The Seven Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World 9781463209520

Citation preview

T h e Seven Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World

THE

SEYEN GREAT MONARCHIES OF THE

ANCIENT EASTERN WORLD; OB, THE HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, AND ANTIQUITIES O F CHALDJ5A, ASSYRIA, BABYLON, MEDIA, PERSIA, PARTHIA, AND SASSANIAN, OR NEW PERSIAN

EMPIRE.

BY GEORGE

RAWLINSOE",

M.A.,

CAMDEN P R O F E S S O R O F ANCIENT H I S T O R Y IN T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F O X F O R D .

Volume III S E i t j IKnqps anil 3lIustrationa.

M G o r g i a s 2004

PRESS

First Gorgias Press Edition, 2002. Second Gorgias Press Edition, 2004. The special contents of this edition are copyright €> 2004 by Gorgias Press LLC. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in the United States of America by Gorgias Press LLC, New Jersey. This edition is a facsimile reprint of the original edition published by John B. Alden, New York, 1885.

ISBN 1-59333-169-X (Vol. 1) ISBN 1-59333-170-3 (Vol. 2) ISBN 1-59333-171-1 (Vol. 3)

GORGIAS PRESS

46 Orris Ave., Piscataway, NJ 08854 USA www.gorgiaspress.com

Printed and bound in the United States of America.

CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

CHAPTER I. Geography of Parthia Proper. Character of the Region. Climate. of the surrounding countries

PAGE

Character

1

CHAPTER II. Early notices of the Parthians. Their Ethnic character and connections. Their position under the Persian Monarchs, from Cyrus the Great to Darius III. (Codomannus)

8

CHAPTER III. Condition of Western Asia under the earlier Seleucid®. Revolts of Bactria and Parthia. Conflicting accounts of the establishment of the Parthian Kingdom. First War with Syria 16 CHAPTER IV. Consolidation of the Parthian Kingdom. Death of Tiridates and accession of Arsaces III. Attack on Media. War of Artabanus (Arsaces HI ) with Antiochus the Great. Period of inaction. Great development of Bactrian power. Reigns of Priapatius (Arsaces IV.) and Phraates I. (Arsaces V.) 29 CHAPTER V. Reign of Mithridates I. Position of Bactria and Syria at his accession. His first War with Bactria. His great Expedition against the Eastern Syrian provinces, and its results His second war with Bactria, terminating in its conquest. Extent of his Empire. Attempt of Demetrius Nicator to recover the lost Provinces fails. Captivity of Demetrius. Death of Mithridates 33 CHAPTER VI. System of government established by Mithridates I. Constitution of the Parthians. Government of the Provinces. Laws and institutions. Character of Mithridates 1 47

iv

CONTENTS

OF VOL. III.

CHAPTER VII. PAGE

Reign of Phraates II. Expedition of Antiochus Sidetes against Parthia. Release of Demetrius. Defeat and death of Sidetes. War of Phraates with the Northern Nomads. His death and character 53 CHAPTER VIII. Accession of Artibanus n . Position of Parthia. Growing pressure upon her, and general advance towards the south of the Saka or Scyths. Causes and extent of the movement. Character and principal tribes of the Saka. Scythic War of Artabanus. His death 62 CHAPTER IX. Accession of Mithridates II. Termination of the gey thic Wars. Commencement of the struggle with Armenia. Previous history of Armenia. Result of the first Armenian War. First contact of Rome with Parthia. Attitude of Rome towards the East at this time. Second Armenian War. Death of Mithridates. 69 CHAPTER X Dark period of Parthian History. Doubtful Succession of the Monarchs. Accession of Sanatrceces, ab. B.C. 76. Position of Parthia during the Mithridatic Wars. Accession of Phraates III. His Relations with Pompey. His death. Civil War between his tvvo sons, Mithridates and Orodes. Death of Mithridates 77 CHAPTER XI. Accession of Orodes I. Expedition of Crassus. His fate. Retaliatory inroad of the Parthians into Syria under Pacorus, the son of Orodes. Defeat of Pacorus by Cassius. His recall. End of first War with Rome 84 CHAPTER XII. Relations of Orodes with Pompey, and with Brutus and Cassius. Second War with Rome. Great Parthian expedition against Syria. Palestine, and Asia Minor. Defeat of Saxa. Occupation of Antioch and Jerusalem, Parthians di iven out of Syria by Ventidius. Death of Pacorus. Death of Orodes 102 CHAPTER XIII. Reign of Phraates IV. His cruelties. Flight of Monasses to Antony. Antony's great Parthian Expedition, or Invasion of Media Atropatenfi. Its Complete Failure. Subsequent Alliance of the Median King with Antony. War between Parthia and Media. Rebeiiion raised against Phraates by Tiridates. Phraates expelled. He recovers his Throne with the help of the Scythians. His dealings with Augustus. His death and character Ill CHAPTER XIV. Shorts Reigns of Phraataces, Orodes II., and Vonones I. Accession of Artabanus III. His relations with Germanicus and Tiberius. His war with Pharasmanes of Iberia. His first Expulsion from his Kingdom, and return to it. His Peace with Rome. Internal Troubles of the Parthian Kingdom. Second Expulsion and Return of Artabanus. His death 123

CONTENTS

OF VOL. III.

y

CHAPTER XV. PAGE

Doubts as to t h e successor of Artabanus III. First short reign of Gotarzes. He ia expelled and Vaidanes made King. Reign of Vardanes. His W a r with Izates. His Death. Second reign of Gotarzes. His Contest with his Nephew, Meherdates. His Death. ¡Short and inglorious reign of Vonones XI 141

CHAPTER XVI. Reign of Volagases I. His first a t t e m p t on Armenia fails. His quarrel with Izates. Invasion of Parthia Proper by the Dahee and Sacse. Second Attack of Volagases on Armenia. Tiridates established as King. First Expedition of Corbulo. Half submission of Yolagases. Revolt of Yardanes. Second Expedition of Corbulo. Armenia given to Tigranes. Revolt of Hyrcania. Third Attack of Volagases on Armenia. Defeat of Pffitus, and re-establishment of Tiridates. Last Expedition of Corbulo, and arrangement of Terms of Peace. Tiridates a t Rome. Probable time of the Death of Yolagases 149

CHAPTER XVII. Results of t h e establishment of Tiridates in Armenia. Long Period of Peace between Parthia and Rome. Obscnrity of Parthian History a t this time. Relations of Volagases I. with Vespasian. Invasion of Western Asia by t h e Alani. Death of Volagases I. and Character of his Reign. Accession and Long Reign of Pacorus. Relations of Pacot'us with Decebalus of Dacia. Internal Condition of Parthia during his Reign. Death of Pacorus and Accession of Chosroes 164

CHAPTER X V n i . Reign of Chosroes. General condition of Oriental Affairs gives a handle to Trajan. T r a j a n ' s Schemes of Conquest. Embassy of Chosroës to T r a j a n fails. Great Expedition of Trajan. Campaign of A.D. 115. Campaign of A.D. 116. Death of Trajan, and relinquishment of his Parthian Conquests by Hadrian. Interview of Chosroës with Hadrian. Its Consequences. Death of Chosroës and Accession of Volagases II 170 CHAPTER XIX. Reign of Volagases II. Invasion of the Alani. Communications between Volagases and Antoninus Pius. Death of Volagases II. and Accession of Volagases m . Aggressive War of Volagases III. on Rome. Campaign of a n. 162. Yerus sent to the East. Sequel of the War. Losses suffered by Parthia. Death of Volagases III 182 CHAPTER XX. Accession of Volagases IV. His Alliance sought b y Pescennius Niger. P a r t taken by Parthia in t h e Contest between Niger and Severus. Mesopotamia revolts f r o m Rome. First Eastern Expedition. of Severus. Its results. Second Expedition. Successes of Severus. His failure a t Hatra. General Results of the War. Death of Volagases IV 100

vi

CONTENTS OF VOL. III. CHAPTER XXI. PASE

Struggle between t h e two Sons of Volagases IV., Volagases V. and Artabanus. Continued Sovereignty of both Princes. Ambition of Caracallus. Hia Proceedings in t h e East. His Resolve to quarrel with Parthia. First Proposal m a d e by him t o Artabanus. Perplexity of Artabanus. Caracallus invades Parthia. His Successes, and Death, Macrinus, defeated b y Artabanus, consents to Terms of Peace. Revolt of t h e Persians under Artaxerxes. Prolonged Struggle. Death of Artabanus, and Downfall of the P a r t h i a n Empire. 199 CHAPTER XXIL On t h e Architecture and Ornamental Art of the Parthians

312

CHAPTER XXIII. Customs of t h e Parthians—in Religion ; in W a r ; in their Embassies and Dealings with Foreign Nations ; a t t h e Court; in Private Life. E x t e n t of t h e refinement to which t h e y reached. Their gradual Decline in Taste and Knowledge ....223

HISTORY OF THE SASSANIAN OR NEW PERSIAN EMPIRE. CHAPTER I. Condition of t h e Persians under t h e Successors of Alexander. Under t h e Arsacidse. Favor shown t h e m by t h e latter. Allowed to have Kings of their own. Their Religion a t first held in Honor. Power of their Priests. Gradual Change of Policy on the p a r t of the Parthian Monarchs, and final Oppression of the Magi. Causes which produced the Insurrection of Artaxerxes 241 CHAPTER II. Situation and Size of Persia. General Character of the Country and Climate. Chief Products. Characteristics of the Persian People, Physical and Moral. Differences observable in the Race a t different Periods 250 CHAPTER III. Reign of Artaxerxes I. Stories told of him. Most probable Account of his Descent, Rank, and Parentage. His Contest with Artabanus. First W a r with Ohosroes of Armenia. Contest with Alexander Severus. Second W a r with ChosroSs and Conquest of Armenia. Religious Reforms. Internal Administration and Government. Art. Coinage. Inscriptions 257 CHAPTER IV. Death of Artaxerxes I. and Accession of Sapor I. W a r of Sapor with Manizen. His first W a r with Rome. Invasion of Mesopotamia, A.D. 241. Occupation of Antioch. E Spedition of Gordian to t h e East. Recovery by Rome of her lost Territory. Peace m a d e between Rome and Persia. Obscure Interval. Second W a r with Rome. Mesopotamia again invaded, A.D. 258, Valerian takes the Command in t h e East. Struggle between him and Sapor. Defeat and Capture of Valerian A.D. 260. Sapör invests Miriades with the Purple. He t a k e s Syria and Southern' Qappadocia, but is shortly a f t e r w a r d s attacked by Odena-

CONTENTS OF VOL.

III.

vii PAGFT

thus. Successes of Odenathus. Treatment of Valerian. Further Successes of Odenathus. Period of Tranquility. Great Works of Sapor. His Sculptures. His Dyke. His Inscriptions. His Coins. His Religion. Religious Condition of the East in his Time. Rise into Notice of Manes. His Rejection by Sapor. Sapor's Death. His Character 879 CHAPTER V. Short Reign of Hormisdas I. His dealings with Manes. Accession of Varahran I. He puts Manes to Death. Persecutes the Manicheeans and the Christians. His Relations with Zenobia. He is threatened by Aurelian. His Death. Reign of Varahran II. His Tyrannical Conduct. His Conquest of Seistan, and War with India. His War with the Roman Emperors Carus and Diocletian. His Loss of Armenia. His Death. Short Reign of Varahran I I I 293 CHAPTER VI. Civil War of Narses and his Brother Hormisdas. Narses victorious. He attacks and expels Tiridates. War declared against him by Diocletian. First Campaign of Galerius, A.D. 297. Second Campaign, A D. 298 Defeat suffered by Narses. Negotiations. Conditions of Peace. Abdication and Death of Narses 301 CHAPTER VII. Reign of Hormisdas H. His Disposition. General Character of his Reign. His Taste for Building. His new Court of Justice. His Marriage with a Princess of Cabul. Story of his Son Hormisdas. Death of Hormisdas II., and Imprisonment of his son Hormisdas. Interregnum. Crown assigned to Sapor II. before his birth. Long Reign of Sapor. First Period of his Reign, from A D. 309 to A.D. 337. Persia plundered by the Arabs and the Turks. Victories of Sapor over the Arabs. Persecution of the Christians. Escape of Hormisdas Feelings and Conduct of Sapor 313 CHAPTER Y f f l . Position of Affairs on the Death of Constantine. First War of Sapor with Rome, A.D. 337-350. First Siege of Nisibis. Obscure Interval. Troubles in Armenia, and Recovery of Armenia by the Persians. Sapor's Second Siege of Nisibis. Its Failure. Great Battle of Singara. Sapor's son made Prisoner and murdered in Cold Blood. Third Siege of Nisibis. Sapor called away by an Inva330 sion of the Massaget® CHAPTER IX. Revolt of Armenia and Acceptance by Arsaces of the Position of a Roman Feudatory. Character and Issue of Sapor's Eastern Wars. His Negotiations with Constantius. His Extreme Demands. Circumstances under which he determines to renew the War. His Preparations. Desertion to him of Antoninus. Great Invasion of Sapor. Siege of Amida. Sapor's Severities. Siege and Capture of Singara; of Bezabde. Attack on Virta fails. Aggressive Movement of Constantius. He attacks Bezabde, but fails. Campaign of A.D. 361. Death of Constantius 328 CHAPTER X. Julian becomes Emperor of Rome. His Resolution to invade Persia. His Views and Motives. His Proceedings. Proposals of Sapor rejected. Other Embassies. Relations of Julian with Armenia. Strength of his Army. His Invasion of Mesopotamia. His Line of March. Siege of Perisabor; of Maogamalcha. Battle of the Tigris. Further Progress of Julian checked by

viii

CONTENTS

OF VOL. III.

his inability to invest Ctesiphon. His Retreat. His Death. Retreat continued by Jovian. Sapor offers Terms of Peace. Peace m a d e by Jovian. Its Conditions. Reflections on t h e Peace and on t h e Termination of the Second Period of Struggle between Rome and Persia 343 CHAPTER XI. Attitude of Armenia during t h e W a r between Sapor and Julian. Sapor's Treachery towards Arsaces. Sapor conquers Armenia. He a t t a c k s Iberia, deposes Sauromaces, and sets u p a new King. Resistance and Capture of Artogerassa. Difficulties of Sapor. Division of Iberia between the R o m a n and Persian Pretenders. Renewal of Hostilities between Rome and Persia. Peace m a d e with Valens. Death of Sapor. His Coins 370 CHAPTER XII. Short Reigns of A r t a x e r x e s II. and Sapor III. Obscurity of their History. Their Relations with Armenia. Monument of Sapor III. a t Takht-i-Bostan. Coins of Artaxerxes H. and Sapor III. Reign of Varahran IV. His Signets. His Dealings with Armenia. His Death 378 CHAPTER XIII. Accession of Isdigerd I. Peaceful Character of his Reign. His alleged Guardianship of Theodosius II. His Leaning towards Christianity, and consequent Unpopularity with his Subjects. His Change of View and Persecution of the Christians. His Relations with Armenia. His Coins. His Personal Character. His Death 385 CHAPTER XIV. Internal Troubles on t h e Death of Isdigerd I. Accession of V a r a h r a n V. His Persecution of t h e Christians His War with Rome. His Relations with Armenia f r o m A.D. 422 to A.D. 428. His Wars with Scythic Tribes on his Eastern Frontier. His Strange Death. His Coins. His Character 393 CHAPTER XV. Reign of Isdigerd II. His W a r with Rome. His Nine Y e a r s ' W a r with t h e Ephthalites. His Policy towards Armenia. His Second Ephthalite War. His Character. His Coins 403 CHAPTER XVI. Right of Succession disputed between the two Sons of Isdigerd II., Perozes (or Firuz) and Hormisdas, Civil War for two years. Success of Perozes, through aid given him by t h e Ephthalites. Great Famine. Perozes declares W a r against the Ephthalites, and m a k e s an Expedition into their Country. His 111 Success. Conditions of Peace granted him. Armenian Revolt and War. Perozes, a f t e r some years, resumes the Ephthalite War. His Attack fails, and he is slain in Battle. S u m m a r y of his Character. Coins of Hormisdas III. and Perozes. Vase of Perozes 410 CHAPTER XVH. Accession of Balas or Palash. His Relationship to Perozes. Peace made with t h e Ephthalites. Pacification of Armenia and General Edict of Toleration. Revolt of Zareh, Son of Perozes, and Suppression of the Revolt with the help of t h e Armenians. Flight of Kobad to t h e Ephthalites. F u r t h e r Changes in Armenia. Vahan m a d e Governor. Death of Balas; his Character. Coins ascribed to him 421

ix

CONTENTS. CHAPTER

XVIII.

PAGE

First Reign of Kobad. His Favorites, Sufrai and Sapor. His Ivhazar War. Rise, Teaching, and Influence of Mazdak. His Claim to Miraculous Powers. Kobad adopts the new Religion, and attempts to impose it on the Armenians. Revolt of Armenia under Vahan, successful. Kobad yields. General Rebellion in Persia, and Deposition of Kobad. Escape of Mazdak. Short Reign of Zamasp. His Coins 426 CHAPTER XIX. Second Reign of Kobad. His Change of Attitude towards the Followers of Mazdak. His Cause of Quarrel with Rome. First Roman War of Kobad. Peace made A.D. 505. Rome fortifies Daras and Theodosiopolis Complaint made by Persia. Negotiations of Kobad with Justin: Proposed Adoption of Chosroes by the Latter. Internal Troubles in Persia. Second Roman War of Kobad, A.D. 524-531. Death of Kobad. His Character. His Coins 432 CHAPTER XX. Accession of Chosroes I. (Anushirwan.) Conspiracy to Dethrone him crushed. General Severity of liis Government. He concludes Peace with Rome, A.D. 533. Terms of the Peace. Causes which led to its Rupture. First Roman War of Chosroes, A.D. 540-544. Second Roman War, A D. 549-557. Eastern Wars. Conquest of Arabia Felix. Supposed Campaign in India. War with the Turks. Revolt of Persarmenia. Third Roman War, A D. 5T2-579. Death of Chosroes 44SJ CHAPTER XXI. Administration of Persia under Chosroes I. Fourfold Division of the Empire. Careful Surveillance of those entrusted with Power. Severe Punishment of Abuse of Trust. New System of Taxation introduced. Correction of Abuse connected with the Military Service. Encouragement of Agriculture and Marriage. Relief of Poverty. Care for Travellers. Encouragement of Learning. Practice of Toleration within Certain Limits. Domestic Life of Chosroes. His Wives. Revolt and Death of his Son, Nushizad. Coins of Chosroes. Estimate of his Character 483 CHAPTER X X I I . Accession of Hormisdas IV. His good Government in the Earlier Portion of his Reign. Invasion of Persia by the Romans under Maurice. Defeats of Adarman and Tamchosro. Campaign of Johannes. Campaigns of Philippicus and Heraclius. Tyranny of Hormisdas. He is attacked by the Arabs, Khazars, and Turks. Bahran defeats the Turks. His Attack on Lazica. He suffers a Defeat. Disgrace of Bahram. Dethronement of Hormisdas IV. and Elevation of Chosroes II. Character of Hormisdas. Coins of Hormisdas 495 CHAPTER XXIII. Accession of Chosroes II. (Ebenviz) Bahram rejects his Terms. Contest between Chosroes and Bahram. Flight of Chosroes. Short Reign of Bahram (Varahran V I ) . Campaign of A.D. 591. Recovery of the Throne by Chosoes. Coins of Bahram 504 CHAPTER XXIV. Second Reign of Chosroes II. (Eberwiz.) His Rule 'at first Unpopntor. His Treatment of his Uncles. Bindoes and Bostam. His Vindictive Proceedings against Bahrain. His supposed Leaning towards Christianity. His wives, Shirin and Kurdiyeh His Earlv Wars. His Relations with the Emperor Maurtee. His Attitude towards Phocas. Great War of Chosroes with Phocas, A.D. G03-610. War continued with Heraclius. Immense Successes of Chosroes, A.D. 611-620. Aggressive taken by Heraclius, A D. C22. His Campaigns

CONTENTS. in Persian Territory A.D. 622-628. Murder of Chosroes. Coins

PAGE

His Character.

His

514

CHAPTER XXV. Accession of Siroes, or Kobad II. His Letter to Heraclius. Peace made -with Home. Terms of the Peace. General Popularity of the New Reign. Dissatisfaction of Shahr-Barz. Kobad, by the advice of the Persian Lords, murders his Brothers. His Sisters reproach him with their Death. He falls into lowspirits and dies. Pestilence in his Reign, His coins. Accession of Ai taxerxes III. Revolt of Shahr-Barz. Reign of Sh&nr-Barz. His Murder. Reign of Purandocht. Rapid Succession of Pretenders. Accession of Isdigerd I I I . . 535 CHAPTER XXVI. Death of Mohammed and Collapse of Mohammedanism. Recovery under Abubekr. Conquest of the Kingdom of Hira. Conquest of Obolla. Invasion of Mesopotamia. Battle of the Bridge—the Arabs suffer a Reverse. Battle of El Boweib—Mihran defeated by El Mothanna. Fresh Effort made by Persia— Bati le of Cadesia— Defeat of the Persians. Pause in the War. March of Sa'ad on Ctesiphon. Flight of Isdigerd. Capture of Ctesiphon. Battle of Jalula. Conquest of Susiana and Invasion of Persia Proper. Recall of Sa'ad. Isdigerd assembles an Army at Nehawend. Battle of Nehawend. Flight of Isdigerd. Conquest of the various Persian Provinces. Isdigerd murdered. Character of Isdigerd. Coins of Isdigerd 543 CHAPTER XXVII. Architecture of the Sassanians. Its Origin. Its Peculierities. Oblong Square Plan. Arched Entrance Halls. Domes resting on Pendentives. Suites of Apartments. Ornamentation: Exterior, by Pilasters, Cornices, String-courses, and Shallow Arched Recesses, with Pilasters between them: Interior, by Pillars supporting Transverse Ribs, or by Doorways and False Windows, like the Persopolitan. Specimen Palaces at Serbistan, at Firzebad, at Ctesiphon, at Mashita. Elaborat Decoration at the last-named Palace. Decoration Elsewhere. Arch of Takht-i-Bostan. Sassanian Statuary. Sassanian Bas-reliefs. Estimate of their Artistic Value. Question of the Employment by the Sassanians of Byzantine Artists. General Summary 560 CHAPTER X X V I I I . Religion of the later Persians, Duelism of the Extremest Kind. Ideas entertained with Respect to Ormazd and Ahriman. Representations of them. Ormazd the Special Guardian of the Kings. Lesser Deities subject to Ormazd: Mithra, Serosh, Vayu, Airyanam. Vitralia. etc. The Six Amshashpands: Bahman, Ardibehesht, Shahravar, Isfand-armat, Khordad, and 'Arnerdat. Religion, how far Idolatrous. Worship of Anaitis. Chief Evil Spirits subject to Ahriman: Akomano, Indra, Caurva, Naonhaitya, Taric, and Zaric. Position of Man between the Two Worlds of Good and Evil. His Duties: Worship, Agriculture, Purity. Nature of the Worship. Hymns, Invocations, the Homa Ceremony, Sacrifice. Agriculture a part of Religion. Purity required: I, Moral; 2, Legal. Nature of each. Man's Future Prospects. Position of the Magi under the Sassanians; their Organization, Dress, etc. The Fire-temples and Altars. The Barsom. The Khrafgthraghna. Magnificence of the Sassanian Court; the Throne-room, the Seraglio, the Attendants, the Ministers. Multitude of Palaces. Dress of the Monarch: 3, in Peace; 2, in War. Favorite Pastimes of the Kings. Hunting. Maintenance of Paradises. Stag and Boar-hunts. Music. Hawking. Games. Character of the Persian Warfare under the Sassanians. Sassanian Chariots. The Elephant Corps. The Cavalry. The Archers. The Ordinary Infantry. Officers. Standards. Tactics. Private Life of the Later Persians. Agricultural Employment of the Men. Non-seclusion of the Women. General Freedom from Oppression of all Classes except the highest grg

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS-VOL. m .

Ruins of Great Palace at Hatra Map of Parthia Proper " Parthian Empire at its greatest extent " Sassanian Empire Ruins of Great Palace of Chosroës I. at Ctesiphon

To face title. To face page 1 To face page 49 To face, page 256 To face page 840

1. Coin of Diodotus 1 2. Coin of Phraates 1 3. Obverse of a Coin of Phraates 1 4. Coins of Mithridates 1 5. Coins of Mithridates I., Arsaces I., and Artabanus 1 6. Coin of Labienus 7. Coin of Phraataces and Mousa 8. Coin of Vonones 1 9. Coin of Artabanus III 10. Coin of Yardanes 1 11. Coin of Yardanes II 12. Coin of Pacorus II 13. Coins of Volagases II. and Mithridates IV 14. Coin of Volagases II 15. Parthian sculpture of a female head (after Ross) 16. Parthian sculpture, cornice and quasi-capital (after Ross) 17. Plan of Hatra (after Ross) 18. Plan of Palace-Temple at Hatra (after Fergusson and Ross) 19. Parthian sculpture, frieze over doorway (after Ross) 20. Restoration of Palace-Temple at Hatra (after Ainsworth) 21. Parthian capitals (after Lof tus) 22. Parthian diapering (ditto) 23. Parthian ornamented coffin (ditto) 24. Parthian statuette (ditto) 25. Parthian vases, jugs, and lamps (ditto) 26. Bas-relief of G-otarzes (after Coste) 27. Parthian bas-relief (ditto) 28. Bas-relief of Magus, probably Parthian (ditto) 29. Bas-relief of hunter and bear, probably Parthian (ditto) 30. Parthian kings from coins 31. Ancient Persians, from a bas-relief at Persepolis (after Ker Porter) 32. Earlier coins of Artaxerxes I

PLATE

1 1 1 1 1 2 3 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 5 5 5 S 6 6 6 7 8 9 10 10 11 11

xii

LIST

OF ILLUSTRATIONS—VOL.

III. PLATE

33. Artaxerxes I. giving the crown to his son, Sapor (after Ker Porter) 12 34. Sapor I. presenting Cyriades to the Romans as their Emperor (after Flandin) 13 35. Valerian doing homage to Cyriades (after Flandin) 14 36. Later coins of Artaxerxes 1 15 37. Coins of Sapor I 15 38. Head of Sapor I., from a gem (after Mordtmann) 15 39. Coin of Hormisdas 1 15 40. Coin of Varahran 1 15 41. Coin of Varahran II 15 42. Varahran II. addressing his nobles (after Ker Porter) 16 43. Varahran II. receiving the submission of the Segestani (after Flandin) 17 44. Coin of Varahran III 18 45. Head of Narses, from a bas-relief (after Flandin) 18 46. Coins of Narses 18 47. Head of Hormisdas II., from a gem (after Mordtmann) 1A 18 48. Coin of Hormisdas II. (after Thomas) 49. Coins of Sapor II 19 50. Coin of Artaxerxes H 20 51. Coins of Sapor III 20 52. portrait of Varahran IV., from a seal (after Thomas) 20 53. Later seal of Varahran IV. (after Thomas) 20 54. Coin of Varahran IV 20 55. Bas-relief representing Sapor II. and Sapor i n . (after Ker Porter) 2ft 56. Coin of Isdigerd I 21 57. Coin of Varahran V 21 58. Coin of Isdigerd II 21 59. Doubtful coin of Hormisdas III 21 60. Com of Perozes 21 61 Coin of Balas 21 63. Coin of Zamasp 22 63. C o i n o f K o b a d I 22 64. Coin of ChosroSs 1 22 22 65. Another coin of Chosroes I 66. Coin of Hormisdas IV 23 67. Preregnai coin of Varahran VI. (after Thomas) 23 68. Late coin of Varahran VI 23 69. Coins of Chosroes II. (Parwiz) 23,24 70. CoinofKobad II. (Siroes) 24 71. Coin of Artaxerxes HI 24 72. Coin of Isdigerd III 24 73. Ground-plan of palace at Serbistan (after Flandin) 25 74. Front view of Serbistan Palace, restored (after Flandin) 25 75. Ground-plan of palace at Firuzabad (after Flandin) 20 76. Section of domed chamber (after Flandin) 27 77. External ornamentation of palace at Firuzabad (after Flandin) 27 78. Ground-plan and elevation of Takht-i-Khosru (after Flandin) 23 79. General view of Mashita Palace (from a photograph) 28 80. Ground-plan of palace at Mashita (after Tristram) 29 81. Inner gateway of Mashita Palace (from a photograph) 29 $2. Ornamentation of palace at Mashita (from a photograph) 30 83. Archivolte of arch at Takht-i-Bostan (after Flandin) 31 84. Flowered panel at the side of arch (after Flandin) 31 85. Sassanian capitals (after Flandin) 32 86. Sassanian capitals (after Flandin) 33 87. General view of arch at Takht-i-Bostan (after Flandin) 34

LIST 88. 89. 90. 91. 93. 93. 94. 93. 96. 97. 98. !)!). 100. 101. 102 103. 104.

OF ILLUST11AHONS—

VOL.

III. PLATE

Sassanian angel or Victory (after Flandin) Bas-relief of Ormazd giving the crown to Artaxerxes I. (after Ker Porter).. Statue of Sapor I. (after Texier) Head-dress of an unknown king (after Texier) Bas-relief representing the victory of Sapor I. over Yalerian (after Texier). Bas-relief of Sapor I. representing tribute-bearers (after Flandin) Bas-relief of Yarahran IV. representing a battle-scene (after Texier) Bas-relief of uncertain date representing a battle-scene (after Flandin) Bas-relief of ChosroSs I. representing him as receiving tribute f r o m the Romans (after Flandin) Bas-relief of Chosroes II. under arch a t Takht-i-Bostan (after Flandin) Bas-relief of stag-hunt, a t same place (after Flandin) Bas-relief of boar-hunt, a t same place (after Flandin) Bas-relief representing t h e embroidery of t h e royal robes (after Flandin)... Bas-relief representing Chosroes II. on horseback, accompanied by a parasol-bearer (after Flandin) Saddle-mule of Chosroes I., f r o m a bas-relief (after Texier) Sassanian chariot, f r o m a bas-relief ("after Texier) Persian guardsman, f r o m a bas-relief (after Flandin)

34 35 35 36 37 38 39 40

41 42 43 44 45 46 46 46 46

Map of

PARTHIA PROPER and tho ADJ ACENT COUNTRIES English* MlU*

A HISTORY OF PARTHIA. C H A P T E R I.

Geography of Parthia Proper. Character of the Region. Climate. Character of the Surrounding Countries. THE broad tract of desert which, eastward of the Caspian Sea, extends from the Moughojar hills to the Indian Ocean, a distance of above 1500 miles, is interrupted about midway by a strip of territory possessing features of much beauty and attraction. This strip, narrow compared to the desert on either side of it, is yet, looked at by itself, a region of no inconsiderable dimensions, extending, as it does from east to west,1 a distance of 320, and from north to south of nearly 200 miles. The mountain chain, which running southward of the Caspian, skirts the great plateau of Iran, or Persia, on the north, broadens out, after it passes the south-eastern corner of the sea, into a valuable and productive mountain-region. Pour or five distinct ranges2 here run parallel to one another, having between them latitudinal valleys, with glens transverse to their courses. The sides of the valleys are often well wooded ;8 the flat ground at the foot of the hills is fertile; water abounds; and the streams gradually collect into rivers of a considerable size. The fertile territory in this quarter is further increased by the extension of cultivation to a considerable distance from the base of the most southern of the ranges, in the direction of the Great Iranic desert. The mountains send down a number of small streams towards the south; and the water of these, judiciously husbanded by means of reservoirs and kanats, is capable of spreading fertility over a broad belt at the foot of the hills ;4 which, left to nature, would be almost as barren as the desert itself, into which it would, in fact, be absorbed. It was undoubtedly in the region which has been thus briefly

2

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. I.

described that the ancient home of the Parthians lay. In this neighborhood alone are found the geographic names which the most ancient writers who mention the Parthians connect with them. 6 Here evidently the Parthians were settled 6 at the time when Alexander the Great overran the East, and first made the Greeks thoroughly familiar with the Parthian name and territory. Here, lastly, in the time of the highest Parthian splendor and prosperity, did a province of the Empire retain the name of Parthyene, or Parthia Proper; 7 and here, also, in their palmiest days, did the Parthian kings continue to have a capital and a residence. 8 Parthia Proper, however, was at no time coextensive with the region described. A portion of that region formed the district called Hyrcania; and it is not altogether easy to determine what were the limits between the two. The evidence goes, on the whole, to show that, while Hyrcania lay towards the west and north, the Parthian country was that towards the south and east, 9 the valleys of the Ettrek and Gurghan constituting the main portions of the former, while the tracts east and south of those valleys, as far as the sixty-first degree of E. longitude, constituted the latter. If the limits of Parthia Proper be thus defined, it will have nearly corresponded to the modern Persian province of Khorasan. It will have extended from about Damaghan (long. 54° 1O0 upon the west, 10 to the Heri-rud upon the east, and have comprised the modern districts of Damaghan, Sliah-rud, Sebzawar, Nishapur, Meshed, Shebri-No, and Tersheez. Its length from east to west will have been about 300 miles, and its average width about 100 or 120. It will have contained an area of about 33,000 square miles, being thus about equal in size to Ireland, Bavaria, or St. Domingo. The character of the district has been already stated in general terms; but some further particulars may now be added. It consists, in the first place, of a mountain and a plain region—the mountain region lying towards the north and the plain region towards the south. The mountain region is composed of three main ranges, the Daman-i-Koh, or Hills of the Kurds, 11 upon the north, skirting the great desert of Kharesm, the Alatagh and Meerabee mountains in the centre; and the Jaghetai or Djuvein range, upon the south, which m a y be regarded as continued in the hills above Tersheez and Khaff. The three ranges are parallel, running east and west, but with an inclination, more or less strong, to the north of

CH. I . ]

RIVERS

OF

PARTHIA.

3

west and the south of east. The northern and central ranges are connected by a water-shed, which runs nearly east and west, a little to the south of Kooshan, and separates the head streams of the Efctrek from those of the Meshed river. The central and southern ranges are connected by a more decided mountain line, a transverse ridge which runs nearly north and south, dividing between the waters that flow westward into the Gurghan, and those which form the river of Nishapur. This conformation of the mountains leaves between the ranges three principal valleys, the valley of Meshed towards the south-east, between the Kurdish range and the Alatagh and Meerabee; that of Miyanabad towards the west, between the Alatagh and the Jaghetai; and that of Nishapur towards the south, between the eastern end of the Jaghetai and the western flank of the Meerabee. As the valleys are three in number, so likewise are the rivers, which are known respectively as the Tejend, or river of Meshed, the river of Nishapur, and the river of Miyanabad. 12 The Tejend, which is the principal stream of the three, rises from several sources in the hills south of Kooshan, and flows with a south-easterly course down the valley of Meshed, receiving numerous tributaries from both sides,13 until it reaches that city, when it bends eastward, and, finding a way through the Kurdish range, joins the course of the Heri-rud, about long. 61° 10'. Here its direction is completely changed. Turning at an angle, which is slightly acute, it proceeds to flow to the west of north, along the northern base of the Kurdish range, from which it receives numerous small streams, till it ends finally in a large swamp or marsh, in lat. 89°, long. 57°, nearly. 14 The entire length of the stream, including only main windings, is about 475 miles. In its later course, however, it is often almost dry, the greater portion of the water being consumed in irrigation in the neighborhood of Meshed. The river of Nishapur is formed by numerous small streams, which descend from the mountains that on three sides inclose that city. Its water is at times wholly consumed in the cultivation of the plain; but the natural course may be traced, running in a southerly and south-westerly direction, until it debouches from the hills in the vicinity of Tersheez. The Miyanabad stream is believed to be a tributary of the Gurghan. It rises from several sources in the transverse range joining the Alatagh to the Jaghetai, the streams from which all flow westward in narrow valleys, uniting about

4

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[en. i.

long. 57° 35'. The course of the river from this point to Piperne has not been traced, but it is believed to run in a general westerly direction along the southern base of the Alatagh, and to form a junction with the Gurghan a little below the ruins of the same name. Its length to this point is probably about 200 miles. The elevation of the mountain chains is not great. No very remarkable peaks occur in them; and it may be doubted whether they anywhere attain a height of above 6000 feet. They are for the most part barren and rugged, very scantily supplied with timber, 15 and only in places capable of furnishing a tolerable pasturage to flocks and herds. The valleys, on the other hand, are rich and fertile in the extreme; that of Meshed, which extends a distance of above a hundred miles from north-west to south-east, and is from twenty to thirty miles broad, has almost everywhere a good and deep soil,16 is abundantly supplied with water, and yields a plentiful return even to the simplest and most primitive cultivation. The plain about Nishapur, which is in length from eighty to ninety miles, and in width from forty to sixty, boasts a still greater fertility. 11 The flat country along the southern base of the mountains, which ancient writers regard as Parthia, par excellence,18 is a strip of territory about 300 miles long, varying in width ac cording to the labor and the skill applied by its inhabitants to the perfecting of a system of irrigation. At present the Jcanats, or underground water-courses, are seldom carried to a distance of more than a mile or two from the foot of the hills; but it is thought that anciently the cultivation was extended considerably further. Ruined cities dispersed throughout the tract 1 9 sufficiently indicate its capabilities, and in a few places where much attention is paid to agriculture the results are such as to imply that the soil is more than ordinarily productive. 20 The salt desert lies, however, in most places within ten or fifteen miles of the hills; and beyond this distance it is obviously impossible that the " Atak" or " S k i r t " should at any time have been inhabited. 21 It is evident that the entire tract above described must have been at all times a valuable and much coveted region. Compared with the arid and inhospitable deserts which adjoin it upon the north and south, Khorasan, the ancient Parthia and Hyrcania, is a terrestrial Paradise. Parthia, though scantily wooded, 22 still produces in places the pine, the walnut, the

CH. I.]

BORDER

DISTRICTS-CHORASMIA.

5

sycamore, the ash, the poplar, the willow, the vine, the mulberry, the apricot, and numerous other fruit trees.'"3 Saffron, asafcetida, and the gum ammoniac plant, are indigenous in parts of it." Much of the soil is suited for the cultivation of wheat, barley, and cotton." The ordinary return upon wheat and barley is reckoned at ten for one.26 Game abounds in the mountains, and fish in the underground water-courses." Among the mineral treasures of the region may be enumerated copper, lead, iron, salt,2" and one of the most exquisite of gems, the turquoise.29 This gem does not appear to be mentioned by ancient writers; but it is so easily obtainable that we can scarcely suppose it was not known from very ancient times. The severity of the climate of Parthia is strongly stated by Justin. 30 According to modern travellers, the winters, though protracted, are not very inclement, the thermometer rarely sinking below ten or eleven degrees of Fahrenheit during the nights,31 and during the daytime rising, even in December and January, 32 to 40° or 50°. The cold weather, however, which commences about October, continues till nearly the end of March, when storms of sleet and hail are common.s3 Much snow falls in the earlier portion of the winter, and the valleys are scarcely clear of it till March. On the mountains it remains much longer, and forms the chief source of supply to the rivers during the spring and the early summer time. In summer the heat is considerable, more especially in the region known as the '' A t a k ; " and here, too, the unwholesome wind, which blows from the southern desert, is felt from time to time as a terrible scourge.34 But in the upland country the heat is at no time very intense, and the natives boast that they are not compelled by it to sleep on their house-tops during more than one month in the year. 36 The countries by which Parthia Proper was bounded were the following: Chorasmia, Margiana, Aria, Sarangia, Sagartia, and Hyrcania. Chorasmia lay upon the north, consisting of the low tract between the most northerly of the Parthian mountain chains and the old course of the Oxus. This region, which is for the most part an arid and inhospitable desert,36 can at no time have maintained more than a sparse and scanty population. The Turkoman tribes which at the present day roam over the waste, feeding their flocks and herds alternately on the banks of the Oxus and the Tejend, or finding a bare subsistence for them about the ponds and pools left by the winter rains, represent, it

6

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. I.

is probable, with sufficient faithfulness, the ancient inhabitants, who, whatever their race, must always have been nomads, and can never have exceeded a few hundred thousands. 37 On this side Parthia must always have been tolerably safe from attacks, unless the Cis-Oxianian tribes were reinforced, as they sometimes were, by hordes from beyond the river. On the north-east was Margiana, sometimes regarded as a country by itself, sometimes reckoned a mere district of Bactria. 38 This was the tract of fertile land upon the Murg-ab, or ancient Margus river, which is known among moderns as the district of Merv. The Murg-ab is a stream flowing from the range of the Paropamisus, in a direction which is a little east of north; it debouches f r o m the mountains in about lat. 36° 25', and thence makes its way through the desert. Before it reaches Merv, it is eighty yards wide and five feet deep,39 thus carrying a vast body of water. By a judicious use of dykes and canals, this fertilizing fluid was in ancient times carried to a distance of more than twenty-five miles from the natural course of the river; and by these means an oasis was created with a circumference of above 170, and consequently a diameter of above fifty miles.40 This tract, inclosed on every side by deserts, was among the most fertile of all known regions; it was especially famous for its vines, which grew to such a size that a single man could not encircle their stems with his two arms, and bore clusters that were a yard long.41 Margiana possessed, however, as a separate country, little military strength, and it was only as a portion of some larger and more populous territory that it could become formidable to the Parthians. South of Margiana, and adjoining upon Parthia toward the east, was Aria, the tract which lies about the modern Herat. This was for the most part a mountain region, very similar in its general character to the mountainous portion of Parthia, 42 but of much smaller dimensions. 43 Its people were fairly warlike ; but the Parthian population was probably double or triple their number, and Parthia consequently had but little to fear in this quarter. Upon the south-east Parthia was bordered by Sarangia, the country of the Sarangse, or Drangse. This appeal's to have been the district south of the Herat valley, reaching thence as f a r as the Hamoon, or Sea of Seistan. It is a country of hills and downs, 44 watered by a number of somewhat scanty streams, which flow south-westward from the Paropamisus to

cir. ii.]

HYUCAMA.

7

the Hamoon. Its population can never have been great, and they were at no time aggressive or enterprising, so that on this side also the Parthians were secure, and had to deal with no formidable neighbor. Sagartia succeeded to Sarangia towards the west, and bordered Parthia along almost the whole of its southern frontier. Excepting in the vicinity of Tebbes and Toun45 (lat. 34°, long. 56° to 58°), this district is an absolute desert, the haunt of the gazelle and the wild ass,46 dry, saline, and totally devoid of vegetation. The wild nomads, who wandered over its wastes, obtaining a scanty subsistence by means of the lasso,47 were few in number,48 scattered, and probably divided by feuds. Southern Parthia might occasionally suffer from their raids; but they were far too weak to constitute a serious danger to the mountain country. Lastly, towards the west and the north-west, Parthia was bordered by Hyrcania, a region geographically in the closest connection with it, very similar in general character, but richer, warmer, and altogether more desirable. Hyrcania was, as already observed,43 the western and north-western portion of that broad mountain region which has been described as intervening between the eastern shores of the Caspian and the river Arius, or Hex-i-rud. It consisted mainly of the two rich valleys of the Gurghan and Ettrek, with the mountain chains inclosing or dividing them. Here on the slopes of the hills grow the oak, the beech, the elm, the alder, the wild cherry; here luxuriant vines spring from the soil on every side, raising themselves aloft by the aid of their stronger sisters, and hanging in wild festoons from tree to tree; beneath their shade the ground is covered with flowers of various kinds, primroses, violets, lilies, hyacinths, and others of unknown species; while in the flat land at the bottom of the valleys are meadows of the softest and the tenderest grass, capable of affording to numerous flocks and herds an excellent and unfailing pasture.50 Abundant game finds shelter in the forests,51 while towards the mouths of the rivers, where the ground is for the most part marshy, large herds of wild boars are frequent; a single herd sometimes containing hundreds.52 Altogether Hyrcania was a most productive and desirable country, capable of sustaining a dense population, and well deserving Strabo's description of it as "highly favored of Heaven." 53 The area of the country was, however, small ;84 probably not much exceeding one half

8

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. II.

that of Parthia Proper; and thus the people were not sufficiently numerous to cause the Parthians much apprehension. The situation and character of Parthia thus, on the whole, favored her becoming an imperial power. She had abundant resources within herself; she had a territory apt for the production of a hardy race of men; and she had no neighbors of sufficient strength to keep her down, when she once developed the desire to become dominant. Surprise has been expressed at her rise. 55 But it is perhaps more astonishing that she passed so many centuries in obscurity before she became an important state, than that she raised herself at last to the first position among the Oriental nations. Her ambition and her material strength were plants of slow growth; it took several hundreds of years for them to attain maturity: when, however, this point was reached, the circumstances of her geographical position stood her in good stead, and enabled her rapidly to extend her w a y over the greater portion of Western Asia.

C H A P T E R II. Early notices of the Parthians. Their Ethnic character and connections. Their posit ion under the Persian Monarchs, from Cyrus the Great to Darius III. (Codomannus.) JlapOtov yevos

2,KV6IK6V.—Ari'ian, Fr. 1.

THE Parthians do not appear in history until a comparatively recent period. Their name occurs nowhere in the Old Testament Scriptures. They obtain no mention in the Zendavesta. The Assyrian Inscriptions are wholly silent concerning them. It is not until the time of Darius Hystaspis that we have trustworthy evidence of their existence as a distinct people. 1 In the inscriptions of this king we find their country included under the name of Parthva or Parthiva among the provinces of the Persian Empire, joined in two places with Sarangia, Aria, Chorasmia, Bactria, and Sogdiana, 2 and in a third with these same countries and Sagartia. 8 W e find, moreover, an account of a rebellion in which the Parthians took part. In the troubles which broke out upon the death of the Pseudo-

CH. IT.]

EARLY

NOTICES

OF TIIE

PARTUIANS.

9

Smordis, B.C. 521, Parthia revolted, in conjunction (as it would seem) with Hyrcania. espousing the cause of that Median pretender, who, declaring himself a descendant of the old Median monarchs, set himself up as a rival to Darius. Hytaspes, the father of Darius, held at this time the Parthian satrapy. In two battles within the limits of his province he defeated the rebels, who must have brought into the field a considerable force, since in one of the two engagements they lost in killed and prisoners between 10,000 and 11,000 men. After their second defeat the Parthians made their submission, and once more acknowledged Darius for their sovereign. 4 W i t h these earliest Oriental notices of the Parthians agree entirely such passages as contain any mention of them in the more ancient literature of the Greeks. Hecatseus of Miletus, who was contemporary with Darius Hystaspis, made the Parthians adjoin upon the Chorasmians in the account which he gave of the geography of Asia. 5 Herodotus spoke of them as a people subject to the Persians in the reign of Darius, and assigned them to the sixteenth satrapy, which comprised also the Arians, the Sogdians, and the Chorasmians. 8 He said that they took part in the expedition of Xerxes against Greece (B.C. 480), serving in the army on foot under the same commander as the Chorasmians, and equipped like them with bows and arrows, and with spears of no great length. 7 In another passage he mentioned their being compelled to pay the Persian water tax, and spoke of the great need which they had of water for the irrigation of their millet and sesame crops. 8 It is evident that these notices agree with the Persian accounts, both as to the locality of the Parthians and as to the fact of their subjection to the Persian government. They further agree in assigning to the Parthians a respectable military character, yet one of no very special eminency. On the ethnology of the nation, and the circumstances under which the country became an integral part of the Persian dominions, they throw no light. W e have still to seek an answer to the questions, " W h o , w e r e the Parthians?" and " H o w did they become Persian subjects?" Who were the Parthians ? It is not until the Parthians have emerged from obscurity and become a great people that ancient authors trouble themselves with inquiries as to their ethnic character and remote antecedents. Of the first writers who take the subject into their consideration, some are content to say that the Parthians were a race of Scyths, who at a

10

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. II.

remote date had separated from the rest of the nation, and had occupied the southern portion of the Chorasmian desert, whence they had gradually made themselves masters of the mountain region adjoining it." Others added to this that the Scythic tribe to which they belonged was called the Dahaj ; that their own proper name was Parni, or Aparni; and that they had migrated originally from the country to the north of the Palus Mseotis, where they had left the great mass of their fellow tribesmen. 10 Subsequently, in the time of the Antonines, the theory was started that the Parthians were Scyths, whom Sesostris, on his return from his Scythian expedition, brought into Asia and settled in the mountain-tract lying east of the Caspian. 11 It can scarcely be thought that these noticcs have very much historical value. Modems are generally agreed that the Scythian conquests of Sesostris are an invention of the Egyptian priests, which they palmed on Herodotus 12 and Diodorus. 13 Could they be regarded as having really taken place, still the march back from Scythia to E g y p t round the north and east of the Caspian Sea would be in the highest degree improbable. The settlement of the Parthians in Parthia b y the returning conqueror is, in fact, a mere duplicate of the tale commonly told of his having settled the Colchians in Colchis, u and is equally worthless. The earlier authors, moreover, know nothing of the story, which first appears in the second century after our era, and as time goes on becomes more circumstantial. 15 Even the special connection of the Parthians with the Dahse, and their migration from the shores of the Palus Masotis, m a y be doubted. Strabo admits it to be uncertain whether there were any Dahre at all about the Mseotis ; 1 6 and, if there were, it would be open to question whether they were of the same race with the Dahse of the Caspian. 17 A s the settlement of the Parthians in the country called after their name dated from a time anterior to Darius Hystaspis, and the Greeks certainly did not set on foot any inquiries into their origin till at least two centuries later, 18 it would be unlikejly that the Parthians could give them a true account. The real groundwork of the stories told seems to have been twofold. First, there was a strong conviction on the part of those who came in contact with the Parthians that they were Scyths; and secondly, it was believed that theirname meant " exile." 19 Hence it was necessary to suppose that they had migrated into their country from some portion of the tract known as Scyfchia to the Greeks,

CH. II.]

THE PARTHIANS,

8CTTHS.

11

and it was natural to invent stories as to the particular circumstances of the migration. The residuum of the truth, or at any rate the important conviction of the ancient writers, which remains after their stories are sifted, is the Scythic character of the Parthian people. On this point, Strabo, Justin, and Arrian are agreed. The manners of the Parthians had, they tell us, much that was Scythic in them. 20 Their language was half Scythic, half Median.21 They armed themselves in the Scythic fashion.22 They were, in fact, Scyths in descent, in habits, in character. But what are we to understand by this ? May we assume at once that they were a Turanian people, in race, habits, and language akin to the various tribes of Turkomans who are at present dominant over the entire region between the Oxus and the Parthian mountain-tract, and within that tract have many settlements ? May we assume that they stood in an attitude of natural hostility to the Arian nations by which they were surrounded, and that their revolt was the assertion of independence by a down-trodden people after centuries of subjection to the yoke of a stranger ? Did TURAN, in their persons, rise against IRAN after perhaps a thousand years of oppression, and renew the struggle for predominance in regions where the war had been waged before, and where it still continues to be waged at the present day ? Such conclusions cannot safely be drawn from the mere fact that the Scythic character of the Parthians is asserted in the strongest terms by the ancient writers. The term " S c y t h i c " is not, strictly speaking, ethnical. It designates a life rather a descent, habits rather than blood. It is applied by the Greeks and Eomans to Indo-European and Turanian races indifferently, 23 provided that they are nomads, dwelling in tents or carts, living on the produce of their flocks and herds, uncivilized, and, perhaps it may be added, accustomed to pass their lives on horseback. "We cannot, therefore, assume that a nation is Turanian simply because it is pronounced " S c y t h i c . " Still, as in fact the bulk of those races which have remained content with the nomadic condition, and which from the earliest times to the present day have led the life above described in the broad steppes of Europe and Asia, appear to have been of the Turian type, a presumption is raised in favor of a people being Turanian by decided and concordant statements that it is Scythic. The presumption may of course be re-

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. II.

moved by evidence to the contrary ; but, until such evidence is produced it has weight, and constitutes an argument, the force of which is considerable. In the present instance the presumption raised is met by no argument of any great weight; while on the other hand it receives important confirmation from several different quarters. It is said, indeed, that as all, or almost all, the other nations of these parts were confessedly Arians (e.g. the Bactrians, the Sogdians, the Chorasmians, the Margians, the Arians of Herat, the Sagartians, the Sarangians, and the Hyrcanians), it would be strange if the Parthians belonged to a wholly different ethnic family. 24 But, in the first place, the existence of isolated nationalities, detached fragments of some greater ethnic mass, embodied amid alien material, is a fact familiar to ethnologists;" and, further, it is not at all certain that there were not other Turanian races in these parts, as, for instance, the Thamanseans. Again, it is said that the Parthians show their Arian extraction by their names; but this argument may be turned against those who adduce it. It is true that among the Parthian names a considerable number are not only Arian, but distinctly Persian—e.g., Mithridates, Tiridates, Artabanus, Orobazus, Rhodaspes—but the bulk of the names have an entirely different character. There is nothing Arian in such appellations as Amminapes, Bacasis, Pacorus, Yonones, Sinnaces, Abdus, Abdageses, Gotarzes, Vologeses, Mnasciras, Sanatroeces; nor anything markedly Arian in Priapatius, 26 Himerus, Orodes, Apraetseus, Ornospades, Parrhaces, Vasaces, Monesis, Exedares. If the Parthians were Arians, what account is to be given of these words ? That they employed a certain number of Persian names is sufficiently explained by their subjection during more than two centuries to the Persian rule. W e are also distinctly told that they affected Persian habits, and desired to be looked upon as Persians." The Arian names borne by Parthians no more show them to be Arians in race than the Norman names adopted so widely by the Welsh show them to be Northmen. On the other hand, the non-Arian names in the former case are like the non-Norman names in the latter, and equally indicate a second source of nomenclature, in which should be contained the key to the true ethnology of the people. The non-Arian character of the Parthians is signified, if not proved, by the absence of their name from the Zendavesta. The Zendavesta enumerates among Arian nations the Bac-

ch. ii.]

TURANIAN CAST OF TIIE NAMES.

13

trians, the Sogdians, the Margians, the Hyrcanians, the Arians of Herat, and the Chorasmians, or a l l the important nations of these parts except the Parthians. The Parthian country it mentions under the name of Nisaya 28 or Nissea, implying apparently that the Parthians were not yet settled in it. The only ready way of reconciling the geography of the Zendavesta with that of later ages is to suppose the Parthians a non-Arian nation who intruded themselves among the early Arian settlements, coming probably from the north, the great home of the Turanians. Some positive arguments in favor of the Turanian origin of the Parthians may be based upon their names. The Parthians affect, in their names, the termination -ac or -ah, as, for instance, in Arsac-es, Sinnac-es, Parrhaces, Yesaces, Sanatrseces, Phraataces, etc.—a termination which characterizes the primitive Babylonian, the Basque, and most of the Turanian tongues. The termination -geses, found in such names as Volo-geses, Abda-geses, and the like, may be compared with the -ghiz of Yenghiz. The Turanian root annap, " G o d , " is perhaps traceable in Amm-inap-es. If the Parthian " Chosroes " represents the Persian " Kurush" or Cyrus, the corruption which the word has undergone is such as to suggest a Tatar articulation. The remains of the Parthian language, which we possess, beyond their names, are too scanty and too little to be depended on to afford us any real assistance in settling the question of their ethnic character. Besides the words surena, "Commander-in-chief," and Icarta or Jcerta, " c i t y , " " f o r t , " there is scarcely one of which we can be assured that it was really understood by the Parthians in the sense assigned to it.29 Of these two, the latter, which is undoubtedly Arian, may have been adopted from the Persians:30 the former is non-Arian, but has no known Turanian congeners. If, however, the consideration of the Parthian language does not help us to determine their race, a consideration of their manners and customs strengthens much the presumption that they were Turanians. Like the Turkoman and Tatar tribes generally, they passed almost their whole lives on horseback, conversing^ transacting business, buying and selling, even eating on their horses.31 They practised polygamy, secluded their women from the sight of men, punished unfaithfulness with extreme severity, delighted in hunting, and rarely ate any flesh but that which they obtained in this way, were

14

THE SIXTE

MONAIlCIl Y.

[CH. II.

moderate eaters 33 but great drinkers," did not speak much, but yet were very unquiet, being constantly engaged in stirring up trouble either at home or abroad. 34 A small portion of the nation alone was free; the remainder were the slaves of the privileged few. 3S Nomadic habits continued to prevail among a portion of those who remained in their primitive seats, even in the time of their greatest national prosperity; 35 and a coarse, rude, and semi-barbarous character attached always even to the most advanced part of the nation, to the king, the court, and the nobles generally, a character which, despite a certain varnish of civilization, was constantly showing itself in their dealings with each other and with foreign nations. " The Parthian monarchs," as Gibbon justly observes, 37 '' like the Mogul (Mongol) sovereigns of Hindostán, delighted in the pastoral life of their Scythian ancestors, and the imperial camp was frequently pitched in the plain of Ctesiphon, on the eastern bank of the Tigris." Niebuhr seems even to doubt whether the Parthians dwelt in cities at all.38 He represents them as maintaining from first to last their nomadic habits, and regards the insurrection by which their empire was brought to an end as a rising of the inhabitants of towns—the Tadjiks 39 of those times—against the Ilyats or wanderers, who had oppressed them for centuries. This is, no doubt, an overstatement; but it has a foundation in fact, since wandering habits and even tent-life were affected by the Parthians during the most flourishing period of their empire. On the whole, the Turanian character of the Parthians, though not absolutely proved, appears to be in the highest degree probable. If it be accepted, we must regard them as in race closely allied to the vast hordes which from a remote antiquity have roamed over the steppe region of upper Asia, from time to time bursting upon the south, and harassing or subjugating the comparatively unwarlike inhabitants of the warmer countries. W e must view them as the congeners of the Huns, Bulgarians, and Comans of the ancient world; of the Kalmucks, Ouigurs, Usbegs, Eleuts, etc., of the present day. Perhaps their nearest representatives will be, if we look to their primitive condition at the founding of their empire, the modern Turkomans, who occupy nearly the saiiie districts; if we regard them in the period of their great prosperity, the Osmanli Turks. Like the Turks, they combined great milit a r y prowess and vigor with a capacity for organization and government not very usual among Asiatics. Like them, they

ch. ii.]

PARTHIANS

CONQUERED

BT

CYRUS.

35

remained at heart barbarians, though they put on an external appearance of civilization and refinement. Like them, they never to any extent amalgamated with the conquered races, but continued for centuries an exclusive dominant race, eticamped in the countries which they had overrun. The circumstances under which the Parthians became subjects of the Persian empire m a y readily be conjectured, but cannot be laid down positively. According to Diodorus, who probably followed Ctesias, they passed from the dominion of the Assyrians to that of the Medes, and from dependence upon the Medes to a similar position under the Persians. 40 But the balance of evidence is against these views. It is, on the whole, most probable that neither the Assyrian nor the Median empire extended so far eastward as the country of the Parthians. 41 The Parthians probably maintained their independence from the time of their settlement in the district called after their name until the sudden arrival in their country of the great Persian conqueror, Cyrus. This prince, as Herodotus tells us, subdued the whole of Western Asia, proceeding from nation to nation, and subjugating one people after another. The order of his conquests is not traceable; but it is clear that after his conquest of the Lydian empire (about B.C. 554) he proceeded eastward, with the special object of subduing Bactria. 42 To reach Bactria, he would have to pass through, or close by, Parthia. Since, as Herodotus says, 43 " h e conquered the whole way, as he went," we m a y fairly conclude that on his road to Bactria he subjugated the Parthians. It was thus, almost certainly, that they lost their independence and became Persian subjects. Competent enough to maintain themselves against the comparatively small tribes in their near neighborhood, the Chorasmians, Hyrcanians, Arians of Herat, Bactrians, and Sagartians, it was not possible for them to make an effectual resistance to a monarch who brought against them the entire force of a mighty empire. Cyrus had, it is probable, little difficulty in obtaining their submission. It is possible that they resisted; but perhaps it is more probable that their course on this occasion was similar to that which they pursued when the Macedonian conqueror swept across these same regions. The Parthians at that period submitted without striking a blow.44 There is no reason to believe that they caused any greater trouble to Cyrus. W h e n the Persian empire was organized by Darius Hystaa-

16

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. III.

pis into satrapies, Parthia was at first united in the same government with Chorasmia, Sogdiana, and Aria.46 Subsequently, however, when satrapies were made more numerous, it was detached from these extensive countries and made to form a distinct government, with the mere addition of the comparatively small district of Hyrcania.40 It formed, apparently, one of the most tractable and submissive of the Persian provinces. Except on the single occasion already noticed,47 when it took part in a revolt that extended to nearly one-half the empire,48 it gave its rulers no trouble; no second attempt was made to shake off the alien yoke, which may indeed have galled, but which was felt to be inevitable. In the final struggle of Persia against Alexander, the Parthians were faithful to their masters. They fought on the Persian side at Arbela; 49 and though they submitted to Alexander somewhat tamely when he invaded their country, yet, as Darius was then dead, and no successor had declared himself, they cannot be taxed with desertion. Probably they felt little interest in the event of the struggle. Habit and circumstance caused them to send their contingent to Arbela at the call of the Great King; but when the Persian cause was evidently lost, they felt it needless to make further sacrifices. Having no hope of establishing their independence, they thought it unnecessary to prolong the contest. They might not gain, but they could scarcely lose, by a change of masters.

CHAPTER

III.

Condition of Western Asia under the earlier Seleucidœ. Revolts of Bactria and Parthia. Conflicting accounts of the establishment of the Parthian Kingdom. First War with Syria. To tBvoç Ma rear guard under a couple of generals to cover the retreat,2-' it is not surprising that the resolution was taken to give u Trajan marched southwards to Edessa, the capital of the province of Gsrhoene, and there received the humble submission of Abgarus, who had hitherto wavered between the two contending powers." Manisares, a satrap of these parts, who had a quarrel of his own with Chosroes, also embraced his cause,'8 while other chiefs wavered in their allegiance to Parthia, but feared to trust the invader. Hostilities were commenced by attacks in two directions—southward against the tract known as Anthemusia, between the Euphrates and the Khabour;"3 and eastward against Batnse, Nisibis, and the mountain region known as Gordyene, or the Mons Masius.30 Success attended both these movements; and, before winter set in, the Romans had made themselves masters of the whole of Upper Mesopotamia, and had even pushed southwards as far as Singara,31 a town on the skirts of the modern Sin jar mountain-range. Mesopotamia was at once, like Armenia, '' reduced into the form of a Roman province." Medals were issued representing the conqueror with these subject countries at his foot;32 and the obsequious Senate conferred the title of "Partliicus" upon the Iniperator,33 who had thus robbed the Parthians of two provinces. According to some, the headquarters of Trajan during the ensuing winter were at Nisibis or Edessa,34 but the nexus of the narrative in Dio seems rather to require, and the other ancient notices to allow, the belief that he returned to Syria and wintered at Antioch, 35 leaving his generals in possession of the conquered regions, with orders to make every preparation for the campaign of the next year. Among other instructions which they received was the command to build a large fleet at Nisibis, where good timber was abundant,30 and to prepare for

176

THE SIXTH MONARCHY.

[ C H . XVITT.

its transport to the Tigris, at t h e point where t h a t stream quits t h e mountains and enters on the open country. 8 7 Meanwhile, in the month of December, 38 t h e magnificent Syrian capital, where T r a j a n had his headquarters, was visited b y a calamity of a most appalling character. An earthquake, of a violence and duration unexampled in ancient times, destroyed the greater part of its edifices, and buried in their ruins vast multitudes of t h e inhabitants and of the strangers t h a t had flocked into t h e town in consequence of the Imperial presence. Many Romans of t h e highest r a n k perished, and among t h e m M. Virgilianus Pedo, one of the consuls for the year. The Emperor himself was in danger, and only escaped b y creeping through a window of the house in which he resided; nor was his person quite unscathed. Some falling fragments struck h i m ; but fortunately the injuries t h a t he received were slight, and had no permanent consequence. The bulk of the surviving inhabitants, finding themselves houseless, or afraid to enter their houses if they still stood, bivouacked during the height of the winter in t h e open air, in t h e Circus, and elsewhere about the city. The terror which legitimately followed f r o m the actual perils was heightened by imaginary fears. I t was thought t h a t the Mons Casius, which towers above Antioch to the south-west, was about to be shattered by the violence of the shocks, and to precipitate itself upon the ruined town. 39 Nor were the horrors of the catastrophe confined to Antioch. The earthquake was one of a series which carried destruction and devastation through the greater part of the East. I n t h e Roman province of Asia, four cities were completely destroyed —Eleia, Myrina, Pitane, and Cyme. I n Greece two towns were reduced to ruins, namely, Opus in Locris, and Oritus. I n G-alatia three cities, unnamed, suffered the same fate. 40 It seemed as if Providence had determined t h a t the new glories which Rome was gaining b y the t r i u m p h s of her arms should be obscured by calamities of a kind t h a t no h u m a n power could avert or control, and t h a t despite the efforts of Trajan to m a k e his reign a time of success and splendor, it should go down to posterity as one of gloom, suffering, and disaster. Trajan, however, did not allow himself to be diverted f r o m t h e objects t h a t he had set before him by such trifling matters as the sufferings of a certain number of provincial towns. W i t h the approach of spring (a.d. 116) he was u p and doing. 41 His officers had obeyed his orders, and a fleet had been built at Nisibis during the winter amply sufficient for the purpose

< H. XVIII.]

CAMPAIGN

OF A.D. 116.

177

for which it was wanted. The ships were so constructed that they could he easily taken to pieces and put together again. Trajan had them conveyed on wagons to the Tigris at Jezireh, 42 and there proceeded to make preparations for passing the river and attacking Adiabene. By embarking on board some of his ships companies of heavy-armed and archers, who protected his working parties, and at the same time threatening with other ships to cross at many different points, he was able, though with much difficulty, to bridge the stream in the face of a powerful body of the enemy, and to land his troops safely on the opposite bank. This done, his work was more than half accomplished. Chosroes remained aloof from the war, either husbanding his resources, or perhaps occupied by civil feuds, 43 and left the defence of his outlying provinces to their respective governors. Mebarsapes, the Adiabenian monarch, had set his hopes on keeping the invader out of his kingdom by defending the line of the Tigris, and when that was forced he seems to have despaired, and to have made no further effort. His towns and strongholds were taken one after another, without their offering any serious resistance. Nineveh, Arbela, and Gaugamala fell into the enemy's hands. Adenystrse, a place of great strength, was captured by a small knot of Roman prisoners, who, when they found their friends near, rose upon the garrison, killed the commandant, and opened the gates to their countrymen. 44 In a short time the whole tract between the Tigris and the Zagros mountains was overrun; resistance ceased; and the invader was able to proceed to further conquests. It might have been expected that an advance would have at once been directed on Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital; but Trajan, for some reason which is not made clear to us. determined otherwise. He repassed the Tigris into Mesopotamia, took Hatra 45 (now el-Hadhr), at that time one of the most considerable places in those parts, and then, crossing to the Euphrates, descended its course to Hit 46 and Babylon. No resistance was offered him, and he became master of the mighty Babylon without a blow. Seleucia seems also to have submitted ;4T and it remained only to attack and take the capital in order to have complete possession of the entire region watered by the two great rivers. For this purpose a fleet was again necessary, and, as the ships used on the upper Tigris had, it would seem, been abandoned, 48 Trajan conveyed a flotilla, which had descended the Euphrates, across Meso-

178

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. XVIII.

potamia on rollers, and launching it upon t h e Tigris, proceeded to the attack of the great metropolis. 40 Here again the resistance t h a t he encountered was trivial. Like Babylon and Seleucia, Ctesiphon at once opened its gates. The monarch had departed with his family and his chief treasures, 60 and had placed a vast space between himself and his antagonist. He •was prepared to contend with his Roman foe, not in battle array, but b y means of distance, natural obstacles, and guerilla •warfare. He had evidently detex-mined neither to risk a battle nor stand a siege. As T r a j a n advanced, he retreated, seeming to yield all, b u t no doubt intending, if it should be necessary, to t u r n to b a y at last, and in the meantime diligently fomenting t h a t spirit of discontent and disaffection which was shortly to render the f u r t h e r advance of the Imperial troops impossible. But, for the moment, all appeared to go well with the invaders. The surrender of Ctesiphon brought with it the submission of the whole region on the lower courses of the great rivers, and gave the conqueror access to the waters of a new sea. T r a j a n m a y be excused if he overrated his successes, regarded himself as another Alexander, and deemed t h a t the great monarchy, so long the rival of Rome, was now at last swept away, and t h a t the entire East was on the point of being absorbed into the Roman Empire. The capture by his lieutenants of the golden throne of the Parthian kings m a y well have seemed to him emblematic of this change; and the flight of Chosroes into the remote and barbarous regions of the far East m a y have helped to lull his adversary into a feeling of complete security. Such a feeling is implied in the pleasure voyage of the conqueror down the Tigris to the Persian Gulf, in his embarkation on the waters of the Southern Sea, in the inquiries which he instituted with respect to Indian affairs, and in the regret to which he gave utterance, that his advanced years prevented h i m f r o m m a k i n g India the term of his labors. 51 No shadow of his coming troubles seems to have flitted before the eyes of the Emperor during the weeks t h a t he was t h u s occupied—weeks which he passed in self-complacent contemplation of the past and dreams of an impossible future. Suddenly, tidings of a most alarming kind dispelled pleasing visions, and roused him to renewed exertions. volt, he found, had broken out everywhere in his rear. Seleucia, a t Hatra, at Nisibis, at Edessa, 52 the natives

his ReAt had

CH. XVIII.]

TEA JAN REPULSED

FROM

EATRA.

179

flown to arms; his entire line of retreat was beset by foes, and he ran a risk of having his return cut off, and of perishing in the land which he had invaded. Trajan had hastily to retrace his steps, and to send his generals in all directions to check the spread of insurrection. Seleucia was recovered by Erucius Claras and Julius Alexander, who punished its rebellion by delivering it to the flames. Lucius Quietus retook Nisibis, and plundered and burnt Edessa. Maximus, on the contrary, was defeated and slain by the rebels, 53 who completely destroyed the Roman army under his orders. 54 Trajan, perceiving how slight his hold was upon the conquered populations, felt compelled to change his policy, and, as the only mode of pacifying, even temporarily, the growing discontent, instead of making Lower Mesopotamia into a Roman province, as he had made Armenia, Upper Mesopotamia, and Adiabene (or Assyria), he proceeded with much pomp and display to set up a native king. The prince selected was a certain Parthamaspates, a member of the royal family of the Arsacidse, who had previously sided with Rome against the reigning monarch." In a plain near Ctesiphon, where he had had his tribunal erected, Trajan, after a speech wherein he extolled the greatness of his own exploits, presented to the assembled Romans and natives this youth as King of Parthia, and with his own hand placed the diadem upon his brow.51' Under cover of the popularity acquired by this act the aged Emperor now commenced his retreat. The line of the Tigris was no doubt open to him, and along this he might have marched in peace to Upper Mesopotamia or Armenia; but either he preferred the direct route to Syria by way of Hatra and Singara, or the insult offered to the Roman name by the independent attitude which the people of the former place still maintained induced him to diverge from the general line of his course, and to enter the desert hi order to chastise their presumption. Hatra was a small town, but strongly fortified. The inhabitants at this time belonged" to thab Arabian immigration which was always more and more encroaching upon Mesopotamia. They were Parthian subjects, but appear to have had their own native kings. 58 On the approach of Trajan, nothing daunted, they closed their gates, and prepared themselves for resistance. Though he battered down a portion of the wall, they repulsed all the attempts of his soldiers to enter through the breach, and when he himself came near to reconnoitre, they drove him off with their arrows. His troops

180

THE SIXTH

MONA RCIIY.

[CH. XVIII.

suffered f r o m the beat, from the want of provisions and fodder, from the swarms of flies which disputed with them every morsel of their food and every drop of their drink, and finally f r o m violent hail and thunderstorms. Trajan was forced to withdraw after a time without effecting anything, and to own himself baffled and defeated by the garrison of a petty fortress. 59 The year, A.D. 116, seems to have closed with this memorable failure. In the following spring, Chosroes, learning the retreat of the Romans, returned to Ctesiphon, expelled Parthamaspates, who retired into Roman territory, and re-established his authority in Susiana and Southern Mesopotamia. 60 The Romans, however, still held Assyria (Adiabene) and Upper Mesopotamia, as well as Armenia, and had the strength of the Empire been exerted to maintain these possessions, they might have continued in all probability to be Roman provinces, despite any efforts that Parthia could have made to recover them. But in August, A.D. 117, Trajan died; and his successor, Hadrian, was deeply impressed with the opinion that Trajan's conquests had been impolitic, and that it was unsafe for Rome to attempt under the circumstances of the time any extension of the Eastern frontier. The first act of Hadrian was to relinquish the three provinces which Tra jan's Parthian war had added to the Empire, and to withdraw the legions within the Euphrates. 61 Assyria and Mesopotamia were at once re-occupied by the Parthians. Armenia appears to have been made over by Hadrian to Parthamaspates, 6 8 and to have thus returned to its former condition of a semi-independent kingdom, leaning alternately on Rome and Parthia. It has been asserted that Osrhoene was placed likewise upon the same footing; 63 but the numismatic evidence adduced in favor of this view is weak; 64 and upon the whole it appears most probable that, like the other Mesopotamian countries, Osrhoene again fell under the dominion of the Arsacidee. Rome therefore gained nothing by the great exertions which she had made, 66 unless it were a partial recovery of her lost influence in Armenia, and a knowledge of the growing weakness of her Eastern rival—a knowledge which, though it produced no immediate fruit, was of importance, and was borne in mind when, after another half-century of peace, the relations of the two empires became once more unsatisfactory. The voluntary withdrawal of Hadrian from Assyria and Mesopotamia placed him on amicable terms with Parthia dur-

CH. XVIII.] HADRIAN GIVES UP TRAJAN'S

CONQUESTS. 181

ing the whole of his reign. Chosroes and his successor could not but feel themselves under obligations to the monarch who, without being forced to it by a defeat, had restored to Parthia the most valuable of her provinces. On one occasion alone do we hear of any, even threatened, interruption of the friendly relations subsisting between the two powers; and then the misunderstanding, whatever it may have been, was easily rectified and peace maintained. Hadrian, in A.D. 122, had an interview with Chosroes on his eastern frontier, and by personal explanations and assurances averted, we are told,cc an impending outbreak. Not long afterwards (A.D. 130, probably) he returned to Chosroes the daughter who had been captured by Trajan, and at the same time promised the restoration of the golden throne,67 on which the Parthians appear to have set a special value. It must have been soon after he received back his daughter that Chosroes died. His latest coins bear a date equivalent to A.D. 128 ;BS and the Roman historians give Volagases II. as king of Parthia in A.D. 133.89 It has been generally supposed that this prince was Chosroes' son, and succeeded him in the natural course;70 but the evidence of the Parthian coins is strong against these suppositions. According to them, Volagases had been a pretender to the Parthian throne as early as A.D. 78, and had struck coins both in that year and the following one, about the date of the accession of Pacorus. His attempt had, however, at that time failed, and for forty-one years he kept his pretensions in abeyance; but about A.D. 119 or 120 he appears to have again come forward, and to have disputed the crown with Chosroes, or reigned contemporaneously with him over some portion of the Parthian kingdom, till about A.D. 130, when—probably on the death of Chosroes— he was acknowledged as sole king by the entire nation. Such is the evidence of the coins, which in this case are very peculiar, and bear the name of Volagases from first to last.71 It seems to follow from them that Chosroes was succeeded, not by a son, but by a rival, an old claimant of the crown, who cannot have been much younger than Chosroes himself.

182

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. XIX.

CHAPTER XIX. Reign of Volagases II. Invasion of the Alani. Communications between Volagases and Antoninus Pius. Death of Volagases II. and Accession of Volagases III. Aggressive War of Volagases III. on Rome. Campaign of A.D. 162. Verus sent to the East. Sequel of the War. Losses suffered by Parthia. Death of Volagases III. " Parthicum bellum, quod Volagessus . . . indixit."

Jul. Capit. M. Antonin, § 8.

VOLAGASES II. appears to have occupied the Parthian throne, after the death of Chosroes, for the space of nineteen years. His reign has a general character of tranquillity, which agrees well with the advanced period of life at which, according to the coins, he first became actual king of Parthia. 1 It was disturbed by only one actual outbreak of hostilities, an occasion upon which Volagases stood upon the defensive; and on one other occasion was for a brief period threatened with disturbance. Otherwise it seems to have been wholly peaceful. So far as appears, no pretenders troubled it. The coins show, for the years between A.D. 130 and A.D. 149, the head of but one monarch, a head of a marked type, which is impossible to be mistaken. 2 [PI. III., Fig. 4.] The occasion upon which actual hostilities disturbed the repose of Volagases was in A.D. 133, when, by the intrigues of Pharasmanes, king of the Iberians, a great horde of Alani from the tract beyond the Caucasus was induced to pour itself through the passes of that mountain chain upon the territories of both the Parthians and the Romans. 3 Pharasmanes had previously shown contempt for the power of Eome by refusing to pay court to Hadrian, when, in A.D. 130, he invited the monarchs of Western Asia generally to a conference. 4 He had also, it would seem, been insulted by Hadrian, who, when Pharasmanes sent Mm a number of cloaks made of cloth-of-gold, employed them in the adornment of three hundred convicts condemned to furnish sport to the Romans in the amphitheatre. 6 W h a t quarrel he had with the Parthians we are not told; but it is related that at his instigation the savage Alani, introduced

CH. XIX.]

INROAD

OF TEE

ALANI.

183

•within the mountain barrier, poured at one and the same time into Media Atropatene, which was a dependency of Parthia; into Armenia, which was under Parthamaspates; and into the Roman province of Cappadocia. Volagases sent an embassy to Rome complaining of the conduct of Pharasmanes, 6 who appears to have been regarded as ruling under Roman protection; and that prince was summoned to Rome in order to answer for his conduct. But the Alanian inroad had to be dealt with at once. The Roman governor of Cappadocia, who was Arrian, the historian of Alexander, by a mere display of force drove the barbarians from his province. Volagases showed a tamer spirit; he was content to follow an example, often set in the East, and already in one instance imitated by Rome,' but never adopted by any natidh as a settled policy without fatal consequences, and to buy at a high price the retreat of the invaders. It was to have been expected that Rome would have punished severely the guilt of Pharasmanes in exposing the Empire and its allies to horrors such as always accompany t h e inroads of a barbarous people. But though the Iberian monarch was compelled to travel to Rome and make his appearance before the Emperor's tribunal, 8 yet Hadrian, so far from punishing him, was induced to load him with benefits and honors. He permitted him to sacrifice in the Capitol, placed his equestrian statue in the temple of Bellona, and granted him an augmentation of territory. 9 Volagases can scarcely have been pleased at these results of his complaints; he bore them, however, without murmuring, and, when (in A.D. 138) Hadrian died and was succeeded by his adopted son, T. Aurelius, better known as Antoninus Pius, Volagases sent to Rome an embassy of congratulation, and presented the new monarch with a crown of gold.10 It was probably at this same time that he ventured to make an unpleasant demand. Hadrian had promised that the golden throne which Trajan had captured in his expedition, and by which the Parthians set so much store, should be surrendered to them; 1 1 but this promise he had failed to perform. Volagases appears to have thought that his successor might be more facile, and accordingly instructed his envoys to re-open the subject, to remind Antoninus of the pledged faith of his adopted father, and to make a formal request for the delivery of the valued relic.13 Antoninus, however, proved as obdurate as Hadrian. He was not to be persuaded by any argument to

give back the trophy; and the envoys had to return with the

184

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. XIX.

report that their representations upon the point had been in vain, and had wholly failed to move the new Emperor. The history of Volagases II. ends with this transaction. No events are assignable to the last ten years of his reign, which was probably a season of profound repose, in the East as it was in the West—a period having (as our greatest historian observes of it) " t h e rare advantage of furnishing very few materials for history," which is, indeed (as he says), "little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind." 13 The influence of Rome extended beyond his borders. As in modern times it has become a proverb that when a particular European nation is satisfied the peace of the world is assured, so in the days whereof we are treating it would seem that Rome had only to desire repose, for the surrounding nations to find themselves tranquil. The inference appears to be that not only were the wars which occurred between Rome and her neighbors for the most part stirred up by herself, but that even the civil commotions which disturbed States upon her borders had very generally their origin in Roman intrigues, which, skilfully concealed from view, nevertheless directed the course of affairs in surrounding States, and roused in them, when Rome thought her interests required it, civil differences, disorders, and contentions. The successor of Volagases II. was Volagases III., who was most probably his son, although of this there is no direct evidence. The Parthian coins show 14 that Volagases III. ascended the throne in a.d. 148 or 149, and reigned till a.d. 190 or 191— a space of forty-two years. We may assume that he was a tolerably young man at his accession, though the effigy upon his earliest coins is well bearded, and that he was somewhat tired of the long inactivity which had characterized the period of his father's rule. He seems very early to have meditated a war with Rome,15 and to have taken certain steps which betrayed his intentions; but, upon their coming to the knowledge of Antoninus, and that prince writing to him on the subject, Volagases altered his plans,16 and resolved to wait, at any rate, until a change of Emperor at Rome should give him a chance of taking the enemy at a disadvantage. Thus it was not till a.d. 161—twelve years after his accession—that his original design was carried out, and the flames of war were once more lighted in the East to the ruin and desolation of the fairest portion of Western Asia. The good Antoninus was succeeded in the spring of A.D. 161

CH. xix.]

VOL AG ASES III. INVADES

STRIA.

185

by his adopted son, Marcus Aurelius, who at once associated with him in the government the other adopted son of Antoninus, Lucius Yerus. Upon this, thinking that the opportunity for which he had been so long waiting had at last arrived, Volagases marched his troops suddenly into Armenia, expelled Soeemus, the king pi'otected by the Romans,17 and established in his place a certain Tigranes, a scion of the old royal stock, whom the Armenians regarded as their rightful monarch.18 News of this bold stroke soon reached the governors of the adjacent Roman provinces, and Severianus, praefect of Cappadocia, a Gaul by birth, incited by the predictions of a pseudoprophet of those parts, named Alexander,19 proceeded at the head of a legion into the adjoining kingdom, in the hope of crushing the nascent insurrection and punishing at once the Armenian rebels and their Parthian supporters. Scarcely, however, had he crossed the Euphrates, when he found himself confronted by an overwhelming force, commanded by a Parthian called Chosroes,20 and was compelled to throw himself into the city of Elegeia, where he was immediately surrounded and besieged.21 Various tales were told of his conduct under these circumstances, and of the fate which overtook him r 2 the most probable account being that after holding out for three days he and his troops were assailed on all sides, and, after a brave resistance, were shot down almost to a man. The Parthians then crossed the Euphrates, and carried fire and sword through Syria.23 Attidius Cornelianus, the proconsul, having ventured to oppose them, was repulsed.24 Vague thoughts of flying to arms and shaking off the Roman yoke possessed the minds of the Syrians, 25 and threatened to lead to some overt act. The Parthians passed through Syria into Palestine, and almost the whole East seemed to lie open to their incursions. When these facts were reported at Rome, it was resolved to send Lucius Verus to the East. He was of an age to undergo the hardships of campaigning, and therefore better fitted than Marcus Aurelius to undertake the conduct of a great war. But, as his military talent was distrusted, it was considered necessary to place at his disposal a number of the best Roman generals of the time, whose services he might use while he claimed as his own their successes. Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius, and Martius Verus, were the most important of these officers; and it was by them, and not by Verus himself, that the military operations were, in fact, conducted. It was not till late in the year a.d. 162 that Verus, having

186

THE SIXTH MONARCHY.

[CH. XIX.

with reluctance torn himself f r o m Italy, 26 appeared, with his lieutenants, upon the scene in Syria, and, after vainly offering t h e m terms of peace, 27 commenced hostilities against the triump h a n t Parthians. The young Emperor did not adventure his own person in the field, but stationed himself at Antioch, 26 where he could enjoy the pleasures and amusements of a luxurious capital, while he committed to his lieutenants the task of recovering Syria and Armenia, and of chastising the invaders. Avidius Cassius, to whom the Syrian legions were entrusted, had a h a r d task to bring them into proper discipline a f t e r their long period of inaction, 29 but succeeded after a while b y the use of almost unexampled severities. Attacked by Volagases within the limits of his province, he made a successful defence. 30 and in a short time was able to take the offensive, to defeat Volagases in a great battle near Europus, 31 and (A.D. 163) to drive the P a r t h i a n s across the Euphrates. The Armenian w a r was at the same time being pressed by Statius Priscus, who advanced without a check from the frontier to the capital, Artaxata, which he took and (as it seems) destroyed. 82 He then built a new city, which he strongly garrisoned with Roman troops, and sent intelligence of his successes to Eome, whither Sosemus, the expelled monarch, had betaken himself. Socemus was upon this replaced on t h e Armenian throne, the task of settling him in the government being deputed to a certain Thucydides, b y whose efforts, together with those of Martius Verus, all opposition to the restored monarch was suppressed, and the entire country tranquillized. 33 Rome had thus in the space of two years recovered her losses, and shown P a r t h i a t h a t she was still well able to maintain the position in W e s t e r n Asia which she had acquired by the victories of Trajan. But such a measure of success did not content the ambitious generals into whose hands the incompetence of Yerus had t h r o w n the real direction of the war. Military distinction at this time offered to a Roman a path to the very highest honors, each successful general becoming at once by force of his position a candidate for the Imperial dignity. Of the various able officers employed under Verus, the most distinguished and the most ambitious was Cassius—a chief who ultimately raised the standard of revolt against Aurelius, and lost his life in consequence. 34 Cassius, a f t e r he had succeeded in clearing Syria of the invaders, was made by Aurelius a sort of generalissimo; 35 and being thus free to act as he chose, determined to c a r r y t h e w a r into the enemy's country, and to

CH. X I X . ]

BESTS UCTIVE

PESTILENCE.

t r y if he could not rival, or outdo, the exploits of Trajan fiftyyears previously. Though we have no continuous narrative of his expedition, we may trace its course with tolerable accuracy in the various fragmentary writings which bear upon the history of the time—from Zeugma, when he crossed the Euphrates into Mesopotamia, 36 to Nicephorium, 3T near the junction, of the Belik with the Euphrates; and thence down the course of the stream to Sura 38 (Sippara?) and Babylon. 39 At Sura a battle was fought, in which the Romans were victorious; and then the final efforts were made, which covered Cassius with glory. The great city of Seleucia, upon the Tigris, which had a population of 400,000 souls, was besieged, taken, and burnt, to punish an alleged treason of the inhabitants. 40 Ctesiphon, upon the opposite side of the stream, was occupied, and the summer palace of Yolagases there situated was levelled with the ground. 41 The various temples were plundered; secret places, where it was thought treasure might be hid, were examined, and a rich booty was carried off by the invaders. The Parthians, worsted in every encounter, ceased to resist; and all the conquests made by Trajan were recovered. Nor was this all. The Roman general, after conquering the Mesopotamian plain, advanced into the Zagros mountains, and occupied, at any rate, a portion of Media, thereby entitling his Imperial masters to add to the titles of '' Armeniacus," and '' Parthicus," which they had already assumed, the further and wholly novel title of "Medicus." 42 But Rome was not to escape the Nemesis which is wont to pursue the over-fortunate. During the stay of the a r m y in Babylonia a disease was contracted of a strange and terrible character, whereto the superstitious fears of the soldiers assigned a supernatural origin. The pestilence, they said, had crept' forth from a subterranean cell in the temple of Comsean Apollo at Seleucia,43 which those who were plundering the town rashly opened in the hope of its containing treasure, but which held nothing except this fearful scourge, placed there in primeval times by the spells of the Chaldeans. Such a belief, however fanciful, was calculated to increase the destructive power of the malady, and so to multiply its victims. Vasii numbers of the soldiers perished, we are told, from its effects during the march homeward; their sufferings being further aggravated by the failure of supplies, which was such thai many died of famine. 44 The stricken army, upon entering the Roman territory, communicated the infection to the inuabi-

188

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

¡CH. XIX.

tants, and the return of Verus and his troops to Rome -was a march of Death through the ijrovinces. The pestilence raged with special force throughout Italy, and spread as far as the Rhine and the Atlantic Ocean.46 According to one writer 46 more than one half of the entire population, and almost the whole Roman army, was carried off by it. But though Rome suffered in consequence of the war, its general result was undoubtedly disadvantageous to the Parthians. The expedition of Cassius was the first invasion of Parthia in which Rome had been altogether triumphant. Trajan's campaign had brought about the submission of Armenia to the Romans; but it did not permanently deprive Parthia of any portion of her actual territory. And the successes of the Emperor in his advance were almost balanced by the disasters which accompanied his retreat—disasters so serious as to cause a general belief that Hadrian's concessions sprang more f r o m prudence than from generosity. The war of Yerus produced the actual cession to Rome of a Parthian province, which continued thenceforth for centuries to be an integral portion of the Roman Empire. 47 Western Mesopotamia, or the tract between the Euphrates and the Khabour, passed under the dominion of Rome at this time; and, though not reduced to the condition of a province, was none the less lost to Parthia, and absorbed by Rome into her territory. Parthia, moreover, was penetrated by the Roman arms more deeply at this time than she had ever been previously, and was made to feel, as she had never felt before, that in contending with Rome she was fighting a losing battle. It added to the disgrace of her defeats, and to her own sense of their decisive character, that they were inflicted by a mere general, a m a n of no very great eminence, and one who was far from possessing the free command of those immense resources which Rome had at her disposal. Parthia had now, in fact, entered upon the third stage of her decline. The first was reached when she ceased to be an aggressive and was content to become a stationary power; 43 the second set in when she began to lose territory by the revolt of her own subjects; 49 the third—which commences at this point—is marked by her inability to protect herself from the attacks of a foreign assailant. The causes of her decline were various. Luxury had no doubt clone its ordinary work upon the conquerors of rich and highly-civilized regions, softening . 13G, C .

V A R A H R A N IV. was succeeded (A.D. 399) by his son, Izdikerti, 1 or Isdigerd I., 2 whom the soldiers, though they

386

THE SEVENTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. XITI.

had murdered his father, 2 permitted to ascend the throne without difficulty. He is said, at his accession, to have borne a good character for prudence and moderation, 4 a character -which he sought to confirm by the utterance on various occasions of high-sounding moral sentiments. 5 The genera] tenor of his reign was peaceful and we may conclude therefore that he was of an unwarlike temper, since the circumstances of the time were such as would naturally have induced a prince of any military capacity to resume hostilities against the Romans. After the arrangement made with Rome by Sapor I I I . in A. D. 384, a terrible series of calamities had befallen the empire. 7 Invasions of Ostrogoths and Franks signalized the years A. D. 386 and 388; in A. D. 387 the revolt of Maximus seriously endangered the western moiety of the Roman state; in the same year occurred an outburst of sedition at Antioch, which was followed shortly by the more dangerous sedition, and the terrible massacre of Thessalonica; Argobastes and Eugenius headed a rebellion in A.D. 392; Gildo the Moor detached Africa from the empire in A.D. 386, and maintained a separate dominion on the southern shores of the Mediterranean for twelve years, from A.D. 386 to 39S; in A.D. 395 the Gothic warriors within and without the Roman frontier took arms, and under the redoubtable Alaric threatened at once the East and the West, ravaged Greece, captured Corinth, Argos, and Sparta, and from the coasts of the Adriatic already marked for their prey the smiling fields of Italy. The rulers of the East and West, Arcadius and Honorius, were alike weak and unenterprising; and further, they were not even on good terms, nor was either likely to trouble himself very greatly about attacks upon the territories of the other. Isdigerd might have crossed the Euphrates, and overrun or conquered the Asiatic provinces of the Eastern Empire, without causing Honorious a pang, or inducing him to stir from Milan. I t is true that Western Rome possessed at this time the rare treasure of a capable general; but Stilicho was looked upon with fear and aversion by the emperor of the East. 8 and was moreover fully occupied with the defence of his own master's territories. Had Isdigerd, on ascending the throne in A.D. 399, unsheathed the sword and resumed the bold designs of his grandfather, Sapor II., he could scarcely have met with any serious or prolonged resistance. He would have found the East governed practically by the eunuch Eutropius, a plunderer and oppressor, universally

CH. x m . ] CONDITION

OF ROME AT

THIS PERIOD.

387

hated and feared f he would have had opposed to him nothing but distracted counsels and disorganized forces; Asia Minor was in possession of the Ostrogoths, who, under the leadership of Tribigild, were ravaging and destroying far and wide;10 the armies of the State were commanded by Gainas, the Goth, and Leo, the wool-comber, of whom the one was incompetent, and the other unfaithful; 11 there was nothing, apparently, that could have prevented him from overrunning Roman Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Syria, or even from extending his ravages, or his dominion, to the shores of the iEgean. But the opportunity was either not seen, or was not regarded as having any attractions. Isdigerd remained tranquil and at rest within the walls of his capital. Assuming as his special title the characteristic epithet 15 of "Ramashtras," " t h e most quiet," or " t h e most firm," he justified his assumption of it by a complete abstinence from all military expeditions. When Isdigerd had reigned peaceably for the space of nine years, he is said to have received a compliment of an unusual character. Arcadius, the emperor of the East, finding his end approaching, and anxious to secure a protector for his son Theodosius, a boy of tender age, instead of committing him to the charge of his uncle Honorius, or selecting a guardian for him from among his own subjects, by a formal testamentary act, we are told,13 placed his child under the protection of the Persian monarch. He accompanied the appointment by a solemn appeal to the magnanimity of Isdigerd, whom he exhorted at some length to defend with all his force, and guide with his best wisdom, the young king and Iris kingdom. 11 According to one writer, 15 he further appended to this trust a valuable legacy —no less than a thousand pounds weight of pure gold, which he begged his Persian brother to accept as a token of his goodwill. When Arcadius died, and the testament was opened, information of its contents was sent to Isdigerd, who at once accepted the charge assigned to him, and addressed a letter to the Senate of Constantinople,16 in which he declared his determination to punish any attempt against his ward with the extremest severity. Unable to watch over his charge in person, he selected for his guide and instructor a learned eunuch of his court, by name Antiochus, and sent him to Constantinople, 17 where for several years he was the young prince's constant companion. Even after his death or expulsion,13 which took place in consequence of the intrigues of Pulcheria, Theodosius's elder sister, the Persian monarch continued faithful to

388

1HE SEVENTH

MONARCHY.

[CII. X I I ] .

his engagements. During the whole of his reign he not only remained at peace with the Romans, but avoided every act that they could have regarded as in the least degree unfriendly. 19 Such is the narrative which has come down to us on the authority of historians, the earliest of whom wrote a century and a half after Areadius's death.20 Modern criticism has, in general, rejected the entire story, on this account, regarding the silence of the earlier writers as outweighing the positive statements of the later ones.21 It should, however, be borne in mind, first that the earlier writers are few in number,22 and that their histories are very meagre and scanty; secondly, that the fact, if act it were, was one not very palatable to Christians; and thirdly, that, as the results, so far as Eome was concerned, were negative, the event might not have seemed to be one of much importance, or that required notice. The character of Procopius, with whom the story originates, should also be taken into consideration, and the special credit allowed him b y Agathias for careful and diligent research. 23 It may be added, that one of the main points of the narrative—the position of Antiochus at Constantinople during the early years of Theodosius—is corroborated by the testimony of a contemporary, the bishop Synesius, 24 who speaks of a man of this name, recently in the service of a Persian,25 as all-powerful with the Eastern emperor. It has been supposed b y one writer 26 that the whole story grew out of this fact; but the basis scarcely seems to be sufficient; and it is perhaps most probable that Arcadius did really by his will commend his son to the kind consideration of the Persian monarch, and that that monarch in consequence sent him an adviser, though the formal character of the testamentary act, and the power and position of Antiochus at the court of Constantinople, may have been overstated. Theodosius no doubt owed his quiet possession of the throne rather to the good disposition towards him of his own subjects than to the protection of a foreigner; and Isdigerd refrained from all attack on the territories of the young prince, rather b y reason of his own pacific temper than in consequence of the will of Arcadius. The friendly relations established, under whatever circumstances, between Isdigerd and the Roman empire of the East seemed to have inclined the Persian monarch, during a portion of his reign, to take the Christians into his favor, and even to have induced him to contemplate seeking admission into the

CH. XIII.]

ISDIGERD'S

PERSECUTIONS.

389

Church by the door of baptism." Antiochus, his representative at the Court of Arcadius, openly wrote in favor of the persecuted sect;"8 and the encouragement received from this high quarter rapidly increased the number of professing Christians in the Persian territories. 29 The sectaries, though oppressed, had long been allowed to have their bishops; and Isdigerd is said to have listened with approval to the teaching of two of them, Marutha, bishop of Mesopotamia, and Abdaas, bishop of Ctesiphon.30 Convinced of the truth of Christianity, but unhappily an alien from its spirit, he commenced a persecution of the Magians and their most powerful adherents, 31 which caused him to be held in detestation by his subjects, and has helped to attach to his name the epithets of "AlKhasha," . 549-557. Eastern Wars. Conquest of Arabia Felix. Supposed Campaign in India. War with the Turks. Revolt of Persarmenia. Third Roman War, a.d. 573-579. Death of Chosroes. I\

(Vr^OTOS

TOV

KajSaSov, Xocrporf?

wa\ They were trained to deliver their arrows with extreme rapidity, and with an aim that was almost unerring. The huge wattled shields, adopted by the Achsemenian Persians from the Assyrians, still remained in use;162 and from behind a row of these, rested upon the ground and forming a sort of loop-holed, wall, the Sassanian bowmen shot their weapons with great effect ; nor was it until their store of arrows was exhausted that the Romans, ordinarily, felt themselves upon even terms with their enemy. Sometimes the archers, instead of thus fighting in line, were intermixed with the heavy horse,163 with which it was not difficult for them to keep pace. They galled the foe with their constant discharges from between the ranks of the horsemen, remaining themselves in comparative security, as the legions rarely ventured to charge the Persian mailed cavalry. If they were forced to retreat, they still shot backwards as they fled;164 and it was a proverbial saying with the Romans that they were then especially formidable.165 The ordinary footmen seem to have been armed with swords and spears, perhaps also with darts. They were generally stationed behind the archers,166 who, however, retired through their ranks when close fighting began. They had little defensive armor; but still seem to have fought with spirit and tenacity, being a fair match for the legionaries under ordinary circumstances, and superior to most other adversaries. It is uncertain how the various arms of the service were organized internally. We do not hear of any divisions corresponding to the Roman legions or to modern regiments ; yet it is difficult to suppose that there were not some such bodies.ltlT Perhaps each satrap168 of a province commanded the troops raised within his government, taking the actual lead of the cavalry or the infantry at his discretion. The Crown doubtless appointed the commanders-in-chief—the Sparapets, Spahapets, or Sipehbeds,169 as well as the other generals (arzbeds), the head of the commissariat (hambarapet or hambaraJcapct), and the commander of the elephants (zendkapef). The satraps may have acted as colonels of regiments under the arzbeds.

596

THE SEVENTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. X X V I I I .

and may probably have had the nomination of the subordinate (regimental) officers. The great national standard was the famous "leathern apron of the blacksmith," originally unadorned, but ultimately covered with jewels, which has been described in a former chapter."0 This precious palladium was, however, but rarely used, its place being supplied for the most part by standards of a more ordinary character. These appear by the monuments"1 to have been of two kinds. Both consisted primarily of a pole and a cross-bar; but in the one kind the crossbar sustained a single ring with a bar athwart it, while below depended two woolly tassels; in the other, three striated balls rose from the cross-bar, while below the place of the tassels was taken by two similar balls. It is difficult to say what these emblems symbolized,172 or why they were varied. In both the representations where they appear the standards accompany cavalry, so that they cannot reasonably be assigned to different arms of the service. That the number of standards carried into battle was considerable may be gathered from the fact that on one occasion, when the defeat sustained was not very complete, a Persian army left in the enemy's hands as many as twenty-eight of them.173 During the Sassanian period there was nothing very remarkable in the Persian tactics. The size of armies generally varied from 30,000 to 60,000 men,174 though sometimes175 100,000, and on one occasion176 as many as 140,000, are said to have been assembled. The bulk of the troops were footmen, the proportion of the horse probably never equalling one third of a mixed army.177 Plundering expeditions were sometimes undertaken by bodies of horse alone;178 but serious invasions were seldom or never attempted unless by a force complete in all arms; comprising, that is, horse, foot, elephants, and artillery. To attack the Romans to any purpose, it was always necessary to engage in the siege of towns; and although, in the earlier period of the Sassanian monarchy, a certain weakness and inefficiency in respect of sieges manifested itself,179 yet ultimately the difficulty was OArercome, and the Persian expeditionary armies, well provided with siege trains, compelled the Roman fortresses to surrender within a reasonable time. It is remarkable that in the later period so many fortresses were taken with apparently so little difficulty—Daras, Mardin, Amida, Carrhse, Edessa, Hierapolis, Berhasa, Theodosiopolis, Antioch, Damascus, Jerusalem, Alexandria, Csesarasa Mazaca, Chalce-

CH. x x v i i i . ]

PRIVATE

LIFE

OF THE

PEOPLE.

mi

don; the siege of none lasting more than a few months, or costing the assailants very dear. The method used in sieges was to open trenches at a certain distance from the walls, and to advance along them under cover of hurdles to the ditch, and fill it up with earth and fascines.180 Escalade might then be attempted; or movable towers, armed with rams or balistce, might be brought up close to the walls,181 and the defences battered till a breach was effected. Sometimes mounds were raised against the walls182 to a certain height, so that thenupper portion, which was their weakest part, might be attacked, and either demolished or escaladed. If towns resisted prolonged attacks of this kind, the siege was turned into a blockade,183 lines of circumvallation being drawn round the place, water cut off, and provisions prevented from entering. Unless a strong relieving army appeared in the field, and drove off the assailants, this plan was tolerably sure to be successful. Not much is known of the private life of the later Persians. Besides the great nobles and court officials, the strength of the nation consisted in its dilchans or landed proprietors, who for the most part lived on their estates, seeing after the cultivation of the soil, and employing thereon the free labor of the peasants. It was from these classes chiefly that the standing army was recruited, and that great levies might always be made in time of need. Simple habits appear to have prevailed among them; polygamy, though lawful, was not greatly in use;184 the maxims of Zoroaster, which commanded industry, purity, and piety, were fairly observed. Women seem not to have been kept in seclusion,185 or at any rate not in such seclusion as had been the custom under the Parthians, and as again became usual under the Arabs. The general condition of the population was satisfactory. Most of the Sassanian monarchs seem to have been desirous of governing well; and the system inaugurated by Anushirwan, 186 and maintained by his successors, secured the subjects of the Great King from oppression, so far as was possible without representative government. Provincial rulers were well watched and well checked; tax-gatherers were prevented from exacting more than their due by a wholesale dread that their conduct would be reported and punished; great pains were taken that justice should be honestly administered ; and in all cases where an individual felt aggrieved at a sentence an appeal lay to the king, On such occasions the cause was re-tried in open court, at the gate, or in the great

598

THE SEVENTH

MONARCHY.

[CH. xxvnr.

square; the king, the Magi, and the great lords hearing it, while the people were also present.187 The entire result seems to have been that, so far as was possible under a despotism, oppression was prevented, and the ordinary citizen had rarely a n y ground for serious complaint. But it was otherwise with the highest class of all. The near relations of the monarch, the great officers of the court, the generals who commanded armies, were exposed without defence to the monarch's caprice, and held their lives and liberties at his pleasure.188 A t a mere word or sign from him they were arrested, committed to prison, tortured, blinded, or put to death, no trial being thought necessary where the king chose to pronounce sentence. The intrinsic evils of despotism thus showed themselves even under the comparatively mild government of theSassanians; 189 but the class exposed to them was a small one, and enjoyed permanent advantages, which m a y have been felt as some conpensation to it for its occasional sufferings.

699

CH. X X V I I I . ]

s -o fN

Je 3 ö ê ï•S H

C—O

"•S3 M3

o

o

•a»

02 S3

B

02

02
bji> r'riv ¿cafiopiv 6 The name is given variously, as Abgarns, Acbarus, and Avgarus (Avyapos); avrtp 77pbs TOP Tiypaffj eiyai. (Dio Cass, but the first f o r m is the only one used x x x v ¡1. 7, D ) 41 Both Dio ( x x x v i i . 6, A . ) and Plutarch upon the coins of Edessa. Otherwise the f o r m Acbarus might seem p r e f e r a {Pomp. § ad fin.) record Phraates' ble, as the representative of the A r a b i c demand, but the latter alone gives P o m p e y ' s reply—opa> xPrl°~efJ9°-1 r,J? SiKaiai. Akbar. A l l the princes of Edessa seem to have been called either Abgarus or ** Plut. Pomp. § 39; Dio Cass, x x x v i i . Mannus. 7, D. 6 Dio Cass. xl. 20; A p p . Parth. 43 Dio Cass, x x x v i i . 7. p. 140, A . Eu Timtrravro 7 Dio Cass. x x x v . 2, ad fin. ¿.[¿(¡toTtpoi, says Dio, o n ojrorepo! S.V aurux e Ibid. xl. 20. TOU erepou KpaTij(7ete, ThiV re TrpayfJ.a.rov tolS *Pcoju.aL0t? 7rp0trK0\J/ei (leg. irpoKotyet), Kal 9 Crassus l e f t R o m e in the y e a r of his aVTOi ev^etpuirepos &4>icrt yevrjireTai.. 'Efcet- consulship B c. 55, later than Nov. 15 (Cic. Ep. ad Att. iv. l i ) . H e took ship roi pet- ¿f] Sta raira KaTrjWa.yrjj'av. 44 Ibid x x x i x . 50. f r o m Brundusium before the storms o£ 4 5 Justin, xlii. 4, § 1. T h e f a c t that winter were over (Plut. Crass § 17), proceeded to Asia Minor, and marched rapboth Mithridates II. and I I I . were enidly through Galatia (>');reiyeTO 8la TaAagaged in Armenian wars seems to have rt'a?, ib ) into Syria, where he must have been among the reasons of Justin's conarrived as early as April or May. fusing them. Mommsen, however, overstates the case, 415 This was clearly the case at the when he makes him reach Svria " a t the time of the invasion of Crassus, when v e r y beginning of 700" (bereits A n f a n g the Parthians were masters of the whole 700). of Mesopotam 1a as f a r as the Euphrates. 10 Dio Cass. xl. 13. CompareIsid. Char. 47 Plutarch t.-lls us that the Parthian Mans. Parth. § 1. T h e chief of these general who defeated Crassus had precities w e r e Apameia, Anthemusias or viously brought back Orodes f r o m banCharax Sidse, Ichnae, and Nicephorium. ishment ( F i t Crass. § 21). Appian fol11 Dio Cass xl. 12. lows him (Parth. p. H I . Ak This engagement 48 Justin, 1. s. c. took place near Ichns?, which was on " P r o p t e r crudelitathe Belik, about seventeen miles north tem a senatu Parthico regno pellitur." 40 Dio Cass x x x i x . 56. of Rakkah (Nicephorium). ML0PLSATTJI> TOV 6v aSeKifibv ¿k tt); MrjSias, >)s ipx > cfe,3aAe, « Plut. Crass. § 17; Dio Cass, x l 13. 13 Seven thousand f o o t and a thousand 60 App. Syriac. p. 120, A ; Partluc. p. horse. (Plut. 1. s. c.) 134, A. 14 It is certain that Crassus plundered 51 Justin, xlii. 4. § 3. 62 T h a t Seleucia had been in rebellion the ancient shrine of Atargatis or Derceto at Hierapolis (Plut. Crass. § 17; against Orodes before B c. 54, and had App. Parth. p. 137, B). According to been recovered f o r him by the general Josephus (Ant. Jud xiv. 7. § 1), he also w h o m he e m p l o y e d against Crassus, is made a journey to Jerusalem f o r the exrelated by Plutarch (Crass. I 31). I t is press purpose of plundering the Jewish reasonable to connect this rebellion with Temple. (Compare Orosius. vi. 13.) ^ the civil war between the brothers. 15 'F.77typa^0J!' Kat STJ/XOIS Kal SvvaiTTeials Mommsen, however, does so too positively. (Rom. Gescluchte, vol. ili. p. 323 ) (rrpaTLuiTcov rearaAoyous, elr' apieis apyvptov 53 Justin incorrectly SiSoiras. (Plut. Crass. 1. s. c.) says, " Babylo10 The intention of Crassus to attack niarn, quo Mithridates confugerat. diu the Parthians was well known at Rome, obsidet, et f a m e coactos in deditionem and was opposed by a powerful party. oppidanos compellit." (1. s. c ) But it is (See Plut. Crass. § 16; Cic. Ep. ad Div. evident that the town, Babylon ( " Babyv. 8: &c.) l o n e m " ) is intended. 17 Plut. Crass. § 18; Dio Cass. xl. 16. 64 " Plus hostem quam f r a t r e m cogi16 Dean Merivale speaks of some of tans " (Justin, xlii. 4, § 4.) the Roman detachments in MesopotaC H A P T E R XI. mia as " compelled to abandon their p o s t s " (Roman Empire, vol. ii. p 11); 1 Gabinius. to whom Mithridates fled but I find no such statement in the auwas not proconsul of Syria till B c ofi, thorities Djosavs that a Parthian a r m y and Mithridates therefore cannot have applied to him till that year. A s the I was sent against the places that had been t : k e n and those thar had fallen civil war followed on this application, j and the siege of Babylon is expressly I a w a y (1 s c.): Plutaich adds that atsaid to have occupied a long time (Jus- p tacks and combats took place, and that tin'». Mithridates can scarcely have sub- , some of the soldiers in garrison, escapmitt- I

610

THE SIXTH

30,000 foot and 1G,000 horse, of -whom 10,000 should be heavily armed. Crassus replied " t h a t his m a r c h would lie t h r o u g h Mesopotamia, 1as he had left there many (jond soldiers. " (Plut. l.s. c ) 20 This point, as already stated, was probably t h e modern Bir, or Bireh-jik, which best answers on t h e whole to t h e R o m a n " Z e u g m a . " (See t h e note of C. Miiller on Isid. Char. Mans. Parth. § 1.) It is not to be confounded with Rumkaleh (twenty-six miles higher up t h e river), nor with Thapsaeus (160 miles lower down), where Alexander crossed. Dio (xl. 17) h a s misled Dean Menvale. (R. JE. vol. ii. page 13, note.) 21 Plut. Crass. 51 Pint Crass. 1. ft. c. 6 0etpojaevwu 8K TroAAJif, KaX T TratSl O'JapSafKara.\muiv. '2 Ann. xi. 8. The true meaning of Tacitus in the passage has been questioned (see Walther's Tacitus, note ad loc.)\ but, f o r my own part, I cannot feel a doubt that he regards Gotarzes as king before Vardanes. 3 Some suppose the Artabanus intended to be Artabanus III., the preceding king; but he was the father, not the brother, of Gotarzes. (See Joseph. Ant. Jud. 1. s. c., where Vardanes is called the son of Artabanus III. and Gotarzes the brother of Vardanes.) * The possibility of this feat has been questioned, and it has been proposed to alter the text of Tacitus from " b i d u o tria M. passuum" to "triduo duo M. passuum" (see Walther's Tacitus, vol. li. p. 18). But the feat of Vardanes does not come up to that of Tiberius, who travelled in one night and day 200 Roman (or 184 British) miles to visit his sick brother, Drusus (Plin. H. N. vii. 20). 6 Coins of a uniform type, differing altogether from those of Gotarzes, and reasonably ascribed to Vardanes, bear the dates TNT, ANT, ENT, SNT and ZNT, or A D. 42, 43, 44, 45, and 46. 8 Tacit. Ann. xi. 8. ' " Bactrianos apud campos." Tacit. 8 Tacit. Ann. xi. 9. "Compare Tac. Ann. xi. 10 with Joseph. Ant Jud. xx. 3. § 4. The intended " R o m a n W a r " of the latter writer is the projected "Armenian expedition" of the former. 10 See text, p. 131. I I DioCass. lx. 8; Tac. Ann. xi. 8. 12 Dio Cass. I. s. c.; Senec. De Tran-

situ, § U.

623

13 " Cuncta in Mithridatem fluxere, atrociorem quarn novo regno conduceret" (Tacit. Ann. xi. 9). 14 A Parthian king could, no doubt, command the services of his feudatories; but it depended very much upon themselves what forces they should bring into the field. To obtain any real success, the hearty co-operation of the feudatories was necessary. 16 Artabanus rewarded Izatesby adding this tract to his dominions. (Joseph. A. J. xx. 3, § 3 ) 18 See text, p. 140. 17 Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 3, § 4. rrdAe/jtoi» irpo; '1£oltt}v KaTr/yyeitev. Compare the remark of Tacitus—" Exin validissimas prcefecturas invasit" (Ann. xi. 10). 18 I cannot follow this campaign in detail, as the rivers'' Erinde'' and " Sinde," mentioned by Tacitus, are unknown to the geographers. 19 Tacit. Ann. xi. 10. Josephus gives no details, but says simply avaipovcn avTov. a» So Tacitus (1. s. c.). " N e c e Bardanis turbatse Parthorum res, inter ambiguos, quis in regnum acciperetur. Multi ad Gotarzem inclinabant; quidam ad Meherdatem, prolem Phraatis." But it may be doubted whether Meherdates was thought of until Gotarzes had rendered himself obnoxious to his subjects. 21 Coins of Vardanes bear the date ZNT, or A.D. 45-46. A coin of Gotarzes is dated ZNT, Uaue^ov, or July, A.D. 46. 22 Tacit. Ann. xi. 10: "Gotarzes . . . per scevitiam ac luxum adegit Parthos mittere ad Principem Romanum occultas preces." Compare the expression "socors domi," in Ann. xii. 10. 23 This speech is given by Tacitus with his usual brevity (Ann. xii. 10). He adds that the envoys said more to the same effect. 24 Ibid. xii. 11. 26 See text, pp. 85, 88, 93. 28 Tacit. Ann. xii. 13 27 The notices of Tacitus do not enable us to follow with any exactness the movements of Gotarzes; but I think there cannot be a doubt that he was protecting Ctesiphon, and that the scene of his manoeuvres and of the final engagement was the tract south of Nineveh, between the Tigris and the Zagros mountain range. If the reading " Arbela" be allowed to stand in Ann. xii. 13, we may limit the scene of action a little more, and say that it lay between Arbil and Baghdad. Sambulos, the mountain which Gotarzes at first occupied, is probably the modern Mount Sunbulah, between the plains of Ghilan and Deira, in lat. 34° 2.V, long. 40" 10' nearly. This is a " v e r y remarkable range, far exceeding in height all others at the foot of Zagros" (Journal of Geograph. Society, xol. ix. p. 41). On the summit is " a fine table-land, wooded with dwarf oak," while the sides are in most places hounded by "naked and precipitous

624

THE SIXTE

crags like those of Behistun" (ibid. p. 42). But the second position of Gotarzes, behind the river Corma, cannot be identified, since there are scarcely sufficient grounds for regarding that stream as the Kara-Su, or river of Kirman shah. 28 In the East, mutilation of any kind is regarded as incapacitating: a man from the exercise of sovereignty. Hence the Persian kings were in the habit, until recently, of blinding all their brothers upon their accession. 29 Tacit. Ann. xii. 14 "Ostentui clementiaa suae, et in nos dehonestamento." 30 See note 18. Chapter XIV. S1 Flandm. Voyage en Perse, p. 8. " On y reconnaît néanmoins les silhouettes de plusieurs personnages de haute taille, surmontés d'autres plus petits, parmi lesquels se distinguent un cavalier armé d'une lance, et une espèce de gloire ou de renommée couronnant un autre guerier à cheval." 32 Borne account of this inscription has been given by Sir R K. Porter (Travels, vol. ii. p. 151), by Sir H. Rawlinson (tïeogiaph. Journal, vol. ix. p. 1151, and by M3I. Flandin and Coste (Voyage en Perse, Planches anciennes, pl. 119). The best account is that of the second-named traveller.who transcribed the inscription as follows: AASA2ATH2 MI©PATH211En . . . TOTAPZHC 2ATPAriH2TQN5ATPAnfiN . . . . He also read in a corner of the tablet the words rQTAPSHO rE0n0©P02. It has been argued that the inscription cannot have been set up bj- King Gotarzes. on account of the title -l Satrap of Satraps"; but this argument is not convincing. See note 19. Chapter VI.) The combination of the names Gotarzes and Meherdates (Mithrates) with the localitv. certainly near the scene of the battle, and the winged Victory, common on Parthian coins at exactly this time, is a Jar more weighty one in favor of the inscription being rightly assigned to the monarch.

MONARCHY.

the two brothers are given by Josephus (Ant. Jud. xx. 2, § 4), and Dio Cassius (ixiii. 5). The former tells us that Pacorus was older than Tiridates. 2 The government bestowed on Pacorus was that of Media; whether Media Magna or AtropatenS is uncertain. 3 See text, p. 131. 4 Tacit. Ann. 1. s. c. 6 Ibid. xii. 47. Mithridates and his wife, who was the sister of Rhadamistus, were first smothered. The children were then killed for lamenting their parents. 6 Tacit. Ann. xii. 50 The first invasion of Volagases falls into the latter art of a d . 51, which was the year that

Ee became king, according to the coins.

i I ! I ; ! ! !

i ! i

33 A coin of Gotarzes bears the date BET. or A.D. 50-51. One of Vonones II. has TBT, or A.D. 51-52. 34 " Dein Gotarzes morbo obiit " (Ann. xii. 14). 35 Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 3. § 4. Mex' ov iroh.vv xpvvov è£ èiri/SovAi/ç TeKevrrjtravTa. 36 Philostratus is quoted as calling him " the younger brother of Artabanus I I I . " (Lindsay, History and Coinage, p. 70.) But the authority of Philostratus on a point of this kind is worthless. 37 Tacit. Ann. 1. s. c. 38 The date in question is TET. which corresponds to the last three months of A.D 51 and the first nine of A.D. 52. 59 This appears from Tacitus (Ann. xii. 44 and 50).

CHAPTER XVI. Tacit. Ann. xii. 44. " Concessu fratram regnum adeptus." The names of 1

[CH. XVI.

7 Compare Tacit Ann. xii. 50, 51, with xiii. 6. 8 As Volagases was descended from a branch of the Arsacidae quite distinct from that whereto Artabanus had belonged, there was not the "ingratitude" in this demand which some writers liave seen in it. 9 Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 4, § 2. Ibid. § 3. 11 Tacit. Ann. xiii. 6. 12 The Lesser Armenia, was assigned to Aristobulus, a son of Herod, king of Chalcis, and a first cousin of Agrippa II. SophSnS, the more southern portion of the Greater Armenia, was entrusted to a certain Sohemus. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 7.) 13 It is characteristic of Roman vanity, which could not bear to admit a lngs, that Corbulo's appointment was said to be not " reciperandte," but " retinendce ArmeniEe." (Tacit. Ann. xiii. 8 ) 14 Tacitus (Ann. xiii. 9) does not clearly express this; but it seems to follow from his silence as to any recovery of Armenia in A.D. 55, joined to his admission that Tiridates possessed the country in A D. 58 (ibid. xiii. 34, 37). 16 Tac. Ann. xiii. 7. 16 Ibid. Tacitus is confirmed by the coins, which show that Vardanes was proclaimed at least as early as A.D. 55. 17 Tac. Ann. xiii. 9 18 The coins ascribed to Vardanes II. bear the daces ZHT. H3T, and ®ET, or A.D. 55, 56, and 57-58 19 Tacit. Ann. xiii 34. It would seem that when the hostages were given in A.D. 55, ambassadors were sent to Rome to endeavor to effect some arrangement. It was long before any answer was vouchsafed them (Dio Cass. lxii. 20). When a reply came, it appears to have been to the effect that Tiridates must either relinquish Armenia, or consent to receive it at the hands of the Romans, and hold it as a Roman fief. 30 Tacit. Ann. xiii. 37. 21 Ibid. ch. 35. 22 "Tunc primum illecti Isichi, gens haud alias socia Romanis." (Ibid. oh. 37.) 03 Tacit. Ann. 1. s. c. Compare xlv. 25 and xv. 1.

CH. XVJ.]

THE

SIXTU

MONARCHY.

24

Tacit. Ann. xiii. 38-40. " Ibid xiv. 20. Tacitus says of the Armenians, "Ambi^oa fide utraque a n n a invitabant, situterrarum, simihtuduie morum Par this propiores, connubiisque permixti ac libertate ignota, illuc maqis ad servitium inchnabant."' (Ann. xiii 34.) 27 We know, unfortunately, nothing o£ these wars but the mere fact of their occurrence. Some have supposed them to have been stirred up and assisted by Rome (Merivale, Bom.au Empire, vol. vii p. 23); but there is no evidence of this." On one occasion, a Hyrcanian embassy made its way to Rome, and solicited aid from Nero (Tac. Ann. xiv. 25), but apparently without any result. On their return to the East, these envoys were protected by Corbulo, who sent them home by the circuitous route of the Indian Ocean and the Indus ('?). 29 Tacit. Ann. xv. 1; Dio Cass. Ixii. 20. 29 This seems to be implied in the reflection ascribed to Monobazus by Tacitus (1, s. c ), "Levius servitium apud Romanes deditis quam captis " 30 The Latin ignavia (the term used by Tiridates m Tacitus) unit.es these two notions. 31 See Tacit. Ann. xv. 2. It has been thought best not to overload this history with the speeches which Greek and Roman writers put into the mouths of their historical characters on all possible occasions. In the present instance an exception is made on account of the suitability of the sentiments to the occasion. 32 Tacit. Ann. xv. 2. 33 Ibid. ch. 4. 34 See text, p. 154. 35 Tacit. Ann. xv. 5. 36 " Imbecillum equitem pabuli inopia: nam exorta. vis locustarum ambederat quicquid hei'bidum aut frondosum" (Tac. 1. s. c.). On the ravages committed by these insects in Mesopotamia and the adjacent regions, see Ancient Monarchies, vol. ii. pp. 299, 493, 2nd edit. 37 Tacitus does not expressly mention this condition, but implies it in Ann. xv. 6. (" Cur enim exercitum Romanum a Tigranocertis deductum ? Cur deserta per38 otium qua; hello defenderant ?") Tiic. Ann. xv. 3. 39 This is clearly the meaning of the threat—" Se tributa et leges, et pro umbra regis Romanum jus victis impositurum " It was not liiiely to conciliate the Armenians. 40 Tac. Ann. xv. 7. «i Ibid ch. 9. 42 See text, pp. 56-58. 43 Tacit. Ann. xv. 10. The infantry had the support of some troops of Pannonian horse, which fled, however, on the44 approach of Volagases. " Hostem instare." (Tacit. 1. s. c.) 46 Ibid. xv. 11. 46 Arsamosata must not be confounded with Samosata, now Sumelsat. Sarno26

! | !

1 | j | ; I , j j j

sata was situated on the Euphrates (birab xvi. 2. § 3). from which Arsamosata was at least forty (Roman) miles di.-tant (Tac. Ann. xv. 47 Tac. Ann. xv 13. 48 " Vemret propere; signa et aquilas, et nomen reliquum infelicis exercitus tueretur." (Ibid. ch. 11.) 40 Ibid. ch. 16. 50 Dio Cass. Ixii. 21. Compare Tac. Ann. xv. 15. 61 Tac. Ann. xv. 15. 62 Ibid. ch. 16. 63 Dio Cass. Ixii. 22; Tac. Ann. xv. 17. 64 Tac. Ann. xv. 24. 66 Ibid. ch. 25. 56 Tacitus compares the powers now granted to Corbulo with those which were entrusted to Pompey by the Gabmian law. (See on this Merivale, Roman /Empire, vol. i. p. 66.) 57 Dio attributes to Nero at this time the proposal of exactly those conditions of peace which he rejected (Dio Cass. Ixii. 22). He is to be corrected f r o m Tacitus (Ann. xv. 25). 58 See Tac. Ann. xv. 26. where there is mention of his obtaining picked cohorts from Egypt and lllyricum. " Ibid ch. S7. 6» Ibid. ch. 28. 6 > Ibid. chs. 29-31. 62 The arrangement was made in the summer of a.d. 63 Tiridates did imc make his appearance at Rome till the spring of a.d. 66. (See Clinton, jf*. ii., voi i. p. 48 ) 63 Dio Cass. Ixiii. 1, 2. 64 This is the meaning of Dio (lxiii. 7), where ¿irip T'OV 'I6VIOV has been generally translated "across the Adriatic." instead of " a b o v e " or " r o u n d the head of the Adriatic," which is the true meaning. e5 Sueton. Neron. § 30. Dio agrees (lxiii. 2). 6t Dio Cass. 1. s. c. 67 According to this author, Tiridates said—" Master. I am a descendant of Arsaces, a brother of the kings Volagasus and Pacorus; but I am thy slave. I have come hither to thee, who art m y God, to worship thee, as I would Mithras; and f i o m henceforth my fate will be whatever thou makest it. For thou art my Fate and my Fortune." (Dio Cass, lxiii. 5.) «8 Dio Ca»s. 1. s. c ; Sueton. Ner. § 13. 69 Dio Cass, lxiii. 7. 70 Writers on Roman history have not always seen this. But Dean Merivale well observes, in concluding his notice of the events—" While Tiridates did homage for his kingdom to Nero, he was suffered to place himself really under theprotection of Vologesus" (Roman Empire, vol. vii. p. 26). 71 Pacorus is mentioned as king of Parthiaby Martial in an epigram written under Domitian, probably towards the close of his reign, which was f r o m A.D. 81 to A.D. 96. (Mart. Epig. ix. 36, 3 )

626

THE SIXTH

Clinton dates t h e epigram A.D. 94 or 95 (17rci Se nptafieiav Kal Stopa 7ra Kai

¡rupiAa^ITRE*.

40 Herodian. IV .'JO. p. ¡73 The representation ot a mailed warrior thus attired at Tabht-i-Bostan ( K e r Porter, vol Ii. PI (>2>, though of the Sassaman period, lends force to the statement of Herodian. 41 Dio Cass. xl. 15. Compare Justin, xli. 2, ad fin.. 4 3 Plut Ant. § 4J; Crass. § 27: Dio Cass, xl 22; Appian. Pat th. p 148; l i e rodian. iv. 30. 43 A p p Parth. p. 141. T h e size and strength of the bow which they used enabled the Parthiaus to deliver their arrows at a speed which was v e r y unusual, and which made them most formidable archers. (See Pint. Ctass. §§ 18 and 24.) The arrow was not seen till it struck, anil it. pierced easily through all customary armor. 44 The knife, which was worn in private life (Joseph, ^tui Jud. xviii. 2. § 4), was certainly not laid aside in war. It, was frequently employed to cut off the head of a dead enemy. (Plut. Crass. §| 25 and 31 ) 43 J USitlll. I. s. c. 46 Plut Crass. § 24, ad in it. 47 Justin. 1. s c. " Hos pari ac liberos suos cura hj,bent, et equitare et sagittare magna mduslria docent " 48 Plut. Crass. § 24. ad fin.: Justin, xli 2; Virg. Georq. hi. 31: Hor. Od. l 19, 11; ii. 13. It}; Tacit. Ann. vi. :!5. 49 Dio Cass. xl. 24. 60 Dio Cass. 1. s c. 51 Plut. Crass. § 21; Appian, Pa.rth.ica, p. 144. « Herodian. iv. 88, 30.

TO.L T-tj (TvwqQeLq,

( D i o CdSS. 1. S. c . )

«6 Îbid. 66 Plutarch savs that the general employed against Crassus was accompanied bv 200 chariots containing his concubines (Ciass §'-11. 67 Ibid. £ 32. Kar' ovpiv TÎ}Ç aAayyoç l €LÇ Tropl'aï Kai KpQTaXa Kai \fta\pLOVÇ Kai Trailvi'xiôaç ¿KoAâtrrouç fiera yvvaiKtjiv TeAevTaicray. 118 Ibid. ScAemaaSeç éraîpai fiovaavpyoi. \ «» Dio Cass. xl. 15, ad fin. j Plut. Crass. § 21. I f the general ein1 ployed against Crassus had a thousand . | basrgage camels f o r his own slaves and ' retainers, the entire a r m y m a y be presumed to have been accompanied by i several thousands. I " Ibid. § 25, ad init. \ 72 Polyb. x. 34, § 11; x x x i . 3, § 11; | Strab. xv. 1, § 3C: Plut. Alex. § 62. 73 The elephant occurs on the coins of | the Bactrian kings (Mionnet, supplément, torn viii pp. 482. 4851. One monarch. Demetrius, wears 'a head-dress made out of the head of an elephant ; (ibid p. 473). 74 Tacit. Ann. x v . 15. 76 See A m m . Marc. x x v . 3. 6. &c. : and j 1 compare Malcolm, Historij of Persia, vol. i p. 1T0; Ockley. Hi.-tory of the Sai raeens. p. 143; K e r Porter, Travels, vol. ii PI 63 aud 64. 79 Plut. Crass. § 2f>; Ilerodian. iv. 30. ! 77 Justin, xli. 2; Plut. Crass. § 23. sub ; fin : Appian. Parth. p. 143. 78 Pint. Cms* § 27. | 79 Compare Dio Cass. xl. 15: Pint. Ant. §§29. 4.\4.">; Herodian. iv. 30. Justin's I summary expresses a fair judgment:—

636

THE SIXTH

MONARCHY.

" P u g n a n t procurrentibus equis. aut terga dantibus; seepe etiam f u g a m simulant. ut incautiores adversum vulnera insequentes habeant. . . . Nec pugnare diu possunt; cseterum iutolerandi torent. si quantus his impetus est, vis tanta et perseverantia esset " (xl. 2). 80 Plut. Crass. §30; Anton. §§ 48 and 49.

81 Plutarch, 1. s. c. 82 Veil. Paterc. ii. 101; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xriii. 4. § 5. 83 On the Partliian knowledge of Greek, see Plut. Crass. § 33 I gather f r o m Dio and Herod inn that Greek was the language used in the diplomatic intercourse of the Parthians and Romans. 84 See the passages cited in note 82. 86 Plut. Crass. § 31. Act!' ¿e ypai//acr0ai Tas crvi-e^Kas. Compare Herodian. iv. 18 and 30. 86 Hence such phrases as " r e n o v a r i dextras" (Tac Ann. ii. 58), and the like. 87 Herodian. iv. 30. 88 Joseph. Ant. Jud. xviii. 8, § 4; 4, § 5: Tacit. Ann. x v . 25; Herodian. iv. 18. 80 See text, p. 121. 90 Joseph. Ant. Jud. xviii. 4, § 5. 81 On these letters, see Tacit. Ann. xv. 24; Dio (Jass. Iv. 11; Sueton. Tiber. § 66; Herodian. iv. 18, 19, 30, &c. 82 Joseph. Ant. Jud. x x . 2, § 3. 63 Ibid xviii 2. § 4; Tacit. Ann. ii. 1; Strab. xvi. 1. § 28 94 Joseph, xviii. 4, § 5. 96 See text. p. 5. »« Strab xi. 9, § 1. 97 Herodian. iv. 19. 98 Strab. xi. 13, § 1. 98 Joseph. Ant. Jud. xvii. 2, § 4. 100 Plut. Crass. § 32. ad fin. 101 See text, p 124.' 102 Philostratus is, so f a r as I know, the only writer who mentions the employment of eunuchs by the Parthians. According to him, eunuchs occupied that position in the royal harem which is usual in the East ( Vit. Apoll. i. 37), and held sometimes the office of satrap in the provinces (ib i. 21) 103 See Justin, xli. 2. The obverse of Parthian coins frequently exhibits the monarch thus apparelled. [PI. X. Fig 2.] 104 Compare the engravings on PI. II. 106 See PI. I. Fig. 4. 1°8 See PI. I. Fig. 4 and I I I . Fig. 4. 107 See PI. II. Fig. 4. 108 On the obverse of the early Parthian coins the monarch is usually represented in this attire. [PI. X. Fig. 3.] i» 9 See text, p. 229. 110 Plut. Anton. % 44. 111 'Ara)3oAetc. See Plut. Crass. § 31. 112 See PI. II. Fig. 2. 113 Philostratus was born about A.D. 172. and lived to about a.d. 244, or a little later. H e was thus contemporary with the Parthian kings Volatraies I I I . , Volagases IV.. Volaerases V.. and Artabanus, the last monarch His life of Apollonius of Tyana, which contains

!

-t ; j I

[CH. X X I I I .

the description given in the text, as well as other curious information about Parthia, is no doubt an historical romance; but its local coloi ing seems intended to be correct, and is probably not far from the truth. " 4 Plnlostr , Vit. Apoll. Ti/an. i. 25. 115 A m m . Marc xxiii 6: p. 397. 119 See the narrative in Josephus (An t. Jud. x x . 3, §§ 1,2); and compare text, p. 140. 1 1 7 Posidon. ap. Athen. Deipn. iv. 13; p ir>2, F. 118 Ibid. p. 153. A. 119 Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. i. 21 and 28 120 Joseph Ant. Jud. x x 3. § 3. • 2I Philostrat. Vit. Ap. Tyan. i 28. 122 Ibid, i 34. 123 See text, p. 48. 124 Plut. Class § 21. K a r a yevoi fj-kv ovp r£ apxi? tKtxT'rjTo /SacrtAti -yivo/jteVw TiapSajv eiriTidevai TOfiiafii^aTipojTov. Ibid. 1 s. c. 126 This appears especially in the case of the officer employed against Crasbus. who was attended in the field by 200 litters containing his wives and concubines. In a less degree, it appears also in the case ot the Mithridates attacked by Anilai. (See text. p. 137.) 127 See Philostr. Vit. Ap. Tyan. i 22 and 38; Joseph. Ant Jud. xviu 2, § 4; Justin, xli. 5; Suet. Can Vit. § 5. 128 Philostr. i. 22. 129 'j'hg tiger has always been a native of Hyrcauia and the low tract south of the Caspian. Bears have always inhabited Mount Zagros, while leopards abound in Mesopotamia. 130 Philostr 1 38. ©r)pia |3£0a. v. 1. eTricrreAAet. ra» I! now convinced that (excepting a f e w tetradrachms of Miihridates I . ; see PI. Te &r]fj.ai 'Paj1uatwj> Kal Trj tOl> TtÇ 'Apruû'ipaç (i. 3). a6

S " . » i'DCfc 21

' " '¡ 3i'odian. vi. 2.

MONARCHY. S t r a b o , x v . 3, § 24; Isid. C h a r . § 34. H e r o d , i. 107. I n a n i n s c r i p t i o n of C y r u s h e c a l l s his f a t h e r C a m b y s e s " t h e p o w e r f u l k i n g " iklishayuthiya vazarka). 3 2 Ibid, l 110-118. 3 3 Dio C a s s . l x x x . 3. 34 Agathangelus, i. §§ 8-9. T h e three b a t t l e s a r e w i t n e s s e d t o b y both w r i t e i s . 3 5 T h e P e r s i a n a c c o u n t s « i l l be f o u n d c o n d e n s e d in M a l c o l m , Ha>t. of Persia, vol i. pp. 90-92. T h e i r a u t h o r i t y is b u t slight. 3 8 M a l c o l m , p. 91. 3 7 I b i d . 1. s. c . ; T a b a r i . ii. p. 70. Thoma s (Nam. Chron. No. x l v . , New S e r i e s , p. 54) a s s i g n s t h e e a r l i e s t c o r n s of Art a x e r x e s t o t h e period when he was King of F a r s only, or perhaps of F a r s and Kerman. S8 So Agathangelus: ¿ttAi'^to 'Apraßavr/s p.era tlaLpÖiiiv, /cat ovk oAi30 31

y o v S I I e p a a s, P.7] fccKoiVüii'RJKÖTO.i r f j TWV

¿HofyvXtDv ßav^fj (i. § S). 3 9 Ibid. 1. s c 4 0 Dio Cassius ( l x x x . 3) a n d Agathang e l u s (1. s. c . ) a l i k e n o t e t h e three eng a g e m e n t s , b u t g i v e no i n d i c a t i o n s of locality. W e a r e indebted to the Persian w r i t e r s f o r t h e m e n t i o n of t h e " p l a i n of H o r m u z " (See Malcolm, History

of

Persia,

v o l . i. p . 9 1 . )

They

a r e n o t , h o w e v e r , all a g i e e d upon t h e point, for the Modjmel-al-'leivartkh p l a c e s t h e b a t t l e a t Nehavend near Ecb a t a n a . ( S e e tiie Journal Asiatique for 1841, p . 501.) 4 1 Metap'iras-tus. q u o t e d b y M. L a n g lois in his edition o f A g a t h a n g e l u s , p u b lished in t h e JTAV ì)K(j.on. KavravOa irpó? re T W C È-i> Tivùv Ttow re rou 'Aprafiapov ter xxiii. T h e early Persians had shown iraLèitiv TT 7 ai (T as, /xer rives Atyouirtv, no such weakness ( A n c i e n t Monarchies, ¿(fivyev, 8' erepoi, àvf^utprjcre rrpov irapa- vol. iv. p. ISO); but the warfare of the later Persians f a r more resembles that tricevTiv ¿vi/ajLtetu? p-ttcoi'o? ( i x x x . 3). of the Parthians than the more scientific 63 Mos. Chor. li 58-59. method of their own ancestors. 64 See the Author's Sixth Monarchy, 68 Herodian, vi. 5. Compare Lamjirip. «06. dius, § 55. 55 T h e y had recently murdered their 69 " T e r r a s interamnanas . . , recepigeneral, Flavius Heracleon (Dio Cass. I x x x . 4). m u s . " (Sever, ap. Laniprid. § 50.) The 5 3 Herodian, vi. 2; Dio Cass. I x x x 3. series of Mesopotamian coins shows s 7 Herodian, 1. s. c. Compare Lamthis boast to have been true. (See Mipridius ( Vit. Al. Sev. § 56): " Terras inonnet, Médailles, torn. v. pp. 593-637; teramnanas ab impura ilia belua recepiSupplément, torn. vm. pp 3U1-416.) 7 0 W h a t e v e r judgment w e f o r m of the mus." 6 a Herodian, 1. s. c. result of the campaign, it seems to me 8 9 F o u r hundred 3 ouths, selected f r o m uncritical to set aside the minute details t h e tallest and most beautiful of the of Herodian with respect to Alexander's Persians, dressed 111 rich apparel, and plans and intentions The f a c t that •with golden ornaments, mounted moreLampridius is completely silent with reo v e r on fine steeds, and armed with spect to all the details of the war ( " inbows, carried Uie message of the Perdique aucun des détails de la g u e r r e , " sian monarch to R o m e (Herodian. vi 4). De Champagny, li p. 133) is almost contì0 K e À e v e i /xeyas /BaeriAeùs 'Apra£/S Bvpuj- " n o r t h " f o r " south" here: but the conrtfl àpTiKeip.éin)(?apeLcr7js, ypúifj.ri Kai púfiT] /¿TjSefAias tuv apxaiojv cltto- I t o s h o w t h a t Dualism w a s a d e v e l o p m e n t o u t o f an e a r l i e r M o n o t h e i s m . (See áeov'trrj?. (v. 5, sub fin ) 7 3 H e r o d i a u , vi. 6, sub t h e A u t h o r ' s Ancient Monarchies, vol. inii. 7 7 L a m p r i d i u s thus sums u p t h e aciii. p p 104-107.) B u t w e o n l y k n o w t h e Persian religion historically f r o m the c o u n t of H e r o d i a n a n d his f o l l o w e r s : — t i m e of Darius H y s t a s p i s , w h e n D u a l i s m " A m i s i s s e i l i u m (sc. A l e x a n d r u m ) e x e r w a s c e r t a i n l y a p a r t o'f it. c i t u m dicunt fame, f r i g o r e . ac m o r b o " 97 E s p e c i a l l y (§ 57); b u t H e r o d i a n s a y s n o t h i n g a b o u t Mithra, t h e sun-god, f a m i n e . H i s w o r d s a r e : tüv rptwv /aoipwy w h o s e w o r s h i p m a v b e t r a c e d back t o t h e earliest I r a n i c t i m e s . TOÚ (TTpaToO, ¿ip tryetjue, TÍ) TTÁeiffTov a7TOjiakóvTl Slafiópois trvp.opaLS, yóato, Trokéfxw, 9 8 S e e t h e A u t h o r ' s Ancient Monarchies. vol. iii. p p . 122-138. kpúei. L a m p r i d i u s s e e m s t o h a v e r e a d 9 9 Strabo. x v . 3, §§ 14 and 15; D i o C h r y At/.tw f o r TroXéjttoj. 7 8 *The P e r s i a n s had. h o w e v e r , lost a sost. Orat Borysth, p. 449, A ; A m m . M a r c x x i i i . 6; A g a t h i a s , ii. 25. l a r g e n u m b e r of t h e i r best t r o o p s . T h e 100 H e r o d , i. 132; Strab. x v . 3, § 13; R o í n ans o f t h e southern a r m y had f o u g h t "well, and t h e i r d e f e a t had cost t h e i r | A m m M a r c . 1. s. c. T h e e a r l y p r i e s t s e n e m y d e a r . (See H e r o d i a n , v i . 6, sub of the Zoroastrians w e r e called kavi, fir>.) "seers," karapan. " sacrificers," or 78 P e r s e p o l i s s e e m s t o usikhs, " w i s e m e n " ( H a n g , Essays on h a v e n o w bethe Sacred Language, Writings, and come the main Persian capital, under Religion of the Pin sees, pp. 245-247); t h e n a t i v e n a m e of I s t a k r o r S ' a k r . never Magi A t e r m w h i c h s o m e iden(Asrathang. i. § 0. sub fin) It was t i f y w i t h M a g u s (maqa o r maqhava) octhreatened when the southern a r m y of curs t w i c e , hut t w i c e o n l y , in the Z e n d a S e v e : u s w a s expected to invade Persia vesta (S>7, n o t e 3 ) m ¡ ^ e e pi. X V . F i g s . 3 a n d f : a n d c o m p a r e K e r P o r t e r , vol. i, pis. 21 a n d 38; F l a n d i n . vol. i pis. 31 a n d 3 3 : vol. ii. pis. 49 a n d 53; vol iv pi. 185. T e s t e r , pl. 120. 1 4 2 See Mordtmann, m the Zeitschnit der deutschen morgetdàndtscken Gesellscha/'t (vol.' vni. p p . 2 9 - 3 1 ; a n d vol. x i x . p p 415-0, 4 7 i - 8 ) ; a n d T h o m a s , in t h e Numismatic Chronicle f o r 1872 (No. x l v . p p . 18-55). ' 4 ' T h o m a s , Num. Chron. 1873, p. 54. 144 j x r , T h o m a s r e g a r d s t h e s e corns a s t h e third in o r d e r ( i b i d ) ; b u t Morritm a u n is, I t h i n k , r i g h t in g i v i n g t h e m t h e s e c o n d p l a c e (Zedsckrift, vol. v u i . p p 31-33). 146 Thomas renders the phrase by "Ardeshir's flre-ahar," c o m p a r i n g >IHvazi w i t h t h e P e h l e v i uaus, w h i c h h a s t h i s m e a n i n g (Num Chron. 1872, p 51). M o r d t m a n n t h m k s t h i s t r a n s l a t i o n impossible, and s u g g e s t s " A r t a x e r x e s the c h a n t e r " (der Anrufende). (See the Zrdschrift, vol. viii p 33.) D e Sftcy oi lginally r e a d iezdani f o r nuvuzi; but t h i s r e a d i n g is n o w g e n e r a l l y r e g a r d e d as nil-taken 141> S e e L o n g p é r i e r , Médailles des Sassaiiidvi. pi 2. Nos 4 a n d 5 >•» A s S a p o r I I , V a t a h r a u I V . , I z d e g i r d I., a n d o t l i e i s . 1 4 8 T h o m a s , in Num Chron f o r 1872, p. 55. a n d pi 2, No 12; M o r d t m a n n , in t h e Zeitschujt, vol. rai p. 31. a n d pi 10, No 6 " a S e e t h e A u t h o r ' s Sixth Monarchy, p p . 212-223. 150 Longpérier, Médailles des Snssaii>'d»s, p. 2. m F o r a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h i s N a k h s h -

MONARCHY.

645

i - R u s t a m tablet, see the C h a p t e r on the A r t of the S a s s a m a n s 1 5 3 B e s i d e s t h e b a s - r e l i e f d e s c r i b e d (p. 277). A r t a x e r x e s h a s left e i t h e r t h r e e o r four others. One, a l s o a t N a k h s h - i R u s t a m , r e p r e s e n t s Ormazd, giving Art a x e r x e s t h e d i a d e m , o n f o o t (Iver P o r t e r , vol. i. pi. 27. No. 2 ; F l a n d i n , Voyaqe pi. 193i. A n o t h e r , a t F i r u z a ; en Perse, b a d , is s i m i l a r , b u t s h o w s u s A r t a x e r x e s a c c o m p a n i e d by four attendants (Flandin, pi. 44). A t h i r d , a t T a k h t - i - B o s t a n , exhibits A r t a x e r x e s handing t h e d i a d e m t o h i s sou, S a p o r ( K e r P o r t e r , pi. 6 6 ; F l a n d i n . pi. 141. T h e f o u r t h , a t S a l m o s , t o t h e west of L a k e U r u m i y e h , which may h a v e b e e n t h e w o r k of S a p o r , r e p resents A r t a x e r x e s and S a p o r on horseb a c k , receiving t h e submission of t h e A r m e n i a n s ( K e r P o r t e r , vol. ii. pi. 82).

• : i j ! j i !

l j | j !

;

163 Longpérier, Médailles de Sassa•nides, P r e t a c e . p iv. a n d a l s o p 14. T h e auieus o f M a e r i n u s w e i g h s f r o m 135 t o 130 g r a i n s ; t h e g o l d c o i n s o f t h e e a r l y Sassy n i a n s w e i g h e x a c t l y 136 g r a i n s . 1 5 4 Ibid. p. 14 l 6 i B a c t r i a n gold c o i n s a r e r a r e , but h a v e b e e n f o u n d ( W i l s o n , Ariana An218, 223); I n d i a n a r e c o m m o n tiquiipp (ibid, p p 347-380) 1 6 8 Dio C a s s i u s , I x x v i i i 27. Compare th*> A u t h o r ' s iîixth Monanhy, p 206. S e e t e x t , p. 277. 158 This inscription, which » a s first copied with a n y a c c u r a c y by Carsten Niebulir. will b e f o u n d in his Voyages, torn ii. pi. 27. I t is a l s o r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e w o r k o f K e r P o r t e r , vol. i. pi. 22, o p p . p. 548. T h o u g h bilingual o n l y , i t is it ¡ l i t e r a l ; t h e P e r s i a n t r a n s c r i p t b e i n g g i v e n , w i t h o n l y slight d i f f e r e n c e s , in t h e two sets of c h a r a c t e r s , which have been r e c e n t l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d a s " ChaldseoPehlevi" and "Sa?saiiian Pehlevi" ( T a y l o r , in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. xii. p p 264-266) The latter and s i m p l e r c h a r a c t e r w a s s u c c e s s f u l l y dec i p h e r e d b y M. D e S a c y . w h o w a s t h u s e i i a b e d to translate the inscription (Mémoire sur les Inscriptions de Nnkschi-Houston, p p . 76 et s e q q ). T h e o t h e r c h a r a c t e r h a s been s a t i s f a c t o r i l y r e a d b y Mr. T h o m a s , a n d , m o r e r e c e n t l y , b y Dr M a r t i n H a u g .

; ; | >6» K e r P o r t e r ' s d r a w i n g s h o w s u s t h a t I t h i s figure w a s r e p r e s e n t e d w i t h s n a k e s i at the front of the helmet. The con| nection of the serpent or snake with ; A l i i i m a n is a w e l l - k n o w n f e a t u r e o f t h e Z o r o a « t r i a n religion (Vendidad. i. 3 ; x v i i i . 1 - 6 ; H e r o d , i. 140; &c ). i« 0 Bitga is t h e t e r m u s e d f o r " g o d " ; t h r o u g h o u t t h e Acheemenian inscriptions I t is t h e r e a p p l i e d b o t h t o O r m a z d a n d t h e i n f e r i o r deities. T h a t t h e bag o r bngi of t h e e a r l y S a s s a n i a n s r e p : • r e s e n t s t h i s w o i d is g e n e r a l l y a g r e e d upon. 1 191 A l h a is u s e d a s a n e q u i v a l e n t t e r m | i f o r b a g i in t h e C h a l d e e o - P e h l e v i t r a n j script of this and o t h e r inscriptions oi

646

THE SEVENTH

t h e e a r l y S a s s a n i a n kings. I t c l e a r l y r e p r e s e n t s t h e .Jewish El, o r Elohim, a n d t h e A r a b i c Allah. C H A P T E R IY. T h e Modjmel - al - Tewnrikh agrees w i t h A g a t l n a s d v '¿4; p '.25!), A* a n d E u t y c h i u s (vol. l p. 375) m giving A r t a x e r x e's a reign of f o u r t e e n y e a r s only. (See t h e Journal Asiatique f o r 1841,'p. 502; a n d c o m p a r e Maçoudi. torn, ii p. 159.) "When tfie A r m e n i a n w r i t e r s give h i m f o r t y , forty-live, or even fifty y e a r s (Patk a i u a n . in tile Journal Asiatique for 180b, p 145), tliey p e r h a p s include t h e 1 t i m e d u r i n g which iie w a s t r i b u t a r y Icing of Persia. (See T a b a r i , Chioiitque, ii. p. | 75: " A r d e s c h i r r é g n a q u a t o r z e an h a p r è s l a m o r t d ' A r d e w a n : puis il moui ut. a p r è s avoir r é g n é eu tout quarante-quatre j ans ) 2 This is t h e f o r m of t h e n a m e on t h e coins of S a p o r , a n d m Ins inscriptions. T h e word m e a n s " p r i n c e " ' — l i t e r a l l y " k i n g ' s son"— i i o m Shah ( c o n t r a c t e d j f o r m of Ichshayathiya, "king"') and , puhr (=Acha2inenian putra), "son." See Mos. Clioren. Hist. Armen ii. 74.) i 3 Malcolm. History of Pet sia, vol. i. p . j 90, n o t e ; D ' H e r b e l o t . Bibliothèque Ori- j en tale, torn. i. p p . 378-9. S o m e w r i t e r s ' a r e c o n t e n t t o m a k e h e r a n Arsacid ! p r i n c e s s (Tabari, ii p. 70). ! 4 As A r t a x e r x e s only r e i g n e d f o u r t e e n j y e a r s a f t e r his last victory o v e r A r t a - ! b a n u s . if h e t h e n m a r r i e d ' t h a t k i n g ' s ' d a u g h t e r , a n d S a p o r w a s t h e i r son, h e ! (Sapor) could n o t h a v e b e e n m o r e t h a n I t h i r t e e n a t his f a t h e i ' s d e a t h JBut i h e I w a r s in w h i c h h e is a t o n c e e n g a g e d d o j n o t s u i t t i n s age. ; s C o m p a r e t h e stories t h a t C a m b y s e s . v a s t h e son of Niteiis. a d a u g h t e r of ! A m a s i s (Iîcrod iii. J); t h a t C y r u s w a s a j son of M a n d a n t , d a u g h t e r of A s t y a g e s ! (ib. l lOSi; a n d tliat A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t w a s t h e son of B a n u s C o d o m a n n u s , (lie l a s t A c h i e m e n i a n m o n a r c h (Malcolm, j vol l p 70). 6 T h e t a l e t h a t his m o t h e r w a s con- ; d e m n e d t o d e a t h , b u t s p a r e d by t h e chief vizier b e c a u s e she w a s with child, I and that her offspring was brought up s e c r e t l y by t h e m i n i s t e r , w h o a i t e r a t i m e revealed t h e m a t t e r t o A r t a x e r x e s | (Tabari. ii. p p 7. note 79), which is the reverse of the Mos. Chor. ii. 84 6 5 We can ruth only say with De Champagny: '-L'Arménie, vassale de Rome, " Pet. Patrio. Fr. 14. 4 6 I'his was tlie view of Valesius (ad fut. agrandie" (Césars, torn. iii. p. 305), and thai the augmentation was on the Vinm. Marc. xxv. 7), of Tillemont (Hisside of Media. toil e des Empereurs, torn iv. p. 40). and of most writers anterior to Gibbon. It : «»Tacit. Ami. vi 33: " I b e r i , locorum was argued that the provinces were j potentes. Oaspia via Sarmatam in Arcalled •• Transtigritanse." because they j inenios raptuu elïuudunt.'' Compare were so to the Persians' Dio i'ass lxix 15. 67 Nineveh, winch was now once move 4 8 l)e Champagny places them all a place of impoi tance (.see Tac. Ann. xii. "tvest of Lake Von and south of Arme13. Amm. Mare xviii. ad tnit.; Laynia." ( C é s a r s da 3mo Siècle, torn. iii. p. ard, Nin. and Bab. pp. 5S0-1 j, and whiuh 305, note ) was nearer Nisibis than any other PerAs Gibbon, vol. ii p. 87; Niebuhr, sian town of consequenee, lay at the disLectuifs on Roman Histoiy. vol. iii. p. tance of nearly 120 miles. Arbela was 811. l£. T . ; and Mr J a m e s in Smith's nearly 00 mites further off. Diet of Geography, ad voc Cordyenb. 88 On the trade 4 S See notes 42 and 43. between R o m e and 48 Menander Protect. F r 55. p. 2>7. Parthia, see Herodian, iv. 18; and com5 0 See l,ayard's Nineveh pare the Author's Sixth Monarchy, p. and Babylon, 23-!. It is probable that the exchange p. 39, and compare the map ot' Armenia. of Persian for- Parthian rule had made Assyria, and Kurdistan at the end of but little difference in the course or the book. 51 The most important are Eutrop vi. [ character of the traffic. »» See text, p. 307. 7: Prueop. De Hell Pers. l. S; De ¿Edijic i 1 0 Laçant. De Morte Persec. § 9: " Coniii. 2; Menand. Protect. F r ¡55, 57, and ; CO; Johann. Epiphan. Fr. I, § 3 ; Armeu. i citatus domesticis exemplis avi sui SaGeotjr. § U8. j pons, ad oeeupandum Orientera magnis copiis [Parses] inhiabat " *» It is remarkable that the appellation has changed so little in the course ' 1 The abdication of Narses rests of centuries. The Assyrian monarch» wholly upon the authority of the Oricall the country Kirznn. j ental writers, tSee Mirkhond, Histoire 6 3 Amm. Marc. xx. 7. des Si i stun ides, p 302; Malcolm, History 6 4 Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p.53, 1 of Persia, vol. i. p. 104.) It is accepted, 5 1 Strab however, as a fact by most moderns. xi 12, § 4, xvi. 1, § 34; PluSt-e Malcolm, 1. s. c. ; Plate in S m i t h ' s tai-ch, Lucull, 26; &c. Diet of Biography, vol. iii p. 717, &c.) Xen. Anab. iv. i §§ 2-3; Strab xvi. " Mirkhond. 1. s. c. 1, § H ; Arrian. Exp. Alex. iii. 7; Pliu. H. , s He is said to have been surnamed N. vi 15; Ptol. v. 13 û T T h e " Sophetie" of Patricius may Nakhdjtrkan. or "Hunter of wild beasts" (Mirkhond, p 303). It is remarkable safely be set aside, since it had long been Roman, His " I n t i l e n é " some ; that the headdress which distinguishes him on his coins is adorned with horns, would change into Ingilene, a district either of the ibex or the stag. fPl. X V I I I . rrmntioned as 11 lying beyond MesopotaFig. 2 ] This ornamentation is quite m i a " by Epiphanius (De Hœres. lx. vol peculiar to him; and it adds a weight to i. p 505, ed V a l e s ) The " R e h i m e n e " the other statements of the native of Ammianus is confirmed by Zosinms, writers as to his predilections. who mentions " Remenians" among the 14 Dr. Plate says he died in the y e a r tribes ceded by Jovian (tii. 31). The " Moxoene" of Ammianus does not that he abdicated; but I know no auelsewhere occur, Is it the modern thority for this. T h a t he did not outlive " district of Mokns" (Layard, Niu. and A.D. 309, the year of his son's death, Bab. p. 417, noteli Zosunus has in its seems to follow from the difficulty then place " Zatene," a name of which I can felt about the succession. Perhaps it is make nothing. most probable that he died in A.D. 306, 4 3 Corduen». uberis since the Armenians regard him aa king regionis et nosup to this date. (See Patkaniau in t h e t r a . " (Amm. Marc. xxv. 7.) Journal Asiatique for 186B, p. 150.) 6 8 Ibid. Compare Zosim. iii. 31.

654

THE SEVENTH

CHAPTER YII. 1 See Clinton. F. R. vol. ii. p. 260. Agathias declares that both Narses and Hormisdas reigned exactly seven years and five months (p. 135, A.). So Magoudi, ii. p. 174. 2 Mirkhond, Histoire des Sassanides, pp. 303-4. Compare Tabari, ii. p. 90, 3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, eh. iii. (vol. i. p 215) 4 Mirlchond, p. 304; D'Herbelot, Bibliotheoue Orientate, torn iii. p. 221. 5 D'Herbelot. 1. s. c. 8 D'Herbelot quotes the Lebtarikh and the Tankh-Cozideh to this effect. 7 Mirkhond, p. 393; Malcolm, Hist, of Persia. vol. i. p 101). s D'Herbelot, 1. s. c. 3 Mirkhond, p. 304; Wilson, Ariana Auttqua, p. 385, note 5. 10 bee text, p 297. 11 See Wilson, Ariana Antiquci, pp. 347-381. 12 The coins of Hormisdas II. not \rafrequently show signs of Indian influence. On the reverses of some we see the Indian deity Siva and his Bull (Thomas in Nuni. Chron. vol. xv. p. 180; New Series, No. 45, p. 115), as in the coins of Kadphises (Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. 350-7). On others we observe an Indian altar (Num. Chron. vol. xv. p 180, fig. 10) 13 Mirkhond, Histoire des Sassanides, p. 304. 14 The relationship of the " Prince Hormisdas," who took refuge at the court of Constantme in the year a d 323, to Hormisdas II. rests on the authority of Zosimus, from whom all the details here given are derived. (See Ziosiiti. Hist. Nov. ii. 27.) The account given by Zonaras (xiii. 5) is different. 16 The latter part of the story in Zosimus implies that he had this inclination. How offensive such tastes might be to the Asiatics, we see from the history of Vonones in Tacitus (Ann,, ii. 2). 16 Herod, i. 133. Compare ix. 110. 17 Compare Mordecai's treatment of Haman (Esther iii 2, v. 9). 18 See text, p. 294. 19 Some writers give him another son, the Artaxerxes who succeeded Sapor II. But it is impossible to accept this view. See text, ch. xii. 20 Agathias, iv. p. 135; Mirkhond, pp. 305-6; Tabari, torn. ii. p. 91; Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. p. 106. Gibbon suggests that Agathias obtained the history from the Persian Chronicles (Decline and Fall, ch. xvni. vol. ii. p. 3(57, note 54). 21 Sapor (Shah-pulir) means " K i n g ' s son,'' as lias been already noted (see note 2, Chapter IV.). 22 Abulpharagius in one place has sixty-nine years (p. 85), in another (p. 90) seventy. Agathius (p. 135. D) and Theophanes (p. 7) have seventy. Sir John Malcolm, following Oriental authorities, gives seventy-one (Hist, of Persia, vol.

MONARCHY.

[CH. V I I .

i. p. 110.) Eutychius (vol. i. p. 472), Mirkhond (Hist, des Sassanides, p. 306), Tabari (Chronique, torn. ii. p. 101). and Magoudi (torn. ii. p. 175) say seventytwo. 23 Abulpharagius, p. 90. 24 Mirkhond makes Sapor begin to exercise some of the offices of government at eight years (p. 307), but admits that he did not undertake the direction of military expeditions till he was sixteen (ibid.). So Tabari (torn. ii. p 93). 25 Mirkhond. 1. s. c. : Tabari, vol. ii. pp. 91-2; Malcolm, vol. i. p. 106. 2S D'Herbelot. Bibliothèque Orientale, torn. v. p. 143; Gibbon, Decline and Fall ch. xviii. (vol. ii. p. 367) These writers make Thair a king of Yemen or Arabia proper; but Sir J. Malcolm says he was a mere sheikh of some of the tribes of Mesopotamia (vol. i. p. 107. n#te). 27 Mirkhond, p. 30Î ; Tabari, torn. ii. pp. 92-3. 28 Fourteen is generally regarded as the age of manhood in the East (Layard, Nin. and Babylon, p. 205); and minorities usually come to an end at this age. (See Malcolm, Hist, of Persia, vol. i. pp. 499, 506. &c.) 29 Mirkhond, 1. s. c.; Tabari, p. 93; Maçoudi. p. 176. 30 Mirkhond. p. 308; Tabari, p. 94. 31 This is Mirkhond's account. Other authorities say that he dislocated (Malcolm. vol. i. p. 107; Maçoudi. vol. ii. p. 177) or broke (D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient. torn. v. p. 141) the shoulders of his prisoners, to disqualify them for military service. 32 Gibbon, following an apocryphal tale related by D'Herbelot, but not adopted by him, gives the name as Dhoulacnaf. and translates it " Protector of the Nation" (vol. ii. p. 367). The best authorities are. however, all agreed that the real epithet was Dhoulactaf, not Dhottlacnaf. (See D'Herbelot, 1. s. c ; Mirkhond, p. 308; Tabari, torn. ii. p. 91; Malcolm, vol. i. p. 107, note; Maçoudi, torn. ii. p. 175.) 33 Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. ii. 9, 10. 34 Tillemont, Hist, des Empereurs, torn. iv. p 255: " Constantin se regardait comme le protecteur général de tous les serviteurs de Jésus-Christ." 35 Eusebius ( Vit Constant. Magn. iv. 9 et seqq.) and Theodoret (i. 25) give the terms of a letter written by Constantino to Sapor at this time in favor of the Christians. It is a verbose pi oduction, and possesses but little interest. The greater part is an account of his own religious principles and feelings. The concluding portion, which alone touches the case of the Persian Christians, runs as follows: " You can imagine then how delighted I am to hear that Persia, too, in some of its best resdons, is adorned and illustrated by this class of men, on whose behalf I write to you—I mean the Christians—a thing most agreeable to my wishes. All prosperity then be

CH. V I I I . ]

THE SEVENTH

ours, and all prosperity be theirs - -may oth flourish alike! Thus will you make God the Father, the Lord of all, propitious and friendly towards you. These persons then, seeing that you are so great, I commend to you—I put them into your hand, seeing that you are so conspicuous for your piety. Love them with that love which befits your known benevolence. For thus you will confer both on us and on yourself an immeasurable benefit." 56 Libanius, Orat. iii. pp. 118, 120; Aurel Vict. De Ccesaribus, § 41. 37 Compare Liban. 1. s. c. with Festus (§ 20) arid Euseb. Vit. Constant iv. 8. 38 Some writers make the hostilities commence in the. lifetime of Constantine (See Eutrop. x 8; Chronic. Pasch. p. 886, C.) But Ammianus, who is almost a contemporary, assigns the outbreak to the reign of Constantius (xxv. 4). 39 Sapor is said to have sent a friendly embassy to C'onstantine in A D. (Euseb. Vit. Const, iv. 8; Lilian Or iii p. 118). In A.D. 337 he suddenly threatened war, and demanded the restoration of the Ave provinces ceded by Narses (Liban. Or iii. p. ISO). Having received a refusal, he sent another embassy, about Easter, to express his desire for peace (Euseb iv 57). 40 See the Author's Sixth Monarchy, pp. 130, 132, 145, &0. 41 If Prince Hormisdas was a son of Hormisdas II. and thrown mto prison at his death (see text, p. 315), he must have passed fourteen years in confinement before he made his escape. 42 Zosim. li. 27. 43 Ibid. li. 27. ad fin.; andiii. 13, ad fin. 44 Suulas ad voc. Mapo-iiag. 45 From A D. 33 I to A.D. 337. CHAPTER VIII. At first the partition was into five kingdoms; but the dominions of Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were soon absorbed into those of the sons of Constantine. 2 Constantius was not quite twenty at the death of his father. He was born in August, A.D. 317. Constantine died May as, A.D. 337. 3 The natives of the voluptuous East were never a match for those of the hardy West. Roman legions recruited in Asia Minor Syria, and Egypt were always poor soldiers. 4 Gibbon. Decline and Fall, ch. xviii. (vol. ii. pp 98-100). 5 Ibid. p. 103. " Mos. Chor. Hist. Armen. ii. 77; Agathangelus, §§ 110-132. 'See Milman, Hist of Christianitu, vol. ii p. 258, and the authorities there citecl. 8 Chosroes I I , who was placed on the rhrone by Rome in A.D. 310, and Tiranus, his son, who succeeded Chosroes in A.D. 325. 1

MONARCHY.

655

9 This distinctly appears from Faustus, iii. 20. The cess-ion seems to have been made by Chosroes II. (Mos. Chor. iii. 8). 10 See note 38, Chapter VII ; and compare Liban. Ornt iii. p. 117. B. n Liban. Orat iii. p 121, B. 12 .lulian. Orat i. pp. 33 and 36. 13 Ibid. pp. 36-38. Among other improvements introduced by Constantius at this time was the equipment, of a portion of the Roman cavalry after the fashion of the Persian catapliracti, or mailed horsemen 14 Ibid. pp. 33 and 37. Compare St. Martin's additions to Le Beau, Bas-Empire. vol. i. pp. 406 et seqq. 15 Julian. Oiat. i. p. 37 16 There must be some foundation for the statements of Libanius and Julian, that Sapor at first avoided a conflict, even though they are contained in panegyrics. _ (See Liban, p 122, A: Tow optoiç ¿tftíicrryjrei roîç IleptriKolç, eTTt9vfiojv ALFI-át-a.i rr¡v St£iar' teal o TOV Ovfxov

vos OVK R¡V À\/\' oî TOP 7TÓKefXov EI,000 taken with him by Julian, 18,000 detached to act under Procopius. Total 83,000 Sozomen raises the number of the forces under Procopius to " about SO.OOO " (Hist. Eccles. vi. 1). and Ammianus to 30,000 (xxiii. 3) Libanius savs 20.000 (Orat x. p. 312), John of Malala 16.000 (p 328). I f we add the 30.000 of Ammianus to the 65,000 who accompanied Julian, we get a total of 05,000, which is Gibbon's estimate (Decline and Fall, vol. iii. pp. 189, 190). 35 Armenia furnished 7.000 foot and 6.000 horse to Antony (Pint. Anton. § Si). It was calculated that the horse might have been increased to 16,000 (ibid, § 50). 38 Julian left Antioch on March 5, A D. 863. (See Ammianus, xxiii. 2: " Tertio Nonas Martias profectus.") 37 A m m . Marc xxiii. 2, 3. Zosimus makes him visit Edessa f r o m Batnse (iii. 12); but the expression used by Ammianus ( " v e n i t cursn propeio Carrhas") contradicts this. 38 The identity of CaiThge with the Haran of Genesis is allowed by almost all critics. Ammianus says that he had carefully provisioned the line of the Tigris in order to make rhe Persians think that it was the line which he intended to follow (xxiii. 3); but it is perhaps as probable that he wished to be able to pursue the Tigris line if circumstances proved favorable. 40 Zosimus says 18.000 (iii. 12); Sozomen (vi. t) and Labanius (Orat. Funebr. p. 312, A ) say 20,000; Ammianus says 30.000(1. s c ) . 41 See A m m . Marc. I. s. c. Zosimus regards the force as left merely f o r the pro( ection of Roman Mesopotamia. 4U A m m Marc. J. s. C. ! 43 This is the estimate of Ammianus. i

MONARCHY.

[CH. X.

Zosimus makes the number considerably exceed 1,150 (iii. 13). 44 Circesium is the ordinary form, and is that given by Zosimus, but Ammianus has " Circusium" (xxiii. 5); and so the Nubian Geography. povpiop oxvpu>TaTov. 57 See Arrian, Exp. Alex. iv. 21, 26, 29, &c. 58 Ammianus mentions only one other, Achaiachala: but Zosimus speaks of c'repa rf>povpi.a (1. s. C.). 60 Tins site is certainly identified by the mention of bitumen springs in its neighborhood (Zosim. iii. 15; A m m . Marc. xxiv. 2). There are no bitumen springs in this part of Mesopotamia except those of Hit. 00 Hit is thought to be mentioned under the name of 1st in a hieroglyphical inscription set up by Thothmes I I I .

a b o u t B . c . 1450.

I t is p r o b a b l y t h e A h a v a

of Fzra (viii. 15, SI). " The words used are Gibbon's (Decline and Fall, vol. iii p. 193). The fact is recorded both by Zosimus and A m mianus. 62 "Qua"' (i e. Diacira') " incensa, ca?sisque mulienbus paucis quee repert® sunt, Ozogardana occupavimus" (Amm. Marc. xxiv. 2).

CH. x.]

THE

SEVENTH

MONARCHY.

63 These places are only mentioned by Zosimus (iii. 15) 64 Gibbon implies t h e contrary of this, •when he says m the most, general way, " During the march t h e Surenas, or Persian general, and Malik Rodosaees incessantly hovered round the a r m y ; every straggler was intercepted; every d e t a c h m e n t was attacked, &c. {Decline and, Fall, vol. iii p. 194.) But Zosimus strongly notes the absence of a n v Persian a r m y u p to this point: FIAUP,acras fi' o L'iaa"iAcijF €!' 'Acrcrvpta fJ.tra KxTjcrtc/xiiyTa /AEYTITTI]?. 75 Ammianus speaks of this method of construction as especially strong (" quo ¡Bdificii genere nihil esse tutius cons t a t "). But the speedy fall of the corner tower should have t a u g h t him better. Bitumen, though useful in keeping out damp, is not really a good cement 76 " Evasit . . . verecundo rubore suff u 77 s u s . " (Amm. Marc. 1. s. c.) So Ammianus. Zosimus speaks of t h e terrible engine having been brought into operation (iii. 18, pp. 149-150), 78 Zosimus, iii. 19; A m m . Marc. xxiv. 8,

|

j I I I

(iCi

70 The distance across is not m o r e t h a n about 15 miles a little below Babylon; m the latitude of Ctesiphon it is about 20 miles 8 0 Amm. Marc. xxiv. 4. 81 Zosmi. 1U. ¿0: p.^153 82 Ibid. p. 15-1: Ot €v rw ^jpovpi'ü) 7roAwpKoúfxefot . . . acrtj>áÁT(f>fiuiÁovs7renvpu>p.éVOVS YjKÓVTl^OP. 63 Liban. Orat. Funebr. p. 317, D; Amm. Marc. xxiv. 4; Zosim. iii. 21; p. 15584 The Mattiarii, the Laccinarii, and thee 5 Víctores. (Zosim iii. 22; p. 156.) Liban, p. 317, B; Zosim. 1. s. c. 86 The Sophist of Antioch endeavors to defend his hero f r o m the charge of cruelty by taxing the soldiers with disobedience to tlieir general's orders (Or. Funebr p. 318. C); but the n a r r a t i v e s of A m m i a n u s and Zos>mus contradict him. 87 Sine sexus discrimine vel setatis, quidquid impetus reperit, potestas iratorum a eb s(7LV u m p s i t " (Amm. Marc. 1. s. c.) Tou; ei> x P á-vjtpovv, o Ore yvvaiKtiiv ovre 7ra¿S^y ái/c^ófxc^oi (Zosim. ill. 22; p. 157). 88 Nabdates was accused of having defended Maogamaloha to the last, a f t e r having promised to surrender it. He had also called Hormisdas a traitor. F o r these crimes (?) he was burned alive! (Amm Marc. xxiv. 5.) 83 Ibid. xxiv. 4, sub fia. 90 The similar measures adopted by Marshal Bugeaud against the Arabs of Algeria some thirty years ago were generally reprobated. 91 Ammianus speaks of " p i c t u r e s " ("diversorium opacum et amcenum, gentiles ptcturas per omnes cedium partes ostendens." xxiv. 5). But the wall decoration of the Sassanians was ordinarily effected by bas-reliefs. " Ursos (ut sunt Persici) ultra omnem rabiem saevientes." (Amm. Marc, xxiv 5. sub init.) 98 Zosim. xxiii. 24; A m m . Marc. 1. s. c. 94 Amm Marc. xxiv. 4. ad fin. 95 So Ammianus (xxiv. 5). Zosimus calls the suburb Zochase (iii. 23). Originally (Joché and Seleuoia had been distinct towns (Arrian, Fr. 8); but it would seem t h a t they had, by this time, grown into one. 98 Libanius gives the best account of J u l i a n ' s difficulty with respect to his fleet and his mode of meeting it. (Orat. Funebr. p. 319. D. and p. 320, A, B ) Gibbon has, I think, rightly a p p r e h e n d e d his meaning. 97 Gibbon supposes T r a j a n to be m e a n t (Decline and Fall, vol. iii. p. 202); a n d so Zosimus (iii. 24). A m m i a n u s mentions both T r a j a n and Severus (xxiv. t>. ad init.)\ but it seems clear f r o m Dio t h a t the f o r m e r m o n a r c h at any rate conveyed his ships f r o m the E u p h r a t e s t o the Tigris, by means of rollers, across the laud. (Dio Cass, xviii. 28.) 98 The " catarractoe" of A m m i a n u s (" avulsis catarractis undaruin inagnitudine classis secura . . . in a l v e u m e j é c t a

>¡02

THE SEVENTH

MONARCHY.

[CH.

x.

b y t h e Romans. Gibbon says: " I t is est Tigridis" 1. s. c.), are clearly sluices, not easy for us to conceive by w h a t a r t s which can only have had this object. of fortification a city thrice besieged so The troops under Rodosaces and and taken by the predecessors of Julian the Surena (see text, p. 331) had been a could be rendered impregnable against mere detachment, consisting entirely of an a r m y of 60,000 R o m a n s " (Decline horse, and had been intended merely to and Fall, vol. iii. p. 203). I should doubt harass the Romans, not to engage them. 100 Zosimus, ili. 25: 'llir avTurepas o^Orjv if any special pains had been taken by Sewpovvres i>> Gradientium collium specie. (Clinton, F. R. vol. i. p. 456). (Ibid. 1. s. c.) Compare Libanius. p 320, 119 Libanius confesses the want of B: Kareixov ttji' • • • lJ.eyeOecriv eAe2 Socrat. H. E. 1. s. c. The a c t u a l n e g o t i a t o r w a s , a c c o r d «14 Socrat. H. E. 1. s. c. ing to Socrates, M a x u n u s only. O t h e r s This is t h e first t h a t is h e a r d of Arm e n t i o n , a s c o n c e r n e d in t h e negotiad a b u r i u s . H e w a s of Alaniau descent, tions, Helion, Anatolius, a n d Procopius. and was afterwards employed to put (See T h e o p h a n . p. 75. b ; Cedren. p. 311, down t h e p r e t e n d e r , J o h a n n e s (Socr. vii. D; Sidon. Apollin. Paneg. Anthem. 1. 24; Olympiodor. a p Phot. Bibliothec. p. 75.) 37 197; Philostorg. H. E. xii. 13), w h o m h e T h e o p h a n . 1. s. c. ; S o c r a t . H. E. vii. m a d e p r i s o n e r (A.D. 425). In A.D. 427 h e 21. 38 w a s consul. Socrat. 1 s c. 16 39 The f o r m used b y S o c r a t e s is AzaGibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. iv. p. zene; but Theophanes has " A r z a n e " 167. (p. 74, A), w h e n c e we m a y c o n c l u d e t h a t « See t e x t , p. 390 41 t h e district i n t e n d e d w a s t h a t called ArMos. Chor. iii. 56: " F i e b a t u t regio z a n e n e b y A m m i a n u s (xxv. 7), whii'h n o s t r a , p r o p t e r t u i n u l t u o s a a t q u e turbu* h a s b e e n a l r e a d y identified with t h e i l e n t i s s i m a t e m p o r a , p e r t r è s atmos a b m o d e r n Kherzan. (See t e x t , p. 308.) I r e c t o r e v a c u a f u e r i t , et m i s e r e spoliata, 16 T h e n a m e is given a s A rses (Arsseus) I a d e o u t v e c t i g a h a regia deficerent, e t b y T h e o p h a n e s (1. s. c.), b u t a s N a r s e s plebis i t i n e r a i n t e r c l u d e r e n t u r . omnis(Ñarsfeus) b y Socrates. T a b a r i says q u e o m n i u m r e r u m ordo p e r t u r b a r e t h a t N a r s e s w a s a b r o t h e r of V a r a h r a n t u r . " (Winston's translation.) 42 (Chronique, vol. ii. pp. 119 a n d 125). Ibid, ui 57. 43 "l a See t e x t , pp. 367-369. Mos Chor. iii. 58: " R e x P e r s a r u m Moundsir w a s a t t h e h e a d of t h e V e r a m u s , sine s a t r a p i s A r m e n i i s regioM e s o p o t a m i a n or S a r a c e n i c A r a b s a t n e m earn se t e n e r e non posse intelligens, t h i s time, a c c o r d i n g to t h e Oriental de pace egerat. ' ' 44 w r i t e r s (Tabari, vol ii. p p 110-116; MirSee St. Martin. Mémoires sur VArk h o n d . p. 328, w h o gives t h e n a m e a s ménie, vol. i. p. 410; Notes t o Le B e a u ' s M o n d a r , a f o r m easily t r a c e a b l e in AlBus-Empire, vol. vi. p. 32. 45 Amuudarus). Mos. Chor. iii. 63 19 46 Socrat. H. E. vii. 18, sub fin. T h e r e p l y of I s a a c t o t h e nobles is 20 This t a l e is r e l a t e d both by S o c r a t e s n o t ill r e n d e r e d by Gibbon: " Our k i n g (1. s. c.) a n d b y T h e o p h a i e s (p. 74, B). is too m u c h a d d i c t e d to licentious pleasIt must have had some foundation; u r e s ; b u t h e h a s been purified in t h e b u t no d o u b t t h e loss is g r e a t l y e x a g h o l y w a t e r s of b a p t i s m . H e is a lover of gerated. w o m e n ; b u t h e d o e s n o t a d o r e t h e fire

670

THE SEVENTH

or the elements. He may deserve the reproach of lewdness; but he is an undoubted Catholic, aiul his faith is pure though his manners are flagitious. I will never consent to abandon my sheep to the rage of devouring wolves; and you will soon repent your rash exchange of the infirmities of a believer for the specious virtues of a heathen." (Decline and Fall, vol iv. p. 109.) *7 Mos. Chor. iii. 64. Ibid. The name of the first governor, according to Moses, was VimiherSapor. " Ibid. iii. 65. so Tabari. vol. ii. p. 119; Magoudi, vol. ii. p. 190; Mirkhond, p. 335; Modjmel-alTewarikh, p. 516. si Procop. De Bell. Pers. i. 3; CosmaS Indicopleust. in Montfaucon's Collectio nova Patrum, torn. ii. pp. 337-9; Abulpharag. Chronicon, torn. n. p.T7; Elisée, p. 12 52 Mirkhond calls the invader "the Khacan of China" (p. 334), though he speaks of the army as composed of Turks. "Mirkhond, p. 343; Modjmel-al-Tewarikh, p. 517; Tabari, vol. ii. p. 128. 54 Mos. Chor. Geogr. Armen. § 92. I take this form from M. Vivien St. Martin, to whose little work on the Ephthalites (Les Huns Blancs ou Ephthalites, Paris. 1849) I own myself much indebted. Wlilston's translation gives the word as Hephthal [ii]. 155 Both readings occur in the MSS. of Procopius. (See the note of Dindorf in the edition of Niebuhr, p. 15.) Theophanes has Ne0aAcTat only (Chronograph. pp 105-6). N€eaAtTai is also the form used by Agathias (iv. a7) Menander Protector has 'E^floAirou. (Frs. 9 and 18).

56 M. "Vivien St. Martin seeks to ident i f y the Ephthalites with the Yue-chi, one form of whose name he believes to have been Yi-ia, or Ye-tha (Les Huns Blancs, pp 37-69. Others, e. q., Deguignes, have seen in the word Ephthalite a root Tié-lé, which they regard as equivalent to Turk. 57 As Procopius (I. s. c.), Theophanes (p. 105. C), and Cosmas (1. s. c.). 68 Procop. 1. s. c. 69 Jornandes, De Gothorum rebus gestis. § 35. 60 " K h a n " is the modem contracted form of the word which is found in the middle ages as Khar/an or Chagcin, and in the Persian and Arabic writers as Khakan or Khacan. Its original root is probably the Khak which meant " King" ill ancient Susiaman, m Ethiopie (Tirhaknh), and in Egyptian (Hyk-sos). 61 The moderate estimate of 25,000 is found in Mirkhond (p. 334) and in the Rozut-ul-Suffa (Malcolm, vol i. p 117). Tabari (vol. ii p. 119) and theZeenut-alTewarikh have 250.000. «a Mirkhond, pp. 334 and 336.

MONARCHY.

[CH. XIV.

63 Ibid. p. 334. Compare Magoudi, vol. ii. p. 190. , , 64 Tabari. vol. ii. p 119; Modjmel-alTewarikh, p. 516; Mirkhond, p. 334. Tabari, 1. s c.; Mirkhond, p 335. " Tabari makes the number only 300 (vol ii. p. 119); but Mirkhond gives the more probable figure of 7,0C0 (p. 336). 67 Mirkhond, p. 335. 68 Ibid. p. 336. 69 The noise was made, we are told, by filling the dried skins of oxen with pebbles, and attaching them to the necks of the horses, which, as they charged, made the stones rattle (Mirkhond, 1 s c.; Malcolm, vol. i. p. 118). Some authors make "Varahran catch a number of w ild beasts and let them loose upon the Tatars (Modjmel-al-Tewarikh, p. 517). 70 Magoudi, vol. ii. p. 190; Mirkhond, p. 337. 71 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 121. 72 According to Tabari (p. 120), the crown was ornamented with seiei al thousands of pearls. Compare the pearl ornamentation of the Sassanian crowns upon the coins, especially those of Sapor II. 73 Tabari, 1. s. c.; Modjmel-al-Tewarikh, p. 517. The latter work expressly calls this an invasion of the country of Heyathelah (i e of the Ephthalites) 74 Modjmel-al-Tewarikh. p. 517; Tabari, vol ii p 120; Mirkhond, p. 3-37. 76 Tabari, 1. s. c. 70 Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 124-5. Compare Magoudi, vol ii p. 191; Modjmel-al-Tewarikh, p. 516; Mirkhond, pp 337-340. 77 2Todjmel-al-Tewarikh. p. 515. 78 Eutycliius (vol i p 80) says eighteen years and eleven months; the Modjmel-al-Tewarikh mentions nineteen years, but prefers twenty-three {p 514); Agathias (iv. 27) Theophanes (p. 71, P), and Abulpharagius (p. 91) say twenty; Patkanian (Join n. Asiattque for 1866, p. 161) prefers twenty-one. Magoudi (vol. ii. p. 190) and Tabari (vol ii p. 12G) agree with the JModjmel-al-Tewai ikh in giving the number as twenty-three. 79 Tabari, p. 126; Mirkhond, p. 341. 80 Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. p. 121. note. 81 Mordtmann, in the Zeitschrift, vol. viii. pp. 68-70. 82 Modjmel-al-Tewarikh, p. 515; Tabari. vol. ii. p 118; Mirkhond, pp. 332-3; Magoudi, vol. ii p. 190. 83 The wild ass is called by the Persians . 195) nineteen; Agathias (iv. 27) sevengeneral run of Byzantine historians, see teen. The statement of Agathias is prethe remarks of Niebuhr in his collection ferred by Clinton (F. R. vol. i p. 546>; of the Byzantine historians (Bonn. 1829): that of Maçoudi by Patkanian (p. 107) " Longe optimus omnium sequioris œvi and Thomas (Num. Chron. New Series, hist-oncorum [Priscus] ; ingenio, fide, No. xlv. p. 45). All moderns agree that sapientia, nulli vel optimorum posthahe died a D. 457. bendus: elegans quoque et sermone 25 So Tabari, 1. s. c. satis puro usus, laudem atque gloriam 28 See Mordtinann in the quum apud cosevos turn inter postero Zeitschrift, mevito adeptusest; cui etiam a V a l e s i o vol viii. pp. 70-1. Longpérier has mistakenly assigned to Isdigerd I. two coins 1 et Gibbono, sununis viris, laudari con1

THE SEVENTH tigifc " Compare Smith's Diet, of Bioffraphy, vol. iii. p. 526. Priscus Pan il es, F r . 30. 23 C o m p a r e with this trick the somew h a t similar one said to have been played off by Amasis upon Cambyses (.Herod. iii. 1). 2 4 Prisons Panites, Fr. 33. 2 5 Called G o r g o by Priscus (1. s. c.) and P r o e o p i n s (Bell. l'ers, i 4). T h e old Persian Varkana and the Greek H y r cauia are variants of the same word. S o m e rums of Gurgân still exist in the v a l l e y of the Gurgân river ilat. 37° 20', long. 55° 15') not f a r f r o m Asterabad. 2 6 So Proeopins. Bell. Pers i. S Prisons makes the patiician Constantius ambassador f r o m Zeno t o Perozes about this p e r i o d (Frs. 31. 32. and 33): probab l y Eiisebius succeeded him. 27 Such is the account given by Proeopins (1. s. c ). T h e Persian writers, Tabari (vol. ii. pp. 132-130) and Mirkhond (pp. 348, 349), substitute a story in which the o l d m y t h of Zopyrns (Herod, iii. 154-138) is reproduced with little alteration f r o m the traditions of a thousand years earlier. A c c o r d i n g to this tale. Perozes w a s guided to his destruction in the desert o f Merv by an Ephthalite chief, w h o mutilated himself m order to deceive the Persians and secure the success of his o w n sovereign. 28 T h e first Ephthalite w a r of Perozes cannot h a v e terminated earlier than A D. 409. since in A.D. 468 w e hear of the Persians as still having the a d v a n t a g e in the struggle (Priscus, F r 411. T h e troubles in A r m e n i a , which led t o the r e v o l t in A D. 481 (Lazare Parbe. Vie de Vahan le Mamifjonien. p 101. must h a v e c o m m e n c e d several years previously— p r o b a b l y about A D. 4Î5. 25 Seo'text, pp. 406-408. 20 Patkanian in the Journal Asiatique for 1866. p. 173. 11 L a z a r e Parbe. Vie de Vahan p. 6. T h e exodus had begun even earlier in his reign, b e f o r e B.c. 464 (Priscus, Fr. 31). 3 2 See Faustus, iv. 2 11, 15, & c ; Zenob. de Glag, p 337: Mos. Chor. ii. 81. 85", St. Martin, Recherches s\ir VArménie, vol. ii. p. 23, &c. C o m p a r e above, pp. 256, 306. &c. 3 3 L a z a r e Parbe, p. 8. 3 4 L a z a r e Parbe. p. 9. 5 3 Ibid, p p 10-14. s s Lazare Parbe, pp. 15 and 16. 37 Compare the M e r a n e s " of A m m i anus ( x x v . 1); and on the supposed f o r c e of the word, see note 1.35. Chapter X . 38 L a z a r e Parbe, pp. 18-28. 39 Ibid p. 31. 4 0 Ibid. p. 32 4 1 T h i s expression must be understood relatively. Nothing is m o r e remarkable in L a z a r e P a r b e ' s account of this w a r than the smallness of the numbers which h e represents as engaged on either side. Persian armies rarely e x c e e d 5.000 men. A r m e n i a n are still smaller, and a r e generally counted by hundred:!!

MONARCHY.

[Cil. XVI.

L a z a r e Parbe, p. 33. Ibid p. 35. 44 T a b a n , vol. ii. p. 137; Mirkhond, pp. 849-350 ; Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. p. 129. 4 6 W a r s of Perozes with the Sagaruri, Acatiri, and others, are indicated b y Priscus Panites (Fr. 37). A great w a r with the Koushans is witnessed t o b y L a z a r e Parbe (p 10). 4(ï Xpôvip ov 7TOAAÔ> varepov (Procop. Bell. Pers. i. 4)'. T h e first war seems to have terminated about A.D. 470, the second to h a v e commenced in A.D. 481. (See Lazare Parbe, 1. s. c.) 47 Tabari, 1. s. c. 48 Patkanian, f r o m the Armenian authorities, Joui nal Asiatique, 1866. p. 17 ). 49 Une a n n é e a g u e r r i e . " (Mirkhond in De Sacv's translation, p. 350.) 60 Tabari, p. 138. 8 1 On the true relation of Balas to Perozes. see text. p. 331. 52 A s Tabari, p. 139. 5 3 Ibid. 54 Ta(¡tpov fiaSclav re ko'l evpouç ÎKavûiç ëx°v. 28 Ibid. p. 22, B. Theophanes calls the time " three m o n t h s , " which is speaking roundly. Marcellinus speaks of the city as taken " i n the fifth m o n t h , " which is clearly incorrect. 29 See Clinton, F. R. vol. i. p. 718. 30 Procop B. P. i. 8; p. 23, A Celer, who arrived on the scene the latest of the four, is omitted from the list of commanders b y some writers. (Johann. Lydus, De Magist. iii. 53; Marcellin. Chron. p. 48; Johann. Malal. xvi. p. 114, E.) 31 See text, pp. 396-7. 82 Procop. B. P. i. 8j p. 23, C: 2rpoT€V;IA TOLOVTO TFIATRiv ovre TTfiorrftov OVTG vcrrepoy IIopera? 'Pw/iatof; ^vfTT'qi'ai. 33 Theophan. Chronograph, p. 125, B ; Procop. B. P. p. 23, D. 34 T h e phrase used b y Procopius is ¿CTTpaTonedevcravTo ¿v x&jpiw 'A p £ a p. e i/ w v (p. 24, A ) . I suspect that Arzanene is here intended. 35 Procop. B. P. p. 24, B. 30 Ibid. p. 24, D. 87 Procop. B. P. i. 9; p. 25, B. 38 Theophanes tells us that, a f t e r capturing A m i d a , K o b a d sent out plundering expeditions which ravaged all Mesopotamia as far as Syria, (Chronograph. p. 126, B). Edessa was threatened (Procop. B. P. ii. 13; p. 120, B ) ; Constantia submitted (ibid.) 39 Procop. B. P. i. 8; p. 24, D. Theophanes speaks of the invaders as " Cadusia.ns and o t h e r s " (Chron. p. 127, B). But Procopius calls them " H u n s , " which is his ordinary name f o r the Ephthalites. 40 Theophan. Chron. p. 127, A : P r o cop. B. P. p. 25, A ; Marcellin. Chron. p. 49. 4 1 Theophan. 1 s. c. 4 2 Procop. B. P. p 25, B. 43 T h e capture of Glones is related at length b y Procopius (B. P. i 9; pp. 25-6); alluded to by Theophanes (Chron. p. 126, B). 44 F r o m Procopius alone w e should h a v e concluded that the surrender of A m i d a and the conclusion of the seven years' pence were t w o separate transactions. (See, the Bell. Pers i. 9; p. 27.) But Theophanes distinctly regards the

670

THE

SEVENTH

t w o matters as parts of a single arrangem e n t (Chron p. 127, B, C); and probability is on his side. 45 Procopius gives "Aspebedes" a s the •name of the ambassador But Aspebedes is clearly the modern Etpebad, a title of office, corresponding to the Armenian Sparapet (or Spakupet), commander-in-cliief." (See Patkanian in t h e Journal Asiatique for 18G6, p. 114.) T h e ambassador's sister was married to Kobad, aud was the mother of Chosroiis. (Procop. B. P i. 11; p. 30, A.) 46 Procop. tí. PA 9; p. 25. C. 47 Ibid. p. 27, D. 48 See the expression of Procopius (1. s. c ); TOV Trpos Ovvvovs iroXtfiov n.rt KV v o l í é v o v , and compare p. 29, B, D, •whence it appears that Kobad cornplained of the conduct of the R o m a n s a s soon as his war witli the H u n s w a s ended, and that almost immediately afterwards Anastasius died. 40 See text, pp 396 and 404. 60 Procop. B. P. i. 10; p. 29, C. 61 Ibid. p. 29, A; Johann. Malal. xvi. p. 41, C: Johann. Lydus, De Magistrat. iii. 47, ad Jin.; Theophan. p. 129. A. 53 Jobann. Malal. 1. s. c.; £vagrius, H. E iii. 37. 63 Procopius well says of Daras and Theodosiopolis. ¿TTLTtix^f-ara Tfi airáv (s. C. TWF HepaCiv) \úpoi yéyovev A/XOJ. (B. P. i. 10, ad fin ) 64 See text, p. 404. 66 Procop. B. P. p. 29, B. 65 Ibid, p 29, C 67 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. v. p. 36. 66 Zilgibis is the f o r m used b y J. Malalas (Chronogr. xvii. p. 48. C. D); Ziligdes that f o u n d in Theophanes (Chron. p. 143. A). 69 So the contemporary. J. Malalas (xvii. p. 47, C, II). Theophanes makes Tzath receive his crown f r o m Kobad and then desert to the R o m a n s (p. 144, B). The Paschal Chronicle follows J. Malalas (vol. i. p. 332, A). 00 The figure of Justin w a s embroidered upon Tzath's robes. His diadem was of Roman fashion. (See J. Malal. p. 47, r I), FA 81 Theophan. p. 143, A. • 2 Justin w a s sixty-eight at his accession (A.D. 518), and would consequently be seventy-two in A D. 522. If Kobad w a s eighty-two at his death in A.D. 531, a s J o h n of Malala declares (xviii. p. 211, D), he would be seventy-three in A D. 522. I suspect that h e was really older, since he is called an old man in A.D. 502 b y J. Lydus (De Magistrat. iii. 53). 63 So the Roman writers (Procop B.P. i. 11; p. 30, A; compared with Theophan. Chron. p. 145, C). Tabari gives him ten sons (Chroiiique, vol. ii p 1-18). 64 Procop. B. P. i. 11; pp. 30-32; Theophan. Chron. p. 143. C. D. 66 The ground of the refusal Is said to have been, that, as Justin had no natural son, a son by adoption might have

MONARCHY.

[CII. XIX.

claimed to be his heir, and therefore to inherit f r o m him the Roman Empire! 66 See text, p. 433. 67 The only ancient writer who gives this history at length, Theophanes, calls tlie sectaries " Man ichees;" but there can be little doubt that the Mazdakites are intended. (See Dr. Plate's article on the SASSANID.® in Smith's Diet, of Gk. and Rom. Biography, vol. iii. p. 719.) 68 Procop. B. P. i. 11; p. 30, A. 69 As a Mazdakite (Theophan. Chron. p. 145, C). 70 J o h n of Malala places the destruction of the Mazdakites (Manichees) somewhat later, apparently in A D. 529. (See his Chronographia, xviii. p. til, G.) 71 Procop. B. P. i. 12; p. 33, B. 72 See Herod i. 140; Strab. xv. 3, §20; Agathias, ii. p 60. Compare Vendiddd, Farg. v. to Farg. viii. 73 These people are called " Huns" b y the Byzantines (Procop. B P. i. 12; p. 33, J>: Joh. Malal xviii. p 56, A), who, however, use the term too vaguely for us to be sure that real Huns are intended. 74 Procop. B. P. p. 34, C. 75 Procop. B. P. p. 34, D 76 Clinton, F. R. vol i. p. 746. 77 See Joh. Malal. Chronograph, xviii. p. 760. B. 6 To the Lazic war of this period s e e m to belong the notices in Joliann Malal. xvui. p. 153. C: Chron. Paschale, vol. i. p. 335, and Theophanes. p 149, A. The Roman generals quarrelled among thernseives, and finally the Roman troops were withdrawn from the country. 79 See text, p. 438. 80 Joh. Malal. xviii p 54. B. 81 Procop. B. P. i. 13; p 35, B. For the position of Martyropolis. see ibid. i. 21: p 62, C 62 John of Malala supplies here m a n y facts not noti=d b y Procopius. but quite consistent with his narrative (Chronograph. xviii p 60. B, C). 63 Johann. Malal. xviii p. 60, C; Procop. B. P. i. 13; p. 35, C, D. 8" Procop. B. P. p. 35, D. Ibid. 68 Ibid, p 37, A. 67 The n a m e Perozes is given b y Procopius only (B. P. p 36, C). The title Mihran is given, as if a projjer name, b y John of Malala (Chronograph, xviii. p. 60, 0). 8« Procop. B. P. p. 37, A. 89 Ibid. p. 30. C. 90 See the narrative of Procopius (B. P. pp. 37-8). 91 Procop i. 14, ad init. 92 The following were the letters which passed between the two leaders, if we m a y trust Procopius. Belisarius wrote; " I t is admitted b y all those w h o have even the smallest share of wisdom, that p e a c e is a good which excels all others. Wherefore, if a man be a disturber of peace, h e will cause evil not only to neighboring nations, but also to his own

CII. X I X . ]

THE

SEVENTH

kith and kin. A n d he truly is the best general who proves himself capa.ble of bringing peace out of Avar. But thou, w hen R o m e and Persia w e r e on the best of terms, didst f o r c e upon us a w a r f o r which there was no reason, since our respective kings were peaceably disposed towards each other, and ambassadors had come and w e r e at no great distance, e m p o w e r e d to reconcile our differences —ambassadors, I say, who will even now arrange terms of peace between us. if no insurmountable impediment arise f r o m this invasion. I pray thee, withd r a w thy f o r c e instantly into Persian territory, and be not an obstacle to the prosperity of thy country, lest peradventuve thy countrymen shall cast on thee the blame of what they m a y hereafter suffer." Perozes replied: " I would h a v e done that which is requested of me, convinced by w h a t thou hadst written, if I had not bethought myself that the letter came f r o m Romans, who are always ready to promise, but little inclined to p e r f o r m their promises, even when they liave sworn to them. I t is on account of the deceits which y o u have practised upon us that w e h a v e been compelled to take up arms; therefore, m y Roman friends, y o u m a y be sure that you will have to meet the PerOur resolution is taken sians in battle either to compel you to do us justice, or else to hold our present position till death or old age disable us.'' Behsarius made the f o l l o w i n g r e j o i n d e r : — " It is wrong, most excellent, Mirrhanes, t o indulge in vain boasting, and wrong, moreover, to t a x one's neighbors witli c . i m e s to which they are strangers. W e said with truth that Rufmus was near at Band, and had brought with him terms of peace—you yourself will not be able to deny this much longer. I f , however, y o u are bent on fighting, w e shall meet you confidently in the belief that Clod is on our side. W e have conciliated His f a v o r by the fairness of our proceedings, while your arrogance and rejection of the conditions of peace which we offered must have offended Him. T o mai k the justice of our cause, w e shall attach to our standards, ere w e engage, the documents which w e have exchanged recently." Perozes answered to this:— ' ' W e , too, believe that w e have not begun this w a r without the sanction of our own gods; under their protection w e shall attack y o u ; and w e trust that their aid will enable us to take Daras to-morrow. H a v e m y bath and m y breakfast in readiness f o r m e within the walls.' (See Procop. B. P. i. 14; Dp. 38-9.) Procop. p. 40, D. Procop. B. P. p. 41, B, C, D. Ibid. p. 42, A . 'I/iaroi' auTDis KaTeov ov Otfj-t-s Ilepcrats BaffcAea KaBi So Procopius (B P. ii. 15; p. 125, D). Gibbon supposes the idea to have originated with Chosroes (Decline and Pall, vol. v. p 200). That the Romans took the same view of the importance of Lazica as Chosroes appears f r o m Agathias (Hist. ii. 18; p. 56, A). 74 Procop. B. P. ii. 15, ad fin. 76 Ibid. ii. 17; pp. 138-9. 76 Ibid. ii. 16; p. 126. D. 77 Ibid. ii. 18, ad init. 78 Procop. B. P. ii. 18 ; pp. 131-3. 73 Ibid. ii. 19, sub init. 80 Procop B. P. ii. 19, ad fin s l "Afj.a r/pi oLpxofxefto Xotrpöijs o Ka/SaSou TO Tpirov a rpart}. ufyaÄio es yr}V 77]V ' Piojuaitav eaeßaWe. ('ibid, ii."20, ad init.) And a littie later: ¿TTet Se es TTJV Ko/uay?]fwi> %ujpav a Xotrpo^s atbiKero. Commagene was now the name given to Upper Syria generally. (See note 107, Chapter X I X . ) 62 Theophan Chronograph, p 186, A ; Cedrenus. Hist. Compend, p. 372, B. 83 Procop B.P. ii 21, ad init. 84 Procop. B P. ii. 21, sub fin. 85 See Clinton, F. R. vol. i. p. 778. 88 Procop. B. P. ii. 24, ad init. 87 Ibid. ii. 21, ad fin. 88 Ibid. ii. 24; p. 148, C. «»Ibid. p. 143, A. 80 Gibbon speaks of " t h e camp of Dubis" (Decline and Fall. vol. v. p. 193); but Ang-lon was 120 stades (fourteen miles) from Dubis (Procop. ii. 25; p. 149, D). »1 Procop. p 151, C. Procop. B. P ii. 26; p. 152, A . See text, p. 367. B4 Procop. B. P. ii. 26-7, »5 procop. B. P. p. 159, B. 06 Ibid. ii. 28; p 159, D. 67 Ibid. p. 160, A . Compare Marcellin. Chron. p. 74. Procop. B. P. ii. 28; pp. 160-1. so Ibid, pp 161-2. 100 The tale is, that Chosroes professing to send an ambassador to Justinian, who was to pass through Daras, gave him a train ot 500 picked soldiers, with orders that these men should fire the houses in which they slept, and then, in the confusion that was sure to follow, should open the gates and admit a large Persian force. The Romans, suspecting the design, refused to receive more than twenty of the 500 into the town. It is evident that here the basis of fact is the arrival of a Persian ambassador at the gates of Daras with a train of unusual size. The rest is mere Roman (or rather Greek) suspicion. i n Ibid. ii. 29; p. 163, D. Procop. B. P. ii. 29; p. 161, B. Salt, wine, and corn are especially mentioned among the commodities required. Y e t at present Mingrelia. though wretchedly cultivated, produces maize, millet, ana barley in abundance (Haxthausen, Transcaucasia, p. 19); the trees are

680

THE

SEVER

Til

e v e r y w h e r e festooned with vines, which g r o w n a t u r a l l y (ib. p. 18); a n d '"yield a very tolerable w i n e " (p. 31); while salt is one of t h e m a m p r o d u c t s of the neighboring Georgia (ib. p. SI). Procop. 1. s. c i° 4 Ibid. p. 160, C, and p. 161, 0 . 105 Ibid. li. 29; p. 163, 0, D. «« Procop. B. P. li. 29, 30; B. Goth. iv. 8-16: Agutli. li. 18-22; iii. 2-28; iv. 1-23. 107 A g a t h . ii. 18; p. 56, A; Procop. B. P. ii 15; p. 125, D; ii. 28; p. 161, A; B. 1 0Goth. iv. 7; p. 582, B. 8 H a x t h a u s e n , p. 22, n o t e : " T h e soil is incredibly rich a n d prolific." 109 " D u r i n g the whole d a y our road lay t h r o u g h forests, a n d w h a t noble f o r e s t s ! In t h e southern acclivities of t h e Caucasus, the tree-vegetation of t h e n o r t h is found together with t h a t of t h e s o u t h ; a n d I have r a r e l y seen finer beeches, oaks, elms, fir-trees, interspersed with planes, chestnuts, walnuts, olives, laurels, a n d cherry-trees, t h e native habitat of which last m a y be said t o be Mingrelia." (Ibid. p. 17.) " 0 Procop. B. P. ii. 29; B. G. iv. 2. 111 As especially t h e Khopi, which f o r m s t h e port of Kedout-Kaleh (Haxthausen, p. 16). u s Procop B. P. p. 163, A. u s Procop. B. P. n. 17; p. 128, C. n * Procop. B. Goih, iv. 12; p. 509. B. A m o n g the m o s t r e m a r k a b l e of these w a s a conduit, with t h r e e channels placed one under t h e other, which continued to supply the town with water a f t e r t h e u p p e r a n d middle courses h a d been obstructed. Procop B. P. ii 29; p. 104, A. Gibbon (Decline and Fall, vol v. p. 201) c o n f u s e s t h e original victualling of Pet r a with its revictualling (see text, p. 467). The g r e a t supplies f o u n d when the R o m a n s took the place (Procop. B. G. p. 599, A) m u s t be ascribed to the revictualling, n o Procop. B. P. p. 165, D. n ' Ibid. ii. 29: p. ¡66, B. 118 Ibid. ii. 30; p. 166, D. 119 Ibid. p. 268, A. 1 20 Ibid. p. 169, B. 121 Procop. B. P. ii. 30; pp. 169-170. 122 Procop. B. Goth. iv. 1. 2 i » Ibid. iv. 8. i " Procop. B. G. iv. 9. ad init. I 2 5 Ibid. IV. 11; p. 59.3, B. Ibid. iv. 12; p. 599, A. il a2 f7i Ibid. iv. 11; p. 592, C. T h e chief difference in t h e construction seems to have been, that, I whereas t h e ordinary engines were I f o r m e d of solid beams, in the new ones t h e b e a m s were replaced by a n u m b e r of light rods tied together. (Procop. B. G. iv. 11: p. 593, D.) 1 29 Ibid. p. 504, 0. 130 Ibid, p 595. A. 13 1 These were Armenian m o u n t a i n e e r s32 (ibid, p 59(>, B). 11 3 3 Ibid. p. 596, A. Ibid. p. 596, C, D.

MONA

LICHT.

[cir. xx.

1 34 Procop. B. G. iv. 12; pp. 597-8. 1 36 Clinton, F. R. vol. i. p. 792. 36 1137 See text, p. 466. Procop. B. G. iv. 13; p 601, A. T h e writer j u s t l y admires t h e Persian skill a n d industry in m a k i n g the wild a n d m o u n t a i n o u s Lazica practicable, not only f o r cavalry, but f o r t h e ponderous elephant 138 *q TOV Ilerpa? ITepißoXov es eSa^os Ka0etAev. (Ibid. p. 599, D ) 138 Ibid. p. 602, D. Compare iv. 16; p . 611. 0. 1« Procop. B. G. iv. 14; Agath. Hist. ii. 19, ad mit. « 1 Procop B. G p. 611, D. 143 The modern Kutai's is undoubtedly t h e ancient Cotyseum, Cutatisium, or Cotaisis of Procopius and Agathias. The similarity of n a m e is supported b y t h e descriptions given of t h e locality. (See Procop. B. G. iv. 14: p. 607, A; Agath. ii 19; p. 58, B; and c o m p a r e H a x t h a u s e n , Transcaucasia, p. 28.) 1 13 The position of Scvmnia is uncertain. Suania a p p e a r s to have lain N. E. of Lazica, on t h e flanks of the Caucasus. The inhabitants of this region still call themselves Suans. (Max Müller, Languages of the tieat of War, p. 114.) 11 4445 Procop B. G. iv. 16, sub fin. Ibid. iv. 11; p 591, D Procopius specifies one of these alleged i n f r a c t i o n s only. viz. t h e encouragement given to Aretlias to attack A l a m u n d a r u s ; but h e admits t h a t Isdigunas m a d e other charges. i4o jbid. iv. 15, sub init. This was a t t h e r a t e of 400 p o u n d s f o r each y e a r of peace, and included a y e a r a n d a half o£ negotiations. 147 Compare Procop l.s.c. with A g a t h . ii. 18. The l a t t e r writer says: 'OAiyifi t/j-TTfioaStf tKt^eipiaf t7rt7roi7)t'To f'Pw/xaiot «at Ileptrat], t /J.ei'TOt ov reAetoraTTji/ ayeiv ciprfv-qv, oiiSe iocrre iravTodi räiv KLVSV* vuiv TT€7Tav(r9aL, aAA' ocrov juoi/or äva TT)V ew, /cat ra tt)s 'Apati'c'as" opta etfarepw -yerei ecr7Tetcröat, a ^ ' t fvjy KoA^töa yyjv TOV TToAey.ov Siaipeptip. 48 > Procop. B G. iv. 15: pp. 608-9. 149 Asrathias, ii 19; p 56, D. 160 Ibid. ii. 20; p. 58, B. 161 Ibid. ii. 21; p. 59, A. i 6"3 Ibid. ii. 22: p. 60, A. i Agath. ii. 22; p. 60, B. 154 'Aföpa Ttof auerews irepl, na\ ei Procop. B. Goth. iv. 10; p. 590, D. ToSe TO Trail-1 ATEAEURRJTOV EFFTAT, tcai TTOTepov68 70 Coins of this type have been figured FI-IAV TU>V A—'IVTBIV ap^vji' vofiiareoy. The by Ker Porter (Travels, vol. ii. PI. Iviii, reference is to a conference between the No. 10); by Longpérier (Médailles des Magi and Uraniusj but we m a y fairly Sassanides, Pl. x. No. 4); and by Barconclude t h a t similar discussions took tholomaii (Collection, ed. Dorn, PI. xxiv. place between the Magi and the Seven No. 45). The engraving [see Pl. XXII. Sages 4 Fig. 3] taken f r o m Longpérier. «Ibid. ii. 23. 32. 71 47 Mr. Thomas declines the task of Procop. De Bell. Goth. iv. 10; p. interpreting (Num. Chron. f o r 1873, p. 590. B. 4S 234). Asseman, Bibl. Or. vol. iv. pp. 745-7. 72 49 See the account of Dom Germain Tabari, ii p. 160. 50 Millet quoted by M. Longpérier in t h e So Gibbon (Decline and Fall. vol. v. Annales de VInstitut Archéologique f o r p 185, note 49). Others suppose that the 1843, vol. xv. p. 100. original " Book of Kings" was composed 73 by order of Yezdegird III. (See AtkinSee Numismatic Chronicle f o r 1873, son's Firrtawsi, published by the Orienpp.74 234-5. tal Translation Fund, Preface, p. xi.; and See Mirkhond, p. 387; Tabari, ii. p. c o m p a r e Bunsen, Philosophy of History, 233: D'Herbelot, Bibl. Or. vol iv p. 489. 75 vol in. p 1S20 ) G-ibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. v. p. 51 On the fables of Bidpai or Pilpay, 183. 78 see Gibbon. 1. s. c., with the note of See Procop. B. P. i. 23; Menand. Denn Milman. Prot. Fr. 46; Mirkhond, p. 370; Asseman, 52 Mirkhond. p 376; Magoudi, vol. ii. Bibl. Or. vol. iii. p 409. 77 p. 203 D'Herbelot speaks of the introProcop. B. Goth. iv. 10, sub fin. 78 duction of another game, which he calls Asseman, Bibl. Or. vol. iii. p. 406. 34

184

Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. v. p.

cir. x x i i . ]

THE SEVENTH

Mirkhond. p. 368. Ibid. p. 382. On one occasion, Chosroes, being displeased with one of his attendants, banished him from the court. The man absented himself, but on a certain day, -when all subjects had the right of appearing before the king, he returned to the palace, and, resuming- his old duties, waited on the guests at the royal table. While thus employed, he took an opportunity of secreting a plate of solid gold about his person, after which, quitting the guest-chamber, he disappeared altogether. Chosroes, who had seen the whole transaction, took no notice, and, when the plate was missed, merely said: " T h e man who took it will not bring it back, and the man who saw him will not tell." A year later, the attendant appeared once more on the same day; whereupon the king called him aside and said: " I s the first plate all gone that you have come again to get another ?" The culprit owned his guilt and implored forgiveness, which he obtained. Chosroes not only pardoned him. but took him back into his service. (Mirkhond, pp. 382-3.) 70

80 81

82 Chosroes was told that one of his subjects surpassed him in wealth; and he replied that he saw no harm in the circumstance (Mirkhond, p. 884). He •wished to clear a space before liis palace ; but an old lady who owned one of the houses which occupied the ground would not part with her property. Chosroes cleared the rest of the space, and allowed her house to stand (ibid. p. 383). 83 Mirkhond, pp. 368-370. 84 See text. p. 449, 450. 85 Agathias, li 2?. 86 Ibid ii.3i, ad fin. 87 Compare Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. v. p. 185: " T h e studies of Chosroes were ostentatious and superficial." 88 The only defeat celebrated by the Byzantine authors is that near Meliten6 in a.d 575 (See text, p. 480 ) 69 Evagrius, who is the writer nearest to the time, regards the check as slight, and as compensated for soon afterwards by a victory (Hist. Eccl. v. 14). 80 See text, pp. 472, 473. « See text, pp. 497-499.

CHAPTER XXII. This name is given by Magoudi (vol. ii. p. 311). s Mirkhond, p. 388. 3 Ibid. * Tabari, ii. p. 248. 6 Ibid. p. 247. 6 Malcolm, History of Persia, vol. i. p. 151; Gibbon, Decline and Fall. vol. v. p. 307. Neither in Tabari, Mirkhond, nor Magoudi is there any mention of Abuzurd-mihir in connection with Hormisdas. ' S e e Tabari, ii. pp. 273-4: Mirkhond, p. 388; Magoudi, ii. p. 211; Theophylact. 1

MONARCHY.

CSf>

Simocatt iii 16; D'Herbelot, Bibl. Or. vol ill. p 222: &c. 8 Menand Protect. Fr. 55. 9 Theophylact Simocatt. iii. 17. 10 Ibid, St a. ttjs epi^ou to Aoittoi* ttjs 'Apa/Sias eis Ti^y H a ji v kai v i av i^Treiytro •y^v afjuKSfrOcLL. 11 Theophylact Sunocatt. iii. 17, ad n. This is probably the victory of aurice over Adarman, whereof Evagnus speaks somewhat vaguely in his Hint. Kccles. v. 20. 12 See the prolix account given by Menander Protector, Fr. 00. 13 Theophylact. Simocatt. iii. 18, ad init.; Menanaer Prot. Fr. 60, vyr). Compare Theophylact. Sim. p 133, B. 6 4 Theophylact. l . s . c . ; Theophan. p. 224. b. 6 5 Tabari. ii p 296. 6 6 Theophylact Sim. v. 11, ad init. 67 ibid. 6 6 E i g h t hundred, according to Tabari (1 s. c . i ; but the ten thousand of Theop h y l a c t (o 134, B) is m o r e probable ' 8 9 So Tabari fl. s. c.). Theophylact i says nothing of the repulse. j 47 4h

MONARCHY.

[CII. XXIV.

Tabari, ii. p. 297. 7 1 See T h o m a s in t h e Numismatic Chronicle f o r 1813. pp. 236-9. 7 2 Varahran V. S e e PI. X X I . Fig 2. 7 3 This is t h e rendering of Mr. Thomas, and is somewhat uncertain. Chubin, which, according to the Onentals, was t h e a c t u a l epithet of this monarch, is said to mean " d r y wood;'' and t h e y commonly say t h a t it was applied to h i m on account of a certain dryness in his appearance. (See Malcolm, History of Persia, vol i. p. 120. who translates it b y " the stick-like," and c o m p a r e D'Herbelot. Bibl. Or. vol. iii. p. 46, ad voc. Gioubin.) 70

CHAPTER XXIV. Various explanations a r e given of this utle. Mirkhond (p. 401) explains it as either " p o w e r f u l k i n g , " or else " victorious." Gibbon says " t h e epithet of Pai viz alludes to the c h a r m s " of Chosroes (Decline, and Fall. vol. v p. 376). 2 See Clinton, F. B. vol. n. pp 153 and 109 Writers who regard Chosroes. a s having one reign only, which they date f r o m his f a t h e r ' s death (September, a d. 590), give him commonly thirty-eight years. S e e Mirkhond, p.' 407; Tabari, vol. ii p 304; Eutvchms, Atniales. vol. ii. p 252; Clinton, > . R . vol. n. p. 261; &c.) The e x a c t time was thirly-seven y e a r s and five months. 3 Theophylact Sim v. 11, ad fin and v. 13, ad init ; Theophan Chronograph. p. 225. T h e number of the guaids. according to Theophanes, was one thousand 4 Theophylact. Sim. v. 15, sub init. ® See text, p. 507. 6 See note 40, Chapter X X I I I . 7 Theophylact, 1. s. c. The deaths of Bindoes and B o s t a m at the hands of Chosroes are witnessed to by the Oriental writers generally (Tabari. vol. ii. pp. 303, 352; Mapoudi. vol. ii. p 223; Mirkhond, p 401); but the manner of the death of Bindoes rests on the sole authority of Theophylact. 8 Tabari. vol. ii. p. 301. 9 Ibid p 332. 1 0 The Armenian writers say t h a t Bostam, whom t h e y call Ustam, conquered two Iioushan kings. Shog and Pariok, and made himself very powerful (Patkanian m t h e Journal Asiatique for 1860. p. 195.) 1 1 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 303. T h e Armenians ascribe t h e assassination to P a riok. (Patkaniari. 1 s c.) 1 2 M i l m a n in Smith's Gibbon, vol. v. p. 374, note a. 1 3 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 302. 1 4 Ibid, pp 302-3 Mirkhond agrees, but enters into fewer details (p. 400). 1 6 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 299. 1 8 Theophylact r e l a t e s that when Probus, Bishop of Chalcedon, was sent b y Maurice a s ambassador to Ctesiphon, Chosroes requested to be allowed a sight of the portrait of the Virgin, which h e 1

en. x s i T . ]

THE SEVENTH

knew to be in the. ambassador's possession. His request being p a n t e d , he adot ed the picture, and said that he had seen the original in a vision, and had been promised by her the glories of Alexander the (ireat, (Theoj>hylact. Sim v. 15 ) 17 The city called Razappa by the Assyrians and Reseph or Rasajihe by the later Syrians, received the honorable appellation of Sergiopolis in the course of the fifth or sixth century, from the fact that its principal church was dedicated to St. Sergius. See Evagr. H. E. vi. 21, and Theophylaet. Sim. v. 13, 14. 19 As the reader may perhaps desire a specimen of Chosroes' style, the opening passage of the second letter is here subjoined: — " Chosroes, king of kings, to the great martyr Sergius I, Cliosroes, king of kings, son of Hormisdas, have sent this alms-dish (?) and these other gifts, not f o r men to admire them, nor to the intent that by m y words should be made known the greatness of thy all-venerable name, but that the truth of that which has been done should be proclaimed, and the many mercies and favors which I have received of thee. For I hold it as a piece of good fortune that my name should be inscribed upon thy vessels. When I was at Beramce, I besought thee, O saint, that thou wouldst come to my aid, and cause Sira to conceive in herwomb '' 20 'O vjjaerepos rofxos aSziav rip.iv ov napdXei Xptcrrtarijv ex-11' v^aer^r. (Theophylact Sim v. 14; p. 187, C.) ai See Tabari, vol ii. p. 330. 22 Patkanian in Joam. Asiatique f o r 1866. p 194. 23 Tabari, vol. ii. p 304. The stories of the loves of Shirin and Ferbad, in which the Persian poets indulge, are scarcely to be accounted as history Tabari has one allusion to them (1 s. c.). 24 Ibid. p. 335; Mirkhond, p. 404. 26 See text, p. 515. 26 Patkanian in the Journal Asiatique f o r 1866, p. 194. 27 Theophylact. Sim v. 15. 38 Ibid. viii. 1, ad init. 29 See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. v. pp 383-5. 30 The body of the dead Maurice was cast into the sea by order of Phocas. (Theophylact. Sim. viii. 13, ad init) His head was cut off, and exposed m a public place in Constantinople. 31 Five sons of Maurice were murdered before his eyes. One was a mere infant. (Theophylact. Sim viii. 11; Theophan. Chronograph, p. 243. C. D.) 32 Theophylact. Sim. viii. 13, ad init. S3 Ibid. viii. 9. s« Ibid. viii. 13. 35 Theophan. p 244, C. The Orientals seem to have been persuaded that Theodosius actually escaped, and took refuge with Chosrogs. (See Patkanian in the Journal Asiatique f o r 1866, p. 197; Ta-

MONARCHY.,

689

bari, Chronique, vol. ii p. 306.) Mirkhond, however, is aware that Theoclosius was killed with his father (Histoire des Si'bsamdes, p. 401). 36 Theophylact Sun. viii. 15. 37 Theoplian. Chronograph p. 245, A . Narses afterwards retreated f r o m Edessa to Ilierapohs (lb. p. 245, C), whence, trusting to the promises of Domentziolus, he proceeded to Constantinople, where Phocas burned him to death (rrvpi KaT€Kav(Tei>). 38 Ibid p 215, B. sa Chosroes beheaded a considerable number of his prisoners, probably (as Gibbon supposes) because he regarded them as implicated in the murder of Maurice. 40 Theophan. p. 245, D. 41 Bar-hebrseus ap. Asseman, L'ibl. Or. vol. iii. p. 442. 42 The fall of Daras is mentioned, not by Bar-hebrseus only, but by Theophanes (Chronograph, p. 240, C), Cedrenus (p. 406, A), and the Armenian writers generally. (See Patkanian in the Journal Asiatique f o r 1866, pp. 197 and 211.) 43 Bar-hebrseus, vol. iii. p. 412. 44 Patkanian, p 211. Ibid. p. 198. 46 Bar-hebrseus, 1. s. c. 47 Patkanian, p. 198 48 Chronograph p. 248, B. 43 See text. p. 521. 50 Theophan Chronograph, p. 250, D. Tcp Mateo fJ.r¡vL f.-jrpárfvaai' oi Jíépaai Kara Xvpías, /cat iTOLpekaßavTrjv ' A.irá.jj.cta.v, k.T.A. 51 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. v. pp. 388-9 52 Theophan. Chronograph, p. 251, A ; Bar-hebrffius ap. Asseman, Bibl. Or. vol. iii. p. 413. The Armenians place the capture somewhat earlier (Patkanian, p. 198). 53 Theophan. Chronograph, p. 251, D; Bar-hebrasus, 1. s. c. 54 The details of the war in Palestine are given most fully by Eutychius (.lull ales, vol. ii. pp. 212-3). He is confirmed, generally, by Bar-hebrseus (1. s e ) and Theophanes (Chronograph. p. 252, A) 55 Patkanian, from Armenian sources (Journal Asiatique f o r 1866, p 200). 56 Eutych Ann(des. vol ii pp. 212 anrl 219. Compare the Paschal Chronicle, vol i. p. 385, B. 67 Theophanes says 90,000 (p. 252, A ) ; but this is improbable. Patkanian's Armenian authorities give the number as 17,030 {Journ. 1866, 1. s. c.). T h e Paschal Chronicle says " m a n y thousands of clergy, monks, and nuns'' (1. s. c.); Eutychius " a n innumerable multitude" (Ann. vol. ii. p. 212). 58 Patkanian, 1. s. c. 69 Eutych. Ann. vol. ii. p. 215. 60 Ibid. Eutychius supposes her to be Maria, the daughter of Maurice; and so the Orientals generally. But the marriage of Chosroes with this princess

680

THE SEVENTH

seems to be a fable. Sliirin is no doubt the61 wife intended. Theophan. Chronograph, p. 252, B; Niceph Da Rebus post Mauricium gratis, p. 7, C; Eutych. Ann. vol. ii. p. Shiriu to the last. (Tabari. vol ii pp 8J9, 339, &c. ; Maçoudi. vol ii p. ¡¡3.; Theophanes, p. 270. C. D.) Tabai i even represents him as having had uo commerce with any other woman (p. 3151 203 According to Mirkhond (p. 400), Shirin was sought in marriage by Suoes after his father's death. She made it a condition of her consenting, that she should be allowed first to visit the tomb of Chosroës. Having obtained permission, she entered the building aud poisoned herself. 504 See Mordtmann in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gese'Uxchaft, vol. viii. pp. 111-140; and vol. xi. pp. 33-44. 205 Mordtmann conjectures that the monogram represents the name of God, and connects it v'ith the rest of the legend, regarding the meaning of the whole as " Slay God increase Chosroës!" (Zeitschrift, vol. xii. p. 33 ) 206 Ibid vol. viii p. I l l etseqq.; vol. xii. p. 33 et seqq. 207 'I h is coin has been represented by Mordtmann (No. 723), by L.ongpérier (Médailles des Sassanides, pl. xi. No. 3), and others. The illustration [see Plate X X j V . Kjg. 1] is taken f rom Longpérier's work. 20B See Thomas in Numismatic Chronicle for 1873, p. 242. CHAPTER XXV. Kobad (Kavat) is the form found in the superscription of the letter written by the king himself to Heraclius (Pasch. Chron. p. 402, B>. It likewise appears, together with Firuz, upon the king's coins. Heraclius himself (Pasch. Chron, p. 401, C), Eutychius (Annales, vol. ii. p. 252), Maçoudi (Prairies d'Or, vol. ii. p. 232), Mirkhond (Histoire des Sassanides, p. 407), and the Armenian writers (Patkanian in Journal Asiatique for 1866, pp. 215-7) have both names. Tabari (vol. ii. pp 327-347) uses the name Siroës (Shiroui) only. 2 Pasch. Chron. p. 298, D. s Tabari, vol. ii. pp. 333-345; Mirkhond, p 408. "See text, p 531. & Tû Tj>i tfpu)Tii.Toj fiaaiXc. l 'Pia/jiaitijy. Pasch. Chron. p 402, B. 6 Compare Tabari, vol. ii. p. 346, and Theophan. p. 271, D. 1 The mutilation of Kobad's letter in the Vatican MS renders the sense of this last passage somc-wliac doubtful. 8 Nicophorus gi\es the following as J

J j

! ! \

1

69:$

694

THE SEVENTH

t h e main p u r p o r t of Heraclius' reply:— " Heraclius wrote back to Siroes, calling him his son, and saying t h a t it had never been his wish to deprive any king of his royal state, not even Chosroes; whom, if he had been completely victorious, he would have replaced upon the throne, notwithstanding all t h e h a r m t h a t he had done both to the Romans and the Persians. But Heaven had decided otherwise, and to prevent f u r t h e r disaster, had punished Chosroes as he deserved, and opened to himself and Siroes the way of reconciliation." (De Re bits post Mauricium gestis, p. 14, B.) 9 F r o m April 3 to April 8. (See the letter of Heraclius to the Senate in the Paschal Chronicle, p. 401, 0, D.) 10 The recall of the troops is proved b y Theophanes (p. 272. C), who assigns it to t h e first year of Siroes. The recall implies t h e surrender. Theophan. p. 272, B. 11 12 Nicephorus, p. 14, C; Theophan. 1. s. c. 13 The safe conduct of the Persians was entrusted to Theodore, brother of Heraclius (Theophan. p. 272, C). 14 So Gibbon in a note (Decline and Fall, vol. v. p. 414); b u t X do not know his16 authority. Theophan. p. 273, B, C; Cedrenus, p. 16420, A. See Eutychius, Annales. vol. ii. p. 252; Tabari,"vol. ii p. 346; Mirkhond, p. 40!): Moyse de Kaghank. ii. 12; &c. "1 8 Tabari, 1. s. c.; Eutych. Ann. 1. s. c. Moyse de Kaghank, 1. s. c. i" Mirkhond. p. 409; Eutych. 1. s.c. 30 Tabari, 1. s. c. 21 See t e s t , p. 532. 22 S6p66s, ihe Armenian historian, distinctly asserts t h a t Shalir-Vaiaz (Shahr-Barz) refused to evacuate the R o m a n territoiy a t t h e command of Kobad. (See Patkanian in Jouru. Asiatique for 1860. p. 216.) The narrative of Nicephorus (De Rebus post, Mauricium, p. 15) implies t h a t the evacuation was not complete till Shahr-Barz became king of Persia. 33 Shahr-Barz is called b y Eutychius " p r s e f e c t u s limitum occidentahum" {Annales, vol. ii. p. 252). 24 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 347. 26 Nicephorus, De Rebus post Mauricium. p. 15, A, B. 28 Mirkhond m a k e s t h e number fifteen (p. 409), Tabari sixteen (vol. ii. p 3-iO), t h e Modjmel-al-Tewarikh seventeen, Eutychius eighteen (Annales, vol. ii. p. 252), Thomas of Maraga (ap. Asseman, Biol. Or. vol. iii. p. 92} twenty-four, the Armenian writers forty (Patkanian in Journ Asiatique for 1866, p. 215). Thomas of Maraga ascribes the massacre to a Christian, liamed Samatas. who acted without the knowledge of Kobad. 27 Histoire des Sassanides, p. 409. 28 See Tabari, vol. ii. p. 347. 18 Mirkhond, I. s. c. ao Eutychius, Annales, vol. ii. p. 252.

! j [

I

MONARCHY.

[OH. XXV,

31 S6p6os, t h e Armenian writer, says t h a t Kobad II. reigned six months (Patkanian in J. Asiatique f o r 1866, p. 216); Tabari makes him reign " seven months in ail " (1. s. c.); Eutychius (1. s. c ) eight months; so also Mirkhond (l.s, c); Magoudi alone gives him, in accordance with his coins, a reign exceeding a year. H e makes Kobad reign eighteen months (Prairies d'Or, vol. ii. p. 233). 32 Eutychius, 1 s.c. 33 Magoudi, vol. ii. p. 232. 34 Thomas in Numismatic Chronicle f o r 1873, p. 250; Mordtmann in the Zeitschrift, vol. viii. p. 341. ss T h e eighteen months of Magoudi would not be complete until August "23; b u36t they were probably incomplete. So Tabari (vol. ii. p. 317), Magoudi (vol. ii. p. 233). and Mirkhond (p. 409). Tabari notes t h a t some accounts said he was only one year old. 37 Tabari, 1 s. c. On the high dignity of purveyors in Oriental courts, see 1 Kings, iv. 7-19. 38 See Patkanian in the Journ. Asiatique for I860, p. 219. 39 Nicephorus, De Rebus post Mauricium. p. 15, A. 40 Nicephorus, De Rebus post Mauricium, p. 15, B. 41 So the Armenians. (Patkanian, I s c ) 42 Tabari, 1. s. c. 43 Ibid. Compare Mirkhond. p. 410. 44 Bar-hebrssus explains t h e n a m e Shahr-Barz as equivalent to 7izir baro, "wild b o a r . " Mirkhond seems to approve t h e derivation (Histoire des Sassanides. p. 410). 44 Mirkhond (p. 411) and Tabari (vol. ii. p. 3-18) give Shahr-Barz a reign of forty days; Magoudi (vol. ii. p. 233) and Theophanes ip. 273, D) of two months. Some authors only allowed him twenty days. (Mirkhond, 1. s. c.; Magoudi, I. s . c ) 40 By this supposition we may best reconcile Theophanes

Ibid, x x x 1. 10. h i m w h o h a s r i c h e s a s well as to h i m I b i d . x h v . 11. 62 i w h o h a s no p o s s e s s i o n s . " ( Yagna, x x x v . H a n g , Essai/s, p p . 11, 136, &c. 83 Yagna, xlui 6. C o m p a t e S o p h . i 1 - 4 ) 80 CEd. Tyr. 837-844;— vo^j-ol v^itroSes, S>v ; See t h e A u t h o r ' s Ancient Monarchies. vol ii p 318. 2nd e d i t i o n . 'OAvfATtos iraryp fJ-cvos, ov&€ VLV Ot ariL 81 H e r o d i. 132; A m m . J l a r c . xxiii. 6. avepiiiv iTTiV7f V, ovSe iTore Aada KaraKoi/idffet. Yagna, x x x n i . 3. 83 64 S e e a b o v e , n o t e 64; a n d c o m p a r e Yagna, xii 1—1} 65 Yagna, xii. 8; x x x i i . 5; x x x i i i . 2; xlvii. Ancient Monarchies, vol. 1. p . 133; 1; x l i x . 4; »Sc. v o l ii p. 24. '¿rid e d i t i o n . 0 81 s H e r o d , i. 131. S e e e s p e c i a l l y t h e Vendidad, Farg. 67 8-11, a n d 10, 37 B e r o s u s a p . Clem. A l e x . Protrept. 85 H e r o d i. 139; S t r a b . x v . 3; § 15 a n d § 5. T h e e r e c t i o n of i h e s t a t u e a t S u s a 16; A g a t h i a s , ii. p. 00, w a s c o m m e m o r a t e d b y M n e m o t i in a n i n s c r i p t i o n . ( L o f t u s , Citaldcea a n d SuVendidad, F a r g . 19, § 30-32; H a u g , siana, p . 372.) Essays, p 156 67 T h e Jlafii c a n s c a r c e l y h a v e b e e n «»See H e r o d , i. 199; S t r a b . x v i . i. §20; t h e p r i e s t s of t h e P e r s i a n s w h e n D a r i u s B a r u c h , vi. -13. 65 Hystaspis proclaimed a general massaW i n d i s c h m a n n , Ueber die Persische c r e of t h e m , a n d e s t a b l i s h e d t h e a n n u a l Anahita oder Anctttis, p. IB. 50 M a g o p h o n i a ( H e r o d , iii. 79); b u t w h e n See t e x t , p . 582. 71 Herodotus wrote, a b o u t seventy years An i d o l a t r o u s w o r s h i p of C a b m a n l a t e r , t h e v h a d a t t a i n e d t h e p o s i t i o n (ib. ("O^eu'os). a n d A m e i d a t t'Aj-'aSaros) w a s e s t a b l i s h e d in W e s t e r n Asia in S t r a b o ' s ! i. 132i. S e e t h e A u t h o r ' s " E s s a y on t h e Religion of t h e A n c i e n t P e r s i a n s , " in t h e a g e ( S t r a b . xi. 8, § I. a n d n . 3, § 15); b u t first v o l u m e of his Hetoclotns ipp. 346it is u n c e r t a i n w h e t h e r t h e s e c o r r u p I 350, 2nd e d i t i o n ) , a n d c o m p a r e W e s t e r tions continued into Sassanian times. 72 p. H a u g , Essays, p. 230; W i n d i s c h - I pa&rd, " P r e f a c e " t o t h e Zendavesla, m a n n , Zoroastrische Studien, p. 59. 73 [ '«8 See t e x t , p p 271. 272. Haug, pp. a n d 258. 89 7,1 P a t k a m a n , in t h e Journal Asia tique C a u r v a is i d e n t i f i e d (Tiaug, Essays, f o r 1800, p. 115. p. 230) w i t h t h e I n d i a n S h i v a , w h o h a s t h e e p i t h e t Sarva in o n e of t h e l a t e r I b i d . Mov-pet or Mog-pet, "Blago"Vedas (.Yajai-Veda, x v i . 28) Naonr t i m c a p u t , " b e c o m e s m t h e l a t e r Perhaitya, r e p r e s e n t s t h e A s w i n s , w h o s e sian Mobed colieetlve n a m e in t h e V e d a s is N a s a t y a s . »i See t e x t . p. 430 Tarie a n d Z a n c a r e peculiar to the IraSee text, p p 207, 417. 418. 486. &c 93 nian system. H y d e c o m p a r e s t h e m t< > t h e " B i s h 75 Yacnii, xii 4 o p s " of t h e C h r i s t i a n C h u r c h (Detelu). 76 Pert e . 3b. p . 3 7 2 ) I b i d . x x x . 0. 77 94 T h e (iiiI h a s h a v e b e e n c o l l e c t e d a n d S t r a b o . x v . 3, § 15; Diog. L a e r t . p u b l i s h e d b y H a u g . in t w o v o l u m e s ; Prooem $ 0. T h e p o i n t e d c a p a n d c l o a k ( L e i p s i c . 1858-00». T h e y a r e m e t r i c a l , : w e r e still w o r n in P a r t h i a n t i m e s . (See a n d a r e supposed to f o r m t h e earliest PI. IX.) i5 p o r t i o n of t h e Z e i i d a v e s t a . A m m Marc, xxiii, 6: p 373. 75 S e v e r a l of t h e Y a c h t s a r e t r a n s l a t e d See t e x t , p 486. 3 7 b y H a u g , in h i s Essaiix on the Religion ' I h e s t a t e m e n t of H e ' o d o t u s t h a t of the Parsees, B o m b a y , 1862. t h e P e r s i a n s h a d n o Lemples (i. 131, a d

on. x x v m ]

THE

SIC VKNT1I

MONARCHY.

703

init.) is not, even true of his own age, as 000! Probably a cipher should be struck appears f r o m the Behistun inscription, off121both numbers. where Darius state? t h a t he rebuilt t h e Mirkhond, Histoire des Sassanides, " t e m p l e s " ( a y a d a n â ) which Gomates p. 404. Compare Tabari t.1. s. c.) and Mathe Magician had destroyed (Beh. Ins. youdi (vol. ii. pp. 230-2). 122 col. i. par. 14, § 5). In Sassanian times Here again I am indebted t o Pattheir fire-temples are frequently menkanian for t h e native n a m e s of the offitioned. (See text, p. 524; and compare cers. (See above, note 119.) In modern Nicephorus, De Rebus post Mauriaum, Persia the corresponding officer is called p. 12, A; Hyde, De lelig. Pers. c. 29. p the Buzurk-Fermunder. 123 359; Creuzer, Symbol i p p 651, 719, 2nd As Elisseus and Lazare Parbe. who edition; Patkanian, m Journ. Asiatique, wrote between A.D. 400 and 500, and Se186(1, p i 12; &c.) peos, who wrote betweeu A.D. 600 and 98 700 IIOo a(j(3eiTTOï' ^vAarrovtriv ot Ma-yot 124 (Strab xv. 3, § 15). J This was the chief seat of the court 9, > See the representations on coins, in the earlier times—from t h e foundaPis. X I , XV., XIX , XXI., XXII. tion of the empire, a t any rate, till t h e 100 time of Julian. (See text,' p. 354. As in the coins given (see Pis. XXI.12r XXIII.) ' See text, p. 529. 101 126 These guardians became ultimateThose of Serbistan and Firuzabad ly so debased as scarc ^ly to present the i in Persia Proper, of Ctesiphon in Irak, appearance of human figures. They a r e and of Maslnta iu the land of Moab. however maintained, together with the (See Pis. XXVII,-XXXI) J27 fiie-altar, to the very close of the emSee note 195. Chapter XXIV. 123 pire (See the coin of Isdigerd III., PI. Tlieophau. Chronograph, pp. 268XXIV ) 2702 9 102 Herod, i. 107, 10S, 120: vii. 19, 37; i See PI. XII. Cic rle Div i. 25. 41.&C. That the Magi is» See especially PI. XXXV. 131 of Sassanian times undertook to exThe patterning appears in the figpound omens, appears f r o m the story ure representing Chosroes II , under the of Iiobad's siege of Amida (see text, p. arch at Takht-i-Bostan, and in the s t a t u e 435>. of Sapor I In this latter case the pat103 tern is a cross. (See PI. XXXV.) Dino, Fr. 8; Schol. Mic. Titer. 613; 132 Vendidad. Farg. xviii. 1-6. See the figures of Sapor I (Pis. 104 Vendidad. 1. s. c. XIII. and XIV.); Mnd compare t h a t of See Herod, i. 140. Artaxerxes I. (PI XXXV ). 108 133 See especially t h e central figure in The round cap. with its ornamenthe archway a t Takht-i-Bostan, which tation of jewels or pearls, may be best represents Chosroës II. in his robes of seen in the gem portraits of Sapor I. (PI. state. (Flandin, Voyage en Perse, pi. XV.), and Hormisdas II (Pi XVIII ) It 9.) seems to be still worn in the time of 107 Chosroes II. (PI. XLVI.). but is lower, Tabari, Chronique, vol. ii. p. 305. only just covering the head. This is, of course, an exaggeration. 134 e See especially the figure of Chosi° Ibid, p 304. 109 roes II. under the arch D'Herbelot. Bibl. Orient, vol. iii, p. 135 4S0. Ear-rings are, I believe, universal upon the coins; but in the sculptures Cedrenus, p. 412. 111 they are not unfrequentlv omitted (See D'Herbelot, 1. s. c. 113 the'head of Narses, PI. XVIII.) See Maçoudi, vol. li. pp. 156-9. 136 113 See the coins (Pis. XII., XV., XVIII.. So Gibbon, following certain Orien&c137\ tal authorities (Decline and Fall. vol. v. p. 395). Other writers (as Mirkhond and See t h e bas-relief of t h e stag-hunt (PI138XLIII.). Tabari) raise the number t o 12,000. (See The following description is tak^n note 108, Chapter XXIV.) 114 almost wholly f r o m the figure repreTabari, vol ii. p. 305. 115 senting Chosroes II. on his war-horse. See Pis. XIII., XIV., XVI., and Sheb-Diz. in the lower compartment . 114. I.-,« See'text. p. 361. 160 Ibid. pp. 301, 365, and 368. 160 See the representation of Chosrogs ÎT. (Pl. XLI.; and compare Julian, Orat. ii 1111 p 116. The pay of an archer considerably I exceeded that of an ordinary foot soldier (see text. p. 4R7). See text, pp. 356 and 443. II,3 See text. p. 301. 104 See text, p p 2t>2 and 558. 105 Compat e Vu g O'eorg. iii 31: Hor. Od. i. lit, 11 : u 13. 17 : Just m xh 2: Tac. Ann. vi. 35; Claudian, De laud biilich. i. 68. &iovinces under t h e Acbœmenians (Herod, vii. 26). and led them into battle. The same system probably prevailed under the Sassanian s. 163 On these and the following n a m e s of office, see Patkanian in the Journal I Asiatique for 1866. pp. 114-5. 170 I 171 See text, p. 546. i See Ker Poiter. Travels, vol. i pis. 20 and 22: Texier. Description de l'Ar! même. &o . vol. ii pis 131 and 132. 172 ; The single ring m a y be an emblem | of the sun: but the five striated balls d e f y conjecture. They a r e certainly not the five planets. 173 See text, p. 530. 474 See text. pp. 442. 443, 466, 471, 523, &c.1 7 5 See text, pp. 334. 417, and 427: and note 60, Chapter XXIII. 170 At the great siege of P a r a s by Chosroës I (see t*-xt. p 479), Rustnm's a r m y a t Cndesia numbered 120.000 (ibid, p. 547). The army brought by Artaxerxes T. against Alexander Se^ nnt,4 :i, t9il — retii es into Con-tantia m, 43b i Artabazus defeated at Flatasa n, 48^ — slavs Ardazane avried captive to Egypt, ni. lit; Arlan character ot Medes ;.nd Per— claims Parthian throne in, 210 sians . . ii, 3G, 315 — deserts the .lioman cause iii, i l l — reli'-i .11, Earliest pluise of n, 4(5 A r t a x a t a destroyed by Priscus ill, 180 Ariuramnes captures a leu- Sc.\ thiuns ii, 478 — taken by l.'orbnlo in, 154 Ariaspes takes his o w n l i f e . . .' ii, 528 — taken by Vahau 111, 415 Ariobarzancs, Revolt ol Ii, 52i A r t a x e r x e s I , of Pel sia, accedes ii, 503 AristaRoras takes Sal (lis ii, 482 — character of li, 500 ii, 50; Arithmetic of Chaldapa i, tit — makes peace w i t h Greece Armenia becomes a Persian province iii, 2M) A r t a x e r x e s I I ,(Muemon)Accession of ii, 512 — becomes a Roman province la, 171 A r t a x e r x e s Mnemon, Character o f . . ii, 528 iii,50:i — Death of n, 52 f — declares l o r Ch ismc.s I I — Eastern, described n, 19 — invades Cadusia ii, 525 u,5H — forced into Zu> o.'o.trianism in, 408 — wounded at Cnnaxa — formidable t > the Medes ii, 32 A r t a x e r x e s III.. (Ochus), accedes ii. 321) — j^iven t o Tiiiranes ill, 151 I — cmsli"s i-'ticenlcians ii, 530 — in a state of :mai chy in. 39 I j — defeated bv jNectancbo n, 52J — invaded by Esarhaddon i,4Vi — poisoned by lia^oas ii. 533 — invaded by l i t radius iii, 523 | — reduces E g j pt ii, 531 — invaded by Vola^ases I iii, 150 ! A r t a x e r x e s I , Che Rassunian, accedes iii, 25" — loses her opportunity iii, SO) — defeats A l e x a n d e r Severus in, 2Hi — made neutral by treatv iii, 361) — Death of iii, 279 iii. 201 — Nikhor made povernor of m, 423 — driven t o India — pacified by Balas iii, 424 — Ms dvint* speech iii. »74 — plundered by Alexander Severus.. ni, 265 — marries a Parttiian princess iii, 210 — l ^b' ls njtniiist b d i e e r d I I iii, 407 — victorious at Hormuz ill, 21n, 200 iii. 378 — relinquished to Parthia i,i, IK A r t a x e r x e s II. succ eeds Sapor I I

SEVEN GREAT A r t a x e i x e s III. slain by Shahr-Barz.. HI, 540 — succeeds Kobad II lti, 53t> Artaxerxes of Armenia deposed iii, 399 Artaxias succeeds Artavasdes ill, 116 Arteman, the site of Adrapan u. 17 Artogerassa taken by Sapor II In, 373 Arts and Sciences ot Babvlon li, 188 Arxam&s, Leontius rteieated at .. iii, 518 Aryandes.governor of Egypt, executed 11, 4(15 Arvenis marries Astyages li. ICS Arzanene ceded to the Romans iii, 80S 7 — invaded by Celer ill, «481 — occupied by Maurice iii, Ascalon taken by Sennacherib i, •its Ascalus, Founding of ii, 99 Ashdod, as the key of Sj ria ii, 148 — taken by Psamatik I ii, 11)5 — taken by Sargon i, 440 Asia Minor, a terrestrial p a r a d i s e — ii, 283 — invaded by Asshur-bam-pal i, 479 — overrun by Alexander the Great.. ii, 538 — Persian ravages in iii, 284 iii, 387 — possessed by Ostrogoths Asiuai, the robber-chief iii, 136 Aspacures made King of Iberia iii. 873 Aspadan, the Median town ii, 17 Aspamitres, the eunuch slain ii, 503 Aspebed executed by Chosroes I iii, 449 Aspis of Cappadocia revolts, ji, 527 Asps charmed in the East li, 3"9 Assafoetlda, or Silphium ot Cyrene .. ii, 311 — found in Persia ii, 35; ii), 253 Asshur, the chief god of Assyria. . . . i, 341 Asshur, the third city of Assyria i, 133 Asshur-bam-pal or sardanapalus.. .. i, 374 i. 473, 477 — Accession of — Architecture of 1, 486 — attacks Tyre i> 478 — Character of i. 4h9 — Death of i, 490. 497 — defeats Tirhakah 1, 477 i, 4SI — Hunting exploits of — invades Arabia 1, 484 — Invades Asia Minor 1, 479 — invades Egypt 1, 478 — Literary taste of i, 484 — loses Egypt j, 483 — Palace of 1, 48G 1, 478 — sacks Thebes — Severities of i, 481 — subdues Kharbat i, 47'1 — subdues Susiana 1, 483 — takes Izirtu i. 479 — takes Petra 1. 48 i Asshur-bil-kala, Reign of i, 394 Asshur-danin-pal, Rebellion of 1, 414 Asshur-dayan I., of Assyria i, 380 Asshur-dayan III., Reign of i, 123 Asshur-emid-illn. See Saracus. Asshur-izir-pal, Accession of 1, 390 — Campaigns of i. .3!« — Death of .1, 407 — Expedition of 11, '¿.2 — his love of hunting 1. 401 •uri — Palace of Asshur-lush, Reign of 1, 4 »3 Asshur-ris-ilim, Accession of 1, 381 Assyria, the second monarchy i, 120--513 — Agriculture of — Antiquity of, discussed 1, 3G8 — Architecture of 1, 178 — betrayed by Nabopolassar 1, 4M — Birds of }. 118 — Cities of }• 131 — chronology of 1, 370 — Climate of j, 139 — Commerce of 1. 317 — Description of 1, 120 Domestic animals of i, 150 — Eurlv relations t o Media ii, 83 — Ethnology of 1, 151 141 — Fertility of 141 — Fruits of • 3^7 — History of 1,

MONARCHIES.

709

Assyria, Independence of i, 377 — Intemperance in 1,313 — Irrigation of i, 142, 325 — Kings ot, Table of i, 372 i, 167 — Language of — Manna of i, 145 — Military tactics in i, 2b9 1, 241 — Military usages of — Mimetic art of i, 210 — Minerals of i. 145 — Mvthology of i, 344 — Political geography of i, 129 — Products of i, 143, 325 —- Prophetic description of 1,489 — Religion of i, 341 i, 123 — Rivers .of — Science In i, 238 — Strength and weakness of i, 503 — Temples of i, 197 — weakened by Scythians i, 496 — Zoology of i, 146 — See also Babylon and Nineveh. Assyrian archery service i, 254 — arrowhead writing 1, 171 i, 214 — ort, Periods of -bas-reliefs 1,213 — battering-rams i, 274 — boats and rafts i, 315 — bows and quivers 1, 264 — brick-making i, 231 — bronze work 1,225 — carving and patterns 1, 20S 1, 249 — cavalry force — coloring pigments i.^'X) — colors. Refinement in t, 228 — conquests of Tiglath-Piieser 1 1,384 i,328 — costume of people — costume of royalty 1, 283. 288 1, 293 — Court ceremonial — deities. Table of i, 358 — dominion, E x t e n t of i, 415 — dwellings 1, 335 — embossed work i, 223 — empire, Overthrow of i, 500; ii, 93, 259 — enameled bricks i, 227 — execution of captives i, 278 i, 323 — exports — fasts and festivals i, 3G5 — fleet 011 the Tigris i, 457 — food. Articles of i, 332 — furniture J, 235 — glassware i,2,33 — history reviewed 1,500 — implements of labor i, 3® — importations 1,321 i. 252 — infantry service — inheritance of Babylon ii, 124 — kings as monogamists i, 294 — kings, Table of i, 513 — lion-hunting i, 295 — memorials of conquest I, 282 — metal castings 1, 222 — military decline i, 425 — monarchy, Antiquity of 1, 308 — monarchy, Notes t o i, 531 — musical Instruments i, 30ì — offensive arms 1, 263 — ornamentation i, 206 — palaces described i, 179 — pottery 1,231 — power declines i, 491 — pride of character i, 158 — pursuit in boats 1> 281 — resemblance t o Jews i, 153 — royal attendants i, 291 — royal name«, Meaning of i, & 8 — ruins located i, 131 — sacred symbols i, 344 — sacrifices of worship i, 363 — sculptures 1,506 — sensuousness i, 154 — shields and mail i, 261 — siecre-tactics i, 274 — spirit in war i, 155

710

GENERAL

Assyrian statues and statuettes., 1, — swords and spears i, 1, — tablets and cylinders — terra cotta work i, — toilet articles i, — traces in Egypt j, — trade—land traffic i, — traits o i character i, — tribute of Persia i, i, — vehicles described — w a r chariots 1, — wars ol' Sargon l, — weapons of wartare i, — wine drinking i, — women secluded i, — worship of Asihur 1, Assyrians as navigators i, i, — Civilization ot — defeat Pliraortes 1, — invade Palestine 1,400, — Origm of i, — Physique of the J, Astrology in Bab} Ion ii, Astronomical use ot color In Babylon ii, Astronomy in Assyria l, ii, — m Babylon — in Chalda?a i, Astvages defeated and captured.. u, 11», ii, — Domestic relations of — marries Atyeni^. ii, — releases Cyrus f r o m court ii, — succeeds Cyaxares I ii, Athenian disaster in Sicily ii, 11, — expedition to the East — fleet defeats Persian squadron ii, — fleet stranded in Egypt ii, Athens occupied by ¡Vlardonius ii, ii, — taken by Xerxes I — walls of, rebuilt ii, Athos, Canal of, made ii, Atrines assumes Susianian c r o w n . . . ii, — the pretender, executed n, AtropatSni now called A z e r b i j a n — u, Attica occupied by Xerxes I ii, Attila, at the height of his power 111, Audience, Great Hall of, at Persepolis ii, Aurehan accepts a robe f r o m Persia in, - assassinated m, ill, — carries Zenobla to Home Aurelius succeeds Antoninus Pius... in, — Emperor, death of ill, Augustus sends Tiberius to Armenia, in, Avars overran Thrace in, Avesra. See Zendavesta. Axumites favored by Justinian ii;, Axumites. See Abyssinians. Azarethes censured by Kobad iit, 447 Azariah defeated by Tiglath-Plleserll i. 42!) Azermidocht succeeds her sister. ... iii, 541 — succeeded by Isdigerd I I I iii, 541 Azerbijan, the ancient AtropatemJ.... n, Azotus, Cendebseus defeated at in, 54 Baal of T v re submits to Asshur-banipal i, 478 Babek, the paymaster, Anecdotes o f . in, 487 Babil mound, Size of the ii, ira Babylon, Architecture of n, ÌS'J — Astronomy m n, 205 — attacked by Tialath-Pileser I i, — Bricks of, described ii, 190 — Bronze castings of ii, 2oy — Chronology of, Table of ii, '"•) i — Colors used in ii, 191, 20.1 — Commmerce of ii, 2 8 — Description of ii, i;o — Glassware of n, 2'14 — Hanging-gardens of n, 175, 2!« 2.JÎ) — History of — Human sacrifices of ii, 171 — Importations of ii, 21!) — Kasr mound of n, 179 — Mechanical arts of ii, 201 — Metal-work in n, 202 — Mimetic art of ii, 197 _ Palaces ot. ii, 171, 193

INDEX. Babylon, Pigments used in ii, 201 — pillaged by Sennacherib i, 459 — Pottery or ii, 203 — revolts under Susub l, 458 — Religion of ii, 224 — revolts against Xerxes I ii, 437 — Rums of, located l, 14 — Science in ii, 205 — Size of. uncertain n, 470 — taken by Cyrus the great n, 257, 413 — taken by Darius Hystaspis n, 401 — taken by lutaphres li, 404 i, 447 — taken by Sennacherib — taken by Sep. Severus ill, 194 — taken by Trajan iii, 177 — Textile fabrics of n, 2u4 — Tiglath-Pileser [I. attacks i, 429 — True greatness of ii, 259 — Walls ami gates ot ii, 172,17ti — W a r tactics n, 215 — Wise men of n, 217 Babylonia, the fourth monarchy ii, 122 li, 218 — Agriculture in —- conquered by Antioehus Lidetes.. iii, 50 — Date culture of ii, 220 — Domestic animals of n, 100 — extent of the empne ii, 122 — Fertility of ii.22) — Geography of ii, 124 — Produi.toif in, 45 — Sbalinaiioier II , invades l, 409 — subdued by Rargon l, 441 — under Assyrian rule ii, 230 Babylonian empire, Boundaries of... ii, 149 i], 258 — Character ot — Founding of li, 238 — its animals li. 153 — its birds ii,l">9 — its cities li, 147 — its gems . . . . . ii, 157 — its lakes it, 143 — its productions ii. 154 — its rivers ii, 131 — overthrown ii, 257 Babvloman alliance with Lydta ii, 252 ii, 188 — arts and sciences — captivity of the Jews ii, 244 — cement ii, 19« — civilization ii, 24) — commercial enterprise it, 100 — costume ii, 211 — cruelties mentioned ii, 168 — ethnology ii, 102 — gods named ii, 221» — images of worship ii, 174 — immorality 11, 167 — kings tortured ii, 1G8 ii,167 — luxury of living — manners and customs ii, 211 — military dress ii, 214 — military power li, 167 — musical instruments ii, 232 — names, Meaning of ii,2Oi — palace described. In, 253 — power broken by Sargon i, 441 — reli.jiouj' practices ii, 109 — satrap—his revenue li. 470 — science ii, 1G — skill in cutting gems li, 202 — symbolism in worship ii, 229 — Talmud, the ill, 291 — tribute to Persia.. : i, at — Veuus worshiped in Persia ii. 127 — wheat crops ii, 155 — women di=giaced i, 367; ii, 166, 222, 228 — worship ii, 225 Babylonians defeat Anilai,..' ill, 138 -— defeated by Saigon 1,436 — defeated by Sbammuz-Vul I I i, 417 Bactna conquered by C3'rus ii, 440 — in time of Sapor I iii, 2S2 Pat?tnan revolt, The iii, 25 Baetnans defeated by Artaxerxes I . . ii, 503 Badaca taken by Sennacherib i, 458

SEVEN GREAT Bagistan, a c i t y o f Media 11, 9, 15 Bagdas assassinates Arses 11,533 — e x a l t e d b y Ochus 11,532 11, 533 — p o i s o n e d Ochus Batir L u t . See D e a d Sea. Bahrain a n d liis a r m y r e v o l t Ill, 501 — appointed general i n , :'.1 — reluses t o t r e a t w i t h his k i n g lii, 500 — slam by a poisoned dagger in, 615 — See V a r j i h i a n . Balas, D e a t h of Hi, 421 — pacifies A r m e n i a ill, 421 — succeeds P e r e z e s iii, 4'il B a l k a n s crossed by D a r i u s H y s t a s p i s . li, 478 B a l k h o c c u p i e d by t h e T u r k s lii, 500 — See also B a c t r i a . B a n q u e t s of A s s y r i a n s 1,334 — of B a b y l o n i a n s li, 221 — o f the Medes, L u x u r y o f ii, 43 — of t h e P e r s i a n s li, 314 Bar, o r N m , t h e c o d Saturn i, 86, 853 Barmla, o r r i v e r of Damascus n, 1*0 B a r b a r i a n i n r o a d s oi h i s t o r y i, 492 Barbarians of n o r t h e r n A s i a iii, GO Bardanes. See V a r d a n e s . B a r e s m a n e s slain at Daras iii, 444 Birsemius aids Niger in Syria in, li) 1 Bas-relief of A r t a x e r x e s I. (Sass) ill, 218 Bas-reliefs o f A s s y r i a n s l, 2)2 — of Cha)d;»ans i, (11 Jii, 221 — of P a r t h i a — of Sapor I iii, 288 — of S h a l m a n e z e r I I ¡,412 — o . the Sassanians ill, 570 B a t t e r i n g - r a m s of A s s y r i a n s i, 274 Bartle-ax of t h e A s s y r i a n s i, 208 B a t t l e ol i h e B r i d g e iii, 5.6 B d e l l i u m i m p o r t e d bv P a r t h i a n s Hi, 238 Beasts of B u r d e n i n B a b y l o n i a 11,101 B e a v e r s of A s s y r i a l, 110 B e h e a d i n g of A s s y r i a n c a p t i v e s Behistun r o c k - s c u l p t u r e o i P e r s i a ii, 474 — t n e site or Bagistan li, 15 j Bel, t h e A s s y r i a n d e i t v i, 70, 317 Bel-kudur uzur. of A s s y r i a 1, 880 Bel-Merodaeh, o r Chalda?an J u p i t e r . , i, 87 Belisarius a r r i v e s a t Daras lii, 460 Belisarius d e f e a t s P e r o z e s iu, 414 — d e s t r o y s V a n d a l s in A f r i c a m , 451 — drives'garrison into Nisibis in, 41.0 — invades Persarmeuia ill, 441 — m a d e " G e n e r a l of the East " ill, 442 ill, 401 — reaches E u r o p u s — saves A n t i o c h iii, 445 — sent a g a i n s t the V a n d a l s ii), 447 — subdues the M o o r s ill, 451 — takes Sisauran6n in, 40 Bells, B r o n z e , in A s s y r i a i. 337 Bel-hazzar'-t Feast ii, 257 B e i t e s h a z z a r — m e a n i n g of the n a m e , ii, 205 Beltis, the o r i e n t a l d e i t y . . . . 1,77,350 — D e g r a d e d w o r s h i p of .i, 307; il, 10b, 222, 2't8 Belus, G r e a t t e m p l e of . . . ... li, 173 Ben-hadad assassinated by H a z a e l . . . i, 410 Bendamir or Araxes river ii. 208 Bera, k i n g of Sodoin, d e f e a t e d i r 31 >0 Berhoea r a n s o m e d f r o m p l u n d e r iii, 454 — taken b y Chosioes I I iu,5l9 Berosian d y n a s t y . F o u r t h i, 31 'T — dvnasty. Fifth i, 110 Berosus, an a u t h o r i t y o n B a b y l o n . . . 11,123 — A s s y r i a n d a t e s of l, 370 — describes vegetables ii, 154 — his Chaldasan c h r o n o l o g y l, 90 — M e d i a n d y n a s t y of il, 78, 81 Bessas c a p t u r e s the L a z l c f o r t r e s s . . . lii, 408 — supersedes Digisthaeus i n , 400 Besuchis. See M a o g a m a l c l i a . B e t h - K a l i i r i t a k e n b y S e n n a c h e r i b . . . i, 458 Beth-Sakin, P e o p l e o f , e m i g r a t e . . . i, 450 — t a k e n by Rargon 1, 441

MONARCHIES.

7U

B e z a b d e resists C o n s t a n t i u s i i i , 343 — taken by Sapor I I i n , 8, I B i b l i c a l t e s t i m o n y o n Chaldaja l, 81 B i d p a i , F a b l e s oi iii, 49J Bil, t h e chaldEean d e i t y 1,',«, 34? B m d o e s a n d B o s t a m j o y i C h o s r o e s . . i j , 510 m , ">l.j — d r o w n e d in the Tigris — Imprisoned by H o r m i s d a s l V m , 502 Birds of A s s y r i a 1,141 — ofBabylonia ¡1,15' — o f Clialdeea l, 20 — o f .Uedia u, 3) — of Persia Proper n, 8,2 B i r n c t e l - K e r o u n , or L a k e Jloeris n, 2!'> Birs-i-Nimrud located n, 181 B i t - I n i b i t a k e n b y A s s h u r - b a n i - p a l . . . i, 4:-2 Bit-Yakin founded ii, 284 Bits of chariot-horses i, 247 Bitumen, Blazing balls of iii, 35 i 1,14li — pits ot K e r k u k Black-Obelisk k i n g i n v a d e s B a b y l o n i a n , 233 Blinding, an oriental practice i n , 537 B l o c k s o f stone, M o v i n g o f i, 23J " Boat, T h e , " as a p u n i s h m e n t ii, 3bl B o a t s of t h e A s s y r i a n s i, 315 Bokhara taken b y the Turks iii, 477 Bolon restored to Persia i n , 450 Borsippa, I n s c r i p t i o n a b o u t n, 201 — L o c a t i o n of ii, 1M — Kuins of, located 1, 14 — surrenders t o the Persians it, 257 B o s t a m assassinated b y his w i f e iii, 515 B o u n d a r i e s of t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e ii, 206 R o v v a r i y e h m o u n d , b l z e of i, 102 B o w s a n d q u i v e r s of A s s y r i a i, 204 B n c k - m a k m g in Assyria i, 231 — m Babylon i i , 201 — i n Chaldeea l, 49 Brick-masonry of Babylon ii, 119 Bricks, E n a m e l e d , o f A s s y r i a l, 227 ii, 158,190 — of Babylonians described — preferred by Assyrians i, 2i9 B r i d g e of X e r x e s I. d e s t r o y e d ii, 497 Bridges in Babylon il, 173 — of the Persians ii, 330 B r o n z e castings of B a b y l o n i j , 203 — w o r k of Assyrians i, 225 B r y z a c i u s slain at a b a n q u e t lii, 5u9 B u f f a l o e s d o m e s t i c a t e d i n B a b y l o n i a ii, 101 Building-stone i n P e r s i a ii, 313 — of A s s y r i a l, 2'>9 Bull-hunting i n A s s y r i a l, 298 Burbur o r A k k a d , T r i b e o f i, 37 Burial a s a c r i l e g e i n P e r s i a n i , 490 — places of Chaldtea i, 57 — p r o h i b i t e d in P e r s i a ii, 03; i n , 441 Burzes d i s a p p e a r s f r o m A n t i o c h . . . 1 1 1 , 454 Cadesia i n v e s t e d b y P e r s i a n s i n , 547 Cadusians, a n o m a d t r i b e n , 1!) — Campaign against l , 525 n, 109 — subnnt t o t h e Medes C a s s a r e a M a z a c a t a k e n b y C h o s r o e s I I i n , 5-'0 — t a k e n b y Sapor I in, 284 Calah, t h e s e c o n d c i t y o f A s s y r i a . ,.i, 182,100 — P a l a c e of Esar-haddon a t i, 171 — rises i n t o g r a n d e u r i, (MO Callas d e f e a t e d b y M e n t o r j ,5 1 Callias, P e a c e o f , c o n c l u d e d n, 595 Callidromus, a Greek, captured m , 108 C a l l m i c u s , B a t t l e of i n , 440 — r a z e d b y Chosroes I m , 401 Callinlcus flies t o P a r t h i a in, 1 « ! C a l m n e s s a t r a i t o f t h e B a b y l o n i a n s , ii, 170 Calneh, of Moses, l o c a t e d i, 14 C a l t r o p s u s e d by D a r i u s C o d o m a n n u s ii, 320 — used b y t h e P a r t h i a n s i i i , 20"), 227 C a m b y s e s , C h a r a c t e r of li, 454 — or A t r a d a t e s , of P e r s i a il, 432 — conquers E g y p t ii, 449 — defeats Psammenitus ii, 449 — f a t h e r of Cyrus, k i l l e d ii, 433 — loses a n a r m y i n t h e d e s e r t li, 451 — punishes t h e E g y p t i a n r e b e l s li, 452 — t a k e s his o w n l i i e il, 453

712

GENERAL

Camels of Media, T h r e e k i n d s of ii, S3 — used b y t h e P a r t l i i a n s in, 229 Canal of A thos, m a d e b y X e r x e s xi, 489 Canals of ¿Mesopotamia it, 247 C'andidus d e f e a t s N i g e r a t l s s u s ill, 192 Cannibalism a m o n « theMassagetai.. i n , 07 Canzaca occupied by Chosroes I I ill, 523 Capital o f i j a b y l o m a described u, 170 Cappadocia i n v a d e d b y ijapor I i n , 2?4 Captives, C o l o n i z a t i o n of i, 443; ii, 245 — released by H e r a c l i u s i n , 524 — transplanted t o Babylonia ii, 215 — T r e a t m e n t of A s s y r i a n i,279 C a p t i v i t y of the Jews, F i r s t 1, 430 — of the J e w s , Second 1,143 — of the Jews, T h i r d Ii, 241 C.iracalius b e c o m e s e m p e r o r iii, 2(10 iii, 203 — b e t r a y s the P a r t h i a n s — imprisons Abgarus i i i , 2U0 — m u r d e r e d b y a guard j 1 i ; 204 — seeks a P a r t h i a n w i f e in, 201 Carehemisli described n, 148 — t a k e n b y Assyrians i, 4U0 — t a k e n b,y K e c o il, 1t6 Caria submits t o P e r s i a it, 440 ii, 51)8 — under A m o r g e s Carmana, City ot il, 211 Car mania r e d u c e d by the P e r s i a n s in, 200,260 — V a r a h r a n o f , accedes ill P e r s i a . . . iii, as3 Carrhse, R o m a n s r o u t e d at iii, 95 — t a k e n and lost by Sapor I iii, 281 — t a k e n b y Chosroes I i iii, 51!) — t a k e n b y Odenathtis iii, Carrhenes, the general, captured iii, 147 Cartilage saved by Phoenicians ii, 4MI C a m s crosses the Euphrates iii, 297 — dies in liis tent ill, 291 C a r v i n g and patterns in Assyria i, 2i>7 Caspian Gates, E x p e n s e ot d e f e n d i n g iii, 4"t> — t o be d e f e n d e d by P e r s i a i i i , 47.5 Cassnndane, w i f e of Cvrus ii, 4 ¡7 Cassius a l o n e successful i n the East, iii, 2.8 — assumes the purple iii, IS) — disciplines Syrian t r o o p s i i i , lt'O — made generalissimo. iii, — v i c t o r i o u s a t Sura iii, 187 Cauniaus burn tlieir capital ii, 4¡0 C a v a l r y of the Persians ii, 322 — of the Sassanians iii, 51)4 — s e r v i c e of A s s y r i a i, 24!) C e d a r - w o o d i m p o r t e d by A s s y r i a n s i, 322, 4!K) Celebrated products of h i s t o r y i), 311) Celerinvades Arzanene ill, 437 — threatens Nisibis iii, 4„7 C e m e n t of B a b ) i o n n, l'.'O Cendebaeus detested at A z o t u in, 54 Ceramics of Assyrians 1, 231 — of B a b y l o n ii, 20; Cerastes, a v e n o m o u s snake Ii, 30 > Cereals of M e s o p o t a m i a i, 21; ii, 15-5, Cersobleptt s assisted by P e r s i a n s ii, Chalcedon taken by Cliosroes I I iii, Ciialcis r a n s o m e d f r o m P e r s i a iii, Chaldsea, the first m o n a r c h y i, — A n c i e n t e x t e n t of i, — A r a b i a n d y n a s t y of i, -- A r c h i t e c t u r e of i, i, 48, — - A r t and Science i n — A s t r o n o m y in l, — B r i c k - m a k i n g in i, — Burial-places" o f l, 57 — C h r o n o l o g y of e a r l y i, 98,113 — Cities ot, located 1, 15 - - C l i m a t e of i, 18 — c o n q u e r e d by T i g l a t h i - N m i, 379 — Costumes of i, 67 — Earliest k n o w l e d g e of i, 97 — Ethnologv of.. . i, 2S — Fertility of i, 20 — K i n g s o f , tabulated i, 113 — L a n g u a g e of . i, 41 — Minerals of . ¡,25 — T e m p e r a t u r e of .. 1, 18 — T e x t i l e f a b r i c s of i, iii

INDEX. Chaldsea, v i e w of the c o u n t r y i, l — Z o o l o g y of i, 25 Chaldeean a r r o w - h e a d w r i t i n g i, 43 — bas-relief3 I, 61 i, 5i — cement — deities described i, 7i, 93 — empire overthrown i, 379 — history, D a w n of i, 100 — h i s t o r y , General results of i, l i s — Jupiter or Bel-Merodaeh 1, 87 — learning surveyed i, 41 — m a r i t i m e pursuits i, 70 — m o n a r c h y , F a l l or i, 118, 379 1, 515 — monarchy, Notes to — s i m i l a r i t y t o Classical m y t h o l o g y . i, 71 — temples i, 52, 55 — t r a d i t i o n of D e l u g e i, 94 C h a l d e a n s , Coffins o f the i, 58 — Cushite o r i g i n of i, 3i — F i r s t m e n t i o n of i, 38 — F o o d o f the i, 68 — General character of i, 40 i, 63 — M e t a l l u r g y of — P h y s i c a l traits of i, 35 — R e l i g i o n of the i, jn Chaldee a s t r o l o g y ii, 210 Chameleons described ii, 309 Chanaranges retires i n t o Persia iii, 447 — the general, m u r d e r e d iii, 450 Chaiulragupta or Sandracottus in, 34 Charax, a city of Media il, 15 — Spasini, on the P e r s i a n Gulf ii, 15 Chariot a t t a c k at A r b e l a 11, 547 Chariot-horses, T r a p p i n g s of 1, 245 Chariots o f the A s s y r i a n s i, 241 ii, 32i — of the Persians Checkers or tric-trac in P e r s i a ill, 593 Chedor-laomer, k i n g of Chaida;a.. .i, ]05, 115 Chess introduced i n t o Persia 111, 490 Chilmad, R u m s o f , located i, 15 Chinese calmness of manners ii, 170 Chmzinus and Porus succeeds Nadius ii, 234 Chionites and Persians t a k e Aniida.. iii, 337 ChlomarSn, Siege of, raised i n , 498 Chnsethas l e a c h e d by Heraclius iii, 5;9 Chorasmians, Country ot the 11, 278 Choaspes r i v e r or the ICerkhah ii, 136 Chorasmia a d j o i n i n g P a r t h i a iii, 5 Chorianes killed by an a r r o w iii, 466 Chosroes, k i n g of A r m e n i a , accedes iii, 170 — k i n g o f Armenia, aids A r t a x e r x e s l m , 261 iii, 180 — expels Parthamaspates — flies b e i o r e T r a j a n iii, 178 — invades Syria n i , lta — restored by I s d i g e r d i n , 890 i i i , 269 — slain by A n a k Chosroes I. appoints a p a y m a s t e r general iii, 486 — as a ruler i n , 483 — burns T u r k i s h g o o d s ill, 477 — dies at Ctesiphon iii, 482 — Domestic r e l a t i o n s of iii, 491 — d r i v e s out the Abyssinians iii, 476 — enters C o m m a g e n e i i i , 461 — evacuates L a z i c a iii, 474 — executes 80 tax gatherers iii, 484 — f a i l s to t a k e Edessa iii, 463 — f o u n d s a m e d i c a l school iii, 489 — his first R o m a n w a r in, 453 — his j e w e l e d cup in, 492 — Luzic w a r o f , 541 A.D ill, 458 — massacres the Mazdakites ui, 450 — occupies I l i e r a p o l i s iii, 453 — otters terms t o Justinian iii, 456 — overruns Khazar country iii, 474 — p a t r o n i z e s learning ni, 489 — razes Callinicus iii, 461 — slays Ephthalite m o n a r c h iii, 474 — succeeds K o b a d iii, 448 — takes A n t i o c h iii, 455 — takes A p a m e a iii, 450 — takes Daras iii, 479 — takes P e t r a iii, 459 Chosroes II., A r c h of iii, 569

SEVEN GREAT

MONARCHIES.

713

iii, 420 Chosroes II. assassinated in prison. 111,532 Coins of Perozes, of Persia U, 417 — defeats Babram ill, 513 — of Persian empire in, 382 — defeats Germanus Ill, 518 — of Sapor I I I — of Varahran V In, 4i :2 — defeats Leontius ill, 518 m, 513 — evacuates Canzaca iii, 524 — of the usurper Bahrain Colchis. See also Laziea. — executes Shahr-Barz m, 532 ill, 5J6 Collection of tablets found at Nineveh i, 4S5 — flies f r o m Ctesiphoil i, 443 ; ii, 245 — flies f r o m Dastagherd hi, 531 Colonization of captives — lus character in, 5 >3 Colonizing of Palestine by Ésaihaddon i, 4Ì3 — his palace pillaged in, 531 ii, 1 0 iii, 532 Colophon taken by Gyges — imprisoned in his treasury i, 219 — imprisons defeated general.* in, St 2 Color in Assyrian statuary i, /Al — invades Syria in, 5 9 Colors of Assyrian bas-reliefs i, — invited to Hierapolis in, f07 — of \sayrian ornamentation — of Babylonish art il, 2J0 ill, 521 — occupies Rhodes 1, — rids himself of Bahrain iii, 5iti — of enameled bricks — of Median battlements ii, 13 — seizes Lilius, the envoy 111, 618 n, 191 — succeeds Hormisdas IV iii, 502 — used in BabvIonian art Oomani country conquered l, 385 — takes Alexandna ill, 520 — takes Amida iii, 619 Comentiolus replaces Philippicus... ill, 499 — takes Ancyra iii, 521 Comniagene reached by Chosroes I . . Iii, 4ol ni, 105 — takes Antioch Iii, 519 — reported unfriendly 1,317 — takes Apamea iii, 519 Commerce of Assyria ii, 218 — takes Berhoea iii, 619 —of Babylon 11, 801 — takes Ceesarea Mazaca in, 520 — scorned by the Persians — takes Damascus iii, 520 Commercial enterprise or Babylon... 11, luti ii, 332 takes Daras iii, 518 Commissariat of a Persian army iii, 189 — takes Jerusalem iii, 520 Conimodus becomes emperor n, 17 Christian burial a sacrilege in Persia iii, 190 Concobar, a city of Media ili, 45 ill, 526 Conquests of Mithrldates — churches pillaged in Persia ili, 29 — devotion of the L i z i iii, 464 Consolidation of Part hia Christianity espoused by Chosroes II. ill, 5 6 Constantia, Roman bead-quarters., iii,450 — In Armenia iii, 290 Constantina ransomed f r o m Persia., ili, ¿58 ili, oli) — in Parthia in, 225 Constantine receive» Hormisdas iii, 318 — reinstated in Armenia iii, 424 — the emperor dies iii, 320 Christians persecuted by Sapor II.,.. in, Si8 — results of nls death ili, 5iS — persecut ;d m Persia in, 389 Constantine III. marries Gregoria — to be protected in Persia in, 4i3 Constantius fails to retake Bezabde. in, 340 — treated mildly in Persia iii, 190 — repeatedly defeated by Persians.. in, 322 ili, Sii Chronology of Assyria l, 370 — replies to S a p o r i i in, 320 ii, 237 — scorned by Sapor I I — of B ibylon, Table of iii, 32) — of Cbaldcea i, 98,113 — sends a w i f e to Arsaces Constantinople clamors l'or food iii, 522 — studied m Assyria i, 2 ¡8 iii, 528 Cicero marches into Cappadocia iii, 101 — resists the Persians iii, liiO Cilicia invaded by Sapor 1 Iii, 284 Corbulo advances a second time ili, 15i n, M4 — crosses the Euphrates — Queen of, meets Cyrus Iii, 152 — ravaged by Esar-haddon 1, 408 — sends embassy to Parthia iii, 308 — subdued by Sennacherib i, 159 Cordvene ceded to the Romans Cimmerians enter Asia Miuor li, ILXJ Cordvè.ióravagedby Kurs.the Scythian Iii, 482 — expelled f r o m Asm n, 101 ii, 3iil Cimon dies at Citium li, 504 Cosmetics used by Persians i, 75 Circeaium reached by Cnocu-oes I I . . . in, 5o7 Cosmogony of the Chaidseans Cosscoans, adjacent to iledia ii, 21 Cissia. See Susiana. Costume of Assyrian royalty i, 283,288 Cities and towns of Assyria 1,11] i, 257 — of ancient Chaldeea i, 15 — of Assyrian soldiers 1,328 — of Assyria located i, 131,134 — of Assyrians ii, 211 — of Babylonian empire n, HT - - o f Babylonians i, 67 — of Media mentioned li, 9 — of Chaldoeans ili, 2Ì2 — of Persian empire ii, 293 — of Parthian kings in, 238 Citium, Siege of, raised n, 504 — of Parthian nobility iii. 219, 2lì Citron-trees of Assyria i, 11^ — of Parthians n, 350 Civilization of Assyrians 1, 595 — of Persian courtoffieers ii, .109 Cleombrotus, Death of ii, 4:« — of Persian kings ii, 353 Climate of Assyria l, 13'J — of Persian populace iii, 255, 592 ~ of Babylonian empire it, i i i 1 — of Hassanians nl, 588 — of Chaldsea i, IS — of the Magi ii, 41 ii, 22 — of the Modes — of Media n, 22 ! — of Persia Proper ii, 2.8; In, 250 — of women in Babylon n, 294 Cloaks made of gol i-eloth in, 1J2 cotton fabrics of Babylon li, 'AH Coats of mail of Assyrians ¡,200 Countries bordering oil Persia l, 2,13 Cocue, the suburb of Ctesijihon J ii, lift Court ceremonial in Assyria — ceremonials in Media ii. 43 Codomannus. See Darius l i t . n, 338 Coffins of the Chaldaeans 1, 58 — customs of Persia iii, 97 Coin legends of Persia iii, 216 Cra->sus betrayed and slain m, 84 testimony of Sapor I I iti, 37T — Expedition of — the yiraiwiT takes his o w n life In, Hi Coinage of Darius Hystaspis ii, i 73 i:l, 2 ; Gaza taken by Neco ll, 241 Geoko, or nocturnal lizard ii,3U8 Gem-cutting in Assyria 1, 290 Gems of ancient Persia 11, 306, 314 — of Babylonian empire li, 157 Genesius, Theory of. 1, ;-,9 Genii of the Assyrians 1, &J9 Gennesa^et. See Sea of Tiberias. Geography of Assyria i, 120,129 — or Chaldsea 1, 3 — of Parthia P r o p e r iii, 1 — of Persian empire ii, 200 George, envoy, treats w i t h Persians.. iii, 5:7 Georgia, Christians of, persecuted... iii, 414 Germanicus sent into Asia iii, 127 Germanus defeated near Daras iii, 518 H;, 451 — assigned t o defend Antioeh — saves Constantina iii, 499 Ghllan and Mazanderan, Modern ii, 13 Gildo the Moor detaches A i r i c a iii, 380 Glassware of Assyrians i, 2-5J — of Baby Ion i 1,294 Glones, entrapped by stratagem lit, 437 Gobryas, tue Susianian rebel ii, 465 Goby, a Ilsh of Chaldsea i, 27 Gold and silver w o r k in Assyria i, 225 — yield o i L y d i a ii, lu2 Golden Horn a barrier to the Persians li i, 523 — Images, Solidity of ji, 2t 2 Gordian murdered at Zaitha Hi, 282 Gorges of Persia Proper ii, 269 Gotarzes, Accession of iii, 141 — Death of id, 149 Government of vassal kingdoms 1,502 — founded by Darius Hystaspis ii, 4Gn Grand vizier of Assyria i, 291 Granicus, Battle of the ii, f>3(> Great Hall of Audience at Persepolis ii, 397 Great Pillared Halls at Persepolis... ii, 804 Grecian possessions of Persia i!, 233 Greece, a tempting land t o Persia ii, 297 ii, & 5 — and Persia conclude a peace — March of Xerxes through ii. 49J Greek city built near Ctesiphon ill, 453 — fleet defeated by Sennacherib i, 459 — physician sent t o Persia lil, 464 — sages welcomed in Persia. iu, 489 — temples burned b y Persians ii, 424 — t o w n s of Parthia iii, 49 — traditions of Sardanapalus J, 488 Greeks bribed by Persian gold ii, 5 8 — rout, Persians at Cunaxa ii, f>20 — victorious at Platasa 11, 5iXJ —• victorious at Salaniis ii, 497 Green rubies. See Emeralds. Gregoria marries Constantine I I I iii, 539 Greyhounds esteemed in Media i), 33 Grumbates loses his son at A m i d a . . . iii, 334 Gubazes assassinated by Romans ill, 470 — hides in the mountains iii, 4SS — saved f r o m assassination iii, 405 — submits t o Chosroes I iii, 459 — succeeded by Tzathes ill, 470 Guebresor flre-worshlners li, 63 Gula, the oriental sun-goddess . ...i, 81,353 Gum-tragacanth found in Media. ... ii, 26 Gurdanaspa imprisons Chosroes II.... iii, 532 Gurgenes retires into Lazica iii, 411 Gurguna succeeds Ismi-dagon i, 108 Gyges, Accession of. ii, S9 — of t v d i a , Embassy of i, 419 — rebels against Assyria i,4S3 — takes Colophon ii, 100 Gynseceum o f the Percian court ii, B46

INDEX. Hadrian succeeds Trajan iii, J80 — w i t h d r a w s f r o m Assyria Hi, 182 Hagisa dethroned at Babylon il, 2ot> Hagmatan. Sue Ecuatana. Hair iiiid beards of Bab} ionians ii, 165 Haliearnassus taken by A l e x a n d e r . . ii, 537 Hall or an H u n d r t d Coluu.ns n, 395 Hal! of Audience at Persepolis ii, 39/ Haniadan, the site of Ecbatana ii, 9 Hamaih atttackecl by Assyrians i, 410 Hanging-gardens in Assyria i, 337 — of Babylon ii, 17.x 248 Hareem court of Sargon i, 19j Harp-playnig in Assyria i, 300 Harpagus succeeds Mazares ii, 438 Hatva, Architecture of iu, 213 — besieged by ¡sept. Severus in, 195 — besieged by T r a j a n in, 179 — betrayed to the Persians iii, 280 — palace a Sassanianmodel iii, 6CX — taken by T r a j a n iii, 177 Hawking a Persian sport iii, 593 Hazael assassinates Ben-hadad 1, 410 i, 469 — submits to Esar-haddon Hazararougd invades Armenia iii, 416 riazilu rebel3 against Assyria. i, 39!) Hea, tue oriental deity i, 78, 349 Head-dress of Persian kings ii, 339 Hecatompylos, in Parthia iii, 26, 30 Helena, Church of, burnt iii, 520 Helepolis, or movable t o w e r of attack iii, 352 Heliocles, the parricide iii. 43 Hellespont bridged by X e r x e s I ii, 488 Helmets of the Assyrians i, 260 Heraclianus defeated by Zenobia iii, 2S8 Heiaclius appointed by Philippicus. m,498 — attempts resistance t o Persia iii, 522 — consults the Gospel as an oracle... iii, 524 — defeats Shahr-Barz in, 523 — defends the Sarus bridge ill, 526 — driven t o despair iii, 522 — invades Armenia iii, 523 — makes pilgrimage t o Jerusalem... iii, 535 iii, 531 — plunders Persian palaces — reaches Chnasthas iii, 529 — succeeds Phocas in, 519 — t.ikes A m i d a and Martyropolis in, 525 — takes twenty-eight standards iii, 530 — tries t o reach Cartilage iii, 522 — winters In Cappadocia ill, 526 Herodotus, Assyrian dates of i, 370 — estimated as an authority i, 30 — on size of Babylon ii, 171 Herons of Babylonia described li, 159 Hezekiah besieged by Sennacherib... i, 449 — treats with the envoys i, 453 Hierapolis, Chosroes II. a guest at iii, 607 — ransomed w i t h silver. ii), 453 — t iken by Chosroes I I iii, 519 Hie roglyphs noticed in Assyria i, 223 Hieromax river located ii, 142 Hilluh. Mounds of i,477 Hill,11 slays Rustam iii, 551 Hindustan searched f o r its learning, iii, 4ft) Hippophagy in Persian religion ii, 56 Hir.i reduced by Kaled iii, 5-14 History and chronology of Babylon.. il, 230 — o i Chaldiea, Dawn of 1, li 0 Hittites conquered hr Assyrians i, 381 Hoa, the oriental deity i, 78, 319 " H o l l o w S y r i a " described ii, 127 Hoi wan taken by Sa'ad iii, 554 H o l y Land. See Palestine. H o m a ceremony in Persia ii, 56; iii, 586 Honierites rise against Abyssinia iii, 475 Honesty of the Babylonians il, 169 Honorius, emperor of the West iii, 386 Hordes uunoy Parthia oil the north, ill, 63 Hormuz killed by Kaled ill, 544 — Parthians defeated at iii, 210,260 — or Ram-Aormuz built iii, 313 Horinuzan becomes an Islamite iii, 555 Hormisdas loses the throne. iii, 301 — Prince, i;upns' ued iii, 315

SEVEN GREAT

MONARCHIES.

ii, 464 Hormisdas Prince escape» to Rome. lii. 31A Iataphres takes Babylon i, »33 Hormisdas I. succeeded by Varahran I lii, 294 Intemperance in Assyria — m Parthia iii, 2:19 iii, 293 — succeeds Sapor I ii, 357 Hormisdas XI., death of ill, 315 Intoxication, as a duty, In Persia Ionian Revolt reviewed 11, 481 — Marriage of iii, 314 — succeeds Norses iii, 312 Iphicrates and Pharnabazus attack Eg} pt ii, 526 Hormisdas III. defeated by Perozes. iii, 410 ii, 273 Hormisdas IV. b e c o m e s » tyrant iii, 500 Iran, Gl eat plateau of ii, 36 iii, 502 Iranic character of the Medes — blinded and l'lipusom-d ii, 315 — drives out the Turks iii, 417 — character of the Persians II, 6.3, 59 — insults Bahrain iii, fiOl — legends, Character of n. 60 — succaeds Chosroes I iii, 49a — phases of religion i, 62 Horses as offerings of sacrifice ii, 53 Iron unknown in Chalclasa ii, 312 — inferior m Babylonia ii, 100 — in boulders in Persia i,323j ii, 27; iii, 251 — of Assyria i, 150 irrigating channels i, 142/325 — of Assyrian chariots i, 243 Irrigation in Assyria ii, 27 — of Media ii, 3 J — in Media i, 22 — of Per da Proper ii, 305 — necessary in Mesopotamia iii, 393 — protected by armor ii, 323 Isdigord I , Death of iii, ;iS7 — reared in Persia iii, 2'3 — guardian to sou of Arcadius iu, 369 — sacrificed in Persia ii, 422 — persecutes Christians iii, 385 Hoshea.of Israel taken by Shalmanezer i, 43' — succeeds Varahran I ill, 403 Hostages iu the East iii, 231 Isdigerd II., Death of — attempts to convert Armenia. ni, 408 Houses of the Assyrians i, 8 "5 iii, 40S Human sacrificial alrars ii, 174 — defeated by Eplithalites — expels the Tatars iii, — of t h e P e r s i a n s ii, 316 — its a n i m a l s ii, 307 P i g m e n t s of A s s y r i a n c o l o r i n g i, 230 — it» b i r d s ii, 307 — of t h e B a b y l o n i a n s ii, 201 — its gems ii, 314 P i l l a r e d Halls a t Persepolls ii, 394 li, S13 P i s s u t h n e s e x e c u t e d l o r r e b e l l i o n — its minerals ii, 507 — its products ii, 306, 310 — r e v o l t s a g a i n s t P e r s i a ii, 505 — its reptiles ii, 308 P i s t a c h i o - n u t of A s s y r i a i, 144 — N e i g h b o r s of ii, '¿91 P i t a n é , Siege of, r a i s e d ii, 534 — overthrown at Arbela ii, 518 P l a g u e b r e a k s o n t a t P e l u s i u m iii, 4i!2 — R i v e r s of ii, 286, 290 - r a v a g e s P e r s i a u n d e r Kobnrt iii, 538 — - Six g r e a t r i vers of ii, 286 P l a n e t s , Colors a s s i g n e d to, l i i B a b y l o n n, lui — New. See S a s s a n i a n . Platea, Persians defeated at n , ¿00 Persians b o r r o w e d certain vices ii, 362 P l a t e a u , P e r s i a n , N a t i o n s of t h e ii, 2i5 — b u r n e d Greek temples ii, 4H P l a t f o r m of tlie P e r s e p o l l s P a l a c e . . . ii, ¡K5 — capture Babylon ii, 257 P l o w i n g i n B a b y l o n i a u, 220 — c o n c l u d e P e a c e of A n t a l c i d a s ii, 524 P o l y e r a t e s of Samos, p u t t o d e a t h . . . ii, 464 — defeated at Issus ii, s.-sg P o l y g a m y , a l a w of P a r t h i a iii, 237 — c a m p a n d pavilion lost at Issus ii, 541 — i n Media ii, 41 iii, 408 — i n P e r s i a — defeated in Lazica n, 35'i — d e f e a t ed a t M a r a t h o n ii, 485 P o l y t h e i s m i n A s s y r i a I, 342 — d e f e a t e d a t MycalS ii, 500 — i n Chaldiea i, 70 — d e f e a t e d a t Plateea ii, 500 Poi-npev h e s i t a t e s t o a t t a c k P a r t h i a . iii, 81 — defeated at Salamis ii, 497 P o p u l a t i o n of P e r s i a P r o p e r ii, 360 — defeated by Inarus ii, 5f>3 P o s t - h o u s e s of D a r i u s H y s t a s p i s n , 473 ii, 815 P o t t e r y of t h e A s s y r i a n s — E t h n o l o g y of i, 2J1 — gave quarter t o enemies ii, 3.32 — of t h e B a b y l o n i a n s ii, 203 — n o t scientific ii, 419 — of t h e Chaldteaiis I, 60 — Old a n d New, c o m p a r e d h i , 25! P r e c i o u s s t o n e s i m p o r t e d by A s s y r i a n s i, 322 ii, 157 — pillage S a r d i s ii, 4.31 — of B i b v l o n i a n e m p i r e — routed on the Granlcus ii, 537 — of Media ii, 13 — tolerant to Jews ii, 48 — o i P e r s i a 11, 306, 311 — 'Warlike c h a r a c t e r of ii, 318, 320 P r e x a s p t s e x o n e r a t e s h i m s e l f . ii, 4.i2 P e s t i l e n c e i n a r m y of Cassius iii, 187 P r i d e of t h e B a b y l o n i a n s ii, 168 P o t r a besieged b y Dagisthasus iii, 466 P r i e s t s , Dress of, i n B a b v l o n ii, 214 — i n L a z i c a t a k e n b y Bessas iii, 468 — of B a b y l o n ii, 218 iii, 459 P r i n c e s s e n t a s h o s t a g e s — i n L a z i c a t a k e n b y Chosro6s I ii, 412 — taken by Asshur-bani-pal i, 481 P r o b u s r e c e i v e s Chosroes I I iii, 507 P e t r o l e u m f o u n d i n ChaldEea i, 25,146 — S i c o r i u s a s R o m a n e n v o y iii, 3( R i v e r s of E a s t e r n A s s y r i a i, 123 — a s p r o p e r t v of t h e P e r s i a n c r o w n . . 11, 470 — of Media ii, 2, 5 — of M e s o p o t a m i a i, 6 — of P a r t h i a iii, 3 — of P e r s i a P r o p e r ii, 268 — of P e r s i a n e m p i r e ii, 2t)0 ii, 134 — of t h e B a b y l o n i a n e m p i r e — Six g r e a t , of P e r s i a n e m p i r e . . . ii, 236 R o b e s find d r a p e r i e s of A s s y r i a i, 237 Rodosaces, t h e Saracen, harasses Julian iii, P5l Roman alliances with Armenia iii, 329 — army trapped atnight ii), 321 — embassy visits Turkish court iii, 417 — g a r r i s o n s m a s s a c r e d b y A r t a x i a s . iii, li7 — retreats disastrous iii, 228 iii, 262 — s o l d i e r s e n e r v a t e d in t h e E a s t R o m a n s a n d L a z i d e f e a t t h e P e r s i a n s iii, 466 — begin Asiatic conquest iii, 71 — cross t h e Araxes Iii, 115 — cut t o pieces a t Singara iii, 325 — defeated b y Zenobia iii, 2^8 — defeated near Amida iii, 333 — march to Praaspa iii, 114 — m a s s a c r e d ii* M e s o p o t a m i a iii, 1!!2 — r e t r e a t u n d e r A l e x a n d e r S e v e r u s . iii, 200 — retreat under Julian iii, 361 iii, 468 — u n d e r Bessas t a k e P e t r a — under Crassus defeated by Parthians iii, 97 iii, 187 — victorious a t Sura Rome and Parthia compared iii, 233 — c o n c l u d e s t h e " E n d l e s s P e a c e " . . . iii, 450 R o o f i n g of A s s y r i a n P a l a c e s 1,193 R o p e s m a d e of d a t e - p a l m f i b e r 1, 23 Rosas kills Zadesprates iii, 508 R o s e s of e v e r y s h a d e i n Media il, 28 R o x a u a h e w n ill p i e c e s il, 510 Royal costume in Babylon ii, 213 — h o u s e of t h e S a s s a n i a n s iii, 509 — River constructed ii, 246 R u m i a peopled by captives iii, 488 R u s t a m appointed t o command iii, 545 — a t t a c k s Cadesia iii, 547 — crosses E u p h r a t e s iii, 548 — slain b y Hillal iii, 551 Sa'ad appointed to c o m m a n d ill, 548 — t a k e s Ctesiphon iii, 553 — t a k e s Hoi w a n iii, 554 Sabaces slain at Issus ii, 511 Sabakhah lake described ii, 113 Saca? i n v a d e P a r t h i a iii, 151 Srtcans c o n q u e r e d b v C y r u s ii, 440 Sacasehe, a n Armenian province i, 196

INDEX. Sacrifices of A s s y r i a n w o r s h i p i, 363 ii, 56 — of Z o r o a s t r i a m s m Sagahassus taken by Alexander ii, 538 Sagartia, adjacent to Parthia iii, 7 Sagartian rebel crucified ii, 463 Sagartians, a nomadic race, ii, 21 — of P e r s i a ii, 274 Sail" k i l l e d b y b i s b o d y - g u a r d iii, 476 S a i n t J a m e s , of Nisibis iii, 322, 326 S a j u r river l o c a t e d ii, 137 S a l a m i s , B a t t l e of ii, 497 — besieged by Piribazus ii, 525 Salban, Persians defeated at iii, 525 Salt a b u n d a n t in Persia ii, 313 iii, 29 — a n d s a l i n e s p r i n g s i n Media Samarah, Battle near iii, 362 S a m a r i a r e d u c e d b y S h a l m a n e z e r IV. i, 433 — r e d u c e d b y T i g l a t h - P i l e s e r II i, 430 — t a k e n by Sargon i, 436 S a m a r i t a n s s t o p b u i l d - n g of T e m p l e . ii, 450 S a m a r k a n d t a k e n by Dizabul iii, 477 S a m m u r a m i t . See S e m i r a m i s . Samos revolts against Persia ii, 505 San, t h e C h a l d t e a n d e i t y i, «2 Sana, Church built at iii, 475 S a u a t r c e c e s , D e a t h of iii, 80 — the octogena'ian, accedes iii, 78 S a n d d r i f t s of Chaldsea i, 19 Sandu-arra executed for revc't i, 468 S a n i t a t i o n of Z o r o a s t r i a n i s m ii, 61 Sapoes l a y s w a s t e A r m e n i a ill, 481 S a p o r 1-, Accession of iii, 279 — captures Antioch iii, 281 — checked at Emesa iii, 281 — D e a t h of iii, 292 — defeated by Odenathus iii, 288 iii, 281 — defeated near Resaina — e x e c u t e s d a u g h t e r of M a n i z e n iii, 280 — his f a t h e r ' s advice iii, 274 — his memorial sculptures iii, 289 — i n s u l t s t h e o f f e r i n g f r o m P a l m y r a iii, 286 — quells Armenian revolt iii, 280 — reattacks the Romans iii, 283 iii, 292 — r e j e c t s a n e w ci eed — seizes V a l e r i a n iii, 283 — t a k e s C a i s a r e a Wazaca iii, 284 — t a k e s Nisibis iii, 281 S a p o r II. a t t a c k s R o m e iii, 318 — B i r t h of iii, 316 — captures Artogerassa iii, 373 — D e a t h of iii, 377 iii, 325 — defeats Romans at Singara — dethrones Sauromaces iii, 373 — fails to t a k e Virta iii, 3-'9 — his barbarity to enemies iii, 317 iii, 333 — his great invasion — imprisons Arsaces iii, 373 — invades Iberia iii, 373 — loses h i s son iii, 325 — makes Arsaces king iii, 323 — makes treaty with Jovian iii, 367 — persecutes the Christians iii, 318 — rai=es sieges of Nisibis iii, 322, 323, 327 — reaches his m a j o r i t y iii, 31T — replies t o Tam-sapor iii, 330 — takes Amida iii, 337 — t a k e s Bezabde fortress iii, 339 — takes Singara «1,388 S a p o r III., Accession of iii, 381 — D e a t h of iii, 383 S a p o r , P r i n c e , k i l l e d i n t h e p a l a c e . . . iii, 390 S a p p h i r e s i n a p a l a c e roof iii, 233 Sarablagus avoids Heraclius n i , r25 — e n t e r s Tiflis iii, 527 S a r a c u s , Accession of i, 497 — b u r n s himself i n h i s p a l a c e i, 500 — p a l a c e of ii, 92 Sarangia, adjoining Parthia iii, 6 Sarcophagi at Persepolis il, 406 S a r d a n a p a l u s . See A s s h u r bani-pal. Sarrtis, t h e L y d i a n c a p i t a l ii, 98 — G o v e r n o r of, e x e c u t e d ii, 465 — revolts against Cyrus ii, 438 — t a k e n by Aristagorus ii, 432

SEVEN GREAT Sardis taken b y Cimmerians,.,, ii, 101 ii, 253, 437 — taken by Cyrus the Great Sarepta yields t o Sennacherib i, 448 Sargon attacks Egypt ii, 235 — builds Khorsabad palace i, 184, 444 a, 443 — carries Jews captive — conquers Babylon ii, 236 — Deatn of i, 415; ii, 236 — defeats Merodach-Baladan 1,43i! — defeats Yahu-bid i, 437 — deposes Ambris i, 442 — Embassy of Upir to i, 442 — his invasion of Media. ii, S3 — invades Susiana i, 436 — Palace of i, 184 — reduces Ethiopia i, 440 i, 44.S — reduces Media — restores Ispabara i, 44.! — subdues Aramseans 1,441 — subdues Babylonia i, 441 — subdues Thamudites 1, 43!) — takes Ashdod i, 440 — takes Beth-Yakin i, 441 i, 443 — transplants peoples — usurps Assyrian throne i, 435 Sarus bridge defended b y Heraclius. iii, 526 Saspeires, Country of the ii, 282 Sassanianor new Persian Empire iii, 241-599 ^architecture m,560 — armies, Size of iii, t>96 iii, 397 — army trapped by Ardaburius — bas-reliefs iii, 570 in, 393 — captives ranso med — cavalry sent t o Italy iii, 400 — coin legends iii, 2i6 — complaint of Parthia iii, 207 in, 591 — costumes — dominion in Lazica iii, 468 — envoys imprisoned iii, 246 — hatred of Europeans iii, 24i — jealousy of Abyssinia ii;, 475 — king kicked by a horse iii, 392 — king killed by a tent-pole in, 383 — kings, Table of iii, a«» — land and t a x system in, 435 iii, 'atits a truce to A r m e n i a iii, 193 Sixth Monarchy. See P a r t h i a . — raises Siege of H a t r a iii, 197 Skulls as drinking-cups i, 493 — :aL-"s Babylon iii, 194 Sllngers of the A s s y r i a n s i, 25!> — vtiies Seleucm ou T i g r i s iii, 194 Smbat d e f e a t s Ephthalites ill, 517 SUaL-iiaineh or " B o o k of t h e K i n g s . " iii, 490 Smerdis assassinated by Darius n, 458 Shahen d e f e a t e d by I l e r a e l i u s iii, 521 — the impostor, burns temples ii, 15« iii, è AS S m y r n a taken by A l y a t t e s — d e f e a t e d by T h c o d o i o ii, 101 — dies ot d i s a p p o i n t m e n t ill, 528 Sii;ikes abundant in Aledia ii, 31 — marches t h r o u g h Asia M i n o r iii, 521 Soy K h a z a r s id, Ml) — w o r s h i p m Media ii, f>« — negotiates w i t h Heraclius iii, 539 Sopheiie i n v a d e d by Persians . . in, 417 — recalled f r o m Chaleedon iii, 530 Sophia, Empress, and Count Tiberius id, 479 retreats f r o m Cilicia iii, 55« Sparethra, queen of the Sacte n, 441 — slays A r t a x e r x e s I I I iii, 510 Sparta and P e r s i a m a k e a t r e a t y n, 5: 8 — tdkes Damascus iii, 520 — r e f u s e s an a p o l o g y t o Persia ii, 523 i, 255, 258 Shahnanezer 1,, of A s s y r i a i, 378 Spearmen of the Assyrians in, 114 Shalmnnezer I I , Accession of i, 407 Statianus d e f e a t e d and slain ii, 523 — C a m p a i g n s of i, 108 S tat ira poisoned by P a r y s a t i s — Death ot i, 114 — f a i t h f u l to A r t a x e r x e s M n e m o n . . . Ii, 528 — his e m p i r e i, 114 — saved f r o m e x e c u t i o n ii, 511 --- Palace of. . i, 411 Statues ot Assyrians i. 211 — vanquishes R a z a e l l, til Sterility of Media e x p l a i n e d ii, 5 Sluilmanezer TJL, Reign of i, 423 Stilicho, 1 he general, f e a r e d in, 381 Stiaimanezer I V , Accession of i, 433 Stool-bearer of the r o y a l chariot . . . n. 342 — reduces Phoenicia i, 433 Strongholds of A s s y r i a n enemies. .. i, IiS Sham as, the o r i e n t a l sun-god i, 83, 351 Suicide of K i n g U r z a . . . . . . i, 442 Shamuz-Vul I , P.eign of i, 395 Sukura e m p l o y e d against Ephthalites in, 422 Shamuz-Vul I I , Acccssion of i, 414 — m i n i s t e r f o r K o b a d . . ni, 428 — invades Babylonia i, 417 Sun dials used in B a b y l o n ii, 20S l, 82, 351 Sliebil canal at B a b y l o n ii, 187 Sun-god of the orientals Sheep of P e r s i a P r o p e r 11, 305 : S u u l l o w e r uoon a P e r s i a n bas-relief iii, 275 ShepMlafc described ii, 131 i Superstition of the Magi ii, C4 She^ghis, o r sirocco w i n d . ii, 153 : Sura, R o m a n v i c t o r y at . . . . . iii, 1S7 Shields of the Assyrians . 1, 201 ; Surena, or field-marshal of P a r t h i a . . Hi, 235

SEVEN

GREAT

Surenas killed by Orodes iii, 100 SurÖB pillaged by Chosroes I Iii, 453 Susa, Darius Hystaspis retires to li, 480 — Great antiquity of i, 105 — Palace at ii, 401 li, 317 — palace, Seraglio o i tlie Susiana becomes Assyrian province, i, 483 — Climate of ii, 152 — invaded by Sennacherib i, 457, 458 — or Elam located l, 17 — revolts against Darius Hystaspis.. ii. 461 — See also Elam. Susiamau supremacy i, 105 — w a r of Asshur-bani-pal i, 473 Susub carried t o Nineveh i, 45S i, 459 — desecrates temple of Bel — escapes f r o m Nineveh I, 458 — Subdued by Sennacherib i, 451 Swords of the Assyrians i, 267 — worshiped by Scythians i, 494 Syennesis, proposes a peace ii, 101 Symbolism of Assyrian worship i, 314 — of Babylonian worship ii, 229 Symeou, the archbishop, slam iii, 318 Syria, Climate of n, 153 iii, 519 — invaded by Chosroes I I — invaded by Parthians in, Ihn — invaded by Sapor I in, 281 — overrun by Parthians in, 106 — Productions of li, 15!) iii, 4ii) — ravaged by Adarman — submits to Shalmanezer I I i, 411 — Three strongholds of li, 148 Syrian campaign of Ashur-izir-pal... i, 400 ii, 133 — Desert described — invasions of Sennacherib i, 447, 4V! — revolt of Megabyzus ii, 5 '5 — track of oriental armies ii, 127 — w a r of Tiglath-Pileser I I i, 429 Syrians massacred by Parthians. ... iii, 53 Table of Assyrian kings i, 372, 513 — of Chaldoean kin gs i, 113 — of Assyrian deities i, 353 — of Sassanian kings iii, 509 Tables of Persian language n, 303 Tablets and obelisks of Assyria i, 1 Tlssaphernes assigned t o L y d i a ii, 507 — watches Cyrus the younger u, 512 Titus congratulated by Volagases iii, 165 Toilet customs of Persia ii, 361 T o m b of Cvrus at Murgab ii, 402, 405 Tombs of Chaldsea i, 57 — of Persian kings ii, 351, 404 Tortures used in Persia ii, 363 T o w e r of Babel, Site of ii, 185 — of Nakhsh-i-Rustam ii, 497 Trade Ignored as involving falsehood ii, 361 — of the Assyrians 1, 317 Tradition of the Flood in chaldeea... i, 95 Trajan betrays Parthamasiris iii, 174 — captures Babvlon iii, 177 — captures tbe Parthian diadem iii, 17S

728

GENERAL

T r a j a n escapes a n e a r t h q u a k e Ill, 176 — marches into isia iii, 170 — m a r c h e s t o Edessa iii, l i o — m e t by P a r t h i a n e n v o y s m , 172 — reduces Mesopotamia h i , 175 i n , 174 — refused a c r o w n to Armenia — s u c c e e d e d b y Hadz'ian iii, ISO — t a k e s Ctesiphon iii, 178 — tribunal at Zaragardia i n , 3a0 T r a n s p l a n t i n g c a p t i v e p e o p l e s , .i, 443; li, '¿, :i52 Vul-baladm, oi Babylon slain i, 380 Vul-lush 11 , Reign o i i, 396 Vul-hish 111, Accession of i, 418 — S c u l p t u i e s of 1,421 W a l l s of B a b y l o n n, 172,176 i, L64 — of N i n e v e h W a r i m p l e m e n t s of P e r s i a il, 321 — ships ot t h e Persians n , 333 — t a c t i c s of Assi n a n s i, 269 Ii, 215 — t a c t i c s of Baby ion W a r k a m o u n d , Size o i i, 102 — r u m of ChaldiSea i, 13, 51 W a r l i k e c h a r a c t e r of P e r s i a n , 318, 3J0 — s p i r i t of A s s y r i a n s i, 1.5 — u s a g e s of A s s y r i a n s l, 211 W a t e r - s y s t e m of P e r s i a ill, 4ss W e a p o n s of Median w a r l a r e ii, 41 — of t h e Chaldasans i, 63 W h a l e s of t h e I n d i a n Sea ii, 303 W h e a t c u l t u r e i n (,'lialdiea i, 22 — r a i s i n g i n Babylonia ii, 155 W i n d s — t h e s i r o c c o of t h e E a s t ii, 153 Wine-drmking at banquets ii, 43 W i n g e d c i r c l e a s a s;. m b o l I, 344 ; ii, 422 — human-headed bulls ji, 423 W i s e Men o r Sophi of P a r t h i a iii, 47 — m e n of C h a l d a j a ii, 217 W o m e n a s c a p t i v e s — h o w t r e a t e d . . . . i, 280 — C o s t u m e or B a b y l o n i a n ii, 22< — of B a b y l o n d i s g r a c e d . I , 367-, ii, 166, 222, 223

SEVEN GREAT W o m e n of Assyria, D r e s s of i, Sit) ~ of Media ii, 37 ii, 346 — of P e r s i a n r o y a l t y — of t h e P a r t l n a u c o u r t iii, 232 ~ required to m a r r y in Persia iii, 488 — secluded by Assyrians 1,237 — secluded i n Persia ii, 349; ill, 597 — Status of, in P a r t h i a iii, 237 Wood-carving as an amusement ii, 35 S W o o l e n f a b r i c s of Babylon ii, 201 W o r s h i p of Mithra..ii, 121,127; iii, 124, 271, 585 — of t h e B a b y l o n i a n s ii, 225 — of t h e P e r s i a n s ii, 422 — See also Religion. Writing among the Assyrians i, 109 — H i e r a t i c , of Chaldsea. l, 4-i ii, 73 — in Media — m a t e r i a l s of t h e Medes ii, 77 — of t h e P e r s i a n s ii, 305, 378 X a t h r i t e s , t h e p r e t e n d e r , c r u c i f i e d . . . n , 403 X a n t h u s b u r n e d by its people ii, 410 — taken by Alexander ii, 538 X e r x e s I., Accession of ii, 485 ii, 490 — Army of, estimated — as a b u i l d e r ii. 502 — assassinated li, 51)2 — assaults Thermopyla; ii, 41)4 — banquets along the march ii, 493 ii, 488 — bridges the Hellespont — C h a r a c t e r of n, 502 — C h i l d r e n of ii, 502 ii, 192 — crosses t h e Hellespont — d e f e a t e d a t Salamis ii, 497 — demands earth and water il, 493 ii, 490 — o c c u p i e s Attica — p r e p a r e s t o i n v a d e Greece ii. 488 — quells E g y p t i a n r e b e l l i o n ii, 487 — r e t r e a t s i n t o Asia ii, 498 — seated on a marble t h r o n e ii, 491 X e r x e s II , Accession of n, 500 — murdered at a festival ii, 500 X e r x e s , P a l a c e of, a t P e r s e p o l i s . . n , 380, 391 X e r x e s , s o n of K o b a d d e f e a t s Belisarius iii, 442 X i s u t h r u s , t h e Chalda?nn Noah i, 95 Yad, W a r w i t h t r i b e s of iii, SSL Y a h u - b i d t a k e n a n d slain l, 4 .7 Yaksoum becomes t i n g iii, 475 Yaman captured in Egypt i, 440 Yemen restored to t h e Homerites iii, 47"> iii, 474 — subdued by Abraha Y e z d i j i r d . See I s d l g e r d . Yima, t h e m y t h i c a l h e r o ii, 58 Zabcrossed a f t e r Arbela n,548 — crossed b y Chosroes I I iii, 5 >9 — Upper and Lower i, 7, 123 Zabdicene ceded t o the Romans iii, 308 Zacliarius c a r r i e d i n t o P e r s i a iii, 520

MONARCHIES.

729

Z a d e s p r a t e s slain by R o s a s iii, 50!) Zagros,—its l o c a t i o n a n d c h a r a c t e r . . ii, 1 i, 130 — r a n g e of m o u n t a i n s — t r i b e s r e d u c e d b y Sargon i, 442 — tribes subdued by Sennacherib i, 447 Zaitha reached by Julian Iii, 349 Zamasp abdicates the throne iii, 431 iii, 430 — c r o w n e d as k i n g Zanies a n d h i s b r o t h e r s s l a i n i n , 449 Zaragardiaand Trajan's tribunal iii, 350 Zareh claims Persian crown iii, 423 Z a r i n a , q u e e n of t h e S c y t h i a n s ii, 91 Z e d e k i a h , m a d e k i n g of J u d a h ii, 213 Z e n d l a n g u a g e in Media ii, ¿7 — writings preserved iii, 340 Zendavesta averse to idolatry ii, 422 — its origin iii, 272 — mentions Rhages ii, 14 iii, 8, 12 ' — silent on the P a r t h i a n s Z e n d e r u d r i v e r i n Media ii, 7 Zeno c r o w n e d as Artaxlas iii, 128 Zenobia carried captive by Aurelian iii, 296 — defeats the Romans iii, 288 Zenodotium resists Crassus iii, 85 iii, 379 Z e r m a n d u c h t , q u e e n of A r m e n i a Z e r r e h , o r Sea of S e i s t a n ii, 292 Ziebel j o i n s t h e R o m a n s iii, 527 Ziggurats or temple towers i, 199 Ziligdes, Embasi-y t o t h e H u n iii, 439 Z i r - b a m t , t h e Chaldeean d e i t y 1, K) Zoology of A s s y r i a 1,140 ii,15X — of B a b y l o n i a n e m p i r e — of Chaldasa 1, 25 — of Media ii, 29 — of P e r s i a P r o p e r ii, 302 Zapyrus. t h e satrap, slain ii, 437 Z o i o a s t e r , B i r t h p l a c e of ii, 07 — the Median king i, 105 Zoroastrian dualism ii, 421; iii, 6i9 ii, 53 — heroes — i m p o s t u r e In a l t a r - f i r e s iii, 429 — mythology ii, 53,58, 423 — temples rebuilt by Darius ii, 459 Zoroastrianism defined iii, 270 — described iii, 579 — forced on Armenia iii, 408 — Immortality in ii, 5ti; iii, 587 — i n Media ii, 46 iii, 245 — in Parthia — in Persia ll, 420 — restored in P a r t h i a iii, 208 — T r a n s l a t i o n f r o m t h e S e n d i d a d . . . ii, 119 — u n d e r Sapor I iii, 290 — See also A h r i m a n a n d A h u r a - M a z d a . Zur-Sin, k i n g of Chaldsea i, 109 Zurseus, t h e g e n e r a l , e x e c u t e d iii, 371 Z u r k a or J a b b o k river located ii, 142

F O R MORE GORGIAS PRESS R E P R I N T S , SEE WWW.GORGIASPRESS.COM.