Illuminating Sanctity (Library of the Written Word) [Illustrated] 900438197X, 9789004381971

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Illuminating Sanctity

Library of the Written Word volume 71

The Manuscript World Editor-in-Chief Richard Gameson (Durham University)

Editorial Board Martin Kauffmann (Bodleian Library, Oxford) Erik Kwakkel (The University of British Columbia) Kathryn Rudy (University of St Andrews) Roger S. Wieck (The Morgan Library & Museum, New York)

volume 11

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/lww

Illuminating Sanctity The Body, Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand in the Miniature Cycle in Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500

By

Maria R. Grasso

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: The soul of Saint Amand in the lap of Christ. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 62v. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Grasso, Maria R., author. Title: Illuminating sanctity : the body, soul and glorification of Saint Amand in the miniature cycle in Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500 / by Maria R. Grasso. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2019. | Series: Library of the written word, ISSN 1874-4834 ; volume 71 | Series: The manuscript world ; volume 11 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019004270 (print) | LCCN 2019009618 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004381995 (Ebook) | ISBN 9789004381971 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Amand, Saint, approximately 584-approximately 676--Art. | Bibliothèque municipale de Valenciennes. Manuscript. 500--Illustrations. | Soul in art. | Illumination of books and manuscripts, French--12th century. | Illumination of books and manuscripts, Romanesque--France. | Christian art and symbolism--France--Medieval, 500-1500. | Artists’ preparatory studies--France--History--12th century. | Underdrawing. Classification: LCC ND3385.B56 (ebook) | LCC ND3385.B56 G73 2019 (print) | DDC 745.6/740944--dc23 lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019004270

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1874-4834 ISBN 978-90-04-38197-1 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-38199-5 (e-book) Copyright 2019 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

To my dear husband Jim

⸪

In depositione S. Amandi Amande, pastor bone, Coenobium Elnonae Pia devotione Tu fundasti. Sis nobis placabilis Ne satanae vinculis Subdamur seu iaculis Mortis hora.1 Amand, good shepherd, In devout piety You founded Elnone Abbey. May you, in the hour of your death, Be peaceful to us Lest we be subject To the chains or arrows of Satan.

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1 First and last of ten verses from a seventeenth-century collection of hymns to Saint Amand. Édouard de Moreau, Saint Amand: Apôtre de la Belgique et du Nord de la France (Louvin, 1927), 331, notes the manuscript number as Valenciennes, 99. This is as listed in Jacques Mangeart, Catalogue descriptif et raisonné des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Valenciennes (Paris: 1860). The numbering system has since been altered, and the manuscript is now Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 106. My thanks to Dr James H. Pedersen and Dr Oliver Norris for their assistance with this translation.

Contents Acknowledgments  XI List of Figures and Diagrams  XIII Abbreviations  XVI Glossary  XVII 1 An introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500  1 1.1 Saint Amand  3 1.2 The Vita as a Genre  4 1.3 The Three Illustrated Vitae of Saint Amand  9 2 MS 500: Its Date and Structure  13 2.1 Dating Evidence  13 2.1.1 Dating the MS 500 Vita of Saint Amand  13 2.1.2 Dating the Cycle of Miniatures of Saint Amand  14 2.2 The Incorrect Binding of Gatherings in MS 500  14 2.2.1 Current and Corrected Arrangement of the Leaves  15 2.3 The Miniatures and the Preliminary Drawings  16 2.4 The Purpose of the Preliminary Drawings  19 2.4.1 Preliminary Drawings I  19 2.4.2 Preliminary Drawings II  23 2.5 Aldegonde’s Vision of Amand and the Miniature of Amand’s Soul with Christ  24 2.5.1 Aldegonde and the Vision of Amand  24 2.5.2 Aldegonde’s Vision and the Missing Leaf  26 2.6 Planning Overview  29 2.7 Conclusion  29 3 The Artists and Techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500  31 3.1 The Abbey of Saint-Amand as a Creative Centre  31 3.2 Transmission and Possible Sources  33 3.3 Comparisons of the Miniatures  38 3.3.1 Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v. Amand’s Entombment and Soul and f. 68r His Glorification. Palette, Horizontal Bars, Figures, Facial Features, Drapery, Scrollwork, Nimbi, Summary  39 3.3.2 Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Palette, Horizontal Bars, Figures, Facial Features, Drapery, Scrollwork, Nimbi, Summary  40 3.3.3 Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Palette, Horizontal Bars, Figures, Facial Features, Drapery, Scrollwork, Nimbi, Summary  42 3.3.4 Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Palette, Horizontal Bars, Figures, Facial Features, Drapery, Scrollwork, Nimbi, Summary  43 3.3.5 Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, ff. 59r–66v. Palette, Horizontal Bars, Drapery, Nimbi  44 3.3.6 Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, and f. 68r. Facial Features  44 3.3.7 Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, and 68r. Scrollwork  46 3.3.8 Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, and 68r. Summary  47 3.3.9 Gatherings X, Y+Z, All Folia, and 68r. Decorative Frames  47 3.4 Summary of Transmission and Comparison of the Miniatures  48 3.5 Comparison with Contemporary Manuscripts  49 3.5.1 Comparison with Vitae: Manuscript Size, Depictions, Placement  49 Preliminary Drawings, Artists and Techniques, Summary

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Contents

3.5.2 Comparison with Psalters: The St Albans Psalter , The Winchester Psalter  52 Summary  55 4 Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the Miniature Cycle  57 4.1 Themes on Facing Pages of the Preliminary Drawings  57 4.1.1 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 59v, 60r  58 4.1.2 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 63v, 64r  58 4.1.3 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 65v, 66r  59 4.1.4 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 61v, 62r  60 4.1.5 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 53v, 54r  61 4.1.6 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 55v, 56r  62 4.1.7 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 57v, 58r  62 4.1.8 Missing Preliminary Drawings for Miniatures ff. 61r, 62v  63 4.2 Comparison between Preliminary Drawings and Miniatures  65 4.2.1 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 59v, 60r, Miniatures ff. 53r, 54v  65 4.2.2 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 63v, 64r, Miniatures ff. 55r, 56v  66 4.2.3 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 65v, 66r, Miniatures ff. 57r, 58v  66 4.2.4 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 61v, 62r, Related Miniatures Missing  68 4.2.5 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 53v, 54r, Miniatures ff. 59r, 60v  68 4.2.6 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 55v, 56r, Miniatures ff. 63r, 64v  70 4.2.7 Preliminary Drawings, ff. 57v, 58r, Miniatures ff. 65r, 66v  71 4.2.8 Miniatures, ff. 61r, 62v, Related Preliminary Drawings Missing  72 4.3 Summary  75 5 The Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand  76 5.1 The Soul of Amand and the Soul of Lazarus  76 5.1.1 The Healed Soul  78 5.1.2 The Naked Soul  78 5.1.3 The Frontal Soul  79 5.1.4 The Cloth as Mandorla, Medallion or Veil  79 5.2 Abraham or Christ  82 5.2.1 Christocentric Details  84 5.2.2 Censing Angels  89 5.3 Comparison of the Vision Scene in Valenciennes, MS 500 with MS 502 and MS 501  92 6 Conclusion  97 6.1 Miniatures, Preliminary Drawings and Pagination  97 6.2 The Relationship between the Miniatures  99 6.3 The Imaginative Depiction of Amand’s Soul  100 6.4 Glorification of Amand  101 6.5 Summary  102 Appendices A The Cycle of the Life of Amand in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500  103 B Contents of Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500  134 C Comparison of Miniatures between Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, and Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500  135 D List of Episodes in the Cycle of the Life of Amand in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, in the Correct Sequence  138 E Present Arrangement of Folia, in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, Showing Contents of Miniatures, and Preliminary Drawings I and II  139

Contents

F G H I

Techniques Employed in Miniature Cycle and f. 68r  141 Facing Pages in the Order of the Narrative  149 Comparison of the Chapter Numbers in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500  151 List of Depictions of Dives and Lazarus, c. 835–1275  155

Bibliography  163 Index of Manuscripts  170 Index  171

ix

Acknowledgments The twelfth-century manuscript, Valenciennes, Biblio­ thèque municipale, MS 500, the Life of Saint-Amand, which is the subject of this monograph, first came to my attention during research into depictions of the Christian soul in the Middle Ages for my doctoral thesis. Barbara Abou-El-Haj’s The Medieval Cult of Saints, a study that focused on an earlier manuscript, Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 502, reproduced an image of the soul of Amand in MS 500, certain details of which aroused my curiosity.1 Further study of the miniature cycle in which the depiction occurred uncovered new evidence regarding the preparation of the cycle, and the conclusions associated with these findings are the focus of this monograph. Researching the miniature cycle in MS 500 has been a humbling experience. I came to respect those who conceived and created the miniatures for their thought and effort. It is a remarkable achievement both in terms of theological and artistic creativity. My appreciation also extends to all the owners and curators of manuscripts over the centuries, who have ensured preservation of so many documents, without which research into many aspects of life in previous centuries would not have been possible. Nothing compares to the joy of handling a manuscript, nor to the insights that close physical inspection can provide. However, digitisation and on-line availability offer unparalleled opportunities for scholars and interested individuals to examine closely and repetitively manuscripts, including MS 500, that would otherwise be difficult or even impossible to access. I include in this list the art historians and historians, past and present, on whose shoulders my research, in part, inevitably rests. On a personal level, I would like to acknowledge and thank the individuals at the various libraries and museums who assisted me, who allowed me access to their manuscripts, who provided wonderful spaces in which to work, and who supplied me with the images printed here. Principal among these must be Cécile Gerard and her predecessor, Marie-Pierre Dion-Turkovics, at the Bibliothèque municipale, Valenciennes; they afforded me unfettered access to their manuscript collection, especially MS 500, which was key to my research. I also enjoyed access to the collections and facilities of many other libraries and spent happy hours buried in research in these institutions. I particularly wish to thank those who assisted me 1 Barbara Abou-El-Haj, The Medieval Cult of Saints (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), fig. 188.

in the ­following London libraries: the British Library, the Lambeth Palace Library, the Special Collections at Senate House Library and the Warburg Library. I especially wish to note the assistance that Kathleen Doyle of the British Library provided. I would also like to thank the librarians and staff at the Bodleian Library and Keble College Library, Oxford. During my studies I was honoured to be taught by inspirational tutors at every level who ignited my interest in the medieval period. During my Diploma course at the Courtauld Institute, London, Emeritus Professor Paul Crossley and Professor Antony Eastmond merit special mention. It was Antony who, when I raised the subject of research into the depiction of the soul, first suggested it could be an appropriate area for a doctoral thesis. My Master’s dissertation at Christie’s Education in London with the University of Glasgow provided an opportunity to pursue my interest regarding how and why the Christian soul was depicted as it was in the Middle Ages. Dr Richard Plant and Dr Cecily Hennessy, my tutors at Christie’s Education, with their depth of knowledge and enduring good humour, made this a rewarding and enjoyable experience and one which provided a fruitful foundation for my doctoral dissertation and for this monograph. I am profoundly grateful to Professor John Lowden at the Courtauld Institute, who agreed to be my supervisor for my PhD. Since my thesis focused on the depictions of the souls of saints, which were largely although not exclusively depicted in manuscripts, his knowledge and experience were invaluable. His guidance, infinite patience and provocative questioning led to fascinating areas of study and research. It was during this phase of research that the manuscript MS 500 became a significant part of my thesis, ultimately leading to this monograph. I am thankful to my fellow students at the Courtauld Institute who were always available for discussion, critical appraisal, support and guidance, including especially Ann Adams, Jessica Barker, Wolf Burchard, Michael Carter, Francesca DeMarchi, Rachel Hapoienu, Lesley Milner, John Renner, Emma Rogers and Michaela Zoschg. I should also like to thank Professor Joanna Cannon of the Courtauld Institute and my examiners, Professor Michael Michael and Dr Alixe Bovey, for their comments and encouragement. In the development of this monograph I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to Professor Richard Gameson, the editor of the series in which it appears, for his interest in my thesis. He invited me to prepare and submit a draft

xii monograph focusing on MS 500. His comments and those of the anonymous reviewers were invaluable. Richard’s thoughtful guidance, encouragement and meticulous attention to detail while reading the drafts were an essential element in the preparation of this monograph. I sought specialist assistance in certain areas, and I would like to thank the following for their help: Dr Oliver Norris and Dr James Pedersen for their assistance with Latin translations; Trevor Wilson for preparing the dia­grams; and Francis Knikker and Gert Jager at Brill Academic Publishers who assisted me throughout the process. As always, in all my various endeavours my family and friends have provided invaluable support, showing interest and a rewarding curiosity and, apparently, never tiring of hearing about the progress being made. I particularly

Acknowledgments

would like to thank my sister, Suzanne, who took a detour while on a holiday in France in order to photograph a stone carving of Dives and Lazarus for my thesis. My parents have always supported me in my various projects. I especially wish to thank my Mother, who continually encouraged me to complete this task. My late Father’s own academic career was an inspiration and, had he been with us, I know he, too, would have been a source of support and encouragement. Finally, my everlasting thanks to my dear husband James Pedersen, to whom this book is dedicated. He sustained me through more challenging moments and was with me to celebrate achievements, both during my studies and in the writing of this monograph. He never doubted my ability to succeed and his confidence in me helped me through. His is a debt I can never repay.

Figures and Diagrams Figures 1 2

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Life of Amand, Saint-Amand Abbey, c. 1175. France, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 16r  13 Counter-stubs visible between folia, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, ff. 58v, 59r  15 Sewing holes, gathering X, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, ff. 55r, 56r  19 Thread marks between holes, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 55r  19 A piece of textile sewn to the side of the initial, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 121  19 Amand with his parents, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 59v. The highlighted areas are visible as preliminary drawing I in Fig. 7  21 Amand meets the serpent, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 60r. Under this is Amand with his parents in preliminary drawing I as a mirror-image  21 Amand’s arrival by boat at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, lower register, f. 59v  22 Serenus and Amand, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 60r, lower register  22 Master Alexander, marginal sketch, Bible, vol. 1, 1215–30. Paris, BnF, lat. 11930, f. 58r  23 Master Alexander, initial, Bible, vol. 1, 1215–30. Paris, BnF, lat. 11930, f. 58r  23 Aldegonde experiencing her vision of Amand after his death and the glorification of Amand, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1066. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, ff. 118v, 119r  25 Aldegonde experiencing her vision of Amand after his death and the glorification of Amand, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1150–60. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 501, ff. 30v, 31r  25 Folio numbering on Life of Amand, Abbey of SaintAmand, c.1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 68r  26 Sewing holes and indication of thread, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 68v  28

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Lazarus in Abraham’s bosom, Vicq parish church, second quarter of twelfth century. Image from Art in the Christian Tradition, a project of the Vanderbilt Divinity Library, Nashville, TN. http://diglib.library.vanderbilt. edu/act-imagelink.pl?RC=42407 [retrieved March 29, 2018]  32 Death of St Omer, Life of Saint Omer, eleventh century. Saint-Omer, BA, MS 698, f. 26r. © BAPSO  32 Samson and the lion, Mosan, Belgium, c. 1160. The Rolls Plaques, Victoria and Albert Museum, M.53A-1988. © Victoria and Albert Museum, London  33 Stavelot Triptych, poss. Liège, c. 1156–58. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, AZ001. Bequest of J.P. Morgan (1867–1943). With kind permission of The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York  33 Incipit page, Matthew, Floreffe Bible, Meuse Valley, c. 1170. London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 168r. © The British Library Board  35 Jonah thrown overboard, Souvigny Bible, Cluny Abbey, c. 1183–1206, Moulin. Moulins, Médiathèque de Moulins Communauté, MS 1, f. 196v  36 Christ and servants, Paris Psalter, Canterbury, c. 1200. Paris, BnF, lat. 8846, f. 3r  36 The Virgin, Paris Psalter, Canterbury, c. 1200. Paris, BnF, lat. 8846, f. 3r  37 The baptism of Christ, Rainer of Huy, baptismal font, bronze, Liège, St. Barthélemy, 1107–18. Photo: akg-images / Bildarchiv Monheim  37 Bronze statuette of Prudence, Meuse, c. 1150–60. Paris, Louvre, OA 5908. Photo © RMN-Grand Palais (Louvre Museum), Jean-Gilles Berizzi  37 Walrus ivory chess piece, north Germany or Scandinavia, thirteenth century. Schwerin, Staatliches Museum, Schwerin, KH 1871. © bpk, Berlin, Staatliche Schlösser, Gärten und Kunstsammlungen MecklenburgVorpommern, Gabriele Bröcker  38 The young Virgin between her parents, Homilies of Jakob, twelfth century. Vatican Library, Cod. Vat. Gr. MS 1162, f. 57v. © 2018, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, reproduced by permission of Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, with all rights reserved  65 Soul of Lambert, Abbey of Saint-Bertin, c. 1125. Boulognesur-Mer, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 46, f. 1  73 Soul of Cuthbert carried in a cloth, Life of Cuthbert, England, Durham, last quarter of twelfth century. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, f. 73. © The British Library Board  73

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Figures and Diagrams The three Mary’s with Christ, Floreffe Bible, Meuse Valley, c. 1170. London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 179v. © The British Library Board  75 Seal V, Souls of Martyrs, Morgan Apocalypse, London, c. 1255–60. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.524, f. 3r. Purchased by J. Pierpont Morgan (1837– 1913) in 1908. With kind permission of The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York  78 Clothed soul of St Amand, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1066–1107. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 30r  80 The beggar Lazarus and his soul, Vézelay, Basilica, capital, south facing pier of the nave, c. 1120–1140. Holly Hayes / EdStockPhoto  80 Abraham’s bosom, Cloister capital, Monreale Cathedral, east side, north gallery, c. 1176–89. Maria R. Grasso  81 The covered hands of the Lector and Exorcist, Sacramentary of Marmoutier, Tours, c. 850. Autun, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 19bis, f. 1v  82 Abraham’s Bosom, Last Judgement tympanum, Reims Cathedral, north portal, north transept, thirteenth century. Jose Hernandez / Shutterstock  82 Abraham and the soul of Lazarus, nave capital, Vézelay Basilica, c. 1120–32. Holly Hayes / EdStockPhoto  84 Christ crowning Henry II and the Empress Agnes, Goslar Gospels, Echternach, 1050. Uppsala, University Library, MS C.93, f. 3v  84 Christ in Majesty, Gospels, Echternach, second or third quarter of the eleventh century. London, B.L., Egerton 608, f. 1v. © The British Library Board  85 Christ in Majesty, Stavelot Bible, 1097. London, B.L., Add. MS 28107, f. 136r. © The British Library Board  85 Lazarus in Abraham’s Bosom, Pamplona Bible II, Navarra, c. 1200. Augsburg, Oettingen-Wallersteinsche Bibliothek, MS I.2.lat 4o 15, f. 200v  87 Christ in Majesty, Huntington Golden Legend, France, Paris?, late thirteenth century. San Marino, The Huntington Library, H.M. 3027, f. 150v  87 Christ and Abraham, Vitae Sanctorum, French, Thérouanne, Saint-Bertin?, early thirteenth century. Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 76 F 5, f. 16r  87 Abraham in upper medallion, Christ in lower medallion, Oxford-Paris-London, Bible Moralisée, France, second quarter of the thirteenth century. London, B.L., Harley 1527, f. 37r. © The British Library Board  87 Psalm 109, The Binity, Utrecht Psalter, Reims, c. 820. Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 32, f. 64v  88 Psalm 109, The Binity, Canterbury / Eadwine Psalter, Canterbury, twelfth century. Cambridge, Trinity College,

MS R. 17.1, f. 199v. With kind permission of the Master and Fellows of Trinity College Cambridge  88 47 Missal of Cambrai, Cambrai?, c. 1125. Cambrai, Médiathèque d’Agglomération, MS 234 f. 2r  89 48 Regina Angelorum, Paris, original location of the Regina Angelorum tympanum is unknown. Notre Dame Cathedral, portal of St Anne, c. 1150. Holly Hayes / EdStockPhoto  90 49 Crucifixion, Sacramentary of Saint-Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, second half of the twelfth century. France, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 108, f. 58v  91 50 The Deposition, France, poss. Corbie, c. 1175. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.44, f. 10r. Purchased by J. Pierpont Morgan (1837–1913) in 1902. With kind permission of The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York  91 51 The Holy Women at the tomb of Christ, Gospel Lectionary, Austria, c. 1045–1055. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS G.44, f. 86r. Gift of the Trustees of the William S. Glazier Collection, 1984. With kind permission of The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York  91 52 The Holy Women at the tomb of Christ, Germany, S. (“The Ottobeuren Collectar”), last quarter of the twelfth century. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 2, f. 21v. © The British Library Board  91 53 Christ’s ascension, The Benedictional of Aethelwold, England, 963–984. London, B.L., Add. MS 49598, f. 64v. © The British Library Board  93 54 Christ’s ascension, Athelstan psalter, Winchester?, early tenth century. London, B.L., MS Cotton Galba A XVIII, f. 21r. © The British Library Board  94 55 Hell, Winchester Psalter, Winchester, c. 1150. London, B.L., MS Cotton Nero C. IV, f. 142. © The British Library Board  94

Diagrams 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Present arrangement of folia in MS 500  15 Correct arrangement of bifolia in MS 500  15 Gatherings of preliminary drawings II as bifolia arranged into correct narrative sequence, MS 500  17 Gatherings of miniatures as bifolia arranged into correct narrative sequence, MS 500  17 Gatherings of preliminary drawings I as bifolia, MS 500  17 Corrected gatherings of miniatures  27 The addition of an extra bifolio would complete the sewing arrangement of the miniatures if the bifolio 67 and

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Figures and Diagrams

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68 was intended to be placed at the end of the miniatures, MS 500  27 The diagram shows the arrangement using preliminary drawings I traced through  27 Distribution of work: black facial details  46 Distribution of work: black facial details and scrollwork  47

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Relationship between episodes in the order of the miniatures on facing pages is generally limited to those occupying a single page  59 Relationship between episodes in the order of the preliminary drawings, as originally conceived, extends across facing pages  59

Abbreviations AASS Feb. I  Acta Sanctorum quotquot tote orbe coluntur…, ed. Joannes Bollandus Februarii I (1658).  N OTE: The scribe of Valenciennes B.M. MS 500 omits chapter number XVII consequently the numbering of the manuscript varies from that employed by the Bollandists who corrected the sequence; their numbering is what is quoted here, see Appx. F. AASS Feb. II Acta Sanctorum quotquot tote orbe coluntur…, ed. Joannes Bollandus, Februarii II (1658). AASS Jan. II Acta Sanctorum quotquot tote orbe coluntur…, ed. Joannes Bollandus, Januarii II (1643). BHL Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis. Bollandus Ediderunt Socii Bollandiani. (Supplementi editio Bollandus altera auctior.) 2 vols. Brussels, 1898–1901 Cited by item number.

B.L. British Library. BnF Bibliothèque nationale de France. CCSL  Corpus Christianorum Series Latina. Turnhout: Brepols, 1955. MGHPL  Monumenta Germaniae Historica Poetarum Latinoru Medii Aevi, vols. 1, 3. Berlin: Weidmann, 1881, 1896. MGHSRM  Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptorum Rerum Merovingicarum, ed. by B. Kruch and W. Levison. Hannover, 1910. PG  Patrologiae cursus completus Series Graeca, J.-P. Migne (Paris: 1882). PL  Patrologiae cursus completus Series Latina, J.-P. Migne (Paris: 1856–87). Val., B.M. Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale.

Glossary Bifolio or bifolium (pl. bifolia.) A single sheet of writing material, which, when folded in half creates two folia/leaves, with four pages/sides. Conjoint face/pages Each bifolium, or sheet, has two sides. Each side, when folded, presents two pages on either side of the fold. As the pages are on a single sheet they can be described as conjoint. Diptych Two full page miniatures which relate to one another by theme or subject and which occupy facing pages. Facing pages The two pages facing each other when a book is open. Folio (pl. folia.) A single sheet of writing material, often half of a bifolium, having two sides. Folia are given a single number referring to both sides, which are then distinguished as either recto or verso by the addition of ‘r’ or ‘v’ after the number: e.g. f. 62v. Gathering See quire. Illustrated vita The textual composition of the life of a saint (see Vita), in a manuscript with accompanying illustrations. Leaf (pl. leaves) See folio. Miniatures The paintings on a page, regardless of size. They can occupy a single side, or be divided into registers of equal or varying sizes and shapes and can be executed in many colours, a limited palette, or as line drawings.

Page One side of a folio with each folio having two pages (or sides), a recto and a verso. Psalter A book of psalms. Quaternion A group of four folded sheets of writing material inserted into each other at the fold (four bifolia, which on folding results in eight folia, sixteen pages or sides). Bifolia grouped in this manner are bound with other quaternions to produce manuscripts. Quire Two or more bifolia inserted into each other at the fold form a “booklet” termed a quire or gathering. Any number of these booklets stacked together form a book. A quaternion is a quire with a specific number of bifolia (see above). Recto The side of the folio on the right of facing pages, having the abbreviation ‘r’, as in f. 62r. Registers Miniatures may be divided into two or more rows each of which constitutes a register. Verso The side of the folio on the left of facing pages, having the abbreviation ‘v’, as in f. 63v. Vita The life of a saint. See also Illustrated Vita. Vita manuscript A manuscript containing a vita.

Chapter 1

An Introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500 The Latin word vita, meaning ‘life’, was employed from the Early Christian period onwards to describe the hagiography of a saint, an idealized account of his or her life.1 The manuscript Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 500, c. 1160–1180, (hereafter MS 500) is such a vita since it contains an account of the life of Saint Amand, who died c. 675 and who was the founder saint of the eponymous abbey. It includes an extensive cycle of miniatures depicting selected episodes from the vita, and it is this cycle that is the subject of this monograph (Appendix A). MS 500 is one of three extant illustrated manuscripts of the vita of the saint that were all made within a period of approximately one hundred years. The eponymous abbey was a noted centre for manuscript production at the time, and it is generally understood that the manuscripts were made there.2 All three vitae are noted in the twelfth-century catalogue of the abbey’s library, the Index Maior.3 Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 502, c. 1066 (hereafter MS 502) is not only the earliest of the three manuscripts but is also the earliest extant vita with an extended cycle of miniatures.4 With thirty-two miniatures, significantly more than any previously illustrated vita, it is perhaps indicative of the increasing importance afforded to images as a complement to a vita.5 The next illustrated manuscript, Valenciennes, Bibliothèque

1 On the term ‘hagiography’, see Thomas Head, Hagiography and the Cult of Saints: The Diocese of Orléans, 800–1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 2 Marianne Besseyre, “Recueil de vies de saints, seconde Vie de saint Amand”, La Représentation de l’Invisible: Trésors de l’Enluminure Romane en Nord-Pas-de-Calais, Valenciennes: Bibliothèque multimédia de Valenciennes, 2007, 90–91. 3 Paris, BnF, lat. 1850. Léopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris, 1874), 2:448. 4 Francis Wormald, “Some Illustrated Manuscripts of the Lives of Saints”, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 35 (1952–3): 258. Barbara Abou-El-Haj, The Medieval Cult of Saints (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 68. Further on MS 502, Pavol Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei im Kloster Saint-Amand während des 12. Jahrhunderts” (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 1988), 184 ff. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, passim. 5 Wormald, “Some Illustrated Manuscripts”, 258, notes thirty-two miniatures. Cynthia Hahn, Portrayed on the Heart: Narrative Effect in Pictorial Lives of Saints from the Tenth through the Thirteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 18, notes 34 miniatures.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_002

municipale, MS 501, 1150–1160 (hereafter MS 501), does not include any depictions of the episodes in Amand’s life, but does include ‘portrait’ miniatures of saints, including one of Saint Amand. The single depiction common to all three manuscripts is a vision of Amand experienced by his friend, the Abbess Aldegonde.6 Given the existence of three vitae of the same saint, all with miniatures, all with a common depiction, all made within a relatively short period of time, and all held in the abbey’s library, one would expect there to be considerable art historical scholarship on them since they offer a rare opportunity to assess how and why imagery may have changed over the space of a century in a discrete environment. But in fact there has been comparatively little commentary on these manuscripts and virtually no analysis of the miniature cycle in MS 500 in particular.7 Scholarship to date is limited to four studies. André Boutemy’s 1940 work discusses the incorrect sequence of the miniature cycle in MS 500 and the dating of the miniatures and offers some comparisons with the two previous illustrated manuscripts.8 Pavol Cerny’s 1988 thesis includes the Amand vitae as part of a wider discussion on twelfth-century manuscripts held at the abbey, including artistic techniques and their possible origins.9 Françoise Simeray’s 1989 thesis features a palaeographic analysis of the manuscripts held at the abbey.10 Finally, Barbara Abou-El-Haj’s 1994 study, which analyses pictorial vitae as a whole in connection with the growth of the cult of saints, compares the three Amand manuscripts with other illustrated vitae of the period, but focuses 6

7

8 9 10

Aldegone’s vision, MS 502, ff. 118v, 119r; MS 501, ff. 30v, 31r; MS 500, f. 68r. Édouard de Moreau, Saint Amand: Apôtre de la Belgique et du Nord de la France (Louvain: 1927), 266, states the narrative of the vision is first encountered in the vita of Saint Waltrude, thought to be Aldegonde’s sister, and is subsequently written into the vita of Aldegonde, which dates to the mid ninth century. Maria R. Grasso, “Imaging the Souls of the Blessed: Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 500, Saint Amand, and the Parable of Dives and Lazarus, c. 835–1275” (PhD diss., Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, 2014), provides a comparison of depictions of the soul with that in MS 500. André Boutemy, “L’illustration de la Vie de Saint Amand”, Revue Belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 10 (1940): 231–249. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”. François Simeray, “Le Scriptorium et la Bibliothèque de l’Abbaye de Saint-Amand” (PhD diss., École Nationale des Chartes, 1989).

2 on MS 502, the earliest of the illustrated vitae of Saint Amand.11 In MS 500 the miniature cycle of Amand’s life follows the vitae of three other saints and precedes that of Amand himself (see Appx. B). The cycle consists of twenty-nine miniatures depicting the saint in key episodes recounted in the accompanying text. The miniatures are painted on only one side of each folio. On the reverse of each folio are two sets of preliminary drawings for all but two of the miniatures in the cycle; however, these preliminary drawings were clearly not used to create the miniatures on their obverse sides. The first set, here designated ‘preliminary drawings I’, is overlaid by a more prominent set of drawings, designated ‘preliminary drawings II’, which is identical to the previous set but in mirror-image to them.12 This monograph seeks to amplify art historical understanding of the pictorial cycle of the life of Saint Amand in MS 500, the last of the three extant illustrated vitae. Particular attention is paid to the sequence of the miniatures since comparison with the order of both sets of preliminary drawings demonstrates that a key change was made to their eventual order, the effect of which was to isolate the depiction of the entombment and soul of Amand (Appx. A.20). Results of this analysis add to a growing body of information regarding contemporary workshop practices. The monograph will also assess the manner in which Amand’s body, soul and glorification are depicted, how and why they differ from similar depictions in other manuscripts, including MS 502 and MS 501, and what the implications of these differences are. Comparisons demonstrate that those who conceived the miniatures applied innovative techniques to communicate complex themes. The miniatures portray the strength of the saint’s spirituality and humility and his putative ability to connect with the divine; the artists combine this spiritual dimension with another concerning the role of the church in the saint’s intercession on behalf of his followers. The remainder of this chapter considers vitae in manuscripts in terms of the varied motives for their creation. 11 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints. In addition, references in art historical works dealing with broader themes, include: C.R. Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts of the West 800–1200 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993). Hahn, Portrayed. Tjamke Snijders, Manuscript Communication: Visual and Textual Mechanics of Communication in Hagiographical Texts from the Southern Low Countries, 900–1200 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2015), esp. 74–78, helps underscore the significance of these manuscripts; but in general the paucity of scholarship, particularly concerning MS 500, offers fertile ground for further research. 12 Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”, 199–236, first documents and discusses the existence of Preliminary Drawings I.

Chapter 1

Context is provided by an outline of the life of Saint Amand, who is at the heart of the three manuscripts and the abbey he founded. Chapter 2 will discuss key physical aspects of MS 500, including dating evidence and the currently incorrect sequence of the folia. It will analyse the relationship between both sets of preliminary drawings and the miniatures and demonstrate how the relationship between the three sets of images provides insights into the way in which the miniatures were conceived and altered. Chapter 3 deals with the varied artistic techniques within the cycle of miniatures in the manuscript. It is clear that more than one artist worked on the cycle and that it was conceived and executed over a significant period of time. The fact that a master artist with innovative techniques was employed to undertake the depictions of the entombment and soul of Amand and Aldegonde’s vision  underscores the importance of these miniatures (Appx. A.20, A.29). Chapter 4 is the first of two chapters that discusses the miniature cycle with particular regard to the manner in which the founder saint was depicted. One key consideration is the fact that the miniatures are arranged in two registers on each page. It will be demonstrated that the pairing of episodes, while following the vita, was conceived so that they would work together to enhance a spiritual message. Further, analysis of the preliminary drawings on facing pages demonstrates that they were designed to work together around a particular theme, which was necessarily lost when the cycle of miniatures was rearranged. In addition, where there are differences between the preliminary drawings and the miniatures in terms of detail, it appears that the artists who completed the miniatures altered them in order to express more fully the spiritual dimensions of the vita. Another important consideration is that depictions of Amand appear to have been conceived not only to portray key spiritual moments in his life but also to promote the importance of ecclesiastical authority. Chapter 5 focuses on the depiction of Amand’s soul, which is conceived in an innovative and possibly unique manner, and in the depiction of his glorification seen by Aldegonde in her vision (Appx. A.20, A.29). The soul of the saint in the upper register of f. 62v is shown in the lap of a male figure. Some scholars have identified this figure as Abraham, but close analysis of the iconography demonstrates that it was almost certainly intended to be Christ.13 13

Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 215, names the figure as Abraham. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 128, describes the figure as “Christ in heaven”, but does not explain her reasons for this identification.

An Introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500

The identity of the figure and thus the location for the soul of a saint is extremely unusual, and to date no similar depiction has come to light.14 Analysis of the order of the preliminary drawings and miniatures undertaken in Chapter 2 indicates that alterations were made to place this miniature in a more prominent location, almost certainly due to the importance of its subject matter. The final chapter integrates and synthesizes arguments from previous chapters. There can be no doubt that a key alteration was made to the order of folia which resulted in the miniature cycle beginning on a recto not a verso as originally planned; as a consequence, the depiction of Amand’s soul was altered from a recto to a verso, thus isolating it from other miniatures. This alteration, ­coupled with the employment of a master artist for the final depictions, demonstrates the importance placed on this devotional image, which was in all probability intended to ­terminate the cycle. 1.1

Saint Amand

A missionary bishop who died in Elnone c. 675 at approx­ imately ninety years of age, Saint Amand was revered and respected by his followers for his piety, his success in proselytising and for the numerous miracles he performed during his lifetime.15 Born of wealthy parents in Aquitaine, Amand entered a monastery in Tours against their wishes and later travelled to Rome, whence he was sent back to France as a missionary.16 However, the Merovingian King Dagobert i (d. 639) subsequently exiled Amand because he spoke out against the king’s crimes, including his polygamous marriages.17 Nonetheless, such 14 Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”. 15 Jacques Mangeart, Catalogue descriptif et raisonné des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Valenciennes (Paris: 1860), 460, states that the Bollandists refute the date of 661, citing 684 as the date Amand died, but he notes that 661 is cited in MS 501, f. 29v. Mangeart’s catalogue number for MS 500 is 459, A.5.26. Abou-ElHaj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 63, notes the date as 675 or 676. Later Elnone was renamed Saint-Amand after the eponymous bishop. 16 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 231, locates his birthplace as Aquitaine. Marvin Chauncey Ross, “The Reliquary of Saint Amandus”, Art Bulletin 18, no. 2 (1936): 192, locates his birthplace as “near Nantes”. 17 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 184, Baudemond writes that Dagobert disowned his first wife, and polygamously married three women who all lived with him in the palace. Karine Ugé, Creating the Monastic Past in Medieval Flanders (Woodbridge: York Medieval Press, 2005), 100, states that Amand, when exiled from Dagobert’s court, wandered the region which was still pagan. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 9, notes Dagobert’s death as 638. Moreau, Saint Amand, 51; Henri Platelle, Le Temporel

3

was Amand’s reputation for sanctity that he was recalled to baptise Dagobert’s son Sigebert iii (b. 630).18 According to the vita, Sigebert was only forty days old at the time but exclaimed “Amen” at the end of the ceremony.19 This was taken as evidence of a miracle, which, amongst others, is recorded in the vita and depicted in both MS 502 and MS 500.20 Amand was appointed Bishop of Maastricht at the end of 648 or early 649, but he officiated in his see for only three years.21 His episcopate ended around the beginning of 652, at which time he returned to the missionary work he preferred while retaining his episcopal rank, albeit without a see.22 Returning to Elnone, he founded the abbey that now bears his name on land given to him by Dagobert;23 he also founded other monasteries including Blandinium at Ghent, Marchiennes, Leuze, Renaix and Baris-au-Bois.24 As noted, he died at Elnone, c. 675.25 In his will he directed that he should be buried at the abbey and that his body should remain there, threatening “any who would violate his wishes with excommunication, damnation, and anathema”.26 Despite this admonishment, his relics were moved fifteen years later and again in the ninth century in order to protect them from Viking raids.27 Amand was held in such high esteem that within three quarters of a century of his death, Alcuin (734–804), the noted scholar and advisor to Charlemagne, whose version of the Suscipiat became a liturgical standard for de l’Abbaye de Saint-Amand des Origines à 1340 (Paris: Librairie d’Argences, 1962), 35; Ugé, Creating, 100, all note it as 639. 18 Moreau, Saint Amand, 145–147, 318. 19 Puer namque quadraginta ferme ab ortu habens dies, cum, oratione finita, non esset in multitudine tam frequenti, qui locum suppleret idiotae, clara voce respondit, Amen, & omnium qui audierunt in se oculos et corda conuertit. aass Februarii i, Chapter 28, 865D. 20 MS 502, f.21r. MS 500, f.60v. 21 mghsrm, 5:442–443. Moreau, Saint Amand, 169n2. 22 mghsrm, 5:442–443. Ugé, Creating, 106. 23 Platelle, Le Temporel, 35–37. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 61. 24 Ugé, Creating, 98, suggests the foundation of Marchiennes was contemporary to the foundation of Elnone. The first mention of Marchinnes is in a suppletio to the Vita of Amand written by Milo in 850–872. The Suppletio begins by enumerating monasteries founded by Amand as listed above. 25 See also, this chapter n15 above. 26 Moreau, Saint Amand, 263. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 207. 27 Veronica Ortenberg, The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries: Cultural, Spiritual and Artistic Exchanges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 34, states the relics were returned from St Germain de Prés c. 884.

4

Chapter 1

centuries afterwards, wrote verses for Amand.28 The Abbey at Elnone also continued to enjoy royal favour: Carloman (849–876), son of Charles the Bald (823–877), who was himself the grandson of Charlemagne, became its lay abbot between 867 and 870 while two of Charles’s other sons, Pepin and Drogon, were sent to the abbey to be raised.29 Further attestation of Amand’s importance may be adduced by the number of times calls upon his reputation for sanctity were made to endorse diverse matters recorded in manuscripts and charters. For example, the authors of the vita of Saint Rictrude have Amand attending so many ceremonies, often anachronistic, that Karine Ugé writes of the “ubiquitous” Amand in her study of the text.30 Even today, notwithstanding the Vatican’s decanonization of many pre-Congregation saints in 1968, Amand remains in the liturgical calendar with a feast day celebrated on 6th February, as it has been for centuries.31 1.2

The Vita as a Genre

To understand the complexities of MS 500, an appreciation of the genre of those manuscripts containing vitae is essential: what vitae were; what they sought to accomplish; how they were used; and therefore how MS 500 fits into the genre. A vita, an idealized account of the life of a saint, was often tinged with subtle messages and metaphor and not infrequently had a hidden agenda reflecting the ulterior motives of those who created it.32 Thus, a vita must be understood not only in terms of the life of the 28

mghpl, 1:304–308. Platelle, Le Temporel, 50–51, 54–55. Abou-ElHaj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 62–63. Regarding Alcuin’s Suscipiat: Damien Sicard, La Liturgie de la Mort dans L’Église Latine des Origines à la Réforme Carolingienne, (Münster: Aschendorff, 1978), 89–91. Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Purgatory, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (London: Scolar Press, 1984), 122. 29 Pepin and Drogon died at the Abbey in infancy. André Boutemy, “Le Style Franco-Saxon, Style de Saint-Amand”, Scriptorium 3 (1949): 263. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 62. Simeray, “Le Scriptorium et la Bibliothèque”, 51–52. 30 Ugé, Creating, 123. 31 Francis Wormald, ed., English Benedictine Kalendars: After a.d. 1100, Henry Bradshaw Society 77 (London, 1939), 1:3, 20, 35, 69, 85, 101, 118, 150, 169, demonstrates that Saint Amand appears in English Calendars on the 6th February along with Saint Vaast. Ortenberg, The English Church, 34, also suggests 5th October although this was not in evidence in the examples found. 32 Further on pictorial hagiographies: Abou-El-Haj, “The Historical Character of Pictorial Hagiographies”, in Medieval Cult of Saints, 33–60. On hagiographies: Robert Bartlett, “The Literature of Sanctity”, in Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation (Princeton:

saint but also in relation to the context in which it was made. A vita characteristically included miracles and healings that the saint performed, events of divine intervention he or she experienced and often post mortem miracles and healings later attributed to him or her. These episodes were considered important as a validation of sanctity, not only because of the sense of awe they evoked but also because they reflected Christ-like activities, the imitatio Christi.33 While a vita did not follow any strict structural formula, miracles, healings and incidents of divine intervention became defining elements. The imitatio Christi served not only to demonstrate that the saint had emulated Christ in life but also provided an exemplar for those who read the work so that they might be inspired to emulate both Christ and the saint.34 Amongst the reasons for reading an account of a saint, Faricius, an Italian who was to become Abbot of Abingdon (1100–1117), wrote: So that we, their feeble successors, by reading or hearing their most victorious exploits, by raising the eyes of our mind, might follow their innocent footsteps.35 Accounts of the lives of saints were, after all, those of holy men and women, who were revered by many and whose remains were cherished for centuries after their deaths as vehicles for intercession on their behalf. Francis Wormald suggests that in some cases vitae became of such importance to saints’ cults that they were viewed as relics themselves and consequently were stored in treasuries rather than the libraries of abbeys.36 Tjamke Snijders suggests that miniatures of saints may have been displayed to a small audience as if they were themselves relics.37 Princeton University Press, 2013), 504–586. Snijders, Manuscript Communication, passim. 33 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 34. Hahn, Portrayed, 170. 34 Robert Bartlett, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), 512. 35 ut nos illorum instrenui atque imbecilles successores, tanta eorum legendo uel audiendo victoriosissima gesta, mentis nostre oculos sulleuando, sequamur horum inoffensa uestigia, Michael Winterbottom, “An Edition of Faricius, Vita Sancti Aldhelmi”, Journal of Medieval Latin 15 (2005): 98. Translation, Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 510. 36 Wormald, “Some Illustrated Manuscripts”, 262, 266. Abou-ElHaj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 104. 37 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 75. Head, Hagiography, 96, describes a canon who compares the loss of hagiographic texts to the dispersion of the foundation’s property.

An Introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500

Critically, evidence also demonstrates that a vita was vital to the ultimate survival of the cult of a saint.38 Since vitae were accounts of saints’ lives, they were, as might be expected, employed for didactic, spiritual and contemplative purposes. For some, vitae were considered a simple primer for religious study. For example, William of St-Thierry (c. 1085–1114) recommended they be employed with those who were starting their studies in Christianity and for those who were less well educated.39 Other vitae were clearly for personal use. Smaller manuscripts, termed libelli, literally ‘small books’, show evidence of having been folded, perhaps to allow them to be carried easily or to be placed in a pocket or bag, which suggests use for private contemplation by an individual.40 Some vitae were combined with more complex works, for example an authoritative text by a single author such as Augustine. As an auctoritas is likely to have been designed for more contemplative study, this suggests that the accompanying vita would have been used in the same way.41 Precisely how MS 500 was used remains a matter of speculation. The size of the folia is approximately 310 × 215 mm, with the miniatures approximately 240 × 150 mm. This is somewhat larger than the average size for the folia of such manuscripts deemed by Robert Bartlett to be 233 × 166 mm, but is nonetheless of modest size, thus suggesting private use.42 The written accounts of holy men and women were also used for reading aloud to groups, thereby not only making the saints’ deeds accessible to those who could not read but also creating a communal activity. Early evidence of this practice is encountered in 397 at the Third Council of Carthage, where it was formally agreed that the “passions of the martyrs” might be read out at their annual commemoration.43 From this early ratification, by around 38 Head, Hagiography, 17, discusses the cults of saints in Orléanais in the Merovingian period, and it is most likely that the phenomenon was replicated elsewhere. 39 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 130. 40 Hahn, Portrayed, 19. 41 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 109, 131, explains that the assumption that these manuscripts were in all probability used for private contemplation is due to the fact that they show no evidence of the markings common on scripts used for reading aloud. In addition, the nature of the works themselves indicates that study would be required. 42 Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 507–08, calculates the average size as 23.3 x 16.6 cm, and notes those that are folded. He also notes that at the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris, 38 of the 314 such hagiographic booklets were folded in this way. Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 51–52, for general information on manuscript sizes. 43 Liceat etiam legi Passiones martyrum, cum anniversarii dies eorum celebrantur, PG10, 1218A. Eric Waldram Kemp, Canonization and

5

800 reading saints’ lives on their feast days, the day that a saint died, was generally observed.44 This would take place at a commemorative Mass, where the text would be read out to the assembled company; it might also be read out during meal times in chapter houses in monasteries. MS 501, for example, is arranged in a manner that suggests that it would have been read during Matins, probably on Amand’s feast day.45 Apart from such spiritual uses, a vita could also be employed for practical, even secular purposes. It could be appended to formal documentary statements of ownership to lend credibility to a claim. It might be employed to support elevation to sainthood, a process with political as well as religious dimensions. Or it could be used as a tool for raising funds. As they became more luxurious, with ever more elaborate covers encrusted with gems and with the use of gold in miniatures and initials, vitae also became an important part of the gift-giving culture of the times. Of course, taxonomizing vitae by use is a conceit employed by modern historians to facilitate analysis, and it is clear that more than one category of use may well apply to any one vita. The following brief review of four vitae, two from the early Christian period, the life of Antony and the life of Ambrose, an early tenth-­century vita of Saint Rictrude and a thirteenth-century vita of Edward the Confessor, demonstrates how multiple motives may be associated with a single vita. These examples are intended to provide context for discussion of the miniature cycle in MS 500 and to show that flexibility of purpose was characteristic of the genre. One of the earliest accounts of the life of a saint provides a clear example of how a vita could be conceived for a political as well as hagiographical purpose. Anthanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (328–373), wrote an account of the life of Antony of Egypt, who died in 356. Anthanasius knew Antony and documented his life, including how he elected to emulate Christ by disposing of his property and living with hermits on the edge of towns. Antony subsequently moved into the desert, reputedly the first hermit to isolate himself completely in such a way, living a life of poverty and celibacy in the mountains above Authority in the Western Church (London: Geoffrey Cumberlege, Oxford University Press, 1948), 16. Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 506–510, for a more detailed account. 44 Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 507. 45 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 77n126, describes the text as being divided into twelve lectiones, which, she concludes, indicates that it was read during Matins on the feast day of Saint Amand.

6

Chapter 1

the Red Sea.46 Anthanasius also recorded Antony’s antiArianist views, which Anthanasius himself shared.47 The vita therefore both emphasized a cardinal aspect of the nature of Christ and, possibly of equal or even greater importance given the sensitivity of the issue at that time, provided support for a critical doctrinal issue. Promotion of this latter view through the vehicle of Antony of Egypt’s vita in effect represents politicization of the account since in essence it also served to promote Nicaean orthodoxy. Even in its simplest form, a biography of a saint written by a devotee necessarily implies by its nature a certain benign bias in favour of the subject, and this, too, might be described as politicizing the vita. This is apparent when comparing versions of the vita of Ambrose, bishop of Milan, one of the early Doctors of the Church who died in 397. The original version, written shortly after Ambrose died by his notary Paulinus of Milan, who was encouraged to do so by Augustine, another Doctor of the Church, followed a tradition that Paulinus himself recounts: You exhort, venerable father Augustine, that, as the blessed men Athanasius the bishop and Jerome the priest have adorned by their pen the lives of the saints, Paul and Anthony, who lived in the desert, as, also, Severus the servant of God eulogized the life of the venerable Martin, Bishop of the Church at Tours, that I in like manner adorn by my pen the life of blessed Ambrose, Bishop of the Church at Milan.48 Paulinus’ account appears to have been a genuine effort to create an accurate historical narrative of the life of the saint, including as it does Ambrose’s various attempts to avoid being ordained a bishop, some of them distinctly disreputable if not to say ‘unsaintly’. While etiquette required a preliminary polite refusal on first being approached for such an honour, Ambrose’s avoidance tactics must be considered extreme, perhaps indicating genuine reluctance rather than mere compliance with the formalities of the

46 Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 16–19. 47 Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 18. 48 Hortaris, venerabilis Pater Augustine, ut sicut beati viri Athanasius episcopus et Hieronymus presbyter stylo prosecuti sunt vitas sanctorum Pauli et Antonii in eremo positorum, sicut etiam Martini venerabilis episcopi Turonensis Ecclesiae Severus servus Dei luculento sermone contexuit; sic etiam ergo beatissimi Ambrosii episcopi Mediolanensis Ecclesiae meo prosequar stylo, Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii , PL 14, 1, p. 29. “Life of St. Ambrose by Paulinus”, in Early Christian Biographies, ed. Roy J. Deferrari, trans. John A. Lacey (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1952), 33.

age.49 These included twice attempting to flee Milan, frequent association with prostitutes and the use of torture against certain people since accusations of promiscuity and torture immediately forestalled ordination.50 Such was his perceived sanctity, however, that the residents of Milan willingly took upon themselves his sins so that Ambrose would be acceptable for ordination.51 By the late ninth century, the Carolingian version of Ambrose’s vita shifted the focus from these misdeeds by merely alluding to his lascivious behaviour and use of torture and by only mentioning one of the two episodes in which he tried to escape from Milan.52 It seems clear that the Carolingian authors sought to burnish Ambrose’s reputation by stressing the more saintly aspects of the bishop’s activities.53 Thus, an apparently straightforward historical account was consciously altered to place more emphasis on the saint’s sanctity. An important secular use of a vita was to lend credibility to a claim or help establish documentary proof of ownership. The early tenth-century vita of Rictrude, along with subsequent versions, exemplifies evidence of a narrative created in response to external circumstances, at first to document the life and sanctity of the saint and then to secure ownership of land.54 Strict rules relating to the cult of relics established in the Carolingian period required religious communities to justify their possession of such relics.55 In 907 Hucbald, a monk of SaintAmand, was asked by the community at Marchiennes to write the vita of their principal saint, Rictrude (d. 688).56 Marchiennes Abbey was founded by Saint Amand around 640 but by 907 had no documents relating either to its foundation or to Saint Rictrude;57 destruction caused by 49 Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 190, notes the sixth-century Justinianic Code states “he is unworthy of episcopal office unless he is ordained unwillingly”. 50 Paulinus, “Life of St. Ambrose by Paulinus”, 36–38. Paulinus is unclear as to who was tortured. However, the climate in Milan was one of unrest between the orthodoxy and heretical Arians so one might assume it was against Arian Christians, or indeed, Jews. 51 Paulinus, “Life of St. Ambrose by Paulinus”, 36–37. 52 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. Sang. 569, c. 870. Vita e meriti di S. Ambrogio: Testo inedito del secolo nono illustrato con le miniature del Salterio di Arnolfo, ed. Angelo Paredi (Milan, 1964), 3–97. Further on the differences between the vitae, Cynthia Hahn, “Narrative on the Golden Altar of Sant’Ambrogio in Milan: Presentation and Reception”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 53 (1999): 170–171. 53 Hahn, “Narrative”, 170–171. 54 Vita Rictrudis (bhl 7247). Ugé, Creating, 97–98, 97n3. 55 Ugé, Creating, 164. 56 Ugé, Creating, 8, 99. 57 Ugé, Creating, 97–98n4.

An Introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500

Viking raids was generally blamed for such lack of documentation.58 Consequently, Hucbald wrote the vita on the basis of commentary from those living at the abbey, who had maintained the story of Rictrude through the oral tradition. In addition, because of his access to the library at Saint-Amand, Hucbald was able to construct a credible historical introduction to the vita, placing the Abbey of Marchiennes in the context of the history of the region.59 Amongst other descriptive devices, the episodes of Rictrude’s life were littered with references to the presence of notable figures, including Amand, at key events such as her marriage, the baptism of her children and the validation of her will.60 This artifice was a means of legitimizing both the narrative and the saint, even though in some instances the individuals mentioned were clearly anachronistic.61 Rictrude’s vita was later copied with additions and alterations to secure the abbey’s landholdings. Reforms to monastic communities after the tenth century required proof of ownership of lands, relics and privileges, all essential to an abbey’s survival. At the heart of such documentation would be the vita of a saint with charters and relevant letters attached. Clever manipulation of texts, or even the creation of forgeries, became a means of achieving a goal perceived as worthy but possibly unobtainable in any other way.62 Thus, in the eleventh century, when reforming abbots disputed the land owned by the Abbey of Marchiennes, a version of Rictrude’s vita was written that clearly showed her as the original owner of the land; it therefore belonged to and would remain with the abbey.63 In this version, Rictrude’s vita becomes a complex narrative cycle with appended hagiographic texts, charters and entries in annals and chronicles. In short, the first version of Rictrude’s vita was designed to legitimize the saint’s life and the abbey’s association with her, thereby ensuring the perceived sanctity of the abbey. Additions to subsequent versions, which in fact retained Hucbald’s original text, included references establishing that the land on which the abbey stood originally belonged to its principal saint and therefore must remain its property. 58 Ugé, Creating, 99. 59 Ugé, Creating, 119–120. 60 Ugé, Creating, 100–101, states all Rictrude’s children were baptised by prestigious people, her daughter Clotsind was baptised by Amand. 61 Moreau, Saint Amand, 144, for example, at the time Amand was in Gascony baptizing Clotsind a previous vita of Amand states he travelled to the land of the Saxons. 62 Ugé, Creating, 9, 164. 63 Ugé, Creating, 97, suggests the land may well have belonged originally to her husband’s patrimony.

7

A process with political as well as religious dimensions was elevation to sainthood, and the vita was an ideal vehicle for this purpose since it documented miracles and healings, which were essential to ensure a successful application. The process of elevation to sainthood was not the prerogative of the pope until the mid-thirteenth century.64 Up to c. 500 veneration of a worthy religious individual occurred at a local level, perhaps simply by common agreement within the community with little or no approval required from the ecclesiastical hierarchy. After all, the circumstances of a martyr’s death were known and uncontested. However, there were also other revered Christians who, while not suffering martyrdom, were nonetheless declared saints by common agreement and without any application to the church authorities. This practice, acceptable in the early Middle Ages, was progressively modified so that authority to raise a person to sainthood came to be a prerogative of bishops. The earliest evidence of papal canonisation occurred in 993 with Pope John xv’s canonization of Ulric bishop of Augsberg.65 There was, however, no formal procedure for either episcopal or papal canonisation until around 1200, although evidence of good works, miracles and healings had always been considered an essential element. In this context it must be noted that sometimes there was concern that candidates were not sufficiently vetted and that inappropriate individuals were venerated; hence the involvement of the ecclesiastical authority and eventually the papal prerogative.66 Even before the process for canonisation was formalised, papal canonization, in contradistinction to that granted by a bishop, differentiated, albeit unofficially, categories of sainthood, with the papal canonization offering greater recognition and therefore greater prestige for his or her cult.67 A vita, while not mandatory to the process to sainthood, was nevertheless a means of presenting an account of the life of a candidate that recorded his or her good works.68 Thus a vita of Edward the Confessor (d. 1066) was prepared in 1138 as part of the process to secure papal canonization.69 64 Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 59. 65 Kemp, Canonization and Authority, 57. Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 57. 66 Kemp, Canonization and Authority, 48–50. 67 Kemp, Canonization and Authority, 62. 68 Hahn, Portrayed, 14, states that vitae were necessary. Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 60–61, in his discussion of the process lists letters and documents, but not specifically a vita. I am inclined to Bartlett’s view. See further, Kemp, “Early History of Papal Canonization”, in Canonization and Authority, 56–81. 69 Frank Barlow, Edward the Confessor (London: Eyre Methuen, 1970), 261. Paul Binski, Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets:

8 Edward’s piety and chastity were widely recognised, and his followers prepared an account of his life almost immediately after his death, with a copy made in 1067 and dedicated to Edward’s wife Edith.70 Other versions followed, including that of Osbert of Clare, written in 1138 when he was Prior of Westminster Abbey, where Edward was interred.71 Osbert was the first to ask the pope to canonise Edward. As prior of the abbey, Osbert may well have been attempting to secure its future through the formal elevation of Edward to sainthood in the knowledge that applications were considerably more successful if a cult already existed, as indeed it did at Westminster, although at this time its popularity was waning.72 Edward’s canonisation would ensure the prominence of the abbey and of those associated with it and would hopefully rejuvenate the interest of wealthy and influential patrons.73 To bolster his request, Osbert considerably expanded and embellished accounts of Edward’s miracles and healings, adding five posthumous miracles which he located at Westminster.74 Despite these efforts, Osbert’s request was ultimately unsuccessful.75 Nonetheless, the vita was written with this purpose in mind and the text manipulated accordingly. Henry ii of England eventually obtained Edward’s canonization in 1161.76 Pope Alexander iii, who made the process of canonization more systematic, may have agreed to the canonization as a political gesture to Henry ii for his support during a crisis.77 Either in celebration of Edward’s canonization or to commemorate the translation of his relics at Westminster in 1163, Abbot Laurence of Westminster asked Aelred of Rievaulx to write yet another Kingship and the Representation of Power 1200–1400 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 54. 70 Vita Aedwardi Regis, London, B.L., Harley 526. Barlow, Edward the Confessor, 258, 291–300. H.E.J. Cowdrey, “King Harold ii and the Bayeux Tapestry: a Critical Introduction”, in King Harold ii and the Bayeux Tapestry, ed. by Gale R. Owen-Crocker (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2005), 3n8. 71 Osbert of Clare, Vita sancti Edwardi, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Parker Library, MS 161, ff. 138v–152v. Lives of Edward the Confessor, ed. Henry Richards Luard (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), xxv. Barlow, Edward the Confessor, 261. Binski, Westminster Abbey, 54. 72 Binski, “The Cult of Edward”, in Westminster Abbey, 52–89. 73 Binski, “The Cult of Edward”, in Westminster Abbey, 52–89. 74 Barlow, Edward the Confessor, 260–262. 75 The request to canonize Edward the Confessor was rejected by Pope Innocent ii, Kemp, Canonization and Authority, 82. 76 Kemp, Canonization and Authority, 83. 77 Kemp, Canonization and Authority, 82, Henry II supported Alexander’s claim during the papal schism.

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version of the vita.78 Among other changes, Aelred simplified and shortened the accounts of miracles. A subsequent translation into French with the addition of ­miniatures is attributed to Matthew Paris; a later, and only surviving copy, La Estoire de Aedward le Rei, is dated to c. 1250.79 Matthew synthesises Aelred’s version but expands the historical narrative to the text, thereby giving the vita greater credibility. The miniatures accompanying the vita also present Edward in the imitatio Christi. Therefore, not only does the text describe him performing miracles, but the depictions of Edward replicate those of Christ performing miracles, such as curing the blind, with which readers of the vita might well be expected to be familiar, perhaps from having seen them in wall paintings or other manuscripts.80 These images may well have functioned as a tool to assist those whose ability to read was limited. Recent scholarship also suggests that many of the depictions in this manuscript emulate imagery associated with the Virgin, thus creating a multi-layered mix of images and text, which would have resonated particularly with female patrons or readers.81 However, it should be noted that these forms could also simply reflect the use of existing models available to artists.82 Nonetheless, fusing imagery of Christ and the Virgin with those of saints had been an element of iconographic 78

Abbot Laurence also supplied Aelred with a copy of Osbert’s vita of Edward, and asked him to translate it. Osbert of Clare, Vita sancti Edwardi, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Parker Library, MS 161, ff. 138v–152v. Aelred of Rievaulx, Vita beati confessoris Christi Edwardi gloriosi regis Anglorum, ff. 108v–138v. Aelred of Rievaulx: The Historical Works, ed. Marsha L. Dutton, trans. Jane Patricia Freeland, Cistercian Fathers Series, no. 56 (Michigan: Kalamazoo, 2005), 10, 128n5. 79 Cambridge, Cambridge University Library, MS Ee.3.59. Binski, Westminster Abbey, 54–63. 80 Hahn, Portrayed, 153, “The most commonly represented…. are three that occur in the Life of Christ: curing paralytics, giving sight to the blind, and exorcising the possessed”. 81 Jill Hamilton Clements, “The Construction of Queenship in the Illustrated Estoire de Seint Aedward le Rei”, Gesta 52, no. 1 (2013): 21–42. 82 Wormald, “Some Illustrated Manuscripts”, 252. Magdalena Carrasco, “Notes on the Iconography of the Romanesque Illustrated Manuscript of the Life of St. Albinus of Angers”, in Zeitschrift für Kuntsgeschichte 47, vol. 3 (1984): 335. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 71–73, details those figures which may have been copied from figures of Christ, not only to enhance the Christ-like depictions of the saint, but also because they afforded a ready model which the artists might employ. She also notes the figures that have been constructed from other sources demonstrating the effort undertaken by those involved in creating MS 502, in some cases with limited success.

An Introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500

methodology for illustrated vitae from the outset to help project the sanctity of a saint. The historically expanded narrative and the use of the iconography of Christ and the Virgin as models for Edward, coupled with a somewhat ambiguous dedication to Eleanor of Provence, Henry iii’s queen consort, have prompted some scholars to suggest that the manuscript may have had a female patron or have been intended as a gift for a woman.83 It is likely that a copy of an original, now lost, was intended for Eleanor herself. It may also have been created for use by female members of the court, not only for spiritual guidance but also as a pedagogical paradigm for idealised spousal behaviour with its focus on a saintly king and his consort in the context of English history, about which its intended readership perhaps knew very little.84 It is possible that the manuscript was created around the time that funds were required to aid the building of the new lady chapel at Henry iii’s Westminster Abbey. Use of Virgin imagery for Edward at the time the lady chapel was under construction implies that the manuscript was not only a didactic tool but also a fund-raising enterprise. Relying as it does on a cycle of elaborate miniatures to elucidate messages with a subtlety that could not easily be achieved with text alone, Estoire clearly demonstrates how artful imagery could be contrived to help achieve consequentialist objectives. MS 500, the vita of Saint Amand that is the subject of this monograph, also demonstrates how the use of a vita combined with subtle and suggestive imagery contributes to the achievement of different consequentialist ends. 1.3

The Three Illustrated Vitae of Saint-Amand

MS 502, MS 501 and MS 500, the three extant illustrated vitae of Amand, are recorded in a late twelfth-century catalogue of the abbey’s library, the Index Maior, in which five copies of the vita are noted.85 That the three extant manuscripts include miniatures is doubtless one of the reasons for their survival and is indicative of the value placed on illustrated vitae. To understand the significance of MS 500, a review of its predecessor vitae provides useful context as to why another vita was felt necessary.

83 84 85

Clements, “Construction”, 21. Clements, “Construction”, passim. Paris, BnF, lat. 1850. Delisle, Le Cabinet des Manuscrits, 2:448, does not note the existence or otherwise of miniatures in the other three manuscripts. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 232.

9

The decision to produce MS 502 may have been related to an effort to rejuvenate the cult of Saint Amand after the abbey suffered a devastating fire in 1066 and to help raise funds to assist with building costs.86 Prior to the fire, thanks to wealthy donors and to privileged relations with the counts of Flanders, who wished to honour the region’s prominent saint, the Abbey of Saint-Amand was one of the wealthiest in the region.87 As such it was able to assist the neighbouring abbeys of Hasnon and Anchin by p ­ roviding them with labour and materials for building projects.88 Under Abbot Malbod (1018–1062), significant building took place at the abbey, including the crypt, which was dedicated in 1040.89 In 1055, Malbod was awarded the honour of baptizing the Count of Flander’s son, the future Arnulf iii (1070–71), thus adding to the abbey’s prestige. Abbot Malbod also consolidated ownership of lands through written lists, initiated the systematic recording of transactions, organized lay networks around the monastery and established intimate connection with comital courts.90 His organizational skills must have contributed to the abbey’s fortunes since, following his death, donations to the abbey all but ceased. The next incumbent, Fulcard-Lambert (1062–1085), who had to manage this fiscal down-turn, was unable to restore the affluence it previously enjoyed. The fire in February 1066, which destroyed several buildings including the library, left the abbey with an even greater need for funds.91 A circumlatio or “carrying around” of the relics of Amand, was deemed necessary.92 The movement of relics was sometimes undertaken to revitalize a cult, resolve land disputes or raise funds. On this occasion the ceremony was fund-raising in nature but failed in its purpose. Thus, it is entirely possible that the creation of MS 502 had fund-raising as at least one of its objectives, if not its principal objective.93 Producing such an elaborate manuscript may therefore have been an exercise by the abbey in self-promotion for a clearly worthy purpose. 86 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 62–65. Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 363. 87 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 107. Steven Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process: Realities and Representations in Medieval Flanders, 900–1100 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013), 123. Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 122. 88 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 107. 89 Vanderputten, Monastic Reform, 99, 122. 90 Platelle, Le Temporel, 123. Vanderputten, Monastic Reform, 122–123. 91 Vanderputten, Monastic Reform, 163. Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 123. 92 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 101. Vanderputten, Monastic Reform, 163. 93 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 62–63.

10 The manuscript’s creators chose to extend the narrative (which added to the number of folia required) by ­incorporating multiple sources. MS 502 employs the original early eighth-century account of Amand’s life attributed to Baudemond, a monk at the abbey, who was thought to have been a student of Amand and who may well have begun writing the account either towards the end of Amand’s life or shortly after the saint’s death.94 It also includes revisions to Baudemond’s account plus additions made by the poet Milo, who was a monk at the Abbey of Saint-Amand c. 850.95 Apart from considerably extending the vita, Milo’s metrical life of Amand was almost twice as long as Baudemond’s original text.96 Other additions include a copy of a letter from Pope Martin to the saint, calculations of Amand’s dates of birth and death and the account of two posthumous miracles.97 These supplements to the vita appear to be in response to the original Carolingian requirement to authenticate cults, as was the case with the vita of Rictrude discussed above.98 Also considered of great significance and therefore included in MS 502 by Milo is the vision of Amand by his contemporary and friend, the Abbess Aldegonde, described in a ninth-century account of her life.99 Aldegonde’s vision had authority not only because she was a friend of Amand but also because she was an important figure in the area in her own right. Although there is some question as to whether she founded the nearby Abbey of Maubeuge in 661 or only served as its Abbess, Aldegonde was certainly either the first or one of the first abbesses in the region.100 The creators of the manuscript devoted two facing pages to the vision, each with a full-page miniature. In terms of costly materials and time of preparation and execution, this indicates a not inconsiderable endeavour, thus underscoring the importance of the event. Along with the vision of Aldegonde, the vita is endowed with further gravitas by the inclusion of miniatures of various 94 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 63. 95 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 62, states that Milo, the Uncle of Hucbald, was writing in the second half of the ninth century. 96 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 64. 97 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 63–64. 98 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 63–64. 99 aass Jan. ii, 1045. Moreau, Saint Amand, 266. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 232. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 64, 205. 100 Édouard de Moreau, Les Abbayes de Belgique (vii – xii siècles) (Bruxelles: La Renaissance du Livre, 1952), 20–21. Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister 500 to 900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 160.

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individuals of distinction, including Charles the Bald, to whom Milo dedicated his verse life, Baudemond and Milo himself.101 As noted, MS 502 includes accounts of two posthumous miracles attributed to the saint, which occurred well after the vita was made and were later appended to it. The first occurred in 1090, the second in 1107. These miracles provided evidence of the continued efficacy of the saint’s powers some four hundred years after his death. Also appended to the vita is an account of another circumlatio of Amand’s relics in 1107.102 In this case it was used to finalize the settlement of a disagreement over boundaries, especially those between Ghent and Ninove.103 Once the new boundaries had been agreed, the remains of the saint were carried along them to legitimize the agreement.104 Memorializing the use of Amand’s relics in this way in the vita would have confirmed settlement of the contested land for posterity. Moreover, because Amand is recorded in Baudemond’s original vita as having converted the population of Ghent to Christianity, the use of the saint’s relics in this particular dispute would have been considered to have great potency. MS 501 differs from its predecessor MS 502 in two important ways. First, it simplifies the vita’s text by retaining Baudemond’s vita but omitting Milo’s extended version; second, it does not include any depictions of the episodes in Amand’s life although it does retain the vision of Aldegonde and, as in the previous version, depicts it on two facing pages. Produced nearly a century after MS 502, the techniques and use of colour in MS 501 are very different from its predecessor; the figures are more defined, the colours are opaque and more intense, and gold leaf is employed. These differences perhaps account for the overall impression that, despite having fewer miniatures, MS 501 conveys a greater sense of gravitas and grandeur. Abou-El-Haj comments that the manuscript may have been copied and painted under Abbot Absalon (1124–45) and considers it to be “more elegant but less ambitious than MS 502”, reflecting Absalon’s more clerical and legalistic approach.105 Snijders takes a somewhat different view and considers that the absence of depictions of the life of Amand 101 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 64–65. 102 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 110, states that the abbey made investments to buy altars and also tried to buy back hereditary feudal offices and mills. Vanderputten, Monastic Reform, 181–182, during this year two papal bulls were issued to SaintAmand and another circumlatio took place at Brabant. 103 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 101. 104 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 110. 105 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 112.

An Introduction to Valenciennes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 500

indicates that MS 501 was intended for a monastic audience more interested in a “broad meta-history of the scriptum”.106 The restraint shown in the execution MS 501, particularly in respect of fewer miniatures, may also have been in response to Bernard of Clairvaux’s criticism of lavish decoration in churches and of the pilgrimage ‘trade’ in his Apologia.107 Bernard’s connections with the Abbey of Saint-Amand were considerable. Abbot Absalon knew Bernard, and it is possible that Bernard facilitated his later appointment to the See of Tournai.108 Although itself Benedictine, the abbey participated in chapter meetings with Bernard’s Cistercian order in 1130, and these fraternal relations with the Cistercians were to continue for some years.109 In fact, the author of the next revision of the life of Amand, MS 500, was Phillip of Aûmone, a Cistercian and former prior of Clairvaux (1153).110 Phillip’s account of Amand’s life in MS 500 retains both the miracles and healings in Baudemond’s original vita as well as those subsequently appended to MS 502. Significantly, however, while MS 501 reduced the text used in MS 502 in order to bring it back to Baudemond’s original, Phillip expanded it by adding four further episodes from other sources to the account of Amand’s life.111 These include separate meetings with Saint Ghislain and Saint Gertrude, another miracle in which Amand tames a ferocious bear and an account of Amand’s third trip to Rome. Further, each of these episodes is depicted in the miniatures. Comparison of the miniatures in MS 500 with those in MS 502 demonstrates that some earlier scenes were omitted in MS 500 while these new episodes were

106 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 363. 107 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 17, 115. Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 265–266. 108 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 115. 109 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 32–33. 110 Phillip’s vita of Saint Amand, aass Feb. i, 857–873. “Philippe, abbé de l’Aumône”, in Histoire Litteraire de la France, vol. 14, Suite du Douzième Siècle, ed. Pierre-Louis Ginguéne (Paris: Firmin-Didot; Strasbourg: Treuttel et Wurtz, 1817), 166–178. Moreau, Saint Amand, 63. Platelle, Le Temporel, 164n11. Norbert Garborini, Der Miniator Sawalo und seine Stellung Innerhalb der Buchmalerei des Klosters Saint-Amand (Cologne: W. König, 1978), 31. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 115. 111 Moreau, Saint Amand, 68, provides the following as the sources for the additional episodes, including: Vita Gisleni tertia, by Rainerus, c. 1000, Analecta Bollandiana, 1886, t. v; Hucbald of Saint-Amand, aass, Januarii, t. i, pp. 1040–1046; Vita Rictrudis by Hucbald, 907, aass Belgii, t. iv, pp. 488–503; Vita Humberti, 11th century, aass Martii, t. iii, p. 557, ff. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 121.

11

included (Appendix. C). A detailed description of the miniatures in MS 500 is provided in Chapter 4. Comparison of the arrangement of text and miniatures in MS 502 with those of MS 500 over a century later reveals a markedly different approach by the creators of the two manuscripts. MS 500 places the entire miniature cycle,  devoid of text, before the account of the life of Amand. It would appear from analysis of the order of the  preliminary drawings, which will be discussed in Chapter 2, that it was always the creators’ intention that the entire cycle be an independent entity, separate from the text. Therefore, how text and image were to be viewed is problematic since in its current form a viewer would need to ‘jump’ from depiction to text across several folia. Because of this, Snijders speculates that the original intention may have been to bind the cycle as a separate entity rather than include it with the vita so that the depictions could be viewed alongside the text or while someone else read the vita.112 Physical evidence supports this view and is discussed in chapter 3.5.2. Unlike the depictions in MS 502, wherein Abou-El-Haj identifies a political dimension associated with the episcopal investiture controversy,113 the depictions in MS 500 appear to have a more spiritual orientation but, as will be demonstrated in chapter 4, one with subtle yet important overtones. Early in the twelfth century, monastic reforms were instituted, which may also have contributed to the more spiritually-­orientated depictions in MS 500. Flanders and Northern France witnessed a rapid expansion of the newly-­established Cistercian order.114 Cistercian reforms, along with Cluniac reforms u ­ nderway since the late tenth century, were directed against, amongst other activities, simony and promiscuity in the clergy and required a return to strict adherence to the Rule of Benedict. These reforms may have caused patrons who wished to associate themselves with these higher ideals to shift their patronage from Benedictine monasteries such as Saint-Amand to the newer Cistercian institutions. An alternative but by no means contradictory or exclusionary motive for creation of the miniature cycle in MS 500 should also be noted. Included in the additions to the manuscript is a letter to Abbot John (1169–1182), 112 Snijders, Manuscript Communication, 363. 113 The investiture controversy involved conflict between secular and ecclesiastical authorities over the appointment of bishops. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 93–95. 114 Jean-François Nieus, “Entre Flandre et Champagne”, Une Renaissance: L’art entre Flandre et Champagne, 1150–1250 (Paris: RMN-Grand Palais, 2013): 18, fig. 3, notes the rapid expansion of the Cistercian order by plotting the number of their abbeys in the twelfth century.

12 commending the manuscript to him.115 Since MS 500 was completed during John’s abbacy, an ostensible purpose may have been to commemorate his appointment. Alternatively, it could have been produced for presentation on the saint’s annual feast day or on some other special occasion, especially since the covers of MS 500, which 115 Letter to Abbot John, MS 500, ff. 73r–75r. Moreau, Saint Amand, 63. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 233. Platelle, Le Temporel, 164. Mangeart, 456.

Chapter 1

originally held ivory or enamelled plaques, indicate that it was a luxury object.116 Issues of motivation and purpose pertaining to MS 500 will be addressed in more detail in due course.

116 Hanns Swarzenski, “The Style of Nicholas Verdun: Saint-Amand and Reims”, in Gatherings in Honour of Dorothy E. Miner, ed. Ursula E. McCracken, Lilian M.C. Randall, Richard H. Randall, Jr. (Baltimore: Walters Art Gallery, 1974), 114.

Chapter 2

MS 500: Its Date and Structure 2.1

Dating Evidence

2.1.1 Dating the MS 500 Vita of Saint Amand The vita of Amand in all three extant illustrated manuscripts, mss 502, 501 and 500, is similar and is attributed to Baudemond, a monk, who is thought to have written the original text shortly after Amand’s death. It was subsequently enlarged by Milo in the ninth century who also added a poem he wrote.1 In the mid-twelfth century Abbot Hugh ii (1150–1169) wished to simplify the text to bring it closer to Baudemond’s original; he therefore commissioned Phillip of Aumône to carry out this task.2 Although Phillip did simplify it greatly, he also added five new episodes to the narrative.3 Key evidence on the dating of the text of MS 500 lies in a dedicatory letter written by Phillip.4 A highly respected Cistercian monk, Phillip had been prior at Clairvaux under Bernard and an envoy for Pope Alexander iii on various political issues, including liaising between the pope and Thomas Becket in 1163 regarding the royal prerogative in Church matters in England.5 Becket was murdered in 1170, and it is under the shadow of this crisis that Phillip revised the vita of Amand. Abbot Hugh died before Phillip finished his work, and a letter in the manuscript from Phillip to the new abbot, John (1169– 1182), commending the manuscript to him is included on ff. 73r–75r.6 The dates of John’s abbacy provide both a terminus post quem and terminus ante quem for the vita. 1 Milo’s text in 502 and 501, aass Feb. i, 873–889. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 232, 244. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 63–64, 158. For arguments on possible alternative authors to Baudemond: Moreau, Saint Amand, 27–33. 2 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 243. Platelle, Le Temporel, 163. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 115. 3 See Appx. C, and 14n15 this chapter. 4 MS 500, ff. 73r–75r. aass Feb. i, 857. Moreau, Saint Amand, 63n4. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 120. 5 James Craigie Robertson, and J. Brigstoke Sheppard, ed., Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander iii, A.D. 1173), Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores 67.1 (London: Longman, 1875–1885), 4:47. Richard Winston, Thomas Becket (London: Constable, 1967), 157–158. Frank Barlow, Thomas Becket (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986), 97–98. Thomas Becket, The Correspondence of Thomas Becket: Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162–1170, ed. and trans Anne J. Duggan, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 1:xxxv, letter 18, 46n9–47, letter 109, 508n22, 2:1381–1383. 6 Mangeart, 456, no. 459, A.5.26. Moreau, Saint Amand, 63n5. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 243–244. Platelle, Le Temporel, 164. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi 10.1163/9789004381995_003

Norbert Garborini’s study of the work of the monk Sawalo attributes some initials in MS 500 to him and refers to others which appear to have been obscured by later attempts to modernise the libellus.7 Many of Sawalo’s initials were covered with pieces of parchment painted with initials of a different design.8 For example, on f. 16r the newer parchment is now lost, revealing Sawalo’s under-drawing (Fig. 1). Garborini’s research into the monk’s activities allows him to date the initials to 1160– 1170 as Sawalo was not active after this date.9 Since Phillip died in 1171, and Abbot John, to whom he dedicated MS

Figure 1

Sawalo’s underdrawing, Life of Amand, Saint-Amand Abbey, c. 1175. France, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 16r.

7 Jonathan J.G. Alexander, Medieval Illuminators and Their Methods of Work (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1992), 30, 49, discusses the phenomenon in other manuscripts. 8 André Boutemy, “Quelques aspects de l’oeuvre de Sawalon, decorateur de manuscripts a l’abbaye de Saint-Amand”, Revue Belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 9 (1939): 310–311. Garborini, Der Miniator Sawalo, 105. 9 Garborini, Der Miniator Sawalo, 105, 223–224, describes ­initials produced by Sawalo in MS 500: f. 16r, Q(VAMVIS), f. 22v, D(EMIRACVLIS), f. 28r, A(D AQVAS) and f. 33r, A(NNO).

14 500 took office in 1169, the date for completion of the text must therefore be c. 1170. 2.1.2  Dating the Cycle of Miniatures of Saint Amand Although Phillip’s dedication and Sawalo’s initials date the text, there is evidence that the miniatures were completed some time later. Unlike MS 502 in which the miniatures are placed on the same page as the text, the miniatures in MS 500 are grouped together in separate gatherings preceding the vita. Boutemy’s argument for a later date for the miniatures rests in part on descriptions in the late twelfth-century Index Maior, a catalogue of the Abbey of Saint-Amand’s manuscripts.10 Although there is some debate regarding the identification of the two previous manuscripts in the listing, mss 502 and 501, Boutemy has no doubt that item 295 in Delisle’s transcript of the Index Maior is MS 500.11 The description of item 295 does not include mention of any miniatures, but it does note that the manuscript contains the passion of the protomartyr Stephen and that its initials were decorated with gold: Hujus libri capitula aureis litteris praenotata sunt, addita passione et inventione sancti Stephani prothomartyris.12 The earliest of the three manuscripts, MS 502, does not use gold in its initials while MS 501 does so only sparingly. MS 500, however, does contain decorated gold initials, some of which, as noted above, have since been attributed to Sawalo.13 It also contains the passion of Stephen (ff. 1v–41v), which the other manuscripts do not.14 Since the miniatures in MS 500 are not mentioned in the Index Maior and since these elaborate miniatures are characterized by the considerable use of gold, this would surely have been noted, as was the case with the initials. There is therefore a high probability that the miniatures were not part of the manuscript at the time the Index Maior was compiled. The miniatures themselves provide corroborating evidence that they were created at a later date. Five miniatures portray episodes that were added to Baudemond’s and Milo’s vitae by Phillip of Aumône in the twelfth

Chapter 2

­century.15 Thus, as Boutemy points out, the inclusion of depictions of these episodes provides a terminus post quem for the miniatures. Since the text was completed and given to Abbot John during his abbacy, preparation of the miniatures must have commenced either shortly before or just after its completion around 1170.16 Why the miniatures were created is not documented. MS 500 measures approximately 310 × 215mm, a size associated with manuscripts for private ownership and devotion rather than for public use.17 Indeed, it may have been intended as a gift to commemorate a special event. Marvin Chauncey Ross notes that in 1180 Evrard de Montagne, Châtelain of Tournai, made a vow to give two sous each year for a candle at the time of the translation of Amand’s relics.18 This suggests that the saint’s relics may have been translated in that year and may have constituted the special event that occasioned the completion of the miniatures. On the other hand, Cerny argues that the miniatures were completed during the abbacy of Eustace ii (1182– 1192). Following the apparently weak abbacy of his predecessor John, he restored order and discipline to the abbey and heightened its prestige, in part by reinstating in 1187 the annual festival celebrating King Dagobert i, the first patron and protector of the monastery of SaintAmand.19 Although the miniatures may have been started earlier, Cerny suggests that it was under the auspices of the ambitious Abbot Eustace that they were completed. Thus, while the dating of the miniatures cannot be established with absolute precision, it can be stated with some certainty that they were completed between the mid-1170s and mid-1180s, probably at least in part to buttress both Amand’s and the abbey’s prestige. 2.2

The miniatures of the life of Amand in MS 500 are located in the centre of the manuscript, following the lives of other 15

Paris, BnF, lat. 1850. Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, 2:448. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 232. See also, Platelle, Le Temporel de l’Abbaye, 67–69. 11 Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, 2:457, no. 295. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 233. 12 Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, 2:457, no. 295. ‘The chapters of this book are marked at the beginning by gold letters, with the addition of the passion and the finding [of the relics] of Saint Stephen, the protomartyr’. Author’s translation. 13 Garborini, Der Miniator Sawalo, 105, 223–224. 14 Mangeart, 456.

The Incorrect Binding of Gatherings in MS 500

10

16 17

18 19

See this book, Chapter one, 11. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 244. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 120–121. Miniatures depicting Phillip’s new text in MS 500: f. 61r, Amand’s third trip to Rome and taming the bear, Amand at the foot of the altar; f. 63r, Amand receives a letter from Pope Martin; f. 64v, Gertrude at the feet of Amand, Amand leaves Ghislian. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 243–244. I am grateful to both Prof R. Gameson and Dr Alixe Bovey for this observation. For details of the size of the manuscript and the size of the miniatures see Chapter one, 5, and the introduction to Appendix A. Ross, 191. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 275n619.

15

MS 500: Its Date and Structure 53 54 55 56 57 58

59 60 61 62

63 64 65 66

Gathering

Gathering

Gathering

X

Y

Z

67 68

Diagram 1 Present arrangement of folia in MS 500. The blue lines indicate the painted surfaces. 53 54 55 56 57 58

59 60 63 64 65 66 61 62

Gathering X

6768

Gathering Y+Z

Diagram 2 Correct arrangement of bifolia in MS 500.

from a visual inspection, and Boutemy does not state that he actually inspected the manuscript unbound. His conclusions may have resulted from his analysis of the sequence of miniatures and from other physical evidence that he has not provided. The first gathering identified by Boutemy, designated ‘X’, contains two bifolia and two single folia; two other gatherings, ‘Y’ and ‘Z’ respectively, consist of two bifolia each. These three gatherings are followed by a single folio (Diag. 1). The three single folia (ff. 53, 54 and 68) appear to have been cut from what would have been bifolia.21 Close inspection of the manuscript demonstrates that the counter-­stubs of the first two folia (ff. 53 and 54), which wrap around the other folia in the gathering (ff. 55–58), project behind f. 58 (Fig. 2).22 There is no obvious evidence of a missing leaf preceding f. 68, such as the counter-stubs noted above for ff. 53 and 54 indicate. Such a missing leaf would have been f. 67, which the later numbering allows for, and discussion as to the likelihood of a missing folio forms part of this chapter.  urrent and Corrected Arrangement of the C Leaves In the current sequence of miniatures, the arrangement of the bifolia depicted in diagram one shows gathering X containing ff. 53 to 58, gathering Y, ff. 59 to 62 and gathering Z, ff. 63 to 66. As currently bound, the miniature with the entombment of Amand and his soul with Christ (f. 62v, Appx. D, episode 16) is located before his investiture (f. 63r, Appx. D, episode 11); this is clearly out of sequence and cannot therefore be correct. Boutemy convincingly demonstrates that gathering Z should be inserted into Y.23 Thus, gathering X remains the same while the correct order for the second gathering is ff. 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 61, 62; the miniatures then cohere with the vita, ending with the entombment of Amand and his soul in the lap of Christ (Diag. 2). The fact that the resulting structure of the cycle is two standard quaternions adds to its plausibility. These two gatherings are then followed by the miniature of Aldegonde’s vision on f. 68r. When arranged in the correct sequence and allowing for the missing leaves in gathering X, which the physical evidence supports, the bifolia fall into two equal gatherings of four bifolia each, plus the single leaf, f. 68 (originally a bifolium, as will be discussed in this chapter). This is consistent with the signatures for the gatherings that 2.2.1

Figure 2

Counter-stubs visible between folia, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, ff. 58v, 59r.

saints and preceding the vita of Amand. The miniatures have suffered some damage and are not in sequence with the vita, as will be addressed in due course. According to Boutemy, they currently consist of three gatherings and a single folio.20 It is not clear, however, how Boutemy came to this conclusion. The leaves are too tightly bound to permit deductions about the precise nature of the gatherings 20

Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 245.

21 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 183, does not address the matter of excised folia established by Boutemy. She suggests that the artists chose not to paint these miniatures. 22 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 244–246. 23 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 245–246.

16

Chapter 2

precede-and predate-the miniatures. Folia 1–52 consist of seven quaternions, duly numbered ‘i’ to ‘v’, unnumbered, and ‘vii’.24 There are no signatures on the gatherings of the miniatures although they fall into two quaternions; the single sheet of f. 68r follows. The only other visible signature, ‘viiii’, is on f. 87v. This signature indicates some other grouping since ff. 69–87 cannot have comprised two regular quaternions. The absence of signatures in the cycle itself, coupled with the fact that the system of numeration runs on as if the cycle were not there, led Boutemy to conclude that the pictorial folia were inserted into the manuscript after it was completed.25 Comparison of the miniatures in MS 500 with the earlier manuscript, MS 502, confirms that when rearranged according to Boutemy’s suggestion, the depictions faithfully follow the chronological sequence of the vita. However, it must also be noted that, while rearrangement leads to a coherent sequence of miniatures, some important modifications were made in MS 500 whereby new scenes were added (including Amand’s soul with Christ), while other scenes in MS 502 were not used (for example, Amand’s soul carried by angels), and yet others were condensed from several scenes into a single scene (Appx. C). 2.3

The Miniatures and the Preliminary Drawings

The miniatures, when rearranged in their correct order, appear on only one side of each folio and are divided into upper and lower registers. The last page, f. 68r, however, has a single miniature that occupies the entire side. On the reverse of each folio, except for f. 68, a set of preliminary drawings is clearly visible. These drawings relate closely in composition to the miniatures but were not used to create them, as will be discussed later in this chapter. Underneath these preliminary drawings lies another set of preliminary drawings, barely visible to the naked eye, so that on one side of each folio there exist two layers of preliminary drawings. This faint set of preliminary drawings is identical to the more prominent set of preliminary drawings except that it is a mirror-image of them. These faint drawings have apparently escaped the notice of other scholars since no mention of them has been made in any p ­ revious studies on the manuscript.26 24

25 26

The signatures are as follows: i, f. 8; ii, f. 16; iii, f. 24; iv, f. 32; v, f. 40; vi, not visible; vii, f. 52. After the miniatures the only visible signature number is viiii, f. 87v. Boutemy,  “L’illustration”,  241, defines the next gatherings as ff. 71–79, and ff. 80–87. The signatures were also observed during my inspection of the manuscript. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 241. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 222, notes a “dense network of subtle lines” but declares them too faint to interpret.

They will be referred to as ‘preliminary drawings I’ and the more prominent set of drawings as ‘preliminary drawings II’. These designations also reflect the order in which they were created. In the current sequence of the cycle, two folia with miniatures face each other, followed by two folia with preliminary drawings that also face each other. For example, the miniatures on ff. 58v and 59r are followed by preliminary drawings I and II visible on ff. 59v and 60r (Appx. A.12, A.13, A.14, A.15). While manuscripts do occasionally contain drawings, to find two almost complete sets of preliminary drawings relating conceptually to the miniatures, such as those found in MS 500, is extremely unusual. It allows a rare opportunity for analyzing the relationship between preliminary drawings and miniatures and thereby provides insights into the working processes undertaken by those who actually executed the cycle. Moreover, the fact that the miniatures on the obverse of a folio are not the same as the preliminary drawings on the reverse of the same folio, as might be expected if they had been used to create the miniatures, provides an insight into the original planning of the miniatures. How these two sets of preliminary drawings were used will also form part of this discussion. Analysis of the sequence of miniatures and the sequence of the two sets of preliminary drawings demonstrates that the original plan established by the preliminary drawings was altered. One of the results of this alteration is that the miniature terminating the cycle, that of Amand’s soul with Christ (f.62v), became isolated from the other miniatures and therefore enjoyed a place of special prominence. To facilitate identification, the episodes depicted in the vita of Amand’s life in MS 500 have been numbered with a full listing provided in Appendix D. In addition, a list of the miniatures and of preliminary drawings I and II on each folio is provided in Appendix E. There are no preliminary drawings for the last three pages of miniatures: Amand and the bear and his prostration in church (f. 61r); his entombment and soul with Christ (f. 62v); and Aldegonde’s vision of Amand (f. 68r) (Appx. A.17, A.20, A.29; Appx. D, episodes 15, 16, 18). Further, there are no miniatures corresponding to four of the subjects represented in preliminary drawings I and II: namely, those of Amand preaching to the Ghentians and his supplication to Count Dotto (f. 61v), and the hanging of the thief and his revival by Amand (f. 62r), (Appx. A.18, A.19; Appx. D, episodes 7, 8). Preliminary drawings I and II exist for all the other miniatures, and it is their existence, coupled with consideration of the miniatures that do not have preliminary drawings, that allows conclusions to be made regarding the planning of the miniatures.

17

MS 500: Its Date and Structure Gathering X

Gathering Y+Z

53v

59v

62r

61v

60r

Soul of Amand Entombment 54r

Amand and the bear Amand in church

Amand revives hanged man

Amand preaches 55v

58r

63v

66r

57v

56r

65v

64r

Diagram 3 Gatherings of preliminary drawings II as bifolia arranged into correct narrative sequence, MS 500. The red frames indicate the folia in gathering Z. In the interests of simplicity the intervening folia have been omitted. Gathering Y+Z

Gathering X 53r

Amand revives hanged man

62v

59r

60v

61r

Soul of Amand Entombment 54v Amand preaches

58v

55r

66v

63r

56v

57r

64v

65r

Amand and the bear Amand in church

Diagram 4 Gatherings of miniatures as bifolia arranged into correct narrative sequence, MS 500. The red frames indicate the folia in gathering Z. In the interests of simplicity the intervening folia have been omitted. Gathering X 53v

Amand and the bear Amand in chrch 54r

Soul of Amand Entombment

59v

62r

61v

60r

Amand preaches

Amand revives the hanged man 55v

58r

63v

66r

57v

56r

65v

64r

Diagram 5 Gatherings of preliminary drawings I as bifolia, MS 500. Figures are mirror-imaged to reflect the orientation of the drawings. The red frames indicate the folia in gathering Z; the blue numbers refer to episodes in the narrative of Amand and their possible location on the two known missing folia. In the interests of simplicity the intervening folia have been omitted.

18

Chapter 2

When both sets of preliminary drawings are arranged in their correct sequence, they, like the miniatures, also fall into two gatherings of four bifolia each, so that the bifolia of the preliminary drawings with episodes 1–8 depicting the early part of Amand’s life are located on the reverse of the second gathering of the miniatures (gathering Y+Z) (Diag. 3 cf. 4 and 5). Similarly, preliminary drawings I and II of events from the latter part of Amand’s life, episodes 9–14, are located on the reverse of the first gathering of miniatures (gathering X). The last two episodes depicted by preliminary drawings I and II are those of Amand on a mountain with the assassins and Amand healing a blind woman (Appx. D, episode 14). Preliminary drawings I and II for the missing episodes – those of Amand and the bear and Amand in church on one leaf and Amand’s entombment and soul on the other (Appx. D, episodes 15, 16) – may therefore have been depicted on the leaves that have been removed from the gathering. If the missing leaves with episodes 15 and 16 are included in the plans of preliminary drawings I or II in their appropriate place in the gathering, the narrative flow of both sets of preliminary drawings, as established by the miniatures in their correct order, would be maintained. This also supports Boutemy’s findings that the obverse of the missing leaves would have had on them the missing miniatures of Amand preaching and reviving the hanged man (Appx. D, episodes 7, 8).27 It also reinforces the view that the miniature of Aldegonde’s vision of Amand (f. 68r) was never intended to be part of the cycle since it is a separate folio while the preliminary drawings and the miniatures occupy two equal gatherings. Possible locations for this miniature are discussed later in this chapter. It can also be confirmed, as Boutemy noted, that the creators of the manuscript never intended the preliminary drawings to be visible. Boutemy describes the folia as having been glued or bonded to each other in order to hide the drawings.28 Although there is no evidence of residual bonding matter on the drawings, there is a series of holes at the top of each folio which exactly marry with those in the following one (Fig. 3). These holes generally number between eight and twelve per page and are neither evenly spaced nor evenly aligned at the top of the folio. Occasionally, between the unevenly spaced holes there are markings in the form of uneven dark lines which show the impression made by the use of a thread, as on f. 55r (Fig. 4). Clearly the folia were not glued but rather sewn together at the top, partly to hide the drawings but also possibly to hold in place a piece of textile to protect 27 28

Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 246. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247.

the miniature, a technique used within the manuscript to cover some initials, as on f. 121 (Fig. 5). The use of protective silk or linen hangings occurs in other manuscripts, and irregular sewing holes for this purpose have been noted by John Lowden as a feature of the Toledo, Bible Moralisée.29 Richard Gameson presents textual evidence of the use of linen coverings for protection while Christine Sciacca suggests that coverings were employed to protect the viewer from unpleasant images, for example the Apocalypse, so that they could be viewed  only briefly.30 She also posits some form of dramatic exposition whereby the silk would be raised, possibly ceremoniously, to reveal important depictions for veneration, as perhaps may have been the case with the cycle of the life of Amand in MS 500. To summarize, the three sets of depictions forming the cycle of Amand’s life in MS 500 comprise two sets of preliminary drawings (which are mirror images of one another with the more prominent preliminary drawings II overlaying preliminary drawings I) and one of miniatures; the preliminary drawings are located on the reverse of each leaf of miniatures except for f. 68v, Aldegonde’s vision, which is not part of the cycle. Each page of miniatures in the cycle is divided into upper and lower registers depicting episodes from the saint’s life. When arranged according to the narrative, the preliminary drawings and miniatures depict identical episodes in the same order. Since it is clear that the preliminary drawings were not directly employed to create the miniatures and that effort was made to hide them, it is essential to explore their purpose and their relationship to the miniatures. 29

30

New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M.240. John Lowden, The Makingof theBibleMoralisées.Vol. 1 TheManuscripts (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 1:58, 100–101. Richard Gameson, “The Gospels of Margaret of Scotland and the Literacy of an Eleventh-century Queen”, in Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, ed. Leslie Smith and Jane H.M. Taylor (London: British Library, University of Toronto Press, 1996), 160, notes the usage as documented c. 1100 as a feature of the gospel lectionary of Queen Margaret of Scotland. Christine Sciacca, “Raising the Curtain on the use of Textiles in Manuscripts”, in Weaving, Veiling and Dressing: Textiles and their Metaphors in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Kathryn M. Rudy and Barbara Baert (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 185–186. Further on silk hangings: T.A. Heslop, “Decoration and Illustration”, in The Eadwine Psalter: Text, Image and Monastic Culture in Twelfth-Century Canterbury, ed. Margaret Gibson, T.A. Heslop, Richard W. Pfaff (London: mhra; Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992), 28. Peter Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, in The St Albans Psalter, (Albani Psalter), commentary by Jochen Bepler, Peter Kidd, Jane Geddes (Simbach am Inn, Germany: Müller & Schindler, c2008), 75.

19

MS 500: Its Date and Structure

Figure 3

Sewing holes, gathering X, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, ff. 55r, 56r.

Figure 4

Thread marks between holes, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 55r.

2.4

The Purpose of the Preliminary Drawings

2.4.1 Preliminary Drawings I Preliminary drawings I are visible on the reverse of all folia of the cycle, excluding f. 68r.31 While they are barely 31

The on-line availability of MS 500 has permitted the enlargement of the folia for the purposes of close analysis of the drawings and preliminary drawings. Valenciennes Bibliothèque digital library, http://bibebook.valenciennes. fr/MS0500/index.htm accessed 2008–16. Currently hosted at

Figure 5

A piece of textile sewn to the side of the initial, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 121.

detectible, analysis of their composition and placement supports the conclusion that a key alteration in ­planning was made after the drawings were created but prior to the miniatures. As noted, preliminary drawings I are exact mirror-images of the more visible preliminary drawings II and in composition are also mirror-images of

https://patrimoine-numerique.ville-valenciennes.fr/ark:/29755/ B_596066101_MS_0500 accessed 2016–18.

20

Chapter 2

the miniatures; it must be recalled that the more prominent preliminary drawings II overlay preliminary drawings I. However, the episodes depicted in drawings I and drawings II on any one page are not the same. On the contrary, drawings II depict either the episode that follows or precedes what is shown in drawings I on the same page (Appx. E). Notwithstanding this disjunction, the sequence of episodes of both sets of preliminary drawings necessarily remains the same (Diag. 5 cf. Diag. 3). For example, Amand and his parents (episode 1, upper register) can be seen clearly in preliminary drawing II on f. 59v (Fig. 6). On f. 60r are the faint lines of preliminary drawing I of this same episode underneath the more prominent preliminary drawing II of Amand and the serpent (episode 2, upper register) (Figs. 7, cf. 6). In another example, on the same folio preliminary drawing II depicts Amand’s arrival by boat at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu (episode 1, lower register) (Fig. 8). On f. 60r there are the faint lines of preliminary drawing I of this same scene underneath the episode of Serenus urging Amand to return home (episode 2, lower register) (Figs. 9, cf. 8). Since the miniatures maintain the order of the preliminary drawings, it is clear that those who created them were satisfied with the episodes originally selected for the drawings. Why the creators of the miniatures did not use either of the two sets of drawings derives from the fact that both cycles of drawings were constructed so that the resulting miniatures would begin on a verso and not on a recto as they currently do. Preliminary drawings I are all mirror-images of the miniatures. The intention therefore must originally have been to use them to trace through to the other side of the parchment, which would result in a correctly-orientated image. The transfer of a preliminary drawing from the reverse to the obverse side of parchment to create a template for a miniature might be achieved by one of two methods: back-lighting the sheet to enhance the visibility of the lines and then tracing over them on the obverse, or running over them with a hard point so that they were lightly transferred through the sheet. Pressure-tracing with hard point was employed in the Oxford-Paris-London Bible Moralisée and is described by Lowden in his study of the making of the manuscript.32 Another example may be 32

London, B.L., Harley 1527, ff. 116r, 116v. Lowden, Bibles Moralisées, 1: 167–180, pls. xx and xxi. Further on the use of drawings: M.W. Evans, Medieval Drawings (Feltham, UK: Hamlyn, 1969), 37, pl. 105, notes an anthology of German poetry with a single unfinished miniature demonstrates the use of drawings, Manesse Codex, Zurich, 1313–1330. Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek,

found in a thirteenth-century Bible, in which a marginal sketch of the design for a historiated initial is situated nearby but was reversed and modified for use in the final initial (Figs. 10, 11).33 MS 500 provides clear evidence that transferring mirror-image designs was a technique mastered by artists at Saint-Amand. The use of this procedure is particularly noticeable in preliminary drawing II in the identical but mirror-imaged faces of Amand and Ghislain on the lower register of f. 56r (Appx. A.7). The first mirror-imaged preliminary drawing I in the cycle, Amand with his parents, is positioned on a recto (f.60r). Were this preliminary drawing I traced through to the obverse side of the folio for the purpose of painting a miniature, the resulting miniature would have been in the correct orientation and on a verso. Had the process continued in this manner, all traced preliminary drawings I would have been in the same orientation as the miniatures and ready for the artist to paint. Thus, because the mirror-image preliminary drawings I would have been traced to the obverse of the same bifolia, the resulting miniatures would have been the same way round as they are presently (as desired by the miniatures’ creators), but would have begun on a verso, not a recto as they currently do. Consequently, a key result of preparing the miniatures by tracing through preliminary drawings I,

33

Cod. Pal. germ. 848, f. 196r, also, pl. 117, typological scenes: Speculum humanae salvationis. Alsace, c. 1350. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 16, f. 43v. Robert G. Calkins, “Stages of Execution: Procedures of Illumination as Revealed in an Unfinished Book of Hours”, Gesta 17, no. 1 (1978): 63. Mark Clarke, Medieval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: the Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium (London: Archetype, 2011), 98 ff. For evidence of tracing methods used: Louis Réau, Histoire de la Peinture au Moyen-Age: La Miniature (Melun: Librairie d’Argences, 1946), 22–23. Calkins, “Stages of Execution”, 63. David H. Wright, “When the Vatican Vergil was in Tours”, in Studien zur mittelalterlichen Kunst, 800–1250, Festschrift für Florentine Mütherich zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Katharina Bierbrauer, Peter K. Klein and Willibald Sauerländer (Münich: Prestel-Verlag, 1985), 53. David H. Wright, The Vatican Vergil: A Masterpiece of Late Antique Art (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993) 3. Robert W. Scheller, Exemplum: ModelBook Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (ca. 900–ca. 1470) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1995), 72n203. Clarke, Medieval Painters, 98n1.1.2. Paris, BnF, lat. 11930, f. 58r. Richard H. Rouse, and Mary A. Rouse, Illiterati et Uxorati: Manuscripts and their Makers, Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris 1200–1500 (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2000), 1:35, 2:figs 8a and b.

MS 500: Its Date and Structure

21

Figure 6

Amand with his parents, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, upper register, f. 59v. The highlighted areas, the mother’s knees, Amand’s head and the father’s left foot are visible as mirror-images in preliminary drawing I in Fig. 7.

Figure 7

Amand meets the serpent, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, upper register, f. 60r. Under this is Amand with his parents in preliminary drawing I as a mirror-image.

22

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Figure 8

Amand’s arrival by boat at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of ­Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, lower register, f. 59v. The highlighted areas, the boatman’s face, the boatman’s hands, and the monks head, are visible as preliminary drawing I in Fig. 9.

Figure 9

Serenus and Amand, preliminary drawing II, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 60r. Under this is Amand’s arrival by boat at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu, preliminary drawing I, as a mirror-image.

MS 500: Its Date and Structure

23

Figure 10 Master Alexander, marginal sketch, Bible, vol. 1, 1215–30. Paris, BnF, lat. 11930, f. 58r.

Figure 11 Master Alexander, initial, Bible, vol. 1, 1215–30. Paris, BnF, lat. 11930, f. 58r.

as appears originally to have been the intent, is that the last miniatures, those of Amand’s entombment and soul with Christ, would have appeared on a recto and would have been viewed alongside the episodes of Amand with the bear and Amand in church on the facing verso (Appx. A.17, Appx. D, episode 15, Diag. 5). At some later stage the set of preliminary drawings I was partially ‘erased’ so that the parchment could be reused and another set of drawings, preliminary drawings II, created on the same sheets.34 It is unlikely that preliminary drawings I simply eroded when the sheets were stacked since the artists could easily have redrawn the lines to correct the problem, and this was not done. It is possible that tracing or pressure-tracing proved infeasible, perhaps due to the thickness of the parchment. Hence, another set of preliminary drawings (II) in a different orientation was created over the original preliminary ­drawings I, entirely superseding them. Significantly, while

preliminary ­drawings I were created as mirror-images of the final miniatures, preliminary drawings II are themselves in the same orientation as the miniatures. Before considering how the second set of drawings, preliminary drawings II, may have been used, it should be noted that it is also likely that at least one other set of preparatory drawings had been produced. This may be adduced from the fact that, while preliminary drawings I and II are identical, they are also mirror-images of one another. This implies the use of a third set of drawings. That is, since the drawings exist on the same surfaces of the bifolia, transferring the images of preliminary drawings I to create preliminary drawings II would have been difficult if not impossible given that preliminary drawings I were almost entirely ‘erased’ so that the sheets might be reused. Further, pressure tracing to recreate the drawings on another folio would necessarily have covered the preliminary drawings I existing on that folio, thus rendering them unusable. It is therefore extremely unlikely that ­preliminary drawings I would have been used to create preliminary drawings II; consequently, there is a high probability that an intervening set of drawings was employed.

34

Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 222, also notes loss of drawing detail in MS 500 which he suggests might be due to heavy rubbing. Clarke, Medieval Painters, 98n1.1.8, notes the use of breadcrumbs to erase lead marks. Richard Gameson, “A Scribe’s Confession and the Making of the Anchin Hrabanus (Douai, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 340), in Manuscripts in Transition: Recycling Manuscripts, Texts and Images: Proceedings of the International Congress held in Brussels (5–9 November 2002), ed. Brigitte Dekeyzer, Jan Van der Stock, Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts 15 (Leuven: Peeters, 2005), 69, notes erasure in a manuscript contemporary to MS 500.

2.4.2 Preliminary Drawings II Following the partial erasure of preliminary drawings I, an identical but mirror-imaged set of drawings, preliminary drawings II, was created such that episodes in preliminary drawing II were consistently on top of either the

24

Chapter 2

­ receding or the following episodes of preliminary drawp ing I. This set of drawings is in the same orientation as the miniatures and therefore could not have been intended for transfer to the obverse side. Consequently, the assumption must be that they were originally intended to be the base on which the artist would directly paint a miniature. If this were so, then the cycle of the resulting miniatures would necessarily begin on a verso as it would also have done had preliminary drawings I been used as the basis for the miniatures. At some later time, after completing these two sets of preliminary drawings, both of which would have resulted in the miniature cycle beginning on a verso, a decision was made to maintain the sequence of episodes but to begin instead on a recto. Once this decision was taken, preliminary drawings II also had to be abandoned as a base for the miniatures, and the artists, being pragmatic, simply used the other side of the sheets for the actual miniatures.35 What might appear to have been a minor and purely technical alteration to the cycle actually had significant ramifications for the groupings of episodes across facing pages, an important issue that is discussed in Chapter four. A significant finding from the analysis of both sets of preliminary drawings is that using either set to create the miniatures would have led to an arrangement whereby the first miniatures of the cycle, Amand with his parents and Amand arriving at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu, would necessarily have been positioned on a verso. This therefore meant that the important miniature with the soul of Amand in the lap of Christ at the end of the cycle would have been positioned on a recto and paired with what must have been perceived as an incompatible miniature, that of Amand with a bear. That the miniatures actually begin on a recto is evidence either of a conceptual error of placement when the visible preliminary drawings were originally prepared – which is unlikely given the considerable experience of manuscript production at the abbey – or of a significant change in the concept underpinning the sequence of the miniatures after the preliminary drawings were complete. Given the importance of depicting Amand’s soul with Christ and the innovative imagery associated with this portrayal (issues discussed in Chapter five), the creators of the manuscript perhaps deemed it preferable to isolate the depiction of the soul of Amand. This could only be achieved by beginning the sequence of miniatures on a 35

Sketchy under-drawings are visible in miniatures where the paint has flaked off on two folia. The right arm of the boatman, and Amand’s nimbus on f. 53r, and the nose of Amand, and scroll detail in the lower register of f. 54v (Appx. A.1, A.4).

recto, which would require drawings for tracing through to begin on a verso and be mirror-imaged or, if used as a base, be in the same orientation as the miniatures and begin on a recto. Neither set of preliminary drawings meets these requirements. 2.5 Aldegonde’s Vision of Amand and the Miniature of Amand’s Soul with Christ Further evidence that planning for the sequence of miniatures in MS 500 intended to isolate f. 62v can be adduced from the final page, f. 68r, showing the Abbess Aldegonde’s vision of Amand shortly after his death (Appx. A.29).36 Comparison of this miniature with corresponding depictions in the previous manuscripts, MSS 502 and 501, indicates that it was not intended to be a single leaf but rather part of diptych as was the case in those manuscripts. Further, the position of the diptychs in the previous manuscripts leads to the conclusion that this leaf and its putative partner folio were probably not intended to be located with the cycle of miniatures – or, if so, were to be a discrete bifolium that would have been visually separated by having the blank recto of the obverse facing the terminating verso of the cycle. The terminating verso, the soul of Amand with Christ, would then be isolated, the motive almost certainly being to emphasize its importance. 2.5.1 Aldegonde and the Vision of Amand In order to consider the implications of the location of the vision scene, it is important to understand its significance and how its two predecessors were rendered in the previous manuscripts. Aldegonde, abbess and possible founder of the Abbey of Maubeuge and friend of Amand, experienced a vision of him shortly after his death. An account of this event was added to Milo’s ninth-century vita of Amand.37 In MS 502 and MS 501, Aldegonde herself is depicted on the facing verso with the vision of Amand on a recto (Figs. 12, 13).38 In MS 502 Aldegonde kneels at the foot of an altar and looks up at an angel, who points across to the adjoining page to a depiction of Amand. In MS 501 the diptych is similarly conceived with Aldegonde portrayed kneeling at the foot of an altar as an angel grasps 36 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 205, states that a ninthcentury manuscript mentions that Aldegonde had the vision on the day Amand died. 37 Milo’s text of the vision in mss 502 and 501: aass Jan. ii, p. 1045. Phillip’s text, aass Feb. i, Chapter 52. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 205. 38 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, ff. 118v, 119r. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 501, ff. 30v, 31r.

MS 500: Its Date and Structure

Figure 12 Aldegonde experiencing her vision of Amand after his death and the glorification of Amand, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1066. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, ff. 118v, 119r.

Figure 13 Aldegonde experiencing her vision of Amand after his death and the glorification of Amand, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1150–60. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 501, ff. 30v, 31r.

25

26

Chapter 2

Figure 14 Folio numbering on Life of Amand, Abbey of SaintAmand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 68r.

her wrist and gestures to Amand, depicted on the facing page. 2.5.2 Aldegonde’s Vision and the Missing Leaf In Boutemy’s view, the absence from MS 500 of Alde­ gonde experiencing her vision can only indicate that a leaf is missing.39 He supports this contention by, among other evidence, noting the similarities between the vision depictions in MS 501 and MS 500 (Fig. 13 cf. Appx. A.29). Boutemy finds it difficult to believe that the artist of the latter, having taken such pains to replicate and enhance the composition of his predecessor, would have elected not to portray the partner page. He also notes a ribbon emerging from the left side of the frame and leading off the page, a feature unique in the miniatures in MS 500; this, he argues, was probably intended to link to a preceding page depicting Aldegonde in church as in mss 502 and 501. What should also be noted is the direction of Amand’s gaze, which in MS 502 and MS 501 is looking upward, as if in anticipation of some event. In MS 500 he looks not upward but over the head of the female figure to his right to a place where, comparison with MS 501 suggests, the angel guiding Aldegonde would have been depicted on the putative facing page. Boutemy further supports the view that a folio is missing by noting evidence both in a nineteenth-century 39

Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247–248.

library catalogue and in the manuscript itself. Inspection of the numbering of the folia, which the evidence suggests was done in the early nineteenth century,40 indicates that a folio preceding the vision of Amand must have existed at some point since a folio bearing the number 67 is missing. Boutemy is convinced that this must have been the  leaf with Aldegonde, and, if so, that it was not lost in the distant past.41 Mangeart’s catalogue of manuscripts in the Bibliothèque of Valenciennes dated 1860 describes MS 500 as containing 28 miniatures with two per page plus two full-page miniatures.42 One full-page miniature, f. 68r, with the vision of Amand still exists; thus one miniature was apparently removed some time after 1860. A.-F Lievre’s and Auguste Molinier’s catalogue dated 1894, thirty-four years after Mangeart’s catalogue, cites the manuscript but offers only a two-line description: “fol 53 à 68. Vie de S. Amand en peintures. Sur chaque recto, image peinte; au verso, dessin non colorié et non fini. Chaque page contient deux tableaux différents”.43 This brief account clearly suggests that there was a f. 67, as implied by the “fol 53 à 68”, but it equally clearly refers to two paintings per leaf without excluding f. 68r, which is known to be a single miniature. Boutemy registers his frustration at the imprecise content of this entry.44 He is nonetheless convinced of the ­existence of the missing folio: first by Mangeart’s precisely descriptive catalogue entry citing two folia, each with a single miniature, but also from the numbering on the pages of the manuscript itself. He notes that the numbering of the folia is first in pencil and second in ink and that the ‘68’, marked in ink on the last folio, follows ‘66’ and that the ‘68’ was later altered to ‘67’.45 These alterations are still evident on the folio with subsequent overwriting of the number to demarcate it again as ‘68’, which is the numbering that Boutemy considers to be correct (Fig. 14).46 Curiously, Abou-El-Haj does not address either Mange­ art’s clear catalogue evidence or the obvious folio numbering, arguing instead that exclusion of an Aldegonde 40

41 42 43

44 45 46

Mangeart, 456, no. 459, A.5.26, the folia are numbered in pencil with Arabic numerals and are referred to in Mangeart’s catalogue of manuscripts in the Bibliothèque de Valenciennes dated 1860 which provides a terminus ante quem for the numbering. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247n21. Mangeart, 456, “2, or et couleur, sur pages entiers; et 28, seulement indiquées au trait, sur demi-pages”. A.-F. Lièvre, Auguste Molinier, ed., Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France: Poitiers–Valenciennes (Paris: Plon, 1894), 25:401. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247n21. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247n21. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 68r. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247n21.

27

MS 500: Its Date and Structure 53 54 55 56 57 58

59 60 63 64 65 66 61 62

Gathering

Gathering

X

Y+Z

67 68

Diagram 6 Corrected gatherings of miniatures, which begin on f. 53r. The blue lines indicate current miniatures. The grey semi-circles indicate the folia sewn together highlighting the awkward arrangement between f. 62v with the soul of Amand, and f. 67v, which would be blank, and provides a single thickness.

53 54 55 56 57 58

59 60 63 64 65 66 61 62

67 68

Gathering Y+Z

Extra bifolio

Gathering X

Diagram 7 The addition of an extra bifolio would complete the sewing arrangement of the miniatures if the bifolio 67 and 68 was intended to be placed at the end of the miniatures. The blue lines indicate current miniatures. The grey semi-circles indicate the folia that were sewn together.

60 59 64 63 66 65 62 61

Gathering Y+Z

54 53 56 55 58 57

67 68

Gathering X

Diagram 8 The diagram shows the arrangement using preliminary drawings I traced through. The green lines indicate the miniatures created by using preliminary drawings I; the arrangement of miniatures created by using either preliminary drawings I or II begins the cycle on a verso. The two gatherings, and the vision diptych (ff. 67v, 68r) can be sewn together. The blank verso at the beginning and end can be sewn into the manuscript or can accommodate a cover.

miniature was a deliberate choice on the grounds that the soul of Amand on f. 62v was always intended to be viewed next to the vision depiction on f. 68r. In her view, this simplifies the episode and transforms the representation to what she describes as a “cult image”.47 In order to achieve this, however, those who constructed the manuscript would have had to incorporate the vision of Amand as a single folio. The practice of adding miniatures on singletons has been noted in manuscripts in the later Middle Ages, particularly in Books of Hours, and is encountered in a manuscript contemporary to MS 500 in what Gameson 47 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 207.

terms “an elaborate poetic ‘word-game’”.48 Although not a miniature per se, it represents a creative use of the written word. It is possible, therefore, to conceive of a singleton being used in MS 500, but the evidence adduced in this chapter strongly suggests otherwise.49 The inclusion of a putative f. 67 poses a problem regarding the final folia of the gathering. If f. 67 verso were to face f. 68 recto as a bifolio of Aldegonde and her vision of Amand, it would result in a blank f. 67 recto ­facing 48 Gameson, “A Scribe’s Confession”, 65. 49 Alexander, Medieval Illuminators, 36, discusses the practise of inserting single leaves.

28

Chapter 2

f. 62 verso, the soul of Amand. This in itself is not an issue, but the bifolia of miniatures of the cycle were sewn together so that the drawings were not visible, resulting in a double thickness of parchment. Folio 67 and f. 68 would depart from this practice and be only a single thickness (Diag. 6). The inclusion of a f. 67 might therefore seem to have necessitated the addition of another bifolio, which would be sewn to f. 67 and f. 68 in order to maintain the same thickness as the other sheets (Diag. 7). However, the original planning as demonstrated by preliminary drawings I provides a neater solution (Diag.  8). While the first folio, f. 60, remains single thickness, the other folia can be sewn together as the grey semi-circles indicate. The single folio at the end of the first gathering, f. 61, and the single folio at the beginning of the second gathering, f. 54, can then be sewn together to join the two gatherings. The terminating folio of the second gathering, which is one of the excised folia and which would contain the preliminary drawing I of the soul of Amand, would occupy a recto. Its reverse would be blank and could then be sewn to the missing f. 67 in the vision diptych, thus continuing the double thickness and ­maintaining the correct ­density throughout. The first and last folia of the conjoined gatherings, including the diptych, could either be sewn to folia within the manuscript at the position desired or be attached to the rear board of the binding as a paste-down. The considerations discussed above indicate that considerable thought went into the planning of the cycle. Cerny suggests that the diptych was inserted later, probably at the behest of a patron.50 But it seems unlikely that such an important subject would not have been considered in the original scheme. After all, it is the only ­depiction selected from MS 502 for inclusion in MS 501. While it could have terminated the miniatures, as demonstrated above, it is also possible that it was never intended to be part of the cycle of miniatures. Had the bifolium of Aldegonde in church (putative f. 67r) and her vision of Amand (f. 68v) been placed elsewhere, perhaps at the end of the vita at f. 120r, this would have resolved the problem of matching the parchment thickness since the text is written on both sides of single thickness sheets. Thus inserting the diptych after the vita as a simple bifolium would have been congruent at this point as a single bifolium, unlike the cycle of miniatures which requires ­binding to another sheet for purposes of continuity. This placement would also conform to the diptych’s position in the two previous manuscripts and would make sense since Aldegonde’s vision was not part of Baudemond’s 50

Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 257n577.

Figure 15 Sewing holes and indication of thread, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1175. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 68v.

vita of Amand but rather was incorporated at the end of the vita, possibly by Milo.51 In MS 502, the text of the Life of Amand in which miniatures are interspersed concludes on f. 20, and the diptych of Aldegonde and her vision of Amand is positioned at ff. 118–119. Between f. 20 and f. 118 are texts and depictions of other saints.52 In MS 501, which has no miniatures depicting the vita, the vita concludes at f. 29v and the vision diptych follows on ff. 30–31. In view of the fact that Aldegonde’s vision was never part of the original vita of Amand, and considering that the vision diptych in both previous manuscripts followed the vita, there is a strong likelihood that MS 500 would have replicated this formula and positioned the vision diptych after the vita. Removal of the vision diptych from the current cycle of miniatures would then provide a blank page on the recto adjoining the folio with the scene of Amand’s soul and would thus conclude the miniature cycle in a satisfactory manner, both by giving the entombment and soul page an isolated and therefore prominent position and by establishing two gatherings of an equal number of bifolia with equal thicknesses. The fact that the miniatures of the cycle are currently positioned out of sequence strongly suggests that f. 68 may also currently be incorrectly positioned. The possibility remains that the putative f. 67 was part of a bifolium with f. 68 and was removed. The sewing holes at the top of each sheet of the cycle were originally used to back one sheet to the next to join the leaves as described previously (see Fig. 3). Since they marry with those on the following folio, there can be no question about their purpose.

51 52

See chapter 1, 10. For full description of contents of MS 502: Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 156–159.

29

MS 500: Its Date and Structure

The sewing holes at the top of f. 68, however, do not marry with those on any other folio, and there are no sewing holes on the following two blank folia, ff. 69, 70. From the markings on the reverse side of f. 68, which appear to be an impression of the thread that ran between the holes, it would seem that they were made for hanging a silk or linen cover to protect the miniature rather than for fastening it to another folio (Fig. 15). The clear impression of the thread on both sides would not be visible if the sewing holes were also used to bind to another folio, although it is possible that the silk covering was applied after the initial binding. In addition, the reverse of f. 68 contains faint lines that cannot be identified. Given that the preliminary drawings on the reverse of a folio do not relate to the miniatures on the obverse of the same folio, these faint lines could be a preliminary drawing for the missing page with Aldegonde. In the top left-hand corner there are markings, which may be a column capital or hanging drapery or, if inverted, the base of a column.53 2.6

Planning Overview

Allowing for the missing two folia in the first gathering, for which there is irrefutable physical evidence, it appears that the organizational plan for the miniatures was always intended to comprise two gatherings, each of four bifolia. The apparent intent to trace through the faint mirror-imaged preliminary drawings I in order to provide drawings on which the miniatures would then be painted demonstrates that the original organizational plan was for the miniatures to begin on a verso. This plan would have permitted sewing the bifolia together in pairs to hide the drawings and would have accommodated the bifolio of Aldegonde and her vision of Amand, ff. 67, 68, thus providing the same thickness of parchment throughout. It would also have resulted in a single thickness at the beginning and end, thus allowing it to be sewn or glued to other folia in a manuscript or, if it was a separate item, for f. 68 to be bonded to the rear board as a paste down (Diag. 8). The mirror-image preliminary drawings I appear to represent a stage of planning for the miniatures which was 53

With the assistance of the correct equipment, it might be possible to determine the content of the drawings on this surface. Lowden, Bibles Moralisées, 1:173, notes the use of technical equipment at the British Library during his study of the drawings of the Bible Moralisée, London, B.L., mss Harley 1526, Harley 1527. The same, or similar, techniques might be used to assist in investigating the drawings on this folio.

abandoned. A subsequent set of drawings, preliminary drawings II, was created instead on the same side of the parchment as preliminary drawings I. Preliminary drawings II were in the same orientation as the miniatures and therefore must have been intended as the base for the miniatures. The artists also abandoned these drawings, although they may have been used as a visual guide for the miniatures on the obverse sides of the parchment. As demonstrated, the consequence of using either of the two sets of preliminary drawings for the miniatures would have been to position the soul of Amand on a recto alongside the episode with the bear on the facing verso. The desire to isolate the important image of Amand and his soul from distracting or apparently incompatible images necessitated commencing the miniatures on a recto rather than a verso. The consequence of this change, however, was to create a problematic ending to the cycle of miniatures. AbouEl-Haj’s argument that the artist added only a single folio depicting Aldegonde’s vision situated next to scenes of his entombment is supported neither by catalogue evidence nor by the miniature itself, both of which indicate that a folio with a single miniature is missing, the putative f. 67. Planning for the miniatures demanded that the thickness consists of two folia sewn together; thus, for purposes of consistency another bifolium would have been required to be sewn to the Aldegonde and vision scenes. This bifolium may have remained blank so that the entombment of Amand and his soul would have been followed by a blank recto with, overleaf, the bifolium of Aldegonde and her vision of Amand. Placing the diptych at the end of the vita would have followed the practice of the two previous manuscripts and would have resolved the difficulties of maintaining the same thickness of parchment throughout the miniatures. 2.7 Conclusion Analysis of the two sets of preliminary drawings demonstrates that the gatherings of miniatures were altered at the planning stage. A consequence of this alteration was that the miniatures began on a recto, thus obviating the awkward ending of the original plan by isolating, possibly for purposes of showing due reverence, the depictions of Amand’s entombment and soul (f. 62v). The vision of Amand (f. 68r) was also almost certainly conceived, as in the case of its predecessors, as a diptych with Aldegonde on a partner folio. The addition of a single folio depicting Aldegonde and the angel would not have been compatible with the general design, if it was to be located with the

30 other miniatures, since at least one other bifolio would need to have been sewn to the reverse of the vision diptych to maintain a consistent leaf thickness. Therefore it is highly likely that the intention from the outset was to locate the vision diptych elsewhere as a single thickness bifolio, or indeed that it was added after the cycle was conceived. Why the miniature cycle is incomplete with at

Chapter 2

least three missing folia, and at what point it was bound incorrectly, is not known. What can be deduced, however, from the analysis of the preliminary drawings and the miniatures themselves is that the organization of the gatherings was altered after the two sets of preliminary drawings were substantially complete, resulting in the isolation of the miniature with Amand’s soul.

Chapter 3

The Artists and Techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

3.1

The Abbey of Saint-Amand as a Creative Centre

The Abbey of Saint-Amand was an important centre of book production both before and during the period in which the three manuscripts, mss 502, 501, 500, were created.1 It produced a number of other notable manuscripts, including the second Bible of Charles the Bald, 871–877; the Gospel Book of Francis ii, third quarter of the ninth century; the Bible of Alard, last quarter of the eleventh century; and the five large volumes that comprise the Bible of Sawalo, c. 1165.2 During the twelfth century the abbey grew considerably. Book production increased, as did the number of monks in residence, who totalled around fifty toward the end of the century.3 It was during this period of growth that a compilation of volumes held in the abbey, the Index Maior, 1150–1160, was made.4 It lists 221 manuscripts with a further ninetyfour manuscripts added in the following twenty years, thereby constituting one of the larger libraries of the period.5 1 Moreau, Les Abbayes, 113. Platelle, Le Temporel, 67–69. Gilberte Garrigou, Naissance et Splendeurs du Manuscrit Monastique du viie au xiie Siècle (Noyon: G. Garrigou, 1992), 108. Walter Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts: The Twelfth Century. A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in France (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 1996), 1:17. 2 Second Bible of Charles the Bald, Paris, BnF, lat. 2, Jaques Guilmain, “The Illuminations of the Second Bible of Charles the Bald”, Speculum 41, no. 2 (1966): 247. Gospel Book of Francis ii, Paris, BnF, lat. 257, Boutemy, “Le Style Franco-Saxon”, 261. Marie-Pierre Laffitte, Charlotte Danoël, in collaboration with Marieanne Besseyre, Trésors Carolingiens: Livres Manuscrits de Charlemagne à Charles le Chauve (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2007), no. 56. Bible of Alard, Val. B.M., MS 9, Françoise Simeray, “Bible dite Bible d’Alard”, in La Représentation de l’invisible: Trésors de l’Enluminure Romane en Nord-Pas-de-Calais (Valenciennes: Bibliothèque multimédia de Valenciennes, 2007), 58, no. 15. Bibles of Sawalo, Val. B.M., MS 1–5, Simeray, “Bible dite Bible de Sawalon”, in La Représentation, 40–41, no. 5. Marc Gil, “Bible dite Bible de Sawalon”, in Une Renaissance: L’art entre Flandre et Champagne, 1150–1250 (Paris: rmn-Grand Palais, 2013), 93, no. 27. 3 Platelle, Le Temporel, 169. 4 Paris, BnF, lat. MS 1850. Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, 2:448. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 232. Platelle, Le Temporel, 67. 5 Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, 2:448–458. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 1:17. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_004

The Abbey of Saint-Amand was one of a number of scribally and artistically productive abbeys in the region, interacting with neighbouring foundations such as Anchin, Marchiennes and Saint-Omer but also in a broader sphere with England, the Meuse Valley and as far east as Byzantium. The influx of artefacts from Byzantium, coupled with the movement of artists, fostered the transmission of styles and skills that is evident in northern French miniatures, enamels and other media. This interchange was reflected in the manuscripts produced at Saint-Amand. During the ninth century the transmission of styles from England and Ireland resulted in the Franco-Saxon style of decorated initials, which merged zoomorphic and interlace details from the Insular world with miniature techniques from northern France and is thought by some scholars to have originated at SaintAmand.6 In the twelfth century, this style was recreated by Sawalo, the monk at the abbey who produced many of the initials in MS 500. The style established by Sawalo was sufficiently admired that other artists in the region copied it.7 The abbey’s capacity to participate in this artistic flowering was in part the product of a significant increase in funds, which doubled during the first half of the twelfth century.8 The abbey’s scribal resources were also sought to produce manuscripts for those abbeys which themselves did not have the necessary skills to undertake such tasks to the requisite standard. Stylistic evidence suggests that in the mid-twelfth century Saint-Amand produced a lavishly decorated gospel-book for the small Abbey of Cysoing located nearby.9 Indeed, the Abbey of Saint-Amand was ideally placed for, and took advantage of, cross-cultural transmission of all kinds. It is highly likely that the artists of Saint-Amand not only came into contact with artefacts that came to the abbey, but that they also travelled and would have 6 Boutemy, “Le Style Franco-Saxon”, 260–264. C.R. Dodwell, Painting in Europe: 800 to 1200 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971), 84. 7 Garborini, Der Miniator Sawalo, 145. 8 Françoise Simeray, “Le scriptorium de l’abbaye de Saint-Amand au milieu du XIIème siècle”, Association Valentiana 4 (1989): 6. 9 Lille, B.M., MS 479. William M. Hinkle, “The Gospels of Cysoing: The Anglo-Saxon and Norman Sources of the Miniatures”, Art Bulletin 58, no. 4 (1976): 491.

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Figure 16 Lazarus in Abraham’s bosom, Vicq parish church, ­second quarter of twelfth century.

observed works elsewhere. A notable example of the movement of monastics involves those who relocated in the late eleventh century from Charroux in Aquitaine to Andres in Morinie (near Saint-Omer) on the orders of Baudouin i, count of Boulogne and Guines, who founded a monastery there.10 While on pilgrimage from his home in Andres to Compostella, Baudouin encountered the monks whose monastery was at Charroux. Impressed by their piety and discipline, he wished to have a similar community established in his town. Jean Porcher suggests that this connection between the two locations may be the reason for the artistic relationship between the frescoes at Nohant-Vicq, near Charroux, painted in the second quarter of the twelfth century, and the eleventh-century vita of Saint Omer located at the Abbey of Saint-Omer (Figs. 16 cf. 17).11 Although different in scale, the styles are so similar that one could imagine that the figures in the frescoes had been copied. Within the miniature cycle in MS 500 there is considerable evidence of the transmission of artistic techniques, and Cerny’s analysis clearly supports this. He notes that the artists of Saint-Amand would also have been familiar with works originating from the principal centres of champlevé enamel production, especially those from the Meuse Valley. For example, the extended arm and general posture of the possessed man in MS 500, f. 57r, lower r­ egister, compares favourably with an earlier Mosan enamel of 10 11

Jean Porcher, Les Manuscrits à Peintures en France du viie au xiie Siècle (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 1954), 47. Saint-Omer, Bibliothèque d’agglomération, MS 698. Porcher, Les Manuscrits, 47.

Figure 17

Death of St Omer, Life of Saint Omer, eleventh century. Saint-Omer, BA, MS 698, f. 26r.

Samson and the lion, c. 1160 (Appx. A.9 cf. Fig. 18).12 The two figures exhibit the use of a black contour line, which is a feature employed throughout MS 500 and which will be discussed in the next section of this chapter. The black detail lines evident in Samson’s robes are also employed throughout gathering Y+Z, for example, in the tunic of the Basque, MS 500, f. 65r, upper register (Appx. A.25). The use of prominent contour lines and internal black 12

The Rolls Plaques, Victoria and Albert Museum, M.53A-1988. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 252. K.H. Usener, “Kreuzigungs­ darstellungen in der Mosanen Miniaturmalerei und Goldsch­ miedekunst”, Revue Belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 4 (1934): 204. Hanns Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art: The Art of Church Treasures in North-Western Europe (London: Faber and Faber, 1954), 31–32. Kristine Edmondson Haney, “Some Mosan Sources for the Henry of Blois Enamels”, Burlington Magazine 124, no. 949 (1982): 230. Marian Campbell, An Introduction to Medieval Enamels (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1983), 18, pl. 10b.

33

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

Figure 18

Samson and the lion, Mosan, Belgium, c. 1160. The Rolls Plaques, Victoria and Albert Museum, M.53A-1988.

detail lines are also features of a masterpiece of Mosan craftsmanship, the Stavelot triptych, whose outer wings were made to house a Byzantine triptych containing relics of the True Cross (Fig. 19).13 In a further connection with Mosan enamels, Hanns Swarzenski argues that the covers of MS 500, made from oak boards with inset areas for ivory or enamel plaques, now lost, were made by Nicholas of Verdun before he undertook the famous altarpiece he completed in 1181,14 which also employs contour lines and detail lines such as those encountered in the manuscript. If Swarzenski is correct, this offers the tantalizing suggestion that the miniatures of MS 500, or of earlier manuscripts made at the abbey, could have been the source for some of Nicholas’s work. Such insights into the cross-cultural transmission of styles and techniques are of great use in understanding where MS 500 fits into the corpus of manuscripts produced at that time in the area. Research of a comparative nature is beyond the scope of this monograph but could offer a fruitful field for further study. However, study of the different techniques evident within the cycle in MS 500 is critical to understanding the intricacy of how it was made. It will assist in identifying the number of artists or teams of artists which in turn will help in determining if 13

14

Stavelot Triptych, poss. Liège, c. 1156–58. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, AZ001. William Voelkle, The Stavelot Triptych: Mosan Art and the Legend of the True Cross (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1980). Helen C. Evans, and William D. Wixom, ed, The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, a.d. 843–1261 (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997), 461–463, Fig. 301. Swarzenski, “Nicholas Verdun”, 114.

Figure 19

Stavelot Triptych, poss. Liège, c. 1156–58. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, AZ001.

the cycle was created over an extended period of time. It will also shed light on whether particularly skilled artists worked only on the most important miniatures, namely, the entombment and soul of Amand and the glorification of Amand. Of particular interest here is the evidence of an innovative style that manifested itself in northern France for a brief period towards the end of the twelfth century and which is evident in these two depictions. Finally, it will also assist in explaining why the order of folia was altered. 3.2

Transmission and Possible Sources

Of particular interest in the cycle in MS 500 are the peculiar techniques employed to render figures and drapery, especially those of gathering Y+Z, which compare favourably with those in a contemporary manuscript of Commentaries on Boethius by Gilbert de la Porrée, made at Saint-Amand in last quarter of the twelfth century.15 These include well-proportioned bodies, softer flowing drapery, rounded and more plastic forms generally, and the use of thick black outlines and strong colours. Artistic links have been suggested between MS 500 and miniatures in other manuscripts of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, such as the Floreffe Bible, possibly from Liège, c. 1153–1170, and the Paris Psalter, made in Canterbury, c.  1180.16 The manuscripts in this group all demonstrate a softer, rounded, more modelled form in contrast to the 15 16

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 197. Floreffe Bible, London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, see n20 below. Paris Psalter, Paris, BnF, lat. 8846, commentary and the full facsimile,

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rigid figures of the Romanesque, yet on close inspection each expresses the new form in an individual way. The term “transitional”, used by some late-twentieth-century scholars to describe this style because it emerged during the late Romanesque and the early Gothic periods, has subsequently fallen out of favour since it incorrectly implied a style that presaged the Gothic.17 Adelheid Heimann comments that “though the label ‘transitional’ is perhaps not very felicitous, it serves at least to establish this period as a stylistic entity of its own”.18 In this she is correct; the techniques do stand alone as a feature of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries but appear not to have been pursued thereafter. Whereas some scholars have compared the figures of MS 500 with those of the Floreffe Bible, the similarity between the techniques in the two sets of miniatures is tenuous at best.19 Scholars generally agree that the Floreffe Bible was produced between 1153 and 1170; of unknown provenance, it has been assigned to the vicinity of SaintAmand (Fig. 20).20 While in general the proportions of the figures are not exaggerated in either of the manuscripts, the stiff figures in the Floreffe Bible are rooted in the Romanesque and therefore contrast with the smoother, more rounded forms in MS 500. Both manuscripts share the use of nested ‘V’ folds to emphasize the limbs, and elliptical areas in drapery to accent the thigh, as with the monk in the lower register, f. 55r, MS 500 (Appx. A5 cf. Fig. 20). However other techniques demonstrate differences. Some drapery in the Floreffe Bible clings to the body in the damp-fold manner and wraps tightly around the arms and legs creating tension in the figures. An example is Joseph’s brown cloak, top left in the miniature, which wraps tightly around his right arm (Fig. 20). Conversely, the drapery in MS 500 generally hangs loosely with fewer areas contained by ellipses and with large

painted areas employed to represent voluminous cloaks. The figures in the Floreffe Bible are themselves more constrained in so far as the arms are held close to the body with the legs only slightly apart, unlike the open and expressive figures of MS 500. The Rabanus Maurus, De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis from nearby Anchin Abbey, c. 1175, made at about the same time as the Commentaries on Boethius discussed above, and slightly earlier than MS 500, merits comparison with the latter.21 The softness of form in De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis is similar to MS 500; it also lacks the rigid elliptical forms of the Floreffe Bible and thus allows the drapery to hang loosely. Although its palette includes strong colours, in De Laudibus the tones are paler due to the presence of more white so that the miniatures lack the dynamism that strength of colour brings to MS 500. The figures in the Anchin manuscript, especially the seated figures, also have disproportionately extended arms and squat bodies, unlike the generally well-proportioned figures of MS 500, but nonetheless represent another example of a departure from the elongated, rigid figures of the Romanesque. The large Souvigny Bible, c. 1183–1206, has also elicited comparison with MS 500 (Fig. 21).22 The figures and drapery in the miniatures of this Bible, which slightly postdates MS 500, although softer in comparison to some late Romanesque works such as the Floreffe Bible, nonetheless lack the innovative stylization of MS 500. Comparison of the miniature of Jonah and the whale in the Souvigny Bible with Amand in the tempest with Saint Peter on f. 58v, upper register, demonstrates that the former used a paler palette and elongated faces and rendered the sea in a more fussy, over-elaborate way than did the Amand miniature (Fig. 21 cf. Appx. A.12). The Paris Psalter provides the greatest similarity with the techniques employed in MS 500 (Figs. 22, 23).23 Some

Salterio Anglo-Catalán, ed. Nigel Morgan et al., 2 vols. (Barcelona: M. Moleiro Editor S.A., 2004). 17 Adelheid Heimann, “The Last Copy of the Utrecht Psalter”, in The Year 1200: A Symposium (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1975), 322–323. Dodwell, Painting in Europe, 205–207, and Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 404–405, discuss the “transitional” style. 18 Heimann, “The Last Copy”, 323. 19 Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 206, suggests some figures are comparable. 20 Suzanne Gevaert, “Le Modèle de la Bible de Floreffe”, Revue Belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 5 (1935): 17. Gretel Chapman, “The Bible of Floreffe: Redating of a Romanesque Manuscript”, Gesta 10, no. 2 (1971): 52. Dodwell, Painting in Europe, 162. Gretel Chapman, “The Floreffe Bible Revisited”, Manuscripta 35 , no. 2 (1991), 96–137. Werner Telesko, “The Picture of the Crucifixion in the Floreffe Bible (London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 187r): Typology as an Expression of the History of Salvation”, British Library Journal 19, no. 1 (1993): 105. Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 273.

21

22

23

Douai, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 340. Dodwell, Painting in Europe, 206. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:155, no. 129, and 159–160, no.133. Maurits Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures from the 8th to the mid-16th Century: The Medieval World on Parchment (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 73–75, 110, no. 34. Marc Gil, “Louanges à la Sainte Croix”, in Une Renaissance, 124, no. 62. The most detailed study being Gameson, “A Scribe’s Confession”. Moulins, Médiathèque de Moulins Communauté, MS 1. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:53–55, no 43. Patricia Stirnemann, Nouveau Regard sur la Bible de Souvigny (Moulins: Ville de Moulins, 1999). Walter Cahn, and Patricia Stirnemann, La Bible de Souvigny (Souvigny: Ville de Souvigny, 2007). Paris Psalter, Paris, BnF, lat. 8846. H. Omont, Psautier Illustré (xiiie siècle): Reproduction des 107 Miniatures du Manuscrit Latin 8846 de laBibliothèqueNationale(Paris:BerthaudFrères,1906). M.R.James, “Four Leaves of an English Psalter 12th century”, in The Walpole Society, 25 (Oxford: Frederick Hall, 1937), 2, 18–23. C.R. Dodwell,

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

Figure 20 Incipit page, Matthew, Floreffe Bible, Meuse Valley, c. 1170. London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 168r.

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Figure 21

Jonah thrown overboard, Souvigny Bible, Cluny Abbey, c. 1183–1206, Moulin. Moulins, Médiathèque de Moulins Communauté, MS 1, f. 196v.

of its pages are divided into several scenes, f. 3r being divided into twelve equal areas depicting scenes from the life of Christ. On this page, although the figures are elongated, they share the same manner of depicting legs and feet as MS 500, for example in the upper register of f. 65r (Fig. 22 cf. Appx. A.25). In comparing the depictions of the small crowd of servants on the right of Christ, part of the Miracle of Cana in the upper register in the Paris Psalter leaf, with the scene in which Amand meets the Basque, it can be seen that both groups, comprising several individuals, show only two pairs of legs. In addition, the feet hang loosely from the ankle, giving the figures the ­appearance both of movement and of floating above the ground. The feet and legs are portrayed in this manner in all the scenes on this page and on the first four pages of the Paris Psalter, ff. 1–4; they are portrayed similarly throughout MS 500. This technique stands as a counterpoise to the static ­figures of the Romanesque and the weighted figures of the Floreffe Bible, the Rabanus Maurus, De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis and the Souvigny Bible (Figs. 20, 21).

The Canterbury School of Illumination: 1066–1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), 98–99, pl. 67, 69, 70a,c. Heimann, “The Last Copy”, 313–314. Nigel Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts: 1190–1250, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, ed. J.J.G. Alexander (London: Harvey Miller, 1982), 1:47–49, no. 1. Full facsimile, Salterio Anglo-Catalán.

Figure 22 Christ and servants, Paris Psalter, Canterbury, c. 1200. Paris, BnF, lat. 8846, f. 3r.

Another favourable comparison between the Paris Psalter and MS 500 is the technique used to depict a veiled woman. In the Paris Psalter the Virgin, depicted on the left in another scene from the Miracle of Cana, wears a veil that is softly contoured over the head and around the face and indents on the right to indicate the ear (Fig. 23). A similar technique is employed in MS 500 in the miniature of the consecration of Saint Gertrude for the woman in a blue veil on the right; her head is similarly inclined, and the veil moulds around the face and neck exposing the earlobe (Fig. 23 cf. Appx. A.24). The use of a thick black contour line around figures and objects in MS 500 is one of its defining features; it is employed in the manuscripts discussed above, and, as noted, is also a feature of Mosan enamels. This technique evokes the appearance of stained glass windows, which used black lead to define shapes and to hold the glass.24 Although no direct parallels between the figures in MS 500 and those in stained glass windows have been found, Chapman establishes similarities between those in the Floreffe Bible and the stained-glass windows at Châlons-sur-Marne.25 There is therefore at least the possibility of transmission between stained glass windows and the miniatures in MS 500.

24 Smeyers, Flemish miniatures, 67. 25 Chapman, “The Bible of Floreffe”, 49.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

37

Figure 23 The Virgin, Paris Psalter, Canterbury, c. 1200. Paris, BnF, lat. 8846, f. 3r.

While the artists of MS 500 may have derived some artistic features from the colours and techniques used in stained glass windows, their rounded and smoothly modelled forms may also have been informed by observation of the similarly smooth and rounded forms of three-dimensional works such as bronze sculptures or even ivories. The drapery on the figures on the Huy font, for example, made between 1107 and 1118, is similarly simplified, and the rounded forms betray their original carving in wax.26 The shadows from the folds on the drapery might have appeared to the artists of the miniatures as thick black lines around the smooth forms. In an example from the font, John the Baptist clutches his cloak in a manner similar to the bishop’s assistant in the lower register, f. 65r (Fig. 24 cf. Appx. A.25). The miniature portrays the drapery in an almost realistic way, conveying the softness of the cloak in a manner similar to the cloak on the Huy font. Similarities can also be observed with smaller bronzes such as the Meuse bronze statuette of Prudence, whose veil is rendered in much the same simple way as the veil on the woman in MS 500, f. 64v, top right (Fig. 25 cf. A.24).27 A final comparison may be made with a thirteenthcentury walrus ivory chess piece from north Germany or

26

27

Figure 24 The baptism of Christ, Rainer of Huy, baptismal font, bronze, Liège, St. Barthélemy, 1107–18.

Peter Lasko, Ars Sacra: 800–1200, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 171. Geneviève Xhayet, and Robert Halleux, eds, Études sur les fonts baptismaux de Saint-Barthélemy à Liège. (Liège: Céfal, 2006), 128. Paris, Louvre, OA 5908. Une Renaissance, 76, no. 14. Figure 25 Bronze statuette of Prudence, Meuse, c. 1150–60. Paris, Louvre, OA 5908.

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Figure 26 Walrus ivory chess piece, north Germany or Scandinavia, thirteenth century. Schwerin, Staatliches Museum, Schwerin, KH 1871.

Scandinavia, worn smooth through handling (Fig. 26).28 The drapery of the musician on the left is caught at the waist and is rendered as distinct rounded folds in exactly the manner in which folds are portrayed on the grey tunic of the Basque on f. 65r of MS 500 where shading and highlighting convey the thickness of the tunic’s fabric (Fig. 26 cf. Appx. A.25). While it is unlikely that these items were a direct source for the artists of MS 500, the roundness of form and gentle curves on these sculptures indicate how the supple, stylized figures in the cycle of Amand were part of a common visual language in the region. 3.3

Comparisons of the Miniatures

The previous chapter demonstrated that the planning of the miniatures in MS 500 was altered at an advanced stage. 28 Schwerin, Staatliches Museum, Schwerin, KH 1871. Hans Holländer, and Barbara Holländer, eds., Schachpartie durch Zeiten und Welten (Heidelberg: Edition Braus, 2005), 58, 62, Fig.  33. Gothic Ivories Project, Courtauld Institute of Art, accessed September 2014, http://www.gothicivories.courtauld .ac.uk/images/ivory/63147b40_3abab196.html.

The result was that the first page depicting Amand with his parents and leaving for the monastery, f. 53r, and the terminating page depicting the entombment of Amand and the his soul with Christ, f. 62v, were isolated from the other miniatures on a recto and verso at the beginning and end of the cycle respectively. The following discussion focuses on the artists of the miniatures and the techniques they employed since the miniatures of Amand’s entombment and soul on the last folio are noticeably different from the other miniatures in the cycle. These miniatures appear to have been completed with particular care, no doubt due to their importance. The miniature of the glorification of Amand, f. 68r, demonstrates a similarly high level of competency (Appx. A.29 cf. A.20), so it too will be considered in this discussion. Investigation will centre on the artists in an effort to establish if a ‘master illuminator’ was specially engaged to create these miniatures. Consideration of the different techniques employed within the cycle will underscore the innovative elements of the depiction of the soul of Amand with Christ. Although the techniques employed in preliminary drawings I and II are entirely consistent, the same cannot be said of the miniatures. Whereas superficially they appear to be homogenous, sharing a generally symmetrical arrangement, similar palette and well-proportioned figures, closer inspection reveals different techniques. This suggests participation of at least two artists and possibly three or more. Boutemy credits a single artist with the production of all the miniatures, whereas Cerny and Abou-el-Haj identify three.29 Cerny argues that one artist was responsible for the first two folia of gathering X (ff. 53r, 54v), with the remainder of the miniatures in this gathering (ff. 55–58) the product of another artist, and that a third artist created the miniatures in gathering Y+Z (ff. 59–66) and f. 68. Cerny is correct in the limited sense that the evidence indicates two or more artists were involved in the cycle. However, his certainty regarding the division of artistic responsibility amongst the bifolia and gatherings is unjustified: the process was more complex. A focus on techniques suggests: first, it is likely that more than one artist worked on some miniatures; second, there were varying levels of competency amongst those artists involved in the cycle; third, one artist may have copied another artist’s techniques and employed them on the miniature on which he was currently working; finally, for reasons of his own, an artist may have changed the techniques he was using during his execution of a miniature. 29

Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 244–245. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 240–257. Abou-el-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 120.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

Cerny applies the Morellian technique and, by associating particular styles and artistic traits with specific artists, identifies the work of three artists. But more recent discussions of comparable works, such as the St Alban’s Psalter and the Bible Moralisée, have emphasised the value of a more flexible approach.30 Thus, in analysing the miniatures in MS 500, while noting some Morellian differences and similarities, attention is also paid to the stylistic differences within the cycle that give the miniatures a less cohesive overall appearance than one might otherwise expect. Because the cycle, concerning as it does the abbey’s founder saint, was an important work and should therefore have been executed with all due diligence, the possible reasons for stylistic diversity form part of the discussion. This in turn leads to a consideration of the ways in which artists might have worked that ultimately resulted in the miniatures of MS 500. Due to their importance, the first two pages to be analysed are those of Amand’s entombment, soul and glorification, ff. 62v and 68r. In this section discussion will consider palette, figures, drapery, nimbi and facial details. This will be followed by similar analysis and comparison of the folia in the two gatherings, X and Y+Z. The decorative frames on the pages of miniatures are discussed in a separate section in this chapter since analysis necessarily encompasses the cycle as a whole. The charts in Appendix F summarize my analysis of the techniques involved and may be profitably used in conjunction with the remainder of this chapter. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v. Amand’s Entombment and Soul, and f. 68r His Glorification (Appx. A.20, A.29) The working premise in this analysis of the artistic techniques in the cycle of the life of Amand is that those responsible would have instructed a ‘master artist’ to execute the important miniatures on ff. 62v, 68r. Despite the considerable damage to the entombment and soul miniatures on f. 62v, inspection confirms that the artist was highly skilled and that the miniatures compare favourably with the glorification miniature, f. 68r, which shows only minor 3.3.1

30 Lowden, Bibles Moralisées, 1: 37, observes: “differences and similarities certainly exist. But I am uncertain how to interpret this observation. Even setting aside the question of the relationship between the final paint layer and what lies beneath, one has to ask how significant the differences within the work of a single artist can be (a question to which at this period it is not possible to give a satisfactory reply). What of the assistant who could imitate his master’s style to perfection and whose work would thus be undetectable?” See Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 123–124.

39

evidence of damage and which may have been the work of the same artist. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Palette The palette for the miniatures on ff. 62v and 68r is the same: red-orange, blue, blue-green, grey and large areas of gold. Both employ thick black contour lines around figures, architecture and objects. This palette and the use of thick black contour lines are also evident throughout gathering Y+Z, as will be discussed in due course. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Horizontal Bars Each page with miniatures is divided by horizontal bars outlined by black lines: f. 62v into two registers and f. 68r into four. On the lower edge of the bars on both pages the black line is embellished by a series of small white dots, itself a distinguishing feature in gathering Y+Z. Within the lines the colour of the bar fades from the lower line upwards to white. On f. 62r the dividing bar is blue to white. On f. 68r the bars demonstrate the techniques of f. 62r, but the upper line is wavy not straight. The first register fades from brown to white; the second register from grey to white; the third register, orange-red to white. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Figures, and Facial Features In general, the figures are rendered in a soft, rounded manner. The faces and features of the figures in these two pages are modelled using similar techniques. The faces and necks are pink; the tops of the foreheads and cheeks are shaded with red or pale green; the chins and jaw-lines are shaded with pale green but occasionally also in pale red; the eye areas are shaded with green. Of particular note are the emotions conveyed by the facial expressions, which the artists render so eloquently and which set these miniatures apart from the others in the cycle. The features of the three monks on the right in the entombment scene delineated using thin black lines show reverence and sorrow, evoking a mood of pathos. In the glorification painting, the upturned faces of those in the lower register convey the awe and reverence they experience at seeing Amand, which counterpoints the serenity on the faces of the angels in the upper register. The lips in both pages are painted using a black line for the upper lip, prominently shaped and highlighted above with a thin white line; the lower lip is full and red with a black contour line that also forms the chin; between the two lips there is a pink gap the colour of the face. The almond eye shape is created by two lines, top and bottom, which meet at the inside edges. The lines at the

40 outer edges generally also meet and extend towards the ear. A large single black dot is used for both the iris and pupil with the eyeball painted white; the line that creates one of the eyebrows often extends downwards to define the nose. These methods of constructing facial features are employed throughout gathering Y+Z but not with the same level of skill. They are markedly different from the method used in gathering X. The face of Amand in the glorification miniature is exquisitely rendered and is clearly the work of a highly skilled artist. The shape of the face is almost identical to that of the officiating bishop in the entombment miniature. Despite considerable wear, it is possible to distinguish in the bishop the same curve of nose, rendering of hair and shape of beard as in the glorified Amand. The elongated eye is particularly noticeable in the image of Amand in the glorification scene; care has been taken with his left eye to denote the white eyeball surrounded on the right by pink, with the green and white shading echoing the elongated shape. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Drapery The manner in which drapery is painted is similar on the two pages with the uniform use of a darker shade to indicate folds. The cloaks, including the red-orange cloak of the kneeling angels and of the Christ figure in the soul scene, are highlighted with a white stroke around the edge, and this technique is also employed in the glorification painting on the edges of the cloaks, including the redorange cloaks of the female figures in the second register. The sleeves of the tunics covering the lower arm in both paintings are characterized by a series of irregular arcs to indicate the volume of cloth at the wrist. Both paintings use cross-hatching on the drapery but in different ways. In the miniature with the soul of Amand, it is employed to embellish the girdle worn by the Christ figure. In the glorification scene it is used on the underside of the blue cloaks of the angels in the upper register, which could either be interpreted as shading or as a decorative feature. Although most of the glorification miniature was clearly painted by a skilled artist, the female figures in the second register are of lesser quality. The veil of the figure on the left appears clumsy, flat and formulaic. It hugs the contours of the jaw on the right side, thus defying gravity and appearing less than credible. The intent may have been to draw it as two areas, but the head covering and the draped cloth on the front of the neck are not divided by black outlines in the same manner as the veil of the figure on the right. The artist apparently misinterpreted the model from which he was copying. Although the veil of the figure on the right is more credible, the body

Chapter 3

­ roportions are odd, with the lower body and legs too p small for the torso and head. In addition, while the face is neatly shaped, the iris and pupils are misaligned. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Scrollwork In the glorification miniature thin white scrolls decorate the thigh area on the tunic of the kneeling female figure on the right in the second register, and there are traces of scrollwork on the female figure on the left. There is also minor scrollwork on the red-orange cloaks of two figures on the lower register. There is no evidence of scrollwork on the soul and entombment scenes. It is not impossible that the delicate white lines may have flaked off, but no traces are visible; given the subject, it might have been deemed inappropriate to apply such a decorative feature to the drapery in this page. It is more likely, however, that different artists were employed in creating the miniature. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Nimbi The nimbi are constructed in the same manner in the two pages, and throughout gathering Y+Z, with a solid colour surrounded by a white line and outer black contour line. Both the deceased Amand and the glorified Amand have blue nimbi as do Christ and the angels. The soul of Amand on f. 62v has a gold nimbus, the only nimbus in the cycle to be rendered in this manner. Gathering Y+Z, f. 62v, and f. 68r. Summary These miniatures, and particularly the figures of Amand, have generally been executed with a high level of competence. There are strong similarities between them, which include soft, rounded forms, the palette and the use of colour for modelling facial features and drapery. It is possible, however, that a number of artists collaborated in executing these miniatures, whereby one artist completed the figures and drapery, another the facial details. Alternatively, it is conceivable that artists with different levels of ability collaborated on them; for example, on f. 68r one artist may have painted all elements except for the two kneeling female figures, which may have been the work of a less skilled artist. 3.3.2 Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v (Appx. A.1, A.4) The first two folia in gathering X and therefore in the miniature cycle (ff. 53, 54) have had their partner folia excised (see Chapter 2, Diag. 2). Comparison of these miniatures with the paintings of Amand’s entombment, soul and glorification (ff. 62v, 68r) confirms that the techniques used in these two sets of folia are very different. This observation, coupled with the high level of skill evident in both sets

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

of miniatures, suggests that different artists, not the same artists working with different techniques, executed them. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Palette The palette for the miniatures on these two pages, and for the other miniatures in gathering X, includes more colours than those for the entombment, soul, and glorification miniatures, incorporating, as it does, green, a deeper tone of pink, and a different shade of blue. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Horizontal Bars The bar separating the two registers on these pages is painted white and outlined by black lines, as it is on all other pages of miniatures in gathering X. In this respect it differs from the separating bars on ff. 62v, 68r and the other pages of miniatures in gathering Y+Z, which are painted with two colours which merge together. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Figures, and Facial Features The figures on these two pages are more delicately rendered than those in either gathering Y+Z or f. 68r. They are also somewhat more elongated and in some cases have inconsistent proportions. On f. 53r the young Amand is extremely thin, while the head of the boatman is too small in relation to the body; the same is true for Amand’s head in relation to his body on f. 54v in the upper register. The manner in which the faces are painted also differs between these two pages and gathering Y+Z and f. 68r. The faces on the figures of ff. 53r, 54v have been created using a base of pale green, not pink as with ff. 62v, 68r. While the shading around the eyes is green, as on ff. 62v, 68r, albeit of a deeper shade, ff. 53r, 54v use white at the jaw-line under the chin with an area of green on the neck below the white, creating a highlight rather than shadow. The lips of the faces on ff. 53r, 54v are also constructed in a manner not encountered in the entombment and soul miniatures: the lower lip is red with a thin black line directly above it forming the contours of the upper lip; the upper lip itself is a thin red line echoing the shape of the black centre line. This technique is used throughout gathering X, except for f. 55r which also employs a pink base. Other aspects which distinguish these two sets of pages include the way in which ears and noses are painted. In all instances on ff. 53r, 54v, the whole ear is detailed, while on ff. 62v, 68r only the lobes are shown. The manner in which the nose is portrayed is generally the same in both sets of pages, but the nostrils on ff. 53r, 54v are detailed in black. Finally, there are notable differences in the shape of the eyes. On ff. 53r, 54v, as well as throughout gathering X, the eyes are created by black lines, closed at the inner edge

41

and, although extended towards the ear, as on ff. 62v, 68r, are open at the outer edge; they are not enclosed as on ff. 62v, 68r. Both sets of pages show the eyeball white with a single black dot for the iris and pupil. Some of the similarities in the two sets of pages may perhaps be explained as a consequence of formulae shared by artists from a common background. Differences in minor details, however, in line with the Morellian method, suggest the possibility of different artists. The formation of the ears, complete in ff. 53r, 54v, are rendered only as lobes in the entombment, soul and glorification miniatures; the lips are constructed differently in the two sets of pages; and the eyes, open at the outer edges on ff. 53r, 54v, are closed on ff. 62v, 68r. These differences imply that there may have been two artists or that the same artist chose to change how he dealt with these smaller details. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Drapery The drapery on the robes on ff. 53r, 54v in some instances is less detailed than that on ff. 62v, 68r, especially concerning the volume of fabric at the waist. On f. 53r, Amand wears a red-orange tunic caught at the waist with simple dark red-orange lines to denote the shadow and bulk of cloth. In the entombment painting the officiating bishop, the monk holding the book and, in particular, the monk in red-orange robes on the right, all wear garments held at the waist with the shadow created by the bulk of fabric rendered through the use of a darker tone, characterized by more than one stroke and the use of black. Conversely, the clothing of Amand’s parents in the upper register of f. 53r is rendered as more angular and has considerably more concentric lines and arcs to indicate the folds than does the clothing of any of the figures on ff. 62v, 68r. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Scrollwork There is no scrollwork on these pages or elsewhere in gathering X. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Nimbi The method of constructing nimbi on these pages is markedly different from ff. 62v, 68r and from the others in the cycle. They are constructed with a flat colour, green or orange, outlined by a single pale green or white border. Gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v. Summary It seems unlikely, although not impossible, that the artists who painted the miniatures at the beginning of the cycle would have been able to alter their techniques and manner of handling detail in order to execute ff. 62v, 68r with such a high level of competency. For this to occur, the artists would surely have had to practise the ­different

42 t­echniques for some considerable time to achieve the degree of skill necessary to produce the level of excellence that characterises Amand’s entombment, soul and glorification miniatures. The combination of differences in detail and technique, coupled with the high level of competency noted in both sets of pages, strongly suggest that different artists, or perhaps different teams of artists, worked on pages ff. 53r, 54v and ff. 62v, 68r respectively. 3.3.3 Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r (Appx. A.5–A.12) The remaining miniatures on the folia in gathering X are located on two bifolia, ff. 58, 55, and ff. 56, 57. Each will be considered separately since it is likely that the same artist or team of artists may have worked on a single bifolium.31 They are curious in so far as they reflect a mixture of techniques, and Cerny assigns all the miniatures on these bifolia to a different artist from the one, who, in his view, painted ff. 53r, 54v. The miniatures on ff. 55r–58v, however, also appear to demonstrate certain characteristics observed in the first two folia; in addition, the common detailing, along with the lack of cohesion in the techniques, implies that they could be the product of the same artist or team of artists using, perhaps experimentally, different techniques. Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Palette, Horizontal Bars The palette and the horizontal bars are the same on these pages as they are on ff. 53r, 54v. Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Figures, and Facial Features The artists of the miniatures on this bifolium generally employ the same techniques to create facial details as those in ff. 54v, 53r. Thus, throughout gathering X the techniques for eyes, lips, nose, facial highlighting and neck shadows are the same. It must be noted that the green base for faces the artists favoured on single sheets ff. 54v, 53r also occurs on f. 58v whereas whoever created f. 55r employed a pink base. Unusually, although Amand had yet to reach old age, on f. 58v his hair colour is depicted as white but then reverts to brown in succeeding miniatures. This also occurs in gathering X on f. 57r. A similar conceit occurs in gathering Y+Z, where his hair changes from brown to yellow and then back to brown again. The reason for these changes relates to events where divine intervention takes place through Amand and is discussed in Chapter 4.

31 Alexander, Medieval Illuminators, 49, discusses this method of working.

Chapter 3

Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Drapery The artists of the miniatures on conjoint pages ff. 58v, 55r differed in how they applied pigment since it is thicker than in the other miniatures in gathering X, except for f. 56v, and is therefore similar to the manner of application on ff. 62v, 68r. But the artists did not succeed in marrying their manner of applying pigment with the delicate rendering of features and drapery so characteristic of ff. 62v, 68r. Rather, there is insufficient contrast between the thickness of the black contour lines used for encasing figures and those used for facial features, giving a heavier appearance to the miniatures; in addition, the faces display little or no emotion, unlike the pathos and joy so evident on ff. 62v, 68r. Further, the contrast between the colours used to create the folds in the drapery is so great that the garments appear to have been clumsily executed in comparison with ff. 62v, 68r. An example of this is the monk on the left of the lower register on f. 55r; the artist has attempted to render the drapery on the right thigh of the monk by using an elliptical shape in a manner similar to that used for the angels in the soul miniature and in the kneeling female figures in the glorification miniature. The overall effect, however, is to dissociate the shape from the figure rather than to enhance it, so that it looks clumsy and ill-considered.32 In the miniature on f. 58v, the drapery on the two figures in the centre of the lower register, one clothed in red-orange the other in blue, provides further examples of this technique. These two figures also demonstrate a particular conceit whereby the folds at the elbows are emphasized either as a double ‘C’ shape (red-orange tunic) or a double ‘S’ (blue tunic). Similar features are also to be found on figures on the left of the upper registers on f. 55r in the blue-green tunic of the man holding the book and the brown tunic of the monk. This perhaps implies that one artist completed the drapery on both pages while different artists completed the faces, one working on the verso of this bifolium, another on the recto. Another possibility is that the same artist worked on the faces but changed his techniques to use the pink base characteristic of ff. 62v, 68r. Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Scrollwork There is no scrollwork on these folia or elsewhere in gathering X. Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Nimbi On f. 55r both depictions of Amand are without nimbi (the only instances of such), whereas the bishop on the 32

See Chapter 3, 34, the use of heavy ellipses compares favourably with those in the Floreffe Bible. The artists may have been at­tempting to emulate this technique.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

upper register and the monk and bishop on the lower register have orange nimbi outlined in white with a black border decorated with white dots. On the conjoint face of the bifolium, f. 58v, in the upper register Saint Peter has a similar nimbus surrounded by a white outline followed by a black contour line decorated with white dots; Amand’s nimbus mirrors Saint Peter’s but without the white dots. In the lower register Amand’s nimbus is the same as Saint Peter’s in the upper register. These are the only miniatures in the cycle in which dotted nimbi occur. Gathering X, ff. 58v, 55r. Summary This bifolium is distinctive for three reasons. First, the heavy application of pigment gives a somewhat clumsy appearance to the miniatures. This may have been an attempt to emulate the techniques employed to better effect in gathering Y+Z and f. 68r. Second, the white-dotted nimbi are not depicted elsewhere in the cycle–although the white dotted technique is employed throughout gathering Y+Z to underscore the horizontal bar separating the registers. Third, the emphatic, heavy, use of ‘C’ and ‘S’ shapes at the elbow for the garment folds are also not employed elsewhere. 3.3.4 Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r (Appx. A.8, A.9) Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Palette, Horizontal Bars The palette and the horizontal bars are the same on these pages as they are on ff. 53r, 54v, and throughout gathering X. Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Figures, and Facial Features This bifolium occupies the centre of the gathering so that the episodes in the four miniatures run consecutively. In each of the miniatures the eyes of the figures are formed in the same manner as those on ff. 53r, 54v, that is, with two lines, which meet at the inner edge and open at the outer edge. Other details demonstrating the same techniques as those found in the first two pages include lips, white highlights across the brows and down the nose and white highlighting under the chin. In addition, f. 57r is another instance where artists indicate events of divine intervention by depicting Amand with white hair. Nonetheless, the miniatures on ff. 56v, 57r differ from those on ff. 53r, 54v in important ways. Except for the man ejecting Amand from the church in Rome in the upper register of f. 56v, all the figures on ff. 56v, 57r have earlobes rather than a complete ear. While the long wispy beard of the figure on the right of the upper register of f. 57r does appear similar to that of Amand’s father on f. 53r, the other beards in the bifolium are executed with an ­undulating contour line. The only exception is the beard of Saint

43

Peter in the lower register of f. 56v, which is c­ reated by using a simple curved line and is similar in shape to that of Amand in the glorification miniature. Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Drapery The execution of drapery on this bifolium not only differs in technique from the first two pages in gathering X, ff. 53r, 54v, but also differs from one page to the other. The use of the black contour line on f. 57r is in general more delicate than that on f. 56v. The garments on f. 57r use larger areas of flat colour and simple strokes of a darker shade to denote the folds whereas f. 56v employs, albeit in slightly simpler form, the type of rendering observed on the first page, f. 53r, with concentric lines of colour and highlighting. This difference is particularly noticeable in Amand’s red tunic and brown-beige cloak in the lower register of f. 56v in which the artist used a large quantity of white for highlights and different shades of fabric colour to create the folds, in comparison to the brown-beige cloaks of the bishops in the upper register of f. 57r, which have no white highlights. Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Scrollwork There is no scrollwork on this bifolium or elsewhere in gathering X. Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Nimbi On this bifolium the flat coloured nimbi have concentric outer borders of white and black, a characteristic of gathering Y+Z and f. 68r. This is not consistent with the other techniques for painting nimbi in this gathering. Gathering X, ff. 56v, 57r. Summary It appears that the artists of bifolium ff. 56v, 57r do employ some of the techniques from the first two pages in gathering X, in particular, the way in which the features of the face are constructed (although this could also indicate the use of formulaic procedures to create certain details rather than premeditated copying of a technique employed on ff. 53r, 54v). However, ff. 56v, 57r also differ from ff. 53r, 54v in certain details such as earlobes and beard shapes, some of which are the distinguishing traits of the artists of ff. 62v, 68r. This supports the view that, contrary to Cerny’s argument, the same artists may have worked both on ff. 53r, 54v and on this bifolium, possibly experimenting with techniques found on ff. 62v, 68r. Where the miniatures of bifolium ff. 56v, 57r differ substantially from each other is in their use of black contour lines and pigment thicknesses so that f. 57r has a more delicate appearance overall than f. 56v. This delicacy is also apparent in the different ways in which the drapery on the miniatures have been portrayed on ff. 56v, 57r although folds are rendered

44 in a more simplified manner than on the first two pages. This simplified technique could be indicative either of an attempt to emulate, with limited success, the innovative techniques employed ff. 62v, 68r or of different artists working on each page of the bifolium. 3.3.5 Gathering Y+Z, ff. 59r–66v, All Folia (Appx. A.13–A.28) The four bifolia that comprise gathering Y+Z generally demonstrate the use of those techniques discussed above for ff. 62v, 68r. Gathering Y+Z, All Folia. Palette, Horizontal Bars Within gathering Y+Z, the palette is the same as on ff. 62v, 68r and is consistent throughout. The horizontal bars are outlined with black lines, with the lower line decorated with a series of small white dots. Within the lines the colours fade to white from the lower line upwards, as they also did in ff. 62v and 68r, but they are not consistent throughout the gathering, unlike gathering X: ff. 60v, 66v, 64v and 65r, fade from grey to white; f. 62v, blue to white; f. 59r, pale green to white; f. 61r, blue to white, f. 63r, pale green to white. The grey-to-white bars are on the versos and the centre of the gathering, ff. 64v, 65r, while the other colours are on rectos. There is no apparent link between colour choice for dividing bars and subject matter. Gathering Y+Z, All Folia. Drapery, Nimbi The drapery in the miniatures on ff. 59r, 66v is executed with as much care and skill as on ff. 62v, 68r and uses similar techniques for shading and folds. The nimbi are generally consistent–blue with white and black contour lines as they are with Amand and Christ on ff. 62v, 68r–with only three colour variations: f. 59r, pink; f. 60v, orange; f. 64v, brown. Gathering Y+Z, ff. 59r–66v, All Folia, Facial Features (Appx. A.13–A.28) Because in general the execution of the miniatures on Y+Z is similar to those on ff. 62v, 68r, the following discussion will focus on the disparity in the execution of faces within the gathering, with particular emphasis on Amand, in order to try to identify the number of artists that may have worked on these miniatures. For example, paintings of the face of Amand, the founder saint, differ in quality: face shapes in some miniatures have awkward proportions while in others the black facial detailing is haphazard. Divergence in execution strongly suggests the work of at least two artists or teams of artists on this gathering. 3.3.6

Chapter 3

Gathering Y+Z, ff. 62v, 59r. Facial Features The miniatures on f. 59r have suffered extensive damage. The upper register portrays the building of churches in Ghent while the lower register depicts Amand being exiled. Thus, it is unlikely that the damage was caused by devotional contact. Rather, it is possibly a consequence of this folio being the first of the gathering, if, as seems likely, binding took place after a considerable lapse of time. That is, given that the conjoint page with the important entombment and soul scenes, f. 62v, also suffered damage, it is possible that this bifolium remained unbound for some time, perhaps to allow access for devotions to f. 62v, and suffered as a consequence. Or, since the first page of the first gathering, X, f. 53r, also suffered damage, both gatherings may have been prepared but then set aside for some time for some unknown reason. This physical evidence supports the arguments of Boutemy and Cerny, discussed in Chapter 2, that the miniature cycle was completed after the vita, possibly intended as a separate item, but was later inserted into the manuscript. These miniatures also appear to have been repaired at some later date, but by a less skilful artist.33 In the entombment scene in the lower register of f. 62v, there is diffuse wear. The face of the monk holding the liturgical book is not consistent with the well-executed faces of the monks on the right. The face of the former has a rounded jaw line, which creates an unattractive, fleshy face; the nose is equally unrefined and includes a single vertical line of green shading down its length, which does not occur on any of the other faces in the cycle. The blank face of Christ in the upper register may be the result of an early stage in a sequence of repair that was never completed. That this area would have suffered greatly through devotional contact is highly probable, although it does not exhibit the diffuse damage that might be expected, as can be seen in the lower register around the liturgical book. The texture of the parchment and pigment on the face is rough and unlike that of any other area of pigment in the cycle of miniatures. This granular texture only extends to the pigment within the black outline of the face. This may have been the result of careful erasure during the iconoclasm of the French Revolution; alternatively, it may represent a preparatory stage of repair in which the remaining features of the face were erased with the original black outline repainted in preparation

33 Kristine Edmondson Haney, The Winchester Psalter an Iconographic Study (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1986), 70, concludes that this practice occurred regarding the Winchester Psalter.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

for the features to be completed at a later time, a process that, for whatever reason, was not carried out. The faces of Amand in both registers of f. 59r are distinctly different from one another and are poorly ­executed. In the upper register, Amand on the far left is clean-shaven and has a pink nimbus. In the lower register he has a blue nimbus and, despite damage, it is still possible to distinguish his brown hair, tonsure and beard while the face itself appears flat and ill-considered. In the lower register the face of the count appears to have been repaired since it is a darker shade of pink than his neck, which is not consonant with the technique used elsewhere either in this bifolium or in the other miniatures of this gathering. Furthermore, the black outline for the hat of the count has been intentionally ignored and a smaller hat painted within the outline, leaving an area which was filled by a piece of gold leaf. Unlike the other figures in the cycle, which are generally well-proportioned, the count’s head and face are too small for his body, giving him an unbalanced appearance; in addition, the figure on the count’s right, in the grey tunic in the centre, has a disproportionately large head, painted in green and shown in profile. Despite the damage to pages ff. 62v, 59r, the difference in execution between the miniatures on each page is evident. The poor execution of faces on f. 59r stands in contrast to the expressive features so skilfully portrayed on f. 62v and strongly indicates that two different artists were involved with this bifolium. It is hard to countenance the possibility that the skilled artist of f. 62v, even working either with considerable haste or lack of care and attention, could have produced the less well-rendered facial features and disproportionate heads evident on the conjoint page of the bifolium. It is equally hard to imagine that an artist’s skills could have improved so significantly that the less able work of f. 59r would morph into the finely crafted f. 62v. Gathering Y+Z, ff. 60v, 61r. Facial Features Depictions of Amand’s face on f. 60v exemplify the lack of continuity and either hasty or poor workmanship noted on some other folia in gathering Y+Z. It is possible to identify Amand with certainty in only two of the four miniatures, making comparisons problematic. In the upper register of f. 60v, Dagobert falls at Amand’s feet to beg forgiveness and to ask that the saint baptize his son. The figure on the right reaching out to Dagobert in a conciliatory gesture, wearing a blue-green cloak and brown tunic and the only figure with a nimbus, must be Amand. The face is badly shaped, has heavy shading, sloping eyes and untonsured brown hair. The miniature of the baptism of Sigebert is

45

in the lower register.34 But identifying which of the two officiating saints is Amand is problematic since both have a nimbus. Possibly it is the one to the left, whose face is delicately detailed, whose right hand is raised in blessing, and behind whom stands an assistant holding the holy oil. However, the saint to the right of Sigebert has yellow hair which implies that he might be Amand. In the discussion of gathering X above, it was noted that Amand’s hair colour changed from brown to white at key times when some form of divine intervention was portrayed, a change that was not related to aging. It then reverts to brown for other episodes where divine intervention is not an element. This conceit also occurs in gathering Y+Z but the alteration is to yellow rather than white, with reversion to brown when appropriate. But, if the figure on the right is Amand, it is unclear why he is depicted with stubble and not a beard. In her description of this miniature, Abou-ElHaj does not attempt to identify which of the officiating saints might be Amand.35 The miniatures on f. 61r also suffer from the same problem of identification. It is unclear which of the two nimbed figures with the bear is Amand. Cerny is uncertain. He suggests that it is the figure on the right because he carries a pilgrim’s purse, but that it could also be the older man with a beard on the left, a view with which Abou-El-Haj agrees.36 Since it is later in his life and since the other companions are considerably younger, this may be the case. Further evidence supporting this identification lies in the depiction in the lower register showing Amand in church with two companions. The central figure of the three is the only one with a beard, and Cerny also asserts that this is Amand.37 The figure’s distinctive curly coiffure is unique in the cycle, but it is also yellow and that strongly suggests the figure is Amand. If the figure on the left in the upper register is Amand, the mouth and eyes on the face of Amand are positioned awkwardly, and the brown hair is flat and ill-considered. In the lower register the face is executed with more care, and the hair and beard are highly detailed. It is interesting to note that the faces of Amand in the upper registers of ff. 60v, 61r are poorly executed while in the lower registers they are well considered. This suggests that two different artists, or teams of artists, worked

34 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 187. 35 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 187. 36 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 212. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 200. 37 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 214. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 201.

46

Chapter 3

on this bifolium, one on the upper registers, the other on the lower. Gathering Y+Z, ff. 66v, 63r. Facial Features In the upper register of f. 66v a brown-haired Amand wearing a long red robe is shown on the mountain with assassins. Amand’s eyes are poorly aligned, his hair looks flat and awkward and the beard lacks detail. In the lower register Amand converts a pagan whose sight is then restored. His face is again badly rendered; the eyes lack detail, the beard line is clumsy and the overall effect is not pleasing. In the upper register of the conjoint folio, f. 63r, Amand wears a mitre and has a well-defined scalloped beard at his episcopal investiture. His expression is one of humility, suited to the occasion, and is rendered with skill. In the lower register the identity of the two bishops, one of whom must be Amand, is unclear but the faces of both men are well rendered. In sum, the faces of Amand, along with the faces of the other individuals are rendered skilfully on f. 63r, but poorly on f. 66v. Unlikely to reflect haste, f. 66v is surely the work of a less skilled artist.38 Gathering Y+Z, ff. 64v, 65r. Facial Features In the upper register of f. 64v Amand wears episcopal regalia and carries a crosier. His face shape and yellow hair are well-considered, and he has a neat beard, but in the lower register he is clean-shaven, has brown hair and no tonsure. In the lower register on f. 64v, Amand is positioned ­centrally, wears a red cope and his clean-shaven face is neatly painted. In the upper register of f. 65r, Amand wears a red cloak, with the lack of facial detail due to the pigment flaking off, thus leaving only the under-painting. In the lower register of f. 65r, Amand wears a turquoise robe, and, despite flaking, his tonsured head and features remain quite well rendered, but not with the care noted on f. 64v. Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, and f. 68r. Facial Features. Summary With regard to the black detailing for faces in all folia in gathering Y+Z and f. 68r, comparison of facial features demonstrates that two different techniques were used: one which gives the appearance of a less skilled artist but

38

Joachim Gaehde, “The Draughtsman of the Utrecht Psalter”, in Studien zur mittelalterlichen Kunst, 800–1250: Festschrift für Florentine Mütherich zum 70. Geburtstag, Katherina Bierbrauer, Peter K. Klein and Williband Sauerländer, eds. (Munich: PrestelVerlag, 1985), 51, discusses evidence of hasty workmanship in other manuscripts. Lowden, Bibles Moralisées, 1:154, discusses evidence of different modes of working.

Gathering Y+Z 62v Soul of Amand Entombment

59r

66v

63r

Type B Type A

Type A Type B

60v

64v

61r

Type A Type B

65r

Type B Type A

68r Type B Glorification of Amand

Diagram 9 Distribution of work: black facial details.

which may alternatively represent an intentionally looser, freer, less contrived technique (designated type A); the other in which the faces are well-proportioned, neatly executed and carefully balanced (designated type B). The issue is whether this is evidence of a single artist (or a team of artists) changing his method of painting or of collaboration between two artists. If the same artist employed these two distinct techniques, it might reasonably be expected that the position of the miniatures manifesting these differences would be random. However, the techniques alternate on each bifolium, recto to verso, across the four bifolia (Diag. 9). Type A, the looser technique, is painted on ff. 59r, 60v, 65r, 66v; type B, the more controlled, on ff. 62v, 61r, 64v, 63r and the glorification miniature, f. 68r. Because of this systematic alternation, the balance of probability suggests there were two artists (or teams of artists) working on these bifolia; unusually, they worked on one page per bifolium rather than across a bifolium as might be expected. 3.3.7 Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, and f. 68r. Scrollwork One decorative detail, thin white lines of scrollwork, which was noted in the glorification miniature and which was not employed in gathering X, was however used in some of the miniatures in gathering Y+Z–for example, on f. 66v in the upper register on Amand’s robes and on the mountains and in the lower register on the red robes of the figure on the left. Analysis of the position of the pages in gathering Y+Z on which decorative scrollwork occurs also supports the argument that more than one artist worked on this gathering since all examples of such work appear on folia that also have the looser type A rendering: ff. 59r, 60v, 65r, and 66v (Diag. 10). The scrollwork on f. 59r is employed in the upper register on the right on the worker’s tunic and in the lower register on the front of the stool, on the count’s blue robes and on the grey tunic of the figure in the centre. On f. 60v, scrollwork embellishes the dalmatic of the bishop standing on the left of the font. On f. 65r there is scrollwork in the lower register on the red-orange cloak on the figure on the left. On f. 66v it decorates Amand’s robes and features on the ‘mountains’.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

47

­ ositioning of techniques within the gathering, along p with scrollwork, indicates rather the work of a particular artist or team of artists with some type B participation. 68r Finally there is also some very minimal use of scrollwork scroll on two pages which are designated type B: in the upper work 60v 61r 64v 65r register of f. 63r on the king’s red cloak on his right leg and Type B scroll scroll in the lower register of the glorification miniature, f. 68r, Glorification work work of Amand on two red cloaks. This scrollwork does not represent a sigType A Type B Type B Type A nificant artistic feature in these pages and therefore stands Diagram 10 Distribution of work: black facial details and scrollwork. in contrast to the more prominent scrollwork in the type A miniatures. Nonetheless, since it is present and is more It is important to note that the glorification miniature, ornate than the simple white highlighting used elsewhere designated as type B, also exhibits an example of well-­ in type B miniatures, it must be noted. The genesis of this executed scrollwork, which appears similar to that used limited and somewhat rudimentary scrollwork is not in the type A paintings. The kneeling female figures both known, but it may have represented the efforts of a type B have scrollwork on their thighs (the scrollwork on the artist working on the miniature to copy a type A technique figure on the left has largely flaked off but is still visible), applied elsewhere in the glorification miniature. which is comparable with the scrollwork on Amand’s robes on f. 66v, identified as type A. The execution of 3.3.8 Gathering Y+Z, All Folia, and f. 68r. Summary these female figures, as already noted, lacks the attention The execution of the miniatures in gathering Y+Z in terms to detail that is evident in the rest of the glorification min- of the palette, density of pigment and drapery is generally iature, which manifestly demonstrates type B techniques; consistent across the cycle, notwithstanding the damage these two figures may perhaps therefore be considered as and repairs to the bifolium ff. 59r, 62v. While the techniques type A. It is possible that this apparent anomaly of pre- employed are consistent with those of ff. 68r and 62v, they dominant type B technique with some admixture of type are not of the same high level of skill. Inconsistencies in A in the same miniature is evidence of one artist using dif- execution are particularly noticeable in the rendering of ferent techniques. However, the systematic distribution of the faces of the characters, both in terms of shape and in techniques identified by Diagrams 9 and 10 strongly sug- the black detail lines forming the features. These different gests otherwise. It is much more likely that two different techniques can be divided into general categories, type A, artists, one of type A and the other of type B, collaborated a ‘looser’ technique, and type B, a more ‘controlled’ techon this miniature. If so, it seems unlikely that any such nique, which alternate across conjoint pages (Diag. 9). This collaboration on this important miniature would have dichotomy in technique, when combined with alternattaken the form of one artist (technique type B) instructing ing scrollwork, which is uniformly associated with type A the other (technique type A) in the use of his technique. in gathering Y+Z (Diag. 10), strongly suggests the work of A more likely scenario is that the artists may have elected at least two artists: type A who also executed scrollwork, to share the work, perhaps using the opportunity to revere and type B who did not. However, it is difficult to reconcile the saint by using their artistry as an act of devotion. the fact that the type A artist, who appears incapable of Evidence of collaboration is also noted in the lower delicate facial detail, is able to create intricate and carefully register of f. 60v in the important miniature of the bap- executed scrollwork. This implies some form of collaboratism of Sigebert. Because of the generally looser rendering tion between the artists such as type B artist creating scrollof most of the faces, this miniature suggests type A tech- work on type A miniatures, although failing to do so on his nique, but one face has clearly been executed using type own miniatures, or that other artists participated in the B technique. Of the two bishops in the lower register, the completion of the miniatures. face of the figure on the left with the scrollwork on his blue dalmatic has been painted to the same level of detail 3.3.9 Gatherings X, Y+Z, All Folia, and f. 68r. as those on the entombment, soul and glorification miniaDecorative Frames tures. The combination of scrollwork and loose technique The final element in the cycle that requires consideration in rendering faces characteristic of type A, coupled with is the decorative frame on each page of miniatures.39 The one well-executed visage characteristic of type B, again suggests collaboration between artists. Of course, there 39 The wide decorative frame provides further evidence that is always the possibility that some of the looser renderthe preliminary drawings could not have been employed as ing was due to hasty workmanship; but the consistent ­templates since all preliminary drawings were composed to Gathering Y+Z

62v

59r scroll Soul of Amand work Entombment Type B Type A

66v 63r scroll work Type A Type B

48

Chapter 3

frames are consistent across the cycle only in so far as they provide a decorated boundary area for the miniatures within two series of coloured parallel lines that frame the miniatures. Analysis of the decorative frames confirms the findings of the preliminary drawings discussed in Chapter 2, namely that the cycle was originally intended to begin on a verso not a recto folio. A brief description of each decorative frame is provided in Appendix F. Gathering X, Decorative Frames It would appear that no attempt was made to employ similar frames across facing pages in gathering X. Facing pages f. 54v and f. 55r have different borders, as do facing pages f. 56v, f. 57r, which is the bifolium at the centre of the ­gathering. Unfortunately, the two missing folia prevent a fuller understanding of the intended decorative frames here. Close inspection of f. 58v reveals that alterations were made to the border. The frame includes large areas of black, and the reason for the use of this opaque colour becomes obvious upon inspection of the reverse side of the folio. Clearly discernable on f. 58r is the original diamond pattern of the decorative frame of f. 58v showing through (A.12 cf. A.11). This pattern was later over-painted with a different design applying large areas of black. Faintly visible on the miniature are the jagged edges, the remnants of the original diamond frame, interrupting the current white and blue lines. A possible reason for the alteration could be that the pattern was originally executed in silver, which subsequently tarnished and was then over-painted using black. The page that currently faces f. 58v of gathering X is f. 59r of gathering Y+Z, which has a very different border but, as it formerly faced one of the now missing excised folia, little can be adduced from this. However, when the miniatures in gathering X are placed in the original order established by the preliminary drawings so that the cycle begins on a verso not a recto as it currently does, the miniatures on f. 57r and f. 58v would have been facing pages. Inspection of the reverse of f. 57r (f. 57v) reveals on the left side, the same original diamond pattern as f. 58v. An opaque border using black has also been used to obliterate this pattern on f. 57r. It therefore appears that the artist working on these pages continued executing the decorative frames as if they were to be facing pages, with the cycle beginning on a verso. Perhaps the artist simply occupy an area framed by a thin border made up of parallel lines. The wide decorative frames on the miniatures greatly reduced the area available for the paintings and therefore necessarily result in all elements in the miniatures being reduced or simplified from the original preliminary drawing.

forgot–or was not informed–that a key change had been made to re-order the cycle to begin on a recto, thereby altering all facing pages. This therefore suggests that the original intent was to have similar frames on facing pages but that the decision to re-order the pages led to the pervasive dissimilarity that currently characterises the decorative frames on facing folia of gathering X. Gathering Y+Z, Decorative Frames Consideration of the frames in this gathering also provides evidence that it was the intention of the artists, who finally painted the miniatures in the altered sequence commencing on a recto, to have similar borders across facing pages. Folia 64v and 65r are conjoint pages at the centre of the gathering and have similar diamond patterned borders. Differences only lie in the treatment to the corner squares and the colours of the encasing series of lines. As this is the centre of the gathering, it is not conclusive proof of effort made to harmonize facing pages since the artist may have replicated the border pattern, rather than create another pattern, in order to simplify the task. Comparison of ff. 60v and 63r shows a similarly favourable correlation. Folio 60v employs a repeated almond shape motif outlined in black with white strokes embellishing the element. The facing page, f. 63r, uses a similar device although instead of a complete almond shape the shape is more fan-like and the colours of the containing lines vary across the two pages. Nonetheless, the colours of the pattern, the decorative white strokes and black outline compare favourably. Similarly, facing pages f. 66v and f. 61r employ a wave device decorated by a series of short lines on the peak of each wave. Although the colours of the elements are different, the style employed is the same. Clearly, consideration of these facing pages demonstrates that in gathering Y+Z effort was made to visually couple pages by employing similar decorative frames. Decorative Frames, f. 68r Unlike all the other frames in the cycle on f. 68r there is no decoration. The frame consists of a simple series of parallel lines. 3.4

Summary of Transmission and Comparison of Miniatures

Thus far this section of the chapter has undertaken to investigate the number of artists who might have worked on the cycle in order to establish whether or not a highly skilled artist worked on the important pages of Amand’s entombment, soul and glorification, ff. 62r, 68v. Since both sets of preliminary drawings are entirely consistent with

49

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

one another it seems likely that they can be attributed to one artist or team of artists. However, the technique, detail and scale of the drawings are so different from those found in the miniatures that it is highly probable that those who created the drawings were not involved in the execution of the miniatures. The techniques employed in the first two folia of miniatures, ff. 53r, 54v, are markedly different from those in the rest of the cycle. This observation, coupled with the damage evident on the first page, which implies that it remained unprotected for some time, might also indicate that the first two folia were completed but that the project was then held in abeyance for a period of time prior to being re-started by another artist using different techniques. The remaining folia in gathering X are significantly less cohesive and appear not only to have been executed by less skilled artists but also to have been the subject of experimentation and over-painting, possibly in an effort to reproduce the innovative style in evidence on ff. 62r and 68v. Gathering Y+Z is more harmonious but generally lacks the sophistication and expertise of the important pages of the soul of Amand (f. 62v) and his glorification (f. 68r). The first page, f. 59r, like the first page of gathering X, has also suffered damage, but was thought worthy of repairs, albeit that they were inferior to the original work; it seems clear that it was also executed by a less skilled artist than its conjoint page, f. 62v, which again indicates that it may have been set aside for some time prior to being completed. The other miniatures in gathering Y+Z demonstrate a confident use of the innovative technique demonstrated on ff. 62v, 68r in terms of the figures, drapery and application of pigment, but the execution of facial shapes and details varies. Gathering Y+Z may be categorised into two general types of technique, A and B which are distributed evenly across alternating pages. This observation, coupled with scrollwork, again evenly distributed across alternating pages, poses an interesting conundrum. The same intricate scrollwork is encountered on the pages of type A artist, who is clearly less able to create satisfactory faces and facial shapes. The artist more skilled in facial detail, type B, does not create scrollwork on his pages. This must imply that at least one other artist created the scrollwork. Curiously, f. 68r, the glorification of Amand, while demonstrating a generally high level of skill, also combines intricate scrollwork with the two less-well executed figures, the kneeling female personifications. This page, too, must have been the result of some form of collaboration. Attempts to identify the number of artists working on the miniature cycle must remain inconclusive, although it can be stated with some confidence that at least two, and possibly three, artists worked on gathering X over

a period of time, with yet another artist responsible for over-painting the decorative frames. At least two, but also possibly three, artists executed gathering Y+Z. What can be stated conclusively is that the glorification miniature, f. 68r, was created by a highly skilled artist with, it would appear, some minor collaboration on the kneeling female figures. In addition, it appears that this master artist also contributed significantly to the other very important miniature, that of Amand’s soul with Christ, f. 62v. 3.5

Comparison with Contemporary Manuscripts

Thus far, discussion has focused on the cycle’s ­physical aspects (Chapter 2) and the various artistic t­echniques employed in the miniatures (Chapter 3.1–3.4). Comparison with contemporary vitae and other ­manuscripts provides context and will serve to underscore those features that make MS 500 a particularly interesting example of twelfthcentury book production, not least because of the number of artists associated with the miniatures and the two complete sets of preliminary drawings that facilitate understanding of the creative process. 3.5.1

Comparison with Vitae

Manuscript Size The comparatively modest size of MS 500, 240 x 150 mm, is consistent with other vitae in the period as well as with the two earlier illustrated vitae of Amand. The earliest illustrated vita, MS 502, dated to 1066, measures 240 x 175 mm, while MS 501, of 1150–60, measures 300 x 210 mm. Since all three are considered to be the product of the same centre of book production, perhaps this parity in size is to be expected. But other centres also produced vitae of similar dimensions such as two early twelfth-century vitae, Life of Maur, 288 x 194 mm, produced at St Maur-des-Fossés, and Life of St Aubin, 295 x 205 mm, produced at the abbey of Saint-Aubin in Angers.40 Of course, there were also illustrated vitae both smaller and larger in size as well as those different in format. Examples of illustrated vitae smaller than MS 500 include the early twelfth-century illustrated Life of Liudger, which is slightly taller but considerably narrower than MS 500, measuring 300 x 125 mm, and the illustrated Life of 40

Life of Maur, St Maur-des-Fossés, first quarter of the twelfth century. Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 2273. Malcolm Baker, “Medieval Illustrations of Bede’s Life of St. Cuthbert”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 41 (1978): pl. 6d. Abou-ElHaj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 151. Life of St Aubin, c. 1100. Paris, BnF, nouv. acq. lat. 1390. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:20, no. 9.

50 Cuthbert, made in Durham in the last quarter of twelfth century, 135 x 95 mm.41 A larger example is the Codex Benedictus, made at Monte Cassino, c. 1071, measuring 300 x 270 mm which includes two illustrated vitae, one of Benedict, the other of his first oblate, Maur.42 Depictions The large number of narrative images in MS 500 invites analysis of the choice of episodes from the vita selected for depiction, the artists involved and the various techniques employed. The existence of the earlier vita, MS 502, with a comparable number of illustrations, coupled with the intervening MS 501 with two miniatures of the same scenes, makes MS 500 particularly valuable for historical and artistic analysis. Although MS 502 is the earliest illustrated vita with a large number of depictions, this combination of a wealth of depictions in two illustrated vitae of the same saint, while unusual, is not unique.43 The Codex Benedictus has sixty-five multi-scene miniatures for Benedict and twenty-nine for Maur.44 A subsequent ­illustrated vita for Maur, produced some fifty years later but at a different centre, St. Maur-des Fossés, has twentytwo miniatures.45 Bede’s prose life of Cuthbert also provides comparative material since it survives in nearly forty manuscripts, over half of which date from the late eleventh and twelfth centuries.46 In particular two illustrated vitae of Cuthbert, both made at Durham, have a significant number of illustrations. One, currently in Oxford, has fifty-five coloured-outline drawings; the other, held at the British Library, London, contains forty-six miniatures.47 41

Vita Sancti Liudgeri, Werden, St. Liudger, c. 1100. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Theol. lat. fol. 323. Full facsimile, Die Vita Sancti Liudgeri: Vollständige Faksimile-Ausgabe der Handschrift Ms. theol. lat. fol. 323 der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin - Preußischer Kulturbesitz, 2 vols. (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt; Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1999). Life of Cuthbert, London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, Baker, “Medieval Illustrations”. 42 Codex Benedictus, Monte Cassino, c. 1071. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 1202. Full facsimile, The Codex Benedictus: An Eleventh-century Lectionary from Monte Cassino, ed. Paul Meyvaert, 2 vols. (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1981– 1982). Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 149. 43 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, Appendices 3 and 4, 148–155, sets out the number of depictions per vita between the ninth and thirteenth centuries. 44 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 1202. Abou-ElHaj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 149. 45 Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 2273. 46 Richard Gameson, Manuscript Treasures of Durham Cathedral (London: Third Millennium Publishing, 2010), 90. 47 Oxford, University College, MS 165. C.M. Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts 1066–1190. A Survey of Manuscripts

Chapter 3

Placement The placement of depictions in illustrated vitae is also an important issue for comparative purposes since, unusually, in MS 500 the depictions are not integrated to accompany the vita’s episodes but are arranged as a selfcontained cycle. In its current binding, the depictions preface the vita. Placement of depictions in vitae falls into two general categories: those that integrate the illustrations with the episodes described (as in MS 502, the Codex Benedictus, the Life of Liudger and the Troyes, Life of Maur)48 and those that employ full-page miniatures as a single page or as a diptych preceding the life of the saint to which they relate (such as the Lives of the Saints Bertin, Folcuin, Silvin, Winnoc,49 and the London, Life of Cuthbert).50 There is only one surviving example of a manuscript of the life of a saint with a cycle of illustrations similar to MS 500. This is the cycle of the Life of St Aubin, 1050– 1150, comprising only seven surviving folia, each with full-page miniatures on both recto and verso, for a total of fourteen miniatures.51 Magdalena Carrasco considers this to be part of a larger cycle, now lost, of perhaps as many as forty miniatures and suggests that the cycle was intended as a pictorial preface to a collection of texts constituting a prose biography of the saint.52 The extant miniatures of the Life of St Aubin, representing as they may well do only part of a complete cycle that was possibly intended to preface the vita, parallels the current placement of the cycle in MS 500. That both of these cycles may also have been intended as separate entities also suggests that either of these organisational technique may well have existed for other vitae, now lost. Preliminary Drawings In MS 500 there is evidence of underdrawings in areas where the paint of the miniatures has abraded. Indeed the

48

49

50 51 52

Illuminated in the British Isles, ed. J.J.G. Alexander. Vol. 3. London: Harvey Miller, 1996, 66–67, no. 26. London, B.L., Yates Thompson, MS 26. Gameson, Manuscript Treasures, 90. Deirdre Jackson, Marvellous to Behold: Miracles in Medieval Manuscripts (London: British Library, 2007), 37–38, 44, 75, and fig. 33. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 1202. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Theol. lat. fol. 323. Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 2273. Lives of the saints Bertin, Folcuin, Silvin, Winnoc, Saint-Omer, Abbey of Saint-Bertin, c. 1000. Boulogne-sur-mer, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 107. Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures, 37–38, and Fig. 20. La Représentation, 84, no. 30, gives the size as 275 x 195 mm. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, nouv. acq. lat. 1390. Carrasco, “Notes on the Iconography”, 333.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

technique was widely employed in manuscript production, and there is similar evidence of underdrawings in the London, Life of Cuthbert.53 However such underdrawings, in MS 500 and elsewhere, must not be confused with the preliminary drawings–those drawings created before but not employed in the creation of miniatures–two almost complete sets of which are to be found only in MS 500, as discussed in Chapter 2. A contemporary illustrated vita, which includes preliminary drawings, is the Life of Winnoc & Oswald, made at the Abbey of Saint-Winnoc, Bergues some 140 km from Saint-Amand Abbey during the second quarter of the twelfth century.54 Although not strictly an illustrated vita since it does not depict specific episodes in the saints’ lives, it does have full-page portraits of the saints. Of particular significance in respect of the issue of preliminary drawings are the accompanying portraits on the facing pages. These are line drawings with light shading in a wash on the hands and faces.55 Whether they were intended as additional portraits but were left unfinished, or whether they were preliminary drawings that were then only used as a visual aid for the artists who created the resulting portraits, is debatable, although the latter is less likely since the facing portraits differ from the drawings. Like the preliminary drawings in MS 500, they appear to be older than the portraits, but unlike those in MS 500 they demonstrate neither evidence of erasure nor effort to hide them from view. In fact, it appears that these drawings were valued in their own right since they were saved and then affixed to the later manuscript.56 Artists and Techniques Striking features of MS 500 include the clear evidence of multiple artists, some more highly skilled than others, changes in technique and evidence of experimentation and alterations. This is unusual since many illustrated vitae present a more cohesive appearance with the implication that a single artist, or perhaps an artist and assistant, executed the depictions. Both MS 502, and the Life of St Aubin, for example, are credited as being the work

53 54

London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26. Life of Winnoc & Oswald, Bergues, Abbaye de Saint-Winnoc, first half, of the second quarter of the twelfth century. Bergues, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 19. 55 Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:124–125, no. 102. Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures, 58–59, 110, and Fig. 3. La Représentation, 86–87, no. 31, gives the size as 237 x 157 mm. 56 Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:125, no. 102, notes that three of the four drawings are mounted on stubs, while one is integral with the body of the manuscript.

51

of one artist.57 Other manuscripts, however, do suggest the possibility of multiple hands. For instance, Cynthia Hahn argues that the Passio Kiliani could be the work of two artists, the general consistency in appearance reflecting their reliance on common models.58 She also notes two different colour schemes in the illustrations, which further suggests the work of at least two colourists, one of whom may have been the artist who drew the figures. The Codex Benedictus with its wealth of images for the separate cycles of Benedict and Maur is the work of several artists.59 As in MS 500, the artists not only employ different techniques but also have different skill levels as evidenced in some images by unsatisfactory drapery, badly-proportioned heads and poorly-detailed facial features.60 As with the glorification depiction in MS 500, some illustrations in Codex Benedictus also show evidence of highly-skilled execution with minor involvement by a lesser-skilled artist. Other manuscripts display alterations to miniatures performed in a similar manner to those encountered in MS 500. In the London, Life of Cuthbert, visible preliminary drawings on one miniature demonstrate that the artists made adjustments to the position of Cuthbert’s feet. On this page, which depicts the saint sitting on a riverbank with otters at his feet, the artist originally drew two otters, but adjustment to the feet ‘created’ a third from the original drawing of the foot, which he then retained.61 This echoes similar adjustments and subsequent retention encountered in MS 500.62 Another technique encountered both in MS 500 and other manuscripts is that of concealing tarnished silver by overpainting. The Life of Winnoc & Oswald employs this technique which, as with

57

58

59

60 61 62

MS 502, Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 236. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 85. Paris, BnF, nouv. acq. lat. 1390, Carrasco, “Notes on the Iconography”, 334. Passio Kiliani; Ps. Theotimus, Passio Margaretae, Orationes, Fulda, 975. Hanover, Nierdersächsische, Landesbibliothek, MS 189. Full facsimile, Passio Kiliani; Ps. Theotimus, Passio Margaretae, Orationes, 2 vols. (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1988). Cynthia J. Hahn, “Kommentarband”, Passio Kiliani, 2:25–26. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1202. Penelope Mayo, “Art-historical Introduction to the Codex Benedictus”, The Codex Benedictus, 2:50, 52. Mayo, “Art-historical”, 50. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26. Jackson, Marvellous to Behold, 37, and Fig. 33. MS 500, f. 66, the painting on f. 66v incorporates a section of the preliminary drawing on the recto which relates to a different episode. See Chapter 4, 72.

52

Chapter 3

MS 500, can be detected by observing show-through on the reverse of the affected areas.63

that are directly comparable with the illustrated vita of Saint Amand.65

Summary: Comparison with Vitae In terms both of execution and of artistic techniques and practices, MS 500 clearly conforms to generally accepted practices of book production in the period. The size of the manuscript and the number of depictions are certainly not unique. Techniques such as alterations made by overpainting, particularly to disguise tarnished silver, occur both in MS 500, and in other manuscripts such as Life of Winnoc and Oswald, thus demonstrating a common approach to similar problems. Like MS 500, this particular manuscript also features earlier preparatory drawings although, unlike MS 500, their subjects are not the same as the accompanying portraits, nor were they hidden. Rather they are presented on a par with the portraits and clearly intended for view. Thus, the two sets of virtually complete preliminary drawings make MS 500 unique. Depictions in illustrated vitae of the period are generally either integrated into the vita or feature at the ­beginning of chapters in contrast to MS 500. Only the Life of St Aubin and MS 500 employ a full cycle of miniatures completely separate from their respective vitae, and in both cases it is not clear whether they were originally intended to accompany the vita at all. This presentation of pictorial matter as a cycle of full-page miniatures s­ eparated from text is more often associated with psalters of the period. Accordingly the following discussion c­ ompares MS 500 with two important contemporaneous psalters, the St Alban’s Psalter and the Winchester Psalter.

The St Albans Psalter The St Albans Psalter was made during the abbacy of Geoffrey de Gorron (1119–46), Abbot of St Albans, and is generally dated 1119–46, although a recent study suggests 1120–40.66 It is associated with Christina, a recluse, who lived at Markyate, earning the psalter the alternate title of the Psalter of Christina of Markyate.67 The number of full-page miniatures in the manuscript, 40, coupled with the 211 historiated initials, make it one of the most richlydecorated manuscripts of the period and therefore an important and long-standing subject for study.68 The manuscript is of comparatively modest size, only slightly smaller than MS 500, measuring 276 x 184 mm.69 Psalters in this period were generally an item for personal devotion, and this size corroborates such use.70 The miniatures in the manuscript appear to be the product of at least four different artists, although Peter Kidd discusses several other possibilities, including, as noted for MS 500, the work of one artist changing his style over a period of time.71 The St Albans Psalter comprises five sections in the following order: a calendar and Easter tables; forty full-page miniatures of a biblical and Christological cycle; the so-called “Alexis quire” with the text of the Chanson of St Alexis; psalms, canticles, and prayers, with historiated initials; it terminates with two full-page miniatures as a diptych, the martyrdom of St Alban, England’s first martyr (f. 416), paired with David and his musicians (f. 417).72 The prefatory cycle employs strong colours and gold rather than the more commonly used line and wash miniatures, which were a feature of many Anglo-Saxon illuminations before the Norman Conquest. This strength of colour is also a major characteristic of the miniature

3.5.2 Comparison with Psalters Created within a few decades of each other in the early to mid twelfth century, the St Albans Psalter (also known as the Albani Psalter) and the Winchester Psalter both predate MS 500.64 What makes them of great interest to this monograph is that they exhibit methods of book making

63

Bergues, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 19. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:125, no. 102. See this chapter, 48, for examples in MS 500. 64 The St. Albans Psalter, St. Albans Abbey, c. 1119–1123. Dombibliothek, Hildesheim, MS St Godehard 1. Full facsimile, Der Albani-Psalter = The St. Alban’s Psalter = El salterio San Albans (Simbach am Inn: Verlag Muller und Schindler, 2007). The Winchester Psalter, Winchester, c. 1150. London, B.L., MS Cotton Nero C. iv. Facsimile of pictorial cycle only, Kristine Edmondson Haney, The Winchester Psalter Miniature Cycle: Facsimile and Commentary (London: Folio Society, 2015).

65

Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 183, 219, notes that psalters, like MS 500, use a cycle of miniatures. 66 Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 139. Kristen Collins, Peter Kidd, and Nancy K. Turner, The St. Albans Psalter: Painting and Prayer in Medieval England (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2013), 13. 67 Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 41. 68 Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 68–70, no. 29. Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 41. Collins, The St. Albans Psalter: Painting and Prayer, 9. 69 Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 68. 70 See Chapter 1, 5. Collins, The St. Albans Psalter: Painting and Prayer, 9. 71 Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 62, 123, 126, 127. 72 Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 69, for details.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

53

cycle in MS 500. As with MS 500, the illustrated folia in the St Albans Psalter exhibit a series of holes, which would have been used to secure a textile curtain in order to protect the miniatures, in particular their gold, from abrasion when in contact with the facing miniature.73 These holes are placed on the outer side edge. In MS 500 they are located at the top of each page and also serve to bind together pairs of folia to conceal the preliminary drawings. Whether these curtains were affixed to the psalter when the manuscript was completed or at a later date is unknown, but from the number of holes in any particular area it would appear that they were replaced from time to time. The protective textile would have been affixed to only one leaf on each opening, since a single curtain would shield both miniatures, a detail which might also apply to MS 500. Kidd speculates that in order for the illustrations to be viewed in the correct narrative sequence, the curtain would have been sewn to the recto so that when a viewer turned the page the verso would be visible and the curtain turned outward to the right to reveal the miniature on the recto.74 The “Alexis quire” (ff. 57–72) when originally conceived may have employed another technique to guard against abrasion, but this concerned protecting the text. It was quite normal practice for a scribe to leave the first page of a sequence blank in order to protect the following text.75 It would appear from handling marks on the first page of the “Alexis quire” that this quire may well have been created and intended as a separate item with, originally, blank folia at the beginning and end of the sequence to protect the first and last pages from abrasion. Evidence also suggests that this quire was originally bound into another volume or that it existed as a separate entity.76 Here, direct comparison with MS 500 is particularly apposite since the preliminary drawings clearly demonstrate that the cycle in MS 500 was conceived to begin on a verso and terminate on a recto with blank pages as protection at the beginning and end. The alteration undertaken to begin the MS 500 cycle on a recto suggests, as noted in Chapter 2, that it was a later addition to the vita; the resulting abrasion at the beginning and end of the quires clearly shows that they were left unbound for some time. The reasons for the creation of the “Alexis quire” are unclear, and speculation includes: parallels with the life of Alexis and that of Christina of Markyate; an attempt to strengthen a local cult; or simply creation of an object to

heighten the status of the Abbey of St Albans.77 Whatever the reason, the quire appears to be contemporary to the rest of the manuscript, although the style of the artist reverts from the dramatic colours of the Christological cycle to line and wash. One final aspect of the production of the St Albans Psalter that bears similarity to MS 500 is the diptych created by the last two miniatures (ff. 147, 148.) Positioned as facing pages, in the same manner as the glorification miniatures in MS 502 and MS 501 and with what may have originally been a similar diptych in MS 500, they depict the martyrdom of St Alban (f. 147v) and David with musicians (f. 148r). There is no doubt that the glorification miniatures in the illustrated vitae were conceived as a diptych in mss 502 and 501 and probably also in 500, with Aldegonde on the verso and Amand on the recto. The diptych in the St Albans Psalter employs a different quality parchment than the other folia and has been trimmed differently; this caused Kidd to question its current l­ocation.78 Although satisfied that the folia were intended to terminate the manuscript, he suggests that they were to be glued together so that the miniature of David ­terminated the psalms on a recto with the miniature of St Alban on the following verso as the final folio of the manuscript. Gluing them together would therefore have created a thicker and stiffer final folio, which would have strengthened the book and would have also concealed any ­pigment from the miniatures showing through. In fact, pigment and some glue are visible on their respective reverse sides, as the bonded leaves have since become separated. Boutemy’s suggestion that the leaves of the cycle in MS 500 were glued together may well stem from this practice.79 In MS 500 no residual bonding matter is evident; rather, the leaves were sewn together at the top. As discussed in chapter 2, this technique enabled protective textiles to be incorporated but they were also employed in part to hide the preliminary drawings, but perhaps also to mask any pigment showing through.

73

77 Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 80. 78 Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 111. 79 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 247. 80 The Winchester Psalter, Winchester, c. 1150. London, B.L., MS Cotton Nero C. iv. Haney, The Winchester Psalter (2015), 15.

74 75 76

Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 75, 103, some were glued in, see 75n86. Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 75. Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 86. Kidd, “Contents and Codicology”, 86.

The Winchester Psalter The Winchester Psalter is a large manuscript, 320 x 230 mm and closer in size to the Codex Benedictus than to MS 500.80 It comprises 38 full-page miniatures in pen outline and wash as a prefatory cycle of biblical and Christological scenes, followed by a calendar, the psalter text and prayers.

54 Who the original patron or owner was is uncertain although the psalter is generally associated with Henry of Blois, whose uncle, Henry i, appointed him bishop of Winchester in 1129. Henry of Blois is known to have been a patron of the arts, and one of his projects was to install a shrine dedicated to St Swithun.81 The unusual inclusion in the psalter of a prayer to this saint is one of several indications linking him with the psalter.82 While universally referred to as the Winchester Psalter, there is no hard evidence to associate it concretely with Winchester, nor is there a firm date for production. Attribution and dating are based on stylistic similarities with manuscripts known to have been produced in Winchester, including the mid-twelfth century Winchester Bible, which still resides in the cathedral library.83 At some point during the nineteenth century the manuscript was rebound. This resulted not only in positioning the folia out of their original sequence but also in presenting them to the viewer in a completely different format from that intended by its creators.84 The prefatory cycle, which originally would have been on facing pages, was altered to position each miniature as a recto. A reconsideration of the miniature sequence suggests that the first recto page of the cycle would have been left blank for protection; thus, the psalter cycle would have begun with the Expulsion from the Garden on a verso, paired with Noah and the Ark on the facing recto.85 The sequence proposed would begin with a blank first page, as would have been the case with the cycle intended by the preliminary drawings in MS 500. The Winchester Psalter cycle continues with facing pages of miniatures, followed by blank facing pages, a sequence echoed in the cycle of miniatures in MS 500 except that the blank pages contain preliminary drawings. The pen and wash full-page miniatures comprise: two pages with one large miniature each; twenty-six pages divided into two registers; six pages divided into three registers; and two pages divided into six registers.86 Unlike 81 Haney, The Winchester Psalter, (2015), 10. 82 Haney, The Winchester Psalter, (2015), 10–11. 83 Winchester Bible, Winchester Cathedral, MS 17. Haney, The Winchester Psalter (2015), 9. 84 See Mara R. Witzling, “The Winchester Psalter: A Re-ordering of its Prefatory Miniatures According to the Scriptural Sequence”, Gesta 23, no 1 (1984): 17–25, for her interpretation of the correct order. 85 Witzling, “The Winchester Psalter”, 17–18, allowing for the blank folio refutes Wormald’s argument that a single sheet of the Creation is missing. Francis Wormald, The Winchester Psalter (London: Harvey Miller & Medcalf, 1973), 14–28. 86 Two full-page miniatures, the Tree of Jesse (f. 9r), and hell (f. 39r). Those divided into six, ff. 32, 36. This excludes the Byzantine diptych discussed later.

Chapter 3

MS 500, which divides each page evenly into two registers with strictly horizontal separation lines, the psalter registers are divided into areas of unequal proportions and in some cases with the dividing line on an angle.87 The artistic style appears homogenous throughout the cycle except for two depictions which relate to the Virgin (ff. 29, 30) and which are overtly ‘Byzantine’ in style and content. The miniatures in the prefatory cycle vary in quality with a “gifted artist”, associated with the scriptorium of Bury St Edmunds, involved with more than half of them.88 This too is paralleled in MS 500 but with a lesser number of miniatures. In some cases in the Winchester Psalter the variation in quality occurs on the same page, for example, f. 15r, where the lower scene is far superior.89 On f. 17r there is variation throughout the scenes. These anomalies are also evident in the cycle in MS 500. Haney suggests that the variation in quality in the Winchester Psalter might be the consequence of an artist whose quality of work fluctuates for any variety of reasons or of an artist working with less skilled assistants. She also states that both possibilities are unusual.90 Since apparent collaborations of a similar nature also occur in MS 500 and, as noted above, in the Codex Benedictus, which was created in another region altogether, perhaps notions of how artists may have cooperated would benefit from further study. A separate issue concerns that of alterations to miniatures. This often indicates a change in direction of some sort, be it due to application of different techniques, funding considerations or possibly even rethinking the project. There is evidence towards the end of the cycle in the Winchester Psalter that work was indeed interrupted and alterations made. Some of the drawings have been completed using different techniques, namely the application of opaque paint, black ink and gilding in contrast to the more conventional pen outline and wash c­ haracterising the earlier drawings.91 This suggests the involvement of other artists skilled with these materials or a change in direction by those overseeing the project, in much the same way as the change in techniques occurred in MS 500. The two stylistically distinct miniatures noted previously, the Assumption of the Virgin (f. 29) and the Queen 87 Example, f. 15r. 88 Haney, The Winchester Psalter, (2015), 7, these include ff. 2, 4, 7, 9, the lower half of 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, top half of 24, lower half of 35, 37, 38 39. 89 Haney, The Winchester Psalter, (2015), 8. 90 Haney, The Winchester Psalter, (2015), 8. 91 Haney, The Winchester Psalter, (2015), 16.

the artists and techniques in the Miniature Cycle in MS 500

of Heaven (f. 30), are sometimes referred to by scholars as the “Byzantine Diptych” due to their style and content.92 As noted above, they would originally have been facing pages. These miniatures probably represent the work of a different artist, who was English yet familiar with the Eastern iconography associated with the Virgin.93 Although Wormald notes that the diptych is clearly contemporary with the prefatory cycle and not a later addition, Holger A. Klein, observing how well planned and executed the diptych was with no evidence of alterations such as there is in the prefatory cycle, suggests it was an addition but that the artist was aware of the prefatory cycle miniatures.94 Klein’s detailed analysis of the iconography of these miniatures in the context of Byzantine ivories of the koimesis (the Assumption of the Virgin), which made their way to the West, demonstrates that, while generally adhering to the conventional scene (a representation that remained unchanged in the East for centuries), the miniatures incorporated some Western elements. One significant element is the inclusion in the miniature of the Assumption of the hand of God in a wavy cloud, a distinctly Western addition, which can be found in the illustrated vitae discussed above, including the tenth-century Passio Kiliani; Ps. Theotimus, Passio Margaretae, orations, created at Fulda.95 Certain parallels between the Winchester Psalter diptych and MS 500, merit comment. It will be recalled that the glorification of Amand would almost certainly originally have been the recto of a putative diptych and that that diptych may have been intended to terminate the vita.96 Both the “Byzantine Diptych” and the glorification miniature in MS 500 were the work of highly skilled artists. While work of the artist of the “Byzantine Diptych” is not evident elsewhere in the psalter, the artist who completed the glorification miniature in MS 500 clearly also worked on other miniatures in the cycle, those of the entombment and soul of Amand. Both these miniatures, as with those in the prefatory cycle of the Winchester 92 Holger A. Klein, “The so-called Byzantine Diptych in the Winchester Psalter, British Library, MS Cotton Nero C. iv”, Gesta 37 no 1 (1998): 27, also notes translations of the Anglo-Norman French inscriptions which were added to each page: f. 29, ICI EST LA SUMPTION DE NOSTRE DAME; f, 30, ICI EST FAITE REINE DEL CEIL. 93 Wormald, The Winchester Psalter, 87. Klein, “The so-called Byzantine Diptych”, 26–43. 94 Wormald, The Winchester Psalter, 90. Klein, “The so-called Byzantine Diptych”, 28. 95 Hanover, Nierdersächsische, Landesbibliothek, MS 189, f. 32r. Klein, “The so-called Byzantine Diptych”, 30. 96 See this book, Chapter 2.

55

Psalter, demonstrate specific examples wherein less able artists participated alongside a highly skilled artist. Like the “Byzantine diptych”, the miniature depicting the soul of Amand held by Christ introduces new iconography into the scene of the death of the saint, a subject covered in Chapter 5. Summary: Comparison with Psalters A cycle of miniatures devoid of text is frequently encountered in psalters, such as the St Albans Psalter and the Winchester Psalter, but is rarely found in illustrated vitae. The cycles in MS 500 and the Life of St Aubin are the only extant exceptions. Also common to the three manuscripts, MS 500, the St Albans Psalter and the Winchester Psalter, is the technique of inserting folia with miniatures into ­otherwise completed manuscripts. The “Alexis Quire” in the St Albans Psalter and the miniature cycle in MS 500 may originally have been intended as separate entities but were then added for reasons unknown at some later date to their respective manuscripts. In addition, the cycle in MS 500 was intended to begin on a verso and end on a recto, as is the case with the “Alexis Quire”. This technique not only protects the first and last pages but also enables the blank pages on the reverse sides of the originating verso and terminating recto to be affixed to a cover. Although the creators of the “Byzantine Diptych” in the Winchester Psalter probably did not conceive it as an item separate to the psalter, scholars nonetheless believe that it was painted later and subsequently inserted. Similarly, Amand’s glorification (f. 68r) was almost certainly part of a diptych that may well have been intended to be located elsewhere in the manuscript, possibly to terminate the vita, but was inserted at the end of the cycle. MS 500, the St Albans Psalter and the Winchester Psalter also share other production techniques. The Winchester Psalter, like MS 500, is painted on only one side of the folio leaving the reverse blank, with the intention that facing pages with miniatures could be viewed together. However, whereas MS 500 conceals the following blank pages by sewing the folia together, the Winchester Psalter glues them together. The technique of gluing folia together may also have been employed in the terminating folia of the St Albans Psalter both to strengthen the final folia and to provide some protection to the book as a whole. It must also be noted that comparison of MS 500 with other manuscripts of the period, both illustrated vitae and psalters, evinces evidence regarding the ways in which artists worked that calls into question our understanding of collaborative efforts by those involved. Current scholarship on scriptorium working practices envisions

56 as the general norm either a single artist working alone or an artist working with an assistant, who replicates his style. Scholarship also notes artists of different skill levels working together on a manuscript, but on different pages. Collaboration of at least two artists of vastly different skill levels on a single miniature is thus considered by scholars as “unusual”. However this type of collaboration is encountered in three manuscripts from three different regions in the same general period: the Codex Benedictus, the Winchester Psalter and MS 500. This evidence challenges our understanding of artists’ working methods and offers an important area for further research. MS 500 is not unusual in respect of the techniques employed in book production, as these comparisons

Chapter 3

d­ emonstrate. What is unusual is that it shares certain techniques with psalters rather than with other illustrated vitae, particularly concerning the use of a cycle of miniatures and the subsequent insertion of a cycle or diptych into an almost complete manuscript. While there were no ‘rules’ per se in the production of illustrated vitae, these similarities mark a departure from established practice and therefore merit special note. Similarly, while underdrawings were in common use by artists, the two almost ­complete sets of preliminary drawings found in MS 500 constitute a distinctive–and possibly unique–feature found only in this manuscript and one that sets it apart not only from any others in this study but also from other extant illustrated vitae.

Chapter 4

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the Miniature Cycle Analysis of the preliminary drawings and decorative borders demonstrates conclusively that the order of the folia, originally intended to begin on a verso, was altered to begin on a recto prior to the creation of the miniatures. The reasons for altering the order are debatable. If the purpose had been to enhance themes associated with pairs of miniatures on facing pages within the cycle, evidence of this conceit would surely be discernible in the revised order: it is not. When originally conceived to begin on a verso, the episodes were grouped together on facing pages to portray either an important phase in the saint’s life or a particular spiritual theme associated with his work. Grouping the episodes this way added a layer of nuance to the vita and therefore enhanced its spiritual depth for the viewer. But this thematic relationship on facing pages is necessarily destroyed by altering the order to begin the vita on a recto. Nonetheless, the creators of the miniatures were not insensitive to the need for visual indicators to enhance viewers’ understanding, including subtleties such as the change in hair colour of the saint to indicate instances of divine intervention, as will be discussed later in this ­chapter.1 Therefore some thought must be given to the consequences of the alteration to begin the cycle on a recto. The following discussion is in two parts. The first deals with the relationship of the episodes on facing pages and the themes established by the original creators of the preliminary drawings. The reader is encouraged to refer to Appendices G.1 and G.2 which graphically set out the two gatherings, X and Y+Z. They demonstrate how the episodes of the preliminary drawings on facing pages in their initial order related when the vita began on a verso, as originally intended, and how the revised order of the miniatures destroyed this organization. The second part compares key details within the preliminary drawings and the miniatures, noting differences between the two and how these differences enhance or detract from the episodes themselves.

1 See for example for hair colour ff. 57r, 58v, 61r, 64v.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_005

4.1 Themes on Facing Pages of the Preliminary Drawings Cerny argues that the composition of the preliminary drawings and miniatures intentionally sought to emulate themes from the lives of Christ and the Virgin in order to imbue them with greater spirituality.2 This technique was not uncommon in illustrated vitae: as the viewer became aware of the saint mirroring Christ or the Virgin, this in turn led him or her to contemplate the life of Christ or the Virgin through the life of the saint. MS 500 certainly ­conforms to this conception. Within the cycle, both in preliminary drawings and miniatures, there are depictions of notable acts performed by Amand that emulate Christ: for example, exorcism, raising the dead, forgiveness of sin, and healing the blind.3 Further, as Cerny also notes, the upper and lower registers of preliminary drawings and miniatures were contrived to work together to amplify spiritual messages.4 The following discussion therefore analyses the relationship between the upper and lower registers on each page of preliminary drawings in order to understand how they relate to each other and also how each pair of registers on a page relates to those on the facing page.

2 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 185, 187, passim. 3 Exorcism, f. 57r, raising the dead, ff. 61v, 62r, forgiveness of sin, ff. 65r, 66v, healing the blind, ff. 65r, 66v. 4 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 244–245. This technique conforms to the practices of the period, as Henri De Lubac demonstrates in his seminal study on medieval exegesis and as other authors, including Jeffrey Hamburger and Giles Constable, confirm. Henri De Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, vol. 1, The Four Senses of Scripture, trans. Mark Sebanc (Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998). Giles Constable, “The Interpretation of Mary and Martha”, in Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1995), 1–141. Jeffrey F. Hamburger, “The Place of Theology in Medieval Art History: Problems, Positions, Possibilities”, in The Mind’s Eye: Art and Theological Argument in the Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Anne-Marie Bouché (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 11–31, esp. 21. Christopher Hughes, “Typology and its uses in the Moralized Bible”, in The Mind’s Eye, 133–150.

58 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 59v, 60r (Appx. A.14, A.15 and Appx. G.2)5 Amand’s early life. 4.1.1

Preliminary Drawings f. 59v (Miniatures f. 53r) Upper register: A young Amand stands between his parents.6 Lower register: Amand arrives at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu.7 Preliminary Drawings f. 60r (Miniatures f. 54v) Upper register: Amand encounters a large serpent.8 Lower register: The confrontation between Amand and his father Serenus.9 This group of four drawings depicts Amand’s early life. The first drawing on these facing pages, the upper register of the verso, establishes the theme of the sequence by focusing on the young Amand and depicting him with his parents. The lower register portrays his arrival at the monastery on the island of Yeu. On the facing page the saint is shown being tempted by a serpent (upper register) and by his father (lower register), both of whom attempt to prevent Amand fulfilling his wish for a religious life. All four depictions concern Amand’s life prior to entering the clergy, itself a unifying theme for these facing pages. This simple conceit would have allowed the viewer to consider the young Amand and his difficult path to Christ while also meditating on the allusions to Christ’s life. Amand’s encounter with the serpent and then confrontation with Serenus may be compared with Christ’s temptation by Satan, thereby demonstrating that Amand, like Christ, overcame fear and temptation.10

5 Phillip, aass Feb. i, 859–860. Discrepancies occur in the chapter numbering between the vita index, the vita and aass Feb. i. The chapter numbering cited is that employed in aass Feb i. See this book “Appx. H, Comparison of the Chapter Numbers”. Abou-El-Haj, Appendix 5, “Contents and Analytic Comparisons of the Illustrated Lives of Saint Amand: Manuscripts 502, 501, 500”, in The Medieval Cult of Saints, 156–209, compares portions of the vita written by Baudemond and altered in part by Phillip. She also provides selected extracts and translations which the reader may find useful. 6 Phillip, Chapter 1, aass Feb. i, 859C. 7 Phillip, Chapter 2, aass Feb. i, 859DE. 8 Phillip, Chapter 3, aass Feb i, 859E–860A. 9 Phillip, Chapter 4, aass Feb. i, 860A–C. 10 Luke 4:1–15.

Chapter 4

Clearly the order of the related miniatures, ff. 53r, 54v, occupying as they do a recto and verso rather than verso and recto as in the drawings, destroys the coordinated visual sequence that the preliminary drawings achieve on ­facing pages (see Appx. G.1, G.2). It is unlikely that those who decided to change the order of the miniatures were unaware of the effect it would have on facing pages. However, the upper and lower registers of the individual pages, either as drawings or miniatures, work together. Amand with his parents (upper register) and his subsequent arrival at the monastery of Yeu (lower register) on f. 53r, which begin the cycle of miniatures on a recto, work together as a pair to depict Amand’s early life and his religious calling. The following page of miniatures, f. 54v, concerning Amand’s temptation with the serpent (upper register) and with his father (lower register) is now on a verso with, the facing page, f. 55r, illustrating his tonsuring at Tours (upper register) and his subsequent period of solitude (lower register). While the pairing per page for ff. 54v, 55r, remains harmonious, there is nothing other than a sequence of events in the saint’s life connecting them as a group on facing pages. This disjunction also necessarily applies to all the other facing pages of miniatures in the cycle. In summary, the two episodes depicted on any page of miniatures relate to reinforce a common theme, while the facing pages of miniatures generally have no similar reinforcing relationship (Diag. 11). Conversely, when the four preliminary drawings on facing pages are considered together, there is a clear thematic relationship between them that adds another layer of meaning, generally established by the first drawing (upper register) on the verso (Diag. 12). This relationship of facing pages was maintained throughout the cycle of preliminary drawings but was severed by the decision to begin the cycle of miniatures on a recto instead of verso as discussed below and detailed in Appendix G. The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings ff. 63v, 64r (Appx. A.22, A.23 and Appx. G.2)11 Amand’s ordination and early experience as a monk. 4.1.2

Preliminary Drawings f. 63v (Miniatures f. 55r) Upper register: Amand is tonsured at Tours.12 Lower register: Amand requests a period of solitary contemplation.13 11 12 13

Phillip, Chapters 5–9, aass Feb. i, 860–861. Phillip, Chapter 5, aass Feb. i, 860CE. Phillip, Chapter 6, aass Feb. i, 860EF.

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

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Diagram 11 Relationship between episodes in the order of the miniatures on facing pages is generally limited to those occupying a single page.

Diagram 12 Relationship between episodes in the order of the preliminary drawings, as originally conceived, extends across facing pages.

Preliminary Drawings f. 64r (Miniatures f. 56v) Upper register: Amand is unceremoniously expelled from a church in Rome.14 Lower register: Saint Peter appears to Amand.15

come to understand that God is within the individual, not merely in the physical building of the church. Thus, ejection from a church is a metaphor for this spiritual understanding which itself is reinforced by a vision of Saint Peter outside the building of the church.17 This provides a spiritual connection between the upper and lower registers. Amand’s expulsion, coupled with his vision of Peter, signifies that he should now turn his attention to those outside the church through preaching and missionary work. To reinforce this message, the artists position Amand in the upper register in line with the church in the lower register while the sleeping Amand in the lower register is positioned in line with the doors of the church in the upper.

.

The unifying theme of these four preliminary drawings is the early stage of Amand’s religious life, including ordination, physical humiliation and the events leading to the saint’s dedication to missionary work. The important drawing on the upper register of the verso acts as an introduction to the theme on the facing pages by showing Amand’s tonsuring, a key event in the life of a monk. The lower register depicts Amand’s self-imposed period of isolation in order to meditate. Tonsuring and isolation are physical manifestations of the saint’s humility and dedication to Christ. These two depictions represent the physical changes and privations Amand accepts, and indeed seeks, in order to live as a monk. The unifying spiritual message between the two episodes portrayed on this page is the parallel with Christ’s life: Christ’s preparation for his work through baptism and Amand’s through tonsure; and Christ’s meditation in the desert and Amand’s meditation in a cell.16 On the facing page, the upper register portrays Amand’s expulsion from a church in Rome, which resulted from his attempt to conduct a vigil through the night, thereby preventing closure of the church at the end of the day. In the lower register, Saint Peter appeared to Amand in a vision with the message that he should return to Gaul and to his preaching. The vita relates that Amand had 14 15 16

Phillip, Chapter 8, aass Feb. i, 861B–C. Phillip, Chapter 9, aass Feb. i, 861C–D. Matt 3:13–15.

The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 65v, 66r (Appx. A.26, A.27 and Appx. G.2)18 Amand experiences the power of the Holy Spirit. 4.1.3

Preliminary Drawings f. 65v (Miniatures f. 57r) Upper register: Amand receives the insignia of his episcopacy.19 Lower register: Amand performs an exorcism.20 Preliminary Drawings f. 66r (Miniatures f. 58v) Upper register: Saint Peter appears to Amand during a great storm at sea.21 17 Phillip, aass Feb. i, 861C. 18 Phillip, Chapter 10, 14–18, aass Feb. i, 861–863. 19 Phillip, Chapter 10, aass Feb. i, 861D–F. 20 Phillip, Chapter 14, aass Feb. i, 862D. 21 Phillip, Chapter 15, aass Feb. i, 862E–863A.

60 Lower register: Amand is beaten and thrown into the river by those he tries to convert.22 The upper register of the verso introduces the sequence on these facing pages by showing Amand’s ordination as bishop, an event characterised by intervention of the Holy Spirit; the three episodes that follow themselves depend upon similar intervention. The power of divine intervention through the Holy Spirit, manifested through his second vision of Saint Peter, is therefore the theme that ties these episodes together: the saint’s ordination as bishop and exorcism of a demon. Both registers on f. 65v work together to demonstrate the role of divine intervention. Amand’s ordination as a bishop reflects the power of the Holy Spirit. Once a bishop, Amand possesses power through the Holy Spirit and is depicted using it to exorcise a demon that has possessed a boy. The upper register of the facing page (f. 66r) depicts Amand in a boat with sailors, who were frightened by a violent storm. Wearied by their attempts to stay afloat, both the sailors and Amand fell into a deep sleep. Once again Saint Peter appeared to Amand in a vision, telling him not to be afraid. In the lower register, Amand is depicted beaten and thrown into a river by Ghentians who resist his efforts at conversion; this event follows his request that King Dagobert require all in the area to be baptised.23 The link between these two episodes is the support Saint Peter provides the saint both during the storm and later while being beaten. Water features in both episodes, providing a visual connection with baptism and with a later miracle in which water touched by Amand cures a blind man (f. 57v). The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 61v, 62r (Appx. A.18, A.19 and Appx. G.2)24 The triumph of ecclesiastical authority over secular authority and the imitatio Christi. 4.1.4

Preliminary Drawings f. 61v (Miniatures missing) Upper register: Amand builds churches and preaches to the people of Ghent.25 Lower register: Count Dotto condemns a man to death.26

22 Phillip, Chapter 18, aass Feb. i, 863B. 23 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 178. 24 Phillip, Chapters 19, 20, aass Feb. i, 863C–864A. 25 Phillip, Chapter 19, aass Feb. i, 863C. 26 Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 180, notes that Milo identifies the Count of Tournai, who refers to him as a judge appointed by the king.

Chapter 4

Preliminary Drawings, f. 62r (Miniatures missing) Upper register: The hanging of the wrongdoer.27 Lower register: Amand retrieves the hanged man’s body and revives him.28 Although the miniatures related to these preliminary drawings are missing (see Chapter 2, Diag. 2), analysis of the preliminary drawings on facing pages is appropriate and contributes to understanding the original intent of the artists who created them. The imitatio Christi ties these four episodes on facing pages together but also serves to underscore the triumph of ecclesiastical authority represented by Amand over secular authority represented by the Count. Amand’s preaching to a group warmly engaged with the saint on the upper register of the verso mirrors Christ’s entry into Jerusalem when the crowds greeted him enthusiastically.29 Amand’s plea for the condemned prisoner’s life on the lower register echoes Christ’s emphasis on compassion and forgiveness.30 On the facing page in the upper register the prisoner is nonetheless hanged. In the lower register Amand revives the hanged man, an act that compares favourably with Christ’s raising Lazarus from the dead.31 Together these four drawings provide a clear example of how the imitatio Christi was employed as a testament to Amand’s spiritual powers, which themselves were derived from the Holy Spirit, as depicted in the previous facing pages. The preliminary drawing in the upper register of the verso, where Amand is depicted preaching, establishes the setting both for the episode on the lower register, the condemnation of a prisoner, and provides a lead-in for the two episodes on the facing page, the hanging and resurrection of the condemned prisoner. While preaching, Amand stands in front of a building, probably a church, representing ecclesiastical authority. In the lower register, the Count, representing secular authority, condemns a prisoner and orders his execution despite Amand’s requests for clemency. The theme tying these two drawings together is ‘authority’, ecclesiastical and secular. The execution proceeds, and the central figure in the ­depiction in the upper register is the hanged man; the

27 28 29 30

31

Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D–864A. Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D–864A. Matt 21:6–10. For example, Mark 11:25–26, Luke 6:37. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 180, compares this scene with Christ in front of Pilate. But this event takes place closer to Christ’s death and in any case it is not Amand who is being judged here, but the criminal. John 11:1–46.

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

vita states unequivocally that he dies.32 After rescuing the hanged man, Amand takes him to his cell where he revives him. The theme underpinning these two drawings is the triumph of ecclesiastical over secular authority. Amand preaching to enthusiastic crowds establishes the theme of the imitatio Christi on the facing page and also the conflict between ecclesiastical and secular authority. The episodes concerning the miracle of the revival of the hanged man take place across the facing pages. This is an extremely clear example of how altering the original order of the preliminary drawings to begin the miniature cycle on a recto destroys the tight thematic content of the facing pages. The missing miniatures for these episodes would have been on a recto followed by a verso, thereby splitting the sequence. This disjunction confirms that those who created the miniatures consciously altered the cohesion established by the groupings of episodes in the preliminary drawings. The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 53v, 54r (Appx. A.2, A.3 and Appx. G.2)33 The triumph of ecclesiastical authority over secular authority. 4.1.5

Preliminary Drawings f. 53v (Miniatures f. 59r) Upper register: Converting the Franks and building churches.34 Lower register: Amand exiled by Dagobert.35 Preliminary Drawings f. 54r (Miniatures f. 60v) Upper register: Amand is recalled and forgives Dagobert.36 Lower register: Amand baptises Sigebert.37 The unifying theme in these facing pages is again the conflict between ecclesiastical and secular authority, continuing the construct established in the preceding facing pages, and the clear triumph of ecclesiastical authority, buttressed by forgiveness, over a more narrow and malicious secular authority. This, too, mirrors Christ’s experiences and underscores an over-arching theme of the imitatio Christi. Once news of Amand’s miracle in raising the hanged man reached the Franks, they desired conversion to

Christianity; they tore down their pagan temples and built churches and monasteries funded by King Dagobert and other wealthy patrons. In the upper register of f. 53v, Amand has his right arm outstretched as he oversees the activities of the Franks, a manifestation of ecclesiastical authority triumphing over paganism. It is unclear in the drawing if the work undertaken is the destruction of the temples or the building of churches.38 This depiction may be compared with the episode in the life of Christ in which he visits the temple and ejects the money-changers.39 In the lower register, Dagobert exiles Amand because he criticised the king for repudiating his first wife for her failure to provide a male heir and for his subsequent polygamous marriages. The king later regrets this decision when he wishes to have his son Sigebert baptised by the holiest man in the land, Amand. Consumed with guilt, he recalls Amand, and begs forgiveness, thereby subordinating his secular authority to Amand’s ecclesiastical authority. The upper register of the facing page depicts the king kneeling before Amand as he asks for forgiveness. The lower register depicts Sigebert’s baptism. The ceremony was noted as a miracle because, according to Baudemond, Sigebert, who was only forty days old, exclaimed “Amen” at the end of the ceremony.40 The thematic connection between the two preliminary drawings on this page is forgiveness. Amand’s forgiveness of Dagobert is apparent, but it also mirrors Christian baptism through which sin is forgiven. Christ signalled its importance by submitting to it himself.41 An exiled Amand, being not only recalled but also asked by the king to perform the important task of baptising his son and heir, exemplifies the triumph of ecclesiastical over secular authority. Neatly positioned across facing pages in the preliminary drawings, the altered order for the miniatures clearly demonstrates how, as in the case of the hanged man, severing the

38 39 40

41 32 Phillip, aass Feb. i, 863E, & extorta laqueo vita, carnis ac spiritus obiecerat triste dissidium. 33 Phillip, Chapters 21, 26–28, aass Feb. i, 864–865. 34 Phillip, Chapter 21, aass Feb. i, 864A. 35 Phillip, Chapter 26, aass Feb. i, 864F–865C. 36 Phillip, Chapter 27, aass Feb. i, 865B–C. 37 Phillip, Chapter 28, aass Feb. i, 865C–D.

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Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 242, describes this image only as the destruction of temples. Matt 21:12–17. Phillip, Chapter 28, aass Feb. i, 865D, Puer namque quadraginta ferme ab ortu habens dies, cum, oratione finita, non esset in multitudine tam frequenti, qui locum suppleret idiotae, clara voce respondit, Amen, & omnium qui audierunt in se oculos et corda conuertit. Mark 1:6–12. Among other Biblical references: John 3:5, “Jesus answered: Amen, amen I say to thee, unless a man be born again of water and the Holy Ghost, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God”. Respondit Jesus: Amen, amen dico tibi, nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua, et Spiritu Sancto, non potest introire in regnum Dei. See also Matt 28:19. The Catholic Encyclopaedia, accessed July 2013, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/02258b.htm, (Ad Parochos, De Bapt., 2, 2, 5) defines baptism as the sacrament of regeneration by water in the word (per aquam in verbo).

62 r­ elationship between facing pages destroys the cohesion originally conceived to emphasise a certain theme. Those who chose to alter the original order must have been aware of the consequences of this. The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 55v, 56r (Appx. A.6, A.7 and Appx. G.2)42 Recognition of Amand’s sanctity. 4.1.6

Preliminary Drawings f. 55v (Miniatures f. 63r) Upper register: Amand’s investiture as Bishop of Maastricht.43 Lower register: Amand receives a letter from Pope Martin i (649–55).44 Preliminary Drawings f. 56r (Miniatures f. 64v) Upper register: Saint Gertrude kneels before Amand to be consecrated and accepted into a convent.45 Lower register: Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.46 The unifying theme in these four depictions is the recognition of Amand’s sanctity. The upper register of f. 55v establishes the theme by depicting his investiture as bishop of Maastricht. This important event is followed by his direct correspondence with the pope, evidence of the high regard in which he is held and of his reputation for sanctity. On the facing page the theme is continued by the depiction of his association with two saints, one of whom he consecrates for entry into holy orders, the other in whose company a miracle occurs. The letter from Pope Martin is in response to a communication sent by Amand to the pope, in which he complains about his clergy in Maastricht. Pope Martin addresses his concerns, praises his good works and encourages him to continue at his see.47 The preliminary drawing depicting the letter in the lower register employs a symmetrical format, a layout used throughout the cycle to denote episodes of spiritual significance.48

42 43 44

Phillip, Chapters 29, 32, 35–36, aass Feb. i, 865–868. Phillip, Chapter 29, aass Feb. i, 865F–66A. Phillip, Chapter 32, aass Feb. i, 866–867. Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 766. 45 Phillip, Chapter 35, aass Feb. i, 868C–D. 46 Phillip, Chapter 36, aass Feb. i, 868D–F. 47 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 189, notes that Phillip inserts the letter into MS 500 in the appropriate place. 48 These include: f. 53r, Amand declares his vocation; f. 57r, upper register, Amand’s episcopy; f. 63r, lower register, Amand receives the letter from Pope Martin; f. 62v, upper register, Amand’s soul with Christ. The related preliminary drawings also are

Chapter 4

This ­significance is almost certainly due to the fact that the pope, the highest authority in the Roman Church and considered a direct descendent of Saint Peter, who features at critical moments in Amand’s life, responds to Amand and praises his work. The pairing of these two scenes on the page emphasises Amand’s ecclesiastical position and underscores the power of the church through its bishops. On the facing page, f. 56r, the two episodes depict Amand with saints. In both cases his reputation for sanctity underpins his interaction with them. In the upper register of the preliminary drawing, Amand consecrates Saint Gertrude so that she may enter the convent founded by her mother, Itta. Amand is on the left, his right arm outstretched in blessing pose, his left holding his crozier of office. This event is paired in the lower register with Amand’s meeting with Saint Ghislain. The vita describes Amand’s visit to the monastery and states that the monks did not have suitable fare for such an important visitor; Amand therefore departed without having eaten. While being conducted to a boat to cross the Haine River, a large fish threw itself onto the bank. Amand returned to the monastery with the fish to share this good fortune but refused to accept that his presence was the cause of a miracle, a manifestation of his humility. The fish is not depicted in the preliminary drawing, which is at the heart of the vita description, but is alluded to in the miniature where Ghislain points to the river. It is curious that the fish is not actually depicted although the episode was almost certainly selected as evidence of Amand’s sanctity due to its parallel with two events in the life of Christ: the feeding of the five thousand from five loaves and two fish, and the large catch of fish that Christ predicted for fishermen.49 The Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings, ff. 57v, 58r (Appx. A.10, A.11 and Appx. G.2)50 Amand and the imitatio Christi. 4.1.7

Preliminary Drawings, ff. 57v (Miniatures, ff. 65r) Upper register: Amand faces the blaspheming Basque.51 Lower register: The blind man healed by water that touched Amand.52

49 50 51 52

s­ ymmetrical in format, but also include f. 62r, upper register, the hanging of the thief. Matt. 14:13–21 and Luke 5:4–9 respectively. Phillip, Chapter 38, 40–42, aass Feb. i, 868–869. Phillip, Chapter 38, aass Feb. i, 868F–869B. Phillip, Chapter 39, aass Feb. i, 869A.

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

Preliminary Drawings f. 58r (Miniatures f. 66v) Upper register: Amand on the mountain with the assassins.53 Lower register: Amand and the blind woman who worshipped trees.54 The theme tying together the depictions on this set of facing pages is once again the imitatio Christi, events of spiritual and physical healing deriving from Amand’s sanctity that suggest parallels with Christ. On each page there is an event of both spiritual and physical healing, spiritual healing on the upper register and physical healing on the lower. Both upper registers depict Amand’s presence overcoming an evil spirit while the lower ­registers both depict restoration of sight through faith occasioned by Amand’s presence. Faithful to the vita, the artists maintain the depiction of the miracles as acts of faith which, for the viewer, may have been intended to presage the role of the saint as intercessor after his death. The upper register of f. 57v concerns the episode in which a Basque, who, on encountering Amand, blasphemes the gospels and mocks the saint. The Basque is seized by demons, and he begins to harm himself. He declares that this is the punishment he deserves, thereby indicating repentance for his blasphemy and for mocking Amand; he then dies. The lower register depicts Amand’s visit to a bishop where water the bishop used to wash Amand’s hands is offered to a blind beggar outside the church. The water cures the beggar’s blindness. This miracle is similar to that performed by Christ whereby a woman is healed, not by direct contact or attention from Christ, but simply by having faith that touching the hem of his robes would be sufficient.55 The depictions on the facing page, f. 58r, similarly display events of spiritual and physical healing on the upper and lower registers respectively. A priest in a neighbouring city, jealous of the king’s favour, arranged for Amand to be killed. Assassins, pretending to direct Amand to land granted by the king for a new monastery, instead lead him up a mountain with the intention of decapitating him. Amand was aware of the plot but nonetheless continued with them, viewing his impending death as martyrdom. But a fierce storm arose, and the men, fearing for their lives, begged Amand’s forgiveness. Amand entreated them to pray and when the weather then calmed they 53 54

55

Phillip, Chapter 40, aass Feb. i, 869B–D. Phillip, Chapter 42, aass Feb. i, 869EF. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 196, cites this is Phillip’s Chapter 52, but is actually 42. Matt. 9:20–22.

63

simply returned to their homes. Curiously, neither the preliminary drawing nor the miniature shows what one would think to be the most important aspect of the vita, the humbling of the assassins demonstrated by their prostration before Amand. This is noteworthy in the sense that the image on the facing page in the preliminary drawings shows the Basque clearly humbling himself before Amand. In the lower register the miracle of the blind woman whose sight is restored mirrors the healing of the blind beggar on the facing page in the preliminary drawings. The woman worshipped idols and believed in augury. Amand tells her that if she cuts down the tree containing the demons she worships, she will restore the health of her soul. The emphasis is on spiritual healing since in the vita Amand does not profess to restore her sight. Her daughter leads her to the tree, which she cuts down, and by this act of faith her sight is restored. The result of healing is shown in the woman’s eyes, which are depicted open, demonstrating that the spiritual healing occasioned by her destruction of the idol she worships led to the physical healing of her blindness. 4.1.8

Missing Preliminary Drawings for Miniatures, ff. 61r, 62v (Appx. A.17, A.20 and Appx. G.2)56

Missing Preliminary Drawings, verso, for Miniatures, f. 61r Upper register: Amand tames a bear and meets a messenger from the pope.57 Lower register: Amand and two other saints prostrate themselves before an altar.58  issing Preliminary Drawings, recto, for Miniatures, M f. 62v Upper register: Amand’s soul with Christ.59 Lower register: Amand’s entombment.60 The last two facing pages of preliminary drawings are missing and would almost certainly have been on the folia excised from the cycle. Although what these missing folia contained cannot be known with certainty, sequence analysis of the folia demonstrated in Chapter 2 (Diags. 3–5) suggests that they would have contained on the verso the preliminary drawings of the bear with Amand and Saint 56 57 58 59 60

Phillip, Chapter 43, 51, aass Feb. i, 870A, 872B–E. Phillip, Chapter 43, aass Feb. i, 870A. The precise event represented by this depiction cannot be identified, see Appx. H. Phillip, Chapter 51, aass Feb. i, 872E. Phillip, Chapter 51, aass Feb. i, 872B–E.

64

Chapter 4

Humbert in the upper register, paired in the lower register with Amand and two other saints prostrating themselves before an altar. The miniatures for these episodes are on f. 61r. The facing page would have contained the preliminary drawings for the miniatures on f. 62v, which in the upper register depicts Amand’s soul with Christ and his entombment in the lower. These miniatures currently occupy a recto and verso but as preliminary drawings, and as originally intended, would have occupied facing pages. The underlying theme tying together the preliminary drawings on the missing facing pages with their four putative episodes is not as readily apparent as it is for the facing pages for the extant preliminary drawings. Thus, measured consideration of these four episodes is necessary in order to understand why they would have been chosen for facing pages had the cycle not been altered to begin on a recto. Since the episodes with the bear and the prostration at the altar were two of the five episodes added to the original vita by Phillip of Aumône, it is possible that they were selected without due consideration as to whether or not they necessarily enhanced or worked with the partnering episodes on the facing page.61 However, this is hard to countenance given the effort to conceive harmonious grouping of episodes on preceding facing pages; nor indeed does such a mismatch of episodes seem likely given the importance of the final depictions of the cycle, that of Amand’s entombment and his soul in the lap of Christ. Nonetheless, it is conceivable. The episode with the bear, another of Amand’s miracles, depicts an event that occurred late in the saint’s life on his third and final trip to Rome. Amand encountered a wild bear while travelling with Saint Humbert just outside the city. He pacified the bear and made it carry their baggage. The vita states that the pope, having been alerted to their visit by an angel, sent a messenger to instruct the saints to free the bear before they entered the city. This was to ensure that Amand and his companion entered the city suitably humble so that the spectacle caused by a tamed bear would not divert the people’s reverence for God. The vita informs that Amand duly released the bear, which then returned to its lair in the forest. In discussing this depiction, scholars have focused exclusively on the miracle of taming the bear, notwithstanding that the depiction also clearly illustrates another, and arguably more important, part of the episode regarding the messenger and instruction from the pope.62 61 62

See this book, Chapter 2, 14. Phillip, Chapter 43, aass Feb. i, 870A. Sic accedentibus ad Vrbem viris Dei, familiari colloquio Romanus [col 0870B] Pontifex, edoctus ab Angelo, ministerio cursoris occulte denuntiat, vt absoluant ab hoc ministerio feram: ne pompatice magis, quam religiose

The depiction in the lower register has been the source of considerable scholarly debate because of the difficulty in identifying the exact event and the individuals depicted. The evidence is discussed in the second part of this chapter, but the depiction is clearly of three saints, one of whom must be Amand. In many ways the location of this scene is less important than their postures. The saints are not shown kneeling in prayer, but prostrating themselves in an act of humility. The tumbling figures, arms extended, capture the moment in which they perform this act of obeisance. In the upper register, there are two acts of humility. First, the bear itself is humbled through Amand’s divine grace and from a fierce and wild animal becomes a beast of burden. Second, and more important, Amand is commanded by the pope to enter Rome in a suitably reverent and humble manner by freeing the bear, whose presence as a tamed animal, would have led to the irreverent spectacle that the pope decried. The unifying spiritual message on this page is therefore humility. The facing page would have consisted of the preliminary drawings of the entombment and soul of Amand with Christ. In these miniatures Amand is honoured and exalted. On earth his body is honoured by being depicted clothed in episcopal regalia at his entombment, while his soul is exalted and shown in the lap of Christ. Honour and exultation are an obvious theme tying these two depictions together, but they may also be viewed as reward for a life in which humility was clearly an important if not predominant feature. Thus, humility and reward may be conceived as providing an underlying but sophisticated theme. It would help explain how these two depictions could be seen to relate to those on the putative facing page. It is likely that this juxtaposition is one factor that caused those who prepared the final cycle of miniatures to alter the order. Facing each other, the image of the bear would have been directly opposite and on the same level as Amand’s soul, which may well have been considered as discordant, eccentric, and unsuitable. Re-arranging the order of the cycle so that it begins on a recto would make this issue disappear. More important, the miniatures of v­ ideantur ingredi ciuitatem, quae religionis & honestatis caput esse debet in gentibus: neue spectaculi nouitate concursus moueant populorum, & omnium in se voces & ora conuertant. Apostolicae iussioni sancti Patres obediunt, & absolutam ab iniuncta obedientia feram, ad saltuum latebras redire permittunt, subinde respectantem, & obsequium suum signis quibus poterat, exhibentem. Inde ciuitatem ingressi, digne ac reuerenter excipiuntur a summo Pontifice: [redit:] peractisque omnibus ad quae venerant, & perquisitis Sanctorum suffragiis, ad propria cum gaudio reuertuntur.

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

65

Amand’s entombment and soul with Christ become isolated on the final verso of the cycle, emphasising their importance and elevating the depiction of Amand’s soul with Christ to a devotional image, as will be discussed further in Chapter 5. 4.2

Comparison between Preliminary Drawings and Miniatures

The following discussion focuses on those differences between the drawings and miniatures on individual pages that either amplify or amend the themes identified in section 4.1 of this chapter. Cerny asserts that spiritual messages are particularly evident in the preliminary drawings and that the artists who created the miniatures sometimes altered them, possibly without realising that their alterations subverted this intention.63 While this is true in some cases (certainly not all), it is also clear that the artists of the miniatures used colour and layout to expand the spiritual content. Preliminary Drawings, ff. 59v, 60r (Appx. A.14, A.15)64 cf. Related Miniatures f. 53r, f. 54v (Appx. A.1, A.4) Amand’s early life. 4.2.1

Preliminary Drawings f. 59v, cf. Miniatures f. 53r. Upper register: A young Amand stands between his parents.65 Lower register: Amand arrives at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu.66 In the upper register, the depiction of Amand with his parents, both in the preliminary drawing and in the miniature, replicates images that show the Virgin standing between her parents, Ann and Joachim (Fig. 27).67 This

63 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 244–245. 64 Phillip, aass Feb. i, 859–860. 65 Phillip, Chapter 1, aass Feb. i, 859C. 66 Phillip, Chapter 2, aass Feb. i, 859D–E. 67 Vatican Library, Cod. Vat. Gr. MS 1162, f. 57v. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 184–185. Beda Kleinschmidt, Die heilige Anna: ihre Verehrung in Geschichte, Kunst und Volkstum (Düsseldorf: L. Schwann, 1930), figs. 23, 44. Jacqueline Lafontaine-Dosogne, Iconographie de l’Enfance de la Vierge dans l’Empire Byzantin et en Occident (Brussels: Académie Royale de Belgique, 1964), 1:139 and fig. 82. Maria Evangelatou, “Pursuing Salvation Through a Body of Parchment: Books and their Significance in the Illustrated Homilies of Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos”, Mediaeval Studies 68 (2006): 239–284.

Figure 27 The young Virgin between her parents, Homilies of Jakob, twelfth century. Vatican Library, Cod. Vat. Gr. MS 1162, f. 57v.

was not simply a matter of adapting a recognizable topos, but probably also represents an effort to overlay the reverence and importance afforded to the Virgin onto the early life of Amand. In the lower register Amand is depicted arriving at the monastery of Yeu. In the preliminary drawing he is positioned between the boatman on the left and the monks on the right while focusing his attention on the monks on the right. In the corresponding miniature he is shown on the far left with the boatman in the centre. The relationship between the upper and lower registers in the preliminary drawing is created by Amand’s position and by the focus of his attention. In both drawings he is shown standing between others, focusing on the figures to his left–in the upper register, his father, and in the lower register, the monks. In the preliminary drawings the monks in the lower register are positioned in a vertical line with the youthful Amand in the upper register, thus reinforcing Amand’s commitment to the church; but in the miniature they are repositioned in a vertical with Amand’s father. This seems to be a curious and thoughtless change, in line with Cerny’s observation. Associating Amand’s father visually with the monks could hardly have been a logical visual conceit given the fact that in the vita Amand’s father, Serenus, is described as “evil” because he sought to prevent Amand from joining the monastery by threatening to disinherit him.68 In the altered sequence

68

Phillip, Chapter 4, aass Feb. i, 860 A–C, & in conspectu eius ad nihilum deducta est impostoris antiqui maligna peruersitas.

66 of m ­ iniatures this is the first folio and a recto, and thus would be viewed by itself. Preliminary Drawings f. 60r, cf. Miniatures f. 54v. Upper register: Amand encounters a large serpent.69 Lower register: The confrontation between Amand and his father Serenus.70 In the upper register, Amand encounters a large serpent. Initially terrified, he prostrated himself but then made the sign of the cross which caused the serpent to flee, thereby proving it was Satan.71 Both the preliminary drawing and the miniature present Amand in a more prepossessing manner than the vita describes when he meets the snake. Instead of depicting his fear and prostration before the serpent, his open gestures signify a bold reaction as he raises his hand to make the sign of the cross. In the lower register Amand’s father Serenus confronts the saint, threatening him with disinheritance if he continues with his plan to enter a monastery. The preliminary drawing shows no artistic relationship between the upper and lower registers. But the miniature does show a significant relationship by using the end of the undulating tail of the serpent, which lies at the lower edge of the upper register, directly above Serenus’s head in the lower register. The implication of this conceit is that Serenus is evil because he threatens Amand with disinheritance should he insist on pursuing his religious calling. In this case, Cerny’s argument that the artists of the miniatures were insensitive to the relationship between the upper and lower registers created by the preliminary drawings is clearly inaccurate.72 Preliminary Drawings ff. 63v, 64r (Appx. A.22, A.23)73 cf. Related Miniatures, ff. 55r, 56v (Appx. A.5, A.8) Amand’s ordination and early experience as a monk. 4.2.2

69 Phillip, Chapter 3, aass Feb i, 859E–860A. 70 Phillip, Chapter 4, aass Feb. i, 860A–C. 71 Phillip, aass Feb. 1, 859F–860A. Subito namque serpens immanis corpore, forma terribilis, horrendus aspectu, sese sacris iniecit obtutibus: & mentis sabbatum transtulit in stuporem…. Auditur in excelso clamor eius: & de caelesti propitiatorio munus exauditionis in auxilium reportatur. Illico surgit intrepidus, & in hostem fidei signo Crucis…. Vincitur in serpente diabolus, & inuitur tamquam diploide confusione sua: pro ingesto timore recipit doloris anxietantisque manipulos, &, quo videtur aetas victoris infirmior, eo grauiori pulsatur insania; turbatur vehementius, & amplius erubescit. 72 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 244–245. 73 Phillip, Chapters 5–9, aass Feb. i, 860–861.

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Preliminary Drawings f. 63v, cf. Miniatures f. 55r Upper register: Amand is tonsured at Tours.74 Lower register: Amand requests a period of solitary contemplation.75 The preliminary drawings show the officiating cleric at Amand’s tonsuring in the upper register and the bishop in the lower register in general alignment; in both registers Amand is positioned on the same vertical line. This neat juxtaposition of figures establishes the relationship between the two registers. The miniature in the upper register alters this relationship by reversing the positions of Amand and the bishop. Of equal significance is the alteration of the officiating cleric performing the tonsure in the upper register. The preliminary drawing depicts a standing male figure in the robes of a monk, who was probably intended to be the abbot and, as such, the person who would conduct the ceremony. The miniature converts the figure to a seated bishop in full episcopal regalia with a nimbus. This alteration elevates the importance of the ceremony by adding an element of grandeur, implying an a priori recognition of Amand’s holiness.76 Preliminary Drawings f. 64r, cf. Miniatures f. 56v Upper register: Amand is unceremoniously expelled from a church in Rome.77 Lower register: Saint Peter appears to Amand.78 In terms of design, the related miniatures, f. 56v, vary little from the preliminary drawings, f. 64r, except in scale to accommodate the wider border. Preliminary Drawings, ff. 65v, 66r (Appx. A.26, A.27)79 cf. Related Miniatures, ff. 57r, 58v (Appx. A.9, A.12) Amand experiences the power of the Holy Spirit. 4.2.3

Preliminary Drawings f. 65v, cf. Miniatures f. 57r Upper register: Amand receives the insignia of his episcopacy.80 Lower register: Amand performs an exorcism.81 74 75 76

77 78 79 80 81

Phillip, Chapter 5, aass Feb. i, 860C–E. Phillip, Chapter 6, aass Feb. i, 860E–F. Both Malcolm Baker and Abou-El-Haj note that this transformation was in keeping with twelfth-century manuscripts that stressed episcopal authority and ceremony. Baker, “Medieval Illustrations”, 39. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 169. Phillip, Chapter 8, aass Feb. i, 861B–C. Phillip, Chapter 9, aass Feb. i, 861C–D. Phillip, Chapter 10, 14–18, aass Feb. i, 861–863. Phillip, Chapter 10, aass Feb. i, 861D–F. Phillip, Chapter 14, aass Feb. i, 862D.

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

In the upper register, during the ceremony of his ordination, Amand is the central figure with his head bowed and is flanked by two officiating bishops. This symmetrical arrangement is employed at significant events throughout the cycle, including the first depiction where Amand is shown between his parents, f.53r. In the preliminary drawing he stands erect and frontal, as he does in the miniature, as he receives his episcopal power from the Holy Spirit. The two figures on the extreme right and left of Amand are switched between the preliminary drawing and miniature so that the assistant holding the oils is on the left in the miniature. In the preliminary drawing the figure on the left, wears a hat, which suggests that he may be King Clothair ii.82 The figure on the right in the miniature does not wear a hat; in addition, instead of the long tunic in the preliminary drawing, he is shown wearing a red cloak and displaying blue hose on his right leg. Abou-El-Haj views these changes as a deliberate effort to reduce visual emphasis on royalty following resolution of the Investiture Crisis in 1122 whereby the royal prerogative to appoint bishops was withdrawn and returned solely to the church.83 In the lower register, Amand exorcises a demon that has grasped one of his servants, who looks fearfully back at Amand for help. Both the preliminary drawing and the miniature show Amand holding a speech ribbon. As described in the vita, Amand calls to the boy to invoke the help of Christ. The miniature takes the episode to the next stage by depicting the boy grasping the ribbon and thereby implying that he is following Amand’s instruction. The pairing of these two depictions, in both the preliminary drawing and miniature demonstrates the power of the Holy Spirit not only in Amand’s own purification at his episcopacy but also through his power to cleanse others. Both miniatures colour Amand’s hair white, while in the previous ones his hair colour is brown. It reverts to brown in succeeding miniatures, and at first glance this might have been intended to indicate aging–although this event occurs early in his life. Alternatively, it could simply have been a mistake made by the artists. But those instances where Amand’s hair colour is depicted white (or yellow, as in gathering Y+Z) occur during moments when he receives the benefit of some heavenly intervention: for example, in the upper register of f. 57r when he is ordained and receives his episcopacy and in the lower 82 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 266n47, notes Clothair ii was Dagobert’s father. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 174, states the officiating bishop on the left is holding shears, but he is in fact carrying two flasks possibly holding the oil to anoint Amand. 83 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 188–189.

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register when he exorcises a demon. He is also shown with white hair on f. 58v when he recalls the vision of Saint Peter who provided protection when he was attacked by Basques, as discussed below (see Appx. F). Preliminary Drawings f. 66r, cf. Miniatures f. 58v. Upper register: Saint Peter appears to Amand during a great storm at sea.84 Lower register: Amand is beaten and thrown into the river by those he tries to convert.85 In the preliminary drawing Saint Peter is depicted clutching Amand’s left arm while in the miniature he takes Amand’s right arm, which crosses his body. The hands are in approximately the same position, which perhaps indicates a misreading of the preliminary drawing. Peter’s left arm in the preliminary drawing is held higher, making the speech ribbon he holds longer. By lowering the arm in the painting, the ribbon is necessarily shorter, which perhaps explains why Baudemond’s phrase ‘Noli timere Amand’ cannot be completed.86 The sailors in the miniature are portrayed using long oars and appear active while those in the drawing use shorter paddles and are passive.87 The lower register of the preliminary drawing depicts the initial response of the people of Ghent to Amand’s efforts to convert them to Christianity. Amand is shown dragged by his right arm while men beat him with clubs. In the miniature, he is shown dragged by both arms but not beaten with clubs. The open pose of Amand in the miniature demonstrates his vulnerability. On the right of the preliminary drawing a woman is also beating him, a detail noted in the vita and a source of particular humiliation at the time, but which curiously is not incorporated in the miniature. The Ghentians in the miniature are 84 85 86

Phillip, Chapter 15, aass Feb. i, 862E–863A. Phillip, Chapter 18, aass Feb. i, 863B. The ribbon clearly shows the words separated by a raised dot. Legible are the words ‘NOLI.TIMERE.A’. Under Peter’s sleeve there is a mark of the next letter, possibly ‘M’, continuing the word AMAND. Here the artist follows Baudemond’s text which states: ‘Noli timere’ (MS 502, f. 13v) and not Phillip’s later version in which he writes ‘Ne timeas’. MS 500, f. 90r, aass Feb i, 862F. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 178, misreads the text in the ribbon. She overlooks the raised points separating the words and instead notes the wording: ‘Noli timerea’. Nonetheless, she arrives at the same conclusion that the text the artists of MS 500 may have followed was that of MS 502, not Phillip’s vita. 87 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 178, notes that in the preliminary drawing II on f. 66r, there is a mitered bishop on the left between the sailor and Amand. However, this figure is from preliminary drawings I, of the episcopy scene, partly erased.

68 deliberately rendered with curly hair, exaggerated features and darkened faces to present them as uncouth pagans.88 In the preliminary drawing, their attention is riveted on Amand; it therefore lacks the visual power that the corresponding miniature has achieved by linking the lower register with the upper through the upward gaze of some of the Ghentians. This device suggests that Saint Peter gave Amand strength in the upper register to withstand the trials depicted in the lower. Saint Peter’s intervention is also conveyed by portraying Amand’s face with identical features to those of Peter himself, including a pearled nimbus and white hair to denote a moment of divine intervention, as discussed above. He is also shown wearing a white garment, which further enhances his saintliness. Preliminary Drawings, ff. 61v, 62r (Appx. A.18, A.19).89 Related Miniatures Missing The triumph of ecclesiastical authority over secular authority and the imitatio Christi. 4.2.4

The miniatures related to these preliminary drawings are missing (see Chapter 2, Diag. 2), but analysis of these preliminary drawings is appropriate and contributes to understanding the original intent of the artists who created them. Preliminary Drawings f. 61v, Related Miniatures Missing. Upper register: Amand builds churches and preaches to the people of Ghent.90 Lower register: Count Dotto condemns a man to death.91 In the preliminary drawing in the upper register, Amand is depicted preaching standing on the left in front of a building, probably a church. In the lower register, the Count, representing secular authority, condemns a prisoner to death despite Amand’s pleas for mercy. The Count is placed in a vertical line with the church in the upper register, thus emphasising the relationship–or perhaps conflict–between the two foci of authority. Amand in the lower register is now placed on the right, in line with the crowd in the upper register, representing his support for them.

88 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 125, 179, suggests this technique represents them as “lunatics”. 89 Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D–864A. 90 Phillip, Chapter 19, aass Feb. i, 863C. 91 Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 180, notes that Milo identifies the Count of Tournai, who refers to him as a judge appointed by the king.

Chapter 4

Preliminary Drawings, f. 62r, Related Miniatures Missing. Upper register: The hanging of the wrongdoer.92 Lower register: Amand retrieves the hanged man’s body and revives him.93 The upper register of f. 62r depicts the hanging of the criminal. His hands are behind his back, his head leans to one side and his eyes are closed. The vita states that he is dead.94 Onlookers and others attending the execution are portrayed symmetrically flanking the hanged man. The use of the important symmetrical arrangement was presumably employed to highlight the miracle that follows. After rescuing the hanged man, Amand takes him to his cell. In the lower register of the preliminary drawing, the man is depicted sitting upright on the floor, demonstrating his complete return to life. The vita also informs that Amand, after reviving the hanged man, bathes him and, in so doing, makes his scars and wounds disappear. No doubt these details would have been reflected in the corresponding miniature, now removed from the gathering. The pairing of elements in the preliminary drawings vertically aligns the crowd on the left of the hanged man in the upper register with the monks in the lower register who witness his revival. Whereas the hanged man is in the centre of the drawing in the upper register, Amand is in the centre in the lower, thus underscoring the saint’s role as intercessor. Preliminary Drawings, ff. 53v, 54r (Appx. A.2, A.3)95 cf. Related Miniatures, ff. 59r, 60v (Appx. A.13, A. 16) The triumph of ecclesiastical authority over secular authority. 4.2.5

Preliminary Drawings f. 53v, cf. Miniatures f. 59r96 Upper register: Converting the Franks and building churches.97 Lower register: Amand exiled by Dagobert.98 In the upper register of the preliminary drawing on f. 53v, Amand, standing on the left, has his right arm outstretched as he oversees the activities of the Franks. Following conversion, they destroyed their pagan ­temples 92 Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D–864A. 93 Phillip, Chapter 20, aass Feb. i, 863D–864A. 94 Phillip, aass Feb. i, 863E, & extorta laqueo vita, carnis ac spiritus obiecerat triste dissidium. 95 Phillip, Chapters 21, 26–28, aass Feb. i, 864–865. 96 Phillip, Chapter 21, 26, aass Feb. i, 864A, F–865C. 97 Phillip, Chapter 21, aass Feb. i, 864A. 98 Phillip, Chapter 26, aass Feb. i, 864F–865C.

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

and built churches and monasteries funded by King Dagobert and other wealthy patrons. Some worshippers kneel at Amand’s feet while others are standing; on the right, men are depicted holding building tools and materials. The related miniature simplifies the preliminary drawing. Although Amand is still shown on the left with his right arm extended, in place of the kneeling worshippers between Amand and the crowd there is a gap filled with gold leaf. The two builders on the right remain, with a smaller, third man, included. It is unclear if the work depicted is the destruction of the temples or the construction of churches.99 In the lower register Dagobert exiles Amand because he criticised the king for abandoning his wife, who had failed to produce a son, and for taking multiple other wives. In the preliminary drawing Dagobert is seated frontal and positioned directly below Amand in the upper register. The king’s left arm is extended in a gesture of command echoing Amand’s gesture in the upper register. Amand is being pushed by one of Dagobert’s men, whose hand is on Amand’s right shoulder. Amand’s body is already turned to the right to leave although his head faces Dagobert in a submissive pose. In the corresponding miniature, while Dagobert’s courtier simply grasps Amand’s left sleeve, Amand’s pose is altered. His feet indicate that the lower half of his body is turned to the right to exit, but his torso is frontal and his head is turned to Dagobert. Unlike the submissive pose in the preliminary drawing, in the miniature, Amand’s general posture and raised right hand indicate dialogue or even confrontation with Dagobert and therefore provide a visual link between the two men. In the upper register of both the preliminary drawing and the miniature Amand is positioned above Dagobert in the lower register. Both have their arms raised, but Dagobert’s left arm is raised as a gesture of command while Amand uses his right arm in a supervisory way; in the preliminary drawing he has one finger raised while in the miniature he has two fingers raised in blessing pose. Both alignment and detail demonstrate the difference between saint and king, between ecclesiastical and secular authority. In the upper register, Amand supervises the construction of churches, which can be compared with Christ’s ministry as he drew disciples to him and developed a following. In the lower register, Dagobert, representing secular authority, judges and condemns Amand, an event comparable in Christ’s life to his judgment by Pilate.100 Both the preliminary drawing and miniature 99

Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 242, describes this image only as the destruction of temples. 100 John 18:28–38.

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depict crowds around Dagobert, which are analogous to those around Pilate. On the right of the upper register, the construction of churches is vertically aligned in the lower register with Amand’s banishment. The growth of Christ’s popularity led to fear by the authorities, his arrest and subsequent death; similarly Amand’s influence, represented by the building of churches, was such that, as he preached against the king’s polygamous marriages, the need arose to silence him. This interesting pairing anticipates the episodes on the facing page of the preliminary drawing, f. 54r, in which Amand is reinstated with honour, perhaps mirroring Christ’s resurrection in another manifestation of the imitatio Christi. It must be noted that the relationship depicted between Amand and Dagobert in these two episodes in both the preliminary drawings and miniatures is similar in conception to those on f. 61v, which also represented conflict between ecclesiastical and secular authority. Preliminary Drawings f. 54r, cf. Miniatures f. 60v. Upper register: Amand is recalled and forgives Dagobert.101 Lower register: Amand baptises Sigebert.102 Dagobert desires to have his son Sigebert baptised by the holiest man in the land, whom he had previously exiled. Consumed with guilt, he recalls Amand, and begs forgiveness. The upper register of both the preliminary drawing and the miniature depict the king, on the left, kneeling before Amand, who stands to the right and leans toward Dagobert as a gesture of forgiveness. The lower register of both the preliminary drawing and the miniature depicts Sigebert’s baptism when he was only forty days old.103 In both the preliminary drawing and the miniature, Sigebert is portrayed standing in the font and is depicted considerably larger than his age. This is possibly an example of hierarchy of scale, a device employed by artists to indicate an important individual in a group.104 In the lower register of both the preliminary drawing and miniature, it is unclear which of the officiating priests is Amand. Two points suggest that it is the individual directly below the saint in the upper register. First, vertical alignment, as shown, was sometimes employed to link upper and lower registers both in the preliminary drawings and the miniatures to help establish identity or provide other connection. Second, while both are unshaven, 101 102 103 104

Phillip, Chapter 27, aass Feb. i, 865B–C. Phillip, Chapter 28, aass Feb. i, 865C–D. Phillip, chapter 28, aass Feb. i, 865D. Richard Gameson, The Role of Art in the Late Anglo-Saxon Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 171.

70 the priest directly below Amand in the upper register has yellow hair, which differs from the brown hair colour of Amand in the upper register. As discussed above for the miniature on f. 57r, in incidences of divine intervention, the artists changed Amand’s hair colour to white or yellow, and this baptism is another of those incidences where divine intervention is involved. However, a degree of uncertainty remains as to definitive identification. It must be noted that yellow hair is used on other individuals and that the priest on the left retains the brown hair used on Amand in the upper register. He also has his right arm extended in a gesture of blessing and is close to the assistant who proffers the phial of unction–all features that might otherwise be associated with Amand as the officiating priest at a baptism. The font in both the preliminary drawing and the miniature is central with officiating clergy standing on either side. As with previous depictions in which divine intervention is noted, both the drawing and the corresponding miniature conform to a symmetrical layout. Preliminary Drawings, ff. 55v, 56r (Appx. A.6, A.7)105 cf. Related Miniatures, ff. 63r, 64v Recognition of Amand’s sanctity. 4.2.6

Chapter 4

which, as noted in Chapter 2, may have been created some years after the preliminary drawing, the king’s role is even less emphatic; he does not hand over a crozier but simply holds a sceptre and points to Amand.110 In the lower register Amand receives a letter from Pope Martin in response to a communication he had sent in which he complained about his clergy in Maastricht. Both the preliminary drawing and the miniature employ a symmetrical format, denoting it as an episode of special spiritual significance. The central figure in the miniature is more erect than in the preliminary drawing, thus emphasising the symmetrical composition. The witnesses are mirror-images of each other in the miniature, unlike those in the preliminary drawing, while the bishops holding the letter, identified by their mitres, are mirror-images in both the preliminary drawing and the miniature. Preliminary Drawings f. 56r, cf. Miniatures f. 64v. Upper register: Saint Gertrude kneels before Amand to be consecrated and accepted into a convent.111 Lower register: Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.112

In the preliminary drawing of Amand’s investiture, the king is depicted passing a crozier to Amand; prior to the resolution of the investiture crisis in 1122, a depiction of this episode would probably have shown the king actually ordaining the prelate whom he had selected. Phillip’s vita adjusts the detail of this ceremony to reflect the changes agreed at the Concordat of Worms in 1122 whereby the church obtained the exclusive right to appoint bishops.108 Abou-El-Haj’s insightful comparison of this preliminary drawing with its corresponding miniature demonstrates that the artists altered the detail to reflect this important change in ecclesiastical authority.109 In the miniature,

In the upper register of the preliminary drawing, Amand’s assistant holds aloft a book, which is probably a pontifical. Behind Gertrude there is a female witness, possibly her mother Itta, who founded the convent and who brings Gertrude to Amand. Amand is on the left, his right arm outstretched in a gesture of blessing, his left holding his crozier of office. Behind him stands a male witness. Between Amand and Gertrude there is an angular structure probably intended to be an altar. The corresponding miniature is similar to the preliminary drawing except that there are two men and two women as witnesses. The woman on the far right is particularly prominent in her red cloak, which suggests that this is Gertrude’s mother Itta. Gertrude’s kneeling pose is more exaggerated in the miniature with the artist presenting her in a more suppliant posture with her head lower, her back bent and her arms outstretched towards Amand. In the meeting with Saint Ghislain in the lower register, both the preliminary drawing and the miniature show a boat on the left with a boatman holding Amand, who is centrally placed; Saint Ghislain is on the right. The  vita

105 Phillip, Chapters 29, 32, 35–36, aass Feb. i, 865–868. 106 Phillip, Chapter 29, aass Feb. i, 865F–66A. 107 Phillip, Chapter 32, aass Feb. i, 866–867. Bartlett, Why Can the Dead, 766. 108 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 188–189. 109 Barbara Abou-El-Haj, “Consecration and Investiture in the Life of Saint Amand, Valenciennes, Bibl. Mun. Ms 502”, Art Bulletin 61, no. 3 (1979): 352. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 92–95.

110 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 245, also cites this change as evidence that the artists who created the drawing used the miniature of the earlier vita, MS 502, as a model, since the Investiture Controversy concerning the Church’s sole authority for appointing bishops was not resolved until 1122, half a century after MS 502 was created. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 30, 40, 174. 111 Phillip, Chapter 35, aass Feb. i, 868C–D. 112 Phillip, Chapter 36, aass Feb. i, 868D–F.

Preliminary Drawings f. 55v, cf. Miniatures f. 63r. Upper register: Amand’s investiture as Bishop of Maastricht.106 Lower register: Amand receives a letter from Pope Martin i (649–55).107

Exegesis and Message Reinforcement in Depictions of Amand in the miniature cycle

states that the monks were unable to cater for such an important visitor. While walking by the Haine River to return to the abbey, a large fish threw itself onto the bank, and Amand returned to the monastery with the fish. He refused to accept that his presence was the cause of this miracle. Curiously, the fish, a key element of the narrative, is not depicted in either the preliminary drawing or the miniature, although in the miniature Ghislain points to the river. This is the second episode in the cycle for which the vita describes the appearance of a large fish that is without any visual representation of the fish itself; the previous episode, preliminary drawing f. 66r, miniature f. 58v, recounted Amand’s missionary activities with sailors and the great storm. There too, the artists elected not to show the fish but focused instead on the storm that followed. Preliminary Drawings, ff. 57v, 58r (Appx. A.10, A.11)113 cf. Related Miniatures, ff. 65r, 66v Amand and the imitatio Christi. 4.2.7

 reliminary Drawings, f. 57v, cf. Miniatures, f. 65r P Upper register: Amand faces the blaspheming Basque.114 Lower register: The blind man healed by water that touched Amand.115 Both the preliminary drawings and miniatures of these episodes conflate multiple parts of the narrative into one depiction, demonstrating the ingenuity of the artist. In the upper register the depiction of the blaspheming Basque comprehends Amand preaching, the Basque’s mockery, his seizure by demons, his self-punishment, his contrition and his death. In the preliminary drawing, the Basque is depicted as smaller than the other figures in the scene, and the flailing of his arms and legs shows his torment. In the miniature, the Basque’s size is reduced still further, possibly either to demonstrate that Amand has driven unbelief, or perhaps even evil, out of him or simply to show the difference in power between Amand and the Basque. In both the preliminary drawing and the miniature, there is a figure lying on the ground between the legs of the Basque, which is probably intended to be the dead Basque himself.116 In the lower register the depiction similarly conflates key events surrounding Amand’s visit to a bishop. The bishop washes Amand’s hands and, recognising his visitor’s sanctity, orders his servant to offer the water to a 113 Phillip, Chapters 38–42, aass Feb. i, 868–869. 114 Phillip, Chapter 38, aass Feb. i, 868F–869B. 115 Phillip, Chapter 39, aass Feb. i, 869A. 116 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 125, also suggests this.

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blind man, which, once done, cures the beggar’s blindness. The artists of both the preliminary drawing and miniature brought the principal events recounted in the vita into one register. In the preliminary drawing the individual on the left, holding Amand’s hands, is unidentified but in the miniature is shown to be a bishop, as described in the vita.117 Amand, on his right with uncovered head, extends his arms. In the preliminary drawing only Amand has a nimbus while the individual to his left is bareheaded and has neither mitre nor nimbus; in the miniature both are given a nimbus. It is more likely that the status of this individual was enhanced in the miniature to emphasise Amand’s sanctity and importance. In both the preliminary drawing and the miniature, a servant on the far right holds a protective cloth under Amand’s hands, which has also been wrapped around his waist to protect his robes from splashes. As in the upper register, the artists conflate events comprising this episode by including, on the left, the process of the bishop’s servant offering the bowl to the beggar (although the vita states the bishop himself proffers the bowl), whose right hand touches the bowl while his left hand covers his left eye. However, there are certain key differences between the preliminary drawing and the miniature. In the preliminary drawing the beggar is older and bearded and his eyes are closed, an indication that he is in the process of being healed. In the miniature, he is youthful with yellow hair and his visible right eye is fully open, suggesting that healing has already occurred. As noted above, the artists appear to use a lighter colour for Amand’s hair, yellow or white, when divine intervention is being depicted. While Amand’s hair is brown in the miniature, the hair of both the bishop and beggar is yellow, perhaps indicating the effect of divine intervention with Amand as the catalyst acting through the bishop. The pairing of images on this page for both the preliminary drawings and the miniatures shows alignment of the dying (and therefore contrite) Basque in the upper register with the washing of Amand’s hands in the lower. The agent of both spiritual and physical healing respectively is placed on the left, Amand in the upper register and the servant using the water from Amand’s hands in the lower register. In the original sequence of preliminary drawings, the left of the page would have been on the outer side of a verso so that the key figures looked into the page. This would have caused the reader to view them without encumbrance and to lead the eye into the page. The new order created with the miniatures has these important figures on the left of a recto, aligned with the spine. Distorted by the ­necessary 117 Phillip, Chapter 39, aass Feb. i, 869A.

72 central binding, the figures therefore lose the prominence constructed by the original layout. Preliminary Drawings f. 58r, cf. Miniatures f. 66v118 Upper register: Amand on the mountain with the assassins.119 Lower register: Amand and the blind woman who worshipped trees.120 The depictions in the upper register of both the preliminary drawing and the miniature are similar. Assassins lead Amand up a mountain to kill him, but when a fierce storm arises, they beg Amand’s forgiveness. Amand entreats them to pray and, when the weather calms, they simply return to their homes. Both the preliminary drawing and the miniature again combine two events of the episode, Amand’s encounter with the assassins and their subsequent fear of the storm. The miniature differs from the preliminary drawing in that it portrays one of the assassins, wearing red hose, pointing the way, while his companions carry axes. On the right half of the register both depictions show the men cowering before the storm. Both depictions show Amand on the left in a positive, powerful pose with his left arm outstretched. The miracle of the blind woman whose sight is restored is depicted in the lower registers. Amand tells her that if she cuts down the tree containing the demons she worships, she will restore the health of her soul. Her daughter subsequently leads her to the tree, which she cuts down, and with this act of faith her sight is restored. In the preliminary drawing, as befits the importance of the scene, Amand is an imposing figure holding a crozier, whose image breaks into the separating bar between the two registers. In the miniature, however, Amand is smaller, fits within the frame and holds only a staff similar to that depicted in the upper register. In both the preliminary drawing and the miniature, the woman’s daughter is depicted on the extreme left while her mother takes an axe to the tree. The act of healing is shown in the woman’s eyes, which in both the preliminary drawing and the miniature are open, demonstrating that the spiritual healing the woman experiences by virtue of destroying the idol she worships also leads to the physical healing of her blindness. One curious aspect of this miniature is that two heads are depicted in the tree. Although they almost ­certainly represent the demons, they are in fact

118 Phillip, Chapter 40–42, aass Feb. i, 869. 119 Phillip, Chapter 40, aass Feb. i, 869B–D. 120 Phillip, Chapter 42, aass Feb. i, 869E–F.

Chapter 4

the faces of two men in the preliminary drawing on the reverse of the folio, f. 66r, which depicts the crowd that beat Amand and threw him into the water.121 Whether the artist of this register misread the preliminary drawing and included faces showing through from the reverse, or indeed, whether the artist saw the drawings on the reverse and decided to include them in the tree to represent the demons cannot be known.122 4.2.8 Miniatures, ff. 61r, 62v (Appx. A.17, A.20)123 Related Preliminary Drawings Missing Sequence analysis of the folia, established in Chapter 2, Diags. 3–5, suggests that the missing leaves would have contained on the verso the preliminary drawings of the bear with Amand and Saint Humbert in the upper register, paired in the lower register with three saints before an altar. The miniatures for these episodes are on f. 61r. The facing page would have been the preliminary drawings, which in the upper register depict Amand’s soul in the afterlife and his entombment in the lower. The miniatures for these episodes are on f. 62v. Missing Preliminary Drawings, verso, Related Miniatures, f. 61r. Upper register: Amand tames a bear and meets a messenger from the pope.124 Lower register: Amand and two other saints prostrate themselves before an altar.125 Amand pacifies a wild bear and uses it to carry his and his companion’s baggage. The pope, forewarned by an angelic messenger of their imminent arrival in Rome, instructs Amand to release the bear before entering the city in order not to create a distracting spectacle.126 In the depiction, a bearded Amand with his companion Humbert (not shown with a nimbus), stands on the left with a staff. The messenger, who has a nimbus, is on the right, his left arm raised with index finger pointing, a pose often employed in miniatures by artists to indicate that he is speaking. Both Amand and Humbert gaze intently at 121 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 256, makes the same observations but suggests the artist employed the model of the bishop’s head from f. 57v. 122 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 197, interprets them as the demons in the tree. 123 Phillip, Chapter 43, 51, aass Feb. i, 870A, 872B–E. 124 Phillip, Chapter 43, aass Feb. i, 870A. 125 The precise event represented by this depiction cannot be identified, see Appx. H. 126 Phillip, Chapter 43, aass Feb. i, 870A. See this Chapter, n63 for the Latin text.

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Figure 28 Soul of Lambert, Abbey of Saint-Bertin, c. 1125. Boulogne-sur-Mer, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 46, f. 1

Figure 29 Soul of Cuthbert carried in a cloth, Life of Cuthbert, England, Durham, last quarter of twelfth century. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, f. 73.

the messenger, demonstrating that they are fully engaged with his instructions. The vita informs that Amand duly releases the bear, which then returns to its lair in the forest. The depiction in the lower register, Amand and two other saints prostrating themselves before an altar, has been the source of considerable scholarly debate because of the difficulty in identifying the exact event and the individuals depicted. However, the interpretation of this scene is vital to understanding the planning of the gathering because of the lacuna in the sequence of miniatures; that is, moving from Amand at prayer, to his entombment, thus bypassing his deathbed scene, which features in the vita. The decision not to portray Amand on his deathbed is curious, because it was customary for illustrated vitae to dedicate two or more scenes to the death of the saint, and, as Abou-El-Haj demonstrates in her study of the ­eighteen cycles of saints lives produced before MS 500, twelve

have two or more death scenes, including MS 502.127 It is equally curious to suggest that the lower register would illustrate Amand dying, especially since it is paired with a scene from his life in the upper register. Due respect for the death of the saint, a key inflection point in his trajectory to an afterlife in heaven, would normally occasion a full-page image, as in the twelfth-century manuscripts depicting the deaths of Saints Lambert and Cuthbert (Figs. 28, 29).128 In the miniature on f. 61r, all three saints depicted have blue nimbi with a white outline. The upper figure wears a red cloak with blue robe, has brown hair and is clean 127 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, Appx. 4, “Chart Showing Distribution of Subjects in Illustrated Saint’s Lives”, 154–155. 128 Soul of Lambert, Boulogne, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 46, f. 1. Soul of Cuthbert, Life of Cuthbert, London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, f. 73.

74 shaven; the centre figure wears a white robe and has yellow curly hair and a long yellow beard and is therefore probably Amand; the lower figure has a blue cloak, a red robe, brown hair and is clean shaven. Consideration of the vita has failed to identify the two individuals with Amand or the precise episode depicted. Some contemporary scholars, noting that the following page (f. 62v) depicts Amand’s entombment and his soul with Christ, argue that it is Amand’s last Eucharist and a portent of his impending death.129 Boutemy describes this miniature as Amand’s death scene; Abou-El-Haj concurs, adding that the scene correctly illustrates Phillip’s text, which states the saint died in the Oratory of Saint Andrew before the altar of the Virgin after having received the sacrament.130 In support of this view, she points to a large chalice that appears to be elevated by the upper of the three figures, wearing a red cloak, as part of the ceremony of the Eucharist.131 However, close inspection reveals something quite different. Abou-El-Haj has misinterpreted the left capital of the arch–which is juxtaposed with the open and gesturing hands of the top figure–as a large chalice. It is highly unlikely that such an important object as the chalice used at Amand’s last Eucharist would have been intentionally concealed in the architecture of the church. Thus, her conclusion that this scene portrays Amand’s death throes in the Oratory of Saint Andrew must be incorrect. Cerny’s supposition is more imaginative but also leads to his interpretation of the scene as the death of Amand.132 Continuing with his premise that the miniatures intentionally employ established topoi of the life of Christ and the Virgin, he asserts that the scene with the bear in the upper register was based on depictions of Christ’s meeting with pilgrims on the road to Emmaus before 129 Phillip, Chapter 50–51, aass Feb. i, 870–872. 130 Igitur gloriosi Pontificis imminente reuerendi transitus die, cum esset in oratorio beati Andreae, post orationum munus, post suscepta caelestis sacramenta mysterij, inter discipulorum manus, finito vitae cursu migrauit ad Dominum; & appositus est ad Patres suos cum Gloria. Felix operum merito, felix gratia sanctitatis, felix consummatione laudabili cui diuinitus concessum est, vt ante altare beatae Virginis vltimum redderet spiritum, cuius se meritis adiuuari deuotissime postulat, cuius sacra vestigia toto mentis annisu studerat imitari. Phillip, Chapter 51, aass Feb. i, 872B. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 244. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 201. 131 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 201, “Under an arch hung with a lamp, designating the church sanctuary, three saints pray before the altar and one offers a chalice”. She identifies the scene as: “Amand dies before the altar of the Virgin in the oratory of St. Andrew”, 162. 132 Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 213.

Chapter 4

his ­ascension.133 This leads him to the conclusion that the lower register of f. 61r must portray Amand’s death. But this is an awkward and forced interpretation since it overlooks the bear, a large, obvious and critical element in the scene, and the fact that the meeting on the road to Emmaus takes place after, not before, Christ’s death. Moreover, Cerny offers no explanation as to how the miniature in the upper register relates to that in the lower. In short, pairing the miniature of the messenger from the pope regarding the bear with (as Boutemy, Abou-El-Haj, and Cerny would have it,) Amand dying in a church is not susceptible to such spiritual convergence and reinforcement between the upper and lower registers, as has generally been the case throughout the cycle. Marianne Besseyre takes another view. She describes the scene as Amand “prostrating himself with two companions” and suggests the more reasonable hypothesis that the church is either one in Rome, which Amand attended during his third visit, or at Saint-Amand [Elnone] to which he returned.134 Since Amand met the bear en route to Rome, the former seems the more likely of the two. The pose of the three figures is important and does indeed depict the men prostrating themselves, but it is simply not convincing as a vehicle for conveying Amand’s death. This pose does compare, however, with the three Marys prostrating themselves before Christ, as depicted in the Floreffe Bible (Fig. 30).135 While there is no evidence to suggest a direct copy of the figures since there are certainly differences between the three Marys and the three saints, transmission between the two is possible, or both could be independently reflecting a common repertoire of ideas.136 The three Marys appear essentially in positions of supplication to the risen Christ with their hands raised to the level of their heads, while the three saints in MS 500 appear more to be in a posture of prayer and obeisance with hands lowered. Nonetheless, because of their conceptual similarity, the scene may be interpreted as Amand prostrating himself in prayer at the altar, an action that demonstrates his humility before the power of Christ, just as the bear in the upper scene was humbled by Amand’s spiritual power and as Amand himself was humbled by the pope’s direction. 133 Luke 24:13–15. 134 Marianne Besseyre, “Recueil de vies de saints, seconde Vie de saint Amand”, in La Représentation, 90, no. 34. 135 London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 179v. Further on the Floreffe Bible and related manuscripts: Gevaert, “Le Modèle de la Bible de Floreffe”. Chapman, “The Floreffe Bible Revisited”. 136 The Floreffe Bible was created c.1165, possibly at the Abbey of Floreffe, which was some 130km east of Elnone.

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depicted in the deathbed scene in MS 502, f. 30r.142 AbouEl-Haj suggests that the repeated depiction of Amand in ecclesiastical garments in MS 500, including at his entombment, was a visual conceit specifically designed to emphasise the institution of the church rather than the saint himself.143 Perhaps also at this stage in the funerary process it was acceptable to dress the body differently. Abou-El-Haj may be correct on the use of episcopal regalia in order to strengthen the institution of the church. It may also be argued that showing Amand dressed in this way at his entombment is indicative of a calculated effort to elicit special devotion for the saint by elaborating his garments in order to emphasize the prestige and importance of his episcopal rank in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, thereby further embellishing his spiritual power in the eyes of his followers. Figure 30 The three Mary’s with Christ, Floreffe Bible, Meuse Valley, c. 1170. London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 179v.

Missing Preliminary Drawings, Recto, Related Miniatures, f. 62v Upper register: Amand’s soul with Christ.137 Lower register: Amand’s entombment.138 The soul of Amand in the upper register is depicted naked and frontal. He has long brown hair, rosy cheeks and musculature. Despite his advanced age when he died, his soul is portrayed youthful, thus conforming to Augustinian precepts, a subject discussed at length in Chapter 5.139 The identity of the figure holding his soul has also been a matter of scholarly debate and has been identified as both Abraham and heaven.140 As will also be discussed in Chapter 5, my analysis of the surrounding iconography demonstrates that the figure is almost certainly Christ. However, it is at least possible that it could also be some conflation of Christ, the Virgin and God the Father.141 In the lower register, the body of Amand at his entombment, the final stage in the funerary process, is clothed in full episcopal regalia although the requirement to dress the dead in monastic clothing still prevailed, as was

137 Phillip, Chapter 51, aass Feb. i, 872B–E. 138 Phillip, Chapter 51, aass Feb. i, 872B–E. 139 Augustine, De Civitate Dei, Libri xi–xii, ccsl 48, Book 22, Chapter 15, 834, discussed more fully in this book on page 77. 140 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 243. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 216. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 128, 203. 141 My thanks to Dr Alixe Bovey for this observation.

4.3 Summary Of critical importance is the order of the episodes established by the preliminary drawings and logically grouped on facing pages to represent key stages in Amand’s life. It is irrefutable that, after the preliminary drawings were complete, a decision was taken to begin the cycle on a recto rather than a verso as the preliminary drawings required (Diags. 3–5). This necessarily resulted in severing irrevocably the thematic harmony of the facing pages, which was analysed in section 4.1 (Appx. G.1, G.2). While study of the preliminary drawings demonstrates careful planning by those who originally created them, the last two facing pages, now only known through their miniatures, may perhaps be the reason why these alterations were made and why those who completed the cycle of miniatures accepted a less harmonious order. As facing pages of preliminary drawings, the juxtaposition of the image of a bear, with not only the soul of Amand but also with Christ, was perhaps seen as unacceptable. The solution therefore was to shift the whole cycle to begin on a verso, thus separating the image of the bear and Amand’s soul and in so doing isolating the final page. This action, while creating less cohesive groups on facing pages of miniatures, not only resolved the matter but also created the capacity for a devotional depiction of Amand’s soul.

142 Frederick S. Paxton, Christianizing death: The Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), 194–195. 143 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 115–130.

Chapter 5

The Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand In order to establish how unusual the depiction of Amand’s soul is and to understand its implications, comparison with depictions of the souls of other saints in the same period is necessary.1 Also relevant are representations of the soul of Lazarus from the parable of Dives and Lazarus in the Gospel of Luke;2 this was frequently depicted during the period, and the church considered Lazarus a saint. As will be demonstrated, the iconography of Lazarus offers useful insights into why the soul of Amand was portrayed as it was in MS 500.3 To date no other depiction of the soul of a saint in the lap of a male figure, as is the case of Amand in MS 500, has been found (f. 62v, Appx. A.20). Moreover, the scant scholarship that does exist on this image is both insubstantial and inconclusive. Boutemy describes it as representing Paradise with the figure by implication Abraham; Cerny notes a similarity with depictions of Abraham’s bosom while also detecting elements of Marian iconography but ultimately fails to arrive at any conclusion; Abou-El-Haj identifies the scene as Christ in heaven but provides no explanatory analysis for what amounts to an extempore description.4 Since there is no comprehensive study of this figure, and since there is considerable difference of opinion within such scholarship as exists, an analysis of all the features in the depiction is clearly in order. This investigation must also embrace the theological implications of the depiction, which its creators 1 There are currently only two art-historical studies devoted to the depiction of the soul. Their scope is limited to a historical overview beginning with Ancient Egypt and continuing through the fifteenth century. Both studies are useful in so far as they suggest possible antecedents for soul depictions, provide general historical context for the images and identify many of the ways in which the soul was portrayed. Neither, however, deals adequately with the iconography of the soul in the period under consideration in terms of form, media, context and related text (if any), all of which are necessary to understand the highly unusual nature of the depiction of Amand’s soul in MS 500, f. 62v. See Deborah Markow, “The Iconography of the Soul in Medieval Art” (PhD diss., New York University, 1983). Moshe Barasch, “The Departing Soul. The Long Life of a Medieval Creation”, Artibus et Historiae 26, no. 52 (2005): 13–28. 2 Luke 16:19–31. 3 Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”, 41–134, provides a comprehensive discussion of the topos and comparisons with the souls of saints. 4 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 243. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 214. AbouEl-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 128, 203.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_006

must have understood. Portraying the soul of Amand in the ambiguous afterlife space of Abraham’s bosom would have been highly problematic since a saint could not intercede on behalf of his followers unless he or she was in heaven. It is therefore extremely unlikely that the creators of this depiction would have purposefully prejudiced their saint’s intercessory powers by placing him in a location that was clearly not heaven. A review of contemporary understanding of the afterlife and the fate of souls after death but before the Last Judgement forms part of the discussion. In addition, this chapter will consider the only single miniature to occupy a whole page in the cycle of MS 500, that of the glorification of Amand as seen in a vision by the Abbess Aldegonde (f.68r, Appx. A.29). As noted in Chapter 2, this depiction was in all probability part of a diptych and is now almost certainly incorrectly positioned. The depiction is particularly important from an art historical perspective since it is the only portrayal common to all three illustrated vitae of Amand. In its earliest iteration in MS 502, it closely follows the narrative of Aldegonde’s vision, with a paucity of visual flamboyance reflecting the humility of the saint noted in the vita. Amand is depicted as a profile figure looking upwards to an angel. In MS 501 Amand’s glorification is presented in a more stylised manner with the saint’s followers in registers and Amand himself depicted frontal. In MS 500 certain aspects of the ­version in MS 501 are retained while others are removed or modified; the reasons for these alterations are considered below. 5.1

The Soul of Amand and the Soul of Lazarus

For a study of the depiction of the soul to be effective, it is essential that contemporary depictions used for purposes of comparison be of the same type. Depictions of souls generally fall into three groups: those associated with animating the body, as in certain depictions of Adam; corporeal souls or those re-joined to the body after death, most often encountered in depictions of the Last Judgement; and separated souls, or those which leave the body at death but have not yet re-joined the body at the Last Judgement. Souls of saints depicted at or after their death, which is the case of Amand in MS 500, fall into the last category.

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The Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand

The Christian soul is most often–albeit not always–­ portrayed in human form.5 Those early Christian and medieval scholars who conceived the soul as human  include Irenaeus (d. 202), Augustine (d. 430), John of Thessalonica (seventh century) and, later, Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274).6 Many scholars interpret the generally diminutive size of the soul in depictions as an infant or child despite very strong evidence to the contrary.7 While this may have been the case in some isolated instances, in general, the soul was depicted as a young adult or homunculus, a term that signifies a fully-formed but miniature youth or adult human.8 In terms of appearance, there are no ambiguities with the depictions of the souls of saints: they are unequivocally portrayed as a youth or young adult, regardless of the age at which they died. This is clearly apparent in MS 500 since Amand’s soul has brown hair, rosy cheeks and musculature despite the saint dying at around ninety years of age. This artistic conceit, uniformly applied to the depictions of saints’ souls, conforms to the Augustinian view that all souls will be healthy and youthful, in the “fullness of Christ”, which was viewed as the age at which Christ died, around thirty years; it enlarges on the words of Paul in his letter to the Ephesians: “Until we all meet into the unity of faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the age of the

fullness of Christ”.9 Augustine elucidated Paul’s words, writing: We may take him [Paul] to mean that the bodies of all the dead will rise neither older nor younger than Christ, but at that age and vigour to which we know that Christ had attained. For the most learned men of this world have defined the prime of life as occurring at around the age of thirty years.10 Augustine also devoted a considerable portion of De Civitate Dei to discussing the nature of the soul, based on his understanding of Biblical references, the writings of other theologians and his own insights, and concluded that any earthly deformity “will be restored in such a way that, while the integrity of the body’s substance is preserved, the deformity will perish”.11 Thus, for Augustine, upon death all Christian souls, whether old or young, would be brought to the “fullness of Christ,” which would be at an age of approximately thirty years, and would be free of whatever deformities or defects may have troubled their earthly bodies. Augustine’s views on the physical purity of Christian souls in the afterlife was also expressed by later theologians and scholars and appears to be the basis for the depictions of saints’ souls in the period.12 9

5 Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”, 142–152, for souls in other forms. 6 Amongst others: Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses, PGr 7, Book 2, Chapter 34.1, col. 834A. Augustine, De Genesis ad Litteram, PL 34:480. John of Thessalonica, On the Dormition of Mary: Early Patristic Homilies, trans. Brian E. Daley, S.J. (New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1998), 63. Thomas Aquinas, S. Thomae Aquinatis, Scriptum Super Libros Sententiarum, Magistri Petri Lombardi Episcopi Parisiensis, ed. R.P. Mandonnet (Paris: Lethielleux, 1929), 1: vol. 6, distinction 8, question 5, article 2, reply to objection 6, p. 232. 7 Louis Bréhier, L’art chrétien: son développement iconographique des origines à nos jours (Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1918), 141, 263, 264. Colette Deremble, “L’Illustration Romane de la Vie de Saint Omer, Manuscript 698 de la Bibliothèque de Saint-Omer”, in La Cathédrale de Saint-Omer: 800 ans de mémoire vive, ed. Nicolette Delanne-Logié and Yves-Marie Hilaire (Paris: cnrs éditions, 2000), 43. Jérôme Baschet, Le sein du père: Abraham et la paternité dans l’Occident médiéval, Paris: Gallimard, 2000, 134. Barasch, “The Departing Soul”, 17, 18. 8 This term to describe a soul is employed by: Carol Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys: Accounts of Near-Death Experience in Medieval and Modern Times (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 51. Michael Camille, “The Image and the Self: Unwriting Late Medieval Bodies”, in Framing Medieval Bodies, ed. Sarah Kay and Miri Rubin (Manchester, New York: Manchester University Press, 1994), 70.

Donec occurramus omnes in unitatem fidei et agnitionis Filii Dei, in virum perfectum in mensuram aetatis plenitudinis Christi, Ephesians 4:13. 10 Sic accipiamus dictum, ut nec infra nec ultra iuuenalem formam resurgant corpora mortuorum, sed in eius aetate et robore, usque, ad quam Christum hic peruenisse cognouimus (circa triginta quippe annos definierunt esse etiam saeculi huius doctissimi homines iuuentutem;), Augustine, De Civitate Dei, Libri xi–xii, ccsl 48, Book 22, Chapter 15, 834. Augustine, The City of God against the Pagans, ed. and trans. R.W. Dyson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 1143. Caroline Walker Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200–1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 122, briefly mentions Augustine’s description. Benjamin Hudson, “Time is Short: The Eschatology of the Early Gaelic Church”, in Last things: Death and the Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, ed. Caroline Walker Bynum and Paul Freedman (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 113–114 and 113n73, Augustine’s description of the soul is also to be found in the Irish story of Adam and Eve. 11 Augustine, De Civitate Dei, Book 22, Chapter 19. 12 Bede, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 494, translation, 495, Locus uero iste florifer, in quo pulcherrimam hanc iuuentutem iucundari ac fulgere conspicis, ipse est, in quo recipiuntur animae eorum qui in bonis quidem operibus de corpore exeunt. For the corresponding views of Bernard of Clairvaux, see, Bynum, The Resurrection, 179.

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Chapter 5

The parable of Dives and Lazarus occurs only in Luke’s gospel, is the only New Testament description of the afterlife, and is one of only two references to immediate postmortem judgement.13 As such, it was discussed by early Christian and medieval scholars throughout the period and particularly in the thirteenth century in connection with the doctrine of purgatory, debated at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 and promulgated at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274. As noted, it was also widely depicted and characterised by the following attributes, all of which are to be found in the depiction of Amand’s soul in MS 500. 5.1.1 The Healed Soul Following Luke’s description, the soul of Lazarus is always shown as human. Since Lazarus was taken immediately to Abraham’s bosom, not at the Last Judgement, his soul must necessarily be a separated soul. Of particular note is the consistent transformation of Lazarus’s soul to a state of youthful health, entirely free of whatever disease had ravaged his body. Augustine’s description coheres with Luke, and the ‘healed soul’ is commonplace in depictions of the souls of saints, including those of Amand in both MS 502 and MS 500. 5.1.2 The Naked Soul A detailed analysis of depictions of the soul of Lazarus finds that his soul was always shown naked when en route to Abraham and in most examples was naked when actually in situ in Abraham’s bosom (Appx. i). The debate concerning the nature and purpose of Abraham’s bosom was of particular concern for those followers of a cult of a saint such as Amand. The soul of a saint was assumed to go immediately to Christ, without having to wait for the Last Judgement, not only as reward, but also in order to be able to intercede on behalf of his or her followers.14 While Lazarus received immediate post mortem reward– albeit something other than heaven–the issue of immediate heavenly reward for saints’ souls, although generally accepted, was vigorously debated and only became doctrine in 1336 following resolution of the Beatific Vision controversy.15 Coupled with this debate was the increasing Luke 16:19–31. The other being the forgiveness of the repentant thief at Christ’s crucifixion, another narrative only to be found in Luke 23:39–43. 14 This notion is contrary to the writings of John, Rev. 6:9. Rev. 20:12–14. 15 “On the Beatific Vision of God, Benedictus Deus”, Papal Encyclicals Online, accessed July 2013, http://www.papalencyc licals.net/Ben12/B12bdeus.html. During his papacy Pope John xxii (1316–34), stated that all must await the Last Judgement. This was his personal view and not one imposed on the

Figure 31

Seal V, Souls of Martyrs, Morgan Apocalypse, London, c. 1255–60. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.524, f. 3r.

occurrence of Last Judgement depictions, which necessitated distinguishing between souls in transit and corporeal souls, that is, those souls re-joined to their bodies at the Last Judgement. Saint John describes souls at the Last Judgement clothed in white; this description perhaps led artists to conceive those souls prior to judgement as naked while those judged and en route to or in heaven as clothed.16 This is evident in the Morgan Apocalypse, c. 1255–60, where souls destined for heaven were portrayed naked and being dressed by angels in white robes (Fig. 31).17 As a consequence, and perhaps reflecting parable depictions, nakedness for the soul’s transitional state

13

16 17

Church; nonetheless after significant pressure from the bishops, he recanted on his death bed, declaring that the souls of saints did indeed go to heaven on death and his successor Pope Benedict xii in 1336 declared it doctrine. Constitution issued by Pope Benedict xii in 1336. On the Beatific Vision: Caroline Walker Bynum, “Somatomorphic Soul and Visio Dei: The Beatific Vision Controversy and Its Background”, in The Resurrection, 279–317. Rev. 6:9–11. Rev. 6:11. Et datae sunt illis singulae stolae albae. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.524, f. 3r.

The Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand

became the general convention, with clothed souls indicating arrival at their final destination at the time of the Last Judgement.18 The naked soul of Amand in MS 500, in contrast to his clothed counterpart in MS 502, may therefore have been conceived precisely to indicate that his soul had immediately gone to Christ but not at the Last Judgement, with the implication that he was positioned to intercede on behalf of his followers (Appx. A.20 cf. Fig. 32). 5.1.3 The Frontal Soul Beginning in the middle of the twelfth century, the frontal pose became the generally accepted convention for depictions of Lazarus’s soul. For example, it is depicted in a mandorla, naked and frontal on a south-facing pier of the nave at Vézelay, produced c. 1120–32 (Fig. 33).19 This pose was also frequently used with the souls of saints, as in the case of those of Lambert and Cuthbert as well as Amand in both MS 502 and MS 500 (Figs. 28, 29, 32, Appx. A. 20).20 Frontality in Western depictions was frequently employed to emphasise authority or finality. Christ in Majesty was generally depicted in a frontal pose, emphasising his ascension and thus final location.21 Depictions of rulers were often similarly frontal, and these portrayals were generally contrived to convey authority.22 A frontal pose for the soul of Lazarus when held by Abraham must similarly be interpreted as an indication of the finality of the location of his soul, while the frontality of Abraham must be seen as conveying the authority of his role as 18

19

20

21

22

Anca Bratu-Minott, “From the Bosom of Abraham to the Beatific Vision: On some Medieval Images of the Soul’s Journey to Heaven”, in Death and Dying in the Middle Ages, ed. Edelgard E. DuBruck and Barbara I. Gusick (New York: Peter Lang, 1999), 194, also suggests that in Last Judgement imagery the clothed soul indicates it is in heaven. Further on Vézelay Basilica: Denis Grivot, George Zarnecki, Gislebertus: Sculptor of Autun, intro. T.S.R. Boase (London: Trianon Press, 1961), passim, pls. B27–29. Kirk Ambrose, The Nave Sculpture of Vézelay: The Art of Monastic Viewing (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2006), 94, 107. Soul of Lambert, Boulogne, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 46, f. 1. Soul of Cuthbert, Life of Cuthbert, London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, f. 73. Soul of Amand, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 30r. For example: Christ in Majesty, Echternach, second or third quarter of the eleventh century. London, B.L., Egerton 608, fol. 1v. Maria R. Grasso, “The Ambiguity in Medieval Depictions of Abraham’s Bosom in the Areas and Spaces of the Christian Afterlife”, in Place and Space in the Medieval World, ed. Med Boulton, Jane Hawkes, Heidi Stoner (New York, London: Routledge/Taylor and Francis, 2018), 106. Catherine E. Karkov, The Ruler Portraits of Anglo-Saxon England, Anglo-Saxon Studies 3 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 175.

79 patriarch. Similarly, the frontal soul of Amand in MS 500 must be interpreted as having reached his final location, with Christ, an imperative for those promoting the cult of the saint.23 5.1.4 The Cloth as Mandorla, Medallion or Veil Another important element in comparing the depiction of Lazarus’s soul with those of saints is the cloth used to hold the soul. Luke only describes Lazarus’s soul being taken by angels, and, in general, when this topos is employed, the angel(s) either have covered hands or the soul is suspended in a cloth held between two angels.24 In his study on Abraham’s bosom, Jérôme Baschet notes the unusual shape of the cloth that the figure in MS 500 holds and states that he knows of no similar example.25 The cloth does not terminate in either hand as it does in other depictions of the topos, for example, in a carved capital at Monreale (Fig. 34); rather, it winds around the hands, then around the figure’s neck, extending across his lap to provide a resting place for Amand’s soul. The ends of the cloth are by the figure’s right hand. Noting the cloth’s contour, Baschet suggests that it is shaped in the manner of a mandorla.26 But it is difficult to concur since a mandorla has a specific almond-like shape derived from the original meaning of the word; moreover, it was generally used to encompass portrayals of the divine, such as Christ or the Virgin, but only occasionally the soul of a saint, as in the depiction of the soul of Cuthbert in the late twelfth-century Life of Cuthbert (Fig. 29).27 While the artists of MS 500 appear to have employed the cloth in line with its increasing use for carrying souls and its connection with sanctity, they also introduced an unusual visual innovation by transforming it into a type of medallion rather than the mandorla that Baschet suggests. This device, normally circular in form, has long associations with the afterlife. In Antiquity it was used to contain busts of the deceased on sarcophagi; in the Middle Ages it was employed in imagery to contain the souls of saints, particularly on reliquary caskets, for example in those of late

23 Frontal souls held by angels are clearly in transit. 24 Grasso, “The Ambiguity”, 107. 25 Baschet, Le sein du père, 192. The Rothschild Canticles, poss. Thérouanne, c.1300, New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, MS 404, makes great use of the cloth with the possibility the artists were aware of MS 500 or some other similar example no longer extant. Barbara Newman, “Contemplating the Trinity: Text, Image, and the Origins of the Rothschild Canticles”, Gesta 52, no. 2 (2013): 133–159. 26 Baschet, Le sein du père, 192. 27 Life of Cuthbert, London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, f. 73.

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Figure 32 Clothed soul of St Amand, Life of Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, c. 1066–1107. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 30r.

Figure 33 The beggar Lazarus and his soul, Vézelay, Basilica, capital, south facing pier of the nave, c. 1120–1140.

twelfth and early thirteenth-century date depicting the martyrdom of Thomas Becket.28 The shape of the cloth in MS 500 does not conform to either of the two shapes generally associated with Abraham’s bosom: Abraham’s cloak wrapped around a soul, as in one of the prefatory scenes to the Canterbury / Eadwine Psalter of c. 1155–1160,29 or a short length of cloth to hold the soul, as on the capital at Monreale Cathedral, or in the miniature in the Munich Psalter of 1200–1210, probably made in Oxford (Fig. 34, Appx. i, 27, 50).30 Before considering other associations the cloth may have had,

one instance should be noted in which a scroll is depicted in a form similar to the cloth used by the figure holding Amand’s soul. In the miniature portraying the death of Lambert produced at the Abbey of Saint-Bertin, c. 1125, the Christ in Majesty figure holds a scroll between his hands with his arms extended (Fig. 28).31 The general similarity in the shape of the scroll and the cloth, coupled with the close proximity of the Abbeys of Saint-Amand and SaintBertin, offers the possibility of transmission not only of the pose but also of the concept of overlaying the Abraham’s bosom topos with a figure of Christ holding a soul. Although the depiction in the upper register of MS 500, f. 62v, is clearly spiritual and otherworldly, it is possible

28

29 30

For example, France, Limoges, c. 1210. London, British Museum, 1878,1101,3. Tancred Borenius, St. Thomas Becket in Art (1932, Repr., Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1970), 83–92. Véronique Notin, et al, Valérie et Thomas Becket: de l’influence des princes Plantagenêt dans l’œuvre de Limoges (Limoges: Musée municipal de l’Evêché, Musée de l’Émail, 1999), nos 15–28. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.521. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 835, f. 70v. Full facsimile, Nigel Morgan, Der Goldene Münchner Psalter, The Munich Golden Psalter, Clm 835, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München (Luzern: Quaternio Verlag, 2011).

31

Boulogne, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 46, f. 1. I am grateful to Prof. Lowden for pointing this similarity out to me. Léopold Delisle, Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des departements (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1872; England, republished by Gregg International Publishers Limited, 1968), 4:602 notes the inscription as: Pro bene gestorum meritis, Lamberte tuorum |Sit decus in coelis semper tibi, serve fidelis.

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Figure 34 Abraham’s bosom, Cloister capital, Monreale Cathedral, east side, north gallery, c. 1176–89.

that the employment of a long, narrow cloth alludes to an item used either in the preparation of the body for burial or as a type of ecclesiastical garment.32 In preparation for burial, a long winding cloth was used to wrap the body, as demonstrated in the depiction of the body of Warmundo where the cloth clearly shows the contours of the saint’s body.33 The cloth in MS 500 could therefore be interpreted as a winding sheet employed in the manner shown in order to reinforce the concept that the soul had been released from its body. This might imply, however, that the physical body was also freed, which could have suggested that it was Amand’s corporeal soul and that the scene therefore reflected the Last Judgement–an idea which the creators of the miniatures would surely not have wished to convey. Comparisons with ecclesiastical garments are more fruitful. In the Ordo of Saint-Amand, written c. 800, an item referred to as a pall is described as a wrapping for deacons: “and one of them [deacons], wrapped in a silken pall with a cross on it, holding the paten before his breast,

32 33

I am grateful to Dr Joanna Canon for these suggestions. Entombment of Warmundus, Sacramentary of Warmundus of Ivrea, Ivrea, end of the tenth century. Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 31, lxxxvi, f. 199v.

stands first”.34 The description of a deacon “wrapped” in a “silken pall” is intriguing, particularly given its connection with an Ordo written at the Abbey of Saint-Amand. The pall, described as “wrapping” the deacon, could also allude to an early precursor of the humeral veil. This garment was used for the purpose of covering the back, shoulders, upper arms and hands when carrying sacred objects and was also very long. It generally measured about 2.4m in length by 0.5m in width and was worn by officiating clergy who represented Christ during ceremonies where sacred vessels were held.35 Thus, the humeral veil has the dimensions, style, manner of use and purpose to suggest that it might have provided creative inspiration for the cloth employed in MS 500. Precisely when the humeral veil came into use, however, is not clear. Documentary evidence first records its use towards the end of the Middle Ages and therefore after MS 500 was created, but garments with similar functions may have been employed much earlier. Texts describing early liturgical costume written by key religious figures including Augustine, Bede, Alcuin and Hugh of Saint-Victor make no reference to an item of this type.36 Nonetheless, the existence of such a garment is evident in a depiction of an ordination scene in the mid ninth-century sacramentary of Marmoutier made in Tours, in which the lector appears to be using the end of a cloth wrapped around his body to hold a book, probably a lectionary, following the tradition of a lectionary being handed to the lector by the bishop during certain ceremonies (Fig. 35).37 Thus, of all the ecclesiastical garments that may have been in use in the twelfth century, the humeral veil or a similar predecessor garment is the

34 35

36

37

Ordo Romanus Primus, intro. and notes E.G. Cuthbert F. Atchley (London: Alexander Moring, 1905), 158. J. Braun, (1910), “Humeral Veil”, in The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton Company), accessed May, 2013 from New Advent: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07542b.htm. Janet Mayo, A History of Ecclesiastical Dress (London: Batsford, 1984), 155. Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”, 179–183, compares other ecclesiastical garments which are unlikely to have provided a model for the cloth holding Amand, such as the pallium and orarium. Wharton B. Marriott, Vestiarium Christianum: The Origin and Gradual Development of the Dress of Holy Ministry in the Church (London: Rivingtons, 1868), 44–133. Autun, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 19bis. Joseph Braun, Die Liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient: Nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung und Symbolik (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1907), 62, fig. 24. Roger E. Reynolds, “The Portrait of the Ecclesiastical Officers in the Raganaldus Sacramentary and its Liturgico-Canonical Significance”, Speculum 46, no. 3 (1971): 432–442. Roger E. Reynolds, “The Liturgy of Clerical Ordination in Early Medieval Art”, Gesta 22, no. 1 (1983): 27–38.

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Figure 35 The covered hands of the Lector and Exorcist, Sacramentary of Marmoutier, Tours, c. 850. Autun, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 19bis, f. 1v.

one most likely to have provided inspiration for the depiction of Amand’s soul in MS 500. 5.2

Abraham or Christ?

The dominant male figure in frontal pose holding Amand’s soul in MS 500 is one of the factors that makes the image unusual. Beginning with the earliest extant depiction of a soul, that of Ambrose on the ninth-century altar in Milan, and continuing with later depictions of the souls of saints, including that of Amand in MS 502, angels were usually shown carrying them, in line with the Lazarus paradigm, but with the destination and timing of ascent only implied (Fig. 32).38 Clearly, the soul of Amand in MS 500 is not being carried; this, coupled with frontality, further strengthens the conclusion that his soul had arrived at its final destination (Fig. 32 cf. Appx. 20). In conceiving the depiction, the creators of MS 500 drew heavily on the Abraham’s bosom topos, perhaps because of the typological use of Abraham in medieval exegesis but possibly also because on a practical level it provided a readily available template for a male seated figure holding a soul. They must nevertheless have been familiar with the theological debate over the ambiguity of Abraham’s bosom and would therefore have also recognized the need for alteration if they were to establish unequivocally that Amand was in a heavenly location where he could intercede on behalf of his followers. 38

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 30r. Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”, 108–120, for a more detailed account. Further on the Altar of Sant’Ambrogio, L’Altare d’Oro di Sant’Ambrogio, ed. Carlo Capponi (Milan: Banca Agricola Milanese, 1996). Hahn, “Narrative”, 167–187, fig. 6, top right panel.

The  following discussion considers those details in the miniature that establish the artist’s intention to show that Amand’s soul was neither in transit, as in the case of other depictions of saints’ souls, nor in Abraham’s bosom; rather it was fully in a position where, by virtue of his location with the divine Christ–that is, the Christ who was in heaven throughout eternity, rather than the one who was incarnate and ascended after death–he was able to intercede on behalf of his followers.39 The frontal pose of both Amand’s soul and the male figure compares with some depictions of Lazarus’s soul in Abraham’s bosom, one of which, the carving on the cloister capital at Monreale Cathedral, is of the same period (Fig. 34). Although such a presentation is indicative of the soul having reached its final destination, this in itself is insufficient to establish conclusively that Amand’s soul was with Christ, particularly since its frontal posture, coupled with a frontal seated male figure, could conceivably have been Abraham as he was depicted in contemporary parable and Last Judgement cycles, such as the sculpture at Reims Cathedral (Fig. 36).

Figure 36 Abraham’s Bosom, Last Judgement tympanum, Reims Cathedral, north portal, north transept, thirteenth century. 39

Ernst H. Kantorowitz, “The Quinity of Winchester”, Art Bulletin 29, no. 2 (1947): 73–85, for a discussion of the dual nature of Christ.

The Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand

83

Christ in frontal seated pose in close proximity to another figure is a well-known feature of Last Supper depictions, in which John is described in his Gospel as being in the bosom of Christ, in sinu Iesu.40 There are Last Supper depictions which express in sinu in the correct sense of being ‘in the lap’, by featuring John as a smaller figure in Christ’s lap, as in the eleventh-century Gospels of Vyšehrad, and a twelfth-century Gospel Lectionary in London.41 The phraseology in the Gospels of in sinum Abrahae and in sinu Iesu may well have fostered a logical extension of the Abraham paradigm for the artists of MS 500 so that the soul of Amand rests in the bosom of Christ.42 In this regard, however, it must be noted that scholarly opinion on the issue of Abraham / Christ iconography is contradictory. Rosenthal posits that the iconography of Christ, Abraham and God the Father was interchangeable.43 Ursula Wolf disagrees, arguing that unwitting use of the attributes of Christ seems unlikely since the visual lexicon for representations of Christ was well-known.44 Baschet has a more subtle, and persuasive, argument: he contends that the divine was always present in images of Abraham, noting examples such as the Obermünster Necrologies, 1180, which use the Abraham’s bosom topos while the accompanying text clearly refers to Deus or God.45 In view of such conflicting opinion, the artist’s conception in the miniature in MS 500 might have had elements of ambiguity. Close inspection, however, identifies other iconographic details that support the view that the figure is almost certainly the divine Christ. As noted in Chapter 4, the paired miniatures on each page, including those on f. 62v, were conceived to work together in order to provide a more comprehensive

and sophisticated understanding of the saint’s life. In the entombment scene in the lower register Amand is attended by a bishop and a cleric in the centre of a triple arch, which Abou-El-Haj describes as the interior of the church at Elnone but which may also be interpreted as a rebus for the Trinity.46 A monk holds up a book which, given the symbolism in the miniatures, is likely to be a sacramentary or the gospels, positioned so that it is directly below the seated figure holding Amand in the upper register. There is therefore a straight vertical line upward from the book held by the monk through Amand’s soul to the male figure. During the period verticality is generally associated with heaven, as demonstrated by the repeated use of the topos in afterlife depictions (Figs. 28, 29, 33).47 In addition, linear verticality through Amand suggests a spiritual relationship between the book and the male figure, which is a strong indicator that he is Christ, for there is no reason to think that Abraham, an Old Testament patriarch, would be aligned with a sacramentary or the gospels. That there is a relationship between the elements in the two miniatures is also supported by its current condition. Although there is considerable flaking throughout the cycle of the black lines used to delineate detail, the phenomenon is particularly evident on f. 62v, the soul of Amand and, in particular, on the face of the male figure, which is entirely without features except for the trace of the jaw line.48 Localized damage of the type observed on f. 62v can be the result of frequent veneration, whereby devotees would touch or kiss the miniature in a particular place.49 Kathryn Rudy discusses this type of wear on an early fifteenth-century missal of the Haarlem Linen Weavers Guild of North Holland, on which the paint at the base of the crucifix is noticeably damaged and diffuse.50

40 41

46 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 203. 47 Soul of Lambert, Boulogne, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 46, f. 1. Soul of Cuthbert, Life of Cuthbert, London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26, f. 73. Soul of Amand, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 30r. See also, Grasso, “Imaging the Souls”, 148–150. 48 The texture on the blank face of the male figure is rough indicating perhaps that an erasure had been made using, for example, a pumice stone. A layer of paint has been applied over it. 49 Kathryn M. Rudy, “Dirty Books: Quantifying Patterns of Use in Medieval Manuscripts Using a Densitometer”, Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 2:1–2 (2010): 1. 50 Haarlem, Stadsbibliotheek, MS 184 C 2, f. 149v. Rudy, “Dirty books”, fig. 1. Damage for reasons other than devotion may also be observed in manuscripts, for example, in the frequent erasure of demons or in the case of the ninth-century Stuttgart Psalter, Stuttgart, Württemburgische Landesbibliothek, Cod. bibl. fol. 23, f. 16v, erasure of genitals. Wilhelmina C.M. Wüstefeld, De boeken van de Grote of Sint Bavokerk: een bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van het middeleeuwse boek in Haarlem (Hilversum:

John 13:23. Prague, Czech National Library, xiv A 13, f. 38v. Baschet, Le sein du père, 286, and fig. 96. London, B.L., Egerton 809, f. 17. Janet Backhouse, The Illuminated Page: Ten Centuries of Manuscript Painting in the British Library (London: British Library, 1997). 42 I am grateful to Prof. Lowden for his explanation of the use of the word ‘sinum’ in the context of the parable. The case of the noun is the accusative of motion demonstrating Lazarus’s transit to Abraham’s bosom. 43 Erwin Rosenthal, “Abraham and Lazarus: Iconographical Considerations of a Medieval Book Painting”, The Pacific Art Review 4 (1945–46): 17. 44 Ursula Wolf, Die Parabel vom reichen Prasser und armen Lazarus in der mittelalterlichen Buchmalerei (Munich: Scaneg, 1989), 179. 45 Munich, Haupstaatsarchiv, Obermünster 1. Jérôme Baschet, “Le sein d’Abraham: un Lieu de l’au-delà ambigu (thelogie, liturgie, iconographie)”, in De l’art comme mystagogie: Iconographie du Jugement dernier, ed. Yves Christie (Poitiers: Université de Poitiers, 1996), pl. xvi, fig. 5. Baschet, Le sein du père, 120, 166, pl. 1.

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Certainly some of the damage to f. 62v can be explained as a consequence of devotional contact because localized wear appears on key elements: the book, the soul of Amand, the ends of the cloth which terminate at the right knee of the male figure and, finally, the face of the male figure. Damage to the book supports the notion that this may be a volume of gospels since the Ordo Romanus Primus, compiled from ninth-century manuscripts, records the practice of kissing the gospel-book at various points during the mass.51 Concerning the male figure itself, were it Abraham, no such devotion would be merited; no damage of this type has been noted in any manuscript of the parable investigated for this study. Therefore, the existence of what appears to be devotional damage to the face of the figure and to the end of the cloth he holds indicates that it was understood to be Christ.52

5.2.1 Christocentric Details The colours and artistic style used to portray the cloth that carries Amand’s soul are also employed to depict a circular footrest under the feet of the male figure. Portrayals of Abraham’s bosom in the parable rarely include a footrest; it is evident in only two examples, the Hortus Deliciarum and a capital sculpture at Vézelay (Fig. 37), as well as in some Last Judgement depictions, for example at Reims Cathedral, but these footrests are all rectangular (Fig. 36).53 On the other hand, depictions of Christ in Majesty frequently show his feet resting on a circle, which is generally interpreted as representing the universe. One such example features in the Goslar Gospels completed in 1050 (Fig. 38).54 Christ, shown with his hands on the crowns of Henry iii and the Empress Agnes and with his feet on the universe, provides a powerful statement of

Figure 37 Abraham and the soul of Lazarus, nave capital, Vézelay Basilica, c. 1120–32.

Figure 38 Christ crowning Henry ii and the Empress Agnes, Goslar Gospels, Echternach, 1050. Uppsala, University Library, MS C.93, f. 3v.

51 52

Historische Vereniging Holland, 1989), 22–30. Ernest Theodore De Wald, The Stuttgart Psalter: Biblia Folio 23, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart (Princeton N.J.: Princeton University, Department of Art and Archeology, 1930). Ordo Romanus Primus, 59, 60, 131–133. Intentional damage, particularly to the face of the seated figure, perhaps associated with iconoclasm during the French Revolution, may also have occurred: if so, it was evidently understood as Christ in the eighteenth century.

53 54

Hortus Deliciarum, France, Alsace, c. 1167–85, f. 123. Uppsala, University Library, MS C. 93, f. 3v. Full facsimile, Carl Nordenfalk, Codex Caesareus Upsaliensis: A Facsimile Edition of an Echternach Gospel-Book of the Eleventh Century (Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell, 1971). Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts, 146–147, fig. 136.

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Figure 39 Christ in Majesty, Gospels, Echternach, second/third quarter, eleventh century London, B.L., Egerton 608, f. 1v.

Figure 40 Christ in Majesty, Stavelot Bible, 1097. London, B.L., Add. MS 28107, f. 136r.

his dominion over the universe and his approval of these monarchs to govern. The fact that the male figure holding Amand’s soul has his feet resting on a circular footrest provides an additional indication that the male figure was intended to be Christ. Perhaps the most compelling evidence that the figure holding Amand is Christ lies in another detail–his beardless or short-bearded visage. Abraham is generally depicted with a long, full beard, a convention that not only indicates his advanced age but also his position as an Old Testament Patriarch. While there is a small point on the chin of the MS 500 figure that could possibly indicate a very short beard, it does not compare favourably with any other beard-shape in the miniatures of MS 500, as typified on f. 63r (Appx. A.21). It is not unlikely that the artist’s intent was a beardless visage although the possibility of a short beard, which was also used in depictions of Christ, cannot be categorically dismissed. Depictions of Christ vary in the use of a beard, but the ascended Christ (as would be the case in MS 500), was often depicted youthful and beardless, as in the Goslar Gospels and in another slightly earlier Gospel book from Echternach (Figs. 38, 39).55

If the figure in MS 500 was indeed intended to be Christ, one might expect a cruciform nimbus to have been employed, as depicted in the Stavelot Bible of 1097 (Fig.  40).56 Yet Amand’s bearer is shown with a plain nimbus. Although this is something that is occasionally employed for Abraham–as at Monreale Cathedral, Reims Cathedral, and in the Hortus Deliciarum–it is not a regular feature of his iconography either in parable depictions or in Last Judgement cycles (Figs. 34, 36). Thus the question arises as to the significance of the plain nimbus and to whether it is a key feature in identifying the figure in MS 500. It is possible that Rosenthal’s assertion that the iconography of Christ, Abraham and God the Father was interchangeable during the period is correct and therefore that the plain nimbus and short beard or beardless visage are not necessarily determinative indicators of the figure’s identity. Indeed in some depictions of the parable in which there can be no doubt that the figure is Abraham, he is given a cruciform nimbus. The earliest example of this is in Pamplona Bible ii, made in Navarra c. 1200, where, as part of an illustrated sequence of the parable, the figure

55

Uppsala, University Library, MS C. 93, f. 3v. London, B.L., Egerton 608, f. 1v.

56

London, B.L., Add. MS 28107, f. 136r.

86 must be Abraham although he has a cruciform n ­ imbus (Fig. 41).57 Conversely, some images of Christ adopt features of the Abraham’s bosom topos by showing him carrying souls in a cloth. In the Huntington Golden Legend of the late thirteenth century, an unequivocal depiction of Christ, identified by the surrounding Evangelist symbols, shows him holding a cloth containing souls (Fig. 42).58 But in those cases where Christ and Abraham appear together, they can be identified by the type of nimbus employed and by the use of a beard; the cruciform nimbus and plain visage are given to Christ, while the plain nimbus and long beard are given to Abraham. This is evident in leaves from an early thirteenth-century psalter made in France: Christ with a cruciform nimbus and short beard is shown in the upper register while Abraham with a plain nimbus and long beard is holding souls in the parable depiction in the lower register (Fig. 43).59 A similar configuration occurs in the Bible Moralisée of the second quarter of the thirteenth century; in the upper roundel Abraham, in a parable depiction, is portrayed with a beard and plain nimbus while in the lower roundel Christ is shown beardless and with cruciform nimbus (Fig. 44).60 Instances where Abraham is shown with a cruciform nimbus may in part reflect the increasing anti-semitism in the West, which escalated during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and was accompanied by raids on ­synagogues, the expulsion of Jews from certain areas and occasionally massacres.61 Some portrayals of Abraham may well have been contrived so that they could be interpreted as Christ in order to avoid association with Jews. But while Bible Moralisée manuscripts are noted for anti-semitism both in the depictions of Jews and in the text,62 portrayals of 57 Augsburg, Oettingen-Wallersteinsche Bibliothek, MS i.2.lat 4o 15, f. 200v. 58 San Marino, Huntington Library, H.M. 3027, f. 150v. C.W. Dutschke, Guide to Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Huntington Library (San Marino, CA.: Huntington Library, 1989) 2:590–594. 59 The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 76 F 5, f. 16r. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:165–167, no. 138. Anne S. Korteweg, Splendour, Gravity and Emotion: French Medieval Manuscripts in Dutch Collections (Zwolle: Waanders, 2004), 213, no. 69. 60 London, B.L., Harley MS 1527, f. 37r. Lowden, “ Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b; Paris Bibliothéque nationale de France, MS lat. 11560; London, British Library mss Harley 1526 and 1527”, Lowden, Bibles Moralisées, 1:139–187. 61 Sara Lipton, Images of Intolerance: the Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999), 6. 62 Lipton, Images of Intolerance, 146n7.

Chapter 5

Abraham in Bibles Moralisées do not have anti-semitic overtones; thus it seems unlikely that this would have been a reason for overlaying Christocentric iconography on Abraham imagery. It is more likely that, during the debates on the afterlife before the doctrine of purgatory was formally established in 1274, because the conception of Abraham’s bosom was ambiguous, elements were added to his depictions that alluded to Christ in order to convey the notion that the soul of Lazarus, whose story featured so prominently in sermons, homilies and depictions, was at his final resting place with Christ. In essence, only the plain visage, or short beard, of the figure in MS 500 indicates definitively that it is not Abraham since Abraham generally has a long beard. Christ and Abraham are both depicted with plain and cruciform nimbi, although in the twelfth century Christ is generally portrayed with a cruciform one. Ernst Kantorowitz, however, provides an insight regarding the employment of the plain nimbus and one that could assist in identifying the male figure. He notes that Christ is portrayed with both cruciform and plain nimbi but also both beardless and bearded. Concerning the former alternatives, he suggests that the differences in the type of nimbi distinguish between “Christ the man,” who died and was resurrected, and “Christ the divine” who “held the throne of heaven from eternity”.63 To demonstrate this Kantorowitz refers to depictions of Psalm 109, a key text that reads, “the Lord said unto my Lord, sit thou at my right hand: until I make thy enemies thy footstool”.64 The Utrecht Psalter depiction of this psalm shows two figures, which Kantorowitz interprets as the resurrected Christ, the Son of Man on the left, with a cruciform nimbus, and Christ the divine, on the right, with a plain nimbus; both are beardless (Fig. 45).65 But in the Canterbury / Eadwine Psalter, a mid twelfth-century copy of the Utrecht Psalter, a key change has been made:

63 64

Kantorowitz, “The Quinity” 75–76. Dixit Dominus Domino meo, Sede a dextris meis, donec ponam inimicos tuos scabellum pedum tuorum. Psalm 109:1. 65 Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 32, f. 64v. Judith A. Kidd, “The Quinity of Winchester Reconsidered”, Studies in Iconography 7–8 (1981–82): 21–23. Koert van der Horst, Noel William and Wilhelmina C.M. Wüsterfeld, eds., The Utrecht Psalter in Medieval Art: Picturing the Psalms of David (Utrecht: University of Utrecht, 1996). T.A. Heslop, “The Implication of the Utrecht Psalter in English Romanesque Art”, in Romanesque Art and Thought in the Twelfth Century: Essays in Honour of Walter Cahn, ed. Colum Hourihane (Pennsylvania: Penn State University Press, 2008), 267–290.

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Figure 41

Lazarus in Abraham’s Bosom, Pamplona Bible ii, Navarra, c. 1200. Augsburg, Oettingen-Wallersteinsche Bibliothek, MS i.2.lat 4o 15, f. 200v.

Figure 43 Christ and Abraham, Vitae Sanctorum, French, Thérouanne, Saint-Bertin?, early thirteenth century. Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 76 F 5, f. 16r.

Figure 42 Christ in Majesty, Huntington Golden Legend, France, Paris?, late thirteenth century. San Marino, The Huntington Library, H.M. 3027, f. 150v.

Figure 44 Abraham in upper medallion, Christ in lower medallion, Oxford-Paris-London, Bible Moralisée, France, second quarter of the thirteenth century. London, B.L., Harley 1527, f. 37r.

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Figure 45 Psalm 109, The Binity, Utrecht Psalter, Reims, c. 820. Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 32, f. 64v.

Christ the Son of Man, on the left, retains a cruciform nimbus but now has a short beard while Christ the divine, on the right, not only retains a plain nimbus but also remains beardless (Fig. 46).66 In the Canterbury / Eadwine Psalter, the glosses to this psalm, reflecting the Glossa Ordinaria which in turn draws on Jerome, begin with the words: “The subject is Christ according to both of his natures”.67 The explanations that follow stress repeatedly the human nature of the seated figure on the left and the divine nature of the figure on the right. These depictions support the view that the beardless figure with a plain nimbus holding Amand’s soul was probably intended to be Christ ‘the divine’. The possibility that the figure in MS 500 could be God the Father cannot be dismissed. Depictions of God the Father as a male figure are almost unknown at this time, the established topos being the Hand of God or, occasionally, a male head in clouds as portrayed on the font in Liège that is conventionally associated with the name of Rainer of Huy and dated 1107–18 (Fig. 24).68 Some rare images of 66

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS R. 17.1, f. 199v. M.R. James, The Canterbury Psalter (London: Lund, Humphries & Co Ltd, 1935). Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, 96, no. 68. 67 Cambridge, Trinity College, MS R. 17.1. Psalmus iste vii, de duabus naturis in Christo… Jerome, Breviarium in Psalmos, Ps. 109, PL 26, cols. 1233–1234. Kantorowitz, “The Quinity” 76 ff. 68 Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, 29, pls. 110–113. George Zarnecki, Art of the Medieval World: Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, the Sacred Arts, Library of Art History (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1975), 318, figs. 321, 322.

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Figure 46 Psalm 109, The Binity, Canterbury / Eadwine Psalter, Canterbury, twelfth century. Cambridge, Trinity College, MS R. 17.1, f. 199v.

God the Father do exist, for example, in the Obermünster Necrologies of 1180, but others that might appear to be of God the Father are more debatable.69 One such is a depiction in the Missal of Cambrai, c.1125, described by François Boespflug as an early example of the Trinity, in which a cruciform nimbus graces the large bearded seated figure with outstretched arms, who bears some resemblance to the figure in MS 500 (Fig. 47).70 A cruciform nimbus is also depicted on the dove, while the crucified Christ is beardless with what appears to be a plain nimbus.71 In this complex image, the crucified Christ, the Son of Man, is portrayed beardless and with a plain nimbus, reversing the iconography used for Christ the divine in the Canterbury Psalter. The bearded, seated figure with cruciform nimbus, interpreted by Boespflug as God the Father, may, however, actually be a representation of Christ the divine, the­ iconography similarly reversed, with the dove as the 69 70

71

Munich, Hauptstaatsarchiv, Obermünster 1, f. 74v. Cambrai, Médiathèque d’agglomération, MS 234, f. 2r. Françoise Boespflug, “Missel dit Missel de Cambrai”, in La Représentation 43, no 7. On the depiction: Maurits Smeyers, L’Art de la Miniature flamande du viiie au xvie siècle (Tournai: La Renaissance du Livre, 1998), 78, 81. François Boespflug, Le Moyen Âge en Lumière, ed. Jacques Dalarun (Paris: Fayard, 2002), 308, fig. 17. There appear to be remnants of the outline of a cruciform nimbus on the crucified Christ, but these have been either abraded or covered over in gold. This supports the argument that the two figures may be interpreted as the two persons of Christ.

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figure of God the Father in Trinity depictions in the later Middle Ages.73 Yet even if Boespflug’s view on the Cambrai Missal is correct, the text in MS 500 as well as in its two predecessors clearly supports the conclusion that the male ­figure is meant to be neither Abraham nor God the Father but Christ. None of the three vitae states that the soul of Amand went ad Deum, ‘to God’. In descriptions of the entombment, both in MS 502 and in MS 501, the text remains faithful to Milo’s ninth-century text, which states that Amand migravit ad Christum, “went to Christ”.74 It is an unequivocal phrase, which the artists of MS 502 chose not to portray in a similarly incontrovertible fashion, showing only Amand’s soul with angels. On the other hand, Phillip of Aumône, who revised the text specifically for the later copy, MS 500, altered the phrase to migravit ad dominum, ‘went to the Lord’, a theological nuance that may have been meant to distinguish between Christ the divine and Christ the Son of Man and that therefore occasioned the artists of MS 500 to show the soul of the saint with a plain-nimbed Christ.75

Figure 47 Missal of Cambrai, Cambrai?, c. 1125. Cambrai, Médiathèque d’Agglomération, MS 234, f. 2r.

Holy Spirit linking the two.72 This interpretation is supported by the prominent display in the miniature of the symbols of the four Evangelists, which occupy the four corners and which are associated with Christ. What is important is that a distinction is made between the two figures, albeit iconographically reversed from Kantorowitz’s observations. If the seated figure is an early God the Father image, it supports the views of both Pamela Sheingorn and Jérôme Baschet that the iconography of Christ was overlaid onto the Abraham’s bosom topos, eventually contributing to the anthropomorphic

5.2.2 Censing Angels The final detail in this depiction that requires examination is the inclusion of four censing angels around the male figure. Cerny notes similarities in composition with the topos of the Regina Angelorum, whereby the Virgin Mary is seated, holding the Christ-child, and is flanked by censing angels.76 There are undeniable similarities, and an example of this topos is found at Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris. The tympanum on the Saint Anne Portal on the right of the west façade contains a sculpture of the crowned Virgin and child, thought by some scholars to have been made between 1160 and 1170 (Fig. 48).77 73

74

72 Boespflug, Le Moyen Âge, 310, uses the established term the Throne of Grace to describe the topos. The Throne of Grace is also referred to as the ‘Gnadenstuhl’.

75 76 77

Pamela Sheingorn, “The Bosom of Abraham Trinity: A Late Medieval All Saints Image”, in England in the Fifteenth Century: Proceedings of the 1986 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Daniel Williams (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1987), 284, suggests in her discussion of fourteenth-century English alabasters that images of seated male figures with censers, cross-nimbus and rainbow imply God the Father rather than Abraham. Jérôme Baschet, “Medieval Abraham: Between Fleshy Patriarch and Divine Father”, Modern Language Notes 108, no. 4 (1993): 756. Baschet, “Sein du père, image trinitaire”, in Le sein du père, 274–291. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 29v. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 501, f. 29r. Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 117v. aass, Feb i, 0872bc. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 215. Walter Cahn, “The Tympanum of the Portal of Saint-Anne at Notre Dame de Paris and the Iconography of the Division of the Powers in the Early Middle Ages”, Journal of the Warburg

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Figure 48 Regina Angelorum, Paris, original location of the Regina Angelorum tympanum is unknown. Notre Dame Cathedral, portal of St Anne, c. 1150.

Two censing angels stand on either side of the frontal seated figures.78 For no apparent reason, Cerny is dismissive of the use of this topos, suggesting the artist of MS 500 was unaware of the significance of the elements.79 But it is more likely that the contrary is the case and that the artist was acutely aware of the topos. He may have employed it to allude to the Virgin as Ecclesia, the body of the church, so that Amand’s soul, although in heaven, would still be considered connected to Christ’s Church on earth through his intercessory powers. It is also possible that the artist sought to underscore the caring qualities of the Virgin as ‘mother’ and accentuated the position of the cloak of the seated figure, which rather unusually eclipses Amand’s gold nimbus thereby emphasising the position of the soul of Amand within the figure’s protective cloak.80 If the artist did intend to allude to the Virgin, it could also have been to reflect her role as intercessor of souls, which would thereby also

78

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and Courtauld Institutes 32 (1969): 56. Kathryn Horste, “‘A Child is Born’: The Iconography of the Portail Ste.-Anne at Paris”, Art Bulletin 69, no 2 (1987):187–188. Franz Rademacher, Die Regina Angelorum in der Kunst des frühen Mittelalters (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1972), 65–75. There are also two censing angels above this scene, but it is argued that they were added to fill the void created by the gothic arch into which the sculpture of the Virgin and child was placed, probably during the thirteenth century when the west facade was built, Horste, 187–188. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 215. I am grateful to Prof M.A. Michael for this sensitive observation.

strengthen Amand’s own intercessionary function.81 The Regina Angelorum topos may therefore also have been conflated with the Abraham’s bosom topos to create this unusual image. The inclusion of censing angels also indicates that it is highly unlikely that the male figure is a representation of Abraham. Only one depiction of Abraham with censers was noted and that is in the stained glass window at Bourges dated to c. 1210–1215.82 Abraham holds the soul of Lazarus and is flanked by one angel with a censer and another with a martyr’s crown. The martyr’s crown must be intended to honour Lazarus, rather than Abraham, and it is highly likely, therefore, that the censing angel is also honouring Lazarus. Nonetheless, Abraham is depicted seated on a rainbow, iconography associated with Christ, which indicates an intentional conflation of Christ and Abraham iconography. The conflation is underscored by the frequent use of censers in depictions of Christ. In a crucifixion scene in the Sacramentary of Saint-Amand, produced at about the same time as MS 500, angels with censers are depicted in the upper two areas; they were also used in a similar scene from the same period in an isolated quire of Christological scenes that has been attributed on stylistic grounds to northern France (Figs. 49, 50).83 In portrayals of the three Marys at the empty tomb of Christ censers are also frequently employed. In an early eleventh-century Gospel Lectionary from Austria and a twelfth-century manuscript from Germany, the women shown attending the tomb are holding flasks and censers (Figs. 51, 52).84 The use of censers with Christ at both his crucifixion and resurrection, coupled with the fact that they were not employed with Abraham, also serves to confirm that the 81 Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus As Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 136. 82 Louis Grodecki and Mary Weedon, “A Stained Glass Atelier of the Thirteenth Century: A Study of Windows in the Cathedrals of Bourges, Chartres and Poitiers”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 11 (1948): 87–111. 83 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 108, f. 58v. Jean Porcher, French Miniatures from Illuminated Manuscripts, trans. Julian Brown (London: Collins, 1960), 37–38. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 215. La Représentation de l’invisible, 68, no. 21. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.44, f. 10r. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:157–158, no. 131. 84 New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS G.44, f. 86r. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 2, f. 21v. Elizabeth Parker McLachlan, “Liturgical Vessels and Implements”, in The Liturgy of the Medieval Church, ed. Thomas J. Heffernan, and E. Ann Matter (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2001), 409n120.

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Figure 49 Crucifixion, Sacramentary of Saint-Amand, Abbey of Saint-Amand, second half of the twelfth century. France, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 108, f. 58v.

Figure 50 The Deposition, France, poss. Corbie, ca. 1175. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.44, f. 10r.

Figure 51

Figure 52

The Holy Women at the tomb of Christ, Gospel Lectionary, Austria, c. 1045–1055. New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS G.44, f. 86r.

The Holy Women at the tomb of Christ, Germany, S. (“The Ottobeuren Collectar”), last quarter of the twelfth century. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 2, f. 21v.

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male figure was intended to be Christ, although a conflation of Christ, the Virgin and Child and God the Father cannot be ruled out entirely. 5.3

Comparison of the Vision Scene in Valenciennes, MS 500 with MS 502 and MS 501

Comparing Aldegonde’s vision of Amand, portrayed as a glorification in MS 502, MS 501 and MS 500, shows that the artist of MS 500 clearly sought to convey an aura of strength and power in the saint, possibly to underscore his intercessory capabilities (Figs. 12, 13, and Appx. A.29). In the earlier iterations, MS 502, f. 119r, and MS 501, f. 31r, Amand was depicted as an old man with white hair, but in MS 500, f. 68r, crucially, he is considerably larger with a youthful visage and brown hair. These iconographic devices, in the context of the youthful depiction of the separated soul of the saint in the Christ-figure’s lap, strongly suggest that the creators of the glorification in MS 500 wished to portray the vitality of the saint, probably to confirm that he was still active on behalf of his followers. All three vitae refer to Aldegonde’s vision of an “old man” who was “greatly respected,” “clothed in priestly and bright vestments”; Milo’s text describes him “holding a staff in his hand”, while Phillip is more specific, altering this to read “supported by a pastoral staff”.85 The artist of MS 502 faithfully rendered this description with the image of an old man with white hair and bent back (Fig. 12).86 Amand’s staff, represented as a crozier, consistent with his episcopal rank, is shown by a thin line while the “splendid garb” specified in the text is indicated by a green-grey outer garment, possibly a chasuble. No pallium is visible. Under the chasuble Amand wears a brown-orange garment, a tunic or possibly the early form of a surplice (of which only the lower hem and sleeves are visible), and a white alb. The colour palette used on this miniature, blue, beige and orange, is the same as that used for the miniatures accompanying the life of Amand in the manuscript. They stand in contrast, however, to the facing miniature, f. 118v, in which scarlet and dark green 85 Milo, aass Januarii ii, p. 1045, Contemplabatur senem virum, cano vertice reverendum, Sacerdotatibus et praeclaris vestibus indutum, baculum manu tenentem. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 205, for translation. Phillip, aass Feb. i, 872D: Cum subito rapta in excessu mentis, videt reuerenda canitie virum, clarum sacerdotalibus indumentis, virga pastorali subnixum. My thanks to Dr James H. Pedersen and Dr Oliver Norris for their assistance with this translation. 86 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, f. 119r.

are used for Aldegonde’s garments and the altar, giving a richer appearance. The unduly modest rendering of Amand serves to diminish the power of his ecclesiastical office in favour of the humility characteristic of the saint. Amand is looking upward at an angel leaning down from a cloud in the right-hand corner. The angel carries a large golden crown, mentioned in the text both in MS 502 and MS 501.87 This reference does not appear in Phillip’s text for MS 500 although the angels in the upper register are still shown holding golden crowns (Appx. A.29).88 Both Milo’s and Phillip’s texts of Aldegonde’s vision state that Amand “had on his journey a great crowd dressed in white before and behind him”.89 Abou-ElHaj and Cynthia Hahn interpret the figures surrounding Amand as the “souls he converted”.90 But it is Phillip’s later text that states that Amand was accompanied by the souls of those he actually converted.91 All the figures in the MS 502 miniature have nimbi and wear the white robes Aldegonde describes. They assume a pose used in portrayals of Christ ascending to heaven in which he appears to be climbing, as depicted, for example, in the Benedictional of Aethelwold, made in Winchester between 963 and 984 (Fig. 53).92 These poses, including Amand looking upward, visually portray an event which was anticipated–that is, Amand going to heaven–although the timing of the event was uncertain. This imagery, although satisfactory in the mid-eleventh century, was perhaps not appropriate in the twelfth. Dressing those surrounding Amand in white robes could in the twelfth century have indicated that they were ascending to heaven with Amand at the Last Judgement.93 This interpretation would be consistent with an ­increasing 87

Beatus itaque Amandus percipiebat a Domino Jesu coronam numerositatis virorum, aass Jan. ii, p. 1037. 88 aass Feb. i, 872. 89 Milo’s text in Valenciennes, MS 502 and 501: turbamque copiosam albatorum ante & post eum inter habere, aass Jan. ii, p. 1045. Phillip’s text in Valenciennes, MS 500: Praecedebat, & subsequebatur euntem cuneus innumerabilis albatorum, aass Februarii i, 872E, Author’s translation. 90 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 431, fig. 194. Hahn, Portrayed, pl. 3. 91 Quos e vestigio sequi, quorum dulci sociari collegio, quorum felicibus interesse gaudiis affectabat, & nisu quo poterat vestigia sequebatur, aass Feb. i, 872E. 92 London, B.L., Add. MS 49598, f. 64v. Full facsimile, The Benedictional of St Æthelwold: A Masterpiece of Anglo-Saxon Art, A Facsimile, intro. Andrew Prescott (London: British Library, 2002). The Ascension was also portrayed in this form on ivories into the twelfth century. See Paul Williamson, Medieval Ivory Carvings: Early Christian to Romanesque (London: V&A Publishing, 2010), 230–231, nos. 57 and 73. 93 Rev. 6:9–11. See this book, 78.

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Figure 53 Christ’s ascension, The Benedictional of Aethelwold, England, 963–984. London, B.L., Add. MS 49598, f. 64v.

number of depictions of the Last Judgement, for example in the Morgan Apocalypse (Fig. 31).94 Those who conceived the vision miniature in the intervening manuscript, MS 501, f. 31r, possibly sought to ensure that a representation of the vision of Amand would not be confused with the Last Judgement through the careful construction of a complex stylised depiction that served to glorify the deceased saint by employing a visual topos that placed his frontal figure on a background divided into eight equal areas (Fig. 13). The upper register is divided into two areas, each containing a pair of angels. The angel on the far left carries a gold crown while the other holds a censer; the pair of angels is loosely mirror-imaged on the right side so that the censers are in the middle. There are 58 figures in total.95 In the lowest two areas the ­figures are not nimbed while all are nimbed in the two areas ­immediately above. The nimbed figures wear a variety of costumes enabling clear identification of a cleric with a pallium on the left and tonsured monks on the right. The two female figures in the register below the angels, along

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New York, The Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.524, f. 3r. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 239.

with their accompanying inscriptions, will be discussed later in this section. The treatment of the background embellishes the idealization of Amand through the absence of temporal elements such as trees or clouds. This technique dissociated Amand from the real world and, as has been demonstrated by Gameson and Hahn, appears to have been employed to underscore a supernatural or spiritual context.96 Boutemy designates the scene as a “glorification” of Amand.97 The same topos can be identified, for example, in the background of the miniature of Christ in Majesty added in the early tenth century to the Athelstan Psalter (Fig. 54).98 This balanced structure with its consequent aesthetic harmony represents the order and stability of the heavenly afterlife in contrast to the chaos often portrayed in depictions of hell, as exemplified by the scene of hell in the twelfth-century Winchester Psalter (Fig. 55).99 The framework topos was also employed to glorify other saints and is evident in the wall-paintings of the parable of Dives and Lazarus at Nohant-Vicq (Fig. 16). Lazarus and Abraham are depicted in frontal pose with the background divided horizontally into four registers, which Marcia Kupfer refers to as the Mansions of the Blessed.100 The stylized background in MS 501 therefore departs from the narrative description that MS 502 portrays. By this dissociation of the background from the temporal world, the figure of Amand is presented among the blessed without reference to any place, be it Abraham’s bosom or heaven, or to any specific time. Since the artistic conceit governing the background is devotional and idealized, it need not have conformed to any recognized representations of the soul; thus, Amand is presented splendidly dressed in ecclesiastical robes, as described in the text, and not in simple garb as he was in MS 502. He is shown wearing a red-orange chasuble over a scarlet dalmatic with sculpted hem and gold decorated borders characteristic of the period and a gold pallium. In short he was glorified. 96

Cynthia Hahn, “Peregrinatio et Natio: The Illustrated Life of Edmund, King and Martyr”, Gesta 30, no. 2 (1991): 132–133. Gameson, The Role of Art, 187–188. 97 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 240. 98 London, B.L., MS Cotton Galba A xviii, f. 21r. Richard Gameson, “The Athelstan Psalter”, Royal Manuscripts: The Genius of Illumination, ed. Scot McKendrick, John Lowden, and Kathleen Doyle, with Joanna Frońska and Deirdre Jackson (London: British Library, 2012), 100–101, no. 3. 99 London, B.L., MS Cotton Nero C. iv, f. 142. Gameson, The Role of Art, 188. 100 Marcia Kupfer, “Spiritual Passage and Pictorial Strategy in the Romanesque Frescoes at Vicq”, The Art Bulletin 68, no. 1 (1986): 39–40.

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Figure 54 Christ’s ascension, Athelstan psalter, Winchester?, early tenth century. London, B.L., MS Cotton Galba A xviii, f. 21r.

Figure 55 Hell, Winchester Psalter, Winchester, c. 1150. London, B.L., MS Cotton Nero C. iv, f. 142.

The glorification depiction in MS 501 incorporates three key features which demonstrate that the creators of the miniature sought to depart from a literal interpretation of the text characteristic of MS 502. One feature is an inscribed ribbon, held by the angel talking to Aldegonde and which, now rather flaked, has generally been read as: Ecce coronandus ad caelos migrat Amandus.101 A second key feature in MS 501 is a poem inscribed on the dividing bars of the registers. This poem was not part of the vita and appears to have been written specifically for this manuscript.102

A third key feature is a depiction of two female figures occupying the register below the angels. Surrounded by large gold medallions, the poses of these two figures are similar to those of the three Marys in the Floreffe Bible and may therefore be interpreted as them prostrating themselves before Amand (Figs. 13 cf. 30).103 The female figures are accompanied by an inscription across the upper area of the register, coccvs tinctus bis, “scarlet cloth twice dyed”, a phrase that occurs five times in Exodus, Chapter 28, to describe the vestments of Aaron and his sons, who were chosen as priests to minister before the tabernacle.104 As a bishop, Amand was similarly ‘chosen’ and is depicted in the miniature with a scarlet dalmatic with red-orange chasuble. The phrase therefore creates a link with Aaron and his sons, reinforcing the view that Amand had been similarly chosen by God to fulfil his wishes. The inscription accompanying and identifying the female figure on

101 “Behold! Worthy to be crowned, Amand goes to heaven”, Catalogue Général des Manuscrits, 402, this reference is perhaps the earliest source. Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 239, who clearly had sight of the manuscript, notes the same Latin text. AbouEl-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 206, quotes the inscription as Ecce Aldegundis ad cael[um] migrat Amandus, and translates it as “Behold Aldegonde, Amand goes to Heaven”. The differences may be due to the white lettering flaking off the gold leaf of the scroll, making it hard to read. My thanks to Prof R. Gameson for his assistance with this translation. 102 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 240, Hec est cortina preciosa carensque ruina | Quem bene bis tinctus coccus foris ornat et intus | Grex albatorum candore nitens meritorum | Ad superos pariter

cum patre carpit iter. See also Abou-El-Haj, The Medieval Cult of Saints, 258n24. 103 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 501, f. 31r. London, B.L., Add. MS 17738, f. 179v. 104 Exodus 28:1–43, especially verses 5, 6, 8, 15, 33. Boutemy, “L’illus­ tration”, 240.

The Soul and Glorification of Saint Amand

the left is Dilectio Dei, “Love of God”, while that associated with the female figure on the right is Dilectio Proximi, “Love of neighbour”.105 A passage by Gregory the Great in the Regulae Pastoralis Liber links the colour scarlet with the Dilectio Dei and the Dilectio Proximi.106 These figures therefore represent the twin aspects of religious life: on the one hand the love of God, i.e. the contemplative life, required of all those committed to the religious life; and, on the other, the love of neighbour, i.e. the active life, which signifies active involvement with the welfare of others through both words and deeds.107 Both aspects were highly esteemed by medieval scholars although the contemplative life was considered of greater importance, as evidenced by important theologians such as William of St Thierry (c. 1085–1148), Bernard of Clairvaux (1090– 1153), Adam of Dryburgh (d. 1212), and Pope Innocent iii (1198–1216).108 The female figures depicted on either side of Amand in MS 501 appear to be supporting him. Meyer Schapiro and Walter Cahn compare this gesture of support with that which Aaron and Hur gave to Moses during the battle with the Amalekites.109 While Moses held up his arms, Israel prevailed; but when Moses’s arms grew heavy and he lowered them, the battle turned in favour of the Amalekites. Aaron and Hur therefore held up Moses’s arms, and the battle was won. Schapiro and Cahn argue that the position of the hands of the figures in the depiction of Amand in MS 501 is indicative of the power of Amand to command support.110 The artists who created the glorification miniature of Amand in MS 501 therefore appear to have employed the female figures in two ways. First, as personifications, they represented a declaration or guide to monastic viewers of the requirements for a spiritual life, which, if they were pursued in the same diligent fash105 Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 240. 106 Gregory the Great, Regulae Pastoralis Liber, ii.3, PL 77, col. 29AB. Cerny, “Die Buchmalerei”, 68–70, 69n118. Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 258n24. 107 Anne-Marie Bouché, “The Floreffe Bible Frontispiece and Twelfth-Century Contemplative Theory” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1997), 191. 108 Constable, “The Interpretation”, 96–99, discusses the ­typological links scholars made with Mary and Martha, the sisters of Lazarus of Bethany (not the Lazarus of the parable), Luke 10:38–42, John 12:1–8; and Rachel and Leah, Gen. 29. Mary and Rachel represented the contemplative life, while Martha and Leah the active life. 109 Meyer Schapiro, Words and Pictures: On the Literal and the Symbolic in the Illustration of a Text (The Hague: Mouton, 1973), 17–22 and passim. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:150. 110 Schapiro, Words and Pictures, 26. Cahn, Romanesque Manuscripts, 2:150.

95 ion as Amand had done, would bring to them the same reward. Second, through their posture, the figures could provide a testament to Amand’s spiritual power and the consequent support he could muster among his followers. The artists of MS 500, f. 68r, clearly relied on the miniature in MS 501 as a template for their own miniature but introduced certain important modifications, which served to intensify the glorification of Amand and to set it apart from the depiction of his soul with Christ (Appx. A.20). The background consists of four bisected registers with the same general content as MS 501. Amand’s visual presence in the miniature, however, is strengthened by virtue of increasing his size so that his height now occupies the two central registers. Amand is no longer portrayed as an old man, notwithstanding Aldegonde’s description and his depiction with white hair and beard in the two preceeding manuscripts. He now has brown hair and a neat brown beard; this artistic device emphasizes youthfulness and was probably employed to strengthen the viewers’ perception of the saint’s spiritual power. In addition to the more dominant figure of Amand, another important change to the miniature is the removal of the poem and the inscriptions Dilectio Dei and Dilectio Proximi. This may be indicative of a reaction by the monastery to contemporary events. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries there was debate between established monastic orders such as the Benedictines and newer orders of canons such as the Premonstratensians, which revolved around how these two perspectives were to be manifested in religious life. Broadly speaking, the monks saw themselves as contemplative, their earthly activities a humble expression of their devotion and known only to God and their fellow monks, while the canonical orders pursued a more active life, following the example of the Apostles, seeking to convert others through their example and good works.111 Constable finds that, while many medieval scholars occupied the middle ground in the debate, promoting the importance of both, there were others for whom the contemplative life was not the “more important” of the two, but the “most important,” if not the only one that mattered.112 Joachim of Fiore (d. 1202), who stood for the monastic tradition, and John, prior of the Cistercian monastery of Ford who later became Archbishop of Canterbury (d. 1214), were amongst them.113 The debate continued well into the next century, and Bonaventure expressed an unequivocal view, commending (and thereby proclaiming the superiority 111 Bouché, “The Floreffe Bible”, 102, 190–191. Constable, “The Interpretation”, 110–111. 112 Constable, “The Interpretation”, 110–111. 113 Constable, “The Interpretation”, 93–96, 101.

96 of) the contemplative life.114 A consequence of the debate may well have been that the Benedictine monks of SaintAmand removed the inscriptions from the miniature of Amand in MS 500 precisely because they included reference to the “active life”, which did not conform to their view of the overriding importance of the contemplative monastic life. Also removed from the scene were the references to the “scarlet cloth twice dyed,” which emphasised the support Amand’s spiritual power could command. The figures were also modified in their posture, from one of prostration in MS 501 to one of kneeling in MS 500. While the position of the hands of the female figure on the left of MS 500 are similar to those in MS 501, the position of the hands of the figure on the right were altered so that she no longer clasps Amand’s wrist. Without the reference to “scarlet cloth twice dyed”, the conception of their revised posture may perhaps have reflected a desire on the part of the artist simply to show a position of respect. Since scarlet was no longer referred to in an inscription, the ­artist apparently chose not to use it for Amand’s dalmatic, which is blue; the red-orange colour, which in MS 501 was used for both Amand’s chasuble and the personification 114 Constable, “The Interpretation”, 110–111.

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of “Love of neighbour”, in MS 500 is distributed around the miniature, thereby creating an even colour balance, possibly in another effort to remove any connotations between the colour and its association with the female figures in MS 501.115 MS 501 constructed a complex depiction of the glorification of Amand including inscriptions, an angelic commentary with Aldegonde, a poem and the two personifications of charity. The artists of MS 500 appropriated the general schema but, perhaps in response either to a desire to simplify the miniature or to recognise contemporary debate between monastic and canonical orders, removed the inscriptions and poem. Such a conscious contrivance suggests that the artists of MS 500 did not simply copy the depiction from its predecessor but had other motives for embellishing the image of a ‘glorified’ Amand, one of which may well have been to draw a stronger and even clearer contrast with Amand’s soul with Christ since it was Amand’s soul and not Aldegonde’s ‘glorified’ vision of the Saint that would be called upon to intercede on behalf of his followers.

115 Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult of Saints, 207, also notes the change in the use of colour.

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Conclusion Analysis of the relationship between the miniatures and two largely complete sets of preliminary drawings facilitates understanding the rationale and methods employed in conceiving and executing the illustrated cycle in MS 500. When the miniatures are placed in their correct narrative sequence, comparison with both sets of preliminary drawings demonstrates that an alteration was made to the original order. This alteration serves to isolate the first and last pages of miniatures in the cycle, ff. 53r, 62v. Analysis of the upper and lower registers on each page of the preliminary drawings and also on the facing pages demonstrates that the artists of the preliminary drawings selected specific episodes from the vita in order to achieve a cohesive cycle with a sophisticated layering of spiritual messages. When the order was altered and the miniatures were created, the original cohesion provided by facing pages was necessarily lost, although spiritual messaging associated with paired miniatures on individual pages remained. Assuming that the original intent was known by those who created the cycle of miniatures, the destruction of the cohesion established by the preliminary drawings represented a conscious decision, whose sole purpose must have been to isolate the important depiction of the entombment of Amand and his soul with Christ, or at least to remove it from the intended facing page depicting Amand with a bear (f. 61). Examination of the techniques used in the miniatures demonstrates that a master artist with an innovative manner was assigned to execute the important entombment, soul and glorification miniatures on ff. 62v, 68r. This manner was one that flowered for a brief period towards the end of the twelfth century. It is characterised by soft, rounded forms, generally well-proportioned figures, generous drapery and a strong use of colour. Similar characteristics appear in contemporary manuscripts from the region of Saint-Amand and include a copy of Gilbert de la Porrée’s Commentaries on Boethius, De Trinitate made at Saint-Amand itself, a Rabanus Maurus, De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis from Anchin, and the Souvigny Bible.1 But the greatest similarities are with the Paris Psalter from Canterbury, whose figures are created in the same way.2 Alongside influences from other manuscript artists, those 1 Valenciennes, MS 197. Douai, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 340. Moulins, Médiathèque de Moulins Communauté, MS 1. 2 Paris, BnF, lat. 8846.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_007

who worked on MS 500 would also have drawn on the plethora of works around them including stained glass windows, champlevé enamels, sculpture and ivories. The very unusual depiction of the soul of Amand in the lap of the divine Christ (f. 62v) shows bold artistic creativity designed to achieve a specific objective, that of providing visual evidence that Saint Amand was in heaven and therefore clearly in a position to intercede on behalf of his followers. The depiction of Amand’s glorification (f. 68r) was not only skilfully executed but, when compared with similar subjects in the two previous illustrated vitae, mss 502, 501, also demonstrates that the concept of glorification altered from an understated, if not to say unpretentious depiction in MS 502, to the imposing, stately figure in MS 500. Comparisons also indicate that it was in all probability half of a diptych and that the partner folio is missing. 6.1 Miniatures, Preliminary Drawings and Pagination The cycle of miniatures in MS 500 is intriguing for a number of reasons, not least because the conundrum of the currently incorrectly bound folia, coupled with the loss of at least two folia from the narrative sequence of Amand’s life, plus a probable third associated with Aldegonde’s vision, required resolution in order to comprehend the original logic of the cycle. When the leaves are correctly ordered and allowance made for appropriate placement of the two missing folia, the first folio with miniatures of Amand with his parents and Amand leaving for the monastery are on a recto with miniatures of Amand’s soul and entombment terminating the cycle on a verso (ff. 53r, 62v). Thus, the miniatures on these folia are isolated, free from the distracting influence of any miniatures on a facing page. While the first page of miniatures is of lesser import to the cycle of the life of Amand, the concluding miniatures are of the greatest significance. The correct arrangement of the cycle in MS 500, isolating as it does the final pair of miniatures, clearly underscores the importance of the final depiction of the soul of Amand with a seated figure who, the iconography indicates, is either the divine Christ or a conflation of Christ, the Virgin as intercessor and, possibly, God the Father. Portraying the saint’s soul held by Christ serves not only to reinforce Amand’s spiritual and intercessory powers, but also provides a

98 d­ evotional dimension to this miniature that would have been useful to the saint’s cult. On the reverse of each folio are two sets of preliminary drawings of each of the miniatures from the cycle, except for ff. 61r, 62v, and f. 68r. However, neither of the drawings on the reverse is that of the miniature on the obverse of the same folio. The discovery and analysis of preliminary drawings I under the more readily visible preliminary drawings II confirms that a key alteration was made to the cycle of miniatures with clear implications for the placement of the folia that begin and end it. Preliminary drawings I are mirror-images of their related miniatures and may well have been intended for tracing through to the obverse side of the membrane. Were this to have taken place, the miniatures would then have commenced on a verso with the soul and entombment miniatures concluding the cycle on a recto; thus, they would have appeared opposite the scenes of Amand and the bear and Amand in church. Preliminary drawings I were intentionally partially erased; they were then overdrawn with preliminary drawings II. Preliminary drawings II are in the same orientation as their respective miniatures (i.e. not mirror-imaged.) Had these drawings been used as the base for the miniatures, which the orientation implies, the cycle would again have begun on a verso with the similar result that the soul of Amand would be positioned facing the depiction of the tamed bear and Amand in church. These drawings were also discarded as a base for the miniatures. Ultimately, the pragmatic artists simply turned the skins over and used the other sides for the miniatures. The critical aspect of this process of re-arrangement is that the artists of the miniatures intentionally destroyed the cohesion of the cycle as originally conceived in the preliminary drawings. By altering the order to begin the cycle on a recto, they ensured that the miniatures of the soul of Amand and his entombment would be isolated on a verso and therefore more prominently displayed. It is difficult to know how the cycle was intended to be used. Revision of the vita by Phillip of Aumône, and possibly the planning of the miniatures, began during the Abbacy of Hugh ii (1150–1169). The completion of the vita is dated to c. 1170, with the completion of the miniatures c. 1175–1185. Evidence from the signatures on the gatherings of the manuscript as a whole indicates that the makers of the cycle of miniatures almost certainly did not intend to integrate it with the vita. The cycle may well have been intended as a separate entity, which was added to the vita at some later date, perhaps in order to enhance it. Adorned with a luxurious binding decorated with ivory or enamelled panels, such a volume replete with a m ­ iniature cycle

Chapter 6

would have been as treasured as the relics of the saint or could have constituted a suitable gift for an appropriate personage. It appears that the cycles of preliminary drawings were prepared much in advance of the miniatures themselves since they contain visual archaisms such as those concerning the investiture crisis. Analysis also indicates that a highly skilled artist executed the important entombment and afterlife scenes. It is also highly likely that the glorification of Amand, a product of Aldegonde’s vision, would have been a diptych with the missing miniature of Aldegonde on the page of the partner folio. It is also equally likely that the vision diptych was never intended to be part of the cycle of the life of Amand, although it is currently so positioned; rather, it would have been placed after the vita as it was in the two previous illustrated manuscripts, mss 502, 501, or at least with an intervening blank folio after the final miniatures of the cycle, those of Amand’s entombment and his soul. Comparison of MS 500 with other illustrated vitae of the same period demonstrates, as might be expected, both similarities and differences. MS 500 is noted for the comparatively large number of miniatures in its cycle, twentynine, and the existence of another illustrated vita of the same saint, MS 502, with a similar number of depictions. But it is certainly not unique either in regard to having a large number of depictions or in terms of the existence of another illustrated vita of the same saint. There are, for example, two illustrated vitae of the Life of Cuthbert providing scope for analytic comparison in a similar manner to the comparisons made between MS 502 and MS 500.3 Created in the same period they have significantly more depictions than either MS 502 or MS 500. While not unique in this regard, a distinctive feature of MS 500 is the placement of depictions as a cycle devoid of text. Generally, illustrated vitae integrate depictions with the respective episodes they illustrate in the text, as in Codex Benedictus, Life of Liudger and the Troyes Life of Maur.4 Only one other illustrated vita encountered thus far employs a pictorial cycle, the Life of Aubin.5 In both MS 500 and the Life of Aubin it is uncertain whether the creators or patrons of the manuscripts even intended the cycles to be appended to the vitae or remain completely separate entities. Placement of depictions as a complete cycle, separate from rather than integrated into text, while unusual in 3 Oxford, University College, MS 165. London, B.L., Yates Thompson 26. 4 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 1202. Berlin, Staa­ tsbibliothek, Theol. lat. fol. 323. Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 2273. 5 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, nouv. acq. lat. 1390.

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Conclusion

an illustrated vita, is more often encountered in psalters. Both the St Albans Psalter and the Winchester Psalter are examples with cycles of miniatures preceding the text of the psalms. These two psalters and MS 500 also share similar bookmaking methods. The cycle in MS 500 appears to have been an addition to the manuscript, and both psalters also have what appear to be additions to the main manuscript. The “Alexis Quire” in the St Albans Psalter is distinctive due to the change in technique in the miniatures, and, like the miniature cycle in MS 500, it may have been a separate entity. The “Byzantine Diptych” in the Winchester Psalter employs different techniques from the other miniatures and also appears to have been an addition to the main cycle. This echoes the case of the putative diptych of the vision of Aldegonde in MS 500, of which only the glorification folio remains (f. 68r) and whose original location in MS 500 is uncertain. In all three cases, the “Alexis Quire”, the “Byzantine Diptych” and the glorification miniature of the diptych in MS 500, the miniatures appear to have been created after the main manuscript was underway, but with knowledge of the main manuscript’s techniques regarding size, colour and content. This seems to be an accepted aspect of book making and not peculiar to MS 500. Both the “Alexis Quire” in the St Albans Psalter and the entire Winchester Psalter were conceived to have a blank, protective, first recto, which the preliminary drawings of MS 500 indicate was originally intended. The Winchester Psalter, when correctly bound, would not only have had a blank, first recto, but also, similar to MS 500, would have had two facing pages of miniatures followed by two facing blank pages, which in MS 500 contain preliminary drawings. Traces of glue indicate that in the Winchester Psalter the blank pages would have been bonded together; in MS 500 it appears they were sewn together at the top of the page. Concerning painting techniques, vitae generally present a degree of homogeneity throughout their depictions, even when they were the product of multiple artists. This is not the case with MS 500 since its miniatures clearly demonstrate different techniques. A curious feature arising from the analysis of techniques is the apparent collaboration of artists of discernably different skill levels, not only within a series of illustrations, or within a cycle, but even within a single miniature. Whether this may be explained as a single artist lapsing into a less diligent technique, or as a collaboration of artists of different skill levels, this somewhat curious, if not to say unexpected, feature is encountered not only in MS 500, but also in the Codex Benedictus, the St Albans Psalter and the Winchester Psalter. Further study into this intriguing phenomenon

would be useful in the broader context of understanding manuscript artists and their working methods. 6.2

The Relationship between the Miniatures

The layering of exegesis employed in contemporary commentary is evident visually in the pages of the cycle of miniatures in MS 500. Using this technique, the artists contrived to portray the spirituality of the saint to achieve a number of objectives, including: to demonstrate his capacity to call upon divine intervention; to cast him as a respected and senior prelate in the ecclesiastical hierarchy; to emphasise his capacity to intervene on behalf of his followers after his death; and, more broadly, to promote ecclesiastical authority. This creative approach was surely designed to convey an aura of spiritual power and must be contrasted with the depictions of Amand in MS 502, which focus principally on his humility, a quality for which he was noted and which, of course, remains an important aspect in the depictions in MS 500. Overall, the depictions demonstrate that the saint could be–and was–humble but also a dynamic churchman and a force in proselytising and conversion. In line with these objectives, in the MS 500 miniatures the artists employed innovative visual devices to amplify spiritual messages. For example, altering hair colour to denote cases where divine intervention transfigures Amand’s episcopal role to that of a conduit for the divine, effectively making him an instrument of the Holy Spirit through the church. In the final miniatures the ascended soul of Amand, portrayed resting in the lap of a figure, which is in all probability the divine Christ, clearly demonstrates the completion of his transformation to sainthood with the implication that he is in a divine location and therefore ideally placed to intercede on behalf of his followers. It is precisely this visual transformation of the earthly, ecclesiastical Amand to the saint in heaven that indicates that its creators viewed the concluding miniatures of the cycle as having sublime importance that was best presented by isolation on a verso. These visual techniques appear to have been employed to burnish or perhaps exalt Amand’s spirituality and to establish incontrovertibly his nexus with the divine Christ. They therefore represent an effort to convert pictorially the humble, self-effacing monk depicted in MS 502 to a powerful and effective representative of the church on earth and a saint in heaven. Another distinguishing example of visual layering in the cycle in MS 500 is that of message reinforcement occasioned by the adroit pairing of episodes on each page and, in the preliminary drawings, their relationship across

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facing pages. This original conceit sought to communicate the vita’s message on more than one level in order to achieve a subtle, complex spiritual meaning. The creators of the preliminary drawings on which the miniatures are based–conceived to be viewed as facing pages with the four scenes relating to each other–clearly paired the episodes on each page in a manner that amplified a message. Sequences of four episodes selected from the vita were grouped to represent key periods in Amand’s life, and deeper spiritual meaning is evident within each group. The fact that this careful planning was purposefully abandoned adds weight to the argument that the alteration to the order was undertaken for some higher purpose. Since it sets apart the important depiction of the soul of Amand with Christ, and therefore underscores Amand’s ability to intercede on behalf of his followers, this surely was the reason for the change. The concluding page of the cycle of miniatures, that depicting Amand’s entombment and soul, reflects careful consideration in its pairing. MS 502, the predecessor manuscript, depicted Amand’s soul carried by angels at his death in a manner similar to other contemporary depictions of the death-bed scenes of saints. MS 500 is unusual in that it pairs the soul of Amand with that of his entombment. This is significant because, while the death-bed scene begins the funerary process, it is the entombment that ends what is often an elaborate series of ceremonies, sometimes taking up to thirty days, especially in the case of an ordained bishop. There can be no implication that Amand’s soul is in the intermediate place of Abraham’s bosom, for the finality of Amand’s entombment underscores the finality of his soul’s resting place in the lap of the divine Christ and is a key example of visual exegetic layering. 6.3

The Imaginative Depiction of Amand’s Soul

The innovative artists not only demonstrated their talents in a creative interpretation of the vita, reinforced by a subtle relationship between the images designed perhaps to appeal to more thoughtful and perceptive viewers, but also in the extremely unusual depiction of the soul of Amand in the lap of the divine Christ, a conception that appears not to have been repeated elsewhere. To appreciate fully the bold creativity of the artists who conceived this imaginative depiction, it is useful to consider it from the standpoint of the typological context for depicting Christian souls. The types of souls generally depicted during this period include the soul which animated human beings, such as that given to Adam; the c­ orporeal soul,

which c­onsists of the body rejoined to its soul at the Last Judgement; and the separated soul, or the soul which, after departing its body at death, awaited the Last Judgement. Of these, Amand’s soul in MS 500 is clearly a separated soul and may usefully be compared with similar depictions. Until the formal establishment of the doctrine of purgatory in 1274, which resolved many of the issues surrounding the destination of the separated soul, medieval scholars debated the status and situation of the soul immediately after death, in particular the ambiguous location of Abraham’s bosom. Since these debates surely contributed to the manner in which separated souls were portrayed, the way in which the afterlife itself was depicted was necessarily also of interest. To facilitate the analysis of the depictions of the souls of saints the parable of Dives and Lazarus in Luke’s Gospel provided a suitable paradigm. Lazarus, who was considered a saint by the church, is described in Luke’s Gospel as taken by angels after death to a specific afterlife location, Abraham’s bosom. This is the only reference in the New Testament to Abraham’s bosom and, other than Christ’s comment at his crucifixion about seeing the good thief in paradise, again recorded only by Luke, the only New Testament reference to immediate afterlife reward. Since Patristic and medieval scholars repeatedly referred to the parable, and since it played a key role in the debate concerning the doctrine of purgatory, it was consistently depicted and therefore provides an appropriate basis for comparison. The evidence demonstrates that the way in which the soul was portrayed was not the product of the creative imagination of artists or patrons, but rather was underpinned by the views of Patristic and medieval scholars. Lazarus’s soul was always portrayed in human form, an artistic conceit possibly deriving from Luke’s parable itself. Certainly theologians, including Irenaeus, Augustine and, later, Thomas Aquinas, all described the soul resembling its human form. Depictions of the soul in human form also satisfied the criteria set out by Augustine in City of God, cardinal points of which were that it would appear youthful, healthy and, in Augustine’s phrase, in “the fullness of Christ”, that is, at the age at which Christ died, around thirty years old. Descriptions in Luke’s parable, combined with those of Augustine and other theologians, appear to have provided the creative basis for depicting the souls of saints in human form. The suggestion that the souls of saints might have to wait for the Last Judgement to enter heaven was problematic since saintly intercession required contemporary presence in heaven. Thus, it was generally believed that

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saints were immediately taken to heaven so that they could intercede on behalf of their followers. This belief represented a doctrinal anomaly since it appeared to contradict the Nicene Creed, which clearly stated that all must await the Last Judgement, in line with the Revelations of John. The issue of saints’ immediate ascent to heaven was not regularised doctrinally until resolution of the Beatific Vision controversy in 1336. The use of nakedness for the depiction of a saint’s soul became the model, especially from the twelfth century with the increasing numbers of Last Judgement depictions, since it conveyed to the viewer that the representation was not the corporeal soul at the Last Judgement but rather the contemporary separated soul with the implication it was in situ in heaven and therefore in a position to intercede. The depiction of the soul of Amand in MS 500 is highly unusual, possibly unique, since no other soul was depicted in heaven per se. Other depictions of saints’ souls showed them near, or en route to, a visual element such as the Hand of God that clearly represented heaven as their imminent place of residence, although the exact timing of entry was necessarily ambiguous. The portrayal of the frontal, naked soul of Amand, an unambiguous declaration that the soul was separated and not corporeal but nonetheless at its final destination, therefore neatly circumvented any contravention of doctrine. In addition, given that Amand died around ninety years of age, the depiction of his soul in MS 500 clearly replicates the Augustinian precepts of youth and healing by its portrayal with youthful features, long hair and musculature. Drawing on the topos of Lazarus in Abraham’s bosom, the soul of Amand rests in a cloth in the lap of a male figure, who holds the cloth, which, unusually, wraps around the figure itself, and is suspended between his extended arms. While it is highly probable that the seated figure holding Amand’s soul is the divine Christ, who was in heaven throughout eternity, rather than Christ who was made man and ascended, it must be emphasized that this identification is not conclusive. As noted above, the figure could conceivably be a conflation of the divine Christ, the Virgin as intercessor and, possibly, God the Father. Contemporary depictions of the Gnadenstuhl, or the Throne of Grace, as representations of the Trinity, may well have been observed by the artists of MS 500 and modified for their own use in the depiction of Saint Amand. Indeed, transmission may have been from other depictions of the souls of saints in this form, now lost, and amended for the representation of the Trinity. However, the balance of probability strongly suggests that in MS 500 the artists intended the figure to be the divine Christ. What is certain is that the figure is not Abraham.

6.4

Glorification of Amand

The glorification of Amand described in the vision of his friend, the Abbess Aldegonde, is the only miniature depicted in all three illustrated manuscripts, mss 502, 501, 500. It is this author’s considered opinion that the facing folio in MS 500, which in the previous two vitae featured Aldegonde herself, is missing. This diptych was in all probability never intended to terminate the cycle. Or if it was so intended, it would have been separated by a blank folio to demonstrate that it was not part of Baudemond’s original vita, in keeping with its placement in the previous manuscripts. To appreciate fully the importance of the glorification depiction in MS 500, it is essential to consider it in artistic relationship to its two predecessor manuscripts. The single page miniature of the glorification in MS 502 depicts Amand in profile as an old man despite the fact that his soul is portrayed as youthful with brown hair and rosy cheeks. This depiction carefully replicates Aldegonde’s description of Amand in MS 502 with the artist also faithfully reflecting other details, including portrayal of a host of ‘others’ in white robes accompanying Amand. In contrast, in MS 501 the glorification miniature, which also occupies a single page, is divided into four registers, each of which is bisected, with Amand centred and overlaying these registers. The use of vibrant colours, coupled with the portrayal of Amand as central and frontal, provides a powerful and sophisticated evocation of glorification in contrast to that of MS 502. Nonetheless, he is still portrayed as an old man with white hair. However, despite Aldegonde’s description of simple clothing, he is now depicted in the ecclesiastical vestments associated with his status as bishop. The glorified Amand of MS 501 employs the use of gold and colours typical of the period, thus creating an image far grander and more visually worthy of exaltation than his humble predecessor in MS 502. At first glance, MS 500 appears simply to adopt the schema set out in MS 501. There are still four bisected registers, and Amand is still portrayed frontal and central, dressed in episcopal vestments. However, in MS 500 the miniature has been simplified by omitting a poem and titular phrases around the female personifications. The colours are even more intense, the black outlining more visible, in keeping with the new techniques in the region in the period, while the figure of Amand is depicted larger in size making him even more stately and imposing. Of greater importance, the glorified Amand of MS 500 is portrayed with brown hair and a correspondingly youthful visage, conveying, perhaps, the vitality thought necessary by the artists to denote a continuing and active spiritual

102 dimension consistent with and supportive of the soul imagery denoting his presence in heaven with Christ. 6.5 Summary Initiated during Hugh’s abbacy and created over a relatively extended period of time, the cycle of miniatures in MS 500 has a significance that is hard to overstate. When finally completed, it was added to the vita and encased in a luxury binding perhaps as a gift or for some other special occasion, neither of which would rule out a more practical application for generating patronage and donations. The techniques employed in the miniatures of Amand’s entombment, soul and glorification remain striking examples of a short-lived but vibrant style erroneously referred to as “transitional”. How the cycle was to be employed when the preliminary drawings were created is unknown. What is evident is that great care was taken to select and combine appropriate episodes and to establish the order. When the miniatures were produced, a key change was made to the order; rather than beginning on a verso with a facing page, the cycle began on a recto. The effect of this change destroyed the harmonious grouping of episodes and was clearly a

Chapter 6

conscious decision, probably taken to isolate the important depiction of the soul of Amand. The depiction itself is extremely unusual since, unlike other souls of saints, it shows Amand’s soul with Christ, a position that underscores his intercessionary capability thereby emphasising both his cult and the importance of the church. This study of MS 500 offers a window into the working methods in the preparation and completion of the pictorial cycle of the life of Saint Amand. The analysis of two almost complete cycles of preliminary drawings reveals something of the process of creation and alteration during its execution. Careful planning was clearly undertaken at the outset; the project was then held in abeyance, reassessed and altered prior to completion. Highly skilled artists were also employed for the important entombment, soul and glorification miniatures; their style appears to have been emulated by other artists working on the cycle, certainly those who worked on the second gathering but also in some measure by those who worked on the first. However much the original plan established by the preliminary drawings was altered, and however much the cycle has suffered through accidental and even possibly intentional damage, the highly innovative conceptual thought that went into the complex images relating to Amand’s body, soul and glorification remains.

Appendix A

The Cycle of the Life of Amand in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 This appendix comprises reproductions of all the miniatures in the cycle of the Life of Amand in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 and includes both miniatures and drawings. The order of presentation is the sequence in which they are currently bound. The actual size of the folia is approximately 310 x 215 mm with the actual size of the miniatures approximately 240 x 150 mm. The reproductions in this appendix are slightly smaller than their actual size.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_008

Figures and figure source: Life of Amand, Saint-Amand, c.1175. France, Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, from the Valenciennes Bibliothèque digital library [accessed June 2011–March 2014]. Currently hosted at [accessed 2016–18].

appx. A.1 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 53r. Upper register: A young Amand stands between his parents. Lower register: Amand arrives at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu.

appx. A.2 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 53v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Converting the Franks and building churches. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand exiled by Dagobert.

appx. A.3 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 54r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand is recalled and forgives Dagobert. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand baptises Sigebert.

appx. A.4 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 54v. Upper register: Amand encounters a large serpent. Lower register: The confrontation between Amand and his father Serenus.

appx. A.5 Valenciennes, B.M.,MS 500, f. 55r. Upper register: Amand is tonsured at Tours. Lower register: Amand requests a period of solitary contemplation.

appx. A.6 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 55v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand’s investiture as Bishop of Maastricht. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand receives a letter from Pope Martin i.

appx. A.7 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 56r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Saint Gertrude kneels before Amand to be consecrated. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.

appx. A.8 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 56v. Upper register: Amand is unceremoniously expelled from a church in Rome. Lower register: Saint Peter appears to Amand in a vision.

appx. A.9 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 57r. Upper register: Amand receives the insignia of his episcopacy. Lower register: Amand performs an exorcism.

appx. A.10 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 57v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand faces the blaspheming Basque. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, The blind man healed by water touched by Amand.

appx. A.11

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 58r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand on the mountains with the assassins. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand and the blind woman who worshiped trees.

appx. A.12 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 58v. Upper register: Saint Peter appears to Amand during a great storm at sea. Lower register: Amand is beaten and thrown into water by those he tries to convert.

appx. A.13 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 59r. Upper register: Converting the Franks and building churches Lower register: Amand exiled by Dagobert.

appx. A.14 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 59v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, A young Amand stands between his parents. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand arrives at the monastery on the Isle of Yeu.

appx. A.15 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 60r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand encounters a large serpent. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, The confrontation between Amand and his father Serenus.

appx. A.16 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 60v. Upper register: Amand is recalled and forgives Dagobert. Lower register: Amand baptises Sigebert.

appx. A.17 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 61r. Upper register: Amand tames a bear and meets a messenger from the pope. Lower register: Amand and two other saints prostrate themselves before an altar.

appx. A.18 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 61v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand builds churches and preaches to the people of Ghent. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Count Dotto, incited by the crowd, condemns a man to death.

appx. A.19 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 62r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, The hanging of the wrongdoer. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand retrieves the hanged man’s body and revives him.

appx. A.20 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 62v. Upper register: Amand’s soul with Christ. Lower register: Amand’s entombment.

appx. A.21 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 63r. Upper register: Amand’s investiture as Bishop of Maastricht. Lower register: Amand’s receipt of a letter from Pope Martin i.

appx. A.22 Valenciennes, B.M., 500, f. 63v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand is tonsured at Tours. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand requests a period of solitary contemplation.

appx. A.23 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 64r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand is unceremoniously expelled from a church in Rome. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Saint Peter appears to Amand in a vision.

appx. A.24 Valenciennes, B.M., 500, f. 64v. Upper register: Saint Gertrude kneels before Amand. Lower register: Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.

appx. A.25 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 65r. Upper register: Amand faces the blaspheming Basque. Lower register: The blind man healed by water touched by Amand.

appx. A.26 Valenciennes, B.M., 500, f. 65v. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand receives the insignia of his episcopy. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand performs an exorcism.

appx. A.27 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 66r. Upper register: Preliminary drawing II, Saint Peter appears to Amand during a great storm at sea. Lower register: Preliminary drawing II, Amand is beaten and thrown into the river by those he tries to convert.

appx. A.28 Valenciennes, B.M., 500, f. 66v. Upper register: Amand on the mountains with the assassins. Lower register: Amand and the blind woman who worshiped trees.

appx. A.29 Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, f. 68r Aldegonde’s vision, the glorification of Amand.

Appendix B

Contents of Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 ff. 1v–21r

The Passion and Translation of St Stephen Protomartyr ff. 1v–5v, bhl 7848; ff. 5v–11v, bhl 7851; ff. 11v–16r, bhl 7858; ff. 16r–22r, bhl 7878

ff. 22v–41v

The Miracles of St Stephen Protomartyr ff. 22v–27v, bhl 7868–72; ff. 28r–33v, Miracles in Africa by Augustine, bhl 7865; ff. 33r–37v, bhl 7873; ff. 38r–41v, 7874

ff. 41v–42v

Letter by Phillip of Aumône to Abbot John of Saint-Amand Reverendo in Christo patri Johanni

ff. 42v–44r

Prologue to the Passion of the Martyrs Quiricus and Julitta, bhl 1814

ff. 44r–51v

Passion of Saints and Martyrs Quiricus and Julitta his Mother, by Phillip of Aumône, bhl 1814

ff. 53r–68r

Miniatures of the Life of Amand (f. 67 missing), see appx. A and E

ff. 71r–73r

Letter by Phillip of Aumône to Abbot Hugh on the Life of Saint Amand, aass Feb i, 857–8

ff. 73r–75r

Letter by Phillip of Aumône to Abbot John, aass Feb i, 858 Dilecto in Christo patri et amico Johanni

ff. 75r–76r

Iniciunt capitula, aass Feb i, 859

ff. 78v–120r

Life of Amand the Bishop of Maastricht, aass Feb i, 859–72, bhl 334

ff. 121r–129v

Sermon by Milo on the Elevation of the Body of Saint Amand, bhl 343

ff. 130r–139r

Miracles of Saint Amand, bhl 345

ff. 139r–140v

Prologue to Miracles in 1107, bhl 346

ff. 140v–144r

Miracles in 1107, bhl 346

ff. 144r–148r

Further Miracles Written by Abbess Marsilie, bhl 347

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_009

Appendix C

Comparison of Miniatures between Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, and Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 The bold numbers relate to the episode numbers as listed in Appendix D ‘U’ designates the upper register of MS 500. ‘L’ designates the lower register.

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502a

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500

5v 6r

The birth of Amand with his parents. 1. Amand arrives at the Isle of Yeu.

53r

7r

2. Amand meets the seven-headed dragon.

54v

7v 8r 9r

Amand argues with his father. 3. Amand is tonsured at Tours. Amand is received at Bourges by Saint Outrille and Saint Suplice. 3. Amand in his cell. 4. Amand expelled from a church in Rome. 4. Saint Peter appears to Amand. Amand and another climb a mountain. 5. Amand consecrated bishop in the presence of the king. Amand delivers the captives. 5. Amand exorcises a demon that had entered his companion. 6. Amand leads fishermen to catch fish, a storm arises. 6. Saint Peter appears to Amand during a storm. Amand watches the locals of Ghent worshiping trees and idols. Amand educates the captives who become his disciples.

9v 10r 10v 11r 11v 12v 13v 14r 15r 15v

17r 17v 18r

18v

7, 8. A criminal is sentenced. Amand claims the body. 8. Amand brings to life the hanged man in the presence of his disciples. 9. Amand reads the Gospel to the people of Flanders, who destroy their idols and their temples. The new converts build a church. Amand crosses the Danube. Amand converts the Slavs, and leaves the country.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_010

1.U. Amand between his parents. 1.L. Amand arrives at the Isle of Yeu. 2.U. Amand meets the serpent. 2.L. Serenus, Amand’s father, urges him to go home.

55r

3.U. Amand is tonsured at Tours. 3.L. Amand in his cell facing Outrille and Suplice.

56v

4.U. Amand expelled from a church in Rome. 4.L. Saint Peter appears to Amand.

57r

5.U. Amand receives the insignia of his episcopy.

5.L. Amand delivers a servant driven by demons.

58v

6.U. Saint Peter appears to Amand during a storm. 6.L. Amand is beaten and thrown into the water.

61v

7.U. Preliminary drawing II, Preaches to the people of Ghent. 7.L. Count of Tournai orders the taking of a prisoner. 8.U. Preliminary drawing II, The thief is hanged.

62r

8.L. Amand revives the hanged man. 59r

9.U. Amand preaching to people of Flanders and they build a church. OR Destruction of the temples and idols by the people of Ghent.b 9.L. Amand exiled by Dagobert.

136

20v

21v

Appendix C

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502a

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500

10. Dagobert throws himself at the feet of Amand. In the presence of two people, 10. Amand moves away from Dagobert who begs forgiveness. Amand is persuaded to baptise the child. 10. The baptism of Sigebert.

10.U. Dagobert begs forgiveness and for Amand to baptise his son.

22r

11. Amand invested with the crosier, by the king’s hands, to the bishopric of Maastricht.

22v

Amand arrives by boat from Chenelaus. Destruction of houses of unbelievers. 13. A bishop poured water on the hands of Amand. He hands the container that contains the water to a servant. The bishop speaks to a blind man. 13. The blind man recovers his sight when in contact with the water that had touched Amand. 14. Assassins lead Amand up a mountain, a storm breaks out. A blind woman in the vicinity of Beauvais shows Amand the tree she worships. 14. Taken by her daughter to the foot of the tree, who struck it with an axe the blind woman is cured of her blindness by the intervention of Amand.

24v

26r 27r 27v

29r

30r 30v

 mand witnesses the arrival of a boat carrying A a patient, the Prior of Elnon. Amand was told that the paralytic was in bed. Amand took bread and wine to the patient. The Prior drinks the wine and recovers his health.

 ngels carry the soul of Amand, who is on his A deathbed, infront of the monks. The funeral of Amand. 16. The entombment of Amand.

10.L. Baptism of Sigebert. 63r

11.U. Investiture of Amand by the king with the bishopric of Maastricht. 11.L. Amand receives the letter from Pope Martin. 12.U. Gertrude at the feet of Amand. 12.L. Amand leaves Ghislain.

65r

13. T  he blind man healed by water touched by Amand.

66v

14.U. Assassins lead Amand up a mountain, a storm breaks out.

14.L. Taken by her daughter to the foot of the tree, who struck it with an axe the blind woman is cured of her blindness by the intervention of Amand.

61r

15.U. The tamed bear is freed by Amand,. 15.L. Amand and two others prostrate themselves at an altar.

62v

16.U. The soul of Amand with Christ. 16.L. The entombment of Amand.

Comparison of Miniatures between Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502, and Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 502a 118v 119r

17. Aldegonde guided by an angel to look to the right to see: 18. Amand in the middle of a crowd who follow him climbing to heaven where an angel waits to crown him.

137

Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 67v

17. MISSING?

68r

18. Glorification of Amand.

a This table includes observations complied by Abou-El-Haj, Medieval Cult, Appx. 5, 156–209, and this author’s additional research. b Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 242, incorrectly names scene 9.U in MS 500 as the destruction of temples by the people of Ghent, an incident which happens later in the Life of Amand, see MS 502, f. 22v. To be in correct sequence, this scene must be the construction of a church in Flanders, as both Abou-El-Haj (Medieval Cult of Saints. Appx. 5, 161–163), and i argue.

Appendix D

List of Episodes in the Cycle of the Life of Amand in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, in the Correct Sequence ‘U’ designates the upper register ‘L’ designates the lower register. 1

U. Amand standing between his parents. L. Amand arrives on the Isle of Yeu.

10

U. Dagobert at the feet of Amand. L. Amand baptises Sigebert.

2

U. Amand meets the serpent. L. Serenus urges Amand to go home.

11

3

U. Amand is tonsured at Tours. L. Amand in his cell facing Outrille and Suplice.



U. Investiture of Amand by the king with the bishopric of Maastricht. L. Amand receives the letter from Pope Martin.

4

U. Amand expelled from a church in Rome. L. Saint Peter appears to Amand.

12

U. Saint Gertrude at the feet of Amand. L. Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.

5

U. Amand receives the insignia of his episcopy. L. Amand delivers a servant driven by demons.

13

U. Amand faces the blaspheming Basque. L. The blind man of Ghent healed by the water touched by Amand.

14

U. Amand on the mountains with the assassins. L. Amand and the blind woman who worshiped trees.

15

U. A bear carries the bags of Amand, Humbert and Nicaise. L. The saints prostrate themselves at the altar

6 U. Saint Peter appears to Amand during the tempest. L. Amand is beaten and thrown into the water. 7

U. Amand preaches to the people of Ghent. L. The Count of Tournai orders the taking of a prisoner.

8

U. The hanging of the wrongdoer. L. Amand rescues the hanged man.

16

U. The soul of Amand with Christ. L. The entombment of Amand.

9

U. Amand preaching and the people of Flanders build a church. L. Amand exiled by Dagobert.

17

Aldegonde in church (missing)

18

Aldegonde’s vision of Amand.



© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_011

Appendix E

Present Arrangement of Folia, in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500, Showing Contents of Miniatures, and Preliminary Drawings I and II Note: The large numbers relate to the episode numbers listed in Appendix D ‘U’ designates the upper register of MS 500. ‘L’ designates the lower register. ‘PD II’ preliminary drawings II. ‘PD I’ preliminary drawings I.

53v

9.U P  RELIMINARY DRAWING II (PD II): Amand preaching and the people of Flanders build a church. 9.L. PD II: Amand exiled by Dagobert.

53r

1.U. Amand standing between his parents. 1.L. Amand arrives on the island of Yeu

54r

10.U. P D II: Dagobert at the feet of Amand. 10.L. PD II: Baptism of Sigebert.

10.U. P  RELIMINARY DRAWING (PD I) Dagobert at the feet of Amand. 10.L. PD I: Baptism of Sigebert.

9.U. P D I: Amand preaching, people of Flanders; destroy temple; build church. 9.L. PD I: Amand exiled by Dagobert.

54v

2.U. Amand meets the serpent. 2.L. Serenus urges Amand to go home.

55r

3.U. Amand is tonsured at Tours. 3.L. Amand in his cell facing Outrille and Suplice.

55v

11.U. PD II: Investiture of Amand by the king with the bishopric of Maastricht. 11.L. P D II: Amand receives the letter from Pope Martin.

56r

12.U. PD II: Saint Gertrude at the feet of Amand. 12.L. PD II: Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.

12.U. PD I: Saint Gertrude at the feet of Amand. 12.L. PD I: Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.

11.U. PD I: Investiture of Amand by the king with the bishopric of Maastricht. 11.L. PD I: Amand receives the letter from Pope Martin.

56v

4.U. Amand expelled from a church in Rome. 4.L. Saint Peter appears to Amand.

57r

5.U. Amand receives the insignia of his episcopy. 5.L. Amand delivers a servant driven by demons.

57v

13.U. P  D II: Amand faces the blaspheming Basque. 13.L. P D II: The blind man of Ghent who came in contact with the water touched by Amand.

58r

14.U. P D II: Amand on the mountains with the assassins. 14.L. P  D II: Amand and the blind woman who worshipped trees.

14.U. P D I: Amand on the mountains with the assassins. 14.L. P  D I: Amand and the blind woman who worshipped trees. 58v

6.U. Saint Peter appears to Amand during the tempest. 6.L. Amand is beaten and thrown into the water.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_��2

13.U. P D I: Amand faces the blaspheming Basque. 13.L. P  D I: The blind man of Ghent who came in contact with the water touched by Amand.

59r

9.U. Amand preaching and the people of Flanders build a church.a 9.L. Amand exiled by Dagobert.

140 59v

Appendix E 1.U. PD II: Amand standing between his parents. 1.L. PD II: Amand arrives on the Isle of Yeu.

60r

2.U. PD I: Amand meets the serpent. 2.L. PD I: Serenus urges Amand to go home.

2.U. P D II: Amand meets the serpent. 2.L. PD II: Serenus urges Amand to go home. 1.U. PD I: Amand standing between his parents. 1.L. PD I: Amand arrives on the Isle of Yeu.

60v

10.U. Dagobert at the feet of Amand. 10.L. Amand baptises of Sigebert.

61r

15.U. A bear carries the bags of Amand, Humbert and Nicaise. 15.L. The saints prostrate themselves at the altar.

61v

7.U. P D II: Amand preaches to the people of Ghent. 7.L. P D II: The Count of Tournai orders the taking of a prisoner.

62r

8.U. PD II: The hanging of the wrongdoer. 8.L. PD II: Amand rescues the hanged man.

8.U. PD I: The hanging of the wrongdoer. 8.L. PD I: Amand rescues the hanged man.

7.U. PD I: Amand preaches to the people of Ghent. 7.L. P  D I: The Count of Tournai orders the taking of a prisoner.

62v

16.U. The soul of Amand with Christ. 16.L. The entombment of Amand.

63r

11.U. Investiture of Amand by the king with the bishopric of Maastricht. 11.L. Amand receives the letter from Pope Martin.

63v

3.U. PD II: Amand is tonsured at Tours. 3.L. P D II: Amand in his cell facing Outrille and Suplice.

64r

4.U. P D II: Amand expelled from a church in Rome. 4.L. PD II: Saint Peter appears to Amand.

4.U. P D I: Amand expelled from a church in Rome. 4.L. PDI: Saint Peter appears to Amand.

3.U. PD I: Amand is tonsured at Tours. 3.L. P D I: Amand in his cell facing Outrille and Suplice.

64v

12.U. Saint Gertrude at the feet of Amand. 12.L. Amand leaves Saint Ghislain.

65r

13.U. Amand faces the blaspheming Basque. 13.L. The blind man of Ghent who came in contact with the water touched by Amand.

65v

5.U. P D II: Amand receives the insignia of his episcopy. 5.U. P  D II: Amand delivers a servant driven by demons.

66r

6.U. PD II: Saint Peter appears to Amand during the tempest. 6.L. PD II: Amand is beaten and thrown into the water.

6.U. PD I: Saint Peter appears to Amand during the tempest. 6.L. PD I: Very faint markings. Should be: Amand is beaten and thrown into the water.

5.U. P D I: Amand receives the insignia of his episcopy. 5.L. PD I: Very faint markings. Should be: Amand delivers a servant driven by demons.

66v

14.U. Amand on the mountains with the assassins. 14.L. Amand and the blind woman who worshiped trees.

67r

Missing folio

67v

17 Missing folio

68r

18 Aldegonde’s vision of Amand

a Boutemy, “L’illustration”, 242, incorrectly names scene 9.U in MS 500 as the destruction of temples by the people of Ghent, an incident which happens later in the Life of Amand, see MS 502, f. 22v. To be in correct sequence, this scene must be the construction of a church in Flanders, as both Abou-El-Haj (Medieval Cult of Saints. Appx. 5, 161–163), and I argue.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_013

Gathering X as BIFOLIA

Pale green base, white highlight across brow

White outline under chin, green on neck

Outer shading deep green. Black outlines closed at inner edge, open at outer edge and extended towards the ear. Eyeball white, single black dot for iris and pupil

Nostrils detailed in black, white highlight

Lower lip red with black outline above; upper lip is thin red line echoes black outline

Whole ear detailed

U: brown. L: brown traces

Amand's father has long wispy beard. Monks, single curve

Jawline

Eyes

Nose

Mouth

Ears

Amand’s hair colour

Beards

f. 53r single sheet

Faces

Missing folio

U: designates upper register. L: designates lower register.

F.1

None

U: brown L: brown

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

f. 54v single sheet

Techniques Employed in Miniature Cycle and f. 68r

Appendix F

Missing folio

Single curve, cf. Amand 68r

U: brown L: white

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r. Thickly applied pigment giving clumsy appearance

f. 58v

Undualting and single curve types, cf. Amand 68r

U: brown L: brown

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

Pink base. Thickly applied pigment giving clumsy appearance

f. 55r

Undulating contour line. Except St. Peter's constructed with simple curve, cf. Amand 68r

U: brown L: brown

Earlobes only

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

f. 56v

Undulating contour line. Except for right figure, upper register,with wispy beard, cf. f. 53r

U: white L: white

Earlobes, and whole ear

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

f. 57r



U: Amand, green L: Amand, unfinished

Green, deep pink, blue 1, redorange, blue 2, blue-green, grey. Generous use of gold leaf

White with black upper and lower lines

Use of concentric lines of colour and highlighting to create shapes. Amand's mother's cloak, and hanging curtains include nested 'V' folds

Palette

Horizontal register dividing bar

Drapery

f. 53r single sheet

Nimbi

Missing folio

Gathering X as BIFOLIA (cont.)

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

U: green with pale green outline L: orange with white outline

f. 54v single sheet

Missing folio

Thickly applied pigment giving clumsy appearance

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

U: St Peter, nimbus outlined in white, black ­border with white dots. Amand's outlined white, black border, no dots L: Amand's outlined white, black border, with dots

f. 58v

Thickly applied pigment giving clumsy appearance. U: fabric patterning on monk's cloak and bishop's dalmatic cf. f. 57r L. bishop's cloak cf. Amand f. 57r

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

Only depictions of Amand without nimbi. Monk and bishop with orange nimbi outlined in concentric white and black borders with white dots

f. 55r

Drapery construction similar to f. 53r. L: large areas of white highlighting

As f. 53r

Larger areas of flat colour; simple strokes of dark shades for folds. Fabric patterns employed. U: no white highlighting, nested 'V' folds

As f. 53r

As f. 53r

U: all nimbi orange, outlined in concentric white and black borders. L.: Amand, orange, outlined in concentric white and black borders

U: Amand, green outlined in concentric white and black borders. L. St Peter, pale blue outlined in concentric white and black borders

As f. 53r

f. 57r

f. 56v

142 Appendix F

Medium

Outer border a series of p ­ arallel lines: black and gold. Solid areas of turquoise followed by black linear 'U' design with white infill. Inner series of parallel lines: red-brown, pink and white

None

Black contour lines

Decorative frame

Scrollwork

None

Traces on outer border of a series of parallel lines including: red-brown and black. Red-brown shell repeat pattern with black ground. Square fourleaved corner design. Inner series of parallel lines: black, dark blue and light blue

Medium

None

Outer border a series of parallel lines: black, two blues, light blue and white. Solid area of black followed by white area, rows of white dots and white 3/4 circlets. (NOTE evidence of overpainting on previous diamond pattern shows through on f. 58r) Inner series of parallel lines: black, redbrown, pink, and black

Thick

None

Outer border a series of parallel lines: black, turquoise, white, possibly brown, and black. Square corner devices appear unpainted. Interlocking repeated 'S' shapes alternating blue and red-brown. Outlines in white with white dots evident although many white details have flaked off. Inner series of parallel lines: black, red-brown, pink, white and black

Outer border a series of parallel lines: black, two red-browns, orange, white and black. Square corner device of echoing squares in white and orange with black linear markings. Wave design alternating blue and turquoise with black outline. Inner series of parallel lines: black, red-brown, two pink, white and black

None

Medium

Thick

None

Outer border a series of parallel lines: black, two turquoise and black. Solid area of black followed by softened and embel­lished ­zigzag ­pattern. (NOTE evidence of overpaint­ ing on ­previous diamond pattern shows through on f. 57v) Inner series of parallel lines: ­red-brown, orange, pink, white and black

Medium. Thinner black internal detail lines

Techniques Employed in Miniature Cycle and f. 68r

143

Gathering Y+Z as BIFOLIA

Ears

Mouth

Nose

Eyes

Jawline

Faces

Outer shading green. Black outlines meeting at inner and outer edge and extend towards the ear. Eyeballs pink, single black dot for iris and pupil Line creating one eyebrow extends to deligniate nose Upper lip, black shaped line, highlighted above with thin white line. Red lower lip full, black contour line. Pink flesh tone between two One whole ear, rest as lobes

Expressive and well rendered except for cleric. Faces and necks pink, forehead and cheeks shaded red or pale green. Deceased Amand white/grey skin tones Chins and jawline shaded pale green

f. 62v

Earlobes only

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

As f. 62v. Dark pink used on neck of count As f. 62v

Poorly executed and ill-­ considered; L: poor repairs to count's face and hat colours and shading as f. 62v

f. 59r

U: designates upper register. L: designates lower register.

F.2

Earlobes only

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

U: eye shapes poorly executed; Amand eyes sloping L: better shaping

As f. 62v

U: face shapes poorly executed; Amand with heavy shading. L: better shaping

f. 60v

Earlobes only

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

U: eye shapes poorly executed; Amand eyes sloping L: better shaping

As f. 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; competent rendering of faces

f. 61r

Earlobes only

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; competent rendering

As 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; poor rendering of faces

f. 66v

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; competent rendering

As 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; competent rendering of faces

f. 63r

f. 65r

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; competent rendering

As 62v

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

Colours and shading as f. 62v; competent rendering

As 62v

Colours and Colours and shading as f. 62v. shading as Well rendered f. 62v. Poorly executed

f. 64v

144 Appendix F

U: brown L: brown

U: Christ, possible trace L: single curve

U: Christ, blue outlined in concentric white and black borders. Amand, gold with black outline L: Amand, blue outlined in concentric white and black borders

Green, deep pink, blue 1, red-orange, blue 2, blue-green, grey. Red-orange, blue 2, blue-green, grey. Generous use of gold leaf

Amand's hair colour

Beards

Nimbi

Palette

As f. 62v

U: Amand, pink outlined in concentric white and black borders. L: Amand, blue outlined in concentric white and black borders

U: thin, curly L: thin curly, Amand single curve

U: brown. L: brown

U: brown. L: possibly yellow U: peaked type. L: peaked type

U: As L: f. 59r. U and L: all, as L. L: Amand and f. 59r celebrant, blue outlined in concentric white and black borders. Sigebert, orange with white and black borders As f. 62v As f. 62v

U: brown. L: brown or yellow U: peaked and single curve types. L: Amand, stubble

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

U: yellow. L: unsure of identification U: Amand, flat U: four distinct and poorly rentypes which dered. L: Amand, all differ from flat and poorly gathering X rendered L: multi-lobed, and shaped types U and L: Amand U: Amand, as as L. f. 59r L. f. 59r. L: bishops, as f. 59r

U: brown. L.: brown

As f. 62v

U: Amand and Gertrude as L. f. 59r. L: Amand as L. f. 59r. St. Ghislain, pink/ orange with same borders

U: single curve L: none

U: yellow. L: brown

As f. 62v

U: Amand as L. f. 59r L: Amand and bishop as L. f. 59r

U: poorly executed, shaped with lines L: poorly executed, shaped with lines

U: brown L: brown

Techniques Employed in Miniature Cycle and f. 68r

145



Black contour lines Decorative frame

Drapery

Horizontal register dividing bar

cf. f. 59r Outer border, series parallel lines: black, white, grey, dark grey and black. Wave pattern less detailed than f. 62v, with black outline with white dotted embelisment on the outline, alternating infill blue and brown. Inner series of parallel lines: black, white, orange/red and black.

Blue to white fading bar with white and black outline above, black outline below; lower outline with series of white dots. Darker shading to indicate folds. More detail than gathering X. Cloaks, white outer line; sleeves, series of irregular arcs indicate volume at wrists. Cross-hatching on Christ's girdle. Thick

f. 62v

cf. f. 62v Outer border, series parallel lines: black, white, light grey, dark grey, and black. Repeated device of three linked fanned areas, outlined in black, with white dotted embellishments on the lines, and infill alternating with blue, red, and

As f. 62v

As f. 62v. Crosshatching used to indicate shading and stone.

Pale green, outline as f. 62v.

f. 59r

Gathering Y+Z as BIFOLIA (cont.)

cf. 63r Outer border, series parallel lines: wide black, two light brown and black. Repeated almond device outlined black with white stroke; colours alternate, turquiose, blue, light brown. Corner detail white

As f. 62v cf. 66v Outer border, series parallel lines: wide black, light blue, blue, wide dark blue, and black. Wave device, thin black outlining infill of red, grey and white. Series of small black lines decorate 'point' of most waves. Inner series of parallel lines of

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

Blue to white fading bar, outlines as f. 62v

Grey to white fade, outline as f. 62v

As f. 62v

f. 61r

f. 60v

cf. 61r Outer border, series parallel lines: wide black, white,wide dark grey and black. Wave device, thin white outlining infill of red, and grey. Series of small white lines decorate 'point' of most waves. Inner series of parallel lines of black, white, grey,

As f. 62v

As f. 62v

Grey to white fade, outlines as f. 62v

f. 66v

cf. 60v Outer border, series parallel lines: wide black, white, orange, orange/red, and black. Repeated fan shaped device outlined in black with white stroke embellishment; colours alternate, turquiose, blue and light brown. Corner detail

As f. 62v

As f. 62v. Crosshatching on girdle of count, inside Amand's robes. L: thigh of attendant and decorating a garment.

Pale green, outlines as f. 62v

f. 63r

As f. 62v cf. 64v Outer border, series parallel lines: white, light red, dark red, and black. Repeated diamond pattern as f. 64v. Inner series of parallel lines: black, white, light blue, dark blue, and black

cf. 65r Outer border, series parallel lines of black, white, light blue, dark blue, and black. Repeated diamond pattern alternate with small white outlined circle, and alternating in gold and silver. Inner series of parallel lines: white, light blue,

As f. 62v. Crosshatching inside cloak. Nested 'V' folds on dalmatic

Grey to white fade, outlines as f. 62v

f. 65r

As f. 62v

As f. 62v. Nested 'V' folds on Amand's robes and altar cloth

Grey to white fade, outlines as f. 62v

f. 64v

146 Appendix F

None

Type B: neatly executed and well-proportioned.

Scrollwork

Rendering of black facial details

U: worker's tunic. L: stool, blue robe, grey tunic. Type A: looser, less contrived (or less skillful) technique.

turquoise. Inner series of parallel lines damaged but evidence of black lines.

Type A

strokes as spray from one corner. Inner series of parallel lines: black, white, light orange/red, orange/red, and black U: none. L: blue dalmatic

Type B

None

white, grey, light brown, and black

Type A

U: Amand's robes and mountain. L: red robes

turquoise, and black

Type B

white strokes as spray from one corner. Inner series of parallel lines: black, white, light grey, dark grey, and black None

Type B

None

dark blue, and black

Type A

U: none. L: red/ orange cloak

Techniques Employed in Miniature Cycle and f. 68r

147

148

Appendix F

F.3 Glorification f. 68r

Faces Jawline Eyes Nose Mouth Ears Amand's hair colour Beards Nimbi

As f. 62v. Exquisite renderering - except for figures in second register As f. 62v As f. 62v As f. 62v As f. 62v As f. 62v Brown Single curve and multi-lobed types Amand, blue with borders of white and black. Those in third register, green, red, white and blue with borders of white and black

Palette Horizontal register dividing bars

As f. 62v Borders as f. 62v, but upper border white wavy line. Bar colours: first reg.: brown to white fade; second reg.: grey to white fade; third reg.: orange/red to white fade

Drapery

As f. 62v.Cross-hatching used on the inside of the angels' cloaks

Black contour lines

As f. 62v

Decorative frame

Series of parallel lines: black, white, light blue, blue, dark blue, blue, white, light brown, black

Scrollwork

Second reg.: drapery of two female figures Fourth reg.: minor scrollwork on red/orange cloaks on extreme right and left

Rendering of black facial details

Type B: neatly executed and well-proportioned

Appendix G

Facing Pages in the Order of the Narrative G.1

Facing Pages of Miniatures in the Order of the Narrative

Gathering X Amand’s early life 53r 54v

His early monastic life 55r 56v

Experiencing the Holy Spirit 57r 58v

The Imitatio Christi

Amand with parents

Amand tempted by serpent

Tonsured at Tours

Expelled from a church in Rome

Receives his Episcopy

Saint Peter Builds churches appears during and preaches a tempest

Amand departs for monastery

Amand tempted by his father

Voluntary solitary confinement

First vision of Saint Peter

Performs an exorcism

A man is Amand is beaten condemned and thrown to death into water

The man is hanged Amand revives the hanged man

The miniatures for these episodes are missing

Gathering Y+Z Ecclesiastical vs Secular Authority 59r 60v Amand converts the Franks Amand exiled by Dagobert

Recognition of Amand’s sanctity 63r 64v

His investiture Amand as bishop of recalled and Maasticht forgives King He receives Amand a letter baptises Dagobert’s son from the Pope

The Imitatio Christi 65r 66v

Saint Gertrude Amand faces kneels to the blaspheming Amand Basque He leaves Saint Ghislain

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_014

The blind man cured

Humility and Reward 61r 62v

Amand and He tames a bear his would-be and receives a Papal message assassins The blind woman cured

Prostration before an altar

Amand’s soul with Christ His entombment

150

Appendix G

G.2

Facing Pages of Preliminary Drawings II in the Order of the Narrative

Gathering Y+Z Amand’s early life 59v

Experiencing the Holy Spirit

His early monastic life 60r

63v

64r

65v

The Imitatio Christi 66r

61v

62r

Amand with parents

Amand tempted by serpent

Tonsured at Tours

Expelled from a church in Rome

Receives his Episcopy

Saint Peter appears during a tempest

Builds churches and preaches

The man is hanged

Amand departs for monastery

Amand tempted by his father

Voluntary solitary confinement

First vision of Saint Peter

Performs an exorcism

Amand is beaten and thrown into water

A man is condemned to death

Amand revives the hanged man

Gathering X Ecclesiastical vs Secular Authority 53v

Recognition of Amand’s sanctity 54r

Amand converts the Franks

Amand recalled and forgives King

Amand exiled by Dagobert

Amand baptises Dagobert’s son

55v

The Imitatio Christi 56r

His investiture Saint Gertrude kneels to as bishop of Amand Maasticht He receives a letter from the Pope

He leaves Saint Ghislain

57v

Humility and Reward 58r

Amand faces Amand and the blaspheming his would-be Basque assassins The blind man cured

The blind woman cured

He tames a bear and receives a Amand’s soul with Christ Papal message Prostration before an altar

His entombment

The preliminary drawings for these episodes are missing

Appendix H

Comparison of the Chapter Numbers in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 Index: Written as an index on ff. 75r–77v. aass Feb i, 859, see separate column for discrepancies. Vita: The chapter numbers preceding the relevant text as written in the vita ff. 78v–118v. AASS Feb. 1: Chapter Headings. Episode: The numbers allocated in this book to represent episodes depicted. See Appx. D. Index Vita aass Feb. 1

Chapter Title

Episode

1

1

1

f. 78v

De natiuitate & institutione beati Amandi Concerning the birth and education of the blessed Amand

1a

2

2

2

f. 79v

De conuersione eius Concerning his conversion

1

3

3

3

f. 80r

De dracone Concerning the snake

2

4

4

4

f. 81v

Qualiter voluit eum pater reuocare a conuersione How Amand’s father wanted him to withdraw from his conversion

2

5

5

5

f. 82v

De peregrinatione viri Dei Concerning the pilgrimage of the man of God

3

6

6

6

f. 83v

De reclusione eius apud Bituricas Concerning his monastic seclusion near Bourges

3

7

7

7

f. 84v

De itinere Romano Concerning his trip to Rome

8

8

8

f. 85r

De iniuria viro Dei ab aedituo illata Concerning the injury the sacristan caused to the man of God

4

9

9

9

f. 86r

De apparitione & solatio beati Petri Apostoli Concerning his vision of and consolation by the blessed Apostle Peter

4

10

10

10

f. 86r

De ordinatione viri Dei in opus praedicationis Concerning the ordination of the man of God into the work of preaching

5

11

11

11

f. 87r

De consolidata mensa altaris, quae per incuriam fracta erat Of the robust altar table that was broken through neglect

12

12

12

f. 88r

De instantia praedicationis Concerning the perserverance of his preaching

13

13

13

f. 88r

De secunda peregrinatione ad Urbem Concerning his second pilgrimage to Rome

14

14

14

f. 88v

De puero liberato a daemone Concerning a boy released from a demon

15

15

15

f. 89r

De pisce & tempestate Concerning fish and a storm

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_015

5

152

Appendix H

Index Vita aass Feb. 1

Chapter Title

Episode

6

16

16

16

f. 90r

De secunda apparitione beati Petri Apostoli & sedata tempestate Concerning his second vision of the blessed Apostle Peter and his calming of the storm

18

17

17

f. 90v

De profectione viri Dei ad Gandauos Concerning the departure of the man of God for Ghent

19

18

18

f. 80v

De duritia Gandauorum & constantia viri Dei Concerning the cruelty of the people of Ghent and the steadfastness of the man of God

6

20

19

19

f. 91r

De effectu praedicationis Concerning the effect of his preaching

7

21

20

20

f. 92r

De resusitatione mortui apud Tornacum Concerning the revival of a dead man near Tournai

8

22

21

21

f. 93v

De fructu gratiae sequente miraculum Concerning the fruits of grace following a miracle

9

23

22

22

f. 94r

De colloquio beati Gisleni & conversione Vincentij Concerning the discourse of the blessed Ghislaine and the conversion of Vincent

24

23

23

f. 94v

De beata Aldegunde Concerning the blessed Aldegundis

25

24

24

f. 95r

De beata Rictrude & filio eius Mauronto Concerning the blessed Rictruda and her son Maurontus

26

25

25

f. 95v

De praedicatione Sclauis facta Concerning the preaching that Sclavis did

27

26

26

f. 96r

De excessu Dagoberti Regis, & exilio viri sancti propter correptionem eius Concerning the sin of King Dagobert and the exile of the holy man due to his censure

9

28

27

27

f. 97r

De reuocatione viri sancti Concerning the recall of the holy man

10

29

28

28

f. 97v

De infante cuius linguam Dominus aperuit in verbo praesignationis Concerning the child in whose tongue the Lord released in the word of prophecy

10

30

29

29

f. 98v

De electione beati viri in Traiectensi Ecclesia Concerning the election of the blessed man at the Church of Utrecht

11

31

30

30

f. 99r

De mala conversatione Clericorum Concerning the wicked conduct of the clergy

32

31

31

f. 99v

De morte Regis Dagoberti, & de missa legatione ad Urbem ad beatum Martinum Papam Concerning the death of King Dagobert and the despatch of an ambassador to Rome to the blessed Pope Martin

-

32

32

f. 100v Epistola Martini Papae ad beatum Amandum The letter from Pope Martin to the blessed Amandus

33

33

33

f. 104r De recessu beati Amandi a Traiecto Concerning the departure of the blessed Amandus from Utrecht

34

34

34

f. 104v De conuersione beatae Ittae Concerning the conversion of the blessed Itta

11

153

Comparison of the Chapter Numbers in Valenciennes, B.M., MS 500 Index Vita aass Feb. 1

Chapter Title

Episode

35

35

35

f. 105r De filia eius sancta Gertrude Concerning his daughter Saint Gertrude

12

36

36

36

f. 105v De aduentu sancti Amandi ad monasterium beati Gilleni, de miraculo piscis Concerning the arrival of Saint Amandus at the monastery of the blessed Gillane and of the miracle of the fish

12

37

37

37

f. 106v De contemptoribus praedicationis viri Dei, qui pestilentia graui mulctati sunt Concerning those who held the preaching of the man of God in contempt and who were struck by a grave plague

38

38

38

f. 107r De blasphemo correpto a daemone Concerning the blasphemer seized by a demon

13

39

39

39

f. 107v De caeco illuminato Concerning the blind man who was given sight

13

40

40

40

f. 108r Quomodo vir sanctus orta tempestate manus euasit apparitorum How the holy man escaped the hands of the ministers as a storm arose

14

41

41

41

f. 109r Quomodo Rex Hildericus dedit viro Dei Barisiacum How King Hildericus gave Barisiacum to the man of God

42

42

42

f. 109v De muliere caeca illuminata Concerning the blind woman who was given sight

14

43

43

43

f. 110r De tertia peregrinatione ad Urbem Concerning his third pilgrimage to the city [Rome]

15b

44

44

44

f. 111r De aedificatione Elnonensis monasterij Concerning the building of the Elnone monastery

45

45

45

f. 112v Qualiter sanctus Humbertus ab Urbe rediens venit Elnomen ad sanctum Amandum How Saint Humbertus, returning from the city, came to Elnone to Saint Amand

46

46

46

f. 113r De praeposito Elnonensis monasterii propter inobedientiam percusso & sanato Concerning the prior of the monastery of Elnone who was struck down for disobedience, then healed

47

47

47

f. 114r Qualiter Blandinenses monachi elegerunt sanctum Amandum post mortem beati Florebetti How the monks of Gent elected Saint Amand after the death of the blessed Florebet

48

48

48

f. 114v Qualiter Elnonensi monasterio beatus Amandus praefecit sanctum Andream discipulum suum Abbatem Barisiaci How the blessed Amand put his disciple Saint Andrew, Abbot of Barisiacum, in charge of the monastery of Elnone

49

49

-

f. 115r De transitu beati Amandi Concerning the passing of the blessed Amand

-

-

49

-

-

50

50

f. 116r Petitio seu adiuratio sancti Amandi de corpora suo The petition or entreaty of Saint Amand concerning his body

De testamento quod fecit ante transitum Concerning the testament that he made before passing

154

Appendix H

Index Vita aass Feb. 1

Chapter Title

Episode

De transitu eius & sepultura Concerning his passing and entombment

16c

-

-

51

-

51

-

52

f. 118v Visio beatae Aldegundis virginis de transitu sancti Amandi The vision of the blessed virgin Aldegundus concerning the passing of Saint Amand

a b c d

17d18

My thanks to Dr James H. Pedersen and Dr Oliver Norris for their assistance with this translation. Episode 15 includes the episode of the three saints prostrating themselves in church but the exact location in the vita cannot be identified. Episode 16 includes the depiction of Amand’s soul with Christ. Episode 17 is the episode of Aldegonde experiencing her vision, possibly located on the putative missing folio and is given an episode number for the purposes of the discussion on pagination, see chapter two.

Appendix I

List of Depictions of Dives and Lazarus, c. 835–1275 Only depictions of the parable are listed. Not included are depictions of Abraham’s bosom as part of a Last Judgement cycle, or other instances in which he appears as a figure separated from the parable. Those included in this list may or may not include all scenes of the parable narrative. For example, some only portray the feasting and begging scenes; others only the death of the rich man. They are included because they reflect interest in the parable and demonstrate the breadth of imagery. Locations listed use modern terminology.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:10.1163/9789004381995_016



ms

ms

sculpture Bernward column

ms

ms

ms

ms

sculpture Capital

wall pntg

wall pntg

-

1

2

3

4a

4b

5

6

7

8

Paris, BnF, gr. 510, f. 149r

New York, Princeton, Museum of Art

Location details

879–83

500–600

Date

Nave, south wall

Nave, north wall

Gospel book of Henry iii

Pericopes Book of Henry iii

Pericopes Book of Henry iii

Codex Aureus of Echternach

c. 1039–43

c. 1039–43

c.1030

c. 1020

Burgfelden, Church of St-Michel

Sant’Angelo in Formis

Italy

Fr

Lux

Lux

Lux

Lux

Ger

Ger

Byz

no

no

yes

see above

yes, w/lines

yes, green

no

no

no

not known,a

yes

no

yes

-

yes

yes

Ger

yes

yes

Hair

no

yes, mandorla, 2 angels, symmetrical

yes, 2 angels

see above

yes, 2 angels

yes, 2 angels

no

no

no

short

long

long

short

cradled lft kn

frontal

Posture

naked

contraposto

cradled lft kn

held lft kn

white tunic held rt kn

naked

naked

naked

see below

held lft kn

long tunic held lft kn

robes

robes

Clothing

In Abraham’s Bosom

see below see below

short

short

short

short

not known if afterlife was portrayed

Body of Soul of Lazarus In transit Lazarus Leaving Body by mouth

Antioch yes

Origin

end 11th cen Ger

1072–87

St. Sernin Basilica, Toulouse 1080–1120

Madrid, Real Bib. de San 1045–46 Lorenzo El Escorial, MS Vit. 17, f. 177v

Bremen, Stadtbibliothek, MS b.21, f. 77r

Bremen, Stadtbibliothek, MS b.21, f. 76v

Nüremberg, Germ.Nm, Hs. 156 142/KG1138, f. 78r

Hildesheim, Hildesheim Cathedral, St Michael’s Church

Aachen Gospels of Aachen, Cathedral treasury, c. 990–1002 Otto iii MS 1, f. 164v

Gregory of Nazianzus, Homilies

sculpture Relief fragment part of wall frieze

-

Name of Work

Type

No.

Appendix I

156 Appendix I

wall pntg

wall pntg

sculpture Capital, exterior, east

sculpture Capital

sculpture Capital

sculpture Portal spandrel

wall pntg

wall pntg

sculpture Portal

ms

sculpture Capital, south fac- Vézelay, Vézelay Basilica ing pier of the nave

sculpture Capital

12

13

14

15

16

17a

17b

18

19

20

21

Marter Verborum

1Q 12th cen

1Q 12th cen

Nohant-Vicq parish church

Argenton-Chateau, Gilles church

St-Denis, abbey church

Lescure, Church, St-Michel

Prague, Mus. Nat. x A 11, f. 142r, begging; f. 150r, afterlife

Ripoll, Abbey of Santa Maria, Ripoll

1120–50

1120–40

2Q 12th cen

2Q 12th cen

2Q 12th cen

2Q 12th cen

c. 1130

1130–44

St-Denis, St-Michel du degré 1Q 12th cen

Vigeoise, Church

Hardham Church

Tahull, Church, S. Clemente. 1Q 12th cen Barcelona. Museo de Arte de Cataluña

North wall, begging Nohant-Vicq parish church scene

South wall, Abraham’s bosom

South wall

Central apse

Fr

Fr

Fr

no

not known

Not known due to wear

n.a.

see below

no

yes

no

no

no

n.a.

no

damaged not known

no

yes, mandorla, 2 angels, symmetrical

no

n.a.

no

yes, in cloth, 2 angels, suspended

yes, 1 angel attends

yes, 2 angels, damaged

feasting/begging scene only

not known due to damage yes

no

feasting/begging scene only

no

not known due to damage

yes

not known

yes

yes

yes

Bohemia no

Sp

Fr

Fr

Fr

Fr

Fr

Fr

Eng

Sp

end 11th cen Fr beg 12th cen

11

Cambrai, B.M., MS 528, f. 71v

ms

10

Homilies, SaintAndré-du-Câteau

sculpture East gallery, cloister Moissac, Abbey of St-Pierre c. 1100 capital,

9

naked

cradled rt kn

tunic

frontal

short

long

short

n.a.

long

naked

naked

naked

n.a.

damaged

cradled lft kn

frontal

frontal

n.a.

frontal

damaged damaged frontal not known not known

short

damaged damaged damaged not not known not known known

short

List of Depictions of Dives and Lazarus, c. 835–1275

157

sculpture Wall niche

sculpture Portal capitals

sculpture West façade

ms

ms

ms

ms

wall pntg

ms

ms

sculpture Capital

ms

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35a

Poncé-sur-Loire

Trier, Stadtbibliothek, Hs. 261/1140 2°, f. 175v

Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS lat. Liturg. b.2, f. 88v

Pamplona Picture Bible i

Liber Matutinalis

Amiens, Bibliothèque de la Ville, MS 108, f. 179r

Monreale, east side, north gallery

Admont Abbey, Stiftsbibliothek, MS lat. 18, f. 242v

Hortus Deliciarum, f. 123v

Nave

Homilies

Homilies

Homilies of Admont, Stifts. lat. 73, f. 1r Godfrey of Admont

Canterbury Psalter New York, Morgan Library, MS M.521, single leaf

Lincoln Cathedral

Autun, Cathedral of St-Lazare

Mauriac, Church, Notre-Dame-des-Miracles

1197

1176–89

1180

c. 1175–96

c. 1170–80

c. 1160–70

c. 1160

1150–60

1155–60

c. 1145

1H 12th cen

1H 12th cen

yes

yes

yes

yes

yes

Sp

Sicily

yes

yes

Admont no

Fr

Fr

no

Stavelot yes Ger

no

no yes, diag, 1 angels

no

no

yes, 1 angel

yes, 2 angels

no

no

no

no

no

no

no

no

yes, 1 angel attends

no

yes, 2 angels

yes, 3 angels

no

feasting/begging scene only

no

no

yes

no

not known due to extensive damage

yes

no

Body of Soul of Lazarus In transit Lazarus Leaving Body by mouth

Admont yes

Eng

Eng

Fr

Fr

Ger or Dn

24

1075–1157

sculpture South portal, porch Moissac, Abbey of St-Pierre mid 12th cen Fr

Copenhagen, National Museum, no. 9087

Origin

23

Gunhild Cross

Date

ivory

Location details

22

Name of Work

Type

No.

naked

tunic

naked

naked

naked

naked

naked

Clothing

sideways

frontal

sideways

frontal

frontal

cradled lft kn

cradled rt arm

Posture

short

short

short

short

naked

naked

tunic

frontal, stnd

frontal

frontal

long tunic held rt kn

death death death scene scene only scene only only

short

short

short

short

short

short

short

Hair

In Abraham’s Bosom

158 Appendix I

ms

sculpture Cloister, capital

ms

ms

sculpture Cloister

ms

sculpture Capital

ms

sculpture Tympanum

sculpture Tympanum

wall pntg

36b

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

San Cugat de Vallés, Abbey of San Cugat, west gallery

4Q 12th cen Sp

4Q 12th cen not known

4Q 12th cen Sp

4Q 12th cen not known

Ávila, San Vincente

Schaffhausen, Museum zu Allerheiligen

c. 1200

Ger

2H 12th cen Sp

2H 12th cen Switz

see above

yes

see above

no

no

yes, 2 angels, damaged

no

no

yes, 2 angels, damaged

see above

yes, 2 angels

see above

no

yes

yes, 2 angels

yes, in cloth, 2 angels, suspended

damaged

feasting/begging scene only

no

no

no

no

not known, see notes

yes

yes

yes

yes

not known

not known

not known

no

damaged damaged

see above

yes

see above

4Q 12th cen Champ no or Nordburg

Munich, Bayerische 2H 12th cen Kloster Staatsbibliothek, Clm 2939, f. 98r

North bay, narthex Passau Monastery

Gospel book

Tudela, Collegiate Church, cloister, south gallery

Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS lat. 833, f. 135v

Gerona Cathedral, west gallery

Sp

Sp

Sp

4Q 12th cen Sp

Augsburg, Oettingen1197–1200 Wallersteinsche Bibliothek, MS i, 2, lat. 4o, 15, f. 200v

Canon Tables, Bible Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS lat. 11534, f. 204v

Missal

1197

Augsburg, Oettingen1197–1200 Wallersteinsche Bibliothek, MS i, 2, lat. 4o, 15, f. 200r

Amiens, Bibliothèque de la Ville, MS 108, f. 179v

Canon Tables, Bible Paris, Bibliothèque St of Manerius Geneviève, MS 10, f. 128v

Pamplona Picture Bible ii

Pamplona Picture Bible ii

ms

36a

Pamplona Picture Bible i

ms

35b

naked

no

frontal

frontal

see below

frontal, stnd

naked

no

no

no

held lft kn

no

head only frontal

head only frontal

damaged

tunic

extensive damage

short

no

short

short

damaged

short

see below see below

short

List of Depictions of Dives and Lazarus, c. 835–1275

159

Type

ms

ivory

stained glass

ms

ms

ms

ms

ms

ms

ms

ms

No.

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

Manchester, John Rylands University Library, lat. MS 22, f. 58r

New York, Morgan Library, MS M.43, f. 21r

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm.835, f. 70v

Bourges Cathedral

Florence, Museo Nazionale del Bargello, n. 46

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 76 F 5, f. 16r

Location details

Bible Moralisée, Biblia de San Luis, Vol iii

Bible Moralisée, Biblia de San Luis, Vol iii

Bible Moralisée, Biblia de San Luis, Vol ii

Bible Moralisée, Biblia de San Luis, Vol ii

1227–35

1225–30

1210–20

1200–10

1210–15

c. 1200

c. 1200

Date

Toledo, Tesoro del Catedral, 1225 –35 f. 38r

Toledo, Tesoro del Catedral, 1225–35 f. 37v

Toledo, Tesoro del Catedral, 1225–35 f. 115v

Toledo, Tesoro del Catedral, 1225–35 f. 51v

Great Saint Martin Brussels, Bibliothèque Lectionary Royale, 9222, f. 108r

Psalter of Queen Joanna of Navarra

Huntingfield Psalter

Munich Psalter

Ambulatory

Bishop’s cross

Psalter

Name of Work

Paris

Paris

Paris

Paris

Ger

Fr

Oxford

Oxford

Fr

not known

Fr

Origin

no

no

no

no

no

yes

no

yes

yes

yes

yes, 1 angel

no

yes, in cloth, 2 angels suspended

no

short

short

long

short

Hair

naked

naked

naked

naked

Clothing

no

no

no

no

no

yes, 1 angel

no

no

feasting/begging scene only

short

short

short

naked

naked

naked

frontal

sideways

frontal

several souls surround Abraham/ Christ

frontal

frontal, orans

frontal

frontal

Posture

In Abraham’s Bosom

rich man’s death scene only; homily refers to parable

no

no

yes

not knownb

yes

Body of Soul of Lazarus In transit Lazarus Leaving Body by mouth

160 Appendix I

ms

ms

ms

ms

ms

wall pntg

seal

stained glass

stained glass

wall pntg

ms

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

GradualSequentiary of Seitenstette

Hall

Great Hall

South transcept

Leper hospital, Cologne

Hall

Oxford-ParisLondon, Bible Moralisée

Oxford-ParisLondon, Bible Moralisée

Gospel book (secular)

Bible Moralisée

Lewis Psalter

1235–45

Paris

Paris

New York, Morgan Library, MS M.855, f. 157v

Guildford Castle, commissioned by Henry iii of England

Northampton Castle, commissioned by Henry iii of England

Poitiers, Cathedral (significant damage and repair)

Certificate seal

Ludegershall Castle, commissioned by Henry iii of England

Paris, BnF, MS Lat 11560, f. 115v

Paris, BnF, MS Lat 11560, f. 51v

Ger

Eng

Paris

Paris

1260–4

1256

1252–3

Aus

Eng

Eng

1H 13th cen Fr

1249

1246

1235–45

1235–45

Vatican City, Biblioteca 2Q 13th cen Italy Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 39, ff. 57v, 58r

London, B.L., MS Harley 1527, f. 37r

Philadelphia, Philadelphia 1225–50 free library, MS Lewis E 185, f. 74v

no

no

no

no

no

yes

feasting/begging scene only

non-extante

yes, 1 angel attends

feasting/begging scene only

non-extantd

yes

yes

no

no

yes, 1 angel

yes, 1 angel

rich man’s death scene only

non-extantc

no

no

yes

yes

no

sideways

rich robes frontal

naked

short

short

naked

naked

poss frontal

frontal

several souls surround Abraham/ Christ

short

short

List of Depictions of Dives and Lazarus, c. 835–1275

161

ms

ms

stained glass

69

70

71

Nave

Commentaries on the Apocalypse

Psalter

Name of Work

c. 1270

Date

Fr

Origin

Poitiers, Sainte-Radegonde

2H 13th cen

Cambridge University 2H 13th cen Saxony Library, MS Mm, 5.31, f. 75v

Cambridge University Library, Ee 4.24, f. 15r

Location details Hair

Clothing

Posture

In Abraham’s Bosom

no

no

short

naked

frontal

rich man’s death scene only; with Psalm 48, rewards for greed

not knownf

no

no

Body of Soul of Lazarus In transit Lazarus Leaving Body by mouth

a Baschet, Le Sein du pere, p. 394, no.7. b Baschet, Le sein du père, p. 395, no 36. c Tancred Borenius, “The Cycle of Images in the Palaces and Castles of Henry III”, in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 6 (1943): 40–50. d Borenius, “The Cycle of Images” 40–50. e Borenius, ‘The Cycle of Images’ 40–50. f Baschet, Le sein du père, p. 395, no 45.

Type

No.

162 Appendix I

Bibliography Abou-El-Haj, Barbara. “Consecration and Investiture in the Life of Saint Amand, Valenciennes, Bibl. Mun. Ms 502”. Art Bulletin 61, no. 3 (1979): 342–358. Abou-El-Haj, Barbara. The Medieval Cult of Saints. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Aelred of Rievaulx. Aelred of Rievaulx: The Historical Works. Edited by Marsha L. Dutton Translated by Jane Patricia Freeland. Cistercian Fathers Series, no. 56. Michigan: Kalamazoo, 2005. Alexander, Jonathan J.G. Medieval Illuminators and Their Methods of Work. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1992. L’Altare d’Oro di Sant’Ambrogio. Edited by Carlo Capponi. Milan: Banca Agricola Milanese, 1996. Ambrose. Vita e meriti di S. Ambrogio: Testo inedito del secolo nono illustrato con le miniature del Salterio di Arnolfo. Edited by Angelo Paredi. Milan, 1964. Ambrose, Kirk. The Nave Sculpture of Vézelay: The Art of Monastic Viewing. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2006. Aquinas, Thomas. S. Thomae Aquinatis, Scriptum Super Libros Sententiarum, Magistri Petri Lombardi Episcopi Parisiensis. Edited by R.P. Mandonnet. Vol. 1. Paris: Lethielleux, 1929. Augustine. The City of God against the Pagans. Edited and translated by R.W. Dyson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Augustine. De Civitate Dei, Libri xi–xii. CCSL 48. Augustine. De Genesis ad Litteram. PL 34. Backhouse, Janet. The Illuminated Page: Ten Centuries of Manuscript Painting in the British Library. London: British Library, 1997. Baker, Malcolm. “Medieval Illustrations of Bede’s Life of St. Cuthbert”. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 41 (1978): 16–49. Barasch, Moshe. “The Departing Soul. The Long Life of a Medieval Creation”. Artibus et Historiae 26, no. 52 (2005): 13–28. Barlow, Frank. Edward the Confessor. London: Eyre Methuen, 1970. Barlow, Frank. Thomas Becket. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986. Bartlett, Robert. Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013. Baschet, Jérôme. “Le sein d’Abraham: un Lieu de l’au-delà ambigu (thelogie, liturgie, iconographie)”. In De l’art comme mystagogie: Iconographie du Jugement dernier, 71–94. Edited by Yves Christie. Poitiers: Université de Poitiers, 1996.

Baschet, Jérôme. Le sein du père: Abraham et la paternité dans l’Occident médiéval, Paris: Gallimard, 2000. Baschet, Jérôme. “Medieval Abraham: Between Fleshy Patriarch and Divine Father”. Modern Language Notes 108, no. 4 (1993): 738–758. Becket, Thomas. The Correspondence of Thomas Becket: Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162–1170. Edited and translated by Anne J. Duggan. Oxford Medieval Texts. 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Bede. Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Edited by Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969. Besseyre, Marianne. “Recueil de vies de saints, seconde Vie de saint Amand”. In La Représentation de l’Invisible: Trésors de l’Enluminure Romane en Nord-Pas-de-Calais, 90–91. Valenciennes: Bibliothèque multimédia de Valenciennes, 2007. Binski, Paul. Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets: Kingship and the Representation of Power 1200–1400. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995. Boespflug, Françoise. “Missel dit Missel de Cambrai”. In La Représentation de l’Invisible: Trésors de l’Enluminure Romane en Nord-Pas-de-Calais, 43. Valenciennes: Bibliothèque multimédia de Valenciennes, 2007. Boespflug, Françoise. Le Moyen Âge en Lumière. Edited by Jacques Dalarun. Paris: Fayard, 2002. Borenius, Tancred. St. Thomas Becket in Art. 1932. Reprint, Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1970. Borenius, Tancred. “The Cycle of Images in the Palaces and Castles of Henry III”. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 6 (1943): 40–50. Bouché, Anne-Marie. “The Floreffe Bible Frontispiece and Twelfth-Century Contemplative Theory”. PhD diss., Columbia University, 1997. Boutemy, André. “L’illustration de la Vie de Saint Amand”. Revue Belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 10 (1940): 231–249. Boutemy, André. “Le Style Franco-Saxon, Style de Saint-Amand”. Scriptorium 3 (1949): 260–264. Boutemy, André. “Quelques aspects de l’oeuvre de Sawalon, decorateur de manuscripts a l’abbaye de Saint-Amand”. Revue Belge d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art 9 (1939): 299–316. Bratu-Minott, Anca. “From the Bosom of Abraham to the Beatific Vision: On some Medieval Images of the Soul’s Journey to Heaven”. In Death and Dying in the Middle Ages. Edited by Edelgard E. DuBruck and Barbara I. Gusick, 189– 218. New York: Peter Lang, 1999. Braun, Joseph. Die Liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient: Nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung und Symbolik. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1907.

164 Braun, Joseph. (1910). “Humeral Veil”. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Accessed May, 2013 from New Advent. http://www.newad vent.org/cathen/07542b.htm. Bréhier, Louis. L’art chrétien: son développement iconographique des origines à nos jours. Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1918. British Library Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts. http:// www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/. Bynum, Caroline Walker. Jesus As Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982. Bynum, Caroline Walker. The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200–1336. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995. Cahn, Walter, and Patricia Stirnemann. La Bible de Souvigny. Souvigny: Ville de Souvigny, 2007. Cahn, Walter. Romanesque Manuscripts: The Twelfth Century. A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in France. 2 vols. London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 1996. Cahn, Walter. “The Tympanum of the Portal of Saint-Anne at Notre Dame de Paris and the Iconography of the Division of the Powers in the Early Middle Ages”. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 32 (1969): 55–72. Calkins, Robert G. “Stages of Execution: Procedures of Illumination as Revealed in an Unfinished Book of Hours”. Gesta 17, no. 1 (1978): 61–70. Camille, Michael. “The Image and the Self: Unwriting Late Medieval Bodies”. In Framing Medieval Bodies. Edited by Sarah Kay and Miri Rubin, 62–99. Manchester, New York: Manchester University Press, 1994. Campbell, Marian. An Introduction to Medieval Enamels. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1983. Carrasco, Magdalena. “Notes on the Iconography of the Romanesque Illustrated Manuscript of the Life of St. Albinus of Angers”. Zeitschrift für Kuntsgeschichte 47, vol. 3 (1984): 333–348. Cerny, Pavol. “Die Buchmalerei im Kloster Saint-Amand während des 12. Jahrhunderts”. PhD Diss, University of Amsterdam, 1988. Chapman, Gretel. “The Bible of Floreffe: Redating of a Romanesque Manuscript”. Gesta 10, no. 2 (1971): 49–62. Chapman, Gretel. “The Floreffe Bible Revisited”. Manuscripta 35, no. 2 (July, 1991): 96–137. Clarke, Mark. Medieval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: the Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium. London: Archetype, 2011. Clements, Jill Hamilton, “The Construction of Queenship in the Illustrated Estoire de Seint Aedward le Rei”. Gesta 52, no. 1 (2013): 21–42. Collins, Kristen, Peter Kidd, and Nancy K. Turner, The St. Albans Psalter: Painting and Prayer in Medieval England. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2013.

Bibliography Constable, Giles. “The Interpretation of Mary and Martha”. In Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought, 1–141. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Cowdrey, H.E.J. “King Harold ii and the Bayeux Tapestry: a Critical Introduction”. In King Harold ii and the Bayeux Tapestry, 1–8. Edited by Gale R. Owen-Crocker. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2005. Der Albani-Psalter = The St. Alban’s Psalter = El salterio San Albans (Simbach am Inn: Verlag Muller und Schindler, 2007). Delisle, Léopold. Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques des départements, vols. 2 and 4. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1872. England, republished by Gregg International Publishers Limited, 1968. Delisle, Léopold. Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale. Vol. 2. Paris, 1874. De Lubac, Henri. Medieval Exegesis. Vol. 1, The Four Senses of Scripture. Translated by Mark Sebanc. Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998. Deremble, Colette. “L’Illustration Romane de la Vie de Saint Omer, Manuscript 698 de la Bibliothèque de Saint-Omer”. In La Cathédrale de Saint-Omer: 800 ans de mémoire vive. Edited by Nicolette Delanne-Logié and Yves-Marie Hilaire, 39–48. Paris: CNRS éditions, 2000. De Wald, Ernest Theodore. The Stuttgart Psalter: Biblia Folio 23, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart. Princeton N.J.: Princeton University, Department of Art and Archeology, 1930. Die Vita Sancti Liudgeri: Vollständige Faksimile-Ausgabe der Handschrift Ms. theol. lat. fol. 323 der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin - Preußischer Kulturbesitz. 2 vols. Graz: Akademische Drucku. Verlagsanstalt; Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1999. Dodwell, C.R. The Canterbury School of Illumination: 1066–1200. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954. Dodwell, C.R. The Pictorial Arts of the West 800–1200. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993. Dodwell, C.R. Painting in Europe: 800 to 1200. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971. Douay-Rheims Catholic Bible. http://www.drbo.org/index.htm. Dutschke, C.W. Guide to Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Huntington Library. 2 vols. San Marino, CA.: Huntington Library, 1989. Evangelatou, Maria. “Pursuing Salvation Through a Body of Parchment: Books and their Significance in the Illustrated Homilies of Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos”. Mediaeval Studies 68 (2006): 239–284. Evans, Helen C., and William D. Wixom, eds. The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843–1261. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997. Evans, M.W. Medieval Drawings. Feltham, UK: Hamlyn, 1969. Gaehde, Joachim. “The Draughtsman of the Utrecht Psalter”. In Studien zur mittelalterlichen Kunst, 800–1250: Festschrift

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166 Hinkle, William M. “The Gospels of Cysoing: The Anglo-Saxon and Norman Sources of the Miniatures”. Art Bulletin 58, no. 4 (1976): 484–510. Holländer, Hans and Barbara Holländer, eds. Schachpartie durch Zeiten und Welten. Heidelberg: Edition Braus, 2005. Horste, Kathryn, “ ‘A Child is Born’: The Iconography of the Portail Ste.-Anne at Paris”. Art Bulletin 69, no 2 (1987): 187–210. Hudson, Benjamin, “Time is Short: The Eschatology of the Early Gaelic Church”. In Last things: Death and the Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, 101–123. Edited by Caroline Walker Bynum and Paul Freedman. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999. Hughes, Christopher. “Typology and its uses in the Moralized Bible”. In The Mind’s Eye: Art and Theological Argument in the Middle Ages, 133–150. Edited by Jeffrey Hamburger and AnneMarie Bouché. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses, PGr 7, 834–835. Jackson, Deirdre. Marvellous to Behold: Miracles in Medieval Manuscripts. London: British Library, 2007. James, M.R. The Canterbury Psalter. London: Lund, Humphries & Co Ltd, 1935. James, M.R. “Four Leaves of an English Psalter 12th century”. In The Walpole Society 25, 1–23. Oxford: Frederick Hall, 1937. Jerome, Breviarium in Psalmos, PL 26. John of Thessalonica. On the Dormition of Mary: Early Patristic Homilies. Translated by Brian E. Daley S.J. New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1998. Kantorowitz, Ernst H. “The Quinity of Winchester”. Art Bulletin 29, no. 2 (1947): 73–85. Karkov, Catherine E. The Ruler Portraits of Anglo-Saxon England, Anglo-Saxon Studies 3. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004. Kauffmann, C.M. Romanesque Manuscripts 1066–1190. A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles. Edited by J.J.G. Alexander. Vol. 3. London: Harvey Miller, 1996. Kemp, Eric Waldram. Canonization and Authority in the Western Church. London: Geoffrey Cumberlege, Oxford University Press, 1948. Kidd, Judith A. “The Quinity of Winchester Reconsidered”. Studies in Iconography 7–8 (1981–82), 21–34. Kidd, Peter. “Contents and Codicology”. In The St Albans Psalter (Albani Psalter), 41–157. Commentary by Jochen Bepler, Peter Kidd, Jane Geddes. Simbach am Inn, Germany: Müller & Schindler, 2008. Klein, Holger A. “The so-called Byzantine Diptych in the Winchester Psalter, British Library, MS Cotton Nero C. IV”, Gesta 37, no 1 (1998): 26–43. Kleinschmidt, Beda. Die heilige Anna: ihre Verehrung in Geschichte, Kunst und Volkstum. Düsseldorf: L. Schwann, 1930. Korteweg, Anne S. Splendour, Gravity and Emotion: French Medieval Manuscripts in Dutch Collections. Zwolle: Waanders, 2004.

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Index of Manuscripts Figures are indicated by bold type. Autun, Bibliothèque municipale 19bis (Sacramentary of Marmoutier) 81, 82 Augsburg, Oettingen-Wallersteinsche Bibliothek I.2.lat 4o 15 (Pamplona Bible ii) 86, 87 Bergues, Bibliothèque municipale 19 (Life of Winnoc & Oswald) 51, 52 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Theol. lat. fol. 323 (Vita Sancti Liudgeri) 50, 98 Boulogne-sur-mer, Bibliothèque municipale 107 (Lives of the saints Bertin, Folcuin, Silvin, Winnoc) 50 46 (Life of Lambert) 73, 73, 79, 80, 83 Cambrai, Médiathèque d’agglomération 234 (Missal) 88, 89 Cambridge, Cambridge University Library Ee.3.59 (La Estoire de Aedward le Rei) 8 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Parker Library 161 (Vita sancti Edwardi) 8 Cambridge, Trinity College R. 17.1 (Canterbury / Eadwine Psalter) 88, 88 Douai, Bibliothèque municipale 340 (De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis) 23, 34, 97 Haarlem, Stadsbibliotheek 184 C 2, (Missal of the Haarlem Linen Weavers Guild) 83 The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek 76 F 5, (Psalter) 86, 87 Hanover, Nierdersächsische Landesbibliothek 189 (Passio Kiliani; Ps. Theotimus, Passio Margaretae, orations) 51, 55 Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek Cod. Pal. germ. 848 (Manesse Codex) 20 Hildesheim, Dombibliothek St Godehard 1 (The St. Albans Psalter) 52 Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare 31, lxxxvi (Sacramentary of Warmundus of Ivrea) 81 Lille, Bibliothèque municipale 479 (The Gospels of Cysoing) 31

London, British Library Add. ms 28107, (Stavelot Bible) 85, 85 Add. ms 17738 (Floreffe Bible) 33, 34, 35, 74, 75, 94 Add. ms 49598 (Benedictional of Aethelwold) 92, 93 Cotton Galba A xviii (Athelstan Psalter) 93, 94 Cotton Nero C. iv (Winchester Psalter) 52, 53, 55, 93, 94 Egerton 608 (Gospel Book) 79, 85, 85 Egerton 809, (Gospel Lectionary) 83 Harley 526 (Vita Aedwardi Regis) 8 Harley 1526 and 1527 (Oxford-ParisLondon Bible Moralisée) 20, 29, 86, 87 Yates Thompson 2, (Collectar, ‘The Ottobeuren Collectar’) 90, 91 Yates Thompson 26 (Life of Cuthbert) 50, 51, 73, 73, 79, 83, 98

lat. 1850 (Index Maior) 1, 9, 14, 31 lat. 8846 (Psalter) 33, 34, 36, 37, 97 lat. 11560 (Oxford-Paris-London Bible Moralisée) 86 lat. 11930 (Bible) 20, 23 nouv. acq. lat. 1390 (Life of St Aubin) 49, 50, 51, 98 Prague, Czech National Library xiv A 13 (Gospels of Vyšehrad) 83

Moulins, Médiathèque de Moulins Communauté 1 (Souvigny Bible) 34, 36, 97 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 16 (Speculum humanae salvationis) 20 Clm. 835 (Munich Golden Psalter) 80 Munich, Hauptstaatsarchiv, Obermünster 1 (Obermünster Necrologies) 83, 88

Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale 2273 (Life of Maur) 49, 50, 98

New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library 404 (Rothschild Canticles) 79 New York, Pierpont Morgan Library G.44 (Gospel Lectionary) 90, 91 M.44 (Vita Christi, ‘Life of Christ’)  90, 91 M.240 (Toledo Bible Moralisée) 18 M.521 (Psalter leaf, part of the Canterbury / Eadwine psalter) 80 M.524 (Apocalypse) 78, 78, 93 Oxford, Oxford University, Bodleian Library Bodley 270b (Oxford-Paris-London Bible Moralisée) 86 Oxford, Oxford University, University College Library 165 (Life of Cuthbert) 50, 98 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France lat. 2 (Second Bible of Charles the Bald) 31 lat. 257 (Gospel Book of Francis ii) 31

San Marino, The Huntington Library H.M. 3027 (Golden Legend) 86, 87 St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek Cod. Sang. 569, (Vitae of early Christian popes and martyrs) 6 Saint-Omer, Bibliothèque d’agglomération 698 (Life of Saint Omer) 32, 32 Stuttgart, Württemburgische Landesbibliothek Cod. bibl. fol. 23 (Stuttgart Psalter) 83

Uppsala, University Library C. 93 (Goslar Gospels) 84, 85 Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek 32 (Utrecht Psalter) 86, 88 Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale 1–5 (Bibles of Sawalo) 31 9 (Bible of Alard) 31 108 (Sacramentary of Saint-Amand) 90, 91 197 (Gilbert de la Porrée’s Commentaries on Boethius) 33, 97 500 (Life of Amand) 1–102, 1–9, 14, 15, see also Appx. A 501 (Life of Amand) 1–3, 5, 9–14, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 49, 50, 53, 58, 76, 89, 92–98, 101 502 (Life of Amand) 1–3, 8–11, 13, 14, 16, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 49–51, 53, 58, 67, 70, 73–80, 80, 82, 83, 89, 92–94, 97–101 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Vat. gr. 1162 (Kokkinobaphos homiliaries) 65, 65 Vat. lat. 1202 (Codex Benedictus) 50, 51, 98 Winchester Cathedral 17 (Winchester Bible) 54

Index Figures are indicated by bold type. Abraham, bosom of 32, 32, 76, 78–90, 81, 82, 84, 87, 89, 90, 93, 100–01 Absalon, Abbot of Saint-Amand Abbey 10, 11 Aelred of Rievaulx 8 Afterlife 72, 73, 76–79, 83, 86, 93, 98, 100 heaven 55, 67, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 82, 83, 86, 90, 92, 93, 97, 99, 100–102 hell 93, 94 purgatory, Doctrine of 78, 86, 100 Aldegonde, Abbess of Maubeuge life of 1, 10 vision 1, 2, 10, 15, 16, 18, 24–30, 25, 76, 92–99, 101 Alexander iii, Pope 8, 13 Amand, saint bishop 3, 60, 62, 70, 94, 101 entombment and soul 2, 15–18, 23, 28–29, 33, 38–42, 44, 46–48, 55  63–65, 72–75, 81, 83, 89, 97, 98, 100, 102 glorification 2, 25, 33, 38, 39–43, 46–51, 53, 55, 76, 92–102 life of 3–4 miracles 3, 4, 10, 11, 60, 61–64, 68, 71, 72 Ambrose, bishop of Milan 5, 6, 82 Anchin, Abbey of 9, 31, 34, 97 Anthanasius, bishop of Alexandria 5, 6 Anti-semitism 86 Antony of Egypt 5, 6 Augustine of Hippo 5, 6, 75, 77, 78, 81, 100, 101 Baudemond 3, 10, 11, 13, 14, 28, 58, 61, 67, 101 Beatific Vision Controversy 78, 79, 101 Benedictines (see also Rule of Benedict) 11, 95, 96 Bonaventure 95

Divine Intervention 4, 42–43, 45, 57, 60, 68, 70, 71, 99 Dotto the Frank, Count 16, 60, 68 Ecclesiastical garments 75, 81 humeral veil 81 pall 81 pallium 81, 92, 93 Edward the Confessor 5, 7, 8 Eleanor of Provence 9 Elnone, see Saint-Amand 3, 4, 74, 83 Eustace ii, Abbot of Saint-Amand Abbey 14 Faricius, Abbot of Abingdon 4 Fourth Lateran Council 78 Franco-Saxon style 31 Frontality 79, 82 Gertrude, saint 11, 36, 62, 70 Ghislain, saint 11, 20, 62, 70, 71 Gnadenstuhl (see also Throne of Grace) 89, 89, 101 Gregory the Great 95 Hand of God 55, 88, 101 Hasnon, Abbey of 9 Heaven (see afterlife)  Hell (see afterlife)  Hierarchy of scale 69 Holy Spirit 59, 60, 66, 67, 69, 89, 99 Hucbald, nephew of Milo monk and scribe of Saint-Amand Abbey 6, 7, 10, 11 Hugh ii, Abbot of Saint-Amand Abbey 13, 98, 102 Humbert, saint 64, 72 Imitatio Christi 4, 8, 60–63, 68, 69, 71 Index Maior 1, 9, 14, 31 Investiture Crisis (see also Concordat of Worms) 67, 70, 98 Irenaeus, of Lyon 77, 100

Canonization 7, 8 Charles the Bald 4, 10, 31 Christ 2, 4–9, 15, 16, 18, 23, 24, 36–40, 44, 49, 55, 57–71, 74, 78, 83, 85–90, 84–91, 92–93, 93, 94, 95–102 ‘Fullness of’ 77, 100 in Majesty 79, 80, 84, 85, 87, 93, 94 divine 82–88, 84, 85, 87, 88, 97, 100–102, 124 Cistercians 11 Clothair ii, King of Neustria and of the Franks 67 Cluniac reforms 11 Concordat of Worms (see also Investiture Crisis) 70 Cysoing, Abbey of 31

Last Judgement 76, 78–79, 81, 82, 84, 85, 92, 93, 100–101 Last Supper 83 Lazarus (see also Dives and Lazarus), soul of 32, 32, 76, 78–80, 80, 82–84, 84, 86, 87, 87, 90, 93, 100, 101 Lyon, Second Council of 78

Dagobert, King, son of Clothair ii 3, 14, 45, 60, 61, 67, 68, 69 Dives and Lazarus 76, 78, 93, 100

Malbod, Abbot of Saint-Amand Abbey 9 Marchiennes, Abbey of 3, 6, 7, 31 Martin, Pope 10, 14, 62, 70

Joachim of Fiore 95 John of Thessalonica 77 John, Abbot of Saint-Amand Abbey 11–14

Mary, the Virgin 8, 9, 36, 37, 37, 54–57, 65, 65, 74–77, 75, 79, 89, 90, 90, 91, 92, 94, 97, 101 Maubeuge, Abbey of 10, 24 Milo, poet and monk of Saint-Amand Abbey 3, 10, 13, 14, 24, 28, 60, 68, 89, 92 Moses 95 Nicholas of Verdun 33 Ordo Romanus Primus 81, 84 Ordo of Saint-Amand 81 Osbert of Clare 8 Paul, saint 77 Peter, saint 34, 43, 59, 60, 62, 66–68 Phillip of Aûmone 11, 13, 14, 24, 64, 70, 74, 89, 92, 98 Post-mortem Reward 78 Premonstratensians 95 Regina Angelorum 89, 90, 90 Rictrude, Abbess of Marchiennes, saint 4–7, 10 Romanesque, style 34, 36, 49 Rule of Benedict 11 Saint-Amand, Abbey of 6, 7, 9–12, 14, 20, 31–34, 51, 74, 80, 90, 96, 97 Saint-Bertin, Abbey of 50, 80 Saint-Omer, Abbey of 31, 32 Sawalo, artist 13, 14, 31 Serenus, Amand’s father 20, 58, 65, 66 Sigebert, son of Dagobert 3, 45, 47, 61, 69 Soul 2, 3, 15–18, 23, 24, 27–30, 33, 38–42, 44, 46–49, 55, 63–65, 72–102, 78 cloth of 79, 81 frontal soul 73, 79, 81 healed soul 78 naked soul 78, 80 separated soul 73, 76, 78, 92, 100, 101 Spiritual messaging/layering 2, 11, 57, 59, 64, 65, 83, 97, 99–101 Thomas Aquinas 77, 100 Thomas Becket 13, 80 Throne of Grace (see also Gnadenstuhl) 89, 89, 101 ‘Transitional’ style 34, 78, 102 Vita 1–16, 24, 28, 29, 32, 44, 49–77, 89, 92, 94, 97–151 William of St-Thierry 5, 95 Yeu, Monastery of 20, 22, 24, 58, 65