The portraits of Charles V of France (1338-1380) 5712m6788

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THE PORTRAITS OF CHARLES V OF FRANCE (1338-1380) _

The publication of this monograph has been aided bya — grant from the Samuel H. Kress Foundation

Monographs on Archaeology and the Fine Arts sponsored by

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA and | THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA Xx X

Editor: ANNE COFFIN HANSON

Claire Richter Sherman

‘Lhe Portraits of Charles V of France

a (1338-1380)

lov tu Counce sar avecctarion we werae, New York | 1969

Copyright © 1969 by The College Art Association of America Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 69-18286 Copy editor: Suzanne R. Boorsch Designer: Adrianne Onderdonk Dudden

Typesetter: Quinn & Boden Company, Inc. , Printer: Meriden Gravure Binder: J. F. Tapley, Inc.

In Memory of ADOLF KATZENELLENBOGEN (1901-1964)

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS | ix

| , ABBREVIATIONS | xi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS | xiii Introduction | 3

, 1 Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts | 7 Charles V as Historical Personality and Ideal Ruler Charles V’s Literary Program and Patronage of the Visual Arts

2 Dedication Portraits | 17 : Formal Dedication Portraits Intimate Dedication Portraits

3 Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative | 33 The Coronation Book of Charles V and Related Miniatures Historiated Charters A Feudal Register: Portraits in a Copy of the Hommages du Comté de Clermont Les grandes chroniques de France

4 Devotional and Donor Portraits | 45 | Portraits of Charles V in Small Devotional Images The Parement de Narbonne The Louvre Donor Portraits

5 Dynastic and Family Portraits | 57 The Louvre Staircase and the La Grange Buttress Figures of Amiens Cathedral Family Portraits in Manuscript [luminations

6 Tomb Portraits | 65

7 Independent Portraits | 73 . Conclusion | 79 ILLUSTRATIONS | 83 BIBLIOGRAPHY | 141

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Acknowledgments This study is based on my doctoral dissertation submitted to The Johns Hopkins University in 1964. The research was made possible by a fellowship awarded me by the American Association of University Women in 1961 and 1962. The direction and shape of the work were greatly affected by the guidance of the late Professor Adolf

, Katzenellenbogen. Miss Dorothy Miner, Keeper of Manuscripts and Librarian of the Walters Art Gallery, contributed many helpful suggestions. For their help in the final corrections of the monograph, I am indebted to Mr. Paul L. Laskin and to my

, husband, Stanley M. Sherman, who also made the text drawings and took several of the photographs. I am grateful to the staffs of the Manuscript Departments of the British Museum,

the Bibliothéque Nationale, the Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, and the Museum : Meermanno-Westreenianum. Jelisaveta S. Allen and Isham Perkins of the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library were extremely helpful in solving bibliographical problems.

, I wish to thank the following institutions for allowing me to reproduce photographs of works from their collections: the Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, the Archives de France, the Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, St. John’s College, Oxford, the Archives Municipales de Reims, The Vatican Library, the Bibliothéque Nationale, and the Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien.

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L’s\,

BOOKS | Michel, A. Michel, ed., Histoire de Histoire Vart, Il, pt. II, and III, pt. I,

Bloch, M. Bloch, Les rois thauma- Paris, 1906-07.

surnaturel attribué a laPainting: puis-Its.Origins a, , aon Early Nether- landish

es rois turges, étude sur le caractere Panofsky, E. Panofsky, Early Nether-

sance royale particulierement landish and Character, 2 vols., Camen France ‘et en Angleterre, Painting bridge, 1953.a , ° ‘

Paris, 1961. Sch P. E. Sch D | Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs der Monarchie vom 9. zumdu | sage roy 2Charles V, ed.:S. 1 Solente, vols., Paris, ; 1936-40 aus der Geschichte des abendoo lindischen Staates, 2 vols., Delachenal, R. Delachenal, ed. Les 2nd ed., Weimar, 1960. Christine, Christine de Pisan, Le livre CSE Be 90 vane er Konig Der Konig von Frankreich: Das Wesen 6. Jahrhundert, Ein Kapitel

Les grandes grandes chroniques de France, chroniques Chronique des régnes de Jean

II et de Charles V, 4 vols., Paris, 1910-20.

Delachenal, R. Delachenal, Histoire de Histoire Charles V, 5 vols., Paris, 1909-31.

Delisle, L. Delisle, Recherches sur la PERTODICALS Recherches librairie de Charles V, 2 vols., AB’ The Art Bulletin

Paris, 1907. BAntFr Bulletin de la Société na-

Dewick, E. S. Dewick, ed., The Coro- tionale des Antiquaires de

Coronation nation Book of Charles V of France

Book France (Cottonian MS _ Ti- BiblEC Bibliothéque de UEcole des

berius B. VIII), Henry Brad- Chartes

shaw Society, XVI, London, BMon_ Bulletin monumental

) GBA Gazette des Beaux-Art

Katzenellenbogen, Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The eee “ oS CEUs _ ; Chartres Sculptural Programs of Char- MAntFr Mémoires de la Société des

tres Cathedral, Christ-Mary- Antiquaires de France

1959. torica

Ecclesia. Baltimore, Md., MGH Monumenta Germaniae his-

xii | Abbreviations , MSHP Mémoires de la Société de SbAW Sitzungsberichte der philo-

Vhistoire de Paris et de U'Ile- sophisch-historischen Classe

de-France der kaiserlichen Akademie

RémJbK Rémisches Jahrbuch _ fiir der Wissenschaften in Wien

Kunstgeschichte WRJb_ Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch

Last of Ulustrations 1. The Future Charles V Disputes with the Nine Judges of Astrology. Le livre des neuf anciens juges dastrologie, Brussels, Bibl. Royale, MS 10319, fol. 3. (photo: Bibliothéque Royale) 2. Charles V Receives the Translation from Jean Golein. Opuscules de Bernard Gui, Rome, Vatican Library, MS reg. latin 697, fol: 1. (photo: Vatican Library)

3. Charles V Discusses the Translation with Jean Golein. Rational des divins offices, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 437, fol. 1. (photo: Archives photographiques)

4. Charles V Receives the Translation from Simon de Hesdin. Valére Maxime, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 9749, fol. 1. (photo: Bibliothéque Nationale) 5. Charles V Receives the Translation from Jacques Bauchant. Les voies de Dieu, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1792, fol. 1. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 6. The Future Charles V (P) Receives the Book from Pélerin de Prusse. Traité sur la sphére, Oxford, St. John’s College MS 164, fol. 33. (photo: Bodleian Library, Courtesy of St. John’s College)

7. Charles V Receives the Translation from Raoul de Presles. La cité de Dieu, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 22912, fol. 3. (photo: Bibliothéque Nationale)

| 8. Charles V Receives the Translation from Nicole Oresme, above; F élicité humaine, below. Les éthiques d’Aristote, The Hague, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, MS 10 D 1, fol. 5. (photo: Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum) 9. Charles V Receives the Translation from Nicole Oresme. Les éthiques d’Aristote, Brussels, Bibl. Royale, MS 9505-06, fol. 1. (photo: Bibliotheque Royale) 10. Charles V Receives the Book from Jean de Vaudetar, by Jean Bondol. Bible historiale, The Hague, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, MS 10 B 23, fol. 2. (photo: Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum) 11. Charles V Receives the Translation from Nicole Oresme, u. |.; A King (Charles V)

| and His Family, u. rt.; A King and His Counsellors Attend a Lecture, |. |.; The Expulsion of a Youth from a Lecture, |. rt. Les éthiques d’Aristote, Brussels, Bibl. Royale, MS 9505-06, fol. 2 v. (photo: Bibliothéque Royale) 12. A King and Queen Speak with Prelates, u. 1.; A King and His Family, u. rt.; A

King Rendering Justice, 1. 1.; A King and Warriors on Horseback, |. rt. Le livre

xiv | List of Illustrations du gouvernement des rois et princes, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1728, fol. 1. (photo: Bibliothéque Nationale)

13. Charles V Receives the Translation from an Unknown Author. Le songe du verger, London, Br. Museum, Royal MS 19 C. IV, fol. 2. (photo: British Museum, by gracious permission of the Trustees) 14. Charles V/Jean le Bon Receives the Translation from Jean de Vignay. Le jeu des échecs, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1728, fol. 157. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 15. Charles V Receives the Translation from Jean Golein. L’information des princes, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1950, fol. 2. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 16. The Clergy Escort Charles V from the Bedchamber of the Archepiscopal Palace. Coronation Book of Charles V, London, Br. Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius OB. VIII, fol. 44 v. (photo: British Museum, by gracious permission of the Trustees) 17. The Archbishop Prepares the Unction. Coronation Book of Charles V, London, Br. Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII, fol. 50 v. (photo: British Museum,

by gracious permission of the Trustees) | ,

18. The Delivery of the Scepter and the Hand of Justice. Coronation Book of Charles - . V, London, Br. Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII, fol. 58. (photo: British

, Museum, by gracious permission of the Trustees) 7 , 19. The Archbishop Fastens the King’s Tunic after the Unction. Coronation Book of Charles V, London, Br. Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII, fol. 54 v. (photo:

British Museum, by gracious permission of the Trustees) , 20. The Peers’ Oath and the Unction of a King (Charles V?). Rational des divins offices, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 437, fol. 44 v. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 21. The Coronation of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon. Les grandes chroniques de France, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol. 439. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 22. The Spiritual and Temporal Peers Support the Crown. Coronation Book of Charles V, London, Br. Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII, fol. 59 v. (photo: British Museum, by gracious permission of the Trustees)

23. Jeanne de Bourbon Enthroned. Coronation Book of Charles V, London, Br. , Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII, fol. 70. (photo: British Museum, by gracious permission of the Trustees)

24. Charter with Charles V and His: Family, the Abbot Pierre and Monks of Royaumont. Paris, Archives nationales, J. 465, no. 48. (photo: Archives nationales) | 25. Charles V Confers the Charter for the Foundation of the Chapel of the Holy Trinity at Vincennes. Paris, Musée des Archives nationales, AE II, 401 A. (photo: Archives nationales)

26. Charles V Confers the Charter for the Foundation of the Chapel of the Holy Trinity at Vincennes. Paris, Musée des Archives nationales, AE II, 401 B. (photo:

Archives nationales) |

27. Charles V Confers a Charter on the Canons of Reims Cathedral. Reims, Archives municipales, G 1549. (photo: Archives municipales) 28. Louis II, Duc de Bourbon, Swears Homage to Charles V. Hommages du Comté

de Clermont, Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 12, fol. 8.

(photo: Bibliothéque Nationale) ,

29. Jeanne de Bourbon Meets Her Mother on the Way to a Hunt. Hommages du Comté

List of Illustrations | xv de Clermont, Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes. Oa 12, fol. 15.

(photo: Bibliothégque Nationale) os a

30. Louis II, Duc de Bourbon, and His Vassals. Hommages du Comté de Clermont, Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 13, fol. 28. (photo: Biblio-

théque Nationale) OD a

31. Portrait of the Emperor Charles IV from the Tower of Saint Stephen’s, Vienna. Vienna, Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien. (photo: Lucca Chmel, Courtesy

_ Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien) ——- a 7 32. Charles V Receives an Emissary of the Emperor Charles IV. Les grandes

Nationale) | Oo ;

chroniques de France, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol. 467. (photo: Bibliothéque

33. The Entrance. into Paris of Charles V, Charles IV, and Wenceslas, King of the Romans. Les grandes chroniques de France, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol.

_ 470 v. (photo: Bibliothéque Nationale) oo Lt Co

34. The Meeting of Charles V, Charles IV, and Wenceslas, King of the Romans. Les grandes chroniques de France, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol. 470. (photo:

Bibliotheque Nationale) So | ,

35. The Banquet Given by Charles V for Charles IV and Wenceslas. Les grandes chroniques de France, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol. 473 v. (photo: Biblio-

_ théque Nationale) a - . |

36. The Funeral Procession of Jeanne de Bourbon. Les grandes chroniques de France,

, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol. 480 v. (photo: Bibliothéque Nationale) 37. Crucifixion, with Jean le.Bon, the Future Charles V, and Blanche de. Navarre _ Presented by Patron Saints. (Copy of lost painting from the Sainte-Chapelle.) Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 11, fol. 89. (photo: Biblio-

_ théque Nationale) : , ,

38. The Future Charles V in Prayer before the Virgin and Child. Bible historiale, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 5707, fol. 368. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 39. Charles V Praying to Christ. Trés beau bréviaire de Charles V, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS latin 1052, fol. 261. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 40. Charles V in Prayer before the Virgin and Child. Charter for Commemorative Masses at Rouen Cathedral, Paris, Musée des Archives nationales, AE II 385. (photo: Archives nationales) 41. Charles V Praying before Saint Anthony. Heures de Savoie, New York, H. P. Kraus, fol. 4. (photo: Christie’s, courtesy H. P. Kraus) _ 42. Parement de Narbonne. Passion Scenes, |.; Calvary, with Charles V and Jeanne _ de Bourbon, c.; Post-Passion Scenes, rt. Paris, Musée du Louvre. (photo: Archives

photographiques) , photographiques) , | - |

43. Charles V. Parement de Narbonne, Paris, Musée du Louvre. (photo: Archives 44, Jeanne de Bourbon. Parement de Narbonne, Paris, Musée du Louvre. (photo:

Archives photographiques) ,

_ graphiques) , - | .

45. Donor Statue of Charles V. Paris, Musée du Louvre. (photo: Archives photo46. Donor Statue of Jeanne de Bourbon. Paris, Musée du Louvre. (photo: Archives photographiques)

xvi | List of Illustrations 47. Engravings of the Lost Statues of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon from the Portal of the Church of the Célestins. (photo: Montfaucon, Les monumens de la monarchie francoise, III, Paris, 1729, pl. XII) 48. Plaque Commemorating the Battle of Bouvines. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives photographiques)

49. Saint Louis on His Deathbed. Petites heures du Duc de Berry, Paris, Bibl. Nat., | | MS latin 18014, fol. 17. (photo: Bibliothéque Nationale) 50. Philippe IV and His Family. Le livre de Kalila et Dimna, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS

: latin 8504, fol. 1 v. (photo: Archives photographiques) 51. Saint John the Baptist, the Future Charles VI, and Bureau de la Riviére, |., top to bottom; The Virgin and Child, Charles V, and Cardinal Jean de La Grange, rt., top to bottom. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: Stanley M. Sherman) 52. Saint Firmin, Louis, Duc d'Orléans, and Jean de Vienne, |., top to bottom; Saint

John the Baptist, the Future Charles VI, and Bureau de la Riviere, rt., top to

bottom. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: Durand, Cathédrale d Amiens, I, Amiens-Paris, 1901, pl. XXV) 53. The Future Charles VI. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: Archives photographiques)

. 54. Charles V. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: Archives photographiques)

55. Cardinal Jean de La Grange. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: : Durand, Cathédrale d’Amiens, I, Amiens-Paris, 1901, Fig. 146) 56. Bureau de la Riviére. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: Archives

photographiques) :

57. Jean de Vienne. La Grange Buttress, Amiens Cathedral. (photo: Durand, , Cathédrale d’ Amiens, I, Amiens-Paris, 1901, Fig. 148) 58. Gisant of Philippe III. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives photographiques) 59. Gisant of Charles IV. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives photographiques) 60. Gisant of Charles V, by André Beauneveu. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives

photographiques) |

61. Head of the Gisant of Charles V, by André Beauneveu. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives photographiques)

62. Profile View of the Gisant of Charles V, by André Beauneveu. Paris, SaintDenis. (photo: Archives photographiques) 63. Drawing of the Double Tomb of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon for Saint-

Denis. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Gough, Gaigniéres 2, fol. 43. (photo:

, Bodleian Library)

64. Drawing of the Lost Tomb for Charles V's Heart in Rouen Cathedral, by Jean de

Liége. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Gough, Gaigniéres 2, fol. 42. (photo:

Bodleian Library) ,

65. Gisant from the Tomb for Charles V’s Entrails from Maubuisson Abbey. Paris,

~ Musée du Louvre. (photo: Archives photographiques)

66. Gisant from the Tomb for Jeanne de Bourbon’s Entrails from the Church of the

Célestins. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives photographiques) , |

, List of Illustrations | xvii 67. Head of the Gisant from the Tomb for Jeanne de Bourbon’s Entrails from the Church of the Célestins. Paris, Saint-Denis. (photo: Archives photographiques) —_— 68. Drawing of Jeanne de Bourbon’s Tomb in the Church of the Célestins. Paris,

. Bibliotheque Nationale) |

Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Tombeaux Pe 11 a, fol. 253. (photo:

| graphiques) ,

69. Portrait of Jean le Bon. Paris, Musée du Louvre. (photo: Archives photo-

70. A King in His Study (Charles V?). Traité sur la sphére, Oxford, St. John’s College

MS 164, fol. 1. (photo: Bodleian Library, Courtesy of St. John’s College) , 71. Charles V in His Study. Le policratique de Jean de Salisbury, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 24287, fol. 1. (photo: Archives photographiques)

72. Charles V in Majesty. Charter on the Inalienability of the Hotel Saint-Pol, Paris, Archives nationales, AE II 383. (photo: Archives nationales) 73. Charles V, u. 1.; Fathers of the Church, Pagan Philosophers, and Solomon, u. rt.; Courtiers, |. 1.; Hunters, 1. rt. Le policratique de Jean de Salisbury, Paris, Bibl.

Nat., MS ir. 24287, fol. 12. (photo: Bibliotheque Nationale) 74. Bust Portrait of Charles V. Charter Concerning an Apanage of the Duc d Orléans, , Paris, Archives nationales, J. 358, no. 12. (photo: Archives nationales)

Text Fig. 1, p. 59. Plan of the Louvre Staircase. (drawing: adapted from Viollet-leDuc, Dictionnaire raisonné de lVarchitecture, V, Paris, 1861, 303, Fig. 10) Text Fig. 2, p. 61. The Program of the La Grange Sculptures of Amiens Cathedral.

(drawing: Stanley M. Sherman) |

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THE PORTRAITS OF CHARLES V OF FRANCE (1338-1380)

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The portraits of Charles V and his family executed for the French court between 1360 and 1380 belong to a general movement at the end of the middle ages which marked the emergence of the individualized, naturalistic portrait.1 About 1300 in Italy and approximately sixty years later north of the Alps, there is for the first time since Roman Imperial portraiture of the first two centuries of the Christian era a concern for recording the specific likeness of an individual.? This is not to say that portraiture as a genre had disappeared during the medieval period, if we accept P. E. Schramm’s definition of portrait to mean any image seeking to portray a particular person irrespective of its success in modern terms.’ For centuries, rulers, high-ranking clergy, and members of the nobility were represented in presentation scenes, in devotional and donor images, and on tombs. Since, with the exception of certain representations of rulers, these portraits functioned in the context of Christian art, they served primarily to commemorate the faith and piety of the believer rather than to preserve a record of his specific appearance as an individual.* The equally strong impulse to indicate in these images the social status of a person or his family by means of inscriptions, heraldic symbols, or costume did not encompass a description of his distinctive physical characteristics. _ Between the conventional, generalized medieval portrait and the individualized, naturalistic “modern” portrait, exemplified in the fifteenth century by Jan van Eyck’s

panel paintings, belong the images executed for the courts of Paris, Vienna, and 1. For an exhaustive and invaluable study of emergence of individualized portraiture, see E. Panofmedieval portraiture, see H. Keller, “Die Entstehung sky, Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism, Latrobe

des Bildnisses am Ende des Hochmittelalters,” (Penn.), 1951, 12-19. RomJbK, 3, 1939, 227-354. For both aesthetic defini- 3. P. E. Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und tions and the history of the portrait, see the very use- Konige in Bildern ihrer Zeit, 752-1152, I, Leipzig, ful summary of P. O. Rave, “Bildnis” in Reallexikon 1928, 9.

zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, Il, Stuttgart, 1948, 4. Ibid., 3. For an interesting discussion of

639-80. the values of the medieval portrait, see G. B. Ladner, | 2. For Keller’s discussion of fourteenth-century I ritratti dei Papi nell’antichita e nel medioevo, I, Italian portraits, see “Die Entstehung,” 298-342. For Vatican City, 1941.

a connection between Nominalist philosophy and the

4 | Introduction

Prague during the last forty years of the fourteenth century. More specifically, the , period from 1360 to 1380 has received new attention as an important phase in the evo-

lution of fourteenth-century art because of the strong emphasis on problems of naturalistic representation, particularly in portraiture.®

The portraits of Charles V not only fall precisely within these years but also offer the full range of medieval types. These images can, then, provide an excellent means of tracing the formal, iconographic, and social characteristics of this transitional

' stage between the medieval and the modern portrait. If the quality which distinguishes medieval from modern portraits is the absence in the medieval and the presence in the modern of a record of an individual’s naturalistic appearance, our first approach to the study of Charles V’s portraits must be to discover the existence and extent of naturalism in each image. Another aim is to see which of the traditional medieval types influenced the development of individualized images. In view of these problems, the king’s portraits have been divided into iconographic types.® Although each of these types is treated chronologically, the over-all pattern of stylistic development from 1360 to 1380 within the whole body of portraits is reserved until the end of the study. As an introduction to each group of Charles V’s images, there is a brief (and by no means exhaustive) summary of relevant examples of the type

produced for French rulers prior to his reign. This enables us to distinguish between tradition and innovation in Charles V’s portraits. To aid in the problem of defining naturalism, the king’s portraits are placed in three distinct groups. The first, conventional images, show no visible reference to Charles V’s specific appear-

ance. In contrast, individualized or naturalistic images, fully modelled and expressive, permit identification of Charles V as a definite person on the basis of distinctive facial features and bodily proportions which can be corroborated by other likenesses and literary descriptions. The third consists of an intermediate kind of image, called a type of Charles V, which offers a simplified and sometimes stylized summary of distinctive facial traits. To limit our discussion to the presence or absence of naturalistic traits in the king’s portraits would result in obvious oversimplifications of both formal and social considerations. For example, both scale and medium present different opportunities and problems to the artist. A small devotional image in a miniature looks quite different from a monumental image in stone. Furthermore, a portrait’s function and posi-

5. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I, conjunction with the exhibition at the Bibliothéque 35-42; R. Krautheimer, Lorenzo Ghiberti, Princeton, Nationale, arrived after my manuscript was in press. 1956, 54-56. The fundamental work of Millard Meiss, 6. Portraits of inferior quality, secondary interFrench Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, The est, or uncertain identity are not included in the text

Late Fourteenth Century and the Patronage of the but are discussed in footnotes according to the apDuke, 2 vols., London, 1967, appeared after my text propriate type. Two portraits which I have been unwas completed. I have, however, incorporated in able to include in the text occur in dedication scenes the footnotes some of his invaluable discussions of representing Charles V and Nicole Oresme. They ap-

individual artists and works directly related to pear in translations by Oresme of Ptolemy’s QuadCharles V. Meiss’s Chapter IV, devoted to the portraits ripertitum (Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1348, fol. 1) and

of the Duc de Berry, is of special relevance to my of Aristotle’s Politics (Private collection, fol. 4 v.).

study. , Both are reproduced on PI. 3, Nos. 198 and 203, of the Most regrettably, the important catalogue, Librairie de Charles V catalogue.

La librairie de Charles V, Paris, 1968, published in

Introduction | 5 tion influence its individual form. A donor image easily visible on the portal of a church presents a more finished, detailed appearance than one set high above the spectator on a tower buttress. Finally, it is impossible to divorce the style of the portrait proper from the style of the image as a whole. We must ask whether the individualized portrait occurs in the context of a style which is involved in other naturalistic problems such as the rendering of space, of setting, and of figure design. We must also explore beyond formal considerations the meaning of Charles V’s portraits, since they are affected by his distinctive political and social role. For instance, Charles V praying before the Virgin is in quite a different position, both literally and figuratively, than when he welcomes a visiting emperor or bestows a charter. Indications of his varied relationships to society as they are represented in his portraits are to be found in composition, setting, and costume. We are justified in venturing beyond the images themselves to the historical context in which they were produced, since Charles V himself commissioned most of the portraits. And as many of his images decorate books which he ordered, his particular interest in literature, as well as art, needs definition. In short, we must investigate the intellectual climate and the political goals of Charles V’s reign in order to understand the full intention and meaning of his portraits.

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Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts Charles V as Historical Personality and Ideal Ruler Although its beginnings were singularly unpromising, Charles V's sixteen-year reign

, from 1364 to 1380 saw the rapid recovery of France after the first disastrous phase of the Hundred Years’ War. Her military power had been shattered by the devastating

defeats of Crécy (1346) and Poitiers (1356), battles in which far smaller English forces routed the disorganized and outmoded French armies. In the second battle, the king, Jean le Bon, and the “flower” of French chivalry were taken prisoner, while the future Charles V had to flee before the English attack. A vacuum of power was created in France, and this led to intense civil disturbances. The Dauphin, who acted as regent in his father’s absence, faced civil war in the conspiracy of Charles le Mauvais de Navarre, the strong peasant revolt of the Jacquerie, and the demands of the Estates-General led by Etienne Marcel.! These threats initially

. forced the Dauphin to leave Paris, but in the end he was able to repress them and to restore order. In 1360, the treaty of Brétigny was signed; in it the humiliating defeat of France was emphasized by the surrender of the southwest part of the

1. The latter two disturbances took place in helpful summary of historical events and a genealogi1357-58. See J. Calmette, Charles V, Paris, 1945, Chs. cal table, see Meiss, French Painting, I, 345ff. V-VI; for the course of the war, Chs. II-IV. For a

8 | Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts country to England.” Thus, at Charles V’s accession after his father’s death in April, 1364, the country was exhausted and demoralized. And after the disastrous rule of the first two Valois, the monarchy’s power and influence were at a low ebb. Nor

was there much confidence in the new king, whose cowardly behavior at Poitiers , had discredited his ability to lead. Furthermore, the succession to the throne was uncertain, for after fourteen years of marriage to his cousin, Jeanne de Bourbon, the king still had no heir. By the time of Charles V’s death, the English were forced out of the southwest

| by Bertrand du Guesclin’s brilliant military leadership. With Jean de Vienne as admiral of the fleet, control of the Channel returned to French hands. Under royal auspices the army and navy were reorganized on a more professional basis, and castles and fortifications were rebuilt. A more stable system of finance was devised, and the king asserted greater independence of the Estates-General in money matters. He enjoyed good relations with both the nobles and the towns, which he aided in the work of reconstruction.® To support him in limiting feudal rights and in exercising

the powers of the monarchy, Charles V chose as his advisers members of the lesser nobility.4 Although very devout, the king followed a policy of religious moderation and strongly maintained the prerogatives of the crown against the claims of the church.° In short, order and reconstruction were the hallmarks of his reign.®

Modern scholars agree with Roland Delachenal that behind Charles V’s success as a ruler lay his strong sense of duty, his prudence, and his patience.’ Formed by his hard experiences as regent, Charles V learned to negotiate rather than to plunge into battle, to argue the justice of his cause in legal terms, and, if necessary, to dissemble to gain his ends.® After what was possibly a frivolous youth, Charles V’s mature character represented a change from the ideal of the knightly leader exemplified by Philippe VI and Jean le Bon.® Instead of commanding his armies personally, Charles V devised the strategy of his reign from his study.’® Poor health, which from

2. After almost four years of pleasant captivity, his last years, 1378-80, see Coville, Europe, 643-46.

Jean le Bon returned to France in July, 1360. He 7. Delachenal, Histoire. This massive, fivewent back to England at the beginning of 1364 as volume work is the definitive political biography of compensation for the flight of another royal hostage, Charles V and the events of his reign.

his son, the Duc d’Anjou. He died there in April of 8. Delachenal, Histoire, I1, 366; see 370, nn. that year, probably of the plague. Contrary to previous 4-5 for Froissart’s estimate of Charles V’s character. theories, a recent economic study contends that the Among modern scholars, Perroy (War, 147) emphafinancing of his ransom money led to fiscal reforms sizes the calculating quality in the king’s personality.

which had permanent, beneficial effects. See H. Coville (Europe, 595-97) agrees but also stresses the Miskimin, Money, Prices, and Foreign Exchange in more idealistic side of Charles V’s character. Calmette Fourteenth-Century France, New Haven, 1963, 47. (Charles V, 213-15) follows Delachenal’s evaluation.

3. A. Coville, L’Europe occidentale de 1328 a 9. Delachenal, Histoire, Il, 366. He would

1380 (Histoire générale), VI, pt. Il, Histoire du moyen disagree with historians like Perroy (War, 132) who

age, Paris, 1941, 602. regard the change in the king’s character as a complete 4, E. Perroy, The Hundred Years War, London, metamorphosis. Instead, Delachenal believes that

1951, 148. , Charles V’s seriousness and patience were inherent

5. V. Le Clerc, “Discours sur l'état des lettres characteristics developed by his experiences as regent. en France au XIV°® siécle,” in Histoire littéraire de la 10. Perroy, War, 146; Delachenal, Histoire, II,

France, XXIV, Paris, 1863, 185-86. 370. 6. For the reverses in Charles V’s fortunes in

Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts | 9

an early age sapped his strength and limited his activities, forced him to rely on his considerable intellectual ability in directing his country’s affairs.™! Of writings by contemporary authors, Christine de Pisan’s Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V is the most complete and revealing source of the king's life. Although the work was composed in 1404, a generation after Charles V’s death, the author knew the king personally. Christine grew up at his court after the king had summoned her father, Thomas de Pisan, a physician and famous astrologer, from Venice, where she had been born in 1364.13 When Charles V’s brother, Philippe le Hardi, Duc de Bourgogne, commissioned Christine to write a biography of the late king, she was able to draw not only on her own memories of Charles V, but also on those of her father and her husband, who had served as secretary to the king.“ Despite Christine’s own eyewitness reports and those of people close to Charles V, the book is eulogistic rather than critical. Information which could have diminished the dignity of Charles V’s life was omitted.> Furthermore, from the vantage point of the chaotic period when Christine wrote, the time of Charles V’s reign appeared as a golden age. In typical medieval fashion, she borrowed not only from other contemporary historical sources, but also from treatises on the ideal ruler.!® A learned

lady, Christine also drew freely on her wide knowledge of antique and medieval classics.17 She took considerable factual information from sources such as Les grandes chroniques de France and a Latin report of Charles V’s death. Also, the book’s

division into three parts was derived from Henri de Gauchi’s translation of De regimine principum by Giles of Rome, a famous manual on the ethical conduct of princes. The scheme of Christine’s book rests on the ideal qualities of a king; its three main sections are devoted to Charles V’s noblesse, chevalerie, and sagece.'® In her work the virtues and sentiments attributed to the ideal ruler coexist with her eyewitness observations of Charles V’s appearance and character which other historical sources confirm.'® Two examples are the king’s piety and his concern for the

11. For a detailed discussion of Charles V’s ill- 16. Christine, Le livre, I, lxxxiv (Solente). For nesses, see A. Brachet, Pathologie mentale des rois the theme of the ideal ruler, see L. K. Born, “The de France, Paris, 1903, 536-84. Among the king’s many Perfect Prince: A Study in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-

afflictions was a heart ailment, the probable cause of Century Ideals,” Speculum, 3, 1928, 470-504; his death at the age of 42 in September, 1380. For W. Berges, Die Fiirstenspiegel des hohen und spiiten Delachenal’s theories on Charles V’s health, see His- Mittelalters, Leipzig, 1938; and D. Bell, L’idéal

toire, V, 387-92. éthique de la royauté en France au moyen dge, Ge-

12. Christine de Pisan, Le livre des fais et neva, 1962. bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V, ed. S. Solente, 17. Christine has been called a “. . . precursor

2 vols., Paris, 1936-40. This is the best edition of Le of the femmes savantes of the Renaissance and, inlivre, Solente’s introduction and notes being particu- deed, of the whole feminist movement.” C. C. Willard,

larly valuable. ed., The ‘Livre de la Paix’ of Christine de Pisan, The 13. Calmette, Charles V, 191, quoting M.-J. Hague, 1958, 14. } Pinet, Christine de Pisan, Paris, 1927, 1-7. 18. For the analogy to the De regimine prin-

14. Calmette, Charles V, 191. Christine married cipum, and for other medieval sources, see Christine, Etienne de Castel in 1379. For other court figures Le livre, 1, xxx—xxxvi, lxii, Ixvi-Ixviii (Solente). whom Christine knew, see Christine, Le livre, I, lxxiv- 19. The famous description of Charles V’s physi-

Ixxx (Solente), and 9. cal appearance (see below, p. 10) and his retinue is 15. Schramm, Der Konig, I, 246. The author oddly combined in the noblesse de coeur section with compares the omission of unfavorable details in Chris- strange anecdotes of the king’s virtues. In the part tine’s biography to that in medieval hagiography. devoted to chevalerie, where there was little to say

(10 | Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts education of his children.2° Furthermore, within the conventional framework of the sagece section, she gives a historically accurate account of the king’s library and his patronage of art and literature.

Among the most valuable passages is Christine’s detailed description of Charles V’s physical appearance. She emphasizes his long nose and his high forehead and cheekbones, features which are confirmed by his most famous portraits (Figs. 10 and 45).

De corsage estoit hault et bien formé, droit et lé par les espaules, et haingre par les flans. Gros bras et beaulz membres avoit, si correspondens au corps qu'il

convenoit; le visage de beau tour, un peu longuet, grant front et large avoit, sorcilz en archiez, les yeulz de belle forme, bien assis, chastains en couleur et arrestez en regart, hault nez assez et bouche non trop petite et tenues-levres. Assez barbu estoit et ot un pou les os des joes haulz, le poil ne blont ne noir,

la charneure clere brune; la chiere ot assez pale, et croy que ce, et ce qu'il estoit moult maigre, lui estoit venu par accident de maladie et non de condicion

propre.”!

Her firsthand report of Charles V on horseback tells us of the king’s use of costume, of heraldic emblems, and of the details of protocol, and thus conveys the splendor of his court.?? Of even greater interest, however, is Christine’s interpretation of Charles V’s character:

Sa phinozomie et facon estoit sage, attrempé et rassise a toute heure, en tous estas et en tous mouvemens. Chault, furieux en nul cas n’estoit trouvé, ains amoderé en tous ses fais, contenences et maintiens, touz telz qu’apartienent a rempli de sagece hault prince. Ot belle aleure, voix d’?omme de beau ton, et avec

tout ce, certes, 4 sa belle parleure tant ordennée et par si belle arrenge, sanz aucune superfluité de parole, ne croy que rethoricien quelconques en lengue francoise sceust riens amender.”®

Christine’s comments on Charles V’s ordre and mesure are consistent with his conduct of affairs and are reflected in his own words: “En hastiveté ne gist pas la bonne ordenence. ...”’ 74 She stresses Charles V’s dignified deportment and excellent speaking ability, which impressed Petrarch when he met the future king in Paris during a diplomatic mission.”° As an example, Christine cites Charles V’s eloquent harangue

about Charles V’s actual accomplishments, Christine trained “protocol” staff, headed by his closest friend, filled it out with descriptions of the king’s entourage Bureau de la Riviére, who showed foreign dignitaries

and relatives. sights selected to impress them with royal power

20. Both Le songe du verger, a treatise of 1378, (ibid., I1, 86-89). For Charles V’s patronage of art for and Christine mention the king’s interest in educating political purposes, see P, Pradel, “Art et politique | his children (J.-L. Brunet, Traitez des droits et libertez sous Charles V,” Revue des arts, 1, 1951, 89-93. On de V'église gallicane, II, Le songe du vergier, Paris [?], the king’s creation of a suitable royal setting, see G. 1731, Book I, 135, cited by Solente in Christine, Le Dodu, “Les idées de Charles V en matiére de goulivre, I, n. 3, 58-59). (“Songe du verger,” the modern vernement,” Revue des questions historiques, 110-11, spelling of the title, appears throughout the text and 1929, 20-22.

in later references to editions.) 23. Christine, Le livre, I, 49. 21. Christine, Le livre, I, 48-49. 24. Ibid., II, 51-52.

22. Ibid., 1,50-51. Christine reveals Charles V’s 25. Delachenal, Histoire, II, 363, nn. 2-3.

sophisticated approach to state visits. He had a well-

Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts | 11

against the English during the visit of the emperor Charles IV: “. .. et toutes ces

choses et pluseurs autres touchans ces materes...dist le Roy si sagement et ordeneement, que tous furent merveilliez de son bon memoire et bonne maniere

de parler.” 76 In the section on sagece, Christine describes the intellectual quality of Charles V’s character. His love of knowledge not only was a personal predilection but was carried over to his conduct of the nation’s affairs.?” She credits the king with the following words:

Les clers, ott a sapience, l’en ne peut trop honnourer, et tant que sapience sera honnourée en ce royaume, il continuera en prosperité, et quant deboutée y sera, il decherra.”®

Consistent with these intellectual tastes was Charles V’s delight in the company of learned men among the counsellors and clerics in his entourage and at the University of Paris.2® He singled out men like Philippe de Méziéres, knight, crusader, and man of letters, whom he made the Dauphin’s tutor.” In his Songe du vieil pélerin, dedicated to Charles VI, de Méziéres writes affectionately of the late king as a close personal friend.*! In his own hand Charles V ordered the payment of two hundred gold francs to Nicole Oresme for his translation of Aristotle’s Ethics and Politics,

referring warmly to the writer and professing appreciation and gratitude for his work.” Oresme was among the most important clerics in the king’s circle.?? His scientific thinking is generally thought to reflect the influence of empiricism and the stress on direct, intuitive thought characteristic of Nominalistic philosophy. His work in mathematics, astronomy, and economics contained novel and striking elements which

astonishingly prefigured the achievements of later periods. But like Christine's biography, which combines naturalistic observation with the conventions of the medieval tradition, Oresme’s writings adopted many of the assumptions of the pseudoscience of the period and showed “. . . a considerable arbitrariness in disposing of facts.” 34 Another intellectual point of view among the diverse currents at the

26. Ibid., V, 107, n. 6, quoting from Delachenal, sade au XIV* siécle, Paris, 1896, 423, n. 6; Dodu, “Les Les grandes chroniques, II, 255. For Christine’s refer- idées de Charles V,” 12-13, n. 2).

ences to this address, see Christine, Le livre, II, 116- 32. L. Delisle, Mandements et actes divers de

21 and 216. Charles V (1364-1380), Paris, 1874, no. 889, 458-59, 27. Delachenal, Histoire, IJ, 367. quoted by A. Menut, ed., N. Oresme, Le livre de 28. Christine, Le livre, II, 49. Ethiques d’Aristote, New York, 1940, 16.

29. Ibid., II, 46-47. 33. For the other men of letters surrounding 30. According to Pélerin de Prusse, who com- the king, see Iorga, Philippe de Méziéres, 417-18.

posed astrological treatises for the prince in 1361 34. D. B. Durand, “Nicole Oresme and the (see below, pp. 22 and 74; Figs. 6 and 70), even at Mediaeval Origins of Modern Science,” Speculum, that early date the future Charles V enjoyed the com- 16, 1941, 184. For the relationship of Oresme’s scien-

pany of learned clerics (Delachenal, Histoire, I1, 368, tific discoveries to Nominalistic philosophy, see

n. 4). F. Copleston, A History of Philosophy, U1, Ockham to 31. De Méziéres speaks of hunting with the Sudrez, Westminster (Md.), 1953, 155-67. For the inking and of long conversations and consultations, as fluence of Nominalism at the University of Paris, see well as of correspondence during their separations E. Bréhier, Histoire de la philosophie, moyen dge et (N. lorga, Philippe de Méziéres [1327-1405] et la croi- Renaissance, I, pt. Il], 5th ed., Paris, 1947, 723-29.

12 | Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts court was held by the influential Raoul de Presles, who represented a legalistic and Augustinian cast of thought.*° Appropriately enough, two of the most personal dedication portraits show the king receiving translations from Oresme and de Presles (Figs. 7 and 8). Christine’s biography is not the only contemporary source to present Charles V as both ideal ruler and historical personality. The same approach occurs in a Latin text describing Charles V’s death at Beauté-sur-Marne in September, 1380. Written

by an anonymous individual or group who were at the deathbed, the narrative unites , detailed clinical observations on the king’s physical condition with pious speeches. Its climax is Charles V’s eloquent “‘address’’ enumerating the crown’s burdens and responsibilities.2* Although the discourse was worthy of the king’s oratorical powers and of his sense of duty, Delachenal discovered that the words derived from a work

of the Latin historian Valerius Maximus in a text that was well known in the fourteenth century.®” The purpose of this literary borrowing was to make the king’s behavior on his deathbed that of the ideal ruler. But interspersed with such conventional passages are detailed descriptions of Charles V’s physical condition, including a delirium, which Christine must have found too stark to include in her biography.*®

In the eyes of modern critics, Charles V appears as an intelligent and effective ruler who governed wisely and prudently. From Christine de Pisan’s eulogistic biography, there emerges a distinct picture of the physical appearance, the moral character, and the intellectual tastes of the ruler and the man. The book is based on her direct observations and historical evidence together with her conception

of the ideal ruler. Christine’s literary portrait gives us the essential features of the , king’s personality as these are confirmed not only by other written sources but also by his illuminated and sculptured images. As in Christine’s work, it is necessary to distinguish between what is naturalistic and what is conventional in the portraits of Charles V.

Charles V’s Literary Program ,

and Patronage of the Visual Arts

Charles V’s program for revitalizing the nation and the crown encompassed spiritual as well as material goals.°° The king’s ideals for the political and moral conduct 35. Schramm, Der Konig, I, 242. For a discus- mus, Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem, sion of the intellectual climate at Charles V’s court, see ed. Teubner, 1865, 333, cited in Christine, Le livre,

ibid., I, 241-45. II, 187, n. 2 (Solente). In Christine’s version of

36. For the whole text, see B. Hauréau, “No- Charles V's death, largely borrowed from the Latin tice sur le numéro 8299 des manuscrits latins de la account, the king addresses the relic of the Crown of Bibliothéque Nationale,” Notices et extraits, 31, pt. Thorns kept in the Sainte-Chapelle, thereby reinforcII, 1886, 275-91; for the address to the crown, 281. A ing the analogy between Christ and His Vicar, the summary of opinion on the authorship question is king of France (ibid., II, 182-92, and J. de Pange, Le found in Christine, Le livre, II, 182-83, n. 6 (Solente). roi trés chrétien, Paris, 1949, 416).

37. Delachenal, Histoire, III, 92, n. 1. The 38. Christine, Le livre, II, 185, n. 2 (Solente). speech appears in the Songe du verger, ed. Brunet, 39. Delachenal, Histoire, II, 369. Book II, 149. But the original source is Valerius Maxi-

Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts | 18

of the monarchy derived not from the irresponsible regimes of his immediate Valois predecessors, but from the great Capetians, particularly Saint Louis.” A sense of the obligations and duties of his office led him to summon all the intellectual resources at his command to seek to win over public opinion, of which he was extremely aware.*! Although Charles V’s patronage of literature and the visual arts helped to restore the monarchy’s prestige, his interest in them was genuine and not merely a matter of state policy. Characteristic of his intellectual approach to the problems of the monarchy was Charles V’s huge collection of books housed in a tower of the Louvre especially furnished for scholarly activity.” The library, comprising about nine hundred manuscripts, was then unequalled in Europe. In addition to volumes for the entertainment of the royal family, there were many books designed for study and didactic purposes. Works on theology, law, science, history, and literature aided the research of scholars in reaffirming the power of the crown.* For example, the collection of eight coronation Ordines, two foreign and six French, was probably studied carefully

by the king and by the authors of both the text and the program of miniatures of Charles V’s own Ordo of 1364 in order to determine what symbols would be most appropriate to underscore royal power in the various parts of the ceremony.“ To strengthen the theoretical bases of the monarchy, Charles V commissioned French translations of Latin pagan and Christian classics on the moral and political conduct of government.” Among them were Saint Augustine’s City of God, John of Salisbury’s Policraticus, and Aristotle’s Ethics and Politics.** Charles V also ordered new historical and political writings which outspokenly championed the royal cause and presented his reign in a favorable light.47 Of particular interest is the section in Les grandes chroniques de France devoted to his reign, especially the extended

account of the emperor Charles IV’s triumphant visit from 1377 to 1378, which marked the high point in the campaign to restore French prestige. Another book reflecting the king’s views is the Songe du verger of 1378, translated from the Latin version of two years earlier.*® A dialogue between a knight and a cleric, it takes a strong stand on limiting the temporal powers of the church.*® It was written at the

40. For Charles V’s feelings about Saint Louis 46. For Christine’s list of the translations, see as a model of conduct, see de Pange, Le roi, 413. Le livre, II, 43-44. See also Meiss, French Painting, I,

41. Berges, Die Fiirstenspiegel, 85. 288.

42. Dodu, “Les idées de Charles V,’ 16. 47. Berges, Die Fiirstenspiegel, 85-86.

Delisle, Recherches, I, 7. For the scope of the king’s 48. The Latin text, Somnium viridarii, appears library, consult Chs. I and IV of Delisle’s indispensa- in Goldast, Monarchia s. Romani imperii, I, 59-229, ble work. See also Meiss, French Painting, I, 287. Paris, 1616. The Songe du verger, closely related but 43. Delisle, Recherches, I, 1-3; Schramm, Der not an exact duplicate of the Latin, has been edited by

Konig, I, 241. Marion Liévre, unpublished dissertation, Ecole des 44, Schramm, Der Konig, I, 237. Chartes, Paris, 1947. For the possible influence of

able: 243-44.

45. According to Christine, the king wanted the William of Ockham’s political ideas on the author of moral values of the originals to be more readily avail- the Songe du verger, see Schramm, Der Kénig, I,

Pour les cuers des Francois attraire 49. The MS (Royal 19 C. IV), apparently the

A nobles meurs par bon exemple. original copy, bears Charles V’s autograph statement —

(Chemin de long estude, Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1188, later erased but still visible—that he commissioned fol. 81, quoted in Delisle, Recherches, 1, 83-84.) compilation, translation, and writing of the book. See

14 | Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts height of Charles V’s influence and combines lavish praise of his accomplishments with assertions of the crown’s earthly and supernatural authority.*° At the king’s own direction, a number of writings exploited both ancient and recent legends to stress the monarchy’s claim to powers with a supernatural basis. The most comprehensive collection is found in Jean Golein’s Traité du sacre, inserted in his translation of Durandus’ Rationale divinorum officiorum.*' The most

important source of supernatural authority is the anointing of the king during the , coronation ceremony with a sacred balm contained in the Holy Vial.*? The legend stated that an angel in the form of a dove first delivered the Vial during Saint Remi's baptism of Clovis.°? While other rulers were anointed with oil of earthly origin, the use of the holy balm in the French coronation ceremony was taken as a revelation

of the divine source of the king’s authority. | The unction is not only the source of the king’s power to cure scrofula; it also, almost like a sacrament, cleanses him of his earthly sins.** The king’s removal of his

worldly garments symbolizes his spiritual transformation. He enters into the religion | royal, an analogy to a man who embraces the monastic state and experiences a similar regeneration.*® Golein, in consequence, suggests that the king is not merely a lay figure but also has a quasi-priestly character.*”’ Among the titles which the author

reinterprets is that of the roi trés chrétien, formerly legal in character and applied to other rulers.*® Golein limits it, as well as the “Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat’’ legend on coins, to the French king because only his power comes directly from God.*® Golein uses the fourteenth-century legends of the miraculous origins of the fleurs-de-lis and the oriflamme in the same spirit. He identifies these particular attributes of French royalty with the Trinity: the fleurs-de-lis are asso-

ciated with God; the oriflamme, with the Son; and the unction, with the Holy Ghost.® It is consistent with Charles V’s encouragement of these claims that the visual equivalents of these ideas should appear in his portraits. G. F. Warner and J. P. Gilson, British Museum, a lay or a priestly figure, see ibid., 185-215, and Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal Schramm, Der Konig, I, 155-62; for the reflection of and King’s Collections, II, London [?], 1921, 334. these ideas in Charles V’s coronation ceremony, see 50. For example, the king’s victories are com- Bloch, Les rois, 197 and 204, and below, p. 35.

pared to those of Charlemagne, Roland, and Arthur 57. For the French version of the idea of the (Prologue, Songe du verger, ed. Brunet, 5-6, quoted two-natured king, which does not appear until the be-

in Delachenal, Histoire, IV, 600-01). ginning of the fifteenth century, see Kantorowicz, 51. Important sections of the Traité are printed The King’s Two Bodies, 218ff. ,

in Bloch, Les rois, Appendix IV, 479-89. 58. Schramm, Der Konig, I, 241-42; de Pange, 52. The Songe du verger also stressed the direct Le roi, 30-31; and Bloch, Les rois, 480.

derivation of the king’s power through the unction 59. E. H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae: A Study from the Holy Trinity. See de Pange, Le roi, 414-15. in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler 53. For the history of the legend, developed by Worship, Berkeley, 1946, 5, n. 13, citing Traité, fols. Hincmar of Reims in his Vita sancti Remigi of 877-78, 44 and 2 v. For the relationship of the inscription on see Bloch, Les rois, 224-29; for its treatment in sculp- the coin to the curing of scrofula, see Kantorowicz, 4,

- ture, see W. M. Hinkle, The Portal of the Saints of n. LO.

Reims Cathedral, New York, 1965, 23-43. 60. For the fleurs-de-lis and the oriflamme, see

54. Bloch, Les rois, 480. Bloch, Les rois, 229-37 and 482-84; for the identifica-

do. See E. H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two tion with the Trinity, ibid., 481 and 488; Schramm, Bodies, Princeton, 1957, 11-12, n. 9. Golein (Traité, Der Konig, I, 239-40. fol. 44) compares the unction to Christ’s baptism by 61. In the prologue to his translation of the City

the Trinity (Bloch, Les rois, 481). of God, Raoul de Presles stresses the miraculous 56. For the question of whether the king was origin of the fleurs-de-lis (Bloch, Les rois, 232), the

, Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts | 15 The king also viewed his patronage of the visual arts as “. . . a conscious part of _ political and social policy” supported by state revenues.” By a suitably grand style of life, by his collection of small, luxurious objects, and by his generous support of religious foundations, Charles V conformed to both contemporary and past ideals of the munificent prince.® A major portion of his architectural program involved the repair of castles and fortresses damaged in the war. One such project was the rebuild-

, ing and expansion of the walls and towers around Paris.** His refurbishing of the , Louvre was an example of a conscious effort to make the royal residences suitable settings for courtly pomp and ceremony. Indeed, the king himself guided the emperor Charles IV around the Louvre to show off its new amenities.® In Paris, the king’s — favorite residence was the Hétel Saint-Pol, a series of dwellings joined together.® He enjoyed its country-like appearance, its gardens and zoo, and he thought the air

healthful. Charles V also followed the fourteenth-century trend of building small chapels or churches to exhibit his prominence as well as his piety. Important examples were chapels in the Louvre, the Hétel Saint-Pol, and the Chateau de Vincennes. The king’s most famous benefaction was the church and monastery of the

Célestins.® , a

The king’s most ambitious commissions of sculpture had definite political ,

motivations. Soon after his coronation, Charles V ordered not only his tomb and that of his queen but also those of Jean le Bon, Philippe VI, and the latter’s first wife,

Jeanne de Bourgogne. Because the war had prevented the execution of these last three monuments, Charles V was anxious for the first Valois rulers to join the Capetians in the royal abbey of Saint-Denis. The second large sculptural project of

his reign, the decoration of the spiral stairway in the Louvre with figures of the royal family, was intended to emphasize the collective strength of the dynasty. The royal residences were decorated with large-scale ensembles of paintings, now unfortunately lost. Sauval describes in detail the forest scenes, flowers, fruit trees, and birds in the queen’s apartment at the Hétel Saint-Pol.®* About two hundred

tapestries embellished Charles V's residences.” In comparison, his twenty or so small panel paintings— mostly religious images adorned with precious stones or meaning of roi trés chrétien, and of Charles V’s mi- 66. Delachenal gives an account of the renovaraculous power to cure scrofula. The Songe du verger tions (Histoire, II, 273-79). For the king’s preference also emphasized this last point (de Pange, Le roi, 415). for the Hétel Saint-Pol, see Dodu, “Les idées de 62. Pradel, “Art et politique,’ 89. Christine, Le Charles V,” 20-21. The king’s concern for making the livre, Il, 37-41, gives a list of works supported by the royal dwellings livable and attractive was part of a king. For the patronage and painters of Charles V and general fourteenth-century interest in civil architec-

his father, see Meiss, French Painting, I, 99-100. ture (Michel, Histoire, I, pt. II, 694ff.). 63. Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser, I, 2-5. 67. Christine’s elaborate description of the

Solente (Christine, Le livre, II, 38, n. 1 and 38-39) building, its sculptural program, and the religious acquotes from Christine’s Livre de la paix on the subject tivity centered there is evidence of its contemporary of the king’s benefactions (Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. fame (Le livre, II, 37).

1182, fols. 104 v.-105). 68. H. Sauval, Histoire et recherches des anti-

64. Christine calls the king a “vray architec- quités de la ville de Paris, Il, Paris, 1733, 281. teur’ and praises the many facets of his building pro- 69. J. Guiffrey, “La tapisserie au XIV® et XV°

gram (Le livre, II, 37). siécles,’ in Michel, Histoire, III, pt. I, 348. For a dis-

65. L. Hautecoeur, Histoire du Louvre, Paris, cussion of “tapestries, wall hangings, and embroider1940[?], 8-11. Christine says: ‘Le roy monstra a ies’ in the collection of Charles V’s brother, the Duc ’Empereur les beaulx murs et maconnages qu il avoit de Berry, see Meiss, French Painting, 1, 58-60. au Louvre fait ediffier” (Le livre, II, 114).

16 | Charles V as Historical Personality, Ideal Ruler, and Patron of the Arts metals—seem like a small collection. By contemporary standards, however, it was quite substantial.” Like other great princes of the period, Charles V possessed a

vast treasure of objets dart, silver and gold plate, precious jewels, and ancient cameos. Among the extant pieces from his collections is a beautiful gold and enamel cup with scenes from the life of Saint Agnes, on whose feast day he was born.” It seems unfair that Charles V does not have the reputation of his brothers, the Ducs de Berry, Bourgogne, and Anjou, as a patron of the arts. He employed the most advanced masters of the day in manuscript illumination, sculpture, and architecture; many of them worked after his death for the royal dukes and continued to execute for their new patrons the kinds of projects initiated earlier by Charles V.” Unfortunately, little of their work for the king survives. But documents and later literary , descriptions indicate that Charles V’s patronage of the arts anticipated in its programs and taste many important characteristics of the International Style, which reached its height about twenty years after his death. Charles V’s success in drawing upon the artistic resources of his time deserves as much praise as his efforts in the literary sphere.

Looking back to the historical events of his reign, to Christine’s biography, and | to his sponsorship of the arts, our impression of Charles V’s personality is quite clear. Weak in body, firm and patient in character, conscious of the power and mystique of the monarchy and of the need for raising its stature, Charles V emerges as an intelligent and sympathetic character. It is necessary to inquire whether the same stamp of individuality in appearance and personality distinguishes his portraits. 70. For Charles V’s collections, see J. Labarte, Krautheimer, Lorenzo Ghiberti, 64, n. 46, and Figs. Inventaire du mobilier de Charles V, roi de France, 17-18. Paris, 1879. For the Duc de Berry’s group, see Meiss, 72. Among those denying Charles V’s interest

French Painting, I, 61-63. | in miniature painting are J. Dupont (Gothic Painting,

71. The cup was sold to the British Museum in © Geneva, 1954, 144) and H. Bouchot (Les primitifs 1892. See L. Delisle, ““La coupe d’or du roi Charles francais, 1292-1500, Paris, 1904, 194). Meiss (French

V,’ Journal des Savants, N. S. 4, 1906, 233-39, and Painting, I, 288) declares Charles V’s greater interest | Eurdpaische Kunst um 1400, Vienna, 1962, no. 498, in the texts. For a re-evaluation of French court art 421-24, pl. 27, and Meiss, French Painting, I, 51. See of this period, see Krautheimer, Lorenzo Ghiberti, 54Meiss, I, 50-58, for the Duc de Berry’s holdings; for 56, and Meiss, French Painting, I, Ch. 3.

other famous objects in Charles V’s collections, see ,

D°e°

edication Portraits

The dedication scenes reveal a very close connection between Charles V’s patronage of art and literature and his personal intellectual tastes; both fostered an environment conducive to the development of individualized portraiture. The prevalence of this type in the total iconography of Charles V is, however, not surprising. For the presen-

tation miniature in which the king receives a book from an author, translator, or courtier had enjoyed great favor in medieval art, beginning with the Carolingian period.' Indeed, it became one of the main types of ruler imagery, emphasizing the king’s role as a powerful patron and his court as a center of cultural and artistic activity.”

The description of a few representative Gothic miniatures will illustrate several characteristics of the French tradition prior to the reign of Charles V. The first is a formal, ceremonial quality in which the courtly atmosphere predominates. In a manuscript dating from about 1280, Philippe III receives a copy of Les grandes chroniques de France from the scribe Primat and other monks of Saint-Denis, where the book was composed.’ In this formal type, no communication exists between the ruler and the

writer or author. Furthermore, the secular sphere containing the king is entirely separate from the clerical group to which Primat belongs. The difference in height levels between the seated king and the cleric also corresponds to a disparity in their

1. For an excellent summary on the medieval 2. Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser, I, 4. dedication portrait, see E. Lachner, “Dedikationsbild, ” 3. Paris, Bibl. Sainte-Geneviéve, MS 782, fol. in Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, III, 326 v. See A. Boinet, “Les manuscrits 4 peinturesdela Stuttgart, 1954, 1189-97. For a detailed treatment of Bibliothéque Sainte-Geneviéve de Paris,” Bulletin de the early history of the type, see J. Prochno, Das la Société francaise de reproductions de manuscrits a

Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild in der deutschen peintures, 5, 192], pl. XIV. |

Buchmalerei, 800-1100, pt. I, Leipzig, 1929.

18 | Dedication Portraits social importance.* The book placed between them serves as a focal point for the

composition and is the only tie between the two figures. The ceremonial aspect is | stressed not only by Philippe III’s state costume and regalia but also by the large number of attendant figures. Interestingly enough, the monks of Saint-Denis are more

prominent than the courtiers by virtue of their black habits, forceful gestures, and larger share of the picture plane. Their greater vitality contrasts with the inactivity of the king, who remains an impersonal, conventional image of royal authority. The ruler’s passive role also is shown in a dedication page executed for Charles I of Anjou, king of Sicily.» Here the narrative treatment of the ceremony in four separate scenes emphasizes the translator, who appears twice and is larger than the ruler. Again, no personal relationship exists between the two main figures. In fourteenth-century examples such as La vie de Saint Denis, the attempt to localize the dedication ceremony in a specific court setting does not alter the separation between the ecclesiastic and royal spheres.’ The earliest surviving copy of Joinville’s biography of Saint Louis, which brings us quite close to Charles V’s period, still displays the greater prominence of the author, although he is now a lay figure.®

Formal Dedication Portraits The formal dedication portraits executed for Charles V are among the first examples of the general iconographic type and are more closely related to the earlier models than the group which we call “intimate.” The formal miniatures permit us to focus

! on several basic points: the appearance of individualized portraits in specific iconographic and stylistic contexts and the importance of the patron’s personal

interest in the particular books. — | , |

The earliest example is a variation of an imaginary presentation scene in Le livre

des neuf anciens juges d’astrologie, especially written for the future Charles V (Fig. 1).° Dated 1361, the miniature represents a prince addressing Aristotle, who promises to answer questions which interest the patron.'® The poses of the two main

4. The dedication portrait is just one of several xxv-xxvii, and D. Klein, “‘Autorenbild,’ in Realexamples of the scheme in which one figure kneels in lexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, 1, Stuttgart, recognition of the superior power (earthly orheavenly) © ‘1937, 1309-14.

of another. Among Charles V’s portraits, two other 7. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2090, fol. 4 v. See variations on the same theme are the devotional image Couderc, Album, pl. X. | and the scene of a knight swearing fealty to his suze- 8. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 13568, fol. 1. Delisle

rain (see Figs. 28 and 38). (Recherches, I, 318) dates the MS in the third quarter

5. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS latin 6912, fol. 1 v., Le of the fourteenth century. But a recent exhibition Contenant de Rhasés. See Delisle, Recherches, I, catalogue narrows it down to about 1360 (Sainte270-72, and P. Durrieu, “Un portrait de Charles I* Chapelle, Saint Louis, 1960, no. 200, 98). For an d’Anjou, roi de Sicile...,”’ Gazette archéologique, earlier, related miniature, see ibid., no. 199, 98. 1886, 193-201. See C. Couderc, Album de portraits 9. Brussels, Bibl. Royale, MS 10319, fol. 3. See daprés les collections du Département des Manu- C. Gaspar and F. Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits da scrits, Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, [1910], pl. VIII. peintures de la Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, I,

Although the miniature was executed in Italy, the Paris, 1937, 337-38.

patron was a member of the French royal family. 10. The message on the scroll reads: “Chier 6. For the iconography, see Couderc, Album, 3. sire de vos questions verres cy nos ententions.”’ For the author portrait, see Prochno, Das Schreiberbild,

Dedication Portraits | 19 characters duplicate those of the recipient and the author respectively, while the banderole takes the place of the book." The image of the prince is the first which can be conclusively identified as a certain portrait of the future Charles V. His typical features, later confirmed by Christine, clearly emerge: the long nose, thin face, high cheekbones, and shoulder-length hair.” Also characteristic of the period before his accession are the short, forked beard and the mantle called the hérigaut.'® These particulars of costume and hair-style, as well as the facial features, also occur in an early devotional image of 1363 (Fig. 38). The portrait remains, however, a type of Charles V. The lack of modelling, the simplification, and the slight distortion of the features preclude its consideration as a developed naturalistic image. Although the Dauphin’s face lacks expression, a characteristic aspect of his personality, his interest in intellectual questions, is already present as he

engages Aristotle in this hypothetical exchange. | The progressive quality of the portrait sharply contrasts with the conservative gold framework and its elaborately designed arcades, which are typical of thirteenthcentury models. Apart from a striped rug, these architectural elements form the only

. setting. Spatial questions are avoided by the customary geometric pattern of the background, by the narrow foreground strip, and by the representation of the positions of the “judges” in abbreviated forms. The long beards and pointed hats of the exotic historical figures separate them from the fashionably clad contemporary figures of

the Dauphin and his attendants. The sharp linearity and limited plasticity of the figures further emphasize the lack of naturalism in the style. The relative positions of the royal figure and of Aristotle continue the formal na-

ture of earlier dedication portraits. The future king exists in a sphere separate from , Aristotle, with only the banderole to bridge the gap. His elevated platform and his attendants still preserve a ceremonial atmosphere. Thus, many traditional elements of both style and iconography continue. But indications of new directions are the appearance of the Dauphin’s individual features and an allusion to his intellectual interests. Our second formal scene illustrates a copy of the shorter historical works of Bernard Gui in a French translation by Jean Golein (Fig. 2).14 Dated 1369, it is more interesting for its iconographic derivation than for its portrait or stylistic features. The image of Charles V is at best a type, his individual features smoother and more generalized than in the Brussels miniature, even more confined by a tight, linear style of extremely conservative character. The portrait of the king and the courtiers closely resembles the types of Charles V in certain pages of the London Coronation Book,

11. For miniatures from another work on as- 13. As Dauphin, the future Charles VI also trology commissioned by the Dauphin in 1361, see wears the hérigaut in Figs. 12 and 53. We find that al-

below, pp. 22 and 74; Figs. 6 and 70. though this type of mantle was a general fashion for 12. L. Grodecki mentions a figure inafrescoin . boys and young men, the three bands of ermine on the the Chapel of the Virgin, Castle Karlstein, near Prague, shoulder of the hérigaut worn by the Dauphin (see which he dates 1360-65 and identifies as the first Figs. 1, 12, and 53) served as symbols of royal status.

large-scale portrait of Charles V. But the dating and 14. Rome, Vatican Library, MS reg. latin 697, other historical evidence are inconclusive (“Plus fol. 1, Opuscules de Bernard Gui en francais. ancien portrait de Charles V de France,” BAntFr, 1957-58, 118-19).

20 | Dedication Portraits , which dates from 1365. A scene from that manuscript in which the peers swear loyalty to the crown shows that the king’s costume and his pose in the Gui dedication

: scene derive directly from the ruler-in-majesty formula (Fig. 22). Despite Charles V’s central position and setting, the author is still more prominent. Golein’s form is emphasized by his white robes and occupies a larger area of the picture space than the king. The iconographic formula perpetuates the separation of the spheres and the lack of direct communication. A new relationship between king and author prevails in the frontispiece of the Rational des divins offices of 1374 (Fig. 3).° Charles V, in the presence of his family, commissions Jean Golein to translate Durandus’ work.'* The illumination achieves a

monumental effect by the use of the traditional architectural framework, sumptuously executed in gold, which is repeated in various accessories, often in association witha royal blue. The portrait likeness of the king, extensively developed from the Gui dedication miniature, represents a recognizable type. Charles V’s individual features are sharply set in a face made gaunt by illness.!” Another possible reference to his poor health is his immobile left hand, which rests awkwardly in his lap.18 The queen recalls the Louvre donor portrait in her hair-style, costume, and features (Fig. 46). Although the

likenesses of the royal couple resemble their naturalistic portraits, they remain types because they lack extensive modelling. Jean Golein also appears as a more individualized person than in the Gui dedication scene. His bald head, long nose, small mouth, and beady eye seem like specific features, although we cannot properly verify this impression. Does the naturalistic direction of the portraits continue in the rest of the design? Not only does the framework reflect models of an earlier period, but also the narrow ground plane and geometric background ignore spatial problems. Furthermore, the strict symmetry of the composition and the harshly linear figure style are accompanied by the use of hieratic scale to establish the superiority of the royal pair. Perhaps the more extensive portrait individualization makes the lack of an accompanying naturalistic style even more marked than in the Brussels miniature. Even more striking is the way important iconographic innovations take place in such a conservative context. Contrary to earlier royal dedication scenes, the king is no

longer passive but instead the only active agent. For the fusion of the impersonal ruler-in-majesty type with that of the author dictating to a scribe permits the king’s direct involvement in the scene. Indeed, Charles V dominates not only as the largest figure but also by the vehemence of his gesture. The abrupt fall of drapery folds rein-

forces his vigorous pose. In contrast, the queen’s motion expresses restraint and obedience, while Jean Golein sits at the king’s feet with eyes upraised and pen ready to record Charles V’s instructions. This conventional gesture may, however, refer to

15. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 437, fol. 1. 18. Brachet, Pathologie, 537. The author be16. The addition of the king’s family makes this lieves that the ulcer on the king’s left hand was the

illumination relevant also to pp. 63-64, below. result of a typhoid infection. The king apparently suf17. Delachenal mentions the king’s severe ill- fered also from gout, which partially disabled his right

ness about this time (Histoire, V, 387). hand (ibid., 546-51).

Dedication Portraits | 21 the exposition of the king’s ideas in Golein’s commentary on the text.!® As we know, the author’s strong affirmation of the monarchy’s supernatural powers in the Traité du sacre is closely associated with Charles V’s attempts to revive dynastic power. So,

despite their comparative physical closeness, their relationship remains formal,

dominated by the powerful statement of the king’s authority. The two remaining formal dedication portraits lack the excitement of the Rational des divins offices miniature. The first of these, dated 1375, shows Simon de Hesdin presenting the king with his version of the Faits et dits dignes de mémoire de Valére Maxime (Fig. 4).2° The scene offers no individual likeness and a very retardataire style. In the persistence of narrative elements the iconography shows a return to an earlier type which stressed the author's importance at the king’s expense.”! The other illumination represents Charles V receiving a French translation called Les voies de Dieu by Jacques Bauchant (Fig. 5).2? The date of the manuscript is not absolutely clear, but internal indications in style and iconography fix a time between 1372 on the one hand and 1380 on the other, when it was noted in a Louvre inventory.22> Dependence on advanced models is seen in the pronounced plasticity of the figures, achieved by an intensity of color in conjunction with firm outlines. The portrait offers a type of Charles V. His features definitely resemble those of other portraits, but no marks of age or illness are visible, except for a possible allusion

to his handicapped right hand, indicated by its awkward position. The translator, Jacques Bauchant, seems more individualized. The short, forked beard, long nose, and pouches under his eyes look like particular features. His pose and costume recall those of another court official, Jean de Vaudetar, as he offers a magnificent book to

Charles V (Fig. 10).

Although the two main figures are physically quite close, hieratic scale dis-

courages communication by glance. Reference to the Valére Maxime (Fig. 4) dedication scene is suggested by the onlookers, the king’s costume and pose, and the structure on the right. But because the king here occupies a larger share of the picture area

and is no longer hemmed in by courtiers, the attention rests on him as the center of : action.

Intimate Dedication Portraits | Even more radical developments occurred within the intimate group, where the essential feature is a personal, humanized relationship between the king and author. These illuminations have three main divisions: conventional images in which the 19. The autograph note at the end of the volume observers recall those of the Vatican MS, Fig. 2. Both confirms Charles V’s active role in commissioning the illuminations follow closely the groups in the London translation: “Cest livre nommé Rasional des divins Coronation Book, while other miniatures of the Paris ofises est A nous Charles le V® de notre nom, et le MS resemble certain of the more conventional hands

fimes translater, escrire et tout parfere, etc., ’an mil in the latter work. CCC. LXXIIII’” (quoted in Delisle, Recherches, I, 22. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1792, fol. 1. For

100). Bauchant’s interesting dedication inscription, see 20. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 9749, fol. 1. Delisle, Recherches, I, 88-89. 21. The pose, character, and positions of the 23. Ibid., I, 236. :

22 | Dedication Portraits king wears a crown, a recognizable portrait type in which Charles V also is shown as king, and individualized portraits in which Charles V sits under a canopy and wears a

, simple bonnet. ,

Of the two examples of conventional images, only one needs discussion here.4 ,

This is the dedication of the Traité sur la sphére, one of several astrological treatises composed for the Dauphin by Pélerin de Prusse in 1361 (Fig. 6). The notable feature of an otherwise clumsy miniature is that the future Charles V appears primarily in the

guise of an author in his study rather than as a ruler-in-majesty. Although he did not | become king until 1364, he wears a crown, which may have been added at the same

time that the horoscopes of the king and his family were placed in the book.”* The , patron is seated in atypical scholar’s chair next to a lectern holding books. The change from a ceremonial setting encourages a close relationship between the two figures,as_

is seen in the clear exchange of glance and in the suggestion of a dialogue with the ,

book as its focal point. As in the Brussels miniature executed in the same year (Fig. 1),

the Dauphin’s intellectual interests are emphasized. The second group, with its characteristic type of Charles V crowned, includes manuscripts which are delightfully illustrated and textually important. They are the original copy of Raoul de Presles’ translation of the Civitas Dei and two of the king’s copies—one in The Hague, the other in Brussels —of Nicole Oresme’s French version of Aristotle’s Ethics (Figs. 7, 8, and 9).7® Both these works, dating from 1371 to 1375 and 1376, were part of Charles V’s program to translate pagan and Christian classics.2” The king appears in these scenes as a youthful figure, represented in profile, with short, neatly curled hair falling below a high crown. His head is usually too large for his body and his nose is strongly uptilted. He wears a mantle, a short

24. The second example is a tiny miniature the continuations of the volumes in The Hague and within an initial decorating Pierre de Hangest’s trans- Brussels. lation of Saint Gregory's Forty Homilies and Hugh of © 27. See above, p. 13. Delisle (Recherches, 1, 221) Saint-Victor’s Pledge of the Soul, dated 1368 (Paris, dates the City of God translation between 1371 and Bibl. de l’Arsenal, MS 2247, fol. 1). The figure style is September, 1375, on the basis of an autograph inscripretardataire, the king’s portrait is completely general- tion by Raoul de Presles. But Bloch (Les rois, 478-79) ized, and the relationship of the figures suggests a states that the book was executed in 1372. His revision devotional image as a model. See Delisle, Recherches, stands on certain references to the City of God pro-

[, 224 -27. logue—vis-a-vis the king’s ability to cure scrofula 25. Oxford, St. John’s College, MS 164. For the (ibid., 489)— by Jean Golein, inserted in his version of

Dauphin’s intellectual interests, see above, p. 11, the Rational des divins offices. There is also a differn. 30. The dedication portrait on fol. 33 is almost an ence of opinion in dating the latter. Because Golein exact copy of fol. 1 (Fig. 70). For the latter, see p. 74. mentions that Charles V was reigning in 1372 (see

See also Delisle, Recherches, I, 266-69. Delisle, Recherches, I, 99, n. 1), Bloch gives that year

26. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 22912, fol. 3. There as the date of the Rational, while Delisle refers to the are two versions of the Ethics; the one in Brussels is king’s autograph inscription (see above, n. 19) in citlarger and earlier in date (Bibl. Royale, MS 9505-06, ing 1374 as the time when the work was finished. Is it 1372). The version in The Hague, of 1376, was port- not possible that de Presles had finished the preface to able (Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, MS 10 D the City of God by 1372 and made it available to 1, fol. 5). A. W. Byvanck, Les principaux manuscrits a Golein, also at work in that year? Meiss (French Paintpeintures de la Bibliothéque Royale des Pays-Bas et ing, I, 23, n. 105) associates the style of the City of God du Musée Meermanno-Westreenianum a La Haye, miniatures with the “... trend toward pallid, exquiParis, 1924, 111. See L. Delisle, Mélanges de paléo- site two-dimensionality that gathered momentum graphie et de bibliographie, Paris, 1880, 275-81, for within the Bondol tradition in the ’seventies.” the MSS of the Politics and the Economics which are

robe.”8 ,

Dedication Portraits | 23

cape called the houce, and a fur-trimmed hood instead of a fleur-de-lis or ceremonial

The dedication page of the City of God combines a serious purpose with an appealing naive imagination (Fig. 7). Against a fleur-de-lis background and below a framework of spiky Gothic arches and pinnacles, Charles V sits on a faldstool and peers intensely over a book offered by Raoul de Presles. Two angels hold a draped cloth behind Charles V, while on the right no less a personage than Saint Augustine

presents the translator to the king.

Charles V’s face is scarcely modelled, except for a pinkish wash. Certain of the king’s features are sorted out and rearranged in a more pleasing pattern, with the less attractive marks of time and nature erased. In contrast, Raoul de Presles has a more _ naturalistic appearance. He looks old and quite bald; the firm, protruding nose and small mouth suggest individual physiognomic traits. The limited individualization

| of the king’s portrait is consistent with the rather retardataire style, in which the discrepancy between tiny feet and large hands is a telling feature. But the softer grisaille

technique, used in the two main figures, results in smoother contours and drapery folds than in most of the formal examples. Furthermore, the dark, fleur-de-lis background acts as a neutral screen rather than as a space-restricting device. The real interest of this dedication scene lies in the personal communication between Charles V and Raoul de Presles. Hieratic scale is absent, and the difference in levels and distance between the two figures is diminished. Moreover, the author’s far more upright position represents a change from the humble posture of earlier works. The book now overlaps the king’s sphere and is open to a page which he bends forward to examine.”® His firm grip and pointing gesture indicate intense concentration.

Raoul de Presles anxiously peers over the top of the volume to glimpse the king's response. The artist’s attempt to express Charles V’s involvement in the book perhaps alludes to de Presles’ own comments on his patron’s scholarly tastes: “. . . vous avez tousjours aimé science et honoré les bons clers, et etudié continuellement en divers livres et sciences, se vous n’avez eu autre occupacion. ... ®° Later in the passage, de _ Presles elaborates on his concern about pleasing so learned and discerning a patron.** Thus, a dramatic tension, arising from the king’s own personality, replaces the lifeless atmosphere of the earlier iconographic tradition, in which the ruler remained a passive and aloof figure. Surprisingly enough, the presence of the supernatural figures does not lessen the informal mood. And Saint Augustine himself, in spite of his bishop’s insignia, re-

sembles a mild and youthful heavenly courtier. Giving his blessing to the translation, he presents Raoul de Presles to the king in the manner of a patron saint introducing a donor to a holy personage. Charles V’s elevated role introduces the question of why two angels hold a curtain, or cloth of honor, in back of him. This traditional

motif here surely refers to the quasi-divine powers of the French monarchy, which

28. J. Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France, Ox- 30. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 22912, Prologue.

ford, 1952, 32. See A. de Laborde, Les manuscrits a peintures de la 29. The writing is composed of two- or three- Cité de Dieu de Saint Augustin, I, Paris, 1909, 66.

letter syllables, which do not seem to form any rec- 31. Ibid., I, 67. ognizable words.

24 | Dedication Portraits de Presles strongly states in the prologue. At one point, he goes so far as to call Charles V a miracle worker because he can cure scrofula.®? Another possibility is the translator's suggestion that Charles V’s bonne volénté is divinely inspired. The dedication page in the manuscript in The Hague at first looks like a reduced version of the City of God miniature, as only the king and the translator are shown in the upper scene (Fig. 8). But a personification of Félicité humaine, or Human Happiness, occupies a separate area on the lower half of the page. The similarities of the portrait type of Charles V, his costume, and the style in the two manuscripts have brought general agreement that they came from the same workshop.** Nevertheless, formal and iconographic differences reveal important changes in their over-all meaning. The absence of narrative elements, the reduction of the architectural framework to the throne, and a relatively longer format give the dedication in The Hague a more spacious character, which also concentrates our attention on Charles V and Nicole Oresme. But the messages written on the scrolls show that the emphasis has shifted from the king’s dramatic inspection of the book and his personal relationship to the writer. For Nicole Oresme seems further away from the king than was de Presles, while his position is much more the traditional proskynesis, and his grasp of the book

less firm. ,

The inscriptions, taken from the Bible, provide the key to the moral message. The king’s words mean roughly: “I gave my heart (I devoted myself) to learning discipline and doctrine.” ** The writer says, “Accept (receive) discipline rather than money and choose doctrine (knowledge) more valuable than treasure.” The particular types of doctrina et disciplina in the Ethics and Politics, specifically the learning and practice of high moral standards, are obligations of the wise and responsible ruler. In the prologue to his translation, Oresme defines its educational purpose and value: Mais pour ce que les livres morals de Aristote furent faiz en grec, et nous les avons en latin moult fort a entendre, le Roy a voulu, pour le bien commun, faire

les translater en francois, afin que il et ses conseilliers et autres les puissent mieulx entendre, mesmement Ethiques et Politiques, desquels, comme dit est, le premier aprent estre bon homme et |’autre estre bon prince.*® Oresme also states that God-given wisdom and inspiration have led Charles V to devote his attention to the Ethics. Not only are its teachings indispensable to both the individual and the ruler, but its moral standards come next to religious faith in the

hierarchy of ethical values.®” ,

Below, Félicité humaine is pictured as a queen sitting frontally on a throne, wearing a crown, and holding a book and a scepter. In addition to the identifying captions,

32. “... vous avez telle vertu et puissance qui 34. Byvanck, Manuscrits, 113. vous est donnee et attribuee de Dieu que vous faites 35. The inscriptions — possibly later additions —

miracles en votre vie...” (ibid., I, 64, quoted by read: “Dedi cor meum ut scirem disciplinam atque Bloch, Les rois, 140). For other representations of doctrinam,” and “Accipite disciplinam magis quam

Charles V crowned by angels, see Figs. 25-27, and pecuniam, et doctrinam magis quam thesaurum

: Chapter I, p. 14, above. eligite.” Below, the words above the throne are rather

33. “Pour toutes les quelles trois choses il me lopsided, and the words referring to Felicity are oversemble que je vous puis comparagier a l’aigle de toute painted. For the inscriptions, see Delisle, Mélanges de

noblesse, grandeur et bonne volenté, et tieng que paléographie, 279. Oresme’s words come from Pro-

I, 66. 37. Ibid., 98.

ceste volenté vous est venue principalement par droite verbs VIII. 10, the king’s from Ecclesiastes I. 13.

inspiracion divine...,’ de Laborde, Cité de Dieu, 36. Oresme, Ethiques, 99-100.

Dedication Portraits | 25 there is an inscription on either side of the throne: to the left, “Stans omnium bonorum,” abode of the highest good, and, to the right, “agregacione perfectus,” union of all that is good.** Since Human Happiness is derived from personal virtue (morality), it is suitable that she is represented as the perfect embodiment of the seven individual Virtues. Her crowned and enthroned figure forms a parallel to the king’s and is equally prominent, while her position below him implies that collective human happiness depends upon personal virtue. As an individual, the king can attain félicité by such conduct. More important, as a wise and beneficent ruler, Charles must influence the citizens to see and work for the common good, defined in terms of happiness attained by virtuous conduct.”

The last dedication of this group occurs in the earlier, and larger, version of Aristotle's Ethics in Brussels, dated 1372.” In this volume, there are two presentation scenes, one for the prologue, fol. 1 (Fig. 9), and one for the text, fol. 2 v (Fig. 11). The quatrefoil frame, the canopy, the attendant, and the gold curtain appear in both.”

In the prologue dedication, Charles V smiles as he bends forward to accept the book. His head inclines toward Nicole Oresme, who shares the king’s pleasure. The warm exchange and direct confrontation of glance indicate that the primary interest is again the relationship of the two men. A marked interpenetration of their two spheres of existence is evident. Nicole Oresme’s hands and knees move beyond

, the boundaries of the gold curtain. Hieratic scale and the distance and difference in height levels between the two figures are diminished. Aside from the crown, the ceremonial atmosphere is confined to the accessories. In terms of human relationships and expression of personal feeling, this portrait surpasses even the City of God miniature. And unlike the scene in The Hague, this portrait stresses individual reactions rather than the moral content of the text. The difference in the author’s position in each portrait provides the clue to this change of focus.*® The humanization of the dedication scene in all three books can be traced to Charles V’s personal interest in the books and their translators.

The last category of the intimate dedication portraits includes four individual likenesses of the king. The model for this group is Jean Bondol’s masterful illumination, representing Jean de Vaudetar giving Charles V a Bible historiale, signed and dated 1371 (Fig. 10).44 The other examples are the text presentation in the Brussels

copy of Aristotle’s Ethics (Fig. 11),% and the dedications of the Songe du verger

(Fig. 13) *® and of Le jeu des échecs (Fig. 14).* A few words may be in order as an introduction to the two distinguishing acces-

38. Ibid., 129. Museum, Lansdowne MS 1175, fol. 1). Although in-

39. Ibid., 130 and 99. ferior in quality and condition to the first Brussels

40. Brussels, Bibl. Royale, MS 9505-06, fol. 1. dedication page, the format, portrait type, and posi41. While two dedication portraits (both con- tions of the king, translator, and book are markedly temporary and part of the original MS) are unusual, similar. See also Delisle, Recherches, I, 147. Meiss the occurrence can be explained on the grounds that places the miniatures “...in the Bondol tradition”

one introduced the prologue, the other the text. (French Painting, I, 311). 42. Attendants, curtain, and fleur-de-lis back- 44. The Hague, Museum Meermanno-Westground are found also in the Paris City of God dedica- reenianum, MS 10 B 23, fol. 2.

tion (Fig. 7). 45. Brussels, Bibl. Royale, MS 9505-06, fol. 2 v. 43. Another dedication scene in this group 46. London, Br. Museum, MS Royal 19 C. IV, shows Raoul de Presles presenting the first part of fol. 2. his translation of the Bible to Charles V (London, Br. 47. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1728, fol. 157.

26 | Dedication Portraits sories of this group. The replacement of the crown by the béguin, which to my knowledge a French king wears alone for the first time, occurs in the Bondol miniature.*® This kind of bonnet, however, had been a widespread fashion among all classes since the end of the twelfth century.*® But we should also bear in mind Jean Golein’s

comment that the king wore a bonnet to preserve the unction received during his coronation from all exterior contact.°® Nevertheless, the bonnet’s symbolic character

seems subordinate to the initial informal impression it creates. The other object is the circular canopy above the king’s head. Suspended on a chain from the ceiling or vault, it was generally composed of.a costly fabric draped over a conical framework and is here appropriately decorated with a fleur-de-lis pattern. Its form

duplicates the baldachin over church altars often seen in contemporary illumina- ! tions.*! In both religious and secular usage its function was to establish the symbolic character of altar or throne and separate it from the environment.” Because of its splendid quality and special character among Charles V’s portraits, the Bondol dedication page merits detailed discussion. First of all, it has an unmistakable monumentality, which begins with the elegant dedicatory inscription of the opposite folio: | Anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo septuagesimo primo, istud opus pictum fuit ad preceptum ac honorem illustri[s] principis Karoli, regis Francie, etatis sue tricesimo quinto et regni sui octavo, et Johannes de Brugis, pictor regis pre-

dicti, fecit hanc picturam propria sua manu.*? ,

48. In its present form, a Gaigniéres drawing, it shape, see Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, is not possible to accept either the authenticity or the II, Fig. 62.

priority of a lost panel painting, presumably dated 52. For a discussion of the ciborium and balda1342, in which the future Jean le Bon wears the béguin chin as traditional symbols of royalty, see P. E. without the crown (Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 11, fol. 85). First of all, since (Schriften der MGH, XIII, 3), Stuttgart, 1956, 723ff.

that prince did not become king until 1350, the ex- 53. For the inscription on fol. 1 v., see Delisle, ample is not really relevant. Furthermore, the archi- Recherches, 1, 148-49, and Panofsky, Early Nethertectural background is considerably later than the landish Painting, II, Fig. 23. Panofsky interpets the fourteenth century, while both the prince’s costume words istud opus to mean the whole MS. Believing and his position, as also the figure of Eudes IV, Comte that the inscription and dedication pages were an de Bourgogne, seem to derive from the Bondol proto- integral part of the Bible historiale, he assumes that type. In a miniature of about 1335-40, Robert d’Anjou Bondol and his atelier were responsible for all its wears a béguin under his crown (Br. Museum, MS illuminations (ibid., I, 37). L. Delaissé, however, reRoyal 6 E. ix, fol. 10 v.; see British Museum, Repro- stricts the meaning of istud opus to the dedication ductions from Illuminated Manuscripts, ser. II, Lon- miniature only, as he believes that both it and the don, 1923, pl. XL, cited by W. N. Hargreaves- inscription were added at the king’s own request after Mawdsley, A History of Legal Dress in Europe until the book was presented by Jean de Vaudetar. He then the End of the Eighteenth Century, Oxford, 1963, concludes that there is no necessary connection be-

71-72, n. 5). tween Bondol and the hand (or hands) responsible for 49. P. L. de Giafferri, Histoire du costume the Bible miniatures. See “Enluminure et peinture

masculin francais, moyen dge, II, Paris, 1927 [?], 14. dans les Pays-Bas. A propos du livre de E. Panofsky

50. J. Golein, Racional des divins offices, ed. ‘Early Netherlandish Painting,” Scriptorium, 11, Vérard, 1503, fol. 40, quoted in Delachenal, Histoire, 1957, 110-11. Meiss (French Painting, I, 21, n. 98)

V, 85, n. 3. agrees with Panofsky’s interpretation of istud opus.

51. J. Braun, “Altarbaldachin,” in Reallexikon For Meiss’s discussion of Bondol’s relationship to the zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, I, Stuttgart, 1937, miniatures of the Bible historiale, see ibid., I, 21-22. 465-66. For a miniature with an object of the same His conclusion is that “thus while it is not possible

Dedication Portraits | 27 The large, handsome script is unique in northern manuscripts of this period, as is the record of the artist's name among Charles V’s surviving illuminated portraits. Jean Bondol, or John of Bruges, who proudly cites his title as the king’s painter, shows the

importance of Netherlandish masters in French artistic life.*4 — , The portrait is treated as an independent panel in an anticipation of fifteenth-

, century painting. Occupying about two thirds of the folio, it is considerably larger than most of the other dedication pages produced for Charles V. Instead of the usual marginal decoration of scattered sprays of vine leaves, there is a commanding architectonic enframement. It begins simply with a solid, geometric border and leads immediately to the inner frame, which is a pierced trefoil arch springing from slender colonnettes. Charles V’s image shares both the simplicity and the monumentality. The king, shown in profile, sits in an ample armchair; a plain robe complements the informality of the béguin.®> Having removed the glove from his right hand, he points to the magnificent gift from Jean de Vaudetar, one of his valets de chambre. With unparalleled frankness and precision, the artist describes such homely details as the king’s runaway strands of hair. Nor does he disguise Charles V’s large nose or his small eye. The face is richly modelled in basically white tones, while key areas are edged in pink with greenish tones. A glint of light on his eye enlivens the king’s glance.** Severe damage to the mouth has unfortunately obscured both his expression and his moustache.*” Jean de Vaudetar’s head is also very naturalistic. Bondol does not neglect the description of the heavy eyebrows and the short, straggly beard, rendered in painterly fashion. Setting and space reflect a new approach. The dark blue and gold of the fleur-delis background are repeated in a lighter shade on the red-and-white fringed baldachin.

to identify Jean Bondol absolutely with any illustra- those worn by regents of the Faculty of Theology at tions of the Hague Bible, it is not possible to separate the same university (see W. H. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, them -—or at least the better ones (Fig. 386) —from him A History of Academical Dress in Europe until the either’ (ibid., I, 22). Examination of the MS led me to End of the Eighteenth Century, Oxford, 1963, 38). The

agree with Delaissé’s view because the style of the latter has instead identified the type of lapels on dedication miniature seems far more advanced than Charles V’s robe as labelulli or labels, “...two

that of the other illuminations. tongues of white fur or occasionally of silk . . . [which] 54. Panofsky (Early Netherlandish Painting, I, thus appear to be either part of the hood or an exten36, 37) considers the pictorial qualities of the style a sion of the collar of the supertunica” (idem, A History reflection of Flemish influence, but states also that of Legal Dress, 83). These labels were worn by legal Jean Bondol had been affected by the Paris miniature personages and by “...kings and by high officials tradition. Meiss considers that Bondol was the leading throughout Europe...” (ibid., 82). In respect to the painter of Charles V’s reign and associates with his Bondol miniature, Dr. Hargreaves-Mawdsley believes direction a large group of miniatures assigned formerly that “...the king wears them here as a sign of the to the so-called Maitre aux Boqueteaux. He acknowl- dignity of his temporal powers” (letter to the author, edges, however, the difficulty of proving this assertion December 10, 1963).

due to the collaboration of so many hands (see French 56. P. Durrieu, “La peinture en France, de Painting, I, 22-23 and 287, and II, Figs. 376, 377, 383, Jean le Bon a la mort de Charles V (1350-1380),” in

384, 386). Michel, Histoire, UI, pt. I, 117. 55. Although Panofsky identifies the king’s 57. The copy of a lost miniature from the Hom-

“cap and gown’ as those “...of a Paris Master of mages du Comté de Clermont, dated 1375, shows

Arts... (see his discussion of costume in Early Neth- Charles V with a moustache (Fig. 28). erlandish Painting, I, 37), the “fur lapels” do not match

28 | Dedication Portraits The canopy remains the only ceremonial element, as the armchair is less formal than the traditional faldstool. Bondol uses the green floor tiles to create the empirical onepoint perspective which Panofsky calls the “interior by implication.” °® The artist also approaches Panofsky’s definition of the “diaphragm” construction.” Here, the pierced arch, supported on the slender colonnettes of the frame, overlaps the bulky canopy

and provides an entrance to the picture space. ,

Both large and small objects affirm Bondol’s interest in three-dimensional space and naturalistic detail. One such instance is the armchair, a massive form with heavy, curved arms, back, and legs. To stress its existence as a volume in space, the king’s cape hangs down between its side and back, while the floor tiles appear between the

sections of the base. Bondol also lavishes attention on the book, which is open to a full-page miniature on the first folio.*° And the representation of the donor’s lowslung belt provides a chance to show each section divided into various facets and drawn in perspective. Remarkably observed, too, are the foreshortening of the king’s left hand and the contrast between the tense, bent fingers and the limp, bunched gloves.* The

painterly treatment of Charles V’s mantle is extremely subtle. The folds fall in large, , softly rounded areas; gradations of light and dark define different parts of the body.

But certain archaisms still linger. The king’s claw-like index finger reveals the medieval practice of exaggerating the size and shape of natural forms for expressive emphasis. Moreover, the left forearm remains undefined. But these features do not seriously impair our impression of Bondol’s amazing naturalism. The artist makes the book the dramatic focus of the relationship between Charles V and Vaudetar. It is the only object in the center of the composition and joins the two spheres of existence. Indeed, it diminishes the donor’s importance, since it is considerably larger than his head. (Vaudetar, whose left foot extends beyond the margin, also seems pushed to the side by the king’s voluminous robe.) Charles V examines the offering with an interest worthy of a devoted bibliophile; the donor holds it with an

expression of anxiety mixed with pride. The miniature seems almost the visual equivalent of the dedicatory verses composed by the scribe, Raoulet d'Orléans, in its

emphasis on the beauty of the book.” In short, this presentation offers an individualized image of Charles V, simple in costume and setting, executed in a

naturalistic style of great boldness.

The text dedication (Fig. 11) of the Brussels Ethics, dated 1372, is clearly derived

from the Bondol portrait. Although the canopy and béguin have been retained,

the informality and intimacy of the prototype have been altered by a reversion to the | ceremonial faldstool and the additions of the gold curtain and the court official. The

58. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I, subject of the pictured and the actual frontispiece is 37. See also K. M. Birkmeyer, “The Arch Motif in the same, the illuminations are different.

Netherlandish Painting of the Fifteenth Century: 61. The fact that Charles V wears gloves in an

Part One,” AB, 43, 1961, 7-8. Meiss (French Painting, interior may refer to the king’s illnesses, which afI, 1138-14, 165, and 205) discusses Bondol’s spatial fected the use of his hands. (Calmette, Charles V, 211,

treatment and its later influence. mentions special gloves.) We know also that he had

58. nal, Histoire, V, 390).

59. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I, poor circulation and used a warming stone (Delache-

60. The thickness of the right side indicates 62. Delisle (Recherches, I, 74-76) gives the

that the book is open to the first folio. Although the poem in full.

, Dedication Portraits | 29 portrait itself shows the king’s long nose, thinner face, and body proportions characteristic of the model. Despite a loss of detail, due to its smaller size, it, too, is an individualized image, strongly modelled with a specific facial expression. A comparison to the Bondol miniature indicates that the interest in spatial problems is sharply reduced. We have only to note the flat canopy, the onlooker,® the quadrilobe frame, and the elimination of the tiled floor and empirical perspective, details common also to the prologue dedication (Fig. 9). The prologue and text dedication scenes differ chiefly in that in the second (Fig. 11) the king wears the béguin instead of the crown, possibly because of the less official position of the miniature in the text. Furthermore, in the prologue illustration (Fig. 9), Charles V’s features are

less defined, his face wider. The text presentation miniature may allude to a later stage in the dedication ceremony, since Oresme bends forward, with his head overlapping the curtain, to unclasp the cover of the book. Delaissé correctly describes Charles V's geniality: “His attitude and his gesture of welcome show a genuine benevolence, further enhanced by the kindly expression on his face.” * The translator’s eager gesture and the king’s warm response may refer to Charles V’s apprecia-

tion of the text and his warm personal relationship with Oresme.® , The dedication scene plays a part in the total meaning of the four quadrilobe scenes. Next to it, on the upper right, a crowned king and queen, accompanied by three children, sit under two canopies in front of an extended curtain. Below on the left, a bearded king and four other figures listen to a lecture. On the lower right, a hooded school-master ushers out a youth escorted by a tutor. Delaissé says that “... We may assume that the four pictures illustrate a whole program of education: after having read Aristotle’s Ethics given to him by Nicole Oresme himself, the King decides he will have his children educated.” & He goes on to identify the bearded king as Charles V continuing his own education, and the Dauphin as the child who is being expelled. While his statement concerning a general educational program is certainly correct, only two scenes specifically refer to Charles V. Besides the dedication miniature, the illumination on the upper right—despite idealized images —suggests that the king’s family is involved, since by 1372 Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon had two boys and a girl. On the lower left, however, it is not

! Charles V in particular but an ideal ruler in general who attends a lecture, as the king is bearded and lacks any specific portrait character.® A clue to the program comes from similar four-scene arrangements in miniatures illustrating treatises concerned with the ruler’s conduct from the Miroirs aux princes literature. A relevant example, probably in Charles V’s library, includes a quadri-

63. Dorothy Miner has suggested in conversa- ences from the Bondol model, so the closer relationtions in 1964 that the curtain served to ensure the ship between the main figures may reflect the king’s | king’s privacy and that the onlooker is a court official special interest in the book which, in this case, he him-

guarding him. self commissioned. 64. L. M. J. Delaissé, Brussels, Bibliothéque 66. Delaissé, Medieval Illuminations, 80.

Royale de Belgique, Section des Manuscrits, Medieval 67. See, for example, the king in Fig. 6. Meiss Illuminations from the Library of Burgundy, Brussels, (French Painting, I, 73) believes that the bearded ruler

1958, 78. in Fig. 11 is an “allusion” to Charles V.

65. Just as the smaller size of the Brussels 68. For an important example, see Bell, Idéal

miniature may account partially for stylistic differ- éthique, 51-60.

, 30 | Dedication Portraits lobe representation in which the education of a king’s family plays a part (Fig. 12). Figure 11 may be divided into two vertical parts. In the dedication scene, Charles V orders a translation of Aristotle’s work, which, as Oresme emphasizes, teaches moral

standards of behavior in the Ethics, and the right conduct of government in the

ment: , : |

Politics.” Thus, the miniature on the lower left enlarges on the passage which explains the value to a king and his counsellors of studying the right methods of govern-

Semblablement est il verité que savoir la science de politiques profite moult as sages qui ont a gouverner. Et en puet l’en bien dire ce mot de l’Escripture: ““Audiens sapiens sapientior erit’ — “le sage sera plus sage de oyr ceste science.” ™

If one half of the program concerns the value of the translation, the other illustrates

the king’s obligation to secure a proper education for his children—perhaps a specific reference to Charles V’s particular interest in this subject. A passage in the Ethics says: “Et Vamistié paternel ou du pere a ses filz est aucunement tele comme est amistié royal ou du Roy a ses subjectz.” ” This quotation suggests a similarity between the role of a king and that of a father, inasmuch as both are responsible for their dependents’ welfare.” In this illumination the king acts in both capacities, con-

cerned for his sons as individuals and as future leaders. The last miniature may generally embody the ideas of punishment and discipline, also essential to the educational process. More immediately, it seems to refer to the section which claims that young people are not good listeners to lectures on political science because of their lack of experience and good sense: “Et pour ce un joenne homme n’est pas convenable audicteur de politiques, car il n’est pas expert des faiz qui aviennent a vie humainne.” ™ The reference to the king’s children is only indirect. Rather, the whole scene may be intended as a contrast to the one opposite, of the ideal ruler and his counsellors at a lecture. Perhaps the best approach to the total program is to view the miniatures, in their combination of individual and conventional images, as the visual equivalent of references to Charles V as a historical personality whose specific

acts fulfill the obligations of the ideal ruler.” | ,

The second portrait derived from the Bondol model is dated 1378 and represents Charles V receiving the translation of the Songe du verger from an unknown translator (Fig. 13).7* The degree of portrait likeness and the physical type so closely resemble the second dedication of the Ethics (Fig. 11) that, if not the same hand, at least the same atelier must have executed the miniature. Although damage in the area of the

69. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1728, fol. 1. For a the king’s obligations to his subjects because of his description of the text and miniature, see Delisle, superior virtue and power. |

Recherches, I, 260-62. 74. Ibid., 107. 70. Oresme, Ethiques, 97. 75. In the dedication page in The Hague (Fig.

71. Ibid., 99. 8), the purpose of the book is clarified by the devices

72. Ibid., 438. In comment 5 on this passage, of the inscriptions and personification instead of the Oresme says: “Amistiés royal et paternel sont sem- pictorial narrative form of Fig. 11.

blables, comme il sera dit aprés.”’ See above, Ch. I, 76. The author, single or collective, has not

p. 10. been conclusively identified. See Schramm, Der 73. Oresme, ibid., 437, comment 2, also stresses Konig, I, 244.

Dedication Portraits | 31 king’s head does not permit decisive judgement, his face seems thinner and more wrinkled and aged than in the Ethics illumination. The face of the translator also shows specific features, but the lack of corroborating images makes identification impossible.” The expansion of the curtain setting in an elongated format concentrates attention on the two main figures, but also permits spectators on both sides. Indeed, the boy to the king’s right may be the Dauphin, since he wears the hérigaut,

as in other documented portraits. : The style of this miniature shows far less naturalism than in the Bondol model.

The emphasis on the solid masses of the chair and canopy has disappeared, while the obtrusive geometric background negates any feeling of depth. The curtain, unlike that in the Brussels Ethics scene, does not suggest a plastic, volumetric box, but, placed on a rod parallel to the picture plane, it reinforces the shallowness of the space. A final example of this group supposedly represents the future Jean le Bon receiving the translation of Le jeu des échecs from Jean de Vignay (Fig. 14).7° The king may

be identified with Charles V by virtue of the clear resemblance to his undisputed

work.®° , |

portraits and by the canopy and bonnet derived from the Bondol tradition. The seeming confusion of identity can be explained by the iconographic tradition of represent- | , ing the reigning ruler in the guise of the ancestor who originally commissioned the _ The artist has kept to the simple Bondol setting; gone are the additions noted in the two previous examples. The king’s portrait shares the same physical characteristics of the group, but now the nose has a definitely beaked shape. The king wears a _ heraldic fleur-de-lis robe, while his upright posture and lack of specific expression give an impersonal air to the scene. The severity of the portrait may be attributed to the fact that the scene is not based on a historical relationship between Charles V and the author. Yet a direct exchange of glance occurs, with the king’s power and authority the dominant impression. The harsher expressive quality is matched by a more rigid style. There is a disparity between the monumental portrait on the one hand and the archaic quadrilobe format, set within a square, on the other. The small, bright checkerboard pattern limits the depth, while the drapery is less painterly. Even less of the naturalistic style

, of the Bondol model remains than in the Brussels and London miniatures. A final portrait, derived from Le jeu des échecs, shows Charles V accepting , Jean Golein’s version of the Livre de linformation des princes (Fig. 15).®1 It is dated

77. In general, his garment resembles the cos- _ I, 260). According to M. Thomas, now Conservateur en

tume of Bureau de la Riviére on the La Grange but- chef des Manuscrits at the Bibliotheque Nationale, tress of Amiens cathedral (Fig. 56), appropriate for a the inconsistencies of style, the sewing of the book, privy councillor (Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France, and the diverse handwritings make it highly probable

32-33). that the portrait was inserted later and that different 78. See Figs. 53 and 24, and above, p. 19, n. 13. ateliers worked on the various parts. Although the

79. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1728, fol. 157. Le MS does not appear in any of Charles V’s inventories, jeu des échecs is one of a number of moral treatises Delisle considers that its style is consistent with MSS

comprising the book. produced for him or for a court personage.

, 80. A date after 1372 is likely, because of de- 81. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 1950, fol. 2. See pendence on the Bondol model for the miniature and Delisle, Recherches, 1, 262-63. | |

on a MS in Besancon for the text (Delisle, Recherches, |

32 | Dedication Portraits September 22, 1379, and is the last documented miniature portrait of Charles V. A further modification of the Bondol model:occurs in the crown set on the king’s bonnet.

A sharp decline in naturalism is evident in the return to hieratic scale, the inconsistent setting, and the caricature-like exaggeration of the king’s portrait. Since Charles V's figure is the only one painted, a special master may have executed it, thus par-

tially accounting for the disturbing discrepancy.in scale. © ©. |)... The Livre de Vinformation des princes illumination concludes our discussion of the dedication portraits of Charles V.” The formal group, fewer.in number and more traditional than the intimate .dedications, continued its close ties. with ruler images and court ceremony. Nevertheless, even amid conservative styles, recognizable portrait types of both king and translator emerged, and the king’s' role became: more active.. The most outstanding éxample, the Rational -des.divins offices frontispiece (Fig. 3), reflected the: king’s authority and the possible influence of his ideas. on the translator.. But the relationship between king and author.remained impersonal, as

hieratic scale and separation of their spheres of existence continued, = 4.) ... The intimate dedication portraits showed more radical changes in‘ style, iconography, and expressive. range. Beginning .with a, conventional image of .1361,. this group represented the king in a close relationship with the author and a more informal setting stressing the patron's intellectual interests. The “king crowned” illuminations, executed in the early and mid-70’s, established a consistent portrait type of Charles V in a generally non-progressive stylistic context. Its special contribution was the representation of Charles V less.as a powerful monarch than as a man personally interested in the book and in the translator. This, change of emphasis. brought the two figures closer together in scale and merged their spheres of existence, while specific facial expression revealed direct psychological. communication. Also, the content was expanded to explain the meaning of.the text and the motive for the king’s interest in the particular book. The last group, derived from the Bondol miniature, attained new informality because of the king’s dress. The-model itself was the most advanced of the dedication scenes.in its monumentality, naturalistic style, and individualized portraits.. This last feature continued in the miniatures based. on the Bondol scene, and indeed, several were more expressive of a close personal relationship. But the introduction of more elaborate’ settings or costume: produced a more rigid design and composition, in which the boldness of Bondol’s naturalistic style was

‘not maintained. ~~ a, ot , | oe

The dedication scenes also illustrate larger questions of patronage and iconographic development. Thus, the king’s more active part in presentation scenes indi-

cated the effect of the new concentration of manuscript production in lay ateliers a working directly for the court instead of in the traditional clerical workshops where , the writer’s role was stressed. Charles V’s patronage encouraged progressive artists, oe such as Bondol, as well as new approaches to conservative iconographic subjects. Also : apparent was the influence of the king’s literary program and his personal intellectual

tastes... 5 Oe a - | ,

in style.” , oo

82. Meiss (French Painting, I, 73) considers oo

that the presentation portraits are “... rather uniform : | ee | ,

Official-Historical Narrative Unlike the dedication scene, which was restricted to one action and two separate characters, the second portrait type shows Charles V performing a wide variety of official duties involving many participants and specific historical events of his reign.’

Clearly, these portraits function in a more complex context within which not only the king’s physical appearance but also his symbolic role must be evident. Two new problems now arise: the artists’ method of constructing a narrative within existing stylistic and iconographic forms, and its consequent effect on portrait development. Of continuing interest is the part which Charles V’s political program and

: illuminations. © . -

-. .. artistic patronage played in encouraging the production of relevant texts and their

So _ In contrast to Italy, where a strong early medieval tradition of monumental oS history painting was revived after 1300, northern Europe showed only a limited , development.” According to literary sources, the few historical representations of the later thirteenth and early fourteenth century were small in size and derived from religious iconography.’ In a miniature of about 1250 depicting Henry I of France 1. Although Christian and secular elements are period, see R. Hinks, Carolingian Art, Ann: Arbor, combined in the coronation ceremony, the representa- 1962, 95-122; for. the Italian development, see Keller,

tion of the king’s purely religious practices form a “Die Entstehung,’ 287-95. a os

separate tradition, discussed below in Ch. IV. 3. Keller, 296-97. One northern example was

_. 2. For the. tradition in the early middle ages, offered by representations of the journey to Sicily of see J. von Schlosser, “Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte Comte Robert II d’Artois at the chateau of Conflans. aus den Schriftquellen des friihen Mittelalters,’ SbAW, Dated about 1320, they were commissioned by 123, 1890, 58-64; for narrative during the Carolingian Mahaut, Comtesse de Flandres, from Pierre de

34 | Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative bestowing privileges on the priory of Saint-Martin-des-Champs, dependence on the dedication scheme and a diagrammatic, impersonal approach are significant char-

acteristics. Official histories, such as Les grandes chroniques de France, offer only |

small, scattered representations of coronations, deathbeds, and battles without , settings or expressive action.® Hierarchic social structure triumphs over dramatic narrative in the mid-fourteenth-century trial of Robert d’Artois, where the figures, identified by heraldic escutcheons, are arranged in a strict pyramid.® In short, a sparse tradition of impersonal and conventional images in this genre preceded the © reign of Charles V.

The Coronation Book of Charles V and Related Miniatures An almost complete visual and literary record of Charles V’s coronation ceremony, performed on Trinity Sunday, May 19, 1364, is preserved in a magnificent manuscript,

now in London.’ The text is an Ordo in which the description of the nature and sequence of the rites is compressed into a compact form drawn from religious, national, and feudal custom. Dated 1365, the manuscript contains the first cycle of miniatures executed after Charles V’s accession to the throne and belongs to his initial program of patronage designed to raise the prestige of the monarchy.*® The king’s detailed autograph inscription more closely reflects the ideas of an individual

ruler than any other Ordo.® Since Charles V intended his version to serve as a model , for future coronations, it was written in some detail.1° Until then, French Ordines were apparently not illustrated. But the London Coronation Book breaks with this

precedent, dividing the ceremony—conceived as a historical event—into a series of individual, clearly represented actions. Indeed, the illuminations are apparently based on observed memories of Charles V’s own coronation, as certain events not mentioned in the text are illustrated.”

Bruxelles. The models were paintings in church in- 9. “Ce liure. du. sacre. dez Rois. de france/ est teriors and manuscripts of Saint Louis’ departure on a a nous Charles. le. v®. de. Notre nom. Roy. de. france.

crusade. et le. fimes. Coriger. ordener. Escrire. et. istorier. lan.

| 4. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS nouv. acq. latin 1359, m.cce.lx.v.”” (Dewick, Coronation Book, col. 54, pl. fol. 1. See Panofsky, Gothic Architecture and Scho- 39). The inscription is found on fol. 74 of the MS. See

lasticism, 115, Fig. 5. also P. E. Schramm, “Ordines-Studien II,” Archiv | 5. A copy written as late as the third quarter of fiir Urkundenforschung, 15, 1938, 42-43.

the fourteenth century illustrates this tendency. See 10. Durrieu refers to the miniatures as a visual

Delisle, Recherches, I, 318. procés-verbal of the proceedings (Michel, Histoire, 6. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 18437, fol. 2. See III, pt. I, 131). The London Ordo begins with a transCouderc, Album, pl. XIV. lation into French of the Reims Ordo, dating from

7. Br. Museum, Cottonian MS Tiberius B. about 1260-70. As to other Ordines possibly used as

VIII. Fortunately, a complete facsimile of both text models, see Schramm, Der Konig, I, 237, n. 3.

and illustrations is in E. S. Dewick, ed., The Corona- ll. Idem, ‘“‘Ordines-Studien II,” 47. Schramm tion Book of Charles V of France (Cottonian MS concludes that Charles V personally enjoyed illumiTiberius B. VIII), Henry Bradshaw Society, XVI, Lon- nations as other ordines in his library, now lost or

don, 1899. missing, were also historiated (ibid., n. 6, 47). 8. Pradel, “‘Art et politique,” 90. 12. Ibid., 44.

Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative | 35 The choice and number of miniatures devoted to certain sequences fulfill the dual aim of serving as a model of procedure and of emphasizing the particular rites which distinguish the powers of the French monarchy. The first part of the Ordo,

concerned with events before the ceremony begins, elaborates on the symbolic protocol connected with the king’s arrival, his reception by the clergy, and the procession to the cathedral.!? Following his solemn oath, a series of five miniatures explains the costume changes and sword symbolism related to Charles V’s consecration as a knight.!* Then the climactic section describes in detailed fashion the preparation for the unction with the oil of the Sainte Ampoule, the unique source of the

supernatural powers of the French kings. Charles V’s priestly prerogatives are prominently displayed in four miniatures.'* In the first three his hands are anointed, blessed, and covered with gloves. The delivery and benediction of the ring complete the sequence." The royal privilege of taking Communion directly in both kinds also points to more than a lay status.'® Aside from its considerable historical interest, the manuscript contains the most complete extant portrait cycle of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon. The king figures in no less than twenty-seven illuminations, the queen in nine. Although no explicit textual reference identifies the king as Charles V, a comparison with contemporary documented portraits (Figs. 1 and 38) reveals a strong similarity in features and facial type. The king in the Coronation Book wears no beard, confirming reliable information that he shaved it before his formal accession.'!® Furthermore, despite disparities in feature or proportions due to different hands, the miniatures attempt to present a consistent portrait type of the king. Throughout the cycle, Charles V appears as a

13. The 1364 ceremony is discussed in detail series ends on fol. 54 v. (see Fig. 19) as the archbishop by Delachenal, Histoire, I11,65-101, and by Schramm, closes the king’s tunic.

Der Konig, I, 237-39. Two scenes (fols. 35 and 43, 16. For the connection with Jean Golein’s ideas Dewick, Coronation Book, pls. 1 and 2) show Charles in the Traité du sacre, see below, p. 39; see also Ch. I,

V welcomed by the clergy. For the significance of p. 14, above.

royal entrances into cities, see E. H. Kantorowicz, 17. Fols. 55 v.-57 (Dewick, Coronation Book, . “The ‘King’s Advent,” AB, 26, 1944, 207-31. For the pls. 18-21). See also Schramm, Der Konig, I, 238-39.

meaning of the bedchamber ritual, see Delachenal, 18. Fols. 65 and 65 v. (Dewick, Coronation

Histoire, III, 78. Book, pls. 27-28). For communion practices, see

14. The king’s oath to defend the faith, uphold Schramm, Der Konig, I, 158-59. The queen’s cerejustice, etc. (fol. 46 v., Dewick, Coronation Book, pl. mony, which follows on fols. 66-72 (Dewick, Corona5) precedes the knightly part of the ceremony com- tion Book, pls. 29-37), carries on in abbreviated form posed of five miniatures (fols. 48-50, ibid., pls. 8-12). the main parts of the king’s rites, with the major dif15. For an excellent summary of the effect of ferences centered upon the unction. The one curios-

the unction on aruler, see P. E. Schramm, A History of ity among the illuminations shows the queen apparthe English Coronation, Oxtord, 1937, 6-7. See above, ently resisting aid in unfastening her dress for the Ch. I, p. 14, and Delachenal, Histoire, III, 85-87. The anointing (fol. 67 v., ibid., pl. 31).

series begins on fol. 50 v. (see Fig. 17), with the 19. H. Martin (Les miniaturistes francais, Paris, archbishop’s preparation to take the congealed oil 1906, 28-29) refers to Christine (Le livre, I, 71-72) for from the Sainte Ampoule (Dewick, Coronation Book, the information that the king was clean-shaven. But n. on pl. 13). In the next two scenes, fols. 51 and 51 v., Le livre does not give the precise date when he the archbishop unfastens the king’s tunic for the adopted this fashion. The portraits suggest 1364 as the anointing on his breast and the prayer, Te invocamus decisive year, for in an image of 1362-63 he still wears (ibid., pls. 14-15). The climactic miniature of the unc- a beard (Fig. 38). tion itself is missing (ibid., Introduction, xi). The

36 | Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative

length hair. , oo

young man—then twenty-seven—with a small head and reddish-blond, shoulder-

His best likenesses are distinguished from both the types and the conventional images by strong modelling. In the most outstanding example (Fig. 16; fol. 44 v.), the prominent development of the eye, the washes around the mouth and nose, and the emphatic black heightening the salient features assure a firm definition of the head. In addition, an intense glance and alert expression characterize this portrait, as well as two other individual likenesses on fols. 50 v. and 58 (Figs. 17 and 18). The contrast between the king and the cardboard figures surrounding him suggests that a separate hand executed Charles V’s portraits in these three miniatures. It is interesting that the most naturalistic images show Charles V in profile, rather than in

the more difficult three-quarter view. oo ,

_ The portraits which are types of Charles V present the king’s features in recognizable form (Fig. 19), but the face lacks projection, precise contours, and intensity.?° Most numerous are the conventional, and sometimes distorted, likenesses, which

occur as isolated examples before fol. 56, and then continue (except for fol. 58) , from that point to the end of the king’s cycle, an indication that less capable painters worked on this portion of the manuscript. Not unexpectedly, individual portrait char-

acterization is limited to Charles V. The important figures of the Archbishop of Reims, | Jeanne de Bourbon, and the peers of the realm; the latter identifiable by their heraldic costume, are completely conventional.”! Their figures are hardly modelled, often ap-

pearing as flat expanses of solid color. The bystanders. not only lack identity and meaningful gestures, but also seldom focus their interest on the main action. Instead, full attention is given to careful description of their costume, consistent with the

illustrative purpose of the illuminations. | Composition, setting, and spatial construction are also designed with this end in © 7

mind. Unlike the quadrilobe format, the plain frame and rectangular shape of the 7 individual illumination allow an uninterrupted lateral presentation of the scene. A _ oo | basic palette of red, blue, and yellow, amply augmented by gold, gives both brilliance oe :

and unity to the color scheme. The limitations of the action encourage the repetition ; , - | of a simple but clear compositional formula. Wherever possible, the king or queen, oe

either alone or with attendants, occupies the center. To emphasize his preeminence a , even further, the king is isolated from the courtiers on his left and the officiating a clergy on the right. The lay and clerical sectors are thus definitely separated, with i oo overlapping of their spheres strictly limited to specific occasions demanded by the Oo

nature of his powers. , , ee -

action. Charles V’s position between them stresses his: pivotal role and the twofold | - ,

~ In all the scenes within the cathedral, the interiors are symbolized by an altar 7 a

surmounted by a reredos. Placed on the right, it lends emphasis to the clerical sector, . while its small size permits a clear, front-plane arrangement unimpeded by archi-_

20. For the portraits which are types of Charles heraldic dress of bishops and peers, see Dewick, V, see fols. 35, 43, 47, 49, 49 v., 50, and 55 v. (Dewick, notices on pls. 3, 23, and 24. As for the queen’s por-

: Coronation Book, pls. 1, 2, 6, 10, 11, and 18). traits, a less skilled illuminator, with more interest in 21. For the identification and description of the the fashionably clad attendants, was at work.

, Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative | 37 tectural members.” Without disrupting the narrative, the several forms of the altar, treated as an independent cubic box, allow for spatial experiment. A more ambitious setting appears only in the three introductory scenes.”* The first two show Charles V at the portals of a cathedral which resembles Reims in its general outlines. The lower parts of the side and front walls are removed to permit a view into the interior, a chapel-like structure. In the third, the bedroom of the archepiscopal palace, although based on the same principle, is far more specific (Fig. 16). Here the side wall is cut away daringly in order to represent the details of the furnishings. Although quite convincing at first glance, the combination of exterior with interior views and the use of symbolic scale demonstrate a still early stage in naturalistic space construction, as do the avoidance of a ground plane, the cutting of the format at the edge of the bed,

and the flat-patterned background.”* |

- Later but still contemporary miniatures representing the coronation of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon do not carry further the historical point of view of the Coronation Book. For example, the unction: of the king in the Rational des divins offices

(Fig. 20) is inaccurately combined with the peers’ oath and ignores the proper sequence of costume prescribed inthe London manuscript.2*: Since, however, the Rational concentrates on the general; symbolic meaning of the ritual, this indifference to chronological niceties is perhaps understandable. In the official account of Charles V’s reign contained in Les grandes chroniques de France, the enthronement scenes (Fig. 21)?° derive directly from fols. 59 v. and 70 of the Coronation Book (Figs. 22 and 23), with only minor variations, although they were produced more than

a decade later. 7 |

The outstanding qualities of the London Ordo become especially evident after these comparisons. Its clarity and precision of presentation as well as the achievement of a consistent portrait type of Charles V seem remarkable when we consider both the extent of the narrative cycle and the lack of direct visual precedent. Once again the personal intervention of the king appears to have encouraged these con-

siderable innovations. | ,

Historiated Charters | , Charles V’s patronage of art for political ends included the illustration of state documents. There had, of course, long existed a tradition of decorating original records,

_ 22. The scenes represented on the reredos are 26. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813, fol. 439. For variations of simple devotional themes like the Man of the source of the miniatures, see Delachenal, Les Sorrows or the Deésis, without any clear pattern of re- grandes chroniques, IV, 27. The lavish, full-page lationship to specific stages of the ceremony. — | frontispiece of this MS (fol. 3 v.). represents.the en23. Fols. 35, 43, and 44 v., Dewick, Coronation thronement of a king, added sometime after the last Book, pls. 1 and 2; cf. Fig. 16, below. For a discussion text miniatures of 1378-79. The king has been identiof the architecture, see Dewick, notice on pl. 1, fol. 35. fied as Charles VI by some scholars, as he was crowned _ 24. For John White’s analysis of the spatial con- in 1380 shortly after his father’s death (Couderc, Al-

struction, see The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial S pace, bum, 18). For Keller’s interpretation, see “Die

New York, 1958,221. | . Entstehung, ’ 309-10. re

25. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 437, fol. 44v. SO —— |

38 | Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative such as royal or seigneurial gifts to foundations, with pen drawings and painted

tion.”9

illuminations.?” Thus, the ornament in a charter issued by Jean le Bon is composed

of a series of fantastic beasts and human grotesques interwoven with the letters of

, the text.” But during Charles V’s reign, images in charters not only featured his portrait but were expanded into narrative scenes by leading masters of book illumina-

The first example in this portrait type occurs in the charter of Pierre, Abbot of

, Royaumont, dated September 14, 1374 (Fig. 24).°° The text provides that the monks of Royaumont would celebrate an annual mass in the name of Charles V and his family. All the parties mentioned in the document figure in the drawing. The bound-

ary of the letter U within which the royal personages stand is a squarish frame decorated with scalloped pen scrolls ending in spiky, trifoliate forms. The initial itself, raised in deep blue, contains floral and animal motifs. The awkwardly sloping _ bottom of the picture field is filled with the kneeling monks, while the most important members of the royal family —the king, the queen, and their two sons —are full-length. But their two daughters, of less political importance, are only half visible. The introduction of color, tastefully combined with grisaille, reveals the care lavished upon the drawing. The over-all scroll pattern of contemporary miniatures appears in the background. Jeanne de Bourbon closely resembles her portrait in the dedication page

derives.*! , , of the Rational des divins offices (Fig. 3), from which the charter drawing surely Despite the absence of a setting or naturalistic spatial structure, the family is

freely grouped. The composition, aided by scale differences, is so well arranged that , the relationships between the figures are immediately comprehensible. The king and queen, the largest and hence the most powerful, turn to face one another. They create a v-shaped void in the center, filled by the Dauphin. He in turn is larger than the other children by virtue of his age and status. Not only does the king’s bulky mantle enable him to dominate the space, but the lion under his feet and the words “Vivat

K.[arolus] V.” further emphasize his undisputed supremacy. Clasping his hand _

firmly on the abbot’s head, the Dauphin echoes his father’s authoritative gesture.” , A further refinement of narrative organization occurs in a series of drawings from

the end of Charles V’s reign. Their distinguishing mark is that the initial letter of _Karolus serves as the constructive framework of the representation.2> The most developed examples are two closely related drawings (Figs. 25 and 26) in identical 27. For Durrieu’s account of the tradition, see This is not the first historiated charter of Charles V’s Michel, Histoire, III, pt. I, 132-33. See also E. Du- reign. Three, dating from the 1360's, are discussed acpont, “1377, 1389, 1402—Trois chartes 4 vignettes,” cording to iconographic type in Chs. IV, V, and VII,

Notices et documents publiés pour la Société de below. .

Vhistoire de France ... , Paris, 1884, 188-89. 31. The king wears the béguin under his crown, , 28. For the charter from Jean le Bon’s reign, see perhaps heeding Jean Golein’s injunction in the J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, “Valois directs,’ in Traité du sacre that the cap never be removed or the Musée des Archives Nationales, Documents originaux hair shorn. See also p. 26, n. 50, above.

de Vhistoire de France exposés dans V’hétel Soubise, 32. Delaborde, “Charte,” 98.

Paris, 1872, 209. 33. The earliest example of this group, dating

29. F. Delaborde, “Une charte historiée des from 1377, contains the king’s pledge to support a Archives Nationales,” Centenaire de la Société na- Célestins’ monastery dedicated to the Trinity at tionale des Antiquaires de France, Paris, 1904, 98. Carriere de Saint-Aubin de Limay (Seine-et-Oise). _ 30. Paris, Archives Nationales, J. 465, no. 48. See G. Desjardins, ed., Musée des Archives Départe-

, Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative | 39 documents of 1379 establishing a chapel of the Holy Trinity at the royal chateau of Vincennes.** Another more elaborate version of this theme is found in the decoration

) of a document (Fig. 27) of 1380 in which Charles V grants the domain of Vauclerc to the cathedral chapter of Reims.* In the Vincennes charters, the standing figure of the king crowned by angels occupies the spine of the K. The Holy Trinity fills the upper right lobe of the letter, the community of monks the lower. The principal parties to the charter remain within the structure of the letter, except for a small horizontal base for the king’s feet. Even the document held by Charles V functions also as the bar of the K. The compressed arrangement of the composition corresponds to the structure of the letter. Thus, the king’s position as the pivot of the action is the visual equivalent of the initial’s spine,

his vertical stance harmonizing with its line. ,

| The decoration, executed in grisaille relieved by small touches of color, is confined to a loose frame of leaf scrolls and an appropriate fleur-de-lis pattern behind Charles V’s head. The graceful lines of the Trinity, the angels, and the wraith-like monks recall the Pucelle school. But the architectonic and plastic drapery of the king’s figure, with its youthful, idealized portrait, may reflect a newer style. There is, however, a clear difference between the two portraits. In Fig. 25, the three-quarter pose, pot-bellied stance, and less flattering nose and chin give the figure a distinctly awkward air. The alert expression and the fuller modelling of the face distinguish it

from that of Fig. 26 with its flat outlines and expressionless character. The profile | view and neatly waved hair of the latter portrait, however, give an impression of poised elegance enhanced by the decisive gesture. The Reims initial (Fig. 27) is similar to the Vincennes drawings, although somewhat harsher and cruder. The greatest change takes place in the king’s portrait. His pose is less graceful, the modelling

more schematic, and the hands claw-like. The very large head presents a gaunt, worn visage instead of a face of youthful vigor.

An elaboration of narrative and symbolic content accompanies the decline in naturalistic character. The Reims decoration further emphasizes the king’s dominant position, while the angels crowning the king symbolize the divine origin of monarchi-

, cal power. More specifically, the illustration corresponds to the idea that the Holy Trinity anoints and crowns the king, as stated in Le songe du verger. This kind of Trinitarian allusion also stems from the historical association of Reims and the abbey

, of Saint-Remi with the legend of the Sainte Ampoule.*® Thus the lower part of the drawing represents the coronation of Clovis by Saint Remi with a vial borne by a

mentales, Recueil de fac-similé héliographiques de lack of the contour lines around the K prevents a full documents, Paris, 1878, no. 119, 296. See also A. definition of the architectonic function of the letter. Moutié and J. Desnoyers, “Charte de fondation du 34. Paris, Musée des Archives Nationales, AE couvent des Célestins de Limay, prés Mantes, par II 401 A and AE II 401 B. Millin states that the chapel Charles V, en 1376,” Bulletin du comité de la langue, was dedicated to the Trinity (Antiquités nationales, de V/histoire et des arts de la France, 4, 1857, pl. I, 240, II, Paris, 1790-99, 41).

and 245-249 for the text. For an initial K (without the 35. Reims, Archives Municipales, G 1549, olim defining outlines) depicting Charles V bestowing a Fonds du chapitre métropolitain, Vauclerc, liasse I,

fragment of the True Cross on the Duc de Berry (Paris, no. 4. ,

Archives Nationales, AE II 393, dated 1372), see 36. For the meaning of the charter, see Bloch,

Meiss, French Painting, I, cat. no. 2, 82-83, and II, Fig. Les rois, 134-35. 475. The image of the king is conventional, while the

40 | Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative dove from heaven. The symbols of the Trinity have now expanded into separate units because of their larger role in the narrative; the Virgin and Child represent the Son, the Father appears in the mandorla, and the Holy Ghost takes the usual form of the dove. The particular identification of the unction with the Holy Ghost was made by Jean Golein in his Traité du sacre in order to underscore again the divine origins of the French monarchy.®” The Reims charter, like all these small-scale but expressive drawings, illustrates both the development of narrative formulas and the close ties between Charles V’s political ideas and his artistic patronage, characteristic also of

the Coronation Book miniatures. a

A Feudal Register: Portraits in a Copy | ne :

of the Hommages du Comté de Clermont ee |

A census of the county of Clermont ordered by Charles V in 1371 and executed under the direction of its suzerain, the queen’s brother, Louis Il, Duc de Bourbon, formed the text of an interesting manuscript now called Hommages du Comté de Clermont.®

Although the only known original (of two that are believed to have existed) was destroyed in 1737, there exists a copy in Roger de Gaigniéres’ great collection of geographical and costume drawings.®® Among the elaborate illustrations are records of castles and fortified places, the transfer of feudal properties, and the heroic deeds of the Duc de Bourbon. Unfortunately, these crude copies do not permit an accurate assessment of the portraits. But they do afford a valuable insight into the relationship

portraiture. oe . : - :

between the illustration of contemporary events and the growth of individual. Of greatest interest is the copy of the scene in which the Duc de Bourbon does

homage to Charles V for Clermont (Fig. 28).4° Twenty-four of the thirty-five figures are

identifiable by portrait likeness and heraldic costume. The latter reinforces the , specific image, rather than serving as a substitute as in the Coronation Book. In the half dozen instances where comparisons are possible, the portraits are recognizable

37. Schramm, Der Kénig, I, 240. For an alter- been taken by the copyist from narrative composinative interpretation of Trinitarian symbolism in the tions in which the figure did not stand alone. Boucharters, see Moutié, Charte, 239-40, and Desnoyers, chot’s catalogue does not attempt to differentiate these 241-44. The latter discusses the connection between “excerpted portraits” from genuine single figures in Trinitarian symbolism and the reduction of the fleurs- the original sources from which the drawings were

de-lis to three. made (H. Bouchot, Bibliotheque Nationale, Inven38. For the contents and history of the Hom- taire des dessins exécutés pour Roger de Gaigniéres et

mages MSS, see Comte de Lucay, “Le comté de conservés aux Départements des Estampes et des Clermont en Beauvaisis,” Revue historique, nobiliare, Manuscrits, 2 vols., Paris, 1891).

et biographique, 13, 1876, 265-310, 388-427, 467- 40. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, 513, and 14, 1877, 42-81, 227-60, 310-58, and 376- Costumes Oa 12, fol. 8. Charles V paid a visit to Cler404. De Lucay’s analysis is based on Bibl. Nat., MS mont in 1375, during which the scene could have fr. 20082, Gaigniéres’ copy, part of which is in the taken place (de Lucay, “Clermont,” 13, 475). For the Département des Estampes, filed with the latter’s col- identification of the figures, see Couderc, Album, 11-

lection of costume drawings. 12. See Meiss (French Painting, I, cat. no. 3, 83) for

39. The costume drawings also contain many discussion of the drawing and the portrait of the Duc

so-called independent portraits, which have in fact de Berry. ,

Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative | 41 as strongly individualized likenesses. Similar records of the Duc de Bourbon’s appearance can be seen in two other copies (Figs. 29 and 30). The ugliness of Bertrand

du Guesclin is like his later tomb effigy in Saint-Denis. The original portrait of Charles V must also have been a detailed study. The particular shape of his nose— , long and wide, with flaring nostrils — occurs in several documented images (Figs. 45 and 74), while the moustache and the hint of “five o’clock shadow” were seen in the

Bondo] dedication portrait (Fig. 10). = , : , ,

- In the traditional gesture of a vassal doing homage for a fief, the Duc de Bourbon kneels and puts his right hand between the king’s hands. Charles V sits under the square, fringed canopy of a portable throne accompanied by an entourage of twelve. Despite the large number of figures, the composition strongly focuses on the main action. Instead of the lateral scheme of the Coronation Book, a more vertical, theater-

like arrangement prevails. The king is much higher than his vassal, as the throne seems raised on steps. Not only the square canopy but also the cloth of honor and the

vertical batons mark out a separate area for him and the Duc de Bourbon. Indeed, the positions of, and the divisions between, the two main figures suggest a variation of the dedication formula, completely suitable in a similar social situation. Although the lack of a clear-cut confrontation of glance between the king and his brother-in-law and the isolation of the subordinate characters reveal an early stage in the development of historical narrative, the extensive portraiture and the well-organized com-

: position make the loss of the original manuscript extremely regrettable.*!: ,

Les grandes chroniques de France oe oo A rich cycle of historical narrative in a copy of Les grandes chroniques de France,” executed for Charles V between 1375 and 1379, describes the visit in 1377 and the beginning of 1378 of his uncle, the emperor Charles IV. From the time of Abbot Suger in the first half of the twelfth century. Les grandes chroniques kept its association with Saint-Denis as the place where official history was written.* But scholars feel that the accounts of the period from 1350 to 1380, with their dominating note of official propaganda, cannot be attributed to the monastery.** Although Pierre d’Orgemont, a counsellor of Charles V and chancellor of France after 1375, is generally mentioned as the author, current opinion holds that the king himself also may have had an active role in its writing.” For the exceptional prominence given to his reign, and particularly to the visit of such a great personage as the Holy Roman emperor,

41. The remaining copies with portraits contain Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 13, fol. 28).

recognizable images of the queen’s family. One very 42. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 2813. For a -cominteresting scene (Fig. 29) shows Jeanne de Bourbon’s plete facsimile of the miniatures, see Delachenal,

meeting with her mother on the way to a hunt (Paris, Les grandes chroniques, IV. ,

Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 12, fol. 43. A. Molinier, Les sources de UVhistoire de 15; see Bouchot, Inventaire, I, 46, no. 347, for identifi- France, V, Paris, 1904, cx; J. W. Thompson, A History cation of the figures). The extension of individualized of Historical Writing, 1, New York, 1942, 363.

portraiture to subordinate figures is an important 44, [bid., 370-71; Molinier, Sources, cxxxiii-iv. feature of Fig. 30, the miniature in which the Duc de 45. For the authorship controversy, see DelaBourbon receives homage from a vassal (Paris, Bibl. chenal, Les grandes chroniques, II, xii-xxii.

42 | Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative , celebrated the full restoration of the power of the French monarchy.* According to

Delachenal, the length of the narrative description of the visit, the almost journalistic , reporting, and the rich cycle of miniatures are unique in this period.*’ So, as in the Coronation Book, the king may well have influenced the program of both text and illuminations.

, The portraits are inferior in quality to those of the London manuscript and the Clermont drawings. Only a very simplified type of Charles V, reduced to his long, thin nose and face, is presented. The representations of the emperor, a bearded and aged man wearing the distinctive imperial hoop crown, are also types. They do, however, resemble other portraits, such as the statue from Saint Stephen’s, Vienna (Fig. 31).48 The style of the miniatures varies from retardataire in the work of minor hands to conservative in the major scenes.* Calligraphic, mannered elegance and brilliant color partially compensate for the expressionless, doll-like figures. In the first illumination of the cycle, Charles V receives a letter from an emissary of the emperor (Fig. 32).5° The canopy reveals that a derivative (Fig. 14) of the Bondol

dedication portrait is the source of the iconography, although the tension between the figures is totally lacking. The problem of inventing narrative formulas for separate historical situations becomes acute in the next major illumination, the entry into Paris of Charles V, the emperor Charles IV, and the latter’s son, Wenceslas, king of the Romans (Fig. 33).°! Four previous miniatures (fols. 467 v., 468 v., 469, and 470) had already depicted various stages of the visitors’ arrivals and reception, part of the

elaborate and ancient protocol connected with the advent of a king or emperor.” Three of the four illuminations repeat with minor variations the basic scheme of the rulers riding in one direction surrounded by prelates and men-at-arms (Fig. 34). In the entry of Charles V into Paris (Fig. 33), the importance of the three rulers is emphasized by their placement in the center of the composition and by the increase in figure size from front to middle ground. Although Wenceslas occupies the central space, the figure of Charles V is emphasized by his position between the other two rulers and slightly ahead of them as he rides on a white horse, a symbol of his

46. Idem, Histoire, V, 59-62. | 193, n. 4. The messenger carried the letter in a box, | | 47. Ibid., V, 78. The visit occupies fols. 467-80 decorated with the imperial insignia, attached to his of the MS, or about one fourth of the 53 folios devoted belt (ibid., TV, 30). ! to the entire reign of Charles V (idem, Les grandes 51. Fol. 470 v. The description of Charles V and

chroniques, III, xxvi). , his entourage is very elaborate (ibid., II, 219-23).

48. Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien. For 52. Kantorowicz states that the miniature (fol. an analysis and bibliography, see Europdische Kunst 467 v.) representing the entrance of the emperor

um 1400, no. 435, 373-74. Charles IV and Wenceslas into Cambrai probably

49. Certain less skilled hands of the London follows “the ceremonial of the king’s liturgical reCoronation Book seem to have worked on portions of ception...in the various Ordines ad regem sus-

this MS. See Delachenal, Les grandes chroniques, IV, cipiendum” (“The ‘King’s Advent,” 208, nn. 9 and pls. XVI and XX, and Dewick, Coronation Book, pls. 10). For the extremely detailed accounts of the various 27, 28, and 35. Delachenal attributes all the miniatures entrances and receptions, including the meeting of the of the emperor's visit to a master of the London MS emperor and his son with Charles V, see Delachenal, (Les grandes chroniques, IV, 8-9). See above, p. 22, Les grandes chroniques, II, 197-211, and IV, pls.

n. 27, for Meiss’s stylistic placement of the MS. XXXITI-XXXVI.

50. Fol. 467; Delachenal, IV, pl. XXXI, and II, , , ,

Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative | 43 sovereignty.®> The rhythmic movement and isolation of the main figures give them a certain monumentality attained by wholly non-naturalistic means. The most ambitious miniature of the cycle represents a banquet and entertainment given by Charles V in the Grande Salle of the royal palace (Fig. 35).54 The crusaders’ siege of Jerusalem under the leadership of Godefroy de Bouillon is enacted around a table splendidly laden with gold vessels. Stationed before heraldic banners, the emperor sits on Charles V’s right and Wenceslas on his left, flanked by three prelates.** To the left of the table stands a boat from which the crusaders have disembarked. At the extreme end, following a rising ground plane, the knights attempt to scale the walls of Jerusalem. Again, complex problems of the narrative are solved by non-naturalistic devices. A gradual difference in scale according to social rank rather than spatial position distinguishes the royal personages from the carefully painted figures of the waiters and actors. There is no better instance of a clear focus on the prestige and power of the monarchy than this representation of a brilliant

social event, dominated by Charles V who is seated at its center. Even the entertainment was chosen to remind the emperor and other Christian rulers of Charles V’s favorable attitude toward a crusade against the Turks.>”

In a succeeding series of smaller illuminations, the reliance on traditional iconographic formulas to represent specific events is considerable. For example, ‘the Visitation seems to be the source of the miniatures in which Charles V embraces the emperor and Charles IV greets the queen.*® The “king-in-majesty” serves as the

scheme for the emperor's interview with the University of Paris, and the banquet scene turns up in his acceptance of gifts from the city.°? There is an interesting recourse to symbolic scale in the exaggeration of the size of the key objects when the rulers exchange rings.© The artists have explained these events clearly, despite the

poor portraits and general lack of invention. , The subject of the last major illumination of the manuscript is the funeral proces-

53. I[bid., IV, 33-34. The description of costume nated (Delisle, Recherches, I, 39-40). For another follows the text rather closely (ibid., II, 211-19). But banquet scene in MS fr. 2813, see Delachenal, Les the miniaturist has substituted the crown for the large grandes chroniques, IV, pl. III.

peaked hat specified in the text (ibid., II, 212, n. 2). 56. To the emperor's right is the archbishop of The procession recalls the account by Christine de Reims. Of the other three prelates mentioned in the

Pisan. See p. 10, n. 22, above. text—the bishops of Paris, Braunsberg, and Beauvais

54. Fol. 473 v. Ibid., Il, 236-42. The arrange- — only two are seated next to Wenceslas, who is at the ment of the room, related in great detail in the text, is other end of the table (Delachenal, Les grandes

considerably simplified in the illumination. chroniques, II, 236, and IV, 35). 55. Princely feasts were illustrated in secular 57. Idem, Histoire, V, 98-99. texts, such as romances, beginning in the thirteenth 58. Idem, Les grandes chroniques, IV, pls. century. See R. van Marle, Iconographie de Il art XXXIX and XLIV, fols. 471 v. and 477.

profane au moyen-dge et a la Renaissance, 1, The 59. Ibid., IV, pls. XLII and XL, fols. 475 and

Hague, 1931, 112. For three examples, see G. Vitz- 472. .

thum von Eckstédt, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei, 60. Ibid., IV, pl. ALVIN, fol. 479. . | Leipzig, 1907, pls. III, XXXI, and XXXII. Charles V’s 61. The king’s predominance is less emphatic library contained copies of the second and third works, in these minor scenes. See ibid., IV, pls. XLIII and Le Saint-Graal et La Mort d’Artus and L’histoire XLIX, fols. 476 v. and 480. d’ Alexandre, but we do not know if they were illumi-

44 | Portraits in Official-Historical Narrative sion of the queen, who died on February 6, 1378 (Fig. 36). Preceded by thirteen valets de chambre carrying torches, four members of the Parlement de Paris bear the canopy during the march. .to Notre-Dame.® Compared to an idealized, early Gothic version of a funeral procession like that of Louis de France shown on his tomb from Royaumont abbey, the attempt at an accurate description of the individual event is certainly striking here. Freed from the repetitive and largely symbolic scenes of the visit cycle, the composition is the only event among the illuminations to be depicted dramatically. Although rhythmic movement in one direction again simplifies spatial problems, it also effectively concentrates the action on a narrow stage parallel to the picture plane. Tension results from the poses of the figures at the front and rear of the canopy. These contrast with the forward steps of the pallbearers, whose bent heads and breaking drapery indicate the weight of their burden. Ironically, the sketchy, generalized portrait of the queen is subordinate to the pattern of the sump-

tuous pall and gaily colored costumes of her attendants. | ee - [In these ‘portraits of Charles V many ties to earlier representations of rulers.are maintained, notably the diagrammatic approach and impersonal tone. But even more important was the desire to give an accurate, detailed account of a single occurrence in terms of costume, accessories, and the appearance of the main characters. An immediate cause of this change of direction is Charles V’s considerable part in composing both the texts and the program of the miniatures in order to convey his personal interpretation of the powers and achievements of the monarchy. | Also notable is the appearance of individualized images or types of Charles V within the context of non-naturalistic styles. Even in the compressed form of charter initials, or in the retardataire characterizations of Les grandes chroniques, the images of the king and emperor are recognizable, if summary, portraits. Extension of portrait

likeness to subordinate personages is evident in the copy of the Hommages du Comté de Clermont, dated ten years later than the pioneer Coronation Book; but in comparison to certain intimate dedication portraits, those in official-historical narrative are lacking in expressive quality. The encouragement of individualized portraiture in large narrative cycles depicting specific historical events is best exempli-

fied by the London Coronation Book. _ ,

62. Fol. 480 v. For the date of the coronation closely followed the text as to the numbers and cosminiature on fol. 3 v., see p. 37, n. 26, above. , tumes of the attendants (Giesey, Royal Funeral Cere63. For the sequence of funeral services, see mony, 53). For a description of the scene, see DelaDelachenal, Histoire, V, 121. R. Giesey (The Royal chenal, Les grandes chroniques, I1, 278-79.

Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France, Geneva, 64. The tomb, originally in Royaumont, is now 1960, 52-53) disagrees with Delachenal (Les grandes in Saint-Denis. See Giesey, Royal Funeral Ceremony,

chroniques, IV, 40) that the four bearers of the litter Figs. 2-3. | | } , |

in long robes are valets de chambre. The artist has | re

Devotional and Donor Portraits The long medieval tradition of images which afirmed the ruler’s faith was reinforced by illustrations of Charles V’s piety. Both from individual predilection and in conscious imitation of Saint Louis, he was extremely devout.! In the portraits which show Charles V as believer or founder, the development toward naturalistic images takes

place within existing iconographic traditions. , Beginning with the first extant devotional images in ninth-century Carolingian manuscripts, the figure who prays before the cross, Christ, or the Virgin and Child is sharply differentiated from the sacred figures by smaller size and position on the page.” Always popular, this type was used more frequently during the fourteenth century with the development of personal prayer books like the Book of Hours. These

! oe were now produced in lay rather than clerical workshops for a secular patron, whom the illuminator had new incentive to represent.’ For example, twenty-four small text , , - illustrations in the earlier portion of the Heures de Savoie, executed between 1307 and

- _. 1348, show Blanche de Bourgogne attending Mass or praying before saints or the : Trinity. Nevertheless, the same characteristics which distinguished the patron from

__ the sacred figures in the early miniatures still prevail. 7 a ,

, - Contemporary large-scale. devotional images, now preserved only in later drawings, offer no significant departures from the iconographic tradition.> One of them,

, | 1. See above, pp. 8 and 12-13. © before the Trinity, see Dom P. Blanchard, Les Heures | 2.. For the definition and earliest examples of de Savoie, London, 1910, pl. 3. |

this type, see E. Lachner, “Devotionsbild,’ Real- 5. For a lost fresco from the portal of the

lexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, III, Stuttgart, Chartreuse de Bourgfontaine, representing the

1954, 1367-69. | } founder, Charles de Valois, his son, Philippe VI, and 3. L. Lefrancois-Pillion, L’art du XIV® siécle en Saint Louis de Toulouse, see Paris, Bibl. Nat., Es-

France, Paris, 1954; 130. . | tampes, Gaigniéres, Costumes Oa 11, fol. 30. 4. For the miniature of Blanche de Bourgogne

46 | Devotional and Donor Portraits

dating from between 1350 and 1364, shows members of the royal family, presented , by dynastic saints, kneeling before the Crucifixion (Fig. 37).6 The use of heraldic costume to identify the figures and their separation from the sacred area are devices found again in two embroidered panels given to Chartres cathedral by the Duc de Berry. Here Charles V, his wife, and their children, sponsored by saints, witness the Coronation of the Virgin.’ In contrast to the painted devotional image, monumental stone sculpture served to honor the patron of a sacred building. Among the most famous donor portraits — are those in the relief of Louis VII and Maurice de Sully, on the Sainte-Anne portal of Notre-Dame, Paris, dating from about 1173.8 In the course of the following century, images of Philippe-Auguste and Louis IX were placed in the choir of the same cathedral, and Louis IX with his wife, Marguerite de Provence, appeared on the Portail rouge.® Although in the fourteenth century increased private patronage encouraged more personal images of founders and lay donors of small churches and chapels, before Charles V’s reign royal portraits of both the devotional and donor

types generally remained impersonal and idealized." ,

Portraits of Charles V in Small Devotional Images The earliest example occurs in a small miniature on folio 368 of a Bible historiale dated 1362 to 1363 and intended for the prince’s own use (Fig. 38).!! Indeed, the initial letters of the prayer on this folio, especially composed by the copyist, Raoulet

Virgin: | 7

d’Orléans, form an acrostic of the prince’s title: ‘“Charles, ainsné fils du roy de France, duc de Normandie et dalphin de Viennoys.” * Furthermore, the miniaturist seems to

have drawn inspiration from certain verses which the Dauphin addresses to the

6. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Cos- , 8. M. Aubert, La sculpture francaise au moyentumes Oa 1], fol. 89. The painting was in the Saint- age, Paris, 1947, Fig. on p. 199.

Michel chapel of the Sainte-Chapelle. For two other 9. For the statue of Philippe-Auguste on the related panels from the Saint-Hippolyte chapel of Virgin Portal of Notre-Dame, see W. M. Hinkle, “The Saint-Denis, see G. Wildenstein, “Deux primitifs du King and the Pope on the Virgin Portal of Notretemps de Jean le Bon,’ GBA, 58, 1961, 121-26, Figs. Dame,” AB, 48, 1966, 1-13; for the so-called Valois 2-3. For a charter drawing relating to the latter chapel, portal of Saint-Denis, see idem, Reims, 30-31. For the representing members of the royal family and dating Portail rouge of Notre-Dame, see P. Vitry, French from 1372, see Huillard-Bréholles, “Valois directs,” Sculpture during the Reign of Saint Louis, 1226-1270,

225-26, no. 394. | Florence, 1929, pl. 66.

7. The tapestries, now lost, are known through 10. Michel, Histoire, II, pt. 2, 694. For royal copies in Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, Cos- examples, see the donor statues of Philippe IV and ,

) tumes Oa 13, fols. 16-17. For the identification of Jeanne de Navarre on the portal of the Collége de

these panels, see F. de Mély, “Broderie du XIV*° siécle Navarre, founded in 1304 (Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, représentant Charles V et sa famille 4 la cathédrale de Gaigniéres, Tombeaux Pe 11 a, fol. 148, and Costumes

Chartres,’ Mémoires de la Société archéologique Oa 10, fol. 46). d'Eure-et-Loire, 9, 1889, 394-404. See also Meiss, 11. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 5707, fol. 368. See

French Painting, I, 60, and n. 272, and II, Figs. 450, also Meiss, French Painting, I, 314. , 451. 12. Delisle, Recherches, I, 71.

Devotional and Donor Portraits | 47 , ~Courtoise Vierge, fille et mére, Honnorée du trés doulz pére, Auquel nuls n’a comparoison, Recevez en gré m oroison.

Iointes mains et d umble courage En vostre trés digne servage, Noble dame, me recevez, 13

The Dauphin prays in front of a green and gold curtain, kneeling before a priedieu embroidered with the arms of France and Dauphiné. In features, proportions, coiffure, and beard, the resemblance to the Brussels portrait of 1361 is very strong (Fig. 1). The lack of a spatially defined setting and ground plane make evident once again that the appearance of individualized traits in portraiture seems to precede other naturalistic features of style. While the curtain, the heraldic emblems, and the hérigaut mantle indicate the prince’s status, a certain feeling of intimacy pervades the scene. Nevertheless, the Dauphin not only is separated from the sacred sphere, but is limited to a smaller area of the picture space. His respectful gesture and the child’s

, blessing indicate further that the prince is still subordinate to the holy persons. 7 The Trés beau bréviaire de Charles V is an outstanding example of Parisian manuscript production. In style the miniatures derive from the Pucelle school and are exquisite in quality. One of them, a psalter folio, contains a portrait of the king praying before Christ enthroned (Fig. 39).'* Panofsky’s date of 1370 seems right, in view of Charles V’s still youthful face.** Although the portrait is rather bland and altogether less specific than the Bible historiale image, subtleties of setting and composition compensate for this loss. In the absence of a definite interior location, Christ’s throne dominates: its high back, effectively foreshortened sides, and geometrically patterned front occupy a large portion of the space. Whereas the first minia-

ture confines Charles V to a rather small but clearly defined secular area, only the divine sphere is defined here. The style is far more painterly than that of the first image. The artist, despite the tiny size of the figure, has effectively modelled the king’s rose mantle, his face (defined by brown and white washes), and his hair, which forms a fluffy mass.

Charles V is smaller than Christ, and his dependence on his acknowledgment from the sacred realm shows a recognition of his secondary role. In a change from the

Bible historiale scene, however, Charles V’s hands and robe overlap the throne. Moreover, a direct exchange of glance strengthens our impression that the king is no

13. [bid., I, 71-73. Netherlandish Painting, I, 41. Meiss (French Painting,

14. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS latin 1052, fol. 261. I, 160-61) mentions a date before 1380. He connects The scene pictured on the bas-de-page is the Last the chief illuminator of the Bréviaire with the Passion

Judgment. master of the Petites heures (Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS 15. Several of the psalter bas-de-pages dupli- latin 18014), who may possibly be identified with cate corresponding illuminations from the Belleville Jean Le Noir. The Passion master was close to the Breviary (Delisle, Recherches, 1, 189). For Kathleen Pucelle tradition but worked with Bondol on the Morand’s attributions, see Jean Pucelle, Oxford, 1962, Bréviaire (Meiss, French Painting, I, 159-64, 167-68). 25 and 27-28. For the date, see Panofsky, Early

48 | Devotional and Donor Portraits longer praying to an image, but to a living figure. Perhaps an allusion is made to Charles V’s position as Vicar of Christ, assumed by virtue of his unction and coronation. Christ’s throne and orb, symbols of his power as ruler of the world, suggest an affinity, as well as a distinction, between their authorities. Despite his subordinate

status, Charles V thus enjoys an acceptance of the sovereignty which he did not possess as Dauphin. A third devotional image, in a historiated charter dated 1366 (Fig. 40), combines features of the first two illuminations.'® The charter states that in recognition of

Charles V’s gifts to the cathedral of Rouen, the chapter would say three annual Masses in his name. Because of its early date, the charter lacks the strict relationship between narrative content and architectonic structure characteristic of the Vincennes charters (Figs. 25 and 26). Instead, the king prays to the Virgin and Child surrounded by genial, fantastic grotesques, while the pointed gable and the lateral extensions supporting the heraldic lions conceal the outlines of the letter U. Lacking the refinement and painterly quality of the Trés beau bréviaire miniature, the portrait nevertheless closely resembles it in facial features and costumes. The pose of the Virgin and Child and the curtain, however, recall the Bible historiale, although the drapery serves here as a unifying, not a divisive, element. A greater psychological expressiveness, revealed in the king’s smile and the Child’s genial blessing, accompanies their physical proximity. The king’s humble pose and the smaller size and picture area show his lesser importance, although the sergeant-atarms contradicts this impression to some extent. A surviving folio of the Heures de Savoie offers a final example of this type.'” This very large manuscript, a work of several periods and many hands, perished in the same fire of 1904 as did the Turin-Milan Hours. Although Durrieu had examined it in detail, only one photograph existed. Happily, fifty-two pages, separated from the manuscript at an early date, and until recently in the Catholic Episcopal Library of Portsmouth, England, were conclusively identified and published six years after the fire as a surviving fragment of the Heures de Savoie.'® According to Delisle and Durrieu, the miniatures in the folios especially made for Charles V contained about thirty-five of his portraits.!® It is evident that their loss has deprived us of a very full 16. Paris, Musée des Archives Nationales, AE the first part of the MS—executed for Blanche de II 385. See J. Guiffrey, Catalogue sommaire du Bourgogne (see above, p. 45 and n. 4)—which was Musée des Archives Nationales, Paris, 1893, cat. no. composed of 270 folios and contained at least 187 385, 54, and Huillard-Bréholles, “Valois directs,’ 219, © miniatures, including the above-mentioned devo-

no. 385. tional images of the patron (Durrieu, “Aventures,” 9).

17. Formerly University of Turin Library MS Panofsky states that the illuminations of this part were E. V. 49. See P. Durrieu, “Notice d’un des plus im- begun by the Pucelle workshop (Early Netherlandish portants livres de priéres du roi Charles V, “Les Painting, I, 35). When the MS came into Charles V’s Heures de Savoie,” BiblEC, 72, 1911, 500-55, and hands under unknown circumstances, 59 or 60 folios idem, “Les aventures de deux splendides livres of prayers for his personal use were added, including d’heures ayant appartenu au duc Jean de Berry,” a minimum of 68 miniatures (Durrieu, “Aventures,” Revue de lart ancien et moderne, 30, 1911, 5-16 and 10). Blanchard believes that the portion added by 91-103. The first will hereafter be cited as “Notice,” Charles V was a separate entity bound together with

the second as “Aventures.” the earlier section sometime in the fifteenth century 18. The Portsmouth fragment was sold at Chris- (Heures de Savoie, 13-15).

tie’s on July 5, 1967, to H. P. Kraus of New York. 19. Delisle, Recherches, 1, 209; Durrieu, All but four pages of the Charles V period are from “Notice,” 551-55.

Devotional and Donor Portraits | 49 cycle of images, comparable only to that of the Coronation Book. Fortunately, four pages from the 1370’s are preserved in the extant fragment, including a portrait of Charles V praying to Saint Anthony (Fig. 41).?° The descriptions of Delisle and Durrieu” afford some idea of the iconography of

| the lost miniatures. One group showed the king worshipping before various saints, the Virgin, or the Trinity. Another represented his devotions before precious images

, such as relics of the palace or a statue of Saint Louis. In this connection Delisle men-

, tions three illuminations with particularly strong portraits of the king in prayer before liturgical objects or saints related to the dynasty. If we may judge from his report, the conventional treatment in the images of Blanche de Bourgogne in the earlier portion of the manuscript seem to have given way to individualized portraits in the images of Charles V. Especially striking is the anecdotal, narrative detail in a miniature in which Charles V offered his prayers. Its spirit recalls Christine’s account of

the king’s early morning acts: -

... car, aprés le signe de la croix, et comme tres devot rendent ses premieres paroles 4 Dieu en aucunes oroisons, avec ses ditz serviteurs, par bonne familiarité se truffloit de paroles joyeuses et honnestes... .”

Certainly there is nothing unfamiliar about the surviving image (Fig. 41). The king again kneels at a prie-dieu, within a square panel with the customary geometric background and an exterior tri-colored quadrilobe frame. But sharply contrasting with the calligraphic style of the Blanche de Bourgogne illuminations is the painterly, if coarse, modelling of the king’s figure, as well as his alert glance, and the saint’s concerned expression. In addition, two features distinguish the Heures de Savoie portrait from the preceding devotional images: both the king’s béguin and the canopy show a clear relationship to the Bondol dedication portrait (Fig. 10). Although inferior in quality to the prototype, the Savoie image recalls the Brussels text or Songe du verger presentation scenes (Figs. 11 and 13). As a type of Charles V, the portrait con-

| firms the general spread of individualized, personal imagery.”* It is also helpful in dating the second part of the Heures de Savoie between 1371 and 1380.”4

20. Blanchard, Heures de Savoie, pl. 7, fol. 4. scriptions of the Ethics in The Hague (see above, pp. 21. Durrieu, “Notice,” 551-55. Another group 24-25), but the king’s costume and pose closely resemof images showed Charles V taking part in the Cruci- ble those of Charles V in the Parement de Narbonne. fixion and post-Passion episodes. Delisle also men- Also typical are the gaunt face and reddish hair. While

tions the miniature in which Saint Remi blesses Delisle dates the MS at the end of the fourteenth Charles V, and two others where the king prays to century, Martin believes it could have been done for Saints Louis and Louis de Toulouse (Recherches, I, Charles V (Delisle, Recherches, I, 152-53; H. Martin,

2.09). La miniature francaise du XIII® au XV° siécle, Paris, 22. Durrieu, “Notice,” 553, “Aventures,” 11, 1923, 95). Morand, however, identifies the king as

and Christine, Le livre, I, 43-44. Jean le Bon and says that the frontispiece may be Jean

23. Charles V may possibly be the king in the Pucelle’s last work (Jean Pucelle, 23-24). Meiss also central part of the frontispiece of a beautiful Bible assigns the frontispiece to Pucelle (French Painting, I, historiale in the Arsenal Library (MS 5212, fol. 1). The 300-01).

king kneels against a prie-dieu, and with the words 24. The MS appeared in an inventory dated ‘“Bonitatem et disciplinam et scientiam doce me” 1380. For the attribution to the Bondol workshop, see addresses God the Father, who holds the crucified B. Martens, Meister Francke, 1, Hamburg, 1929, 240, Christ. Not only does the message relate it to the in- n. 220, and Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I,

50 | Devotional and Donor Portraits

The Parement de Narbonne The scenes of this large altar hanging are drawn and painted in grisaille upon a silk cloth (Fig. 42). The work takes its name from the city where it was found early in the nineteenth century.”> Although nothing is known of the origins and history of the piece, it is now generally accepted that the work dates from the middle seventies and that it was produced in Paris by an anonymous master working in the Pucelle tradition.”® Recent research based on Charles V’s inventories has established that hangings in grisaille were used specifically for Lenten observances and that pieces similar in subject to our example were placed either above or behind the altar.?” The severe monochrome is entirely appropriate to the dramatic atmosphere. And by a masterful manipulation of darks and half-tones, both subtle calligraphic

and sculptural effects are obtained. Superb control is revealed in the elaborate architectural framework which divides the scenes into a clear sequence. Enlivening contrasts of strength with delicacy and of ornateness with simplicity alternate in the stylized leaf border of the outer frame and the identifying K roundels and also in the filigree arches and the upper arcade decoration. Divided by a series of trilobate arches, the composition comprises three sections:

on the left, the Betrayal, the Flagellation, and the Carrying of the Cross; in the center, Calvary; and on the right, the Lamentation, the Harrowing of Hell, and the Noli me tangere. Below representations of Church and Synagogue (accompanied by Isaiah and David), the portraits of the king and queen are placed in a separate subdivision of the central section.28 Although Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon have prominent positions in the center, their high rank does not prevent their isolation from the sacred realm in adjoining, separate niches. The smaller size of their figures

35. Meiss (French Painting, I, 188) also attributes the — 26. See Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Paintminiatures added by Charles V to “followers of ing, I, 42 and n. 1, and Meiss, French Painting, I, 101, Bondol.” For further references to the Heures de for the current opinions on the dating and origins of Savoie, see Meiss, French Painting, I, 109 and 317. the work. For a variety of attributions, see Tovell, 25. G. Briére, Musée national du Louvre, Cata- Flemish Artists, 31; Durrieu in Michel, Histoire, III,

logue des peintures exposées dans les galeries, Ecole pt. I, 119; Lefrancois-Pillion, L’art du XIV* siécle, 108. francaise, I, Paris, 1924, no. 3155. For an early but For a grisaille miter by the Parement master, see W. D. still valuable discussion, see A. de Montaiglon, “No- Wixom, Treasures from Medieval France, Cleveland, tice sur un parement d’autel en soie du temps de 1967, no. VI 4, 222; for suggestions on his later work, Charles V, provenant de la cathédrale de Narbonne, ’ see G. Hulin de Loo, Heures de Milan, Brussels, 1911, BiblEC, 13, 1852, 552-58. For suggestions on the ori- 14-15, and the extensive discussion in Meiss, French gins and history of the piece, see R. M. Tovell, Flemish Painting, I, 101-34.

Artists of the Valois Courts, Toronto, 1950, 30; C. 27. M. T. Smith, “The Use of Grisaille as a LenMaumené and L. d’Harcourt, Iconographie des rois de ten Observance,’ Marsyas, 8, 1959, 43-54, which cites France, I, Paris, 1928, 55; P. Pradel, “Les tombeaux de (n. 2, 43) Labarte, Inventaire, nos. 1121-22, 147.

Charles V,’” BMon, 109, 1951, 295; G. Ring, A Century 28. Isaiah’s inscription reads: “Vere langores of French Painting, 1400-1500, London, 1949, 191, nostros ipse tulit” (Isaiah LIII. 4). David’s says: cat. no. 2; and C. Sterling, La peinture francaise; les “Respice in faciem Christi tui” (Psalm LXXXIV. 9).

peintres du moyen-dge, Paris, 1942, 18-19, and Longinus’ scroll reads: “Vere filius Dei erat iste” |

Répertoire, 4, no. 2. For the most complete and illumi- (Matthew XXVII. 54); see de Montaiglon, “Parenating study of the Parement de Narbonne, see Meiss, ment,” 554-55. French Painting, I, 100-07 and 340.

Devotional and Donor Portraits | 51 and enclosures, effectively framed in quatrefoil arches, also confirms their existence on a different level from that of the Passion scenes. Charles V’s crown is his only royal insigne, as his costume consists of a simple, hooded mantle with a short cape. In contrast, Jeanne de Bourbon wears an elaborate plastron trimmed with a row of brooches down the center and a sleeveless surcot ouvert over a cotte and ceinture.”® A jewelled net holds the side-plaited tresses of her ornate coiffure. Both portraits are distinguished, fully individualized likenesses (Figs. 43 and

44). The king’s thick, fleshy lips, full face, and long nose broken toward the tip resemble other naturalistic images (Figs. 28, 60-62, 74). The careful modelling of the

lower part of the head gives it a strong three-dimensional quality. The sense of a total facial structure is outstanding; this contrasts with many illuminated portraits, in which the isolated features seem placed on the surface. The sturdy proportions and strong plasticity of the bodies are enhanced by the ample folds of softly falling drapery. The royal figures are well articulated with a minimum of detail. Especially skillful are difficult areas like the junction of the king’s neck with the cowl of his hood, or the junction of the queen’s arm and shoulder. In contrast to these naturalistic details, the elongated proportions, hipshot poses, and heavy transverse drapery folds of the religious figures seem far more conventional. Unlike the claw-like hands of the most naturalistic dedication portrait by Jean Bondol, Charles V’s hands are here beautifully drawn and full of expressive character. The artist also subtly defines the personalities of the royal pair. The king wears an expression of alert and grave intelligence as he contemplates the meaning of the surrounding Passion scenes. Not only his strong facial features but also the upright angle of his head and the outward thrust of his hands contribute to his vitality. His bulky mantle, filling the picture space more fully than the queen’s form-fitting costume, gives the impression that he is larger and more dominant. The difference between their gestures of prayer is also revealing. He thrusts his hands energetically forward and pushes against the prie-dieu, while her figure just brushes against it and her fingers point gently inward. This unobtrusive contrast between male and female character brings to mind the works of two later northern portraitists, Jan van Eyck and Hans Holbein the Younger.

The Louvre Donor Portraits The sculptured images of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon, now in the Louvre (Figs. 45 and 46), offer an interesting comparison to the portraits of the Parement de Narbonne.*® The Louvre figures present problems of origin, identification, and dating which demand extensive examination of documentary and iconographic material of

great complexity.

29. Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France, 32 and Beauneveu image (Fig. 61). He stresses, too, the close 36. Meiss (French Painting, I, 102) recognizes the ad- resemblance between king and queen.

vanced qualities of the portraits and particularly 30. M. Aubert, ed., and M. Beaulieu, Notices, stresses the authority of the king’s figure, although he Musée national du Louvre, Description raisonnée des feels that it is not so strongly individualized as the sculptures, I, Moyen-dge, Paris, 1950, nos. 223-24.

52 | Devotional and Donor Portraits From the middle of the nineteenth century until Georges Huard’s articles of 1932, these figures were generally believed to have come from the portal of the church of the Célestins, founded by Charles V between 1365 and 1370.3! There was very strong historical evidence for this provenance, including the king’s lavish dona-

tions, his presence at the cornerstone ceremony, and Christine’s praise of the statues.” Eighteenth-century engravings made for Montfaucon and Millin, positively

identifying the Célestins portal sculptures by the inscriptions on their bases, seemed , to represent the Louvre figures (Fig. 47).3? Furthermore, drawings made at the beginning of the nineteenth century after the removal of the statues from the Célestins portal showed that the dimension from the bases of the niches to the beginning of the canopy approximately matched the height of the Louvre figures.*4 Baron de Guilhermy cited this evidence in 1847 to discredit another provenance put forth by Alexandre Lenoir, who had founded the Musée des Monuments francais in order to preserve works of art from destruction during the French Revolution.

, Lenoir, whose restorations and attributions were often unreliable, identified two statues which the museum exhibited in 1797 as the figures of Saint Louis and Marguerite de Provence from the portal of the church of the Hépital des QuinzeVingts, demolished in 1781. But, as Huard points out, de Guilhermy had ignored Lenoir s manuscript note in a copy of his catalogue published in 1793, stating that despite his effort the Célestins statues had been destroyed.** Huard corroborates Lenoir’s distinction between the lost Célestins images and the Louvre statues by a careful comparison of the extant sculptures and the Montfaucon engravings (Fig. 47). Not only are Charles V's feet in a different position in Montfaucon’s illustration, but Jeanne de Bourbon’s hands are clasped in prayer, whereas the right hand of the surviving statue extends downward to the hip. Huard finally concludes that the Louvre figures cannot come from the Célestins church and must instead be identified as the Saint Louis and Marguerite de Provence from the Quinze-Vingts portal.*® While Huard’s evidence proves that the Louvre and Célestins figures are not identical, his connection of the former with the Quinze-Vingts founders leads to some difficult problems. After showing that the features of the king and queen are those of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon, he then concludes that the figures are disguised portraits of Saint Louis and Marguerite de Provence.*” He stresses the extensive rebuilding of the Saint-Nicaise chapel during the last third of the fourteenth 31. G. Huard, “Saint Louis et la reine Mar- gravings of the Célestins figures printed as pl. XL guerite, statues provenant de l’hépital des Quinze- of the Atlas des monuments des arts libéraux; Lenoir

Vingts,’ GBA, 7, 1932, 375-91. distinguishes between them and those of Saint Louis

32. Ibid., 378, and above, p. 15, n. 67. and Marguerite de Provence reproduced in the Atlas

33. B. de Montfaucon, Les monumens de la as pl. XXX. See also Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,” Fig. 8, monarchie francoise, III, Paris, 1729, pl. XII. Millin, and F. de Guilhermy, “Iconographie des familles Antiquités nationales, I, art. III, pl. Il. See Huard, royales de France,” Annales archéologiques, 7, 1847,

“Quinze-Vingts,” Fig. 9. 198-99. 34. Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,” 378. Albert Le- 36. Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,’ 380-81. The

noir, Statistique monumentale de Paris, Atlas (II), Louvre statues have been restored. The fleurs-de-lis Paris, 1867, Célestins, pl. III. For details of the statues, of the crowns, the hands, the scepters, the king’s

see Célestins, pl. V. model, and the queen’s left arm and book are among

35. Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,’ 382-83. The note the additions. was published in connection with the Montfaucon en- 37. Ibid., 390.

Devotional and Donor Portraits | 53 century, and its dedication in 1393. Huard points to Abbé Lebeuf’s information that three large statues from an earlier building were placed in new niches on the side of the chapel opening onto the Rue Saint-Honoré, as Lenoir had claimed. Seventeenthcentury sources also identified the Quinze-Vingts statues as Saint Louis, Marguerite de Provence, and their son, Philippe le Hardi.*® But the documents which Huard quotes do not connect Charles V with the reconstruction of the chapel. Nor do the rather full lists given by Christine and Sauval of buildings remodelled by the king mention this church. Indeed, because of these documents, Huard dated the statues between 1380 and 1390. Why, then, does he not identify the figures as Charles VI and his wife, Isabeau de Baviére, the successors of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon, who died in 1380 and 1378 respectively? Furthermore, if the Louvre sculptures are posthumous works, as Huard admits, he must assume that death masks were the basis for these extremely lively portraits.®® Giesey’s recent research reveals that there is little evidence that this practice existed prior to the fifteenth century, even for tomb images.*° The question of disguised portraiture is also debatable. Certainly there was a long tradition from classical antiquity of images in which the status of a contemporary person was augmented by “.. . relating the living to ideal prototypes of the past by

virtue of various ideological associations....’ 4! When at the beginning of the fourteenth century the allegorical portrait became popular again, secular personages often assumed the guise of sacred characters.* But did the hidden portrait exist in France during Charles V’s reign? Huard’s example of a bronze votive plaque of 1376, now in Saint-Denis, is not too convincing (Fig. 48). Commissioned by the confraternity of the sergeants-at-arms of the king, it commemorated both the battle of Bouvines and Saint Louis, patron of the church from which it originally came. Since Charles V

reconstituted the brotherhood, he is supposedly represented in the guise of his predecessor. But examination of the actual work discloses that the king’s features are too generalized to permit any definite identification with a specific person.” Another possible contemporary disguised portrait occurs in an illumination from the Petites heures du Duc de Berry, where Saint Louis lies on his deathbed surrounded by his family and friends (Fig. 49).44 Some scholars believe that Charles V is represented as Saint Louis because the king in the miniature resembles his other

38. Ibid., 386-88. Huard quotes the identifying VII’s funeral in 1461 as the first documented instance passages from Gilles-André de La Roque, Traité (Royal Funeral Ceremony, 203-04). singulier du blason contenant les régles des armoiries, 41. Katzenellenbogen, Chartres, 30.

1673. 42. The mystical absorption of the secular by a 39. Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,” 390. While Pradel sacred personality sometimes ended the other way

is aware of these objections, he keeps Huard’s attribu- about. See Keller, “Die Entstehung,” 328.

tion, but limits the dates of the statues to 1380-85. 43. Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,’ 390. The plaque, Note that 1385 was the year of Charles VI’s marriage dating from 1376, came from Sainte-Catherine-du-Val(“Tombeaux,” 294, n. 1). Meiss, while not specifying des-Ecoliers de Paris (P. Vitry and G. Briére, L’abbaye an exact date or place of origin, seems to assign the de Saint-Denis, Paris, 1948, 57). Huard’s further exLouvre sculptures to Charles V’s reign (French Paint- amples, of Louis XIII and Louis XIV appearing in the

ing, I, 99). guise of their saintly ancestor, are historically inap40. See below, Ch. VI, n. 6. Giesey does not be- propriate.

lieve that death masks were used until the documen- 44. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS latin 18014, fol. 17. tary evidence confirms the practice. He cites Charles

54 | Devotional and Donor Portraits portraits, particularly the Louvre statue.** Yet the king’s face looks far older than any

extant image of Charles V, including the donor sculpture. It is stated that du Guesclin was present among the spectators.** Although the manuscript’s date, between 1380 and 1385, makes a contemporary reference possible, the historical cir-cumstances of Charles V’s death do not justify such an interpretation. Du Guesclin had predeceased the king by several months, and Charles V’s two sons, identified in the miniatures as the princes near the bedside, were absent when the king died.*” In short, these two possible hidden portraits do not strengthen Huard’s theory that the Louvre statues represent the king and queen as Saint Louis and Marguerite de

Provence. Our doubts are further increased by Keller’s comment that since Marguerite | was not a sacred person, her image is not alegitimate example of disguised portraiture. This lack of consistency serves to make the other identification suspect also.*8

Ideally, one should propose an equally suitable alternative to Huard’s solution , which has the support of Lenoir’s firsthand knowledge of the statues. One clue may lie in their close resemblance to the Célestins portal sculptures in size, pose, and costume. Could they represent another version by the same workshop or master for a

different church facade? Or are they related to the two images of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon listed in a 1382 inventory of Jean de Liége’s workshop? This Flemish artist had already received the important royal commissions for the statues (now lost) of the king and queen on the Louvre staircase and for Charles V’s tomb at Rouen. Since one critic has noted the probable influence of the lost Louvre works on our donor sculptures, some kind of link seems to exist between them, the Célestins figures, and Jean de Liege.*® Although at the present state of research this connection

can only be hypothetical, perhaps further evidence will come to light which will firmly fix the provenance of the Louvre donor images. Whatever their origins, these statues (Figs. 45 and 46) are naturalistic, individualized images, comparable to those of the Parement de Narbonne (Figs. 43 and 44). In the sculpture, the directional movement of the king’s drapery, particularly noticeable at the point where the heavy transversals end as he offers the model, adds drama and a dynamic quality. The full-length pose and its accompanying conventions in Gothic sculpture are responsible for traditional features like the hip-

shot stance. Naturalism is concentrated in the head and thus, despite very limited modelling, a strong sense of its total structure is conveyed. In both media there is a

clear distinction between the personalities of the king and queen. Charles V stands , 45. Maumené and d Harcourt, Iconographie, I, le Bon is given his son’s features. It seems, however, 57-58. Meiss (French Painting, I, 158) does not be- to be a case of “borrowing” Charles V’s familiar fealieve that the king in fol. 17 can be positively identi- tures, rather than one of adopting the identity of a

fied with Charles V. sacred personality.

46. See the portrait in the Gaigniéres copy of 49. For the figures in Jean de Liége’s inventory,

the Hommages du Comté de Clermont (Fig. 28). Kel- see M. A. Vidier, “Un tombier liégeois a Paris au XIV®

ler denies that the man in the deathbed scene re- siecle,’ MSHP, 30, 1903, 298. For a summary of opinsembles any of du Guesclin’s remaining portraits ion on attributions, see Aubert and Beaulieu, Louvre,

(“Die Entstehung,” 328). Sculptures, 158. For the connection between the

47. Coville, Histoire générale, V1, pt. Il, 646- Louvre staircase figures and the donor statues, see R. AT.48. Bergius, Franz0dsische und belgische Konsol- und Keller, “Die Entstehung,” 328, n. 377. In Zwickelplastik im 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, Wiirzone of Charles V’s dedication portraits (Fig. 14), Jean burg, 1936, 3.

Devotional and Donor Portraits | 55 in a relaxed pose and turns his head decisively, while Jeanne de Bourbon is more erect and contained. His expression is genial, hers less explicit. Both statues show greater expressiveness than the Parement de Narbonne figures, who are witnesses to a sacred drama. The sculptures are also free of their original architectural framework; again they have greater independence than the Parement images. Although probably tied to the building by canopies and niches like other contemporary portal sculptures, the Louvre figures, carved completely in the round, represent an advanced phase in the liberation of figures from the wall.*°

| Furthermore, unlike the Parement figures, traditional spectators in a devotional image, the Louvre sculptures, to judge from the similar Célestins portal arrangement,

may have enjoyed a status equal to the patron saints of the church.*! Thus, these naturalistic sculptures indicate an important stage in the humanization and individualization of the donor portrait. In small-scale devotional images, Charles V is depicted in the medieval tradition as the pious and generous supporter of the church. His authority remains subordinate to that of the sacred characters. Despite informal settings and costumes, impersonality

governed the relationship between the two realms. Changes toward a more direct human communication can be seen, however, in the overlapping of the two spheres in the Trés beau bréviaire miniature, in the confrontation of glance in the charter drawing, and in the more specific narrative imagery of several of the lost Heures de

: Savoie illuminations. In comparison to the most advanced dedication portraits of the 70’s, however, these images lack a sense of individual response. Although part of the

same iconographic tradition, the Parement de Narbonne and Louvre figures are naturalistic and expressive portraits. Here larger scale permits greater opportunities for individual characterization. In addition to size, function and medium also influenced the appearance and extent of a generally naturalistic style consistent with individualized portraits. In the devotional miniatures, progressive portrait features coexisted with a conservative treatment of other elements such as space. The large Parement images, on the other hand, were devoid of the mannered qualities of the more traditional religious figures. The sculptured images, now (artificially) free of their architectural settings, seem the

most naturalistic of all the portraits considered. But large and small devotional images show the same movement toward specific, individualized portraits of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon which we noted both in the dedication miniatures and in the scenes of official-historical narrative.

50. For Meiss’s critique of the sculptures, con- buttress of Amiens cathedral (Figs. 51 and 52) still had cluding in his statement that “these are the most beau- canopies and bases. For Sluter’s important innovatiful French sculptures that have survived from the tions on the portal of the Chartreuse de Champmol, period between the tomb of Beauneveu at St. Denis see Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I, 80.

and the work of Sluter at the Chartreuse de Champ- 51. For Millin’s engraving of the Célestins pormol,” see French Painting, I, 99. We should note that tal, see Huard, “Quinze-Vingts,” Fig. 9.

the figures of the Louvre stairway and the La Grange

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Dynastic and Family Portraits Early Gothic sculptures of the kings on cathedral portals are generalized in both style and content. The jamb figures of Saint-Denis and of Chartres seem to honor the

kings of France by showing them in the guise of Old Testament leaders.! The crowned male statues may prefigure the idea of regnum, and the uncrowned ones, sacerdotium, with these ideas united on the tympana in Christ’s person as king and priest. Thus, French rulers appear in an implicit, symbolic way rather than as individual, historical personalities.2 Regnum, as a concept embodied in the monarchs of France themselves, was amplified more concretely in the various kings’ galleries of

, thirteenth-century cathedrals. Beginning with the gallery beneath the western rose window of Notre-Dame in Paris and also the gallery of Reims, site of the coronation ceremony, images of kings offer a more overt, but still generalized presentation of the monarchy’s long history.’ An important change occurred when the sculptures were placed not on the exterior of a sacred building but in the interior of the royal palace in Paris, now the Palais de Justice. Forty-three statues of French rulers were placed against the piers of the ceremonial Grande Salle,* begun about 1300, in the reign of Philippe IV. These figures were arranged chronologically and identified by engraved inscriptions, which also listed the dates of each reign and the names of the heirs. Literary descriptions suggest that the original series presented a uniform appearance, as each sculpture was

1. Katzenellenbogen, Chartres, 30. see ibid., 35-36. See also Hinkle, Reims, 41-43. A 2. For a summary of the literary and theological similar theme was carried out in the stained glass wintraditions by which the kings of France were associated dows of Reims, Strasbourg, and other cathedrals.

with Old Testament rulers, see ibid., 30-33. 4. For a description of the statues, see H. Stein,

3. For the development of the relationship be- Le Palais de Justice et la Sainte-Chapelle, Paris, 1912, tween regnum and sacerdotium in galleries of kings, 23-26.

58 | Dynastic and Family Portraits painted gold and azure and held a scepter and the main de justice. Succeeding rulers added their images to the original ensemble. The destruction of the whole group by fire in 1618 was, then, a serious loss. Sculpture which emphasized the strength and continuity of a dynasty provided an important motive for the development of individual portraiture. Placed on either sacred or secular buildings, such representations encouraged a greater interest in physical appearance, especially in costume. Contemporary with the reign of Charles V, and probably influenced by the close ties between his court and that of his uncle, Charles IV, the sculptured series of rulers commissioned for Saint Stephen’s, Vienna, and the busts by Peter Parler in Prague cathedral show the wide diffusion of this type of sculpture.° In contrast, family portraits were sharply restricted in both scale and iconography. - An early fourteenth-century miniature group of Philippe IV and his children subordinates humanized relationships to the impersonal, dynastic concept (Fig. 50).® The king and father seated in the center is far larger than his children and brother.

Beside Philippe IV sit his daughter, Isabelle, queen of England, and the future Louis X. The politically less important children are further removed from these three figures, toward whom they point. The separation between individuals is increased by

the rigidity of the frontal poses, the generalized facial features, and the repetitive gestures.

The Louvre Staircase and the La Grange Buttress Figures of Amiens Cathedral Of the two major groups of dynastic portraits produced during Charles V's reign, the

Louvre stairway, begun in 1364, and the La Grange buttress figures of Amiens

cathedral, dating from 1375 to 1378, only the second group survives. Although stylistic , analysis of the first ensemble is impossible because of the lack of visual records, literary descriptions give us a good idea of the iconography and composition. The building of a large spiral staircase to the west of a passage leading to the Great Tower was part of Charles V’s extensive rebuilding of the Louvre (text fig. 1).7 An exterior structure and a building in itself, placed within the courtyard, it was four stories high, comprising a large flight of eighty-three steps leading to a smaller flight of half that number, which ended in a terrace.’ The function of the stairway, designed by the

5. O. Pacht, “Die Gotik der Zeit um 1400 als 7. For further information, see Hautecoeur, gesamteuropaische Kunstsprache,” Europdische Kunst Louvre, 7-11. For a detailed reconstruction of the um 1400, Vienna, 1962, 56-57. For the close ties be- palace under Charles V, see F. de Clarac, Musée de tween the courts of Prague and Paris, see H. P. Hilger, sculpture antique et moderne ou Description his“Die Skulpturen an der siidlichen Querhausfassade torique et graphique du Louvre et de toutes ses parties, von St. Marien zu Mihlhausen in Thiringen,” WRJb, I, Planches, Paris, 1826-27, Pl. 8 B. For the stairway 22, 1960, 159, and T. Miiller, Sculpture in The Neth- itself, see E. Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonné erlands, Germany, France, and Spain, 1400-1500, de lVarchitecture francaise, V, Paris, 1861, 300-05,

Harmondsworth, 1966, 3. See also Meiss, French Figs. 10-12.

Painting, I, 74, and nn. 42-43. 8. For the dimensions, see Hautecoeur, Louvre, 6. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS latin 8504, fol. 1 v., Le 9. The stairway was separated from the corps de logis

livre de Kalila et Dimna, dated 1313. on the north, but it was joined to the donjon by a gal-

Dynastic and Family Portraits | 59 20m

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prominent court architect and sculptor Raymond du Temple, was to connect the various stories of the wing housing the royal couple and the princes of the blood.?®

Although much of the original ensemble was destroyed by the renovations of Francis I and Louis XIII, the decorative scheme was fully described by the eighteenth-century historian of Paris, Henri Sauval.’® He tells us that famous sculptors had

adorned the staircase with ten large statues, each with its own canopy and base." Jean de Saint-Romain’s two figures of sergeants-at-arms guarded the entrance to the royal apartment on the piano nobile. The same artist also carved the images of the Virgin and Saint John the Baptist on the gable of the staircase. Three of the four secular male portraits represented the king’s brothers: the Duc de Berry by Jacques de Chartres, the Duc de Bourgogne by Guy de Dammartin, and the Duc d’Anjou by Jean de Saint-Romain. The statue of their uncle, the Duc d'Orléans, was executed by Jean de Launay. Jean de Liége received the most important commission, the portraits of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon. The employment of so many outstanding artists suggests that individualized likenesses of the royal family were intended. Thus, the Louvre staircase figures seem to represent a very rapid and radical move in the direc-

lery on the other side (Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire, 11. At a second entrance to the Grand Portail,

V, 302). statues of the king and the queen are mentioned by 9. H. David, Claus Sluter, Paris, 1951, 31. Sauval (ibid., II, 20). 10. Sauval, Antiquités de Paris, II, 23-24. |

60 | Dynastic and Family Portraits tion of naturalistic portraiture in monumental sculpture. As we shall see, their example had far-reaching influence both in France and beyond its borders.” Hieratic importance determined the general position of the statues on the ex-

terior buttresses. Highest were the sacred figures, on the gable. Lowest were the sergeants-at-arms at the apartment entrance. Sauval’s description indicates that the figures of the royal couple stood high up on the stairway: “. . . au tour de la cage furent

repandues par dehors, sans ordre ni symmetrie, de haut en bas de la coquille, les figures du Roi, de la Reine et de leurs Enfans males.” The stationing of guards at the apartment entrance and the informal position of the figures imply the possibility of an illusionistic program. To believe that such an effect was capable of realization in contemporary terms, we need only remember the figures of the emperor Charles IV and his wife at Muelhausen, dating from between 1370 and 1380. They are represented leaning over the balcony of the church, as though receiving the homage of a crowd below." But the creation of such a unified space, enclosing both the spectators

and the royal figures, was apparently lacking for the Louvre statues. They were limited not only by the bases and canopies but probably also by their position against the buttresses. It has been stated that the new king wanted this collection of figures to demonstrate the stability of the succession to the throne.'® The marriage of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon did not produce an heir until December, 1368. As only the third ruler of the Valois line, the king pointed to his brothers to indicate the dynasty’s present strength, while the queen represented hope for the future. The Louvre ensemble provided a precedent for the program of the La Grange buttress sculptures of Amiens cathedral. This group was not a royal commission, but the gift of Jean de La Grange, a native and bishop of Amiens. He was also a trusted adviser and tutor of the children of Charles V. From 1373 to 1375 La Grange built two

chapels in the first bays east of the facade against the corner of the north tower." Above the altar of each chapel, a statue of Charles V accompanied devotional images (now lost) of the donor and two patron saints. The relationship between the saints, the king, and La Grange, established in the chapel interiors, is repeated emphatically on the exterior. Supporting the huge tower, a massive buttress, forming the exterior sides of the chapels and projecting on both

the north and west, carried a large-scale sculptural program. Nine statues in three zones were placed in the spaces between two small pentagonal buttresses (which 12. In his analysis, Bergius (Zwickelplastik, 3) cony Scene at the Church of Muelhausen in Thuringia:

stresses the new naturalistic portrait character of the A Contribution to the History of 14th-Century I]statues. See also Meiss for the image of the Duc de lusionism,’ GBA, 49-50, 1957, 305-10, Figs. 1 and 2. Berry on the Louvre staircase and for his commission 15. Direct contact between statues and viewers of the statues for the cheminée of his palace at Poitiers can be made not only by special architectural effects, (French Painting, I, 74 and n. 46; II, Figs. 436 and but also by the figures’ poses, glances, and gestures.

437). Sauval does not, however, describe these last three 13. Sauval, Antiquités de Paris, II, 23. In this elements in the Louvre sculptures.

passage the author mistakenly identified the king’s 16. Pradel, “Art et politique,’ 90.

brothers as his children. 17. For the description of the chapels and of the 14. For a discussion of experiments in con- buttress, also known as the Beau Pilier, see G. Durand, temporary northern sculpture, see Panofsky, Early Monographie de Véglise Notre-Dame, cathédrale Netherlandish Painting, I, 77-78. For the Muelhausen d Amiens, I, Amiens-Paris, 1901, 50-52 and 482£f.

figures, see A. Neumeyer, “The Meaning of the Bal-

Dynastic and Family Portraits | 61

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were in turn set on the anterior face of each of the larger ones) and on the trumeau separating the two chapels (Figs. 51 and 52, and text fig. 2). Each figure stands under a canopy in a shallow niche framed by fine moldings. Charming culs-de-lampe in the form of animated, kneeling personages constitute the bases of the figures in the upper two zones, while the figures below stand on beautifully carved, semi-octagonal pedestals.'8 The highest group is appropriately made up of the Virgin, to whom the cathedral is dedicated, Saint John the Baptist, a patron of the donor, and Saint Firmin, bishop 18. See Durand, Amiens, I, 484.

62 | Dynastic and Family Portraits and martyr of Amiens. The second row represents the male members of the royal family: Charles V, the Dauphin, and the younger son, Louis, Duc d’Orléans. In the lowest zone, Cardinal de La Grange stands directly below the most important figures of the Virgin and the king. Then there follow Bureau de la Riviére, Charles V’s first chamberlain and closest friend, and a third person tentatively identified as Jean de

Vienne, admiral of the royal fleet. 7 Between the three individualized portraits of the lowest register and the images

of the three sacred personages above, the simplified but beautiful figures of the two princes occupy a middle ground (Fig. 53). In contrast, Charles V’s image on the same level is extremely disappointing (Fig. 54). The short, stumpy body and blunt features contradict the slender proportions and facial features characteristic of his outstanding portraits (Figs. 10 and 43). Indeed, as one critic says, the king’s face has a hatchet-like roughness.!® Perhaps a local sculptor, one not acquainted with Charles V, executed this particular work. In addition, damage to the figure has deprived it of its original finish.?°

On the other hand, the remaining figures, particularly those in the lowest zone, are of very high quality. Each of these three sculptures is a specific characterization in terms of pose, costume, and features. The donor, Cardinal de La Grange, has a sharp, clean-shaven face of remarkable shrewdness (Fig. 55). As an equivalent of the saint’s attribute, he holds the ties of his titular hat. Bureau de la Riviére (Fig. 56), clad in a fashionable beaver hat and a mantle called the corset rond, carries a glove in his left hand.”! The figure identified as Jean de Vienne also wears an elegant mantle of contemporary cut, fastened at the shoulder with several buttons (Fig. 57). Although comparative images are unavailable, the distinctive facial features, bone structure, and proportions of these statues have the mark of specific likenesses. It appears that more capable artists than those assigned to the royal family executed these remarkable

, works. One distinguishing feature is the drapery style, which is simplified in the king’s group, while elaborate, twisting folds, often gathered in great wads and cascading below in voluminous panels, are hallmarks of the other sculptures.”? Particularly curious is the independent, decorative importance of the drapery of the three lowest figures, which seems so exaggerated in comparison to the restraint of the heads. The informal postures and gestures of the sculptures in the lowest zone have suggested to one scholar the possibility of illusionistic intentions.”? Hilger believes that

despite the absence of the balcony device of the contemporary Muelhausen scene, the three lowest Amiens sculptures seek contact with the viewer by their outward

19. J. Laran, “Les statues de Charles V 4 la portance, the artists may have been imported from basilique de Saint-Denis, a la cathédrale d’Amiens, et Paris. Conceivably they could have been associated au Musée du Louvre,’ Musées et monuments de with the Louvre program (Bergius, Zwickelplastik, 1).

France, 1, 1906, 141. For a possible relation of the Amiens figures to Claus 20. Ibid., 141. Michel (Histoire, II, pt. II, 704) Sluter’s early style, see G. Troescher, Die burgunand Aubert (Sculpture francaise, 345), however, count dische Plastik des ausgehenden Mittelalters, 1, Frankthis image among Charles V’s outstanding portraits. furt-am-Main, 1940, 91-92. Bergius, however, con21. Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France, 32-33 nects the style with sculptors trained in Beauneveu’s

and 35. workshop—except for Charles V’s figure, which he 22. Durand, Amiens, I, 486. links with the Louvre donor statue (Zwickelplastik,

23. The Amiens masters have not been con- 30-31). clusively identified. Because of the commission’s im-

| Dynastic and Family Portraits | 63 | glance and the turn of their heads or bodies.24 The impression of movement toward the spectator is reinforced by the way the figures almost step out of the narrow niches. But Hilger does not note that both the frontality and the attributes of the other sculptures, including the royal family, exclude contact by glance and instead accentuate confinement within the limited space. Analogous to the degree of portrait-likeness, communication with the spectator increases in reverse proportion to hieratic importance. Another objection to Hilger’s theory arises from the separation of the first group (the Virgin, Charles V, and the donor), who stand far apart on the western pro-

, jection of the buttress, from the others on the north side of the cathedral. Moreover, as the statues are placed very high on the building, the spectator cannot share in the same space. And as in the Louvre staircase figures, the hieratic arrangement of the

sculptures and their ties to the architecture negate illusionistic suggestions. The isolation of the individual figure also encourages separation from the viewer.”

The statement of the dynastic theme has influenced the arrangement of the sculptures. The cardinal and also the other two personages on the lowest level were designated as guardians of the two princes in Charles V's ordinance of 1374.

| Standing in the center zone, the king and his heirs are protected by their sacred patrons above and their earthly friends and counsellors below. Perhaps it was Cardinal de La Grange’s close connection with the monarchy which permitted specific secular personages to hold such prominent positions on a cathedral exterior.

Family Portraits in Manuscript Illuminations In comparison to dynastic portraits, the development of humanized images of Charles V’s family seems to spring from a very limited source, illustrations in manuals

for the moral instruction of rulers. A copy of the French translation of De regimine principum by Giles of Rome was included in Charles V’s library (Fig. 12).?” In the upper right section of the frontispiece we find another scene concerning the education of the royal children, that traditional concern of the ruler.” Here the children, surrounded by tutors, are far smaller than their parents and stand on a lower level. Not only do the king and queen lack personal identity, but their offspring look like tiny gnomes. The sole communication between the figures is the father’s command (or request) and his wife’s response. In short, the children are unimportant in size, appearance, and activity.”®

94. Hilger, “Skulpturen von St. Marien zu 28. In the second part of the treatise, Giles de-

Miihlhausen,” 160. votes considerable attention to the development and

25. Bergius points out the similar arrangement education of children (Bell, Idéal éthique, 55-56). See of the Louvre and Amiens figures (Zwickelplastik, 3). above, p. 10, n. 20, for Charles V’s pedagogic interest.

26. Pradel, “Art et politique,” 91. 29. Related to Fig. 12, a miniature in a closely

27. Giles of Rome (Aegidius Romanus), 1269- connected work bearing Charles V’s bookplate and 1316, was the tutor of the future Philippe IV. It was the the date 1372 belongs to the Bibliothéque Municipale latter who ordered a translation of the Latin text by of Besancon (MS 434, fol. xlvi). See A. Castan, CataHenri de Gauchi, called Le livre du gouvernement des logue général des MSS des bibliothéques publiques de rois et des princes. For the copy in Charles V’s library, France, XXXII, Besancon, I, Paris, 1897, 250-53, and

see above, p. 30, n. 69. Delisle, Recherches, 1, 59 and 258-60.

64 | Dynastic and Family Portraits On the second dedication page in the Brussels Ethics, the upper right scene, derived from the “education” type, shows a decided change (Fig. 11). The children, here proportionately much larger, are included in the royal sphere, and stand on the same level as their parents’ throne. The boy wearing an hérigaut mantle has a childlike, chubby face and short body. As usual, he is larger than his sister because he is heir to the crown. Both children take a more personal, even dramatic part in the action: the boy listens almost surreptitiously to his father’s words; the girl shares in her mother’s alarm. An even more winning representation of the family is found in the Royaumont

charter drawing (Fig. 24), so closely related to the Rational dedication page. The limited picture field brings the children near their parents, who actively protect them. Now brought into the center of the composition, the princes’ positive roles reveal their support of the crown; Louis helps to hold his father’s scepter, while the Dauphin authoritatively points to the lion at the king’s feet and places his other hand on the abbot’s head.

Like the dedication scenes and portraits in official-historical narrative, the , dynastic and family portraits of Charles V reveal a sudden and decided movement toward individualized images. Although extant evidence is confined to the Amiens series, the literary descriptions of the Louvre staircase figures speak of specific representations on a grand scale. While the range of the “family” miniatures is far more limited, here the evolution was much more rapid and dramatic: human relationships between the members of the group became more and more important. In contrast, the dynastic images of Charles V and his sons on the La Grange buttress tended to isolate

, and emphasize the individual figures. The difference in medium is crucial, for it is simpler to unite the family on the two-dimensional surface of the page than in monu-

, mental sculpture. Partly because of the small scale, the family scene allows for expressive portraits like those of the intimate dedication scenes, with which they are sometimes combined. Dynastic images, although lacking direct communication between the figures, permitted individual portraits rich in costume detail. The Amiens sculptures, especially by their mannered drapery conventions, show that portrait-

likeness apparently preceded other features of naturalistic style. The Louvre staircase, commissioned at the very beginning of Charles V’s reign, belonged to an ambitious program of artistic patronage rich in political overtones. The concerted effort of a group of outstanding masters employed by the court, the program heralded not only the sculptures of the Duc de Berry’s palace at Poitiers, but also Sluter’s portal of the Chartreuse de Champmol.®° The Amiens ensemble carried on the Louvre theme more immediately, although it was not commissioned by Charles V. Indeed, the superior images of the king’s advisers illustrate a significant expansion of portraiture beyond the scope of the royal family.

30. A. Liebreich, Recherches sur Claus Brussels, 1936, 13-14. | Sluter, , ,

The monuments of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon adhered to the general conventions of Gothic table tombs, both in their shape and in the character of the gisants.' Yet the conscious transformation of Saint-Denis into a royal necropolis provided an impressive setting for the collection of magnificent memorials to both the terrestrial status and the celestial hopes of the dynasty.” The privilege of housing royal monu-

ments was spread even wider, when, beginning in the last third of the thirteenth century, separate tombs for the viscera and the heart were erected in an abbey church or >

other foundation favored by the ruler or his family.’ : The serene, generalized forms of the fourteen commemorative effigies of , Carolingian and Capetian kings commissioned by Saint Louis in 1263 to emphasize French dynastic continuity clearly reveal the idealism of high Gothic sculpture.* In comparison to these figures, a marked change toward a more individualized image oc-

curred in the Saint-Denis tomb of Philippe III by Pierre de Chelles, dating from

1. E. Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, New York Funeral Ceremony, 20-22). For a study of these types, [1964], 55-57, and H. s’Jacob, Idealism and Realism: see M. Desfayes, “Les tombeaux de coeur et d'enA Study of Sepulchral Symbolism, Leiden, 1954, 72- trailles en France, au moyen-age,” Thése de l’Ecole 73. For an eloquent description of the development of du Louvre, 1947. A brief summary appears in the BulGothic tombs, see E. Male, L’art religieux de la fin du letin des Musées de France, 12, 1947, 18-20. For the moyen dge en France, 4th ed., Paris, 1931, 391-437. influence of this proliferation of monuments on the de2. Giesey, Royal Funeral Ceremony, 30-32, velopment of funerary sculpture, see Keller, ““Die and Schramm, Der Konig, I, 131-34. For the early Entstehung,” 343. tombs, see Vitry and Briére, Saint-Denis, 1908, 83-84. 4, Vitry and Briére, Saint-Denis, 1948, 69-72. 3. The entrails and heart were first buried sepa- See also G. R. Sommers, “Royal Tombs at Saint-Denis rately in order to preserve the bodies of those kings in the Reign of St. Louis,” unpublished dissertation, and queens who died far from home (Giesey, Royal Columbia University, 1966.

66 | Tomb Portraits 1298 to 1307 (Fig. 58).° The thin, slit-like mouth and the widely flaring nostrils show specific characteristics, although the other features are still conventional. Also worth noting is the substitution of white marble for stone in order to more nearly simulate the texture of flesh. Scholars have almost unanimously credited the new naturalistic tendency to the use of a death mask, despite the lack of any contemporary evidence.

, We certainly agree with Giesey’s conclusion after he examined the circumstances of the king’s death that the practice was most unlikely at this early date.* The style _ of the Philippe III gisant is explicable both on the grounds of a more naturalistic direction in Gothic sculpture and as the work of a gifted artist. But in the first half of the fourteenth century, tombs in Saint-Denis show a continued idealism rather than increased naturalism. Not only Pepin le Huy’s beautiful gisant of Robert d’ Artois

but the series of tombs for the last Capetians, commissioned during 1327 or 1328, offer only generalized images, like the Charles IV gisant (Fig. 59).’ Private monuments, however, reveal a greater tendency toward individualized images. Among the various kinds of monuments destroyed or damaged during the French Revolution, royal tombs, particularly those in Saint-Denis, were a natural target of anti-monarchical sentiment.’ Fortunately, two of Charles V’s three effigies have survived. One is the gisant of the elaborate tomb by André Beauneveu, dated 1365 to 1366, and the second is the gisant of the monument for the king’s entrails. Originally

in Maubuisson abbey and now in the Louvre, this tomb was commissioned by 1374. : The third, the tomb for his heart in Rouen cathedral, executed in 1368 by Jean de Liege, was severely damaged by the Huguenots in 1572. A Gaigniéres drawing does, however, indicate its general form. In the same way, we are informed of the arrangement and relationship to the king’s tomb of Jeanne de Bourbon’s original monument, in Saint-Denis, destroyed during the revolutionary outbreaks of 1793. It is the gisant

Charles V in Saint-Denis. ,

from the tomb for her entrails in the church of the Célestins that now lies next to Shortly after his accession to the throne in 1364, Charles V ordered the tomb for his body (Figs. 60-62). The commission included not only his monument but those of his immediate Valois ancestors: his father, Jean le Bon, his grandfather, Philippe VI, and the latter’s first wife, Jeanne de Bourgogne. The king was motivated not only by filial piety, but also by the desire to augment the prestige of the new dynasty, as yet unrepresented in Saint-Denis. The sculptures thus form still another part of the king’s first ambitious program of artistic patronage for political purposes.’ The gisants

- _ 5. Lefrancois-Pillion, L’art du XIV° siécle, 83- gogne (d. 1349), and of his father, Philippe VI (d.

84... 1350). See H. Stein, “Quelques notes sur les tombeaux 6. For Giesey’s convincing arguments on the de Saint-Denis,’ MAntFr, 77, 1924-27, 98-101. test cases of the tombs of Isabelle d'Aragon and 8. For an account of the Revolutionary destruc-

Philippe III, see Royal Funeral Ceremony, 203-04. | tion, see Vitry and Briére, Saint-Denis, 1948, 25-27. 7. For the Robert d’Artois gisant; see Vitry and 9. As early as 1362, Charles V had specified his Briére, Saint-Denis, 1948, 77-78. Among the series of desire to be buried in Saint-Denis. See Stein, “Saint-. the last Capetians is the effigy of Charles IV (Fig. 59). Denis,’ 102, n. 5. For the document on the commisThe other kings are Jean I, Philippe IV, Philippe V, sion (Paris, Archives Nationales, K. 49, no. 74), see and Louis X. Because of the political crises created by Delisle, Mandements, no. 109, 55. the war, Jean le Bon was apparently forced to abandon , 10. Pradel, “Tombeaux,” 273-74.

work on the tombs of his mother, Jeanne de Bour-

Tomb Portraits | 67

, of the three kings are also significant as rare surviving examples of Beauneveu’s oeuvre."! A leading artistic personality from about 1360 to 1397, he is another example of an important Flemish master favored by French court circles. Although his commissions from Charles V were apparently limited to the Saint-Denis monuments, ~Beauneveu's later work for the king’s brother, the Duc de Berry, illustrates the im- _ portance of Charles V’s patronage for future developments in painting and sculpture.

The Gaigniéres drawing shows that the tombs of Charles V and Jeanne de Bour- , , bon were placed on a single black base under intricately carved canopies, each composed of three trilobate arches (Fig. 63). Typical of fourteenth-century taste is the contrast between the black base and the white marble of the gisants. The figures were separated in the center by a cluster of colonnettes and were framed on each side by small images of a bishop, a choir boy, and a deacon, contained within niches.'!* On the

sides of the base were groups of small figures, probably pleurants of the funeral cortege. These auxiliary sculptures symbolized the procession and prayers for the salvation of the deceased."*

Despite the loss of its architectural framework and its now obscure location within the abbey, the Beauneveu gisant remains a very powerful figure (Fig. 60). Gone, too, are the regalia, except for the scepter and the circle supporting the crown. Indeed, it is the starkness of the figure, clad in a mantle of state, which accentuates the pronounced, almost brutally direct, portrait quality (Figs. 61 and 62). The young king

, has a fleshy face, strongly defined by a powerful, beaked nose, high cheekbones, and a pinched mouth. The stiff strands of his hair, divided into separate linear units, stand away from his head, partially revealing his ears. This specific character is attained

, with very little modelling. The king’s body is invisible beneath the folds of the mantle. Three predominant transversals add diagonal movement, while the swinging

loops draped over the king’s arm also relieve the static effect. The fundamental contradictions between the vertical design of the drapery and the figure’s horizontal position, emphasized by the cushions and foot supports, make the folds both stylized and confining.» The original architectural setting must have provided a welcome diversity of scale and an enlivening play of light and shade. The powerful concentration of individual portrait characteristics distinguishes

1l. Jeanne de Bourgogne’s tomb was also des- mons. pierre duc de Bourbon qui regna avec son dit troyed in August, 1793 (Vitry and Briére, Saint-Denis, espous 13. ans et 10. mois et trespassa l’an 1377. le 6°.

1948, 26). For Beauneveu’s career, see Troescher, jour de Fevrier.”’

Burgundische Plastik, I, 19-84, and Meiss, French 13. Vitry and Briére state that in Saint-Denis

Painting, I, 147-51. this is the first example of such a richly decorated royal 12. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Gough, tomb (Saint-Denis, 1948, 85-86). Gaigniéres 2, fol. 43. Pradel believes that Jean de 14. The sculptor for the queen’s original tomb Liége executed the architecture of the tomb between is unknown, and her monument is not specifically 1375 and 1380 (“Tombeaux,” 290). The inscriptions named in the mandement of October, 1364, for the four

read as follows: , ordered from Beauneveu. Because of the other work “Ici gist le Roy Charles le quint sage et elo- for Charles V, including two images of the queen, quent fils du Roy Jehan qui regna XVI. ans v. mois et done by Jean de Liége, Pradel (“Tombeaux,” 290) beviii. jours et trespassa lan de grace 1380. le xvi® jour de lieves that he may have been the tomb sculptor.

Septembre.” 15. S’Jacob, Idealism and Realism, 25-26. For

“Ici gist la Royne Jehanne de Bourbon espouse an appreciation of Charles V’s portrait, see Meiss, du Roy Charles le quint et fille de tres noble prince French Painting, I, 147.

68 =|) Tomb Portraits ~ Charles V’s gisant from contemporary images, in both sculpture and miniatures. As for the former, the figures of Philippe VI and Jean le Bon commissioned at the same time are far more simplified than Charles V in facial modelling. (If the Jean le Bon image has a family resemblance in features and head type, it lacks incisiveness, indicating final execution by a member of the Beauneveu workshop.'®) In comparison

with the 1361 or 1363 portraits of the Dauphin in miniatures (Figs. 1 and 38), the tomb image of only a few years later seems far fuller. Naturally, the lack of modelling in

the illuminations accentuates the flatness and elongation of the head, while the pro- | file view restricts depth. On the other hand, the frontality of the gisant encourages a , , fuller representation, while the relaxed facial muscles increase the prominence of the fleshier parts. There are, however, two-dimensional images which do approximate the heaviness around the chin and mouth: a drawing decorating a charter and the Parement de Narbonne figure (Figs. 74 and 43). In addition to Beauneveu s ability, another

, reason for the remarkable naturalism of the tomb portrait is that Charles V's commission of the work during his lifetime permitted the artist firsthand knowledge of

head.

, the king’s features. Indeed, this circumstance seems to indicate that the purpose of : this monument, unlike those of the past, was to commemorate Charles V’s earthly appearance." Since this intention was achieved without disrupting the stylized drapery

convention, there is a rather disquieting disparity between the inert body and lifelike , The lost monument for Charles V’s heart was ordered in 1367 or 1368 from Jean de Liége, another well-known Flemish artist. He may even merit the title of official court sculptor, for, as we remember, he was entrusted with the statues of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon for the Louvre stairway, as well as with other monuments for members of the royal family.!® The Gaigniéres drawing represents only the gisant, as , it postulates the sixteenth-century damage to the tomb (Fig. 64).!9 As far as we can tell, the figure conformed to contemporary custom in its use of contrasting materials for . _ base and effigy, in the supporting cushions above the head, and in the lions below the feet. But instead of carrying the main de justice in its right hand, it held a bronze (or gilded) heart, symbolizing the tomb’s function. Charles V, who as Dauphin also held the title of Duc de Normandie, wished the tomb to be placed in Rouen cathedral to honor his regard for the people of the province. The king may also have hoped that the monument would inspire loyalty in Normandy during his preparations for a maritime war with the English.”° As counterpart of Richard the Lion-Hearted’s tomb in the ~ same church, the monument enjoyed a prominent position in the choir next to the

16. For the gisants of Jean le Bon and Philippe 17. S’Jacob, Idealism and Realism, 37. VI, see Troescher, Burgundische Plastik, Il, pls. 1 and 18. For summaries of the career of Jean de 2. Troescher believes that Beauneveu worked on the Liége, see Pradel, “Tombeaux,” 282-87; M. Devigne, head of Jean le Bon in addition to the figure of Charles La sculpture mosane du XII*® au XVI° siécle, Paris, V (ibid., I, 22). Pradel cites the payments to Beauneveu 1932, 77-96; Aubert and Beaulieu, Louvre, Sculptures, and to the atelier to support his view that the artist I, 151-53; and above, p. 54, n. 49.

executed only Charles V’s statue (“Tombeaux,” 275- 19. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Gough,

78). For Meiss’s opinion, see French Painting, I, 147 Gaigniéres 2, fol. 42.

and n. 50. oe 20. Pradel, “Art et politique,” 90.

Tomb Portraits | 69 pontifical throne. It was, however, totally demolished by order of the canons in 1737 and replaced by a marble plaque. The remains of the king’s heart, exhumed and identified in 1862, rest today in the sanctuary of Rouen cathedral.?! The monument for the entrails, now in the Louvre, is the last of Charles V’s tombs mentioned in his will of 1374 (Fig. 65).2? He specified its position next to the tomb of his mother, Bonne de Luxembourg, in the transept of Maubuisson abbey.”8 Because the tombs from this foundation were sold to private persons during the Revo-

lution, the recent history of the king’s monument has been complicated. When Lenoir found this royal gisant and that of Bonne de Luxembourg in a Paris shop, he identified the male figure as the queen’s husband, Jean le Bon. In 1848 de Guilhermy challenged this identification, stating that the statue exactly duplicated the drawing

of Philippe VI’s entrail tomb in Millin’s Antiquités nationales.2+ But once again Huard showed that de Guilhermy was mistaken. For both a Gaigniéres drawing and the Millin version of the Philippe VI tomb show that the left arm was bent at an acute angle, rather than at the right angle of the actual figure. Moreover, the right hand is missing in Millin’s engraving, but in the extant sculpture it still exists except for the finger tips.”> Huard has made a convincing case that the gisant came from Charles V’s

monument in Maubuisson abbey. , The Maubuisson sculpture shows a general resemblance to the preceding tomb figures in regard to costume, material, and drapery arrangement. The leather bag, symbol of the pouch containing the entrails, is held in the king’s left hand. Stylistically, the Maubuisson gisant lacks the refinement of the Beauneveu figure. The drapery is more schematic, while the strong horizontals of the hands and the pouch prominently

displayed across the chest further stress the figure’s heaviness. The dispropor-

tionately large head and the massive crown augment this effect. , At first glance, the facial resemblance between the Maubuisson and Saint-Denis works is not particularly strong.”® Yet if we allow for the difference in the subject’s age

(approximately ten years) and the less sensitive touch of the Maubuisson sculptor, at least an underlying similarity of bone structure and features is apparent. The more naturalistic relationships in the Beauneveu head have given way in the Maubuisson figure to. a preference for large, circular shapes. And the more subtle transitions in the earlier work have yielded to a pronounced distinction between concave and convex surfaces, especially in the unmodelled projecting areas of cheekbones and chin. In

21. In accordance with the instructions in 24. For the history of the Maubuisson tomb, see Charles V’s will, the ceremony of the deposition of his G. Huard, “Une statue funéraire du Musée du Louvre: heart took place in the cathedral in October, 1380 Philippe VI ou Charles V?,” Bulletin de la Société de (Delachenal, Histoire, V, 430-31). For an account of Vart francais, 1938, 34-43. For the engraving, see Milthe nineteenth-century proceedings, see Abbé Cochet lin, Antiquités nationales, IV, pl. VI, no. 3.

and F. de Guilhermy, “Coeur du roi Charles V,” 25. Huard, “Statue funéraire,”’ 41-42. The ,

Annales archéologiques, 22, 1862, 195-98. drawing location is Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, 22. Aubert and Beaulieu, Louvre, Sculptures, I, Gaignieres, Tombeaux Pe 1] a, fol. 199.

no. 222, 153-56. 26. For Pradel’s ideas on the method and date 23. Male, L’art de la fin, 393. For the item in of execution, see “Tombeaux,” 292-95; for a comCharles V’s will, see Delachenal, Les grandes chroni- plete review, see Aubert and Beaulieu, Louvre,

ques, III, 184-85. Sculptures, I, 155-56.

| 70 | Tomb Portraits : contrast, the small round eyes of the Maubuisson head seem deeply sunken. The longer, flatter hair brings out the circular shape of the head, whereas for the head of the Beauneveu figure, the short and wiry lines of hair act as a frame. The gisant for Jeanne de Bourbon’s entrail tomb, now in Saint-Denis, is all that remains of the elaborate structure formerly set in front of the main altar in the church

, of the Célestins (Figs. 66 and 67).?” A Gaigniéres drawing again gives a description of the ensemble (Fig. 68),?8 showing the monument after sixteenth-century alterations had changed its form and location to a wall tomb resting against the south side of the sanctuary. Original elements were the black enfeu bearing a French inscription,”’ and the arcade of five trefoil arches. Among the later additions are the varicolored marbles decorating the underside of the arch, the Latin inscription above the effigy, and the columns at the sides. Although the original design of the monument may have suffered from these changes, the honor due Jeanne de Bourbon both as queen and as a founder of the church was emphasized by the rich decoration. The gisant is, however, extremely simple. The queen’s head rests on a cushion; her feet rest on dogs, symbols of fidelity.2° She is crowned and is dressed in contemporary costume, and her hair is bound in side tresses. As in the Parement de Narbonne and in the Louvre donor statue, her fashionable dress contrasts sharply with her husband's simple mantle. In her left hand the queen holds the customary bag for the entrails, here compressed into a flat, shell shape. Smaller in size than the one by

| Beauneveu, this gisant also is the work of a less gifted (and unknown) hand. The queen’s head seems far too large for her short neck and thin, sloping shoulders. The

vertical fall of drapery is monotonously regular, while the lack of a mantle contributes to the figure’s rather pinched quality. The close-fitting garments force an articulation of the figure’s parts, lending it a more concrete, but less graceful, form. The head is a specific portrait of Jeanne de Bourbon (Fig. 67). Less modelled than her Louvre donor image, the sculpture shows a preference for simple shapes. The abrupt transition of facial planes recalls the Maubuisson, rather than the Saint-Denis, portrait of her husband. Although the head’s reclining position unduly emphasizes

the lower part of the face, its essential features emerge strongly. Her expression is , fixed in a vague, enigmatic smile (like that of one of the last Capetians; see Fig. 59). | Despite its pinched quality, the queen’s figure deserves notice as an individualized

, portrait in contemporary costume. From our available evidence, the tombs of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon continued the tradition of Gothic funerary sculpture in form and meaning. Although the

design of the Saint-Denis tomb was elaborate but not novel, Beauneveu’s gisant creates a striking impression because of the king’s powerful, individual portrait head. The fact that the commission was given during the king’s lifetime both permitted the

27. Albert Lenoir, Statistique, Explication, royne Jeanne de Bourbon, espouse de Charles le 184. Millin states that the original tomb was displaced quint, et fille de trés noble prince monseigneur Pierre when Henry IV added four columns around the altar de Bourbon, qui régna avec son dit espoux treize ans

(Antiquités nationales, I, 129). et dix mois; et trespassa l’an 1377 en février.” Millin, 28. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Gaigniéres, I, 128; Lenoir, Statistique, Explication, 185, and Atlas

Tombeaux Pe I] a, fol. 253. (II), Célestins, pl. XIII.

29. “Icy reposent les entrailles de madame la 30. Male, L’art de la fin, 426-27.

, Tomb Portraits | 71 , artist a firsthand knowledge of the subject and led to a commemoration of his earthly appearance. The Maubuisson gisant for the entrail tomb, ordered by 1374, does not have the strength and specific character of the Beauneveu sculpture. It, too, was com-

, missioned by the king while he was alive, but, as the work of a less gifted master, it presents a simplified, stylized reduction of Charles V’s features. A type rather than a

, strong specific likeness, it nevertheless shows definite changes from royal tomb por-

traits of the first half of the century. , As a whole, the gisants lack expressive interest, especially in comparison with the portrait types of the king and queen discussed previously. In addition to the inherent

iconographic limitations of tomb sculpture, the loss of the monuments’ architectural . setting deprives the figures of their essential formal environment.

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Ind dent Portrait Although the independent, naturalistic panel portrait is primarily a fifteenth-century development, its beginnings in northern Europe date from the 1360’s.! Two early examples, produced in this decade under court patronage, are the portrait of Charles V’s father, Jean le Bon (Fig. 69), and that of Archduke Rudolph IV of Austria.2 Despite the astonishing naturalism of both, Panofsky justly emphasizes the differences between the linear style and profile view of the French work and the plastic, painterly execution and three-quarter pose of the Austrian portrait. He further distinguishes between the Italianate, medal-like ancestry and style of the first and the origin of the second in northern donor portraits.? The portrait of Jean le Bon was probably painted between 1360 and 1364, the last years of his reign. In addition to a close resemblance to Charles V, the king’s alert expression and the frank description of his ugly features are particularly striking. The restrained costume, the sober color, and the simple but broad treatment of the bust balance the artist’s attention to specific details like the short beard and chin tuft. If the lack of space between figure and frame or the awkward juncture of neck and collar

1. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I, 111; and Ring, A Century, 191.) Meiss believes that

170. | the retouching of damage to the picture is partially 2. Paris, Musée du Louvre; Vienna, Dom- und responsible for the “. . . plastic, Italianate effect of the Didzesanmuseum, No. 1. (For the Austrian portrait, face” (French Painting, I, 23). He also states: “The see Europdische Kunst um 1400, pl. 1, no. 80, 145-46.) relatively large scale of the head of the famous Jean le As many scholars have stated, their attribution of the Bon—large compared to the first Italian examples —

French panel to Girard d’Orléans, an artist favored seems to suggest essentially a political meaning” by the king, must remain hypothetical because of a (ibid., I, 75). Also see below, n. 32 of this chapter.

lack of documents. (See, for example, Dupont, Gothic 3. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting, I, Painting, 135; Durrieu, in Michel, Histoire, III, pt. I, 170.

74 | Independent Portraits indicate the panel’s early date, our final impressions are of the high degree of

naturalism and the vitality of expression.

No separate panel painting of Charles V survives: our discussion involves only ,

small-scale, two-dimensional images in which the king appears alone. Of these, only a profile bust decorating a charter initial is comparable to the Jean le Bon portrait. The

, others are adaptations of familiar medieval iconographic types to the demands of representing Charles V as an individual. For example, the earliest miniature is clearly derived from the author portrait, whose most common medieval variation is the writing Evangelist.4 In the Traité sur la sphere of 1361, the image of a king reading in his study, like the dedication page of the same volume, emphasizes the scholarly apparatus (Fig. 70).5 The canopied wooden chair, the sphere, the polygonal lectern, and the “birdhouse” bookshelf are painstakingly rendered. Conventional portrait notwithstanding, both the pose and the milieu offer careful references to the patron's intellec-

tual interests. If we consider also the author’s prologue, in which the Dauphin’s respect for learned clerics and his love of knowledge are stressed, we sense that the illuminator is seeking to convey, by his choice of iconographic type and setting, the

patron’s intellectual character.® ,

The implicit suggestions of the Traité miniature are extensively developed in the frontispiece of Denis de Foulechat’s translation of John of Salisbury’s Policraticus.” Because the de Foulechat translation, dated 1372, is absent from inventories of the king’s library after 1380, Delisle is not certain that it is the volume first presented to Charles V. He states, however, that it is at the least a replica and contemporary with the original.* The illumination in question is unusually large for the period,

occupying half the page (Fig. 71).9 Here Charles V’s portrait presents his typical

features to the extent of suggesting a resemblance to the Louvre donor sculpture , (Fig. 45).1° The glove on his right hand, worn to relieve the effects of gout, is probably another personal reference." The setting also shows a progressive character. Painted

in lively, gay colors, the complex lectern and the chair, treated in the Traité as separate entities, join to form one powerful unit. Dominating the illumination, the boldly drawn chair becomes a self-contained structure. The oblique placement and contrasting colors of the side panels are most effective in giving a sense of perspec-

tive.” a

4, Other medieval variations of this theme show trans., Frivolities of Courtiers and Footprints of Phi- | David, Saint Gregory, or Saint Jerome meditating, losophers, Being a Translation of the First, Second, dictating, or reading. For the roots of the author por- and Third Books and Selections from the Seventh and

trait, see Klein, “Autorenbild,” 1309-12. Eighth Books of the Policraticus of John of Salisbury, 5. Oxford, St. John’s College MS 164, fol. 1. Minneapolis, 1938. For the dedication portrait, see above, p. 22. In both 8. Delisle, Recherches, I, 263-64. examples the Dauphin’s crown may be a later addition. 9. It measures 14.1 cm. x 12.8 cm.

6. See above, p. 11, n. 30. 10. Maumené and d Harcourt, Iconographie, I,

7. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 24287, fol. 1. Since 48. the work has been translated into English in two sepa- 11. Delachenal, Histoire, V, 390. Inthe Bondol — rate parts, each is cited by the name of its translator: miniature (Fig. 10), Charles V also wears a glove on

J. Dickinson, trans., The Statesman’s Book of John of his right hand. : Salisbury, Being the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Books 12. For the spatial design, see White, Birth, and Selections from the Seventh and Eighth Books 221-22.

of the Policraticus, New York, 1963, and J. B. Pike,

Independent Portraits | 75 The iconographic program is equally assured. The king is primarily represented as a scholar, even though he wears a crown and a fleur-de-lis-patterned mantle. Beneath God's blessing hand, he points to a book open to a passage from Ecclesiasticus beginning: “Beatus vir qui in sapientia morabitur et qui in iustitia, etc.”” The trans-

lator then states: “Ceste parole dit que home est benoit que treuve sapience et qui aflue largement de prudence.” He goes on to say that wisdom is an attribute of

the ideal ruler: “(Le) vray roy... (c’est) le roy garni de sapience....” ‘4 The text likewise proclaims that good government is based not only on laws and institutions but also on the ruler’s moral character and observance of “divine” law.” Thus, the Policraticus frontispiece offers a specific image of Charles V, who, with heavenly approval, fulfills the ideal of the wise ruler. Not only is the previously generalized iconography usually reserved for authors or scholars transformed into a definite portrait of the king, but the traditional qualities of the ideal ruler praised in the text

ingeniously enrich individual references to Charles V’s personality. The second adaptation of traditional medieval images is that of the king seated in majesty, holding the emblems of his office.'® In view of the extreme conservatism of this type, the innovations of a portrait of Charles V in a charter drawing are indeed impressive (Fig. 72).'7 Dating from the beginning of his reign, July, 1364, the document concerns the inalienability of the Hotel Saint-Pol from the crown.'® One of the first charter drawings decorated with naturalistic forms, it offers another instance of the king’s early and far-reaching program of artistic patronage. Placed in the empty section of the initial C, Charles V, crowned and seated on a draped faldstool, rests his feet against two heraldic lions. He wears a mantle of state and holds a scepter in his right hand and the main de justice in his left. The top of the C forms an arch, which, like other decorative and narrative elements, preserves the letter’s essential shape. At the lower left, a sergeant-at-arms, accompanied by a greyhound, stands guard. Above him in the spandrel, God the Father blesses the crown and fleur-de-lis held aloft by two angels. The opposite spandrel has a bird nursing its young, a reference to the parable of the pelican who pierces its breast to feed its offspring, a familiar symbol of Christ’s crucifixion. Atop the neighboring H, an angel gravely clashes a pair of cymbals. The very small but beautiful figure of Charles V contains several naturalistic elements.’® Here the usual complete frontality of official images, like the king’s great seal of 1365, is enlivened by the strong turn of his head.2° Also surprising is the abundant modelling of the drapery, particularly along the chest and shoulders. But the most important novelty is the clear indication of Charles V’s thin face and long

13. The passage derives from Ecclesiasticus 17. Paris, Archives Nationales, AE II 383. Like XIV.20: “Happy is the man who meditates on wisdom, the Vincennes charters’ style, the delicate model-

and who reasons with his understanding.’ ling and the types of the angels suggest an atelier con14. Dodu, “Les idées de Charles V,” 18. For the nected with the Pucelle tradition (Figs. 25 and 26).

gel, 66-71. 383, 217-19.

ideal of the learned king, see Berges, Die Fiirstenspie- 18. Huillard-Bréholles, “Valois directs,” no. 15. Dickinson, Foreword to Pike, tr., Policrati- 19. Its dimensions are about 7.7 cm. x 3.2 cm.

CUS, V. : 20. Huillard-Bréholles (“Valois directs,’ 218) 16. For the roots of this type, see Rave, mentions the close relationship between the majesty “Bildnis,” 643-46. seal and the drawing.

76 | Independent Portraits , nose, his most characteristic features. As in other charters, a specific relationship exists to a contemporary illumination, in this instance, the London Coronation Book scene of the peers’ oath (Fig. 22). The similarities in the facial type, in the turn of , the head, and in the position of the left arm indicate that a common prototype was

probably available. The clear division of the initial’s zones clarifies the total meaning. A pointed arch __ separates the lowest section of the frame, occupied by the sergeant-at-arms, from the

heavenly realm, where not only the sacred symbols and personages but also the fleur-de-lis and crown belong. Clearly stated is the familiar theme that the French kings receive their power directly from God.! Trinitarian references are suggested by God the Father, by the pelican-Christ, and by the three fleurs-de-lis. The latter, formerly of no fixed number, have long been considered a tribute to the Trinity in- | troduced during Charles V’s reign.”? Once again, we see in a previously conservative , type a combination of portrait characteristics with assertions of the monarchy s power. ! A second portrait of the majesty type appears in another illumination from the same Policraticus manuscript (Fig. 73). Although executed by a hand less able than that of the frontispiece master, this image shows considerable iconographic subtlety.

The ensemble consists of four small panels inserted in the text and the illuminated . letter T in the column below.”* Christ blesses not only the figure of the king in the ~ upper left but also the “seven sages” from the Old Testament, antiquity, and the Latin church, who draw books and scrolls from a homely straw basket.”4 In contrast to these

rather austere figures, worldly personages in the bright costumes of courtiers are represented in the lower panels. On the right, two dogs and a man with a falcon suggest a hunting scene. In the empty part of the letter T, above a crowd kneeling in

prayer, an inscription reads: ““Benedicta terra cujus rex sapiens.’ ?> Does the king specifically represent Charles VP Despite the summary character of the style, the king’s typical features are recognizable in very simplified form. Indeed, Charles V is the rex sapiens to whom the crowd is expressing its gratitude.” The only single figure in the four compartments, he stands out clearly by his oblique position in a too small but three-dimensional space. The king’s relationship to the personages of the neighboring panels elaborates on the ideas of the Policraticus frontispiece. Charles V is placed next to and on the same level as the sages of the past who proclaimed that “. .. commonwealths would only be happy if they were governed by philosophers or if their rulers at least became students and lovers of wisdom.” 2”? The upper section of the miniature therefore corresponds to the author's positive message. But the bottom half illustrates his extensive

21. For the miraculous origins of the fleurs-de- 25. The inscription is a reformulation of lis and the association of the French kings with the Ecclesiastes X. 17: “Beata terra cujus rex nobilis est.”

, Trinity, see above, Ch. I, p. 14 and nn. 52, 60, 61. It is significant that nobilis has been changed to 22. Huillard-Bréholles, “Valois directs,” 217. sapiens to reinforce the idea of the wise king. 23. Paris, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 24287, fol. 12. Each 26. Maumené and d’Harcourt, Iconographie, I,

compartment is 3.8 cm. x 2.9 cm. 49.

24. The personages are Saint Jerome, Aristotle, - 27. Dickinson, tr., Policraticus, Bk. IV, 6, 30.

Saints Ambrose, Gregory, and Augustine, Solomon, Plato, and Thales. Only six are actually shown.

Independent Portraits | 77 admonitions against the wasteful pursuits of courts and courtiers. Among these, John of Salisbury singled out hunting as particularly objectionable because of its expenditure of time and resources.”® Charles V embodies the wise ruler, who continues the tradition of Solomon; he is the only king among the philosophers and church fathers.

coexist.

Again, John of Salisbury’s ideal king and his incarnation in Charles V’s person The third and really unique example of an independent portrait in the modern sense of the term is a handsome profile bust adorning an initial of a charter dated January, 1366 (Fig. 74).2° Despite its tiny size, it is monumental in concept and execution.*® The naturalism of the image is all the more unexpected because the center of the C is formed by a fantastic animal curved in a ferocious, dragon-like form. Its furry body extends along the letter’s upper curve; its wings make up the back, and

the long, sinuous tail, the bottom. A vertical bar, which connects the extremities, closes off the letter and establishes a fourth and final boundary for the composition.*! The decorative framework forms an effective foil for the richly modelled head. The king’s craggy features, particularly his nose and chin, stand forth sharply in his

massive profile, as the contour lines and shading emphasize their solidity and strength. The dark pen strokes of the drawing also set off the facial mass from the lighter hair, while the mantle’s extremely wide sleeve provides a solid, volumetric base for the head. This charter portrait far surpasses any other image of Charles V from the 60’s in both the degree of modelling and the easy articulation of head and torso. As in other distinguished images of Charles V, the line of his long nose is broken toward the tip (Figs. 28 and 43). As a whole, the coarse features and massive face resemble Beauneveu’s almost contemporary tomb image in Saint-Denis (Figs. 60-62).

The model for this charter portrait may have been a panel of the quadriptych (now lost) in Charles V’s collection, containing portraits of four contemporary monarchs. Many scholars believe that the Jean le Bon panel formed part of this ensemble.” In addition to Charles V and his father, the other rulers represented

, were the emperor Charles IV_and Edward III of England.** It is possible that the unique qualities of the charter portrait— strict profile view, strong plasticity, and bust format—reflect the lost quadriptych panel of Charles V. Furthermore, the chin tuft, the profile view, and proportionate length of the torso in the charter drawing agree approximately with those features in the Jean le Bon panel. That painting’s

28. Pike, tr., Policraticus, Bk. I, 1, 12. 32. See, for example, Lefrancois-Pillion, L’art 29. Paris, Archives Nationales, J. 358, no. 12. du XIV° siécle, 107, and Durrieu (in Michel, Histoire, Delisle says that the date may be 1367, N. S. (Re- III, pt. I, 111) who believes it is a likely but unprovcherches, I, 61). The text concerns a transaction in- able hypothesis. Ring (A Century, 191) also mentions volving Charles V and the Duc d’Orléans’ apanage, a the “tentative identification” with the quadriptych. - gift from Philippe VI (letter from M. F. Dousset, Meiss also mentions this possibility and states that the Directeur Général des Archives de France, Sept. 24, quadriptych is of northern origin (French Painting, I,

1963). 62 and 75). . 30. It measures about 3.5 cm. x 2.2 cm. 33. Labarte, Inventaire du mobilier de Charles

grotesques, see Fig. 40. , 31. For another charter decoration dating from V, no. 2217, 242.

early in Charles V’s reign, which also has a frame of

78 | Independent Portraits , hypothetical date between 1360 and 1364 makes plausible the common derivation of the charter portrait of Charles V and the Jean le Bon panel from the quadriptych. Although the other independent portraits of Charles V, also small in scale, were not new but adaptations of traditional iconographic types, their development from generalized to typical or individual images shows a now familiar pattern. Even the most conservative and impersonal of the ruler images, the king-in-majesty, suggested Charles V’s specific features. In addition, two Policraticus illuminations consciously combined references to Charles V not only as a wise king in himself, but as the embodiment of the ideal ruler praised in the text. .

Conclusion In all iconographic types, specific portraits of Charles V developed from previously generalized images. The extent of the development in each type was influenced by formal considerations like medium and scale, by the social and iconographic requirements of the particular type, and by the different artists and ateliers employed by the king. No precise formula can be drawn in charting the pattern of evolution, as is evident from an examination of the dedication portraits, in which the most widespread changes took place. In our earliest example, of 1361, a formal composition with close ties to court ceremony and the ruler-in-majesty image, the likeness of the future Charles V reveals clearly his individual features (Fig. 1). The traditional aloofness of the king soon gave way to complete involvement and domination of the scene, as in the Rational des divins offices presentation (Fig. 3). But it was the later “informal series,” particularly the City of God and The Hague Ethics miniatures, which provided the more humanized, intimate atmosphere in which the king could enjoy a closer relationship to the author (Figs. 7 and 8). The most advanced, individualized, and naturalistic of all the dedication portraits is certainly Jean Bondol’s famous illumination (Fig. 10). But although the informal dedications in Brussels and London are less naturalistic than the Bondol model, they are more expressive (Figs.

ll and13). © In comparison, the considerably more heterogeneous group of images in which Charles V performs his public duties remain more impersonal and ceremonial in character. Many of these portraits do, however, offer a consistent type of Charles V. Several portraits from the Coronation Book are our earliest examples of really in-

, dividualized images of the king in miniatures (Figs. 16-18). For lack of suitable models, large cycles depicting Charles V’s role in specific, historical events repeated simple, almost diagrammatic formulas or adapted religious iconography in mainly

80 | Conclusion , non-naturalistic styles. Yet we may nevertheless say that the desire for concrete representations served as a stimulus to portrait development. Devotional images in miniatures and in a charter are limited to types of Charles V (Figs. 38-41). Because the king is subordinate to the sacred personages to whom he prays, these portraits too are more restrained than those in dedication scenes. But the limitations of the iconographic type are not so apparent in the large and monumental portraits of the Parement de Narbonne (Figs. 43 and 44), in which the likenesses of

the king and queen surpass even the naturalism and the expressive quality of the : Bondol illumination. When we turn to the stone donor portraits now in the Louvre, three-dimensional and freed from their original setting, we find even more naturalistic figures (Figs. 45 and 46). Expressive and lively, the Louvre portraits have been called

by Keller the first “modern” portraits. Here the personalities of Charles V and of

Jeanne de Bourbon emerge as independent objects of interest.' Although the dynastic sculptures of the Louvre stairway are now lost, literary descriptions indicate that they represented six specific members of the royal family. The statues of the La Grange buttress of Amiens cathedral (Figs. 51 and 52) resemble

the Louvre group in theme and in the arrangement of the figures, and we may take it that the Louvre series possessed similar portrait qualities. While the sculptures of Charles V and his sons are not among the most striking in the Amiens group (Figs. 53 and 54), three members of his entourage, whose heads and costume show a very marked naturalism, reveal the spread of individualized portraits beyond the confines of the royal family (Figs. 55-57). Unlike the isolated dynastic sculptures, several illuminations and charter draw-

ings representing the king’s family show the parents and children closely related in ,

informal attitudes (Figs. 11 and 24). Limited in number and drawn from various , types, these small images again indicate a change from generalized to specific, humanized portraits. Except for a profile bust decorating a charter initial (Fig. 74), possibly reflecting a lost easel painting, no independent likeness of Charles V similar to the panel portrait of Jean le Bon remains (Fig. 69).

Fortunately, of six gisants of Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon, three survive. The Beauneveu sculpture in Saint-Denis is a work of great quality (Figs. 60-62).

The strong, almost brutal, portrait character of the head may have resulted in part from the commission of the tomb during Charles V’s lifetime. A Flemish master, as was Jean Bondol, Beauneveu designed a work far more individualized than the earlier group of royal figures in Saint-Denis, or than Charles V’s other extant gisant, from Maubuisson abbey, which represents a simplified type of the king (Fig. 65). An important question is whether other elements of a naturalistic style accompanied the emergence of individualized portraits. Generally, specific likenesses developed within the framework of a non-progressive style, both in painting and in illuminations. Apart from the Parement de Narbonne, the principal exception is the Bondol dedication page, in which the treatment of space, setting, and costume is extremely radical. Admittedly, sculpture has an inherent three-dimensional and spatial character impossible to realize in miniatures or drawings. Yet even in sculp-

1. Keller, “Die Entstehung,” 345,

Conclusion | 8&1 ture, naturalism was confined to the head (to a lesser extent in the Louvre donor statues than in the tomb and dynastic portraits), while the drapery and the s-curve of

, the body continued the conventions of the Gothic style. © The effects of Charles V’s patronage and personality were immediately reflected. Miniatures bearing the early dates of 1361 and 1363 already reveal the specific costume and features of the Dauphin (Figs. 1 and 38), while the Beauneveu tomb and

, the Louvre staircase program of 1364 to 1365 indicate that large-scale activity began with the king’s accession. The London Coronation Book and the profile bust of the 1366 charter also show fully individualized portraits. With the Bondol dedication page, the Parement de Narbonne, and perhaps the Louvre donor statues, we find major achievements continuing into the first half of the 70’s. By comparison, the works from

, the last five years of this decade, such as the Les grandes chroniques miniatures and several dedications derived from the Bondol miniature, are far less naturalistic

, (Figs. 14 and 15). Since both progressive and conservative ateliers worked simultaneously for Charles V, perhaps the domination of the latter after the departure of leading masters in the last years of the reign accounts for the lack of continuous

development. ,

Undoubtedly, Charles V’s active, informed patronage of the visual arts and literature encouraged portrait development. Indeed, many images appear in works closely connected with the king’s political aims.? Thus, the Saint-Denis tombs and the Louvre staircase stressed dynastic strength; the Coronation Book and a charter of 1364, the elevated sources of royal power (Fig. 72). Many dedication portraits appear in translations—of such classics as Aristotle’s Ethics or John of Salisbury’s Policraticus — which Charles V ordered to strengthen the crown’s theoretical sources of authority. An elaborate cycle of illuminations accompanies the unusually detailed account of the emperor Charles IV’s visit in Les grandes chroniques, and thus enhances the emphasis in the text on the monarchy’s recent successes. Although not a royal commission, the Amiens sculptures affirm the strength of the dynasty, which is placed between its heavenly protectors and its earthly counsellors. The content of certain portraits reflected more specifically the ideas of the clerics in Charles V’s court. For example, Jean Golein’s Traité du sacre collected and furthered the claims of the monarchy that its powers were derived from God. A series of charters in which Charles V receives his crown from angels with the Trinity’s

blessing echoes this idea (Figs. 25-27). In the City of God miniature, not only does Saint Augustine bless the translation, but angels hold the king’s crown and a cloth of honor behind his head (Fig. 7). And in the Coronation Book, Charles V dons a ring and gloves similar to those of a bishop, thus suggesting the mystical, priestly character of royal power.’ Charles V’s great library and learned entourage served to increase the mon-

archy s prestige; they also developed from the king’s personal inclination and character. His literary commissions influenced the content as well as the number of

2. Pradel, “Art et politique,” 89-93. 3. Dewick, Coronation Book, pls. 20 and 21; Schramm, Der Konig, I, 238.

82 | Conclusion dedication portraits. Several of these, in a radical departure from royal presentation

scenes, illustrate Charles V’s friendships with the thinkers in his circle, as confirmed by contemporary literary evidence (Figs. 7 and 11). In turn, the king’s love of learning and his intellectual abilities were praised by these scholars and writers. Perhaps Charles V was treated as an incarnation of the wise king and as an embodiment of the ideal ruler for a combination of personal and political reasons. Philippe de Méziéres calls him “le sage Salemon.” + And both Denis de Foulechat, translator of the Policraticus, and Nicole Oresme adapt the words of Ecclesiastes in thanking God for a king endowed with such wisdom.?® In another reflection of Charles V’s reputation as “...de sapience la flour,” Christine de Pisan, devoting the last third of her biography to his sagece, blends the conduct of the ideal ruler with historical inci-

dents and anecdotes from Charles V’s life.® |

Various illuminations also emphasize Charles V’s wisdom. The dedication page of the Ethics in The Hague shows the king’s pledge to dedicate himself to the pursuit of knowledge (Fig. 8). In the second presentation scene of the Brussels copy, the king tries to secure the state’s future welfare by his concern for his children’s education (Fig. 11). The Policraticus frontispiece represents the king in the setting and with the attributes of the ancient author or Evangelist. And the inscription on the book which he holds makes explicit the association of Charles V with the wisdom of the ideal ruler (Fig. 71). A second miniature from this manuscript places Charles V on the same level as the most illustrious sages of history (Fig. 73). Considered within a broader framework, Charles V’s images show the coexistence of conservative formal and individualized portrait elements. There is no abrupt break with traditional medieval types. But, as in the text of Christine de Pisan’s biography and in the eyewitness report of Charles V’s death, conventional, generalized material stands side by side with the rendering of carefully observed naturalistic elements. Historically, the king’s portraits belong to a period in which interest in the problems of naturalistic representation was widespread in the art of northern and central Europe. The leadership of courts as patrons is illustrated by Charles V’s remarkable program of literary and artistic activity, which was inspired by both political and personal motives. It is fitting that his brothers and their heirs, the Ducs de Berry and de Bourgogne, carried on this pattern of patronage, from which

there emerged the modern portrait of the fifteenth century. — 7 , 4. Philippe de Méziéres, Le songe du vieil of Charles V’s “excellent sapience’’ and says that he pélerin, Bibl. Nat., MS fr. 22542, fols. 126 v.and133v., _ is “aorné du don Salomon.” And Jean Corbechon, in

quoted by Iorga, Philippe de Méziéres, 420, nn. 6 his translation of De proprietatibus rerum, mentions

and 7. the king’s “desir de sapience” (Le Clerc, “L’état des - 5. For Foulechat, see Dodu, “Les idées de lettres; 181 and 184).

Charles V,” 18; for Oresme, see above, Ch. I, pp. 11-12 _ 6. For the last reference to Charles V’s wisdom,

-and nn. 32 and 34. Jean Daudin, translator of Pe- see the verse by Raoulet d’Orléans, in Delisle, trarch’s De remediis utriusque fortunae, also speaks Recherches, I, 75.

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y SDE 4 its? bea Ge ae Pitot GS Fea ce ¢ ; che ; tee ee Fj f=< . AT, i ‘ :bee : ; (OY - >? PU > : Oi : Nett FL (SU TE A ASS t| YB Vomuemranier Bt t ’ _— . “4 & Ge

i Vhs iS » ; \ $ ss : = é Fae. AX . = ; a of » * > te VK AS DBE / | “Se | ° Meg Noose” : ASa.

? g \ ei ( ¥ | }i \ ;om ) 9y— , ° we } / 4é

h wh es ok a yg O Gh EP )} aft *) OS wivxXal, Away evdy Xo. if i {NADL ” a

fi u

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2. Charles V Receives the Translation from Jean Golein. Opuscules de Bernard Gui.

a Sa

be ; ; ss J are es ; Se poe ‘> els Se! aie oS ’

. = oe at. te —™ Z eer pette—a ee tt fe feedybe és oe geeeGes $ ROME Bags” Oe,” re NS Ny me

we ° x ox eae een. ae eaiee a go yf |oe ‘SSaVe ie AP i P| s byMe nae te i.%nee f 2s r .i aPe535 : ey een."¢ he: xw .’ A

. Biers eee te ete ely Be NS ie ee | 5 A CO hee: Ee ide. leak ee ribose, a: oer aa Sa BB kee i aia Mees oh eee od 2, 4 oe ee ec Siig ae Won

bg rompeegeaee * : cook Foes, ay a { c.FE 5 ‘ aene Gy ‘eRT as DAs +p. deh apt éhe ¥ te WE ee CSE) ~? €=* ga eos a «~? ‘ +2PS. Poeeemg ora, hox 'S wera ‘

. . fj ey Le ee # a A Ae oO. WS: Ly . Pa: = : wees he a akg sp fee oy Ses a ayo / yi 28s . ay een os y

~ RRR Bi Neda eS 7, oy iow Aho oO PL TOE AS APP hy é

a Bes NS es tae Cee wate al ays eT Me St ee oe ee RE Ay 2 8) ee ete ak Dail 4 4 see fe |P ee See eet OWES SOLO Ry GI ee Vi? ATE ae dd ~ (ime: 5 ears i SB sed eel oie meee nee = ater ee EF Ni S aekesmpee eS By Se 3 Sse sas bd eee TEP “Aad Ne, ie a, d fe E wi 2 Ne a ke4 2oeth Le Aeeeeecineeoe ee Bee Via Ae Ae ie ABay Wiswe SfofA Te bos Re NG oCA Boi BS |mn Re SEOe SI iG ee Cees MEN, a i ne : i TAs OR 5 ae Oe ee Lene: ay a4 pe A% he { ape By 4 ne: ie Se x3 pn ee BG oi, ae es as en 3 arts S ee Hei ts a att Spey: ea Bo ‘Sy “ . LS Ege ARE Fiat Oe tee eS EO CA ae. Rs ae aS ‘oS a hg S58 wien Ws Pic ey 3 ts = 2 ‘ se a a Pe weal ee, Se a Leer OS pve ae BMA ES By q ke es ss £9: - viney as sd ie 2 a pass : . oes 35 & oe. Sas acd = : 4 are, : Ae s j

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i i atheoh Ae eeTe eR Oe ice ae Ce a Scales Be RG ee hah Oo de & Bi ie hot wee ae a Ot Qe ‘ery 0) Peg x ees yi , Ay Nea a fea IW?) oe NY ie QU DIOR eas OR eae Useees4fea,OS Oeeeee mil bt SOD wee ONT | Berea

: i eam SAG Re Pat OSER gage eh oot Post ee aF em ~ Bex NL py a Rl ; eee ae See 3g ee is meee es ae bs Ue a ae je, Boosey bs Re

+ Bae es | a of Bees ek RA GE 36 oe Boe Se oes eons a ae SF RISES ee, Bee FERS Av 2 hose PRESS Ne a 2 ¥ Gr ee ee ee eae oe :

age ; % Fat aia ae Be. ae Reine 4

Sin on ~' ——e id OO te *ou; & «3“teCCew. 4r™ rcomiene la nuntlatuy per ’@en ces micy Rue & hlicriag Avis , (eel ° Klenccia winha piieaAtacnie alist. toneSS } ot7 - al 4. Charles V Receives the Translation from Simon de Hesdin. Valére Maxime.

Ns _. Ss, aeLY 2.

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. MAA . 4 5 foe te eS Sea yf “P “34 ‘ * ae . ¢ : ad hy ty aA Oe q mi ‘ ; A OA AO ae Rm, 8A a ele AY LN Eo ' &.' XD SEAN SSO EY OS Y -ge te— 4ee27: a NOE ~~ |be AQ a.. 7Rs ONE _x; |)“ 8a eee ea

, iS ‘S Qe os Gide Saisie : aS oem so Par ee ee eS yeas eh ae ee ee 8 OY ; , .. a Bd :

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.; .. // &Be nab cena. onRs eee) iAee iz : itoa#. aeii: 4 ¥ VeeWAC Pr ee ae pee ii EE.ae prety Boag 5A fe wt SS oS

* an FiOS OES eas aa e- um 13 re : : “

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nal > eee. > a % ae \ 46% *%y ? S@s ian a4 ce 1 OR) SiC Klin Sit mcloibnspin fae bela dk me tee o~* a _ x 7. Charles V Receives the Translation from Raoul de Presles. La cité de Dieu.

~ G2 t ns

F = yz ; w \ —- ay

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tis vA 7 os Mey tf Sk WW os “ sae = areata en ake 45 : BS ie

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12. A and King andSpeak Speak Prelates nering left; AFamily, Ki d His i -rigl ; ing Queen witwith relates, upper lett; an is upper right; A King Rendering Justice, lower left; A King and Warriors on Horseback, lower right. Le livre du gouvernement des rois et princes. 13. Charles V Receives the Translation from an Unknown Author. Le songe du verger.

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41. Charles V Praying before Saint Anthony. Heures de Savoie.

42. Parement de Narbonne. Passion Scenes, left; Calvary, with Charles V and Jeanne de Bourbon, center; Post-Passion Scenes, right.

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. Donor Statu e of Charles V.,Musée d U LOUUDTE .

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