deß hochwürdigen Heili= // thumb inn der Cappellen // Sanct Maria de Angelis // zu Veittenberg / welches // järlich 2. tag von vnd nach // Allerheiligen mit grosser // Andacht gezeiget // wird. // Anno 1509” [Inventory and Display of the Most Venerable Relics in the Chapel of Saint Mary of the Angels in Wittenberg which are displayed every year with great devotion two days before and after All Saints. Anno 1509]; some leaves are bound in incorrectly: fol. 24, fol. 26, fol. 27, fol. 28, fol. 25, fol. 29 Provenance: From the collection of Christian Leonhard Leucht (1645–1716), lawyer and publisher; an engraving glued onto the inside of the binding: Christian Leonhard Leuchtius Iur. utriusque Doctor Comes Palatin Caesareus ac Reipub; Norimbergensis Consiliarius, zu Leucht (adb, xviii. 475).

Shelfmark: R 79/724.2 (pa) Description: Copy on paper; a blank page bound in between the title page and the second leaf; bound together with the Halle Relic Book; the Wittenberg Relic Book is second Provenance: The binding (pig leather) bears the initials of the bookbinder “N.Z.” (Nickel Zinn). Zinn was active between 1556 and 1569, chiefly in the circle round the Anhalt court. The majority of books bearing the initials “N.Z.” come from the collection of the Fürst Georg Bibliothek, Dessau (Hellmuth Helwig, Handbuch der Einbandkunde, 3 vols. (Hamburg: Maximilian-Gesellschaft Hamburg, 1953–55), ii, Bio-­ Bibliographie der Buchbinder Europas bis etwa 1850. Topo-Bibliographie der Buchbinderei. Verzeichnis der Supralibros (1954). 52; Konrad Haebler, Rollen- und Plattenstempel des xvi. ­Jahrhunderts (2 vols., Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1928/29), i. 514–516; Franz Münnich, ‘Die Bibliothek des Francisceums zu Zerbst. Beiträge zu ihrer Geschichte und ihrem Bestande,’ Zerbster Jahrbuch, 15 (1930), pp. 5–88 (pp. 20–21); Reinhold Specht, ‘Zerbster Buchbinder,’ Zerbster Jahrbuch, 17 (1932), pp. 95–102 (p. 100)). It is known that Jakob Vogt, a Franciscan and father confessor to Frederick the Wise, maintained an extensive correspondence with Princess Margarethe von Anhalt and presented her with books. The copy of the Wittenberg Relic Book might have come to the Anhalt court in this way (Ludolphy, Friedrich der Weise, p. 361; ndb, xvi. 157). It was acquired from a private

440

Appendix 1

seller by the German Historical Museum (gdr) in 1979 for 20,000 Marks (cf. inventory entry).

4

| Print Room, Berlin State Museums (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)

Shelfmark: 82 (call number: 646 blau) Description: Copy on paper, possibly newly bound together out of two fragments since the edges of fol. 1 to fol. 24 are coloured red whereas fols. 25–44. lack colouring Provenance: Königliches Kupferstichkabinett (ownership stamp).

5

* | The Art Institute, Chicago

6

* | Research Library, Dillingen/Donau (Studienbibliothek Dillingen/Donau)

Holdings: Clarence Buckingham Collection, 1948.111 [Shelfmark: 769.943 C891z] Provenance: Entered the Clarence Buckingham Collection after 1947 (probably 1948) (Harold Joachim, ‘A rare illustrated book by Cranach,’ Bulletin of the Art Institute of Chicago, 43 (1949), pp. 8–11 (p. 8); copy also documented in: Grossmann, ‘Wittenberg Printing,’ p. 63).

Shelfmark: i 2554 Description: Copy on paper. Provenance: Franz Ludwig de Bally (1691–1740), syndic for Augsburg Cathedral Chapter (ex libris and ex libris with coat of arms and running number “279” on the inside of the front cover) (My thanks to Rüdiger May, Head of the Studienbibliothek, for this information).

7

| Saxon State and University Library, Dresden (Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (slub), Dresden)

Shelfmark: S.B. 1034 Description: Copy on paper; some underlining Provenance: Came into the possession of the Kurfürstliche Bibliothek (Dresden); ex libris: Bibliotheca Electoralis publica.

8

| Saxon State and University Library, Dresden (Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (slub), Dresden)

Shelfmark: S.B. 1696 Description: Copy on paper; bound together with 31 other works of varying content and mostly printed c.1520–1523; the Wittenberg Relic Book is no. 17.

Catalogue of Relic Books

9

441

| University and State Library of Saxony-Anhalt, Halle (Saale) (Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, Halle (Saale))

Shelfmark: rar A 173 Description: Incomplete copy on paper; lacks 7 leaves: fol. 26, fol. 28, fol. 31, fol. 32, fol. 38, fol. 40, fol. 44; new leaves are bound in in their place; fol. 29 is bound after fol. 30; scattered, sparse colouring (Sections i and ii); in places small pieces of paper have been attached to mend the leaves; bound together with another incomplete printed work.

10

| Private Collection: collections of K. and U. Schulz, Karlsruhe

11

* | The Royal Library, Denmark (Copenhagen) (Det kongelige bibliotek (København))

Shelfmark: None Description: Copy on paper; worm holes; some paper patching; woodcuts glued in as flyleaves. The front flyleaf woodcut: Emperor Charles v enthroned, surrounded by the Electoral Princes; the heading reads: “Die Kronu[n]g geschehe[n] zu Ach Konig Carolo” [The coronation of King Charles, which took place in Aachen]. This woodcut also served as the title page of the eponymous pamphlet ([Landshut: Johann Weißenburger, 1520]) (vd 16 zv 27110). Only known copy of this pamphlet to date: German Historical Museum, Berlin; shelfmark R 53/4701.1. The woodcut on the back flyleaf boasts an allegorical depiction, the Calumny of Apelles, dated 1515; beneath it is der verklaft ivngling [The Calumnied Youth], probably first used in the translation of Lucian’s Calumnia by Dietrich von Pleningen: Von Klaffern : Hernach volge[n] Zway puechlein das ain Lucianus: vnd das ander Poggius beschriben haben haltend in inen. das man den verklaffern und haymlichen ornplousern: keynen glouben geben soll (Landshut, 1516; vd 16 L 3019, vd 16 P 3886). On this woodcut see Richard Förster, ‘Die Verläumdung des Apelles in der Renaissance. ii. Kompositionen der Deutschen,’ Jahrbuch der Königlich Preußischen Kunstsammlungen, 8 (1887), pp. 89–113 (pp. 89–91) Provenance: Entry of ownership from 1619 on the lower half of the title page, damaged by worm holes: Sebast: C … essely sum. Emptus Vienna // 1619 … 36 …

Shelfmark: 69, 91, S-30 Description: Incomplete copy on paper (38 leaves); it lacks fols. 29–32, fol. 37, fol. 41 Provenance: C.F. Temler (Christian Friedrich Temler (1717−1780)), of German descent; Danish civil servant and book collector. After his death his book collection was auctioned; some books entered the holdings of the Danish Royal Library (information taken from the online catalogue [accessed 26 November 2019]).

442 12

Appendix 1

* | The Royal Library, Denmark (Copenhagen) (Det kongelige bibliotek (København))

Shelfmark: Tyskl. bis 48845 4°, UB-boks, Diamanten, Boxmagasin, kb læsesal id Description: Incomplete copy on paper (43 leaves); it lacks the last leaf, fol. 44 (all information taken from the online catalogue [accessed 26 November 2019]).

13

| University Library, Leipzig (Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig)

14

| Department of Prints and Drawings, British Museum, London

15

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München)

Shelfmark: 92 8 1527 Description: Incomplete copy on paper; it lacks fol. 1, fol. 4, fol. 21, fol. 24, fols. 41–44; the missing title page has been bound in from the facsimile edition Provenance: The copy was bought in 1992 at the Leipzig auction house Sächsisches Auktionshaus und Antiquariat, for 43,067.50 Marks gross (auctioned to the limit of 35,000.00 Marks; cf. invoice of 18 May 1992) Comment: A report on the restauration of 11 May 1973 is glued inside the binding on the back.

Shelfmark: 158 d. 64 (Inv. no.: 1911-7-8-1) Description: Copy on paper.

Shelfmark: 4° L. impr. membr. 28 Description: Copy on parchment; only the title printed on auf fol. 1; no engraving Provenance: Cistercian Monastery of Aldersbach; in the binding the ex libris: Ad Bibliothecam Fratrum Alderspacensium.

16

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München)

Shelfmark: Rar 99 Description: Copy on paper; some wrong binding in Section viii: fol. 40 is followed by fol. 42, fol. 41, fol. 44, fol. 43 (sequence of the woodcuts: viii/1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 4, 5, 11, Electoral coat of arms, 9, 10); some handwritten annotations on fol. 9v Provenance: Probably came to the Königliche Central-Bibliothek in Munich from the Monastery of Dießen in 1804 (cf. Heller, Verzeichniss, p. 100). Ex libris: Bibliotheca Regia Monacensis.

17

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München)

Shelfmark: (4°) Rar 1648 # Beibd. 1

Catalogue of Relic Books

443

Description: Copy on paper; sparsely coloured; headings of procession sections underlined; miscellany volume from the library of Hartmann Schedel; pages numbered by hand on fols. 65–108; bound together with: Christoph Scheurl, Libellus De Laudibus Germanie & ducu[m] Saxonie (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1508; vd 16 S 2795) Provenance: From the library of Hartmann Schedel (handwritten annotation on the flyleaf); the volume may be a gift from Christoph Scheurl to Hartmann Schedel. The former was called from Wittenberg back to his home city of Nuremberg in 1511 and from 1512 until his death was active as an advisor to the City Council (ndb, xxii. 715–716).

18

| Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München)

Shelfmark: Res 4° H. eccl. 851 Description: Copy on paper; rubricated; headings underlined; other underlining; lacks the title-page engraving; the title is cut out and pasted onto a new leaf; “Collegij Societatis Jesu monaci” noted underneath; handwritten annotation above the coat of arms of Frederick the Wise: “Haec sunt arma et insignia p[rae]stantissimi christianiß Ducis Rudolphi Saxonie” Provenance: Jesuit College, Munich.

19

| German National Museum, Nuremberg (Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: K. 1694 Description: Incomplete copy on paper; lacks fols. 1, 6, 9, 18, 30, 37, 40 Provenance: From the collection of the Freiherr von und zu Aufseß; ownership stamp.

20

| Library of Otto Schäfer, Schweinfurt (Bibliothek Otto Schäfer, Schweinfurt)

Shelfmark: os 441 Description: Incomplete copy on paper; lacks fol. 29, fol. 32, fol. 34, fol. 36, replaced by facsimile; wormholes; handwritten note in brown ink underneath the title, crossed through and indecipherable Provenance: Ex libris Lia Ekmann; bought at auction at Branner-Rasmussen in Copenhagen in 1965 for the Library of Otto Schäfer, Schweinfurt.

21

| Duchess Anna Amalia Library, Weimar (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek – Klassik Stiftung Weimar)

Shelfmark: Ku 8° iii Q – 48 (e) Description: Copy on paper; title page trimmed at the top but with the loss of text or image; handwritten entries on two leaves bound in before the Relic Book: (1) by

444

Appendix 1

C[arl] Ruland, Director of the Grand Ducal Collections, giving information about the provenance of this copy and that it was purchased by proxy for the Grand Duchess (Sophie); (2) in the hand of Carl Alexander, Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach, who states that the Relic Book was attributed to Lucas Cranach and the copy was a birthday present from his spouse in 1886. He bequeaths the book to the Museum as his possession so that it may serve the purposes of the Museum Provenance: From the collection of the Postmaster General and later Minister of State Carl Ferdinand Friedrich von Nagler (1770−1846) (stamp of provenance “v.N.” on the title page); von Nagler’s collection was acquired for the newly founded Print Room; it was relocated there by 4 March 1835; Kupferstich-Sammlungen der Königlichen Museen [Collection of Engravings in the Royal Museums]; ownership stamp on the title page and last page. On stamps indicating provenance see Dreyer, ‘Zur Kennzeichnung von Provenienzen.’ As a doublet in the holdings of the collection it was sent for auction at Amsler & Ruthardt (undated selection stamp of the Royal Print Room on the title page and fol. 44r, here with the note “a.86” as well as an entry by Carl Ruland). Bought there from Carl Ruland by order of the Grand Duchess for 1,575 Marks in 1886. Intermediary for the purchase was a bookseller Cohn (entry by Ruland). A gift from the Grand Duchess to her husband, Grand Duke Carl Alexander. He gives it to the Weimar Museum on 10 February 1887; Ruland’s note is dated 17 February 1887 (My thanks to Katja Lorenz, Head of Special Collections, Klassik Stiftung Weimar, for kindly providing photographs).

22

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien)

Shelfmark: *43.H.232 Rara Description: Copy on paper; elaborately and vividly coloured; in places the backgrounds as far as the frames of the images; in places brown colouration (probably older); some underlining in the text Provenance: Ex libris on the verso of a page bound in in front: mentem alit et excolit (motto of the Austrian National Library: “It nourishes and educates the mind”).

23

| Luther House, Wittenberg (Lutherhaus Wittenberg)

Inventory number: ss 3579 Description: Copy on parchment; only the title printed on fol. 1; lacks engraving; “Saxonis” noted under the title; further notes and underlining in the text, amongst others beneath the Elizabeth Glass: “Dieses Glas ist nach Abschaffung der Abgötte- // rei D. Luttero geschenkt worden” [This glass was given to Dr. Luther after an end was put to idolatry] Provenance: Purchased in 1995 by Saxony-Anhalt Comment: On permanent loan to the Luther House in Wittenberg.

Catalogue of Relic Books

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445

| Evangelical Seminary, Wittenberg (Evangelisches Predigerseminar Wittenberg)

Shelfmark: A vii 33 Description: Copy on parchment; only the title printed on fol. 1; lacks engraving; incomplete: 42 leaves; lacks fols. 34 and 35; in places robes, hems and mouths are coloured in brown Indian ink; annotations and occasional underlining in the text; in places the number of relics is restated in Arabic numerals in brown ink next to the printed numbers in the text. Underneath the title a handwritten entry across the whole title page in black ink:

vobis proce res academiae wittenberg

omnium Ordinum dignis Zimj Benefactores Sum[m]i Jn symboloum grati animi, ob bene merita hactenus collata, Reverentiamq[ue], qua Parentem D. Bartholomaeum Professorem Vestrum, Ordinarium & Seniorem p.m. sorio animi affectu prosecuti semper estis

catalogum hunc reliquiarum primum, authenticum, sacello vestro Sacrum ex hereditate paterna offero, Archivoq[ue] vestro Academico infero. johan bartholomaeus reusnerus j.u.d. et Facultatis Juridicae hic in Patria Witteberg. Assesor. Die xxvii Novembris Anno J Chr. mdcxliii. Provenance: From the estate of Bartholomäus Reusner (1565 Breslau – 1629 Wittenberg); full professor in the Faculty of Law, University of Wittenberg, to his son Johann Bartholomäus; in 1643 the latter donated the book to the ­University of Wittenberg in memory of his father (on Johann Bartholomäus see adb, xxviii. 302–303) Comment: Restored in 1998.

446 25

Appendix 1

| Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

Shelfmark: 154. 2 Theol. (1) Description: Copy on paper; scribblings on the title paper and handwritten notes; some of the faces of the Dukes of Saxony are lightly coloured; bound together with the Hall Relic Book of 1520 and twelve other printed works (all printed works bound in chronological order, Wittenberg in first place; then the Halle Relic Book; the other works were printed between 1526 and 1534, including works by Luther) Provenance: From the collection of Augustus the Younger (1579−1666), Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg (on the chronology of the shelfmark groups see Paul Raabe, Die Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel. Bestände – Kataloge – Erschließung (Wolfenbüttel: Herzog-August-Bibliothek, 1971), pp. 12−16).



Halle Relic Book 1520

VOrtzeichnus vnd // zceigung des hochlob // wirdigen heiligthumbs // der Stifftkirchen der heiligen // Sanct Moritz vnd Ma- // rien Magdalenen // zu Halle. Colophon: Gedruckt yn der löblichen stadt halle; Nach // Christi Vnsers hern geburt Funfftzehenhu[n]dert // Vnd Jm Zcwentzigesten: Jhare. (fol. 120r) Bibliographical Reference: vd 16 v 896 Print variant: Colophon: Gedruckt yn der löblichen stadt halle ; Nach // Christi Vnsers hern geburt Funfftzehenhu[n]dert // Vnnd Jm Zcwenntzigestenn Jhare. (fol. 120r) Bibliographical Reference: vd 16 V 897 Printer: [Wolfgang Stöckel] Place of publication: Halle Year of publication: 1520 Commissioner: Cardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg Artists: Engraving by Albrecht Dürer; woodcuts by Wolf Traut and an anonymous master (a pupil of Cranach, Simon Franck?) Length: 121 leaves; gatherings numbered: [A i–iv], B i–[iv], C i–[iv], D i-[iv], E i–[iv], F i–[vi], G i–[vi], H i–[vi], J i–[vi], K i–[vi], L i–[vi], M i–[vi], N i–[vi], O i–[vi], P i–[vi], Q i–[vi], R i–[vi], S i–[vi], T i–[vi], V i–[vi], X i–[vi], Y i–[v]

Catalogue of Relic Books

447

Number of sections: 9 sections organized according to the hierarchy of the saints: unidentified relic; Agnus Dei etc. (i); relics of Christ (ii); relics of Mary (iii); Patriarchs and Prophets (iv); Apostles and Evangelists (v); Martyrs (vi); Holy Bishops and Confessors (vii); Holy Virgins (viii); Holy Widows (ix) Number of woodcuts: 237, including 234 reliquaries distributed across the sections: i/29, ii/33; iii/9; iv/12; v/17; vi/53; vii/30; viii/40; ix/11; 193 attributed to Wolf Traut; 44 are anonymous (Eduard Flechsig, Cranachstudien. Erster Teil (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1900), pp. 222–236), as well as an engraving Title image: Title decorated with a web of ornamentally intertwined lines in a woodcut Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Engraving The Small Cardinal by Albrecht Dürer; fol. 2r: Albrecht of Brandenburg and Ernst of Saxony as patrons with their patron saints (John the Evangelist, the Apostel Thomas) and the model of the collegiate church; above that the patron saints of the church (Mary Magdalene, Maurice, Erasmus); fol. 120v: coat of arms of Albrecht of Brandenburg; fol. 121r: coat of arms of Ernst of Saxony Display: Sunday after the Birth of Mary Comment: In the facsimile edition of 2001 fols. 38v–39r and 43v–44r have been swopped round (Nickel (ed.), Das Hallesche Heiltumbuch von 1520).

Copies 1

| Capuchin Monastery, Appenzell (Kapuzinerkloster Appenzell)

Shelfmark: v 2/1 Description: (vd 16 V 897) Incomplete example on paper; lacks fol. 1, fol. 3, fol. 6, fol. 18, fol. 20, fol. 32, fol. 34, fol. 35, fol. 74, fol. 121. Note of ownership on fol. 2: “Loci Capucinorum Appenzellae”; on a leaf bound in at the beginning is a drawing (probably second half of the sixteenth century): a naked man sits, turned to the left, on a tree stump. At his feet he holds the Saxon coat of arms displaying a lozenge pattern. Above him on the left is a moon with “lunatic[us]” noted next to it. Next to him on the right stands a man with a claw foot in secular clothes with a sword on his belt, clasping a book identified as a Gospel which he holds out to the naked man. Above him is the note: “Der Bredigkanten Vater” [father of the Order of Preachers]. A small devil with a wind instrument sits on his shoulder. The annotation next to it reads: “hierbei, hierbei zum suessen brei” [This way, this way to the sweet porridge]. Above the scene there are satirical rhymes about the relics in Saxony and their destruction through Luther. Twentytwo more leaves are bound in after the work; with further drawings, annotations and scribblings Provenance: Note of purchase and donation on the flyleaf of the binding: in large writing: 1595 Jn [der] ersten Wuch: Julij kaufft Jch zu Anntorff [1595 In [the] first week:

448

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July I bought it in Antwerp]; in small writing underneath that: “Das Buch ist Morez (Moretz?) Megepeier (?) zu Appen Zell ist mir geschenket worden” [The book belongs to Morez (Moretz?) Megepeier (?) in Appenzell; it was given to me].

2

| German Historical Museum, Berlin (Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin)

Shelfmark: R 79/724.1 (pa) Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper; bound together with the Wittenberg Relic Book; Halle in first place Provenance: The binding (pig leather) bears the initials of the bookbinder “N.Z.” (Nickel Zinn). Zinn was active between 1556 and 1569, chiefly in the circle round the Anhalt court. The majority of books bearing the initials “N.Z.” come from the collection of the Fürst Georg Bibliothek, Dessau (Helwig, Handbuch der Einbandkunde, ii. 52; Haebler, Rollen- und Plattenstempel, i. 514–516; Münnich, ‘Die Bibliothek des Francisceums,’ pp. 20–21; Specht, ‘Zerbster Buchbinder,’ p. 100). The book was acquired in 1979 by the German Historical Museum (gdr) from a private collector for 20,000 Marks (see inventory entry).

3

| Print Room, State Museums, Berlin (Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)

Shelfmark: 2415 (call number: 416 blau) Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper; fol. 1 (title and engraving) narrowly trim­ med; set on new backing paper and bound at the front of the inner book; the coats of arms of Albrecht and Ernst (fol. 120v, fol. 121r) are identified by red-brown ink; in the text the ­patronates or the owners (e.g., co-patron or Archbishop Ernst etc.); paper patching Provenance: From the collection of the Postmaster General and later Minister of State Carl Ferdinand Friedrich von Nagler (1770−1846) (stamp of provenance “v.N.” on the title page); von Nagler’s collection was acquired for the newly founded Print Room; it was relocated there by 4 March 1835; ownership stamp of the Kupferstich-­ Sammlungen der Königlichen Museen; on stamps indicating provenance see Dreyer, ‘Zur Kennzeichnung von Provenienzen.’

4

| Berlin State Library (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin)

5

| University and State Library, Darmstadt (Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt)

Shelfmark: Libri impr. rari 4° 195 (acquisition number: 113449) Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper Provenance: Stamp of ownership (fol. 1v): Ex Biblioth. Regia Berolinensi; this stamp was used between 1841/42 and 1881/82 (Jammers, Bibliotheksstempel, no. 11, p. 21).

Shelfmark: M10.029

Catalogue of Relic Books

449

Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper; annotation on the title page above the title: “Tristia Pontificae superstitiones Mo = //numenta.”; under the title: “Annumeror libris Henr. Christ. von Hennin [anno] 1679”; under the decoration: “Rarissimus hic liber impressus Hallae Saxonum 1520. ante // plenam Reformationem D. Lutheri ostendit mirificum stuporem Papi-//starum in Reliquiis servandis et venerandis, et incredibiles indulgenti-//arum nundinationes. V. Clausulam hujus Libri, ubi reperies Indulgentias 39245120 annor. 222 dier. hoc libri contineri” Provenance: From the estate of Heinrich Christian von Hennin [de Hennin/von Henning] (1655 or 1658–1703), doctor and philologist (Consortium of European Research Libraries (cerl) Thesaurus [accessed 10 August 2012]); ownership stamp “Grossherzoglich Hessische Hofbibliothek”; this stamp was used from the beginning of the nineteenth century and 1918–20 (Jammers, Bibliotheksstempel, no. 36, p. 58).

6

| University and State Library, Darmstadt (Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt)

Shelfmark: M10.030 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Incomplete copy on paper; lacks the title page; handwritten annotations; two other printed works bound in: Pro Jntroductione Reliquiarum […] [n.p., n.d.]; Ordo servandus in processio[n]ibus […] [n.p., n.d.] Provenance: Notes in the binding of the volume: “sum ex bibliotheca D.M. Adami mel- manni anno 1620” (crossed through); underneath “Jam vero Jnsernio Georgio Jacobi / dicto” (the rest is illegible); underneath notes according to which the earliest provable owner is a Georg Jacobi, followed by Adam Melmann, vicar of the parish of Obernau (Ruchelnheim) in 1604–28 and 1638 (Helmut Hinkel, Pfarrer und Seelsorge im Aschaffenburger Raum. Die Landkapitel Montat und Rodgau 1550–1650 (Aschaffenburg: Geschichts- und Kunstverein Aschaffenburg, 1980), pp. 133–134). At the bottom of fol. 2 ownership stamp: “Grossherzoglich Hessische Hofbibliothek”; this stamp was used from the beginning of the nineteenth century and 1918–20 (Jammers, Bibliotheksstempel, no. 36, p. 58) Comment: The printed work Pro Jntroductione Reliquiarum is not yet documented in the vd 16; it is a Mass ordinary from the Collegiate Church in Halle.

7

| University Research Library Erfurt / Gotha (Erfurt branch) (Universitäts- und Forschungsbibliothek Erfurt / Gotha)

Shelfmark: ub Erfurt, Dep. Erf. 13-Hg. 8° 8370 Description: (vd 16 V 897) Incomplete copy on paper; lacks title page, handwritten entry in sixteenth-century; information on this book found on leaves bound in at the beginning in the early twentieth century, on reprints of the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries (Wolfgang Franz, Historischer Erzehlung Der Beyden Heiligthümen / nemblich  eines / So in der Schloßkirchen zu Wittenberg (Wittenberg: Helwig, 1618); Joh.[ ann] Chr.[istoph] von Dreyhaupt, Pagus Neletici et Nudzici oder Ausführliche

450

Appendix 1

diplomatisch-­historische Beschreibung des … Saal-Creyses und aller darinnen befindlichen Städte, Schlösser, Aemter etc. (Halle: Verlag des Waysenhauses, Part i (1749), Part ii (1755), Part i; Muther, Hallisches Heiligthumsbuch vom Jahre 1520)); lacks title page since 11 April 1921 at the latest = corresponding entry glued onto the inside of the book cover: “Auskunft der Deutschen Bibliotheken” [information from the German Libraries] with the description of the copy in the Berlin State Library from 5 March 1924; instead of the title page a leaf is bound in which bears the title and colophon; under it is Schöffer’s coat of arms, also reproduced in Wolfram Suchier, ‘Das Hallische Heiligtumsbuch (1520), der älteste hallische Druck,’ Hallische Universitätszeitung, 1, 3. Semesterfolge (1929), pp. 2–4 (p. 3) Provenance: Stamp of the Königlich preußische Bibliothek zu Erfurt [Royal Prussian Library in Erfurt] (on fol. 3r: Koenigl: Pr: Bibliothek zu Erfurt), later renamed the Stadtbücherei Erfurt [Erfurt City Library]; ownership stamp on the inside of the front binding (Benzing, ‘Anfänge des Buchdrucks,’ p. 203; Suchier, ‘Das Hallische Heiligtums­ buch,’ p. 3).

8

| University Library, Frankfurt am Main (Universitätsbibliothek Frankfurt am Main)

Shelfmark: Ausst. 208 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper; a number of entries; recent minor restoration of the paper. Provenance: From the collection of Sulpiz Boisserée (1783–1854); sold at auction by Math. Lempertz in Bonn on 3 November 1854 and subsequent days from the library in the estate of Dr. Sulpiz Boisserée under the number 2147 (cf. the advertisement of the auction house glued onto the flyleaf of the copy). The copy entered the library of Heinrich Anton Cornill d’Orville; cf. the ex libris on the verso of a leaf bound in before the inner book: H.A. Cornill-d’Orville in Frankfurt a/M.; and the stamp on the title page. Heinrich Anton Cornill d’Orville (1790–1875) was Administrator of the Städel Museum and known for his Dürer collection (ndb, iii. 376). Comment: On the recto of the leaf bound before the inner book: literature is noted (nineteenth-century hand) in which the Halle Relic Book and the engraving are mentioned and their suggested attribution (amongst others Panzer, Annalen; Heller, Das Leben und die Werke Albrecht Dürer’s). Heller thanks Sulpiz Boisserée for the temporary loan of his copy of the Halle Relic Book (Heller, Das Leben und die Werke Albrecht Dü­ rer’s, p. 511).

9

| Göttingen State and University Library (Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen)

Shelfmark: 8° H. Sax. Pr. 2560 Rara

Catalogue of Relic Books

451

Description: (vd 16 V 896) Incomplete copy on paper; lacks title page, a facsimile of which was added; some notes and underlining; coloured coat of arms of Ernst of Saxony (fol. 12r) Provenance: Acquisition number: 1912.1541 Celle 3828 (noted in pencil on the third page); the entry in the acquisition register of Göttingen University Library (1 May 1912; accession number 1912.1541) reads: Titel: [Hallisches Heiligtumbuch.] (Halle 1520) 8 (nebst: Titelblatt, als Geschenk d. Kgl. Bibl. Berlin geliefert. 26.iv.1915) Einband: br [= broschiert] Bezugsquelle: Celler Kirchenministerialbibliothek Wissenschaftsfach: T [= Theologie] Anzahl der Bände : 1 Bemerkungen: ohne Titelblatt; durch K.B. Berlin nachgeliefert. Title: [Hall Relic Book] (Halle 1520) 8 (also: title page as gift of the Royal Library Berlin, delivered 26.iv.1915) Binding: br [paperbound] Source: Kirchenministerialbibliothek in Celle Academic discipline: T [Theology] Number of volumes: 1 Comment: lacks title page; supplied by K.B. [Königliche Bibliothek, Berlin]

The books from the Kirchen- und Ministerialbibliothek in Celle entered Göttingen University Library between 1912 and 1917 via the Royal Library in Berlin. The latter selected the literature in which it was interested and gave the remainder to Göttingen (Christiane Kind-Doerne, Die Niedersächsische Staatsund Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986), p. 36). (My thanks to Bärbel Mund, Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books, Göttingen State and University Library, for the information on provenance.) Comment: The Halle Relic Book went to Göttingen because the Royal Library in Berlin obviously (already) possessed a copy (see no. 4).

10

| Marienbibliothek Halle (Saale)

Shelfmark: Hof 135 (Q) = Description: (vd 16 V897) Incomplete copy on paper; lacks the title page and fol. 116; bound together with four other works printed between 1545 and 1583 Provenance: From the collection of Friedrich Hoffmann (1660–1742), doctor and personal physician to King Frederick i and King Frederick William i (ndb, ix. 416–418; adb, xii. 584–588).

452

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11

| Marienbibliothek Halle (Saale)

12

| University and State Library of Saxony-Anhalt, Halle (Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, Halle (Saale))

Shelfmark: Schw 7 Description: (vd 16 V897) Incomplete copy on paper (86 of 121 leaves); lacks fols. 27–33, fols. 38–44, fols. 51–56, fols. 63–74, fol. 88, fols. 107–108; numerous annotations on the title page; underlining and some crossing-out in the text Provenance: From the collection Gustav Schwetschke (1804–1881), a family of printers and publishers in Halle (adb, xxxiii. 440–442).

Shelfmark: Pon Yb 3520 Description: Incomplete copy on paper (80 leaves); lacks fols. 1–5, 16, 22, 24, 25, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 41, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 63, 67, 84, 89, 107, 110, 113, 11, 116–121; the title is noted on a leaf bound in before the start of the work; on further leaves bound in at the start of the work there is information on reprints and scholarly literature (such as Johannes Peter de Ludewig: Reliquiae manuscriptorum, etc.) Provenance: Information on provenance is found on a leaf added before the start of the work: “Das Exemplar der ub Halle wurde am 19. September 1923 von dem Buchhändler Gustav Moritz in Halle erworben, der es nach den Angaben im Tausch von dem Archivar a.D. Werner Konstantin von Arnswaldt Stift Fischbeck an der Weser im Sommer 1923 erhalten hatte; Access 1923.k.2361 Akten ub 17/4” [The copy in the University Library in Halle was acquired from the bookseller Gustav Moritz in Halle, who – according to the information available – acquired it, as part of an exchange, from Werner Konstantin von Arnswaldt, the archivist at Stift Fischbeck an der Weser, in summer 1923; acquisition number 1923.k.2361 Akten ub 17/4]. The shelfmark shows that the book came from the Ponickau Collection. In 1789 Johann August von Ponickau (1718– 1802) gave his collection to the University of Wittenberg; the collection was continually expanded; after the merger of the Universities of Wittenberg and Halle it went to Halle (adb, xxvi. 410–411) Comment: On the inside of the book cover the location of extant copies is noted as follows: State Library, Berlin; Göttingen University Library; University and State L­ ibrary, Darmstadt (2 copies); Württemberg State Library, Stuttgart; Wolfenbüttel lb; Breslau [Wrocław] City Library; Frankfurt City Library; Hamburg City Library, Jan. 1924.

13

| State and University Library, Hamburg (Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Hamburg)

Shelfmark: Scrin A/109 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper; some notes on the title page and crossingout in pencil

Catalogue of Relic Books

453

Provenance: Was already in the possession of Hamburg City Library (stamp on title page).

14

| State and University Library, Hamburg (Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Hamburg)

Shelfmark: Scrin A/110 Description: (vd 16 V 897) Incomplete copy on paper; lacks fol. 12, fol. 29, fol. 30; some colouring; annotation from the sixteenth century, crossed through in some places; some of the woodcuts are crossed through; scribbles.

15

| Jagiellonian Library, Cracow (Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Kraków)

Shelfmark: bj St. Dr. Cim. 5746–5747 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Copy on paper; in places small crosses in the margins in ink (on fols. 6–24). On the stamped, mid-sixteenth-century, pig-leather binding Johannes Ponethowski’s (Jan Ponętowski) coats of arms are stamped as a supralibros. His ex libris is also glued onto the front flyleaf; above it in Ponethowski’s hand: “Nemo de relictus, qui confidit in Domino// Joannes Ponethowski Abbas Gradicen[is].” Two blank leaves are bound into the volume before the inner book; opposite the title page is this handwritten entry by Ponethowski: “Joannes Ponethowski, Abbas Gradicensis, Prothonotarius Apostolicus, // Hunc librum Sacrarum Reliquiarum, Pulchro opere consignatorum, // SAcro collegio cracowien[sis], consecrate, vt diligenti intuitu circumspi // ciant illum, Patres venerandi Praesidentis, huius almo Academie, // Vtq[e] zelo pietatis intenti, elegant sibi quamcu[m]que ex istis porciunculis // Fabricam, ac procurent Aurifabro in Laudem Dei comparare Et Ec // clesiae Sancta honorem ­conferre, ita vt memoriali Morum se[m]piterna // non solum in ea vita n[atu]ra caduca manebit, Verum cogiam, et in albriis do // mus Jacob, perpetuo florebit, nam sicut pauperes, nil hic saecu[m] importa // vimus, sit secum reportavimus, nisi bona merita nostra, Ideo // mereamur Domino in tempore, cum tempus instat. Et hanc mammonam // iniquitatis, venerandi conscripti togati Patres, in res sacras impen[dem] // ne per occasione ne sequatur, peccatum[m] furti, quia a furti tollitur, et sic // perditur, et ab origine corru[m]pitur. Et ne damna sequa[m], Da tua cu[m] tua // sunt, post mortem tua non erunt, Solemnitas enim, seruatur Dinisio Apo // stolorum, quilibet pro se etc. // Idem qui supra P[one]t[how]s[ki].” The ownership stamp is on the title page: bibliotheca vniv. iagell. cracovienis; as are a handwritten record of ownership, “Bibliotheca Collegii Majoris Univerisit[a]tis Cracov[iensis],” and the old shelfmark in black ink. The following maxim is noted on the verso of the flyleaf in black ink: “Tres optimae Matres, genueru[n]t, tres malas filias // Veritas Parit odiium + Familiaritas nimia contemptu[m]// Pax ocium et vicium” Provenance: From the estate of Johannes Ponethowski (c. 1530–1598), Abbot of the Monastery of Hradisch (Hradisko) from 1577 to 1587 (Piotr Hordyński, ‘Kolekcja Jana

454

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Ponętowskiego. Wstęp do opisu zawartości,’ Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej, 66 (2016), pp. 69–84 (p. 84)). In 1592 he gave his book collection to the University of Cracow (Rafał Szmytka, ‘Graficzne przedstawienie przemocy w Quarante tableaux Jeana ­Perrissina i Jacques’a Tortorela,’ Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej, 67 (2017), pp. 129–151 (p. 150)).

16

| British Library, London

17

| Library of the Museum of Fine Art, Monastery of Our Dear Lady, Magdeburg (Bibliothek des Kunstmuseums Kloster Unser Lieben Frauen, Magdeburg)

Shelfmark: C. 25 e. 23 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Incomplete copy on paper (114 leaves); lacks fol. 1, fol. 25, fol. 37, fol. 67, fol. 67, fol. 68, fol. 86, the last leaf (fol. 121); the coat of arms of Ernst of Saxony inserted as title page.

Shelfmark: ix.B.c.1.a.Qu. Description: (vd 16 V 897) Incomplete copy on paper; handwritten annotations and copying of the woodcuts. On the front flyleaf of the volume the processional sections and number of reliquary illustrations are noted. This may be an imperfect impression since it lacks numerous woodcuts and the ornamental curlicues as well as large parts of the text. Instead of the woodcuts, very precise copies (traced?) are pasted into it in places; and, in the remainder, engravings from Johann Christian Dreyhaupt: Pagus Neletici et Nudzici oder Ausführliche diplomatisch-historische Beschreibung des … SaalCreyses (Dreyhaupt, Pagus Neletici et Nudzici, part 1, pp. 853–866). In places the text is written in by hand, mimicking the typography. In addition, several depictions of coins and seals of Emperor Frederick iii and Cardinal Albrecht as well as of Saint Maurice as the patron saint of the diocese, taken from Dreyhaupt parts 1 and 2, are pasted onto the front pages (Dreyhaupt, Pagus Neletici et Nudzici, part 1, Plate xxv, after p. 1096; part 2, Plate xix, after p. 440; Plate xxi, after p. 432, no. 38, no. 40). The following handwritten note is on fol. 4: Magd. ad 28 Mart. 1726. // nb [Notabene] Diese Heiligthümer sind nach Mayntz // von Card. Alberto transportiret u. worden // da noch besonders verzeichet, u. Alberti Schatz // soumiert, wie d. Geh. Rath u. Professor Lude-//wig in Halle, der ihn gesehen, versichert u. solches // dem ersten hw. [hochwohlgeborenen] ­Syndico (Smeliar zu Magd.) gesagt // hatt. Ein guth recompens wenigßt 2 Louis // d’or Costen sie zu besehen // 6. Plenarii vulg. Missalia 11. Monstrantzen 42. gantze Cörper der Heiligen

Catalogue of Relic Books

455

11. Cruzifixe 11. Guldene und silberne [Caseln?] 9. Pacenis 25. Sarcophagi 115 Magd[eburg], 28 March 1726 // N.B. These relics were transported to Mainz by Card. Albrecht and were separately listed there and Albrecht’s Treasure summarized, as verified by Privy Councillor and Professor Ludewig in Halle, who has seen the relics and said as much to the Honourable First Syndic (Smeliar zu Magd.). A good charge to see them, at least 2 louis d’or 6 Plenarii vulg. Missalia 11 monstrances 42 complete saints’ bodies 11 cruzifixes 11 golden and silver [chasubles?] 9 patens 25 sarcophagi 115

On fol. 5r an engraved copy of the woodcut of the donor has been pasted in, taken from Dreyhaupt, Pagus Neletici et Nudzici, part 1, Plate A, after p. 854. Although the engraving by Albrecht Dürer (The Small Cardinal) has been copied (fol. 5), an engraved copy of it, taken from Dreyhaupt, Pagus Neletici et Nudzici, part 1, p. 853, is also pasted onto fol. 6r. On fol. 7 is an exact copy of the title page of the Halle Relic Book in ink; “Halle 1521” is noted on the left, underneath the lowest ornamental flourishes; on the bottom right is noted “S. Walther.” On fol. 8r the repetition of the title from Dreyhaupt, Pagus Neletici et Nudzici, part 1, p. 853 is pasted in. 18

| National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne

Inventory number: 3668/4 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Incomplete copy on paper; lacks title page; a facsimile of the engraving is pasted in Provenance: I.L. Lindewig (1698) (according to Irena Zdanowicz (ed.), Albrecht Dürer in the Collection of the National Gallery of Victoria (Melbourne: National Gallery, 1994), no. 18, p. 217). This is probably better resolved as J.L. Ludewig. See the entry on fol. 121v: “J.L. Ludouicus // Hala Sueu. [Schwäbisch Hall] // Hanouerae….” This might be an entry by Juliana Louise, the daughter of Johann Peter von Ludewig (b. 1668 in Honhardt near Schwäbisch Hall; d. 1743 in Halle). It is, at least, not improbable that the

456

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book came from the circles round Johann Peter von Ludewig, who was a historian and jurist at the University of Halle (ndb, xv. 293–295) (My thanks to Dagmar Eichberger (Tübingen) for a photographic reproduction of the copy in Melbourne).

19

| German National Museum, Nuremberg (Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nürnberg)

Shelfmark: K 1603 m Description: Incomplete copy on paper (76 of 121 leaves); the volume contains fol. 14, fol. 15 (these two leaves are bound in at the end of the book), fols. 17–21, fols. 26–28, fol. 31, fol. 32, fol. 38, fol. 40, fol. 43, fol. 46, fol. 49, fol. 51, fol. 54, fols. 57–66, fols. 68–71, 73, fol. 74, fols. 76–80, fols. 87–103, fol. 110, fols. 112–115; the copy was re-bound (early or mid-nineteenth century); a blank leaf was bound in between every page and on it were noted the section number and the position of the reliquary; two leaves from the first section (fols. 14 and 15) were bound in at the end; a pencilled note (nineteenth-century hand) on the first newly bound-in leaf reads: “die Zeichnungen sind sehr wahrscheinlich von Matthias Grünewald” [The drawings are very probably by Matthias Grünewald].

20

| Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

Shelfmark: reserve Le-60e-4 Description: (vd 16 V 896) Complete copy on paper; pages numbered in pencil throughout; woodcuts on the rectos stamped almost throughout. All ownership stamps are on the title page; the old ownership stamp of the Kupferstich-Sammlungen der Königlichen Museen, including the stamp showing the date on which the volume was selected for sale, is on fol. 121v (see Provenance). Handwritten comments on fol. 120r in two different hands. Underneath the first paragraph in an eighteenth-century hand: “Quadragen, oder Geißlungs Erlaß Ludewig hällischer Anzeigen 1732 No xxviii, der von diesem Buche und Heiligthümern etwas erinnert” [Quadragenes, or remission from chastisement, Ludewig, Hällischer Anzeigen 1732 No. xxviii, who remembers something about this book and the relics]. Above the colophon in a sixteenth-century hand: “Ja das waren wol viele // die sich dessen gerne theilhaftigk machten wan sie musten // Ich meine Aber das Silber undt goldt. Aber nicht der todten // Pferde Knochen undt Alten lumpen” [Indeed, there were certainly many who gladly participated for they had to. I mean, however, in the silver and gold. But not the dead horses’ bones and old rags] Provenance: Originally from the collection of the Postmaster General and later Minister of State Carl Ferdinand Friedrich von Nagler (1770−1846) (provenance stamp “v.N.” on the title page); this collection was acquired for the newly founded Print Room; its relocation was completed by 4 March 1835; Kupferstich-Sammlungen der Königlichen Museen (ownership stamp). On stamps indicating provenance see Dreyer, ‘Zur ­Kennzeichnung von Provenienzen.’ Sold at auction as a doublet on 18 October 1881

Catalogue of Relic Books

457

(stamp showing the date on which the volume was selected for sale on the title page and fol. 121v). Sold to the Bibliothèque nationale (ownership stamp on title page); stamp with acquisition number 4447.

21

| State Library of Württemberg, Stuttgart (Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart)

Shelfmark: R 16 Vor 1 Description: (vd 16 V 897) Incomplete copy on paper (111 leaves); lacks fols. 13–16, fols. 63–68 (= gatherings D 1–4, N 1–6); an entry on fol. 119v (not in a contemporary hand): “summa 210 Stück Heiligthum” [altogether 210 relics] Provenance: Comes from the Royal Reference Library (Königliche Handbibliothek) of Frederick i (1754; r. 1806–1816), established between 1806 and 1810. Further stamp on the title page: “Aus der Königlichen Handbibliothek an die K. Landesbibliothek Stuttgart abgegeben 1901” [Relinquished by the Royal Reference Library to the Royal State Library in Stuttgart in 1901].

22

| Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien)

Shelfmark: 250 130-B Fid. (= 435-150) Description: Incomplete copy on paper (111 leaves); lacks fol. 1, fol. 4, fol. 105, fol. 110, fols. 112–115, fol. 119, fol. 120; some notes in the text and next to the images; occasional identification of the saints or the objects (e.g., Wolfgang; or Divus Hieronimus); I N R I added next to crosses or images of Christ; ii/25 Christ’s profile copied in black Indian ink Provenance: Stamp of the Library of the Fideicomiß (FID.C).

23

| Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

24

| Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel

Shelfmark: 154. 2 Theol. (2) Description: (vd 16 V 897) Copy on paper; occasional underlining; bound together with the Wittenberg Relic Book from 1509 and twelve other printed works (all printed works bound in chronological order, Wittenberg in first place; then Halle Relic Book; the other works were printed between 1526 and 1534, including works by Luther) Provenance: From the collection of Augustus the Younger, Duke of Brunswick-­ Lüneburg (1579−1666); on the chronology of the shelfmark groups see Raabe, Die Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, pp. 12−16.

Shelfmark: T 724.4° Helmst (3) Description: (vd 16 V 896) Incomplete copy on paper (119 leaves); lacks fols. 23 and 24; bound after two other printed works

458

Appendix 1

Provenance: From the holdings from Helmstedt, which are amongst the oldest preAugustus holdings in the Wolfenbüttel library. They include books which belonged to Julius, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg (1528–1589), who founded the library in Wolfenbüttel. In 1618 this library was transferred to Helmstedt and integrated into the university library there. After the dissolution of the university in 1810, the holdings were mainly transferred back to Wolfenbüttel (Raabe, Die Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, pp. 27−29).

25

* | Formerly (?) City Library, Breslau (Wrocław) (Stadtbibliothek Breslau)

Description: Incomplete copy on paper (Benzing, ‘Anfänge des Buchdrucks,’ p. 203) * | University Library of Erlangen-Nuremberg (Main Library) (Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg (Hauptbibliothek)) According to vd 16 there is a copy in the University Library; however, it cannot be traced in Library catalogues. (My thanks to Sigrid Kohlmann, Department for Manuscripts/Graphic Collection, for kindly confirming this.) Description: following vd 16 (vd 16 V 897).



Hall Relic Book, Manuscript (Preliminary Copy For Printing), 1508/09

In disem Heÿlthumb Puechlein wirdet // antzaigt, wie das hochwirdig kostparlich // vnd mercklich gross heÿlthumb vnd // dartzu die pëbstlichen grossen Römischen // gnaden vnd Aplass, damit die heÿlig // Capellen vnser Lieben Frawen Zu Hall // im Ÿntal, hern Florians von Wal // denstain Stifftung, miltigklichen // vnd reichlichen erleucht vnd begabt // ist, aus Pëpstlichem gewalt alle Jar // geweÿset vnd ausgeruefft werden, // am dritten Suntag nach sand Geörg // tag in der loblichen Stat // Hall im Ÿntal. Title with the alterations from a later redaction: In disem Heÿlthumb Puechlein ist vnter anderm antzaigt, wie das hochwirdig kostparlich vnd mercklich gross heÿlthumb vnd clainet vnd dartzu die pëbstlichen grossen Römischen gnaden vnd Aplass, damit die heÿlig Capellen vnser Lieben Frawen Zu Hall im Ÿntal, hern Florians von Waldenstain Stifftung, miltigklichen vnd reichlichen erleucht vnd begabt ist, aus Pëpstlichem gewalt alle Jar geweÿset vnd ausgeruefft werden, am dritten Suntag nach sand Geörg tag im lengsjarmarckt der loblichen Stat Hall im Ÿntal. Place: Hall in Tirol Date: 1508/09

Catalogue of Relic Books

459

Author/Commissioner: Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein Artist: Hans Burgkmair the Elder Length: Today 156 leaves, including all (smaller and larger) intercalated leaves Number of sections: 21 sections organized according to the hierarchy of the saints into 8 categories: Holy Virgins (i–viii); panels with various saints (ix); Confessors (x and xi); Martyrs (xii–xvii); Apostles and Evangelists (xviii); relics of Mary (xix); relics of Christ (xx); reliquary cross (xxi) Number of woodcuts: 145 altogether, including 121 depictions of reliquaries and one of an altar which is approximately the same size as the reliquary woodcuts Losses: 6 woodcuts (four with the numbers ix, xvi, xxv, xxvi; two depictions of reliquaries with the numbers 115 and 118) Title image: Town coat of arms of Hall (salt bucket held by two lions) Further illustrations: For a list of the woodcuts with their respective subjects and distribution in the manuscript see Appendix 8. Display: Annually on the third Sunday after Saint George’s Day (24 April) Location of manuscript: Parish Archive of Hall in Tyrol; no inventory number Brief Description: Autograph manuscript by Florian Waldauf; various later interventions in the form of additions and, mainly, deletions in the text (see also Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ pp. vi–vii, p. xxxi). The leaves are written on both sides; numbering on the upper right of the recto pages; the number on the last leaf is 186. There are various counting mistakes in the manuscript: 120 is followed by 122 (there is no missing leaf); fol. 170 is followed by fol. 180; the coherence of the text shows that no leaves are missing (fols. 171–179 have mistakenly been omitted from the numbering). A few, smaller leaves have been intercalated which contain text in Florian Waldauf’s hand as well as from later redactions. All these leaves are numbered with the respective folio number and a or b as applicable Losses: Approximately 30 leaves; lacks fol. 20, fol. 21, fols. 91–116 and probably one (at the most two) leaves after fol. 186 The woodcuts by Hans Burgkmair the Elder are unica. They are pasted in, occasionally next to the text, in places specifically left free in the manuscript and between individual pages. There are comments on some of the woodcuts in a later hand. The manuscript is bound in parchment on which the draft of a will is written (see Schmitz-Esser, ‘Beziehungen’). See Appendix 7 for the structure of the manuscript in the light of the index of headings.

12 objects

ii

15 woodcuts; 17 objects In addition to Pfeyl i/9 “One of her [Cunigunde’s] robes,” i/11 Gown of Saint Cunigunde 12

Mair 1493

12

15 woodcuts; 17 objects As Mair 1493

Sporer 1493 / i

12

15 woodcuts; 17 objects As Sporer i

12

15 woodcuts; 17 objects As Mair 1493

Sporer 1493 / ii Mair 1495

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_013

15 objects

i

Pfeyl 1493

12 objects

15 objects As Pfeyl 1493

Codex 1508/09

12 New: ii/11 (monstrance with relics of the Evangelist Luke etc. instead of a monstrance with relics of Saint Theodore etc.); ii/12 (monstrance with relics of the Holy Cross and Christ’s

13 woodcuts; 15 objects Lacks i/4 (Emperor Henry’s robe for his knighting) and i/11 (Cunigunde’s robe)

Pfeyl 1509

Bamberg Relic Books: Comparison of Distribution and Number of Reliquaries in All Editions

appendix 2

12 objects

12 objects

iii

iv

Pfeyl 1493

12

12

Mair 1493

12 New: iv/12 (monstrance with relics of Sigismund instead of a monstrance with relics of Saint Christopher etc.)

12

Sporer 1493 / i

12 As Sporer i

12 12 As Pfeyl 1493 and Mair 1493

12

Sporer 1493 / ii Mair 1495

12 objects As Pfeyl 1493 and Mair 1493/1495

12 objects

Codex 1508/09

12 New: iv/5 (monstrance with relics of Saints Elizabeth and Benigna instead of a monstrance with relics of Saint Andrew etc.); and v/12 (monstrance with relics of Matthew and Nonnosus instead of a monstrance with relics of Saint George etc.); v/ii (monstrance with relics of Sigismund etc. instead of a monstrance with relics of Saint Christopher etc.; cf. Sporer i/ii)

12

tomb etc. instead of a monstrance with relics of Saint Nicholas etc.)

Pfeyl 1509

COMPARISON OF DISTRIBUTION AND NUMBER OF RELIQUARIES

461

13 objects

13 objects

12 objects

12 objects

vi

vii

viii

ix

12

12

12 woodcuts; 13 objects vii/12 names an arm of Saint Vitus together with the arm of Saint Aldegundis

13

13 objects 12 In addition to Mair 1493/95; Sporer i/ii, Codex and Pfeyl 1509: v/12 (monstrance with relics of John the Baptist etc.)

Mair 1493

v

Pfeyl 1493

11 Lacks ix/5, Cunigunde’s hand

12

12 woodcuts; 13 objects vii/12 names an arm of Saint Vitus together with an arm of Saint Aldegundis

13

12

Sporer 1493 / i

12 Correction of Sporer i: ix/5 Cunigunde’s hand inserted

12

12 woodcuts; 13 objects vii/12 names an arm of Saint Vitus together with an arm of Saint Aldegundis

13

12

12

12

12 woodcuts. 13 objects vii/12 names an arm of Saint Vitus together with an arm of Saint Aldegundis

13

12

Sporer 1493 / ii Mair 1495

12 objects

12 objects

13 objects

13 objects

12 objects

Codex 1508/09

12

12

13

13

12 New: the distribution of the relics in the reliquaries: v/2; v/iii; v/6; v/11; v/12 However, the woodcuts drawings of the reliquaries correspond to the drawings in the Codex

Pfeyl 1509

462 Appendix 2 – BAMBERG RELIC BOOKS

12 objects

12 objects

138 objects

–

x

xi

total woodcuts of objects

total woodcuts

Pfeyl 1493

139 woodcuts Title: Henry/ Cunigunde procession, George’s fight with dragon

136 woodcuts; 139 objects

12

12 New: x/12 (casket with relics of Saint Helena’s arm instead of relics of Saints Severus and Willibald)

Mair 1493

138 woodcuts Title: coat of arms coat of arms, Henry/Cunigunde

135 woodcuts; 138 objects

12

12 As Mair 1493

Sporer 1493 / i

139 woodcuts Title: coat of arms coat of arms, Henry/ Cunigunde

136 woodcuts; 139 objects

12

12 As Sporer i

12 objects

12 objects As Mair 1493/95 and Sporer i/ii

Codex 1508/09

139 woodcuts Title: Henry/ Cunigunde procession, George’s fight with dragon

136 woodcuts; 137 objects 139 objects

12

12 As Mair 1493

Sporer 1493 / ii Mair 1495

136 woodcuts Title: Henry/Cunigunde procession, knight

133 woodcuts; 135 objects

11 Lacks xi/10 (Cross containing a sliver of wood from the Holy Cross and relics of Saint Christopher)

11 Lacks x/12 (casket with relics of Saint Helena’s arm)

Pfeyl 1509

COMPARISON OF DISTRIBUTION AND NUMBER OF RELIQUARIES

463

Appendix 3

Bamberg Relic Books: Comparison of the Emendations in the Editions by Hans Mair, 1493/1495 1493

1495

Section iii/2 Section iii/4 Section iii/5 Section iii /7 Section iii/12 Section v/11 Section v/12 Section vi/4

= Section iii/4 (monstrance) = Section iii/2 (monstrance) = Section iii/7 (monstrance) = Section iii/5 (monstrance) = Section v/11 (monstrance) = Section v/12 (monstrance) = Section iii/12 (monstrance) New woodcut (reproduction of the Chalice of Emperor Henry, here with handles; appearance corresponds to Codex 1508/09 and Pfeyl 1509) = Section vii/7–12 (Arm reliquaries 1–6 from the 1493 edition are repeated here in the same sequence; they thus appear twice. Arm reliquaries vii/7–12 from the 1493 edition are dropped) = Section ix/4 (arm reliquary) New woodcut (statue of the Madonna). Re-use from the lost edition by Mair 1493 and Würzburg 1493 New woodcut (Emperor Henry’s arm, with the imperial orb in its hand; appearance corresponds to Codex 1508/09 and Pfeyl 1509) New woodcut (Cunigunde’s head on a platter; appearance corresponds to Codex 1508/09 and Pfeyl 1509) = Section x/11 (casket) = Section x/10 (casket)

Section vii/1–6

Section vii/8 Section viii/1

Section ix/2

Section ix/3

Section x/10 Section x/11

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_014

BAMBERG RELIC BOOKS: COMPARISON OF THE EMENDATIONS

465

1493

1495

Section xi/11

New woodcut (jug from the Marriage at Cana; appearance corresponds to Codex 1508/09 and Pfeyl 1509) New woodcut (jug from the Marriage at Cana; appearance corresponds to Codex 1508/09 and Pfeyl 1509)

Section xi/12

Appendix 4

Würzburg Relic Book: List of New Woodcuts The following is a compilation of the woodcuts which were newly produced for the Würzburg Relic Book (1493), including their numbers. Of a total of ­forty-seven woodcuts depicting reliquaries, twenty were re-cut. WüRB fol. 3r Dragon reliquary (no. 2) Glass with relics (no. 4) WüRB fol. 3v Crystal reliquary (no. 6 = col. 1/1) [Image of the Madonna (no. 7 = col. 1/2). This woodcut was probably not new but already used in the lost Bamberg edition printed by Hans Mair in 1493 [BaH 1493/2* Mair]; re-used in BaH 1495 viii/1] Tower reliquary (no. 8 = col. 1/3) Ostensorium with coat of arms (no. 12 = col. 2/2) Coconut reliquary (no. 14 = col. 2/4) WüRB fol. 4r Relic monstrance with two cylinders (no. 17 = col. 1/2) A beaker-shaped reliquary (no. 19 = col. 1/4; a very similar cup in BaH 1493/2 Mair)  Double cup reliquary (Scheuer) (no. 20 = col. 2/1; also used in BaH 1495 viii/1) WüRB fol. 4v A beaker-shaped reliquary (no. 31 = col. 2/4) WüRB fol. 5r

A beaker-shaped reliquary (no. 35 = col. 1/4) Reliquary of the Virgin Mary (no. 37 = col. 2/1) Reliquary of Empress Cunigunde (no. 38 = col. 2/2) Reliquary of Saint John the Evangelist (no. 39 = col. 2/3) Reliquary of Saint John the Baptist (no. 40 = col. 2/4) Reliquary of Saint Burchard (no. 41 = col. 2/5)

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_015

WÜRZBURG RELIC BOOK: LIST OF NEW WOODCUTS

WüRB fol. 5v

Reliquary of Saint Totnan (no. 42) Reliquary of Saint Colmán (no. 43) Reliquary of Saint Kilian (no. 44) Gospel Book (no. 45)

467

Appendix 5

Wittenberg Relic Book: Changes between Edition A and Edition B A-Edition – 108 woodcuts (coat of arms of the Electoral Princes of Saxony; Castle Church; Crucifixion with Mary and Saint John; 105 reliquaries) – In Sections v and viii one reliquary is either not numbered in the text (v/6a) or completely lacks text (viii/14) B-Edition – An engraving (Frederick the Wise and John the Constant) as the new title image. – 119 woodcuts (coat of arms of the Electoral Princes of Saxony; Castle Church; 117 reliquaries). – In B 103 woodcuts of reliquaries taken over from A. – Not taken over from A: Crucifixion with Mary and John; 2 reliquary woodcuts: iv/1 (“Reseruackel in ansehen wie ein hauß” [reservaculum which resembles a house]) (A, fol. 19v); and iv/12 (Eynn obirgult kestlein [a gilt casket]) (A, fol. 26r). Neither woodcut stems from the hand of Lucas Cranach. – The Electoral coat of arms (title image in A) appears on the last page in B. – Reliquary woodcuts from A extensively re-ordered in B. – In each of Sections ii, iv and vi a reliquary is not numbered in the text (ii/15a; iv/14a; vi/11a). 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Fourteen New Reliquary Woodcuts in B Pax with Christ in Limbo with Electoral and Saxon coats of arms (iv/7) Pax with Resurrected Christ and Electoral coat of arms (iv/10) Crystal beaker with Electoral coat of arms (v/7) Silver apple without coat of arms (v/9) Statuette of Christopher without coat of arms (v/13) Statuette of Matthew the Evangelist with Electoral coat of arms (vi/2)

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_016

469

Wittenberg Relic Book

7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Statuette of Matthias the Apostle with Electoral coat of arms (vi/3) Statuette of Simon with Electoral coat of arms (vi/4) Statuette of Judas Thaddaeus with Electoral coat of arms (vi/5) Statuette of Philip with Electoral coat of arms (vi/8) Reliquary of Bartholomew with Electoral coat of arms (vi/ without number, between 11 and 12) 12. Bust of Saint Anne, the Virgin and Christ Child without coat of arms (vii/3) 13. Statuette of the Christ Child with Electoral coat of arms (vii/6) 14. Christ on the Mount of Olives without coat of arms (vii/10) Section i ii iii iv v vi vii viii

Distribution of the Woodcuts of Reliquaries across the Sections: Comparison between Editions A and B Edition A

Edition B

14 14 12 13 13 13 12 14

15 16 15 16 15 17 12 11

Appendix 6

Vienna and Hall Relic Books: Comparison of Liturgical Chants Vienna

Section i: Relics of Christ Response: Hoc signu[m] crucis Section ii: Relics of Christ Response: In monte oliueti Section iii: Relics of Mary Response: Felix namque Section iv: Apostles Response: Fuerunt sine querela Section v: Martyrs Response: Iste sunt sanctia Section vi: Martyrs Response: Absterget Section vii: Confessors Response: Sint lumbi

Hall in Tyrol Holy Virgins Section i: Response: Regnum mundi Section ii: Response: Surge virgo et nostras sponso preces apperi Section iii: Response: Quadam die olibrius molestus deo et hominibus Section iv: Response: Pulchra facie sed pulchrior fide beata es Wallpurgis Section v: Response: Ipsi sum desponsata, cui angeli serviunt Section vi: Response: Virgo gloriosa semper ewangelium Christi gerebat in pectore Section vii: Response: Induit me dominus vestimento salutis Section viii: Antiphon: Simile est regnum celorum Panels with various saints Section ix: Response: Beati estis sancti dei omnes Holy Confessors Section x: Response: Sint Lumbi vestri precincti Section xi: Antiphon: Gloriosus apparuisti inter principes Austrie, sancte Leopold Martyrs Section xii: Response: Isti sunt sancti

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_017

471

Vienna and Hall Relic Books Vienna

Hall in Tyrol

Section viii: Virgins Response: Regnum mundi

Section xiii: Response: Absterget deus omnem lacrimam Section xiv: Antiphon: Gaudent in celis anime sanctorum Section xv: Antiphon: Istorum est enim regnum celorum Section xvi: Antiphon: Triumphant martires Section xvii: Antiphon: O quam preciosa mors sanctorum Apostles and Evangelists Section xviii: Response: Fuerunt sine querela ante dominum Mary Section xix: Response: Felix namque es sacra virgo Maria or: Regina celi letare, alleluja Relics of Christ Section xx: Response: In monte Oliuetti oravi ad patrem Reliquary Cross (alone) Section xxi: Response: O crux benedicta, que sola fuisti digna

Appendix 7

Hall Relic Book: Index of Headings Compiled with the help of Franziska Gilbrich, using the edition by Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch.’

fol. 1r

In this little relic book is announced, amongst other things, how the highly venerable, precious and notably numerous relics and jewels, and the munificent papal grace and indul­ gences pertaining to them, with which the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley, the foundation of Lord Florian of Waldenstain, have been generously and richly illu­ minated and endowed, are displayed and proclaimed every year by authority of the Pope on the third Sunday after Saint George’s Day in the estimable town of Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. 2v This little relic book is divided into five parts fol. 4r The first part of this little relic book records the divine and spiritual exhortations and causes, also pertinent worldly history, of the erec­ tion of these laudable foundation and endowments of the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley in the Diocese of Brixen, the foundation of Lord Florian von Waldenstain. The Preface. fol. 5v Records the pertinent worldly history of the erection of this laudable foundation and endowment. fol. 6v

How Emperor Maximilian, also the founder, and various oth­ er of His Imperial Majesty’s counsellors, servants and retinue were in danger of death on the sea.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_018

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

473

fol. 8v

The founder’s oath and promise which he made to God Al­ mighty, the holy, dear Virgin Mary and all God’s saints and angels in mortal peril on the sea.

fol. 9v

How the founder revealed his sworn oath to his father confes­ sor, then also to Emperor Maximilian and various highly learned doctors, and asked them for counsel and the interpre­ tation of the oath.

fol. 10v

Emperor Maximilian’s and the highly learned doctors’ inter­ pretation of the founder’s sworn oath, also the counsel of each of them and declaration of what the founder should en­ dow by virtue of his sworn oath.

fol. 13v

What the founder by virtue of his sworn oath and upon the counsel and declaration of Emperor Maximilian and the learned men has decided and taken upon himself to endow.

fol. 14r

The second part of this little relic book.

Noted where and how the founder acquired the high­ ly venerable relics and the munificent papal Roman indulgences, grace and indulgences, also the grace and indulgences from the cardinals, papal legates, archbishops and bishops for his Chapel and founda­ tion in Hall in the Inn Valley and how he subse­ quently transferred the same highly venerable relics in a laudable procession from Castle Rettenberg to the town of Hall in the Inn Valley. Relics acquired in Brabant, Guelders, Holland, Jülich, Berg, Cleve in Westphalia and Frankfurt. Relics acquired in the Rhine-Palatinate, in the territories of Württemberg, Baden, Swabia and in the Earldom of Tyrol on the River Adige and in the Inn Valley. Relics acquired in the Holy Roman Empire and in Austria, Styria, Carinthia and Carniola, in the land above the River Enns and in Lower and Upper Bavaria.

474

Appendix 7

Relics acquired from the hands of Emperor Frederick. fol. 15r

Relics acquired in Stein am Anger [Szombathely, Hungary], Ödenburg [Sopron], Pressburg [Bratislava], Veszprém, Stuhl­ weißenburg [Székesfehérvár, Hungary] and other places in Hungary.



Relics acquired in Austria, Bavaria, Swabia and Franconia, also in Nuremberg, Augsburg and other cities.

fol. 15v

Relics acquired in Saxony, Meissen, Brandenburg, in Franco­ nia and Thuringia.



Relics acquired in Strasbourg, Speyer, Worms, Mainz and Co­ blenz, etc.

fol. 16r

Relics acquired in the Archdioceses of Trier and Cologne, in the territory of Luxemburg, in the western part of the Empire, Alsace, Sundgau, Breisgau, High Burgundy and in the cities of Trier, Metz and Besançon.



Relics acquired from the hands of King Vladislaus of Hungary and Bohemia from his chapel in the castle in Ofen [Buda] and from various churches and monasteries in Hungary.

fol. 17r

Relics acquired from various archbishops, bishops and prel­ ates in Hungary.

fol. 17v

When the founder started to build the Holy Chapel and the accommodation for the priest and the curate.

fol. 18r1

How the founder had the Fifteen Exhortations and Prayers on the Holy Suffering of Christ printed in Latin and German.



How the founder had the Revelations translated into German and printed in Latin and German.

1 Fol. 18 is an intercalated leaf; its text was to be inserted from two different passages on fol. 17 (Garber, ‘Haller Heiltumbuch,’ p. lxix, col. 2, n. 1).

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

475

fol. 17v

More than 2,000 relics acquired from the city of Cologne.

fol. 18r

Relics acquired from the archbishops, bishops and prelates, also from the religious orders and priesthood in the Holy Ro­ man Empire.

fol. 18v

Relics acquired with the help of and collection by various of­ ficials and vicars and also various prelates located in the churches of Trier, Cologne, Mainz, Salzburg, Besançon, Liège, Münster, Cambrai, Metz, Würzburg, Bamberg, Constance, Augsburg, Eichstätt, Freising and Passau.

fol. b 18v

How the founder arranged the marriages of Emperor Maxi­ milian’s own son and daughter in Spain.

Loss of fols. 20–21 fol. 22r

Pope Julius ii has also granted munificent papal Roman grace and indulgences to the Holy Chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. 24v

When and how the founder has translated the highly venera­ ble relics in a laudable procession from Castle Rettenberg to the town of Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. 25v

The Holy Chapel in Hall is, under the red marble paving stones, strewn, covered and sanctified with relics and with the holy earth from Saint Ursula’s tomb in Cologne.

fol. 26r

The third part of this little relic book.

Noted in a brief excerpt and announcement of vari­ ous ordinances and articles, which have been taken from the deed of foundation of the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley. fol. 28v

The patron saints of the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley and that the ordinances and endowed ser­ vices of worship, which are included in the deed of founda­ tion, shall never be abolished, reduced or altered.

476

Appendix 7



The Holy Chapel is endowed under the aegis of the burgo­ master and council of the town of Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. 29r

How the first principal curacy and ministry are endowed; what rank the priest should have and what qualifications; how often he should celebrate Mass and preach; how the priest should resign from and hand over the first principal cu­ racies and ministry and the curate should resign from and hand over the other and lesser curacy; who is entitled to the fiefs of the Holy Chapel and first principal curacies into which the ministry is incorporated and who is nominated to them.

fol. 33r

How the second and lesser curacy is endowed; how frequent­ ly the curate should celebrate Mass; who is entitled to the fief of the second and lesser curacy; and the curate is the comp­ troller of the Holy Chapel.

fol. 34v

The acolytes of the priest and the curate.



The curate chants an Office for the Dead in the Holy Chapel every Monday.

fol. 36r

How the thirty-five feast days of the patron saints and the days in the year on which the munificent papal Roman grace and indulgences are granted to the Holy Chapel in Hall are sung and celebrated and how the Christian people on these feast days and days make confession and do penance in Hall and are absolved by the power of the Pope.

fol. 37r

How the other fourteen feasts of the patron saints of the Holy Chapel are sung and celebrated.



How the founder’s anniversary is marked.



How the hymn of praise Salve Regina is sung every evening.

fol. 37v

How there is an endowment to sing the antiphons Recordare virgo mater and Da pacem domine.

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

477



How there is an endowment to sing, every Friday, a response of Our Dear Lady and the antiphon Gaude dei genitrix virgo immaculata.

fol. 38r

The Sunday memorial from the pulpit in Hall and that all priests in Hall assemble in the presbytery every Friday to say prayers for the founder and his wife and for all loyal support­ ers, controllers and administrators of the Holy Chapel, spirit­ ual and secular, living and dead.



How a priest prays the Fifteen Exhortations and Prayers on the Suffering Christ and a prayer for aid and consolation to all pi­ ous souls every day kneeling before a crucifix.

fol. 38v

How a prebend is given every day to the school and a colla­ tion is given every Friday to the priests in the presbytery in Hall.



Illumination of the Holy Chapel and the highly venerable relics.



How things are managed with the money, wax, vestments, bronze, hens, chickens, eggs, wool, flax, bread, wine and with the precious objects which fall to the Holy Chapel, also with the offertory which is offered during the Masses and divine offices on the altar in the Holy Chapel.

fol. 39v

The Provost, Dean and honourable Chapter of the Cathedral in Brixen and the burgomaster and council of the town of Hall in the Inn Valley and Innsbruck are the perpetual conservatores, custodians and administrators of the Holy Chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. 40r Every tenth penny of the amount left over in the annual ac­ counts drawn up by the church provost of the Holy Chapel follows the building and fabric of the Cathedral Church and Chapter in Brixen as a mark of the perpetual administration etc.

478

Appendix 7



To the burgomaster of the city of Innsbruck are given every year, because of the Holy Chapel and as an exhortation to its perpetual administration, a dagger and a pair of gloves.

fol. 40v

The priest, curate, church provost and sacristan of the Holy Chapel and the town scribe of Hall in the Inn Valley are the supporters, monitors and legal custodians of the Holy Chapel and the endowment; they should also read the deed of foun­ dation or an excerpt from it twice a year.

fol. 41r

Of the vows, oaths and assignments of the priest and cu­ rate of the Holy Chapel and how they may be removed from the Holy Chapel and both curacies by some fault of their own.

fol. 41v

The housing for the priest and curate of the Holy Chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley.



Chalice, lavabo, corporals, liturgical vestments, vestments, tapestries, monstrances, crosses, pectoral crosses, books and other things given to the Holy Chapel in Hall.

fol. 42r

The burgomaster and council of the town of Hall in the Inn Valley should administer the Holy Chapel and this endow­ ment and not damage it or do anything else and also remove none of the highly venerable relics in order to avoid a grave anathema by the Pope.

fol. 42v

Once every year the relics should be displayed in a laudable manner and no relic from the Holy Chapel should be given away in order to avoid a grave anathema by the Pope.

fol. 43r

The emoluments and gifts included in the deed of foundation may, as appropriate, be somewhat improved and reduced and some ordinances may be altered, as appropriate, for the ben­ efit and distinction of the Holy Chapel and this endowment; but beware of the grave papal anathema placed upon it.

fol. 44r

Appoint a burgher on the council of Hall as church provost of the Holy Chapel, who collects all the income, monies and

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

479

r­ evenues and makes payment of many of them in the pres­ ence of the curate acting as comptroller.

The church provost should, every year, draw up the accounts and what is left over should be placed into iron money chests ordered for the Holy Chapel.

fol. 44v

How the money of the Holy Chapel should be invested and used and how also the silver busts and other vessels should be polished.

fol. 45r

How the money of the Holy Chapel should be further invest­ ed and how also afterwards one should set to one side and leave untouched twelve hundred Rhenish guilders for unfore­ seen expenses.

fol. 45v

What, from the money left over annually, should go to the Holy Chapel, the parish church of Saint Nicolas in Hall, the home for the elderly and infirm there, the nuns in the Hall Valley and poor people living at home.

fol. 46r

Stipends to support some Bachelor’s students during their education at the University of Vienna until they become li­ centiates in Holy Scripture.

fol. 46v

Ordinances and statutes for the Bachelor’s students being supported during their education at the University of Vienna.

fol. 47r

The priest and curate of the Holy Chapel and the town scribe of Hall are the counsellors and aids of the church provost of the Holy Chapel.

fol. 47v

The church provost of the Holy Chapel shall pay in full all or­ dained emoluments and gifts and, in addition, all costs, prov­ ender and messengers’ fees and submit the accounts every year on the Monday after the feast day of Saint Vitus.

fol. 48r

The regular judges, also the overseer and the intermediaries and in addition in particular the burgomaster and council of

480

Appendix 7

the town of Hall shall not act, undertake or recognize amica­ bly or legally, between the persons, spiritual and secular, con­ nected to the Holy Chapel and this endowment, anything in matters concerning the Holy Chapel and this endowment which might be against [the interests of] the Holy Chapel or this endowment.

The Holy Chapel’s annual and perpetual interest, interest on investments and land and taxes handed over to the honoura­ ble council of the town of Hall for the Holy Chapel.

fol. 49r

If the [terms of the] endowment of the Holy Chapel in Hall is not honoured, it may be conferred on and taken to the parish church of Saint James in Innsbruck.



If, subsequently, [terms of the] this endowment of the Holy Chapel is also not honoured in Innsbruck, it may be conferred on and taken to Brixen.



A grievous curse on all who sin against the Holy Chapel and this endowment by killing.

fol. 50r

There are four deeds of foundation of the Holy Chapel drawn up with the same wording and who holds them.



When this foundation began and the endowed services of worship of the Holy Chapel in Hall began to be held.

fol. 51r

The fourth part of this little relic book.

Noted, a brief extract from various freedoms, privi­ leges, conferrals, ordinances, statutes and laws which the Holy Fathers, the Popes, also the Holy Roman Emperors and Kings and other princes, spiritual and secular, have granted and given to the Holy Chapel of Our Dear Lady in Hall in the Inn Valley and the Christian people who visit this same chapel. fol. 51v

The papal Roman grace and indulgences which Pope ­Alexander vi has granted to the Holy Chapel in Hall.

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

481

fol. 52r

How the offerings and alms which accrue to the Holy Chapel and the highly venerable relics are distributed according to papal regulation and statute.

fol. 53r

Papal confirmation and ratification of the transfer and deliv­ ery of the highly venerable relics from Castle Rettenberg to the Holy Chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley.



By authority of the Pope the highly venerable relics are to be displayed on the tabernacle or display stage in the town of Hall every year and the high office of the Mass is to be sung on it unhindered by any spiritual ban.

fol. 54r

Pope Julius has graciously confirmed and ratified this founda­ tion and endowment together with the deed of foundation of the Holy Chapel and all its freedoms, privileges, conferrals, also the papal Roman grace and indulgences and Masses granted to the Holy Chapel.

fol. 54v

This foundation, donation and endowment shall never be di­ verted or altered.



Whichever Christian people presume or dare to do anything against this foundation or to impede the papal Roman grace and indulgences, or other freedoms and bestowals, are con­ demned and fall under the grave papal anathema.

fol. 55v

The Holy Chapel in Hall with all its appendages and appurte­ nances is under the protection of the Holy Throne of Saint Peter in Rome.

fol. b 56r

The papal bull, confirmation and ratification given concern­ ing the foundation and the deed of foundation of the Holy Chapel in Hall and other matters.

fol. a 56r

Confirmatio apostolica harum fundationum sacrae capelle opidi Hallis vallis Eni.



How the priest in the Holy Chapel and the parish priest of the parish church of Saint Nicolas in Hall and his curates and in

482

Appendix 7

addition a cathedral canon are, after the sung high offices in the Holy Chapel and on the relic display stage, able, by au­ thority of the Pope, to bestow, singing, in a loud voice and chanting like the prelates, the worshipful blessing on the peo­ ple present. fol. a 56v

The Holy Chapel in Hall is, by authority of the Pope, elevated, sanctified and honoured as a holy graveyard (God’s Acre).

fol. b 56r

The founder and his wife and all their legitimate heirs who are buried in the holy graveyard of the Holy Chapel are grant­ ed full and complete forgiveness and remission of all their sins from penalty and guilt.

fol. 57r

What further freedoms, indulgences, grace, remission etc. the Holy Chapel as a holy graveyard and the Christian people whose bodies and corpses are buried in it receive and have.

fol. 58r

That on the day the relics are displayed in the parish church of Saint Nicolas in Hall, in the Holy Chapel there and on the display stage one may publicly sing and read unhindered by the episcopal interdict.

fol. 58v

The indulgences, grace and remission which the popes, cardi­ nals, archbishops and bishops have bestowed on the Holy Chapel in Hall and in addition various papal and imperial freedoms, privileges and awards which are announced in the fifth part of this book.

fol. a 59r

An excellent papal bull in which are announced, amongst other things, the major papal Roman grace and indulgences and other indults and permissions which are granted on the thirty-five feast days and days in the Holy Chapel in Hall.

fol. 60r

Pope Julius has appointed to the Holy Chapel in Hall and this endowment in perpetuity three papal conservatores, judges and administrators.

fol. 60v

Power and command given to the three papal conservatores and judges.

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

483

fol. 61r

Which persons and what the papal conservatores and judges should administer.



What the papal conservatores and judges should prevent and not allow.

fol. 61v

How the papal conservatores and judges should humiliate and punish with the papal ban the opponents to and rebels against the Holy Chapel in Hall.



To aggravate [censure], re-aggravate, suspend and interdict the opponents to and rebels against the Holy Chapel.

fol. a 62r

The papal bull of the perpetual papal administration and pro­ tection of the Holy Chapel in Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. b 62r

Conservatoria apostolica.

fol. 67r

Emperor Maximilian has graciously confirmed and rati­ fied  this foundation and endowment together with the deed of foundation of the Holy Chapel in Hall and, in addi­ tion, all freedoms, privileges, awards, indulgences, grace, ­remission and everything else bestowed on the Holy Chapel in Hall.

fol. 67v

This foundation has the force and power of a proper and for­ mal business, will etc.



Emperor Maximilian has appointed twelve imperial perpetu­ al commissioners, conservatores, judges, executors, custodi­ ans and administrators to the Holy Chapel in Hall and this endowment.

fol. 68v

The imperial confirmation and ratification given for the en­ dowment and the deed of foundation of the Holy Chapel in Hall and also for other things and, in addition, the imperial perpetual administration and protection of the Holy Chapel in Hall.

fol. 69v

The letter of imperial confirmation and ratification.

484

Appendix 7

fol. 77v

Noted, how the above-mentioned penalty of 1,000 marks of gold leaf included in the imperial letter of ratification is dis­ tributed and also what is owing to each one as his portion, the marks of gold leaf estimated in Rhenish gold.

fol. 81r

The imperial [guarantee of] safe conduct given to visitors to the church and pilgrims who visit the Holy Chapel and the highly venerable relics in Hall in the Inn Valley.

fol. 81v

The imperial letter of safe conduct.

fol. 86r

How the above-mentioned penalty of 800 marks of gold leaf included in the imperial letter of ratification is distributed and also what is owing to each one as his portion, the marks of gold leaf estimated in Rhenish gold.

fol. 87v

The confirmation [and] ratification of this foundation and endowment by King Philip of Castile etc.

fol. 88r

The confirmation and ratification of this foundation and en­ dowment by the Bishop of Brixen as Ordinarius.

fol. 88v

The ratification by the Bishop of Brixen of all bulls, letters, grace and indulgences bestowed on the Holy Chapel in Hall.



The mandate of the Bishop of Brixen to proclaim in the Dio­ cese of Brixen the papal grace and indulgences granted to the Holy Chapel in Hall.



Mandatum reverendissimi domini episcopi Brixinensis et ordinarii ad publicandas indulgentias apostolicas sacre capelle opidi Hallis vallis Eni et eam visitantibus commissas.

fol. 90r

The confirmation and ratification of this foundation and en­ dowment by the Archbishop of Salzburg.

fol. 90v

The ratification by the Archbishop of Salzburg of all bulls, let­ ters, grace and indulgences bestowed on the Holy Chapel in Hall.

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS



485

The mandate of the Archbishop of Salzburg to proclaim in the Diocese of Brixen the papal grace and indulgences grant­ ed to the Holy Chapel in Hall.

Loss of fols 91–116

[Fifth Part – Begins on fol. 94]

fol. 117r

Confession, penance and absolution on thirty-five feast days and days by papal authority in Hall.

fol. 117v

Where the papal father confessors may have their confession­ als and hear confession.



The Roman grace and indulgences granted to the Holy Chap­ el may never be repealed or suspended.

fol. 118r

The prelates, parish priests and priests are obliged to pro­ claim the Roman grace.



Pope Julius has confirmed and ratified this endowment etc. and whatever people act against the deed of foundation [rati­ fying] the foundation of the Holy Chapel or against the Ro­ man grace are subject to the papal ban.



Whatever people act against the deed of foundation and the foundation of the Holy Chapel or against the Roman grace etc., they are under the papal ban.

fol. 118v

The Holy Chapel is elevated to and honoured as a holy graveyard.



The Holy Chapel in Hall has all the Roman grace and indul­ gences which the Campo Santo in Rome has.

fol. 119r

To turn public penance into another, private, salvatory penance.

fol. 123r

Thereafter the priest reads as follows hereafter and the two junior members of the council remain standing next to him, each holding a gilded burning candle or lantern in his hand.

486

Appendix 7

fol. 126r

The first section.

fol. 128r

The second section.

fol. 130r

The third section.

fol. 131v

The fourth section.

fol. 133r

The fifth section.

fol. 135v

The sixth section.

fol. 137r

The seventh section.

fol. 138r

The eighth section.

fol. 139r

The ninth section.

fol. 143v

The tenth section.

fol. 146r

The eleventh section.

fol. 147v

The twelfth section.

fol. 150v

The thirteenth section.

fol. 152v

The fourteenth section.

fol. 154r

The fifteenth section.

fol. 155r

The sixteenth section.

fol. 157r

The seventeenth section.

fol. 159r

The eighteenth section.

fol. 161r

The nineteenth section.

fol. 162v

The twentieth section.

fol. 166v

The prayers.

Hall Relic Book: INDEX OF HEADINGS

fol. 180v

The twenty-first section.

fol. 183r

The epilogue.

fol. 183v

And the display has an end.

fol. 184r

And the display has an end.

487

Appendix 8

Hall Relic Book: Distribution of Woodcuts in the Manuscript Woodcut no.

Part

Subject

i

1

Coat of arms of Hall 1r in Tyrol Trinity (Foundation 3v woodcut) Ship in distress at 6r sea

ii iii

iiii

Preaching priest with listeners gathered round his chancel

v

Priest praying in front of a crucifix

Folio

Position in the Text Title page

Opposite the beginning of Part 1 Opposite start of the account of the reasons for the foundation (report on peril at sea) Between fols. 9v and Illustrates the first 10r point of the foundation, the establishment of the ministry; the woodcut is inserted next to this passage in the text fol. 11r Also illustrates the first item of the foundation, which incorporates the daily reading by the priest of the Fifteen Exhortations and Prayers on the Holy Suffering and Bitter Martyrdom of Our Lord Jesus Christ of Saint Birgitta. Waldauf later published the Fifteen Exhortations and Prayers in Latin and German

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_019

489

Hall Relic Book: DISTRIBUTION OF WOODCUTS Woodcut no.

Subject

Folio

Position in the Text

vi

Waldauf, his family and crowds of pilgrims in a chapel

fol. 11v

vii

Assumption of the Virgin and Coronation of the Virgin

fol. 11v

Emperor Maximilian, King Philip of Spain and Waldauf

fol. 19v

Lost (possibly the Spanish party to the marriage agreements) Procession

( fol. 20r?)

Placed next to the second and third items of the foundation: the building of a church or chapel and acquisition of relics Corresponds to woodcut vi (the figure of Mary in the Coronation group corresponds to the figure of Mary on the altar retable in the Holy Chapel) In the paragraph where Waldauf relates how he conducted negotiations between Maximilian and the Spanish King for the marriage of their children (fols. 18v onwards) Loss of fols. 20 and 21

Procession Patron and patroness in a chapel

fol. 24r fol. 27v

viii

Part

2

ix

x

xi xii

3

fol. 23v

Before the account of the procession transferring the relics from Rettenberg Castle to Hall As woodcut x After the beginning of Part 3 of the book, in which all aspects of the foundation are listed in detail

490 Woodcut no.

Appendix 8 Part

Subject

Folio

Position in the Text

fol. 28r

Corresponds to woodcut xii

4

Coronation of the Virgin in the Holy Chapel Pope Alexander vi

fol. 51v

xv

Pope Julius ii

fol. 54r

xvi

Lost (Coat of arms of Verso of intercal. Dean of Salzburg leaf 59a Cathedral, Dean of Trient, Dean of Brixen)

xvii

Emperor Maximilian

xviii

3 coats of arms = the Pasted onto fol. 68r conservatores at the binding on appointed by the the spine Emperor Imperial double-headed eagle with coat of arms of Tyrol; Archbishop of Salzburg; Diocese of Brixen

With the list of the indulgences granted by Alexander to the Holy Chapel With the confirmation of the indulgences and the foundation by Pope Julius ii Before the information on the three conservatores appointed by the Pope for the foundation (these would have been represented visually through the coats of arms in the lost woodcut; these coats of arms are sketched on fol. 60r) With the consecration and confirmation by Maximilian of the foundation and all the freedoms belonging to it With the announcement of the appointment by Maximilian of 12 custodians, protectors and conservatores of the foundation

xiii

xiiii

fol 67 r

491

Hall Relic Book: DISTRIBUTION OF WOODCUTS Woodcut no. xix

xx

xxi

xxii

xxiii

Part

Subject

Folio

3 coats of arms = conservatores appointed by the Emperor: Diocese of Augsburg, monastery of Kempten, Cathedral Chapter Brixen 3 coats of arms = conservatores appointed by the Emperor: Monastery of Wilten, town of Kempten, town of Merano 3 coats of arms = conservatores appointed by the Emperor: town of Hall, city of Innsbruck, town of Sterzing Philip of Spain

Pasted onto fol. 68r at the binding on the spine

Has the number xxiiii (!) Christoph von Schrofenstein, Bishop of Brixen

88r

Position in the Text

Pasted onto fol. 68r at the binding on the spine

Pasted onto fol. 68r at the binding on the spine

87v

Next to: King Philip of Spain Consecration and confirmation of the foundation With the confirmation of the foundation by the Bishop of Brixen; originally number xxiii (= Archbishop of Salzburg) was meant to come here; but this sequence was retained to correspond to the text. Originally

492 Woodcut no.

Appendix 8 Part

Subject

xxiiii

Has the number xxiii (!) Leonhard von Keutzschach, Archbishop of Salzburg

xxv

Lost

xxvi

Lost

xxvii

1–123

5

Display stage

Folio

90r

125v

Reliquaries 126r–180v Loss of woodcuts 115 and 118

Position in the Text Melchior (von Meckau) Bishop of Brixen (d. 3 March 1509) and Cardinal Priest of Santo Stefano al Monte Celio also came here (The woodcut of Christoph originated after that.) See also: woodcut xxiii With the confirmation of the foundation by the Archbishop of Salzburg, Leonhard von Keutzschach Loss of fols. 91–116 (contents unclear) Loss of fols. 91–116 (contents unclear) Directly after the prologue and before Section i Depiction of reliquaries Sections i–vii: 7 reliquaries each; Section viii: 8 reliquaries; Sections ix–x: 5 reliquaries each; Section xi: 4 reliquaries; Sections xii–xv: 7 reliquaries each; Sections

493

Hall Relic Book: DISTRIBUTION OF WOODCUTS Woodcut no.

124

Part

Subject

Folio

Depiction of an altar 184v with candlesticks, chalice and paten, as well as a book on a lectern

Position in the Text xvi–xvii: 6 reliquaries each; Sections xviii–xix: 2 reliquaries each (loss of woodcut 115); Section xx: 7 reliquaries (loss of woodcut 118); Section xxi: 1 reliquary List of the relics kept in the altar of the Holy Chapel

Appendix 9

Libellus demonstrativus (c. 1517) Libellus demonstra // tiuus omnium reliquiarum si // mul [et] indulgentia[rum] in Ciuitate // imperiali Aquisgrano promere[n] // darum feliciter inchoatur Colophon: None Bibliographical Reference: vd 16 L 1524 Printer: [Heinrich von Neuß] Place of publication: [Cologne] Year of publication: [c. 1517] Commissioner/Publisher: Unknown Artist: Anonymous Length: 8 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of woodcuts: 7, all woodcuts framed Title Image: Double-headed eagle Further illustrations: Fol. 1v: Birth of Christ in the stable: Mary kneels before the Christ Child, Joseph kneels behind her, ox and ass look over a trough; fol. 2v: Mary’s robe: two angels hold Mary’s robe on a carrying pole, they are depicted on a lightly sketched patch of lawn; fol. 3v: Joseph’s trousers: two angels hold Joseph’s trousers with two carrying poles, they are depicted on a lightly sketched patch of lawn; fol. 4v: cloth on which John the Baptist was beheaded: beheading of John the Baptist, a mercenary stands behind John, who kneels on a cloth, and swings back his sword ready to strike, an angel holds the cloth on which John the Baptist kneels, the scene takes place in a landscape sketchily portrayed by a bush and grass; fol. 5v: Christ’s loin cloth: the Crucified Christ, two angels stand in front of the Cross and hold a cloth in front of Christ’s loins; fol. 7r: three similarly shaped tower monstrances on a base. Brief description: The Latin text addresses both the pilgrims who participated in the septennial display of relics; and those who went to Aachen at times other than the display periods. The famous relics are portrayed visually in pictures and scenes and also explained in the text. The list includes the four major relics and, in addition, all the relics kept in an armarium and shown to anyone who desired to see them.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���1 | doi:10.1163/9789004440128_020

Libellus Demonstrativus (c. 1517)

495

Copy | Austrian National Library, Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien) Shelfmark: 742-A [Alt Mag] Description: Uncoloured copy on paper Provenance: First owner was Bernhard von Cles, Bishop of Trent (1485–1539). A note in his own hand on the original parchment binding says he bought it in 1520 during the coronation of Emperor Charles v in Aachen. It subsequently came into the possession of the Innsbruck Gubernial Archive (now Tyrol State Archive); on 23 April 1831 it went to the Imperial Court Library (now Austrian National Library) in Vienna Comment: Albert Huyskens was the first to describe the Libellus. The copy in the Austrian National Library is the only one known to-date. Huyskens was also able to clarify its provenance. The autograph of the first owner was separated from the book and is part of the collection of autographs assembled at the Court Library in Vienna between 1829 and 1833 (shelfmark: 36/10-1 Han Autogr.). In the process the book was given a new binding. On the provenance and the detachment of the autograph from the work, as well as the attribution of the printed volume to the Cologne printer Heinrich von Neuß, see Albert Huyskens, ‘Ein bei der Krönung Karls v. (1520) gekauftes Aachener Heiligthums­ büchlein,’ Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschichtsvereins, 58 (1937), pp. 104–120 (pp. 104–105). In Huyskens there is also a scaled-down reproduction of the book and a translation into German. 1

Appendix 10

Indulgentiae ecclesiae metropolitanae Magdeburgensis Indulge[n]tiae qui[bus] sancta ecclesiae metropolitana magdeburgen[sis] p[er] Romanos po[n]itfices e[st] dotata et su[m]ma corpo[rum] et particula[rum] r[e] liquia[rum] Colophon: None Bibliographical Reference: C 3261a, gw M 19808 Printers: [Albert Ravenstein and Joachim Westval] Place of publication: [Magdeburg] Year of publication: [c. 1483/1486] Commissioner: Unknown Length: 6 leaves; gatherings unnumbered Number of sections: 3 Number of woodcuts: None Display: Twice a year: the Sunday after Corpus Christi and the day after the Feast of Saint Maurice (22 September) classification In scholarly literature since Franz Falk the Indulgentiae have, with some justification, been classified as a relic book.1 We owe a translation of the text, which is chiefly composed in Latin, to Hartmut Kühne.2 The structure of the Indulgentiae ecclesiae metropolitanae Magdeburgensis is similar to that of the other printed relic books. It is divided into three ­sections 1 Falk, Druckkunst, pp. 69–70, Hartmut Kühne, ‘“Auch wirdt sant Mauricien panyer ierlich alda gezaigt”: Anmerkungen zu einem Reliquienverzeichnis für die Heiltumsweisung der Magdeburger Domkirche,’ Zeitschrift für Heimatforschung, 6 (1997), pp. 6–22 (pp. 6–7). For the older literature and a comprehensive account of the display of relics, see Kühne, Ostensio Reliquiarum, pp. 228–250; and Hartmut Kühne, ‘Heiltumsbuch der Magdeburger Domkirche,’ in Hartmut Kühne etc. (eds.), Alltag und Frömmigkeit am Vorabend der Reformation in Mitteldeutschland (Petersberg: Imhof, 2013), pp. 208–209. 2 Kühne, ‘“Auch wirdt sant Mauricien panyer.”’

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Indulgentiae ecclesiae metropolitanae Magdeburgensis

497

(called ordo or transitus): 15 reliquaries in Section 1; 22 reliquaries in Section 2; and 33 reliquaries in Section 3. The work follows the sequence in which relics were displayed in Magdeburg. As in many other places, the significance of the relics increases in line with their importance in the history of salvation, reaching a climax at the end. The relics of the Martyrs come first; then those of the Virgin Mary; and finally the relics of Christ’s Passion, although the names of the saints reveal that the relics were not sorted into their reliquaries as strictly as in Wittenberg (1509), for example. In other words, the reliquaries displayed at the beginning of a processional section determined the sequence in Magdeburg: e.g., the banner of Saint Maurice at the start of the display of relics in the first section and a sliver of the Cross at the start of the third section. The book concludes with the information that the relics are displayed twice a year. Pope Boniface ix granted the indulgences for the displays. This is followed by information on the indulgences which can be obtained and some indication of the progression of the display. Next comes a brief passage about the authenticity of the relics. It refers to the lead and iron seals; to the famous Emperors responsible for bringing the relics to this place [Magdeburg]; and to the long time these relics had already been in the city and performed miracles. At the end the relics and indulgences are summarized. This passage is repeated in Low German. On the basis of the typeface the book can be dated to between 1483 and 1486. This corresponds to the dates given in works printed when Ravenstein und Westval were operating as a company. Generally, the first date used in a printed work is taken, hence the dating of the printed volume is approximate but not certain. Assuming this dating is right, the Magdeburg Indulgentiae would be the oldest extant book of this genre and thus represents an early form. The Indulgentiae are aimed at a readership with knowledge of Latin; hence the circle of informed recipients is considerably smaller than in the case of the illustrated, vernacular editions dealt with in this study. The striking lack of official information renders it unlikely that the Metropolitan Chapter of Magdeburg commissioned the printing of this book. In a different book from their printing shop the two printers describe themselves as “brodere” (Brethren of the Common Life?).3 This may be a reference to the fact that the Magdeburg volume originated in the context of this late-medieval devotional movement.

3 Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, i. 237.

498

Appendix 10

Copy 1 | Berlin State Library (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin) Shelfmark: 8° Inc. 1493 Description: Copy on paper Provenance: Stamp of ownership: Königl. Bibliothek Berlin [Royal Library, Berlin] on fol. 1r. The book has been in the Königliche Bibliothek since 1906 at the latest, since it is listed in Ernst Voulliéme, Die Inkunabeln der Königlichen Bibliothek und der anderen Berliner Sammlungen (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1906), p. 77.

Bibliography 1

Incunabula and Early Printed Editions

a

Relic Books

Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (1) Die außruffunge des hochwirdigen heiligthums des loblichenn stifts zu bamberg (Bamberg: [Johann Pfeyl and Heinrich Petzensteiner], 1493) (ustc 743220, gw 3232).

Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (2) In disem puchlein stet verczeichet das hochwirdig heiltum das man do pfligt alle mal vber siben Jare ein mal zu Bamberg zu weisen (Nuremberg: Hans Mair, 3 March 1493) (ustc 743221, gw 3234).

Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (3) Die außruffunge des hochwirdigen heiligthums des loblichenn stifts zu bamberg (Bamberg: Hans Sporer, 4 May 1493) (ustc 743222, gw 3235; C 2902).

Bamberg Relic Book 1493 (4) Die außruffunge des hochwirdigen heiligthums des loblichenn stifts zu bamberg (Bamberg: [Hans Sporer], after 4 May [6 May] 1493) (ustc 743223, gw 3233).

Bamberg Relic Book 1495 In dsem puchlein stet verczeichendt das hochbirdig heyljtum das man do pfligt alle mal vber siben Jare ein mal zu Bamberg zu beisen (Nuremberg: Hans Mair, 23 April 1495) (ustc 743224, gw 3236, C 1370).

Bamberg Relic Book 1509 Die weysung vnnd außruffung des Hochwirdigen heylthumbs zu Bamberg. nach dem ­rechten waren heilthumb abgezeychnet. 1509 (Bamberg: [Johann Pfeyl], 1509) (ustc 637454, vd 16 W 1720).

500

Bibliography

Halle Relic Book 1520 Vortzeichnus vnd zceigung des hochlobwirdigen heiligthumbs der Stifftkirchen der heili­ gen Sanct Moritz vnd Marien Magdalenen zu Halle (Halle: [Wolfgang Stöckel], 1520) (ustc 704319, vd 16 V 896; ustc 704320, vd 16 V 897).

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487 A-edition Wie das hochwirdigist Auch kaiserlich heiligthum. Vnd die grossen Römischen gnad dar­ zu gegeben. Alle Jaer außgerüfft vnd geweist wirdt. Jn der löblichen Statt. Nüremberg (Nuremberg: P. Vischer, 1487) (ustc 747551, H 8415, gw M 27302).

Nuremberg Relic Book 1487 B-edition Wie das hochwirdigist Auch kaiserlich heiligthum. Vnd die grossen Römischen gnad dar­ zu gegeben. Alle Jaer außgerüfft vnd geweist wirdt. Jn der löblichen Statt. Nüremberg (Nuremberg: P. Vischer, 1487) (StAN, Rep. 52 a, RSt. Nbg., ms. 399a, no bibliographical reference).

Nuremberg Relic Book 1493 WJe das hochwirdigist Auch keiserlich heiligthum Vnd die grossenn Romischen genad dar zu geben ist vnd Alle Jare ausz gerufft vnd geweist wirt Jn der loblichen Stat Nurem­ berg (Nuremberg: Hans Mair, 1493) (ustc 747552, H 8416, gw M 27304).

Vienna Relic Book 1502 Jn Disem Puechlein ist Verzaichent das Hochwirdig Heyligtumb so man Jn der Loblichen stat Wienn Jn Osterreich alle iar an sontag nach dem Ostertag zezaigen pfligt (Vienna: Johannes Winterburger, 1502) (ustc 668972, vd 16 H 3281; ustc 668973, vd 16 H 3282; ustc 668971, vd 16 H 3283 [Dolch 33, 33a, 33b]).

Vienna Relic Book 1514 (reprint) Jn disem Buechl sein Alle vnnd yede Stuckh des hochwirdigen Hayltumbs der zeit Jn aller heyligenn Thumkirchen Sant steffan der stat Wienn in Osterreich verhanden vnd albeg den nagsten Suntag nach dem Ostertag Jarlich zaigt werden: dem nach: dem alten puchl vil stuck die erst her zwe kumen vnd in pesser Form pracht worden abgen aigent­ lich verzaichnet. Anno Domini. 1514 (Vienna: [Johannes Winterburger], 1514) (ustc 668953, vd 16 H 3284, [Dolch 86a, Dolch 86b]).

Bibliography

501

Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 A-edition Dye zaigung des hochlobwirdigen hailigthums der stifft kirchen aller hailigen zu witten­ burg (Wittenberg: [Symphorian Reinhart], 1509) (ustc 641850, VD16 zv 24309).

Wittenberg Relic Book 1509 B-edition Dye zaigung des hochlobwirdigen hailigthums der Stifftkirchen aller hailigen zu witten­ burg (Wittenberg: [Symphorian Reinhart], 1509) (ustc 641851, VD16 Z 250).

Würzburg Relic Book 1483 [1493] In disem puchleine ist czu wysen das hochwirdig heylthum in der loblichen stat Wircz­ purg das man do pfligt zu weisen alle Jar an Sant kyligans tag (Nuremberg: Hans Mair, 24 May 1483 [2 June 1493]) (ustc 749938, H 8417, gw M 51827).

b

Other Early Printed Works

Agenda Herbipolensis (Würzburg: Georg Reyser [not before 2 June 1482]) (ustc 739923, gw 463). [Andechs] Von dem vrsprung vnd anfang des heiligen bergs vnd burck andechs ([Augsburg: Johann Bämler, c. 1473]) (ustc 742728, GW1639) (after BSB-Ink C-285, about 1472). [Andechs] Von dem vrsprung vnd anfang des heyligen pergs vnd burg Andechs (Augsburg: Johann Bämler, 1473 (between 8–13 March)) (ustc 742730, gw 1640). [Andechs] Von dem vrsprung vnd anfang des heyligen bergs vnd burck Andechs ([Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, c. 1495]) (ustc 742731, gw 1641). [Andechs] Cronick von dem hochwirdigen vnd loblichen heyltum auff dem heyligen Perg Andechs genant jn obern Bayren ([Augsburg: Johann Schönsperger, c. 1495]) (ustc 742732, gw 1642). [Andechs] Kronick von dem hochwirdigen und loblichen heyltum auff dem heyligen perg Andechs genant jn obern Bayrn (Wessobrunn: Lukas Zeissenmair, [1508]) (ustc 768161, gw ii col. 158a, BSB-Ink C-289) (after VD16 V 2527 [1502], ustc 670270). [Andechs] Hie nach in disem biechlin würdet kürtzlichen begriffen wie lang die keyserlich stat augspurg vor langen zeiten iren vrsprunge vnd anfang gehebt ([Augsburg: J­ ohann Bämler, 1483]) (ustc 743086, gw 2860). Breydenbach, Bernhard von, Peregrinatio in terram sanctam (Mainz: Erhard Reuwich, 11 February 1486) (ustc 743702, gw 5075).

502

Bibliography

Breydenbach, Bernhard von, Peregrinatio in terram sanctam (Speyer: Peter Drach, 29 July 1490) (ustc 743703, gw 5076). Birgitta of Sweden, Revelationes, ed. by Florian Waldauf (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 21 September 1500) (ustc 743482, gw 4392). Birgitta of Sweden, Das puch der Himlischen offenbarung der heiligen wittiben Birgitte von dem künigreich Sweden, ed. by Florian Waldauf (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 12 July 1502) (ustc 627947, vd 16 B 5596). Breviarium Herbipolense (Würzburg: Stephan Dold, Georg Reyser and Johannes Beckenhaub [after 20 September 1479]) (ustc 740213, gw 5356). Dürer, Albrecht, HIerin[n] sind begriffen vier biicher von menschlicher Proportion durch Albrechten Dürer (Nuremberg: Jeronymum Formschneider [Hieronymus Andreae], 1528) (ustc 663720, vd 16 D 2859). Dürer, Albrecht, UNderweysung der messung/mit dem zirckel un[d] richtscheyt/in Li­ nien ebnen vnnd gantzen corporen/durch Albrecht Dürer (Nuremberg: [Hieronymus Andreae], 1525) (ustc 701774, vd 16 D 2856; ustc 701775, vd 16 D 2857). [Georgenberg] Das ist ein tafel des anefangs des wirdigen Closters vnd Aptie auff sant Jörgenberg jm jntal ([Augsburg: Anton Sorg, after 10 May 1480]) (ustc 748747, gw 10642). Has, Kunz, Ein neu Gedicht der löblichen Stadt Nürnberg (Nuremberg: Peter Wagner, 1492) (ustc 745553, gw M 12132, C 2896, Schr. 4184). [Hohenwart] Ursprung und Anfang des Berges und der Burg Hohenwart ([Ingolstadt: Printer of Lescherius, c. 1489]) (ustc 745325, gw 12883). Indulge[n]tiae qui[bus] sancta ecclesiae metropolitana magdeburgen[sis] (Magdeburg: [Albert Ravenstein and Joachim Westval, c. 1483/1486]) (ustc 745893, gw M 19808, C 3261a). Johannes Apostolus, Apocalipsis cu[m] figuris (Nürnberg: [Anton Koberger, for] Al­ brecht Dürer, 1498) (ustc 746392, gw M12930). Johannes Apostolus, Die heimlich offenbaru[n]g ioh[an]nis (Nürnberg: [Anton Ko­ berger, for] Albrecht Dürer, 1498) (ustc 746393, gw M12922). Libellus demonstratiuus omnium reliquiarum simul et indulgentiarum in Ciuitate impe­ riali Aquisgrano promerendarum ([Cologne: Heinrich von Neuß, c. 1517]) (ustc 672550, vd 16 L 1524). Livy, Historiae Romanae Decades (Rome: Conradus Sweynheym and Arnoldus Pannartz, 16 July 1472) (ustc 993544, gw M 18472). Luther, Martin, Operationes […] in Psalmos (Wittenberg: Johann Rhau-Grunenberg, 1519–21) (ustc 679690, vd 16 L 5538). Luther, Martin, Eyn Sermon von der betrachtung des heyligen leydens Christi (Wittenberg: Johann Rhau-Grunenberg, 1519–1521) (1519: ustc 656688, vd 16 L 6519, 1520: ustc 656689, vd 16 L 6520, 1520: ustc 656690, vd 16 L 6524, 1521: ustc 656687, vd 16 L 6527).

Bibliography

503

[Maximilian: Theuerdank] Die geuerlicheiten vnd einsteils der geschichten des loblichen streytparen vnd hochberümbten helds vnd Ritters herr Tewrdannckhs (Nuremberg: Johann Schönsperger the Elder, 1517) (ustc 633810, vd 16 M 1649). Meinhardi, Andreas, Dialogus illustrate ac Augustissime urbis Albiorene vulgo Vitten­ berg dicte (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1508) (ustc 636015, vd 16 M 2251). Missale Bambergense (Bamberg: Johann Sensenschmidt and Heinrich Petzensteiner, 24 March 1490) (ustc 741208, gw M 24241, H 11264). Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg: Georg Reyser, [after 8 November 1481]) (ustc 741247, gw M24419, hc 11309). Missale Herbipolense ([Würzburg:] Georg Reyser, [after 19 February 1484]) (ustc 741248, gw M24422, H 11310). Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg: Georg Reyser, [after 1 February 1491]) (ustc 741249, gw M24426, H 11310). Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg: Georg Reyser, [after 1 October 1493]) (ustc 741250, gw M24429, H 11312). Missale Pataviense (Vienna: Johannes Winterburger, 1503) (ustc 669063, vd 16 M 5606). Missale Pataviense (Nuremberg: Jodokus Gutknecht, 1514) (ustc 676222, vd 16 M 5613). Petrus de Rosenheim, Roseum memoriale (Nürnberg: Friedrich Creussner, 1493) (ustc 748629, gw M 32726, hc 13991). Die Reformation des gerichtes der Dechaney des Thumstifts zu Bamberg ([Bamberg: ­Johann Sensenschmidt and Heinrich Petzensteiner, after 26 November 1488]) (ustc 741746, gw 10627, hc 13715). Reformation der Stadt Nürnberg (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 5 June 1484) (ustc 741749, gw M 27333, Hain 13716, Schr. 5051). Rhau, Georg, Hortulus Animae (Wittenberg: [Heirs of Georg Rhau], 1549) (ustc 664290, VD16 R 1689). Rosenplüt, Hans, Ein löblicher spruch von der erentreichen Stat Bambergk (Bamberg: [Hans Sporer], 1491) (ustc 748625, gw M38979). Rosenplüt, Hans, Ein maisterlicher spruch von der erlichen fürsichtigen ordnung vnd re­ girung in der löblichen Stat Nüremberg (Nuremberg: [Marx Ayrer, c.1488]) (ustc 748623, Hain 13984, Schr. 5148, gw M 38982). Rudimentum novitiorum (Lübeck: Lucas Brandis, 5 August 1475) (ustc 741882, gw M 39062, H 4996). Schedel, Hartmann, Buch der Croniken (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 23 December 1493) (ustc 748765, gw M 40796, H 14510) [the Nuremberg Chronicle]. Schedel, Hartmann, Liber Chronicarum (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, 12 July 1493) (ustc 748763, gw M 40784, hc 14508). Scheurl, Christoph, Libellus De Laudibus Germanie [et] ducu[m] Saxoniae (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1508) (ustc 672547, VD16 S 2794).

504

Bibliography

Scheurl, Christoph, Oratio doctoris Scheurli attingens litterarum prestantiam, nec non laudem ecclesiae collegiatae Vittenburgensis (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1509) (ustc 680834, vd 16 S 2803) (contains poems and verses by Christian Beier, Richardus Sbrulius, Andreas Bodenstein and Otto Beckmann). [Sibutus, Georg Daripinus] Georgii Sibuti Darpini Poete Oratoris laureati Carme[n] in tribus horis editum de musca Chilianea (Leipzig: Martin Landsberg, 1507) (ustc 659516, vd 16 S 6264). Statuta Synodalia Bambergensia (Bamberg: [Johann Sensenschmidt], 21 May 1491) (ustc 749180, gw M 43343, H 15025). Unser Lieben Frauen Rosenkranz ([Würzburg: Georg Reyser, c. 1485]) (ustc 765647, gw M38920, C 5168). Visierbüchlein ([Bamberg: Johann Sensenschmidt], 1485) (ustc 742093, gw M50784). Visierbüchlein ([Bamberg: Marx Ayrer, with the typeface of Johann Sensenschmidt], 1485) (ustc 742092, gw M 50785). Visierbüchlein (Bamberg: Hans Sporer, 1487) (ustc 742094, gw M 50786, C 2517). Das ist die Wallfart zu den Einsideln vnd die lege[n]d Sant Meinrat (Nuremberg: Hans Mair, [c.1495]) (ustc 749776, gw M 17588, H 16141).

2

Manuscripts and Archival Resources

Aschaffenburg Hofbibliothek Aschaffenburger Codex ms. 14 (Hallisches Heiltum).

Staatsbibliothek Bamberg Breviarius ecclesiae collegiatae Hallensis. Breviarius gloriose et prestantissime ecclesie Collegiate Sanctorum Mauritij et Maria magdalene (Hallis: ad sudarium. domini 1532), Staatsbibliothek Bamberg, Msc. Lit. 119.

Hall in Tirol, Pfarrarchiv [Parish Archive] HaRB – Hall Relic Book 1508/09. Florian Waldauf von Waldenstein, In disem Heylthumb Puechlein wirdet antzaigt, wie das hochwirdig kostparlich vnd mercklich gross heylthumb vnd dartzu die pëbstli­ chen grossen Römischen gnaden vnd Aplass, damit die heylig Capellen vnser Lieben Frawen Zu Hall im Yntal … alle Jar geweyset vnd ausgeruefft werden, am dritten Sun­ tag nach sand Geörg tag in der loblichen Stat Hall im Yntal, 1508/09, Pfarrarchiv Hall in Tirol.

Bibliography

505

British Library, London Bamberg Heiltum, Add. ms. 15,689.

Mühldorf am Inn, Stadtarchiv [Town Archive] Degenhart Pfeffinger von Salmanskirchen, Heiltums- und Ablaßbuch, Mühldorf am Inn, Stadtarchiv, B 79.

Bavarian State Library, Munich (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München) Albrecht von Eyb, verse adapatation of various sections from the Ehebüchlein and the Spiegel der Sitten, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 5185. Hartmann Schedel, List of Bamberg relics in Schedel’s own hand in ‘Weistum über die Rechte der bambergischen “Hausgenossen,” erblicher Amtleute und Münzmeister des Stiftes Bamberg … Reliquiae ecclesiae Babenbergensis [etc.],’ Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 46.

City Archive Nuremberg (Stadtarchiv Nürnberg) StadtAN Rep. D7 Siechkobel St. Peter- und Paul, Amtsbücher no. 1a.

State Archive Nuremberg (Staatsarchiv Nürnberg) StAN, Rep. 52b, RSt. Nürnberg, Amts- und Standbücher no. 26. StAN, Rep. 52 a, RSt. Nbg., Handschr. Nr. 399a. StAN, Rep. 1a Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Kaiserprivilegien, nos. 380 and 385. StAN, RstN. Briefbücher 22. StAN, RstN. Rep. 44e, Losungsamt, Akten si L 133.

Thuringian Central State Archive, Weimar (Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar) ThHStAW Reg. O 212. Inventory of the Wittenberg relics. “In dießem Register ist die ordenung in welcher das hochwirdige heylthum zu Wittemberg Montag nach Misericordias domini jerlich getzeigt wirdet”. Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar, Ernestinisches Gesamtarchiv, Reg. O 212. ThHStAW Reg. O 213. Weimar Sketch Book. Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar, Ernestinisches Gesamtarchiv, Reg. O 213.

506

Bibliography

Diocesan Archive, Vienna (Diözesanarchiv Wien) daw, Gedenkbuch der Fronleichnamszeche, Wiener erzbischöfliches Ordinariatsarchiv, ms. 146. daw, Wiener Ordinariatsarchiv, viii, St. Stephan, ms. 20.

3

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Abel, Wilhelm, Agrarkrisen und Agrarkonjunktur. Eine Geschichte der Land- und Er­ nährungswirtschaft Mitteleuropas seit dem hohen Mittelalter (3rd edn., Hamburg/ Berlin: Parey, 1978); trans. as: Agricultural fluctuations in Europe: from the thirteenth to the twentieth centuries (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1980). Alberti, Leon Battista, On Painting and On Sculpture, the Latin Texts of De Pictura and De Statua, ed. and trans. by Cecil Grayson (London: Phaidon, 1972). Ammann, Gert (ed.), Heiltum und Wallfahrt. Katalog der Tiroler Landesausstellung im Prämonstratenserstift Wilten und in der Benediktinerabtei St. Georgenberg-Fiecht 1988 (Innsbruck: Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, 1988). Andermann, Kurt etc. (eds.), Zwischen Nicht-Adel und Adel (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2001). Andrian-Werburg, Klaus Freiherr von, ‘Die Krongesandtschaften,’ in Nürnberg – Kaiser und Reich. Ausstellung des Staatsarchivs Nürnberg (Neustadt a. d. Aisch: Degener, 1986), pp. 83–87. Angenendt, Arnold, Heilige und Reliquien. Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Chris­ tentum bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Beck, 1994). Ankwicz-Kleehoven, Hans, ‘Das Exlibris des Matthäus Heuperger,’ Österreichisches Jahrbuch für Exlibris und Gebrauchsgraphik, 32 (1937), pp. 1–6. Anzelewsky, Fedja, ‘An Unidentified Portrait of King Edward iv,’ The Burlington Maga­ zine, 109 (1967), pp. 702–705. Arndt, Hella and Renate Kroos, ‘Zur Ikonographie der Johannesschüssel,’ Aachener Kunstblätter, 38 (1969), pp. 243–328. Assunto, Rosario, Die Theorie des Schönen im Mittelalter (Cologne: DuMont Schauberg, 1963). Augustyn, Wolfgang, ‘Fingierte Wappen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Bemerkungen zur Heraldik in den Bildkünsten,’ Münchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst, 56 (2005), pp. 41–82. Augustyn, Wolfgang, ‘Die Darstellung der Trinität: Das schwierige Gottesbild im Spiegel der Bildüberlieferung,’ in Eckhard Leuschner etc. (eds.), Das Bild Gottes in Judentum, Christentum und Islam. Vom Alten Testament bis zum Karikaturenstreit (Petersberg: Imhof, 2009), pp. 45–80.

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Bach, Friedrich Teja, Struktur und Erscheinung. Untersuchungen zu Dürers graphischer Kunst (Berlin: Mann, 1996). Bachleitner, Rudolf, Der Heiltumschatz der Allerheiligen Domkirche zu St. Stephan in Wien (Vienna: Erzbischöfliches Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, 1960). Bartrum, Giulia, German Renaissance Prints 1490–1550 (London: British Museum Press, 1995). Bartsch, Adam, Le peintre graveur (21 vols., Vienna: Degen, 1803–21). Bartz, Gabriele and Eberhard König, ‘Die Illustration des Totenoffiziums in Stundenbüchern,’ in Hansjakob Becker (ed.), Im Angesicht des Todes. Ein interdisziplinäres Kompendium (2 vols., St. Ottilien: eos, 1987), i. 487–528. Bassermann-Jordan, Ernst von and Wolfgang M. Schmid, Der Bamberger Domschatz (Munich: Bruckmann, 1914). Bätschmann, Oskar and Pascal Griener, Hans Holbein (Cologne: DuMont, 1997); trans. as: Hans Holbein (London: Reaktion Books, 1997). Bauch, Gustav, ‘Zur Cranachforschung,’ Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, 17 (1894), pp. 421–435. Bauch, Gustav, ‘Zu Christoph Scheurls Briefbuch,’ Neue Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete historisch-antiquarischer Forschungen, 19 (1895/98), pp. 400–456. Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, Renate, ‘Der Goldschmied Thomas Rockenbach († 1496),’ Bericht des Historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemaligen Fürstbis­ tums Bamberg, 112 (1976), pp. 161–248. Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, Renate, ‘Der Silberbesitz der Bamberger Bischöfe von Anton von Rotenhan († 1459) bis Georg Schenk von Limpurg († 1522),’ Bericht des His­ torischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemaligen Fürstbistums Bamberg, 116 (1980), pp. 273–316. Baumgärtel-Fleischmann, Renate, ‘Das Bamberger Heiltum von 1508/09 der British Library London (Add ms 15689),’ in Historischer Verein Bamberg (eds.), Das Bamberg­ er Heiltum von 1508/09 der British Library London (Add ms 15689), i, Facsimile (Bamberg: Historischer Verein, 1998). Bayerische Staatsbibliothek and Haus der Bayerischen Geschichte (eds.), Das Halle’sche Heiltum. Reliquienkult und Goldschmiedekunst der Frührenaissance in Deutschland (Manuscripts from Bavarian libraries on cd-rom) (Augsburg: Haus der Bayerischen Geschichte, 2002). Beissel, Stephan, Die Verehrung der Heiligen und ihrer Reliquien in Deutschland im Mit­ telalter (Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1890/1892; repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1983). Bellmann, Fritz etc. (eds.), Die Denkmale der Lutherstadt Wittenberg (Weimar: Böhlau, 1979).

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Index Achatius, Saint 336 Adalbert of Bremen, Archbishop of Bremen und Hamburg 393 Adalbert, Saint 32 Adrianus, Saint 65 Aeneas 325, 326 Agapitus, Saint 277 Aich, Arnt von 7 Alberti, Leon Battista 389, 390 Albrecht ii Alcibiades, Margrave of Brandenburg-Kulmbach 82 Albrecht ii, King of the Romans 51, 52 Albrecht iii Achilles, Elector of Brandenburg 205, 328 Albrecht iii, the Bold, Duke of Saxony 183, 200 Albrecht iii, the Pious, Duke of Bavaria 339, 340 Albrecht of Brandenburg, Cardinal, Archbishop of Magdeburg and Mainz 6, 7, 9, 210, 244, 304, 315–318, 322–338, 341–344, 346–351, 353–355, 367, 368, 370, 374, 396, 405, 406, 446–448, 454, 455 Albrecht von Eyb 172, 173 Albuin, Saint 276 Aldegundis, Saint 95, 462 Alexander vi, Pope 38, 41, 139, 140, 268, 270, 284, 293, 294, 300, 303, 343, 427, 480, 490 Anastasia, Saint 72 Andrew, Saint 136, 138, 162, 163, 335, 461 Andromache 326 Anna of Austria 205 Anna of Brandenburg 353 Anna of Saxony 205 Anne, Saint 24, 32, 33, 58, 59, 184, 204, 207, 212, 213, 252, 268, 277, 291, 345, 353, 416, 469 Anselm, Saint 276 Anton ii Crusino, Bishop of Brixen 256 Anton von Rotenhan, Bishop of Bamberg 71 Apelles 188, 441 Arnswaldt, Werner Konstantin von 452 Astyanax 326 Aufseß, Hans Freiherr von und zu 416, 426, 443

Augustine, Saint 351, 355 Augustus the Younger, Duke of BrunswickLüneburg 446, 457 Ayrer, Marx 17, 46, 48, 115, 411, 413 Bacon, Roger 382 Bally, Franz Ludwig de 440 Balthazar (Magus) 276 Bämler, Johann 74, 398 Barbara, Saint 63, 307, 308, 310 Barbari, Jacopo de’ 189 Barlow, Thomas 428 Bartholomew, Saint 72, 222, 225, 238, 239, 469 Bauernfeindt, Johann Georg 156 Beckenhub, Johann 146 Beckmann, Otto 188, 190 Beier, Christian 187, 188 Benigna, Saint 461 Berengar ii, King of Italy 68 Bernhard von Cles, Bishop of Trent 495 Berthold of Mainz, Archbishop of Mainz 268 Birgitta of Sweden, Saint 203, 265, 291, 307–310, 488 Bogislaw x, Duke of Pomerania 343 Böhm, Carl 435 Boisserée, Sulpiz 450 Boniface ix, Pope 134, 135, 145, 155, 202, 497 Brandenstein, Katharina von 205 Brandis, Lucas 100 Breydenbach, Bernhard von 169, 216, 373 Brunschwig, Sylvain S. 420 Burchard, Saint 137, 138, 466 Burgkmair, Hans, the Elder 255, 256, 272, 284, 289, 292, 293, 297, 300, 301, 303, 459 Burkart, Benedict 305 Carl Alexander, Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach 444 Catherine of Saxony 304, 306, 307, 312 Celtis, Conrad 185, 186 Cennini, Cennino 389 Charlemagne, Holy Roman Emperor 29, 32–35, 57, 58, 69, 70, 375

Index Charles iv, Holy Roman Emperor 17, 32, 33, 34, 50, 57, 59, 327 Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy 348 Charles v, Holy Roman Emperor 332, 441, 495 Christina, Saint 74 Christoph von Schrofenstein, Bishop of Brixen 272, 284, 293, 295, 491 Christopher, Saint 63, 130, 156, 307, 361, 461, 463, 468 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 262 Clement i, Saint, Pope 32 Colmán, Saint 131–133, 138, 427, 467 Columba, Saint 74 Constance, Saint 217 Constantine, Emperor 130 Constantine, Saint 130, 276 Cornill d’Orville, Heinrich Anton 450 Cranach, Hans 318 Cranach, Lucas, the Elder 1, 6, 180, 185–200, 216, 233, 235, 239–241, 245, 249, 251, 253, 318, 322, 324, 332, 356, 370, 374, 387–391, 405, 437, 438, 444, 446, 468 Creußner, Friedrich 17, 46, 320 Culemann, Friedrich Georg Herrmann 415 Cunigunde, Holy Roman Empress, Saint 58, 59, 62, 65, 68, 76, 77, 80, 91, 106, 107, 109, 115, 118, 124, 126, 137, 332, 402, 418, 419, 421–424, 460–464, 466 Cuspinian, Johannes 185, 186 Cyriacus, Saint 72 Dante Alighieri 382 Deichsler, Heinrich 53 Deinlein, Michael von, Archbishop of Bamberg 421 Dernschwam von Hradiczin, Hans 432 Dietrich von Pleningen 441 Dodgson, Campbell 437 Dold, Stephan 146 Dorothy, Saint 217, 355 Douce, Frances 426 Drach, Peter 169 Dreyhaupt, Johann Christian 449, 454, 455 Dürer, Albrecht 58, 187, 188, 196, 241, 316, 317, 320–325, 329, 330, 360–367, 370, 386, 390, 446, 447, 450, 455 During, Christanus (Christian) 347

543 Edward iv, King of England 195 Ekmann, Lia 443 Elizabeth of Hungary, Saint 204–206, 222, 227–229, 230, 233, 235, 387, 438, 444, 461 Erasmus, Saint 307, 332, 333, 349, 351–354, 447 Erdtmann, Christian 39–42 Eric, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg 255, 304, 306, 312 Ernst of Saxony, Archbishop of Magdeburg 195, 250, 253, 315, 330–334, 336, 338, 348–350, 367, 368, 370, 396, 406, 447, 448, 451, 454 Ernst, Elector of Saxony 186, 200, 201 Eustachius, Saint 277 Ezekiel 382 Felix v, Pope 340 Ferdinand i, Holy Roman Emperor 250, 432 Ferdinand ii, King of Aragon 266–268, 309 Florian, Saint 277, 307–309 Forner, Friedrich see Erdtmann, Christian Francis i, King of France 185 Franck, Simon 318, 446 Frederick i Barbarossa, Holy Roman Emperor 133 Frederick i, King in Prussia 451 Frederick i, King of Württemberg 457 Frederick ii, Elector of Brandenburg 328, 341 Frederick iii, Burgrave of Nuremberg 327 Frederick iii, Holy Roman Emperor 30, 31, 52–56, 59, 66, 69, 139, 142, 181, 185, 195, 263, 305, 401, 454 Frederick iii, Landgrave of Thuringia 205 Frederick iii, the Wise, Elector of Saxony 7, 183–186, 189–196, 200, 201, 203, 205, 207, 212, 214–216, 225, 226, 239, 244, 246–253, 280, 316, 324, 333, 340, 347, 353, 354, 368, 370, 395, 396, 405, 437–439, 443, 468 Frederick iv (i), the Quarrelsome, Elector of Saxony 183, 200 Frederick of Utrecht, Saint 347 Frederick William i, King in Prussia 451 Frederick, the Fair, rival King of the Romans 32, 59 Frefridus of Rome, Hohenzollern 329

544 Fuchsmagen, Johannes 281 Fugger, Johann Jacob 259 Gallus, Saint 72 Gangolf, Saint 72 Georg iii Schenk von Limpurg, Bishop of Bamberg 125, 126, 129, 424 Georg von Schaumberg, Bishop of Bamberg 68 George, Duke of Saxony 368 George, Saint 62, 65, 68, 78, 80, 81, 100, 126–129, 160, 272, 279, 304, 307–309, 348, 367–369, 399, 403, 419, 423, 424, 432, 459, 461, 463, 472 Gisze, Georg 325 Gonzaga, Sigismondo 185 Gregory xv, Pope 345 Gregory, Saint Pope 32 Grunenberg, Johann 216 Grünewald, Matthias 456 Grünpeck, Joseph 259 Gunderam, Matthias 188 Gutenberg, Johannes 26 Gutknecht, Jodokus 275 Hadus, Johannes 186 Haller, Katharina 71 Hamer, Wolfgang 46 Has, Kunz 46, 49 Hauslab, Franz Ritter von 413 Haydinger, Franz 433 Hebesgruber, Markus 175 Hector 326 Hedwig, Saint 222 Heinrich Groß von Trockau, Bishop of Bamberg 17, 18, 30, 66, 72, 73, 115, 402, 414, 417, 421, 422 Heinrich von Neuß 494, 495 Helena, Saint 130, 271, 276, 463 Henneberger, Hans 328 Hennenberger, Hans see Henneberger, Hans Hennin, Heinrich Christian de 449 Henning, Heinrich Christian von see Hennin, Heinrich Christian de Henry ii, Holy Roman Emperor, Saint 62, 64–68, 73, 77, 78, 80, 81, 94, 98, 105–109, 115, 118, 119, 124, 126–130, 217, 332, 402, 403, 419, 421–424, 460–464

Index Henry Raspe iv, Landgrave of Thuringia, rival King of the Romans 206 Herodes 65 Herold, Wolfgang Hieronymus 39, 40 Heuperger, Achatius 181 Heuperger, Matthäus 149, 150, 155, 159, 167, 174, 175, 177, 178, 180, 181, 275, 280, 403, 404, 429, 435 Hilaria, Saint 222 Hippolytus, Saint 63 Hitler, Adolf 15 Hochfeder, Caspar 46 Hoefnagel, Jacob 156 Hoffmann, Friedrich 451 Hoffmann, Hans 17, 46 Holzschuher, Karl 53 Horn, Kunz 361 Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim 186 Huber, Ambrosius 17, 46 Ingenuin, Saint 276 Innocent vi, Pope 15 Innocent viii, Pope 30, 251, 252, 305 Isabella, Queen of Castile and León 266– 268, 309 Jacobi, Georg 449 James iv, King of Scotland 343 James, Saint 150, 480 Jean, Duke of Bourges and the Auvergne 185 Jesus Christ 22, 24, 32–35, 44, 46, 51, 58, 61, 63–66, 69, 112, 138, 139, 150, 154, 158–160, 164, 174, 177, 200, 204, 205, 207–210, 212, 213, 216, 219, 222–226, 239, 240, 247, 261, 262, 265, 269, 273–275, 277, 282, 284, 310, 332, 335–337, 344, 345, 361, 363, 368, 411, 414, 415, 429, 437, 438, 447, 457, 459, 460, 468–471, 474, 477, 488, 494, 497 Joachim i, Electoral Prince of Brandenburg 345–348, 368 Joachim, Saint 345–348, 368 Joanna i, Queen of Castile and Aragon 268 Jodokus, Abbot of Posa 185 Johann ii, Prince of Liechtenstein 413 Johannes vi von Saalhausen, Bishop of Meissen 253 John the Baptist, Saint 24, 32, 33, 136, 138, 204, 207, 222, 223, 235, 239, 275, 335, 462, 466, 494

Index John the Constant, Duke of Saxony 136, 183, 191, 192, 194, 195, 200, 201, 203, 204, 248, 324, 405, 438, 468 John the Evangelist, Saint 24, 33, 136, 138, 216, 219, 332, 336, 348, 447, 466 Jonah 261 Joseph, Saint 297, 494 Judas Thaddäus, Saint 225, 469 Julius ii, Pope 21, 129, 175, 252, 268, 270, 271, 284, 293, 294, 292, 296, 300, 336, 345, 475, 481, 482, 485, 490 Julius, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg 458 Karlstadt, Andreas Bodenstein von 188, 216 Katherine, Saint 72, 156, 178, 277, 361 Kilian, Saint 131–134, 137, 138, 147, 148, 427, 467 Klemm, Gustav Friedrich 392 Koberger, Anton 46, 148, 265, 309 Konrad von Ergersheim, Bishop of Bamberg 17 Konrad, Bishop of Belinas 277 Ladislaus, Saint 348 Landsberg, Martin 187, 202, 316, 443 Lang, Matthäus, Cardinal, Bishop of Gurk, Archbishop of Salzburg 181 Lange, Adam 328 Lawrence, Saint 45, 46, 48, 51, 65, 332, 360, 361, 363, 402, 415 Lempertz, Mathias 450 Leo x, Pope 21, 246, 318, 333, 338, 341, 343, 344 Leonhard von Keutzschach, Archbishop of Salzburg 272, 293, 295, 492 Leopold, Saint 304–306, 432, 470 Leucht, Christian Leonhard 439 List, Christoph 136 Livy (Titus Livius) 195 Loeser, Thomas 184 Longinus, Saint 58, 276, 277 Lorenz von Bibra, Bishop of Bamberg 146 Lotter, Melchior the Elder 437 Lotter, Melchior the Younger 216 Louis ii, King of Hungary and Bohemia 432 Louis ix, Saint, King of France 200, 240 Louis, the Roman, Elector and Margrave of Brandenburg 59 Lucian 441

545 Ludewig, Johannes Peter de 452, 455, 456 Ludewig, Juliana Louise 455 Luke, Saint 31, 72, 367, 460 Luther, Martin 44, 204, 216, 341, 444, 446, 447, 449, 457 Mair, Hans 7, 38–42, 46, 48, 73, 76–78, 80–83, 86, 88, 91, 94, 95, 97, 100, 104–107, 112, 114–117, 119, 120, 124, 127–131, 134, 137–143, 145, 146, 148, 375–377, 383, 403, 414, 418, 420, 423, 427, 460–464, 466 Marculo, Saint 336 Margaret of Austria 185, 266, 268, 475 Margaretha of Baden, Electoral Princess of Brandenburg 348 Margarethe of Anhalt 250, 439 Margarethe, Saint 138, 143 Margarethe, Saint, one of the Eleven Thousand Virgins 353 Mark, Saint 32, 164, 225 Martha, Saint 63 Martin v, Pope 327 Martin, Saint 91, 307, 336, 351, 367, 368 Mary Magdalene, Saint 315, 332, 349, 351, 353–355, 359, 447 Master A. F. 150, 178 Master A. N. 178 Master B R with the Anchor 195 Master E. S. 250 Master of the “Historia Friderici et Maximiliani” 178, 429 Master of the Mass of Saint Gregory 318 Master of the Meinrad Legend 46, 48, 77, 83, 131, 148, 414, 419, 423, 427 Master of the Vienna Relic Book 180, 429 Master Wilhelm 181 Matthew, Saint 167, 225, 363, 366 Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary 152 Matthias, Saint 225, 469 Maurice, Saint 28, 32, 33, 58, 63, 130, 222, 235, 239, 332, 349–354, 447, 454, 497 Maximilian i, Holy Roman Emperor 30, 55, 57, 106, 139–143, 181, 185, 248, 250, 252, 258, 259, 261–268, 271, 272, 276, 280, 284, 288, 292–294, 296, 298, 301, 303–306, 309, 311, 312, 317, 320, 327, 336, 341, 343, 344, 368, 472, 473, 475, 483, 489, 490

546 Maximilian, Saint 277, 360 Mayr, Hans siehe Mair, Hans Meckenem, Israhel van 195 Megepeier, Morez (Moretz) 448 Meinhardi, Andreas 202, 204, 208, 218, 219, 222, 225 Meinrad, Saint 148 Melchior von Meckau, Bishop of Brixen 291, 492 Melmann, Adam 449 Michiel, Marcanton 397, 400 Minerva 188 Mitterhofer, Barbara 264, 269, 271, 285, 287, 308, 309, 313, 477, 482 Molinet, Jean 259 Moritz, Gustav 452 Muffel, Nikolaus 53, 54, 59 Müllner, Johannes 16, 55 Murr, Christoph Gottlieb von 15, 16, 39–41, 416 Nagler, Carl Ferdinand Friedrich von 317, 430, 444, 448, 456 Nagy, István 434 Nicholas v, Pope 53, 54 Nicholas, Saint 351, 355, 461 Nicomachos 188 Nikolaus von Schippenbeil, Bishop of Cammin 340 Noah 261, 287 Nonnosus, Saint 72, 461 Nützel, Gabriel 55 Otto i, Holy Roman Emperor 68, 335 Otto iii von Ratmannsdorf 311 Otto von Bamberg, Saint 62, 65, 68 Pacher, Michael 289 Panzer, Georg Wolfgang 1, 38, 41, 414, 422 Parth, Anna 180, 181 Paul, Saint 24, 32, 207, 261, 348 Peraudi, Raimund, Cardinal, Bishop of Gurk 201, 252, 291 Peter, Saint 24, 32, 62, 65, 68, 207, 225, 261, 317, 344, 348, 349, 368, 481 Petrus von Rosenheim 320 Petzensteiner, Heinrich 60, 73, 74, 417 Pfeffinger, Degenhart 7, 311 Pfeil, Johann see Pfeyl, Johann

Index Pfeyl, Johann 60, 64, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 81, 82, 86, 97, 114, 115, 117, 124, 126, 129, 130, 142, 376, 377, 399, 402, 403, 408, 417, 424, 425, 460–465 Pfeyll, Hanß see Pfeyl, Johann Philip i, King of Castile 266–268, 272, 284, 285, 293, 295, 296, 484, 489, 491 Philip vi, King of France 200 Philipp i, Landgrave of Hesse 136 Philipp of Henneberg, Bishop of Bamberg 18 Philipp, Count of Solms 226, 396 Philipp, Saint 225, 469 Piccolomini, Enea Silvio 69, 70 Pius ii, Pope cf. Piccolomini, Enea Silvio Pius v, Pope 345 Pliny, Gaius Secundus the Elder 188 Ponethowski, Johannes 453 Ponickau, Johann August von 452 Praxiteles 187 Printer of the Lescherius 5 Pseudo-Grünewald 318 Raimondi, Marcantonio 386 Ratdolt, Erhard 265 Ravenstein, Albert 496, 497 Reichlich, Marx 308 Reider, Joseph von 425 Reinhard, Johann 136 Reinhart, Symphorian 189, 190, 437, 438 Reusner, Bartholomäus 445 Reusner, Johann Bartholomäus 445 Reyser, Georg 146, 147, 195, 251 Rhau, Georg 249, 316 Riario, Raffaele 185 Ried, Hans 268 Rockenbach, Thomas 65, 95 Rode, Hermen 345 Rogkner, Johannes 175 Rollinger, Wilhelm 175 Roo, Gerard von 259 Rosenplüt, Hans 46, 48, 50, 67, 68, 71, 402 Rudolf i, Duke of Saxony 200, 443 Rudolf ii, Duke of Saxony 200 Rudolf iii, King of Burgundy 66 Rudolf iv, (Arch-)Duke of Austria 155, 167, 181 Rudolf von Scherenberg, Bishop of Bamberg 135, 136, 139, 145, 146

547

Index Ruland, Carl 444 Rumohr, Carl Friedrich von 383, 384, 387, 390 Ruoff, Georg 426 Sabellicus, Marcus Antonius 412 Sbrulius, Richardus 186, 188, 249, 370 Schaur, Johann 380 Schedel, Hartmann 68, 69, 71, 72, 100, 133, 134, 195, 249, 320, 375, 376, 377, 383, 412, 415, 419, 420, 443 Scheurl, Christoph 186–190, 249, 324, 370, 443 Scheurl, Johann 249 Schlosser, Julius von 391, 392, 397, 400 Schönlein, Johann Lukas 425 Schönlein, Ritter D. von 428 Schönsperger, Johann 74, 190, 340, 381 Schwetschke, Gustav 452 Sebaldus, Saint 45, 46, 48, 51, 56, 303, 332, 402, 415 Sebastian, Saint 222 Sensenschmidt, Johann 73, 74, 115, 316 Severus, Saint 463 Sibutus, Georg Daripinus 186, 187 Sidler, Klementin 419 Sigismund of Tyrol, Archduke of Austria 257, 258, 280, 304 Sigismund, Duke of Bavaria 280 Sigismund, Holy Roman Emperor 15, 16, 27, 30, 51, 58, 69, 141, 348, 402, 416 Sigismund, Saint 32, 461 Simon, Saint 225, 368, 469 Sixtus iv, Pope 135, 301 Sixtus, Saint, Pope 360, 363 Soliman see Süleyman I Sophia, Saint 222 Sorg, Anton 74 Spalatin, Georg 195, 216, 246, 324, 341 Sporer, Hans 67, 71, 76, 114–120, 122, 124, 127, 129, 130, 142, 143, 399, 403, 420–422, 460–463 Steinwehr, Wolf Balthasar Adolph von 418 Stephen, Saint 32, 150, 156, 166–169, 172, 174, 178–180, 222, 277, 351, 360–363, 429–431 Stettfelder, Nonnosus 425 Stöckel, Wolfgang 316, 446 Stromer, Ulmann 55

Süleyman i, Sultan 432 Syrus, Saint 256 Temler, Christian Friedrich 441 Tempelfeld, Bartholomäus 249 Theodore, Saint 460 Theospitus (Theopistus), Saint 277 Thomas à Kempis 174 Thomas, Saint 307, 332, 348, 447 Tichtel, Johannes 156 Totnan, Saint 131–134, 138, 427, 467 Traut, Wolf 26, 317, 318, 320, 348, 355, 360–362, 367, 446, 447 Trummer, Paul 329 Tucher, Endres 24 Ulrich iii Haug, Abbot of Michelsberg Monastery 73 Urban i, Pope, Saint 32 Urban v, Pope 33 Ursula of Brandenburg 353 Ursula, Saint 207, 235, 237, 268, 271, 273, 301, 351, 353, 354, 475 Valentine, Saint 297, 360 Valentini, Michael Bernhard 391, 392 Van Praët, Joseph Basil Bernard 422 Vasari, Giorgio 384–386, 389, 390 Verena, Saint 256 Veronica, Saint 222, 239 Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) 325, 326, 329, 330, 325 Virgin Mary, the 32, 33, 44, 46, 63, 112, 114, 120, 135, 143, 200–202, 204, 207, 208, 213, 216, 219, 222, 223, 258, 259, 261, 274, 275, 277, 281–290, 307, 310–312, 332, 335, 336, 344–346, 348, 393, 402, 415, 420, 429, 437, 447, 459, 466, 468–471, 473, 489, 490, 494, 497 Vischer, P. 16, 17, 38, 40, 41, 42, 141, 373, 411, 413 Vischer, Peter the Elder 17 Vischer, Peter the Younger 347 Vitus, Saint 32, 82, 94, 95, 100, 462 Vladislaus ii, King of Hungary and Bohemia 263, 474 Vogt, Jakob 185, 439 Volckamer, Berthold 53

548 Wagenseil, Johann Christoph 40, 41 Wagner, Peter 17, 46, 49, 411, 413 Waldauf von Waldenstein, Florian 6, 159, 160, 210, 248, 254–297, 300–304, 306–314, 395, 404, 405, 459, 488, 489 Wartislaw viii, Duke of Pomerania 340 Weißenburger, Johann 441 Wenceslas, Elector, Duke of Saxony-Wittenberg 228 Wenceslas, Saint 32, 228, 230, 233, 234 Westval, Joachim 496, 497 Wieser, Hans 257 Wigbold von Holte, Archbishop of Cologne 393 Wilhelm iv, Duke of Jülich 181 Will, Georg Andreas 39–41, 416

Index William iii, Duke of Saxony 205 William of Ockham 382 Willibald, Saint 463 Winterburger, Johannes 6, 149, 150, 171, 178, 186, 188, 190, 429 Wolf, Hans 126 Wolfgang, Saint 289, 297 Wolgemut, Michael 26, 46 Zacharias, Saint 335 Zainer, Günther 378 Zainer, Johann 379 Zeissenmair, Lukas 74 Zeuxis 188 Zinn, Nickel 439, 448 Zuccari, Federico 384