The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Time of the Syriac Renaissance: In Concept and Reality 9781463244675, 1463244673

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The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Time of the Syriac Renaissance

Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies

64

Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies brings to the scholarly world the underrepresented field of Eastern Christianity. This series consists of monographs, edited collections, texts and translations of the documents of Eastern Christianity, as well as studies of topics relevant to the world of historic Orthodoxy and early Christianity.

The Syriac Orthodox Church in the Time of the Syriac Renaissance

In Concept and Reality

By

Peter Kawerau Translated from the second, supplemented edition by

Patrick Conlin

gp 2022

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2022 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܝ‬

1

2022

ISBN 978-1-4632-4467-5

ISSN 1539-1507

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

In memory of my brothers: Erich Kawerau (1916–1943) Friedrich Kawerau (1917–1944)

“The human being in this world is like a dream, or like the flight of a bird whose path leaves no trace in the air, or a ship that leaves no wake in the water…” – Bar ʿEbroyo (1226–1286)

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ......................................................................... v Translator’s Preface ..................................................................... xi Foreword ................................................................................... xiii Introduction ................................................................................. 1 The Organization of the Syriac Orthodox Churches .................. 23 The Patriarch ...................................................................... 23 1. Title and Residence ........................................................ 23 2. Jurisdiction..................................................................... 25 3. Place of Election ............................................................. 25 4. Election .......................................................................... 26 5. Candidates for Election .................................................. 28 6. Ordination ...................................................................... 29 7. Name Change ................................................................. 31 8. Confession of Faith & Visit of the Titular Churches....... 32 9. Official Powers ............................................................... 32 10. Official Garb ................................................................. 34 11. Travel ........................................................................... 35 12. Decline of the Office .................................................... 36 13. Financial Conditions .................................................... 37 14. Death of the Patriarch .................................................. 38 15. The Patriarchate in the 13th Century .......................... 39 The Maphrian ..................................................................... 39 1. Origin ............................................................................. 39 2. Residence ....................................................................... 40 3. Title ................................................................................ 41 4. Jurisdiction..................................................................... 43 5. Election .......................................................................... 45 6. Candidates ...................................................................... 46 v

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 7. Ordination ...................................................................... 47 8. Name Change ................................................................. 49 9. Recognition in the East .................................................. 49 10. Official Garb ................................................................. 51 11. Rights and Duties ......................................................... 51 12. The Relationship of the Maphrian to the Patriarch ..... 54 13. Official Duties .............................................................. 55 14. Funeral ......................................................................... 57 Metropolitans and Bishops ................................................. 58 1. Number of Bishops ......................................................... 58 2. The Metropolitan............................................................ 58 3. The Bishop ...................................................................... 59 4. Election .......................................................................... 60 5. Ordination ...................................................................... 60 6. Nepotism ........................................................................ 62 7. Deposition ...................................................................... 63 8. Rights and Duties ........................................................... 64 9. Funeral ........................................................................... 66 Abbots ................................................................................ 67 1. Title & Installation ......................................................... 67 2. Rights and Duties ........................................................... 68 3. Relationship to the Church Authorities ......................... 69 4. The Abbots in Church Politics ........................................ 70 Monasteries ........................................................................ 72 1. Construction ................................................................... 72 2. Monastic Property .......................................................... 73 3. The Role of Monasteries in Church Life ......................... 76 4. Nicknames of Monasteries ............................................. 77 Monks and Nuns ................................................................. 78 1. Forms of Monasticism .................................................... 78 2. Entering a Monastery ..................................................... 79 3. Monastic Life .................................................................. 79 4. Monks and Clergy .......................................................... 82 5. Nuns ............................................................................... 82 Parish Communities ........................................................... 83 1. The Notables: Merchants, Physicians, and Scribes ........ 83 2. The Laity in the Politics of the Church .......................... 87 3. Financial Burdens on the Communities ......................... 88

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4. Feast Days ...................................................................... 89

The Inner Life of the Syriac Orthodox Church ........................... 91 Scholarship ......................................................................... 91 1. The General Level of Education ..................................... 91 2. Church and Education .................................................... 92 3. Famous Scholars and Their Places of Influence ............. 94 4. Secular Studies ............................................................... 98 5. Cooperation of Christians and Muslims in the Field of Science ........................................................................ 99 Forms of Piety .................................................................... 99 1. Lack of Faith ................................................................... 99 2. Relics ............................................................................ 100 3. Pilgrimages ................................................................... 102 4. Dreams and Visions ...................................................... 102 Church Building Projects .................................................. 104 1. Islamic Legal Views ...................................................... 104 2. Religious Buildings ....................................................... 105 3. Secular Buildings .......................................................... 106 4. Building Initiative ........................................................ 106 5. Construction Management, Building Materials, Painting, Build Time ................................................. 107 6. Church Construction for Representational Reasons ..... 110 Inner Decline .................................................................... 111 1. General Disorderliness ................................................. 111 2. Greed ............................................................................ 113 3. Simony ......................................................................... 115 4. Lack of Discipline ......................................................... 116 5. Inheriting Higher Church Offices ................................. 117 Reform Efforts .................................................................. 119 1. Beginnings .................................................................... 119 2. The Reforms of Michael I ............................................. 120 3. Failures ......................................................................... 122

The Relationship of the Syriac Orthodox Church to Other Christian Churches ........................................................... 123 Coptic Orthodox ............................................................... 123 Armenian Orthodox.......................................................... 124 1. Mutual Understanding ................................................. 124 2. Theological Disputes .................................................... 125

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 3. Temporary Problems .................................................... 127 Church of the East ............................................................ 129 1. Decreasing Dogmatic Opposition ................................. 129 2. Official Communication ............................................... 132 Greek Orthodox ................................................................ 133 Western Christianity (Crusaders) ..................................... 134 1. Good Relationships ...................................................... 134 2. Official Communication ............................................... 135 3. Individual Conflicts ...................................................... 136

The Relationship of the Syriac Orthodox Church to the NonChristian Environment ..................................................... 139 The State-Diploma for Church Leaders ............................ 139 1. Origin ........................................................................... 139 2. Scope of Recognition .................................................... 140 3. Application for the Diploma ........................................ 141 4. Content of the Diploma ................................................ 142 5. Renewal of the Diploma ............................................... 142 6. Special Diplomas .......................................................... 143 7. Terminology ................................................................. 143 8. Fights Over Recognition ............................................... 144 Relationship with Muslim Authorities ............................. 146 1. Public ........................................................................... 146 2. Courtesy in Official Communication ............................ 147 3. Local Oppressions of Christians ................................... 150 4. Negative Consequences: Conversions to Islam & Acts of Revenge ................................................................ 153 Relationship with Mongol Rulers ..................................... 157 1. General ......................................................................... 157 2. Church of the East and Mongol Rulers ........................ 158 3. Syriac Orthodox and Mongol Rulers ............................ 161 4. Estrangement................................................................ 162 Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Life Together................... 163 1. Common Events ........................................................... 163 2. Tensions ....................................................................... 164 3. Private Life ................................................................... 165 4. Kurds ............................................................................ 166 5. Jews .............................................................................. 168

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Appendix .................................................................................. 171 Syriac Orthodox Dioceses from 1150–1300 ..................... 171 Syriac Orthodox Monasteries from 1150–1300 ............... 182 Syriac Orthodox Building Projects from 1150–1300 ....... 187 Genealogy of Patriarch Michael I Rabo ........................... 190 Genealogy of Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ....................... 191 Backgrounds of Patriarchs ................................................ 192 Backgrounds of Maphrians ............................................... 192 Terms for Monks .............................................................. 192 Syriac Orthodox Patriarchs .............................................. 194 Syriac Orthodox Maphrians ............................................. 194 Church of the East Catholicoi........................................... 195 Coptic Patriarchs .............................................................. 195 Armenian Catholicoi ........................................................ 195 Abbasid Caliphs in Baghdad............................................. 195 Bibliography ............................................................................. 199 Plates ........................................................................................ 225

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE This project was born out of a “Hugoye” listserv chain where Andy Hilkens, George Kiraz, and Hidemi Takashashi suggested having an English translation of this essential work on the Syriac Renaissance. I first encountered this book as a graduate student and was excited for the chance to revisit it and make it available to English readers. Peter Kawerau (1915–1988) was a German scholar of church history, focusing on the eastern churches. He studied theology at the Universities of Wroclaw and Berlin. In 1949, after World War II, he earned his doctorate at the University of Göttingen, with this book being a version of his dissertation. He did his Habilitationsschrift in 1956 at Münster. He would go on to teach at the University of Marburg where he founded the Ostkirchen Institut. His corpus includes works on Protestant, Syriac, African, and Byzantine church history. Die Jakobitische Kirche im Zeitalter der syrischen Renaissance was first published in 1955, then updated with a second edition in 1960. The 1960 edition contains hundreds of footnotes absent in the first edition. I have striven for a literal translation of the text as far as possible, but I have updated many of the terms used. Kawerau, like most scholars of his time, referred to the Syriac Orthodox Church as “Jacobite,” as can be seen in the original title. I have replaced “Jacobite” with “Syriac Orthodox,” “Nestorian” with “Church of the East,” and “Orient” with “East(ern),” and other similar changes, partially because of modern, pejorative connotations of these terms but also because they are not entirely accurate descriptions of the Christologies and geographies of their churches. I have indicated the page xi

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numbers from the 1960 edition in . The spelling of proper nouns follows the Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of Syriac History, e.g., “Dayro d-Mor Matay” instead of “Mor Mattai Monastery,” etc. I would like to thank George Kiraz for encouraging me to translate this work, Melonie and the team at Gorgias Press for not giving up on this project, de Gruyter for allowing Gorgias to publish this work, Hidemi Takahashi for his suggestion to do so, Jeanne-Nicole Mellon Saint-Laurent and Deirdre Dempsey for inspiring my interest in Syriac Christianity, and my wife, Amanda, for her support and encouragement. Patrick Conlin

FOREWORD For the present second edition, a number of additional publications were consulted which can be seen in the completely revised bibliography. The text and the notes have been – in parts, considerably – extended, and occasionally corrected as well. I did not change the basic character of the work: the friendly reception that the small book received – especially abroad – did seem to allow that. In August 1954, the head of the American excavations at Nemrut Dağ, Theresa Goell, B. A., from New York City, together with the head of the German excavations in Arsameia, the learned lecturer, Dr. Friedrich Karl Dörner, from Münster in Westphalia, while on a research trip through Commagene, also visited the ruins of the Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo. During her visit to Münster in the summer of 1959, Goell gave me detailed archaeological explanations of the passage from the Anonymous Chronicle, below. Dörner left three photographs of Barṣawmo he had taken on August 29th, 1954. To both, I express my sincere thanks here. As has been the case for years, I was also assisted by the university librarian Else Heyer from the circulation desk of the local university library in obtaining literature with the usual amiability and helpfulness. I thank her very much for that. Münster in Westfalen, August 1959 Peter Kawerau

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INTRODUCTION The Islamic empire of the caliphs had disintegrated in the 9th and 10th centuries and individual states again stood in its place. Around the year 1200, the picture was as follows: In Egypt, the dynasty of the Sunni Ayyubids ruled since 1171, whose most important ruler, Sultan Saladin (1171–1193), soon extended his power over Syria and Mesopotamia. After his death, internal disputes broke out among his successors, and the Ayyubid Empire quickly disintegrated. 1 The remains of the Crusader States were on the borders of Palestine and Syria and their power continued to decline due to their disunity. In 1172, Henry the Lion was still a pilgrim in Jerusalem, but soon afterwards, Saladin put an end to the kingdom of Jerusalem in 1187. In 1268, Baibars besieged Antioch and in 1291, Acre, the final fortress, would be taken. Scattered incursions by the West – like the attack of King Louis IX of France in 1249 on Damietta – could not change this. 2 Claude Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, Institut Français de Damas, Bibliothèque Orientale 1 (Paris: Paul Geunthner, 1940), 579ff.; Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951) Vol. 3, 79–84. 2 For the history of the Crusaders, René Grousset, Histoire Des Croisades et Du Royaume Franc de Jérusalem, 3 vols. (Paris: Perrin, 1934); Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951); Kenneth Meyer Setton, ed., A History of the Crusades, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1955). 1

1

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On the southeast coast of Asia Minor, known as Cilicia in ancient times, was the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, dominated by the dynasty of the Rubenids. It represented a rather small power in the Middle East and was mostly dependent on the powerful neighboring states. 3 In the north it bordered on the empire of the Rûm Seljuk sultans of Asia Minor, who consumed their strength in internal struggles. 4 Farther to the east was what remained of the state of the Prophet’s successors: in Baghdad, the Abbasid caliphs tried with less and less success to defend their empire against the attacks of eastern and northern neighbors. In the interior, their supremacy was usually only nominally recognized by the governors. Thus, the caliph empire existed almost only in name. 5 The advance of the Mongols into the west began to threaten these states in 1220. In 1258, Baghdad fell into the hands of the Mongols: the last caliph was executed by them. The ruler of Egypt offered the only stop to their further advance west: in the Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 582ff. 4 Claude Cahen, “Le Problème Ethnique En Anatolie,” Cahiers d’Histoire Mondiale 2, no. 2 (1954): 347–62; Claude Cahen, “The Turkish Invasion: The Selchükids,” in A History of the Crusades, ed. Kenneth Meyer Setton, The Art and Architecture of the Crusader States 4 (London: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1955), 135–76; Jacques Laurent, “Byzance et Les Origines Du Sultanat de Rum,” in Melanges Charles Diehl, vol. 1, Études Sur l’histoire et Sur l’art de Byzance (Paris: E. Leroux, 1930); Bruno Lehmann, Die Nachrichten Des Niketas Choniates, Georgios Akropolites Und Pachymeres Über Die Selčuqen in Der Zeit von 1180 Bis 1280 n. Chr. (Gräfenhainichen: C. Schulze, 1939); Osman Turan, “Les Souverains Seldjoukides et Leurs Sujets Non-Musulmans,” Studia Islamica 1 (1953): 656–100; See also “Die Steppenreiche” in Alexander Randa, ed., Handbuch Der Weltgeschichte, 2 vols. (Freiburg im Breisgau: Walter Olten Verlag, 1954) 359–390. 5 Hamilton A. R. Gibb, “The Caliphate and the Arab States,” in Setton, A History of the Crusades, 81–98. 3

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Battle of ʿAin Jālūt in 1260, the Mongol troops were decisively beaten by Sultan Qutuz. In Persia, the Mongol Empire of the Ilkhans, founded by Hulagu (d. 1265) was formed in the course of these battles. 6 On this soil, which was unevenly influenced by Hellenistic culture, 7 Eastern churches had already sprung up in Christian antiquity. Their common origins were in the christological doctrinal disputes and in the pursuit of national isolation. In Egypt, the separation of the Coptic Church from the Orthodox imperial Church was due mainly to Alexandria’s opposition to Constantinople, and less to dogmatic causes. 8 In christology, the Coptic Church held the “verbal monophysitism [miaphysitism]” of Severus. 9 Their patriarchs resided in Alexandria until Christodulus (1047–1077) moved the residence to Cairo. 10 The apostolic chair at Antioch 11 was the center of the Syriac Orthodox (West Syriac) church. It was also miaphysite and sometimes called “Jacobite” after Jacob Baradeus (d. July 30, 578), who reorganized its hierarchy, which was broken up in Bertold Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 2nd ed. (Berlin: E. J. Brill, 1955), 59. 7 For examples, Ludwig Mitteis, Reichsrecht Und Volksrecht in Den Östlichen Provinzen Des Römischen Kaiserreichs, Mit Beiträgen Zur Kenntnis Des Griechischen Rechts Und Der Spätrömischen Rechtsentwicklung (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1891), 15–60; Anton Baumstark, “Ostsyrisches Christentum Und Ostsyrischer Hellenismus,” Römische Quartalschrift Für Christliche Altertumskunde Und Für Kirchengeschichte 22, no. 2 (1908): 17–35. 8 The name “Coptic” goes back to the Arab conquerors of Egypt. “Copt” is an abbreviation of Αἴγυπτος. 9 Friedrich Heiler, Urkirche Und Ostkirche, Die Katholische Kirche Des Ostens Und Des Westens 1 (Munich: E. Reinhardt, 1937), 456ff. 10 For the characteristics of the Coptic Church, see ibid, 471–493. 11 For its history and that of the resulting patriarchate, see Jean Michel Alfred Vacant, Eugène Mangenot, and Émile Amann, Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, 3rd ed., vol. 1–15 (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1903), 1:1425–1430. 6

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the course of the christological struggles. 12 With his ordination of Patriarch Pawlos of Beth Ukome in 600, 13 the series of the Syriac Orthodox patriarchs of Antioch also began to reorganize the scattered parishes in Persian Mesopotamia and place them under the metropolitan of Tagrit on the Tigris. 14 The Armenian church already successfully gained independence from the Byzantine imperial church before the Chalcedonian controversy. Their head, the catholicos, resided in Hṙomklay (Syriac: Qalʿa Rumayta) from 1147 until 1293 when he moved to Sis in Cilicia. 15 In Sassanid Persia, the Church of the East (East Syriac) declared its complete independence from the “Western” Churches in 424 at the Synod of Markabta d-Tayyaye. Since about 484, it

On Archbishop Jacob Baradeus of Edessa, see Ernst Honigmann, Évêques et Évêchés Monophysites d’Asie Antérieure Au VIe Siècle, CSCO 127 (Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1951), 168–177, etc.; Hendrik Gerrit Kleyn, Jacobus Baradaeüs de Stichter Der Syrische Monophysietische Kerk, Academisch Proefschrift Leiden (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1882); William Ainger Wigram, The Separation of the Monophysites (London: Faith Press, 1923), 133ff., 137 on the name “Jacobite” – especially in the West; Joseph Simonius Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 4 vols. (Rome: Typis Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, 1719), 2, 65– 66; Overviews of the history of the Syriac Orthodox Church in Ernst Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, CSCO 146 (Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1954), 93–105; Anton Baumstark, Festbrevier Und Kirchenjahr Der Syrischen Jakobiten, vol. 3–5, Studien Zur Geschichte Und Kultur Des Altertums 3 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1910), 1–24. They identify themselves as the “Syriac Orthodox Church.” 13 On him, see Ernst Honigmann, Évêques et Évêchés Monophysites d’Asie Antérieure Au VIe Siècle, CSCO 127 (Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1951), 195– 205, etc. 14 Friedrich Heiler, Urkirche Und Ostkirche, Die Katholische Kirche Des Ostens Und Des Westens 1 (Munich: E. Reinhardt, 1937), 459–470. 15 Ibid, 510–530. 12

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has officially professed “Nestorian” [dyophysite] christology. 16 The seat of their head, the catholicos, had initially been Seleucia-Ctesiphon and was moved to Baghdad in 780. 17 Their most significant achievement was a great missionary activity that extended to China and Sumatra. 18 The East Syriac synodal acts of 424 (declaration of independence from the West) and 484/486 (introduction of the dyophysite confession) in Jean Baptiste Chabot, trans., Synodicon Orientale Ou Recueil de Synodes Nestoriens (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1902), 43–53/299–307 (Syriac text with French translation); Oskar Braun, Das Buch Der Synhados: Nach Einer Handschrift Des Museo Borgiano Übersetzt Und Erläutet (Stuttgart / Vienna: Rothsche Verlagshandlung, 1900), 44ff., 57–59 (German translation); see also Eduard Sachau, Zur Ausbreitung Des Christentums in Asien (Berlin: Verlag der Akademie der Wis senschaften, 1919), 7; Heiler, Urkirche Und Ostkirche, 427ff. 17 Exact details of the residence of the Catholicos in Sachau, Zur Ausbreitung Des Christentums in Asien, 26–27; see also Thomas of Margā, The Book of Governors: The Historia Monastica of Thomas Bishop of Margâ A. D. 840, trans. E. A. Wallis Budge, 2 vols. (London: K. Paul. Trench, Trübner & Co., 1893); Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis ClementinoVaticana, 3:2:622–629. 18 For this, see P. van der Aalst, “Denis Bar Salibi, Polémiste,” ProcheOrient Chrétien 9 (1959): 10–23; Laurence F. Browne, The Eclipse of Christianity in Asia: From the Time of Muhammad till the Fourteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933); Columba CaryElwes, China and the Cross: Studies in Missionary History (London: Longmans, Green, 1957); Jean Dauvillier, “Les Provinces Chaldéennes ‘de l’extérieur’ Au Moyen-Âge,” in Mélanges Offerts Au R. P. Ferdinand Cavallera, Doyen de La Faculté de Théologie de Toulouse, à l’occasion de La Quarantième Année de Son Professorat à l’Institut Catholique (Toulouse: Bibliothèque de l’institut catholique, 1948); Arthur Christopher Moule, Christians in China Before the Year 1550 (London, 1930); Arthur Christopher Moule, “The Nestorians in China,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1933, 118–20; Paul Pelliot, “Les Nestoriens En Chine Après 845,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1933 (1933): 115–16; Gerhard Rosenkranz, Die Älteste Christenheit in China in Den Quellenzeugnissen Der Nestorianer-Texte Der Tang-Dynastie, 2nd ed., Schriftenreihe Der Ostasien-Mission 3, 4 (Berlin: Verlag der Ostasien-Mission, 1938); P Yoshio 16

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The conquests of the crusaders had temporarily led to the establishment of Latin patriarchates in Antioch (1099–1268) 19 and in Jerusalem (1099–1187). 20 Those who wish to know about the Syriac Orthodox Church in the time of the Syriac Renaissance 21 may at first think that they are in a favorable position with regard to sources. There is no shortage of historical works from this period. However, Islamic histories 22 provide no explanation of the internal conditions of the Christian churches. The Armenian sources, 23 which have a similar point of view as the Syriac Christians, are characSaeki, The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Tokyo: The Academy of Oriental Culture, 1937); John Stewart, Nestorian Missionary Enterprise: The Story of a Church on Fire (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1928); Heiler, Urkirche Und Ostkirche, 419–452; Albert Hauck, ed., Realencyklopädie Für Protestantische Theologie Und Kirche, 3rd ed., vol. 1–24 (Leipzig: R. Besser, 1896), 13:727f. 19 Vacant, Mangenot, and Amann, Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, 1:1420–25. 20 Wilhelm Hotzelt, Kirchengeschichte Palästinas Im Zeitalter Der Kreuzzüge: 1099–1291, Kirchengeschichte Palästinas von Der Urkirche Bis Zur Gegenwart 3 (Cologne: Bachem, 1940), 42–139. 21 For this term, see Anton Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte (Bonn: A. Marcus aund E. Weber, 1922), 285 and 290. 22 Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 33–93. 23 Édouard Dulaurier, trans., “Les Mongols d’apres Les Historiens Armeniens; Fragments Traduits Sur Les Textes Originaux,” Journal Asiatique 5, no. 16 (1860): 273–322; Édouard Dulaurier, Recueil Des Historiens Des Croisades, vol. 1: Documents Arméniens (Paris: Imprimerie Impériale, 1869); Rabun Vahram, Chronique Du Royaume Arménian de La Cilicie à l’époque Des Croisades, ed. Sahag Bedrossian (Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1864); Zyriak von Gänčä, “Auszüge Aus Der Armenischen Geschichte 300–1264 Über Die Mongolen,” ed. Édouard Dulaurier, Journal Asiatique 5, no. 11 (1858): 197–255, 426–508; see also Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 97–100.

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terized by a strong sense of nationality, 24 and focus on the history of their state. What people learn from them about the Syriac Orthodox is but little: usually it is the occasional mention of outlying details. Essentially, therefore, only the Syriac Orthodox sources themselves remain. 25 They provide precise descriptions of their own ecclesiastical conditions which are so unfavorably portrayed by them that their statements do not raise any doubts. Doubts about the reliability of the sources arise only where the authors themselves are involved in the church events described by them. The great, 21-book, historical work 26 of the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch Michael I Rabo (1166–1199), 27 concludes with a detailed chronicle of the religious and political events witnessed by the author himself. The external arrangement of the work is determined by the desire for the highest possible chronographic accuracy; the objective three-part material (church history, secular history, varia) should be presented simultaneously for each period of time. Michael, therefore, divides his report into three columns; but because of the different scope of the material, this leads to a very irregular arrangement of the text. 28 Of which one does not notice much among the Syrians, because the Syriac-speaking community had become extinct except for small areas of refuge, and the differences between them and Arab-speaking Muslims had become much smaller. 25 Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 96–97; Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 469–470 with the additions on pages 571–572 of the second edition. 26 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), trans. Chabot Chabot Jean Baptiste, 4 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1899). 27 On him, see E. Tisserant in Vacant, Mangenot, and Amann, Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique (1929), 10:2:1710–1719. 28 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), xxiv (introduction by Chabot). 24

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This striving for objective accuracy is contrasted in the Chronicle itself with the subjective way in which Michael writes. 29 It is especially observed where he himself has a share in the events. He insists that his report is true and accurate; 30 but sometimes deviates from this standard. Thus, after the death of Maphrian John V (d. 1188), the “Easterners” 31 chose the monk Dionysius bar Masih as maphrian. 32 At the insistence of two monks and a priest who had not been consulted, Michael immediately ordained his own nephew Jacob to the maphrianate (Gregorios I, 1189–1214). 33 In his account of this quite inadmissible process, 34 he says that “all the believers” have written to him that they would by no means accept bar Masih as maphrian. Therefore, in a “rightful choice, through the power and compulsion of the Holy Spirit,” his nephew Jacob was chosen and appointed, 35 of whose merits and virtues he lacks description. He disregards the procedure to be followed in the choice of maphrian, and his account of it stands in contrast to the emphasis with which he otherwise insists his behavior is done merely out of respect for tradition 36 or his civil duties. 37 His style is strongly influenced by theological reflections 38 and the use of biblical expressions. 39 The flood of Dayro d-Mor He usually speaks of himself in the first person or says “My baseness,” while Bar ʿEbroyo applies the third person to himself. 30 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:382/721. 31 For this term, see below p. 23. 32 Bar Hebraeus, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, ed. Joannes Baptista Abbeloos and Thomas Josephus Lamy, 3 vols. (Louvain: Peeters, 1872), 2:379. 33 Ibid. (So the Chronicle of Bar ʿEbroyo). 34 See the section, “The Maphrian,” below on p. 21. 35 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:403/732. 36 Ibid, 3:357f./707. 37 Ibid 3:358/708. 38 Ibid, 3:345/700. 29

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Matay, 40 Arabic and Turkish rule over Christians, 41 earthquakes and crop failures, 42 and a defeat by the Frankish army 43 are reported by him with the phrase, “this happened because of our sins.” 44 His choice of his words is constantly influenced by biblical usage, 45 and he often finds an opportunity to quote his favorite Scripture (Jeremiah 17:5): “Cursed are those who trust in mere mortals and make mere flesh their strength, whose hearts turn away from the Lord.” The theological guiding principle that dominates his whole presentation is the idea of the unlimited power of God, who can do what he wants. 46 After a series of natural disasters in 1173, the astrologers had declared that all this had happened as a result of a particular position of Saturn and Mars. Now that this calamitous constellation was over, there was no danger of a repetition of such accidents for years. Prayers and alms were therefore unnecessary. In spite of all astrological predictions, the catastrophes were repeated in the following year: God acted as he wanted; “We’ve recounted all this,” Michael remarks, “so that the wise people take advantage of the faith.” 47 To awaken faith is the purpose of his historiography and, in keeping with that purpose, he often finds occasion to reprove the unbelief of his Christian contemporaries. 48

Ibid, 3:362/710. Ibid, 3:340/696. 41 Ibid, 3:345/700. 42 Ibid, 3:350/703. 43 Ibid, 3:404/734. 44 For such expressions, see Werner Philipp, Ansätze Zum Geschichtlichen Und Politischen Denken Im Kiewer Rußland, Jahrbücher Für Geschichte Osteuropas 3 (Breslau: Priebatsch, 1940), 52ff. and 63ff. 45 e.g., Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:383/722. 46 Ibid, 3:352/705. 47 Ibid, 3:352/705. 48 Ibid, 3:352/705; 348/700. 39 40

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Meanwhile, there are also portrayals of Michael that reveal the limits of his concept of faith. In 1189 there was a schism in the Syriac Orthodox Church. Theodore bar Wahbun 49 had been proclaimed counter-patriarch with the help of the Armenians. Michael had convened a synod in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, which had this schism as the subject of their deliberations. They had just celebrated the feast of Mor Barṣawmo, 50 and as the saint’s relic was carried by the procession, the entire church assembly under the direction of Michael prayed for the end of the schism. Michael reports that on that same day the Armenian catholicos, who had protected Theodore, had fallen off his horse in Cilicia and died after his mistake was made known. Similarly, all twelve of the Armenian bishops, who had recognized the counter-patriarch, fell ill and died. Soon after, Theodore himself died. “I have not written this, my brothers,” Michael concludes his report, “because I have the foolish confidence, as if this had been brought about by my holiness; God forbid! I confess that God’s plague of rage could strike me for my sins during the past thirteen years, and that God caused salvation in the name of the holy Barṣawmo, for the love of his church and for the rest of his orthodox people. To him be glory forever! Amen.” 51 In contrast to the sober manner in which Bar ʿEbroyo writes, Michael has many stories and miracles to tell in his history, and he often finds opportunities to draw attention to the wonderful intervention of God or the saints in the course of earthly things. 52 Thus, his historiography is at the same time a witness to his faith and his piety. Johannes Gerber, trans., Zwei Briefe Barwahbuns. Nebst Einer Beilage: Das Schisma Des Paulus von Beth-Ukkame (Halle an der Salle: Diss. phil. Halle-Wittenberg, 1911). 50 Miracles of this saint are reported several times in Michael's account. See the section “Forms of Piety,” below p. 60. 51 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:388/725. 52 Michael I. 49

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A few years after Michael’s death, the Chronicle of 1234 53 was written, whose author’s name and origin is unknown to us. Only in two places in his work does he speak of himself: in 1187, when Michael’s brother Athanasios was Archbishop of Jerusalem, he saw the conquest of the Holy City by the Sultan Saladin as an eyewitness, 54 and in 1189 he was the companion of Michael’s nephew Jacob, who was maphrian of the east from 1189 to 1214 under the official name Grigorios I. 55 Obviously, he had a special trust and relationship with the family of Michael I Rabo, and since he was able to use files that were kept in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo for the writing of his work, 56 he would have been a monk of this monastery. 57 His chronicle consists of a volume of world history dating from the creation of the world up to the year 1234, and a volume of church history from the reign of the emperor Justinian (527–565) until the year 1207. 58 In spite of many gaps, the history of the church, especially during the time of the Crusades, is a valuable source that has preserved many local historical details. The Syriac Orthodox Primate of the East 59 Bar ʿEbroyo (1226–1286) 60 is the most important and interesting Jean Baptiste Chabot, ed., Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens, CSCO 81, 82, 109 (Paris: Typographeo Reipublicae, 1916). 54 Ibid, 82:200. 55 Ibid, 82:318–321. 56 Ibid 82:313. 57 Ibid, 82:i-ii (Preface by Chabot). 58 The church history section includes Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens 82:242–350; see also Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der ChristlichPalästinensischen Texte, 302; Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 97; Adolph Rücker, “Aus Der Geschichte Der Jakobitischen Kirche von Edessa in Der Zeit Der Kreuzfahrer,” Oriens Christianus: Halbjahreshefte Für Die Kunde Des Christlichen Orients 3, no. 10 (1935): 124–139, 124. 59 For this title, see the section “The Maphrian” below, p. 21. 53

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

source of information for the 13th century, through his two historical works, the Chronicle 61 and the Ecclesiastical Chronicle. 62 Not only does he continue the epitome of events by nearly a hundred years beyond Michael, but he also offers, in addition to supplements, some means of controlling Michael’s work. Among his many other writings, the Nomocanon 63 is of importance as a On him, see F. Nau in Vacant, Mangenot, and Amann, Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, 2:1 (3rd edition, 1932), cols. 401–406; Bar Hebraeus, L’entretien de La Sagesse. Introduction Aux Œuvres Philosophiques de Bar Hebraeus., trans. Herman F. Janssens, Bibliothèque de La Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l’Université de Liège 75 (Liège: Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres, 1937), 1–42; Jaroslaus Tkatsch, Die Arabische Übersetzung Der Poetik Des Aristoteles Und Die Grundlage Der Kritik Des Griechischen, Akademie Der Wissenschaften in Wein, Philos.-Histo. Kl. Kommission f. d. Herausgabe d. Arab. Aristoteles- Übers. 1, 1928–1932, 86b-89a. 61 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, ed. Paul Bedjan, 2 vols. (Paris: Maissonneuve, 1890); Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, trans. Ernest Alfred Wallace Budge, 2 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1932). 62 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum. 63 Bar ‘Ebroyo, “Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus et a Iosepho Aloysio Assemano in Latinam Linguam Conversus,” in Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio e Vaticanis Codicibus Edita, ed. Angelo Mai, trans. Aloysio Assemano, vol. X (Rome: Typ. Collegii Urbani, 1838), 1–268; Bar ʿEbroyo, Nomocanon Gregorii Barhebraei, ed. Paulus Bedjan (Paris / Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1898); see Carlo Alfonso Nallino, “Sul Libro Siro-Romano e Sul Presunto Diritto Siriaco,” in Studi in Onore Di Pietro Bonfante Nel XL Anno d’Insegnamento, vol. 1 (Mailand: Fratelli Treves, 1930), 201–61, 247–248. The Nomocanon is written between 1250 and 1263; it is partly (inheritance law, procedural law, criminal law) the translation of a legal work of al-Ghazali (d. 1111). As far as secular law is concerned, the Nomocanon in the Syriac Orthodox Church had neither predecessors nor successors: Bar ʿEbroyo was the first and the last 60

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representation of the law applicable to the Syriac Orthodox Church (church law, marriage law, civil law and criminal law). In addition, the Book of the Dove, 64 which contains ascetic instructions for monks, gives valuable insights into monastic life and, at the same time, shows that reality has not always lived up to the ideals of modernity. Of lesser importance is the Ethicon, 65 which contains a mystically oriented moral doctrine: one cannot infer much concrete information about the ecclesiastical life of the time from it. Baumstark 66 notes in comparing Michael’s historiography with that of Bar ʿEbroyo that the work of the latter is not only a valuable addition and continuation of Michael's work in its content, but that it also takes substantially new paths in its overall form. These consist primarily in leaving the cumbersome chronographic schema of Michael. Even more than that, one enters into a different world in Bar ʿEbroyo’s work. For example, he rarely reports of miracles: only when he himself has been given a sacred revelation does he weave in a narrative of this process in his depiction. Where Michael shows a personal interest in

writer to have been produced by the Syriac Orthodox Church who wrote in the field of law, and that law was Muslim. — See below p. 23n147. 64 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ethicon; Seu Moralia Gregorii Barhebraei et Liber Columbae Seu Directorium Monachorum Gregorii Barhebraei, ed. Paulus Bedjan (Paris / Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1898); Bar ʿEbroyo, Abulfaragii Gregorii Bar-Hebraei Mafriani Orientis Kithâbâ Dhiyaunâ Seu Liber Columbae, ed. Gabriel Cardahi (Rome: Typis R. Academiae Lynceorum, 1898); Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, trans. Arent Jan Wensinck (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1919). 65 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ethicon; Seu Moralia Gregorii Barhebraei et Liber Columbae Seu Directorium Monachorum Gregorii Barhebraei; Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon. 66 Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 318ff.

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things, Bar ʿEbroyo writes coolly and lets a certain spirit of distance be felt between him and the events he describes. 67 In 1246, Patriarch Ignatius II had promised Saliba bar Yacob of Edessa, who was then studying rhetoric and medicine in Tripoli, that he would make him bishop of Acre. This, however, encountered difficulties; instead of Acre, the patriarch suggested the diocese of Aleppo to Saliba, whose current bishop, bar Jeremiah, would die in a few days. In reality, the bishop did die after a short time, and Saliba became his successor. “Although it was all natural,” Bar ʿEbroyo remarked, “it was considered a miracle.” 68 His description of the ecclesiastical life of his time is uninspired. The lamentable condition of the Christian churches – well known to him and his contemporaries – can be seen all throughout the work, as well as the unworthy means with which the highest ecclesiastical offices were fought over. When the Church of the East Catholicos Makkika died in 1265, Denḥa, until then Metropolitan of Arbela, was appointed his successor by the intervention of the Mongol princess. “Denḥa,” Bar ʿEbroyo notes, “had long been worthy to be a catholicos, but Makkika had defeated him with bribes and slander.” 69 Probably the most indignant figure on the patriarchal throne of Antioch during the period described here was Dionysios (VII) Ahrun ʿAngur (1253–1261) who won his appointment with large bribes, 70 had the murder of his two nephews on his conscience after they had wanted to sue him for his crimes, 71 and had to allow himself to be called a murderer in the camp of the Ilkhans This is also expressed in the third person, in which Bar ʿEbroyo speaks of himself; see above, 4n29. 68 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:669; for this see what Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 293–294 says about Bishop John of Mardin (1124–1165). 69 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:439. 70 Ibid, 1:715, 719. 71 Ibid, 1:733. 67

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before the assembled Mongol rulers. 72 He was eventually killed in front of the altar himself in the monastery church of Dayro dMor Barṣawmo. 73 Bar ʿEbroyo tells all this to the readers of his church history in detail and without concealing that he himself was the partisan of this patriarch and that he had helped him gain recognition by collecting bribes, which he seems indifferent about. 74 Bar ʿEbroyo is no stranger to personal vanity; he had a definite fondness for the title of “catholicos,” 75 which usually only referred the head of the Church of the East. In 1265, when he had just become maphrian, he called himself catholicos in Baghdad, the seat of the Church of the East catholicos. This reported to the Church of the East catholicos, who, as Bar ʿEbroyo says, “seized by envy, sought for an opportunity to stir discord. But God – praise be to his kindness – prevented him from offending anyone because he fell ill with colic in those days and died.” 76 He also joyfully describes the enthusiastic welcomes that was given to him in various places when he came to visit believers as maphrian. 77 He also tells us that the former maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani had recommended him to the Easterners as a worthy leader years earlier, despite the fact that Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani had served as counterpatriarch John XV and was the fierce opponent of Patriarch DiIbid, 1:735. Ibid, 1:737. 74 See the first part of Erwand Ter-Minassiantz, Die Armenische Kirche in Ihren Beziehungen Zu Den Syrischen Kirchen Bis Zum Ende Des 13. Jahrhunderts, Nach Dem Armenischen Und Syrischen Quellen Bearbeitet, Texte Und Untersuchungen Zur Geschichte Der Altchristlichen Literatur 11, 4 (Leipzig, 1904), 132ff. about Bar ʿEbroyo. 75 Thus in the Nomoncanon in several places; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:457ff. 76 Ibid, 2:435ff. 77 Ibid, 2:433, 435, etc.; yet, it may be seen as emulating the style of reports of princes visiting churches, when the joy of believers is emphasized. 72 73

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onysus VII, on whose side Bar ʿEbroyo stood. 78 However, his ordination could not take place then because of the political turmoil at that time. Sometimes he maintains silence about events that could damage his reputation. Since ancient times, the newly-ordained maphrian 79 has had to undergo some humiliating initiation rituals 80 at the hands the monks of the Dayro dMor Matay, who were always seeking independence, before being recognized by them. Bar ʿEbroyo glosses over his own reception as maphrian in the Dayro d-Mor Matay 81 with the remark that he had been kindly received by the monks; we know from his brother and successor, Barṣawmo Ṣafī, that the monks did abolish these ceremonies out of veneration for his person, 82 but only two years after the death of Bar ʿEbroyo. When it comes to the prestige of his rank or person, Bar ʿEbroyo recounts a miracle or a dream vision or combines the course of his life with cosmic processes. He consecrated the sacred oil when he arrived in Baghdad in 1265, and on that occasion the faithful saw a wonderful sign: the oil that had just been consecrated foamed and would have flowed over if one had not quickly held another vessel under it. 83 On another occasion he had commissioned a Ibid, 2:433. See the section “The Maphrian” below on p. 21. 80 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, trans. Joseph Simonius Assemani, vol. 2, SVNA 10 (Rome: Angelo Mai, 1838), 7:1:41. 81 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:433. 82 Ibid, 2:491. 83 Ibid, 2:435 – Theodor Nöldeke, Orientalische Skizzen (Berlin: Gebrüder Paetel, 1892), 264 (note) points to the bleeding of St. Januarius in Naples. Karl Schmaltz, “Das Heilige Feuer in Der Grabeskirche Im Zusammenhang Mit Der Kirchlichen Liturgie Und Den Antiken Lichtriten,” ed. Gustaf Dalman, Palästinajahrbuch Des Deutschen Evangelischen Instituts Für Altertumswissenschaft Des Heiligen Landes Zu Jerusalem 13 (1917): 53–99, 57–58 emphasizes the connection between the miracle of the oil and the miracle of light in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, both of which can be traced to the period around 560– 78 79

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bishop and some monks from the monastery church of Mor Yuhanon bar Naggare to get the relics of this saint. They were, however, untraceable, and to some believers the saint appeared in the dream with the words: “Unless the maphrian comes, you will not find the relics.” Shortly after, Bar ʿEbroyo was given a vision, in which the place where the relics were located was given to him. When Bar ʿEbroyo went there, they were discovered immediately. 84 During his stay in Maragha in 1286, he expected his death based on astrological reasons. He said that he was born in the conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn in Aquarius; twenty years later at their conjunction in Libra, he had become a bishop; 85 after another twenty years, they were in conjunction in Gemini and he had been ordained maphrian. Now that they were back in Aquarius after another twenty years, he would leave this world. 86 Therefore, he even disdained the medications offered by the doctors, because the hour had 570 in Paulus Geyer, ed., Kritische Und Sprachliche Erläuterungen Zu Antonini Placentini Itinerarium, vol. 4–8, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 39 (Augsburg: F. Bfeiffer, 1898), 172–173, 205. About the same time, the light and oil are attested to in Gaul by Bishop Gregory of Tours (538–594) in Miraculorum Liber, ed. J. P. Migne, vol. 1, Patrologia Latina 71 (Paris: Brepols, 1849), Book 1: De Gloria Martyrum, caput 5, “De cruce et mirabilibus eius apud pictavum”, 709–710. Here, it is always emphasized that the power of the relics of the cross of Golgotha (virtus est crucis sanctae) which causes the oil to inflate and overflow. Bernhard Kötting, Peregrinatio Religiosa: Wallfahrten in Der Antike Und Das Pilgerwesen in Der Alten Kirche, Forschungen Zur Volkskunde 33, 34, 35 (Münster: Regensberg, 1950), 404–406 gives examples of how saints (e.g., Andrew, Demetrius, Martin) were able to bring about this swelling by their blessing or relics. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:250n1 for Assemani's rationalistic explanation. 84 For this, see Ernst Lucius, Die Anfänge Des Heiligenkults in Der Christlichen Kirchen, ed. Gustav Anrich (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1904), 144, 152. 85 The canonical age of bishops was 35 years, see below, p. 32. 86 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:465f.

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come. 87 This shows how the highest Syriac Orthodox cleric in the East thought, despite the fact that his Nomocanon contained provisions against the interpreters of dreams and astrologers and their reprehensible art. 88 In Tripoli, Bar ʿEbroyo had at one time studied medicine 89 and he was still working as a doctor when he became maphrian. 90 His interest in illnesses can be noticed everywhere: dysentery, with which he himself had suffered, 91 the colic of Catholicos Makkika, 92 the gout and the bladder stones of Patriarch Ignatius II 93 are mentioned, as well as the work of important physicians, 94 whom he persuaded to settle in his jurisdiction. 95 Nevertheless, he reprimanded another’s interest in it when, in 1258, Maphrian Ignatius IV resigned his office and wanted to earn a living as a doctor. 96 The fact that he went to the sick appeared to Bar ʿEbroyo as an expropriation of the priest’s robe; it was fortunate that God soon made him sick and died. Ibid, 2:469. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus. In the conquest of Jerusalem by Saladin in 1187, Bar ʿEbroyo notes in his world history that it took place 28 days after the conjunction of the six planets. Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, 1:327 – see the article “Astrologie” by C.A. Nallino in H. A. R. Gibb et al., eds., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, New, vol. 1–4 (Leiden and London: E. J. Brill, 1913), 1:514–517. 89 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667. 90 Ibid, 1:755. For that, see below p. 48n417. 91 Ibid, 2:441. 92 Ibid, 2:437. 93 Ibid, 1:673. 94 Ibid, 1:673. 95 Ibid, 2:459. 96 Ibid, 1:729. 87 88

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Thus, the figure of Bar ʿEbroyo appears with contradictory features, and these are also noted in his historiography. He gives the verdict of the Syriac Orthodox parish of Edessa over and against the Bishop of Aleppo and later Maphrian Ignatius IV (1253–1258), whom he called a pompous youth who rises above his fellow-citizens. 97 Then, he describes the treacherous attitude of this man against Patriarch John XV, 98 yet still holds a favorable overall opinion about him. 99 He gives two very different reasons for the conversion of Bishop Daniel of Habora to Islam, which took place around 1250 and which the Christians regarded as a scandal. 100 He published a book of laughable stories, 101 the contents of which are quite offensive in parts; in the Book of the Dove, he had forbidden the monks to tell such laughable stories. His activity as a recipient of bribes was already mentioned above. Perhaps this memory haunted him as he wrote in the Book of the Dove: 102 “And though the fathers are allowed to meet their needs at the expense of their flocks, it is better for them to work without accepting anything from anyone. Here the author confesses his guilt by saying, ‘I teach, but

Ibid, 1:705. Ibid, 1:723. 99 Ibid, 1:729. For a similar example besides Bar ʿEbroyo, see Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, trans. James Allan Montgomery, Records of Civilization: Sources and Studies 8 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1927), 76n2. 100 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:685–687, 711. 101 “instead of a narrative of pious legends,” as noted in Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der ChristlichPalästinensischen Texte, 319. 102 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 18/536. 97 98

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I’m not learning. I write, but I neglected. I preach, but I do not follow my own words. I admonish, but I have sinned.’” 103 Stylistically, Bar ʿEbroyo is under the influence of Islamic literature; thus, he uses numerous formulas for the praise of God, reminiscent of Muslim expressions. 104 He likes to use the old names for geographic places, 105 and he calls the Ilkhan Hulagu the “king of kings,” applying the ancient title of the Persian kings from antiquity to him. 106 Bar ʿEbroyo lived under Mongol rule. The fact that he mentions the Mongols as Huns and Barbarians 107 in his historical works, to which a Christian should not go to in order to receive right judgement, 108 is a testimony that he did not lack courage: thus he leaves his readers with a strong, though not always uniform, impression of his personality. At the very end of this period, there is a Church of the East source, which, written by an unknown author, describes the life of the Church of the East Catholicos Yahbalaha III (1282– 1317). 109 Although it does not add anything to the knowledge of Ibid, 29/548. Bar ʿEbroyo’s brother says of him that he did not touch money at all for forty years in Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:483, but Bar ʿEbroyo himself reports that he occasionally accepted gifts in ibid, 2:455ff. 104 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:250; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:711, 781. 105 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:248. 106 Gotthold Weil, ed., Festschrift Eduard Sachau Zum Siebzigsten Geburtstage (Berlin: Reimer, 1915), 191; Theodor Nöldeke, Geschichte Der Perser Und Araber Zur Zeit Der Sasaniden (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1879) 15n1. 107 These are antiquated descriptions too. 108 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:439f.; for this see 1 Cor 6:1. 109 Yahbalaha III, Histoire de Mar Jab-Alaha, Patriarche, et de Raban Sauma, ed. Paul Bedjan, 2nd ed. (Paris: Otto Harrassowitz, 1895); Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century; Yahbalaha III, The Monks of Kûblâi Khân, Emperor 103

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the Syriac Orthodox Church, it does give us a vivid idea of life in the thirteenth century through its fresh and vivid narrative style.

of China, or The History of the Life and Travels of Rabban Sâwmâ, Envoy and Plenipotentiary of the Mongol Khâns to the Kings of Europe, and Markôs Who as Mâr Yahbh-Allâhâ III Became Patriarch of the Nestorian Church in Asia, trans. Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge (London: The Religious Tract Society, 1928).

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCHES THE PATRIARCH 1. Title and Residence

The title “patriarch,” originally a title of honor for bishops, since about 680, was reserved for the bishops of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem. The patriarchates of Alexandria and Antioch were non-Chalcedonian; Greek opposition resulted in the loss of Antioch as the seat of their head for the Syriac Orthodox: 1 the Syriac Orthodox patriarch therefore resided in other cities or monasteries, 2 but retained the title of Patriarch of Antioch. 3 Only temporarily, during the time of Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:433 and Introduction, xviiff.; Robert Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d’Antioche Depuis La Paix de l’Église Jusqu’à La Conquête Arabe, Études Palestiniennes et Orientales (Paris: V. Lecoffre, 1945)119–123, etc.; Honigmann, Évêques et Évêchés Monophysites d’Asie Antérieure Au VIe Siècle, 19–25, etc.; Horst Fuhrmann, “Studien Zur Geschichte Mittelalterlicher Patriarchate,” Zeitschrift Der Savigny-Stiftung Für Rechtsgeschichte 39–41 (1955 1953): 112–76, 1–84, 95–183. 2 Johann Elieser Theodor Wiltsch, Handbuch Der Kirchlichen Geographie Und Statistik von Den Zeiten Der Apostel Bis Zu Dem Anfange Des Sechzehnten Jahrhunderts., 2 vols. (Berlin: Justus Perthes, 1846), 1:463. 3 As an honorific, he used the title “Mor;” see below the section “The Maphrian” p. 21. – Later, during the Great Syriac Orthodox Schism 1

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Frankish rule, Patriarch Ignatius II (1222–1252) resided in Antioch; he acquired a park there, where he built a palace for the patriarch. 4 The predecessor of Patriarch Michael I Rabo, Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh (1139–1166), stayed for a time in Amid and later in Hisn Ziyad 5 until his death in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo. 6 Michael I liked to reside in Mardin. 7 All of the patriarchs probably spent some of their reign travelling: a prolonged stay in the same place could easily provoke the jealousy of other monasteries or cities. 8 If the patriarch’s temporary residence had its own bishop, he was sometimes entrusted with the administration of another bishopric for the duration of the presence of the patriarch, 9 even though this was not entirely in accordance with ecclesiastical law, which banned the passage of a bishop into another bishopric. 10 The choice of residence was left to the patriarch; except for Baghdad which he had been forbidden to live in by the caliphs since 912, in deference to the Church of the East. 11

(1364–1494), the various schismatic patriarchs named themselves after their respective spheres of competence: Sis, Syria, Tur ʿAbdin, Mardin, Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:382ff., 480ff., Diss., 45. 4 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667. 5 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199). 6 Ibid, 3:308/655. 7 Ibid, 3:355/706; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:543. 8 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:308/655. See the sections on the abbots and the monasterires below, pp. 36–42. 9 Michael I, 3:306/653; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:543. 10 See the section about “Metropolitans and Bishops” below, p. 31. 11 Adam Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms (Heidelberg, 1922), 32; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:2:626.

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2. Jurisdiction

The jurisdiction of the patriarch of Antioch is described by Bar ʿEbroyo and other West Syriac writers. 12 It was bordered in the south by Egypt at the city of el-‘Arīsh, situated in the Idumaean desert between Egypt and Palestine. 13 The city itself was a diocese of the patriarchate of Alexandria, the borderline formed by a brook of the same name. 14 In Asia Minor, its jurisdiction extended as far as Lesser Armenia (Cilicia) with the capital Hṙomklay (Qalʿa Rumayta), where the Catholicos of the Armenian Church resided. Parts of the Seljuk state of Iconium were subject to the patriarchate of Antioch, and in the east it included Syria and Mesopotamia, 15 where the jurisdiction of maphrian began. 16 3. Place of Election

There was no place determined by tradition for the election of the patriarch; in most cases, it took place in a monastery. At times, the external security guaranteed by the political ruler was instrumental in the choice of the place; 17 the reputation of the monastery also played a role. 18 Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur was Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:3; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:305n1; see also Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d’Antioche Depuis La Paix de l’Église Jusqu’à La Conquête Arabe. 13 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:657. 14 Wadi el-‘Arīš, the biblical “Brook of Egypt,” Num 34:5; Jer 27:12. 15 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:xviiiff. (introduction). 16 Bar ʿEbroyo gives an enumeration of the most important dioceses of the Patriarchate of Antioch: Antioch, Guma, Aleppo, Mabbugh, Callincus, Edessa, Hauran, Laqabin, ʿArqa, Qlisura, Gubos, Semha, Qlaudia. Gargar, ibid, 2:459. See the list of Syriac Orthodox dioceses from 1150– 1300 in the Appendix p. 96. 17 Ibid 1:745 18 Ibid, 1:697. 12

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elected in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo at Melitene, 19 Ignatius III Dawid in the Dayro d-Modiq, 20 Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ in the Gawikat Monastery at Mopsuestia. 21 4. Election

According to canon laws, all bishops should assemble for the election of the patriarch. 22 Since this was not always practical, ecclesiastical law provided that about twelve bishops should be present at least, while the others could give their consent. 23 Thus, in the election of Michael I in 1166 there were twenty-eight bishops, 24 but in the case of Dionysios (VII) Ahrun ʿAngur only six, 25 and Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ was elected in 1264 by ten bishops. 26 The result was recorded in writing, which is how the election of Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid in 1222 is known. 27 The electoral synod 28 was chaired by the oldest bishop, 29 who had the right to ordain the patriarch. 30 As early as the ninth century, however, the patriarchs had granted this privilege to the maphrian. 31 In 1166, when the election of Patriarch Michael Ibid, 1:697. Ibid, 1:643. 21 Ibid, 1:745. 22 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 32. 23 Ibid, Diss., 32. 24 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:480/767. 25 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:697. 26 Ibid, 1:745. 27 Ibid, 1:645. 28 Ibid, 1:539–541. 29 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 33–34, see 2:339ff. There is no example of a certain diocese being favored. 30 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:539ff. 31 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:437, Diss. 32– 33 (Determination of the Synod of Capharthutha in 869, see below, p. 28n202). The first patriarch consecrated by a maphrian was Dionysios (V) Loʿozar (1077–1078), Assemani, 2:357. 19 20

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I Rabo raised doubts as to who had the right to ordain the patriarch, it was decided that it would come to the maphrian. 32 However, especially in ambiguous elections, the maphrian’s involvement was often out of the question. Thus, Dionysios (VII) Ahrun ʿAngur was ordained in 1253 without the presence of the maphrian, 33 and Bar ʿEbroyo denied Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ his consent in 1283 because the choice was made without participation of the maphrian. 34 If, in practice, the election occasionally deviated from this rule, its theoretical validity remained undisputed. When Dionysios VII Ahrun ʿAngur asked the bishops for his ordination in 1253, some of them declared, “We alone can do nothing, if the maphrian and the other bishops, our brothers, are not informed.” 35 If one did not proceed according to tradition, the maphrian would apologize for it in retrospect. 36 Bar ʿEbroyo expressed the validity of the law, in regards to the ambassador ordaining Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ without his permission: “Since ancient times, the holy fathers have determined that the patriarch may not be ordained without the maphrian, nor the maphrian without the patriarch.” 37 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:539ff.; In the Nomocanon, Bar ʿEbroyo included the provision that a committee of two eastern and two western bishops should be nominated in the election of the patriarchs, who in turn choose who should be responsible for ordination. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41. 33 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:701. 34 Ibid, 2:455. 35 Ibid, 1:697. 36 Ibid, 1:701ff.; 2:455. 37 Ibid, 2:455ff. see the section, “The Maphrian,” below, p. 21 – For the process of the electing the Church of the East Patriarch, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:2; Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 22ff.; Yahbalaha III, The Monks of Kûblâi Khân, Emperor of China, or The History of the Life and Travels of Rabban Sâwmâ, Envoy and Plenipoten32

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 5. Candidates for Election

Canon law forbade electing the patriarch from among the bishops; 38 he should be a monk, a presbyter or a deacon. 39 Until the year 1222, this rule had been mostly respected. 40 In Ignatius III Dawid, the first maphrian was consecrated patriarch, 41 and since then the maphrians have regarded it as their privilege to be clothed in this office. Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani (1232–1253) was so enraged at the election of another candidate that he did not shy away from a schism in order to preserve his patriarchal status. 42 Thus, in spite of the opposing canons, 43 “either the maphrian was elevated to patriarchy, or ordained the one whom he deemed appropriate.” 44 Originally, the bishops were to make three proposals for election, with the maphrian having the right of consent; 45 the election itself should be done by lot. 46 This was the way that Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh (1139), Michael I Rabo (1166)

tiary of the Mongol Khâns to the Kings of Europe, and Markôs Who as Mâr Yahbh-Allâhâ III Became Patriarch of the Nestorian Church in Asia, 152ff. 38 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 36. 39 Ibid – Michael I, for example, had been a monk; see “The Background of the Patriarchs” in the Appendix, p. 113 and the list of Syriac Orthodox patriarchs, p. 116. 40 For the exceptions, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis ClementinoVaticana, Diss., 36f. 41 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:643. “He was the first maphrian to receive the patriarchy, for from the times of the apostles to the present day, no primate of the East has ever sat in the chair of the West,” Ibid, 2:397ff. – The choice of maphrians was due to the wish of bishops to reform the church, ibid, 1:645; see the section “Reform Efforts,” below, p. 67. See also p. 20n101. 42 Bar ʿEbroyo, 1:701ff. 43 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 37; 2:454. 44 Ibid, 2:466. 45 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:643. 46 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 34ff.

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and Athanasios VIII bar Ṣalibi Qroḥo (1199) were selected. 47 The proposed candidate was not always required to have accomplished anything special in the ecclesiastical sciences: Patriarch Athanasios VIII bar Ṣalibi Qroḥo (1199–1207) answered the call as a man who had the ability to successfully solve difficult church political tasks. 48 With him, as with Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid, who was elected in 1222, it was noted that they were affluent men. 49 Occasionally government agencies intervened in the election process; this was the case when disputes arose in the election of the patriarch Dionysius VII Ahrun ʿAngur in 1253; in the course of that election, the vizier of Aleppo ordered the bishops of Mesopotamia and Syria to vote for those candidates whom the bishop of Aleppo would designate to them. 50 6. Ordination

The ordination of a patriarch 51 was to take place according to a fixed ceremony: it was to be performed on a Sunday and resembled an episcopal ordination in its essential parts. If the patriarch had already held the episcopal ministry before his elevation, then the consecration itself was abolished: it was reBar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:491, 535, 609. 48 Ibid, 1:609. 49 Ibid, 1:643. 50 Ibid, 1:699; see also 697. – On the relationship between church and state, see the section “The Relationship of the Syriac Orthodox Church to the Non-Christian Environment” below, p. 78. 51 Heinrich Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 2 vols. (Würzburg: Typis et Sumptibus Stahelianis, 1863); Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana; Thomas Michels, Beiträge Zur Geschichte Des Bischofweihetages Im Christlichen Altertum Und Im Mittelalter, Liturgiegeschichteliche Forschungen 10 (Münster (Westf.): Aschendorff, 1927). 47

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placed by the bishops signing of a deed for the patriarch. 52 This was followed by the reading of the Prayer of St. Clement, imploring him for the assistance of the Holy Spirit. 53 The handingover of the crosier to the new patriarch followed; the bishops held the staff in the order of their age and raised the hand of the patriarch to the head of the staff, thus transferring symbolically the highest ecclesiastical power. The celebration concluded with a procession in which the patriarch, seated on a throne, was carried by the bishops through the church. At the same time the cry of the bishops and the people shouted: “He is worthy!” 54 We know from Michael II in 1199, that it was common for the new patriarch to ordain bishops immediately after this celebration. John XV bar Maʿdani, on the other hand, allowed several days to pass before he ordained Bishop Basilius of Aleppo as maphrian after his elevation to the patriarch in 1253. 55 Bar ʿEbroyo has described such an ordination for us, namely that of Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid in 1222. 56 His successor, Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur, had been archbishop of Melitene beBar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:3:45; The Syriac term for this document is sūsṭāṭīqōn (συστατικόν, epistola synodica), see Robert Payne Smith and J. P. Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, Supplemented (Oxford: E Typographeo Clarendoniano, 1879), 2573. 53 The references for this prayer are contained in the Syriac Pontificale are given in Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 1:573; 2:371n1; Examples of such prayers are in Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 2:100, 106. The author of this prayer is St. Clement. 54 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:645; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 39. 55 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:611, 709; The Church of the East catholicos also ordained some deacons immediately after his ordination, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 22ff., see above, 14n37. 56 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:645. 52

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fore his elevation to the patriarch. Bar ʿEbroyo reproached him for repeating the consecration. 57 It was no longer dubious for a bishop to ascend to the patriarchy; in his Nomocanon this changed view already finds its legal formulation. 58 7. Name Change

Like the bishops and metropolitans, the patriarchs also assumed an official name when they took office, 59 as was the old custom. 60 Michael I Rabo’s nephew Yeshuʿ Sephtono also assumed the name of Michael as patriarch, so that perhaps, as Bar ʿEbroyo said, some of his uncle’s good fortune would cling to him. 61 One of the few patriarchs to retain their former name was Michael I who kept the name he had as abbot. 62 A double name change was, like double ordination, inadmissible, 63 nevertheless, it occasionally happened: Saliba bar Yaʿqub was consecrated Bishop of Aleppo in 1246 with the episcopal name of Basilius; when he became maphrian in 1253, he took the name of Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ. 64 It would have followed canon law if, as maphrian, he had continued with his episcopal name. Ibid, 1:701. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:3:44ff. 59 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:749. See the section “Metropolitans and Bishops” below, p. 31. 60 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:325; Diss., 42– 43 (9th century). On name changes (without ordination) by the Church of the East, see Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 41. Name changes by the Patriarch of Alexandria were rare. 61 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:611. 62 Ibid, 1:535, 541. 63 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:383; Diss., 43. 64 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:669ff.; 2:417. 57 58

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 8. Confession of Faith & Visit of the Titular Churches

After the ordination, the patriarch composed a confession of faith, one copy of which he gave to the bishop who presided at the electoral synod for safekeeping 65 and another he sent to the Patriarch of Alexandria, 66 which was the prerequisite for recognition in Egypt. Patriarch Michael I Rabo mentions that he fulfilled this duty. 67 But only rarely did the political situation make it possible for the patriarch to pay a visit to his titular church of Antioch. We know from Michael I that he did so in 1168. 68 9. Official Powers

In addition to ordaining the bishops in his dioceses, 69 the patriarch was able to ordain the maphrian for the East. 70 When some bishops independently carried out the elevation of a maphrian, during the reign of the Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ (1264–1282), Bar ʿEbroyo described it as an unusual and unheard of occurrence in the West, that western bishops should elevate a maphrian without the patriarch and without the consent of the East. 71 The patriarch also had the right to consecrate the holy oil (myron). 72 He was also authorized to convene synAssemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 41. Ibid. 67 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:541–543. 68 Ibid, 1:543ff. Michael was also in Antioch in the years 1173, 1178, and 1179, see Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 567 and below, p. 76 – on the letter of recognition to be obtained by the Caliph, etc. see the section “The State Diploma for the Leaders of the Church” below, p. 78. 69 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:545. See also the ordination lists in the notes of Michael’s Chronicle. 70 Ibid, 1:655ff.; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 30ff.; 2:380, 421. 71 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:757. 72 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 3:1:16; Assemani, Biblio65 66

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ods 73 and legislate for his dioceses. 74 He guarded the observance of canon laws; 75 for example, he ordered the removal of bishops guilty of a crime. 76 When a bishop wanted to resign his office for health reasons, he required the approval of the patriarch, 77 and under Patriarch Michael I Rabo, the maphrian was also subject to a certain spiritual supervision from the patriarch. When questions of jurisdiction arose between the two, the patriarch succeeded in summoning the maphrian to a synod in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo: he reproached him for violating church law, and the theca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 30; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:545. The consecration of the oil is described in Nom. 3:4:17; it could only be done by a patriarch, maphrian, or metropolitan. The composition of the oil is given in Nom. 3:3:16–17. On the tradition associated with the use of the oil, which was attributed to the apostles, see George Percy Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals, with a Narrative of a Mission to Mesopotamia and Coordistan in 1842–1844 and of a Late Visit to Those Countries in 1850, 2 vols. (London: Joseph Masters, 1852), 2:408. For an overview, see Philipp Hofmeister, Die Heiligen Öle in Der Morgen-Und Abendländischen Kirche : Eine Kirchenrechtlich-Liturgische Untersuchung, Das Östliche Christentum 6–7 (Würzburg: Augustinus-Verlag, 1948). See also PO 3, 1, 34. 73 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:378/719, 387/724. 74 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:543. 75 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:378/719. 76 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:543. Of course, he imposed only spiritual punishments: the leaders of the Zoroastrians and Jews were secular rulers, according to the Syriac Orthodox patriarch in 850 while in an audience with the Caliph; he, on the other hand, was a spiritual ruler and could only impose spiritual punishments: removing their rank for bishops and priests, because the church renounced secular things, Ibid, 1:369; Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 31. 77 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:372/715.

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maphrian clarified his submission in writing. 78 However, the patriarchal authority had boundaries in regards to the maphrian. For example, the patriarch was not allowed to enter the territory of maphrian on government affairs. 79 The patriarch was also the chief overseer of the monasteries of his dioceses and could grant them special benefits. 80 Under Patriarch Michael I Rabo, the Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo was relieved temporarily of the jurisdicial oversight of the patriarch. 81 The office of the patriarch manifested the unity of the church and it is remarkable that, despite the many various disputes that arose over time about this office, the feeling of its importance among the bishops was never extinguished. 82 Of course, it always took a strong personality to do justice to these tasks of the patriarchal office, which was in not at all responsible to the bishops and could only be dismissed for heresy. 83 10. Official Garb

The patriarch's official insignia included the miter (maṣnaptā), which was placed on his head during ordination, 84 and the staff

Ibid, 3:376/718ff. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41. 80 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:367/712. 81 Ibid, 3:367/713. 82 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:643. 83 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss. 47. On that, see Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:387/724. 84 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:621. Patriarch Ignatius III left several miters, the height of which are emphasized, ibid, 1:693. See Joseph Braun, Die Liturgische Gewandung Im Occident Und Orient Nach Ursprung Und Entwicklung, Verwendung Und Symbolik (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herdersche Verlagshandlung, 1907), 50– 78 79

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(shabbuqtā), which was furnished with a gold pommel, however a silver one was also used. 85 In addition to the official vestments (ṭeksā), he had Mass vestments (painā) and stoles (ʾurārā). The vestments were made of silk 86 and were white in color. 87 The patriarch in full regalia was an impressive sight. We know how impressed Hulagu was in 1264 when Patriarch Ignatius IV and Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo, both of them with all the badges of their high rank, paid him an official visit. The impression was heightened by the fact that the bishops of the entourage had not put on any official garb. 88 11. Travel

The exercise of his office and the absence of a permanent residence required almost uninterrupted journeys for the patriarch. A stay of several years in the same place is relatively rare. On these journeys, bishops were ordained, 89 oil was consecrated, 90 new canons were enacted, 91 and synods were held. 92 Theological disputes of the Syriac Orthodox with the Greek Orthodox necessitated a theological statement from the patriarch; 93 in addition,

51, which shows a miniature from a Syriac pontifical of 1239, depicting the ordination action. 85 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:693. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid, 1:625. See Braun, Die Liturgische Gewandung Im Occident Und Orient Nach Ursprung Und Entwicklung, Verwendung Und Symbolik, 601– 608: “Die Stola in den Riten des Ostens.” 88 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:755. 89 Bar ʿEbroyo, 1:545. Michael I ordained 550 bishops, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166– 1199), 3:480/767. 90 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:545. 91 Ibid, 1:543. 92 Ibid, 1:545. 93 Ibid, 1:563ff.; see the section “Greek Orthodox,” below, p. 75.

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ecclesiastical buildings were established or supported by him. 94 He would be called by other churches as an arbiter, 95 or he might have to redefine the boundaries of some diocese. 96 12. Decline of the Office

Among other things, the general decline of the church in the age meant that sometimes the patriarchal office was taken over reluctantly. Patriarch Michael I Rabo regarded the patriarchy as an unbearable office 97 and would only accept it only with the promise that the canons of the holy fathers would be remembered. 98 His election [as patriarch] almost failed on this account. Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo (1208–1220) fled when he learned of the intention to make him patriarch and had to be ordained by force. 99 Others, however, were less reluctant because they did not make such high demands on themselves; we know Patriarch Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh (1139–1166) disregarded the church laws which were enacted in 1155 by a reform synod at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo: 100 “He and the western bishops did not stick to it; rather, they continued to sell their priestly ministry, as the Armenians did, according to their old custom,” 101 so that Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:563ff. See the section “Church Building Projects” below, p. 58. 95 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:353/705. See the section “Armenian Orthodox” below, p. 70. 96 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515. 97 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:387/724. 98 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:537. 99 Ibid, 1:619ff. 100 See the section “Reform Efforts” below, p. 67. 101 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515. A certain rivalry between the easterners on one hand and the westerners and Armenians on the other is apparent from such remarks; in the east, they were spoken of more devoutly, for this, see above, p. 14n41. See also p. 65. 94

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even the clergy wrote mocking songs about the patriarch, in which they called him a fat banker. 102 13. Financial Conditions

For many reasons, the higher clergy often found themselves in financial distress, and the remedies they used to try and relieve this distress with were not always honorable. Thus, in 1208, the bishops, with the newly elected Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo, wearing the marks of his office, travelled through Tur ʿAbdin to take up a collection. With the presence of the patriarch, they wanted to induce the faithful to particularly generous gifts. The patriarch is said to have said tearfully, “Woe to me, I'm just a bear for you to use to fetch pennies.” 103 Often the patriarchs were not exempt from such financial distress: the abovementioned independence of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo sprang from the desire of the monks to withdraw the monastic treasure from the access of the patriarchs. Patriarchs had often withdrawn silver objects from them or borrowed gold as loans without having to repay them. 104 Bar ʿEbroyo may have been thinking of the many detriments which may otherwise have arisen from these troublesome circumstances when he wrote the words for the initiated among the monks, “If man knew the damages caused by wealth, he would not desire to acquire it. They include cunning and stalking from princes, thieves and robbers; and envy from brothers…” 105 Under such circumstances, it was good if the patriarch was independently wealthy; then he could actively intervene against ecclesiastical abuses. It is said that Patriarch Ignaṭius II (1222– 1252) he was famous among the poor because of his generosity Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515. Ibid, 1:631. 104 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:367/712. 105 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 36/555. 102 103

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and, in order to raise the spiritual level of the church, employed teachers everywhere at his own expense. 106 The significant construction activity 107 would also occasionally have been financed by the patriarch's personal resources. We know this from Michael I. 108 14. Death of the Patriarch

If a patriarch died, he was buried in the church of a monastery or diocese. 109 Patriarch Michael I Rabo’s grave was the northern altar of the church of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo which was built during his lifetime. 110 The priests assisting at the funeral were paid a determined fee. 111 The bishops had no official authority over the monasteries in which a patriarch lay buried. 112 It was overseen by the patriarch when the monastery lay to the West; if it lay in the East, it was under the maphrian. 113 For the successor Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:671, See the list of Syriac Orthodox building projects from 1150–1300 in the Appendix below, p. 108. 108 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:563. 109 Patriarch Michael I in the church of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo (1199), ibid, 1:605; Patriarch Ignatius II in the Armenian church in Qalʿa Rumayta (1252), ibid, 1:693. 110 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 1:xvi (introduction); See also Ernst Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 52–76: “Le Couvent de Barṣaumā, Résidence et Sépultre des Patriarches Jacobites”. 111 One hundred dinars at the death of Patriarch III (1252), Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:695. 112 For example, the Dura Monastery in which Patriarch Yuḥanon XI Mawdyono was buried in 1137, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:247/620. See Robert Payne Smith and J. P. Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, for the entry ḥarrar, 1356. 113 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:59. 106 107

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of the patriarch, the Nomocanon prescribed the respective heir to the office, 114 and when Patriarch Ignaṭius III died in 1252, this procedure was followed. 115 15. The Patriarchate in the 13th Century

Disputed elections had already occurred in the beginning 116 and in the middle 117 of the thirteenth century, and it ended with three patriarchs facing off against each other. 118 Bar ʿEbroyo knew what he was doing when he rejected the patriarchal office and concluded his life as the primate of the East. 119

THE MAPHRIAN 1. Origin

The Syriac Orthodox attributed the beginnings of the maphrianate to the apostles Addai and Mari; 120 though historically speaking, this office only appears with Maphrian Marutha of Tagrit (c. 630). 121 Nevertheless, the medieval maphrians felt themselves to be successors to the holy apostles. 122 Ibid, 1:2:5. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:693ff. 116 Ibid, 1:611. 117 Ibid, 1:695ff. 118 Ibid, 1:781; see also above, note 3 on p. 13. 119 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:457. 120 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:11–19; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:387ff.; Diss., 51ff.; See Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:122; For the following, see also Paul Hindo, Primats d’Orient Ou Catholicos Nestoriens et Maphriens Syriens, Codeifcazione Canonica Orientale (Rome: Congregazione per la Chiesa Orientale, 1936), 33–84 “Des Maphriens Jacobites”. 121 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:117ff.; see above, pp. 2–3. 122 Ibid, 2:419ff. 114 115

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 2. Residence

Until the year 1089, the maphrians resided in Tagrit on the Tigris. In that year, the local church was destroyed by Muslims and the maphrian moved his seat to Mosul. 123 In 1155, there was tension with the local Muslim prefect and the parishes of Tagrit, Mosul-Nineveh, and Dayro d-Mor Matay were merged into a single diocese under the maphrian. 124 Therefore the maphrian moved into Dayro d-Mor Matay. 125 It was customary, however, for the maphrian to visit his titular seat, Tagrit. When Maphrian Ignatius III Dawid (1215–1222) did so, he was highly celebrated by the people of Tagrit, but the songs sung by the Christians and the crosses attached to the lances gave many local Muslims cause to riot against the maphrian and the Christians. 126 For this reason, no maphrian entered Tagrit for the next sixty years, until Bar ʿEbroyo resumed the old custom in 1277 under Mongol rule. 127 The caliph issued an edict in 1016, 128 which prevented the maphrian, like the patriarch, from residing in Baghdad; he was only allowed to stay there temporarily for visits to his faithful. The Church of the East was insuring that only their chief shepherd had his residence in the imperial capital. 129 Once, however, a maphrian lingered in Baghdad for seven years; namely, Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani, who was there from 1237 to 1244. 130 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 55. Ibid, 2:451. 125 Ibid, Diss. 55f. 126 Ibid, 2:389. 127 Ibid, 2:447.; see the section “The Relationship to Mongol Authorities” below, p. 88. 128 Wiltsch, Handbuch Der Kirchlichen Geographie Und Statistik von Den Zeiten Der Apostel Bis Zu Dem Anfange Des Sechzehnten Jahrhunderts, 1:464; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 56. 129 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss, 56; but see above, p. 3n17. 130 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:409; see below, p. 30n207. 123 124

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3. Title

The maphrian held various kinds of names and titles. 131 “Great metropolitan of the East” seems to be a very ancient name. 132 He was either “archbishop,” “metropolitan,” 133 “catholicos,” 134 or “maphrian” of Tagrit, after which often came "and the East," based on his official residence. 135 The names “archbishop” 136 or “maphrian” 137 of the East are similar. In 1155, the title “archbishop of Mosul-Nineveh 138 appears. To the displeasure of the Church of the East, the maphrian was sometimes called simply “catholicos;” 139 Bar ʿEbroyo especially claimed this title on occasion. 140 In the West, the name “primate of the East” was used. 141 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 53–54. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:25; Stig Wikander, Feuerpriester in Kleinasien Und Iran, Acta Regiae Societatis (Lund: Gleerup, 1946), 25 indicates that, in the late Assyrian period, a mobad (fire-priest) over the whole East existed. 133 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:307/654. 134 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:407. The Church of the East catholicos, in turn, is often called patriach, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 22. 135 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:407. 136 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:403/733. 137 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 54. 138 Ibid, Diss. 102. 139 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:435ff. 140 See p. 9 above, when “eminence” (rabbūtā) is used as the salutation, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:697. All the ministers in the episcopacy were entitled to the designation “mor” (monsignor), ibid, 1:1n1 – The title “maphrian” is, in form, an active participle aphel of the root prj and is actually called the “impregnator” with respect to his function of ordaining the bishops. Abramowski notes that he would like to translate it as “ordinator” or “auxiliary bishop,” but I do not consider the latter translation to be good, Rudolf 131 132

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Abramowski, Dionysius von Tellmahre, Jacobitischer Patriarch von 818– 845: Zur Geschichte Der Kirche Unter Dem Islam, vol. 2, Abhandlungen Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes 25 (Leipzig: FA Brockhaus, 1940), 85. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 54, says quite rightly: “Maphriana, idest, foecunditatem tribuens (Maphrian, that is, he who bestows fecundity)”. Montgomery, citing Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:2:666, remarks that Assemani is aware of the liturgical vestments of the Church of the East, and others of which the “Maaphra” speaks: “The Jacobite patriarch (sic) is called maphrian (sic),” Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 45n1. He wants to derive the title maphrian from maʿprā (pallium). This derivation, which was first set up by Sachs, was already discussed by G. H. Bernstein in his discussion of Sachs's work, Michael Sachs, Beiträge Zur Sprach- Und Altertumsforschung: Aus Jüdischen Quellen, vol. 1–2 (Berlin: Veit und Comp., 1852); Georg Heinrich Berstein, “Review of Sachs,” Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1855, 878–79. According to Sachs, the title “maphrian” is to be traced back to maʿpūrā (dust cloth, festal robe) in the Talmud coming from the root ʿpr (dust) and referring to the pluviale (syr. maʿprā) given to bishops and patriarchs at ordination. The title was originally maʿprāyānā. Bernstein remarks: 1. Not only the maphrian, but also bishops and monks wore such a maʿprā. 2. The title would then have to be maʿprānā, not mapryānā, where for no reason the ʿ is ejected and a y is inserted. 3. The title “maphrian” comes from ʾaprī (Aph.), the meaning of which is: 1. to fertilize, 2. to bring forth fruits (also of poems and books), 3. (improperly) to give consecration, to ordain. – On the liturgical garment named maʿprā (maaphra), see Braun, Die Liturgische Gewandung Im Occident Und Orient Nach Ursprung Und Entwicklung, Verwendung Und Symbolik, 50, 235, 494 (with images). 141 For examples, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis ClementinoVaticana, Diss., 51; 2:414; Michael Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, in Quatuor Patriarchatus Digestus; Quo Exhibentur Ecclesiae, Patriarchae, Caeterique Praesules Totius Orientis, vol. 1–3 (Paris: Typographia Regia, 1740), 2:1533–1534.

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4. Jurisdiction

Bar ʿEbroyo gives a theoretical demarcation of the area the maphrians oversaw in his Ecclesiastical Chronicle. 142 There he states, by 630, there were thirteen dioceses in his jurisdiction, 143 some of which 144 appear to have been added later than others. In the period from 1150 to 1300, we know of eighteen dioceses belonging to him. 145 Their realm included Mesopotamia, ancient Assyria and Adharbayjān; 146 in the west, the boundary was the Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:123; see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 52ff. 143 These are: 1. Arabia, 2. Arzun, 3. Beth Nuhadra, 4. Beth Ramman, 5. Gazarta d-Qardu, 6. Gumal, 7. Karma, 8. Melitene, 9. Piroz Shabur, 10. Sharzul, 11. Shigar, 12. the Bani Taghlib Arabs, 13. Dayro d-Mor Matay with Nineveh, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:123; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 52ff.; see Wiltsch, Handbuch Der Kirchlichen Geographie Und Statistik von Den Zeiten Der Apostel Bis Zu Dem Anfange Des Sechzehnten Jahrhunderts, 1:466; 2:152, 374. Regarding #12, see below, p. 96n88. 144 Specifically: 1. Gumal, 2. Melitene, 3. Piroz Shabur, 4. Sharzul, 5. Shigar 145 These are: 1. Adharbayjān, 2. Baghdad, 3. Beth ʿArabaye, 4. Beth Ramman, 5. Beth Nuhadra, 6. Beth Rumono, 7. Beth Ṣayyade, 8. Gazarto d-Qardu, 9. Habora, 10. Ḥadito, 11. Karma 12. Mosul, 13. Nisibis, 14. Siston (Segestan) (?), 15. Tabriz, 16. Tagrit, 17. Tell ‛Afar, 18. Urmia. See the list of Syriac Orthodox dioceses from 1150–1300 in the Appendix below, p. 96. 146 This corresponded approximately to the same area as the Church of the East catholicos later, Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:122. In this period, however, the jurisdiction of the East Syriac, Church of the East chair of Seleucia-Ctesiphon ranged from Ciaro to Beijin and from southern Siberia to Sri Lanka, see above, p. 3n18 and Peter Kawerau, “Zur Kirchengeschichte Asiens,” in Stat Crux Dum Volvitur Orbis: Festschrift Zum 60. Geburtstag von Landesbischof Hanns Lilje (Berlin: Renner, 1959), 68–76. This explains Bar ʿEbroyo's preference for the “catholicos” title. For the later period, see Peter Kawerau, “Die Nestorianischer Patriar142

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line between Habora, Nisibis, and Arzun. The Syriac Orthodox who dwelt in these lands are called Easterners by Bar ʿEbroyo, as opposed to Westerners 147 who were subordinate to the Patriarch. The canonical chief clergyman of the Easterners was the maphrian. 148 Their numbers had increased dramatically, chate in Der Neueren Zeit,” Zeitschrift Für Kirchengeschichte 67 (1956 1955): 119–31. 147 The Syriac expressions are madnḥā (east) and maʿrbā (west). In this sense, the terms “Eastern” and “Western” are used here; they must not be confused with the self-designation of the Church of the East or the (Greek) Eastern Orthodox Church: Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:701; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:305n1. See Abramowski, Dionysius von Tellmahre, Jacobitischer Patriarch von 818–845: Zur Geschichte Der Kirche Unter Dem Islam, 106 – 110: Certain differences existed between Eastern and Westerners, including types of rituals, Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 5:2:30 (beginning of Lent). The consequent conclusions for the period of the Nomocanon are given in Carlo Alfonso Nallino, “Il Diritto Musulmano Nel Nomocanone Siriaco Cristiano Di Barhebreo,” Rivista Degli Studi Orientali 9 (1923): 512–80, , 524ff.; see also above, p. 7n63. For the term madnḥā (East) see Matthew 2:2; Jacob Obermeyer, Die Landschaft Babylonien Im Zeitalter Des Talmuds Und Des Gaonats: Geographie Und Geschichte Nach Talmudischen, Arabischen Und Andern Quellen, Schriften Der Gesellschaft Zur Förderung Der Wissenschaft Des Judentums 30 (Frankfurt am Main: I. Kauffmann, 1929), 45, “Palästina, der 'Westen' der Babylonier;” Jean-Pierre Paulin Martin, “Syriens Orientaux et Occidentaux, Essai Sure Les Deux Principaux Dialects Araméens,” Journal Asiatique April-May 1872 (1872): 305–483, ; Hindo, Primats d’Orient Ou Catholicos Nestoriens et Maphriens Syriens, 1; Pascal Tekeyan, Controverses Christologiques En Arméno-Cilicie Dans La Seconde Moitié Du XIIe Siècle (1165–1198), Orientalia Christiana Analecta 124 (Rome: Pont. institutum orientalium studiorum, 1939), 42ff.; Carlo Alfonso Nallino, “Filosofia ‘orientale’ Od ‘Illuminata’ d’Avicenna?,” Rivista Degli Studi Orientali 10 (1925 1923): 433–67, 454ff. 148 According to Eduard Sachau, Syrische Rechtsbücher, 3 vols. (Berlin: Reimer, 1907), 1:187. Bar ʿEbroyo understands the patriarchal territory of Constantinople to the west and that of Antioch to be incorrect.

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first because of the Arab invasion and later again by the Mongol conquest. 149 5. Election

There was no traditional place for the maphrian to be elected. The usual course of election was that the bishops of the East agreed with the monks of Dayro d-Mor Matay and notable citizens of Mosul upon a candidate. 150 He was chosen by the bishops in the East 151 and then sent to the patriarch who ordained him for the East 152 and sent him back again. However, a valid election could take place in the West; Bar ʿEbroyo was elected in Cilicia in 1264. 153 In one case, the place of election was even chosen by lot. 154 Because they had the right to ordain the maphrian, the patriarchs sometimes tried to claim the authority to appoint him. Thus, in 1189, Patriarch Michael I Rabo ordained his nephew Yeshuʿ Sephtono as maphrian without consulting the Easterners and against their will, 155 causing a schism that lasted nearly fifteen years. This was strange, since this patriarch otherwise paid special attention to the preservation of the ecclesiastical canons. In other cases, the patriarch suggested a candidate to the Easterners and they then gave their consent. This is what Patriarch Ignaṭius III Dawid did for Maphrian Dionysius II. 156 Other times, however, the Easterners simply asked for the ordination of a maphrian, without giving the patriarch a particular suggesAssemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 53 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:377. 151 Ibid, 1:757. 152 Ibid, 2:403. 153 Ibid, 2:433. 154 Ibid, 1:757; see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 34–36. 155 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:377ff.; see above, p. 6. 156 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:401ff. 149 150

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tion, 157 and he would then choose a suitable clergyman. It also happened that a maphrian designated his successor to office during his lifetime; Bar ʿEbroyo reports that he had been selected by Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani (1232–1253) years prior as his successor. The provision in his own Nomocanon that a bishop should not appoint his own successor 158 shows the difference between theory and practice. 159 In disputed elections, the state authorities intervened and took sides with one candidate. 160 6. Candidates

The office of the maphrian was only allowed to be transferred to a man who originally came from the West. 161 This provision recalls the custom of the Patriarchate of Alexandria to raise only an Egyptian to the office of the Metropolitan of Abyssinia. 162 The choice of a monk from Dayro d-Mor Matay for maphrian in 1188 was therefore only permissible if he was not native to the Ibid, 2:407. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:2:43. 159 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:749. 160 Ibid, 2:377–385; see the section “The Relationships of the Syriac Orthodox Church to the non-Christian Environment,” below, p. 78. 161 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss. 37; see also ibid, 2:373. 162 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:657; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss. 31; concerning the Ethiopian regulation, Johann Dominikus Mansi, Sacrorum Cociliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, 84 vols. (Florence and Paris: Société nouvelle d’édition de la collection Mansi, 1493), 2:964, 994; see Johann Kraus, Die Anfänge Des Christentums in Nubien (Mödling in Vienna: Mödling, 1930), 85–86; Isidor Silbernagl, Verfassung Und Gegenwärtiger Bestand Sämtlicher Kirchen Des Orients: Eine Kanonistisch-Statistische Abhandlung, 2nd ed. (Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1904) 295–296; Bernard Velat, “Un Grand Dignitaire de l’église Éthiopienne; l’abouna,” Les Cahiers Coptes 4 (1953): 13–20. 157 158

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East. 163 Nowhere was it specifically forbidden for a maphrian to have been a bishop before his election. 164 Ignatius IV (1253– 1258) and Bar ʿEbroyo (1264–1286) both held this office before becoming maphrian. On the other hand, according to canon law, the maphrian should be excluded from the patriarchal office; it has been noted above how far this rule was respected. An essential qualification for the maphrian was the knowledge of the Arabic language and writing. The monk Lazarus (Ignatius II, 1143–1164), who was proposed for maphrian, pointed to his ignorance of Arabic. 165 After his election, he immediately began to learn this language. 166 Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani (1232–1253) did the same 167 and Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo’s fluency in Arabic is well known. 7. Ordination

Although the election of maphrians was a prerogative of the Easterners, his ordination was that of the patriarch. This had not always been the case. As early as 200 AD, the Eastern bishops had asserted that their chosen metropolitan was also to be ordained by them in the East and therefore did not need to go to Antioch. 168 During the period when the East had separated from the seat of Antioch, the Armenian catholicos had ordained the maphrian. 169 Even in the seventh century, the bishops of the East

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:377ff. In theory, the maphrian was really a metropolitan, see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio BarHebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:3. An overview of the origin of the maphrian is in the Appendix below, p. 113. 165 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:333. 166 Ibid, 2:337. 167 Ibid, 2:411. 168 Ibid, 2:25. 169 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:29/494. 163 164

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consecrated their leaders themselves. 170 In the era of Bar ʿEbroyo, however, the participation of the patriarch was indispensable. When Western bishops tried to establish a countermaphrian in 1264, Bar ʿEbroyo described it as something completely unheard of because the patriarch did not participate, nor were the Easterners consulted to give their consent. 171 Now, there was an exception, when, in the schism of 1189, the Maphrian was ordained by the Eastern bishops in Dayro d-Mor Matay: 172 Patriarch Michael I Rabo consecrated a rival candidate in the monastery of Mor Domitius II. 173 Maprian Ignatius III Dawid (1215) 174 was ordained in the ordinary way by the patriarch. Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo can be considered as exemplary; in line with ecclesiastical laws, he came from Melitene in the West, had the approval of the Easterners, 175 was appointed by the patriarch, and solemnly ordained in the Cathedral of Sis in Lesser Armenia. 176 King Hethum I of Lesser Armenia, the royal princes with their knights, many Armenian bishops and vartabets, 177 and many other people attended the celebration. The new maphrian gave a sermon on the high priesthood, which he based on Psalm

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:121; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41. 171 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:757; see above, p. 15. 172 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:377–385. 173 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:403/732. 174 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:389. 175 Elected by an episcopal synod in Cilicia in 1264, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:431, also 1:745. 176 Ibid, 2:433. 177 Or vardapet (Armenian), a preacher and teacher, διδάσκαλος, see Hauck, Realencyklopädie Für Protestantische Theologie Und Kirche, 2:85.

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139:5. 178 The sermon was immediately translated into Armenian in the church. Bar ʿEbroyo remembered this day as a very special event. 179 8. Name Change

Like the patriarch, maphrian assumed a new official name during ordination. Therefore, Barṣawmo Ṣafī, the brother and successor of Bar ʿEbroyo, chose the name Grigorios, which his brother had before, “since the name Gregory had been read for so many years in all the churches of the East, 180 he did not want to think that his brother’s name would be abolished under his reign, and therefore took the name of Gregory.” 181 In other cases, the official name was given to the new maphrian by the patriarch, as Patriarch Yuḥanon bar Maʿdani did in 1253, when he ordained the Maphrian Ignatius III. 182 9. Recognition in the East

The new maphrian now had to be recognized in his diocese and confirmed by the state rulers. 183 First, he usually went to Mosul,

= Ps. 138:5 in the Vulgate. The wording in the Syriac text does not correspond exactly to the Hebrew. 179 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:751. 180 In the Δίπτυχον, the list of names for whom the Church prayed for, and were read during the liturgy (for these see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 879, 890). It contained six canons, the first of which contained the names of the heads of the church, see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58; Vacant, Mangenot, and Amann, Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, 1045–1094. 181 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:491. 182 Ibid, 1:709. 183 See the section about “The State Diploma for the Church Leaders” below, p. 78. 178

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where he sought the confirmation of the prefect. 184 This was the prerequisite for the installation ceremony in the Dayro d-Mor Matay, which was performed by the abbot and the monks of the monastery. On the ascent to the monastery, the maphrian had to undergo some humiliating ceremonies which were imposed on him by the monks; 185 he had to kiss a stone on the way when the monks gave him a sign, as well as the threshold of the monastery when he entered. 186 At the installation of Maphrian Ignatius III in 1253, the prefect of Mosul’s letter of recognition could not be brought in time, due to an oversight, although it was ordered to be issued, so in order to humiliate the maphrian, the abbot of the monastery made him spend the night in the church while he went to his own cell. It was not until the following day and without the maphrian, who had already left the monastery, that the installation took place, but not without the maphrian having to endure abuses by the monks. 187 These customs were abolished only in 1288 under Maphrian Grigorios Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:381, 389, 491. Maphrian Gregorios I Jacob, who had been elevated in a disputed election in 1189, was initially unable to enter Mosul: he had to take up residence in the Church of the East's Mar Michael Monastery until he had amassed gifts for the prefect, ibid, 2:377–385, see also below, p. 74. An Arabic vita of Mor Michael with a history of the monastery is found in Weil, Festschrift Eduard Sachau Zum Siebzigsten Geburtstage, 61: “Vie des Saints Martyrs d'Orient.” 2:121ff.; see also Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:1:266, 271ff. 185 These customs seem to have had a long history; they may even go back to the time of Maphrian Basilius (beginning of 9th century), who could not bear to see that Dayro d-Mor Matay chose its own Metropolitan. (for the beginning of the Metropolitan, see below, note 209 on p. 31). The insults that this maphrian inflicted upon the monastery led to clashes in which the maphrian of the monks castigated the maphrian and the patriarch, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199,) 3, 29/494f. 186 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:419, 491. 187 Ibid, 2:421. 184

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III; 188 after all, they were by no means in accordance with the rules of the Nomocanon, according to which the abbot and monks of Mor Matay were to obey the maphrian. 189 Following this, the proclamation of maphrian took place in the churches of his jurisdiction. 190 The maphrian went on a journey through parts of his diocese; people handed him monetary donations 191 and at one point a mule was given to him as a tribute. The order of places to visit on this trip was fixed. 192 10. Official Garb

The official garb of the Maphrians (ʼeskimo, Greek σχῆμα) was probably a white silk vestment, 193 as the patriarch wore. It is mentioned that the maphrian possessed special signs of his rank; 194 unfortunately, we do not know what they were. 11. Rights and Duties

The powers of maphrian in the East were to correspond to those of the patriarch in the West. 195 As the leader of the church, he had the right to have his name proclaimed in the churches of his dioceses 196 and he had to ordain the metropolitans and bishops Ibid, 2:491. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41, 60. 190 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:359, 419ff.. 191 Ibid, 2:421ff. 192 Ibid, 2:345; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss. 56. 193 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:385, 435. 194 Ibid, 1:755; see Hindo, Primats d’Orient Ou Catholicos Nestoriens et Maphriens Syriens, 77–79. 195 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss. 51, 56; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:xviii. 196 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:39. 188 189

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of his area. 197 If he was present at a synod in the West, he had precedence over all the metropolitans, 198 and like the patriarch, he had the right to consecrate the holy oil. 199 We remember the miracle that occurred when Bar ʿEbroyo completed the consecration of the oil in Baghdad in 1265. 200 The maphrian was able to convene synods, 201 and most significantly, he had the power to ordain the patriarch. 202 If he met with him, he was the to sit at his right hand. 203 The maphrian’s powers were limited by certain restrictions. That he was – at least theoretically – excluded from the patriarchal office has been mentioned above. 204 He was not allowed to enter the territory of the patriarch on official business, nor perform official duties there. 205 This explains why it is particularly noted that when maphrian traveled to the West, he went there

Ibid, 7:1:39. Bar ʿEbroyo also ordained deacons in Baghdad in 1265, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:437. Throughout the whole of the second part of his Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, he mentions twelve episcopal ordinations he performed. 198 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:39. 199 Ibid, 3:1:16. 200 Above, p. 9. The consecration of oil took place at Easter. For Easter in Baghdad in 1265 and 1277, see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:435, 445. 201 Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani did so in 1253, Ibid, 1:701. 202 As determined at the Synod of Capharthutha in 869, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:203–205; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:437; Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41; see above, pp. 13–14. 203 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:203–205. 204 Above, pp. 14–15. 205 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41. 197

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to visit relatives. 206 Since the maphrian could not fully reside in Baghdad, he had to visit there frequently. 207 He was subject to certain restrictions concerning the division of his dioceses. True, he did have the opportunity to divide bishoprics. Maphrian John IV Sarugoyo (1164–1188) found himself compelled to divide a diocese for which he had to ordain two bishops: the one he himself wanted, the other which the people and sultan had wanted. 208 However, the unification of the two dioceses of Mosul and Tagrit into one was only possible with great difficulty and after years of effort. It required the consent of the patriarch and the signature of all the Eastern and Western bishops in order to achieve this union. 209 The maphrian had long had great difficulties with the Dayro d-Mor Matay. Historically, 210 the metropolitan of Mosul – the only metropolitan of the East 211 – was only allowed to raise a conventual of the monastery. This privilege had repeatedly provoked tensions. The monks charged the patriarch and As did Gregorios I in 1189 (Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:385) and Bar ʿEbroyo in 1268 (Ibid, 2:439). 207 See above, p. 21. Bar ʿEbroyo spent the entire summer of the year 1265 in Baghdad, (Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:435ff.). 208 Ibid, 2:362. See the section “The Relationship to the Muslim Authorities” below, p. 81. 209 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515. 210 During the separation of the Orient from the See of Antioch, Christophorus, the catholicos of the Armenians, had ordained the oriental metropolitan for Ashur and Nineveh (Mosul) with the authority to consecrate bishops, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:29/494. After reunification, this metropolis had been confirmed by the patriarchs; but the head of the church was the metropolitan of Tagrit (who was the maphrian), to whom Ashur-Nineveh was also responsible. 211 Except Tagrit. For the union between Tagrit and Mosul, which began in 1155, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 99–100, 102, and above, p. 21. 206

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maphrian with belittling the monastery's honor. 212 Although there could be no doubt that the abbot and conventual of the monastery were under the jurisdiction of the maphrian 213 – as Patriarch Michael I Rabo had reminded them, “under punishment of interdiction and excommunication” 214 – there were always complaints to be heard about the insubordination of the monastery. 215 Even the metropolitan of Mosul, who was ordained by the maphrian, 216 after the ordination no longer wanted to be under the jurisdiction of the maphrian, 217 but considered himself equal. “A destructive custom,” Patriarch Michael I Rabo commented. 218 Undoubtedly, the humiliations of maphrian by the monks of Mar Matay are related to such matters. 12. The Relationship of the Maphrian to the Patriarch

The quality of the personal relationships between the two highest Syriac Orthodox clerics to varied greatly. The relationship between Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ (1264–1282) and Bar ʿEbroyo, who was maphrian from 1264 to 1286 was extremely good. We hear that the patriarch sent a letter of congratulations to the maphrian for his recovery from a serious illness, 219 that they met for amicable exchanges of ideas, discussed ecclesiastical questions, and jointly decided on the re-districting of a dioMichael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:29/494. 213 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:41. 214 Ibid, 7:1:41. 215 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:307/654; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:337. 216 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:307/654. 217 Ibid, 3:307/654 218 Ibid, 3:307/654. 219 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:441. 212

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cese in the patriarchal see. 220 Bar ʿEbroyo was even allowed to perform acts of his office in the dioceses of the patriarch. He introduced the newly appointed archbishop of Melitene into his office and he was able to act as representative of the patriarch to the clergy. 221 When the patriarch was dying in 1282, he summoned Bar ʿEbroyo to come and administer the affairs of the patriarchate. 222 Maphrian Ignatius III Dawid (1215–1222), who had had to leave the East because of disputes, had been received by Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo (1208–1220) and had received the vacant archbishopric of Melitene from him, noting, “in all the seats of the West no one is like him.” 223 The relationship was not so edifying when the maphrian considered himself to be equal to the patriarch in every respect. Sometimes he had to accept rebuking for this, such as the Maphrian Dionysius Sleeba II (1222–1231) did. 224 His predecessor, Maphrian Ignatius Sleeba III of Edessa (1215–1222), upheld the honor of his position. At a meeting with the patriarch, he wanted to go back home again, because the patriarch had not come to meet with him for a while; here it was the yielding by the patriarch that avoided a rift. 225 However, if things came to an open break, as was the case with disputed elections, then the dispute could be conducted in a quite unspiritual manner. 226 13. Official Duties

Bar ʿEbroyo was not interested in such disputes. As maphrian, he rejected the patriarchal office as he desired a life of rest. “Another reason is,” he said, “that, as I pass through my Eastern Ibid, 1:769ff. Ibid, 1:769ff. 222 Ibid, 1:777. 223 Ibid, 2:397. 224 Ibid, 2:403. 225 Ibid, 2:395. 226 Ibid, 2:707ff. 220 221

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dioceses, the grace of God lives in full peace and I miss nothing, so that I would not have to flee like my predecessors. For though our time is full of tribulations, no one else has the peace that is granted to me in the East.” 227 Here he was free to devote himself to his scientific work, to explain the Almagest, 228 or to translate his world history into Arabic. 229 Ordinations, visitations, and caring for ecclesiastical buildings – monasteries, churches, and places of worship – allowed for a wide range of activities. 230 In addition, he practiced his medical art, which allowed him to use the Mongol state post. 231 The fact that he did not have to work under military control, 232 made life easier for a man who had to travel on business as the primate of the East. 233 Ibid, 2:457f. The East was under Mongol rule. Ibid, 2:443. This was probably a transcript of a spoken lecture he taught, see Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 318n5; Tkatsch, Die Arabische Übersetzung Der Poetik Des Aristoteles Und Die Grundlage Der Kritik Des Griechischen, 1:88b. 229 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:469. On the relationship of the Arabic translation to the Syriac original, see Anneliese Lüders, Die Kreuzzüge Im Urteil Syrischer Und Armenischer Quellen (Hamburg: Akademie-Verlag, 1952), 19–20. 230 See the list of Syriac Orthodox building projects from 1150–1300 in the Appendix, p. 108. 231 See Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 422ff.; see also Peter Olbricht, Das Postwesen in China Unter Der Mongolenherrschaft Im 13. Und 14. Jahrhundert, Göttinger Asiatische Forschungen 1 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1954). 232 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:753–755. 233 The following table shows the distances Bar ʿEbroyo travelled in his itinerary during the years 1264–1285: 1264 From Sis to the camp of the Ilkhanate, then to Mosul 1265 From Mosul to Baghdad and then back to Mosul 1266 From Mosul to Sis, then to Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, then back to Tabriz-Maragha-Mosul 1272 Mosul-Maragha-Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo-Cilicia-MeliteneMosul 227 228

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14. Funeral

Like the patriarchs, the maphrians were also buried in a church or monastery. 234 When Bar ʿEbroyo died in Maragha in 1286, the Church of the East catholicos, Yahbalaha III, ordered that no commerce take place and all the shops remained closed. 235 Church of the East bishops, Greeks, and Armenians prayed with Syriac Orthodox Christians at his coffin. He was then interred in the altar at the church where he used to pray during his lifetime. 236 His remains later found their final resting place in the Dayro d-Mor Matay in Mosul near Bartella, along with his deceased brother and successor Barṣawmo; 237 both grave-inscriptions can still be read on the wall of the monastery today. 238

1277 Mosul-Baghdad-Tagrit-Mosul 1279 Mosul-Maragha-Ilkhanate camp-Tabriz 1283 Mosul-Tabriz 1284 Tabriz-Mosul 1285 Mosul-Maragha 234 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:387; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:6:9. 235 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:473. 236 Ibid, 2:475. 237 Ibid, 2:491–493. 238 An image of the epitaphs is in Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, trans. Ernest Alfred Wallace Budge, 2 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1932), 1:lx; for a map of the grounds of the church at Dayro d-Mor Matay showing the exact location of the tomb of Bar ʿEbroyo, ibid, 1:lxi.

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METROPOLITANS AND BISHOPS 1. Number of Bishops

In the period 1150–1300, the patriarchate of Antioch – the West – comprised about 239 seventeen metropolises, which were divided into about thirty dioceses. At the head of all stood Melitene, which was considered the noblest archdiocese of the patriarchate. 240 Patriarchs Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur (1253–1261) and Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ (1283–1292) had been archbishops of Melitene before their elevation; the brother of Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid (1264–1282) was also Archbishop of Melitene. 2. The Metropolitan

Presbyters or bishops could be raised to the office of metropolitan. In the latter case, the voting synod only needed to issue a written election decree (συστατικόν); the ordination 241 was not repeated. 242 Twice a year, according to ecclesiastical law, 243 all of the clergy were supposed to come together for a synod chaired by the metropolitan, and everyone had the right to speak in it. 244 In addition to the patriarch and the maphrian, In some dioceses, it is not possible to determine whether they are metropolises or dioceses; see the list of Syriac Orthodox dioceses in the Appendix, p. 96. On the number of Eastern dioceses, see above, p. 23n145. 240 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:397; see above, p. 29. 241 For the ordination rite, see Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 2:93. 242 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:3:44–45; see above, p. 15. 243 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:2:41. 244 See Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 40; Bar ʿEbroyo wrote his Nomocanon for use in such synodal courts, Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antioch239

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the metropolitan also had the right to consecrate the sacred oil, 245 but there are no records of a metropolitan actually consecrating any oil; only patriarchs and maphrians are reported doing so. The prescribed regular synods are scarcely reported and the rule that bishops should only be ordained at a synod in the presence of the metropolitan 246 was not always followed. It seems that the metropolitan office was more of an honorary rank than an office that shaped the life of the church. 3. The Bishop

A bishop could be chosen from among the presbyters as well. 247 He was supposed to be at least thirty-five years old; 248 Bar ʿEbroyo was twenty years old when he was ordained a bishop. 249 Frequently the bishops emerged from monasticism. Behnam of Beth Nuhadra and Timothy of Baghdad, whom Bar ʿEbroyo ordained as bishops, 250 had been monks. Often trusted colleagues of patriarchs or maphrians were elevated to bishops 251 – a measure that seemed appropriate in view of ecclesiastical disputes. Thus, the diocese of Aleppo was transferred in 1253 to Dionysius of Guma, a disciple of Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid (1222– 1252). 252 His predecessor, Basilius, was a pupil of Metropolitan Dionysios of Melitene. In 1253, when he aspired to become patriarch, he wrote to his pupil in Aleppo, “If these foreign priests have already consented to my election, how much more you, enae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 15:5:268. 245 Ibid, 3:1:16. 246 Ibid, 7:3:44. 247 Ibid, 7:3:44 248 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 125. 249 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:669; 2:465. 250 In the years 1264 and 1265, ibid, 2:433, 437; see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss. 132. 251 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:637. 252 Ibid, 1:711ff.; see also ibid, 1:637.

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who are my spiritual son, educated and taught in my cell.”253 However, Basilius’s behavior did not live up to the expectations of his former teacher, and when Basilius, who had meanwhile become maphrian, died in 1258, Bar ʿEbroyo remarked, “He was reprimanded by all, especially because he resented Patriarch Dionysios who had raised him in his cell and had been his teacher since early youth.” 254 4. Election

It was considered to be the will of the Holy Spirit when the bishop was chosen by all the people. 255 In 1277, the monk Joseph was unanimously elected by the faithful as bishop of Tabriz 256 and then ordained by the maphrian. In other cases, the choice of the people was ignored, as in 1166, when all the people of the Arab diocese wished to see a certain monk made bishop, but the maphrian ordained another. 257 Often, however, there was no mention of the participation of the people and the patriarch staffed the dioceses with men of his choice; for example, in 1246, Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid had Bar ʿEbroyo cancel his studies in Tripoli and appointed him Bishop of Gubos. 258 In exactly the same way, Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ made Nemrod the archbishop of Melitene in 1273, without a popular election having taken place. 259 5. Ordination

The bishop should be ordained by two or three other bishops. He could only be ordained by a single bishop in case of an Ibid, 1:699. Ibid, 1:729. 255 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:2:42ff.; see above, p. 4. 256 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:445. 257 Ibid, 2:361ff. 258 Ibid, 1:669. 259 Ibid, 1:769ff. 253 254

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emergency; in such a case, the other bishops must have consented in writing. 260 In any case, the ordination should take place at a synod in the presence of the metropolitan. 261 For example, several bishops were ordained on the synod convened by Patriarch Michael I Rabo in 1171 at Dayro d-Mor Hananyo. 262 In general, ordinations were performed by patriarchs or by maphrians. 263 They did not take place on Sundays, but weekdays instead. 264 The bishop took on a new name. 265 The ordination was for a particular diocese and the bishop was forbidden from leaving it. 266 The diocese of the newly-consecrated bishop held an installation ceremony at the conclusion of the ordination. 267 Frequently, of course, bishops were ordained for episcopal functions without having their own diocese: they then received the name of a countryside as a title. 268 This seems to have been the case with

Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:3:44. 261 See above, pp. 31–32. 262 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:341/697. 263 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:671, 771; 2:433; see above, p. 17n69. 264 Specifically, Wednesdays, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:433; see also Michels, Beiträge Zur Geschichte Des Bischofweihetages Im Christlichen Altertum Und Im Mittelalter, 83–86. 265 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:437; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 42. 266 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:382/721. 267 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:771. 268 For similar customs in the Irish church, and corresponding conditions in the East, see George Thomas Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church: A History of Ireland from St. Patrick to the English Conquest in 1172, 7th ed. (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1928), 104–105; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregory Abu’l Faraj Commonly Called Bar-Hebraeus, Commentary on the Gospels from the Horreum Mysteriorum, trans. Wilmot Eardly W. Carr (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1925), xix. 260

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Bishop Baselios, ordained by Bar ʿEbroyo in 1277 in Nineveh, “for Dayro d-Matay over the diocese of Beth Takshur.” 269 There were cases of simony in the Syriac Orthodox Church. After the death of Bishop Baselios of Tabriz, some monks came to Bar ʿEbroyo and offered him money if he ordained them for that diocese. Bar ʿEbroyo declined this; but not because they wanted to win the consecration by paying money, but because they were too young and theologically uneducated. 270 In his Nomocanon, there is the provision, “A bishop, who receives his degree through money, is dismissed, along with his ordinator.” 271 6. Nepotism

Minors were frequently ordained as bishops, especially those who were relatives of higher clergy. Thus, in 1161, the aging bishop of Gihon demanded Patriarch Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh to ordain his minor nephew as his successor. He refused, however, because it was uncanonical. Then the bishop told him, “You ordained Joseph of Gargar 272 in place of his uncle and made him the heir of his diocese. Likewise, you have made the bishop of ʿArqa heir to the diocese of his uncle; you have ordained a child for the diocese of Laqabin who has not even reached the right age.” The patriarch then ordained the youth bishop of Gihon. When the aged bishop of Gubos also wished his nephew to be his successor, the patriarch also gave this episcopal ordination to him. 273 That same day, he had clothed Joseph of Gargar in the cowl and consecrated him as presbyter and bishop, even though it was well known that he led a dissolute Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:447. Ibid, 2:443; also, “Monks, who give bribes in order to obtain the office of abbot, are to be banned from the monastery,” Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio BarHebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58. 271 Ibid, 7:2:42. 272 Or Karkar. 273 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:523. 269 270

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life and was devoted to drinking. 274 This reality was very different from the ideal image of a bishop in the Nomocanon: he should be blameless, clever, chaste, mild, not greedy, not quarrelsome, but be distinguished by learning. 275 At times, a patriarch had reservations about ordaining a young child. After the death of Archbishop Gregory of Melitene in 1266, his brother, Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ, refused to ordain his nephew, Nemrod, as his successor because he was then an unreasonable child; 276 but a few years later he did assign to him the archdiocese of Melitene. 277 Such was the reality, even though ecclesiastical law contained provisions intended to prevent nepotism in the church. A bishop was not allowed to entrust relatives with the possession of ecclesiastical property, 278 to assign a religious rank to a relative, 279 and above all not give his episcopal office as an inheritance. 280 7. Deposition

A bishop who violated his official duties could be dismissed by the patriarch. This happened in 1167, when Patriarch Michael I Rabo relieved two bishops of their office because of various transgressions. 281 Likewise, Patriarch Ignatius IV forced Archbishop Athanasius of Melitene to retire in 1273 on the basis of Ibid, 1:521. Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:2:42ff. 276 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:761. 277 Ibid, 1:771. 278 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:2:5. 279 Ibid, 7:2:42. 280 Ibid, 7:2:43.; see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 58. 281 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:543; see see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 58–59. 274 275

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accusations raised against him by the people of Melitene. 282 The voluntary resignation of a bishop could also be granted by the patriarch 283 but it could also be withdrawn by him again. 284 When he took office in 1166, Patriarch Michael I Rabo had the bishops sign a document affirming their obedience. If they rebelled against him, they were to lose their episcopal rights immediately, especially those of ordination. 285 8. Rights and Duties

Like all clergymen with episcopal consecration, the bishops also bore the title of mor. 286 The enumeration of their rights and their duties takes up considerable space in the Nomocanon beginning with the right of the bishop to ordain, but he was only allowed to practice it in his own diocese. A transgression of this rule was to be punished by dismissal. 287 The right of electing the patriarch 288 and the power to convene synods were added to this. It is said that the bishop of Mardin convened a synod in 1155 to remind everyone of this ecclesiastical law. 289 Responsibility

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:769ff. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:372/715. 284 Ibid, 3:373ff./716. 285 Ibid, 3:383/722. 286 “my lord,” “monsignor,” Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:1n1; see above, p. 22n140. 287 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:40; see René Graffin, “Ordination Du Pretre Dans Le Rite Jacobite,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 1, no. 2 (1896): 1–36. 288 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:643; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 32; Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:2:41. 289 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:513–517. 282 283

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for the church treasury 290 and for the whole ecclesiastical administration 291 rested on the bishop. The monasteries were under his jurisdiction; new monasteries required his approval and he also led the supervision of the monks. Therefore, he was required to pay particular attention to ensuring that they did not leave their monasteries and devote themselves to secular business. 292 The exercise of this duty could, of course, have terrible consequences for the bishop. Archbishop Theodore of Edessa was killed in 1220 by a monk whom he had excommunicated. 293 All the other clergy of his diocese were under the jurisdiction of the bishop and he had the authority to dismiss them. 294 This punishment was imposed for disobedience and for insulting ecclesiastical superiors. 295 The bishop should have remained excluded from consideration for being raised to the patriarchal office. 296 He was forbidden to ordain outside his region, to move to another diocese, or to divide his own. 297 In 1180, Patriarch I rejected the request of the archbishop of Arzun to move to the diocese of Maiperqaṭ and this gave rise to a schism involving several bishops. 298 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:4:7. 291 Ibid, 1:2:5. 292 Ibid, 8:10:56 293 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:641. 294 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:1:39–40. 295 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:4:47; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 1:511–513; see the section “Inner Decline” below, p. 62. 296 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 36, see above, p. 14. 297 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus 7:1:39–40. 298 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:383/722. 290

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Among them was the bishop of Hisn Ziyad, who had been dismissed by the patriarch because he had wanted to leave his diocese to move to Tur ʿAbdin with the help of the state authorities. 299 But such translations 300 were also made by the patriarchs themselves. Bar ʿEbroyo was transferred by Ignatius II to Laqabin, although he had been ordained for Gubos. 301 This, however, was a special occasion as it was said that his predecessor had left the diocese in order to live in leisure in Jerusalem. 302 In some cases, the patriarch assigned parts of another diocese to a bishop as a benefice. The archbishop of Melitene was exiled by the local prefect in 1222 andmade his residence in the Monastery of Aaron II. He received ten cities of the diocese Qlisura, which Patriarch Ignatius II transferred to him. 303 9. Funeral

The bishops were also buried in churches or monasteries, clad in their official vestments. 304 The tomb was to be so laid out that

Ibid, 3:383/721. For this terminology, see Leo Ober, “Die Translation Der Bischöfe Im Altertum,” Archiv Für Katholisches Kirchenrecht 88, 89 (1909 1908): 209–29, 441–65, 625–48, 3–33, especially 441–465; Hans Erich Feine, Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 1st and 3rd (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1955), 109; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis ClementinoVaticana, Diss., 36–40. 301 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:685; more examples of translations by the patriarch: ibid, 1:703; Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166– 1199), 3:306/653; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 37. 302 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:685. 303 Ibid, 2:397. 304 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:6:9; 6:1:37; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:449. 299 300

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the face looked to the east. 305 The estate passed to the relatives; if there was no will, the patriarch or maphrian were to make the necessary arrangements. 306 In 1280, when Bishop John of Garzarta died, he left nothing behind; he spent all his money on the redemption of prisoners and charitable foundations during his lifetime. 307

ABBOTS 1. Title & Installation

The abbot (rishdairo or rishʿumro) of a monastery took the title rabban. 308 He was to be able to lead the abbey 309 and was in office for one year. 310 Unfortunately, we have no instructions on how the annual change of the director of the monastery occured. Sometimes the abbot seems to have been elected 311 and needed the consent of the bishop. 312 In another case, in 1208, an abbot was dismissed by Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo at the insistence of the abbey and replaced by another monk. 313 In Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, which the presbyter Simeon of Qalʿa Rumayta exercised a kind of patronage over on the basis of in-

Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 6:1:37. 306 Ibid, 1:2:5. 307 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:499. 308 “our lord,” ibid, 1:773. 309 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:57. 310 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:653. Therefore, there were several former abbots in a monastery: see ibid, 1:607. 311 Ibid, 1:635. 312 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58. 313 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:625. 305

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heritance, 314 Simeon appointed the abbot in 1265, despite the fact that Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ was present in the monastery. 315 In 1258, Patriarch Dionysus Ahrun ʿAngur, on the other hand, expected his cousin, the abbot Saliba, to remain in office as abbot for ten years, contrary to the canons. 316 2. Rights and Duties

The abbot and monks were obedient to the bishop. 317 This episcopal supremacy was expressed by the fact that the abbot had to mention the name of the bishop in liturgical prayer. The omission of this duty was punished by excommunication. 318 Within the monastery, the abbot had extensive official powers. He was the superior of the monks, who were not allowed to leave the monastery without his permission, 319 not even to visit relatives. 320 When Michael I Rabo’s nephew, Joshua, escaped from Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo after the death of his uncle (1199) in order to claim the patriarchal office, the abbot

Ibid, 1:735; he was the son of a priest, Joshua of Qalʿa Rumayta, ibid; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 68. 315 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:761; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie,72–73 and below, p. 48. 316 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:729ff. 317 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58–59; on the exceptional status of those monasteries in which a patriarch or maphrian was buried, see above, p. 20. 318 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58–59; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 133ff. 319 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58. 320 Ibid, 7:10:57. 314

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pursued him and tried to bring him back by force. 321 Since the monks, at least in theory, should not have their own property, the abbot was the administrator of the common property of the abbey. 322 He also had to divide up the daily labor. 323 3. Relationship to the Church Authorities

The abbots of the monasteries had significant power, which at times was even impressed upon the patriarch. Thus, in 1208, the abbot of Poqsemot Monastery dared to deny Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo, who obviously had very little authority, from entering the monastery. 324 In 1215, Abbot Simeon Tobaqon was also able to force the same patriarch to leave Dayro d-Mor

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:605ff.; see below, p. 87. 322 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:57; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 135; see the section “Monks and Nuns” below, p. 44. 323 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:635; other monastic offices included the sacristan or custodian (syr. qunkoyo, see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 3666ff.) and the administrator or treasurer (see ibid, 3271), Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:285/643. The qunkoyo beats the sounding board (noqusho, see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 2466) to summon the monks. So in Thomas of Margā, The Book of Governors: The Historia Monastica of Thomas Bishop of Margâ A.D. 840, 1:30; 2:54–55; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:1:89ff.; For parnoso translated as “butler,” see Johannes Flemming and George Hoffmann, eds., Akten Der Ephesinischen Synode Vom Jahre 449: Syrisch (Berlin: Weidmann, 1917), 180 with numerous references. 324 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:621; the patriarch was received by the abbot of the monastery of Gawikat: about the rivalry of the monasteries, which often appears to have been caused by the patriarch's stay, see above, p. 12. 321

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Barṣawmo. 325 When the patriarch excommunicated him, the fear of the abbot was so great that no one in the monastery dared to mention anything about the patriarch’s letter. When they finally did, Simeon responded by putting on his vestments and celebrating Mass. 326 We also know that Michael I Rabo had long been in conflict as a patriarch with his mother monastery, Barṣawmo, 327 and later Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid (1222– 1252), who also came from this monastery, clashed with its abbot because of the question of visitations. The abbot was about to bring a suit against him to the sultan, when the patriarch succeeded in persuading him with bribery to relent. 328 As one can see, Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo had a particularly strong sense of self-empowerment. To the east, the unruliness of Dayro d-Mor Matay near Mosul is spoken of again and again. The humiliations which the newly consecrated maphrian had to undergo have already been mentioned. 329 These continued, though Patriarch Michael I Rabo had restored the authority of the maphrians over the monastery and ordered the abbot to do nothing without the maphrian's order, “whether it was of great or little importance.” 330 4. The Abbots in Church Politics

Therefore, it is not surprising that the abbots of the great monasteries were very frequently contenders for the highest church Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:635; here he was received by Dayro d-Modiq. 326 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:639; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:4:46: “A censored cleric, who dares to exercise his office, should be completely separated from the church.” 327 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:571. 328 Ibid, 1:651. 329 Ibid, 2:337; see above, p. 27. 330 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:60. 325

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offices. Patriarch Michael I Rabo ordained the abbot of the Rumana Monastery as a bishop 331 and the election of an abbot to the rank of patriarch or maphrian was common; several patriarchs and maphrians emerged from Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo. It was considered the most distinguished of all Syriac Orthodox monasteries, 332 often referred to simply as “the monastery.”333 The Gawikat Monastery was also involved in church politics, and this led to a certain rivalry between it and Barṣawmo, which came to a head after the death of Patriarch Yuḥanon bar Maʿdani (d. 1263) and ended with the victory of Abbot Yeshuʿ of Gawikat. 334 As Patriarch Ignatius IV, he reigned from 1264 to 1282. After his death, the abbot of Gawikat again tried to obtain the patriarchal office, calling a synod of bishops to the monastery to elect him, 335 but this time the archbishop of Melitene won the day. In the period from 1166 to 1282, four patriarchs – out of a total of eight – emerged from the monasteries: 1164–1188

John IV Sarugoyo Maphrian

1199–1207

Athanasios VIII

1166–1199

1215– 1222

1222–1252 1264–1282

Michael I Rabo

bar Ṣalibi Qroḥo Ignatius Dawid

Patriarch Patriarch

Before:

Abbot of Mor Yaʿqub Abbot of Barṣawmo Abbot of Barṣawmo

Maphrian

Monk of Barṣawmo

Ignatius III Dawid Patriarch

Monk of Barṣawmo

Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ Patriarch

Abbot of Gawikat 336

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:482/768. 332 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:697ff. 333 Ibid, 1:733. 334 Ibid, 1:745; see Abramowski, Dionysius von Tellmahre, Jacobitischer Patriarch von 818–845: Zur Geschichte Der Kirche Unter Dem Islam, 95. 335 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:777. 336 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:359; 1:525; 2:389; 1:641; 1:743. Maphrian Ignatius III Dawid and Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid are the same person. 331

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MONASTERIES 1. Construction

The monasteries were often on mountains which were difficult to climb 337 and often resembled small fortresses 338 with escape towers, 339 walls, and iron gates, 340 especially in vulnerable areas. In friendly areas, they were usually surrounded by gardens. 341 In each monastery there was a church 342 and, as in their rule, a hospice, 343 in which the poor and travelers were received and fed without regard of their religion and free of charge. 344 In addition, there were sometimes large water facilities. 345

See the description of the arduous climb to Dayro d-Mor Matay in Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals, with a Narrative of a Mission to Mesopotamia and Coordistan in 1842–1844 and of a Late Visit to Those Countries in 1850, 1:97. 338 Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo is sometimes called “the fortress.” 339 Ibid, 3:341/697. 340 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:395. 341 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:391/726; on the construction of earlier monasteries, see Stephan Siwiec, Das Morgenländische Mönchtum (Mainz: Kirchheim & Co., 1904), 3:68ff. 342 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:355/706. 343 Ibid, 3:347/701; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:3:6, “In every church, one should find a respite house for the poor.” 344 See August Fischer, “Christliche Klöster in Muhammedanischen Ländern in Der Blütezeit Des Chalifats,” Berichte Und Verhandlungen Der Sächsischen Akademie Der Wissenschaft Leipzig 81, no. 3 (1929): 1–2. 345 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:321/677. 337

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2. Monastic Property

Despite rules to the contrary, 346 monasteries sometimes accumulated considerable wealth. Thus, in the privately-funded renovation of the Quryaqos Monastery in 1207, it was said that it was furnished “with royal household goods” of gold and silver, and received fields, cattle plows, livestock and beehives. 347 Patriarch Michael I Rabo’s description of the looting of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo is very interesting on this matter; it occurred in 1148 at the hands of Count Joscelin II of Edessa (born 1113/18, died 1159) and his Frankish and Armenian soldiers. 348 At first, they carried away all supplies of corn, wine, oil, honey, clothing, and other things. 349 A special treasure, the relic of Mor Barṣawmo, fell into their hands and Joscelin hoped to extort a considerable sum of money with it from the monks. 350 Then Joscelin sent Frankish priests to the monastery church, from which they removed all silver vessels, cups, crosses, censers, candle-

See J van der Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1942), 58 and the section “Monks and Nuns” below, p. 42. 347 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:615, 723. The Rule of Rabbula (in Siwiec, Das Morgenländische Mönchtum, 3:366): “The monks shall have no flocks of sheep or goats, no horses, mules, or other cattle, with the exception of a donkey for those who need it, or an ox for those who grow crops.” This is not included in the Rule of Rabbula as recorded in Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:57. 348 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:284/642; on the Crusaders, see below, pp. 75ff. On Joscelin II of Courtenay, Count of Edessa, see Runciman, A History of the Crusades, vol. 2; see also Robert Lawrence Nicholson, Joscelyn I, Prince of Edessa, Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences 34, 4 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1954). 349 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:284/642 350 Ibid, 3:283/642; see below, p. 56. 346

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sticks, gospels, and books. 351 Eventually, a detachment of soldiers searched the monk cells, where they plundered a great deal of gold, silver, copper, iron, clothing, and cloth. 352 The monastery also had twelve mules 353 and extensive estates, especially vineyards. 354 A hundred years after this plundering, when a part of the monastery fell victim to a great fire 355 and the library and many bronze and silver implements were destroyed, Patriarch Michael I Rabo saw in it the punishment of heaven for the greed of the monks; the patron saint had asked God to burn all these nice things in order to save the monks’ souls. 356 Obviously the monastery had recovered from the plundering by Joscelin, which is also evident from the fact that it was able to pay the emir of Melitene an annual tax of seven hundred dinars by 1170. 357 Around this time, a precious Gospel manuscript was created in Melitene, which is now kept in the National Library in Paris. Of the 24 full-page miniatures that once adorned this manuscript, ten have survived; they depict scenes from the life Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:286/644. 352 Ibid, 2:286/644 353 Ibid, 3:288/644. 354 Ibid, 3:391/726; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:625, “Monks and nuns should refrain from eating meat, but only moderate their wine use because of human weakness.” Patriarch Michael emphasized that after the death of Nur al-Din of Aleppo (d. 1174), his successor permitted drinking wine in public again, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166– 1199), 3:361/710. On the role of Christian monasteries as excursion sites and taverns, see Fischer, “Christliche Klöster in Muhammedanischen Ländern in Der Blütezeit Des Chalifats.” – For the land ownership of other monasteries, see also below, p. 72. 355 In 1183, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:391/726. 356 Ibid, 3:392/727. 357 Ibid, 3:364/712. See also the precious ornamentation of the new church of the Dayro d-Mor Matay built by Michael I in the years 1180– 1193. 351

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of Jesus and are painted by the deacon Joseph of Melitene. At the beginning of the codex the names of the six people who bore the costs for the miniatures and for the golden and silver characters of the manuscript are noted. Three of them, Habib, Qufor, and Jeremiah, were monks of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo who together donated 27 zuze nasroye. 358 At about the same time, in 1171, Dayro d-Mor Matay near Mosul was conquered by Kurds. The spoils were transported away on horses, but the treasures from the monastery were so great, that the Kurds had to carry much on their own backs, because the treasures of the monastery were combined with the monks’ possessions as well as those of the surrounding population which they had hidden the monastery out of caution. 359 It was natural for the monasteries to endeavor to secure their possessions as far as possible. This is shown by a tradition in the Monastery of Qartamin, which claims that Caliph Omar (634–644) had issued the monastery with a letter of protection. 360 They were also given such a letter from Hulagu. 361 But it H. Omont, “Peintures d’un Evangéliaire Syriaque Du XIIe Ou XIIIe Siècle,” Monuments et Mémoires Publiés Par l’Académie Des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 19 (1911): 201–10, 204–205. A zuze nasroye corresponded to the Arabian dinar, a silver coin minted by Saladin between 1171 and 1193, ibid, 204n1; Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 1097 and 2444. The name is derived from Saladin’s epithet, al-malik annāṣīr (“the king who gives victory”) 359 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:341/697. 360 Paul Krüger, “Das Syrisch-Monophysitische Mönchtum Im Ṭūr‘Ab(h)Dīn von Seinen Anfängen Bis Zur Mitte Des 12. Jahrhunderts,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica 4, no. 1938 (1938): 5–46, 28ff.; see Arthur Stanley Tritton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of ’Umar (London: Oxford University Press, 1930). 361 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:757; see Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 211ff. 358

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was not just the state authorities that wanted the monasteries to be secure, the privilege of being relieved of patriarchal jurisdiction was intended to protect the monastery against claims from the patriarchs. Thus, Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo had a long and ultimately unsuccessful fight for this right with Patriarch Michael I Rabo. 362 The Nomocanon states that the consecrated possessions of monasteries must be preserved alone. 363 3. The Role of Monasteries in Church Life

When the monasteries enjoyed good relations with the regional political rulers, then they were the appropriate place for religious gatherings of all kinds. Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo sometimes enjoyed such a position. 364 The Gawikat Monastery, near Mopsuestia also had a good reputation. It was praised for its serenity and wealth, but above all for its protection by a Christian king, 365 thus being very suitable for electoral synods. 366 Frequently, the ordination of the patriarch took place in a monastery. We know Patriarch Dionysus Ahrun ʿAngur was consecrated in Barṣawmo in 1253 and Patriarch Ignatius IV was consecrated at Gawikat in 1264. 367 The patriarchs gladly took their residence in a monastery. 368 The relics of saints kept in the monasteries attracted a large crowd of believers to the pilgrimage feasts every year. 369 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:367/712. 363 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:2:5. 364 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:699. 365 The king of Lesser Armenia. 366 Ibid, 1:745; see also 1:643. 367 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:697, 749. 368 e.g., Patriarch Ignatius IV in Barṣawmo, ibid, 1:761. 369 See the section “The Coexistence of Christians with Muslims and Jews” below, p. 91 – The Rule of Rabbula: “The people should not come together to celebrate the saints in the monasteries, but only the monks who are there,” Siwiec, Das Morgenländische Mönchtum, 3:366; This is 362

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The onrush was so large in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo for the feast of Mor Barṣawmo (which lasted several days), that Abbot Michael, the later patriarch, had to have a special water pipe built to serve the pilgrims with drinking water which was completed in 1163. 370 4. Nicknames of Monasteries

Some monasteries were known by a nickname, which often completely displaced the real name. Thus, a monastery located near Melitene bore the actual name the Monastery of the Mother of God (Yoldat Aloho) 371 but according to its builder, Bishop Ignatius of Melitene, who lived there around 970, it was usually called the Runner’s Monastery (Dayro d-Rahoto, cursoris). To explain this name, it was said that this bishop was constantly wandering in the mountains of Edessa between the local monasteries to distribute support. He earned the nickname “the runner,” which was then passed to the monastery he built. 372 Another one, in the area of Gargar, was called Dayr Abū Ghālib because of Bishop Athanasius of Gihon (1169–1178/79) who lived had there as a monk. 373

not included in Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:57. 370 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:321ff./677ff.; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 48. 371 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:135/559. 372 Ibid, 3:130/555; see “Melitene” in Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 95. 373 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:374/716; see also J.-M. Vosté, “Athanasios Abougaleb: Évêque de Gihan En Cilicie, Écrivain Ascétique Du XIIe Siècle,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 26 (1928 1927): 432–38.

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MONKS AND NUNS 1. Forms of Monasticism

From the beginnings of Syriac monasticism, two forms had developed, 374 coenobiticism and anchoreticism, and these are both still found in the 13th century. Coenobitism became more prominent in the life of the church. In this same period though, in 1208, a representative of anchoretic monasticism was elevated to the position of patriarch, much against his will: Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo who reigned from 1208 to 1220. He still maintained his simple way of life as patriarch, 375 and the respect shown to him by the princes 376 as well as by the people 377 for his holiness shows the prestige which he enjoyed in his status. 378 His ability to defend himself and his office from the excesses of the bishops was inversely proportional; on the other hand, when the abbot of a great monastery was ordained a pa-

For the origins of Syriac monasticism, see Edmund Beck, “Ein Beitrag Zur Terminologie Des Ältesten Syrischen Mönchtums,” in Antonius Magnus Eremita 356–1956. Studia Ad Antiquum Monachismum Spectantia, ed. Basilius Steidle, Studia Anselmiana 38 (Rome: Orbis Catholicus / Herder, 1956), 254–67; Simon Jargy, “Les ‘Fils et Les Filles Du Pacte’ Dans La Littérature Monastique Syriaque,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica 17 (1951): 304–20; Simon Jargy, “Les Origines Du Monachisme En Syrie et En Mésopotamie,” Proche-Orient Chrétien 2 (1952): 110–24; Simon Jargy, “Les Premiers Instituts Monastiques et Les Principaux Représentants Du Monachisme Syrien Au IVe Siècle,” Proche-Orient Chrétien 4 (1954): 106–17; Siwiec, Das Morgenländische Mönchtum, vol. 3; see also Feine, Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte, 73–77. 375 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:621; see 2:403. Maphrian Dionysius Sleeba II’s father lived as a hermit around 1230. 376 Ibid, 1:623ff. 377 Ibid, 1:631. 378 See Ludwig Bieler, Θεῖος Ἀνήρ. Das Bild Des ,,Göttlichen Menschen” in Spätantike Un Christentum, 2 vols. (Vienna: Höfels, 1935). 374

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triarch, he had a very different authority in the church than this anchorite. 2. Entering a Monastery

The motives which led a monk to a monastery were not always purely religious ones; after all, the monks were the most privileged members of the church. In Bar ʿEbroyo’s judgment, gluttonous conceit was what made people take upon themselves the hardness of ascetic life most of the time. The true and crucial reason, namely responding to a divine calling, is very rare and occurred only once in a great while and only in a few places. 379 In particular, however, the Syriac world lacked a contemporary religious authority whose personal experience could be a guide to the ascetic. 380 The rite of tonsure and vesting was performed on the novices by the abbot, 381 but one hears also that the patriarch 382 had vested a candidate for a bishop’s seat with the monastic cowl. 3. Monastic Life

The daily life of the monk was dedicated to physical labor. 383 Without this, Bar ʿEbroyo said, 384 the monk would not be able to Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 5/524; see Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven, 89ff. and “Terms for Monks” in the Appendix below, p. 114. 380 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 3/521ff. 381 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:60. On the tonsure, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 131–135; Odilo Heiming, “Der Nationalsyrische Ritus Tonsurae Im Syrerkloster Der Ägyptischen Skete,” Miscellanea Giovanni Galbiati 3 (1951): 123–74. 382 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:521. 383 Agricultural work Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:635; Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:391/726. 379

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bear the temptations of loneliness. Begging should also be restrained; as long as he could work, the monk should take no alms. 385 Regular prayer times, recitation of psalms, and meditations broke up the daily routine. 386 All property in the monastery was to be held in common, under the administration of the abbot. 387 This did not prevent some monks from having personal property. In 1264, Hulagu issued an order prohibiting all monks from entering his camp because an Armenian monk had been the victim of a theft, 388 but no general conclusions can be drawn from this event. From the understanding words of Bar ʿEbroyo about the struggles of the young novice in the beginning of cell life, 389 and from many provisions of the Nomocanon, 390 one can surmise that monks often turned back from monastic life as easily as they had taken it on in those days. Therefore, the former monk was forbidden to wear the cowl when he returned to the world and

Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 18/547. 385 Ibid, 43/562. 386 Ibid, 19/537; Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:57. 387 Ibid, 7:10:56; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 135. 388 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:753. 389 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 15/533. In the 7th century, Dadishoʿ Qatraya, of the Church of the East, insisted that the young monk first be educated in a coenobitic manner, maturing into solitary confinement, only coming together to participate in Sunday worship services, Alfred Adam, “Grundbegriffe Des Mönchtums in Sprachlicher Sicht,” Zeitschrift Für Kirchengeschichte 65 (1954 1953): 209–39, 237–238. 390 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:56–60. 384

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took a wife. 391 Others did not make the ascetic demands unnecessarily difficult. The monk is not to meet with anyone throughout the year, except on Sunday when he participates in the sacraments. And no one should visit him without need, because many have begun with strict asceticism and ended up with a reprehensible lifestyle as a result of their interaction with lay people and the sight of rich women. Eventually their cell became the meeting place for entire villages and cities, and so they fell from the enlightened life and were transformed into blindness. 392

One can scarcely doubt that these were experiences from his own time, which were recorded here in the words of Bar ʿEbroyo. Nor does one get a very favorable impression of monasticism of the thirteenth century, when one hears that a monk – in this case a monk from the Church of the East Monastery of Michael near Mosul 393 – had committed a sexual indiscretion with a Muslim woman and then converted to Islam in 1274. On an-

Ibid, 7:10:58; see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis ClementinoVaticana, Diss., 136; Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven, 52. Church of the East monks had the right to leave the monastery of their own volition and settle in another; they were not obliged to stabilitas loci. Syriac Orthodox monks did not have this freedom, Ploeg, 61; Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio BarHebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:58–60, etc. See also Emilio Herman, “La ‘stabilitas Loci’ Nel Monachismo Bizantino,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica 21 (1955): 115–42. 392 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 20/539. 393 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 528; For the Monastery of Michael, see above, p. 26n184. 391

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other occasion, a dispute among the monks of the Bukre Monstery led to one of them becoming Muslim. 394 4. Monks and Clergy

Beside the laity and the clergy, monasticism formed the third estate in the Syriac Orthodox Church. 395 The Nomocanon shows a desire to delineate the activity of the monks against that of the clergy. 396 Above all, monks were denied the exercise of priestly functions, but it often happened that monk were also priests. 397 5. Nuns

Since Syriac Orthodox women also turned to the ascetic life other rules regarding tonsure and clothing were required, which resembled those for male monks. 398 Some provisions of the Nomocanon. 399 and the Penitential Canons of Dionysios bar Salibi 400 presuppose the presence of nuns. We also hear directly about Christian women who took the veil. For example, in 1159, a Christian woman from Mosul became a nun and went to Jerusalem. 401 The sister of Maphrian Dionysius Sleeba II (1222–1231)

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/696. 395 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 132. 396 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10. 397 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/696. 398 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 131–133; 3:2:908; see Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven, 71. 399 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:7:51; 7:10:57. 400 Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:493–500. 401 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:351. 394

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lived with her brother as a nun; 402 this was in contradiction to the ecclesiastical laws which forbade the bishop to have a woman with him, even if it was his mother or sister. 403 From the scantiness of these reports, one may infer the relative insignificance of the medieval nunnery in the Syriac Orthodox church.

PARISH COMMUNITIES 1. The Notables: Merchants, Physicians, and Scribes

There was no Islamic law that would have fundamentally prohibited a Christian from holding any particular profession. 404 Ibid, 2:405. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:334 (same as Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 338). 404 See Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 35f. In 1181, Saladin forbade Copts from being scribes or doctors, but the court continued to use Christian doctors, H. A. R. Gibb et al., eds., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, New, vol. 1–4 (Leiden and London: E. J. Brill, 1913), 2:1070, “Kibt”. See also Max Meyerhof, “Von Alexandrien Nach Bagdad: Ein Beitrag Zur Geschichte Des Philosophischen Und Medizinischen Unterrichts Bei Den Arabern,” Sitzungsberichte Der Perußischen Akademie Der Wissenschaften. Jahrgang 1930. Philos.-Hist. Kl., 1930, 389–429, 402–403: “[Around the year 850], the Syriac Christian doctors in the capital of the caliphate had a quite outstanding reputation. Browne has striking proof of this in one of the satirical writings of the great Muslim theologian [muʿtaziliti] al-Ǧāḥiẓ (d. 255/869) about a physician in Baghdad, Asad b. Ǧānī, which is reproduced in the The Book of the Miser [ʿAmr Ibn-Baḥr al-Ǧāḥiẓ, Kitāb Al-Buḫalāʾ, ed. Gerlof van Vloten, Wizārat Al-Maʿārif al-ʿUmumīya (Leiden: Qāhira Dār alKutub al-Miṣriya, 1900), 85]: ‘Once, when his practice was going poorly, someone asked him, ‘This is a plague year, and diseases are widespread; you are a learned man, with patience, zeal, eloquence, and skill. 402 403

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The usury ban within Islam affected the Christian merchants, 405 and so Christian communities had a rich merchant class. In addition, especially in Syria and Mesopotamia, Christian physicians were important heads of the parishes. They worked as personal physicians at all the courts of the Islamic or Mongol princes, and thus had a considerable influence. Scribes had particularly important positions in Egypt and Baghdad. 406 The fortune of the merchants was often beneficial for the construction of Christian churches, as in Tabriz, where, in about 1272, the local bishop, Baselios, was able to renovate the church with financial support from the merchant class. 407

How is it, then, that your practice is doing so poorly?’ He replied, ‘First, I am a Muslim to them (the patients); and even before I became a doctor, even before I was created, the belief that Muslims were of no use in medicine was rooted in them. And (secondly) my name is Asad, and it should be Ṣalībā, Marāʾil, Yūḥannā or Bīrā; Further, my nickname (Kunya) is Abu ʿl-Ḥāriṯ, and I should be Abū Zakariyyaʾ or Abū Ibrāhīm. I’m wearing a white cotton overcoat and it should be black silk. And finally, my pronunciation is Arabic, and my language should be that of the people of Ǧanīsābūr (Gondē-Šāpūr)!’ The Arab doctor, therefore, quite openly states that he would only gain the confidence of the clientele if he was a Christian with a Syriac name and Syriac pronunciation, who would have worn the silk robes which were forbidden to the Muslims and received his education in the famous Syriac-Persian college. At that time, the Muslim doctors were only just beginning their apprenticeship.” On the superiority of the native Syrian-Christian, Jewish, and Muslim doctors over the Frankish-Latin ones at the time of the Crusades, see Adolf Waas, Geschichte Der Kreuzzüge in Zwei Bänden (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1956), 2:233–234. 405 “Naṣārā” in Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 3:916–923. 406 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:719; 2:445. 407 Ibid, 2:443.

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In Baghdad, it was the scribes (numiqe) 408 who raised money for the preservation of the churches. Therefore, the chief scribe, Safi ed-Daula Sulaimon, reports he had renewed the church at the caliph’s palace in 1274. 409 The physicians were of the greatest importance. The physician Simeon of Hisn Ziyad paid for the renovation of the Quryaqos Monastery in 1207, 410 which, a generation later, allowed his son, who had converted to Islam, to treat it as his property and expel the monks from it. 411 The diplomatic influence of physicians on the princely courts was often more important than their financial help for the church. Frequently, Christian physicians obtained the official state recognition for the patriarch. Thus, in 1253, Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur owed his recognition by the Mongol leaders to the physician Qir Michael, 412 who successfully granted him his help again at the court of Damascus five years later. 413 Another physician, the priest Simeon of Qalʿa Rumayta, had him expelled from the Mongol camp in 1259. 414 Theodore of Quphlido, abbot of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, considered this same Simeon influential enough to help him gain the patriarchal office in 1264 – in exOn this term (νομικός, iuris peritus, scriba), see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 2323. See also, Louis Massignon, “La Politique Islamo-Chrétienne Des Scribes Nestoriens de Deïr Qunnä à La Cour de Bagdad Au IXe Siècle de Notre Ère,” in Vivre et Penser: Recherches d’exégèse et d’histoire, vol. 2 (Paris: Librairie Lecoffere, 1942), 7–14. 409 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:445; on the Christian quarter of medieval Baghdad, see Guy Le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate from Contemporary Arabic and Persian Sources (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924), 207–216. 410 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:615. 411 Ibid, 1:723; see below, p. 53. 412 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:717; the use of Qir (kir, κύριος) in this way is medieval Byzantine. 413 Ibid, 1:727. 414 Ibid, 1:735. 408

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change for appropriate gifts. 415 This opinion does seems to have been well-founded, for Simeon’s influence, in concert with that of Bar ʿEbroyo, who was also a physician at the Mongol court, 416 prevented Theodore’s election and Abbot Yeshuʿ of Gawikat being elevated to patriarchy instead. He reigned as Ignatius IV from 1264 to 1282. The dispute which later broke out between Ignatius and Simeon at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo shows once more the influence of this priest-physician. 417 Maphrian Ignatius Sleeba III of Edessa (1253–1258), too, had to learn at the end of his reign that it was dangerous to have a physician as an enemy. The physician Abuʾl-ʿAzz Bar Duqiq’s accusations against him to the prefect of Mosul eventually forced him to leave his diocese and flee to Syria. 418 These groups of people were the primary notables (rishone) of the Christian parishes, whose vital participation in the Ibid, 1:745ff. Ibid, 1:747. 417 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:757ff.; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 72–73 and above, p. 36n311; On the ancient connection between the episcopate and the medical profession among the Syriac Christians, see Hans Achelis and Johannes Flemming, Die Ältesten Quellen Des Orientalischen Kirchenrechts. Zweites Buch. Die Syrische Didaskalia, vol. 2, Texte Und Untersuchungen Zur Geschichte Der Altchristlichen Literatur 25 (Leipzig: JC Hinrichs, 1904), 381–384. 418 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:425; The Church of the East physicians played the same role: Bar ʿEbroyo reports on the elevation of Metropolitan Bar Masih of Daquq to catholicos (Sabrishoʿ V ibn al-Masihi) in 1226: “In 1226, Sebaryeshu became catholicos and was ordained without bringing gold to the caliph. This was allowed because of his brothers, who were honorable men and respected physicians; he, too, was a respectable man.” On the election of Yahbalaha III to catholicos because of the authoritative participation of the Church of the East physicians of Baghdad, see Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 43. 415 416

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inner processes of the church is frequently mentioned. The notables of Mosul-Nineveh and Tagrit, along with some bishops and the abbot and monks of Dayro d-Mor Matay in 1188, elected the monk Karim Bar Masih as maphrian, and in 1222, Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid gave Bishop Dionysius of Aleppo the Archdiocese of Melitene, “because he wished to honor his brothers, who were among the noblest notables of Melitene.” 419 2. The Laity in the Politics of the Church

It was not just the upper-class members of the parishes who turned their interest to events in the church: the whole congregation took part in the events. In 1153, the parishioners of Tagrit protested to the patriarch in writing against the maphrian’s planed union of the dioceses of Mosul and Tagrit 420 and, in 1165, the people of the Beth Arabaye diocese disapproved of the bishop whom the maphrian had planned to ordain and forced the ordination of another. 421 By collecting money, the parishioners of the diocese of Mosul intervened in 1189 in the dispute over Maphrian Gregorios Jacob, who had been consecrated by Patriarch Michael I Rabo, although the Easterners themselves had already ordained a maphrian, Bar Masih. They bribed the prefect who made it so that Gregorios was denied entry into the city. This situation became so violent that two divisions formed, those for and those against the maphrian, “so that father rebelled against son and brother against brother.” 422 Also, in 1199, the collection of the counter-patriarch Michael II was used by the residents of Mardin to bribe their prefect and cause him to expel the new patriarch together with his brother, the maphrian, from their leadership roles. 423 In another case, the people rejectBar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:651. Ibid, 2:339; see above p. 28. 421 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:361ff.; see above, p. 28. 422 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:385. 423 Ibid, 1:611. 419 420

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ed a candidate for the episcopacy because his life was offensive; 424 for the same reason, in 1175, the parish of Qalliniqos filed an indictment against their bishop, Denha, with the patriarch. 425 When the bishop, dismissed by the patriarch, went to the caliph in Baghdad to effect a favorable turn of affairs, the community of Baghdad ousted the bishop from the city at the instigation of the patriarch. 426 3. Financial Burdens on the Communities

Many events exposed the communities to heavy financial burdens. For example, during the schism of Theodore bar Wahbun in 1189, the parishes of the diocese of Mardin were badly oppressed, not only by the fact that the schismatic patriarch drew taxes from them with the help of the military, but also by having to raise a greater amount of bribes to get the prefect to revoke the state-diploma which Theodore bar Wahbun received and to expel him from the region. 427 In 1208, the cities of Melitene and Edessa, out of love for Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo who was in debt, collected a large sum of money. Wives gave their jewelry 428 and young girls and unmarried women sacrificed their bracelets, necklaces, and rings. 429 It was unusual for audiences with the higher clergy to appear with empty hands. Barṣawmo reports of his brother, Bar ʿEbroyo, that he had never touched the purse, which instead was first pressed into the hands of the faithful, then secretly pushed under the carpet. 430 Ibid, 1:517. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:358/708. 426 Ibid, 3:360/709. 427 Ibid, 3:406/734; see Nöldeke, Orientalische Skizzen, 257. On the state diploma, see below, p. 78. 428 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 1:629. 429 Ibid, 1:631. 430 Ibid, 2:483ff. 424 425

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Other expenses could be incurred. The peasants who lived around the Dayro d-Mor Matay, after the plundering by Kurds in 1171, had to hire soldiers for thirty dareiki per month to guard the abandoned convent and prevent it from further destruction. 431 The parishes also provided funds for the construction of church buildings. For example, in 1262, the local parish of Arbela built a church as well as apartments for the bishop and the monks. 432 4. Feast Days

With such strong participation from the people in the life of the church, the visit of the maphrian or the patriarch to a congregation was a special highlight. All the people went to meet him, he was received with chorales, and crucifixes 433 and gospels were brought along in the procession. 434 Festive services united the whole community; 435 special celebrations also took place on such occasions, such as the consecration of the holy oil 436 or the ordination of deacons and bishops. 437 Such was the case when, in 1149, Joscelin II returned the relics of Mor Barṣawmo to their monastery. The whole region, far and wide, took part in Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:342/698; the dareik is actually the old Persian gold coin, introduced by Darius, see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 948. Bruns and Sachau, wants to see it as a general expression for money among the Syriac Christians, Karl Georg Bruns and Eduard Sachau, Syrisch-Römisches Rechtsbuch Aus Dem Fünften Jahrhundert (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1880), 272. 432 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:429. 433 Which was otherwise forbidden, see Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 37. 434 This was in Tagrit, in 1218, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:389. 435 Ibid, 2:435. 436 Ibid, 2:435 437 Ibid, 2:437. 431

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this event. In the villages, groups of believers led the procession, dancing with joy and singing praises to God, they lit candles and burned incense. 438 In 1285, when Bar ʿEbroyo transferred the relics of bar Naggare, there was also with a procession of the clergy in Bartella. Every year, the holy feasts united the people in the great pilgrimage sites. An innumerable crowd of people flocked to Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo for the feast of the saint, and the pilgrimage lasted several days. 439

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:296/649. 439 Ibid, 3:321/677; see p. 42. – Unfortunately, the sources do not reveal whether there was a local Christian population or what the ratio of Christians to the rest of the population was. 438

THE INNER LIFE OF THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH SCHOLARSHIP 1. The General Level of Education

“As hunger is not satisfied by water, nor thirst by bread, so the initiate who wishes to look into the Sinai cloud has little profit when the scriptures are read to him,” wrote Bar ʿEbroyo for those monks who strove for the highest level of perfection. 1 The goal of monastic life was union with God. What use would a monk have for the study of theological subtleties or pagan wisdom? 2 Such an idea might have appealed to the ascetic mystic. For all those who wanted to be seen as suitable for positions of responsibility in the Church, a certain amount of theological erudition was indispensable. However, it was often thought of as very unimportant; the complaints about insufficient education of the clergy also applied to the highest clergy. When the diocese of Tabriz was without a bishop in 1272, Bar ʿEbroyo refused to Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 63/581. 2 Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven, 43; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:56 (quoting Rabbula): “One should not have foreign books in the monastery.” 1

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ordain any of the monks who had applied for it, because they did not know enough about the teachings of the church. 3 Even a patriarch – namely, Athanasius IX, who ruled from 1199–1207 – was “little studied and uneducated in ecclesiastical disciplines, but all the more adept in secular business.” 4 So it should not be surprising when it was expressly emphasized that a bishop had theological knowledge, as Patriarch Michael I Rabo praised Bishop John of Kaishum at his death in 1171, “He was educated in the teaching of the scriptures, an exquisite orator and famous in the church.” 5 2. Church and Education

Therefore, it was one of the principle duties of church leaders to provide for the education of the clergy and monks under their command. Patriarch Michael I Rabo had constantly turned his attention to the library of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo and maintained and increased their book collections. “He wrote books all day,” the Anonymous Chronicle says of him, “he wrote beautiful books, such as are not found elsewhere in our region.” The needed liturgical books in the new monastery church were all written by him personally. The chronicler rejoices about the beauty of a gospel written in gold and silver and illuminated with pictures. 6 Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid (1222–1252) – who Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:443; see above, p. 33 . 4 Ibid, 1:609. Similar to Church of the East Catholicos Yahbalaha III who, as Uyghur, could not even speak Syriac and whose dogmatic knowledge was scarcely comprehensive, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 44. See Bar ʿEbroyo’s judgment of him, reproduced below, p. 74. 5 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:343ff./698. 6 Ibid, 3:350/703; Jean Baptiste Chabot, ed., Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, CSCO 82 (Paris: Typographeo Reipublicae, 1916), 314–315. The Syriac Orthodox statement of faith 3

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was portrayed by Bar ʿEbroyo as a significant and forwardthinking personality – spared no expense, even at personal sacrifice, to spread the knowledge of ecclesiastical doctrine and the sciences. He appointed so many teachers that it was said, “in truth, he lifted the holy church of God out of a death-like drought.” 7 The parishes also benefitted from their clergymen being able to chant the liturgy well and able to adequately handle the art of writing. 8 As for subjects, Bar ʿEbroyo wanted clergy to be taught the Psalms, be instructed in the Old and New Testaments, and be trained in church singing. 9 The works 10 used were a Gospel book with a commentary, some volumes of Jacob’s writings, 11 and two volumes of the complete breviary made by Patriarch Michael I Rabo. He regarded it as one of the miraculous events in the fire of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, that these very books, which were constantly used, remained intact through the fire, was apparently written around 1199 in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo. It is published partially in François Nau, “Une Profession de Foi Jacobite,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 17 (1912): 324–27; See also, above, p. 6; Heiming, “Der Nationalsyrische Ritus Tonsurae Im Syrerkloster Der Ägyptischen Skete.” 124. 7 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticumm 1:671. 8 Ibid, 2:403. 9 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:9:55–56; see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:2:937. 10 According to Bar ʿEbroyo, the Syriac Orthodox Church Fathers included: Pseudo-Dionysius the Aeropagite, Basil, Gregory Nazianzus, Severus, Jacob of Serugh, John Chrysostum, Cyril, Theodotus, Arcadius, Palladius, Jacob of Edessa, Ephrem, Moses Bar Kepha, Dionysios bar Salibi (Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:9:54–55; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 3:2:938). 11 Of Edessa? Aphrahat? See also Eduard Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1883), 354, where Sachau saw a theological work in the library of the Syriac Orthodox diocese of Mosul by the monk Jacob of Bartella (possibly Severus bar Shakko).

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while many other superfluous books “that no one read” burned. 12 3. Famous Scholars and Their Places of Influence

Despite the “death-like drought” of this age, the ancient scholarly tradition of the Syriac Orthodox continued to live on and produced admirable achievements. Admittedly, there were only particular places where scholarship flourished, and few academics of rank possessed it. The important library of Nisibis – Michael I puts their book holdings at a thousand volumes – fell prey to the plunder of Nur al-Din in 1171, while the valuable holdings of the Quryaqos Monastery were able to be rescued at its dissolution 13 in 1257 by the intervention of the bishop of Hisn Ziyad; a particularly precious edition of the Gospels was donated to the church of Tabriz. 14 However, the monasteries of Mor Matay in the east and Barṣawmo in the west were the centers of scholarly studies. In the first half of the 13th century, Bishop Jacob (Severus) bar Shakko worked in the Dayro d-Mor Matay near Mosul, whose library had been rescued in 1171 during the Kurdish plundering and brought to Mosul. 15 He had been taught grammar by the Church of the East monk John bar Zoʿbi and logic and philosophy by the Islamic scholar Kamal al-Din ibn Yunus; in other areas, he was self-taught. His erudition even drew the attention of the patriarch. When he died in 1241, in addition to his own writings, which included an especially noteworthy vol-

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:392/727; Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 314–315. 13 See above, p. 46. 14 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:725. 15 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:342/697. 12

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ume called “Dialogues,” he left behind a significant library to the Mosul state treasury. 16 In the West, the monks of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo had a considerable share in the scholarly achievements of the church of their time. 17 The important library had suffered severe damage during the fire at the monastery in 1183; only a portion of the most important books had been saved. 18 Among the scholars of this monastery, Abbot Michael, the later patriarch, excelled all others. His historical work 19 is an outstanding achievement of that time. He was known in the West as well: when he was in Antioch in 1178, he received an invitation to attend the Third Lateran Council, which was to take place in Rome in March 1179, which was convened against the Albigensians. The patriarch could not accept the invitation, but he used this opportunity to write a book about the Albigensian heresy, in which he gave examples of fathers who had already refuted this heresy. 20 The maphrian and later patriarch, Ignatius III Dawid (1222– 1252) was also a student at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo. 21 As the bishop of the young Bar ʿEbroyo, he did much for the spread of scholarship. His estate contained mainly theological works, a Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:409ff.; see Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 311; Tkatsch, Die Arabische Übersetzung Der Poetik Des Aristoteles Und Die Grundlage Der Kritik Des Griechischen, 1:86; on Jacob bar Shakko’s importance for Syriac grammar, see Judah B. Segal, The Diacritical Point and the Accents in Syriac, London Oriental Series 1 (London: Oxford University Press, 1953), 48–49, 148–149, etc.. 17 For this monastery, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie. The medieval construction of this monastery is first mentioned in 790, ibid, 26. 18 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:392/727. 19 See above, pp. 4–5. 20 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:378/719. 21 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:633. 16

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chronicle, a copy of the whole Holy Scripture (pandeqṭis), 22 and a rite for ordination. In his time, the head of the church choir of Barṣawmo, Rabban Abuʾl-Faragh, was able to recite from memory the entire hymn book (ketobo d-ḥudre), 23 which includes all of the various parts of the festal services of the entire liturgical calendar. 24 Melitene is famous as the hometown of two great scholars. Dionysios bar Salibi, the “star of his generation,” 25 came from there. His versatile erudition 26 put him in the ranks of Jacob of Edessa. In 1153 – as a deacon – he was excommunicated by Patriarch Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh because of a quarrel with the bishop of Mardin. However, a book written by him made such an impression on the patriarch that he not only removed the excommunication, but also ordained him as a bishop. Patriarch Michael I Rabo gave great credit to his work and had all his writings recorded in his historical chronicle. 27 Dionysios died in 1171 as archbishop of Amid. 28 If his work was the first highlight of the literature of the Syriac Renaissance, then the other great son of Melitene, Bar ʿEbroyo, was destined, a hundred years later, to bring its second great climax. His comprehensive, albeit derivative, scholarship puts him on a level with the masters of high scholasticism living in Europe at the same time. He has especially been compared to

πανδέκτης, pandecta, see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 3173. 23 See Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:735; Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 1205 “ḥudro” 24 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:637. 25 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:344/698. 26 See Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 295. 27 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:344/698ff. 28 See below, pp. 68, 71. 22

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Albertus Magnus. 29 His personal growth, which he paints a picture of himself, 30 shows us how, even in a time like his own, the ascent to a comprehensive education was possible. In his youth, he already began receiving instruction in the Scriptures, and practiced medicine and rhetoric. 31 His ordination as a bishop at the age of twenty led him to a confrontation with the other Christian denominations. The disputes over natures, persons, and hypostases, which seemed to him to be a mere dispute over words, could not shake his conviction of the unified basis of faith of all Christian churches, and this led him to the decision to avoid all confessional strife afterwards. Instead, he turned to the study of Greek wisdom: logic, physics, metaphysics, algebra and geometry, the science of the spheres and stars captivated him, “and because life is short and study is long and wide, I read about all the branches of knowledge that were most necessary. During these studies, I resembled a man who fell into the ocean and extends his hand to all sides to be saved.” 32 Dissatisfied, he finally turned to reading the mystic writers of the East and West. He spent seven years reading without allowing himself to stop working in other fields with his pupils. Perhaps he was referring to the lectures on Euclid and the Almagest

On his literary lifework, see Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 312–320; on his importance regarding the Syriac language, see Segal, The Diacritical Point and the Accents in Syriac. 30 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 60:577ff. 31 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667; see Emmanuel G. Rey, Les Colonies Franques de Syrie Aux XIIme et XIIIme Siècles (Paris: Libraire des archives nationales et de la société de l’école des Chartes, 1883), 165ff. 32 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 60/577ff; Paul Kunitzsch, Arabische Sternnamen in Europa (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1959), 32–33. 29

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which he delivered in 1268 and 1273 at the dedication of the new monastery of Maragha. 33 4. Secular Studies

Many higher clergymen excelled in individual fields of scholarship. The construction of the water pipe at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo in 1163 was only possible thanks to the geometrical knowledge possessed by the bishop of Mardin who had been summoned there. 34 Monks are also mentioned being architects, like Gabriel of Mor Matay, who built the monastery in Bartella in 1285 and was later ordained bishop of Gazarta by Bar ʿEbroyo. 35 Like Bar ʿEbroyo, 36 his predecessor, Maphrian Ignatius Sleeba III of Edessa (1253–1258), was an authority in the field of medicine. He had no equal in logic, philosophy, or as a preacher in his time. However, Bar ʿEbroyo judged that

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:443. The Almagest, or more precisely, al-Magisti or Kitab al-Magisti, is the title of the 9th century Arabic translation of the great astronomical work of the ancient mathematician Claudius Ptolemaeus, Μεγάλη σύνταχις τῆς ἀστρονομίας, usually quoted under the Latin title, Syntaxis Mathematica. It contains a summary of the astronomical findings of antiquity, referred to as the Ptolemaic system, see Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 1:329; Kunitzsch, Arabische Sternnamen in Europa; Franz Rosenthal, “Al-Kindī and Ptolemy,” Studi Orintalistici in Onore Di Giorgio Levi Della Vida 2 (1956): 436–56. 34 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:321/677. 35 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:465. 36 On Bar ʿEbroyo as a medical historian, see Cyril Elgood, A Medical History of Persia and the Eastern Caliphate from the Earliest Times until the Year A. D. 1932 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951); see also above, p. 47n417. 33

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secular education was more pronounced in him than theological education. 37 Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani earned the admiration of high officials in the caliph's court at the Arab palace for his poetry while he stayed in Baghdad from 1237 to 1244. 38 5. Cooperation of Christians and Muslims in the Field of Science

Scholarship was a neutral area where Syriac Orthodox, Church of the East, and Muslim academics met amicably. 39 No one found it odd that Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani took lessons in Arabic from Muslim scholars in Baghdad. 40 In Maragha, an Arab scholar publicly stated that he regarded a survey of Bar ʿEbroyo’s as highly as if it came from the mouth of Aristotle. 41 Even Bar ʿEbroyo, shortly before his death, responded to a request from certain Muslims to translate his Syriac history into Arabic; he accomplished this work in about a month. 42

FORMS OF PIETY 1. Lack of Faith

Patriarch Michael I Rabo occasionally complained that the Christians of Mardin, in difficult times, instead of “taking their refuge in God,” blasphemed against God and the saints; 43 he also heard of people losing faith during times of very bad harvests. 44 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:417. Ibid, 2:409. 39 Ibid, 1:667. 40 Ibid, 2:411. 41 Or so his brother Barṣawmo reports, ibid, 2:481. 42 Ibid, 2:469. 43 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:348/700. 44 Ibid, 3:350/703. 37 38

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Many believers seemed to afflicted with apocalyptic fear of the year 1186, for this was the year astrologers had foretold the end of the world, and Patriarch Michael I Rabo received letters even from distant Sīstān in which the faithful asked him to pray for their salvation. 45 2. Relics

The belief in the miraculous power of sacred relics appears everywhere. Patriarch Michael I Rabo was almost inexhaustible with reports on the miracles of Mor Barṣawmo in whose relic lives either Christ 46 or God, 47 and which was kept in the monastery named after him. Even the name of the saint, Barṣawmo, which means “the one who fasts,” adopted by a monk, is said to have protected him from injury. 48 The monks blessed a sick child using an image of the saint, 49 and the apparition of the saint brought about the healing of a broken leg. 50 When Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo was burned in 1183, the relic of the saint's hand started making loud sounds from its reliquary box to make itself heard, so it could be saved in time. 51 When Michael I – then Abbot of Barṣawmo – built the large water pipe at the monastery, there were difficulties with monks who did Ibid, 3:397/729–400/731. Sistān (Sakastān), city in Khorasan; on the origin of the Syriac Orthodox parish there (7th century), see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 2:125. 46 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:303/653. 47 Ibid, 3:285/643. 48 Ibid, 3:323/643. The historical Barṣawmo (c. 450) may owe his name to a sensational fasting record, according to Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 22–23. 49 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:301/652. 50 Ibid, 3:303/653. See Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 568. 51 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:322/678. 45

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not want to participate in the work. The saint repeatedly appeared to these monks in dreams, lead plumb line in the hand, and declared the construction to be his will. He gave instructions on the building and encouraged them until everything reached its happy completion. 52 One understands the widespread reputation which the monastery acquired through such stories 53 and the heavy loss it suffered when Joscelin abducted the precious relic in 1148. It seems likely that he could have hoped to receive several thousand dinars from the monks 54 but in the long run he could not withstand the threats made against him for the desecration of the sanctuary by the saint himself in nighttime apparitions. 55 After all this, Michael says, he voluntarily returned the relic to the monastery and apologized to the monks. 56 However, the fire of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo in 1183 posed an even greater threat to the saint’s legacy than the temporary abduction of the relic. At that time, the Armenian catholicos, who had a tense relationship with the Syriac Orthodox, spread the rumor that Mor Barṣawmo went to Armenia. “By telling such fairy tales,” Michael remarks, “he tried to use the glory of the saint to his advantage.” 57 Even the otherwise sober Bar ʿEbroyo reported in 1285 about apparitions that enabled him to find the relics of Mor bar Naggare. 58 Ibid, 3:322/678. Ibid, 3:301/652. 54 Ibid, 3:283/642, 293/646. 55 Ibid, 3:292/646. 56 Ibid, 3:295/648. 57 Ibid, 3:394ff./728; see below, p. 72. 58 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:463. On the genre of such Eastern hagiographies, see Joachim Jeremias, Golgotha, Angelos. Archiv Für Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte Und Kulturkunde 1 (Leipzig: E. Pfeiffer, 1926), 22–33. See also above, pp. 9ff. When the Church of the East monk, Rabban Sauma, was in Constantinople on his journey to Rome in 1287, he admired the relics collection in the Hagia Sophia: the image of the Virgin Mary, painted by the evangelist Luke, the vessel in which the Lord turned into wine at Cana, 52 53

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Pilgrimages to holy sites seem to have been common. In 1243, Maphrian Yuḥanon V bar Maʿdani vowed to take one to Jerusalem, 59 and certain sins required a bath in the Jordan for atonement. 60 4. Dreams and Visions

Although both interpreting dreams and using oracles were forbidden in church laws, 61 they played a major role among clergy and laymen. In view of the many apparitions of Mor Barṣawmo even Michael I had to defend his dreams, “All this 62 became the stone Peter was sitting on when the cock crowed, and many other things, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 53; On that, see Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 1:40; Jean Ebersolt, “Sanctuaires de Byzance: Recherches Sur Les Anciens Trésors Des Églises de Constantinople” (Paris: E. Leroux, 1921). 59 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:413. On Christian pilgrimage sites in the Holy Land, see Kötting, Peregrinatio Religiosa: Wallfahrten in Der Antike Und Das Pilgerwesen in Der Alten Kirche, 83–111: for the Jordan, 106; for penitential pilgrimages, 329– 330. 60 Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:478, 27. The later Church of the East catholicos, Yahbalaha III, came west to the Holy City on a journey around 1280; he was instructed by the ilkhan to wash some vestments in the Jordan and touch them to the tomb of the Lord, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 21; See also Dulaurier, Recueil Des Historiens Des Croisades, 297–300 (pilgrimage of an Armenian bishop). 61 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:9:56. 62 The will of the saint during the construction of the aqueduct at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo.

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clear through dreams and signs. No one among those who think of dreams as phantoms may despise this art, for among dreams there are those which one must never spurn.” 63 Thus, the sudden conversion to Christianity of Husam al-Din of Mardin (d. 1153) was traced back to a dream in which Mor Abai of Hah appeared. 64 Some of the faithful were also given dream visions, like Bar ʿEbroyo, about the way to find the relics of Mor bar Naggare. 65 Other signs were also perceived. Michael I saw an appearance of a lance in the northern sky at midnight, or that of a cross in the western sky, and even considered a rain of blood to be a premonitory sign. 66

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:322/678. As a young man, Bar ʿEbroyo had written a book on the interpretation of dreams, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:480; Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, 1:xxxiv. 64 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:311; (same as Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 321; Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, 1:281. 65 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:463. 66 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:292ff./646. The elevation of the Church of the East monk Yahbalaha to catholicos (1282) was initiated by phenomena in dremas, in which his teacher, Barṣawmo, indicated that he was destined to be catholicos, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 21, 42, 50. 63

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CHURCH BUILDING PROJECTS 1. Islamic Legal Views

The views prevailing in Islam have always been very diverse as to whether and to what extent their wards should be allowed to build places of worship. 67 All opinions were represented – from a prohibition to even repair dilapidated churches to the permission to build new ones. 68 This inconsistency was due, to an extent, to the fact that, under Islamic rule, both Sassanid and late Roman legal views survived. 69 Much also depended on the personal attitude of the ruler. 70 Under al-Hakim (1003), no crosses were allowed to be seen on the outside of the Christian churches in Egypt, 71 and a little later came the stipulation that Christian buildings could not be taller than Muslim ones. 72

Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 38. ʿOmar, for example, forbade Christians from building new churches and monasteries and from restoring dilapidated buildings, Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 2:1927, 1066ff., “Kibt”; see also Ignác Goldziher, “Zur Litteratur Des Ikhtiläf Al-Madháhib,” Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 38 (n.d.): 669–82, 674. 68 A collection of such views can be found in Richard James Horatio Gottheil, “Dhimmis and Moslems in Egypt,” in Old Testament and Semitic Studies in Memory of William Rainy Harper, vol. 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1908), 351–414, 353ff.; see also Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 38. 69 Ibid, 38. 70 See also the section “The Relationship to Muslim Authorities” below, p. 81. 71 Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 45–47. 72 Ibid, 45–47 67

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2. Religious Buildings

Despite such obstacles, the Syriac Orthodox church of the 12th and 13th centuries was busy with building activity. 73 We hear of numerous churches being built while dilapidated buildings were being repaired. The same goes for the monasteries, which were mostly restoration projects. New hospices, 74 summer prayer spaces, 75 and apartments for higher clergy or monks were also built. See the list of Syriac Orthodox building projects in the appendix below, p. 108. 74 Xenodochein. See Kötting, Peregrinatio Religiosa: Wallfahrten in Der Antike Und Das Pilgerwesen in Der Alten Kirche, 343–388: “Traveling techniques for the early Christian pilgrimage (pilgrim guides, reports, hostels, processions).” On the ξενοδοχεῖον and its development, see especially p. 376; on pilgrim hostels in Syria, see especially 381ff. For an earlier xenodochium-hospital, see Arthur Vööbus, Einiges Über Die Karitative Tätigkeit Des Syrischen Mönchtums, Ein Beitrag Zur Geschichte Der Liebestätigkeit Im Orient, Contributions of Baltic University 51 (Pinneberg: Baltic University, 1947), 22ff.. 75 Syr. beth ṣelōtā, known as muṣallā by Muslims; for a brief explanation and layout of such a prayer space, see also Ugo Monneret de Villard, Le Chiese Della Mesopotamia, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 128 (Rome: Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1940), 48. On the behavior of Muslims towards Christian religious buildings in the first century of conquest, see Abū Yūsuf Yaʽqūb b. Ibrāhīm, Kitāb Al-Ḫarāğ, Būlāq (Baghdad, 1302), 80 (also, Abou Yousof Yaʽkoub, Le Livre de l’impot Foncier (Kitâb El-Kharâdj), trans. Edmund Fagnan, Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique 1 (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste – Paul Geuthner, 1921), 215): the Christians in the cities conquered by the Muslims who were able to pay the ghizya continued their worship essentially undisturbed, 87 (Fagnan, 228); the four first caliphs strictly adhered to this agreement, 88 (Fagnan, 230); in the cities founded by the Muslims, no new churches could be built and no bells could be rung (ḍaraba binaqusin, see above, p. 37n323), the public drinking of wine and the keeping of pigs were also prohibited. See Eduard Sachau, “Von Den Rechtlichen Verhältnissen Der Christen Im Sasanidenreich,” Mitteilungen Des Seminars Für Orientalische Sprache an Der Kgl. Friedr. Wilh.73

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 3. Secular Buildings

In addition to building projects which served purely ecclesiastical purposes, the church also carried out projects which served the public good. Thus, in 1246, Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid started construction of a bridge near Andrion over the Gadid, because many people drowned there every year during the spring floods. 76 Unfortunately, it was completely destroyed shortly before its completion by a flood. Ignatius also had a bridge built over the river in Mopsuestia. 77 4. Building Initiative

The initiative to build often originated with the patriarch or maphrian; among patriarchs, Michael I and Ignatius III stand out in this respect, while in the East, Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo initiated a particularly busy period of construction. The initiator provided the necessary funds, and occasionally there were complaints about the unexpectedly high costs of a planned construction. 78 When Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid built the hospice in the Monastery of the Runner in 1245, in addition to the construction costs, he had to spend a considerable amount of money to ap-

Universität Zu Berlin 10, no. 2 (1907): 69–95, 78n3: “Islam was walking in the footsteps of Emperor Theodosius II, who had forbidden Jews and Samaritans from building houses of worship (see Tillemont, 6:79). In a law of Honorius and Theodosius of 423 it says: Synagogue de cetero nullae protinus ex truantur, veteres in sua forma permaneant (Codex Theodosianus, 16:8:25).” 76 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:671. Andrion may be the same city as Anderin, about 50 km east of Sis, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 68n6. 77 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:671. 78 Ibid, 2:489. – For the construction activity of Patriarch Ignatius III, see also, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 68–69.

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pease Muslims who were grumbling about the construction. 79 As a result, Melitene’s clergy kept postponing the restoration of the dilapidated dome of the Church of the Runner, which they said was out of fear of certain Muslims, but was actually more out of concern that the cost of the church would exceed the money which the clergy had for appeasing them. 80 In 1172, Patriarch Michael I Rabo performed the necessary work with the help of the whole parish. Frequently, it was wealthy private individuals who gave the money needed for the construction work. The renovation of the Quryaqos Monastery was funded by a physician named Simeon in 1207, the church in Tabriz was built in 1272 with the money of Christian merchants, 81 and at other times, the parish contributed the money. 82 Nevertheless, often necessary renovation work went undone. When Patriarch Michael I Rabo came to Amid in 1172, 83 he complained about the beautiful churches, some of which were closed, some were completely dilapidated, and some even served as general stores. 5. Construction Management, Building Materials, Painting, Build Time

It is likely that the technical management of the building projects was mostly handled by the clergy 84 or monks 85 who had the Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:347/701. 81 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:615; 2:443; see above, p. 46. 82 For example, in Amid 1171; see the appendix below, p. 108. 83 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:654/706. 84 Ibid, 3:321ff./677ff. 85 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 2:465; see above, p. 54. 79 80

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necessary mathematical knowledge. The building materials were bricks, wood, stones, and lime. 86 In 1186, Patriarch Michael I Rabo built the church of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo using stones that had been hewn for an ancient pagan temple which was about a day’s journey from the monastery on a mountain. The stones, which were especially large and white in color, were carried on trolleys “with great difficulty and at the cost of thousands of dinars.” 87 The church roofs were sometimes covered Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 2:354/706. 87 Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 314; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 49. Honigmann, equates the temple mentioned here with the hierothesion of King Antiochus I of Commagne on Nemrut Dağ, ibid, 49n5. However, Theresa Goell, director of the Nemrut Dağ excavations of the American Schools of Oriental Research (see forward, p. v), considers that the white stones used to construct the church of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo are not from Nemrut Dağ, because the buildings and statues there had never been plundered, and consist of grayyellow stones, not white ones. The white stones mentioned in CSCO 82, 314 are stones from the royal residence of Arsameia (in Eski Kâhta; the name Kâhta [Goktay] is mentioned in the Syriac text, see below) discovered by F. K. Dörner in 1951 on the Nymphaios (Goktay Čay). As Theresa Goell, who worked as archeologist and architect for Dörner in Arsameia since 1953, and F. K. Dörner himself explained to me, a pagan temple once stood here in Eski Kâhta which has since disappeared, however architectural fragments of white stone testify to its existence. The passage from the Anonymous Chronicle (CSCO 82, 314) describing this plundering of the ancient pagan temple by the monks of Barṣawmo has never been translated in context. I give below a separate translation; after a gap of eight leaves it says: “… they were building blocks, but a day's journey away from the monastery, near Gāḵtay, was a temple of pagans on the mountain, made of carved stones, white stone, and they became tʼbʼšyn because of the wonderfulness of the structure and the [hewn] stones that were built in. Therefore, the patriarch [Michael I] sent pack animals, and they brought the stones after breaking them. In this way, with great difficulty and at the cost of thousands of dinars, 86

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with lead. 88 The numerous wooden buildings were, of course, highly flammable, as can be seen by the great catastrophic fire of 1183 when Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo quickly burned down to its foundations after a fire broke out in one of the wooden monks’ dwellings. 89 Such fires were common. 90 The church facades were sometimes painted white, 91 while the interior was painted with images. Michael I had decorated the church of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo from top to bottom with images, 92 and Bar ʿEbroyo did the same in the monastery church of bar Naggare in 1285. He had this work carried out by a Byzantine painter, who at that time worked in Tabriz on behalf of Mary, the wife of Abaqa. 93 this temple (the church of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo) was erected, so that something to match such glory and beauty could scarcely be found in this country. That place was tall and graceful and high, and there was a beautiful dome in the middle of the church, but he [Patriarch Michael I] adorned it with imagers from top to bottom. He put splendid books of every description in the temple, all of them written by himself.” (This is followed by information about the literary activity of Michael I). – I do not have an explanation for the word tʼbʼšyn. 88 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:649. 89 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:391/726. On the construction of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, see Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 314; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 47–51, 90 For example, Sis 1249, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:669. 91 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:307/654. 92 Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 31. This took about two years, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 50. 93 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:461. On the relationship between the Syriac Orthodox paintings and Byzantine and Islamic art, see Hugo Buchthal, “The Painting of the Syrian Jacobites in Its Relation to Byzantine and Islamic Art,” Syria: Revue d’Art

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Large churches often took decades to build. While Dayro dMor Barṣawmo was rebuilt within three years, 94 the rebuilding of the monastery church took more than ten years to complete and was completed with a grand dedication ceremony, for which Patriarch Michael gathered thirty-five bishops. It was dedicated on the feast of Mor Barṣawmo: May 15, 1194. 95 6. Church Construction for Representational Reasons

In order to uphold its reputation, the Syriac Orthodox Church had representative church buildings in those places that were the metropolises of other Christian denominations. One such place was Qalʿa Rumayta, 96 the seat of the Armenian catholicos. The Syriac Orthodox were very disappointed with the absence of their own church there because of the Armenians’ presence, so Patriarch Ignaṭius II sent some of his men there from Antioch in 1245 with the necessary money. They erected in a short time a splendid church, “of which the orthodox could boast.” In the same year, the patriarch also had a church built in Antioch, 97 and members of the local parish in Baghdad provided for the maintenance of a church for Syriac Orthodox Christians “near the palace of the caliph.” 98 Oriental et d’Archéologie 20 (1939): 136–50. Mary was a Byzantine princess, daughter of Emperor Michael III and Bar ʿEbroyo gave her the title despina (δέσποινα) hotun. Δέσποινα is the official title of the wife of Byzantine emperor, Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 67n6; see Dulaurier, “Les Mongols d’apres Les Historiens Armeniens; Fragments Traduits Sur Les Textes Originaux.”, 309n1. 94 1183–1186, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:393–727. 95 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:409/736; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 50. 96 Hṙomklay, Castrum Romanum. 97 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667. 98 Ibid, 2:445; see above, p. 46.

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The dispersal of parishes caused by political events also led to new church buildings in areas where previously there had been no Syriac Orthodox Christians at all. Thus, members of the local parish who fled from Mosul in 1262 erected a church and other church buildings in Arbela, “by this the orthodox doctrine was spread out in an area in which it was previously unknown.” 99

INNER DECLINE 1. General Disorderliness

Because Christians would often rise to secular positions of honor in the Islamic world based on their spiritual careers, very often people would assume church offices or enter monasteries for motives that were more worldly than spiritual. 100 Since many lacked an inner attachment to religious ideals, there were many kinds of wrongdoing that took place in the life of the church. Bar ʿEbroyo once said that he, too, had almost fallen into them. 101 The neglect was so deeply rooted that even renewed attempts at reform by church leaders were unable to bring about any real improvement. 102 The trial that the parish of Callinicus brought against the bishop John Denha for his immoral lifestyle began under the Patriarch Athanasius VIII (1139–1166) had already led to his excommunication on numerous charges. 103 Patriarch Michael I Rabo also watched the bishop’s activities for a long time and eventually dismissed him at a synod in 1175, banishing him to a monastery. However, neither the excommunication nor the disBar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 2:429ff. See above, p. 43. 101 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 72/590. 102 See the section “Reform Efforts” below, p. 67. 103 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:358/708; see above, p. 48. 99

100

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missal and banishment proved successful, for the bishop turned to the Muslim emirs and sued the patriarch in their courts. Reportedly, he had even called for the patriarch’s execution. The four bishops, who were involved in the schism of Theodore bar Wahbun against Patriarch Michael I Rabo in 1180, had – at least according to the portrayal of Michael – all been guilty of violations of church rules and were in some cases dismissed and excommunicated. 104 Cases of clergymen causing offense with their extravagant lifestyle and drunkenness were common. 105 In 1250, while Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid was living in a Christian’s house in a Syriac Orthodox village, the patriarch and his companions, especially bishop Athanasius of Acre, would join in their landlord’s drinking parties. Apparently, however, something more had happened, for, in a suddenly flame of jealousy, the landlord slew his wife and the bishop fled into hiding afterward for a long time. 106 Of course, such things occurred among people besides just the Syriac Orthodox. In 1156, there was a case among Armenians where a priest in Melitene had lured a young girl into the church to do violence to her. When she resisted, he strangled her and hid the corpse under the altar. 107 Acts of violence also occurred in the monasteries at times. In 1215, at Barṣawmo, the former abbot Simeon Ṭobaqon had quarreled with a servant. When the servant wanted to leave the monastery afterward, Simeon prevented him, so the servant killed the abbot on the monastery stairs. 108 Bishop bar Andrew of Mabbugh was feared for his sharp tongue and known for his mocking poetic verses against Patriarch Athanasius VIII. When he died, it was rumored that he had Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:383/722. 105 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:521. 106 Ibid, 1:681. 107 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 324ff. 108 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:639. 104

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fallen victim to a poisoning. 109 Bishop Ignatius of Tur ʿAbdin publicly said that he had the murder of a priest and his whole family on his conscience; shortly afterwards, in 1175, when he was murdered himself, it was generally considered an act of revenge for someone’s blood. 110 Compared to such incidents, it seems harmless that a bishop, Daniel of Habora, revealed that the maphrian had embezzled gifts which the patriarch intended for the emir; this occurred while in a dispute with the maphrian over the misuse of the patriarch’s name in letters addressed to the emir of Mardin. 111 2. Greed

It seems the monks had been forbidden to possess money at all. “The objects of renunciation are money, food, clothing. … Money, in so far as the ascetic does not possess it at all,” as Bar ʿEbroyo writes. 112 However, the reality seems to confirm the opposite. When the Abbot Ṣalibi was elected patriarch (Athanasios VIII) in 1199, he speaks of the wealth he possessed, and in 1201, the monk Yeshuʿof Barṣawmo 113 was able to add a sum of six thousand dinars to the bribe for Sultan Rukn al-Dīn of Ibid, 1:517. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:363/710. Such deaths also occurred in the Church of the East: a bishop who was incarcerated by Catholicos Denha I (1265–1281) suddenly died in his cell; “but many different opinions prevailed regarding the cause of his death,” Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:449. 111 Ibid, 1:685ff. 112 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 7/526; Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven, 58, 60; Krüger, “Das Syrisch-Monophysitische Mönchtum Im Ṭūr-‘Ab(h)Dīn von Seinen Anfängen Bis Zur Mitte Des 12. Jahrhunderts”, 1:53; Bar ʿEbroyo, Ethicon; Seu Moralia Gregorii Barhebraei et Liber Columbae Seu Directorium Monachorum Gregorii Barhebraei, 416. 113 The nephew of Michael I, who was raised to be patriarch in 1199 under the name Michael II, see below, p. 66. 109 110

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Melitene. 114 On other occasions, the possessions of the monks or monasteries were simply taken for granted. 115 Even the higher clergy had certain funds at their disposal, which they may not always have acquired in an irreproachable way. Bishop Ignatius of Tur ʿAbdin was so greedy and avaricious – “which is idolatry,” added Patriarch Michael I Rabo 116 – that he relied upon the financial assistance of the sultan for his living. 117 Around 1223, when Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid quarreled with some of the ministers and clergy, they set out to the sultan to sue him. The patriarch had a number of very long and skinny purses made, filled the bottoms of them with silver coins, and covered those with gold dinars on top, and then hurried after his accusers. When he caught up with them, he opened the bags, rolled out the gold dinars, and declared he would spend all this money destroying their charges. “But when the clergy and the abbots saw all the gold, they bent their backs, embraced, reconciled with him, and returned to the monastery together.” 118 In 1253, Patriarch Dionysios VII Ahrun ʿAngur had to pay twenty-seven thousand silver dinars to assuage the angry

The son of Sultan Kilij Arslan II of Iconium, who became governor of Melitene in 1200; see the genealogy of the Rûm Sultans in the appendix below, p. 120. 115 For example, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:617. This did not mean the common possession of the monastery, but the private property of the monks, as can be seen in the fact that, in 1148, after the plundering of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo by Joscellin, monks and servants of the monastery organized a collection of money to repair the monastery, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:285/643. See also above, pp. 40–41. 116 See Col 3:5. 117 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:362/710 118 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:651. 114

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Sultan an-Nasir Yusuf of Damascus. 119 Such costs were largely borne by the parishes. 120 3. Simony

Simony within the Syriac Orthodox Church at this time has already been discussed, 121 yet it was the Armenian church that had become proverbial for this offense. Patriarch Michael I Rabo 122 commonly complained about “the sale of the priesthood, as with the Armenians.” 123 Of course, such complaints were also raised by Armenians themselves. One hears of simonist Syriac Orthodox patriarchs and bishops, 124 and Michael I endeavored to address bishops who had given bribes in exchange for their ordination. 125 The Armenian catholicos also spoke out against this abuse. 126 During the time of Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid (1222– 1252), the state authority, directed by the emir, seized the local metropolitan and led him out of the city because the emir had decreed him guilty of bribery. 127 Bar ʿEbroyo had also been offered money in exchange for granting episcopal consecration. 128 Ibid, 1:721. See above, p. 19. 121 See Acts 8:20 and Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 211ff. 122 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515; Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:355/706. 123 This abuse in the Armenian church led to the formation of a sect in 1173, called the Ausigonoye, named after a monk, Ausig, who rose against the simony of his catholicos. This movement, which later joined the Greek Orthodox Church, included about four hundred Armenian families, Ibid, 3:351/703. See above, p. 33. 124 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 1:515. 125 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:383/722. 126 Ibid, 3:355/706. 127 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum 2:397. 128 Ibid, 2:443. 119 120

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 4. Lack of Discipline

In many cases, the required reverence for spiritual superiors was lacking; could anyone really expect otherwise? Judging by the content of the ecclesiastical commandments, which aimed to strengthen discipline, one can infer what was most lacking – namely, the respect due to bishops. Meetings assembled against bishops were banned 129 and punished with dismissal from office. Those who insulted a bishop were to suffer the same punishment. 130 An abbot who rebelled against his bishop would be punished with excommunication. 131 The superior status of the abbot to the monks was highly regulated. 132 Bar ʿEbroyo praised obedience as a sign that a monk genuinely renounced and turned away from arrogance, which sought outward honors and prevented people from becoming free from earthly things. 133 Hermits were to be treated with special reverence. A visitor was to wait humbly and not speak before being addressed. Visitors should limit their visit to a short time whenever possible. 134 In reality, these demands were rarely met. The monks 135 and bishops 136 both revolted against the patriarch, and by the year 1208 the patriarch had fallen in honor so much so that he would be ridiculed by his spiritual subordinates. 137 In 1215, AbBar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 1:1:4; see above, pp. 34– 35. 130 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:4:47. 131 Ibid, 7:10:58–59 132 See above, p. 37. 133 Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 8/526ff. 134 Ibid, 31/549ff. 135 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:367/712. 136 Ibid, 3:383/722. 137 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:627ff.; see above, p. 19. 129

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bot Simeon of Barṣawmo dared to defy the patriarch and ignore his own excommunication; 138 in the same year, the followers of a monk who had abandoned his monastery against the wishes of his abbot 139 called the patriarch profanity-laced names. 140 5. Inheriting Higher Church Offices

High ecclesiastical offices often remained in the same families for generations, despite the fact that this was a departure from foundational canon law. 141 Elias, the father of Patriarch Michael I Rabo, had been a simple priest, 142 and Elias’s brother was archbishop of Anazarbus. 143 Of Elias’s sons, Michael became abbot of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo and rose to the patriarchal office in 1166. 144 In 1177, Michael ordained his brother Ṣalībā as the archbishop of Mardin 145 and in 1184, he made him archbishop of Jerusalem. 146 Then, in 1190, he appointed him as his representative in Antioch. 147 A third brother’s marriage produced two sons: Jacob, who was ordained maphrian in 1189 by Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:635; see above, p. 37. 139 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:605. 140 Ibid, 1:637. – One hears the same about the Church of the East: around 1290, two bishops conspired against Catholicos Yaballaha III, so he convened a spiritual court to punish them with dismissal. Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century. 141 See above, pp. 33–34 and see the genealogies of Patriarchs Michael I Rabo and Ignatius IV in the appendix below, pp. 111–112. 142 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:350/703. 143 Ibid, 3:274/636, 350/703. 144 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:525. 145 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:374/717, 376/717. 146 Ibid, 3:394/727. 147 Ibid, 3:411/737. 138

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his uncle, the patriarch, taking the name Gregory I; 148 and Yeshuʿ Sephtono, who first entered Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo as a monk. 149 At the death of Patriarch Michael I Rabo (1199), despite this causing a schism, 150 Yeshuʿ was ordained by his brother, the maphrian, as patriarch, with the official name Michael II. 151 The family of Patriarch Ignatius IV (1264–1282) was very similar. While going by his birth name, Yeshuʿ, he became abbot of the Gawikat Monastery, 152 until 1264 when he became patriarch. His brother Simeon (d. 1266) was archbishop of Melitene under the name Gregory, 153 while another brother, Jacob, was a presbyter in Qalʿa Rumayta 154 and abbot of Barṣawmo. 155 A third brother married and left a son, Nemrud (d. 1292), who was a deacon. 156 He was appointed archbishop of Melitene in 1273 by his uncle, Patriarch Ignatius IV and ordained with the name Philoxenos. 157 After the death of the patriarch (1282), Philoxenos’s uncle Jacob, forcing three bishops to participate in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, made him the patriarch. 158 Another uncle, Rabban Simeon, and his son Tāj ad-Daulā successfully sought recognition from Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo. 159

Ibid, 3:403/733; but also see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:377–381. 149 Ibid, 1:605; see Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 1:xvi (Introduction). 150 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:605ff. 151 Ibid, 2:387. 152 Ibid, 1:749. 153 Ibid, 1:761. 154 Ibid, 1:779. 155 Ibid, 1:773. 156 Ibid, 1:769. 157 Ibid, 1:771. 158 Ibid, 1:779; Bar ʿEbroyo calls him Philoxenus, Assemani calls him Ignatius IV. 159 Ibid, 2:455ff. 148

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No one seems to regard this heredity of spiritual office as improper. 160 In 1277, Bishop Severus of Tabriz died and the community elected his nephew, a monk, as his successor. 161 At the death of Archbishop Gregory of Melitene (d. 1266), great excitement arose among the clergy of the city when the patriarch allowed the nephew of the deceased to succeed him. 162 Bar ʿEbroyo noted it disapprovingly when, at the death of Patriarch Ignatius IV (d. 1282), a clergyman “who did not come from one of the old priestly lineages” competed for the position. His judgement on this man was unfavorable. 163 The younger relatives of high clergymen were often called upon at an early age to participate in the church leadership. Bar ʿEbroyo, when he was still bishop of Laqabin, had Famulus, the nephew of the Patriarch Dionysus VII Ahrun ʿAngur (1253–1261), with him on trips for special assignments. 164

REFORM EFFORTS 1. Beginnings

The metropolitan of Mardin mad the first attempt to eradicate such abuses when he convened a synod of bishops in 1155, which Maphrian Ignatius II also attended. 165 It established the validity of the ecclesiastical canons and sent a memorandum to Patriarch Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh calling for the implementation of reforms to be initiated by a synod. The patriarch reluctantly consented to the convening of such a synod, See above, pp. 33–34. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:445. 162 Ibid, 1:761. 163 Ibid, 1:777ff. 164 Ibid, 1:707. – The nephews of Church of the East Catholicos Makkika (1257–1265) were with their uncle in Baghdad for similar reasons, ibid, 2:435. 165 Ibid, 1:513–517. 160 161

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which happened at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo in the same year and issued forty canons. However, “the patriarch and the Western bishops did not care. Rather, they kept their old habits.” 166 2. The Reforms of Michael I

In 1166, when Abbot Michael of Barṣawmo was to be elevated to patriarchal authority, he declared that he would only take over this ministry if the bishops pledged to strictly adhere to the following points of ecclesiastical law: to shape their conduct according to the instructions of the holy fathers, not to ordain in exchange for money, to make no changes to the diocesan boundaries, and not to move from one diocese to another. Opposition arose at first against these demands, claiming that the present time was not appropriate for making such rigorous demands and that the weakness of this generation should be taken into account. 167 Dionysius bar Salibi, 168 then bishop of Marʿash, stood up and described the many futile attempts at reform that had been made for years; but that now God had aroused the zeal for the improvement of conditions in the heart of the one whom they set out to vote for as their head, and whoever now refuses his consent is a satan. His words proved effective, and the ballot was signed by all present. 169 Immediately after his ordination, which took place on Tuesday, October 18, 1166, Michael went to the Monastery of Mor Ḥanino near Mardin, where his installation took place. Here, Dionysios bar Salibi made a speech that became so famous that it was included in the Syriac Orthodox pontifical. Having first extolled the grandeur of the patriarchal office, Dionysios posed a question to the patriarch’s admirers about what the right gifts were to be offered to the new chief shepherd. He answered himself – not with a sacrifice of gold, silver, or any Ibid, 1:515; see above, p. 62 and p. 19n101. An idea which is similar in form to Bar ʿEbroyo’s, see above, p. 43. 168 On him, see above, pp. 52–53. 169 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:537–539. 166 167

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earthly matter, rather, the priests and deacons should shine through purity and sanctity, care for the priesthood, excel in intercession, in zeal for the sacred teachings, in mutual love and care for their sheep, and thus offer a sacrifice of heavenly priesthood to him – and through him to Christ. And even monks could make such a sacrifice by living in humility and inward repentance, by turning away from the world, by long vigils while reading of the lives of the saints, by abstaining from food, and by the omission of all calumnies and abominations. 170 Michael began immediately to realize his reform ideas. Even in the monastery of Mor Ḥanino he issued twenty-nine canons. 171 At the same time, he transmitted the archbishopric of Amid to Dionysios bar Salibi, in which he administered until his death in 1171. Michael himself took his residence in Mardin. 172 There could be no doubt about his seriousness. Already in the first year after his ordination, 1167, he suspended two bishops for their transgressions. 173 At another synod, which took place at Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo in 1169, he issued orders against bishops who employ women in their ministry or who even talk to women at all, and against monks who allow women to enter their cells, no matter if they were religious or lay women. 174 By 1175, as a result of such measures, a group formed among the bishops opposing the patriarch, which brought about a serious conflict. It included the bishops of Damascus, Gihon, Tur ʿAbdin and Qalliniqos. 175 They managed to temporarily arDionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “Discours Du Jacques (Denys) Bar Salibî à l’intronisation Du Patriarche Michel Le Syrien,” trans. Jean Baptiste Chabot, Journal Asiatique 10, no. 11 (1908): 87–115, 112–113; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:544n2. 171 Ibid, 1:543. 172 Ibid, 1:543 173 Ibid, 1:543 174 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 338. 175 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:357/707ff. 170

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rest the patriarch with the help of Saif ed-Din, the ruler of Mosul. The conflict concluded, leaving Michael to complain that his laborious struggle for reforms had failed to achieve any real success. 176 3. Failures

Shortly after Michael’s death, everything went back to the way it had been before. This is clear from the undignified events in the elevation of Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo (1208– 1220). 177 When Yuḥanon died, the desire for reform was renewed. In 1222, the maphrian was raised to patriarch, an occurrence previously unheard of in Syriac Orthodox history. 178 The hopes for improving conditions hung on choosing Ignatius Dawid for this role. However, he too had no lasting effect. When he died after reigning for thirty years, he was succeeded by Dionysios VII Ahrun ʿAngur (1253–1261), a patriarch whose crimes finally led him to death by a murderous hand. Men like him could not be expected to maintain any reforms. This is why, in the second half of the thirteenth century, among the rules that Bar ʿEbroyo included in his Nomocanon were provisions that a bishop who received his office by bribery should be dismissed along with his ordinator, 179 that a cleric convicted of fornication or theft should be punished in the same way, 180 and finally that it should be remembered that clergymen should not be allowed to have women in their homes. 181

Ibid, 3:357/707ff. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:619ff.; see above, p. 19. 178 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:643. 179 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:2:42; see above, p. 33. 180 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:4:46. 181 Ibid, 7:4:46. 176 177

THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH TO OTHER CHRISTIAN CHURCHES COPTIC ORTHODOX

Syriac and Coptic Orthodox shared the same faith but differed in the questions of rites and practices. 1 When assuming office, the patriarchs exchanged greetings in which they repeated the creed. 2 In 1179, Patriarch Michael I Rabo was informed by the patriarch of Alexandria about a schism caused by the zeal for reform of the monk Mark bar Qonbar. 3 While giving information about events in his own church, Michael commented on the theological issues and excommunicated bar Qonbar. 4 Thus, both churches felt a bond with one another, and only once came to a serious dispute. Patriarch Cyril III of Alexandria (1235–1243) ordained a metropolitan for Jerusalem on behalf of See Rudolf Strothmann, Die Koptische Kirche in Der Neuzeit, Beiträge Zur Historischen Theologie 8 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1932), 55; selfportraits of the Coptic church can be found there. 2 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 41ff; see above, p. 17. 3 See Georg Graf, Ein Reformversuch Innerhalb Der Koptischen Kirche Im Zwölften Jahrhundert (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1923); Strothmann, Die Koptische Kirche in Der Neuzeit, 67. 4 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:379/720. 1

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his compatriots in Syria. There was nothing out of the ordinary here except that the consecration had to be performed by the patriarch of Antioch, since Jerusalem lay in his jurisdiction. In response, Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid of Antioch ordained an Abyssinian monk named Thomas as metropolitan of Abyssinia, which was under the Alexandrian patriarch’s jurisdiction. This was also unlawful, because this office was to be held only by an Egyptian Christian and an Abyssinian Christian would not have been allowed to hold it. Unfortunately, Bar ʿEbroyo does not tell us what the consequences of these events were for relations between Alexandria and Antioch, but he does mention a conflict that Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid had with the Frankish leaders in Jerusalem over this matter. 5

ARMENIAN ORTHODOX 1. Mutual Understanding

Apart from a few temporary disturbances the Syriac and Armenian Orthodox churches had a good relationship, 6 and the same applies to relations with the Armenian royalty. When Prince Thoros II of Lesser Armenia (1136–1167) escaped after having imprisoned by his opponents in 1153, the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh lent him a horse and gave him ten men to accompany him and help recover his country. 7 In another instance, King Leo II (1187–1219) helped Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:655, 659. For the whole event, see Enrico Cerulli, Etiopi in Palestina: Storia Della Comunità Etipica Di Gerusalemme, 2 vols., Collezione Scientifica e Documentaria a Cura Del Ministero Dell’ Africa Italiana 12 and 14 (Rome: Liberia de lo Stato, 1943), 1:62–73; and below, p. 84. See also above, p. 25n162. 6 Ter-Minassiantz, Die Armenische Kirche in Ihren Beziehungen Zu Den Syrischen Kirchen Bis Zum Ende Des 13. Jahrhunderts, Nach Dem Armenischen Und Syrischen Quellen Bearbeitet, 117–120. 7 Dulaurier, Recueil Des Historiens Des Croisades, 1:452. 5

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Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo obtain his recognition from the Rûm sultan, which was granted to him with other honors. 8 The patriarchs made numerous visits to Lesser Armenia; the catholicos always received them honorably. 9 Occasionally, the patriarchs lived there for years 10 and significant ecclesiastical events, such as the ordination of the patriarch or maphrian, took place on Lesser Armenian soil. 11 In cases of internal disputes within the Armenian church, the Syriac Orthodox patriarch was called upon to help settle them. 12 Together with the Greek Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox clergy took part in the funeral of Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo in Maragha, which meant they used the Syriac Orthodox rituals. 13 2. Theological Disputes

Armenians did not perceive the dogmatic differences which existed as divisions between the churches. The Armenian monk Nerses of Lambron (1153–1199), who had a great reputation as a scholar, wrote in his reflections on the institutions of the churches, 14 “I wholeheartedly disagree that we alone are the people of Christ. If the scholars who support such presumption claim that Greeks are in error, why do Syrians praise such a habit as good, and why do the Franks who have come to our country agree with them on this point and not with us?” And in a letter to King Leo II, he said, “in my eyes the Armenian is

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:621–627. Ibid, 1:721. 10 Patriarch Ignatius IV lived there for three years, ibid, 1:767. 11 The ordination of Patriarch Ignatius IV and Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo in 1264 in Sis, ibid, 2:433; see above, p. 26. 12 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:353/705. 13 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:473. 14 Dulaurier, Recueil Des Historiens Des Croisades, 1:570. 8 9

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the same as the Latin and the Egyptian the same as the Syrian.” 15 The Syriac Orthodox side, however, sometimes interfered with the internal affairs of the Armenian church. Patriarch Michael I Rabo had often objected to the simony of the Armenian leaders 16 and Bishop Dionysius bar Salibi, the author of several pamphlets, 17 wrote against some customs peculiar to Armenians 18 in a tone that was not always measured, “In the Roman Ibid, 1:586; see Tekeyan, Controverses Christologiques En ArménoCilicie Dans La Seconde Moitié Du XIIe Siècle (1165–1198), 65–68; Rey, Les Colonies Franques de Syrie Aux XIIme et XIIIme Siècles, 274–278. 16 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:355/706; see above, p. 64. 17 On him, see above, pp. 53–54; he wrote pamphlets against Jews, the Church of the East, the Eastern Orthodox, and against Muslims, Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der ChristlichPalästinensischen Texte, 295; see Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:343/698 and Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:513, 559. See Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, The Treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi against the Jews. Part 1: The Syriac Text Edited from a Mesopotamian Ms. (Cod. Syr. Harris. 83), ed. Johannes de Zwaan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1906); Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “Discours Du Jacques (Denys) Bar Salibî à l’intronisation Du Patriarche Michel Le Syrien”; Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “Analyse Du Traité Écrit Par Denys Bar Salibi Contre Les Nestoriens (Ms. Syriaque de Paris No 209, p. 181 à 380),” trans. François Nau, Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 14 (1909): 298–320; Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “A Treatise of Barsalibi against the Melchites,” in Woodbrooke Studies, trans. Alphonse Mingana, vol. 1 (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1927), 2–95; Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “The Work of Dionysius Barsalibi against the Armenians,” in Woodbrooke Studies, trans. Alphonse Mingana, vol. 4 (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1931), 1–111. 18 Thus, he reproved the Armenian custom of the baptism of the cross, the use of unleavened bread and unmingled wine in the Eucharist, TerMinassiantz, Die Armenische Kirche in Ihren Beziehungen Zu Den Syrischen Kirchen Bis Zum Ende Des 13. Jahrhunderts, Nach Dem Armenischen Und Syrischen Quellen Bearbeitet, 119; see Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “The Work of 15

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provinces, in Italy and Palestine, to this day, Christmas is celebrated on the 25th of December. And all the East and the North observe that custom, with the exception of the Armenians, those stubborn and obstinate people who are not persuaded to the truth, so that, according to the old custom, they celebrate the two feasts on January 6th.” 19 3. Temporary Problems

There were more serious tensions between the Syriac Orthodox Church and the Armenian Orthodox Church on only two occasions. The first occurred during the reign of Michael I. After the death of Armenian Catholicos Nerses Shnorhali (d. 1173), with whom Michael had a perfect relationship, his successor Gregory IV (1173–1193), in accordance with ancient custom, announced his enthronement to the Syriac Orthodox patriarch 20 and Michael thanked him with gifts and prayers. Soon, however, there was a sharp estrangement between the two 21 and the

Dionysius Barsalibi against the Armenians”; see also John X Bar Shushan, “Das Sendschreiben Des Patriarchen Barschuschan an Den Catholicus Der Armenier,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 32, no. 3 (1912): 268–342. John Bar Shushan (1064–1073) wrote about some hateful practices that contradicted the canons of the church, e.g., the use of unleavened bread and unmingled wine, the baptism of the cross and semantra (naqushe, see above, p. 38n323), Armenians celebrate the feast of the birth of Christ differently than all nations of the earth. 19 Christmas and Epiphany; on the whole issue, see Hermann Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest, 2nd ed. (Bonn: Friedrich Cohen, 1911); see also the previous footnote. 20 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:353/705. 21 Ter-Minassiantz, Die Armenische Kirche in Ihren Beziehungen Zu Den Syrischen Kirchen Bis Zum Ende Des 13. Jahrhunderts, Nach Dem Armenischen Und Syrischen Quellen Bearbeitet, 130ff; the reasons for this are not clear.

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monk, Theodore bar Wahbun, 22 received full support from the Armenian king and catholicos 23 as counter-patriarch against Michael for 13 years (1180–1193). 24 Lesser Armenia recognized bar Wahbun as the patriarch. Even after this conflict was finally resolved, Michael often spoke with irritation about Armenians. 25 The second time that the Syriac Orthodox-Armenian Orthodox relationship was damaged was around 1250, when the Armenian catholicos asked Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid to give an altar to the Armenians in the church of Harran. Ignatius was reluctant to comply with this wish but did not want to oppose the catholicos openly. Instead, he formally requested the bishop of Harran to provide an altar to the Armenians, and at the same time he secretly instructed the Harran parish to not fulfill the request of the catholicos in any way. 26 In order to avert suspicion, he then excommunicated the parish of Harran for their disobedience. 27 Then, the Armenian king intervened and threatened to confiscate the land owned by the Syriac Orthodox monasteries 28 in Cilicia. The patriarch succeeded in dissuading the king from this by writing to him, that it would be wrong to punish the Cilicians for others’ sins. The catholicos could witness to how much trouble he had with the obstinate citizens of Harran; he had not given up hope of subjugating them, which was why they were still under excommunication. “The words of the patri-

See above, p. 6 and see Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 300ff. 23 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:387/724. 24 Ibid, 3:382/721ff. 25 Ibid. 26 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:687ff.; see Ter-Minassiantz, Die Armenische Kirche in Ihren Beziehungen Zu Den Syrischen Kirchen Bis Zum Ende Des 13. Jahrhunderts, Nach Dem Armenischen Und Syrischen Quellen Bearbeitet, 132ff. 27 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:689. 28 See above, pp. 40–42. 22

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arch pleased the king and satisfied him,” Bar ʿEbroyo concluded in his report on this matter. 29 But just as the former good relationship had been restored after the death of Theodore bar Wahbun – King Leo sent gifts to Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo 30 and Patriarch Michael took part in his coronation in 1198 31 – the quarrel over the altar left no lasting tension. The same Patriarch Ignatius was soon greeted warmly by the Armenian catholicos during a stay in Qalʿa Rumayta, even staying at his residence. The catholicos also visited the patriarch when the patriarch was ill. 32 When he died there in 1252, he was buried in the Armenian church; the catholicos inherited most of his estate. 33

CHURCH OF THE EAST 1. Decreasing Dogmatic Opposition

Bar ʿEbroyo demonstrated the outwardly good relationship to the Church of the East through the fact that, in the second part of his work on church history, he included important events from the Church of the East. 34 In his Nomocanon, there are individual provisions that correspond to the customs of the Church of the East as well. 35 Above all, though, he was personally opBar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:691. Ibid, 1:587. 31 Leo II had received the crown from Byzantine Emperor Alexios Angelos, Pope Celeste III and Emperor Henry VI. See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3:87–91. 32 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:691. 33 Ibid, 1:693. 34 Spuler, Die Mongolen in Iran: Politik, Verwaltung Und Kultur Der Ilchanzeit 1220–1350, 205. 35 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:59; Assemani points this out, Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 134 (canon persarum). 29 30

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posed to the dogmatic debates. In his writings, he advised avoiding useless quarrels over Christological questions and simply leading a moral life instead. 36 It was common at that time for In the Book of the Dove he writes: “… I became convinced, that these quarrels of Christians are not a matter of facts but of words and denominations. For all of them confess Christ, our Lord, to be wholly God and wholly man, without mixture, equalization, or mutation of natures. This bilateral likeness is called by some nature, by others person, by others hypostasis. So I saw all Christian peoples, notwithstanding these differences, possessing one unvarying equality. And I wholly eradicated the root of hatred from the depth of my heart and I absolutely forsook disputation with anyone concerning confession,” Bar ʿEbroyo, Bar Hebraeus’ Book of the Dove, Together with Some Chapters from His Ethikon, 60/577ff. He advised the same thing to the young monk: “Since all the Christians of our time agree in the right faith, as stated in the Nicene creed, the hermit should abstain from all disputes over natures and hypostases. The true hermit only speaks about ethical issues without worrying about religious questions,” 41/559; The letter of Bar ʿEbroyo to the Catholicos Denḥa I (Bar ʿEbroyo, “Une Lettre de Bar Hébréus Au Catholicos Denḥa Ier,” trans. Jean Baptiste Chabot, Journal Asiatique 9, no. 11 (1898): 75–128), in which he commented on dogmatic questions, corresponds to this attitude of the author: he is polite and concordant in tone. – The polemic of Dionysius Bar Salibi against the Church of the East (analyzed by F. Nau, Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, “Analyse Du Traité Écrit Par Denys Bar Salibi Contre Les Nestoriens (Ms. Syriaque de Paris No 209, p. 181 à 380)”) offers, in dialogue form, dogmatic discussions of the Christological problems; its tone is factual and without any sharpness. – See also the curious “Book of the Knowledge of the Truth” (probably 11th or 12th C.), Karl Kayser, trans., Das Buch von Der Erkenntniss Der Wahrheit Oder Der Ursache Aller Ursachen. Aus Dem Syrischen Grundtext Ins Deutsche Übersetzt (Strassburg: Karl J. Trübner, 1893), e.g., 195: “Each one of us grasps, understands, and comprehends [the truth of God], yes tastes, rejoices and refreshes himself according to his way of life, the purity of his heart, the purity of his reason, and the clarity of his thoughts, and as through eating, he thereby grows wise and becomes more excellent. All these differences, degrees and grades, opinions and thoughts, and many varied ideas concerning God are results of his greatness, immensity, and incomprehensibility.” 36

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Syriac Orthodox Christians to study under the guidance of Church of the East teachers. The learned Syriac Orthodox bishop, Jacob (Severus) Bar Shakko (ca. 1240) 37 had a Church of the East monk as a teacher, while at the same time, Bar ʿEbroyo was studying rhetoric and medicine in Tripoli with a Church of the East Christian, Jacob. 38 This is in keeping with Syriac Orthodox judgments about Church of the East personalities. Bar ʿEbroyo describes the wife of Hulagu, Doquz Khatun, as the “Orthodox queen,” 39 though she was a member of the Church of the East, and of the Church of the East Catholicos Yahbalaha III (1282–1317), he said, “Although he was little-versed in the Syriac language and teaching, he was a naturally good character, filled with the fear of God, who showed much love for us and our faithful.” 40

On this, see Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 280–281. 37 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:409ff.; Baumstark, Geschichte Der Syrischen Literatur Mit Ausschluß Der Christlich-Palästinensischen Texte, 308, 311; see above, p. 53. 38 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667; see above, p. 54; see Waas, Geschichte Der Kreuzzüge in Zwei Bänden, 2:233– 234; Rey mentions a famous academy in Tripoli whose large library went up in flames when the city was taken over by the Franks (July 12, 1109), Rey, Les Colonies Franques de Syrie Aux XIIme et XIIIme Siècles, 165, 178–183 and Grousset, Histoire Des Croisades et Du Royaume Franc de Jérusalem, 1:356–359. 39 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:251. 40 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:453; see also above, p. 51n4. This praise from the mouth of Bar ʿEbroyo seems particularly remarkable, considering the great Syriac grammar that he introduced with thanksgiving to God, yet he still considers him among the purely Christian Aramaic-speaking Syrians. Bar ʿEbroyo, Buch Der Strahlen: Die Grössere Grammatik Des Barhebräus, trans. Axel Moberg (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1913).

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In official communications, they showed each other the greatest respect. In 1265, shortly after becoming maphrian, Bar ʿEbroyo visited his faithful in Baghdad and was welcomed in the name of the catholicos and led to a solemn reception with him. 41 The same thing happened twelve years later when he visited Baghdad again. 42 Many Church of the East Christians participated in the liturgies of the Syriac Orthodox Church and attended the consecration of holy oils which Bar ʿEbroyo celebrated there. Given such circumstances, proclaiming the new maphrian as catholicos in the home of the Church of the East catholicos, was sure to cause a level of resentment. 43 Once, a maphrian had to ask for accommodations in a Church of the East monastery, which was granted to him. Maphrian Gregory I (1189–1214), ordained by Patriarch Michael I Rabo, had been denied entry into the city by the counter-maphrian of the East with the support of the prefect of Mosul. 44 Catholicos Makkika showed himself to be less accommodating to the Syriac Orthodox who had fled from Mosul to Arbela in 1262. They asked the catholicos, who happened to be there at the time, for permission to build a church. He refused their request, however, saying that they could hold their liturgies under the arch of the Church of the East church. They then turned to the Church of the East metropolitan – who would later become Catholicos Denha – and to the emir of the city, who allowed them to build “even if the catholicos did not want it.” 45

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:435. Ibid, 2:447. 43 Ibid, 2:435ff.; see above, p. 8. 44 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:381; see p. 27n184. 45 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:429 41 42

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GREEK ORTHODOX

Although Patriarch Michael I Rabo was repeatedly invited to Byzantium by Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143–1186), and always in a very flattering manner, he considered it proper to reject this invitation and to stay in Syria. 46 Like all Syriac Christians since the fifth century, he did not expect anything good from Greek Orthodox, and the way he spoke of them did not conceal his aversion. “Not even Turks,” he said, “who had no knowledge of the holy mysteries and so considered Christianity to be false, would have as bad habits in matters of faith as Greeks, this evil and heretical people.” 47 In Michael’s view, even occasions when all denominations were unanimously assembled, such as the dedication of the Frankish church in Antioch, 48 became merely a cause for jealousy and resentment for these hateful Greek people. 49

Ibid, 1:549ff.; see Aršak Ter-Mikelian, Die Armenische Kirche in Ihren Beziehungen Zur Byzantinischen (Vom IV. Bis Zum XIII. Jahrhundert) (Leipzig: G. Neuenhahn, 1892), 82, 95–100; Sirarpie Der Nersessian, Armenia and the Byzantine Empire, A Brief Study of Armenian Art and Civilization (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1945). On the Emperor Manuel, see Georg Ostrogorsky, Geschichte Des Byzantinischen Staates, 2nd revised, Byzantinisches Handbuch 1, 2 (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1952), 302–314. On the church politics of Komnenos, see Alexander Alexandrovič Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire 324–1453, 2nd revised (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1952), 469–478. See Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 311–313. 47 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:222/607; see Turan, “Les Souverains Seldjoukides et Leurs Sujets Non-Musulmans.”, 69. 48 On the Crusaders, see below, pp. 74–76. 49 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:304/653. 46

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Therefore, it was probably only out of the respect for Bar ʿEbroyo as an individual that Greek Orthodox participated in his funeral in Maragha. 50

WESTERN CHRISTIANITY (CRUSADERS) 1. Good Relationships

In 1138, two Syriac Orthodox monks from the Magdalene Monastery in Jerusalem, Michael of Marʿash and Romanos, gave an account of the relationship that developed between Frankish Catholics and the Syriac Orthodox in Jerusalem at the beginning of the Crusades. They wrote this account in the margins and colophons of liturgical documents. On the eve of the conquest of Jerusalem by the crusaders (July 15, 1099), all of the Syriac Orthodox Christians in Jerusalem had fled to Egypt with their metropolitans; the crusaders then seized two estates near Jerusalem, which belonged to the Magdalene Monastery. Michael and Romanos then tell us how, in 1138, the monastery finally regained its rights – after numerous vicissitudes – and the Franks returned the estates. 51 Patriarch Michael I Rabo was not ashamed to say that the Frankish Catholics, who occupied Palestine and Syria, were considered Christians by anyone who venerated the cross, “without examination and without scrutiny.” Therefore, the Syriac Orthodox could live undisturbed among Franks, although they agreed with the Greek Orthodox on the doctrine of Christ’s two natures. 52 Thus, it was possible for Syriac Orthodox parents in See above, p. 70. Jean-Pierre Paulin Martin, “Le Premiers Princes Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem,” Journal Asiatique 8, no. 12 (1889): 471–90, 477–480; the names of these estates (quryas), ibid, 43/61: Beth ʿAriph and ʿAdasia. 52 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:222/607; For the following, see Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 561– 50 51

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Edessa to adopt the habit of having their children baptized in Catholic Frankish churches in the face of their own church’s shortcomings. 53 Meanwhile, Syriac Orthodox did their utmost to maintain a good reputation among Frankish leaders. In 1141, when Greek Orthodox Christians told the Latin patriarch of Antioch that the Syriac Orthodox and the Armenian Orthodox were heretics, they both gave the patriarch a creed, which was translated, read out and declared truly orthodox. Moreover, when requested, the Syriac Orthodox “joyfully” proclaimed that they had no other confession than this in their hearts; the Armenians refused such an oath. 54 Between 1166 and 1171, Dionysios bar Salibi wrote an explanation of the Syriac Orthodox liturgy and sent it to Bishop Ignatius of Jerusalem (1146–1184) for use in conversations with Franks in defense of Syriac Orthodox doctrines. 55 2. Official Communication

Communication between them appeared respectful. In 1156, Patriarch Athanasios VII Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh (1139–1166), together with the Latin patriarch of Antioch, consecrated the newly built Latin church in Antioch; the kings of Jerusalem and Lesser Armenia, other dignitaries, and Abbot Michael of Barṣawmo (the later patriarch) were present outside with the elders of the monastery. 56 After his ascension to the patriarchy, Michael I celebrated Easter in 1168 in Jerusalem and 568; Martin, “Le Premiers Princes Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem.” 53 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:212–213/602. 54 Ibid, 3:256/626. 55 Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, Dionysius Bar Salibi. Expositio Liturgiae. Syr. 13. = Syr. II, 93, trans. H. Labourt, CSCO 13, 14 (Louvain: Peeters, 1903), Syriac text, 13:1; Latin translation, 14:33; see Hotzelt, Kirchengeschichte Palästinas Im Zeitalter Der Kreuzzüge: 1099–1291, 29. 56 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:303/653.

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then went on to Antioch. The Anonymous Chronicle reports on this rare event when a miaphysite patriarch of Antioch entered his titular church, “And the Franks escorted him to the church of the Apostle Peter with great pomp, and he took his place there on the seat of Peter.” 57 Later, when Michael I sent his brother, who had been metropolitan of Jerusalem during Saladin's conquest of that city (1187), as his representative to Antioch, he was also honorably welcomed by the Frankish leaders. 58 It is even reported that Maphrian Ignatius IV, who died in Tripoli in 1258, had left part of his fortune to the Frankish churches. 59 3. Individual Conflicts

Given such circumstances, an event such as the plunder of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo by the Franks under Joscelin II of Edessa 60 might be regarded as an isolated case. 61 Even some members of Joscelin’s retinue objected to the plunder, which had actually been carried out by members of the Knights Templar. Joscelin’s men had come to wage war against the Turks and to help the

Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 307; see Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 567. Michael's Chronicle has a gap here, which Chabot fills through the report of Bar ʿEbroyo (Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:332 = Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:543–545). 58 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:411/737. 59 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:427. 60 See above, pp. 40–41. 61 The crusaders often married Oriental Orthodox Christians, especially Armenian women, who asserted what influence they could in favor of the miaphysites (Armenians and Syriacs). See Martin, “Le Premiers Princes Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem”, 34ff.; Annie Herzog, Die Frau Auf Den Fürstenthronen Der Kreuzfahrerstaaten (Berlin: E. Ebering, 1919), 108–109 (with genealogies); Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 562. 57

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Christians, not to plunder churches and monasteries. They abandoned Joscelin and deserted. 62 There is another incident which was reported from Jerusalem and caused by the unlawful ordination of an Abyssinian monk by Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid. 63 The patriarch had wanted to secure the approval of the knights for this move, but they had refused his request. When the ordination took place, they confronted the patriarch rather bluntly: after all, who was he anyway, and what made him think he could disobey Frankish orders? A bishop jumped to the defense of the patriarch, saying that no one had disobeyed their orders, because they had given permission to do so. He convinced the very astonished Frank that he did not understand enough Arabic and there was obviously an error in the translation. The knights apologized to the patriarch, who praised the bishop for having “released him from the abuse of these tyrants.” 64 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:287/644. 63 See above, p. 69. 64 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:661ff. On Patriarch Ignatius III's alleged submission to Rome in 1236/1237, brought about by Dominicans in Jerusalem (the patriarch is even said to have joined the Dominicans), see Berthold Altaner, Die Dominikanermissionen Des 13. Jahrhunderts. Forschungen Zur Geschichte Der Kirchlichen Unionen Und Der Mohammedaner – Und Heidenmission Des Mittelalters, Breslauer Studien Zur Historischen Theologie 3 (Habelschwerdt (Schlesien), 1924), 45, 52; Reinhold Röhricht, “Zur Korrespondenz Der Päpste Mit Den Sultanen Und Mongolenchanen Des Morgenlandes Im Zeitalter Der Kreuzzüge,” Theologische Studien Und Kritiken 64 (1891): 359–69, 363–364n6; Jean Baptiste Chabot, “Échos Des Croisades,” Comptes Rendus Des Séances de l’Académie Des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1938, 448–61, 448–455; Grousset, Histoire Des Croisades et Du Royaume Franc de Jérusalem, 3:360; Runciman, A History of the Crusades; Hotzelt, Kirchengeschichte Palästinas Im Zeitalter Der Kreuzzüge: 1099–1291, 3:232; J.-M. Vosté, “Les ‘pères Prêchurs’ de Jerusalem Dans La Chronique de Barhebraeus (Pâques 1237),” Revue 62

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Biblique 38 (1929): 81–84; Cerulli, Etiopi in Palestina: Storia Della Comunità Etipica Di Gerusalemme, 1:62.

THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH TO THE NONCHRISTIAN ENVIRONMENT THE STATE-DIPLOMA FOR CHURCH LEADERS 1. Origin

Since the time of the Arab conquest of the region, leaders of Christian churches had been issued a letter of confirmation 1 from the caliph which legitimatized them as representatives of their churches. These letters were also recognized by the religious communities and granted jurisdiction over their parishioners. This procedure was usually modeled after the appointment of senior government officials, 2 but there was no religious meaning ascribed to it.

Or “diploma;” see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 46ff.; Yahbalaha III, The Monks of Kûblâi Khân, Emperor of China, or The History of the Life and Travels of Rabban Sâwmâ, Envoy and Plenipotentiary of the Mongol Khâns to the Kings of Europe, and Markôs Who as Mâr Yahbh-Allâhâ III Became Patriarch of the Nestorian Church in Asia, 61–63. 2 Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 31. 1

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THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 2. Scope of Recognition

When the caliphate collapsed, church leaders needed obtain such territorial recognition from each regional ruler. Thus, Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur (1253–1261) had to seek recognition in Iconium, 3 in Tur ʿAbdin, 4 in Damascus, 5 and among the Mongol leadership; 6 even the Christian Crusader States had issued a diploma to the patriarch. 7 It was customary to first seek recognition in the region in which the patriarch was elected. 8 The political tensions between the individual regions could hinder a patriarch from obtaining the diploma. Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur experienced this shortly after his ordination in Damascus in 1253, when he mentioned to the Muslim sultan of Damascus that the Mongol rulers of Asia Minor (who were mortal enemies to the sultan) also recognized him. 9 However, where there were friendly princes, the patriarch was supplied with letters of recommendation, in order to facilitate his recognition elsewhere. 10 The patriarch had much more difficulty in gaining universal recognition in the West with its prevailing political turmoil than the maphrian had in the East, and this is especially evident in the period of Mongol rule. This led to the reputation and influence of the maphrian increasing. Bar ʿEbroyo even lifted the prestige of this office above that of the patriarch.

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:713. Ibid, 1:715. 5 Ibid, 1:717. 6 Ibid, 1:717. 7 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:379/719. 8 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:713. 9 Ibid, 1:717; see also Nöldeke, Orientalische Skizzen, 258; Bertold Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, Handbuch Der Orientalistik 6 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1952), 44. 10 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:713. 3 4

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3. Application for the Diploma

The patriarch usually applied for the copy of the letter of confirmation himself 11 and paid a visit to the respective ruler at his court. 12 In other cases, a delegation of ecclesiastical dignitaries went to the court to obtain the decree. 13 In contested elections, members of communities went seeking to have their candidate recognized. In 1253, the community in Edessa sent a deacon as diplomat to the court of Damascus 14 to obtain recognition for Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur, and simultaneously counteract the efforts of counter-Patriarch Yuḥanon bar Maʿdani. Even the sovereigns intervened at times. In 1269, the crown prince of Lesser Armenia personally went to the Mongol commander 15 and received the diploma from the Mongol prefect of Lesser Armenia, sending it on to Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ. Finally, influential private persons, especially physicians, often served at courts and helped the patriarch to obtain the diploma. 16 Ibid, 1:713 Ibid, 1:713; 2:433. 13 Ibid, 1:711. 14 Ibid, 1:713. 15 Ibid, 1:765. Lesser Armenia had submitted to Mongol rule and had been assigned a Mongol governor, ibid, 1:765; previously it had depended on the Rûm Sultan, ibid, 1:623. 16 Ibid, 1:727; see above, p. 47. – In 1257, after receiving the diploma, the Church of the East Catholicos Makkika II solemnly went to Seleucia, riding on a mule and flanked by two dignitaries holding the diploma over his head, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:425. – It sometimes happened that, in spite of state recognition, the church refused approval: Philoxenos was granted the office of the patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox in 1283 by the Mongols (ibid, 1:779, see below, p. 81), but Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo, refused to recognize him because the – contested – choice had been made without his participation, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:455ff. The use of horses was forbidden to Christians by the Muslim government; they should use mules, Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 45–47. According to ecclesiastical regulations, the monks should not own horses, Bar 11 12

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The patriarchal diploma contained the statement that the patriarch was recognized as the sole patriarch throughout the domain of the sultan who signed it. 17 Further, it determined his full jurisdiction over the faithful of his church. 18 It contained regulations on the tax payments that were required and promised the patriarch protection by the state authorities. 19 5. Renewal of the Diploma

The patriarch had to have his diploma renewed by the new ruler upon the death of the former ruler; 20 the maphrian had to do the same. Thus, Ahmed Tekuder confirmed Bar ʿEbroyo’s diploma in 1282 after the death of his predecessor, Abaqa. 21

ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:10:57. However, these rules were not respected; in the monasteries, horses were used as beasts of burden (Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus; Krüger, “Das Syrisch-Monophysitische Mönchtum Im Ṭūr-‘Ab(h)Dīn von Seinen Anfängen Bis Zur Mitte Des 12. Jahrhunderts.”, 42), and the Jacobite clerics rode them. In 1165, Bishop John of Mardin died from a fall from a horse (Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:531), and Dionysius Sleeba II (ibid, 1:405) and Bar ʿEbroyo (ibid, 2:463) used horses as maphrians. 17 Ibid, 1:625ff., 719. 18 Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 45/36. 19 After the murder of Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur in Dayro dMor Barṣawmo in 1261 (see above, p. 8), the murderers were prosecuted and punished by the Mongols, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:741; see Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 31 and below, p. 90. 20 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:761. 21 Ibid, 2:453.

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6. Special Diplomas

It seems bishops were issued a diploma only by special request. In 1264, the bishop of Caesarea obtained one from Hulagu. 22 Occasionally, special cases were settled by the issuing of a diploma. One such case took place in 1269, when Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ got into a dispute with a physician, Simeon, over ownership of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, and Abaqa issued a diploma, 23 by which the monastery was awarded to the patriarch. Ahmed also reports that he had issued diplomas in favor of the Christian clergy from the beginning of his reign (1282), granting tax exemption for the churches, monasteries, priests, and monks. 24 7. Terminology

There are numerous official terms for these diplomas which are used by the writers without any distinction; besides Syriac, there are Greek, Arabic, Persian and, later, Mongolian expressions. A common term is sigilion, which refers to both the certificate of state confirmation 25 and an edict to settle special cases. 26 The expressions manshur 27 and firmon are also used, the former Ibid, 1:757. Ibid, 1:761. 24 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 548; see Erich Haenisch, “Steuergerechtsame Der Chinesischen Klöster Unter Der Mongolenherrschaf,” Berichte Und Verhandlungen Der Sächsischen Akademie Der Wissenschaft, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 92, no. 2 (n.d.): 1–78, 45ff.; see also Feine, Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte, 65ff. 25 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:425, 453. 26 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 548; see Payne Smith and Margoliouth, Thesaurus Syriacus, 2607. 27 See Reinhart Dozy, Supplément Aux Dictionnaires Arabes, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Leiden and Paris: Brill, 1927), 2:671; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:714n2. 22 23

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more for the certificate of recognition, 28 the latter more for special mandates. 29 The term yarlik (= yarlyġ) appears in the Mongol period 30 and was used in both senses, 31 but the other expressions did not become obsolete. 32 The Syriac expressions for the certificate of confirmation are ʿeggarto d-qeraito or simply ktobo. 33 Finally, any kind of decree could be called puqdono (literally “command”) – the same with firmon and buyuruldu. 34 8. Fights Over Recognition

At the reception that the ruler threw for the patriarch, it was customary to exchange gifts to show honor. 35 If the result of the election was disputed, the parties sought to persuade the ruler to recognize one or the other candidate with monetary bribes. In 1189, the schismatic patriarch, Theodore bar Wahbun, received recognition over the territory of Mardin from the emir with an alleged payment of two thousand darics. 36 In the disputed election of 1253, the counter-patriarch, Yuḥanon bar Maʿdani, iniIbid, I 715. Ibid, I 733. 30 See above, p. 2. 31 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:757, 763. 32 Ibid, 1:733. – The term yarliḵ is used by Bar ʿEbroyo not only for these diplomas, but also – rightly so – for the decree of establishment of a city prefect by the Mongols, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 520; see the original meaning of dzarlyḫ (yarlyk) in Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 29. 33 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:713 and, alternatively, 717. 34 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:406/734; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 520. 35 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:625; 757. 36 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:406/734; see above, p. 49n431. 28 29

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tially obtained recognition by the sultan of Damascus with such gifts, 37 but when the citizens of Edessa approached him with a promise of more gold, he confirmed Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur instead. 38 In return for yet another payment, the sultan withdrew his confirmation from Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur and declared Yuḥanon bar Maʿdani rightful patriarch. 39 The two did similarly in Tur ʿAbdin. There, Yuḥanon bar Maʿdani had been proclaimed patriarch with the promise of a monetary payment; 40 Dionyios Ahrun ʿAngur then dispatched the bishop of Laqabin, Bar ʿEbroyo, and a monk who collected twice as much in the monasteries and villages and thus persuaded the sultan to their side, helping Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur win recognition. 41 In another case, a ruler had even recognized two candidates simultaneously. In 1283, the Muslim Ilkhan Aḥmed confirmed Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ, however Patriarch Philoxenos Nemrud also received a diploma from him. 42 Thus, the elections in the Christian church offered princes a welcome opportunity to raise money. The personality of the elected official did not mean anything to them. 43 To illustrate the impression that this made upon the Muslim population, when Patriarch Dionysus Ahrun ʿAngur applied for the diploma, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:711. Ibid, 1:713. 39 Ibid, 1:721. 40 Ibid, 1:715. 41 Ibid, 1:715 42 Ibid, 1:779. 43 But there are also examples of this; one such is mentioned on p. 48n418. More frequent, however, were events such as that which took place in the year 1256 after the death of the Church of the East Catholicos Sabrishoʿ V bar Masihi: three successors contested the succession, each seeking to obtain the approval of the caliph by monetary payments – with a price of forty-five thousand gold dinars. Whoever would pay first would become catholicos, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:423. 37 38

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a noble courtier in Damascus addressed him, 44 “You know, O Father, that your arrival here is very harmful for us in the eyes of Muslims, for they say, ‘Behold the heads of your religion, who are praised for their contempt for the world, yet see how they annihilate each other for temporal dominion.’ It is not pleasant for us to be despised here.” That was not the only harm. The Christian communities from which the money had to be raised frequently fell into great poverty. 45

RELATIONSHIP WITH MUSLIM AUTHORITIES 1. Public

Since the time of Caliph Uthman (644–656), the relationship between Christians and Muslims had been generally good; 46 as time went on, Christians became increasingly disadvantaged. Most frequently, the government would impose a poll tax upon Christians, require them to wear special articles of clothing, 47 or variously restrict the exercise of their religion. Such measures prevented Christianity from developing a constant and stable situation for itself; sometimes the state regulations were not at all respected at all, at other times they were carried out with exaggerated exactness. 48 After the caliphate had faded from its glory and the Near East had again disintegrated into several regional dominions, 49 there could be no possibility of consistent Ibid, 1:719. See above, p. 49. 46 See Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 3:919–923, under the entry “Nasoro,”; also, above, p. 58ns67, 75; William Ambrose Shedd, Islam and the Oriental Churches: Their Historical Relations (Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication and SabbathSchool Works, 1904), 93–137. 47 On the old dress codes, see Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 45–47. 48 Ibid, 28ff., 37ff. 49 See above, pp. 1–2. 44 45

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behavior from the Islamic governments towards Christians. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, relations between the Christian churches and the Islamic empires and emirates differed greatly as well, depending to a large extent on the personal circumstances that arose in each location. In some places a friendly relationship existed between the Christian subjects and the Muslim authorities. There was no consistent undertone of hostility. 2. Courtesy in Official Communication

Because it was the duty of the Christian church leaders to represent their religious community to the state, there were many points of contact. 50 Courtesy visits of the patriarch and invitations from the Islamic rulers added to these official relations. The meeting of Patriarch Michael I Rabo with Sultan Kilij Arslan II on July 8, 1182 in Melitene was a particularly splendid example of such an event. The sultan had already sent a friendly letter to the patriarch the year before and delivered a shepherd’s crosier and twenty gold dinars with it – to the great astonishment of all the people. 51 At the meeting, the sultan came to meet him personally and ordered him to enter the city in the customary Christian way; with the Gospel book, the cross on the lances, and chorale singing. It was, Michael thought, a wonderful sight to see the cross hover over the head of the sultan and his Muslim subordinates. 52 The sultan translated the words of the patriarch through an interpreter with “examples from scripture or nature” and attended a liturgy in the cathedral where the patriarch offered prayers for him. On the following day, the sultan See above, p. 7. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:390/725. 52 Ibid, 3:390/725 – On September 17, 1176, Kilij Arslan II had inflicted a terrible defeat upon the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos in the Phrygian mountain passes near Myriokephalon, see Ostrogorsky, Geschichte Des Byzantinischen Staates, 311. 50 51

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ordered that Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo be exempted from paying tribute and sent the patriarch a golden hand decorated with pearls 53 reportedly containing relics of the apostle Peter. They stayed together for a whole month, and, on his departure, the patriarch accompanied the sultan for a stretch. Along the way, the patriarch and the Persian philosopher Kamal al-Din discussed biblical questions in the presence of the sultan. Rûm Sultan Kaykaus I gave a similarly honorable reception to Patriarch Yuḥanon XII Yeshuʿ Kotubo in 1210. He presented the patriarch with a costly priest’s robe, which he kept until his death; in return the patriarch could only offer him a modest robe. “But he accepted it with love – as a blessing,” said Bar ʿEbroyo. 54 Kaykaus I’s successor, Kayqubad I, who was in Melitene in 1223, likewise received Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid with great courtesy when he paid him a courtesy visit. 55 When Patriarch Dionysus Ahrun ʿAngur sought his diploma in Damascus in 1253, the sultan gave him the honor (among others) of feeding him and his companions daily with food from the court kitchen “and this very abundantly, and for as long as they stayed there.” 56 At the reception, he embraced the patriarch, inquired about his well-being, and asked him if he needed anything at all in his accommodations. Visits were not only the only custom in church-state communications. The local rulers were also accustomed to receiving gifts from the church. Thus, in 1253, newly ordained Maphrian Ignatius IV brought a number of gifts to Badr al-Din, the lord of Mosul and was received honorably by him. 57 Such gifts were sometimes like a tribute; the prefects of Melitene had always received gifts from the new patriarch, so when Patriarch Ignatius III was elected in 1222, they sent word to him “immediately Perhaps a replica of the reliquary of the hand of Mor Barṣawmo kept in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo? See above, p. 56. 54 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:625ff. 55 Ibid, 1:649. 56 Ibid, 1:715ff. 57 Ibid, 2:417. 53

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to demand from him the usual gift.” They received two hundred dinars. 58 Personal circumstances could lead to close cooperation between the Muslim authorities and the church in various places. For example, Emir Muḥammed of Melitene (ca. 1170) was very well-liked by the monks of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo; when he temporarily lost his rule, the monks sheltered him and secretly helped him financially, 59 even though they were burdened by high taxes. In gratitude, Muḥammed, after regaining the city, exempted them from his taxes. The monks, however, agreed to pay him three hundred dinars annually if only they could be exempted from the excessively high taxes that Muḥammed’s predecessors had imposed on them; they were granted this. 60 Around the time, the Georgian king 61 had captured numerous Muslim prisoners while on a campaign and was leading them back to his homeland. 62 Khamal al-Din, the emir of Mosul, whose charity was known far and wide, was moved with pity for them; he decided to buy their freedom. For this mission, he sent Maphrian Ignatius II (1143–1164) as ambassador to the Christian king. 63 He honored his request, many prisoners were freed without payment, and he was presented with presents for the emir of Mosul. A Georgian envoy accompanied the maphrian back and, with crosses on their lances, they entered Mosul “which was a great consolation for the Christians and for the Muslims as well – because of the liberation of the prisoners.” 64 Ibid, 1:645ff. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:364/711; see above, p. 41. 60 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:364/712. 61 Iberians. 62 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 327ff. 63 The Georgians were and are Christians. 64 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 327ff.; 58 59

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However, arbitrary decrees of Muslim rulers still affected the church. The government of Caliph al-Mustadi (1170–1180) shows how shallow the motives could be that determined whether Christians were tolerated or persecuted. The vizier who had wanted to prevent him from being his father’s successor was an enemy to Christians. Therefore, after the vizier was murdered, the caliph favored Christians throughout his reign, released their prisoners, and returned their houses and churches. 65 A challenging time began for Christians under the government of Nur al-Din of Aleppo (1146–1174). 66 There was a certain method to his actions against Christians and he went about his work so fanatically that some Muslims called him a prophet. 67 He sent letters to the caliphs calling for the annihilation of all Christians in the Islamic kingdom if they could not be persuaded to accept Islam. The Prophet said that Christians should remain undisturbed under Islam for five hundred years; this time is now over and those who do not convert must die. 68 In all the cities that he gradually subjugated to his reign, he renewed anti-Christian regulations and measures. Thus, after for this, see Vladimir Fedorovich Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian History (London: Lund Humphries and Co., 1953), 90–92, “Georgian Domination in Āni.” 65 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:344/699. 66 On him, see Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 3:1033–36; Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte Der Islamischen Völker Und Staaten (Munich: Georg Olms Verlag, 1939), 203ff.; Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 377ff.; Gibb Gibb Hamilton A. R., “The Career of Nūr Ad-Dīn,” in A History of the Crusades, ed. Kenneth Meyer Setton, vol. 1 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955); see also above, p. 41n354. 67 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/697. 68 Ibid, 3:344/698.

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taking Mosul in 1172, he increased taxes on Christians, especially the poll tax, and decreed that they should wear a special belt as a mark. They should also shave their hair “so that they can be recognized by it and Muslims will laugh at them.” 69 All new buildings in the churches and monasteries were to be destroyed. In Nisibis, a large wall in the Syriac Orthodox church fell victim to this order, and the church treasury and valuable library were looted. 70 To ensure that the destruction was really carried out everywhere, he appointed one of his confidants as the “guardian of the laws,” who was to ensure the destruction of all the buildings that had been built during the reign of his father and brother. Again though, the inconsistency in behavior of Muslims towards Christians was evident. “Wherever he was given bribes, he swore that the building was old, but wherever this veil was not tied to his eyes, he demolished and destroyed. When the matter became known to Nur al-Din, he fired him.” 71 He fired viziers who were friendly towards Christians in the conquered cities such as Mosul, where he also changed the name of the local prefect, ʿAbd al-Masih, to ʿAbd Allah. 72 Patriarch Michael I Rabo complained about the fate of Christian prisoners in Aleppo; they were led to the church with chains around their feet and neck. 73 Nur al-Din’s example also triggered persecution in other locations. The local emir of the mosque struck the square of the Christian church in Mardin, 74 and the Bukre Monastery in the Ibid, 3:342/698ff.; see Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 413. 70 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/697; see above, p. 52. 71 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/697. 72 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 341. 73 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:338/695 74 Ibid, 3:337/695. 69

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mountains near Mardin was taken away from the monks and turned into a mosque for local Kurds. 75 In practice, the amount of the taxes that Christians paid was entirely at the discretion of the ruler. 76 When Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo was ransacked by Franks under Joscelin in 1148, 77 the emir of Melitene believed that the monks had given the monastery to Joscelin as a military base to avenge the high taxes they were constantly complaining about. 78 He then took out his anger upon the Christians of Melitene, “and while the people were still complaining about the looting of the monastery, their grievances multiplied when there were no church services for three days and the bells fell silent.” 79 In 1191, Patriarch Michael I Rabo complained that he had no one to take over the Archdiocese of Mardin “because of the taxes that the prince had imposed on it.” 80 As early as 1150, Husam ad-Din Timurtash arbitrarily began his oppression of Christians in Mardin, 81 and there were troubles later in Edessa (1195) where suddenly the emir – citing his Islamic beliefs – prohibited the ringing of bells at all places of worship. 82 Elsewhere, around 1152, an Armenian priest had built a church in the Hisn Ziyad area; its white walls caught the attention of the local emir. Someone told him that wherever a new church was built, the prince would die, so the church was razed and the priest thrown into prison. When the Christian community stood up for him, the emir had him crucified. At the same time, a decree was issued that banned building Ibid, 3:340/696. See above, p. 82. 77 See above, pp. 40–41. 78 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199, 3:285ff./643. 79 Ibid, 3:285ff./643. 80 Ibid, 3:408ff./735ff. 81 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 321. 82 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:413/738. 75 76

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new churches or repairing old ones throughout all of Mesopotamia. Only under his successor did Christians receive permission to at least repair old churches, but for a larger financial cost. 83 Thus, one can infer that various occasions awoke Islamic zeal, which was often directed against Christian church buildings. In 1172, a Christian committed adultery with a Muslim woman in Mardin. Not only were all his possessions confiscated, but also the local church, which had been restored at his expense a few years earlier, was converted into a mosque. 84 When Patriarch Ignatius III Dawid built a new pilgrimage house in the Monastery of the Runner near Melitene in 1245, a mosque had to be built nearby in order to appease the Muslim population. 85 An event at the beginning of the 13th century demonstrates how people had to try to get along with each other. Maphrian Ignatius III (1215–1222) entered Tagrit, 86 causing unrest among the Muslim population, who sued the Christians before the caliph. The caliph issued an edict banning the maphrian and repossessing every Christian’s property. The second part of this edict, however, even alarmed the city’s Muslim nobles, who were concerned about future coexistence with Christians. They preferred to reach an agreement with them whereby Christians were obliged to pay twenty thousand dinars. Instead of looting property, they were content to grab three Christian men and shave their beards. 87 4. Negative Consequences: Conversions to Islam & Acts of Revenge

Naturally, due to such instability in their outer environment, the church’s inner cohesion waned. One hears less of conIbid, 3:307/654. Ibid, 3:347/700. 85 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:667. 86 See above, p. 21. 87 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:389ff. 83 84

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versions to Islam than one might expect. It was always troubling, though, when Christian bishops converted to Islam, sometimes doing so for trivial reasons. 88 Bishop Aaron of Ḥadita converted to Islam in 1149 89 and Bishop Daniel of Habora did the same in 1252. It was said that he converted because he was annoyed by an affront regarding the remission of ecclesiastical offices. 90 Monks also apostatized; such a case occurred in Mardin in 1171. 91 In internal disputes over church politics, opponents would accuse each other of slandering the Muslim rulers or trying to win them by bribery. 92 As early as 760, in David of Dara’s schism, a suit was brought against the rightful patriarch to the Muslim prince for not having the diploma with him. Since the Prophet's name was written on the diploma, the pious Muslim prince considered contempt or disregard towards the diploma to be a serious crime. 93 It was common for a clergyman who had been disciplined to take revenge by reporting his ecclesiastical “The Christian converts out of greed, not out of love for Islam. He only wants power, or fears the judge, or wants to get married,” sings an Arab poet around 1050, Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 29n. See Theodor Nöldeke, Geschichte Des Qorāns, 2nd ed., 3 vols. (Leipzig: Dieterich’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1909), 1:10: “Caliph ʿAli supposedly said of one of the tribes in which Christianity had taken firm root: 'The Taghlib are not Christians, but only took wine from Christianity.' The Arabs of Taghlib formed a Syriac Orthodox diocese, see above, p. 23n143. This diocese is detailed in Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 148–149; see also Georg Graf, Geschichte Der Christlichen Arabischen Literatur, vol. 1–5, Studi e Testi (Vatican City: Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, 1944), 1:25–70, etc. 89 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:291/645. 90 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:711ff. 91 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/645. 92 See Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 210ff. and above, p. 78 93 Krüger, “Das Syrisch-Monophysitische Mönchtum Im Ṭūr-‘Ab(h)Dīn von Seinen Anfängen Bis Zur Mitte Des 12. Jahrhunderts.”, 55ff. 88

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superior to the Muslim authorities. For example, in 1159, the priest Abraham wanted to divorce his aged wife, so the maphrian banned him from performing his priestly duties. Afterwards, Abraham had informed the Muslim authorities of a church report in which the maphrian had decided that the Christian daughter of a Muslim man who converted from Christianity may marry a Christian. “Here you see that he has given orders to a Christian daughter of a Muslim man!” The uproar among Muslims landed the maphrian in prison and almost cost him his life. 94 When Patriarch Michael I Rabo dismissed Bishop John of Qalliniqos in 1175, John turned to Saif ad-Din, the emir of Mosul, and had Michael arrested. The emir’s representative interrogated Michael, which proved his innocence. After he had been released, the bishop tried to provoke nearby Muslims by showing them a document in which the patriarch allegedly tried to convert a Muslim to Christianity. The angry crowd was preparing to stone the patriarch when they found out that the bishop had deceived them; Michael narrowly escaped death. 95 After Michael’s death in 1199, a schism arose. Michael’s nephew, Yeshuʿ Sephtono, secretly fled from Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo where he lived as a monk, “to create confusion in the church;” 96 that is, to act as a counter-patriarch. His abbot pursued him to bring him back to the monastery. Yeshuʿ, however, knew how to help himself. He sent a confidant to the prefect of Gargar with the message, “I am on my way to the prefect of Amid, to whom I want to bring gifts, but this monk does not want to let me go because he is an enemy of the prefect.” The prefect of Gargar, who was friends with the prefect of Amid, then arrested the abbot, fined him, and instructed him not to hinder Yeshuʿ’s journey any further. 97 In 1258, Patriarch DionysBar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:347ff. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:359/709. 96 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:605. 97 Ibid, 1:607. 94 95

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ios Ahrun ʿAngur – according to ecclesiastical law – did not permit his cousin, Abbot Saliba to hold his office for ten years. 98 Saliba then turned to the sultan and accused his cousin of murder, pillaging, highway robbery, “and other nefarious acts with which the tongue refuses to stain the mouth and ears.” 99 Such situations, in which Christians called upon the Muslim authorities for help against their own church, gave state authorities the opportunity to intervene in the internal workings of the church. This compromised the independence of the church by influencing elections, 100 dismissing monastic leaders, 101 or giving orders regarding the occupation of dioceses. 102 Even the highest clergy were not protected from arrests. Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur was arrested in 1259 – already in the period of Mongol influence – on the orders of a Muslim sultan but was freed by an Armenian bishop and his people who were allied with the Mongols. 103 Some things would have been regulated quite differently according to canon law. A cleric, it demanded, should not address his complaints to a state ruler, but to a synod, 104 and a bishop who received a diocese with the help of secular rulers should be removed. 105

See above, p. 40. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:729. 100 So in the election of Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur in 1253, ibid, 1:699. 101 e.g., Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo, 1201, ibid, 1:613. 102 Tell ʽAp̄ar, 1165, ibid, 2:361; Tur ʿAbdin, 1180, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:382/721. 103 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:731ff. 104 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 7:4:46. 105 Ibid, 7:2:42. 98 99

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RELATIONSHIP WITH MONGOL RULERS 1. General

From the beginning, relations with the Mongol authorities were fundamentally different from relations with Muslim governments. 106 Even before Genghis Khan, the missionary work of the Church of the East had led to the conversion of individual Mongol tribes to Christianity. Genghis Khan himself tolerated Christianity, as he did all religions, and declared the clergy to be exempt from taxes. 107 Of course, the relationship between Mongol rulers and Christianity fluctuated over time, and in the late 13th century, an estrangement occurred. 108 Still, as the Mongol empire advanced westward, Christians were remarkably protected. 109 When Baghdad was conquered in 1258, the Church of the East catholicos gathered all Christians into one church, and while the old caliphate city sank to rubble and ashes, the Christians remained secure. 110 When the Mongol army besieged Gazarta in 1262, Church of the East Bishop Henan Isho managed to save all his fellow citizens from annihilation by claiming that they could produce gold artwork. 111 Many Mongols had fallen into the hands of Egyptians as they advanced towards Egypt; those who had escaped found shelter and provisions from Christians. This inspired the ilkhan to order that nothing harmful be done to Christians. However, a Christian chronicler noted that Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 198–235. Ibid, 198ff.; Haenisch, “Steuergerechtsame Der Chinesischen Klöster Unter Der Mongolenherrschaf.” 108 For details on this, Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 214ff. 109 The Muslim states were the political enemies of the Mongols: the Mamluks in Egypt, the small Ayyubid states, the Assassins (see Bernard Lewis, “The Ismāʿīlites and the Assassins,” in Setton, A History of the Crusades, 1:99–132) and the caliph in Baghdad. 110 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 505. 111 Ibid, 520. 106 107

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the Mongol empire, in its greed, had wickedly killed numerous Christians in Syria in 1277. 112 The protection which the Mongol empire granted to Christians aroused the hatred of many Muslims. Since Mongol rule was by no means strong enough to prevent Muslims from rioting against Christians, in many cases the Mongol authorities could only intervene after the fact in defense of the Christians. In 1264, Muslim unrest broke out against Christians in the Mosul area, which had been destroyed by Mongols. 113 In 1279, Mongol Queen Qodai Khatun personally went to Maragha to allow Christians to hold the ceremony for the consecration of holy water on Epiphany, because the celebration had to be canceled in previous years due to the hostile attitude of the local Muslim population. 114 In Arbela, for a Palm Sunday procession in 1274, Christians secured the protection of some Christian Mongols who led the train on horseback. Throngs of Muslims received them by throwing stones and scattering the procession. 115 2. Church of the East and Mongol Rulers

The Mongol empire made no distinctions between Christian confessions, treating them as equals. 116 There was hardly any talk of mutual hostility between the two major Christian churches, the Church of the East and the Syriac Orthodox, 117 so there was no reason for Mongol authorities to treat them differently. 118 NeverIbid, 537. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:431. 114 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 539. 115 Ibid, 528ff. 116 This was already emphasized in a letter by Güyük Khan in a letter to Louis IX of France, Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 205. 117 See Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:725 and above p. 72. 118 Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 205. 112 113

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theless, the Church of the East, whose catholicos had already been seen as the head of Eastern Christianity within the Muslim empire, 119 took on a certain position of leadership, as the Church of the East was the most widespread confession. They remained so, even under Mongol rule, due to their missionary activity among Mongols. 120 For this reason, Mongol rulers used to always pay particularly great homage to the Church of the East catholicos. This development culminated with the election of a Mongol monk, Mark, as Church of the East catholicos in 1282. He took the name Yahbalaha III and presided over the see of Seleucia-Ctesiphon. 121 “This minister reached a level of fame and power that no one had had before, so far that the Mongol kings, the khans, and their children, bared their heads and knelt before him. His orders were carried out in all kingdoms of the East. In his day, Christians were highly honored and powerful…” 122 Ilkhan Arghun presented him with robes of honor and twenty thousand dinars 123 and stayed with him in the monastery at MaMez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 31: The catholicos was consulted as representative (zaʿim) of the other Christian churches (Syriac and Eastern Orthodox) and would act as mediator in disputes between them. He also had it confirmed that he did not need to share the official vestments and jewelry of his office with any bishop. See also Tritton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of ’Umar, 78–88. 120 That is why they must be dealt with in this context. On the special position of the East Syrian Church in pre-Islamic times, see Braun, Das Buch Der Synhados: Nach Einer Handschrift Des Museo Borgiano Übersetzt Und Erläutet, 14 (same as Chabot, Synodicon Orientale Ou Recueil de Synodes Nestoriens, 261): “And since Isaac the Catholicos had the habit of coming and going before the Great King (Yazdegerd I, 399–420), he made him the head of all Christians in the East, which pleased him.” 121 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:451ff. 122 Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 23. (Arab Chronicle) 123 Ibid, 76. 119

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ragha for a few days. 124 During these years – in 1287 – Arghun also sent a Church of the East monk, Archdeacon 125 Rabban Ṣawmo, as official envoy, to Rome to negotiate a joint deal between Muslims and the Pope. 126 This monk’s words to the college of cardinals in Rome reflect the Church of the East’s influence on the Mongols, “Know, my father, that many of our ancestors went to the lands of Mongols and Turks and Chinese and taught them, so that today many Mongols are Christians. Some children of the king and queen are baptized and confess Christ. They have churches in the camp and honor Christians very much, and there are many believers among them. The king is zealous in his affection for the catholicos. He wants to violently conquer Palestine and the countries of Syria and he wants your help because of Jerusalem’s servitude.” 127 Given such circumstances, it was unremarkable that other Church of the East Christians were also used in diplomatic missions by Mongols. 128 Finally, the influence that the Christian wives of Mongol rulers had must not be forgotten. Hulagu’s wife, Doquz Khatun, was a Christian and, in 1265, she installed the new Church of the East catholicos, Denha I. 129 Abaqa’s wife 130 was also a ChrisIbid, 77. Ibid, 8 (Introduction) 126 See Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 578. 127 Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 56ff.; see Altaner, Die Dominikanermissionen Des 13. Jahrhunderts. Forschungen Zur Geschichte Der Kirchlichen Unionen Und Der Mohammedaner – Und Heidenmission Des Mittelalters, 121. 128 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:725; there is one occasion where an Armenian bishop is made prefect of a city, ibid, 1:731. 129 Ibid, 2:439. 130 Mary, the daughter of Emperor Michael VIII, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 521–522; Dulaurier, “Les Mon124 125

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tian and had her own church in the Mongol camp with the right to ring bells. 131 3. Syriac Orthodox and Mongol Rulers

The Syriac Orthodox side also generally praised the Mongol rulers. Bar ʿEbroyo reports the death of Hulagu (d. 1265) with the words, “The king of kings Hulagu departed from this world, whose wisdom, generosity and brilliant deeds were incomparable.” 132 Syriac Orthodox high clergy paid courtesy visits to Mongol rulers 133 and received their diplomas from them in their camp after their ordination. 134 When a ruler died, they watched for the successor; this is why Patriarch Ignatius IV Yeshuʿ went to the camp to pay homage to Hulagu’s son and successor Abaqa, in 1265 after Hulagu’s death. 135 Other clergymen went for similar reasons according the priest Simeon in 1259. 136 Bar ʿEbroyo joined the company of a Mongol princess in 1282, in the wake of which he made his trip to Tabriz. 137 On other occasions, he exercised his right as a physician to use the Mongol State Post for business trips, even when his trip was for purely ecclesiastical purposes. 138 The internal church disputes made it necessary for the Mongol rulers to deal with events in the Syriac Orthodox gols d’apres Les Historiens Armeniens; Fragments Traduits Sur Les Textes Originaux.”, 309; see above, p. 61n93 131 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 593. 132 Ibid, 521; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:759n1. 133 Thus Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur went to Hulagu in 1264, ibid, 1:733. 134 Thus Patriarch Ignatius IV and Maphrian Bar ʿEbroyo in 1264, ibid, 2:433. 135 Ibid, 1:759ff. 136 Ibid, 1:735. 137 Ibid, 2:453. 138 Ibid, 1:753; see above. p. 31.

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church, which was often detrimental to Christianity’s reputation. In 1259, a Syriac Orthodox priest made such severe accusations against Patriarch Dionysios Ahrun ʿAngur at the court of the ilkhan that he was banished from the camp by the Mongol rulers. 139 When the same patriarch was murdered by his ecclesiastical opponents in Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo in 1261, 140 Hulagu was forced to set up a commission to persecute the perpetrators; he considerately commissioned a Christian to lead this. 141 In another case, the abbot of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo was sued by the prefect of Melitene before the Mongol governor of Beth Rumaye for supporting Syrian bandits with food and weapons; these accusations turned out to be groundless. 142 4. Estrangement

Under Ilkhan Ahmed (d. 1284), who converted wholeheartedly to Islam, the slander of some jealous clergymen led to the arrest of Catholicos Yahbalaha III; 143 he was interrogated and held in prison for forty days. Finally, he convinced the Mongol rulers of his innocence and they released him. This demonstrates how the internal disputes of the Christian churches caused their external position to falter: the head of Eastern Christianity was thrown into prison by the ilkhan. Bar ʿEbroyo’s attitude was all too well founded; he believed that under no circumstances should disputes within the Church be brought before the Mongol courts. Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum I 733f.; see above, p. 8. 140 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:737. 141 Ibid, 1:741; see Spuler, Geschichte Der Islamischen Länder, 210 and above, p. 88n19. 142 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:775. 143 The Catholicos was accused of treason, Yahbalaha III, The History of Yaballaha III, Nestorian Patriarch, and of His Vicar, Bar Sauma, Mongol Ambassador to the Frankish Courts at the End of the Thirteenth Century, 47. 139

SYRIAC ORTHODOX IN A NON-CHRISTIAN ENVIRONMENT

163

There are points in history where one is tempted to dream and contemplate the possibilities that might have been. Such is the case here: Eastern Christianity had the historic conditions to become the state religion of the Western Mongols. The big moment passed by them, however; the Mongol empire adopted Islam. The reasons why this happened must be left out of this volume, yet the image that the Church of Christ offered to its nonChristian contemporaries must have influenced the course of history. 144

CHRISTIAN, MUSLIM, AND JEWISH LIFE TOGETHER 1. Common Events

Christians encountered members of other religions, above all Muslims, especially at the feasts of great saints. 145 For the patronal feast of Mor Barṣawmo, 146 one found not only Christians, but also “Muslims, Turks, Kurds and other peoples” in Dayro dMor Barṣawmo. 147 Such lively celebrations had been encouraged by the Islamic government. 148 See Hotzelt, Kirchengeschichte Palästinas Im Zeitalter Der Kreuzzüge: 1099–1291, 232–235; Grousset, Histoire Des Croisades et Du Royaume Franc de Jérusalem, 3:692–727; Waas, Geschichte Der Kreuzzüge in Zwei Bänden, 1:315–319; Cahen, La Syrie Du Nord à l’époque Des Croisades et La Principauté Franque d’Antioche, 693ff.; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3:313. 145 See above, p. 42. Fischer points out the importance of the monasteries in Muslim superstition: “Namely there were monasteries whose occupants had put all sorts of miracle legends into circulation for their glorification, and many Muslims believed these legends and probably even made pilgrimages to the monasteries concerned to test their miraculous power on themselves,” Fischer, “Christliche Klöster in Muhammedanischen Ländern in Der Blütezeit Des Chalifats.” 146 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:387/724. 147 Ibid, 3:321/677. 148 Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 37. 144

164

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

There were also common gatherings at other events in the life of the Christian and Muslim communities. When a Christian girl was murdered in Melitene in 1176, the whole city united “Muslim and Christian, men and women, went to her funeral with great mourning and loud wailing.” 149 Followers of both religions were also able to work together. Christians and Muslims together helped the monks of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo with the construction of the water pipe in 1163, 150 and they shared the joy that the pilgrimage could now be celebrated without fear of thirst. 2. Tensions

Yet it cannot be said that relationships between Christian communities and their Muslim compatriots were always good. It seemed noteworthy that all of the subjects of Najm al-Din (d. 1176) could enjoy a few years of material prosperity regardless of their religion. 151 Clashes between Christians and Muslims occurred frequently enough. 152 The fact that Muslims confiscated a monastery in Gazarta in 1173 and threw the bishop into prison 153 illustrates the tension that was always present, as did the rioting of Muslims against Christians that flared up in 1277 as soon as Egyptian troops entered Asia Minor (Beth Rumaye). 154 When Christians tried to improve their situation among the fol-

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 324ff. 150 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:322/678. 151 Ibid, 3:368/714. 152 See above, pp. 83ff. 153 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:350/703. 154 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:771ff.; of course, this is a reaction against the preference for the Christians during the Mongol era. See above, pp. 87ff. 149

SYRIAC ORTHODOX IN A NON-CHRISTIAN ENVIRONMENT

165

lowers of the Prophet, they were only met with greater oppression in the end. 155 3. Private Life

In private life, people sometimes ignored the barriers drawn by religion. It is not without cause that the Syriac Orthodox church laws forbade Christian men from speaking with Muslim women. Those who were guilty of such an offense were to do penance for twelve years and not be allowed to partake of the sacrament again until they had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and cleansed themselves in the Jordan. 156 Dionysios bar Salibi wanted such cases treated as adultery and also imposed a fine of eight gold dinars to be given to the poor. 157 The case of a Christian citizen of Mardin, caught in adultery with a Muslim woman in 1172 shows the necessity of such regulations. 158 His offense brought severe oppression upon the whole community from the Muslim rulers. Other regulations of the church dealt with conversion to Islam 159 and what to do if such a one wanted to return to the church. 160 For Christian families, the conversion of a family member to Islam could create very difficult situations, which the bishops had to shepherd with tact and cau-

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:347/700. 156 Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:478:27. 157 Ibid, 1:493:9. 158 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:347/700; see above, p. 84. 159 See above, pp. 85ff.; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 525. 160 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 4:3:22; see Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Syriacum e Codd. MSS. Emendatum Ac Punctis Vocalibus Adnotationibusque Locupletatum, 525. 155

166

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

tion. 161 The shared lives of Christians and Muslims made various other demands upon canon lawyers as well. For example, there were instructions regarding whether a Christian woman could take part in an Islamic funeral, 162 whether offerings from Muslims could be accepted by Christian churches and in which part of the liturgy should they be mentioned, 163 and finally that it was not allowed to make altar cloths on which Islamic beliefs were written. 164 Christians and Muslims living in shared community meant that Arabic names became normal and commonplace among Syriac Orthodox clergy. Around 1253, there was an abbot of Dayro d-Mor Matay named Abuʾl-Ḥasan, 165 a priest named Abu Manṣur, 166 and another clergyman named Abuʾl-Farag 167 or Muborak. 168 4. Kurds

In some areas, Kurdish raiders were a constant threat to the Christian community. 169 The areas of Melitene, 170 Tur ʿAbdin, 171 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:347; see above, p. 85. 162 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 6:1:37. 163 Ibid, 1:5:8. 164 Ibid, 1:5:7 165 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:421. 166 Ibid, 2:379. 167 Ibid, 1:637; one cannot conclude from this that Bar ʿEbroyo had a son; see ibid, 1:viii (preface). 168 Ibid, 1:619; however, these names have neutral meanings that others also had, e.g., Coptic Orthodox; such names also appeared among Church of the East Christians: ʾAmin al-Din Muborak was the name of a Mongol emissary of the Church of the East (1257), ibid, 1:725ff. 169 On the Kurds, see V. Minorsky in Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 2:1212–1237; Basile Nikitine, Les Kurdes: Étude Sociologique et Historique (Paris: Impr. nationale, 1956). 161

SYRIAC ORTHODOX IN A NON-CHRISTIAN ENVIRONMENT

167

and Mosul 172 were particularly vulnerable to raids. In 1175, a Kurdish gang kidnapped Bishop Ignatius of Tur ʿAbdin in the middle of the night and horrifically tortured him to death. 173 In those same years, another Kurdish assault killed Bishop Timothy of the Arab diocese, 174 and Maphrian Dionysius II even took up arms to protect Christians living in Ṭur ʿAbdin, 175 despite the prohibition forbidding any Syriac Orthodox clergyman from bearing weapons. 176 In the ensuing struggle, he was shot by an arrow, which led to his death shortly thereafter. In 1171, Kurds wrought terrible havoc upon Dayro d-Mor Matay near Mosul – reportedly they were a horde of 1500 men. 177 In the first attack, the monks and the surrounding rural population managed to drive out the invaders, but eventually they gained possession of the monastery through deceit and plundered it completely. The monks who were not killed fled to Mosul. The local people believed that all the monastery’s valuable property was lost. The emir of Mosul sent out an expedition to punish the Kurds responsible, but shortly afterwards, Kurdish bandits again attacked a number of Christian villages – this time inhabited by Church of the East Christians. They killed the residents, stole cattle and property, and set the houses on fire.

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:731. Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:362ff./710. 172 Ibid, 3:341/697. 173 Ibid, 3:362/710. 174 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:361. 175 Ibid, 2:405. 176 Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:490:8. 177 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/696; see above, p. 41. 170 171

168

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 5. Jews

Dionysios bar Salibi wrote many polemic pamphlets, including one against Jews, 178 but information about the relationship between Christians and Jews is otherwise extremely scarce. This is all the more striking since there had to be strong Jewish communities everywhere in the East, especially along the Tigris. In the 10th century, about seven thousand Jews lived in Mosul. 179 In 1172, after capturing Mosul, Nur al-Din issued a decree that stated, among other things, that Jews were forced to wear a red piece of cloth on their shoulders in order to be recognizable. 180 When the end of the world was expected in 1186, some Jews reportedly ridiculed Christians for their prayers. “They blasphemed, saying that it was impossible even for God to prevent what is bound to happen.” 181 With Christians living in community with their Jewish co-citizens the church felt it necessary to make certain ordinances in canon law. Bishops and other clergy were prohibited from participating in Jewish Passover celebrations and would be punished with dismissal. 182 Christians should work on

Dionysius bar Ṣalīḇī, The Treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi against the Jews. Part 1: The Syriac Text Edited from a Mesopotamian Ms. (Cod. Syr. Harris. 83). 179 Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 33; Jakob Klatzkin and Ismar Elbogen, eds., Encyclopaedia Judaica (Berlin: Eshkol Publishing Society, 1928), under the entry “Babylonien” gives no exact numbers for the period in question. According to Benjamin of Tudela, about 115,000 Jews lived in the communities he visited, Mez, Die Renaissance Des Islâms, 33. 180 Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:342/698ff. 181 Ibid, 3:397–400/729–731. 182 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 5:3:31; see Denzinger, Ritus Orientalium, Coptorum, Syrorum et Armenorum, in Administrandis Sacramentis, 1:481:55: “Anyone who eats or drinks with a Jew is ex178

SYRIAC ORTHODOX IN A NON-CHRISTIAN ENVIRONMENT

169

the Sabbath and not celebrate the Jewish custom, but hold Sunday in honor. 183 They were also prohibited from accepting unleavened bread from Jews. There are no reports of Jews converting to Christianity. 184

cluded from the sacrament for two years and meanwhile must fast twice a week.” 183 Bar ʿEbroyo, Ecclesiae Antiochenae Syrorum Nomocanon a Gregorio Abulpharagio Bar-Hebraeo Syriace Compositus, 5:3:31. 184 Ibid, 5:3:31.

APPENDIX SYRIAC ORTHODOX DIOCESES FROM 1150–1300 Name

Adharbayjān 1

Diocese

Reference

Jurisdic-

Reference

1166

Maphrian

Michael I,

Year

tion

Chronique de

Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite

d’Antioche

(1166–1199),

3:480/767 1265

(Mich.)

Bar ʿEbroyo,

Gregorii Barhebraei Chroni-

con Ecclesiasticum, 2:437 (CE)

Or Atropatene; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 105, 175. Jurisdiction was potentially controversial, ibid, 113, “We do not know where the Syriac Orthodox bishop of this province resided (in Ardabil?).” Bar ʿEbroyo names Tabriz and Maragha as being next to Adharbayjān, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:783. 1

171

172

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Acre 2

Aleppo 3

ʿAmid 4

Diocese Diocese

Archdiocese

1246

1139–1166 1283

1139–1166

Patriarch Patriarch

Patriarch

1166–1199 Anazarbus 5 Antioch

Archdiocese

ʿArqa 6

Diocese

Arsamosata 7

Diocese

Patriarch

1283

Patriarch

1139–1166

Patriarch

Patriarch

1166–1199 Arzun

8

Archdiocese

1139–1166 1166

Mich.,

3:478/766 CE, 2:459 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

1166–1199

1139–1166

CE, 1:669

3:481/767 Mich.,

3:480/767 CE, 2:459 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

Maphrian

3:480/767 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

Or Ptolemais. See Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 165. 3 Or Beroea or Ḥalab; see ibid, 127. 4 Or Diarbekr (Diyār Bakr) or Qara-Amid; see ibid, 113 and often elsewhere. 5 Or ʿAyn Zarba, Anawarza; once the capital of Cilicia Secunda. Syriac Orthodox diocese since 793, see ibid, 113. A map of Isauria and both Cilicias by Devreesse in front of page 143. 6 See ibid, 115: dependent on Melitene; Syriac Orthodox diocese since 991. 7 Or Shimshaṭ; see ibid, 115. 8 Capital of Arzanene. According to Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:123 it belonged to the dioceses of the maphrian, while according to Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:479/766 it appeared to be under the patriarch in the 12th century. 2

APPENDIX

173

Baghdad 9

Diocese

1189

Maphrian

Barid

Diocese

1166–1199

Patriarch

1166

Maphrian

10

Berrhoea

Beth ʿArabaye 11

Beth Nuhadra 12

See Aleppo Diocese

Diocese

Beth Ramman 13

Diocese

Beth Ṣayyade 15

Diocese

Beth Rumana 14

Diocese

1265

1189 1166 1264

Maphrian

1277

Maphrian

1277

Maphrian

1166

Maphrian

3:480/767

CE, 2:379; 435 CE, 2:437 Mich., 3, 482/768

CE, 2:361 CE, 2:377ff. Mich.,

3:480/767 CE, 2:433 CE, 2:447 Mich.,

3:480/767 CE, 2:447

Syriac Orthodocx diocese since 930; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 115. 10 Monastery at Melitene. Ibid, 116 (see 123ff.) looks for this monastery-diocese on the Gihon River in Cilicia. 11 Ibid, 117. The bishop of this diocese’s seat is unknown, possibly it was the Moʿallaq Monastery (Mor Sergius in Balad on the Tigris), Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:395; 2:363, 447, 505; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 101; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 117n6; also see below p. 106n22. 12 Between Mosul and Nisibis? Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:69n1; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 117–118. 13 Or Beth Waziq; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:123; In the region of Mosul? Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 97, 99. 14 Ibid, 118: “It seems to be the diocese of Beth Remmān (in Arabic, Bārimmā) on the Tigris.” 15 Or Beth Takshur. In the region of Mosul, ibid, 168: “Village in the region of Arbela… the exact location of the place seems to be unknown.” 9

174

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Birta d-Gargar 16

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

1166

Claudia

18

Diocese

Diocese

1283

1166–1199 1253

1139–1166

3:480/766 Mich.,

3:480/767 Patriarch

Patriarch

1166–1199

Damascus 19

Archdiocese

Diarbekr (Diyar

See Amid

Edessa 20

Archdiocese

Bakr)

Emesa 21

Archdiocese

Gihon

Diocese

22

1282

1166–1199

1283

CE, 2:459 Mich.,

3:482/768 CE, 1:713 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

3:481/767 Patriarch

1263

1166–1199

3:479/766 Mich.,

1166–1199

Caesarea 17

Mich.,

CE, 2:643 Mich.,

3:480/767 CE, 1:745

Patriarch

1166–1199

Patriarch

1139–1166

Patriarch

Mich.,

3:481/767 CE, 2:459 Mich.,

3:481/767 Mich.,

Ibid, 118–119 “It still exists under the name the citadel (birta) of Gargar;” See also, ibid, 123: “Gargar, the ancient Arsameia, Κάρκαρον of the Byzantines, is the current Gerger near the Euphrates.” 17 In Cappadocia, ibid, 119. 18 Or Qlaudia; see ibid, 120 19 Ibid, 120. 20 Or Urfa, Orhai, ar-Ruhaʾ, ibid, 122–123. 21 Or Ḥomṣ (Ḥimṣ), on the Orontes. Syriac Orthodox diocese since 793, from 1088–1090 unified with Kepartab, ibid, 123 22 Countryside and river in Cilicia, ibid, 123–124. 16

APPENDIX

175 3:479/766

1166–1199 Gargar

Garzarta d-Qardu 23 Gubos 24

See Birta d-Gargar Diocese

Diocese

1222 1280

1139–1166

Mich.,

3:481/767 Maphrian

Patriarch

1246 Guma 25

Diocese

Habora 26

1283

2:383

CE, 2:449 Mich.,

3:479/766 CE, 1:669

1263

Patriarch

Diocese

1250

Maphrian

Ḥadita 27

Diocese

1149

Maphrian

Ḥaḥ

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

28

CE, 1:671;

CE, 2:459

CE, 1:745; 2:459

CE, 1:687; 2:383

Mich.,

3:291/645 Mich.,

3:479/766

Or Gazirat ibn ʿOmar, Bezabde, Jezira, Cizre; city and island on the Tigris above Mosul (Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:121n1). Qardu is Κορδουηνή, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 139. 24 In Melitene, ibid, 124–125. 25 Or Rawandan, in the area of Antioch, ibid, 165–166. 26 Or Circesium. Description of ruins in Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 287–288; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 126–127. 27 Ibid, 164. 28 In Tur ʿAbdin. Ḥāni is a misreading of Ḥaḥ, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:477n1; Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 412; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 127. See also Albert Socin, “Zur Geographie Des Tur ’Abdin,” Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 35 (1881): 237–69, 247–249, who visited Ḥaḥ in 1870. 23

176

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Hammam 29

Archdiocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Mich.,

Ḥarran 30

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Mich.,

1166–1199

Hattakh

Diocese

Hisn Jaʿbar 31 Hisn Ziyad 33

Hisn Mansur

32

1293

3:481/767 Patriarch

Diocese

1138

Patriarch

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

1253

Patriarch

Jerusalem

Archdiocese

1139–1166 1166–1199

CE, 2:459

CE, 2:907 line 13 (Codex 0) CE, 1:493 CE, 1:697 Mich.,

3:479/766, 306/653

1166–1199

34

3:479/766 Mich.,

1293

Diocese

3:479/766

Mich.,

3:481/767; Patriarch

CE, 1:613 Mich.,

3:478/766 Mich.,

3:481/767

Or Ḥāmām, “the thermal bath” in easter Cilicia, possibly northwest of Anazarbus. Honigmann doubts that Hammam was a metropolitan see. Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 128. 30 Or Carrhae. Description of the ruins (with layout) in Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 217ff.; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 129. 31 Or Qalʿa Jaʿbar, Dausara; a city between Bālis and Kallinikos (arRaqqa) on the left bank of the Euphrates, across from Siffin, ibid, 163. 32 Ibid, 130. 33 Or Kharput, ibid, 131. 34 Ibid, 132. A list of the Syriac Orthodox metropolitans of Jerusalem from 1095–1200 is in Martin, “Le Premiers Princes Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem,” 486n1. The metropolitan resided in the Magdalene Monastery. 29

APPENDIX

Kaishum 35

Diocese

1264

1139–1166

177

Patriarch

1166–1199

Kallinikos

36

Archdiocese

1139–1166

Karshena 38 Kepartab

Diocese Diocese

1283 1264

1139–1166

3:479/766 3:481/767,

Patriarch

285/642 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

3:481/767 Maphrian Patriarch

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Laqabin 40

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Mabbugh 41

Archdiocese

1166–1199

Patriarch

39

Mich., Mich.,

1166–1199

Karma 37

CE, 1:745

CE, 2:459 CE, 1:745 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 133. 36 Or Qalliniqos, ar-Raqqa; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:250n3; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 119. 37 On the Tigris, across from Tagrit, ibid, 133–134. 38 In Mabbugh? Honigmann looks for the place east of Marʿash, ibid, 134. 39 Ibid, 135. 40 Ibid, 136. 41 Or Manbigh, Hierapolis, Βαμβύκη. Belonged to Marʿash in 1155, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515. For that, see Ferdinand Hitzig, “Drei Städte in Syrien,” Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 8 (1854): 209–29, 211–219; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 136. Description of the ruins in Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 146–152. 35

178

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH 3:481/767

1263 Maypherqaṭ

Marʿash

43

42

Archdiocese

Diocese

1283

1166–1199 1253

1139–1166

CE, 1:745 Patriarch

Patriarch

1166–1199 Mardin

44

Archdiocese

1166–1199

Melitene

Mosul

46

Nisibis 47

Archdiocese

Archdiocese Diocese

1139–1166 1250 1155 1166

Mich.,

3:480/767 CE, 1:705 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

Patriarch

1232–1252 45

CE, 2:459

3:482/768 Mich.,

3:482/768 CE, 1:687;

Patriarch

Maphrian Maphrian

2:407

Mich.,

3:478/766 CE, 1:673

CE, 1:515 Mich.,

3:480/767

Or Maypherqaṭ, Maiperqāṭ, Fārqīn, Martyropolis; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 137. 43 Or Germanicia; ibid, 137 44 Patriarch Michael I partially subordinated this diocese to the maphrian; see Tel Beshme and ibid, 137. 45 Or Malatya; ibid, 137. 46 United with Tagrit since 1155; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:451; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie. 47 Assigned to the maphrian in 1075 by Patriarch Dionysios V Loʿozar, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:459; 2:303; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, 2:357. From 1125– 1165 it was administered by Bishop John of Mardin, who was subordinate to the patriarch, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 138–139. 42

APPENDIX 1189

Qardu

179

See Gazarta d-Qardu

CE, 2:383

Diocese

1166

Patriarch

Mich.,

Qlisura 49

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Mich.,

Raʿban 50

Diocese

Raqqa

See Kallinikos

Qarṭmin

48

1222

3:480/767 3:479/766 CE, 1:643

1166–1199

Patriarch

Diocese

1166–1199

Patriarch

Mich.,

Shalabdīn 52

Diocese

1166–1199

Patriarch

Mich.,

Samosata

Archdiocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Rūmāna 51

53

1166–1199

Mich.,

3:481/767

3:482/768 3:481/767 Mich.,

3:478/766 Mich.,

Monastery in Tur ʿAbdin, named after an abbot, Mor Gabriel (according to Honigmann, he was a legend; ibid, 101, 140n6). It lay on the site of the current Dayro d-ʿUmro (or Dayr al-ʿUmr), about 60 km west of Gazarta d-Qardu (Gazirat ibn ʿOmar), ibid, 140–142; Gertrude Lowthian Bell, Churches and Monasteries of the Tûr ‘Abdîn and Neighbouring Districts (Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1914), 64–67 “Mar Gabriel, Qartemīn”; see below, p. 106n28. 49 Or Qalīsūrā, clausura, κλεισούρα, Romanupolis(?). See Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 142: “There is no reason to identify this diocese with Romanopolis.” On the suspected location of Romanupolis according to Honigmann, see ibid, 142n6. 50 In 1155, this diocese belonged to Kaishum, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 143. 51 Region in Melitene, ibid, 144–155: “Rūmanah… is the diocese of Ἀρωμάνη, with Melitene for its metropolis… the current HurmanKalesi.” 52 Location unknown, ibid, 145. 53 Or Šmīšaṭ, Sumaisāṭ, Samsat; a city on the Euphrates, ibid, 145. 48

180

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Serugh 54

Diocese

Sijistān

See Sistan

Semha 55

1139–1166

Patriarch

1155 1283

Patriarch

Simandu 57

Archdiocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

Sis

Diocese

1264

Patriarch

Diocese

1277

Maphrian

Sibaberek

58

Sistan 59

Tabriz

60

Diocese

Archdiocese

1166–1199

1166–1199

Mich.,

3:479/766 CE, 1:521

Diocese

56

3:481/767

Patriarch

Patriarch

CE, 2:459 Mich.,

3:381/767 Mich.,

3:479/766 CE, 1:745 Mich.,

3:481/767 CE, 2:445

Or Batnaya, Batnai; ibid, 145–146. City and area on the western Euphrates, ibid, 88. 56 Or Severek, as-Suwayda; ibid, 146. It belonged to Edessa in 1155, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:517; Martin mentions a Syriac Orthodox monastery, d-Anābad, Martin, “Le Premiers Princes Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem”, 483; see Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 444. 57 For the location, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 146–148. 58 Ibid, 167. 59 Or Segestan, Sijistān, Segestān, Sijistan; A desert landscape in the border area of Persia, Afghanistan and Baluchistan. On the origin of the Syriac Orthodox parish there, see above, p. 55n45. Seat of the bishop was Zaranj, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 146, 155. The diocese was probably subordinate to the patriarch, as the letter of the faithful to Patriarch Michael I shows – and not, as one would expect, to the maphrian, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166– 1199), 3:399/730. This also applies to the 12th century according to Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:477, while it was subordinate to the maphrian in the 7th century, ibid, 2:125. 54 55

APPENDIX

181

Tagrit 61

Archdiocese

1189

Maphrian

Mich.,

Tarsus 62

Archdiocese

1166–1199

Patriarch

Mich.,

Tell ʿApar 63 Tella

d-Arsanias 64

Tel Beshme

65

Diocese Diocese

1264 1170

1139–1166

Maphrian Patriarch

1166–1199 Diocese

1194

3:481/768 3:480/767 CE, 1:745 CE, 2:361 Mich.,

3:479/766 Mich.,

Patriarch

3:481/767 Chabot,

Anonymi Auc-

toris Chronicon Ad Annum

Christi 1234 Pertinens, Tur ʿAbdin

66

Diocese

1139–1166

Patriarch

2:331

Mich.,

See Adharbayjān; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 169. 61 Or Takritain, Tikrit. United with Mosul since 1155, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:515; for details, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 149–151. 62 Ibid, 151. 63 Temporary diocese, part of the diocese of Beth ʿArabaye, ibid, 117, 164. 64 Ibid, 151–152. 65 Or Tell Besmai, today Telbisim; about 35 km west of Mardin, ibid, 152. Part of the diocese of Mardin, temporarily subordinated to Maphrian Gregorios I by Patriarch Michael I – but only for his tenure, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 1:xv (introduction); same as Chabot, Anonymi Auctoris Chronicon Ad Annum Christi 1234 Pertinens II, 331. See the map in Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia. 60

182

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Urmia 67

Zypern 68

Diocese

1189

Diocese

1262

Maphrian Patriarch

3:479/766 CE, 2:377 CE, 1:745

SYRIAC ORTHODOX MONASTERIES FROM 1150–1300 Name

Aaron I 69

Year of Reference 1141

1166–1199

Reference

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:497.

Michael I, Chronique de

Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–

Aaron II 70

1139–1166

Aaron III 712a

1141

Abḥai 72

1222 1148

1199), 3:481/767. Mich., 3:479/766. CE, 1:397. CE, 1:497.

Mich., 3:283/642.

Or Tur Daj, Jabal Tur, Mount Masius. Tur ʿAbdin appears to have originally been a single diocese. Around 1090 the two dioceses of Qarṭmin and Ḥaḥ were established, Gibb et al., Enzyklopaedie Des Islām; Geographisches, Ethnographisches Und Biographisches Wörterbuch Der Muhammedanischen Völker, 4:945, under “Ṭūr ʿAḇdīn”; Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 153– 154. 67 Ibid, 164–165. Today, Rezaiyeh. 68 Ibid, 158–159. 69 In Melitene; still exists today, Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 80. 70 On the “blessed mountain” near Edessa, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:407. About the tura brikha (Mušar Dağ), see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 85–86, 142. 712a In Shigar (Šīgār, Sanğār, Σίγγαρα) in Mesopotamia; see ibid, 96, 99, 159, 162, 169; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:313n1; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Diss., 109. 66

APPENDIX

183

Abū Gāleb 73

1171

Mich., 3:341/697.

Anabad 75

1124–1125

Martin, “Le Premiers Princes

Abuʾl Hauri 74

Barid 76

Bar Naggare 77 Barṣawmo 78

Beth Aksenaye Beth Ṣayyade Bukre 79

Cursor 80 Domitius I 81

1139–1166

1139–1166 1166–1199 1166 1285 1199

See Pilgrim

See Martyrs

Mich., 3:479/766.

Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem,” 483. Mich., 3:479/766. Mich., 3:482/768. CE, 1:543. CE, 2:461. CE, 1:609.

1171

Mich., 3:340/696

1246

CE, 1:667

1222 1175

CE, 1:647

Mich., 3:364/712

Or Dayro d-Seblata, the Monastery of Ladders, in Gargar, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 81–82; 59. 73 In the area of Birta d-Gargar, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:341/697; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 80. 74 In Melitene. 75 In Sibaberek; see above, p. 101n56. 76 Diocese; see above, p. 96n10. 77 In the East, specifically Bartella. 78 For the location, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 36–46: “L'emplacement du couvent de Barṣaumā” and Map 1: “Les environs du couvent de Barṣaumā,” ibid in the appendix. The monastery was in the mountains between Gargar and Melitene, above the modern village of Pereš in the valley of Peresh-Su, see illustrations 1–3. 79 In Mardin. 80 In Melitene, see above, p. 43 and Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 68. 81 In Gubos. 72

184

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Domitius II 82 Dowair 83

ʿEzron Gawikat 84

Ḥanānyā 85 Ḥarṣaptā Kāslyūd

Lazarus 86 Madīq

87

Magdalene 88

1189

Mich., 3:403/733

1192

Mich., 3:412/737

1139–1166 1139–1166 1208 1171 1200 1148

1166–1199 1139–1166 1199 1222

Mich., 3:479/766 Mich., 3:479/766 CE, 1:623

Mich., 3:341/697 CE, 1:611

Mich., 3:284/642 Mich., 3:481/767 Mich., 3:479/766 CE, 1:607 CE, 1:653

In Mardin. The ruins of a monastery called Mor Dimeṭ northeast of Mardin are mentioned in Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 420. Also see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie. 83 In Antioch. 84 In Mopsuestia, see ibid. 85 Or Dayr al-Zaʿfarān in Mardin, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 63, 65, 67, 168, 170, etc.; Ḥananyā Monastery should not be confused with Mar Ḥanino Monastery, attested to in the 6th century, see ibid, 52; Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:243n1, which lay in the desert between Bālis and Kallinikos. A layout of Ḥananyā is in Monneret de Villard, Le Chiese Della Mesopotamia, Fig. 40. 86 In the area of Gūḇōs; in the time of Bar ʿEbroyo, it was inhabited by the Armenians, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:433, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 57. 87 In Qlaudia; for the location, see ibid, 81. 88 In Jerusalem. See ibid, 132, Cerulli, Etiopi in Palestina: Storia Della Comunità Etipica Di Gerusalemme, 1:10–18; Chabot, “Échos Des Croisades”, 452n2; Martin, “Le Premiers Princes Croisés et Les Syriens Jacobites de Jérusalem”, 477. According to ibid, 59, it was called the “Convent of St. Maria Magdalena and Mor Simon of the Pharisees.” The monastery was the seat of the Syriac Orthodox metropolitan of Jerusa82

APPENDIX

185

Maqrona

1139–1166

Mich., 3:479/766

Martyrs 89

1249

CE, 1:677

1170

CE, 2:363

Mary Magdalene Matay

See Magdalene 1215

90

Moʿallaq 91 New Monastery Paksimeṭ 93 Pesqīn 94

Pilgrim 95

92

1277 1268 1208 1166 1260

CE, 1:633 CE, 2:447 CE, 2:443 CE, 1:621 CE, 1:535

CE, 1:735

lem and was mentioned by the successor of William of Tyre, ibid, 481n1 89 In the area of Qlaudia, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 78 under “Amrōn.” 90 In Mosul, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 3:340/696. Seat of a metropolitan, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:337, 379; see above, p. 31 and Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 95, 98, 100, 118, 160, 172; Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, 1:liii–lxiii: “The Monastery of Mâr Matai on Jabal Maḳlȗb” (with images and layout). 91 Sergius in Assemani. See Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 2:505. It was subordinate to the maphrian, ibid, 2:447. See Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 117n6; it was located in Balad (today Eski Mosul) on the Tigris. Also see above, p. 97n11. 92 In Marāġā. 93 In Cilicia; precise location unknown, probably between Mopsuestia and Sīs, destroyed by the Egyptians in 1279. See Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 67n7. 94 = Abu Galeb? (So Chabot, Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199), 1:2* Table Générale; another opinion in Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 61n1, 80n1). 95 In Edessa.

186

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Qanqrat 96

1174

Mich., 3:355/706

Quryaqos 98

1207

CE, 1:615

Qarṭmin 97 Rahoṭo

Rumana 99 Runner Saʿbā

Saliba 100

Sapulos 101 Sergius 102

1201 See Cursor

CE, 1:613

1166–1199

Mich., 3:482/768

1166–1199

Mich., 3:481/767

1201

CE, 1:613

See Cursor

1166–1199 1171

Mich., 3:481/767 Mich., 3:307/655

In Amid; see ibid, 57n4. Monastery-Diocese in Tur ʿAbdin, see above, p. 101n48. The monastery, which was visited by A. Socin in 1870 and described by him in Socin, “Zur Geographie Des Tur ’Abdin”, 250–254, was located an hour from Qarṭmin. An anonymous Syriac Orthodox Christian describes the destruction of the monastery by the hordes of Timur and the Kurds in 1413, Bar ʿEbroyo, The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l Faraj, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician, Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, Being the First Part of His Political History of the World, 2:xxxvii–xxxviii (Appendix). Layout in Monneret de Villard, Le Chiese Della Mesopotamia, Fig. 52–54. 98 Also called Zoniqart, Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:647; destroyed in 1257, ibid, 1:723; also see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 178n1. 99 See above, p. 101n51. 100 In Tur ʿAbdin: “Cross Monastery.” For this, see Socin, “Zur Geographie Des Tur ’Abdin”, 266; see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 180n5. 101 See ibid, 144: “Le Couvent de Speculos (Saphylos?) près de Rēšʽainā.” 102 In Gubos, in the region of Melitene, see above, p.106n24. See Kötting, Peregrinatio Religiosa: Wallfahrten in Der Antike Und Das Pilgerwesen in Der Alten Kirche, 132–133: “Sergius has become the patron of so many churches and church foundations in Syria… His name was so widely used in Syria that it can only be compared to Menas in Egypt or Martin in Frankish lands.” (also for bibliography and sources). On an96 97

APPENDIX Shīrā 103

1208

Yuhanon bar Naggare

See bar Naggare

Yaʿqub 104

Zobar 105 Zaʿfaran

Zōnīqart

187 CE, 1:619

1189 1148

See Ḥananyā

Mich., 3:402/732 Mich., 3:287/644

See Quryaqos

SYRIAC ORTHODOX BUILDING PROJECTS FROM 1150–1300 Year

Place

Building

Builder

Reference

Dayro d-Mor

Water Pipe

Patr.

Michael I, Chronique

Rabo

Patriarche Jacobite

1163

1171

Barṣawmo

Amid

Project

Church of the

Michael I

Bp. Dionysi-

de Michel Le Syrien, d’Antioche (1166–

1199), 3:321/677

Mich., 3:340ff./697

other Sergius Monastery in Ahudemmeh and Marutha of Tagrit, Histoires d’Ahoudemmeh et de Marouta, Métropolitains Jacobites de Tagrit et de l’Orient (VIe et VIIe Siècles), Suivies Du Traité d’Ahoudemmeh Sur l’homme, ed. François Nau, vol. 1, 4 vols., Patrologia Orientalis 3 (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1909), 29n5. For the cult of Sergius: Ernst Honigmann, “Nordsyrische Klöster in Vorarabischer Zeit,” Zeitschrift Für Semitistik Und Verwandte Gebiete 1 (1922): 15–33, 21. See also Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 117n6. 103 See ibid, 82: “Monastery of Šīrā on the Euphrates, probably near Širo (Keferdis), therefore at the confluence of the Širo-Çay and the Euphrates.” 104 In Edessa; description of the ruins in Sachau, Reise in Syrien Und Mesopotamia, 204–207, with layout; two images in Max van Berchem and Josef Strzygowski, Amida (Heidelberg: Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1910), 268–269. 105 Several (five) monasteries in Melitene. For the location, see Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barṣaumā et Le Patriarcat Jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie, 79–80n9: Zabar (or Beth Zobar, Beth Qenāyā) is the area west of Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo.

188

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

1171

Dayro Abu

1172

Dayro d-Mor

1172

Galeb

Barṣawmo Melitene

Mother of

os bar Salibi

Monastery

Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:341/697

Hospice

Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:347/701

Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:347/701

God

church

apartment for part.

Church of the Runner

1172

Dayro

Monastery

1176

Amid

Church of the

Qanqraṯ

1180

Dayro d-Mor

1183

Dayro d-Mor

1201

Barṣawmo Barṣawmo

Resh ʿAyna

church

Holy Spirit Monastery church

New building after monastery burned down

Renovation of church

1207

Dayro d-Mor

Renovation

1222

Dayro d-Mor

North wall of

Quryaqos

Barṣawmo

of church

chael I Rabo chael I Rabo

chael I Rabo w/ parish Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:355/706

Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:370/714

Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:409/736

Patr. Mi-

Mich., 3:393/727

Patr. Atha-

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii

bar Ṣalibi

Ecclesiasticum, 1:613

chael I Rabo chael I Rabo chael I Rabo chael I Rabo

nasios VIII Qroḥo

Simeon of

Ḥesnā, physician

Barhebraei Chronicon

CE, 1:615

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:649

Church of

Ishaʿ of

CE, 1:669

Barṣawmo

physician

monastery,

lead roof of

us III Dawid

monastery 1244

Sis

1245

Hṙomklay

1245

Runner’s

church Mor

Cathedral

Church of the

Edessa,

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:667

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:667

us III Dawid

APPENDIX Monastery

1245

Antioch

1246

Sis

1246

Andriōn

1246

Mopsuestia

1262

Arbela

Mother of

God, Hospice for patr.

Church and

189

us III Dawid

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:667

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:669

Bridge over

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:671

Bridge over

Patr. Ignati-

CE, 1:671

Parish

CE, 2:429–431

Bp. Baselios

CE, 2:443

apartment for P

Church of the Mother of God

river river

Church,

apartment for

us III Dawid

us III Dawid

us III Dawid us III Dawid

bp., residence

1272

Tabriz

for monks Church

of Tabriz

and mer-

1272

Maragha

Summer

1274

Baghdad

Church

1282

Tabriz

house, cell

Stone gate,

pilgrim cells, cemetery,

chants

Maph. Bar

CE, 2:443

Safī al-

CE, 2:445

ʿEbroyo

Daulā, chief scribe

Maph. Bar

CE, 2:455

Maph. Bar

CE, 2:461

Barṣawmo

CE, 2:489

ʿEbroyo

summer and winter

apartment for 1285

Bartella

bishop

Church and

Monastery of

Mor Yuhanon 1286

Maragha

bar Naggare

Church over

ʿEbroyo

190

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH the grave of Bar ʿEbroyo

Ṣafī, brother of Bar

ʿEbroyo

GENEALOGY OF PATRIARCH MICHAEL I RABO

Elias Zaḥai (d. 1168)

Priest, 106 married. Since 1135, Athanasius, Archbishop of Anazarbus. 107

Saliba (d. 1192)

Michael (d. 1199)

Archbishop of Mardin.3

since 1166, patriarch.

Since 1177, Athanasius, Since 1184, Archbishop

Abbot of Barṣawmo;

Brother

Married.

of Jerusalem;4 since

Zaḥai 1190, representative of the patriarch in

Antioch.5

Jacob (d. 1214)

Yeshuʿ Sephtono

maphrian.6

patriarch.7

Since 1189, Gregorios I,

Since 1199, Michael II,

Michael I, Chronique de Michel Le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche (1166–1199). 107 Ibid, 3:274/636, 350/703. 3 Ibid, 3:374/717, 376/717. 4 Ibid, 3:394/727. 5 Ibid, 3:411/737. 6 Ibid, 3:403/733. 7 Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:611; 2:387. 106

APPENDIX

191

GENEALOGY OF PATRIARCH IGNATIUS IV YESHUʿ Simeon (d.

Yeshuʿ (d.

Gregorios,

Abbot of

1266)

Archbishop of

Melitene.

108

1282)

Brother

Married.

Gawikat.

4

Jacob

Priest in

Hṙomklay,5

Abbot of

2

Since

Barṣawmo.6

1264,

Ignatius

IV, patriarch.3

Nemrud (d. 1292)

Deacon,7 since 1273, Philox-

enos, Archbishop of Melitene,8

since 1283, Philoxenos, patriarch.9

Bar ʿEbroyo, Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 1:761. Ibid, 1:749. 3 Ibid, 1:749. 4 Ibid, 1:769. 5 Ibid, 1:779. 6 Ibid, 1:773. 7 Ibid, 1:769. 8 Ibid, 1:771. 9 Ibid, 1:779. 108 2

192

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

BACKGROUNDS OF PATRIARCHS

Number of Patriarchs 8

Archbishops

Abbots

Maphrians

Other

2

3

2

1 (Hermit)

of Melitene

BACKGROUNDS OF MAPHRIANS Number of

Archbishops and

Abbots

Other

8

4

2

2 (monk, unde-

Maphrians

Bishops

termined)

TERMS FOR MONKS 109 ʾAbīlā

ʾAksnāyā (ξένος)

Mourner, sufferer,

Expression of the monastic ideal of

"crying penitent"

the world. The monk lives in the mon-

anchorite, monk:

Sojourner, pilgrim

later period: repent, mourn over life in astery and does special penitential exercises.

According to their ideal of life, the

monks called themselves pilgrims and sojourners, whose spirit is foreign to

ʾAmīlā

ʾAnwāyā

Ascetic

Poor, sad. Ascetic,

the world.

The lowly, humble: the monk who lives

For this, see Adam, “Grundbegriffe Des Mönchtums in Sprachlicher Sicht”; Beck, “Ein Beitrag Zur Terminologie Des Ältesten Syrischen Mönchtums”; Ploeg, Oud-Syrisch Monniksleven; Paul Rieger, “‫‘ אבילא‬Der Mönch,’” Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 57 (1903): 747–49; Arent Jan Wensinck, “Über Das Weinen in Den Monotheistiscen Religionen Vorderasiens,” in Festschrift Eduard Sachau; Zum Siebzigsten Geburtstage Gewidmet von Freunden Und Schülern, ed. Gotthold Weil (Berlin: Reimer, 1915), 26–35. 109

APPENDIX

193

hermit.

only on the hope for the hereafter and

Bar Qyāmā

Ascetic

Old Christian ascetics who maintained

Bath Qĕyāmā

Virgin, nun (dea-

Bṯūlā

Virgin, maiden

Dairāyā

coness)

Monk

ʾEsṭōnāyā

Stylite, Column-

Ḥabīshā

Recluse

Īḥīḏāyā

Solitary, hermit,

Maḏbrāyā

Hermit

Nzīrā

Isolated, Nazarite,

Nūḵarīṭā

Anchorite

Qaddīšā

Saint

(ἀναχωρητής)

Sharwāyā

saints

anchorite, monk

ascetic, monk

Beginner, neophyte

behaves as lowly servant of God. celibacy and lived ascetically.

Expression for nuns

Purely cenobitic monk of later period, who lived in a communal monastery under the leadership of an abbot.

Monk who lives outside of the actual convent in a special cell (also a column), but belongs to the convent. In later period: monastery-monk.

True hermits of various kinds who live in the desert.

Monk who lives in the wilderness without belonging to a monastic community.

Expression for monk Beginner, novice:

1. In the sense of an external trial period

2. In the sense of the beginner in the spiritual life as the striving towards perfection

3. In the sense of the beginner in the

ascetic life which began in the monastery: Beginner therefore means someṬūḇānā Ṭūrāyā

Beatus, μακάριος

Mountain-monk

thing like cenobitic monk

Expression for the God-connected monk The worship service in the mountains especially recalls biblical promises of

194

ʿŪmrāyā

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Monk

salvation

Purely cenobitic monk of the later period; resident of a monastery.

SYRIAC ORTHODOX PATRIARCHS Year

Regnal Name

Before becoming patriarch

1166–1199

Michael I Rabo

Michael, abbot of

1139–1166

Athanasios VII

1199–1207

Athanasios VIII

1199–1215

Michael II

1208–1220

Yuḥanon XII

1253–1261

Dionysios VII

1222–1252

Ignatius III

1253–1263

Yuḥanon (XIII, XV) bar

1264–1282

Ignatius IV

1283–1292

Maʿdani

Philoxenos (Ignatius V)

Yeshuʿ bar Qeṭreh, deacon Barṣawmo

bar Ṣalibi Qroḥo, abbot of Barṣawmo

Yeshuʿ Sephtono, monk of Barṣawmo

Yeshuʿ Kotubo, hermit Dawid, maphrian

Aaron ʽAngūr, archbishop of Melitene

Aaron bar Maʿdani, maphrian

Yeshuʿ, abbot of Gawikat Nemrud, archbishop of Melitene

SYRIAC ORTHODOX MAPHRIANS Year

Regnal Name

Before becoming maphrian

1164–1188

John IV

John Sarugayo, abbot of Yaʿqub

1143–1164 1189–1214 1215–1222

Ignatius II

Gregorios I

Ignatius (III) Dawid

1222–1231

Dionysius II

1232–1253

John V

1253–1258

Ignatius III (IV)

1264–1286

Gregorios (II)

Lazarus, monk of Sergius

Jacob, nephew of Michael I Rabo Dawid Ṭapshīsh, monk of Barṣawmo

Sleeba Kaparsalṭāyā, bishop of Gazarta

Aaron Bar Maʿdani, archbishop of Mardin

Baseleos Ṣalībā, bishop of Aleppo

Abuʾl-Faraj Bar ʿEbroyo, bishop of Aleppo

APPENDIX 1288–1308

Gregorios (III)

Church of the East Catholicoi

195 Barṣawmo Ṣafī, brother and assistant to Bar ʿEbroyo

Coptic Patriarchs

1147–1175

Ishoʿyahb V Baladi

1146–1166

John V

1176–1190

Eliya III Abū Ḥalīm

1166–1189

Mark III

1190–1222

Yahbalaha II

1189–1216

John VI

1222–1225

Sabrishoʿ IV bar

1235–1243

Cyril III

1226–1256

Sabhrishoʿ V b. al-

1250–1261

Athanasius III

Makkika II

1262–1266

John VII

1265–1281

Denḥa I

1266–1268

Gabriel III

1282–1317

Yahbalaha III

1268–1293

John VII

1294–1300

Theodosius II

Qayyoma Masīḥī

1257–1265

Armenian Catholicoi Seat in Hṙomklay

Abbasid Caliphs in Baghdad 1136–1160

Al-Muqtafi

1113–1166

Grigor (Gregory) III

1160–1170

Al-Mustanjid

1166–1173

Nerses IV the Gracious

1170–1180

Al-Mustadi

1173–1193

Gregory IV the Young

1180–1225

Al-Nasir

1193–1194

Gregory V of Cilicia

1225–1226

Az-Zahir

1194–1203

Gregory VI of Cilicia

1226–1242

Al-Mustansir Bi'llah

1203–1212

John VI the Affluent

1242–1258

Al-Musta'sim Billah

1221–1267

Constantine I of Cilicia

1267–1286

Jacob I the Learned

1286–

Constantine II the

1290–1293

Stephen IV of Cilicia

1289

Pahlavuni

Woolmaker

196

THE SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH

Seat in Sis 1293–1307

Gregory VII of Cilicia

Rubenid Dynasty of Lesser Armenia

Mongol Leaders

1136–1167

Thoros II

Great Khans

1167–1170

Ruben II

–1227

Genghis Khan

1170–1175

Mleh I

–1246

Ögedei Khan

1175–1187

Ruben III

–1248

Güyük Khan

1187–1219

Leo I (II, the Magnifi-

1219–1221

Regent: Adam of

1221–1226

1226–1270

cent) (since 1198, king) Baghras

Guardian and regent

(bailo): Constantine of

1251–1259 –1294

Möngke Khan Kublai Khan

Ilkhans

Baberon

Hethum I

–1265

Hulagu Khan

1270–1289

Leo II (III)

1265–1282

Abaqa Khan

1289–1294

Hethum II

1282–1284

Ahmed Tekuder

1284–1291

Arghun

1291–1295

Gaykhatu

etc. until 1375

etc. until 1350 Egyptian Rulers Fatimids

Rûm Sultans 1116–1156

Rukn al-Dīn Kilij Arslan II

Masʿūd

1154–1160

Al-Faʾiz bi-Nasr Allah

1156–1192

1160–1171

Al-ʿĀḍid li-Dīn Allāh

1192–1196

Kaykhusraw I

1196–1204

Rukn ad-Din Su-

Ayyubids 1171–1193

Saladin

1204

(with 11 brothers) leiman II

Kilij Arslan III

APPENDIX

197

1193–1198

Al-Malik al-Aziz

1204–1210

Kaykhusraw I (for

1198–1199

Al-Mansur

1210–1220

Kaykaus I

1199–1218

Al-Adil I

1220–1237

Kayqubad I

1218–1238

Al-Kamil

1237–1247

Kaykhusraw II

1238–1240

Al-Adil II

1247–1257

Kaykaus II

1240–1249

As-Salih Ayyub

sharing the throne with him:

1249–1257

Shajar al-Durr (regent,

1250–1257

Kayqubad II

1265–1282

Kaykhusraw III

1282–1284

Mesud II

1257–1259 Bahri Mamluks:

in 1250 she married the Mamluk ruler Aybak)

Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAlī (son of Shajar al-Durr)

1259–1260

Qutuz

1260–1277

Baibars

1277–1279

various

1279–1290

Al-Mansur Qalawun

1290–1341

Al-Malik an-Nasir (with

a second time)

etc. until 1317

two interruptions)

etc. until 1382

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Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo

View of the remains of the former monastery complex

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Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo

Remains of the former monastery complex with a view of

the valley of Peresh-Su. The modern village of Peresh is in the center of the image.

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Dayro d-Mor Barṣawmo

Rock formations within the monastery complex, which

served as foundations for the large retaining walls. In the middle is a staircase; in the valley below is the village of Peresh.

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