The Seven Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World 9781463209513

Citation preview

T h e Seven Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World

BEGMJM PEMMEIM BARI!

Scytli« jAroteie

p o IN T V s

ìli ET XËKMS TEMPORIBUS

THE

SEVEN GREAT MONARCHIES OF THE

ANCIENT EASTERN WORLD; OR, THE HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, AND ANTIQUITIES O F CHALD.35A, ASSYRIA, BABYLON, MEDIA, PERSIA, PARTHIA, AND SASSANIAN, OR NEW PERSIAN

EMPIRE.

BY

GEORGE E A W L I N S O N , M.A., CAMDEN P R O F E S S O R O F ANCIENT H I S T O R Y IN T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F O X F O B f c .

Volume II

©it}) ¿Haps ana 3l(ust rat ions.

M G o r g i a s PRESS 2004

First Gorgias Press Edition, 2002. Second Gorgias Press Edition, 2004. The special contents of this edition are copyright €> 2004 by Gorgias Press LLC. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in the United States of America by Gorgias Press LLC, New Jersey. This edition is a facsimile reprint of the original edition published by John B. Alden, New York, 1885.

ISBN 1-59333-169-X (Vol. 1) ISBN 1-59333-170-3 (Vol. 2) ISBN 1-59333-171-1 (Vol. 3)

GORGIAS PRESS

46 Orris Ave., Piscataway, NJ 08854 USA www.gorgiaspress.com

Printed and bound in the United States of America.

CONTENTS. THE THIRD MONARCHY. MEDIA. CHAPTER

I.

D E S C R I P T I O N O P T H E COUNTRY

PAGE 1

CHAPTER

H.

CLIMATE AND PRODUCTIONS

22 CHAPTER

III.

C H A R A C T E R , M A N N E R S AND CUSTOMS, A R T S , E T C . , O P T H E P E O P L E CHAPTER

86

IV.

RELIGION

FFI CHAPTER

V.

LANGUAGE AND W R I T I N G

67 CHAPTER

VI.

CHRONOLOGY AND H I S T O R Y

THE

77

FOURTH

MONARCHY.

BABYLONIA. CHAPTER

I.

EXTENT OP THE EMPIRE

122 CHAPTER

H.

CLIMATE AND P R O D U C T I O N S

151 CHAPTER

IN.

THE PEOPLE

162 CHAPTER

T H E CAPITAL

IV. 170

CONTENTS. CHAPTER

V.

A R T S AND SCIENCES CHAPTER

PAGE 188

VI.

M A N N E R S AND CUSTOMS

211 CHAPTER

VII.

RELIGION

334 CHAPTER

VIII.

H I S T O R Y AND CHRONOLOGY.

330 APPENDIX

K.

STANDARD INSCRIPTION OF NEBUCHADNEZZER

260

B.

O N THE MEANINGS OF BABYLONIAN N A M E S

262

THE

FIFTH

MONARCHY.

PERSIA. CHAPTER

I.

E X T E N T OP THE E M P I R E

266 CHAPTER

II.

CLIMATE AND PRODUCTIONS

293 CHAPTER

III.

C H A R A C T E R , MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, D R E S S , ETC., OF THE P E O P L E CHAPTER

IV.

L A N G U A G E AND W R I T I N G

365 CHAPTER

V.

A R C H I T E C T U R E AND O T H E R A R T S

379 CHAPTER

VI.

RELIGION .

420 CHAPTER

CHRONOLOGY AND H I S T O R Y

315

VII. 429

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS-VOL. II.

PLATE

1. Stone base of a pillar a t H a m a d a n (after Morier) 1 2. Plan of t h e country about H a m a d a n (after Flandin) 1 3. Plan of Takht-i-SuleYman, p e r h a p s t h e Northern E c b a t a n a (Sir H. Rawlinson) 1 4. View of t h e great Rock of Behistun (after Ker Porter) 2 C. View in Mazanderau—the Caspian Sea in the distance (after Fraser) 2 6. Pigeon-towers near Isfahan (after Morier) 3 7. The destructive locust (Acridium peregrinimi) 3 8. The scorpion (Scorpio crassicauda) 3 9. Persepolitan horse, perhaps Nissean (after Ker Porter) 3 10. Arian physiognomy, f r o m Persepolis (after Prichard) 4 11. Mede or Persian carrying a bow in its case, f r o m Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 5 12. Bow and Quiver, f r o m Persepolis (after Flandin) 5 13. Persian or Median spear, f r o m Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 4 14. Shield of a warrior, f r o m Persepolis (after Flandin) 4 15. Median robe, f r o m Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 5 16. Median shoe, f r o m Persepolis (after Flandin) 4 17. Median head-dress, f r o m Persepolis (ditto) 6 18. A Mede or Persian wearing a collar and earrings, f r o m Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 6 19. Colossal lion, f r o m E c b a t a n a (after Flandin) 6 20. Fire-temples near Nakhsh-i-Rustam (ditto) 6 21. Lydian coins fafter Humphreys) 7 22. View of t h e Lebanon range 7 23. The Sea of Antioch. f r o m the east (after Ainsworth) 8 24. Hares, f r o m Babylonian cylinders (after L a j a r d ) 7 25. Babylonian flsh, f r o m the sculptures 8 26. Locusts, f r o m a cylinder 8 27. Susianian mule, Koyunjik (drawn by t h e author f r o m a slab in t h e British Museum) 8 28. Susianian horses, Koyunjik (after Layard) 9 29. Babylonian dog, f r o m a gem (after Lajard) 9 30. Oxen, f r o m Babylonian cylinders (ditto) 8 31. Heads of Babylonian men (drawn by the a u t h o r f r o m t h e Assyrian sculptures in the British Museum) 9 32. Head of a Babylonian woman (ditto) 9

v{

LIST

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS. PLATE

33. H e a d s of Susianians, K o y u n j i k (ditto) 34. H e a d s of Babylonians, f r o m t h e cylinders ( a f t e r L a j a r d ) 35. H e a d of ail Elamitic chief, K o y u n j i k (drawn by t h e a u t h o r f r o m a relief in t h e British Museum) 36. C h a r t of t h e c o u n t r y r o u n d Babylon, w i t h t h e limits of t h e ancient city (reduced f r o m t h e m a p of M. Oppert) 37. View of t h e Babil m o u n d f r o m t h e K a s r ( a f t e r O p p e r t ) 38. Ground-plan of t h e Babil m o u n d , w i t h its r a m p a r t , a n d t r a c e s of an old c a n a l ( a f t e r O p p e r t a n d Selby) 39. Ground-plan of t h e K a s r m o u n d ( a f t e r Oppert) 40. Ground-plan of t h e A m r a n m o u n d (ditto) 41. General c h a r t of t h e r u i n s of Babylon 43. C h a r t of ancient Babylon 43. Birs-i-Nimrud, n e a r Babylon 44. Elevation of t h e Birs, r e s t o r e d 45. P a r t of a s t o n e frieze, f r o m t h e K a s r m o u n d , Babylon ( a f t e r L a y a r d ) 46. Pier of bridge a t Babylon, r e s t o r e d ; 47. Babylonian brick ( a f t e r Birch) 48. Lion s t a n d i n g over a prostl-ate m a n , Babylon ( f r o m a s k e t c h d r a w n on t h e spot b y Claude Clerk, Esq.) 49. S t a t u e t t e of a m o t h e r and child, f o u n d a t Babylon ( a f t e r Ker Porter) 50. F i g u r e of a Babylonian king, p r o b a b l y IVIerodach-iddin-akhi (drawn f o r t h e p r e s e n t work f r o m a n e n g r a v e d figure in t h e British Museum) 51. F i g u r e of a dog, f r o m a b l a c k stone of t h e t i m e of Merodach-iddin-akhi, f o u n d a t Babylon (drawn by t h e a u t h o r f r o m t h e original in t h e British Museum) 52. F i g u r e of a bird, f r o m the s a m e s t o n e (ditto) 53. A n i m a l f o r m s , f r o m t h e cylinders ( a f t e r L a j a r d ) 54. Grotesque figures of m e n a n d animals, f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 55. Men a n d monsters, f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 56. Serio-comic drawing, f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 57. G a t e a n d g a t e w a y , f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 58. Bronze o r n a m e n t f o u n d a t Babylon ( a f t e r Ker P o r t e r ) 59. V a s e s a n d jug, f r o m t h e cylinders ( a f t e r L a j a r d ) 60. V a s e s in a stand, f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 61. Vase with handles, f o u n d in B a b y l o n i a ( a f t e r Birch) 62. Babylonian glass bottles ( a f t e r L a y a r d ) _ 63. Conical top of a n e n g r a v e d black stone, bearing figures of constellations (drawn f o r t h e p r e s e n t work f r o m t h e original in t h e British Museum)... 64. Babylonian zodiac (ditto) 65. Bab3'lonian of t h e lower r a n k s , p r e s e n t i n g a n offering, f r o m a cylinder (after Lajard) 66. Babylonian of t h e u p p e r class in t h e o r d i n a r y c o s t u m e , f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 67. Babylonian w e a r i n g a long u n d e r - g a r m e n t , f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 68. Babylonian soldier c o n d u c t i n g prisoners, f r o m a cylinder ( a f t e r L a y a r d ) . . . 69. P a t t e r n e d tunic, f r o m a cylinder ( a f t e r L a j a r d ) 70. Babylonian w e a r i n g a s h o r t open coat, f r o m a cylinder (ditto) 71. C o s t u m e of a Susianian chief, K o y u n j i k ( d r a w n b y t h e a u t h o r f r o m a i&srelief in t h e British Museum) f2. Costumes of t h e Babylonian priests, f r o m t h e cylinders ( a f t e r L a j a r d ) 73. Priest wearing a peculiar m i t r e 74. Priest-vizier p r e s e n t i n g captives t o a king (drawn b y Sir H. Rawlinson f r o m a rock-tablet n e a r Sir-i-Zohab) 75. Babylonian bow, f r o m a b l a c k stone in t h e British M u s e u m 76. Babylonian quiver a n d d a g g e r

9 10 10 11 10 13 13 12 13 13 15 16 15 15 17 17 18 18 18 18 19 18 19 19 19 20 20 20 20 20 30 21 92 22 22 23 22 23 83 23 23 24 23 23

LIST

OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

vii PLATE

77. Lion attacked with spear and axe, from a. cylinder (after Lajard) 78. Axes, Chaldasan and Babylonian, from the monuments 79. Babylonian four-horse chariot, from a cylinder (after Lajard) 80. Men ploughing, from a cylinder (ditto) 81. Milking the goat, from a cylinder (ditto) 82. Babylonian harp and harper, from a cylinder (ditto) 83. Babylonian women making an offering to a goddess, from a cylinder (ditto) 84. Babylonian women gathering dates in a garden, from a cylinder (ditto) 85. Babylonian saw and hatchet, from the cylinders 86. Religious emblems of the Babylonians, from the cylinders (wood-cut) 87. View in the mountain pass between Bushire and Shiraz (after Flandin) 88. Chart of the country between Pasargadse (Murgab) and Persepolis (from Fergusson) 89. Ancient Shadoof (after Wilkinson) 90. "View of Mount Demavend, in the Elburz (after Morier) 91. Gecko, and feet of Gecko magnified 92. The Egyptian asp, or Cohibcr haje 93. The Cerastes, or horned snake 94. The Chameleon (from an engraving in the Description de VEgypte) 95. Figure of an Ethiopian, Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 98. Persian foot-soldier in the ordinary costume (ditto) 97. Persian stabbing a bull (after Lajard) 98. Persian foot-soldiers, Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 99. Persian guardsman, carrying a bow and quiver, Persepolis (ditto) 100. Persian spear-head and arrow-heads (after Morier) 301. Persian soldier with batt!e-axe(after Ker Porter) 102. " Gerrhum," or large wicker shield. Persepolis (ditto) 103. Persian chariot, from Persepolis (ditto) 104. "Tribulus," or spiked ball (after Caylus) 105. Beak of a Persian war-galley, enlarged from a coin (after Mionnet) 106. Greek triaconter (after Montfaucon) ¿07. Persian penteconter, enlarged from a coin (after Lajard) 108. Persian king seated on his throne, Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 109. Head of Persian king, Persepolis (after Flandin) 110. Head of Persian king, from a daric (ditto) 111. Heads of Persian kings, from cylinders (ditto) 112. Royal parasol, Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 113. King wearing a bracelet and earrings, Nakhsh-i-Rustam (ditto) Ili. Royal sword, Persepolis (ditto) 115. Persian king in his chariot, from a daric (after Mionnet) 116. The royal bow and quiver bearer, Behistun (after Ker Porter) 117. Head-dress of an attendant, Persepolis (ditto) 118. Persian fan, or fly-chaser, Persepolis (ditto) 119. Royal scent-bottle, Persepolis (ditto) 120. Censer, Persepolis (after Flandin and Ker Porter) 121. Vase of Caylus (after Caylus) 122. Canopy of Persian throne, Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 123. Persian sleeved cloak, Persepolis (ditto) 124. Front view of the same, showing strings, Persepolis (ditto) 125. Persian kins: hunting the lion, from the signet-cylinder of Darius Hystaspis (after Lajard ) 126. Persian king killing an antelope, from a cylinder (ditto) 127. Tomb of a Persian king, Nakhsh-i-Rustam (from a photograph) 128. Ordinary Persian costume (after Ker Porter) 123. Fr agment of two-horse chariot, from Persepolis (after Morier) 130. Persian chasing the antelope, from a gem (after Lajard)

23 23 24 24 25 25 25 25 35 26 27 27 27 28 2S 28 28 29 28 29 29 30 30 30 30 31 30 31 31 31 32 32 31 32 32 33 33 33 33 34 33 34 34 34 35 36 36 36 36 37 3S 38 37

vili

LIST

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS. PLATE

131. 133. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138.

P e r s i a n killing a wild b o a r , f r o m a c y j i n d e r (ditto) G e n e r a l p l a n of P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) P l a n of t h e r u i n s of P e r s e p o l i s (ditto) M a s o n r y of g r e a t p l a t f o r m , P e r s e p o l i s (ditto) G e n e r a l p l a n of t h e s a m e (ditto) G r o u n d - p l a n of g r e a t s t a i r c a s e (ditto) F r o n t view of s a m e Propylsea, Chehl Minar, a n d P a l a c e of Darius, f r o m t o p of G r e a t Stairs, Persepolis (from Fergusson) 139. P a r a p e t wall of s t a i r c a s e , P e r s e p o l i s (restored) ; i n t e r i o r view ( f r o m Flandin) 140. P a r a p e t wall of t h e s a m e (restored* ; e x t e r i o r view ( f r o m F l a n d i n ) 141. E a s t s t a i r s of P a l a c e of X e r x e s ( f r o m F e r g u s s o n ) 142. S t a i r c a s e of A r t a x e r x e s , P e r s e p o l i s ; e x i s t i n g condition ( a f t e r Flandin) 143. F a ç a d e of t h e P a l a c e of D a r i u s , P e r s e p o l i s ( f r o m F e r g u s s o n ) 144. G r o u n d - p l a n of t h e s a m e (ditto) 145. K i n g a n d a t t e d d a n t s , P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 146. S o u t h f r o n t of t h e P a l a c e of D a r i u s , Persepolis, r e s t o r e d (ditto) 147. G r e a t Propylsea of X e r x e s , P e r s e p o l i s ( f r o m a p h o t o g r a p h ) 148. O r n a m e n t o v e r windows, P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 149. G a t e w a y t o Hall of a H u n d r e d C o l u m n s . P e r s e p o l i s ( f r o m a p h o t o g r a p h ) . . . 150. Double griffin capital. P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 151. D o u b l e bull capital, Persepolis (ditto) 152. Single v o l u t e capital, P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r K e r P o r t e r ) . 153. B a s e of pillars f o r m i n g c e n t r a l c l u s t e r s 154. C o m p l e x c a p i t a l a n d b a s e of pillars in G r e a t H a l l of X e r x e s , P e r s e p o l i s (after Flandin) 155. A n o t h e r pillar-base in t h e s a m e ( a f t e r K e r P o r t e r ) 156. G r o u n d - p l a n of t h e H a l l of X e r x e s ( a f t e r F e r g u s s o n ) 157. • P l a n of p a l a c e , P a s a r g a d r e ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 158. Pillar-base. P a s a r g a d a s (ditto) 159. M a s o n r y of g r e a t p l a t f o r m , P a s a r g a d f e ( f r o m F e r g u s s o n ) 160. G e n e r a l view of p l a t f o r m ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 161. P l a n of P a l a c e , I s t a k r (ditto) 162. T o m b of Cyrus, P a s a r g a d a e ( f r o m F e r g u s s o n ) 163. Moulding a n d cornice of t o m b ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 164. E x t e r n a l a p p e a r a n c e of t o m b of D a r i u s H y s t a s p i s , N a k h s h - i - R u s t a m ( f r o m Fergusson) 165. Section a n d g r o u n d - p l a n of t o m b , P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 166. G r o u n d - p l a n of t o m b of Darius, N a k h s h - i - R u s t a m (ditto) 167. G r o u n d - p l a n of a n o t h e r r o y a l t o m b (ditto) 168. E n t r a n c e t o a r o y a l t o m b , Persepolis (ditto) 169. Section a n d roof of t o w e r , N a k h s h - i - R u s t a m (ditto) 170. F r o n t view of t h e s a m e t o w e r , s h o w i n g e x c a v a t i o n s (ditto) 171. Massive g a t e w a y , I s t a k r (ditto) 172. K i n g killing a m o n s t e r , P e r s e p o l i s ( f r o m a p h o t o g r a p h ) 173. A t t e n d a n t b r i n g i n g a bid t o t h e p a l a c e , P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 174. P e r s i a n s u b j e c t s b r i n g i n g t r i b u t e t o t h e king, P e r s e p o l i s ( f r o m a p h o t o graph) 175. Wild ass, P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r K e r P o r t e r ) 176. H o r n e d s h e e p , P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) 177. Lion d e v o u r i n g a bull, P e r s e p o l i s ( f r o m a p h o t o g r a p h ) 178. F r a g m e n t of a sitting lion, P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) t79. P e r s i a n c y l i n d e r s ( a f t e r L a j a r d ) 180. P a l n j - t r e e , f r o m t h e c y l i n d e r of D a r i u s H y s t a s p i s (ditto) '181. Persian portrait, from a gem (after King)

37 38 39 40 41 40 41 42 43 43 44 45 46 45 45 46 47 47 48 48 48 49 49 49 49 50 49 50 50 50 51 51 51 52 53 52 52 53 53 54 54 55 56 55 56 58 56 57 57 58 57

LIST 382. 183. 184. 185. 180. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194.

OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

jx PLATE

P e r s i a n coins ( a f t e r Mionnet a n d L a j a r d ) I n c e n s e vessel, P e r s e p o l i s ( a f t e r F l a u d i n ; Covered dishes, f r o m t h e s c u l p t u r e s . Persepolis ( a f t e r K e r P o r t e r ) Bowls or basons, f r o m t h e s a m e ( a f t e r K e r P o r t e r ) Altar, f r o m a rock-sculpture, N a k h s h - i - R u s t a m ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) Portable altar, f r o m a gem (after Lajard) Symbols of O r m a z d ( a f t e r Ker P o r t e r a n d L a j a r d ) F i g u r e of a good genius, Pasargadas ( a f t e r T e x i e r ) E g y p t i a n figure, with c u r i o u s h e a d - d r e s s ( a f t e r Wilkinson) P e r s i a n cylinders ( a f t e r L a y a r d ) King c o n t e n d i n g w i t h a lion, Persepolis ( a f t e r F l a n d i n ) K i n g c o n t e n d i n g with a m o n s t e r , P e r s e p o l i s (ditto.i Monsters, p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t i n g evil spirits, f r o m P e r s i a n g e m s o r c y l i n d e r s (after Lajard) 185. F l a n ot Canal of A t h o s ( a f t e r C a p t . S p r a t t ' s s u r v e y ) iye. P i a n or Thermopylae a n d t h e a d j a c e n t c o u n t r y ( a f t e r L e a k e ;

57 58 58 58 58 58 58 59 CO GO (¡0 60 60 6i 63

THE THIRD MONARCHY. MEDIA.

CHAPTER L DESCRIPTION OF T H E COUNTRY1. X(op?jv vaieraovres

a7retpiTov, ol //.¿v tTr" avT&s

Uerpag at $uov

H H H ai-3 bH *H B" i» CD S . B 9 S & s* P § E : 5" ® e a S" sI a b e-s1LcIp1M1I ms9raSII ! r5? B 1Q * AT S. I s - «I i. I E? " a. g sr a P£ S

.3 .O

53

1-1

CS

. ñ H o « Jï A is 'à S ® o 2 2. ® 3 'f

ä i ' ^

® ti) © ©

S B

!-

0)

2 -§. p=i C ^$ »ir n 4 S 4 4 4

c £ 5 ¡ fi P S

s

i-

á N " S i ITS i « 03 'tíí » S s ^ . tí s sci'tí s 3 >parta would take the offensive. Ten thousand hoplites and 400.000 light-armed—the largest a r m y that she ever levied •—took the field, °3'' and, joined at the isthmus by above 25,000 Peloponnesians,"' and soon afterwards by almost as m a n y Athenians and Megarians, 041 proceeded to seek the foreigners, first in Attica, and then in the position to which they had retired/ 4 2 in Bceotia. On the skirts of Cithgeron,' 43 near Platsea, a hundred and eight thousand Greeks 144 confronted more than thrice their number of Persians and Persian subjects; 645 and now at length the trial was to be made whether, in fair and open fight on land, Greece or Persia would be superior. A suspicion of what the result would be might have been derived f r o m Marathon. But there the Persians had been taken at a disadvantage, when the cavalry, their most important arm, was absent. C4'; Here the error of Datis was not likely to be repeated. Mardonius had a numerous and well-armed cavalry, which he handled with no little s k i l l . I t remained to be seen, when the general engagement came, whether, with both arms brought fully into play, the vanquished at Marathon would be the victors. The battle of Platsea was brought on under circumstances very unfavorable to the Greeks. W a n t of water and a difficulty about provisions had necessitated a night movement on their part. c4J The cowardice of all the small contingents, C4S and the obstinacy of an individual Spartan, 660 disconcerted the whole plan of the operation, and loft the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians at daybreak separated from each other, 651 and deserted by the whole body of their allies. Mardonius attacked at once, and prevented the junction of the two allies, so t h a t two distinct and separate engagements went on at the same time. In both the Greeks were v ictorious. The Spartans repulsed the Persian horse and foot, slew Mardonius and were the first to assail the Persian camp. The Athenians defeated the medizing Greeks, and effected a breach in the defences of the camp, on which the Spartans had failed to make any impression."52 A terrible carnage followed. 053 The contingent of 40,000 troops under Artabazus alone drew off in good order. 664

600

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY,

[CH. VII.

The remainder were seized with panic, and were either slaughtered like sheep or fled in complete disarray. Seventy thousand Greeks ci5s not only defeated but destroyed the army of 300,000 barbarians, which melted away and disappeared making no further stand anywhere. The disaster of Marathon was repeated on a larger scale, and without the resource of an embarkation. Henceforth the immense superiority of Greek troops to Persian was well known on both sides; and nothing but the distance from Greece of her vital parts, and the quarrels of the Greek states among themselves, preserved for nearly a century and a half the doomed empire of Persia. The immediate result of the defeats of Salamis and Platsea was a contraction of the Persian boundary towards the west. Though a few Persian garrisons maintained themselves for some years on the further side of the straits, 650 soothing thereby the wounded vanity of the Great King, who liked to think that he had still a hold on Europe; 067 yet there can be no doubt that, after the double flight of Xerxes and Artabazus, Macedonia, Pseonia, and Thrace recovered their independence. Persia lost her European provinces, and began the struggle to retain those of Asia. Terminus receded, and having once receded never advanced again in this quarter. The Greeks took the offensive. Sailing to Asia, they not only liberated from their Persian bondage the islands which lay along the coast, but landing their men on the continent, attacked and defeated an army of 60,000 Persians at Mycale, and destroyed the remnant of the ships that had escaped from Salamis. 653 Could they have made up their minds to maintain a powerful fleet permanently on the coast of Asia, they might at once have deprived Persia of her whole sea-"board on the Propontis and the Egean; but neither of the two great powers of Greece was prepared for such a resolve. Sparta disliked distant expeditions; and Athens did not as yet see her way to undertaking the protection of the continental Greeks.66" She had much to do at home, and had not yet discovered those weak points in her adversary's harness, which subsequently enabled her to secure by treaty the freedom of the Greek cities upon the mainland. 600 For the present, therefore, Persia only lost the bulk of her European possessions, and the islands of the Propontis and the Egean. The circumstances which caused a renewal of Greek agressions upon Asia towards the close of the reign of Xerxes are

CH. V I I . ]

DEATII

OF

XERXES.

501

not very clearly narrated by the authors who speak of them. It appears, however, that after twelve years of petty operations, during which E'ion was recovered. 661 and Doriscus frequently attacked, but without effect,062 the Athenians resolved, in B.C. 466, upon a great expedition to the eastward. Collecting a fleet of 300 vessels,"63 which was placed under the command of Cimon, the son of Miltiades, they sailed to the coast of Caria and Lycia, where they drove the Persian garrisons out of the Greek towns, and augmenting their navy by fresh contingents at every step, 604 proceeded along the shores of Pamphylia as far as the mouth of the river Eurymedon, where they found a Phcenician fleet of 340 vessels,066 and a Persian army, stationed to protect the territory. Engaging first the fleet they defeated it, and drove it ashore, after which they disembarked and gained a victory over the Persian army. 063 As many as two hundred triremes were taken or destroyed. 667 They then sailed on towards Cyprus, where they met and destroyed a squadron of eighty ships,698 which was on its way to reinforce the fleet at the Eurymedon. Above a hundred vessels, 20,000 captives, and a vast amount of plunder were the prize of this war; 669 which had, however, no further effect on the relations of the two powers.670 In the following year the reign of Xerxes came to an end abruptly. With this monarch seems to have begun those internal disorders of the seraglio, which made the Court during more than a hundred and forty years a perpetual scene of intrigues, assassinations, executions, and conspiracies. Xerxes, who appears to have only one wife, Amestris, 671 the daughter (or grand-daughter) of the conspirator, Otanes, 6 " permitted himself the free indulgence of illicit passion among the princesses of the Court, the wives of his own near relatives. The most horrible results followed. Amestris vented her jealous spite on those whom she regarded as guilty of stealing from, her the affections of her husband; and to prevent her barbarities from producing rebellion, it was necessary to execute the persons whom she had provoked, albeit they were near relations of the monarch. 673 The taint of incontinence spread among the members of the royal family; and a daughter of the king, who was married to one of the most powerful nobles, became notorious for her excesses.674 Eunuchs rose into power, and fomented the evils which prevailed. 675 The king made himself bitter enemies among those whose .position was close to his person. At last, Artabanus, chief of the guard, 676 a courtier

502

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CII. Til.

of high rank, and Aspamitres, a eunuch, who held the office of chamberlain, 077 conspired against tlieir master, and murdered him in his sleeping apartment, after he had reigned twenty years. 678 The character of Xerxes falls below that of any preceding monarch. Excepting that he was not wholly devoid of a certain magnanimity, which made him listen patiently to those who opposed his views or gave him unpalatable advice, 673 and which prevented him from exacting vengeance on some occasions, 680 he had scarcely a trait whereon the mind can rest with any satisfaction. W e a k and easily led/ 61 puerile in his gusts of passion and his complete abandonment of himself to them68—selfish, fickle, boastful, cruel, superstitious, licentious—he exhibits to us the Oriental despot in the most contemptible of all his aspects—that wherein the moral and the intellectual qualities are equally in defect, and the career is one unvarying course of vice and folly. From Xerxes we have to date at once the decline of the Empire in respect of territorial greatness and military strength, and likewise its deterioration in regard to administrative vigor and national spirit. W i t h him commenced the corruption of the Court—the fatal evil, which almost universally weakens and destroys Oriental dynasties. His expedition against Greece exhausted and depopulated the Empire; and though, by abstaining from further military enterprises, he did what lay in his power to recruit its strength, still the losses which his expedition caused were certainly not repaired in his lifetime. A s a builder, Xerxes showed something of the same grandeur of conception which is observable in his great military enterprise and in the works by which it was accompanied. 683 His Propylsea, and the sculptured staircase in front of the Chehl Minar, which is undoubtedly his work, 684 are among the most magnificent erections upon the Persepolitan platform; and are quite sufficient to place him in the foremost rank of Oriental builders. If we were to ascribe the Chehl Minar itself to him, we should ha ve to give him the palm above all other kings of Persia; but on the whole it is most probable that that edifice and its duplicate at Susa were conceived, and in the main, constructed, by Darius.6oS -' Xerxes leit behind bim three sons—Darius, Hystaspes, and Artaxerxes—and two daughters, Amytis and Ehodogune. csa Hystaspes was satrap of Bactria, 587 and at the time of their father's death, only Darius and Artaxerxes were at the Court.

Gil.

VII.]

REVOLT

OF

EGYPT.

503

Fearing the eldest son most, Artabanus persuaded Artaxerxes that the assassination of Xerxes was the act of his brother, whereupon Artaxerxes caused him to be put to death/ 8 8 and himself ascended the throne (b.c. 465). Troubles, as usual, accompanied this irregular accession. Artabanus, not content with exercising a n influence under Artaxerxes such as has caused some authors to speak of him as king, Cl " aimed at removing the young prince, 090 and m a k i n g himself actual monarch. But his designs being betrayed to Artaxerxes by Megabyzus, and at the same time his former crimes coming to light, he was killed, together with his tool Aspamitres, n91 seven months after the murder of Xerxes. The sons of Artabanus sought to avenge his death, but were defeated by Megabyzus in an engagement, wherein they lost their lives.69:1 Meanwhile, in Bactria, Hystaspes, r ' 93 who had a rightful claim to the throne, raised the standard of revolt. Artaxerxes marched against him in person, and engaged him in two battles, the first of which was indecisive, while in the second the Bactrians suffered defeat, chiefly (according to Ctesias) because the wind blew violently in their faces. So signal was victory, that Bactria at once submitted. Hystaspes' fate is uncertain. Not long after the reduction of Bactria, Egypt suddenly threw off the Persian yoke (b.c. 460).694 Inarus, a king of t h e wild African tribes who bordered the Nile valley on the west, but himself perhaps a descendant, of the old monarchs of Egypt, 605 led the insurrection, and, in conjunction with an Egyptian, named Amyrtasus, 690 attacked the Persian troops stationed in the country, who were commanded by Achaeinenes, the satrap. 697 A battle was fought near Papremis in the Delta, 638 wherein the Persians were defeated, and Achsemenes fell by the hand of Inarus himself/' 99 The Egyptians generally now joined in the revolt; and the remnant of the Persian a r m y was shut up in Memphis. Inarus had asked the aid of Athens; and an Athenian fleet of 200 sail was sent to his assistance. This fleet sailed u p the Nile, defeated a Persian squadron, 700 and took part in the capture of Memphis and the siege of its citadel 701 (White Castle). W h e n the Persian king first learned what had happened, he endeavored to rid himself of his Athenian enemies by inducing the Spartans to invade their country;7"'2 but, failing in his attempt, he had recourse to arms, and, levying a vast host,"" which, he placed under the command cf

504

THE

FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[en. vu.

Megabyzus, sent that officer to recover the revolted province. Megabyzus marched upon Memphis, defeated the Egyptians and their allies in a great battle, 704 relieved the citadel of Memphis from its siege, and recovered the rest of the town. The Athenians fled to the tract called Prosôpitis, 705 which was a a portion of the Delta, completely surrounded by two branch streams of the Nile.706 Here they were besieged for eighteen months, till Megabyzus contrived to turn the water from one of the two streams, whereby the Athenian ships were stranded, and the Persian troops were able to march across the river bed, and overwhelm the Athenians with their numbers. 707 A few only escaped to Cyrêne. 708 The entire fleet fell into the enemy's hands; and a reinforcement of fifty more ships, arriving soon after the defeat, was attacked unawares after it had entered the river, and lost more than half its number. 709 Inarus was betrayed by some of his own men,710 and, being carried prisoner to Persia, suffered death by crucifixion. Amyrtseus fled to the fens, 7 ' 1 where for a while he maintained his independence.712 Egypt, however, was with this exception recovered to the Empire (B.C. 455) ; and Athens was taught that she could not always invade the dominions of the Great King with impunity. Six years after this, the Athenians resolved on another effort. A fleet of 200 ships was equipped and placed under the command of the victor of the Eurymedon, Cimon,713 with orders to proceed into the Eastern Mediterranean, and seek to recover the laurels lost in Egypt. Cimon sailed to Cyprus, where he received a communication from Amyrtseus, which induced him to dispatch sixty ships to Egypt, while with the remaining one hundred and forty he commenced the siege of Citium. Here he died, either of disease or from the effects of a wound;714 and his armament, pressed for provisions, was forced soon afterwards to raise the siege, and address itself to some other enterprise. Sailing past Salamis, it found there a Cilician and Phoenician fleet, consisting of 300 vessels,71"' which it immediately attacked and defeated, notwithstanding the disparity of number. Besides the ships which were sunk, a hundred triremes were taken; 71 " and the sailors then landed and gained a victory over a Persian army upon the shore.717 Artaxerxes, upon this, fearing lest he should lose Cyprus altogether, and thinking that, if Athens became mistress of this important island, she would always be fomenting insurrection in Egypt, made overtures for peace to the generals who were now in

cii. VII.] PEACE

OF CALLIAS—REBELLION

IN STRIA.

505

command. His propositions were favorably received. Peace was made on the following terms:—Athens agreed to relinquish Cyprus, and recall her squadron from Egypt; while the king consented to grant freedom to all the Greek cities on the Asiatic continent, and not to menace them either by land or water. The sea was divided between the two powers. Persian ships of war were not to sail to the west of Phaselis in the Levant, or of the Cyanean islands in the Euxine; and Greek war-ships, we may assume, were not to show themselves east of those limits.718 On these conditions there was to be peace and amity between the Greeks and the Persians, and neither nation was to undertake any expeditions against the territories of the other. Thus terminated the first period of hostility between Greece and Persia, a period of exactly half a century, commencing B.C. 499 and ending B.C. 449, in the seventeenth year of Artaxerxes. It was probably not many years after the conclusion of this peace that a rebellion broke out in Syria. Megabyzus, the satrap of that important province, offended at the execution of Inarus, in violation of the promise which he had himself made to him, raised a revolt against his sovereign, defeated repeatedly the armies sent to reduce him to obedience, and finally treated with Artaxerxes as to the terms on which he would consent to be reconciled.719 Thus was set an example, if not of successful insurrection, yet at any rate of the possibility of rebelling with impunity—an example which could not fail to have a mischievous effect on the future relations of the monarch with his satraps. It would have been better for the Empire had Megabyzus suffered the fate of Oroetes,™0 instead of living to a good old age in high favor with the monarch whose power he had weakened and defied." 1 Artaxerxes survived the "Peace of Callias" twenty-four years. His relations with the Greeks continued friendly till his demise, though, on the occasion of the revolt of Samos (B.C. 440), Pissuthnes, satrap of Sard is, seems to have transgressed the terms of the treaty, and to have nearly brought about a renewal of hostilities. 722 It was probably in retaliation for the aid given to the revolted Samians, that the Athenians, late in the reign of Artaxerxes, made an expedition against Caimus,7"3 which might have had important consequences, if the Caunians had not been firm in their allegiance. A revolt of Lycia and Caria under Zopyrus, the son of Megabyzus, assisted by the Greeks, might have proved even more difficult to subdue than

506

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH.

VII.

the rebellion of Syria under his father. Persia, however, escaped this danger; and Anaxerxes, no doubt, saw with pleasure a few years latex" ilia Greeks t u r n their arms against each other—Athens, his great enemy, being- forced into a contest for existence with the Peloponnesian confederacy under Sparta. The character of Artaxerxes, though it receives the approval of P l u t a r c h and Diodorus, 724 must bo pronounced on the whole poor and contemptible. His ready belief of the charge brought b y A r t a b a n u s against his brother, Darius, admits perhaps of excuse, owing to his extreme youth; 1 '" but his surrender of I n a r u s to Amestris on account of her importunity, 726 his readiness to condone the revolt of Jxogabyaus, and his subjection throughout almost the whole of his life to the evil influence of Amytis, his sister, and Amestris, his mother—both persons of ill-regulated lives 7 " 7 —are indications of weakness and folly quite unpardonable in a monarch. That he was mild in temperament, and even kind and good-natured, is probable."" But he had no other quality t h a t deserves the slightest commendation. I n t h e whole course of his long reign he seems never once to have adventured himself in the field against an enemy. H e made not a single attempt at conquest in any direction. W e have no evidence t h a t he patronized either literature or the arts. 7 " 9 His peace with Athens was necessary perhaps, but disgraceful to Persia. The disorders of the Court increased under his reign, f r o m the license (especially) which he allowed tlvarta was made to feel that if she had been able at one time to make the Great King tremble for his provinces, or even for his throne, the King could at another reach her across the Egean, and approach Sparta as nearly as she had, with the Cyreians, approached Babylon. The lesson of the year B.C. 393 was not thrown away on the Spartan government. The leading men became convinced that unless they could secure the neutrality of the Persians, Sparta must succumb to the hostility of her Hellenic enemies. Under these circumstances they devised, with much skill, a scheme likely to be acceptable to the Persians, which would weaken their chief rivals in Greece—Athens and Thebes—while it would leave untouched their own power. They proposed a general peace, the conditions of which should be the entire relinquishment of Asia to the Persians, and the complete autonomy of all the Greek States in Europe. The first attempt to procure the acceptance of these terms failed 887 (B.C. 393); but six years later, after Antalcidas had explained them at the Persian Court, Artaxerxes sent down an ultimatum, to the disputants,888 modifying the terms slightly as regarded" Athens,899 extending them as regarded himself so as to include the islands of Clazomense and Cyprus, and requiring their acceptance by all the belligerents, on pain of their incurring his hostility. To this threat all yielded. A Persian king may be excused if he felt it a proud achievement thus to dictate a peace to the Greeks—a peace, moreover, which annulled the treaty of Callias, and gave back absolutely into his hands a province which had ceased to belong to his Empire more than sixty years previously. It was the more important to Artaxerxes that his relations with the European Greeks should be put upon a peaceful footing, since all the resources of the Empire were wanted for the repression of disturbances which had some years previously broken out in Cyprus. The exact date of the Cyprian revolt under Evagoras, the Greek tyrant of Salamis, is uncertain;890 but there is evidence that, at least as early as b.c. 891, he was at open war with the power of Persia, and had made an alliance with the Athenians, who both in that year and in b.c. 388 sent him aid/31 Assisted also by Achdris, independent

CH. vu.]

CAMPAIGN

AGAINST

TI1E CADUSIANS.

525

monarch of Egypt, and Hecatomnus, vassal king of Caria, 892 he was able to take the offensive, to conquer Tyre/ 0 3 and extend his revolt into Cilicia" 4 and Idumgea. 8 " An expedition undertaken against him by Autophradates, satrap of Lydia, 896 seems to have failed. It was the first object of the Persians, a f t e r concluding the " Peace of Antalcidas," to crush Evagoras. They collected 300 vessels, partly from the Greeks of Asia, and brought together an a r m y of 300,000 men. 807 The fleet of Evagoras numbered 200 triremes, and with these he ventured on a n attack, but was completely defeated by Tiribazus, who shut him u p in Salamis, and, after a struggle which continued for at least six years, 898 compelled him to submit to terms (B.C. 380 or 379).830 More fortunate t h a n former rebels, he obtained not merely a promise of pardon, which would probably have been violated, but a recognition of his title, and permission to remain in his government, with the single obligation of furnishing to the Great King a certain annual tribute. During the continuance of this war, Artaxerxes was personally engaged in military operations in another part of Ms dominions. The Cadusians, who inhabited the low and fertile tract between the Elburz range and the Caspian, having revolted against his authority, Artaxerxes invaded their territory at the head of an a r m y which is estimated at 300,000 foot and lCTOOO horse. 000 The land was little cultivated, rugged, and covered w i t h constant fogs; the men were brave and warlike, and having admitted him into their country, seem to have waylaid and intercepted his convoys. His a r m y was soon reduced to great straits, and forced to subsist on the cavalry horses and the baggage-animals. A most disastrous result must have followed," 01 had not Tiribazus, who had been recalled f r o m Cyprus on charges preferred against him by the commander of the land force, Orontes,™2 contrived very artfully to induce the rebels to make their submission. 903 Artaxerxes was t h u s enabled to withdraw from the country without serious disaster, having shown in his short campaign t h a t he possessed the qualities of a soldier, 904 but was entirely deficient in those of a général. A time of comparative tranquillity seems to have followed the Cadusian campaign. Artaxerxes strengthened his hold upon the Asiatic Greeks by razing some of their towns and placing garrisons in others. 905 His satraps even ventured to commence the absorption of the islands off the coast; and

526

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[en. vxr.

there is evidence t h a t Samos, at a n y rate, was reduced and added to the Empire. 906 Cilicia, Phoenicia, and Idumeea were doubtless recovered soon a f t e r the great defeat of Evagoras. There remained only one province in this quarter which still maintained its revolt, and enjoyed, under native monarchs, the advantages of independence. This was Egypt, which had now continued free for above t h i r t y years, since it shook off the yoke of Darius Nothus. Artaxerxes, anxious to recover this portion of his ancestral dominions, applied in B.C. 375 to Athens for the services of her great general, Iphicrates. 907 His request was granted, and in the next year a vast armament was assembled at Acre 9 08 under Iphicrates and Pharnabazus, which effected a successful landing in the Delta at the Mendesian mouth of the Nile, stormed the town commanding this branch of the river, and might have taken Memphis, could the energetic advice of the Athenian have stirred to action the sluggish temper of his Persian colleague.9"9 But Pharnabazus declined to be hurried, and preferred to proceed leisurely and according to rule. The result was t h a t She season for hostilities passed and nothing had been done. The Nile rose as the summer drew on, and flooded most of the Delta; the expedition could effect nothing, and had to return. Pharnabazus and Iphicrates parted amid mutual recriminations; and the reduction of Egypt was deferred for above a quarter of a ccntury. I n Greece, however, the Great King still retained t h a t p osition of supreme arbiter with which he had been invested at the " P e a c e of Antalcidas." I n B.C. 372 Antalcidas was sent by Sparta a second time u p to Susa, for the purpose of obtaining a n imperial rescript, prescribing the terms on which the then existing hostilities among the Greeks should cease.910 I n B.C. 367 Pelopidas and Ismenias proceeded v/ith the same object f r o m Thebes to the Persian capital. 911 I n the following year a rescript, more in their favor t h a n former ones, was obtained b y Athens. 912 Thus every one of the leading powers of Greece applied in t u r n to the Great King for his royal mandate, so erecting him by common consent into a sort of superior, whose decision was to be final in all cases of Greek quarrel. But this external acknowledgment of the imperial greatness of Persia did not, and could not, check the internal decay and tendency to disintegration, which was gradually gaining "head, and threatening the speedy dissolution of the Empire. The long reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon was now verging towards its close. He was advanced in years, and enfeebled in mind

CTI. vir.]

DECAY

OF THE PERSIAN

EMPIRE.

527

and body, suspicious of his sons and of his nobles, especially of such as showed more than common ability. Under these circumstances, revolts on the part of satraps grew frequent. First Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, renounced his allegiance (B.C. B66), and defended himself with success against Autophradates, satrap of Lydia, and Mausolus, native king of Caria under Persia, to whom the task of reducing him had been entrusted.9,3 Then Aspis, who held a part of Cappadocia, revolted and maintained himself by the help of the Pisidians, until he was overpowered by Datames.9,4 Next Datames himself, satrap of the rest of Cappadocia, understanding that Artaxerxes' mind was poisoned against him, made a treaty with Ariobarzanes, and assumed an independent attitude in his own province.615 In this position he resisted all the efforts of Autophradates to reduce him to obedience; and Artaxerxes condescended first to make terms with him and then to remove him by treachery.016 Finally (B.C. 862), there seems to have been something like a general revolt of the western provinces, in which the satraps of Mysia, Phrygia, and Lydia, Mausolus, prince of Caria, and the people of Lycia, PamphyJia, Cilicia, Syria, and Phoenicia participated.917 Tachos, king of Egypt, fomented the disturbances, which were also secretly encouraged by the Spartans.918 A terrible conflict appeared to be imminent; but it was avoided by the ordinary resources of bribery and treachery. Orontes, satrap of Phrygia, and Rheomithras, one of the revolted generals, yielding to the attractions of Persian gold, deserted and betrayed their confederates.919 The insurrection was in this way quelled, but it had raised hopes in Egypt, which did not at once subside. Tachos, the native king, having secured the services of Agesilaüs as general,920 and of Chabrias, the Athenian, as admiral of his fleet,921 boldly advanced into Syria, was well received by the Phoenicians, and commenced the siege of some of the Syrian cities. Persia might have suffered considerable loss in this quarter, had not the internal quarrels of the Egyptians among themselves proved a better protection to her than her own armies. Two pretenders to the throne sprang up as soon as Tachos had quitted the country,923 and he was compelled to retarn to Egypt in order to resist them. The force intended to strike a vigorous blow against the power of Artaxerxes was dissipated in civil conflicts ; and Persia had. once more to congratulate herself on the intestine divisions of her adversaries. A few years after this, Artaxerxes died, having reigned forty-

528

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VII.

six years, 923 and lived, if we may trust Plutarch, ninety-four. 924 Like most of the later Persian kings, he was unfortunate in his domestic relations. To his original queen, Statira, he was indeed fondly attached ;925 and she appears to have merited and returned his love;936 but in all other respects his private life was unhappy. Its chief curse was Parysatis, the queen-mother. This monster of cruelty held Artaxerxes in a species of bondage during almost the whole of his long reign, and acted as if she were the real sovereign of the country. She encouraged Cyrus in his treason, 92 ' and brought to most horrible ends all those who had been prominent in frustrating it.928 She poisoned Statira out of hatred and jealousy, because she had a certain degree of influence over her husband.929 She encouraged Artaxerxes to contract an incestuous marriage with his daughter Atossa,930 a marriage which proved a fertile source of further calamities. Artaxerxes had three sons by Statira—Darius, Ariaspes, and Ochus. Of these Darius, as the eldest, was formally declared the heir.931 But Ochus, ambitious of reigning, intrigued with Atossa, 932 and sought to obtain the succession b y her aid. So good seemed to Darius the chances of his brother's success that he took the rash step of conspiring against the life of his father, as the only way of securing the throne.933 His conspiracy was detected, and he was seized and executed, Ariaspes thereby becoming the eldest son, and so the natural heir. Ochus then persuaded Ariaspes that he had offended his father, and was about to be put to a cruel and ignominious death, whereupon that prince in despair committed suicide.934 His elder brothers thus removed, there still remained one rival, whom Ochus feared. This was Arsames, one of his half-brothers, an illegitimate son of Artaxerxes, who stood high in his favor. Assassination was the weapon employed to get rid of this rival. It is said that this last blow was too much for the aged and unhappy king, who died of grief on receiving intelligence of the murder.936 Artaxerxes was about the weakest of all the Persian monarchs. He was mild in temperament, 93 " affable in demeanor, goodnatured, 937 affectionate, 938 and well-meaning. But, possessing no strength of will, he allowed the commission of the most atrocious acts, the most horrible cruelties, by those about him, who were boldar and more resolute than himself. The Avife and son, whom he fondly loved, were plotted against before his eyes; and he had neither the skill to prevent nor the courage to avenge ».heir fate. Incapable of resisting entreaty

en. vn. J

O CU LrS— EXPEDITION

AGAINST

EGYPT.

529

a n d importunity, h e granted boons w h i c h he ought t o have r e f u s e d , a n d c o n d o n e d offences w h i c h it w o u l d h a v e b e e n p r o p e r t o p u n i s h . H e could n o t m a i n t a i n l o n g t h e m o s t j u s t resentment, but remitted punishments even w h e n they were f a r m i l d e r t h a n t h e c r i m e deserved. 9 3 ' H e w a s f a i r l y successf u l i n t h e m a n a g e m e n t of h i s r e l a t i o n s w i t h f o r e i g n c o u n t r i e s , a n d i n t h e s u p p r e s s i o n of d i s t u r b a n c e s w i t h i n h i s o w n d o m i n i o n s ; b u t h e w a s q u i t e i n c a p a b l e of a n y t h i n g l i k e a s t r e n u o u s a n d prolonged effort to renovate and re-invigorate the Empire. If h e h e l d t o g e t h e r t h e t e r r i t o r i e s w h i c h h e i n h e r i t e d , a n d bequeathed t h e m to his successor a u g m e n t e d r a t h e r t h a n diminished, 3 4 ' i t is t o be a t t r i b u t e d m o r e t o h i s good f o r t u n e t h a n t o h i s m e r i t s , a n d t o t h e m i s t a k e s of h i s o p p o n e n t s t h a n t o h i s o w n prudence or sagacity. O c h u s , w h o o b t a i n e d t h e c r o w n i n t h e m a n n e r r e l a t e d above, w a s t h e m o s t c r u e l a n d s a n g u i n a r y of all t h e P e r s i a n kings. S 4 ! H e is i n d e e d t h e o n l y m o n a r c h of t h e A c h e e m e n i a n l i n e w h o a p p e a r s t o h a v e b e e n b l o o d t h i r s t y b y t e m p e r a m e n t . H i s first a c t o n finding himself a c k n o w l e d g e d k i n g (B.C. 359) w a s t o d e s t r o y , so f a r a s h e could, all t h e p r i n c e s of t h e blood r o y a l , i n o r d e r t h a t he m i g h t h a v e n o r i v a l t o f e a r . H e e v e n , if w e m a y believe Justin, 0 4 2 i n v o l v e d i n t h i s d e s t r u c t i o n a n u m b e r of t h e princesses, w h o m a n y b u t t h e m o s t r u t h l e s s of d e s p o t s w o u l d h a v e s p a r e d . H a v i n g t a k e n t h e s e m e a s u r e s f o r h i s o w n secur i'£v, h e p r o c e e d e d t o s h o w himself m o r e a c t i v e a n d e n t e r p r i s i n g t h a n aZJy m o n a r c h since L o n g i m a n u s . I t w a s n o w n e a r l y half a c e n t u r y siD£e o n e t h e i m p o r t a n t p r o v i n c e s of t h e E m p i r e — E g y p t — h a d s u c c e s s f u l l y a s s e r t e d its i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d r e s t o r e d t h e t h r o n e of i t s n a t i v e k i n g s . G e n e r a l a f t e r g e n e r a l h a d b e e n e m p l o y e d i n v a i n a t t e m p t s t o r e d u c e t h e rebels t o obedience. O c h u s d e t e r m i n e d t o a t t e m p t t h e r e c o v e r y of t h e r e v o l t e d p r o v ince i n p e r s o n . T h o u g h a rebellion h a d b r o k e n o u t i n A s i a M i n o r / 4 3 w h i c h b e i n g s u p p o r t e d b y Thebes, t h r e a t e n e d t o bec o m e serious, 9 4 4 h e declined t o b e d i v e r t e d f r o m h i s e n t e r p r i s e . Levying a vast army, he marched into Egypt, and engaged N e c t a n e b o , t h e k i n g , i n a c o n t e s t f o r existence. N e c t a n e b o , h o w e v e r , h a v i n g o b t a i n e d t h e s e r v i c e s of t w o G r e e k g e n e r a l s , D i o p h a n t u s , a n A t h e n i a n , a n d L a m i u s , a citizen of S p a r t a , 9 " b o l d l y m e t h i s e n e m y i n t h e field, d e f e a t e d him, a n d c o m p l e t e l y r e p u l s e d h i s expedition. 3 4 0 H e r e u p o n t h e c o n t a g i o n of r e v o l t s p r e a d . Phoenicia a s s u m e d i n d e p e n d e n c e u n d e r t h e l e a d e r s h i p of Sidon, expelled o r m a s s a c r e d t h e P e r s i a n g a r r i s o n s , w h i c h h e l d h e r cities, a n d f o r m e d a n alliance w i t h E g y p t . 9 4 7 Her

530

THE F1FTI1

MONARCHY.

[cii. vi t.

example was followed by Cyprus, where the kings of the nine principal towns assumed each a separate sovereignty.848 The chronology of this period is somewhat involved; but it seems probable that the attack and failure of Ochus took place about B.C. 351; that the revolts occurred in the next year, B.C. 350; while it was not till b.o. 346, or four years later, that Ochus undertook his second expedition into these regions.849 He had, however, in the meanwhile, directed his generals or feudatories, to attack the rebels, and bring them into subjection. The Cyprian war he had committed to Iarieus,95u prince of Caria, who employed on the service a body of 8000 Greek mercenaries, commanded by Phocion, the Athenian, and Evagoras, son of the former Evagoras,951 the Cyprian monarch; while he had committed to Belesys, satrap of Syria, and Mezaeus, satrap of Cilicia, the task of keeping the Phoenicians in check.9" Idrieus succeeded in reducing Cyprus fr"3 but the two satraps suffered a single defeat at the hands of Tennes, the Sidonian king, who was aided by 40,000 Greek mercenaries, sent him by Neetanebo, and commanded by Mentor the Rhodian.954 The Persian forces were driven out of Phoenicia; and Sidon had ample time to strengthen its defences966 and make preparations for a desperate resistance. The approach, however, of Ochus, at the head of an army of 330,000 men,9"' shook the resolution of the Phoenician monarch, who endeavored to purchase his own pardon by treacherously delivering up a. hundred of Hie principal citizens of Sidon into the hands of the Persian king, and then admitting him within the defences of the town."67 Ochus, with the savage cruelty which was hia chief characteristic, caused the hundred citizens to be transfixed with javelins,95" and when 500 more came out as suppliants to enireat his mercy, relentlessly consigned them to the same fate. Nor did the traitor Tennes derive any advantage from his guilty bargain. Ochus, having obtained from him all he needed, instead of rewarding his desertion, punished his rebellion with death.959 Hereupon the Sidonians, understanding that they had nothing to hope from submission, formed the dreadful resolution of destroying themselves and their town. They had previously, to prevent the desertion of any of their number, burnt their ships.960 Now they shut themselves up in their houses, and set fire each to his own dwelling. Forty thousand persons lost their lives in the conflagration; and the city was reduced to a heap of ruins, which Ochus sold for a large sum,961 Thus ended the Phoenician revolt. Among its

en. VIL]

SECOND

EXPEDITION—EG

YPT

REDUCED.

531

most important results was the transfer of bis services to the Persian king on the part of Mentor the Khodian, who appears to have been the ablest of the mercenary leaders of whom Greece at this time produced so many. The reduction of Sidon was followed closely by the invasion of Egypt. Ochus, besides his 330,000 Asiatics, had now a force of 14,000 Greeks31'2—6000 furnished by the Greek cities of Asia Minor; 4000 under Mentor, consisting of the troops which he had brought to the aid of Tennes from Egypt; 3000 sent by Argos; and 1000 from Thebes. He divided his numerous armament into three bodies, and placed at the head of each two generals—one Persian and one Greek. 963 The Greek commanders were Lacrates of Thebes, Mentor of Ehodes, and Nicostratus of Argos, a man of enormous strength, who regarded himself as a second Hercules, and adopted, the traditional costume of that hero—a club and a lion's skin.9154 The Persians were Rhcesaces, Aristazanes, and Bagoas, the chief of the eunuchs. Nectanebo was only able to oppose to this vast array an army less than one third of the size.'-""3 Twenty thousand, however, out of the 100,000 trooxjs at his disposal were Greeks; he occupied the Nile and its various branches with a numerous navy j""0 the character of the country, intersected by numerous canals, and full of strongly fortified towns, was in his favor; 0 " and he might have been expected to make a, prolonged, if not even a successful, resistance. But he was deficient in generals, and over-confident in his own powers of command:"^ the Greek captains out-manoeuvred him; and no sooner did he find one line of his defences forced than his illfounded confidence was exchanged for an alarm as little reasonable. He hastily fell back upon Memphis,959 leaving the fortified towns to the defence of their garrisons. These consisted of mixed troops, partly Greek and partly Egyptian; between whom jealousies and suspicions were easily sown by the Persian leaders, who by these moans rapidly reduced the secondary cities of Lower Egypt, 3,0 and were advancing upon Memphis, when Nectanebo in despair quitted the country and fled southwards to Ethiopia. 371 All Egypt submitted to Ochus, who demolished the walls of the cities, plundered the temples,973 and after amply rewarding his mercenaries, returned to his own capital with an immense booty, and with the glory of having successfully carried through a most difficult and important enterprise. It has been well observed that ' 1 the reconquest of Egypt by

532

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VII.

Ochus must have been one of the most impressive events of the age," and that it "exalted the Persian Empire in force and credit to a point nearly as high as it had ever occupied before." 873 Ochus not only redeemed by means of it his former failure, but elevated himself in the opinions of men to a pitch of glory such as no previous Persian king had reached, excepting Cyrus, Cambyses, and the first Darius. Henceforth we hear of no more revolts or rebellions. Mentor and Bagoas, the two generals who had most distinguished themselves in the Egyptian campaign, were advanced by the gratitude of Ochus to posts of the highest importance, 914 in which their vigor and energy found ample room to display themselves. Mentor, who was governor of the entire Asiatic sea-board, exerted himself successfully to reduce to subjection the many chiefs who during the recent troubles had assumed an independent authority, 975 and in the course of a few years brought once more the whole coast into complete submission and dependence. Bagoas, carried with him by Ochus to the capital, became the soul of the internal administration, and maintained tranquillity throughout the rest of the Empire. 970 The last six years of the reign of Ochus form an exceptional period of vigorous and successful government, such as occurs nowhere else in the history of the later Persian monarchy. The credit of bringing about such a state of things may be due especially to the king's officers, Bagoas and Mentor; but a portion of it must reflect upon himself, 977 as the person who selected them, assigned them their respective tasks, and permanently maintained them in office. It was during this period of vigor and renewed life, when the Persian monarchy seemed to have recovered almost its pristine force and strength, that the attention of its rulers was called to a small cloud on the distant horizon, which some were wise enough to see portended storm and tempest. The growing power of Macedon, against which Demosthenes was at this time in vain warning the careless Athenians, attracted the consideration of Ocln.s or of his counsellors; and orders went forth from the Court that Persian influence was to be used to check and depress the rising kingdom. 978 A force was consequently despatched to assist the Thracian prince, Cersobleptes, to maintain his independence f 7 9 and such effectual aid was given to the city of Perinthus 980 that the numerous and well-appointed army with which Philip had commenced its siege was completely baffled and compelled to give up the at-

cir. vii.]

ACCESSION

OF

CODOMANNUS.

533

tempt (B.C. 340). The battle of Chseroneia had not yet been fought, and Macedonia was still but one of the many states which disputed for supremacy over Greece; but it is evident that she had already awakened the suspicions of Persia, which saw a rival and a possible assailant in the rapidly growing monarchy. Greater and more systematic efforts might possibly have been made, and the power of Macedon might perhaps have been kept within bounds, had not the inveterate evil of conspiracy and revolution once more shown itself at the Court, and paralyzed for a time the action of the Empire on communities beyond its borders. Ochus, while he was a vigorous ruler and administrator, was harsh and sanguinary. His violence and cruelty rendered him hateful to his subjects; 981 and it is not unlikely that they caused even those who stood highest in his favor to feel insecure. Bagoas may have feared that sooner or later he would himself be one of the monarch's victims, and have been induced by a genuine alarm to remove the source of his terrors. In the year B.C. 338 he poisoned Ochus, and placed upon the throne his youngest son, Arses, at the same time assassinating all the brothers of the new monarch. 982 It was evidently his aim to exercise the supreme power himself, as counsellor to a prince who owed his position to him, and who was moreover little more than a boy.983 But Arses, though subservient for a year or two, began, as he grew older, to show that he had a will of his own, and was even heard to utter threats against his benefactor; 984 whereupon Bagoas, accustomed now to crime, secured himself by a fresh series of murders. He caused Arses and his infant children to be assassinated, 985 and selected one of his friends, Codomannus, the son of Arsanes, 986 to fill the vacant throne. About the same time (B.C. 336), Philip of Macedon was assassinated by the incensed Pausanias ;967 and the two new monarchs—Codomannus, who took the name of Darius, and Alexander the Great—assumed their respective sceptres almost simultaneously. 088 Codomannus, the last of the Persian kings, might with some reason have complained, like Plato,989 that nature had brought him in the world too late. Personally brave, as he proved himself into the Cadusian war, 990 tall and strikingly handsome,991 amiable in temper, capable of considerable exertion, 992 and not altogether devoid of military capacity, 993 he would have been a fairly good ruler in ordinary times, and might, had he fallen upon such times, have held an honorable place among

584

THE FTFTH

MONARCHY.

[cu. VII.

the Persian monarchs. But ho was unequal to the difficulties of such a position as t h a t in which he found himself. Raised to thet hrone after the victory of ChaiToneia had placed Philip at the head of Greece, and when a portion of the Macedonian forces had already passed into Asia, 994 he was called upon to grapple at once with a danger of the most formidable kind, and had but little time for preparation. I t is true that Philip's death soon after his own accession gave him a short breathingspace : but at the same time it threw him off his guard. The military talents of Alexander were untried, and of course unk n o w n ; the perils which he had to encounter were patent. Codomannus m a y be excused if for some months after Alexander's accession he slackened his preparations for defence, 995 uncertain whether the n e w monarch would maintain himself, whether he would overpower the combinations which were formed against h i m in G-reece, whether he would inherit his father's genius for war, or adopt his ambitious projects. It would have been wiser, no doubt, as the event proved, to have joined heart and soul with Alexander's European enemies, and to have carried the w a r at once to the other side of the Egean. But no great blame attaches to the Persian monarch for his brief inaction. As soon as the Macedonian prince had shown by his campaigns in Thrace, Illyria, and Bceotia t h a t he was a person to be dreaded, Darius Codomannus renewed the preparations which he had discontinued, and pushed t h e m forward with all the speed t h a t was possible. 996 A fleet was rapidly got r e a d y : the satraps of Asia Minor were reinforced with troops of good quality from the interior of the Empire, 997 and were ordered to raise a strong force of mercenaries ;" e money was sent into G-reece to the Lacedaemonians and others in order to induce them to create disturbances in E u r o p e a b o v e all, Memnon the Khodian, a brother of Mentor, and a commander of approved skill, was sent to the Hellespont, at the head of a body of Greeks in Persian pay, with an authority co-ordinate to t h a t of the satraps.' 00 " A certain amount of success at first attended these measures. Memnon was able to act on the offensive in North-Western Asia. He marched upon Cyzicus and was within a little of surprising it, obtaining from, the lands and villas without the walls a n immense booty. He forced Parmenio to raise the seige of Pitane; and when Callas, one of the Macedonian leaders, endeavored to improve the condition of things by

CH. V I I . ]

ALEXANDER

INVADES

ASIA.

535

meeting the Persian forces in the open field, he suffered a defeat and was compelled to throw himself into Ehoeteum.1001 These advantages, however, were detrimental rather than serviceable to the Persian cause; since they encouraged the Persian satraps to regard the Macedonians as an enemy no more formidable than the various tribes of Greeks with whom they had now carried on war in Asia Minor for considerably more than a century. The intended invasion of Alexander seemed to them a matter of no great moment—to be classed with expeditions like those of Thimbron and Agesilaus,1002 not to need, as it really did, to be placed in a category of its own. Accordingly, they made no efforts to dispute the passage of the Hellespont, or to oppose the landing of the expedition on the Asiatic shore. Alexander was allowed to transport a force of 30,000 foot and 4000 or 5000 horse1"03 from the Chersonese to Mysia without the slightest interference on the part of the enemy, notwithstanding that his naval power was weak and that of the Persians very considerable. This is one of those pieces of remissness in the Persian conduct of military matters, whereof we have already had to note signal instances,1004 and which constantly caused the failure of very elaborate and judicious preparations to meet a danger. Great efforts had been made to collect and equip a numerous fleet, and a few weeks later it was all-powerful in the Egean.1006 But it was absent exactly at the time when it was wanted. Alexander's passage and landing were unopposed, and the Persians thus admitted within the Empire without a struggle the enemy who was fated to destroy it. W h e n the Persian commanders heard that Alexander was in Asia, they were anxious to give him battle.1006 One alone, the Ehodian Greek, Memnon, proposed and urged a wholly different plan of operations. Memnon advised that a general engagement should be avoided, that the entire country should be laid waste, and even the cities burnt, while the army should retire, cut off stragglers, and seek to bring the enemy into difficulties. 1007 At the same time he recommended that the fleet should be brought up, a strong land force embarked on board it, and an effort made to transfer the war into Europe.1008 But Memnon's colleagues, the satraps and commandants of the north-western portion of Asia Minor, could not bring themselves to see that circumstances required a lino of action which, they regarded as ignominious.10011 It is not necessary to attri-

536

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[C'H.

VII.

bute to them personal or selfish motives.1010 They probably thought honestly that they were a match for Alexander with the troops at their disposal, and viewed retreat before an enemy numerically weaker than themselves as a disgrace not to be endured unless its necessity was palpable. Accordingly they determined to give the invader battle. Supposing that Alexander, having crossed into Asia at Abydos, would proceed to attack Dascyleium, the nearest satrapial capital, they took post on the Granicus, and prepared to dispute the further advance of the Macedonian army. They had collected a force of 20.000 cavalry of the best quality that the Empire afforded,1011 and nearly the same number of infantry, 1012 who were chiefly, if not solely, Greek mercenaries.1"13 With these they determined to defend the passage of the small stream above mentioned—one of the many which flow from the northern flank of Ida into the Propontis. The battle thus offered was eagerly accepted by the Macedonian. If he could not defeat with ease a Persian force not greatly exceeding his own, he had miscalculated the relative goodness of the soldiers on either side, and might as well desist from the expedition. Accordingly, he no sooner came to the bank of the river, and saw the enemy drawn up on the other side, than, rejecting the advice of Parmenio to wait till the next day,1514 he gave orders that the whole a r m y should enter the stream and advance across it. The Granicus was in most places fordable; but there were occasional deeper parts, 10,5 which had to be a,voided; and there was thus some difficulty in reaching the opposite bank in line. That bank itself was generally steep and precipitous, 10ir ' but offered also several gentle slopes where a landing was comparatively easy. The Persians had drawn up their cavalry along the line of the river close to the water's edge, and had placed their infantry in the rear.1017 Alexander consequently attacked with his cavalry. The engagement began upon the right. Amytas and Ptolemy, who were the first to reach the opposite bank, met with a strenuous resistance and were driven back into the stream by the forces of Memnon and his sons.10'8 The battle, however, on this side was restored by Alexander himself, who gradually forced the Persians back after a long hand-to-hand fight, in which he received a slight wound, and slew with his own hand several noble Persians. 1019 Elsewhere the resistance was less determined. Parmenio crossed on the left with comparative ease,1020 'by his advance relieving Alexander. The Persians found the

CH VII.]

BATTLE

OF THE

GRAKICUSl—nESL'LTS.

537

long spears of the Macedonians and their intermixture of lightarmed foot with heavy-armed cavalry irresistible. 10:1 The Macedonians seem to have received orders to strike at their adversaries' faces1"'"—a style of warfare which was as unpleasant to the Persians as it was to the soldiers of Pompey at Pharsalia. Their line was broken where it was opposed to Alexander and his immediate companions; 1023 but the contagion of disorder rapidly spread, and the whole body of the cavalry shortly quitted the field, after having lost a thousand of their number." 2 ' Only the infantry now remained. Against these the Macedonian phalanx was brought up in front, while the cavalry made repeated charges on either flank with overwhelming effect. Deserted by their horse, vastly outnumbered, and attacked on .all sides, the brave mercenaries stood firm, fought with desperation, and were mostly slaughtered where they stood.1025 Two thousand out of the 20,000—probably wounded men—were made prisoners.10"1 The rest perished, except a few who lay concealed among the heaps of slain. The Persians lost by the battle 20,000 of their best footmen, and one or two thousand horse. Among their slain the proportion of men of rank was unusually large. The list included Spithridates, satrap of Lydia, Mithrobarzanes, governor of Cappadocia, Pharnaces, a brother-in-law, and Mithridates, a son-inlaw of Darius, Arbupales, a grandson of Artaxerxes Mnemon, Omares, the commander of the mercenaries, Niphates, Petines, and Rhcesaces, generals.111"7 The Greek loss is said to have been exceedingly small. Arisiobulus made the total number of the slain thirty-four; 1 "'- 8 Arrian gives it as one hundred and fifteen, or a little over. 1°-11 It has been suspected that even the latter estimate is below the truth ;113'' but the analogy furnished by the other great victories of the Greeks over the Persians tends rather to confirm Arrian's statement. 1 " 31 The battle of the Granicus threw open to Alexander the whole of Asia Minor. There was no force left in the entire country that could venture to resist him, unless protected by walls. Accordingly, the Macedonian operations for the next twelve months, or during nearly the whole space that intervened between the battles of the Granicus and of Issus, consist of little more than a series of marches and sieges. The reader of Persian history will scarcely wish for an account of these operations in detail. Suffice it to say that Alexander rapidly overran Lydia, Ionia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia, besieged and took Miletus, Halicarnassus, Marmareis,

538

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

fCXI. YII.

a n d Sagalassus, a n d received t h e submission of P a s c y l e i u m , Sardis, Ephesus, Magnesia, Tralles, the L y c i a n Telmisseis, P i n a r a , X a n t h u s , P a t a r a , Phaselis, Side, Aspendus, Celsense, a n d Gordium. 1 0 3 2 This last city w a s t h e capital of P h r y g i a ; a n d t h e r e t h e c o n q u e r o r f o r t h e first t i m e since his l a n d i n g g a v e himself a n d his a r m y a few m o n t h s ' rest d u r i n g t h e l a t t e r p a r t of t h e winter. 1 " 33 W i t h t h e first b r e a t h of s p r i n g his forces w e r e again in motion. H i t h e r t o a n x i o u s w i t h respect to t h e s t a t e of t h i n g s on t h e coast a n d in Greece, he h a d r e m a i n e d in t h e western half of Asia Minor, w i t h i n call of his f r i e n d s in Macedonia, at no t i m e d i s t a n t m o r e t h a n a b o u t 200 miles f r o m t h e sea. Now intelligence reached h i m w h i c h m a d e h i m feel a t liberty to adv a n c e into t h e i n t e r i o r of Asia. Memnon t h e Rhodian fell sick a n d died in t h e e a r l y s p r i n g of B.C. 333.ltS4 I t is s t r a n g e t h a t so m u c h should h a v e depended on a single life; b u t it certainly seems t h a t t h e r e w a s n o one i n t h e P e r s i a n service who, on Memnon's death, could replace him—no one fitted f o r the difficult t a s k of u n i t i n g Greeks a n d Asiatics together, capable of influencing a n d m a n a g i n g t h e one while h e preserved t h e confidence of t h e other. Memnon's d e a t h disconcerted all t h e plans of t h e G r e a t King, w h o till it occurred h a d f u l l y intended to c a r r y t h e w a r i n t o his e n e m y ' s country. 1 0 3 5 I t induced Darius even to give u p t h e notion of m a i n t a i n i n g a p o w e r f u l fleet, a n d t o t r a n s f e r to t h e l a n d service t h e m o s t efficient of his n a v a l forces. 1030 At t h e s a m e t i m e it set A l e x a n d e r f r e e to m a r c h w h e r e v e r h e liked, liberating h i m f r o m t h e keen anxiety, w h i c h h e h a d previously felt, as t o t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e Macedonian power in Europe. I t now became t h e object of t h e P e r s i a n k i n g to c o n f r o n t t h e d a r i n g i n v a d e r of his W e s t e r n provinces w i t h a n a r m y w o r t h y of t h e P e r s i a n n a m e a n d proportionate to t h e vastness of the Empire. H e h a d long been collecting troops f r o m m a n y of t h e m o s t w a r l i k e nations, a n d h a d got t o g e t h e r a force of several h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d men. 1 ' 3 7 F o r g e t t i n g t h e lessons of his c o u n t r y ' s previous history, he flattered himself t h a t t h e host w h i c h he h a d b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r w a s irresistible, a n d became a n x i o u s to h u r r y on a general engagement. S t a r t i n g f r o m Babylon, probably a b o u t t h e t i m e t h a t A l e x a n d e r left G o r d i u m i n P h r y g i a , he m a r c h e d u p t h e valley of t h e E u p h r a t e s , a n d t o o k u p a position a t Sochi, w h i c h w a s situated in a large open plain, not f a r f r o m t h e m o d e r n L a k e of Antioch. 1 0 8 8 On his a r r i v a l t h e r e he h e a r d t h a t A l e x a n d e r w a s in Cilicia a t n o great

CH. VII.]

DARIUS AT ISSUS.

539

distance; and the Greeks in his service assured him that it would not be long before the Macedonian monarch would seek him out and accept his offer of battle. 1039 But a severe attack of illness detained Alexander at Tarsus, 1040 and when he was a little recovered, troubles in Western Cilicia, threatening his communications with Greece, required his presence ;1041 so that Darius grew impatient, and, believing that his enemy had no intention of advancing further than Cilicia, resolved to seek him in that country. Quitting the open plain of Sochi, he marched northwards, having the range of Amanus on his left, almost as far as the thirty-seventh parallel,. when turning sharply to the west, he crossed the chain, and descended upon Issus, in the inner recess of the gulf which bore the same name.104- Here he came upon Alexander's hospitals, and found himself to his surprise in the rear of his adversary, who, while Darius was proceeding northwards along the eastern flank of Amanus, had been marching southwards between the western flank of the same range and the sea.1043 Alexander had crossed the Pylee, or narrowest portion of the pass, and had reached Myriandrus—a little beyond Iskonderum—when news reached him that Darius had occupied Issus in his rear, 1044 and had put to death all the sick and wounded Macedonians whom he had found in the town. 1045 At first he could not credit the intelligence; but when it was confirmed by scouts, whom he sent out,104" he prepared instantly to retrace his steps, and to fight his first great battle with the Persian king under circumstances which he felt to be favorable beyond anything that he could have hoped. The tract of flat land between the base of the mountains and the sea on the borders of the Gulf of Issus was nowhere broader than about a mile and a half. 1047 The range of Amanus on the east rose up with rugged and broken hills, so that on this side the operations of cavalry were impracticable. It would be impossible to form a line of battle containing in the front rank more than about 4000 men,1048 and difficult for either party to bring into action as many as 30,000 of their soldiers. Thus the vast superiority of numbers on the Persian side became in such a position absolutely useless, 1049 and even Alexander had more troops than he could well employ. No wonder that the Macedonian shoxild exclaim, that " G o d had declared Himself on the Grecian side by putting it into the heart of Darius to execute such a movement."1050 It may be that Alexander's superior generalship would have made him victorious even on the open plain of Sochi; but in the

540

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VII.

defile of Issus success was certain, and generalship superfluous. Darius had started from Issus in pursuit of his adversary, and had reached the hanks of the Pinarus, a small stream flowing westward from Amanus into the Mediterranean, when he heard that Alexander had hastened to retrace his steps, and was coming to meet him.1061 Immediately he prepared for battle. Passing a force of horse and foot across the stream in his front, to keep his adversary in check if he advanced too rapidly,1082 he drew up his best troops along the line of the river in a continuous solid mass, the ranks of which must have been at least twenty deep.1"'3 Thirty thousand G reck mercenaries formed the centre of the line, 1054 while on either side of them were an equal number of Asiatic " braves'" 0, ' s —picked probably from the mass of the army. 1050 Twenty thousand troops of a lighter and inferior class were placed upon the rough hills on the left, the outskirts of the Amanian range, where the nature of tho ground allowed them to encircle the Macedonian right,1057 which, to preserve its ranks unbroken, kept the plain. The cavalry, to the number of 30,000, was massed upon the other wing, near the sea.1058 The battle began by certain movements of Alexander against the flank force which menaced Ids right. These troops, assailed by the Macedonian light-armed, retreated at once to higher ground, and by their manifest cowardice freed Alexander from all anxiety on their account. 1003 Leaving 300 horse to keep the 20,000 in check, he moved on his whole line at a slow pace towards the Pinarus till it came within bow-shot of the enemy, when he gave the order to proceed at a run.1060 The line advanced as commanded; but before it could reach the river, the Persian horse on the extreme right, unable to restrain themselves any longer, dashed across the shallow stream, and assailed Alexander's left,1001 where they engaged in a fierce battle with the Thessalian cavalry, in which neither attained any decided advantage. 1002 The infantry, meanwhile, came into conflict along the rest of the line. Alexander himself, with the right and the right-centre, charged the Asiatic troops on Darius's left, who, like their brethren at Cunaxa, 1062 instantly broke and fled.1""4 Parmenio, with the left-centre, was less successful. The north bank of the Pinarus was in this part steep and defended by stakes 10 " in places; the Greek mercenaries were as brave as the Macedonians, and fought valiantly. It was not till the troops which had routed the Persian right

CH. VII.]

BATTLE—LOSSES

OF THE TWO ARMIES.

541

began to act against their centre, assailing it upon the flank, while it was at the same time eugaged in front, that the mercenaries were overpowered and gave way.""56 Seeing their defeat, the horse likewise fled, and thus the rout became general. It is not quite clear what part Darius took in the battle, or how far he was answerable for its untoward result. According to Arrian,10" he was struck with a, sudden panic on beholding the flight of his left wing, and gave orders to his charioteer instantly to quit the field. But Curtius and Diodorus represent him as engaged in a long struggle against Alexander himself, and as only flying when he was in imminent danger of falling into the enemy's hands.1008 Justin goes further, and states that he was actually wounded. 1069 The character gained by Darius in his earlier years1010 makes it improbable that he would under any circumstances have exhibited personal cowardice. On the whole it would seem to be most probable that the flight of the Persian monarch occurred, not when the left wing fled, but when the Greek mercenaries among whom he had placed himself began to give way before the irresistible phalanx and the impetuous charges of Alexander. Darius, not unwisely, accepted the defeat of his best troops as the loss of the battle, and hastily retired across Amanus by the pass which had brought him to Issus, whence he hurried on through Sochi10'1 to the Euphrates, anxious to place that obstacle between himself and his victorious enemy.1072 His multitudinous host, entangled in the defiles of the mountains, suffered by its own weight and size, the stronger fugitives treading1073 down the weaker, while at the same time it was ruthlessly slaughtered by the pursuing enemy, so long as the waning light allowed. As many as 100,000—90,000 foot and 10,000 horse-are said to have fallen.10'4 The ravines were in places choked with the dead bodies, and Ptolemy the son of Lagus related that in one instance he and Alexander crossed a gully on a bridge of this kind. 1076 Among the slain were Sabaces, satrap of Egypt,1070 Bubaces, a noble of high rank, and Arsames, Rheomitbres, and Atizyes, three of the commanders at the Granicus. Forty thousand prisoners were made. The whole of the Persian camp and camp-equipage fell into the enemy's hands, who found in the royal pavilion the mother, wife, and sister of the king, an infant son, two daughters, and a number of female attendants, wives of noblemen. 1077 The treasure captured amounted to 3000 silver talents. Among the trophies of victory

542

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VII.

were the chariot, bow, shield, and robe of the king, which he had abandoned in his hurried flight.11"3 The loss on the side of the Macedonians was trivial. The highest estimate places it at 450 killed, the lowest at 182.1079 Besides these, 504 were wounded.' "11 Thus Alexander had less t h a n 1000 men placed hors de combat. He himself received a slight wound in the thigh from a sword, 1081 which, used a little more resolutely, might have changed the fortunes of t h e world. The defeat of the Persians at Issus seems to have been due simply to the fact- that, practically, the two adversaries engaged with almost equal numbers, and t h a t the troops of Alexander were of vastly superior quality to those of Darius. The Asiatic infantry—notwithstanding their proud title of '' braves"—proved to be worthless; the Greek mercenaries were personally courageous, but their inferior arms and training rendered t h e m incapable of coping with the Macedonian phalanx. 1082 The cavalry was the only a r m in which the Persians were not greatly at a disadvantage; and cavalry alone cannot gain, or even save a battle. W h e n Darius put himself into a position where he lost all the advantages derivable f r o m superiority of numbers, he made his own defeat and his adversary's triumph certain. I t remained, therefore, before the Empire could be considered as entirely lost, t h a t this error should be corrected, this false step retrieved. All hope for Persia was not gone, so long as her full force had not been met and defeated in a fair and open field. W h e n Darius fled from Issus, it was not simply to preserve for a few months longer his own wretched life; it was to m a k e an effort to redeem the past1083—to give his country t h a t last chance of maintaining her independence which she had a right to claim at his hands—to t r y w h a t the award of battle would be under the circumstances which he had fair grounds, for regarding as the most favorable possible to his own side and the most disadvantageous to his adversary. Before the heart of the Empire could be reached f r o m the West, t h e wide Mesopotamian plain had to be traversed—there, in those vast flats, across which the enemy must come, a position might be chosen where there would be room for the largest numbers t h a t even his enormous Empire could furnish—where cavalry and even chariots would be everywhere free to act—where con sequei itly h e might engage the p u n y force of his antagonist to the greatest advantage, outflank it, envelop it, and perhaps

cu. vii.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALEXANDER

AFTER ISSUS. 043

destroy it. Darius would have been inexcusable had he given up the contest without trying this last chance—the chance of a battle in the open field with the full collected force of Persia. His adversary gave hiru ample time to prepare for this final struggle. The battle of Issus was fought in November, B. O. 333.1(184 It was not till the summer of B.C. 331, twenty months later that the Macedonian forces were set in motion towards the interior of the Empire.1085 More than a year and a half was consumed in the reduction of Phoenicia, 1086 the siege of Gaza, 1087 and the occupation of Egypt.1088 Alexander, apparently, was confident of defeating Darius in a pitched battle, whenever and under whatever circumstances they should again meet; and regarded as the only serious dangers which threatened him, a possible interruption of his communications with Greece, and the employment of Persian gold and Persian naval force in the raising of troubles on the European side of the Egean.1089 He was therefore determined, before he plunged into the depth of the Asiatic continent, to isolate Persia from Greece, to destroy her naval power, and to cripple her pecuniary resources. The event showed that his decision was a wise one. By detaching from Persia and bringing under his own sway the important countries of Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Idumaea, and Egypt, he wholly deprived Persia of her navy, and transferred to himself the complete supremacy of the sea, he greatly increased his own resources while he diminished those of the enemy, and he shut out Persia altogether from communication with Greece, excepting through his territories. He could therefore commence his march into the interior with, a feeling of entire security as to his communications and his rear. No foe was left on the coast capable of causing him a moment's uneasiness. Athens and Sparta might chafe and even intrigue; but without the Persian " archers," 1090 it was impossible that any force should be raised which could in the slightest degree imperil his European dominions. From Babylon, whither Darius proceeded straight from Issus,1031 he appears to have made two ineffectual attempts at negotiating with his enemy. The first embassy was despatched soon after his arrival, and, according to Arrian, 1092 was instructed merely to make proposals for peace, and to request the restitution of the Queen, the Queen-mother, Sisygambis, the infant prince, and the two princesses, captured by Alexander. To this Alexander replied, in haughty and contemptuous terms, that if Darius would acknowledge him as Lord of

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VII.

Asia, and deliver himself into his power, he should receive back his relatives: if he intended still to dispute the sovereignty, he ought to come and fight out the contest, and not run away. The second embassy was sent six or eight months later, while Alexander was engaged in the siege of Tyre. 1003 Darius now offered, as a ransom for the members of his family held in captivity by Alexander, the large sum of ten thousand talents ("240.000/.), and was willing to purchase peace by the cession of all the provinces lying Avest of the Euphrates, several of which were not yet in Alexander's possession. At the same time he proposed that Alexander should marry his daughter, Statira, in order that the cession of territory might be represented as the bestowal of a dowry.10S1 The reply of Alexander was, if possible, ruder and haughtier than before. '' W h a t did Darius mean by offering money and territory? All his treasure and all his territory were Alexander's already. As for the proposed marriage, if he (Alexander) liked to marry a daughter of Darius, he should of course do so, whether her father consented or not. If Darius wanted merciful treatment, he had better come and deliver himself up at once." The terms of this reply rendered further negotiation impossible. Darius had probably not hoped much from his pacific overtures, and was therefore not greatly concerned at their rejection. He knew that the members of his family were honorably and even kindly treated by their captor, 1006 and that, so f a r at a n y rate, Alexander had proved himself a magnanimous conqueror. He can scarcely have thought that a lasting peace was possible between himself and his young antagonist, who had only just fleshed his maiden sword, and was naturally eager to pursue his career of conquest. Indeed, he seems from the moment of his defeat at Issus to have looked forward to another battle as inevitable, and to have been unremitting in his efforts to collect and arm a force which might contend, with a goodhope of victory, against the Macedonians. He replaced the panoplies lost at Issus with fresh ones;1"80 he armed his fo7*ces anew with swords and spears longer than the Persians had been previously accustomed to employ, on account of the great length of the Macedonian weapons;1097 he caused to be constructed 200 scythed chariots ;1098 he prepared spiked balls to use against his enemy's cavalry; above all, he laid under contribution for the supply of troops all the provinces, even the most remote, of his extensive Empire, and asked and obtained important aid from allies situated beyond his borders. 1193 The

CH. VII. J

PliEPABA TIONS FOR THE CONFLICT.

545

forces which he collected for the final struggle comprised— besides Persians, Medes, Babylonians, and Susianians from the centre of the Empire—Syrians from the banks of the Orontes, Armenians from the neighborhood of Ararat, Cappadocians and Albanians from the regions bordering on the Euxine, Cadusians from the Caspian, Bactrians from the Upper Oxus, Sogdians from the Jaxartes, Arachosians from Cabul, Arians from Herat, Indians from Punjab, and even Sacse from the country about Kashgar and Yarkand. on the borders of the Great Desert of Gobi.- Twenty-five nations followed the standard of the Great King,111,0 and swelled the ranks of his vast army, which amounted (according to the best authorities) to above a million of men.1101 Every available resource that the Empire possessed was brought into play. Besides the three arms of cavalry, infantry, and chariots, elephants were, for perhaps the first time in the history of military science, marshalled in the battle-field,110'2 to which they added an unwonted element of grotesqueness and savagery. The field of battle was likewise selected with great care, and artificially prepared for the encounter. Darius, it would seem, had at last become convinced that his enemy would seek him out wherever he might happen to be, and that consequently the choice of ground rested wholly with himself. Leaving, therefore, the direct road to Babylon b y the line of the Euphrates undefended, 1113 he selected a position which possessed all the advantages of the Mesopotamian plain, being open, level, fertile, and well supplied with water, while its vicinity to the eastern and northern provinces, made it convenient for a rendezvous. This position was on the left or east bank of the Tigris, in the heart of the ancient Assyria, not more than thirty miles from the site of Nineveh. 1104 Here, in the region called by the Greeks Adiabene, extended between the Tigris and the river Zab or Lycus, a vast plain broken by scarcely any elevations, and wholly bare of both shrubs and trees.1105 The few natural inequalities which presented themselves were levelled b y order of Darius,1106 who made the entire plain in his front practicable not only for cavalry but for chariots. A t the same time he planted, in the places where Alexander's cavalry was likely to charge, spiked balls to damage the feet of the horses. u " 7 Meanwhile, Alexander had quitted Egypt, and after delay ing some months in Syria while his preparations were being completed.' 11 - had crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus and

546

TILE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[cii. VII.

marched through northern Mesopotamia along the southern flank of the Mons M'asius, a district in which provisions, water, and forage were abundant, 110 " to the Tigris, which he must have reached in about lat. 36° 30', t h i r t y or forty miles above the site of Nineveh. No resistance was made to his advance; even the passage of the great rivers was unopposed. 1110 Arrived on the east b a n k of the Tigris, Alexander found himself in Assyria Proper, with the stream upon his right and the mountains of Gordyene Kurdistan at no great distance upon his left.1111 But the plain widened as he advanced, and became, as he drew near the position of his enemy, a vast level, nowhere less t h a n t h i r t y miles in breadth, between the outlying ranges of hills and the great river. Darius, whose headquarters had been at Arbela, 1,12 south of the Zab, on learning Alexander's approach, had crossed t h a t stream and taken post on the prepared ground to the north, in the neighborhood of a small town or village called Gaugamela. 1113 Here he drew u p his forces in the order which he thought best, placing the scythed chariots in front, with supports of horse—Scythian, Bactrian, Armenian, and Cappadociau—near to them; 1114 then, the main line of battle, divided into a centre and two wings, and composed of horse and foot intermixed; and finally a reserve of Babylonians. ISitaceni, and others, massed in heavy column in the rear. His own post was, according to invariable Persian custom, 1116 in the centre; and about him were grouped the best troops—the Household brigade, the Melophori or Persian foot-guards, the Mardian archers, some Albanians and Carians, the entire body of Greek mercenaries, and the Indians with their elephants. 1116 Alexander, ¿m his side, determined to leave nothing to chance. Advancing leisurely, resting his troops at intervals, carefully feeling his w a y b y means of scouts, and gradually learning f r o m the prisoners whom he took, and the deserters who came over to him, all the dispositions and preparations of the enemy,1117 he arrived opposite the position of Darius on the n i n t h day a f t e r his passage of the Tigris.1118 His officers were eager to attack at once ; mB but with great judgment he restrained them, gave his troops a night's rest, and obtained time to reconnoitre completely the whole position of the enemy and the arrangement which he had made of his forces. H e then formed his own dispositions. The a r m y with which he was to attack above a million of men consisted of 40,300 foot and 7000 horse.1130 Alexander drew t h e m up in three lines.

OH. V I I . ]

BATTLE

OF

ARBELA.

547

The first consisted of light-armed troops, horse and foot, of good quality, which were especially intended to act against the enemy's chariots. Tne next was the main line of battle, and contained the phalanx with the rest of the heavy infantry in the centre, the heavy cavalry upon the two wings. The third line consisted of light troops, chiefly horse, and was instructed to act against such of the Persians as should outflank the Macedonian main line and so threaten their rear.1121 As at Issus, Alexander took the command of the right wing himself, and assigned the left to Parmenio. As the two armies drew near, Alexander, who found himself greatly outflanked on both wings, and saw in front of him smooth ground carefully prepared for the operations of chariots and cavalry, began a diagonal movement towards the right,1122 which tended at once to place him beyond the levelled ground, and to bring him in contact with his enemy's left wing rather than with his direct front. The movement greatly disconcerted his adversary, who sought to prevent it by extending and advancing his own left, which was soon engaged with Alexander's right in a fierce hand-to-hand conflict. Alexander still pressed his slanting movement, and in resisting it Darius's left became separated from his centre, while at the same time he was forced to give the signal for launching the chariots against the foe sooner than he had intended, and under circumstances that were not favorable. The effect of the operation was much the same as at Cunaxa. Received by the Macedonian light-armed, the chariots were mostly disabled before the enemy's main line was reached; the drivers were dragged from the chariot-boards; and the horses were cut to pieces. Such as escaped this fate and charged the Macedonian line, were allowed to pass through the ranks, which opened to receive them, and were then dealt with by grooms and others in the rear of the army. 1123 No sooner had the chariot attack failed, and the space between the two lines of battle become clear, than Alexander, with the quick eye of a true general, saw his opportunity: to resist his flank movement, the Bactrians and Sacse with the greater part of the left wing had broken off from the main Persian line, and in pressing towards the left had made a gap between their ranks and the centre.1124 Into this gap the Macedonian king, at the head of the "Companion" cavalry and a portion of the phalanx, plunged. Here he found himself in the near neighborhood of Darius, whereupon ho redoubled

548

THE

FIFTH

MOXA

UCJIY.

[CH. M I .

the vigor of his assault, knowing the great importance of any success gained in this quarter. The Companions rushed on with loud cries,1125 pressing with all their weight, and thrusting their spears into the faces of their antagonists—the phalanx, bristling with its thick array of lances, bore them down. 1 " 0 Alexander found himself sufficiently near Darius to hurl a spear at him, which transfixed his charioteer. 1121 The cry arose that the king had fallen, and the ranks at once grew unsteady. The more timid instantly began to break and fly; the contagion of fear spread; and Darius was in a little while almost denuded of protection on one side.1128 Seeing this, and regarding the battle as lost, since his line was broken, his centre and left wing defeated, 1123 while only Ms right wing remained firm, the Persian monarch yielded to his alarm, and hastily quitting the field, made his way to Arbela.1130 The centre and left fled with him. The right, which was under the command of the Syrian satrap, Mazaeus, made a firmer stand. On this side the chariots had done some damage,1131 and the horse was more than a match for the Thessalian cavalry.1132 Parmenio found himself in difficulties about the time when the Persian king fled.1133 His messengers detained a part of the phalanx, which was about to engage in the pursuit, and even recalled Alexander, who was hastening upon the track of Darius.1134 The careful prince turned back, but before he could make his way through the crowd of fugitives to the side of his lieutenant, victory had declared in favor of the Macedonians in this part of the field also.1135 Mazseus and his troops, learning that the king was fled, regarded further resistance as useless, and quitted the field. The Persian a r m y hurriedly recrossed the Zab, pursued by the remorseless conquerors, who slew the unresisting fugitives till they were weary of slaughter. Arrian says that 300,000 fell, while a still larger number were taken prisoners.1136 Other writers make the loss considerably less.1137 All, however, agree that the a r m y was completely routed and dispersed, that it made no attempt to rally, and gave no further trouble to the conqueror. The conduct of Darius in this—the crisis of his fate— cannot be approved; but it admits of palliation, and does not compel us to withdraw from him that respectful compassion which we commonly accord to great misfortunes. After Issue, it was his duty to make at least one more effort against the invader. To this object Lie addressed himself with earnestness and dili-

CU. VII.]

CONDUCT OF DAJilUX

549

gence. The number and quality of the troops collected at Arbela attests at once the zeal and success of his endeavors. His choice and careful preparation of the field of battle are commendable ; in his disposition of his forces there is nothingwith which to find fault. Every arm of the service had full room to act ; all were brought into play ; if Alexander conquered, it was because he was a consummate general, while at the same time he commanded the best troops in the world. Arbela was not, like Issus, won by mere fighting. It was tlx; leader's victory, rather than the soldiers. Alexander's diagonal advance, the confusion which it caused, the break in the Persian line, and its prompt occupation by some of the best cavalry and a portion of the phalanx, are the turning-points of the engagement. All the rest followed as a matter of course. Far too much importance has been assigned to Darius's flight,1,38 which was the effect rather than the cause of victory. When the centre of an Asiatic army is so deeply penetrated that the person of the monarch is exposed and his near attendants begin to fall, the battle is won. Darius did not—indeed he could not—"set the example of flight."" 39 Hemmed in by vast masses of troops, it was not until their falling away from him on his left flank at once exposed him to the enemy and gave him room to escape, that lie could extricate himself from the mêlée. No doubt it would have been nobler, finer, more heroic, had the Persian monarch, seeing that ail was lost, and that the Empire of the Persians was over, resolved not to outlive the independence of his country. Had he died in the thick of the fight, a halo of glory would have surrounded him. But, because he lacked, in common with many other great kings and commanders, the quality of heroism, we are not justified in affixing to his memory the stigma of personal cowardice. Like Pompey, like Napoleon, he yielded in the crisis of his fate to the instinct of self-preservation. He fled from the field where he had lost his crown, not to organize a new army, not to renew the contest, but to prolong for a few weeks a life which had ceased to have any public value. It is needless to pursue further the dissolution of the Empire. The fatal blow was struck at Arbela - all the rest was but the long death-agony. At Arbela the crown of Cyrus passed to the Macedonian; the Fifth Monarchy came to an end. The HE-GOAT, with the notable horn between his eyes, had come from the west to the ram which had two horns, and

550

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH.

Til.

had run into him with the f u r y of his power. He had come close to him, and, moved with choler, had smitten the ram and broken his two horns—there was no power in the ram to stand before him, but he had cast him down to the ground and stamped upon him—and there was none to deliver the ram out of his hand.1140

NOTES TO THE THIRD MONARCHY. C H A P T E R I. 1 See t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. i. p . 4-10, 2nd edition. C o m p a r e Cliesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i p. (¡5; Geographical Journal, vol. iii. p. 11:2; Eraser. Khorasan, p . 162, n o t e . 2 See vol. i. p. 136. 3 Polyb. v. 44, § 6; 54, § 7; 55, § 6; Strab. xi. p. 759; Plin. H. N. vi. 27; xii. 12; Ptol. vi. 2; A i n m . Marc, xxiii. 6, p. 404; &o. T h e n a m e Z a g r o s m o r e especially att a c h e d to t h e c e n t r a l p o r t i o n of t h e c h a i n f r o m t h e m o u n t a i n district s o u t h of L a k e V a n to t h e l a t i t u d e of I s f a h a n . A good g e n e r a l description of t h e r a n g e is given b y Q. Curtius:—'" N a m q u e Persis a b a l t e r o l a t e r e perpetuus m o n t i u m j u g i s c l a u d i t u r , quod in longitudinem H D C stadia, in latitudiuern C L X X procurrit. H o c d o r s u m a C a u c a s o m o n t e a d R u b r u m m a r e p e r t i n e t ; q u a q u e deficit m o n s , aliud m u n i m e n t u n i , f r e t u m obj e c t i o n e s t . " (Vit. Alex. Mag. v. 4.) Diodorus Siculus well describes t h e del i g h t f u l c h a r a c t e r of t h e region (xix. 21). 4 X e u . Anab. iii. 5; S t r a b . xi. 13, § 3 ; Arr. Exp. Al. iii. 17. 5 K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p . 357; F r a s e r , Khorasan, p. 244. 6 Ker P o r t e r well describes t h e m a j e s t i c a p p e a r a n c e of D e m a v e n d f r o m t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d of T e h e r a n , t h e p r e s e n t c a p i t a l of P e r s i a : " T h e m o u n t a i n of D e m a v e n d b e a r s N. 65° E. of T e h e r a n , a b o u t f o r t y miles d i s t a n t ; a n d is seen, r a i s i n g its lofty a n d p a l e s u m m i t to t h e n o r t h - e a s t of t h e t o w n ; f o r m i n g a magnificent p y r a m i d t h a t s h o o t s u p f r o m t h e h i g h r a n g e of Elburz, w h i c h b o u n d s t h e wide plain in t h a t d i r e c t i o n . " ( T r a vels\ 1. s. c.) R e c e n t a s c e n t s of D e m a vend h a v e p r o v e d it to h a v e a n elevation of m o r e t h a n 20,000 f e e t . (See t h e aut h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. i. p. 412, n o t e 1.) A r a r a t is only 17.000 f e e t ; a n d t h e highest o e a k in t h e C a u c a s u s does n o t e x c e e d 18,0.'i!> f e e t . ' This n a m e w a s derived f r o m Atropines, t h e g o v e r n o r of t h e region a t t h e t i m e of t h e b a t t l e of Arbela, w h o m a d e t e r m s w i t h A l e x a n d e r , a n d w a s allowed t o k e e p t h e province, w h e r e h e shortly m a d e himself i n d e p e n d e n t . (Strab. xi. 13. § 1; Diod. Sic. xviii. 3.) 8 S t r a b o m a k e s Media t o b e b o u n d e d •Hi t h e n o r t h by Matiane a n d t h e m o u n t a i n region of t h e C a d u s i a n s (Elburz); on t h e east by P a r t h i a a n d t h e Cossseans;

on t h e s o u t h b y Sittacenfi. Zagros, a n d E l y m a i s ; on t h e w e s t by Matiane a m i A r m e n i a (xi. 13). Pliny s a y s that, it lias on t h e east t h e P a r t h i a n s a n d C a s p i a n s ; on t h e s o u t h Sittacene, Susiana, a n d Persis; on t h e w e s t A d i a b e n e : a n d on t h e n o r t h A r m e n i a (H. N. vi. 26). T h e Armenian Geography makes the northe r n b o u n d a r y A r m e n i a a n d t h e Caspian, t h e e a s t e r n Aria or K h o r a s a n , t h e southern Persia, a n d t h e w e s t e r n A r m e n i a a n d Assyria (pp. 357-365). According to t h e m o s t e x t e n s i v e view, Media begins a t t h e A r a x e s , includes t h e whole low region b e t w e e n t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d t h e Caspian as f a r a s H y r c a n i a , e x t e n d s s o u t h w a r d s t o a little below I s f a h a n , a n d w e s t w a r d includes t h e g r e a t e r p a r t of Zagros. More m o d e r a t e d i m e n s i o n s a r e a s s u m e d in t h e t e x t . 9 T h e salt d e s e r t p r o j e c t s s o m e w h a t f u r t h e r t o t h e west, a portion being crossed on t h e r o u t e f r o m T e h e r a n to I s f a h a n . (See F r a s e r ' s Khorasan, p. 112; Ouseley, Travels, vol. iii p. 109; K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p. 372.) " A i m Marc, xxiii. 6. " Medi—pugn a t r i x natio, regiones i n h a b i t a n s a d specietn q u a d r a t s e figurse f o r m a t a s . " Corap. S t r a b . xi. 13, § 8. 11 See vol. i. pp. 4 a n d 121. 1,2 C o m p a r e Polybius, x. 27, § 1:— : 'Eori TOivvv

rj

a^Lo^peioTaTTj

MTjSia.

Kara

Toj£'

Kara

TO

fxeyeOas

Tqi>

Acrtav

i'tj? Cvyaar.L-

OiV.

13

So S t r a b o : "H 7roAAr) fiev ov>> v\jniXr) eo-Ti «al ¡frvxpa (xi. 13, § 7). C o m p a r e Kinneir, Persian Empire, pp. 108, 144, 149, w i t h F r a s e r , Khorasan, p p . 162-105. 14 This is m o r e especially t h e c a s e in I r a k , t h e m o s t s o u t h e r n p o r t i o n of t h e c o u n t r y . (Kinneir. p. 108.) 15 Sir H . Ravvlinson in Geugraph. Journ. vol. x. pp. 43, 44, 55, &c. E v e n h e r e a t r e e is a r a r i t y . (Morier, Second Journey. p. 237.) F r a s e r . p. 103. 17 K e r P o r t e r , vol. i. p p . 285, 367, &c. 18 Ibid. p p . 228, 2-31, &c.; Geograph. Journ. vol. x. p. 29. la Journal of Geographical Society, vol. x. p p . 2, 5,10, 13, 39, &c.; Kinneir, Persian Empire, pp. 153-156; Morier, Second Journey, p. 284; K e r P o r t e r , vol. ii. p p 592-607. 20 Ker P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p. 217; Kinneir. p 153; Morier, pp. 231-236. T h e plain of M o g h a n on t h e lower A r a s is

THE

Till

¡11 > ]\10 XA 1U 'II / .

f a m o u s f o r its rich soil, a n d l u x u r i a n t jMstures. The Persians say that the (Miss is sufficiently high t o hide iiu a r m y f r o m view w h e n e n c a m p e d . (Kinneu", J. s c ) 21 Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. s p 59; K e r P o r t e r , vol. i. p. 207'. 22 Geograph. Juu.ru. vol. Jt. pp. 11, 10, £ ° Diod. Sic. ii.,13, § 3 See the author's Herodotus, vol. iv. 131 p. 172, and compare vol. i. p. 554 (2nd Ker Porter. Travels, vol. ii. pp. 141, edition.) 143; Oilivier, Voyage dans V Empire 158 %ye can only account f o r carrying othoman, torn. v. pp. 47, 48. 132 the lasso into battle (Herod, vii. 35) by Geograph. vi. 4. 133 regarding it as the weapon with which See text, p. 3. It is strange t h a t daily use had made them familiar. so acute a writer as the late Archdeacon 157 They furnished 8,000 horsemen to Williams should not have seen t h a t this t h e a r m y of Xerxes (Herod. 1. s. c.), position was fatal to his theory, t h a t Iswhich was probably not their full force. fahan represented Ecbatana. 134 158 The Pareetaceni had another city, Cossseans is explained by some as called Parastaca, the site of which is unKoh-Siaus, inhabitants of the Koh-Siah, certain. (Steph. Byz. ad voc.) or Siah-Koh, a remarkable isolated 135 mountain in the salt desert, nearly due See text. p. 11. south of the Caspian Gates. "137 » See Vol. I. pp. 16, 138. 169 The mountains are pierced by the Fraser, Khorasan, p. 245. two streams of the Aras and the Kizil '8» ArjtTTpiKoc. Strab. xi. 13, § 6. 131 Uzen or Sefld Rud, and the low country A good description of this spur and m a y be entered along their courses. of the true character of the " Caspian. There is a pass over the Elburz chain Gates" is given by Mr. Fraser in his f r o m Firuz-kuh to Puli-sefid, 80 or 90 Khorasan, pp. 291-293, note. The reader miles to t h e east of Teheran. This m a y compare the author's article on would seem to be the "l'ylEe Caspise" Rhages in Dr. Smith's Biblical Dictionof Dionysius (Perleg. 1035-1033). ary. vol. ii. p. 990. ea 138 T j l e authorities for this description i See text, p. 15. pa/A1805

556

THE

THIRD

i 8 3 The Caspian Spa was a g r e a t prot e c t i o n f r o m t h e b a r b a r i a n s of t h e North. C H A P T E R II. I Morier c o m p l a i n s of t h e " o p p r e s sive h e a t of t h e low c o u n t r i e s " in Az^rb i j a n d u r i n g t h e s u m m e r (.Second Journal, p.'205). He f o u n d the t h e r m o m e t e r • rise to !)!H- d e g r e e s a t Miau.i e a r l y m J.June. (Ibid. p. 208.) 3 I'he l a t i t u d e of A z e r b i j a n is thai; of ;. t h e s n o w r e m a i n s ou t h e m o u n t a i n s f o r nine m o n t h s . ' .Morier. Second Journey, p . 808. 6 Kinneir, 1. s c. C o m p a i e .Morier, Second Journal, p 300. 0 Morier. pp. 243. 297. &c. 10 Kinneir. 1. s. c ; C'hesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. ¿21 ; ¡lloner, p. 2811 II An i n s t a n c e of d e a t h f r o m co d in t h i s region is r e c o r d e d by Mr. F i a s e r (Khnrusnn. p. 141). 12 Kinneir. p. 121: K e r P o r t e r , vol. J. p. 291. Accoi d i n g to t h e l a t t e r writer, t h i s wind " continues to blow a t i n t e r v a l s till t h e end of M a y . " 13 " T h e h e a t s of T e h e r a n . " s a y s Mr. Morier, " become i n s u p p o r t a b l e by t h e m i d d l e of J u n e . " (Second Journey, p. 351.) I" Ibid. p . 358. 15 This is e s p e c i a l l y t h e p r a c t i c e a t T e h e r a n . (Kinneir, p. Jit); Morier, p. 351: Ollivier. Voyage, torn. v. p. 91.) 16 See Morier, Second Journey, p. 270. C o m p a r e Kinneir, Persian Empire, p. 126: K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. ii. p. 121; Ollivier, Voyage, torn. v. p. 53. Ollivier s a y s : " F.n été le c l i m a t est le p l u s d o u x , le p l u s t e m p é r é d e la P e r s e . " 17 K e r P o r t e r , vol. i. p. 441 ; vol. ¡i. p . 1S3; Morier. p. 153; Ollivier, t o m . v. p p . 189 a n d 209. T h e l a s t - n a m e d w r i t e r m e n t i o n s a s a proof of t h e d r y n e s s , t h a t d u r i n g a loti« s t a y in t h e region h e n e v e r s a w a single s n a i l ! Morier, however, n o t e s t h a t h e s a w s e v e r a l (p. 154, note). J 8 Morier, p. 154. 18 On t h e s a l u b r i t y of I s f a h a n , see

MON

A

TIGHT.

[ c i i . II.

Morier, p. 153; K e r P o r t e r , vol. i. p. 407. 20 See Morier. Second Journey, Appendix, pp. 406-404; Ouseley, vol. iti. pp. 110-112: a n d t h e p a s s a g e quoted in t h e n e x t note. 21 Morier, First Jour,¡en, p. 174: Second Journey, p. 202; Ouseiey, vol. iii. pp. 73 and 375. 22 Kraser, Khorasan. p. 1G5. note. | 23 Morier, Second Journey, p. 282. ; 24 Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. HO; Kinneir, p. 344; Journal of the Geographical Society, vol. x p p . 20-22.

! ;

| i [ : ! i | i

\ I j

j

55 Chesney, 1. s. e. I n Ardelan, w h i c h is m u c h lower t h a n m a n y p a r t s of t h e range, Morier found t h e air q u i t e " a >ol " in J u n e (Second Journey, p. 272). Kinneir notes t h a t in tiie s a m e region t h e r e w a s f r o s t in J u l y , 1810 (Persian Empire, p. 144) 26 .is a t Toosirkan (see n o t e 127, Chapt e r27 I. See L a y a r d , Nineveh and its Remains, vol. i pp. 159-lt>5. 28 See t e x t . p p . 4. 5. so j^-a^er. Winter Journey, p. 353. 30 Morier, 7e tpoiviKifitov oi're KapvKivixtv ifj^ariiiv. Another kind of Median robe, called /¡nrtipis. seems to ha* e been striped alternately white and purple. (Compare Pollux, vii. 13, with HeSVCllills ad Voo ffaparj-tO ' 4 8 Procop. fie Bell. Pers. i. 20. p. K'fi, C. Mlken fabrics were manufactured bv the Greeks f r o m the middle of the fourtii century n 0 (Aristot. Hist. Ami. v. I'J.I They probably imported (he raw silk f r o m Asia, whi i e the mr.terial was n use from a v e r y early time. The Parthian standards were of silk (Florus, iii. 11); and there can be lit tie doubt that the looms ot' China, India, and Cashmere prod need rich silken fabrics f i o m a remote period, which were exported into the neighboring countries ol' Media and Persia. 47 Justin says of the Parthians: '• Testis olim sui moris; posteaquam accessere • ¡pes, ut Mtdi.s, perluada ac iiuida'' (xli 2). 48 See Xen. Anab. i. 5, § 8, and compare Cyrop. i 3, § 2. 49 HoiiaAas aeafvpi'Sas. Xen. Anab. l.s.c. Compare Strab xi. 13, § 9. 60 Strab. 1. s. c.; Herod, iii. 12. 51 Strictly speaking, these words are not synonyms. The name tiara was generic. applying to all ihe tall caps; while cidaris or rilnris was specific, being properly applied to the royal headdress only. (See Brisson, De Begn. Pei s. ii. pp 309-312.1 52 Xpu/xaTos ei'TpLtpis. (Xen. Cyrop. i. 3, S2.) ° 3 XOJLLat TrpocrSeTot. (Thid.) 54 'OtpdaAfiiov VTroypaifiij. (Tbid.) This practice is ascribed to Sa.i danapalus (Nio. Uam. Fr. 8; Athen. fii'ipn. xii 7, p. 529, A . ; Diod. Sic. ii. 23); and again to Nanarus the Babylonian (iiic. Dam. Fr. 10). It seems to have been adopted f r o m the Medes by the Persians. (Xen. Cyrop. viii. 8, § 20.) Stiab. 1. s. c.; Xen. Cyrop. i. 3, § 2. 56 Earrings commonly accompany the Median dress on the Persepolitan sculptures. They are mere plain rings without any pendant. (See PI. V I . Fig. 2.) Nicolas of Damascus assigns earrings (eAAojSio.) to Nanarus. a. satrap under the Medes. (Fr. 10.) 67 Xen Cyrop. i. 3, § 3. Ibid, « 4.

CH. I V . ]

THE THIRD

MONARCHY.

XeipóliaKTpa. (Xen. Cyrop. i. 3, § 5.) oi Ibid. § 0. 61 See the description in Xenophon. {Cyrop. i. 8, § 10.) Compare the Persian practice. (Herod, i. 133.) 62 Cyrop. i. 3. § 8. 63 Herod, i. 99. Compare Nic. Dam. Fr. 60. {Fr. Hist. Gr. vol. iii. p. 403.) 64 St.rab. 1. s. c. 2e3aj>Ò5 #eo7rpejrì]s eis roùs Ilépcra? napà M^Scii!* à^u/cTai. 65 This, at least, is the account of Herodotus (i. 100) Bat it m a y be doubted •vhether he does not somewhat over•tate the degree of seclusion affected by l i e Median kings. Certainly neither Xenophon in his Cyropcedia, nor Ctesias ¡n the fragments which remain of his ivritings, appears to hold such extreme We\vs on the subject as " t h e Father of History." 66 Herodotus's accoiAit would necessaj rily imply this. Xenophon furnishes no contradiction; f o r he does not make the king hunt in person. 67 See text, pp. 29, 30 1 "P Xen. Cyrop. i. 4, § 7. Nicolas of Damascus mentions the wild boars, the stairs, and the wild asses. ( F r . 10.) 69 Xen. Cyrop 1 s. c. 70 See the engraving in ICer Porter's Travels, vol. ii. opp. p. 175, or the more carefully drawn representation in Flandiirs Voyage en Perse, torn. i. pi. 10. 71 K e r Porter, vol. ii. opp. p. 177; Flandin. toni. i. pi. 13. 72 Xen. Cyrop. i 4, § 15. 'Effearo TOVS à/juAAwaeVous ¿TTL rà Q-qpia, /cat (friAoveiKovvrai. fiat Siu)fcavras, Kai ¿KorTiCoeTai. 73 Strab. xi. 13, § 11. Compare Nicolas of Damascus, F r . 6li (Fr. Hist. Or. vol iii. p. 403). 74 Strab 1. s. c. " C l e a r c h . Sol. ap. Athen. Deipn. xii. 2, p. .=¡14, D. ' » Nic. Dam. F r . 66 {Fr. Hist. Gr. vol. iii pp. 398 and 402). 77 Flandin, Voyage t-n Perse, p. 17. Sir H. Eavvlinson is of the same opinion. 58

CHAPTER IV. Zend-Avesta, or sacred volume of the Pavsees, which has now been printed both by W e s t e r g a a r d (1852-1854) and Spiegel (1(^51-18581. and translated into Herman by the latter, is a compilation fov liturgical purposes f r o m various older works which have been lost. It is composed of eight pieces or books, entitled Yatjna, Visporatu or Yisparad, Vend ¡dad, Yashts, Nyàyish, A f r i g à t i « . Gàhs. Sirozah. I t is written in thè old f o r m of Arian speech called the Zend, a language closely cognate to the Sanscrit of the Vedas and to Achsemeriian Persian, or the Persian of the Cuneiform inscriptions A Pehlevi translation of the more important, books, made probably under the Sassanidffi (A D. 2,35-610) is extant, and a Sanscrit translation of the Y a g n a , made about the end of the fifteenth century b y a certain Neriosengh. T h e celebrated Frenchman, Anquetil du JTho

I

i i i

j j

Perron, first acquainted the learned of Europe with this curious aud valuable compilation. H i s translation (Paris, 1771), confused in its order, and often v e r y incorrect, is now antiquated; and students unacquainted with Zend will do well to have recourse to Spiegel, who, however, is f a r f r o m a perfect translator. T h e best Zend scholars have as y e t attempted versions ot some p uxious of the Zeudavesta only—as Burnouf of the first and ninth chapters of the Y a ç na {Conhnentaire sur le Yaçna, Paris, 1833; and the Journal Asiatique tor 1844-1840), and Martin H a u g of the Gâthâs (2 vols , Leipsic, 1858-1800). anil other fragments (Essays mi the Sacred Language, Writinqs, oud Reliyton of the Par.sees, Bombay, 1802). Professor W e s t e r g a a r d of Copenhagen is understood t o be engaged upon a complete translation of the whole work into E n g lish. W h e n this version appears, it will probably leave little to be desired. T h e word " Z e n d - A v e s t a , " introduced into the languages of Europe by Du Perron, is incorrect. T h e proper f o r m is " A v e s ta-Zend," which is the order a l w a y s used in the Pehlevi books. This word, " A vesta-Zend."' is a contraction of Avesta u Zend. " Avesta aud Zend.'' i.e. T e x t and Comment. Avesta (avasthà) means ' ' t e x t , scripture;" its Pehlevi f o r m is apistak. anil it is cognate with the late Sanscrit and Mahrattapusfnfc, " b o o k . " Zend (Zand) is " e x p l a n a t i o n , comment." (See Haug's Essays, pp. 120-1'.ii; and compare Bunsen's Egypt, vol. iii. p. 474. note.) 2 Haug. Essays, pp. 50-116; Bunsen, E'ivpt, vol. iii p. 470. 3 I t was doubted f o r s o m e t i m e whether the Gâthâs were really " songs." Brockliaus said in 1850, "Jusqu'ici j e n'ai pu découvrir la moindre trace de mesure dans les morceaux que l'on peut regarder c o m m e des Gâthâs." (VendidadSadé. p. 357. ad voc. gâlha.) But Haug has shown distinctly, not only that they are metrical, but that, the metres are of the same nature as those which are found in the Vedic hymns. (Essays, pp. 130-138.) And Westergaard has shown by his mode of printing that he regards them as metrical. 4 Yaçna in Zend is equivalent to yajna in Sanscrit, and means " sacrifice." T h e Yaçna, consists chiefly of prayers, hymns, &c., relating to sacrificial rites, and intended to be used during the perf o r m a n c e of sacrifice. 5 Traditionally, several of the Gâthâs are ascribed to Zoroaster, whose date was anterior to B.c. 2000 according to Berosus. and whom other writers place still earlier. (See Aristot. ap. Diog. Laert. Pref. 6; Plin. H. N. x x x . 1; Hermipp. Fr. 79; Xan. L y d . F r . 29, Ibid, xliii. 4, 5. 18 I bill. x x x v . 1. J» Ibid. xlvi. 2. 20 Ibid, xliii. 5. 21 Ibid. xlv. 5. Ibid. x x x i . 8. 23 Ibid, xlvii. 1. 24 Ibid, xliii. 2. 25 Tbid. x x x v . 1. 26 Ibid. x x x v . 3. 27 H a n g , Essays, p. 257. 28 Yagna. x x x i v . 1; xlvii. 1, 3, &o. '-'»Ibid, xliii. 4. 5. 20 H a n g , Essays. 1. s. c 31 Haurvatat (Khordad in l a t e r Persian) i s trail slated i n differently " h ea 1 t h . " " wholesomeness." " completeness." "prosperity." I t is e x p l a i n e d to b e " t h e good condition in w h i c h e v e r y bei n g of t h e good c r e a t i o n h a s b e e n crea t e d b y A h u r a - m a z d a . " ( H a u g , Essays. p. 177.') 52 A h u r a - m a z d a is " t r u e , lucid, shining. t h e o r i g i n a t o r of all t h e best t h i n g s , of t h e spirit, in n a t u r e , a n d of t h e g r o w t h in n a t u r e , of t h e l u m i n a r i e s , a n d of t h e self-shining b r i g h t n e s s which is in t h e luminaries." (Yagna, xii 1. H a u g ' s T r a n s l a t i o n ) H e is rega rded a s t h e s o u r c e of light, w h i c h m o s t r e s e m b l e s h i m , a n d h e is called qdlkrd. " h a v i n g h i s o w n l i g h t . " ( H a u g , Essays, p. 143, note.) 33 Isa.iah xliv. 28; xlv. 34 2 C h r o n x x x v i . 22, 23; E z r a , i. 1-4; vi.3 510. 12 This is clear f r o m s u c h p a s s a g e s a s

[cir. i v .

t h e following:—" The Lord God of heaven h a t h given m e (i e. Cyrus) all t h e k i n g d o m s of t h e e a r t h , a n d he h a t h c h a r g e d m e to build him a h o u s e a t J e r u s a l e m , which is in J u d a h . W h o is t h e r e a m o n g y o u of all his people? H i s God b e with h i m . a n d let him go u p t o J e r u s a l e m , a n d build t h e h o u s e of Ihe Lord God of Israel—he is the God— which is ill J e r u s a l e m . " (Ezra i. 2, 3.) 3 « S e e t e x t , C h a p t e r VI., Fifth Monarchy. 37 Yagna, x x x i i . 1, 2; xlv. 11; xlvi. 11; &c. 38 Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. xv, p. 159; L o f t u s , Cluddwa, and susiana. p 378. On t h e first erection of stat u e s in h o n o r of Anaitis. see t e x t , Chapt e r VI., Fifth Monarchy. 39 Yazatas or ¿zeds. 40 "Wlnle the Amesha Spentas," says H a u g , " r e p r e s e n t n o t h i n g b u t t h e qualities and g i f t s of A h u r a - m a z d a , S r a o s h a s e e m s to h a v e been considered a s a pers o n a l i t y . " (Essays, p. 2G1.) H a u g even regards Armaiti as not really a person (ibid.). 41 Yagna. xliii. 12, 14; xliv. 1. 42 Ibid, xliii. 3. 43 Ibid, xliii. 11 a n d 16. 44 Tbid. xliv. 9. 46 Ibid. xliv. 1 a n d 9. 46 Ibid, xliii. 3. 47 Ibid. x x i x . passim, x x x i . 9-10. 48 So I l a u g e x p o u n d s t h e s o m e w h a t a m b i g u o u s w o r d s of Yagna, x x x i . 9. (Essays, p. 144, note.) 49 Yagna,, x x x i . 10. 60 Ibid. x x x v . 4. 61 Ibid, xliii. 10, a d fin. 62 Ibid. 1. s. c. 63 Ibid, xliii. 6. 64 See t h e f o r m u l a b y w h i c h t h e ancient I r a n i a n s received m e n into their religious c o m m u n i t y , given in t h e 12th c h a p t e r of t h e Yacna. § 1 t o § 9. 55 Literally " soiil of t h e cow." In t h e poetical l a n g u a g e of t h e old I r a n i a n s , t h e e a r t h , w h i c h s u s t a i n s all, v* as comp a r e d to a cow, t h e earliest s u s i a i n e r of t h e f a m i l y a m o n g t h e m . (See O x f o r d E s s a y s f o r 1856, p. 17.) P e r h a p s t h e Greek -fy (Dor. ya) is connected e t y m o logically with go or ga, " c a t t l e . " 56 Yagna. x x i x . Ibid. liv. 58 See H a u g ' s Essays, p p . 193 a n d 232. In t h e V e d a s Vitrahd is one of t h e m o s t f r e q u e n t e p i t h e t s of Irulra. who would t h u s seem to h a v e r e t a i n e d s o m e vol aries a m o n g t h e I r a n i a n s . It meant " killer of V i t r a , " w h o w a s a d e m o n . SJ ' See Yagna, liii 6. 60 Rig-Veda Sanhita, vol. i. p p . 5. C, 34. 35. &c 61 Yagna. xliii. 9; xlvi. 8; &c. 02 T h e Soma, c e r e m o n y is o n e of i h e m o s t striking f e a t u r e s of t h e old H i n d o o religion. Wilson (H. H.) s p e a k s of it a s " a s i n g u l a r p a r t of t h e i r ritual " (Int r o d u c t i o n to Rig- Veda Sanhita. vol. i. p. xxxvi), a n d d e s c r i b e s it as follows:—

en. iv.]

T1IE

TI1I11D

" Tlio e x p r e s s e d a n d f e r m e n t e d juice of t h e Soma p l a n t w a s p r e s e n t e d in ladles to t h e deities invoked, in w h a t m a n n e r does n o t e x a c t l y a p p e a r , a l t h o u g h it s e e m s to h a v e been s o m e t i m e s s p r i n k l e d on t h e fire, s o m e t i m e s on t h e g r o u n d , or r a t h e r on t h e Kusa, or s a c r e d grass, s t r e w e d on t h e floor" (and f o r m i n g t h e s u p p o s e d seat of t h e deities,); " a n d in all cases t h e residue w a s d r u n k by t h e a s s i s t a n t s " (p. xxiii). T h e only exp l a n a t i o n , " lie a d d s , " o f w h i c h it is susceptible, is t h e delight, as well as ast o n i s h m e n t , which t h e discovery of t h e e x h i l a r a t i n g , if n o t inebriating, p r o p e r ties of t h e f e r m e n t e d j n i c e of t h e p l a n t m u s t h a v e excited in simple m i n d s oil first b e c o m i n g a c q u a i n t e d w i t h its eff e c t s " (p. xxxvii). H a u g says, " T h e e a r l y I n d i a n tribes, a s described in t h e a n c i e n t songs of t h e Vedas, n e v e r eng a g e d t h e m s e l v e s in t h e i r f r e q u e n t pred a t o r y e x c u r s i o n s f o r r o b b i n g cows, horses, sheep, &c.. w i t h o u t h a v i n g previously s e c u r e d t h e a s s i s t a n c e of I t i d r a b y p r e p a r i n g f o r h i m a solemn S o m a f e a s t . T h e K a r a p a n i " (priests) " dresse d it iu d u e m a n n e r , a n d t h e K a v i s " ( a n o t h e r o r d e r of priests) " composed or applied t h o s e verses which w e r e best c a l c u l a t e d to induce Inclra to a c c e p t t h e invitation. The Kavis were believed to recognize by c e r t a i n m a r k s t h e arrival of t h e god. A f t e r h e h a d e n j o y e d t h e sweet beverage, t h e delicious h o n e y , a n d was supposed to be totally Inebriated, t h e n t h e Kavis p r o m i s e d victory. T h e i n r o a d s w e r e u n d e r t a k e n h e a d e d by t h o s e Kavis who had previously intoxicated themselves, and they appear to h a v e been in m o s t e a s e s s u c c e s s f u l . " {Essays, p p . 2-17, ¿48.) T h e s e orgies m a y t h e r e f o r e be c o m p a r e d wicli t h o s e which t h e Greeks celebrated in h o n o r of Bacchus, a n d m a y t h r o w light on t h e supposed I n d i a n origin of t h a t deity. T h e S o m a p l a n t is said t o be t h e acid Asclep i a s or Sarcostema viminalts (Wilson in iii(/-Veda Sauhita. vol. i. p 13, n o t e a). The i m p o r t a n t p a ; t which it holds in t h e V e d a s will b e seen b y r e f e r e n c e to Mr. Wilson's t r a n s l a t i o n of t h e Rig-Veda, vol. i. pp. 6. 11, 14, 21, 23, .Ic., a n d still m o r e bv r e f e r e n c e t o Mr. S t e v e n s o n ' s t r a n s l a t i o n of t h e S a m a - V e d a , w h i c h is d e v o t e d a l m o s t entirely to its praises. 63 64

MONARCHY.

i j j !

', j

; '

I j j i

See Yagna, xxxii. 3. a n d xlviii. 10. I n s t e a d of p o u r i n g the liquor on t h e fire or on t h e s a c r e d grass, w h e r e t h e g o d s w e r e s u p p o s e d to sit, t h e I r a n i a n p r i e s t s s i m p l y showed it t o t h e tire a n d t h e n d r a n k it. (Haug, Essays, p 239.) 65 The r e s t o r a t i o n of t h e modified S o m a (Homa) c e r e m o n y t o t h e I r a n i a n r i t u a l is indicated in " t h e y o u n g e r Y a g n a " (chs. ix. t o xi.), m o r e especially in t h e so-called Homa Yasht, a translation of which by Burnouf is a p p e n d e d t o t h e Vendidad-Sade o£ Brockliaus. 60 T h e r e is, of course, n o etymological connection between deva aiid " d e v i l . " ,

563

Deva a n d t h e c o g n a t e diu a r e originally " t h e sky," " the air"—a meaning which diu o f t e n h a s in t h e Vedas. ( C o m p a r e Lat. diam ) F r o m t h i s m e a n i n g , while deva p a s s e d i n t o a g e n e r a l n a m e f o r god, t h e f o r m diu w a s a p p r o p r i a t e d to a p a r t i c u l a r god. C o m p a r e o u r use of t h e w o r d " H e a v e n " in s u c h e x p r e s s i o n s a s " H e a v e n f o r b i d , " " H e a v e n bless you:'"' T h e p a r t i c u l a r god, t h e god of t h e air, a p p e a r s in Greek a s Zeus or SSeus. in L a t i n as J u - p i t e r , in old G e r m a n a s Tins, w h e n c e o u r Tuesday. I)eva b e c a m e L a t . deus, divas, Gr. Lith. diewas. T h u s f a r t h e w o r d h a d invariably a good sense. W h e n , however, t h e W e s t e r n A r i a n s b r o k e off f r o m t h e i r b r e t h r e n , a n d r e j e c t e d t h e w o r s h i p of t h e i r gods, w h o m t h e y r e g a r d e d a s evil spirits, t h e w o r d deva, which t h e y specially applied t o t h e m , c a m e to h a v e an evil m e a n i n g , e q u i v a l e n t to o u r " f i e n d " or " d e v i l . " " D e v i l " is of course a m e r e c o r r u p t i o n of 5ia/3oAos: L a t . diabobis; Ital. diavolo; F r e n c h diabte; Negro, debbel. 67 Yacna, xii. 4; x x x . 6; xxxii. a; xliv. 16; & c / 6B Ibid, xxxii. 4. 6» Ibid, xxxii. 3. 70 See especially Yagna, xlv. 2, a n d c o m p a r e x x x . 3-6. 71 See P r o f e s s o r Max Miiller's E s s a y in t h e Oxford Essays, f o r 1850, p p . 3437. 73 The d a t e of t h e s e p a r a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e E a s t e r n a n d W e s t e r n Arians is a n t e historic, a n d c a n only be v a g u e l y guessed at. 73 The Iranian settlements enumerated in t h e d o c u m e n t e x t e n d w e s t w a r d no f u r t h e r t h a n R h a g e s , orr a t t h e u t m o s t t o Media A n t r o p a t e n S , w hich may be indicated by t h e V a r e n a of § 18. (See A p p e n d i x , A.) T h u s t h e Arians, w h e n t h e d o c u m e n t w a s written, h a d n o t y e t s p r e a d into Media Magna, m u c h less i n t o P e r s i a P r o p e r . .It m u s t c o n s e q u e n t l y be a n t e r i o r t o t h e t i m e of t h e first Shalm a n e s e r IB C. 858-823), who f o u n d Medes a n d P e r s i a n s bevoml t h e Z a g r o s r a n g e . (See Vol. I. p. 408.) Dr. H a u g thin lis t h a t t h e F a r g a r d is a n t e r i o r to B.C. 1200, b e c a u s e B a c t r i a o c c u r s in it a c c o m p a nied by t h e e p i t h e t eredhtvo-drafsha, " with t h e tall b a n n e r " — a n expression i n d i c a t i n g t h a t it w a s t h e c e n t r e of a n e m p i r e , w h i c h Bactria. h e thinks, could n o t be a f t e r the rise of A - s v r i a (B.C. 1200, a c c o r d i n g t o him). See B u n s e n ' s Egypt, vol. iii. p. 477, 478, E T. B u t t h e Assyr i a n r e c o r d s r e n d e r it absolutely c e r t a i n t h a t B a c t r i a w a s a n i n d e p e n d e n t count r y , e v e n a t t h e h e i g h t of t h e A s s y r i a n power. 74 T h e m e n t i o n of a s e r p e n t as t h e first c r e a t i o n of A n g r o - m a i n y u s is curious. I s it a p a r a d i s a i c a l reminiscence? 75 Vendidad, F a r g . i. § 5. 76 H a u g ' s Essays, p. 200. 77 Ibid. p. 263.' C o m p a r e Windischm a n u ' s Zoroastrisclie iitudien, p. 59,

TUE

THIRD

where the original names are given a s T a ' i c ami Zaric 1 8 See t e x t . p. 10. 79 " Vnhista means originally ' m o s t splendid, beautiful.' but was afterwards used in the general sense of ' b e s t . 1 " (Hang. Essays, p. 2U1 ) n!J See text, p. 48. 8 1 T h e most e x a c t representative of j H a n r v a t a t which the classical languages ! furnish would seem to be the Greek j timgia. ] t is ""the good condition in : which every being of t h e good creation I has been created by A h u r a - m a z d a . " (Hang. p. 177.1 1,2 Yacua^ x x x i v . 1. xlvii. l, &c. " Haüg. pp. 142 and ¿">8. 8 4 F o r the c h a r a c t e r of Indra in the Hindoo mythology, see Wilson,Rifi- Vreda banhita, introduction, pp. x x x - x x x i i . 8 5 Haug, Essays, p 280. 85 Yajur-l edu. xvi. 8 7 The name of Shiva does not occur in t h e Rig-Veda, from which the f a m o u s 'J'rhuni tti, or Tiinity of B r a h m a , Vish- j DU. am! Shiva is wholly absent. (Wilson, | in Introduction to Ji/gA'eda Smiluta. \ vol. i. p x x v i ; Max Müller, Ancient , Sanskrit Literature, p. 55.) 8 8 On the large share which the As- ! wins occupied in the early Hindoo worship, see Wilson. Rig-Veda Sanhita. In- , troduction. p. x x x v . and c< miliare Ri7. 30(i-" Ibid. x x x . (5. 51 See the Serosh Yaslit. or hymn in praise of Serosh (Yagna, Ivii. i) The , following particulars concerning Serosh are also contained in the hymn. He was the inventor of the baisoni, and first Uiiigiit its use to mankind. He ; m a d e the music for the live earliest Gä- | tluV,. which were called the Gäthas of Zoroaster. He had an earthly duelling- I place—a palace with l.OuOpillars erected | on the highest summit of Elburz (the | peak of Demawend':), which was lighted | within by its own light, and without was 1 ornamented with stars. One of his em- I ploymer.ts was to walk round the world, teaching the true religion. | 82 On tiie triad of thought, word, and | act, see Yagna. xii 8. x x x i i . 5, xxxiii. 2, x x x v 1. xivn. 1. xlix, 4, & c . ; and com- j p a r e below, note 94. 8 3 See Yagna. xxxiii. 3. S 1 " We worship Ahura-mazda. the pure, the master of purity. W e worship t h e Amesha Spenlas, t h e possessors of good, the givers of good We worship > t h e whole creation o " the true spirit, i both the spiritual and terrestrial, all ; t h a t supports the welfare of the good 1 creation and the spread of good mazday a r n a religion. j We praise all good thoughts, all good words, all good deeds which are or shall | he: ami we iikew ise keep clean and pure ¿ill that is good. •"«.j Aliura-nuizda, thou true, happy ;

MOJsAHCHY.

[C'H. IV

being! W7e strive to think, to speak:, and to do only such actions a s may be best lilted to promote the two lives" (i.e. the life of the body and the life of the soul) " We beseech the spirit of earth, for the sake of these our best w o r k s " (i.e. o u r l a b o i s i n agriculture!, " t o grant us beautiful and fertile fields, to the believer as well as to the unbeliever, to him vi ho has riches as w ell as to him who has no possessions." ( Yagna. x x x v . 1-4. See I l a u g ' s E$s Unio, F r . 8; Scliol. M c a n d r . T h e r . to the eighteenth F a i g a r d ) to the times 013. 150 of e a r l y M a g i a n a s c e n d a n e j " . w e m u s t Dio?. L a e r t P i o o ' m cafoisnev\cvxrj. 151 s u p p o s e t h a t t h e y w i s h e d to p u t a s t o p See t h e p i c t u r e w h i c h S t r a b o g i v e s t o all b u r i a l . of t h e Magiari p r i e s t s in Cappr-idocia (xv. 3. ji 15)—a p i c t u r e d r a w n f r o m h i s o w n 1=» H e r o d . ].S. C. KaTax7}pu>crai'Tes TQV e x p e r i e n c e iravra ooi< tewpafca1>£KVV lizpaaL y f , Kpi'TTTOViTL. S t r a b 1 - S. C. ficv). ©07rT0l'a-l Kffpiij 77epi77AacravTTC T(\ ;.r ' Kai yap g u s is Zoi-oastrian, t h a t it w a s u s e d f r o m very ancient times a m o n g the Arians to h' 77gAAoi? T 0 7 7 0 L ? pa/3Soi> p.ai'Tci'oi'Tcl Scid e s i g n a t e t h e f o l l o w e r s of t h e t r u e relirun' ci: . . . /cat t o u s /xai'rt ;,- tp-qai M Cut v gion" (Essays, p p . 1G0, 247). a n d t h a t b y pa.fiftoopoi Au^ro^opot, OepaTrovre?, paflSofiopoi, and KaAAiirorre;—the last divided into cleaners of the Palace and cleaners of the courts outside the Palace. Nic. Dam. 1. s. c.; Dino. Fr. 7. 2 0 2 Xen. Cyrop. i. 4, §§ 5 and 11. 2°a Ibid, i 4, § 7. 204 Herod, i. 107, 108, and 120. 205 Herodotus makes the Magi say t o A s t y a g e s — 2eo ereoreuiTos £a(TiA??09 Kal apxoiJ-eu to jnepo?, Kal Tijaas irpos aeo fitydAa? e'xo^cev. (i. 120.) 296 Chron. Can. ii. p. 331 ed. Mai. This ascription of the w a r to A s t y a g e s is evidently connected with a belief that the eclipse of Thales was that of B . C . 583. 207 Mos. Chor. Hist. Armen. i. 23-28. 208 This is implied in the picture drawn by Herodotus (i. 107-128). and in the brief character given by iEschylus (see above, note 190). I t is expressly stated b y Aristotle, _ who says—KCpos 'AaTvayyj ¿TTiriOtTai. Kal roil fiiov Kaxaf/jpopo3i>, Kal ri}s Svvdiiew 5ta to Ti]y juter SvvafiLv t^/jpy^Kevat, avrov ¿t tpvfiav. (Pol. V. 8, § 15 ) 2 0 9 Moses malces Cyrus an independent prince during the reign of Astvages. H e and Tigranes are in close alliance. Tigranes, and not Cyrus, attacks and defeats Astyages and kills him. A f t e r this Cyrus assists Tigranes to conquer Media and Persia, which become parts of the Armenian kind's dominions. Cyrus sinks into insignificance in the narrative of Moses. 2 1 0 The Cadusian story is told b y Nicolas of Damascus (pp. 399, 400), \vho (it m a y be suspected) f o l l o w e d Dino,

578

THE

THIRD

the f a t h e r of Clitarchus, a writer of f a i r authority. 2 1 1 T h e name, Aphernes or Onaphernes, is sufficient evidence of this. 2 1 2 Diod. Sic. ii. 33. § 3. 2 1 3 The Escurial MS. f r o m which this f r a g m e n t of Nicolas lias been recovered gives both these forms. Each of them occurs once. 214 Herodotus declares this in the most express terms. Astyages, lie says, was airaL? epaevos yovov (i. 109); so also Justin (i. 4); Ctesias, on the contrary, g i v e s A s t y a g e s a son, Parmises (Pers. Exc. § 3),'and Xenophon ( C y r o p . i. 5, § 2) asnn, Cyaxares. Moses of Cliorene is still m o r e liberal, and makes him h a v e several sous by his w i f e Anusia, w h o all settle in Armenia. (Hist. Arm. i. 2!).) H e r e , as in so many other instances, the monuments confirm Herodotus. F o r when a pretender to the Median throne starts up in the reign of Darius, who wishes to rest liis claim on descent f r o m the Median r o j al house, he does not venture to put himself f o r w a r d as the son. or even as the descendant, of A styages, but goes back a generation, and says that he is " o f the race of C y a x a r e s . " (Beh. Inscr. col. ii. pur. 5, § 4 ) 2 1 5 jMos. Clior. Hist. Armen. i. 27 and 29 21» Herod, i. 107. 2>7 Xen. Cyrop. i. 2, § 1. 218 Ctes. Pers. Exc. § 2. 2 1 3 Ibid. Compare Nic. Dam. F r . 66, p. 39!). 220 See Atkinson's Shah-nameh, pp. 493. 494. 2 2 1 See the attempts made to prove that Cambyses was the son of an E g y p tian princess (Herod, iii 2), and other still m o r e w o n d e r f u l attempts to show that A l e x a n d e r the Great was the son of Nectanebus. (31os. Chor. Hist. Armen. ii. 12; Syncell. Chronograph, p. 487. B.) 2 2 2 Herod, iii. 75, vii. 11; Behist. Inscr. col i par. 2. § 6. 2 2 3 Diod. Sic. ap. Phot. Bibliothec. p. 1158. 2 2 4 Herod, i. 107. OiitCri iyo.Br). 2 2 5 Nic. Dam. Fr. 60, p. 399. 2 2 6 Xen. Ci/rop. i. 2, § 1. 2 2 7 Ibid. i. 5, §§ 3-5. 2 2 8 Mos. Chor. Hist. Armen. i. 24, 25. 2 2 9 See the Behistun Inscription, col, i. par. 4, § 2. " T h e r e are eight of m y race who have been kings b e f o r e me. I am the ninth." 230 This inscription has been found on a brick brought f r o m Senkerah. See the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 200, note 9 (2nd edition). 2 3 1 Dino, F r . 7; Nic. Dam. Fr. 66; Justin. i 4-ii: 2 3 2 Xenophon's notion of a voluntary visit is quite contrary to all experience, in the East or elsewhere. 2 3 3 Compare the policy of R o m e as shown with respect to the Parthian and Armenian princes (Tacit. Ann. ii. 1-3),

MO

NAUGHT.

[CH.

VI

and to the Herods (Joseph. Ant.Jud, x v i 1. S 2; &c.). 224 Arist. Pol. v. 8, § 15. 235 'Opxr/crrpiSa';. Nic. Dam. p. 403. 236 See text, pp. 62, 63. 237 T h e religious ground is just touched in one or t w o places by Nicolas. H e makes Cyrus assign as a reason f o r his request to leave Ecbatana a desire to o f f e r sacrifice f o r the king, which apparently he cannot do anywhere but in his own country (p. 402). A n d he makes him claim that the gods h a v e stirred him up to undertake his enterprise (p. 404i. 238 Herod, i. 120. See above, note 215. 233 H e r o d , i. 107, 108, 121. 240 T h e story told by Herodotus ia quite undeserving of credit. It is a m e r e sequel to the romantic tale of Mandan6, Cyno, and the Harpagus, which he pref e r s to three other quite different st ories concerning the early life of Cyrus (i 95). T h e narrative of Nicolas ( F r 66) which is followed in the text, does not c o m e to us on v e r y high authority; but it is graphic, thoroughly Oriental, and in its main features probable. I suspect that its chief incidents came not f r o m Ctesias, but f r o m Dino. (Compare Dino, Fr. 7.) 2 4 1 Compare the behavior of Darius Hystaspis towards Histiosus (Herod, v. 24). 2 4 2 Dino (1. s. e.) made the singer of the song a certain Angares. a professional minstrel. T h e words of the song, according to him, were the f o l l o w i n g : — " A m i g h t y beast, fiercer than any wild boar, has been let depart to the marshes; who, if he gain the lordship of the country round, will in a little while be a match f o r m a n v hunters " 243 It is not unlikely that this " Chaldsean p r o p h e c y " had f o r its basis the declaration of Isaiah (xlv. 1). which would have become known to tlie Chaldfeans by their intercourse with the J e w s during the Captivity. 244 IlcuVas rby p.n)poi>. This energetic action marks well the inability of the Oriental monarchs to command their feelings. (Compare H e r o d , iii. 64; vii. 212.)

245 T h e numbers here are excessive. T o bring them within the range of probability, w e should strike off a cipher f r o m each. 2 4 8 In the narrative of Nicolas, the f a t h e r of Cyrus is called Atradates; but, as this is certainly incorrect, the n a m e has been altered in the text. 247 Scythed chariots (appara 8pe7rav7jopa), according to Nicolas; which is quite possible, as in later times they were certainlv used b v the Persians (Xen. Cyrop. vi. i. §30; viii. 8. § 24.) 248 Peitasts. according to Nicolas: that is, troops whose equipment was halfw a y between the ordinary h e a v y and light armed. 248 Kp^fipol iic 770.1*77/ feat SpVfjLoifes ai-OLC-

cir. v i . ]

THE

THIRD MONARCHY.

Aaioi re a w 6 x " s rt&av. (Nic. Dam. p. 403 ) Xepfidcrt Ibid. 201 Nic. Dam. 1. s. c. Compare Justin, i. G: I'lut. De Virt. Mulier. p. 24«, A. 232 As Strabo. xv. 3. § 8; Diod. Sic. ix. 24, | and Herod, i. 128. There is also a paragraph of Nicolas, a f t e r the lacuna, wliich is important (p. 40u). •2 5 3 xf w e may credit Diodorua, Astyages laid the blame of his defeat on his generals, whom he cruelly punished with death. This ill-judged severity produced great discontent among the troops, who threatened to mutiny in consequence (Diod. Sic. 1. s. c.) 264 Herodotus, Nicolas, and Justin all agree that Ast.yages was made prisoner a f t e r battle. (Jtesias said that he was taken in Ecbatana, where he had attempted to conceal himself in the palace (Persic. Fxc. § 2). Moses made him fall in battle with Tigranes the Armenian king (Hist. Armen. i. 28l. 255 Dan. vi. 8. Compare Esther, i. 19. 268 On the high employments tilled by Medes under the Persian Kings, see text, Fourth and Fifth Monarchies, and compare Herod, i. 156, 162; vi. 94; vii. 88; Dan. ix. 1; Beh. Inscr. col. ii. par. 14, | 6; col. iv. par. 14. § 0. 557 " T h y kingdom is divided and given to the Medes and Persians." Dan. v. 28. Compare the employment of the words o MijSos.Ta Mv)5t/ia,r ^T|St(T^.os, K.T.K. by the Greek writers, w liere the reference is really to the Persians. 258 See text, p. 105. 259 Some authorities, as Nicolas, extend the Median Empire much f u r t h e r eastward. According to this writer, not only Hyrcania and Parthia, but Bactria and Sacia (!), were provinces of the Empire governed by satraps, ivho submitted to the victorious Cyrus. But better authorities tell us t h a t Cyrus had to reduce these countries. (Herod, i. 153; Ctesias, Persic. Exc. §§ 2 and 3 ) 260 According to Herodotus, Media itself furnished to Persia 450 talents, the Caspians and their neighbors in the Ghilan country 200, the Armenians 400, the Sapeirians or Iberians 200, the Moschi, Tibareni. and other tribes on t h e Black Sea, 300. Babylonia and Assyria furnished 1000 talents between t h e m ;

579

we may suppose in about equal shares. Allowing 500 talents to As-s.vria, this would give as the sum annually raised by the Persians from satrapies previously included in Media, 2050 lalents. A f u r t h e r sum must he added for Cappadocia (included in Herodotus's third satrapy)—say 200 talents; and finally, something must be allowed for Persia, say 300 talents. We thus reach a total of 2550 talents. The satrapies contained within the Assyrian Empire a t its most flourishing period were the 4th. (Cilicia), the 5th (Syria), half the Btll (Egypt, Cyrene, &c.), the 8th (Susiana), the 9th (Assyria and Babylonia), and a part (say half) of the 10th (Media). Cilicia gave 500 talents. Syria 350, Cissia 300, Assyria and Babylonia 1000; to which may be added for half Egypt 350, and for half Media 225—total 2725 talents. 261 If we deduct f r o m the sum total of 2725 talents the 350 allowed for half Egypt, there will remain 2375 talents— 175 less than the amount which accrued to Darius f r o m the tribute of the Median provinces. 282 Fr. 66, pp. 399 and 406. 263 The " princes" appointed by Darius the Mede in Babylon (Dan. vi. 1) were not satraps, but either governors of petty districts in Babylonia, or perhaps " councillors." (See verse 7.) 264 See Vol. I. pp. 500-501. 265 If we can trust Moses, Tigranes was also " k i n g " of Armenia. 266 Such seems to be the meaning of a very obscure passage in Herodotus (i. 134, ad fin.). It m a y be doubted whether there is much t r u t h in the statement. 297 Compare note 750, Chapter IX. Vol. I., 266 Second Monarchy. Compare the case of Persia under Cambyses, Darius, and Xerxes. 289 On t h e valor of the Medes a f t e r t h e Persian conquest, see Herod, viii. 113, and Diod. Sic. xi. 6, § 3; and compare text, pp. 37-38. 2,0 See Nic. Dam. Fr. 66; pp. 404 and 406. Cyrus is represented as claiming a divine sanction to his a t t e m p t ; and Astyages is regarded as having been deprived of his kingdom by a god (iiro flmi" too)—query, Ormazd?

NOTES TO THE FOUETH MONAKCHY. C H A P T E R I. See Vol. I. pp. 2 The only diff e r e n c e between Babylonia P r o p e r und e r Nebuchadnezzar,and Chaldaea u n d e r Nimrod a n d Urukh, is t h e g r e a t e r size of t h e f o r m e r , arising- in p a r t f r o m t h e g r a d u a l g r o w t h of the alluvium seaw a r d s (Vol. I. pp. 3, 4). in p a r t f r o m the extended use of irrigation by Nebuchadnezzar along the south-western or Arabian f r o n t i e r . 2 The Susianians a p p e a r by t h e i r inscriptions to h a v e been a Cusliite race, not distantly connected with t h e domin a n t race of ancient Clialdsea. But t h e y retained their primitive c h a r a c t e r , while t h e Babylonians changed t h e i r s a n d bec a m e Semitised. 3 F r o m t h e edge of t h e alluvium to t h e p r e s e n t coast of t h e Persian Gulf is a distance of 430 miles. But 80 miles m u s t be deducted f r o m this distance on a c c o u n t of t h e growth of the alluvium d u r i n g t w e n t y - f o u r centuries. (See Vol. I. p. 3.) *a See t e x t , p. 95. J e r e m . xxvii. 3-7; xlvi. 2-26; xlix. 38-33; lii. 4-30; Dan. ii. 3S; iv. 23; viii. 1 27: 2 K. xxiv. 1-7,10-17; x x v . 1-21; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 6-20. 6 See e s p e c i a l ^ Dan. viii. 1, 2, 27. 7 J e r e m . xlvi. 2; 2 Chr. xxxv. 20. 8 J e r e m . xxvii. 3-6. Compare Ezelt. xxix. 17, 18. 8 J e r e m . xlvi. 13-26; Ezek. xxix. 19, 20.1 0 The n a m e alone is sufficient proof of this. There never w a s a n y other powerful king who bore this r e m a r k a b l e appellation. And Nabuchodonosor is the e x a c t r e n d e r i n g of t h e n a m e which t h e Hellenistic J e w s universally a d o p t e d . (See t h e Septuagint, passim; and comp a r e J o s e p h u s , Ant. Jud.iz. 6, § 1; &c.) 11 J u d i t h , i. 7. 13 Ibid, verse 1. 13 Ibid, verse 7. 14 Ibid, verse 10. 16 E x c e p t in m a k i n g Nabuchodonosor rule a t Nineveh, and b e a r sway over Persia a n d Cilida, t h e a u t h o r of t h e Book of J u d i t h seems to a p p r e h e n d correctly t h e e x t e n t of his empire. It is even conceivable t h a t , a s succeeding to Assyria in t h e south a n d west, Nebuchadnezzar m a y have claimed an aut h o r i t y over both the Persians a n d t h e Cilicians. 1

18

Beros. ap. Joseph, c. Ap. 19; 'Akov Chesney, vol. i. p. S97. 216 Famous for its abundant fish. (Chesney. vol. i. p. 395.) 217 Robinson, Later Researches, p. 548. 218 Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. xvi. p. 8; Lynch, Official Report, p. 110. This is probably the ancient Phiale, which was believed to supply the foun-

586 tain at Banias.

THE

FOURTH

MOKAUCHY.

[CH. II.

(Joseph. B. J. iii. 10, [ rod. ii. 157). The n a m e is thought to be j connected with the Arabic shedeed, " strong.'' See Vol. I. pp. 14, 15. 220 Herod, i. lb!). Xenophon calls it See Vol I. p. 136. 9 " a great city'' (iroAi; fj.eyo.Arj. Aiuib. ii. ). 242 Egypt appears to have held Syria during the IKtli and 19th dynasties (ab. Herodotus. Strabo. and Arrian B.c 1500-1250), and to have disputed its (Exp. Alex. vii. 7) place it on the Tigris. possession with Assyria from about B C. Xenophon places it on the Physcus (Hu723 to B.C. 670. In later times the Ptopnsha) or Wyaleli. 222 lemies, and in still later t h e Fatiinite Sir H. Rawlinson in the a u t h o r ' s Caliphs, ruled Syria from Egypt. In Herodotus (vol. i. p. 201, note 5, 2nd our own days the conquest was nearly edirion). 223 effected by Ibrahim Pasha Sitace is the form commonly used 243 'phe Egyptian armies readily crossby the Greeks (Xen. Anab. ii. 4, § 13; ed it during the 38th and l!)th dynasties -¿Elian, Hist. An. xvi. 42: &c.): but —the Assyrians tinder Sargon and his Stephen of Byzantium has PsittacS. In successors—the Persians under Camt h e cuneiform inscriptions the n a m e is byses. Darius, Artaxerxes Longimanus, read as Patstta, without t h e Scythic Mnemon and Artaxerxes Oclius — the guttural ending. 224 Greeks under Alexander and his sucSittacene is m a d e a province of cessors—the Arabians under Amroti and Babylonia by Strabo (xv. 3, § 12). In Saladin—the French under Napoleon. Ptolemy it is a province of AssjTia As the real desert does not much exceed (Geograph vi. 1). 225 a hundred miles in breadth, armies can Abydenus ap. Euseb. Prosv. Ev. ix. carry with t h e m sufficient food, forage, 41.226 and water. Damascus, though destroyed by 244 Tiglatli-Pileser II., probably soon rose See text, p. 134. f r o m its ruins, and again became an im245 F o r the i.-aval power of Egypt a t portant city. this time, see Herod, ii. 161 and 182. 227 For a'good description of the situCHAPTER II. ation of Susa see Loftns, Chaldoaa and 1 Susiana. p. 347. Compare the Journal See text, pp. 22-25. 2 of the Geographical Society, vol. ix. pp. See Vol. I. pp. 139, 140. s 68-71. The average elevation of the Mons 228 Herod, v. B-3. Strabo ascribes the Masius is estimated at 1300 feet. (Ainsfoundation to Tithonus, Memnon's fathworth. Researches in Mesopotamia, p. er (xv. 3. § 2). 29.) Some of its peaks are of course 229 Diod. Sic. ii. 22: iv. 75: Pausan. x. considerably higher. Amanus is said to 31.230§ 2. obtain an elevation of 5387 feet. (Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. Geographical Journal, vol. ix. p. 384.) The greatest height of Lebanon is 89.2 3 1 10,200 feet (Nat. History Review, No. V. Herod, i. 188; Plutarch, De Exsil. p. Ill; its average height being f r o m p. 601, D; Athen. Deipnosoph. ii. p. 171. 6000 feet to 8000. Hermon is thought to Milton's statement— be not much less t h a n 10,000. (Porter, " There Susa by Choaspes' a m b e r Handbook, p. 455.) stream, 4 See Vol. I. pp. 18-20 and 139, 140. The drink of none but kings," 6 Loftus, Chaldaia and Susiana, p. is an exaggeration: f o r which,however, 332. For the great heat of the region there is some classical authority. (Soin ancient times, see Strabo, xv. 3. § 10. linus. Poll/hist, § 41.) «Loftus. pp. 304, 311, &c.; Kinneir, 232 Loftus, Chaldcca and Susiana, Persian Empire, p. 107. 7 1. 2s.3 3c. This is the t e m p e r a t u r e of the serDan. viii. 2. daubs a t Baghdad, when the tempera234 Ibid, verse 27. ture of the open air is about 120°. (See 236 There never was m u c h ground for Vol. I. p. 18.) 8 this identification, since Carchemish, Kinneir. 1. s. c. 9 " the fort of Chemosh," is clearly quite Mr. Loftus says: " T h e t e m p e r a t u r e a distinct name f r o m Cir-cesium. The was high, but it was perfectly delightful latter is perhaps a mode of expressing compared with the f u r n a c e we h a d the Assyrian Sirki. recently quitted a t Mohammerah." 23c See Vol. I. p. 385. (Chaldata and Susiana, p. 307.) 237 The importance of Tyre a t this Loftus, pp. 200, 307; Kinneir, p. 106. 11 time is strongly marked by the propheKinneir, p. 107. cies of Ezekiel (xxvi. 3-21: xxvii. 2-36; "13 Loftus. p. 310; Kinneir, 1. s. c. xxviii. 2-19: &c.), which barely mention Kinneir, 1. s c. 14 Sidon (xxviii. 21-23; xxxii. 30). "Nowhere."' says Mr. Loftus, " have 238 The strength of Aslidod. or Azotus, I seen such rich vegetation as that which was signally shown by its long resistclothes the verdant plains of Shush" ance to t h e a r m s of Psammetichus (He(p. 346). " I t was difficult to ride along

CH. I I . ]

THE FOURTH

t h e S h a p u r . " w r i t e s Sir H . R a w l i n s o n , " f o r t h e l u x u r i a n t g l a s s that, c l o t h e d i t s h a u l « : a n d all a r o u n d t h e plain « a s c o v e r e d w i i h a c a r p e t of t h e r i c h e s t verd u r e " (Join mil of the Geuyi aphical Society, vol. ix p. 71.) 15 C h e s n e y . Euphr. Exp. vol. i. p . 533. 16 Ibid, p."534; R o b i n s o n , Researches. vol. ii. p. 97; Grove, in S m i t h ' s Biblical Dictionary, vol. ii. p . 092; J o s e p h u s , B. J. iv. 8. § 3. 17 C h e s n e y , 1. s. c . ; G r o v e , p . 693. 18 CorrespondWeetzen, vol. ii. p. 300; aiice de Napoleon, No. 3993. 19 Grove, 1. s. c. 20 R o b i n s o n , Researches, vol. iii. p p . 221, 282. &c. 21 G r o v e , 1. s. c . ; R o b i n s o n , vol. ii. p . 99. 22 R o b i n s o n . 1. s. c. 23 L a y a r d , Nineveh and Babylon, p. 354. 24 C h e s n e y , Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 578. 25 W i l d e n b r u c h , a s q u o t e d b y Mr. G r o v e in S m i t h ' s Biblical Dictionary, vol. ii. p. 692 26 K i n n e i r , Persian Empire, p. 86; L o f t u s . Ckaldüea and Susiana, p. 211. 27 B e a u f o r t , vol. ii. p. ¿23. 28 L o f t u s , 1. s. c. 29 Kiuneir, 1. s. c. 30 See N i e b u h r . Description de VArable, p p . 7 , 8 ; B u r c k h a r d t , Travels,-p. 19!; C h e s n e v , Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p p . 5^9. 580. 31 See t h e d e s c r i p t i o n of D i o n y s i u s t h e g e o g r a p h e r a t t h e h e a d of t h e t e x t of t h i s c h a p t e r , a n d c o m p a r e H e r o d , i. 193; A m i n . Marc. x x i v . 3; Z o s i m . iii. p p . 173179 32 "EKirvpov Kai Kav/iaTripov. S t r a b . XV. 3, §10. 33 Ibirl. T a i yovv o-aupas xai tou? oQai'eLv ra? o 5 o r a s ev r f j 7roAct äAA' ef /xecraLS irepLcjiXiyeaQat.. ' 3 4 B e v a n , in S m i t h ' s Biblical Dictionary, vol. i. p. 631; S t a n l e y , Sinai and Palestine, p. 121. 35 See a n a r t i c l e o n " T h e C l i m a t e of P a l e s t i n e in M o d e r n c o m p a r e d t o A n cient- T i m e s , " in t h e Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, April, 1862. 38 B e r o s u s , B'r. 1, § 2. st See Vol. I. p p . 20-22. sb Niebulir s a y s s t r i k i n g l y o n t h i s sub- j j e c t : " Woher also k o m m t d a s Getreide? E s ist eine u n m i t t e l b a r e A u s s t a t t u n g des menschlichen S t a m m e s d u r c h Gott ; allen ist e t w a s g e g e b e n ; d e n A s i a t e n g a b er eigentliches Korn, den Americanerri Mais. D i e s e r U m s t a n d v e r d i e n t e r n s t l i c h e E r w ä g u n g ; e r ist e i n e d e r h a n d g r e i f l i c h e n S p u r e n von d e r Erzieh u n g des menschlichen Geschlechtes durch Gottes unmittelbare Leitung und Vorsehung" (Vorträge über alte Geschichte, vol. i. p. 21.) 39 Millet, w h i c h is o m i t t e d b y B e r o s u s , is m e n t i o n e d a m o n g B a b y l o n i a n p r o d u c t s b y H e r o d o t u s (i. 193).

MONARCHY.

587

i> e&pewv jroAAwf, fj.aXLCrra 7rpocrKe^a)p7jKQTaiV aV7ru> KoX aWvtv edveoiv fiapfiapiiivv. 7 Herod, i. 106, 178; iii. 92.

590

THE

FOURTH

11 ON

A11CHY.

[cir. iri.

8 The most i m p o r t a n t work of this chis (ad Arist. De Ccelo. i i . p . 123) quoted kind is the representation of a Babyloa t length (note 78, Chapter V., vol. I., nian kins' (probably J l e r o d a c h - a d a u a k h i ) First Monarchy). 24 I'hn.H. i\. vii.56; Diod. Sic. ii. 30, §2. on a black stone* iii the British Museum 2 5 [ P l . X V l l I . J . Other instances are—1. the Strab. xvi 1. § (!. 2 6 Isaiah xlvii w a r r i o r and the p n e s t in the tablet 13: Dan. ii. 2; Diod. f r o m Sir-Pai-i-Zohab |P1. XXIV. Fig. 1 J, Sic. ii. 29, § 2; Strab. 1. s. c.; Viti uv. ix. which, however, is p e r h a p s rather Cu4; &c. 27 Strabo (1. s. c.), a f t e r s p e a k i n g of shite than Semitic; 2. the mail accompanying- the Babylonian hound (Layard, the ChaklEean astronomers, s a y s : npo0), m a y p e r h a p s not rest oil d a t a distinct f r o m tho.->e of Herodotus. These writers m a y merely soften down t h e cubits of H e r o d o t u s into feet. Herod, i. 178. 65 Strab. 1. s. e ; Q. Curtius, v. 1. 66 Ap. Diod. Sic. ii. 7, § 3. 57 See t h e passages quoted in n o t e 53. Pliny and Soiinus m a k e t h e royal f o o t exceed t h e c o m m o n one by t h e s a m e a m o u n t (3 Angers' b r e a d t h ) b y which H e r o d o t u s r e g a r d s t h e royal as exceeding t h e c o m m o n cubit. 58 Philostr. Vit. Alex. Tyan. i. 25. M Q. Curt. 1. s. c. 60 Diod. Sic. ii. 7, § 4. 61 Strab. xvi. 1, § 5. 02 This is M. O p p e r t ' s view. (See his Expédition scientifique en Mésopotamie. torn. i. p. 325.) T h e a u t h o r of t h e p r e s e n t work was, h e believes, t h e first t o suggest it. (See his article on Babylon in Dr. S m i t h ' s Biblical Dictionary, vol. i. p. 150.) On t h e whole, however, t h e view a p p e a r s t o him n o t to be tenable. 6S W i t h o u t reckoning t h e late a n d absurd Orosius, who gave t h e wall a b r e a d t h of 375 f e e t (Hist. ii. 6), or t h e blundering Scholiast on J u v e n a l (Sut. x. 171), who reversed t h e n u m b e r s of Pliny and Soiinus, f o r the height a n d breadth, it m u s t be said t h a t t h e r e a r e really f o u r different estimates f o r t h e h e i g h t , and t h r e e f o r t h e width of t h e walls. See t h e subjoined table.

E s t i m a t e s of Height.

H e r o d o t u s (200 royal cubits).. Ctesias (50 f a t h o m s ) P l i n y (200 royal feet) Soiinus (ditto) •.. P h i l o s t r a t u s (3 h a l f - p l e t h r a ) . Q. Curtius (100 cubits) Clitarchus (50 cubits) S t r a b o (ditto)

= — = = = = = =

[CH. IT.

E s t i m a t e s of Width. Feet. 335 / 300 j 235 I 235 ) 150 ) 150 f 75 I 75)

.. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

(50 royal cubits) (unknown) (50 royal feet) (ditto) (less t h a n a plethron) (33 feet) (unknown) (32 feet)

Feet. 85 60) 60 f 32 1 v 83 j

64 69 See Arist. Pol. iii. 1. Towv'nj 8' !cr ws See H e r o d o t u s ' s description (1. s. c.) 70 Q. Curtius says lOfeet (v. 1); Strabo, eo-Tt1 Kal Ba/SuAwr, Kai TracTO. i)7ts TreptypatfjrjV 10 cubits (xvi. 1. § 5). ¿X^ ^aAAor eOvovs i) 7roArai?- r/i ye . 149 t a n c e of n e a r l y t h r e e miles t h e r e is alI t is m o r e usual in Babylonia for m o s t a n u n i n t e r r u p t e d line of mounds, t h e angles of a temple-tower to f a c e t h e t h e ruins of v a s t edifices, collected tocardinal points. But f o r the astronomigether as in the heart of a great city." cal purposes which t h e lowers sub128 served (Diod. Sic. 1. s. c.) it w a s indifferM Oppert (Expédition scientifique, e n t which a r r a n g e m e n t w a s adopted. Maps) calls t h e whole m a s s of ruins 150 f r o m Babil to A m r a n t h e " c i t é royale See t e x t . p. 173. d e Baby lone." i 6 ' Herod, i. 180, 181. 129 162 Hes. Op. et. D 1. 40. Ibid. 130 153 Berosus, Fr. 14. Th.s opinion was first p u t f o r w a r d 131 According t o M. Oppert. several by Mr. liich. See his First Memoir on p a v e m e n t slabs f o u n d on t h e K a s r Babylon, pp. 51-56; Second Memoir, pp. m o u n d b e a r t h e following inscription: 30-34. His views were opposed by Ma" Grand palace of Nebuchadnezzar, king jor Rennell in an article published in of Babylon, son of Nabopolassnr, king t h e Archce.ologia, London, 1816. T h e y of Babylon, who walked in t h e worship were reasserted and warmly d e f e n d e d of t h e gods Nebo and Merodach, his b y Sir R Ker P o r t e r in 1822 (Travels, lords. ' ' See t h e Expédition scientifique, vol. ii. pp. 316-327). Heeren a d o p t e d torn i. p 149. t h e m in 1821, in the f o u r t h edition of 132 his Reflections (Asiatic Nations, vol. ii. L a v a r d . Nineveh and Babylon, p. 506. The bricks a r e all laid with the in- \ pp. 172-375): and a b o u t 1826 Niebuhr spoke f a v o r a b l y of t h e m in his lectures scription downwards. a sure sign tiiat (Vortrage, vol i. p. 30). Recently t h e y t h e y h a v e never been d i s t u r b e d , b u t have been maintained and copiously ilremain as N e b u c h a d n e z z a r ' s builders l u s t r a t e d b3r M. Oppert ( E x p e d i t i o n placed t h e m . scientifique. torn. i. pp. 200-2161. 133 Berosus. F r . 14. B a c r i A e i a . . . ¡¡v 154 to fxèv à T r r / , u a xai ry]i: e-repay TroAvreAeiar So Ker Porter, vol. ii. p 3:7: Hee7repLCraw Icjajç at- eiri A e y t i p . *ren, As. Nut. vol. ii. p. 174: Oppert, in 134 Diod. Sic. ii. S. S 0. Dr. S m i t h ' s Biblical Dictionaru, vol. iii. 135 p. 1554. L a v a r d , Nineveh and Babylon, p. 155 507: O p p e r t . Expédition scientifique, Rich, m e a s u r i n g t h e present ruins, torn, i pp. 343-145. Portions of a, lion, | supposed that t h e dimensions of t h e of a lior.-e. and of a h u m a n face, h a v e i Birs would correspond sufficiently with been distinctly recognized. | those of t h e 1'elus temple {First Memoir, 1:18 11 Oppert agrees on this point with , p. 49); but Sir E . Rawlinson found, on tunnelling into the m o u n d , that the oriMr. Lavard and Sir H e n r y Kavvlinson ginal base of t h e Bu s t o w e r wasa square (Expedition, ton!, i. pp. 140-156). 137 of only 272 feet. T h e Belus t e m p l e was M. Oppert I E x p é d i t i o n , torn. i. pp. a square of 606 feet. 157-1(>7) a r g u e s t h a t t h e Mound of Am15« To meet this a r g u m e n t . M. O p p e r t ran n-presents t h e ancient •• h a n g i n g h a s invented t h e t e r m Bel-Nebo, f o r g a r d e n s ' ' But his own e s t i m a t e of its area is 15 h e c t a r e s ('37 acres), while t h e ' which there is absolutely no foundation. 157 a r e a or t h e " ha aging g a r d e n s ' ' was less : See th»' a u t h o r ' s Berodottts. vol. ii. than f< •nr acre« according to Strabo (xvi. j p. 4B5. 2nd ed. 1, § 5} and i-)iodocns ;ii. in. ^ 2). 15S See Berosus. Fr. 14; Strab. xvi. 1, i>TOS. 1 s C lIpoo-KaTca-Kevatre Torç 7; Arrian. I-r 20; J u s t i n , xii. 13; Steph. ira7pLKOL2* A r i s t o p h . Nub. 746-743, ed. L a j a r d . PI xiii. No. 5. i-o See D a n i e l , iii. 1; v. 4; H e r o d , i. 103 L a j a r d . PI x x i x . No. 1. 181-183; Diod. Sic ii. 8. ( ¡ 7 : 9 . « 5. 10,1 '¡ in-' u p p e r line h a s b e e n o m i t t e d , 130 H e r o d , i. 186; D i o d . Sir. ii. 10, § 5. 131 a s containing n o t h i n g q u a i n t or groA s in t h e p i e r s of t h e g r e a t b r i d g e . tesque, ( H e r o d . 1. s. c.) i»-' H e r o d , i. 183. Kstek. x x i i i 1-1 100 I b i d v e r . 18. " A s s o o n a s s h e s a w 1 3 3 S^upiiAara, Diod. Sic. ii. 9, § 5. t h e m with her eyes she doted upon is« S e e t e x t , p 192. them." Nebuchadnezzar states frequently 107 Diod. Hie. ii 8. § fi. Zràa n-ai'ToSawa • t h a t , (lie « a i l s of h i s b u i l d i n g s a r e rfr i À Q 7 e X e lu Ç Tot ç Te ^pui^a.et ica't TOIÇ TCOV c l o t h e d w i t h s i l v e r . " I i 3 « H e r o d , i. 179; Diod. Sic. ii. S, § 7. TvtTiuv iTToiiin'tjiiCKTt. naTtirKevacrnéva.

CH. V . ]

THE FOURTH

137 T h e y are said to have been opened by a machine. (Diod. 8ie. 1. s. c.) 138 Like those made by Herod the Great for the Temple (Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 5, § 3), which required 30 men to close them (ibid. vi. fi, § 8». W e have no certain representations of Babylonian town-gates; but those drawn by the Assyrians are always solid. 138 This gate and g a t e w a y are represented upon a cylinder figured by La- j jard. (Culte de Mithra, PI. xli. fig 5.) See the figure of a king [PI. X V I I I . : Fig. 2], The bracelets ha\re the almost ; invariable rosette of the Assyrians [PI. CX1V. Fig. 8, Vol. I.|. The dagger handles are like those figured [PI. C V I I . Fig. 6, Vol. I.]. 141 Ker Porter. Travels, vol. i. p. 425. " a See Pis. X V I I I . Fig. 1. and PI. X X I . ; See the Travels, vol. ii. PI. 80, fig. 4. ; 144 Birch, Ancient Pottery, vol. i. p. 141. Compare the specimens of Assyr- I ian pottery represented in the first I volume of the present work. j 145 Birch, 1. s. c. 146 See Lajard, Pis. xxxiii. fig. 1: x x x v . fig. 3: and liv. A, fig. 9. 147 Birch, Ancient Pottery, vol. i. p. 148. I 148 See PI. X X . Fig. 3, where both vases are thus ornamented. , 149 Several small glass bottles were i found by Mr. Layard in the mound of 1 Babil. (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 503.) | Broken glass is abundant in the rubbish of the mounds generally. (Rich, First ; Memoir, p. 29; Ker Porter, Travels, vol. ii. p. 392.) • 150 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. ! iii. p. 101. i £ i Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 5. 152 Athen. Deipi1. v. p. 197; Arrian, Exp. Al. vi. 29. 1C3 Athen. 1. s. c. 154 Arrian, 1. s. c. 135 The " g o o d l y Babylonish g a r m e n t " coveted by Achan in Palestine shortly i after the Exodus of the Jews (Josh. vii. : 21) is indicative of the early celebrity of Babylonian apparel. is« Strab. xvi. 1, § 7. i " Herod, i. 195. 1 55 See Plat. Epinom. p. 987: Hipparch. ap. Procl. in Tim. p. 71, ed. Schneider; Phcenix Coloph. ap. Athen. Deipn. xii. 1 p 530. E : Diod. Sic. ii. 31; do. De Div. i. 1; Plin. i f . A7", vi. 28: Blanil. i. 40-45; &c. The late Sir Cornewall Lewis questioned the truth of this belief, and asserted that " t h e later Greeks appear to have been wanting in that national spirit which leads modern historians of science to contend for the claims of their own countrymen to inventions and j discoveries." But he failed to adduce | any sufficient proof of this strange idiosyncrasy of the later Greeks, which in ms own'mind seems to have rested on a j conviction that the lively, intelligent [ Greeks could not have been so indebted as they said they were to " t h e obtuse, ,

MONARCHY.

599

nninventive, and immovable intellect of Orientals." (Astronomy of the Ancients, pp. 290. 291.) J09 Compare Cic. De Div. 1. s. e. " Principio, Assyrii, ut ab ultimis auctoritatem repetam, propter planitiem magnitudinemque regionum quas incolebant. cum coelum ab omni parte patens atque apertum intuerentur, trajectiones iiiotusque stellarum observitaverunt."' 160 The cosmogony of the Babylonians, as described by Berosus, has the air of a very high antiquity about it. In this document the " f i v e planets" are distinctly mentioned. (Beros. Fr. i, § 6.) The planetary character of the five gods. N111, Mei'odach, Xergal, Ishtar. and Nebo. belongs even to Proto-Chaldsean times. (See Vol. I. pp. 86-92.) 161 Exce pting ce i't ain msignifican t portions which intervene between one constellation and another. The stars in these portions are called " u n f o r m e d stars." The letters of the Greek alphabet are assigned to the several stars in each constellation; a to the largest. /3 to the next largest, and so 011. Thus astronomers speak of "(3 Virginis." " y P i s c i u m . " " fi L y r a ; . " and thereby indicate to each other distinctly the particular star about which they have something to say. tSee Fergusson's Astronomy, p. 232.1 183 Sir John Herschel observes that a proper system of constellations is valuable " as an artificial m e m o r y . " (Outlines of Astronomy, p. 181, note.) 61 • Astronomers are said at the present day to " t r e a t lightly or altogether to disregard " the outlines of men and monsters which figure on our celestial globes; anil the actual arrangement is said to cause confusion and inconvenience. (Herschel. 1. s. c.t But the terminology is still used, and a Leonis, 3 Scorpii. &e., remain the sole expressions by which the particular stars can be designated. 185 'f>ile stellar character of such monuments [PI. XXI.j is sufficiently indicated by the central group, where the male and female sun and the crescent moon are clearly represented. 1 96 The " H o u s e s of the Moon,"' or divisions of the lunar Zodiac, are said to have been known also both to the Chinese and the Indians. " 67 Geminus. § 15. The exact period is '8 years, 10 days, 7 hours, and 43 m utes. Matjn. Syntax, iii. 6. i f 9 lb. iv. 5, 8: v. 14. 1 7 0 Even if we set aside the testimony of Porphyry, recorded by Simplicius (ad Arist. De Coelo, p. 503. A), on account of the exaggerated number of the Greek text (Lewis. Astronomy of the Ancient's, p. 286). we have still important testimony to the antiquity of the Babylonian observations: 1. in the words of Aristotle, oi -na-Kat Terijp^Korcs etc i r A e t f f r w p

f>00

THE FOURTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. V I .

TTV*vfjio.Twv jueye^p &t)\ovv avrovs (i. e. rev? aaTepas), irork 8e OfxjSpajf r) Kavp-arwr vnep/3oAas. ear 1 8e ore kojlltjtwv aarepwv ¿TTiraAa?. exi Se yjXiov re Kal creATJVTJ? eicAeii/zets, KGLL CREITRFAOVS, Kai TO (rvvokov 7raa"as Tas IK TOV Trepte^oi'Tos "yerpco^ieVas irepiaracreis u>(/>e171 Magn. Xifxovi Te Kai ^Aa/3epas ov fiovoi' ZQvecri KaX Syntax, iii. 6. Eis TT]V ¿ P X V TOTTOti, aAAa Kai /3acriAeu(7c /cat TOi? tv^ouTOD Na/3orao"(rcipov iSacriAeLaç . . . où ITW iSitoTais. Xpovov xat Taç 7raAalàç TTjpïjtreiç e^o/Aev ii>ç 193 Lists of these two kinds have been ¿TrÎTTav fié^pi èeûpo ùLai/ ïj^âvLCHAPTER VI. aef. 1 Herod, i. 195. Scholiast, ad Arat. 752. 2 Ibid. Aristot. De Cœlo, ii. 12, § 3. The fiirpa. of Herodotus in this 175 Herod. ii. 100. passage is general ly regarded as a turbn n, 1 , 8 See Yince's Astronomy, vol. ii. p. but the monuments make it almost cer251. tain that this view is incorrect. Neither 177 Ibid. The exact length of the in the Assyrian nor in the Babylonian Chaldsean year is said to have been 365 remains is there any representation of a days, 6 hours, and 11 minutes, which is turban. But the head-band or fillet is an excess of two seconds only over the common. The ordinary meaning of true (sidereal) year. /airpa is " a fillet." 178 Ibid. 1. s. c. 3 Unless the figure represented (PI. X. Vince quotes Diodorus as his authority, but I have not been Fig. 1) is that of a mortal, which is someable to find the passage. what doubtful. 179 Aristot. De Cœlo, 1. s. c. * See PI. X X I I I . Fig. 5. 180 Diod. Sic. ii. 31, § 5. 6 See Layard. Nineveh and Babylon, 181 The arrangement of the great p. 527; Birch, Ancient Pottery, vol. i. p. temple at Borsippa, already described, 147. 6 This cylinder is represented in full is a sufficient proof of the statement in the text. by Mr. Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, 182 The astronomical tablets discoverp. 538). Other examples of the simple ed in Mesopotamia have now for some tunic will be found I PI. XXIV. Fig. 3J; time occupied the attention of Sir H. Cullimore, PI. vii. No. 30; PI viii. No. Kawlinson. It is to be hoped that he 39; PI. xii. No. 64; PI. xix. No. 98, &c. will give to the world, before many 7 Lajard, PI. Iii. fig. 1. Compare Culmonths are past, the results of his limore, PI. viii. No. 39. studies. They cannot fail to be highly 8 Lajard, PI. xxxvi. fig. 13; PI. xl. interesting. fig. 1. 183 See text. p. 208. s See the representation of a king TPl. 184 See Aristoph. Acharn. 653: Vest). X V I I I . Fig. 2]. 10 Such a boot appears to be worn by 93. 827. j 185 Sir G. C. Lewis went so far as to ! the soldier represented [PI. X X I I . Fig. deny to the Babylonians, in general terms, the use of any instruments what>> Compare PI. IV. Fig. 4. 12 Herod, i. 195. 'YiroSijixa ejrixwpioi\ soever. (Astronomy of the Ancients, 13 See Ezek. xxiii. 15. pp. 277, 278.) (See the pas-, 186 See Vol. I. p. 234. sage quoted at the head of text of this 187 Strab. xvi. 1, § 6. chapter.) Girdles are worn in almost 188 See Diod. Sic. ii. 30, § 2; 31, § 1; every representation of a Babylonian Cic. De Viv. i. 1; ii. 42; Clitarch. ap. upon the monuments. 14 Herod, i. 195. Diog. Laert. Proem. § 6; Theophrast. ap. The seals of the P r o d . Comment, in Plat. Tim. p. 285, ; Babylonians have been already describF. ; and compare Isaiah xlvii. 33, Dai ed at some length. (See text, p. 202.) ii. 2, &c. They were probably worn 011 a string 189 Strab. 1. s. c.; Sext. Empir. A .. round the wiist. (Compare Vol. I. p 68.) Math. v. 27; Vitruv. ix. 4; Cic. De j j. No clear trace has been found of Babyii. 42; &c. lonian walking-sticks; but it is observ160 Many of the ancient astrologers reable '".hat the court officers at Persepolis garded the momer^ of conception as the are universally represented with sticks true natal hour, ari 1 cast the horoscope in their hands. in reference to that point of time. (See " See PI. CXIV. Fig. 4, Vol. I. Letronne, Observations sur un Zodiaque 16 The artist has not represented this égyptien, p. 84, note 2.) tendency sufficiently. It is nearly as 181 Diod. Sic. ii. 31,11. Compare Sext. marked on the Black Stone as on the Emp. 1. s. c.; Censonn. § 8: Hor. Od. ii. frieze represented [PI. XV. Fig. 2], 17 The similarity of this head-dress to 17, 17-22; Juv. Sat. xiv. 248. 142 Diod. Sic. ii. 30, § 5. Ilori fièv yàp that worn by the winged bulls and lions ë r ai v. . . . Ba$v\iovioi ( De Ccelo, ii. 13, § 3 ; in those of Diodorus quoted at the head of the text of this chapter; 3 in those of the author of the Platonic Epinomis (§ 9, p. 987), of Pliny, Cicero, and others (See above, note 158.)

CH. V I . ]

THE FOURTH MO NAUGHT.

at, Khorsabad and Koyunjik. adopted afterwards by the Persians at Persepolis (Flandin, torn. ii. Pis. l x x x i . lxxxii. &c.), is remarkable. 18 As was the tiara of the Assyrians. (Vol. I. p. 281.) 19 A necklace is worn by the king represented on the Sir-i-Zohab tablet [PI. X X I V . Fig. 1], but he is thought to be one of the Proto-Chaldsean monarchs. so« Fr. 10. See the Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. iii. p. 360. 21 A sort of collar or necklace is often worn b y a god. ( L a j a r d , Culte de Mitlira, pi. x x x v i i . fig. 1; pi. xxxviii. figs. 2 and 3; & aaTpovo^LKoiv yevT] irAeuo* teat yap Herod, i. 185. QpXtfvoi Ttcey TrpotrayopevovTai Kai Bopcri7r«92 Diod. Sic. 1. s. c. vyjpoLi Stl-ab. xvi. 1, § 9. Bafleia yap lj yrj 72 Dan. i. 20; ii. 2; iv. 7; &o. Kai iJ.a\aKaj] Kai eve'vSOTOS. 73 93 Berosus s p e a k s of t h e " c h i e f of t h e Herod, i. 193; Strab. xvi. 1,'§ 14. 94 Chaldasans" (TOP ¡}\tip.a.Ttoi>. Aplaro- 1 0 8 Xen. Anab. ii 3, § 55. 107 ^ovAo? Se TOVfavTiov (fryjeri toii? reppWou? ra Strab. xvi. 1, §7. Ta Bopo-iVira Up a 7roAAa cr^eSiaw ets rr/r Baj3uAto^tai' ejUTropeu7TOALS earl . . . tt\t]6vovoii>LKioi> . . . t o fxev *ap7u>AOy, t o Se axapttov uti> 01 nepl Ba.SuAaji'a Tas Te xAtyac KO.L Ta aAAa CKCV7] iroiovvTai. 143 Ibid. v. 4 a n d 7.

CHAPTER VII. 12 Compare Vol. I. pp. 73-93. Ibid. pp. 93-96. 3 Compare the priest on U r u k h ' s cylinder [PI. XIV. Fig. 2, Vol. I.] with those represented in PI. XXIII. Fig. 6. 4 See text, p. 224. 6 Among t h e titles given by Nebuchadnezzar to Merodach a r e the following:— " the g r e a t lord," " the first-born of t h e gods," " t h e most ancient," " t h e supporter of sovereignty." " t h e king of the heavens and t h e e a r t h . " 6 This m a y be concluded f r o m t h e f a c t t h a t in the time of Cyrus the great temple a t Babylon was known uniformly as the temple of Belus. It receives some confirmation f r o m t h e f u r t h e r f a c t t h a t Nabonidus gave his eldest son a n a m e (Belshazzar) which placed him under Bel's protection. 7 See Vol. I. p. 91, and c o m p a r e the a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. i. pp. 496, 497, 2nd edition. 8 This is sufficiently a p p a r e n t f r o m the native monuments. It is confirmed by the Jewish writers. (See Isaiah xlvi. I': J e r e m . 1. 2; Ii. 44.) 9 Nabo-polassar,iVefet(-chadnezzar, and iia&o-nidus. i° ia&o-rosoarchod. which stands perh a p s f o r Nabo rosoarchod, a s Luby-netus for iV«fto-nahid or Nabonidus. 11 See 2 Kings xxv. 8; J e r e m . xxxix. 3 and 13. 12 Abed-nego is a n a m e which a d m i t s of no Semitic derivation. It has indeed been explained as equivalent to Ebedmelech (Arab. Abdulmalik). which m e a n s " the servant of the k i n g ; " but the only ground f o r this U the Abyssinian negus, " k i n g , " which b e c a m e naqa in Aehsemenian Persian, but of which t h e r e is no t r a c e in either Babylonian or Assyrian. 13 The J e w s seem often to have played with the n a m e s of the heathen gods in a spirit of scorn and contumely. Thus Zir-banit becomes Succoth-benoth, " tents of d a u g h t e r s " (2 K. xvii. 30); Nebo becomes in one place Nibhaz, " the b a r k e r " (ibid, verse 31); An unit becomes Anammelech, to chime with Adrammelech (ibid.), &c. Similarly T a r t a k m a y be suspected to be a derisive corrup! tion ot Tir, and Nisroch of Nergal, who

604

TUE

FOURTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VIII.

39 Ibid. p. 531. Ibid. p. 514. See Cullimore's Cylinders, pi. xviii. " i * See Vol. I. p. 80. 16 Jerem. xxxix. 3. Nos. 9- to 95: pi. xxii. Nos. 113 and 115. Compare Lajard, CtUte de Mithra, pis. i« The narrative in the Apocryphal xxxv. fig. 3; liv. A, fig. 12; liv. B, fig. 15. Daniel, which forms the first part of 42 See Vol. I. p. 83, where the same our Book of Bel and the Dragon," usage is assigned to the early Chalthough probably not historical, seems dseans. to be written by one well acquainted 43 Ibid. p. 84. with Babylonian notions. The king in 44 See PI. XIX. Fig. 4, Vol. I. the narrative evidently regards the idol 45 See PI. XIX. Fig. 3, Vol. I. as the eater of the victuals. 4a See PI. XXI. Figs. 1 and 2, Vol. I. 17 aui. oi avTol o{iroi |ol XaASatot] rov 47 See PI XIX. Fig. 7, Vol. I. Seov avrbv ijiotrfv èç rov ryov, k.t.A. (He48 See the engraving of a cylinder [PI. rod. i. 18:2.) X X I V . Fig. 3], is Herod, i. 181. 49 The two last-named emblems are 19 See the passage of Daniel quoted at uncommon. For the bee see Cullimore, the head of the text of this chapter. 20 This appears to have been the case pi. xxii. No. 117. and pi. xxiv. No. 129. For the spearhead, Cullimore, pi. xxvii. f r o m the description of the image of No. 147. Be! in the Apocryphal Daniel. (OCroç 60 Bit-Ana is certainly " t h e house of ètraldev fxèv éori nrjAoç. c£u>0ee &è ^(xA/côç. Apoc. Dan. xiv. 6.) Bronze hammered the god Anu or Ana." who was worwork, laid over a model made of clay shipped at Erech in conjunction with mixed with bitumen, has been found in Beltis. (See Vol. I. p. 75.) Bit-Parra Assyria. (See Vol. I. p. 224.) may be " t h e house of Ph' R a , " or " the 21 Sir H. Rawlinson in the author's Sun." (Sir H. Rawlinson in the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 501, note 3, 2nd ediHerodotus (vol. i. p. 517. 2nd edition). 22 See text, pp. 189-193. tion.) The meaning of the other terms 23 According to the Apocryphal Daniel has cot even (so f a r as I am aware) been conjectured. seventy priests were attached to the great Temple of Bel at Babylon. Apoc. CHAPTER VIII. Dan. xiv. 9.) si Ibid, verses 14. 19, and 20. The fact > See Vol. I. pp. 99, 100. 2 Compare Vol. I. p. 878. is implied in Diodorus's statement that the priests were a caste. (Diod. Sic. ii. * An account of these wars has been 29, § 4.) already given in the History of Assyria. 36 Arrian, Exp. Alex. vii. 16. (See Vol. I. pp. 381, 382. 26 The goat is the ordinary sacrificial 4 Herod, v. 52. 6 Compare Vol. I. pp. 392. 393. animal on the cylinders; but occasion8 Compare Vol. I. pp. 393, 394. ally we see an ox following the worship7 Asshur-izir-pal tells us tliat, about per. (See Cullimore. pi xi. No. 60.) 27 See the figures of priests [Pl. X X I I I . the 3^ear b c. 880, be recovered and reFig. «]. built a city on the Diyaleh, which a Ba58 Herod, i. 183. bylonian "king named Tsibir had de2 » See Pl. X X I V . Fig. 3. Compare stroyed at a remote period. (See Vol. I. Macrob. Sat. i. 23. " Vehitur enim simup. 3!W ) 8 The passage in Macrobius is curious lachrum dei Heliopohtani ferculo, uti vehuntur in pompa hidorum Circensium | a.nd seems worth giving at length. " A s deorum simulachra." The " d e n s Hesyrii quoque." says this writer. "'Solem liopolitanus" is the Sun-God of Sippara. sub nomine Jovis, quern Dia H'eliopoliten cognominant. maximis ca?remouiis so Herod, i. 183. celebrant in civitate quae Hehopolis si Dan v. 1-4. 32 Herod, i. 191. Aérerai . . . nuncupatur. Ejus dei simulacrum Te roc xpoi'oi' TOUT of Kai ( v €VIRA0EIFLy}v tt}v fia.(TlAetav vnb rov is f u r t h e r considerable discrepancy a s /3cXtlcttov avTuiv, K . T . A . 70 t o t h e l e a d e r s e n g a g e d in t h e siege. A s J e r e m i a h , Ezekiel, t h e a u t h o r s A b y d e n u s a n d P o l y h i s t o r m a k e t h e Meof K i n g s a n d C h r o n i c l e s , a n d J o s e p h u s . dian commander A s t j a g e s ; the author In the valuable f r a g m e n t which Joseof T o b i t c a l l s h i m A s s u e r u s ( X e r x e s ) . p h u s h a s p r e s e r v e d f r o m B e r o s u s (Con tr. The same writer makes the Babylonian Ap. i. 19), w e h a v e a n a c c o u n t of o n l y commander Nebuchadnezzar. I have one war — that waged by Nebuchadf o l l o w e d in t h e t e x t w h a t s e e m s t o m e n e z z a r in h i s f a t h e r ' s l i i e t i m e . (See t h e b a l a n c e of a u t h o r i t y . t e x t , p. 341.) 71 47 A p h r a s e in B e r o s u s s e e m s t o i m p l y S e e Vol. I. p p . 472, 473. 48 t h a t Nebuchadnezzar not only h a d a So a l s o B e r o s u s ( F r . 14), a n d P o l y w a r with the Arabs, b u t t h a t h e conh i s t o r ( a p . E u s e b . Chron. Can. i. 5, § 3). 49 q u e r e d a p o r t i o n of t h e i r c o u n t r y . I s a i a h x i v . 4. (KpcnytTaL Se yjcriv [o Biipojo-cros] tov bafivH e r o d , ii. 151, 152. 51 \wvlov AiyvTrTov, Suptas, $01 vinT)*;. ' A p a The only even a p p a r e n t exception is t h e s i e g e a n d c a p t u r e of A s h d o d (He/ S i a s . F r . 14.) I s t h i s t h e c o n q u e s t of r o d . ii. 157), w h i c h m a y h a v e h a d a det h e M o a b i t e s a n d A m m o n i t e s of w h i c h fensive object. Egypt needed f o r her J o s e p h u s s p e a k s ? (Ant. Jv.d. x. 9. § 7.) 72 p r o t e c t i o n a s t r o n g fortress>in t h i s q u a r J o s e p h . Contr Ap. i. 21: Ant. Jud. ter. x . 11. § 1. C o m p a r e J e r . xxvii. 3. 73 62 2 K. x x i v . 1. T h e e x p e c t a t i o n of I s a i a h xlvii. 8. 63 h e l p f r o m Egypt, which J o s e p h u s exSee H e r o d , i. 74, a n d c o m p a r e t e x t , p r e s s l y a s s e r t s (Ant. Jud. x. 6. § 2), is p p . 104,105. 64 i m p l i e d in 2 K. x x i v . 7. W e m a y susS e e t e x t , p p . JOS, 106. 55 pect t h a t the embassy sent ostensibly to T h e l a s t y e a r of J o s i a h w a s (I c l a i m TTrijah ( J e r . x x v i . 22) h a d r e a l l y t h i n k ) b c. 608—not B.C. 609. a s C l i n t o n f o r its o b j e c t t o c o n c l u d e a n a r r a n g e m a k e s it (F. H, vol. .i. p . 32S), n o r b c . m e n t w i t h Neco. 610, a s g i v e n m t h e m a r g i n of o u r Bibles. 74 66 Alex. P o l y h i s t . F r . 24. (See t e x t , S e e n o t e 87, C h a p t e r I. 67 p . 100 ) A c c o r d i n g t o t h i s w r i t e r . Ne2 C h r o n . x x x v . 21. 66 b u c h a d n e z z a r ' s a r m y on this occasion 2 K . xxiii. 29, 30: 2 C h r . x x x v . 23. 24. n u m b e r e d 10.000 c h a r i o t s ( ! ) , 120,000 C o m p a r e H e r o d , ii. 159, w h e r e t h e b a t h o r s e , a n d 180.001' f o o t . t l e is e r r o n e o u s l y p l a c e d a t M a g d o l u m 75 ( M a g d a l a ) i n s t e a d of M e g i d d o . The g r o u n d s for believing t h a t T y r e 69 w a s i n v e s t e d before J e r u s a l e m a r e g i v e n 2 C h r . x x x v . 20; J e r . xlvi. 2. 60 in t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus (vol. i. p . 422, T h i s is e v i d e n t f r o m w h a t is s a i d n o t e fi. 2nd edition). of t h e r e c o v e r y of t h i s t r a c t b y t h e 76 B a b y l o n i a n s (2 K. x x i v . 17). a n d f r o m 2 C h r . x x x v i . 6; J o s e p h . Ant. Jud. t h e p o s i t i o n of N e c o ' s a r m y in B.C. 605. x . 6, § 3. ( J e r . 1. s. c ) I t a g r e e s a l s o w i t h t h e " J o s e p h u s (1. s. c.) a c c u s e s N e b u s t a t e m e n t s of B e r o s u s ( F r . 14), e x c e p t c h a d n e z z a r of a b r e a c h of f a i t h on t h i s t h a t N e c o is t h e r e r e p r e s e n t e d a s a Bao c c a s i o n : b u t it is most, likely t h a t bylonian satrap. j J e h o i a k i m s u r r e n d e r e d without condi61 tions. 2 K. xxiii. 33, 34. 62 78 H e r o d ii. 159: J e r . xlvii. 1. J o s e p h . 1. s. c. C o m p a r e J e r . x x i i . 63 19, " H e shall b e b u r i e d w i t h t h e b u r i a l T h e g r e a t b a t t l e of C a r c h e m i s h , in w h i c h N e b u c h a d n e z z a r d e f e a t e d Neco, of a n ass, d r a w n a n d c a s t f o r t h b e y o n d w a s in t h e fourth y e a r of J e h o i a k i m t h e g a t e s of J e r u s a l e m , ' ' a n d x x x v i . 30, ( J e r . xlvi. 2), w h o m N e c o m a d e k i n g . '' H i s d e a d b o d y shall b e cast o u t in t h e a f t e r h i s first s u c c e s s e s . I d a y t o t h e h e a t a n d in t h e n i g h t t o t h e 64 Oil 8vvdfj.(:i>os ert Kanona&eiv. (Beros | f r o s t " 79 F r . 14.) ! J e r . x x v i i . 1; J o s e p h , x . 71, § 1. t, _ 6 5 J e r . xlvi. 5. C o m p a r e t h e n a r r a ° 2 K. x x i v . 8. T h e n u m b e r eight t i v e of B e r o s u s . 2vju,ui£as NafSouxoSo- ! in t h e p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e of C h r o n i c l e s vonopos T(i> aTTa/jrarfi Kat rrapaja^afievo^ aii- | (2 C h r . x x x v i . 9) is e v i d e n t l y c o r r u p t , tov re ¿KpaT-qcre KO.I Trjif ^copai* eK 7aiirripovpia \AFITI>v. Compare Jer. x x x i v . 7. 8» 2 K. 1. s. c.; Jer. lii. 4. 90 Jer. x x x v i i . 5.

MONARCHY.

607"

182; Diod. Sic. i. 68.) Ezekiel's 40 years' desolatiim of E g y p t must (I think) be taken as figurative, marking a time of degradation, when independence was lost. Of course such political degradation would be quite consistent with great material prosperity. (See t h e remarks of Sir G. Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 325, 2nd edition.) It is never to be forgotten that Berosus distinctly witnessed to the conquest of E g y p t b y Nebuchadnezzar. (Ap. Joseph. Contr. Ap. i. 19. KpaT Tj o~ a I (j>rjiop A i - y v T r r o v K.T.A.)

101 Ap. Euseb. Prcep. Ev. ix. 41. Compare Euseb. Chroii. Can. i. 10, § 3, and Mos. Chor. Hist. Armen. ii. 7. I" 3 See Vol. I. pp. 503, 504. 103 Beros. Fr. 14; 2 K. x x i v . 14-16; x x v . 11; 2 Chr. x x x v i . 20; Ezek. i. 1; 91 Ant. Ban. i. 3; &c. Jud. 1. s. C. 'A.Tra.vTrjo'cL'; SE TOIS 104 Polyhist. Fr. 24. Atyuirrtot? ko.1 of auTois ~{t fJ-dxV ioo Abyden. ap. Euseb. Chroii. Can. i. VLKIF. 93 See Jer. x x x v i i . 7. 10. § 2; ap. eund. Prcep. Ev. ix. 41. 93 Joseph. Ant. Nebuchadnezzar, however, in the StandJud. x. 7, § 4 . Upo a 7r a , Na/3ai>i'iSoxoi' awoSei-bonadius, who each ruled partly in her KV Ocrc jSatrtAea, npoa-rjiiOVTa. oi ov 6 ei>. right. I regard her as the mother of (Abyden. Fr. 9 ) Compare Berosus, Fr. Belshazzar, whom Herodotus confounds 14, who calls Nabonadius Na/So^Sw t i with his father, Nabonadius; and I susv A T a> v etc Ba/3uAcoyos. pect that she is the queen who "'came 178 On his bricks and cylinders Nabointo the banqu^ting-house" at Belsliaznidus calls himself the son of Nabu-**z&r's impious feast, and recommended dirba, the Rab-Mag. (See British Muhim to send f o r Daniel. (Dan. v. 10-12.) seum Sect'es, vol. i. pi. US.) 18S The river walls, which Herodotus 176 This has been at all times the usual ascribes to Nitocris (i. 186), were depractice of usurpers in the East. (See clared expressly by Berosus to have Herod, iii. 68, 88; Josephus, Ant. Jud., been the work of this king (¿Tri tovtov t ä xiv. 13, § 1; Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 325; &c ) That it TTepl TOV TIOTAIXOV t E I X O TTjs Ba/3i?AwWai 7rdAetus 0 7 i r K L v ß o v Kal ¿L(7^>O.\TQV icarewas adopted by Nabonadius seems to (cov -noKiv. KaraÀa/30/xefos, nai (rvvTa£as rà r779 naAtojv ri'-\rj KOTv.rjKÓ.^ux. k.T A. Compare 202 'j jiy p i - 0 0 f of tins association is J e r . 1. 15; li. 44, 58. I have replaced contained in the cylinders of NabonaKaraaKonjiai b y " dismantled," because, dius found a t Muglieir, where the prowhatever the orders of Cyrus may have tection of the gods is asked for Nabubeen, the enormous labor of demolishing nadid and his son Bel-shar-uzur, who the wall was certainly not undertaken. a r e coupled together in a way that imThe battlements may'have been thrown plies the co-sovereignty of the latter. dow n, and breaches broken in it; but (British Museum Series, vol. i. pi. 68, No. the wall itself existed till the time of 1.) The date of the association was a t Alexander. (Abyden. F r . 9.) t h e latest B.C. 540, Nabonadius's fifteenth 2 2 1 *Ave£eu£ei' èirì BópaL7rjrov, è/CTrokLopKrjy e a r , since the thiid year of Belshazzar is mentioned in Daniel (viii. 3). I f Beltrwv TOV Xa.(3ài>i>7]Sov. iieros. 1. s. C, 2 2 2 Ibid. shazzar was (as I have supposed) a son 223 Kafj/xavirjf rjye/uovÌTjv Stopperai. o f a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar marF r . 9. ried to IS abonadius after he became king, Berosus, a s reported by J o s e p h u s {Contr. lie could not be more t h a n fourteen in Ax>. i. 21), only says that Cyrus assigned his f a t h e r ' s fifteenth year. Carmania to Nabonadius as his place Of abode (6o0s OLK-qTqpLOV a.VTU> Kappai'taf j. ••203 " T h e Q u e e n , " who •'came into the 2 2 4 See text. p. 244. banqueting-house," where Belshazzar 2 2 5 Herod, ii. 157. and Ids wives were already seated (Dan. 2 2 6 Ibid. i. 178. v. 2, 10). can only be the wife of Nabo2 2 7 Judging by the t a x a t i o n of Darius, nadius and mother of Belshazzar. The tone of her address suits well with this t h e resources of the Persians at this view. (Compare Dr. Pusey's Lectures on time were nearly five times as great a s Daniel, p. 449, which I first read a f t e r those of the Babylonians. The Persian this note was written.) E m p i r e included the 1st, 2nd. 3rd, 7th, 2 0 4 Herod, i. 190. half the 9th, the 10th. 11th, 12th. 13th, 14th. 15th, Kith, 17th, 18th, and 19th sa205 Ibid. 191. 2 0 5 According to Herodotus (1. s. c.), trapies: wliile the Babylonian E m p i r e consisted of the 5th, tlie 8th, and h a l f Cyrus cut a canal from the E u p h r a t e s the 9th. T h e joint revenue furnished to to t h e reservoir of Nitocris, which he Darius by the satrapies of the first list found nearly empty. According to was 5660 talents: t h a t furnished by the Xenophon (Cyrop. vi'i. 5, § 10), he cut second list, was 1150. two canals from a point 011 the Euphrates above Babylon to another be2 2 6 See the description of the Assyrian low t h e town. Empire in Vol. I. pp. 501-504. 2 0 7 Xen. Cyrop, 2 2 9 This may be concluded from such vii. 5. § 15. This is f a r m o r e probable than t h e s t a t e m e n t of expressions as " T h o u . O king, art a Herodotus t h a t " i t happened to be a king of kings'" (Dan. ii. 37). " T h o u , " festival " (Tv^tiv yap crtpt eoi'aav opr^e, i. (i.e. Babylon^ " shalt no more be called 191, sub fin.). | The lady of kingdoms'' (Is. xlvii. 5). I t 2 0 8 Dan. v. 1. | is confirmed bv the historv of the J e w s 2 0 9 XopeueTV TOVTOV TOV xpovov teal cr ev- | (2 K. xxiv. 1-17), and by thè list of Tyrian iraflei'flo-i. elvai. Herod. ]. s. c. Compare ; kings contemporary with the BaiiyloJ e r . li. 39. | nian E m p i r e preserved in J o s e p h u s . 210 T h e non-closing of t h e river gates i {Contr. Ap i. 21.) 2 3 ° See text, pp. 242-245. m u s t have been a neglect of this kind. ! Had the sentries even kept proper « 1 Abyden. i r . 8. watch, t h e enemy's approach must have 2 3 2 It m a y be suspected that the Susibeen perceived. anians revolted from Babylon b e f o r e 2 1 1 Dan. v. 4; Xen. Cyrop. 1. s. c. Xethe conclusion of the siege and joined nophon appropriately calls these reliCyrus. (See Isaiah xxi. 2; xxii. 6.) gious revellers Kio/iaora?. 2 1 2 I t is curious that Herodotus does APPENDIX B. not notice the f a c t of the a t t a c k being by night, which is strongly put by Xeno> See Appendix A, Vol. I. pp. 5C8-513, phon {Cyrop. vii. 5, §§ 15-33). Compare Second Monarchy. Dan. v. 30: "I11 that night was Belshaz2 Such names as Pul, Porus, Nadius, zar .slain." can scarcely contain more than one ele213 q s i„ KvpTfl. Herod, i. 191. ment. 2 1 4 J e r . li. 31. 3 Of course there m a y have been other 2 1 6 Xen. Cyrop. vii. 5, g§26-31; J e r . 1. combinations in use besides these: but 30: ii. 4. no others have been as yet distinctly 2 1 6 J e r . 1. 43. recognized. 2 1 7 Dan. v. 5-28. 4 S e e Vol. I . p. 447. Another n a m e of

APPENDIX, B . ]

TUE FOURTH

exactly t h e same type is Shamas-ipni. (See note 559, Chapter IX., Second Monarchy.) 5 See note 559, Chapter XX., Second Moilnrchy. 6 Oppert. Expédition scientifique, torn. ii. p. 259. '8 See text, p. 136. Or. according to M. Oppert, " Nebo, protect my son." (Expédition, torn. ii. p. 9258.) This is decidedly the more correct form, and indeed is probably not f a r f r ola m the Babylonian articulation. Expédition, torn. ii. p. 259. 11 See text, p. 231. « See Yol. 1. p. 481.

MONARCHY. 13 14

611

2 K. xxv. 8; Jer. xxxix. 9. Several such conjectures have been published by M. Oppert ( E x p é d i t i o n scientifique, torn. ii. pp. 355-357.) 16 Jer. xxxix. 3. 18 Sir H. Kawlinson in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. xviii. p. 28, note 3. Jer 1 s c 18 Dan. iv. 8. " A t the last Daniel came in before me, whose n a m e was Belteshazzar, after the name of my god.''' 19 See the Targum on Pro v. xxi. 14. 20 Dan. iv. 9. 21 See Appendix A, Yol. I. pp. 511, 513. 22 See the explanation given of Sarsecliim in the text on p. 264.

NOTES TO THE FIFTH MONARCHY. CHAPTER I. The boundaries here ^iven belong t o t h e Empire only a t the height of its greatness, viz., f r o m about B. c. 506 to B. c. 479. The Strymon a n d the Danube ceased t o be boundaries a t least as early as t h e last-named year. 2 See text, pp. 133,134. 3 I t is difficult to measure exactly t h e dimensions of t h e Assyrian Empire, f r o m t h e uncertainty of its boundaries eastward and northward. If we regard it as comprising the whole of the Babylonian Empire, Assyria Proper, one half of Media, and some districts of Armenia, Cappadocia, and Cilicia, we m a y perhaps allow it an area of f r o m 400,000 to 500,000 square miles. * See text, pp. 124, 125. 6 See Vol. I. pp. 2-4: text, p. 123. « See Vol. I. pp. 120-129. 7 See texx, pp. 1-5. «Ibid. pp. 18,19. * See Vol. I. pp. 136-138; text, pp. 19, 20. 10 See text, pp. 126,127. 11 Idid. p p . 1k7, 128. 12 Ibid. pp. 129-132. 13 The n a m e of t h e country is given a s Parsa in the cuneiform inscriptions of Darius Hystaspis, which is no doubt the t r u e native orthography. The Hebrews called it Paras (•{»;£)), the Greeks T II ¿pais, t h e Romans Persis o r Persia. The modern Furs is the ancient Parsa softened and abbreviated. Farsistan is " t h e land of the F a r s i s " or Persians. 1-1 Kinneir, Persian Empire, pp. 194201; Pottinger, Travels, p. 219; &c. 16 Herod, i. 125. The later geographers, however, distinguish between the two. (Strab. xv. 3, § 1; Arrian, Exp. Alex. 1 vi.1628; &c.) J Kinneir, pp. 54 and 200. Pottinger, p. 221; Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 184. 17 See text, p. 124. 18 Pottinger, p. 54; Eraser, Khorasan, p. 71; Malcolm, History of Persia, p. 3; Kinneir, pp. 54, 70, 81, 201. 19 Kinneir speaks of crossing " f o u r rivers" between Bushire and the Tab (p. 57), but of these f o u r two were a r m s of the Khisht, which is the only stream in t h e district t h a t has the least real pretension t o t h e n a m e of river. 1

20 Malcolm says of this tract, that it " b e a r s a greater resemblance in soil and climate t o Arabia than t o Persia" (p. 2). 21 Compare text, p. 2. 22 Valuable contributions towards a m a p have been made by Mr. Consul Abbott, Lieut.-Gen. Monteith, and the Baron de Bode, which will be found in t h e thirteenth, twenty-fifth, and twentyseventh volumes of the Journal of itie Geographical Society. But much still remains to be done, more especially towards the east and the south-east. 23 Ker Porter, vol. i. pp. 469, 501, 709; Pottinger, pp. 234, 237; Kinneir, pp. 55, 59; Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. pp. 79, 80, 85; vol. xxv. pp. 33, 47, 76; vol.xxvii. pp. 116,158,159, &c. 24 See especially the descriptions in Fraser, Khorasan, pp. 75-79; Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 208; Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 174; vol. xxxi. pp. 63, 64. 25 Compare Kinneir, pp. 55, 195-200; Ker Porter, vol. i. pp. 459, 472, &c.; Morier, First Journey, pp. 92, 147, 148; Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. pp. 29-78; vol. xxvii. pp. 149-184. 26 Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p. 84; vol. xxv. pp. 59, 60; Ker Porter, vol. i. p. 685; Pottinger, pp. 206, 220; Fraser, Khorasan, p. 79; Morier, First Journey, p. 150. 27 See text, pp. 27, 28. 28 See text, pp. 134, 185. 28 Strab. xv. 3, § 6; Q. Curt. Hist. Alex. v, 305. The names, Pulwar and Khoonazaberni, a r e given as the present names on the authority of a recent traveller, Captain Claude Clerk (see Geograph. Journal, vol. xxxi. pp. 60 and 64). Our earlier travellers generally represent the f o r m e r river as known by the name of the Kur or Kur-ab (Ker Porter, vol. i. p . 512; Chesney, vol. i. p. 208). Kinneir, however, calls it the Sharnier (Persian Empire, p. 59), Morier the Sewund (First Journey, p. 142). Eivershave often halfa-dozen names in the East, each n a m e really attaching t o a certain portion only of the course. 31 Till recently our travellers and mapm a k e r s have called this lake Lake Bakhtigan; but Mr.Consul Abbott assures us that that n a m e is not now known on t h e spot. (Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. P- "'I-)

en. i.]

THE

FIFTH MONARCHY.

32 Strictly speaking t h e Murg-ab, which flows by Pasargad®, is a t r i b u t a r y of t h e P u l w a r , a n d not t h e m a i n river. 33 So Morier (First Journey, p. 124). K e r P o r t e r speaks of t h e arches a s t h r e e only (Travels, vol. i. p. 685), while Lieut. P o t t i n g e r multiplies t h e m into nine! (Travels, p. 24:2). 34 Pottinger, p. 239. M. F l a n i i n h a s a n e n g r a v i n g of this bridge, which represents it with 13 arches {Voyage en Ferse, " P l a n c h e s m o d e r n e s , " pi. xciv.). So also Morier, Second Journey, opp. p. 74. 35 Pottinger, 1. s. c.; Kinneir, p. 59. 36 Fraser, p. 82, 37 Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. Map opposite p. 109. 3S Kinneir, p. 57. 39 Clerk, in Geograph. Journal, vol. x x x i . p. 64. 40 Morier, First Journey, p. 92; Second, Journey, p. 49. 41 Abbott, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 151. Comp. Ouseley, Travels, vol. ii. p p . 69, 70. 42 See t h e description of Mr. Consul A b b o t t (Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. pp. 72-75). 43 Kinneir, p. 60. 44 Abbott, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 183. 45 Of these t h e m o s t striking a r e those on t h e route between Bushire a n d Shiraz, which have been described by m a n y travellers. (Morier, First Journey, p p . 49-54; F r a s e r , Khorasan, pp. 75-79; Monteith, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. pp. 115-117; Clerk, in t h e same, vol. xxxi. p p . 62-64.) O t h e r s of nearly equal g r a n d e u r w e r e t r a v e r s e d b y Mr. Abbott in t h e m o r e eastern p a r t of t h e m o u n t a i n region. (Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. pp. 174, 175.) 411 See t h e plates in Flandin ( V o y a g e en Perse, " P l a n c h e s m o d e r n e s , " pis. xcvi. a n d xcix.), f r o m one of which PI. XXVI. is taken. 47 Monteith, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 115. 4B Pasargadse w a s mentioned as t h e capital of Cyrus b y Anaximenes (ap. Steph. Byz. "ad voc. IIaaaaoyä&o.i) a n d Ctesias (Pers. Exc. §9). Either Ctesias o r Dino represented it as t h e capital city of Atradates, t h e f a t h e r of t h e g r e a t Cyrus. (See Nie. Dam. F r . 66.) 49 Q. Curt. Hist. Alex. v. 6; x. 1. Probably t h e t r u e original f o r m of t h e n a m e w a s Parsa-gherd, " t h e eastle of the Persians" (as Stephen of Byzantium explains t h e name). F o r t h e root gherd c o m p a r e t h e m o d e r n Darabgherd, Lasjird, B u r u j i r d , &c., and t h e cert a of t h e old P a r t h i a n cities, Tigrano-ceria, Carcathio-cerfor, &c. 60 It is this tomb, placed a t Pasargadae b y Strabo (xv. 3, § 7), A r r i a n (Exp. Alex. vi. 29), and others, which alone certainly fixes t h e site. 61 Clerk, in Geograph. Journal, voL x x x i . p p . 60, 61.

013

62 Kinneir, p. 59; Morier, Second Journey, p. 83. 53 The s t r e a m s which fertilize the Shiraz plain a r e rills r a t h e r t h a n rivers. The best k n o w n is t h e Rocknabad, celeb r a t e d by Hafiz. 64 Geograph, vi. 8. Kaplan) /¿rjTpôjroAiç. 56 Amin. Marc, xxiii. 6. " I n t e r civit a t4e9 s nitet C a r m a u a o m n i u m m a t e r . " Pottinger, p p . 221-227; Abbott in Geograph. Journal, vol. x x v . p p . 29, 30. 57 Pottinger, p. 20B. 68 Ptol. Geograph, vi. 8. This n a m e is evidently t h e original of t h e m o d e r n O r m u z or H o r m u z . The H o r m u z i a n s were forced t o m i g r a t e early i n t h e 13th century. (D'Anvilie, in the Mémoires de VAcadémie des Sciences, torn. x x x . p . 141.) ss Armuzia or H a r m o z i a a p p e a r s a s a " r e g i o n " in Pliny (H. JV. vi. 27), a n d Arrian (Hist. Ind. i xxiii. 1.) 80 Arrian, Hist. Ind. xxxvii. 8. 61 Ibid. xxxviii. 5. This name, perhaps, remains in t h e Mount Asban of these p a r t s . (Vincent, I'eriplus, p. 381.) Arrian, xxxviii. 7. •6 43 Ibid, x x x i x . 3; Ptol. vi. 4. Arrian, 1. s. c. ; Strab. x v . 3, § 3. 45 Ptol. Geograph. 1. s. c. 66 Strab. 1. s. c. Gabiané, a district of Elymais (according t o Strabo), probably took its n a m e f r o m f h i s city. (Strab. xvi. 1, § 18.) 67 Ptol. Geograph. 1. s. c. 68 So Q. Curtius, Hist. Alex. iii. 5. 69 As t h e Baron de Bode conjectures. (Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p p . 108112.) 7 " T h e s e f o u r places a r e mentioned b o t h b y Ptolemy (Geograph. vi. 4) and b y A m m i a n u s (xxiii. 6). The latter places Portospana in Carmania. 71 H y r b a a p p e a r s as a Persian t o w n on t h e b o r d e r s of Media in a f r a g m e n t of Nicolas of Damascus. (Fr. 66.) 72 See text, pp. 17,18. Ptolemy, however, assigns P a r œ t a c ê n é to P e r s i a (Geograph, vi. 4). 73 Ptol. 1. s. c. This w r i t e r ' s Mard y ê n é seems to b e t h e m o u n t a i n region extending f r o m Bebahan to Kazerun. T h a t t h e Mardi were mountaineers app e a r s f r o m Herod, i. 84; Nie. Dam. F r . 66; Strab. xv. 3, § 1. 74 Compare Strab, x v . 3, § 3; Arrian, Hist. Ind. x x x i x ; 3; Ptol. Geograph. vi. 4. 75 Plin. H. N. vi. 26. 76 Most of t h e ancient g e o g r a p h e r s r e g a r d C a r m a n i a as a distinct country, lying east of Persia (Strab. xv. 3, § 1; Plin. H. N. vi. 24; Ptol. Geograph, vi. 4, 6; Arrian, Hist. Ind. xxxviii. 1). But it a p p e a r s i r o m H e r o d o t u s t h a t in t h e early times t h e Carmanians were considered to b e simply a tribe of Persians. (Herod, i. 120. C o m p a r e Strab. x v . 2, § 14, a d fin.) 77 Herod, ix. 122; Plat. Leg. iii. 695 a ; Arrian, Exp. Alex. v. 4.

614

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. I.

Abbott in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. p. 9437.) Kinneir, p. 217; Fraser, 1. s. c. 95 Chesney, vol. i. p. 79; Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, p. 403. 96 See text, p. 21. 87 Herod, i. 125; iii. 93; Justin, xli. 1; Ptol. Geogr. vi. 2; Behist. Xnscr. col. ii. par. 15. 98 The t e r m At ah is applied to both sides of the range. Mr. Fraser applies it especially to the strip which skirts the mountains along their northern base. (Khorasan, pp. 245, 251, &c.) On the true country of the Parthians, see t h e author's Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 162; and compare Herod, iii. 63, 117; vii. 66; Isid. Char. Mans. Parth. p. 7; Pliny, H. N. vi. 25. " F r a s e r , Khorasan, pp. 335, 351, 358, &c. 100 This people appears as Haroyu in the Zendavesta (see Appendix, p. 120, § 9). In the inscriptions of Darius they a r e called Hariva (Behist. Inscr. col. l. par. 6). Herat and the Heri-rud a r e clearly continuations of the old name. The Greek 'Apioi or 'Apmoi very imperfectly renders the native appellation. 101 Fraser, Khorasan, Appendix, p. 30; V&mbfiry, Travels, pp. y>9, 270; Pottinger, Travels, p. 416. 102 On the position of the Gandarians in the time of the Persian Empire, see the author's Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 175, 2nd edition. Pressed upon by the YueChi, a Tatar race, in the fifth or sixth century of our era, they migrated to t h e south-west, occupying the valley of t h e Urghand-ab (ancient Arachotus), a n d impressing on the tract the n a m e which it still bears, of Kandahar. 103 Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. pp. 160-173; Elphinstone, Kabul, pp.10486 et seqq. Chesney, vol. i. p. 171. 105 Herod, iii. 102; iv. 44. Compare Hecatseus, Fr. 179. loe From the accounts which Herodotus gives of the Thamanseans, we could only gather that they dwelt in t h e neighborhood of the Sarangians, Parthians, and Hyrcanians (iii. 93, 117). The ground f o r locating them in the tract lying between the Haroot-rud and Ghirisk, is to be found in Isidore of Charas, if we •a Pottinger, Travels, pp. 132-138; Geograph. Journal, vol. xi. pp. 136-156; Jj are allowed t o read ¿vTevSev ©a^arauuv \u\pa for ¿vrcv0fj> 'Avavmv x^pa, the Anaui vol. xiv. pp. 145-179. 63 being a people otherwise wholly unKinneir says: " T h e sand of t h e known. (See t h e author's Herodotus, desert is of a reddish color, and so vol. iv. p. 173, notes 5 and 6.) light that when taken into the hand the i 07 Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, pp. 23Sparticles a r e scarcely palpable. It is 255. raised by the wind into longitudinal 10» The Sarangians (or Zarangians) of waves, which present on the side towards Herodotus a r e undoubtedly the Drant h e point f r o m which t h e wind blows a gians of later writers. Their position is gradual slope f r o m the base, b u t on t h e pretty certainly fixed by the notices in other side rise perpendicularly to the Strabo (xt. 2, §§ 5-10), Pliny (H. N. vi. height of 10 or 20 feet, and a t a dis23), Arrian (Exp. Alex. iii. 25; vi. 17), and tance have t h e appearance of a new Ptolemy (Geograph. vi. 19). brick wall." (Persian Empire, p. 222. Compare Fraser, Khorasan, p. 252 and io9 Ferrier p 426 Compare Christie ™ See text, p. 367. Khorasan,"-pp. 163, 164. Kinneir, Persian Empire, p. 55 Compare Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. pp. 79-84. Pottinger, Travels, p. 237. ss Compare Pottinger, pp. 239, 239; Abbott, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. pp. M, 74; vol. xxvii. pp. 150, 158, 165, 184; Monteith, in the same, vol, xxvii. p. 116; Morier, First Journey, p. 82; Second, Journey, pp. 88, 122, &c.; Ker Porter, Travels, vol. i. pp. 469, 473, 685, 709; Fraser, Khorasan, pp. 79, 114, &c. Eraser, Khorasan, p. 169; Abbott, in 8Geographical Journal, vol. xxv. p. 50. 4 See text, pp. 266, 267. 86 Fraser, p. 162. This writer's observations gave for the height of diff e r e n t p a r t s of the plateau a minimum of 2500 and a maximum of 4500 feet. Col. Chesney calls the average elevation 5000 feet (Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. 65); b u t this estimate is in excess of e truth. 88 Chesney, vol. i. p. 78. This parag r a p h and the n e x t a r e repeated f r o m t h e author's Herodotus, where they formed a p a r t of one of the " Essays" appended to the first volume. (.See pages 440, 441 of the second edition.) »'Especially the Dusee or P u n j g u r river, which rises near Nvshki in lat. 29" 40', long. 65c 5', and falls into the sea n e a r Gwattur, m lat. 25° 10', long. 61° 30'. 88 " A monotonous reddish - brown color," says Col. Chesney, " is presented by everything in Iran, including equally the mountains, plains, hills, rocks, animals, and reptiles. F o r even in t h e more favored districts, t h e fields which have yielded an abundant crop a r e so parched and burnt before midsummer, that, if it were not f o r the h e a p s of corn in the villages near them, a passing stranger might conclude t h a t h a r v e s t was unknown in t h a t apparently barren region." (Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 79.) 89 Chesney, 1. s. c. 80 Kinneir, Persian Empire, p. 210. 91 Chesney, vol. i. ch. viii.; Kinneir, p^_211; Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, p. 79 Fraser, 80

CÍI. I . ]

THE

FIFTH M0XARCI1Y.

615

(Beh. in P o t t i n g e r ' s Travels, A p p e n d i x , p . 407, ! P e r s i a n c u n e i f o r m inscriptions. Inscr. col. i. p a r . 6.) T h e c a p i t a l city w a s a n d Kinneir, Persian Empire, p p . 189still called Kharestn in t h e t i m e of Gen193. ghis K h a n , a n d h e n c e its n a m e w a s n o F e r r i e r , p . 427. 111 given t o t h e g r e a t K h a r e s m i a n E m p i r e . See t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. iv. Kharezm is still t h e political n a m e of p . 174. 112 K h i v a . (Vambery, p . 12u.) This position is plain f r o m P t o l e m y 133 (Geograph. vi. 18) a n d Isidore (Mans. E r a t o s t n . a p . Strab. xi. 8, § 8. Parth. § 19). T h e r e c a n "be little d o u b t 134 A r r i a n , Exp. Alex iii. 30; iv. 3; t h a t in t h e w o r d Uryhand-ab we have Q. Curt. Hist. Alex. vii. 7; Strab. 1. s. c. 135 a c o r r u p t i o n of t h e n a m e Arachot-us, Funj-ab—"Five R i v e r s , " p u n j bew h i c h w a s applied t o t h e chief s t r e a m of i n g t h e m o d e r n f o r m of t h e S a n s c r i t t h e district. (Isid. C h a r . 1. s. c.) pancha, " five," a n d ab (or an) being a n old w o r d f o r " w a t e r " in m o s t I n d o Chesney, vol. i. p p . 166-170; ElE u r o p e a n languages. phinstone, Kabul, p . 452. 414 138 Herod, iii. 04; vii. 68. T h e t e r m Sinde, India, a n d Hindu-stan, a r e " P a r i c a n i a n s " is p e r h a p s n o t ethnic. v a r i o u s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e s a m e P r o b a b l y it m e a n s simply " m o u n t a i n n a t i v e w o r d . Hindu is t h e oldest k n o w n eers." f o r m , since it occurs in one of t h e m o s t 115 ancient p o r t i o n s of t h e Z e n d a v e s t a (see P o t t i n g e r , Travels, p p . 24-184, a n d A p p e n d i x , p . 121, § 19). T h e G r e e k s a n d p p . 240-262. 18 R o m a n s sometimes called t h e r i v e r Sin"> Ibid. p. 259. 417 dus i n s t e a d of I n d u s . (Plin. iV. H. vi. Ibid. p . ¿61. 118 20.) See t e x t , p p . 18,19. 137 119 Great p o r t i o n s of t h e doabs o r H e n c e t h e n a m e s " D e s e r t of Kizil t r a c t s between t h e s t r e a m s a r e in this Koum" (or R e d Sand) a n d " Desert of condition. I n t h e m o s t w e s t e r n of t h e m Kara Koum'" (or Black Sand). 120 t h e r e is a large d e s e r t of loose s a n d . See I I . V á m b é r y ' s Travels, p . 107. (Elphinstone, Caubul, vol. i. p p . 3?, 33.) C o m p a r e Mouravieif a s q u o t e d b y De 138 Hell, Travels in the Steppes, p. 326. Kinneir, Persian Empire, p . 213. I3 J "Tliia c o u n t r y exhibits t h e i m a g e of ' Pottinger, Travels, p p . 308-311; d e a t h , o r r a t h e r of t h e desolation l e f t Geoqraph. Journal, vol. xiv. p. 198. 140 behind b y a g r e a t convulsion of n a t u r e . See W o o d ' s Memoir on the Indus, Neither birds n o r q u a d r u p e d s a r e f o u n d a n d c o m p a r e t h e Geoqraph. Journal,-vol. in it; n o v e r d u r e n o r vegetation c h e e r s iii. pp. 113-115; vol. viii. a r t . 25; a n d vol. t h e sight, e x c e p t h e r e a n d t h e r e a t long x . 1p4 1. 530. i n t e r v a l s s o m e spots on w h i c h t h e r e H e r o d , iii. 94; vii. 70. 142 g r o w a few s t u n t e d s h r u b s . " See also N e a r c h u s ap. A r r . Hist. Ind. x x v i . B u r n e s in Geograph. Journal, vol. iv. 2; x x i x . 9-16; S t r a b . x v . 2, §§ 1 a n d 13; p p . 305-311. Plin. H. iV. vi. 23; Solinus, Polyhist., " i V á m b é r y , p p . 102, 107, 111, 113, &c. §07. 443 122 Kinneir, p. 203. Ibid. pp. 113, 114, 157, &c. 144 123 Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, Ibid. p p . 114-110. The Kaflankir vol. crossed by * Jl. V á m b é r y s e e m s to h a v e vol. i. p . 178; Geograph. Journal, xxxiii. pp. 1S3, 187, 195; A r r i a n , Hist. b e e n a n outlying peninsula belonging t o Ind. xxvi. 5. the Ust-Urt tract. 445 124 Kinneir, p p . 203, 204. This is t h e c a s e with t h e B o k h a r a 146 A r r i a n , Hist. Ind. xxxii. 3, 4; Kinriver, w h i c h t e r m i n a t e s in Lalse Dewjiz, neir, p p . 194, 201. a n d w i t h t h e Shehri-Sebz river, w h i c h 147 is e v a p o r a t e d b y t h e Kid Mold. The Vehrkana a p p e a r s in t h e ZendaMurg-ab also e n d s in a s w a m p . The v e s t a as the " n i n t h best of r e g i o n s a n d r i v e r s of Balkh a n d Khulrn a r e conc o u n t r i e s " (see A p p e n d i x , p. 120, § 12). s u m e d in irrigation. The M a y m e n e The n a m e is given a s Varkaua in t h e r i v e r a n d t h e Kizil Deria lose themselves B e h i s t u n I n s c r i p t i o n (col. ii. p a r . 16). in t h e sands. 148 A r r i a n , Exp. Alex. iii. 29, 30; S t r a b . xi.14U 0, § 1; 7, § 1; Q. C u r t . Hist. Alex. vi. 4. i'« V á m b é r y , p . 121. 426 S t r a b . vi. 7, § 2; 'H 'Ypxavia a-ipoSpa Ibid. p . i99. 127 evSaifitoy /cat TTOKAT} KO.i to 7r\eof 7refiias. Ibid. p. 214. A r r i aTn , Exp. Alex. iii. 23; 'H 'Ypxavia 128 F e r r i e r , Caravan Journeys, pp. • ' • XI opttriv aTreipyerai SaaeaL KaX 197-230; Burnes, Bokhara, vol. i. p . 245. iiipTjhois, T~fi Si ireSlov aUTr/9 KaOrjKti ecre C o m p a r e Q. C u r t . vi. 4, § 26. 123 €7ri T'qv fi^ya.\7fv TT)V ravTrj OaAaa-'jat' SeO A native p r o v e r b s a y s : " Samaralso Q. Curt. vi. 4, a n d c o m p a r e t h e ackand firdousi manend"—"'Samarkand c o u n t s of t h e m o d e r n s ( F r a s e r , Khura~ resembles P a r a d i s e . " (See V á m b é r y , p . san, p p . 599-002; V a m b i r y , Travels, p p . 204.) 47-56). i 3 » ibid. p p . 152-156. 150 121 The P a m i r Steppe, w h i c h is a conMargiana, t h e t r a c t a b o u t Merv, is t i n u a t i o n of t h e Bolor r a n g e , is called reckoned b y D a r i u s t o Bactria. (Beh. b y t h e n a t i v e s Bami-dumya, or " t h e Inscr. col. iii. p a r . 4.) 132 Roof of t h e W o r l d . " (Geograph. Journal, Chorasmia a p p e a r s a s Qäirizem in vol. x . p. 535.) t h e Z e n d a v e s t a (see Note 1, C h a p t e r VI., 151 The s o m e w h a t d o u b t f u l question of Third Monarchy), a s U v a r a z m i y a in t h e

616

THE

FI'FTII

t h e habitat of those Persian Scythians is discussed at more length in the author's lii'i odotus, vol. iv. pp. Iti8, 109, 2nd edition. 1 5 2 S e e the Nakhsh-i-Rustam Inscription, par. S (ibid. p. SOT). Compare Herod, vii. 64, and H e c a t s u s , F r . 171. 1 5 3 Herod, vi. 113: vii. 184; viii. 113; A r r . Exp. Alex iii. 13. 1 6 4 Darius unites the Sac.®, at Behistun, with the Gandarians and Sattagydians —at Persepohs with the Gandarians a n d Mycians—at Nakhsh-i-Eustam with the Gandarians and Indians. ' " E r a s e r , Khorusan, Appendix, pp. 110-112.

MONARCHY.

1 7 0 E x c e p t , perhaps, the Mosch. (See the author's Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 179, note 1, 2nd edition.) 1 7 1 On this identity, see HecatEeus, F r . ) 391; S t r a b . xii. 3, § 18; Eustath. ad I Dionys. 766; Steph. Byz. ad voc. Má1 7 2 The exact position of each of these j tribes is considered in the author's HeI rodotus, vol. iv. pp. 179-184. 1 7 3 Herod, i. 28; Ephorus., Fr. 80; Pomp. Mel. i. 21; Seymn. Cli. 938. 1 7 1 i Strab. xii. 2, § 4; Scylax, Peripl. i §91. 1 7 5 Plin. II. N. v. 32. i 1 7 6 S e e Hamilton, Asia I Minor, vol. i. ! pp. 358-107; Chesney, Euphrates Expe¡ dition. vol. i. pp. 321-332 1T7 Herod, i. 342. Oi "Icwes . . . ¡ 70V ixév ovpavov ko.l tOjv wpéuiv er to> kolA; AiffTW érvy^avop i&pvcráfJ.epoi TróÁta? Trávroiv apBpíOirwp rtoi' i&pev 0VT€ yap Ta ápu> aürí¡9 xwpta toívt'o 7roce'ei tjj 'lwpir¡, oüre Ta ! fcárw, ovre ra 7rpbí ty¡v jjw, ovtc Ta irpos Tr¡v ¿ampiii'. 1 7 8 See Herod, v. 101; Soph. ' Philoct. \ 393; Slrab. xiii. 4, § 5 . 1 7 8 ¡ Fellows, Lycia, pp. 249-251; 256-

' 5 0 These longitudinal chains are chiefly towards the east. T h e principal a r e Mount Massula near the Caspian, Mounts Kibleh and Sehend between the Urumiyeh lake and the basin of the Kizil Uzen, and Mount Zagros or the great Kurdish range, which runs between Urumiyeh and V a n , separating those two lake basins. 1 6 7 Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 68. Compare Beaufort, Karamanici, p. 57; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 104; Hamilton, Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 305. The last-named writer saw many peaks covered with snow in August, which in this latitude would imply a height of at least 10.000 feet. 1 5 8 Chesney, vol. i. p. 69. >69 Ibid. p. 97. Comp. Strab. xi. 14, § 4; Hamilton, vol. i. pp. 164-255, and Ker P o r t e r , vol. i. pp. 171-215. >80 See text, pp. 3)3, 314. 1 6 1 S t r a b . xi. 14, § 9. Compare Ezek. xxvii. 14. i6a T h e height of Mount Argteus, as obtained from the mean of three observations taken by Mr. Hamilton, was 13,017 feet. ( R e s e a r c h e s in Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 27rpQfia7wT0.T0VS airaPTtnv Kot iroXvKafrnoTa.tou; (v. 4!)). Strabo says of Cappadocia, t h a t it was ayady Kal KapiroLs, /¿aJaorTa 6k trirto Kai ^oaKrjfj.aai iravToScnrois (xii. 2, S e e t e x t . Chapter I I . Herod, iii. 94; iv. 37: vii. 70. Strab. xi. 3, §§ 1-6; Plin. H . N. vi. 10; Ptol. v. 13; Dionys. Perieg. 695-699; E u s t a t h . ad Dionys. 19; Pomp. Mel. i. 2, -(]v oi Kvjrpioi. Eustath. ad Dionys. 508. 1 8 6 lierod. iii. 19; vi. 6; vii. 90. 1 6 9 Heeren (Manual of Ancient History, i. p. 47. Ii. T.) reckons Egypt as " equal in its superficial contents to twothirds of G e r m a n y . " But (his is an enormous over-estimate. Germany contains 250,000 square miles, E g y p t certainly not more than 80.000. Italy, without the islands, contains about 90,000 square miles. 1 9 0 T h e Greeks had a notion t h a t the valley expanded at some little distance above Cairo (Herod, ii. 8. ad fin.), and S c y l a x even compares its shape to t h a t of a double-headed a x e (Peripl. § 106). But in reality the valley only varies in width from about seven'mile's to fifteen during its entire course from tlie Catar a c t s to the head of the Delta. (Wilkinson in the author's Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 9, note 3. 2nd edition.) « 1 Herod, ii. 7, 92, 137, 140; Thucyd. i. 110; Diod. Sic. i. 31, § 5; 34, § 3. Compare Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv. p. 115.

CH. I . ]

Til M FIFTH

g e e Gen. xii. 10; xlii. 57; Herod, ill. 91; Tac. Hist. iii. 8, 48; Ann. ii. 59; Plin. Paneg. § 31; &c. The dependence of the Romans on Egypt for their corn supplies is a well-known fact. " s Herod, ii. 32; iv. 181. I«« See the description of Herodotus (iv. 168-175!). 195 Ibid. iv. 183. The practice which Herodotus mentions still continues. (Hamilton, Wanderings in N. Africa, p. 196.) 198 The elevation of the upper plateau is estimated at from 1800 to 2000 feet. (Beechy, Expedition to N. Coast of Africa. pp. 434, 435.) 1 " Hamilton, pp. 31, 75, 76, 79, 80, &c. Beechy, pp. 434-437. i " See Herod, iv. 169; Scyl. Peripl. § 108; Plin. H. N. xxii. 23; Theophrast. Hist. PI. vi. 3; &c. •JOO Europe has only four such rivers: the Wolga, the Damibe, the Dniepr, and the Don. 201 The Euphrates and the Tigris. (See Vol. I. pp. 5-11.) 2°2 The labors of Speke, Grant, and Baker have not perhaps solved the entire mystery of the Njle sources—for a chain of lakes may communicate with the south-western extremity of the Albert Nyanza, or a great stream, the true infant' Nile, may enter that lake from the west—but they have traced the river at any rate southward almost to the equator, and shown that it has a course of at least 3000 miles. Sir G. Wilkinson estimates the distance of the old apex of the Delta from the sea by the Sebennytic branch at 110 miles—from that to Thebes by the river at 4-21 miles—from Thebes to Elephantine at 124 miles—Total, 655 miles. (See the author's Herodotus, vol. ii. pp. 8 and 10, notes 6 and 3, 2nd edition.) 204 Herod, ii. 5; Hecatseus, Fr. 279. 205 Herod, ii. 14. Compare Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv. pp. 39-41. 206 The shadoof of the modern Egyptians has a near representative upon the monuments. It consists of a long pole working- over a cross-bar. with a rope and bucket at one end, and a weight to balance them at the other. [PI. XXVII. Fig 3.] 2°' Wilkinson, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97. 208 Herod, ii. 15, 17, and 97; Strab. xvii. 1, § 30; Pomp. Mel. i. 9. 208 See the description of Herodotus (ii. 17), who calls the three main branches the Canobic, the Sebennytic, and the Pelusiac. From the Sebennytic, or central stream, there branched out (according to him) two others, which he calls the Saitic (Sanitic?) and the Mendesian. Both these seem to have intervened between the Sebennytic and the Pelusiac mouths. There were also two artificial channels—the Bucolic and the Bolbitine—the former between the Sebennytic and the Mendesian. the latter a branch from the Canobic. Scylax

MONAUCUT.

617

(Peripl. § 106) and Strabo (xvii. 1, § 18) have also seven mouths: the Canobic, Bolbotine. Sebennytic, PhatniUc, Jlendesian. Tanitie, and Pelusiac. Plin. H. N. v. 10. 2ii Horner, in Transactions of the Royal Society, vol. cxlv. pp. 101-138. 2'12 See Captain Strachey's paper in the Geographical Journal, vol. xxiii. pp. 1-69. 213 See Captain Strachey's Map. and compare Lieut. Macartney's " Memoir" in the second volume of Elphinstone's Caubitl, pp. 415. 410. 214 At MittunKote, after receiving the great stream of the Chenab, which brings with it the waters of all the other Punjab rivers, the Indus is more than a mile wide and never less than 15 feet deep. This width continues till Bukker (lat. 27° 40'). From Bukker to Schwan (lat. 20° 25') the average width is about three-quarters of a mile. At Hyderabad (lat. 25° 23') it is 830 yards, while a; Tatta it is not more than 700 yards. (Geograph. Journal, vol. iii. pp 125-13)) 215 The true Delta, which lies between the Buggaur and Sata arms, is here spoken of. If we take the Delta in the widest sense of the term, extending ifsouthward to the Koree mouth, which only conveys water during the time of the annual inundation, the size of it will be greatly enlarged. It must then be said to extend along the coast for 125 miles, and inland for above 100. Its area, according to this latter view of its limits, has been estimated at 7000 square miles. (See Burnes, in the Geograph. Journal, vol. iii. pp. 115-123, and compare the third volume of his Bokhara, pp. 228-240.) 210 Keith Johnston, Physical Atlas, "Hydrology,'" No. 5, p. 14. The estimate of Major Cunningham is 1977 miles. (Ladak, p. 90 ) 217 Wood's Memoir on the Indus, p. 306. 218 Geograph. Journal, vol. x. p. 5-36. The elevation of this lake is estimated at 15,600 feet. 219 Burnes. Bokhara, vol. ii. p. 190. 220 Ibid. Compare vol. i. p. 249. 221 Viimbfiry, Travels, p. 228. 222 The famous bridge of boats, which unites Buda with Pesth. is said to measure 1408 feet. (Murray, Handbook for S. Germany, p. 435, 3rd edition.) 223 Burnes, Bokhara,, vol. ii. p. 190. 224 V&mbSry, p 147. 225 Burnes, Bokhara, vol. ii. p. 189. 226 Keith Johnston, Physical Atlas, "Hydrology," No. 5. p. 14. 227 Herod, i. 92; Aristobulusap. Strab. xi. 7, § 3; Patrocles ap. eund. xi. 11, § 5; Eratosth. ap. eund. xi. 6, § 1; Plin. H N. vi. 17; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 29; Dionys. Perieg. i. 748; Mela, iii. 5; Ptol. Geograpft. vi. 14. 228 See Meyendorf, Voyage cl Bokhara, pp. 239-241; V&mbery, Travels, pp. 106, 115.

618

THE FIFTH

129 Burnes, Bokhara, vol. ii. p. 192. 230 On the cultivation here, see V'&mb6ry, pp. 120, 121, unci 141. 231 Burnes. 1. s. c. 532 For the true source of the Jaxartes, and the real course of its upper branches, see the Map accompanying Mr. J. Michell's paper in vol. x x x i . of the Geographical Jmvmal, opp. p. 356. 233 On the course of the lower Jaxar-tes. see an article in the Quarterly Review f o r October, 1865, pp. 553, 554:— " Watering with its numerous affluents in the upper part of its basin." says the writer, " o n e of the most fertile and delightful countries in the world, and fringed throughout its course with the richest cultivation, it debouches below the town of Turkistan upon a saline steppe, and its character becomes entirely altered. Where the banks are high, a thin belt of jungle alone separates the river from the desert; where they are low, inundations, forming reedy lagoons and impassable morasses,spread f o r hundreds of miles over the face of the plain; in the intermediate portions alone, where the banks admit the river over Ihe adjacent lands at the time of flood, but cut off the supply of water at other seasons, is there much cultivation or pasturage. In such positions the lands are said to be exceedingly fertile, the irrigating waters overlaying the surface with a rich alluvial loam, which, in combination with the saline soil, is found to be peculiarly favorable to agriculture. Whether Kussian engineering science, by a skilful management of the waters of the river, will be able to conquer the general sterility of the adjoining steppe to any appreciable extent, remains to be seen; but it is certain that in all history the lower basin of the river has been regarded as an irreclaimable desert." 234 Butakoff, in Geographical Journal, vol. xxiii. p. 99. 2 3 5 Ibid. 236 Keith Johnston, Physical Atlas, " H y d r o l o g y , " No. 5, p. 14. 237 Of these f o r t y streams, no f e w e r than seventeen have been already described in these volumes—the two Zabs, the Divaleh, the Belik, and the Khabour (Vol. I. pp. 123-120); most of the remainder, as the Aras (text, pp. 5, 6); the Sefid-rud (text, p. 6); theZenderud (text, p. 7); the Hindyan or Tab (text, p. 134); the Jerahi (text, p. 135); the Kuran (text, pp. 335, 136): the Kerkhah with its two branches (text. pp. 136. 137); the Orontes (text, pp. 138, 139): the Barada (text, pp. 140, 141), and the Jordan (text, pp. 143, 143). For a description of the Bendamir, see text, pp. 2(58, 269. F o r some account of the other streams, see the author's Herodotus, vol. i. pp. 315317. 447, 448, 459-401, 2nd edition. 238 On these lakes, see a paper by Sir G. Wilkinson, in the Journal of the Geographical Society, vol. xiii. pp. 113-138.

MONARCHY.

[CH. I.

I S3» p e e y d . I. p. 11, for a description ! of the Bahr-i-JSedjil': text, pp. 7, 8, f o r j an account of the ¡jnuniyeh. and text, pp. 143-14li, for descriptions of the Sai bakiiah, the Bahr-el-Melak, the DamasI cus lakes, the Dead Sea. the Sea of Ti| berias, Lake Meiom, the Lake of Hems, and the Sea of Antioch. Finally, see text, p. 20'J, f o r a description of Lake Neyriz. 240 Mr. Brant's observations, made in 1838, showed the elevation of Lake Van to be 5407feet. (0eograph. Journal, vol. x. p. 410.) 241 Lake Van was first correctly laid down by Lieut. Glascott, in the year 1838. The results of his survey were embodied in maps published by the Koyal Geographical Society in 1840. (See Geograph. Journal, vol. x. Maps opp. pp. 1 and 530.) 242 Siiiel in Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 63: Brant, in the same, vol. x. p. 391: Layard. Nineveh- cuui Babylon, pp. 22-34 and 38,-412. 243 Layard. p. 415. 244 Ibid. 1. s. c. 245 Brant in Geograph. Journal, vol. x . p. 403. Compare vol. ¡ii. p. 50. 246 Geograph. Journal, vol. x. p. 299. 247 Hamilton, Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 235. 248 Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. p. 340. Mr. Hamilton estimated the circumference at 30 leagues. (Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 147.) 249 Chesney, vol. i. p. 317. 250 Hamilton. Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 237. Mr. Ainsworth speaks of the whole lake as almost entirely dry in sninj xner." (Geograph. Journal, vol. x. p. ' 298.) But this is an exaggeration of the truth. 251 Hamilton, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 388. See note 196, Chapter I., ionrth Monarchy. 263 Hamilton, vol. ii. pp. 235-237. 264 Hamilton, in Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 147. " The water of the lake," says this traveller, " i s so extremely salt that no fish or other animals can live in it: birds dare not even touch the water; their wings become instantly stiff with a thick crust of salt." Mr. Ainsworth (Geograph. Journal, vol. x. p. 299) regards what is here said of the birds as a myth, but agrees that neither fish, mollusc, cor shell is to be found in the Jake, and that no birds were seen by his party to float on it. 265 Hamilton, Asia Minor, vol. ii. p, 235 268 Ibid. pp. 237, 238. 257 See Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, p. 429, with the editor's note. 258 The entire plateau is supposed to have, at least, this elevation. (See Fraser. Khorason, p. 162.) 259 Gen. Ferrier, the only European who has recently visited thg Lake of Seistan. calls its shape " a kind of tref o i l without a stalk, having the head

ch.

i.]

THE

FIFTH

MONARCHY.

619

Bunpoor possesses a most r e m a r k a b l e v e r y l o n g " {Caravan Journeys, p. 430); pi obably a very ancient—citadel. (Potbut tlio map attached to his worn: scarcelinger. Travels, pp. 109 and 11(5.) ly bears out this description. 270 See (ext. p. 271. 260 (Jea. Ferrier (1. s. c.) calls the 28o ( j n t| le importance of Mazaca, see length '"25 parasangs'' {i.e. faisaklis). Beckoning the i'araakh at miles, this i Strab. xii. 2, §§ 7-9; Plin. H. N vi. 3; Solin. Polyhist. ¿47: " M a z a c a m Cappa•would give a length of miles. doces matrem urbium nonimant." 261 Ferrier, p. 4.J0. 2 " Herod, iii. 120; Xen. Hell. iii. 1, § 10; 2 « 2 Ibid. pp. 413, 414, 423, &e. 2, § 1; iv. 1, § 15; Strab. xii. 8, § 10; Arr. =«3 Ibid. p. 4-20. Exp. Al. i. 12; &c. Herod, ii. 149; Strab. xvii. 1, | 37; 282 On the importance of Gordium, Diod. Sic. i. 52, § 3; Plin. II. N. x x v i . 12. 365 Herod. 1. s. c. see Arrian, Exp. Al. i. 29; Strab. xii. 5, So Diodorus (i. 51). S3. Strabo, on the other hand, seems to 283 The modern Daghistan, compared have regarded the basin as natural. 266 This district was first explored by with the rest of the Caucasus, is a low region. The route along the shores of M. Linanfc de Bellefonds. A good dethe Caspian, by Derbend and Baku, prescription of it is given by Mr. Blakesley sents but f e w difficulties. in his edition of Herodotus (vol. i. pp. 284 On the ethnology of the Caucasus 303-308). region, see Professor Max Muller's Lan267 Keren, or Korn, is one of the roots guages of the Seat of War, pp. 114-121. •which the Semitic and Indo-European 285 For an account of the great invalanguages possess in common. It apsion of the Scyths, see Vol. I. pp. 491pears in Hebrew as ]~;p, iu Arabic as 490. 286 According to Herodotus (iv. 21), keroun or qom, in Greek as (ce'pas, Latin the steppe between the Don and the cornu. German and English horn, &c. 268 Blakesley, p. 304. Wolga was in the possession of the Sau289 Ibid. p. 307, note. romatse (or Sarmatse), as early as the 270 Sir Gardner Wilkinson calls the j reign of Darius Hystaspis. 287 See especially Strabo, xi. 8, § 9. depth 24 feet. (See the author's HeroCompare Herod, i. 201-216. dotus, p. 196. note 8, 2nd edition.) M. 288 Strab. xi. 8, §4. Linant's calculations imply a depth of The Persians seem onlv 12 feet. to have guarded against this danger by 271 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, establishing along the line of the Jaxvol. artes a number of fortified posts. W e ¡ii. p. 68. 272 Herod, iii. 90; Diod. Sie. i. 53, §§ 5, 1 hear of seven (Arrian, Exp. Alex. iv. 2), the principal being Cyropolis or Cyres6. 273 For a description of Susa, see text, | chata, a town founded by Cyrus. Simip. 148. | larly at the present day, only with an inversion of the geographical position, 274 Zadracarta was the capital of HyrRussia guards her frontier against the cania (Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 25). I t wild tribes of Turkestan by a line of contained a palace l(3acriA.tia), no doubt j forts along the Sir-Daria. (Quarterly the residence of the satrap. Heeren locates Zadracarta in the neighborhood , Review, No. 236, p. 553.) aes Arrian, Exp. Alex. v. 25. Tevvaux. of Nishapoor (As. Nat. vol. i. p. 287, : note E. T.); but Hyrcania scarcely ex- \ Ta iro\eVta • - • peye&et. ¡xzyLiTTOL re /cat tended so far to the east. av&peitf. Heeren considers that it was fear of the military prowess of these 276 Artacoana is called the chief city Indians rather than mere weariness, of the Arians by Arrian (Exp. Alex. iii. which made Alexander's soldiers refuse 25). It is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. vi. to follow him to the Gauges. (4s. Nat, 23), Isidore (Mans. Parth. § 15), Strabo vol. i. p. 320.) (xi. 10. § 1), and Ptolemy (tieograph. vi as« Arrian speaks of aristocracies ag 17). Its identity with Herat is uncerbearing rule in these parts (1. s. c.); but, tain, but probable. if sucii existed at all, we m a y at lease 273 Herod, iii. 102; iv. 44. be sure that regal rule was more com277 Arrian, Exp. Alex. v. 8. ^ Ta£tAa mon. , , . TTOXIV FJ.EYCL\T}1> /cat eufiat/xova, TT]V FITYIA291 As Taxilas, Porus, and others. (ArTTJF TOLF 'IpfioO Te TTOTa/XOU Kill ' YOaO"rian. iv. 22; v. 3, 8, 21, &c.) JTOU. Strab. xv. _ 1, § 28. Taf tka . . 292 Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, 7roAts ^.eAa\i) /cat cinoiJ.Mr6.Tf}. The identivol. ii. p. 448. fication of l'axila with Attock is gener293 See text, p. 150. ally agreed upon. 294 Herod, iii. 6-9 and 97; vii. 69, 86; 27s Heeren, from the resemblance of Xen. Anab. i. 5, § 1; vii. 8, § 25. the name (As. Nat. vol. i. p. 270, note), 295 Herod, iii. 18, 23; Diod. Sic. iii. 10; identifies Pura (HoOpa, Arr. Exp. Al. vi. Strabo, xvii. 2, §§ 1-3; Pomp. Mel. iii. 10. 24) wiiii the modern Puhra, a small vil2 9 « Herod, iii. 20, 114; Isaiah xlv. 14. lage about 15 miles N.E. of Bunpoor. 297 Herod, iii. 100, 137; Diod. Sic. i. 65; But the argument drawn f r o m the name Manetho, Frs. 64 and 65. is weak, since poor or pore means sim298 Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 471, 3rd ply ' ; a fortified place.'' Arid Puhra has edition. This writer calculates that the no signs of antiquity about it, while

620

THE

FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. IL

s u m m e r months, which totally burnt u p all the corn." Fraser, pp. 56, 57. 11 Morier, Second Journey, p. 54; Kinneir, p. 78. 12 Fraser, Appendix, p. 134. 13 Morier, li'irsT Journey, p. 148. 14 Abbott, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. p. 53. J5 Fraser, 1. s. c. J8 See above, note 5, and compare Ker Porter, vol. i. p. 708; Morier, Second Journey, p. 113; Fraser. Appendix, p. 134. The highest temperature recorded is 110°. 17 Morier, Second Journey, p. 97. 18 On the coast of Beloochistan the thermometer in the month of December ranges f r o m 64° to 80° in the daytime. CHAPTER II. {Geograph. Journal, vol. xxxiii. p. 183.) i® See Vol. I. pp. 18, 19. 1 The altitude of Mount Demavend in 20 Ibid. pp. 139, 140. t h e Elburz range south of the Caspian si Ibid. p. 140. exceeds 20,000 i'eet. (.See note 0, ChapHerod, i. 142. Sir C. Fellows says t e r I., Third Monarchy.) The lower Jorof the climate a t t h e present day:— dan valley and the shores of the Dead " D u r i n g the s u m m e r the heat becomes •Sea are 1300 feet below the Mediterraintense as the morning advances, but nean (see note 193, Chapter I., Fourth before noon a land breeze is drawn down Monarchy). 2 f r o m the cold mountain country, which Nearchus, ap. Arr. Hist. Incl. § 40: Trjv lleptriSa yr}v rpixy veve/iyaBai rwv iopeuiv brings a refreshing coolness, with the o Aoyos KO-Tf -^ i' to p-tif avrijS 7rpos Tr/ 'EpvOij shade of clouds, and not unfrequently flying showers. In the early p a r t of t h e 6'x\6-tjSes re eivai Kai. anapitov VTTO tcavuaros' to 5e ewe rfj&e to? evening the heat again becomes oppressive; the dews are very h e a v y . " TTpo? ap/CTOV T6 KC.L (iopejjy avep.oi> iopray KOLAa>s KtKpaoOat. riiv ¿jpeojv . . . -rijf oe npoa'o (Asia Minor, p. 301.) 23 eri ¿TT' aptcrov lovrwv \eLfxepiyjv re /cai See note 20, Chapter II., Fourth TuiSea. Compare Strab. xv. 3, § 1. Monarchy. 2 3 " Herod, ii. 22. Kinneir. Persian Empire, p. 54; Mo25 Ibid. iii. 10; Piod. Sic. i. 10, § 4; rier. Second Journey, p. 120; Abbott, in Pomp. Mel. i. : " T e r r a expers imbriGeographical Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 184. 4 u m . " (On the occurrence of rain in On the character of this climate, Egypt see the r e m a r k s of Sir G. Wilkinwhich is called the Uhermsir (•' warm son m the author's Herodotus, vol. ii. p. climate''), see Fraser, Khorasan, p. 75. 338. note 4. 2nd edition.) and Appendix, p. 133; Morier, Second 26 Journey, p. 43; ideograph. Journal, vol. Hamilton, Wanderings in N. Afrixxvii. p 109. ca. pp. 93, 94. 27 5 Ibid. pp. 92, 145. &c. Kinneir calls the climate of Shiraz 2 - Herod, iv. 159: 'EvOaiira o ovpavos re" o n e of the finest in the world (p. til). TpifTal. Ker Porter says " i t is generally es28 Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, vol. teemed the most moderate climate in ii. pp. 3, 193, 194; Butakoff, in Geograph. t h e southern division of the empire; its Journal, vol. xxiii. p. 98; Humboldt, summer noons m a y be w a r m e r than is Aspects of Nature, vol. i. p. 84. pleasant, but the mornings and evenings 50 a r e delightful; when September comOn the coldness of the nights in mences the weather becomes heavenly, these regions, see Morier. Second Jourand continues until the end of Novemney, pp. 55, 97; Fraser, Khorasan, p. 114; ber, with a perfectly serene atmosphere, I Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, vol. i. p. of a most balmy and serene tempera- j 253; vol. ii. p. 2. Humboldt observes on t u r e . " (Travels, vol. i. p. 709.) this point:—"The high temperature of 6 t h e air, which makes the day's m a r c h Fraser, Khorasan, p. 55. 7 so oppressive, renders the coldness of Ibid. p. 75; and Appendix, p. 133. 6 the nights . . . so much the more strikMorier, Second Journey, p. 98; Moning. Mellon! ascribes this cold, proteith, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. Jrom p. 115. The highest t e m p e r a t u r e noted \ duced doubtless by the radiation by Mr. Fraser during his stay a t Bu- ! the ground, less to the great purity and j serenity of the sky than to the profound shire in the year 1MJ1 whs 109°. a calm, the nightly absence of all moveMorier, p. 43; Monteith, in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 109. The first- i ment m the atmosphere." (Aspects of Nature, vol. i. pp. U7, 118, E. T.) named writer r e m a r k s : — " The sam wind is h u r t f u l to vegetation; about six « Burnes, vol. i. pp. 170, 181, 182, &c.; y e a r s ago there was a s a m during t h e I vol. ii. p. 241; Straehey, in Geograph,

entire a r e a of ancient Greece amounted to no more than ¡£¿,¿31 square miles (.ib. 473). 289 Clinton sees grounds f o r believing t h a t the population was a t the rate of 365 persons to the squme mile, or equal in density to that of Great Britain in 1821. (F. II. vol. li. p. 474.) He estim a t e s the entire population roughly a t millions. 300 'fhe present population of the Punj a b exceeds 4,000,000. T h a t of .Egypt is now only millions; but anciently it must have been a t least double t h a t number. 3d Herod, iii. 11-15; iv. 44. 302 Compare Herod, iii. 134 and vii. 9.

CH. I I . ]

THE FIFTH

Journal, vol. xxiii. pp. 58-62; Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, pp. 217, 2 &c,; Humboldt, vol. i pp. 85-99, &c. (Compare Q. Curt. Hist. Al. Magn. ii. 3 ) 32 Burnes, Journey to Bokhara, vol. iii. pp. 119, 135; Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 125. S3 Burnes, p. 135. 34 Ibid. p. 254; Geograph. Journal, I. s c. 36 The swell commences in April, continues to increase till July, and terminates in September, (Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 123.) 38 Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. SUO. 37 Such is found to be the range in m o d e m times. (See Vol. I. pp. 18,110, 141; text, pp. 23. 84, 152.) There is no reason to believe that it was either more or less anciently. (See text, pp. 154, 155.) 38 Morier, First Journey, p. 61, notes the longevity of the natives inhabiting the Deshtist'an, one of the hottest and most unhealthy parts of the Empire. I£ any exception is to be made to the statement in the text, it must be to exempt j f r o m it some of the damp hot regions, j as Mazanderan. and perhaps Balkh. 89 Arrian, Hist. Iiid xxxviii. § 6; Strab, xv. 3, ¡j 1: 'H irapaA ia . . . air avian} /capirots "Ar/c ; wild myrtle is common near Shiraz (Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. p. 150); the camel's thorn and the liquorice-plane are found on the plateau north of Shiraz (Morier, Second Journey, p. 116); the gum tragacanth plant is a product of the region about Fessa (Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. pp. 152, 157); the caper-bush grows in the Deshtistan. (Fraser, p. 71); the benneh is common in the Fessa and Darab districts (Georaph. Journul, vol. xxvii. p. 139); the

g

lackberry was seen by Mr. Abbott near Khubbes (ib. vol. x x v . p. 32). Wild figa and wild almonds are common in all the upper country. 61 Pottinger, Travels, p. 234; Geograph. Journal, vol. x x v . pp. 32, 59; vol. xxvii. pp. 16g, 184, &e. Compare K e r Porter, p. 709. s2 Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p. 80; vol. x x v . p. 74; vol, xxvii. pp. 115, 150, &c. 83 Pulse and beans are cultivated in Kerman (Geograph. Journal, vol. x x v . p. 47), as are also indigo, henna, and madder (ib. pp. 31, 51, 04), Cotton, indigo, and opium are grown in the vicinity of Shiraa (ib. vol. xxvii. p. 150). Sesame is grown near Failyun (ib. vol. xiii. p. 80), at Fessa (ib. vol. xxvii. p. 154), and elsewhere. 54 Morier, First Journey, p. 64; Ker Porter, vol. i. pp. 461, 452, 468, 509; vol. ii. pp. 6, 19; Ouseley, vol. ii. pp. 67,179, 215; Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p. .79; vol. x x v . pp. 28, 41, 47, 62, -68, &c. The Baron de Bode heard also of wild buffaloes (Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p. 82). 56 Morier, First Journey, p. 64; Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. pp. 77, 78. 6 6 Ker Porter, vol. i. p. 461; Geog. Journal, vol. x x v . p. 68. 87 K e r Porter, vol. i. p. 460. Compare Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, p. 138, and Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 270. 6"s Eagles were seen frequently in the mountains between Bushire and Shiraz by Sir W. Ouseley (Travels, vol. i. p. 805). A vulture was shot near Daxab by one of his party (ib. vol. ii. p. 153). 68 Cormorants, falcons, bustards, and partridges of more than one kind were noticed by Mr. Morier in the Deshtistan (First Journey, p. 64). 60 Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p. 79. «1 Ibid. vol. x x v . pp. 82, 54, 59; vol, xxvii. p. 162.

622

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. IX.

91 62 Geograph. Journal, vol, xxvii. pp. Ibid. vol. s x v . p. 73; vol. xxvii. p. I I 118, 159. 150; Morier, First Journey, p. 142. 62 63 Ouseley observes t h a t the Arab Morier, p. 77. 64 population seems to relish the locust, but Geograph,. Journal, vol. xxvii. 1. s. c. 65 Abbott, in Geographical Journal, I not c-othe Persian (Tmvds, vol. i. p. 196). [ He himself tried the dish, and found vol. xxv. p. 60. 66 apograph. Journal, vol. xxv. p. 73. ! it " b y no means unpalatable," being 67 j " in flavor like lobsters or shrimps." Morier, First Journey, pp. 01, 64. e8 j 83 Abbott, in Geograph. Journal, vol. Ker Porter, vol. ii. p. 19. e:i • xxvii. p. 154. Geograph. Journal, vol. xiii. p. 79. B4 70 Ibid. Compare Ouseley, vol. i. p. Ibid. vol. xxv. p. 54; vol. xxvii. p. ! note. | ISC, 162. 4,5 71 That is to say, they consist of the The root of Carm-ania (or Ger- I mania, Herod, i. 125) would seem to be j camel, the horse, the mule, the ass, the t h e ancient Persian garnia (found in the j cow, the goat, the sheep, the dog-, the m o n t h G < trm a pa da. -which is represented cat, and the buffalo. (See text, pp. 160, by the modern Persian gherin— both ; 161.) words being identical with our own I Kinneir, p. 41; Fraser, Khorasan, p. " warm." i 72. 72 Though the name of Ichthyophagi I 97 Kinneir, pp. 41, 42; Chardin, tom. is restricted t>y the ancient writers to I iii. p. 37. the inhabitants of the coast track outside I " s See, besides the authorities quoted the Gulf (Arrian, Hist. hid. xxix. xxxii. ; j in the last note, Geograph. Journal, vol. Strab. xv. 2, §§ 1, 2, &c.), yet the fact | xxvii. p. 152; Pottinger, Travels, p. ¿88; of dependence on the sea tor food had j and Fraser, 1. s. c. evidently no such limitation. (See | " A b b o t t , in Geograph. Journal, vol. Arrian, Hist. Ind. xxxvii. 8; xxxviii. 4.) ; xxvii. p. 159. 73 100 Nearchus, ap. Arr. H. I. xxx. 1-9. Ibid. p. 152. 101 Compare Strab. xv. 2, § 2. Whales have Pottinger, p. 225. 102 been'observed by moderns in t h e PerXen Cyrop. i. 3, § 3. 'Ev nepo-cn? yap, Bian Gulf, near Busrah (Vincent, Peri5 i a TO ^ a A e i r o i ' CIVAT feat rpec/>eIV in-Trou? Kat plus, p. 392, 2nd edition; Ouseley, TraLTTTreveii', ey opeivfi over}? Ttf ^ w p a /cat t S e t p vels, vol. i. p. ¿30). ZlTirov ir avv ffffavtoc rf v . 103 74 Herod, i. 136; Nic. Dam. F r . 66, Arr. H. I. xxix. 15; xxx. 8; xxxix. p. 403, sub. fin.; Strab. xv. 3, § 18; 4. 76 Arrian, Hist. bid. xl. § 4. &c Ibid. xxix. 1G; xxx. f). 104 76 Camels (TIerod. i. 80); sheep and îsearebus ap. Arr. II. I. xxxix. 5. 77 goats (ib. i. 1£6; Arr. H. I. xxxvii. 11); Ibid. xxix. 11. Chardin says of asses (Strab. xv. 2, § 14); oxen (Herod, t h e Persian Gulf—"Il n ' y a point au i. 1*6; l\ic. Dam. Fr. 66, p. 4031. monde, comme je crois, de mer si pois105 In Nicolas's fragment concerning sonneuse que le Golfe de Perse." Voyt h e early life of Cyrus (Fr. 66), the Perages, tom. iii. p. 44.) See also Ouseley, sians, includingvol.Cyrus 'Travels, i. p. himself, are 227. 78 throughout represented as " goat-herds " Arrian, H. I. xxix 12. 7S (ain-dAot). So Herodotus, when he menIbid. 14; xxxviii. 3; xxxix. 5. 80 tions the various flocks and herds of On t h e excellent quality of the Cambyses, the f a t h e r of Cyrus, assigns Gulf oysters, see Morier, First Journey, the first place to the goats (to re at7rop. 55. S1 A t a , k c u r a s 7Tot/afas, tcai r a j S o v / c o A i a , X. As in the Khist river (Ouseley, 126). Travels, vol. i. p. 261), in t h e small ¡»«Strab. xv. 2, § 14; Plin. H. N. vi. stream which flows by Ekleed(ib. p. 446), 23. These mines were in Carmania, a n8d2 elsewhere. where there was also a river (the HycSee text, p. 31. 83 tanis) whose sands contained gold. Kinneir, p. 43; Ouseley, vol. ii. p. 107 Strabo (1. s. c.) speaks of a " moun216. " Chardin, tom. iii. p. 38. " On dit tain of s a l t " (¿Abs opo?) in Carmania. Abbott (Geograph. Journal, vol. xxvii. qu'ils attaquent quelquefois les hommes, p. 157) uses almost exactly the same e t qu'ils les tuent." 86 expression. He and Ouseley (Travels, Ouseley. vol. ii. p. 176, 216; Charvol. ii. p. 155) note that the salt is of din, 1. s. c. ; Kinneir. 1. s. c. 86 different colors. Chardin, 1. s. c.; Ouseley, vol. ii. " « P o t t i n g e r , Travels, p. 229; Abbott p. 67227. in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxv. pp. 34, Ouseley, vol. ii. p. 215. 88 66. Tom. iii. p. 38:- " S a morsure est 108 See text. p. 269. dangereuse, et m ê m e mortelle, quand il no Pottinger, p. 237. entrent dans les oreilles." 111 Ouseley, vol. i. p. 258; Morier, First Compare text, pp. 82, 33, 160. 80 Journey, p. 78; Chesney, Euphrates ExChardin, 1. s. c. ; Ouseley, vol. i. p. pedition, vol. i. p. 75. 195; vol. ii. p. 218; Morier, Second Journey,-pp. 43,44; Geograph. Journal, 112 See Plin. H. N. vi. 28: " F l u m e n vol. xxvii. p. 158, &e. Granis modicarum naviura p e r Susi-

CH.

ir.]

TIIE FIFTH

a n e m fluit; d e x t r a e j u s a d c o l u n t Dexim o n t a n i , qui bitumenperjiciunt." 443 Ouseley, vol. i. p. 258; Geograph. Journal, vol. i. xxvii. p. 152. 114 L e a d is f o u n d in F a r s , n e a r Neyriz (Geograph. Journal, vol. x x v . p. 71), a n d also in t h e vicinity of M u r g a b (Morier, Second Journey, p. 120). l i s ¿.rrian, Hist. Ind. xxxviii. 3. 446 Plin. H. N. ix. 25. 117 Ibid, xxxvii. 9, sub. fin. 118 l b . xxxvii. 10. Plin. H JV. 1. s. c. 120 Pliny c o m p a r e s it t o t h e t e e t h of t h e h i p p o p o t a m u s (H. N. 1. s. e.), which a r e a little m o r e t r a n s p a r e n t a n d less white t h a n ivory. 424 T h e l y c a r d i o s . . Persas, a p u d q u o s gignitur. m a g n o p e r e d e l e c t a t : mule a p p e l l a n t . ' ' (Plin. II. N. xxxvii. 10, sub. fin.) The turquoise, w h i c h is now t h e f a v o r i t e g e m of t h e P e r s i a n s , a n d w h i c h is f o u n d in K e r m a n (Geograph. Journal, vol. x x v . p p 30, 03) a s well a s a t N i s h a p u r . m a y h a v e b e e n k n o w n in t h e t i m e of t h e E m p i r e ; but t h e r e is n o evidence t h a t it w a s so. 11 2232 See t e x t , pp. 154-162. Kinneir, Bersian Empire, p. 43. 124 Butakolf in Geograph. Journal, vol. xxiii. p. [15. 125 Burnes, Journey to Bokhara, vol. iii. p. 133. Tigers a r e also said t o exist in t h e h i g h c o u n t r y a b o u t K a s h g a r a n d Y a r k a n d , e a s t of t h e Bolor m o u n t a i n range. 126 See Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v. pp. 176. 177; a n d S t u a r t Poole in Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. viii. p. 43'i 127 A.rrian, Exp. Alex. iv. 22, v. 3. 9, &c. T h e native c o u n t r y of t h e e l e p h a n t is t h e peninsula of H i n d u s t a n . N e a r c h u s (ap. Sti-a'o. xv. 1, § 43) a n d even Megast h e n e s (ap. eimd. xv. 1, § 42, a n d A r r . Hist. Ind xiii. and xiv.) p r o b a b l y derived t h e i r a c c o u n t s of t h e m o d e in w h i c h wild e l e p h a n t s were t a k e n f r o m hearsay. 128 H e r o d , ii 71. C o m p a r e "Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians. vol. v. p p . 177-181. 29 1 Herod, ii. 68, 09; Diod. Sic. i. 89. 130 Herod, iv. 44; B u r n e s , Bokhara, vol. iii. p. 303.. 134 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v. p. 123. C o m p a r e his n o t e in t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. iii. p. 141, n o t e 8, 2nd edition. 432 H e r o d , iv. 192. 133 A i n s w o r t h , Researches, p. 46. 434 See t e x t . p. 33. 136 Encycl. Britannica, a d voc. MAMMALIA, v o l . x i v . p . 2 1 1 .

iso Ibid. vol. xxi. p. 906. Cliesnev, vol. i. p. 142. Elphiustone, Caubul, vol. i. p. 188. Carless in Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 362. 440 Naturalists s e e m n o w t o d o u b t w h e t h e r t h e elk c a n live m u c h below t h e 45th parallel. ( E n c y c l . Britannica, vol. xiv. p . 206.) 13' 438 439

MONARCHY. 444 142

!

' I I j :

I | i

623

E l p h i n s t o n e , 1. s. c. M u m m i e s of t h e c y n o c e p h a l u s a r e c o m m o n in t h e E g y p t i a n t o m b s , a n d t h e s a m e a p e is f r e q u e n t l y r e p r e s e n t e d 011 t h e s c u l p t u r e s . (Wilkinson, vol. v. p p . 128-130.) But it w a s p e r h a p s o n l y i m p o r t e d into E g v p t f r o m E t h i o p i a . (See Plin. H. JST. viii. 54.) 443 Wilkinson, vol. v. 174. 444 Xen. Anab. i. 5, § 2. See Vol. I. p . 149. 445 E l p h i n s t o n e . Caubul, vol. i. p. 192. T h e g r e e n p a r r o t is f o u n d also in S y r i a . (Chesney, vol. i. p p . 413, 537.) 440 Herod, ii. 75, 76; Diod. Sic. i. 87, § 6: S t r a b . xvii. 2, § 4. 447 Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p. 362. 448 Ainsworth, in C h e s n e y ' s Euphrates Expedition, vol. i. A p p e n d i x , p. 730. T h i s bird is " e q u a l in size t o t h e condor." 449 A i n s w o r t h . 1. s. c, 150 T h e spoonbill o c c u r s in t h e E g y p t i a n sculptures. (Wilkinson, vol. iii. p. 51.) 454 T h e benno a n d t h e sicsac a r e f o u n d only in E g y p t . T h e l a t t e r is p r o b a b l y t h e trochilus of H e r o d o t u s . (Wilkinson, vol. v. p. 226.) 162 Chesney, Euphrates Exp. vol. i. p . 83. 153 ButakofE in Geograph. Journal. vol. xxiii. p. 99. 454 Chesney, vol. i. p. 412. 455 Burnes! Bokhara, vol. iii. p. 39. 453 See t e x t , p. 303. 157 Arrian, Hist. Ind. xxxix. 5; Burnes, vol. iii. p. 60; Geograph. Journal, vol. viii. p p . 332, 362, &c. 458 See Vol. I. p p . 27, 150; t e x t , p. 31. 159 T h e O x y r i n c h u s is m e n t i o n e d b y S t r a b o (xvii. 2, § 4), P l u t a r c h (De Is. § 2, &c.), ¿Elian (iVaf. An. x. 46), a n d others. I t h a s b e e n recognized in t h e Mormyrus oxyrinchus, or mizdeh, of m o d e r n E g y p t . (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. v. p. 249; Description de VEgypte, " Hist. N a t . " vol. i. p. 270. a n d pi. 6. fig. 1 ) The lepidotus is s p o k e n of b y H e r o d o t u s (ii. 72) a n d S t r a b o (1. s. c.). I t is t h o u g h t to h a v e been t h e m o d e r n Cyprinus lepidotus, o r Cyprinus benni. (Description, p. 281; Wilkinson, p. 2V2. C o m p a r e t h e l a t t e r w r i t e r ' s n o t e in t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol ii. p. 101. 2nd edition.) S t r a b o m e n t i o n s a s fish of t h e Nile h a v i n g peculiar c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (xapa/cTrjpa e'xorres idiov xai ¿7TL)(Mpioy)—• besides t h e s e two—the latus. t h e alabes, t h e coracinus. t h e chcerus. t h e phagroriu s or phagrus, t h e silurus. t h e citharus, t h e thrissa. t h e cestreus. i h e lychnus. t h e physa. a n d t h e bus (J3o0s). On t h e w h o l e s u b j e c t of t h e fish of t h e Nile, see t h e Description de VEgypte. " Hist. N a t . " vol. i. pp. 1-52, a n d p p . 265-340. 160 Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 6. 454 H e r o d , iii. 91; Diod. Sic. i. 52. 462 The crocodile a n d t h e t w o monitors. Lacerta Nilotiea, and Lacerta scincus.

624

THE FIFTH

163 St. Hilaire in t h e Description de l'Egypte, " Hist. N a t . " torn. i. pp. 115—

MONARCHY.

[CH. I t .

175 St. Hilaire well observes of these reptiles:—"Ce qui les rend véritable120. m e n t bien remarquables, c'est la f o r m e 184 For a n e x a c t description of t h e bizarre de leur tete, la disposition n o n E u p h r a t e s t u r t l e see tiie Appendix t o moins singulière de leurs y e u x presque vol. i. of C h r s n e y ' s Euphrates Expedientièrement recouverts p a r la peau," e t tionpp. 733, 784. (Compare Qllivier, d o n t l'un p e u t se mouvoir en sens inVoyage en Perse, torn. iii. 453.) verse de 1 a u t r e ; la s t r u c t u r e de leur 105 langue c h a r n u e , cylindrique et très-exEncycl Britannica, vol. xix. p. 31. 16S : tensible; leur queue p r e n a n t e ; enfin Description de VEgypte, "Hist. leurs doigts divisés en d e u x p a q u e t s opN a1 6t 7. " torn. i. pp. 125, 126. posables l'un à l ' a u t r e . " (Description Oil t h e gecko see Description de de l'Egypte, " Hist. N a t . " vol. i. p. 134.) VEgypte, pp. 130-134, a n d c o m p a r a Enc. 176 Britannica, vol. xix. p. S5. Encycl. Britunn. vol. xix. p. 37. 168 Foskral, Descript. Anim. 13. The a u t h o r h a d in his house f o r some i«8 See Mr. H o u g h t o n ' s r e m a r k s in time a specimen lent him by Mr. F r a n k Dr. S m i t h ' s Biblical Dictionary, vol. ii. Buckland. Its color only varied between p. 137 ashy g r e y and yellowish olive. 170 17 7 The a s p of E g y p t h a s been well A s t h e common unproductive palm, described by St. Hilaire in t h e Descript h e date-bearing palm, t h e f a n - p a l m tion de VEgypt4 ( " H i s t . N a t . " torn. i. (see text, p. 302), a n d the b r a n d l i n g p a l m p p . 157-160); by Wilkinson, in his An0Palma Thebaica) of U p p e r E g y p t . cient Egyptians (vol. v. pp. 241, 242); a n d (Description de l'Egypte, vol. ii. p. 145.) 178 b y Mr. Houghton, in S m i t h ' s Biblical See Herod, vii. 31; Fellows, Asia Dictionary (Appendix to vol. i. p. xvii.). Minor, pp. 3G, 42; Pottinger, Travels, p. T h e a c c o m p a n y i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i o n is 238; Ker Porter, vol. i. p p . 409, 712; f r o m t h e last-named work. Ouseley, vol. ii. p. 165; &c. 171 17 9 Sir G. Wilkinson h a d an a s p six The b a n y a n is a native of t h e P u n f e e t long, which was t h e largest t h a t h e jab. (Elphinstone's C'aubul, vol. i. p . s a w in E g y p t . (Ancient Egyptians, vol. 108.) v. p. 241; Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 105, Strab. x v . 3, §22. 181 n o t e 2.) H e discredits the a c c o u n t of Theophrastus, Hist. Plant, ii. 7; p. yElian (Nat. An. vi. 38), t h a t s o m e 67. 182 s p e c i m e n s m e a s u r e d live cubits (7>4 Plin. H. N. xii.3; Theophrastus, Ii. feet). P. iv. 4; Dioscorid. De Mat. Med. i. § 172 This snake is described by Wilkin166; Virg. Cfeurg. ii. 12C-135. 183 son (vol. v. p p . 245-247), by St. Hilaire See above, note 44. 184 (in t h e Description de VEgypte, " Hist. Strab. xv. 2, $ 14. 165 N a t . " torn. i. pp. 155, 156), a n d by M r. Onesicritus ap. Plin. H . N. xv. IS; H o u g h t o n (Biblical Dictionary, vol. i. Strab. xi. 7, § 2. 186 Appendix, p. iv.). I t w a s k n o w n t o Plin. H. N. xv. 13. The n a m e " DaH e r o d o t u s (ii. 74). Aristotle (Hist. Anim. mascene p l u m " has been contracted into ii. 1), Diodorus (i. 87), Pliny (H. N. viii. our187" damcon." 23), jEIian uVui. Anim. x v . 13), and Plin. H. N. xv. 25. H e r e again others. l a n g u a g e is a record of facts in n a t u r a l 17S history. The w o r d " c h e r r y " represents On t h e e r r o r of H e r o d o t u s in this r e s p e c t (ii. 74; ô$ieç ¿pffpcoTTwv ovôa,UWÇ | t h e Latin cerasus (Gk. *epauoi), which SyAtj/j.oi'cç). see'Wilkinson, in t h e a u t h o r ' s \ w a s t h e special f r u i t of Cerasus, one of Herodotus, note ad loc. I t h e Greek cities on the north coast of 174 The chameleon is p e r h a p s n o t the I Asia Minor. animal intended in Lev. xi. 30, t h o u g h I i» 8 Ibid, xxiii. 7, § 70, ed. Sillig. 185 t h e LXX. so understood t h e passage. Herod, iv. 169; Scylax. Peripl. S The attention of t h e Greeks seems to ! 108; Plin. H. N. xix. 3. h a v e been first called to it b y Demo1 30 Ezek. xxvii. 18; Strab. xv. 3, g 22. critus, who wrote a special book on the ; i d p u n . H . N. xxih. p r o e m . § 5. subject. (Plin. H . A', xxviii. 8.) By j 1 9 2 Vùmbéry, Travels, p. 146. Aristotle's time the c r e a t u r e w a s so well Ibid. p. 419. 134 known as to h a v e become a p r o v e r b f o r Ibid. p. ¡¡33. 195 charigefuiness (Eth. Nie. i. 10, § 8). l i e r Porter, Travels, vol. i. p. 451; Aristotle himself g a v e a good description Kinneir, Persian Empire, pp. b8 and of it in his " History of A n i m a l s " (¡i. 11, 110. 198 g 1). L a t e r writers a m o n g t h e Greeks, Morier, Second Journey, p. 203; a s A l e x a n d e r t h e Myndian (ap. JS1. De Kinneir, p. 38. 197 Nat. .4 mm. iv. 33), indulged their fancies Kinneir, p. 115. 198 on t h e subject, a n d invented a n u m b e r of Fraser, Khorasan, p. 75. 199 a b s u r d tales in connection with it. T h e Tô paTTov o-i'A^tof h a d become t h e tiret l a t i n writer who speaks of t h e subject of a proverb as early as t h e time chameleon is Ovid (Metaph. x v . 411). of Aristophanes (Plut. 621). It w a s asA l t e r him Pliny (H. N. 1. s. c.), Solinus sumed as t h e special emblem of Cyrênâ (Polyhist. § 43), a n d Leo Airicanus (De- ! u p o n coins. F r o m t h e possession ol' t h e scrip. Afric. ix. p. 296), treat of t h e anit r e a s u r e t h e city derived its epithet of raal, all with much e s a g g e r a t i o n . ! laserpicijera (Oatull. vii. 4). On the

CH. I I . ]

THE

FIFTH MONARCHY.

6.25

A b b o t t , in Geographical Journal, vol. q u a l i t i e s of t h e d r u g , see T h e o p h r a s t . x x v . p p . 34, 60; P o t t i n g e r , Travels, p. Mist, PI. vi. 3; i x . 2; P l i n . H. iV. x i x . 229; A i n s w o r t h , Researches, p . 118. 3. 224 200 See t e x t , p p . 29,157, &c. C o m p a r e Delia Cella, Narrative, p p . 126, 127; H e r o d , vii. 30; a n d see t e x t , p . 292. P a c h o , Voyage dans la Marmarique, ch. 225 R o b i n s o n , Researches in Palestine, xviii.; B e e c h e y , ¡expedition to N. C. of v o l . ii. p . 482; A b b o t t , in Geographical Africa, p p . 409-420; H a m i l t o n , WanderJournal, vol. x x v i i . p . 157. Compare ings vi N. Africa, p . 27. S t r a b o , x v . 2, § 14. O n t h e s u b j e c t of t h e E g y p t i a n 22S O n t h e " Salt R a n g e " of N o r t h papyrus the reader m a y be referred to w e s t e r n I n d i a , s e e E l p h i n s t o n e ' s Caubul, Sir G-. W i l k i n s o n (in t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodvol. i. p p . 48, 49, a n d 137. otus, vol. ii. p p . 128,1-J9), a n d Mr. C o w a n , 227 t h e w r i t e r of t h e a r t i c l e o n " P a p e r , " in C h e s n e y , Euphrates Expedition, t h e Encyclopedia Brilannica (vol. xvii. vol. i. p . 132. 228 p p . 246-218). A s a t N i m r u d ( J o u r n a l of the '•»>2 H e r o d , ii. 92. T h e o p h r a s t u s ( I I . P. Asiatic Society, v o l . x v . p . 371), a t K e r iv. 9) s a y s t-hat t h e r o o t w a s u s e d a s firek u k ( K e r P o r t e r , v o l . ii. p p . 440-442), a t wood, a n d t h a t m a n y articles w e r e m a d e K i f r i (Rich, Kurdistan, vol. i p . 29), a n d f r o m it. a t H i t ( H e r o d , i. 179; R i c h , First Memoir on Babylon, p p . 63, 64). P l i n . IT. N. xiii. 12. 229 204 On t h e n a p h t h a pits n e a r Dalaki, Ibid. 206 see O u s e l e y , vol. i. p . 258; Clerk, in GeoSee t e x t , p . 305. 208 graphical Journal, v o l . x x x i . p . 64. S t r a b . x v . 2, § 10. 230 Geographical Journal, vol. i x . p . »p.áE l p h i n s t o n e , p . 195; S t r a b . 1. s. c . 2 Ttoj'. Eíct ¡JLLKpOL Kai ov /xeÁáyoL (De " A i n s w o r t h , Researches, p . 273; ElLapid. p . 39C.) Mr. K i n g a r g u e s t h a t p h i n s t o n e . p . 194; M o r i e r , First Journey, these Bactrian gems m u s t be turquoises, pr>. 82S. 284. 1. O n a c c o u n t of t h e t u r q u o i s e h a v i n g "-- 2 A i n s w o r t h , p p . 274, 275, 2S5, 333, b e e n s o m u c h u s e d b y t h e P e r s i a n s of all &c. i 223 a g e s (?) f o r s e t t i n g in t h e i r a r m s a n d orH a m i l t o n . XTartdarinos, p t \ 1S3,19:3. n a m e n t s ; a n d 2. O n a c c o u n t of t h e i r &o.; K c r P o r t e r , Travel?, v c l . "i. p . 333;

626

THE FIFTH

small size. But a passage of Pliny makes it clear that heat least understood Theojhrastus to mean emeralds. "Proxiinam audem habent, sicut et sedem Bactriani (smaragdi): in commissuris saxorum colligere eos dicuntur etesiis flanhbns; tune enim tellure deoperta nitent, et quia us ventis harence muxime rnoventur" (H. N. xxxvii. 5). 246 piijj. i g_ c ; Theophrastus, 1. s. c. 247 Mr. King has shown grounds for regarding the " Smaragdi Bactriani" of Pliny,which were dark-colored, free from flaws and extremely hard, as green rubies {Antique Gems, p. 29). si» The luchnis of Pliny (II. X. xxxvii. 7) is identified by Mr. King with the common ruby (Antique Gems, p. £3). This stone was found near Orthosia in Caria. It is yielded now in great abundance bif mines in Badakshan (Elphinstone, vol. l. p. 1C4; Fraser, Appendix, p. 105). 240 Plin. II. X. xxxvii. G and 9. =50 The "Cyprian diamond" of Pliny (II. X. xxvii. 4;, which had a bluish tinge and could be bored by means of a true diamond, was most probably a sapphire. (See King, Antique Gems, p. 67.) 251 Plin. II. X. xxxvii. 9. lb. 7. 253 lb. 8. Jaspers are now found near Zenovia on the Euphrates. (Ainsworth, Researches, p. 71.) 154 The " sapphirus" of Pliny seems to be the common lapis lazuli. (See text, p. 35.) The best sort came, he says, from 3Iedia. (II. X. xxxvii. 9.) His " c y a n o s " is perhaps the clear variety of the same stone (King, Antique Gems, p. 45.) It was brought from Scythia, Cyprus, and Egypt. ass piin. H. Y. xxxvii. 7. (See text, p. 157.) 25e Dionys. Perien. 1073-1077; Plin. II. N. xxxvii. 0. The " s a r d o n y x " of the latter is a species of agate. (.King, pp. 8-13.) 257 II. 1ST. xxxvii. 8. 258 Herodotus speaks of an emerald pillar in the temple of Hercules at Tyre (ii. 44). So too Theophrastus (De Lapid. p. 300). and Pliny (H. X. xxxvii. 5). The former of these two writers tells us further of an emerald presented to a lung of Egypt by a king of Babylon which was four cubits long and three broad, and of an obelisk made of four emeralds, each of which was forty cubits in length! King, p. 32; Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus, vol. ii. p. 69, note 8, 2nd edition. - 00 Elphinstone, Caubul, vol. i. p. 194. 261 King, pp. 85-87. 2 i 2 Plin. II. X. xxxvii. 2. 203 " J e t " is a corruption of " gaaates lapis," a name formed from Gagis. (Plin. II. X. xxxvi. 19.) 2e4 Ainsworth, Researches, pp. 55 and 289. Ibid. p. 289.

i

MONARCHY. I I ¡ ! !

j j : ¡ ' j Í !

! ¡ j j

[CH. I I I .

CHAPTER III. i See text, p. 36. 2 In the Zendavesta, " t h e first best of regions and countries" the original home of Ahura-mazda's peculiar people is Aryanem vaejo — " t h e source of the Arians." According to Herodotus (vii. 62), the Hedes of his day were known as " Arians" by all the surrounding nations. The sculptor whom Darius Hystaspis employed at Bebistun, explained to the Scythic aborigines of Zagros, in a note of his own, that Ahnra-mazda, of whom so much was said in the inscription, was '"the God of the Arisns." (Beh. Inzer. col. iv. par. 12.) Darius himself, in another inscription, boasted that he was ' ' a Persian, the son of a Persian, an Arian of Arian descent." (Xakhsh-i-Pustam Inscription, par. 2.) Eudemus, the disciple of Aristotle, called the people who had the magi for their priests, " t h e Arian nation." (Ap. Damasc. De Princip. sub init.) Strabo introduced the term " Ariana" into geography, and gave it a sense nearly corresponding to the modern Iran. The Sassanian monarchs divided the world into A iran and Amran and claimed to be kings both of the Arian and the un-Arian races. Finally the term Iran remains to the present day the only designation by which the modern Persian knows his country.

3 1 have already noticed the remarkable fact that the Medes are unmentioned in the Zendavesta i see text, p. 77). There is the same absolute silence with regard to the Persians. 4 See note 1, Chapter III., Third Monarch v. 5 See text, pp. 30-45. 6 See Pl. I V . Fig. 1; Pl. V . Figs. 1 and 2; Pl. V I . Figs l a n d 2. 7 lier Porter, vol. i. p. 670; Flandin. Voyage en Perse, "Planches Antiques, > torn. iii. PI. 156. B Herod, iii. 12. 9 Sec text, pp. 45-57. 10 See text, pp 379-419. J1 Compare text. pp. 58-60. 12 Herod, vii. 211, ix. 62. Note especially the passage—¿nj/iart p.év vvv koX i puifir] ov\ écreroreç eaay oi IXepcrat. avo7rAot j ¿è èôj-Teç Ka!. Trpbs ài'fnrt.rrrr/iioi'rç r;a"av, Kat ovx ó/^otot roLcrt èvavTLOLcri (rotfoiyv npo(re£a'.£70"0!'Teç êè tear éVa/caî b'ÍXa Kai 77/'.tût'éç I re Ka't eAacrtroï'tç avrrrpeipOfiefOi, è&é-nnnov ! es roùç 2:rapTi?/Taç, Kat SiefiOeipovTO. 13 Grote, History I of Greece, vol. iii. p. I 513, note 5. ediriori of 1862. 14 \\\KÚ¡,pav Aaôç. iEschyl. Pers. 94. Compare Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen. Dcipn. xii. p. 512. A. 15 ^Esch. Pers. 10-1-110: ©eotëei' yàp Kara ¡xoip ÇKpàrrjaev TO 77aAa.t See Vol. 1. pp. 197. 337. '0 Berosus, F r . 14; Diod. Sic. 1. S. C.; Q. Curt. 1. s. c. 71 This is, I think, t h e m e a n i n g of Dlodorus, when h e says t h a t t h e appeara n c e w a s t h a t of a t h e a t r e . ('Eo-ti S' A TrapacSeicros . . . ràç ocKo5otataç ciAAaç aWcùv e\aiv, to a r e t JI V irpoaoïj/ii' fitvai 0 e a t p o £ i S ïj .)

MONARCHY.

597

73 Curtius and Diodorus b o t h m a k e t h e height t h a t of the walls of Babylon, which t h e former, however, estimates a t 150 and t h e latter a t 330 feet. Curtius places t h e g a r d e n on t h e palace m o u n d ( " s u p e r arce"), which would imply for t h e a c t u a l s t r u c t u r e of t h e garden a height of not m u c h m o r e t h a u 90 or 100 feet. 73 JI. Oppert a t t e m p t s a reconstruction of t h e ground-plan (Expédition, m a p s and plans). H e m a k e s the stages nine in number, and each of smaller size than t h e one below it. 7 * See text, pp. 172, 173, 175-177. *» Diod. Sic. ii. 8, $ a. 78 Herod, i. ISO. 77 S t r a b xvi 1, § 5. See t e x t , p . 514, See Vol. I. p. 49. 70 As it was by t h e early Chaldœans. (See Vol. I. pp. 51, 52.) T h e walls of the Kasr, which a r e eight feet thick (Rich, First Memoir, p. 27),are composed of b u r n t brick throughout their whole breadth. si Rich, p. 01. os Ibid. p. 02. Compare As. Soc. Journal. vol. xviii. p. (5, note 3. 83 As Soc. Journal, vol. xviii. p. 9. 84 Compare Rich. First Memoir, p. 61; Sir H. Rawlinson. in t h e Journal of t!ie Astatic Society, vol. xviii. p. 8; and 51. Oppert, Expédition, torn. i. p. 143. Bi T h e s t a m p on Babylonian bricks is always sunk below the surface. It is of a s q u a r e or rectangular f o r m , and occurs commonly towards t h e middle of one of tiie two larger faces. The letlei s a r e indented upon t h e clay, and m u s t consequently have stood o u t in. relief upon t h e wooden or metal s t a m p which impressed them. 51. Oppert observes t h a t t h e use of such a stairip was t h e first beginning of printing ( " u n commencement d'imprimerie," Èxpédition, p. 142], The s t a m p e d f a c e of t h e brick was a l w a y s placed downwards. 86 This a r r a n g e m e n t w a s f o u n d by Sir H e n r y Rawlinson in one of t h e stages of t h e Birs-i-Nimrud ( Journal of „-is. Society, vol. xviii p. 10). 47 Rich, Firtt Memoir, p. 02. SB At t h e Birs, t h e red clay c e m e n t used in t h e third stage h a s a d e p t h of tivo inches. (.4,s. Soc. Jo urn. p. 9.) 89 On t h e excellence of t h e Babylonian m o r t a r , see Rich. p. £5; L a y a r d , Nineveh90 and Babylon, p. 505. See Rich. First Memoir, p p . 35, 38. Compare 51, Oppert (Expédition, torn. i. p. 200). who says: " L e Birs-Nimroud a p p a r a î t bientôt a p r è s la sortie de Hillah comme une montagne que l'on croit pouvoir a t t e i n d r e i m m é d i a t e m e n t et qui recule t o u j o u r s , l i a i s l'effet est bien plus saisissant q u a n d l'atmosphère, e t c ' e s t le cas à la pointe de j o u r et vers le soir, est obscurcie p a r le brouillard. Alors on n e voit rien p e n d a n t une heure et demie; tout-à-coup le brouillard ?emble se déchirer c o m m e un rideau, et fait entrevoir la masse colossale d u Birs-

ess

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. III.

66 Suidas defines the yeppov as fvAivi\ none at Issus. The only occasions upon which we hear of their use by the PerKtxi iro&ripr\s affn-i? (ad VOC. yeppo(/>opot). sians are the two great battles of Cunaxa A t Persepolis some of the Koyal guards and Arbela. are represented with shields of this char89 iEschyl. Pers. 86; Herod, vii. 40, acter. (See PI. XXX. Fig 2.) 69 Compare PI. CV1I. Fig. 2, and PI, 100; Xen. Anab. i. 2, § 16; 8, § 3; Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 11; iii. 15; Diod. Sic. xvii. CI Fig. 4, Vol. I. 67 Herod, ix. 61. A crutch was cer34; Q. Curt. Hist. Alex. iii. 11; iv. 14 ad fin.—" Patrio more curru vehor." tainly used in Egypt. (Sir G. Wilkinson, 90 The number of chariots at Cunaxa in the author's Herodotus, vol. iv. p. C5, note 6, 2nd edition.) is not stated. At Arbela they amounted 68 Herod, vii. (¡1. This protection was to 200, according to Diodorus (xvii. 53), Q. Curtius (iv. 12), and Arrian (iii. 11). worn sometimes inside, sometimes out91 Arrian, iii. 13; Q. Curt. iv. 9 (p. 79), side the tunic. (Compare Herod, ix. 22 with Xen. Anab. i. 8, 8 3.) It was not i 14 (p. 97). 82 Different accounts are given of the universal in the Persian army even in the time of Xerxes. (Herod, viii. 113.) mode of arming (Xen. Anab. i. 8, § 10; 69 Ibid. vii. 01; Strab. 1. s. c. Q. Curt. iv. 9; Diod. Sic. xvii. 53); and 70 Herod, i. 135. Compare ii. 182, and of course it is not unlikely that the mode varied at different periods. The iii. 47. 71AewiSos oipiv IxSvoeiSeos.—Herod. X. 61. scythes seem to have been attached, in the earlier times, to the axles, in the The common material was iron (ibid.) later to both the axles and the yoke. or bronze (Xen. Cyrop. vii. 1. § 2). Gold None, however, of the accounts given is was oi rare occurrence (Herod, ix. 2d). 72 Herod, vii. 84. The only difference quite clear. 93 Neither at Cunaxa nor at Arbela was that the horsemen wore sometimes bronze or iron helmets. did the chariots do any important ser73 Xen. Anab. i. 8. § 6. vice. (See Xen. Anab. i. 8, § 20, and 74 Ibid. Cyrop. viii. 8, § 22: Anab. i. 8, Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 13.) 94 That is to say, it is loftier than the §§ 3, 7, 28 Compare Arrian's account ot the battle of theGranicus {Exp. Alex. early Assyrian chariot. It must have i. 15), where the javelin (n-aAro^) and the j been about the same height as the chaknife (/cowis) are still the main weapons, j riot used by the later Assyrian kings. 75 They cannot have used the ycppov, (See Pl. XCI. Fig. 4, Pl. XCII. Figs. 1 and 2, Vol. I.)' which is the only Persian shield men95 Xen. Cyrop. vi. 1, § 29. Tov Sipov tioned by ancient writers. The Parthian cavalry seem occasionally to have Totç l'irco^otç en-oi^tref, ioairep Trupyov, Icr^uworn a round shield. (Ker Porter, pulf i)l//OÇ Ôé 70VTU3V XPl Travels, vol. ii. pi. 62.) It is unfortu- , àynaiiuiv. 88 The back of the chariot was somenate that no representation of a Persian cavalry soldier has come down to us. times, it would seem, closed with doors. 76 Xen. Cyrop. vii. i. §2. ! (Xen. Cyroo. vi. 4, § 10.) But it may 77 Compare Xen. Anab. i. _ 8. § 3— j be doubted if this was a common arIvvpos . . . 7a 7raAra ei; Tras xetpas c\at3e ; rangement. 97 Xen. Cyrop. vi. 1, § £9. —with Xen. Eque^tr. xii. 12 — r a K p a - ; veti'a &vo TraAra ixaWoy eirai.voviJ.sv. i 8B The Persepolitan sculptures give Note in both cases the use of the article ! four examples of chariots, each of which as indicative of the ordinary practice. j has wheels with twelve spokes, accord78 That this was the object of having | ing to tiio representations of M. Flandin. two is evident from Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. § 9; J ( Voyage en persePlanches Anciennes," Equestr. 1. s. c.; Arr. Exp. Alex. i. 15, (Sc. i torn. ii. pis. 95, 105, and 110.) Ker Por79 Arrian. 1. s. c. ter, who is followed in Pl. XXI. Fig. 1, ^Y.7T\HOP^KTOVV j)&TJ oi gives a wheel with eleven spokes only tq re aAAfl pw/^i/ Kac (Travels, vol. i. pi. 41); but it may be ¿{X7T€C pica. KaL OTL £vO~TQLS KpajU.61 VOJTpOS suspected that he has miscopied his TraXra eu.a\0VT0. 80 Xen. Equestr. 1. s. c. original. 81 Herod, vi. 40; Strab. xi. 13, § 7; Arr. 99 Flandin, torn. ii. pi. 110. 100 See Pl. XLV. Fig. 2, and PI. XCII. Exp. Alex. vii. 13. | ^ Xen. Cyrop. vii. 1, § 2; viii. 8, §22; | Fig. 2, Vol. I. Anab. i. 8, § G: Q. Curt. iii. 11, p. 43; [ i» 1 See Pl. XXXI. Fig. 1. Heliodor. JEthiop. ix. pp. 431-433. I 102 i v o is the number represented in 83 See P). XCV. Fig. 3. each of the four examples at Persepolis. 84 Q. Cnrt. I. s. c. It is also the common number on coins, "Equi pariterequiwhere, however, we see three in a few tesque Persarum serie laminarum instances. (Lajard, Culte de Milhra, pl. graves.'' Compare iv. 9, p. 79. 86 lxii. figs. 11 and 12; Minonnet, DescripAgmen tegre moliebantur."—Q. tion des Médailles, supplement, torn. viii. C u r t . i i i . 11. 63 Arrian. Exp. Alex. ii. 11. p. 427; Gesenius, Monumenta Phcenicice, 87 See text, Chapter V. tab. xzvi. fig. G.) 88 No chariots were brought against 103 Xen. Cyrop. vi. 1, § 28; Q. Curt. iv. the Greeks, either by Darius or by 9; Diod. Sic. xv. ii. 53, § 2. 104 Xen. Cyrop. vi. 4, § 10. An AsXerxes. None fought at the Granicus, j

CH. I l l ]

THE FIFTH

Syrian chariot v e r y c o m m o n l y contains a third person. (See PI. X C I . Fig. 4, Vol.1.) ^ ,03 T o v s i/ci.o\oi'5 eQatpaKiae [KCpos] w a i ' r a , TrArji* T otpOaXfLbiv. Xell. Cyrop. vi. 1. § 29.) A P a r t h i a n t h u s p r o t e c t e d is r e p r e s e n t e d i n o n e of t h e s c u l p t u r e s of t n e Arsaeidse. (Flandin, " P l a n c h e s A n c i e n n e s , " t o r n . i. pi. 8.) 106 Fifteen elephants are mentioned a m o n g t h e f o r c e s of t h e l a s t P e r s i a n k i n g a t A r b e l a . ( A r r . Exp. Alex. iii. 8.) N o t h i n g , h o w e v e r , is h e a r d of t h e m i n t h e battle. 107 Xen. Anab. i. 8, § 10; A r r . Exp. Alex. iii. 11; Diod. Sic. x v i i . 58, §]2; Q. C u r t . iv. 15. 108 X e n . Anab. i. 8, § 9; A r r . Exp. Alex. i. 8, s u b fin.; iii. 11. 109 H e r o d , vii. 81; ix. 31; X e n . Anab. i. 8, § 9; A r r . Exp. Alex. iii. 11; Q. C u r t . Hist.. Alex. iv. 12. 110 'Ev 7r/\at(rtifj.rjXoi. iii. 153—(TLro^iópoi ¡iniuroL. " e a r t h and water." (Ibid. vii. 132.) iv, 329—oi'OL kg.ì y/xióvot. vii, 83—O-Ira . . . /càjU^Aot re tccl if'tro^vyia yjyov. Oli the The Greek captives who met Alexander a f t e r Arbela, some of whom liad been use of carts, see the passage of Xenobranded and others mutilated (Diod. phon quoted in note 2,'. 181 Sic. xvii. 69, §§ 3 and 4; Q Curt v. 5, p. Herod, vii. 83; Q. Curt. iii. 3, p. 28 123), may have been Greeks of Asia conHerod, vii. 18; ; Q. Curt. iii. 12, victed of some act of rebellion. p. 145. 83 i s Herod iii. 159. ITA?, 00? 77oAvS(7.trdi'ov Trapa&KevYis /cai 2214 yvvaiKeiov KÓa-fiov. Diod. Sic. xvii. 35, See the Behistun Inscription, col. ii. par. 13, § 8; col. iii. par. 8, § 2 ; par. 11, § 4. 4 §5; par. 14, § 10. Compare Herod, iii. I» Xen. Anab. i. 2, § 5.

CII. H i . ]

THE F1FTII

MONARCHY.

15 with iii. 28. ad fin.; and see also iv. calls the corn-ships in the fleet of X e r x e s (TLTaytityoi ci K a t g l , S»3. 215 Behist. Inscript. 2 3 8 Xen. Anab. col. ii. par. 13. § 7; i. 2, § 5; 4, § 18; ii. 4, §§ 13 and 24. par. 14, § IB; col. iii. par. 8, § 2; par. 14, 2 3 7 The width of the Dardanelles is § 10 about a mile. That of the Bosphorus is Ibid. col. ii. par. 13, § 5; par. 14, less—probably under three-quarters of 5)14. 217 Herod, vii. 233. a mile. The width of the Euphrates is sometimes as much as 700 yards, or sis Ibid. iv. 204; vi. 20; Ctes. Exc. nearly half a mile. Pers. § 9; Arr. Exp. Alex. iii. 48. 2 3 8 See Herod, vii. 36. 219 As f r o m B.C. 525 to B c. 480; and Compare iv. 87. 88; and see also JEschyl. Pers. 65-73. again f r o m B C. 354 to B.C. 332. 2 3 9 220 f r o m the battle of the Eurymedon Herod, vii. 36. (B C. 406) to the " peace of Cailias" (B.C. 210 'p) l e bridge of Darius over the Bos449) the Levant or Eastern Mediterraphorus was broken up as soon as his nean was in the power of Athens By troops had crossed it (Herod, iv. 89). the " peace of Cailias" Persia recovered T h a t of X e r x e s over the Hellespont was possession of it. l e f t standing, in order that the a r m y might return into Asia by it (ibid. viii. 221 Thucyd. i. 13. 2 2 2 The Corcyrasans and the Sicilian 108, 117). 2 4 1 Herod, vii. 36. Greeks made the trireme their chief 2 4 2 Ibid. viii. 117. ship of war about B.C. 490. (Thucyd. i. 243 Ibid. vii. 89-95. 14.) The Egyptians had fleets of them 244 On this appearance, see text, pp. considerably earlier. (Herod, ii. 159.) T h e Ionian Greeks had adopted them 328. 329. 245 Herod, vii. 184. before B.C. 500. (Herod, vi. 8.) When On the quasi-idenX e r x e s collected his naval force against, tity of the Medes and Persians, see text, Greece, the trireme was the ordinary p. 315, and compare text, pp. 36, 37. war-ship, not only of the Egyptians and 2 4 8 Herod, iii. 13; iv. 89; vi. 43, &c. the Asiatic Greeks, but also of the Phoe247 X e r x e s was the real commander of nicians, the Cyprians, the Cilicians, the the fleet which accompanied his expeFamphylians, the Lycians, and the Cadition against Greece; but he g a v e the rians. "(Herod, vii. 89-93.) actual direction of it to four officers. 2 2 3 Ibid. vi. 95; vii. 89, 97; A r r . (Herod, vii. 97.) Exp. 248 See ibid. iv. 167 and 203. jiKii 2 2 2 4 Herod, vii. 184. 249 Ibid. viii. 16. 2 2 5 The exact proportion of the rowers 2 5 3 Ibid. 7; iEsch. Pers. 370. 261 Herod, viii. 89. to the rest of the crew is uncertain. I t JUschylus says the seems, however, probable that both the line was three ships deep at Salamis bireme and the trireme g r e w out of the (Pers. 308). 262 See the graphic triaconter—the bireme being twice the descriptions of triaconter's length and height, and thus Herodotus (viii. 15 and 84-90). Compare employing 120 rowers, while the trireme, JEtichvl. Pers. 410-415. 263 Herod, viii. 16, 89; TEschyl. keeping the length of the bireme, added Pers. a tier to the height, the rowers being 415-418. thus raised to 180. 254 Herod, vi. 44, sub fin.; viii. 89. 226 Bockh, Urkunden 255 Ibid. ix. 97. ilber das See25fi Ibid. vii. 89-95. wesen des attisclien Staates, pp. 103, et 267 Ibid. loc. cit. seqq. 227 Tpoir05 or TpoTrwTjjp. Thucyd. ii. 93. 258 In the fleet of Xerxes the united Compare ifcjsehvl. Pers. 377: I'au/Barj); T' Greek contingents made up a grand toavvjp erpoTTOVTO KWTTVJV AKAXFIOT A/J.' evr}peT- tal of 307 ships. The Phoenicians, tofiov. gether with the Syrians of Palestine, 228 The representation of Phoenician furnished 300. the Egyptians 200, the Cypriots 150, the Cilicians 100, the Cavessels in the Assyrian sculptures agree rians 70, the Lycians 50, and the Pamin this respect with those of their Oivn phylians 30. (Herod, loc. cit.) triremes l e f t us b y the Greeks. T h e 2 5 9 Ibid. vii. 96. sails are, however, in the Assyrian sculpCompare chs. 44 and tures generally represented as closely 100. 2 6 0 Phoenicians only are mentioned in reefed. (See PI. C X X X I I I . Vol. I.) 229 Schmitz, in Dr. Smith's Dictionary Thucyd. i. 110; viii. 46, 81, 87, 109: Xen. of Greek and, Roman Antiquities, p. Hell. iii. 4; Arrian, Exp. Al. ii. 2; Phoe785. 2nd edition. nicians and Cilicians in Thucyd. i. 112; 2 3 0 Herod, vii. 97. Phoenicians, Cilicians, and Cypriots in 231 This appears especially f r o m such Diod. Sic. xi. 60, § 5. 2 8 1 See Vol. I. pp. 283-340; text, pp. representations as those given in PI. : K^AAlcttovs Kai /jLeyi'arous I'ui'aL TOL5 4>Qpaui>Ta.s. Cyrop. viii. 1, § -It). "li 6 'OAoirop^upor. X e n . Cyrop. viii. 3, , 2 6 7 XAairai' aAovpyr) Te Kai xpvGOTratnov. T h e m i s t . Orat. x x i v . p. 306. " V e s t e m a u r e a m p u r p u r e a i r i q u e . " Justin, x i i . 3. " P a l l a m a u r o d i s t m c t a m . " Q. Curt. iii. 8. p. 27. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e last, t h e r o b e of Darius C o d o m a n n u s had a g o l d e n j embroidery representing hawks fighting ; o n e a n o t h e r w i t h t h e i r bills. Philost;ra- j tus ( I m a y . ii. 32) m a k e s the e m b r o i d e r y consist o f t h e f o r m s o f m o n s t e r s . A c c o r d i n g t o P l u t a r c h (Vit. Artaxerxis, c. 24. t h e e n t i r e dress o f a P e r s i a n k i n g w a s w o r t h I2.00I) t a l e n t s (2,025,0004.). '-»5 8 S e e P I . X X X I I . t i g . 1. 209 Q n this tunic, see X e n . Ct/rop. i. 3, § 2; v i a . 3, § 13; Anab i. 5, | 8; D i o d . Sic. x v i i . 77, § 5: Strab. x v . 3, § 19. T h e p a s s a g e o f D i o d o r u s is i m p o r t a n t , a s c l e a r l y s h o w i n g t h a t t h e candys w a s n o t this tunic. 2 7 ° Strab. I. s. c. 2 7 1 X n W xP€'Tijvj3amAucT;i'. (Cai TOV AWOV Kotruof, xai xaAeicrflcu [SIICRIatra?. « « On the power of the Queen-Mother see Herod, vii 114; Ctes Exc. Pers. §§ 8. 42, 43, &c.; Plut. Vit. Artax. c. 14, 17, 19.3 9&c. 5 Plut. Vit. Artax. c. 5. sso Ibid. c. 17. 3 " Plutarch argues that Cyrus the younger could not have wanted for m o n e y when he commenced his rebellion, since Pary-satis would have supplied h i m amply from her own resources. (Ibid. c. 4.) 3 98 Herod. 1. s. c.; Plut. Artax. c. 14. i 399 Xen. Anab. i. 1, § 3; Ctes. Exc. Pers. | 40. 400 Plut. Artax. c. 19. Ctes. Exc. Pers. §§ 42, 43, 59, 61; Plut. Artax. c. 14, 17, 19. 1 (-iv) is in regarding the first o of oio as belonging to the root. (Grammar, vol. i. § 189.) probably the same inflection. 17 Compare the Sanscrit -su or -shu, Masculines in -d formed the genitive by adding -ha, as Aurumazcla, gen.- Aurawhich is replaced in Zend by -hra or mazddha. -shva. The Greek locative ending -a-t 8 As pitar, " f a t h e r , " gen. pitra. (e.g. 'ASrji'flo-i) is also cognate. 10 So also in Zend and Sanscrit. In 18 See Bopp, § 291. Iu Zend, the inLithuanian the m is replaced by u, in flections were respectively -tara and Gothic by -na. (See Bopp, § 149 > -tenia. The comparative form -tara is 11 Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschrifrepresented in Greek by -repor, and in Latin by -terns (e.g. posterm)-, the suten. p. 154. 12 So, in Sanscrit, themes in -i and -u perlative -tama (-tenia) may be traced in the Gothic -turna and the Latin -timui form the locative in -du. The Old Per(e g. optimus. ultimus, intimus, &c ). sian. in each form of the locative, 19 The Sanscrit has a superlative in strengthened the case vowel with its cognate consonant (i with y, and u with -istha, which comes from a comparative v). in -iyas. (Bopp, § 298. ) 11 Compare the ordinary Sanscrit ter2 0 The following are the forms of these mination -ds, the Zendie -do. -6, the ordinals in the chief varieties of IndoGreek -ai (-01), the Latin ue. (-?'), &c. European speech, as given by Bopp in 14 Spiegel regards the n here as " euhis Comparative Grammar (§ 323):—

Sanscrit. prathamà dvitiyà

tritiyà navamà

Zend. Dor. Greek. Latin.

frathSma bitya thritya nimm a

7rpajra

òevrépa

Tpira t t't-'ira

prima altera tertia nona

Gothic. Lithuanian. Old Sclavonic.

fruma anthara tliridivö niundò

pirma antrà tréchià dewinià

perva-ya vtora-ya treti-ya devyata-ya

21 Adam, " I . " which has its nearest in haushaiya (Persep. Inscr. H. line 3). equivalent in the Zendic azem, is un- This hau is' identical with the Zend ho, doubtedly cognate with the Sanscrit which is itself the exact equivalent of aham, and thus with the Greek eyii (cyii>v), the Latin ego. the German ich, the Sanscrit so. So itself seems and so with our " I . " Mand, mdm, maiya. and ma are modifications of a to be a corruption of the original nomiroot which is common to Sanscrit, Zend. natival sas. being for sa-u, where Hie it Greek, Latin, German, Lithuanian, and was a softened form of the case-ending Sclavonic, and which appears in English s. (Bopp. § 347; Kawlinson, Vocabulary, as " me " The plural vayam is a rarer p. 51. note 1.) form, having near correspondents only 2 3 Bopp, § 341. The Greek and Latin in Sanscrit (vayam), Zend (vaem), and io-^e, e, se) are forms of the Gothic (i-eis). Amdkham differs but reflexives base. slightly from the Zendic ahmdkem and same 24 The Sanscrit has identically the Sanscrit asmdkam, which have the same same forms in the acc. masc. and the meaning. It implies a root asma, aiima, nom. and acc. fem. of the singular. The or ama, which has given birth to the masc. is ayam (compare iyam), Greek amies (-quels), and perhaps to unsnom. thegen. fem. is asyds (compare ahyayd), and unser. and the instrumental masc. is anena 2 2 The original form of the cuneiform (compare and). Only in the neuter is hauva was probably hau, which appears there a radical difference, the Sanscrit

640

THE FIFTH

using- idam in the place of ima. Here, however, the Old Persian accorded closely with the Zend, which had ima f o r the nom. and imat f o r the accusative neuter. 23 The form is the same both in Zend and Sanscrit. (Bopp, § 387.) We m a y Zend. ahmi ahi asti hmahi stila henti

Sanscrit. asmi asi asti 'sinas 'sthà santi

Dor. Greek. èfi/jLÌ èo-o-i è F a r the most important of these is the great rock-inscription at Behistun, first published by Sir H. Rawlinson in t h e year 1840 (Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. x. part i.), and since edited by Spiegel (Altpersisch. KetUnschrifi, pp. 3-45). Next to this m a y be placed the inscriptions on the tomb of Darius a t ! Nakhsh-i-Rustam, edited by Sir H. Rawlinson in the Asiatic Society's Journal (vol. xi. pp. ï91-313; vol. xii. App. pp. xixxxi), one of which had been previously published by Lassen ( Z e i t s c h r i f t des • Morgenlandes. vol. vi. pp. 81 et seqq.). In the third rank come the two inscrip- j tions of Darius and Xerxes near the foot of Mount El wend, in the vicinity of the town of Hamadan. These inscriptions were first edited by Burnouf {Al;moire sur deux Inscriptions cunéiformes trouvées près d'Ha mo dun. Juin, 1830.) They are given very incorrectly by ; M. Fiandin ( Voyage en Perse, " Planches | Anciennes," torn. i. pis. 26 and ¡¿7). Lastly m a y be named the short rock inscription of Xerxes at Van (Lassen in the Zeitschrift, vol. vi. pp. 145 et seqq. ;

MONARCHY.

[CH. IV.

compare with it the Latin qnis, guce, quid, and the Gothic hvas, hvd, \va. The Greek had probably once an interrogative kos, fcvj, mo, of which traces exist in 26KOIOS, «00-0?, /core, kw?, and the like. Compare with this the following set of forms:— Latin. sum es est sumus estis sunt

Lithuanian. esmi essi esti esmi este esti

Old Sclavonic. yesme yesi yesto yesmo yeste somte

Rawlinson in As. Soc. Joum. vol. xi. pp. 83-1-836). 3 "The most important of these are 1. A short legend of Cyrus, several times repeated, a t Afurghab (Pasargadse). This was first copied by Sir W. Ouseley (Travels. vol. ii. pi. xlix. fig. 5). It was recognized as containing the name of Cyrus by Grotefend. (See Heeren's Asiatic Nations, vol. ii. p. 362, E. T.) 2. Numerous legends of Darius and Xerxes, together with one of Ai'taxerxes Ochus, at Persepolis. These have been edited by Lassen, by Sir H. Rawlinson, and by Spiegel. 3. Two legends of Artaxerxe"s Mnemon a t Susa, discovered by Mr. Loftus in 1851-2, and edited by Mr. Norris in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. xv. pp. 157-162. 4. A mutilated legend of Darius on a stone near Suez, first copied by M. DeRozière, and published in the Description de VE'ji/pte (vol. i. pp. 265-275; Planches, vol. v. pi. 29, figs. 1 to 4). This legend has been corrected and restored by Sir H. Rawlinson (Journal of As. Society, vol. xi. p. 313). 37 The vase inscriptions are the following:—1. One of Xerxes on the vase of Caylus, which is accompanied by transcripts in the Scythic, Babylonian, and Egyptian languages. iSee Caylus, Recueil c.'Amiqi.ites, torn. v. pi. x x x . ; and compare As. Soc. Journal, vol. xi. p. 339.) 2. A duplicate of this on a vase discovered a t Halicarnassus by Mr. Newton. (See Birch In Newton's RahcarvasttUK, vol. ii. pp. 667-670.) 3. A legend of Xerxes on several f r a g m e n t s of vases discovered a t Susa by Mr. Loftus (Loftus, Chaldisn. and Susiana, p. 409). And 4. An inscription of an Artaxerxes (Ochus ?) on a porphyry vase in the treasury of St. Mark's at Venice (Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. xi. p. 347). This inscription is accompanied by an Egyptian transcript. 38 There are two legends on cyfinders. One is on the signet cvlinder of Darius (Pl. XXXVI. Fig. M). The other is on the seal of a certain Arsaces, the son of Athiyabusanes. (See Lajard's CvXte de Mithra. p. xxxii. fig. 1.) 33 Caylus, Recueil d'Antiquités, torn, v. 40p. 81. See the r e m a r k s of Sir H. Rawlin-

CH. V . ]

THE FIFTH

son in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. si. pp. 342-316. 41 Compare text, pp. 76, 77. 42 Ap. Diod. Sic. ii. 33, § 4. Compare Nic. Dam. Fr. 10. 43 Herod, iii. 128, 133; v. 14; vu. 100; Thucyd. i. 129; &c. 44 Sir H. Rawlinson in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 51. CHAPTER V. 1 See Herod, i. 83, 178-187; Xen. Anab. iii. 4, §§ 6-10. 2 If Herodotus visited Susa (as is generally supposed), he must have seen the palace which was there erected by Darius Hystaspis iLoftus, Chrtldœu and Sasiana,' pp. 364-378». But it may well be questioned whether his travels extended so far. 3 Diod. Sic. ii. 32, § 4; Tzetz. Chiliad, i. 82-85. 4 Arrian. Exp. Alex. iii. 18; Strab. xv. 3, §6. 5 Sea especially Polyb. x. 27; and Strab. xv. 3, §§ 6. 6 Chardin's work (Vo'/aqs en Purse, 3 vols. 4toi was published in 1674, Le Bran's (Vo>mii an Libanf) in 1701, the elder Niebnto's (Rein-! nach, Araliirit, 2 vols.) in 17G5, Ouseley's (Travels. 3 vols. 4to) between 1814 and 18 .'3, and Ker Porter's (Travis ia GeorgiaPt rsiu, dfce. 2 vols. 4to) in 1821. 7 Description de VArménie, de la Perte, et de la Mésopotamie, 2 vols.folio, Paris, Didot, 1S4Î-1S52. s This magnificent work, the product of a French Government Commission ; under tha celebrated Eugene Burnouf, is entitled simply " Voyage en Perse." It is in six volumes, folio, one volume containing the "Travels," and the other five being devoted to places. It bears no date, but was published, I believe, between 181.3 and 1850. 0 See especially the beautiful plate (No. 1121 with which the third volume of the Voi/age en Perse closes. 10 Mr. James Fergusson, author of the History of Architecture, the Palaces of M'weh, and Per sf poli s Restored. Ac. To Mr. Fergusson's kindness the writer of this work was also iudebted for several of the illustrations of Assyrian architecture contained in the first volume. 11 The statement of Herodotus to this effect (i. 13J', echoed by Strabo (xv. 3, § 13 , is rendered, to say the least, very doubtful by the Behistun Inscription, where Darius (according to the best cumiform scholars) states that he " r e built temples which Gomates had destroyed." ( Boh, Ins. col. i par. 14, § 5.) 12 See Berosus, Fr. 16. Compare Polvb. z. 27, § 12 •s Herod. v. 53; JEschyl. Pers. 3, 4, ICI; Strab. xv. 3, §s 3, 6, &c. 14 Ctes. ïïxc. Pers. § 15: Arrian, Exj>. AI"t. iii. 23; Diod. Sic. xvii. 71, g 7. 15 Mr. Forgusson holds that the ruins I

MONARCHY.

641

near Tstakr, commonly regarded as the royal palace of the Persian kings, cannot have been the place where they resided, since the buildings there were, he thinks, quite unfit for a residence. He calls them temple-palaces," or " palace-temples," and regards them as little more than high altars for the fire-worship. (See his Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis, pp. 186-196 .) 16 See text, p. 112. 17 Loftus, Chaldœa and Susiana. pp. 364-378. 18 Flandin, Voyage en Perse, pp. 69, 70. Compare "Planches Anciennes," torn. ii. pis. 58 and CI. 19 Fergusson, Handbook of Architecture, vol. i. p. 188. 20 See Vol. I. pp. 179,180; text, pp. 193 191. 51 It is uncertain whether the whole platform is artificial, or whether the natural rock was not levelled and made use of to some extent. MM. Flandin and Coste are of opinion that the site was chosen on account of its presenting a sort of natural platform, which only required a certain amount of levelling and squaring to become what it is. 22 Lead tind iron were the materials used for clamping stones together at Babylon (Herod, i 18(5; Diod. Sic. ii. 8, § 2). The shape of the clamps at Persepolis was lik e a solid ^ ^ , consisting of two nearly equilateral triangles united at the apex. (See Pl. XLI1.) All the metal has been ruthlessly plundered. 23 M. Flandin speaks of there being many blocks ranging from 15 to 17 metres (19 to 55 feet) in length, and from two to three mètres (6J to 9i feet broad. ( Voilage en Perse, p. 77.) 24 Tile early travellers thought that the original height of the platform w is 10 or 20 feet more (Ker Porter. Travels. vol. i. p. 585). But MM. Flamlin and Coste found reason to think that the height had never been much more than it is now. 25 Ker Porter gives as the length of the platform 1425 feet, and as its greatest breadth 92« feet. M. Flandin makes the measures respectively 1519 and 938 feet (463 and 286 metres). Mr. Fergusson assumes the length to be 1500, and the greatest breadth 950 feet. 29 Here I follow .VIM. Flandin and Coste, whose accurate survey corrected the vague impressions of former travellers. 27 This spur was never entirely removed. Remains nf it are still to be seen at the N.W corner of the platform, both inside and outside the boundary wall. (See the plan, Flandin, Voyage eh Perse, pi. 67.) 2K See Vol. I. p. 180. 29 M. Flandin says of the effect produced bv the«e irregularities:—" E I W rompent la monotonie que n'aurait, pas manqué de produire à l'œil la grande

642

TEE

FIFTH

m u r a i l l e , si elle e a t s u m u n e ligne d r o i t e . " (Voyage, p . 76.) 30 F e r g u s s o n , Palaces, p. 97; K e r Port e r . Travels, vol. i. pp. 583, 584. 31 F e r g u s s o n , 1. s. c. 32 Mr. F e r g u s s o n p r e f e r s to # s p e a k of t h e C e n t r a l T e r r a c e a s e x t e n d i n g , like t h e o t h e r s , t h e e n t i r e w i d t h of t h e platf o r m (Palaces, p. 97); b u t h e allows t h a t in reality t h e h i g h level s t o p s a t t h e e a s t e r n e d g e of t h e p l a t f o r m on w h i c h s t a n d s t h e Chehl Miliar, o r " F o r t y Colu m n s , " t h e g r e a t building b e y o n d (his " H a l l of a H u n d r e d C o l u m n s " ) being on t h e level of t h e N o r t h e r n T e r r a c e (p. 98). 33 I n t h e Assyrian p a l a c e s t h e a s c e n t s w e r e s o m e t i m e s b y inclined p l a n e s . (See n o t e 39, C h a p t e r VI. Vol. I., Second Monarchy. 34 K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p . 585; F l a n d i n , Voyage en Perse, p . 77. 35 H e e r e n , Asiatic Nations, vol. i. p . 147. E. T. as F e r g u s s o n , Palaces, p p . 102, 103. 37 These measures are taken f r o m Ker P o r t e r ( T r a v e l s , vol. i. p. 594). They a g r e e n e a r l y ivith t h o s e of MM. F l a n d i n and. Ooste. (Voyage en Perse, p . 85.) 38 F l a n d i u , p. b6. 3 " Flandin, pis. 91, 100. a n d 101. K e r P o r t e r m a k e s t h e n u m b e r only seven. (Travels, p. 595.) 40 K e r P o r t e r , vol. i. p. 604. 41 R e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of t h e s c u l p t u r e s on this s t a i r c a s e a r e given b y Sir R. K e r P o r t e r (vol. i. pis. 37 t o 43), a n d by MM. F l n n d i n a n d Coste (Voyage en Perse, " P l a n c h e s A n c i e n n e s , " torn. ii. pis. 91 t o 110). A small p o r t i o n of t h e sculpt u r e on t h e left-hand side is r e p r e s e n t ed [PI. LV. Fig. aj. 42 Rich. Journey to Persepolis, p. 253; F l a n d i n , pi. 90. (The inscription itself is given, pi. I l l , b u t is e n g r a v e d upside do'-ra,') 43 I t is t h u s d e s c r i b e d b y K e r P o r t e r (Travels, vol. i. p. 665), F l a n d i n (Voyage en Perse, p. 110), a n d Mr. F e r g u s s o n , (Palaces, p. 101); b u t o n e of M. Fland i n ' s p l a t e s r e p r e s e n t s t h e flights a s triple, t h e l a n d i n g - p l a c e b e t w e e n t h e t w o m a i n flights b e i n g divided i n t o t w o p o r t i o n s by a n a s c e n t of t h r e e o r f o u r s t e p s placed a t right a n g l e s t o t h e principal s t a i r s . ( " P l a n c h e s A n c i e n n e s , " torn. iii. pi. 137.) 44 T h e lion a n d bull c o m b a t w a s f o u r times repeated. The guardsmen were chiefly a t t h e sides of t h e s t a i r c a s e , w h e r e it p r o j e c t e d in f r o n t of t h e t e r r a c e . ( F l a n d i n . pis. 133, 133.) is F l a n d i n . pi. 137. In PI. XLIV. t h e s e a t t e n d a n t s a r e incorrectly represented as guards. 48 There were ten guards a r m e d with s p e a r s , quivers, and bows, a n d t h r e e ins c r i p t i o n s on t h e f a c a d e of t h e s e stairs, w i t h t h e lion a n d bull c o m b a t on e i t h e r s p a n d r i l . T h e p a r a p e t wall b o r e figures of a t t e n d a n t s . ( F l a n d i n , pi. 136.) 41 Ibid. pi. « 0 .

MON

A

RCIIY.

[CH. V.

48 Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. X. 4pp 341. 342. » Flandin, pis. 115 a n d 121 bis. See Pl. XLV1. Fig. 1.) 50 An inscription of A r t a x e r x e s Ochus, t a k e n f r o m t h i s s t a i r c a s e , is given b y to Persepolis (pi. Rich in his Journey xxiii.), a n d b y Flandin—very i n c o r r e c t l y —in h i s Voyage ( " P l a n c h e s A n c i e n n e s , " torn. iii. pi. 129): w h e r e t h e r e is a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n also of t h e s c a n t y r e m a i n s of the staircase. 61 Rich, Journey to Persepolis, p. 255. 62 Ker Porter made this palace measu r e 170 f e e t b y 95 (Travels, vol. i. p. 640); b u t M. F l a n d i n . w h o t r a c e d out t h e f o u n d a t i o n walls on all sides, f o u n d t h e l e n g t h to b e 41J4 m è t r e s (135 f e e t ) by 2'.)% (97}^ feet). (See t h e Voyage en Perse, p. 102 ) 53 F e r g u s s o n , Palaces, p. 08. 64 T h e d e p t h of t h e p o r t i c o is 30 f e e t . (Ker Porter, p. 644; F l u n d i n , p. 102.) 05 T h e positions of t h e s e r o o m s on either side of t h e original sole e n t r a n c e to t h e p a l a c e would sufficiently i n d i c a t e t h e i r p u r p o s e . I t is. however, f u r t h e r m a r k e d by t h e s c u l p t u r e s on t h e j a m b s of t h e d o o r w a y s , each of which consists of t w o gigantic g u a r d s m e n a r m e d w i t h s p e a r s . ( F l a n d i n , Voyage en Perse, p.

106.1

j ; j

[

66 F l a n d i n m a k e s t h e d i m e n s i o n s of t h e g u a r d - r o o m s 7 m è t r e s 20 c e n t i m è t r e s b y 4 m è t r e s ( Voyage eu Perse, pi. US). '57 F e r g u s s o n , Palaces, p. 117. Ker P o r t e r s a y s 48 f e e t . (Travels, vol. i. p. 643.) M. F l a n d i n gives (he b r e a d t h a s 15 m . 50 c e n t i m (nearly 51 feet), a n d t h e d e p t h a s 15 m. 15 c e n t i m . (19 ft.. 8 in.) 5S T h e c o r n e r d o o r w a y in t h e l e f t h a n d wall w a s a l a t e r a l t e r a t i o n , m a d e p r o b a b l e by A r t a x e r x e s Ochus. (See t e x t , p. 391.) 60 F l a n d i n , Voyage, pi. 117. 60 Ibid. p. 106. 01 Ibid. p p . 107, 108. 02 Flandin, Voyage, p p . 108, 109. Comp a r e pi. 135. 63 Mr. F e r g u s s o n supposes t h a t e v e r y pillared hall s u p p o r t e d a secoDd story, a n d t h a t t h e pillars w e r e intended f o r this p u r p o s e . H e finds a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e second s t o r y i a the curious s t r u c t u r e w h e r e o n t h e kings a r e r e p r e s e n t e d a s s t a n d i n g in t h e sculjDtures u p o n t h e i r tombs. (Palaces, p p . 124-131.) His a r g u m e n t s a r e , as usual, ingenious,'but t h e y h a v e failed t o convince me. I t h i n k t h e a b s e n c e of a n y t r a c e of stairs, which h e a d m i t s (p. 119), a n d t h e nondiscovery in t h e r u i n s of a n y f r a g m e n t of s u c h a s c u l p t u r e d u p p e r s t o r y as h e i m a g i n e s u n i v e r s a l , quite outweigh t h e supposed analogy drawn f r o m the representations on t h e t o m b s . *1 T h e a c t u a l height of o n e of t h e avive is 22 feet. (Ker P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p. 644.) I t is evident, f r o m t h e m a r k s of t h e p l a c e w h e r e t h e a r c h i t r a v e w a s inserted, t h a t not v e r y m u c h of t h e ant a is w o r n a w a y .

CH V.]

THE FIFTH

65 The entire area covered by the Palace of Darius, even if we include the portico, is little more than 13,000 square feet. The area covered by the Palace of Sargon seems to have been about 20,000 feet; that covered by the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh was 40,000 square yards, or 300.000 feet. 66 M. Flandin, in his restoration of the ground-plan of this palace, makes the number of rooms fifteen (pi. 121); but his plan of the actual ruins (pi. 113) shows ttiirteen apartments only. 67 The area of Darius's hall is about 2500 feet; three halls in the palace of Sargon exceeded 3000 feet. (See Vol. I. pp. 181, 13r, 188.) *8 Rich speaks of this building as having an ecrasi appearance, which he explains as " stuffed and heavy." (Journey69 to Persepohs, p. 247.) The non-discovery of any fragment of a pillar after all the researches made is strong evidence that the pillars were not of stone. That those at Ecbatana were mainly of wood plated with gold and silver, we know from Polybius. (See text, p. 11; and for the large employment of wood in the Persepolitan interiors, see Q. Curt. v. 7. Compare also on the whole subject Fergusson, Palaces, pp. 151, 132.) 70 Polvb. x. ¡27, § 10. 71 JEschyL Pen. 161: Philostr. Imag. ii. 732. 2 Esther, i. 7. 73 Ibid. ii. 6. 74 Athen. Deipn. xii. p. 514, C. 75 Ibid. ™ The separation of the Gynasceum from the rest of the palace is apparent from Esther, ii. 13; v. 1. 77 Voyage en Arabic* torn. ii. p. 111. This is the building marked F on his plan (pi. xviii.). M. Flandin also marks thesa ruins, {i^oi/ti'/e en Perse, pi. 67, No. 74.) Tney have been accidentally omitted in the Plan, PI. XIX 7 * Mr. Fergusson suggests that it was done " to bring the orientation of this building, so far as was possible, into accordance with that of the other buildings on theplatform." (Palaces, p. 116.) But it is difficult to see how a staircase on the western side of a building could make it harmonize with edifices whose only staircase was towards the north. 79 Of the staircase to this palace I have already spoken. (See text, pp. 387, 38S.) The other remains are a few walls and the bases of some nineteen columns, of which four seem to belong to a portico of sixteen pillars in two rows of eight each, directly behind the staircase, while the remaining fifteen belonged to a hall of sixteen columns, arranged in four rows of four each, which lay behind the western part of the portico. (See the General Plan, and compare Flandin, pi. 129.) 80 Flandin, Voyage en Perse, torn. i. p. 113.

MONARCHY. 81 82

I j I I '

i

; I ; ! j i I

643

See text, p. 388. Flandin, Voyage, "Planches Anciennes," pl. 181. 83 These pillars were placed, as usual, towards the middle of the apartment, and were arranged in a square. (See the Plan, Pl. XIX) 84 Boom was left here for just a narrow strip of pavement, on which opened out a door from the great hall, and from which two narrow sets of steps led eastward and westward to the southern terrace. On this terrace were probably placed the apartments of the attendants, officers of the Court, guards, &c. 85 Flandin, Voyage en. Perse, p. 113. Representations of this kind occupy the jambs of the three back doors towards the southern steps, and those of all the windows in the building. The inner doors of the side apartments represent servants with towels and perfumes. The doors leading from the side apartments into the great hall have the king under the p xrasoi. The same representation occurs on the two front doors leading out into the portico. The side doors leading on to the portico have guards. Numerous inscriptions in various parts of the building ascribe its construction to Xerxes. 88 Called the " South-eastern Edifice" on87the Plan. See the remarks of Mr. Fergusson (Palaces, pp. 131-133). a8 Rich, Journey to Persepolis, p. 250; Flandin, Voyage, pp. 115, 116. 88 Mr. Fergusson supposed the porch of Darius's palace to be deeper than that of this ancient edifice, and considered that the extra depth had been given on account of the southern aspect of the later building; but M. Flandin's measurementa show that the two porches, like the two halls, were as nearly as possible of the same size, 30 The Palace of Sargon (exclusive o£ its temple) was a rectangle of !)00 by 400 feet (See Pl. XXIV. Vol. I.) 01 See Flandin's Voyage en, Per.se, pi. 73;,Ji Fergusson, Palaces, p.107. lier Porter gives the height as nearly 50 feet (Travels. voL i. p. 590). M. Flandin makes it 18 mètres 58 centimètres (Voyage, p. 831, which is a Little more than 54 feet. Mr. Fergusson allows for the height only 46 feet 9 inches. (Palaces, p. 10S.) « See the General Plan, Pl. XLI. I agree with Mr. Fergusson (Palaces, p. 107), that the three doorways of this building of which traces remain must have been connected by walls. The rough faces of the great piers on the sides opposite to the 'doorways prove this. See PL XLVII. Fig. 1. « Flandin, p. 78. 95 See PL X L i n . Fig. 1. 9,1 This is the case generally with the walls of the Persepolitan buildings, which have vanished, leaving only the great blocks which formed the sides of

644

THE FIFTH

d o o r w a y s a n d w i n d o w s . Mr. F e r g u s s o n c o n j e c t u r e s t h a t tiieir e n t i r e d i s a p p e a r a n c e is d u e t o t h e f a c t t h a t t h e i r m a t e r i a l w a s m e r e sun-dried brick (Palaces, p . 125). B u t t h e h y p o t h e s i s of t h e t e x t is a t least as p r o b a b l e . 97 T h e c h a m b e r h e r e s p o k e n of w a s 51 f e e t s q u a r e instead of 82 (Flandin, Voyage, pi. 145). T h e h e i g h t of t h e d o o r w a y s w a s a b o u t 20 f e e t , a n d t h e w i d t h 6 f e e t 6 i n c h e s (ibid. torn. i. p. 116.) 1,8 T h e entire s t r u c t u r e c a n n o t b e rep r o d u c e d ; f o r t h e r e a r e t r a c e s of walls a n d c o l o n n a d e s b e y o n d t h e limits of t h e s q u a r e c h a m b e r , which show t h a t t h i s edifice h a d peculiarities distinguishing it f r o m t h e o t h e r buildings of t h e s a m e general character upon the platform. 9S This m o u n d h a s b e e n s u p p o s e d t o m a r k t h e site of t h e banqueting-hall b u r n t b y A l e x a n d e r (Ker P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p p . (¡-id-6S0). It h a s been h i t h e r t o u n e x a m i n e d . If it is r e a l l y a h e a p of ruins, a n d n o t a n a t u r a l elevation of t h e soil, it m u s t b e well w o r t h t h e most careful exploration. 100 t w o 0 f t h e g a t e w a y s of this edifice •—those f a c i n g t h e n o r t h a n d t h e south— b e a r s c u l p t u r e s of t h e m o n a r c h o n tlie t h r o n e oc state, s u p p o r t e d b y figures r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e n a t i o n s u n d e r his s w a y , w h i c h a r e a l m o s t d u p l i c a t e s of t h o s e o n t h e b a c k doors of t h e " Hall of a H u n d r e d C o l u m n s . " (See PL X L V I I I . ) 101 Nothing remains b u t the foundat i o n s of o n e p o r t a l — t h a t f a c i n g t h e s o u t h — a n d t h e b a s e of a single pillar, ( F l a n d i n , Voyage, p i . 101.)

MONARCHY.

i j | ) ; ! | j | i

105

K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p. f>"5; F l a n d i n , Voyage, p. 110. 103 I n t h e propyLi>a, t h e d i s t a n c e bet w e e n t h e pillars a n d t h e o u t e r walls is a l w a y s a l m o s t e x a c t l y t h a t of t h e intercol uinniations. T h e w i d t h of t h e port a l s is a little less. 104 Mr. F e r g u s s o n s a y s of t h e Chrhl Minar. o r " G r e a t H a l l of X e r x e s " — " W e h a v e n o c a t h e d r a l in E n g l a n d t h a t a t a h c o m e s ijear it in d i m e n s i o n s ; n o r indeed in F r a n c e or G e r m a n y is t h e r e o n e t h a t covers so m u c h g r o u n d . Cologne c o m e s n e a r e s t to it . . . ; but, of course, t h e comparison is h a r d l y f a i r , a s t h e s e buildings h a d stone roofs, a n d w e r e f a r higher. B u t in linear horizont a l dimensions t h e only edifice of t h e m i d d l e ages t h a t c o m e u p t o it is Milan C a t h e d r a l , w h i c h covers 107,800 feet, a n d ( t a k e n all in all) is p e r h a p s t h e building t h a t resembles it m o s t b o t h i n style a n d t h e g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r of t h e effect it m u s t h a v e p r o d u c e d on t h e spectator." (Palaces, p p . 171, 172. C o m p a r e t h e s a m e w r i t e r ' s Handbook of Architecture, vol. i. p . 197.) los F e r g u s s o n , Palaces, p. 175. ice ipjje evidence on t h e p o i n t is u n f o r t u n a t e l y v e r y incomplete, since, o u t of t h e 116 pillar bases which t h e hall a n d p o r c h a r e supposed t o h a v e contained, eight ouUj—six in t h e hall, a n d t w o in

I ] \

'

[Cli. Y.

t h e p o r c h — h a v e been discovered. Seven of t h e eight, moreover, a r e in o n e line. Still, a s trie positions of t h e eiglit pillar b a s e s discovered a r e e x a c t l y s u c h a s t h e y would h a v e b e e n if t h e whole of t h e hall a n d portico h a d b e e n spaced o u t equally w i t h 116 pillars, a n d as all t h e o t h e r large r o o m s on t h e platf o r m a r e t h u s spaced out, it seems nest to a c c e p t t h e conclusions of M. F l a n d i n and Mr. F e r g u s s o n w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e edifice. 101 N o t a single o n e of t h e pillars is n o w standing, n o r h a s it been f o u n d possible, t h o u g h t h e g r o u n d is covered w i t h f r a g m e n t s , t o obtain t h e h e i g h t of o n e b y a c t u a l m e a s u r e m e n t . The height is t h e r e f o r e calculated from, the diameter, w h i c h is so small t h a t , according t o Mr. Fergusson, t h e y could n o t h a v e exceeded 35 (Pah-it's, p. l i i ) , or, according to M. "Flandin, 37 f e e t (Voyage, pi. 168 bin ) H,a F l a n d i n , Voyage en Perse, pi. 149. K e r P o r t e r m a d e t h e dimensions somew h a t less. A c c o r d i n g t o him, t h e buildi n g is a s q u a r e of 210 feet. (Travels, vol. i. p. U62.) )0a So F l a n d i n (pi. 149). Mr. F e r g u s son says t h a t t h e f r o n t wall w a s t h i c k e r t h a n t h e others. (Palaces, p. li(i.) 110 M. Flandin t h o u g h t (Voyage, p. 121) t h a t t h e f r o n t wall h a d contained t h r e e windows only (all in t h e space b e t w e e n t h e t w o d o o r w a y s ) a n d six niches. B u t K e r P o r t e r , who visited t h e ruins t h i r t y y e a r s earlier, distinguished seven windows. (Travels, 1. s. c.) i n [{-er p o r t e r , vol. i. p. 667. 112 F e r g u s s o n . Palace?, p p . 177, 17S. The w r i t e r ' s m a i n a r g u m e n t s a r e t h e a b s e n c e of (visible) windows on t h e eastern, w e s t e r n , a n d s o u t h e r n sides of tlie building, a n d t h e analogy derived f r o m t h e o t h e r edifices. I t m u s t 1» a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e sculptures on t h e side d o o r w a y s a r e identiciil with those w h i c h led into a p a r t m e n t s in t h e Palace of Darius. ' 1 3 See Flandin, Voyage en Perse, p. 123, and pi. 154; K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. pi. 49. 11 ' Two r o w s of figures only a r e seen. (See Pi. X L V I I I . ) The accumulation of r u b b i s h a t t h e base of t h e m o n u m e n t conceals t h e figures of t h e t h i r d or lowest r o w . • 1 S e e t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of M. F l a n din (Voyage, pi. 112). 110 I t is g e n e r a l l y allowed t h a t t h e w i n d o w s of Solomon's t e m p l e (1 K. vi. 4) w e r e in t h e u p p e r p a r t of t h e wall, a b o v e t h e point r e a d i e d by t h e s u r r o u n d i n g c h a m b e r s (verses 5-10). On t h e h i g h position of windows in t h e buildings r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e Assyrians, see Vol. I. p. 196. I,7 Mr. F e r g u s s o n , as well a s M. Flandin, b r i n g s Sight into this hall f r o m t h e roof (1'a.loeey, p. liS); b u t b y a m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d a n d (I think) less' p r o b a b l e arrangement.

CH. V.]

THE FIFTH

1,8 Flandin, Voyage en Perse, pis. 158 and 159. Compare the Plan [PI. XLI.,] •where the spaces on which the light would have fallen are indicated by dotted lines. 113 See Pl. XLVII. Fig. 1. 120 Ker Porter, Travels, vol. i. p. 662; Flandin, Voi/age, p. 180. Compare pis. 148 and 148 bis. The bulls are terribly mutilated, and it is even doubtful •whether they were of the human-headed or the purely animal type. M. Flandin's general views of thé ruins favor the former, while his restorations (pis. 131 and 151) adopt the latter, view. 121 Ker Porter, Travels, vol. i. p. 663 and pi. 51. 123 1 follow here the measurements of M. Flandin, who makes the distance f r o m the extreme eastern to the extreme western pillars 105 mètres 98 centimètres (Voyage, pl. 00), and that f r o m the extreme northern to the extreme southern ones 75 mètres. 123 The side of the square is said to be 4.314 mètres (Flandin, p. 100), or about 14^2 feet. The area would consequently be 20,80ii [ 4 square feet. Ker Porter says 60 feet (Travels, vol. i. p. (585) ; but M. Flandin made the distance 33 m&tres 50 centimètres in the case of the side groups, and 21 mètres S3 centimètres in the case of the f r o n t one. These measurements, however, were made from centre to centre of the pillar bases. (See pi. 00.) 125 Flandin, Voyage, p. 99. 26 1 Flandin, 1. s. c. and pl. 168 bis. 127 Ker Porter, Travels, vol. i. p. 633. 128 Flandin, Voyage, p. 100. Compare pi. 93. Ibid. pi. 92. i3o These were sometimes double, like those of the capital represented [Pi. XLIX. Fig. 3], while sometimes they were single, as in Pl. XLIX. Fi^. 1. Mr. Fergusson questions the existence of this member of the capital, which, being the uppermost, has fallen away from all the standing pillars. (Sea his Palaces, pp. 1C0-163.) But M. Flandin's belief, gathered from his researches at Persepolls, has been confirmed by the labors of Mr. Loftus at Susa, where attention was specially directed to the point. (See Loftus, Chaldcea and Susiana, pp. 859, 370.) 132 The pillars of the central cluster have, on the contrary, a very rude and clumsy base, consisting merely of two rough steps, or gradines (see PI. XLIX. Fig. 2). It is thought that these cannot have been intended to be seen, and consequently that the area under the centre pillars must have had a raised floor, probably of wood, level with the top of the upper step. (See Fergusson, Palaces, p. 165.1 133 The existence of this cramp now often proves fatal to the columns, which are thrown down by the natives for the

MONARCHY. sake of it. (See Ker Porter, Travels, vol. i. p. 680.) 134 Flandin, Voyage en Perse, pis. 93 F and 93. 135 The distance from pillar to pillir is not more than 28 feet, considerably less than that of the Assyrian halls, which (as has been shown, Vol. I. p. 196) were probably roofed in by beams laid horizontally f r o m side to side. Ker Porter supposes that stone episiylia of this ; length may have been used (Trareli, vol. i. p. 634), and certainly blocks of a length even exceeding this occur in the ; platform (see above, note 231: but, if they had been employed in the pillared buildings, their remains would probably have been found. ! 138 See PI. XXXVII. Fig. 1; and compare PI. LI1. Fig. 1. 137 The entablature m a y have been occasionally richer, as in the attempted restoration (PI. XLVI. Fig. 3), which follows the pattern of the two tombs immediately behind the Great Palace platform. 138 This is the theory of Mr. Fergusson (Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis, pp. 144-146; Handbook of Architecture, vol. i. p. 195). 139 Like that at the south-west corner of Darius's Palace (see PI. XLVI. Fig. l), or 140 rather four times the size. Flandin, Voyage en Perse, p. 99; Texier, pi. 93. Compare the General Plan [PI. XLI], 141 Palaces, p. 145. 142 Still, even here there is a suspicious circumstance. The positions are not the usual ones for doors under porticoes, being too near together. It is usual to have three windows between the two doors. Here, if there were doors, they could have bad one window only between them. 143 Fergusson supposes that the great chamber had five other doors (see the Plan, PI. L. Fig. 1), none of which have left a trace. 144 Voyaae en Perse, p. 99. Compare plate 113, where the idea is carried out. 145 As that isolated statues of bulls, or indeed of anything else, are not known to have been in use among the Persians. 148 See Palaces, pp. 146, 147. 147 These drains are marked on the General Plan. (See PI. XLI.) J4S See text, p. 299. 149 It m a y be objected to this, that enamelled bricks were found at Susa, in near proximity to the palace of Darius. (Loftus, Chctldwa and Snsiana. p. 396.1 But there was nothing to connect these bricks with Achsemenian times. Probably they belonged to the old palace (Dan. viii. 3), whereto Darius merely made additions. 160 See Vol. I. pp. 237-330; text, pp. 200,201. 161 Esther, i. 6. (See text, p. 345.)

646

THE

FIFTH

MONAIICIIT.

[CH. V.

169 152 Flandin, p. 161. and pi. 200. This The General Flan of the Siisian | building was identical with tbat of the I buildiug is an almost exact duplicate of one at Nakhsb-i-Rusi am, which will be Persepelitan. Its size, proportions, and fully described pi'esently. ornamentation were almost exactly the same, excepting- t h a t (so f a r as appears) See Pl. L. Fig. 3. Mr. Rich says t h e Susian hall had no sculptured stairt h a t one block which he measured was case. Mr. Loftus made careful search 14 feet 2 inches long (Journey to Persepolis, p. 241). M. Flandin speaks of at Susa for any indication of walls, but there being among the blocks soma found no trace of them whatsoever, which are 10 mètres (32 feet 9 inches) in (iChalduM and Xusiana, p. 374.) length. (Voyage en Perse, p. 162.) ¡5S Buts (^"Q),translated " f i n e linen" 171 Fergusson. Palaces, p. 211. 172 Flandin, Voyage, p. 70 and pi. 58. 173 in the authorized version, probably See text, p. 398. means simply " white" here, as in Exod. 174 The i i e j g h t of the Istakr columns xxvi. 31. was 25 ft. 7 inches. The shortest of the 114 Loftus, Chaldcea and Susiana, p. columns found a t Persepolis exceeded 375. 37 feet. (Flandin, pi. 168, bis.) 155 176 M. Flandin (Voyage, pi. 112) conSee Loftus, Chaldœa and Susiana, fines the hangings to the main apartpp. 365-376. m e n t ; but it is quite possible that t h e See text, pp. 397-402. 177 detached colonnades m a y have been See above, note 14. 178 similarly protected. On the tomb of Cyrus, see Morier, io6 m. Flandiu boldly calls them "salles First Journey, pp. 144-146; Ker Porter, de pas perdus." (Voyage, p. 98.) Travels, vol. i. pp. 498-500; Rich. Jour187 For a near view of these bills, see ney to Persepolis, pp. 239-244; Texier, Flandin, pi. 62, and for their effect f r o m Description, torn. ii. pp. 152-156; and the platform compare pi. 111. Flandin, Voyage en Perse, pp. 157-159. 168 Flandin, p 159. Compare the plan On the other tombs of the kings, see [PI. XLIX. Fig. 5], Ker Porter, vol. i. pp. 516-524; Rich, pp. 159 Rich, Journey to Persepolis, p. 240. 255. 256: Flandin, pp. 128-132. and 140-141. 179 Some of the blocks in the older buildings Arrian. Exp. Alex. vi. 29. Compare on the Persepolitan platform a r e lightStrabo. xv. 3. § 7. ened in a similar way (ibid. p. 248). lao Ker Porter, p. 499. 160 181 As seems to have been the case a t Most writers speak of six steps E c b a t a n a . (See text, p. 11.) I suspect only, but MM. Flandin and Coste uncovt h a t such a colonnade also surrounded ered a seventh ( Voyage, p. 157; pis. 195 the " T o m b of Cyrus." (PI. LI. Fig. 3.) and Î96). Mr. Fergusson suggests that 161 So M. Flandin (Voyage, p 360). the seven steps represented the seven Mr. Fei'gusson, following apparently the planets. (Palaces, p. 214.) guess of Ker Porter (Travels, vol. i. p. is2 The lowest step or real base of the 489). calls the height " n e a r l y 50 f e e t . " m o n u m e n t — t h a t which was first un(Palaces, p. ¿12.) covered by MM. Flandin and Coste—is 182 only 13 inches high; the second is 5 ft. Flandin, 1. s. c. Mr. Morier m a d e 5 in. : the third and fourth are 3 ft. 5 in. the circumference 10 fr. 5 in. (First each: the fifth, sixth, and seventh m e a Journey, p. 144), which comes, within sure each 1 f t 10 inches (See Flandin, an1 6incli. to the same. 3 Voyage, pi. 195.) The measures of Ker The blocks were clamped together Porter (Travels, vol. i. p. 499) and Mr. in exactly the same way as those on Rich (Persepolis, p. 243) agree nearly the great platform. (See above, note 22.) with these, in no ease differing more is« T h r e e rows of pillars is no doubt a than two inches. very strange and unusual a r r a n g e m e n t ; 183 b u t M. Flandin's m e a s u r e m e n t s seem There can really be no doubt of absolutely to preclude a fourth row this. (See Ker Porter, vol. i. pi. 14; (see the 'plan, PI. XI,IX). It m a y be Flandin, pis. 195 and 196.) Yet Mr. Rich remarked, t h a t Solomon's " H o u s e of did not see it, but imagined t h a t t h e the forest of Lebanon" seems to have roof had been arched! (Persepolis, p. three rows of pillars only, with fifteen M2.) in each. (1 Kings, vii. 3.) Flandin, pis. 195, 196; Rich, p. 243. 185 5 Arrian, 1. s. c.; Strab. 1. s. c. i» Flandin, pi. 197. 186 There is some Arabic writing and is« Tfte distances here are, respecornamentation in the interior of the tively. 25 f t . 10 in. and 18 ft. 4 in. (Flantomb (Rich, p 243; Ker Porter, p. 501), din. pi. 197.) 197 b u t nothing of an earlier date than the See Flandin (1. s. c.), f r o m whom Mahometan conquest. PI. L. Fig. 2. is taken. 187 las This figure lias been noticed by Flandin, Voyage, p. 197. Compare pi.1 8195. most travellers. (See Morier, Second 8 Journey, p. 118; Ker Porter, Travels, Ibid. pi. 196. These measures convol. i. p. 492: Rich, Journey to Perseposiderably exceed those of f o r m e r travellis, p. 241: Flandin, Voyage en Perse, p. lers. who. when the lowest step was 160. and pi. 19K; &C.) A representation covered up, necessarily took the dimenof it is given [PI. LLX.]. sions of the lowest step but one.

OH. 7 . ]

TUB FIFTH

i s » K e r P o r t e r , p. 499; Rich, p. 244. T h e B a r o n T e x i e r ' s plan m a k e s the pillars on each side eight. (Description, torn. ii. pi. 8a.) ' » » See PI. L I I . F i g . 1, and c o m p a r e the illustration t a k e n f r o m a p h o t o g r a p h [PI. X X X V I I F i g . 1]. 1 9 1 It must be understood that the p o r t i c o is a p p a r e n t o n l y , not real. T h e columns a r e uot pillars, but pilasters adhering to t h e f a c e of ¡he rock. 192 r f h e o n l y i m p o r t a n t e x c e p t i o n is the ruined t o m b to the south of the Persepolitan p l a t f o r m , which, unlike the others, is situated n e a r l y at the level of the plain, and shows one c o m p a r t m e n t only of the three c o m m o n l y seen. (Flandin', pis. 162 and 167.) 1 9 3 I n s o m e of what seem t o be the earliest tombs, there is no arch. Both the internal c h a m b e r and the recess are squared at top. This is the case in t h e t o m b of Darius Hystaspis. (Flandin, p i s 170 and 171.) ' 9 4 See Flandin, pi. 165. 1 9 3 T h e other tombs contain three, six, o r nine sarcophagi. ( F l a n d i n , pis. 103, 1(55, and 169.) 198 These tombs a r e both a t Nakhslii-Rustam. T h e i r plans a r e g i v e n b y Flandin (pis. 170 and 171). 197 Flandin, pis. 164 and 166. 198 Flandin, Voyage en Perse, p. 141. K e r P o r t e r m a d e t h e width 22 f e e t 8 inches, a n d guessed the height at 33 f e e t . (Travels, vol. i p. 562.) 1 9 9 T h e r e is a curious conflict of testim o n y with respect to these markings. K e r P o r t e r speaks of t h e m as " ' b l o c k s of m a r b l e which p r o j e c t " (Travels, vol. i. p. 563); and Mr. Fergusson, f o l l o w i n g him. speaks of " p r o j e c t i n g f a c e t s " (Palaces, p. 206). But Hr. Morier saw " oblong perpendicular incisions" (First Journey, p. 129); M. Flandin " refouillements" (Voyage, p. 142); and Baron T e x i e r " t r o u s " ( D e s c r i p t i o n , torn. ii. p. 199). aoo Flandin i m a g i n e d that he sawtraces of a flight of steps (Voyage, p. 141). But perhaps the ruined appeara n c e of the wall b e l o w the d o o r w a y is rather the result o f an a t t e m p t to penet r a t e the building and discover a second chamber. 2 0 1 Flandin, 1. s c. K e r P o r t e r guesse d the h e i g h t at 15 or 16 f e e t . ( T r a v e l s , p. 562.) 2 ° 2 See PI. L I I I . F i g . 3. See PI. L I . F i g . 2. 2 0 4 See text. pp. 382, 402, 403. Comp a r e Flandin, pi 197. 3 0 5 K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p. 56. " T h i s portal is five f e e t wide and six high. T h e g r o o v e s f o r t h e p i v o t s of its doors are d e e p l y cut. both at the b o t t o m and the top, where t h e y were fastened t o t h e sides of t h e w a l l ; so that the p o n d e r o u s stone divisions must h a v e m e t in the m i d d l e and shut close. T h e circling m a r k s of their m o v e m e n t a r e Strongly w o r n in the m a r b l e floor.

MONARCHY.

647

206 jj;,- Fergusson speaks of this g a t e w a y as " a b u i l d i n g so monolithic in its character, and so simple and g r a n d in its proportions, that it is impossible t o ascribe it to a n y p e r i o d subsequent t o the d a y s of the Aclisemenidse; i n d e e d . " h e says, " so s i m p l y g r a n d is it that it m i g h t a l m o s t be supposed t o b e older, had w e any k n o w l e d g e of a n y race capable of executing such a w o r k b e f o r e their t i m e . " ( P a l a c e s , p. 205 ) •207 Fergusson. 1. s. c . ; Flandin, p p . 70, 71: T e x i e r , pi. 137. 20B Such w e r e the " P y l s E Cilicise" (Xen. Anab. i. 2, § 21; Arrian. Exp. Alex. ii. 4); the Pylae Caspiae" ( A i t . iii. 20); the 'P.ylae Syrise" (Xen. Anab. i. 4. § 4 ; A r r . Exp. Alex.}i 5); the Pylse Antaniese ( P o l y b . xii 17, § 2); and others. Xenophon (Jim,b. i. 4, § 4) is conclusive on the p o i n t o f there being an actual g a t e w a y and gates. 2 0 9 Sir ft. K . P o r t e r is the o n l y traveller who seems to h a v e distinctly recognized the true character of this " G a t e . " (Travels, vol. i. p 515 ) 210 A s in the c h a m b e r s surrounding the pillared hall in the palace of Darius. (See the General Plan. PI. X L I . ) 2 1 1 A s in the west d o o r w a y and staircase of the same palace. 2 1 2 Rich, Persepolis, p. 244. 2 1 8 T h e pillars of the G r e a t T e m p l e at K a r n a e slightly e x c e e d e d in h e i g h t those of the Grand Hall at Persepolis, measuring 70 f e e t , whereas the Persepolitan ones were o n l y a little m o r e than (¡7 f e e t . T h e columns of the T e m p l e of Diana at Ephesus — the m o s t magnificent structure e v e r raised by the Greeks —measured no m o r e than 60 f e e t . 2 1 4 A s at Babylon (see t e x t , p. 389) a n d at R o m e (Li v. x x i . 62). '- 15 See the general r e m a r k s of Mr. Fergusson on the Persian A r c h i t e c t u r e . (Handbook of Architecture, vol. i. p p . 190-197.) 2 1 0 Rich, Persepolis, p. 247. 2 1 7 Mr. Fergusson r e m a r k s that h e does not k n o w a n y instance of this o u t of Persia. ( P a l a c e s , jj. 183.) 2 ' s See t e x t , p. 409. 2 1 9 A s the thickness of walls, the absence of passages, and the position o f doors. (See Vol. I. pp. 183, 184.) 2 2 ° See, V o l . I pp. 191, 195. 207. 22 > Ibid. pp. 208, 209; t e x t , p. 197. 2 2 2 On the origin of the Persian column a r architecture, see note 79, C h a p t e r I., Third Monarchy. 223 I t has been shown in a f o r m e r v o l u m e that the reverse of this w a s t h e rule w i t h the Assyrians, (See V o l . I . pp. 195, 196.) 2 2 4 T h e statement m a d e in vol. i. (p. 541. note 53), that the Persian buildings had no solid walls at a l l , " must b e limited t o the main buildings—the g r e a t c o l u m n a r edifices in w h i c h the Persian architecture culminated. 2 2 5 See text, pp. 11, 12. 2 2 0 See t e x t , pp. 301, 302.

648

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. V,

327 245 T h a t e a r t h q u a k e s h a v e c a u s e d cerSee K e r P o r t e r , Travels, vol. i. p'.s. t a i n d i s p l a c e m e n t s a t Persepolis is sug38 t o 43; F l a n d i n . Voita.ge, pis. 95 t o 110. 248 g e s t e d by M. F l a n d i n . ( V u y a y e en See Pl. III. Fig. "4, PL XXI. Fig. 1. 247 Perse, p. 104.) I t m u s t a t t h e s a m e t i m e b e admit226 T h e E g y p t i a n pillar r e p r e s e n t s a t e d t h a t t h e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e a n i m a l figstone pier f r o m which the angles h a v e u r e s t o t h e h u m a n is n o t v e r y well k e p t . b e e n r e m o v e d ; t h e P e r s i a n is a subT h e camel, t h e horses, a n d t w o oxen a r e s t i t u t e for a wooden p o s t . T h e p r o p o r decidedly t o o small. 24 tion of t h e d i a m e t e r t o t h e h e i g h t in " The origin of t h e s e c a r y a t i d œ is E g y p t was, a t least, d o u b l e of t h a t t r a c e a b l e t o Assyria, w h e r e w e find t h e m w h i c h p r e v a i l e d in Persia. used in t h e decoration of t h e t h r o n e it22S self. (See PI. LXXXIV. Fig. 3, PI. Mr. F e r g u s s o n , w h o d e r i v e s t h e L X X X V . Fig. 1, Vol. I.) In P e r s i a t h e y Doric c o l u m n of t h e G r e e k s f r o m E g y p t , u p h o l d a s o r t of p l a t f o r m on which t h e a l l o w s t h a t t h e y received t h e Ionic f r o m t h r o n e is placed. (Ker P o r t e r , pi. 50; vol. i. Asia. (Handbook uf Architecture, See Pl. X L V I I I . ) Unlike t h e Greek cap. ai,r>.) ajG ryatids, they support their burthens T1h e clay i m a g e s of a goddess, f o u n d w i t h t h e h a n d s as well as with t h e h e a d . b y Mi . L o f t u s a t Susa ian form of thename seems to have been Tariata. (Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 161.) 73 Plutarch. Vit. Artax. c. 23. 71 Berosus ap. Clem. Alex. 1. s. c. The passage of Berosus has received important confi: rnation by recent excavations on the site of Stisa, where an inscription of Mnemon has been found, alluding to his erection of tbe image of Tanata in a temple at that place. (Loftus, Chaldcea and Susiana, p 372.) 75 Compare text, pp. 228. 229. 76 See Loftus. 1. s. c. Mnemon is the first of the Persian kings who invokes Mithra. to be his protector. His example in this respect is followed by Ochus. (Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 342.) 77 See Pl. X X I X . Fig. 2; and for the connection of the symbol with the Mithraitic cult, see Lajard, Culle de Mithra, pis. Ixxv.; lxxviii. fig. 2; lxxx. fig. 1; lxxxii. fig. 3; lxxxiii., &c. 78 Hyde, De Vet. Persarum Religione, C. 4, p. 114. 78 See text. pp. 53, 54. 80 Strab. xv. 3, § 15. On the identifi cation of the Omanus and Anadatus of Strabo with Bah-man and Amerdat, see

CII

VII.]

TUB FIFTH

the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 537,2nd edition. S1 Strab. 1 s. c. and xi. 8, § 4. 82 aoa.vov roC 'Si/jLcu'ou 7ro/i7reuet. (Stl'abo.) 83 The temple of Anaitis at Ecbatana is described by Polybius (x. 27, § 15) as having its pillars gilt (Kexpuo-wfitn'ovs). and many of its tiles and bricks of solid silver, while a few of the latter were of gold. The wealth of the temple of the i same goddess at Elymais appears from 1 Mac. vi. 2. 84 According to Plutarch, the Magi of his time addressed themselves, in some of the rites which they performed, to Ahriman. seeking thereby to avert his anger. (De Isid. et Osir, p. 369, E.) And, if we regard the story told by Herodotus of the sacrifice of Amestris (vii. 114) as deserving of implicit belief, we must allow the first beginning of this corruption to have been still earlier; for Herodotus calls the sacrifice " a thankoffering to the god who dwells underneath the earth"—an expression that, according to the Persian system, must mean Ahriman. But Herodotus is scarcely. I think, to be accepted as a competent interpreter of the true motive of an act. of which he can only have heard by rumor long after he quitted Asia..

MONARCHY. the Persians."

651

(See note 13, Chapter

See text, pp. 85, 86. Darius reckoned eight kings before himself, of whom Cyrus the Great, his son Cambyses, and the true Smerdis were probably three. He placed therefore tive kings before Cyrus. Allowing to these average reigns of 20 years each, we have B.C. 0U8 for the traditional commencement of the monarchy. 11 Darius Codomannus, who, according to some writers, was not a member of the royal clan. (See Strab. xv. 3, §24.) J2 E g. the names " Jew," " Israelite," "Midianite," "Moabite," "Ammonite," " Levite,'' &c. 1 3 1 think it may be said with truth that there are no ¡woes eponymi in the Zendavesta. and none in any genuine Persian tradition. The Perses from whom the Greeks derived the nation (Herod, vii. 61), or their kings (Xen. Cyrov i. 2, § 1; Plat. Alcib. i. p. 120, E; Apollod. ii. 4, § 5), was no real Persian hero. Neither the Zendavesta, nor even the Shahnameh, has a trace of him. 14 See Behistun Inscription, col. i. p. 2; and Detached Inscriptions, No. 1. It has been argued that these authorities are valueless, because Darius, though he might know the names of his father and his grandfather, would not be likely to 65 See the passage quoted from Diohave any trustworthy knowledge of genes Laertius, and placed as the headancestors more remote than these. ing to the chapter on, the Religion of (Edinburgh Review, No. 255, p. 155 ) the Medes (text, p 45); and compare But the force of this reasoning rests with it the following fragment of wholly on the assumption that t.ie PerEndemus, the favorite disciple of sians had no historical documents beAristotle:—" Mayot 6e Kai irav TO 'APEIOV longing to the times before Cyrus. To yevos, OL FXEU ROIROV, ot 5e xpoi'oi' KaAoucri to me it seems probable that the Persians potjtop aiTal' Kat rjvu>/j.evov. e£ ov Kal Staicpiformed their alphabet soon after they 0yjrac Kal 0eoi' ayaObv Kal SaL^ova KaKOi',settled Kal in Zagros, and began at once to Kal iTKOTOS 7rpo TOVTIOV, (!)? EftOU? XtyeiV use it for historical purposes. OUTOLfieKal avTot /xtTa Tr\v aficaxpLTOi' (fiVtjLV15 Behistun Inscription, col. i. par. 2; ^LaKptVOfXei'Tll' TTOLOViTL TT)V SlTTTJV 06 See text, p. 280. i° 7 Herod, vi. 113; vii. 181; viii. 113, Ctes. Exc. Pers. § 3; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 13. i i » Herod, vii. 64. 10» Herod. 1. s. c.; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 8. n ° Ctesias makes the men amount to 300.000, and the w o m e n to 200,000. (Exc. Pers. 1. s. c.) m Herod, iii. 93. Compare the Inscriptions of Darius. ^ l 1 2 Ta avio -njs 'Ao-ltjs Kvpos avaa-rara eirotee. tt a v eOv oe K a r a o fi e v o 5 x a l ov&ev j r a p t i i s . (Herod, i. 177.) Several notices of nations belonging to this part of Asia are quoted by different writers f r o m Ctesias, more especially f r o m his tenth book, which

654

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[ e n . VII.

158 Ezra iii. 3. The expression at the seem to have belonged to his account close of this verse—"according to the of the campaigns of Cyrus in these rant that They had of Cyrus, king of regions. (.See Apollon. Hist. Mirab. SO; Steph. Byz. ad voc. Avp/3aioi and X Ibiil. col. ii. p a r . 3. 281 206 Persian coins h a v e been found T h e n a m e a s s u m e d by M a r t e s is bearing on one side a legend which has expressed in t h e Persian by Imanish been read as AY'IA or AWAY1A. (See (lmanes). This is p r o b a b l y a represent h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 25, tation of t h e old Umman, which is found note 1. 2nd edition ) in so m a n y royal Susi&uian n a m e s tow a r d s t h e close of t h e Assyrian E m p i r e . 33 0"8 Herod, iv. 10. (See note ft», C h a p t e r IX.', Vol. L, SecSee col. v. of t h e Inscription. 308 ond Monarch.!;. The evidence is ( h a t of t h e m o n t h ly d a t e s given t h r o u g h o u t i h e InscripBehist. inscr. col. ii. p a r . 4. tion, which indicate to one acquainted Herod, in. 70; Ores. Exc. Pers. § 14; : Behist. Inscr. col. iv. p a r . IX. § T. I with t h e ancient Persian calendar t h e 264 Behist. Inscr. col. ii. par. (5 to p a r , • lapse of some live or six years, (See of the Asiatic Society vol. xi. 11. | Journal 285 p p 180-191.) Ibid. coi. ii. p a r . 16. s 283 "> See Vol. I. p. 374. Ibid. coi. ii. pat-. 12, 237 311 Mijfioi. . . . anearrjcro R ¿TTO Aapetov, Thirlwall. History of Greece, vol. aTrocTy.vTes oniuuj KttTecrTpa^i^iJcrat' a \ jj ii. i). 18."). (Compare Niebuhr, I'ortrdge i> t kt)0 e vr es.—Herod, i. J30. iibcr nltc Geschichte. vol. i. p. 159 ) 812 The word hhshairapd, or khshalra*2 3m0 Behist. Irtscr. col. ii. p a r . 13. pdva (Spiegel), is f o u n d twice in t h e inSo f a r as a n y s u b s t r a t u m of hisscriptions of Darius. Behist. Inscr. cot. torical t r u t h is to be discerned in t h e iii. par, 3. § 4: p a r . 9, § 2.) The Greeks Book of J u d i t h , the allusion would be a d o p t e d it f r o m t h e Persians. (Herod, to this rebellion, its suppression, and iii.3 189.) its f u r t h e r consequences. Arphaxad, 3 Herodotus says t h e n u m b e r of saw h o dwelt a t E c b a t a n a . a n d was t a k e n trapies was twenty, including therein a t Rhages, r e p r e s e n t s X a t h r i t e s . whose India (iii. 84-94). Darius, hi t h e Behisreal n a m e was P h r a o r t e s ; Nabuchodotun Inscription, m a k e s t h e provinces nosor is Darius The n o t e s of time (iv. twenty-three, without India, but includ3 and (i) suit this pei iod. 2 J0 ing Persia. In an inscription a t Perse' Behist. Inscr. col. ii. p a r . 16. 281 polis, where India occurs but Persia is ibid. col. iii. p a r . 1 and 2. 5 omitted, he m a k e s t h e m either twenty" J bid. col. ii. p a r . 14. I t is curious t h r e e or t w e n t y - f o u r . Finally, in t h e t o find t h a t Arbela, which had been a legend upon his tomb, which w a s no favorite city f o r executions u n d e r the doubt later, he e n u m e r a t e s twenty-nine. Assyrian m o n a r c h s . retained t h e s a m e 314 No d o u b t t h e y were generally perc h a r a c t e r u n d e r t h e Persians, while unsons of high rank, and Persians; b u t d e r the P a r t h i a n s it b e c a m e a place of t h e case ot Xenagoras. t h e Halicarna.sroynl sepulture. (Dio Cass. Ixxviii. 1.) 293 sian iireek, shows t h a t m e m b e r s of tinBehist. Inscr. col. iii. par. 3 and 4. s u b j e c t nations m i g h t be appointed. Ibid. col. iii. p a r . 5. 2115 (Herod, ix. 107.1 It is possible t h a t t h e second Pseu311 do-Smerdis, like the first, f a v o r e d MaIbid. iii. 128; Thucyd. i. 129; Xen. glsra. T h e r e was u n d o u b t e d l y a p a r t y Hell. iii. 4, § 25. 316 a m o n g s t t h e P e r s i a n s t h e m s e l v e s to Xen. Anab. i. 2, § 7; Hell. iv. 1, w h o m t h e Zoroastrian zeal of Darius 311 was distasteful. Herod, iii. 127. 8'» Xen. Hell. iv. 1, § 15; CEcon. iv. 20. *»* Behist. Inscr. col. iii. par. 6, JJ7 Cyrop. viii. 6, § ¡2. ' Ibid. col. iii. p a r . 9 to p a r . 12.

CH. v i r . ]

THE FIFTII

MONARCHY.

659

quarter millions sterling (4,254,0002.) is a JElian, Var. Hist. xii. 1; Xen. Hell. high one. N o one probably would reiii. 1. 110. 32 gard the tribute in kind a s e x c e e d i n g t h e » Xen. Anab. i. 1, § 7: Herod, vi. 4. v a l u e of the m o n e y tribute. This, o i course, implied t h e p o w e r of 347 I should m y s e l f incline t o e s t i m a t e inflicting t h e minor p u n i s h m e n t of muthe population of the e m p i r e a t f i f t y tilation. (Xen, Armb. i. 9, § IS ) millions, and the m o n e y t i i b u t e at a b o u t X e n Hell. iii. 1, §§ 10-12; jElian. three and a half millions. I should supVar. Hist. 1. s. c. 322 pose the v a l u e of t h e tribute in kind t o X e n . Anab. i. 9, § 22; Hell. 1. s. c. 323 h a v e been s o m e w h a t less—say two a n d Ibid. Ages. iii. § 3. . E l i a n (I. s. c.) a half millions. This would m a k e t h e s p e a k s of f a t h e r s a s often c o m p e l l e d b y a v e r a g e t a x a t i o n less t h a n t w o shillings s a t r a p s t o yield their d a u g h t e r s to be and fivepence a head. i n m a t e s of the satrapial h a r e m s (rvpayVIAV\ ^tatrttjU-eVwv TJ TR ar pan to V j r o A \ a - 3 4 8 Herod, iii. 117, ad fin. 349 K u). Ibid. A similar p r a c t i c e prevails 324 in modern Persia. (See Chardin, VoyOn occasion of a great war, offenage en Perse, torn. iii. p. 100; Chesney, s i v e or defensive, a levy en masse of t h e Euphrates Expedition, vol. ii. p. 660.) s u b j e c t populations w a s called for. (He3 so Herod, ii. 149: iii. 91. rod. vii. 19, 81, 61, et seqq.; iEsch. Purs. 351 Ileeren. Asiatic Nations, vol. i. p. 12-64; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 8.) 325 411. E. T. (Compare Herod, i. 192.) Or p e r h a p s Persians, Medea, a n d 352 'i;j le oppression under w h i c h m o d H y r c a n i a n s . (See n o t e 513, Chapter III.) 326 ern Persia suffers is attributable in a A s Memphis (Herod, iii. 91). Sardis g r e a t m e a s u r e t o the revenue n o t b e i n g (ib. v. 101), a n d B a b y l o n (ib. i. 192). 327 fixed. T h e m o n a r c h is thus interested S e e Herod, vii. 98; .¿Each. Pers. 328; in t h e e x a c t i o n s of his officers, and i s Xen. Anab. i. §§ 12-27. 328 very unlikely to c h e c k or punish t h e m . Xen. Hell. iv. 1, § 1; T h e o p o m p . Fr. (See Chard»), Voyage, torn. ii. pp. 300, 198. S26 308. a n d 309.) Herod, vii. 98. 353 33 T h a t this w a s t h e original idea of ° As the Pisidians (Xen. Anab. i. 1, satrapial g o v e r n m e n t is asserted v e r y § 11) and the U x i a n s (AIT. Exp. Alex. iii. positively b y Xenophon. ( C y r o p . viii. 6, IT). 331 | 3.) A modified continuation of the Strabo e n u m e r a t e s under this cates v s t e m t o his own d a y i s n n p l i e d in X e n . g o r y the five tribes of t h e Mardians, the C'kcon. iv. 9, 10. The narrative of HeroU x i a n s , the Elymaeaus, the Cossaeans. dotus is. I think, on t h e whole, in f a v o r a n d the Paretaceni (xi. 13, § 0). S o m e of the view that t h e c o m m a n d a n t s w e r e of t h e m were said e v e n t o h a v e levied a i n d e p e n d e n t under Darius. (See par" b l a c k - m a i l ' - upon t h e Persian monticularly v. 25, 116-122; vi. 42, 43, 94 ) arch. (Nearch. ap. eund. 1. s. c.) 332 Bishop Thirhvall, however, s e e m s t o Herod, iii. 97. 333 doubt if tlie separation of the civil f r o m iElian, Var. Hist. i. 31; Herod. the military p o w e r w a s ever carried out in act. (History of Greece, vol. ii. pp. ' 3 3 4 ¿Elian, 1. s. c. 335 187. 188.) Nic. Dam. Fr. 66; p. 406. 354 33(1 On the office of secretary, s e e HeHerod, iii. 90-94. 337 rod. i:i. 123. It h a s its counterpart in Ibid. ch. 95. 338 m o d e r n Persia. (Chardin, torn. ii. p, Ibid. i. 192. T h e proportion is so 302.) e n o r m o u s that w e m a y well suspect t h e 365 See n o t e &34, Chapter III. s t a t e m e n t of error. Perhaps Babylonia 3 " Cyrop. viii. 6, | 10. Xenophon paid one-third of the corn required f r o m s a y s t h e s y s t e m continued t o his d a y t h e provinces. 33 (en Kal vvv Siafxevei). » Ibid. iii. 91. 357 340 Herod, iii. 70; v. 25; vi. 94; vii. 7, Strab. xi. 13, § 8; 14, § 9. 341 72, 82; ix. 113; Behist. Inscr. col. iii. This s e e m s t o be t h e f a c t s o m e w h a t par. 16; Tliucyd. i. 115; Cies. Exc. Pers. obscurely i n t i m a t e d by H e r o d o t u s (iii. § 38; Xen. Anab. i. 9, § 7; Diod. Sic. xi. ! 90). 342 69, § 2. &c. Herod, iii. 92. 343 35d Herod, v. 116; vi. 43; vii. 73; Xen. Ibid. v. 42. Hell. v. 1. § 2 8 ; Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 16. 344 There is no positive proof of this, C o m p a r e t h e proposal of P a u s a n i a s but it is the usual c u s t o m in the East; (Thucyd. i. 128). and if t h e Persian s y s t e m h a d been dif35l> A s in t h e Lydian and P h r y g i a n ferent, w e should probably h a v e h a d satrapies, w h i c h w e r e e x p o s e d to a t t a c k s s o m e indication of it. 346 f r o m the Greeks, a n d in E g y p t , w h e r e This is probably about t h e present p o p u l a t i o n of t h e countries included in ; t h e sullen t e m p e r of the n a t i v e s continually t h r e a t e n e d rebellion. t h e old Persian Empire. It g i v e s a n 360 S e e Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 8; a n d a v e r a g e of t w e n t y to t h e square mile, c o m p a r e Xen. CEcon. iv. § 11. w h i c h is less than w e n o w find in a n y 361 S o m e writers ascribe t o Darius a c o u n t r y in Europe e x c e p t N o r w a y . 346 " s y s t e m of roads" (Grote, History of Mr. Grote's e s t i m a t e of the m o n e y Greece, vol. iii. p. 204), or at a n y rate t h e tribute (History of Greece, vol. iii. p. c o n s t r u c t i o n of a " h i g h road " b e t w e e n 301; at a l i t t l e ' m o r e than f o u r and a

660

THE FIFTH

Sardis and Susa (Thirlwall, History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 185); b u t this is a mode of speech very liable to misconception. Roads, in oui' sense of the term, a r e still scarcely existent in Western Asia, where lines of route, m a r k e d merely by the footprints of travellers, take their place. No material has been laid down along these routes, nor have even t h e spade and pickaxe been used excepting where t h e routes cross the mountains. a«a This seems to be the meaning' of the peai-r) ¿56? of Herodotus (viii. 98), which is better explained by Xenophoit (Cyrop• viii. C, § IT). It 'was not t h e distance a horse ridden gently could accomplish in t h e entire day, but the distance t h a t he could bear to be galloped once a day. f r o m the account which Herodotus gives of the post-route between Sardis and Susa (v. 52), we may g a t h e r t h a t the Persians fixed this distance a t about fourteen miles. 363 Cyrop. viii. 7, § 18. 334 KaraAiitrtes KaAAia-Tal. (Herod. V. 52.) 365 See text, p. 408. Herodotus (1. s. c.) ; expressly assures his readers t h a t the | route f r o m Sardis to Susa was " safe." I 366 Mr. Grote assumes this I History of ! Greece, 1. s. c.i; but it is not implied in Herod, iv. 100 867 The derivation f r o m dara. a supposed old Persian word for " king," falls with the discovery that t h e Acliasmeniau Persians had no such word. The theory of derivation from an earlier Darius has only the weak authority of a Scholiast to support it. (Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccles. 5H8.) 368 How large the scale was m a y be | seen b y the story of Pytliius, who had nearly f o u r millions of darics in his possession shortly a f t e r the accession of Xerxes. (Herod, vii. 28.) Herod, iv. 166. 370 The only darics t h a t can be assigned to the reign of Darius Hystaspis a r e those that have the figure of a king with a bow and javelin on one side, and an irregular depression, or quadra,turn ! incusum, oil the other. (See PI. LV1I. Fiy 4.) 871 See text, p. 465. 372 Herod, vii. 194. 373 Plin. H. iV. vi. 27; Loftus, Chaldcea and Susiana. p. 372. 374 See t h e arguments of Sir H. Rawlinson to this effect in the Journal of Hie Asiatic Society, vol xi. p 3 Herod, iv. 93. i i » Ibid. ch. 97. Ibid. ch. 120. " 2 See text, p. 333. •"3 Herod, iv. 98, 136. 414 Ibid. ch. 130. Herodotus supposes that the Scythians allowed Darius to make tiiese captures; but it is far more probable that they took place in spite of their efforts to place all their cattle out of his reach. 415 Ibid. chas. 122 and 140. 4 i a Herod, ch. 123. 417 Ibid. chs. 135 and 133. Ctesias, however, made the loss of Darius amount to 80.000 men. (Exc. Pers. § 17.) 418 Herod, iv. 133, 136-140. 410 Nakhsh-i-Rustam Inscr., par. 3, § 7. *"-o Herod, iv. 14-3. 421 Herod, v. 2. 422 Ibid. v. 10. Compare vii. 110. 423 Ibid. v. 15. 424 Darius had seen a Peeonian woman of great beauty at Sardis, who bore a pitcher of water, led a horse, and span at the same time. His admiration of the sight induced him, we are told, to require the transportation of the whole people into Asia Minor. (Herod, v. 1214 ) 4 2 i Compare the expressions in Herod, v. 2. ad fin., and v. 10, ad fin The latter passage qualifies the former. 4?6 Ibid, v 17 427 Ibid. v. 18-20. 428 Ibid. v. 21: viii. 136. 423 Herod, v. 23. 430 Ibid. v. 25. 431 Ibid. chs. 20 and 27. 432 Ibid. ch. 25. Compare chs. 49 and 52. 435 Bv Strabo's time Pusiana had become an actual part of Persia. (Sirab.

MONARCHY.

661

Se TC Kai i) 2oi/OS | XV. 3. § 2. ; yey€V7]TaL T77S IIep Herod, vii. 40, 41. 642 accompaniment of baggage, a n d with Ibid. ch. 83. 543 200,000 or 300,000 animals—horses, mules, Herod, ch. 42. 644 asses, a n d camels—would really have Ibid. ch. 43. been. s « Ibid. vii. 58, 108, 127,196, &c. 84(5 626 On the possibility of streams like A delay of t h r e e or f o u r weeks in the Scamander proving insufficient t o one place would almost certainly have supply t h e host with drinkable water, bred a pestilence, f r o m t h e accumulation of offal and excrement. Great armies • see Mr. Grote's History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 384. a r e under a necessity of constant move547 ment. Herod, vii. 43, ad fin. 427 ®4® Ibid. ch. 44. Herod, vii. 56. 643 62fi The conversation between Xerxes The story of the Hellespontian and A r t a b a n u s given by Herodotus (vii. Greek who, on witnessing the passage 46-52) has no claim t o be regarded as of the a r m y over t h e bridge, addressed historical. Xerxes as '• Zeus," is p e r h a p s not t r u e ; 550 b u t it expresses v e r y forcibly t h e effect iEschyl. Pers. 72, 73. Zvyov a/xon men's minds of the grand way m '(A !i>ij av)(€vt navrov. 651 which everything was done. Herod, vii. 44. On t h e superiority 52s Leake, Northern, Ovece, iii. p. 145; ; of the Sidonian ships, see also chs. 99 100. Bowen, Mount Athos, p. 58. ' and 552 630 Ibid. ch. 54. See a p a p e r b y Captain S p r a t t in 533 Ibid. ch. 55. t h e Journal of the Geographical tiociety, 664 Ibid. ch. 56. vol. xvii., f r o m which the c h a r t (see PI. LX1.) representing t h e present state of Ibid. ch. 1-41. 658 the canal a n d t h e adjacent country is See text, p. 882; a n d c o m p a r e taken. Herod, vii. 118-120. 7 631 " Herod, vii. 110, 115, 122, 123, &c. Herod, vii. 21. 658 Col. Mure has denied t h a t t h e saa The practice of dragging ships animals intended could be really lions, across isthmuses, with or without an and has suggested t h a t they were " s o m e artificial r u n or groove, became common species of lynx or wild-cat." (Literature in Greece about 50 or 00 years later of Greece, vol. iv. p. 40'J.) But Aristotle, (Thucyd. iii. 81; iv. 8: &c.); but there is who belonged to this flistrict. a n d was n o evidence t h a t it h a d commenced a t ^his period. ! an excellent naturalist, makes t h e lion a

664

THE FIFTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. VII.

could p r o b a b l y h a v e defended t h e pass n a t i v e of t h e t r a c t (Hist. An. vi. 31; viii. below as well as 9000, so t h a t 6000 or 28); and Pliny r e p e a t s his s t a t e m e n t (H. 7000 m i g h t h a v e been spared f o r t h e N. 6 5viii. 17). 9 heights. Herod, vii. 181. 5 :l so» x h e visit of Xerxes t o t h e pass of " Herod, vii. 218. 684 T e m p e (Herod, vii. 128, 130) was probIbid. ch. 219. ably connected with a desire to recon585 x h e n u m b e r which remained w a s noitre. probably between 4000 and 5000, con661 sisting of t h e S p a r t a n s , Lacedaemonians, 'Hju-epa; o-uxva?. (Herod, vii. 131.) 562 Helots, Thespians, Thebans, a n d p e r h a p s Herod, vii. 32. t h e Mycenseans. (See P a u s a n . 1. s. c.) Ibid. vii. 13a. Herod, vii. 223-225, a n d 233. »«< Ibid. ens. 128-130. 585 5b7 Ibid. chs. 196-201. Ibid. viii. 24. 588 664 The entire population of Greece, Ibid. chs. 173-174. 587 including t h e p a r t s already conquered Mr. Grote suggests t h a t it m i g h t b y Persia, is estimated by Clinton a t p e r h a p s h a v e been possible to d e f e n d little m o r e t h a n 3J¿¡ millions. Keu>i> ov ttoAu Xec-rrotJ.ei'oi rwv xiKituv. a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 256, note 572 Diod. Sic. 1. s. c. H e r o d o t u s says 1 4, 2nd edition.) t h e Locrians of Opus c a m e with all their j $6 9946 Herod, viii. 21, 40. f o r c e (iraj' ttji* év 'IraAiíj. ^Herod. this p a t h . In t h e a c c o m p a n y i n g c h a r t viii. 62.) C o m p a r e t h e actual conduct Col. Leake's views are, generally speakof the Phocseans (Herod, i. 165) and t h e ing, followed. Teians (ib. i. 168); a n d t h e proposal of Ssi A r i s t a g o r a s (ib. v. 1041. Ibid. ch. 175. 685 604 Ibid. ch. 217. T h e chief e r r o r of Napoleon I. (See Fouché, Mémoires, Leonidas a t Thermopylae a p p e a r s to t o m . i. p, 293; L a s Casas, Memorial do h a v e been t h e insufficient defence of this Sainfe-Hélene, torn. iii. p. 348.) p a t h w a y . Two or t h r e e thousand m e n J H c r o d . viii. 69.

E

CH. V I I . ]

THE FIFTH

608 Ibid. ch. 70. •»' Diod. Sic. xi. 17, § 2; i E s e h y l . Pers. 1.370. 608 H e r o d , viii. 75; iEsehyl. P e r s . 11. 357302. The intelligence is said t o h a v e b e6e0na sent b y Themistocles. ' Herod, viii. 76. On t h e r e a l c h a r a c t e r of t h e m o v e m e n t s which p r e c e d e d t h e b a t t l e of Salamis, see t h e a u t h o r ' s Herodotus, vol. iv. p . 263, n o t e 10, 2nd edition. 610 iEsehyl. Pers. 11. 370-385; H e r o d , viii. 78-83. 611 Herod, viii. 84. 'Arayojiei/oiCTi Se iraicri Kupou rrjt I'ufij^oi-Lci'ys aywyijs ejTLtrTaTTjs yeyofievos, try, and were obtained by hunting. T h e failing baggage-animals were probably Kai SiSafai / l a y e l i e i i avrov, K. T. A. 7R0 vtt. Artax. fllSO C. 6. rrov vvv at TrtVrtti 813 ibid. i. 7, § 12; P l u t . F i f . Artax. ¿Keipat. c. 7. 7 " Xen. Anab. i. 1, § 4. Ctesias made the number no more than 400.000. (Ibid. c. 13.) Ibid. i. 1, §§ 6, 7, 11. 8 " Xen. Anab. i. 6, § 1. 7»8 Ibid. i. 1. §§ 9, 10. 816 Ibid. i. 7. § 1. 7 8 4 Ibid. i. 1, § 11; 3, § 1; &c. Plu8!6 Ibid. §§ 1-4. tarch sums up these various devices in «17 Ibid. §§ 14-16; Plut. Vit. Artax. a f e w words: ¿.Wa^oOi aAAou? em 7roAAat? c. 7. 7rpo0aa"e Ibid. xv. § 118; Corn. Nep. Timot.h. misericordia p e r m o t u s . " SI-9 0 7 »4S The rebellion of A r t a b a z u s a p p e a r s Corn. Nep. Iphicr. § 2; Diod. Sic. to have followed closely on t h e accession x v9.0 8S9, §§ 3, 4. of Oclius. H e e r e n places it in B C. 358 Diod. Sic. xv. 41. § 3. This writer (Manual, ii. 46; p. 110, E. T.) Mr. e s t i m a t e s t h e Persian a r m y u n d e r P h a r Schmitz ( B i o g r a p h . Diet, ad voc. A B T A n a b a z u s a t 200,000. a n d t h e Greek merBAZUS) i n B.C.'356. cenaries u n d e r I p h i c r a t e s a t 20,000. Ne944 A r t a b a z u s w a s a t first s u p p o r t e d p o s gi ves t h e n u m b e r of t h e m e r c e n a r i e s by t h e A t h e n i a n s u n d e r Chares (Diod. as 8 012.000. 9 Sic. xvi. 22; Dem. Philipp, i. § 28, p. 46). Diod. Sic. xv. 43, §§ 1, 2. 910 W h e n ihis s u p p o r t was w i t h d r a w n , it Xen. Hell. vi. 3, § 12; Diod. Sic. xv. was replaced by help f r o m T h e b e s (Diod. 50.

E

CIT. V I I . ]

THE FIFTH MONARCHY,\

Sic. x v i . 84, § 8). T h u s a s s i s t e d , A r t a bazus maintained his independence a g a i n s t t h e a t t a c k s of A r t a x e r x e s ' s a t r a p s , a t a n y r a t e till B.C. 853. B u t s o o n afterwards he was overpowered and f o r c e d t o fly t o E u r o p e . A r e f u g e w a s given t o h i m b y P h i l i p of M a c e d o n (ibid, xvi. 52, § 3). 9 " Ibid. x v i . 48, § 8. 944 W e h a v e n o d e t a i l s of t h i s w a r . Its g e n e r a l r e s u l t s a r e s t a t e d b y Diodor u s (xvi. 40, § 3; 44, § 1; 48, §§ 1, «) a n d g l a n c e d a t b y I s o c r a t e s {Orat. iv. 1'hilipp. § 118). Diod. Sic. xvi. 41. Ibid. xvi. 42, §§ 3-5. »v

671

carried oft t h e sacred books, which B a g o a s a f t e r w a r d s sold t o t h e priests a t a h i g h p r i c e . (Diod. 1. s. c.) " ' G r o t e , History of Greece, vol. viii. p . 173. Diod. Sie. x v i . 50, §§ 7, 8. A c c o r d ing to Diodorus, Mentor a n d Bagoas, who h a d not been on very good t e r m s during the Egyptian expedition, swore a t its close a n eternal friendship, a n d thenceforth mutually supported one another. 9,6 Ibid. x v i . 52. H e r m e i a s , t h e f r i e n d of A r i s t o t l e , w h o h e l d t h e f o r t r e s s of A t a r n e u s o p p o s i t e L e s b o s , w a s t h e chief of t h e s e . « « I b i d . x v i . 50, § 8. » " I can see no grounds for the assert i o n t h a t O c h u s , a f t e r t h e r e d u c t i o n of E g y p t , " w i t h d r e w to his seraglio, w h e r e h e p a s s e d h i s d a y s in s e n s u a l p l e a s u r e s . ' ' (Biogr. Diet, a d voc. ARTAXERXES), o r even for the s t a t e m e n t that " Mentor a n d B a g 6 a s h e l d h i m in c o m p l e t e dep e n d e n c e . " ( H e e r e n , Manual, ii. § 48, p . 110, E . T.) D i o d o r u s r e p r e s e n t s h i m a s h a v i n g g r e a t c o n f i d e n c e in B a g o a s , but as continuing to rule savagely a n d h a r s h l y t o t h e l a s t (xvii. 5, § 3). « " Diod. Sic. xvi. 75, § 1. 'O Pa According to Strabo. Darius CodoE g y p t i a n s , 30,000 L i b y a n s , a n d 20,000 m a n n u s w a s n o t of t h e r o y a l h o u s e (oi* m e r c e n a r y Greeks. »69 Elx* . . . 7r\OLv irpo? raff OPTA TOW yevov? TO>V fiav, 1. s. c.). AcKara TOP NeiAov FLA^a« KAL crvjLnrAojcas EVR c o r d i n g t o D i o d o r u s (xvii. 5, § 6), h e w a s t h e g r a n d s o n of O s t a n e s . a ' b r o t h e r of BfTtov airurrop irAijSot. D i o d . 1. 8. C, 9 7 A r t a x e r x e s Mnem74

THE

FIFTH MONARCHY.

Diodorus (xvii. 40-46), and Q. Curtius (iv. 2, 3). io«7 This siege lasted two months (Diod. Sic. xvii. 48, § 7). For an account of it. see Arrian. ii. 36, 2?. joss Alexander passed the winter of B.C. 332-831 in Egypt, arriving about October, and leaving about February. 1089 Arrian, ii. 17. 1090 w h e n Agesilaus was forced to quit Asia and return to defend his country. he said that the Persian king had driven him away by means of 80.000 " a r c h e r s " (ToforaO, alluding to the ordinary device upon the daric. (See PI. LiVII. Fig. 4.) I " " Diod. Sic. xvii. 39, § 1. looj Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 15. Diodorus (1. s. c.) makes Darius on this first occasion offer to cede to Alexander Asia Minor west of the Halys, and to pay a large sum as ransom for his family. But Arrian's account is probably the true one. loss Arrian. ii. 25. ion So Curtius (Hist. Alex. iv. 5. § 1). The idea is consonant with Eastern notions. loss Arrian, ii. 12: Pint. Vit. Alex. c. 2; Q. Curt, iii. 12: Diod. Sic. xvii. 38. On the undue praise bestowed upon Alexander f o r his treatment of these captives, see Mr. Grote's History of Greece, vol. viii. p. 876. note 1. mo« Diod. Sic. xvii. 39, § 3; Q. Curt, iv. 9. >o»t Diod. xvii. 53, 11. 1098 Ibid. Compare Q. Curt. 1. s. c. 1099 Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 8. EinovTo icai SaKaL . . . oi>x vmjKooi . . . aAAa Kara ' Ilye fipojuw re Kai aAaAayjxw. (Arrian. 1. s. C.) 1126 Arrian, 1. S. C. O't re iinrcci o! a/ufi' ' Ab.e£av8pov teal avros 'AAefapSpo? cupuicrTw? £V£K€ LVTO, a>$l(7|U.0tS T6 XpiOjtUI'Ot, KOX t o t5 £ u c t t o l s r a TTpoatona. t tov II epirw v (coir r o v r e ? , ij t