The Life of Theodotus of Amida: Syriac Christianity under the Umayyad Caliphate 9781463244101

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The Life of Theodotus of Amida

Texts from Christian Late Antiquity

73

TeCLA (Texts from Christian Late Antiquity) is a series presenting ancient Christian texts both in their original languages and with accompanying contemporary English translations.

The Life of Theodotus of Amida

Syriac Christianity under the Umayyad Caliphate

By

Robert G. Hoyland Andrew N. Palmer With an archaeological appendix by

Charlotte Labedan-Kodaş

gp 2023

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2023 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

‫ܐ‬

1

2023

ISBN 978-1-4632-4409-5

ISSN 1935-6846

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available at the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

‫‪Dedicated to Helen and Sebastian Brock‬‬

‫ܢܗܘܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܐ�̈�ܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܥܠ�ܬܦܐ ܕ ̈ܡܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܦܐ �ܝܗܘܢ ܝܗܒܝܢ ܒܙܒܢܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܛ�ܦܝܗܘܢ � ܢܬܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܕܥܒܕܝܢ ܡܫܡܠܝܢ‬

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ...............................................................................................v Preface ............................................................................................................. vii List of Maps, Tables and Illustrations .............................................................. ix Abbreviations ................................................................................................... xi Part One: The Historical Context of the Life of Theodotus ................................ 1 Introduction ............................................................................................... 1 The end of the Byzantine-Persian war and beginning of the Arab conquests .................................................................................. 3 Between conquest and civil war (640–80) ................................................ 4 The civil war years (680–92) .................................................................... 5 The rise of a new order and the death of Theodotus ................................ 7 Borderlands ............................................................................................... 9 Administration and Taxes ....................................................................... 12 The Muslim presence in North Mesopotamia ......................................... 16 Amida and its mosque ........................................................................ 16 Converts to Islam in Amida? .............................................................. 20 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 22 Part Two: Introduction to the Syriac Edition .................................................. 25 “Migraine Monastery”: A Saint with a Story ........................................... 25 How they Preserved the Life of Theodotus ............................................... 34 How to Navigate this Edition .................................................................. 45 Editorial Decisions (ED) .......................................................................... 46 The Sermon Appended to the Life ........................................................... 59 The Annotated Translation ...................................................................... 60 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 61 Part Three: Edition and Translation of the Life of Theodotus ......................... 77 Chapter One. Origins and Monastic Education ....................................... 78 Chapter Two. Pilgrimage to the Holy Land and Egypt ......................... 102 Chapter Three. Homecoming to the Diocese of Amida ......................... 124 Chapter Four. Sojourn in the Diocese of Samosata ............................... 144 Chapter Five. From the Taurus Frontier to the Diocese of Dara ........... 170 Chapter Six. Ordination as Metropolitan Bishop of Amida ................... 202 Chapter Seven. Episcopal Exertions and Early Exhaustion ................... 222 Chapter Eight. From Qenneshre to Qelleth ........................................... 244 v

Chapter Nine. Dying with Dignity ......................................................... 278 Chapter 10. Simeon of Samosata, His Signature and his Sermon ......... 304 The Copyist’s Conclusion ...................................................................... 316 Appendix 1: The late antique Syriac churches and monasteries of Amida and its diocese west of the Tigris .......................................................... 319 Appendix 2: Excerpts from the Life of Daniel of Aghlosh pertaining to Daniel’s enclosure.................................................................................. 323 Introduction ........................................................................................... 323 Translated excerpts ............................................................................... 324 Appendix 3: Searching for the Enclosure of Daniel ...................................... 331 Introduction ........................................................................................... 331 Literary Sources ..................................................................................... 332 Observations in the field ....................................................................... 337 Evolution of the church of Gümüşyuva ................................................ 339 The tower .............................................................................................. 343 The enclosure of Daniel ......................................................................... 343 A new light on the rural background of the church? ............................ 344 Conclusion ............................................................................................. 345 Select bibliography ................................................................................ 345 Bibliography .................................................................................................. 355 Primary Sources .................................................................................... 355 Secondary Literature (including Syriac lexica) ..................................... 364 Index of Primary Sources .............................................................................. 375 General Index ................................................................................................ 383

PREFACE The Life of Theodotus of Amida is that rare thing: a securely dated eye-witness account of life under Arab Muslim rule in the first century of Islam. The narrator, the holy man’s disciple (no literary convention in this case), attended his spiritual father for many years. They met at the monastery of Zuqnin, just north of Amida. So much is clear from his narrative, despite the modesty that made him delay the moment at which he introduces himself. From here, Joseph followed Theodotus, after an unexplained delay, to Claudias, in the Taurus Mountains, beyond which lay what was left of the Byzantine Empire. The eccentric couple were the guests of a small monastic community. The region was remote, a refuge to many displaced persons. Theodotus taught Joseph to value his freedom, living as a stranger on earth. Nevertheless, Theodotus became bishop of Amida, though this office conflicted with his vocation and his love of freedom. He lasted less than two years. For the rest of his life, he reverted to being an ordinary monk at a monastery near Qelleth in the neighboring diocese of Dara, where, in the year 698, he was buried. Theodotus and Joseph have been with me all my adult life and I have visited many of the places which they knew: the monastery of Mor Gabriel, Qelleth, Dara, Mardin, Diyarbakır, Urfa and the Taurus Mountains, with the rivers Tigris and Euphrates. The source of the eastern Tigris near Lice I have yet to see. (The introduction to the edition, below, contains further autobiographical details.) Thanks to a Europa-Stipendium from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Bonn, and to the hospitality of the Tantur Ecumenical Institute, near Bethlehem, I was able to collaborate, in 1986, with a monk of St Mark’s monastery in Jerusalem, Rabban Simeon, who translated parts of the Arabic Life of Theodotus back into Syriac to plug the gaps in the original. It is forty years since I first publicly aspired to edit Theodotus’ Life. Were it not for the practical support offered by the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York University, I might never have realized my ambition. It was Robert Hoyland’s vision which brought the project to fruition. I am glad to have been given this opportunity to express my gratitude to him and to his institution, which subsidized the work. Robert, who edited the volume, Charlotte Labedan-Kodaş, the author of the archaeological appendix, and Kyle Benjamin Brunner, the mapmaker, have made an excellent team and have all helped me to improve my contribution. I should also like to thank Jan van Ginkel and Simon Birol, each of whom has given me learned and helpful feed-back on this edition. Mor Philoxenos Ṣaliba, Mor Polycarpos vii

viii

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Augin, Mor Severios Roger, Elif Keser Kayaalp, Eliyo Aydin, Gabriel Rabo, Garth Fowden, Hidemi Takahashi, Jack Tannous, Jonathan Shepard, Kristian Heal, Linda Wheatley-Irving, Michael Whitby, Oliver Nicholson, Andreas Juckel and others have helped in various ways. For example, Mor Timotheos Samuel allowed Charlotte and Ergül Kodaş to examine the stone tables which have recently been excavated at his monastery. My heartfelt thanks to each and every one of them! The dedication is to Helen, who suggested I stay for a while at Mor Gabriel and learn Syriac in 1977/8, and to her husband, my doctoral supervisor, Sebastian Brock, who read the whole Life of Theodotus with me, corrected my first translation of it, and provided me with valuable references. Indeed, he first photographed the text in the mid-seventies on a rickety coffee-table at the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate. He might have edited it himself, had he not generously suggested that I do so. My sons and daughters, too, have cheered me on my way. Andrew Palmer, Zwijndrecht, September 2021 Theodotus has flitted in and out of my intellectual consciousness for a long time too. While I was writing my doctoral thesis in the 1990s, a word of advice from Sebastian Brock led me to investigate the Life of Theodotus, and Andrew Palmer facilitated this by kindly allowing me to see his draft edition and translation. After the publication of my thesis I forgot about Theodotus for a while until I was asked by Andrew, in a neatly handwritten letter of 15 April 2003 that I still have in my possession, if I would be willing to contribute a historical introduction to his edition and translation of the Life that was to be published by Kristian Heal in the Brigham Young University series of Eastern Christian Texts. Unfortunately, that series became defunct shortly thereafter and Theodotus was again back on the shelf. It was the decision of my doctoral student Kyle Brunner to focus on North Mesopotamia for his dissertation that recalled to my mind the Syriac hagiographical texts from this region that were still languishing in manuscripts, including the Life of Simeon of the Olives (now published in Hoyland et al. 2021) and of Abba Sallara (to be published in the near future by Hoyland and Palmer), as well as that of Theodotus. This plus the enthusiasm and dedication of Andrew and the time and research funds made available to me by the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World have all come together to make possible this volume in which the Life of Theodotus is finally published in a manner befitting its importance. We hope that it will now receive the scholarly recognition and attention that it so richly deserves. Robert Hoyland, Mardin, October 2021

LIST OF MAPS, TABLES AND ILLUSTRATIONS PART ONE Figure 1: Map of the Byzantine and Arab Empires (Kyle Brunner) Figure 2: Map of Northern Mesopotamia (Kyle Brunner) Figure 3: A standing caliph coin from Edessa, early 690s (after Schulze 2010) Figure 4: Plan of the city of Amida (adapted from Trombley and Watt 2000) Figure 5: The western façade of the congregational mosque of Amida (Gertrude Bell Archive) Table 1: Muslim Arab raids of the 690s and Byzantine reprisals PART TWO (Figure 11 courtesy of the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate, the rest: Andrew Palmer) Figure 6: The ruins of the monastery of St Abai near the village of Qelleth Figure 7: Qelleth seen from the direction of the monastery of Mor Abai Figure 8: The ruins of the monastery founded by Theodotus near Qelleth Figure 9: The lintel of the Beth Qaddishe of the monastery of St Theodotus Figure 10: The Beth Qaddishe (‘house of saints’) of the monastery of St Theodotus Figure 11: Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate MS No. 362, folio 58 recto Figure 12: Sketch of a loaf of bread used as an oblation or a blessing Table 2. Key to the column-numbers between round brackets in the text Table 3. Emendations supported by the evidence of Vat. sir. 160 Table 4. Miaphysite patriarchs of Antioch Table 5a. Heads of the Monastery of Qenneshre Table 5b. Heads of the Monastery of John Urṭoyo at Amida Table 6. Echoes of L. Simeon (Vat. sir. 160) in the Life of Theodotus. Table 7. Vocabulary Table 8. Greek loanwords Table 9. Scriptural references APPENDIX 3 (all figures by Charlotte Labedan-Kodaş) Figure i: Map of the stages of the journey of Theodotus to Mt Aghlosh Figure ii: Fortified site located to the north of Gümüşyuva Figure iii: Wall in the fortified site located to the north of Gümüşyuva Figure iv: Ancient village located to the south of Gümüşyuva Figure v: Plan of the religious complex (adapted from Wiessner 1980, 53, fig. 7) ix

x

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Figure vi: Plan of the church and enclosure of Daniel Figure vii: Frieze of the archivolt located in the church Figure viii: Pillar with impost located in the church Figure ix: Limestone wall located to the north of the religious complex Figure x: Part of a pillar and of the arch between the apse and the nave of the church Figure xi: Windows of the church Figure xii: Opening in the apse of the church Figure xiii: The Beth Qaddishe Figure xiv: Crosses on limestone blocks in the church and the Beth Qaddishe Figure xv: Tower on the east side of the church

ABBREVIATIONS For the titles of the books constituting the Holy Scriptures of the Jews and the Christians, see Part 2, Table 9. For references to sources in abbreviation (e.g. BWO = British War Office maps of South-Eastern Turkey), see the Bibliography. AD AG AH

Anno Domini. The year of the Christian Era, now usually referred to as the Common Era.

Anno Graecorum. The year of the Seleucid Era, which began on 1 October 312 BC. Anno Hegirae. The year of the Hijra, i.e. of the Islamic calendar, which began on 16 July 622 AD.

Ar.

Arabic.

BL

British Library.

Cal.

Calendar.

BC

Ca/ca Cf./cf.

CFMM Chr.

Dam

DFM ED

E.g./e.g. ET

Before Christ. Before the Common Era.

About, approximately Compare.

Manuscript in the collection of the Church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin. Accessible in vHMML. Chronicle.

Damascus. Old designation of SOP, q.v.

Manuscript in the collection of the Syriac Orthodox Archdiocese of Aleppo. Accessible in vHMML. Editorial Decisions. Refers to Part 2, 46–59. For example.

English translation.

f

“and the following one”.

F./f.

Leaf (folio) of a manuscript.

ff

“and the following ones”.

xi

xii

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

FT

French translation

I.e./i.e.

That is.

GT

Kurd. l.

L.

LT

MS n.

German translation. Kurdish. line. Life.

Latin translation.

Manuscript number. note.

nn.

notes.

Paris

Manuscript in the collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris.

N.B.

r

SMMJ SOP s.v.

Nota bene. Important to remember.

The front side (recto) of the leaf of a manuscript.

Manuscript in the collection of Saint Mark’s Monastery Jerusalem. Accessible in vHMML. Manuscript in the collection of the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate.

sub voce. Under that same entry.

syr.

syriaque.

tr./Tr.

translated by/Translated by

Syr.

Turk. v

Vat. sir. vHMML

Syriac.

Turkish

The back side (verso) of the leaf of a manuscript.

Syriac manuscript belonging to the collection of the Apostolic Library of the Vatican City. virtual Hill Museum and Manuscript Library Reading Room.

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS BY ROBERT G. HOYLAND INTRODUCTION 1

North Mesopotamia features prominently in our sources for the Late Antique Middle East. This is in part due to the frequent clashes that occurred there between the Byzantine (Roman Christian) and Persian Empires, for it constituted the most important section of the frontier between these two great powers (see Figure 1). And it is in part a result of the flourishing of Christianity in this region, which led to the construction of churches, monasteries and theological schools, and their staffing with priests, monks, abbots and the like. In consequence, a considerable number of secular and ecclesiastical historical works narrate the military and spiritual struggles and victories waged and won in these lands in the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries AD. This comparatively well-documented epoch culminates in all-out war between Byzantium and Persia in the first three decades of the seventh century, during which the armies of the two sides marched to and fro across North Mesopotamia. A peace was concluded in 628, but only five years later Muslim Arab tribes from Arabia launched an onslaught that was to bring an end to this centuries-old political setup, eradicating the Persian Empire entirely and depriving the Byzantine Empire of many of its African and Near Eastern territories. The key provinces of the new Islamic Empire that took shape within these conquered lands were Egypt, Greater Syria, Iraq and Western Iran, whereas North Mesopotamia was initially mostly left to its own devices. The fact that no Muslim Arab garrison cities were constructed here – unlike in Iraq (Basra, Kufa and Mosul), Syria (Aqaba and Qinnasrin) and Egypt (Fustat) – meant that Muslim chroniclers paid it scant attention.

Useful studies on the history, material culture and historiography of this region include Cameron 2019, Palermo 2019, Robinson 2000, Palmer 1990, Keser Kayaalp 2021. 1

1

2

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Figure 1: Map of the borderlands of the Byzantine and Islamic Empires ca 690 (Kyle Brunner)

Figure 2: Map of Northern Mesopotamia (Kyle Brunner)

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

3

The Life of Theodotus is, therefore, of particular value to historians, since it is one of the very few extant texts from seventh-century North Mesopotamia.

THE END OF THE BYZANTINE-PERSIAN WAR AND BEGINNING OF THE ARAB CONQUESTS 2

The Life tells us that Theodotus was born in the region of Amida, but it does not tell us when. However, it does indicate that he died in AD 698 at a ripe old age, which would suggest that he was born in the early part of the seventh century. He may as a youth have experienced the jubilation that followed the announcement made in Amida in 626 by the battle-weary emperor Heraclius that he had now gained the upper hand over the Persians and anticipated their imminent defeat (Theophanes, AM 6116). Aided by a forty-thousand strong force of Khazars, Heraclius marched into northern Iraq and fought his way down to the Persian capital, Seleucia-Ctesiphon, with the Persian emperor Khusro II (590–628) retreating before him. The latter’s eldest son, Shiroi, saw his chance and made a deal with a number of Persian nobles and generals to oust his father, sacrificing him in return for the preservation of their empire. A peace treaty was concluded between the two leaders in the early spring of 628 and Heraclius began his triumphal return to Constantinople, stopping off again at Amida, this time to found a new cathedral church (Chr. Zuqnin, 150). The culmination of the victory celebrations came in March 630, when Heraclius went to Jerusalem to return the fragment of the cross of Jesus that had been appropriated by the Persians during their sack of the holy city in 614. The stage looked set for an eirenic future in the Middle East, but Muslim Arab raids in southern Palestine and Iraq in the early 630s achieved easy gains against the depleted superpowers and encouraged further attacks right across the region. The Byzantine governor of North Mesopotamia, John Kataias, initially bought off the prospective Muslim invaders of his province, promising to pay them 100,000 gold coins every year if they pledged not to cross to the eastern side of the Euphrates (Theophilus, 118f). This was a policy pursued by Heraclius in a number of places in his realm in order to buy time to regroup his forces after substantial losses in southern Syria. After a year, in 638, he issued an order that there should be no more compromises and buyouts, and he replaced John Kataias with a more hardline military figure, the general Ptolemy, who was based at Edessa. The Muslim general ʿIyaḍ ibn Ghanm demanded the annual tribute, and when this was not forthcoming he marched to Edessa and quickly ejected Ptolemy and signed a peace agreement with the Edessenes. Most of the cities of North Mesopotamia followed suit over the course of the next couple of years; only Tella and Dara tried to resist, and they were quickly subdued (Theophilus, 120f). By around 642 it would seem that the whole region was largely pacified. This does not mean that it was a bloodSee Kaegi 2003 for an overview of the Byzantine-Persian war and the reign of Heraclius and Hoyland 2014 for an introduction to and outline of the Muslim Arab conquests. 2

4

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

less takeover. A certain Thomas, author of a minor Syriac chronicle, includes a notice about the death of his brother that reveals some of the suffering that inevitably accompanied the conquest: “The Arabs climbed the mountain of Mardin and killed many monks there in the monasteries of Qedar and Benotho; there died also the blessed Simon, doorkeeper of Qedar, brother of Thomas the priest” (Hoyland 1997, 119). Yet the early surrender of most of the cities certainly ensured that North Mesopotamia was spared any major devastation or despoliation (see Figure 2).

BETWEEN CONQUEST AND CIVIL WAR (640–80) 3

For the next forty years North Mesopotamia was effectively under the control of Caliph Muʿawiya I, brother-in-law of the prophet Muḥammad and a senior member of the Umayyad clan that came to be the ruling dynasty of the Islamic Empire from 661–750. He was the governor of Syria for twenty years (640–60) and ruler of the Islamic Empire (i.e. caliph) for the following twenty years (661–80), and during this period North Mesopotamia remained pretty much an appendage of Syria. This arrangement had its advantages, for it meant that there was little external interference in the region’s daily affairs. And indeed it was remembered by many as a time of prosperity. For example, an East Syrian contemporary of Theodotus, the monk John bar Penkaye from the monastery of Phenek, which lay on the Tigris river about 75 miles directly east of Mardin, asserts that “justice flourished in Muʿawiya’s time and there was great peace in the regions under his control; he allowed everyone to live as they wanted”, and he adds that crops were bountiful and trade doubled (John bar Penkaye, 146f). During this alleged period of tranquility Theodotus was starting out on his monastic career. At an early age he became a monk at the monastery of Qenneshre, on the east bank of the Euphrates some 40 miles west of Edessa. It was one of the most famous monasteries of its day, and many of its “graduates” went on to become patriarchs and bishops of major cities. It was even visited by Muʿawiya’s financial governor, a convert to Islam named ʿAbdallah ibn Darraj, ostensibly to check up on an infestation of demons, though perhaps also because of its wealth and importance (Hoyland 1997, 144). Theodotus remained there until the death of the patriarch Theodore (649–67), then set off “to obtain a blessing from the holy places”, visiting Sinai, Jerusalem and Egypt (§§41–57). 4 After five years in that region he was transported back to North Mesopotamia “by a miracle of our Lord’s doing” (§58.2), where he roamed for a number of years with his bag of holy relics and his new companion Joseph, working miracles, conducting exorcisms, healing the sick and ministering to the poor and needy. An accessible account of this period of Muslim rule is given by Stephen-Humphreys 2006. It is hard to place much confidence in the narrative of this journey, since it presents hardly any toponymical detail and a number of its miracles are modelled on the life of Jesus (healing of the paralytic, calming of the storm etc.).

3 4

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

THE CIVIL WAR YEARS (680–92) 5

5

Before he died in April 680, Muʿawiya nominated his son Yazid to succeed him as caliph. This action provoked more than a decade of civil strife among the Muslim Arabs, for it gave the impression that Muʿawiya believed that sovereignty belonged to his family alone. Other important families who felt that they had a claim were inevitably incensed, as were a variety of other factions who felt that the most pious person should get the job, or the most meritorious in some other way, or that there should at least be an election of some kind, as had been established by Caliph ʿUmar I shortly before his death in 644 for the express purpose of identifying a worthy successor. During Yazid I’s reign (680–83) there was a simmering of resentment rather than outright opposition, but when Yazid also chose his own son to be caliph after him angry feelings boiled over. The main challenger to the Umayyads were another family of the prophet’s tribe of Quraysh, the Zubayrids, whose own candidate was ʿAbdallah ibn al-Zubayr, the nephew of the prophet’s wife ʿA’isha. Many other rebels came out into the open too, seeking to stake their claim. In particular, there was much support for a ruler who was closer to the house of the prophet Muḥammad, an offspring of the union between Muḥammad’s daughter Faṭima and Caliph ʿAli ibn Abi Ṭalib, and also for those at the other end of the spectrum, who sought not to narrow the field of possible candidates, but rather to open up the position to any believer from any background in the hope that the person most fit to rule would be selected. Although North Mesopotamia was far from any imperial centers, it did not escape the turmoil occasioned by this civil war. For example, there was an insurrection in Nisibis, a strategic town on the modern Turkish-Syrian border eighty miles southeast of Amida. Byzantines and Persians had fought over it in the past, and now, according to John bar Penkaye, who lived only about 50 miles away, it was being claimed by both the ruling Umayyad clan and by anti-government rebels. The latter were led by Mukhtar ibn Abi ʿUbayd, who pretended to be acting on behalf of a son of ʿAli ibn Abi Ṭalib. Angry with the Arabs of Kūfa when they lost a battle to the Umayyads, he gave orders that all their slaves, most being prisonersof-war captured during various Arab raiding expeditions, should be liberated and allowed to go into battle. These slaves then rallied round Mukhtar in the thousands, and “all that they had in their hands was either a sword or a spear or a stick”. In August 686 they participated in a battle on the river Khazir, near Mosul, on the side of Mukhtar and against the Umayyad governor ʿUbayd Allah ibn Ziyad. The latter was defeated and the slaves then entered Nisibis and held it, and drove off all who tried to take it from them. They slew the general appointed over them by Mukhtar, along with all his comrades, for “they preferred to have someone from their own ranks as commander” and not one who “belonged to the Arabs”. Others of captive origin collected together and joined those who were in the city of Nis5

For an overview see Hawting 2000, ch. 4, and for more detail Rotter 1982.

6

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

ibis. Every day more would turn up from every quarter and join them. They captured a number of fortresses, and “the fear of them fell on all the Arabs” (John bar Penkaye, 155–58). With such events going on around him it is unsurprising that John spoke in apocalyptic tones about his own time. Insecurity was so bad that people were scared to go outdoors for fear of raiders and looters. And this situation was compounded by “the unparalleled plague and famine” that befell the region “in the year 67 of the rule of the Arabs” (July 686–87; John bar Penkaye, 159f). A lack of rain for three months before the harvest resulted in a severe lack of grain so that “people ate bread made out of lentils, chickpeas and other kinds of pulse” (Michael, 11.16, 447). And the plague had carried off many, which led to bodies piling up in the streets and their possessions pilfered by opportunistic robbers. Seeing the success of the former slaves and prisoners-of-war at Nisibis, John reasoned that their victories were granted them by God and he muses that they would surely bring about the demise of Arab rule. This seemed to him fitting, for just as the Arabs had conquered all peoples, so now these Nisibene insurgents, “who included among themselves all the peoples under heaven”, would prevail over the Arabs (John bar Penkaye, 167). It must have been shortly after this time that Theodotus was appointed bishop of Amida, although his biographer makes no reference to the fearful scenes of chaos and catastrophe that John bar Penkaye depicts so luridly. He does mention that “there was a dearth of rain, and in all the provinces of Syria there was a shortage of bread” (§149.1) while Theodotus was bishop, but this is more likely to refer to a later famine, the one of 693–94 (Michael, 11.16, 447), since Theodotus was consecrated in the episcopal office “by the hand of Julian, patriarch of Antioch” (§138.1), who only took up his post in late 687. 6 It is implied in the Life that Theodotus served as bishop of Amida for only a short time, probably only a year or two (§§142.2, 157.1), before he decided that the pressures of the job were too much for him at his advanced age. He therefore resolved to travel to the monastery of Qenneshre to “resign this ecclesiastical office to the Fathers who reside there” (§164.1).

A famine is again recorded in the Life when Theodotus had gone to Qenneshre monastery to ask permission from Julian to resign his office (§175.1–2), which must be that of 693–94. Perhaps the reference to a famine in §149.1 was just a ploy to show how God’s favor alighted upon the holy man, for it continues: “In his (Theodotus’) city the Lord gave an abundance of grain, and people flocked there from every province and every corner of the world to buy food for their sustenance”. 6

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

7

THE RISE OF A NEW ORDER AND THE DEATH OF THEODOTUS 7

The civil war finally came to an end in 692 when Caliph ʿAbd al-Malik (685–705), of the Umayyad clan like Muʿawiya but from a different branch, defeated all other contenders, including his main rival, ʿAbdallah ibn al-Zubayr, who was killed in Mecca in October 692 (Jumada I AH 73). Aware of the huge strain that over a decade of in-fighting had placed on the fledgling Islamic Empire, ʿAbd al-Malik immediately set about trying to achieve unity across the realm as well as the entrenchment of his own authority. His most dramatic and visible policies were the establishment of a uniform coinage throughout all Muslim-ruled lands, the introduction of Arabic in the bureaucracy and the promotion of Islam as an official religion. In certain ways these measures were mutually reinforcing; thus, coins and documents were stamped with the new Muslim creed in Arabic letters (see Figure 3), and the new imperial mosques that began to appear on the skylines of many cities bore Arabic inscriptions attesting to the primacy of the prophet of Islam and his message.

Figure 3: A standing caliph coin from Edessa, early 690s, with the image of what is assumed to be the caliph ʿAbd al-Malik on the obverse with the truncated shahāda (Muḥammad is the messenger of God) and the full shahāda (there is no god but God alone and Muḥammad is His messenger) on the reverse together with al-ruhā, the Arabic name of Edessa (after Schulze 2010)

Again, there is no overt recognition of these immense changes in the Life of Theodotus, even though this time North Mesopotamia did not escape their impact. ʿAbd al-Malik sent his own tough no-nonsense brother, Muḥammad ibn Marwan, to take charge of that region and to oversee its full incorporation within the Islamic Empire. Instead, the Life focuses on the last journey of Theodotus from Qenneshre to Qelleth and his founding of a monastery there at God’s instigation. The monks and even the abbot of Qenneshre tried to persuade Theodotus to stay, but his mind was made up and he slipped away at nightfall with his disciple Joseph (§184.2). They For a good introduction to the events and significance of ʿAbd al-Malik’s reign see Robinson 2005. 7

8

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headed eastwards, passing by Edessa, and then took a northeasterly road in order to pass between the western edge of the Mardin mountain range and the southern edge of Mount Ayshumo (modern Karacadağ). At this point Theodotus, nervous that the people of Amida would come and bother him and afford him no peace in his last days, considers retreating to a quieter place where “no one knows us” (§187.1). 8 However, informed by a divine vision that his master had to establish a monastery at Qelleth, Joseph loaded him on to his own mule and conveyed him to this destination. Once the new monastery was complete and a church erected in honor of the Mother of God, Theodotus felt at rest and, after making his last testament and saying his final prayers and farewells, he departed the earthly life on August 15 in the year 1009 of the Greeks (AD 698). He was subsequently buried near Qelleth “in the monastery to which he had been devoted and in the province which he had loved” (§246.8). Whereas his younger contemporary, Simeon of the Olives (d. 734), has been characterized as “an entrepreneurial saint” (Hoyland et al. 2021), because of the attention he paid to buying up property and using it for agricultural and building projects, one might describe Theodotus as an itinerant saint, spending his life in wanderings that were aimed in part to facilitate his ministrations to those in need and in part to avoid the crowds that would gather upon rumors of his approach and the church authorities who would pressure him to accept ordination and some official post. Except for his sojourn in Palestine and Egypt, Theodotus spent all of his life in North Mesopotamia (see Figure 2), traveling and giving succor and support wherever he could. As well as performing the usual healings, exorcisms and conversions that were the standard fare of any holy person, Theodotus crossed raging rivers, ransomed prisoners-of-war, ferreted out the misdeeds and deceptions of people, which allowed him to solve crimes and elicit penitence, and he even raised the dead. Although he mainly socialized and circulated among those who belonged to his own confessional community, the West Syrians (Miaphysites), he did come into contact with “heretics”, the Chalcedonians and East Syrians (“Nestorians”), and also with the newest religious group in the region, the Muslims. The latter he encountered mostly in the guise of occupiers and raiders, but it is possible that some of them were local converts. So although the Life generally conveys the impression that the world in which Theodotus moved was still a predominantly Christian one, it does give us a number of indications of how that world was changing

He says to Joseph “let’s go to the Persian realm” (beth porsoye), evidently still thinking in terms of Byzantine and Persian spheres. Compare how John bar Penkaye, 156, states that “the reason for the great unrest in Mesopotamia” was that “the Westerners claimed that, because Nisibis belonged to the Romans, it was right that they should have it, while the Easterners claimed that it had belonged to the Persians, and so was theirs”. 8

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already in the time of this holy man, and the rest of this chapter will be devoted to highlighting some of these new developments. 9 BORDERLANDS

Muslim historians record that Amida was captured by the Muslim Arabs in 639/40 (AH 18), but they tell us nothing about its subsequent fate in the first few decades of the new regime. It is highly likely that at least a small permanent garrison of Muslim Arabs would have been stationed in such an important fortified city that was so close to Byzantine territory, and this receives some corroboration from the mention of “Muslim Arab 10 horsemen” in the Life (§135.2). The only North Mesopotamian cities that do feature much in Muslim sources in Theodotus’ lifetime are Edessa, Ḥarran and Nisibis, which lie in an approximate east-west line some 50 miles south of Amida. Even there our information is minimal (Robinson 2000, 39– 44), but we do have Islamic coins, bearing the image of the caliph, minted at Edessa and Ḥarran in the 690s (Schulze 2010; Figure 3), and many accounts of the role played by Nisibis during the Arab civil war of 680–92 (Hoyland 1997, 197f). In the late seventh century, then, Amida was a far outpost of Muslim rule, and beyond it, to the north and west, the lands were still contested between the Muslims and the Byzantines. The Life of Theodotus confirms this impression. Some 55 miles northwest of Amida lay Lake Hore, modern Lake Hazar, and when Theodotus went there he found the local inhabitants “assembled near the forts, because they had heard that the (Muslim) Arabs intended to invade that district” (§115.5). Evidently when raiders were spotted, the residents sought refuge in a fort that served the local community in such times. Sometimes such raiders were part of a major campaign organized by the Muslim authorities (see Table 1), but probably as often it was local warlords looking for plunder. The Life mentions one figure apparently of this type, a certain Jaydar, 11 who was said to have taken many captives (§116.2), presumably because they could be sold on as slaves. It is implied that the local population faced this threat from both sides: “Many, indeed, were the souls he ransomed from the (Muslim) Arabs and from the Romans (men ṭayyoye w-men rumoye). That is why he loved to be in the frontier region” (§74.1). For discussion of the details of Theodotus and his Life, which I am not concerned with here, see the comprehensive annotation given by Andrew Palmer to his translation below and his many studies listed in the bibliography. 10 Ṭayyoye: I shall translate this term as “Muslim Arabs” when it occurs in the Life, unless it is specified that Christian Arabs are meant. See further on in this introduction for discussion. 11 Jaydar is not a usual Muslim name. One is reminded of the notice in Michael (11.6, 417b) about another Arab warlord of these borderlands in the 640s, named Qonon, who had seized a number of captives. These could be local Christian Arab chiefs taking advantage of the lack of strong government and general insecurity at this time. 9

10

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA Table 1. Muslim Arab raids of the 690s and Byzantine reprisals. C = era of Creation; E = Elijah of Nisibis; H = era of Hijra; M = Michael; S = source; T = Theophanes

AD 685/6

C/H C6178

S T

691/2

H73

E

692/3

C6185

T

693/4

C6186

T

694/5

C6187

T

696/7

C6189

T

696/7

H77

E

697/8

H78

E

700

C6192

T

-

Book Eleven Ch. 16

M

Translation Since these [sc. the Mardaites] have been repressed, the Roman country has been suffering terrible ills at the hands of the Arabs until this day. Muḥammad, the son of Marwan, invaded Sebastia [Turkish: Sivas], a city of the Romans. He was victorious and came back out in high spirits. From that time on the Hagarenes [i.e. Muslims] were further emboldened and devastated the Roman country. Muḥammad made an expedition against Roman country, taking along the Slav refugees who were acquainted with it, and took many prisoners. [Same as 693/4, but into Fourth Armenia. Of this province only Anzitene, perhaps also Belabitene and Palene, were still in Byzantine hands.] Alidos [i.e. Walid, see the report of E, below] made an expedition against Roman country and, after taking many captives, returned home. ʿAbd al-Malik, son of Marwan, sent his brother Walid into Roman territory. Ḥassan, the son of Nuʿman the Ghassanid, invaded Roman territory at the bidding of ʿAbd al-Malik, the son of Marwan, and returned victorious; but he was met by a barbarian queen, who overcame him and all that were with him [...] The Romans invaded Syria and came as far as Samosata. They ravaged the surrounding country and killed, it is said, as many as 200,000 Arabs. They took much booty and many Arab captives and, after instilling great fear in them, returned home. [Both this and next entry come from Theophilus 194] Tiberius (698–705), who is Apsimarus, sent an army of Romans against the Arabs. When they invaded the region of Samosata, they massacred 5,000 Arabs. They took captives, laid waste the whole country, and returned home. (448 = f. 228v2)

This conflict zone is referred to either as beth teḥume, “borderlands”, or as beth ḥesne, “land of the forts”, and the latter structures are described as the forts of the Byzantines on the borders (§74.1, ḥesne dh-rumoye dh-ʿal teḥume). Some of these forts would have already been in existence, constructed during the long period of rivalry between the superpowers of Rome and Sasanian Persia (224–628), when

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they would also have served local inhabitants as a place of safety. Thus, George of Cyprus, writing shortly after 600, is able to name twenty-four forts in the AmidaMayperqaṭ-Dara triangle. 12 However, the frontier had now shifted. Amida was no longer held by Byzantines looking southwards and eastwards, but by Muslims looking to the north and west. So inevitably new forts had to be constructed or old buildings repurposed, adding reinforced walls or a strong tower that could serve as a secure place for locals to hide out until hostile raiding parties or armies had passed by. Some forts were more substantial, designed to house a garrison and secure territory, for while one side held it the other side would not be able to occupy or trespass upon any of the surrounding land. These forts were therefore crucial to both sides in order that agricultural and commercial activities could be carried out without let or hindrance. Unsurprisingly, then, these forts were fiercely contested: After the conquest of Arsamosata (Ar. Shimshaṭ, ca 60 miles northwest of Amida), Ḥabib ibn Maslama attacked the fort of Kamaḥa (Ar. Kamkh), but he could not take it. Then Ṣafwan (ibn Muʿaṭṭal al-Sulami) attacked it, but he too was unable to capture it. He made another attempt on it in the year 59 (679), the year in which he died, together with ʿUmayr ibn Ḥubab al-Sulami. The latter scaled its wall, and kept struggling single-handed until the Byzantines gave way and the Muslims climbed up… Later the Byzantines seized it once more, but subsequently Maslama ibn ʿAbd al-Malik conquered it. And it continued to be taken and retaken by both sides (Baladhuri, Fut., 184).

It was not only physical dangers that might be encountered in this region, but also spiritual ones, for, according to Theodotus, the Byzantine authorities of these borderlands would try to convince the Syrian Orthodox to convert to the Chalcedonian version of Christianity. In order to counter this, “Theodotus was in the habit of writing letters to the poor people who dwelt in Beth Ḥesne…telling them to hold on to the (Syrian) Orthodox faith and not to let the leaders of the heretics cause them to stray from it by inducements or by threats” (§115.3). And he would also write to these heretic leaders, that is, Chalcedonian notables, “reproving them with harsh words and making threats and menaces to stop them oppressing the poor (Syrian Orthodox) people who lived among them” (§115.4). Presumably in this region of heightened security fears any sign of deviation from the norm was perceived with suspicion, and for the Greek-speaking Chalcedonians of the embattled Byzantine Empire the Syriac-speaking anti-Chalcedonians might be viewed as a potential fifth column or at least as not fully loyal.

Honigmann 1939, 64f. The seventh-century Armenian geographer Ananias of Shirak mentions a number of fortifications in this region including the “Covk and Hoṙē castles” on/by Lake Hore (Hewsen 1992, 59). For a recent study see Comfort 2017. 12

12

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

ADMINISTRATION AND TAXES

In a publication of 1913, the Jesuit scholar Henri Lammens noted that Muslim historians do not list any governors of North Mesopotamia (Ar. al-Jazīra) before the caliphate of ʿAbd al-Malik and concluded that this region “continued to enjoy substantial administrative autonomy” until at least that time (Lammens 1921, 446). This has become the accepted view and has been often repeated in the intervening century. Most recently, it has been reiterated in the authoritative study of this region by Chase Robinson: “It is not until the 680s – at the earliest – that one can meaningfully speak of Islamic rule in the north. It was the decade from 685 to 695, rather than that of 635 to 645, that signals a break in Jaziran history” (Robinson 2000, 34). Usually the testimony of an anonymous West Syrian chronicle, composed around AD 1234, is adduced to lend weight to this assertion, namely that up to the 690s “Christians were still the scribes, headmen and administrators of the lands of the Arabs”. 13 A very similar statement is made in another West Syrian chronicle, that of Michael the Syrian, patriarch of the Syrian Orthodox church from 1166 until his death in 1199: “Up till this time the Christian headmen in the cities and regions were still administering their affairs”. 14 The wording is similar enough to suggest that this claim goes back to a common source of these two texts, namely the lost historical compilation of Dionysius of Tell-Maḥre, an earlier Syrian Orthodox patriarch (818–45). However, although it is usually quoted as a simple statement of fact, it is actually a reaction to a specific set of events. The initial word “nevertheless” (bram) that is preserved in both of the later chronicles, usually omitted by those who quote this passage, reflects the fact that Dionysius (or his source) was trying to give a positive spin to a negative news item and to maintain the idea that Christians were still the main powerholders in a land that was now beginning to experience more direct Muslim government. This new development was connected with the aftermath of the Arab civil war of 680–92, which was such a wide-ranging conflict, involving so many different parties, interests and regions, that North Mesopotamia did not escape the havoc that it wrought. The clash between the Umayyads and Zubayrids exacerbated old rivalries as tribes were forced to choose sides. For example, the latent animosity between the tribes of Taghlib and Qays, the former being long-term residents in North Mesopotamia while the latter were newcomers permitted to settle there by the caliph Muʿawiya, was brought to the boil by their decision to back different factions in the civil war, Taghlib siding with the Umayyads and Qays with the Zubayrids. There were other contenders too, some of whom had ideologicallyChr. 1234, 1.294: bram ʿedhakkil khristiyone ithayhun waw kothubhe w-rishone wa-medhabberone dh-athrawotho dhe-ṭayyoye. 14 Michael, 11.16, 449: bram den ʿedhakkil rishone khristiyone ba-medhinotho we-bh-athrawoto e m dhabberin waw le-khullehun suʿrone. 13

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tinged agendas. As noted above, some argued that the caliphate should be open to all, thus the Kharijites, who were particularly active in North Mesopotamia, while others maintained that it should be reserved for a descendant of the prophet Muḥammad via his son-in-law ʿAli, thus the Shiʿites. The intense nature of the competition between these various parties led them to try to gain an advantage by recruiting non-Muslims to their respective causes. For instance, a certain al-Khaṭṭār, “a Christian who had converted to Islam”, was specifically invited by the Kharijites to join them, perhaps because he was able to bring some additional manpower with him, for it is said that he died fighting with his men (Baladhuri, Ans., 8.53). John of Dasen, bishop of Nisibis, was wooed by ʿUbayd Allah ibn Ziyad, the proUmayyad governor of Iraq, and offered the position of catholicos if he would show his support for the Umayyads. What ʿUbayd Allah wanted was John’s help in regaining control of Nisibis, which, as noted above, had become a hotbed of sedition and a rallying point for disaffected captives and slaves, many of them Christians. When ʿAbd al-Malik finally put out all the fires of opposition, he introduced many reforms, as noted above, aimed at imparting greater coherence and unity to his realm. One of his many innovations was to create two new senior executive positions: Viceroy of the East (Iraq and Iran) and Viceroy of the North (North Mesopotamia, Armenia and Azerbaijan). This move is sometimes linked to the Sasanian policy of dividing their realm into four portions according to the directions of the compass; but, even if influenced by this, it was evidently in the first instance a response to the fragile situation caused by a decade of internal strife. The first occupants of these two positions were the unswervingly loyal and ruthlessly efficient military men, Ḥajjaj ibn Yusuf and Muḥammad ibn Marwan. These appointments are recorded by Dionysius of Tell-Maḥre, who then goes on to say that Muḥammad first “went to Edessa, which received him without resistance, and he resided there” while he regained control of the province. 15 As part of the imposition of his authority, he killed a number of non-Muslim officials: Anastasius son of Andrew, administrator of Edessa, Mardanshah son of Zarnosh and his son, administrators of Nisibis, and Simeon son of Nonnus, administrator of Ḥalugo. We are not told why these figures were singled out for punishment, but there is a good chance that they had backed the wrong side in the civil war. Mardanshah is mentioned as an aristocratic Persian Christian physician who had aided Muḥammad ibn Marwan to recapture Nisibis, but his subsequent assassination by Muḥammad suggests that he either fell foul of him in some way or was regarded by him as too powerful (Hoyland 1997, 201f). It is in response to these assassinations that Dionysius makes his statement about Christians nevertheless still running the machinery of government. Yet, despite the positive spin put on these events by Dionysius, it is clear that the arrival of Muḥammad ibn Marwan in North Mesopotamia diminished its autonChr. 1234, 293: etho bhe-qadhmoyto l-urhoy medhitto w-qabbeluy d-lo thakhtusho w-ithebh boh; Michael, 11.16, 448: etho l-urhoy w-qabbeluy d-lo thakhtusho w-ithebh boh.

15

14

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

omy. A variety of local power-holders are mentioned in the Life of Theodotus from the period leading up to 692: a governor (archon) of Samosata and its hinterland by the name of Ellusṭriya of Ḥarran (§85.1), John the steward (epitropos) of Claudias (§110.2), Eustratius, administrator (medhabberono) of Mayperqaṭ (§124.1), a governor of Ṭur ʿAbdin who “had been wounded by an arrow in the war of the Arabs, when they attacked Nisibis” (§126.6), another Ellusṭriya, governor of Dara (§127.1), and finally a finance officer (sallaro), probably at Amida (§154.3). 16 Some or all of these positions might well have continued after 692, but it is clear that they no longer had so much freedom in their operations. A new Muslim provincial administration was being erected over the top of these local arrangements, and, as part of this process, North Mesopotamia was being brought into line with a variety of empire-wide policies. The most tangible of these was the introduction of a distinctively Islamic currency. We have no evidence of any minting in this region before 692, but thereafter the new-look coins – first portraying the caliph and then exhibiting the Muslim profession of faith without images – were minted at Edessa, Ḥarran and also at one mobile “Jazira” mint (see Figure 3; Schulze 2010). Probably the most impactful development was the implementation in North Mesopotamia of a new system of tax collection. Before 692 taxes had only been occasionally and erratically collected in this region, and often levied on groups rather than on individuals. The change is recorded for us in the late eighth-century chronicle of a monk of the monastery of Zuqnin, just outside Amida: In the year 1003 (691–92) ʿAbd al-Malik carried out a tax assessment (taʿdilo) of the Syrian Christians (suryoye). 17 He issued a stern decree that everyone go to his region, village, and father’s house, so that everyone would register his name and that of his father, his vineyards and olive trees, his cattle, his children, and all his possessions. From this time, the tax (gezitho) began to be levied per capita; from this time, all manner of evils were visited upon the Christians. For until this time, kings had taken tribute on the land (maddatho dh-arʿo), rather than on the person. From this time the sons of Hagar began to inflict on the sons of Aram servitude like the servitude of Egypt. Woe to us! Because we sinned, slaves now rule over us. This was the first tax assessment that the Muslim Arabs carried out (Chr. Zuqnin, 154).

I translate the Syriac terms differently assuming that they represented different offices, but we do not know this for sure or their exact significance; for more information, see the notes to the relevant sections in Part 3 below. The governor of Ṭur ʿAbdin could have been wounded in the Arab conquest of Nisibis in 639 or in the aforementioned struggle for Nisibis in the late 680s and early 690s. 17 Arabic taʿdīl literally means “adjustment”; possibly it originally meant the adjustment in taxes that results from a census/survey and then came to refer to the census/survey itself; see the insightful study of al-Qadi 2006. At this time Suryoye implies natives of SyroMesopotamia who are Syriac-speaking and belong to the Miaphysite church. 16

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15

The reason for this change was that North Mesopotamia was becoming its own administrative unit rather than, as formerly, a dependency of Syria. At the request of Muḥammad ibn Marwan, ʿAbd al-Malik made it a separate province, “and so its army (jund) would take its provisions from its (the province’s) tribute” (Baladhuri, Fut., 132). That is, the expansion of Muslim rule in this region was directly funded by local taxation. The Zuqnin chronicler stresses the innovativeness of this fiscal policy, its departure from previous practice, and it was accompanied by another novelty, namely the matter of fiscal fugitives (Gk. phygas, pl. phygades). We have considerable documentation for such persons in Egypt, where they figure prominently in the papyri from the early Islamic period. It is evidently an issue that greatly worried Christian communities, for it is even listed as one of the signs of the approach of the end of the world, as we see in an Egyptian apocalyptic text dating to around 700, which tells us: They (the Arabs) will count the men and write their names in their documents, and set upon them high taxes … Afterwards they will measure the whole earth with the fields and the gardens, and they will count the cattle … At the end … they will take the foreigners (Ar. gharīb, pl. ghurabā’) in the cities and the villages, and wherever they find them, they will call for their return and they will throw them into prison, for many at that time will leave their cities and their villages and go abroad because of the violence of the oppression of that nation. 18

An edict of Usama ibn Zayd, Umayyad governor of Egypt in the years 714–17 and 720–23, stated that “no one should shelter a foreigner in the churches, inns or wharves, and the people were afraid of him and drove out the foreigners who were in their houses” (Hoyland 1997, 285). And Usama’s predecessor, Qurra ibn Sharik (709–14), expended much time on this persistent problem, instructing taxcollectors to record each fugitive’s name, patronymic, original and current place of residence, both in the case of “those who are being sent back to their homes and in the case of those who are allowed to remain where they settled on condition of contributing (to the taxes)”. 19 There is thus a close connection between tax collection and the return, or at least registration, of tax fugitives. This is illustrated by a report about just such a recording exercise conducted in 698 by a certain emir named ʿAṭiyya, who “made a

Hoyland 1997, 283f, citing an apocalypse ascribed to Athanasius of Alexandria (d. 373). A North Mesopotamian apocalypse attributed to Methodius of Olympus (d. 312), but dating to the 690s, alleges that the Arabs “take the capitation tax (kesef risho) from widows, orphans and holy men” (cited by Robinson 2000, 49), illustrating the anxiety felt about this fiscal innovation. 19 Sijpesteijn 2013, 97, citing P.Lond. IV.1333. Her book gives rich discussion of this issue. 18

16

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

register of the foreigners (akhsenoye) and deported them back to their country”. 20 This same term is employed in the Life of Theodotus, patently with the same sense. The Life tells us that the tax-collector Sargis had been sent to the district of Claudias, which lay between Melitene and Samosata and west of Amida. The reason given for his mission was that “there were many akhsenoye in that district” (§85.1) and he was presumably meant to do the same as ʿAṭiyya and register them as a prelude to them either being deported or being allowed to settle and pay taxes in their new location. There is also a good chance that the ten men in the monastery of St Sergius d-Pathyo from whom he demands poll tax had fled there seeking refuge from an unmanageable tax burden. 21 North Mesopotamia was similar to Egypt in having very few centers of substantial Muslim population. Such centers offered a rural fugitive the opportunity of finding employment and a Muslim patron, who might then save him from being returned to his village, but in their absence a rural fugitive’s best hope was to seek shelter and aid in a monastery.

THE MUSLIM PRESENCE IN NORTH MESOPOTAMIA Amida and its mosque

Although Theodotus is portrayed as continually on the move, his wanderings are largely in the rural areas of North Mesopotamia, and most of the time he stayed in remote mountain regions, monastic communities and villages, eschewing major cities, except for Amida itself. 22 Since there would have been no Muslim settlement in these bucolic backwaters at this time and very little, if any, conversion to Islam, Theodotus would have only encountered Muslims in these particular areas as a background hostile presence, as in the case quoted above, when he and his disciple traveled to the district of Lake Hore only to find that all the locals had taken refuge in forts “because they had heard that the (Muslim) Arabs intended to invade that district” (§115.5), and on another occasion, when they were warned by the

Michael, 11.16, 447; Chr. 819, 13. Al-Qadi 2006, 380, wants to identify this ʿAṭiyya with ʿAṭiyya ibn Maʿbad (d. ca 750), governor of the Syrian coast, just because “we know of no ʿAṭiyya who was an amīr” besides him, but our record of Muslim officials in this early period is too incomplete for this argument to be cogent and given the Chronicle of 819’s strong focus on North Mesopotamia, it is more likely that the reference is to an ʿAṭiyya of this region, perhaps a relatively junior official who escaped the notice of chroniclers from the imperial centers. 21 §85.3. However, “the register in which he had written the details of the monastery” (§96.2) might pertain to the taxes paid on the monastery’s assets rather than on monks. 22 Even when he had to go by a city, such as when he traveled from Qenneshre eastwards to Qelleth at the end of his life, he chose to stay on the outskirts, in “the Garden District”, rather than in the city center (§185.1). 20

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

Figure 4: Plan of the city of Amida (adapted from Trombley and Watt 2000)

Figure 5: The western façade of the congregational mosque of Amida (Gertrude Bell Archive, June 1909)

17

18

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Holy Spirit “that raiders were coming who would lay waste the district of Claudias” (§114.1). 23 When ordained bishop of Amida, however, Theodotus had more direct dealings with them, for in that city, unlike the other places he frequented, there were a number of Muslims in residence, even if only as a military unit (see Figure 4). Even before he had been confirmed as bishop, the Muslim Arab “who was in command of the city and its territory” arrested him and “dragged him bodily to their mosque” to stand trial on account of a letter that he had written to authorities in the Byzantine Empire, which prompted the accusation “that he was a friend of the Byzantines” (§135.1–3). In the end, though, “that wicked man” was reportedly struck blind and had to beg forgiveness of Theodotus, who then cured him. It is interesting to see this reference to a mosque and its use as a location for the dispensation of justice. Unfortunately, no early source gives us any information about it and scholars have been obliged to turn to a twelfth-/thirteenth-century text, the work on the Muslim Arab conquests ascribed to the ninth-century writer Waqidi, which maintains that the first Muslims requisitioned a part of the main church of the city, dedicated to St Thomas, for their place of prayer. 24 This apparent fact is cited without any context, but it is important to understand that it is part of a grand narrative about a certain Maria, queen of Amida, her correspondence with ʿIyaḍ ibn Ghanm and her valiant attempt to resist his Muslim army and save Amida for Christendom. Although this text requires further study, researchers are generally agreed that it is a product of the Crusader period, when, as is evident here, there is a heightened religious dimension to many literary works and greater emphasis is placed on the clash between Christianity and Islam. 25 Since this is a unique report, it is not easy to prove or disprove it, and excavations at the current congregational mosque have been too limited to provide a definitive answer (Halifeoğlu and Assénat 2020). However, there are a number of reasons to be skeptical about this claim. While large contingents of Muslim Arab soldiers were stationed in the new garrison cites, especially Kufa, Basra and Fustat, many fewer of them took up residence in pre-existing cities, especially in those, like Amida, far away from the imperial center, which would in turn have meant that conversion to Islam occurred more slowly and on a smaller scale. Moreover, such cities, unlike the garrison cities, had a pre-existing non-Muslim population that had very often surrenThis could also be Byzantine raiders or independent raiders taking advantage of the general insecurity of these borderlands. 24 Waqidi 1996, 187: “He (ʿIyaḍ) built the mosque on a third of their great church, which is Thomas”; Waqidi, Ms. Arab 137, f. 50b: “He built a mosque on two-thirds of their great church, which is the church of Thomas” (tr. Niebuhr, 108); Waqidi 1903, 2.89: “He (re)built the celebrated church as a mosque” (banā al-bīʿa al-maʿrūfa jāmiʿan). Note that this latter phrasing is the most common in modern editions, with no reference to Thomas. 25 Farsani 2017, 475f. Vacca 2019 argues that a narrative about “the Queen of Akhlaṭ” in (pseudo-) Waqidi draws upon local oral stories/legends, which may also be the case for Maria of Amida. 23

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

19

dered on the understanding that their property and places of worship would not be harmed or confiscated. 26 Consequently, there was no demand for large mosques and there was no ready supply of unprotected realty, though empty or abandoned sites were frequently excluded from such protections in surrender agreements, and it is likely that such sites would sometimes have served as prayer places for Muslim soldiers. At Aleppo, for example, a space by the west gate abutting a monumental arch was used for the first mosque (Sauvaget 1941, 74f), the southeastern part of the precinct of the Temple of Jupiter was used in Damascus (Flood 2001, 2, 123, 184), the Temple esplanade served in Jerusalem amid “remains of ruins” (Antun 2016, 29–33), and it seems as though the Amida mosque was slotted into the Roman forum complex, abutting an arcade on its west side (see Figure 5; Assénat and Pérez 2013; Keser Kayaalp 2018). 27 The very fact that no extant seventh-century Christian source mentions the conversion of all or part of a church into a mosque suggests that these early mosques were low-key unobtrusive affairs, except in the new garrison cities, where space was no object and there were no native non-Muslims to placate. 28 This situation changed dramatically in the early eighth century, however, when a growing Muslim population and an increasingly assertive Islamic imperial policy fueled a demand for bigger and grander mosques, which in turn required more space. The caliph Walid I (705–15) launched a massive program of mosque-enlargement and mosque-building, the most famous examples of which are at Medina, Sanʿa, Damascus and Jerusalem, where he completed the expansion and refurbishment of the Aqsa mosque initiated by his father ʿAbd al-Malik. At the capital Walid created his masterpiece, the sumptuous and imposing mosque of Damascus, which entailed the demolition of the cathedral church of St John. This has led some scholars, medieval as well as modern, to assume that such requisitions became standard procedure for late Umayyad mosques of the former Byzantine provinces, but what the That such arrangements were taken seriously by the Muslims is shown by a letter of the 680s from an emir of Palestine to some junior Muslim officials, rebuking them for acting unjustly towards the residents of the village of Nessana (now in southern Israel) and stressing that these latter enjoy “the protection (dhimma) of God and His messenger” (Hoyland 2015). On surrender treaties in general see Levy-Rubin 2011, ch. 1. 27 This is certainly true of the early eighth-century mosque, but the seventh-century mosque may have been at a different location, perhaps in or by the citadel in the northeast of the city. At Aleppo the first mosque seems to have been near the west gate, but in the eighth century was moved to a central location by the main church. It is important to stress that all statements about seventh-century mosques outside of garrison cities are conjectural given our lack of clear evidence. 28 Even in garrison cities, where mosques were built on virgin soil, it can be difficult to distinguish the seventh-century layers, for all these mosques were repaired, restored and reshaped on a number of occasions over their lifetimes. For good discussion of what one can say about seventh-century mosques see Johns 1999 and Antun 2016. 26

20

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

commissioners of these mosques seem to have wanted was proximity to churches rather than their displacement, to give congregational mosques the same central location and high visibility as cathedral churches (Guidetti 2017, ch. 3). Thus Nasir-i Khusraw, who visited Amida in 1045, states explicitly that the main mosque was next to “the great church”. 29 In order to construct these grand new mosques, it was of course occasionally necessary to commandeer some space, whether vacant or in use. In Aleppo, for example, a garden of the main church was taken over for the expanded mosque (Sauvaget 1941, 75f), and at Ludd in Palestine the caliph Sulayman (715–17) initially sought to build a mosque on an orchard belonging to the principal church before being persuaded by an advisor that he would achieve more glory by making it the centerpiece of a whole new city, what subsequently became known as the White Mosque in the new settlement of Ramla (ʿUmari, 3.557–59). It is possible, therefore, as the work attributed to Waqidi claims, that the great mosque at Amida took up a portion of the external grounds of the cathedral church, but, as has been recently pointed out, it is not likely that any of the church itself was appropriated, for “there is no evidence to suggest that its [the mosque’s] reused fragments are from a church” (Keser Kayaalp 2018, 145). Moreover, the fact that the current congregational mosque of Amida follows closely the model of the Damascus mosque makes it certain that it post-dates it, which means that it was not the same mosque that Theodotus saw. In his day, the mosque at Amida is likely to have been a fairly modest structure which was fitted into the existing fabric of the city. Converts to Islam in Amida?

Another example of Theodotus’ interaction with the Muslim residents of Amida, this time positive, occurred when Theodotus sought to redeem some captives of the city, and he raised money for this purpose from “both Christians and mahgeroye” (§147.1), for, it is emphasized, “the mahgeroye, the heretics (eretiqu) and the Orthodox alike lived in fear of him and obeyed all his instructions with alacrity” (§148.3). This term, mahgeroye (or mehaggeroye), is first attested in a letter of the catholicos Ishoʿyahb III from around 640, where he is referring to the Muslim Arab rulers. 30 At about the same time it begins to be found in Greek, in the form magaritai/mōagaritai, in requisition orders, preserved on papyri, from the new rulers of Egypt (Hoyland 1997, 179f). It is very likely that Christians connected it with the See Keser Kayaalp 2018, 134f, for discussion of Nasir-i Khusraw’s report and of the general question of the relationship between the main church and mosque in Amida. 30 In most cases one could read mehaggeroye or mahgeroye, but the vocalisation in some early manuscripts and the occurrence of the phrase haw d-haggar suggest that the former is the earlier form and the latter a later one that evolved in tandem with the use of the verb ahgar to convey the idea of conversion to Islam. See Brock 1982, 15, and Hoyland 1997, 116 n. 1, 162 n. 170, 179–80. 29

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

21

term Hagarene that was used in both Syriac and Greek texts before Islam, and very likely they enjoyed the implied reference to Arabs as illegitimate offspring of a serving-wench. Yet the terms mahgeroye and magaritai/mōagaritai do not occur before Islam and it seems reasonable to suppose that their emergence is dependent upon the almost simultaneous appearance of the Arabic term muhājir, which is the word used in the prophet Muḥammad’s foundation agreement to specify those who had left Mecca with him to find refuge in Medina and begin the war against the infidels (Brock 1982, 15). Evidently the word had come to be applied since then to all those who left their homeland to join in the battle against the empires (Crone 1994). A crucial component of its meaning was settling, for it is often contrasted with the word taʿarrub, which meant “to return to nomadic life”. In the Qur’an it is often linked with jihād, both being conducted “in God’s path”. The word has the meaning, then, of both soldier and settler, but to the conquered peoples it simply served as a label for the conquering armies, and in the rare cases that magaritai features in a bilingual Greek-Arabic document it is rendered in Arabic by the word juyūsh, “troops” (Hoyland 2014, 102). For a long time, the term is only ever used of the Muslim rulers. Thus, an East Syrian manuscript of the New Testament dates its completion to “the year 993 of the Greeks, which is year 63 of the mahgeroye, the sons of Ishmael son of Hagar (and) son of Abraham” (BL Add. 14,666, f. 56, ed. Wright 1872, 92), i.e. AD 682, and a letter of patriarch Athanasius II (684–87) refers to “the mahgeroye who now hold power” (Hoyland 1997, 193 n. 69). However, towards the end of the seventh century we begin to see it applied to those who converted to Islam. The earliest extant instances are found in the canons of the celebrated cleric and scholar James of Edessa (d. 708), who was also a pioneer in the thorny area of apostasy to Islam. He is generally quite lenient, presumably wishing not to let the size of the community diminish. For example, he rules that “we should not rebaptize a Christian who becomes a Muslim or pagan (khristiyono dh-mahgar aw maḥnep), then returns”, and that “a woman who is married to a Muslim, and who says that she will convert to Islam (tahgar) unless she is given the host, should be granted it, but with an appropriate penance” (Hoyland 1997, 162f). Given that James and Theodotus were close contemporaries, it seems best, then, to understand the two occurrences of mahgeroye in the Life below as signifying “converts to Islam”. It is to be distinguished from the term ṭayyoye, which is an ethnonym that was used in Syriac long before Islam to refer to Arabs, whether Christian or pagan (Segal 1984). Since the Arabian conquerors were perceived by Syriac-speaking observers to be of the same ethnicity as the Christian Arabs around them, they also applied the term ṭayyoye to their new rulers. 31 So in Theodotus’ world mahgeroye denoted local converts to Islam, who The close link between being Arab and being Muslim in the early period is clear from a number of cases where the word Arab is used to indicate Muslim; e.g., P. Lond. IV.1375 (dated AD 711) speaks of “Arabs (araboi) and Christians” in the governor’s retinue at Fustat, evidently meaning “Muslims and Christians”; the financial administrator of Khurasan in the

31

22

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

were still relatively few, and ṭayyoye referred to the new Muslim Arab overlords, or else to the Christian Arab tribespeople. 32 On a number of occasions ṭayyoye are portrayed as showing deference to Theodotus, which might at first make one wonder whether Muslim Arabs are really meant, but it is a standard trope in hagiographical works to show that their subject was respected and obeyed by all parties, believing and infidel, religious and secular. So to question whether the Muslim occupiers would really have given money to a holy man or listened to his sermons is to miss the point being made, which is that everyone, of whatever persuasion, recognized the divine authority of Theodotus. Thus, “Christians, (Muslim) Arabs (ṭayyoye) and pagans (ḥanpe) asked for his blessing” upon his appointment as bishop of Amida (§137.1). And those who opposed him, like the Muslim governor of Amida, were struck down – he later fell off his horse and died (§137.2). And just as Gabriel of Beth Qusṭan (d. 648) was depicted as being admired by Caliph ʿUmar I and Simeon of the Olives as being loved by the Caliph Ma’mun (Hoyland et al. 2021, 13–15), so Theodotus was portrayed as an object of veneration “by everyone – the ruling class, the officials and those who attended upon the men who have power in this world” (§156.2). Furthermore, “the man in authority over all the east” was said to have ordered that “the laws of Amida and of (that) whole province be given by the righteous man who has been appointed its bishop” (§156.1).

CONCLUSION

The Syriac Life of Theodotus is part of a long tradition of hagiographical writing that, by the time of its author, is a well-established genre with its own accepted stock of ingredients. It would be very rare, for example, not to include in such texts some instances of the subject’s ability to work miracles, perform exorcisms and discern what is hidden from ordinary folk, and Theodotus certainly offers us examples of his talents in that respect. He also exhibits other recognized traits of holy persons, being marked out by divine favor already in his youth, wishing to minister to the poor and needy, commanding the respect and obedience of heretics and secular authorities as well as of his own community. Yet the Life of Theodotus is no mere rehashing of hackneyed hagiographical themes and motifs, for it is also imbued 720s wrote to the governor about mass conversions to Islam, asking: “Who will you take the tax from now that all the people have become Arabs?”, and Caliph Yazid II (720–24) proclaimed that “the testimony of a Suryoyo [i.e. a Syriac-speaking Christian] against an Arab will not be accepted” (references given in Hoyland 2014, 268 n. 15). This is presumably why Christian Arabs were the one group that could face direct pressure to convert to Islam; for example, two chiefs of the Christian Taghlib tribe in North Mesopotamia were punished for refusing to convert, a certain Muʿadh by the governor Muḥammad ibn Marwan and one Shamʿ Allah by Caliph Walid, who rebuked him saying: “While you are a chief of the Arabs, you shame them all by worshipping the cross” (Michael, 11.17, 451f). 32 As pointed out in Part 3.6, n. 24, below.

PART ONE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

23

with much local color and contemporary detail, which make it a fascinating read. It is well informed about numerous Christian personalities in North Mesopotamia of the second half of the seventh century and can give a fuller list of the bishops of Amida and its region in that period than any other source (§§130.1, 189.1, 246). It reveals an intimate knowledge of late seventh-century life in this province in terms of both the terrain and its inhabitants, including the secular and religious officials who administered the region. In particular, it brings out the precariousness of the lives of those living in the borderlands between the Byzantine and Islamic empires and gives us precious insights into the new policies being enacted by the Umayyad government in the aftermath of the second Arab civil war. There seems no reason to doubt that the Life was composed not long after Theodotus’ death from the personal recollection of his disciple, Joseph, as stated in the colophon (§247.1), and as such it is a valuable witness to this region at a key moment in its history.

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION BY ANDREW N. PALMER “MIGRAINE MONASTERY”: A SAINT WITH A STORY

As soon as John, the older contemporary of the Syrian Orthodox patriarch and chronicler Michael (to whom we shall return), became bishop of Mardin and Dara in 1125, he began to recruit monks, to restore deserted monasteries, and to write up legends to stimulate the revival of the otherworldly life. A list of these monasteries was written on the fly-leaves of a Gospel-book (now lost) commissioned by the same Bishop John. In 1560, a copy of this was made and it is now preserved in the Vatican. The first two monasteries restored were those of Mor Abai 1 (Figure 6) near Qelleth 2 (Figure 7) and of Mor Theodotus 3 (Figures 8–10). 4 A similar list is to “Dera Mor Ebay” on Google Maps, at 37°33'23.70"N – 40°57'35.12"E = BWO, F15, 0068 (not marked). 2 BWO, F15, 0067, marked as Killit, touching the thick line marking 1.800,000 m.E on the left side. 3 BWO, F15, 0069 (not marked). 4 Vat. sir. 37, f. 153v, l. 19f, and f. 155v, l. 14. This is the source edited by Assemanus, not Vat. sir. 28, nor Vat. sir. 32, as misleadingly stated in his Bibliotheca Orientalis, 2.216. Assë manus’ reading needs to be corrected: ‫ܕܝܪܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐܒܝ ܘܚܕܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܩܕ)�̈ܫܐ( ܢܨ�̈ܚܐ ܘܛܒܝܒܐ‬ ‫“ ̈ܣܥܪܝ ̈ܚܝ� ܘܬܕܡ�ܬܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܠܬ ܕܡܢ ܡܕܢܚܐ ܕܨܘܪ ܚܣܢܐ‬One monastery of Mor Abai and one of Mor Theodotus, (both) heroic and famous saints, workers of deeds of power and miracles. This is called the Monastery of Qelleth, which (lies) to the east of the castle of Tyre (Ṣ-w-r) [BWO, F14, 9367: Savur].” These two monasteries are listed again later on in the same manuscript, not together, but separately, f. 155v, l. 12f: “and Mor Theodotus which is near to the fortress of Tyre” and l. 14: “and Mor Abai which is near Tyre.” There is no record of the abandonment of Theodotus’ monastery. It was still functioning in the mid-eighth century (Chr. Zuqnin, 165). Whether the return of monks in the 2nd quarter of the 12th century heralded an unbroken period of occupation is not known. In 1470, at any rate, the community numbered twenty-one, sixteen of whom were in Holy Orders, one a novice and one “a sinner” (Barṣaum 2008, 3.149; cf. 3.118, in 1471, 3.367, in 1481, and 3.429, in 1487). We 1

25

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be found in that part of the recently vanished Damascus MS 8/11 (thirteenth century) of which the patriarchal collection still holds a photocopy. 5 The colophon of another manuscript tells us the monastery of Mor Theodotus was “above” that of Mor Abai (Barṣaum 2008, 3.429). This confirms that Theodotus founded his own monastery where he and Joseph had first settled in a cell of their own, “above the monastery” (Life of Theodotus, §127.5; cf. §190). The ruins of the monastery of Mor Abai, twenty minutes’ walk to the north of the village, constitute one of the monuments included in a current serial nomination for World Heritage status. 6 In the twentieth century, that of Mor Theodotus was known to the Arabic-speaking Christians of Qelleth, the Turkish “Dereiçi”, simply as Der Wajaʿ Rus “the monastery for migraine”. 7 In 1984, aged 29, having read the Life of Theodotus in the circumstances described below, I had the humbling privilege of passing on to the men of Qelleth the forgotten name of their local genius of healing. Bishop John excuses himself for merely listing the names of the saints on whose mortal remains these (and other) monasteries had been built, “whereas what was required was that each (monastery) needed to have its own story written down”. There are many monasteries that have been rebuilt in the name of saints whose narratives are lost. Take the famous saint Mor Behnam for example, who still today effects miracles and powers, like those which were performed in the time of the Apostles, in all those who visit him in faith, and yet he has no narrative at all, but only a tale that is passed on by word of mouth, as it pleases the one who is telling it to make it shorter or longer. (John of Mardin, 223, tr. A. N. P.)

do not know when it was abandoned for the last time, but as lately as 1589, there were three monks living there (Barṣaum 2008, 3.144). By 1481, Qelleth had acquired, in addition to the monasteries of Mor Abai and Mor Theodotus, a monastery of Mor Shabai, a monastery of Mor Dimeṭ and a hermitage of Mor Barṣawmo (Barṣaum 2008, 3. 367). 5 Mor Severios Roger Akhrass, the Syriac Orthodox patriarchal vicar for Syriac Studies, has kindly provided me with a copy of p. 429 of Dam 8/11 (unfoliated), which Vööbus, in his edition of the Synodicon in the West-Syrian tradition 2 (202f), counts as f. 203r. The two separate items which concern us here are: 1. “and the monastery of Mor Theodotus which is near to the fortress of Ṣawro”; 2. “and Mor Abai, which is near to the fortress of Tyre”. “Tyre” (Ṣw-r) is another name for Ṣawro. 6 whc.unesco.org > Tentative Lists > 6534: Late Antique and Medieval Churches and Monasteries of Midyat and Surrounding Area (Tur ʿAbdin). 7 I.e. Dayr wajaʿ raʾs. Sufferers prepare themselves by fasting and prayer, then spend the night – the ancient practice of “incubation” – in a cave with late antique crosses on the lintel of the entrance, where the bones of “the Saint” lie buried. They are believed to possess a healing power. Typically, for the Christian villages of this region, the holy building itself is referred to as “the Saint”.

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

Figure 6: The ruins of the monastery of Mor Abai, which lie twenty minutes’ walk to the north of the village of Qelleth (Turkish: Dereiçi). The oratory is thought to date from the sixth century (Keser Kayaalp 2021, 188, 202f, 204).

Figure 7: Qelleth seen from the direction of the monastery of Mor Abai

27

28

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Figure 8: The ruins of the monastery founded by Theodotus near Qelleth

Figure 9: The lintel of the Beth Qaddishe of the monastery of St Theodotus

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

29

Figure 10: The Beth Qaddishe (‘house of saints’) of the monastery of St Theodotus

This also applies to a certain Theodotus, after whom a small monastery was named, a small monastery of which only one record survives: a colophon written in the sixteenth century (Barṣaum 2008, 3.6). To judge by the location of this monastery, near that of Mor Abḥai (to be distinguished from Mor Abai) on the right bank of the Euphrates, this was not our Theodotus, but a contemporary of the eighthcentury bishop Simeon of Ḥarran (L. Simeon of Olives, §53f). Chorepiscopus Nuʿman Aydın, who copied out the Midyat manuscript of this Simeon’s Life, adds a note: This Mor Theodotus used to walk on the foothills of the North. 8 He had no house to go into and no cave for shelter. He used to walk in the winter in the snow and ice; and wild beasts would gather together from all the region in which he walked and pay their respects to him. He had no possessions at all to worry about.

Seeing that this footnote is not transmitted in any of the other manuscripts of this text and that no lengthier narrative is extant which describes a man with these characteristics, it is likely that Khuri Nuʿman knew only an oral tradition about him – exactly the state of affairs that John of Mardin regretted as long ago as the early twelfth century. But this energetic bishop does not say that none of the saints whose monasteries he brought back to life was commemorated in a written narrative. A full-length account of the Life of that seventh-century Theodotus for whom the monastery at I.e. the Taurus between Turkish Malatya and Adıyaman, which late ancient Syrians called “the Mountain of the North”. 8

30

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Qelleth was named has luckily escaped the proverbial tooth of time. You, reader, have obtained a copy of the first edition! This Theodotus is not, perhaps, one of the best-known saints, even to the Syrian Orthodox, who now have monasteries in Europe. 9 But in the fourteenth-century liturgical Calendar of Ṭur ʿAbdin he has two annual feast-days, one coinciding with the nativity of the mother of Jesus of Nazareth, the other with the day of her departure from the world; and there is another feast soon afterwards which will have brought pilgrims to Qelleth, or kept them there. Here are the relevant entries: 10 August 15, (commemoration of) the Departure of the Mother of God (and of that of) Theodotus, (bishop) of Amida, (who died) in the year (AG) 1009 [= AD 698]. (Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin) September 8, (commemoration of) the Nativity of the Mother of God and (of) her parents Joachim and Anna and (of) Theodotus, (bishop) of Amida. (Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin) September 20, (commemoration of) the Thousand Saints that are (buried) in the Monastery of Mor Abai. (Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin)

From the first of these three entries it is clear that the Life edited, translated, and explained below was known to the compiler of this calendar. From it he derives the information that Theodotus was a bishop (§138.1); that his see was Amida (§138.1); and that he died in 698 (§246.1). The Life is also the source of the information that Theodotus died on August 15th (§§200.2, 246.1). August 15th, as we have seen, is the feast of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary. The coincidence of Theodotus’ death falling on that great feast-day is too good to be true. January 25th was perhaps the all-too-ordinary day on which Theodotus actually died. In a liturgical calendar compiled by an anonymous monk at the monastery of Qenneshre at the end of the seventh century on the fly-leaves of a scholarly edition of the Syriac translation of the Qenneshre Greek hymn-book, a manuscript dated AD 675 (James, Hymns), we read: “January 25: (Commemoration of) the most blessed Theodotus, bishop” (Cal. Qenneshre 1). The epithet “most blessed” (Syriac: ṭubhethono) is a striking one. In the Life of Theodotus, a contemporary text, it is only ever used of the patriarch (§§76.1, 131.2). In a slightly later calendar from the same monastery, this date has been moved forward by two days, displaced, perhaps, by the feast of Gregory the Theologian (January 25): “January 23: (Commemoration of) Theodotus, bishop of Amida” (Cal. Qenneshre 2). His Life is not included in the 1600–page collection of Syriac Saints’ Lives recently published by the monastery of St Avgin (Eugene), Klosterstr. 10, CH-6415 Arth/SZ, Switzerland (Ṣon 2019). This publication is also available from [email protected]. 10 Note the clustering of these dates, which may have encouraged agriculturalists from other villages to stay in Qelleth between the corn-harvest and the time of winemaking, perhaps even to take part in the grape-harvest there. It is a time of festivities, secular as well as religious, from which family alliances might be expected to result. The intention may have been to boost the Miaphysite Christian population in the predominantly East-Syrian village. 9

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

31

Several features of this calendar suggest an early eighth-century date. In the year 708 died both James (Jacob), the bishop of Edessa, and Julian, the patriarch of Antioch. James was remembered at his monastery on May 31, Julian on July 9. A good number of their respective predecessors – six patriarchs of Antioch and nineteen metropolitans of Edessa – are also commemorated in this calendar. 11 One of these last, Thomas of Amida, was the personal “abbas” (spiritual father?) of the anonymous compiler (Cal. Qenneshre 2, November 18). 12 Now Thomas, bishop of Amida, died in 713 (Chr. Zuqnin, 156). Many heads of the monastery of Qenneshre are commemorated, too, but Basil, who was head of that monastery when Theodotus visited it (probably in 694; see §183.2 below), has no feast-day (cf. Table 5a, p. 66 below). It seems likely, then, that Basil was still alive when the calendar was compiled, so he may be the compiler. In the seventeenth century, the Syrian Orthodox of Aleppo preferred (one may conjecture) to hold a separate feast for “Mor Theodotus, bishop (one manuscript says “patriarch”!) of Amida” on August 16 (Cal. Aleppo, 84), rather than have the Mother of God, patroness of their church, “outshine” him on August 15. Theodotus is also commemorated in the Aleppo Diptychs (‫ ܩܠ‬/125), written AD 1648 for the church of the Mother of God, 13 to the north of downtown Aleppo. As early as the sixteenth century, there may have been a colony of Alepine Melkites at Amida (Karalewsky and Tournebize 1914, 1248). Both Cal. Aleppo and the Aleppo Diptychs 14 suggest that there was, by the seventeenth century, a corresponding colony of Amidene Miaphysites at Aleppo. These two cities were linked by the trade route which carried goods from the Mediterranean to the East, using kellek-rafts to navigate the Tigris Gorge from Amida to Mosul, and drifting on down to Baghdad. There is one more source to be considered before we give our full attention to the Life of Theodotus: this is the Chronicle of Zuqnin (Chr. Zuqnin). Amir Harrak, who has translated Parts 3 and 4 of this chronicle, agrees with Eugène Tisserant (1911, xxxi) that Joshua the Stylite should properly be identified as the author of Chr. Zuqnin. Moreover, he argues cogently, against Tisserant, for the thesis that the codex unicus in which this chronicle survives, the Vatican Syriac manuscript 162, is the author’s autograph. 15 Chr. Zuqnin (156, 164) gives the wrong dates for The4F

45F

Only the twentieth metropolitan, Timothy of Edessa (January 15), does not fit this theory. This bishop flourished around the middle of the eighth century (Michael 11.22, 466 – 11.24, 472). His name may have been added to the calendar later. The copy we have dates from the ninth century, so the scribe may have incorporated a commemoration which he found in the margin of his exemplar. 12 “My abbas, Mor Thomas, the metropolitan of Amida.” 13 This dedication was perhaps designed to call to mind the main Syrian Miaphysite church in Amida (Appendix 1, p. 320 below). 14 The Aleppo Diptychs commemorate forty bishops by name, five of them bishops of Amida. 15 Chr. Zuqnin, 9–17; Tisserant (1911, xxxi–xxxii) argues for the ninth century. 11

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odotus (713–29), probably because Joshua the Stylite did not have access to a complete list of the seventh-century bishops of Amida. Having read the Life of Theodotus earlier in his life, he thought he remembered that this saint succeeded to a bishop called Thomas (cf. especially §80.4, but also §§65–67, 78–81 below) and jumped to the false conclusion that Theodotus succeeded to the bishop of that name who, as has already been mentioned in connection with the date of Cal. Qenneshre 2, died in 713. In fact, at least two bishops of Amida bore this name in the seventh century and these should be distinguished from the early eighthcentury Thomas. The extended notice which Joshua gives to Theodotus contains further mistakes. These can likewise be put down either to a faulty memory of what he had once read in a copy of the Life of Theodotus, which he no longer had to hand, or to his defective list of seventh- and early eighth-century bishops of Amida – surprising in an author who lived so near to that city. However, he did remember some things correctly. There follows a new translation of Chr. Zuqnin, 164f, made directly from the first eight lines of folio 125v of the codex unicus (Vat. sir. 162), which can now be consulted online. It is annotated with reference to the Life of Theodotus below. On Bishop Theodotus of Amida: This holy bishop, Theodotus of Amida, because he had been brought up in the silence and in the solemn labors of the monastic life (iḥidoyutho), and applied his mind to these at every hour, and desired these 16 – and he was a gentle and mild man 17 and one adorned with all the divine virtues – he resigned from the episcopacy of that city, 18 and distanced himself from his throne, and abandoned that city; and he went down to the province of Dara, to (a Cf. §§3.1 and 5.1. This contrasts, in Chr. Zuqnin, with the portrait of Bishop Cosmas (165–68), which follows that of Theodotus (the chronicler is not aware that an otherwise unknown Matthew had succeeded Theodotus: Life of Theodotus, §§189.1 and 246.4). For the wonder-working Cosmas, who is compared with the prophet Elijah the Tishbite, was harsh and uncompromising in his criticism of the men in power at Amida. Theodotus did not allow anyone to make unreasonable demands of paupers and taught the ruling class that they would be justified by the poor (Life of Theodotus, §146.9); but his manner was less confrontational than that of Cosmas. The chronicler emphasizes his humility (cf. Life of Theodotus, §140.1f), his love of peace (cf. Life of Theodotus, §§1.3, 6.1, 68.2, 125.3, 154.1) and his compassion (cf. Life of Theodotus, §146.7 and 10). The portrait of Theodotus in Chr. Zuqnin is qualified by his Life, which tells us that all classes lived in fear of him (§148.3), and that he was capable of cursing and even excommunicating those who disobeyed him (§§154.2; 162.1). Like Cosmas, he was no respecter of persons (§156.1); but unlike that bishop, if the portrait of Cosmas in Chr. Zuqnin is accurate, he was generally respected and obeyed (§156.2). 18 The chronicler suggests that it was really because of Theodotus’ love of the monastic life that he resigned from episcopal office, which may well be true. But Theodotus’ disciple, Joseph, the source of the Life of Theodotus, claims the reason was the crippling weakness of old age (§§164.1, 176.1, 181.1). 16 17

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place) between those borders, which (are) between Dara and Amida; 19 and built a column there 20 and mounted it in imitation of Mor Thomas of Tella; 21 and he also built a monastery there, 22 which is standing, moreover, until now, next to a village which is called Qaluq; 23 and there he ended his life. 24

The mistakes in this account (and in this chronicler’s dating of Theodotus) pale into insignificance beside its deep penetration. For Joshua, the author of the Chronicle of Zuqnin, who had himself been a stylite for many years, Theodotus was first and foremost a fellow spirit: a lover of silence and stillness, who “applied his mind at every hour to the solemn labors of the monastic life and desired these.” His love of liminality was the reason, for Joshua, for Theodotus’ resigning from his see to end This agrees with the Life: §§125.1, 127.1, 127.4, 134.7, 165.1, 189.3f There was a stylite’s column near Serwan (BWO, G15, 5622) in the late seventh century (L. Simeon of Olives, §8) and another near the eastern gate of Nisibis (BWO, G15, 1913). Soon after the Arab Conquest, the Miaphysites had erected a religious establishment beside the gate of that city (Ishoʿyab, Letters, 82f). On becoming patriarch of the East Syrians in 649, Ishoʿyab (Letters, 222f) called upon the Nisibenes to demolish this perakhā “idolatrous shrine”. This must be a play on purgā “tower”, since Ishoʿyab also calls it a “filthy sign (i.e. phallic symbol)”. If a column was erected after Theodotus’ death as a Miaphysite challenge to the East Syrian village of Qelleth (or indeed to Qaluq), it may have seemed plausible to attribute this to Theodotus, just as the hollow tower for stylites outside Ḥapsenas (BWO, F15, 3357: Hapisnas), dated to 791/2 (Palmer 1987, 71, Inscription A.9), came to be attributed to Simeon, who was from that village, although he died in 734 (L. Simeon of Olives, §83). 21 There is nothing in the Life about Theodotus becoming a stylite. But he did write to Thomas in Tella when he felt he was about to die; and this famous stylite, who would die the following year (Chr. 846, AG 1010), sent him a letter of consolation (§§201–12). Perhaps the idea that Theodotus became a stylite grew out of the author’s strong impression of the admiration the former bishop of Amida expresses at §212.2 for Thomas of Tella: “To his disciple he said, ‘This blessed Mor Thomas is a man of abstinence and a worker of divine miracles and a seer of visions from the Holy Spirit.’” 22 This is accurate: cf. Life of Theodotus, §§193.1, 197.2, 200.3, 214.7, 239–42. 23 John of Mardin (228; Synodicon 2, 202) rebuilt the small church of Qaluq (which Assemanus calls “Koluk”). Qaluq was probably Memikâ (BWO, F15, 0372), situated at the foot of Keliga Hill (BWO, F15, 0472), which preserves the consonants of its name. If this is right, then Theodotus founded his monastery between Qelleth and Qaluq, so Chr. Zuqnin is not altogether wrong in saying it was near Qaluq, which, like Qelleth, could be described as being in the valley of Ṣawro (Barṣaum 2008, 3.179). 24 This is correct. See Life of Theodotus, §190.2 and the whole of Chapter Nine (§§201–46), especially §246.8. But note the heading above Theodotus’ last will and testament (§213.1), which tells us he made it “in the Monastery of Mor Abai”. Perhaps his monastery was like a skete on Mount Athos, which falls under the authority of the archimandrite of a coenobium, but is largely self-regulating. It may be relevant that John of Mardin speaks of Mor Abai’s and Mor Theodotus’ together as “Qelleth Monastery” (see Part 2, p. 25 n. 4, above). 19 20

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his life in a quiet retreat “between the borders”; and perhaps it was because he identified with him that he made the mistake of following what may have been an oral tradition that Theodotus became a stylite and forgot what is recorded in the Life, which certainly he had read, though he had forgotten some things. Joshua evidently finds it remarkable that Theodotus gave up, of his own accord, a position of such power, for he describes this momentous act in three different ways: “he resigned from the episcopacy, distanced himself from his throne, and abandoned his city.”

HOW THEY PRESERVED THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS

The preservation of the Life of Theodotus of Amida is due in the first place to Michael, Syrian Orthodox patriarch from 1166 to 1199, who admired John of Mardin (died 1165) and inherited that bishop’s belief that monks need books containing the Lives of the men who founded their monasteries. 25 After Michael, Bishara, a monk of Mor Ḥananyo’s near Mardin (BWO, G14, 8239: Dirisafran), helped preserve the text by translating it into Arabic in 1733/4, probably at the behest of someone in his native Aleppo, since it was from that city that his translation came to St Mark’s in Jerusalem, where it is kept today. Another monk of the “Saffron Monastery”, Yuḥannon Dolabani (later metropolitan of Mardin), made a careful copy of it in 1908 and in the following two years restored the great hagiographical collection in which it has been transmitted and bound it as SOP 361 and 362. In 1986, a monk of St Mark’s, Rabban Simeon, translated those parts of the Life which are now illegible in SOP 362 from Bishara’s Arabic back into Syriac. Each of these contributions was needed in order to produce the present edition. As editor, I pay tribute here to all of these men. In the following pages, I shall describe their work and my own in greater detail, beginning with the publication history, which starts in 1943. It was the Syrian Orthodox patriarch Mor Ignatios Ephrem I Barṣaum (1887– 1957) who first made the existence of our text known in print (Barṣaum 1943, 182, No. 40; 382, No. 112). His two notices are translated by Matti Moosa as follows: 40. The life-story of Theodotus of Amid written by the priest Simeon of Samosata as related to him by his disciple, Joseph the monk. (Barṣaum 2003, 168) 26 The manuscript SOP 359, f. 477r–480r, contains an unpublished panegyric by Michael the Syrian on John of Mardin (Vöobus 1971). Michael’s belief in the value of hagiography in the formation of monks is implicit in the use he makes of the Lives of Paul the Simple, Pachomius and John the Little in his 33 Chapters (Akhrass 2015, 1.137f, with references to the text): he cites examples of the disciple who confesses his sins to his master, trusting him implicitly to give him wise guidance. What else, indeed, should monks and nuns discuss, apart from “God’s Scriptures or the deeds of the great monks” (Itinerarium Egeriae XX 13, tr. Wilkinson)? 26 The footnote, as it stands, is difficult; it probably means the same as the footnote to the second notice. 25

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112. The presbyter Simeon of Samosata: Presbyter Simeon of Samosata, the Psaltes, 27 wrote the life of Mar Theodotus the Ascetic, metropolitan of Amid, who died around 700, as related by his disciple, the monk priest Joseph, shortly after this time. Of this useful biography, we found two copies in the Lives of the saints covering thirty large pages. (Barṣaum 2003, 351f) Footnote to this: Zaʿfaran MSS 117–118 and also at the Church of Diyarbakır. (Barṣaum 2003, 352)

Mor Philoxenos Yuḥanon Dolabani (1885–1969), the Syrian Orthodox metropolitan of Mardin (1947–1969) quotes, in his Syriac History of the Holy Abbey of Qartmin, published at Mardin in 1959, from §126 of the Life of Theodotus of Amida. I refer to the readily available second edition (Dolabani 1991, 79–80). Arthur Vööbus was the first to tell us, here in the West, of the existence of the Life of Theodotus of Amida (Vööbus 1976 and 1986). His hosts in the East (I have this from Malfono İsa Garis) took it amiss that he called it “a discovery”, since they themselves had shown it to him! As for me, before I read Vööbus’ announcement, my Syrian Orthodox hosts and mentors had already shared their knowledge of the Life of Theodotus with me. Had I only followed their advice, this text would have been published many years ago, though not in a critical edition, nor with so many notes. In 1977, shortly after I arrived at the monastery of Mor Gabriel to teach English and learn Syriac, Mor Iwannis Ephrem Bilgiç, the elderly bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin, made me a present of the above-mentioned book by Dolabani, which Malfono İsa Garis, from whom I first learned Syriac, promptly urged me to translate. The priest in charge of the Church of the Forty Martyrs at Mardin, the Reverend Gabriel ʿAllaf, gave me and my Malfono the run of his library, where we found MS 275, containing Dolabani’s copy of the whole Life, and read it together. The idea of my publishing the Life of Theodotus was born that day, in March 1978. I wrote to ask Dr Sebastian Brock of Oxford University for a reading-list on the history of Mor Gabriel’s and traveled up in the Christmas holidays of 1977 to read Henri Pognon’s Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, de la Mésopotamie et de la région de Mossoul (1907) at the British Institute of Archaeology in Ankara. Knowing no German at that time, I could not yet read Paul Krüger’s work on what I already called “my monastery”. When I confessed this to Hannes and Liesl Cornet, connoisseurs of Ṭur ʿAbdin, who visited Mor Gabriel’s after my return, they invited me to stay with them in Munich. That is how it happened that I went back up to Oxford in 1978, armed with French, Latin, Greek and the rudiments of Syriac and German. The modest plan to produce an annotated translation of Dolabani’s book was regretfully abandoned in favor of a doctoral thesis (Oxford 1983) on the sources for the early history of Qartmin Abbey, one of which is the Life of Theodotus. My secFor Greek ψάλτης (cf. §247.1n and the entry for ‫ ܡܙܡܪܢܐ‬in Table 7 below and the footnote to that table, giving a more exact translation of Barṣaum 1943, 351). Moosa (Barṣaum 2003, 351) printed Psalter, an error for Psaltes, as corrected above. 27

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ond teacher of Syriac and doctoral supervisor, Dr Sebastian Brock, first informed me of the existence of a twelfth-century manuscript of this text at the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate in Damascus. In 1984, I flew to Syria, where his Holiness Mor Ignatius Zakkai I ʿIwas gave me permission to photograph the precious codex. I proceeded to mine it for my book on the early history of Ṭur ʿAbdin, which would finally appear in 1990. By 1986 I had finished the manuscript of this book and was teaching Byzantine Studies at the University of Groningen, with a new researchproject on the legend of King Abgar. Dr Brock had corrected my first complete transcription and translation of Theodotus’ Life before I moved on to other duties flowing from my subsequent assignments. I published a number of studies (Palmer 1987, 1989a, 1990–91, 2006, 2009b and 2013), while my colleagues registered Theodotus among the Syriac saints (Fiey 2004; Tannous 2011b) and his Life among the sources for the first century of Islam (Hoyland 1997; Robinson 2000; Tannous 2018). I never found the time to edit the text, until I was stimulated by funding from the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World at New York University. This funding had been awarded to Professor Robert Hoyland, who also encouraged Professor Jack Tannous to publish the Garshuni Arabic version which he had edited and translated in his doctoral dissertation. It is hoped that Jack’s edition and translation will appear before too long and form a companion to mine. In editing the Syriac, I have benefited both from his advice and from his work in advance of publication. That this book has now come out is entirely due to Robert’s vision, his belief in people, and his patience. Two manuscripts, one of which is at present inaccessible

Barṣaum, as we have seen, knew two manuscripts of the Life of Theodotus, one in the Church at Diyarbakır, the other in the patriarchal library, which was at Ḥomṣ at the time he wrote. The former is at present inaccessible, so the latter is effectively our only manuscript. Visiting Amida shortly before the First World War, Barṣaum saw there a late twelfth-century parchment codex containing the Life of Theodotus. This was a collection of seventy-six Lives made at Mor Barṣawmo’s Monastery by the scribe Abu’lfaraj, the son of Abraham of Amida (Barṣaum 2008, 3.81–85). The 44th Life, which followed the patriarch Michael’s edition of the Life of Mor Abḥai (on which more in a moment), is listed as: “The story (tashʿitho) of Mor Theodhuṭe of Omidh”. This treasure has not yet been seen by any western scholar (Kessel 2015, 98–100; negative result of a search in vHMML Reading Room on July 11, 2021). It may still exist in one of the collections of Syriac manuscripts which remain inaccessible, such as that in Istanbul, which certainly has at least one manuscript from Amida. 28 59F

In 1984 the late Chorepiscopus Samuel Akdemir showed me a 16th-century manuscript of L. Barṣawmo, shelfmark 49–46, with an interesting colophon by Gregory bishop of Gargar,

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By “MSS Zaʿfaran 117–118” Barṣaum must mean Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate (SOP) 361–362 (olim Damascus 12/17–18). The Life of Theodotus of Amida occupies f. 58r, col. 1, to f. 69v, col. 1, of SOP 362, the second volume. Sadly, the colophon has perished, but enough evidence can be gleaned from the sparse sources for the following tale to be constructed. It provides a hypothetical explanation of the genesis of the codex in which our text has been preserved. It should be emphasized at the outset that no direct evidence can be quoted to support the inference that the creation of SOP 361–362 was Michael the Syrian’s idea and that Michael conceived a plan to furnish the major monasteries with similar (but not identical) collections of Saints’ Lives. Nevertheless, these inferences appear to be justified. The genesis of Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate MS 362

On Saturday, July 30, 1183, a neglected candle started a fire which wolfed the Miaphysite monastery of Mor Barṣawmo, on the summit of Kaplı Daǧ (BWO, F13, 6791), south of Turkish Malatya, together with its new library, the apple of the chronicler Michael’s eye. It took three years to make this mountain eyrie habitable again. After his consecration in 1166 as patriarch of the Syrian Miaphysite Church of Antioch, Michael had moved his throne from Amida to Mor Ḥananyo’s Monastery (Dayr al-Zaʿfaran), establishing his brother, Athanasius Ṣaliba, there as patriarchal vicar in 1177. Now he, too, came to live in this delightfully situated monastery, east of Mardin. There he was urged (no doubt by his brother, who remained bishop of Mardin until appointed to the see of Jerusalem in October 1184) to rewrite the Life of Abḥai, an early fifth-century bishop of Nicaea. 29 This was important to the Christians of Mardin as an historical document, not because this saint was born in the village of Reqman (which the present metropolitan of Mardin, Mor Philoxenus Ṣaliba, tells me was somewhere on the plain below the city), but because his Life contains the earliest reference to a bishop of Mardin, a certain Christopher. The poor Syriac style of this text had led some to doubt the veracity of its contents, and that detracted from the dignity of the see. But Michael, an accomplished writer, would remedy that! While browsing in the rich library of the patriarchal monastery and mourning both the loss of so many books in the fire at Mor Barṣawmo’s and the worldly ambition and treachery of his bishops, he conceived the idea of collecting the Lives of the Saints – edifying examples for his contemporaries, especially the monks, for from their number would arise the future leaders and allowed me to photograph it for my edition of that text, which is still in preparation. Some of the pages bore the stamp of the private collection of the Amidene Tuma Başaranlar, which makes me think the missing manuscript of the Life of Theodotus may also be held by that collection. Mor Philoxenos Yawsef Çetin plans to make the Istanbul MSS accessible to scholars, according to Mor Polycarpos Awgin Aydin, who asked him about the Life of Theodotus on my behalf in late 2021. 29 For the Life of Abḥai, see Bedjan 1896, 557–615, and Ṣon 2019, 2.118–57.

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of his Church – into one great “Omnibus Edition” with nearly a thousand pages, each vellum folio having three columns of writing on either side, recto and verso, with 48 or 49 lines to a column. This was perhaps the first of a series of such projects. Michael’s plan

The two existing manuscripts and the third which is known to have existed prove that Michael took an active interest in ensuring that at least some major monasteries possessed an “Omnibus Edition” of collected Lives, kept (no doubt) in a holy place, from which the monks might make copies of individual stories to read in their cells. Such books provided these men with timeless other-worldly rolemodels. Since church leaders were normally recruited from the monasteries, Michael may have thought this was a practical way of providing his Church with more idealistic bishops for the future. After all, the Crusades had brought that Church into contact with the rest of Christendom. It was high time to polish her image, apparently confirmed by her use of the Savior’s mother-tongue, Aramaic, as the “remnant, chosen by Grace” (Romans 11:5) of unspoiled Christianity, true to the message of the fishermen of Galilee, who knew nothing of the sophistry of the Greeks. Three similar codices made AD 1186–98 “at the feet of Patriarch Michael” 30

The Mardin Codex of 1186 (SOP 362)

If he followed the same procedure as is described in the colophon of British Library Additional MS 12,174 (on which more below), Michael will have found at Mardin a devout Miaphysite merchant who was willing to pay for the parchment and the binding, and who had a monk in his family who could be lucratively employed for a couple of years to copy out the texts. The scribe engaged at Mor Ḥananyo’s was Joshua, sacristan of Mor Malke’s Monastery, on the northern slopes of Mount Izala (SOP 361, f. 226v; Dolabani 1994b, 112; Barṣaum 2008, 2.366; Kessel 2015, 98 31). He will have worked in the library for which the book was intended, “at the feet of Patriarch Michael” (the phrase comes from Barṣaum’s copy of the colophon of the inaccessible Amida manuscript mentioned above). A second scribe, who signs himself Behnam Abalṭus, was employed, presumably to keep the project moving when Joshua was indisposed (Barṣaum 2008, 2.373). The job was finished in 1186

Binggeli 2012 studies the phenomenon of collected Lives in Syriac. “Qnonoyo” (Kessel 2015, 98) is a misreading of qunkhoyo, “sacristan,” from the Greek κόγχη, meaning “shell,” or “apse”.

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(Barṣaum 2008, 2.378). 32 In the same year, Michael returned to Mor Barṣawmo’s (Michael, 21.4, 730), which had risen like the fabled phoenix from its ashes. The Mor Barṣawmo’s Monastery codex of 1196 (BL Add. 12,174)

A decade afterwards, Michael had a similar hagiographical collection made for Mor Barṣawmo’s (the above-mentioned codex BL Add. 12,174). The colophon of this manuscript, dated October 1196, is fortunately intact (Wright 1872, 1138). The scribe, Joseph of Abu Ghalib’s Monastery, near Gargar, was a cousin of the sponsor, the deacon Ṣaliba. This manuscript ended up in the Monastery of the Mother of God in the Nitrian Desert of Egypt, known in Arabic as Dayr al-Suryan, “the Monastery of the Syrians”. 33 It was sold, in the nineteenth century, to the British Nation. Unfortunately, it does not contain the Life of Theodotus, though it may once have done so. The Amida codex of 1198 (inaccessible)

Two years later, a third parchment codex was filled with Saints’ Lives in Mor Barṣawmo’s monastery, “at the feet of the patriarch Michael”. The phrase (which we quoted earlier) is found only in Barṣaum’s description, but applies equally to all three codices. This is the Amida codex described by Barṣaum, which is at present inaccessible. It was made for Mor Eliyo’s monastery at Qanqrath (Turk. Karakilise) in the diocese of Amida, former residence of Athanasius Abu’l-faraj, Syrian Patriarch of Antioch; but security issues immediately arose which made it necessary to keep it in the church of the Mother of God, within the walls of Amida, until such time as it should be safe to send it to the monastery outside the walls. If the codex ever reached the monastery for which it was intended, it ended up back inside Amida, in the church of the Mother of God. Its contents and the text of its colophon were recorded by Barṣaum about the year 1910 (2008, 3.86). It is no longer in Amida. The order of the contents of SOP 361–362

The bishops might have expected Church leaders to come first in each collection; but pride of place was given, at least in the Mardin and Mor Barṣawmo’s Monastery codices, to the solitaries. This implies that poverty and humility rank above power and status in the “Kingdom of Heaven”. Michael would only finish his edition of the Life of Abḥai in the course of the year which began on October 1, 1184 (DoBarṣaum read the date as AG 1497 = 1186 “and not AG 1490 = 1179, as stated by Bishara of Aleppo in his Arabic translation of the Syriac, St Mark’s 199”. That Barṣaum’s reading is correct is shown by SOP 362, ff. 35r-42v, which contain Michael’s revised edition of the Life of Abḥai, with a colophon dated AG 1496 = 1184/5. 33 Rompay 2011. 32

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labani 1994b, 109; Barṣaum 2008, 2.370; Wright 1872, 1124). This may have made it necessary to put the solitaries before the Church leaders in SOP 361–362. Stories 1–50 are about ascetics, 51–83 about apostles (including bishops), 84–105 about male martyrs, 106–125 about holy women and female martyrs (Barṣaum 2008, 2.358–78). It would suit Patriarch Michael’s presumed pedagogical purpose to give precedence to the ascetical way of life and to close the series of the Church leaders with the Life of an exceptional bishop, Theodotus, who lived, to the end, as a “stranger to the world”. Chronological order in each category of saints

The initial plan – and this will have been Michael’s idea, for he was the author of an ambitious chronicle of the world from its creation by God until his own reign as patriarch in the years preceding the Fourth Crusade – was for Joshua to copy the texts out in chronological order within their several categories. In practice, this proved difficult, since the exemplars, some of which had to be sent for from other monasteries, did not always arrive on time. In two plaintive notes, Joshua regrets his failure to achieve this ideal (Barṣaum 2008, 2.364). 34 The Life of Theodotus, however, is placed correctly, right at the end of this series. For Theodotus was, in a sense, the last of his line. Of the Miaphysite bishops who reigned in the eighth century or later, only Simeon of Ḥarran is commemorated as a saint; 35 but his Life, which has recently been edited in Gorgias Press’ series of “Texts from Christian Late Antiquity” (Hoyland et al. 2021), was omitted by Joshua, perhaps because Michael had no time to remedy its stylistic shortcomings. Perhaps, too, given his difficulties with ambitious bishops, Michael preferred not to crown the “Apostolic Succession” with a shrewd entrepreneur, who curried favor with the Muslims, and who died, in stark contrast with Theodotus, a very wealthy man.

Mor Severios gives the number of the folios of SOP 361 on which the notes are written as 189r and 198r. 35 It is a striking fact that the Syriac Orthodox Church commemorates no saints who lived from the Abbasid Caliphate onwards. In “The Springs Run Dry,” the final chapter of my book on Ṭur ʿAbdin (Palmer 1990), reasons for this are sought in the self-seeking of the wealthy monasteries which played power-games through their monks, when these became bishops. 34

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

Figure 11: Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate, Manuscript 362 (olim Damascus 12/18), completed in the year 1186. Folio 58 recto, with the beginning of the Life of Theodotus of Amida, as told by his disciple Joseph and written down by Simeon of Samosata about the year 700. Photo: Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate.

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA The codex follows the patriarch to Syria

The Codex, brainchild of a patriarch, stayed at Mor Ḥananyo’s, “the Monastery of the Throne”, until it followed the patriarchal see to Ḥoms in 1932. In 1614 it had been – for how long we do not know – in one of those anchoritic “eagles’ nests” which look down on the mother-house: the cliff-top monastery of Mor Jacob of Serugh (Barṣaum 2008, 2.361, n. 1). 36 Just before the First World War and the terrible massacres committed in the Upper Tigris region (on which see Ternon 2007), it was rebound as two volumes. This was done by the monk Yuḥannon Dolabani (later metropolitan bishop of Mardin 1947–69 with the name Mor Philoxenus) in the monastery of Yoldath Aloho dh-Noṭpo, another of Dayr al-Zaʿfaran’s halo of rock-cut retreats. On behalf of the present Syriac Orthodox patriarch, Mor Ignatius Ephrem II Karim, Mor Severios Roger Akhrass, the patriarchal vicar for Syriac studies, recently supplied me with high-resolution digital images of the relevant folios. This manuscript will be referred to in this edition as SOP 362. The page on which the Life of Theodotus begins is illustrated in Figure 11 above. Descriptions of the Codex

A list of the contents of SOP 361 and 362 (olim Damascus MS 12/17 and 12/18) by Brock is appended to the French translation of the patriarchal catalogue (Dolabani 1994a, 609ff). Dolabani had included his own list of contents in his own more detailed catalogue (1994b, 2.104–12), executed at a speed surprising in a man who had devoted two whole years of his life to this precious manuscript (Dolabani 2007, 34). 37 A fuller and more careful description was made by Barṣaum (2008, 2.358–78). Binggeli (2012, 50–55) devotes several pages to our manuscript. See vol. 1 of the forthcoming Catalogue of the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchal Manuscript Library. 38 The folios are all approximately the same size: 25.5x20.5cm, but the binding of SOP 361 measures 41x32x14cm, which is slightly bigger than that of SOP 362 (40x30x10cm). The original codex, then, was only a little smaller than a carry-on suitcase. It contained 49 quinions (a quinion is a gathering of five doubled leaves), making 490 leaves, 90 of which are now lost. Cf. BL Add. 12,174, which had 50 quinions (250 folded leaves = 1,000 pages). 39

One of these troglodyte dwellings (Palmer 2010 names them all) can be seen above the monastic oratory of Mor Ḥananyo in the photograph by Riccardo Grassetti (Brock 2001, vol. 2, 82). 37 He even gives 1904 as the year in which he rebound the Codex in two volumes, whereas the correct date, noted at the end of his colophon in SOP 361, f. 253v, is September 18, 1909 (Barṣaum 2008, 2.389). 38 Thanks to Mor Severios, I was able to examine a draft of this description. 39 Wright 1872, 1123 (DCCCCLX). 36

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43

The two scripts employed by the scribe and the poor condition of the MS

The two serial numbers of the Life of Theodotus, 83 of the whole collection and 33 of the series of Apostles, are written between the first and second columns of folio 58r in the Gospel Script (Esṭrangelo). However, the rest of the manuscript, including the title, is written in the Semiminuscular Script (Land 1862, 79), a cursive script which mixes letters of the Gospel Script with the rounder Plain Script. Barṣaum (2008, 2.358) calls this Esṭrangelo, but Land’s term is more exact. For those who do not succumb to the charm of the word “semiminuscular”, an alternative, “the Medial Script” has been proposed (Ceriani 1861, vol. 2, fasc. 2, xviii; Palmer 1989b, 77). The title, headings and conclusion of our text are written in red ink; they are printed here in the Gospel Script. In the eighteenth or the nineteenth century the MS was badly damaged, probably by rising damp, so that the bottom half of the column nearest to the binding on every page has become partially illegible. The Arabic translation of SOP 362, made while the codex was still intact

Before it was so damaged, the 1186 codex was translated into Arabic in 1733–34 by the monk Bishara of Aleppo at Mor Ḥananyo’s Monastery and written down in Syriac characters in the style called “Garshuni” (Palmer 1990–91; Tannous 2011b, 409). This can be read online in vHMML Reading Room, where the project numbers of the two-volume set are SMMJ (St Mark’s Monastery Jerusalem) 199A and 199B. The second volume begins with the Life of Abraham of the High Mountain. The contents are listed in the Legacy Catalogue (18.235.151.129/detail.php? msid=135652 and the same reference ending in 3, instead of 2), where it is recorded that the manuscript “was purchased in Aleppo and donated to Saint Mark’s in 1874”. The Life of Theodotus occupies ff. 547r – 564v of the second volume. The texts of SOP 362 and of SMMJ 199B are divided into the same sections by a bunch of four dots made with red ink and joined by a small black cross. This is represented in the Syriac edition by the symbol ‫ ܀‬printed at the head of every new section. The long sections are subdivided, in the Syriac text printed here, into shorter subsections. Thanks to the Garshuni version, the lost parts of the text of SOP 362 can be recovered by back-translation. The back-translation was made at St Mark’s in Jerusalem by Rabban Simeon from the village of Mzizaḥ (BWO, F15, 4345: Mizah) in Ṭur ʿAbdin and checked at Munich with the help of the late Professor Michel van Esbroeck. 40 In 2013, the present writer edited, by way of illustra71F

Rabban Simeon has the distinction of having made the Life known to the Arabic-speaking inhabitants of Qelleth, the village where Theodotus lies buried. In 1984 I went to Qelleth to find Theodotus’ monastery. The late Shammosho Yusuf Kaya d-be Piro, a deacon of the ancient church of St. John of Dailam (he appears in Figures 7, 8 and 10), told me of dayr wajaʿ rus, “the Migraine Monastery,” where sufferers from migraine spend the night in the Beth Qaddishe (Figures 9 and 10). The villagers did not know the Life of Theodotus, or even their own saint’s name. So Rabban Simeon read Bishara’s Arabic translation of the Life into an

40

44

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

tion, a badly damaged passage from the last part of the Life (§§236 and 237) with photographs of the corresponding pages of Damascus 12/18 (SOP 362) and of St Mark’s 199B (Palmer 2013, 38). Jack Tannous is preparing an edition of the Garshuni version with an English translation. His edition will be divided into the same numbered sections as the one in Part 3 below. With both volumes open at any given section, the reader will be able to compare the Syriac and the Arabic. He will be able to see which Arabic word lies behind a given Syriac supplement. The supplements in the present edition are of two kinds: those not underlined were still legible in SOP 362 when Dolabani made his copy (see the following section); those underlined have been backtranslated from the Arabic. The copy of the Life of Theodotus made from SOP 362 by the monk Yuḥannon Dolabani in 1908

The words printed between square brackets are supplied with greater confidence, thanks to the testimony of Yuḥannon Dolabani, who made a careful record of what could still be deciphered on the damaged corners of the parchment pages, before cutting these away and replacing them with paper. His all-but-perfect transcription of the Life, which was made from SOP 362 in 1908, is preserved in the collection of the Church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin. Digital images of this manuscript can be studied online in the vHMML Reading Room (project number CFMM 275). It would be too confusing for the reader to make a distinction between this manuscript and the words which Dolabani penciled on the paper with which he restored the parchment folios, or rather, the letters he could actually read. 41 Dolabani later became acquainted with SMMJ 199A-B (Dolabani 1994b, 104n1), but in 1908–13, the time of his stay at the monastery of Yoldath Aloho dh-Noṭpo (Dolabani 2007, 32–36), his only source of knowledge about the Life of Theodotus was what he could still make out (or thought he could make out in the twilight of his cave) on what remained of the leaves of SOP 362.

old-fashioned tape-recorder and sent the cassette tape-recording to Qelleth. Still now, I hope, the villagers can listen to Theodotus’ dying prayer to Christ (§234.1) that sufferers from migraine might find relief near his bones. 41 My photograph of a part of f. 68r, col. 1, printed as Figure 6 in Palmer 2013, 36, shows how Dolabani pencilled in the words which he read on the condemned portion of the support. The date of the photograph is mistakenly given there as 1986.

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

45

HOW TO NAVIGATE THIS EDITION 1 1.1 (1) [text] [text] {text}

Symbols 42

The number at the head of each subsection represents a section marked as such in SOP 362.

The number after the dot identifies the subsection. (Some sections have only one “subsection”.)

A number between round brackets marks the beginning of a new column in SOP 362 (Table 1). Text in square brackets was recorded before paper was pasted over the damaged parchment.

Underlined text in square brackets has been translated from the Garshuni back into Syriac. Text in braces has been deleted by the editor as interpolated or substituted in error. Text in angle brackets has been supplied by the editor and is no more than a conjecture. Punctuation

The punctuation is editorial throughout. 43

‫܁‬ ‫܂‬ .

High Point (Marks a high-pitched suspension in the middle of a Sentence.) Subscript Dot (Marks a low-pitched suspension in the middle of a Sentence.) Period (Closes a Sentence.)

[Tricolon]

High Point, Subscript Dot and Period in succession, e.g.

...

Ellipse (Indicates that a Sentence is left incomplete.)

‫܅‬

.‫� ܒܫܘܪܝܐ ̇ ܘ� ܒܡܨܥܬ ܼܐ ܘ� ܒܫܘܠܡܐ‬

Double High Point after a word (Marks a Vocative, or an Exclamation.)

In this, as in restoring as far as possible what was written by the author and taking responsibility for the punctuation of the text, I follow my former tutor in Greek lyric poetry, the late Martin Litchfield West (d. 2015), the author of a book on Textual Criticism and Editorial Technique (West 1973). 43 The diacritical pointing and the vocalization of SOP 362, even if they are secondary and do not go back to the author, are only altered where they are either wrong, or confusing to the reader. 42

46 :

‫܇‬ ‫܈‬

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA Colon (Marks a Phrase such as “And he said”, or “as follows”.)

Backward sloping Colon (Marks off a separate Clause of a Sentence.) Forward sloping Colon above the line (Marks a Question.) Editorial Decisions (ED)

N.B. Footnotes to the text refer to ED 1–9 which may be consulted as cases occur in the text. The policy of this edition may be summed up as follows. Orthography is standardized, but syntax is only standardized where it can be shown by parallels which have been transmitted intact that this procedure is not anachronistic. ED 1: Deleting interpolations A. Interpolations in general, and §§99.1 and 101.1 in particular

Text tends to accumulate in the margins and to migrate from there into the body of the text. Episode B of Chapter Four introduces the village of Ṭamnin, which it says is seven miles distant from the monastery of St Sergius, where Theodotus was staying (§87.1). Episode C is set in the same village. Evidently, the episodes of the Life were sometimes read out separately in the refectory. Before reading Episode C to his brethren while they savored their lentils, one monk thought it advisable to alter the text from “the village of Ṭamnin” to “a village called Ṭamnin”. He reminded himself to do this by writing the word ‫ ܕܫܡ ̇ܗ‬horizontally in the margin opposite the name (§99.1). Another monk, in the same situation, thought it better to repeat (from §87.1) the information that Ṭamnin was a village seven miles distant from the monastery. He prepared himself carefully for this, turning the book through a quarter-circle to the left and writing his “note-to-self” vertically, beginning at the bottom of the margin. One day, the Head of the Monastery told a brother to make a new copy of the Life of Theodotus. The brother asked for guidance: Should he copy what was written in the margins, or leave it out? The older monk advised him that the safest thing was to include marginal jottings in the text. After all, they might have been omitted by a previous copyist, who intended to rectify his error in this way. So the young monk inserted ‫ ܫܡ ̇ܗ‬after the ‫ ܕ‬of ‫ܩܪܝܬܐ ܕܛܡܢܝܢ‬. Only when he reached the bottom of the page, did he read the sentence written vertically, because he assumed it referred to the place in the text opposite which it began. He inserted it at the next opportunity (§101.1), realizing, too late, that it “belonged” to §99.1. This is an object lesson in understanding the process of interpolation. B. Interpolated headings

SOP 362 has a number of rubrics: the title (§1.1) and the conclusion (§256.1) are standard, but they are not necessarily copies of those in the exemplar. The incipit comes directly after the title and the explicit immediately before the conclusion. In

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

47

addition to the title and the conclusion, there are ten intermediate headings in SOP 362, one of which (§158.1) is written in black ink, the rest in red. This difference in color is indicated in this monochrome edition by the use of the Gospel Script for everything written in red and the Plain Script for the rest. Three of these intermediate headings are original to the text. The remaining seven are interpolations, enclosed in braces (indicating editorial deletion). Here are the seven interpolated headings:

§41.1

§106.1 §123.1 §146.3 §158.1 §175.1 §232.1

{‫ܥܒܕܗ‬

‫}ܥܠ�ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܣܥܪ �ܗܐ ܠܘܬ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ {‫} ̈ܚܙܘܢܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ {‫}ܚܙܘܐ ܘܓܠܝܢܐ ܕܕܢܚ ܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ {‫}ܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܩܠܝܬܗ ܗܟܢܐ‬ ̈ ‫}ܥܠ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܥܠ �ܝ̈�ܐ ܘܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܪܕܝܦܝܢ ܡܢ‬ {‫ܫܐܕܐ‬ {‫}ܥܠ�ܨܒܘܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܚܣܝܪܘܬ ܡܛܪܐ ܕܗܘܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܘܒܕܝܪܐ‬ {‫}ܨܠܘܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬

These seven “headings” seem to have been jotted by readers in the margins to mark the places of miracles for themselves or for others. A later copyist inserted them in the body of the text. At §41.1, §106.1, and §232.2 the headings are misplaced, which makes it clear these have been interpolated. In the previous paragraph we saw how it could happen that the words “And the village of Ṭamnin was seven miles distant from the monastery” were inserted at §101.1, rather than at §99.1, where they “belong”. The passages referred to by the “heading” at §123.1 and §146.3 are much too short to merit headings; and, even where the “heading” refers to a string of miracles (§41.1, §106.1, §123.1, §158.1, §175.1), it is anomalous, seeing that many miracles, including some of the best ones, have no headings at all. In addition, there are linguistic reasons for suspecting some of these “headings” (e.g. the particle ‫ ܕܝܢ‬in §175.1). The authentic headings, all more formally phrased, introduce documents: §130.3 ‫ܐܓܪܬܐ ܕܟܬܒ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܗܟܢܐ‬ §131.1 ‫ܗܟܢܐ‬

‫ܦܚܡܐ ܕܐܓܪܬܐ ܕܥܒܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ §213.1 ‫ܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܕܥܒܕ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐܒܝ‬

Like L. Barṣawmo, therefore (as noted in the introduction to my 2020 translation of this text, p. 5), the original Life of Theodotus was divided into chapters without headings. In this edition, the chapters are provided with editorial headings. Each chapter is divided into episodes under sub-headings. The three original headings are printed in SMALL CAPITALS. See the Table of Contents, at the front of this book, for an overview. C. Further interpolations

§26.1–§28.2 is plainly a later interpolation. It interrupts the narrative of Theodore’s death most unnaturally. Moreover, it detracts from Theodotus’ glory by al-

48

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

lowing the dying patriarch to effect the cure, which is against the rule that a eulogy should only contain the praises of the person eulogized. There are also several solecisms, which do not seem typical of our author: the use of ‫ ܓܝܪ‬in §26.1, the omission of ‫ ܐܘ‬before ‫ ܓܒܪܐ‬in §28.2 and, in the same subsection, the inconsistency of a single demon speaking out of a man said to be possessed by several thousands of them. The death of the patriarch Theodore seems to have concluded a chapter. The next chapter may have begun on a fresh sheet. This would leave an area of blank parchment before the new chapter – an irresistible temptation to a scribbler! A later copyist, too timid to suppress secondary marginalia, inserted it in the only place where it fitted. The same phenomenon has been observed in L. Barṣawmo, where §31, which comes just before the saint’s second pilgrimage to Jerusalem, is a long interpolation, for which there would be no room in a normal margin. Likewise, §§100, 129–30, 151 and 160.2 (with 162–63) are all narratives of miracles which have evidently been inserted on partly filled pages at the end of chapters (see my 2020 translation, 12–17, 35f, 90, 114f, 131f, 137, 138f). §41.2–4 is an interpolation of a different kind: one composed by a scribe and willfully inserted into the story he was copying. The writer’s motive for doing this may have been to make Theodotus conform to a pattern he had seen in other hagiographical texts. Julian Saba, for example, makes a pilgrimage to Mount Sinai. In the original story, Theodotus never climbed this mountain, for in §30.1, we read:

‫ܘܬܪܨ ܐܘܪܚܗ ܕܢܐܙܠ �ܘܪܫܠܡ ܘܢܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܕ ̈ܘܟܝܬܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܬܐ ܕܒܗܝܢ ܗܠܟ ܡܪܢ‬

“He set a straight course for Jerusalem to obtain a blessing from the holy places where our Lord walked.”

It is strange, therefore, that we read in §41.2:

‫ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܝ ̈ܘܡܝܢ ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܡܪܢܝܬܐ ܥܠ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܕܠܛܘܪ ܣܝܢܝ‬

“One day he had the idea of a journey to Mount Sinai.”

The whole of the passage which follows has been interpolated. This must have happened after the false heading {‫ }ܥܠ�ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܣܥܪ �ܗܐ ܠܘܬ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥܒܕܗ‬was interpolated at §41.1, since, when the account of the journey to Sinai is removed, this “heading” comes directly above the passage to which it refers. There is at least one other interpolation in our text (for I do not count the dittography of ‫ ܗܘܘ‬in successive lines at §146.8 as an interpolation). This is the Auxiliary ‫ ܗܘܐ‬which changes the Present Tense to the Past at §87.1: “And when holy Theodotus heard, he left the Monastery-That-Is-Spacious and went to the chapel of the Mother of God which was (read: is) in a village called Ṭamnin, seven miles distant from the monastery.”

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

49

ED 2: Supplying text presumed lost A. Supplements necessary due to a saut du même au même

At §43.1 text has fallen out by a saut du même au même. The exemplar used by the copyist responsible for this omission will have been laid out in columns. The passage in question must have looked like this:

‫ܩܕ̄ ܕܝܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܟܕ ܡܗܠܟ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܘܣܥܪ ܕ ̈ܘܟܝܬܐ ܕܗܠܟ‬ ‫ܒܗܝܢ ܡܪܢ ܚܙܐ ܡܫܪܝܐ ܚܕ‬ ‫⟩ܘܣܡ ̇ܗܘ ܡܫܪܝܐ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ‬ ⟨‫̇ܕܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ‬ .‫ܘܣܡ ܐܝܕܗ ܥ� ̄ܘ ܘܐܬܚܠܡ‬

After writing the third line, the scribe was distracted for a second. When his eye returned to the page, it found, not line four, but line six. The mistake occurred because both lines began with the same word (printed here in bold). The scribe had retained just this word in his memory. The consequence was that lines four and five were omitted. It is the editor’s job to see what has happened and supply the words needed. Without this supplement the passage which follows does not hang together. At §146, for instance, a supplement is needed between passage α and passage β, as shown here: α.

Mor Theodotus summoned the archdeacon of the (cathedral) Church and gave him the following instructions (‫ܘܩܪܝܗܝ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ �ܪܟܝܕܝܩܘܢ ܕܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫)ܘܦܩܕܗ ܗܟܢܐ‬: “Every Wednesday each of the priests in this city shall make one qurobho in each of its minor churches for the Mother of God, the Prophets, the Martyrs, the Holy Fathers and the Apostles, and on Fridays likewise, and on Saturdays for all Solitaries and for all those who have died in the Faith. Every Sunday they shall offer the Sacrifice in all those minor churches as a commemoration of our Savior’s Resurrection, but all the people shall assemble in the (cathedral) Church.”

⟨‫⟩ܘܬܘܒ ܩܪܝܗܝ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܘܦܩܕܗ ܗܟܢܐ‬

“And again, he summoned his disciple and gave him the following instructions” (this supplement is modelled on the bracketed words in passage α) β.

“See to it, my beloved Mor Joseph, that everything which God provides for this cell from one Friday to the next is taken out and distributed among the poor!”

50

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

The supplement happens to follow the interpolated “heading”: ‫}ܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‬ {‫§( ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܩܠܝܬܗ ܗܟܢܐ‬146.3). This explains the omission, because it ends with the word ‫ ܗܟܢܐ‬which must also have been the last word of the sentence omitted: the saut du même au même again!

̈ ‫ܡܢ‬ After §158.1 ‫ܫܐܕܐ‬ supply the following:

‫ ܥܠ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܥܠ �ܝ̈�ܐ ܘܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܪܕܝܦܝܢ‬the

editor has to

⟨‫⟩ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐ�ܝ̈�ܐ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܪܕܝܦܝܢ ܡܢ ̈ܫܐܕܐ‬

The missing subject has been supplied in order to make the text run smoothly. Here the saut du même au même could occur all the more easily because the line which has been omitted is almost identical with the interpolated heading. Likewise, after §175.1 ‫ ܥܠ� ܨܒܘܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܚܣܝܪܘܬ ܡܛܪܐ ܕܗܘܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܘܒܕܝܪܐ‬the editor, to make the sequel intelligible, has to supply the following:

⟨‫⟩ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܣܝܪܘܬ ܡܛܪܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܘܒܕܝܪܐ‬

A saut du même au même also accounts for a small lacuna at §214.5, a sentence in which the word “knows” occurred twice. The scribe’s eye jumped from the first occurrence to the second, causing him to omit two words. B. Other supplements

i. Right at the beginning, in §3.1, where the boy Theodotus chooses the monk Severus as a role-model, a question arises. Can Joseph really have written that Theodotus said: “Father, please may I be your disciple and your beloved?” In a romantic appendix to the Testament of Ephrem (67), the dying saint asks a young woman called Lamprotate to leave his bedroom (she has fallen upon his chest and is begging to be buried at his feet, see §242.13n): If I let you have your way, Folk, I fear, may disapprove. When I’m dead, they’re sure to say: “She was Ephrem’s dearest love (‫”!)ܚܒܝܒܬܗ‬

A boy asking to be accepted as the “beloved” of a single man might well cause eyebrows to be raised. Would not the young Theodotus actually have said: “Father, please may I be your disciple and servant?” But if he did, why did Severus use the verb ‫ ܐܚܒܬܢܝ‬in his answer? It is cognate with ‫ ܚܒܝܒܐ‬and appears to confirm that Theodotus had uttered the word “beloved”. We cannot emend ‫ ܚܒܝܒܐ‬to ‫ ܫܡܫܐ‬without the support of a witness. We can only speculate that the original text may have had ‫“ ܒܪܐ ܚܒܝܒܐ‬beloved son” and that ‫ ܒܪܐ‬has fallen out of the text, as frequently happens with single words. ii. Many Syriac scribes divided the page into two or three columns, like a newspaper, so the losses of a few words at §5.1, §114.3, and §154.1 can be accounted for by supposing a scribe skipped one line in each place. From §219.1 to §231.1 there is a litany of thirteen short commemorations, each of which will have started with

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

51

the same formula, ending with the words “at this time”. It is perfectly understandable that a scribe omitted these words in two places: §228.1 and §231.1. Each of the remaining omissions is of a single word. This happened twice in §13.3 and once each in §§43.1, 43.4, 65.1, 114.7, 115.2, 146.9, 154.2, 156.1, 215.3 and 231.1. Anybody can omit a word in copying a text; it is usually obvious to the reader what is missing. iii. At the end of §54.2 we read in SOP 362 that Theodotus “spoke with everyone while bowing deeply, according to his rank”. These last words ‫ ܐܝܟ ܛܟܣܗ‬make no sense, since Theodotus was no respecter of persons (§156.1). Bishara, seeing this, translated “in accordance with his custom”. But how did ‫“ ܛܟܣܗ‬his rank” come to be substituted for ‫“ ܥܝܕܗ‬his custom”? What has happened is rather that �‫“ ܘ‬and not” was omitted by accident before the original text ‫“ ܐܝܟ ܛܟܣܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‬according to their rank” (which should read: “and not according to their rank”). Consequently, what remained was harmonized by changing the possessive from plural to singular. The word “not” also needs to be supplied at §159.1. iv. At §127.2, the word ‫“ ܪܒܬܐ‬great” may have been corrupted from ‫“ ܩܪܝܬܐ‬village”, but such a mistake is not easy to explain. If the support was damaged so that only the ending could be clearly read, then qritho is a more obvious guess than rabbetho, an epithet which no other village is given in this text. This is the difficilior lectio, therefore, which the editor ought to prefer, even perhaps without having a choice between variant readings. On the other hand, there is no other village in the text which is named without adding the word ‫ ܩܪܝܬܐ‬either before or after the name (§§1.2, 69.1, 77.5, 86.1, 87.1, 99.1, 101.1, 110.1, 114.3, 125.1, 134.2, 150.1, and 187.2). If the support was blotchy, this would explain the corruption of ‫ܩܘܪܕܝܘܣ‬ (the name of the village) to ‫ ܩܘܕܪܝܘܣ‬reversing the order of the diacritical points which distinguish ‫ ܪ‬from ‫ܕ‬. The best solution seems to be to supply the word ‫ܩܪܝܬܐ‬ before ‫ܪܒܬܐ‬. The omission of a single word is a common accident in copying, as we have seen (cf. ii, directly above), and may have occurred here by a miniature saut du même au même (cf. section 2A, above), from a Noun ending in ‫ ܬܐ‬to the Adjective which agrees with it and so has the same ending. ED 3: Correcting the confusion of two similar words

i. At §53.1 a scribe has written ‫ ܩܘ�ܒܢܐ‬for ‫( ܩܘ�ܒܐ‬cf. Table 7, p. 70 below) and, at §53.4, by way of unconscious compensation, ‫ ܩܘܪܒܐ‬for ‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‬. These mistakes are corrected here. At §§53.3, 58.2, 108.1 and 199.3 ‫ ܩܘܪܒܐ‬is written correctly. In the last two places ‫ ܩܘܪܒܐ‬follow closely on ‫(“ ܡܐܡܪܐ‬verse-)homilies” in contexts which show that what is meant is another kind of liturgical text, not the Eucharistic Liturgy. Today, the word ‫ ܩܘܪܒܐ‬is used by the Syrian Orthodox as a synonym of ‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‬. Michael 11.7, 421, quoting from Dionysius of Tell-Maḥre (died 845), already has ‫ ܩܘܪܒܐ‬in the sense of ‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‬, the celebration of the Eucharist. This change in linguistic usage occurred early on, therefore, and explains the scribe’s mistake in exchanging the two words.

52

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

̈

ii. At §154.4 a scribe has ‘emended’ ‫“ ܫܩܘܗܝ‬his shins” to ‫ܘܫܒܩܗ‬. This produces the sentence: “and he left him on his thighs.” But what does this mean? The scribe would no doubt reply that what he found in his Vorlage was nonsense: “and he thrashed him with this his shins upon his thighs.” He did not recognize the allusion to Judges 15:8, probably because the Peshitta has a slightly different text of that verse: “And he [Samson] smote them [the Philistines] from their shins right up to their backs, a crushing defeat.” Joseph must have known the Syrohexapla, which has “And he smote them shin and thigh, a crushing defeat.” See Lagarde 1892, 178, line 24, and Payne Smith 1901, 2859. ED 4: Correcting common errors

Other errors due to the minimal difference between the words, or rather the prefixed letters involved, is the confusion of ‫ ܕ‬and ‫ܘ‬, in four cases, and of ‫ ܘ‬and ‫ ܒ‬in a fifth. These corrections are noted. Scribes often get a friend to dictate the text to them. A purely acoustic error is to write the masculine plural ending of a Noun instead of the singular with the masculine singular Possessive Suffix. This has been corrected, in §8.2, by emending ‫( ܥܘܡ�ܐ‬plural) to ‫ ܥܘܡܪܗ‬with a footnote. Joseph, the disciple of Theodotus, who dictated the Life to Simeon of Samosata, occasionally uses the longer form of the third person masculine plural ending of the Perfect Tense. Mostly, however, he uses the short form, which has the disadvantage that it is phonetically identical with the ending for the third person masculine singular. This causes the singular to be written for the plural and vice versa. There is a strong case for regarding Vatican Syriac MS 162 (Vat. sir. 162) as the autograph of Chr. Zuqnin (Harrak 1999, 12–17). If this is the case, the author himself frequently makes this mistake. Nevertheless, in this edition, it has been silently standardized, being a matter of orthography (cf. ED 6). Only two instances call for footnotes. At §123.8 ‫ ܫܒܩ‬has been emended to ‫ܫܒܩܘܢ‬. In the story about Joshua and his wife, this woman speaks as if Joseph did not exist. For her, he is only a servant and therefore not worth mentioning. But Joseph cannot have forgotten himself, so when his narrative of the journey is resumed, the plural ending for the two travelers must be resumed as well. The longer ending is needed to make the change of subject unmistakable. ED 5: Making the Passive Participle agree with its grammatical subject

Nöldeke (1904, §279) says: “A favorite mode of employing this [i.e. the Passive] Participle includes mention of the agent introduced by [Lomadh]: ‫(‘ ܥܒܝܕ ܠܝ‬has been) done by me’ = ‘I have done.’ A logical object may stand with it as a graṁ ‫ܪܓܫܐ‬ matical subject.” In our text, most examples of this are clear-cut: §144.1 ‫ܒܗܘ‬ ̇ ‫( ܕܫܩܝܠܝܢ ܠܗ‬where the subject is the plural ‫“ ܬ �ܥܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ‬the doors of the cathedral”) and §151.1 ‫ ܐܢܫ ܕܣܥܝܪܐ ܠܗ ܚܛܝܬܐ‬are two examples. At §54.2, however, the diacritical point above the Passive Participle ‫ ܚܙܐ‬needs to be replaced by twin diacritical points below. There is no need for a footnote here.

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

53

A few of the Passive Participles in our text have actually been altered to agree with the logical subject. At §89.3, SOP 362 has ‫ܘܡܫܕܪ ܠܗ ܘܡܝܬܝ ܠܗ ܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ܩ ̈ܕܝܫܐ‬. The first of the two grammatical subjects is ‫ ܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‬and the two Passive Participles which precede this must agree with it: ‫ܘܡܫܕܪܐ ܠܗ ܘܡܝܬܝܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‬. It was probably the same copyist who, at §53.4 and at §197.2, changed ‫ܡܟܢܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬, agreeing with the grammatical subject, into ‫ܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ‬, agreeing with the logical subject, that is, the agent (at §53.4 the alternative is to emend the last word, making ‫)ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬. At §96.2, the same thing has happened to ‫ ܡܟܢܫܐ ܗܘܬ‬where the grammatical subject is ‫ܥ�ܘܒܘܬܐ‬. At §99.2, a scribe has changed the Passive Participle ‫ ܡܟܬܫ‬to the Present Passive ‫( ܡܬܟܬܫ‬though here the Verb has an Active sense), showing this construction was unfamiliar to him. ED 6: Standardizing the orthography

The orthography of the text is standardized, except that ‫ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܝܘܣ‬at §140.1, where Theodotus preaches his first sermon as bishop from the bema of Amida cathedral, is respected as the author’s choice. In all other cases, the spelling has been standardized. The orthographical variants in the MS are listed here. The name ‫( ܐܘܣܛܪܐܛܝܘܣ‬Εὐστράτιος) is written ‫ ܐܣܬܪܛܝ‬and ‫ܐܣܛܪܛܝ‬ The name ‫( ܐܬܐܢܐܣܝܘܣ‬Ἀθανάσιος) is written ‫ܐܬܐܢܐܣܝ‬ The name ‫ ܕܢܝܐܝܠ‬is once written ‫ܕܢܐܝܠ‬ The name ‫( ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬Θεόδοτος) is sometimes written ‫ܬܐܘܕܛܐ‬ The name ‫( ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ‬Θεοδῶρος) is sometimes written ‫ܬܐܘܕܪܐ‬ The placename ‫( ܐܡܕ‬the spelling of JE and Chr. Zuqnin) is consistently written ‫( ܐܡܝܕ‬the later spelling) The placename ‫ ܒܝܬ ܡܥܕܐ‬is also written, in one place, as ‫( ܒܡܥܕܐ‬it was pronounced “Bemaʿde”) The placename ‫( ܩܘܪܕܝܣ‬Κόρδης) is written as ‫ – ܩܘܕܪܝܘܣ‬a scribal error for the presumed variant spelling ‫ܩܘܪܕܝܘܣ‬ The placename ‫“ ܩܢ ܢܫ�ܐ =( ܩܢܢܫܪܐ‬Nest of Eagles”) is written as ‫ ܩܝܢܫ�ܐ‬or ‫ܩܢܫ�ܐ‬ The river-name ‫ܐܪܣܢܝܘܣ‬, a variant of ‫( ܐܪܣܢܝܣ‬Ἀρσάνιας, Payne Smith 1879– 1901), is written ‫ܐܪܣܝܢܘܣ‬ Ἄρχων ‫ ܐܪܟܘܢ‬is sometimes written ‫ܐܪܟܘܢܐ‬ Βῆμα ‫ ܒܐܡܐ‬is sometimes written ‫ ܒܐܝܡ‬or ‫ܒܐܡ‬ ̈ ܺ ‫̣ܕ ܳܝܩ‬, without syome. Διακονίας ‫ ܕܝܐܩܘܢܝܐܣ‬occurs in the form: ‫ܘ� ܳܝܘܣ‬ ܺ ̈ ܳ ܻ ܰ Ξενοδοχεῖα ‫ ܟܣܢܕܘܟܝܐ‬occurs in the form: ‫ܘܕܘܟܝܐ‬ ܴ ‫ܐܱܟ ܴܣܘܢ‬, without syome. Ὀρθόδοξοι ‫ ܐܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‬also appears as ‫ܐ�ܬܕܟܣܘ‬, ‫ܐ�ܬܕܘܟܣܘ‬, ‫ܐ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‬, ‫ܐܘ�ܬܘܕܟܣܘ‬ Πατριάρχης ‫ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‬also appears as ‫ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܐ‬and ‫ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‬ The Present Tense form ‫ ܥܐܠܝܢ ܚܢܢ‬is written ‫ ܥܠܝܢܢ‬at §89.4. The Present Tense form ‫ ܢܦܩ ܐܢܬ‬is written ‫ ܢܦܩܬ‬at §200.2. ̈ The combination ‫ ܟܠ ܦܢܝܢ‬is sometimes written as one word. ̈ The combination ‫ ܪܝܫ ܟܗܢܐ‬is written, in one place, as one word with syome on the Rish.

54

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA The word

�‫̈ܓ‬

(galle), in the rare sense of “lengths of cloth” (cf. Table 7,

̈ p. 70 below), is also spelled as ��‫ܓ‬

The word ‫( ܬܝ̇ܒܐ‬tayyobho), is sometimes spelled as ‫ܬܐܝܒܐ‬ Numbers are mostly written with syome. These are omitted here as redundant. ED 7: Selective standardization of the use of the Absolute State A. The Absolute State

“The numbered object takes either the Absolute or the Emphatic State.” (Nöldeke 1904, §237). If we take this at face-value, there is no need to emend SOP 362. But most of the examples given by Nöldeke suggest the numbered object takes the Absolute State after the number, the Emphatic State before it. That this rule was observed by our author, at least with measures of time and with the plural “men”, is shown by the following examples:

‫ ܬܡܢܝܐ ܝ�ܚܝܢ‬as opposed to ‫ܝ�ܚܐ ܬܡܢܝܐ‬ ‫ ܫܒܥܐ ܝ�ܚܝܢ‬as opposed to ‫ܝ�ܚܐ ܫܒܥܐ‬ ‫ ܬܠܬܐ ܝ ̈ܘܡܝܢ‬as opposed ‫ܝ ̈ܘܡܬܐ ܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫ ܐܪܒܥܝܢ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ‬as opposed to ‫ܫܢ̈ܝܐ ܚܡܫ‬ ‫ ܬܪܝܢ ܓܒ�ܝܢ‬as opposed ‫ܓܒ�ܐ ܚܡܫܐ‬

As with the orthography, a measure of standardization is in order here, whether or not the author was consistent in his application of the rule. Inconsistencies in SOP ̈ 362 have therefore been brought into line with the above. At §122.3, �‫ܬܠܬܐ ܡܝ‬ ̈ ̈ has been silently corrected to ‫( ܬܠܬܐ ܡܝܠܝܢ‬cf. §87.1 ‫ ;)ܫܒܥܐ ܡܝܠܝܢ‬and at §127.1 ‫ ܠܟ�ܦܢܝ̈ܬܐ‬has likewise been corrected to ‫ ܠܟܠ ܦܢܝ̈ܢ‬as at §149.1 and §199.2 (cf. ̈ §66.1 ‫)�ܪܒܥ ܦܢܝܢ‬. Other combinations in which this rule is consistently obeyed are ̈ ‫ ܬܫܥ ܫܥܝܢ‬and ‫ ;ܬܠܬ ܙܒܢ̈ܝܢ‬also ‫ ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܝܘܡܝܢ‬and ‫ ܬܠܬܐ ܐܝ ̈ܡܡܝܢ ܘܬܠܬܐ ܠܝ� ̈ܘܢ‬. B. The limits of standardization

The use of the Absolute State is only standardized where SOP 362 provides evidence that this practice is not anachronistic. In the late seventh century, the rule was probably already selectively applied, as it is in the Chr. Zuqnin, where we ̈ find ‫( ܚܡܫܡܐ ܓܒ�ܝܢ‬262, f. 147v) shortly before ‫( ܡܐܐ ܙܘܙܐ‬267, f. 148v). (This confirms that the word “men” obeys the rule, even at a later date.) The phrases listed in the previous section may have become fossilized. “Three crosses”, on the other hand, comes up six times in our text (§§22.1, 39.1, 107.1, 114.5, 120.4, 190.2), each time in the Emphatic State. In the year 473, the author of L. Simeon had wriẗ ̈ ten: ‫ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ�ܝܒܝܢ‬but by the seventh century ‫ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ�ܝܒܐ‬was evidently current, so this has not been emended. “Ten slaves” (§32.3), “ten mounted soldiers” (§119.5), “ten loads” (§116.4), “ten folles” (§146.10), “three or four qurobe” (§53.3), “two murders” (§106.3), “two bishops” (§134.10) and “four lying bishops” (§76.2) are all in the Emphatic State.

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

55

Syriac speakers had begun, before the year 698, to disregard some of the classical rules. Three generations later, we find in Chr. Zuqnin (267, f. 148v) ‫ܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫ ܝ ̈ܘܡܬܐ‬showing the rule was disregarded by 776 even with the measures of time which the Life of Theodotus still puts in the Absolute State. It has therefore been decided to make the text of the MS consistent with itself, but not to impose the rule beyond that. A special problem occurs at §112.3, we find a mixture of the Absolute and the ̈ Emphatic States: ‫ ܬܪܝܢ ܓܒ�ܝܢ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ܡܣܟܢܐ‬. It would be hyper-correct to emend this ̈ to read ‫ܬܪܝܢ ܓܒ�ܝܢ ܐܚ�ܢܝܢ ܡܣܟܢܝܢ‬. The Absolute State of the word for “men” was part of a fossilized expression; adjectives added to it seem no longer to have agreed with it in State, as they should, according to the archaic rule of congruence. ED 8: Selective standardization of the construction of Close-Knit Verbs A. The case for selective emendation

“Syriac very frequently indeed combines a pair of verbs, set together without any connecting particle at all, (a) when they denote actions which immediately follow each other or attend upon each other, or (b) when the verbs are such that the one merely gives expression to a modification of the other.” (Nöldeke 1904, §337) Stevenson, who has coined the term “close-knit verbs” (2015, 51f), puts this in another way: “In some cases the first verb has an adverbial force, while in others it is part of a complex action.” He goes on to quote at length the definition of Joosten (1996, 133), who describes this phenomenon as “a type of asyndeton which expresses that the two actions described are closely associated with each other; the two verbs express one complex action. In this type the two verbs are invariably in the same verbal form. The first verb is usually a verb of motion or a verb indicating a change of position. However, other verbs are sufficiently frequent to show that they are not irregular in this construction.”9 However: “Very probably in all these cases other constructions might have been employed, for instance with ‫( ”ܘ‬Nöldeke 1904, §337, supported by Stevenson 2015, 51). If Vat. sir. 160, dated 473, is the autograph of L. Simeon, as Boero surmises (2015 and 2019), then the fact that the idiom ‫“ ܫܘܪ ܩܡ‬He sprang to his feet” (ff. 14r, 14v, 16r, 16v, 52r and 53r) alternates here with ‫( ܫܘܪ ܘܩܡ‬ff. 54 and 57r) cannot be put down to careless copying. Again, if Vat. sir. 162, is the autograph of the eighth-century Chr. Zuqnin, as Harrak cogently argues, then the fact that f. 146v exhibits both ‫ ܐܣܩ ܘܐܘܬܒ‬and ‫ ܫܕܪ ܘܐܣܩ ܐܘܬܒ‬shows the author was inconsistent with regard to the construction of Close-Knit Verbs. The construction of Close-Knit Verbs in asyndeton has nevertheless been standardized here, but only where our text, as copied in SOP 362, exhibits exact parallels. Cases where the text has not been emended, because emendation is supported only by parallels from the fifth-century L. Simeon, are given in Table 3 below. As stated at the head of these editorial decisions, the orthography is standardized, but the syntax is only standardized where it can be shown by parallels which have been transmitted intact that this procedure is not anachronistic. This applies

56

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

equally to the use of the Absolute State (see above) and to the construction of Close-Knit Verbs. B. Exact parallels in SOP 362 which justify standardization

Where Close-Knit Verbs in asyndeton occur in at least one place in the Life of Theodotus, standardization of exact parallels where asyndeton may have been eliminated is justified. The editorial deletion is indicated, as usual, by the use of braces {‫}ܘ‬. The following combinations occur in SOP 362: Class 1, with ‫ ܫܕܪ‬as the first verb §27.1: ‫ܫܕܪ ܩܪܐ‬ §105.2: ‫ܫܕܪ ܐܝܬܝܗ‬ §135.1: ‫ܫܕܪ ܕܒܪܗ‬ §150.2: ‫ܫܕܪܘ ܒܥܘ‬ §177.1: ‫ܫܕܪ ܟܢܫ‬

Class 2, with a verb describing a change of position in the first place §135.6: ‫ܢܦܠ ܣܓܕ ܠܗ‬ §102.3: ‫ܫܘܪ ܢܦܩ‬ §102.5: ‫ܫܘܪ ܩܡ‬ §44.1: ‫ܩܘܡ ܦܘܩ‬ §64.3: ‫ܩܡ ܪܕܐ‬ §115.5: ‫ܩܡܘ ܐܙܠܘ‬ §123.8 and §133.1: ‫ܩܡ ܐܙܠ‬ §183.1: ‫ܩܘܡ ܢܐܙܠ‬ §134.6: ‫ܩܡ ܒܡܟܝܟܘܬܗ ܐܬܐ‬ §187.4: ‫ܩܘܡ ܣܒ‬ §22.1: ‫ܬܪܨܬ ܩܡܬ‬ Class 3, with a verb of directional movement first §99.2: ‫ܢܐܙܠ ܢܝܬܝܘܗܝ‬ §110.1: ‫ܢܐܙܠܘܢ ܢܙܕܩܦܘܢ‬ §115.2: ‫ܢܐܙܠ ܢܣܥܘܪ‬ §134.4: ‫ܐܙܠܘ ܦܣܩܘ‬ §120.1: ‫ܐܬܐ ܠܘܬ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܣܓܕ ܠܗ‬ §17.2: ‫ܬܐ ܫܘܦ‬ §132.1: ‫ܬܐ ܙܠ‬ §193.1: ‫ܬܐ ܒܢܝ‬ §243.1: ‫ܬܐ ܐܬܒܪܟ‬ §43.2: ‫ܐܬܘ ܢܦ�ܘ‬ §237.1: ‫ܢܐܬܐ ܢܫܗܪ‬ §119.3: ‫ܢܦܩܬ ܐܛܥܝܬ‬ §77.2: ‫ܢܥ�ܘܢ ܢܘܕܥܘܢ‬ §134.18: ‫ܩܪܒ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܠܒܟܗ‬

Class 4, where the second verb is modified by the first

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION §167.1: ‫ܣܠܩ‬

57

‫ܦܢܐ‬ C. The construction QOTEL WO QOTEL WO

In Syriac, the Active Participle uses the Perfect of the Enclitic Auxiliary ‫ ܗܘܐ‬to form a Past Tense describing habitual or continuous action. When this is coupled by Waw with another verb, the Enclitic Auxiliary is omitted after the second Active Participle. The following examples are found in the Life of Theodotus: §12.1: ‫ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܬܛܫܐ‬ §13.3: ‫ܟܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܘܣܥܪ‬ §15.3: ‫ܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܬܒܪܟ‬ §43.1: ‫ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ܘܣܥܪ‬ §68.1: ‫ܩܛܥ ܗܘܐ ܘܚܐܛ‬ §82.1: �‫�ܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܨ‬ §102.5: ‫ܩܥܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܐܡܪ‬ §106.2: ‫ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘܢܦܩ‬ §109.3: ‫ܡܪܥܬ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܬܬܕܝܢ‬ §119.2: ‫ܡܝܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܐܡܪ‬ §151.1: ‫ܩܪܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܘܐܡܪ‬ §154.1: ‫ܒܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܘܣܓܕ‬

It is the absence of the Enclitic Auxiliary after the second Active Participle which shows that these were not originally Close-Knit Verb-clusters. Two Past Tenses in close combination without “and” always share the same form (Joosten 1996, 133). In our manuscript there are five instances of the pattern QOTEL WO W-QOTEL WO, where one verb modifies the other, or where the two actions are simultaneous. In two instances, the case for emendation is supported by the fact that ‫ܐܙܠ‬ usually forms a Close-Knit Verb-cluster with a following verb, as in the expression “go get it.” §158.2:

‫“ ܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬he would go visit them” (read: ‫ܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ‬

‫)ܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ‬ §159.1: ‫“ ܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܦܝܪܡܐ ܠܘܬܗ‬he would go burn incense near it” (read: ‫)ܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ‬

These two examples, thus emended on the general principle, justify emending the text in the other three cases where the pattern QOTEL WO W-QOTEL WO occurs:

‫“ ܒܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܡܦܝܣܝܢ‬they were beseeching with tears” (read: ‫)ܒܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܦܝܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ §53.5: ‫“ ܡܫܚ ܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܗܐ ܘܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬he was anointing a sick man in order to heal him” (emended, this would have to read: ‫)ܡܫܚ ܗܘܐ ܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܗܐ‬ §116.2: ‫“ ܫܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܩܛܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬he would kill them, leading (their families) into captivity” (read: ‫)ܫܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܩܛܠ ܗܘܐ‬ §21.2: ‫ܗܘܘ‬

58

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA ED 9: A word which has NOT been emended

The unknown word ‫ ܟܢܝܣܬܐ‬occurs in the plural at §9.1 and again in the singular at §53.4. Mor Polycarpus of the Netherlands proposes to read ‫“ ܟܣܢܝܬܐ‬small loaf of bread”, both here and at §53.4, referring to Yahkub (2016, 900b). There is, however, an easier explanation. In the early sixth century John, Bishop of Tella, answered the following question in the negative (Lamy 1859, 67–70): ‫ܐܢ ܡܦܣ ܕܒܓܘ ܟܢܝܙܬܐ‬ ‫“ ܐܢܫ ܢܫܕܪ ܡܪܓܢܝܬܐ ܕܩܘܕܫܐ ܠܟܪܝܗܐ‬Is it permitted to send a Pearl of the [Eucharistic] Sacrament to an invalid inside a knizto?” Sokoloff (2009, 634) translates knizto as “cake”, but it is more probable that it refers to the blessed bread now called ‫ܛܒܥܐ‬ “impress”, from the pattern stamped on it with a wooden mold by the priest who bakes it (see the photograph on the back cover of this book). This miniature loaf is about 7 cm across and 1.5 cm thick (Figure 12).

Figure 12: Sketch of a loaf about 7 cm in diameter, made by a priest with his own hands either to be consecrated for Holy Communion the next day or to be blessed and distributed after the Eucharist as a blessing (originally, perhaps, to take home for a sick relative). This design is stamped on the loaf using a wooden stamp, which is represented by the sculpture on the back cover. After a sketch by Gabriel Rabo.

The large cross symbolizes both the creation of the world from four elements and the Crucifixion of Christ, by which the world was redeemed. The twelve small crosses stand for the Apostles, the seventy-two dots of the outer circle for the [seventy, or] seventy-two disciples Jesus sent out to preach his Gospel. This loaf is identical with the loaves which are consecrated in the Eucharist. 44 But each consecrated loaf is broken up into twelve morsels called “Pearls” before the sacrament is administered. One such morsel, stamped with a cross, is dipped in consecrated wine and administered to the faithful as the Body and Blood of Christ (Rabo 1998). For the Thursday of Holy Week, the commemoration of the first Eucharist, instituted by Christ Himself, loaves are baked with a different pattern (carved out of the opposite end of the priest’s wooden stamp), called bukhro.

44

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION

59

It would be easy to slice open a whole loaf, like an oyster’s shell, and reverently place this “Pearl” in it to send with the husband to the sick-bed of his wife. The word knizto must have been heard as knisto and from this was formed a variant plural knisotho, instead of knizotho. See Table 7, p. 70 below.

THE SERMON APPENDED TO THE LIFE

The Life of Theodotus, as narrated by the hero’s disciple to a priest at Samosata, falls easily into nine chapters. This Life is followed by a text in a very different style, a sermon for the feast-day of Theodotus. The author is apparently Joseph’s amanuensis, Simeon, for his colophon leads seamlessly into the homily. The name Simeon of Samosata is found in two other places: a) at the head of a sermon “on the awareness of death” which is transmitted in an Old Slavonic translation; 45 and b) in the Preface of L. Ephrem, where the author acknowledges a debt to a certain Simeon of Samosata for information, orally conveyed, about St Ephrem’s way of life (L. Ephrem, 2); but since this hagiography is legendary from start to finish (Baumstark 1922, 33f; L. Ephrem, ET, xxix), it is legitimate to doubt that this Simeon of Samosata was Ephrem’s “close disciple” and to wonder whether he may not instead have been the author of one of the written sources of L. Ephrem. Amar (2011, xvi), following Brock (1985, 16), dates the Life to the mid-sixth century. This date is based on the argument that Justinian’s riverine works at Edessa give a terminus post quem for §11, where the Dayṣon is said to “encircle the city”. 46 The dike and canal diverting flood-waters around the walls on the North side must in fact date from after the first flood in the reign of Diocletian (the fourth-century pilgrim Egeria is a sure witness to this: Itinerarium Egeriae, XIX, 5– 19; Procopius’ eulogistic Buildings can be dismissed as a flattering account); but this is irrelevant here. The point is rather that there is no terminus ante quem! The Life could have been written at any time before the earliest manuscript – a scattering of tenth-century σπαράγματα from the Sinai collection (Brock 1995, 52). The pseudepigraphic Testament of Ephrem might have been written in the seventh century by Simeon of Samosata, Joseph’s amanuensis. It is a verse-homily, designed to be sung; and Simeon of Samosata was a mezammerono, or (in Barṣaum’s words, as translated by Robert Hoyland) “one who chants by composing/creating a beautiful formulation” (Table 7, p. 70 n. 6 below). One of the early Heads of the monastery of “Beth Aphthonia” (Qenneshre) was an accomplished scribe (καλλιγράφος) and composer of chants (ψάλτης), like Simeon of Samosata (Table 5a, The source for this information is the description of the sixteenth century L’viv manuscript STEF 00526, f. 371v–373v, in the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library’s online Reading Room. If the same Simeon was the author of the Testament of Ephrem (see below) and of the sermon on the commemoration of Theodotus, which also conveys a memento mori, then this shared theme connects all three works. 46 Personal communication from Dr Sebastian Brock. Cf. Palmer 1992. 45

60

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

p. 66 below). After producing a beautiful manuscript, at Joseph’s dictation, of the Life of Theodotus, Simeon may have added a final dramatic episode onto his earlier composition, inspired by Chapter Nine of our text. (BL Add. 14,582, of AD 816, which contains the Testament of Ephrem without this episode, shows that the Testament had been disseminated in a “first edition” before the augmented “second edition” was produced.) The “Lamprotate episode” was almost certainly written by someone who knew the Life of Theodotus, rather than the other way around; for while the two texts are clearly related, it is unthinkable that §242.13 of the Life of Theodotus is a literary reminiscence of the young woman Lamprotate’s 47 romantic outburst, which is translated in the note on that section below. The Testament of Ephrem was the source of L. Ephrem, §§15 and 42 (Amar 2011, xv). If the author of L. Ephrem knew that Simeon of Samosata was the author of the Testament of Ephrem, he may have fictionalized Simeon, who was perhaps his eighth-century acquaintance, as a disciple of “the deacon of Edessa”, just as he fictionalized himself as Ephrem’s contemporary. 48

THE ANNOTATED TRANSLATION

I have striven to give my translation variety and pace by introducing speeches in different ways and replacing the periphrases “his disciple, Joseph”, “the Blessed One” (ṭubhono), “the blessed Theodotus,” “holy Theodotus,” and “the Holy One” (qaddisho) by plain “Joseph” and “Theodotus”. For a modern reader the frequent occurrence of epithets and honorifics tends to rob them of their force. There is, however, one honorific which Joseph uses with precision – or significantly omits: mor “my lord.” This title belonged by right to priests and bishops and was extended as a courtesy to “holy men.” It was de rigueur for the patrons of monasteries and churches. My translation always includes this honorific where Joseph does. To illustrate the importance of this: there is only one bishop to whom Joseph begrudges the title of “Mor”: Philoxenus of Samosata. We do not know the reason for this, but the omission must have been significant to readers in Samosata at the time our text was written down in that city. The footnotes to the translation provide the following:

The superlative of λαμπρός “radiant”: Λαμπροτάτη “most radiant woman”. The Dyophysite monastery of “the Shrine of the Image” at Edessa (Thomson 1962) may have been the home of the author of L. Ephrem, who was biased in favour of that city and of the Greek tradition (Amar 1992; 2011). If he knew Simeon of Samosata personally, he may have translated a sermon of his into Greek, which would explain the existence of the Old Slavonic translation. The Chalcedonian monastery at Edessa in the eighth century should probably be added to the contexts in which Syriac was translated into Greek (Brock 1977).

47 48

PART TWO: INTRODUCTION TO THE SYRIAC EDITION 1

2 3 4

5

6

61

Geographical information (supplemented by Figures 1, 2, and 4, the appendices and the general index) 49

Prosopographical information (supplemented by Tables 4 and 5 and the general index) Hagiographical allusions (supplemented by Table 6 and the index of source-citations)

Lexicographical information (collected in Table 7)

Scriptural references (collected in Table 9) Other comments

The reminiscences of L. Simeon included in Table 6 are verbal and so close as to merit description as plagiarism, although the wording has been changed slightly to give a veneer of originality to the borrowed sentences. Other possible allusions to L. Simeon are pointed out in the footnotes to the translation. Table 7 lists those elements of the vocabulary of the Life of Theodotus which are inadequately described in the existing printed Syriac lexica. Table 8 lists the Greek loanwords in our text; Table 9, the relevant verses of the Bible.

CONCLUSION

This chapter began with John of Mardin’s monastic revival and his perception that each monastery needed a written narrative of the Life of its patron saint. In the next part, we saw how Michael the Syrian, who became patriarch in 1166 (the year after John’s death), rewrote the Life of Abḥai at Mor Ḥananyo’s monastery near Mardin in 1185. Almost certainly, his was the moving spirit behind the hagiographical collection in SOP 361 and 362, where the revised Life of Abḥai was first made available. The colophon which might have confirmed this has perished; but the colophons of similar collections made in 1196 and 1198 under Michael’s supervision at Mor Barṣawmo’s monastery on Kaplı Dağ are corroborative evidence. The search is on for a statement in Michael’s own words to compare with that quoted at the head of this chapter from John of Mardin; but there are good grounds for thinking that the patriarch put his faith in texts such as the one edited here to change his Church for the better. It was not enough to make monasteries and monks, as John had done; those monks must also learn to turn their backs on the wicked world, so that those of them who were chosen to be bishops would be able to resist the corrupting influence of mammon and power.

The journeys to Jerusalem and Egypt are so sketchily described they may never have happened. Mesopotamia, on the other hand, can be brought into focus for the reader, especially Amida and its province. The Armenian geographer Ananias of Shirak (ca 610–85) is useful here, confirming that parts of the Life are based on real experience.

49

62

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

The Life of Theodotus portrays a man who was the opposite of worldly: a saintly person, who did not even let his apostolic staff of office touch the ground, so much was he in awe of the Apostles from whom it had come down to him. Michael completed what John had begun. The Metropolitan bishop of Mardin and Dara rebuilt Theodotus’ monastery at Qelleth; the Patriarch of Antioch had Theodotus’ Life copied into a great hagiographical repository and so preserved it for many more centuries. Our hope is to have restored the text, as John restored the buildings to which the text belongs. If Father Simeon and I have succeeded in this, it is thanks to our teachers and the giants on whose shoulders we stand, such men as John of Mardin and Michael the Syrian, Bishara from Aleppo, who saved the text from partial destruction by translating it into Arabic, and Yuḥannon Dolabani, who restored and rebound the codex, making a careful record of what was to be seen before the condemned corners of the parchment were amputated. In more senses than one, collaboration was needed between Occident and Orient, between the left and the right hemispheres, to make this book.

PART TWO: TABLES

63

Table 2. Key to the column-numbers between round brackets in the text F. = folio of the manuscript No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

F. 58r 58v 59r 59v 60r 60v 61r 61v

Col. 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3

No. 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

F. 62r 62v 63r 63v 64r 64v 65r 65v

Col. 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3

No. 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

F. 66r 66v 67r 67v 68r 68v 69r 69v

Col. 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1

‫‪64‬‬

‫‪THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA‬‬ ‫‪Table 3. Emendations supported by the evidence of Vat. sir. 160‬‬ ‫‪SUPPORTING EVIDENCE‬‬

‫ܛܥܢܘ ܣܡܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܓܪܘ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܢܡ ܫܟܒ ܕܡܟ‬ ‫ܥܪܩܘ ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܥܪܩ ܫܢܝ‬ ‫ܓܪܘ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܟܬܒ ܫܕܪ‬ ‫ܥܪܩܘ ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܓܪܘ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ‬ ‫)‪ (by analogy‬ܗܦܟ ܡܫܚ‬ ‫ܫܩܠ�ܥܦܪܐ ܐܪܡܝ ܒܦܘܡܐ ܕܓܡ�‬ ‫ܣܠܩ ܩܡ‬ ‫ܗܦܟ ܡܫܚ‬ ‫ܕܒܪܘ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܣܩܗ‬ ‫ܕ�‬ ‫ܛܥܢܘ ܣܡܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܛܥܢܘ ܣܡܘܗܝ‬

‫‪F.‬‬

‫‪15v1‬‬ ‫‪32r2‬‬

‫‪72v2‬‬ ‫‪28r1‬‬ ‫‪52r2‬‬ ‫‪32r2‬‬

‫‪28v2‬‬ ‫‪28r1‬‬ ‫‪32r2‬‬

‫‪69v1‬‬ ‫‪59r2‬‬ ‫‪19r1‬‬

‫‪69v1‬‬ ‫‪10v1‬‬ ‫‪45r1‬‬

‫‪15v1‬‬ ‫‪15v1‬‬

‫‪EMENDATION‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܣܡܘܗ‬ ‫ܛܥܢܘ‬ ‫ܢܓܕ ܐܥܠܗ‬ ‫ܢܬܐܣܐ ܢܬܚܠܡ‬ ‫ܥܪܩ ܐܙܠ‬ ‫ܥܪܩ ܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܢܓܕ ܐܝܬܝܗ ܠܩܝܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܢܟܬܘܒ ܢܫܕܪ‬ ‫ܢܥܪܩܘܢ ܢܥ�ܘܢ‬ ‫ܓܪܘ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܡܗܦܟ ܝܗܒ‬ ‫ܫܩ�ܘ ܫܕܐܘܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܣܠܩ ܝܬܒ‬ ‫ܗܦܟ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܫܕܪ‬ ‫ܕܒܪܗ ܐܥܠܗ‬ ‫ܠܒܟ ܐܩܝܡܗ‬ ‫ܛܥܢ ܐܟܪܟܝܢܝ‬ ‫ܛܥܢ ܐܥܒܪܗ‬

‫§‬

‫‪20.1‬‬ ‫‪28.2‬‬ ‫‪43.2‬‬ ‫‪78.1‬‬ ‫‪83.4‬‬

‫‪106.4‬‬ ‫‪115.3‬‬ ‫‪115.5‬‬ ‫‪118.3‬‬ ‫‪119.7‬‬ ‫‪120.2‬‬ ‫‪132.3‬‬ ‫‪134.5‬‬ ‫‪161.3‬‬ ‫‪173.1‬‬ ‫‪241.1‬‬ ‫‪242.6‬‬

PART TWO: TABLES

65

Table 4. Miaphysite patriarchs of Antioch No.

Name

Dates ca

Monastery

1

Severus

512–38

2

Sergius

557–60

Theodore, in Gaza Ḥolo

3

Paul

564–78

4

Peter

578–91

Gubbo Baroyo Qenneshre

5

Julian

591–94

Qenneshre

6

Athanasius

595–631

Qenneshre

7

John

631–49

8

Theodore

649–67

Gubbo Baroyo Qenneshre

9

Severus

668–84

Saphylos

10

Athanasius

684–87

Beth Malke

11

Julian

687–708

Qenneshre

Relevance to the Life of Theodotus or to his city of Amida Theodotus’ monastic mentor named after him > §1.4–5.2, §183.3, §245.1 Named after St Sergius, as was Theodotus’ monastery in Claudias > §85.2 Rejected by the people for associating with Dyophysites > §186.1 Consecrated by Joseph, bishop of Amida, an early predecessor of Theodotus The second of many to be called from Theodotus’ monastery of Qenneshre Brother to Severus, bishop of Samosata > §26.1n, §89.3n, §183.3n, §245.1 Buried in the monastery of Mor Zeʿuro the Stylite outside Amida From the desert of Skete, Egypt. Known to Theodotus > §11.1–§30.1, §245.1 Not commemorated in the eighth-century liturgical calendar of Qenneshre In his reign Theodotus allegedly avoided being made bishop by hiding > §§76ff. Consecrated at Amida; ordained Theodotus bishop of Amida > §130.3, §138.1

66

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA Table 5a. Heads of the Monastery of Qenneshre

No.

Name & number

1

John I bar Aphthonia Alexander

2 3 4 5 6–9

10

John II Sergius I bar Karyo John III Psaltes Agapius Baraloho Sergius II Sergius III Metaxarius 4 Basil

Cal. Qenneshre 2 Nov 4

Died in:

Source

Author of Cal. Qenneshre 2 ?

L. Theodotus, §183.2

June 21 Dec 1 Dec 31 Oct 12

Barṣaum 1943/2003, 1 ? Unrecorded author-numbers: 48 (John I) 544 Writer 57 (John II), ca 580 Writer and 66 (Sergius bishop 2 bar Karyo) & ca 600 Writer, poet 73 (John Psaltes). 3 These four names must be those of Basil’s seventh-century predecessors. As they are undated, it is not even known which of them came first, or which last.

Absent

After 713

Jan 29 June 26 July 2 Jan 13

538

Distinguished as: Writer, poet

According to the above, Qenneshre had ten superiors in 183 years, whereas John’s monastery at Amida had twelve in 178 years (Table 5b); but Jonathan probably did not much outlive his exact contemporary, Samuel, and the reign of S-y-m-y lasted exactly three and a half years. It is certainly credible, then, that the first nine superiors of Qenneshre are all commemorated in Cal. Qenneshre 2.

Barṣaum (1943) draws on unpublished sources, as well as published ones, and so may be cited, with due caution, as a witness to the still undiscovered literature of the Syriac Orthodox tradition, which was stored in his memory. 2 According to Barṣaum (1943, 327; 2003, 302), Sergius – “the one with the joined eyebrows”, also called Ἀμφιπάτωρ “the one who shares a mother” – was ordained bishop of Ḥarran by Jacob Burdʿono in 544 or 545, shortly after the latter’s ordination as Miaphysite bishop of Edessa. Evidently, he combined this task with the government of the community at Qenneshre. From his time onwards, Miaphysite bishops tended to reside in monasteries, rather than in the cities for which they were ordained. This was because the religious policy of the Byzantine emperors was Chalcedonian Dyophysite. 3 Barṣaum 1943, 310–12, 319, 327, 337; Barṣaum 2003, 289f, 296, 302, 311. One primary source for John I bar Aphthonia is James, Hymns, 241. The primary source for John III Psaltes is James, Hymns, 246–48. 4 Μεταξάριος “the silk-merchant”. 1

PART TWO: TABLES

67

Table 5b. Heads of the Monastery of John Urṭoyo at Amida All the information in this table comes from JE (552–73), who learned most of it from Samuel, who died in 538/9. An anonymous monk at Eleutheropolis and Paul of Arzanene at Edessa were eyewitnesses to the events of 503/4. No. 1 2

Name John “Urṭoyo” Samuel

Origins Syrian (learned Urṭian) Monastery of Edessenes, Amida Monastery of Edessenes, Amida Amida

Chronology Came ca 390

3

Jonathan

4 5

Job Abraham I

6

Abraham II

7 8

Cosmas Sergius I

9

S-y-m-y

Shepherd, Tella d-Mikana Gadara “in the north” Arzanene

† ca 505

10

Abba

Arzanene

-

11

Abraham III

† ca 546

12

Sergius II

Anzitene (Beth Urṭoye) Bar Debbo family, Amida

† 5th century

† ca 519 † after 521 † ca 525

Living in 568

History ...to where recluse ’-p-w-r-s-m had lived. Governed 50 monks at the beginning. Joined John at the same time as Samuel. Too closely connected with his family. Governed 400 monks until sack of 503. 5 Buried in exile at Mar Mama. Correctly predicted his death after 3½ years. Led his monks into exile in Claudias. Died at Amida during respite in persecution. Shared exile of monks of Mount Izala.

In Abraham the Shepherd’s time a new oratory began to be built. There were enough monks to make a human chain all the way from the quarry to the building-site. The Persian siege of 502 interrupted the work. Stones from the city-monasteries were used for siegemounds. 300 monks fled to the School of the Urṭoye in the city, 90 of whom were beheaded by the Persians in January, 503, the rest taken captive, though many escaped, one of whom was the eye-witness interviewed by John of Ephesus at Eleutheropolis. After the sack, the stones of the monastery were used to erect the chapel of Kyra Maria, and to rebuild the city’s cathedral. The monastery was rebuilt on a smaller scale. 5

‫‪68‬‬

‫‪THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA‬‬ ‫‪Table 6. Echoes of L. Simeon (Vat. sir. 160) in LTh‬‬ ‫‪A (Assemanus 1748); D (Doran 1992); LTh = Life of Theodotus of Amida‬‬ ‫‪Verbal echo in LTh‬‬

‫ܐܬܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܚܘܝܐ ܐܘܟܡܐ ܘܕܚܝ�‬ ‫ܘܩܫܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܪܟ ܢܦܫܗ ܥܠ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܕܡܛܐ ܒܘ�ܟܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܚܝܨܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܚܒ�‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܢܥܘܟܗ ܘܢܒܛܠܗ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܬܫܡܫܬܗ ܘܡܢ ܨܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܥܒܕܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ � ܐܬܬܙܝܥ‬ ‫ܐ� ܝܬܝܪ ܟܦ ܪܝܣܗ ܒܐܪܥܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܒܘ�ܟܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܘܬܗ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ‪ ...‬ܡܢ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܕܡܥܪܒܐ‬ ‫)ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ( ܝܕܝܥܐ )ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܥܪܒܐ(‬ ‫ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܪܬܐ ܕܡܫܪܝܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܛܠܝܘܬ ̇ܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ܗܘܬ ܕܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܒܪܬ ܫܢܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܫܬܥܣܪܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ܡܫܟܚܐ ܗܘܬ ܕܬܬܗܦܟ ܠܚܕ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܓ ̈ܒ ̇‬ ‫ܝܗ‬ ‫ܘܛܥܢܘ ̇ܗ ܘܣܡܘ ̇ܗ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‬

‫‪§ LTh‬‬

‫ܚܘܝܐ ܚܕ ܐܘܟܡܐ ܕܥܫܝܢ ܗܘܐ ܛܒ‬

‫‪Original in L. Simeon‬‬

‫‪D‬‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪A2‬‬

‫‪F.‬‬

‫‪14.4‬‬

‫ܘܟܪܟ ܢܦܫܗ ܥܠ ܪܓܠܗ‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܠܒܘܪܟܗ‬ ‫ܘܚܨ ܒܕܡܘܬ ܚܒ�‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܢܪܗܒܝܘܗܝ ܘܢܒܛ�ܘܗܝ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ � ܐܬܪܗܒ‬ ‫ܐ� ܐܓܪ ܪܘܚܗ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪289‬‬

‫‪13r2‬‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪289‬‬

‫‪13r2‬‬

‫‪20.1‬‬

‫ܓܒܪܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܕ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܝܬ‬ ‫ܠܗܐ ܩܪܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐ ܕܝܢ ܗܘܐ ܥܬܝܪܐ‬

‫‪20.1‬‬

‫ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܪܬܐ ܕܡܫܪܝܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܟܕ ܗܝ ܛܠܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܬܡܢܥܣܪܐ‬

‫‪20.1‬‬

‫ܘ� ܡܫܟܚܐ ܗܘܬ ܐܦ� ܒܥܪܣܐ‬ ‫ܬܬܗܦܟ‬ ‫ܘܛܥܢܘ ̇ܗ ‪ ...‬ܘܣܡܘ ̇ܗ ܡܢ ܓܪܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܠܣܝܓܬܐ‬ ‫ܫܘܪܬ ܩܡܬ ܟܕ ܚܠܝܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܬܫܒܘܚܬܐ �ܠܗܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܚܙ̈ܝܝ ̇ܗ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܒ�ܓ ̇‬ ‫ܠܝܗ ܣ�ܩܬ ܟܠܗ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܗܘ ܛܘܪܐ ܪܡܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܥܘܡܩܐ ܕܐܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ ܓܝܪ ܠܬܡܢ ‪ ...‬ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ‬ ‫ܥܬܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܐܝܠܦ ܕܝܢ ܡܢ ܬܓ�ܐ ‪...‬‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܐܘܠܨܢܐ ܩܫܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܣܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܟܪܟܗ ܓܝܪ ܟܐܒܐ ܡܪܝܪܐ ܒܡܘܚܗ‬ ‫̈ܣܟܐ ܓܝܪ ܢܩܝܫܢ ܗܘܝ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܒܐܣܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܝܬܒ ܗܘܐ ܒܝܢܬܗܝܢ‬

‫‪14.4‬‬

‫‪14.4‬‬ ‫‪14.4‬‬ ‫‪14.4‬‬ ‫‪14.5‬‬ ‫‪14.5‬‬

‫‪20.1‬‬

‫‪20.1‬‬ ‫‪20.1‬‬

‫‪20.1‬‬

‫ܘܬܪܨܬ ̇ܩܡܬ‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܕܚܙܐܘ ̇ܗ ܫܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ‬

‫‪22.1‬‬ ‫‪22.1‬‬

‫ܘܗܠܟܬ‬

‫‪22.1‬‬

‫ܡܢ ܥܘܡܩܐ ܕܐܢܛܝܟ‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܕ ܥܬܝܪܐ ‪ ...‬ܢܦܩ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܕܫܡܝܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܬܓ�ܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܟܐܒܐ ܩܫܝܐ ܘܚܣܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܒܪܝܫܗ‬ ‫ܘܒܡܘܚܗ‬ ‫ܘܢܩܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ̈‬ ‫ܣܟܐ ܒܐܣܬܐ‬

‫‪32.1‬‬

‫‪32.2‬‬

‫ܘܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܗ ܒܝܢܬܗܝܢ‬

‫‪32.2‬‬

‫‪32.1‬‬ ‫‪32.1‬‬ ‫‪32.2‬‬ ‫‪32.2‬‬

‫‪119‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬

‫‪289‬‬

‫‪289‬‬ ‫‪289‬‬

‫‪13r2‬‬

‫‪13r2‬‬ ‫‪13r2‬‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪289‬‬

‫‪13r2‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪289‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪13v1‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r1‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪14r2‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪291‬‬

‫‪14r2‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪291‬‬

‫‪14r2‬‬

‫‪160f‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪120‬‬

‫‪160‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪290‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪14r2‬‬

‫‪51r1‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪69‬‬

‫ܟܕ ܡܛܪܦ ܠܗ ܠܟܐ ܘܠܟܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܩܠ�ܠܗ ܥܣܪܐ ܛܠܝܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܒܝܬܗ‬ ‫‪ (cf.‬ܕܡܝܟ ܠܗ ܥܡ ܐܡܐ ܘܒܪܬܗ‬ ‫) ܓܪܬ ܒ ‪37.1:‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܕܘܕ ܘܢܦܩ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܡܬܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܡܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܚܙܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܡܕܒܪ‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܓܡܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܬܪܨ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܘ� ܛܥܘ ܘ�‬ ‫ܐܬܕܘܕܘ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܢܦܩ ܫܪܝ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܢܦܐܫܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ‬ ‫ܘܛܠܝܐ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܗܢܙܝܛ ܓܘܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܐܪܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܟܐܒܐ ܩܫܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܠܒܝܟ ܗܘܐ ܒܡܘܚܗ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܐܘܠܨܢܗ ܐܫܬܩܠ ܢܘܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܘܣܪܝܘܬܐ ܡܢ ܢܚܝ�ܘܗܝ ܐܬܝܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܘܫܩ�ܘܗܝ ܘܫܕܐܘܘܗܝ ܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ‬

‫‪PART TWO: TABLES‬‬ ‫‪32.2‬‬

‫ܢܩܝܫ ܘܡܛܪܦ ܪܫܗ ܠܗܢܐ ܓܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܠܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܒܪ ܕܝܢ ܥܡܗ ܚܡܫܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܥ̈ܒܕܘܗܝ ܘܚܡܫ‬ ‫ܕ�ܘܟܬܗ‬

‫‪32.3‬‬

‫ܘܝܗܒ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܡܫܬܥܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܝܟ ܠܡ ܕܐܢܫ ܢܓܕ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܠܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܓܡ� ܗܟܢܐ ܐܬܝܢ‬

‫‪32.3‬‬ ‫‪34.1‬‬

‫‪32.4‬‬ ‫‪32.4‬‬

‫‪32.5‬‬ ‫‪33.1‬‬ ‫‪120.1‬‬ ‫‪120.1‬‬ ‫‪120.1‬‬ ‫‪120.1‬‬ ‫‪120.1‬‬ ‫‪120.1‬‬ ‫‪120.2‬‬

‫‪348‬‬

‫ܡܬܕܘܕܘ‬

‫ܕ� ܐܘܪܚܐ ܛܥܘ ܘ�‬ ‫ܐܬܕܘܕܘ‬ ‫ܘܟܐܒܐ ܡܢ ܕܢܦܩ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܟܠܝܘܡ‬ ‫ܒܝܘܡ ܡܢܚ ܢܐܚ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܡܐ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܐܢܙܝܛ ܓܘܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܬܚܘܡܐ ܕܐܪܡܢܝܐ ܘܕܦ�ܣܝܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܐܘܠܨܢܐ ܩܫܝܐ ܘܥܛ�‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ ܓܝܪ ܡܢ ܫܠܝܐ ܟܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܒܪܫܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܥܒܝ ܐܦܘܗܝ ܘܐܫܬܩܠ ܢܘܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܘܣܪܝܘܬܐ ܕܐܬܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ ܢܚܝ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܐܬܘ ܘܐܥ�ܘ ܫܕܐܘܗܝ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51r2‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51v1‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51v1‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪347‬‬

‫‪51v1‬‬

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪348‬‬

‫‪51v1‬‬

‫‪163‬‬

‫‪352‬‬

‫‪54r1‬‬

‫‪163‬‬

‫‪352‬‬

‫‪54r1‬‬

‫‪163‬‬ ‫‪163‬‬

‫‪352‬‬ ‫‪352‬‬

‫‪54r1‬‬ ‫‪54r1‬‬

‫‪163‬‬

‫‪352‬‬

‫‪54r1‬‬

‫‪164‬‬

‫‪352‬‬

‫‪54r2‬‬

‫‪163‬‬

‫‪352‬‬

‫‪54r1‬‬

70

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA Table 7. Vocabulary

‫ ܓܝܪ‬in the sense of “incidentally”: 158.3, second word (unless it explains a foregoing passage that has been lost), and 190.1, second word

�‫ ܰܓ‬apparently in the sense of “length of uncut cloth made of twisted linen”: 24.1 with n. 62 and 68.1 with n. 16

‫ ܕܝܢ‬in the sense of “also” in the following sentence: “It was out of the question that

he should send any instructions to anyone which would not also be put into practice (‫ )ܕ� ܕܝܢ ܢܗܘܐ‬with alacrity”: 75.3 ‫ ܕܝܪܐ‬in the sense of “monastic community”, rather than “monastery”: 126.4, 126.9 ‫ ܙܩܐ‬in the sense of “inflated animal skin”, rather than “wineskin”, or “bladder”: 114.3 with n. 5 ‫ ܛܘܦܐ‬in the sense of kellek, i.e. “raft supported by inflated animal-skins”: Audo, Persecutions, 119 [Sauma 337]; see the translation of 114.3 with n. 5 ‫ ܟܗܢܐ‬in the sense of an ordained person, whether priest or deacon: 114.4 with n. 7 ‫ ܟܢܝܣܬܐ‬miniature loaf, consecrated as the “Body of Christ” or blessed for distribution after the Eucharist; cf. ‫( ܟܢܝܙܬܐ‬Sokoloff 2009: “cake”) and ‫ ܟܣܢܝܬܐ‬described by Yahkub (2016) as “a small loaf of bread”: 9.1, 53.4; see Part 2, ED9, p. 58 ‫ ܡܙܡܪܢܐ‬cantor/singer/psalmist, combined with ‫ ܩܫܝܫܐ‬priest to make a Syriac translation of ἱεροψάλτης (cf. 1 Esdras 1:14f), ‫“ ܩܫܝܫܐ ܡܙܡܪܢܐ‬Priest and Psaltes”, 6 perhaps the title of one of the priests attached to the cathedral of Samosata: 247.1 ‫ ܥܒܕ ܦܘܪܫܢܐ‬in the sense of “take a last meal together before parting”: 167.2+n ‫ ܩܘܡܐ‬in the sense of “a niche designed as an aid to the ascetical practice of prolonged standing”: 7 see 145.1 with n. 1 ܳ ‫ ܩܘܪܒܐ‬in the sense, not of the Eucharist, but of a long commemorative liturgy addressed to a saint, or to a class of saints, or to God on behalf of the faithful departed: 53.1 with n. 30, 53.3, 58.2, 108.1, 146.1, 199.3 ‫ ܬܘܪܓܡܐ‬in the sense of “a public announcement”, made (by members of the clergy?) on behalf of a bishop who has left the city secretly, perhaps forever, and has sent a message to be read out to the people, explaining his departure (the word usually means a sermon): 168.1 with n. 6 (‫�ܡܕ ܗܟܢܐ‬ ̣ ) ̣ ‫ܫܠܚ ܕܝܢ ܬܘܪܓܡܐ‬ ‫ ܬܝܒܘܬܐ‬in the sense of “a penance”, rather than the emotion of repentance: 48.1, 161.4, 242.19 (elsewhere in the text it has its usual sense of “penitence”) Barṣaum (1943, 382) gives a definition of the word ‫ ܡܙܡܪܢܐ‬when applied to a priest, as opposed to a choirboy, which carries the authority of an erudite patriarch of the church to which Simeon belonged. Robert Hoyland translates this definition as follows: “one who chants by composing/creating a beautiful formulation.” 7 The dendrite Simeon of Mayperqaṭ (cf. §132.3) is known as “Mor Qawme”. This may be the (phonetically spelt) contraction of the hypothetical original appellation ‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫“ ܕܩܘܡܗ ܒܐܝ�ܢܐ‬Saint Simeon, whose stance was in a tree”. (Cf. ‫“ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܐܣܛܘܢܗ‬Simeonof-his-pillar”, i.e. Simeon the Stylite.) If he, too, used a niche to keep him upright, it may have been the hollow trunk of a tree. 6

PART TWO: TABLES Table 8. Greek loanwords

71

ἀγών ‫ ܐܓܘܢܐ‬14.3, 209.2 ἀήρ ‫ ܐܐܪ‬144.2, 214.2, 242.15 ἀθλητής ‫ ܐܬܠܝܛܐ‬15.3, 21.1 ̈ (only the plural occurs) 115.3, 117.4, 118.1, 148.3, 186.1 αἱρετικός ‫ܐܖܛܝܩܘ‬ ἀνάγκη ‫ ܐܢܐܢܩܝ‬114.5 ἀρχιδιάκονος ‫ ܐܪܟܝܕܝܩܘܢ‬146.1 ἄρχων ‫ )ܐܪܟܘܢ( ܐܪܟܘܢܐ‬85.1, 110.2, 126.5, 126.7f, 127.1f βῆμα ‫ )ܒܐܡ ܒܝܡ ܒܐܝܡ( ܒܐܡܐ‬140.1, 143.1f, 144.1, 146.10, 166.1, 167.1, 253.2 (Christ’s seat of judgement) ̈ 96.2 δηνάριον (Latin: denarius) ‫ܕܝܢܖܐ‬ διαθήκη ‫ ܕܝܬܐܩܝ‬213.1, 214.1, 214.3, 215.3, 216.1, 217.1, 218.1 διακονία (in the Christian ecclesiastical sense) ‫ܕܝܩܘܢܝܘܣ‬ 146.7 ̣ ἐπίσκοπος ‫ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‬29.2, 57.1f, 65.1f, 66.2, 76.1f, 78.1, 80.2f, 81.1, 83.1, 84.2, 130.1f, 133.1, 134.1, 134.5, 134.9ff, 135.1, 138.1, 140.1, 141.1, 146.7, 147.1, 148.3, 152.1, 154.4f, 156.1, 161.2, 177.1f, 180.1, 185.1, 187.4, 189.1, 212.1, 213.1, 245.1, 246.2, 247.1, 256.1 ‫ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܘܬܐ‬148.2, 190.1 ἐπίτροπος ‫ ܐܦܝܛܪܘܦܐ‬110.2, 154.3 εὐαγγέλιον ‫ ܐܘܢܓܠܝܘܢ‬30.1 θρόνος ‫ ܬܪܘܢܘܣ‬157.4, 173.4 (in these two places, a bishop’s throne), 242.4 (here “the Throne of Christ”, a name for the altar in a Christian sanctuary) ἰλλοῦστριος (Byzantine Greek = Latin: illustris) ‫ �ܘܣܛܪܝܐ‬85.1, 127.1f, 127.4, 193.1 καλῶς ‫ ܩܘܠܣܐ‬133.3, ‫ ̇ܩܠܣ‬247.2 κανδήλιον (Byzantine Greek) �‫ ܩܢܕܝ‬89.5 κανών ‫ ܩܢܘܢܐ‬76.3, 80.2, 242.2 κατηγορέω ‫ ̇ܩܛܪܓ‬135.2 κελλίον (monk’s cell or bishop’s or patriarch’s chamber) ‫ ܩܠܝܬܐ‬13.2, 126.3, 127.5, 146.3ff, 155.1, 165.1, 173.5, 190.2 κηρύσσω/κηρύττω ‫ ܐܬܟܪܙ‬138.1 κληρικός ‫ ܩܠܝܪܝܩܐ‬154.3 κλῆρος ‫ ܩܠܝܪܘܣ‬154.1, 167.2 κολλύρα ‫ ܩ�ܘܪܐ‬15.1, 15.3 κύριε, ἐλέησον (Byzantine Greek) ‫ ܩܘܪܝܠܝܣܘܢ‬90.2 λαμπάς, λαμπάδιον ‫ ܠܡܦܐܕܐ‬138.2 λεγεών/λεγίων (Latin: legio) ‫ ܠܓܝܘܢ‬26.1, 109.3 λῃστής ‫ ܠܣܛܝܐ‬121.2, 121.5, 122.3, 123.2 μίλιον �‫ ܡܝ‬87.1, 122.3, 172.1 μουχλίον (Byzantine Greek) �‫ ܡܘܓ‬70.2, 114.3 μύρον ‫ ܡܘܪܘܢ‬181.1 Νεστοριανός (Byzantine Greek) ‫ ܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ‬98.1f, 99.2ff, 102.5, 119.2, 196.1 νόμος ‫ ܢܡܘܣܐ‬98.2, 146.3, 156.1, 168.1, 254.2 ξενία ‫( ܐܟܣܢܝܐ‬but with the sense of “abroad”) 237.1 ξενιτεία (metaphorical) ‫ ܐܟܣܢܝܘܬܐ‬1.4, 126.1, 190.1, 208.1, 242.16 ξενοδοχεῖον (in the Christian ecclesiastical sense) ‫ ܐܟܣܘܢܘܕܘܟܝܐ‬146.7

72

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

ξένος (in the metaphorical sense) ‫ ܐܟܣܢܝܐ‬245.4 ξένος (in the literal sense) ‫ ܐܟܣܢܝܐ‬8.2, 24.1, 68.2f, 85.1, 173.1 ̈ ) (only occurs in the ̈ ̈ ̈ (‫ܐܘܖܬܘܕܟܣܘ‬ ̈ ‫ܐܪܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‬ ὀρθόδοξος ‫ܐܘܖܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‬ ‫ܐܪܬܕܘܟܣܘ‬ ‫ܐܪܬܕܟܣܘ‬ plural) 115.2, 117.4, 118.1, 119.2, 186.1, 242.2 πατριάρχης ‫ )ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܐ( ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‬11.1, 13.2, 14.1, 130.3, 132.2, 132.6, 133.1, 133.3, 134.1, 134.5f, 134.9f, 134.13ff, 134.17, 134.19, 138.1, 141.1, 173.1, 176.1, 177.1f, 178.1, 180.1, 242.1, 245.1f, 246.2 πανδοκεῖον ‫ ܦܘܬܩܐ‬255.2 πείθω ‫ ܐܦܝܣ‬19.1, 21.1f, 23.1, 60.4, 61.1, 83.2, 84.1, 86.2, 90.3, 93.5, 110.2, 119.4, 125.3, 126.2f, 126.5f, 154.5, 179.2, 195.1, 242.7, 247.2 πείθω ‫ ܦܝܣܐ‬69.1, 114.4, 126.6, 134.11, 157.6 πεντηκοστή ‫ ܦܢܛܝܩܘܣܛܝ‬138.1 πόρος ‫ )ܦܪܘܣ( ܦܘܪܣܐ‬154.3, 185.2, 215.3, 255.2 πρόσωπον ‫ ܦܪܨܘܦܐ‬7.2, 54.2, 66.1, 123.8, 161.3 Ῥωμαῖος ‫ ܪܘܡܝܐ‬74.1, 115.2, 135.1f σακελλάριος (Latin: sacellarius) ‫ ܣܠܪܐ‬154.3 στάβλον (Latin: stabulum) ‫ ܐܣܛܐܒܠܝܢ‬73.1 στόμαχος ‫ ܐܣܛܘܡܟܐ‬114.6 στῦλος ‫ ܐܣܛܘܢܐ‬201.2; ‫ ܐܣܛܘܢܪܐ‬cf. στυλίτης 142.1, 220.1, σύγκελλος �‫ ܣܘܢܩ‬134.10 ̈ συνοδικός (Christian ecclesiastical Greek) ‫( ܣܘܢܕܝܩܘ‬only occurs in the plural) 185.2 Συρία ‫ ܣܘܪܝܐ‬138.1, 149.1 Σύριος ‫ ܣܘܪܝܝܐ‬115.2, 115.5 σχῆμα ‫ ܐܣܟܝܡܐ‬245.1 τάγμα ‫ ܬܐܓܡܐ‬248.1 τάξις ‫ ܛܟܣܐ‬54.2, 152.1, 223.1 τύπος ‫ )ܛܘܦܣܐ( ̇ܛܦܣ‬239.2 φόλλις ‫ ܦܘܠܣܐ‬146.10 ̈ Χαλκηδόνιος ‫( ܟ�ܩܝܕܘܢܝܐ‬only occurs in the plural) 119.2 χειροτονία ‫ ܟܝܪܘܛܘܢܝܐ‬181.1 χριστιανός ‫ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ‬43.4, 51.1, 120.3f, 122.4, 128.3, 133.3, 137.1, 138.1 (‫)ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܘܬܐ‬, 143.1, 147.1, 156.1, 162.1 (‫)ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܘܬܐ‬, 214.7

PART TWO: TABLES Table 9. Scriptural references References in bold indicate direct quotations from the Bible in the text of the Life; those not in bold indicate potential allusions to the Bible in the text and references to it in footnotes to the text (quotations there being given according to the Authorized Version). The reference to Romans comes in Part 2. Genesis

Exodus

Leviticus Numbers

1 (e.g. vs 4) 1:27 2:14 3:19 37.5–10

197.2, 200:3 243.1, 250.1, 253.1 122.6n 214.3 132.3

12:23 19:18 20:7 20:13, 15 24:16 24:17 33:22

233.1 41.4n 119.1 122.5 41.4 41.4n 41:4

10:2

83.3

10:11 Deuteronomy 15:11 Joshua 23:14 = 1 Kings 2:2 Judges 15:8 Ruth 1:6 2 Samuel 16:11 3 Ezra 1:14 Job 30:11 34:21 Psalms 31:12 44:21 51:7 71:6 111:10 119:16 137:4

159.1 1.3 11.1, 25.1, 214.3, 245.1 154.4n 16.1 215.1 247.1 136.1 214.5 242.19 214.5 255.6 41.3 1.3 1.3 1.4n

73

74 Proverbs

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

7:1–3 242.14 Ecclesiastes (Qoheleth) 3:20 190.2 Isaiah 10:28 1.2 58:7f 7.2 Jonah 1:7 47.1 Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sirach) 13:9 19.2 Bel and the Dragon (= Daniel 14) 1:39 58.2n Matthew 1:20 132.3, 187.4 2:13 44.1n, 132.3 2:20 132.3, 187.4 3:8 255.5 5:3–12 1.2, 126.8n, 203.1n 5:4 223.1 5:7 7.1, 119.6 5:9 1.3, 6.1, 154.1n 5:12 44.1n 5:14 14.1 5:16 7.2 5:42 1.3 6.6 242.17 7:7f 232.2 7:12 136.1 7:21 255.3 8:4 60.2, 67.1, 112.2, 155.2 8:27 50.1 9:15 207.1n 10:3 138.1n 10.16 158.3n 11:24 215.1 13:45f 14.4n 14:24–31 65.2n, 117.3n 16:19 99.6 17:21 10.1n 19:23f 19.2 20:8 254.4 23:37 44.1n 25:1–13 138.2, 207.1n 25:12 253.2 25:30 253.2 25:34 245.4 25:36 1.3, 7.2

PART TWO: TABLES

Mark

Luke

John

Acts

Romans

25:34–40 25:41 26:75 27:28–31

8.1 253.2 161.3 173.4

1:24 2:19 3:18 4:41 5:9 5:39 5:41 5:43a 5:43b 7:36 9.9 9:47 10:23 10:46–52 11:13

28.2n 207.1n 138.1n 50.1 26.1, 109.3 155.2 114.7 60.2, 67.1, 112.2, 155.2 114.7 60.2, 67.1, 112.2, 155.2 60.2, 67.1, 112.2, 155.2 250.1 19.2 170.1 255:3

4:1f 5:34 6:16 7:15 7:16 8:25 8:54 10:1 16:22–31 22:64 23:40–43 24:30

1.3 207.1n 138.1n 114.7 16.1, 108.2 50.1 114.7 138.1n 255.1 254.3 255.5 124.2n

3:29 8:11 11:1–47 14:12

207.1n 54.4 114.3 65.2n

9:41 10:16 11:10

114.7 198.1 132.5

11:5 1 Corinthians 3:10 4:13 7

Part 2, p. 38 74.1 242.17 251.1n

75

76 Ephesians 4:30 5 Philippians 4:4 Colossians 3, 3:12–14 1 Thessalonians 5:6 2 Timothy 1:2 3:15 Titus 2:5 Hebrews 10:31 11:13 13:3 1 Peter 2:17 3 1 John 1:4

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

243.1 251.1n 249.1 251.1n, 255.2 117.2 75.2 1.3 251.1n 151.3 1.4n 8.1 1.3 251.1n 249.1

PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION OF THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS BY ANDREW N. PALMER

77

78

1.1

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

THE STORY, OR RATHER, THE HEROIC DEEDS OF MOR THEODOTUS, BISHOP OF THE CITY OF AMIDA. 1 CHAPTER ONE. ORIGINS AND MONASTIC EDUCATION

A. How Theodotus entered, at Zuqnin, the service of a passing monk, “a stranger to the world”

1.2 This man was from the territory (athro) of Amida, 2 from the village of ʿNoth 3 in the high mountainous region called Ingilene. 4

Amid, or Omidh, the modern Turkish city of Diyarbakır, in the Upper Tigris region. This translation renders Oriental names, wherever possible, in their more familiar Greco-Latin forms: Theodotus of Amida, for Theodhuṭe dh-Omidh. On this city in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, see Assénat and Pérez 2012, Berchem/Strzygowski 1910 and Takahashi 2011. Professor Karlheinz Kessler writes (personal communication September 5, 2021, tr. A. N. P.): “The first mention of Amida is in the reports of Assur-nasir-apli II’s military campaign in 866 BC, where it appears as A-me-du, as also on the Stele of Assur with reference to the year 838 BC. See also the many Assyrian references in Bagg (2017, 43). The name is probably even older, seeing that the Aramaean region of Bīt Zamāni, of which Amedi was from the 9th century the tribal center, is already mentioned as the Middle-Assyrian district (ša ḫalṣi) of uruBīt Za-mā-ni (Nashef 1982, 74).” 2 After the cession to Persia of the territories to the East of the rivers Nymphius (Turk. Batman Suyu) and Tigris, Amida was the metropolis of a province called “Mesopotamia”, extending from the Upper Euphrates in the West to the Nymphius in the East, and from the Arsanias (Turk. Murat Nehri) and (east of the Nymphius) the Tigris in the North to Mount Ayshumo and Mount Izala (Turk. Karacadağ and Bagok Dağı) in the South. From ca 510 the plateau to the E of the confluence of Nymphius and Tigris was administered from the new metropolis of Dara. 3 Theodotus’ village may have been named after a place which Isaiah (10:28) calls c-Y-T. In Syriac translation (perhaps because the letter Yudh can sometimes be mistaken for Nun) the name is changed to ʿ-N-T, which looks like ʿenoth “she answered”. 4 Beth Iggeloye means “the territory of the people of Iggel”. Iggel (Turk. Eğil, BWO, E14, 2641) is the Armenian Angł, also called Ingila (Roaf et al 2013; Taylor 1865, 36f). In the early 6th century Ingila had a bishop (JE, 98; Michael, 9.15, 268; f. 138v.1). Ingilene was “in the territory afterwards known as Armenia IV, which for ecclesiastical purposes was united with the province of Mesopotamia of which the capital was Amida” (E. W. Brooks; cf. Hewsen 1992, 153ff). Theodotus presumably grew up speaking Armenian in addition to his native Aramaic. 1

PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION

79

̈ ‫ ܬܘܒ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ‬5 (1)1.1 ‫ܢܨܚܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ .‫ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬6 ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܐܡܕ‬ ‫ܪܝܫܐ ܩܕܡܝܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܝܠܝܕܘܬܗ ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ 7 ‫ܘܥܠ�ܬܪܒܝܬܗ ܕܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ‬ ̇ ‫ ܗܢܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܐܡܕ܁ ܡܢ ܛܘܪܐ‬1.2 ‫ܥܠ ̣ܝܐ ̣ܕܡܬܩܪܐ ܒܝܬ ܻܐ�̈ ܶܓ ܳܠ ܷܝ ̣ܐ‬ .‫ܡܢ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܥ ̣ܢܬ‬

For the key to the folio and column-numbers of the codex unicus, SOP 362, see Part 2, Table 2, above, p. 63. 6 Orthographical variants are collected once and for all in Part 2, E(ditorial) D(ecisions,) 6, above, p. 53. 7 N.B. The nine chapters and their titles are editorial. The Syriac titles of the chapters are not exactly the same as the English titles. 5

80

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

The blessed man’s clan 8 was called “the (Bible-) Reading House”. 9 From here we should begin our record of the heroic deeds (neṣḥone) of Theodotus. 10 1.3 Already in his youth actions prompted by the fear of God began to flow out of him. 11 He persevered in reading the Divine Scriptures; 12 in making peace between angered parties; 13 in visiting the sick; 14 giving to those in need; 15 fasting; 16 and ceaseless prayer, 17 by day and by night.

“Clan” translates the Syriac sharbetho, “blessed man”, the Syriac ṭubhono, which implies that the bearer of this title deserves the blessings promised by Jesus in Matthew 5:3–12. 9 Syriac Beth Qeryono. Perhaps a name given when this family provided the local church with readers (qoruye) to proclaim the Word of God from the Scriptures, though the proclamation of the Gospel was reserved to the highest-ranking ordained clergyman present. 10 Cf. L. Alexius, ‫( ܕ‬FT: 2, ET: 18): ‫( ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ ܓܝܪ ܠܡܫܪܝܘ ܘܠܝܬܐ ܦܩܕܐ‬His parents were from the city of Rome) “so from this point duty instructs (us) to begin” (tr. Doran, modified). The Greek name Θεόδοτος “God-given” is probably the name he was given on becoming a monk. We Latinize it as Theodotus. Men and women used to take a new name at their monastic profession, a kind of “second baptism”, involving detachment from family, a change of life, a new beginning (Aydin 2017). 11 For the fear of God, see Psalm 111:10; 1 Peter 2:17. One might add: “as from a source” to bring out the metaphor implied by the verb “flow” (Syriac: nobhcin), which is more striking in Syriac than in English. 12 Psalm 119:16; 2 Timothy 3:15. 13 Matthew 5:9. 14 Matthew 25:36. 15 Deuteronomy 15:11; Matthew 5:52. 16 Luke 4:1f. 17 1 Thessalonians 5:17. 8

‫‪81‬‬

‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܐܦ ܫܪܒܬܗ ܕܝܢ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܩܪܝܢܐ‪ .‬ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠܡܫܪܝܘ‬ ‫ܙܕܩ ܠܢ‬ ‫ܕܢܟܬܘܒ ̈‬ ‫ܢܨܚܢܘܗܝ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܕܚܠܬ �ܗܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܕܢܬܐܡܢ ܒܩܪܝܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 1.3‬ܡܢ ܥܠܝܡܘܬܗ ܿ ܼܫܪܝܘ ܿܢܒܥܝܢ ܡܢܗ ܕܘܒ�ܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܟܬܒܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܗܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܕ ̣ܢܥܒܕ ܫܠܡܐ ܒܝܢܬ �ܓ ̣ܝܙܐ܁ ܘܣܥܘܪܘܬܐ ܕܟ�ܝܗ ̣ܐ ܘܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܕܣܢܝ̈ܩܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܨܠܘܬ ̣ܐ ܕܐܝܡܡܐ ܘܕܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܨܘܡܐ܁ ܘܐܡ ̣ܝܢܘܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬

82

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

1.4 Now by God’s grace a certain monk, called Severus, 18 from the monastery of Qenneshre, 19 began to go from one monastery to another. Ηe was travelling around as a stranger to the world, 20 practicing severe labors and discipline. In the course of doing this, he happened to come to the monastery of Zuqnin. 21 1.5 Now Theodotus resolved to emigrate immediately to a distant country where no one knew him. 22 2.1 When he had left his parents’ house to enter a monastic community, he arrived at the monastery of Zuqnin; and God, whose wonders cannot be told, kept Severus back. 23

This was no doubt the name adopted by this wandering holy man on becoming a monk; the choice of this name is a tribute to Severus of Antioch, the first patriarch of a dissident Miaphysite community which identified itself as “Orthodox”, that is, true to the foundational texts of Christianity (see Part 2, Table 4, above, p. 65). 19 The site of the monastery of Qenneshre (“Nest of the Eagles”) is on the right bank of the Euphrates, just south of the Turkish-Syrian frontier, opposite Jerablus/Jirbas (Tannous 2011a; 2018, 169–76). In this learnèd community, Theodotus must have received lessons in Greek, a language he learned to write (cf. §114.1). The monastery of Qenneshre must be distinguished from the town of Qenneshrin, 25 km S of Aleppo (Greek: Chalcis), which gave its name to Hadir Qinnasrin, an early Arab settlement 4 km to the E of Qenneshrin, which has been excavated by Donald Whitcomb. 20 This way of life may be called a “voluntary exile” (Campenhausen 1930; Guillaumont, 1968/9). The idea of being “exiles in a foreign land” (Psalm 137:4) and “no more than strangers and passing travelers on earth” (Hebrews 11:13) has been a theme of Syriac ascetical literature from the earliest times, e.g. the apocryphal Acts of Thomas (2nd century) and Aphrahat’s Sixth Demonstration, written in 337 (Brock 1973, 9f). 21 To reach this monastery, you left the city by the northern gate and travelled up the right bank of the Tigris (§65.1) until you reached the village of Nardo, which was near a wooded height. Not far from Nardo was the monastery of Zuqnin, which owned half of that forest. The forest had been given to John, bishop of Anzitene, by the Roman emperor himself for John’s own monastery at Amida; but John had given half of it away to the community at Zuqnin (JE, 558). 22 Cf. L. Alexius, ‫( ܕ‬FT: 2, ET: 18): “Like Abraham, he joyfully separated from his family and his country, for he yearned to be enrolled in the Jerusalem which is on high” (tr. Doran, modified); JE, 84 (tr. Brooks): “I removed myself thence because of the neighbourhood of bodily kin.” Maintaining the status of a stranger is a Leitmotiv of our text (§§12.1, 79.1, 126.1, 187.1, 190.1, 208.1, 242.16). 23 Cf. L. Barṣawmo, §3: The child Barṣawmo left his mother with his stepfather at the fair in Samosata and went off on his own. Beside the Euphrates, he encountered a Mourner called Abraham, who took him to a monastery. But Barṣawmo refused to stay there. “God wants me to stay with you,” he said to Abraham, “because it is you that I first met with” (tr. Palmer). 18

‫‪83‬‬

‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܡܬܟܪܟ ܒܥܘܡ�ܐ‪] .‬ܘܐܝـ[ـܟ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܕܝܪܝܐ ܚܕ ]ܕܫـ[ـܡܗ ܣܐܘ ̣ܝܪܐ܇‬ ‫‪ 1.4‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܬܟܪܟ ]ܒܐ[ܟܣܢܝܘܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܒܥܡ� ܘܒܕܘܒ�ܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܥܘܡܪܐ ]ܩܕܝـ[ـܫܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܩܫܝ̈ܐ܇[ ܿ‬ ‫ܐܬܡܛܝ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ]ܕܙܘܩܢـ[ـܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪] :‬ܡܟܝܠ ܐ[ܫ̇ ܢܐ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ]ܛܘܝܒـ[ـܐ ̣ܣܡ‬ ‫‪̣ 1.5‬‬ ‫ܒܢܦܫܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܬܪܐ ܪܚܝܩܐ܇ ]ܐܝܟܐ ܕܐ[ܢܫ � ܝ̇ܕܥ ܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܘܗܝ܁ ܕܢܫ̇ ܢܐ ]ܠܥܘܡܪܐ[ ܕܕܝܪܝܘܬ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܡܢܥ‬ ‫]ܢܦܩ ܡܢ[ ܒܝܬ‬ ‫‪ 2.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܕܡ�ܬܗ ̇‬ ‫ܬܗ ̣ܝܗ ]ܬܡܢ[‬ ‫]ܠܥܘܡܪܐ[ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܙܘܩܢܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܠܗܐ܁ ]ܕ�[ ܡܬܡܠܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܠـ[ـܣܐܘܝܪܐ‪.‬‬

84

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

3.1 When Theodotus saw what labors and how harsh a way of life the blessed Severus maintained, he set his heart on adopting this man as his father forever and addressed him as follows: “Father, please may I be your disciple and your beloved ? 24 At any rate, do not banish me from your company!” 3.2 When the blessed man heard Mor Theodotus say this, he promised him : “Seeing that you find you love me, let us return to the holy community in which I was brought up, for it is my wish to return there!” 25 4.1 They received the blessing of the monks of the monastery and journeyed in good heart to the holy abbey of Qenneshre; and as soon as they entered the abbey, they received the blessing of the saints who (lie buried) in that abbey. 26 B. How Theodotus, released by Severus from his service, began to serve others at Qenneshre

5.1 Now in his mind and in his heart, Theodotus made a resolution imposing fasts and harsh labor on himself; and from one Sunday to the next he ate only one loaf of bread, although he was serving the blessed Severus. But when holy Severus saw the labors and the way of life of the blessed Theodotus, he said: 27 5.2 “My son, I have enough evils to put up with in this world! God forbid that I be served by you any longer!” 28

This supplement is discussed in Part 2, ED 2B, i, p. 50. Severus evidently entered his monastery as a child, for otherwise he would not have said “I was brought up there” (Syriac: ethrebhith), but “I was converted/became a disciple (ettalmedheth) there”. John of Ephesus, whose parents considered that he owed his life to the local holy man, gave him to God, so that he grew up in that stylite’s monastery from a very early age (JE, 61–4), though after his death he went to that of John Urṭoyo, where Sergius, of the distinguished Bar Debbo family of Amida, was placed from childhood by his parents (JE, 572; cf. Part 2, Table 5b, p. 67 above). 26 This is the way our author generally speaks about the relics which were apparently the most valuable treasure of every monastery in his time. Holy relics were already hoarded in monasteries in Rabbula’s time; for this bishop of Edessa disapproved of the custom and forbade it – though his prohibition proved a dead letter (R. Rabbula, rule 22, 214 [Vööbus, 32]). 27 Up to this point, the epithets “blessed” and “holy” have been translated, wherever they appear. This section well illustrates their redundance; indeed, they may have been added by pious scribes to a text which originally had plain “Severus” and “Theodotus”, slowing the pace of the narrative. From here onwards, they will be omitted, except where they seem to have some value. 28 Severus relieves Theodotus of his duties as a servant; he does not disown him as a disciple. 24 25

‫‪85‬‬

‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫‪ 3.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ]ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ[ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܣܐܘܝܪܐ܁‬ ‫]ܕܒܥܡ�[ ܘܒܕܘܒ�ܐ ܩܫܝ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪[:‬‬ ‫]ܡܬܕܒܪ[ ̣ܣܡ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪] :‬ܐܝܢ̣ ܗܢܐ ̣ܢܗܘ[ܐ ܠܝ ܐܒܐ ܠܥܠܡ܅ ] ̣‬ ‫ܒܪܥܝܢܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܅‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ]ܐܗܘܐ ܠܟ[ ]ܬܠـ[ـܡܝܕܐ ܘ⟩ܒܪܐ⟨ ܚܒܝܒܐ ]ܒܪܡ �‬ ‫]ܒـ[ـܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܡܢܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܓ�ܙܢـ[ـܝ ܡܢ ܥ ̣ܢܝܢܟ܅‬

‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫ܫܡܥ܇ ܐܫܬܘܕܝ ܠܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪⟩ :‬ܕܢܗܘܐ⟨‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 3.2‬܀ )‪ (2‬ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܛܠ ܕܠܗ ܡ ̣ܢܚ ܐܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܚܒܬܢܝ܁ ̣ܢܗܦܘܟ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܪܒܝܬ ̣‬ ‫ܡܟܝܠ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܗܦܘܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟܘܢ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܠܒܝܒܐܝܬ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ܁ ܘܪܕܘ‬ ‫‪ 4.1‬܀‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܒܪܟܘܢ ܡܢ ܩܕ�ܫܐ ܕܒܥܘܡܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܥ�ܘܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ܇ ܼ‬ ‫‪ 5.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܗܢܐ ܛܘܝܒܐ ̣ܣܡ ܒܪܥܝܢܗ ܘܒܢܦܫܗ‪⟩ :‬ܕܢܬܕܒܪ ܐܦ ̣ܗܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܥܡ� ܩܫܝ̈ܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܚܕܒܫܒܐ‬ ‫ܡܐ‬ ‫ܒܕܘܒ�ܐ �ܘܪܒܐ⟨܇ ‪ 30‬ܟܕ ̇ܡܬܚ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̈ܨܘ ̣‬ ‫ܠܚܕܒܫܒܐ܁ � ̇ܐܟܠ ܗܘܐ ܐ� ܚܕ ܠܚܡܐ܇ ܟܕ ܡܫ̇ ܡܫ ܗܘܐ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܣܐܘܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܣܐܘܝܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܥܡ� ܘܕܘܒ�ܐ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫̣ܕܚܙܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܣ ܠܝ܅ ܕܡܢܟ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܒܝ̈ܫܬܝ ܕܒܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫‪ 5.2‬܀ ܒܪܝ܅ ̇ܣܦܩܢ ܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܫܬܡܫ‪.‬‬

‫‪See Part 2, ED 2B, i, p. 50 above.‬‬ ‫‪For line-length omissions, see, once and for all, Part 2, ED 2B, ii, p. 50f above; for the sup‬‬‫‪plement, cf. §3.1, §15.2.‬‬

‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬

86

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

6.1 Now Theodotus elected to do the following: If he saw anyone, older or younger, who was angry with his fellow, he would kneel down in front of him and refuse to get up off {his feet} until he had reconciled them. 31 7.1 He also began begging used clothes from all and sundry and giving them to orphans and poor people who lacked clothing. 32 7.2 For he used to say, “Beloved brethren and friends of Christ, the Holy Spirit has taught us that when you see anyone without clothes and cover him, and do not neglect your fellow creature, your light will shine like the sun in the firmament before the face of the Lord.” 33 7.3 When they heard him say this, all the people said, “Praise God!”; and anyone who had anything did not withhold it, because they could see his godly way of life. 8.1 Moreover, Theodotus remembered our Lord’s saying: “This is what will ease my own heart: Give heart’s ease to those who are spiritually troubled and distressed.” The Apostle Paul also (came to mind): “Remember those who are in difficulties as if you shared them!” 34 8.2 Straight afterwards he made it his business to look after displaced persons, 35 and also the poor and the sick. This he did, not only for those who were near, in his community, but also for those further removed. When he heard of the illness of someone who lived for away, the fire of the love of Christ was immediately kindled in his heart. 9.1 He approached the Head of the Monastery and obtained from him three loaves 36 in the name of the Holy Trinity; and prayers were said over him by all the holy men; and he rubbed the loaves with some relics of the saints. 37 Then he would go to visit whoever it was that was ill, supporting him with his prayers and with the blessings from the saints; and the patient would be healed of his sickness. Cf. Matthew 5:9: “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God.” 32 Cf. Matthew 5:7: “Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.” 33 Matthew 5:16, combined with Matthew 25:36 and Isaiah 58:7f. 34 Paraphrases of Matthew 25:34–40 and of Hebrews 13:3, respectively. (The Epistle to the Hebrews was thought to have been written by the Apostle Paul.) 35 This choice, possibly motivated by a fellow-feeling for other “misfits” like himself, may have moved Theodotus at a later date to spend five years in Claudias, a region where there were many displaced persons (§85.1). 36 The word used for “loaf” is knisto, a variant spelling of knizto (with an /s/ instead of a /z/). Part 2, ED 9, Figure 12 with Table 7 and the illustration on the back cover of this book. 37 The word used for these is burkotho dh-qaddishe “blessings of the saints”. The relics of martyrs and monks are called so here in order to distinguish them from the living “holy men” (ṭubhone or qaddishe) mentioned just before. The living holy men of Egypt are also called qaddishe (§§79, 107, 108). 31

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‫ܠܙܥܘܪܐ ܕܪܓ ̣ܝܙ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܓܒܐ ܠܗ ܗܕܐ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܪܒܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫‪ 6.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܩܘܡ ܡܢ }�ܓ�ܘܗܝ{ ⟩ܐܪܥܐ ‪⟨38‬‬ ‫ܥܠ ܚܒܪܗ܇ ̇ܒܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܁ ܘ� ܨ̇ܒܐ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܕܡܪܥܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܝܬܡܐ‬ ‫ܠܝܐ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪ 7.1‬܀ ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝ ܬܘܒ ̇ܒܥܐ܁ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗ ̈ܡܐܢܐ ̈ܒ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܥ�ܛܠܝܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܓܝܪ‪̃ :‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܘ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܚܒܝܒܝ ܘ�ܚܡܝ ܠܡܫܝܚܐ܅ ̣�ܦ ܠܢ ܪܘܚܐ‬ ‫ܐܚܝ‬ ‫‪7.2‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܚܙܐ ܥܪܛܠܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܣܝܘܗܝ ܘ� ܬܗܡܐ ܡܢ ܒܪ ܒܣܪܟ܇ ܢܕ ̣ܢܚ ܢܘܗܪܟܘܢ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܘܬܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܡܫܐ ܒܪܩܝܥܐ ܩܕܡ ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܕܡܪܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 7.3‬ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ܫ̇ ܡܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ܇ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܡܫ̇ ܒܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ �ܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ̇ܟܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܕܡ܇ ܡܛܠ ܕܚ̇ ܙܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܠܕܘܒ�ܘܗܝ �ܗ�̈ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܗܕܐ ܗܝ ܢܝ̇ ܚܬܝ‪:‬‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫‪ 8.1‬܀ ܡܬ ̣ܥܗܕ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܘܒ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܡܠܬܗ ܕܡܪܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܐܬܕܟܪܘ �ܝܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܢܝܚ ܠܡܛ�ܦܐ ܘ�ܥܝܝܩܝ ܪܘܚܐ܅ ܘܠܫܠܝܚܐ ܦܘܠܘܣ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܠ ̣ܝܨܝܢ܇ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܕܥܡܗܘܢ � ̣ܝܨܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ܅‬ ‫ܠܒܟ ܠܗ ܕ ̣ܢܐܨܦ ܕܐܟܣܢܝ̈ܐ܁ ܘܐܦ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܕܟ�ܝܗܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 8.2‬ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ܡܚܕܐ )‪̣ (3‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ܗܕܐ ܠܘܬ ܩ�ܝܒܐ܇ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܒܥܘܡܪܗ܁ ܘܠܘܬ �ܚܝܩܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܫ̇ ܡܥ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ܟܪܝܗܐ‬ ‫ܕܪܚܝܩ܁ ܡܚܕܐ ̇ܣܝܦܐ ܗܘܬ ܒܗ ܢܘܪܐ ܕܚܘܒܗ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 9.1‬܀ ̇‬ ‫ܟܢܝ̈ܣܬܐ ‪ 40‬ܬܠܬ ܒܫܡܐ ܡܝܩܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ܗܘܐ ܨܝܕ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ܁ ܘܫ̇ ܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܡܢܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬ ̣ܐ ܡܢ ܩܕ�ܫܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ܁‬ ‫ܘܡܒܪܟܐ ܕܬܠܝܬܝܘܬܐ ܩܕܝܫܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫ̇ ܐܦ ܗܘܐ ܒܗܝܢ ܡܢ ܒܘ�ܟܬܐ ܕܩܕ�̈ ̣ܫܐ ܘܐܙ̇ܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܘܬ ̇ܡܢ ܕܟܪܝܗ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܒܝܕ ̈‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܗ܁ ܘܒܝܕ ܒܘ�ܟܬܐ ܕܡܢ ܩܕ�̈ ̣ܫܐ ܘܡܬܐܣܐ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ ̇ܗܘ ܟܪܝܗܐ‪.‬‬

‫ܕܢܩܘܡ ܥܠ‬

‫‪Cf. §134.17. Changed by a scribe who was perhaps thinking of the phrase:‬‬

‫‪38‬‬

‫�ܓ�ܘܗܝ‬

‫)‪ (Part 2, ED 4, p. 52 above‬ܕܒܥܘܡ�ܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪Cf. Part 2, ED 9, p. 58, and Table 7, p. 70 above.‬‬

‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬

88

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

10.1 From that time on, demons began to wail at his approach and to cry out on being exorcised by his prayers. 41 C. How Theodotus came to be highly regarded by the patriarch Theodore, resident at that monastery

11.1 When Theodotus saw this, he went forth from the monastery. But when Mor Theodore, 42 the patriarch, realized this, he entreated him, saying: “No, brother, do not desert me! This year I am going to die and to go the way of all the earth. 43 Stay to close my eyes with your hand!” 12.1 When Theodotus heard that, he remained and did not go against Mor Theodore’s will; but all day long he would escape and hide in a hollow in a certain rock on the bank of the Euphrates; and no one noticed him. 13.1 But one day, Mor Theodore said to him, “Father, tell me where you will be and I will come and say my prayers with you!” Then the holy man 44 revealed his place to him; and every day they would leave the monastery and spend the whole day prostrating themselves in prayer before God. 13.2 At the sounding of the evening noqusho, 45 the patriarch would enter his room and the blessed men would gather around him, as was their custom; and he would lead them in prayer. 46 They kept on asking him to reveal where Theodotus was in the daytime, but he refused to tell them.

Jesus is reported as saying (Matthew 17:21) that certain demons cannot be cast out except by prayer and fasting. 42 See Part 2, Table 4, p. 65 above. Chr. 819, which was compiled at the monastery of Qartmin, appears to link the harsh winter of AG 976 = AD 664/5 (sic) to Theodore’s death. However, Michael (11.13, 436) places the harsh winter in AG 980 (AD 668/9), nearly agreeing with Theophanes, AM 6162 (AD 669/70), their common source being the lost chronicle of Theophilus of Edessa (Hoyland 2011). It seems that the Year of the Harsh Winter was remembered as having come soon after that of the death of Patriarch Theodore. In Chr. 819 these linked dates have somehow drifted away from their anchorage. 43 Joshua 23:14 = 1 Kings 2:2. 44 Syriac: qaddisho. Theodotus himself makes a distinction between “the saints” (qaddishe), by which he means the saints in heaven, represented on earth by their relics, and himself, “a weak man and a sinner” (§21.1). 45 Probably the same as the Athonite sēmandron, a length of wood held at shoulder-height with the left hand while it is struck in quick and rhythmic succession with the right, a penetrating sound to call monks to prayer. 46 This is still the custom in certain monasteries on Mount Athos today (e.g. Dhionysíou). 41

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‫‪ 10.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ܿ ܼܫܪܝܘ ܕ�̈ܘܐ ̇ܡܝܠܝܢ ܡܢܗ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܥܝܢ ܘ ̇ܢܦܩܝܢ ܡܢ ܨܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܪܓܫ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‬ ‫‪ 11.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܗܠܝܢ̣ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܬܫܒܩܢܝ܅ ܒܗܕܐ ܼܫܢܬܐ ̇ܡܐܬ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܁ ܘܐܙ̇ܠ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̣ � :‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ � ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܟܫܦ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܢܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ܟܬܪ ܣ ̣ܝܡ ܐ ̣ܝܕܟ ܥܠ�ܥܝܢ ̣ܝ ܘ ܼܥܡܨܝܢܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܟܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܪ ܘ� ̣ܥܨܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܟܠܗ ܕܝܢ ܝܘܡܐ ̇ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܬܛܫܐ ܒܚܕ ܡܢ‬ ‫‪ 12.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥ܁ ܼܟ ̣‬ ‫ܕܦܪܬ ܘܐܢܫ � ܪܓܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܣܦܬܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܫܢܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܚ�ܘܪܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 13.1‬܀ ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ‪ :‬ܐܘܕ ̣ܥܝܢܝ ܐܒܐ‪ :‬ܐܝܟܐ ̇ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܢܬ‪݁ .‬‬ ‫ܘܓ� ܠܗ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܘܟܬܗ܁ ܘܟܠ ܝܘܡ ̇ܢܦܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ܐ ܐܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܨܠܘܬܐ ܠܘܬܟ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܟܠܗ ܝܘܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢ ܕܝܪ ̣ܐ ܘ ̇ܢܦܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܡܬܟܢܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̈‬ ‫‪ 13.2‬ܘܠܢܩܘܫܐ ܕܪܡܫܐ ̇ܥܐܠ ܗܘܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܠܩܠܝܬܗ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ܇‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܓܝ ̇ܒܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ ܕܢܓ� ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܥܝ̇ܕܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܘ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ܕ ̇ܢܘܕܥ ܐܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܝܟܐ ̇ܗܘܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܝܡܡܐ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬

90

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

13.3 At night Theodotus came back inside the monastery and did the rounds of the sick and those undergoing hardships; and he used to give presents to the widows and the poor. But those who, having heard of his fame, came from distant countries were (left) standing in great sorrow. 14.1 Then the patriarch said, “My son, ‘a city that is set on a hill cannot be hid.’ 47 So let the hearts of those poor people who flock to see you be eased! 48 Don’t let them go away disappointed! Give them some helpful advice and rub them with a blessing of the saints!” 49 14.2 He obeyed; and continued to do so, until he had completed the year. Everyone who came to see him received the help (he needed). If anyone gave him a present, he would accept it, saying, “Your gift is acceptable to me, my son: now go and distribute it among the orphans and widows and the poor of your own village without anyone noticing!” D. How Theodotus by fasting and prayer defeated the serpent which hindered him in his devotions

14.3 Now this soldier of God, this holy man, underwent harsh ordeals at the hands of Satan and endured illusory visions. First, while he was praying, Theodotus had the following vision: 14.4 A fearful and vicious black serpent attacked him. It coiled itself around his legs until it reached his knees, then it tightened its grip on him, like a rope, intending to constrain him and so put an end to his service and his prayers. 50

Matthew 5:14. Cf. Jacob, On the solitaries, 850, 8f (Couplet 143): The man who needs the riches of this passing world Is poor, because the things he needs are nothing worth. At §§112.3, 114.4, 161.2, and 242.4 the word “poor” is used metaphorically, as often in English, of someone who is to be pitied. 49 Cf. §9.1. Oil which had been poured over the bones of the saints was given to devotees as a blessing (cf. §179.2, where the bishop is imagined as watering his flock at the “streams” which issue from the holy relics); but sometimes Theodotus simply laid half a loaf on a sack full of martyrs’ relics (see §53.4). Cf. Fowden 1999, 85f. 50 Borrowed from L. Simeon (Part 2, Table 6, p. 68 above). A late sixth-century gilded silver plaque from Apamea (Louvre, Bj 2180), part of a reliquary, shows a huge bearded “python” coiled around a column and looking, with its maw shut in puzzlement, at the monk seated on the capital (accessed by a ladder), apparently reading of the “pearl of great price” (Matthew 13:45f), for this is enlarged in a shell-shaped “thought-bubble” above his head. This last is covered by the felt pileus of a freedman. The frame, shaped like a gable-end, is of bay leaves, as if crowning a victorious Pythian athlete. 47 48

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‫‪ 13.3‬ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܠܝܐ ̇ܥܐܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܓܘ ܕܝܪܐ܁ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܟܪܟ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ܟ�ܝܗܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐ�ܝ̈�ܐ܁ ܘ⟩ܒܐܝܡܡܐ⟨ ‪ 51‬ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ��ܡܠܬ ̣ܐ ܐܦ ܠܣܢܝܩܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫�ܚܝܩܐ ̇ܩܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫⟩ܥܬܝ�ܐ⟨ ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܥܠ )‪ (4‬ܫܡܗ܁ ܡܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ ܒ ̣ܢܝܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣�‬ ‫‪ 14.1‬܀ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ � ̣ܡܨܝܐ ܕܬܛܫܐ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܕܥܠ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܡܠܠ� ܥܡܗܘܢ ܡܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܢܬܬܢܝܚܘܢ ̈ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ܅ ܘ� ܢܐܙܠܘܢ ܟܕ ܡ ̇ܥܩܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܘܦ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ܕܩܕ�̈ܫܐ܅‬ ‫ܕܝܘܬܪܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫݁‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ̇‬ ‫‪ 14.2‬ܘ ܼܿܫܡܥܗ܁ ܘܗܟܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܫܩܠ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܥܕܡܐ ̣ܕܡ� ܿ ܼܫܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܕܐܬ ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̇ :‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܥܘܕܪܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ܐܢܫ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ̇‬ ‫ܡܩܒ� ܠܝ‬ ‫ܫܩܠ ܗܘܐ ̣̇‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܩܪܝܬܟ ܟܕ � ܐܢܫ‬ ‫ܝܬܡܐ ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ܁ ܘܥܠ ܡܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫}ܘ{ܦܠܓܗ ‪ 52‬ܥܠ‬ ‫ܒܪܝ܅ ̣ܙܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܪܓܝܫ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܢ ܣܛܢܐ܇ ܥܡ ܚܙܘܢܐ‬ ‫ܦܠܚܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܣܒܠ ܗܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 14.3‬ܘܐܓܘܢܐ ܩܫܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ܗܟܢܐ܇ ܟܕ ܡܨ̇�‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܫܘܩܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܡܐܝܬ܇ ̣‬ ‫�ܓ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܟܪܟ ܢܦܫܗ ܥܠ‬ ‫‪ 14.4‬܀ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܚܘܝܐ ܐܘܟܡܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܕܚܝ� ܘܩܫܝܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܢܒܛܠܗ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܚܝܨܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܼܚܒ�܇ ܐܝܟ ܕܢ ̇ܥܘܟܗ ܼ‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ̣ܕܡܛܐ ܒܘ�ܟܘܗܝ‪ܼ ܿ .‬‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܫܡܫܬܗ ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

‫‪For single-word omissions, see, once and for all, Part 2, ED 2B, ii, p. 51 above.‬‬ ‫‪ between Close-Knit Verbs is justified once and for all in Part 2, ED 8B,‬ܘ ‪The deletion of‬‬ ‫‪p. 56 above.‬‬

‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬

92

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

14.5 But, kneeling there on the ground, God’s slave was not afraid. He just bowed his head even further towards the ground with his hands clasped behind him and stayed like that from the evening until the middle of the night. Then that serpent departed; though it continued to do this for one month. 15.1 So Theodotus redoubled his fasting and his prayers. Now he consumed no more than one loaf of bread with one bowl of water every thirty days. Moreover, he never separated his legs from one another, but threw himself into the most punishing prostrations. When he became somnolent, he sat down and placed his head on his knees and slept for one hour, then stood up again to continue bowing down and saying his prayers. 15.2 (Then, at last,) that devil vanished like smoke with a great wail, leaving Theodotus standing there, victorious in his Lord. But he only added further to his strict asceticism, bowing down in the oratory for three continuous days and nights with neither food nor drink. 15.3 After this, he would go and receive a blessing from Mor Theodore, after which he would partake of the Holy Mysteries. Then our Lord’s athlete would take one loaf (of bread) and one bowl of water and stay like that for a long time. E. How the reputation of Theodotus spread far and wide without altering his humble character

16.1 The blessed men of the monastery and all the brotherhood 53 now began to flock to him, saying, in the words of Scripture: “A great prophet has arisen among us; and God has visited his people.” 54 Moreover, people came from afar to receive his blessing and his prayers. 17.1 Nevertheless, Theodotus adopted an attitude of great humility. 55 If any of his visitors bowed down in front of him, Theodotus would immediately fall down in front of that person, whether it was a man or a woman, refusing to stand up until the one who was asking for his prayers stood up straight. This is what he would say to such a person:

A distinction seems to be made here between the monks (“the blessed men”) and the lay brethren belonging to their community. From here on, the phrase “the blessed men” will be translated as “the monks”. 54 Luke 7:16 + Ruth 1:6. 55 The Syriac uses a metaphor: “He clothed himself in great humility.” 53

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܥܒܕܐ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ � ܐܬܬܙ ̣ܝܥ܁ ܐ ̣� ܝܬܝܪ ‪ 56‬ܟ ̣ܦ ܪܝܫܗ ܒܐܪܥܐ ܥܠ ܒܘ�ܟܘܗܝ܇‬ ‫‪̣ 14.5‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܠܒܣܬܪܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܐ ܗܟܢܐ ܡܢ ܪܡܫܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܦܠܓܗ ܕܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܕ ܐ�̈ܕܘܗܝ ܦܟ ̣ܝ�ܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܠܗ ܝܪܚܐ ܚܕ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܝܕܝܢ ܿ ܼܫܢܝ ܚܘܝܐ ̇ܗܘ‪ .‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܨܠܘܬܐ܇ ܟܕ ܒܗܠܝܢ ܬܠܬܝܢ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ܇ �‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܥܦ ܠܗ ܨܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 15.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܠܚܡܐ ܘܡ ̇ܙ ܓܬܐ ܕܡܝܐ‪ .‬ܐܦ� �ܓ�ܘܗܝ ܼܦܪܩ ܐܢܝܢ ܡܢ ܚܕܕܐ܁‬ ‫̣ܐܟܠ ܐ� ܩ�ܘܪܐ ܚܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܪܡܐ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܐ ܕܛܝܪܐ ܗܘܬ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܫ ̣ܢܬܐ܁ ܝ̇ܬܒ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܐܡ‬ ‫ܐ ̣� ܒܓܗܢܬܐ ܩܫ ̣ܝܬܐ ܸ‬ ‫ܒܘ�ܟܘܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܘܕܡܟ ܗܘܐ ܫܥܬܐ ܚܕܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ� ܓܗܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܗ ܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܨܠܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܒܙܟܘܬܐ ܕܡܪܗ܁ ܘܐܘܣܦ‬ ‫‪15.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܝܠܠ ̇ܗܘ ܫܐܕܐ܁ ܘܐܬܛ݀ܠܩ ܐܝܟ ܬܢܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܗ ܬܘܒ ܕܘܒ�ܐ �ܘܪܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܬܓܗܢ ܗܘܐ ܒܝܬ ܬܫܡܫܬܐ܁ ܬܠܬܐ ܐܝܡܡܝܢ ܘܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝ�ܘܢ ܕ� ܡܐܟܘܠܬܐ ܘܕ� ܼܿܡܫܬܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ 15.3‬ܘܒܬܪ ܗܠܝܢ̣ ܐܙ̇ܠ )‪ (5‬ܗܘܐ ܘܡܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ܁ ܘܗܝܕܝܢ̣‬ ‫ܡܫܬܘܬܦ ܗܘܐ ܒ�ܐܙܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܩ�ܘܪܐ ܚܕ܁ ܘܡܙܓܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܡܝ̈ ̣ܐ ܘܟܬܪ‬ ‫ܗܟܢܐ ܐܬܠܝܛܗ ܕܡܪܢ ܼܿܙܒܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 16.1‬܀ ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝܘ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܟܠܗ ܐܚܘܬ ̣ܐ ܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ ܠܘܬܗ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ܇ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܝ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܟܬ ̣ܝܒܐ‪ :‬ܕܢܒܝܐ ܪܒܐ ̣ܩܡ ܒܢ܅ ܘܣ ̣ܥܪ �ܗܐ ܠܥܡܗ‪ .‬ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܬܘܒ �ܚܝܩܐ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܘܢܨ̇� ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܪܟܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܒܫ ܡܟܝܟܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ݁‬ ‫ܡܬܓܗܢ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܘܬܗ܁ ܐܢ‬ ‫‪ 17.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̣ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇ܢܦܠ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܇ ܐܢ ܓܒܪܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ܁ ܘܐܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܩܕܡܘܗܝ ܡܚܕܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܟܕ ̇ܐܡ ̣ܪ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܐܢܬܬܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ܁ ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܬܦܫܛ ܗܘܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܝܬܝܪܐ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪56‬‬

94

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

17.2 “Forgive me, brother! I am worth less than the soil that you, or even than that which the animals tread underfoot. 57 Nevertheless, to avoid disappointing you, my brother, and being condemned by God for upsetting you – come, rub yourself with (this) blessing and God in his mercy will heal you and grant you (your wish) in the measure of your faith!” 17.3 The sick person would do so and our Lord would grant healing at his hand. Whether a person had a fever, or fits of shivering, or was hounded by demons, they received help from him and departed in good health; and they spread his fame in every place. 18.1 The leading men of the towns and the villages and the daughters of such men from east and west would come bearing gifts and (other) marks of respect, so that they might obtain his prayers. 19.1 Theodotus would try to avoid seeing them and conversing with them; but the monks themselves would urge him to speak to them and pray for them. 19.2 As for him, he would repeat what our Lord said: “It is difficult for the wealthy and for those who have (many) possessions to enter the Kingdom of God”; 58 and, what is also written: “If a rich man approaches you, distance yourself from him!” 59 Nevertheless, yielding to great pressure, he would eventually come out and speak to them and pray for them. 19.3 As for those important men, they listened gladly to everything he told them, and carried out his instructions. Then they would place their gifts in his hands and depart with joy in their hearts and the praise of God on their lips. F. How Theodotus was urged by Mor Theodore to cure the paralyzed daughter of a wealthy man

20.1 A well-known man from the western region (of Syria) visited him whose daughter had been paralyzed since childhood. She was about sixteen years of age. She could not even roll over to one side or the other; so they carried her in and set her down in front of him. 60

Cf. §140.2 and §157.3, where the same formula appears in abbreviated form. This formula does not seem to come from the Bible; it may be original to Theodotus. 58 A paraphrase of Matthew 19:23f; cf. Mark 10:23. 59 Cf. Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sirach) 13:9. 60 Adapted from §33 of L. Simeon (Part 2, Table 6, above). The girl is never brought face to face with Simeon, as she is with Theodotus. Cf. L. Daniel, 300f, translated in Appendix 2, below, where the recluse espies the paralyzed woman from his window and vehemently orders her to go home, which she promptly does! 57

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܘܐܦ� ̇‬ ‫ܠܝ ܐܚܝ܅ ܕ� ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܕܕ�ܟܢ‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܥܦܪܐ ܕܕܪܟܬ‬ ‫ܫܒܘܩ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 17.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܬܬܥܝܩ ܐܚܝ܅ ܘܢܕܘܢܢܝ �ܗܐ ܥܠ ܛܘܪܦܟ܇ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܚܝܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܡܛܠ ܕ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠܟ ܐܝܟ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܘܦ ܠܟ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ܅ ܘܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒ�ܚܡܘܗܝ ̇ܣܥܪ ܠܟ܁ ܘܝܗܒ ̣‬ ‫ܡܫܟܢ ܗܘܐ ܡܪܢ ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܡܢ ܐܫܬܐ܁ ܐܘ ܡܢ‬ ‫‪ 17.3‬ܘܗܟܢ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ܁ ܘܐܣܝܘܬܐ ܼܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇ܥܪܘܝܬ ̣ܐ ܐܘ ܡܢ ܕ�ܘܐ ܪܕ ̣ܝܦܝܢ ܗܘܘ܇ ܫ̇ ܩܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ ܥܘܕܪܢܐ܁ ܘܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ ܟܕ ܚܠ ̣ܝܡܝܢ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ܒܟܠ ܕܘܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܦܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫‪ 18.1‬܀ ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ �ܝܫܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܒܩܘ�ܝܐ ܘܒܢ̈ܬ �ܝܫܢܐ܁ ܡܢ ܡܕܢܚܐ ܘܡܢ ܡܥܪܒܐ܇‬ ‫ܕܒܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒ�ܘܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܘܐܝܩ�ܐ ܠܘܬܗ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܕ ܛܥܝܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܕ� ̣ܢܚܙܐ ܐܢܘܢ̣ ܘ� ̇ܢܡܠܠ�ܥܡܗܘܢ‪̣ .‬ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 19.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܡܦ ̣ܝܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ̇‬ ‫�ܥܡܗܘܢ ܘܢܨ̇� ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܡܠܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܡܪܢ‪ :‬ܕܥܛ� ܗܝ ܠܥܬܝ�ܐ܁ ܘ�ܝܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪̣ 19.2‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ̇ܡܢ ܬ ̇ܢܐ ܗܘܐ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܬܩܪܒ ܠܟ ܥܬܝܪܐ܇‬ ‫ܠܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܘܒ ̇ܗܝ ܕܟܬ ̣ܝܒܐ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܩ ̣ܢܝ̈ ̣ܢܐ ܕܢ ̣ܥ�ܘܢ ܼ‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ܡܬܪܚܩ ܡܢܗ܅ )‪ (6‬ܘܒܥܨ̇ܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ̇ܢܦܩ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܥܡܗܘܢ ܘܕܢܨ̇�‬ ‫ܕܢܡܠܠ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 19.3‬ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ �ܝܫܢܐ܁ ܿܚܕܝܐܝܬ ܫ̇ ܡܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܠ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܗ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܕܘܗܝ ܘܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܕ ܚ̇ ܕܝܢ ܘܡܫ̇ ܒܚܝܢ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܝܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܡܘܗܒܬܗܘܢ ܒܐ�̈ ̣‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ܝܕܝܥܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܡܥܪܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܪܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 20.1‬܀ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܫܟܚܐ‬ ‫ܛܠܝܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܡܫܪܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ܗܘܬ ܕܝܢ̣ ܐܝܟ ܒܪܬ ܫܢܝܢ ܐܫܬܥܣܪܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܝܗ‪ .‬ܘܛܥ ̣ܢ ̇‬ ‫ܕܬܬܗܦܟ ܠܚܕ ܡܢ ܓܒ ̇‬ ‫ܗܘܬ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܡܘܗ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗ‬

96

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1

21.1 When Theodotus saw her, he was deeply disturbed and said: “People, you are making a mistake to abandon the saints and come (instead) to a sinner and a weakling!” But she spoke persuasively: “My lord, I believe that God will give you everything you ask Him for. Pray for me, my lord, pray for me! Have pity on me and on my parents in our distress!” 21.2 Those who saw her were urging Theodotus with tears in their eyes to treat her, but he was unwilling to do so. Then the monks asked him urgently: 21.3 “For the sake of our Lord, Who dwells in you, do not let these people go away from the monastery crestfallen!” 22.1 Then he took one of the holy relics which he possessed and made the sign of the Cross with it three times over all her joints; and God helped him and she stood up straight and walked. Everyone who saw it praised God. Her family were overjoyed and her father offered the holy man gifts and marks of respect, but he refused to accept them from him. 23.1 Immediately that man, grieved (by this refusal), began to say, “God forbid that I let go of your Holiness’s legs until you accept the blessing which I have brought in your name!” The elders of the monastery also urged him on that man’s behalf. Then he took hold of the girl’s father, raised him up, accepted the blessing from him and prayed for them; and they went away rejoicing. 24.1 Then Theodotus called the Head of the Brethren 61 and said to him, “My son, take this blessing which our Lord has provided and buy lengths of cloth 62 and cut tunics out of them for orphans and homeless people to wear!” 63 The Head of the Brethren carried out his instructions. And that man came again and again and brought him a blessing (every time).

The note on §16.1 distinguishes two groups in the monastery: the monks and the lay brethren. It seems likely that the Head of the Brethren was in charge of the latter group. 62 Translated ad sensum; cf. §68.1 and Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. Note the euphemism “blessing”, for a gift of money. 63 Cf. §7.1, where clothing is given to orphans and poor people. In neither place are widows mentioned, though “orphans and widows” often go hand-in-hand in such contexts (e.g. §14.2), so that Bishara automatically translates the Syriac here as though the words “and widows” were in his Vorlage. 61

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܗܘܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ‪̃ :‬ܐܘ ܒܢܝ̈ܢܫܐ܅‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܟܕ ̣ܚ ̇ܙܗ܇ ܒܫܚ̇ ܩܐ ܪܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‪ 21.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܛܥܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ܇ ܕܫ̇ ܒܩܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܨܝܕ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܛܝܐ ܘܚܠܫܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܡܦ ̣ܝܣܐ ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ̇‬ ‫ܕܬܫܐܠ ܡܢ �ܗ ̣ܐ ܝ̇ܗܒ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܁ ܕܟܠ ܡܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܠܝ ܘܕܐܒܗܝ܅‬ ‫ܚܘܣ ܥܠ ܛܘܪܦܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܟ‪ .‬ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ ܡܪܝ܅ ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫‪̇ 21.2‬ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ ܕܚ̇ ܙܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܡܦܝܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ‪ 64‬ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ܁ ̇ܒܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܗ ܘ� ܨ̇ܒܐ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܘܒ ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ܒ ̣ܥܘ ܡܢܗ܁‬ ‫ܘܡܦܝܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܠܒܘܟ ̣̇‬ ‫̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 21.3‬܀ ܡܛܠ ܡܪܢ ܕ ̇ܥܡܪ ܒܟ܇ � ܢܐܙܠܘܢ ܐܢܫܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܟܕ ܡ ̇ܥܩܝܢ܅‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܡܗ ̇‬ ‫ܘܚ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ̈ܠܝܒܐ‬ ‫ܢܣܒ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ܇ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܁ ܼܿ‬ ‫‪ 22.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܗܠܟܬ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ̣ܕܚܙ]ܐܘ ̇ܗ[‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܬ ܼ‬ ‫ܫ�ܝܢܝܗ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܥܕܪܗ �ܗܐ܁ ܘܬܪܨ]ܬ[ ̇ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ܐܒـ]ـ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗ܁[ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܘܐܝܩ�ܐ‬ ‫ܫ̇ ܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܕ ̣ܝܘ ܐܢܫـ]ـ ̣̇ܝܗ[ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܠ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܩܕ]ܝܫܐ ܘ�[ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܚܣ ܠܝ ܡـ]ـܢ ܕܐܪܦܐ[‬ ‫‪ 23.1‬܀ ]ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝ[ ܡܚܕܐ ܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܘ ܕ ̣ܢܐ]ܡܪ܇ ܟܕ[ ̣ܟܪܝܐ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܬ ܒܫܡܟ‪] .‬ܘܐܦ[ ̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫�ܓ� ܕܩܕܝܫܘܬܟ܅ ]ܥܕܡܐ[ ̇‬ ‫ܣܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܩܒܠܬ ܡܢܝ ܒܘܪ]ܟܬܐ[‬ ‫ܘܠܒܟܗ �ܒـ]ـ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗ ܕܛܠܝܬܐ܁[ ܘܐܩ ̣ܝܡܗ܇‬ ‫ܕܕܝܪܐ܁ ܐܦ ̣ܝܣܘ⟩ܗܝ⟨ ‪] 65‬ܥܠ� ܓܒܪܐ[ ̇ܗܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ[ ܟܕ ܚ̇ ܕܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ ]ܡܢܗ[ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ]ܥܠܝܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܩܪܐ ܠܪܝܫ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ̣ܣܒ‬ ‫‪ 24.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܐܚܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕ]ܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ[ )‪̣ ̈ (7‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܦܣܘܩ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܟܘܬܝܢܝܬܐ ܠܝܬܡܐ ܘ�ܟܣܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܙܒܢ ܓ ̣�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ܗܕܐ܇ ܕܛܝܒ ܡܪܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫݁‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܢܠܒܫܘܢ܅ ‪ 66‬ܗ ̣ܘ ܕܝܢ ܪܝܫ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܐ܁ ܼܫܡܠܝ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ܁ ܒܐܡ ̣ܝܢܘܬܐ ܐܬ ܐ ܗܘ ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܝܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪The restoration of the pattern QOTEL WO QOTEL WO is justified once and for all in Part 2, ED‬‬ ‫‪8C, p. 57 above.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪No abbreviation-mark is visible in SOP.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫‪. See, once and for all, Part 2, ED 4, p. 52 (the first of the two errors not‬ܘܢܠܒܫܘܢ ‪SOP 362‬‬‫‪ed in the first paragraph).‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬

98

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 1 G. How Theodotus, at the patriarch’s wish, stayed to close his eyes in death, then left the monastery

25.1 At this point God commanded (the angel of death) to lead Mor Theodore out of this troubled world. He had a presentiment of it ten days before it happened and summoned the blessed Theodotus and said, “My brother, I am going the way of all the earth. 67 So wherever it is that you want to go, go there! And pray for me when our Lord grants that you become a shepherd for his flock! 68” 26.1 {Now, three days before the patriarch’s death, they brought to the monastery a man with a legion of demons 69 in him, strapped to a cart; 70 and no one was able to approach him. And they went inside and told the patriarch about him. 27.1 The patriarch sent for Mor Theodotus and said, “Brother, do as I say and free this man!” So Theodotus went outside and said to those who were with that man, “Go up to him and untie him!” But they were unwilling to take hold of him, because they were afraid. 28.1 Then the blessed man approached him and made the sign of the Cross over him and said, “Evil demon, Patriarch Mor Theodore has sent me after you.” 28.2 Then the devil wailed, “Woe is me because of you, man! Woe is me because of the man who sent you after me! Now you have both expelled me and I am coming out of this body!” 71 Then he dragged him inside to see the patriarch, who prayed for him, after which he and his companions went away in good health, praising God.}

Joshua 23:14 = 1 Kings 2:2. It is recorded that a number of the holy men of Egypt and Syria accurately predicted the time of their deaths. The ninth superior of the monastery of John at Amida, whose name is written S-y-m-y, attempted to decline that office on the grounds that he had “not one day beyond three and a half years” left “in the body” to show God sufficient repentance for his sins, a prophecy which turned out to be exact, according to John of Ephesus, who was one of the monks S-y-m-y was nevertheless obliged to govern for that period (JE, 568). Cf. Part 2, Table 5b, p. 67 above. 68 The patriarch assumes that Theodotus will eventually become a bishop in charge of a diocese. The Syriac word for “diocese” means “flock”, so “shepherd” is a synonym of “bishop”. 69 I.e. not just one demon, but thousands of demons. See Mark 5:9. 70 This passage is modelled on a miracle in the Life of Severus of Samosata as transmitted by Dionysius of Tell-Maḥre (d. 845), whose version of it has been preserved by Michael (11.7, 419). 71 The literary convention making a devil acknowledge in a loud voice the holiness of his exorcist goes back to Mark 1:24. 67

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‫ܕܢܕܒܪܝܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܫܓ ̣ܝܫܐ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫‪ 25.1‬܀‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ �ܗܐ܁ ܘܫ̇ ܕܪ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܘܐܪܓܫ ܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܥܣܪܐ ܝܘܡܝܢ܁ ܘܩܪܐ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܅‬ ‫܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܟܠܗ ܐܪܥܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� �ܝܟܐ ܕܨ̇ܒܐ ܐܢܬ ܕܬܐܙܠ ܙܠ ܘܨ ̣̇�‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܚܝ܅ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܐܢܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‬ ‫ܕܬܗܘܐ ‪ 72‬ܠ ̇ܗ ܪܥܝ ̣̇ܐ ܠܡܪܥܝܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܬܠ ܡܪܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠܝ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫‪} 26.1‬܀ ܩܕܡ ܓܝܪ ܬܠܬܐ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ ܕܥܘܢܕܢܗ ܕܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ܁ ܐܝܬ ̣ܝܘ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܠܓܝܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܡܫܟܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܢܝ̈ܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܕܫܐܕܐ܇ ܟܕ ܚܙ ̣ܝܩ ܥܠ� ̇ܥܓܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܥ�ܘ }ܘ{ܐܘܕ ̣ܥܘ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܡܛܠܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܬܩܪܒܘܢ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܪܝ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 27.1‬܀ ܘܫ̇ ܕܪ ̣ܩܪܐ ܠܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ ܫܡ ̣ܥܝܢܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܨܒܘ‬ ‫ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܘ ܥܡܗ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܪܘܒܘ ܘܫܪܐܘܘܗܝ܅ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܛܘܒܢܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܠܒܟܘܢ ܒܗ܇ ܡܛܠ ܕܕܚ̇ ܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܘܐ[ܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܫܐܕܐ ܒ ̣ܝܫܐ܅‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ]ܛـ[ـܘܒܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܨܠܝܒܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 28.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ]ܡܪ[ܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪ ̣ܐ ܼܫܕܪܢܝ ܒܬܪܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̇ :‬ܘܝ ܠܝ ܡܢܟ ]ܓܒܪ[ܐ܅ ̇ܘܝ ܠܝ ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܕ ܿ ܼܫܕܪܟ‬ ‫‪ 28.2‬ܘܐ ̣ܝܠܠ ]ܫܐܕ[ܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܥܠܗ ]ܠܘܬ‬ ‫ܘܢܓܕܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܒܬ[ܪܝ܅ ܗܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܪܕܦܬܘܢܢܝ܁ ܘ ̇ܢܦܩ ]ܐܢܐ ܡܢ[ ܦܓܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫]ܘܐܙܠ ܟـ[ـܕ ܚܠ ̣ܝܡ ܘܡܫ̇ ܒܚ ]�ܠܗ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘ[ܗܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܦܐ[ܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ܁ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܥܡܗ‪73 {.‬‬

‫ܘܬܗܘܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪The deletion of this miracle is justified in Part 2, ED 1C, p. 47f above.‬‬

‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬

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29.1 The patriarch died with Mor Theodotus at his side. He put his hands on the eyes of the saintly Head of the Church and closed them for him. 74 29.2 He was mourned by his disciples and monks of his monastery and by the (neighbouring) towns and villages and nomadic tribes of the believing Arabs, 75 because he was gentle and humble with all people; and the bishops in every city were grieved at his parting from them. 29.3 He bequeathed his prayers to the whole Church under heaven. May the Lord make us worthy, thanks to his holy prayers, to find mercy on the day of his glorious (self-)revelation! Amen!

The hagiographer implies that his hero, Theodotus, a plain monk, was closer to the patriarch than any bishop. 75 This is the first mention of the Ṭayyoye “Arabs”. Their Syriac name is derived from the name of the Ṭayy, a large tribe of the steppe just south of the Miaphysite heartlands. The Tanukhoye of Northern Syria and two other Arab tribes of that region and Northern Mesopotamia were Miaphysite Christians at this date (John bar Penkaye, 147; Pierre 2018). A later scribe, who thought “Arab” meant “Muslim”, must have altered the text here, creating a distinction between “believing (people)” and “Arab (Muslims)”. My emendation, if correct, casts doubt on Tannous’ assertion (2018, 364) that this passage is evidence of “a generally positive Muslim disposition towards Christianity”, an assertion which he supports by referring (in n. 32) to all the other occurrences of the word Ṭayyoyo/Ṭayyoye in the Life of Theodotus. The fact that all the other Arabs mentioned in our text are Muslims does not mean our author cannot have used the same word in the phrase “the tribes of the believing Arabs”, i.e. the Christian Arab tribes. 74

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‫ܘܣܡ ܐ�̈ܕܘܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 29.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܝܣ ܡ ̣ܝܬ ܒܩܪܝܒܘܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ ]ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁[ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ]ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟـ[ـ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܥܠ�ܥܝܢ̈ܘܗܝ ]ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܪܝܫـ[ـ ̇ܗ ܕܥܕܬ ̣ܐ ܘ ܼܥܡܨܗ‪.‬‬ ‫‪] 29.2‬ܘܒܟܐܘܘܗܝ[ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܘ�ܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܝܕܘܗܝ ܘܒܢ̈ܝ ]ܕܝܪܗ‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܘܡܕ[ܝܢܬܐ܁‬ ‫]ܕܡܗܝܡܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܥܡܡܐ‬ ‫ܬܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫}ܘܕ ̈‬ ‫ܘܚܫܘ‬ ‫ܕܢܝܚ ܗܘܐ ]ܘܡܟܝܟ ܥـ[ـܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪̣ ] .‬‬ ‫{[ܛܝܝܐ܇ ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫ܡܕܝܢܐ ]ܥܠ ܦܘܪܫܢܗ[ ܕܡܢ ܨܝܕܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܦܝ̈ܣܩـ[ـܘܦܐ ܕܒܟܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܫܟܚ‬ ‫ܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗ[ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܬܚܝܬ ]ܫܡܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܠܢ ̇ܢܫـ[ـܘܐ ܡܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 29.3‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܟܢ ]ܨܠ ̣‬ ‫)‪� (8‬ܚܡܐ ܒܝܘܡܐ ܕܓܠܝܢܗ ܫܒܝܚܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܨܠܘܬܗ ܩܕ�̈ܫܬ ̣ܐ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

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CHAPTER TWO. PILGRIMAGE TO THE HOLY LAND AND EGYPT A. How Theodotus brought a man from the Vale of Antioch to repentance and healed his migraine 1

30.1 Theodotus stayed three days at the monastery 2 and received communion for the third time (in memory of the patriarch Mor Theodore). Then, having kept his promise, he left the monastery of Qenneshre without anyone noticing him. He took nothing with him, except a copy of the Holy Gospel. 3 With this he set out on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem to obtain a blessing from the holy places in which our Lord walked. 4 31.1 When the monks noticed that Theodotus had left their monastery, they wept copiously for their loss and went out to look for him, but could not find him. 32.1 Now there was a rich and famous man from the rift-valley (ʿumqo) of Antioch, 5 who had set out to find Theodotus, because he had heard about him from the merchants. 32.2 He had a severe and persistent pain in his head and in his brain. They used to hammer pegs into the wall for him so that he could put his head between them and shake it back and forth. 32.3 When he heard about the helpful deeds of supernatural power which were performed by our Lord at Theodotus’ hands, he took ten slaves from his household, stocked up on provisions for the journey and set out to come to him. 32.4 Although they did not know the way, they travelled by night, because he was unable to travel by day. Afterwards they said they had seen Theodotus himself leading them and their camels on their way. (At the time) they had thought he was making them lose their way.

Adapted from §79 of L. Simeon (Part 2, Table 6, p. 68f above). It was customary to hold a three-day vigil over the corpse of a holy man (L. Daniel, 314, translated at the end of Appendix 2). 3 Cf. Ps.-JE, 582: “thereupon he took a small gospel and set out to go on foot to Constantinople” (tr. Brooks). 4 The pilgrimage to the Holy Land, often undertaken in time to celebrate the feast of Christ’s Nativity in Bethlehem, or that of his Resurrection in Jerusalem, or both, is an ancient and almost universal tradition of the Christian Church. 5 Borrowed from §34 of L. Simeon (Part 2, Table 6, p. 68 above). Joseph must have noticed this while quarrying the previous chapter for his own story about a teenage girl who was paralyzed (§20.1). 1 2

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܬܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܕܐܙܠ�ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫�ܘܪܫܠܝܡ ܘܠܡ�ܪܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 30.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܟܬܪ ܒܕܝܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܫܩܠ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ܬܠܬܐ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܪܓܫ ܒܗ ܐܢܫ‪ .‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܕܬܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܫ̇ ܡܠܝ ܫܘܘܕܝܗ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ܇ ܟܕ � ̣‬ ‫�ܘܪܫܠܡ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܙܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܩܠ�ܥܡܗ ܡܕܡ܁ ܐ� ܐܢ̣ ܟܬܒܐ ܕܐܘܢܓܠܝܘܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪̣ .‬ܘܬܪܨ ܐܘܪܚܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܢܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܕܘܟܝܬܐ ܩܕ�ܫܬܐ ܕܒܗܝܢ ܼܗܠܟ ܡܪܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܪܓܫܘ ̈‬ ‫ܒܟܐܘܘܗܝ ܪܘܪܒܐܝܬ܁‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ‬ ‫‪ 31.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܒܥܬܗ ܘ� ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ܇‬ ‫‪ 32.1‬܀ ܓܒܪܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܥܘܡܩܐ ܕܐܢܛܝܟ ܥܬܝܪܐ ܡܫܡܗ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫܡܝܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܢ ܬܓ� ̣ܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫‪ 32.2‬ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܟܐܒܐ ܩܫܝܐ ܘܚܣܝܢܐ ܒܪܝܫܗ ܘܒܡܘܚܗ‪ .‬ܘ ̇ܢܩܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ̈‬ ‫ܣܟܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܐܣܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܗ ܒܝܢܬܗܝܢ܇ ܟܕ ܡܛܪܦ ܠܗ ܠܟܐ ܘܠܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܥܠ ̈ܚܝ� ܘܥܘܕ�ܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܫܩܠ�ܠܗ ܥܣܪܐ ܛܠܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪ ܡܪܢ ̈ܒܐܝܕܘܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 32.3‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢ ܒܝܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܙܕܘܕ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫}ܘ{ܒܠܝ�ܘܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܗܠܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܡܫܟܚ‬ ‫‪ 32.4‬ܘܟܕ ܐܘܪܚܐ � ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ܇‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ ܒܐܝܡܡܐ‪ .‬ܡܬ ̇ܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܕܒܪ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܚ̇ ܙܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ܇‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܡܘܒܕ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܘܪܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܘܠܓܡܠܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܣܒܪܘ ܐܢܫܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

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32.5 While he was asleep, this man received a revelation which said, “Come, I will show you the man of God 6 whom you are traveling to see.” He made their journey a straight one; they never strayed from the path or got agitated. The man did not tell the men who were with him about his vision, for he had been instructed to let the camels go wherever they wanted. 33.1

As soon as he left home, he began to get relief from his illness.

33.2 When they reached the Euphrates, the man received the following revelation: “Behold, today the camels will halt at the mouth of a cave. Make camp there and go into the cave. For behold, the man of God whom you are going to see will be hidden from you in that cave!” 34.1 Theodotus, too, was visited by the angel of the Lord, who told him, “A man is coming to see you today who has slept with a mother and with her daughter, both of whom gave birth to male children, and these he strangled and threw into a pit. Rebuke him for the evil deed he has committed!” 35.1 When the men had made a camp, as instructed by the revelation which the man had received, he himself went into the cave and called out, “Slave of God, have mercy on me and heal me, by Christ, whom you serve!” 36.1 When Theodotus heard his voice, he shouted at him angrily: “Go outside (and wait) until I come! You have carried out the will of Satan absolutely, like a slave!” 7 36.2

When Theodotus came out to see him, that man fell down in front of him.

37.1 Theodotus said to him, “You miserable wretch, did you not know that the wicked act you committed could not be hidden from God? You fornicated with a woman and with her daughter and they gave birth to male children; and you added evil to evil by strangling these and throwing them into a pit.”

Cf. §201.2, of Thomas the Stylite, of Tella. The term “Man of God” is found already in L. Antony, 11, the earliest saint’s Life. See especially L. Alexius: Alexius kept his name a secret and was known simply as “the Man of God”. A similar expression, barnosho d-aloho “a human being belonging to God”, is used in L. Daniel (296, l. 7) of a monk encountered by Daniel on Ayshumo who had avoided other people for five years. He went barefoot, wore a tunic made of woven grasses, lived in a cave and nourished himself with berries and nuts from the trees which grew around. 7 Cf. JE, 54, where military service (pulḥono) takes the place of slavery (ʿabhdutho). Our text makes the sufferer address Theodotus as a slave of God, which elicits the antithetical reply that he has made himself a slave of the Devil. In §38.2, the man, who is the owner of many slaves, calls himself the slave of Theodotus. 6

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‫‪ 32.5‬ܘܟܕ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ̣ܚܙܘ ̣ܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܬܐ ܐܚ̇ ܘܝܟ ܓܒܪܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ܝܟ ܓܒܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܓ� ̣ܚܙܘܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܙ̇ܠ ܐܢܬ ܠܘܬܗ‪̣ .‬ܘܬܪܨ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܘܪܚܐ܁ ܘ� ܛ ̣ܥܘ ܘ� ܐܬܕܘܕܘ‪ .‬ܘܓܒܪܐ � ̣‬ ‫ܓܡ� ܢ̈ܐܙܠܢ܅ ‪8‬‬ ‫ܘܦܩܝܕ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܕ�ܝܟܐ ܕܨ̈ܒܝܢ ̈ ̣‬ ‫ܠܓܒ�ܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ܕܥܡܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܢܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܢܦܐܫܐ ܡܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩ܇ ܿ ܼܫܪܝ ̣‬ ‫‪ 33.1‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܦܘܡܗ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܕܗܐ ܩܝ̈ܡܢ ̈ܓܡ� ܥܠ‬ ‫‪ 33.2‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܘ ܦܪܬ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܥܘܠ�ܠܡܥܪܬܐ܅ ܘܗܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܟܘܢ ܓܒܪܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܛܫܝ‬ ‫ܕܡܥܪܬܐ ܝܘܡܢܐ‪ .‬ܬܡܢ ̣ܫܪܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܨܝܕܘܗܝ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܕܓܒܪܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ܡ�ܟܗ‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 34.1‬܀ ܘܐܦ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫݁‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܠܬ�ܬܝܗܝܢ ܒܢ̈ܝܐ ܕܟ�ܐ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܕܡܝܟ ܠܗ )‪ (9‬ܥܡ ܐܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܬܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܐܬ ܐ ܨܝܕܝܟ ܝܘܡܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܕܐ ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫ܐܟܣܝܗܝ ܥܠ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܒܓܘܒܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܚܢܩ ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐ܇ ̣ܥܠ� ܠܡܥܪܬܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪ 35.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܫܪܘ ܐܝܟ ̣ܚܙܘܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣ܕܚܙܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܥܘܪܝܢܝ܅‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܡܫܝܚܐ ܕܠܗ ̇ܦܠܚ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܠܝ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ܁ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܦܘܩ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܦܐܝܬ ̣‬ ‫‪ 36.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܩܠܗ܇ ܩ ̣ܥܐ ܒܗ ܙܥ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫݁‬ ‫ܠܣܛܢܐ ܡܫ̇ ܡܠܝܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܒܕܘܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܟ ܠܒܪ ܥܕ ܐܬ ܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܅ ܒܪܢܫܐ ܕ ܿ ܼܫܡܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܠ�ܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܘܬܗ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 36.2‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̃‬ ‫ܟܣܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ �ܗ ̣ܐ‬ ‫‪ 37.1‬܀ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪ :‬ܐܘ ܒܪܢܫܐ ܕܘܝܐ܅ � ܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܝܬ ܕ� ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܘܣܦܬ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܠܗܝܢ ܒܢ̈ܝܐ ܕܟ�ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܓܪܬ ܒܐܢܬܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܒܪܬܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ ܕܣ ̣ܥܪܬ܈ ̣‬ ‫ܒܓܘܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܬܫܕܐ ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܬܚܢܘܩ ̣‬

‫ܢܐܙܠܘܢ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪8‬‬

106

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

38.1 When he said this, a great fear took hold of that man and he made him the following promise: “Because I have committed this great crime, God forbid that that my limbs should ever cleave to intercourse again! 38.2 “Only, my lord, be so good as to lay your hand on your slave and heal me from this extreme pain! Then come with me to my house and take everything I possess and give it to the poor! I am going to enter a monastic community.” 39.1 Then Theodotus laid his hand on him and made the sign of the Cross three times over his head. That very instant he was healed. Then he said, “See, God has shown you mercy! So go in peace, give all your possessions to the poor and perform your vow! If you do that, I trust that the Lord will wipe out all your crimes.” 40.1 The man went off and did as he had promised to the Blessed One: he entered a monastery and became perfect, to such an extent that devils wailed at his approach. B. How Theodotus made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and recruited converts 41.1

to the Miaphysite Faith

{ON THE MIRACLE GOD PERFORMED FOR HIS SLAVE THEODOTUS}

41.2 {One day it occurred to him to make a pilgrimage to Mount Sinai. 9 It was evening when he left and started out on his journey. First, he knelt in prayer before God and said: 41.3 “Lord, you created me according to your will; and it is in reliance upon you that I have set out on this journey: lead me according to your good pleasure and your will; and do not neglect your slave, Lord; for I have relied on you since childhood; I was born into your hands, indeed, I had already put my trust in you while in my mother’s womb.” 10

In §30.1, Theodotus makes straight from Qenneshre to Jerusalem. Here, in §41.2, he “has the idea of a journey to Mount Sinai”. This supplementary pilgrimage was added by a creative scribe, a good writer of prayers, perhaps with a symbolic purpose, for he made Theodotus visit the place of the Covenant with Moses, before going to the place of the New Covenant, as Egeria did (Itinerarium Egeriae, I-IX). Julian Saba had visited Sinai without going on to Jerusalem (Theodoret, ch. 2, §13); Barṣawmo had visited Jerusalem first, then Sinai (L. Barṣawmo, 80, line 11, §34). 10 Cf. Psalm 71:6. 9

‫‪107‬‬

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‫ܫܘܘܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܠܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܢܦܠܬ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܥܠ�ܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 38.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܡܛܠ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܕܒܩܘܢ ܗܕܡܝ‬ ‫ܚܣ ܠܝ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܝܘܡܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪܬ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܪܒܬܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܙܘܘܓܐ ܬܘܒ܅‬ ‫�ܥܒܕܟ܁‬ ‫ܩܫܝܐ ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܚܠܡܝܢܝ ܡܢ ܟܐܒܐ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܩܘܕ ܡܪܝ܅ ܘܣ ̣ܝܡ ܐ ̣ܝܕܐ ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫‪ 38.2‬ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܣܒ ܘܗܒ ܠܡܣܟܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐ ̇ܢ ̣ܐ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܐܢܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܥܡܝ ܠܒܝܬܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܡܕܡ ܕܩ ܸܢܐ ܐܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܕܝ�ܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܥܠ ܪܝܫܗ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ̈ܠܝܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 39.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ̣ܣܡ ܐ ̣ܝܕܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬ܚܙܝ܅ ܕܪܚܡ �ܗܐ ܥܠܝܟ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣ܙܠ ܒܫܠܡܐ܁ ܘܟܠ‬ ‫ܐܬܐܣܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܒܗ ܒܫܥܬܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܟܢܐ ܘܫ̇ ̣ܡ� ̣ܢܕܪܟ܅‬ ‫ܘܡܗܝܡܢ ܠܝ ܡܪܝܐ ܕܠܚ̇ ܐ ܟܠܗܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܩ ܸܢܐ ܐܢܬ܇ ̣ܗܒ �ܡ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܟ�ܘܬܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫}ܘ{ܥܒܕ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܐܫܬܘܕܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ�ܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ‪ 11‬ܠܕܝܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 40.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܓܡܝܪܐ܁ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܫܐܕܐ ̇ܡܝܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫‪} 41.1‬ܥܠ ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܣܥܪ ܐܠܗܐ ܠܘܬ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥܒܕܗ{ ‪12‬‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܡܪܢܝܬܐ ܥܠ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܕܠܛܘܪ ܣܝܢܝ‪ .‬ܘܒܥܕܢ ܪܡܫܐ܇‬ ‫‪} 41.2‬ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪:‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܩܡ ܥܠ ܐܘܪܚܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 41.3‬ܡܪܝܐ܇ ܕܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܟ ܒܪܝܬܢܝ܇ ܘܥܠ� ܬܘܟ�ܢܟ ̇ܢܦ ̣ܝܩ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ܗܕܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܥܒ ̣ܕܟ ܡܪܝܐ܅ ܡܛܠ ܕܐܢܬ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܒܪܝܢܝ ܐܝܟ ܢܝ̇ ܚܟ ܘܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܟ܅ ܘ� ܬܗܡܐ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܪܒܥܐ ܘܡܢ ܡ ̇‬ ‫ܥܝܗ ܕܐܡܝ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܬܘܟ�ܢܝ ܕܡܢ ܛܠܝܘܬܝ܁ ܘܥܠܝܟ )‪ (10‬ܐܫ̇ ܬܕܝܬ ܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܬܘܟ�ܢܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪F‬‬

‫ܘܐܙܠ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪The deletion of the “headings” in SOP 362, except for those of the three documents, is‬‬ ‫‪justified once and for all in Part 2, ED 1B, p. 46f above.‬‬

‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬

108

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

41.4 Then he crossed himself and started walking heartily. When he got to Mount Sinai, he climbed up to the place where the Shekinah of our Lord descended. 13 He knelt there for five days and five nights, after which he heard a voice saying, “God has accepted your pilgrimage.” He visited most of the solitaries and went into the cave in which Moses, the Head of the Prophets, sheltered. 14} 42.1 From there Theodotus travelled to Jerusalem, where he visited the holy places and was blessed. 42.2 Now God, to whom everything is easy, and whose wonders cannot be concealed, wished to show the natives of Jerusalem something of the righteousness of Theodotus and the wonders that God performed by his agency. 43.1 While Theodotus was walking around visiting the places in which our Lord walked, he saw a certain paralytic Then he laid his hand on him and he was healed. 15 43.2 When the paupers of Jerusalem saw the miracle of the healing of that paralytic, they came and prostrated themselves at his feet, saying, “We, too, Sir, are going to listen to you like that and believe! Lay your hand on us and let us be cured and healed of the diseases which torment us and we shall become (your fellows) in the true Faith!” 43.3 Seeing that they were approaching him in faith, the Blessed One would take some of the dust from the sepulcher 16 of our Lord Jesus Christ and would scatter it on their diseased bodies; and they would be cured and become true believers. 17

Cf. Exodus 24:16. The Shekinah is a Hebrew word for the glory of God, manifested on the summit of Mount Sinai as a plume of cloud which seemed to those standing at the foot of the mountain to be smoke rising from a great fire: Exodus 19:18, 24:17. 14 Exodus 33:22. Moses watched from the safety of a narrow cleft while God’s intense Shekinah went past. Jacob Burdʿono went to Sinai “in order to visit the saints” (Ps.-JE, 603). Archaeologists have found, further down the mountain, many places where hermits made their abodes in the past. Our interpolated text, which fails to mention the chapel built by Julian (Theodoret, 2, §13), suggests monks may have dwelt on the summit, uninhabited ca 380 (Itinerarium Egeriae, III 5), though there were then many resorts of monks in the environs (III 1, 6; IV 6; V 10f). 15 §43.2 shows that Theodotus spoke to the paralytic before healing him, making his conversion to the Faith of the Miaphysites a condition of his healing. The supplement is modelled on the second sentence of §43.4. 16 The most important of all the churches of Jerusalem is that of the Resurrection, which was built in the fourth century over the cave in which Jesus was buried, this cave having been housed in a shrine after the rock out of which it was cut had itself been largely removed. 13

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪ 41.4‬ܘܚܬܡ ܢܦܫܗ܁ ܘܪܕܐ ܠܒܝܒܐܝܬ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܣܠܩ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ܇ ܐܝܟܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܡܢܥ ܠܛܘܪ ܣܝܢܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܚܬܬ ̇‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܫܟܝܢܬܗ ܕܡܪܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܬܡܢ ܒܘܪܟܐ ܚܡܫܐ ܐܝܡܡܝܢ ܘܚܡܫܐ ܠܝ� ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܫܡܥ ܩ� ܕܐ ̇ܡܪ‪ܼ :‬ܕܩܒܠ��ܗܐ ܐܘܪܚܟ‪ .‬ܘܣ ̣ܥܪ ܠܣܘܓܐܐ ܕܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܘ ̣ܥܠ�ܠܡܥܪܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܘܫܐ ܪܝܫܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܢܒܝܐ‪18 {.‬‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܬܒܪܟ ܒܕܘܟܝ̈ܬܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܠ‬ ‫‪ 42.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ܁ ܪܕ ̣ܐ‬ ‫�ܘܪܫܠܡ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ܕܢܚ̇ ܘܐ ܠܒܢ̈ܝ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܘ�‬ ‫ܡܬܚܦܝܢ ܬܕܡ�ܬܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܦܫܝܩ ̣‬ ‫‪ 42.2‬ܘܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕܟܠ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܘܬܕܡ�ܬܐ ܕܣ ̣ܥܪ �ܗܐ ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܘܪܫܠܡ ܡܢ ܙܕܝܩܘܬܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 43.1‬܀ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܟܕ ̇‬ ‫ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ܕܘܟܝ̈ܬܐ ⟩ܩܕ�̈ܫܬܐ⟨ ܕܗܠܟ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ‪19 ⟨.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ̇ܗܘ ܓܒܪܐ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗܝܢ ܡܪܢ܇ ̣ܚܙܐ ܡܫܪܝܐ ܚܕ܁ ⟩ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܚܠܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘ ̣ܣܡ ܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦ�ܘ‬ ‫‪ 43.2‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ̈ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܐܘܪܫܠܡ܇ ܟܕ ̣ܚܙܘ ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܚܘܠܡܢܗ ̇ܕܗܘ ܡܫܪܝܐ܇ ̣ܐܬܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܗܝܡܢ‪ .‬ܣ ̣ܝܡ ܥܠܝܢ ܐ ̣ܝܕܐ܁‬ ‫ܢܫܡܥ ̇‬ ‫ܩܕܡ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܐܦ ܚܢܢ ܡܪܝ܁ ܗܟܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܬܚܠܡ ܡܢ ܟܘ�ܗܢܐ ܕܡܫ̇ ܢܩܝܢ ܠܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܢܢ ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ܫܪܝܪܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܬܐܣܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܬܩܪܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܫ̇ ܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܥܦܪܐ‬ ‫‪ 43.3‬ܘܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܒܩܒܪܗ ܕܡܪܢ ܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܟܘ�ܗܢܝܗܘܢ ܘܡܬܐܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܕܪ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܗܝܡܢ̈ܐ ܫܪܝ�ܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪The majority of the Christian population of Jerusalem at this time was probably Melkite,‬‬ ‫‪i.e. Chalcedonian Dyophysites, adhering to the state religion of the Byzantine Empire,‬‬ ‫‪although their country was under Arab rule.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪The deletion of the entire Sinai episode is justified in Part 2, ED 1C, p. 48 above.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪The omission of a part of the text by a saut du même au même is discussed once and for all‬‬ ‫‪in Part 2, ED 2A, p. 49f above. For the supplement here, cf. §43.2–4.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬

110

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

43.4 The word went out about him throughout the city and its territory and the sick and paralyzed began to flock to him. On everyone who agreed to give a pledge that they would become a true Christian, Theodotus would take some dust in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and scatter it over them and they would be healed. 20 C. How Theodotus, while sailing from Palestine to Egypt, brought a murderer to repentance

44.1 Then the angel of the Lord appeared to him, saying, “Theodotus, get up and leave this city, because this very night the natives of Jerusalem are going to try to murder you! 21 So, make good your escape by sea by embarking on a ship and go to Egypt to visit the holy men there!” 45.1 When he awoke from his sleep, he found himself on the seashore; so he took a place on a ship, and sailed on the sea. 46.1 After they had sailed a night and a day, the sea grew rough; sailors began to be lost (overboard) and the ship (began) to sink. Then they said to him, “Who has inflicted you upon us, man? What is happening to us now – is it due to (some sin) of yours?” 47.1 Then Theodotus took a certain man by the scruff of his neck and said to them, “What God has sent upon us today is because of this man, for he murdered a priest of God while he was burning incense in the altar room. It is because of that crime that the sea is now angry, for its waves cannot support him.” 22 48.1 Then that man prostrated himself in front of the Holy One and began to weep: “My lord, have mercy on me! Truly, I have sinned! Only, help me: give me a penance, 23 that I may perform it and live!”

The holy man makes it a condition of his treating an illness that the sufferer promises to join the Miaphysites. Cf. the Jewish doctor who insisted that an East Syrian patient renounce his baptism before healing him of his deafness (§173.7). 21 By putting this imputation in the mouth of an angel of God, the author achieves two of the classic goals of hagiography: To compare his hero implicitly with Jesus and his enemies with the treacherous King Herod (cf. Matthew 2:13) and with the Jews of Jerusalem, who killed the prophets who were sent to them (cf. Matthew 23:37); and to show that his hero was persecuted – or had to flee persecution – for his faith in Christ and so will reap a “great reward in heaven” (Matthew 5:12). 22 Cf. Jonah 1:8. 23 See Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. 20

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‫ܒܟܠܗ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܒܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܬܚ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪43.4‬‬ ‫ܘܡܝܗ܁ ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝܘ ܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܬ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܡܠܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܡܫ�ܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܩܒܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܼܥ�ܒܐ ̇ܕܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܫܪܝܪ ̣ܐ ܫ̇ ܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܡܢ ܥܦܪܐ ⟩ ̇ܗܘ⟨ ܒܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܢ ܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܡܬܚ̇ ܠܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܕܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܘܩ ܡܢ ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ܡ�ܟܐ‬ ‫ܩܘܡ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 44.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܥܘܠ‬ ‫ܐܬܦܠܛ ̣‬ ‫ܡܕܝܢܬܐ܇ ܡܛܠ ܕܒܢܝ ܐܘܪܫܠܡ ܒܗܢܐ ܠܝܐ ̇ܒܥܝܢ ܕܢܩܛ�ܘܢܟ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܼ‬ ‫ܘܙܠ�ܠܟ ܠܡ�ܪܝܢ ܨܝܕ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܠܦܐ ܒ ܼܿܝܡܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܫܬܟܚ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ )‪ (11‬ܥܠ ܣܦܪ ܼܿܝܡܐ܁ ܘ ̣ܥܠ‬ ‫‪ 45.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܩܡ ܡܢ ܫ ̣ܢܬܗ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܐ ܘܪܕܐ ܗܘܐ ܒ ܼܿܝܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܐܠ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܝܬܒ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܠܦܐ‬ ‫ܕܪܕܘ ܠܝܐ ܘܐܝܡܡܐ܇‬ ‫‪ 46.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ܰ‬ ‫ܐܫܬܓܫ ܼܝܡܐ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܫܪܝܘ ܡܠܚܐ ̇ܐܒܕܝܢ̣‬ ‫̃‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇ܛܒܥܐ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܘ ܓܒܪܐ܅ ̇ܡ ̣ܢܘ ܐ ̣ܝܬ�ܟ ܥܠܝܢ܈ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܗܐ ܓܕܫܢ ܠܢ̣ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܟ ܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ܈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪ 24 :‬ܗܠܝܢ ܕ ܼܿܫܕܪ �ܗܐ‬ ‫‪ 47.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܬܠܝ ܒܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܣܡܐ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܢ ܝܘܡܢܐ܁ ܡܛܠ ܗܢܐ ܐܢܝܢ‪ .‬ܟܗܢܐ ܓܝܪ ܕܐܠܗܐ ̣ܩܛܠ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܣܐܡ ̣‬ ‫ܒܡܕܒܚܐ܁ ܘ ܼܿܝܡܐ ܥܠ ̇ܗܝ ܪܓܙ ܘ� ܡܫܟܚܝܢ ̈ܓܠܘܗܝ ܕܢܛ ̣ܥܢܘܢܝܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܟܐ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܢܦܠ ܩܕܡ ܩܕܝܫܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ܼܿ‬ ‫‪ 48.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܒ ܠܝ ܬܝܒܘܬܐ܇ ܕܐܚ̇ ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܪܝܪܐܝܬ ܚ̇ ܛܝܬ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̇ܥܕܪܝܢܝ܅ ̣‬

‫ܠܗ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪24‬‬

112

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

49.1 Theodotus said, “Make sure you do exactly as I say! Go to the place where you buried the Lord’s priest 25 Then go around the towns, proclaiming, ‘See this, all of you, my sons: the sin I have committed! Unprovoked, I murdered a priest of the Lord.’ Have no fear: no one will exact a penalty from you for this; rather, everyone will weep and pray for you.” 49.2 The man did exactly that. Afterwards he entered a monastic community and became a perfect man. Every year he would go around the monasteries until he found Theodotus and received a blessing from him. 50.1 It so happened, that the ship’s officers were Jews. When they saw the miracle that Theodotus’ revealed and the calming of the sea which followed, 26 they said, “Say a word to us, my lord, that we may live by it!” 27 51.1 So Theodotus spoke to them and admonished them; and they consented to be baptized. Their baptism took place as soon as they had come ashore. They became perfect Christians and (generous) givers of alms. D. How Theodotus spent five years visiting desert hermits and collecting the bones of martyrs

52.1 In this way, Theodotus entered Egypt, where he lost no time in visiting the solitaries, one by one. Now, as a special privilege, God revealed to him where each of their hermitages was. He would go to see them all, though he had no one to show him where to find them. 28

The purpose of returning to the place where he buried the priest was to retrieve something – presumably the head – which he then showed to people in the towns as evidence of his crime. 26 Cf. Matthew 8:27 = Mark 4:41 = Luke 8:25. 27 Palladius, “Questions and Answers on the Ascetic Rule”: no. 363 (p. 225): “A brother asked an old man, saying, Shew (sic) me a word whereby I may live" and no. 448 (p. 246): “On one occasion the brethren entreated Rabba Epiphanius, saying, Speak to us, father, something whereby we may live.” I am indebted to Sebastian Brock for these references. 28 This may have been related to Joseph by the Elders at Qenneshre, where monks and bishops from Egypt will have come from time to time. Since the Union of 612, there had been a good relationship between the Miaphysite Churches of Egypt and Syria. On the other hand, the journey to Jerusalem and Egypt may be pure invention, inspired by reading Palladius in a Syriac translation of the 6th century (Draguet 1978). Palladius gained wisdom from his visits to hermits. Joseph does not explain what Theodotus gained by observing their way of life. This makes his account suspect. 25

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪ܼ ܿ :‬ܥܒܕ ܡܕܡ ̇‬ ‫ܕܛܡܪܬܝܗܝ ܠܟܗܢܗ‬ ‫‪ 49.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ܅ ̣ܙܠ �ܝܟܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܟܪܙ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ ܐܢܬ‪:‬‬ ‫ܘܩܛܝ ܒܡܕܝܢܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝܐ܁ ⟩ܘܚܦܘܪ ܣܒ ܠܟ ܩܪܩܦܬܗ‪̣ ⟨.‬‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪܬ܇ ܕܕ� ܣܟ�ܘ ̇‬ ‫ܕܟܠܟܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝ܅ ̣ܚܙܘ ܚܛ ̣ܝܬܐ ܗܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܩܛܠܬ ܠܟܗܢܗ ܕܡܪܝܐ‪ .‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܬܕܚܠ܇ ܕܠܝܬ ̇‬ ‫ܕܬܒܥ ܠܟ ܥܠܗܕܐ܁ ܐ ̣� ܕܟ�ܢܫ ⟩ܢܗܘܐ⟨ ̇ܒܟܐ ܘܡܨ� ܥܠܝܟ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܓܡܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 49.2‬ܘܗܟܘܬ ܣ ̣ܥܪ ܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ܁ ܘܒܬܪܟܢ ̣ܥܠ�ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܕܝ�ܝܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܬܒܪܟ‬ ‫ܠܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܫܟܚ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܟܠ ܼܿܫܢܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܬܟܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܒܥܘܡ�ܐ܁ ܥܕܡܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܡܕܒܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫�ܠܦܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܗܘܘ ̈ܝܘܕܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ̣ܕܚܙܘ ܗܕܐ‬ ‫‪ 50.1‬܀ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܝܡܐ܇ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬ܐܡܪ ܠܢ̣ ܡܪܝ܅‬ ‫ܕܓ ̇‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܠܫܠܝܐ ‪ 29‬ܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܐܚܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܠܬܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܩܒ�ܘ ܡܢܗ ܕܢ ̣ܥܡܕܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܼܿܡܠܠ� ܥܡܗܘܢ܁ ܘܐܪܬܝ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 51.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܓܡܝ� ̣ܐ ܘܝ̇ܗܒܝ ܙܕܩܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܡܕܘ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩܘ ܡܢ ܼܿܝܡܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܬܟܪܟ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ̣ܥܠ�ܠܡ�ܪܝܢ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 52.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܓ� ܠܗ �ܗܐ ܥܠ ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܐܢܫ � ܡܚ̇ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܠܘܬܗ ܐܦ ܗܕܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܗܘܐ ܨܝܕ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܇ ̣‬

‫ܘܥܠ‬

‫ܫܠܝܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪29‬‬

114

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

53.1 It was at this time that he adopted the discipline of holding a vigil to perform qurobhe 30 to the Mother of God, Mary, and to the (other) saints. The Mother of God he commemorated on the fifteenth day of the month, on the first day of the (next) month, and on every Wednesday and Friday. 31 53.2 The remaining days of the week were set aside for the Apostles (Sunday), for the Prophets (Monday), for the Martyrs (Tuesday), and for the Fathers (Thursday), Saturday being set aside for the Faithful Departed. He never slackened this discipline for a single day. 32 53.3 (As a general rule,) he celebrated one day with each hermit. But there were days on which he would perform three or four qurobhe while bowing night and day by lowering his head to the ground and letting his hands hang loose without touching his knees. 33 53.4 For food, from one Sunday to the next, he would take just one of those miniature, round loaves of bread 34 distributed after every Eucharist as a blessing. Only half of this loaf was for his own sustenance; the other half he would place on the sack of relics which he had collected. 35

The manuscript has qurbone “oblations”. Mor Polycarpus of the Netherlands confirms that this is to be emended (e-mail of 25 April 2021): “The Eucharist in the Syriac Orthodox tradition is not an individual act, but an ecclesial/communal one. That is why we often read in the hagiographic literature that a hermit attended the Sunday Eucharist with the brethren in the church and then retreated to his solitude.” A qurobho (not the Eucharist) is a long commemorative prayer addressed to a saint or a group of saints. Cf. Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. 31 The Greek title “Theotókos” was translated into Syriac as yoldath aloho and was characteristic of both the Miaphysites and the Dyophysites. The East Syrians did not use it, thinking that it meant “Mother of God” and objecting that God Himself has no mother, only Jesus. They called Mary the “Mother of Christ” instead. 32 Cf. §146.1, where this discipline is adapted to the life of clergy in a city, who have to “make one qurobho”, every Wednesday and Friday, for “the Mother of God, the Prophets, the Martyrs, the Holy Fathers and the Apostles” and one every Saturday for Solitaries and for the Faithful Departed. 33 I was helped in translating this passage as it stands in the MS by Mor Polycarpus. It had seemed to me that what was being described was a prostration supported only on the knuckles, without allowing the knees to touch the ground; but that would require emending the text. 34 On these loaves, see Part 2, ED 9 and Table 7, pp. 58f & 70 above. 35 The sack of relics (literally “sack of saints”) which Theodotus carried around with him (§190.2) was filled with the bones of martyrs (§54.2). All his life he collected relics, depositing some in each monastery where he stayed. At the end of his life, he had all his deposits sent to him at Qelleth and found he had 5,500 bones (§§197.2–3). 30

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‫‪ 53.1‬܀ ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝ ̇‬ ‫ܠܒܟ ܕܘܒܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪ :‬ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕ )‪ (12‬ܫܗܪܐ ܘܩܘ�ܒܐ ‪ 36‬ܠܩܕܝܫܬܐ ܝ̇ܠܕܬ‬ ‫ܒܫܒܐ ܘܥܪܘܒܬܐ܇‬ ‫ܝܪܚܐ ܘܐܪܒܥܐ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܡܪܝܡ ܘܠܩܕ�̈ܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܟܣܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܝܪܚܐ ܘܪܝܫ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ ܠܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 53.2‬ܘܒܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܚܪܢܐ ܠܢܒܝ̈ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܫܠܝܚܐ‪ .‬ܠܝܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ܇ ܝܘܡܢ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘ ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܒܗܬܐ‪⟩ .‬ܘ⟨ܠܝܘܡܐ ܐܚܪܢܐ ܕܫܒܬ ̣ܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܚܪܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܣܗܕܐ‪ .‬ܠܝܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܐܚܪܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܝܘܡܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܢܝܕܐ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܕ ܝܘܡܐ � ܫ̇ � ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܗܢܐ ܕܘܒܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 53.3‬ܘܨܝܕ ܟܠ ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ ܚܕ ܝܘܡܐ܇ ܟܕ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܝܘܡܐ ܕ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ ܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܝܡܡܐ܇ ܟܕ ܪܝܫܗ ܒܐܪܥܐ ̇ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ܁‬ ‫ܠܝ�ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܬܓܗܢ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܪܒܥܐ ܩܘ�ܒܐ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܝܕܘܗܝ ܡܫܕܪ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܘ� ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܡܛܝܢ ܠܒܘ�ܟܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 53.4‬ܘܡܐܟܘܠܬܐ‪ :‬ܡܢ ܚܕܒܫܒܐ ܠܚܕܒܫܒܐ ܫ̇ ܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܣܝܒܪܬ ̣ܐ ܒܠܚܘܕ ܚܕܐ‬ ‫ܘܦܠܓܗ ̇ܐܟܠ ܗܘܐ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܦܠܓܗ‬ ‫ܟܢܝܣܬܐ܁ ‪ 37‬ܫ̇ ܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ‪ 38‬ܒܘܪܟܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܚܪܢܐ ̇ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܥܠ�ܬܪܡ� ̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܟܢܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ‪ 39‬ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 3, p. 51 above‬ܩܘ�ܒܢܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪Cf. Part 2, ED 9, p. 58, and Table 7, p. 70 above.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 3, p. 51 above‬ܩܘܪܒܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪ (see Part 2, ED 5, p. 52f above); alternatively, read:‬ܕܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪ “which he was collecting”.‬ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬

‫ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

53.5 Then, while he was anointing a sick man in order to heal him, he would give him that blessing and the man would recover his health. 40 The whole country of Egypt was filled with awe at the report of him. 54.1 Not only the solitaries of Egypt, but also the notables and the leading men, the paupers and the beggars, the sick and the distressed, all began to flock to see Theodotus. 54.2 When he saw them, he bowed down low before them, so that no one could see his face, and prayed for them in front of the martyrs 41 whom he carried around with him. He spoke in this way to everyone, with regard for their status. 54.3 If he perceived that someone had committed a sin, he would send everyone out of the room, but he would hold that man back, calling him by his name without anyone having told him what he was called, “So-and-so, stay here a moment! There is something I have to say to you.” 42 54.4 Then he would fall at full length on the ground, saying, “Brother, you have done such-and-such an evil deed. Now, brother, desist from this kind of sin and ask God to have mercy on you. Never weary of saying your prayers, and I will take it upon myself before God! You can go now; but be on your guard!” 43 55.1 Those who had such an interview with the holy man did penance with strict fasts and prayers. 56.1 In this way he spent five years in Egypt. Everything which people brought to him he gave to the paupers and the distressed folk who flocked to him. Fiends wailed at his approach and came out of people, crying, “Woe to us from the prayer of Theodotus! It is he that drives us out of our homes!”

By being placed on top of the relics the half-loaves (cf. §9.1) acquired some of their potency and so could be used in healing (cf. §§62.2 and 94.1). 41 These might have been Miaphysite victims of Dyophysite persecution. Cf. L. Barṣawmo, 268f, §159.9: “[…] Proterius, who had become [in 451] bishop of Alexandria, because at that time he was killing those who would not deny Christ, for he had killed more than thirty thousand Christians, both men and women” (tr. Palmer). 42 This procedure is described at greater length in §151. 43 Cf. John 8:11. 40

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪ 53.5‬ܘܡܚܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܫܚ ܗܘܐ }ܟܪܝܗܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘ{ܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ }ܠܗ{ ⟩ܟܪܝܗܐ⟨܁ ‪̇ 44‬ܝܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܝ ܘܫ̇ ܩܠ ܗܘܐ ܚܘܠܡܢܐ‪ .‬ܐܬܬܙ ̣ܝܥ ܠܗ ܕܝܢ ܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܡ�ܪܝܢ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫‪ 54.1‬܀ ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝܘ ̈‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܕܡ�ܪܝܢ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܘܡ�ܛܝܒܝܢ ܨܝܕ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܠܚܙܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ ܝܕ�̈ ̣ܥܐ ܘ�ܝܫܢܐ܁ ܥܡ ̈‬ ‫ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܚܕܘ� ̣ܐ ܘܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐܠܝ�̈ ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 54.2‬ܘܟܕ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ܁‬ ‫ܡܬܓܗܢ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܡܝܗ]ܘܢ[܇ ܟܕ ܦܪܨܘܦܗ �ܢܫ � ܸܚܙܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘ] ̣ܐ[ ܘܡܨ̇� ܗܘܐ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ܇ ܩܕܡ ܣܗ]ܕܐ[ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ܕܛ ̣ܥܝܢ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܡܠܠ ܗ]ܘܐ[ ܟܕ‬ ‫ܓܗܝܢ ܥܡ ܟ�ܢܫ‪⟩ .‬ܘ�⟨ ܐ]ܝܟ[ ܛܟܣܗܘܢ‪45 .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܟ�ܢܫ ܘܠܗ‬ ‫ܒܐܢܫ ܕܣ ̣ܥܝܪܐ ܠܗ܇ ̇ܡܦܩ ]ܗܘܐ[‬ ‫‪ 54.3‬ܘܐܢ ܣܟ�ܘܬܐ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ]ܗܘܐ[‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܒܟ ܗܘܐ‪] .‬ܘܟܕ[ ܐܢܫ � ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܇ ܒـ]ـܫܡܗ[ ̇ܩܪܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܦܠܢ܅ ܼܟܬ]ܪ‬ ‫ܥܠܬܐ ܡܕܡ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐ]ܡܪ ܠܟ‪[.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܝ܇ ܡܛܠ[ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܗܘ]ܐ ܠܗ‪ [:‬ܐܚܝ܅ ܚܛܗܐ ܒ ̣ܝܫܐ‬ ‫‪ 54.4‬ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ̇ܢܦܠ ܗܘܐ ܬܐܘܕ]ܘܛܐ[ ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܦܘܫ ܡܢ ܚܛܗܐ ]ܕܐܝܟ ܗܢܐ܅‬ ‫]ܣܥܝܪ ܠܟ܇[ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܢܐ ܡܕ]ܡ‪ .‬ܘܗܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܚܝ[ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܡܐܢ ܠܟ܅ ܘܐ ̇ܢ ̣ܐ ܗܐ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܥܝ[ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܕܢܪܚـ]ـܡ ܥܠܝܟ܁ ܘܨ ̣�[ )‪ (13‬ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܬܘ ̣ܒ ܘܛܪ ܢܦܫܟ܅‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܩܒܠ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ‪̣ .‬ܙܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܨܘܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܠܬܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 55.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܫ̇ ܡܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܗܠܝܢ ܡܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ܇ ܬܝ̇ܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܚܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܕܒܪ ܒܡ�ܪܝܢ ܗܟܢܐ ̈ܫܢܝܐ ܚܡܫ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܡܕܡ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܢܫܐ ̇ܝܗܒ‬ ‫‪ 56.1‬܀‬ ‫ܕܡܝܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܢܝ̈ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘ��ܝ̈�ܐ ܕܠܘܬܗ ܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܘܕ�̈ܘܐ ̇ܡܝܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ܁‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫݀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ܛܪܕ ܠܢ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘ ̇ܢܦܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢ ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪̇ :‬ܘܝ ܠܢ ܡܢ ܨܠܘܬܗ ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫̈ܒܬܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪The restoration of the Close-Knit Construction entails placing the object after the second‬‬ ‫‪Verb.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪. See Part 2, ED 2B, iii, p. 51 above.‬ܛܟܣܗ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬

118

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2 E. How Theodotus left Egypt and arrived within three days at the Monastery of Qarqaphto

57.1 After this the bishops of Egypt were minded to make him a bishop in their country. 46 But during the night when they went out to go after him, he had the following revelation in the Holy Spirit: 57.2 “Leave this country! It is not our Lord’s will that you become a bishop in Egypt. The fathers are gathered, ready to make you a bishop; but the time for that has not yet come. It is Amida which expects to have you as its bishop, because you were born and brought up in its territory; indeed, you have been chosen for that city.” 58.1 After receiving this revelation, Theodotus woke up and considered it. Then, realizing that it came from the Lord, he set off there and then, in the middle of the night, on his way out of Egypt. 47

It was conceivable, at this date, that a Mesopotamian member of the Miaphysite Church could become the bishop of a Coptic diocese in Egypt. After all, Patriarch Theodore (Part 2, Table 4, p. 65 above) came from the Desert of Skete to Qenneshre and rose to the rank of patriarch of Antioch. 47 If it was the Elders of Qenneshre who told Joseph that the Egyptian bishops had wanted to make Theodotus a bishop, then he may have asked his master about this there and then. Theodotus will have modified his revelation to include the name of the city where he had eventually become a bishop, making it a prophecy after the event. 46

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‫̈‬ ‫�ܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܡ�ܪܝܢ ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕܘܢܝܗܝ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‬ ‫ܚܘܫܒܐ‬ ‫‪ 57.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ ܒܬܪܗ܇ ܕ ̣ܢܚ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̣ܚܙܘܐ ܒܪܘܚܐ ܕܩܘܕܫܐ‬ ‫ܢܦܩܘ‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܠܝܐ܇ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܬܗܘܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ‬ ‫‪ܼܿ 57.2‬ܫܢܐ ܠܟ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܡܛܠ ܕܠܝܬ ܨܒܝܢܐ ܠܡܪܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܒܗܬܐ ܟܢ ̣ܝܫܝܢ̣ ܘܡܛܝܒܝܢ ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕܘܢܟ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� � ܼܿܡܛܝ ܼܿܙܒܢܐ ܥܕܟܝܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ܐܬ ̣ܝܠܕܬ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܇ ܡܛܠ ̇‬ ‫ܕܬܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܗ‬ ‫ܠܟ ̇ܚܝܪܐ ܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܝܬ ܘܓ ܸܒܐ ܐܢܬ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܬܪܒ ̣‬ ‫‪ 58.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ܐܬܬ ̣ܥܝܪ ܡܢ ܫ ̣ܢܬܗ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܝܕܥ‬ ‫ܒܚܙܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܦܘܩ ܡܢ ܡ�ܪܝܢ ܒܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܢ ܡܪܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܗܕܐ‪̣ .‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 2

58.2 Only three days later, by a miracle of our Lord’s doing, above all reason, 48 he was found standing near the Monastery of Qarqaphto (“The Skull”), in the Mountain of Mardin, 49 in the process of paying a round of visits to the solitaries there, while maintaining the same discipline of long prayers of commemoration addressed to the Mother of God, to the (other) saints and to the departed. 50 59.1 When the Egyptian fathers found out that he had left their country, and searched for him, and could not find him, 51 they were very sad on account of his departure. Five men of the solitaries were appointed to go after him and see where he was. 60.1 They left Egypt for the territory of Jerusalem and the (region) west (of the Euphrates) in search of him. Then they heard from some merchants that he was with the solitaries in the Mountain of Mardin. 60.2 Indefatigably, they followed him there, amazed at the feat which God had performed for his slave. For they made known the distance which the blessed man had travelled. But he made those who heard it swear that this would not be reported of him during his lifetime. 52

Cf. Bel and the Dragon 1:39 (Daniel 14:39): “The angel of God immediately brought Habbakuk (Greek: Ambakum) back to his own place.” An angel of God had visited the prophet Habbakuk, who was carrying down a luncheon to some harvesters somewhere on the Judaean Plain (v. 33), and transported him ἐν τῷ ῥοίζῳ τοῦ πνεύματος αὐτοῦ “in the rush of his spiritwings” to the lion-pit in Babylon to feed the prophet Daniel (v. 34), lifting him up by the hair on his head (v. 36), as illustrated on a sculpted capital in the 12th-century church of St Lazarus at Autun, France (alamy.com J97PHY). 49 Cf. BL Add. 17,125, made at Qarqaphto in 839 (Loopstra 2011; cf. Juckel 2011). Qarqaphto was situated between Rish ʿAyno and Majdal (Barṣaum 2003, 568). Majdal is an ancient town near the river Khabur, below Rish ʿAyno (Barṣaum 2003, 555). Loopstra therefore places Qarqaphto on this river. But our text, the earliest evidence for Qarqaphto, shows it was in the Mardin Mountains. The reference must be to another Majdal. We should look for a skull-shaped rock between Rish ʿAyno (BWO, G14, 1693: Ras el ain) and Maghdelo (Appendix 2, p. 312f below; BWO, F14, 3164: Borç). 50 “Long prayers of commemoration” translates qurobhe. Cf. §53.1f+n. 105 and Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. 51 Cf. §31.1. 52 Cf. Matthew 8:4; Mark 5:43a, 7:36 and esp. 9:9: “And as they came down from the mountain, he charged them that they should tell no man what things they had seen, till the Son of man were risen from the dead.” Joseph may have been told this by some monks of Qarqaphto who came to pay their respects soon after Theodotus died. But it is a commonplace of hagiography (cf. JE, 19, line 2f: “he forbade the brother who was with him to reveal this [miracle] to people during his lifetime”). 48

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‫‪ 58.2‬ܘܒܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܡܠܬܐ܁ ]ܣـ[ـ ̣ܥܪܗ ܡܪܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܝܘܡܐ ܕܬܠܬܐ܇‬ ‫ܡܬܟܪܟ ̇‬ ‫]ܘܣܥܪ[‬ ‫]ܕܒـ[ـܛܘܪܐ ܕܡܪܕܐ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫]ܐܫܬܟܚ[ ̇ܩܐܡ ܠܘܬ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܪܩܦܬܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܕܬܡܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܫ̇ ܡ� ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫]ܗܠܝܢ[ ܕܘܒ�ܐ܁ ܘܐܦ ܩܘ�ܒܐ ]ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ[ �ܗܐ ܘܕܩܕ� ̣ܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܥܢܝ̈ܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܪ[ܗܘܢ ܘܒ ̣ܥܐܘܘܗܝ ܘ�‬ ‫ܐܒܗܬܐ ܡ��ܝܐ ܕ ܼܿܫܢܝ ]ܡܢ‬ ‫‪ 59.1‬܀ ]ܘܟܕ ܐܪܓܫܘ[‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ ]ܒܥܠܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܬ[ܣܝܡܘ ܓܒ�ܐ ܒܬܪܗ ]ܡܢ‬ ‫]ܐܫܟܚܘ[ܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫}ܘ{ܢܚܙܘܢ ]ܐܝܟܐ ̇ܗܘܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝـ[ـܐ ܚܡܫܐ܇ ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫[ܐܫܬܡܥ‬ ‫ܘܕܡܥܪܒܐ ܟܕ ] ̇ܒܥܝܢ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘ‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܬܘ ]�ܪܥܐ ܕܐܘ[ܪ]ܫܠܡ[‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 60.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܛܘܪܐ ]ܕܡܪܕܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ܡܢ ]ܬܓ�ܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܠܘ[ܬ ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ܟܕ[ ܡܬܕܡܪܝܢ ܥܠ ]ܡܐ ܕܣ ̣ܥܪ ܡـ[ـܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܡܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ ܒܬܪܗ܁[ ܘ� ] ̣‬ ‫‪̣ ] 60.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܥܘ ] ̣ܐܘܡܝ‬ ‫ܡܬܚـ[ـ ̇ܗ ܕܐܘܪܚܗ ܕܛܘ]ܒܢـܐ ܘ�ܝܠܝܢ ܕܫـ[ـ ̣ܡ ̣‬ ‫ܨܝܕ ̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ‪ .‬ܫ̇ ـ]ـܘܕܥܘ ܓܝܪ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ� ܬܬܐܡܪ ܗܕܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܒܝܘܡܝ ܚܝܘܗܝ‪[.‬‬

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60.3 Those who had come after him requested that he send a letter of consolation and blessings to those in Egypt who knew him, so he wrote an improving letter full of loving language to the holy men of Egypt. 60.4 In that letter he urged them, “Pray for me, brethren, that the Lord may grant me his Kingdom! For this is what my soul longs for. God forbid that I should forget you holy men of Egypt!” Then (the solitaries) asked for his blessing and he dismissed them in peace. When they got back to their country, they recounted everything that our Lord had done at the hands of Theodotus and praised God.

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‫ܕܐܬܘ[ ܒܬܪܗ )‪ (14‬ܕܟܬ ̣ܝܒܬܐ ܕܒܘܝܐܐ ܘܕܒܘ�ܟܬ ̣ܐ ܢܫ̇ ܕܪ‬ ‫‪] 60.3‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܘ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܘܬܪܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܡ��‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒ ܠܗܘܢ܁ ܠܩܕ�ܫܐ ܕܒܡ�ܪܝܢ̣ ܐܓܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܝܕܘܥܘܗܝ ܕܒܡ�ܪܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܚܘܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܒܗ ܡܦ ̣ܝܣ ܗܘܐ‪ :‬ܕܨ ̣̇ܠܘ ܥܠܝ ̈‬ ‫‪̇ 60.4‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܕ ̣ܢܬܠ�ܠܝ ܡܪܝܐ ܼܡܠܟܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܠܗܕܐ ܓܝܪ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܝܟܘܢ ܩܕ�ܫܐ ܕܒܡ�ܪܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܪܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟܘ ܡܢܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܡܣܘܚܐ ܢܦܫܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ܐ ̇ܢ ̣ܐ ̣ܚܣ ܠܝ܅ ܐܛ ̇ܥ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܥܒܕ ܡܪܢ ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܫܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ �ܬܪܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܥܝܘ ܟܠ ̣‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

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CHAPTER THREE. HOMECOMING TO THE DIOCESE OF AMIDA A. How Theodotus journeyed from the Mountains of Mardin back to the Monastery of Zuqnin

61.1 As for Theodotus, he redoubled his efforts in the Mountain of Mardin, until the demons in that mountain began to wail at his approach. The sick and those who had unclean spirits in them came from every direction and urged him to heal them. 62.1 But when he saw the multitude which came to him from the towns and the villages, he wailed with intense emotion, “People, who will cast out this demon which dwells in Theodotus himself?” 1 62.2 Then he said, “Approach these saints and take of the blessing which I have placed on them and they will lend you their aid! As for me, I am a sinful man. If you knew my sins and the evil things which are hidden inside me, you would recoil from me and my way of life in disgust.” But those who had devils in them were judged by him and our Lord healed them. 63.1 When he saw them flocking to see him from every direction, he left that place. The unfortunate, the distressed, the leading men and the great multitude searched for him and when they were unable to find him they were very sad. 2 64.1 So Theodotus descended from the Mountain of Mardin and began to walk through the wilderness. 3 He was oppressed by the harshness of the extreme heat and suffered a terrible thirst. Then he raised his eyes to God in prayer, saying, “Mighty Lord, seeing that the lives of us people matter to you, provide for your slave! How to do so, (only) your Divinity knows!” 64.2 Then he turned to his right and saw a hollow full of water to the brim. When he saw that, he made the sign of the Cross over it and drank and slaked his thirst. 4

This, too, will have been related by the monks of the monastery of Qarqaphto. Cf. JE, 67 (the reference is to John’s own first “guru”, Maro) and Testament of Ephrem, 50. 2 Cf. §§31.1 and 59.1. 3 Between the Mountain of Mardin (Mazıdağı) and Amida lies a plain, much of which is strewn with lava from the extinct volcano of Ayshumo (Karacadağ), which lies to the W (BWO, F14, 2185: the middle of a great solidified lava-flow). 4 Cf. Theodoret, 2, §7: Julian’s tears of pity for his thirsty companion turn into a stream of sweet water in the desert. A similar tale is told of Jacob Burdʿono on his way to Mount Sinai: Ps.-JE, 603f. 1

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܗܦܘܟܝܗ ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܕ�ܬܪܐ ܕܒܗ ܐܬܝܠܕ‬ ‫ܘܒܛܘܪܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܡܪܕܐ܇ ܐܘܣܦ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܕ�̈ܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗܘ‬ ‫‪ 61.1‬܀‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܥܡ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܪܝܘ ̇ܡܝܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܟܠ� ܓܒܝܢ܇ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܟ�ܝܗܐ܁ ܘܗܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܘ ܠܗܘܢ �ܘܚܐ ܛܢܦܬ ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܡܦ ̣ܝܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܕܢܐܣܐ ܐܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪:‬‬ ‫ܠܠ ̣‬ ‫‪ 62.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܟܢܫܐ ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܡܕ�̈ܢܬܐ ܘܡܢ ܩܘ�ܝܐ܇ ܐܬ ̇ܥܙܙ ܘܐ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫̃ܐܘ ܒܢܝ̈ܢܫܐ܅ ܗܢܐ ܕܝܘܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܒܗ ܒܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ̇ܡܢ ̇ܡܦܩ ܠܗ܈‬ ‫ܩܪܘܒܘ ܨܝܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܣܒܘ ܡܢ ̇ܗܝ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ܕܣ ̣ܝܡܐ‬ ‫‪̇ 62.2‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܠܟܘܢ ܥܘܕܪܢܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܛܝܐ ܐܝ̇ܬܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܠܘ ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܡܢܝ ܘܡܢ ܕܘܒ�ܝ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܫܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܝ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܚܛܗ‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܒܝ ̇ܢܕܐ ܗܘܬ ܠܟܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܛܡܝ�ܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܐܣܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܪܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗܘܢ ܫܐܕܐ܁ ܡܬܕܝܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫‪ 63.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܕܡܢ ܟܠ ̈‬ ‫�ܓܒܝܢ ܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܥ�ܘܗܝ܇ ܿ ܼܫܢܝ ܠܗ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܒܥܝܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܣܓܝ̈ܦܐ ܘܐ�ܝ̈�ܐ ܘ�ܝܫܢܐ ܘܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ܁ ܘܟܕ �‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܟܪܝܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ ܕܡܪܕܐ܁ ܘ ܿ ܼܫܪܝ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 64.1‬܀ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ ܒܡܕܒܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܚܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܩܫܝܐ ܘܥܙܝܙܐ܁ ܘܨܗܝ ܛܒ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܬ� ܥܝܢܘܗܝ ܠܘܬ �ܗܐ܁ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܒܛܝܠ�ܠܗ ܥܠ ܚܝܐ ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪ :‬ܐܝܟ ܕܝ̇ܕܥܐ �ܗܘ ̣ܬܟ‬ ‫ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܡܪܝܐ ܼܚܝܠܬܢܐ܇ ̇ܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܠܥܒܕܟ܅‬ ‫ܦܪܢܣ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܣܦܪܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܕܡ� ܡܝ̈ ̣ܐ ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ‬ ‫ܦܨ ̣ܝܕܐ ܚܕ܇ ܸ‬ ‫ܐܬܦܢܝ ܠܝܡܝܢܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪ 64.2‬ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܦܝܓ ܨܗܝܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܨܠܝܒܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܝ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ܚܙܝܗܝ܁ ̣‬

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64.3 Then he got up and started walking. When he got to the monastery of Zuqnin and went in, the monks of that community recognized him and gave him a warm welcome and requested his blessing, as though he were the Head of the Church. 5 64.4 Theodotus began to go around the region. Whatever people gave him, he would distribute among the poor. He began to visit the sick of that region and those in distress and he treated the sick everywhere; and wherever saints lay buried, they made the oblation. 6 And this man was found worthy of the help of God. B. How Bishop Thomas of Amida spied on Theodotus while he walked on the surface of the Tigris

65.1 Now, the bishop (of Amida), Mor Thomas, 7 was just coming out of his city to return to his community at the monastery of Zuqnin, when he looked out and the holy Theodotus on the far side of the Tigris, on his way back to the same monastery!

See ch. 1 n. 21 above. As a monk of Zuqnin, Joseph will have been a witness to the reception of Theodotus in that monastery. The authors of legendary saints’ Lives (e.g. L. Ephrem) claim to be eye-witnesses to the events they describe. Joseph’s self-effacement (cf. §75.1) is more convincing. Theodotus is actually called “patriarch of Amida” in Cal. Aleppo (August 16) and in Cal. Qenneshre 1 (January 25) he is given the title ṭubhethono, nowadays reserved for the Head of the Church. 6 SOP 362 is pointed ‫“( ̇ܣܝܡܝܢ‬they placed”), but ‫“( ܣ ̣ܝܡܝܢ‬lay buried”) gives a better sense. This may account for the addition of thousands of bones to Theodotus’ collection (cf. §197.3+n). For the first time, Joseph describes something which Theodotus and he did together, forgetting that he has yet to introduce himself. It was Joseph who celebrated the Eucharist, presumably in honour of these “martyrs”, as Theodotus had not yet been ordained (§83.3–84.1). The original readers and listeners would not have discovered Joseph’s name and rank until §86.1 (cf. §128.2, where it is indicated that he was a priest and §247.1, where his amanuensis gives him the title of priest). 7 Thomas I built Dara in 507 and died ca 518. Chr. Zuqnin (150, 151) mentions a monk of Zuqnin called Thomas who became bishop of Amida in 623 and flourished in 644. We shall call him “Thomas II”. It seems unlikely that he lived until ca 687, when Theodotus probably left the diocese of Amida for that of Samosata (cf. ch. 4 n. 2 below). The bishop who knew Theodotus and detained him in his diocese until his death is therefore “Thomas III”. “Thomas IV” died in 713 (Chr. Zuqnin, 156). The Apostle Thomas “dwells in Amida” (Michael, 9.32, 323a, f. 166r1, 17ff; cf. Appendix 1), so the name will have been common there. 5

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‫ܘܐܬ ܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܙܘܩܢܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܥܠ�ܠܕܝܪܐ܁ ܐܫܬܘܕ ̣ܥܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܥܘܡܪ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܪܕ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 64.3‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟܘ )‪ (15‬ܡܢܗ܇ ܐܝܟ ܕܡܢ ̇‬ ‫ܪܝܫܗ ܕܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܒ�ܘܗܝ ܚ̇ ܕܝܐܝܬ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܝܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫‪ 64.4‬ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܡܬܟܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ܁ ܘܡܕܡ ܕܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܒܢ̈ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘ��ܝ�ܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܒܐܬܪܐ ̇ܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ܁‬ ‫ܡܦܠܓ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܡܣܟܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܠܟ�ܝܗܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܒܟ ܗܘܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܠܟ�ܝܗܐ ܕܒܟܠ ܕܘܟ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܩܪܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ‪ 8‬ܟܠ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܣ ̣ܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܘܝ ܓܒܪܐ ܗܢܐ ܠܥܘܕܪܢܐ ܕܡܢ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܥܘܡܪܗ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܡܐ ̇ܢܦܩ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܐܡܕ ܕ ̣ܢܐܙܠ�‬ ‫‪ 65.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܚ̇ ܐܪ‪ :‬ܘ⟩ܗܐ⟨ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ܕܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܓܒܐ ܕܕܩܠܬ܇‬ ‫ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܙܘܩܢܝܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܢܐܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܦ ̣‬

‫ܩܘ�ܒܢܐ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪8‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 3

65.2 On the spur of the moment the bishop made up his mind to see what Theodotus would do, so he dismounted from the beast of burden on which he was riding and said to his companions, “Go on! Don’t wait for me! I shall come in time for evening prayers.” With that he went off towards the Tigris and hid there in one of the (hollow) tree-stumps. 9 66.1 When Theodotus came to a standstill on the (opposite) bank of the Tigris and saw that the river was full from side to side, it being April, he looked all around and, seeing no one, made the sign of the Cross to north, south, east and west, then took some water from the river and made a Cross on its surface. 10 After that, he walked right over the Tigris fully clothed and with his feet shod. 11 66.2 At this sight, the bishop was astonished. He arose from his hiding-place and fell down in front of Theodotus; and for one long hour the two of them remained prostrate in front of one another.

Lit. “in one of the roots” (which however includes the trunk below the branches). The Tigris flows from North to South with Zuqnin on its right bank (Map 2 and Appendix 1), so Theodotus was coming from the East. The bishop was returning to his monastery from Amida, where he must have had daily business. From the road he evidently had a view of a ford. Theodotus was bold enough to cross the river there in April, when the river was full. Joseph can cite no witnesses to the alleged repetition of this “miracle” (cf. Matthew 14:24–31; John 14:12) at §77.3 and often thereafter (§84.1). 10 Cf. §77.3: “He made a Cross on the Euphrates and walked on its waves.” 11 A man would normally take off his sandals, wrap these in his tunic and tie this bundle on his head, leaving him free to swim, if necessary. Compare and contrast the Tigris crossing of John the Nazirite on his way to Tamnon (L. John Ṭayyoyo, 531, f. 247r): “And he prayed to our Lord and traced the sign of the Cross and walked into the water with his companions following after him, trusting in the strength of his prayers; and they began to walk on the water.” (Tr. A. N. P.) Brock (1980/1, 18n35) notes further parallels from the Life of Eugene and the Life of Eulogius. 9

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‫ܘܢܚܬ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܡܢ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܙܐ ܡܢܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 65.2‬ܘܡܚܕ ̣ܐ ̣ܣܡ ܒܪܥܝܢܗ ̣‬ ‫ܕܙܠܘ܅ ܘ� ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܬܟܬܪܘܢ ܠܝ‪ .‬ܠܪܡܫܐ ܓܝܪ‬ ‫ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܥܡܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫݀ܕܥ�ܘܗܝ ܪܟ ̣ܝܒ ܗܘܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܕܩܠܬ ܘܐܬܛܫܝ ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܥܩ�ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ܡܚܕܐ ܠܘܩܒܠ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 66.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܩܡ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܥܠ ̇‬ ‫ܠܓܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܡ� ܡܢ ܓܒܐ‬ ‫ܣܦܪܗ ܕܕܩܠܬ܁ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ܸ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܚܪ ܠܟܠ� ̈‬ ‫ܨܠܝܒܐ �ܪܒܥ ܦܢܝ̈ܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܓܒܝܢ̣ ܘܐܢܫ � ̣ܚܙܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܕܢܝܣܢ ܗܘܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ ܡܢ ̈ܡܝܐ ܕܢܗܪܐ܁‬ ‫ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܘܟܕ ܠܒ ̣ܝ ̣ܫ ܘܣܐܘܢܗ‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܨܠܝܒܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ�ܓ�ܘܗܝ܇ ̇ܗ ̣ܠܟ ܘ ܼܥܒܪܗ ܠܕܩܠܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܦܠ܁ ܘܫܥܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܡܢ ܕܘܟܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܡ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܬܗܪ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 66.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܝܠܝܢ ܩܕܡ ܚܕܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܪܒܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܬ�ܝܗܘܢ ܟܕ ̇ܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

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67.1 The holy Theodotus said to him, “My lord, I beg your Grace not to embarrass me in public!” 12 Then Mor Thomas promised: “Until the Lord sends for me, Father, I won’t tell anyone what I have just seen you do. 13 However, there is an interdiction on you not to leave my diocese until I die.” 14 Being reluctant to upset the bishop, he accepted this and stayed there; but he did not give up his way of life. 15 C. How Theodotus looked after the paupers at the monastery gate, especially one old woman

68.1 Some of the believers gave him clothes, others cloaks (?), others more valuable presents. For his part, he was firmly resolved to use everything God provided to buy lengths of uncut twist; 16 and he would sit and cut out tunics with hoods and sew them to give to the blind and the naked and to needy brethren in the monastic communities (around Amida). 17

Cf. Theodoret, 2, §6: “I charge you to let no one else share your knowledge of what I am about to say while I am alive, for it is right to hide things like this, that often arouse arrogance and vanity. But when I depart from here and get free of such passions, I do not prohibit you from speaking and relating the power of divine grace.” (Tr. Price.) 13 Cf. Matthew 8:4; Mark 5:43a, 7:36, 9:9. 14 An ecclesiastic with rank only had to use this form of words to “tie the hands” of someone of lesser rank. The action is described as “imposing an interdiction (Syriac: kelyono) on a man”, or as “tying his hands with an interdiction”, or as “decreeing by interdiction” (§§80.4, 83.3–4, 133.2, 134.4, 144.1, 154.3). A man can only be released if the interdiction is lifted by the one who imposed it (§80.3). 15 Cf. §§1.3, 53.1f and nn. 30 & 32 above: the regime of a Voluntary Exile, like that of a Mourner, was stricter than that of the brethren in a coenobitic monastery. Having two ways of life in one community may have been frowned on (“It is forbidden for a recluse to be in a monastery with a large community, or to have two monastic orders.” MS Vat. Borg. Sir. 10, f. 108v: R. Rabbula, rule 28 [Vööbus, rule 30, p. 84], tr. A. N. P.), but the practice was widespread, for all that (cf. §125.3). 16 As in §24.1, the Arabic translator rightly assumes from the context that what is meant is uncut cloth, not cloaks, the usual meaning of galle. Here the word is followed by one meaning “twist”, which can best be taken as the type of thread used to weave the cloth, perhaps twisted strands of flax. Cf. Wild 1970, 27–29; Geijer 1979, 6–8. 17 See Appendix 1. The life of these monasteries in the 5th and 6th centuries is described at length by JE, summarized by Palmer (1990, 81–88), set in its social context by Harvey (1990), and given its political background and chronology by Menze (2008). To what extent it had changed by the 7th century might be the theme of a future study. 12

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‫ܡܪܝ ܡܢ ܚܣܝܘܬܟ ܕ� ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܡ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪̇ :‬ܒܥܐ ̣ܐܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܬܦܪܣܝܢܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 67.1‬‬ ‫ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ‪ :‬ܕܥܕܡܐ ܕܡܫܕܪ ܡܪܝܐ ܒܬܪܝ܇ � ̇ܐܡܪ ܐܢܐ ܡܕܡ ܕܚ̇ ܙܝܬ ̣ܒܟ‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܝ ܥܕܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ‬ ‫ܐܒܘܢ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܟܠܝܢܐ ܐܝܬ ܥܠܝܟ܁ ܕ� ܬܫ̇ ܢܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܡܐܬ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗ܁‬ ‫ܫܚܩܗ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܕܘܒ�ܘܗܝ � ̣ܦܫ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܬܪ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 68.1‬܀ ܐܢܫܝ̈ܢ ܕܝܢ ܡܗܝܡܢ̈ܐ ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡܐܢܐ܁ ܘܐܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܕܓ ̣� ܘܐܝܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܪܘ�ܒܬܐ‪̣ .‬ܣܡ ܕܝܢ ܒܪܥܝܢܗ ܕܟܠܡܕܡ ܕܙ̇ܐܢ ܠܗ ܡܪܢ̣ ܙ̇ܒܢ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ̈ܓ�‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܠܣܡܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܛܥ ܗܘܐ ܘܚ̇ ܐܛ ܟܘܬ�̈ܢܝܬܐ ܘܟܒܝ̈ ̣ܢܐ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܦܬ�‪ .‬ܘܝ̇ܬܒ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܠܥ�ܛܠܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܚܐ ܕܣܢ ̣ܝܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܥܘܡ�ܐ‪.‬‬

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68.2 He reconciled those who were angry with one another; sang psalms without ceasing; gave the homeless people who camped at the gate a hearty welcome; carried wood on his shoulder from the mountain and lit a fire for them; and consoled them with his conversation and the civility of his manners. 68.3 Sleep was banished from his eyes. Instead, he offered prayers to God with prostrations. He avoided vainglory (like the plague) and gave pious instruction and taught anthems both to the homeless people and to the brethren of the community. 68.4 Secrets and sins were for him as clear as daylight and many were prevented from sinning because of this. 68.5 If sleep overcame him while kneeling in prayer, he allowed his body a little rest, then stood up again. 69.1 Now there was an old woman at the gate of the monastery who was so sick that she was unable to sit or stand up. Theodotus would stand in front of her and attend to her needs. When he saw that she was in pain from her illness, he made her put her arms around his neck and carried her to the village of Pashaḥ. There he carried her from house to house until he found a woman whom he persuaded, at length, to take care of her. Theodotus gave this woman his word that he would pay all her expenses. 70.1 One day, when he was visiting her and other sick people, he came to this woman and found her in great pain from her worsening illness, so he went to the church and brought the priest to shrive her and give her Holy Communion. 70.2 As soon as the oblation was in her mouth, she vomited it out in a great flood of pus. Theodotus stretched out his hand and caught the holy morsel from her mouth; and some who were there saw him bow down and consume that consecrated bread without revulsion. 18

The oblation is described in Part 2, ED9, p. 58 above, and sketched in Figure 12 (cf. the sculpture pictured on the back cover of this book). One segment of a consecrated loaf, dipped in the consecrated wine, is administered to the communicant as “the Body and Blood of Christ”. John of Tella (d. 528) used the Ephremic metaphor margonitho “the Pearl” for the consecrated host (here called quddesho). In the Syriac Orthodox Church today, is often called paghro “the Body”. Tannous (2018, 149) cites this passage as an example of “extreme veneration” of the Eucharist. 18

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‫ܡܙܡܘ� ̣ܐ � ܫ̇ � ܗܘܐ‪� .‬ܟܣܢܝ̈ܐ ܕܫܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܥܠ�‬ ‫‪ 68.2‬ܠ�ܓܝܙ ̣ܐ ܡܫ̇ ܝܢ ܗܘܐ‪ (16) .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܪܥܐ ܚ̇ ܕܝܐܝܬ ̇‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ܁ ܩܝܣܐ ܥܠ ܟܬܦܗ ܛܥܢ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܘܢܘܪܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܩܒܠ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܒܝܐܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܕܠܩ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܡܠܬܐ܁ ܘܒܦܓܥܐ ܡܫ ̣‬ ‫ܒܘܪܟܐ ܨܠܘܬܗ �ܠܗܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܩܪܒ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫‪ 68.3‬ܫ ̣ܢܬܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܡܢܗ ܛܪܝܕܐ ܗܘܬ‪ .‬ܘܒܣܝ̇ܡ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܕܚܠܬ �ܗ ̣ܐ �ܟܣܢܝܐ ܘ�ܚܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܥܡ‬ ‫ܫܘܒܚܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܣܪܝܩܐ ̇ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܝܘܠܦܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܥܢܝܬܐ ܡܠܦ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܛܗܐ܁‬ ‫ܩܕܡܘܗܝ ̇ܕܢܝܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܘܡܛܠܗܕ ̣ܐ ܣܓܝ̈ܐܐ ܐܬܟܠ ̣ܝܘ ܡܢ‬ ‫‪ 68.4‬ܟܣܝ̈ܬܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܠܡܚܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܨܠܘܬܐ܇ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܦܓܪܗ ܩܠܝܠ‬ ‫‪ 68.5‬ܘܐܢ ܙ̇ܟܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܫܢܬܐ ܟܕ ܿ ܼܒܪܝܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܚܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܝ̇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܣܒܬܐ ܚܕܐ܇ ܒܒܝܬ ܬ�ܥܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ܇ ܕܟܪܝܗܐ ܗܘܬ ܘܡܓܣܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 69.1‬܀ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܩܕܡܝܗ܁ ܘܡܫܡܫ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܐܠܝ�ܐ ܒܟܘܪܗܢܐ ܛ ̣ܥ ̇ܢܗ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܚ ̇ܙܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚ‬ ‫ܘܐܘܒܠܗ ܠܦܫܚ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܩܕܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܟܪܟܗ ܥܠ ܣܓܝܐܐ܁ ܘܒܦܝ̇ܣܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܢܬܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܝ̇ܨܦܐ ܕܝܠܗ܇ ܟܕ ̣ܣܡ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܠܬܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܠܗ ܢܦܩܬܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܝ̇ܗܒ‬ ‫ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܫܟ ̇‬ ‫ܚܗ܇ ܟܕ � ̣ܝ�ܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܘܠܟ�ܝܗܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ܇ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 70.1‬܀ ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ̣ ܟܕ ̇ܣܥܪ ̣̇‬ ‫ܘܢܬܠ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ�ܠܥܕܬܐ܁ ܘܐ ̣ܝܬܝ ܩܫܝܫܐ ܕܢܚ̇ ܣܐ ̇‬ ‫�ܠܗ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܒܟܘܪܗܢܐ ܩܫܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܦܫܛ‬ ‫‪ 70.2‬ܘܡܚܕܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܕ ̣ܥܠ‬ ‫ܓܣܬܗ ̣‬ ‫ܠܩܘܕܫܐ ̇ܗܘ ܥܡ ܡܘܓ� ܣܓܝܐܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܠܦܘܡܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܬܓܗܢ܁‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠܗ ̇‬ ‫ܦܘܡܗ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܐܢܫܝܢ ̣ܕܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ܇‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠܗ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܐ ̣ܝܕܗ܁ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܘܕܫܐ ܘ� ܢܕܬ ܠܗ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

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D. How Theodotus ran to clean out the stables when someone he did not know came to see him

71.1 Now the leading men of the towns flocked to see him from near and far, along with the sick and those in distress from every place. 72.1 When someone came whom he knew, he would take him into the oratory and converse with him there. Then, bowing deeply, he spoke whatever words were most to his visitor’s advantage. 73.1 But if someone whom he did not know was asking for him, he would run to clean out the stables where the beasts of burden were housed and the courtyards of the monastery, so that they should not recognize him; and when they nonetheless found out who he was and approached to ask for his blessing, he spoke to them without ever standing up straight. 73.2 By contrast, he took great pains to make the distressed folk who flocked to see him feel welcome and gave them a blessing to drink; and they soon felt better and praised God and spread the word about him everywhere. E. How Theodotus sent his disciple, Joseph of Zuqnin, into the Roman Empire with letters

74.1 Theodotus’ reputation reached the ears of the Romans in their castles on the frontiers. 19 They used to follow without reluctance the instructions he sent them. Many, indeed, were the souls he ransomed from the Arabs and from the Romans. 20 That is why he loved to be in the frontier region. 21 His letters travelled far and wide, like those of the Apostle Paul, that “master-builder” of the Church. 22

Cf. §115.5. There were Byzantine frontiers to the north and west of Amida. In Part 1, above, Robert Hoyland quotes a passage from Baladhuri on p. 11 above concerning the fort of Kamaḥa, near Turkish Erzincan. 20 Cf. §147.1, where both Christians and Muslims contribute to a fund set up by Theodotus as bishop of Amida for ransoming captives of both religions, Christians captured by the Arabs and Muslims captured by the Romans. Theodotus was also active in “redeeming” Miaphysite souls “taken captive” by the Dyophysites (§115.2–4; §116.3f). 21 Beth Teḥume. See Part 1, pp. 9–12 above. Theodotus had promised the bishop of Amida he would not leave his diocese, but perhaps he understood this to mean that he would stay within the 6th-century boundaries of the diocese of Amida, which included Anzitene, held at this time by the Romans of the Byzantine Empire. 22 1 Corinthians 3:10. 19

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫܀ ܘܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ �ܝܫܢܐ ܕܡܕ�̈ܢܬܐ �ܚܝܩܐ ܘܐܦ ܩ�ܝܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐܠ ̣ܝ�̈ ܐ ܕܡܢ ܟܠ‬

‫ܕܘܟ‪.‬‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܠܗ ܘ ̇ܥܒܕ‬ ‫ܬܫܡܫܬܐ ̇ܢܓܕ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 72.1‬܀ ܘܡܐ ܕܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܒܪܢܫܐ ܕܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܁ ܠܒܝܬ ̣‬ ‫ܓܗܝܢ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗ ̇ܗܘ ܡܕܡ ܕܝܘܬܪܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗ ܥ ̣ܢܝܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫‪ 73.1‬܀ ܘܐܢ ܐܢܫ ܕ� ܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܫ̇ ܐܠ ܗܘܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ܇ ̇ܪܗܛ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܓܪܘܦ‬ ‫ܐܣܛܐܒܠܝܢ ܕܩ ̣ܢܝܢܐ ܘܕ�ܬܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ܇ ܐܝܟ ܕ� ܢܕ ̣ܥܘܢܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܝ̇�ܦܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܛܠܬܗ܁‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܘ� ܦܫ̇ ܛ ܗܘܐ ܢܦܫܗ ܟܕ )‪̇ (17‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܪܟܘܢ ̣‬ ‫‪� 73.2‬ܠ ̣ܝ�̈ ܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ܁ ܒܫܩܠܛܥܢܐ ܪܒܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܩܒܠ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܘܒܘܪܟܬܐ ̇ܡܫܩܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܫܡܥܗ ܒܟܠ ܕܘܟܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܬܐܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܩܠܝ�ܝܬ܁ ܘܡܫ̇ ܒܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܛܒܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܚܣܢܐ ܕ�ܘܡܝܐ ܕܥܠ� ̈‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̈‬ ‫ܬܚܘܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܡܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܫܡܥܘ ̣ܛܐܒܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 74.1‬܀‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܨܝܢܐ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܡܫ̇ ܡܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪̇ .‬ܣܓܝ ܓܝܪ ܢܦܫܬܐ ̣ܦܪܩ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫ̇ ܠܚ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ܁ ܕ� ܥ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ܁ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܛܠܗܕܐ ܪܚ̇ ܡ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܒܝܬ ܬܚܘܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܛܝ ̣ܝܐ ܘܡܢ �ܘܡܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܠܝܚܐ ܐܪܕܝܟ� ܕܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܠܟܝܢ ܕܝܢ ܟܬ�̈ܒܬܗ ܒܐܪܥܐ܁ ܒܕܡܘܬ ܦܘܠܘܣ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

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75.1 [Note added by Simeon of Samosata:] At this point he lets it be known that his disciple was from Zuqnin. 23 75.2 It was with this disciple, whom he loved as much as Paul loved Timothy, 24 that he sent his letters to the men in power. 25 75.3 These men did everything he told them to do in those letters. In fact, it was out of the question that he should send any instruction to anyone which would not also be put into practice with alacrity. A pious man would do his bidding out of love; a powerful one, out of the fear that, if he disregarded his commandment and withheld his consent, the wrath of God would very soon catch up with him. 26 F. How Theodotus avoided being made a bishop by eluding those sent to bring him to Qenneshre

76.1 The venerable Fathers with his Grace, the Patriarch of Antioch, resolved to enthrone the holy Mor Theodotus as bishop on a certain apostolic throne. 27 “He is competent,” they said, “to uphold God’s Church. He will protect it from all perils.”

Theodotus’ lifelong disciple, the monk-priest Joseph, dictated his Life to the writer, Simeon of Samosata: §247.1. At this point, and only here, Simeon comments on this process. He was no doubt surprised that Joseph had been so self-effacing as to pass over in silence the moment at which he became attached to Theodotus. Simeon will have written this sentence in the margin, with a sign in the body of the text to mark the moment. As described in the section of Part 2 on interpolations, a later scribe incorporated all marginalia into the text. 24 2 Timothy 1:2. 25 Theodotus will have learned at the monastery of Qenneshre to write good Greek. Joseph may have learned, at Zuqnin, to read it. The author of Chr. Zuqnin recycled the parchment leaves of a 6th-century Septuagint codex. By the 770s, therefore, no one at Zuqnin could read Greek. But that was a century after the time of Joseph’s education. 26 Cf. L. Barṣawmo, §§61–3. 27 This alleged intention of the Holy Synod, like the earlier claim that the bishops of Egypt wanted to make Theodotus one of their number, may be no more than a flattering fiction. How could Bishop Thomas’ ban on Theodotus’ leaving the diocese of Amida have been lifted to allow him to make the trip to Qenneshre, without giving him the opportunity to escape altogether? If Joseph had nothing to hide, why did he not name the patriarch? This might have been Athanasius II (684–7); see Part 2, Table 4, p. 65 above. 23

‫‪137‬‬ ‫‪75.1‬‬

‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫܀ ܗܪܟܐ ܡܘܕܥ ܕܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܡܢ ܙܘܩܢܝܢ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 75.2‬ܘܒܝܕ ܕܝܢ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ܇ ܕܪܚ̇ ܡ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܕܡܘܬ ܦܘܠܘܣ ܠܛܝܡܘܬܐܘܣ܇ ܡܫ̇ ܕܪ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܗܝܢ �ܓ�ܬܗ ܠܘܬ ܪܘ�ܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܫ�ܘܚ‬ ‫ܘܗܢܘܢ ܟܠ ܕܫ̇ ܠܚ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ̇ܣܥܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪̣ � .‬ܡܨܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܓܝܪ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 75.3‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܚܘܒܐ ܡܫ̇ ܡ�‬ ‫ܡܕܡ ܕ� ܕܝܢ ܢܗܘܐ ܩܠܝ�ܝܬ‪̇ .‬ܗܘ ܕܕܚ̇ ܠ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ̣‬ ‫ܠܒܪܢܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ ܫ̇ ܐܛ ܗܘܐ܁ ܘ� ̇‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܡܩܒܠ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܚܝܕ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܡܚܕܐ ̇ܡܕܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܪܘܓܙܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܚܣܝܐ ܥܡ ܛܘܒܬܢܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܕܐܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ‬ ‫‪ 76.1‬܀ ܐܬܚ̇ ܫܒܘ ܗܘܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܥܠ ܟܘܪܣܝܐ ܫܠܝܚܝܐ ̇ܢܘܬܒܘܢ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܩܝܡ ܥܕܬܗ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܘ ̇ܙ ܓܪ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܚܫܘ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܣܦܩ ܗܘ ܠܡ ̣‬

138

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 3

76.2 But they sent four lying bishops to fetch him. They came dressed as ordinary monks, so that he would not realize what was afoot and make good his escape. After going up into the region called Beth Ḥammimoye, they entered the monastery of God’s martyr, St George, at Ḥarbaz, 28 and found him there. 76.3 They pronounced a canon forbidding him to separate himself from them and ordering him to go with them. He pleaded with them for a long time, but they would not release him. In the end, he accepted the following terms from them: “Until you go in to receive a blessing from the saints of the monastery (of Qenneshre), you are bound by our canon.” After that, he would not be bound by it. 77.1 He travelled with them all the way to the monastery of Qenneshre, but there he gave them the slip. 29 77.2 While they were preparing to go in and notify the patriarch and the bishops who were with him, he quickly went in (to the burial vault), without speaking to anyone, said his prayers and received the blessing of those saints. 30 77.3 Then he ran to the river Euphrates, which flows past the monastery at no great distance, traced a Cross on its water and walked on its waves, treating the water as if it were dry land. 31

Ḥerbaz (Payne Smith 1901, 1366), or rather Ḥarbaz (Chr. Zuqnin, 246, tr. Harrak, 218), in the diocese of Samosata, had a monastery of St George which was inhabited from the 7th to the 9th century (Barṣaum 2003, 564). There is a map of the extant remains of churches and monasteries in northern Euphratesia (Hellenkemper 1978, Figure 1); but Hellenkemper identifies none of these as the monastery of St George. 29 Joseph, who apparently did not accompany Theodotus on this journey (allowing that it might have taken place), may have been told this by the Elders of Qenneshre, when he did eventually visit that monastery, probably in 693/4 (cf. ch. 7 n. 26 below). 30 Qaddishe could mean the living “holy men” of Qenneshre (ch. 1 n. 37 above), or the “saints” who lay buried in the vault. This is how Theodotus tricked the bishops, who thought he had agreed to meet the living “saints”. 31 The exploit is modelled on that witnessed by Bishop Thomas on the Tigris (§66.1). Crossing a great river at high water without a boat is no superhuman feat: “I have often seen how the locals, mounted astride an inflated animal skin, fearlessly float across the wide dragging stream of the Euphrates or the Tigris” (Moltke 1841, 290). This German earl in the service of the Sultan describes two voyages by kellek down the Euphrates Gorge, one from Palu to Samosata in July 1838 (289–94), the other as far as Telek in April 1839 (360–65). For a photograph of a kellek, see Aramco ExPats (2018). 28

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܐ ܕ� ܢܪܓܫ ܘܢ ̣ܥܪܘܩ‬ ‫‪ 76.2‬ܘܫܕܪܘ ܒܬܪܗ ܐ�ܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫ܫܚ ̈ܝ ̣‬ ‫ܕܓ�܁ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܣܗܕܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܣ�ܩܘ ܠܒܝܬ ܚܡܝܡܝܐ܇ ̣ܥ�ܘ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܓܘܪܓܝܣ ܕܚܪܒܙ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ ܘܕܢܐܙܠ� ܥܡܗܘܢ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܓܝ ܒ ̣ܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܣܡܘ ܠܗ ܩܢܘܢܐ ܕ� ܢܫ̇ ܓܢܐ ܢܦܫܗ‬ ‫‪76.3‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܬܒܪܟ ܐܢܬ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ ܩܢܘܢܐ ܡܢܗܘܢ‪ :‬ܕܥܕܡܐ ܕ ̇ܥܐܠ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܫܒܩܘܗܝ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܩܢܘܢܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܝܢ �‪.‬‬ ‫ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ ܐܝܬ ܠܢ ܥܠܝܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܚ̇ ܕ ܥ̈ܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 77.1‬܀ ]ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܪܕܘ[ )‪̣ (18‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܚܣܝܐ ܕܥܡܗ܇ ̣ܥܠ ܩܠܝ�ܝܬ‬ ‫‪ 77.2‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܝܒܝܢ ܕܢ ̣ܥ�ܘܢ ̇ܢܘܕܥܘܢ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‬ ‫ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܡ ܐܢܫ � ̇ܡܠܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܨܠܝܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܛ ܠܗ ܠܦܪܬ‬ ‫ܢܗܪܐ‪ .‬ܩܪܝܒܐ ܓܝܪ ܕܝܪܐ ܠܗ ܠܦܪܬ }ܢܗܪܐ{‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 77.3‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܥܠ ‪ 33‬ܡܝܐ ‪ 34‬ܐܝܟ ܕܥܠ ܝܒܝܫܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܠܟ ܥܠ�ܓܠ ̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ܦܪܬ܁ ܼ‬

‫ܕܐܠܗܐ‬

‫ܕܣܗܕܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ܝܡܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 3

77.4 They lost no time in searching for him, but they could not find him. They did not even know that he had crossed over, for it was evening. In the morning some monks crossed over to the far side and reported that they had seen him there, so they sent men in pursuit of him. 77.5 On the day on which these men reached the other side of the river, some people came and said, “We saw him next to the mill near the village of Beth Maʿde, asking for bread to eat.” 35 G. How Theodotus hid on Mount Arqenin, emerging just in time to close the eyes of Bishop Thomas

78.1 That is how Theodotus escaped into the interior of the mountain called Arqenin, 36 where there is quiet. He gladly embraced the deserted wilderness, hollowing out a cleft for himself and living inside that rock-face. That is how much he feared the name of ordination and so avoided the sight of any bishop. 79.1 One day – the tenth that he had spent in the cleft which he had hollowed out – he was found by some huntsmen who were searching the area. “Father,” they said, “what are you doing here?” “See that you don’t tell anyone about me!” was all the answer they received. 79.2 For eight months they brought him food and told no one about him. But when one of them was ill, he came to visit him and was healed; and soon they were resorting to him regularly for treatment. 80.1 In no time at all that whole region knew about Theodotus and many people began to come to him. Then he thought it better, after all, to help those in distress.

Beth Maʿde (or Bemaʿde) was the southernmost village of the diocese of Amida (see §187.1). Daniel and Mari went from Mount Aghlosh to Edessa via Beth Maʿde and Julian Saba’s monastery in Mount Ḥasmi; the mounted soldiers who were sent after them from Amida and rode as far as Mount Ḥasmi also passed through Beth Maʿde “on the skirts of Ayshumo [= Karacadağ]” (L. Daniel 287–9, translated in Appendix 2 below). From this intersection of routes, it seems Beth Maʿde ought to be near Turkish Derinsu (or BWO, F14, 1962: Haraberes). 36 Turk. Ergani. This mountain lies north-west of Amida. 35

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‫ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘ� ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕ ̣ܥܒܪ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܪܡܫܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 77.4‬ܡܚܕܐ ܕܝܢ܁ ܿ ܼܒ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܪܘܗܝ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ‪ :‬ܕܚܢܢ ܚܙܝ ̣ܢܝܗܝ ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܓܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܒܪܘ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܓܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܓܝܪ‪ .‬ܘܥܡ ܨ̇ܦܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫ̇ ܕܪܘ ܒܬܪܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܒܪܘ ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܓܒܐ܇ ܒܗ ܒܝܘܡܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣ܐܬܘ ̈‬ ‫ܐܢܫܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܚܢܢ ̣ܚܙܝܢܝܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 77.5‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫�ܓܒ ܒܝܬ ̇ܡܥܕܐ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܁ ܨܝܕ ̇ܗܝ ܪܚܝܐ ܟܕ ܫ̇ ܐܠ�ܠܚܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܐܟܘܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܐ ܐܪܩܢܝܢ܁ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܐܝܬ‬ ‫‪ 78.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ�ܠܓܘ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܥܪܩ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܥܡܪ ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܩܪ ܠܗ ܚܪܘܪܐ ܒܫܩܝܦܐ ܚܕ ܘ ̣ܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ܫܠܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܘܪܒܐ ܘ�ܕܝܐ ̣ܐܚܒ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̇ܣܓܝ ܓܝܪ ܙܐܥ̇ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܗܢܐ ܫܡܐ ܕܟܗܢܘܬܐ܁ ܘ ̇ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ܕ� ̣ܢܚܙܐ ܐܢܫ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 79.1‬܀ ܒܚܕ ܓܝܪ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫ܕܚܦܪ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܒܚܪܘܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܒܗܘ ܕܥܣܪܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܡܬܟܪܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܝܢ ܨ�̈ܕܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢ[ ܡܢܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܢܬ܈ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܒـ]ـ ̣‬ ‫ܬܓ�ܘܢ ܥܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ‪̣ ] :‬ܚܙܘ܅[ ܕ� ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܓ�ܘ �ܢܫ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 79.2‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ]ܟܕ[ ܼܡܝܬܝܢ ܠܗ ܣܝܒܪܬܐ܇ ܝ�ܚܐ ]ܬܡܢܝܐ ݀‪ [.‬ܘ� ̣‬ ‫]ܠܘܬܗ[ ܘܡܬܐܣܐ‬ ‫]ܫ̇ ܪܝܘ[ ܕܝܢ̣ ܐܡܬܝ ̇ܕܗܘܐ ܗܘܐ ܟܘܪ]ܗܢܐ[ ܠܚܕ ܡܢܗܘܢ܁ ܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ[ ܼܿܗܠܟ ̣ܛܐܒܗ ܒܟܠܗ ]ܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ܁[ ܘܫ̇ ܪ ̣ܝܘ ܣܓܝ̈ܐܐ ܕܢܐܬܘܢ‬ ‫‪ 80.1‬܀ ܘܛܘܒـ]ـܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܠܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܝܕܝܢ[ ܐܬܚ̇ ܫܒ‪] :‬ܕ[ܗܕܐ܁ ]ܛܒܐ ܗܝ ܠܝ‪ [:‬ܕܐ ̇ܢܝܚ ܠܡܛ�ܦܐ‪.‬‬

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80.2 Immediately, he departed, and travelled to the monastery of Zuqnin without slackening his usual regime. For he feared to leave Mor Thomas’ diocese because of the interdiction by which this bishop had bound him. 80.3 He came out to go and see Bishop Thomas in order to ask him to release him from the interdiction under which he had placed him. But just when he arrived at the monastery (of Zuqnin), he found Mor Thomas on the point of leaving this life. The dying man addressed those who were standing around him as follows: 80.4 “Brethren, this Theodotus is a holy man. I have seen him walking on the surface of the water. I promised him in God’s presence that I would not reveal what I had seen, until this very hour. Moreover, I placed him under an interdiction not to leave my diocese. So now, brethren, honor this man, but let him be securely held!” 37 81.1 When the blessed Theodotus came in, he greeted the bishop and asked for his blessing; and Mor Thomas said, “Brother Theodotus, pray for me on this journey that I must make, for I am terribly afraid! If your faith and your prayers go with me, I feel sure that God will absolve me.” After saying this, he prayed; then he left this world to go to our Lord.

Sebastian Brock, whose translation of these words is adopted here, points out that by omitting the letter Rish the text could be emended to ‫“ ܢܬܠܒܟ ܙܗܝܐܝܬ‬let him be held in esteem”; but this would only repeat what has already been said. The sequel shows the text should be left as it stands. See ch. 4 n. 3 below and the note on §114.2. 37

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‫ܘܗܘ ܕܝܢ̣[ ܒܕܘܒܪܐ ܕܝܠܗ ̇‬ ‫‪80.2‬‬ ‫]ܩܐܡ‬ ‫]ܘܢܦܩ ܠܗ[ ܡܚܕܐ܁ ܘܪܕ ̣ܐ ܠܕܝـ]ـܪܐ ܕܙܘܩܢܝܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪ [.‬ܕܚ̇ ܠ ܗܘܐ ܓܝܪ ]ܕܢܫ̇ ܢܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ[ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܐ]ܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܇ ܡܛܠ[‬ ‫ܕܣܡ ܠـ]ـܗ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܩـ]ـ ̣ܢܘܢـ[ـܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܒܥܐ ]ܡܢܗ ܕܢܫܒܘܩ[ ܠܗ ܥܠ ܟܠܝܢـ]ـܗ‪ .‬ܘܒܗ ܒܙܒܢܐ[‬ ‫]ܘܢܦܩ ̣ܐܬ ܐ[‬ ‫‪80.3‬‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܗ ܠܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܇ ܕܡܫ̇ ܢܐ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܚܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪̣ (19‬ܕܡܛܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪:‬‬ ‫ܠܗܢܘܢ ̇ܕܩܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܨܝܕܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̈ 80.4‬‬ ‫ܕܡܗܠܟ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܐ ̇ܢܐ ܚ̇ ܙܝܬܗ܇ ̇‬ ‫�ܓ��‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܡܝ̈ܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܐܓ� ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܗܕܐ ܫܥܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܘܣܡܬ ܠܗ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ ܕ� ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܫܐ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܼܿܝܩܪܘ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܗܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܢܫܬܓܢܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܝܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܣܡܬ ܟܠܝܢܐ ܕ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܬܠܒܟ ܙܗܝܪܐܝܬ܅‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 81.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟ ܡܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ‬ ‫}ܘ{ܫܐܠ‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܗ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܚܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ ܒܗܕܐ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܕܚ̇ ܙܩ ܐܢܐ ⟩ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ⟨܇ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܕܕܚ ̣ܝܠ ܐܢܐ ܛ݀ܒ ܛ݀ܒ‪ .‬ܘܫܪܝܪܐ ܠܝ܇ ܕܐܢ ̇‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܟ܇ ܚ̇ ܐܣ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܘܝܐ ܠܝ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܟ ܥܡ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܥܠܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ܁ ܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܕܝܢ̣ ܘ ܼܫܢܝ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܢ‪.‬‬

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CHAPTER FOUR. SOJOURN IN THE DIOCESE OF SAMOSATA A. How Theodotus, against his will, was ordained deacon by Bishop Philoxenus of Samosata

82.1 Theodotus got up and set out for the district of Claudias. 1 After this, the news was received that he had arrived. 2 He persevered in his own way of life there for five years, fasting and praying and visiting the sick, the orphans and the widows. And our Lord healed everyone for whom he prayed. 3 83.1 Now, Philoxenus, 4 the bishop of Samosata, left his city and entered the district of Claudias. He was eager to see Theodotus and wanted to benefit from his prayers. By a trick, he got hold of him and was hugely delighted with him. 83.2 Seeing that they were monks of the same monastery, he used the following argument: “I desire to be the one who lays his hand on your head, so that you may be the cause of my being commemorated.” 5 The district of Claudias was on the right bank of the Euphrates. At the beginning of the second millennium, it formed a diocese. Later, there was a bishop of Gerger, who may have administered either a part, or the whole of the district. The natural boundary on the W is the Taurus, which converges in the N with the course of the Euphrates, the natural boundary on the E, as the narrative in §83f makes clear. The main summits from N to S used to be: Şakşak Dağı, Meydan Dağı, Kaplı Dağ, Ankar Dağı (BWO, E13, 5816–F13, 5375). This last is now called “Nemrut Dağı”. 2 Theodotus made good his escape, before a new bishop could renew the ban on his leaving the diocese of Amida (cf. ch. 3 n. 14 above). What Joseph did in the meantime we can only speculate. He knew the way to Byzantine Melitene (cf. §74f), where perhaps the news of his master’s arrival in Claudias “was received” (note the wary discretion of this Passive Voice). Then he may have joined his master with letters from “the men in power” at that city (cf. §74f). This may seem unlikely; but there has to be some reason why Joseph gives no account of his own movements. 3 Why did Theodotus spend five years in Claudias? Flattering its hero, Joseph’s narrative implies that Theodotus wanted to avoid election as Mor Thomas’ successor, or further detention (cf. §242.18). He is supposed to have known all along that he was destined to be Bishop of Amida (§57.2), but in Saints’ Lives, the holier the candidate, the less he must desire promotion. However, given Theodotus’ history of communication with the “men in power” on the far side of the Taurus, the proximity of Byzantine Melitene may have made Claudias particularly attractive to him. 4 It is remarkable that Joseph twice omits to give this bishop his honorific, which he gives to all other bishops. Simeon of Samosata was presumably instructed to write plain “Philoxenus”, rather than “Mor Philoxenus”. If he did not protest, it may be because he shared Joseph’s poor opinion of the ecumenical hospitality which Samosata extended to East-Syrian refugees in this bishop’s reign (cf. §§98–103). But this, too, is speculation. 1

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܐܪܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܫܢܝܐ ܚܡܫ‬ ‫ܕܦܫ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕܩ�ܘܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܐܫܬܡܥܬ‪ :‬ܕܗܐ ܒܩ�ܘܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܩܡ }ܘ{ܪܕ ̣ܐ ܠܩ�ܘܕܝܐ ܐܬܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܬܪ ܗܕܐ܇‬ ‫‪ 82.1‬܀‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܒܗܘܢ ܒܗܠܝܢ ܕܘܒ�ܐ ܫܢܝܐ ܚܡܫ܇ ܟܕ �̇ܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܨ�܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘ�̈ܬܡܐ ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܕܡܨ̇� ܗܘܐ ]ܥܠـ[ـܘܗܝ܁ ̇ܡܐܣܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܪܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪] 83.1‬ܘܢـ[ـ ̣ܦܩ ܕܝܢ ܦܝܠܘܟܣܢܘܣ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ]ܕܫـ[ـܡܝܫܛ܁ ܘ ̣ܥܠ �ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܩ�ܘܕܝܐ‪] .‬ܘܪܓـ[ـܝܓ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܚܙܝܘܗܝ܁ ܘܪܚ̇ ܡ ܗܘܐ ]ܕܢܗ[ܘܐ ܡܫܘܬܦܐ ܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ‪6 .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܚܕܝ ܒܗ ]ܪܘܪܒـ[ـܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫]ܘܒܨ[ܢ ̣ܥܬܐ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪] :‬ܕܪܓܝܓ ܐ[ ̣ܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܣܝܡ‬ ‫‪83.2‬‬ ‫ܘܐܟܡܢ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ]ܒܪ ܕܝـ[ـܪܗ܇ ܐܦ ̣ܝܣܗ ̣‬ ‫ܐ ̣ܝܕܝ ܥܠ ]ܪܝܫܟ܇[ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܠܝ ܒܟ ܥܘܗܕܢܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪A bishop ordains a man to the priesthood by laying his hand on his head.‬‬ ‫�ܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬

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83.3 But Theodotus replied, “No, my lord, do not waste your right hand on me! I am a poor man, who am unable to touch the consecrated elements. If I do, (divine) fire might burn my limbs, as it did those of the sons of Aaron.” 7 But Philoxenus bound him by an interdiction and made him a deacon. 83.4 Then he said, “My lord, pray for me! I have a great desire that you and I might attain to a station at the right hand of God.” But as soon as an opportunity presented itself, Theodotus escaped across the Euphrates. 84.1 The day after, Philoxenus, the bishop of Samosata, looked for him to make him a priest, but he was gone. 8 For Theodotus always walked over the Euphrates as if he was crossing on dry land. 9 84.2 He stayed in the east until he heard that the bishop had left that district, then he returned to Claudias; and no words can express how much he suffered with the poor people of Claudias. 10

Leviticus 10:2. Joseph never tells us when Theodotus was ordained a priest. It must have been the day before he was ordained a bishop (§138.1). Cf. Michael, 12.10, 503, where Dionysius of TellMaḥre is ordained a deacon on a Friday and a priest the following day, so that he can be consecrated as patriarch on the third day, August 1, 818. 9 Contrast the account, more epic, less fairy-tale, of crossing the river Arsanias (§117.3). Ballads may still have been sung in pro-Heraclian Amida about this Herculean emperor’s Mesopotamian exploits. We hear an echo of them in Theophanes (AM 6116 = 623/4): After surprising the enemy by crossing the Taurus with an army in the winter, he crossed and recrossed both Tigris and Nymphius, then “found a ford [on the Euphrates] which he safely traversed – an unexpected feat in the month of March – and so reached Samosata.” 10 Joseph does not explain the sufferings which Theodotus shared with the poor people of Claudias. Part 1, Table 1, p. 10 above, shows that the Taurus Frontier was a war zone. But the statement in §85.1 that there were many displaced persons in Claudias reminds us of the 6th century, when the rocky part of Claudias overlooking the Euphrates gorge afforded a measure of security to dissident monks in exile from the diocese of Amida (JE, 296, 553, 570). Perhaps, then, the late 7th-century refugees had escaped the dangers of war and were now relatively safe, though destitute. 7 8

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‫ܡܪܝ �[ ܬܘܒܕ ܒܝ ܝܡܝܢܟ܅ ]ܡܛܠ‬ ‫]ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩـ[ـܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ �] :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 83.3‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܒܩܘܕܫܐ܇ ܕܠܡܐ ܐܝܟ ]ܒܢܝ ܐܗܪܘܢ[‬ ‫ܕܓܒܪܐ ܐܢܐ[ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘ� ܡ�ܐ ]ܐܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܡܓܫܦ[ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܕܠܩ ܢܘܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕܗ ]ܡܫܡܫܢܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܦܟـ[ـܪܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܒܗܕܡܝ‪] .‬ܘܒܟܠܝܢܐ ̣‬ ‫]ܢܡܛܐ ܐܢܬ ܘ[ܐ ̇ܢ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܠܝ ܕܒܟ‬ ‫‪83.4‬‬ ‫]ܘܐ[ܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ܨ ̣̇� ]ܥܠܝ‪ .‬ܕܪܓܬ[ܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ]ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܠܩܘܡܐ ܕܡܢ ]ܝܡܝܢܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪̣ [.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ܇[ ̣ܥܪܩ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܦܪܬ‪[.‬‬ ‫‪] 84.1‬܀ ܘܠܝܘܡܐ[ ܕܝܢ ܕܒܬܪܗ܇ )‪ (20‬ܒ ̣ܥܝܗܝ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܦܝܠܘܟܣܢܘܣ ܕܫܡܝܫܛ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܟܠ ܙܒܢ܁ ܥܠ ܦܪܬ ܐܝܟ ܕܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕܗ ܩܫܝܫܐ܁ ܘܠܝܬܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܝܒܝܫܬܐ ̇ܥܒܪ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܦܩ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‪ .‬ܘܗܝܕܝܢ ܦ ̣ܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܫܡܥ ̣‬ ‫‪ 84.2‬ܘܟܬܪ ܒܡܕܢܚܐ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܘܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܣܦܩ‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܬ ܐ ܠܩ�ܘܕܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܡܐ ܚ̇ ܐܫ ܗܘܐ ܥܡ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܩ�ܘܕܝܐ܇ ܠܝܬ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܬܢܐ‪.‬‬

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B. How Theodotus sent the tax-collector back to the governor of Samosata empty-handed

85.1 Now, a man called Ellusṭriya, who was from Ḥarran, had been appointed governor of Samosata. 11 This man sent one of his slaves, a man called Sargis (Sergius), to Claudias to collect the taxes from the poor people of that district. For there are many displaced people in that district. 12 85.2 As soon as that slave got to Claudias, he began to oppress the orphans and the poor people of that district. He also sent word to the monastery of St SergiusWhich-Is-Spacious (dayro dh-mor sargis d-phathyo), where Theodotus was living: 85.3 “Get ready for me the tribute (maddatho) of ten men which is due to me from your monastery! Take care that I do not stir up the people of Claudias against you! Place no reliance in Theodotus, for I am ready to levy the poll tax (gezitho) 13 on his person as well!” 14

Michael, 11.16, 448, tells of the expedition of the Byzantine emperor Tiberius II Apsimar against the Arabs, on which he devastated the region of Samosata and took many captives, killing 5,000 of the enemy (see Part 1, Table 1, above). Cf. Theophanes, AM 6192 (699/700), quoted below in the note on §146.10. Chr. 1234, 1.298, tells how Ellusṭriya, the son of Araq of Ḥarran, who was a prisoner of war in Constantinople, obtained his release in 705, as well as that of 6,000 Arabs. Palmer (2006, 118n10 & 123n26) argues that this Elluṣtriya – not Elluṣtriya of Dara (pace Tannous 2018, 365n36) – may have been a pagan, as Ḥarran was a stronghold of the old religion and Araq is no Christian name. 12 “Displaced people” translates the Greek loanword ξένοι “strangers, foreigners”. In 697/8 the emir ʿAṭiyya held a census of foreigners, as a result of which many were sent back to their own countries: Michael, 11.16, 447. The poll tax (Arabic: jizya) was introduced by the caliph ʿAbd al-Malik in AG 1003 = 691/2 (Chr. Zuqnin, 154: “Previously, kings used to levy tribute on land, not on men” [tr. Harrak, 148]; cf. §127.4 and pp. 14–16 above). 13 The Arabic jizya “capitation-tax, poll tax” (see p. 14 above) has been identified as a loanword from Jewish Babylonian Aramaic in Arabic (Sokoloff 2009, 225; Nöldeke 1879, 241n1; Fraenkel 1886, 283f). 14 The poll tax was not yet levied on monks (cf. §89.1); but Theodotus and Joseph, not being registered as members of the monastic community, might have been classified as “foreigners” for the purpose of taxation. The tax-collector threatens to stir up the lay population against the monks, perhaps by suggesting they should be indignant at the unfairness of taxexemptions favoring religious professionals, who were better off than those who were destitute and homeless, at least, and who belonged, in some cases, to prosperous collectives. 11

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‫ܗܢܐ ܡܢ ܚܪܢ‬ ‫‪ 85.1‬܀ ܒܐܪܥܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܫܡܝܫܛ܇ ̣ܩܡ ܐܪܟܘܢ ܚܕ ܕܫܡܗ ܗܘܐ ܷܐ ܾܠܘܣܛ ܻܪܝܱܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܥ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܿܫܕܪ ܠܩ�ܘܕܝܐ ܛܠܝܐ ܚܕ ܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܫܡܗ ܣܪܓܝܣ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ܡܕܐܬܐ‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܟܣܢܝܐ ܓܝܪ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ܐܝܬ ܗܘ ܒܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܡܣܟܢܐ ̇ܕܗܘ ܐܬܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܝܬܡܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܐ �ܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ܇ ܼܿܫܪܝ ܼܿܡܥܝܩ‬ ‫‪ 85.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܠܚ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܣܪܓܝܣ ܕܦܬܝܐ܇ ̇ܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ܡܕܝܪ ܗܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܢܝ ܕ� ܐܙ̇ܝܥ‬ ‫‪ 85.3‬ܛܝܒܘ ܠܝ ܡܕܐܬܐ ܕܥܣܪܐ ܓܒ�ܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܝ ܒܕܝܪܟܘܢ܅ ܘܐܙܕܗܪܘ ̣‬ ‫ܒܟܘܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܩ�ܘܕܝܐ܅ ܘ� ܬܬܬܟ�ܘܢ ܥܠ� ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ܕܐܦ ܡܢܗ ܡܛ ̣ܝܒ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܣܒ‬ ‫ܓܙ ̣ܝܬܐ‪.‬‬

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86.1 The Head of the Monastery read out the letter, which frightened the monks. They asked the blessed Theodotus to write him a letter. He sent it by the hand of his disciple, Mor Joseph, to a village called Alwand, 15 where he handed him Theodotus’ letter; and he read it out. 86.2 Everyone told him, “It will not go well with you, if you disobey his commandment!” But Sargis was unmoved. He did not even grant Mor Joseph an interview. 16 Therefore, he told his holy master everything the slave had done, both to him and to all the poor and the widows. 87.1 When Theodotus heard it, he left the Monastery-Which-Is-Spacious (Dayro dh-Pathyo) and went to the chapel (haykelo) of the Mother of God which stands in the village of Ṭamnin, 17 which is about seven miles distant from that monastery. Then the tax-collector arrived and fell upon the Head of the Monastery with harsh blows and abuse. 88.1 Now there were two men there possessed by demons, whom Theodotus kept under harsh control. Every day they wailed in front of his saints and at the approach of the holy man. 88.2 But he called them liars and prayed to God that they might not reveal who he was, so their mouths were shut. When he was nowhere near, they could talk; but when he came, they were unable to speak, so they pointed the finger at him. 89.1 That slave was sitting there, uttering threats against the monks and Theodotus, when suddenly these demoniacs arrived. They found him, seated, in the act of demanding the tax from the poor men that were in the monastery. 18

As yet unidentified. This is the first mention of Joseph’s name. At §75.1 he was first referred to, anonymously, as “his disciple”. The title “Mor” shows he was a priest. Cf. §§128.2 and 247.1. 16 Joseph must have insisted that Simeon name him here with his title, Mor Joseph. He may have been a mere messenger, but he was, after all, a priest. The tax-collector, a slave, ought to have treated him with more respect. Out of indignation over this, Joseph sets aside the modesty which has kept him anonymous until now. 17 Ṭamnin is vocalized in the manuscript, proving “Ṭamanin” (Honigmann 1954, 57) wrong. It has not been located. 18 The ten (§85.3) “poor men” who were in the monastery of St Sergius (the Syriac does not say they were monks of that monastery) may have been displaced persons, sheltering there. The Head of the Monastery was required to pay poll tax (here called maddatho) on their behalf, not on behalf of the more numerous dayroye (monks), who were exempt. Dayro dhPathyo “the Monastery-That-Is-Spacious” (§§85.2, 87.1) can hardly have been so small. Tannous (2018, 94) renders the name as “Mar Sergius the Broad”; but the adjective attaches to the feminine word “monastery” (dayro), not to the masculine saint. 15

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‫ܩܪܗ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ �ܓܪܬܐ܇ ܙ ̣ܥܘ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁‬ ‫‪ 86.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̇‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܢܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒ ܠܗ ܐܓܪܬܐ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܫ ̇‬ ‫ܕܪܗ ܒܐܝܕܝ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܠܩܪܝܬܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܰ ̣‬ ‫ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܩ ̇‬ ‫ܪܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܐܓܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܘܢܕ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 86.2‬ܘܟ�ܢܫ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‪̇ � :‬ܛܒ ܠܟ܇ ܐܢ ̇ܡܣ� ܐܢܬ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܙܝܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܣܪܓܝܣ܁ � ܐܬܬܦ ̣ܝ ̣ܣ ܘ� ̣ܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܘܠܘܬ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ ܐܘܕܥ ܠܪܒܗ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܟܠ ܕ ̣ܥܒܕ ܛܠܝܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ�ܠܗܝܟ� ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 87.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܦܬܝܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܫܡܗ ܱܛܡ ܻܢܝܢ܇ ܕܪܚܝܩܐ ܫܒܥܐ ܡ ̣ܝܠܝܢ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܒܘܥܐ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܕܐܝܬ }ܗܘܐ{ ܒܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ�ܥܠ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ ܒܡܚܘܬܐ ܘܨܘܚܝܬܐ ܩܫܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣ܐܬ ܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ 88.1‬܀ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܡܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܐܢܫܐ ܬܪܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܕ�̈ܘܐ‪ (21) .‬ܘܐܠܨ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ܩܫܝܐܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܝܘܡܐ ܩܕܡ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̇ܡܝܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܐܦ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈ ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܣܬܟܪ‬ ‫ܢܐܡܪܘܢ ܫܪܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 88.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܪܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܕܓ� ܘܒ ̣ܥܐ ܡܢ �ܗ ̣ܐ ܕ� ̣ ݀‬ ‫ܕܝܢ ܦܘܡܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ � ܩܪܝܒ ܗܘܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܡܡܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܡܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ܇ � ܡܨܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܘܢ ܐ� ܒܨܒܥܐ ܡܚ̇ ܘܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܡ ̣‬ ‫ܘܓܙܡ ܥܠ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܘܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ܡܢ ܫܝܠ܅ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 89.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܝܬܝܒ ܛܠܝܐ ̇ܗܘ ̇‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ܟܕ ܝ̇ܬ ̣ܝܒ ܘܬܒܥ ܡܕܐܬܐ ܡܢ ܡܣܟܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܡܬ ̇ܢܣܝܢ̣ ܠܘܬܗ ̣ܡܛܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܘܡܪܐ‪.‬‬

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89.2 All of a sudden, the devils seized him by the hair and made him go into the place where Theodotus kept the saints whom he venerated. They tore off his clothing and he stood there, stark naked. No one had the strength to rescue him from them. 89.3 Now they spoke: “Until now, we have been helping you. It was we that inspired you to utter threats against that old man, Theodotus. But now he is staying in the chapel of Mary, the Mother of God. He has sent for the Mother of God and all the saints of the whole earth. Last night the saints arrived from Constantinople to pay their respects to him. 19 Now they are tormenting us because of you.” 20 89.4 They went on: “For these three days we have been tormented to make us dismiss you from this place. So go to him now and do everything he tells you! If you do not, we shall immediately come out of the bodies in which we dwell and enter yours instead. Then there will not be a single stone in these mountains to which we do not give its fill of your flesh!” 89.5 Then they insulted him and struck him on the shoulder. Then, in the sight of all the people, they leapt up among the hanging lamps, the one swinging the other through the air, while they perched half-way up the walls or on top of them like birds, or hung head-downwards in mid-air, with no purchase above and no contact below, but hanging there like lamps, stretched out thin, as if they were suspended on ropes. 21 90.1 The report of this spread like wildfire throughout the district. Men and women flocked to see it and a great crowd gathered. For four days and four nights, those devils tormented that man with blows, wailing all the time because they themselves were being tormented by the holy and chosen man of God, Theodotus. 90.2 Men approached the pair who had demons in them, thinking to seize them, but they came out against them and beat them and tore off their clothing, so that they fled from them and the whole people cried out “Kyrie eleison!” 22

The Mother of God, it appears, abides in Constantinople, where she has many churches, notably Chalcopratea, Blachernae and Hodegetria. The other saints include Agathonicus, Barbara, Constantine, Diomede, Euphemia, Helena, Irene, John the Baptist, Lawrence, Mamas, Menas, Mocius, Polyeuktos, Procopius, Sergius, Theodore and Thomas. Theodotus appears to threaten the representative of Arab power with the spiritual arsenal of the Arabs’ enemy, Byzantium. 20 It is a grim reflection on law-enforcement in those days that the word which rightly means “judge” or “condemn” is used here in the sense of “torment”. 21 Cf. Michael, 11.7, 419f: “After this they levitated off the ground and remained there in the House of the Martyrs in mid-air, like hanging lamps.” From the Life of Bishop Severus of Samosata (cf. ch. 8 n. 28 below), as told by Dionysius of Tell-Maḥre in his lost chronicle. 22 “Lord, have mercy!” These Greek words are enshrined in the Syriac Liturgy. 19

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܠܒܟܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܡ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܡܝ̇ܩܪ ܗܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܫܠܝܐ܁ ̈ܫ ܿܐܕܐ ܒܣܥܪܗ‬ ‫‪ 89.2‬ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܥ�ܘܗܝ܁ ̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܥܪܛܠ‪ .‬ܘ� ܗܘܐ ܼܚܝ� ܒܐܢܫ ܕܢܦܨܝܘܗܝ ܡܢܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܐܢܘܗܝ ܼܬ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܚܘ ̣‬ ‫‪̇ 89.3‬‬ ‫ܕܬܓܙܘܡ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܫܐ ܡܥܕܪܝܢ ܗܘܝܢ ܠܟ‪ .‬ܘܚܢܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܠܟܢܟ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܣܒܐ ܗܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܫܐ ܝ̇ܬ ̣ܝܒ ܒܗܝܟ� ܕܡܪܝܡ ̇ܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܫ̇ ܕܪܐ ܼܡܝܬܝܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ ‪̇ 23‬ܝܠܕܬ �ܗ ̣ܐ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܐܪܥܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܗܢܐ ܠܝܐ܇ ܡܢ ܩܘܢܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܦܘܠܝܣ‬ ‫�ܝܩܪܗ ܘܕܝ̇ܢܝܢ ܠܢ ܡܛܠܬܟ‪.‬‬ ‫̣ܐܬܘ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܗܐ܁ ܬܠܬܐ ̈‬ ‫‪̇ 89.4‬‬ ‫ܕܢܪܕܦܟ ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ ܡܛܠܬܟ ܡܬܬܕܝܢܝܢܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܠܘܬܗ ܘܟܠ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܠܟ ܣ ̣ܥܘܪ܅ ܘܐܢܕܝܢ �܁ ܒܗܕܐ ܫܥܬܐ܇ ̇ܢܦܩܝܢܢ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܐ ̣� ܙܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܓ�ܐ ܕܒܗܘܢ ܐܝ̇ܬܝܢ̣ ܘ ̇ܥܐܠܝܢ ܚܢܢ ܒܟ‪ .‬ܘ� ܫ̇ ܒܩܝܢܢ ܟܐܦܐ ܒܗܠܝܢ ܛܘ�ܐ܇ ܕ� ̇ܡܠܝܢܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܡܢܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܒܙܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܗ܁ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܥܠ ܟܬܦܗ‪ .‬ܘܫ̇ ܘܪܝܢ܇ ܟܕ ܛܥ ̣ܝܢܝܢ‬ ‫‪89.5‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܚܕܕܐ܇ ܒܝܢܬ ܩܢܕܝ�܁ ܠ ̣ܥܝܢ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܕܒܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܐܣܐ ܘܒܫܡܝ ̣ܫܘ�ܐ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܠܬܚܬ‬ ‫ܘܡܬܬܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܬܪ �ܝܫܝܗܘܢ܇ ܟܕ � ̇ܡܛܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܥܠ܁ ‪ 24‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܦ�ܚܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̇ܓܫܦܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܛܝܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܼ‬ ‫ܬܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܐܝܟ ܩܢܕ��‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܕܒܚܒ� ܸ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܐ ̣� ܸ‬ ‫‪ 90.1‬܀ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ ܓܒ�ܐ܁ ܘܢ̈ ̣ܫܐ ܘܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ܒܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܨ̇ܒܘ ̣‬ ‫ܛܐܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܠܟ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܢܕܘ ܫܐܕܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܒܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ܇ ܐ�ܒܥܐ ܐܝܡܡܝܢ ܘܐ�ܒܥܐ �ܝ�ܘܢ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܡܚܝܢ ܠܗ܇‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܡܬܬܕܝ ̣ܢܝܢ ̣ܗܢܘܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܝܠܝܢ ܡܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܓܒܝܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ‪ 25‬ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܠܗܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗܘܢ ܕ�̈ܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒܘ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܓܒ�ܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ (22) 90.2‬‬ ‫ܕܢܠ ̈ܒܟܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܬܠܚܘ ܡܐܢܝܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܥܪܩܘ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܐܢܫܐ ܗܠܝܢ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܩܥܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ܁ ܘܦ ̣ܥܘ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܥܡܐ ܟܠܗ‪ :‬ܩܘܪܝܠܝܣܘܢ܅‬

‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 5, p. 53 above‬ܘܡܫܕܪ ܠܗ ܘܡܝܬܝ ܠܗ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫ܟܕ � ܡܛܝܢ ܗܘܘ � ܠܥܠ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ ܘܓܒܝܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

90.3 The devils said to him: “What are you thinking of? You will not get away from us, until you promise that you will do everything that Theodotus commands you to do.” These words were reinforced by strong language. 90.4 That slave now ran, trembling all over, to the holy Theodotus’ disciple, Mor Joseph, and fell on the ground in front of him, saying, “Have mercy on me, my lord! I don’t want to die! Persuade that holy man to grant me an audience! All I want is to leave this place with my life and be rescued from these devils. God forbid that I collect any taxes from this district!” 91.1 So the disciple went and found Theodotus making prostrations in the garden behind the church and praying. “Why have you come, my son?” he asked on seeing him, “Do not try to save God’s enemy from the devils!” 92.1 But his disciple knelt down in front of him and made his request; and he listened to him. Then he sent word to him, “If you return everything you have taken from all the poor people and orphans and widows, I will come to you. But if you do not do this, on your own head be it!” 26 93.1 His disciple took the letter and went. When he reached the monastery, the men who were being harmed (by devils) came out and snatched the letter from him and placed it on the sack containing Theodotus’ saints. All the while they were getting a severe beating from the holy man himself. 93.2 Then that letter fell on the ground and they began to blow at it as though it were a fire. The tax-collector tried to take the letter and read it, but they snatched it away from him and slapped his face, saying, “The letter is for us! While Theodotus was writing it, we were standing beside him.” 93.3 They began to read the contents. Then they dragged him in front of the altar of the monastery, saying, “If you promise to do everything that the holy man tells you, … But if not, we swear to you by Adonai, to whom belongs the glory, that we shall come and dwell in you!” 93.4 The slave was terrified and fell into a dead faint. (When he recovered,) he gave the promise: “I will do everything that he commands!” Then he urged Theodotus’ disciple to get him to come and pray for him. The disciple was just going out to go (to Ṭamnin), when Theodotus came in; for nothing that those devils had done was hidden from Theodotus.

26

Literally: “you and your soul know (best).”

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‫‪̈ 90.3‬‬ ‫ܘܫܐܕܐ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ܅ ܡܢܐ ܪ ̇ܢܐ ܐܢܬ܈ � ̇ܦܠܛ ܐܢܬ ܡܢܢ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܡܫܬܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܢܬ ܕ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܢܬ ܟܠ ܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܠܟ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܡܒܙܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܗ ܩܫܝܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ ܩܕܡ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܛ ܛܠܝܐ ̇ܗܘ ܟܕ ܪ ̇ܥܠ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 90.4‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܬܚܙܐ ܠܝ܁‬ ‫ܥܠܝ ܡܪܝ܅ ܕ� ̇ܐܡܘܬ‪ .‬ܐܦ ̣ܝܣ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ܼ :‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܣ ܠܝ܅ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܒܥܐ ܡܕܡ‬ ‫ܘܒܠܚܘܕ ܒܚܝܐ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܗܪܟܐ ܘܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܫܐܕܐ ܐܫ̇ ܬܘܙܒ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܓܗܝܢ ܒܣܬܪ ܥܕܬ ̣ܐ ܘܡܨ̇�‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܗ ‪ 27‬ܒܓܢܬܐ܇ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ� ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 91.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܒܥܐ ̇‬ ‫ܬܦܠܛ ܡܢ ܫܐܕ ̣ܐ ܠܒܥܠܕܒܒܗ‬ ‫ܙܝܗܝ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܛܠ ܡܢܐ‬ ‫̣ܚ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܝܬ ܒܪܝ܈ � ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ܅‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܘ ܿ‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ‬ ‫ܚ‬ ‫ܘܫܠ‬ ‫ܡܥܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫ‬ ‫‪ 92.1‬܀ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܝܢ̣ ̣ܒܪܟ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܁ ܘܒ ̣ܥܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܫܩܝܠ�ܠܟ ܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܝܬܡܐ ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ܇ ܐܬܐ ܐܢܐ‬ ‫̇ܡܗܦܟ ܐܢܬ ܟܠ ܡܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܠܘܬܟ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ܗܕܐ � ̇ܣܥܪ ܐܢܬ܇ ܐܢܬ ܝ̇ܕܥ ܐܢܬ ܘܢܦܫܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܢܘܢ ܕܡܬ ̇ܢܟܝܢ܁ ‪28‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩܘ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܼܡܛܝ ܠܕܝܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 93.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ�ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܐܓܪܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܣ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ̇‬ ‫ܡܘܗ ܥܠ� ܬܪܡ� ܕܩܕܝܫܐ܇ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘ ̣ܚܛܦܘ ܠܟܬ ̣ܝܒܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܢܓܕܐ ܩܫܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܬ ̇ܢܓܕܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܦ ܡܢܗ ܕܝܠܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ܗܘܬ ̇ܢܦܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠܬ ̇ܗܝ ܟܬ ̣ܝܒܬܐ ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ܁ ܘܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܕܢܘܪܐ‬ ‫‪93.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܛܦܘܗ ܡܢܗ܁ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܣܒܝܗ ܠܟܬ ̣ܝܒܬܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܝ ܘ ̣ܢ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܚ‬ ‫ܒܗ‪ .‬ܒ ̣ܥܐ ܬܒܘܥܐ ܕ ̣ܢ‬ ‫ܩܪܝܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܕܟܬ ̣ܝܒܬ ̣ܐ ܠܢ ̣ܐܬܬ ܘܟܕ ̇ܟܬܒ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܥܠ ܐܦܘܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ̇ܩܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܗ܁ ܘܐܬܬܠ ̣ܝܘ ܒܗ ܠܩܕܡ ܡܕܒܚܐ ܕܕܝܪ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫‪ 93.3‬ܘܫ̇ ܪܝܘ ̇ܩܪܝܢ ܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܐܢ ̇ܣܐܡ ܐܢܬ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܕܟܠ ܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܢܬ‪ ...‬ܘܐܢ ܕܝܢ ̣� ܒܐܕܘܢܝ‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܠܟ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܫ̇ ܒܚܐ ܝ̇ܡܝܢܢ ܠܟ )‪ (23‬ܕܒܟ ̇ܥܡܪܝܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܐܝܟ ܡ ̣ܝܬ ̣ܐ ܘܣܡ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܠ ̇‬ ‫ܠܝ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܙܥ ܛܠܝܐ ̇ܗܘ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 93.4‬‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܕܢܐܙܠ ܘܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܥܠ‪� .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ܁ ܕܢܐܬܐ }ܘ{ܢܨ̇� ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܥܒܕܘ ܠܗ ̈ܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܓܝܪ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܬܟܣܝܬ ܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܟܠ ̣‬

‫ܘܐܫܟܚ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫ܡܬܢܣܝܢ ‪Sic SOP 362, but this may be a misreading: cf. §§89.1, 224.1:‬‬

‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

94.1 The people who were gathered in that place went out to meet him and knelt down in front of him, shedding many tears. Theodotus knelt down in front of them, saying, “Brethren, these deeds are not of my doing: I am a sinner! It is God’s saints, the ones in the sack, who did them.” 95.1 Then that slave fell at his feet, weeping: “My lord, have mercy on me and save me from those devils that are trying to assault me!” For the demoniacs were standing near him, their faces veiled, their mouths shut, pointing the finger at Theodotus. 95.2 They were evidently just waiting for his permission to utterly destroy the slave, for they were grinding their teeth at him. 29 96.1 Then Theodotus fixed him with a stare: “Criminal! Robber! Murderer! Place in my hands everything you have wrongfully extorted from the poor and the needy!” 96.2 The slave stood up and did as he was told. He handed over much coin, the whole amount he had extorted from the poor, the orphans and the widows, and the register in which he had written the details of the monastery. 97.1 Then the holy man thundered at those devils, and they vanished like a whirlwind. Then he ordered the slave to do a number of things, gave him some ḥnono 30 and prayed over him. 97.2 As for those people who had evil spirits, he rubbed them with a blessing and they fell on the ground in a dead faint which lasted from the ninth hour 31 until cock-crow, when the wicked devils came out of them. The men never saw those demons again and became proven monks.

Cf. Michael, 11.7, 420f: “The devil answered: ‘It is not by my own will that I entered this youth, but under compulsion. [...] Our Teacher sent me to torment him.’ Now ‘Our Teacher’ was the name these devils gave to a certain wizard.” Michael warns: “The reader should understand that neither wizards nor devils can have power over people without God’s permission.” The only permission the devils seem to require here is that of Theodotus! 30 A compound of oil, dust and water, blessed by contact with holy relics. Cf. Payne Smith 1901, 1315f; Fowden 1999, 85f. Ḥnono features prominently in L. Simeon. The meaning of the Syriac word ḥnono is ‘pity’, or ‘mercy’. 31 About three o’clock in the afternoon. 29

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‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟܘ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܝܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩܘ �ܘܪܥܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪ 94.1‬܀ ܥܡܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܟ ̣ܢܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܬܡܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܗܠܝܢ̣ ܠܘ ܡܢ ܕܝܠܝ ܚܛܝܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ܁ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ̣ܒܪܟ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܒܬܪܡ� ܣ ̣ܥܪܘ ܗܠܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܓܝܪ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܢܦܠ ܛܠܝܐ ̇ܗܘ ܥܠ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫‪ 95.1‬܀ ܿܗܝܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܣܥܘܢ ܥܠܝ‪ .‬ܗܠܝܢ ܓܝܪ ܕܝܘ ̣ܢܐ ܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܥܠܝ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܦܨܢܝ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܫܐܕܐ܇ ̇ܕܒܥܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܨܒܥܐ ܡܚ̇ ܘܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܣܟܝܪ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ܡܚܦܝܢ ܗܘܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܦܘܡܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇ܩܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܘܐܦܝ ̣‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܗܠܝܢ ܓܝܪ ܡܚ̇ ܒ�ܘ ‪̇ 32‬ܒܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕ ̇ܢܦܣ ܠܗܘܢ ܕܢܚ̇ ܒ�ܘܢܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܢܝܒܐ‬ ‫ܚ̇ ܪܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̃ .‬ܐܘ ܣܟ�܅ ̃ܐܘ ܒܙܘܙܐ܅ ̃ܐܘ ̇ܩܛܘ� ܕܒܢܝ̈ܢܫܐ܅‬ ‫‪ 96.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣ܚܪ ܒܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܛܠܡܬ �ܡܣܟܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܠܒܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܥܠܒܬ ̣‬ ‫̣ܗܒ ̈ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܝ ܟܠ ̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܕܝܢ�ܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܟܠܗ ̇ܥ�ܘܒܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܛܠܝܐ }ܘ{ ܿ ܼܫܡܠܝ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 96.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܡܟܢܫܐ ܗܘܬ ‪ 33‬ܠܗ ܡܢ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܝܬܡܐ ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܒܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕܟܬ ̣ܝܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕܗ ܠܛܠܝܐ‬ ‫‪ 97.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܓ ̣ܥܪ ܩܕܝܫܐ ̈ܒܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ܇ ܘܐܬܛ�ܩܘ ܐܝܟ ܥܠܥ�‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܚ ̣ܢ ̣ܢܐ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܣܓܝܐܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦ�ܘ‬ ‫ܒܝ̈ܫܬܐ܁ ̣ܫܦ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܘܪܟܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 97.2‬ܘܒܢܝ̈ܢܫܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܝܬ ̈ܗܘܝ ܠܗܘܢ �ܘܚܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܐܝܟ ܡܝ̈ܬܐ܁ ܡܢ ܬܫܥ ̈ܫܥܝܢ̣ ܥܕܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ ̈ܫܐܕܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܠܡܩܪܐ ܬܪܢܘܓ�‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣̈‬ ‫ܒܚܝ�ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܕܝ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܝܫܐ ܡܢܗܘܢ܁ ܘܬܘܒ � ̣ܚܙܘ ̣‬

‫ܚܒ� ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 5, p. 53 above‬ܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬

158

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

C. How Theodotus perceived that the carpenter at St Sergius’ Monastery was a “Nestorian”

98.1 Now there was in that monastery a man from Beth Garme, 34 who had learned the psalms. Theodotus summoned the Head of the Monastery and told him that his community should not allow this man to share their life. But he did not tell the monks that the man was a Nestorian, because he liked to keep his deeds secret from people. 35 98.2 However, the monks were unwilling to expel the man, because of his skill in carpentry. Then, seeing that his hand was forced, Theodotus said to the Head of the Monastery, “This man is a Nestorian. You tread God’s law underfoot by giving him Communion and allowing him to sit at table with the (lay-)brethren.” 36 Even this the Head of the Monastery ignored. 98.3 So Theodotus refrained from entering the oratory when that infidel was there; if he was in the oratory when that man entered there, he would leave immediately. For he was unwilling to speak to the Head of the Monastery on this subject a second time. 99.1 Now there was a little brother there who had a stubborn devil. He had left to go to his parents in the village of Ṭamnin and was kept there by the devils, which would not allow him to return to the monastery. 99.2 The person appointed to go and fetch that brother was the Nestorian, who boasted that he would fetch him back, even though others had tried to fetch him, both monks and lay-brothers, and had been unable to overcome his resistance; for he threw stones at everyone and published their sins. For all kinds of reasons, they were afraid of him. 99.3 Nevertheless, the Nestorian was arrogant enough to suppose that he would fetch him back directly. But when he got to him, a stubborn spirit entered him as well and he began to wail about Theodotus: This was one of the “ten men” sheltering in the monastery for whom the monks were initially required to pay the poll tax (cf. ch. 4 n. 18 above). This passage confirms that some of these, at least, were displaced foreigners. Beth Garme (cf. §173.1) is the Arabic Bajarma, “between the Lesser Zab and the Diyala rivers and above the Jabal Hamrin” (Morony 1984, 133) in the territory of Iraq. See Figure 1 above. A man from Beth Garme was called in Syriac Garmaqoyo, because the region is called Garmekan in Middle Persian. 35 Cf. Mark 5:43 and other passages where Jesus tries ineffectively to keep the secret of his powers from spreading. 36 Tannous (2018, 94) translates: “you trample upon the laws of God when you give him the ̈ ‫( ܦܬܘܪܐ‬f. 61v37) not ‫ܦܬܘܪܐ‬ Eucharist and seat him at the table of life.” The Syriac has ‫ܕܐܚܐ‬ ̈‫“ ܕܚܝܐ‬table of the brethren” not “table of life”. Tannous translates from the Arabic ‫ﻣﺎﺋﺪة اﻟﺤﯿﺎة‬, a rare error committed by the translator, Bishara. 34

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‫̈‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܰܓ ܰ‬ ‫‪ 98.1‬܀ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܝܠܦ‬ ‫ܪܡ ܳܩ ܳܝܐ ܚܕ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܙܡܘܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܣܘܥܪܢܗ‬ ‫ܓ� ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪� :‬‬ ‫ܬܠܒܟܘܢ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܗܢܐ ܠܘܬܟܘܢ܅ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܗܘ܁ ܡܛܠ ܕܗܟܢܐ ܪܚ̇ ܡ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܟܣܐ ܕܘܒ�ܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܩܫܝ‬ ‫ܨܒܘ ܕ ̇ܢܦܩܘܢܝܗܝ܇ ܡܛܠ ܕܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܐ ܢܓܪܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܼ‬ ‫‪ (24) 98.2‬ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܕܝܢ̣ � ̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܩܛ ̣ܝܪܐ܇ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ‪ :‬ܗܢܐ ܓܒܪ ̣ܐ ܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܗܘ‪ .‬ܘܐܢܬ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܫ ܐܢܬ ܢܡܘܣܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܘܬܒ ܐܢܬ ܠܗ ܥܠ ܦܬܘܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܗܡܝ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܕܐܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐܠܗܐ܁ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܐܢܬ ܠܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܗܕܐ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̇ܟ� ܗܘܐ ܢܦܫܗ ܕ� ܢ ̣ܥܘܠ� ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܒܝܬ ܬܫܡܫܬܐ ܟܕ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫‪ 98.3‬ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܕܟܕ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܒܝܬ ܬܫܡܫܬܐ܇ ̇ܥܐܠ ܗܘܐ܁ ܡܚܕܐ ̇ܢܦܩ‬ ‫̇ܟܦܘܪܐ ܬܡܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܢܐܡܪ ܠܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ ܡܛܠܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܘܒ � ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܕܢܐܙܠ�ܨܝܕ‬ ‫‪ 99.1‬܀ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܬܡܢ܁ ܐܚܘܢܐ ܚܕ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܫܐܕܐ ܩܫܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܒܟܘܗܝ ܗܠܝܢ ܫܐܕܐ ܬܡܢ̣ ܘ�‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܒܗ ̣‬ ‫ܕ}ܫܡܗ{ ܛ݀ܡܢܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܐܙܠ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̇ܬܝܘܗܝ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܐ ̇ܢܐ ̇ܡܝܬܐ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 99.2‬ܘܐܬܬܣ ̣ܝܡ ܕܝܢ ̇ܗܘ ܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ ܢܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܣܓܝܐܐ ܓܝܪ ̇‬ ‫ܝܬܘܢܝܗܝ ܘ�‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܢ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܘܡܢ ܥܠܡܝܐ ܕ ̇ܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܟܬܫ ‪ 37‬ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ ܿ ܼܚܝܠܗ܇ ܡܛܠ ܕܠܟ�ܢܫ ܡܪܓܡ ܗܘܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܚܛܗܐ ܕܟ�ܢܫ ̇ܓ� ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܠܗܝܢ ܥܠܬܐ ܕܚ̇ ܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܣܒܪ ܠܗ ܒܡܫ̇‬ ‫ܩ�ܘܬܗ ܕܡܚܕܐ ̇ܡܝܬܐ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 99.3‬ܟܕ ܕܝܢ ̣ܐܙܠ ̇ܗܘ ܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡܝܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܩܫܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪:‬‬ ‫ܡܛ ̣ܝܗܝ܁ ̣ܥܠ ܒܗ ܫܐܕܐ ̣‬

‫‪See Part 2, ED 5, p. 52f above‬‬

‫‪37‬‬

160

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

99.4 “Because neither this body in which I am now dwelling, nor the members of the monastic community 38 listened to Theodotus, I have entered this body in order to expose him. Be aware, therefore, all of you, that he is a Nestorian. I was pleased to see him sharing the life of the monks. Because of him they would have been lost to Jesus. Now I am forced by God’s slave to expose him.” 99.5 Then he began to bite everyone and throw stones at them. The whole village came together to tackle him. Many men tried to ensnare him with ropes, but they could not. For three days he tormented the people. 99.6 That devil wailed in a loud voice: “Do you think you are going to tie me up? Unless Theodotus himself gives the command and binds me or sets me free, I will not leave this village!” 39 99.7 After this they approached Theodotus with the following request: “Have mercy on us and send someone to expel from our village that devil that assaults and wounds everyone!” 100.1 When he heard this, Theodotus was greatly perturbed. This is what he said to those who came to him: “People, do you think that I, a sinner, can do this? Do you not know that such miracles belong to God alone?” But the envoys went on begging him to do something until, at length, he consented. 101.1 Theodotus summoned Mor Joseph and sent him in pursuit of that man. {Now the village of Ṭamnin was seven miles away from the monastery.} Theodotus gave him a holy cross, saying, “See to it, my son, that you both come to us tonight!” Then he prayed for him and he left his presence. 102.1 When he got to the village, he saw everyone assembled at the martyrium (beth sohde) where that unfortunate man was being punished. 40 Just then, the man came out, foaming at the mouth like a camel. 41 102.2 At this, Theodotus’ disciple lifted up the cross he was carrying and showed it to him, saying, “Our Father sends you this message: Come quickly to the monastery!”

Literally: “the brethren”, which here covers both the monks and the lay-brethren mentioned in §197.1. 39 Cf. Matthew 16:19. 40 This martyrium is to be identified with “the chapel (haykelo) of the Mother of God which stands in the village of Ṭamnin” (§§87.1, 111.1). In the village of Qalesh just north of Amida there was a martyrium (beth sohde) dedicated to the Mother of God, to which Theodotus refers, in words echoing §87.1, as “the chapel of the Mother of God outside the city” (§142.1). 41 Cf. JE, 222f. 38

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‫‪ 99.4‬ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܗܢܐ ܦܓܪܐ ܕܒܗ ̣ܫܪܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܇ ܘ� ̣ܗܢܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚ ̣ܐ ܼܿܫܡܥܘܗܝ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁‬ ‫̇ܥܠܬ ]ܒܗܢܐ[ ܦܓܪܐ ̇‬ ‫ܟܠܟܘܢ܇ ܕܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗ]ܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܫܐ ]ܕ ̣ܥܘ[‬ ‫ܕܐܦܪܣܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܚ̇ ܕܐ[ ܗܘܝܬ ܒܗ ܕܡܫܬܘܬܦ ]ܥܡ[ ܛܘܒܢ̈ܐ܁‬ ‫ܝܫܘܥ‬ ‫ܘܒܥܠܬܗ ̇ܐܒܕ]ـܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢ[‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܕܒ ̣ܝܪ ܐܢܐ ܒܩܛ ̣ܝ]ـܪܐ܁ ܡܢ ܥܒܕܐ[ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܦܪܣܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܟܢܫܬ[ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܠܟ�ܢܫ ̇‬ ‫‪ 99.5‬ܘ]ܡ ̇ܢܟܬ ܗܘܐ[‬ ‫ܘܡܪܓܡ ܒܟ]ـܐܦܐ‪ .‬ܘܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܫܬܢܕ ܗܘܐ ܒܒܢ]ـܝܢܫܐ܇ ܬܠܬܐ[‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ‪[.‬‬ ‫ـ]ـ� ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܣ]ܓܝܐܐ ܒ ̣ܥܘ[ ܕ ̇ܢܪܡܘܢ ܒܗ ܼܚܒ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̇ :‬ܣܒܪܝܢ ܐ]ܢܬܘܢ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܣܪܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ[ ܠܝ܈ ܐܢ‬ ‫‪99.6‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܪܡܐ[ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܝܠܠ ܫܐ]ܕܐ ̇ܗܘ ܒܩ� ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܝ ܡܢ ܗܕܐ ]ܩܪܝܬܐ � ̇ܢܦܩ ܐܢܐ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ[ ܒ ̣ܥܘ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ]� ܦܩܕ܁ ܘܐܣܪ ܠܝ ܐܘ[ ܫ̇ ܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܪܝ ̇ܢܦܩ ܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܘ[ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܕ]ܩܕܝܫܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅[‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝـ]ـܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫]ܕܡܚܐ ܘܡܚ̇ ܒܠ�ܠܟ�ܢܫ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ܒܫܚ̇ ܩܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ (25) 100.1‬ܟܕ ܕܝܢ ܗܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܚܛܝܐ ̇ܣܥܪ ܐܢܐ ܗܕܐ܈ � ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܠܘܬܗ‪̃ :‬ܐܘ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ܅ ̇ܣܒܪܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܕܐ ̇ܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܗܠܝܢ ܬܕܡ�ܬ ̣ܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܐܢܝ̈ܢ܈ ̇‬ ‫ܥܒܕ‬ ‫ܘܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܫܬܕܪܘ܁ ܒ ̣ܥܘ ܡܢܗ ̈ܒܣܓܝܐܬ ̣ܐ ܘܠܚܪܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܨܒܝܢܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ ܘܫܕܪܗ ܒܬܪܗ‪} .‬ܘܩܪܝܬܐ ܛܡܢܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 101.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܚܙܝ‬ ‫ܪܚܝܩܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܫܒܥܐ ܡܝ�‪ 42 {.‬ܘ ̣ܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܨܠܝܒܐ‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܪܝ ܒܗܢܐ ܠܝܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܘܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܘ ܠܘܬܢ܅ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 102.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܐ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܇ ̣ܚܙܐ ܕܟ ̣ܢܝܫܝܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܠܒܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܣܗܕܐ ܕܒܗ ܡܬ ̇ܢܓܕ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܟܕ ̇ܡܣܩ ܪܘܥܬܐ ܐܝܟ ܓܡ�‪.‬‬ ‫̇ܗܘ ܚܠܫܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܘܝܗ ܠܗ‬ ‫‪ 102.2‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܫܩܠ�ܨܠܝܒܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕܛ ̣ܥܝܢ ܗܘܐ܁ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܫ̇ ܠܚ ܠܟ ܐܒܘܢ‪ :‬ܕܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܩܠܝ�ܝܬ ܠܕܝܪܐ܅‬ ‫̣‬

‫‪See Part 2, ED 1A, p. 46 above‬‬

‫‪42‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

102.3 The devil wailed: “Woe to me because of you! Will you not leave me alone?” The next moment the man fell to the ground, his hands behind his back, as though tied, and said to Joseph, “Look, I am loaded with chains! I am delivered into your hands!” At this he left (the village) with a bound and never stopped running until he reached the monastery. But (when he got there) he fell to the ground and refused to go in. 102.4 So his disciple went in, saying, “My lord, he has come as you commanded, but now he refuses to come in.” “Raise him to his feet,” answered he, “and do this to him!” 102.5 When he got back to him, he sprang up with a yell so loud that all the monks were shaken by the sound and awoken from their sleep. “He’s a Nestorian,” the demon was shouting, “this man whose body I have entered.” 103.1 When the monks heard his shouts, they were very much afraid. The Head of the Monastery and all the monks said, “My lord, have mercy on the poor man and forgive us for not listening to you! Now the devil has put us to shame.” 103.2 Then Theodotus abused that devil roundly and it came out; as for that fellow, he left that place for good. 43 D. How Theodotus perceived that a lay-brother had been abused by a deacon in the vineyard

104.1 In that same monastery there was a deacon who had been appointed keeper of the vineyard. They gave him one of the (lay-) brethren as a helper. 105.1 Now Theodotus had a revelation from the Holy Spirit that this deacon was committing a sin against that brother. He summoned his disciple: “My son, a great sin has been committed in this monastery today; but do not let the community know!” 105.2 They thought it best to tell the Head of the Monastery, so they summoned him and told him; 44 and he had him brought to him and summarily expelled him from the monastery. The “little brother” who ran away from the monastery and published the sins of the monks has been quite forgotten. Joseph uncharitably undermines his testimony by saying he was possessed. (If the boy accused the monks of sins against his own person, Joseph suppresses this.) The story serves merely to demonstrate that the Head of the Monastery had been wrong to ignore Theodotus’ advice against harboring a displaced person from the former Persian Empire on the strength of his skill as a carpenter. The “crime” of harboring a foreigner put the monks’ real vices in the shade! 44 By summoning him to their cell, instead of paying him a respectful visit in his, Theodotus and Joseph show that they set themselves above the Head of the Monastery, who has been 43

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‫ܘܢܦܠ� ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̇ :‬ܘܝ ܠܝ ܡܢܟ܅ � ܬܫ̇ ̣ܒܩܢܝ܈ ̣‬ ‫‪ 102.3‬ܘܐܝܠܠ ̇ܗܘ ܫܐܕܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪܡܝܢ ܒܝ ܣܘܛܡܐ܅‬ ‫ܐܬܦܟ�ܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܝܘܣܦ‪ :‬ܗܐ܁ ܸ‬ ‫ܐܝܕܘܗܝ ܠܒܣܬܪܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܡܚܕ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ�‬ ‫ܢܦܩ܁ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܡܫܠܡ ܐܢܐ ܒܐܝܕܝܟ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܫ� ܡܢ ̣ܪܗܛܐ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ̣ܕܡܛܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܫܘܪ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ܁ ܘ� ܨ̇ܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܢ ̣ܥܘܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕܬ܁‬ ‫ܘܗ]ܫـ[ـܐ � ܨ̇ܒܐ‬ ‫‪ 102.4‬ܘ ̣ܥܠ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܗ ܗܟܢܐ܅‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܩܝܡـ]ـܝܗܝ܁[ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢ ̣ܥܘܠ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 102.5‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛ ̣ܝܗܝ܇ ̣ܫـ]ـܘܪ[ ̣ܩܡ ܘܐ ̣ܝܠܠ ܩܫܝܐܝܬ܁ ܘܡܢ ܩܠܗ ܐܬܬܙܝ ̣ܥܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܡܘ ܡـ]ܢ[ ܫܢܬܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܘ ̇ܩܥܐ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ‬ ‫]ܛـ[ـܘܒ ̣ܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ܕܒܗ ܿ ܼܥܠܝܠ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܅‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘ ̈‬ ‫]ܕ[ܚ�ܘ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪ .‬ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ ܕܝܢ܁‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ̈ܩ� ܗܠܝܢ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 103.1‬܀ ܟܕ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ̣ܐܡܪܘ‪:‬‬ ‫]ܘ[ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܫܒܘܩ܅ ܕ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ]ܥـ[ـܠ ܫܦ�ܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܠܢ̣‬ ‫]ܫـ[ـ ̣ܡܥܢܟ‪ .‬ܗܐ܅ ̣ܐܒܗܬ ܠܢ ܫܐܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܿܫܢܝ ]ܓܒـ[ـܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 103.2‬ܘܓ ̣ܥܪ ]ܛـ[ـܘܒܢܐ ܒܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܘ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪ 104.1‬܀ ̇‬ ‫ܟܪܡܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܕܝܢ ]ܒـ[ـܕܝܪܐ ̇ܗܝ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܿ ܼܫܡܫܐ ܚܕ܁ ]ܘܣـ[ـܡܘܗܝ ̇ܢܛܪ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܠܗ ]ܐܚܐ[ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܢ ̇ܥܕܪܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܚܙܝـ[ـܗܝ ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪ ܚܛܗܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܼܿܫܡܫܐ܁ ]ܒܚـ[ـܙܘܐ ܕܪܘܚܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 105.1‬܀ ] ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ )‪ (26‬ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܚܛܗܐ ܪܒܐ܁ ܐܣܬ ̣ܥܪ ܝܘܡܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫]ܒܐܚـ[ـܐ ̇ܗܘ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܗܕܐ ܕܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� � ̇ܢܪܓܫܘܢ ܒܢܝ ܕܝܪܐ܈‬ ‫ܘܩܪܘ ܐܘܕ ̣ܥܘܗܝ‪ 45 .‬ܗ ̣ܘ ܕܝܢ̣ ܼܿܫܕܪ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܚܘܫܒܐ ܕ ̇ܢܘܕܥܘܢ ܠܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 105.2‬‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ܁‬ ‫ܘܦܣܩܗ ܕܢܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫‪diminished in their estimation by his hospitality to a foreigner raised in another faith‬‬‫‪community. There is irony in this, for they, too, are foreigners, if only because they have‬‬ ‫‪chosen a voluntary exile from their home diocese, making a virtue of being “strangers to the‬‬ ‫‪world”.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܘ ܠܗ ܘܐܘܕܥܘܗܝ ‪SOP 362‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

105.3 But it was not God’s will that the sin should remain a secret, so the very same day, that lay-brother came out and made it public knowledge what that deacon had done to him by wailing out loud in the heart of the monastery. 46

106.1

E. How Theodotus detected a murderer by his smell

{VISIONS OF THE HOLY THEODOTUS}

106.2 There was a man from Sophanene 47 who was a blacksmith. He made himself very useful to the monastery by extracting iron from the mountain. 48 But whenever he came into the oratory, Theodotus left it in order to avoid him. 106.3 “My lord,” said his disciple, “why do you do that?” “My son,” he replied, “I cannot endure the putrid odor of that blacksmith. He has committed two murders and that is why he lives in this district as a fugitive.” 106.4 When the Head of the Monastery was informed of this, he brought the blacksmith to Theodotus by the scruff of his neck. There he confessed in front of everybody how he had murdered the two men without any provocation. Those who heard this were astonished. But he offered true repentance to God. 107.1 Again, there was a (lay-) brother in the monastery who was persecuted by a devil which made him kick on the ground with his feet. When Theodotus saw him possessed by that devil for three hours, with the monks gathered around, thinking he was about to be suffocated, he came and made the sign of the Cross three times over his throat. Immediately, the devil left him and he got to his feet in good health. Thus he drove out many sicknesses by his prayers.

Child-abuse, one concludes, was not unknown in this monastery (cf. §99.1f). Extrapolating from his indifference to the plight of the victims in these two stories, this vice was probably not uncommon in Joseph’s experience. What interests him here is that it occasions a display of “super-powers” on the part of Theodotus: now that is important! 47 Beth Ṣophanoye in Syriac, a district with Mayperqaṭ for capital; it lay to the east of Amida. 48 Cf. Moltke 1841, 289: “A century’s supply (of iron ore) lies strewn about in the full light of day.” Sandwith 1856, 36: “At Sivan Maden, between Kharpoot (Harput) and Diarbekir (Diyarbakır), are iron mines producing a highly carbonized iron, superior perhaps to any in the world.” These two reports both refer to a surface mine near the source of the western Tigris. The monastery where Theodotus stayed may have lain on an extension of this vein of ironore on the right bank of the Euphrates, divided from Sivan Maden by the Euphrates Gorge and the watershed. 46

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‫ܢܦܩ ܐܚܐ ̇ܗܘ܁‬ ‫ܨܒܐ �ܗܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܟܣܝܘܗܝ ܠܚܛܗܐ܇ ܒܗ ܒܝܘܡܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 105.3‬ܘܡܛܠ ܕ� ̣‬ ‫ܕܥܒܕ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܝܠܠ ܒܓܘ ܕܝܪ ̣ܐ ܘܦܪܣܝܗ ܒܨܒܘܬܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̈ } 106.1‬ܚܙܘܢܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ{‬ ‫ܩܝܢܝܐ ܘܝܘܬ�ܢܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ‬ ‫‪ 106.2‬ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ܇ ܡܢ ܒܝܬ ̈ܨܘܦܢܝܐ܁ ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܒܦܪܙ� ̇‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܐܡܬܝ ܕ ̇ܥܐܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܒܝܬ‬ ‫ܕܡܦܩ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘ ̇ܢܦܩ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܫܡܫܬܐ܁ ̇ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̇ 106.3‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ܡܢܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܢܬ ܗܟܢܐ܈ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ �‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܫܟܚ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܐܣܝܒܪ ܪ ̣ܝܚܐ ܣܪܝܐ ܕܩܝܢܝܐ ܗܢܐ܁ ܡܛܠ ܕܬܪܝܢ ̣ܩܛ� ܩܛ ̣ܝܠ� ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܥܠܗܝ ܿ ܼܥܪܝܩ �ܬܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܘܕܝ ܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܢܓܕܗ ܠܩܝܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܝܬܝܗ ܠܘܬܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 106.4‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫܡܥܘ‪ .‬ܘܬܝܒܘܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܫܪܝܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܗܪܘ ܐܝܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܟ�ܢܫ ܕܐܝܟܢܐ ̣ܩܛܠ ܐܢܘܢ ܕ� ܣܟ�ܘ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܿ ܼܩܪܒ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܒܥܛ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 107.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܐܚܐ ܚܕ܁ ܘܡܬܪܕܦ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܫܐܕ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܒ�ܓ�ܘܗܝ ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܕܠܒܝܟ ܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܘ ܠܢܦܫܗ ܐܝܟ ܬܠܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܟܢܫܝܢ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܣܒܪܘ ܓܝܪ ܕܡܚܕܐ ܚ̇ ܢܩ ܠܗ܇ }ܗܝܕܝܢ{ ̣ܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫̈ܫܥܝܢ̣ ܟܕ ܼ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܥܒܕ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ̈ܠܝܒܐ ܥܠ�ܓܓܪܬܗ܁‬ ‫ܚܠܝܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܒܩܗ ܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܟܘ�ܗܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܛܪܕ ܗܘܐ ܒܨܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬

166

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4 F. How Theodotus perceived that the “prophet” in Mor Barṣawmo’s Monastery was possessed

108.1 There was a man in the monastery of Mor Barṣawmo 49 who had a spirit of divination. He could recite the Old and the New Testaments, the homilies, the qurobhe and the Teachers. 50 But he was possessed by a devil and led men astray. He was a model of the ascetic life, performing all the vigils and prayers, teaching people repentance and revealing people’s thoughts and their guilty secrets. 108.2 The whole district began to stray after him, the priests, the monks and the whole people, thinking, “He has the Holy Spirit in him. A prophet has been given in our time.” 51 109.1 But Theodotus, discerning a deception of wicked devils, sent word to everyone: “Sons, do not be led astray by devils! Before long, the Lord will expose him in the presence of the victorious Mor Barṣawmo.” 109.2 Some people said, “This monk is envious of him.” But he knew their bias and kept his peace. 52 109.3 One day it was revealed in the sight of all in the presence of the holy Mor Barṣawmo that that man had a ‘legion’ in him. 53 He began to foam at the mouth and to undergo judicial torture in the presence of those saints, crying out in fear of Theodotus. Those devils underwent the harsh sentences imposed by Theodotus and within three days they were driven out of that man. The affair redounded to the glory of God. 54 G. How his prayers forced an undetected murderer to give himself up in the village of Singis

110.1 Again, a corpse was discovered outside the village of Singis. 55 Who the murderers were was a mystery, so certain well-known people from that district were taken to go be crucified.

On Kaplı Dağ (Syriac: Shenno?), between Malatya and Nemrut Dağı (Honigmann 1954). The Fathers of the Church, especially Ephrem and Jacob. 51 Cf. Luke 7:16; cf. §16.1, §173.6. 52 Cf. §173.3. Barṣawmo was likewise accused of envy (L. Barṣawmo, 149, line 9, §86). 53 Mark 5:9. 54 Or rather, of Joseph’s hero! Tannous (2018, 232f) takes it as a fact that this monk was “a demonic fraud”, but perhaps he was just perceived as a threat. 55 Cf. Michael, 15.1, 574. Near the monastery of Modhiq/Madhiq, which is first attested ca 987 (Barṣaum 1943, 632 = Barṣaum 2003, 565, Michael, Register, 761). Honigmann (1954, 59, 88) identifies Singis with Çüngüş, but Singis was in Claudias, which belonged to Samosata (§110.2, §113.2), whereas Çüngüş (BWO, F13, 5748) belongs to Diyarbakır. Çüngüş 49 50

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‫‪ 108.1‬܀ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܒܪܨܘܡܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ܇ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܪܘܚܐ ̣ܕܩܨܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܘ�ܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܠܒܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܠܫܐܕܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܛܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܦܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܬ ̇ܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܥܬܝܩܬܐ ܘܚ̇ ܕܬܐ܁ ܘܡܐܡ�ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܠܦ ܗܘܐ ܠܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܥܠ�ܬܝܒܘܬܐ܁‬ ‫�ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܩ ܸܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܘܒ�ܐ܁ ܫܗ�ܐ ܘܨܠܘܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܟܣܝܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܓ� ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪ 108.2‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܪܝܘ ܛ ̇ܥܝܢ ܒܬܪܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܟܠܗ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ]ܘܥܡܐ[ ܟܠܗ‪ .‬ܟܕ ̇ܣܒܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ܁ ‪ 56‬ܘ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܝܗܒ ܒܝ̈ܘܡܬܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܪܘܚܐ ܠܡ ܐܝܬ ܒـ]ـܗ‬ ‫ܩܕܝـ[ـܫܐ ܘܢܒܝܐ )‪̣ (27‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܠܚ ܠܟ�ܢܫ‪̃ :‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܛܘܥܝܝ ̈‬ ‫ܕܐܘ ̈ܒܢܝ܅‬ ‫‪ 109.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܫܐܕܐ ̣ ̈ܒܝܫܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫� ܬܛ ̣ܥܘܢ ܒܬܪ ̈ܫܐܕܐ܅ ܥܕ ܩܠܝܠ ̇‬ ‫ܡܦܪܣܐ ܠܗ ܡܪܝܐ ܩܕܡ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܡܪܝ ܒܪܨܘܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̈ 109.2‬‬ ‫ܡܚܣܡ ܚ̇ ܣܡ ܒܗ ܗܢܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܐܢܫܝܢ ܕܝܢ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ܁ ̣ܝܕܥ ܨܒܝܢܗܘܢ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܬܩ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܬܓܠܝܬ ܒܗ ܠܓܝܘܢ ܠ ̣ܥܝܢ ܟ�ܢܫ ܩܕܡ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫‪ 109.3‬ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ �̈ܘܡܝܢ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܡܪܥܬ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܬܬܕܝܢ ܩܕܡ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ܁‬ ‫ܒܪܨܘܡܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܝܠܠ ܡܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܛܪܕܘ ܡܢܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܕ ̣ܝܢ̈ܐ ܩܫܝܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܣܒ�ܘ ܗܠܝܢ ܫܐܕܐ ܡܢܗ܁ ܘܒܓܘ ܬܠܬܐ ܝܘܡܝܢ̣‬ ‫ܣܘܥܪܢܐ ܠܬܫܒܘܚܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܢܓܝܣ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ܐܬܝܕ ̣ܥܘ ̇ܩ ̈‬ ‫ܐܫܬܟܚ ̣ܩܛ� ܥܠ ܻܣ ܺ‬ ‫ܛܘܠܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 110.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ܕܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܠܒܟܘ ܐܢܫܐ ܝܕ�̈ ̣ܥܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ ܢܙܕܩܦܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫‪may have been named after “the stream which flows towards Singis”, if this village may be‬‬ ‫‪identified with Senke (BWO, F13, 5045), a village on the W side, 3 km from the confluence‬‬ ‫‪of the Çüngüş Çayı with the Euphrates.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ܘܟܗܢܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

168

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 4

110.2 But John (Syriac: Yuḥannon), the district governor (ἐπίτροπος) of Claudias, urged those sent by the provincial governor (ἄρχων): “Wait a few days for me! I am going to investigate the murder.” The first thing the district governor did was to go see the holy Theodotus and ask him for his opinion concerning the murder. 111.1 “Look,” said Theodotus, “I am coming to your village, to the chapel (haykelo) of the Mother of God (Yoldath Aloho). Now I want you to get all the people of that village to assemble (there) and we shall hold a vigil for the Mother of God. She will reveal to us who committed this murder.” 112.1 So they held a vigil, as instructed by the Blessed One, both the men and the women; and the holy Theodotus received a revelation concerning the murderer. 112.2 He shared what had been revealed to him with John of Claudias, ruler of the district: 57 “As God stands between us, tell no one it was I that revealed this to you! 58 The murder was committed by your intended son-in-law. Yes, the man who is engaged to be married to your daughter! He did it for the gold that the victim, who needed it to buy some cattle, had on his person. No one else knows of this. 112.3 “Have him brought in front of this altar here while everyone is assembled. He will confess to everything. Let nothing be done to him here, but let him be kept for the authorities! For mark my words, he has killed two other poor fellows!” Having said this, he left that place. 113.1 As for John, he had that man arrested. But before he even reached the chapel (haykelo), he began to cry out, “My lord, don’t let me die! Yes, I killed him; no one (else) knew about it. Many times, I tried to get away, but (each time) the holy Theodotus caught me, tied me up, and made me come on towards this place. I know for sure it was he that denounced me (to you).” 113.2 Then they handed him over and he was taken down to Samosata, where he was crucified, having confessed to those other murders, too. This became known throughout the province of Samosata.

The Syriac expression moreh d-athro translates the official Greek title of epitropos given to John at §110.2. 58 Cf. Matthew 8.4; Mark 5:43a, 7:36, 9.9. 57

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‫‪ 110.2‬ܝܘܚܢܢ ܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܛܪܘܦܐ ܕܩ�ܘܕܝܐ܁ ܐܦ ̣ܝܣ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܡܢ ܐܪܟܘܢ ܡܫ̇ ܕܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ‪ :‬ܒܒܥܘ ܡܢܟܘܢ܅ ܼܟܬܪܘ ܠܝ ܩܠܝܠ ̈ܝܘܡܬܐ܇ ܕܡ ̇ܥܩܒ ܐܢܐ ܫܪܒܗ ܕܩܛ ̣ܝ�‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܨܒܘܬܐ ̣ܕܩܛ�‪.‬‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܙܠ�ܠܘܬ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܛܪܘܦܐ܁ ̣ܩܡ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܘܒ ̣ܥܐ ܡܢܗ ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫‪̇ 111.1‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪ :‬ܗܐ܁ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܟ ܐܬܐ ̣ܐܢܐ ܠܗܝܟ� ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܿ ܼܟܢܫ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܛ� ̇ܡܢ‬ ‫̈ܒܢܝ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܢ ̣ܥܒܕ ܫܗܪܐ ܠܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ̇ܓܠܝܐ ܠܢ ܥܠ ̣ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܗܪܘ ܓܒ�ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܢܫ ̣ܐ ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫‪ 112.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̇ܩܛܘ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪� :‬ܗܐ ܢܗܘܐ ܒܝܬ ܠܝ ܘܠܟ܅‬ ‫ܓ� ̣‬ ‫‪ 112.2‬ܘܠܝܘܚܢܢ ܩ�ܘܕܝܝܐ ܡܪܗ ܕܐܬܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܪܬܟ ܩܛ ̣ܝܠ ̇ܗܘ ̣ܩܛ�܇‬ ‫ܠܟ ܕܠܚܬܢܟ܁ ̇ܗܘ ̣ܕܡܟܪ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܓ� �ܢܫ ܕܐ ̇ܢܐ ̇ܐܡܪܬ ̣‬ ‫ܕ� ̣‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ܢܙܒܢ ܡܢܗ ܬܘ�ܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܢܫ ܐܚܪܝܢ � ܪܓ ̣ܝܫ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܕܗܒܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܕܒ ̣ܥܐ ܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܟ ܟܠܡܕܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܥܠܝܗܝ ܠܩܕܡ ܗܢܐ ܡܕܒܚܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 112.3‬ܐ ̣� ܟܕ ܟ ̣ܢܝܫ ܟ�ܢܫ܇ ̣‬ ‫܅‬ ‫ܢܬܢܛܪ ܠܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܗܐ ܓܝܪ ܬܪܝܢ ܓܒ�ܝܢ ܐܚ�ܢܐ‬ ‫ܢܓܕܫ ܠܗ܁ ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܪܟܐ܁ ܡܕܡ � ̣‬ ‫̈ܡܣܟܢܐ ܩܛ ̣ܝܠ�ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ܇ ܼܿܫܢܝ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ ܠܓܒܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܗܐ ̣ܢܡܛܐ ܠܗܝܟ�܇ ܿ ܼܫܪܝ ̇ܩܥܐ ܟܕ‬ ‫‪ 113.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܝܘܚܢܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪܓܝܫ ܒܗ‪ .‬ܘܙܒܢܬܐ‬ ‫̇ܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ � ̇ܐܡܘܬ‪ .‬ܐ ̇ܢܐ ̇ܩܛܠܬܗ܁ )‪ (28‬ܘܐܢܫ ܐܚܪܝܢ � ̣‬ ‫ܠܝ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܠܒܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܝ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܝܬܐ‬ ‫̈ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܒ ̇ܥܝܬ ܐ ̇ܥܪܘܩ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܣܪ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܓ� ܥܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܝ ܠܗܪܟܐ‪ .‬ܘܐ ̇ܢܐ ܝ̇ܕܥ ܐܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܙܩܦܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܫܬܘܕܝ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܚܬ‬ ‫‪113.2‬‬ ‫ܠܫܡܝܫܛ ܘܬܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܫܠܡܘܗܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܟܠܗ ܐܪܥܐ ܕܫܡܝܫܛ‪.‬‬ ‫̣ ̈ܩܛ� ܐܚ�ܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܝܕ ̣ܥܬ ܗܕܐ‬

‫ܘܒܥܐ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪59‬‬

170

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

CHAPTER FIVE. FROM THE TAURUS FRONTIER TO THE DIOCESE OF DARA A. How Theodotus, after crossing the Euphrates, healed a dying boy in the village of Abdher

114.1 Again, Theodotus received a revelation from the Holy Spirit that raiders were coming who would lay waste the district of Claudias. He told his disciple this secret: “Joseph, my son, let us leave before the Wrath which is to visit this district catches up with us!” 1 114.2 They crossed the Euphrates and set out for a region where they were unknown. 2

A major Byzantine raid on the Arab province of Samosata occurred in 699/700 (Part 1, Table 1, p. 10 above). Joseph put this vaticinatio post eventum into his hero’s mouth. Simeon, writing the Life down at Samosata, where the memory of the “Wrath” (i.e. divine punishment) was still fresh, was meant to think Theodotus had foreknowledge of this event long before the Byzantines planned it: a sure proof of his prophetic inspiration! 2 This was not Anzitene, where both Theodotus and Joseph were well known (§116), nor was it the region to the N of Belabitene and Paline, for there, too, Theodotus was known, by reputation at least, for it was plausible that the people there were tricked by someone using his name (§118f). Their actual destination, by a circuitous route, was apparently Ṭur ʿAbdin. The reason for skirting the diocese of Amida on the North and East was perhaps to avoid being “securely held” (§80.4) by the men of Amida, who wanted to make him their bishop. As it turned out, this was not remote enough, for Theodotus’ reputation had reached the ears of the governor of that region (§126.7). He then thought of going to Egypt (§126.9). 1

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܚܡܫܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܕܐܙܠܘ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܘܝܘܣܦ‬ ‫ܠܒܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܬܚܘܡܐ ܘ�ܬܪܐ ܕܕܪܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܒܪܘܚܐ ܕܩܘܕܫܐ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ .‬ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܫ̇ ̈ܒܝܐ ܘܚ̇ ܪܒܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 114.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ܕܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܪܐܙܐ ܗܢܐ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ܅ ܢܐܙܠ�ܠܢ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܗܢܐ܇‬ ‫�ܬܪܐ ܕܩ�ܘܕܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܥܕ� ̇ܡܕܪܟ ܠܢ ܪܘܓܙܐ ܕܥܬܝܕ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܥܠ ܐܬܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ �ܬܪܐ ܕ� ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 114.2‬ܘ ̣ܥܒܪܘܢ ܦܪܬ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܡܘܢ ܐܦܝ ̣‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

114.3 Straight after crossing over 3 the village of Abdher on the bank of the Euphrates, 4 they found a boy with a disease of the stomach, who had a great deal of pus in him and was inflated like an animal skin. 5 For three days he had been deprived of the power of speech. They had already dug his grave. 6 114.4 When the monks entered the village, the people of that village gathered around them. They greeted Theodotus, then made a request of him: “My lord, stay with us! For if this poor boy dies, there is no ordained person 7 to conduct his funeral.” Theodotus accepted their petition. 114.5 So he and his disciple went to visit him. When Theodotus saw what agony the boy was in and how many people were weeping on his account, he made the sign of the Cross three times over his mouth and three more times over his stomach. 114.6 Straight away, his anus (lit. the mouth of his stomach) was opened and such filth came out of it that people were unable to stay in that house.

Downstream of the rapids formerly called Yılan-deǧermeni “The Snake-Mill” (Moltke 1841, 292), the Euphrates Gorge was once dammed for 3 days by a landslide (Michael, 17.14, 654). The monastic community of John the Urtian – the Urtians were a local tribe with their own probably Hurro-Urartian language (JE, 554; Karlheinz Kessler, personal communication September 5, 2021) – also crossed here, though in the opposite direction, from Anzitene into Claudias (JE, 570). There was nothing miraculous (ch. 3 n. 31 above) about two monks crossing a river astride one goatskin, so Joseph passes over this memory in silence. 4 Village with a fort (Michael, 17.14, 654), situated above a ravine opposite the village of Tarshenno (= traʿ šenno “Rock-Gate”?) in the district of Ṣemḥo, Anzitene (Michael, 17.11, 649; BWO, E13, 4166). John and his community spent some of their exile from Amida at the Monastery of the Nut, on a steep mountain above Abdher (JE, 570; cf. Moltke 1841, 293). The boundaries of Abdher enclosed many outlying farmsteads and hamlets removed by miles from one another, exploiting in all security the high pastures of that rugged region (JE, 232f). 5 Cf. Aḥiqar, line 16 of the Syriac [‫ܥܒ‬/lxxii]: “Nadan swelled up like an inflated animal-skin and died.” Zeqo = animal-skin (see Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above); Sokoloff, 393, refers to Alexander History, 205:7–9, where it is used of the skins of oxen, inflated for a raft. (Audo, Persecutions, 119 [Sauma 337], uses the word ‫ ܛܘܦܐ‬for kellek. See Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above.) The passage of Aḥiqar may have come to mind because an inflated animal skin had been used by the monks in crossing the Euphrates at Abdher; Joseph has suppressed the fact, but his memory of it unconsciously influences the sequel. 6 Cf. John 11:1–47. 7 The lexica say kohno means “priest,” but deacons are also included among the kohne. See Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. Theodotus was a deacon and so could conduct a funeral; but if a priest was present, he would conduct it. Joseph’s presence is perhaps implied by the villagers, but his purpose is to give publicity to his master, not to promote himself. 3

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‫̣ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ‬ ‫ܕܥܒܪܘ ‪⟩ 8‬ܕܝܢ ܠܢܗܪܐ܇‬ ‫ܓܒ ܦܪܬ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 114.3‬ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܥ�ܘ⟨ �ܒܕܗܪ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܥܠ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܝ� ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܛܠܝܐ ܕܟܪܝܗ ܡܢ ܓܘܗ܁ ܘܐܝܬ ܒܗ ܡܘܓ� ܣܓܝܐ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܝܚ ܐܝܟ ̣ܙܩܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܠܬܗ ̈‬ ‫ܩܒܪܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܚܦܝܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ܬܠܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܥ�ܘ ̈‬ ‫ܐܬܟܢܫܘ ̈‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܐܢܫ ̇‬ ‫ܘܫܐܠܘ ܒܫܠܡܗ‬ ‫ܝܗ ܕܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ̇ܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 114.4‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܼܟܬܪ ܠܘܬܢ܅ ܕܐܢ ̇ܡܐܬ ܛܠܝܐ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒܘ ܠܗ ܒ ̇ܥܬ ̣ܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܣܟܢܐ܇ ܠܝܬ ܟܗܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ ܦܝ̇ܣܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܡ�ܘܐ ܠܗ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܢܣܥܪܘܢܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ܠܛܠܝܐ ̇ܗܘ܇ ܕܒܐܝ̇ܕܐ ܐܢܐܢܩܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 114.5‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܘܡܗ ܘܬܠܬܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܣ ̣ܝܡ܇ ܘ�ܢܫܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ̇ܕܒܟܝܢ ܠܗ܇ ܚܬܡܗ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ�ܝܒܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܟܪܣܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܬ }ܡܢ ܦܘܡܗ{ ⟩ܡܢܗ⟨ ܣܪܝܘܬ ̣ܐ ܕ�‬ ‫‪ 114.6‬ܘܡܚܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܬܪܥ ܦܘܡ ܐܣܛܘܡܟܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܕܢܟܬܪܘܢ ܒܒܝܬܐ ̇ܗܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܟܕ‬

‫ܥܒܪܘ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪8‬‬

174

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

114.7 Theodotus told them to give him bread and wine for the boy to eat . 9 They brought it and he ate and drank and began to speak. 10 He took him by the hand and raised him up. 11 All those who saw it were overjoyed and praised God. B. How Theodotus made the Romans at Lake Hore promise not to persecute refugees of his confession

115.1 Theodotus left (that village) and headed for Beth Ḥesne (the region of the frontier-castles), by way of which he intended to reach Bilu and Pilin and the other regions in those parts. 12 115.2 To his disciple he said, “Joseph, my son, let us go and visit those Syrian Orthodox who are refugees from the dearth and the troubles of the Arabs 13 and pray for them and encourage them on account of the hope which our faith gives us! For I know that the Romans persecute them to make them change their faith.” 115.3 Now Theodotus was in the habit of writing letters to the poor people who dwelt in Beth Ḥesne and having these delivered by his disciple, telling them to hold on to the (Syrian) Orthodox Faith and not to let the leaders of the heretics cause them to stray from it by inducements or by threats. 14 115.4 In the same way he used to send word to the authorities in Beth Ḥesne, reproving them with harsh words and making threats and menaces to stop them oppressing the poor people who lived among them.

Cf. Mark 5:43b: “and commanded that something should be given her to eat.” Cf. Luke 7:15. 11 Cf. Mark 5:41; Luke 8:54; Acts 9:41. 12 By Beth Ḥesne “the region of the castles” is meant the district from which the people fled to the castles of Covkʿ and Hoṙe (ch. 5 n. 15 and §116.2 below). Bilu (Armenian: Balahovit, ‘the Valley of Balu’; Turk. Palu; BWO, E14, 1799) and Pilin (Armenian: the fortress of Pałin) are the Greek Balisbiga (also called Baioulous) in Belabitene and Palios in Paline (Talbert and Bagnall 2000, 899). “The other regions which lay in those parts” seems intentionally vague (cf. ch. 5 n. 19 below). 13 One of the four 7th-century events recorded in Chr. Ehnesh (inscribed in stone) is the “great famine” of AG 995 (683/4). This is confirmed by Theophanes, AM 6176 = 683/4. Theophanes records another famine in AM 6179 = 686/7, which forced many to migrate into Roman territory; this must be the one, affecting “all Syria”, which Michael dates seven years before that of 693/4 (Michael, 11.16, 447). Theodotus’ journey to Ṭur ʿAbdin took place after the introduction of the poll tax in 691/2 (cf. ch. 4 n. 12 above). This tallies with the migration following the second famine. 14 Cf. §74–75. 9

10

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‫ܘܚܡܪܐ ܕܢܐܟܘܠ ⟩ܘܢܫܬܐ‪ ⟨.‬ܘܐܝܬ ̣ܝܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܢܬܠܘܢ ܠܗ ܠܚܡܐ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫‪̣ 114.7‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܝ ܘ ܼܫܪܝ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܩܝܡܗ‪ .‬ܘܚܕ ̣ܝܘ ܟܠ‬ ‫ܘܠܒܟܗ ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‬ ‫ܡܡܠܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܫ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܟܠ ̣‬ ‫ܠܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣ܕܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬ ̣ܐ ܘܫ̇ ܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ�ܠܒܝܬ ̣ܚ ̈ܣܢܐ܁‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 115.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܥܒܪ ܥܠ ܒܝ�ܘ ܘܦܝܠܝܢ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܪܟܐ ܕܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ܕܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ܅ ܢܐܙܠ ܢܣ ̣ܥܘܪ ܠܗܠܝܢ ܣܘ�ܝܝܐ‬ ‫‪115.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ܁ ܕ ̇ܥܪܩܝܢ ܡܢ ܚܣܝܪܘܬܐ ܘܡܢ ܥܩܬܐ ܕ⟩ܒܝܬ⟨ ̈‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܛܝܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܢܨ̇�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘ ̇ܢܠܒܒ ܐܢܘܢ ܥܠ ܣܒܪܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ܅ ܡܛܠ ܕܝ̇ܕܥ )‪ (29‬ܐܢܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܕܪܕܦܝܢ ܠܗܘܢ �ܘܡܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܚ̇ �ܦܘܢ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܟܬܘܒ ܘܢܫ̇ ܕܪ ܠܒܝܬ ̈ܚܣܢܐ ܒܝܕ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܠܘܬ‬ ‫‪ 115.3‬ܥܝ̇ܕܐ ܓܝܪ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܘܒܚܐ܁ ܘܕ� ̇ܢܣܛܘܢ ܐܢܘܢ �ܝܫܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܚܕܘܢ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ܬܪ ̣ܝܨܬ ̣‬ ‫ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕ ̇ܥܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܬܡܢ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܘܓܫܐ ܐܘ ܒܝܕ ̣ܕܘ ̈ܚ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐ�ܛܝܩܘ ܒܝܕ ̈ܫ ̣‬ ‫‪ 115.4‬ܗܟܢ ܘܠܡܕܒ�ܢܐ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ܚ ̣ܣܢܐ ܫ̇ ܠܚ ܗܘܐ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܡܪܬܐ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܓܙܡ܇ ܟܕ ܡܕܚ̇ ܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܡ� ̈ܩܫܝܬܐ‪ :‬ܕ� ܢܬܟܬܫܘܢ ܥܡ ܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕ ̇ܥܡܪܝܢ ܥܡܗܘܢ‪.‬‬

176

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

115.5 So they both set off; and soon they reached Lake Hore, where they found all the Syrians assembled near the castles, because they had heard that the Arabs intended to invade that district. Their intention was to flee onto the islands in that lake and into the castles; and they were in great distress. 15 116.1 But when they saw him, they supposed they had seen an angel of the Lord and came out to meet him and make him welcome. Then the holy man blessed those poor people and spoke to them in profitable and gentle words of consolation and encouragement. 116.2 Within a single day, the news of his coming spread through the district of Beth Ḥesne. 16 All the leading men of that district flocked to see him; and he addressed consoling words to them, for they were very worried on account of Jaydar, who used to enter like a thief to kill them while leading (their women and children) into captivity. 17 116.3 “Promise me in God’s presence,” said Theodotus to them, “that you will neither imprison these poor people, nor put them under pressure to change their Faith, then all of us believers will hold a vigil together! You can take my word for it that the Lord will not allow that enemy to come here, thanks to the prayers of these poor people.” 116.4 The captains of the castles promised this, saying: “My lord, pray for us and we will do as you wish!” So Theodotus instructed the priests to make the oblation, then they held an all-night vigil with prayers and psalms. The captains of the castles brought him generous gifts, including as many as ten cartloads of fish, all of which he instructed his disciple to give to the poor.

Turk. Gölcük, Hazar Gölü. Hoṙe was the name, ca 636, of one of the two main castles of Anjit/Anzitene, the other being Covkʿ which therefore lay, not on the island in Lake Covkʿ (Armenian for ‘little sea’), but “on its southern shore” (Hewsen 1992, 59, 156n37; BWO, E13, 6270: Hazarbaba Dağı). Theodotus may have used the Armenian name rather than its Syriac name, yammetho dh-samnin (Honigmann 1954, 90), though this is only attested in the 13th century. 16 Here Beth Ḥesne “the region of the castles” appears to designate just the eastern part of Anzitene, the two castles of which, called in Greek Kolchis and Korra (Talbert and Bagnall 2000, 899), were evidently still in Byzantine hands. 17 On Jaydar (which could be a mistake for Jandar), see p. 9, n. 11 above. 15

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‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܟܢܫܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܫܟܚܘ‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ܠܝܡܬܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܕܗܘ� ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܙܠܘ ܬ�ܝܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܡܘ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 115.5‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܫܡܝܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܥܠ ܛܝܝܐ܇ ̇ܕܒܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܢ ̣ܥ�ܘܢ‬ ‫ܣܘ�ܝܝܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܠܘܬ ܚ ̣ܣܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫�ܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܒܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܢ ̣ܥܪܩܘܢ ܘܢ ̣ܥ�ܘܢ ܠܓܙ�ܬܐ ܕ ܼܝܡܬܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܝ ܘܠܚܣܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܐܘܠܨܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܫܝܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܣܒܪܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܕܡ�ܟܗ ܕܡܪܝܐ ̣ܚܙܘ܁‬ ‫�ܘܪܥܗ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 116.1‬܀ ܟܕ ܕܝܢ ̣ܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܒܒ ܐܢܘܢ܇ ܒܡ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܩܒ�ܘܗܝ‪ܼ ܿ .‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܐܢܘܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܗܠܝܢ ܡܣܟܢܐ܁ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܒܝܐܐ ܐܢܘܢ̣ ܼ‬ ‫ܡܘܬ�ܢܝܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܒܣܝܡܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ܿ 116.2‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ �ܝܫܢܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܗܠܟ ܫܡܗ ܒܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕܒܝܬ ̈ܚ ̣ܣܢܐ ܒܓܘ ܚܕ ܝܘܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܨ̇ܒܘ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܒܝܬ ̈ܚ ̣ܣܢܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܝܐܐ ܐܢܘܢ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ ܕܒܫܚ̇ ܩܐ ܩܫܝܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܠܠ�ܥ‬ ‫ܡܗܘܢ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܩܛܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܡܢ ܓܝܕܪ܇ ܕ ̇ܥܐܠ ܗܘܐ ܐܝܟ ܓܢܒܐ ܘܫ̇ ܒܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܒܘ ܠܝ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ܁ ܕ� ܚ̇ ܒܫܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫‪̣ 116.3‬‬ ‫ܟܢܝܫܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܣܟܢܐ ܘ� �ܨ̇ܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܕܢܚ̇ �ܦܘܢ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܗܘܢ܅ ܘ ̇ܥܒܕܝܢܢ ܫܗܪܐ‬ ‫̈ܡ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܚܢܢ ܟܠܢ ̈‬ ‫ܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܗܝܡܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܠܝ܅ ܕܬܘܒ � ܝ̇ܗܒ ܠܗ ܡܪܝܐ܁ ܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ ‪ 18‬ܕܗܠܝܢ ̈ܡ ̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܠܗܢܐ ܒܥܠܕܒܒܐ ܐܬܐ ܠܗܪܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪116.4‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܠܗ �ܝܫܢܐ ̣ܕܚܣܢܐ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܥܠ ܗܕܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܁ ܨ ̣̇� ̈ܥܠܝܢ̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܫܗܪܘ ܟܠܗ ܠܝܐ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕܘ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܝ̇ ܚܟ ̇ܥܒܕܝܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܡܙܡܘ�ܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬ ̣ܝܘ ܠܗ �ܝܫܢܐ ̣ܕܚܣܢܐ܁ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܪܘ�ܒܬ ̣ܐ ܘܐܦ ܢܘ ̣ܢܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܥܣܪܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܟܠܡܕܡ ܢܬܠ ̈‬ ‫�ܡܣܟܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܥܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬

‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 4, p. 52 above‬ܘܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪18‬‬

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C. How Theodotus, after crossing the Arsanias, brought a confidencetrickster to repentance

117.1 Then he left their company, blessing them and committing them to God, and from there he journeyed to Bilu and Pilin. 19 117.2 Now they had adopted the following discipline on a journey: that they would not come too close, one to the other, 20 and that they would sing psalms without ceasing. 21 117.3 But when they reached the river Arsanias, it was so full from side to side that it was rolling rocks along with it. 22 “How are we going to get across?” asked his disciple, “We don’t even know the whereabouts of a ford. Besides, the river is heavy and strong.” “Take hold of my hand and we shall cross over, while singing psalms!” They did so; and it seemed to them as if there were not enough water in it to come up to their knees. 23 117.4 News of him spread throughout that district and people came in crowds from every part, both heretics and Orthodox. They prayed for these as their own brethren and gave absolution to the majority of the heretics. 24

Bilu and Pilin are explained in ch. 5 n. 12 above. Joseph draws a veil over what he and Theodotus really did north of the river; for all he tells is either invented or imitated from L. Simeon (cf. Part 2, Table 6, p. 69 above, and ch. 5 n. 25 below) or (after crossing back over the Arsanias) from L. Daniel (the passage imitated is translated in Palmer 2016a, 275). Theodotus “loved to be in the frontier region” (§74.1). He says the (fictional) brigands they met after crossing back took them for spies (§121.2), so that cannot be what they were really doing, unless this is a “double bluff”. 20 Cf. Theodoret, 2, §6: “This man, sharing his walk to the desert, was following the Old Man at a distance, for the teacher would not let him come close, for fear that this would cause conversation between them and that this conversation would rob the mind of its reflection upon God” (tr. Price). Theodotus’ rule did not apply when crossing a river (ch. 5 n. 3 above and §117.3). 21 1 Thessalonians 5:16: “Pray without ceasing.” 22 Armenian: Aracani; Turk. Murat Nehri. A letter written on April 12, 1839 (Moltke 1841, 360–5) gives a vivid impression of this river when augmented by meltwater. 23 Contrast the many occasions on which Theodotus is said to have walked over the Tigris and the Euphrates as on dry land (§§65–67, 77.3, 84.1). Here Joseph crosses a river with him and only says that it seemed to be shallow. Nevertheless, the subtle allusion to Matthew 14:28–31 (Theodotus = Jesus, Joseph = Peter) enhances reality. 24 I.e. made Miaphysites of them. See §§119.8 and 120.4. 19

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‫ܘܒܪܟ ܐܢܘܢ̣ ܘܐܓ ̣ܥܠ ܐܢܘܢ �ܠܗܐ‪ (30) .‬ܘܪܕ ̣ܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܨܝܕ]ܝܗܘ[ܢ܁ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫‪ 117.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܠܒܝ�ܘ ܘܦ ̣ܝܠܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ�ܚܕܕܐ � ̇ܢܩܦܝܢ ܗܘܘ܁ ܘܡܢ ܡܙܡܘ� ̣ܐ � ܫ̇ ܠܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 117.2‬ܘܗܢܐ ܕܘܒܪܐ ܩ ܸܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܓܒܐ ܠܓܒܐ܇ }ܘ{ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫‪ 117.3‬ܘܟܕ ܼ ܿܡܛܝܘ ܠܢܗܪܐ ܐܪܣܢܝܘܣ܇ ܸ‬ ‫ܡ� ܗܘܐ ̇ܣܓܝ ܡܢ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܠܟܐܦܐ ̇ܓܪܦ ܗܘܐ‪̇ .‬ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ :‬ܐܝܟܢܐ ̇ܥܒܪܝܢܢ ܡܪܝ܈ ܕܐܦ� ܡܥܒܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܒܘܟ ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܐ ܕܝܠܝ܅ ܘܢ ̣ܥܒܪ ܟܕ ܡ ܼܿܙܡܪܝܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢܢ܁ ܘܢܗܪܐ ܩ ܸܫܐ ܘܥܙܝܙ‪̇ .‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܒܘ�ܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܫܬܟܚ ܒܥܝܢܝܗܘܢ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܡܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܟܢܐ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ܒܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܣܟܗ ܐ�ܛܝܩܘ ܘܐܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܟܢܫ ܥܡܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 117.4‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ܘܡܢ ܐ�ܛܝܩܘ ܣܘܓܐܐ ܼܚܣܝܘ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫ̇ ̣ܡܠܝܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܨܠܘܬܐ܁ ܐܝܟ ܕܥܠ ܐܚܝ ̣‬

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118.1 The people of that district told him about someone who claimed to be Theodotus, though in fact he was a swindler. He wore a hair shirt and a cross of iron and led people astray; and when he entered the houses of heretics, he would mingle with them; and he did the same with the Orthodox; and he had collected a great deal of gold. 25 118.2 When he heard about this swindler, the holy Mor Theodotus ordered them to bring him to him, adding this threat to the leading men: “If you fail to bring him to me, the Lord will send an evil Wrath upon you and your households.” 118.3 While they were making a thorough search for him throughout the district, they found him hidden in the house of a certain widow for fear of the Blessed One and hauled him up in front of him. 119.1 When Theodotus saw him, he said, “Because you use the name of the Lord deceitfully, I trust that the Lord will expose you.” 26 119.2 Hardly were the words out of his mouth, when the man fell to the ground and acquired a demon which screamed: “I am a Nestorian: I agree neither with the Orthodox, nor with the Chalcedonians. 119.3 “Woe is me, that I have gone out and have led people astray for the love of gold, claiming to have been sent by your Holiness!” 119.4 and began tormenting and wounding him; and he began to grind his teeth. He underwent such torments that everyone who saw him was afraid. Both the leading men and the poor people asked Theodotus to pray for him. 119.5 They sent ten mounted policemen to fetch him from the mountain where he was being tormented. Then the devils inside him shouted, “Unless God’s slave, Theodotus, orders us to let him go, we shall not leave him alone.” They proved stronger than the police, whom they wounded, sending them away beaten. 119.6 The Blessed One was upset about this. He called to his disciple and gave him the saints, saying, “Joseph, our Lord said, ‘Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy!’ 27 Let us go with these people and ask our Lord to redeem that (man), whom He shaped (out of clay), from the devils!”

The function of this invented story is to explain away the rumors that Theodotus himself had become rich on the strength of his supposed successes as a faith-healer and wonderworker – and that he was in the habit of lodging with widows! Tannous (2018, 98), however, takes this story to be historical evidence of what he calls “confessional shape-shifting.” 26 Exodus 20:7. 27 Matthew 5:7. 25

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‫ܘܓ�ܘ ܠܗ ̈ܒܢܝ ܐܬܪܐ܁ ܡܛܠ ܐܢܫ ܕܐ ̇ܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 118.1‬܀‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܒܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܣܥܪܐ܁ ܘܛ ̣ܥܝܢ ܗܘܐ ܨܠܝܒܐ ܕܦܪܙ ̣� ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܛܥܐ ܗܘܐ �ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܡܛܥܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫̇ܥܐܠ�ܠܘܬ ܐ�ܛܝܩܘ܇ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܡܬܚ̇ ܠܛ ܘܐܦ ܨܝܕ ܐܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ ܗܟܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܕܗܒܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‬ ‫ܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܩܕ ܕ ̇ܢܝܬܘܢܝܗܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܥܠ ܗܢܐ ܡܛܥܝܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 118.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠ�ܝܫܢܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ � ̇ܡܝܬܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܗ ܠܝ܇ ܡܫܕܪ ܥܠܝܟܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܘܢ ܪܘܓܙܐ ܒ ̣ܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ܒܬ� ̣‬ ‫‪ 118.3‬ܘܟܕ ܒܐܬܪܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܫܟـ]ـܚܘܗܝ[ ܟܕ ܡܛܫܝ ܠܘܬ‬ ‫ܡܒܥܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܛܠܬܗ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܓܪܘܗܝ ܘܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܪܡܠܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܡܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘ ܼ‬ ‫ܕ]ܐܚܝܕ ܐܢܬ[ ܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܝܐ‬ ‫‪ 119.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ̇‬ ‫ܡܦܪܣܐ ܠܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܟܝܠ ܐܢܐ ܥܠ ܡܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܟܕܒܘܬܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܝܠܠ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܕܝܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪119.2‬‬ ‫ܐܪܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܠ� ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܘܥܡܗ ܕܡܠܬܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܕܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܐܢܐ ܕ� �ܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ ]ܫ̇ ܠܡ[ ̣ܐܢܐ ܘ� ܠܟ�ܩܝܕܘܢܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܪܚܡܬ ܕܗܒܐ ̇‬ ‫ܢܦܩܬ ܐ]ܛ ̇ܥܝܬ ܒܫܡܐ[ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠܩܕܝܫܘܬܟ‬ ‫‪̇ 119.3‬ܘܝ ܠܝ܅ ]ܕܡܛܠ[ ̣‬ ‫ܡܫܕܪ ܗܘܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܡܚܕܐ ̈ܫܐܕܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ⟨ ]ܘܡܫ̇ ܢܩܝܢ[ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ܁ ܘܡܨ̇ܠܦܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪̣ ⟩ 119.4‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪܡܐ ܗܘܐ܇ ܙ ̣ܥܘ ܟܠ‬ ‫ܠـ]ـܗ[ ܘܡܚ̇ ܪܩ ܗܘܐ ̣ܫܢܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ]ܒܗܢܐ[ ܫܘܢܩܐ ܸ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̣ܕܚܙ]ܐܘܘܗܝ‪ [.‬ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣܘ �ܝܫܢܐ ܘܡܣܟܢܐ ܠܬܐ]ܘܕܘܛܐ[ ܕܢܨ̇� ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܫܬܢܩ‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ[ ̇ܗܘ ܕܒܗ‬ ‫‪ 119.5‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܕܪܘ ܥـ]ـܠܘܗܝ[ ܥܣܪܐ ܦ�ܫܐ܇ ܕ ̇ܢܝܬܘܢܝܗܝ ]ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪̇ ] .‬‬ ‫ܘܩܥܝܢ[ )‪ (31‬ܗܘܘ ܒܗ ̈ܫܐܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ � ̇ܦܩܕ ܠܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܦܟܘ ܟܕ ܦ ̣ܥܝܥܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕ ̇ܢܪܦܝܘܗܝ܇ � ܫ̇ ܒܩܝܢܢ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܓܢܒܪܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ܁ ܘܨ ̣‬ ‫̇ܠܦܘ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܟܪܝܬ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 119.6‬‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ܅ ̣ܐܡܪ ܡܪܢ‪ :‬ܕܛܘܒܝܗܘܢ ܠܡ�ܚܡܢܐ܇ ܕܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܢܗܘܘܢ ̣�ܚܡܐ‪ .‬ܢܐܙܠ�ܥܡ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܒܥܐ ܡܢ ܡܪܢ ̇ܦܪܩ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܓܒܝܠܬܗ ܡܢ ̈ܫܐܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ܅ ̣‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

119.7 This is exactly what happened; and those devils wailed: “Alas for us because of you, Mor Theodotus! You torment us in every place.” God dealt graciously with him and he was healed and prostrated himself in front of the holy man, promising to return everything that he had collected by his swindling. 119.8 Theodotus gave him absolution and he became a true believer. God even granted him to become a perfect monk; and because of him, many others received absolution (i.e. were converted), praising God. D. How Theodotus converted a young Armenian who held an important position in Inner Anzitene

120.1 A certain young man from Inner Anzitene, from Armenia, a great man in his district, came to Theodotus and prostrated himself before him. He had a stubborn disease which had taken hold of his brain. His eyesight had been taken from him by his illness and a putrid stench came from his nostrils. 28 120.2 They took him and cast him down in front of Theodotus while he was journeying on the road and ran away to one side. As for the man, he wept and said, “Holy one of God, have mercy on me!” 120.3 “Will you become a true Christian?” asked Theodotus. “Yes, my lord, I will do anything you ask.” 29 120.4 He stretched out his arm and took hold of him, then made the sign of the Cross three times over his head and over his face and his illness was removed. Then he pronounced the prayer of absolution and he became a true 30 Christian. Then the men came back and took him away in good health, praising God. E. How Theodotus, after converting some brigands, drank from the source of the Tigris

121.1 After this, Theodotus and his disciple crossed (back) over the river Arsanias and travelled for three days and three nights in the mountains, neither eating nor drinking. For they found no cultivated land. 31

This miracle comes from §83 of L. Simeon (Part 2, Table 6, p. 69 above). Evidently the Syrian Miaphysites did not consider the Armenians to be true believers at this date, perhaps because of the prevalence in Armenia of the Phantasiast heresy introduced in the early sixth century by Julian, bishop of Halicarnassus. 30 The manuscript has a small lacuna at this point, which Dolabani fills with the epithet beḥiro “experienced”. Perhaps he mistook the end of the word sharriro for part of the other adjective, which is generally used to qualify the word for a monk. 31 Syriac: shayno, translated in other contexts as “peace”. Cf. Chr. Zuqnin, 258 (f. 147r, line 19): asseq awtebh ennun b-arʿo dha-l-gaw men shayno luqbal qamaḥ “(The Caliph ordered a 28 29

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‫ܘܗܘܐ ܗܟܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܡܢܟ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ܡܫ̇ ܢܩ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 119.7‬‬ ‫ܘܐܝܠܘ ̈ܫܐܕܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ‪̇ :‬ܘܝ ܠܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܒܗ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܐܣ ̣ܝ‬ ‫ܠܢ ܒܟܠܕܘܟ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܓܕ ܩܕܡ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܗܦܟ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܟܠ ܼܕܟܢܫ ܡܢ ܛܥܝܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܕܝܪܝܐ ܓܡܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܡܪܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܣܝ ܠܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪ܼܿ 119.8‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܩ ̣ܒ�ܘ ܚܘܣܝܐ ܒ ̣ܥܠܬܗ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ܇ ܟܕ ܡܫ̇ ܒܚܝܢ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 120.1‬܀ ܘܛܠܝܐ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܗܢܙܝܛ ̇‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪܗ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܠܘܬ‬ ‫ܓܘܝܬ ̣ܐ ܡܢ ܐܪܡܢ܁ ܓܒܪܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܠܒܝܟ ‪ 33‬ܗܘܐ ܒܡܘܚܗ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܩܫܝܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܣܓܕ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬ ‪ 32‬ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܟܐܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܫܬܩܠ ܢܘܗܪܗ ܘܣܪܝܘܬܐ ܡܢ ܢܚܝ�ܘܗܝ ܐܬܝ̇ܐ ܗܘܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܘܠܨܢܗ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܢܘܢ ̣ܥܪܩܘ ܠܚܕ ܓܒܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܫܩ�ܘܗܝ ܘܫܕ ̣ܐܘܘܗܝ ܩܕܡ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܟܕ ܪܕܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 120.2‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܟܐ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪ :‬ܩܕܝܫܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܟܕ ̇ܒ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̇ :‬ܗܘܐ ܐܢܬ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ܈ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܝܢ ܡܪܝ܅‬ ‫‪ 120.3‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܟܠ ̇‬ ‫ܠܝ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܐܢܬ ̣‬ ‫]ܘ[ܠܒܟܗ܁ ܘ]ܚܬܡܗ ܬܠܬܐ[ ܨ̈ܠܝܒܐ܇ ]ܥܠ ܪ[ܝܫܗ ܘܥܠ‬ ‫ܘܦܫܛ ܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 120.4‬‬ ‫ܐ] ̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܠܗ ]ܨܠܘ[ܬܐ ܕ]ܚـ[ـܘܣܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܩܠ ]ܟܐ[ܒܗ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܝ[‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܒܪܘܗܝ܇ ܟܕ ]ܚܠܝܡ܁[ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܘܕܐ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ]ܫܪܝـ[ـܪܐ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ̣ܐܬܘ ̣‬ ‫ܒܛܘܪܐ ܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܠܡܝܕܗ �ܪܣܢܝܘܣ ]ܢܗܪܐ‪ .‬ܘ[ܪܕܘ‬ ‫]ܥܒܪܘ ܬ[ܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 121.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܫܬ ̣ܝܘ ]ܘܫܝܢܐ �[ ̣‬ ‫ܐܝܡܡܝܢ ]ܘܬܠܬܐ �ܝـ[ـܠܘܢ‪ .‬ܘ� ̣ܐܟ�ܘ܁ ܘ� ̣‬

‫‪certain naked tribe which lived by brigandage) to be resettled on the heights up-country (lit.‬‬ ‫‪inwards from the cultivated land) from Kamaḥa” – a place (near modern Erzincan) in Arme‬‬‫‪nia, some way north of the Byzantine-Arab border (Payne Smith 1901, 3645).‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 4, p. 52 above‬ܕܐܝܬ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 4, above‬ܘܠܒܝܟ ‪SOP 362‬‬

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121.2 On the fourth day, while they journeyed, some brigands seized them and put fetters on their hands and feet, saying, “You are spies!” They wanted to take them back to Beth Ḥesne. 34 121.3 “Leave us to journey on our way for our Lord’s sake!” said Theodotus, “We are poor men and we have nothing.” 35 121.4 One of them raised (his arm) to strike him and was reviling him, when all at once a demon entered him and he wailed and twisted his head. 121.5 When his fellow-brigands saw what had happened to him, they trembled and were very much afraid. They knelt down in front of Theodotus, saying, “Slave of God, have mercy on us! Heal this man and accept from us whatever your heart desires! Then pray for us!” 122.1 Then Theodotus took him by the hand and made the sign of the Cross over him and that young man was healed, at which they (all) praised God. 122.2 The voice of that devil was heard wailing that Theodotus was the one who had driven him out. 122.3 Then the brigands, who were shaking all over, escorted Theodotus for about three miles. 122.4 The young man who had been healed threw his weapon away and went home and became a well-behaved Christian. 36

The brigands are yet another fiction, having been imported from L. Daniel, 290, 8 lines up; the passage is translated by Palmer (2016a, 275). But the reference to Beth Ḥesne can be taken seriously. It seems unlikely to refer to Anzitene here (cf. ch. 5 nn. 12 & 16 above). Perhaps it is used in a broader sense to include all the contested castles on the frontier (see p. 11 above). Joseph imputes to his invented brigands the intention to extradite him and Theodotus to the Byzantines, who may still have held the castles in Belabitene and Paline, and claim a reward. 35 The narrator emphasizes this fact defensively (cf. ch. 5 n. 25 above and ch. 7 n. 30 and §214.5 below). 36 In L. Daniel, the brigands, who were Manichees, follow Daniel and Mari to Edessa and take the monastic habit on the holy mountain outside the city (Palmer 2016a, 275). In the original context, there is no mystery as to how the narrator knows that the brigands’ conversion was sincere, since Daniel and Mari stayed in a cave outside Edessa for two years. Transplanted into the Life of Theodotus, the statement that the lad “became a well-behaved Christian” does raise that question. Joseph has not thought this out! 34

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‫ܠܒܟܘ ܐܢܘܢ ̈‬ ‫‪̇ 121.2‬‬ ‫�ܣܛܝܐ܁ ]ܘܐܪܡܝܘ ܦܟـ[ـ�ܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܕܐ�ܒܥܐ܇ ]ܟܠܗ ܟܕ[ ܪܕܝ̇ܢ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫]ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ[ܘܢ‪ :‬ܓܫܘܫܐ ܐܢܬܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܘ ]ܕ ̇ܢܗܦܟܘܢ ܐ[ܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܒ�ܓܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܒܐ�̈ܕܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܒܝܬ ̣ܚ ̈ܣܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܒܘܩܘܢ ܠܢ ]ܕܢܪܕܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܢ̣[ ܡܛܠ ܡܪܢ܅ ܕܐܢܫܐ‬ ‫‪121.3‬‬ ‫]ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ[ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܢܐ[ ܘܠܝܬ ܠܢ ܡܕܡ‪.‬‬ ‫]ܐܝ̇ܬܝܢ ܡܣ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܡܚܝܘܗܝ܁‬ ‫ܒܗ ܘܡܢ ܫܝܠ� ̣ܥܠ ܒܗ‬ ‫‪̣ (32) 121.4‬‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫ܘܬ� ܚܕ ܡܢܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡܒܙܚ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܝܘܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܡܝܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܡܛܪܦ ܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܗ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 121.5‬ܘܟܕ ܚܙܘ ̈‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟܘ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ܇ ܙ ̣ܥܘ܁ ̣‬ ‫�ܣܛܝܐ ܚܒ�ܘܗܝ ܡܕܡ ̣‬ ‫ܛܒ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܒܕܚܠܬܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܣܐ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܗܢܐ܅‬ ‫܅‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܩܕܡ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܢܦܫܟ ܘܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܒ ܡܢ ܠܘܬܢ ܟܠ ̇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܪܐܓܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܨܠܝܒܐ ܘܐܬܐܣܝ ܛܠܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܬܡܗ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫‪ 122.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ ܒܐ ̣ܝܕܗ܁ ܼܿ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇ܗܘ‪ .‬ܘܫ̇ ܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܫܬܡܥ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܕܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̇ܡܝܠܠ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 122.2‬ܘܫܐܕܐ ̇ܗܘ܁ ܩܠܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܣܛܝܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ܇ ܟܕ ܪܥܠܝܢ܁ ̣ܐܬܘ ܥܡܗ ܐܝܟ ܬܠܬܐ ̈ܡܝܠܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪122.3‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܢܟܦܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ‬ ‫‪ 122.4‬ܘܛܠܝܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܠܒܝܬܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܬܐܣܝ ̣ܫܕܐ ܙܝܢܗ܁ ̣‬

186

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

122.5 When Theodotus saw their humility, he said, “Sons, do harm to no man! 37 The man who harms his fellow angers God.” Then he prayed for them and they went back in peace, while the monks took the road in the direction of Mayperqaṭ. 38 122.6 They came to the source of the Tigris 39 up-country 40 from Haluras. 41 When Theodotus saw the source, he wanted to drink of those waters for a blessing. 42 They had with them the qurbono, 43 which they consumed first thing in the morning, before resting from their exertions. 44 Exodus 20:13, 15. Theodotus and Joseph may have travelled via Lice (BWO, E14, 7769) to Mayperqaṭ (Greek: “Martyropolis”, Arabic: Mayyafariqin; Turk. Silvan). In the early 5th century, its bishop, Marutha, collected the relics of 280,000 martyrs there as a spiritual defense against the adjacent empire of the Persians (Fowden 1999, 55f). The land between Lice and Silvan has been found a suitable retreat for monks (Helmond 1942, appendix 1, mentioning Hattakh and various places around that village; see also Taylor 1865, 25: “Hasoon”), so Qad Leḥem (§124.2) may have been there. 39 The source visited by Theodotus and Joseph is probably that of the Dibeneh (or Dibni) Suyu, a tributary of the Tigris, located, according to Taylor (1865, 49), 4 miles NW of Korkar (BWO, E14, 6976: Korha). 40 Lit. “Towards the inner part”, by which is meant the heart of a massif, from which the intrepid traveler emerges into the cultivated land; cf. Chr. Zuqnin, 258 (f. 147r, line 19), quoted in ch. 5 n. 31 above. The Dibeneh Suyu flows out of a tunnel NW of Lice. 41 Vocalized helawris, but Haluras on Map 2 (Honigmann 1935, Maps I and IV: kleisura illurisos; Margoliouth 1927, 100b; Alexander Ballad, 56f and 68f, with note 40 on recension I, 215), which lies, according to an Arab geographer, “near the source of the Tigris, a journey of two days and a half from Amida” (Alexander History, 176n). The Hunnish invaders who took Mesopotamians captive in 514/5 would enter “through the narrow pass opposite Haloras at the source of the Tigris” (Alexander Ballad, 2). 42 The Tigris (Deqlath in Syriac, Hiddekel, as transcribed from the Hebrew, in Genesis 2:14) was rumored to flow by underground channels from the Garden of Eden (Palmer 2003). “Near [the source] is an immense stalactite cave, called Bakireyn [= Birkleyn; cf. BWO, E14, 6677: Zülkorneyn], with innumerable passages branching off in every direction: the natives say it extends to Erzerum” (Taylor 1865, 42). Taylor followed it for an hour without finding an exit. 43 The consecrated bread of the Eucharist. Miaphysite priests must celebrate the Eucharist on a consecrated altar. Joseph could not offer up the oblation in the desert, like Teilhard de Chardin. When travelling through barren country, they had to carry a consecrated loaf of bread with them. 44 The ancients agree in saying that the Dibeneh Suyu, where it emerges from the Birkleyn caves at a place Armenians called Hašteank‘, was the source of the Tigris (Hewsen 1992, 59), whereas modern authorities agree in deriving this river from Lake Hore in Anzitene (cf. §115.5 + n), or rather from a spring above Sivan Maden less than a mile from the bank of the Euphrates (Moltke 1841, 289), which feeds that lake. Markwart (1930) has treated the question of the sources of the Tigris thoroughly. 37 38

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‫‪ 122.5‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܡܟܝܟܘܬܗܘܢ܇ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̈ :‬ܒܢܝ܅ �ܢܫ � ̇ܬ ̣ܒܐܫܘܢ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܬܗ‬ ‫ܕܡܒܐܫ ܠܟ ̇ܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܒܟܘ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܠܡܝܦܪܩܛ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܦܟܘ ܒܫܠܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫�ܠܗܐ ̇ܡܪܓܙ‪ .‬ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‬ ‫ܘܛܘܒܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ̇‬ ‫ܠܡܒܘܥܐ ܕܕܩܠܬ ܠܓܘ ܡܢ ܷܗ ܰܠܘ ܻܪܝܣ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܡܒܘܥܐ܇‬ ‫‪̣ 122.6‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܫܩ�ܘ ܥܡ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܬܐ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܡܝܐ ܠܒܘܪܟܬܐ‪ .‬ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ܓܝܪ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܒ ̣ܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܫܦ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܨ̇ܦܪ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܢܝܚܘ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

188 123.1

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5 {A VISION AND REVELATION WHICH DAWNED UPON THEODOTUS}

123.2 “Come, my son, let’s go this way!” said Theodotus to his disciple, “Ahead of us there lies the corpse of a man killed by brigands.” Which is exactly what they found a little further on! They buried the corpse under one of the cairns. 45 F. How Theodotus healed a woman in her sleep at the village called TheLake-in-Sophanene

123.3 They walked on (for a while) and arrived at a village called The-Lake-inSophanene; 46 and because it was Sunday Eve, they spent the night there. 123.4 A pious man called Joshua was there, who had heard of Theodotus, but had never yet seen him, though he longed to do so. 123.5

His wife, who was likewise pious, was in the grip of a high fever.

123.6 That same night the holy man appeared to this man in a dream, saying, “Look, Joshua, because you so wanted to see me, I have come to your house!” Then he made the sign of the Cross over his wife and she recovered from her illness. 123.7 At this point, the wife awoke and woke up her husband, who told her about Theodotus: “When you woke me, I had just seen the blessed Theodotus coming in and healing you, the monk whom I have so long desired to see.” 123.8 His wife replied, “My lord, the monk, who slept here, is Theodotus in person!” Then he arose and went to receive a blessing from him; and he was very happy indeed. Theodotus stayed with him for three days and prayed for him; then they left them praising God for making them worthy of the prayers of the Blessed One.

Wayfarers in stony country usually place a stone on a cairn in passing. The source of the Tigris no doubt attracted visitors, so the cairns leading up to it will have been sizeable ones. For the gift of revelations and prophecy, see JE, 569. 46 Syriac: Yammetho Beth Ṣuphnoye. Identification with Lice (BWO, E14, 7769) seems plausible, as this town lies on a plain in a hollow. 45

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‫‪} 123.1‬ܚܙܘܐ ܘܓܠܝܢܐ ܕܕܢܚ ܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ{‬ ‫ܒܪܝ ܢܐܙܠ� ܠܗܪܟܐ܅ ܓܒܪܐ ܩܛ ̣ܝ� ܐܝܬ ܩܕܡܝܢ܇‬ ‫ܩܘܡ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫‪̣ 123.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܒܪܘܗܝ ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܝܓ�ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܙܠܘ܇‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ ܩܛ ̣ܝ� ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܩܛ ̣ܝܠ �ܣܛܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܼܿܝܡܬܐ ܒܝܬ ̈ܨܘܦܢܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܛܠ‬ ‫‪123.3‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܚܕܒܫܒܐ ܢܓܗ ܗܘܐ܇ ̣ܒܬܘ ܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܦܣ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 123.4‬ܘܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܬܡܢ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ܕܕܚ̇ ܠ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܕܫܡܗ ܝܫܘܥ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ܘܡܬܪܓܪܓ ܗܘܐ ܠܚܙܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܚܙܐ ܕܝܢ � ܚ ܸܙ ܐ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܫܡܥܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܚܝܕܐ ܗܘܬ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܐܫܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 123.5‬ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܐܢܬܬܗ ܕܚ̇ � ܗܘܬ ܡܢ �ܗܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܚܙܘܐ‪ :‬ܝܫܘܥ܇ ܕܒ ̣ܥܝܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ‪ 47‬ܩܕܝܫܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 123.6‬ܘܒܗ ܒܠܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܠܗ ܨܠܝܒܐ ]�ܢܬܬܗ܁[ ̇‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܡܬ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܕܬܚܙܝܢܝ܅ ܗܐ܁ ܐܬܝ̇ܬ ܠܒـ]ـܝـ[ـܬܟ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܘܪܗܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܓ� ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܥܠ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (33) 123.7‬ܘܐܬܬ ̣ܥܝܪܬ ܐܢܬܬܐ܁ ܘܐ ̣ܥܝܪܬ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܠܒܥܠܗ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇ܐܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܓܒܪܗ‪ :‬ܕܟܕ ܐܥ ̣ܝܪ ܻܬܝܢܝ܇ ‪ 48‬ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܚܙ̇ܝܬ ܕ ̣ܥܠ }ܘ{ܣ ̣ܥܪܟܝ܇ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕ ܼܿܙܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܬܪܓܪܓ ܗܘܝܬ ܠܚܙܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܡ‬ ‫ܕܕܡܟ‬ ‫ܗܪܟܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̇ 123.8‬ܐܡܪܐ ܠܗ ܐܢܬܬܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ ܕܝܪܝܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܠܘܬܗ ܬܠܬܐ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ̣ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܘܚܕܝ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫܘܘ �ܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܒܩܘܢ ‪ 49‬ܐܢܘܢ ܟܕ ܡܫ̇ ܒܚܝܢ �ܠܗܐ ̣‬

‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪ in the body of the text.‬ܐܥܝܪܬܢܝ ‪SOP 362, in a later hand in the margin, correcting‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ܘܫܒܩ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪̣ . See Part 2, ED 4, p. 52 above; cf. §123.3.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5 G. How Theodotus shunned the governor of Mayperqaṭ and met the governor of Ṭur ʿAbdin

124.1 The governor (Syriac: medhabberono) of Mayperqaṭ, 50 whose name was Eustratius, 51 had heard tell of the holy Theodotus and had set out to inquire about the Blessed One. 124.2 When they were at the monastery of Qad-Leḥem, 52 they arose for prayers and Theodotus said to his disciple, “A man is coming to see us today, but I do not want to grant him an interview. Let us leave this place!” 124.3 Hardly had they left the monastery, when Eustratius came in, inquiring about him, and the Blessed One’s prediction came true. 125.1 From there they journeyed to the monastery of Mor Abai belonging to the village of Qelleth, which is in the province of Dara. 53 There they stayed for three days without being recognized by anyone. 125.2

From there they went to the monastery of St Simeon, near Qartmin. 54

125.3 “My son,” said Theodotus to his disciple, “I urge you not to tell anyone about me! Old age is upon me, as you can see, and I require a little peace.” Yet Theodotus endured with great constancy long fasts and protracted periods of standing and spoke to no man. On the history of the Syrian Christians of Mayperqaṭ, see Fiey 1976a and 1976b. Cf. Laurent 1963, nos. 20, 519, 679, 797 (all clergymen). “Governor” here translates the Syriac medhabberono; cf. Michael, 11.16, 449b: “Anastasius the son of Andrew, medhabberono of Edessa.” Elsewhere (§§85.1, 110.2, and 127.1), “governor” translates the Greek loanword archon. At §126.9, medhabberono is used of the governor of Ṭur ʿAbdin, who is called archon in §126.5 and §126.7. 52 This monastery, the name of which may mean “He broke bread” (cf. Luke 24:30), has yet to be identified. Cf. ch. 5 n. 38 above. 53 Turk. Dereiçi (“the inner part of the valley”). It lies on the direct route from Nisibis to Amida. Mor Abai was Mihrshabuhr, a Zoroastrian convert to Christianity in the mid-4th century, put to death by his own father, Adurabrozgird. Just to the north of Qelleth are the ruins of the monastery named after him, which was probably that persecuted in 521 for opposing Chalcedon. Karpos and Jacob, the two early bishops attested for the diocese of Tyre/Ṣawro, probably resided here (Palmer 1990, 21–24). Karpos may have been martyred in 577/8 (cf. ch. 8 n. 43 below). 54 This monastery (cf. Palmer 1990 and 2011a), now called “Mor Gabriel” (Turk. Deyrulumur; BWO, F15, 5139: Degirömer), is near Qartmin village (Turk. Yayvantepe; BWO, F15, 4937: Katmin [sic!]). Joseph’s narrative of their sojourn here reads like a diary, free from embroidery with miracles. He cites as authoritative the opinion of the monk Lazarus, who is probably to be identified with an 8th-century bishop of that name. He also mentions the reigning bishop, Elijah and the unnamed governor of Ṭur ʿAbdin, wounded by an arrow in the Arab siege of Nisibis. 50 51

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‫ܕܡܝܦܪܩܛ ܕܫܡܗ‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܡܕܒܪܢܐ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܕܝܢ ܬܘܒ ̣‬ ‫‪ 124.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܘܣܛܪܐܛܝܘܣ‪ .‬ܘ ̇ܢ ̣ܦܝܩ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܫ̇ ܐܠ�ܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪:‬‬ ‫ܩܡܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܨܠܘܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 124.2‬ܘܟܕ ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܕܠܚܡ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ݀ܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܢ ܝܘܡܢ̣ ܘ� ܨ̇ܒܐ ܐܢܐ ܕܐܚ̇ ܙܝܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܢܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ܅‬ ‫ܘܫܪܬ‬ ‫ܢܦܩܘ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ܇ ̣ܥܠ ܐܘܣܛܪܐܛܝܘܣ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܟܕ ܡܫ̇ ܐܠ�ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 124.3‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܡܠܬܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܒܝ ܶ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܗ‬ ‫ܕܩ ܶܠܬ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 125.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܪܕܘ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܕܡܪܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܬܠܬܐ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ ܟܕ ܐܢܫ ܒܗܘܢ � ܝ̇ܕܥ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܕܕܪܐ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 125.2‬ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ̣ܐܙܠܘ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܡܪ �ܢܫ ܥܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܟ ܒܪܝ܅ � ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫‪̣ 125.3‬‬ ‫ܡܦܝܣ ܐܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̣ܚܙܝ ̣ܕܡܛܬ ܣܝܒܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܠܝܠ ܢܝ̇ ܚܐ ̇ܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܥܙܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܨܘܡܐ ܢܓܝ�ܐ܁‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܐ ܟܕ ܥܡ ܐܢܫ � ̇‬ ‫ܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܩܘܡܐ ̈ܡܬ ̣ܝ ̣‬

192

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

126.1 The monks began to beg the disciple, “Tell us your secret! What is the old man’s story?” But he only replied, “He is my father. We live as strangers to the world.” 55 126.2 They were amazed at his ascetical practices. The Elders urged him strongly to enter the refectory with them, but he was unwilling to do so. 56 126.3 They beseeched the monks to give them a cell and there they lived in an ordinary way. 57 126.4 Now there was a monk in that monastery called Lazarus, 58 who began to spread the word in the community, “I see that this old man is a great man, who is on intimate terms with God.” 126.5 Some people who came there with the governor (Greek: archon) of Ṭur ʿAbdin 59 recognized Theodotus. They said, “Look! There you have a righteous man and a miracle-worker!” The governor heard about him and asked to receive a blessing at his hands and to have the pleasure of conversing with him. But Theodotus was disinclined.

“After passing several years in a monastery, the monk may feel that what he had intended to escape in leaving the world has been reconstituted, namely the weight of habits, the ease, the consideration of those around him; and then he feels the need, in order to remain faithful to his ideal, of a new break, which he will realise through retiring into the desert (ἀναχώρησις), or going somewhere where he is unknown (ξενίτεια), or by enclosing himself in a cell without seeing anyone.” (Paraphrase of Migne, Patrologia Graeca 65, 120BC, after Guillaumont 1968–9) Cf. ch. 1 n. 20 above. 56 This refectory, where the monks sat at 12 tables of white stone, was reached by going upstairs from the main oratory (L. Gabriel, §15). Charlotte Labedan-Kodaş reports that fragments of 12 one-footed round tables (Ø 1m) have been excavated at Mor Gabriel. Nine are of limestone [one of which has a Syriac inscription with the date 1083 = 771/2]; three, made of marble, are more ancient, one having a Greek inscription. The refectory of the 6th-century monastery excavated at Tall Biʿa, near Raqqa, has stone seating for just such round tables (Kalla 1999, 141, Figure 16). 57 At Qartmin Abbey the annex to the Great Oratory, which imitates the 6th-century masonry of that building (Palmer 1990, 99, Figure 31), consists of an altar-room giving access to a cell on two levels, called “the Cell of Gabriel”. The upper room is equipped with a qawmo (cf. ch. 7 n. 1 below) – a niche designed to facilitate a long vigil while standing upright (Palmer 1990, 97–100). Given that Theodotus wished to remain standing for protracted periods while at Qartmin (§125.3), this may be the very cell the monks assigned to him and Joseph. 58 Possibly identical with the Lazarus who was bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin in 735 and was still alive in 740 (Palmer 1990, 168 and 205). 59 Palmer 1990 and 2011b. 55

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‫‪ 126.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܿ ܼܫܪܝܘ ̈‬ ‫ܕܓܠܝ ܠܢ ̇ܡܢܘ ܣܘܥܪܢܗ ܕܣܒܐ܅‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܚܝܢܢ ܒܐܟܣܢܝܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪ :‬ܐܒܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܡܬܕܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܕܘܒ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܣܓܝ ܐܦ ̣ܝܣܘܗܝ ̈ܣܒܐ ܕܢ ̣ܥܘܠ�ܥܡܗܘܢ ܠܒܝܬ‬ ‫‪126.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܨܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܦܬܘ� ̣ܐ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܛܘܒܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܥܡܪܘ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܫܚ ̣ܝܡܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 126.3‬ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܩܠܝܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 126.4‬ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܫܡܗ ܠܥܙܪ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝ ܕܢܐܡܪ ܒܕܝܪܐ‪ :‬ܕܗܢܐ ܓܒܪܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܘܗܝ )‪ (34‬ܘܥܡ �ܗܐ ܡܕܝܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܣܒܐ܁ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܐܢܐ ܕܓܒܪܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܗܐ܁‬ ‫ܕܐܬܘ ܥܡ ܐܪܟܘܢ ܕܛܘܪܥܒܕܝܢ ܐܫܬܘܕܥܘܗܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 126.5‬ܘܐܦ ܐܢܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܙܕܝܩܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܫܡܥ ܐܪܟܘܢ ̇ܗܘ ܡܛܠܬܗ܁ ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣ‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ܚܝ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܪܟ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܥܢܝܢܗ ܘ� ̣ܪܚܡ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܬܒܣܡ‬ ‫̣‬

194

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

126.6 However, the monks, and even Mor Elijah, the bishop of that monastery, 60 urged the holy man to agree to this and he consented to do so and even went down to his tent to visit him; for the governor had been wounded by an arrow in the war of the Arabs, when they attacked Nisibis. 61 126.7 The governor got up and worshipped him, saying, “You are the famous Theodotus!” “What you have heard about me is all lies,” replied Theodotus, “I am a feeble sinner and I have gone forth in order to weep for my sins.” 126.8 To which the governor responded, “Behold, a true disciple of Christ! Behold, a living saint in our midst (lit.: a Blessed One among men)!” 62 126.9 When Theodotus heard this, he called his disciple: “My son, from now on people will give us no rest, so let us go from here to Egypt!” He refused to spend even that one night in the monastery, which upset all the monks and that governor (medhabberono). 63 But they could not prevent him from leaving. They asked for the prayers of the community and departed in peace. H. How Theodotus, at the invitation of the governor of Dara, settled near the village of Qelleth

127.1 Leaving (Qartmin) he journeyed in the direction of Dara. Ellusṭriya (illoustrios), the governor (archon) of Dara, 64 had known Theodotus for some time. Now he got wind of his approach and sent scouts out in all directions to seek him out.

Eliyo in Syriac. His official title was bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin, but he resided at the monastery. He died before 698, when another man was bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin (§246.6). Elijah is commemorated on February 25 in Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin as “Bishop Elijah, from the village of ʿAynwardo” (Palmer 1990, 168; BWO, F15, 4649: Ayinvert), 10 km E of Midyat. 61 This was in 640 (Elijah of Nisibis, AH 19), or 639 (Palmer 1990, 158), about fifty years before Theodotus’ visit. Cf. p. 14 n. 16 above, where Robert Hoyland suggests the struggle for Nisibis in the late 680s as a possible alternative. 62 Cf. Matthew 5:3–12. 63 Up to this point, he has been called archon, suggesting that medhabberono is a Syriac translation of that Greek title. It seems unlikely that Bishop Elijah is meant, though this term is sometimes used of a bishop or the head of a monastery. 64 Not to be confused with the governor of Samosata mentioned in §85.1, where there is a note on this name, which comes from the Byzantine title illoustrios (Lampe 1961, 673b). Ellusṭriya of Dara can almost certainly be identified with the father of Patricia, who built a cloister at Qartmin Abbey (Palmer 1987, 120f, C.1; Palmer 1990, 167 and 201). This inscription confirms that Ellusṭriya and his family were Miaphysites. 60

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‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ 126.6‬ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣܘ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܡܪܝ �ܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܕܝܪܐ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܫܟܢܗ ܡܛܠ ܕܒܩܪܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ�ܨܝܕܘܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܿ ܼܒܠܝܥ ܗܘܐ ܒܓܐܪܐ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫ܠܡ ̣‬ ‫ܦܝ̇ܣܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣ܐܩܪܒܘ ܥܠ ܢܨܝܒܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܐܪܟܘܢ ̇ܗܘ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܐܢܬ ܗܘ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܕ ܼܿܢܦܝܩ ̣ܛܐܒܗ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܓܕ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 126.7‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܚܛܝܐ ܘ ܼܢܦܝܩ ܐܢܐ ̇ܐܒܟܐ‬ ‫ܡܚܝ� ܐܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܫܡܝܥ ܠܟ ܥܠܝ܁ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܓܠ ܡܕܡ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܥܠ ̈ܚܛܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܐܪܟܘܢ ̇ܗܘ‪ :‬ܗܐ ܫܪܝܪܐܝܬ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ܅ ܗܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܒܝܬ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ܅‬ ‫‪̣ 126.8‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܡܟܐ ܘܠܗܠ‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ̣ܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 126.9‬ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܒܘܬ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ̣‬ ‫� ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܠܢ ܒܢܝ̈ܢܫܐ ܢܝ̇ ܚܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܢܐܙܠ�ܠܢ ܡܟܐ ܠܡ�ܪܝܢ܅ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܫܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܫܐܠܘ ܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ ܕܕܝܪ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܟ�ܘܢܝܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ܁ ܘܡܕܒܪܢܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܘ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ ܒܫܠܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ }ܘ{ܪܕܐ ܠܘܩܒܠ ܕܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܪܓܫ ܒܗ �ܘܣܛܪܝܐ ܐܪܟܘܢ ܕܕܪܐ܁ ܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 127.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܢܐ ܘ ܼܫܕܪ ܠܟܠ ܦܢܝܢ ܡܛܠܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ܓܝܪ ܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܼܙ ̣‬

196

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

127.2 They found him near the monastery of Mor Daniel 65 and reported this to the governor. Then, while Theodotus was passing by the large of Cordes 66 above Dara, Ellusṭriya and his wife came out with their children, prostrated themselves in front of him and received his blessing. 127.3 “My lord,” he said, “stay with us in this province and take from your servant everything you require!” To this, with great reluctance, the blessed man consented. 127.4 What he asked was to be allowed to settle at the monastery of Mor Abai in Qelleth; 67 and he requested that this monastery be exempt from paying tribute (maddatho). 68 Ellusṭriya, for his part, made him the following promise: “As long as you live, it will pay no poll tax (gezitho) to the king (i.e. the Caliph). 69 I shall pay that out of my own purse.”

This may be the “monastery of Cordes”, the Mother Superior of which, Maria, is commemorated in the early 8th-century liturgical calendar of Qenneshre (Cal. Qenneshre 2, December 4). If the eponymous founder is the hero of L. Daniel, then he may have arranged for its foundation in order to provide a place where his wife – who no doubt consented, in the end, to live a life of abstinence, like the father of her child and like Lazarus himself – could rule a community of nuns (like Daniel, she came from a family accustomed to governing others). 66 Procopius’ Κόρδης/Cordes (BWO, G15, 9931: Kordis), a village 6 km north of Dara. In the early 6th century, there was a monastery called Tarmel some 12 km “above Dara” (Ps.-Zach. 9.6d, 96f), where the relics of the martyr Cyriacus were kept (cf. BWO, G15, 0133: Korika Cami = The Κυριακός mosque?). By the 9th century, this same Miaphysite monastery may have become “the great and famous monastery of Mor John of Cordes near Dara” (BL Add. 12,151, f. 176v; Wright 1872, 496), which supplied eight bishops in the 9th and 10th centuries (Michael, Register, 754–59). 67 Cf. ch. 5 n. 53 above. The 8th-century church is named for John of Dailam, an East-Syrian saint (SOP 351, f. 308v, AD 1315; Brock 1981/2, 123; Brock 2011). This suggests Qelleth was laid waste in 577/8 (Michael, 10.13, 356b; cf. ch. 8 n. 43 below) and repopulated with East Syrians. Dara, too, must have been so repopulated after the Persian conquest of 573, given the fact that the names of East-Syrian clergy were inscribed on the cathedral door of that city and many of the 7th-10th century epitaphs of Dara are East Syrian (Erdoğan and Palmer, in preparation). 68 John of Dailam, it is claimed, visited ʿAbd al-Malik (685–705) in Damascus and obtained permission and even government funding to build churches and monasteries wherever he wanted to. The caliph allegedly went further and exempted from tax (maddatho) all Christian priests, monks, teachers and leaders (L. John of Dailam, §28). 69 Theodotus asks that Mor Abai’s be altogether exempt from maddatho “tribute”, i.e. from the land-tax and the poll tax. Ellusṭriya offers to pay the gezitho (i.e. just the poll tax, not the land-tax?) on its behalf as long as Theodotus is alive. This is more credible than the blanket tax-exemption allegedly obtained by John of Dailam (see the previous note). 65

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‫ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ܥܠ� ܓܒ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܕܢܝܐܝܠ܇ ܐܘܕܥܘܗܝ �ܪܟܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̇ܥܒܪ‬ ‫‪ 127.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩ �ܘܣܛܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܩܘܪܕܝܣ ⟩ܩܪܝܬܐ⟨ ‪ 70‬ܪܒܬܐ ܕܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܕܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܢܬܬܗ ܥܡ ̈ܒܢܝܗܘܢ܁‬ ‫ܘܣܓܕܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟܘ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܕܡܘܗܝ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܣܒ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܢܬ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 127.3‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܼܟܬܪ ܠܘܬܢ ܒܗܢܐ ܐܬܪܐ܅ ܘܟܠ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܨܒܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܒܕܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܠܡܚܣܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪ 127.4‬ܘܫܐܠ ܡܢܗ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐ ܰܒܝ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢܗ ܕ� ̣ܬܬܠ ̇ܗܝ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܩܠܬ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܝܟ � ܝ̇ܗܒܐ ܓܙ ̣ܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܕܐܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܠܗ ܕܝܢ �ܘܣܛܪܝܐ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܠ ܝܘܡܝ ܚ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠܡܠܟܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܐܢܐ ܡܢ ܒܝܬܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬

‫‪See Part 2, ED 2B, iv, p. 51 above‬‬

‫‪70‬‬

198

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

127.5 So this is how Theodotus came to the monastery of Mor Abai. 71 They built themselves a cell above the monastery and lived there. 127.6 Here Theodotus resumed his original way of life. His reputation spread throughout that land. The sick and the distressed came, the Blessed One prayed for them, and our Lord healed them. I. How Theodotus revealed that certain complete strangers had never been baptized

128.1 Theodotus went into the oratory of the monastery to pray and found there an old man from the (former) Persian Empire, who dwelt in the monastery. 72 128.2 “Joseph, my son,” he said, “that man has not been baptized. Do not give him the oblation!” 73 128.3 The Head of the Monastery came to hear of this. He questioned the man and he did not deny it. 74 Then he was baptized by his disciple Joseph and became a true Christian. 75 It was about twenty years since he had come to live in the monastery, which amazed everyone who heard about it so that they gave glory to God for this thing. Joseph does not say why Theodotus chose to settle at Qelleth and why he believed God wanted him to die there, not in his monastery (§184.1), nor in Amidene territory (§189.2). It is probable that he hoped thereby to help stem the tide of East-Syrian expansion. The Miaphysite monastery of Mor Abai had been rebuilt further downhill (cf. §190.1 with ch. 8 n. 43 below), near the road, probably soon after Dara (and Qelleth) were given back to Byzantium in 591. This refoundation may be seen as an undocumented earlier attempt to defend the confessional frontier. 72 Joseph describes this man as being “from the Persian Empire”, as if the frontier between this territory and the Byzantine Empire still existed. In fact, he was probably a convert from Qelleth, the majority of the population of which belonged to East Syrian families which had been resident there for over a hundred years. The Eastern origins and dialect of the people must be the reasons why the Miaphysite synod placed Nisibis, Qelleth and Dara under the jurisdiction of the Maphrian of Tagrit from the year 1042 onwards (Chr. 1234, 2.289; Fiey 1977, 95). 73 This man may have been baptized into the Church of the East. Theodotus was more wary of foreigners than many of his contemporaries, who had tolerated the presence of East Syrians, until Theodotus questioned their right to participate in the life of a Miaphysite monastery (cf. §§98 and 173). From this passage it appears Theodotus may have insisted on rebaptism, whereas those who had welcomed the convert accepted the baptism of the East Syrians. There are good reasons, both theological and pragmatic, for abstaining from the rebaptism of schismatics. 74 Cf. §173.5f. 75 Joseph was a priest and Theodotus still a mere deacon, who could only baptize when no priest was available (cf. §83.3). 71

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܒܢܘ ܠܗܘܢ ܩܠܝܬܐ ܠܥܠ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ܐ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐܒܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 127.5‬‬ ‫ܘܥܡܪܘ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܝܪ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܟܠܗ ܐܪܥܐ ̇ܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ‬ ‫‪ 127.6‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܪܝ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܒܗܠܝܢ ܕܘܒ�ܐ ̈ܩܕܡܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܡܥ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘܡܐܣܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐ�ܝ̈�ܐ܁ ܘܡܨ̇� ܗܘܐ )‪ (35‬ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܪܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܫܟܚ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܓܒܪܐ‬ ‫ܬܫܡܫܬܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 128.1‬܀ ̣ܥܠ ܕܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܕܢܨ̇� ܒܝܬ ̣‬ ‫ܕܥܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܚܕ ܣܒܐ ܡܢ ܒܝܬ ܦ�ܣܝܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܗܢܐ ܓܒܪܐ � ܰܥ ̣ܡܝܕ܁ �‬ ‫ܘܩܪܝܗܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܝܘܣܦ‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 128.2‬‬ ‫̣ܬܬܠ�ܠܗ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܡܕ ܡܢ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܪܓܫ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ ܒܫܪܒܗ܁ ܘ ܿ ܼܫ‬ ‫‪128.3‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܠܘܗܝ ܘ� ܕܓܠ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܓܝܪ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܐܝܟ ܫܢܝܐ ܥܣܪܝܢ܁‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܫܘܒܚܐ �ܠܗܐ ܥܠ�ܨܒܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܠܟܠ‬ ‫ܕܫܡܥ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

200

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 5

129.1 At that time, the blessed Theodotus went to Kafar Mokhse, 76 where they showed him a girl who had been left an orphan when her parents died. As soon as he set eyes on her, he said, “This girl has not been baptized.” Therefore Mor Joseph, his disciple, baptized her. 129.2 Her relatives were glad that God had revealed this fact through his saint. But many were afraid that he would expose their sins.

The name of this unidentified settlement probably means “Village of the Tax-Collectors”. If it was near Qelleth, it may have been the village later called Muhasni (BWO, F15, 0262). 76

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‫ܘܚܘܝܘ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 129.1‬܀ ܒܗ ܿܒܙܒܢܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣ܥܠ�ܠܟܦܪܡܟܣܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ܼ ܿ .‬‬ ‫ܝܝܫܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒ ̇‬ ‫ܗܝܗ ܕܥ ̣ܢܕܘ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܚ ̇ܙܗ܇ ̣ܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܗܕܐ � ܰܥ ̣ܡܝܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܬܡܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܕܦ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐ ̣ܥ ̇‬ ‫ܡܕܗ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܓܠܝܗܝ �ܗܐ ܒܝܕ ܩܕܝܫܗ‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܓܝܐܐ ܙܝ̇ܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܚܕܬ ܐܢܫܘܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ܒܡܕܡ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 129.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܕ� ܢܦܪܣܐ ܚܛܗ�ܗܘܢ‪.‬‬

202

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 6

CHAPTER SIX. ORDINATION AS METROPOLITAN BISHOP OF AMIDA A. How Bishop Athanasius of Amida died and the Holy Synod elected Theodotus as his successor

130.1 At this point Mor Athanasius, the bishop of Amida died; and God intended to crown the holy Theodotus on the apostolic throne of that city. 1 130.2 A petition concerning him was presented to the synod of bishops. They all said, as if with one voice: “The Holy Spirit commands that Theodotus be installed on that apostolic see. God has chosen that man. Such a diocese deserves to have a shepherd such as him.” However, for the time being, the bishops kept this knowledge to themselves. 130.3

THE LETTER THE PATRIARCH MOR JULIAN WROTE TO MOR THEODOTUS

130.4 “Father, I urge your Holiness not to avoid me all the days of my life! God forbid that I should desire to trouble you. For love’s sake, come to me and pray for me!” 2 131.1

COPY OF THE LETTER THAT THEODOTUS MADE

131.2 “Pray for me, your All-Holiness! I am a weak old man and now my life has reached its lowest ebb. I have sent my disciple Joseph in my place. Through him I ask for the victory of your holy love.”

Athanasius had probably reigned for about seven years, during five of which Theodotus was in Claudias (§82.1). Chr. Zuqnin (156) confuses Thomas III, who knew Theodotus (§65.1 + n. 134), with Thomas IV, the teacher of the author of Cal. Qenneshre 2 (November 18), and makes Theodotus succeed him, omitting both Athanasius (December 17) and Theodotus’ successor, Matthew (whose death probably came too late for inclusion in Cal. Qenneshre 2). See p. 31 above. The actual dates of Theodotus’ episcopacy were probably 692–94 (cf. ch. 7 n. 26 below). 2 Joseph was able to show Simeon the actual letter of the patriarch and he had kept a copy of Theodotus’ reply. Accordingly, in transcribing these two documents, Simeon introduced the first as “The letter the patriarch Mor Julian wrote to Mor Theodotus”, not as a copy of that letter. Joseph could show no copies of Theodotus’ other letters (§§60.3f, 74.1, 86.1, 92f, 115.3, 135.1) and none of the original letter Theodotus received from the people of Amida (§178.1f), which may, therefore, have been invented. 1

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܫܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟܘܠܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܕܥܠ ܟܘܪܣܝܐ ܫܠܝܚܝܐ ܕܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܨܒܐ �ܗܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܟܠܗ‬ ‫‪ 130.1‬܀ ܘܡ ̣ܝܬ ܡܪܝ ܐܬܐܢܐܣܝܘܣ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ }ܕܐܡܕ{‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥܠ ܟܘܪܣܝܐ ܫܠܝܚܝܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܡܛܠܬܗ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܕܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܒ ̇ܥܬܐ ܒܟܢܘܫܝܐ‬ ‫‪̣ 130.2‬‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܢܬܒ‪.‬‬ ‫ܚܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܘܡܐ‪ :‬ܕܪܘܚܐ ‪ 3‬ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܦܩܕ ܠܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܕܥܠ ܟܘܪܣܝܐ ܫܠܝܚܝܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܒܟܘ ܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‬ ‫ܓܒܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܠܡܪܥܝܬܐ ܕܐܝܟ ܗܕܐ܁ ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܪ ̇ܥܝܐ ܕܐܝܟ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܗܐ ̣‬ ‫ܫܬܩܐ ܥܠ ܗܕܐ ܥܕ ܙܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܟܬܒ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 130.3‬ܐܓܪܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܡܦܝܣ ܐܢܐ ܠܩܕܝܫܘܬܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕ� ܬ ̣ܥܪܘܩ ܡܢܝ܇ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܝܘܡܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 130.4‬‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܠܘܬܝ ܘܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ܅‬ ‫ܚܘܒܐ ܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ܕܚܣ ܠܝ ܡܢ ܡܪܢ܁ ̇ܐܒܥܐ ܠܫܚ̇ ܩܟ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܥܒܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 131.1‬ܦܚܡܐ ܕܐܓܪܬܐ ̣‬

‫ܫܦ� ̈ܚܝܝ‬ ‫‪ 131.2‬ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ ܛܘܒܬܢ ܒܟܠ܅ ܣܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܡܚܝ� ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܟܝܠ� ܠܘܬ ̣‬ ‫ܼܿܡܛܝܘ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܚ�ܦܝ ܫ̇ ܕܪܬ܁ ܘܫ̇ ܐܠ ܐܢܐ ܒܐ�̈ܕܘܗܝ ܙܟܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܚܘܒܟ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 4, p. 52 above‬ܘܪܘܚܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪3‬‬

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132.1 He summoned his disciple and told him: “Go, in our Lord’s name! When you have greeted our high priest, the patriarch, go to Claudias and visit our holy brethren there!” 4 132.2 His disciple got to his feet to go and see Mor Julian the patriarch and journeyed all the way to the city of Amida. 132.3 While he slept, he saw in his dream the following: A great tree, the crown of which reached all the way to the clouds; and Mor Theodotus climbing this tree and taking his seat upon its crown. He appeared as a star in the midst of the clouds at the top of the tree. 5 132.4 This dream moved Joseph to loud weeping and this awakened those who were sleeping in that place; and they woke him up. 132.5 In this way he saw this wonderful thing as many as three times. 6 He was astonished, for he knew neither what he was seeing, nor why. 132.6 In the morning, there was commotion in Amida, for people said: “The patriarch is about to enter the city!” 133.1 The whole city went to receive the patriarch’s blessing. Mor Joseph went with them and delivered the letter from his master, at which the patriarch and all the bishops greatly rejoiced. 133.2 As soon as the patriarch had made his entrance into the city, he sent for Mor Joseph and placed him under an interdiction: he was not allowed to go anywhere or tell anyone anything. He accepted this and kept quiet, giving thanks to God.

The patriarch will forbid Joseph to obey this command, awaiting Theodotus’ ordination as (priest and) bishop (§133.2). 5 The dream might be taken as presaging Theodotus’ promotion, or his becoming a saint in heaven. Both Genesis 37:5–10 and Matthew 1:20 refer to future greatness; the dreamer, in either case, is a Joseph. Simeon’s dream about a tree destined to bear much fruit, if only pruned (Assemanus 1748, 2.366; Doran 1992, 105), refers to the death of his brother. Simeon of Mayperqaṭ, known as Mor Qawme, a “perfect solitary” who spent 45 years in a tree (Barṣawm 2008, 86; Varela and Borbone 2018, 246f and Figure XVI), may have been known, at least by reputation, to Joseph. 6 Cf. Acts 11:10. 4

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‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܬܐ ܙܠ܅ ܥܠ ܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܝܘܣܦ‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 132.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܅‬ ‫ܥܘܠ� ܠܩ�ܘܕܝܐ ܘܣ ̣ܥܘܪ‬ ‫ܕܫܐܠܬ ܒܫܠܡܗ ܕܪܝܫ ܟܗܢܐ ܦܐܛـ]ـܪܝܪܟـ[ـܝܣ܇ )‪̣ (36‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܗܠܝܢ ܐܚܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܛܐ ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܢܐܙܠ ̣ܢܚܙܐ ܠܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‪ .‬ܘܪܕܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 132.2‬‬ ‫�ܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ̇‬ ‫ܒܚܠܡܗ ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܐܝ�ܢܐ ܚܕ ܪܒܐ ܕܡܛܐ ܪܝܫܗ ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ܝܟ܇ ̣ܚܙܐ‬ ‫‪ 132.3‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܝܬܒ ܥܠ ܪܝܫܗ܁‬ ‫ܢܢܐ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܠܥܢ̈ܢܐ܁ ܘܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܡܬܚܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܒܓܘ ܥ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܣܠܩ ̣‬ ‫ܟܘܟܒܐ ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܐܝ�ܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܒܟܝܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪ .‬ܘܐ ̣ܥܝܪ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܗܠܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܕܕܡܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪132.4‬‬ ‫ܘܫܓܫܗ ̣‬ ‫ܚܠܡܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܥ ̣ܝܪܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 132.5‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܚܙܗ ܠܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܬܠܬ ̈ܙܒܢܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܬܗܝܪ ܗܘܐ ܒܢܦܫܗ܁ ܕ�‬ ‫ܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܐ ܡܘܢ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܐܘ ܡܛܠ ܡܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪ :‬ܕܗܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ̇ܥܐܠ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 132.6‬ܘܥܡ ܨ̇ܦܪܐ ܪܘܒܐ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܪܟ ܡܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܬ ̣ܝܒܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ ܥܡ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ̣‬ ‫‪ 133.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܕܝ ܕܝܢ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬ ̣ܐ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܪܒܗ ̣ܝܗܒ ܠܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܠܗ ܟܠܝܢܐ܁ ܕ� ܢܫ̇ ̣ܢܐ ܘ�‬ ‫‪ 133.2‬ܘܡܢ ܕ ̣ܥܠ�ܠܡܕܝܢܬܐ܇ ܫ̇ ܕܪ ܒܬܪ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܢܓ� �ܢܫ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܡܩܒܠ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܩ ̣ܒ ̣ܠ ̣‬ ‫ܒܫܠܝܐ ܟܕ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

206

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 6

133.3 Now the patriarch made his entrance into Amida with great pomp and circumstance. Christians and Arabs both 7 – in short, everyone who was present in the city – went out to meet him. Lamps, crosses, incense-burners and acclamations went before him. 8 Amida rejoiced greatly and the patriarch blessed the city, then took his rest. B. How Theodotus was at last persuaded to meet the bishops in the Lepers’ Monastery outside Amida

134.1 Now our Father, the patriarch, and the bishops who were with him sent men to bring Theodotus quickly from Mor Abai’s monastery. Those who went to fetch him were men of wisdom and knowledge. 134.2 But when they got there, they tried to take him in by cunning. After asking for his blessing and enquiring after his health, they said, “My Lord, your disciple Joseph is sick. We have brought him to the village of Kafar Gawzo. 9 He asks for your prayers and wishes to see you, because he is very weak.” 134.3 (On) this (occasion, the truth) was concealed from Theodotus and he suffered considerable mental distress on his disciple’s account. 10

The date of the Arab capture of Constantina and Amida is given by Elijah of Nisibis (AH 18) and Michael, 11.7, 420f (AG 951) as 639/40. 8 It is interesting to see here the mention of a grand procession with a display of objects of Christian worship, including crosses. This lends weight to the argument that restrictions on the public behaviour of non-Muslims and the regulation of their relations with Muslims only began to be introduced in the eighth century, when many Muslim Arab soldiers became civilians and non-Muslims began to convert to Islam in large numbers; see in particular LevyRubin 2001, ch. 2 [RGH]. 9 The name of this village means “village of the walnut-tree”. It is to be identified with the Turkish Gercüş. This means that the envoys did not take the shortest route from Amida to Qelleth. Probably they came down the Tigris on a kellek-raft destined for Iraq, disembarked at Ḥesno dh-Kipho and rode up through the pass of Dephne to Kafar Gawzo, whence their way lay via ʿAyn Kipho to Qelleth (BWO, F15, 3767, 1767, 0067). For the voyage down the Tigris, see Ps.-Zach. (7.4f, 29) and Guyer (1923). On the kellek traffic of Mesopotamia, see ch. 3 n. 31 above. 10 Joseph repeatedly states that things were known to Theodotus which only God can have revealed to him. Cf. §§110–13, 123.1–2, 124.2–3, 128–29, 151. Here, therefore, he feels the need to explain Theodotus’ ignorance. 7

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‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܒܙܘܚܐ ܪܒܐ ̣ܥܠ �ܡܕ‪ .‬ܘܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ܁ ̈‬ ‫ܘܛܝ ̣ܝܐ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪̣ 133.3‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܦܝ�ܡܐ ܘܩ‬ ‫ܠܝܒܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܠܣܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܢܦܩܘ‪ .‬ܘܢܗܝ� ̣ܐ ܘܨ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܫܬܟܚܘ ܒܐܡܕ �ܘܪܥܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ �ܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܕܝܬ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ܁ ܼ‬ ‫ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܒܫܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܥܡܗ[ ܕܢܝ̇ܬܘܢܝـ]ـܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܦܝܣܩـ]ـܘܦܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ‬ ‫‪] 134.1‬܀ ܘܫ̇ ܕܪ ܐܒܘܢ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ[‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ[ ܐܢܫܐ ܕܚـ]ـܟܡܬܐ ܘܕܡܕܥܐ‬ ‫ܠܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ[ ܕܡܪܝ ܐ]ܒܝ ܪܗܝܒܐܝܬ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܒܬܪܗ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗ[‬ ‫ܐܬܒـ]ـܪܟܘ‬ ‫ܢܣܒܘܢܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 134.2‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛـ]ـܘ ܠܘܬܗ܇ ܒ ̣ܥܘ ܕܒܚܪܥܘܬܐ[ ̣‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ ܟܪܝܗ‪] .‬ܘܐ ̇ܝܬ ̣ܝܢܝܗܝ[‬ ‫ܘܫܐܠܘ ܒܫܠܡܗ܇ ̇ܐܡـ]ـܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅[ ܬܠܡܝܕܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܠܟܦܪ ܓܘܙܐ ]ܩܪܝܬܐ‪ [.‬ܘܫ̇ ܐܠ�ܨܠܘܬܟ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ܫܦܠ�‬ ‫ܕܢܚ ̣ܙܝܟ[ ܡܛܠ ܱ‬ ‫ܘܒܥܐ ] ̣‬ ‫ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ]ܒܚܫܐ[ ܘܟܪܝܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫‪ 134.3‬ܘܐ]ܬܛܫܝܬ[ ܗܕܐ ܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪[.‬‬

208

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 6

134.4 Then the villagers of Qelleth urged him to stay where he was, adding: “We will bring him to you!” 11 Seeing this, those men abandoned all pretense and put him under an interdiction to go with them. But when Theodotus became aware of their deceit, he sent them away and refused to go with them. 134.5 The patriarch then sent for him again. This time the envoys were some bishops accompanied by the leading men of Amida and the patriarch’s own Visitor (soʿuro), Mor Simeon. 12 134.6 On arriving, they asked for his blessing, then gave him a letter from the patriarch and the bishops who were with him. Thereupon, in his humility, he arose and went with Mor Simeon. 134.7 When the people of Qelleth heard what was afoot, they wept bitterly for his parting. 13 He turned round and blessed them. “Remain (here) in peace!” he said, “And let me tell you this: I trust in the Lord that I shall finish my life in this village!” 134.8 When he got to Amida, he stood still and refused to go in. “I want to see my son, Joseph,” he said. 134.9 They brought the patriarch the good news that Mor Theodotus had arrived; and the people of Amida were very glad of it. The patriarch wanted to go out to meet him, accompanied by the entire people. But the bishops had the idea that this would give the Blessed One great pain, so the people stayed (inside) and did not go out. 14

Our text claims the villagers wanted Theodotus to stay. We have seen that Qelleth was an East-Syrian stronghold (see ch. 5 n. 67 above); but no doubt there was a minority of West Syrian Miaphysites who felt the need of reinforcement. 12 Syriac: soʿuro, from sʿar “visit” or “do”, as the title of a bishop’s agent, is often translated by periodeuta or chorepiscopus. Here it is the Patriarch’s Visitor, invested with the authority of the Head of the Church. 13 If the majority of the villagers were East Syrians, then Joseph ought perhaps to have mentioned that fact here. We have seen, however, that he is capable of suppressing facts and even of inserting fictional episodes, e.g. from L. Simeon (cf. Part 2, Table 6, p. 68f above) and L. Daniel. 14 Theodotus is here given the title “Mor” in anticipation; that was not how his arrival would have been announced at the time. Contrast §134.1: “Now the patriarch and the bishops who were with him sent for Theodotus.” This means he was not yet a priest when he was called to become a bishop. He must have been ordained to the priesthood the day before the laying-on of hands which made him a bishop (see ch. 4 n. 8 above). 11

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‫‪ 134.4‬ܘܗܠܝܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܩܪܝܬ ̣ܐ ܐܦـ]ـܝܣܘܗܝ‪ [:‬ܕܟܬܪ܅ ܘܚܢܢ ܡܝܬܝܢܢ ܠـ]ـܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ[ ̣ܚܙܘ‬ ‫ܦܣܩܘ[ ܒܟܠܝܢܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ� ܥܡـ]ـܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ[ ܐܪܓܫ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫]ܐܙܠܘ‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ�ܥܡܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫]ܒܢܟܠܗܘܢ܁ ܼܫܕܪ[ )‪̣ (37‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܘܦܐ ܘܡܕܒ�ܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܕܐܡܕ܇ ܘܐܦ ̇ܣܥܘܪܐ‬ ‫‪ 134.5‬ܘܗܦܟ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ }ܘ{ܫܕܪ‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣ ̣‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܠܗ ܐܓܪܬܐ ܕܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ̈‬ ‫ܘܕܚܣܝܐ‬ ‫‪ 134.6‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܘ ܠܘܬܗ܇ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܬܒܪܟܘ ܡܢܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܒܡܟܝܟܘܬܗ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܥܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܥܡܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܒܟܘ ̣ܚܢܝܓܐܝܬ ܥܠ ܦܘܪܫܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܦܢܝ܁ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘ ̈ܒܢܝ ܩܠܬ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 134.7‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ̣‬ ‫ܦܘܫܘ ܒܫܠܡܐ܅ ܗܕܐ ܕ ̣ܥܘ‪ :‬ܕܡܗܝܡܢ ܠܝ ܡܪܝܐ܇ ܕܒܗܕܐ ]ܩܪܝـ[ـܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܫ̇ ܠܡ ܐܢܐ ܚܝܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܠ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪ :‬ܕܐܚ̇ ܙܐ ܠܒܪܝ‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ܕܢ ̣ܥ ̣‬ ‫�ܓܒ ܐܡܕ܇ ̣ܦܫ܁ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫‪ 134.8‬ܘܟܕ ܼܡܛܝ ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ ̇ܒܥܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ̈‬ ‫�ܒܢܝ ܐܡܕ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ܼ ܿ 134.9‬‬ ‫ܘܣܒܪܘܗܝ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܕܢܦܘܩ �ܘܪܥܗ܁ ܘܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܡܢ ܣܟܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܛܠܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ̣‬ ‫ܡܚܫܒܬܐ �ܦܝ̈ܣܩܘܦܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܢܦܩ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܡܐ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܦܫ ̣‬ ‫ܕܣܓܝ ܡ ̣ܥܝܩܐ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܗܕܐ‪̣ .‬‬

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134.10 Then the patriarch sent two bishops with Theodotus’ disciple, Mor Joseph, and his own patriarchal synkellos (Greek: “cell-mate”) but the bishops decided to send (just) his disciple and Mor Theodore, the synkellos. 15 134.11 After resisting for a long time, Theodotus eventually allowed himself to be persuaded by his disciple to go to the so-called Lepers’ Monastery. 16 (There) he had an audience with the bishops, who bowed deeply to him, and he responded in kind. 134.12 “Mor Theodotus,” they said, “do not refuse to be shepherd to Christ’s flock! 17 Who (is it that) has called you? (It is) Christ (that) has chosen you for his Church!” And he accepted their words in his mind and entered (the city) with them. 134.13 When the patriarch saw Theodotus, he knelt down in front of him and Theodotus followed suit. Everyone who saw him was moved to shed many tears. 134.14 The patriarch then ordered the whole population to kneel down in front of him; and they acclaimed him in a loud voice as “Servant of our Lord” and “Shepherd of your City” and shouted, “We want you to be the wall surrounding your flock. In you we see Christ, our Lord.” 134.15 As for Theodotus, he lay flat on his face and refused to get up off the ground. The patriarch ordered everyone to go out, then said, “Forgive me, Father! Our Lord is forcing my hand and that is why I must force yours. Approach, Father, and receive that to which you have been called, for our Lord is shepherding his Church according to his custom!”

The bishops must have been aware that Theodotus had a history of escaping from bishops who came to him with a view to ordaining him (cf. §§76f, 83f). “The flight from ordination to the priesthood and the episcopate is one of the most common hagiographical tropes.” Amar’s note, beginning thus, to L. Ephrem, Ch. 34 (p. 87 of tr.) is worth reading in its entirety. The best explanation of a monk’s reluctance to exchange his humble calling for the often corrupting power of the episcopal office is given in L. John of Tella, 50–3. 16 This monastery outside the city is otherwise unknown (cf. §134.12, end). Cf. §51 of L. Rabbula, 203f, about “the poor lepers who were dwelling alone outside the city as detested and rejected persons,” describes how a 5th-century bishop “appointed a trustworthy deacon over them, who dwelled at their side, along with reliable brothers who were appointed to minister to them. Supplies for all that they needed were issuing continuously from the church within [the city]” (Phenix and Horn 2017, 75). It is easy to see how a similar institution at Amida might have been called “the Lepers’ Monastery.” 17 Here, the bishops themselves anticipate Theodotus’ ordination, flattering him with the title “Mor.” 15

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‫ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܘܐܦ ܣܘܢܩ�‬ ‫‪ 134.10‬ܘܫܕܪ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܬܪܝܢ ܐܦܝ̈ܣܩܘܦܐ܁ ܘܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܘܠܣܘܢܩ�‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܢܫ̇ ܕܪܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܡܠܟܘ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̈ 134.11‬‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܒܦܝܣܐ ܪܘ�ܒܐ ܕܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܕܐ]�ܝـ[ـܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܁‬ ‫ܣܓܕ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܓܕܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܬܗܘܐ ܪ ̇ܥܝܐ ܠܡܪܥܝܬܗ‬ ‫ܬܫܬܐܠ ܡܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ � ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 134.12‬‬ ‫ܓܒܟ ܠـ]ـܥܕ[ܬܗ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܕܡܫܝܚܐ‪̇ .‬ܡܢ ̣ܩܪܟ܈ ܡܫـ]ـܝܚـ[ܑـܐ‬ ‫ܘܩ ̣ܒܠ ]ܒܬܪܥܝـ[ـܬܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܝܗܘܢ ܘ ̣ܥܠ ]ܥܡـ[ـܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̈ܡ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫]ܣܡ ܒܘ[ܪܟܐ ܩܕܡ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܘܐܦ ] ̣‬ ‫‪] 134.13‬ܘܟـ[ـܕ ̣ܚܙܝܗܝ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܒܟܝܐ ܪܒܐ ܡܢ ]ܟܠ ̣ܕܚܙܝܗܝ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܗܟܢܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܘ[ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܥܘ ܘܐܙܥܩܘ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪134.14‬‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ[ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‪̣ ] .‬‬ ‫ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ] ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܕܡܫܝܚܐ[ ̣ܪ ̣ܥܝ ܡܕܝܢܬܟ܅ ܠܟ ̇ܒܥܝܢܢ ]ܕܬܗ[ܘܐ ]ܫܘܪܐ[‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‪ [:‬ܡܢܝܚܢܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܡܪܥܝܬܟ‪ .‬ܒܟ ]ܠܡܫܝܚـ[ـܐ ܡܪܢ ܚ̇ ܙܝܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ]ܥܠ[ ̈‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫‪̣ 134.15‬‬ ‫ܘܡ � ]ܨ̇ܒܐ[ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܐܪܥܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܕܢܩ ̣‬ ‫ܪܡܐ ܗܘܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܐܦܘܗܝ ܸ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܒܘܩ ]ܠܝ ܐܒܘܢ܅[ ܡܪܢ �ܨ ܠܝ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ[ ܟ�ܢܫ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ] ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܒܠ )‪ (38‬ܡܕܡ ܕܠܗ ܐܬܩܪܝܬ‪ .‬ܕܡܪܢ ‪18‬‬ ‫܅‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠܗܢܐ ]ܐ ̇ܢܐ �ܨܬܟ‪ [.‬ܐܒܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܪܘܒ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܪ ̇ܥܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܥܕܬܗ ܐܝܟ ܕܡ ̣ܥܕ‪.‬‬

‫ܘܡܪܢ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪18‬‬

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134.16 But Theodotus was weeping on his knees: “Why do you all make my soul wretched? There is no strength in me. My intelligence is feeble, my mind has gone to sleep. How can a gift such as this be of any use to me? You have as many intelligent, eloquent, well-educated and competent people as you could possibly desire. Just pray for me, my lord, and let me go!” 134.17 Then our Father, the patriarch, knelt down in front of Theodotus and said, “God forbid that I should get up from the ground, until you say, ‘I accept everything that you say’!” 134.18 It was now for his disciple Joseph to take hold of his master and raise him to his feet, saying, “Get up, my lord, and accept (this charge), putting your trust in our Lord! Resist no longer!” 134.19 (Now, at last,) Mor Theodotus got to his feet and (so) caused the patriarch to rise and accepted that it should be so and signed a document (to this effect). Then the people were happy and praised God. 19 C. How Theodotus was interrogated in the Arabs’ mosque about his dealings with the Romans

135.1 There is something else which God did through the holy Mor Theodotus which it is not right that we should pass over (in silence). There was a certain man in Amida, one of the Arabs, who was in command (shalliṭ) of the city and its territory. Before Theodotus became bishop, Satan stirred this man up against the Blessed One. He had him brought in by force to stand trial because of a letter he had written to (someone in) the Roman empire (i.e. the Byzantine empire). 135.2 The accusation this commander made against him was that he was a friend of the Romans. When he had him arrested, the whole city was in an uproar. All the Arab cavalry were agitated because of what had happened. 135.3 They had to drag him bodily into their mosque. 20 That wicked man actually got up and kicked him, so that he fell to the ground. Then all the Arabs gave a great shout. 21 See Part 2, Table 4, p. 65 above. Julian died in 707/8, so Chr. Zuqnin’s dates (151 and 164) for Theodotus’ episcopacy (AG 1024 = AD 712/3 to AD 1040 = AD 728/9, or later) are wrong. Theodotus served as bishop of Amida for less than two years (§157.1), probably from 692–4. The effort apparently made by Joseph to draw a veil over some unknown dispute between Theodotus and Julian would only have been necessary if our text was written before Julian’s death. See the notes on §§173.1, 177.1, 183.2 and 185.1. 20 Cf. Palmer 2006 (126–36, relying for the Arabic sources on Geert-Jan van Gelder) and pp. 16–20 above. Note that the Syriac word used for “mosque” beth mazgedho changes the /s/ of the Arabic masjid into a /z/ (though the Syriac spelling masgedho is attested in some sources). It would have been easy to call a mosque beth ṣlutho “a house of prayer”; but per19

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‫ܘܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪ :‬ܡܢܐ ̇ܡܕܘܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ̇‬ ‫‪ 134.16‬ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ̇ܒܟܐ ܗܘܐ ܟܕ ܿ ܼܒܪܝܟ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܢܝ ܕܡܝܟ‪ .‬ܠܝ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܚ̇ ܫܚܐ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܕܥܝ ܚܠܫ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝ� ܠܝܬ ܒܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܢܦܫܝ܈ ܿ ܼܚ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܦܝܪܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܦܩܝܢ̣ ܟܡܐ ̇ܕܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܠܝܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܐܝܟ ܗܕܐ܈ ܐܝܬ ܗܘ ܠܟ ܐܢܫܐ ܕܚܟܝܡܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܒܘܩ ܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܬ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ ܡܪܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬ܕܚܣ ܠܝ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܒܘܪܟܐ ܐܒܘܢ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 134.17‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ ܐܢ ̇ܐܩܘܡ ܡܢ ܐܪܥܐ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܬܐܡܪ‪̇ :‬‬ ‫ܕܡܩܒܠ ̣ܐܢܐ ܟܠ ܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܩܘܡ ܠܟ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ ܘܐܩ ̣ܝܡܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 134.18‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܬܚܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ܅ ܥܠ�ܬܘܟ�ܢܗ ܕܡܪܢ̣ ܘ� ܬܘܒ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒ ܒܟܬܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܝܣ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ ܕܢܗܘܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 134.19‬ܘܩܡ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܘܐܩܝܡ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪ ̣‬ ‫ܘ ܼܿܫܒܚܘ ܥܡܐ �ܠܗܐ ܟܕ ܚ̇ ܕܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ � ̇‬ ‫ܙܕܩ ܠܢ ܕܢ ̣ܥ ̇‬ ‫ܒܪܝܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪ �ܗܐ ̈ܒܐܝܕܝ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 135.1‬܀ ܐܦ ܗܕ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܝ ̣ܝܐ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܐܡܕ܇ ܕܫ̇ ܠܝܛ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܥܠ ܐܬܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܕܒܪܗ ܒܩܛܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܫܓܫܗ ܣܛܢܐ ܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ܁ ܘ ܿ ܼܫܕܪ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܗܘܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܟܬܝܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܒܝܬ �ܘܡܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܕܘܢܝܘܗܝ ܡܛܠ ܐܓܪܬܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̇ 135.2‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܩܛܪܓ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ̇‬ ‫ܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ܇ ܐܬܬܙ ̣ܝܥܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕܚܒܪܐ ܕ�ܘܡܝܐ ܐܢܬ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܬܕܠܚܘ ܥܠ ܡܕܡ ̣‬ ‫ܡܕܝܢܬܐ܁ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ̇ܦ�ܫܐ ܛܝܝܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܙܠܘ ܠܒܝܬ ܰܡ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ̇ܗܘ ܪܫܝܥܐ‬ ‫ܙܓܕܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪ 135.3‬ܘܟܕ ܡܢܬܦܝܢ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ�ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ‪ .‬ܘܩ ̣ܥܘ ܩ ̇ܥܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܛܝܝܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܗ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܒ ̣ܥ ̣‬

‫‪haps that would have sounded too much like a building of their own. By calling it masgedho,‬‬ ‫‪or beth mazgedho, rather than beth seghdetho “place of worship”, in good Syriac, they made it‬‬ ‫‪sound more foreign.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪It is unclear (pace Tannous 2018, 367) why the Arabs all gave a mighty shout, audible‬‬ ‫‪from the street, when Theodotus was felled by a kick from their commander. We have to‬‬ ‫‪bear in mind the hagiographer’s need to make his subject’s life conform to that of Christ,‬‬ ‫‪who was likewise tried in a building belonging to a foreign governor whose religion was‬‬ ‫‪alien. After that, Jesus was crucified. After his own trial, Theodotus mounted the bema (a‬‬ ‫‪“hill” symbolizing Golgotha) as bishop. The job nearly killed him. The last years of his life in‬‬ ‫‪the green valley of Qelleth were like a foretaste of the Resurrection.‬‬

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135.4 At this the Church of our Lord suffered agonies and matters nearly reached the point at which people would have got killed. But then they carried Theodotus out of their mosque. 135.5 At midnight the Lord struck that wicked man and deprived him of his sight: his eyes were open, but he could not see. He let himself fall on his bed, not knowing what to do. 135.6 So he sent notables, some of them natives of Amida, others Arabs, to get Theodotus to go with them without delay. (When he came, the governor) fell down and worshipped him, saying, “Righteous man of God, have mercy on me! Forgive me the sin I have committed against you and restore my eyesight, which you have taken away from me!” 136.1 Theodotus answered, “Infidel and enemy of God! Did you not know that what you do to others will be done to you? 22 Once God’s arrow has been loosed, it cannot be prevented from finding its mark. 23 No more can you escape the blow of the wrath of the God who is my Lord. 136.2 “As for your eyesight, our Lord gives it to you, so that his name may be glorified. But you must know that you will suffer a blow that is greater than this.” 136.3 Then he made the sign of the Cross over his eyes in the name of our Lord and the man saw the light. Everyone who saw it was amazed and the news of this deed spread throughout the city. 137.1 Theodotus came out of that man’s house escorted by a great crowd. Not only the Christians, but also the Arabs and the pagans asked for his blessing. 24 137.2 The following day, that man received a summons from the man placed in authority (over him). As he rode out of Amida, he was reviled in the worst possible way. In the course of his journey, he fell off his horse. Both of his arms were torn right out of their sockets and he died; and the people lived in fear of the Lord and his slave.

Cf. Matthew 7:12. Cf. Job 30:11. 24 These three categories must almost sum up the whole population of Amida, so the name of chrisṭiyone “Christians” covers all confessions. Ṭayyoye “Arabs” is evidently synonymous, here, with “Muslims”, as in §§133.3 and 143.1. (However, §29.2, as emended, speaks of the “believing Arabs”, i.e. the Miaphysite tribes.) Of the pagans (ḥanpe) of Amida at this period nothing more is known. On the pagans of Mesopotamia, who survived for many centuries, see the references in Palmer (2006, 120, n. 14). On the Jews of Amida, absent from our text, see ch. 6 n. 32 below. 22 23

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‫ܘܗܘܐ ܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ ܥܠ�ܥܕܬܗ ܕܡܪܢ‪ .‬ܘܩܪܝܒ ܗܘܐ ܣܘܥܪܢܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܢܗܘܘܢ ̣ ̈ܩܛ�‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 135.4‬‬ ‫ܘܛ ̣ܥܢܘܗܝ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܢ ܒܝܬ ܡܙܓܕܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠܗ ܠܢܘܗܪܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܦܬ�̈ܚܢ‬ ‫‪ 135.5‬ܘܒܦܠܓܗ ܕܠܝܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܡܚܝܗܝ ܡܪܝܐ ܠܪܫܝܥܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܥܒܕ � ]ܝ̇ܕܥ[ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ�ܥܠ‬ ‫ܝܢܘܗܝ ܘ�‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܥ̈ ̣‬ ‫�ܥܪܣܗ ܘܡܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܬܚܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 135.6‬ܘܫܕܪ ܠܘܬܗ ܐܢܫܐ )‪ (39‬ܝܕ�̈ ̣ܥܐ ܡܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܝܝܐ܇ ܕܢܐܙܠ�ܥܡܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܫܒܘܩ ܠܝ܇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܙܕܝܩܗ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܣܓܕ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܕ� ܬܘܗܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܫܩܠܬ ܡܢܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܒ ܠܝ ܢܘܗܪܐ ܕܥܝܢܝ ̣‬ ‫ܕܚܛܝ̇ܬ ܒܟ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ‪̃ .‬ܐܘ ܟܦܘܪܐ ܘܒܥܠܕܒܒܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ܅ �‬ ‫‪ 136.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܼܦܢܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܦܠܛ܁‬ ‫ܡܬܥܒܕ ܠܟ܈ ܘܓܐܪܗ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܐܡܬܝ ̇‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ܗܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܝܬ܁ ܕܐܝܟ ܕ ̇ܥܒܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫� ̇ܗܦܟ ܡܢ ̇‬ ‫ܡܚܘܬܐ ܕܪܘܓܙܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪ ܕܝܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ� ܐܢܬ ̣ܡܨܝܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܕܬܬܦܠܛ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܡܪܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܚܘܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 136.2‬ܐ ̣� ܢܘܗܪܟ ܡܪܢ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܠܟ܇ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܬܒܚ ܫܡܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܐ ̇ܒܠܥ ܐܢܬ ̣‬ ‫ܕܪܒܐ ܡܢ ܗܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܬܗܪܘ ܟܠ ܕܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܚܙ ܐ ܢܘܗܪܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 136.3‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܨܠܝܒܐ ܥܠ�ܥܝܢܘܗܝ ܒܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ܒܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܗܠܟ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܬܒܪܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܡܢ ܠܘܬܗ ܒܙܘܚܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 137.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܛܝܝܐ ܘܚܢܦܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܒܙܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܐܡܕ ̣‬ ‫‪ 137.2‬ܘܒܬܪ ܝܘܡܐ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ܡܢ ̇ܗܘ ܿ ܕܫܠܝܛ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܦܫܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܢܦܠ ܡܢ ܣܘܣܝܗ܁ ܘܐܬ ܼܦܫܚܘ ܗܘܘ ܕ�ܥܘܗܝ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܒ ̣ܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܪܕܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܕܚ�ܘ ܥܡܐ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡ ̣ܝܬ‪̣ .‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 6 D. How Theodotus gave his first sermon from the cathedral bema as bishop of Amida

138.1 On Pentecost Sunday, Theodotus became a bishop by the laying-on of the hand of Mor Julian, Patriarch of Antioch in Syria, and was proclaimed on the apostolic see of Amida, which received Christianity at the hands of the Apostle Addai and his disciple Aggai. 26 25

138.2 The city was delighted and the Fathers, leaping (inwardly) in a holy way, 27 were pleased; for they saw the priests happy, the administrators decked out in all their finery, the freeborn women and the virgins with their lamps lit in various fashions, 28 the paupers shouting: “A Father of the humble in spirit has dawned upon us,” the Arabs and all their cavalry congratulating the city on its good fortune. 139.1 The following day, all those who lived in the city gathered to hear his teaching. 140.1 Then BISHOP THEODOTIOS spoke all profitable things from the bema; and the theme on which he spoke to them was love. 29

The poll tax was introduced in 691/2 (cf. ch. 4 n. 12 and §127.4 above), so Theodotus cannot have become bishop before Pentecost 692. Joseph’s omission of the date cannot be accidental; it may perhaps serve to keep the reader in the dark about the date of the drought which affected everywhere except Amida (§149.1), a distinction Joseph attributes to Theodotus’ episcopal virtues (§148.4). The famine of 687 affected (only) Syria, whereas that of 694 was “everywhere” (including Amida). By the time of the latter, Theodotus was at Qenneshre, having stepped down as bishop (§175.2). 26 Addai has been identified with the apostle who converted King Abgar the Black of Edessa in AD 28/9, according to Eusebius (History of the Church, 1.13), who says he was one of the seventy (alluding to Luke 10:1); but the Greek Acts of Thaddaeus, which says he built a church in Amida, makes him the tenth of Christ’s original twelve disciples (Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18), though according to Luke 6:16 this was James’ brother Judas. Aggai is known from other Syriac sources, beginning in the early 5th century with the Doctrine of Addai. See Palmer, 2009a. 27 Meaning that they did not leap and prance, as the common people did, but only because that would have injured their dignity. The bishops rather resembled the angels, who “leap” in a spiritual sense while they praise God on high (Ps.-JE, 605, line 3: doyṣin). 28 The phrase be-khul demwon, literally “in all likenesses”, contrives to assimilate all the freeborn women of Amida to the five wise virgins of Matthew 25:1–13 by implying that decent virgins and matrons can lead lives pleasing to God, while at the same time (less piously) suggesting the radiance of a throng of happy, well-dressed women of all ages (ḥirotho “free women” implies that they were well off, if not actually of noble descent). 29 This is the only place where Theodotus’ name is given in a Greek-sounding guise, though the correct Greek version is Theodotos, not Theodotios. Otherwise, he is always called Theodhuṭe. The bema was a daïs constructed in non-monastic churches so that the Liturgy of the 25

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‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܣܝ̇ܡ ܐܝܕܗ ܕܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫‪ 138.1‬ܒܝܘܡ ܚܕܒܫܒܐ ܕܦܢܛܝܩܘܣܛܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܟܪܙ ܥܠ ܟܘܪܣܝܐ ܫܠܝܚܝܐ ܕܐܡܕ܇ ̇ܗܝ‬ ‫ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܕܐܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ ܕܣܘܪܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܐܚܕܬ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܘܬܐ ̈ܒܐܝܕܝ ܐܕܝ ܫܠܝܚܐ ܘܐܓܝ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܕܝܬ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܕܦܨܝܚܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܢܝܚܘ ܐܒܗܬܐ ܒܕܘ�ܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪̣ .‬ܕܚܙܘ ܟܗ ̣ܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 138.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܕܠܩܘ‬ ‫�ܨܒܬܝܢ ̇ܡܦܪܓܝܢ‪ .‬ܚܐ�ܬܐ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܘܒܬܘܠܬ ̣ܐ ܕܒܟܠ ̣ܕܡܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܕܒ�ܢܐ ܕܒܟܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܟܢܐ ܕܡܝ̇ܒܒܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܐܒܐ ܕܡܟܝܟܝ ܪܘܚܐ ܕ ̣ܢܚ ܥܠܝܢ‪ .‬ܛܝܝܐ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫�ܡܦܐܕܝܗܝܢ‪ .‬ܡ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܐ ܠܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܫܐ ܕܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܼܦ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܢܗ ܝܘܠܦܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 139.1‬܀ ܘܠܝܘܡܐ ܕܒܬܪܗ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 140.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܝܘܣ ̇ܡܠܠ� ܥܠ ܒܐܡܐ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܕܝܘܬܪܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܚܘܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܠܠ�ܥܡܗܘܢ )‪ (40‬ܡܛܠ ̣‬

‫‪Word – the readings from Scripture which preceded the Eucharist – could be held in the‬‬ ‫‪midst of the lay congregation for whose edification it was performed (Loosley 2003).‬‬

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140.2 After concluding his sermon, he fell down in front of his entire flock and wept copiously, saying, “Brethren, forgive me, for I am a weak man, worth less than the soil that you, or even the animals, tread underfoot!” 30 140.3 “Pray for us, Father!” was the cry, choked by sobs, which went up in reply. “Pray for us, God’s servant! In you Christ has dawned upon his Church! Our God has given us a blessing in making you our shepherd!” Then he blessed them and they departed in peace, full of joy and pleasure. E. How Theodotus, soon after his installation, considered abandoning his office

141.1 As for the patriarch, he and the bishops escorting him left Amida, after praying for the city. They, too, rejoiced, as they made their (separate) ways home. 141.2 But Theodotus had got it into his head that he, too, would depart from the city after just a few days. 142.1 He summoned his disciple: “Come, let us go out today and ask the blessings of the monks, the stylites and the recluses who (have taken up their stations) around the city! 31 Also, let us offer the oblation in the chapel (Syriac: haykelo) of the Mother of God outside the city!” 32 142.2 The disciple did as the Blessed One told him. But on the third day, when they were outside the city, Theodotus said, “My son, listen to me! Let us go and see to our own souls!” At this, his disciple prostrated himself in front of him and pleaded with him to stay for one year, to which Theodotus reluctantly agreed.

Theodotus uses the same characteristic formula in §17.2. He will use it again in §157.3. Ps.-Zach., 8.5c, 80, says there were “five metropolitan monasteries” at Amida in the first half of the 6th century. The Lives of the Eastern Saints, a vivid eye-witness account of all the forms of asceticism practiced in Amida and its region, was written in the 6th century by John of Ephesus, himself a monk of the monastery of John “the Urṭian”, which stood just outside the city on the north side (JE, 564; cf. Part 2, Table 5b, p. 67 above). 32 See Appendix 1, p. 321 below. This chapel was a symbol of the suppression of Judaism (cf. JE, 91–3). The Jews of Amida, so prominent in the Greek Acts of Thaddaeus, are absent from our text. Prejudice against the Jews is evident in §173.7. Ca 634 “Heraclius decreed that all Jews in the Roman empire be baptized and become Christians. For this reason, the Jews emigrated from Roman territory” (Michael, 11.4, 413). Ca 667, “many Jews confessed and became Christians” (Michael, 11.12, 435), presumably succumbing to the unbearable pressure of persecution. 30 31

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‫̇‬ ‫ܘܒܒܟܝܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ̇ܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܢܦܠ ܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܡܪܥܝܬܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 140.2‬ܘܟܕ ܼܿܫܠܡ ܬܘܪܓܡܗ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫ܡܚܝ� ܐܝ̇ܬܝ܁ ܘ� ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܥܦܪܐ ܕܕܪܟܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܫܒܘܩܘܢ ܠܝ܇ ܕܐ ̇ܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܘܐܦ� ̣ ̈ܗܢܝܢ ̈ܚܝܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 140.3‬ܘܩ ̣ܥܘ ܐܦ ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܝܢ‪ :‬ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝܢ̣ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝܢ̣ ܡܢܝܚܢܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ܅ ܒܟ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ ̣ܢܚ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܥܠ� ܥܕܬܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܛܘܒܐ ܼܿܫܟܢ ܠܢ �ܗܢ ܒܟ ܪ ̇ܥܝܢ‪ܼ ܿ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ̣‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܐ ܟܕ ̇ܡ ̣ܠܝܢ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܘܒܘܣܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܐܡܕ܁ ̈‬ ‫ܕܥܡܗ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‬ ‫ܘܚܣܝܐ ܐܦܝ̈ܣܩܘܦܐ ̇ܗܢܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 141.1‬܀ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܕܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̇ܪܘܙܝܢ ܪܕܘ ܒܐܘܪܚܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܡܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܪܥܝܢܗ܁ ܕܒܬܪ ̈ܝܘܡܬܐ‬ ‫ܩܠܝܠ ܢܫ̇ ܢܐ ܐܦ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 141.2‬‬ ‫ܢܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܢܦܘܩ }ܘ{ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܬܐ܅ ܝܘܡܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 142.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܘܡܢ ܐܣܛܘܢ�ܐ ܘܚܒܝܫܝܐ ܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܕܪ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܢܩܪܒ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ܒܗܝܟ� ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܕܠܒܪ ܡܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܠܝܘܡܐ ܕܬܠܬܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܐܝܟܢܐ‬ ‫‪142.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܚܙܐ ܢܦܫܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܫܡ ̣‬ ‫ܥܝܢܝ ܒܪܝ܅ }ܘ{ܢܐܙܠ ̣‬ ‫ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܟܕ ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܠܒܪ ܡܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܕܢܟܬܪ ܚܕܐ ܼܫܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܠܡܚܣܢ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܩܕܡܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܠ‬ ‫ܢܦ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ܇‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫̣ܫܡܥ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼܿܫܡܥܗ‪.‬‬

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F. How Theodotus revealed who had stolen the cathedral doors during the sermon

143.1 One Sunday, everyone who lived in the city assembled to escort the holy man to church; and he spoke to them from the bema. When he went up to preach, Christians and Arabs were gathered together to see him. The church was full, inside and out, with a pressing throng. 143.2 At the end of his sermon, when he had finished speaking, he fell on his face, there on the bema, in front of everybody, and a great groan went up. Many people were in tears. 144.1 He was (now) standing (again) on the bema of the church, when they told him: “My lord, someone has stolen the doors of the church! Look, they are gone! Make a decree with an interdiction concerning them!” “No, my brethren,” he replied, “I will not pronounce an interdiction. I trust in God, through (the prayers of) his Mother, that the whole city will (soon) know who stole them.” 144.2 Hardly were the words out of his mouth, when a devil struck the thief and cast him down on the ground. Then he was lifted up in mid-air in the sight of all, so that all the people could see him.

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‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܣܟܗ ܕ ̇ܢܣܩܘܢܝܗܝ‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܐܬܟܢܫܬ‬ ‫‪ 143.1‬܀ ܘܠܝܘܡܐ ܕܚܕܒܫܒܐ܇ ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܠܥܕܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܐܬܟܢܫܘ‬ ‫ܘܡܠܠ� ܥܡܗܘܢ ܥܠ ܒܐܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܣܠܩ ܕܢܬܪܓܡ܇ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܒ�ܐ ܪܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܡܠܝܬ ܥܕܬܐ܁ ܡܢ ܠܓܘ ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܠܒܪ ̣‬ ‫ܠܚܙܬܗ ܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܘܛܝܝܐ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܢܦܠ ܩܕܡ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܠ‬ ‫‪ 143.2‬ܘܡܢ ܼܕܡܠܠ� ܥܡܗܘܢ܇ ܒܫܘܠܡܐ ܕܬܘܪܓܡܗ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܘܗܝ ܥ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܟܝܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܝܗ ܕܒܐܡܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܓ ̇ܥܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܫܩܠ�‬ ‫‪ 144.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̇ܩܐܡ ܥܠ ܒܐܡܐ ܕܥܕܬ ̣ܐ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ܐܢܫ ̣‬ ‫ܦܣܘܩ ܒܟܠܝܢܐ ܡܛܠܬܗܘܢ܅ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪� .‬‬ ‫ܬ�ܥܐ ܕܥܕܬ ̣ܐ ܘܗܐ ̣ܐܒܝܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܪܓܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ � ̇ܣܐܡ ܐܢܐ ܟܠܝܢܐ‪ .‬ܡܗ ̣ܝܡܢ ܗܘ �ܗܐ ܒܝ̇ܠܕܬܗ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܕܫܩܝܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܒܗܘ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܚܝܗܝ ܫܐܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܫܕܝܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 144.2‬ܘܥܡ ܡܠܬܗ ̣‬ ‫ܠܗܘ )‪ (41‬ܕܓܢ ̣ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐܪܥܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܠܝ ܒܐܐܪ ܠ ̣ܥܝܢ‬ ‫ܟ�ܢܫ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

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CHAPTER SEVEN. EPISCOPAL EXERTIONS AND EARLY EXHAUSTION A. How Theodotus remained standing day and night, receiving visitors in the mid-afternoon

145.1 Theodotus now adopted the following discipline: to remain standing all day and all night, while reading or singing psalms. 1 He summoned his disciple: “My son, let there be (just) one time every day at which people are admitted to visit me, not for the sake of my dignity, but because conversation with one’s fellow humanbeings interrupts the miracle of being with God!” 2 145.2 But they would go out all night, visiting the sick and those who were bedridden with crippling diseases and praying for them, without anyone knowing of it. Moreover, they used to go without sleep the whole night long. 145.3 From the ninth hour (i.e. about three in the afternoon) onwards was his time for receiving visits. His visitors would pray, receive his blessing, then leave in peace.

Cf. L. Barṣawmo, 56f, §8; Theodoret, 26, §22 (Simeon the Stylite), 2.205. The niche in Gabriel’s Cell at Qartmin Abbey (cf. ch. 5 n. 57 above) kept a body upright by wedging it into a tight place. This must be what was called a qawmo, for some “crucified their bodies against the walls the whole night long without qawme”, while others hooked their arms over ropes and vine-branches attached to the ceiling, suspending themselves in a standing posture (JE, 410). 2 Literally: “the miracle of God’s household”, i.e. the high privilege of belonging to God’s familia, in the Latin sense, or of waiting single-mindedly without distraction upon God, as a slave waits upon his master. Cf. §6 of Theodoret’s Life of Julian Saba: “conversation would rob the mind of its reflection upon God.” In §126.4, the monk Lazarus recognizes in Theodotus someone who “is on intimate terms with God” (ʿam aloho medhayyar). 1

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܫܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܫܢܝܐ ܬܪܬܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܦܫ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܡܪܥܝܬܗ‬ ‫‪ 145.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ܼܿܫܪܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܩܘܡܐ ܟܠܗ ܠܝܐ ܘܐܝܡܡܐ ܟܕ ̇ܩܪܐ‬ ‫ܠܒܟ ܕܘܒܪ ̣ܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܚܕܐ ܙܒܢܬܐ ܢ ̣ܥ�ܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝܢܫܐ ܨܝܕܝ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܝܘܣܦ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡܙ̇ܡܪ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܝܢܫܐ ܒܘܛ� ܗܘ ܕܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ‬ ‫ܟܠܝܘܡ‪ .‬ܠܘ ܡܛܠ ܐܝܩܪܐ ܕܝܠܝ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܕܥܢܝܢܐ ܕܥܡ ܒ ̣‬ ‫�ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪܝܢ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫‪ 145.2‬ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ̣ ܟܠܗ ܠܝܐ ̇ܢܦܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܟܐܒܐ ̈ܩܫܝܐ ܪܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܡܨ̇ܠܝܢ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘ� ܐܢܫ ̇ܡܪܓܫ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܠܗ ܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪ 145.3‬ܘܡܢ ܬܫܥ ̈ܫܥܝܢ ̇ܥܐܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܠ ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܠܘܬܗ܁ ܘܡܨ̇ܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܬܒܪܟܝܢ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܝܢ ܒܫܠܡܐ‪.‬‬

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B. How Theodotus ordered prayers in the parish churches and a Sunday Eucharist in the cathedral

146.1 Mor Theodotus summoned the archdeacon of the (cathedral) church (ʿidto) and gave him the following instructions: “Every Wednesday each of the priests in this city shall make one qurobho in each of its minor churches for the Mother of God, the Prophets, the Martyrs, the Holy Fathers and the Apostles, and on Fridays likewise, and on Saturdays for all Solitaries and for all those who have died in the Faith. 3 146.2 “Every Sunday they shall offer the Sacrifice in all those minor churches (haykele) as a commemoration of our Savior’s Resurrection, but all the people shall assemble in the (cathedral) church (ʿidto).” 4 C. How Theodotus showed compassion towards the sick, the poor, and the 146.3

prisoners of war

{THE RULE OF THE HOLY THEODOTUS IN HIS CELL}

146.4 “See to it, my beloved Mor Joseph, that everything which God provides for this cell from one Friday to the next is taken out and distributed among the poor!” Joseph carried out the Blessed One’s instructions. 146.5 All they had was one mill and one of the gardens belonging to the church. None of what our Lord provided for them from one Friday to the next remained in their cell for them, neither the bread, nor the wine. The poor were constantly coming in their droves, getting the aid they needed and going away happy. 146.6 For those who were unable to come, they would load (the aid onto pack animals) and send it to their homes. 146.7 If anyone gave anything, whether livestock, or clothes, or money, Bishop Theodotus would place it in the hands of the poor. Every day he showed concern for the poor and the needy, and for the (running of the church’s) charitable institutions (διακονίαι) and hospitals (ξενοδοχεῖα). 5 Cf. §§53.1–2: Theodotus’ own regime was to “make qurobhe” every Wednesday and Friday and on the first and fifteenth days of every month for St Mary. The other days of the week were set aside for the Apostles (Sunday), the Prophets (Monday), the Martyrs (Tuesday), the Fathers (Thursday) and the Faithful Departed (Saturday). For a list of the churches of Amida, see Appendix 1. 4 For the cathedral of Amida, see Appendix 1. 5 There is a detailed portrayal of the charitable activities of a metropolitan church in L. Rabbula, 182, 202f (§§29, 50 and 51 in Phenix and Horn 2017). One of the charitable institutions at Amida will have been the Lepers’ Monastery outside the walls (see Appendix 1), on 3

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‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕܗ ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܠ ܝܘܡܐ ܕܐܪܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܝܗܝ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ �ܪܟܝܕܝܩܘܢ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܼ‬ ‫‪ 146.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܢܥܒܕ ܚܕ ܩܘܪܒܐ ܒܟܠ ܗܝܟ� ܕܐܝܬ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ‬ ‫ܒܫܒܐ܁ ܟܠ ܟܗܢܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܒܗܕܐ ܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܫܠܝܚܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܥܪܘܒܬܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܗܬܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܠܣܗܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܠܢܒܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܕܝܐ ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܢܝܕܐ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܫܒܬܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܝܚ ̣‬ ‫ܟ� ܥܘܗܕܢܐ ܕܩ ̣ܝܡܬܗ‬ ‫‪ 146.2‬ܘܐܦ ̈ܒܚܕܒܫܒܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ܁ ̇ܢܩܪܒܘܢ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܗ�̈ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܢܬܟܢܫ ܥܡܐ ܟܠܗ ܠܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܦܪܘܩܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܩܠܝܬܗ ܗܟܢܐ{‬ ‫‪} 146.3‬ܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕܗ ܗܟܢܐ‪̣ ⟨:‬ܚܙܝ ܚܒܝܒܝ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ܅‬ ‫‪⟩ 146.4‬ܘܬܘܒ ̣ܩܪܝܗܝ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܢܦܘܩ }ܘ{ ̇‬ ‫ܢܬܦܠܓ‬ ‫ܟܠ ܡܕܡ ܕܙ̇ܐܢ �ܗܐ ܠܗܕܐ ܩܠܝܬܐ܁ ܡܢ ܥܪܘܒܬܐ ܠܥܪܘܒܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܠ ̈ܡܣܟܢܐ‪ .‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܡܠܝ ܟܠܡܕܡ ܐܝܟܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܪܚܝܐ ܘܚܕܐ ܓܢܬܐ ܡܢ ܕܥܕܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܕܙܐ ̇ܢ‬ ‫‪ � 146.5‬ܓܝܪ ܩ ܸܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܕܡ܁ ܐ ̣� ܚܕܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܚܡܐ ܘ�‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܪܢ ܡܢ ܥܪܘܒܬܐ ܠܥܪܘܒܬ ̣ܐ � ̇ܦܐܫ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܩܠܝܬܐ‪� .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ ܼܚܡܪܐ‪ .‬ܡ�ܛ݀ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̈ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ܁ ܘܡܬ ̇ܥܕܪܝܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫ܦܨܝܚܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܝܢ ܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܐܬܘܢ ̇ܡܛܥܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܡܫ̇ ܕܪܝܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܠܒܬ�̈ܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 146.6‬ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕ� ܡܫܟܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܢܐ ̇ܐܘ ܟܣܦܐ܇ ܒܐܝܕܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܢܝܢܐ ̇ܐܘ ̈ܡ ̣‬ ‫‪ 146.7‬ܘܐܢ ܐܢܫ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܕܡ‪̇ :‬ܐܘ ܩ ̣‬ ‫̇ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܝܘܡ ܝܨܝܦܘܬܐ ܩ ܸܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܡܛܠ ̈ܡܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܝܐܣ ܘܡܛܠ ̈‬ ‫ܐܟܣܢܘܕܘܟܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (42‬ܘܕܣܢ ̣ܝܩܝܢ̣ ܘܡܛܠ ܕܝܐܩ ̣‬

‫‪which see §134.11 with ch. 6 n. 16 above, comparing a similar institution founded by Bish‬‬‫‪op Rabbula at Edessa, who also built a hospital for women in addition to the hospital for‬‬ ‫‪men. The text here has the plural, suggesting there were likewise two hospitals at Amida,‬‬ ‫‪one for women and one for men.‬‬

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146.8 When they came to know his compassion, they flocked to see him in order to enjoy his conversation and obtain his blessing. People came to see him even from distant provinces who were suffering from diseases of various kinds, or who were persecuted by fiends, and our Lord healed them by his prayers and gave them all the help they needed. 146.9 This is how Theodotus cared for the paupers of the city itself. He did not allow anyone to make (unreasonable) demands ; he taught the ruling class that they would be justified by the indigent; and he urged the poor to endure without complaint all that afflicted them. Thus, he spoke to everyone according to his status. 146.10 He showed compassion for those who had been captured in raids. 6 For he made a habit of using his position on the bema of the (cathedral) church to raise this subject: “Today, brethren, our Lord asks you through me: give me ten folles each! I trust the Lord to give you his blessings in return, on my behalf!” 147.1 And our Lord would plant in their hearts the readiness to do as he asked, both Christians and Muslims (of Christian origin?) (Mahgeroye / Mehaggeroye). 7 Thus he would ransom the captives and send them back and they went away pronouncing blessings, rejoicing and praying for Amida and for her bishop Theodotus. 148.1 Theodotus was a ceaseless nocturnal visitor to the minor churches (haykele) of the city. (After praying in the local church,) he and his disciple Joseph would go in to the homes of the sick and give them (the appropriate) treatment and pray for them.

In the 690s, the Arabs frequently raided Byzantine territory; but in 699/700 Tiberius Apsimar ordered an invasion of Euphratesia and took many Arabs captive. See Part 1, Table 1, p. 10 above. The status of Armenia at this time was doubtful, since the ruler, Smbat Bagratuni, first surrendered to the Arabs, then rebelled against them (Theophilus, 187, 195f). 7 Only here, in the Life of Theodotus, does the word m-h-g-r-y-ʾ (vocalisation unsure) occur. In other 7th-century sources it seems to denote those of the Arabs who followed Muḥammad (see p. 20f above). But in our text Ṭayyoye is used for the Arabs in the mosque of Amida (§135.3); and it seems unbelievable that the Muslim conquerors “obeyed all {Theodotus’] instructions” (§148.3). Mahgeroye/Mehaggeroye must therefore refer to those of the Christians who had converted to Islam. They still had links with the Christian community and may even have attended the first part of the Sunday service in the cathedral church to hear the bishop preach in Syriac (§146.10f). 6

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‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܪܟܘܢ‬ ‫ܝܢܗ‬ ‫‪ 146.8‬ܘܟܕ ܝܕ ̣ܥܘ ܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܗ܇ ܡ�ܛ݀ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܠܘܬܗ ܘܠܥ ̣ܢ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ܡܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ �ܚܝܩܐ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܘܬܗ }ܘ{ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܕܒܟܠ ̈‬ ‫ܡܚܘܢ � ̣ܝܨ̈ܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܪܕܝܦܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܟܘ�ܗܢܝܗܘܢ ̇ܡܐܣܐ ܗܘܐ ܡܪܢ ܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ܇ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ܐܢܫܐ ܕܡܢ ̈ܫܐܕܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܘܢܩܢܝܗܘܢ ܿ‬ ‫ܡܡ� ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫‪ 146.9‬ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܥ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ ܗܟܢܐ ܝ̇ܨܦ ܗܘܐ܇ ܕ� ܢܬܠ�ܠܒܪܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫⟩ܡܢܗܘܢ⟨ ܡܕܡ‪ .‬ܘܠܘܬ �ܝܫܢܐ܁ ̇ܗܝ ܕܢܙܕܕܩܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒ��ܝܟܐ ̇ܡܠܦ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܠܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܝܢ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܡܚ̇ ܦܛ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܠܟ�ܢܫ ܕܝܢ̣ ܐܝܟ ܡܫܘܚܬܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܣܝܒܪܘܢ ܕ� ܪܘܥܡܐ ܟܠ ܕܐܬ�̈ܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 146.10‬ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܠܒܫ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ ܒܐܡܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܫܒܝܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܡܠܠ‬ ‫ܡܛܠܬܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫ܗܒܘ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܡܪܢ ̇ܒܥܐ ܝܘܡܢܐ ܡܢܟܘܢ ̈ܒܐܝܕܝ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܟܠ ܚܕܚܕ ܡܢܟܘܢ ܥܣܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܦܪܥ ܠܟܘܢ ܚ�ܦܝ‬ ‫ܦܘܠܣܐ܁ ܘܬܟ ̣ܝܠ ܐܢܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܘ�ܟܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܗ‬ ‫‪ 147.1‬܀ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܡܪܢ ̈ܒܠܒܘܬܗܘܢ ܚܦܝܛܘܬܐ܁ ܘܡܫ̇ ܡܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܥܡ ܡܗܓ�ܝܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ܘܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܕ‬ ‫ܘܦܪܩ ܗܘܐ ̈ܫܒܝܐ܁ ܘܡܫܕܪ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܒܪܟܝܢ܇ ܟܕ ܚ̇ ܕܝـ]ـܢ[܇ ܟܕ ܡܨ̇ܠܝܢ ܥܠ ܐܡܕ ܘܥܠ�ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫‪ 148.1‬܀ ̈ܒܠܝ�ܘܬܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܡܢ ܣܥܘܪܘܬܐ ܕܗ�̈ܟܠـ]ـܐ ܕ[ܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ � ܫ̇ � ܗܘܐ‪̇ .‬ܥܐܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝـ]ـܕܗ ܠܘܬ[ ܟ�ܝܗܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ ܘ]ܡܨ̇[ܠـ]ـܝܢ[ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬

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148.2 If they knew of anyone who was in need, they would send him aid during the hours of daylight, for Theodotus never returned to his episcopal residence until the sky above the eastern horizon was tinged with light. 148.3 Muslims (of Christian origin?) (Mahgeroye / Mehaggeroye), the heretics 8 and the Orthodox alike lived in fear of him and obeyed all his instructions with alacrity. D. How, thanks to Theodotus’ prayers, there was always enough for the citizens to eat

148.4 The Lord blessed Amida with good things in answer to the prayers of Mor Theodotus, its bishop. 149.1 There was a dearth of rain and in all the provinces of Syria there was a shortage of bread, but in his city the Lord gave an abundance of grain. People flocked there from every province and every corner of the world to buy food for their sustenance. 9 150.1 A delegation came from Beth Maʿde, begging him to go and pray in their village. 10 They accepted the blessing which he gave them. Then he said, “Go in peace and may your faith be rewarded!” 150.2 When that blessing entered their borders, the Lord made it pour with rain on that village. Indeed, it did not stop until they sent word to him to pray for an end to the rain. So God helped that village and they brought home a bumper harvest. 11

The term “heretics” probably includes both the Dyophysites (Byzantine Orthodox) and the East Syrians (“Nestorians”). It may also include Julianists, or Phantasiasts, many of whom were Armenian. 9 Cf. JE, 412: “the produce of that year (of the 6th century) came forth in it (i.e. in Amida) plentifully and there was a great and rich abundance in it, so that the whole district of the East had recourse to it to buy corn.” (Tr. Brooks.) 10 Beth Maʿde seems to have been a major settlement, worth sacking for its livestock, bread and wine, where many inhabitants had caches of gold and silver, the location of which they could be forced to reveal. See Michael, 11.10, 428 (f. 218v, left column) about the raid made on Beth Maʿde around the year 648 by David the Armenian. 11 Cf. Ps.-JE, 598f: Jacob Burdʿono as rainmaker. 8

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‫‪ 148.2‬ܘܟܠ ܕܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ]ܕ[ܣ ̣ܢܝܩـ]ـܝܢ[ ܗܘܘ܇ ܡܫ̇ ܕܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ]ܠܗܘܢ[ ܒܐܝܡܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫]ܕ ̇ܡܢܗܪܐ[ ܗܘܬ ܡܕܢܚܐ܇ � ̇ܥܐܠ ܗܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܒܝܬ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦـ]ـܘܬܐ[ ܕܝܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܪܡܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܡܢܗ ܥܠ ܡܗܓ�ܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ ܐ�ܛܝܩܘ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ‬ ‫‪148.3‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܘܖܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܕܦܩܕ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܩܒܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܚ̇ ܕܝܐ]ܝܬ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܡܪܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܬܐ ܘ]ܒܘ[�]ܟܬܐ[ ܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ]ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ[‬ ‫‪148.4‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܐܡܕ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ‬ ‫ܘܚܣܪ ܠܚܡܐ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ]ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ[ ܕܣܘܪܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 149.1‬܀ ܗܘܬ ܚܣܝܪ]ܘܬ ܡܛܪܐ܁[ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܬܟܢܫܝܢ ܗ]ܘܘ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܥܒܘܪܐ ܒܡܫܪܬܚܘܬܐ‪] .‬ܘܟܠܗܘܢ[ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ ܒܡـ]ـܕܝܢܬܗ[ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܣܬܡܟܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܠ[ )‪ (43‬ܦܢܝ̈ܢ‪ .‬ܘܙ̇ܒܢܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܒܝܬ ܡܥܕܐ ܩܪܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܘ ܡܢܗ ܕܢܐܙܠ }ܘ{ܢܨ̇�‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ ܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫‪ 150.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̣ :‬ܙܠܘ ܒܫܠܡܐ܅ ܘܐܝܟ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܟܘܢ‬ ‫ܒܩܪ ̣ܝܬܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܫܩ�ܘ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ܕܝܗܒ ܠܗܘܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܢܗܘܐ ܠܟܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܗܒ ܡܪܝܐ ܒܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ̣ܡܛܪܐ‬ ‫‪ 150.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܬ ̇ܗܝ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܬܚܘܡܝܗܘܢ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ̣ܫ�܇ ܥܕܡܐ ܕ ܼܿܫܕܪܘ ܒ ̣ܥܘ ܡܢܗ ܕ ̇ܢܫ�‪ .‬ܘ ܼܥ ̇‬ ‫ܕܪܗ �ܗܐ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ̇ܗܝ܁ ܘ ̣ܥܠ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܥܒܘܪܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܗ ̣‬

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150.3 Then they put aside a tithe (literally: a blessing) of the grain and loaded it on camels and brought it right into Amida, where holy Theodotus prayed for them. He accepted the blessing they had brought him and immediately told his disciple to distribute to the poor what God had provided. Joseph got to his feet accordingly and distributed it among the poor and the widows of that city and the destitute. Their hunger was satisfied and they praised God for providing them with food. E. How Theodotus had the power of perceiving which sins his visitors had committed

151.1 Now our Lord granted Theodotus the power of seeing all the sins of those who came to see him. Standing on his feet (to receive them), he (usually just) laid his hand on those who asked his blessing; but when someone who had committed a sin approached – whether it was adultery, or murder, or blasphemy – Theodotus would say, “Stay behind for a moment, my son! We need to talk.” 151.2 This is the kind of thing he would say to such a person: “The sin you have committed is a grave one, brother. Offer repentance to God for such-and-such a sin, which you committed on such-and-such a day, and promise me, here in the presence of God, that you will not commit that sin again! Then I shall intercede with God and He will have mercy on you.” 151.3 At this point Theodotus would fall down in front of him, saying, “Whatever you have done until now, (lay it) on me! 12 Go and repent! And be aware that we must all fall into God’s hands!” 13 F. How Theodotus could see a host of angels from heaven in the Place of Sacrifice

152.1 Whenever Bishop Theodotus went to the (cathedral) church (ʿidto), he would bow down in front of the Place of Sacrifice, without straightening up, or looking up, or speaking to anyone, until the whole of the (preparatory) order of service, the Scriptures and homilies (mimre) had been completed. 14

Cf. §§161.4 and 242.12. “The Syriac Paradise of Palladius, 703, tells of an old monk who offered to carry half of another man’s sin with him. The idea of pledging oneself for the sins of another plays an important role in the Life of Eulogius the Stonecutter in the cycle of Daniel of Skete.” (Sebastian Brock, personal communication. L. Eulogius, 257). 13 Hebrews 10:31: “It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.” 14 Saint Paul, who shaped the Christian tradition, taught that Jesus instituted the ritual meal in which the bread was his body and the wine his blood (1 Corinthians 11:24–6). Before celebrating this “eucharistic mystery”, the priest bows deeply towards the table. Theodotus’ bowing took up the whole morning, while others said the prayers, sang the psalms, read from the Bible and explained what it meant. 12

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‫ܥܒܘܪܐ܁ ܘܐܛ ̣ܥܢܘ ̣ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܥ�ܘ ܠܓܘ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‬ ‫ܓܡ ̣�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩ�ܘ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 150.3‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܿ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ܕܐ ̣ܝܬܝܘ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܡ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ }ܘ{ ܼܦܠܓ‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ܼ ܿ :‬ܦܠܓ‬ ‫ܠܡܣܟܢܐ ܡܕܡ ܕܙܢ̣ ܠܢ �ܗܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ ܕܙܢ̣ ܐܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ ܘܠ��ܝܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘ��ܡܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܣܒܥܘ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܐ ̇ܕܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܚܙܐ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܡܪܢ ̣‬ ‫‪ 151.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܬܒܪܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐ ̣ܝܕܐ ܥܠ ̇ܗܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ܇ ̇ܣܐܡ ̣‬ ‫̇ܩܪܒ ܗܘܐ ܐܢܫ ܕܣ ̣ܥܝܪܐ ܠܗ ܚܛ ̣ܝܬܐ܇ ̇ܐܘ ܕܓܘܪܐ ̇ܐܘ ̣ܕܩܛ� ̇ܐܘ ܕܓܘܕܦܐ܁ ̇ܩܪܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܿ ܼܟܬܪ ܠܝ ܩܠܝܠ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܐܡܠܠ�ܥܡܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ܗܟܢܐ‪̣ :‬ܒܝܫ ܚܛܗܐ ܕܣ ̣ܥܝܪ ܠܟ ܐܚܝ‪ܼ ܿ .‬ܩܪܒ ܬܝܒܘܬܐ �ܠܗܐ܅‬ ‫‪̇ 151.2‬‬ ‫ܘܡܪܬܐ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܒ ܠܝ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ܇ ܕ� ̇ܣܥܪ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܕܚܛܗܐ ܦܠܢ ܣ ̣ܥܪܬ ܒܝܘܡܐ ܦܠܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܐܢܬ ܠܗ ܠܚܛܗܐ ܗܢܐ ܬܘܒ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܡܢ �ܗ ̣ܐ ܘܡܪܚ̇ ܡ ܥܠܝܟ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 151.3‬ܘ ̇ܢܦܠ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ :‬ܗܠܝܢ ܕܥܕܡܐ ܠܗܫܐ ܥܠܝ‬ ‫�ܬܘܒ܅ ܘܕܥ ̣ ̈‬ ‫ܕܒܐܝܕܝ �ܗܐ ܐܝܬ ܠܢ ܕ ̣ܢܦܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܪܝ‪ .‬ܙܠ ̣‬ ‫‪ 152.1‬܀ ܘܡܐ ܕܐܙ̇ܠ ܗܘܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܥܕܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܡܬܓܗܢ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܡ ܡܕܒܚܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܬܬܖܨ‬ ‫ܕܬܫܡܫܬܐ ]ܘܟـ[ـܬܒܐ ܘܡܐܡ�ܐ‪ .‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܛܟܣܐ ܟܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܕܡܫܬܡ� ]ܗ[ܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܠܥܠ ]ܘ�[ ̇‬ ‫ܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܥܡ ܒܪܢܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫]ܗܘ[ܐ܁ ܘ� ̇ܬ� ܗܘܐ ܚܝ̇ ܪܗ‬ ‫̣‬

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153.1 Let the reader of this book 15 believe, without the shadow of a doubt, that Theodotus could see the heavenly hosts within the Place of Sacrifice. 16 He was unable to open his eyes and look at the Place of Sacrifice. Many of those who were in his confidence knew this. G. How Theodotus made peace among his clergy and enforced the rules he made for them

154.1 Theodotus used, at all times, to soothe the members of his clergy. When he saw that they were embroiled in a quarrel, or that one of them , he would kneel down and abase himself in front of them, saying, “Forgive me, brethren! For our Lord’s sake, put this offence down to my account!” He refused to get up until they had given him their promise to love one another and had given each other (a sign of) peace. 17 154.2 If anyone opposed him and disobeyed his instructions and did not listen to him, he would curse him; and soon afterwards the wrath of God would catch up with that man. 18 When the people came to know of this, they trembled and were afraid.

Syriac saints’ Lives have always been read out loud at the annual commemoration of the saint. Hagiographers consequently have an illiterate audience in mind. If they address themselves to this audience, they call them “hearers”. It is remarkable that Joseph here addresses himself to the readers of the book he is dictating. This is probably due to the fact that he dictated it to a priest in Samosata, far away from the region in which, according to §246.8, the commemoration of Theodotus was promoted by the bishops. 16 Cf. Ps.-JE, 605: “They saw the angelic hosts, resplendent with glory, leaping and praising in the Place of Sacrifice” (tr. Palmer). This was while Jacob Burdʿono, who had come to (re-) consecrate the cathedral of Amida (after a quarter of a century of Dyophysite use), was celebrating the Eucharist ca 546, during a brief respite from persecution. The Eucharistic Prayer leads up to the Sanctus, in which the humans join in the eternal chant of the angels around his throne in heaven: “Holy, holy, holy.” It is a short step from this to the belief that angels stand around the altar. 17 Cf. Matthew 5:9. The sign of peace which is exchanged in the Syriac Orthodox eucharistic liturgy involves “sandwiching” the hands of one’s neighbour in one’s own and then pressing one’s hands against one’s face. 18 Cf. Chr. Zuqnin, 165–68: The corrupt chiefs of the city of Amida feared their bishop, Cosmas (the chronicler makes him Theodotus’ successor) “lest he should open his mouth and curse them, for he was a stern man.” The villagers of Tella dh-Kum, who were in the pocket of these chiefs, refused (by the mouth of an old woman) to receive their bishop. Cosmas shook off the dust from his shoes and retired to Great Ṭarmal, the next village to the east. A sudden hailstorm destroyed the rebels’ crops and “it became the object of fear and terror to the entire region as well as to all those who show contempt for their bishop” (tr. Harrak, 158). 15

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‫ܗܢܐ ܕܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪] 153.1‬܀ ̇ܢܗܝܡܢ[ ܕܝܢ ܕ� ܦܘܠܓܐ܅ ܐܝܢܐ )‪̇ (44‬ܕܩܪܐ ܒܟܬܒܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܚܘܪ ܒܡܕܒܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܚܝ�ܘܬܐ ̈ܫܡܝܢܐ ܒܓܘ ܡܕܒܚܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ܡ�ܐ ܗܘܐ ܕ ̣ܢܦܬܚ ܥܝܢܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܕܐ ܠܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܪܐܙܗ ܐܬܝܕ ̣ܥܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܩܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܕܪܡܝܢ ܒܫܚ̇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 154.1‬܀ ܠܩܠܝܪܘܣ ܕܝܠܗ ܒܟ�ܙܒܢ ܡܫ̇ ܝܢ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܟܕ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܸ‬ ‫�ܢܫ ܡܢܗܘܢ ⟩ܕܪܓܝܙ ܥܠ ܚܒܪܗ⟨܇ ̇ܒܪܟ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܓܕ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܫܒܘܩܘܢ ܠܝ ̈‬ ‫ܕܢܩܘܡ܇‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܥܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܚܫܘܒܘ ܣܟ�ܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܡܛܠ ܡܪܢ‪ .‬ܘ� ܨ̇ܒܐ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐ ܘܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܝܢ ܫܠܡܐ �ܚܕܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܕܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܫܘܘܕܝܐ ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܚܘ ̣‬ ‫‪ 154.2‬ܘܟܠ ܒܪܢܫܐ ̇ܕܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܠܩܘܒܠܗ ܘ ̇ܥ�ܐ ܗܘܐ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܘ� ‪ 19‬ܫ̇ ܡܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܇‬ ‫}ܘ{�ܛ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ܇ ⟩ܘ⟨ܡܚܕܐ ̇ܡܕܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܪܘܓܙܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܝܕܥ ܥܡܐ ܗܠܝܢ܇‬ ‫ܕܚ�ܘ ܘܙ ̣ܥܘ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܥܡ ܕ�‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪19‬‬

234

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 7

154.3 (For example,) Theodotus had decreed with an interdiction that no member of the clergy could become a district governor (epitropos), or take public office in any capacity. But one of the deacons set (this rule) aside and accepted for himself the office of provincial bursar. 20 Within three days the Lord struck him down: he became bed-ridden with a disease which rendered him like a dry log of wood. 154.4 Hearing this, Theodotus sent him the following message: “It ill becomes you, my son, to treat God’s commandments with contempt.” His disease got worse and he was close to death. Then, in a dream, he saw Bishop Theodotus coming to punish him, picking up a switch as a whip and using this to thrash him ‘shins upon thighs’ (i.e. ‘within an inch of his life’, to employ an equally colourful English expression). 21 That deacon was astonished by this vision and was shaking with fear. 154.5 He sent for Joseph, the disciple and urged him: “My lord, for God’s sake, get the bishop to visit me! I will do whatever he tells me.” The disciple managed to persuade Theodotus to go and pray for him. 154.6 When Theodotus arrived, the deacon wept and said, “My lord, have mercy on me! Slave of God, have mercy on me! Take away the whip with which you lashed me last night! God forbid that I treat your word, my lord, with contempt – ever again!” 154.7 Then Theodotus had them bring the oil (of sickness) and prayed over him and anointed him and prayed (again). At the conclusion of his prayers, the deacon got up as if he had never been ill and went out into the street in the sight of all. The story of that vision was told throughout the city.

Syriac: sallaro, derived from Greek sakellarios “treasurer, or bursar”, from the Latin sacellus “purse”. For the other office, cf. §§110–113, where John, the epitropos of Claudias, is the governor of that district, subordinate to the archon of Samosata, who governs the whole province. 21 The expression ‘shin upon thigh’ comes from the Septuagint version of Judges 15:8, where it is Samson who gives the Philistines a thorough thrashing. Joseph must have known Paul of Tella’s ‘Syrohexapla’, a literal rendering of the Greek Septuagint in Syriac, completed in 617. 20

‫‪235‬‬

‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܐܦܝܛܪܘܦܐ ܘ�‬ ‫ܒܟܠܝܢܐ ܕܟܠ ܕܩܠܝܪܝܩܐ ܗܘ܁ � ܢܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪154.3‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܦܣܩ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ� ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̣ܢܩܘܡ ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܦܘ�ܣܝܢ ܒܫܘܠܛܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܩܠܝ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܡܫܡܫܢܐ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ ܒܥܪܣܐ ܕܟܘܪܗܢܐ܇‬ ‫ܕܢܗܘܐ ܰܣ ܰܠ ܴܪܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܓܘ ܬܠܬܐ ܝܘܡܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܡܚܝܗܝ ܡܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܐܝܟ ܩܝܣܐ ܝܒܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܠܬܡܢܝܐ ܝ�ܚܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܕܬܫܘܛ ̈‬ ‫‪ 154.4‬ܘܫ ̣ܡܥ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܫܠܚ ܠܗ‪̇ � :‬‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܘܗܝ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�ܠܟ ܒܪܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‬ ‫ܥܫܢ ܥ�ܘܗܝ܁ ܘܩܪܝܒ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܡܡܬ‪̣ .‬ܚܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܒܚܠܡܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܟܐܒܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ܒܗ ܫܩܘܗܝ ܥܠ�‬ ‫ܒܕܡܘܬ ܡܓܠܒܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܓܕܗ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ ܫܒܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܬܘܗ ܡܫܡܫܢܐ ̇ܗܘ܇ ܟܕ ܪ ̇ܥܠ ܡܢ ̣ܚܙܘܐ ̣ܕܚܙܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܛܡܬܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 154.5‬ܘܫ̇ ܕܪ }ܘ{ ̣ܩܪܐ ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ܁ ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣܗ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܘܟܠ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ� ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܠܝ ̇ܥܒܕ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܗܐ܁ ܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܣܗ ܕܢܐܙܠ }ܘ{ܢܨ̇� ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܦ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܼܿ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫‪ 154.6‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܝܗܝ܇ ̣ܒܟܐ ܼܿܫܡܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܣ ܠܝ ܐܫ̇ ܘܛ‬ ‫ܕܡܚܝܬܢܝ ܒܗ ܒܗܢ ܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܒ ܡܢܝ ܡܓܠܒܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܡܠܬܟ ܡܪܝ ܘܠܥܠܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܨܠܘܬܐ ܥܒܕ ܥ�ܘܗܝ܁ ܿ‬ ‫ܫܚܗ‬ ‫ܡܫܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ )‪(45‬‬ ‫‪154.7‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܡ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܝܬܝܘ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܟܐܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܥܡ ܫܘܠܡܐ‬ ‫ܕܨܠܘܬܗ ̣ܩܡ ܼܫܡܫܐ ̇ܗܘ܇ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܕ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܟܠܗ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܚܙܘܐ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܠ ̣ܥܝܢ ܟ�ܢܫ ܠܫܘܩܐ ܕܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܘܫܒܩܗ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪̣ . For the emendation, see Part 2, ED 3, ii, p. 52 above.‬‬

‫‪22‬‬

236

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 7

H. How Theodotus brought a dead child back to life and swore both of the witnesses to secrecy

155.1 Once, when Theodotus went to his cell, a distressed woman cast her son (on the ground) in front of him and fell on his feet. Attendants tried to detach her from him, but they could not. “Slave of God, have mercy on me!” she said through her tears, “God forbid that I let go of your legs, unless you give me back my son, alive!” 155.2 So Theodotus made the sign of the Cross over that child, then grasped him by the hand and gave him to his mother, saying, “Look, your son was not dead! 23 Go in peace!” He warned both the woman and his disciple not to tell anyone about this as long as he lived. 24 J. How Theodotus’ jurisdiction over Christian Amida was confirmed by the Arab authorities

156.1 Again, the man in authority over all the east wrote to Amida about Bishop Theodotus as follows: “I order that the laws of Amida and of (that) whole province be given by the righteous man who has been appointed its bishop, for I have heard that he is no respecter of persons. That is why I have given him jurisdiction over the Christians.” 156.2 By this time, everyone had acquired a healthy respect for Theodotus. The ruling class, the officials and those who attended upon the men who have power in this world obeyed his orders; and the city and its province were preserved from disaster. K. How Theodotus visited the villages of his diocese, and was licensed to visit other dioceses

157.1 Theodotus went out to visit his diocese on foot. 25 But because there was little strength in him and he had become even weaker in his second year, 26 they gave him, in each village, a beast of burden on which to ride to the next.

Cf. Mark 5:39. Cf. Matthew 8:4; Mark 5:43a, 7:36 and especially 9:9: “And as they came down from the mountain, he charged them that they should tell no man what things they had seen, till the Son of man were risen from the dead.” 25 The diocese of Amida was very extensive, including rough mountainous country in the north, from which “the men were in the habit of going down to the southern country [i.e. the southern part of the diocese] for the harvest” (JE, 109). “The whole land was beautiful with green crops, vineyards and much cattle, and was full of herds of horses and flocks of goats.” (Chr. Zuqnin, 260, tr. Harrak, 230) 23 24

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‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪܘܚܐ ̣ܫܕܬ‬ ‫ܝܝܩܬ‬ ‫‪ 155.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܠܩܠܝܬܗ܇ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܼܥ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܒ ̇‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܘ�‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠܬ ܥܠ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܘ ܐܢܫܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܦܪܩܘܢܗ ̣‬ ‫ܪܗ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܝܐ ̇‬ ‫�ܓܠܝܟ ̇ܐܘ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝ܅ ̣ܚܣ ܠܝ ܐܪܦܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܗ ܕܐܠܗ ̣ܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܝ ܒܪܝ ̈‬ ‫ܒܚܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝ�ܘܕܐ ̇ܗܘ ܨܠܝܒܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܗ‬ ‫ܕܗ‬ ‫‪ 155.2‬ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܠܒܟܗ ܒܐ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܝܝܬ ܒܪܟܝ‪̣ .‬ܙܠܝ ܒܫܠܡܐ܅ ܘܙܗܪ ܐܢܘܢ �ܢܬܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ :‬ܗܐ܁ � ܼܡ ̣‬ ‫�ܡܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܓ�ܘܢ ܣܘܥܪܢܐ ܗܢܐ ܟܠ ܝܘܡܝ ܚܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕ� ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܬܒ �ܡܕ ܡܛܠ� ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܐܚܝܕ ܫܘܠܛܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 156.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ܕܝܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܕܟܠܗ ܡܕܢܚܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪̇ :‬‬ ‫ܦܩܕ ܐܢܐ ܕܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܕܐܬܪܐ ܟܠܗ ⟩ܢܗܘܘܢ⟨ ܝܗ ̣ܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܗ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܕܥܒܝܕ ̇‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܕܒܐܦܐ ܕܐܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܬ ܓܝܪ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈ܒܐܝܕܝ ̇ܗܘ ܓܒܪܐ ܙܕܝܩܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ̇ܝܗܒܬ ̈‬ ‫ܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ̈ܒܐܝܕܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫� ̇ܢܣܒ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܕܝܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܡܢܗ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪ .‬ܠ�ܝܫܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܠܡܕܒܪܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 156.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܚܝܕܝ ܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܡܫܬܡܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܠܝܢ ̇ܕܩܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܩܕܡ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬܪܗ ܡܢ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܦܘܩܕܢܗ܁ ܘܡܬ ̇ܢܛܪܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܣܥܘܪ �ܬܪܐ ܒ�ܓ�ܘܗܝ‪⟩ .‬ܘ⟨ܡܛܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‬ ‫‪ 157.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ ܼܚܝ� ܩܠܝܠ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܡܚܝ�ܘܬ ̣ܐ }ܘ{ܡܢ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܗܝ ܼܫܢܬܐ ܕܬܪܬܝܢ ̣ܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܪܟܒ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܐ܇ ̣‬

‫‪Cf. §142.2, where Joseph begs Theodotus to act as bishop for at least one year. His reign‬‬ ‫‪may perhaps be dated from Pentecost 692 to Easter 694. He went from Amida to Qenneshre,‬‬ ‫‪where Joseph records a drought which Theodotus allegedly brought to an end by his prayers‬‬ ‫‪(§175.2). This must be the drought of 693/4 (cf. ch. 5 n. 13 above), which struck “every‬‬‫‪where” (Michael, 11.16, 447), including Amida. Had Theodotus still been bishop then, the‬‬ ‫‪claim that his prayers protected Amida from this fate (§§148.4 and 149.1) would ring hol‬‬‫‪low.‬‬

‫‪26‬‬

238

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 7

157.2 Now there was a good deal of contention over which animal should be brought for him, since everyone wanted him to ride on his own. Before entering a village, he would send word that no one was to come out to meet him and that everyone should go to the church (ʿidto). 27 157.3 Then he would perform a rite of absolution, after which he would deliver a sermon. Then he would kneel before the people saying, “Forgive me, brethren! Pray for me, for I am worth less than the soil that you – or even the animals – tread underfoot!” 28 The response was always a loud groan. 157.4 Then he would stand beside his throne, bowing to the people and holding out his right hand until he had blessed them all. 157.5 If a man or a woman prostrated themselves before him, he, too, would immediately fall flat on his face and would not stand up until the person who had abased himself had got to his feet. For he used to say, “Brethren, our Savior humbled himself to become a man and put up with all the problems we have. He even washed his disciples’ feet and served them. Why, then, do you worship my wretched person?” When they heard him say this, everyone was in awe of him. 157.6 Many also came from other provinces and, after (much) persuasion, took him (there) to give them his blessing. For he was licensed by the Fathers to travel wherever he wanted. 29 157.7 As to the gifts that people offered him in every village, he took nothing out of them, 30 but donated them to the poor of that village.

It was the custom, in those days, to send a large reception-committee out to meet an important visitor several miles before he reached a town or a village and so make a festive procession of his entrance. Theodotus was evidently exceptional in detesting such pompous manifestations. He also refused to sit on the bishop’s throne, but stood beside it; and he held his staff of office above the ground, saying he was unworthy to carry it (§157.4; §158.3). Note that the word which is used for the cathedral in the city (ʿidto) is also used of the parish church in a village. 28 Cf. §§17.2 and 140.2, where the same formula of humility is used. 29 This sounds defensive. Perhaps Theodotus had been criticized for absenting himself from his diocese and “taking a holiday” at the monastery of Mor Abai, in the diocese of Dara, or “visiting his brethren” in Claudias, in the diocese of Samosata (§132.1). Both Rabbula of Edessa and Severus of Samosata used to make a long annual retreat in their respective monasteries; but §172.2 shows Theodotus never did this. 30 In view of the rumors that Theodotus had taken advantage, in the past, of his vagrant lifestyle to earn good money as a charismatic healer (cf. ch. 5 n. 25 above), it was important to leave the gifts of the villagers demonstratively untouched. 27

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‫ܘܗܘܐ ܩܪܒܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܥܠ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܝܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܟ�ܢܫ‪:‬‬ ‫‪̣ 157.2‬‬ ‫ܢܦܘܩ‬ ‫ܢܬܒ܅ ܘܩܕܡ ܕܢ ̣ܥܘܠ�ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܇ ܡܫ̇ ܕܪ ܗܘܐ‪ :‬ܕܒܪܢܫܐ � ̣‬ ‫ܕܥܠ ܗܢܐ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܐ ܕܝܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܠܘܩܒܠܝ܅ ܐ� ܟ�ܢܫ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܢܐܙܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܘܪܓܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܡ‬ ‫‪ 157.3‬ܗܝܕܝܢ̣ ̇ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ )‪ (46‬ܚܘܣܝܐ܁ ܘܒܬܪܟܢ ̇ܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܒܘܩܘ ܠܝ ̈‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܥܦܪܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ̇ܨ ̣ܠܘ ܥܠܝ܅ ܕ� ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܕܪܟܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܥܡܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܘܐܦ� ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܘܬܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܓ ̇ܥܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܓܗܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ܦܫ̇ ܛ ܗܘܐ ܝܡܝܢܗ܇‬ ‫�ܓܒ ܬܪܘܢܘܣ ܕܝܠܗ ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫‪ 157.4‬ܘܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܒܪܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܡܚܕܐ ̇ܢܦܠ‬ ‫‪ 157.5‬ܘܐܢ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܐܘ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܕ ܼܿܢܦܝܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܇ ܐܦ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܦܝܠ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅‬ ‫ܐܦܘܗܝ܁ ܘ� ̇ܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ̇ܕܩܐܡ ܗܘܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕ ܼܿܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܬܠܡܝܕܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܣܒܠ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܝܠܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܫܝܓ �ܓ�‬ ‫ܒܪܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܦܪܘܩܢ‬ ‫ܐܬܬܚܬܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘ ܼܿܫܡܫ ܐܢܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܠܝ ܕܘܝ̇ܐ ̇ܣܓܕܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ܈ ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ܫ̇ ܡܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ܇ ̇ܢܦ� ܗܘܬ ܕܚܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 157.6‬ܘܐܦ ̈‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ܁ ܘܒܦܝ̇ܣܐ ܫ̇ ܩܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܪܟܘܢ ܡܢܗ‪ .‬ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܓܝܪ ܡܦܣܢܘܬܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܢܬܟܪܟ‬ ‫ܐܒܗܬܐ ܕܥܠ ܟܠ ܕܘܟ ̣‬ ‫ܐܢܗܘ ܕܨ̇ܒܐ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܒܟܠ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫‪ 157.7‬ܘܟܠ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ � ̇ܡܦܩ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܡܕܡ ܐ ̣� ̈‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܡܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬

240 158.1

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 7

DEVILS}

{ON THE SICK AND ON THE DISTRESSED AND ON THOSE WHO WERE PERSECUTED BY

158.2 When seized upon his prayers, they received the help which was needed. Those who were unable to come to him he visited in person, going there on foot. 158.3 Incidentally, when he was holding his staff of office, he did not allow it to touch the ground; for he used to say, “This is the staff of the Apostles and I am unworthy to carry it.” 31 159.1 Now if there was a source of which the stream was gushing, he would go there and burn incense; and the water would run freely. 32 L. How Theodotus dealt with penitent and unrepentant sinners, respectively

160.1 Everyone who committed a sin would come to him, (even) from distant provinces, and confess to their sins; and he would offer them a penance. 161.1 A certain monk from the monastery of Reshmath 33 fell upon holy Theodotus’ door 34 and (would have) wept the whole night long, without anybody noticing. 161.2 But the bishop saw him in his mind’s eye and summoned his disciple: “My son, let the poor man who is standing at my door come in! He has committed a great sin, but there is true repentance in his heart, so the Lord has sent him to obtain healing.”

Theodotus evidently believed that the episcopal staff which was given to him on becoming bishop of Amida was the very one which Addai had passed on to his disciple, Aggai (§138.1). Today, Syrian Orthodox bishops carry a staff topped by two snakes’ heads (cf. Matthew 10:16). 32 At Barṣawmo’s request, a spring was reputed to have welled up just beside a village, saving the villagers the labour of fetching water from the Euphrates far below (L. Barṣawmo, 152f, §88). Cf. the miracle of Moses, who “struck the rock with his staff twice, and water came out abundantly” (Numbers 20:11). 33 This monastery would be destroyed by ʿUbayd Allah, son of Bukhturi, ruler of Edessa, in 750/1. See Chr. Zuqnin, 199 (Harrak 1999, 184), where it is said to have been in Ṭishpa, a district belonging to Amida (JE, 214, 260), though it must have been close to the border of ʿUbayd Allah’s territory, perhaps on Mount Ayshumo. 34 Cf. JE, 53. 31

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‫‪ 158.1‬܀ }ܥܠ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܥܠ �ܝ̈�ܐ ܘܥܠ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܪܕܝܦܝܢ ܡܢ ̈ܫܐܕܐ{‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܬܗ‬ ‫‪ 158.2‬܀ ⟩ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐ�ܝ̈� ̣ܐ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܪܕܝܦܝܢ ܡܢ ̈ܫܐܕܐ⟨܁ ܟܕ ̇ܓܫܦܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܨܠ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܒ�ܓ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܥܘܕ�ܢܐ ܫ̇ ܩܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ ܕ� ܡܫܟܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܙ̇ܠ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܚܝܕ ܗܘܐ ܫܒܘܩܬܐ܇ � ܝ̇ܗܒ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ̇ܡܛܝܐ �ܪܥܐ‪̇ .‬ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 158.3‬ܟܡܐ ܓܝܪ ̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ܘ� ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ ܕܐܛ ̇‬ ‫ܥܢܝܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܓܝܪ‪ :‬ܕܗܕܐ܁ ܫܒܘܩܬܐ ܕܫܠܝܚܐ‬ ‫̣̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܡܒܘܥܗ܁ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 159.1‬܀ ܘܐܢ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܡ ̣ܥܝܢܐ ܕ⟩�⟨ ܓܐܚ ‪ 35‬ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܘܩܠܝ�ܝܬ ̈ܡܝܐ ܪܕܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܦܝܪܡܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܚܛܗܐ ܡܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ �ܚܝܩܐ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܘܬܗ܁‬ ‫‪ 160.1‬܀ ܘܟܠ ܒܪܢܫܐ ̇‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܗܘܢ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܩܪܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܠܬܝܒܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܫܬܘܕܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܚܛܗ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܢܦܠ�ܥܠ�ܬܪܥܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܟܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 161.1‬܀ ܕܝܪܝܐ ܚܕ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܪܫܡ ̣ܬ ̣‬ ‫ܠܝܐ ܟܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܢܫ � ܪܓܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ )‪ (47‬ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܁ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܥܝܢܐ‬ ‫‪̣ 161.2‬‬ ‫ܕܪܘܚܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܐ ̣ܥܠ�ܓܒܪܐ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕܥܠ�ܬܪ ̣ܥܐ ̇ܩܐܡ‪ .‬ܚܛܗܐ ܩܫܝܐ ܣ ̣ܥܝܪ ܠܗ܁‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܬܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܐܣܝܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܫܕܪܗ‬ ‫ܒܠܒܗ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܝ‬ ‫ܫܪܝܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܝܒܘܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܕܓܐܚܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪35‬‬

242

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 7

161.3 The disciple went out and found that monk weeping bitterly 36 and brought him in to his master. Then that monk fell down in front of him and seized his legs, saying in a sorrowful voice, “I am unworthy to look you – or anybody else – in the eye.” 161.4 “Stand up, my son,” said Theodotus, “God has revealed your sins to me. Get up and take care of yourself! Then offer God the penance of fasting and prayer. If you do so, I have hope in our Lord that he will grant you absolution. As for the past, (lay all that) on me, my son! 37 161.5 “Go, then, and see to your soul! For the next four years you are not to enter any church of God. Go to all the villages and cities and make many prostrations outside the doors of the churches and cathedrals, 38 asking for mercy!” The penitent brother did just that and became a proven monk. 162.1 They brought a certain brother, whom they had caught in the act of fornication, into holy Theodotus’ presence; but when the Blessed One asked the wretched fellow whether he had done this thing, he began to deny it. “You have given way to this temptation as many as twenty times,” said Theodotus, “and do you deny it? You wretch, are you not ashamed of yourself?” Because he saw no repentance in him, he expelled him from the city and excommunicated him from the Christian community. 163.1 Five days later, the brother felt remorse in his heart, came and fell on Theodotus’ door, 39 weeping with repentance and confessing his evil deeds. There were many witnesses to what he said after that, namely: “What his Grace says is true: I did succumb to that temptation.” Then Theodotus gave him absolution by the laying-on of hands, named his just penance and released him.

Cf. Matthew 26:75. Cf. §151.3 with the note there. 38 In a village, the ʿidto is a church. In a city, it is the cathedral. Hence the double translation of the one word ʿidhotho here. 39 Cf. JE, 53, also in connection with fornication (the whole context is worth reading). 36 37

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‫ܘܕܒܪܗ ܘܐ ̣ܥܠܗ‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܬܠܡܝܕܐ܇‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܗ ܠܕܝܪܝܐ ̇ܗܘ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܐ ܡܪܝܪܐܝܬ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 161.3‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܢܦܠ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܁‬ ‫ܘܚܢܝܓܐܝܬ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܘܠܒܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܨܝܕܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܓ�ܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܕܝܪܝܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܪܨܘܦܟ ܐܦ� ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫� ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ ܕܐܚ̇ ܙܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܝܟ܁ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܣ ̣ܥܝܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܓ� ܠܝ �ܗܐ‬ ‫‪̇ 161.4‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܩܘ ܿܡ ܠܟ ܒܪܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܘܨܘܡ ܘܨ ̣ ̣̇�‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬ ܠܝ ܣܒܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ܬܝܒܘܬܐ ܠܘܬ �ܗܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܠܟ܇ ̣ܩܘܡ ܘ ̣ܝܨܦ ܕܢܦܫܟ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܠܗܫܐ ܥܠܝ ܒܪܝ܅‬ ‫ܥܠ ܡܪܢ ܕܡܚ̇ ܣܐ ܠܟ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ ܕܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܚܙܝ ܢܦܫܟ܅ ܘܒܐܪܒܥ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ � ܬ ̣ܥܘܠ܅ ܐ ̣� ܙܠ�ܠܩܘ�ܝܐ‬ ‫‪ 161.5‬ܙܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܡܕ�̈ܢܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܬܐܝܒܐ ̇ܗܘ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܓܗܢ ܥܠ�ܬ�ܥܐ ܕܥܕܬ ̣ܐ ܘܒ ̣ܥܝ ̣�ܚܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܚܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܝܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܫܬܟܚ ܒܙܢܝܘܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 162.1‬܀ ܐܚܐ ܚܕ‬ ‫ܘܐܥ�ܘܗܝ ܠܘܬ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܈‬ ‫܅‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܼܫܪܝ ̇ܟܦܪ‪̇ .‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܕܐܝܢ̣ ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܼܿܫܐܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܝܢ ܕܘܝܐ ܣ ̣ܥܝܪ ܠܟ ܣܘܥܪܢܐ ܗܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܟܦܪ ܐܢܬ܈ ̃ܐܘ ܕܘܝܐ܅ � ̇ܒܗܬ ܐܢܬ܈ ܘܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܢܦܝܠ�ܠܟ ܒܚܛܗܐ ̣‬ ‫ܠܥܣܪܝܢ ̈ܙܒܢܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܪܝܗܝ ܡܢ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕ� ̣ܚܙܐ ܒܗ ܬܝܒܘܬܐ܁ ܛܪܕܗ ܡܢ ܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 163.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ̈‬ ‫ܢܦܠ�ܥܠ�ܬܪ ̣ܥܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ܚܡܫܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܬܘܝ ܐܚܐ ̇ܗܘ ܒܠܒܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܠ ̣ܥܝܢ ܟ�ܢܫ‪ :‬ܕܗܟܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܐ ܒܬܝܒܘܬ ̣ܐ ܘܡܫܬܘܕܐ ܗܘܐ ̈ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܗ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܐ ̣ܝܕܐ ܠܬܝܒܘܬܐ܁ ܘܦܣܩܗ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܡܠܬܗ‬ ‫ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ܢܦ ̣ܝܠ�ܠܝ ܒܗܢܐ ܚܛܗܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܪܝܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̇ܕܩ ̣‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܙ ̣‬

244

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

CHAPTER EIGHT. FROM QENNESHRE TO QELLETH A. How Theodotus left Amida and journeyed to Qenneshre to lay down the burden of his office

164.1 When he reached extreme old age, with its crippling weakness, Theodotus said to his disciple, “My son, let us leave this place! There is no strength left in me. All these people are too much for me. Let us go to the monastery from which I graduated! Let us ask for blessings from those saints and from our brethren, both the ones who have since died and those who are still alive! Then we shall resign this ecclesiastical office to the Fathers who reside there. 1 165.1 “If God wishes us to end our life there, may his name be praised! But if the Lord wishes us to return to the cell from which we came to this place, then we shall go back there (i.e. to Qelleth)!” 2 166.1 Resurrection Sunday came and Theodotus went up onto the bema and preached a great sermon about the Resurrection of our Lord. His eloquence was amazing. Then he prayed for the city and its inhabitants. 166.2 Here are some of the joyful cries he emitted: “Today, let us rejoice with Christ! Today, thanks to God, our redemption is complete! He that had always existed is the same that was crucified and accepted Death for Himself. 166.3 “The ways of our Lord are not as fools imagine. His Death is beyond the scope of philosophy, his Resurrection, out of the range of investigation. In Him there is neither schism, nor division, because the Only-Begotten is one in all his wonders. His name is a miracle, the only appropriate response to which is praise.” 3 167.1 Then the whole congregation cried out joyfully: “May your Grace live forever! May Amida and your flock have joy!” The ordained clergy escorted him with pomp as he descended from the bema. Little did they know that he would never mount it again!

Evidently, there were several bishops residing with the patriarch at Qenneshre. Cf. §134.7, where he says to the people of Qelleth, “I trust in the Lord that I shall end my life in this village!” With qelloyto = cell Theodotus seems to play on the name of Qelleth. 3 The Miaphysite tradition took refuge in Ephrem’s doctrine that God cannot be understood, only praised with the names He has revealed, one of which is iḥidhoyo, the Only-Begotten Son, a name shared by every monk who calls himself a solitary, for a monk, if not an only child, is by definition a “singleton” (David Wilmshurst chose the word). In §167.1, we sense a play on the words ḥedhoyutho “oneness”, ḥodhyoith “joyfully” and ḥadhutho “joy”, which begins with ḥadh “one”. Perhaps this is what made Joseph think Theodotus’ eloquence “amazing”. 1 2

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܬܡܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܐܘܪܚܐ ܐܚܪܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܚܙܩ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܩܫܝܬܐ܇ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ ܠܣܝܒܘܬܐ ܥܡܝܩܬܐ ܘܠܡܚܝ�ܘܬܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 164.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܪܝ܅ ܢܫ̇ ܢܐ ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ‪ � .‬ܬܘܒ ܐܝܬ ܒܝ ܼܚܝ�‪ .‬ܘܒܢܝܢܫܐ ̇ܣܓܝܢ ܥܠܝ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܢܐܙܠ ̇‬ ‫�ܠܗ‬ ‫ܝܫܐ ܘܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡܬܒܪܟܝܢܢ ܡܢ )‪ (48‬ܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܢܦܩܬ܁‬ ‫ܕܡܢܗ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܚܝܢ܇ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܠܕܝܪܐ ̇ܗܝ‬ ‫ܩܕ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܝ̇ܗܒܝܢܢ ܠܗܢܐ ܕܪܓܐ ܕܥܕܬ ̣ܐ �ܒܗܬܐ ܕܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܝܬܝܢ̣ ܘܗܠܝܢ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܼܕܡ ̣‬ ‫‪ 165.1‬ܘܐܢ ܨ̇ܒܐ ܡܪܝܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܗܦܘܟ‬ ‫ܕܢܡ� ̈ܚܝܝܢ ܬܡܢ܇ ܫܡܗ‬ ‫ܢܫܬܒܚ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ܨ̇ܒܐ ܡܪܝܐ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܢܗ ܐܬܝ ̣ܢܢ ܠܗܪܟܐ܇ ̇ܗܦܟܝܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܩܠܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܬܘܪܓܡܐ‬ ‫‪ 166.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܐ ܚܕܒܫܒܐ ܕܩ ̣ܝܡܬܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܣܠܩ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥܠ ܒܐܡܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܥܠ ܩܝܡܬܗ ܕܦܪܘܩܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫ܡܘ�ܝܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܠܠ�ܬܡܝܗܐܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥܠ ܡܕܝܢܬ ̣ܐ ܘܥܠ� ̇ܥ‬ ‫‪̇ 166.2‬‬ ‫ܘܩܥܐ ܗܘܐ ܟܕ ̇ܪܘܙ‪ :‬ܝܘܡܢܐ ܥܡ ܡܫܝܚܐ ̣ܢܚܕܐ܅ ܝܘܡܢܐ ܦܘܪܩܢܢ̣ ܒܐܠܗܐ ̇ܗܘܐ‪̇ .‬ܗܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܐ�ܛܠܒ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܘܬܐ ܼܩܒܠ�ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܬܘܗܝ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܘ ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܥܠܡ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܪܫܐ ̇ܡܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܠܥܠ ܡܢ‬ ‫‪ � 166.3‬ܐܝܟ ܪܥܝܢܐ ܕܣܟ� ܐܘ�ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܢ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܠܥܠ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܬܕܡ�ܬܗ‬ ‫ܦܘܠܓܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܚܕ ܗܘ ܒܟܠܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܥܘܩܒܐ ܩܝܡܬܗ‪ .‬ܠܝܬ ܒܗ ܣܕܩܐ܁ ܘ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܫܘܒܚܐ ܙܕܩ ܠܢ ܠܡܐܡܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܫܡܗ ܕܘܡܪܐ܇ ܕܠܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 167.1‬܀ ܘܩ ̣ܥܘ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܚ̇ ܕܝܐܝܬ‪ :‬ܠܩܘܝܡܐ ܕܚܣܝܘܬܟ܅ ܚܕܘܬܐ �ܡܕ ܘܠܥܢܟ܅‬ ‫ܘܒܙܘܚܐ ̇ܩ ̣ܒ�ܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ܇ ܟܕ ܢ ̣ܚܬ ܡܢ ܒܐܡܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ܇ ܕܬܘܒ � ̇ܦܢܐ ̇ܣܠܩ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‪.‬‬

246

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

167.2 (After the Eucharist) Theodotus requested that his clergy take a meal with him. For this they all foregathered, from the eldest to the youngest; and the people were dismissed. 4 167.3 After this (ceremony), he left the city without anyone knowing, as if he were going to make a visit. He made his disciple swear not to tell anyone on the way who he was. Then they set out in the direction of Ayshumo. 5 168.1 Theodotus sent the following public announcement 6 back to Amida: “I am going to the monastery in which I was brought up and from which I graduated, so that I may obtain the blessings of those saints who (lie buried) there and of my brethren while my life is yet sustained. I do not know whether you will see me again during this life of the body, so pray for me, brethren, and remember me in your prayers! Keep the commandments and the rules which have been given to you by God through me!” 7 169.1 Now when this public announcement was brought into Amida, there was an uproar and a disturbance from the people and many tears were shed, especially the poor.

The word purshono, which usually means “division, separation, sundering, absence, departure”, is used in L. Daniel of Skete, 393, in the sense of a meal. In the Life of Theodotus it refers to the last meal taken together before parting. See Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. 5 This must mean they took the direct route over Mount Ayshumo (see Trombley and Watt 2000, Map II), rather than the route over the saddle between Ayshumo and Mount Aghlosh, by which they would return (§§185–187). They could have avoided either of these arduous routes by going straight from Amida to the Euphrates to hitch a lift on a kellek taking iron (e.g.) from the Taurus to Iraq, but had they done so, they would not have needed a mount from the monastery for the last leg of the journey, since Qenneshre was very close to the river’s left bank. 6 Syriac: turgomo, here neither a sermon, nor a harangue, nor any of the other things listed in the lexica. See Part 2, Table 7, p. 70 above. 7 Ignored by jurisprudence (Bar Hebraeus collects none of them in his Nomocanon), Theodotus’ laws, recorded in our text, may have been suppressed: 1. The laity must attend the Eucharist in the cathedral on Sundays, while the urban priests offer the oblation with their deacons in the minor churches (§146.2, cf. Appendix 1 below); 2. Gifts offered to the bishop must be passed on to the poor with nothing held back (§146.4; cf. §§150.3 & 157.7); 3. No creditor may make unreasonable demands of his poorest debtors (§146.9); 4. No member of the clergy may hold any kind of public office (§154.3). 4

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‫‪ 167.2‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܐ ܡܢ ܩܠܝܪܘܣ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕܘܢ ܥܡܗ ܦܘܪܫܢܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ̣ ܪܘ�ܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܪܝܘ ܥܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܙܥܘ�ܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ܇ ܟܕ ܐܢܫ � ܝ̇ܕܥ܇ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠܣܥܘܪܘܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܙܠ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 167.3‬ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪܟܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢܘ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܢܦܩܘ ‪8‬‬ ‫ܘܐܘܡܝ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕ� ܢܓ� ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ܇ ̇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠ ܐܝܫܘܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܢܗ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫�ܡܕ ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܕܠܕܝܪ]ܐ[ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ̇‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ̣ܬ‬ ‫ܝܬ‬ ‫‪ 168.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܪܒ ̣‬ ‫ܫܠܚ ܕܝܢ ܬܘܪܓܡܐ ̈ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܇ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܩܕ�ܫܐ ܕܬܡܢ܁ ܘܡܢ ܐܚܝ܇ ܥܕ ܼܩܝܡـ]ـܝܢ[ ܚܝܝ‪ .‬ܘ� ܝ̇ܕܥ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ̣ܢܐ܁ ܐܢ ܬܘܒ ܚ̇ ܙܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܝ ܒܗܠܝܢ ܚـ]ـܝܐ[ ܕܦܓܪܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ܨ ̣̇ܠܘ ܥܠܝ܅ ܐܚـ]ـܝ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܬܘܢ ̇ܥܗܕܝܢ ܠܝ ܒܨ̈]ܠܘܬܟܘܢ܅[ ܘܛܪܘ ̈‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܢܡܘܣـ]ـܐ[܅ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܢ �ܗ ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܢ ܐܬ] ̣ܝܗܒܘ[ )‪ (49‬ܠܟܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܪܘܒܐ‬ ‫‪ 169.1‬܀ ܟܕ ܕܝܢ ̣ܥܠ�ܬܘܪܓܡܗ �ܡܕ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܒܟܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܓܘܫܝܐ ܡܢ ܥܡܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ ⟩ܡܢ⟨ ̈ܡܣܟܢܐ‪.‬‬

‫ܘܢܦܩ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪8‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

170.1 News of his coming flew ahead of him all the way. Before he arrived at a village, the people came out to meet him and make him welcome, which pained him. As the word spread, a great crowd, including the blind, flocked to the highway. 9 171.1 Then he would address to them what was (needed) for the redemption of their souls. 172.1 While they were on their way and had gotten within ten miles of the monastery of Qenneshre, Theodotus sent word to the monastery that a mount should be sent for him. All the monks came out to meet him, from the youngest to the eldest, and everyone who (lived) around the monastery. 10 172.2 When they were close enough to see him, they fell down in front of him and he did likewise. All of them were overjoyed, because they had not seen him for forty years. 11 He embraced them with deep emotion and abundant tears. B. How Theodotus revealed that a foreign penitent at Qenneshre had renounced his baptism

173.1 While praying, he noticed a certain foreigner, who was highly respected by the monks and by the patriarch Mor Julian. They considered him a holy man of God. Now, he was from Beth Garme. When this man came and knelt down in front of him, he hauled him bodily to his feet, 12 berating him sternly.

By alluding to blind Bartimaeus, who sat by the highway and called out to Jesus as he passed (Mark 10:46–52) the narrator suggests, without saying, that the blind men who met Theodotus on the road also recovered their sight. 10 It may be significant that the patriarch Julian and his bishops did not come out with the monks and the villagers to make Theodotus welcome. Qenneshre is nowhere described as being near a village, but, as in all the other monasteries mentioned in this text, lay brethren worked there for the monks (§16.1, §24.1). Perhaps, like a permanent Roman fort, there was a vicus outside the walls for these men and their families, the difference being that commonlaw wives and children were only for soldiers. Archaeologists may one day test this hypothesis (cf. Tannous 2011a). 11 It was actually about twenty-seven years since the monks had last seen Theodotus, at the time of the patriarch Theodore’s death in 667. Joseph rounds this up to forty, which in any case means “umpteen” in the languages of the Middle East. Jesus fasted forty days and forty nights; there are forty thieves in the story about Ali Baba; and “the Bridge with the Forty Eyes” (Kırkgözlü Köprü), near Malatya, turns out, in sober truth, to have just sixteen arches! Contrast “the Bridge with Ten Eyes” (Ongözlü Köprü) over the Tigris S of Amida, which has exactly ten arches. 12 Note the implicit criticism of the patriarch Julian for harboring a renegade “Nestorian”. Earlier in his career as a freelance “sheriff”, Theodotus had been instrumental in expelling one East Syrian from a monastery in Claudias (§98.1 and §103.2). 9

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‫ܛܐܒܗ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܕ� ̣ܢܡܛܐ ܠܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܇ ̇ܢܦܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܦܪܚ ̣‬ ‫‪ 170.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܠܩܘܒܠܗ ̇‬ ‫ܠܫܡܥܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒ�ܘܢܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܒܚܫܐ ̇ܗܘܐ ܗܘܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܒܗܕܐ‪ .‬ܘܡ�ܛܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐ ̣ܐ ܘܣܡܝܐ �ܘܪܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̇ 171.1‬‬ ‫ܘܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ ܕܦܘܪܩܢܐ ܕܢ̈ܦܫܬܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 172.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܪܕܝ̇ܢ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ܁ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܡܛܝܘ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܥܣܪܐ ̈ܡܝܠܝܢ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ܇ ܿ ܼܫܕܪ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܙ ̣ܥܘ�ܐ ܥܡ ܪܘ�ܒܢܐ ܘܟܠ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ �ܘܪܥܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܢܐܬܐ ܠܗ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܒܚܕ�ܝ ܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܬ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 172.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܩܕܡܝܗܘܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܢܦ�ܘ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗܘܢ܇ ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܚ ܸܙ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܢ ܐܪܒܥܝܢ ܫܢܝܢ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܥܦܩ ܐܢܘܢ ܒܚܫܐ ܪ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܒܟܝܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 173.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܡܨ̇�܇ ̣ܚܙܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܕ ܐܟܣܢܝܐ܁ ܘܡܝܩܪ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܘܡܢ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܓܪܡܩܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܠܒܝܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܗ ܘܓ ̣ܥܪ ܒܗ ܩܫܝܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫}ܘ{ܒܪܟ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ܇‬ ‫ܠܒܟܗ ܘܐܩ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

250

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

173.2 “Brethren,” he taxed the others, “Why do you have such a high regard for a man who wickedly and voluntarily renounced his baptism and who has not always been a true believer?” 13 173.3 Now those who knew Theodotus were very much afraid and said, “God has granted him a revelation about this man.” But those who did not know him maligned him, saying, “This man is green with envy! Why (else) should he say such things?” 14 173.4 Then they began to make fun of him and set down a “throne” for the Holy One to take a seat. 15 But he, while bowing deeply, reproved them. 173.5 They gave him a cell, where he and his disciple made themselves at home. Then the Elders of the community came and sat with him, saying, “Let us ask about the old man and about what the Blessed One said about him!” But when they voiced this question, he just said: “Go and ask him! He will tell you; he will not deny it.” 173.6 So the venerable Elders and the whole brotherhood asked the man from Beth Garme and he said, “Yes, in truth, brethren, the Holy Spirit spoke through that man. He is a true prophet. For I was baptized a Nestorian. 173.7 “When I grew up, I lost my hearing and went deaf. I consulted a Jewish doctor, who said, ‘Unless you strip off your baptism, it is impossible for you to be healed.’ Then I said to him, ‘Deal with me as you will!’ Thus, he had his way with me. That is why I now fast, so that God might have mercy on me.” 16

Theodotus seems to accept that the East Syrian, who formerly belonged to the Church of the East, is now a Monophysite. He remains critical of him, because (according to Joseph’s account) he gained admittance to the monastery of Qenneshre on false pretences and did not admit to his original allegiance, or make a clean breast of the fact that he had once renounced his baptism when a Jewish doctor (§173.7) made this a condition of treating his deafness. 14 Cf. §109.2+ch. 4 n. 52. 15 The “throne” may have been intended as an ironical comment on Theodotus’ presumptuous treatment of the Easterner; but Joseph discreetly turns it into a scene in which his master plays the role of Jesus Christ, dressed up in a scarlet cloak with a crown of thorns and mocked by the Roman soldiers (cf. Matthew 27:28–31). 16 Tannous (2018, 97) suggests that “stripping off baptism” is a euphemism for circumcision; and “he had his way with me” seems to confirm this. But we should add that the Syriac tradition describes Christian baptism as “putting on the robe of glory” (Brock 1985, 90–4). By being circumcised, the man “stripped off” this robe. 13

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‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̃ :‬ܐܘ ̈‬ ‫ܕܫܠܚ ܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܗ‬ ‫ܠܒܝܟܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܓܒܪܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܠܡܢܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 173.2‬‬ ‫ܒܨܒܝܢܗ ܒ ̣ܝ ̣ܫܐ ܘ� ܡܢ ܫܘܪܝܐ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ܈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪:‬‬ ‫ܕܡܦܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪ 173.3‬ܗܠܝܢ ܓܝܪ‬ ‫ܒܛܘܒܢܐ ܒܕܚܠܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܨ̇ܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܓܠܝܢܐ ̣ܝܗܒ �ܗܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܗܠܝܢ ܕܝܢ ܕ� ܡܦܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܗܢܐ ܓܒܪ ̣ܐ ܿ ܼܚܣܡܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ܅ ܥܠ ܡܢܐ ̇ܐܡܪ ܗܟܢܐ܈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܟܕ ܓܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܡܝܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܗ‬ ‫‪173.4‬‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܣܡܘ ܠܗ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܪܘܢܘܣ ̣‬ ‫�ܥܡܗܘܢ ]ܟܕ ̇ܡܪ[ܬܐ ܐܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼܿܡܠܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ ̈‬ ‫ܣܒܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ܁‬ ‫‪173.5‬‬ ‫ܒܗ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܝܬܒـ[ـܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܠܗ ܩܠܝܬܐ܁ ] ̣‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ]ܘܥـ[ـܠ ܡܕܡ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܠܠ‬ ‫ܘܝܬܒܘ‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܟܕ ] ̇ܐܡـ[ـܪܝܢ‪] :‬ܢـ[ـܫ̇ ܐܠ�ܥܠ ܿ ܣܒܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ܗܘ[ ܕܝܢ̣ ܟܕ ̣ܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ܇ ܼܦܢܝ ܠܗܘܢ‪] :‬ܙܠܘܢ ̣ܐܡـ[ـܪܘܢ ܠܗ܅‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܛܠܬܗ‪̣ ] .‬‬ ‫ܠܟܘܢ ]ܘ� ̇ܟـ[ـܦܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ̇ܡܘܕܥ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܠܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪:‬‬ ‫ܣܒܐ ܝܩܝ�ܐ܁ ]ܘܐܚـ[ـܘܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 173.6‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܠܓܪܡܩܝܐ ̇ܗܘ‪̣ (50) .‬‬ ‫ܐܝܢ ܒܫܪܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇ܡܠܠ ܒܓܒܪܐ ܗܢܐ܁ ܘܢܒܝܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܫܪܝܪܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܥܡܕܬ‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܪܘܚܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܓܝܪ ܒܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܐ ܕܢܣܛܘܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪ 173.7‬ܘܡܢ ̇ܕܗܘܝܬ ܓܒܪܐ܇ ܐ ܶܕ ̈ܶܓܝܢ ܐܕܢ̈ ̣ܝ ܘ� ܫ̇ ܡܥ ܗܘܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̇‬ ‫ܩܪܒܬ ܨܝܕ ܐܢܫ‬ ‫ܕܬܬܚܠܡ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܬ‬ ‫ܐܣܝܐ ܝܘܕܝܐ܇ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܝ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ � ܫ̇ ܠܚ ܐܢܬ ܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܟ܇ � ̣ܡܨܝܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ :‬ܕܣ ̣ܥܘܪ ܨܝܕܝ ܐܝܟ ܕܨ̇ܒܐ ܐܢܬ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܿܫܡܠܝ ܥܡܝ ܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܡܛܠܗܕܐ �̇ܐܡ ܐܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕ �ܗܐ ܥܠܝ ̣�ܚܡܐ‪.‬‬

‫ܐܡـ[ـܪܘ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪17‬‬

252

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

174.1 The monks heard this and shuddered. Then the old man left the monastery and followed to the letter the advice which Theodotus gave him. 18 C. How Theodotus’ prayers brought an end to the drought from which the 175.1

country was suffering

{ON THE MATTER OF THE DEARTH OF RAIN WHICH OCCURRED IN THE REGION AND

THE MONASTERY}

175.2 With tears in their eyes, the monks asked (him what to do). This was his answer: “Let all the monks come and hold a vigil in front of St Thomas, the Apostle!” 19 They did as he told them; and in the middle of the night, the Lord released a downpour of rain from the heavens and the irrigation-channels flowed freely. There was a bumper harvest in that monastery, followed by grapes and other fruit in abundance. This was decisive proof that God had accepted his prayers. D. How Theodotus laid down the burden of his office in the presence of the patriarch and the bishops

176.1 Then Theodotus explained his position to the patriarch and the fathers who were with him. “My Fathers and my Brothers, I have grown weak and have attained the age at which a man is exhausted. Illnesses of various kinds dog my footsteps and there is no strength left in me. I no longer have sufficient energy to bear the burden of (supervising all) the churches (of my diocese). Choose, therefore, for that same church a shepherd who can stand in it! For I do not desire this, but to be an ordinary brother all the days of my life.”

In §49, Theodotus requires public penance of a murderer, before he can be admitted to a monastery. This seems to have been his practice with all sinners (cf. §163). 19 Cf. ch. 6 n. 25 above. The opponents of the “new doctrine” of Chalcedon (451) founded an independent ecclesiastical hierarchy on a network of diehard monasteries, where their bishops and their successive patriarchs resided. In 525 the monks of St Thomas abandoned their home at Seleucia Pieria and migrated to a site on the E bank of the Euphrates on the route from Mabbugh to Baṭnon, taking a relic of the Apostle with them. Their leader, John, died in 538, after which the community was known as Beth Aphthonia, or Qenneshre (see Part 2, Table 5a, p. 66 above, and Menze 2008). 18

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‫‪ 174.1‬܀ ̈‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܫܡ ̣‬ ‫ܥܘ ܘܙ ̣ܥܘ‪ .‬ܘܣܒܐ ̇ܗܘ ܼܿܫܢܝ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܢܛܪ ܟܠ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪} 175.1‬ܥܠ ܨܒܘܬܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܚܣܝܪܘܬ ܡܛܪܐ ܕܗܘܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܘܒܕܝܪܐ{‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܚܣܝܪܘܬ ܡܛܪܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܘܒܕܝܪܐ‪ ⟨.‬ܘܒ ̣ܥܘ‬ ‫‪̣ ⟩ 175.2‬‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕܘ ܟܠ ܡܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘܢ‪ :‬ܢܐܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܫܗܪܘܢ ܩܕܡ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܫܠܝܚܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܟܝ‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܒܦܠܓܗ ܕܠܝܐ ̣ܝܗܒ ܡܪܝܐ ܡܢ ܫܡܝܐ ܡܛܪܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪ .‬ܘܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܐܬܝܕ ̣ܥܬ‪:‬‬ ‫�ܓܠܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܙܪܥܐ ܪܒܐ ܒܕܝܪܐ ̇ܗ ̣ܝ ܘܦܐ�ܐ ܘܐܒܒܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܨܠܘܬܗ ̇ܩ ̣ܒܠ��ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܗܬܐ ܕܥܡܗ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫‪ 176.1‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܚܝ܅‬ ‫ܐ ̇ܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܝ�‬ ‫ܐܬܡܚܠܬ ܠܝ܁ ܘܡܛܝ̇ܬ ܠܣܝܒܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܠܫܦ ̣� ܘ ̇ܢ ̣ܩܝܦܝܢ ܠܝ ܟܘ�ܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܝ ܿ ܼܚ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܣܦܩ ܕ ̣ܢܛܥܢ ܝܘܩܪܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܙ ̣ܥܪ ܒܝ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣ܚܙܘ ̇‬ ‫ܠܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܕܘܒܪܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܥܕܬ ̣ܐ ܪ ̇ܥܝܐ ̇ܕܩܐܡ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪܓܬ ܗܕܐ܁ ܐ ̣� ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܫܚܝܡܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܝܘܡܬܐ ܕܚܝܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐܗܘܐ ܐܚܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ܅ ܕܐ ̇ܢ ̣ܐ � ̇‬ ‫̣‬

254

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

177.1 When the patriarch heard this, he was moved; 20 and he convoked a synod of bishops. Theodotus’ fellow-bishops used abundant arguments in opposition to his own, but to no avail. They were deeply distressed, speechless, agitated, awestruck, and unable to speak to him sternly. 177.2 He resigned his diocese to the patriarch and to the assembled bishops, prayed for his city Amida and its territory and committed them to God. For the rest of his life, he declined to exercise the offices of an ordained man. 178.1 When the news reached the people of Amida there was much weeping and sorrow. Everyone there was affected: the men and the women, and the poor and the needy who lived there. The ordained clergy travelled to see him in the monastery with the nobility of the city and letters to the patriarch and to Theodotus. Some passages from these must be included in this narrative. E. How Theodotus answered the protests of a delegation from Amida opposing his abdication

179.1 “Let not the father abandon his children! Let not your children be orphaned! 21 Let not your diocese be compared with a woman whose husband has left her! Do not let us, by being deprived of you, be deprived of your Master, Christ! Do not let us go hungry, Father, while we still have your granary (piled high with corn)! Alas for us, if you, the one who repairs the breaches in our city-wall, should abandon us! 22 Who (else could be) for us as generous and compassionate as you?

Several 7th-century patriarchs resided at Qenneshre. It may be significant that this one – whose sobriquet was “the Roman”, meaning the Byzantine soldier, his former profession (he was with Titus at Beth Maʿde when David the Armenian ransacked that town) – did not try to make Theodotus change his mind. It was six years since James of Edessa had resigned (AD 688) in protest at Julian’s refusal to back him in enforcing canon law. James destroyed a legal tome at Julian’s door, saying it might as well be burned, since it was no more than a dead letter! Given that the laws made by Theodotus as bishop were not received into the official Syrian Orthodox corpus of canon law (ch. 8 n. 7 above), the tension between him and the patriarch (cf. ch. 8, nn. 10, 12, 26, 29 above) may also have arisen from the latter’s “laxity.” ̈ 21 Cf. Ps.-Ephrem, Julian, 7.1: ‫“ � ܬܫܒܩܢ ܝܬܡܐ‬Do not leave us as orphans!” 22 Cf. §134.14 (“be our wall”), §183.3 (“your body…a strong wall for our defense”) and Ps.Ephrem, Julian, 3.2: ‫“ ܘܡ�ܐ ܕܢܣܘܓ ܬܘ�ܥܬܐ‬and he can mend the breaches (in our walls)”. Coming from a delegation of Amidenes, this tired metaphor gains in novelty. The long city-wall of Amida still stands, though there is a breach in it now (not shown in the photograph by Gertrude Bell on the front cover of this book). It is built of basalt. This earned the city the nickname of Kara Amid (“Black Amida”) in the past. European travellers in the 16th century transcribed it as “Caramit”, taking this for the proper name of the city. 20

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‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܐܬܬܙ ̣ܝܥ‪ .‬ܘ ܼܿܫܕܪ ܿ ܼܟܢܫ‬ ‫‪ 177.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܒܣܓܝܐܬܐ ̣ܩܡܘ ܗܘܘ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܟܢܘܬܗ܁ ܘ� ܼܩܒܠ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܡܠܘܢ ܥܡܗ ܩܫܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܕܚ�ܘ‪ .‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܘܬܡܗܘ܁ ܘܐܬܬܙ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܘ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ‬ ‫ܘ�ܚܣܝܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܥܡܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܫܠܡ ̇ܗ ܠܡܪܥܝܬܐ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‬ ‫‪177.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣̇‬ ‫ܨܒܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܗ‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܐ ܥܠ ܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܗ ܘܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܓܥܠ ܐܢܘܢ �ܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܘܒ � ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܚ ܒܕܪܓܐ ܕܟܗܢܘܬܐ ܟܠ ܝܘܡܝ ܚܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܬܚ̇ ̣‬ ‫ܛܐܒܐ ܗܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܒܟܝܐ ܪܒܐ ܘܚܫܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪:‬‬ ‫�ܒܢܝ ܐܡܕ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫‪ 178.1‬܀ )‪ (51‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܡܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܫܐ܁ ̈‬ ‫ܓܒ�ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡܣܟܢܐ ܘ ̈ܣܢܝܩܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܙܠܘ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܠܘܬܗ ܟܗ ̣ܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ‬ ‫ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܡ ܚܐ�ܐ ܕܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܟܬ�̈ܒܬܐ ܠܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܘܠܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ .‬ܕܩܠܝܠ ܡܢ ܐܓ�ܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܕܢܣܝܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ 179.1‬܀ � ̇ܢܪܦܐ ܐܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܬܬܩܪܐ‬ ‫�ܒܢܝܐ ܕܝܠܗ܅ � ܢܗܘܘܢ ̈ܒܢܝܐ ܕܝܠܟ‬ ‫ܝܬܡܐ܅ � ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܢܬܓ�ܙ ܡܢ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܡܪܟ‬ ‫ܠܓܒܪܗ܅ �‬ ‫ܒܓܠܝܙܘܬܟ ܕܡܢܢ܅ �‬ ‫ܡܪܥܝܬܟ ܫܒ ̣ܝܩܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܫܒܩܢ܁ ̇ܣܐܓ ܬܘ�ܥܬܢ‪̇ .‬ܡܢ ܠܢ‬ ‫ܐܘ�ܪܟ ܐܒܘܢ‪̇ .‬ܘܝ ܠܢ܅ ܐܢ‬ ‫̣ܢܟܦܢ܇ ܟܕ ܐܝܬ ܠܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒ�ܚܡܐ܈‬ ‫ܫܦܝܥ ̣‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܟ ̣‬

256

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

179.2 “Who is to be wept for? For whom should people feel sorry? On whose account should they groan out loud, if not for us, your sheep? Who else could quench our thirst with streams from the saints, as you do, our Father? 23 Come back to us and to your flock, we urge you!” 180.1 To the patriarch they wrote: “God forbid that we should accept another bishop, so long as ours is alive!” 24 181.1 When Theodotus saw the warmth with which they spoke, he addressed them as follows: “My children, I have grown old and feeble. I cannot go to church. I cannot give Holy Communion. I cannot perform an ordination. I cannot consecrate the Myron so as to bind you to me. Your connection with Christ will be broken!” 25 181.2 This, in a nutshell, is what he answered them. Then he prayed for them and bade them depart in peace, though they went on weeping.

The people of Amida perhaps fear that their supernatural “capital” will be diminished when he takes his trademark “sack of saints” away with him. The practice of carrying a sack full of relics from place to place was disapproved of by George, bishop of the Arab Tribes from 686/7 to 724, who wrote four rules for monks, the first of which (R. George, 99), probably issued before Theodotus’ promotion, runs: “By God’s excommunication we have ordered that the monks who carry bags and reliquaries of saints and who are roaming around, shall not be received” (tr. Vööbus). 24 Some thought infirmity no good reason for a bishop to resign, let alone the desire for a quiet life (cf. Chr. Zuqnin, 165, quoted on p. 32f, above). Cf. Michael, 11.22, 466f: “When Severus, (an 8th-century bishop) of Amida, from Zuqnin Monastery, grew feeble in body from old age and his eyesight failed, some of the bishops said he ought to retire to his monastery, but others said this was unacceptable.” The precedent of Theodotus was not evoked, for whom, despite the overblown rhetoric of the delegation from Amida, a successor was soon to be ordained (§§189.1 and 246.4). 25 At this time, the bishop still consecrated the Myron for his diocese, a task later reserved for the patriarch. Directly after baptism, the Miaphysite initiate is anointed with Myron, a mixture of olive oil, balsam and other aromatic herbs. He thereby becomes a full member of the Church and so of the “Body of Christ”. As successor to the Apostles, the bishop represents Christ (the Anointed One) in his diocese, so he can speak of “binding his flock to himself” by means of Myron. If he is no longer able to do this, the bond with Christ Himself may be broken (Brock 1993). 23

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‫ܘܠܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܒܟܝܐ܈‬ ‫ܘܠܡܢ ܟܪܝܘܬܐ܈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪̇ 179.2‬‬ ‫ܬܐܢܚܬ ̣ܐ ܐ ̣� ܠܥܢܟ܈ ̇ܡܢ ̇ܡܫܩܐ ܠܢ ܝ�ܕܐ‬ ‫ܠܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܦܝܣܝܢܢ ܠܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܟ ܐܒܘܢ܈ ܠܢ ܘܠܡܪܥܝܬܟ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܬܦܢܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܗܟܢܐ‪̣ :‬ܕܚܣ ܠܢ܅ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܠ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܐܚܪܢܐ܇ ܟܡܐ‬ ‫‪ 180.1‬܀ ܠܘܬ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܚܝ ܕܝܠܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܣܐܒܬ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ܟܕ ̣ܚܙܐ ܚܡ ̣ܝܡܘܬܗܘܢ܇ ݀ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̈ :‬ܒܢܝ܅ ܐ ̇ܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 181.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܡܫܟܚ ܐܢܐ‬ ‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ � ܡ�ܐ ܐܢܐ ܕܐܬܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩ ܶܫܬ‪ .‬ܠܥܕܬ ̣ܐ � ܡ�ܐ ܐܢܐ ܐ ̇ܙܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܝܪܘܛܘܢܝܐ � ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ � ܡ�ܐ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܫ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܣܘܪܟܘܢ ܒܝ‪̇ .‬ܒܛܠܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܠܟܘܢ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܕܐ ̇ܥܒܕ‪ .‬ܡܘܪܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܐܩ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܫܝܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܫܪܐ ܐܢܘܢ ܒܫܠܡܐ ܟܕ‬ ‫‪ 181.2‬ܗܠܝܢ ܘܕܐܝܟ ܗܠܝܢ ܼܦܢܝ ܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫̇ܒܟܝܢ‪.‬‬

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182.1 He asked the monks to give him the fortress of St Thomas, the Apostle, as a retreat where he could commune with God in peace and quiet. 26 But hardly had he and Mor Joseph made themselves at home there, than the news of his presence spread in all directions and sick people and those under attack from unclean spirits began to come to him; and our Lord healed them by his prayers. F. How Theodotus left Qenneshre and travelled via Baṭnon and Edessa towards Beth Maʿde

183.1 Soon after this Theodotus said to his disciple, “My son, listen to me! Get to your feet, let us leave this place! All these people leave me no time to weep for my sins!” 183.2 But the monks of Qenneshre got wind of this and Basil, the Head of the Monastery, 27 came to see him with all the Elders, weeping in his presence and saying, “My lord, do not leave us! Bequeath yourself to us! For our Lord’s sake, stay with us!

Cf. the tower to the W of Qartmin Abbey (cf. Palmer 1990, 102–5), where, however, Theodotus and Joseph were given a cell, apparently within the enclosure (§126.3). At Mor Abai’s in Qelleth, they built themselves a cell out of sight of the enclosure (§127.5). This was the “liminal” arrangement Theodotus preferred, like that of a typical Mesopotamian monastery in relation to its village. At Qenneshre an annual Encaenia was celebrated for St Thomas’ House of Prayer (Cal. Qenneshre 2, July 2), where perhaps the monks foregathered in 694 to pray for rain (§175.2). 27 It may be significant that the patriarch Julian did not personally try to make Theodotus stay at Qenneshre. Tension between the two men, or R. George, 99 (ch. 8 n. 23 above), may explain the decision to house Theodotus, even during his short stay, in a building outside the monastery (see previous footnote). Joseph saves face by giving Theodotus the initiative in asking for this external lodging. On Basil, see Part 2, Table 5a, p. 66 above. Note that the office of the Head of the Monastery was not made redundant by the residence there of the Head of the Church and other prelates. 26

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‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܚܣܢܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܫܠܝܚܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܬܠܘܢ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 182.1‬܀ ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ܇‬ ‫ܒܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܝܬܒ ̣‬ ‫ܒܫܠܝܐ܁ ܠܢܝ̇ ̣‬ ‫ܚܐ ܘܠܥ ̣ܢܝܢܐ ܕܥܡ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܼܿܫܪܝ ̇ܢܦܩ ̣ܛܐܒܗ ܒܟܠ ܕܘܟ‪ .‬ܘܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ �ܘܚܐ ܛܢܦܬ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܘܬܗ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܐܣܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܪܢ ܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܝܢܝ‬ ‫ܫܡ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫‪ 183.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܼܿܙܒܢܐ ܩܠܝܠ ̣ܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܩܘܡ ܢܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ‪ � .‬ܓܝܪ ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܠܝ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ̇ܐܒܟܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ܪܝܫܕܝܪܐ ܡܪܝ ܒܐܣܝܠ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܪܓܫܘ ܒܗ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ܁ ܘܨ̇ܒܘ‬ ‫‪183.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܫܒܩܢ܅ ܼܫܟܢ ܠܢ ܐܢܬ ܠܟ܅‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ‪̣ (52) :‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝ � ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܟܘ ܩܕܡܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܣܒܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܦܘܫ ܠܘܬܢ܅‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܡܪܢ̣ ̣‬

260

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

183.3 “Your master, Mor Severus, left us to go to the monastery of St Jacob in Beth Kushmoye. 28 We don’t want you to do the same! If even you are going to abandon your monastery, which has just set its eyes on you again after forty years, who will love it? Stay with us, father, so that your body, on its own, may be a strong wall for our defense!” 184.1 When he had heard them out, he consoled them: “Fathers, the slave that knows his master’s will, but does not act according to that will, is going to get a thorough beating! Now, my Master has given me an order and I want to obey that order, for I rely on Him to help me.” 29 184.2 At this they withdrew their opposition. He left by night, as our Lord had commanded, and the brethren of the community did not perceive it, nor did the crowd which had assembled from both sides of the river (lit. “from the West and from the East”). Only the Elders knew. When day dawned and he was nowhere to be found, there was much weeping and emotion.

Severus, who became bishop of Samosata before 616 (Michael, 10.27 with 11.7, 402 and 417f) was a monk of Qenneshre and died at St Jacob’s monastery in Beth Kushmoye, to the West of the Euphrates, in the year 640/1 (Michael, 11.7, 420). On the advice of bishop Daniel of Edessa, the monks of Qenneshre brought back his right hand to their monastery in a crisis (Michael, 11.7, 420f). It is clear that Joseph identified Theodotus’ first teacher with this man, which would make Theodotus over 100 years old at his death in 698, unless Severus was already a bishop when he took the boy under his wing. If so, Joseph was evidently unaware of the fact (see §1.4). His mistake is forgivable, given that Theodotus had told him about the meeting at Zuqnin and the subsequent journey to Qenneshre, but not that, even as bishop, Severus used to spend the autumn and winter of every year at Qenneshre (Michael, 11.7, 418). §245.1 shows that Theodotus’ master was indeed a bishop, although he espoused the status of a “voluntary exile” (see ch. 1 n. 20 above). 29 What God’s order was, Theodotus keeps to himself, in order to prevent news of his destination reaching the delegation from Amida. That his destination was Qelleth becomes clear at §187.4; the instructions are repeated, less clearly, at §189.2: God has granted Theodotus his wish, expressed at §134.7, to die there. Cf. §190.2. 28

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‫‪̣ � 183.3‬ܢܗܘܐ ܠܢ ̣ܒܟ ܐܝܟ ⟩ܕܒـ⟨ܡܪܝ ܣܐܘܝܪܐ ܪܒܟ܇ ܕ ܿ ܼܫܢܝ ܡܢܢ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܗ܈‬ ‫ܟܘܫܡܝܐ‪ .‬ܐܢ ܐܢܬ ̇ܬܪܦܐ ܕܝܪܟ ܕ�ܪܒܥܝܢ ̈ܫܢܝܢ ̣ܚܙܬܟ܇ ̇ܡܢ ܪܚ̇ ܡ ̇‬ ‫ܝܥܩܘܒ ܕܒܝܬ‬ ‫̇ܟܬܪ ܠܘܬܢ̣ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕܦܓܪܟ ܒܠܚܘܕ ܢܗܘܐ ܠܢ ܐܝܟ ̣ܫܘܪܐ ܡܚ̇ ܣܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫ܥܒܕܐ ܕܝ̇ܕܥ ܨܒܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܐܒܗܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥ܇ ܼܒܝܐܐ ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫‪ 184.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܩܕ ܠܝ܁ ܘܐܫ̇ ܡ�‬ ‫ܕܡܪܗ܁ ܘ� ̇ܥܒܕ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܨܒܝܢܗ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܚܘܬܐ ̣ܢܒܠܥ‪ .‬ܡܪܝ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ܡ ̇ܥܕܪ ܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ̇ܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ‪ .‬ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܓܝܪ ܬܟ ̣ܝܠ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܒܠܝܐ܇ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܕܡܪܢ܁ ܘ�‬ ‫ܫܡ ̣‬ ‫ܥܘ � ̣ܥ�ܐܘܘܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 184.2‬ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܐܪܓܫܘ ܒܗ ̈‬ ‫ܡܕܢܚܐ ܐ� ܐܢ‬ ‫ܕܡܟܢܫ ܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܡܥܪܒܐ ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܐܚܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܐܦ� ܥܡܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܟܝܐ ܐܦ ܒܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܒܒ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫ܣܒܐ ܒܠܚܘܕ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣ܢܗܪ ܘ� ̣‬

262

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

185.1 After he reached Baṭnon in Serugh, news of his coming spread quickly through the region and many small towns with their bishops flocked to see him. 30 From there they journeyed on toward Edessa, where they stayed in one of the gardens of the Garden District. 31 185.2 The ruling class and officials of Edessa were delighted to hear of Theodotus’ arrival and desired by all means to see him, so they went out to greet him and he prayed for them. Even the Synodites (synodikoi) said, “Come in with us to our monastery and pray for us, and we shall be of your Faith forever!” 32 186.1 “Go in (to the city) and bring me your children and I shall pray for them,” answered Theodotus, who knew their tricks. That was why he had been unwilling to go in (with them). When both the Orthodox and the heretics had done this, he gave them his blessing and his prayers. 187.1 They set out from there and journeyed to Beth Maʿde. Then Theodotus revealed to his disciple what he was thinking: “Let us go to the territory of the Persians, my son! No one knows us there, so we shall have peace, whereas if we go into that village which lies in front of us, the people of Amida will come and get us and they will not allow us to weep for our sins.” 33

“Small towns” translates quryo, which can equally mean “villages”. Evidently, the Rural Deans of the suffragan diocese of Baṭnon paid their respects to Theodotus. Joseph exaggerated the honour by calling these mere chorepiscopi fully blown episcopi, or “bishops”. As Theodotus’ panegyrist, he needed to compensate for the fact that the metropolitan bishop of Edessa did not even grant Theodotus a reception. Joseph stops short of naming in his narrative these courageous Christians, who refused to cold-shoulder the venerable vagrant, nor does he “name and shame” the unwelcoming metropolitan. 31 This is presumably Halepli Bahçeler “the Alepine gardens” directly to the west of the old center of modern Şanlıurfa, outside the circuit of the medieval walls, between the archaeological museum and the museum of mosaics. It is a richly fertile alluvial plain deposited by the river Dayṣon, which has often flooded this area in the past. The fact that Theodotus was not the guest of the bishop is significant. The metropolitan was now Ḥabib, who had been appointed by Julian in 688. R. George, 99, quoted in ch. 8 n. 23 above, may well explain why Theodotus did not stay in a monastery. 32 No doubt the Dyophysites actually intended to win over Theodotus, whose rift with his fellow-Miaphysites was evident from his abode outside the city. The Dyophysite monastery at Edessa was that “of the Shrine of the Image”, attested in 723 (see Thomson 1962). The silence of our text on the subject of the allegedly miraculous image of Christ, an asset of the Dyophysites, is significant (Palmer 2016a). If the author of L. Ephrem was a monk of this monastery, as speculated in Part 2, p. 60, n. 48 above, this may be when Joseph learned the name and the talents of Simeon of Samosata. 33 Theodotus reveals his long-standing intention to leave “Roman territory”, as it were, and enter Beth Porsoye. By “the territory of the Persians” (cf. §128.1 and ch. 5 n. 72 above) Theodotus means Qelleth, which was reconquered by the Persians and resettled with East Syri30

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‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܟܢ̈ܫܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ܒܐܬܪܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܛܐ ܠܒܛܢܢ ܕܣܪܘܓ܇ ܼܗܠܟ ̣‬ ‫‪ 185.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ̣ܕܡ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܘ�ܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܫܪܘ‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬ ̣ܐ ܥܡ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܝܠܗܝܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܪܕܘ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܕܢܐܬܘܢ ܥܠ ܐܘܪܗܝ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܒܓܢܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܒܒܝܬ ̈ܓܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܫܡܥܘ ܥܠ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܁ ܘܒܟ�ܦܘ�ܣܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 185.2‬ܘܚܕ ̣ܝܘ �ܝܫܢܐ ܘܡܕܒ�ܢܐ ܕܐܘܪܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܗ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ܣܘܢܕܝܩܘ‬ ‫ܘܫܐܠܘ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܙܘܢܝܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ ܠܘܬܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒ ̣ܥܘ ̣‬ ‫ܒ ̣ܥܘ ܡܢܗ ̇‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ̣ܥܘܠ�ܥܡܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܢ܁ ܘܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝܢ̣ ܘܢܗܘܐ ܡܢ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܟ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܠܥܠܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܝܟܘܢ ܘܡܨ̇� ܐܢܐ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܝ̇ܕܥ‬ ‫ܕܥܘܠܘ܁ ܘܐ ̣ܝܬܘ ܠܝ ̈ܒ‬ ‫‪ 186.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܒܕܘ ܗܕܐ ܐܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܢ ̣ܥܘܠ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܓܝܪ ̣ܢܟܠܗܘܢ܇ ܘܡܛܠܗܕܐ � ̣‬ ‫ܘܐ�ܛܝܩܘ܇ ܿ ܼܒܪܟ܁ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫ܘܪܕܘ ܠܒܝܬ ܡܥܕܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܩܡܘ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ̣ ̣‬ ‫ܘܓ� ܛܘܒܢܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 187.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܒܪܝ܅ ܢܐܙܠ�ܠܢ ܠܒܝܬ ܦ�ܣܝܐ܁ �ܝܟܐ ܕ� ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܠܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܠܢ ܢܝ̇ ܚܐ ܬܡܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܐܙ̇ܠܝܢܢ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܒܟܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܠܗܝ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܩܕܡܝܬܐ܇ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܥܠܝܢ ̈ܒܢܝ ܐܡܕ܁ ܘ� ܫ̇ ܒܩܝܢ ܠܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪ans. Their continued presence made it “Persian territory” still. When Theodotus left Qelleth,‬‬ ‫‪he promised to finish his life there (§§134.7, 189.4). Now that death draws near, he wants to‬‬ ‫‪return (§§165, 183) to the new West-Syrian (“Roman”) front, opposing the “Persian” ad‬‬‫‪vance to the last.‬‬

264

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

187.2 So they rode past Beth Maʿde. But Theodotus was so weak with old age and so unaccustomed to riding, that he became too weak either to ride or to walk, so they stayed there on the skirts of Ayshumo for three days, praying that he might regain the strength to ride on his mount and continue their journey. 34 187.3 But Theodotus just got weaker; so weak, indeed, that his disciple thought the day of his departure had arrived. He was very much afraid and said to the man who was with him, “Woe is me! If our Teacher (rabban) dies here, I shall be a laughing-stock.” G. How Theodotus was carried on a bier from Mor Daniel’s monastery to Mor Abai’s at Qelleth

187.4 That night a voice spoke to Joseph: “Fear not! 35 Get up! Take your master and continue on your way to the monastery from which he went forth to become a bishop! He is not going to die until he has built a monastery for God.” 36 187.5 When Joseph woke up, he praised our Lord. Then he took his master (on the back of his own mule) and set out on the way. They journeyed as far as the monastery of Mor Daniel of Aghlosh. 37 188.1 As soon as the monks saw him, they were afraid: “If he dies here, many people will be killed in the struggle for possession of the holy man’s corpse.” For this reason, they put him and his disciple in Mor Daniel’s enclosure and walled up the entrance in their faces. 38

L. Daniel, 294, reports that this 5th-century holy man, travelling by foot from Edessa via Mount Ayshumo to Mount Aghlosh, found a spring of water, beside which an anonymous benefactor had put out bread, a cup of water and a honeycomb, which, after five days without food, he badly needed for his sustenance (see Appendix 2 below). Joseph certainly knew L. Daniel (cf. ch. 8 n. 40 below) and so will have known it was worth looking for a spring on the skirts of Mount Ayshumo. 35 Cf. Matthew 1:20 (spoken to another Joseph!). 36 Cf. Matthew 2:20. 37 The vocalization Aghlosh is based on the spelling ‫’ ܐܓܠܫ‬-g-l-š in SOP 361 (AD 1186: Renܵ ܵ Golosh is attested by SOP 294 (AD 1483). L. Daniel is now in print hart et al. 2021e); ‫ܓܠܫ‬ (Ṣon 2019, 2.235–55), though not yet critically edited. Daniel’s son, Lazarus, succeeded to his father, so the monastery of Mor Lazarus, mentioned along with Beth Maʿde in a list of Christian settlements destroyed in 750/1 by ʿUbayd Allah, son of Bukhturi (ch. 7 n. 33 above), is probably identical with that of Daniel (Appendix 1 below). 38 In Appendix 3 below, Charlotte Labedan-Kodaş describes what she calls a “ghost-room” behind the apse of a 5th-century church at Gümüşyuva which only has a window, no door. The church may well be that of Daniel of Aghlosh, so the “ghost-room” was probably shown to pilgrims as his and his son’s enclosure. Taylor (1865, 361) saw what may have been their 34

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‫ܘܡܚܝ�ܘܬ ̣ܐ ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܢ ܣܝܒܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܪܘ ܒܝܬ ܡܥܕܐ )‪ (53‬ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ܇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 187.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܪܟܘܒܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܡ ̣ܥܝܕ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܪܟ ̣ܒ ܘ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܬܡܚܠ ܥܕܡܐ ܕ� ܡܫܟܚ ܗܘܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܗ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܬܚܝܠ ܐܝܟ ܕ ̣ܢܪܟܒ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܪܘ ܠܘܬ ܐܝܫܘܡܐ ܝܘܡܬܐ ܬܠܬܐ܇ ܟܕ ܡܨ̇ܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܢܝܢܐ ܘ ̣ܢܪܕܘܢ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܠ ̣ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܡܚܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܩܫܝܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܒܪ ܠܗ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣ܕܡܛܐ ܝܘܡܐ ܕܥܘܢܕܢܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 187.3‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܓܘܚܟܐ ̇ܗܘܐ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܕܥܡܗ‪̇ :‬ܘܝ ܠܝ܅ ܐܢ ܗܪܟܐ ̇ܡܐܬ ܪܒܢ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܒܕܚܠܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܪܕܝ‬ ‫ܪܒܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܕܚܠ܅ ̣‬ ‫‪ 187.4‬ܘܒܠܝܐ ܐܬܐܡܪ ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪̣ � :‬‬ ‫ܩܘܡ ̣ܣܒ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܐܘܪܚܟ܅ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܗܘܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪ � .‬ܓܝܪ ̇ܡܐܬ ܥܕܡܐ ̇ܕܒܢܐ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܝ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܢܗ ̣‬ ‫�ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܘܪܕܘ‬ ‫‪ 187.5‬ܘܟܕ ܐܬܬܥܝܪ ܝܘܣܦ܇ ܼܿܫܒܚ ܠܡܪܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ܕ ̣ܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠܗ ܠܪܒܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܕܡܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܕܢܝܐܝܠ ܰܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܓܠܫ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 188.1‬܀ ̈‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܒܗܘܢ ܕܚܠܬܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܐܢ ̇ܡܐܬ ܗܪܟܐ܇‬ ‫ܕܚܙܐܘܘܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܢ̣ ܥܡ ̣‬ ‫̣ ̈ܩܛ� ̈‬ ‫ܫܠܕܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܒܣܝܓܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܣ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ̇ܗܘܝܢ ܡܛܠ ̣‬ ‫ܡܘܗܝ ܠܗ ܘܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܕܢܝܐܝܠ ܘܫ ̣ܥܘ ̈ܒܐܦܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬

‫‪two sarcophagi. The original enclosure, which was in a ruined hill-top fortress, had a door.‬‬ ‫‪Joseph and his spiritual father took the places of Daniel and of Lazarus, his buried-alive son.‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

188.2 Five days later, the news reached Amida. The officials and the ordained clergy came out to see him. They stood at the door of the enclosure, saying, “We refuse to leave without seeing him!” So Joseph lifted him up and brought his face to the window; and he prayed for them and dismissed them. And they re-entered the city in great distress. 189.1 A public meeting was held under the auspices of their (new) bishop, Mor Matthew. A decision was taken to go out and bring him into the city. Everybody was overjoyed in anticipation of this: “God has dealt with us more generously than we deserved, considering our sins,” they said. “in that He has not deprived us of this treasure.” 39 189.2 During the night in which they prepared to sally forth, Theodotus received the following revelation: “Today men are coming to take you back to Amida with them, so gather your strength and go to your former monastery (i.e. Mor Abai’s at Qelleth). For you will not leave the world until you have built a monastery. It is there that the Lord intends to give you rest, as you asked and entreated of Him.” 189.3 He summoned his disciple Joseph and told him about his vision; and he told his master everything that he himself had seen, so they knew that their journey was inspired by the Lord. 40 Theodotus summoned Mor Abgar, the Visitor (soʿuro), and told him about the vision he had had. Then he asked him to get him out of the province of Amida. Mor Abgar did as he was requested. Now Theodotus was very fond of the blessed Abgar. 41 189.4 Mor Abgar came back with some brethren who laid him on a bier and carried him all the way to the monastery in which he was to end his life. The first thing Theodotus did was to ask his disciple to carry him into the cave of the saints which was there (Figure 10), thanking and praising God for granting his heartfelt desire to die in that place. By “this treasure” is meant Theodotus’ body. In view of his reputation for holiness, his relics were sure to be a great resource, in a time when faith-healing seems to have occurred frequently in the Syrian Miaphysite Church (and not only in that faith-community). 40 Cf. L. Daniel, 293, ll. 5–8: “This same vision concerning the blessed Daniel also appeared to Mor Mari; for it was one and the same Spirit of God which revealed it to them. (In the morning,) when each told the other of his vision, they were astonished and filled with wonder and praised God.” By delaying the moment of sharing (cf. §187.4) Joseph suggests the two revelations were simultaneous. 41 As soʿuro (Visitor), Abgar was responsible for all the external affairs of the monastery. This responsibility will often have obliged him to go to Amida while Theodotus was bishop of that city, so the two men must have known each other, even if Theodotus had not visited the monastery before (which it is very likely he had done). Note that R. George, 99 (ch. 8 n. 23 above), formed no obstacle to the admission of Theodotus with his sack of bones for the officers of the monasteries of Daniel and Abai, which lie outside the diocese of Osrhoene, where George’s writ ran. 39

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‫̈‬ ‫ܐܫܬܡܥܬ ܒܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 188.2‬ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܚܡܫܐ ܝܘܡܝܢ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܡܘ ܥܠ� ܬܪܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܟܗܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܣܝܓܬܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕ� ܐܙ̇ܠܝܢܢ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܫܪܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒܗ ܠܘܬ ܟܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܒܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 189.1‬܀ ܬܘܒ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܦܩܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܣܒܘ ̣‬ ‫ܡܠܟܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܥܡ ܡܪܝ ܡܬܝ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘ ̇ܢܥ�ܘܢܝܗܝ ܠܓܘ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܕ ̣ܝܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ‪ :‬ܕܠܘ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ܥܡܢ �ܗܐ܅ ܕ� ‪ 42‬ܓ ̣�ܙ ܠܢ ܡܢ ܗܕܐ ܣ ̣ܝܡܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈ܚܛܗܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܗ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ̣ܚܙܘ ̣ܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܕܒܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܦܩܘܢ ̣‬ ‫‪ 189.2‬ܘܒܠܝܐ ܕܒܗ ܡܛܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣‬ ‫܅‬ ‫ܝܘܡܐ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܐܢܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܙܠ�ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܝܠܟ ܩܕܡܝܬܐ‪� .‬‬ ‫ܐܬܚܝܠ‬ ‫ܘܡܥܠܝܢ ܠܟ �ܡܕ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܬܒܢܐ ܕܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܬܡܢ ܡܛ ̣ܝܒ ܡܪܝܐ ܕܢ ̣ܢܝܚܟ܇ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܓܝܪ ̇ܢܦܩ ܐܢܬ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܥܕܡܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫܐܠܬ ܘܒ ̣ܥܝܬ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܐܫܬܥܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܥܠ ̣ܚܙܘܐ ̣ܕܚܙܐ܁ ܘܐܦ ̣‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ (54) 189.3‬‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܡܪܝ ܐܒܓܪ ̇ܣܥܘܪܐ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܪܒܗ ܟܠ ̣ܕܚܙܐ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܝܕܥܘ ܕܡܢ ܡܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ܐܘܪܚܗܘܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܬ‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܒܕ‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܡܕ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܘܠܛܢܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ‬ ‫ܦܩܗ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܙ‬ ‫ܕܚ‬ ‫ܙܘܐ‬ ‫ܚ‬ ‫ܥܠ‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܢܝ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ ̣ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ .‬ܪܚ̇ ܡ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܕܝܢ̣ ܛܘܒܢܐ �ܒܓܪ ̇ܣܓܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 189.4‬ܘܐ ̣ܝܬܝ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ̇ܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ܿ ܼܫܠܡ‬ ‫ܣܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܪܕܘ ̣‬ ‫ܐܚܐ܁ ܘܛ ̣ܥܢܘܗܝ ܒܥܪ ̣‬ ‫̈ܚܝܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܩܪܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ܁ ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢܗ ܕ ̇ܢܥܠܗ ܠܡܥܪܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܕܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܢܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܬܡܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܒܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܘܕܝ ܘ ܼܫܒܚ �ܠܗܐ܁ ܕܫ̇ ̣ܡܠܝ ܪܓܬܗ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܥܘܢܕܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܘ ܠܘܬܗ ܡܕܒ�ܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇ܐܘ ܚ̇ ܙܝܢܢ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܛ ̣ܥܢܗ‬ ‫ܘܥ�ܘ ܠܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܘ�‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪42‬‬

268

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8 H. How Theodotus had earlier discovered the ruins of the original monastery of Mor Abai

190.1 Incidentally, we should tell how the holy Theodotus found this place. Before he was raised to the rank of bishop, he had dwelt in the monastery of Mor Abai as a stranger to the world. One day, while he was singing psalms on that hillside, he had found that cave, which had been the original monastery of Mor Abai. It had lain in ruins since the days of the Persians and no one had known of it. 43 190.2 The two monks had gone up there together, taking the sack of saints with them and singing psalms, for they had decided to build a cell there. First, they had burned incense. Then Theodotus had taken a block of stone and marked it with three crosses. 44 “Dig a hole here,” he had told his disciple, “and lay this block of stone as a foundation! As God is faithful, through his Mother and his saints, this is where I shall return to dust.” 45 And indeed, this happened just so. 46 J. How Theodotus founded his own little “skete” in the ruins above Mor Abai’s monastery

191.1 When they came to that place for the third time from the monastery of Qenneshre, news of Theodotus’ coming went out into the whole province. Crowd after crowd of people came and he spoke to them, prayed for them and dismissed them with a benign word. The whole province of Dara was filled with serenity and joy at the news of him. 192.1 The governors and the noblemen of Mardin, Dara, Ṭur ʿAbdin and Ḥesno dh-Kifo began coming in quick succession to receive his blessing. 193.1 Ellusṭriya of Dara also came. He was glad to see Theodotus again, for he loved the holy man very much. “Mor Theodotus,” he said, “Do please build a monastery for God!” 47 Theodotus gladly obeyed and God fulfilled his wish: people flocked together unasked to help build it. They brought with them their own bread and wine and rejoiced as they worked. In November 573 the Persians took Dara, which had been a thorn in their side ever since it was built in 507. Beth Daroye, the province of Dara, amongst other regions, was laid waste by the Persian general Adarmon in AG 889 = AD 577/8 after the failure of a peace conference with the Romans in the ruins of Dara (Michael, 10.13, 356b). 44 Cf. Figure 9, two late antique crosses carved on the lintel of the Beth Qaddishe in Theodotus’ monastery. 45 Ecclesiastes 3:20. 46 In the Syriac Liturgy, these very words are chanted by the priest before he reads the Gospel. The congregation answer in the same tones that they believe it absolutely. 47 Cf. §127.1–4, with the notes there, and for illoustrios, see §127.1 above, with ch. 5 n. 64. 43

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‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ 190.1‬܀ ̇‬ ‫ܐܫܟܚ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪ .‬ܩܕܡ ܕܢܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܬܢܐ܁ ܕܐܝܟܢ ̣‬ ‫ܙܕܩ ܓܝܪ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܕܪܓܐ ܕܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܘܬܐ ̇ܥܡܪ ܗܘܐ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐܒܝ ܒܐܟܣܢܝܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܝܘܡܝܢ܇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܫܟ ̇‬ ‫ܟܕ ܡܙ̇ܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܗ ܗܘܬ ܒܩܕܡܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐܒܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܚܗ ܠܡܥܪܬܐ ̇ܗܝ܇‬ ‫ܒܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܛܘܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܪܝܒܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ ܫܢܝ ܦ�ܣܝܐ܁ ܘܐܢܫ � ܝ̇ܕܥ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ܁ ܘܬܪܡ� ̈‬ ‫ܘܣ�ܩܘ ܬ�ܝܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܫܦܪ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܥܡܗܘܢ ܟܕ ̇ܡܙܡܪܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫‪190.2‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܪܫܡ‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܟܐܦܐ ܚܕܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܡܘ ܬܡܢ ܦܝܪܡܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܢܒܢܘܢ ܩܠܝܬܐ ܬܡܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܅‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܚܦܘܪ ܗܪܟܐ ܘܣ ̣ܝܡ ܟܐܦܐ ܗܕܐ ܫܬܐܣܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܠܝܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗ ܬܠܬܐ ܨ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘ �ܗܐ ܒܝ̇ܠܕܬܗ ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ ܕܗܪܟܐ ̇ܗܘܐ ܐܢܐ ܥܦܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ̣ ܗܟܢܐ ܗܘܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܗܝܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܛܐܒܗ ܒܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪ 191.1‬܀ ܘܡܢ ܕܦ ̣ܢܘ‬ ‫ܢܦܩ ̣‬ ‫}ܘ{ܐܬܘ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܢܢܫܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܟ ̣ܢܫܝܢ ܟܢ̈ܫܝܢ ̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܫ̇ ܪܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܡܠܠ ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܘܡܨ̇� ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡـ]ـܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܡܠܝ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܕܪ ̣ܐ ܫܝܢܐ ܘܚܕܘܬܐ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܘܕܚܣܢܐ ܕܟܐܦܐ܁ ܡ�ܛ݀ܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 192.1‬ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝܘ ̇ܡܕܒ�ܢܐ ܘܚܐ�ܐ ܕܡܪܕ ̣ܐ ܘܕܕܪ ̣ܐ ܘܕܛܘܪܥـ]ـܒܕܝܢ̣[ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܬܒܪܟܘܢ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫]ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ‪[:‬‬ ‫ܘܚܕܝ ܒܚܙ]ܬܗ[ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪̇ .‬ܣܓܝ ܓܝܪ‬ ‫‪ 193.1‬܀ ܘܐܦ ̣‬ ‫]ܗܘ[ �ܘܣܛܪܝܐ ܕܕܪܐ܁ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪] :‬ܡܪܝ[ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ܬܐ ܒ ̣ܢܝ ܕܝܪܐ ]�ܠܗܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫̇ܡܚܒ ]ܗܘܐ[ ܠܗ ⟩ܠـ⟨ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܠܒܢܝܢܐ ܟܕ �‬ ‫ܚܗ ܘܨ̇ܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܐܢܫܐ ̣‬ ‫)‪ (55‬ܘ ܼܿܫܡܥܗ ܚ̇ ܕܝܐܝܬ܁ ܘ ܿ ܼܫܡܠܝ �ܗܐ ܢܝ̇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܚܡܪ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܦܠܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܕ ܚ̇ ܕܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܸܩܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ܁ ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܠܚܡܐ ܿ ܼ‬

270

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

194.1 When, by the will of our Lord, the Blessed One had recovered from his illness, he began to walk up onto the hills, singing as he went. But in the middle of the afternoon, every day, he would come and stand next to a certain oak on the south side of the monastery, and on that tree would he lean, while the people filed past to receive his blessing. 195.1 One of those who came to the holy man was an Arab, who suffered from a crippling disease and was unable to walk. He fell at Theodotus’ feet and his disciple urged him to pray for him. At the Blessed One’s bidding, a Blessing was brought. After he had touched him with this, the man took his leave, restored to health and thanking God. 48 196.1 There was also a certain Nestorian, who begged Theodotus with tears in his eyes to pray for him. The Blessed One laid his hand on him and he was cured of his disease. 49 197.1 They asked Theodotus to accept (lay-)brethren whose parents had made a vow dedicating them to God. He accepted all those they presented to him, so as to bring the place under cultivation. 50

Around 700, there were still a number of Christian Arab tribes in Northern Mesopotamia who shared Theodotus’ faith; but if this Arab was one of them, it is hard to see why Joseph needed to urge his master to pray for him. It was inconsistent of the holy man to heal a Muslim without insisting that he become a Christian (§§43.4, 120.3). But apostasy from Islam was punishable by death, so this inconsistency was pragmatic. 49 Contrast §§98–103 and 117–9, where Theodotus makes no concessions to East Syrians. Theodotus invested the monastery of Mor Abai with the supernatural favor of the Mother of God and erected an invisible “wall” by importing the bones of thousands of martyrs. The East-Syrian metropolitan of Nisibis probably did his best to win over the villagers’ hearts and minds by investing in a beautiful 8th-cent. village church under the invocation of John of Dailam (d. 738). When John’s devotees became Miaphysites, their patron-saint had to be reinvented as a Miaphysite, too (Brock 2011). 50 This gives us an insight into the recruitment and the tasks of the lay brethren who belonged to every monastic community in those days. Barren couples made a vow that, if a child was born to them, it would belong to God. They might fulfil their vow by making their son a lay brother, whose family, if he married, could help with tasks outside the monastery, such as cultivating the land. Had making the land productive not been so important at the time, Theodotus might have insisted that the vow meant the child, if a boy, must become a monk. 48

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‫ܠܛܘܪܐ ܟܕ ܡ ܼܿܙܡܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܚܝܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ܇ ܼܿܫܪܝ ܪܕܐ‬ ‫ܨܒܐ ܡܪܢ̣ ̇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 194.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫݁‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܓܒܗ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܐܝ�ܢܐ ܚܕ ܕܒ�ܘܛܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܠܬܫܥ ܫܥܝܢ ܟܠ ܝܘܡܐ ܐܬ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ� ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܡܬܒܪܟܝܢ ܡܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܣܬܡܟ ܗܘܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܬܝܡܢܝܐ ܕܕܝܪ ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܛܝܝܐ ܚܕ܁‬ ‫ܡܫܟܚ‬ ‫‪ 195.1‬܀ ̣ܐܬ ܐ ܕܝܢ ܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܝܫܐ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܠܒܝܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܟܐܒܐ ̣ܒ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܢܦܠ ܩܕܡ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ ܕܛܘܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣܗ ܕܝܢ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܢܨ̇� ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܗܠܟ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ ܟܕ ܚܠܝܡ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܘܕܐ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܦ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬ ܒܘܪܟܬܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܣܡ‬ ‫‪ 196.1‬܀ ܘܢܣܛܘܪܝܢܐ ܚܕ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ܁ ܘܒ ̣ܥܐ ܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܟܕ ̇ܒܟܐ ܕܢܨ̇�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܚܠܡ ܡܢ ܟܐܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ̣ܝܕܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܚܐ ܕ ̇ܢܕܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܢܩܒܠ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܝܗܘܢ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫‪ 197.1‬܀ ܘܒ ̣ܥܘ ܬܘܒ ܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩ ̣ܒܠ‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܘ ܠܗ܇ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܫ̇ ̇‬ ‫ܝܢܗ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܠ ̣‬

272

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8 K. How Theodotus inaugurated the annual Qelleth festival on September 20

197.2 When, by God’s will, the monastic buildings were completed, Theodotus saw it and was glad. 51 He formed the resolve to collect all the saints (i.e. relics) which belonged to him from the monasteries (in which he had stayed). From his youth until his old age, he had collected them and now he laid them to rest in his own monastery as a treasury of saints. 52 197.3 One night these saints appeared to him, all five thousand five hundred of them. “We,” they intoned, “are the men you have collected for yourself from every region. 53 We have come to tell you that the time for you to leave this world is at hand. Your Lord awaits you, Theodotus. Blessed are you, for you are to be preserved for the place of salvation! 198.1 “All your life long,” they continued, “you have commemorated us. Now link our commemoration with your own in writing while you are still alive! 54 Then the sick and the distressed will come and receive the help they need and go away praising God.” At this point the vision was lifted up out of Theodotus’ sight. 55 At this he was very excited and told his disciple what he had seen; and they both praised our Lord.

Cf. Genesis 1, e.g. the first half of verse 4: “And God saw the light, that it was good.” Cf. ch. 1 n. 26 above. 53 If Theodotus really spent 5 years in Egypt, he may have collected the bones of Miaphysite martyrs there (§54.2+ch. 2 n. 41). In the Mountain of Mardin he may have acquired bones of the monks of Qedar and Benotho who were killed by the Arabs in 635/6 (Chr. 640, 148), storing them at Qarqaphto (§58.2). Theodotus may have found mass-graves outside Amida dating from 502–3 (see Figure 4, “Great Christian Cemetery of 503”) and have stored the bones he dug up there at Zuqnin (§64.4). He may also have built up a collection at St Sergius’ in Claudias (§85.2), including relics of the seven men martyred at Samosata in the reign of Maximian. 54 In the 14th century, Theodotus was commemorated on August 15 and September 8 (Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin). The real date of his death was probably January 25, his commemoration in Cal. Qenneshre 1, which, according to E. W. Brooks, in the introduction to his edition of James’ Hymns, probably dates from the very end of the 7th century (see Part 2, p. 30f above). 55 Cf. Acts 10:16. 51 52

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‫ܘܚܕܝ܇ ̣ܣܡ ܒܪܥܝܢܗ ̇‬ ‫ܨܒܐ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܟܢܫ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫‪ 197.2‬ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܙ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܢܝܬ ܕܝܪܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܡܟܢܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ‪56‬‬ ‫̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܥܘܡ�ܐ܇ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܡܢ ܛܠܝܘܬܗ ܐܦ ܠܣܝܒܘܬܗ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܣܝܡܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ̇‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ ܚܡܫܐ �ܦܝ̈ܢ ܘܚܡܫܡܐܐ ܓܒ�ܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫‪ 197.3‬ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ ܠܝ�ܘܬܐ ܐܬܚܙ ̣ܝܘ ܠܗ ܩ ̣‬ ‫̣ܚܙܐ ܐܢܘܢ܇ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܚܢܢ ]ܐ[ܝܬܝܢ ܿ ܼܕܟܢܫܬ ܠܢ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܐܬܪ ܠܘܬܟ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢܢ ܠܟ‪:‬‬ ‫ܠܟ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܅ ]ܛـ[ـܘܒܝܟ܅‬ ‫̣ܕܩܪܒ ]ܙ[ܒܢܟ ܕܬ ܼܿܫܢܐ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ‪] .‬ܡـ[ـܪܟ ̇‬ ‫ܡܣܟܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕ�ܬܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐ ܢܛ ̣ܝܪ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬ ‫‪] 198.1‬܀ ̇‬ ‫ܪܫܘܡ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܬ[ ܠܢ ܕܘܟܪܢܐ܁ ܗܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡـ[ـܪܝܢ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܝܘܡܬܟ ] ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܘܟܪܢܟ ܥܕ ]ܐܝܬ ܠـ[ـܟ ܚܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ]ܘܐܠܝ�ܐ܁[ ܘܫ̇ ܩܠܝܢ‬ ‫]ܕܘܟـ[ـܪܢܢ ܥܡ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܒܙܘܥܐ‬ ‫]ܚܙܘܐ[ ܡܢ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܘܕ�ܢܐ ܘܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ܇ ]ܟܕ ܡـ[ـܫ̇ ܒܚܝܢ �ܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬ ̇ܥܠܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ]ܘܫ̇ ܒܚܘ[ ܠܡܪܢ‪.‬‬ ‫]ܪܒܐ‪ .‬ܘ[ܐܫܬܥܝ ̣ܚܙܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬

‫)‪ (see Part 2, ED 5, p. 52f above‬ܡܟܢܫ‬

‫ܗܘܐ ‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪56‬‬

274

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

199.1 The night after, he had another vision. The saints in the monastery of Mor Abai – there were about a thousand of them – appeared to him, saying, “Father Theodotus, we are the saints on whom this monastery is founded. You may be certain now that you are going to join our Lord. All we, the Children of the Light, await you. The saints are eager to rejoice with you. Have no fear! Our commemoration shall be with yours on the twentieth of September.” 57 199.2 When Theodotus awoke, he said to his disciple, “My brother, let us put the commemoration of those saints down in writing, as we were instructed in the vision!” And when the day came on which the saints were to be commemorated, he told everyone. From every direction, whole villages flocked together with their requests, as Theodotus had instructed them. He saw it and was glad; and he gave each and every person his support, while he was still alive. 199.3 He made a great and joyous festival of it, with vigils and thuribles and readings from the Scriptures, and with (verse-) homilies and long commemorative prayers to the saints (qurobhe); and he commanded the ordained clergy and the leading men of the province that this feast should never be abolished. The whole people accepted his commandment. He blessed them and prayed for them; and they went back to their villages in peace. L. How Theodotus built a chapel for the Mother of God in his monastery

200.1 Even the Mother of God appeared to Theodotus. “My son, I have no secrets from you,” he told his disciple, either small or great. But I beg you not to embarrass me during my life. I intend to build a chapel for the Mother of God. 200.2 “Last night she appeared to me and said, ‘Build a chapel in my name in this monastery, because you are going to leave this world on the fifteenth of August, on the day of my commemoration. You have (always) loved me and for that reason I have loved you in return. 58 I intend to present you in peace to my Only-Begotten 59 Son.’

The commemoration of the 1,000 on September 20 (Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin) was linked with Theodotus’ two commemorations, but not in writing. In §199.2, Theodotus only says, “Let us put the commemoration of the Thousand Saints in writing!” The nature of the link between the three days may have been the agricultural calendar: by August 15 all the corn had been harvested; in September the season of wine-making began. Some summer pilgrims would stay on to help with the autumn harvest. This may even have gradually helped alter the demography of Qelleth. 58 See §§53.1, 58.2, 87.1, 89.3, 111.1, 142.1 and 146.1. 59 Cf. §166.3+ch. 8 n. 3. 57

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‫ܐܒܝ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫‪ 199.1‬܀ ܘܒܬܪ ܠܝܐ ]ܐܚܪܢܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ[ܚܙܝܘ ܠܗ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܓܘ ]ܕܝܪܐ ܕܡـ[ـܪܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܅‬ ‫ܘܕܥ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܘ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܒܘܢ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܚܢܢ ܐܝܬܝܢ ܕܥܠܝܢ ܒ ̣ܢܝܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܦܐ ܚܕ‪̣ (56) .‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܗܫܐ ܕܠܘܬ ܡܪܢ ܐܙ̇ܠ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܣܟܝܢ ܠܟ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢܝ ̣ܢܘܗܪܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܪܓܝܢ ܠܟ ܩܕ ̣‬ ‫ܕܝܠܟ ܠܥܣܪܝܢ ܒܐܝ�ܘܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܕܚܠ܅ ܢܗܘܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕ ̣ܢܚܕܘܢ ܥܡܟ‪̣ � .‬‬ ‫ܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܕܝܠܢ ܥܡ ̣‬ ‫ܢܟܬܘܒ ܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ܇‬ ‫‪ 199.2‬ܘܡܢ ܕܐܬܬ ̣ܥܝܪ ܛܘܒܢܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ :‬ܐܚܝ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܐܬܚܙܝ ܠܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܐ ܝܘܡ ܕܘܟܪܢܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ̈ܝ‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ܇‬ ‫ܐܘܕܥ ܠܟ�ܢܫ‪ .‬ܘܨ̇ܒܝ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܝ ܘ ܼܫܪܪܗ ܠܟ�ܢܫ‬ ‫ܘܚ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܩܘ�ܝܐ ܥܡ ܒܥܘܬܐ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܦܢܝܢ܇ ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢ ̈ܚܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܟܬܒ ̣ܐ ܘ⟩ܒـ⟨ـܡܐܡ� ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܝܢ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܘܦܨܝܚܐ ܒܫܗ�ܐ ܘܦܝ�ܡܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܥܐܕܥܐܕܐ ܪܒܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 199.3‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܦܩܕ ܠܟܗܢܐ ܘܐܦ ܠ�ܝܫܝ ܐܬܪܐ ܕ�‬ ‫ܢܬܒܛܠ ܡܢܟܘܢ ܥܐܕܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘ}ܒـ{ܩܘ�ܒܐ‪ .‬ܘ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠܘ ܒܫܠܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܠܥܠܡ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܐܢܘܢ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܠܩܘ�ܝܣ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܚܙܝܬ ܬܘܒ ܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܠܗ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫‪ 200.1‬܀ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܓ� ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܘ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܟܣܝ ܠܝ ܡܢܟ ܡܕܡ܁ ̇ܐܘ ܙ ̣ܥܘܪܐ ̇ܐܘ ܪܒܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̇ܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܡܢܟ ܕ�‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ � ܼ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܬܦܪܣܝܢܝ ̈ܒܚܝܝ‪ .‬ܨ̇ܒܐ ܐܢܐ ̇ܐܒܢܐ ܗܝܟ� ܠܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬

‫ܘܐܡܪܬ ܠܝ‪ :‬ܒ ̣ܢܝ ܗܝܟ� ܒܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ ܒܫܡܝ܅ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܐܬܚܙܝܬ ܠܝ ܒܠܝܐ ܗܢܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 200.2‬‬ ‫ܕܐܚܒܬܢܝ܁‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ܒܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܕܝܠܝ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܒܟܣܐ ܒܐܒ ܝܪܚܐ ̇ܢܦܩ ܐܢܬ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܬܟ ܘܡܛܝܒܐ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܩܪܒܟ ܠܝܚܝܕܝ ܒܫܠܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܦ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܐܚ̇ ̣‬

‫‪Cf. §108.1‬‬

‫‪60‬‬

276

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 8

200.3 “So let us now build a chapel for the Mother of God, giving thanks to our Lord for satisfying our desire!” Therefore, they arose eagerly and built a chapel for the Mother of God. Mor Theodotus entered it, and saw it, and was pleased with it. 61 His heart rejoiced and he praised God.

Cf. §197.2 and ch. 8 n. 5 above. Theodotus’ satisfaction with the chapel he had caused to be built is reminiscent of God’s repeatedly expressed satisfaction with his creation of the world in Genesis 1. A church-building has often been seen as a microcosm.

61

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‫ܘܩܡܘ‬ ‫‪200.3‬‬ ‫ܢܒܢܐ ܗܝܟ� ܠܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ܅ ܘ ̇ܢܘܕܐ ܠܡܪܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ܡ ̣ܢܝܚ ܠܢ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܫܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ ܘܚܕܝ܁‬ ‫ܚܦܝܛܐܝܬ ܘܒ ̣ܢܘ ܗܝܟ� ܠܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܥܠ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪܥܝܢܗ ܘ ܼܫܒܚ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܪܘܙ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

278

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 9

CHAPTER NINE. DYING WITH DIGNITY A. How Theodotus sent word of his impending death to Mor Thomas the stylite at Tella

201.1 Theodotus was at last reduced to great feebleness and fell gravely ill for seven months. From his loins downwards he was dried up and became like wood. His legs became bent, as if there was no life in them. He would taste of nothing, but a little barley-water. Then he knew that the day of his departure had arrived. 1 201.2 After those seven months, he sent word to that man of God, Mor Thomas, the stylite of Tella: 2 “Pray for me, brother, that the Lord may deliver me from that insolent band of devils! Pray for me, brother, that I may see my Lord Jesus, my God and my Redeemer, and that he grant me joy in his Kingdom!” 202.1 When Mor Thomas heard that Theodotus was suffering from the illness of which he would die, he was deeply grieved and wrote to him as follows: 3 203.1 “You are blessed, father, because your Lord calls you from this troubled life to the world of consolation! 4 204.1 “You are blessed, father, because you have reconciled God and will be received as a citizen of heaven! 205.1 “You are blessed, father, because you have acquired the life of the Kingdom by the suffering of your body! 206.1 “You are blessed, father, because, while that external body of yours may have dried up, your internal body is being made new from day to day! 207.1 “You are blessed, father, because you are about to enter the bridal chamber of your Lord!

Cf. Elijah of Nisibis, AH 79 (AD 698/9): “In the country of Syria there was an outbreak of the disease sharʿuṭo. It became very strong and many people died of it” (tr. A. N. Palmer). 2 The Syriac Chr. 846 puts the death of this man in the year AG 1010 = CE 698/9. Chr. Zuqnin has him still flourishing in AG 1021 = 709/10)! 3 Here Theodotus is called by his plain name, in contrast to the stylite, who is given the title “Mor”. This may be because Theodotus, though ordained, was now living as an ordinary brother. But does the title then mean that Thomas celebrated the Eucharist on top of his column? It seems more likely that, by the time the Life of Theodotus was written down, Thomas had died (see the previous note) and was treated as a saint. 4 These “Beatitudes” are reminiscent of Matthew 5:3–12. 1

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܬܫܥܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ�ܥܘܢܕܢܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܐܡܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܒܟܘܪܗܢܐ ܪܒܐ ܝ�ܚܐ ܫܒܥܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܠܡܚܝ�ܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 201.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܐܝܟ ܩܝܣܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܟܦܦܝ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠܝܬ ܒܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܝܒܫ ̣‬ ‫ܚܨ̈ܘܗܝ ܘܠܬܚܬ ̣‬ ‫ܿ ܼܚܝܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܕܡ � ܛ ̇ܥܡ ܗܘ ̣ܐ ܐ ̣� ܐܱ ܳ‬ ‫ܪܣ ܳܢܐ ܩܠܝܠ‪ .‬ܘܝܕܥ ̣ܕܡܛܐ ܠܗ ܝܘܡܐ ܕܥܘܢܕܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܠܚ ܠܓܒܪܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 201.2‬ܘܠܡܘܠܝܐ ܕܫܒܥܐ )‪ (57‬ܝ�ܚܝܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܣܛܘܢܐ ܷܕܬ ̣ ܴ�‪ :‬ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ ܐܚܝ܅ ̇‬ ‫ܓܘܕܐ ܡܪܚܬܐ ܕܫܐܕܐ‪ .‬ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ‬ ‫ܕܢܦܨܝܢܝ ܡܪܝܐ ܡܢ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܦܪܘܩܝ ⟩ܘ⟨ܕܢܚ̇ ܕܝܢܝ ̇‬ ‫ܒܡ ̣ܠܟܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܅ ܕܐܚ̇ ܙܐ ܠܡܪܝ ܝܫܘܥ܁ �ܗܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܕܟܪܝܗ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܟܘܪܗܢܐ ̇ܗܘ ̇‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܛ݀ܒ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܡܘܬܐ܇ ̣ܟܪܝܬ ̣‬ ‫‪ 202.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܠܘܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 203.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕܡܢ ̈ܚܝܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܬܥ̈ ̣ܝܫܐ ܠܥܠܡܐ ܕܒܘܝܐܐ ̇ܩܪܐ ܠܟ ܡܪܟ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫‪ 204.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕܪܥ ̣ܝܬ �ܠܗܐ܁ ܘܐܝܟ ̇‬ ‫ܡܬܩܒܠ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܡܝܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 205.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ⟩ܐܒܘܢ܅⟨ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡ ̣ܠܟܘܬܐ ܒܐܘܠܨܢܐ ܕܦܓܪܐ ܕܝܠܟ ܩܢ ̣ܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 206.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕܐܢ ܗܢܐ ܦܓܪܟ ܕܠܒܪ ܐܬܝ̇ܒܫ ܠܗ܇ ܐ�܁ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠܓܘ ܡܬܚ̇ ܕܬ‬ ‫ܝܘܡ ܡܢ ܝܘܡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 207.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕܐܢܬ ܠܒܝܬ ܓܢܘܢܐ ܕܡܪܟ ̇ܥܐܠ ܐܢܬ‪.‬‬

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208.1 “You are blessed, father, because your Lord will make you heir to his heavenly blessings for having lived in poverty as a stranger to the world! 209.1 “You are blessed, father, because the day has come on which you are to leave this world! You leave the world in mourning, but you will bring joy to the citizens of heaven and the spirits of the saints. 209.2 “This I ask of you, my lord: that you pray for me in this ordeal which I endure; and that you offer up a prayer on behalf of the earth and its inhabitants.” 210.1

To Mor Joseph, the disciple of Theodotus, he wrote as follows: 5

211.1 “You are blessed, because you have been considered worthy to embrace your master’s body and to carry on your hands those holy limbs! Take care, my brother, to receive the prayers of that friend of God!” 212.1 When Bishop Theodotus 6 heard this, he wept and prayed as follows: “Our Lord Jesus Christ, have pity on me and deliver me from the devils and from their torments in the world to which I am going!” 212.2 To his disciple he said, “This blessed Mor Thomas is a man of abstinence and a worker of divine miracles and a seer of visions from the Holy Spirit.” 213.1 [B.] THE TESTAMENT MADE BY BISHOP MOR THEODOTUS IN THE MONASTERY OF MOR ABAI 7

214.1 He summoned Mor Joseph, his disciple, and said to him, 8 “My son, bring a scroll for me to write my testament and deliver it into your hands!” AND THE BLESSED ONE WROTE THUS:

Note that Theodotus’ disciple, who was first introduced with the honorific Mor for another reason (see the note on §86.1), takes it up again from here until the end in order to establish his dignity as successor to the Founder in the monastic community at Qelleth. 6 Here Theodotus, who has been treated in the preceding passage as an ordinary monk, because that was his wish, is given his title as bishop. This is no doubt because Joseph needs to invest the Testament which follows here with all his master’s hierarchical authority. 7 Theodotus died and was buried in his own monastery. This subsection says he died in Mor Abai’s. Therefore, St Theodotus’ monastery was incorporated in Mor Abai’s. Indeed, it was believed to have been on the site of the original monastery of Mor Abai (§190.1). 8 In keeping with the legal status of a testament, the translation of the document which follows must be a slavish one, in which good English style has not been considered. 5

‫‪281‬‬ ‫‪208.1‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܫܡܝܢܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪PART THREE: EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܕܚܠܦ ܐܟܣܢܝܘܬܟ ܘܡܣܟܢܘܬܟ܁ ܼ ܿܡܘܪܬ ܠܟ ܡܪܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܘܒܘܗܝ‬ ‫̣‬

‫ܕܬܦܘܩ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܫ̇ ܒܩ ܐܢܬ �ܪܥܐ‬ ‫‪ 209.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ̣ܕܡܛܐ ܝܘܡܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐܒ�܁ ̇‬ ‫ܝܢܐ ܘܠ�ܘܚܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܦܨܚ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫ܠܫܡ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܗ ̇‬ ‫ܘܬܩܪܒ‬ ‫ܕܪܡܐ ܐܢܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 209.2‬ܘܗܕܐ ̇ܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܡܢܟ ܡܪܝ‪ :‬ܕܬܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ܁ ܒܗܢܐ ܐܓܘܢܐ ܸ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܘ�ܝܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܐ ܚܠܦ ܐܪܥܐ ܘ ̇ܥ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܟܬܒ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 210.1‬ܘܠܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܫܬܘܝܬ ܕܬ ̇ܥܦܩ ܦܓܪܗ ܕܪܒܟ܁ ܘܬܛܥܢ ܥܠ ܐ�̈ܕܝܟ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 211.1‬܀ ܛܘܒܝܟ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠ�ܨ̈ܠܘܬܗ ̇ܕܗܘ ܪܚ̇ ܡܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈ܗܕܡܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪̣ .‬ܝܨܦ ܐܚܝ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܗܟܢܐ‪ :‬ܡܪܢ‬ ‫ܒܟܐ܁ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠ ̣ܝ ̣‬ ‫ܫܡܥ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܿ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܗܠܝܢ܇ ̣‬ ‫‪ 212.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܝܩܐ ܒܥܠܡܐ ܕܐܙ̇ܠ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܫܘܥ‬ ‫ܡܫܝܚܐ ̣ܚܘܣ ܥܠܝ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܦܨܢܝ ܡܢ ܫܐܕܐ܁ ܘܡܢ ܬܫ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ̇ܨ ̣ܝܡܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܣܥܪ ̈ܚܝ�‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ :‬ܛܘܒܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܡܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 212.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܗ ̣ܝܐ ܘܚ̇ ܙܐ ܚܙܘܢܐ ܕܪܘܚܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܥܒܕ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܐܒܝ‬ ‫‪ 213.1‬ܕܝܬܐܩܝ ̣‬

‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܐ ̣ܝܬܐ ܠܝ ܡܓܠܬܐ ̇ܐܟܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܠܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 214.1‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܢܐ ܗܟܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܕܝܠܝ܁ ܘܐܫ ܷܠܡ ܒܐܝܕܝܟ‪̣ .‬‬

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214.2 “In the name of our Lord and our God and our Redeemer Jesus Christ, who is God over all, Strengthener and Helper and Supporter and Preserver and Savior of all the furthest corners of the earth in his strength and in the great mercy which He shows to the good and to the bad, while I am unworthy to breathe this air. May the mercy of our Lord give strength to me, the sinner, whose sins are as numerous as sand and as the dust of the earth, to me, that am entrapped in the evil deeds of this world! 214.3 “I, Theodotus, the poor and wretched, write my Testament with my own sinful hands, like all my fathers and brethren, who have set out on the journey out of this world. 9 Moreover, pains and illnesses have weighed me down and the deathsentence which is the punishment of our father Adam, 10 the blessed penitent, for I go the way of all the earth. 11 214.4 “Moreover, I write concerning this brother of mine and soul and body of mine, Mor Joseph, who has lived with me as the soul with the body and has borne my illnesses and endured my evils and my difficulties with my complaints and has not tired of it; and I want to give him my blessings and my prayers and spiritual gifts to sustain him on his own journey. 214.5 “Knowing as He does the secrets of men’s hearts, 12 God knows that we have not possessed anything from this world either in lesser or in greater measure, except only the Treasure of the Saints and a few vestments of the Place of Sacrifice and books, as many as five, which we have acquired since we entered this place. 13 We have possessed nothing else in this world, neither in the beginning, nor in the middle, nor in the end. 214.6 “I do bequeath and give him the prayers of the Mother of God and of everyone who has pleased the Lord, that they may preserve him from all the evils and sins of this world.

Cf. JE, 555: “first-rate scribes, one of whom was named Samuel and the other Jonathan, who had been living in the monastery of the Edessenes at Amida, who transcribed many books, which by virtue of their wills have been handed down in the convent even down to the present day itself” (tr. Brooks). 10 Cf. Genesis 3:19. 11 Joshua 23:14 = 1 Kings 2:2. 12 Cf. Job 34:21 and Psalm 44:21. 13 Theodotus seems to forget the copy of the Gospel that he took away from the monastery of Qenneshre (§30.1); but perhaps, following the example of Serapion, he gave it away. 9

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‫‪ 214.2‬ܒܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܢ ܘܐܠܗܢ ܘܦܪܘܩܢ ܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ )‪� (58‬ܗܐ ܕܥܠ‬ ‫ܟܠ‪ .‬ܡܚ̇ ܝ�ܢܐ ܘܡܥܕܪܢܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܡܣܝܥܢܐ ܘܡܢܛܪܢܐ ܘܡܫܘܙܒܢܐ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܣܘܦܐ ܕܐܪܥܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܚܝܠܗ ܘܒ�ܚܡܘܗܝ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ܕܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܐ ܘܥܠ ܒ ̣ܝ̈ܫܐ‪ .‬ܟܕ � ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܣܘܩ ܠܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܼܿ‬ ‫ܐܐܪ‪ :‬ܢܚ̇ ܝ�ܘܢܢܝ �ܚܡܘܗܝ ܕܡܪܢ‪ .‬ܠܝ ܚܛܝܐ ܕܣܓ ̣ܝܘ ̈ܚܛܗܝ ܐܝܟ ܚ̇ � ܘܐܝܟ ܥܦܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܪܥܐ‪ .‬ܠܝ ̈‬ ‫ܕܒܒܝܫܬܗ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܐܬܬܚ̇ ܕܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܕܘܝܐ ܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܕܝܠܝ ̈ܒܐܝܕܝ ܚܛܝ̈ܬܐ ̇ܟܬܒ ܐ ̣ܢܐ܇ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫‪ 214.3‬ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܡܣܟܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܬܟܒܘܢܝ ܕܝܢ ܟܐܒܐ ܘܟܘ�ܗܢܐ ܘܓܙܪ ܕܝ ̣ܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܚܝ ܕܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ̣ܚܙܩܘ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܟܠܗ ܐܪܥܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܡܘܬܐ ܕܚܘܒܬܐ ܕܐܒܘܢ ܐܕܡ ܬܝ̇ܒܐ ܒܪܝܟܐ ܕܐܪܕܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‬ ‫‪̇ 214.4‬ܟܬܒ ܐܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܡܛܠ ܗܢܐ ܐܚܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܘܢܦܫܐ ܘܦܓܪܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܥܣܩܬܝ ܥܡ‬ ‫ܥܡܝ ܐܝܟ ܢܦܫܐ ܥܡ ܦܓܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܛܥܢ ܟܘ�ܗܢܝ‪ .‬ܘܣܝܒܪ ܒܝ̈ܫܬܝ‬ ‫ܕܥܡܪ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܐܢܬ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܐܙܘܕܗ ܘܐܬܠ� ܠܗ ܒܘ�ܟܬܐ ܘܨܠܘܬܐ ܕܝܠܝ܇‬ ‫ܒܘܓܢܝ܇ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܘܗܒܬܐ �ܘܚܢܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܣܓܝ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܐ ⟩ܝ̇ܕܥ ̇‬ ‫‪ 214.5‬ܡܕܡ ܡܢ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ � ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܢ‪ � .‬ܒܩܠܝܠ ܘ� ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ⟨‬ ‫ܕ�ܒܘܬܐ �ܗܐ‪ 14 .‬ܐ� ܒܠܚܘܕ ܣܝܡܬܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝ̇ܕܥ ̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܩܠܝܠ ܡܐܢܝ ܡܕܒܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܣܝܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܥ�ܢܢ ܠܗܪܟܐ‪ .‬ܡܕܡ ܬܘܒ ܒܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܠܝܬ‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܚܡܫܐ ܕܩ ̣ܢܝܢܢ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܠܢ‪ � .‬ܒܫܘܪܝܐ܁ ܘ� ܒܡܨܥܬ ̣ܐ ܘ� ܒܫܘܠܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܫܦܪ ܠܗ ܠܡܪܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 214.6‬ܡܙ̇ܘܕ ܐܢܐ ܘܝ̇ܗܒ ܐܢܐ ܠܗ ܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗ ̣ܐ ܘܕܟܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܛܗܐ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܝ̈ܫܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܢ ̇ܢܛܪܘܢܝܗܝ ܡܢ ܟܠܗܝܢ ̣‬

‫‪Part 2, ED 2A, p. 50 above: saut du même au‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫‪ (see‬ܘܗܕܐ ܝܕܥ ̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܣܝܬܐ �ܗܐ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪même).‬‬

‫‪14‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 9

214.7 “And this monastery: let him be at home in it and possess his life and his brethren! 15 And if he forms the idea of leaving it, let him give it to whomsoever he will! And let no one debate with him or say anything about him, unless it be something good! And let anyone who picks a quarrel with him, so that he shall have cause to move out of this monastery, whether it be a Christian or a man in authority, 16 be cursed in heaven and on earth, both he and all that he has, in his field and inside his house, forever, amen! 215.1 “I write concerning this son of my bowels, 17 Mor Joseph, that, if he knows that his soul will profit by it, he should stay and be at home in it; and if he thinks and knows that there is harm in this place for him and someone hinders him by force, that man will answer to God for it on the Day of Judgement! 18 215.2 “And if anyone of those who dwell with him in this monastery chooses to behave insolently towards the son of my love, Mor Joseph, and refuses to obey and humble his soul, let no one help that man, if he wants to expel him! And if anyone stirs up a party in opposition to him, may God stir up against that man unbearable evil, forever, amen! 19 215.3 “I have set it down in my Testament, I, the sinner, that women have no right to enter this monastery for any reason, except on the day of the feast of those saints; and those who observe this commandment, may God preserve them and their communities and everything they have! Theodotus prays this, forever, .

“To possess one’s life” is perhaps to be free to do what one wishes. This interpretation is supported by what follows. “To possess one’s brethren” must mean to have authority over the monks and the lay-brethren of the “skete” of Mor Abai’s which Theodotus founded. Theodotus does not bequeath to Joseph in his Testament the hood and the staff of an archimandrite (JE, 559f). Indeed, he is said to have lived as a simple monk at the end. This may mean that the Head of Mor Abai’s retained jurisdiction over the self-regulating “skete” founded on his land. 16 Ellusṭriya, the governor of Dara, and his family had clearly been Christians ca 690, when Theodotus first settled in Qelleth (ch. 5 n. 64 above), and was still in post when he returned ca 694 (§193). As Robert Hoyland says in Part 1, this was the very decade in which the anomaly of Christians in positions of authority in the Islamic Empire began to be addressed by the Arabs. This phrase in Theodotus’ Testament is evidence that a Christian in power was an anomaly in Northern Mesopotamia by the year 698. 17 Cf. 2 Samuel 16:11. 18 Cf. Matthew 11:24. 19 Cf. JE, 560–3: A shepherd is designated by the departing Head of the Monastery as his successor. This occasions much resentment on the part of men who think themselves better and now find themselves subject to a mere shepherd. Eventually, this party leaves in disgust and founds a separate community. (Cf. Part 2, Table 5b, p. 67 above.) 15

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‫ܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܘܢܩܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܢܦܘܩ ̇‬ ‫ܢܬܒ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ܇‬ ‫ܚܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܚܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ̇ܥܒܕ ܚܘܫܒܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܗ ̣‬ ‫‪ 214.7‬ܘܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ ̣‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܝܗ ̇‬ ‫ܢܬܠ ̇‬ ‫ܡܛܠܬܗ ܐ� ܐܢ ܛܒܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ‬ ‫ܠܡܢ ܕܨ̇ܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܢܫ � ܢܕܘܢ ܥܡܗ‪ .‬ܘ� ܢܐܡܪ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܢܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܗܘ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܬܓܪܐ ܥܡܗ܇ ܐܢ ܟܪܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܘܐܢ ܐܚܝܕ ܫܘܠܛܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܐܝܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܒܚܩ�‬ ‫ܢܗܘܐ ܠܝܛ ܒܫܡܝܐ ܘܒܐܪܥܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܥܠܬܐ ܘܢܫ̇ ܢܐ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܒܓܘ ܒܝܬܐ ܠܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕ�ܚܡܝ )‪ (59‬ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‪ .‬ܕܐܢ ܝ̇ܕܥ ܕܐܝܬ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫‪ 215.1‬܀ ̇ܟܬܒ ܐܢܐ ܡܛܠ ܗܢܐ ܒܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܬܒ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ܡܬܚ̇ ܫܒ ܘܝ̇ܕܥ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗ ܣܘܓܦܢܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܬܪܢܐ ܠܢܦܫܗ܇ ̇ܢܟܬܪ ̣‬ ‫ܢܬܠ ܦܬܓܡܐ ܚ�ܦܘܗܝ �ܠܗܐ ܒܝܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܘܢ ̇ܥܘܟܝܘܗܝ ܐܢܫ ܒܩܛܝܪܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܕܕ ̣ܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܘܣܦ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܕ ̇ܥܡܪܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 215.2‬ܘܐܢ ܐܢܫ ̇ܒܥܐ ܕܢܬܪܘܪܒ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܕܒܪܐ ܕܚܘܒܝ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܡܟܟ ܢܦܫܗ܇ � ܐܢܫ ܢ ̇ܥܕܪܝܘܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܥܡܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ܇ ܘ� ̇ܨܒܐ ܕ ̣ܢܫܡܥ ̇‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ̇ܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܕ ̣ܢܛܪܕܝܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܢܐ ܕܢ ̣ܥܝܪ ܠܩܘܒܠܗ ܰܓܒܐ܇ ܢܥ ̣ܝܪ �ܗܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ �‬ ‫ܡܣܬܝܒܪܢܝܬܐ ܠܥܠܡܝܢ̣ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 215.3‬܀ ̇ܣܡܬ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܚܛܝܐ ܒܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܕܝܠܝ‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܕܢܥ̈ܠܢ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ ܒܚܕ‬ ‫ܕܢܫܐ � ̈ܫܠܝ�ܢ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢ ܦܘ�ܣܝܢ̣ ܐ� ܐܢ ܒܝܘܡ ܥܐܕܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܠܝܢ ܕ ̇ܢܛܪܝܢ ܠܗܢܐ ܦܘܩܕܢܐ܇ ܢ ̇ܢܛܪ‬ ‫ܘܠܥܘܡ�ܝܗܘܢ ܘܠܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܡ ̇ܨ ̣� ܠܥܠܡܝܢ ⟩ܐܡܝܢ⟨‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ �ܗܐ‬ ‫̣‬

286

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216.1 “I have set this down in my Testament, I, the feeble Theodotus: May God preserve everyone who lives here in love and in piety! And may the Lord put to shame everyone who lives here in wickedness, as God exists, through his Mother and his saints! 217.1 “I, the feeble Theodotus, decree in this Testament that, as long as the earth is tranquil, the commemoration of those saints on the twentieth of September shall not be discontinued! 20 Anyone who abolishes this feast in favour of another feast shall pay the penalty for it in the presence of God, forever, amen!” C. How the dying Theodotus prayed to the Mother of God and the saints for all classes of people

218.1 When Theodotus had concluded this Testament, he lifted up his hands to heaven and said, “Lord God, let me commemorate the holy and blessed Mother of God Mary! 219.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, the Apostles and the Prophets and the Martyrs and the holy Fathers! 220.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, all the believing solitaries and also the stylites and the recluses! 221.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, our fathers and our brethren and our (spiritual) teachers and all those departed who died in the true Faith, from Adam right up until today! 222.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, your people and the sheep of your flock, which You redeemed by your precious blood! Ward off from it all attacks of the Deceitful One! 223.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, all those who are in a monastery or in the holy order of solitaries and mourners and bring them safely home with Serapion and Julian Saba and Mor Barṣawmo that they may minister to your honor, Lord of the saints! 21 See the note on §199.1. This suggests that the 5,500 saints whom Theodotus regards as his own (§214.5) were originally commemorated on September 20 together with the 1,000 saints belonging to Mor Abai’s monastery and Theodotus himself. In that case, the commemoration of Theodotus was later moved to September 8, the Feast of the Nativity of St Mary. 21 Serapion the Sindonite (Bedjan 1895, 263–341) and Mor Barṣawmo (Hahn and Menze 2020; Palmer 2020) were abhile “Mourners” (cf. Matthew 5:4). Julian Saba (Syriac: sobho Yuliane) was an anchorite in eastern Osrhoene. His cave was on Mount Ḥasmi, in the Thirsty (Turk. Tektek) Mountain. He died in 367 and was celebrated in song (Ps.-Ephrem, Julian). It seems likely that Joseph knew Theodoret’s Life of Julian, which was translated into Syriac at an early date (Wright 1872, 1090). 20

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‫‪ 216.1‬܀ ̇ܣܡܬ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܚܠܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܒܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܕܝܠܝ‪ .‬ܕܟܠ ܒܪܢܫܐ ̇ܕܗܘܐ ܒܕܘܟܬܐ‬ ‫ܢܦܪܣܐ ‪22‬‬ ‫ܘܒܕܚܠܬ �ܗ ̣ܐ �ܗܐ ܢ ̇ܢܛܪܝܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ̇ܕܗܘܐ ܒ ܿ ܼܥܘ� ܡܪܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܚܘܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ .‬ܐܝܬ �ܗܐ ܒܝ̇ܠܕܬܗ ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܚܝ� ܒܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܗܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܝܚܐ ܐܪܥܐ܇ �‬ ‫‪ 217.1‬܀ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫ܡܦܩܕ ܐܢܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܡܐ ̣‬ ‫̣ܢܒܛܠ ܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܒܥܣܪܝܢ ܒܐܝ�ܘܠ‪ .‬ܟܠ ̇ܡܢ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܒܛܠ� ܠܥܐܕܐ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܢܬܠ ܕ ̣ܝܢܐ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ ܠܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܥܠܬ ܥܐܕܐ ܐܚܪܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 218.1‬܀ ܘܟܕ ܼܿܫܠܡ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܕܝܬܐܩܝ ܗܕܐ܇ ̣ܬ� ܐ ̣ܝ̈ܕܘܗܝ ܠܫܡܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ܅ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܠܩܕܝܫܬܐ ܘܡܒܪܟܬܐ ܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܡܪܝܡ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ 219.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܗܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܠܣܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܘܠܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܠܫܠܝܚܐ‬ ‫̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ̈‬ ‫‪ 220.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܡܢܐ ܘܐܦ �ܣܛܘܢ�ܐ‬ ‫ܡܗ ̣‬ ‫̣̈‬ ‫ܘܠܚܒܝܫܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 221.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ̈‬ ‫�ܒܗܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܚܝܢ ܘܠ�ܒܢܝܢ̣ ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܥ̈ܢܝܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܕܡ ܘܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܥ ̣ܢܕܘ ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ܕܫܪܪܐ܁ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫‪ 222.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܠܥܡܟ ܘܠܥܢܐ ܕܡܪܥܝܬܟ܇ ̇ܗܝ )‪(60‬‬ ‫ܘܙܓܘܪ ̇‬ ‫ܕܢܟܝ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܩ�ܒܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܦܪܩܬ ܒܕܡܟ ܝܩܝܪܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܛܟܣܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫‪ 223.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܒܕܝܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܕܐܒܝ� ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ܁ ܿ‬ ‫ܕܝܚܝܕܝܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܪܨܘܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܢܥ ܐܢܘܢ ܕܥܡ ܣܪܦܝܘܢ ܘܣܒܐ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܘܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܢܫ̇ ܡܫܘܢ �ܝܩܪܟ ܡܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬

‫ܡܦܪܣܐ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪22‬‬

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224.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, the sick and the distressed and those who are subjected to the ordeals of unclean and satanic spirits! 225.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, those who are oppressed by captivity and bitter slavery and prison and islands and seas! 226.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, those who instructed us to commemorate them in our prayers to you, both those who are far away and those who are nearby! 227.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, the orphans and the widows and those depressed in spirit! 228.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, , those who have in various ways gone astray and bring them back to the knowledge of You and the true Faith! 229.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, the earth and all its inhabitants and abolish from it and from all its inhabitants war and captivity and famine and plague! 230.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, at this time, my weak self and the greatest sinner of them all and deliver me, Lord, by your mercy from that insolent band of devils; and make me worthy of an encounter with your saints! 231.1 “Let me commemorate, Lord God, those who, for the sake of your holy name and for the sake of my name, establish this community! And instead of the good things of this place, reward them with the good things , many times redoubled!” 231.2

And his disciple said amen to all of that.

232.1

{ THE PRAYER OF SAINT THEODOTUS }

232.2 Then he spread out his hands to heaven and prayed: “My Lord, your holy mouth has promised: ‘Call and I shall answer! Knock and I shall open the door for you!” 23 I, a sinner, ask of You, my Lord: Grant me, at this time, the request that I make of You!

23

Cf. Matthew 7:7f.

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‫ܘ��ܝ̈�ܐ܁ ܘ�ܝܠܝܢ ܕܡܬ ̇ܢܣܝܢ ܡܢ‬ ‫‪ 224.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܠܟ�ܝܗܐ ̣‬ ‫�ܘܚܐ ܛܢ̈ܦܬ ̣ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܣܛܢܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 225.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ �ܝܠܝܢ ̣ ̈‬ ‫ܕܒܫܒܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܒܥܒܕܘܬܐ ܡܪܝ�ܬܐ ܘܒܝܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܝܡܡܐ ܡܬܛܪܦܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܣܝ�ܐ ܘܒܓܙ�ܬܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕܘ ܠܢ ܕܢܬܕܟܪ ܐܢܘܢ ܒܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 226.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܠܗܠܝܢ ܼ‬ ‫ܕܠܘܬܟ‪ .‬ܠܗܠܝܢ ܕܪܚܝܩܝܢ܁ ܘܠܗܠܝܢ ܕܩܪܝܒܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ 227.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅‬ ‫ܠܝܬܡܐ ܘ��ܡܠܬܐ ܘ�ܥ̈ܝܝܩܝ ܪܘܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 228.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ⟩ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ⟨܅ �ܝܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܒܟ�ܙܢܝܢ ܒܛܥܝܘܬܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ܁‬ ‫ܘܐܦܢܐ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܝܕܥܬܟ ܘܗܝܡܢܘܬܟ ܕܫܪܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܒܛܠ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܘ�ܝܗ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫‪ 229.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ �ܪܥܐ ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̇ܥ‬ ‫ܡܘ�ܝܗ ܿ ܼܚܪܒܐ ܘܫܒܝܐ ܘܟܦܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܘܬܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̇ܥ‬ ‫̣̇‬ ‫ܡܚܝ� ܘܚܛܝܐ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪ 230.1‬܀ ܿܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫܐܕ ̣ܐ ̣ ܳ‬ ‫ܓܘܕܐ ܡܪܚܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܦܓܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܦܨܢܝ ܡܪܝܐ ܒܝܕ �ܚܡܝܟ܁ ܡܢ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܒܢ̈ܝܢܫܐ‪ܼ .‬‬ ‫ܘܐܫܘܢܝ ‪ 24‬ܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܝܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܡܛܠ‬ ‫‪ 231.1‬܀ ܐܬܕܟܪ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ ⟩ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ⟨܅ �ܝܠܝܢ ܕܡܛܠ ܫܡܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܩܝܡܝܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܠܦ ̈‬ ‫ܫܡܝ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܛܒܬܗܘܢ ܕܗܪܟܐ܁ ܦܪܘܥ ܐܢܘܢ ܛܒܬܐ‬ ‫⟩ ̈ܫܡܝܢܝܬܐ⟨ ]ܒܐܥ̈ـ[ـܦـ]ـܐ[ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪ :‬ܐ]ܡܝܢ‪[.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 231.2‬‬ ‫‪} 232.1‬ܨܠܘܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ{‬ ‫ܦܫܛ ܐ ̣ܝ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܡܪܝ܅ ܦܘܡܟ ܩـ]ـܕܝܫܐ[‬ ‫ܕܘܗܝ ܠܫܡܝܐ܁ ]ܘܨ ̣̇ܠ ̣ܝ[ ̣‬ ‫‪] 232.2‬܀ ܗܝܕܝܢ[ ̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܩܘܫܘ܅ ܘܦܬܚ ܐܢܐ ]ܠܟـ[ـܘ]ܢ[‪ .‬ܐ ̇ܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܕ]ܩܪ[ܘ܅ ܘܥـ]ـ ̇ܢܐ ܐܢܐ ܠܟܘܢ‪̣ [.‬‬ ‫ܐܫܬܘܕܝ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ[ ܼܫܟܢ ܠܝ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܢܐ ]ܫܐܠܬܐ[ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠ ܐܢܐ ܡܢܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܚܛܝܐ ̇ܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܡܢـ]ـܟ ̣‬

‫‪ in the body of the text.‬ܘܐܫܘܝܢܝ ‪SOP 362, in a later hand in the margin, correcting‬‬

‫‪24‬‬

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232.3 “That every person who comes to this place in which I have ended my life according to your pleasure and your will, and commemorates your name and the name of the Woman who bore You, and the names of those saints who have been gathered in this place by my agency, and the name of my sinful self, grant him, Lord, mercy and forgiveness of sins and preserve his relatives with his livestock and his chattels! 233.1 “Lord God, do not refuse me this request which I make of You, that everyone who is oppressed by shortages, or has a plague in his livestock, or incurs disease in his sheep or his cattle or in anything he has, and makes a vow, and comes and performs a vigil in your name and in that of the Woman who bore You and of your saints and of my sinfulness, do You, Lord, make every blow which comes upon him pass away from his house 25 and protect everything he has by your mercy and bless his livestock, and he shall thank You for answering him! 234.1 “Lord, our Lord, do me this kindness and grant that everyone who has a fever or ague, or a pounding headache, and approaches your saints and keeps vigil and prays in your name and in my name may go away in health and happiness! 26 235.1 “Yes, God, my Lord, grant me this request, which I have made to your mercifulness! Grant, my Lord, that I may have the courage to face the devils, and that, after my departure from here, I may drive out the demons from all those who are sealed with the sign of your Cross! And everyone who has a demon on his back and calls upon your holy name and on my name, do You, Lord, make clean that persecuted person and may he go away from my limbs freed from the servitude of Satan! 236.1 “Our Lord, in whom I have taken refuge, grant me the request which I make of You; and every household or village or district which makes an offering to your name, Lord, and to my name, keep back and bring to an end from that district or that village hail and locusts and the palmer-worm and mildew and blight and plague and all blows of wrath, forever, amen! 237.1 “Yes, Lord God, do me this kindness, that everyone who goes abroad, and everyone who goes on a journey and is persecuted and falls into the hands of brigands, or is beset by a storm at sea, or is thrown into prison, and makes a vow and comes and keeps vigil in your name, and in the name of the saints who are buried here, and in the name of my humble self – grant him his request, whatever he asks of You, and give him deliverance in your great mercy! Cf. Exodus 12:23. The monastery founded by Theodotus is to be identified with the ruins known to the Arabic-speaking villagers of Qelleth as dayr wajaʿ rus (dialect for raʾs) “Headache Monastery”. It is called so, a villager explained to me, because people seek a cure for their migraine by sleeping overnight in the tiny House of the Saints which is there. The abundant soot on the ceiling of this Beth Qaddishe bore witness, in 1984, to frequent visits, as did a recent candle (Figure 10). 25 26

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‫‪] 232.3‬ܕܟـ[ـܠ ]ܒܪܢܫܐ[ ݁‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܗܕܐ܇ ] ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ܫ̇ ܡܠܝܬ[ ̈ܚܝܝ ܐܝܟ ܢܝ̇ ܚܟ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܫܡܗܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܥܠ‬ ‫̇ܠܕܬܟ‬ ‫ܫܡܟ ܘܫܡܐ ܕܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܝܟ ]ܨܒܝܢܟ܁[ )‪ (61‬ܘܡܬܕܟܪ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܐ�̈ܕܝ ̇‬ ‫ܘܫܘܒܩܢܐ ܕܚܛܗ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܠܗܪܟܐ ܘܫܡܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܚܛܝܐ܇ ܼܫܟܢ ܠܗ ܡܪܝܐ ̣�ܚܡܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܟܢܫܘ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘ ܼܿܢܛܪ �ܢܫܘܬܗ ܥܡ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܗ ܘܥ̈ܠܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܟ� ܠܝ ܫܐܠܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠ ܐܢܐ ܡܢܟ‪ :‬ܕܟܠ ̇ܡܢ ̇ܕܩܝܡܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 233.1‬܀ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ܅ � ̣‬ ‫ܒܬܘ�ܘܗܝ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܝܢܗ ܐܘ ̇ܢܦܠ ܟܐܒܐ ܒܥܢܗ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܚܘܣ�ܢܐ ܐܘ ̇ܗܘܐ ܡܘܬܢܐ ܒܩ ̣ܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫݁‬ ‫ܕܩܢܐ ܘ ̇ܢܕܪ ܘܐܬ ܐ }ܘ{ ̇ܥܒܕ ܒܫܡܟ ܘܕܝ̇ܠܕܬܟ ܘܕܩܕܝܫܝܟ ܘܕܚܛܝܘܬܝ ܫܗܪܐ܁‬ ‫ܒܟܠ ܡܕܡ ̣‬ ‫݁‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܣܬܪ ܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܥܒܪ ܡܢ ܒܝܬܗ ܟܠ ܢܓܕܐ ܕܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܢܬ ܡܪܝܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܩ ̣ܢܝܢܗ‪ .‬ܘ ̇ܢܘܕܐ ܠܟ ܕ ̣ܥܢܝܬܝܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܝܟ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒ�ܚ ̣‬ ‫‪ 234.1‬܀ ܡܪܝܐ ܡܪܢ܅ ܥ ܸܒܕ ܥܡܝ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܠ ̇ܡܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܗ ܐܫܬ ̣ܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܥܪܘܝܬ ̣ܐ ̇ܐܘ ̇ܢܩܫܐ ܕܪܝܫܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܒܫܡܝ ̣ܗܒ‬ ‫ܘܩܪܒ ܠܘܬ ̈ܩܕܝܫܝܟ ܘܫ̇ ܗܪ ܘܡܨ̇� ܒܫܡܟ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܚܠܝܡ ܘܟܕ ܚ̇ ܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܐܙܠ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܗܒ ܠܝ‬ ‫‪ 235.1‬܀ ܐܝܢ �ܗܐ ܡܪܝ܅ ̣ܗܒ ܠܝ ̣ܫܐܠܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܒ ̇ܥܝܬ ܡܢ ܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܟ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܕܐܬܓܢܒܪ ܥܠ ̈ܫܐܕܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܬܪ ܫܘܢܝܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܕܡܢ ܗܪܟܐ܇ ̇ܐܛܪܘܕ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܕ�̈ܘܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܚܬܝܡܝܢ ܒܢ ̣ܝܫܗ ܕܨܠܝܒܟ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ̇ܡܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܕܝܘܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܪܐ ܫܡܟ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܟܠ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܫܡܝ ܐܢܬ ܡܪܝܐ ̇ܕܟܐ ̇‬ ‫ܥܒܕܘܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܕܪܕ ̣ܝܦ‪ .‬ܘܢܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܨ]ܝܕ[ ܗܕܡܝ ܟܕ ܡܚܪܪ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫ܕܣܛܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 236.1‬܀ ܡܪܢ ܕܐܚ̇ ܕܬ ܒܟ ܓܘܣܐ܅ ܿ ܼܫܟܢ ܠܝ ̣ܫܐܠܬܐ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠܬ ܡܢܟ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܒܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܛܠ‬ ‫̇ܐܘ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ܐܘ ܐܬܪܐ܇ ܕܩܘܪܒܢܐ ̇ܥܒܕܝܢ ]ܠܫܡܟ ܩܕܝܫܐ[‬ ‫ܟܠܝ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܡܪܝܐ ܘܠܫܡܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܘܬܢܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ]ܐܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ܘܡܢ[ ܩܪ ̣ܝܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ܒܪܕܐ܁ ]ܘܩܡ�ܐ܁ ܘܡܫܘܛܐ܁[ ܘܝܪܩܢܐ܁ ]ܘܫ̇ ܘܒܐ܁ ܘ ̣‬ ‫ܘ[ܟܠܗܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܠܥܠܡ ܐܡܝܢ‪[.‬‬ ‫ܡܚܘܬܐ ]ܕܪܘܓܙܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫�[ܟܣܢܝܐ‬ ‫‪] 237.1‬܀ ܐ[ܝܢ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ܅ ]ܥܒܕ ܥܡܝ[ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ ]ܗܕܐ‪ :‬ܕܟܠ ܕ ̇ܢܦܩ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ] ̇ܡܢ ܕܐܙ̇ܠ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܡܬܪ[ܕܦ ܘ ̇ܢܦܠ ]ܒܐ�̈ܕܝ ܓܝ̈ܣܐ‪̇ .‬ܐܘ ܒܝـ[ـܡܐ ܡܚܫܘ�‬ ‫̣‬ ‫]ܢܩܘܡ ܥ�ܘܗܝ[‪ .‬ܐܘ ܒܝܬ ܐܣ ̣ܝ�ܐ ]ܢܬܬܪܡܐ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܢـ[ـܕܘܪ ܘܢܐܬܐ ̣ܢܫܗܪ ܒܫܡܟ ]ܘܒܫܡܐ[‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܗܪܟܐ ܣ ̣ܝܡܝܢ̣ ]ܘܒܫܡ[ ܒܨܝܪܘܬܐ ܕܝܠܝ‪̣ .‬ܗܒ ]ܠܗ ܫܐܠـ[ـܬܗ܁ ܟܠ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠ‬ ‫ܒ�ܚܡܝܟ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܢܟ )‪ (62‬ܘ ܿ ܼܫܟܢ ܠܗ ܫܘܘܙܒܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

292

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238.1 “Lord God, You know that I have loved your name and have taken refuge in You and have dwelt in this place in reliance on You, make me, your slave Theodotus, worthy to inherit your Kingdom, when You come for the resurrection of the human race, and I shall praise You forever with your saints, amen!” D. How Theodotus took leave of the monastery he had founded

239.1 Then he said to Mor Joseph: “Bring all the brethren of the community to me!” They came and fell on the ground in front of him with tears of grief, and groaned. 239.2 “Father, today you have made us orphans and today we shall be deprived of your company. Who will be for us like you, father? Alas, father, what will become of us? We took refuge in you; we loved you; because of you we have forgotten father and mother and family; and behold, today you have abandoned us, your disciples! Who will look after us like you? We did not know that you would be extinguished from us today, light of our souls! Pray for us, father! Intercede with your Lord on our behalf!” 240.1 He stretched out his holy hands to heaven and prayed for them and laid his hand on every one and blessed them and said, “My sons, I commit you to our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the Woman who bore Him, and to his saints, and I trust in our Lord that he will preserve you, my sons, and you will be perfect monks and God will be pleased with you forever.” 241.1 Then he said to Mor Joseph, “Carry me around, my son! I want to see the monastery, now that it has been completed.” His disciple did as he was told and Theodotus saw the monastery and all its buildings and rejoiced and praised God. 242.1 Then he prayed for everyone who had helped establish it and said, “Now take me into the Place of Sacrifice!” and he took him into it. Now, he had not entered the Place of Sacrifice since he had left the presence of the patriarch, nor had he allowed himself to perform the functions of his ordination, but had been like an ordinary brother all the days of the life which he lived in his monastery. 242.2 Then he took leave of the Place of Sacrifice and pronounced a prayer for all the Orthodox and sanctified all the (canonical) rules that he had laid down. 242.3 After that he laid his head on the altar and wept: “Lord, you have granted that I may approach your altar on earth, although I am unworthy: make me worthy to be happy with You in your Place of Sacrifice above the sky!” 242.4 Then he took his leave in these words: “Remain in peace, Place of Sacrifice! Remain in peace, sacerdotal Table! For I shall not see you again. Remain in peace, blessed Throne, which bears its Lord! Poor Theodotus will not come to you again.”

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‫ܘܣܬ ܘܥܠ�‬ ‫‪ 238.1‬܀ ܡܪܝܐ �ܗܐ܅ ܐܢܬ ̇ܝܕܥ ܐܢܬ ܕܠܫܡܟ ܪܚ̇ ܡܬ܁ ܘܒܟ ܗܘ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܓ ̣‬ ‫ܬܘܟ�ܢܟ ̇‬ ‫ܥܒܕܟ ܕܐ ̣ܝܪܬ ̇ܡ ̣ܠܟܘܬܟ܇ ܡܐ‬ ‫ܥܡܪܬ ̣‬ ‫ܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܗܕܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܐܫܘܢܝ ܠܝ ܠܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫݁‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ ܐܢܬ ܠܢܘܚܡܐ ܕܒܢܝܢܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܡ ܩܕܝܫܝܟ ܐܫ̇ ܒܚܟ ܠܥܠܡܝܢ̣ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‪ܼ ܿ :‬ܟܢܫ ܠܝ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ܅ ܘܟܕ‬ ‫‪ 239.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܒܒܟܝܐ ܘܚܫܐ܇ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̣ܚܢܝܓܐܝܬ‪:‬‬ ‫ܢܦ�ܘ ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܥ�ܘ ܠܘܬܗ܇ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܬܡܐ܁ ܘܝܘܡܢܐ �̇ܕܝܢܢ ܡܢ ̣ܥܢܝܢܟ‪̇ .‬ܡܢ ܐܟܘܬܟ ̇ܗܘܐ ܠܢ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܬ ܠܢ‬ ‫‪ 239.2‬ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܝܘܡܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܐ‬ ‫ܛܦܣܢܢ܁ ܠܟ ̣ܪܚܡܢܢ܁ ܒܟ ܛ ̣ܥܝܢܢ ܐܒܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܒܐ܈ ̇ܘܝ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܡܢܐ ̇ܗܘܐ ܠܢ܈ ܒܟ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܬ�ܡܝܕܝܟ‪̇ .‬ܡ ̣ܢܘ ܐܟܘܬܟ ܝܨ̇ܦ ܕܝܠܢ܈ � ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ‬ ‫ܫܒܩܬ ܠܢ‬ ‫ܘܓܢܣܐ܅ ܘܗܐ ܝܘܡܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܟܫܦ ܠܡܪܟ‬ ‫ܗܘܝܢ܁ ܕܕ ̇ܥܟ ܗܘܝܬ ܝܘܡܢ ܡܢܢ ܢܘܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܦܫܬܢ‪ .‬ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝܢ ܐܒܘܢ܅ ܼ‬ ‫ܡܛܠܬܢ܅‬ ‫ܘܦܫܛ ̈‬ ‫ܐܝܕܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܐ ̣ܝܕܗ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܬܐ ܠܡܪܘܡܐ܁ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ‬ ‫‪ 240.1‬܀‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܒܢܝ܇ ̇ܡܓܥܠ ܐܢܐ ܠܟܘܢ ܠܡܪܢ ܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ܁‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܟ ܐܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇ܠܕܬܗ ܘ�ܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܬܟ ̣ܝܠ ܐܢܐ ܥܠ ܡܪܢ ܕܡ ̇ܢܛܪ ܠܟܘܢ ܒܢܝ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܠܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘܡܬܬܢܝܚ ܒܟܘܢ �ܗܐ ܠܥܠܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܓܡܝ� ̣ܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܟܪܟܝܢܝ܇ ̇ܕܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܐܚ̇ ܙܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܛܥܢܝܢܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 241.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܒ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝ‬ ‫ܫܘܡܠܝܗ ܕܕܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܚ ̣‬ ‫ܬܝܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܕܦܩܕ ܠܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘ ܼܿܫܒܚ �ܠܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܐ ̣ܥܠܝܢܝ ܗܫܐ ܠܡܕܒܚܐ܅‬ ‫ܘܐܥܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 242.1‬܀ ܘܨ ̣̇ܠܝ ܥܠ ܟܠ ܕ ܼܥܕܪ ܒܬܘܩܢܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܕܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܨܝܕ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ‪ .‬ܘ� ̣ܝܗܒ ܢܦܫܗ‬ ‫� ܓܝܪ ̣‬ ‫ܥܠܝܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܡܕܒܚܐ ܡܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐ ܒܕܝܪܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܢܬܚ̇ ܫܚ ܒܟܗܢܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫ܫܚܝܡܐ ܟܠ ܝܘܡܝ ܚܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐܝܟ ܐܚܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܣܝ‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ̣‬ ‫ܐܘ�ܬܘܕܘܟܣܘ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܫܠܡܐ ܠܡܕܒܚܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.2‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܩܢܘܢܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒܬ ܠܝ ܕܠܗܢܐ ܡܕܒܚܟ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܡܪܝܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܟܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒ ̣‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܪܝܫܗ ܥܠ ܡܕܒܚܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.3‬‬ ‫)‪ (63‬ܕܒܐܪܥܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܫܘܢܝ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܬܒܣܡ ܥܡܟ ܒܡܕܒܚܟ܇ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠܥܠ‬ ‫ܐܬܩܪܒ܇ ܟܕ � ܫ̇ ܘܐ ܐܢܐ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢ ܫܡܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܐ ܦܬܘܪܐ‬ ‫ܦܘܫ‬ ‫ܦܘܫ‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܐ ܡܕܒܚܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒ ܫܠܡܐ ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.4‬‬ ‫ܒܫܠܡܐ ܬܪܘܢܘܣ ܒܪܝܟܐ ܕܛ ̣ܥܝܢ ܠܡܪܗ܅‬ ‫ܦܘܫ‬ ‫ܟܗܢܝܐ܅ ܕܬܘܒ � ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܣܟܢܐ � ܬܘܒ ̇ܡܛܐ ܠܘܬܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫̣‬

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242.5

He shed so many tears there that the altar was discolored by them.

242.6 Then he said, “Take me in to those saints, that I may receive their blessing!” Accordingly, he carried him past all the saints, and they sang anthems. 242.7 Theodotus said, “Mother of God and holy martyrs, keep me company, your slave! For you know that I have been your servant and your slave from my youth right up until the present time. Now, therefore, be my helpers, blessed ones of my Lord, and keep me company on this journey on which I am about to set out and drive away from me all the wicked hosts of Darkness, which I shall meet with at my departure from this world! Intercede for me with God, that I may be received with mercy!” E. How Theodotus took leave of his disciple and heir, Mor Joseph

242.8 Then he said to him, “Now, my brother, put me on my bed and lay me down!” He did so and made him comfortable. 242.9 Theodotus saw that his disciple was weeping and said, “Why are you sad, my son? Are you not happy to let me depart from this world?” “Father,” answered Joseph, “Pray for me and give me absolution for my sins! And tell me what I am going to do when you are gone!” 242.10 At this, the blessed man was grieved unto death and said, “Bring me that sack of saints!” When he had taken it into his hand, he gave it back to his disciple, saying, “As God is faithful, through his Mother and his saints, they will give you everything you ask of them. 242.11 “For they it was that brought me up; they, that were always good parents to me; they, that delivered me from all evils; they, that tended my illnesses; they, that led me toward all good things; and now they will preserve you. 242.12 “All the sins you have committed until today I take upon myself, my son, in return for the honor you have done to me.” 27

27

Cf. §151.3 with ch. 7 n. 12 above.

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‫ܘܪܣ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡܥܐ ܬܡܢ܇ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܨ ̣̇ܒܥܗ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗܘ ܡܕܒܚܐ ̈ܒܕܡܥܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪̣ 242.5‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܗܫܐ ܿ ܼܩܪܒܝܢܝ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܛ ̣ܥܢܗ ܘܐ ̣ܥܒܪܗ ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪̣ 242.6‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈ܩܕܝܫܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܡܥܢܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈ ̈‬ ‫‪ 242.7‬ܘܗܠܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗ ̣ܐ‬ ‫ܠܥܒܕܟܘܢ‪} .‬ܘ{ܐܢܬܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܬܠܘܘ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܘܣܗܕܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ܅ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕܟܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܗܫܐ‬ ‫ܓܝܪ ܝ̇ܕܥܝܢ ܐܢܬܘܢ ܕܡܢ ܛܠܝܘܬܝ ܘܥܕܡܐ ܠܗܫܐ ܦܥܠܟܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡܥܕ�ܢܐ ܒ�ܝܟܝ ܡܪܝ܅‬ ‫ܘܐܬܠܘܘ ܠܝ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܚ̇ ܙܩ ܐܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܘܛܪܘܕܘ‬ ‫ܒܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܢܝ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܚܝ�ܘܬܐ ܒܝܫܐ ܕܚܫܘܟܐ ܕܐܪ ̇ܥܝܢ ܒܝ ܒܡܦܩܢܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܕܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܒ�ܚܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܩܒܠ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ̣ܝܣܘ ܚ�ܦܝ �ܠܗܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܗܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܓܣܝܢܝ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܥܒܕ‬ ‫ܝܡܝܢܝ ܥܠ� ܬܫܘܝܬܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܗܫܐ ܐܚܝ܅ ܣ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.8‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܢܝܚܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܒܪܝ܅ ܡܢܐ ̣ܟܪܝܐ ܠܟ܈ }ܘ{� ܝ̇ܗܒܬ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܟܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ ̇ܕܒ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.9‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܘܚܣܐ ܥܠ ܚ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܒܝ܅ ܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ܁ ܼ‬ ‫ܛܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܦܛܪ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢܐ ܐ ̇ܥܒܕ ܡܢ ܒܬܪܟ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 242.10‬ܘܟܪܝܬ ܠܛܘܒܢܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܡܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐܝܬܐ ܠܝ ̇ܗܘ ܬܪܡ� ̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ܅‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܗܝܡܢ ܗܘ �ܗܐ ܒܝ̇ܠܕܬܗ ̈‬ ‫ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܠܗ‪:‬‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܘܐܡ‬ ‫ܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫ܒܗ‬ ‫ܘܝܗ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠܗ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ ܝ̇ܗܒܝܢ ܠܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܟܠ ܕܫ̇ ܐܠ ܐܢܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܒܗܐ ̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܠܝ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܐ‪̣ .‬ܗܢܘܢ ܿ ܼܦܨܝܘܢܝ ܡܢ ܟܠ‬ ‫‪ 242.11‬ܠܝ‬ ‫ܪܒܝܘܢܝ‪ .‬ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫ܓܝܪ ̣ܗܢܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܫܐ ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܡܢܛܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܒܝ̈ܫܬܐ‪ .‬ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ̣ܥܨܒܘ ܟܐܒܝ‪ .‬ܗ ̣ܢܘܢ ܼܗܕܝܘܢܝ ܠܘܬ ܟܠ ܛܒܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܠܟ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܐ ܕܣ ̣ܥܝܪܝܢ ܠܟ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ܁ ܥܠܝ ܒܪܝ܅ ܚܠܦ ܐܝܩܪܟ ܕܨܝܕܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 242.12‬ܟܠ‬

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242.13 Then he said, “Come closer to me, my brother! Lay your head on my chest and put your arms around me!” Then he embraced him and kissed him and said to him, “As God is true, through his Mother and his saints, on the Day of Resurrection, whether we go to the Kingdom or to Gehenna, we two shall be together, like soul and body.” 28 F. How the dying Theodotus imparted the essence of his wisdom to his beloved disciple

242.14 Then he said, “Pay attention, my son, to the advice I am about to give you and write my words on the tablets of your heart 29 all the days of your life! Flee from sins, my son, and take refuge in repentance, the mother of all good deeds. Do not desire the evil things of this world! Forget what is behind you, that is to say, the sins which separate you from God, and reach out ahead in penitence! 242.15 “Flee from every act and word and deed that separates you from God and add to the piety that is in you with every breath you draw! Whatever our Lord grants you to receive, empty it into the laps of the destitute! And do this all the days of your life!

28

Cf. Testament of Ephrem, 67 (tr. A. N. P.): On his rib-cage down she fell, Raining tears and thundering: “By that Voice I know so well, For I hear Him, when you sing: “Let me lie, encased in stone, Next to your sarcophagus! Hell or Heaven, all is one: Nought shall ever sever us!”

(The last part of the Testament of Ephrem, containing the story of Lamprotate, the daughter of the garrison-commander of Edessa, is absent from BL Add. 14,582, of 816, the oldest dated manuscript.) 29 Proverbs 7:1–3: “My son, keep my words … and my law as the apple of thine eye. Bind them upon thy fingers, write them upon the table of thine heart.” Cf. Testament of Ephrem, 59: “Write my words on your hearts!”

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‫ܕܝܠܝ ܘ ̇ܥ ̣ܦܩܝܢܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܩܪܘܒ ܐܚܝ܅ ܘܣ ̣ܝܡ ܪܝܫܟ ܥܠ )‪ (64‬ܚܕܝܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.13‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܗܝܡܢ �ܗܐ ܒܝ̇ܠܕܬܗ ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ ܕܠܝܘܡܐ ̣ܕܩܝܡܬܐ܁‬ ‫ܘܥܦܩܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫ܘܢܫܩܗ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܐܢ ܿ‬ ‫ܠܓܝܗܢܐ ܬ�ܝܢ ܫܘܝܐܝܬ ̇ܗܘܝܢܢ̣ ܐܝܟ ܢܦܫܐ ܘܦܓܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܘܐܢ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܟܬܘܒ ܐܢܝ̈ܢ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ܁‬ ‫ܒܪܝ ܡ� ܗܠܝܢ ̇‬ ‫�ܠܘܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪̣ :‬ܚܙܝ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.14‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܠܒܟ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܝܘܡܬܐ ܕܚܝܝܟ‪ .‬ܥܪܘܩ ܡܢ ܚܛܗܐ ܒܪܝ܅‬ ‫ܘܐܬܓܘܣ ܒܬܝܒܘܬ ̣ܐ ܐܡܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܅‬ ‫܅‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܟܠܗܝܢ ܛܒܬܐ‪ � .‬ܬܪܓ ܠܒܝܫܬܗ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܛ ̣ܥܝ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܒܬܪܟ ܗܢܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܛܗܐ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܘܫܛ ܠܩܕܡܝܟ ܒܬܝܒܘܬܐ܅‬ ‫ܕܦܪܫܝܢ ܠܟ ܡܢ �ܗܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕܐ ̇‬ ‫‪ 242.15‬ܥܪܘܩ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܣܘܥܪܢܐ ܘܡܠܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܦܪܫܝܢ ܠܟ ܡܢ �ܗܐ܅ ܘܐܝܟ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܒܝܗܝ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܣܘܩܐ ܕܐܐܪ‬ ‫ܐܣܓܐ ܒܟ ̣ܕܚܠܬ �ܗܐ܅ ܘܟܠ ܕܝ̇ܗܒ ܡܪܢ ܒܐ�ܕܝܟ܁ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܟܢ̈ܦܬܐ ܕ��ܝܟܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ ܣܥܘܪ ܟܠ ܝܘܡܝ ܚܝܝܟ‪.‬‬

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242.16 “Visit the sick and the distressed in their troubles; love the status of a foreigner, 30 which you have seen in me; fulfill those commemorations of the Mother of God and the saints and the faithful departed, as I have done; and never tire of doing so! 242.17 “Do not be a person of consequence among men, but ‘the filth and offscouring’ of everyone else, as Paul said! ‘Enter your closet’ and ask for mercy in secret! 31 242.18 “Do not allow yourself to become entangled in the affairs of this world! Observe, that if a little bird is caught by the tip of one claw, the whole of its body is entrapped! 242.19 “See to it, my son, that you do not forget me! Beloved of my secret soul, do not forget me! Multiply your prayers on my behalf! Let it not happen to me that ‘I am forgotten as a dead man out of mind’, as it is written, ‘and am like a broken vessel’! 32 Begin with penance for me and for yourself! May the grace and pity of our Lord preserve the soul that is setting out and the one that stays behind, by the prayers of the Mother of God and of all the saints, amen! 243.1 “See to it, my son, that you preserve the image and improve the likeness which God gave you from your baptism; 33 and come once a year to receive a blessing from those saints! 34 244.1 “As God is faithful, through his Mother and his saints, whenever you look for me, I shall be there for you. So be strong and vigorous! Behold, I commit you to our Lord and to those saints, for ever and ever, amen!”

Cf. ch. 1 n. 22 and ch. 5 n. 55 above and Testament of Ephrem, 51f (The wise poet from Nisibis is speaking to the men of Edessa, where he died, in exile, on June 9, 373; cf. Chr. ̈ ‫)ܡܪܝ ܐܦܪܝܡ‬: 540, AG 684, and Vat. sir. 163, f. 2v, col. b ‫ܕܚܟܡܬܗ‬

30

Plant me with the foreigners! I’m a foreigner, like them.

1 Corinthians 4:13; Matthew 6:6. Psalm 31:12. 33 Cf. Genesis 1:27; Ephesians 4:30. 34 Does Theodotus assume that Joseph will spend long periods away from the monastery of which he is to be the titular head, only insisting that he come back for the commemoration of the monastery’s saints? 31 32

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‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐܘܠܨܢܝܗܘܢ܅ ̣ܰ‬ ‫ܘܪܚܡ ܐܟܣܢܝܘܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ̣ܕܚܙܝܬ ܒܝ‪ .‬ܘܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 242.16‬ܣ ̣ܥܘܪ ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐ�ܝ̈�ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܢܐ ܐܟܡܐ ̇‬ ‫ܬܡܐܢ ܠܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܥܒܕܬ܁ ܼܿܫ ̣‬ ‫ܡ� ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܕܘܟ�ܢܐ ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܘܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܕܥܢܝܕܐ ܡܗ�̈ ̣‬ ‫ܬܗܘܐ ܝܕ ̣ܝܥܐ ܒܝܬ ̈ܒܢܝܢܫܐ܅ ܐ ̣� ܢܦܬܐ ܘܟܘܦܪܐ ܕܟ�ܢܫ܇ ܐܝܟ ܡܠܬܗ‬ ‫‪ 242.17‬ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܟܣܝܐ ܒ ̣ܥܝ �ܚܡܐ܅‬ ‫ܘܥܘܠ‬ ‫ܕܦܘܠܘܣ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܠܬܐܘܘܢܟ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܬܬܦܪܟܠ ܒܣܘܥ�ܢܘܗܝ ܕܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ܅ ̣ܚܙܝ܁ ܕܐܢܗܘ‬ ‫‪̣ � 242.18‬ܬܬܠ� ܠܢܦܫܟ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܛܦ ̇‬ ‫ܦܓܪܗ ܐܣ ̣ܝܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܪܗ܇ ܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܨܦܪܐ ܒܦܚܐ ܒܪܝܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܡܬܠܒܟܐ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 242.19‬ܚܙܝ ܒܪܝ܅ � ܬܛ ̣ܥܝܢܝ‪ .‬ܚܒܝܒܐ ܕܢܦܫܐ ܟܣܝܬ ̣ܐ � ܬܛ ̣ܥܝܢܝ܅ ̣ܢ ̈ܣܓܝܢ ܨ̈ܠܘܬܟ‬ ‫ܕܟܬܝܒܐ‪ :‬ܕܐܬܛ ̇ܥܝܬ ܐܝܟ ̣ܡܝܬܐ ܡܢ ܠܒܐ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝܬ‬ ‫ܬܓܕܫ ܠܘܬܝ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܚ�ܦܝ܅ ܘ� ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܚ�ܦܝ ܘܚ�ܦܝܟ܅ ܛܝܒܘܬܗ ܕܡܪܢ ܘܚܢܢܗ ܢ ̇ܢܛܪܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܡܐܢܐ ܐܒܝܕܐ‪ܼ .‬ܫ ܴܪܐ ܒܬܝܒܘܬܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܗܝ ̇‬ ‫ܠܢܦܫܐ ̇ܗܝ ܕܚ̇ ܙܩܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܦܝܫܐ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܕܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܘܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒ ܠܟ �ܗܐ ܡܢ ܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܕܐ‬ ‫‪ 243.1‬܀ ̣ܚܙܝ ܒܪܝ܅ ܛܪ ܨܠܡܐ ܘܗܢܝ ܕܡܘܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܫܢܬܐ ܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܐܬܒܪܟ ܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܙܒܢ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܝ‬ ‫ܡܗܝܡܢ ܗܘ �ܗܐ ܒܝ̇ܠܕܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ܇ ܕܟܠ ܐܡܬܝ ̇ܕܒܥܐ ܐܢܬ ̣‬ ‫‪ 244.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܐܬܚܝܠ ܘܐܬܥܫܢ܅ ܘܗܐ )‪̇ (65‬ܡܓܥܠ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ ܠܡܪܢ܁‬ ‫ܡܫܬܟܚ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ‪ .‬ܐ ̣� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܠܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ ܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ̣ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܩ‬ ‫̣‬

300

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 9 G. How Theodotus departed from this world in great peace on August 15, AD 698

245.1 “Bring me the oblation and pray for me! For the hour has come at which I must go the way of all the earth.” 35 When he had brought it and he had received it, he opened his eyes and saw all the holy fathers with Mor Theodore the patriarch and Mor Severus the bishop, he who gave him the (monastic) habit (σχῆμα), at their head, and all the holy solitaries. 36 245.2 At this the blessed man began to rejoice and exult and sing psalms, like one who is welcoming his friends. Then he said to his disciple, “Do you see those men, son?” But he said, “What can you see, my lord?” Then the blessed man said, “Now all the holy fathers are flocking to see me, with Mor Theodore, the patriarch, at their head, and the holy solitaries also. I have waited a long time for this day.” 245.3 Then he stretched out his hands to heaven and made the sign of the Cross over all his limbs and delivered up his spirit to God and went to sleep in his disciple’s arms. 245.4 The pure one rested, the holy one slumbered, the righteous one was in repose, the abstemious one dozed, the vigilant one lay down, the virgin had his eyes shut for him, the bishop was laid out, the solitary was honored, the stranger to the world died, the chosen one was escorted, the one destined to stand on the right hand 37 departed and was added to his fathers, the good worker went in – he will get his reward from the owner of the vineyard, our Lord Jesus Christ 38 – with a shining face; and now, with the angels, he praises God, the One to whom all praise is due, who crowned him with all divine adornments and with the crowns of victory which are made beautiful by the Holy Spirit, now and at all times, forever and ever, amen!

Joshua 23:14 = 1 Kings 2:2. The Life of Theodotus comes at the end of Part Two of the MS, because Theodotus lived after all the other bishops in the collection. The vision recounted here is appropriate to Theodotus’ position at the end of the first two series, for the former was of the solitaries, the latter, of the apostles and their successors, the bishops. Both Theodore and Severus were solitaries before they became bishops. Theodore is mentioned first, because a patriarch outranks a bishop. On Severus, bishop in 598, see §§1.4–5.2, 183.3 and Barṣaum 1943, 346, §84 = 2003, 319; on Theodore, see §§11–30. 37 One word in Syriac: baryamino, literally “son of the right hand”: cf. Matthew 25:34. 38 Cf. Matthew 20:8. 35 36

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‫ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ܘܨ ̣̇� ܥܠܝ܅ ̣ܕܡܛܬ ̇‬ ‫‪ 245.1‬܀ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܫܥܬܐ ܕܐܪܕܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܐ ̣ܝܬܐ ܠܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܙܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܒܗܬܐ ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܦܬܚ ܥܝܢܘܗܝ܁ ̣‬ ‫ܕܟܠܗ ܐܪܥܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܐ ̣ܝܬܝ ܠܗ ̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܠ܇ ̣‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܒܪܝܫܗܘܢ ܠܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܘܠܡܪܝ ܣܐܘܝܪܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ̇ܗܘ ̣‬ ‫ܐܣܟܝܡܐ ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܪܘܙ ܘܡ ܼܿܙܡܪ ܐܝܟ ܐܢܫ ̇‬ ‫‪ 245.2‬ܘ ܼܿܫܪܝ ܛܘܒܢܐ ܚ̇ ܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܩܒܠ�ܠ�ܚ̇ ܡܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܠܬܠܡܝܕܗ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ ܠܗ‪ :‬ܡܢܐ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܐܢܬ ܡܪܝ܈ ܗܝܕܝܢ ̣ܐܡܪ ܛܘܒܢܐ‪:‬‬ ‫̣ܐܡܪ‪ :‬ܚ̇ ܙܝܬ ܠܗܠܝܢ ܒܪܝ܈ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܫܐ ܘܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ܒܪܝܫܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘ ܠܘܬܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܒܗܬܐ ܩ ̣‬ ‫ܗܫܐ ܨ̇ܒܘ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ̈‬ ‫ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ܼ .‬ܙܒܢܐ ܐܝܬ ܠܝ ̇‬ ‫ܕܡܣܟܐ ܐܢܐ ܠܗܢܐ ܝܘܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܒܕ ܨܠܝܒܐ ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܦܫܛ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܫܠܡ ܪܘܚܗ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܕܡ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܝܕܘܗܝ ܠܫܡܝܐ܁ ̣‬ ‫‪̣ 245.3‬‬ ‫ܥܦܝܩ ܠܗ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܕܡܟ ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫�ܠܗ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܓܣ ܼܿܫܗܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܢܝܚ ܙܕܝܩܐ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܢܡ ̇ܨ ̣ܝܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܟܒ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܢܚ ܙܗܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ 245.4‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬܦܫܛ ܪܝܫ ܟܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܝ̇ܩܪ ܝܚܝܕܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܡ ̣ܝܬ ܐܟܣܢܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܙܕܝܚ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ܿ ܼܥܦܝ ܒܬܘ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܪܝܡܝܢܐ ܘܐܬܬܘܣܦ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܓܒܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܥ ̣ܢܕ‬ ‫ܦܠܚܐ ܛ݀ܒܐ ܕܢܣܒ ‪ 39‬ܐܓܪܗ‬ ‫ܐܒܗܬܗ‪ .‬ܘ ̣ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܪܡܐ ܝܫܘܥ ܡܫܝܚܐ ܡܪܢ܇ ܟܕ ܢܗܝ�ܢ ܐܦܘܗܝ ܘܡܫ̇ ܒܚ ܥܡ ܡ�ܟܐ �ܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܡܪܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܁‬ ‫ܕܡܗܕܪܝܢ ܒܪܘܚܐ‬ ‫ܫܘܒܚܐ܇ ܕܟܠܗ ܒܟܠ ܫܘܦ�ܐ �ܗܝܐ ܘܒܟܠܝ� ܕܙܟܘܬ ̣ܐ ̣‬ ‫ܡܪܐ ܟܠ ̣‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܗܫܐ܁ ܘܒܟ�ܙܒܢ̣ ܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫ܘܢܣܒ‬

‫‪SOP 362‬‬

‫‪39‬‬

302

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 9

246.1 Now the death of the St Theodotus occurred in the year one thousand and nine, in the month of August, on the fifteenth day of that month, on the commemoration of my holy lady Mary, the Mother of God, 40 246.2 ops:

during the reigns of Mor Julian, the patriarch, and of the (following) bish-

246.3

Mor Gabriel of Dara;

246.4

Mor Matthew of Amida;

246.5

Mor Sergius of Mardin;

246.6

Mor Aḥai of Ṭur ʿAbdin;

246.7

and Mor Elijah of Mayperqaṭ. 41

246.8 These (bishops) and their cities promoted the commemoration of the saint; and he took his final repose in their region and was buried near Qelleth, in the monastery to which he was devoted and in the province that he loved. 42

The actual date was perhaps Jan. 25 (Cal. Qenneshre 1; cf. ch. 8 nn. 54 and 57 above). Joseph chose to commemorate him with Mary (Nativity: Sept. 8; Dormition: Aug. 15), to whom, as a Miaphysite who resisted the expansion of the Church of the East in former Roman territory after the Arab Conquest (cf. Palmer 2013), he had a demonstrative devotion. Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople, apparently considered the title “Mother of God” inappropriate. He was condemned as a heretic by the Council of Ephesus in 431, but the Church of the East defends his honor still. 41 On the patriarch Julian, see Part 2, Table 4, p. 65 above. To Gabriel of Dara, Matthew of Amida, Sergius of Mardin, Aḥai of Ṭur ʿAbdin and Elijah of Mayperqaṭ no reference is made in any other source. 42 See the opening section of Part 2, pp. 25–34 above. 40

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‫ܝܪܚܐ‬ ‫‪ 246.1‬܀ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕܝܢ ܥܘܢܕܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ܇ ܒܫܢܬ �ܦܐ ܘܬܫܥ܁ ܒܐܒ ̣‬ ‫ܒܟܣܐ ܒܗ‪ .‬ܒܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܕܡܪܬܝ ܡܪܝܡ ܩܕܝܫܬܐ ܝ̇ܠܕܬ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 246.2‬ܟܕ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܐܛܪܝܪܟܝܣ ̈‬ ‫ܒܚܝܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 246.3‬ܡܪܝ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܕܕܪܐ‬ ‫‪ 246.4‬ܘܡܪܝ ܡܬܝ ܕܐܡܕ‬ ‫‪ 246.5‬ܘܡܪܝ ܣܪܓܝܣ ܕܡܪܕܐ‬ ‫‪ 246.6‬ܘܡܪܝ ܐܚܝ ܒܛܘܪܥܒܕܝܢ‬ ‫‪ 246.7‬ܘܡܪܝ �ܝܐ ܒܡܝܦܪܩܛ‬ ‫ܐܘܪܒܘ ܕܘܟܪܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫‪ 246.8‬ܗܠܝܢ ܘܡܕ�̈ܢܬܗܘܢ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܬܚܘܡܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘ ܼܿܫܠܡ ܘ ̣ܢܚ‬ ‫�ܓܒ ܶܩ ܶܠܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܣ ̣ܝܡ ܥܠ ̣‬ ‫ܕܗܘ )‪̣ (66‬ܐܚܒ‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ̣ܪܚܡ ܘܒܐܪܥܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܕܝܪܐ ̣‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 10

CHAPTER 10. SIMEON OF SAMOSATA, HIS SIGNATURE AND HIS SERMON A. Colophon of Mor Joseph’s amanuensis, the Priest and Psaltes Simeon of Samosata

247.1 I, Simeon, Priest and Psaltes, 1 from Samosata, wrote down this Heroic Life (nesḥono) of Bishop Theodotus, as Mor Joseph, Priest, the disciple of the holy man, committed it to me. 2 The story of God’s Chosen One was written down in the city of Samosata. 3 B. Exordium of the sermon composed by Simeon for the feast-day of Mor Theodotus

247.2 So pray for me, brethren, and honor this feast-day and promote it with your praise in holiness and chastity. Do not be like those who come to feast-days for fun and entertainment and are adorned with splendid clothes, and some of them even come in order to fulfil their desires by sinning, and not for God’s sake! I urge you not to make the feast-day an occasion for your guilt and perdition! 4 248.1 For this feast-day is one of the most splendid and glorious ones. Today heaven rejoices and the earth is happy and all the ranks of the citizens of heaven and the choirs of saints and Apostles rejoice and exult with us. 248.2 The Slanderer (i.e. Satan) and all the hosts of the Enemy are in sadness today. For wherever the demons see the saints shining and their bones being venerated, they flee and run quickly away; and if they dwell in people who are present at this festival of their commemorations, they are driven out and expelled from them.

Syriac: Qashshisho mezammerono, “presbyter and singer”, which appears to be a translation of the Greek ἱεροψάλτης (cf. 3 Ezra 1:14). See p. 35 with n. 27 and Table 7 on p. 70 with n. 55. 2 “Heroic Life” translates the Syriac neṣḥono, the plural of which is conventionally translated as “Heroic Deeds”. At §75.1 Simeon wrote in the margin: “At this point he lets it be known that his disciple was from Zuqnin!” The remark was later transcribed in the body of the text. This shows that the story was written down as it was told and not reworked afterwards. Barṣaum (1943, 382; 2003, 351, modified) paraphrases: “The life-story of Theodotus of Amida, written (down) by the priest Simeon of Samosata as related to him by his disciple, Joseph the monk.” 3 The style of what follows, composed by Simeon, differs greatly from that of the Life of Theodotus, dictated by Joseph. See p. 59f above. 4 Cf. Testament of Ephrem, 55. 1

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‫ܪܝܫܐ ܕܥܣܪܐ‬ ‫ܣܝܩܘܡܗ ܕܟܬܘܒܐ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܫܡܝܫܛܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܘܪܓܡܐ ܕܐܟܬܒ ̣ܗܘ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ�ܥܐܕܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ‪5‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܬܒܬ ̣ܢܨܚܢܐ ܗܢܐ ܕܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫‪ 247.1‬܀ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܩܫܝܫܐ ܡܙܡܪܢܐ ܕܡܢ ܫܡܝܫܛ‬ ‫ܩܫܝܫܐ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܐܬܟܬܒܬ‬ ‫ܕܐܫܠܡ ܠܝ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ܇ ܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܕܓܒܝܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ܁ ܒܫܡܝܫܛ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ 247.2‬ܐ ̣� ܨ ̣̇ܠܘ ܥܠܝ܅ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚ ̣ܝ ܘ ܼܿܝܩܪܘ ܠܗܢܐ ܥܐܕܐ܅‬ ‫ܘܩ�ܣܘܗܝ ܒܩܕܝܫܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܘܪܒܘ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܒܢܟܦܘܬܐ܅ ܘ� ܬܗܘܘܢ ܐܝܟ ̇ܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܬܝ̇ܢ ܠܥܐܕܥ̈ܐܕܐ ܠܫ ̣ܥܝܐ ܘܠܦܘܪܓܝܐ܇ ܘܡܨ̇ܒܬܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈ܒܠܒܘܫܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܚܛܗܐ ܐܬܝ̇ܢ܁ ܘܠܘ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܡܫܒܚܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܕܝܢ̣ ܕܢܫ̇ ܠܡܘܢ �ܓܝܓܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܝܒܘܬܐ ܕܝܠܟܘܢ ܘ�ܒܕܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܚ ̣‬ ‫ܬܥܒܕܘܢ ܥܐܕܥܐܕܐ ܼܿ‬ ‫ܘܡܦܝܣ ܐܢܐ ܠܟܘܢ ܕ� ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܐܪܥܐ‬ ‫ܫܡܝܐ ܚ̇ ܕܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 248.1‬܀ ܢܗܝܪܐ ܓܝܪ ܘܢܨܝܚ ܒܟܠ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܥܐܕܐ ܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܝܘܡܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܓܘܕܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ̈‬ ‫ܬܐܓܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܫܡܝܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܕܫܠܝܚܐ ܥܡܢ ܚ̇ ܕܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܘܪܘܙܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܦܨܝܚܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪ 248.2‬ܘܐܟ�ܩܪ�ܐ ܕܝܢ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝ�ܘܬܐ ܕܒܥܠܕܒܒܐ ܝܘܡܢܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ‪ 6‬ܒܟܡܝܪܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܠ ܐܝܟܐ ܓܝܪ ܕܚ̇ ܙܝܢ ̈ܫܐܕܐ ܠܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ܟܕ ̇ܡܦܪܓܝܢ܇ ܘܐܦ ܓ�ܡܝܗܘܢ ܟܕ ܡܬܝ̇ܩܪܝܢ܇‬ ‫̇ܥܪܩܝܢ ܘܡܫ̇ ܢܝܢ ܩܠܝ�ܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܐܢ ̈ܒܒܢܝܢܫܐ ̇ܥܡܪ]ܝܢ[ ܕܒܚ�ܘ� ܗܢܐ ܕܕܘܟ�ܢܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܫܬܟܚܝܢ܇ ܡܬܛܪܕܝܢ ܘܡܬܪܕܦـ]ـܝܢ[ ܡܢܗܘܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪Title added by the editor. Tannous (2018, 468) describes this sermon as part of the “final‬‬ ‫‪prayer” of Theodotus and says he wrote it.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ ‪SOP 362‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬

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248.3 For they do not look at their nature, which is still mortal, but at the honor with which Christ has clothed them. For this armor which the saints wear and this aid which is hidden in their bones is worn neither by the angels, nor by the archangels, nor by the other created world, but only by the Lord of the angels Himself. C. “Mor Theodotus”, speaking through Simeon, addresses the women present on his feast-day

249.1 “And now, I, Theodotus, with Paul, the holy apostle, shout through my life and through my death, ‘Rejoice in the Lord always!’ 7 And again, I say: ‘Let your joy be complete!’ 8 Be diligent in doing penance, which is full of mercy! 250.1 “As for you women, I, Theodotus, a sinner, command those of you who love God, when you come to the commemoration of the saints, not to wear frivolous ornaments and showy clothes and shiny shoes for the sake of the world and its pride; and not to become an occasion for stumbling to those men who see you. Let them not be seduced by the sight of your sparkling finery, instead of fasting and praying and holding vigils for their sins and their sufferings! That would lead to them being deprived of the aid of the saints, while you would get Hell, 9 with Satan, in their place and instead of obtaining help and prayers for yourselves and your families, you would receive perdition and damage to your souls, which are the image of God. 10 251.1 “You (especially) I command, virgins – I, Theodotus: be my daughters in keeping yourselves pure and guarding your bodies! As for the women who are subjected to the yoke of husbands, let them love their husbands by their chastity 11 and their children by (giving them) a pious upbringing, admonishing them day and night to get into the habit of going to the churches and the monasteries and the houses of prayer (bote dh-beth ṣlawotho, the plural of beth ṣlutho), not (of going) to shows and games, where Satan may steal their souls (lit. “and Satan’s robbery”).

Philippians 4:4. Cf. 1 John 1:4. 9 E.g. Mark 9:47. 10 Cf. Genesis 1:27. §250.1 is the passage quoted by Tannous (2018, 468). 11 For the earliest Christian teaching on marriage, see especially 1 Corinthians 7, Ephesians 5, Colossians 3, Titus 2:5 and 1 Peter 3. 7 8

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‫‪ � 248.3‬ܗܘܐ ܓܝܪ ܒܟܝܢܗ]ܘܢ[ ̇ܚܝܪܝܢ ̇ܗܘ ܕܥܕܟܝܠ ̇ܡܝܘܬܐ ܗ]ܘ‪ [.‬ܐ� ܒܐܝܩܪܐ ̇ܗܘ‬ ‫ܡܫܝܚܐ‪ .‬ܗܢܐ ܓܝܪ ܙܝܢܐ ܕܠـ]ـ ̣ܒܝܫܝܢ[ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ܇ ܘܗܢܐ ܥܘܕܪܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܠܒܫ ܐܢـ]ـܘܢ[‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܫܬ‪ [.‬ܐ ̣�‬ ‫ܕܟـ]ـ ̣ܣܐ[ ܒܓ�ܡܝܗܘܢ܇ � ܡ�ܟܐ ܘ� ]�ܝܫܝ[ ܡ�ܟܐ ܘ� ܒܪܝܬܐ ܐܚܪܬܐ ܠـ]ـ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘ ܡܪܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡ�ܟܐ ܒـ]ـܠܚܘܕ‪[.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫]ܒܚܝܝ[‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܥܡ ܦـ]ـܘܠܘܣ[ ܫܠܝܚܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ̇ܩܥܐ ܐܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 249.1‬ܘܐܦ ܐ ̇ܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܬܗܘܐ ܡܫ̇ ܡܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܡܘܬܝ‪̣ .‬ܚܕܘ ܒܡܪ]ܢ ܒܟ�ܙܒܢ‪ [.‬ܘܬܘܒ ̇ܐܡܪ ܐ ̣ܢܐ‪ܼ :‬ܚܕܘܬ]ܟܘܢ[ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬܘܢ ܡܬܚܦܛܝܢ[ ܒܬܝܒܘܬܐ ̣ܕܡܠܝܐ �]ܚܡܐ‪[.‬‬ ‫] ̣‬ ‫‪ 250.1‬ܠܟܝ̈ܢ ܕܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܢܫܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܦܩܕ ܐܢـ]ـܐ �ܝܠܝܢ[ ܕ�ܚ̇ ܡܢ �ܠܗ ̣ܐ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܬܐܘܕ]ܘܛܐ ܚܛܝܐ‪ [.‬ܡܐ‬ ‫ܬ� ̈ܒܫܢ ̣ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܡܗܕܪܝܢ‬ ‫]ܘ�ܒܘܫܐ[‬ ‫ܨܒܬܐ ܙ̈ܠܝ�‬ ‫ܕܐܬ�̈ܢ ܐܢ̈ܬܝܢ ܠܕܘܟܪ]ܢܐ ܕܩܕ�̈ ̣ܫܐ[ � ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܣܐܘܢܐ ]ܣܩܝ� ܡܛܠ[ ܥܠܡܐ ܘܫܘܒܗܪܗ܅‬ ‫ܠܚܙ�̈ܝܟܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘ]ܬܗܘܝܢ ܬܘܩܠܬܐ[ ܿ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝܗܘܢ[ )‪(67‬‬ ‫ܘܚܠܦ ̇ܗܝ ]ܕܢܨܘܡܘܢ ܘܢܨ̇ܠܘܢ ܘܢܫܗܪܘܢ[ ܥܠ ܚܛܗܝܗܘܢ ܘܥܠ‬ ‫]ܟܐܒ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܨܒܬܟܝܢ܇ ܘܢܗܘܘܢ ܒܛܝ̈� ܡܢ ܥܘܕܪܢܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܢܬܝܢ‬ ‫ܢܫܬܒܘܢ ܠܚܙܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܣܩܝ�ܘܬܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܬܣܒܢ ܥܘܕܪܢܐ ܘܨܠܘܬܐ ܠܟܝܢ‬ ‫ܬܩܒܠܢ ܓܝܗܢܐ ܥܡ ܣܛܢܐ ܚ�ܦܝܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܚܠܦ ̇ܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܘ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܢܦܫܬܟܝܢ̣ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܝܢ‬ ‫�ܒܬܝܟܝܢ܇ ܚܠܦ ܗܠܝܢ ܫ̇ ̈ܩܠܢ ܐܢܬܝܢ ܐܒܕܢܐ ܘܚܘܣܪܢܐ‬ ‫ܨܠܡ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܡܦܩܕ ̣ܐܢܐ ܐ ̇ܢܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‪̈ :‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܒܬܘܠܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܬܗ ̣ܘܝܢ ̈ܒܢܬܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܒܕܟܝܘܬ ̣ܐ‬ ‫‪ 251.1‬܀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܢܛ ̣ܝܪܘܬܐ ܕܦܓ�ܝܟܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܠܗܠܝܢ ܕܬܚܝܬ ܢܝܪܐ ܕܓܒ�ܐ ܡܫܥܒܕܢ‪ :‬ܕ ̣ܢ�ܚܡܢ ܒܥܠܝܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܒܬܪܒܝܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܪܚܡܬ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܟܕ ̇ܡ�ܬܝܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܐܝܡܡܐ ܘܒܠܝܐ܇‬ ‫ܢܟܦܐܝܬ܇ ܘܠܒܢ̈ܝܗܝܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܨ̈ܠܘܬܐ ܢܗܘܘܢ ܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ܇ ܘ� ܠܒܝܬ ̈ܚܙܘܢܐ ܘܠܫ ̇ܥܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ�ܥ̈ܕܬܐ ܘܠܕܝ�ܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܠܓܢܒܘܬܐ ܕܣܛܢܐ‪.‬‬

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251.2 “Let them be accustomed from their (earliest) youth to listening to the Holy Scriptures! Let them communicate in the Divine Mysteries 12 and do good deeds for God and for all (their fellow-) human beings. Make them experts in doing good by ensuring that their good deeds grow with them from the age of childhood! That way, they will be delivered from the poisoned arrows of Satan!” 13 D. Simeon exhorts the whole congregation to fill their lives with good deeds and to avoid evildoing

252.1 As for you, my brethren, give to the needy of the provisions which our Lord gives you in trust! Give of your good things to the hungry! Take pity on those who are in debt! Have mercy on those who are distressed, so that, when they pray, the earth may be blessed; and so that, when they intercede, the crops may be preserved! 253.1 Beloved, do not let the world deceive you, for it passes like a dream and like a shadow, and vanishes in no time! Let us not go astray; and tell lies; and fornicate; and mock others; and make trouble; and get drunk; and steal; and make tainted profits; and amass transitory possessions, which make us leave the (straight and narrow) way! Let us not forget God, who created us in his image and likeness! 14 Let us never anger him by our evil deeds! E. “Jesus”, speaking through Simeon, spells out the reproach implied in the words: “I know you not”

253.2 Let us be afraid of that hour in which we shall stand before the judgmentseat of Christ! Let us be afraid of that fearful hour, in which that Voice, full of terror, utters the words: “Get away from me, accursed men, and go away into the outermost dark with Satan, for I know you not!” 15

I.e. participate fully in the commemoration of Christ’s last supper by eating and drinking the consecrated bread and wine. 13 This image does not appear to come from the Bible, where God, not Satan, is often imagined, like Apollo, as an archer. 14 Cf. Genesis 1:27. 15 Cf. Matthew 25:12 (I know you not), 30 (outer darkness), 41 (depart from me). 12

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‫̈‬ ‫ܟܬܒܐ ̈ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܢܗܘܘܢ ܡܫܬܘܬܦܝܢ ܒ�ܐܙܐ‬ ‫‪ 251.2‬ܘܢܗܘܘܢ ܫ̇ ܡܥܝܢ ܡܢ ܛܠܝܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܣܥܪܘܢ ܫܦܝ�ܬܐ ܠܘܬ �ܗܐ ܘܠܘܬ ܒܢܝܢܫܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܗܠܝܢ ܡܢ‬ ‫�ܗܝܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܩܘܡܬܐ ܕܛܠܝܘܬܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ ̇ܪܒܝܢ܇ ܠܘܬ ܥ̈ ̇ܒܕܐ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܐ ܡܫܬܡܠܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ܡܫܬܘܙܒܝܢ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܓܐ�ܐ ܡܪܝ�ܐ ܕܣܛܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܒܘ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ 252.1‬܀ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܬܟܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒ ܡܪܢ‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܝܟܘܢ ܠܣܢ̈ܝܩܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܗܒܘ ܡܢ ܙܝ̇ܢܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܇ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪܚܡܘ ܥܠ �ܝ̈�ܐ܅ ܕܟܕ ܡܨ̇ܠܝܢ̣ ܐܪܥܐ ̇‬ ‫ܬܬܒܪܟܝ‪.‬‬ ‫�ܟܦܢܐ܅ ̣‬ ‫ܚܘܣܘ ܥܠ ܕ] ̇ܚܝـ[ـܒܝܢ܅ ܼܿ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ]ܡܬܟܫܦـ[ـܝܢ̣ ܥ̈ ̇ܠܬܐ ܢܬ ̇ܢܛ�ܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܡܚܕܐ‬ ‫ܚܠܡܐ ܗܟܢ ܢܥܒܪ‪ .‬ܛ�ܢܝܬܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 253.1‬܀ � ̇ܢܛܥܐ ܒܢ ܥܠܡܐ ̈ܚܒܝܒܝ܅ ܕܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫ܘܢܕܓ ̣ܠ ܘܢܙܢܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܝܩ ܘ ̣ܢܫܓܘܫ‪ .‬ܘܢܪ ܸܘ ̣ܐ ܘܢܓܢܘܒ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܬܛ݀ܠܩ‪̣ � .‬ܢܪܗܛ ܒܛܥܝܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܢܡ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܒܪܐ ]ܠـ[ـܢ‬ ‫ܘ ̣ܢܛܥܐ ܠܢ ܒܝܘܬ�ܢܐ ܛܢ̈ܦܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܩܢܝܢܐ � ܡܬܩܕܝܢܐ‪̣ � .‬ܢܛܥܐ �ܠܗܐ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܒܨܠܡܗ ܘܕܡܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘ ̇ܢܪܓܙܝܘܗܝ ]ܒܥ̈ ̇ܒܕ[ܝܢ ̈ܒܝܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܕܚܠ ܡܢ ̇ܗܝ ]ܫـ[ـܥܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܢܕܚܠ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ̇ܩܝܡܝܢܢ ܩܕܡ ܒܐܡܐ ]ܕ[ܡܫܝܚܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪̣ 253.2‬‬ ‫ܕܙܠܘ ܠܟܘܢ ܡܢܝ܅‬ ‫ܕܡ� ]ܣܘ[ܪܕܐ ̇‬ ‫]ܕܚـ[ـܝܠܬܐ܅ ܕ ̇ܢܦܩ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܩ� ܸ‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ‪̣ :‬‬ ‫̇ܗܝ ܫܥܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫]�ܝ̈ܛـ[ـ ̣ܐ ܠܚܫܘܟܐ ܼܒܪܝܐ ܥܡ ܣܛܢܐ܇ ]ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܝ̇ـ[ـܕܥ ܐܢܐ ܠܟܘܢ‪.‬‬

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254.1 When that hour comes, where is your gold, after all, and where are your possessions? Where is all your wealth? Your ostentation, your arrogance, your ornaments, your power – where are they all? Where are your parents, your brothers and sisters, your whole clan? Who will be able to save you then? Who will there be to come to your rescue? Why did Jesus say, “I know you not?” Was it not He that created him and nourished him with his rain and his dew, bathing him in his sunshine in the daytime and at night in his peace and in his quiet? 254.2 Well, I shall tell you. What that man’s Lord meant, is this: “You have treated with contempt the commandments and the laws which I have given you, by the help of which you might have trodden underfoot all serpents and scorpions. By your own perverse choice, you have become food for the evil ones and a creature to be trodden underfoot by the pestilential demons; and you have incurred the punishment of sin, which is death. 254.3 “And I, being compassionate, for your sake and for your redemption, came down from the height of my Holiness and entered the womb of the holy Virgin and became a human being. Yes, I crawled with the other infants in the streets. I even underwent flagellation with whips! They spat in my face, struck me on the head with a cane, and taunted me, saying, ‘Prophesy to us! Who was it that struck you?’ 16 254.4 “Then I ascended my Cross. They gave me vinegar and myrrh to drink – and all so that you might be redeemed! There on Golgotha, my side was pierced with a lance. I entered the House of the Dead and tasted death for you! 254.5 “On the third day, I rose from the dead and raised you up, for you had been overthrown by your subjection to the Slanderer. I called you and brought you back to Myself. And now I offer you life, not death. I cancel your status as a slave and register you, by my Grace, as my own son. Baptism was my free gift to you; and then I gave you my own Body and Blood for your food and drink! 254.6 “All these good deeds have I done and such a great debt have I wiped out for you; and yet, by your own perverse choice, you have abandoned Me and have followed my enemies, the evil demons. I know you not! Get away from me, you evildoer!”

16

Luke 22:64.

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‫‪ 254.1‬܀ ܡܟܝܠ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗܝ ]ܫܥܬ ̣ܐ[ ܐܝ̇ܟܘ ܕܗܒܐ܈ ܐܝ̇ܟܘ ܩܢ ̣ܝܢܐ܈ ]ܐܝ̇ܟـ[ـܘ ܥܘܬܪܐ܈ ܐܝܟܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܨܒܬܐ܈ ܐܝܟܘ ܫܘܠܛܢܐ܈ ܐܝܟܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ]ܢܦܝܚـ[ـܘܬܐ܈ ܐܝܟܐ ܗܝ ܡܫ̇ ܩ�ܘܬܐ܈ )‪ (68‬ܐܝܟܘ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܈‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܐܒܗܐ ܘܐܚܐ ܘܓܢܣܐ ̇ܡܢ ̇ܦܪܩ܈ ̇ܡܢ ܡܫ̇ ܘܙܒ܈ ܡܛܠܡܢܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܕ� ܝ̇ܕܥ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ܇‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܬܪܣܝܗ ܒܡܛ�ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܚܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܘܒܠܝܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ̣ܒܪܝܗܝ ̣‬ ‫ܟܕ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܛܐ�‪ .‬ܒܐܝܡܡܐ ܒܨ̈ ̣‬ ‫ܒܢܝ̇ ̈ܚܬܗ܈‬ ‫ܦܘܩܕܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܪܗ ܗܟܢܐ‪̣ :‬ܫܛܬ ̈‬ ‫ܘܢܡܘܣܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒܬ ܠܟ܇ ܕܒܗܘܢ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܫ‬ ‫‪̣ 254.2‬ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܕܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ܒܨܒܝܢܟ ܒ ̣ܝܫܐ ܡܐܟܘܠܬܐ ܠܒܝܫܐ܇ ܘܕܝ̇ܫܬܐ‬ ‫ܚܘܘܬܐ ܘܥܩ�ܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܢܬ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܫܐܕܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܚܒܬ ̇ܡܘܬܐ ܕܚܛ ̣ܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܡܚܒ�ܢܐ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫‪ 254.3‬ܘܐܢܐ ܐܝܟ ܡܪܚܡܢܐ ܡܛܠܬܟ ܘܡܛܠ ܦܘܪܩܢܟ ܢܚ̇ ܬܬ ܡܢ ܪܘܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܩܘܕܫܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܝܠܝ‪ .‬ܘܠܡܪܒܥܐ ܕܒܬܘܠܬܐ ܩܕܝܫܬܐ ̇ܥܠܬ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܗܘܝܬ ܒܪܢܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܫ̇ ܦܦܬ ܥܡ ܫܒ�ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܪܩܩ ܠܝ ̈ܒܐܦܝ‪ .‬ܘܒܩܢܝܐ ܪܝܫܝ ̇ܩ ̣ܦܚܘ ܟܕ ̇‬ ‫ܡܒܙܚܝܢ‬ ‫̈ܒܫܘܩܐ‪ .‬ܐܦ ܒܦ�ܓ� ܐܬ ̇ܢܓܕܬ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܬܢܒܐ ܠܢ ̇ܡ ̣ܢܘ ̣ܕܡܚܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܡܪܝܢ܇ ̣‬ ‫ܐܫܩܝܘܢܝ ܡܛܠ ܦܘܪܩܢܟ‪ .‬ܘܕܦܢܐ ܕܝܠܝ‬ ‫‪ 254.4‬ܘܠܙܩܝܦܐ ̇ܣ�ܩܬ‪ܼܿ .‬‬ ‫ܘܚ� ܘܡܪܪܐ ̣‬ ‫ܒܪܘܡܚܐ ܐܬܬܪ ̣ܥܬ ܥܠ�ܓܓܘܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܠܒܝܬ ̈ܡܝܬܐ ̇ܥܠܬ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܡܘܬܐ ܛ ̇ܥܡܬ ܚ�ܦܝܟ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 254.5‬ܘܠܬܠܬܐ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ ̇ܩܡܬ܁ ̇‬ ‫ܣܚܝܦ ܗܘܝܬ ܒܫܘܥܒܕܐ ܕܐܟ�ܩܪ�ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܩ‬ ‫ܝܡܬܟ ܕ ̣‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܟ ̣ܢܫܬܟ ܠܘܬܝ‪ .‬ܘܐ ̇ܢܐ ܡܟܝܠ ܝ̇ܗܒ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ ܚܠܦ ܡܘܬ ̣ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܩܪܝ̇ܬܟ ̇‬ ‫ܚܝܐ‪ .‬ܚܠܦ‬ ‫ܥܒܕ ̣ܐ ̇‬ ‫ܟܬܒ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ ܒܪܐ ܕܝܠܝ ܒܛܝܒܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܝ̇ܗܒ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ ܬܘܒ ܡܥܡܘܕܝܬܐ ܕܝܠܝ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܫܩܝܐ ̇ܝܗܒܬ ܠܟ‪.‬‬ ‫ܦܓܪܝ ܘܕܡܝ ܠܡܐܟܘܠܬܐ ̣‬ ‫‪ 254.6‬ܘܟܕ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܗܠܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܬܐ ܫ̇ ܡܠܝܬ ܠܘܬܟ܁‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܟܠܗ ܗܕܐ ܚܘܒܬܐ ܠܚ̇ ܝܬ‬ ‫ܩܬܢܝ ̈ܘܠܒܥܠܕܒܒܝ ̣ܢܩܦܬ‪̇ .‬ܗܢܘ ܕܝܢ ̈ܠܫܐܕܐ ̈ܒܝܫܐ‪� .‬‬ ‫ܫܒ ̣‬ ‫ܡܢܟ܇ ܐܢܬ ܒܨܒܝܢܟ ܒ ̣ܝܫܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܪܚܩ ܡܢܝ܅ ̇ܦܠܚ ܥܘ�‪.‬‬ ‫ܝ̇ܕܥ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ‪̣ .‬‬

312

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 10 F. Conclusion of the sermon

255.1 Our Lord is compassionate, brethren, so let us look to Him! Let us come before his presence with thanksgiving! Let us not delay until we go down to Sheol, where the medicine of repentance has no effect! Even if someone is gnashing his teeth, even if his tongue is burning, no one there is going to moisten his tongue with the tip of his finger, not even with a single drop of water. Instead, he will hear the words which the rich man (in the story of Lazarus) heard. 17 255.2 We see, then, that everything vanishes like a dream and passes away. We lodge in this world as if it were an inn: sooner or later, we must take our leave of it. Let us take thought for the journey we must make then, brethren! Eternal life: that is what we need to take with us, to sustain us on the way! Let us wear such “clothes” as we can take with us – the “dress” which Paul himself advises us to wear: Mercy, pity, longsuffering, endurance, kindness, the visitation of the sick and the distressed. Let us not go on that journey wearing the evil deeds that we have done: our unfairness, our plundering, our adulterous relationships! Let us not clothe ourselves in murder, or indeed in character-assassination – for gossip, too, can kill! 18 255.3 To sum up, let us do nothing to one of our neighbors which puts us in the wrong! For it is not gold that we need to refresh us there, but dew. Over there, fruits will be demanded of us, not just leaves – deeds, not words! 19 “Not everyone who says to Me, ‘Lord, Lord!’ will enter the Kingdom of Heaven,” said our Lord, “but he who does the will of my Father which is in heaven.” 20 255.4 So, then, let us not deceive ourselves, beloved! For even if we have the opportunity to live our earthly lives in desires and pleasure, what is this, compared with the world which never ends and never passes? For here both good things and bad come to an end, but over there, the torments are not transitory. Here, if the body burns, the soul can escape from it; over there, once the incorruptible body has been resurrected, the soul that lives in it can be tormented at any time. 255.5 No one should sleep when he sees that the sun is ripening “fruits meet for repentance,” as Scripture says. 21 For just as wrong is easily done, so it is easy for the soul to repent. That thief (who was crucified next to Jesus) did not need a long time (to gain access to Paradise), 22 nor did it take the martyrs long to gain their crowns. Luke 16, especially verses 22–31. Cf. Colossians 3:12–14. 19 Cf. Mark 11:13, of which this is an interpretation. 20 Matthew 7:21. 21 Matthew 3:8. 22 Luke 23:40–43. 17 18

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‫ܐܚܝ܅ ̣ܢܚܘܪ ܒܗܢܐ ܡܪܐ ܡܪܚܡܢܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܠܢ‪̇ .‬ܢܩܕܡ ̈‬ ‫‪ 255.1‬܀ ܡܕܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܦܘܗܝ ܒܬܘܕܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫� ܢܟܬܪ ܥܕ ܢܚ̇ ܬܝܢܢ ܠܫܝܘܠ܇ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܥܨ̇ܒܐ ܕܬܝܒܘܬܐ ܠܝܬ ܒܗ ܿ ܼܚܝ�‪ .‬ܐܦ� ܐܢ ܐܢܫ‬ ‫ܨܒ ̣ܥܐ ܐܦ�‬ ‫ܡܚ̇ ܪܩ ̈ܫܢܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ� ܐܢ ܠܫܢܗ ܝ̇ܩܕ܇ � ܐܢܫ ̇ܡܪܛܒ ܠܗ ܠܫܢܗ ܒܪܝܫ ̣‬ ‫ܕܫܡܥ ̇ܗܘ ܥܬܝܪܐ ܫ̇ ܡܥ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (69‬ܛܘܦܬܐ‪ .‬ܐ� ܗܠܝܢ ̣‬ ‫ܚܠܡܐ ̇ܦ�ܚܢ ܘ ̇ܥܒ�ܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܟ ܕܒܦܘܬܩܐ ̇ܥܡܪܝܢܢ ܒܗܢܐ‬ ‫‪ 255.2‬ܡܕܝܢ ܚ̇ ܙܝܢܢ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܕܐܝܟ ̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܡܦܩ ܐܝܬ ܠܢ ܡܢܗ‪̣ .‬ܢܐܨܦ ܕܐܘܪܚܢ ܐܚܝ܅ ܘܙܘܕܐ ̣ܢܣܒ ܠܢ‬ ‫ܥܠܡܐ‪ .‬ܕܡܢ ܟ�ܦܪܘܣ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܠܒܫ ܢܚܬܐ ܐܝܠܝܢ ܕܐܙ̇ܠܝܢ ܥܡܢ̣ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܐܦ ܦܘܠܘܣ ̈ ̇ܡܠܟ ܠܢ‪:‬‬ ‫�ܚܝܐ ܕܠܥܠܡ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫�ܚܡܐ‪ .‬ܪܘܚܦܐ‪ .‬ܢܓܝܪܘܬ ܪܘܚܐ‪ .‬ܡܣܝܒܪܢܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܛܒܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܣܥܘܪܘܬܐ ܕܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܕܐܠܝ�ܐ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܢܩܛܘܠ ܒܠܫܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܢܓܘܪ‪̣ � .‬ܢܩܛܘܠ‪̣ � .‬ܢܡܣܘܪ ̣‬ ‫ܕ� ̣ܢܛ�ܘܡ‪̣ � .‬‬ ‫ܢܒܘܙ‪̣ � .‬‬ ‫ܢܣܥܘܪ ܠܚܕ ܡܢ ܩ�ܝܒܝܢ‪ .‬ܠܘ ܓܝܪ‬ ‫ܕܣܢܐ ܥܠܝܢ � ̣‬ ‫‪ 255.3‬ܣܟܐ ܕܝܢ ܕܟܠܗܝܢ܇ ܕܡܕܡ ܸ‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܣܢܝܩܝܢܢ܇ ܐ ̣� ܥܠ ܛܐ� ܕ ̇ܢܦܝܓ ܠܢ‪ .‬ܠܗܠ�ܠܘ ܛ�ܦܐ ܡܬܬܒܥܝܢ̣ ܐ�‬ ‫ܥܠ ܕܗܒܐ ܚܢܢ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܡܪ ܠܝ ܡܪܝ ܡܪܝ ̇ܥܐܠ ̇‬ ‫ܦܐ�ܐ‪ � .‬ܗܘܐ ̈ܡ ̣� ܐ� ܥ ̇ܒܕܐ‪ .‬ܠܘ ܓܝܪ ܟܠ ̇‬ ‫�ܠܡ ̣ܠܟܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܫܡܝܐ ̣ܐܡܪ ܡܪܢ܇ ܐ� ̇ܗܘ ܕ ̇ܥܒܕ ܨܒܝܢܗ ܕܐܒܝ ܕܒܫܡܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܢܐܚܐ‬ ‫‪ � 255.4‬ܡܕܝܢ ̇ܢܛܥܐ ܢܦܫܢ̣ ̈ܚܒܝܒܝ܅ ܢܗܘܐ ܓܝܪ ̈ܚܝܝܢ ܕܗܪܟܐ ܒ�ܓܝܓܬܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܒܗܢܝܐܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܡܢܐ ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܨܝܕ ܥ̈ܠܡܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܕ� ̇ܡܘܦܝܢ ܘ� ̇ܥܒܪܝܢ܈ ܗܪܟܐ ܓܝܪ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܝ̈ܫܬ ̣ܐ ܫܘܠܡܐ ܫ̇ ̈ܩܠܢ‪ .‬ܠܗܠ�ܓܝܪ ܠܘ ̇ܥܒܘ�ܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ̈ܫܘܢܩܐ‪ .‬ܗܪܟܐ ܐܢ ܝ̇ܩܕ‬ ‫ܦܓܪ ̣ܐ ̇ܢܦܩܐ ܢܦܫܐ‪ .‬ܠܗܠ� ܓܝܪ ܡܐ ̇ܕܩܐܡ ܦܓܪܐ � ܡܬܚ̇ ܒ�ܢܐ܇ ܒܟܠ ܙܒܢ‬ ‫ܡܫܬܢܩܐ ܒܗ ܢܦܫܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܫܡܫܐ ܚ̇ ܙܐ ܕ ̇ܥܒܕ ܦܐ�ܐ ܕܫ̇ ܘܝܢ ܠܬܝܒܘܬܐ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫‪ � 255.5‬ܙ ̇ܕܩ ܕܐܢܫ ܢܕܡܟ܇ ܟܕ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܬܬܘܒ‪� .‬‬ ‫ܕܦܫܝܩ ܠܢ ܕܢ ̣ܥܒܕ ܒ ̣ܝܫܬܐ܇ ܗܟܢܐ ܕܠ ̣ܝ� ܠܢܦܫܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܕܟܬ ̣ܝܒ‪ .‬ܐܝܟܢܐ ܓܝܪ ̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܟܠܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܣܬܢܩ ̇ܗܘ ̇ܓܝܣܐ ܥܠ ܙܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܐ�ܝܟܐ ܣܗܕܐ ܬܘܒ ܒܙܒܢܐ ܙ ̣ܥܘܪܐ ܼ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫̣‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CHAPTER 10

255.6 Beloved, let us not lose the hope of our salvation! It is no great calamity if someone should fall, but that one who has fallen should not wish to get up again – that is a calamity. Come, let us throw ourselves onto the great and generous ocean of God’s compassion, saying with that blessed and holy penitent, David, “Wash me with your hyssop and I shall be whiter than snow!” 23 255.7 My brethren, God loves a penitent soul. Come, let us kneel down and pray to Him! Let us thank Him, and worship Him! Let us praise the inestimable compassion He feels for us, now, and at all times, and for ever and ever, amen!

23

Psalm 51:7.

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‫ܕܚܝܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܢܦܣܘܩ ܣܒܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܩܫܝܐ ܐ� ̇ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܚܒܝܒܝ܅ ܠܘ ̇ܗܝ ܕܢ ܸܦܠ ̇ܣܓܝ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̣ � 255.6‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܦܠ � ܨ̇ܒܐ ܕܢܩܘܡ‪̇ .‬ܬܘ ̣ܢܫܕܐ ܢܦܫܬܢ ܥܠ ܼܝܡܐ ܫܦ ̣ܝܥܐ ܘܪܒܐ ܕܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ܅‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܙܘܦܟ ܘܡܢ ܬܠܓܐ ܐܚ̇ ܘܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܚܠܝܢܝ‬ ‫ܟܕ ̇ܐܡܪܝܢܢ ܥܡ ̇ܗܘ ܬܝ̇ܒܐ ܒܪܝܟܐ ܘܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܘܝܕ‪ܼ :‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫‪̈ 255.7‬‬ ‫ܐܚܝ܇ �ܗܐ ܪܚ̇ ܡ ܬܝ ̈̇ܒܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܬܘ ̇‬ ‫ܘܢܒܪܘܟ ܘ ̇ܢܘܕܐ ܘܢܣܓܘܕ‬ ‫ܢܬܟܫܦ ܠܗ‪̣ .‬‬ ‫ܡܬܬܟܝ� ܕܠܘܬܢ‪ .‬ܗܫܐ ܘܒܟܠ ܙܒܢ ܘܠܥܠܡ‬ ‫ܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܢܫ̇ ܒܚ ܠܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܗ ܕ� )‪(70‬‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬

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THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA, CONCLUSION

THE COPYIST’S CONCLUSION A. Colophon of the monk in Holy Orders, Joshua, Sacristan of the monastery of Mor Malke

256.1 Here ends the story of the holy Theodotus, bishop of Amida, which brings to an end all the stories of the Orthodox teachers and bishops, the pillars and shepherds of the Church. May the feeble sinner who copied their commemorations as well as he was able – and according as the time gave him opportunity – be absolved by their prayers and supplications! 256.2 May God also grant absolution of sins to everyone who reads or opens this book and prays for the sinner who penned it and for his ancestors, amen and amen! 1

1

On the codex and the scribe, see pp. 38–44 above.

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‫ܣܝܩܘܡܗ ܕܡܨܚܢܐ ܪܒܢ ܝܫܘܥ‬ ‫ܕܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܡܠܟܐ ‪2‬‬ ‫‪256.1‬‬

‫܀‬

‫ܫܠܡܬ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬

‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܐܡܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܘܒܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܬ̈ܪܝܨܝ‬ ‫ܥܡ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܡܠܦܢܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܩ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܪܥܘܬܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܒܥܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܒܨܠܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܪܫܡ ܥܘܗܕܢܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܢܬܚܣܐ ܚܛܝܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܘܡܚܝܠܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܐܬܡܨܝ‬ ‫ܐܟܡܐ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܐܝܕܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܙܒܢܐ ̣‬ ‫ܘܐܟܡܐ ̣‬ ‫ܕܩܪܐ ̇‬ ‫‪ 256.2‬ܟܠ ܕܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܐܘ ̇ܦܓܥ ܒܗܢܐ ܟܬܒܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܣܪܛ‬ ‫ܘܡܨܠܐ ܥܠ ܚܛܝܐ ̣‬ ‫ܐܦ ܠܗ ܐܠܗܐ ̇‬ ‫ܢܚܣܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܐܒܗܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܝܢ‬

‫‪Title added by the editor.‬‬

‫‪2‬‬

APPENDIX 1: THE LATE ANTIQUE SYRIAC CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES OF AMIDA AND ITS DIOCESE WEST OF THE TIGRIS BY ANDREW N. PALMER B&S = Berchem and Strzygowski; Camb. = Cambridge; SOP 348, f. 200r, tr. Leroy 1968, 319; cent. = century; LTh.= Life of Theodotus; M = Michael the Syrian N.B. All buildings are Syrian Orthodox, unless stated otherwise. By the ‘Chalcedonian Dyophysite Church’ is meant the imperial Church of Byzantium. Inside the city wall Name/invocation ‘Great Church’

Date(s) 463/4

[i.e. Cathedral]

503

Reference(s) BL Add. 14,425, f. 115v Ps.-JE, 604

Late 521

Menze 2008, 49

ca 546?

Ps.-JE, 588, 604f Palmer 1993, 125 Palmer 1993, 125 Chr. Zuqnin, 150 LTh. §§138, 158

‘the Church of the metropolis’

ca 600 ca 610 628/9

Church of Addai and Aggai = ‘the Great Church’

692? 766/7 July 848

‘the Great Catholic Church’

1214

Chr. Zuqnin, 258f BH, CE, 1, 387 SOP 348, f. 200r

319

Remarks ‘Moro/Mara, bishop in the peace (? ̇ read ‫ܒܫܝܢܗ‬ ) of the Great Church’. Destroyed by the Persian occupiers; rebuilt by order of Anastasius. Temporarily occupied by the Chalcedonian Dyophysite Church. Jacob Burdʿono (re-)consecrates cathedral (for Bishop Eunomius). Temporarily occupied by the Chalcedonian Dyophysite Church. All Mesopotamian cathedrals back in Miaphysite possession. Heraclius rebuilds cathedral [hoping in vain to reunite the Church]. Theodotus installed as successor to the Apostles Addai and Aggai. Restoration of the Church built by ‘the believing king Heraclius’. Destroyed by accidental fire; rebuilt, ‘less splendidly than before’. Destroyed together with the churches of the 40 Martyrs and of Cosmas.

320

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Church y-l-d- ʾ-l-h-ʾ = Yoldath Aloho = YA = ‘the Mother of God’ (properly speaking:

463/4

‘the God-bearer’ = Greek: Theotokos)

1042

See the photographs of “El Hadra” – Arabic for ‘the Virgin’ – in Bell Archive, Album N 102–109) ‘The church of Amida’

1297

Minor church of the 40 Martyrs = ‘the Church called the Greater’ (implying two churches under this invocation) Shrine of Protomartyr Stephen Church Apostle Thomas

483/4

560

M, 9.32, 323, f. 166r1

Church of Cosmas (Chalcedonian Dyophysite). See the photographs in Bell Archive, Album N 99–101. Church (ʿidto) of John of Tella

6th cent.

1689

B&S 1910, fig. 87 SOP 348, f. 200r B&S 1910, 171

6th cent?

No evidence!

1213?

SOP 348, f. 200r

ca 460/535 6th cent.

1057

1307 1533–1719 From 1666

503 Feb. 1214 503

Feb., 1214

BL Add 14,425, f. 115v Kleinbauer 1973 B&S 1910, fig.110a M, 13.7, 566, f. 386r, 14 M, 15.1, 573, f. 386v, 19 PS.-BH Bodley Hunt. 1, 556 Camb. MS Dd. 3.81, f. 78 B&S 1910, 196 Barṣaum 2008, 28f, 53 Chr. 819, AG 795 Ps.-Zach., 7.4d, 28 SOP 348, f. 200r Jacob, Stephen

Codex written for this church (ʿidto) [online at bl.uk/manuscripts]. Similar aisled tetraconches built elsewhere in Roman empire. Engaged acanthus capital with garlands carved at the corners. Patriarch Dionysius IV Ḥoye the last to be buried in the cathedral. Patriarch John IX 1st of several to be buried in church of Yoldath Aloho. ‘Great Church of YA’ destroyed in sack of Amida (Budge 1932, 509). An account of the burning and rebuilding of church Yoldath Aloho. Restored in 1533, 1693 and 1719 (Syriac and Arabic inscriptions). This shorthand for Yoldath Aloho is used by the Syrian Orthodox. ‘Large and splendid haykelo’ built by bishop John, from Qartmin Abbey. Left standing by the Persians at the petition of ‘a kinglet of Arzan’. Destroyed with cathedral and the churches of YA and Cosmas. ‘Beth Mor Stephanos’ used by Persians as a fire temple in 503/4. Apostle Thomas and ‘the (other) Apostles and martyrs who are in Amida’. Engaged acanthus capital with corner-garlands, opus sectile floor. Destroyed with cathedral and the YA and 40 Martyrs churches. Restored (source: Greek inscription). Full name: Cosmas and Damian. Probably built as soon after John’s death in 528 as was possible. Destroyed some time before the churches destroyed in Feb 1214.

APPENDIX 1

321

Outside the city wall Monastery of Zeʿuro at P-y-t-r: W [Shrine of the 40 Martyrs] maybe in: The Lepers’ Monastery (SE suburb?) Monastery of Daniel: on Mt Aghlosh on SSE boundary of the diocese (may have been called after Lazarus, the son of Daniel, in the mid-8th century). Monastery of Momo/Mama: SW Perhaps also called:

Before 502 503

JE, 460

ca 691

Ps.-Zach. 7.4d, 28 LTh. §134.11

5th cent.

L. Daniel

ca 694

LTh. §187.5

ca 750

6th cent.

Chr. Zuqnin, 200 John of Mardin, 222 JE, 406

ca 692

LTh. §161.1

‘The Monastery of Reshmath’ Monastery of the Edessenes: W Monastery of the White Poplars: W Monastery of Tello dhTuthe: W Monastery of the Nut: NW, perhaps also called ‘the Monastery of Abdher’ Monasteries of Paradise and Hula: NW Monastery of John Urṭoyo: N Martyrium of Yoldath Aloho (St Mary) Chapel of Yoldath Aloho (St Mary) Shrine of Kyra (i.e. Kyria) Maria: N Monastery of Zuqnin: N

ca 750 6th cent.

Chr. Zuqnin, 200 JE, 221, 390f

6th cent.

JE, 417

6th cent.

JE, 418

6th cent.

4th–6th cent. 5th cent.

JE, 570; M, 17.11, 649; M, Register, 762, f. 385v JE, 125, 136, 454 JE, 214, 552– 73 JE, 91–3, 110

ca 691

LTh. §142.1

6th cent.

JE, 567

6th cent.

Monastery of Arʿo Rabbetho: N Monastery of Samuel

6th cent.

JE, 37; Ps.-JE, 558 JE, 56, 457

1125–65

1004– 1030 6th cent.

Before 502

JE, 443, 562f

Presumably at the dwelling-place of this holy man. By implication, the lesser of two churches under the invocation of the 40 Martyrs, hence Turkish: Kırklar Daǧı (cf. Akyüz 1999, 23). Daniel entered an enclosure there ca 420. Theodotus and Joseph visited on way from Qenneshre to Qelleth. ‘Monastery of Lazarus’ destroyed by ʿUbayd Allah, ruler of Edessa. (f. 154r, l. 2; 155v, l. 10): restored by John (Synodicon 2, 203). At Ḥazin village in the district of Ṭishpa (on border of Osrhoene?). A monk of Reshmath made his confession to Bishop Theodotus. Reshmath in Ṭishpa destroyed by ʿUbayd Allah, ruler of Edessa. Probably near the West Gate, which was named after Edessa. Near the hot sulfurous springs of Abarne (probably Turk. Çermik). In Gumtho (Gumathena, on the East bank of the Euphrates). On a mountain near the fort of Abdher, Ṣemḥo district, Anzitene. Origin of the 11th bishop ordained by the patriarch John Bar ʿAbdun. In Anzitene, outside the village of Hula, in which Mari was born. ‘On the north of the city [Amida] by the side of the wall’ (JE 564). Built on top of a hill in Qalesh village with enclosure for recluse. ‘The chapel (haykelo) of the Mother of God outside the city’. Built (rebuilt?) after 503 from the ruins of Monastery John Urṭoyo, q.v. Between Tigris and the wooded heights above Nardo village. In Ingilene, built around the pillar of a stylite. Its stones used for siege-works around the wall of Amida in 502–3.

322

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Monastery of G-y-l-n Monastery of Beth Mushikho Shrine of John Baptist

6th cent. 6th cent.

JE, 455 JE, 455

‘In the territory of Amida’. ‘In the territory of Amida’.

649/50

Martyrium in Beth Shurlo/Shurla

630–639

Chr. Zuqnin, 152 Menze 2008, 164

John, Bishop of Arabs, buried in Beth Mor Yuḥannon Maʿmedhono. Ps.-Zach. 8.5b, 80; JE, 197 (emend šwrʿʾ to šwrlʾ); Chr. Zuqnin, 32.

APPENDIX 2: EXCERPTS FROM THE LIFE OF DANIEL OF AGHLOSH PERTAINING TO DANIEL’S ENCLOSURE BY ANDREW N. PALMER INTRODUCTION

Daniel, who died on May 2, AD 439 – his Life records, correctly, that this was a Sunday – was the scion of a well-known family of Amidene land-owners. A marriage was arranged for him at the age of 25 with a young woman of the same class from Tyre (modern Savur), which Daniel’s Life says was then in the province of Amida. But soon afterwards he was converted to the monastic life. After two years in a cave two miles south-west of Edessa with his guru, the itinerant ascetic Mari, he lived out the rest of his life as a recluse in a ruined mountain-top castle one mile to the west of Ṭashitho (cf. BWO, G14, 4153: Taşet), a village belonging to his family. He was survived by his son, Lazarus, who had become his father’s disciple at the age of 12. Lazarus succeeded Daniel as the saintly recluse of Mount Aghlosh and was still alive in 486, when he probably told his father’s story to Jacob of Serugh (ca 451–521), or to Pseudo-Jacob, if Jacob (as Simon Birol will argue) is not the author of the Life of Daniel of Aghlosh. This hagiography was certainly written before the early sixth century, when Tyre was incorporated in the new metropolitan diocese of Dara, a city founded between 503 and 507 by the emperor Anastasius. The Life of Daniel the Amidene (as he is called in SOP 294, f. 198v-207v, a copy made at the monastery of Mor Malke in Ṭur ʿAbdin in 1483) 1 is rich in topographical detail and in the description of the place Daniel chose to live in. It therefore serves as a useful complement to the above edition of the Life of Theodotus of Amida and to Appendix 3 below, by Charlotte Labedan-Kodaş, on the enclosure of Daniel of Aghlosh, and will help readers to understand her discussion of the archaeological remains of this structure. The Armenian translation of L. Daniel has been edited: 1

Thanks to the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate for sharing these details.

323

324

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Ter-Petrosyan, L. H., 1979 “Յակոբայ Սրճեցւոյ «Վարք Սրբոյն Դանիելի Գալաշացւոյ” [“Jacob of Serugh’s ‘Life of St. Daniel of Galash’”], Etchmiadzin, n. 3, 22–40. 2 Reference is made to pages 279–315 of CFMM 273 (f. 142v–161v), accessible online in the vHMML Reading Room, which is a copy made in 1908 by Yuḥannon Dolabani from the best and oldest manuscript, SOP 361, ff. 97v–101v. 3 The number which follows the page-number marked in CFMM 273 is that of the line in which the Syriac text of the extract begins, ‘5 up’ being a convenient short-hand for ‘5 lines up from the bottom of the page’. Variants of place-names are quoted from the undated Paris syr. 235, ff. 160v–175v, which was repaired in 1292; from the above-mentioned fifteenth-century manuscript, SOP 294; and from Bishara’s Garshuni Arabic translation of SOP 361, SMMJ 199A, ff. 269a–272a, made in 1733/4. The twentieth-century apographs CFMM 259, 310–350, and MGMT 134, pp. 64–101, add no readings of interest.

TRANSLATED EXCERPTS

279, 9: “Daniel, that true Mourner (abhilo), who [SMMJ 199A: kāna sākin = dwelt] on the edge (ba-theḥume) of the [SMMJ 199A: majīd = glorious] Mount Ayshumo”. 4 279,13: “Now he loved to dwell in Ṭashitho, which is neighbour to Shophrin in the province (shu‘bodho) of Amida, because this village belonged to his family.” 5 280, 3: “He was a stranger to the plays and lascivious dances which (were staged) in the theatre (of Amida)”. 6 280, 5: “He was constant in going at all hours to the cathedral (‘idto) and to the holy churches (haykele)”. 7

Andy Hilkens kindly supplied this reference. The companion volume of SOP 362, from which Theodotus’ Life is edited above. 4 Ayshumo (Greek: Αἰσοῦμα) is Karacadağ, a shield-volcano, already extinct in antiquity, which lies between Amida and Edessa. Its foothills join those of Mazıdağı (Greek: Μάσιος) and it is here that Daniel lived. It is remarkable that it is here called a ‘glorious’ (meshabheḥo) mountain: perhaps the original text had meshammeho. The word meshabheḥo comes up in the very next line in connection with Daniel, for whom the epithet ‘glorious’ seems more suitable. 5 Shophrin is presumably Ashparin, tentatively identified with Sifrios (Trombley and Watt 2000, Map II), which is Rabat (Appendix 3, n. 21). 6 This may be a reference to the kynegion discovered by Assénat and Pérez, which might have become, by the time of Theodotus, the barracks of the Arab cavalry (Life of Theodotus, §135.2, §138.2), though this last is pure speculation. 7 The reference is to those of Amida. Cf. Life of Theodotus, §146.1, and Appendix 1 above. 2 3

APPENDIX 2

325

281, 5 up: “Now because he was his parents’ only son, they betrothed to him one of the women of high repute, whose parents were from the village of Tyre (Ṣ-w-r) in the province (uḥdono) of Amida”. 8 282, 4 up: “Although his permanent residence was the village of Ṭashitho, he used to go out onto the mountain … Now he always used to go in a westerly direction about one mile to the mountain which is called Aghlosh (SOP 294: Golosh), /283/ where there was a fortress built of great stones”. 9 283, 5: “He was going from the northern region to visit the solitaries in the south, that is to say, in the mountains of Mardin and Singara and the rest of the desert (madhbero)”. 10 The author describes two journeys in succession: the N-S journey of Mari (283), is followed by the W-E journey of Barṣawmo (284). 11 284,5: “Now after a little time, godly and famous man, Mor Barṣawmo, 12 was passing from the west to the east; and when blessed one made his journey along the south side of Mount Izala, 13 all the people who dwelt in that region flocked together to visit him.” 285, 2: Mari makes another journey, this time from Mount Singara to Edessa; arriving at Rish ‘Ayno on the river Khabur, he makes a detour to visit Daniel in Ṭashitho. Daniel then accompanies him by the direct route to his destination, Edessa: 285, 3 up: “I will go with you, my Lord, wherever you go and I will be your disciple.” The Life of Theodotus, §125.1, tells us that the village of Qelleth (BWO, F15, 0067: Killit), which falls within the natural territory of the fortress of Tyre/Ṣawro (BWO, F14, 9367: Savur), of which the even more ancient name was Shuro/Shura (Barṣaum 2008, 3.428f.), belonged in the seventh century to the province of Dara (BWO, G15, 9725: Dar). 9 A few words are omitted from this sentence because they add nothing of topographical interest. 10 The subject here is the itinerant ascetic Mari. 11 The first journey was probably one from “the Mountain of the North” (the section of the Taurus range between Turkish Malatya and Adıyaman) to the south-east (Mount Singara = Jabal Sinjar, in Iraq). By describing Mari’s as a journey from N to S and Barṣawmo’s as one from W to E, (Pseudo-)Jacob makes the reader see their intersecting itineraries as a Cross over his homeland. In fact, Barṣawmo’s journey probably started in Claudias, which was precisely the Mountain of the North, and ended in Seleucia-Ctesiphon, near modern Baghdad (L. Barṣawmo, §110.16). 12 See L. Barṣawmo. 13 For Theophylact Simocatta, who wrote under Heraclius, Mount Izala designates the whole massif from Mount Aghlosh to the Tigris. Karlheinz Kessler writes (personal communication, September 5, 2021): “The extension of the concept Izalla beyond the mountains of Mardin as far as the Tigris may belong to the Babylonian period.” Barṣawmo is described as taking the Royal Road, which hugs the skirts of this massif on the south side. 8

326

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

286, 3: “They (viz Daniel and Mari) went out of the village in a westerly direction about one mile, as far as a certain ruined settlement (qritho) which is on the summit of that mountain, which {was} (read: is) called Aghlosh; and there they conducted a godly conversation with each other. Then the blessed Mor Mari remained by the fortress that had been built there”. 14 287, 4: “And they went out (of the settlement on the summit of Mount Aghlosh) to go together in a westerly direction towards the city of Edessa”. 15 287, 3 up: “When the riders had pursued them for a day, they caught up with them as they made their journey (by foot) on the boundary of the village of Beth Maʿde, which is on the skirts of Mount Ayshumo”. 16 288, 4 up: The pursuers rode straight past Daniel and Mari, who were sitting beside the road, and continued on the way to Edessa “as far as the Thirsty Mountain, which is known as Ḥasmi”. 17 289, 6 up: “Then the blessed men made their journey as far as the monastery which is on Mount Ḥasmi, which was the dwelling of the holy elder (sobho/sabha/Saba), Julian, and there they stayed for a few days in the cave of Julian Saba”. 18 290, 7: “Then, after this, they began to travel towards the city of Edessa, with the particular intention of getting a blessing from the image of Christ which is there and of visiting the solitaries on the mountain of Edessa”. 19 Here Daniel meets him early the following morning. The name “Aghlosh” is written with an initial vowel, indicated by the first letter of the Syriac alphabet. 15 When news of Daniel’s disappearance reaches Amida, his father has four Roman soldiers from the garrison of that city follow the two men on horseback to bring them back, intending to give Mari a severe beating for persuading Daniel to leave his pregnant wife in the name of Christ. ܶ 16 The name of this village was illegible to Dolabani in his ill-lit cave – he read ‫ܒܝܬ ܰܡܥܐܐ‬ “Beth Ma‘’e”, but it can be clearly discerned on the digital image of f. 120v3, line 22, of SOP 361, from which he was copying. This is confirmed by SMMJ 199A, f. 270v1 (p. 267), line 14. Paris 235, f. 164r2, 3 up, SOP 294, f. 200v, line 14, misread as Beth Mʿarre. 17 Ḥasmi is the part of the Tektek Mountains to the north of the road from Tella/Constantina to Edessa. 18 “Ἰουλιανὸς Σᾶβα” is what this fourth-century saint is called by Theodoret. A number of madhroshe on this man are (more or less dubiously) attributed to Ephrem of Nisibis, who died at Edessa in June 373. 19 It seems likely that this image is to be identified with the painting described in the Doctrine of Addai (Palmer 2016a, 234–7 and appendix). Daniel’s pilgrimage probably took place around 410–20. The newly-discovered portrait was allegedly painted from the life by the man who carried Abgar V’s letter to Jesus and brought back the latter’s blessing for this king and his city, Edessa. 14

APPENDIX 2

327

290, 8 up: Daniel and Mari are ambushed by robbers on Mount Ḥasmi. Daniel tells the robbers they have no gold with them, and that the 200 pieces of silver they have with them are for the poor people they expect to come across on their journey. In fact, they are for the solitaries of Edessa. Daniel brought 400 pieces of silver (zuze) from his treasure and has already given away 200 of them, presumably to the monks of Julian Saba. 291, 3: The four bandits were converted by the holy men “and travelled with them as far as the plain”. On the mountain of Edessa they became monks, dwelling two by two. 291, 8: Daniel and Mari stayed in Edessa for two years. “Now they lived in a certain cave there, at (a distance of) two miles from Edessa on the south-western side.” 292, 8 up: After their two-year stay at Edessa, Daniel and Mari went their separate ways. “Now the blessed Mor Mari made his way straight to the Mountain of Mardin, while the blessed Mor Daniel directed the course of his journey towards Mount Ayshumo, which (belongs to) his district (athreh)”. 20 293, 9: “He reached a certain place on Ayshumo where there was a spring of water.” 294, 2 up: “And he travelled (so as) to come across country (lit. by the mountain) where there was no road, on the border of the land belonging to the fortress which is called “The Delay of the Perverted Woman” (shawḥarto da-hephikhto – interpretation doubtful) /295/ while walking along a terrifying quarry-path which was also a stranger to the feet of human beings”. 21 295, 4 up: Daniel found there a hermit dressed in braided grasses who had seen no human being for the last five years. “And he led holy Daniel and both of them entered cave; and near the cave were balluṭe and ‘azrore and garginse 22 and suchlike nourishment.” The hermit told Daniel of his vision about the churches and I.e. Mari travelled by the main road via Tella/Constantina, modern Viranşehir, while Daniel made a bee-line for Mount Aghlosh, just as Joseph and Theodotus did on their way from Qenneshre to Qelleth (Life of Theodotus, the entire Section 187). 21 Cf. Chr. Zuqnin, 213: “The name of the man was John and his home was in the black ruins of (Mount) Ayshūmā (shawḥarto da-hephikhto d-ayshumo), where he had been living a wandering life of (eremitic) exile for a long time”. This is the translation of Amir Harrak, who notes (195 n. 1): “Perhaps the first word derives from [the root] ‫‘ ܫܚܪ‬to be black’. Yāqūt I 56 mentions that the old buildings of Amida (where Mt Ayshūmā was located) were built with ‘black stones’”. 22 Quercus ballota (‫)ܒ�ܘܛܐ‬, Sorbus or perhaps Mespilus (‫)ܥܙܪܪܐ‬, and Arbutus Unedo (‫)ܓܪܓܝܢܣܐ‬, according to the Thesaurus Syriacus (Smith 1901, 531, 2855, 775). 20

328

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

the kingdom and an imminent humiliation for the Roman Empire. He also predicted Daniel’s career as a saint. 296, 8: “So he put the body of the blessed man in that cave and buried him. Now the blessed Daniel went out so as to come across that district towards Mount Aghlosh”. 297, 5: “Then, while the blessed Daniel was setting the course of his journey, a gloomy storm and winds enveloped him and he lost his bearings completely (awbedh athro dha-phnitho), so that he did not know in which direction to go”. 297, 5 up: “But God prepared a lion, which roared in the blessed Daniel’s presence. Then the blessed Daniel sat on the lion, as on a donkey, all the way to the boundary of L-g-y-n (Paris 235, f. 168r1, 2 up) 23 and Maghdelo and the (other) villages in that district of Aghlosh”. 24 298, 2: “Now the blessed one came, riding on the lion, all the way to Mount Aghlosh. It was as though God had brought the holy man straight there. Now when he came to the fortress which is on Mount Aghlosh, he sent the lion away to return to its own haunts”. 298, 8 up: “Then the blessed Daniel made in that fortress a narrow enclosure (beth ḥebhushyo). 25 And apart from a narrow-necked jug (baghbugho) for water and a square earthenware dish (rabbu‘o), he had no possessions at all; and he nourished himself with the fruit of trees and with rainwater, 26 while wearing a tunic of goat’s hair. Moreover, he went barefoot, like the holy Apostles. As for his sleeping arrangements, if sleep overwhelmed him, he would snatch some rest while standing on his feet and leaning on a rock, or else /299/ he would rest on the bare ground”. On p. 429 of Dam 8/11 (now only preserved in a photocopy kindly shared with me by Mor Severios) = Synodicon 2, 203, we read that John, bishop of Mardin from 1125 to 1165, restored “the monastery of Mor Daniel which is called of Aghlosh/Golosh on Mount Barʿiya and it is near to Lison, the Cold Mountain” (Syriac: ‫ܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܕܢܝܐܝܠ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܕܓܠܫ ܕܒܛܘܪܐ‬ ‫)ܕܒܪܥܝܗ ܘܩܪܝܒܐ ܠܝܣܘܢ ܛܘܪܐ ܩܪܝܪܐ‬. Lison and Leghin might be forms of the same name. 24 SOP 361 has Aghlosh for Leghin – if that is how it should be vocalized (SOP 294, f. 203r2, line 2, has ‫“ ܠܝܔܝܢ‬Lichin”). Maghdelo, which means “tower”, was one mile away from Daniel’s destination, which evidently lay to the east of this village: see below, 301. The village of Borç (= Turkish: burc “tower”) is a little over a mile NW of Dermite (BWO, F14, 3164, 3262; in Kurdish, Daniel’s monastery is called “Der Metina”; cf. Appendix 3 below; Barṣaum 1943, 628: “The monastery of Daniel on Mount Matiniyya”). Borç may be the translation of Maghdelo. 25 Cf. John of Mardin, 222, f. 154r, l. 2; 228, 155v, l. 10: “And again another monastery, that of Mor Daniel, which (was built) on top of the castle of Barʿiya.” 26 This implies that he had a cistern from which to draw rainwater, probably an ancient one belonging to the ruins. 23

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299.3: “Now the legion 27 of demons which dwelt on that mountain used to shout out clearly: ‘Get away from us, you holy one of God! Get away from us to the Mountain of Edessa! For this mountain is ours! And here worship and libations used to be offered to us’”. 28 300, 6 up: Pilgrims come from everywhere in Mesopotamia “from the Euphrates to the Tigris”, especially from Edessa and Amida. Daniel’s wife comes, too, with their baby son in her arms. His name is Lazarus. Daniel prays for him and blesses him, then does the same for the boy’s mother. “But the blessed one refused to see the woman, only (agreeing) to speak (with her) from (within) his enclosure; and they could hear him”. 300, last line: “Then, one night, people /301/ came from the village of Maghdelo, which was one mile distant from the Blessed Man, and they camped in front of the door of his enclosure; 29 and there was a certain woman with them who had been paralyzed from birth – she could not even crawl on the ground; all they could do was turn her onto the other side with a woolen cloth”. 301, 6: “As for the Blessed One, when he looked out of his window in the morning 30 and saw her, he was incensed, as it were, with zeal and said: ‘Out on you, woman! Get up and go to your house!’ As for her, she rose to her feet on the spot and walked to her house without coming to any harm”. 302, last line: “After 12 years /303/, the blessed Daniel sent for his son Lazarus; and with the boy’s consent, he converted him to the teaching and the life of Christ’s Gospel, with the (other) disciples whom the saint had acquired”. 302, 7 up: Daniel has been a recluse for 24 years, when his mother climbs the mountain, hoping to see her son before she dies. 303, last line: Daniel refuses to show himself to his mother. Instead, he summons Lazarus: “Behold, the boy Lazarus! In his face you can see my own face!” 304: Daniel says he has sworn an oath to God and will not break it. Women have come barefoot all the way from Amida and from Edessa in order to see him, but he has not shown himself to them. 305, 3 up: His mother curses him; and her curse takes immediate effect: “That very night, two men killed a certain man on the border of Mount Aghlosh … /last line/ The idea that a legion of demons lived on this mountain may be connected with the name of the village of L-g-y-n. 28 This implies there had been a pagan temple on that mountain, as well as a fortress. 29 Therefore, the enclosure had a door. 30 Therefore, Daniel could look out of a window in his enclosure. 27

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and they came and dumped the dead man / 306/ at the saint’s door and sprinkled some of his blood on the frame (askephotho) of the door so that there would be a presumption (of guilt) against the blessed Daniel”. 31 309, 7 up: At Daniel’s trial in front of the south gate of the city of Amida, the dead man is resurrected to testify to the innocence of the holy man. “Two men, brothers from the village of Ḥasmi (SOP 294, f. 206r1, 6 up: Ḥasli) killed me”. 32 311, 4: “Then the blessed Lazarus, his disciple, conceived the plan of building a large (monastic) church (haykelo) 33 in his teacher’s name and a (charnel-)house for his bones (bayto le-gharmaw), so that the (all the) nations (of the earth) might be blessed by them”. 313, 4: “Now when the young man Lazarus returned to his teacher, he built a sturdy (monastic) church from hewn stones (viz ashlar); and out of the gold he had collected, he made a large cross, weighing thirty pounds – and, look you, it is still there now, in the treasury of the monastery! 34 And with the rest of the gold which was left over he built the church of which we have spoken”. 313, 9 up: When he built the church, demons came and tore it down. So he bound them with oaths and forced them to put all the stones back where they belonged. 35 314. 9 up: “... and surrendered his spirit to God in the month of May on the second (day) of that (month) on the first day of the week (i.e. on a Sunday) in the year seven hundred and fifty of the Greeks. Now a vast crowd was gathered for his funeral, with the bishop, Mor Mari; and they kept a vigil over his body for three days and three nights; and they laid him in a marble sarcophagus. Now they found on his body an iron ring around which the flesh had grown; and Mor Lazarus took it; and he lived in that enclosure for forty-seven years”. 36

By the frame is probably meant the threshold and the doorposts and the lintel. As stated above, the name Ḥasmi belongs to the Tektek Dağları, so perhaps Ḥasli was the original reading and one scribe, remembering the similar name from an earlier part of the story, consciously or unconsciously changed it. 33 This word for a church is never used for the main church of a village or for the cathedral of a city. 34 The author has evidently been shown the treasures of the monastery. 35 Cf. Niebuhr 1778, 399f., on the devil which local folklore maintained was kept by the holy men as a cleaner. 36 May 2, 439, was indeed a Sunday. The fact that the author does not say on which part of his body Lazarus put the ring suggests it was on his private parts and served to help him combat the sexual urge. 31 32

APPENDIX 3: SEARCHING FOR THE ENCLOSURE OF DANIEL BY CHARLOTTE LABEDAN-KODAŞ INTRODUCTION

Daniel’s monastery is one of the many stages Theodotus passes by on his final journey at the end of his life. We know Daniel as one of the monks who lived in Ṭur ‘Abdin between the end of the fourth and the first half of the fifth century AD. This is an “Age of Crisis”, 1 spiritual and economical. Following the drastic example of monks in Egypt and Syria, many are prompted to renounce their wealth as a way to enter the Kingdom of God. Daniel was one of those who paved the way: he decided to let go of his wealth and social status to live as a hermit. He then chose to shut himself off from the world and spent the remainder of his life in a tiny room. As an ascetic, an athlete of God, his fame rose so much that he was considered a living saint. However, the exact place where Daniel stayed during his ascetical period is unknown. I wish to try and find that sacred ground, as it would further our understanding of the textual material and of the actual geographical and historical context of Daniel’s life. Furthermore, it would allow us to pinpoint the road taken by Theodotus, and therefore add to our knowledge of this specific itinerary. First, I will summarize the information known about both the enclosure of Daniel and the church built by his son to honor him, which would later become the heart of the monastery of Daniel. Secondly, I will put forward my hypothesis concerning the location of those places and compare the literary clues with the archaeological context. Thirdly, I will present some recent archaeological discoveries that shed light on the immediate surroundings of this particular site. After discussing these matters, the hypothetical site of the monastery of Daniel will be examined thoroughly in an attempt to differentiate its periods of occupation. Lastly, I will introduce a potential site for the enclosure of Daniel and recom1

Brown 2012, 289.

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mend the reader to stay open to other possibilities. Historical geography is indeed a somewhat hazardous ground and as I introduce this study, it needs to be emphasized that none of the evidence given here is sufficient. We should be aware that this is on-going research.

LITERARY SOURCES Ancient Sources

Information about the enclosure of Daniel is provided in two ancient books, the Life of Daniel of Aghlosh and the Life of Theodotus. Of the first text, we know two versions, a Syriac one (ascribed to Jacob of Serugh) and an Armenian one; the former is as yet unedited, but pertinent sections are translated by Andrew Palmer in Appendix 2 above. The second text is available in a Syriac and an Arabic version, the first of which is edited and translated for the first time in this book. Starting with the Life of Daniel, the text does not give away many clues as to where Daniel decides to spend his ascetic life. It first tells us that he came from Amida (Turk. Diyarbakır, Kurd. Amed), a well-known city located next to the Tigris river in southeastern Turkey. In fact, Daniel may originate not from the city itself but from elsewhere in Amida’s territory. 2 At least the Life tells us where to start looking on the map. Our next piece of information from the Life of Daniel is that he did not go very far from Amida, but chose a deserted high place surrounded by villages. The name of that high place is Mount Aghlosh. As for the names of the villages, the Armenian version of the Life gives some names, but none has been located so far, 3 whereas the Syriac version only tells us about the village of Tashitho, from which Daniel’s enclosure lay about one mile away to the west. 4 The author of the Syriac Life specifies further that the enclosure is a small room with a window built in a fortress made by non-Christian people, perhaps Roman, made of “great stones”. Before deciding to stay in that enclosure, Daniel may have had a somewhat normal life as he was both a husband and a father. His son, Lazarus, eventually followed in his footsteps and was vocal about his admiration for Daniel. He went so far as to travel for two years to raise money and build a lavish church in his fa-

The first paragraph of the Armenian version tells us that Daniel lived in the region of Amida. The editor, Levon Ter-Petrossian, thought it probable that it referred more precisely to the Armenian city of Tigranokert (I am grateful to Andy Hilkens for sharing this information with me). The region of Amida extended far from the city itself. 3 As stated in the introduction, this is on-going research. No sources have yet been found for these names other than the Armenian version of the Life. 4 Supposing this is a Roman mile, it would be about 1610 yards or 1472 meters (Feissel 2002, 384). 2

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ther’s name as well as a house for his bones. It was obviously a solid structure: as will be seen below, those monuments might in fact be still standing. To sum up, the Life of Daniel tells us about Daniel’s travel from Amida to the mountain of Aghlosh, a place located one mile away from the nearest village where once stood a fortress. He then enclosed himself in the ruins of that fortress. Somewhere nearby, Daniel’s son later built a magnificent church to honor his father that attracted other pious men, who would eventually form a community of monks in Daniel’s name. Now, let us examine the Life of Theodotus. At the end of his life Theodotus travels with his disciple Joseph from the monastery of Qenneshre via Edessa to the outskirts of the Ayshumo mountain, 5 where they stay for three days (§187.2). We may suppose that they remained on the main road, which would have led them from Edessa to Constantina (Syr. Tella-d-Mauzlath, Turk. Viranşehir, Kurd. Wêranşar) where they could have safely rested (Figure i). Then they went on to Beth Ma‘de, a site seemingly located at the border of the diocese of Amida. They did not stay there because they feared that people would come from Amida and bring Theodotus back. Finally, they reached the monastery of Daniel of Aghlosh and stayed there for at least five days, thinking they would be safely hidden there. News came nonetheless to Amida and they were forced first to have themselves walled up in Daniel’s enclosure, and then to flee to the monastery of Abai near the village of Qelleth, in the diocese of Dara (§§187.5–189.4). From this text, we learn that the monastery of Daniel was within reach of Amida 6 but at the outer reaches of its diocese, and that it was located on a road leading eastwards from the Ayshumo mountain to Qelleth. We also obtain confirmation of the presence of a window in Daniel’s enclosure, as mentioned in the Life of Daniel, for Joseph lifted up Theodotus “and brought his face to the window” (§188.2) so that he could be seen by those outside. We have thus a number of clues from ancient sources to find the location both of the enclosure of Daniel and of the church built by his son. 7 Fortunately, we have even more indications from modern sources.

The Ayshumo mountain corresponds to Karacadağ, which means in Turkish the black mountain and is actually a volcano. 6 At most two days away from the city, as the news came back and forth from the monastery of Daniel in the span of five days and gave time to people in Amida to gather. 7 Life of Theodotus, §187.5: it is mentioned as the Monastery of St Daniel of Aghlosh. We will refer to it in these pages in different ways, depending on whether we are referring specifically to the enclosure, to the church, to the beth qaddishe, or to the whole religious complex. 5

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The church of Daniel may first be recorded in an eighteenth-century book written by Carsten Niebuhr. 8 In Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien und andern umliegenden Ländern, the author mentions his travel from Mardin to Diyarbakır (Diarbekr). Departing from Mardin in May 1766, he visits the village of Sultanköy (Schech Chân) and the castle of Zerzevan (Zerzava) before making a small detour to visit the village of Surtannel, which he says lies not far from the road (i.e. to Diyarbakır). Niebuhr then gives us details about the monastery (Kloster) built in this particular village: it is called Dâr Robât 9 by the Armenians and Kara Klise by the villagers, which means “Black Church” in Turkish. It is made of large cut stones and towers are standing next to it. Moreover, Niebuhr tells us about the bishop and the priest who still lived there. As we have just learned, the village of the black church is named, according to Niebuhr, “Surtannel”. I would like to put forward two hypotheses concerning the etymology of that name. First, “Sur” is a loanword from Arabic or Aramaic which means “wall” or “rampart” (used with that same meaning both in Turkish and Kurdish). As for “tannel”, it could refer to the name “Daniel”. The locality would thus be named: Daniel’s Wall, which could refer either to the ancient fortress in which he built his enclosure, or more likely to the walled enclosure itself. The transformation of the initial “D” into “T” is not uncommon in several languages. 10 As for the transformation of “-niel” into “-nnel”, it is possible that the vowel “i” has been absorbed and replaced by the additional consonant “n”, making it easier to pronounce, or for example that “-niel” came to be pronounced “-nel” rather than “niyel”. Second, there is the stronger possibility that “Sur” originates from “Surb”, which means “Saint” in Armenian. What is more, “Daniel” is pronounced in Armenian either “Daniel” in the eastern regions or “Taniel” in the western regions. We could therefore suppose that Armenians speaking the western dialect lived in the vicinity of Daniel’s enclosure. 11 Then, a contraction of the name may have happened, as I suggested above. If this were to be true, the locality would consequently have been named “Saint Daniel”. Niebuhr 1778, 399. The text might in some way be misleading, as Niebuhr says that Armenian people call the monastery “Dâr Robât”. Yet we know that another village located eight km south of the black church is named “Rabat”, and that in this village lies another church built with limestone the name of which is lost. It is plausible that “Dar Robat” is precisely the name of that church. 10 For example Kurdish people are named Kurds in Kurdish but Kürtler in Turkish. 11 Amedroz 1909, 170. For example, the current city of Tatvan, located in the Bitlis district of the province of Van, bears the Armenian name Datvan but it seems that the actual name kept the memory of its western pronunciation. 8 9

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*Shur Daniel > *Shur Tanniel > *Shur Tannel > *Sur Tannel > Surtannel *Surb Taniel > *Surp Taniel > *Sur Tannel > Surtannel

In both cases, I assume that “Tannel” refers to the name “Daniel” and therefore that the village has been named in his honor because he spent time there. The issue of knowing the meaning of “Sur” is not as important as stating that the village bears Daniel’s name, but it could be a precious piece of information concerning the story of the people who lived there. The fact that Carsten Niebuhr encountered Armenian clergymen there is interesting, and could be a hint of an Armenian origin. What is more, people today from the villages among which we suppose Daniel lived recall their Armenian past and the fact that Armenian pilgrims used to come there. We next hear of the church in Die Erdkunde von Asien by Carl Ritter, 12 who did not himself go to the region, but was able to supplement the report of Niebuhr with information from other travelers, and so his account is relevant to us because he seems to confirm what Niebuhr said. As the village lies close to the route to Diyarbakır from both Mardin and Urfa, it is not surprising to find soon another traveler passing by, namely J. G. Taylor, a British officer and Consul for Kurdistan. In his Journal of a Tour in Armenia, Kurdistan and Upper Mesopotamia, 13 he brings us the name of the mountain range which stretches between the Diyarbakır plain and the mountain of Derik, Metinan Dağ. 14 Coming from Rabat and returning to Diyarbakır across the Metinan Mountain, he encounters, as Niebuhr before him, the black church. He reports the name of “Kara Kellisia / Deir Metina”, 15 which is the present Kurdish name of a village south of Diyarbakır (Amida). This is at last the name we have been looking for, which gives us an accurate idea of the location of the church. The church is precisely located too – if we are not mistaken – in T.A. Sinclair’s Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archaeological Survey. 16 Sinclair draws on past literature to write his notice of the church and in particular on the work of Gernot Wiessner, Nordmesopotamische Ruinenstätten. 17 The study concerning the church of Ritter 1844, 389. Taylor 1868, 361. 14 In the Kurdish name of the village Dermetina (the church of Metina), we are not sure if the final consonant “n” disappeared or if it was added through time. There is perhaps a parallel in the Province of Mardin: the village of Koza became known as Kozan (now Turk. Üçağıl, district of Midyat). 15 Kara Kellisia comes from the Turkish “Kara Kilise”, which means “the Black Church” and may refer to the basalt stones used to build it. As for Deir Metina, “Deir” originally means “monastery” (in Syriac and Arabic) but is used in Kurdish without much care to designate either a church or a monastery. The name of the locality means church (or monastery) of Metina, that is of the Metina mountain. 16 Sinclair 1989, 310f. The notice was written in 1982. 17 Wiessner 1980, 51–58, and plates XII–XVI (p. 72–76) and XXXVIII (p. 114). 12 13

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Dermetina (Deir Metina) is published as a model for sixth-century building in Ṭur ‘Abdin. Wiessner depicts the church very meticulously and provides some photographs at the end of the book. He is most particular about measurements of architectural elements and describes them minutely. Most relevant for us is his remark about two religious buildings: the main church and a chapel partly made of basalt stones (a black volcanic stone), and about a tower, the function of which is unclear. Additionally, it is worth noting that the area of the village of Dermetina (Turk. Gümüşyuva) is called in Kurdish “Gola”. As we have seen, the village is located on a high place which was designated by the name of the mountain of Aghlosh, which in medieval times came to be pronounced Golosh or Galash. I do not think it is much of a stretch to suppose that “Gola” could originate from these. 18 The inversion of the vowels “o” and “a” is a well-attested linguistic phenomenon. The disappearance of the final “sh” is, however, more problematical. 19 To sum up, the church allegedly built for Daniel was visited first in the eighteenth century, but remains a remote and obscure place until our days. I have proposed to identify the black church first visited by Niebuhr with that of Daniel because of its location on the road from Diyarbakır/Amida to Urfa/Edessa and because of the probable meaning of its toponyms. In my opinion, Surtannel may be the village known today as Dermetina in Kurdish and as Gümüşyuva in Turkish. 20 I have asserted that a black church is located there, lying next to a tower, and I will show that it features elements coherent with a fifth- or sixth-century foundation.

“Gola” is close to the Turkish “Göl” and to the Kurdish “Gol”, which means “lake”. It is the most obvious translation for this locality. However, there is no lake in this region except for an artificial one 5 km southwest of Gola resulting from the building of a dam on a river in the plain of Derik. That is why we may look for another explanation. Once again, I urge the reader not to take for granted these hypotheses but rather to consider them as a ground for discussion. 19 There are several examples of a word dropping the “s” of the ending but we did not find any with a “ş” : Daras > Dara, Mardis > Marde, 20 The distance between Gümüşyuva and Diyarbakır (ancient Amida) can be compared with the distance between the monastery of Daniel and Amida (see n. 6 above). The village lies about 48 km in a direct line from Amida. Taylor indicates that it took him 13 hours to ride from Rabat (a fortress to the south of Gümüşyuva) to Diyarbakır20 (57 km in a direct line). It would have taken him a bit less than 12 hours from Gümüşyuva. Considering what we have learned from the texts about the position of the site, it seems a reasonable distance from Amida. It would have taken one day and a half or two days to ride from the city to the enclosure of Daniel. We know that Theodotus stayed there five days without being disturbed. If the news were sent immediately to the town, as perhaps was expected, they would have been received about two days after, then people from Amida would have prepared their coming and arrived two days later. This amounts to exactly five days. 18

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OBSERVATIONS IN THE FIELD

The village of Gümüşyuva is located at the border between the districts of Derik and Mazıdağı, in the province of Mardin (south-eastern Turkey). As Gümüşyuva is located about one day and a half or two days on horse-back from Diyarbakır (if we rely on the account of Taylor 21), and as we learn from the Life of Theodotus that it took about two days to deliver the news of his coming to Amida (Diyarbakır), it seems to be a good starting point for an archaeological survey. I first visited the church photographed by Gernot Wiessner in January and February 2020 and then extended my research from there. I took into consideration both districts of Derik and of Mazıdağı. I was part of a team from the Artuklu University that conducted an intensive survey of the district of Mazıdağı in the autumn of 2020 and I visited sites located in the district of Derik by myself. I gathered information about Roman locations at the Museum of Mardin, which keeps a register of archaeological sites in the province of Mardin, and from villagers. The survey in the district of Mazıdağı was mostly inconclusive: we visited numerous Roman sites but their position and the nature of their remains did not seem to fit well with the written sources. The survey in the district of Derik was more fruitful: several of the Roman sites surveyed seem relevant to our research. I will not evoke those surveys extensively but focus on some of those sites, starting of course with Gümüşyuva. The village of Gümüşyuva is immediately recognizable by the high tower one can see from afar and is well known for its ancient Christian church. At first view, it may induce us to think that it is the village of Maghdelo alluded to in the Life of Daniel, the name of which means “tower”. Therefore, I began to search about one mile away from that village to find the fortress where the enclosure of Daniel is supposed to have been built. 22 The word “fortress” can designate an archaeological complex of any size and many military sites were neither huge, nor heavily garrisoned. What is more, the fortress was not necessarily built with cut stones, as is often not the case with sites preceding the Roman period in the province of Mardin, 23 or even with ancient Roman sites. Contrary to the actual village of Gümüşyuva, where the only building constructed with cut stones is the church, a site excavated nearby 24 has many remains of cut-stone buildings as well as buildings made of uncut stones. The Roman military camp excavated near the Tigris in the province of Mardin was for example made of small uncut stones. 25 This was also the case of a Parthian building, perhaps

Taylor 1868, 361. Life of Daniel (see Appendix 2 above) 23 According to my own observations during the archaeological survey I am conducting in the province of Mardin. 24 Labedan-Kodaş and Bağlayıcı, forthcoming. 25 Ökse and Erdoğan 2018. 21 22

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a fortified building, near the Tigris in the Batman area. 26 Most of the known sites with a military function in the area which are built of cut stones date from the sixth century. Keeping this in mind, I did not look particularly for remains of a fortification built with well-cut stones, but only for strong walls surrounding an area that could suggest they were used as fortification, or for a building built with such walls and perhaps with towers. I was initially looking for such structures close to the church located in the village of Gümüşyuva. I found a fortified building lying on a hill about 900 meters to the north of the church (Figure ii). It is built of large stones, but not cut stones, and a village, now in ruins, lies next to it. There are some ceramics on the surface, but these are much eroded. I found one sherd of metallic ware, a type recorded during the Bronze Age from the northern Levant to southeast Anatolia, but other sherds could not provide a diagnostic for the period. The walls are about one-meter thick, at most, and no more than three or four rows high today (Figure iii). The stones have not been shaped and are much more eroded than any stone used in the buildings of Gümüşyuva. All in all, this might suggest that the site is older than the site of Gümüşyuva. It may already have fallen into decay in Daniel’s time and may therefore be the pagan fortress referred to in the text. As for the accurate dating of the site, the evidence is much too scarce to determine it. Anyway, if it is the fortress pointed out by the angel to Daniel, then the enclosure of the saint should be somewhere on this hill. There are a few buildings that would fit the description rather well, except for it being built of cut stones, in particular a rectangular building located on the west side of the hill. Its door has been blocked by stones and there was a window next to it. It measures about 15 m2 and there is an adjacent room. However, nothing indicates that it has been rebuilt. In truth, there are other rooms similar to this one and none of them hints at a later foundation. If the enclosure is really there, then Daniel shut himself in an existing room and there is no trace to be found of a repair to the building. Another possibility is a village to the southwest of Gümüşyuva (Figure iv), about 300 or 400 meters away from the church. There also lies a stone building with a tower. However, it is situated closer to the church than the Syriac Life of Daniel allows for and there was no place which could actually fit the description of the enclosure in that text. The closest archaeological site with remains of a Roman fortress is located 8.5 km southwest of the village of Gümüşyuva in a direct line, in the district of Derik, and at least 13 km away by the road. It lies next to the village of Hisaraltı (Kurd. Rebet) and is called nowadays “Rabat Kalesi”. This fortress was first described by Taylor. 27 It is located on a summit and is the second largest fortified Roman site of the province of Mardin after the city of Dara. A church is built inside the fortress, 26 27

D’Agostino 2018. Taylor 1868, 360f (the village is mentionned as Rubbut).

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as mentioned above. 28 Its walls are made of large blocks of limestone, which seems to fit well the description of the fortress in the Life of Daniel. It is, however, not possible to determine if an enclosure was built within Rabat Kalesi. There is a Roman village built less than two km south of the fortress (Turk. Pınarcık, Kurd. Fitnê) and another about 6 km north of the fortress in a direct line (where recent excavations have recently uncovered a late Roman church 29). The first village could thus be Maghdelo, the village of the Tower, and Rabat Kalesi could be the fortress referred to in the Life of Daniel as the site of his enclosure. However, the position of the different locations is not entirely consistent with the written source. For this reason, I doubt that Rabat Kalesi was the place where Daniel decided to retire from the world, but I cannot exclude the possibility that it was. It is also plausible that instead of looking around the village of Gümüşyuva for the fortress where Daniel built his enclosure, we might instead search for it precisely in that village. Indeed, I took this as a starting point, because my hypothesis was that the ruined village with the tower could be Maghdelo, but the location of Gümüşyuva is much more suited to be that of the fortress. It is located on a high hill – one of the highest points in this range of mountains – from which we see as far as Diyarbakır to the north, Karacadağ to the west, the Mesopotamian plain to the south, and Mazıdağı to the east. As a village is now built on top of it, there are not many archaeological remains visible on the surface or at least, not remains from which we could easily determine its periods of occupation. One might speculate that the presence of the fortress is to be seen in negative by the amount of stone buildings in the village of Gümüşyuva, which may indicate that the villagers have been collecting and reusing stones from its ruins for a long time. None of those possible locations for the fortress is completely satisfactory. The strongest possibilities are that it corresponds either to Rabat Kalesi or to the village of Gümüşyuva. Relying on the fact that the village of Gümüşyuva might fit best the written sources and that its old name – as previously discussed – might be a hint, I think our best chance to find the enclosure is to keep investigating there.

EVOLUTION OF THE CHURCH OF GÜMÜŞYUVA

Following on from this idea, I decided to investigate the church more thoroughly with the hope of finding there a clue to the location of the enclosure of Daniel. Indeed, the only remains we can locate with perhaps reasonable certainty are those of a church made of cut stones in the village of Gümüşyuva. My hypothesis is that we must acknowledge that something may be missing from every account of past travelers and notably from the plan drawn by Wiessner 30 of the religious complex

See n. 9 above. See the section on “A new light on the rural background of the church” below. 30 Wiessner 1980, 53. 28 29

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(Figure v), but also from my account when I first visited the place, that might explain why we cannot make sense of the archaeological evidence, such as it is. The church made of cut stones is described as a monastery by Niebuhr and others after him, as we have seen, and is still described as such today. It has been restored several times and the original plan has been altered. But before going into details, I will characterize what might be the different periods of construction and use of the building. Period 0

A wall foundation made with very large uncut basalt stones stands on the eastern side of the village, forming a half-circle around a tower. It might represent the surface remains of a fortified building. Moreover, there is an accumulation of earth of about 1m around the monastery. Buildings may thus have been built over the ancient site, which is very common. Apart from that, I could not find anything seemingly more ancient than the church. The presence of the large basalt wall is insufficient proof for the existence of an ancient fortified structure in the village of Gümüşyuva (Figure vi, Niveau/Level 0), but only offers possible traces of it. 1st period

The first period really attested is that of the foundation of the church (Figure vi, Niveau 1). It has been built with blocks cut in soft limestone in a very regular and smooth shape. The stones are laid without mortar on the outside, but the interior of the wall shows the use of mortar and pebble stone. The ornamentation has been very well described by Wiessner and can conclusively be dated to the fifth century on the basis of typology. 31 A delicately carved vine scroll (Figure vii) located on the archivolt separating the apse from the nave is particularly interesting in this respect, as well as the carving of the acanthus leaves on the impost block supporting the archivolt (Figure viii). There is not much left of that first building. Some of the elements noticed by Wiessner have already been damaged or destroyed and the roof is falling apart. A door has been placed in a hole made in the western wall of the complex, revealing a surviving wall of limestone (Figure ix). That wall is connected to the pillar by the impost block mentioned above (Figure viii), which is located inside the nave. On the other side of the building, the original wall is visible on the southern exterior wall and is about two meters wide. It is also visible from the inside of the church, as there was another pillar there, in a symmetrical position (Figure x). A few stones also remain in the direction of the nave. From outside, on the southern wall, it is obvious that the remaining wall was not an exterior wall, as it is today. It was connected to another perpendicular wall. The same is true of the wall laid bare on the northern side. 31

Ibid., 57f.

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All things considered, it is possible to partially reconstruct the original plan of the church. The nave of the church could have been three times wider than it is today, as we noticed from the archaeological remains that it extended further on both the northern and the southern sides. It would thus have been wider than longer, as are monastery churches in Ṭur ‘Abdin: for example the Church of the Virgin in Ḥaḥ (Turk. Anıtlı), the Church of Mor Ya‘qub in Ṣalaḥ (Turk. Barıştepe), and the main church in the monastery of Qartmin (Turk. Yayvantepe). As such, it would have had a room on each side of the apse too (a martyrion and a diaconicon). Such a church would have been a grand church indeed. The dating of the church of Gümüşyuva from the 1st period is coherent with that of the foundation of the church built by Lazarus to honor his father, and may correspond to the expense he went to. The archaeological remains fit the literary sources, but there is no proof that the two churches are one and the same, as we lack epigraphical confirmation. Before going on to describe the second period of the church, I wish to address a particular issue. We should find traces of walls from the nave, and probably from other rooms, too, that have disappeared. I counted three blocks reused in the western wall and eight blocks reused in the northern wall, but that does not account for a whole building. At least three have been employed as foundation stones in the corner of a later addition, and probably many others were taken to serve this same function. Due to their religious significance, it is a plausible hypothesis. Some may also have been removed for the production of quicklime, an important building material, and some may have been disposed of by the villagers, but these are speculations. 2nd period

The second period is easier to account for. 32 The church has been rebuilt but much reduced and some additions have been made (Figure vi, Niveau 2). Except for the elements in limestone, everything has changed. The original building must have almost entirely collapsed, for reasons unknown. The new building is constructed of basalt and limestone, but of a different type of limestone, harder and coloured like chalk. The stones are of small size and not as regularly cut as before, nor is their surface smoothed. There is an alternation of lines of black and white stones, especially well preserved on the façade of the small building adjacent to the church, on the east. This building was identified by Taylor as a chapel. Three windows were present on the western wall of the church, as is the case in the main church of Qartmin Abbey, representing the Trinity of God (Figure xi). The entrance was in the southern wall, as observed by Wiessner. A small window was once opened in the eastern wall, in the apse, very low (Figure xii). This is an intriguing detail, as its function could not have been to bring light into the church. The window opens It possibly corresponds to the renovation work carried out by John, bishop of Mardin in the twelfth century (see Appendix 1 above).

32

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onto a small room now entirely closed off, which I shall call the “ghost room”. There is no door to enter it and the window itself is now blocked up. The plan of the chapel is reminiscent of the plan of a beth qaddishe, a “house of the saints”. 33 This might be the house prepared by Lazarus for his father’s tomb. However, this building is not, as we have seen, of well-cut limestone like the original church. It has obviously been built at a later period. We might therefore assume that there was a beth qaddishe in the original complex, but that it was destroyed with the rest and has been rebuilt, as has the church, but not following the original plan. The present beth qaddishe is composed of five arcades (Figure xiii). The arcades are however too small for sarcophagi, either in length or in depth. It may in fact suit best what the Life of Daniel tells us was planned by Lazarus, an ossuary. Yet we also know that Taylor saw there two sarcophagi, in the middle of the room, very well crafted. We may not go as far as to presume the identity of the two persons whose sarcophagi were put there, but it does confirm that it was a house for the dead. By comparison, the use of an ossuary for a monastic community is attested at the monastery of Qartmin, 34 along with the use of sarcophagi. 35 If the building had collapsed, it would be perfectly understandable that it was rebuilt, as the holy relics it sheltered guaranteed the fame of the monastery as a center for pilgrims. At this time, the church was therefore still functioning, but there was not enough money to restore it to its former glory, and the monastery was either shut or diminished, as a large community could not have gathered in the tiny church. 3rd period

The third period is that which gave the complex its present appearance (Figure vi, Niveau 3). Two rooms were added to the west of the church, perpendicular to it. The building of the room situated to the north has shut the three windows of the church, leaving no other source of light than the door. What is more, there is no cross on the lintel of the door of this added building whereas there are many on the lintel of the door of the church and of the beth qaddishe, as well as on other stones inside. As a matter of fact, there really is an unusual number of crosses on each stone of the original church and on two stones of the beth qaddishe (Figure xiv). In my opinion, this points to a high level of sacredness. The absence of crosses on the western building would suggest that it had a lesser religious value. However, limestone blocks from the original building were used on the southern corners, and that also suggest that the builders were aware of their origin and made use of them accordingly. A room was also added to the east of the “ghost room” behind the apse. These two additions are roughly symmetrical. Two small symmetrical rooms were also added, adjoining the eastern annex, to the east of the beth qaddishe. That these Keser-Kayaalp 2010, especially 340, Figure 5. Palmer 1990, 101f. 35 Ibid., 67, Figure 24. 33 34

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were built in the third period and not in the second can be inferred from the roof: their roof is different from that of the complex of church and beth qaddishe, but they follow the plan drawn in the second period. The exterior wall is built next to a tower (on which more below), preventing this from being entered. Consequently, we may think that the tower was built before, separated from the religious complex, perhaps during the second period. The roof of the two little rooms as well as their southern walls and part of the wall that separates them has fallen. As for the room next to the “ghost room”, access to it is through a door on the north side and it is still well preserved. Neither the “ghost room” nor the additions from the third period appear on the plan drawn by Wiessner. The tower

We shall now discuss the tower, which is omitted from the plan drawn by Wiessner. There is a high round tower, now about 7 meters high, just north of the main building (Figure xv). It is four storeys high, constructed entirely of basalt and very well preserved, with eight windows. One storey is underground and the roof of the fourth storey no longer exists, having collapsed almost completely. The building of this tower can be compared to the building of the religious complex, except for the part with cut stones. This shows that this building dates from a renovation work, and consequently that the tower is a later addition. Nevertheless, the tower does deserve some attention. The tower is notably placed on a rock which forms a semi-circle around it and stands like a protective barrier. It stands alone, it is not part of a fortification wall and there is no other tower to be seen. The foundation lies on the bare rock. Mortar has been used to bind the blocks, and shards of stone have been placed in the mortar between the blocks, forming lines. A difference of color in the mortar indicates at least one renovation. The blocks are more or less flat and their size is similar, if not their shape. It seems that some have been roughly cut to fit in. The tower has no door; we enter it today through a hole in the wall of the second storey. The first floor is seen through the collapsed floor of the second storey, but no other access is visible. It lies underground. The third floor was accessible through a window, which may in fact have been the door, as it is the only one large enough for a person to get through and is built with well-cut basalt stones. As there is no staircase, we have to assume that there was either a wooden staircase or a wooden ladder. Windows well above the window/door of the third storey indicate there was a fourth storey, but there is no roof above it and the windows themselves are partly demolished. Wiessner supposed that the tower could have been either a watchtower or a house. In the light of our description, the latter hypothesis can be dismissed.

THE ENCLOSURE OF DANIEL

What could be a better place to locate the enclosure of the saint than a mystery room? As we have proposed that the rooms at the western and eastern ends are additions from the 3rd period, we have few possibilities left. If the enclosure is to be found next to the church, as I believe it is, then the most probable location is what

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I have called the ghost room. It would perhaps not be the original room, as it would have collapsed with the original church. It would however be a room with no door, as there is none to be seen either in the apse, in the beth qaddishe or in the room next to it to the east, only a window. It is about 75 x 75 cm square on the side of the apse, but only about 20 cm square on the other side. It is therefore not possible for a person to get through it as it is. Then why build it if we cannot enter it? In my view, it has been built because it was the place where had been the enclosure of the saint, and perhaps the very window described in the texts. The entrance to the so-called “cell of Gabriel” at Qartmin Abbey has no door either, only a small opening which one must crouch down to enter by. The Life of Theodotus mentions a door leading to the enclosure of Daniel, as well as a window (§188.2), but it also mentions that the door was walled up for a time. 36 The Life of Daniel of Aghlosh confirms that there was a window and implies that the son of Daniel could enter the enclosure. Evidently, there was no church in Daniel’s time, and therefore the window could not have communicated with the apse. We may suggest that the church was indeed erected next to the enclosure and that the original apse was next to the window of the enclosure. Thus, every mass would have been directed towards him, to honour him. The window in the apse built in the second period probably has the same function, but as the enclosure was not inhabited any more, there was no need to build a real access to it. Reducing the size of the window would have kept this part unspoiled.

A NEW LIGHT ON THE RURAL BACKGROUND OF THE CHURCH?

The recent digging of a nearby site may enlighten us further. An archaeological site, Göktaş, three kilometers to the west of Gümüşyuva, was excavated in the summer of 2020 by the Museum of Mardin. 37 The work was concentrated on the uncovering of a church. The edifice is not of remarkable size or craftsmanship, but a large mosaic pavement covers the floor of the nave and a bema stands at the center of it. The mosaic bears several Syriac inscriptions, one of them quoting the time of the foundation of the pavement. According to this, it was made at the very end of the fifth century or the beginning of the sixth century. 38 Several coins were also found and one of these indicates the possibility of an earlier Roman occupation. 39 As for the location of the site, it is situated in a valley and belongs to the same region designated by the name of “Gola” previously discussed. It gives us an example of a prosperous village in this region. There is no certainty pertaining to its

Life of Daniel (see Appendix 2) Labedan-Kodaş and Bağlayıcı forthcoming. 38 Brelaud, Daccache and Ruani forthcoming. 39 A coin dated from the reign of Gordian III (238–44) was recovered and there are architectural features that may hint at that earlier Roman occupation. 36 37

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identification, but it can help us to understand what kind of populous rural settlements framed the location of the enclosure of Daniel and of its church.

CONCLUSION

In searching for the enclosure of Daniel we have encountered many difficulties, some of which remain unresolved, and we have to work with hypothetical ideas. I have suggested on the basis of modern sources that Gümüşyuva might be the village of the enclosure of Daniel that Theodotus visited in the last days of his life. The drawing of a new and complete plan of the religious complex has led me to understand some omissions in the plan drawn by Wiessner, and the possible existence of a curious little room with no door. The identification of this room with the enclosure of Daniel is no doubt a speculation. In my view, the enclosure might have been kept through time as a holy place for pilgrims and to add value to the church, which is the reason why it could still be standing today. Further work is yet needed to get a clearer picture of the rural background of the Roman province of Mesopotamia and to try to identify ancient locations.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

(not including wider references on churches in Ṭur ‘Abdin and on the religious context) Agostino (d’), A., & Genç, E., 2018. “Küriki Höyük, a Small Settlement at the Tigris Confluence of the Batman and Tigris Rivers”, Anatolica XLIV, 1–42. Brelaud, S., Daccache, J. Ruani, F., forthcoming. “Les inscriptions syriaques de la mosaïque de l’église de Gola”, Syria. Brown, P., 2012. Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350–550 AD, Princeton and Oxford.

Feissel, D., 2002. “Les itinéraires de Procope et la métrologie de l’Antiquité tardive”, Antiquité Tardive 10, 383–400. Amedroz, H. F., 1909. “Notes on Two Articles on Mayyafariqin”, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Jan. 1909), 170–76.

Keser Kayaalp, E., 2010. “The Beth Qaddishe in the Late Antique Monasteries of Northern Mesopotamia (South-Eastern Turkey)”, Parole de l’Orient 35, 325–48.

Labedan-Kodaş, C., & Bağlayıcı, V., forthcoming. “Découverte d’une église à bêma et de sa mosaïque en Anatolie orientale (Turquie)”, Syria.

Niebuhr, C., 1778. Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien und andern umliegenden Ländern, vol. 2, Copenhagen & Hamburg: Möller. Repr. 2018. Berlin: Die Andere Bibliothek. Ökse, T., & Erdoğan, N., 2018. Ilısu Barajı İnşaat Sahası Kurtarma Kazıları III. Roma İmperatorluk Dönemi ve Orta-Yakın Çağ Yerleşmeleri. Mardin.

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Palmer, A., 1990. Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier: The Early History of Ṭur ‘Abdin, University of Cambridge Oriental Publications 39. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ritter, C., 1844. Die Erdkunde von Asien, Band VII.2: Das Stufenland des Euphrat- und Tigrissystems, Die Erdkunde im Verhältniß zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen, oder allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie 11, 3. Berlin: Reimer. Sinclair, T. A., 1989. An Architectural and Archaeological Survey, vol. III, London: Pindar Press.

Taylor, J. G., 1868. “Journal of a Tour in Armenia, Kurdistan and Upper Mesopotamia, with Notes of Research in the Dersim Dağ”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 38, 281–361.

Wiessner, G., 1980. Nordmesopotamische Ruinenstätten, Göttinger Orientforschungen, Reihe 2, Studien zur spätantiken und frühchristlichen Kunst 2. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

APPENDIX 3

Figure i: Map of the stages of the journey of Theodotus to Mt Aghlosh

Figure ii: Fortified site located to the north of Gümüşyuva

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Figure iii: Wall in the fortified site located in the north of Gümüşyuva

Figure iv: Ancient village located to the south of Gümüşyuva

APPENDIX 3

Figure v: Plan of the religious complex (adapted from Wiessner 1980, 53, fig. 7)

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Figure vi: Plan of the church and enclosure of Daniel

APPENDIX 3

Figure vii: Frieze of the archivolt located in the church

Figure viii: Pillar with impost located in the church

Figure ix: Limestone wall located to the north of the religious complex

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Figure x: Part of a pillar and of the arch between the apse and the nave in the church

Figure xi: Windows of the church

APPENDIX 3

Figure xii: Opening in the apse of the church

Figure xiv: Crosses on limestone

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Figure xiii: Beth Qaddishe

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Figure xv: Tower on the east side of the church

BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES

For all but the first three Syriac texts, a shelf-mark assigned by the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana (e.g. Vat. sir. 37) or the British Library (e.g. BL Add. 17,202), or a project number assigned by the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (e.g. SOAA 250 S; CFMM 275) is given, followed by the date of the manuscript (s. VI = sixth century). This is particularly helpful where the text has not yet been edited and where any edition is merely an interpretation of the codex unicus, so that Syriacists will prefer to look at the manuscript. It is hoped that images of all ‘BL Add.’ manuscripts will soon be available online. (Already some can be inspected on www.bl.uk/manuscripts.) ET/FT/GT/LT = English/French/German/Latin translation. Reference is made only to the page of the original language, where this has been inserted into the translation. Where this is not the case, the page of one translation, judged by us to be the best, is given. CSCO = Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. The number of a volume in its sub-series (Scriptores Syri or Subsidia) is omitted here. As for the place of publication and the publisher, the following applies: Those volumes printed in Paris at the Imprimerie Nationale and published by Harrassowitz at Leipzig, and those published at Louvain by L. Durbecq, or by the Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, are all now sold, many of them in reprints, by Peeters of Leuven, who have begun to make this series accessible and searchable online (see www.gregoriproject.com). Acts of Thaddaeus Aḥiqar

Aleppo Diptychs

Paris gr. 548 (s. X), ff. 160v–163r et al., in Palmer 2009a, 171–4 (Greek), 178–82 (ET).

Camb. Add. 2020 (AD 1697). All Syriac variants now at www.ahiqar.uni-goettingen.de. Syriac/ET: Conybeare, F. C., Rendel Harris, J., and Lewis, A. S., 1913. The Story of Ahikar from the Aramaic, Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Old Turkish, Greek and Slavonic versions, 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vat. sir. 39 (AD 1648) et al. Syriac/ET: Connolly, R. H., and Codrington, H. W., 1913. Two commentaries on the 355

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Alexander Ballad Alexander History

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Baladhuri, Ans. Bell Archive BH, CE

BWO, F14

Cal. Aleppo

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA Jacobite liturgy, Text and Translation Society. London and Oxford: Williams and Norgate, [Syriac: 112–32]/112– 127. BL Add. 14,624 (s. IX) et al. Syriac/GT: Reinink, G. J., 1983. Das syrische Alexanderlied: die drei Rezensionen, CSCO 454–55.

BL Add. 25,875 (AD 1709) et al. Syriac/ET: Budge, E. A. Wallis, 1889. The History of Alexander the Great, being the Syriac version of the Pseudo-Callisthenes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mosul DFM 569 (AD 1952) et al. Syriac/Swedish: Audo, I., and Sauma, A., 2015. Förföljelsen av de kristna Armenierna och Araméerna i Mardin, Diyarbekir, Siirt, Cizre och Nsibin år 1915 [Persecutions of Armenian and Aramaean Christians in Mardin, Diyarbekir, Siirt, Cizre and Nsibin in the year 1915] (Stockholm: Arameiska kulturcentret och Edessa skolan).

Arabic: Goeje, M. J. de, 1866. Al-Balādhūrī. Kitāb futūḥ albuldān. Leiden: Brill. ET, Part 1: Hitti, P. K., 1916. The origins of the Islamic state, Vol. 1. New York: Columbia University Press. Part 2: Murgotten, F. C., 1924. The origins of the Islamic state, Vol. 2. New York: Columbia University Press.

Arabic: Zakkar, S., and al-Zirkali, R., 1996. Al-Balādhūrī. Ansāb al-ashrāf. Beirut: Dar al-Fikr.

Gertrude Bell Photographic Archive, University of Newcastle, UK (online at gertrudebell.ncl.ac.uk). Especially Album N, 099–109 (churches of Amida).

Vat. Syr. 166 (AD 1497), codex unicus for the identification of the monastery of Qanqrath, Amida, with that of the Prophet Elijah. Syriac/LT: Abbeloos, J. B., and Lamy, T. J., 1872, 1874, 1877. Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, 3 vols. Paris: Maisonneuve and Louvain: Peeters.

British War Office, Geographical Section, General Staff, No. 4193. Sheet F14, Diyarbakır. 1941. (Repr. U. S. Army Map Service, Washington, D. C., 11370, November 1942.) Likewise, the following sheets: E12, Malatya; E13, Harput-Elâzığ; E14, Palu; F12, Adıyaman; F13, Siverek; F15, Midyat; G15, Nusaybin.

Paris syr. 146 (unus ex duobus, ante AD 1645). Syriac/FT: Nau, F., 1912. “Un martyrologe et douze ménologes syri-

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Cal. Qenneshre 1

Cal. Qenneshre 2

Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin Chr. Ehnesh.

Chr. Zuqnin

Chr. 540

357

aques”, Patrologia Orientalis 10.1. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 59– 87.

BL Add. 17,134 (AD 675, except for this part, which Brooks dates ca 700), codex unicus, ff. 84r-85v. Syriac/FT: Nau, F., 1915. “Un martyrologe et douze ménologes syriaques”, Patrologia Orientalis 10.1. Paris: Firmin-Didot, II, 31–5.

BL Add. 14,504 (s. IX, codex unicus), ff. 1v-9v. Syriac/FT: Nau, F., 1915. “Un martyrologe et douze ménologes syriaques”, Patrologia Orientalis 10.1. Paris: Firmin-Didot, III, 35–48.

Vat. sir. 37, ff. 192v-200v (codex unicus, s. XIV). Syriac/LT: Peeters, P., 1908. “Le martyrologe de Rabban Ṣliba”, Analecta Bollandiana 27, 129–200.

Inscription on limestone wall of church building (ca 780). Syriac/FT: Pognon, H., 1907. Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, de la Mésopotamie et de la région de Mossoul. Paris: Victor Lecoffre, J. Gabalda and Co., 148f. Syriac/ET: Palmer, A. N., 1993. “The Messiah and the Mahdi: History presented as the writing on the wall” = Hokwerda, H., Smits, E. R., and Woesthuis, M. M., eds, 1993. Polyphonia Byzantina: Studies in honour of Willem J. Aerts, Mediaevalia Groningana 13. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 45–84, 62ff.; Palmer et al. 1993, 71.

Vat. sir. 162 (s. VIII?, codex unicus, the autograph, according to Harrak 1999). Syriac: Chabot, J. B., 1933. Incerti auctoris chronicon anonymum pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dictum 2, CSCO 104. ET (Part 3): Witakowski, W., 1996. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Maḥre, Chronicle (also known as the Chronicle of Zuqnin), Part III, Translated Texts for Historians 22. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. (Parts 3 and 4): Harrak, A., 1999. The Chronicle of Zuqnin, Parts III and IV, A.D. 488–775, Mediaeval Sources in Translation 36. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies. ET (of the part on the seventh century): Palmer et al. 1993, 53– 65.

Vat. sir. 163 (s. VII, codex unicus). Syriac/LT: Brooks, E. W., Chabot, I. B., and Guidi, I., 1903. Chronica minora, 4 vols, CSCO 1–4, 1, 1–14. ET: Cowper, B. H., 1864. “The Chronicle of Edessa”, Journal of Sacred Literature 5, 28– 45. Syriac/GT: Hallier, L., 1892. Untersuchungen über die Edessenische Chronik, mit dem syrischen Text und einer Übersetzung. Leipzig: J. C. Heinrich.

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Chr. 640

BL Add. 14,643 (s. VIII, codex unicus). Syriac/LT (as “Chronicon miscellaneum ad annum Domini 724 pertinens”): Brooks, E. W., 1904. Chronica minora 2, CSCO 3/4, 138–54. ET (of the part on the seventh century): Palmer et al. 1993, 13–23.

Chr. 819

Chr. 846

Chr. 1234

Elijah of Nisibis

Eusebius, History of the Church Ishoʿyab, Letters Itinerarium Egeriae

[MS lost.] Syriac: Barṣaum, A., 1920. “Chronicon anonymum ad annum Domini 819 pertinens” = Chabot, J. B., 1920. Anonymi auctoris chronicon ad A.C. 1234 pertinens 1, CSCO 81, 3–22/LT: CSCO: 109. ET (of the part on the seventh century): Palmer et al. 1993, 75–80.

BL Add. 14,642 (s. X, codex unicus), ff. 1v-36r, 40 and 41. Syriac/LT: Brooks, E. W., Chabot, I. B., and Guidi, I., 1903. Chronica minora, 4 vols, CSCO 1–4, 2, 157–238. ET: Brooks, E. W., 1897. “A Syriac chronicle of the year 846”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 51, 579–88. ET (of the part on the seventh century): Palmer et al., 75–82.

[MS lost.] Syriac: Chabot, J. B., 1920, 1916/7 (sic). Anonymi auctoris chronicon ad A.C. 1234 pertinens, 2 vols, CSCO 81. LT (Part 1): Chabot, J. B., 1937. Anonymi auctoris chronicon ad A.C. 1234 pertinens, CSCO 109. FT (Part 2): Abouna, A., and Fiey, J. M., 1974. Anonymi auctoris chronicon ad A.C. 1234 pertinens 2, CSCO 354. ET (of the part on the seventh century): Palmer et al. 1993, 100– 221. BL Add. 7,197 (s. XI, codex unicus, the autograph, according to Rosen and Forshall 1838). Syriac/LT: Brooks, E. W., 1910. Eliae metropolitae Nisibeni Opus Chronologicum, Part 1, CSCO 62/63. FT: Delaporte, L. J., 1910. La Chronographie d’Élie bar Sinaya, métropolitain de Nisibe, Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, sciences historiques et philologiques. Paris: Honoré Champion.

Greek: Bardy, G., and Périchon, P., Eusèbe de Césarée, Histoire Ecclésiastique 1, Sources Chrétiennes 31 (1952). ET: Schott, J. M., 2019. The History of the Church: A new translation (Oakland, CA: University of California Press).

Vat. sir. 157 (s. X) et al. Syriac/LT: Duval, R., 1904/5. Išōʿyahb patriarchae III liber epistolarum, CSCO 11/12. [The letter “To the nobles of Nisibis” begins on f. 95v.] Latin: Francheschini, E., and Weber, R., 1958. Itinerarium Egeriae, Corpus Christianorum: Series Latina 175. Turnhout: Brepols. Latin/FT: Maraval, P., 1982. Égérie, Journal de voyage (itinéraire), Sources chrétiennes 296. Paris: Cerf.

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Jacob, Stephen

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John bar Penkaye

John of Mardin

L. Alexius

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ET: Wilkinson, J., 2006. Egeria’s travels to the Holy Land. Oxford: Aris and Phillips (reprint of the 3rd ed. with corrections). Latin/GT: Brodersen, K., 2016. Aetheria/Egeria: Reise ins Heilige Land. Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter.

Mardin CFMM 134 (AD 1722), Text 21, ff. 104v-109r, et al. Jacob of Serugh, Mimro on Beth Mor Stephen Martyr. Syriac: Ahkrass, R., and Syryany, I., 2017. 160 unpublished homilies of Jacob of Serugh, 2 vols. Damascus: Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate, 1.44–51. FT: Debié, M., 2018. “Guerres et religions en Mésopotamie du Nord dans l’Antiquité Tardive: Un mimro inédit de Jacques de Sarough sur l’église Saint-Étienne que les Perses ont transformée en temple du feu à Amid (Diyarbakır) en 503”, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchal Journal 56, 29–91. BL Add. 18,817 (s. IX) et al. Syriac: Bedjan, P., 1908. Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, 4: Homiliae selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis. Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 836–71. Syriac/GT: Birol, Simon, in preparation. Jakob von Sarug und das früheste syrische Mönchtum, PhD dissertation, RuhrUniversity of Bochum (supervisor: Prof. Dr. Rist).

BL Add. 17,134 (AD 675), f. 52r, et al. Syriac/ET: Brooks, E. W., 1911. James of Edessa, The hymns of Severus and others in the Syriac version of Paul of Edessa as revised by James of Edessa, Patrologia Orientalis 6.1 and 7.5. Paris: Firmin-Didot.

BL Add. 14,647 (AD 688) et al. Syriac/ET: Brooks, E. W., 1923–6. “John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints”, 3 parts, Patrologia Orientalis 17.1, 18.4 and 19.2. Paris: Firmin-Didot.

Syriac/FT: Mingana, A., 1907. Sources syriaques 1. Leipzig: Harrassowitz 1-171/172-97. ET (Book 15): Brock, S. P., 1987. “North Mesopotamia in the late seventh century: Book XV of John Bar Penkaye’s Riš Melle”, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 9, 51–75 = Brock 1992, ch. 2.

Vat. sir. 37, ff. 153r-155v (AD 1560), codex unicus. Syriac/LT: Assemanus, J. S., 1721. Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, vol. 2 (de scriptoribus Syris Monophysitis). Rome: Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith Press, 216–30.

BL Add. 17,177 (s. VI), supplemented by Add. 14,655 (s. XI). Syriac/FT: Amiaud, A., 1889. La légende syriaque de saint Alexis, l’homme de Dieu. Paris: Vieweg. ET: Doran, R., 2006. Stewards of the poor: The Man of God, Rabbula, and

360

L. Antony L. Barṣawmo

L. Daniel

L. Daniel of Skete

L. Ephrem L. Eulogius L. Gabriel L. John of Dailam

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA Hiba in fifth-century Edessa, Cistercian Studies Series 208. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 3–34. BL Add. 14,646 (s. VI) et al. Syriac/FT: Draguet, R., 1980. La Vie primitive de S. Antoine conservée en syriaque, CSCO 417/418.

Mardin CFMM 273 (s. XX), Text 2, 47–273, to which reference is made above, as well as to the section of the ET (made from the same recension): Palmer, A. N., 2020. The Life of the Syrian Saint Barsauma: Eulogy of a hero of the resistance to the Council of Chalcedon, Transformation of the Classical Heritage 61. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. An earlier version of Palmer’s translation is printed in: Hahn, J., and Menze, V., eds, 2020. The Wandering Holy Man: The Life of Barsauma, Christian asceticism, and religious conflict in Late Antique Palestine, Transformation of the Classical Heritage 60. Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 187–271. A copy of the slightly expanded Syriac recension is printed in: Ṣon 2019, 2.256–398.

Mardin CFMM 273 (s. XX), Text 3, 259–318, to which reference is made above, et al. Syriac: Ṣon 2019, 2.235– 55. Untranslated (but see Palmer 2016a and the excerpts in Appendix 2 above). French summary on pages 60–64 of: Nau, F., 1910. “Hagiographie syriaque”, Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 15, 53–72.

Paris syr. 234 (s. XIII) et al. Syriac/FT: Nau, F., 1900. “Vie et récits de l’abbé Daniel de Scété (VIe siècle): texte syriaque. Histoire d’Andronicus et d’Athanasie, sa femme, et de la fin bienheureuse qu’ils firent”, Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 5, 391–406. Vat. sir. 117 (AD 1100) et al. Syriac/ET: Amar, J. P., 2011. The Syriac Vita tradition of Ephrem the Syrian, CSCO 629/630.

Greek/FT: Clugnet, L., 1900. “Vie et récits de l’abbé Daniel de Scété (VIe siècle): texte grec. Eulogius le carrier”, Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 5, 254–71. BL Add. 17,265 (s. XIII) et al. Syriac/ET: Palmer 1990, microfiche supplement, Part 1, lv-xcii. Mardin CFMM 276 (AD 1961) and Harvard Syr. 38 (1448/9). Syriac/ET: Brock, S. P., 1981–2. “A Syriac Life of John of Dailam”, Parole de l’Orient 10, 123–89.

BIBLIOGRAPHY L. John Ṭayyoyo

L. John of Tella

L. Rabbula

L. Simeon

L. Simeon of Olives

Michael

Michael, 33 Chapters

Palladius

361

Mardin CFMM 272 (s. XX), ff. 233v-270v, et al. Syriac: Ṣon 2019, 2.517–558, to which reference is made above. English summary: Brock 1980/1, 6–12. Simon Brelaud has announced that a critical edition is being prepared.

BL Add. 12,174 (AD 1196) et al. Syriac/LT: Brooks, E. W., 1907. Vitae virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum, CSCO 7/8, 23–95. Dutch translation: Kleyn, H. G., 1882. Het Leven van Johannes van Tella door Elias. Leiden: Brill.

BL Add. 14,652 (s. VI, codex unicus), ff. 83r-125r. Syriac: Overbeck, J. J., 1865. S. Ephraemi Syri, Rabulae episcopi Edesseni, Balaei aliorumque opera selecta. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 15–209. GT: Bickell, G., 1874. Ausgewählte Schriften der syrischen Kirchenväter Aphraates, Rabulas und Isaak von Ninive, Bibliothek der Kirchenväter (Erste Ausgabe) 38. Kempten: Kösel, 166–211 ET1: Doran, R., 2006. Stewards of the poor: The Man of God, Rabbula, and Hiba in fifth-century Edessa, Cistercian Studies Series 208. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 65–105; ET2: Phenix and Horn 2017, 2–83 [to be read with the review by Palmer (2021)]. Vat. sir. 160 (AD 473. This may be the autograph: Boero 2015) et al. Syriac/LT: Assemanus, S. E., 1748. Acta sanctorum et martyrum orientalium et occidentalium, 2 vols. Rome: Collini. ET: Doran, R., 1992. The Lives of Simeon Stylites, Cistercian Studies 112. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications.

Mardin CFMM 259 (AD 1916) et al. Syriac (abridged): Dolabani 1959, 125–58 = Dolabani 1991, 81–100 = Son 2019, 2.745–57. Syriac/ET (unabridged): Hoyland et al. 2021.

Aleppo SOAA 250 S (s. XVI, codex unicus). Syriac/FT: Chabot, J.-B., 1899–1910. La chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche 1166–1199, 4 vols (Syriac in vol. 4). Paris: Ernest Leroux. Reprint Piscataway, N. J.: Gorgias Press, 2009. ET (of the part on the seventh century): Palmer et al. 1993, 100–221 (in the footnotes).

Arabic/FT: Akhrass 2015, vol. 2.

Vat. Sir. 126 (s. XIII) et al. Syriac: Bedjan, P., 1897. Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum 7. Leipzig: Harrassowitz. ET: Budge, E. A. Wallis, 1907. The Paradise or Garden of the Holy Fathers, 2 vols. London: Chatto and Win-

362

Ps.-BH

Ps.-Ephrem, Julian Ps.-JE

Ps.-Zach.

R. George

R. Rabbula

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA dus, 1, 77–278; “Questions and Answers on the Ascetic Rule”: 2, 149–283.

Bodleian Library, Hunt. 1 (AD 1491), codex unicus for the report on Amida dated 1297. Syriac: Bedjan, P., 1890. Makhtebhanuth Zabhne. Paris: Maisonneuve. ET: Budge, E. A. Wallis, 1932. The Chronicle of Gregory Abu’l-Faraj, 1225–1286, the son of Aaron, the Hebrew physician, commonly known as Bar Hebraeus, being the first part of his political history of the world. London: Oxford University Press. Repr. 1976. Amsterdam: Philo Press. (Bar Hebraeus died in 1286.) BL Add. 14,592 (s. VI/VII) et al. Syriac/GT: Beck, E., 1972. Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianos Saba, CSCO 322/323, 36–87.

BL Add. 12,174 (AD 1196), ff. 285v-291r, et al. Syriac/ET: Brooks, E. W., 1926. “John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints”, part 3, 574–614: “Spurious Life of James”, Patrologia Orientalis 19.2. Paris: Firmin-Didot.

BL Add. 17,202 (s. VI/VII), ff. 1v-180r. Syriac/LT: Land, J. P. N., 1870. Zachariae episcopi Mitylenes aliorumque scripta historica graece plerumque deperdita = Anecdota syriaca 3. Leiden: Brill; Brooks, E. W., 1919–24. Historia ecclesiastica Zachariae Rhetori vulgo adscripta, 4 vols, CSCO 83/84, 87/88. GT: Ahrens, K., and Krüger, G., 1899. Die sogenannte Kirchengeschichte des Zacharias Rhetor. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. ET: Hamilton, F. J., and Brooks, E. W., 1899. The Syriac Chronicle known as that of Zachariah of Mytilene. London: Methuen; Greatrex, G., 2011. The Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor: Church and war in Late Antiquity, Translated Texts for Historians 55. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. Vat. Syr. 132, f. 49r (AD 1589) et al. Syriac/ET: Vööbus, A., 1960. Syriac and Arabic Documents regarding legislation relative to Syrian asceticism. Stockholm: The Estonian Theological Society in Exile, 97–99.

BL Add. 14,652 (s. VI), ff. 131r-133v, et al. Syriac: Overbeck, J. J., 1865. S. Ephraemi Syri, Rabulae episcopi Edesseni, Balaei aliorumque opera selecta. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 212–14. Syriac/ET: Vööbus, A., 1960. Syriac and Arabic Documents regarding legislation relative to Syrian asceticism. Stockholm: The Estonian Theological Society in Exile, 24–33, 78–86 (Vat. Borg. sir. 10); Phenix and Horn 2017, 94–101 [to be read with the review by Palmer

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Synodicon 2 Testament of Ephrem Theodoret

Theophanes

Theophilus

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(2021)]; GT: Bickell, G., 1874. Ausgewählte Schriften der syrischen Kirchenväter Aphraates, Rabulas und Isaak von Nineve, Bibliothek der Kirchenväter (Erste Ausgabe) 38. Kempten: Kösel, 226–29.

Damascus 8/11 (AD 1204) codex unicus, now only partially preserved in a photocopy. Syriac/ET: Vööbus, A., 1976. The Synodicon in the West-Syrian tradition 2. CSCO 375/6.

BL Add. 14,582 (AD 816) et al. Syriac/GT: Beck, E., 1973. Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones IV, CSCO 334/5, 43–69.

Greek/FT: Canivet, P., and Leroy-Molinghen, A., 1977. Histoire des moines de Syrie, 2 vols, Sources Chrétiennes 234 and 257. Paris: Éditions du Cerf. ET: Price, R., 1985. Theodoret of Cyrrhus: A history of the monks of Syria, Cistercian Studies 88. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications.

Greek: Boor, C. de, 1883. Theophanis Chronographia. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. ET: Mango, C., and Scott, R., tr., 1997. The chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern history AD 284–813. Oxford: Clarendon Press. (Referred to by the Annus Mundi = AM, with the AD equivalent.)

Refers to a set of historical notices treating the period ca 630–750 reported in similar fashion by Theophanes, Agapius, Michael and Chr. 1234, collected and translated into English in Hoyland 2011. Arabic: ‘Umarī, Ibn Faḍlallāh al-, 2002. Masālik al-abṣār fī mamālik al-amṣār, n.e., Abu Dhabi.

Arabic: Wāqidī, Muḥammad ibn ‘Umar al-, 1996. Ta’rīkh futūḥ al-jazīra, ed. ‘A. F. Ḥarfush, Damascus: Dār albashā’ir; id., 1903. Futūh al-shām, n.e., 2 parts, Cairo: alMaṭba‘a al-sharfiyya; Ms. Royal Library of Copenhagen Arab 137. GT: Niebuhr, B. G., and Mordtmann, A. D., 1847. Geschichte der Eroberung von Mesopotamien und Armenien von Mohammed ben Omar el Wakedi, Schriften der Akademie von Hamburg 1.3. Hamburg: Agentur des Rauhen Hauses. Manuscripts

BL Add. (British Library Additional Manuscript Number) 7,197; 12,151; 12,174; 14,425; 14,504; 14,582; 14,592; 14,624; 14,642; 14,646; 14,647; 14,652; 14,666; 17,125; 17,134; 17,177; 17,202; 17,265; 18,817; 25,875

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Bodley Hunt. (Oxford Bodleian Library Huntingdon Manuscript Number) 1

Camb. (Cambridge University Library Manuscript Number) Add. 2020, Dd3.81 HMML (Hill Museum and Manuscript Library)

CFMM (Church of the Forty Martyrs Mardin Manuscript Number) 134; 259; 272; 273; 275; 276 DFM (Dominican Fathers Mosul Manuscript Number) 569 MGMT (Mor Gabriel Monastery Manuscript Number) 134

SMMJ (St Marks Monastery Jerusalem Manuscript Number) 199A; 199B SOAA (Syriac Orthodox Archdiocese Aleppo Manuscript Number) 250 S

SOP (Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate Manuscript Number) 294, 316, 348, 359, 361, 362

Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale de France Manuscript Number) syr. 146, 234, 235 Vat. Borg. Syr. (Codex Vaticanus Borgianus Syriacus Number) 10

Vat. sir. (Codice Vaticano siriaco Number) 37, 39, 117, 126, 132, 157, 160, 162, 163, 166 Works of Art

Autun, St Lazare, capital depicting Habakkuk, transported by an angel, bringing food to Daniel. Louvre museum Bj 2180: Sixth-century representation of St. Simeon the Stylite in gilded silver.

World Heritage Convention: whc.unesco.org > tentative lists > 6534: Late Antique and Medieval Churches and Monasteries of Midyat and Surrounding Area (Tur ʿAbdin).

SECONDARY LITERATURE (INCLUDING SYRIAC LEXICA)

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Amar, J. P., 1992. “Byzantine ascetic monachism and Greek bias in the Vita tradition of Ephrem the Syrian”, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 58, 123–56.

——, 2011. The Syriac Vita-tradition of Ephrem the Syrian, CSCO 629/630.

Antun, T., 2016. The architectural form of the mosque in the Central Arab Lands from the Hijra to the end of the Umayyad period. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

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Assénat, M., and Pérez, A., 2012. “Amida Restituta” = Gasse et al. 2012, 7–52.

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INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES The numbers immediately after the name of the source refer to the page/section of that source that is cited in this book; line-numbers are appended to page numbers in superscript wherever finding the reference without would be time-consuming. The numbers in the right-hand column refer to the page numbers of this book where each source is cited. Acts of Thaddaeus, §5 and §7 Aḥiqar, ‫ܥܒ‬16 (Camb. Add. 2020, f. 77v) Aleppo Diptychs, 10‫ܩܠ‬/12519 Alexander Ballad, i.215 with translation 68n40 Alexander History, 176n Audo, Persecutions, 3371 Baladhuri, Fut. 184 132 Baladhuri, Ans. 8.53 Bell Archive BH, CE, 1, 3873-19 BWO, E13 E14 F13 F14 F15 G14 G15 Cal. Aleppo, 844, 10, 16 Aug Cal. Qenneshre 1, 323, 25 Jan Cal. Qenneshre 2, likely authorship 3515, 1 Dec, Baraloho, abbot of Q. 362, 4 Dec, Maria, abbess of Cordes 366, 17 Dec, Athana[sius], bp of Amida 3616, 31 Dec, Sergius II, abbot of Q. 375

216n26, 218n32 172n5 31 186n41 186n41 70, 172n5 11 15 13 Front Cover, Fig. 5, 320 319 144n1, 172n4, 176n15 78n4, 174n12, 186n38, 186n39, 186n42, 188n46 37, 144n1, 166n55, 167n55 120n49, 124n3, 140n35, 325n8, 328n24 25n1, 25n2, 25n3, 33n20, 33n23, 43, 190n54, 194n60, 200n76, 206n9, 325n8 34, 120n49, 323 33n20, 196n66, 325n8 31, 126n5 126n5, 272n54, 302n40 31, 66 66 196 202 66

376

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

376, 13 Jan, John III, abbot of Q. 3713, 23 Jan, Theodotus, bp of Amida 382, 29 Jan, Alexander, abbot of Q. 428, 21 June, Agapius, abbot of Q. 4212, 26 June, John II, abbot of Q. 431, 2 July, Sergius I, abbot of Q., bp 431-2, 2 July, Encaenia of St Thomas 473, 12 Oct, Sergius III, abbot of Q. 4713-14, 4 Nov, John I, abbot of Q. 484, 18 Nov, Thomas IV, bp of Amida Cal. Ṭur ʿAbdin 1487, 25 Feb, Elijah, bp of Ṭur ʿAbdin 15821f, 15 Aug, Theodotus, bp of Amida 16013, 8 Sep, Theodotus, bp of Amida 1612, 20 Sep, 1,000 saints of Mor Abai Chr. Ehnesh, Palmer 62 = Pognon 8413f Chr. Zuqnin, authorship 15019f 1508f, 15120 1521f 15417-28 15610f 16429–16511 1654-11 16513–16811 19926–20013 (Reshmath monastery: 2006f) 21317-19 25727, 25817 (f. 146v) 25817f 25825–2597 26023-27 26210 2671 26714 Chr. 540, AG 684 Chr. 640, 148, AG 947 Chr. 819, 7, AG 795 12, AG 976 13, AG 1009 Chr. 846, 232, AG 1010 Chr. 1234, 1.2939f 1.29410-12 1.2986-11 2.28929f

66 30, 66 66 66 66 66 66, 258n26 66 66 31, 66, 202n1 30 194n60 30, 272n54 30, 272n54 30, 274n57 174n13 31 3, 319 126n7 322 14, 148n12 31, 126n7, 202n1 32f 25n4, 33n23, 256n24 32n17, 232n18 240n33, 321 327n21 55 182n31, 186n40 319 236n25 54 54 55 298n30 272 320 88n42 16 33n21, 290n2 13n15 12n13 148n11 198n72

INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES Elijah of Nisibis, 1337, AH 18 13316, AH 19 15119, AH 73 15310, AH 77 15324, AH 78 1548, AH 79 Eusebius, History of the Church 1.13 Ishoʿyab, Letters, 8227-30 2224f, 22312 Itinerarium Egeriae I–IX III 5 XIX 5–19 XX 13 Jacob, Stephen Jacob, On the solitaries, 8508f (couplet 148) James, Hymns, date 241, 246–8 JE, 192f (Life of Z‘ura) 374f (Life of John the Nazirite) 533 547 5610f (Lives of Abraham and Maro) 6111–642 678-13 847f 912–936 (Lives of Simeon and Sergius) 989-11 1097 1109 1253f (Life of Addai the chorepiscopus) 13610f (Life of Mare of Beth Urtaye) 2145f (Life of Abbi) 2216 (Lives of two monks) 22212–2231 2324–2337 (Life of Simeon the Mountaineer) 2606f (Of a monk who left a convent) 2967-12 (Life of Thomas the Armenian) 39011–3911 (Life of Hala) 4068f (Of the Amidene convents) 4107-9 41211-13 4172f 4188f 44311f (Life of Leontius)

206n7 194n61 10 10 10 278n1 216n26 33n20 33n20 106n9 108n14 59 34n25 320 90n48 30, 272n54 66.3 120n52 321 240n34, 242n39 104n7 321 84n25 124n1 82n22 218n32, 312 78n4 236n25 321 321 321 240n33 321 160n41 172n4 240n33 146n10 321 321 222n1 228n9 321 321 321

377

378

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

4553-5 (Lives of Mari, Sergius, and Daniel) 4576f (Lives of four deacons) 46013f (Life of Tribunus) 552–73 (History of the convent of John Urtaya) 55311f 55410f 5551-3 5582-8 559f 56011–5634 5629–5633 5646f 5671f 5684-6, 8f 5693-9 57010-12 5721 John bar Penkaye, 14613 1475f 155–58 1566-8 15921-1607 1676f John of Mardin, 222 223 228 L. Alexius, ‘the Man of God’ 4 (Syriac) L. Antony, 11 L. Barṣawmo, interpolated miracles §3 §8 §34 §§61–3 §86 §88 §110.16 §159.9 L. Daniel 2908 up 2907–2928 2935-8

322 321 321 67 146n10 172n3 282n9 82n21, 321 284n15 284n19 321 218n31, 321 321 218n31, 98n67 188n45 172nn3&4, 321 84n25 4 100n75 6 8n8 6 6 328n25 26 33n23, 328n25 104n6 80n10, 82n22 104.6 48 82n23 222n1 106n9 136n26 166n52 240n32 325n11 116n41 321, Appendix 2 and Appendix 3, passim 184n35 178n19, 184n34, 184n36, 208n13 266n40

INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES 2949 3004 up L. Daniel of Skete, 393 L. Ephrem, milieu 87 L. Eulogius, 257 L. Gabriel, §15 L. John of Dailam, §28 L. John Ṭayyoyo, 531, f. 247r L. John of Tella, 50–53 L. Rabbula, 182, §29 §50 §51 L. Simeon §33 §34 §79 §83 L. Simeon of Olives §8 §53f. §83 Michael, 9.15, 268a10 9.32, 323a17-19 10.13, 355ult.–356b30 10.27, 4026 up 11.4, 413a19-40 11.6, 417b13-31 11.7, 417bult.–418a4 11.7, 418a7-10 11.7, 419b5-21 11.7, 419bult.–420a2 11.7, 420a12f 11.7, 420a28–421b12 11.7, 420ault.–421b17 11.7, 420bpenult.–421a8 11.7, 421b6 11.10, 428c4–429a37 (Beth Ma‘de: 428c18ff) 11.12, 435c30-32 11.13, 436c14-18 11.16, 447a6-17 (date: 446cult.) 11.16, 447b27-31 11.16, 448b21-25 11.16, 448b35-37

379

264n30 196n65 46n4 262n32 210n15 230n12 192n56 196n68f 128n11 210n15 224-25n5 224n5 210n16, 224n5 54, 55, 90n50, 156n30 94n60 102n5 102n1 182n28 8, 22 33n20 29 33n20 78n4 126n7, 320 196n67, 268n43 260n28 218n32 9n11 260n28 260n28 198n70 152n21 260n28 260n28 156n29 206n7; cf. 3 51 228n10 218n32 88n42 6, 148n12, 174n13, 237n26 16n20 10, 148n11 13n15

380

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

11.16, 449b6f 11.16, 449b–c8-10 11.17, 451c1–452a11 (quotation: 451c27-29) 11.22, 466a27; 11.24, 471bult.–472a1-15 11.22, 466apenult.–467b1-7 12.10, 503b25-32 13.7, 566a16 15.1, 573c20f 15.1, 574c5 17.11, 649a6 17.14, 654c1-11 21.4, 730a22-25 Register, (1984; 204; 2132; 2210, 23, 42; 2425, 26) Register, 76120 (301) Register, 76214 (3111) Michael, 33 Chapters Palladius, English (Budge), 2.225, no. 363 English (Budge), 2.246, no. 448 Syriac (ed. Bedjan), 703ult. Ps.-BH (Bodley Hunt. 1) Ps.-Ephrem, Julian, inauthenticity 3.2 7.1 Ps.-JE, 5829f 5881f 5987–5991 6033 6032–6041 6043f, 6051f 6052-4 Ps.-Waqidi Ps.-Zach., 7.4d, 28 7.4f, 29 8.5b, 80 8.5c, 80 9.6d, 98f R. George, 99 R. Rabbula, rule 22 rule 28 Synodicon 2, 20221 2035f 20312 20314

190n51 12n14 22n31 31n11 56n24, 256n24 146n8 320 320 166n55 172n4, 321 172n3, 172n4 39 196n66 166n55 321 34n25 112n27 112n27 230n12 320 326n18 254n22 254n21 102n3 319 228n11 108n14 124n4 319 x 2 216n27, 232n16 18n24 320f 206n9 322 218n31 196n66 256n23, 258n27, 262n31, 266n41 84n26 130n15 33n23 321, 328n23 26n5 26n5

INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES Testament of Ephrem, authorship 50255-8 51f293-300 66865–69949 67897-908 67917 Theodoret, 2, §6 2, §7 2, §13 26, §22 Theophanes, AM 6116 AM 6162 AM 6176 AM 6178 AM 6185–9 AM 6192 Theophilus, 118f 120f 187 194 195f ʿUmari, 3.557–59

59 124n1 298n30 60, 296n28 296n28 50 130n12, 178n20 124n4 106n9, 108n14 222n1 3, 146n9 88n42 174n13 10 10 10, 148n11 3 3 226n6 10 226n6 20

381

GENERAL INDEX, GAZETTEER AND GLOSSARY Names which occur in Parts 1 and 2 are listed according to page number (after p. or pp.). Names which occur in Part 3 are listed according to the section number (after § or §§) of the Life; these names can be found either in the Syriac text or in the translation printed opposite it. And names occurring in appendices are given according to the relevant appendix. Abbreviations: Fig./Figs. = Figure/Figures (Map 1, Map 2 = Fig. 1, Fig. 2); N/S/E/W = North/South/East/West. N.B. All religious persons and institutions are Miaphysite, unless their allegiance is noted, or they lived before the 5th century, when the distinction between the Miaphysite (one-nature) and the Dyophysite (two-nature) definitions of Christ as God in human form was first made. Abai, martyr (4th century), his monastery just N of the village of Qelleth in the diocese of Dara, 37°33'23.70"N – 40°57'35.12"E, Map 2, Figs. 6, 7, pp. 25–27, 29f, 33n, §§125.1, 127.4f, 134.1, 157.6n, 182.1n, 189.2, 189.3n, 190.1, 199.1, 213.1, 214.7n, 217.1n, p. 333 Abarne (Turk. Çermik?), p. 321 Abba of Arzanene, Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Abbas, Greek version of Aramaic abba “father”, used ca 700 (in sense of “spiritual father”?) as Greek loan-word in Syriac at monastery of Qenneshre, p. 31 Abbasid Caliphate, p. 40n ʿAbdallah ibn Darraj, fiscal governor, p. 4 ʿAbdallah ibn al-Zubayr, rival caliph, pp. 5, 7

383

ʿAbd al-Malik, caliph, pp. 7, 10–15, 19, §§85.1n, 127.4n Abdher/Abu Tahir, village on the left bank of the Euphrates, near a crossing-place from the district of Claudias (BWO, E13, 4166), Map 2, p. 170, §§114.3, p. 321 Abdher, monastery, p. 321 Abgar, late 7th-century officer at the monastery of Daniel of Aghlosh, §189.3f Abgar V Ukkama, Toparch of Edessa, a contemporary of Jesus, p. 36, §138.1n, p. 326n Abḥai, bishop of Nicaea (5th century – distinguish from Abai), p. 37 Abḥai, Life of, pp. 36, 37n, 40, 61 Abḥai, monastery in the Euphrates gorge = “the Monastery of the Ladders”, p. 29 Abraham of Amida, father of scribe, see Abu’lfaraj

384

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Abraham, from Ur in Chaldea, p. 21, §1.5n Abraham, name of three Abbots of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Abraham, spiritual father of Barṣawmo of Samosata, §§1.5n, 2.1n Abu Ghalib, monastery, p. 39 Abu’lfaraj, scribe, son of Abraham of Amida (late 12th century), p. 36 See also Athanasius Abu’lfaraj Acts of Thaddaeus, Greek apocryphal supplement to the New Testament, §§138.1n, 142.1n Addai, apostle of Edessa and Amida, and his disciple Aggai, alleged contemporaries of Abgar, §§138.1, 158.3n Addai, The Doctrine of, Syriac apocryphal supplement to the New Testament, p. 326n Addai and Aggai, Apostles of Amida, their cathedral church, p. 319 Adıyaman, pp. 29n, 325n Administrators (Syriac: medhabberone) of Amida, §§134.5, 138.2 of Edessa, §185.2 See also Arab Empire Agapius, Abbot of Qenneshre, p. 66 Aghlosh, Mount, §§77.5n, 167.3n, 187.2n, 187.5, 188.1n, pp. 321, 323, 325f, 327n20, 328, 329, 332f, 336, Fig. i Aḥai, bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin (reigning in 698), §246.6 ʿA’isha, prophet’s wife, p. 5 Akhrass, Mor Severios Roger, Patriarchal Vicar for Syriac Studies, pp. 26n, 40n, 42 Aleppo, city (Arabic/Syriac: Ḥalab), Map 1, pp. 19f, 31, 34, 39n, 43, 62, §1.4n

Alexander “the Great”, the son of Philip of Macedon (4th century BC), §122.6n Alexander, second Head of the Monastery of Beth Aphthonia (Qenneshre), p. 66 ʿAli ibn Abi Ṭalib, caliph, pp. 5, 13 Altar-room, see Place of Sacrifice Amar, Joseph, p. 59, §134.10n Amida (Syriac: Amedh/Omedh/ Amidh/Omidh Turk. Diyarbakır), city and diocese, Maps 1–3, passim; mentioned in the Life of Theodotus, §§1.1, 1.2, 57.2, 65.1, 68.1, 130.1f, 132.2, 132.6, 133.3, 134.5, 134.8f, 135.1, 135.6, 137.2, 141.1, 147.1, 148.4, 150.3, 156.1, 167.1, 168.1, 169.1, 177.2, 178.1, 187.1, 188.2, 189.2, 189.3, 246.4, 256.1 Captured by Arabs in 639/40, post-conquest frontier, p. 9, 11, §§74.1n, §33.3n Cathedral rebuilt by Heraclius, p. 4, §§138.1n (original building), 146.2, 153.1n (Anastasian building), p. 319; pro-Heraclian sentiment at, §§84.1n, p. 319 Chronicle of Zuqnin, pp. 14f, 31– 34 Churches, Appendix 1 Dates of metropolitan bishops of, pp. 30–32 (Theodotus d. 698; Thomas d. 713; Cosmas after these), 65 (Joseph ca 578), §§65.1n (Thomas I ca 507; Thomas II d. 644; Thomas III ca 687; Thomas IV d. 713), 130.1 (Athanasius d. 692?), 154.2n (Cosmas after Theodotus); 157.1n (Theodotus Pentecost 692 to Easter 694?), 180.1n (Severus 8th century), 189.1 &

GENERAL INDEX 246.4 (Matthew, successor to Theodotus), p. 319 (Mara ca 464), 320 (John ca 484), 330 (Mari ca 439) Destruction, pp. 67 (503), 319 (503, 848, 1214), 320 (1214, 1297) First mention of (in 838 BC), §1.1n Hospitals, §146.7 Jews apparently absent in 690s, §142.1n Knowledge of Greek at, §75.2n Legend of Maria, queen of Amida, p. 18 Links with Aleppo, p. 31 Lost (?) manuscript of the church of Mary dated 1198 containing the Life of Theodotus, pp. 36f, 39 Manuscript written for church of Mary in 464, p. 320 Martyria and monasteries, pp. vii, 14, 39, 66f, §§1.4, 2.1, 64.3, 65, 67, 68.1n, 80.2f, 134.11, 142.1n, 161.1, 187.5, 189.3n, 214.3n, p. 321f Mass-graves of the victims of the siege in 532/3, 197.3n Metropolis of Mesopotamia, §1.2nn Mosque, pp. 16–20 Name, p. 53, §1.1n Physical geography, §§64.1n, 77.5n, 78.1n, 102.1n, 114.2n, 125.1n, 134.2n, 149.1n, 157.1nn, 161.1n, 167.3n, pp. 324, 327, 332, 336n Population, §§137.1, 138.2n; see also Amida > Jews, see also Conversion > To Islam Suffragan bishoprics of the diocese of, p. 78 (Ingilene), §§1.4n

385

(Anzitene), 74.1n (Anzitene), 122.5n (Mayperqaṭ) Walls, front cover, Fig. 4, §§146.7n, 179.1n, pp. 321, 327, 330f Ananias, see Ḥananyo Ananias of Širakh/Shirak (7th century), Armenian geographer, pp. 11n, 61n Anastasius son of Andrew, administrator of Edessa, p. 13, §124.1n Anastasius, Byzantine emperor, p. 319 Angels, see Revelations Antioch, city (Turk. Antakya), Map 1 Miaphysite patriarchs of Antioch, pp. 31, 65, §§127.2n, 175.2n, 177.1n see also Athanasius, John, Julian, Michael, Paul, Peter, Sergius, Severus, Theodore Vale (ʿumqo) of, §1.4n Anzitene, see also Beth Ḥesne, Map 2, pp. 10, 67, 321, §§1.4n, 74.1n, 114.2n, 114.3nn, 115.5n, 116.2n, 120.1 (“Inner Anzitene”), 121.2n, 122.6n Apostles, see Addai, Aggai, Paul, Thaddaeus, Thomas Arab Empire (see also Muslims): Map 1, §§115.2, 115.5 “Arabs and Romans”, §74.1 Arabs congratulate Christians of Amida on appointment of Theodotus as bishop, §138.2 Governors and nobles (medhabberone w-ḥire) of Mardin, Dara, Ṭur ʿAbdin and Ḥesno dh-Kifo, §192.1 Greek titles of officials in the Arab Empire: archon, epitropos, sallaro (= sakellarios), §154.3n

386

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

“The man in authority over all the east” (aḥid shulṭono dh-kuloh madhneḥo), §156.1 Unnamed archon of Ṭur ʿAbdin, wounded during the Arab siege of Nisibis, probably also referred to as “that medhabberono”, §126.5–9 Unnamed commander of the Arab cavalry-unit stationed at Amida, §§135.1–137.2 Aracani, see Arsanias river Aramaic, p. 38, §§1.2n, 85.3n, p. 334 Araq of Ḥarran, father of Elusṭriya, archon of Samosata, §85.1n Archon/Archontes, see Arab Empire Armenia/Armenian, pp. 10f, 13, 61n, §§1.2n, 115.1n, 115.5n, 117.3n, 120.1, 120.3n, 122.6n, 146.10n, 148.3n, 150.1n, 177.1n, pp. 323, 332, 334f Arʿo Rabbetho, monastery in Ingilene, p. 321 Arqenin, mountain, in the diocese of Amida (Turk. Ergane), Map 2, §78.1 Arsamosata, capital of Sophene, suffragan bishopric of Amida, between Harput and Palu, Map 2, p. 11 Arsanias, river (Turk. Murat Nehri), Map 2, p. 70, §§1.2n, 84.1n, 117.1n, 117.3, 121.1 Arzan (Arzanene)/Armenian kinglet of that region, pp. 67, 320 Ashparin, see Shophrin Assur, the stele of, with reference to the year 838 BC, §1.1n Assur-nasir-apli II, his military campaign of 866 BC, §1.1n Assyrian toponyms, §1.1n Athanasius, bishop of Amida (late 7th century), §130.1

Athanasius I, patriarch of Antioch (595–631), Gammolo “the camel-herd”, p. 65, §1.4n Athanasius II, patriarch of Antioch (684–87), p. 21, p. 65 Athanasius Abu’lfaraj, patriarch of Antioch, p. 39 Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria (d. 373), p. 15n Athanasius Ṣaliba (brother of Michael I, patriarch of Antioch, d. 1199), bishop of Mardin and afterwards of Jerusalem, p. 37 Athos, Mount, p. 33n, §13.2n ʿAṭiyya, Arab emir, pp. 15f, §85.1n Avgin, monastery of, in Switzerland, p. 30n ʿAynwardo, village (Turk. Gülgöze), §126.6n Ayshumo, mountain (Karacadağ, an extinct shield volcano), Map 2, p. 8, §§1.2n, 32.5n, 64.1n, 77.5n, 161.1n, 167.3, 187.2, Appendix 2 Baghdad, p. 31, Appendix 2 Baptism, §§1.2, 51.1, 128.2, 128.3, 129.1, 173.2, 173.6, 173.7, 243.1, 254.5 Baraloho, Abbot of Qenneshre, p. 66 Bar Hebraeus (d. 1286): Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, Vat. Syr. 166, varia lectio fol. 293v, p. 319 Nomocanon, §§168.1n, 177.1n Barʿiya Mountain, Castle, p. 328n Barṣaum, see Ephrem I, patriarch of Antioch Barṣawmo of Samosata (5th century), §§2.1n, 41.2n, 75.3n, 109.2n, 145.1n, 159.1n, 223.1, p. 325 Hermitage near Qelleth, p. 26n His mountain-top monastery south of Melitene (Malatya),

GENERAL INDEX Map 2, pp. 36f, 39, 61, §§53.1n, 108.1–109.3 Fire at this monastery on July 30, 1183, p. 37f Great book of saints’ Lives (BL Add. 12,174) made for this monastery in 1196, p. 39; another, made there in 1198 for monastery of Elijah at Amida, p. 39 Life of Barṣawmo, p. 47f 16th-century Istanbul manuscript of this hagiography, p. 38n Bar Wahbun, see Theodore Basil, Abbot of Qenneshre, p. 66, §183.2 Baṭnon of Serugh, city in the diocese of Edessa (Turk. Suruç), Map 2, §185.1 Behnam, saint, p. 26 Behnam Abalṭus, assistant to Joshua, the scribe of SOP 362, p. 39 Belabitene, see Bilu Bema (Greek loan-word in Syriac), daïs in the centre of the nave of a church, from which Holy Scripture was read out and a sermon given, before the clergy moved up to the Place of Sacrifice (q.v.) for the celebration of the Eucharist, §§140.1, 143.1– 144.1, 146.10, 150.1n, 166.1, 167.1 Beth Garme, province of the former Persian Empire, in northern Iraq, Map 1, §§98.1, 173.1, 173.6 Beth Ḥesne, the region of the Byzantine frontier-castles of Anzitene, p. 10f, §§115.1–117.1, 121.2 Beth Kushmoye, also called “Kayshum”, northwest of Samosata, Map 2, §183.3 Bethlehem, §30.1n

387

Beth Maʿde/Bemaʿde, town at southern limit of diocese of Amida, Map 2, §§77.5, 150.1, 177.1n, 187.1f, 187.5n, pp. 326, 333 Beth Malke, monastery, p. 65 Beth Mushikho, monastery, Amida, p. 322 Beth Qaddishe, see Treasure of Saints Beth Qeryono, “House of Reading” (i.e. family which produced readers for the Church), §1.2 Beth Shurlo/Shurla, Amida, martyrium, p. 322 Bilu (Armenian: Balu, in Balahovit, “the Valley of Balu” = Belabitene), Turk. Palu, Map 2, p. 10, §§77.3n, 114.2n, 115.1, 117.1 Bishara of Aleppo, monk of the Saffron Monastery, translated the Life of Theodotus into Arabic in 1733/4, pp. 34, 43, 51, 62, §§24.1n, 98.2n, p. 324 Bishops mentioned by name, see Abḥai, Aḥai, Athanasius, Bar Wahbun, Christopher, Cosmas, Domitian, Elijah, Gabriel, George, Ḥananyo, Iwannis, Jacob, John, Lazarus, Mara/Moro, Matthew, Philoxenos, Polycarpus, Serapion, Sergius, Severus, Simeon, Theodore, Theodotus, Thomas “Bishops” (or rather chorepiscopi) of the “many small towns” around Baṭnan of Serugh, §185.1 Bishops acting in concert with the patriarch of Antioch, also called “the Fathers”, §§77.2, 130.2, 133.1, 134.1, 134.5f, 134.9–12, 138.2, 157.6, 141.1, 164.1, 176.1, 177.1f “Four lying bishops”, §76.2

388

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Bit Zamani, Aramaean region of which Amedu/Amedi = Amida was the tribal center from the 9th century BC, §1.1n Books and readers, §§29.2, 30.1, 108.1, 146.1n, 153.1, 214.5, 247.1, 256.1 One of the oldest dated biblical manuscripts, containing Genesis, Exodus and Deuteronomy in Syriac, §146.1n Brigands, §§121.1–122.5, 123.2 Brock, Dr Sebastian P., pp. viii, 35f, 42, 59, §§50.1n, 66.1n, 80.4n, 151.3n Byzantine Orthodox, see Dyophysites Canons (see also Interdictions, see also Rules), §§67.1n, 76.3, 154.3, 154.4, 168.1, 177.1n, 185.1nn, 197.2n, 242.2 Captives redeemed, §§85.1n, 147.1 Çermik, town near the place called in Late Antiquity “the hot springs of Abarne”, in the diocese of Amida, p. 321 Cavalry, Arab, at Amida, §§135.2, 138.2 Chalcedon, the Council of (451), Map 1, p. 319 Charitable institutions and hospitals of a metropolitan church, §146.7 Christopher, bishop of Mardin (5th century) p. 37 Church buildings within the walls of Amida: Cathedral church (Syriac: ʿidto), with adjoining spaces which could accommodate a very large congregation, §§130.1, 138.1n, 143.1, 144.1, 146.2, 146.2, 146.10, 152.1, 181.1, p. 319 Major churches of Mary, of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste, Map 3, §§146.1n, 146.2n, p. 320

Mills (Syriac: rḥawotho) and gardens (Syriac: ganne), §146.5 Minor churches (Syriac: haykle) of George, John the Baptist, John of Tella, Cosmas and Damian, Pethion, Zeʿuro, §§146.1n, 146.2n, p. 320 Minor churches in general (Syriac: haykle), §146.1f, Appendix 1 Residence of Miaphysite bishop, having one church mill and one church garden attached to it, §§146.3ff, 148.2, 155.1 Churches outside cities (Syriac: ʿidhotho, i.e. parish-churches), §§70.1, 91.1, 157.2, 251.1, Appendix 1 Bote d-beth ṣlawotho, outdoor oratories, cf. the examples of the “Beth Ṣlutho” preserved in Ṭur ʿAbdin, §251.1 Beth ṣlutho of the Apostle Thomas at the monastery of Qenneshre, §§175.2, 182.1n Church of the Forty Martyrs, Mardin, pp. 35, 44 Citadel of Amida, Fig. 4 Clairvoyancy, see Revelations Claudias, mountainous district of the province of Samosata, bordering on the Byzantine Empire, Map 2, pp. 14, 18, 65, 67, §§8.2n, 82.1, 83.1, 84.2, 85, 110.2, 112.2, 114.1, 132.1 Clothes: Cloaks, §§24.1nn, 68.1 Finery, §138.2 Hair shirt, §118.1 Hoods, §68.1 Nakedness, §§7.2, 89.2 Tunics, §24.1 Vestments, §214.5 Commemorations:

GENERAL INDEX Apostles, every Sunday, §§53.2, 242.16 Church Fathers, every Thursday, §§53.2, 242.16 Death of Theodotus, Jan. 25, p. 30, §198.1n; Aug .15, §§200.2, 246.1n, 246.8 Faithful Departed, every Saturday, §§53.2, 146.1, 242.16 Joachim & Anna, parents of Mary, p. 30 Martyrs, every Tuesday, §§53.2, 242.16 Mother of God, Aug. 15, Sept. 8, first and fifteenth days of every month and every Wednesday and Friday, §§53.1, 200.2, 217.1n, 242.16, 246.1 Mother of God, Prophets, Martyrs, Holy Fathers and Apostles, collectively, every Wednesday and Friday in all the minor churches of Amida, §146.1 Pentecost Sunday (Whitsun), a day suitable for the installation of a bishop, §138.1 Prophets, every Monday, §53.2 Resurrection of Christ, every Sunday, but esp. Easter Sunday, §§146.2, 166.1 Solitaries, every Saturday in all the minor churches of Amida, §146.1 Theodotus and the 5,500 saints in his monastery, Sept. 20, later Sept. 8, §198.1n, 247.2 to the end (homily for this feast) The same, linked with that of the 1,000 Saints in the monastery of Mor Abai, Sept. 20, §§197.3, 198.1, 199.1n, 199.2, 217.1 Confessions, see Denominations Constantinople, Map 1, §§85.1n, 89.3

389

Conversion: To the Dyophysite persuasion, §§115.2–4, 116.3f To Christianity, §§50.1f, 122.4, 128.3, 138.1n To Islam, pp. 16, 18, 20–22, §§143.1n, 147.1, 148.3 (in the last two places converts to Islam are called mehaggeroye) From the Dyophysite persuasion to the Miaphysite (generally referred to as ḥusoyo “absolution”), §§117.4, 119.8, 120.1–4 To the monastic life, §§38.1– 40.1, 49.2, 119.8, 161.5 Coptic Christianity (see also Egypt), §§11.1n, 29.2n, 50.1n, 57.1, 223.1n Cordes, village (Turk. Yardere), north of Dara, §127.2 Cornet, Hannes and Liesl, p. 35 Cosmas, Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Cosmas, bishop of Amida (accession later than 698, probably after 713), §130.1n Cosmas & Damian, saints, their church in Amida, Fig. 4, p. 320 Covkʿ, castle on the south shore of Lake Hore, q.v., 115.5n Crime and punishment, §§37–39, 44.1, 47–49, 96.1, 104–105, 106.3f, 110–113, 121–122, 133.3n, 135–137, 143–144, 151.1f, 255.2 Crucifixion, §§110.1, 113.2 Crops, pp. 14, 30n, §§150.2f, 175.2, 181.1n, 252.1 Crosses: Carved on the foundation-stone of a monastery, §190.2 Gold cross weighing 30 lb at Monastery of Daniel of Aghlosh, p. 330

390

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Iron cross hung on the neck, §118.1 Portable cross, §§101.1–102.2 Processional crosses, §133.3 Sign of the Cross, often made three times over, §§9.1n, 22.1, 28.1, 39.1, 41.4, 64.2, 66.1, 77.3, 107.1, 114.5, 120.4, 122.1, 123.6, 136.3, 155.2, 235.1, 245.3 The cross on which Jesus died, p. 3, §254.4 Crusades, p. 38 Çüngüş Çayı, a tributary of the Euphrates, §110.1n Damascus, pp. 19–20, 36, §127.4n Daniel of Aghlosh, 5th-century recluse on Mount Aghlosh, Map 2, §§32.5n, 187.5–189.4, Appendix 2–3 Daniel, saint (5th century?), his monastery near Cordes, perhaps to be identified with the nuns’ convent of which Maryam, q.v., was Mother Superior, §127.2n Dara (Greek: Anastasiupolis, Turk. Oǧuz), city, diocese and province, Map 2, pp. 3, 11, 14, 25, 32–33, 62, §§1.2n, 125.1, 127.1f, 157.6n, 191.1–193.1, 246.3 Dayro dh-Noṭpo, cave-monastery above Mor Ḥananyo’s E of Mardin, also called “The Strangers’ Monastery (dayro dh-akhsenoye)”, pp. 42, 44 Dayṣon, river, of Edessa, p. 59, §185.1n Deacons (Syriac: meshammeshono, shammosho), (see also Ephrem the Syrian): In general, §§104.1–105.3, 128.3n, 143.1n, 154.3–7, 167.2n, 168.1n

Archdeacon of Amida, §146.1 Theodotus ordained a deacon, §83.3 Demons: In general, §§10.1, 15.2, 17.3, 26.1, 28.1, 28.2, 40.1, 56.1, 61.1, 62.2, 88.1–97.2 (esp. 89.5n, 95.2n), 99.1–103.2, 107.1, 108.1–109.3, 119.2–8, 121.4, 144.2, 146.8, 158.2, 182.1, 183.3, 224.1, 235.1, 248.2, 254.2, 254.6 “That insolent band of devils”: a demonic hindrance encountered by the soul on leaving the body in the hope of flying up to heaven, §§201.2, 212.1, 230.1, 235.1 “This demon which dwells in Theodotus”, §62.1 Denominations of Christians, see Dyophysites, Chaldeans, Melkite Catholics, East Syrians, Miaphysites Devil, see Satan, Demon Deyrulumur, see Simeon, monastery of Deyrulzafaran, see Ḥananyo, monastery of Dicle Nehri, see Tigris Dimeṭ (Qelleth), p. 26n Diocletian, Roman emperor, p. 59 Dionysius of Tell-Maḥre, Patriarch of Antioch (818–45) and chronicler, pp. 12–13, 51, §84.1n, 89.5n Dionysius IV Ḥoye, Patriarch of Antioch, d. 1042, p. 320 Diyala river, which formed one of the borders of the region of Beth Garme, §98.1n Diyarbakır, see Amida Dolabani, Yuḥannon, monk (20th century, later bishop of Mardin), pp. 34–36, 42, 44, 62, 324

GENERAL INDEX Domestic animals (see also Cavalry, see also Mills), §§17.2, 32.4ff, 65.2, 73.1, 112.2, 140.2, 146.6f, 157.1–3, 172.1, 187.2, 232.3, 233.1 Dreams, see Revelations Dust from a holy place (Syriac: ḥenono), §§43.4, 97.1 Dyophysite monastery at Edessa (identified with that of “the Shrine of the Image”), §§185.2, 186.1 Dyophysites (also called “heretics”), §§29.2n, 41.4n, 53.1n, 115.3, 117.4, 118.1, 119.2, 146.2n, 148.3, 166.3n, 185.2, 186.1 Eastern Orthodox, see Dyophysites East and West (of Euphrates), §§29.2n, 84.2, 128.1, 156.1, 173.1, 183.3n, 184.2 East Syrian/Church of the East, §§29.2n, 41.4n, 53.1n, 103.2n, 118.1-119.8, 125.1n, 127.4nn, 128.1n, 134.4n, 134.7n, 148.3n, 166.3n, 173.1n, 187.1n, 197.2n, 200.1n, 246.1n “Nestorian”, p. 8, §§98.1–99.3, 99.5, 102.5, 119.2, 148.3n, 173.1n, 173.6, 196.1 Edessa, city (Turk. Urfa/Şanlıurfa), Map 2, pp. 3–4, 8–9, 13–14, 21, 31, 60, 67, §§4.1n, 77.5n, 138.1n, 150.1n, 185.1, 185.2, 223.1n, 323n, 324n, 326f, 329 Visit of Daniel of Aghlosh and Mari, p. 326f First Christian mission to Edessa, §138.1 Mountain of Edessa, p. 327 Edessenes, monastery of the, Amida, §214.3n, p. 321 Egeria, 4th-century pilgrim, p. 59, §§41.2n, 41.4n Eğil, see Iggel

391

Egypt (see also Coptic Christianity), Map 1, pp. 1, 4, 8, 14–16, 20, 39, §§9.1n, 11.1n, 41.2n Bishops of, §§57.1f, 76.1n “Fathers” who follow Theodotus to the Mountain of Mardin, §58.1–60.4 Holy men/solitaries of, §§9.1n, 25.1n, 52.1, 60.3f, 331 Miaphysite victims of mid-5thcentury Dyophysite persecution, §§54.2n, 197.3n Nitrian Desert = Desert of Skete, pp. 39, 65 Patriarch Theodore of Antioch called from the Desert of Skete, p. 65, §57.1n Servitude of the Hebrews there, p. 14 Theodotus commanded by an angel to visit the holy men there, §44.1 Theodotus visits, pp. 4n, 61n, §§52.1–56.1 Unfulfilled intention to go back to, §126.9 Elders of a monastery (Syriac: sobhe), §§23.1, 126.2, 172.1, 173.5, 173.5, 183.2, 184.2 Elijah the Tishbite, Hebrew prophet, p. 32n Elijah (Eliyo), monastery of the prophet, at Qanqrath in the territory of Amida, p. 39 Elijah (Eliyo), bishop of Mayperqaṭ (reigning in 698), §246.7 Elijah (Eliyo) of ʿAynwardo, bishop of Simeon’s monastery, Qartmin, and of Ṭur ʿAbdin, late 7th century, §§125.2n, 126.6 Ellusṭriya, archon of Dara, p. 14, §§127.1–4, 193.1, 214.7n Ellusṭriya of Ḥarran, archon of Samosata, p. 14, §85.1

392

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Emotions (note predominance of 1 love, 2 fear, 3 joy): Anger, §§6.1, 47.1, 68.2, 122.5, 154.1, 253.1 Courage, §§14.5, 117.3 Disgust, §§62.2, 106.3 Envy, attributed to a saint, §§109.2, 173.3 Fear, §§14.4, 27.1, 38.1, 49.1, 75.3, 78.1, 80.2, 81.1, 99.2, 103.1, 109.3, 118.3, 119.4, 121.5, 129.2, 137.2, 148.3, 154.2, 154.4, 173.2, 179.2n, 187.3f, 188.1, 199.1, 253.2 Greed, §§112.2, 118.1, 119.3 Joy, §§19.3, 22.1, 114.7, 138.2, 140.3, 166.2–167.1 (with 166.3n), 172.2, 189.1, 191.1, 193.1, 199.1, 199.3, 201.2, 209.2, 249.1 Love, §§3.1, 7.2, 8.2, 75.2f, 114.2n, 130.4, 131.2, 140.1, 146.4, 154.1, 183.3, 189.3, 193.1, 197.3n, 200.2, 215.2, 216.1, 238.1, 239.2, 242.13, 242.16, 242.19, 246.8, 250.1, 251.1, 255.7 Ephrem of Nisibis, the Syrian deacon, 4th century, Father of the Universal Church, p. 59, §§70.2n, 108.1n, 166.3n, 223.1n, 247.1n, p. 326n Life of Ephrem (8th- or 9th-century legend) p. 59f, §§64.3n, 134.10n, 185.2n Testament of Ephrem, relation of this pseudepigraphic work to the Life of Theodotus, pp. 50, 59f, §§62.1n, 242.13n, 242.14n, 242.16n, 247.2n Ephrem I Barṣaum, Mor Ignatius, Syriac Orthodox patriarch of Antioch, pp. 34, 36f, 38f, 42f, 59, 55n, 70n, §247.1n

Ephrem II Karim, Mor Ignatius, Syriac Orthodox patriarch of Antioch, p. 42 Ephrem Bilgiç, Mor Iwannis, bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin, p. 35 Esbroeck, Michel van, p. 43 Esṭrangelo = Gospel Script, p. 43 Eucharist, also called the Divine Mysteries, §§140.1n, 142.1, 146.2, 152.1n, 154.1n Angels present at, §153.1 Celebrated at the burial-place of holy men, §64.4; at the source of one of the rivers of Paradise, §122.6; in the cathedral church on Sundays, obligatory for the laity, 168.1n; on three days in succession after the death of a patriarch, §30.1; to fend of an enemy raid, §116.4 Changing name for (ca 700, qurbono; later qurobho), pp. 51, 70 Communal/ecclesial, not an individual act, §§53.4n, 146.2, 168.1n, cf. §202.1n Consecrated bread (qurbono, that is, the oblation), given to a dying man, §245.1; given to an East Syrian in a Miaphysite monastery, §98.2, cf. §128.2; given to a sick woman, §70.1; transported, p. 58, §122.6; venerated, §70.2 Duty of mothers to ensure their children communicate in the, §251.2 See also Loaf of bread, see also Place of Sacrifice Eunomius, Miaphysite bishop of Edessa, ca 546, p. 319 Euphrates, river (Syriac: Proth Turk. Fırat Nehri), Maps 1–2, p. 4, 29,

GENERAL INDEX §§1.2n, 1.4n, 12.1, 33.2, 77.3, 83.4f, 114.2f, 175.2n, 183.3n Eusebius of Caesarea (4th century), author of the first History of the Church, §138.1n Eustratius, administrator of Mayperqat, p. 14, §124.1–3 Exorcism, see Demon, see Healings Fasting, §§1.3, 5.1, 15.1, 15.3, 55.1, 82.1, 125.3, 161.4, 173.7, 197.1n, 250.1 Faṭima, prophet’s daughter, p. 5 Fırat Nehri, see Euphrates Forty, symbolic number, meaning “very many”, or “umpteen”, §172.2 Forty Martyrs, two churches, on inside, one outside the walls of Amida, p. 320f Forty Martyrs, church in Mardin, pp. 35, 44 Fugitives, from taxation, p. 15 Gabriel ʿAllaf, p. 35 Gabriel of Beth Qustan, p. 22 Gabriel, saint (first half of 7th century), his monastery = Qartmin Abbey, see Simeon, his monastery Gabriel, bishop of Dara (reigning in 698), §246.3 Galash, see Aghlosh Gargar, town near Melitene, p. 39 Garis, Malfono İsa, p. 35 Garshuni (Arabic written in Syriac script), p. 43 George, bishop of the Arab Tribes (early 8th century), §197.3n George, martyr, his monastery at Ḥarbaz in the diocese of Samosata, §76.2 Gerçüş, see Kafar Gawzo Göktaş (Kurdish: Gola), village near Daniel’s monastery on Mount Golosh, p. 344

393

Golosh, see Aghlosh Greek Orthodox, see Dyophysite Gregory the Theologian, saint, p. 30 Gubbo Barroyo, monastery, p. 65 Gülgöze, see ʿAynwardo Gümüşgün, once called Ehnesh, village on the Euphrates with an 8th-century church of Sergius, on which was inscribed, ca 780, a brief symbolic chronicle, §115.2n Gümüşyuva, village in the province of Mardin, p. 344 Güngören, see Kafarbe G-y-l-n, monastery, Amida, p. 322 Ḥabib ibn Maslama, Muslim general, p. 11 Ḥabib, metropolitan of Edessa, §185.1n Ḥabsenas, village (Turk. Mercimekli), p. 33n al-Ḥajjaj ibn Yusuf, Umayyad governor, p. 13 Haluras (Helawris), near the source of the river Tigris, Map 2, §122.6 Hamrin mountain, bordering the region of Beth Garme, §98.1n Ḥananyo, bishop of Mardin (late 8th century), p. 42n his monastery, also known as Deyrulzafaran (“the Saffron Monastery”), and “the Monastery of the (Patriarchal) Throne”, Map 2, pp. 34, 37–38, 42–43, 61 Harput, town north of Lake Hore, Map 2, §106.2n Harran, city, pp. 9, 14, 29, 40, §85.1 Hasankeyf, see Ḥesno dh-Kifo Ḥasli village, near Mount Aghlosh, p. 330 Ḥasmi Mount, also called ṭuro ṣahyo “The Thirsty Mountain” (Turk.

394

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Tektek Daǧları), Map 2, §§150.1n, 223.1n, pp. 326f, 330 Hazar Gölü, see Hore, lake Ḥazin village in the district of Ṭishpa, p. 321 Healings effected through the agency of Theodotus, §§9.1, 17.2, 17.3, 20.1ff, 25.1ff, 32.1ff, 43.1ff, 53.5, 61.1ff, 79.2, 82.1, 107.1, 114.3ff, 119.7, 120.1ff, 121.5ff, 123.3ff, 127.6, 134.2, 146.8, 161.2, 173.7, 182.1, 195.1, 234.1 Heraclius, Byzantine emperor (610641), p. 3; rebuilds cathedral of Amida, p. 3, §142.1n, p. 319 Ḥesno dh-Kifo (Turk. Hasankeyf), fortress-city, Map 2, §§134.2n, 192.1 Ḥenono, see Dust from a holy place Ḥolo, monastery, p. 65 Homilies, see Verse-Homilies Hore (later Syriac: Yammetho dhsamnin; Turk. Hazar Gölü), lake and castle in Beth Ḥesne, Anzitene, pp. 9, 11n, 16, §115.5 House of the Saints (Syriac: beth qaddishe), see Treasure of Saints Hula, monastery, Anzitene, p. 321 Iggel/Ingela (Turk. Eǧil), suffragan bishopric of Amida, capital of Ingilene, Map 2, §1.2n Imposter, pretending to be Theodotus or an agent of Theodotus, §§118.1–119.8 Ingilene/Beth Iggeloye, §1.2 Interdictions (see also Canons), §§67.1, 80.2–4, 83.3, 133.2, 144.1, 154.3 Set aside by Theodotus because imposed after deceit had failed, §134.4 Iran, pp. 1, 13

Iraq, pp. 1, 3, 13, 325n, §§98.1n, 134.2n, 167.3n Ishoʿya(h)b III, catholicos (649-49), pp. 20, 33n ʿIyaḍ ibn Ghanm, Muslim general, pp. 3, 18 Izala/Izalla, Mount, also called Izla/Izlo, pp. 38, 67, §1.2n, p. 325 Jacob Burdʿono (Baradaeus), bishop of Edessa (6th century), p. 66n, §§41.4n, 64.2n, 150.2n, 153.1n, p. 319 Jacob, bishop of Edessa, see James, bishop of Edessa Jacob, bishop of Serugh (late 5th and early 6th century), §108.1n, pp. 324, 332 (Pseudo-?) Jacob of Serugh, hagiographer of Daniel of Aghlosh, Appendix 2-3 His cave-monastery just north of Ḥananyo’s, p. 42 Jacob of Cyrrhus, saint (5th century), his monastery in Beth Kushmoye, west of Samosata and of Turk. Adiyaman, §183.3 Jacobite, see Syrian Orthodox James/Jacob, bishop of Edessa (d. 708), pp. 21, 31 Jaydar, captain of raiding-party, p. 9, §116.2 Jerusalem, Map 1, pp. vii, 3f, 19, §§42.1–44.1, 60.1 Heavenly City, §1.5n “Killer of prophets”, §44.1n Pilgrimage, pp. 48, 61n, §§30.1, 41.2n, 52.1n Population in 7th century, §43.3n See also Athanasius Ṣaliba, brother of the patriarch Michael I, see also Mark, the Evangelist, his monastery

GENERAL INDEX Jesus of Nazareth (early first century), called by Christians “Christ”/“the Lord”/“our Lord”, and believed by them to have been God in human form, p. 4n, §§30.1n, 99.4, 138.1n, 187.5, 198.1, 200.3, 201.2, 214.2 Apocryphal correspondence of King Abgar V the Black of Edessa with, p. 326n Avenger, §§118.2, 135.5, 136.1, 137.2, 154.3, 216.1 Blessings (“Beatitudes”) promised by, §1.2n “Bridegroom” of all those souls which go to Heaven after death, §207.1f Creator and Master of the human race, §41.3 Death by crucifixion, §§166.2, 254.4 Deliverer, §§201.2, 212.1, 230.1 Exposer of fraud, §109.1, 119.1 Flagellation and mockery of, §254.3 Forgiver of sins, §§39.1, 161.2–4 Giver in trust of good things which those who are better off must share with the poor, §§24.1, 146.5, 242.15, 252.1 Giver of life, §254.5 “God and Redeemer”, §§201.1, 214.2 Granter of prayers, §§232.2– 238.1, 242.3 Head of the Christian community (“the Church”), §135.4 Healer of the blind, §§170.1, 136.3 His seventy-two missionaries, p. 58 Identified with the God of Moses, §41.4 “Incarnation” as a human being,

395 Incomprehensibility of, §166.3 Institution of a ritual meal, the “Eucharist”, q.v., in which believers eat “his Body and his Blood” in the form of bread and wine, p. 58, §§152.1n, 254.5 Institution of the Christian initiation-rite of baptism in water, §254.5 “King”, enthroned on the altar of a Christian church, §242.4f “Kingdom” of = Paradise, §60.4 Lawgiver, §254.2 Links with Jerusalem, p. 48, §§30.1, 43.1 “Lord of the angels”, §248.3 Makes people worthy to find mercy after death, §29.3 Miracles of, performed by the agency of holy men, pp. 4, 6n, §§17.3, 32.3, 43.4, 58.2, 62.2, 66.1n, 82.1, 127.6, 136.2f, 146.8, 182.1 Name of, invoked, §§43.4, 121.3, 132.1, 136.3, 154.1, 183.2 “Only-Begotten Son of God”, §166.3n “Owner of the Vineyard” in which monks labour, §245.4 Painting of, at Edessa, Appendix 2 Practise of fasting, §172.2n Prayed to at the hour of death, §212.1 Preserver of monks’ virtue, §§15.2f, 197.3, 212.1, 240.1, 242.19 Protector, through the saints and their mortal remains (“relics”), of ordinary people, §§21.3, 116.3, 244.1, 248.3 Provider of strength and of the necessities of life, §§64.1,

396

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

134.18, 148.4, 149.1, 150.2, 175.2, 194.1 “Redeemer” of mankind from its servitude to Death and to Satan, §§166.2, 201.2 “Resurrection” from the dead, §§146.2, 166.1–3, 254.5 Revealer of the future to men, see Revelations Ruler of the destinies of men, §§25.1, 57.2, 67.1, 134.7, 134.14, 165.1, 184.2, 189.2f Secretiveness of the man Jesus, §98.1n Sepulcher of, §43.3 “Supernatural” image of, at Edessa, p. 326 Teaching on almsgiving, §7.2 Teaching on concern for those in difficulties, §§8.1, 146.10, 147.1 Teaching on demons, §10.1n Teaching on mercy, §119.6 Teaching on the danger of riches, §19.2 Theodotus implicitly compared with, §§43.4n, 117.3n, 173.4n Titles of “Strengthener and Helper and Supporter and Preserver and Savior”, §214.2 Virgin birth, §254.3 Why the Lord will say to the disobedient “I know you not” (Matthew 25:12), §§253.2–254.6 Jews/things Jewish, §§43.4n, 44.1n, 50.1, 85.3n, 142.1, 147.1n, 152.1n, 173.7 Job, Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 John of Ayshumo, 8th-century ascetic and troublemaker, p. 327n John Baptist, shrine of, at Amida, p. 320 John bar Penkaye, monk and chronicler, pp. 4–6, 8n, §29.2n

John, bishop of Amida (ca 484), p. 320 John “Urṭoyo”, bishop of Anzitene, his 6th-century monastery just north of Amida, beside the citywall, Fig. 4, pp. 67, 321f, §§3.2n John, bishop of the Christian Arab tribes, p. 322 John, bishop of Mardin and Dara (1125–65), pp. 25f, 29, 34, 61f, 321, 328n John, bishop of Tella (early 6th century), p. 58, §§70.2n, 134.10n Church of, at Amida, p. 320 John of Dailam, East-Syrian saint, p. 43n, §§127.4nn, 196.1n John of Dasen, bishop of Nisibis, p. 13 John, epitropos of Claudias, p. 14, §§110.2–113.2 John Kataias, Byzantine governor (630s), p. 3 John the Little, p. 34n John, Patriarch of Antioch (631–49), “he of the sedhre (a kind of prayer)”, p. 65 John VIII Bar ʿAbdun, Patriarch of Antioch (1003–30), p. 321 John IX, Patriarch of Antioch, (1042– 57), p. 320 John I, son of Aphthonia (early 6th century), founder and first Abbot of the monastery of Qenneshre, p. 66, §175.2n John II, Abbot of Qenneshre, p. 66 John III Psaltes, Abbot of Qenneshre, p. 66 John “Urṭoyo”, bishop of Anzitene, founder and first Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Jonathan, Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67

GENERAL INDEX Joseph, disciple to Theodotus, monk in Holy Orders, pp. 35, 50, 52 In the Life of Theodotus, passim Met Theodotus at Zuqnin, Joseph’s monastery, but is too modest to relate the moment of his meeting, §75.1 Carries letters from Theodotus to the Roman authorities in Anzitene, §75.2 Describes his crossing of the river Arsanias with Theodotus as a “semi-miracle”, §117.3 On Theodotus: “He is my father. We live as strangers to the world”, §126.1 Performs the functions of a priest, §128.2–129.1 Has a dream about Theodotus, §132.3–5 Persuades Theodotus to accept the episcopacy of Amida, §134.11–19 Persuades Theodotus to stay on as bishop for a year, §142.2 Persuades Theodotus to pray for a deacon who has accepted a secular office, §154.5 Receives a revelation concerning the place where Theodotus will die, §§187.4, 189.3 Persuades Theodotus to pray for a Muslim Arab, §195.1 Claims that Theodotus had no secrets from him, §200.1 Letter to Joseph from Thomas, the stylite, of Tella, §210.1f Witnesses the last will and testament of Theodotus in his favour, §214.1ff Implicitly claims certain rights of the basis of this document, §§214.7–215.2

397

Claims Theodotus called him “Beloved of my secret soul”, §242.9, cf. §242.13 Gives Theodotus his last Communion, §245.1 Dictates the Life to Simeon of Samosata, §247.1 Knew the Syrohexapla, q.v. Joseph, scribe of BL Add. 12,174, p. 39 Joshua/Yeshuʿ, sacristan of Malke’s monastery, scribe of SOP 12/17– 18 (12th century), p. 38 Joshua/Yeshuʿ, villager of Yammetho, §123.30–8 Julian, bishop of Halicarnassus (ca 520), heresiarch, followed by “Julianists” or “Phantasiasts”, §120.3n, 148.3n Julian I, Patriarch of Antioch (591– 594), p. 65 Julian II, Patriarch of Antioch (687– 707/8), pp. 6, 31, 65, §§130.1n, 130.3, 132.2, 133.1–134.1, 134.5f, 134.9f, 134.13–19, 138.1, 172.1n, 173.1, 177.1n, 183.2n, 185.1nn, 246.2 Julian Saba (“The Old Man”), monastic founder (4th century), p. 48, 326f, §§41.2n, 41.4n, 64.2n, 145.1n, 223.1 His cave and monastery on Mount Ḥasmi q.v., §§77.5n, 223.1n Justinian I, Byzantine emperor (6th century), p. 59 Kafar Gawzo, village (Turk. Gerçüş), Map 2, §134.2 Kafar Mokhse, village near Qelleth, §129.1 Kamaḥa, castle, some way north of Arsamosata (Map 2), near Turk. Erzincan, p. 11, §§74.1n, 121.1n

398

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Kaplı Dağ, south of Melitene, Map 2, pp. 37, 61 Karacadağ, see Ayshumo, Mount Kellek, a raft buoyed up by inflated animal-skins, pp. 31, 70, §§77.3n, 114.3n, 134.2n, 167.3n Kessler, Karlheinz, §§1.1n, 114.3n, p. 325n Khabur river, pp. 120, 325 al-Khaṭṭar, Christian convert to Islam and rebel, p. 13 Khazir, river near Mosul, p. 5 Khusro II, Persian emperor (590– 628), p. 3 Kırklar Daǧı, Diyarbakır (Amida), p. 321 Kordes, see Cordes Kosmas, see Cosmas Kyra Maria, shrine of, on the north side of Amida, p. 321 Lamprotate, fictional character in the Testament of Ephrem, pp. 50, 60, §242.13n Lay Brethren attached to a monastery, §§16.1, 24.1, 98.2, 99.4n, 104.1, 197.1, 214.7 Lazarus, bishop of Ṭur ʿAbdin (ca 735) = (?) a monk of Qartmin mentioned in the Life of Theodotus, §§125.2n, 126.4n, 145.1n Lazarus, church of, Autun, France, capital sculpted by Ghiselbertus depicting the prophet Habbakuk’s aerial journey, §58.2n Lazarus, son of Daniel, recluse on Mount Aghlosh (d. 486), §§127.2n, 187.5n, 188.1n, pp. 323, 329f, 332, 341f Lazarus, poor man at rich man’s gate in the Gospel parable (Luke 16), §255.1 Lazarus, saint, his monastery near Beth Maʿde (= that of Daniel on

Mount Aghlosh?), §187.5n, p. 321 Lichin/L-g-y-n (= Legion?), village near Mount Aghlosh, pp. 328, 329n Lepers’ Monastery, outside Amida, §134.11, 146.7n, p. 321 Letters (= epistles), §§1.4n, 74.1– 75.3, 86.1, 93.1-3, 115.3, 130.3f, 131.1f, 133.1, 134.6, 135.1, 178.1 Lice, town near Mayperqaṭ, Map 2, §122.5f Linen, §68.1 Loaf of bread (knisto, or perhaps kasnitho), distributed after the Eucharist = ṭabhʿo,, pp. 58f, 70, §9.1 Maghdelo, village (= Borç?), §58.2n, pp. 328f, 337, 339 Majdal, ancient town on the river Khabur, or perhaps = Maghdelo, just above, §58.2n Malatya, see Melitene Malke, monastic founder (4th century), his monastery in the southern part of Ṭur ʿAbdin, Map 2, pp. 38, 65 (Beth Malke, perhaps another monastery), 323 Mama/Momo’s monastery at Ḥazin, in the district of Ṭishpa, Amida, pp. 67, 321 Mandylion, monastery of the Shrine of the Image at Edessa, p. 60n, §185.2n Mara/Moro, bishop of Amida (ca 464), p. 319 Mardanshah son of Zarnosh, administrator of Nisibis, p. 13 Mardin (Syriac: Merdo), city, Map 2, pp. 4, 8, 25, 34f, 37f, 44, 61, 334f, 337f, §§192.1, 246.5 Museum, p. 344

GENERAL INDEX Mardin, the Mountain of, pp. 4, 325, §§58.2, 60.1, 61.1, 64.1, 197.3n Mare/Mari, subject of Ch. 9 of John of Ephesus’ Lives of the Eastern Saints, p. 321 Mari I, bishop of Amida (early 5th century), as the companion of Daniel of Aghlosh, §§77.5n, 122.4n, 189.3n, pp. 323, 325– 27, 330 Maria, legendary queen of Amida, p. 18 Maria, Mother Superior (rishath dayro) of (the monastery of Mor Daniel [?] at) Cordes, §127.2n Mark, the Evangelist (first century), his monastery in the Old City of Jerusalem, pp. 34, 43 Martyria (Syriac: beth sohde), outside monasteries (for monasteries, see Treasure of Saints), §§102.1, 142.1n, 179.2 Mary (early first century), the mother of Jesus of Nazareth, title: yoldath aloho = Theotokos, the Mother of God, §§144.1, 190.2, 216.1, 232.3, 233.1, 240.1, 242.10, 242.13, 244.1 Her cave-monastery to the east of Mardin, above the Saffron Monastery, see Dayro dh-Noṭpo Her chapel in Mor Theodotus’ monastery, p. 8, §§196.1n, 200.1-3 Intercedes with God on behalf of men, esp. Theodotus, §§144.1, 190.2, 214.6, 216.1, 242.10, 242.13, 242.19, 244.1 Commemoration of her birth (“Nativity”), Sept. 8, §217.1n Commemoration of her death (“Departure”), Aug. 15, p. 30f, §246.1

399

Controversy concerning the title “Mother of God”, §§53.1n, 246.1n Her chapel/martyrium in Qalesh village, Amida, §142.1, p. 321; another at Ṭamnin, in Claudias, §§87.1, 89.3, 111.1; her churches in Constantinople, §89.3n Her church in Aleppo, p. 31 Her church in Amida, Fig. 4, pp. 39, 320 Her monastery in the Nitrian Desert of Egypt = Dayr alSuryan, p. 39 Special relationship with Theodotus, p. 30, §§200.2, 242.7 Vigils to perform qurobhe to, §§53.1, 58.2, 242.16, cf. §146.1n Maslama ibn ʿAbd al-Malik, Muslim general, p. 11 Massacres of Mesopotamian Christians during the First World War, p. 42 Matiniyya, Mount, = Mount Aghlosh, p. 328 Matthew, bishop of Amida (reigning in 698), §§189.1, 246.4 Mayperqaṭ (Greek: Martyropolis, Arabic: Mayyafariqin, Turk. Silvan), Map 2, pp. 11, 14, 70n, §§106.2n, 122.5, 124.1, 246.7 Mazıdağı, see Mardin, the Mountain of Medial Script, see Semiminuscular Script Mediterranean Sea, Map 1, §§44.1– 51.1 Melitene (Turk. Malatya), Map 1–2, pp. 16, 29n, 37, 325n, §§82.1nn, 108.1n, 172.2n Mesopotamia/Mesopotamians, Map 1, pp. 8n, 61n, 319, §§84.1n, 122.6n, 134.2n, 137.1n, 182.1n

400

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Roman province of, §1.2nn Syro-Mesopotamia, p. 14n, cf. 57.1n See also North Mesopotamia Metals and mines: Bronze Age, p. 338 Gold, pp. 3, 327, 330, §§112.2, 118.1, 119.3, 150.1n, 254.1, 255.3 Iron, §§106.2, 118.1, 167.3n, p. 330 Silver, §§14.4n, 150.1n, p. 327 Mahgeroye/mehaggeroye (see also Muslims), pp. 20–21, §§147.1, 148.3 Miaphysite (also called “[true] believers”, “Syrian Orthodox” and “Orthodox”, tout court), pp. 8, 14n, 30n, 31, 33n, 37f, 40, 65, 319, nn to §§1.4, 43.2, 52.1, 103.2, 108.1, 122.6, 127.2, 128.1, 128.2, 134.4, 137.1, 152.1, 154.1, 158.2, 168.1, 175.2, 179.2, 185.1, 187.1, 189.1, 190.2 Baptismal rite with Myron, §181.1n “Believers”/“True believers”, §§43.3, 68.1, 116.3, 120.3n “Believing Arabs”, §29.2 (as emended) Dyophysites and Miaphysites, §185.2n Governor of Dara a Miaphysite, §127.1n Included among the Christians of Amida, §148.3 Including Copts, §57.1n John of Dailam “re-invented” as, §196.1n Martyrs, p. 40, §§54.2, 196.1n, 197.3n “Orthodox”, §§115.3, 148.3, 186.1, 242.2, 256.1

“Syriac/Syrian Orthodox”, pp. 11f, 25, 26n, 30f, 34f, 37, 51, 319f, §§53.1n, 115.2, 158.3n, 177.1n Theology, §166.f “True Christians”, §§43.1, 43.4, 120.3 See also Conversion, see also Copts Michael (the Syrian/the Great), Patriarch of Antioch, 1166-99, pp. 12f, 25, 34, 36; his stay at Mardin and his role in the creation of three volumes of collected saints’ Lives, pp. 37–40, 61 Midyat (Syriac: Medhyadh), near Mardin, Map 2, pp. 26n, 29, 335, §§126.6n, 134.2n “Migraine-Monastery”/Der Wajaʿ Rus, pp. 26n, 43n, §234.1n See also Theodotus, monastery of Mills, §§77.3, 146.5 Miracles/wonders and miracleworkers (see also Healings), §§2.1, 42.2, 100.1, 118.1n, 123.8n, 126.5, 132.5, 197.3n “His name (viz Christ’s name: iḥidhoyo, the Only-Begotten Son/Single One) is a miracle”, §166.3 Miracles from the Life of Simeon the Stylite which are attributed to Theodotus, pp. 61, 68f, §§14.4n, 32.1n, 64.2n, 120.1n “The miracle of waiting upon God” (tedhmurto dh-beth aloho), §145.1 Thomas of Tella, a miracleworking stylite, §212.2 Moltke, §§77.3, 106.2, 114.3, 117.3, 122.6 (nn) Monasteries, see Abai (Qelleth), Abdher, Abḥai (Gerger), Abu

GENERAL INDEX Ghaleb (Gargar), Arʿo Rabbetho (Amida), Barṣawmo (Claudias), Beth Malke (cf. Malke, below), Daniel (Aghlosh), Daniel (Qurdis, Dara), Dayro dh-Noṭpo (above Deyrulzafaran), Dimeṭ (Qelleth), Edessenes’ (Amida), Elijah the Prophet (Amida), Gubbo Barroyo, G-y-l-n (Amida), Ḥananyo (Deyrulzafaran, Mardin), Ḥolo, Hula (Amida), Jacob (Beth Kushmoye/Kayshum), Jacob of Serugh (above Deyrulzafaran), John of Anzitene (Amida), Lazarus (Ḥabsenus), Lepers’ Monastery (Amida), Malke (Ṭur ʿAbdin), Mama/Momo (Amida), Mark (Jerusalem), “Migraine Monastery”/Der Wajaʿ Rus (Qelleth), Qad-Leḥem (Mayperqat), Nut (monastery of the, near Abdher), Qenneshre (on the Middle Euphrates), Reshmath (Amida), Sergius d-Phathyo (Claudias), Shilo (Silas), “the Shrine of the Image” (Dyophysite monastery at Edessa), Simeon/Mor Gabriel (Deyrulumur, Midyat), Qarqaphto (Rish ʿAyno), Samuel (Amida), Saphylos (Rish ʿAyno), Shabai (Qelleth), Tall-Biʿa/Zakkai (Raqqa), Tello dh-Tuthe (Amida), Theodore (Gaza), Theodotus (Gerger), Theodotus (Qelleth), White Poplars (Amida), Zuqnin (Amida) Monastic buildings: Beth Qaddishe (see Treasure of the Saints, see Relics > “Those Saints”) Buildings outside the wall, §§1.4n

401

Theodotus’ cell above St Abai’s, later expanded to make a small monastery §§127.5, 165.1, 190.2 “vicus”, as with a Roman legionary camp §172.1n “Fortress of St Thomas” at Qenneshre §182.1 Carpentry Shed, §98.2 Cells, §§126.3, 173.5 Chapel (Syriac: hayklo) of Mary in monastery of Theodotus, §200.1–3 Church of St Mary in the monastery founded by John of Dailam, §200.1n Courtyards (Syriac: dorotho), §73.1 Gate (Syriac: beth tarʿe), §§68.2, 177.1n Kitchen, §172.1n Oratory (Syriac: beth teshmeshto), §§15.2, 72.1, 98.3, 106.2, 128.1 Patriarchal Cell (at Qenneshre), §13.2 Place of Sacrifice (see separate entry) Refectory (Syriac: beth pothuro), §126.2 Smithy, §106.2 Stable for beasts of burden (Syriac: esṭablion d-qenyone), §73.1 Treasure of Saints (see separate entry and Relics > “Those Saints”) Monastic officers: Head of the Brethren (Syriac: rish aḥe), §24.1 Head of the Monastery (Syriac: rish dayro), §§9.1, 86.1, 87.1, 98.1–3, 103.1, 105.2, 106.4, 128.3, 183.2, 214.7n Sacristan (Syriac: qunkhoyo), §256.2n

402

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Visitor (agent for external affairs, Syriac: soʿuro), §189.3 Moosa, Matti, p. 34 “Mor” ‫ ܡܪܝ‬Syriac title meaning “my lord”: Bishop, §§65.1, 67.1, 80.2f, 81.1, 126.6, 130.1, 146.1, 148.3, 183.3, 189.1, 200.3, 213.1, 245.1, 246.3–7, 246.1 Cell-mate/σύγκελλος of the Patriarch, §134.10 Dead Saint, §§108.1, 109.1, 109.3, 125.2, 127.2, 183.3, 187.5, 188.1, 223.1 Head or Visitor ‫ ܣܥܘܪܐ‬of a Monastery, §§183.2, 189.3 Living Ascetic, §§3.2, 27.1, 76.1, 118.2, 119.7, 130.3, 132.3, 134.9, 134.12, 134.19, 135.1, 201.2, 202.1, 212.2 Martyr, §§76.2, 85.2, 125.1, 127.4, 127.5, 134.1, 175.2, 182.1, 190.1, 213.1 Patriarch, §§11.1, 13.1, 15.3, 25.1, 130.3, 132.2, 138.1, 173.1, 245.1f, 246.2 Priest, §§86.1f, 90.4, 101.1, 129.1, 133.1f, 134.10, 146.4, 182.1, 210.1, 214.1, 214.4, 215.1f, 239.1, 241.1, 247.1 Visitor ‫ ܣܥܘܪܐ‬of the Patriarch, §134f Mor Gabriel, monastery, see Simeon Moses, prophet, §§41.2n, 41.4 Mosque, the Great (Turk. Ulu Cami), of Amida, Fig. 4, pp. 16–20 Seventh-century mosques, pp. 18–19, §§135.3, 135.4 Mosul, city, pp. 1, 5, 31 Mourners (Syriac: abile), a class of monks, §§67.1, 223.1 Muʿawiya I, caliph (661–80), pp. 4–5, 7, 12

Muḥammad ibn Marwan, Umayyad governor, pp. 7, 10, 13, 15, 22n Muḥammad, prophet, pp. 4–5, 7, 13, 21, §147.1n Mukhtar ibn Abi ʿUbayd, Muslim rebel, p. 5 Murat Nehri, see Arsanias river Muslims, designated as Ṭayyoye “Arabs”, tout court, pp. 4–6, 9, §§133.3, 135.3, 137.1, 143.1, 195.1 Mzizaḥ, village between Midyat and Qartmin, p. 43 Nardo, village near Zuqnin, north of Amida, §1.4n, p. 321 Nemrut Dağı (Mount Nimrod), §§82.1n, 108.1n Nestorian, see East Syrian Nisibis, city, Map 1–2, pp. 5–6, 9, 13–14, 33n, §125.1n; Arab siege of, §126.6 Noqusho, percussion instrument like the Greek Orthodox simandron, §13.2 North Mesopotamia, Map 2, pp. 1, 3– 5, 7f, 12–16, 22n, §§195.1n, 214.7n ʿNoth, village in Ingilene, birthplace of Theodotus, §1.2 Nuʿman Aydın, Chorepiscopus, p. 29 Nusaybin, see Nisibis Nut, monastery of the, near Abdher, p. 321 Nuns, convent of, at Cordes (see also Daniel, monastery of), §127.2n Nymphius river, Turk. Batman Suyu, §1.2n Oǧuz, see Dara Old Slavonic, pp. 59, 60n Omidh, see Amida Pachomius, saint, p. 34n Pagan, §137.1 Paline, district, §§114.2n, 115.1n, 121.2n

GENERAL INDEX Palu, see Bilu Paradise monastery in Anzitene, p. 321 Pashaḥ, village N of Amida, §69.1 Patriarchs of Antioch (Miaphysite), see Athanasius I & II, John, Julian, Michael, Paul, Peter, Severus, Theodore Paul, Apostle and martyr (early first century), one of the founders of the Christian Church, §§8.1, 74.1, 75.2 Paul, bishop of Tella (ca 617), translator of the Greek Septuagint, §154.4n Paul the Simple, p. 34n Paul, Patriarch of Antioch (564–78), p. 65 Penance, penitence and repentance, §§48.1, 55.1, 67.1n, 106.4, 108.1, 151.2, 160.1–163.1 (esp. 161.5), 242.14, 242.19, 249.1, 255.5, 255.7 Impossibility of repentance after death, §255.1 Persian Conquest of North Mesopotamia in 610, p. 1 Persian (Sasanian) Empire (224– 652), pp. 1, 3, §§128.1, 187.1 Peter, Patriarch of Antioch (578–91), p. 65 Phantasiast heresy, §120.3n Philistines, see Samson Philoxenos Yusuf Çetin, Mor, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchal Vicar in Istanbul, p. 37n Philoxenus, bishop of Samosata (reigning ca 680), §§83.1–84.2 Pilgrimage, to Jerusalem, §§30.1ff, 42.1ff To Mount Sinai before Jerusalem, §41.2ff To the Fathers of the Egyptian desert, §44.1ff

403

To the source of the river Tigris, §122.6 Pilin fortress, Armenian: Palin, Greek: Kastron Palios, §§115.1, 117.1 Place of Sacrifice (Syriac: madhbeḥo), focus of the Eucharistic Liturgy at the east end of the nave of a church, §§152.1, 153.1, 214.5, 242.1–5 “Place of Sacrifice above the sky”, §242.3 Plain Script/serṭo pshiṭo, pp. 43, 47 Pofyath, see Kafarbe Pognon, Henri, p. 35 Polycarpos Awgin Aydin, Mor, Syriac Orthodox Metropolitan Bishop of the Netherlands, pp. vii, 37n, 58, §53.1n, §53.3n Poplars monastery, see White Poplars Premonitions, see Revelations Priests, §§47.1–49.1, 70.1, 84.1, 108.2, 138.2, 146.1, 167.2, 247.1, 256.1 “High priest” = patriarch, §132.1 Prostration and bowing, §§14.5, 53.3, 54.2, 68.3, 70.2, 72.1, 91.1, 120.1, 126.7, 127.2, 134.11, 134.15, 143.2, 152.1, 157.4f, 161.5, 173.4 Ps.-Waqidi, pp. 18, 20 Ptolemy, Byzantine general, p. 3 Pütürge, see Ṭamnin P-y-t-r, village near Amida, p. 321 Qad-Leḥem Monastery, near Mayperqaṭ, §124.2 Qalesh, village just N of Amida, §142.1n Qaluq, village near Qelleth, §201.2n Qarqaphto Monastery, between Rish ʿAyno and Majdal, §58.2 Qartmin Monastery, see Simeon, §§125.2–126.9

404

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Qartmin, village (Turk. Yayvantepe), §125.2 Qays, Arab tribe, p. 12 Qawme, see Simeon of Mayperqaṭ Qelleth (Turk. Dereiçi), village in the province of Dara, to the north of that city, Figs. 6–8, pp. vii, 7f, 16n, 25f, 30, 33, 43n, 44n, 62, 321, 325n, 327n, 333, §§53.4n, 125.1, 127.4, 129.1n, 134.2n, 134.4, 134.7, 135.3n, 182.1n, 184.1n, 189.2, 199.1n, 210.1n, 214.7n, 234.1n, 246.8 East-Syrian since 577 (church dedicated to John of Dailam), §§127.5n, 128.1n; 199.1n “the territory of the Persians” including Qelleth, §187.1 Qenneshre (“Eagles’ Nest”), monastery on the left bank of the Euphrates, south-west of Baṭnon q.v., Map 2, pp. 4, 6f, 16n, 30f, 59, 65f, 321, 327n, 333, §§1.4, 4.1, 30.1, 41.2n, 52.1n, 57.1n, 58.1n, 75.2n, 76.1n, 76.3f, 77.2n, 127.2n, 130.1n, 138.1n, 157.1n, 164.1n, 172.1, 173.2n, 175.2n, 177.1n, 182.1n, 183.2, 183.3n, 191.1, 214.5n A bishop claims the right to ordain Theodotus, because he, too, is an alumnus of Qenneshre, §83.2 Theodotus lives there, §§4.1– 30.1 Theodotus gives the “four lying bishops” the slip there, §§76.1– 77.3 Theodotus’ last visit, §§172.1– 184.2 Qenneshrin/Qinnasrin (“Eagles’ Nest”), city south of Aleppo, Map 1, §1.4n

Qurobho, long prayer addressed to a saint or to saints, §§53.1, 53.3, 53.4n, 58.2, 108.1, 146.1, 199.3 Qurra ibn Sharik, Umayyad governor, p. 15 Reqman, village on the plain below Mardin, birthplace of Abḥai, bishop of Nicaea (5th century), p. 37 Recluses, see Stylites Reconciliation, §§1.3, 6.1, 68.2, 154.1 Red Sea, Map 1, §41.2n Relics (see also Treasure of the Saints), §§4.1, 9.1, 14.1, 22.1, 53.4, 54.2, 62.2, 64.4, 88.1, 89.2, 89.3n, 93.1, 94.1, 109.3, 119.6, 164.1, 168.1, 179.2, 183.3, 188.1, 189.4, 190.2, 197.2, 197.3n, 199.1, 199.2, 214.5, 232.3, 234.1, 237.1, 242.10f, 243.1, 244.1, 246.1n, 248.2 Ambiguity concerning the meaning of the phrase “the saints of the monastery”, §76.3, 77.2 Ḥenono/ḥenana (“Mercy”), dust from a holy place mixed with oil, §97.1 “Streams” which issue from holy relics, perhaps meaning olive oil poured over the bones of the saints, §179.2 “Those saints” (holen qaddishe), meaning the saints whose bones are in a monastery, §§62.2, 77.2, 109.3, 164.1, 168.1, 199.2, 215.3, 217.1, 232.3, 242.6, 243.1, 244.1 Reshmath monastery in the district of Ṭishpa, Amida (perhaps a later name of Mama/Momo, q.v.), §161.1, p. 321

GENERAL INDEX Revelations (including angels, dreams, voices, visions, prophecy and presentiments), §§14.3ff, 25.1, 32.5, 33.2, 34.1ff, 41.4, 44.1f, 46.1–50.1, 52.1, 57.1– 58.1, 99.6, 105.1, 106.1ff, 108.1ff, 112.1ff, 114.1, 122.2, 123.1f, 144.1f, 154.4–7, 173.1– 174.1, 187.4, 189.2f, 198.1– 199.2, 200.2, 212.2 Ring of iron, fixed around the penis of an ascetic, p. 330 Rish ʿAyno, city at source of Khabur (Turk. Ceylanpınar), Map 2, §58.2, p. 327 Rivers, see Arsanias (Murat nehri), Dayṣon, Diyala, Euphrates (Fırat nehri), Khabur, Khazir, Nymphius (Batman suyu), Tigris (Dicle nehri), Zab Roger Akhrass, Mor Severios, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchal Vicar for Syriac Studies, pp. 26n, 42 Roman Empire, i.e. Byzantine Empire, and the Romans (rumoye), Map 1, §§74.1, 85.1n, 115.1– 116.4, 127.1n, 135.1f, 175.2n, 185.1n, 190.1n Rules, of Theodotus, §146.3ff Saffron monastery, see Ḥananyo Ṣafwan ibn Muʿaṭṭal al-Sulami, Muslim general, p. 11 Saints, see Abai, Abḥai, Barṣawmo, Daniel, George, Jacob, Julian, Lazarus, Malke, Mark, Mary, Serapion, Sergius, Simeon, Theodotus Ṣaliba, deacon, cousin of the scribe Joseph, sponsor of BL Add. 12,174, p. 39 Samosata (now submerged), provincial capital, Map 2, Fig. 11, pp. 10, 14, 16, 35, 59f, 65, 70, §§2.1n, 26.1n, 65.1n, 75.1n,

405

76.2n, 83.1, 84.1, 85.1, 110.1n, 113.2, 247.1 Samson, p. 52, §154.4n Samuel, Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Samuel, monastery of, Amida, p. 321 Sanctuary, see Place of Sacrifice Şanlıurfa, see Edessa Saphylos, monastery, in Rish ʿAyno, p. 65 Sargis/Sergius, slave and taxcollector, p. 16, §85.1 How he was forced to return the taxes he had collected from the poor, §§85.1–97.2 Satan, §§14.3, 36.1, 135.1, 235.1, 250.1, 251.1, 251.2, 253.2 “The Slanderer”, §248.2 Savur, see Tyre Ṣawro, see Tyre Scribes, see Behnam Abalṭus, Abu’lfaraj, Joseph, Joshua Second Sight, see Revelations Seers, see Revelations Seleucia-Ctesiphon, pp. 3, 325 Seleucia Pieria (Turk. Semandaǧı), port of Antioch, §175.2n Semiminuscular Script, p. 43 Senke, village (BWO, F13, 5045), perhaps to be identified with Singis, §110n Sepulcher of Jesus in Jerusalem, §43.3 Serapion the Sindonite, §§214.5, 223.1 Sergius, see Sargis Sergius I and II, Abbots of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Sergius I bar Karyo, Abbot of Qenneshre, p. 66 Sergius II and III, Abbots of Qenneshre (one of whom was called Metaxarios, p. 66

406

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Sergius, bishop of Mardin (reigning in 698), §246.5 Sergius, martyr (early 4th century), his monastery – called “dPhathyo” – near Ṭamnin in the district of Claudias in the diocese of Samosata, §§85.2–4, 87.1, 93.1, 93.3, 96.2, 98.1– 99.1, 101.1–107.1, 157.6n Sergius, patriarch of Antioch (557560), p. 65 Sermon, §§139.1, 140.1, 140.2, 143.1f, 157.3, 166.1–167.1, 247.2–255.7 turgomo = public announcement made on behalf of the bishop, p. 70, §168.1 Serṭo, see Plain Script Serugh, region around Baṭnon, q.v. Serwan, p. 33n Severios (Mor), see Akhrass, Roger Severus, bishop of Samosata (early 7th century), §§1.4, 2.1, 3.1f, 4.1, 5.1f, 97.2n, 157.6n, 183.3, 245.1 Severus I, Patriarch of Antioch (512– 518, 518–538 in exile), p. 65, §§1.4nn, 108.1n Severus II, Patriarch of Antioch (668– 684), Bar Mashqe, p. 65 Shabai, monastery of, at Qelleth, p. 26n Shawḥarto dha-Hephikhto, ruined castle on Mount Ayshumo, p. 327 Shekinah, §41.4 Shiroi, Persian emperor (628), p. 3 Shophrin/Ashparin (Siphrios?), village near Mount Aghlosh, p. 324 Silvan, see Mayperqaṭ Simeon “of the Olives”, bishop of Ḥarran (d. 734), pp. 8, 22, 29, 33n, 40

Simeon of Mayperqaṭ, dendrite (7th century), known as “Mor Qawme”, p. 70n, §132.3n Simeon, priest and cantor, from Samosata, who set the Life of Theodotus down in writing, Fig. 11, pp. 35, 52, 59f, 70, §§75.1n, 83.1n, 86.2n, 114.1n, 130.4n, 185.2n, 247.1 His sermon for the feast of Theodotus, §§247.2–255.7 Simeon, Rabban, monk of St Mark’s, Jerusalem, pp. 34, 43, 62 Simeon, monastic founder, his monastery near Qartmin village in Ṭur ʿAbdin, also known as Deyrulumur, §§125.2, 127.1n, 145.1n Theodotus’ and Joseph’s stay at this monastery, §§125.2–126.9 Simeon son of Nonnus, administrator of Ḥalugo, p. 13 Simeon the Stylite, Life of (L. Simeon), the Syriac hagiography transmitted in the Vatican Syriac manuscript 160, pp. 55, 61, 68f, 70n, 102, §§14.4n, 20.1n, 32.1n, 97.1n, 120.1n, 132.3n, 134.7n Portrayed on late 6th-century gilded silver plaque from Apamea (Louvre, Bj 2180), §14.4n Theodoret of Cyrrhus on Simeon’s practise of perpetual standing, §145.1n Simeon, Visitor (or Agent) to the Patriarch Julian of Antioch, §134.5f Simon, doorkeeper of monastery of Qedar, p. 4 Sinai, Mount, Map 1, pp. 4, 59, §§41.2, 41.4 Pilgrimages of Barṣawmo of Samosata, of Egeria, of Jacob

GENERAL INDEX Burdʿono, of Julian Saba, §§41.2n, 41.4n Theodotus’ pilgrimage a later interpolation in his Life, p. 48 Singara, Mountain (Ar. Jabal Sinjar), p. 325 Singis, village (perhaps to be identified with Turk. Senke), in the district of Claudias, §110.1 Sivan Maden, iron mine near Amida, Map 2, §106.2n Slaves, pp. 5, 6, 11, 13f, §§32.3ff “captivity, bitter slavery, prison, islands and seas”, §225.1 Christ cancels the Christian’s status as a slave, §254.5 “God’s slave” Theodotus, §§14.5, 35.1, 36.1n, 41.3, 60.2, 64.1, 119.5, 121.5, 137.2, 154.6, 155.1, 238.1, 242.7 Duty of servile obedience to God linked to dependence on him, §184.1 “Satan’s slave” (a rapist and a murderer), §36.1 Tax collector, slave of Ellusṭriya of Ḥarran, archon of Samosata, see Sargis Waiting upon God as a slave waits on his master, §145.1n Solitaries (Syriac: iḥidhoye), §§41.4, 52.1, 53.3, 54.1, 58.2, 60.1, 146.1, 166.3, 220.1, 223.1, 245.1f, 245.4 Sophanene, diocese east of Amida with Mayperqaṭ for capital, §§106.2, 123.3 Spies, §121.2 Standing, as an ascetical practise, pp. 70, 328, §§15.2, 125.3, 126.3n, 145.1 “Standing caliph” coins, Fig. 3 Stephen, protomartyr, shrine of, at Amida, p. 320

407

Strangers to the world, see Xeniteia Stylites and recluses, §§67.1n, 78.1ff, 125.3n, 142.1, 145.1n, 182.1, 188.1, 201.2, 220.1 Sulayman, caliph (715-17), p. 20 S-y-m-y, Abbot of the monastery of John at Amida, p. 67 Syrian (or Syriac) Orthodox Patriarchate, Fig. 11, pp. ix, xii, 36f Syrohexapla, a literal Syriac translation of the Greek Septuagint finished in 617 by Bishop Paul of Edessa, p. 52, §154.4n Taghlib, Arab tribe, p. 12 Tall Biʿa near Raqqa, Map 1, §126.2n Ṭamanin, see Ṭamnin Ṭamnin (Turk. Pütürge), village in the district of Claudias, Map 2, p. 46–48, §§87.1, 93.4, 99.1, 101.1 Tannous, Jack B., pp. 36, 44, 305n, §§29.2n, 70.2n, 85.1n, 89.1n, 98.2n, 109.3n, 118.1n, 173.7n, 250.1n Tanukh, Tanukhoye, Arab tribe, §29.2n Tarmel monastery above Dara, with the relics of the martyr Cyriacus (early 6th century), §127.2n Tarshenno, village facing Abdher, q.v., across a ravine, §114.3n Ṭashitho village near Mount Aghlosh (Turk. Taşet?), pp. 323-25 Taxes, pp. 12–16, §§85.1–97.2, 127.4 Ṭayyoyo (pl. Ṭayyoye), Arab(s), pp. 9, 12n, 21f, §§137.1, 147.1n John Ṭayyoyo (his Life), §66.1n Monophysite tribes, §29.2 (as emended) Tektek Daǧları, see Ḥasmi mountain Tella (Greek: Κωνσταντίνη; Latin: Constantina; Turk. Viranşehir), Map 2, pp. 3, 326n, 327n, 333

408

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

See also John, bishop of Tella, see also Thomas, stylite, of Tella, see also Paul, bishop of Tella Tella dh-Kum, village belonging to Amida, §154.2n Tella dh-Mikana, village belonging to Amida, p. 67 Tello dh-Tuthe, monastery in Gumathena belonging to Amida, p. 321 Thaddaeus = Addai (!), evangelist or Apostle, §138.1n The-Lake-in-Sophanene (Syriac: Yammetho Beth Ṣuphnoye), village, §123.3 Theodore, monastery, Gaza, p. 65 Theodore, Patriarch of Antioch (649– 67), pp. 4, 48, 65, §§11.1–15.3, 20.1–30.1, 57.1n, 172.2n, 245.1f His death linked to the Year of the Harsh Winter and misdated in Chr. 819, §11.1n Theodore, synkellos (“cell-mate”) to the patriarch Julian, §134.10 Theodotus, bishop of Amida, passim Manuscripts collated for this edition: SOP 362, olim Dam. 12/18, dated 1186, Fig. 11, pp. 37f, 42f SMMJ 199B, dated 1734, (an Arabic translation of SOP 362), p. 43f CFMM 275, made in 1908 (a copy of SOP 362), p. 44 Not collated: Inaccessible manuscript of the Life, dated 1198, seen at Amida in 1910, perhaps still preserved in Istanbul, pp. 36n, 39 Dates of his episcopacy and death: Ordained bishop of Amida on the Feast of Pentecost 692 (?); resigned after the Feast of Easter

694 (?), §§130.1n, 134.19n, 138.1, 157.1n, 166.1–181.2, p. 319 Died (officially) Aug. 15 (actually Jan. 25?) of the year 698, p. 30f, §§198.1n, 200.2, 246.1 Chronological overview of the Life: Origins, §1.2f Serves “a monk” (sic) called Severus, §§3.1–5.2 Identity of this Severus with the bishop of Samosata (d. 640/1), §183.3n Charitable and ascetical practises, §§1.3, 6.1–10.1, 14.3–24.1, 68.1–73.2 Miracles “borrowed” from Simeon the Stylite, pp. 61, 68f, §§14.4ff, 20.1ff, 30.1ff, 120.1ff; cf. §134.7n Closeness to the patriarch Theodore, §§11.1–14.2, 25.1–29.1, 245.1f Pilgrimage to the Holy Land, §§30.1–43.4 Journey to Egypt, §§44.1-58.1 “Aerial journey”, §§58.2–60.2 with n. 48 Ministry on the Mountain of Mardin, §58.2–60.4 Journey from Mardin to the monastery of Zuqnin, §§61.1– 64.4 His disciple and companion Joseph, a monk of Zuqnin, §§64.4n, 75.1 and passim Bishop Thomas of Amida sees him walking on the river Tigris, §§65.1–67.1 Practise of “walking” across rivers, p. 8, §§65.1–67.1, 77.3ff, 84.1; cf. §66.1; contrast §114.3n

GENERAL INDEX Influence with the Romans in Anzitene, §§74.1–75.3 Eludes the bishops sent to bring him to Qenneshre for ordination as a bishop, §76.1–77.3 Goes into hiding on Mount Arqnin, returning to Amida at the death of Bishop Thomas, §§78.1–81.1 Ordained a deacon by Philoxenus, bishop of Samosata, §§82.1–84.2 Stays in the district of Claudias, in the province of Samosata, where he exposes various criminals and frauds, §§85.1–113.2 Sends tax-collector from Samosata away from Claudias emptyhanded, §§85.1–97.2 Travels from Claudias to the province of Dara, skirting that of Amida on the N side, §§114.1– 127.1 Settles for the first time at Qelleth, §§127.1–129.2 Finds the ruins of the original monastery of Mor Abai near Qelleth and builds first a cell there, §§190.1f Sack containing martyrs’ relics which he carries around with him, §§14.1, 93.1, 94.1, 190.2, 242.10; cf. §§179.2n, 189.3n (near-contemporary canon condemning this practise) Becomes bishop of Amida, §§130.1–142.2 Interrogated by the Arab commander of Amida concerning a letter he had written to someone in the Roman Empire, §135.1–4 Called “Theodoṭios”, §140.1 Way of life as bishop, §§143.1– 163.1

409

Travels from Amida to the monastery of Qenneshre to resign his office, §§164.1–184.2 Tension between Theodotus and the patriarch Julian, §§134.19n, 172.1n, 173.1n, 183.2n; cf. §177.1n (James of Edessa’s protest concerning the canons) His love of the village of Qelleth and his determination to be buried there, pp. 7f, §§127.4, 127.5n, 134.7, 165.1, 184.1n, 187.1n, 187.4, 189.2, 246.8 Travels from Qenneshre to Qelleth, §§185.1–189.4 Builds a monastery at Qelleth, §§190.1–200.3 His last will and testament, §§214.1–217.1 His commemorations and his prayers for the world, §§218.1– 238.1 How he took leave of the monastery he founded, §§239.1–242.7 Dying words to his disciple, §§242.8–244.1 Death, §§245.1–246.8 Sermon for the feast-day of Theodotus, see Simeon of Samosata See also Joseph, disciple to Theodotus; see also Healings Theodotus, bishop of Amida, his monastery near the village of Qelleth, founded ca 795, §§134.19n, 193.1, 194.1, 197.2, 198.1n, 200.2, 201.2n, 213.1n, 214.7, 215.2, 215.3, 234.1n, 239.1–242.7, 246.8 Theodotus of the Northern Mountain, contemporary of Bishop Simeon “of the Olives” of Ḥarran, p. 29 Theophylact Simocatta, p. 325n Theotokos (Syriac: yoldath aloho), see Mary

410

THE LIFE OF THEODOTUS OF AMIDA

Thomas, Apostle and martyr (early first century), §§138.1n, 175.2 Acts of Thomas (second century), §1.4n Church of, at Amida, pp. 18, 320, §65.1n “Fortress of St Thomas”/St Thomas’ House of Prayer next to Qenneshre monastery, §§175.2, 182.1 Monastery of, at Seleucia Pieria, the port of Antioch, antecedent of that of Qenneshre, §175.2n Thomas I, bishop of Amida (died ca 518), §65.1n Thomas II, bishop of Amida (installed 623), §65.1n Thomas III, bishop of Amida (died ca 680), §§65.1, 67.1, 76.1n, 77.3n, 80.2–81.1, 82.1n, 130.1n Thomas IV, bishop of Amida (accession after the death of Matthew and death in 712/13), p. 31, §130.1n Thomas, priest and chronicler, p. 4 Thomas the stylite, of Tella, p. 33, §§32.5n, 201.2f, 212.2 Tiberius II Apsimar, Byzantine emperor (7th century), p. 10, §§85.1n, 146.10n Tigris river (Syriac: Deqlath; Turk. Dicle), Map 1–2, pp. 4, 31, 42, §§1.2n, 1.3n, 65.1–66.1, 134.2n Source at Haluras, §122.6 Timothy, bishop of Edessa, p. 31n Ṭishpa, district in the province of Amida, §161.1n, p. 321 Tisserant, Eugène, p. 31 Treasure of the Saints (Syriac: simtho dh-qaddishe), burial-vault in a monastery (see also Relics > “Those saints”, §§4.1, 197.2

Amida assumes Theodotus’ body will become the “treasure” of his city, §189.1 Struggle for possession of Theodotus’ body after his death anticipated, §188.1 “The treasure of the saints”, referring to relics kept in a sack as a personal possession, §214.5 Ṭur ʿAbdin, diocese and region, Map 2, pp. 14, 26n, 35f, 40n, 43, 323, §§114.2n, 115.2n, 124.1n, 125.2n, 126.4n, 126.5, 126.6n, 192.1, 246.6 Tyre, Shuro/Shura, Ṣ-w-r, Ṣawro (Turk. Savur), pp. 25n, 26n, 323, 325, §125.1n ʿUbayd Allah, son of Bukhturi (ca 750), §§161.1n, 187.5n, ʿUbayd Allah ibn Ziyad, Umayyad governor, pp. 5, 13 ʿUmayr ibn Ḥubab al-Sulami, Muslim general, p. 11 Umayyad, dynasty (661–750), pp. 4– 5, 7, 12–13, 23, Usama ibn Zayd, Umayyad governor, p. 15 Urfa, see Edessa Urṭian (Syriac: Urṭoyo), perhaps derived from Urartian, p. 67, §114.3n Verse-Homilies (mimre), §§108.1, 152.1, 199.3 Vigil (shahro), §§53.1, 108.1, 111.1, 112.1, 116.3, 116.4, 175.2, 199.3, 233.1, 234.1, 237.1, 250.1 Vineyard, §104.1 Villages and small towns by name, see Abdher (Abu Tahir), ʿAynwardo (Gülgöze), Beth Maʿde/Bemaʿde, Bilu (Palu), Cordes (Yardere), Iggel (Eğil), Kafarbe (Pofyath/Güngören),

GENERAL INDEX Kafar Gawzo (Gerçüş), Göktaş, Harput, Ḥazin, Kafar Mokhse, Lake-of-Sophanene (Lice?), Maghdelo, Midyat, Nardo, ʿNoth, Pashaḥ, P-y-t-r, Qalesh, Qaluq, Qartmin (Yayvantepe), Qelleth (Dereiçi), Singis, Ṭamnin, Tarshenno, Ṭishpa, Villages, collectively, in the diocese of Amida, §157.1–7 Visions, see Revelations Voices, see Revelations Walid I, caliph (705–15), pp. 10, 19, 22n Waqidi, see Ps.-Waqidi Water and rain miracles, including walking on water, §§64.2, 66.1, 77.3, 80.4, 84.1, 117.3, 122.6, 150.2, 159.1, 175.1f West, Martin Litchfield, p. 45n White Poplars, monastery, p. 321 Wine, §§114.7, 146.5, 193.1, 251.2 Women (see also Mary), §§17.1, 37.1, 38.1, 69.1–70.2, 123.3–8, 138.2, 155.1f, 157.5, 172.1n, 178.1, 179.1, 215.3, 250.1, 251.1 Girl, §129.1 Orphans and widows, §§13.3, 14.2, 82.1, 86.2, 92.1, 96.2, 118.3, 150.3, 155.1f, 227.1 Sixteen-year-old daughter of a rich man from Western Syria, §§20.1–24.1

411

Xeniteia, Theodotus’ way of life as a “stranger to the world”, §§1.4, 126.1, 190.1, 208.1, 242.16, 245.4 Yammetho dh-Samnin, see Hore Yammetho Beth Ṣuphnoye, see TheLake-in-Sophanene Yazid I, caliph (680–83), p. 5 Yazid II, caliph (720–24), p. 22n Yayvantepe, see Qartmin village Yeşilyurt, see Abu Ghalib monastery Yılan-deǧermeni “The Snake-Mill”, a stretch of water in the Euphrates Gorge before it was dammed, §114.3n Yusuf Kaya d-Be Piro of Qelleth, Figs. 7, 8, 10, p. 43n Zab river, “the Lesser”, which formed one of the borders of the region of Beth Garme, §98.2n Zakkai ʿIwaṣ, Mor Ignatius, Syriac Orthodox patriarch of Antioch, p. 36 Zeʿuro, early 6th-century stylite, his monastery and shrine (beth mor zeʿuro) at P-y-t-r, near Amida, pp. 65, 321 Zuqnin, monastery on the Tigris just north of Amida, near the villages of Zuqnin and of Nardo, §§1.4, 2.1, 64.3, 65.1, 69.1–73.1, 80.3– 82.1, p. 321