The Indigenization of Christianity in China I: 1807–1922 [1 ed.] 9781003334965

Citation preview

The Indigenization of Christianity in China I

As the first volume of a three-​volume set on the indigenization of Christianity in modern China, this book focuses on the presence of Christianity during the late Qing dynasty and the early twentieth century, discussing the early waves of Christian influence in its history. Over the course of its growth in modern China, Christianity has faced twists and turns in its embedding in Chinese society and indigenous culture. This three-​volume work delineates the genesis and trajectory of Christianity’s indigenization in China over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, highlighting the actions of Chinese Christians and the relationship between the development of Christianity and modern Chinese history. In this volume, the author discusses early missionary works from both foreign missionaries and local churches, both of which were influential in rendering Christianity more present and influential in China and which paved the way for further indigenization. The book then expounds on the thinking and practices of indigenizing Christianity prompted by historical events in the early twentieth century, including the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church and religious reforms that were undertaken to reach greater accommodation with Chinese society. The book will appeal to scholars and students interested in the history of Christianity in China and modern Chinese history. Qi Duan, Professor at the Institute of World Religions of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, is a leading scholar specializing in the history of Christianity in modern China and has authored numerous books and articles shedding light on the development of modern Chinese Christianity.

China Perspectives

The China Perspectives series focuses on translating and publishing works by leading Chinese scholars, writing about both global topics and China-​ related themes. It covers Humanities & Social Sciences, Education, Media and Psychology, as well as many interdisciplinary themes. This is the first time any of these books have been published in English for international readers. The series aims to put forward a Chinese perspective, give insights into cutting-​edge academic thinking in China, and inspire researchers globally. To submit proposals, please contact the Taylor & Francis Publisher for China Publishing Programme, Lian Sun ([email protected]). Titles in religion currently include: The Indigenization of Christianity in China I 1807–​1922 Qi Duan The Indigenization of Christianity in China II 1922–​1927 Qi Duan The Indigenization of Christianity in China III 1927–​2000 Qi Duan For more information, please visit www.routle​dge.com/​China-​Persp​ecti​ves/​ book-​ser​ies/​CPH

The Indigenization of Christianity in China I 1807–​1922 Qi Duan

First published in English 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Qi Duan Translated by Luman Wang and Zhen Chi The right of Qi Duan to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. English version by permission of The Commercial Press. British Library Cataloguing-​in-​Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-​1-​032-​37022-​4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-​1-​032-​37031-​6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-​1-​003-​33496-​5 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/​9781003334965 Typeset in Times New Roman by Newgen Publishing UK

Contents

List of tables Foreword Preface 1 Initiating the gospel mission in China

vi vii xi 1

2 In the name of God: The God-​Worshipping Society

13

3 Christianity in late nineteenth-​century China

49

4 The independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church

91

5 Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement Index

131 178

Tables

2 .1 Tiantiaoshu and the Ten Commandments 3.1 Books on Western natural sciences and humanities

24 64

Foreword Wen Yong

In 1997, Madam Duan Qi invited me to join the research team that devotes itself to the Indigenization of Chinese Christianity, a project sponsored by the Institute of World Religions (IWR) of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). I did not think too much about it and said yes, because I was then busy revising Christianity in China: An Historical Sketch. Soon I realized that I had too much work to do. Most importantly, my ability was very limited. For these reasons, I finally decided to withdraw from the team and leave the position to those with real qualifications. I had a strong faith in Duan’s ability to finish the project, especially considering that it was Duan herself who collected primary sources for the research work. Duan was undoubtedly good at the subject, on the grounds that she was unmatchably knowledgeable about sources and information. Not unexpectedly, Duan was a really energetic and indefatigable player. My withdrawal encouraged her to work in a much more enthusiastic way. Sparing no pains, Duan visited Nanjing, Shanghai and Suzhou in search of primary sources. She even went to foreign cities such as Los Angeles and gathered materials when attending academic conferences held in the United States. Thanks to her hard work and many friends’ selfless help, Duan independently finished the project in just three years. Duan’s work was an amazing exploration of the frontiers of mainland China’s study of the history of Christianity. Two centuries have rolled by since Robert Morrison’s 1807 pioneering work in dissemination of Protestantism in China. This is not a short period of time. Nevertheless, Christianity has still been unable to put down deeper roots in China. People still, disapprovingly, albeit cryptically, brand it yangjiao (a foreign religion). In retrospect, some hard-​won achievements in the Christian mission were really expensive. Witnessing the May Fourth, New Culture and Condemning Christianity movements taking place in the first two decades of the twentieth century, some enlightened and far-​ sighted Chinese Christians awoke from the intoxication of success and faced squarely the crisis endangering Chinese Christianity. They acutely and painfully rethought these issues and finally reached a consensus that only when Chinese Christianity was fully free from Western ways, influence and control and entirely indigenized would the gospels of Jesus Christ be disseminated

viii Foreword and accepted nationwide in China. Finding the right way of development was not an easy job; nor would the development per se be as easy as ABC. What exactly is indigenization? How can indigenization be fulfilled? How can the difficulties confronting indigenization be overcome? How thorough should indigenization be? These questions are all easier said than done. Li Zhiping, a Taiwan-​based scholar of Chinese Christian study, prefacing Indigenizing Christianity in China, pointed out: [There are always two contradictions in the course of indigenizing Christianity in China.] On the one hand, the Chinese, holding fast to their cultural stand, does worry that China’s great, glorious cultural tradition is in the danger of being Christianized or Westernized in the wake of dissemination of Christianity in the Chinese land. On the other hand, [the Chinese] Christians, observing from the viewpoint of Christian theology, are really afraid of the abandonment of Christian faith ensued from indigenization and question the necessity of indigenizing work. Is the indigenized Christianity still the true Christian faith? Whenever the issue of indigenization of Christianity is mentioned, as we find, the opinions inexorably polarize. Scholars and Church members as well through all ages find no way out.1 So, what is to be done? Retreat will definitely lead us down a blind alley. Duan’s monograph, The Indigenization of Christianity in China (hereinafter referred to as Endeavour), is nothing other than a veritable record of vacillation and hardship suffered by Chinese Christianity in the course of indigenization. From the very start Church members’ perceptions of indigenization differed from one another. However, they all agreed that it was an indisputable fact that only when a religion adapts itself to local society and culture could it take roots; otherwise it would be ruthlessly eliminated. For Chinese Christians, indigenization requires them to move with the times and make themselves adaptable to Chinese society and culture. In fact, there was always the issue of indigenization ab initio, as soon as Christianity was introduced into China. Indigenization runs throughout the history of Chinese Christianity. Endeavour tries its best to shed light on the religion’s historical mission, namely indigenization. It holds that common Chinese terminology, such as bensehua, bentuhua and chujinghua, have the same meaning—​indigenization. History is history. Respecting history serves as the most basic criterion reigning over the study of history. Endeavour has four salient features. First, primary sources are amazingly abundant and firsthand. As a rule, a successful research project is premised on the integrity and authenticity of primary sources. Written materials scrutinized in Endeavour are mostly taken from old publications. Most of these publications are too old, too enormous and too scattered to be easily collected and combed through. Among them, some are heard but never seen,

Foreword  ix while others have never been heard of before. Without the sincere help offered by many friends, Duan herself could by no means have successfully collected such a large number of materials. Precisely for this reason, Duan magnanimously says Endeavour is the fruit of that collective effort. Second, Endeavour is original and fair. As an old saying goes: “More often than not, the players are unable to see most of the game.” We should not regard this as a mere platitude. Rather, it reminds us of the lessons drawn from painful experience. We must admit even the greatest sages are unable to be completely free from the limitations imposed by history. It is true that everyone thinks in his own way. As early as the Tang dynasty (618–​907), Liu Zhiji, a renowned historian, had pointed out: The effort to veraciously record what is taking place and reconstruct what really took place is prized by genuinely good historians. … If you truly love others, you will acknowledge that there is evil in them. If you truly hate others, you will acknowledge that there is good in them. Good and evil must be truthfully noted down. (“Confusing Classics,” in Historical Perspectives) Liu showed us one of the basic principles of the study of history. Duan is a pure-​minded researcher. She does not believe in Christianity, let alone have any established sectarian ideas. Nor is her work individually motivated. Precisely because of these factors, Duan is always an objective, sober and disinterested observer when researching the indigenization of Christianity. Her commentary is the warning given not only to historical personages but also to present-​day researchers. Third, Endeavour is narrative as well as argumentative. It is generally held that only when time has passed and circumstances have changed and the truth has been brought into daylight can historical events be, fairly and equitably, assessed. In any case, “later-​wit is better than weak-​mind.” People with latter-​ wit learn the lessons of history and thus are enlightened. A researcher can achieve this as long as she or he works intensively on a large number of datum and makes an objective, comprehensive and far-​sighted analysis. Duan’s commentary in Endeavour corroborates this. Fourth, Endeavour furthers the existing periodization of the indigenization of Christianity in China. When penning Endeavour’s preamble, Duan points out that Rev. Cheng Jingyi pentachotomized China’s indigenization of Christianity in the 1920s and 1930s and Cha Shijie divided the course of indigenization into four stages extending down to 1949. Duan does not disagree with the two types of periodization. The third millennium has already dawned. More than half a century has rolled by since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Thus, Duan furthers the periodization and extends it to the end of the twentieth century. Therein lies one of the salient features of Endeavour. Due to various historical reasons, many researchers have chosen not to research the history of Christianity in post-​1949 China on

x Foreword the grounds that it is (politically) sensitive. Unlike them, Duan tries her best to shed light on this period. This might be controversial. Anyway, Duan does make a groundbreaking effort. Looking back at the two-​centuries’ dissemination of Christianity in China, we find that indeed there are many lessons. Chinese Christians have finally taken the brightly lit road of indigenization. However, the brightly lit road does not mean everything will go smoothly. Chinese Christianity is inevitably greeted by a large variety of problems and difficulties. We can understand better the present by studying thoroughly the past. Learning the lessons of history is one of the prerequisites for Christianity’s sound development in China. In this new century, the Chinese Church still has a long road to go. I sincerely hope that the Church will be successful. Endeavour grips my imagination. I read it with mixed feelings. But it was with joy that I have spoken out and joyfully written this foreword. Wen Yong July 2001

Note 1 Li Zhiping 林治平, Indigenizing Christianity in China [基督教在中国本色化论文集] (Beijing: China Today Press, 1998), “Preface.”

Bibliography Li, Zhiping 林治平. Indigenizing Christianity in China [基督教在中国本色化论文集] (Beijing: China Today Press, 1998). Liu, Zhiji 刘知几. Historical Perspectives [史通] (Shanghai: Ancient Books Publishing House, 2015).

Preface

Students of Chinese Christian studies are inevitably greeted with the subject of the indigenization of Christianity (Protestantism) in China. What is indigenization anyway? The definitions made by renowned scholars in this field in modern China differ from one another. Ying Yuandao, rethinking China’s effort to indigenize Christianity in the 1920s, pointed out that the indigenized Christian Church should have several characteristics.1 First, the Church must be Chinese. Second, the Church must be set up by Chinese Christians in the light of their own experiences. Third, the Church must have abundant Chinese cultural elements. Fourth, the Church was a unity of Christianity and Chinese culture. Fifth, the Church was adaptable to the Chinese spirit and psychology. Sixth, the Church was able to make the religious life and experience of Chinese Christians conformable to Chinese conditions and customs. In the 1960s, Yamamoto Sumiko, a Japanese researcher, penned an essay entitled “The Independence Movement of Chinese Christianity in the 1920s.” She prepared a much more detailed definition of the Chinese Church’s indigenization.2 First, the members of the Chinese Church should be predominantly Chinese. Second, the Church should, administratively and operationally, be independent. Third, the Church should be economically independent. Fourth, the Church should have its buildings, music, artwork and rituals Sinicized. Fifth, the Church should accept Chinese sacrificial customs and have them Christianized. Sixth, the Church should not detach itself from state affairs and practical issues. Seventh, the Church should free itself from Western influence. Eighth, the Church should govern, support and propagate by itself. In short, this Japanese scholar suggested that Chinese Christianity be fully independent of the West, completely congruous to Chinese culture, and entirely self-​governing, self-​supporting and self-​propagating. In addition, some hoped that Chinese Christianity could develop an indigenized theology by articulating Christian doctrines through the prism of indigenous Chinese culture.3 The indigenization of Christianity, as they suggested, should harmonize not only with Chinese culture but also with Chinese society. In the 1920s and 1930s, Cheng Jingyi (C. Y. Cheng), who had been the superintendent of the National Christian Council of China (NCCC), divided China’s indigenization of Christianity into five phases. According to Cheng, in

xii Preface the first phase Chinese Christians paid great attention to the way of redemption and supramundane wisdom. In the second phase, they were concerned with social and life problems and sins. In the third phase, Chinese Christians had already been spiritually awakened, highlighted by the fact that the Chinese Church gradually rose to prominence and the demand for a fully independent Chinese Church could be heard nationwide. In the fourth phase, Western and Chinese leaders of the Church started a thorough reform and enthusiastically advocated the grand union. In the fifth phase, Chinese Christians greatly advanced their understanding of Christianity and the faithful’s responsibility, and earnestly aspired to indigenize Christianity and make it a Chinese rather than a foreign religion. Inspired by Cheng’s pentachotomization of China’s indigenizing endeavour and other scholars’ arguments, Cha Shijie divided the Chinese endeavour into four stages.4 In Stage I, Cha said, Western missionaries made groundbreaking efforts to disseminate their faith. In Stage II, Western missionaries and their Chinese comrades started to work together. In Stage III, the autonomous and predominantly Chinese Church was set up. In Stage IV, the Church was vigorously indigenized and the Chinese played a leading role. Cha did not show us the time of commencement and termination of each phase. The present author, taking Cha’s job into her own hands, says the first phase commenced in 1807, when Robert Morrison pioneered the dissemination of Protestantism in China, and extended down to the mid-​nineteenth century; the second phase, from the middle decades of the nineteenth century to the dawning of the twentieth century; the third phase, from 1900 to the early 1920s; and the fourth phase, from 1920 to the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. For the sake of convenience, the present author adopts the commencement and termination of the first, second and third phases. Meanwhile, the book points out that in the transitional period, when Westerners and Chinese were working together, foreign missionaries still took the lead, with the exception of a few regions, where independent and predominantly Chinese Churches were set up. It was in the transitional period that the number of Chinese spreading Christianity increased significantly. Moreover, the present author further divides the fourth phase into several periods, such as the 1920s, the 1930s (1930–​1936), the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1937–​1945) and the War of Liberation (1945–​1949). In the last part, the present author briefly discusses the Chinese Church’s Three-​Self Movement in the liberated New China.

Notes 1 Cha Shijie 查时杰, “The Communist Party of China’s Three-​Self Church and Indigenization of Christianity in China: A Tentative Discussion” (中共三自教会 与基督教会本色化运动初探). Quoted in Lin Zhiping 林治平, ed., Christianity and Indigenization in China [基督教与中国本色化] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1990), 708.

newgenprepdf

Preface  xiii 2 Ibid. 3 Li Jingxiong 李景雄, “The Indigenized Theology: Recreation or Rehabilitation?” (“本色神学—​—​旧耕抑新垦”). Quoted in Shao Yuming 邵玉铭, ed., The Chinese Christianity in the Twentieth-​Century China [二十世纪中国基督教问题] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Cheng Chung Group, 1980), 250. 4 Cha Shijie, “The Communist Party of China’s Three-​Self Church and Indigenization of Christianity in China: A Tentative Discussion.” Quoted in Lin Zhiping, ed., Christianity and Indigenization in China, 710.

Bibliography Lin, Zhiping 林治平 ed. Christianity and Indigenization in China [基督教与中 国本色化] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1990). Shao, Yuming 邵玉铭 ed. The Chinese Christianity in the Twentieth-​Century China [二十世纪中国基督教问题] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Cheng Chung Group, 1980).

1 Initiating the gospel mission in China

Christianity was brought to China as early as 635 (i.e., the ninth year of Zhenguan reign of Tang dynasty). Nevertheless, by the nineteenth century, the religion had experienced failure thrice. For what reason did Christianity fail in China? The answers are greatly varied. But it is generally held that one of the reasons for Christianity’s failure lay in its inability to assimilate into Chinese culture and become a Chinese religion, just as Buddhism had successfully done. To put it another way, Christianity was frustrated in the attempt to indigenize itself in China. Due to historical reasons, there was no trace of Protestantism in the first three rounds of the dissemination of the Christian faith in China. It was in the fourth round, which commenced from the nineteenth century, that Protestantism was introduced into China. Robert Morrison, a British missionary, pioneered in this mission. Morrison, dispatched by the London Missionary Society (LMS), set foot on the Chinese land in 1807 and started to preach the Protestant faith. China’s Qing dynasty underwent sharp decline in the period spanning the four decades between Morrison’s arrival and the advent of the Opium War. Since the last half of the eighteenth century, China, which had enjoyed quite a long time of peace and prosperity, witnessed population explosion and rampant corruption. In the nineteenth century, the shortage of grain brought instability to Chinese society. The people were increasingly discontent with the decadent Qing government. Rebellious secret societies, such as the White Lotus Society and the Society of Heavenly Principle, grew very rapidly. In the meantime, Western capitalist countries, all of which were baptized in the Industrial Revolution, were all greedy to exploit overseas markets. They spontaneously cast their covetous eyes on China, a gigantically huge virgin market. The Qing government then grew incredibly isolated and opposed almost everything foreign. Qing’s exclusivity was applied not only to foreign tradesmen but also to foreign culture and religion. In the wake of the Rite Controversy, emperors such as Kangxi and Yongzheng resolutely enforced the prohibition of all foreign religions, including Christianity. Missionary work was accordingly denounced as illegal. Not only foreign tradesmen but also Western missionaries were strongly dissatisfied with Qing’s isolation and exclusivity. DOI: 10.4324/9781003334965-1

2  Initiating the gospel mission in China Western powers preferred to open China’s door by violence. Missionaries endorsed this approach wholeheartedly. China suffered a humiliating defeat in the First Opium War (1840–​1842) and was forced to sign the Treaty of Nanjing, the first unequal treaty in the history of China—​and Western missionaries actively participated in the negotiations. As is commonly known, the treaty dealt with politico-​commercial affairs as well as missionary issues. It haughtily demanded that China must cede Hong Kong to the British empire and allow foreigners to build churches and preach Christianity in the five treaty ports. From then on, Qing’s prohibition of Christianity was broken. Soon the two other unjust treaties—​the Treaty of Wangxia and the Treaty of Huangpu—​paved the way for missionaries’ promotion of Christianity. Moreover, the 1850 Treaty of Tianjin and the 1860 Treaty of Beijing stipulated that missionaries had the right to purchase land and build churches not only in coastal areas but also inland. As a consequence, China’s door was forcibly opened and Western missionaries flocked to the country. The preparatory period of dissemination of Protestantism began with Morrison’s arrival in 1807 and ended in 1860. It could be further divided into Stage I (1807–​1842) and Stage II (1842–​1860). In Stage I, the number of Chinese converts, most of whom were at the bottom of society, was very small, as Christianity was still illegal. In Stage II, the number of converted Chinese doubled and, most encouragingly, some new intellectuals were baptized. Only when a religion was comprehensible would it be acceptable among local people. Moreover, the religion must win the favour of residents. Therefore, for missionaries, it was imperative to effectively communicate with local residents through the Chinese language, and to sincerely undertake charity work. Communication and charity were actually the prerequisites for Christianity taking roots in China. The missionaries did their best to improve both. As the dissemination of Christianity in China was illegal before 1842, missionary activity was very limited and could be conducted nowhere other than Guangzhou. Even Macau, which was then ruled by the Portuguese government believing in Catholicism, was not welcome to the Protestant missionaries. For these reasons, the missionaries had no alternative but to select Malacca and Singapore, both of which were not too far away from China, as the centre of their activities. By 1842 they had moved to Chinese cities such as Shanghai. Among the early Protestant missionaries, Robert Morrison was most renowned. In addition, there were some known ministers such as William Milne and Walter H. Medhurst from LMS, Karl Gutzlaff from the Netherlands Missionary Society, and Elijah C. Bridgman, Samuel W. Williams and Peter Parker from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). Their missionary work was as follows.

Translation Whenever a foreign religion was introduced into China, it had to, first of all, render its canons into highly readable and comprehensible Chinese. Buddhism

Initiating the gospel mission in China  3 did so as soon as it was brought to China dozens of centuries ago previously. Missionaries of Nestorianism and Catholicism had made similar effort in the Tang, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. But, for a variety of reasons, China did not have a complete translation of the Bible until the arrival of Protestantism. Protestant missionaries such as Robert Morrison did a great amount of work and filled the vacuum. Robert Morrison arrived in China in 1807.To effectively preach his faith among local residents, Morrison overcome the difficulties imposed by the Qing government and intensively studied Chinese. Morrison carried with him some portions of a Chinese translation of Bible, which was rendered by Jesuit Jean Basset. , While studying Chinese very hard, Morrison started to translate the Bible into Chinese. Three years later, he finished translating the Acts of the Apostles from the New Testament. Building on this, Morrison rendered the entirety of the New Testament into Chinese in 1813. The first Chinese New Testament came out in Guangzhou in 1814. Then, in collaboration with William Milne sent by LMS, he completed the translation of the Old Testament in 1819 and had it published in Malacca. In 1823, sponsored by the British and Foreign Bible Society, the Chinese edition of the New Testament and Old Testament—​entitled Shentian xinjiu yizhao quanshu (“the complete collection of posthumous decrees of God of Heaven”)—​was printed. It was generally regarded as the first, complete Chinese edition of the Bible and was significant to the history of Christianity in China.1 Morrison died in 1834. A translation team consisting of Walter H. Medhurst, Karl Gutzlaff, Elijah C. Bridgman and John R. Morrison (Morrison’s son) had the Chinese Bible completely overhauled. The New Testament was retranslated by Medhurst. The revised Chinese Bible was published in 1840. In the same year, Gutzlaff revised the Chinese translation of the New Testament again and published the new translation separately. The title of the new Chinese New Testament was Jiushizhu yesu xin yizhaoshu (“the collection of new posthumous decrees of Jesus, the Savior of the World”), which was later adopted by the Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (the official title of the government founded by the peasant army). In 1843, the First Joint Meeting was convened in Hong Kong and the missionary societies working in China dispatched their delegations. The meeting focused on the retranslation of the Bible and set up a special committee devoted to the translation work. But from the beginning, the participants were split on the issue of Chinese terminology. Soon the American Baptists withdrew from the committee. Then Josiah Goddard started to revise the earliest translation done by John Marshman. The revised edition of the New Testament was published in 1853. Edward C. Lord made revisions to this Bible and printed it in 1883. Goddard and Lord collaboratively translated the Old Testament into Chinese and published the Chinese edition in 1868. Other members of the special committee, such as Medhurst, Gutzlaff and James Legge, worked together and produced the committee edition of the New Testament in 1853. One year later, the committee edition of the Old

4  Initiating the gospel mission in China Testament came out. In 1867, funded by the British and Foreign Bible Society, the full Chinese edition of the Bible including the New Testament and the Old Testament was printed. American missionaries such as Bridgman, Michael S. Culbertson and William J. Boone were discontent with this Bible, on the grounds that it rendered God as Shangdi (“the Lord Above”) and did not literally translate the passage of Bible because of considerations of elegance and decency. Precisely for that reason, they retranslated the Bible. In 1857, these Americans published the New Testament and five years later finished the full Bible. With the financial help of the American Bible Society, they printed the full Bible in 1864. Because the Americans translated God as Shen (“spirit”), their Bible was known as the Spirit Edition. The aforementioned editions of Chinese Bible were generally referred to as the wenli Bible (i.e., the Bible written in classical Chinese). The wenli Bible laid the foundation for the light-​wenli Bible (i.e., the Bible written in the easily understandable classical Chinese) and the Mandarin Bible, which were published in the late nineteenth century, as well as paving the way for the production of the 1919 edition of Chinese Union Bible in classical and Mandarin Chinese.

Publishing In addition to translation, missionaries prepared various religious books in Chinese for local residents and published books about China with a view to attracting more Westerners to preach the Christian faith in China. In doing so, they believed, missionary work would be greatly improved. Printing China-​ related books available for Western readers was imperative. Therefore, missionaries such as Morrison and Bridgman penned and published numerous essays and books about China and printed a few English and Chinese journals. At first, Morrison printed Chinese books in Guangzhou. Soon these publications were banned by the Qing government. Morrison had to suggest LMS carry out missionary work outside India.2 In line with his new plan, Morrison, in collaboration with Milne, set up the headquarters for the promotion of Christianity in Malacca. In 1815, the headquarters printed the first Chinese monthly entitled Cha shisu meiyue tongjizhuan (“a monthly devoted to records of secular affairs”). Soon afterwards an English magazine—​Indo-​ Chine Gleaner—​was published. But, unfortunately, the two journals ceased publication after the death of Milne. Inspired by Milne, Medhurst, Gutzlaff and Bridgman tried their best to publish Chinese and English newspapers and journals. For example, Texuan cuoyao meiyue tongjizhuan ( “selected records of secular affairs”) was continuously published for three years (1823–​1826) in Batavia (present-​day Jakarta); Tianxia xinwen (“the world news”), for two years (1828–​1829) in Malacca; and Dongxiyang kao meiyue tongjizhuan (“a monthly about events taking place in the East and the West”), for five years (1833–​1838) in Guangzhou and Singapore. These publications contributed to missionary work and Sino-​Western cultural exchange. Zhongguo congbao (The Chinese Repository) is particularly worthy of mention. It was the most

Initiating the gospel mission in China  5 influential among missionary publications. The journal made its debut in 1832 thanks to Morrison and shut down in 1851. According to a researcher, it published, in total, 20 volumes of essays, book reviews, reports, current affairs and religious news. The journal contained 1,378 essays, among which 514 were about China, 396 about Sino-​foreign relations, 142 about foreign countries and 289 about religions. These essays covered a wide range of subjects, widely consulted the Chinese and Western classics, and as far as possible made careful and fair analyses.3 The Chinese Repository was widely regarded as an important primary source of the study of modern Chinese history. To ensure all publications were in good shape, the missionaries put particular emphasis on printing. There was a printing house lying within Anglo-​ Chinese School founded by Morrison in Malacca. In 1827, Samuel Dyer, a minister from LMS, innovatively used Western printing to produce books in Chinese. This breakthrough was greatly conducive to accelerating the publication of the Bible and sermon books. Later, LMS and ABCFM set up printing houses in Batavia and Singapore. In 1843, LMS’s Medhurst founded Mohai Shuguan (the London Mission Press) in Shanghai. The printing house in Batavia was accordingly relocated here. Lead typography was, for the first time, applied to the printing of Chinese books in China. In Medhurst’s press, the printing machine was pulled by oxen. The machine ran at top speed and could print thousands of papers a day.4 The committee editions of the New Testament and the Old Testament were precisely printed here. In addition to religious books, some scientific books were produced in the press. In 1857, the press printed Shanghai’s first Chinese periodical—​Liuhe congtan (“miscellaneous essays on Nature”). In sixteen years (1844–​1860), the London Mission Press published 171 books and journals, among which 138 were devoted to Christianity, making up 80.7 percent of the total; and 33 to the modern Western knowledge, making up 19.3 percent of the total.5 ABCFM set up a printing house in Singapore and named it the Chinese Institution (a.k.a. the Singapore Institution). This publisher devoted itself to the production of religious book. In 1844, it moved to Macau. One year later, the printing house was relocated to Ningbo, where it was renamed Meihua Shuguan (American Chinese Books). It printed Ningbo’s earliest Chinese newspaper—​Zhongwai xinwen (“the Chinese and foreign news”). These printers played quite a significant role in the propagation of the Protestant faith in China. In fact, among the earliest Chinese Protestants, some—​Cai Gao, Liang Fa, Qu Gao and so on—​were all typographers working in these printing houses. They were converted in the course of printing and distributing the Bible and sermon booklets. After being Christianized, some of them penned religious pamphlets themselves and disseminated as many of them as possible. Take, for example, Liang Fa, who was the first Chinese Protestant minister. He authored Quanshi liangyan (“admonishing the time

6  Initiating the gospel mission in China with graceful words”) and gave copies to well-​educated Chinese preparing for the Imperial Civil Examination. Precisely because of Liang’s missionary work, Hong Xiuquan, who later led the epoch-​making Taiping Rebellion and then was heading to Guangzhou for the Examination, unexpectedly read the booklet and was deeply influenced by the Christian faith. As a consequence, the Taiping Rebellion was partially shaped by Christianity.

Education In the wake of their arrival in China, Western missionaries gradually realized that education greatly mattered to their work, because most of them knew well neither the local conditions and customs nor the Chinese themselves, and under such circumstances traditional Chinese culture might impede their missionary work and make it a vain attempt to sow seeds in water.6 Some missionaries set up free schools in the hope that the Chinese might be attracted to Christianity. Morrison, for example, in his proposal of missionary work outside India, suggested LMS found a free Chinese school as soon as possible. Thanks to Morrison, Milne set up the free Anglo-​Chinese School in 1815 in Malacca. The inaugural statement reads: School’s goal is to teach the Chinese and Western literature and disseminate the Christian doctrines. It resolves, on the one hand, to help the Westerners study the Chinese language; and on the other hand, to instruct all the peoples lying outside India, such as the Chinese, the Southeast Asians, the Ryukyuans, the Koreans and the Japanese, to learn the Western literature and science in English, while they are studying Chinese. All courses of the School are based on the ideal of disseminating peacefully the Christian faith and the Eastern culture and aspires to be efficient and resultful.7 So the school’s goal was to propagate Christianity was evident from the start. To be specific, the school tried its best to help foreign missionaries master Chinese and meanwhile train Chinese ministers and Christian adherents. The School moved to Hong Kong in 1843. It was the first Western educational service open to the Chinese. Some early Chinese ministers and preachers, such as Liang Fa and He Futang, were educated there. In 1836, Anglo-​American tradesmen and missionaries living in Guangzhou set up the Morrison Education Society in memory of the late minister. Bridgman was appointed the Corresponding Secretary. The Society professed: The objective of this institution shall be to establish and support schools in China, in which native youth shall be taught, in connection with their own, to read and write English language; and through this medium, to bring within their reach all the varied learning of the western world. The Bible and books on Christianity shall be read in the schools. Already

Initiating the gospel mission in China  7 a Chinese, educated at the Anglochinese college in Malacca, has been advanced to the station of governmental interpreter at Peking. And our posterity, if not ourselves, may see the Chinese, at no very distant day, not only visiting Europe and America, for commercial, literary, and political purposes; but, having thrown away their antipathies, their superstitions, and their idolatries, joining with the multitudes of Christendom in acknowledging and worshiping the true God.8 The Morrison School, thanks to the Society’s efforts, opened in 1839 in Macau. It paid the first six students’ tuition and provided for their living expenses. Three years later, the school moved to Hong Kong. It was suspended in 1848. In spite of existing for less than one decade, the school educated the earliest Chinese students specializing in natural sciences. There were some renowned alumni. Tang Tingshu, for example, played a significant role in China’s Self-​Strengthening Movement; Rong Hong occupied an important place in the history of Sino-​Western cultural exchange; and Huang Kuan was the first Chinese doctor trained in Western medicine. In addition to these, a group of Chinese proponents of Christianity were educated at the school. Some joined the Christian Church and assumed leadership roles. Huang Sheng, for example, was the father figure of Christians in Hong Kong. Some sympathized with Christianity and promoted the dissemination of the Christian faith in China. The Guangzhou-​based Beiman School was the first missionary school in mainland China. It was founded by Bridgman, a minister from ABCFM, in 1830. In comparison with the Anglo-​Chinese School, Beiman’s religious goal was clearer and more definite. Reading the Bible in Beiman was compulsory. Besides the Bible, only a few courses on the Chinese classics, English and sciences were offered. Before 1860, the missionary schools in China were not very different from each other. Students could attend these schools free of charge. Sometimes, they could even enjoy free accommodation. Even so, Chinese children, except for those who were from families in dire poverty, seldom chose missionary schools. At that time, the Qing government imposed many restrictions on missionary work and, to make matters worse, missionary societies and the missionaries themselves did not yet realize the importance of education for their work and preferred direct promotion. Precisely for these reasons, the number of missionary schools was very small. Setting up a school was generally an individual effort. Most schools were founded after 1842. Ningbo Boys School, for example, was opened in 1844 (and later moved to Hangzhou in 1867and was renamed the Yuying Private School); the Qingxin Institution was founded in 1850 in Shanghai; and the Gezhi Academy was built in 1853 in Fuzhou. Overall, then the missionary school had many disadvantages. The quality of students was not good and nor was the academic standard of these schools high. Nevertheless, the missionary school did impact upon the old Chinese system of education and cut out a path for the propagation of Christianity and Western culture.

8  Initiating the gospel mission in China

Medicine Foreign missionaries used medicine as a method of promoting Christianity. They held that local residents’ misunderstanding and hostility would be greatly mitigated and local residents would be interested in the sermons and even visit the church, if the missionaries could cure people.9 Most missionaries learnt some basic medical skills before going to China, with a view to attracting the Chinese and inculcating them with Christian doctrines, by giving medicines and perform healing when necessary. Take Morrison for example. He had studied medicine in 1805 in London’s St Bartholomew’s Hospital and grasped a general medical know-​how. Some—​Gutzlaff and Boone, for instance—​were trained well medically. Of course, they merely used medicine as an auxiliary means rather than a primary tool of propagating Christianity. Morrison pioneered disseminating Christianity by means of medicine. In 1820, in collaboration with John Livingstone, Morrison set up a clinic of Traditional Chinese Medicine in Macau and invited Chinese doctors to join it. In 1827, with the help of Thomas R. Colledge, he founded an ophthalmic clinic in Macau. Six years later, Colledge set up another clinic in Guangzhou. There were too many patients to be treated in their clinics. Therefore, Colledge asked the Euromerican missionary societies to send more doctor-​missionaries to China. In 1834, ABCFM dispatched Parker, who was a doctor and had studied theology, to Guangzhou, where he treated patients and, at the same time, propagated Christianity. In December 1835, Parker founded Boji Yiyuan (Canton Hospital) in Guangzhou, which was China’s first Western medical centre. At first, the hospital was named the Ophthalmic Hospital. Parker was an excellent doctor. He frequently provided free medical service. For these reasons, the hospital was often overcrowded. In particular, Parker cured Lin Zexu’s hernia. Lin, one of the most prominent governors of Qing, praised him fulsomely. As a result, Parker established himself well in Guangzhou. Parker, aspiring to promote medical missionary work, set up the Medical Missionary Society in China (MMSC) in his own hospital in 1838. The MMSC did its best to offer free medical service and at the same time inculcated the Christian faith in patients and residents. Moreover, it set up agencies in Anglo-​American cities and urged on Western audiences the importance of medical missionary work and the pressing need for doctor-​missionaries. In the wake of the ratification of the Treaty of Nanjing, Parker openly promoted Christianity in his hospital and directly gave patients Christian literature. There was a weekly religious service in Parker’s hospital. By performing rites, the hospital instructed patients and visitors to pray and persuaded them join the Church. From then on, all missionary hospitals employed full-​time ministers and asked them to do on-​site missionary work. A number of doctor-​missionaries from Anglo-​American missionary societies followed Parker and arrived in China. Among them were William Lockhart and Benjamin Hobson, both of whom were physicians and founded hospitals in China. In 1843, Lockhart set up the first Western hospital in Shanghai.

Initiating the gospel mission in China  9 He also founded Beijing’s first Western hospital in 1861, which initiated the history of modern medicine in the capital city. These missionary hospitals were usually very small. However, they pioneered medical missionary work in China and laid the foundations for the large-​scale missionary endeavour by means of medicine.

The cultural exchange The early Protestant missionaries unconsciously promoted Sino-​Western cultural exchange in their effort to propagate the Christian faith. Take Morrison for example. He realized the importance of learning Chinese for missionary work upon his arrival in China. A practical Chinese–​English dictionary was thus indispensable to missionaries. Morrison spent over a decade editing a Chinese–​English dictionary. After consulting a huge number of Chinese books and the authoritative and voluminous Kangxi Dictionary in particular, he finished his dictionary in 1823. Morrison’s six-​volume Huaying zidian (“Chinese–​English Wordbook”) was a huge book in quarto format and had over 40,000 entries printed on 4,595 pages. In addition to Morrison’s giant work, some missionaries compiled dialect dictionaries. Ernest J. Eitel, for example, edited a wordbook devoted to the dialect of Guangzhou; and Rudolph Lechler, the German–​Chinese dictionaries of Chaozhou and Hakka dialects. These dictionaries facilitated foreign missionaries’ learning Chinese, as well as helping them better their understanding of China. It followed that Sino-​Western cultural exchange was substantially improved. The missionaries’ work was usually done in Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Macau and Guangzhou in the time prior to 1842. After 1842, missionaries moved to the five treaty ports. Shanghai, Guangzhou and Hong Kong were quite important for missionary work. Moreover, Christian preachers started to advance into China’s interior. In just over half a century (1803–​1860), Western missionary societies sent 150 ministers to China, where they set up 22 preaching centres and converted approximately 350 Chinese residents. This was mostly done after China’s signing of the first unjust treaty. But in any case, the work done in these decades laid the foundation for Christianity taking root and growth in China. It must be emphatically pointed out that no matter what the foreign missionaries’ attitude was, (Protestant) missionary work was conducted in China precisely on the heels of the West’s colonial expansion, and thus got entangled in politics from the very beginning. In order that they could improve their work, some missionaries chose to work for their government. Morrison, for example, had been employed by the East India Company and then became the secretary-​cum-​interpreter of William J. Napier, the London regime’s envoy superintending Sino-​British trade. Usually, missionaries acted as interpreters in the Opium War and the signing of unequal treaties. Gutzlaff, for example, was the translator of the invading British army in the First Opium War. In September and October 1841, British aggressors captured Dinghai and

10  Initiating the gospel mission in China Ningbo, where Gutzlaff was appointed to supervise the Chinese. Gutzlaff’s superintendency spanned seven months. When China and the British empire were negotiating the treaty, Gutzlaff and Morrison’s son were all interpreters. After the signing of the Treaty of Nanjing, Gutzlaff became the trade commissioner of Dinghai.10 In 1843, he was appointed the Chinese interpreter of the Governor of Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, Gutzlaff was dubbed the Superintendent Pacifying the Chinese (Fuhuadao). Parker and Bridgman too, just like Gutzlaff, joined the delegation headed by Caleb Cushing, a diplomat of Washington regime and played a role in the signing of the Treaty of Wangxia. After that, Parker continued to be the Chinese secretary-​cum-​interpreter in the service of the ambassadors to China. From 1856, Parker became a diplomat working for the Washington regime and was appointed one of the members of the corps diplomatique of the United States. Finally, he spiraled up to be the head of America’s diplomatic corps in China. Taking advantage of their position, these missionaries, who rendered a service to their government, preached the Christian faith and recruited a group of followers. Gutzlaff, for example, founded the Chinese Union (Fuhanhui) in 1844 in Hong Kong. The Chinese Union grew very rapidly. Gutzlaff realized that missionary work would be more efficient and more productive if Chinese preachers were employed to convert the Chinese.11 This perception was a great impetus to the development of the Chinese Union. It was through the Chinese Union, in the form of the Moravian Brethren, that Gutzlaff had a number of Chinese Christianized and trained a group of Chinese preachers. The Gutzlaffian training of Chinese preachers had three stages: In the first stage, trainees were taught the basic Christian doctrines. If they passed the examination, they would be sent to neighboring towns and villages, where they would be commissioned to distribute religious books and brochures and directly preach Christianity before the local residents. In the second stage, trainees, after finishing the required work of Stage I, returned to the training center and continued to study the Christian doctrines. Then they would be sent to remoter areas and do the similar missionary work. In the third stage, those who completed the work of Stage II would expose themselves to the much more profound Christian theology. If they could pass the examination, they would become the official missionary worker in some designated remote areas. The commissioned preachers must return to the center on time and report the progress of missionary work.12 The three-​ stage training did work. By 1851, when Gutzlaff died in Hong Kong, the Chinese Union “had 2,871 members and 130 preachers.”13 Undoubtedly, the Union was the hugest missionary organization in China. In addition to Hong Kong, it set up branches in Guanghzou, Foshan, Shunde, Sanshui, Shaozhou, Nanxiong and Chaozhou. The Union’s preachers traversed many parts of China, such as Hainan, Guangxi, Fujian, Jiangxi,

Initiating the gospel mission in China  11 Hunan, Hubei, Henan, Shandong, Anhui, Jiangsu and Zhejiang. The Union played quite an important role in the early development of Protestantism in China. It even exerted an influence on the thinking of several leaders of the Tapiping Rebellion. The Union’s endeavour could be regarded as an efficient tool of self-​propagation that was developed by the foreign missionaries. But on the other hand, it should be pointed out that, even before Gutzlaff’s death: Precisely due to the founder’s [blind] trust and tolerance, some Chinese preachers, who were addicted to smoking opium, cheated the Union. To be specific, although they received the missionary brochures, they actually did not go to the places nor distributed them to residents. Then they returned to the training center on schedule and made false reports in exchange of remunerations. Quite a few foreign missionaries bitterly resented this.14 For this reason, the Chinese Union was severely criticized. Following Gutzlaff’s death, the Union shut down in 1855. Despite this, the Gutzlaffian method of propagating Christianity was inherited by the Lutheran missionaries, among whom most were from the Rhenish Mission, Basel Mission and Berlin Mission. It is generally held that the three Lutheran missionary societies constituted a continuation of the Chinese Union. In short, the effort made by Western missionaries in over half a century (1807–​1860) paved the way for China’s Protestant expansion commencing from the 1860s.

Notes 1 Protestantism was introduced by Robert Morrison into China in 1807. The first Chinese translation of the Protestant Bible was completed by John Marshman, who was a missionary working in India, and Joannes Lassar, Marshman’s assistant. The Chinese edition of the New Testament came out in 1811. Eleven years later, the complete Chinese edition of the Bible was published and was entitled Shentian xinjiu yiazhao quanshu (“the complete collection of posthumous decrees of God of Heaven”). 2 For detailed discussion, see: Li Zhigang 李志刚, vol. 1 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture [基督教与近代中国文化论文集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1989), 23. 3 Li Zhigang, vol. 2 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1993), 31. 4 Wang Tao 王韬, Jottings on A Pleasant Trip [漫游随录] (Changsha: The People’s Press of Hunan, 1982), 51. 5 Xiong Yuezhi 熊月之, The Dissemination of Western Knowledge and the Chinese Society in Late Qing [西学东渐与晚清社会] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1994), 188. Quoted in Shi Jinghuan 史静寰 and Wang Lixin 王立新, Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals [基督教教育与中国知识分子] (Fuzhou: Fujian Education Press, 1998), 94.

12  Initiating the gospel mission in China 6 Paul A. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese and Diplomats: American Missionary Movement in China, 1890–​1952 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1958), 22. Quoted in Shi Jinghuan and Wang Lixin, Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals, 41. 7 Li Zhigang, vol. 1 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture, 27. 8 “Proceeding relative to the formation of the Morrison Education Society,” Chinese Repository, vol. 5 (December,1836), no. 8, 374. 9 Tang Qing 汤清, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China [中国基督教百年史] (Hong Kong: Taosheng Publishing House, 1983), 128. 10 Li Zhigang, vol. 1 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture, 63. 11 Li Zhigang, vol. 2 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture, 98. 12 Li Kuanshu 李宽淑, A Brief History of Christianity in China [中国基督教史略] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Academic Press, 1998),144. 13 Li Zhigang, vol. 1 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture, 65. 14 Ibid.

Bibliography “Proceeding relative to the formation of the Morrison Education Society.” Chinese Repository. Vol. 5 (December,1836), no. 8, pp. 373–​381. Li, Kuanshu 李宽淑. A Brief History of Christianity in China [中国基督教史略] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Academic Press, 1998). Li, Zhigang 李志刚. Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture [基督教与近代中国文化论文集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1989, 1993). Vols. 1–​2. Shi, Jinghuan 史静寰 and Wang Lixin 王立新. Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals [基督教教育与中国知识分子] (Fuzhou: Fujian Education Press, 1998). Tang, Qing 汤清. A Centennial Review of Christianity in China [中国基督教百年史] (Hong Kong: Taosheng Publishing House, 1983). Varg, Paul A. Missionaries, Chinese and Diplomats: American Missionary Movement in China, 1890–​1952 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1958). Wang, Tao 王韬. Jottings on A Pleasant Trip [漫游随录] (Changsha: The People’s Press of Hunan, 1982). Xiong, Yuezhi 熊月之. The Dissemination of Western Knowledge and the Chinese Society in Late Qing [西学东渐与晚清社会] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1994).

2 In the name of God The God-​Worshipping Society

The founding of Baishangdihui (The God-​Worshipping Society) might be the most remarkable embodiment of the achievements of early Christian missionaries in China. Hong Xiuquan’s founding of Baishangdihui should be regarded as the earliest Chinese attempt to set up an indigenized Christian Church in China, even though it was ultimately unsuccessful and denounced, through tainted glasses, as heretical by Western missionaries.

Hong Xiuquan and the founding of Baishangdihui Hong Xiuquan (1814–​1864) was born in a Hakka family of Hua County, Guangdong, where there were the earliest traces of missionary activities in modern China. Although before 1844 the Qing government strictly forbade anyone from preaching the Christian doctrines, some missionaries made the full use of every opportunity to spread their faith among the Chinese. The missionaries paid particular attention to the well-​educated people preparing for Keju (the imperial civil service examination). Hong, a candidate for Keju, was one of their targets. In 1834, Hong went to Guangzhou, where he took Keju for the second time and, unfortunately, failed again. The depressed Hong ran into a missionary known as Stephen and his Chinese assistant in the street. Hong was given a copy of Quanshi liangyan (“the good words admonishing the world,” hereinafter referred to as Quanshi) authored by Liang Fa.1 At first, this Christian brochure did not interest Hong, who left it on the shelf. In 1837, for the third time Hong failed to pass the examination and was near the point of breakdown. He was laid low with a serious illness for 40 days.2 It was said that in a dream Hong was sent to heaven, where his heart was replaced with a new one and he himself was appointed by an old, yellow-​haired man in black to a senior post, with a treasured knife plus a seal as the token of power and authority, and asked to wipe out all demons, restore truth, and rehabilitate the original nature of humankind as soon as possible.3 Further, a middle-​aged man known as the Elder Brother urged again and again Hong to spare no effort to kill all demons and eliminate all evils. After this, “[a]‌feeling of powerlessness and worthlessness had evidently been transformed, through his fantasies, into its opposite: a conviction of total power and purity.”4 DOI: 10.4324/9781003334965-2

14  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society Nevertheless, at this moment Hong did not yet want to rebel against the Qing government. In 1843, Hong made the last attempt at Keju and, unsurprisingly, he did very badly in the examination. Infuriated by this failure, Hong went back home and threw away all ancient (i.e., Confucian) classics, angrily saying: “In future I myself will preside over the civil service examination!” Exactly at the time Hong was losing hope and developing a strong aversion towards the Confucian sages, Li Jingfang, one of Hong’s cousins, happened upon Quanshi, which had been left unread for years, and recommended it again to Hong. At this moment this Christian brochure was attractive to Hong, especially as it repeatedly stressed the uselessness of idolatry—​the candidates for Keju had piously worshipped Wenchang (the Chinese god of culture and education) and Kuixing (another Chinese deity superintending culture and education) and yet, in return, the gods gave them repeated failures. What the brochure criticized and what Hong hated fitted in readily with each other. In addition, the preachings of Quanshi, such as Shangdi (“the Lord Above”), Yesu (Jesus) and moral deterioration, immediately reminded Hong of the dream he had had six years ago. He was convinced that the yellow-​ haired old man in black was Shangdi and the middle-​aged man Yesu and that both authorized him to awaken the world and lead the entire world back to the correct admiration of the true god, namely Shangdi.5 Consequently, Hong and Li, inspired by this Christian brochure, had themselves baptized by sprinkling water on their heads and swore to abandon all evil ideas and acts and refresh themselves entirely. Both went further, discarding the tablet dedicated to Confucius in the study and having all idols worshipped at home and even the memorial tablets to ancestors burned. At that time although Hong, affected by Christian doctrines, objected to worshipping Confucius as an idol, and thus had the tablet dedicated to Confucius burned, he himself appreciated very much Confucius and Confucianism. Soon after Hong started his missionary work by baptizing Feng Yunshan, one of his close friends, and Hong Ren, one of his younger brothers from the same clan. At first few people were interested in Hong’s faith. In 1844, Hong and Feng went to Guangxi, where they disseminated their teachings among the Hakka families and achieved initial success. Later, Hong and Feng lost touch with one another. Therefore, they did their missionary work separately. Hong returned to his homeplace and continued the Christian endeavour in his teaching. During this time, Hong, having his writings based on the basic Christian knowledge in Liang Fa’s Quanshi and on traditional Confucian thinking, penned a series of religious treatises, most of which have unfortunately been lost. Among the extant manuscripts of these writings are a few well-​known treatises such as Baizheng ge (“one hundred honorable and dishonorable cases”), Yuandao jiushi ge (“true way to save the world”), and Yuandao xingshi xun (“the true way to awaken the world”). In Baizheng ge (hereinafter referred to as Baizheng), historical figures were dichotomized into the honourable and the dishonourable. Legendary kings, such as Yao, Shun, and Yu, and sages, such as Confucius, were honourable

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  15 people, as all of them were model sovereigns, model ministers, or even model sons and did excellent work in stabilizing the country, making the people live a peaceful life, resisting all evils, and complying with the will of heaven and the aspirations of the people. However, infamous rulers, such as Jie (the last king of Xia dynasty) and Zhou (the last king of Shang dynasty), were dishonourable people, all of whom let their dynasties perish, failed to acquire a peaceful end, and suffered humiliations even after death. Generally, Hong concluded, the honourable could enjoy a happy life in heaven and, by contrast, the dishonourable must languish in hell. Altogether, Baizheng was ethico-​morally Confucian. Hong composed Yuandao jiushi ge (hereinafter referred to as Jiushi) in 1845, when he was still unable to obtain the full translation of the Bible. For this reason, Jiushi was epistemically based on Quanshi. Even though, it was more Christian in comparison with Baizheng. An example was the promotion of the Christian creed that everyone is equal before God. Jiushi denounced the conventional idea that no one except sovereigns were eligible to revere heaven and contended instead that the entirety of human beings under the whole heaven were brothers and sisters and God treated equally all human beings as his children. Thus, everyone should worship God and try his best to be an honourable person, freeing him/​herself from any cult of false gods. Aside from the Christian doctrines, in the light of the Confucian ethics, Hong praised honourable people’s good virtues, such as sincerity and kindness, sense of honour, filial piety, observance of propriety, and willingness to suffer, and at the same time assailed dishonourable people’s six evil doings—​killing, stealing, sorcery, gambling, illicit sextual relationships (which were denounced as absolutely vicious) and impiety, an act against the law of heaven. In 1847, with the help of Zhou Daoxing working for Fuhanhui (the Chinese Union), Hong was introduced to Luo Xiaoquan (Issachar J. Roberts, an American missionary from the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC)) in Guangzhou, where Hong studied the Christian doctrines with great concentration for three months. There, Hong directly read the Bible.6 Hong asked Luo to baptize him. Originally, Luo had no doubt about Hong’s Christian faith and prepared to baptize Hong; but Luo came to believe that Hong had impure motivations and refused to perform baptism for him, on the grounds that Hong followed the suggestion made by one of Luo’s aides, and required the Church to support his life after converting to Christianity. Precisely for this reason, Hong left Guangzhou and went back home.7 Was Hong baptized and accepted as a formal member of the Christian Church? There are diverse answers to this question. A few scholars hold that Hong was actually baptized.8 Nevertheless, the majority of researchers do not think Hong was formally baptized. Regardless of whether Hong was a Christian or not, there can be little doubt that Hong himself was deeply influenced by the Christian faith. Shortly after his return from Guanghou, Hong, obviously influenced by the Bible translated by Guo Shila (Karl Gützlaff, a German missionary),

16  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society wrote Yuandao xingshi xun (hereinafter referred to as Xingshi), in which he for the first time proposed the concept of Huangshangdi (“the Lord Above as Emperor”). Compared to Jiushi, Xingshi achieved great epistemological progress, by which Hong advanced from a socio-​moral critic to a reformer aspiring to bring changes to the society. Some words taken from Xingshi corroborate this:9 Huangshangdi [“the Lord Above as Emperor”] is the father of all human beings under the whole heaven.… There is a myriad of men, all of whom are brothers. There is a myriad of women, all of whom are sisters. [Hopefully on the basis of this interrelationship there will be a World of Grand Union, just as Confucius envisaged:] “When the Grand course was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled all under the sky; they chose men of talents, virtue, and ability; their words were sincere, and what they cultivated was harmony. Thus, men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-​bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their proper work, and females had their homes. [They accumulated] articles [of value], disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own gratification. [They laboured] with their strength, disliking that it should not be exerted, but not exerting it (only) with a view to their own advantage. In this way [selfish] schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors remained open, and were not shut. This was [(the period of] what we call the Grand Union.10 Differentiating himself from Confucius, Hong stressed that only when all human beings repented and converted to the gospels would the World of Grand Union be realized. By then, Hong had a strong aspiration for reforming society by a combination of Confucianism and Christianity, though he had not yet developed the revolutionary idea. Even so, he laid the intellectual foundation for the uprising at Jintian Village. At the same time, Feng Yunshan, one of Hong’s closest friends, created a base for Hong’s endeavour in Guangxi, from which Hong started the northern expedition and fulfilled his dream. From the time Feng and Hong had lost touch with each other in Guangxi, Feng had chosen to stay there and continue to spread their faith among Hakka villages in the area of Zijingshan. Due to Feng’s effort, there were a number of followers. In approximately 1846, Feng set up Baishangdihui there, which could be regarded as China’s first indigenized Christian Church. Baishangdihui was completely founded by the Chinese and its basic doctrines were based on Christian thinking developed by Hong in the light of Quanshi

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  17 and his inscrutable dreams. When spreading Hong’s teachings, Feng required followers to convert to the belief in the true god Shangdi. By 1847, when Hong met with Feng after three years in Zijingshan, Baishangdihui already had over 3,000 adherents. Thanks to Feng, the visions in Hong’s dream were well known among the followers, all of whom admired Hong very much. As soon as Hong arrived there, he was revered as the leader.

Baishangdihui in its incipient stage The reason why Baishangdihui could spread among Guangxi Hakka people was inseparably related to the general situation at that time. At this point, a researcher observed: “The anarchy that gripped Kwangsi [Guangxi] province by the 1840s stemmed partly from the disruptive effects of foreign contact, and partly from the region’s unique social complexity.”11 In the wake of the Opium War, Shanghai was open to the world and Guangdong gradually lost its original advantages. Consequently, many residents in Guangdong had to live on the verge of subsistence and even became outlaws. In addition, the powerful British navy forced some pirates to flee to the inland provinces. It was in the 1840s that some led by the Triads came into Guangxi and were very active in the area adjoining Hunan and Guangxi. Under such chaotic circumstances, the Hakka people suffered the most. The Hakkas referred to such a group of Han people who spoke a very special language and moved to the south in the long march of Chinese history.12 Given the Hakkas were, linguistically and customarily, different from the indigenous people, they were treated like outcasts over a long period of time. The intolerance that the Hakka people suffered was embodied not only in land ownership rules but also in the local religion, in which the Hakkas were usually barred from membership. This made the social situation in Guangxi increasingly worse: Kwangsi [Guangxi] society in the late 1840s was becoming rapidly militarized as a result of chronic banditry and the rising tide of vendettas between Hakka and indigenous communities. Throughout the countryside emerged a mélange of armed groups. ...To the Hakkas all these contenders were hostile.13 The Hakkas as a whole were weak and often bullied by the indigenous residents. Unsurprisingly, the local authorities were biased in favor of the indigenous communities. Thus, the Hakka people yearned for change so strongly that they were not only ready to accept a new idea or new religion that was incongruous with the indigenous ones, but also fervently aspired to have themselves mobilized and organized into a group defending their interests. For these reasons, as soon as the Christian missionary activities were done in the form of Fuhanhui, quite a few Hakkas joined the Church. Precisely for the same reason, Feng Yunshan converted a group of Hakkas in a short space of time. Baishangdihui was more attractive to the Hakkas, on the grounds

18  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society that they lived in a chaotic time and regarded this Christian society as a safe retreat. Even some members of Fuhanhui supported Baishangdihui and joined the two Christian Churches simultaneously. As the story goes, Feng had paid a visit to Guo Shila, the founding patriarch of Fuhanhui, in 1848 and was baptized in Guo’s church. Another reason why Baishangdihui could develop rapidly in Guangxi lay in the fact that then the Qing government had lifted the ban on Catholicism. As Baishangdihui said Shangdi was the only true god and Yesu the savior, the Qing government concluded that basically it was no different from Catholicism. Some, for example, accused Feng of beguiling the residents and organizing a secret society and turned over Feng’s manuscript to the local authorities. But the mayor of Guiping County examined the manuscript and drew the conclusion that it was not an illegal publication but a foreign Catholic brochure containing the name of Yesu.14 Therefore, the local authorities did not ban Baishangdihui but instead sent Feng back to his homeplace.15 As a consequence, Baishangdihui witnessed a rapid expansion. Baishangdihui in its incipient stage was merely a religious group. Feng and Hong did their best to build it into a fully Chinese Christian Church, even though neither of them had the sense of indigenization. At this time, this Christian society was different from what it became in its later stage. The early Baishangdihui was not very political; nor did it have its own canons but instead chose the Bible as its scripture. As far as the Bible was concerned, Baishangdihui placed emphasis on the Old Testament rather than on the New Testament. Although Baishangdihui in its incipient stage did not fully recognize the meaning of Shangdi and Yesu, and its understanding of the Holy Trinity was different from that of Western Christianity, it was still not a Christian heresy. It was true that Baishangdihui, organizationally and ritually, adopted some practice of Chinese popular religions. Even so, Baishangdihui never went to extremes but instead assimilated well some forms of Western Christian Churches. The practice of Baishangdihui in its incipient stage was indeed different from that undertaken after the peasant army established the capital in Nanjing, in which the rituals of Baishangdihui were implemented by coercive means. For these reasons, the present author treats Baishangdihui in its incipient stage as China’s earliest indigenized Christian Church and discusses the thinking and activities of the early Baishangdihui, hoping that such an exploration will benefit the study of the indigenization of Christianity in China. In order to gain an insight into Baishangdihui in its incipient stage, the present author analyzes first Hong’s concepts of Shangdi and Jidu (Christ). Obviously, Hong’s Shangdi was not inspired by Liang Fa’s Quanshi. There was the word Shangdi in the Confucian classics, of which, Hong, a well-​educated Chinese who had taken the civil service examination many times, could not have been completely unconscious. Nor could he have been entirely ignorant of the supreme deity, namely Shangdi, referring to the legendary Sanhuang Wudi (Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors) in the Chinese classics. Nevertheless, it

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  19 was after reading Quanshi and relating this Christian brochure with the extraordinary visions in his strange dream that Hong showed an interest in Shangdi and started to rethink the concept of the supreme god. At this moment, Shangdi changed basically in his conception and metamorphosized into the only true god combining Chinese and Western elements. Influenced by Quanshi, Hong realized that (1) Shangdi was not the leading god of gods but the only true god; 2) the deities in the Confucian, Buddhist, and Daoist doctrines were all idols and false gods; (3) Shangdi as the only true god, which had a strong will and let poetic justice prevail, never allowed his followers to worship other gods and could only be pleased when all idols were discarded; and (4) Shangdi was the creator of entire universe. The four points were all congruous with Western Christian understanding of God. Christianity is a world religion. Whenever it was disseminated in a certain region, it had to be assimilated into the local culture. As a consequence, the understanding of God among people living in different regions was different from one another. This was much more so with Hong, who studied the Christian doctrines on his own. Hong readily related the original, indigenous Chinese Huangtian Shangdi (“Heaven and the Lord Above”) and the highest lords such as Pangu and Sanhuang Wudi mentioned by the Confucian classics in particular to the Christian supreme spiritual being. In short, the highest (legendary) lords in the Chinese classics were, in the eyes of Hong, similar to the Christian God. Now that there was only one true god in the entire world, this god could by no means exclusively belong to the West. Thus, Hong held that, as early as great antiquity in China, when there was a great Community of Grand Union in which the public spirit prevailed, Shangdi had manifested itself and was revered unanimously by the entirety of the people. Unfortunately, Hong contended, as time went on, that the mind of the people was corrupted by demons and the Chinese started to worship spiritual beings other than Shangdi. In fact, even today some Chinese Christians recognize Hong’s idea of Shangdi (God). This indicates that Hong’s concept of Shangdi accords with the principle regarding the Chinese indigenization of Christianity, even in the light of present-​day standards. Baishangdihui frequently referred to Shangdi as Tian (Heaven) or Tianfu (Heavenly Father). Tian or Tianfu were much more easily understandable for the Chinese on the grounds that in ancient Chinese classics the highest lord superintending the entire world was usually revered as Tian. The well-​known Jesuit Li Madou (Matteo Ricci), for example, rendered the Western Christian God as Tianzhu (the Lord of Heaven). Where Quanshi was concerned, there were 13 Tian referred to as Shangdi. Hong’s concept of Tianfu was based on the inspiration stemming from the Christian Holy Father. Although Hong did not make any attempt to set out the concept of Father in the context of the Holy Trinity,16 he accepted this Christian terminology “Father.” According to Hong, as Tian (Heaven) is Shangdi, there should be the designations such as Tianfu Shangdi (Shangdi, the Heavenly Father) and Tianshengfu (Heaven, the Holy Father).

20  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society The concepts of Shangdi and Tianfu were inspired by the basic Christian doctrine that God created the humankind. In this regard, Hong’s understanding was more congruous with the original Christian teaching. In his Jiushi, Hong penned, speaking in terms of the physical existence of human beings, everyone had her or his own father and mother; whereas in terms of spiritual existence, all human beings were from the unique vital breath of Huangshangdi. Hong went further, concluding that everyone should be equal before Shangdi because people under the whole heaven were all brothers and sisters and their soul all originated from heaven. Objectively, Hong grasped the Christian theological narratives respecting God’s creation of humankind. Of course, Hong did incorporate some conventional Chinese thinking, such as the World of Grand Union and All under Heaven as One Family, into his own Christian thinking. Such Hong-​style conceptions played a positive role in Baishangdihui in its incipient stage. As far as the perception of Yesu Jidu (Jesus Christ), Hong’s was very different from that of the Western Christian Churches. Since the Reformation led by Martin Luther, Western Christianity underlined justifictio sola fide (“justification only through faith”), which was centered on Jesus Christ. By contrast, Baishangdihui revolved around Shangdi only, on the grounds that Hong himself was immune to the theoretical orthodoxies, such as the Holy Trinity and original sin. According to conventional Christian theology, God has three hypostases, namely the Holy Father, the Holy Son, and the Holy Spirit, which are different from each other and at the same time substantially interconnected with each other. Theologists hold that Christ is the only son of God, as well as being the God’s incarnation remaining in the flesh. However, the Bible itself has never corroborated this theological allegation. The Christian Churches themselves have no alternative but to treat it as a mystery that can only be apprehended by faith itself. Hitherto few Christians have been able to shed a clear, reasonable light on the alleged Trinity. Hong, who was completely free from any threads of conventional Christian theology, was entirely immune to the concept of the Holy Trinity. As Christ is the son of God, how can he possibly be God as well? For many Chinese, the alleged Trinity obviously contradicted the belief that Shangdi is the only true god. Hong had no doubts about the visions in his dream. He did believe that Shangdi and Yesu were two different entities. According to Hong, Shangdi was an old man and the only true god, and Yesu was merely the eldest son of Shangdi, who acted as an aide and was fully at his father’s command. For Hong, Yesu could by no means be the centre, around which his faith developed. Nor did Hong find the Original Sin preached by Christianity comprehensible. Since Augustine (of Hippo), Original Sin was well established in Christian theology. The dogma of Original Sin alleges that Adam and Eve, the two earliest ancestors of humankind, ate the Garden of Eden’s forbidden fruit by stealth and thus became originally sinful. The sin perpetrated by

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  21 Adam and Eve was irredeemable and it was carried on by humankind generation to generation. To save humankind, the compassionate God sent his innocent only son, who was precisely Jesus Christ and the incarnation of the Way of God, to this world, where the son would bear the blame for humankind and atone for their sins with his own life. Profoundly enlightened by the Confucian idea that all human beings are inherently good, Hong found Original Sin impervious to reason and impossible to accept. As Hong totally rejected either the alleged profundity of Original Sin or the significance of Jesus Christ’s redeeming humankind at the cost of his own life, he could by no means have his faith revolved around Jesus Christ. Precisely for this reason, Baishangdihui never laid stress on Yesu Jidu, but instead tried their best to make Huangshangdi much more remarkable. Accordingly, Baishangdihui attached the greatest importance to the Old Testament, in which the role Jehovah (God/​Shangdi) played was extraordinarily prominent, and meanwhile paid much less attention to the New Testament, aggrandizing the redemptive effort made by Jesus Christ. Herein lay a huge difference between Baishangdihui and orthodox Western Christian Churches. As Hong never treated Jesus Christ as God, his Shangdi, the only true god, was undoubtedly not the highest lord of love in the New Testament, but the Old Testament’s supreme spiritual being, which was incomparably majestic, rigorously carried out awards and punishments, and even angrily brought punitive disasters to humankind. To please this majestic Shangdi, Hong stressed that humankind must follow the Way of Heaven and especially abide by the Ten Precepts (a.k.a. the Ten Commandments). Hong himself, acting under orders from Shangdi, implemented the Heavenly Way (i.e., the Right Way of Shangdi) under the whole heaven. His mission in this world was to lead humankind to revere Shangdi, abandon all evils, and do good works. Hong compared himself to Melchizedek, who was the highest priest in the service of God. Hong held that the soul of human being was from Shangdi and thus all humans were inherently good. But, on the other hand, Hong contended, humans could become evil due to the demons’ temptations and the wrong cult of false gods. For this reason, Hong earnestly suggested people worship the only true god and discard all idols. Baishangdihui in its incipient stage had produced a laundry list of demons of all shades, in which there were not only the biblical monsters, fetishes, snakes and dragons but also the Buddhist bodhisattvas and Daoists deities, such as the judges of the underworld. Having been exposed to Christian doctrines, Hong himself was fully against the Buddhist teaching of lunhui zhuanshi (rebirth/​transmigration). Rather, Hong believed that, after death, a human being would either ascend up into heaven or go down into hell. The early Baishangdihui’s descriptions of heaven and hell intellectually accorded with conventional Christian doctrines, even though there were the obvious influences of the Chinese popular religions. To be specific, Baishangdihui advocated that those who converted to Christianity

22  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society would enter heaven and enjoy eternal blessings after their death, and by contrast those who refused to convert would be thrown into hell and would never be free of pain. In his Yuandao jueshi xun (“the true way to enlighten the world,” hereinafter referred to as Jueshi), Hong penned: Whenever you worship Huangshangdi (the Lord Above as Emperor), you will be treated in the same way as Huangshangdi has done to his children. Being Huangshangdi’s children, Huangshangdi takes care of you in your lifetime; and after your death, you soul will go into Heaven, where you will enjoy a happy life forever. By then, how cheerful and prestigious you will be! On the contrary, if you indulge yourself in the cult of false gods, you will be turned into despicable underlings of devils. In that case, when you are alive, your life will always be disturbed by demons; and as soon as you are dead, you will be caught by demons and sent to hell, in which you will be gnawed by endless sufferings. At this time, what a shameful and painful life you are living!17 Baishangdihui, drawing inspiration from the Christian delirious imaginations of heaven and hell, produced a series of visually impactful scenes, in which in heaven Shangdi, accompanied by Christ on his right hand and surrounded by angels, sits upon the throne with great dignity and, contrastingly, in hell there is the burning lake full of brimstone, and the evil people are being thrown into the lake as perpetual punishment. In addition, Hong absorbed some Chinese popular religions’ descriptions of heaven and hell, frighteningly saying heaven had 33 layers and Shangdi lived in the highest layer, and hell was divided into 18 levels. In short, Baishangdihui told its followers that converts could enjoy the best and most beautiful things in heaven and those who believed in false gods would be tortured in the most horrible ways. According the conventional Christian doctrines, the Kingdom of God (a.k.a. the Heavenly Kingdom) does not refer exclusively to the other world beyond death. Aside from the place accommodating the dead, it also denotes the spiritual realm of humans or the Churches in this world. Due to the influence exerted by Quanshi on him, Hong held that Tianguo (Heavenly Kingdom) had a double meaning and heaven could thus be dichotomized into the great and lesser ones. Hong’s lesser heaven was not the Churches claimed by Western Christianity but the World of Grand Union, which was taken directly from the ancient Chinese social ideal known as Datong (literally, the greatest harmony/​peace) and should be precisely Hong’s Heavenly Kingdom on earth. Herein lay the realistic goal pursued by Hong. The present chapter holds that Hong’s social goal was very probably inspired by the Bible’s Acts of the Apostles’ primitive Christian community, known for its symbiotic relationships and shared wealth. Hong’s conceiving the dichotomized other world laid the intellectual foundation of his polity—​Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (hereinafter referred to as Taiping Tianguo).

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  23 In order to have Baishangdihui, which was rapidly developing, strictly disciplined, Hong and Feng set about formulating a series of ordinances combining Chinese and Western elements. The most important ordinance was Tiantiaoshu (“the book of heavenly laws”), which later served as the chief military regulation governing the army of Taiping Tianguo (hereinafter referred to as the Taiping Army). Speaking in terms of the basic content of Tiantiaoshu, it was based on the Bible’s Ten Commandments (see Table 2.1). According to Baishangdihui’s ten precepts, the followers must not live a licentious life and, at the same time, must completely eradicate all bad habits such as drinking, smoking (tobacco and opium), gambling and lying. These precepts later played quite a significant role in making Taiping Tianguo a well-​ disciplined political organization. To make the precepts more easily understandable to ordinary people, Baishangdihui explained them in popular ways, such as the short poetry composed of four lines of seven-​character verse. As for the theoretical explanation of these precepts, Baishangdihui adopted Confucian doctrines and even the Buddhist theory of transmigration. For example, when setting out the precept requiring people to sincerely show filial piety to their parents, Baishangdihui said: The great King Shun fulfills the filial piety all his life And his parents are thoroughly delightful. The love and care received from our parents are as illimitable as Heaven And thus, we should bountifully repay them so as not to disgrace ourselves. As for the interpretation of the precept prohibiting people from having any illicit sextual relations, it read: Promiscuity is the root of all evil And those who perpetrate this crime will be despicably turned into demons. If you really want to enjoy the happy life in Heaven, You must restrain desires and live an ascetic life. Interpretations in such a form were readily acceptable among Chinese Christian converts. Speaking in terms of the organizational and ritual practice of Baishangdihui, Hong and Feng drew inspirations stemming from Guo Shila’s setting up Fuhanhui and at the same time mixed together some of the ways of Chinese popular religions. In this sense, Baishangdihui was really a fusion of the Chinese and Western elements. Guo Shila’s Fuhanhui was actually based on the form of the Moravian Church (MC). MC originated from the Bohemian Reformation represented by the Hussites in the fifteenth century and later in the eighteenth century it was remolded by Nicolaus Zinzendorf into a Christian sect paying particular attention to pious spiritual practice. This Christian sect had neither

24  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society Table 2.1 Tiantiaoshu and the Ten Commandments Article No. 1 2

3

4

5 6 7 8 9 10

Tiantiaoshu

The Ten Commandments (Exodus 20:3–​17)*

Do worship Shangdi only. Do not worship any false gods.

(Exodus 20:3) Thou shalt have no other gods before me. (Exodus 20:4) Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth: (Exodus 20:5) Thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, nor serve them: for I the LORD thy God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me; (Exodus 20:6) And shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me, and keep my commandments. Do not mention (Exodus 20:7) Thou shalt not take the name of the the name of LORD thy God in vain; for the LORD will not Huangshangdi (the hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain. Lord Above as Emperor) at will. Do praise the grace (Exodus 20:8) Remember the sabbath day, to keep of God on the it holy. seventh day of the (Exodus 20:9) Six days shalt thou labour, and do week. all thy work: (Exodus 20:10) But the seventh day is the sabbath of the LORD thy God: in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates: (Exodus 20:11) For in six days the LORD made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day: wherefore the LORD blessed the sabbath day, and hallowed it. Do show the filial (Exodus 20:12) Honour thy father and thy piety to parents. mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the LORD thy God giveth thee. Do not kill nor harm (Exodus 20:13) Thou shalt not kill. others Do not have any (Exodus 20:14) Thou shalt not commit adultery. illicit sextual relations. Do not steal nor rob. (Exodus 20:15) Thou shalt not steal. Do not lie. (Exodus 20:16) Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. Do abandon greed. (Exodus 20:17) Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbour’s.

Note: *See: King James Bible, kingjamesbibleonline.org/​Exodus-​Chapter-​20/​.

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  25 strict dogmas nor systems, attached greater importance to direct communication between humans and God, and cared nothing about the form of religious service. For example, if there were no churches, religious services could be performed inside a simply furnished house, in which there were no altars, crosses or rostrums. When the religious service was performed, male and female followers would stand separately and the priest would lecture before the audience and lead them to read the Bible, chant hymns and pray. Among the followers of the sect, brotherhood and sisterhood prevailed, equality and friendship were treasured, and even fortunes were shared. The followers were divided into groups based on their sex and marital status. The head of each group was the discipline enforcer and the instructor of spiritual practice. The sect required its followers to live a rigorous, hardworking life and encouraged them to actively partake in missionary work on a voluntary basis. It made itself distinct from other Christian Churches by giving up special dogmas. Fuhanhui followed it precisely. Influenced by Fuhanhui, Baishangdihui adopted similar methods. An example was Baishangdihui’s regular religious service, in which men and women sat separately and the master of the service lectured before them and instructed them to sing and pray. But on the other hand, in this service there were some traces of Chinese popular religions, such as sacrificing pure tea and foods to Shangdi and burning prayers after the rite, all of which were distinct from that of Western Christian Churches. In reality, Baishangdihui’s combination of Chinese and Western elements was embodied not only in the everyday religious service but also in the rite of baptizing new members. An expert in the history of Taiping Tianguo studied the religious service of the early Baishangdihui and indicated that Baishangdihui’s rites were highly indigenized: The regular religious service was also formulated by Hong Xiuquan and Feng Yunshan. When the ceremony was being held, at the end of the room there was an altar (i.e., a table), flanked by male and female followers sitting separately, on which two lamps and three cups of pure tea were placed. At the very beginning of the service, all attendees chanted hymns together. Then the master of the ceremony started to lecture the doctrines. When the session of prayer began, all participants were required to face the place through which sunlight burst and kneel down. One of the participants prayed on behalf of all those present. All new converts knelt and read their confessions and then burnt the confessions. The master of ceremony asked them: Did you confess? Did you worship Shangdi? Did you abide by the Heavenly Laws? If their answers were satisfactory, the master would baptize them by pouring a bowl of water on the head. Then the new members stood up and drank one cup of water. In addition, they washed their chest with a bowl of water, indicating that they had cleansed the heart from sin. The ceremony was finished in this cleaning rite. Then, the new converts bathed their bodies in river while confessing and praying for forgiveness. The new members visited the headquarters and were given the prayers specially penned by Hong and Feng, which

26  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society were known as memorials and must be ceremonially read every morning and evening. Whenever something in/​auspicious happened or there were special events, the ceremony of offering sacrifices (i.e., foods) to Shangdi must be performed. As soon as the sacrificial ceremony was done, the sacrifices would be eaten by all participants. These ritual activities were all based on the most formal traditional Chinese sacrificial rites and were creatively applied to a self-​invented new religion. It was precisely an embodiment of the combination of the Chinese and Western elements. That is the truth about the religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace in its incipient stage.18 According to this expert, Baishangdihui adopted only one of the two most basic Christian divine services, namely baptism and communion. Put plainly, Baishangdihui had only baptism, a symbolic act cleansing the heart from sin. Where the communion was concerned, there were no traces of this Christian rite in Baishangdihui. The reason for the lack of communion might lie in Quanshi, which did not mention it at all and thus Hong was completely ignorant of this rite. But on the other hand, by the time when Hong studied the Christian doctrines under Luo Xiaoquan’s instruction, he should have gained some understanding of this basic Christian rite. Even so, Hong did not apply the communion to his Baishangdihui, on the grounds that he thought this rite was much less significant to his endeavour. The ultimate reason why Baishangdihui discarded communion might lie in its most fundamental creed that Shangdi was the only true god exclusively worth of being worshipped in the most remarkable way. As far as the rite of communion was concerned, it was formulated in commemoration of Jesus Christ, who attempted to save humankind at the cost of his own life. The two basic elements of communion, that is bread and wine, represent Jesus’s flesh and blood respectively. For this reason this rite, theologically, matters to Christianity, which regards Jesus Christ as the God that incarnates as the Way remaining in the flesh. Some Protestant sects even hold that performing the rite of communion not only commemorates Jesus but also showcases God blessing humans by promising to pardon them; and some say the rite is an embodiment of the union of the Christian faithful and their Jesus. But, for Baishangdihui, because Yesu Jidu (Jesus Christ) was not Shangdi (God) at all and he himself was inferior to Shangdi, the communion in relation to Jesus was entirely insignificant. In addition, in as much as Hong denounced drinking as evil and licentious and strictly prohibited his followers from drinking, the act of drinking wine required by the communion was totally unacceptable to Baishangdihui. In fact, some Protestant sects, such as the Methodist Church, have wine replaced with grape juice. But Hong did not know this as he was not epistemically familiar with the Christian reformation. One of the Chinese characteristics of Baishangdihui was that it had neither any priests nor any churches. The entire religious life of Baishangdihui was led by the highest master.

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  27 This book concludes that, in spite of being very different from the Western Christian Church in many aspects, Baishangdihui was still an indigenized Chinese Christian Church in as much as it tried its best to create an interfusion of Chinese culture and Christian doctrines. Although Baishangdihui in its incipient stage was per se religious, it frequently conflicted with the local authorities and local gentries due to its radical iconoclasm. It was in the special environment of Guangxi that Baishangdihui soon metamorphosized into a political organization. Especially in the reaches of Xijiang River, in many cases the entire family, village and even clan joined Baishangdihui. Among these followers, most were poor peasants and labourers and a few were from rich families. Of course, the overwhelming majority of followers were Hakkas. In 1848, Feng Yunshan was detained by the local authorities. In order to free Feng, Hong visited Guangzhou and solicited help. At this moment, Baishangdihui in Zijingshan was without a leader. Therefore, Yang Xiuqing, who was originally a charcoal maker, and Xiao Chaogui proclaimed that they were possessed by the Heavenly Father (Shangdi) and Heavenly Brother (Yesu) respectively. They went further, declaring that Hong was the Sun, Hong’s wife the Moon, and Feng, Yang, and Xiao the celestials descending to the world. Hong, who originally objected to any forms of sorcery, approved what Yang and Xiao had done. It was in the winter of the same year that Hong issued Taiping tianri (“the sun of great peace”), in which Hong’s 1837 dream was sensationalized with a view to convincing followers that Hong was the second son of Shangdi and the younger brother of Yesu and appointed by Shangdi to the highest superintendent leading the mission of eliminating all demons and letting justice prevail. From then on, Yang and Xiao frequently proclaimed in front of followers that they were possessed by the Heavenly Father and Heavenly Brother. As a consequence, the Jintian Uprising led by Taiping Tianguo was launched under a cloak of religion. It is noteworthy that from this time Baishangdihui was increasingly heterodox in practice, especially compared with orthodox Christianity.

Metamorphosis of Baishangdihui, an indigenized Chinese Christian Church Taiping Tianguo staged an uprising against Qing in 1851. Two years later, the Taiping Army made Nanjing the capital and had the city renamed Tianjing (“Heavenly Capital”). Baishangdihui worshipped the only true god, namely, Shangdi, and reverentially called him Huangshangdi. According to Baishangdihui’s doctrines, Huangshangdi was the Father of all human beings. Baishangdihui dissected the designation “Huangshangdi” as follows: “Huang denotes the incomparable greatness; Shang, the supreme power; and Di, the mastery of myriad things including Heaven, earth, and humans.”19 Thus, aside from Shangdi himself, no one was eligible to have this designation. Even Hong was no exception.

28  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society For this reason, after founding Taiping Tianguo, Hong merely called himself Tianwang (Heavenly King) and made no attempt to proclaim himself Di (“emperor”). At the beginning of Taiping Tianguo, it implemented a series of institutions, beliefs and rites, all of which seemingly aspired to create a Christian kingdom on earth. The institutions implemented by Taiping Tianguo tried to realize Christian doctrines such as everyone is equal and men and women are equals. The examples were the 1853 Tianchao tianmu zhidu (“the land law of the Heavenly Dynasty,” hereinafter referred to as Tianmu) and the Taiping-​style civil service examination system. Tianmu was formulated by Hong in the light of the principles that Shangdi fathered the entire humankind and brotherhood and sisterhood prevailed entire world. As the principles required that land and money be publicly owned, men and women be equals, and the blessings of the Heavenly Father be shared by all human beings, there must be an entirely equal society in which land, money and the means of livelihood would be evenly shared by all members of society. Surely Hong had imagined a utopia that could by no means come true. Even so, Hong did create a beautiful social ideal. In addition, Taiping Tianguo made a historic, unprecedented effort to allow female candidates to take the civil service examination. This groundbreaking social experiment was really an embodiment of the equality of men and women. The civil service examination for women was presided over by Hong Xuanjiao, the sworn sister of Hong Xiuquan, and Fu Shanxiang won the first place and became the first female zhuangyuan (the most prestigious title conferred upon the candidate with the best performance in the civil service examination) in the history of China. Furthermore, Taiping Tianguo eliminated some feudal systems and corrupt customs oppressing women, such as the sale of maid servants, concubinage and footbinding. To build a Heavenly Kingdom on earth, Taiping Tianguo did its best to stop people from committing any evil acts that were strictly forbidden by the Ten Precepts, such as stealing, robbery, gambling, rape, drinking and smoking (either opium or tobacco). In particular, it launched a crackdown on prostitution. It was stipulated that any officials, soldiers or residents who went whoring, or illegally ran a brothel, would be severely punished, along with his or her family.20 Taiping Tianguo’s endeavour of social purification greatly resembled what Calvin did in Geneva in the Reformation Movement. As far as ritual practice was concerned, Taiping Tianguo followed Baishangdihui in a much stricter manner. A researcher has observed: When it came to the religious affair, the Heavenly King (i.e., Hong) disseminated his new religion at all times. For example, he appointed two principal superintendents and two assistant superintendents, all of whom devoted themselves to printing the Bible and missionary works. … It was stipulated that the entirety of imperial officials and armies must perform the Shangdi-​worshipping rite every morning and evening and before

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  29 every meal. Besides, whenever there was an event, such as something in/​ auspicious took place, a great building was finished, the high lords went out, or a military expedition was launched, there would be a grand ceremony offering sacrifices to the Heavenly Father (Shangdi). When the sacrificial ceremony was being performed, lighting up lamps, drinking pure tea, and burning confessions were played as usual. On Sunday, all must stop working, except those who were fighting or guarding against the enemies. Taiping Tianguo did not set up any churches in the capital and other cities, but instead founded Hall of Heavenly Father in the mansions of government. It was in the Hall that there was the mass performance of Shangdi-​worshipping rite. In Tianjing, the capital, around sanjing (11 pm–​ 1 am) of the night before the Shangdi-​ worshipping day, in the street there would fly the huge banner reading: “The rite will be performed in the next day and all must do it with utmost reverence!” In the meantime, some were sent to patrol the streets, where they beat the gong and repeated the banner aloud again and again. The worshipping rite was composed of the sessions of kneeling, praying, reciting the Bible, chanting hymns, baptizing, lecturing doctrines, and burning confessions, all of which should be done as usual. But, significantly, there were not any forms of communion at all, probably due to the ignorance of this Christian rite. The lecture on the basic doctrines was often held in the military camp. This lecture was conducted on a high platform surrounded by soldiers and civilians. When a lecturer was explaining the doctrines, he would set forth the significance of the Taiping revolution. …In view of these, it can be concluded that Taiping Tianguo’s ritual practice played a role not only in the missionary work but also in the work of political propaganda. What’s more, the rite was not performed exclusively on Sunday.21 Those who acted against ritual law would be punished severely. For example, if a person heard the gong and did not appear at the ritual site, the person would be flogged; and if the person committed the mistake thrice, he might face execution. In order to counteract the effects of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism and promote the Taiping-​ style indigenized Christianity, Taiping Tianguo, on the one hand, printed a huge number of Bibles (that is, Shentian xinjiu yizhao quanshu (“the complete collection of posthumous decrees of God of Heaven”)) and Zhen tianming zhaoshu (“the decrees of true mandate of Heaven”) justifying Hong’s founding Taiping Tianguo; on the other hand, it put a ban on all heterodox writings, such as books of traditional Chinese intellectual schools and history books complied by past dynasties. In 1853, Taiping Tianguo promulgated Zhaoshu gaixi banxing lun (“the discussions on the issue that publication must be approved beforehand by the authorities”) comprised of 25 treatises, which mentioned that the publication of Bibles was of great urgency and it could prevent the people from being deluded by

30  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society heterodox books. Hong himself had his own idea respecting the alleged tolerance and modesty preached by conventional Christianity and in one piece he commented: “[In as much as] being over-​patient and over-​modest is out of accord with the times and no good for the mission purifying an evil world”22 we must build an ideal society known for its prevalent peace and harmony by eliminating all evils and preserve all the good. Regardless, the Bible in Taiping Tianguo was regarded as the unique book of the true Way. The large number of Bibles produced since 1853 corroborated this. Taiping Tianguo is said to have dedicated 400 people in uninterruptedly printing the Chinese Bible translated by Guo Shila, and all these printed Bibles were distributed freely.23 The narrator of this story also observed: “Still, as they publish the Scriptures [i.e., the Bible] without note or comment, and these in amount twenty times greater than all other writings of theirs.”24 A few Protestant missionaries recognized Taiping Tianguo’s work. One example was a clergyman from the London Missionary Society (LMS), who in his 1854 book wrote: “There cannot be a doubt, that if the new movement succeeds, China will be thrown open, throughout its length and breadth, to the efforts of Protestant Missionaries. … The movement is big with hope.”25 As the story goes, the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), encouraged by the Taiping movement, decided to produce 1,000,000 copies of the New Testament as rapidly as possible. Hearing about this, many British Christians donated money. Soon they raised £52,368, which amounted to the sum of money that BFBS spent in China in the following two decades. Although at first Taiping Tianguo did aspire to build a Christian China, it actually drifted away from its aspiration from the very beginning of the uprising. As Taiping Tianguo constantly developed, Baishangdihui was increasingly different from conventional Christianity in many aspects, such as the basic doctrines, ethico-​moral principles and interpretations of the Bible. Finally, Taiping Tianguo decided to remold the existing Bible into its own True Scripture. In doing so, Taiping Tianguo completely broke away from conventional Christianity and became a heresy from the perspective of orthodoxy. Speaking in terms of basic Christian doctrines, the most remarkable difference existing between Taiping Tianguo and orthodox Christian Church lay in the understanding of the Holy Trinity. At this point, compared with Baishangdihui in its incipient stage, Taiping Tianguo was more distinct from conventional Christianity. Unlike early Baishangdihui, which actually did not know much about the alleged trichotomization of hypostasis of God, Taiping Tianguo completely rejected such trichotomy and preferred a more personified and more consanguine Shangdi. As for religious practice, early Baishangdihui adopted the conventional Christian Church’s way in praise of the Holy Trinity, extolling: “We praise Shangdi as the Holy Father of Heaven, Yesu as the Holy Savior of the World, and Shengshenfeng (Pneuma/​Spirit) as the Holy Spirit. We do praise the True God of Trinity.”26 By then, Hong himself made no attempt to explain Shengshenfeng in a farfetched way. But in 1853 Hong conferred serious titles such as Consoler, Master, Healer, and even

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  31 Spirit upon Yang Xiuqing, the East King of Taiping Tianguo. Accordingly, the first sentences of the hymn in praise of Shangdi were changed as follows: We praise Shangdi as Tianshengfu (Heaven, the Holy Father) and the only true god; the Heavenly Brother, the Savior who save the people at the cost of his own life; the East King (Yang Xiuqing), Shengshenfeng (Pneuma/​Spirit) healing the people; the West King (Xiao Chaogui), the Master of Rain and the Heavenly Noble; the South King (Feng Yunshan), the Master of Cloud and the Heavenly Man of Righteousness; the North King (Wei Changhui), the Master of Thunder and the Heavenly Man of Benevolence; and the Wing King (Shi Dakai), the Master of Lightning and the Heavenly Man of Justice.27 The early Baishangdihui did not yet assert that Hong, the Heavenly Father, and the Heavenly Brother were of the same blood, even though it did firmly believe that the Heavenly Father and the Heavenly Brother were entirely different from each other in the light of the enlightenment stemming from Hong’s 1837 dream. Later, to meet Taiping Tianguo’s anti-​Qing political needs, the Heavenly Father and the Heavenly Brother were increasingly personified thanks to Hong, who exaggerated his 1837 dream, and Yang Xiuqing and Xiao Chaogui, both of whom collaboratively performed the sessions of séance in which they were possessed by the Heavenly Father and the Heavenly Brother. Consequently, the Heavenly Father was portrayed as follows: HE wears a tall hat and black dragon rob. HE has long golden beard hanging down on his belly. HE looks tall, strong, and noble. HE, dressing the most formally and placing both hands on the knee, sits with the greatest solemnity.28 Here, Shangdi was an old man looking impressively grave. To deepen followers’ perception of the blood relation binding Hong and Shangdi together, Hong said he had been in heaven, where he met the Heavenly Mother (the wife of Shangdi), who gave birth to Yesu and Hong himself, and the Heavenly-​ Sister-​in-​Law (the spouse of Yesu). In the late stage of Taiping Tianguo, Hong even said, because the Heavenly Brother was heirless, Hong Tianguifu (Hong’s own son) was adopted by his uncle, that is, Yesu. Such a blood-​related family was also embodied in Taiping Tianguo’s new hymns, which read: “We praise Shangdi as the Heavenly Emperor and the Father; Jidu (Christ), the True Lord Saving the World; the Pneuma of Holy Lord, the Holy Spirit; and the Trinity, the Unity in Blood.”29 Delving into the hymns, the present author finds that the concept of the Holy Trinity had actually disappeared entirely and only the blood unity of Father, Son and Spirit was left. As we know, the Western Christian Church lays particular stress on the key concept that God is Spirit. Thus, the Holy Father and the Holy Spirit are not human but spiritual; and only the Holy Son, that is, Jesus Christ, is the Way remaining in the

32  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society flesh and takes on a human form. Even so, the Jesus Christ that rises from the dead and goes up to heaven is still a spirit. Not that Jesus Christ is a spirit, it does not need any heirs at all. Taiping Tianguo, which placed emphasis on the blood relation instead, did not have the concept that God is Spirit but an anthropomorphic perception of Christian god in possession of human forms and traits. In addition, Hong had the Christian saviour and the conventional Chinese concept of imperial power fused together and portrayed himself as Wanguo zhenzhu (“the true lord overseeing the myriad countries”). Corroborating this, Hong said he himself was Melchizedek, who was the highest priest in the service of God in the Old Testament, and compared himself to the Sun. Moreover, Hong, applying the analogies in the first five verses of the 12th chapter of Shengren yuehan tianqi zhi zhuan (“accounts of revelations by John the Apostle”) to himself, asserted that the Elder Brother (Jesus), the East King (Yang Xiuqing), and himself were all mothered by the Heavenly Mother, the first wife of the Heavenly Father. Later, Hong went on, the Heavenly Father ordered the Elder Brother to descend to earth, where he was born by Mary to save humankind. After the death of the Heavenly Brother, Hong was born by the Second Heavenly Mother wearing sun clothing, which indicated that Hong was precisely the Sun. Then the snake demon attempted to devour Hong and fortunately the Heavenly Father and the Heavenly Brother came down to earth and eliminated the snake. “As soon as the snake demons are wiped out, peace is restored under the whole heaven.”30 Hong’s unorthodox explanations corroborating the truth that Hong himself was the true lord overseeing the myriad countries could not fail to provoke the opposition of Christian apologists who stubbornly believed that Jesus Christ was the only saviour and God the only true lord of lords. Where the concept of Heavenly Kingdom was concerned, Taiping Tianguo carried forward the early Baishangdihui’s relevant idea and emphasized that the perpetual kingdom could be built not only in heaven but also on earth. When reading the 19th verse of the fifth chapter of the Gospel of Matthew, Hong penned a note, that read: The Heavenly Kingdom is applied both to heaven and earth. To be specific, the Heavenly Kingdom simultaneously exists in heaven and on earth. Both the two kingdoms are owned by the Divine Father. On no account should we hold that the Heavenly Kingdom lies only in heaven. On the one hand, Hong’s interpretation is not even intolerable to some modern Christians, and liberal Christians in particular, for whom the Heavenly Kingdom can be created on earth, and who would like to devote themselves to the mission of building the Heavenly Kingdom on earth. But, in fact, Hong was different from these modern Christians, as he proclaimed that the Heavenly Kingdom had already been founded and Taiping Tianguo was precisely a miniature version of heaven on earth. A note Hong penned

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  33 for the 50th verse of the 15th chapter of the Gospel of John set out this point, hermeneutically saying: The Divine Kingdom in heaven is precisely the Great Heaven of God, which lies at the thirty-​third level of heaven. The Divine Kingdom on earth is precisely the Small Heaven of God, that is, Taiping Tianguo. The Great Heaven in heaven is the place, in which all the honorable souls return and enjoy God’s blessing. The Small Heaven on earth is the place, in which all the honorable humans reside and are bathed in glory of God. In as much as God and Christ had already descended down to Tianjing (Nanjing) and thus Tianjing was the new Jerusalem. At this point, Hong said: The Elder Brother has arrived here. We Taiping Tianguo have both the temple dedicated to Shangdi, the Heavenly Father and the True God, and the temple dedicated to Jidu [Christ], the Elder Brother. The names of Shangdi and Jidu are inscribed in the two temples, both of which are sent from Heaven by Shangdi, the Heavenly Father. The new Jerusalem lies nowhere else but in Tianjing [Nanjing].31 However, Hong’s interpretation is unacceptable to orthodox Christians. Furthermore, Hong had the demonic snake in the Bible fully politicized. According to Hong, the Manchu Qing was the snake. Hong even radically said the ruling Manchu were not the humans who were seduced by the demons and became depraved but the lesser evildoers produced by foxes and dogs. As the Manchu did not have the soul granted by the Heavenly Father, they were not the brothers and sisters of Hong’s followers. For this reason, Hong concluded that the war between Taiping Tianguo and the Qing dynasty was precisely the war between good and evil. In doing so, Hong laid the theological foundation of the anti-​Qing uprising. But, fororthodox Western Christians, Hong’s theology was totally ungrounded in the light of the Bible. To strengthen and better Taiping Tianguo’s governance, Hong gradually gave up early Baishangdihui’s ideas, such as indiscriminate equality. In spite of being radically against Confucianism, Hong applied the Confucian ethico-​ moral principles to the social administration. In Tianwang zhangci xiong qin’er qinmu gongzheng fuyinshu (“the book of gospel heard and witnessed by the Heavenly King’s elder and younger brothers themselves”), Hong laid particular stress on the well-​established order and position involving lord and minister, father and son, husband and wife, and elder and younger brothers, and was strongly against any attempt to break the existing social hierarchy.32 The present author holds that such a feudal hierarchy could not be equal at all. Driven by personal desires, some leaders of Taiping Tianguo did not opt for the Christian monogamy but instead favored polygamy. They even justified concubinage in the name of God. Hong, for instance, disagreed with the

34  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society Christian dogma that for those who play a superintending role should “be blameless [and] the husband of one wife” (Titus 1:6),33 penning an instruction reading: “The Lord Above decrees that there should be no limit imposed on the number of wives of important offers. I decided that all follow this.” As a consequence, while the Lord Above’s Ten Precepts strictly prohibited commoners from purchasing maid servants and having concubines, the senior officers of Taiping Tianguo could legally marry multiple wives. An example was Hong, who had 88 spouses, which even outnumbered the emperors who could have 72 consorts. What is worse, some even imposed strict rules on wives and concubines, such as how loud the wife should be and what her facial expression should be; if the wife acted against these rules she would be flogged. The Heavenly Father’s Poetry revealed these rules: If the wife (or a concubine) fails 1) to devotionally serve the husband, 2) to be obedient, 3) to refrain from looking up the face of husband, 4) to sincerely extend greetings to husband, 5) to be patient and quiet, 6) to properly low down the voice, 7) to promptly respond to the husband, 8) to show a joyful facial expression, 9) to restrain herself from glancing left and right, and 10) to speak softly and clearly, she will be flogged.34 Each rule had a corresponding poem. Take, for example, the third rule, demanding the wife not to look up at the husband’s face. The corresponding poem read: Looking up your husband’s face is an act of disobedience, as well as being a serious fault! …You are only allowed to look below the shoulder. It would be best to settle your eyes on the chest. If you boldly look up the face, you offend your master and even Heaven!35 Obviously, these words did not reflect the equal relation between husband and wife but rather the slavish submissiveness required by the master. Many high lords of Taiping Tianguo, living a luxurious life, spent a huge number of war trophies and large sums of money building magnificent mansions on the pretext of working for the Heavenly Kingdom. An example was Hong. He built the amazingly splendid Mansion of Heavenly King, renowned for the beautifully interconnected palaces, courtyard, and gardens. Inside the mansion, there were so many beauties and crowds of concubines. But meanwhile, many couples had to live apart due to the militarized management of the city residents in Tianjing. The forcibly separated husbands and wives lived in the extremely shabby male and female camps respectively. Couples who acted against the rule of separation and lived together would be severely punished. As a result of such a strong contrast, there was seething popular discontent in the capital of Taiping Tianguo. Taiping Tianguo’s high lords, such as Hong, who had already broken away from orthodox Christianity, gradually realized that the beliefs they

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  35 disseminated were increasingly discordant with the Bible. Their solution was revising the Bible and creating Taiping Tianguo’s own holy scripture. As early as June 1854, when some foreigners, such as Mai Huatuo (Walter H. Medhurst), a British missionary-​diplomat, were questioning the Christian nature of Taiping Tianguo, the leaders of the uprising had conceived the idea of revising the Bible. At that time, the gang led by Mai left Shanghai by taking naval vessels and attempted to visit Nanjing. They were denied entry into the city. For this reason, Mai and his company had no alternative but to discuss some theological issues with the Taiping Army through written letters. After reading Taiping’s replies, these Western Christians felt deeply disappointed and one of them, Arthur Mellersh, who was the commanding officer of the warship, penned a formal letter refuting Taiping Tianguo’s anthropomorphic perception of Christian god and theological concepts such as the True Lord of Myriad Countries, Taiping Tianguo as the small Heaven on earth, and the demonic nature of the Qing dynasty in the light of the orthodox-​conventional understanding of the Bible. This letter provoked much discussion within Tianjing, where Hong strongly realized that the conventional Bible actually posed a grave threat to his own Christian belief. Eight days after Mai’s offensive visit, by virtue of a séance in which Yang Xiuqing was possessed by the Heavenly Father, the Lord Yang declared: “Inasmuch as there are so many mistakes in the Old Testament and the New Testament, the publication of both books should be stopped.” Later, he stated again: The Heavenly Father decrees that the errors in the Old Testament and the New Testament must be corrected on the grounds that people on earth belittle the Father’s decrees and obstinately adhere to the testaments. At the same time, all people should be tested by the question that whether there are errors in the decrees.36 Since the second half of 1854, Taiping Tianguo stopped publishing the Bible and proposed to overhaul the existing Old and New Testaments. Unfortunately, the work of revising the Bible did not immediately start, due to the changed situation in which the contradiction between the high lords of Taiping Tianguo was increasingly exacerbated. In the 1856 internal conflict, two leading lords—​the East King Yang Xiuqing and the North King Wei Changhui—​were killed. Then, in the next year, Shi Dakai, the Wing King, left Tianjing. These greatly sapped Taiping Tianguo’s vitality. In this period, Taiping Tianguo stopped almost all publications. The endeavour of publishing was not resumed until 1858, when Taiping Tianguo attempted to strengthen its ideological work by rehabilitating the practice among Taiping soldiers of reading the Bible. These rehabilitated reading sessions focused on the first five chapters of the Old Testament. In 1859, Hong Ren’gan was appointed the leading minister. Thanks to his effort, the politico-​religious affairs of Taiping Tianguo started to develop along the right lines. One year later, the Heavenly King set about revising all the Bible’s contents discording with Taiping

36  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society Tianguo’s theological teachings in the name of Shangdi, who decreed that Hong was responsible for overhauling the existing testaments. The revising work was conducted mainly by way of annotation and corrections/​deletion. The present author holds that Christianity pays the greatest attention to the New Testament. But as far as Hong was concerned it was precisely in the New Testament that there was content posing the gravest threat to the Christian doctrines developed by Baishangdihui. Therefore, Hong, asserting that Shangdi had realized that there were many errors in the New Testament, started to revise it. Digging into the extant 82 notes penned by Hong, the present author finds that 76 were applied to the New Testament, accounting for 92.6 per cent of all revisions. In the meantime, Taiping Tianguo began to create its own holy scripture entitled Zhenyue (“True Covenant”). Where the title “zhen” (true) was concerned, it followed Baishangdihui’s tradition that everything in relation to Shangdi was “zhen,” such as Shangdi is the only true god, the way of Shangdi is the only true way, and the ordinance of Shangdi is the only true ordinance. Inspired by the nineth chapter of Genesis, which said: I do set my bow in the cloud, and it shall be for a token of a covenant between me and the earth. ... And I will remember my covenant, which is between me and you and every living creature of all flesh; and the waters shall no longer become a flood to destroy all flesh37 Hong affirmatively said the rainbow covenant indicated that Shangdi and Yesu sent him down to the earth, where he would take the lead. Herein lay the true covenant between Shangdi and Hong himself. In 1861, Hong issued several decrees, which read: The rainbow in the sky is the Sun. The Lord Above originally made an impeccable Scripture. … Now the Lord and Brother sends me down to the earth, And thus, the True Covenant will be added to the old and new testaments. The degrees of the Lord and Brother constitute the True Covenant, To which all people must strictly adhere, admitting of no doubt. As early as 1852, the Lord and Brother had come down to earth, Possessing the East and West Kings respectively. The Lord and Brother promised to pardon all the sinned, And meanwhile they started to create the True Covenant, Through which humans can find the narrow gate to Heaven.38 In short, Taiping Tianguo decided to produce its own holy scripture known as the True Covenant, which consisted of the deeds and words of the Heavenly Father and the Heavenly Brother possessing the East King Yang Xiuqing

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  37 and the West King Xiao Chaogui, decrees about Hong’s coming down to earth and superintending the world, Hong’s early endeavours, and so on. The True Covenant had ten volumes, that is: Tiantiao shu (“the book of heavenly decrees”), Tianming zhaozhi shu (“the book of ordinances issued by the Heavenly Father, the Heavenly Brother, and the Heavenly King”), the two-​ volume Tianfu xiafan zhaoshu (“the book of decrees issued by Heavenly Father possessing the East King”), Tianfu shangdi yanti huangzhao (“the book of Heavenly Father’s poems predicting Hong’s coming down to earth and saving the world”), Tianfu shi (“the book of poetry of the Heavenly Father”), Tianfu shengzhi (“the book of decrees issued by the Heavenly Father alone”), Tianxiong shengzhi (“the book of decrees issued by the Heavenly Brother alone”), Tianwang zhangci xiong qin’er qinmu gongzheng fuyinshu (“the book of gospel heard and witnessed by the Heavenly King’s elder and younger brothers themselves”) and Tianping tianri (“the book of sun of great peace”). The entirety of the True Covenant was examined and approved by Hong himself, who even penned some portions in person. In the wake of the production of the True Covenant, Taiping Tianguo, which was originally an indigenized Chinese Christian organization, formally broke away from orthodox-​conventional Christianity. When Taiping Taiguo started to revise the Bible and compile its own True Covenant, Taiping Tianguo set up its own festivals. In 1859, it was promulgated that there be six festivals in the territory of Taiping Tianguo, namely the Feast of Ascension of the Heavenly Brother (i.e., Jesus Christ) on the 13th day of the first month, the Feast of Requiting the Lord Above’s Favours on the second day of the second month, the Feast of the Enthronement of the Heavenly Brother and the Heavenly Kong on the 21st day of the second month, the Feast of the Lord Above’s Descension (and Possession of Yang Xiuqing) on the third day of the third month,39 the Feast of the East King’s Ascension on the 27th day of the seventh month,40 and the Feast of the Heavenly Brother’s Descension (and Possession of Xiao Chaogui) on the ninth day of the ninth month.41 The major Christian festivals such as Christmas and Easter were excluded. In its twilight years, Taiping Tianguo did celebrate the birth of Jesus on the day of Christmas. Nevertheless, it was not a grand ceremony attended by all followers but merely a session of religious service and banquet. The present author holds that the Chinese indigenization of Christianity refers to the fusion, recognized by Chinese people, of the Christian faith, Chinese culture, and Chinese customs under the premise of abiding by the basic doctrines of orthodox-​conventional Christianity. In this sense, Hong took the opposite track in the wake of the founding of Taiping Tianguo. Moreover, not only were the teachings of Taiping Tianguo strongly against the orthodox-​conventional Christian dogmata, but it also radically opposed some basic elements of the traditional Chinese culture. Taiping Tianguo’s critical handling of traditional Chinese culture was mainly embodied in its opposition to conventional Confucianism and forcible implementation of calendar, customs and rites unsuitable for the Chinese.

38  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society The Chinese and the scholar-​official class in particular attached great importance to Confucianism. The early Baishangdihui before 1853 still respected Confucian teaching, even though it objected to worshipping Confucius as the greatest sage and teacher. In the wake of the founding of Taiping Tianguo, the situation changed fundamentally. Due to the majority of the gentries’ opposition to the peasant uprising, plus Hong’s humiliating, repeated failures in the imperial civil service examination, the highest leader of the Taiping Army, in spite of being enthroned, became radically against Confucianism. Hong even denounced Confucius and Mencius as “demonic” in the name of revering exclusively the Lord Above. It was stipulated that the books of all intellectual schools including Confucianism were evil and must be burned. One, who recalled how the books were destroyed, is quoted saying: All shoulder poles are fully loaded with banned books, Which will be thrown into cesspits at will. If there’s no time to throw them out, The books will be burned immediately. If burning books is time-​wasting, They will be drenched by water. People, who read, collect, sell, and purchase the books, Will be severely punished and even be sentenced to death. The families collecting many books definitely break the law, And books showcasing the eruditeness really freak people out.42 It was really a reign of terror. Within the leadership of Taiping Tianguo there were dissenting voices in regard to the banned books. An example was Yang Xiuxing, the prestigious East King. Yang, by means of several sessions of séance in which he was possessed by the Heavenly Father, declared that because Confucian thinking was not entirely evil, Confucianism should not be abolished completely and that in many cases the Confucian Four Books and Thirteen Classics revealingly illuminated the Heavenly Nature and the Heavenly Emotion and advocated the great virtues such as order, loyalty, and filiality. Thanks to Yang, the radical eradication of traditional books was restrained. The simplistic destruction of books was replaced with the arbitrary, reckless correction and deletion of all existing ancient books authored by thinkers of different intellectual schools. After 1856, when Yang died in the Tianjing Incident, Hong gave up having the heterodox books burned. But he did not lift the ban on the Confucian classics. Even the publication of revised and adapted books was intentionally delayed by the authorities of Taiping Tianguo. The radical anti-​Confucianism was one of the characteristics of Taiping Tianguo in its twilight years. But, in doing so, Taiping Tianguo was neither able to promote the belief in the Lord Above among the people nor win the sincere support of the people. Rather, Taiping Tianguo’s radical anti-​ Confucian policies were used by the Qing officials such as Zeng Guofan, who

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  39 played a pivotal role in putting down the Taiping Army, to mobilize the people against the uprising. Implementing the ban on idolatry, Taiping Tianguo wantonly destroyed Buddhist and Daoist temples and historico-​cultural sites, such as Ming’s founding emperor’s mausoleum, the glazed pagoda of Bao’en Temple and the renowned gardens of Yangzhou. What is worse, the ancestral tablets of ordinary families were smashed and the graves of commoners were forcibly opened. At the same time, Taiping Tianguo promulgated a series of bans on traditional customs such as the ancestral hall and offering sacrifices of paper money and foods to the spirits of ancestors. Those who acted against these stipulations would be severely punished. In view of this, the present author contends that Taiping Tianguo repeated the mistake committed by the Catholic missionaries in the Chinese Rites Controversy that took place in the Kangxi reign (1662–​1722) and, precisely because of this, it fell out of favour with the people. In name Taiping Tianguo preserved traditional Chinese festivals such as the Chinese New Year and the Mid-​Autumn Festival. But, in actual fact, the two most important traditional Chinese festivals were forcibly celebrated on January 1 and August 15 respectively in strict accordance with the Gregorian calendar rather than with the lunar calendar, which was denounced by Taiping Tianguo as the calendar of an evil dynasty. This completely ran counter to Chinese tradition, as well as going against natural law. Whenever there was a traditional festival, the authorities of Taiping Tianguo would intensify their patrols and anyone who celebrated the festival would be flogged, yoked or paraded through the streets. Taiping Tianguo even placed restrictions on the dress of ordinary people. According to its dress code, all Qing-​style dresses were strictly forbidden and no one was allowed to wear the felt hat and skirt. In Tianjing, all men and women living in the male and female camps had to put on a red hair band. These strict dress codes were unexceptionally against the most basic principles respecting the Chinese indigenization of Christianity. Unsurprisingly, such radical practice could only be translated into nothing less than heretical endeavour. In 1860, Luo Xiaoquan (Issachar J. Roberts), an American missionary who had taught Hong some basic Christian doctrines in 1847, arrived in Tianjin, where he stayed for over a year. Finally, the disappointed Luo left Tianjing in January 1862. On December 30, 1861, when Luo was still in Tianjing, he penned a commentary contending that the religion of Taiping Tianguo was not really Christian. Luo’s commentary read: The aspect of things here have two very different phases,—​the one bright and promising, the other dark and unpromising; and unfortunately for me I had only anticipated the bright side; and hence have felt my disappointment the more in realizing the dark. The bright side consists chiefly

40  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society in negatives, such as, no idolatry, no prostitution, no gambling, nor any kind of public immorality, allowed in the city. ... But when we come to the religious aspect of this revolution, together with other evils both political and civil, we have a very dark side, which has grieved my very heart exceedingly, and often inclines me to leave them. ... As to the religious opinions of Tien Wang [i.e., Hong], which he propagates with great zeal. I believe them in the main abominable in the sight of God. In fact, I believe he is crazy, especially in religious matters, nor do I believe him soundly rational about anything. … He calls his son the young saviour of the world, and himself the real brother Jesus Christ. As to the Holy Spirit, he seems to have left him out of his system of the Trinity, and to understand very little of his work in the conversion of men. Their political system is about as poor as their theology. I do not believe they have any organized Government, nor do they know enough about Government to make one, in my opinion. … [N]‌or can I believe that any good will arise out of the rule of such a wicked despot. He wanted me to come here, but it was not to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ and convert men and women to God, but to take office, and preach his dogmas, and convert foreigners to himself. I would as lief convert them to Mormonism, or any other ism which I believe unscriptural… I believe that in their heart they feel a real opposition to the Gospel, but for policy’s sake they grant it toleration; yet I believe they intend to prevent its realization, at least, in the city of Nanking. … Nor have I seen any promise of success in my missionary labours, or any prospect of other missionaries being allowed to join me in the work of the Lord at this place. And hence I am making up my mind to leave them.43 Luo’s observation might reflect the Western missionaries’ general attitude towards Taiping Tianguo.

Hong Ren’gan’s failed attempt to reform Taiping Tianguo’s religion Among Taiping Tianguo’s leadership, only Hong Ren’gan had mastery of orthodox Christian theology. Ren’gan was one of Hong’s younger brothers from the same clan, as well as being the earliest follower of Hong’s Christian teaching. In 1847, Ren’gan, accompanying his elder brother Hong, went to Guangzhou, where the brothers studied Christian doctrines under Luo Xiuquan’s instruction. When the Jintian Uprising broke out, Ren’gan failed to join Hong’s army. In 1852, Ren’gan fled to Hong Kong lest he was captured by the Qing army. Later, Ren’gan visited his friends in Dongguan, where he made a living by teaching. In 1853, he went to Hong Kong again and became one of students of Han Shanwen (Theodore Hamberg), a Swedish missionary working for the Basel Mission of Germany. Ren’gan was baptized by Han and formally joined Han’s church.44 Influenced by Ren’gan, Han deeply sympathized with Taiping Tianguo. Not only did Han write the earliest

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  41 account of Taiping Tianguo, The Visions of Hung-​Siu-​tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-​si Insurrection,45 but he also financed Ren’gan’s trip to Nanjing via Shanghai. Unfortunately, Ren’gan was delayed in Shanghai, where he had no alternative but to study Western astronomy and calendar in Mohai Shuyuan (the London Missionary Society Press) with the help of some missionaries. Also, Ren’gan gave Mai Dusi (Walter H. Medhurst) a hand in annotating Corinthians in the New Testament. Feeling very depressed about going to Tianjing, Ren’gan returned to Hong Kong after several months. In Hong Kong, he became a priest working for the London Missionary Society (LMS) and acted as the interpreter of the Bible for four years. Ren’gan had a close relationship with well-​known missionaries such as Li Yage (James Legge) and Zhan Yuehan (John Chalmers). In 1858, Ren’gan decided to leave for Nanjing again. Before he started, Ren’gan told the missionaries that his goal was to correct the religious mistakes of Taiping Tianguo and establish a good relationship between Taiping Tianguo and the Western powers.46 The Western missionaries supported Ren’gan, hoping that he could help the authorities of Taiping Tianguo correct its mistakes and develop a proper understanding of orthodox Christianity.47 Financed by Zhan Yuehan, Ren’gan successfully arrived in Tianjing in April 1859. Hong had a high opinion of Ren’gan and appointed him Gan (Shield) King. Ren’gan took over the deceased East King’s work. As Ren’gan had lived in Shanghai and Hong Kong in particular, in which he had a close relationship with some foreign missionaries, he had gained insight not only into orthodox Western Christianity but also into Western culture, science and technology. In short, Ren’gan was very broadminded. He authored Zizheng xinpian (“the new treatises in aid of governance”), which, systematically and concretely, discussed how to politico-​ socially reform China. Ren’gan’s inspiring book mattered to a country in search of modernity. Ren’gan had been taught orthodox Christian doctrines and theology. For this reason, he disagreed with Hong in many aspects when it came to Christianity. An example was the perception of the Holy Trinity. In his Zizheng xinpian, Ren’gan said: “As far as the most numinous treasure is concerned, it refers to the trinity of Shangdi (the Heavenly Father), the Heavenly Brother (Jesus Christ), and the Pneuma/​Spirit of the Holy Lord.” He also pointed out that Shangdi was an imperceptible spirit. But this idea was later deleted by Hong. Ren’gan totally disagreed with Hong’s assertion that Yang Xiuqing was the Holy Pneuma himself. Conforming with the orthodox Christian perception of Jesus Christ, he said Christ was the second person of the Trinity and the God’s Way remaining in the flesh and had full, complete humanity and divinity. Speaking in terms of divinity, Ren’gan went on, Jesus Christ is God; and in terms of humanity, Jesus Christ is human. Obviously, Ren’gan’s perception was very different from that of Hong, who held that Christ was no more than the very son of God. Just like orthodox Christians, Ren’gan paid greater attention to the New Testament and stressed the significance of God’s

42  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society love and Christ bearing the blame for humans and sacrificing his life to save humankind. At this point, he penned: If some ask me: “Now that Christ is an omnipotent spiritual being, for what reason he had to be a human before saving the humankind?” The inquirers should know that, if the savior was not a human but merely a spiritual being, how could he preach his teaching, set an example, have himself crucified, and discharge blood from his body? Thus, he must be a human, whereby he can teach and replace humans. If humans have committed sins, they must be punished. Christ is innocent and he is the son of God. Nevertheless, inasmuch as he has substituted himself for us, he cannot avoid being punished. It does indicate that the Heavenly Law is thoroughly unselfish and perfectly impartial.48 In comparison with Hong, who placed emphasis on the angry and punitive Shangdi in the Old Testament, Ren’gan intensively ruminated over God’s love and impartiality embodied in the suffering inflicted upon Christ. Ren’gan admired very much Jesus’s Sermon on the Mount (from the Gospel of Matthew). He had prepared a giant banner of Beatitudes and had it suspended from the ceiling of his mansion. Ren’gan seldom mentioned the Heavenly Mother and Heavenly Sister-​in-​Law proposed by Hong, indicating his disagreement with the Heavenly King. He himself always read the Chinese Bible translated by Guo Shila and never used the Bible revised by Hong. This showed that he was reticent about Taiping Tianguo’s revision to the Bible. In August 1860, Ren’gan had a meeting with a missionary known as Ai Yuese (Joseph Edkins) in Suzhou. According to their conversation, Ren’gan, privately and politely, pointed out that the Heavenly King’s understanding of Christianity was incompletely perfect and that he hoped to correct the mistakes made by Baishangdihui. The greatest difference between Ren’gan and Hong lay in their attitudes towards Confucianism. Ren’gan openly stated that he grew up in a Confucian family and was fond of reading ancient books and (Confucian) classics in particular. He even said: “Whenever I read the writings voicing loyalty, truth, and righteousness, I will be deeply impressed and think of them constantly.”49 Ren’gan was actually opposed to Hong’s radical elimination of Confucianism. He contended instead that Confucianism should not be abolished entirely nor should Confucian books and schools be destroyed. Ren’gan thought highly of the Confucian Four Books and Five Classics, asserting that both political and military expertise were recorded in the Confucian classics, such as Book of Poetry and Book of History, and earnestly suggesting people learn filiality, loyalty and honesty from Confucian sages such as Yao and Shun and benevolence, righteousness and morality from Confucius and Mencius.50 Ren’gan strongly held that the Confucian virtues never acted against the Heavenly Law advocated by Baishangdihui, but instead were perfectly in accord with the Heavenly Principle. Moreover, he praised highly Confucian statecraft

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  43 embodied in the promotion of “five excellent” and elimination of “four bad.”51 Inspired by Confucian teaching, Ren’gan suggested the authorities, first of all, educate wrongdoers by virtue of Heavenly Decrees and then punish them by law if the education did not work. In doing so, he believed, people would develop the sense of shame. All these indicated that Ren’gan tried his best to have Confucian thinking and the Christian faith of Baishangdihui fused together. In this sense, he did, albeit unconsciously, promote the Chinese indigenization of Christianity. Thanks to Ren’gan, Hong mitigated the radicalness of his anti-​Confucian policies, even though he himself was still intellectually against Confucianism. So long as Hong was convinced by Ren’gan to implement the reformative policies, Taiping Tianguo might stop breaking too far away from orthodox Christianity and return to the right track of indigenization. Unfortunately, far from convincing the Heavenly King, Ren’gan had to give in to Hong in all respects. Finally, Ren’gan’s own orthodox Christian thinking was diluted. It was Hong who introduced Ren’gan to the Christian faith. For this reason, Ren’gan trusted Hong very much and believed Hong’s dream without a shadow of doubt. Due to this firm belief, Ren’gan gradually held that Hong was the true Son of Heaven and the Second Son of God and decided to join the revolution of Taiping Tianguo. For various reasons Ren’gan failed to participate in the work of founding the Heavenly Kingdom in Nanjing. Instead, he studied orthodox Christian theology under the instruction of foreign missionaries. In his study, Ren’gan realized that the theology of Baishangdihui was not in accord with orthodox Christian theology. Even so, he still firmly believed that Hong was the true Son of Heaven and the Second Son of God. In 1859, Ren’gan arrived in the capital of Taiping Tianguo, where he was charged with quite an important mission, even though he had contributed nothing to the founding of Taiping Tianguo. Thus, Ren’gan, who was deeply influenced by Confucian loyalty, was deeply moved and developed a much stronger admiration of Hong. Strictly abiding by the Confucian rule reigning over the relationship between sovereign and minister, Ren’gan always made a concession whenever there was an intellectual discordance between Hong and himself and never said no to the Heavenly King. For example, to justify Hong’s ascending to heaven and receiving the Mandate of Heaven, and to remain intellectually congruous with Hong, Ren’gan even prepared a defence running counter to basic Christian doctrines, which read: Hong is the true Holy Lord, the Heavenly King, and the founding sovereign of the Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace. He is the Second Son of God, as well as being the beloved younger brother of the Heavenly Brother (Jesus Christ). All these have been fully proved true. Speaking in terms of talent, virtue, and ability, Hong is unprecedentedly incomparable, outperforming all predecessors since the creation of the world. The order and laws established by Hong are unchangeable and thus eternal.52

44  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society Besides, Ren’gan made every attempt to corroborate the belief that Hong was the Sun descending to earth. The longer he stayed in Tianjing, the more concessions he made to Hong. Ren’gan even remolded orthodox Christian concepts to accommodate to Hong’s thinking. One example was the belief in Hong’s meeting the Heavenly Father. As late as 1860, Ren’gan still said it was not the flesh but the soul of Hong that met God. Nevertheless, he finally changed his view, asserting that Hong himself met the Heavenly Father. Another example was God’s possession of the East King. Originally, Ren’gan did not believe in it at all. But eventually, he proclaimed that God did come down to earth and possess the East King in the western Guangdong.53 These indicated that, as time went by, Ren’gan gradually gave up his orthodox Christian stand and even discarded the orthodox concept of the Holy Trinity. Contrary to the original goal of correcting Taiping Tianguo’s religious mistakes, as he had promised to Li Yage in Hong Kong in 1858, not only did he fail to reform Taiping Tianguo’s religion but he himself was remolded by the erroneous religion of Taiping Tianguo. Ren’gan’s failed attempt was the sign that there had been no hope of correctly indigenizing the Christian faith of Taiping Tianguo. Taiping Tianguo was brutally put down in 1864. Baishangdihui disappeared, accordingly. The reasons for Taiping Tianguo’s failure are manifold. It never set up any churches. The military camp of the Taiping Army was simultaneously the military unit and the religious organization, in which the religious service was performed. Herein lay an obvious full integration of politics and religion. As soon as the political body was overthrown, the religious faith and organization would immediately perish. In addition, the Christian faith of Taiping Tianguo, which broke far away from orthodox Christianity, were strongly opposed by many foreign missionaries. Worst of all, Taiping Tianguo’s radical anti-​Confucianism was totally out of line with the Chinese people and finally led it to fall from favour with the people. Due to these factors, Taiping Tianguo irrevocably ended in tragedy. Ultimately, Baishangdihui failed to metamorphosize into an indigenized Chinese Christian Church. Despite this, many Chinese, who knew nothing about Christianity, still regarded Baishangdihui as the Christian Church. For this reason, the Chinese gentry felt increasingly disgusted towards Christianity in their effort to combat the Taiping Army. As a consequence, the unequal treaties that China was forced to sign, plus the hangover from Taiping Tianguo, contributed greatly to the Chinese people’s strong aversion to Christianity in the late nineteenth century.

Notes 1 The nine-​chapter Quanshi liangyan (劝世良言) was published in Guangzhou in 1832. 2 Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, 148.

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  45 3 Wang Zhixin 王治心, A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity [中国基督教史纲] (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council,1993), 170. 4 John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, volume 10: Late Ch’ing, 1800–​1911, Part I (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 268. 5 Xia Chuntao 夏春涛, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [太平天 国宗教] (Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, 1992), 18. 6 It is generally held that this Bible was the Chinese edition produced by Guo Shila (Karl Gützlaff, a German missionary). 7 Li Zhigang 李志刚, vol. 1 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture, 74. 8 See: Wang Zhixin, A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity, 172. According to Wang, since 1847, when Luo refused to baptize Hong, Hong started to do his own missionary work. Later, due to the Qing government’s crackdown, Hong fled to Hong Kong, where he studied the Christian doctrines under Guo Shila’s instruction. It was during this time that Hong formally became a Christian. The reason why some denied this lay in the failure of the revolution led by Hong. 9 China Association for Historical Studies (中国史学会), vol. 1 of Primary Sources respecting History of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [太平天国] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1957), 91–​92. 10 For the quotation, see: Book of Rites, trans. Jamel Legge, https://​ctext.org/​liji/​li-​ yun/​ens. 11 John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, volume 10: Late Ch’ing, 1800–​1911, Part I, 264. 12 Wang Qingcheng王庆成, “The Jintian Uprising” (金田起义记), in Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace: History and Thoughts [太平天国的历史和思想] (Beijing: The Chinese People’s University Press, 2010), 92. 13 John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, volume 10: Late Ch’ing, 1800–​1911, Part I, 266. 14 “The Memorial to the Throne, written by Zou Minghe, the Governor of Guangxi, on the 5th Day of the 11th Month of the 1st Year of the Xianfeng Reign (1851)” (广西巡抚邹鸣鹤咸丰元年十一月初五日奏折). In Institute of Modern Chinese History of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中国社会科学院近代史研究所, ed., A Collection of Primary respecting History of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [太平天国文献史料集] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1982), 324. 15 In fact, Feng managed to stay in Guangxi. 16 Baishangdihui called the Father, one of the three members of the Holy Trinity, Shengfu (the Spiritual Father). 17 Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (太平天国印书), 22. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 79. 18 Jian Youwen 简又文, The Life of Hong Xiuquan in History of Qing [清史洪秀全载 记] (Hong Kong: Jian’s mengjin shuwu, 1967), 43–​44. Quoted in Li Zhigang, vol. 1 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture, 81. 19 Quoted in Zhou Xiefan 周燮番, The Chinese Christianity [中国的基督教] (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1997), 132. 20 A Collection of Official Documents of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (太平天 国文书汇编), 90. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 137. 21 Jian Youwen, The Life of Hong Xiuquan in History of Qing, 238. Quoted in Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, 154.

46  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society 22 Jian Youwen, Chronicles of Uprising of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (太平天 国起义记). Quoted in Zhou Xiefan, The Chinese Christianity, 135. 23 Edmund Gardiner Fishbourne, Impressions of China; and the Present Revolution: Its Progress and Prospects (London: Seeley, Jackson, and Halliday, 1855), 391. 24 Ibid., 384. 25 William Gillespie, The Land of Sinim or China and Chinese Missions (Edinburgh: Myles Macphail, 1854), 237, 238. 26 Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 256. 27 Ibid. 28 The Sun of Great Peace (太平天日), in Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 36–​37. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace,105. 29 Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 256. 30 Ibid., 130. 31 Ibid., 125. It is one piece of Hong’s annotations to the 12th verse of the third chapter of the Gospel of Saint John. 32 Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 714. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 199. 33 See: King James Bible, kingjamesbibleonline.org/​Titus-​Chapter-​1/​. 34 The 17th and 18th poems of Heavenly Father’s Poetry (天父诗), in Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 574–​575. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 200. 35 See: Heavenly Father’s Poetry. Quoted in Wei Wenhua 魏文华, “Corruption, One of the Lessons of the Fall of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace” (太平天早衰早 亡的教训：腐败), Excepts of Published Works (书摘), no. 3 (2000), 35. 36 Chapter 3 of “Decrees by the Heavenly Father” (天父圣旨), in Decrees Issued by the Heavenly Father and Heavenly Brother (天父天兄圣旨). Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 98. 37 Genesis: 9–​ 13, 15. See: King James Bible, kingjamesbibleonline.org/​ Genesis-​ Chapter-​9/​. 38 A Collection of Primary respecting History of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (太平天国文献史料集), 3–​6. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 98. 39 It was on this day that Yang Xiuqing, who was possessed by Shangdi, declared the decrees on behalf of the highest god. 40 Yang was murdered on this day. 41 It was on this day that Xiao Chaogui, who was possessed by the heavenly brother, declared the decrees on behalf of Yesu (Jesus). 42 Ma Shouling马寿龄, “Having All Evil Books Burned” (焚妖书), The New-​ Musical-​Bureau-​Style Poems Penned in 1853 in Nanjing (金陵癸丑新乐府), in vol. 4 of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (太平天国), 735. Quoted in in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 208. 43 Harley Farnsworth MacNair, ed., Modern Chinese History: Selected Readings; A Collection of Extracts from Various Sources Chosen to Illustrate Some of the Chief Phases of China’s International Relations During the Past Hundred Years (Shanghai: Commercial Press, Limited, 1923), 350–​351. 44 Li Zhigang, vol. 2 of Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1993), 92.

In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society  47 45 Hong Kong: The China Mail Office, 1854. 46 See: Deng Yuanzhong 邓元忠, Americans and Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [美国人与太平天国] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Huaxin wenhua shiye zhongxin, 1983). Quoted in Gu Weimin 顾卫民, Christianity and Modern Chinese Society [基督教与近代中国社会] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1996), 167. 47 Gu Weimin, Christianity and Modern Chinese Society, 166. 48 Deng Yuanzhong, Americans and Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 108. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 172. 49 Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 782, 787–​788. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 176. 50 Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 771. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 221. 51 In answering one of his disciples’ questions “[i]‌n what way should a person in authority act in order that he may conduct government properly”, Confucius said: “Let him honor the five excellent, and banish away the four bad, things; then may he conduct government properly.” According to the Master, the “five excellent” is as follows—​“When the person in authority is beneficent without great expenditure; when he lays tasks on the people without their repining; when he pursues what he desires without being covetous; when he maintains a dignified ease without being proud; when he is majestic without being fierce”; and the “four bad”—​“To put the people to death without having instructed them—​this is called cruelty. To require from them, suddenly, the full tale of work, without having given them warning—​this is called oppression. To issue orders as if without urgency, at first, and, when the time comes, to insist on them with severity—​this is called injury. And, generally, in the giving pay or rewards to men, to do it in a stingy way—​this is called acting the part of a mere official.” See: The Confucian Analects, trans. James Legge, https://​ctext.org/​anale​cts/​yao-​yue/​ens. 52 Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 696–​697. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 180. 53 Published Works of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 696. Quoted in Xia Chuntao, The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace, 180.

Bibliography China Association for Historical Studies 中国史学会. Primary Sources Respecting History of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [太平天国] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1957). Vol. 1. Deng, Yuanzhong 邓元忠. Americans and Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [美国人与太平天国] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Huaxin Cultural Center, 1983). Fairbank, John K. ed. The Cambridge History of China, volume 10: Late Ch’ing, 1800–​ 1911, Part I (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1978). Fishbourne, Edmund Gardiner. Impressions of China; and the Present Revolution: Its Progress and Prospects (London: Seeley, Jackson, and Halliday, 1855). Gillespie, William. The Land of Sinim or China and Chinese Missions (Edinburgh: Myles Macphail, 1854). Gu, Weimin. 顾卫民. Christianity and Modern Chinese Society [基督教与近代中国社会] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1996)

48  In the name of God: The God-Worshipping Society Institute of Modern Chinese History of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 中国社 会科学院近代史研究所. A Collection of Primary Respecting History of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [太平天国文献史料集] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1982). Jian, Youwen 简又文. The Life of Hong Xiuquan in History of Qing [清史洪秀全载记] (Hong Kong: Jian’s mengjin shuwu, 1967). Li, Zhigang 李志刚. Christianity and Modern Chinese Culture [基督教与近代中国文化论文集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1989). Vols 1–​2. MacNair, Harley Farnsworth. ed. Modern Chinese History: Selected Readings; A Collection of Extracts from Various Sources Chosen to Illustrate Some of the Chief Phases of China’s International Relations During the Past Hundred Years (Shanghai: Commercial Press, Limited, 1923). Tang, Qing 汤清. A Centennial Review of Christianity in China [中国基督教百年史] (Hong Kong: Taosheng Publishing House, 1983). Wang, Qingcheng王庆成. Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace: History and Thoughts [太平天国的历史和思想] (Beijing: The Chinese People’s University Press, 2010). Wang, Zhixin 王治心. A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity [中国基督教史纲] (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council, 1993). Wei, Wenhua 魏文华. “Corruption, One of the Lessons of the Fall of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace” (太平天早衰早亡的教训：腐败). Excerpts of Published Works (书摘). No. 3 (2000). Xia, Chuntao 夏春涛. The Religion of Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace [太平天国 宗教] (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992). Zhou, Xiefan 周燮番. Chinese Christianity [中国的基督教] (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1997).

Internet resources Book of Rites. Trans. Jamel Legge. https://​ctext.org/​liji/​. Confucian Analects, The. Trans. James Legge. https://​ctext.org/​anale​cts/​. King James Bible, www.kingj​ames​bibl​eonl​ine.org.

3 Christianity in late nineteenth-​ century China

The historical background In the late nineteenth century, the Qing government, beset with corruption and inability, encountered serious challenges from within and without. Then, Taiping Tianguo (“Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace”) had captured almost half of the Qing’s territory. The peasant uprising was followed by the Second Opium War (1856–​1860), in which China was defeated and forced to sign the 1858 Tianjin Treaty with France, Britain, Tsarist Russia and America and the 1860 Beijing Treaty with Britain, France and Tsarist Russia. The result brought about by the war and unequal treaties was that China had to cede territory and pay indemnities to these imperialistic invaders and open the door further to the foreign powers. These unequal treaties demanded that the Chinese government allow foreign Christian missionaries to freely preach their faith, purchase land, and set up churches in inland China. In other words, the Western regimes paved the way for the propagation of Christianity in China by force. Precisely because of the symbiotic relationship between Christianity and the unequal treaties imposed on China and the missionary work’s inherent dependence on the imperialistic powers’ invasion of China, both of which made the missionaries feel so privileged that they treated the Chinese authorities and gentry with great contempt and recklessly interfered with the Chinese justice by protected Christian converts who perpetrated crimes from being punished, public indignation at Christianity had already been aroused among the Chinese people. In addition, the missionaries, who had no respect for Chinese culture, brazenly challenged the core values of Chinese culture, such as openly denouncing, in the name of combating idolatry, the Chinese tradition of revering Confucius and the spirits of ancestors. What they did was indeed an insult to Chinese dignity. Last, but not least, as the Christian faith and rites were almost entirely different from that of the Chinese, there was inevitably mistrust of, and even widespread rumours about, Christianity. For these reasons, pretty much all the Chinese had a strong aversion to the Christian faith, and the movements against Christianity emerged one after another in late nineteenth-​century China.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003334965-3

50  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Despite this, Christianity still developed and became increasingly influential in this period. In the wake of the collapse of Taiping Tianguo, some far-​sighted high officials of Qing, such as Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang, strongly realized that the country did need to rehabilitate herself. Therefore, they launched the Self-​ Strengthening Movement (hereinafter referred to as Yangwu), hoping that, by doing so, China could successfully learn the Western advantages in science, communication, commerce and diplomacy, and remould herself into a powerful and prosperous modern state. As far as Western missionaries were concerned, over half of them were educated and some were even well-​learned scholars. For this reason, the missionaries played quite a significant role in disseminating Western knowledge in China. A few missionaries directly worked for Yangwu agencies. For example, in the Shanghai-​based Guang fangyan guan (Foreign Language Institution) and Jiangnan Arsenal, which were built by Li Hongzhang in 1862 and 1865 respectively, and in the Beijing-​based Tongwen guan (Imperial Institute of Foreign Languages) that was set up in 1867, there were missionaries, who taught Western languages or acted as translators and interpreters. In addition, some missionaries worked in the schools, hospitals and publishers run by the missionary societies, with a view to making Christianity more influential in Chinese society. Yangwu’s proponents firmly believed that Western knowledge was merely the branch and traditional Chinese scholarship the root. As a result, they preferred to study only Western technologies and skills and, at the same time, managed to keep feudal politics and culture wholly intact. The present author holds that, as a matter of fact, the proponents of Yangwu were still the defenders of the feudal system. Even so, these reform-​minded high feudal lords were strongly opposed by the ultra-​conservatives of the Qing court. Some of them were even denounced as treacherous. The 1884 Sino-​French War dealt a heavy blow to Yangwu. Then, China’s crushing defeat in the Jiawu War (a.k.a. the First Sino-​Japanese War, 1894–​1895) marked the total failure of the endeavour of Yangwu. In spite of being unsuccessful in rehabilitating the country, Yangwu, which had lasted for several decades, was still an impetus for the dissemination of Western thinking. At this point, an observer pointed out: Gradually over the decades, however, this gulf began to be bridged by the slow infiltration of Western thought, which culminated in a wide dispersal of Western ideas and values among Chinese gentry-​literati at the end of the century. More important, this spread of Western thought was accompanied by a significant change in attitude towards it on the part of the gentry-​literati. Until the 1890s, what little Chinese interest there was in Western learning was largely concentrated on technical knowledge (i 艺). But at the end of the century, if we may judge from a popular contemporary bibliography of Chinese literature on Western learning, Chinese scholarly attention was increasingly attracted to Western political

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  51 experience and knowledge (cheng 政) and to Western religious thought (chiao 教).1 The reasons why the well-​educated Chinese shifted the focus from Western science and technology to Western politics and religions were twofold. On the one hand, if China, which was in the danger of being carved up by the foreign powers, failed to implement political reform but instead learnt merely Western technology, she would not be able to change the status quo fundamentally, as shown by the abortive Yangwu. On the other hand, the foreign missionaries published several political books introducing the Chinese to Western politics and quite a few treatises advocating political reform, both of which exerted a deep influence on Chinese scholars. Due to China’s failure in the 1884 Sino-​French War, the traditional tributary system involving Annan (Vietnam) was broken. Then in the Jiawu War, China’s loss was astonishingly heavy. Not only was China’s suzerain authority over Korea grabbed by the rising Japanese empire, but it also had to pay huge indemnities and cede Taiwan and Liaodong Peninsula to Japan. The defeat at the hands of Japan, which was always belittled by the Chinese elite as a faraway backward small country, was an unbearable insult to Chinese dignity. In the wake of the Jiawu War, Tsarist Russia, France and Germany stretched their insidious fingers into China and coerced the Qing government into ceding territory to them. These European regimes’ move triggered the scramble for China. China was forcibly parceled out into several spheres of influence. The Chinese nation was in danger of extinction. It was at this critical time that Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, both of whom were thinkers influenced deeply by Western thinking, launched the Hundred Days’ Reform (hereinafter referred to as Weixin). In August 1895, Kang Youwei, inspired by the missionaries’ societies and Guangxue hui (the Society for Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese) in particular, set up Qiangxuehui (the Society for Knowledge Making China Powerful) in Beijing and published two modern newspapers known as Shiwubao (“the Trend of The Time”s) and Zhongwai gongbao (“the Bulletin of Global Affairs”), both of which resembled Guangxue hui’s Wanguo gongbao (“the Review of The Times”). In this way, reformers such as Kang hoped, the Chinese would have the sense of crisis and reform would be discussed publicly. In short, Weixin was initiated. Supported by Emperor Guangxu (r. 1875–​1908), a series of reforms was staged in 1898. The reformers targeted the entire bureaucracy of the Qing dynasty. Inevitably Weixin seriously damaged the interests of the establishment. Consequently, the ultra-​ conservatives, represented by the Empress Dowager Cixi (1835–​1908) vehemently counterpunched the reformist school. Thanks to Cixi’s effort, the conservative high lords took back power and cracked down on the politically weak reformers. Finally, Weixin, which lasted for only 100 days, came to a premature end. Despite this, the reformative mind exerted deep and far-​reaching influence on Chinese society and culture.

52  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Weixin was the matrix, from which several Chinese intellectuals with new knowledge grew. These new-​type intellectuals set up new groups and organizations. In the meantime, modern newspapers emerged one after another. All these helped the Chinese to be intellectually prepared for the demise of Qing. This was corroborated by the rapid increase in the number of modern study societies and newspapers. According to one researcher: Altogether in the three years from 1895 to 1898, seventy-​six study societies were reported. Gentry-​literati were responsible for the establishment of about two-​thirds of them. [Among these societies,] more than thirty aimed either to study traditional Confucian learning in the new practical spirit or to study Western sciences and to translate Western books; fifteen promoted social reforms (such as the anti-​opium movement, anti-​ footbinding or women’s education); and twenty-​three sought to arouse the patriotism and political consciousness of the gentry-​literati.2 These study societies did play a great role in disseminating Western thinking and values in Chinese society. It is particularly worth mentioning that societies aspiring to promote social reform and modern thinking had goals that were distinctly different from that of Yangwu. To be specific, these societies placed emphasis not only on the study of Western technology but also on the reform of Qing’s political system. Among them, some, such as Qiangxuehui, Nanxuehui (The Southern Society for Modern Knowledge) and Baoguohui (Society for Safeguarding Nation), were consciously modelled on the ideal political organization embodying Western-​style participatory democracy. The study societies made a contribution to the development of modern Chinese media. In the mid-​1890s, there were 12 newspapers in China’s major treaty ports. Within three years (1895–​1898), the number of modern news outlets sharply increased to 60, among which some, such as Shiwubao founded by reformists like Kang Youwei, were widely circulated. But, on the other hand, the imperialistic powers’ invasion of China, by which they forced China to sign unequal treaties and carved up China in the wake of the Jiawu War, made the Chinese people extremely angry. As a consequence, many Chinese were averse to the foreign presence in their land. In the late nineteenth century, the movement against Christianity and some foreigners developed very rapidly. The Qing government made use of such spontaneous patriotic feeling and invested it in the struggle against the foreign powers. This reached a climax in Yihetuan (a nationwide anti-​imperialist uprising launched by the ordinary people practising the martial art known as Yihequan, “Boxing of Righteousness and Harmony”). Some alleged that several hundred foreign missionaries and tens of thousands of Chinese Christian converts died in this turbulent period.3 The foreign powers, seeking a much more reckless and bloodier revenge, bloodcurdlingly and inhumanely massacred the participants of Yihetuan and innocent civilians and coerced Qing into signing the extremely humiliating Xinchou Treaty (a.k.a. the Boxer

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  53 Protocol). The treaty forced China to pay astonishingly huge indemnities to the invaders, demolish the artillery batteries in strategic places such as Dagu (of Tianjin, the gateway to Beijing), and allow the foreign powers to station their troops on Chinese soil. In short, the consequence of the treaty was that China’s sovereignty was seriously damaged and its national strength and defence grievously weakened. But at the same time, the foreign powers had to pay a heavy price for their greed. This made them realize that the Chinese people could not be humiliated and they could no longer brazenly carve up the Chinese nation. As a result, the territorial integrity of China was ensured at least nominally. The foreign missionary societies rethought their strategy in the wake of Yihetuan and adopted indirect rather than direct methods to preach the Christian faith in China. Most importantly, the awakening of national consciousness had been found among some Chinese Christians. This sowed the seeds of Chinese Christianity that was independent of foreign Christianity. Overall, Christianity in late nineteenth-​century China became increasingly influential, even though it was faced with many challenges. There are several points to be made. First, the number of Christian converts increased. At the dawn of the twentieth century, when Yihetuan broke out, there were over 2,000 foreign missionaries and 1,600 Chinese missionaries.4 It is particularly worth mentioning Dai Desheng (James Hudson Taylor), who founded the China Inland Mission (CIM). CIM sent missionaries to the remote, poor countryside of China. As a consequence, the followers of CIM outnumbered its rivals. Second, the education managed by Christian missionaries witnessed substantial development. A few missionaries, such as Di Kaowen (Calvin W. Mateer), suggested the missionary societies pay greater attention to education, on the grounds that education could produce not only the staff working for the church but also new-​type intellectuals who were able to extend the influence of Christianity in Chinese society. Third, Christian publishing in China increased. Some, such as Wei Lianchen (Alexander Williamson) and Lin Lezhi (Young J. Allen), set up Guangxue hui (originally known as Tongwen shuhui) and Mianli xuehui (the Society for Assiduous Study), through which the Western knowledge was disseminated in China. Guangxue hui’s publications, such as Wanguo gongbao and translations, were quite influential in China. In addition, some missionaries worked for the governmental agencies, rendering Western books into Chinese. Fu Lanya (John Fryer) , who was employed by Jiangnan Arsenal, is representative. Fu produced a great number of Chinese translations of Western books about science and technology and the social sciences, all of which exerted great influence on the growth of the community of modern Chinese intellectuals. Fourth, missionaries contributed to the social reform of China. For example, they played a role in combating opium-​smoking and footbinding, setting up hospices, and improving the social status of women.

54  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Fifth, the missionaries founded hospitals and charitable bodies. For example, they set up Zhonghua boyi hui (China Medical Missionary Association), by which the Christian faith could be preached more effectively and made more influential. Sixth, the missionaries helped to found independent Chinese Churches. An example was Ni Weisi (John L. Nevius), who adhered to the principle that the Chinese Church be self-​governed, self-​supported and self-​propagated, and finally gain full independence. Ni’s groundbreaking missionary work in Shandong might be one of the earliest attempts to indigenize Christianity in China. Apart from the sixth point briefly discussed above, which was directly related to the indigenization of the Chinese Christian Church, the other five points also made, more or less, contributions to the process of indigenization. For example, the act of converting the Chinese itself was an effort to indigenize Christianity, on the grounds that it required the missionaries to identify themselves with the Chinese in language, clothing and some habits. Additionally, to make Christian education and textual work successful, missionaries had to respect Chinese culture and become integrated with Chinese society. In this way, they could affect Chinese thinking by means of education and publication, more efficiently disseminate Western knowledge, and finally make Christianity more influential in China. All these constituted an effort to indigenize Christianity. For convenience, the present author discusses in detail several representative missionaries and their methods of preaching the Christian faith in China.

Dai Desheng and his China Inland Mission A Western researcher divides the foreign missionaries in the late Qing into four groups, namely the fundamentalists, the conservatives, the liberals and the “socialization wing.”5 The first two groups were nonpolitical and concerned with the redemption of the human soul, paying no attention to political affairs. By contrast, the “socialization wing,” having its gospel rooted in humanitarianism and showing no interest in saving the soul, stressed the social service in the hope that they could help the Chinese understand better Western society and improve their own society by setting up schools, hospitals and charitable bodies, and rendering Western books into Chinese. In comparison with the first three groups, the liberals concentrated on developing Christian education in China. The present author contends instead that all these missionaries be dichotomized into the conservatives and the liberals. The “socialization wing” belonged to the liberals; and the fundamentalists constituted the most insular core of the conservatives. In reality, the terminology “fundamentalist” emerged in the early twentieth century. Speaking in terms of any genre of categorization, Dai Desheng and his CIM were conservative or fundamentalistic. The reason lay in the fact that CIM missionaries represented by Dai Desheng had an unambiguous

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  55 goal of saving the soul of the Chinese. The CIM sect focused exclusively on preaching their gospel among the Chinese, caring naught for socio-​political reforms in China. Methodologically, this sect employed healing and teaching people how to read and write to attract the Chinese to be exposed to their gospel and the Bible. Dai was a British missionary sent by the London Missionary Service (LMS). In 1854, Dai arrived in Shanghai at the behest of LMS. From then on, he spent decades preaching the Christian faith in China. At first, Dai did the missionary work in Shanghai and the countryside neighbouring this metropolitan city. Then, he extended his effort to other regions such as Shantou and Ningbo. Since 1860, when China was forced to sign the unequal Beijing Treaty, Dai planned to propagate Christianity in the interior of China. To achieve this, he went back to Britain, where he tried his best to raise money for his ambitious endeavour. In 1865, Dai founded his CIM in Britain. One years later, Dai and over 20 comrades returned to China. At that time the number of foreign missionaries in China was very small and they lived almost exclusively in a few treaty ports. Among them, few had visited the interior of China. Due to the inseparability of the growth of Christianity in China and the unequal treaties plaguing this country, plus the failure of the Taiping uprising, the Chinese had a strong aversion to the foreign invaders and their Christian faith. For this reason, the missionary work could not be done easily. So that missionaries could enter the interior of China and closely and directly act on Chinese residents, Dai and his comrades did as the saying goes: “Do in Rome as the Romans do.” To be specific, these missionaries adopted some Chinese customs and, in doing so, the indigenization of CIM’s missionary work was objectively promoted. Being hugely different from other missionary societies, which generally set up their headquarters in Britain rather than in China, CIM had based itself in China, with a view to substantially improving its work efficiency. Consequently, CIM was much more vigorous than other missionary societies, as it was always able to keep abreast of what took place in China and did its best to find solutions. Dai required that CIM’s missionary workers must wear Chinese clothes and eat Chinese food, hoping that, by doing so, the missionaries could get close to the Chinese so their dissemination work could more easily be done. An example was Dai himself. Even before CIM’s founding, Dai put on Chinese garments, dyed his hair black and had a long braid conforming to the Qing custom. Although Dai was quite unsuited to these, he did not hesitate to do them in the hope that he could save the soul of the Chinese. In one of his family letters, Dai mentioned not only the pain brought about by wearing Chinese costume and braiding his hair, but also the pleasure resulting from the immediate effect generated by his effort, viz., that many Chinese no longer regarded him as an alien and kept their distance from him, but instead paid particular attention to his preaching. At this point, Dai insightfully recalled that if he and his comrades did not adopt Chinese clothing, they could by no

56  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China means go deep inside the Chinese interior.6 Thanks to the great effort made by Dai, CIM attracted a huge number of Chinese Christian converts. Another example was Jane Elizabeth Faulding, who was later the second wife of Dai. When preaching Christianity in Hangzhou, Miss Faulding told local female residents: “I come here and aspire to be a true Hangzhou woman and for this reason I wear what you wear, eat what you eat, speak in your language, wish you very happiness, and sincerely want to be your sister.”7 This female missionary did win the trust of some women of Hangzhou and thus laid the foundation of her future missionary work in China. Dai did not require that his comrades be highly educated, nor did he ask the missionaries to receive formal theological training. Instead, he said, so long as the missionary workers agreed with the basic ideas of the Christian fundamentalist school, abandoned their racial superiority, had good organizational skills and, most importantly, realized the call of God and developed a strong missionary zeal, they were eligible for the mission. Dai’s CIM was open to all missionaries working in China. As a consequence, CIM finally grew into an international organization aspiring to completely transcend sectarianism and parochialism, outstripping all its rivals in China. The CIM missionaries had no regular income and were fully dependent on the donations of the faithful, which complied with Dai’s requirement that all CIM workers unreservedly devote themselves to the hard mission. As CIM’s goal was to save the soul of the Chinese, it did not devote itself to recruiting followers but to disseminating the Christian gospel prestissimo throughout China.8 CIM had its work focused on the staggeringly huge number of poor residents. In order that their goal could be achieved, CIM missionaries visited the remote, backward places regardless of hardships and made groundbreaking efforts to set up preaching sites there. Generally, CIM first set up a preaching site in the capital city of a province; then it rapidly extended to neighbouring prefectures and counties and further into the deep countryside; and finally it was replaced with other Christian sects, which were responsible for consolidating CIM’s work done previously.9 In the 1877 General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China held at Shanghai (GCPMCS), Dai emphasized that CIM’s goal was to go deep inside China’s interior, as far as possible, and that the preaching sites set up by CIM were all open to any Christian sect. According to Dai, other sects’ taking over these sites was conducive to CIM’s advancement of its trailblazing work. In order that the Christian gospel could be preached quickly and extended to the places where no one had heard it, Dai thoroughly analyzed the true situation of the interior of China and adapted methods in conformity with the lower echelons of Chinese society. Almost all members of CIM partook in the tour of preaching the Christian faith. Where circuit preaching was concerned, it, at first, extended to places as many as possible; then intensively studied the materials collected on the tour and decided which place was suitable for the regular religious service; and finally focused on the selected places. Given an overwhelming majority of the ordinary Chinese in

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  57 the interior were illiterate, Dai did not suggest his comrades give top priority to the textual work in the preaching tour.10 In front of the audience, most of whom could neither read nor write, CIM usually incorporated the most easily understandable stories taken from the gospels into their preaching and sometimes gave the more vivid lantern-​slide show. The doctrines preached by CIM were very simple. Most importantly, CIM attached the greatest importance to prayer, advocating that all problems could be solved by means of prayer. CIM’s simple doctrines and practicable prayer were much more appealing to the poor, illiterate people who were bitterly gnawed by misery and desperately keen to be freed from suffering. Although Dai did not prioritize textual work in aid of his missionary endeavour, he did pay attention to this work as soon as the key places were selected. Dai himself specially promoted the Bible in dialect. For example, when Dai preached the Christian faith in Ningbo, he exerted himself to spread the Bible in Ningbo dialect and accordingly made special revisions to the Bible. In order that the poorly-​educated local residents could read the Bible in a short time, Dai instructed them to read the holy book with the Romanized vernacular. It was said that, in this way, the smart students could read the entire Bible in less one month.11 Teaching the poorly-​ educated Christian converts to read the Bible by means of the Romanized vernacular was widely adopted by CIM missionaries. In addition, CIM provided local residents with a free healing service, so that a growing number of people would be interested in its preaching. Quite a few CIM missionaries were able to treat minor illness. An example was Dai himself, who had specially acquired some medical knowledge. Due to the widespread poverty and lack of medicine, CIM’s healing service was quite attractive to the destitute. Nevertheless, providing medical service was not CIM’s main goal but merely a method of promoting evangelization. In the same vein, CIM was strongly opposed to the substitution of education for the propagation of the gospel. At this point, Dai said: If our medical missions draw people to us, and we can present to them the Christ of God, medical missions are a blessing; but to substitute medicine for the preaching of the Gospel would be a profound mistake. If we put schools or education in the place of spiritual power to change the heart, it will be a profound mistake. If we get the idea that people are going to be converted by some educational process, instead of by a regenerative recreation, it will be a profound mistake. If we put our trust in money or learning or eloquence, or in anything but the living God, it will be a profound mistake.12 CIM, conforming to Dai’s idea, at first set up neither hospitals nor schools. Later, it did found some schools, all of which were nevertheless elementary schools and attended exclusively by the children of Christian converts. The CIM school had an unambiguous goal of teaching people how to read the

58  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Bible, behave in accordance with the Bible, and fulfil the evangelization. For example, in 1881, a female missionary teaching on the education wing of an orphanage said, as far as education was concerned, she and her missionary comrades planned to teach the girls to be honest and simple, help them acquire the primary skills in reading and writing and the basic knowledge about mathematics and geography, fully expose them to the Bible and, most importantly, remould them into good housewives devoted to their work or women acting in accordance with the Bible.13 CIM’s direct preaching had education and medical work metamorphosized into the tools of evangelization. Thereby, a number of Christian converts and missionaries, who were basically educated, loyal to the Bible, and intellectually ultraconservative, were produced in the poor rural areas. In three decades (1875–​1905), the number of Chinese missionaries working for CIM increased from 106 to 820. This increase should be related to CIM’s missionary education. In this sense, CIM’s endeavour was, to some extent, conducive to the indigenization of the Chinese Christian Church. The main reason why Dai’s CIM attracted a number of Chinese Christian converts lay in the CIM missionaries’ treating equally ordinary Chinese and seldom availing themselves of the unequal treaties to grab privileges. It is particularly worth mentioning that few CIM members demanded compensation through their governments in the wake of jiao’an (an incident involving foreign missionaries). An example was Yangzhou Jiao’an, in which Dai asked help from the local Chinese government rather than from the London regime and at the same time made no attempt to claim indemnity. During the 1900 Boxer Rebellion, the number of the CIM missionaries who died in the turmoil was the largest, viz. allegedly 58 CIM preachers died. Even so, CIM did not file claims for compensation from the Qing government. This might be related to CIM’s theological stand. For CIM missionaries, whenever they were endangered by something unexpected, would appeal to the local government rather than to the governments of the countries from which they came. If the appeal did not work, the CIM missionaries would resort to the power of God. Dai held that, if CIM was a protégé of the foreign government, the society itself and what it did would not only discord with the principle of the Bible but only make the Chinese feel antipathy towards the Christian religion. As far as possible, CIM the Chinese missionaries, among whom Xi Shengmo (literally, Xi, “the Vanquisher of Demons”) from Shanxi was the most famous. Xi was ordained a priest by Dai in 1886. Thanks to Xi, CIM set up a truly indigenized Chinese Church, which was renowned for its self-​ reliance, self-​propagation and independence, in the region including Pingyang, Hongdong and Daning. Nevertheless, while CIM did convert a number of Chinese residents, the principal part of its followers still consisted of the lower echelons of Chinese society and at the same time it exerted almost no influence on Chinese elites. As Dai’s method of indigenization was basically not based on cultural adaption, CIM was entirely opposed to Chinese customs such as sacrificing to

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  59 Confucius and the spirits of ancestors and biasedly denounced them as idolatrous. For this reason, CIM and the Chinese scholar-​officials were intellectually in diametric opposition to each other. This was corroborated by Dai’s implacable opposition to Ding Weiliang (William Alexander Parsons Martin) and other missionaries’ suggestion that the traditional Chinese custom of extending sacrifices to Confucius and the spirits of ancestors be tolerated by the Christian (/​Protestant) sects in the second (1890) GCPMCS. Posturing toughly, Dai said: Ancestral worship is idolatry from beginning to end, the whole of it and everything connected with it. The worship of any being, except Jehovah, is immoral and contrary to God’s law. … But [Rev. W. A. P. Martin’s] conclusion is wrong altogether, and the title of his paper is one that cannot be discussed by any Protestant body: “Worship (not of Jehovah)—​but of ancestors—​a plea for toleration.”14 Dai’s fundamentalist stand was cheered by the majority of foreign missionaries fulfilling the Christian occupation of China. This at least partially explains the reason most of the Chinese gentry had a strong aversion to Christianity in the second half of the nineteenth century.

The liberal wing of foreign missionaries: Young J. Allen, Timothy Richard, and their endeavours Almost without exception, foreign missionaries were seriously infected with cultural chauvinism. To be specific, these evangelizers held that only when they brought the Christian gospels and Western civilization would China be saved, on the grounds that the country was benighted and backward. Where the method of evangelization was concerned, foreign missionaries usually adopted Dai’s direct preaching, viz., that they directly lectured the gospels before local residents, distributed Christian promotional materials, and converted the Chinese to the Christian religion. Nevertheless, from the start the foreign missions encountered tremendous resistance and failed repeatedly. Some missionaries, learning lessons from failure, proposed indirect preaching, which was also known as cultural evangelization. Cultural evangelization referred to an endeavour in which the West culturally affected China to such an extent that the Chinese elites would accept Western science, technology, politics and ethics and accordingly the Chinese state be changed gradually and open to Christianity. Generally, those who preferred direct preaching were all conservatives, among whom Dai was most representative; and those who advocated indirect evangelization were liberals, among whom Lin Lezhi (Young J. Allen) and Li Timotai (Timothy Richard) are particularly worth being discussed. A researcher comparatively studied the missionary approaches adopted by Dai and Li, pointing out that Dai’s approach aspired to convert one million Chinese to Christianity by many hands and in contrast

60  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Li strove for evangelizing one million Chinese by a single person.15 To put it another way, direct preaching, laying stress on quantity rather than quality, mainly focused on ordinary poor residents. For this reason, performing direct preaching did not need profound knowledge but missionary zeal. By comparison, indirect evangelization required that missionaries be well-​educated and specially a master of culture in the hope that these missionaries could influence the Chinese playing a leading role in society. The proponents of the two missionary approaches assumed very different attitudes towards Chinese culture and the Chinese gentry. Those in favour of indirect evangelization were all deeply aware of the truth that the Chinese gentry played quite a significant role in Chinese society. Li, for instance, had said shi (the class of gentry) was the most prominent among the four social classes and best qualified to teach nong (peasants), shang (merchants) and gong (handicraftsmen).16 Thus, missionaries such as Li suggested the preachers be close to shi, and the shi holding important government posts in particular, and try their best to change such shi’s basic attitude towards Christianity or at least make them not averse to the Christian religion. The ultimate goal, as Li said, lay in converting Chinese people to Christianity. In short, the Christian occupation of the entirety of China should be done by means of this top-​down evangelization. In practice, the missionaries preferring the top-​down approach shifted their work’s centre of gravity from personal redemption to national salvation and thus paid little attention to direct preaching focusing on individuals of lower social strata. Especially, they set up learning societies and educational institutions, ran newspapers and published translations and, in doing so, they introduced the upper echelons of Chinese society to Western culture and exerted influence on the educated Chinese. Some missionaries—​Lin, Fu Lanya, Ding, for instance—​even directly worked for the governing reformists’ agencies such as Tongwen guan, Guang fangyan guan, and Jiangnan Arsenal, where they were employed as teachers or translators. These missionaries’ top-​down approach was in fact similar to the method adopted by the Jesuits during the Ming-​Qing transition. Making friends with the Chinese gentry was dependent on understanding traditional Chinese culture. It was in the process of getting acquainted with the Chinese elites that the previously arrogant missionaries changed their original contempt for Chinese culture; their interest in this culture was kindled instead. Some—​Lin, Li, Li Jiabai (Gilbert Reid), Hua Zhi’an (Ernst Faber), for instance—​started to respect Confucian classics and proposed unconventional missionary approaches such as Confucius plus Christ and Complementing Confucianism by Christianity. Lin was the first missionary who, theoretically, set out these new methods. In two months (December 1869–​January 1870), Lin published five articles in succession in Jiaohui xinbao (Church News) founded by himself. This long treatise was entitled “Changes in Enlightenment Teachings,” which systematically discussed the formula of Confucius plus Christ. Lin was quoted saying:

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  61 My missionary comrades hold that Jesus Christ is intellectually congruous with Confucius and Mencius. Please allow me to discuss this briefly in the sincere hope that my discussion will help people know better the changes in the basic teachings. As we know, Christianity lays particular stress on the most basic Five Ethics as Confucianism has always done. [Moreover,] Confucianism attach great importance to the Five Constant Virtues; so does Christianity. In order to corroborate his assertion that Christian ethics and Confucian moralities were congruous, Lin cited numerous passages taken from the Bible.17 He hoped that by doing so Chinese scholar-​officials would better their understanding of Christianity. Besides Lin, Hua Zhi’an (Ernest Faber), a German missionary, elaborated the idea of Confucius plus Christ. In his From West to East (自西徂东), Hua separately discussed ren (benevolence), yi (righteousness), li (propriety), zhi (wisdom) and xin (trustworthiness) in the light of Christian doctrines and did his best to approve that not only did Confucianism and Christianity harmonize with each other but also that they could complement each other. To be specific, some Christian doctrines could fill in the gaps existing in Confucianism, such as Christian cosmologic ethics’ complementing Confucian human ethics. Echoing Hua in his The Lore of Cathay, Ding pointed out: “There is, therefore, nothing to prevent a sound Confucian accepting Christ as the Light of the World, without abandoning his faith in Confucius as a special teacher for the Chinese people ‘Confucius plus Christ’ is a formula to which he has no insuperable objection.”18 Some missionaries—​Li Jiabai from the United States, for instance—​greatly respected Confucius. When visiting the Qufu-​based Confucian temple, Li walked in the grand hall and looked at the image of Confucius with reverence. At this moment, he felt that Confucius was really towering and dignified and worth being sincerely admired.19 In Shandong, where Li did his missionary work, he wore the clothing, performed Chinese rites, and interpreted Christian doctrines through Confucian classics. Li, aiming to get closer to the Chinese gentry, made great effort to memorize Confucian writings such as Four Books and Five Classics and gradually gained insight into traditional Chinese culture. When it came to Confucianism, Li said: “I deeply realize that the Confucian teaching is really extensive and profound. It is even epistemically unfathomable. But on the other hand, the grandest principles of the Confucian teaching are the most moderate, most unadorned, and most perceivable.”20 In 1897, Li set up Shangxian tang (the Institute of Exalting Worthies), by which he hoped that well-​educated Chinese and Westerners could meet and discuss, the scholars be intellectually polished, the Confucians be made more capable, and finally all of them set examples guiding the ordinary members of society to be more intelligent. In short, Shangxian tang could be a tool of helping people go beyond mediocrity.21 Among the liberal wing of missionaries, some—​Ding Weiliang, Li Jiabai, Ai Yuese (Joseph Edkins), Li Timotai, for instance—​were not only respectful

62  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China to Confucius but also tolerant of the sacrificial ceremonies dedicated to the spirits of ancestors. They held that the Chinese custom of sacrificing to the spirits of ancestors was not idolatry at all, but an act giving expression to the filial piety and a moral norm, which should be completely freed from missionary interference. In 1890, Ding submitted a paper strongly advocating the tolerance of this Chinese custom in the second GCPMCS, suggesting foreign missionaries “refrain from and interference with the native mode of honoring ancestors, and leave the reformation of the system to the influence of the divine truth, when it gets a firmer hold on the national mind.”22 Li Jiabai went further, pointing out that the prohibition of ancestral worship was not only a hindrance to missionary work but also an embodiment of the terrible haughtiness of Westerners. In the same vein, Li Timotai contended that sacrificing to ancestors was neither idolatry nor an act against inherently good human nature. In addition, when Ding worked for Tongwen guan, which did not require foreign employees to attend the sacrificial ceremony dedicated to Confucius, he specially led the foreign teachers to partake in the ceremony, hoping that, by doing so, they could pay their respects to Confucius, the most significant symbol of Chinese culture.23 Unsurprisingly, the (ultra-​)conservative hardcore of Christian missionaries was rabidly against these liberals. Despite this, precisely due to the liberals’ effort, several well-​educated Chinese elites did change their attitude towards Christianity and started to make friends with foreign missionaries. In order to more effectively influence the Chinese elite, foreign missionaries did their best to run cultural undertakings such as publishing a great number of books on Western knowledge. In a speech delivered in 1897 in London, Li Timotai shed light on the advantages of the cultural work done by foreign missionaries. First, the cultural work was the most applicable to the well-​ educated Chinese scholar-​officials, who were originally against Christianity in public but then might abandon their hostility after reading Western books. Second, missionary endeavour by means of cultural (/​textual) work would not provoke riots. Third, the in/​direct evangelization done through cultural work was much more feasible and more effective.24 In the second half of the nineteenth century, the liberal missionary wing monopolized the publication of Western books in China. At the time there were three major publishers. Specifically, Jiangnan Arsenal published scientific and technical books and Fu Lanya was responsible for this work; Tongwen guan, led by Ding Weiliang, printed numerous books in relation to Yangwu; and at the same time Guangxue hui produced many translations and monographs. Of the three major publishers, the first two were managed by the Qing government and the third by foreign missionaries. Before the founding of Guangxue hui, Jiangnan Arsenal and Tongwen guan played an important role in the governing reformists’ endeavour to rehabilitate China. The late-​ founded Guangxue hui exerted a very deep influence on Weixin. Fu Lanya had worked for the translation studio of Jiangnan Arsenal for 28 years (1868–​1896) and produced over 200 translations about science and

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  63 technology covering a wide range of topics such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, mineralogy, metallurgy, medicine and military industry. In addition, Fu rendered a few books about history and politics into Chinese. For example, he edited Current Affairs Taking Place in the West (西国近事汇编), which was the most readable in the eyes of Liang Qichao, a renowned early modern Chinese reformer-​turned-​thinker. In 16 years (1876–​1892), Fu published the journal known as Knowledge Ensued from Investigation (格致汇编), which devoted itself to introducing the Chinese to Western science and technology. In 1875, Fu, in collaboration with Mai Huatuo (Walter H. Medhurst), Weilie Yali (Alexander Wylie) and Tang Tingshu, set up the Gezhi Academy promoting Western knowledge, aspiring to have scientific knowledge popularized among Chinese intellectuals. In addition, the books produced by Fu and the academy founded by Fu not only exerted influence on Yangwu but also on the emergence of modern Chinese scientists. Furthermore, Fu’s endeavour gave impetus to the rise of the leadership of Weixin. For example, Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao and Tan Sitong, all of whom were the leading figures promoting Weixin, were politico-​philosophically inspired by Fu’s publications to rejuvenate the Chinese nation. Guangxue hui was founded by the liberal missionary wing in China and independent of any missionary societies. In November 1887, Wei Lianchen (Alexander Williamson), a Scottish missionary, set up Tongwen shuhui, a publishing house, in Shanghai. In 1894, it was renamed Guangxue hui. The society’s board of directors was founded in 1888 and presided over by Robert Hart, an Englishman who ran China’s Imperial Maritime Custom Service for decades. Wei was one of the directors acting as the supervisor. According to the society’s “prospectus,” Guangxue hui had two goals: It may, however, be well to note that our aim summarised, is two-​ fold: namely, (1) to provide books of a comparatively high order for the more intelligent classes in China; and (2), books illustrated by chromos for the families. …The great distinguishing feature of the Chinese from the very earliest times has been their attachment to literature, and the honour they have set upon it. …These features have struck every observer who has landed on their shores, and led all who sought to influence the empire, to seek to avail themselves of the press. … [As the] literati abound in every part of the empire, and are held in the highest esteem; in fact, are the very soul of the empire and virtually rule it. It is therefore manifest that if we would influence China at all as a nation, we must begin with them[.]‌…It seems to us therefore that there could hardly be an association of more importance to China, and to all interested in her welfare, than the one we now commend to your consideration.25 These words demonstrated that the founding of Guangxue hui was fully an embodiment of the indirect evangelization adopted by liberal missionaries aspiring to culturally influence Chinese society. Wei, who died in 1890, was

64  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China succeeded by Li Timotai. Li was later titled the Secretary-​General and did his utmost to put into effect the guiding principles of the society. Li, being theologically different from Dai Desheng, firmly believed that the Kingdom of God (KoG) existed not only in the human mind but also in all the worldly institutions. In order that the body and soul of human beings could be saved right now or in future, Li placed emphasis on morality and acts of kindness, as well as asserting that the KoG and the everyday life of human being were inseparable, all efforts benefiting humankind were religious, and all those who did their best to better the world would be blessed forever.26 Li insisted that the Christian Church in China must adapt itself to the Chinese environment and achieve the syncretism of Christianity, Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. At the time when Weixin was being carried out, Guangxue hui, under the leadership of Li, grasped the situation and published a great number of books on Western natural sciences and humanities (see Table 3.1).27 These books constituted a great impetus to Weixin. Guangxue hui repeatedly gave Zongli Yamen (the late Qing’s highest agency superintending foreign affairs) Western books with a view to influencing the top echelons of Table 3.1 Books on Western natural sciences and humanities Author/​Editor/​Translator

Titles

Wei Lianchen

Inquiry into Origin by Investigation (格物探源) Essentials of Governance (治国要务) An Historical Sketch of Britain (大英国志) Astronomy and Geography (天文地理) A Complete Book of Geography (地理 全志) Five Basic Knowledge (知识五门) From West to East (自西徂东) On Education (教化议) The Western Schools (西国学校) Christianity Makes Confucianism Full (救世教成全儒教) (The three-​volume) Knowledge Ensued from Investigation (格致须知) Essentials of Knowledge (须知) The International Law (万国公法) An Insight into International Law (公法会通) A Survey of International Law (公法便览) On National Wealth (富国策) The Basic Knowledge (格物入门) A New Edition of Global Affairs (闻见选录新编)

Mu Weilian (William Muirhead)

Hua Zhi’an An Baoluo (Paul Kranz) Fu Lanya Ding Weiliang

Notes

In total, Fu produced 23 booklets.

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China 65 Table 3.1 Cont. Author/​Editor/​Translator

Titles

Lin Lezhi

A Preliminary Discussion of Sino-​ Western Relations (中西关系略论) Fundamentals of International Politics (列国岁纪政要) Essentials of Christianity (救世教益) General Discussion of Planets (八星之 一总论) Christianity in the World (五洲教务) Four Fundamentals of Governance in China and the West (中西四大政) A Short History of Thirty-​One Countries (三十一国志要) Essentials of Modern Knowledge in Seven Countries (七国新学备要) The Chinese and British Stipulations respecting Legal Cases (华英谳案定 章考) The Order of Powers (大国次第) Shedding New Light on Current Affairs (时事新论) The Western Big Bell (西铎)

Li Timotai

Notes

Chinese society. It was successful, which was corroborated by Zongli Yamen’s commentary that the books produced by Guangxue hui were down-​to-​earth, thought-​provoking, and farsighted.28 At first, Guangxue hui did not run any newspapers. In 1889, it took over Wanguo gongbao, which was originally founded by Lin Lezhi and had already shut down, and revived it. Wanguo gongbao was thus turned into the mouthpiece of Guangxue hui. Lin was still the editor-​in-​chief. It was in 1868 that Lin started to publish Jiaohui xinbao. At first, Lin’s newspaper preached the Christian faith and at the same time disseminated basic Western knowledge about science and politics. From the start, Lin’s paper tried its best to set out Christian doctrines using Confucian terminology. In September 1874, Jiaohui xinbao was renamed Wanguo gongbao, which focused on the current affairs. In 1883, the paper ceased publication due to the lack of funds. Thanks to Guangxue hui, it was finally revived. In almost one decade (1889–​1898), Anglo-​American missionaries published over 100 articles in this newspaper advocating reforms in China. For this reason, Wanguo gongbao was regarded as the media that did the most successful work in influencing the Chinese leadership.29 The success of this newspaper lay in Lin’s way of soliciting essays, which got closer to the Chinese and influenced them more profoundly. The essays published by Wanguo gongbao could be divided into two groups. First, Guangxue hui selected a topic and then invited erudite people to pen essays.

66  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Lin himself produced over 40 articles in this way. Besides him, many well-​ educated liberal missionaries wrote numerous essays covering a wide range of topics such as religion, current affairs, social reform and modern education. Second, readers, most of whom were Chinese, were encouraged to submit a piece of writing to the newspaper. These Chinese contributors were usually deeply influenced by the ideas of missionaries, when they were discussing politics. As a consequence, the Chinese contributors’ writings indirectly propagated the missionaries’ points of view. Guangxue hui’s books and Wanguo gongbao’s essays in particular exerted a profound influence on Weixin’s leaders such as Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao. For example, Kang’s Shiwu bao (“Current Affairs”) resembled Wanguo gongbao and quite a lot of content was extracted from the latter. Indeed, many reformist ideas of Kang and Liang, the twin theory-​builders of Weixin, were from writings and translations done by missionaries. Kang always candidly confessed this. For example, he had told an editor working for the Hong Kong-​based China Post (中国邮报) that he firmly believed in reform precisely because of the work penned by two missionaries, namely Li Timotai and Lin Lezhi.30 Kang’s programme of reform, which was known as Gongche shangshu (“submitting a written statement by the public vehicle”), was mainly inspired by missionary writings and the essays published in Wanguo gongbao in particular. For example, Kang’s proposals for making China prosperous were strikingly similar to those formulated by Ai Yuese in his treatise on national wealth. In addition, Kang’s programmes regarding governance, education and socio-​political reforms were all inspired by Li Timotai’s Four Essentials of Governance (养民四要), Lin Lezhi’s New Programs of Governance (治安 新策) and Li Jiabai’s Suggestions to Chinese Government (上中朝政府书). It is noteworthy that Kang’s reforms not only had a political programme but also suggested China achieve national salvation by means of religion. Kang’s religion referred to Confucianism as the state religion, which organizationally modelled itself on Western Christianity and was intellectually based on Confucian thinking. Obviously, Kang’s attaching importance to religion resulted from the influence exerted by the liberal missionary wing. In fact, not only did liberal missionaries influence reformers through publications, but some of them even participated in Weixin. For example, in 1895, when Kang was setting up Qiangxuehui, missionaries such as Li Timotai, Li Jiabai and Bi Dege (William N. Pethick) joined Kang. Qiangxue hui was convened almost every day. Missionaries such as Li Timotai and Li Jiabai were frequenters of the society’s conferences, in which they told elite officials about modern knowledge, and for this reason the gentry were fond of listening to their speeches and convinced by their talks. Hundreds of renowned people in the capital city and well-​known officials from other provinces attended these meetings.31 It is safe to say that, in the second half of the nineteenth century, liberal missionaries’ political influence on China was most intensively embodied in Weixin. Therefore, the liberal missionary wing’s indirect evangelization did work in Chinese society. In the meantime, the proponents of

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  67 Yangwu and Weixin changed their attitudes towards Christianity due to the effort made by the liberal missionary wing. A few reformers even held that the past excessive aversion to foreign things was inappropriate and that the Chinese should be friendly to the Christian faith. On July 12, 1898, reformers asserted that the country be tolerant of (foreign) religions and take action to protect Christian missionaries.32 All these indicated that the liberal missionary wing’s indirect evangelization, by which the Chinese might become gradually open to Christianity, was not unreasonable, but instead it indeed, to a certain extent, gained its ends. To sum up, the liberal missionary wing’s indirect evangelization, which availed itself of Western civilization to change Chinese attitudes towards the Christian religion, objectively made missionaries the messengers attempting to bridge the West and China. Missionaries published a large number of books, most of which could be used to meet the needs of Chinese society at the time, played a significant role in promoting Yangwu and Weixin in particular and, in doing so, influenced quite a few Chinese and changed their basic attitude towards Christianity. In view of this, the present author concludes that the missionaries were successful in helping Western Christianity and Chinese society harmonize with each other. Herein lay an important aspect of the indigenization of Christianity. This was precisely because missionaries respected Confucianism and Chinese culture and at the same time strove for innovatively interpreting Christian doctrines through syncretism involving Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism and Christianity. In short, the missionaries’ indirect evangelizing endeavour was a direct impetus to the Chinese indigenization of Christianity.

The educational missionary and indigenization The missionary education was, by nature, a religious attempt made by the Christian Church to adapt itself to the characteristics of Chinese society. Precisely because direct evangelization had little success, some missionaries attempted to preach their religion by cultural means. Aside from publishing books, the missionaries employed education as an important tool of disseminating the Christian faith. Missionaries from the United States, who were followed by their counterparts in the United Kingdom, made their best effort to develop Christian education, which was generally known as an educational missionary that actually consisted of both direct and indirect evangelization. Where direct evangelization by education was concerned, it treated students as the objects of preaching and taught them almost exclusively the Bible. In this way, most of the students would be converted to Christianity. Undoubtedly, it was direct evangelization. But in terms of missionary education doing its utmost to inculcate Western culture and knowledge into Chinese students with a view to making them feel well disposed towards Christianity and even converting them, it was undoubtedly indirect evangelization by education that was most effective. The two types of evangelization

68  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China could both be found in missionary education in China. The liberal missionary wing paid great attention to indirect evangelization, whereas the conservatives or fundamentalists laid stress on direct evangelization. Generally, missionary education in its incipient stage focused on the direct preaching of Christianity. As time went by, more and more missionary schools abandoned the original direct evangelization and favoured indirect evangelization instead. After 1877, many newly-​built missionary schools chose to propagate their religion by indirect ways. As a consequence, the religious air shrouding missionary schools was gradually thinned. The present author divides missionary education in China into three stages, spanning from 1807—​known for the arrival of Ma Lixun (Robert Morrison)—​down to the end of the nineteenth century. Stage I started in 1807 and ended on the eve of the signing of the 1860 Beijing Treaty. In this stage, the number of missionary schools was very small and they all unexceptionally aimed at directly evangelizing Chinese students. After the Qing government was forced to sign Beijing Treaty in 1860, missionaries penetrated the interior of China and set up more schools there. Stage II ended in the first GCPMCS held at Shanghai in 1877. Stage III ended in the last year of the nineteenth century. Stage I has been discussed in the previous chapter; the present author will not give unnecessary details here. In comparison with Stage I, Stage II witnessed a significant increase in the number of missionary schools, among which there were a few middle schools, though the overwhelming majority were elementary schools. By 1877, a researcher has observed, the missionaries had set up 347 schools of every hue and recruited 5,917 students in total. Some of these imitated Western schools, while others incorporated traditional Chinese education. Some were day schools, some were boarding schools and some were open to both day and boarding students. There were all-​girls schools, all-​boys schools, while others accepted both girls and boys. Some were exclusively open to children of Christian converts, while others enrolled non-​Christian students. There were schools that taught the Bible and classical Chinese only, while others offered courses on history, geography, mathematics and physics.33 But, among these missionary schools there were only four genuine high schools. It was in Stage III that there was an upsurge in setting up missionary schools, all of which were, qualitatively and quantitively, an improvement on what had gone on before. In 1890, the number of missionary schools tripled in comparison with that of 1877. By 1899, the number increased still further. It was estimated then that over 2,000 schools were affiliated with varied Catholic and Protestant sects. The quality of missionary schools was significantly improved. Not only were there secondary schools but also some higher education institutions were coming into being. A researcher has indicated that by the end of the nineteenth century, almost every missionary society had at least a primary school, many set up middle schools, and a few even founded colleges.34 In fact, at first, missionary societies had no alternative but to adapt themselves to Chinese society by virtue of education. Even in the late stage, when various Christian sects had recognized evangelization

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  69 by education, missionary schools were still one of the consequences of the Christian endeavour to be adaptable to Chinese society. This was embodied not only in the ever-​increasing number of missionary schools but also in the growing secularization of the origin of students, the curricula and the goal of education. In this sense, the Christian endeavour to develop education in China was an effort to indigenize Christianity. The emergence and growth of missionary schools corroborated this. After 1860, various Christian sects sent more missionaries to China, among whom most, like the aforementioned Dai Desheng, were fond of direct evangelization with a view to saving the soul of heathens and redeeming them by converting them to Christianity. As these newly-​dispatched missionaries regarded converting the Chinese as their most important work, they were generally opposed to setting up schools. For these Christian fundamentalists, accepting Christ depended on faith rather than on knowledge. But soon missionaries realized that the great majority of Chinese had a strong aversion to the Christian religion. Nor did the missionaries’ preaching interest the Chinese at all. In many cases, the promotional materials distributed by missionaries were used by recipients as wrapping paper or to stitch the soles of their shoes. The disappointed missionaries hopelessly concluded that direct evangelization could not work. Under such circumstances, some missionaries offered free courses to poor people who wanted to prevent their children from being illiterate, hoping that the young students attending these courses would be directly exposed to Christianity. However, free courses did not work either. Thus, the missionaries had to set up boarding schools, which provided all students with free accommodation. The free boarding school was precisely the characteristic of China’s missionary education in its incipient stage. At these schools there were sessions of prayer and the curricula focused on the Bible and Christian doctrines. Aside from religious teaching, a few lectures on the ancient Confucian classics, science, mathematics, history and geography were offered. As missionary societies kept growing, the education of the children of Chinese Christian converts had to be put on the work schedule. The overwhelming majority of Chinese converts were from very poor families and could not afford any tuition fees. Besides, due to the consideration of the faith, they were reluctant to send their children to freethinking schools. For these reasons, there gradually appeared schools exclusively open to children of Chinese converts. It was in the course of preaching Christianity that many missionaries realized that the Chinese missionaries’ work was much more effective than that done by their foreign counterparts. For this reason, foreign missionary societies started to pay attention to training Chinese assistants. Not only did the Chinese assistants organize the religious activities partaken by local followers in the absence of the foreign missionaries, but they also acted as more efficient brokers and made transactions such as purchasing land and renting houses easier. Missionary societies intentionally intensified their

70  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China work training Chinese assistants. To do so, missionary schools were set up. To create the backbone of the Chinese Church in the near future, missionary societies intensively taught their students the Bible and Western history and geography and at the same time helped them become the literati by teaching indispensable Confucian classics. In reality, the missionary-​literati were much more attractive to ordinary Chinese people, who were the primary objects of evangelization. In addition, students would study science and mathematics, which would make them more intellectually logical. These schools all resulted from direct evangelization. None of them were the original goal of missionaries but they were one of the consequences of the missionary work done in China. To put it another way, missionary schools were the children of the marriage of the missionary endeavour and Chinese social reality. In this sense, the emergence of the missionary school was the fruit of the indigenization of missionary work. Only when missionary schools grew to meet the needs of Chinese society would they be recognized nationwide. Since 1863, the Qing government, which was forced to open China’s door to the world, was badly in need of talented people of yangwu. Therefore, it founded Tongwenguan in Beijing, where some foreign missionaries were employed to teach foreign languages and train some people for the imperial agency superintending foreign affairs. Three years later, a shipyard was set up in Fujian and an arsenal and a mechanic school were founded in Shanghai. In 1867, the Qing government sent high ministers to visit foreign powers. All these not only needed people who were good at foreign languages but also at natural sciences. But traditional Chinese education, and Keju (the imperial civil service examination) in particular, paid no attention to science but produced only conventional Confucian scholars who devoted themselves to reading the ancient classics and writing baguwen (“the eight-​legged essays,” that is, the highly orthodox treatises). This actually left a huge space for missionary education in China. The liberal missionary wing, which spent time and energy developing Christian education in China, started to offer more courses teaching students natural sciences and humanities, in the hope that this effort would not only fill the gap existing in traditional Chinese education but also make the Christian religion more attractive and more influential among the Chinese by introducing them to Western culture. Such an educational endeavour precisely met the needs of Chinese society at the time. For this reason, from the late 1870s, the newly-​founded missionary schools, and those located in the coastal areas in particular, adopted indirect evangelization. Objectively, this change was in conformity with the social changes taking place in China. At that time, because China was being colonized by foreign powers, Chinese customs, post offices and various enterprises related to Yangwu were all in dire need of talented people having a good command of both foreign languages and natural sciences. Although the emergence of missionary schools resulted from missionary work and was a solution to China’s need to develop itself, the liberal wing and fundamentalists of the missionary societies argued endlessly over the necessity

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  71 and goal of missionary education in late nineteenth-​century China. Even as late as 1890, hardcore ultraconservatives in the missionary societies were still strongly opposed to setting up Christian schools in China. Some overseas missionary societies objected to developing education in heathen lands such as China. For example, in the 1870s, the ruling body of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) repeatedly emphasized that the most important work was not education but evangelization. In 1883, ABCFM refused to give any money to missionaries who suggested the society set up an Anglo-​Chinese Academy in China. At the 1877 GCPMCS, the debate on missionary education became heated. There were five treatises devoting to this topic, which caused a bitter dispute between liberal missionaries and fundamentalist Christians. The fundamentalists straightly denied the importance of missionary education, contending instead that missionary work must be dependent on direct evangelization and education was no more than an auxiliary tool of missionary work. Some said missionary education was merely an effort to preach gospels to another group of people; and some alleged that next to evangelization humanities were much less significant and missionary schools should be open only to the children of Chinese Christian converts and devote themselves to training the successors of the Church.35 These fundamentalists unanimously objected to the Church investing money and manpower in developing missionary education and contended that missionary education focus on primary schools that could help the converts read the Bible. Just as the liberal missionary wing did, some, represented by Di Kaowen, laid stress on the importance of Christian education and the role humanities played in educational practice, even though they could not be as open and enlightened as missionaries such as Ding Weiliang. Di shed light on the importance of missionary education, asserting: Education … is important in order to provide an effective and reliable ministry; to furnish teachers for Christian schools, and through them to introduce into China the superior education of the West; to prepare men to take the lead in introducing into China the science and arts of western civilization, as the best means of gaining access to the higher classes in China, of giving to the native church self-​reliance, and of fortifying her against the encroachments of superstition from within and the attacks of educated skepticism from without.36 Herein lay a counterpunch dealt to the conservative fundamentalists who were opposed to missionary education. In addition, Di held that Christian education should not be merely conducted at the primary level but instead meet higher standards. At this point, he said: By those who advocate schools, two diverse views are taken of their object. Some advocate them as a means of getting so many heathen boys and girls under the influence of Christian truth, in the hope that they

72  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China may be converted, and especially that they may become preachers of the Gospel. Others advocate schools as an indirect agency, fitted to break up the fallow ground, and prepare the way for the good seed of divine truth. Both these views seem to me partial and incomplete. The first is the view I suppose to be most commonly held. It is however a superficial view[.]‌The prevalence of this view has caused Mission Schools in China to be largely of a primary class, and the instruction to be confined largely to religious books. … The other theory viz.—​that education is an indirect agency, intend ed to produce only indirect results, is much nearer the truth, though it does not contain all the truth in the premises. The object of Mission Schools I take to be the education of the pupils mentally, morally and religiously, not only that they may be converted, but that being converted they may become effective agents in the hands of God, for defending and advancing the cause of truth. Schools also which give a knowledge of western science and civilization cannot fail to do great good both physically and socially. That indirect agencies as such are legitimate, and even necessary, is easily proved, and is practically allowed by all.37 Generally, Di was a representative of the liberal missionary wing in favour of education, though he did not fully agree with the ideas of the most enlightened missionaries. Looking back at the history of missionary education in China, the present author finds that it was the liberal wing’s educational programme that finally prevailed and, as a consequence, missionary schools played an increasing role in meeting the needs of Chinese society aspiring for development. Precisely for this reason, missionary schools became more and more popular among the Chinese. In short, these schools were more attractive to young people. However, the conservatives and fundamentalists gained the upper hand in the 1877 GCPMCS. Liberal missionaries, who devoted themselves to improving the quality of missionary education, were outflanked and had to defend their work by emphasizing the goal of missionary education, that is, evangelization. Even Di himself admitted: “It should be premised however, that while education, as a mission agency, is highly important, it is not the most important. It cannot be made to take the place of preaching, which without controversy stands first in importance.”38 But at any rate, the 1877 GCPMCS did give impetus to a substantial improvement in the quality of missionary schools. In order that missionary schools could meet higher standards, it was imperative to standardize the textbooks used by the various schools. Therefore, the 1877 GCPMCS decided to set up an editorial committee, which was known as Yizhi shuhui (“the book society for brain development”) in Chinese. Ding Weiliang was appointed the chairperson of the committee. Apart from Ding, Wei Lianchen, Di, Lin Lezhi, Li Liji (Rudolf Lechler) and Fu Lanya joined this committee. The committee was focused on the idea that not only should

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  73 school books be produced in the light of the most basic Christian doctrines and made more attractive to the Chinese, but they could also help the young Chinese who did not attend missionary schools acquire knowledge.39 The GCPMCS decided to produce two series of textbooks. The primary books were superintended by Fu Lanya; and the advanced ones by Lin Lezhi. These books covered a wide range of subjects, such as mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, biology, history, geography, languages and music. The missionaries’ ambition was that Western school books should not only be rendered into Chinese but also be adapted with Chinese examples and illustrations. In short, these textbooks must be Sinicized. Although this ambition could not be fully realized in the nineteenth century, members of the editorial committee did make a great effort. The textbooks prepared by Yizhi shuhui also reflected two conflicting opinions. Some, represented by Wei Lianchen, held that school books should, first of all, conform to scientific principles and, at the same time, under proper conditions, voice Christian truths such as God, Sin and Salvation. Contrary to Wei and his comrades, Fu Lanya, the general-​ secretary of the book society, suggested a strict separation of science from religion. Unfortunately, Fu’s suggestion was rejected by the missionary society as a whole. Despite this, Fu’s 1890 report on the achievements of the society indicated that, by then, it had published 50 textbooks, which in total amounted to 74 volumes and had 40 illustrations and charts. In addition, the committee examined and approved another 48 books, having a total of 115 volumes, all of which could be used as textbooks.40 Among these school books, the religious ones were almost all penned by Wei and his wife and thus none of them could be selected as textbooks. Fu and Di severely criticized this. Fu pointed out that the religious book could not be school books at all and Yizhi shuhui should be reformed and replaced with a new committee, which consisted of those who practically did educational work and knew well what kind of books could be textbooks.41 In 1890, Yizhi shuhui was remoulded into the Society for Chinese Education (SCE). From then on, the number of school books containing religious content decreased significantly. Some missionaries laid stress on the importance of Confucian thinking in missionary education. For example, Hua Zhi’an, a missionary from Germany, delivered a speech entitled “The Issue of Christian Education in China” at SCE’s first annual conference, emphasizing that in their endeavour missionaries must make full use of Confucianism. These ideas were widely accepted by many later missionary societies. After 1877, missionary schools witnessed a remarkable increase in quantity and an improvement in quality. It is particularly worth mentioning that the teaching of natural sciences, humanities, Chinese and English was greatly improved. By 1890, no one questioned the necessity of missionary education and many missionary societies had set up the secondary schools and even in some cases colleges. Among the missionary schools, Di’s Wenhuiguan (Dengzhou College) in Dengzhou, Shandong, Lin’s Shanghai-​based Zhongxi

74  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China shuyuan (Sino-​Western College), and Saint John’s College (SJC) founded by Shi Yuese (Samuel Isaac Joseph Schereschewsky) in Shanghai were reputable, playing a positive role in training talented people and making the Christian sects adaptable to the development of Chinese society. Take Di’s Wenhuiguan for example. The predecessor of Wenhuiguan was a primary school. Then, as Yangwu kept growing in China, the Chinese paid more attention to Western science and technology. In 1876, Di, aspiring to meet the needs of Chinese society, upgraded his primary school to an academy and renamed it Wenhuiguan. The upgraded school was divided into the three-​ year preparatory section and the six-​year formal section. Five years later, it metamorphosized into a junior college. Accordingly, the goal of this school shifted from serving the church to serving society. So far as the curricula of Wenhuiguan was concerned, aside from those devoted to the Bible, there were diverse courses on algebra, trigonometry, metrology, astronomy, conical section, marine navigation, analytic geometry, mathematical physics and infinitesimal calculus, as well as the two-​year physics and one-​year chemistry courses.42 In addition to the school books prepared by the Christian Church in Shanghai, Di himself edited some textbooks, such as those on elementary mental arithmetic and manual computation, the fundamentals of algebra, basic geometry and Mandarin, as well as preparing related lecture notes. He also produced additional school books about physicochemical experiments, electricity, surveying, calculus exercises and Chinese dictionaries. Besides editing textbooks, Di built a power station, chemical laboratory, observatory (with a radio telescope) and factories devoted to carpentry, ironwork, electrical engineering and lathe operation. With these, students could not only learn basic scientific knowledge but also have a good command of experimental skills and varied techniques. Di went further, realizing that in Shandong, the birthplace of Confucianism represented by Confucius and Mencius, the students’ mastery of Confucianism must be as good as the old-​style scholar-​ officials, if they wanted to establish themselves well in Chinese society. Thus, Wenhuiguan laid particular stress on the study of Confucian classics. Some students of Wenhuiguan were even at the top of the list of candidates participating in the imperial civil service examination at the local level. Due to these measures conforming to the actual needs of Chinese society, Di’s Wenhuiguan became a school of some note not only in Shandong but also in entire north China. Graduates of Wenhuiguan were often employed by important governmental agencies and other schools to teach. Especially in the wake of the abolishment of Keju in 1905, the supply of Wenhuiguan graduates fell short of the demand. Di was always opposed to offering English courses in his Wenhuiguan, on the grounds that such courses were totally unnecessary. The reasons were as follows. First, English courses changed the composition of students—​ some from rich families attended the missionary school with a commercial purpose—​and, consequently, the school became less religious and less academic. Second, some students immediately dropped out as soon as they

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  75 had a slight knowledge on English, and regular graduates were engrossed in finding profitable jobs, while paying little attention to the Church. Third, when students grasped English, more often than not they looked down on the Chinese language and, thus, lost their national character. But, as time went by, there was a growing discontent with Di’s opposition to English courses. Contrary to Di, English became a required course in the overwhelming majority of twentieth-​century’s universities and colleges. If Di’s Wenhuiguan was still very religious, some schools, on the other hand, such as Lin Lezhi’s Zhongxi shuyuan and Zhongxi nüshu (Sino-​Western All-​Girls School), which were set up in 1881 and 1890 respectively, and Saint John’s College (SJC), which was founded by Shi Yuese and led by Bu Fangji (Francis Lister Hawks Pott), were secularized to a greater extent. These schools never worried that they would be less religious but instead placed emphasis on trying their best to meet Chinese society’s need of talented people grasping foreign languages. Precisely for this reason, they started to offer English courses as early as the 1880s. According to the constitution of Lin’s Zhongxi shuyuan, the purpose (of offering English courses) was that students could have a good command of both Chinese and Western knowledge and thus become especially talented people. Lin regarded both English-​dominated courses on Western knowledge and Chinese courses as equally important. Besides, his schools laid particular stress on the education of humanities. Therefore, Lin’s schools greatly met the needs of Yangwu and played a very positive role in promoting the educational reform advocated by Weixin. For these reasons, since its very inception, not only American diplomats in China and foreign merchants living in Shanghai but also prominent officials of Yangwu such as Li Hongzhang strongly supported Lin and his schools.43 In the meantime, SJC showed special preference to teaching English. It created an English department in 1881, as the leaders of the school believed that in Shanghai at that time English was commercially very useful and that young people having a good command of English were more easily able to find a decently-​paid job in foreign firms. Therefore, the SJC’s heads decided to meet the need of students.44 English was taught schoolwide in SJC. Missionary schools such as Zhongxi shuyuan and SJC were not the training centre of the Church but open to the entire society. As these schools were not free of charge, only boys and girls from the rich families, such as compradors, were able to attend. Few students of these schools were the children of (poor) Chinese Christian converts. In fact, these schools were much less religious. An 1891 report submitted to the board superintending the missionary work acknowledged that the role that institutions such as SJC played in the propagation of the Christian religion was not direct but indirect or, put it another way, few of the students of SJC were converted to Christianity.45 Missionaries in favour of education believed that, by virtue of indirect evangelization, the influence of the Christian religion could be substantially extended, even though outwardly the number of students who were converted on the campus was not large. Bu Fangji, for instance, firmly held that his SJC,

76  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China which later developed into a full-​fledged university, would metamorphosize into China’s West Point, in which the future leaders and commandants of China would be trained and they in turn exerted the greatest influence on their compatriots.46 Looking back at the history of missionary universities in China, these Christian institutions did train a group of talented people and, to a certain extent, influenced Chinese society, even though Bu’s prophecy did not come true. One of the reasons for the missionary schools’ success lay in theirs adapting to Chinese society and meeting society’s needs. This was actually a type of indigenization of the Christian Church.

Missionary charities and indigenization A popular Chinese idea of governance holds that a good official should take good care of his people as the good parents do to their children. To be specific, good officials must pay great attention to ordinary people’s food, clothing, housing and transportation. Originally, the “socialization wing” of the liberal evangelical missionaries did lay stress on finding solutions to realistic problems besetting the poor. As soon as they arrived in China, driven by the miserable daily lives of ordinary people, missionaries made great efforts to help the poor, provide disaster relief, set up hospitals and save patients. The missionaries’ work contributed to the stabilization of Chinese society. For this reason, Chinese officials and the prominent proponents of Yangwu in particular supported their efforts. This recognition and appreciation played a great role in improving the image of the Christian religion among the Chinese. Seen from this angle, the missionaries’ work served as a great impetus to the indigenization of Christianity in China. The most brilliant work done by missionaries in helping the poor and providing disaster relief took place in the 1870s. This relates to the missionaries’ effort to relieve the victims of a three-​year-​long (1876–​1879) disaster devouring the five northern provinces. At that time, Shandong, Zhili, Shanxi, Shaanxi and Henan were in the grip of an unprecedentedly severe drought. It is believed that ten million people starved to death and a staggeringly large number of peasants fled from the famine-​stricken areas. Some anecdotal evidence suggests that even cannibalism lingered there. Unfortunately, the corrupt, incompetent Qing government in its twilight years could do nothing about this. The Christian missionary societies sent over 30 priests to find out what was really going on in disaster areas. Li Timotai, who visited Shanxi, described the grievousness of famine in detail in his diary. In 1878, missionaries, assisted by some foreign diplomats and merchants, set up the first relief foundation, which was known as China Famine Relief Committee (CFRC), in China. Many missionaries devoted themselves to relief work. They raised money overseas among foreign residents and Britons and Americans in particular. This disaster relief fund was exclusively managed by missionaries on the grounds that not only were they generally regarded as “clean and impartial” but they were also compassionate and capable of hard work.47 Thanks

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  77 to their efforts, the image of Christianity was substantially improved among residents in quite a few areas. As a consequence, there were a number of new Chinese Christian converts. Some missionaries even established a good relationship with local governments. Take Li Timotai for example. He spent one year helping the people in the famine areas in Shandong, where the missionary converted 2,000 Chinese residents and got acquainted with many officials. Guo Xiande (Hunter Corbett), who was a missionary working in Shangdong at that time, described how to convert the Chinese by means of relief work. According to him, many abandoned children, who were starving to death by the roadside, were saved and returned to their mother by missionaries. Exactly because of this, many Chinese no longer regard missionaries as “hairy barbarians” but as great benefactors. He especially mentioned the poorhouse set up in Yantai, in which many good-​hearted Westerners brushed aside difficulties and saved the Chinese. Guo asserted that the Shandong people, moved by missionaries’ hard work, started to believe that the world was full of such good people and believed in Christianity as soon as they were told that the benefactors were all disciples of Jesus. In 1877, Guo began doing missionary work southwards and Ni Weisi went westwards. In one year, Ni had no fewer than 1,000 people converted to Christianity and Guo set up a Christian church in Beiling Village, Qingdao.48 Guo’s account indicated that the missionary society’s relief work played a great role in winning local residents’ support and disseminating the Christian faith among the Chinese. Of the charitable work done by missionaries in China, founding hospitals and healing the people were among the most important. As regards the goal of medical missionary work (MMW), Jia Yuehan (John Glasgow Kerr), a missionary-​ doctor who collaboratively founded Boji Yiyuan (Canton Hospital), concisely proposed three points in a treatise submitted to the 1877 GCPMCS. First, MMW should convince the Chinese that Western medicine was better than its Chinese counterpart. Second, MMW should dispel (the Chinese) prejudice against the Christian religion. Third, MMW should try its best to convert patients to Christianity by healing them.49 In fact, as early as 1885, another medical missionary known as Peirce from Boji Yiyuan, having his conclusion based on his own observations and experience, pointed out that no charity plan designed by the West for China could be smarter than MMW’s goals and methods. To be specific, he went on, foreigners could not only help the Chinese abandon their prejudice against and hostility towards the Christian religion, but could also disseminate Western science and inventions by virtue of setting up hospitals.50 It is true that in the nineteenth century MMW, together with the relief work, were among the most popular methods adopted by missionary societies to attract the Chinese. At that time China was poor and backward and suffered from a lack of doctors and medicine. The overwhelming majority of the poor could not afford a doctor. Seeing this, missionaries provided the destitute with basic medical care and, at the same time, disseminated the Christian faith among the recipients, who did not have a strong aversion to

78  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Christianity. Those who were seriously ill and their family members would especially be deeply grateful for missionary doctors’ kindness. Many of them finally abandoned their hostility to Christianity and even converted to it. In addition, MMW had long-​term effects in comparison with relief work. Where the relief work was concerned, it was restricted by time and place. In other words, people living in places not hit by disaster did not benefit from MMW. Moreover, the relief work could only be done at a certain time while, by contrast, medical care was long-​term because there were always people who were taken ill. Last, but not least, as hospitals and clinics were usually set up in populated areas, MMW was more adaptable to the development of Chinese society and thus witnessed a greater growth. Many missionaries studied medicine briefly before going to China, in the hope that they would be able to build their own missionary career and make themselves approachable. Even after 1860, many missionaries still carried on this tradition. Some went deep into the interior of China, where they pioneered disseminating Christianity by setting up missionary stations and healing the sick. Missionary societies, realizing the importance of MMW, set up clinics or hospitals in every general station of missionary work. At first, these clinics or hospitals were financially supported by missionary societies and provided local residents with free medical care. Gradually, the Chinese changed their basic attitude towards Western medicine and some wealthy people went to famous hospitals. Therefore, missionary hospitals smartly adopted the strategy of helping the poor by charging the rich. The rich had to pay a high price so that the poor could enjoy free medical service in these hospitals. As time went to, an increasing number of hospitals became financially independent of the missionary societies. Some missionary doctors renowned for their excellent medical skills were able to set up their own hospitals with the help of large sums of money donated by the local gentry and government. Take Mai Gentong (John Kenneth MacKenzie), a medical missionary from LMS, for example. As Mai cured a woman blindsided by a devastating illness in 1879, Li Hongzhang, the woman ’s husband and one of the most prominent ministers, donated a hospital known as Dr MacKenzie’s Hospital in Tianjin. This honorary hospital later developed into the Medical School of Beiyang, in which Mai was invited to offer medical lectures. Another example was the Berlin Missionary Society (BMS). The wife of one of BMS’s priestd cured many patients in Jimo, Shandong. For this reason, the local gentry and officials donated a hospital there.51 Generally speaking, before the dawning of the twentieth century, the size of missionary clinics and hospitals was small and most of them were set up in Guangdong, Guangxi, Zhejiang and Jiangsu. Among them, the most reputable was the Guangzhou-​based Boji Yiyuan. MMW changed the Chinese attitude towards Western medicine. As a consequence, the number of patients visiting missionary clinics and hospitals increased significantly. A comparison of the number of hospitals and in/​

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  79 outpatients in 1876 and those in 1889 corroborated this. Specifically, in 1876, there were 16 missionary hospitals and 24 clinics, in which 132,516 in/​ outpatients were treated; in 1889, 61 hospitals and 44 clinics treated 348,439 people.52 Of course, we cannot say that the changes taking place in the Chinese attitude towards Western medicine definitely meant that the Chinese attitude towards Christianity had changed. But at least, this indicated that MMW did make great contribution to Christianity’s increase in influence. Western medicine grew rapidly in China. Thus, China had to develop its own medical education. Initially, missionary doctors trained some apprentices. Soon after, they set up medical schools attached to their hospitals. The earliest medical school was founded by medical missionaries in 1866 in Guangzhou. It was known as Nanhua Yixuexiao (the South China Medical School) and was affiliated with Boji Yiyuan. Originally, Nanhua was exclusively open to male students. In 1879, there were the first female students in Nanhua. Dr Jia Yuehan and Dr Huang Kun, who were the first Chinese Western doctors, played a leading role in the school’s teaching work. Dr Huang had studied in Ma Lixun’s (Robert Morrison) School. Then, Huang, finally supported by the headmaster, went to Edinburg’s medical college. In 1857, Huang finished his studies in Scotland and joined Boji Yiyuan. Later, missionary universities rose to prominence and set up medical schools one after another. Consequently, not only were several medical talents educated there but quite a few Chinese Christian converts were produced. Among the students attending medical schools, some, influenced by missionaries, and their families, became very pious Christian followers. To promote MMW in China and more efficiently introduce the Chinese to Western medicine, from 1868 Jia Yuehan published a Chinese weekly entitled Guangzhou xinbao (Guangzhou News). In 1884, it was changed to a monthly and renamed Xiyi xinbao (the Western Medicine Monthly). Two years later, medical missionaries founded Zhonghua Boyihui (the China Medical Missionary Association), which devoted itself to medical education and the dissemination of knowledge about Western medicine. In 1887, Boyihui launched Boyihui bao (the Journal of China Medical Missionary Association) in Shanghai. At the same time, missionaries translated and published many medical books. Dr Hexin (Benjamin Hobson), a British missionary, pioneered systematically introducing the Chinese to Western medicine by publishing Quanti xinlun (Treatise on Physiology) in 1850. In the same year, Luo Xiaoquan, an American missionary, translated and compiled Jiayong liangyao (Good Medicines for Everyday Use). Later, Hexin produced Neike xinlun (Treatise on Internal Medicine), Xiyi lüelun (The Western Medicine: An Introduction), and Fuying xinshuo (Treatise on Obstetrical, Gynecological, and Pediatric Diseases); and Jia Yuehan, Xiyao lüeshuo (Western Medicines: An Introduction), Gezheng quanshu (A Complete Book of Surgery), Neike quanshu (A Complete Book of Medicine), Xiyao mingmu (Catalogue of Western Medicines) and Bingzheng mingmu (Catalogue of

80  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Symptoms). All these translations and compilations contributed to the development of Western medicine in China. In brief, MMW made Christianity conspicuously influential in China. The reason why this missionary method could work well lay precisely in its adaption to the true conditions of China at that time.

Tentative efforts to create an independent Chinese Church In the late nineteenth century, successive movements were made against the Christian religion in China. So that Christianity could continue to grow, missionary societies sent more priests to China. For example, in 13 years (1876–​1889), the number of foreign missionaries in China increased from 473 to 1,296. Not only did these missionaries preach the Christian faith in person, but they also employed some Chinese to propagate their religion. The employed Chinese preachers were usually residents who had studied either in a traditional Confucian academy or in a primary school. Further, they were trained at a Bible school or theological seminary for several months or years before working as assistants of foreign missionaries. As the Chinese were effectively powerless in the Church, it was impossible for the Chinese Church to be independent; instead, it adhered to foreign missionary societies and their priests. For example, no Chinese were allowed to attend the 1877 GCPMCS. Then 13 years elapsed. In 1890, when the second GCPMCS was convened in Shanghai again, just a Chinese couple appeared in this huge gathering of Protestant priests. Almost without exception, foreign missionaries held that the Chinese were racially less intelligent and so could be, at best, their assistants. Schizophrenically, foreign missionaries believed that, finally, the Chinese Church would be independent, self-​reliant and self-​propagating; but at the same time, they, intoxicated with the great-​power chauvinism and the prerogative mentality granted by the unequal treaties imposed on China, stubbornly adopted presumptuous, usurpatory policies seriously impeding the indigenization of Christianity in China. Tang Qing, a well-​known scholar specializing in the history of the Christian Church, has discussed the Chinese Christian Church at that time: With the exception of a few cases, most Chinese churches at that time could neither be independent, self-​ reliant, and self-​ propagating nor be truly indigenized. The Chinese churches themselves and their work were all controlled by foreign missionary societies and their priests. In most cases, the leading spiritual and administrative figures, such as superintendents, supervisors, high priests, headmasters, hospital directors, and church leaders, were still foreign missionaries. Most of the funding supporting the church and its basic work was from the missionary society. Organizationally, the Chinese church was Western. The basic creeds, theology, religious life, worshipping rituals, hymns, architecture, and so on, were all brought here by foreign missionaries. For these reasons, the

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  81 Chinese still regarded Christianity as a foreign teaching, missionaries as the outlanders, the Christian converts as dependents groomed by foreign religion, and the Chinese preachers as flunkeys or running dogs of foreigners. It thus can be concluded that in the period of wide propagation,53 the independent, self-​reliant, self-​propagating, and indigenized Chinese church was, at best, in gestation.54 There were indeed a few exceptions. Take Lin Lezhi, who thought highly of the Chinese staff working in the Methodist Church (MC), for example. In 1882, when MC was convening, Lin appointed four Bible readers, among whom there were two Chinese readers. Lin’s selection of Chinese readers was an extraordinary job at that time. Moreover, Lin suggested MC use Chinese as the working language, since this conference and the minutes were written in Chinese. This suggestion corresponded with his proposal of encouraging missionaries to adopt Confucian terminology to elaborate the Christian idea, which was published in Jiaohui xinbao years previously. Lin’s effort might be seen as a harbinger of the indigenization of the Christian Church. Lin went further, trying his best to appoint the Chinese to head some independent local churches and giving them a free hand in preaching Christianity and administering the church. Astonishingly, in 1882, there were 14 Chinese preachers among MC’s 30 missionaries in China. The three missionaries, Ni Weisi, Di Kaowen and Guo Xiande, all of whom did brilliant missionary work in Shandong, realized very early that Christianity’s taking root in China was primarily dependent on the Chinese Church’s independence, self-​reliance and self-​propagation. The fulfillment of the Church’s independence and self-​propagation was premised on the training of Chinese missionary workers and the financial independence of the Church. As early as 1862, Ni suggested the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (PCUSA) set up a theological seminar in north China. Two years later, Di founded Mengyang Xuetang (a primary school), the predecessor of renowned Wenhuiguan, in the hope that education might play a great role in attracting followers and training people serving the church. The three missionaries did make great effort to train Chinese preachers. A book dedicated to Guo vividly described their work: In 1871, Rev. Ni Weisi came from the south and sojourned in Yantai, where he, closely and efficiently, worked with Rev. Guo Xiande. … Guo went to the countryside and collected marine products [the metaphor for new converts. —​Translator]. As soon as Guo pulled the boat ashore, Ni immediately picked and chose the products and had them stored well. Moreover, Ni, who recorded these products in detail, carefully investigated their attitude, mind, talent, and ability and hierarchically divided them into different groups. For those who were able to lead the church, they would be taught good virtues such as loyalty, valiancy, benevolence, and kindheartedness, so that they could be the shepherd of followers. For

82  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China those who were able to travel around and preach gospels, the would be taught logics and rhetoric. … For those who were ablet to sell the Bible around cities and towns, they would be taught the main ideas of the holy book and gist of salvation, so that they could be more popular among the residents. For those who were able to lecture the Christian creeds in front of an audience, they would be taught teaching notes and didactics, so that they could be teachers in near future. And for those who were able to handle the routine work of the church, they would be taught the administrative skills, so that they could act according to changing circumstances. All these people having potential would take up advanced studies and thus constitute the pool of talents that might be applied to the governance of church.55 In 1887, the First Presbyterian Church donated 2,500 silver dollars to set up Huiying Normal School. This money was managed by Rev. Guo. (As for the reason why setting up a normal school, Guo said then the church did not lack teachers but preachers. …Meanwhile, in the countryside there were many old, educated Confucian scholars. These scholars were too old to attend Dengzhou’s school. Nor was the school known as Wenxuan suitable for them. Therefore, Rev. Guo decided to set up Huiying (literally, gathering talents), in which these scholars would study for three years and then become competent preachers.). Huiying gathered together many erudite scholars, who exposed themselves to the New (Western) Learning and profound Christian studies there. Among them, quite a few rose to prominence and gave Guo their great help. In addition, Guo offered special training courses in Huiying, through which the preachers and lecturers working in the countryside were put together and guided to study more profound courses for three months. There were also sessions of exchanging ideas between lecturers and trainees. After taking this three-​month course, trainees would be spiritually rehabilitated and return to their missionary station, where they devoted themselves to the missionary work, playing their proper role such as preacher, lecturer, or leading administrator.56 These citations indicate that, in the second half of the nineteenth century, a few foreign missionaries did make incessant effort to train Chinese talents for the Christian Church. First, they taught followers in accordance with their aptitude. For example, Ni Weisi and Guo Xiande applied differentiated education to the Chinese converts and made them preachers, lecturers or administrators. In short, missionary education helped the converts to carve out their own niche. Second, so that Christianity could adapt itself to Chinese circumstances, missionaries tried every means to educate people for the Church. For example, they set up theological seminaries, which were sometimes known as academies or normal schools, but essentially were the same as divinity schools. In these seminaries, students would systematically study for three or four years. After study, most students would become

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  83 professional religious workers serving churches. At the same time, some Chinese converts took short-​term courses. They usually returned to their original work after training and acted as amateur preachers. It is particularly worth mentioning that Guo Xiande, following the traditional ethics suggesting males and females be educated separately, did his best to avoid coeducating men and women preachers and guided the trainees to propagate the Christian doctrines before males and females respectively. In his autobiography, Guo specially discussed the training of women preachers. According to him, there were many women converts in their 30s, 40s and 50s in the countryside, and most of them were morally good, intelligent and capable. Unfortunately, these female Christians were uneducated and had very little knowledge. For this reason, Guo called them together and offered them a five-​month training session. During the training these women studied the Bible’s basic content and methods of missionary work, as well as polishing their morality and practising prayer. Guo’s effort really worked.57 After taking Guo’s training session, many of these trainees became famous preachers, who travelled around and disseminated Christian doctrines such as “Jesus is Christ.” Their efficient work greatly encouraged the Churches.58 The reason why the use of trained Chinese preachers really worked lay in the fact that Chinese preachers, who shared the same cultural background as teh recipients, were much more acceptable to the Chinese. Last, but not least, Chinese missionary work created a skeleton staff, which prepared the pool of talents for the rise of an independent Chinese Church. In fact, even the missionaries who held that Chinese Christian converts were racially less intelligent than their Western counterparts had no objection to promoting their missionary work by training Chinese preachers. Thus, they set up a few theological seminaries. By 1876 there were 20 Christian seminaries, where 231 students studied.59 Generally, these Bible schools and seminaries were academically poor before the 1880s. In most cases, their students had only studied in private Confucian academies or primary schools. After studying there for three or four years, they would become Christian preachers. After the 1880s, a few missionary schools upgraded to colleges, in which usually a department of divinity was set up. Take Saint John’s College (SJC) for example. From its very inception in 1879, SJC founded the Faculty of Divinity (FOD). In 1880, SJC’s FOD had 13 students. In terms of the degree of education, students of college or university divinity departments were much better than the graduates of other seminaries. In the meantime, many missionary societies adopted short-​term annual training sessions, which usually lasted for several weeks or months, to educate their Chinese preachers. It is true to say that foreign missionaries in China gradually came to a consensus about the method of training (Chinese) preachers. It is also true that among them there were differences of opinion on whether Chinese preachers should be paid. Disputes and differences in this regard revealed that missionary societies were considering the issue of the Chinese Church’s independence. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the majority

84  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China of foreign missionaries in China did not believe that the Chinese Christian Church could be really independent. Therefore, they were extremely enthusiastic about asking more missionaries and more funds from missionary societies, as well as being accustomed to hire some Chinese as their assistants. As a result, not only was the Chinese Church increasingly dependent on foreign missionaries and their expatriate priests, but also some undesirables, who did not believe in Christianity at all, ingratiated themselves inside the Church for profit. Worst of all, among the undesirables, some, protected by a few foreign missionaries, even bullied their fellow countrymen. These rogues were generally known as chijiaozhe (“bad persons living by the Christian Church”) and exerted an evil influence on the Chinese. Under such circumstances, Chinese converts had no sense of responsibility and obligation towards the Church. The missionary minorities represented by Ni Weisi saw very clearly and early the importance of the Chinese Church’s independence. So that the Chinese Church could be truly independent, the Church itself had to be self-​ reliant. Ni and Guo Xiande tried their best to avoid training professional Chinese preachers. In other words, Chinese preachers should keep to their original jobs—​peasants and teachers for example—​but at the same time act as amateur missionary workers. Thereby, the financial burden of the Church would be greatly eased. Ni and Guo suggested the missionary society stop paying the Chinese preachers as soon as possible. This might make Chinese preachers independent and have a stronger sense of duty. Without a salary, those who continued to serve the Church would work for completely no reward with confidence. Thus, the chijiaozhe, who coasted along in the Church, would have nowhere to go. Accordingly, the quality of Chinese Christian converts would be substantially improved. In addition, the followers of local churches were encouraged to voluntarily donate money to support a small number of professional religious workers and the local churches were advised to build simple chapels and thriftily organize religious activities in the light of actual conditions. In truth, Chinese Christian converts were generally destitute. This, therefore, was an impediment to the fulfillment of self-​reliance. Some missionaries, who paid attention to the independence of the Chinese Church, seriously took into this consideration and took action to improve the situation. Take, for example, Ma Maolan (James Mamullan), who had Northern Irish ancestry, and Ni, both of whom did missionary work in Shandong. Originally, Ma and his wife were professional missionary workers. Later, they engaged in trade while they continued preaching Christianity. In Yantai, the Ma couple managed a trade firm, lace workshop, and girls’ vocational school, and so on. Thanks to them, quite a few rural families improved their living conditions. In 1887, Ni introduced Yantai farmers to good American fruit trees, taught the converted Chinese and nonbelievers how to plant the trees, and gave away seedlings among local residents. Guo’s eldest daughter and son-​in-​law devoted themselves to teaching converts to plant fruit trees, make canned food, and produce laces. These missionaries hoped that they could improve Chinese converts’ lives economically and finally fulfill the

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  85 Chinese Church’s self-​reliance. It is a pity that, due to the strong objection of conservatives inside the Church, missionaries in Yantai were ultimately unable to continue their economic undertakings. Nevertheless, the ordinary people there did benefit from their work. Ni Weisi criticized the fact that some foreign missionaries distrusted Chinese converts and were reluctant to give the Chinese a free hand in their work. He pointed out that this distrust and reluctance were actually an open violation of Saint Paul’s teaching in the Bible, which suggested that local churches should ultimately be managed by locals and that outsiders should only play a transitional role. Ni himself paid particular attention to training Chinese Christians to administer their own churches. For example, he taught the Chinese how to manage routine, religious, and financial work in the Church. He strongly held that, only by doing so, Chinese coverts could become more confident and give full play to their enterprising spirit. With these efforts, the independence of the Chinese Church might be fulfilled sooner. Otherwise, Chinese converts’ dependence on foreign missionaries would be increased. Nor could the local Church stand on its own feet. In addition to Ni, Guo and PCUSA in Shandong, there were some priests and missionary societies renowned for their efforts to help Chinese Christians grow more independent and self-​reliant. For example, Bin Weilian (Williams Chalmers Burns) from the English Presbyterian Mission (EPM) tried his best to create a local church in Xiamen; Congregationalists set up the Association of Independent Churches in Xiamen in 1868; Jin Sili (Calvin Kingsley), an American Methodist bishop, founded the church in Fuzhou; and Zhong Jun’an (Alfred G. Jones) and other missionaries dispatched by the British Baptist Mission made similar efforts in Shandong. All these missionaries suggested their societies give a free hand to Chinese converts and allow them to manage the local church, which should be built simply and thriftily. They also encourage Chinese followers to donate and support a small number of professional preachers. The ultimate goal of these efforts lay in the fulfillment of the Chinese Church’s self-​reliance. At this point, Zhong said: The Western missionary society will not spend much on building church and school, because the Chinese converts have had them all set. The Chinese converts gather together in humble village rooms and manage the local church on their own. In doing so, they put into practice the principle of self-​government. Foreign missionaries in Shandong unshakably adhere to this practice.60 Missionary societies in Shandong made no attempt to change this policy. For example, by the late nineteenth century there were five or six Chinese priests supported by followers in the Church of Qingzhou Prefecture. Of course, if Chinese converts really could not afford to support the priests, missionaries would definitely ask help from the master Church. For example, in 1869, when Jin Sili was leading the Methodist Church in Fuzhou, he appointed

86  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China seven Chinese deacons, among whom four were presbyters. Jin, investigating the true situation at that time, proposed a self-​reliance programme. According to this, the missionary society would allocate a certain amount of funds to the local Church and the shortfall would be self-​raised by the Church itself. All these moneys would be applied to supporting Chinese preachers. In the meantime, some aspirational Chinese Christians did their best to make the Chinese Church independent, self-​ reliant and self-​ propagating. Among them, Chen Mengnan from Guangdong was well-​ known. Chen decided to be a true Christian after reading the Bible. But he did not want to be baptized by a foreign missionary. Thus, Chen, regardless of the hardship, spent three or four days crossing the water and arrived in Zhaoqing, where he specially asked a Chinese priest to baptize him. In 1872, Chen, supported by local converts and overseas Chinese, rented a house and started his own missionary work. In the next year, he founded Yuedong Guangzhao Huaren Xuandaohui (“the society of diffusion of Christianity in Guangzhou and Zhaoqing of the eastern Guangdong”), which pioneered the creation of an independent Chinese Church. In the same vein, Xi Shengmo, who was a Chinese Christian convert living in Shanxi, set up a gospel church that was fully independent of all foreign missionary societies at Deng Village in 1881. Xi’s church was an epitome of independence, self-​reliance and self-​propagation. Five years later, Xi became a priest of CIM. Acting more enthusiastically, he founded indigenized churches among the converts in Hongdong, Pingyang and Daning. Not only did Xi try his best to make the churches independent, self-​reliant, and self-​propagating, but he also interpreted Christian doctrines by combining the Bible with Chinese culture and set decent vernacular poems he composed to music.61 Among the hymns authored by Xi, “Zhu ci pingan” (“God grant us peace”) was the most popular among Chinese converts. In addition to Chen and Xi, Feng Huoquan, a priest of SBC, set up an independent Chinese church at Chaoyin Street of Guangzhou in 1883. Moreover, CIM founded independent churches in several regions. Overall, the number of Chinese churches that were truly financially independent was still very small by the second half of the nineteenth century. Take 1876 for example. By then, there were 321 churches nationwide, among which only 18 were fully self-​reliant. Thirteen years later, 94 fully self-​reliant churches could be found among 522 houses of God spreading all over the country. In 1897, the number of fully self-​reliant churches was over 100. Where the indigenization of Christianity was concerned, it was much less disappointing, especially in terms of the degree of indigenization, which was embodied in the articulation of Chinese Christian belief by indigenous Chinese culture’s way of thinking, means of expression, and customs and manners, in the promotion of indigenized religious systems and institutions, in the indigenized religious cult and rites, and in the creation of indigenized Christian theology and arts such as literature, music, drama, architecture and painting.62 Even so, the number of independent, self-​reliant Chinese churches was tenaciously growing. It is particularly worth mentioning that Chinese priests such as Xi

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  87 Shengmo, together with some foreign missionaries, did make an attempt to culturally indigenize the Chinese Christian Church.

Notes 1 John K. Fairbank and Kwang-​Ching Liu, eds, The Cambridge History of China, volume 11: Late Ch’ing, 1800–​ 1911, Part II (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 277. 2 Ibid., 332–​333. 3 Wang Zhixin, A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity, 231. 4 Lin Zhiping 林治平 et al., eds, The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China [基督教入华百七十年纪念集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1978), 19. 5 Paul A. Varg, “A Survey of Changing Mission Goals and Methods,” in Jessie G. Lutz, ed., Christian Missions in China: Evangelists of What? (Boston, MA: D. C. Heath & Co., 1965), 5–​6. 6 Dr & Mrs Howard Taylor, Biography of James Hudson Taylor (戴德生传), trans. Hu Xuanming 胡宣明 (China Inland Mission, 1950), 97. 7 Ibid., 25. 8 Gu Changsheng 顾长声, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart [从马礼逊 到司徒雷登] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1985), 160. 9 Ibid. 10 Lin Zhiping et al., eds, The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China, 100. 11 Dr & Mrs Howard Taylor, Biography of James Hudson Taylor, trans. Hu Xuanming, 125. 12 Dr & Mrs Howard Taylor, Hudson Taylor and the China Inland Mission: The Growth of A Work of God (The China Inland Mission, 1921), Kindle edition: Location 5965. 13 Lin Zhiping et al., eds, The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China, 93. 14 Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7–​20, 1890 (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, MDCCCXC [1890]), 701. 15 See: Paul Cohen, “Missionary Approaches: Hudson Taylor and Timothy Richard,” Papers on China, no. 11 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 29–​62. 16 See: Timothy Richard (李提摩太), “Treatise on the Role the Chinese Gentry Plays in Protecting the Nation” (以士保国论), in Young J. Allen (林乐知), ed., A Collection of Primary Sources respecting the First Sino-​Japanese War [中东战 纪本末] (Shanghai: The Christian Literature Society for China (广学会), 1897), vol. 1, 12. Quoted in Liang Yuansheng 梁元生, Young J. Allen, His Career in China, and Church News [林乐知在华事业与《万国公报》] (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1978), 23. 17 Young J. Allen (林乐知), “Changes in Enlightenment Teachings” (消变明教 论). Quoted in Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 268–​270. 18 William Alexander Parsons Martin, The Lore of Cathay: Or, the Intellect of China (New York, Chicago [etc.]: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1901), 247–​248.

88  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China 19 Gilbert Reid (李佳白), A Preliminary Discussion about Missionary Work in China (筹华刍言), 6. Quoted in Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 381. 20 See: The International Bulletin (国际公报), no. 47 (a combined issue), 1924. Quoted in Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 382. 21 “The 3rd Part of Miscellaneous Collections,” in Yu Baoxuan 于宝轩, ed., A Collection of Political Treatises Prepared Beforehand (皇朝蓄艾文编), the 79th Chapter, 1–​2. Quoted in Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 386. 22 William Alexander Parsons Martin (丁韪良), “The Worship of Ancestors—​ A Plea for Toleration,” in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7–​20, 1890, 631. 23 See: Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 214. 24 Lin Zhiping et al., eds, The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China, 101. 25 Constitution, List of Office-​Bearers, Prospectus, and Treasurer’s Report of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian & General Knowledge among the Chinese, Late Chinese Book and Tract Society (1887), 6, 7, 9. In First Annual Report of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian & General Knowledge among the Chinese. For Year ending October 31, 1888 (Shanghai: The Society’s Office, 1888). 26 Timothy Richard, Conversion by the Million in China: Being Biographies and Articles (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1907), vol. 1, 13. Quoted in Lin Zhiping, et al., eds, The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China, 90–​91. 27 Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 171–​172. 28 The Review of The Times [万国公报] (Facsimile edition of Huawen shuju), vol. 26, 16263–​16264. Quoted in Shi Jinghuan and Wang Lixin, Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals, 172. 29 Annual Report of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian & General Knowledge among the Chinese (1901?). Quoted in Shi Jinghuan and Wang Lixin, Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals, 172. 30 Jessie G. Lutz (鲁珍晞), China and the Christian Colleges, 1850–​1950 (中国教 会大学史), trans. Zeng Jusheng 曾钜生 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Education Press, 1988), 45. 31 Young J. Allen, ed., A Collection of Primary Sources respecting the First Sino-​ Japanese War, ch. 8 of vol. 1, 46. Quoted in Shi Jinghuan and Wang Lixin, Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals, 173. 32 Lin Zhiping et al., eds, The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China, 180–​181. 33 Lin Zhiping 林治平, ed., The Modern China and Christianity [近代中国与基 督教论文集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1985), 197. 34 Jessie G. Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges, 1850–​1950 (中国教会大学史), 23. 35 Lin Zhiping, ed., The Modern China and Christianity, 198. 36 Daniel W. Fisher, Calvin Wilson Mateer, Forty-​Five Years a Missionary in Shantung, China: A Biography (Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1911), 131. 37 Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10–​24, 1877 (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, MDCCCLXXVIII [1878]), 172.

Christianity in late nineteenth-century China  89 38 Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10–​24, 1877, 175. 39 Lin Zhiping, ed., The Modern China and Christianity, 200. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid., 202. 42 Jessie G. Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges, 1850–​1950 (中国教会大学史), 61. 43 Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 272. 44 Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 393. 45 Report on St. John’s College, 1898–​1899．Quoted in Xu Yihua 徐以骅, Education and Religion: Saint John College was A Tool of Propagating Christianity [教育与宗 教：作为传教媒介的圣约翰大学] (Zhuhai: Zhuhai Press, 1999), 204. 46 See: Gu Changsheng, From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart, 394. 47 Martin T. Lien (连警斋), ed., Hunter Corbett and The Presbyterian Church in Shantung [郭显德牧师行传全集 Special Memorial Edition] (Shanghai: Guangxue hui [Society for Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese], 1940), 417. 48 Ibid. 49 Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, 579. 50 See: Gu Changsheng, Missionaries and Modern China [传教士与近代中国] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1981), 280. 51 Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, 590. 52 Ibid., 593, 595. 53 Tang Qing trichotomized the history of the Chinese Christian Church into the period of creation (1807–​1842), the period of wide propagation (1842–​1907), and the period of the Sinicized Church (1907–​1949). See: Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, “Author’s Preface,” vii. 54 Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, 659. 55 Martin T. Lien, ed., Hunter Corbett and The Presbyterian Church in Shantung, 71. 56 Ibid., 73. 57 Ibid., 433. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 Tang Qing, A Centennial Review of Christianity in China, 653–​654. 61 Ibid., 482. 62 Ibid., 657.

Bibliography Allen, Young J. 林乐知 ed. A Collection of Primary Sources Respecting the First Sino-​ Japanese War [中东战纪本末] (Shanghai: The Christian Literature Society for China 广学会, 1897). Vol. 1. Cohen, Paul. “Missionary Approaches: Hudson Taylor and Timothy Richard.” Papers on China. No. 11 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957): 29–​62. Fairbank, John K. and Kwang-​Ching Liu eds. The Cambridge History of China, volume 11: Late Ch’ing, 1800–​1911, Part II (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980). First Annual Report of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian & General Knowledge among the Chinese. For Year ending October 31, 1888 (Shanghai: The Society’s Office, 1888).

90  Christianity in late nineteenth-century China Fisher, Daniel W. Calvin Wilson Mateer, Forty-​Five Years a Missionary in Shantung, China: A Biography (Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 1911). Gu, Changsheng 顾长声. From Robert Morrison to John Leighton Stuart [从马礼逊到 司徒雷登] (Shanghai: The People’s Press of Shanghai, 1985). Howard Taylor, Dr and Mrs. Hudson Taylor and the China Inland Mission: The Growth of a Work of God (The China Inland Mission, 1921). Kindle edition. —​—​. Biography of James Hudson Taylor (戴德生传). Trans. Hu Xuanming 胡宣明 (China Inland Mission, 1950). Liang, Yuansheng 梁元生. Young J. Allen, His Career in China, and Church News [林乐 知在华事业与《万国公报》] (Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1978). Lien, Martin T. 连警斋 ed. Hunter Corbett and The Presbyterian Church in Shantung [郭显德牧师行传全集Special Memorial Edition] (Shanghai: Guangxue hui [Society for Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese], 1940). Lin, Zhiping 林治平 ed. The Modern China and Christianity [近代中国与基督 教论文集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1985). Lin, Zhiping 林治平 et al., eds. The Symposium Commemorating the 170th Anniversary of Introduction of Christianity into China [基督教入华百七十年纪念集] (Taibei, Taiwan of China: Christian Cosmic Light Holistic Care Organization, 1978). Lutz, Jessie G 鲁珍晞. China and the Christian Colleges, 1850–​1950 (中国教会大学史). Trans. Zeng Jusheng 曾钜生 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Education Press, 1988). Lutz, Jessie G. ed. Christian Missions in China: Evangelists of What? (Boston, MA: D. C. Heath & Co., 1965). Martin, William Alexander Parsons 丁韪良. The Lore of Cathay: Or, the Intellect of China (New York, Chicago [etc.]: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1901). Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10–​24, 1877 (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, MDCCCLXXVIII [1878]). Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7–​ 20, 1890 (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, MDCCCXC [1890]). Shi, Jinghuan 史静寰 and Wang Lixin 王立新. Christian Education and Chinese Intellectuals [基督教教育与中国知识分子] (Fuzhou: Fujian Education Press, 1998). Tang, Qing 汤清. A Centennial Review of Christianity in China [中国基督教百年史] (Hong Kong: Taosheng Publishing House, 1983). Wang, Zhixin 王治心. A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity [中国基督教史纲] (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council,1993). Xu, Yihua 徐以骅. Education and Religion: Saint John College was A Tool of Propagating Christianity [教育与宗教：作为传教媒介的圣约翰大学] (Zhuhai: Zhuhai Press, 1999).

4 The independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church

Growth of the Chinese Christian Church in the early twentieth century At the turn of the twentieth century, the most influential event taking place in China was the Boxer Uprising (hereinafter referred to as Yihetuan). Yihetuan was directly related to the Christian religion and thus could be regarded as the largest jiao’an (“the serious conflict between the Chinese people and Christian missionaries”) in the second half of the nineteenth century. Christianity witnessed development in the second half of the nineteenth century thanks to foreign missionaries’ efforts. But overall, the growth of the Christian religion in China was slow. Worst of all, the Chinese gentry and ordinary people had a strong aversion to the Christian religion and Church. Consequently, successive jiao’an took place nationwide. The majority of jiao’an cases involved the Catholic Church. But, at the same time, Protestant missionaries were no exception. Jiao’an was the Chinese people’s spontaneous resistance against the imperialistic powers’ repeated aggressions. It was, to a great extent, related to the fourth introduction of Christianity into China, in which the Christian Churches of all shades made a forcible entry into the country under the protection of colonialists’ guns and unequal treaties. In an appendix entitled “Simple List of Jiao’an and Disputes between Christian Missionaries and Chinese Residents,” a scholar outlined the relationship between jiao’an and national crisis, explicitly indicating that the high frequency of jiao’an almost always synchronized with imperialistic powers’ deepening invasion of China and endangering the Chinese nation.1 For instance, a large number of jiao’an cases took place in the years immediately after the signing of 1860 Beijing Treaty, the 1884 Sino-​French War, the Jiawu War (1894–​1895) and the signing of 1901 Boxer Protocol. Foreign missionaries availed themselves of two unequal treaties known as the 1858 Tianjin Treaty and 1860 Beijing Treaty to grab baojiaoquan (the usurpative right of protecting missionary work), by which they forcibly broke China’s state administration of religious affairs that had lasted for over 1,000 years, since the Sui dynasty (581–​618) and inappropriately usurped the privilege of doing missionary work as they pleased in China. But, at the same DOI: 10.4324/9781003334965-4

92  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church time, other religions such as Buddhism, Daoism and Islam had still to remain obedient to the administration of government. Such a stark contrast made Christianity distinctly privileged among religions in China. As a consequence, among foreign missionaries, many considered themselves to be citizens of a conqueror nation. They held, racialistically, that the Chinese were still not freed from the fetters of ignorance and that Chinese culture was a heathen culture that was completely worthless. These foreign missionaries were rabidly against traditional Chinese rites, such as offering sacrifices to Confucius and ancestors and, arrogantly and ignorantly, denounced them as profane, even maniacally suggesting that all traditional Chinese rites be abolished. In many cases, many missionaries were self-​ styled moral reformers boasting that they were sent to clean the filth and sins of the Chinese land.2 They realized that missionary work itself was not enough to realize their wild ambitions. Thus, missionaries attempted to totally conquer Chinese culture by means of Western culture. The Chinese gentry and ordinary Chinese people, faced with foreign missionaries’ naked hostility and contempt for Chinese culture, were instinctively disgusted with the Christian religion and regarded it as something evil and irrational. Many thought, in as much as the Christian cult attempted to overthrow basic Chinese ethics and rites and caused damage to the social mind and customs, that they had reason to deeply resent it and beat a charge against it.3 What is worse, some missionaries disrespected Chinese law and illegally entered regions that were not included in the signed treaties and preached their cult. Exactly because of Christianity’s association with imperialistic powers’ armed invasion of China and its overbearingly arrogant attitudes towards Chinese culture, ordinary Chinese found that it was rather difficult to accept this foreign cult. In such a situation, missionaries had no alternative but to attract more followers by offering free schools and free medical services. Among the new followers, the great majority were extremely poor or marginal people. These new Christian converts were different from those who joined the Christian Church during the Ming–​Qing transition. In many cases, they, driven by personal interests rather than by careful consideration, converted to Christianity with a view to gaining extra advantage. Consequently, there were many chijiaozhe (“bad persons living by the Christian Church”), among whom some even took the advantage of foreign missionaries’ power to bully their countrymen. In many cases, foreign missionaries used extraterritoriality to protect chijiaozhe who had committed crimes from being punished. This exerted an extremely bad influence among ordinary Chinese people. In addition, some Chinese converts were regarded as treacherous on the grounds that, as soon as they joined the Christian Church, they neither offered sacrifices to ancestors nor donated money to the clan for building ancestral temples. Some even held that these Chinese Christian converts acted against tradition and simply could not be the true Chinese. At the same time, Chinese Christian converts who felt increasingly isolated became more dependent on foreign missionaries. As a consequence, the gap between Christian converts and other Chinese yawned wider than

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  93 ever. In the minds of the Chinese, Christianity was a foreign teaching; and Christian converts were fake foreign devils in their eyes. Whenever China was bullied by foreign powers and the national pride of Chinese people was hurt, ordinary people’s aversion to foreign religions and missionaries grew much stronger. Psychologically, in these conditions, people readily placed trust in rumours—​such as the Christian Church’s foundling hospital had abducted children and used children’s eyes and hearts as raw materials of medicine. In these circumstances, rumours begot violence. It was in the second half of the nineteenth century that violent jiao’an successively broke ouut. The largest jiao’an was Yihetuan, taking place in 1900. The slogan of Yihetuan explained why Yihetuan could be taken as jiao’an. It was “Fuqing Mieyang,” namely supporting the Qing government and eliminating the foreign things. One of the targets of Mieyang was the Christian religion. Historically, Yihetuan was the most intensive eruption of internal and external crises plaguing China in the twilight of Qing dynasty. Yihetuan emerged in Shandong in the late nineteenth century. Its origin lay in the secret societies rebelling against Qing. Later, the Qing government made use of these secret societies to counterbalance foreign powers. As a consequence, Yihetuan grew rapidly in several regions, such as Zhili and Shanxi. In 1900, Yihetuan, misled by the Qing government, besieged foreign embassies and churches clustered in Beijing. There were rumours that foreign missionaries and Chinese Christian converts had died in incidents caused by Yihetuan in Zhili, Shanxi, Fengtian and Inner Mongolia. Finally, the invading foreign army, notoriously known as Baguolianjun (“Eight-​Power Allied Forces”) put Yihetuan down with appalling inhumanity and barbarity. Where the consequences of Yihetuan are concerned, the present author contends that Chinese Christian converts suffered unprecedented misery, the ordinary Chinese people were a casualty of instability, and the country had to pay staggeringly huge reparations to invaders. Some statistics alleged that five Catholic bishops, 48 Catholic priests, 188 Protestant missionaries, 5,000 Protestant converts and 18,000 Catholic converts died in the movement. By contrast, the number of members of Yihetuan and innocent Chinese residents that were brutally massacred by the allied foreign forces was several times larger than that of the alleged deaths of foreign missionaries and Christian converts.4 As for indemnities, 450 million taels of silver was demanded by foreign powers and this amounted to over 980 million taels when interest was included. On the other hand, Yihetuan was actually the turning point in the history of the development of Christianity in China. In the two decades thereafter, Christianity witnessed a very rapid growth. The reasons for this were threefold. First, the imperialistic powers and their religious agencies, such as Christian missionaries in China, changed their practice in the wake of Yihetuan. They modulated the policy of propagating Christianity with a view to gradually improving the Christian Church’s relationship with the Chinese people,

94  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church making religious propagation more effective, and enlarging the Church’s influence in China. The imperialistic powers, which originally attempted to carve up China, reformulated their policy. They had realized that, although the Qing government was incompetently corrupt, no one foreign country was able to forcibly impose its rule on the Chinese, who were renowned for their strong and proud spirit of resistance. In short, partitioning China was entirely impractical. Moreover, the Chinese people’s strong resentment of the Christian cult told imperialistic powers that they must rethink their officiously usurpative policy of Christian propagation. At least on the surface, foreign powers and their religious agencies in China had realized that the blind protection of Christian converts by means of baojiaoquan was dangerous. Therefore, they suggested that foreign missionaries not intervene in Christian converts’ lawsuits. The regimes in Washington and London even placed some restrictions on the acts of missionary societies, such as forbidding missionaries to directly interfere in the local government’s handling of contentious cases involving Christian converts. Among foreign missionaries in China, some had been aware that the success of the propagation of the Christian faith in China was premised on the Chinese people’s favourable impression of Christianity. As missionary Ming Enpu (Arthur Henderson Smith), said: “[T]‌he Christian Church to get a footing must get recognized, respected, approved, and accepted.”5 Not only did missionaries stop intervening in local government but instead tried their best to build good relations with the latter, but they also paid greater attention to improving the quality of new Christian converts. This strategic change was intensively embodied in the 1907 centenary conference commemorating the arrival of Christianity in China. In comparison with the 1890 conference, the number of attendees tripled. At the conference, missionaries rethought profoundly the conflicts between Christians and non-​believers in this country. Some, such as Di Kaowen, prejudicially attributed jiao’an to the Chinese residents’ hatred towards Christianity. But, on the other hand, they held that missionaries refrain from directly interfering in lawsuits between Christian converts and non-​believers and instead ask foreign consulates to negotiate with local government. Some went further, critically reexamining what missionaries did in the past. For example, a missionary from the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Church disagreed with Di, who unfairly pinned the blame entirely on the ordinary Chinese people and tried every means to cover up the crimes perpetuated by Christian converts, and contended instead that almost all cases of jiao’an were not purely caused by the problem of faith but by missionaries’ misuse of authority. This Danish priest pointed out that some missionaries exposed themselves as government officials, directly interfered in local politics, and defended chijiaozhe committing sins. As a result, the influence these missionaries exerted among Chinese residents was so poor that Christianity seldom interested people with good social status and rank. After heated discussions, the 1907 conference passed five resolutions respecting the issue of missionaries. One

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  95 repeatedly stated that missionaries should not have any political purposes but the ethico-​spiritual mission, nor should it be used by the social revolution in the period of upsurging nationalism to avoid being a suspect in the eyes of the Chinese government. In addition, the conference extended thanks to the Chinese government protecting missionaries and Chinese Christian converts and requested the Chinese government not to designate the Christian converts jiaomin (“the Chinese who converted to Christianity”) so that converts would not suffer from discrimination. But, on the other hand, the missionaries unanimously held that it was too early to abrogate baojiaoquan. Overall, there had already been a great change taking place in missionaries’ attitude towards the Chinese government and Chinese people and their handling of the relationship with the Chinese. In order that Christianity could be readily acceptable to the Chinese, missionary societies shifted their priority from increasing the number of converts to improving the quality of converts. An American missionary known as Le Lingsheng (Frank Joseph Rawlinson), quoting Ji Yuehan’s (John Campbell Gibson) treatise entitled “Mission Problems,” discussed this in his “Change and Progress in the Christian Movement in China during the Last Two Decades (1900–​1920)”: But it would appear that during the last twenty years there has been a decrease in the ratio of growth. In the eleven years between 1809 and 1900 the number of communicants considerably more than doubled. In the six years between 1900 and 1906 they doubled again.6 Then Le analyzed complicated causes respecting this decrease. His conclusion read: There is reason to think that this decrease in the ratio of growth is due in part to a deepening of the Christian life that makes acceptance of Christianity a less simple matter and more meaningful. The rise in standards of church membership would also affect the growth in numbers; in several cases drastic action was taken whereby large numbers of communicants were eliminated. While these were not sufficiently large to affect materially the statistics over a series of years, yet they do indicate a rise in the requirements of church membership.7 Another embodiment of the change taking place in missionary policy was Christian Churches’ attaching greater importance to education. On the one hand, this was related to the Qing government’s educational endeavours, such as the abolition of Keju (the imperial civil service examination) and reformation of the school system, all of which were conducive to the development of missionary schools. On the other hand, the tide of setting up Western-​ style schools posed a threat to missionary schools. For instance, Bu Fangji, who submitted a report about missionary education at the 1907 conference,

96  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church specially mentioned that there were a large number of new post-​Keju schools that imitated Western schools, placed emphasis on knowledge rather than on morality, and were, to some extent, anti-​Christian. The missionary schools would be unable to compete with these new schools if they failed to improve the quality of teaching. If things continued this way, missionary schools would finally be abandoned. Therefore, Bu suggested Christian Churches pay sincere attention to education, send really competent and well-​trained missionaries to manage schools in China, try their best to make missionary schools more competent, and understand exactly what lay ahead for the Chinese education. After the 1907 centennial conference, foreign missionary societies, together with local Chinese Churches, made greater efforts to develop education and invested a large number of well-​trained missionaries and Chinese followers in the educational endeavour. Some missionary societies used the reparations paid by the Chinese government to set up schools. For example, the Baptist Church in Shanxi founded a college in this way; and, similarly, several Christian Churches set up Qinghua Xuexiao (Tsinghua school), which later developed into a prestigious higher education institution. The priests setting up Qinghua even established a joint foundation subsidizing Chinese students who were going to study in the United States. Aa a consequence, educational missionary work played quite a significant role in the propagation of Christianity in China in the first half of the twentieth century. In the 1920s, half of missionaries and Chinese Church workers devoted themselves to education. Thus, [t]‌ he Protestant [C]hristian [e]ducational [w]ork in China constitutes an enterprise [o]f [c]onsiderable [s]ize—​Over 10,000 Chinese men and women, or almost half of all the Chinese employed by Christian missions, devote their full time to education. If the same proportion holds for missionaries, we have to add to this Chinese teaching force about 3,000 foreign educationalists.8 This type of missionary work coincided with Confucian tradition. Not only did the educational missionary work help Christianity propagate nationwide more efficiently in China, but it also produced several well-​trained religious workers for the Chinese Church. In short, it made Christianity more powerful in China. In this regard, The Christian Occupation of China that was published in 1922 said: Educational work has also moved forward by leaps and bounds. Whereas a decade or two ago most missionary societies hesitated to launch out into the field of higher education and were satisfied for the most part to staff their institutions with teachers who had little, if any, special training for educational work, it has become clear that such a policy is not adequate and that the Church must either deprive its youth of the benefits of an education under Christian auspices, or provide a system

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  97 of schools and colleges, whose educational standards are as high as those of the Government. Only thus can it assure the Church of the leadership which is essential to its best life.9 Changes in missionary policy did bring about something positive. Specifically, Christianity became more influential than ever in China in the 1920s. In addition, missionary societies in China, on the whole, made efforts to change the old practice in which they acted of their own free will. Influenced by the 1910 World Missionary Conference in Edinburgh, they stressed that all missionary societies cooperate mutually and that missionary work depend on the local governments and residents This strategic change helped missionary societies in China collaborate with each other in the propagation of Christianity. This contributed to the growth of the Christian religion in China. Right after the Edinburgh conference, John R. Mott, an American preacher, was elected the first chairperson of the China Continuation Committee. He convened a series of meetings and “strengthened the conviction of missionaries and Chinese workers that if the growing Christian communities were to cope successfully with the problems and opportunities facing them on every side, some more definite provision for united planning and effective cooperation was essential.”10 If “the Christian forces in this area [China] [wanted to form] a clear and definite plan for its missionary occupation,” they must know all the facts respecting the missionary work in China. Therefore, the 1913 national conference for Christian missionary work set up the China Continuation Committee (CCC), which epitomized the spirit of union and devoted itself to conduct a comprehensive survey of Christian work in the country. On the basis of this survey, CCC’s executive committee (CCCEC) held a national conference at the Shanghai-​based Union Church in December 1919, in which the religious movement known as the Christian Occupation of China (COC) was initiated. Among 117 participants of the mass pledge, both Western and Chinese preachers were about equally represented. An announcement made by COC’s executive organ said: Although the participants are from different countries and different denominations and do different jobs, we are all bent wholeheartedly on the well-​orchestrated endeavor, aspiring to convince the Chinese people that Christ really can be able to save their country, rectify their mind, turn calamity into blessing, and ultimately free China from danger.11 COC focused on how Chinese Church workers could effectively collaborate with each other and complete their tasks.12 It proposed six aspirations. The fifth aspiration was that the Christian Churches resolve to provide various services, hoping that, in 1920, every Christian convert would be ready to render one or several practical services, such as serving the Church and serving society. Thereby, the Church would certainly witness great progress and the Chinese state would reap no little benefit.13 In 1920, CCCEC become

98  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church the central organ of COC. In order to more effectively cooperate with this religious movement, CCCEC increased the proportion of its Chinese staff from one-​third to one-​half and approved the proposal that a Chinese could be the general-​secretary. As a consequence, not only was the sectarian conflict involving different Christian cults in China mitigated, but Chinese religious workers were also trained and the converts’ service given to the Church and Chinese society improved. Accordingly, the Chinese Christian Churches became more capable of propagating Christianity and the Chinese people’s attitude towards Christianity changed. Second, the political situation in the wake of Yihetuan was favourable for the development Christianity in China. The Christian faith itself played a significant role in post-​Yihetuan changes taking place in China. Fort this reason, this religion became increasingly acceptable to Chinese society. The conservative force within the Qing government suffered a lethal blow and could not be substantially rehabilitated in the wake of Yihetuan. The Qing government, responding to the pressure from home and abroad, adopted a series of educational reforms, such as abolishing Keju, founding new schools and sending a large number of students to study in Japan. As a result, there was a group of new intellectuals. The greatest difference between these new intellectuals and old scholar-​officials lay in the Western-​style education that the former received. The new Chinese intellectuals pioneered promoting Western science and democratic spirit in China, as well as playing a great role in transforming China by means of a variety of social movements. Le Lingsheng, who generalized and analyzed the development of Christianity and Chinese society in the two decades after Yihetuan, pointed out: The two decades since 1900 have been distinctly revolutionary in tendency: this not in the old sense alone which resulted in the displacement of individuals, but deeper, in that during this period ancient principles and institutions have been moved, aside for something new. … More significant than any other change has been that in the temper of the people. After all, the changes already registered are precursors of wider ones. China will not only reflect the changes going on all over the world but will materially help to change the world.14 All these changes were closely related to Christianity. Le specifically proposed eight points respecting this:15 Growth of Democratic Spirit[.]‌Since 1900 autocratic government has been shaken to its foundation. The fundamentally democratic spirit of the Chinese has pushed its way up and through autocratic institutions. The attempt of Yuan Shih-​kai to revive autocracy failed so signally that it does not encourage further attempts along that line. Then in 1919 there was a strong protest against political corruption which expressed itself through the “student movement. While this was in part a recrudescence of resentment against foreign aggression as seen in Japanese interests yet

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  99 it indicated an awakening of responsibility for political rectitude that cannot be ignored[.] Anti-​vice Activities[.]‌[It] expressed mainly against the opium traffic. [By 1908,] it was vitally existent and worked itself out through one of the greatest moral efforts the world has ever witnessed. [In the meantime, the] movement against foot-​binding also gained impetus during these two decades. Intellectual Revolution[.]‌Connected with this are the educational reforms which came to a head in 1905, [when] the desires of the people forced the rulers to scrap an educational institution [that is, Keju]. Attempts to increase popular intelligence [were thus ensued]. Movement from Wenli [i.e., the classical Chinese] to Mandarin—​But nations of today cannot be educated in the effete terms of past civilizations. Knowledge must be put into the common language. A realization of this explains the growing movement for the unification of the Chinese language and the use of the vernacular for literary purposes. Movements towards financial independence—​Another significant movement is the organization along modern lines of Chinese bankers.… It was in part intended as an offset to the Consortium which seems to have halted indefinitely. Here has developed a power that will make itself increasingly felt nationally in trade, politics, and morals. Growth of Western Industrialism under Chinese Control—​Another striking development is the rapid increase during recent years of Western industrial enterprises under Chinese control. [Shanghai was an epitome of this phenomenon.] Emergence of the Middle Classes and Growing Interest in Politics—​As a factor in politics we have the emergence of the middle classes who, particularly through the business men, are expressing their ideas as to local and national government. One result is the development of provincial government as over against the national which for the nonce is leaving the national government somewhat weaker than formerly. Growing Religious Toleration—​It seems inevitable that during this period the movement for religious liberty should receive an impetus. With regard to these changes, Christianity played a very positive role. Le specially pointed out: “The above changes in the environment of the Church have to some extent come from the activity of the Christian Church itself, but to a larger extent from the impact of the civilization of which Christianity is a part.”16 The present author contends that, whether these changes resulted from the Christian Churches’ direct activities or were brought about by “the civilization of which Christianity is a part,” the social changes taking place in China did indeed have all kinds of connections with the Christian religion. For example, as far as the promotion of democratic politics in China was concerned, apart from some liberal missionaries who participated in person in

100  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church reform in the twilight years of the nineteenth century, several Chinese Christian converts enthusiastically took part in anti-​ Qing activities and the 1911 Revolution led by Sun Zhongshan (Sun Yat-​sen). The “Anti-​vice Activities” was another example. The Christian Churches set up organizations, which were against narcotics, gambling, prostitution, concubinage and footbinding and were renowned for their advocacy of equality of men and women. For example, in 1900, missionaries built a safe retreat, where prostitutes who abandoned their work would be accepted and taught the most basic reading, writing and living skills. In 1907, they set up a society dissuading women from smoking, drinking, and prostituting and protecting rights and interests of women. And one year later, missionaries created the Chinese branch of the International Reform Bureau, which advocated a ban on smoking opium, drinking, gambling and prostitution. These social organizations contributed to the improvement of Chinese society. In addition, many missionary schools made a commitment to facilitating the intellectual revolution, the abolition of Keju and the popularization of modern vernacular Chinese. For instance, the heheben (Chinese Union Version) Bible, which was produced in the 1910s by missionary societies and adopted modern vernacular Chinese, is still popular among Christians in present-​day China. Besides, missionaries and Christian converts, collaborating with local governments, promoted nationwide phonetic letters, whereby Mandarin could be unified rapidly, even though their original goal was to help new converts read Christian scripture. Christians took an active part in social reform, associated themselves with local people, and applied themselves to education, moral reconstruction, medical service, disaster relief, public health, and so on. For example, the Fuzhou-​based missionary-​run Zhonghua weisheng jiaoyuhui (“society for health education in China”) made a great contribution to the prevention of cholera. The role Christianity played in the advocacy of freedom of religious belief was remarkable. As early as 1907, when missionaries celebrated the centennial of the arrival of Christianity in China at a conference, many Christian priests called for the freedom of religious belief. Since the founding of the Republic of China (1912–​1949), Christian sects of every hue, aligning with Buddhist and Catholic organizations, showcased a much stronger stand against Confucianism as state religion, which had been proposed by conservatives such as Kang Youwei, and finally forced the Republican government to formally write the freedom of religious belief into the constitution. Overall, due to the change of the general situation in China, Christianity did play a role in the development of Chinese society; and, at the same time, exactly because of the role Christianity played in China, Christianity was acceptable to a growing number of Chinese people. Third, the national consciousness of Chinese Christians was awakened to such an extent that they aspired to free themselves from the control of the Western Church. Under these circumstances, foreign missionary societies in China gradually realized that they had to allow the Chinese to have their own

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  101 Christian Church. To put it another way, the Christian church in China must be indigenized. When the centennial conference was being convened in 1907, Ji Yuehan, a missionary who preached Christianity in Shantou for over three decades, contended in the session on “the Chinese Church” that the reason why there were cases of jiao’an in the past lay in the fact that what missionaries wanted to set up was not the Chinese Church but the Western Church. Due to awakened nationalist consciousness, the Chinese Church was unwilling to be under Western missionary societies’ control. Some Chinese Christians advocated that the Chinese have their own Church fulfilling “self-​support, self-​government, and self-​propagation.”17 Such a three-​selfist Chinese Church would enjoy full freedom from foreign missionary societies’ money and manpower. Ji himself supported this independence movement. As a matter of fact, it was the social reform taking place in China that encouraged Chinese Christians to devote themselves to activities bringing about social changes. In doing so, Chinese Christians gradually became “conscious of itself and of the fact that it possesses a message and a life which are of vital importance to the nation as a whole.”18 As a consequence, a number of Chinese religious workers, who had been well trained, stood head and shoulders above the rest: Through a limited number of its better trained workers, especially the younger men and women who have graduated from its higher educational institutions, some of whom have had the benefit of an education abroad, the Church has come to national self-​expression. While leadership of this kind is confined, as yet, to a small group, it is steadily increasing both in numbers and in influence.19 Many Chinese Christians, witnessing the drastic transformation of Chinese society, acquired, little by little, national consciousness and enthusiastically threw themselves into patriotic movements. Take the May Fourth Movement (MFM), for example. A large number of Christian students participated in MFM and some of them were even wounded in protests against the authorities. Their bravery won sincere support from Chinese priests. Cheng Jingyi (Cheng Ching-​ yi), for instance, spoke very approvingly of these heroic Christian students, as well as being proud of these young souls “for their courage, heroism, and sacrificial spirit.”20 In this regard, he clearly pointed out: “But when it comes to questions of national righteousness and justice the Christian Church has indeed a duty to perform which it should not and cannot possibly ignore.”21 At the same time, Chinese Christians were increasingly discontent with foreign missionary societies’ control of the Chinese Church. They had a very intense and rightful desire that Christianity shall be freed from the incubus of being regarded as a “foreign religion” and that the

102  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church denominational divisions of the West be not perpetuated permanently in China. They regard the predominance of foreign influence in the Church as one of the chief hindrances to a mere rapid spread of Christianity in China, and feel that it is indirectly responsible for many of the weaknesses of the Church.22 E. C. Lobenstine, Executive Secretary (1918–​1922) of CCC, quoting a young Chinese priest’s words, pointed out that: “Missionary work, excellent as it is, has not succeeded in creating in the Chinese Christian the sense of proprietorship in the work of the Church.” This is unfortunately only too true, and it must be the main task of the years immediately ahead to see that such a sense of proprietorship is created and that the Church becomes truly indigenous in China.23 Exactly because of the increased national consciousness of Chinese Christians, foreign missionaries had no alternative but to open their eyes to reality. For example, in 1907, when the centennial conference was discussing and voting on the formal designation of the Chinese Christian Church, foreign preachers did not accept the “Chinese Church” but only recognized “Churches in China.” But in 1920, quite a few foreign missionaries approved the designation of the “Chinese Church.” In the meantime, there was a transition “during which the burden of the work and its control will increasingly shift from the foreigner to the Chinese.”24 Some Chinese Christians within the church had realized that only when they made effortd to fulfill the inevitable indigenization of Christianity would this religion grow rapidly in China. All these discussions indicate that, in the two decades since the dawning of the twentieth century, the Chinese changed their basic attitude towards Christianity. It was said that by then an increasing number “men of the scholarly class, or men of wealth or position” had already been “in the Church.”25 Exactly for this reason, the status of Christianity in China changed fundamentally. Not only were many graduates of missionary schools employed by state-​ funded educational institutions, but not a few Christians also entered politics. For example, in the early Republican period, several officials working for new governments believed in Christianity. One observation read: “[I]‌n 1912, 65 per cent of the Kwangtung [i.e., Guangdong] officials were Christians” and this “brought the Christians into prominence.”26 Consequently, the Christian religion developed rapidly in China. In 1900, the total number of communicants was 85,000; then in 1906, it increased to 178,251; and by 1920, it leaped to 365,524.27 With regard to the territorial scope of the propagation of Christianity, by the 1920s, among 1,713 counties distributed all over China, only 126 had not fallen into the hands of Christian crusaders.28 Furthermore, the numbers of Chinese in leadership positions significantly increased not only in quantity but also in quality:

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  103 In the 1907 Conference 1,000 missionaries—​of whom 500 were elected delegates—​and mission workers, assembled, but no Chinese. The missionaries then assumed that the Christian leadership in China was still in their hands. In 1913, out of 115 delegates one-​third were Chinese. In the China-​for-​Christ Conference in 1919 one-​half were Chinese delegates; in more ways than one their leadership was felt as a force in this Conference.29 Le Lingsheng penned some words depicting the growth of Chinese leadership in the Christian Church: In 1922 Chinese leadership gives for the first time a presentation of the Christian Message to China. We have left behind the days of merely passive Chinese acquiescence in Christianity; the Chinese Church is now positively reacting to its inner message. Twenty years ago, for instance, Chinese contributors to the Chinese Recorder were hardly thought of. Now they are of their own accord writing and occupying an increasingly large place therein. About one-​third of the publications issued by Tract Societies are produced by Chinese, which is a slight advance over the past. The Christian Literature Society now has Chinese prominent on its directorate and there has been recently increased activity in the Chinese authorship of its publications. Chinese leadership is also coming—​a little slowly in some cases—​into its rightful place of primacy.30 To sum up, all these changes taking place in China were, on the one hand, related to the drastic transformation of Chinese society; and, on the other hand, the increasing maturity and indigenization of the Chinese Church had something to do with these changes. If, in the nineteenth century, it was Western missionaries who played a pivotal role in the indigenization of Christianity in China, in the twentieth century foreign missionaries and their role were gradually replaced with Chinese Christian converts. In particular, the independence movement initiated by Chinese Christians, for the first time ever, spontaneously expressed a strong aspiration to have Christianity indigenized (/​Sinicized).

Independent Chinese Church in its incipient stage Patriotic Chinese Christians in the Church utterly detested foreign powers’ endless, relentless invasion and humiliation of China, the overwhelming majority of foreign missionaries’ role as accessories to their countries’ crimes of aggression, and the helpless and corruptibly incompetent Qing government’s reparations paid to foreign powers. Since the 1870s, some Chinese Christians with a strong sense of national pride sincerely hoped that there would be truly Chinese Churches that were completely freed from foreign missionary societies’ control. The previous chapter mentioned that Chen Mengnan and Xi Shengmo tried their best to realize the independence of the Chinese Church

104  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church in Guangdong and Shanxi respectively. In the 1880s and 1890s, the number of Chinese Churches that were better economically shaped increased daily. Some, which had not yet become fully self-​supportive, were striding forward to independence by various means, such as donations from followers. For example, in 1885, 40 students of the Dengzhou-​based Wenhuiguan (Dengzhou College) set up Chouen budaohui (“gratitude-​repaying society for propagating Christianity”), which stipulated that each member pay 3,000 coppers as an independence fund. Members of this society continued to donate for 18 years. By the end of the nineteenth century, there were over 100 Chinese Churches that were finally independent. Strictly speaking, although these Churches had already been economically self-​supportive, most of them were still not truly independent, as Chinese Christians were too theologically poor to be independent of foreign missionaries and foreign churches, nor could they really achieve self-​propagation. In fact, the independence movement aspiring to free the Chinese Church from foreign missionary societies’ control and create the Chinese people’s own Christian Church was initiated immediately after Yihetuan. Even though there were allegations that not a few Christian converts died due to the chaos caused by Yihetuan, the blackmail and extortion of China by foreign powers after Yihetuan was appallingly frightening. This made patriotic Chinese Christians strongly resentful of the barbarity of foreign powers and, at the same time, they profoundly rethought what had happened and should happen in China. In doing so, they laid the intellectual foundation for the Chinese Church’s independence movement in the early twentieth century. In the years immediately followed Yihetuan, there were still jiao’an cases in China. For instance, in 1902, in Chenzhou, Hunan, there was an incident of jiao’an, which was followed similar cases in Lianzhou, Zhangpu and Nanchang. Although these cases were small in scale, foreign powers’ extortion increased significantly and their handling of the persons concerned was extremely inhumane. Take Chenzhou jiao’an for example. In 1902, a plague broke out in Chenzhou, Hunan. It was rumoured that two foreign missionaries, Hu Shaozu (J. R. Bruce?) and Luo Guoquan (R. H. Lewis?), poisoned wells and ponds and thus caused the plague. The two missionaries died in the conflict with local residents. The conflict itself was largely irrational. The handling of this case after the bloody conflict was really brutal and inhumane. The local government, forced by the London-​ based imperialistic regime, had to arrest over 300 residents and executed more than 20 people in a very British way, that is, execution by cannon. Moreover, it had to pay an indemnity of over 80,000 taels of silver. The British regime and its Christian agency’s cruelty and avarice infuriated a staggeringly large number of free thinkers, as well as arousing strong resentment of many patriotic Christian believers, who now resolved to achieve the independence of the Chinese Church. In 1902, Gao Fengchi, Wa Hengtong, Wu Tingsheng, Xie Hongji, Song Yaoru and Gong Boying, all of whom were Shanghai-​ based Christian

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  105 converts, and profoundly rethought the tragedy in which some Chinese Christians had died in the chaos caused by Yihetuan, started to be aware that the Chinese Church must fulfill independence and self-​propagation.31 Feeling resentful of Western powers’ brazen extortion and worrying about the uproar caused by endless jiao’an, they decided to found Zhongguo Jidutu Hui (China Association of Christians, CAC), which was intellectually built on the idea that Chinese Christians should be knit together by love for the country and her people and devote themselves to disseminating Christian doctrines within the country.32 CAC was inaugurated on the tenth day of the tenth month of the year of ren-​yin (1902) at Shanghai’s Moore Memorial Church. The hall was heavily congested, suggesting that the independent spirit of the Chinese Church had won the favour of Chinese Christians. Before long, many other provinces had responded eagerly. “People following what Shanghai Christians do are not rarely seen in Hebei, Shanxi, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan, Fujian, Guangdong, and so on.”33 In the spring of 1903, CAC published its own newspaper entitled Jidutu bao (the Chinese Christians), which advocated independence. Chinese Christians in several regions enthusiastically responded to CAC. Consequently, CAC set up branches in Beijing, Tianjin, Ningbo, Xuzhou, Changsha, Taiyuan and Hong Kong. Although later many of these branches were renamed, except for those in Ningbo and Hong Kong, the independent spirit had flowered nationwide. Quite a few jiao’an cases broke out in the wake of the Chenzhou Incident in the early twentieth century. Chinese Christians, witnessing these conflicts, were far more eager to create a truly independent Chinese Church. In 1906, Yu Guozhen (a.k.a. Yu Zongzhou), who was a priest of the Presbyterian Church at Zhabei, Shanghai, founded Zhongguo Yesujiao Zilihui (“Independent Chinese Christian Church,” ICCC) on the basis of Chinese Christians’ aspiration for independence. In 1894, Rev. Yu was ordained a priest by the Presbyterian Church at Hongkou, Shanghai. Later this church was relocated to Zhabei. Thus, it was renamed Zhabei Presbyterian Church (ZPC). ZPC was actually financially dictated by a foreign missionary known as Fan Yuehan (John M. W. Farnham), who did not value Yu’s opinion at all. Fan’s belittlement dealt a terrible blow to Yu’s national pride. Moreover, Yu was deeply aware of the harm that Baojiaoquan caused by unequal treaties did to the Chinese Church. Specifically, he held that “because some evil persons use Baojiaoquan as their protective talisman and the state regard Christian converts as jiaomin [“people living by the Christian cult”], there are incessant conflicts between Christians and freethinkers.”34 In Yu’s eyes, the huge reparations demanded by foreign powers in accordance with the Boxer Protocol was a stinging insult to the Chinese nation. All these made him resolve to create a Chinese Church that was completely free from the physical and intellectual control of foreign Churches. In 1903, Yu became one of CAC’s enthusiastic proponents. It was in the same year that Yu, supported by his followers, declared that his Church

106  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church was financially independent of foreign Churches and was to be renamed Zhabei Zili Zhanglaohuitang (Independent Zhabei Presbyterian Church, IZPC). Two years later, he initiated the project setting up a fully independent Chinese Christian Church. In collaboration with Huang Zhiji, he spent half a year making preparations for the new Church. In 1906, as the Chinese New Year was approaching, Shanghai Christians held a public prayer session in the church, declaring that ICCC was formally established. ICCC had a nine-​ article constitution, which read:35 1) Designation. Inasmuch as Chinese Christians from all over the country do worry about the exacerbation of jiao’an and resent foreign powers posing grave threat to the Chinese nation, they finally decide to prevent the situation from getting worse by founding an independent Chinese Church. The new church, which loves Christianity and the country and has an independent and autonomous spirit, is named Yesujiao Zilihui (literally, an independent church of teachings of Jesus). 2) Aims. Now that the Church is named after zili (independence and self-​ reliance), it does its best to be fully independent of foreign forces. It sincerely hopes that, by doing so, jiao’an may be prevented from taking place, Christian doctrines be widely disseminated, contradictions between Christian converts and freethinkers be reconciled, the public good be maintained, the population be enlightened, the Church’s reputation be protected, and the national dignity be saved. No matter which denomination the fellow Christians belong to and where they are from, all members of this Church are comrades uniting into a single whole. 3) Fellowship. All Chinese Christians, who are so morally upright that can remain above criticism, recognize the aims of the Church, and would like to take duties required by the Church, are eligible to obtain the Church’s fellowship. 4) Membership. The Church has a president, a vice president, an accountant, a secretary, and two inspectors. 5) Meetings. There is a general assembly at 7 p.m. every Wednesday, in which the true Christian teaching saving the world will be preached and important affairs respecting the Church’s autonomy be discussed. Then, at 7. 30 a collective prayer will be performed. 6) The Site of Meeting. The communication office of the Church is temporally set up in IZPC located in Haining Road of the northern Shanghai. 7) Membership Fees. The Church’s funds come mainly from donations of followers and external sponsors. 8) Branches. The Church’s followers, who live in cities other than Shanghai, are allowed to set up branches based on the common aspiration for an independent, autonomous Chinese church. 9) Revision of Church Constitution. The present Constitution is tentatively put into force. It will be revised in right time.

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  107 Looking at this extract, readers might not only grasp the main purport of this Church, but also perceive its organizational system and activities. In March of the same year, Rev. Yu and his comrades reported ICCC’s founding to the local authorities, the Circuit of Suzhou, Songjiang and Taicang (CSST). The intendant of CSST approved ICCC and issued a statement of protection, Shanghaidao baohu Zhonguo Yesujiao Zilihui shiyu (“The Shanghai Circuit’s Statement on Protection of Independent Chinese Christian Church”), which read as follows: This is an explicit direction [issued by the authorities]. According to the report prepared by Yu Guozhen and Huang Zhiji, both of whom are Christian priests, Huang Naishang, who obtained the title of Juren in the Imperial Civil Examination, Miao Zhongmou and Yao Boxi, both of whom are doctors trained in Western medicine, and Ding Chufan, Yu Lianquan, and Xie Yongqin, all of whom are deacons of Christian church, we know that the teachings of Jesus, namely, Christianity, rises to prominence in the West and then is introduced to China. Their report, having its conclusion based on the thorough investigation of the old and new covenants, that is, the Old Testament and New Testament, indicates that the Christian doctrines attach the greatest importance to the manifestation of highest deity (i.e., God) and the love for all people. As for the Christian practice, it suggests followers improve their morality by confession and upgrade themselves by doing good works. When it comes to the most basic ethics such as rules governing the sovereign-​minister and father-​ son relationships, Christianity has well-​ prepared, detailed directions. Unfortunately, inasmuch as many Chinese residents frequently misunderstand the Christian religion and strongly hold that it is dictated and manipulated by foreigners, the difference between Christian converts and freethinkers is delusionally treated as something irrevocably antagonistic. Under the circumstances, whenever there is a conflict involving Christians and freethinkers, the overall situation may turn sour. For example, recently, there are a series of such violent cases in Lianzhou, Zhangpu, and Nanchang. Not only are these incidents, together with past cases, greeted with the central government’s deep worry but they also do harm to the spirit of ordinary people. But Christianity does not intend it to be. Yu Guozhen and his comrades have worked for an American church over years. They peacefully disseminate the Christian doctrines teaching people to do good. In recent years, our country is being open to the world and the entirety of established systems and institutions are being overhauled. We resolve to be fully independent of foreign forces and stand on our own feet. In view of this, Yu Guozhen and his comrades decide to gather together those who come from other churches and have the same aspiration and work collaboratively to set up a truly independent Chinese Christian church. ICCC is thus created. ICCC devotes itself to

108  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church acting in a practical and realistic manner, rectifying established religious rules, advocating the idea that Christian converts are same as freethinkers, and peacefully handling disputes involving Christians and freethinkers regardless of their devotional and sectarian background and meanwhile completely freeing themselves from the interference of foreigners. ICCC suggests that communitarianism and patriotism be, first of all, embodied in the love for compatriots. It believes that, as soon as the way of doing good is uniform and morals and manners are harmonized, not only will the enmity between Christians and freethinkers be eliminated but disasters caused by the misunderstanding between China and foreign countries will also be averted. This does not merely matter to the relationship between China and the Christian Church but really has a significant bearing on the overall situation of the twentieth century. But on the other hand, founding a truly independent Chinese Church is really a groundbreaking work. Almost inevitably, there will be some people who discriminate against or even object to the Church and worse yet, bandits may intentionally bully the Church because they think no foreigners will interfere in it. Taking into consideration these, Yu Guozhen and his comrades venture to jointly ask the authorities to have the Church officially registered and provide protection for the Church. It has been proven that the reason why there have always been conflicts between Christian converts and freethinkers lies in the mutual suspicion between the two sides. At present, Christian priests such as Yu Guozhen and his comrades set up an independent Church, set forth their basic doctrines, fairly and equally treat Christian converts and freethinkers, and try their best to peacefully reconcile disputes. Whenever there is a legal case, the Church makes judgment solely in accordance with right or wrong of the affair and by doing so the rift between the two sides can be effectively mended. These priests’ endeavor does greatly benefit the improvement of overall situation. Hence, not only do we approve their request and forward the approval to county governments, but we also make a joint statement instructing all people to comply with the decision. Nobody is allowed to disturb the Church on any pretext. This order must be strictly observed. It is on the third day of the third month of the thirty-​second year of Guangxu (1906) that the statement is issued in public.36 This Constitution and Statement fully demonstrates that Rev. Yu Guozhen and his comrades’ founding of a truly independent Chinese Christian Church was genuinely based on Chinese Christians’ love for the country and their religion. Yu Guozhen’s proposal of founding an independent Chinese Church won support from important figures among Chinese Christian converts. For example, among those who were mentioned in the Statement, there were not only the Christian Church’s leaders, such as priests and deacons, but also elites such as doctors and excellent candidates performing really well in the

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  109 Imperial Civil Examination. These people laid a solid economic foundation of the Church’s autonomy and independence. It should also be pointed out that quite a few followers worked for the Commercial Press, one of the most famous Chinese publishers, and had a good salary. The Qing government approved the founding of ICCC. On the tenth day of the tenth month of the 32nd year of Guangxu (1906), Wang Xingsan, who was the director of the general office of the Bureau of Foreign Affairs, reported ICCC’s founding and the CSST intendant’s approval to the governor of Zhejiang. On the 12th day of the 11th month, the governor delivered an official note whereby ICCC could be certified perfectly legal.37 These indicated that the local governments supported the creation of an independent Chinese Church. Since the founding of ICCC, followers from other provinces and cities and even some overseas Chinese joined this independent Chinese Church one after another. By 1909, the number of members of ICCC exceeded 10,000. In 1910, the General Church of the ICCC was set up in Shanghai. In the same year, the general assembly of the ICCC recommended Yu Guozhen as the chief representative. Rev. Yu presented a report to Duchayuan (Imperial Censorate), requesting that China abrogate unequal treaties by taking back jiaoquan (the right of administrating Christian Churches). Yu and his comrades proposed to “repossess the right and be completely independent of foreign churches. Meanwhile, they would rather be misunderstood by compatriots than assume foreign churches’ authority as their own.” They went further, rebuking those who sold their soul and abandoned the national position and portraying them as people “blindly worshiping Westerners as saints, taking foreign missionary societies as their hideouts and protective talismans, relying entirely on foreign churches, insatiably lusting for money, and willingly choosing to be slave [of foreign forces].”38 It is a pity that the Qing government merely praised their endeavour verbally but took no real action due to its fear of foreign powers. It was in the 1911 Revolution that ICCC published its own newspaper entitled Shengbao (Holy News), which devoted itself to “advocating independence and autonomy, reconciling contradictions between Christian converts and freethinkers, and arousing the love for the country, family, and compatriots.” By doing so, ICCC pushed forward the independence movement of Chinese Christianity. From the outset, ICCC strictly abided by the principle of independence and did the best it could to achieve the true independence of the Chinese Church. For ICCC, patriotism always remained unchallengeable and unshakable, whatever the consequence. In 1915, the original ICCC Constitution was revised, because it was already out of accord with the times when the number of Churches joining ICCC increased constantly and ICCC branches had extended to 16 provinces and even to southeast Asia. The revised constitution had 12 articles. In the same year, the revised constitution was further discussed and finally approved at the general assembly. The final ICCC Constitution consisted of 13 articles. In 1919, the head Church of ICCC, which was named Yongzhi (“eternal

110  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church aspiration”), was set up in Jiangwan, Shanghai. In 1920, the First National Congress of ICCC was convened. By then, there were 189 branches of ICCC and the number of ICCC followers amounted to 10,000.39 ICCC continued to grow in the following years. In 1924, the number of ICCC branches exceeded 330; meanwhile over 20,000 Christian converts chose to follow ICCC. In addition to ICCC, the Shandong-​based independent Chinese Churches also made remarkable achievements in promoting the autonomy and independence of Chinese Christianity. The endeavour of Christian indigenization in Shandong could be traced back to Chouen budaohui, which was founded by 40 Wenhuiguan students in 1885. According to the society’s regulations, each member had to annually donate 2,000 coppers and would acquire life membership if she or he donated for 12 consecutive years. It was also stipulated that the society would send two members to do missionary work whenever the fund amounted to 1,000,000 coppers. In 1898, at least ten Wenhuiguan students set up an independent Christian school, because they felt deeply ashamed that all missionary schools had been founded and managed by foreign churches.40 Each founder of the new educational institution donated money. The fund was used to set up primary schools in the countryside. Thereby, a few Chinese missionaries were trained. This endeavour should be regarded as the harbinger of the independence of the Chinese Church. In 1808, the Presbyterian Church in north China held a meeting in Wei County, Shandong. More than 20 attendees, consisting of priests, presbyters and teachers of Guangwen School, collaboratively proposed that there should be a missionary society working exclusively in some parts of Baoding Prefecture, Zhili. Subsequently, they started to preach Christianity in this region in the name of the Chinese Christian Church. Herein lay the origin of the Shandong Independent Chinese Christian Church (hereinafter referred to as SDICCC). On the eve of the collapse of Qing in 1911, Liu Shoushan, who graduated from Wenhuiguan and then became a presbyter working in the Qingdao-​ based Christian Church, collaborating with Sui Xilin (a.k.a. Sui Shiqing), the manager of Qingdao branch of Shandong Bank, donated 10,000 silver dollars for building an independent Chinese Christian Church. But they had to suffer the pain of rejection—​the German colonial government occupying Qingdao unjustifiably turned down their request for the acquisition of land and abatement of tax. After the success of the 1911 Revolution, Chinese Christians stepped up their demand for an independent Chinese Church. Thus, Liu and Sui suggested that the Chinese Church be built in Ji’nan, the provincial capital of Shandong, so that the independent Church could exert deeper and more extensive influence on the Chinese. This suggestion convinced Christian converts in Shandong. In 1912, SDICCC decided, at a temporary meeting held in Qingdao, to move to Ji’nan. By the end of the year, Yue Yuejun, SDICCC’s leading priest, and his comrades visited Ji’nan and started to select land. First of all, they rented houses and preached their religion there. Due to the ever-​increasing number of followers, the rented houses

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  111 could not meet the Church’s needs. Therefore, SDICCC sent a request to the local authorities for permission to purchase land in the city proper of Ji’nan. These Chinese Christian converts’ strong patriotic feeling helped them win support from the provincial government of Shandong. Zhou Ziqi, the governor of Shandong, and Cai Xudong, the director of the Provincial Bureau of Commerce, set aside 20 mu of vacant land located at Sanmalu (No. 3 Road) of Ji’nan for ICCC. This piece of land would be used for a church and houses. Liu and Sui donated 10,000 silver dollars, by which a huge church capable of seating 1,500 visitors was built. In addition, another 400 houses were built for rent. The collected rent was used to subsidize the Church’s everyday programmes, organize the board of directors, set up schools and nursing homes, and hire renowned priests such as Li Daohui. In doing so, the aspiration for an independent Chinese Church finally came true.41 In 1913, Rev. Yuan Yuejun, a Ji’nan-​based SDICCC priest, went to Yantai, where he advocated the founding of a truly, fully independent National Christian Church of China (NCCC). Unfortunately, Yue passed away soon after and his programme was postponed. In 1917, Liu Shoushan, a presbyter, visited Yantai again and rekindled the aspiration for an independent Chinese Church. Christian converts in Yantai enthusiastically responded to Liu’s advocacy and set about founding an independent Church. In February 1918, the preparatory committee was officially set up. Nevertheless, due to the lack of adequate funds, Yantai’s Chinese Christian Church was not formally inaugurated until June 1919. The Yantai Church had its own meeting house. In 1916, after serious discussion, followers of Qingdao’s Presbyterian Church decided to divorce itself from the foreign general Church and formally declared itself a branch of SDICCC. The Qingdao branch of SDICCC invited Yu Xinmin to be the leading priest and put into force autonomy. From then on, the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church in Shandong had three centres, namely, Ji’nan, Qingdao and Yantai. Later, independent Chinese Christian Churches were set up in Daxintuan, Wei County, Taidong Town, and so on. In 1924 that the General Church of SDICCC was founded in Ji’nan. In the course of gaining independence, Shandong’s Chinese Churches had been blamed and obstructed by foreign missionaries. This can be corroborated by the following “minor” incidents. When Rev. Yuan Yuejun tried his best to set up an independent Chinese Church in Ji’nan, he paid a courtesy call on Mo Yuehan (John Murray), a PCUSA priest. Mo asked Yuan what business he came here for. As soon as Mo was informed that Yuan was endeavouring to set up an independent Chinese Church, he asked Mo: “If you do missionary work here, what we are going to do?” Immediately this foreign priest posed another question: “Between your independent Chinese Church and PCUSA, which one is more important?” Yuan promptly asked in reply: “Is your missionary society, or the endeavor to propagate Christianity, more important?”42 Mo was quite at a loss to reply.

112  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church In July 1914, SDICCC convened a conference at Qingdao, where members of the Presbyterian Church in north China were meeting. Di Lebo (Robert McCheyne Mateer), a PCUSA priest, met Liu Shoushan, and required that Liu and his comrades’ endeavour to found an independent Chinese Church be stopped immediately, suggesting they propagate Christianity in the urban area in collaboration with the Presbyterian Church. Rev. Liu replied: “This matter should not be determined by me alone but by the masses of the people. Moreover, your suggestion does not conform with our original proposal.” Di, hearing this, suddenly turned hostile. He said: “If so, we have to pack up our bags and quit.” In 1912, when YMCA was holding its national congress, Lu Chongde (James Walter Lowrie), a foreign priest, was informed of Ji’nan’s endeavour to set up an independent Chinese Church. Lu suggested Jinan’s SDICCC give up this programme. SDICCC members immediately replied: It is true that we are working hard to set up an independent Church in Jinan. It is also true that we do not have even the slightest aversion to our Western brothers. We just do so for the propagation of Christian faith and the growth of Christian Church. They explained their aspiration in detail. First, they aspired to meet the needs of Chinese Christian converts. Second, they made an effort to persuade the Chinese who did not want to join foreign Churches to join the Chinese Church. Third, Chinese Christians were duty bound to do missionary work, which had to date been exclusively done by foreigners. They hoped that these explanations would dispel foreign missionaries’ doubts and worries.43 Contrary to these suspicious foreign priests, some missionaries endorsed the Chinese endeavour to found an independent Chinese Church. Di Kaowen and Guo Xiande, for instance, gave support to Yantai’s movement for the independence of the Chinese Christian Church. Western missionaries working for the Presbyterian Church in Yantai donated their furniture to SDICCC. The wife of Di Kaowen even allowed SDICCC to freely use her own small building consisting of 20 rooms of varying size. But, generally speaking, the overwhelming majority of foreign missionaries were sceptical about and antagonistic towards the independent Chinese Church. The independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church was not plain sailing. SDICCC did an excellent job in realizing self-​government, self-​reliance and self-​propagation. By 1929, over 2,000 Christian converts acquired SDICCC membership. It is said that among SDICCC’s members there were no disputes about the Christian faith. SDICCC explicitly said: We do aspire to achieve full, true independence. Meanwhile, we never conflict with foreign missionaries. We Chinese and foreign missionaries work in cooperation with a due division of labor. We are not hostile to

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  113 each other at all. Rather, we make concerted efforts to propagate the Christian faith.44 All this indicated that, overall, SDICCC had witnessed a smooth growth, achieved basic solidarity, and harmonized with foreign missionaries. In north China, Tianjin and Beijing set up independent Chinese Christian Church as Shandong did. The creation of a Tianjin-​ based independent Chinese Christian Church was full of twists and turns. As early as 1899, Chen Yuehan, a Chinese follower of LMS, advocated the independence of the Chinese Christian Church and won support from fellow Chinese Christians. He rented houses located at Laoxikai and named his church Huabei Zilihui Zhongguo Fuyintang (“the Chinese Gospel Hall of Independent Christian Church of North China”). Chen had to stop his work over a year later due to the outbreak of Yihetuan. In 1901, Ling Jinquan, another LMS follower, made a failed attempt to set up an independent Chinese Church. In the following year, Ling, collaborating with Zhong Zifeng from Shandong’s Presbyterian Church, Zuo Jingzhi from Tianjin’s Shengdaotang (Holy Word Church), and followers of LMS and the Methodist Church, made plans for an independent Chinese Church. Ganlin (G. T. Candlin), a British Shengdaotang priest, and Bao Fuli (Frederick Brown), a Methodist clergyman, stubbornly objected to Ling’s independence programme. For this reason, some followers were so disheartened that their aspiration for independence vanished. Despite this, some strong-​minded Chinese Christians still spoke up for an independent Chinese Church. For example, Zhang Zhiting, who was a member of LMS and had been pained to see the incompetent Chinese Church failing to be truly independent, spared no effort to advocate the independence movement by writing and speeches. In 1908, Zhang, in collaboration with followers of LMS and the Presbyterian Church, set up a public prayer society, which devoted itself to the independence programme. Soon, Zhang and his comrades raised adequate money by means of donations and loans from LMS. They, being financially competent, rented four houses in Taipingzhuang outside South Gate and founded Zilihui Fuyintang (“Hall of Gospel of Independent Chinese Church”). In 1910. Yang Baoci, Xu Huichuan and Zhang Boling, all of whom were from the Congregational Church, gathered more than 100 Chinese Christians from seven (Christian) halls and five churches, and discussed the founding of an independent Chinese Church. Yu Jiali, a priest of the Congregational Church, supported their programme and lent an old church situated in a place east of Gulou to Chinese Christians. Thanks to their efforts, Tianjin’s independent Chinese Christian Church was formally set up on the 19th day of the tenth month. The Church had its own constitution and was named Zhongguo Jidujiaohui (Tianjin Independent Chinese Christian Church, TJICCC). Following the founding of TJICCC, the number of Chinese followers increased yearly. By 1924, there were 713 newly baptized Chinese Christian

114  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church converts. In addition, there were still over 1,100 veteran followers. All these TJICCC members performed religious activities in the seven meeting houses. Apart from followers in downtown areas, over 40 converts could be found in two towns, namely, Wangqingtuo, Wuqing County and Dusheng, Xian County.45 TJICCC set up branches in Wangqingtuo, Shenwangzhuang and Rentianxili. In comparison with TJICCC, Beijing’s Independent Chinese Christian Church (BJICCC) was founded smoothly. Even before the outbreak of Yihetuan, a variety of Christian Churches in Beijing set up Jielihui (“the Society for All-​Out Effort”), which raised money for founding an independent Chinese Christian Church. One historical record indicates that members of Jielihui donated ten coppers a day and this money was put together at the end of the month towards the cause of founding an independent Church.46 It was in the wake of the upheaval caused by Yihetuan that foreign missionary societies started to realize the importance of missionary work done by the Chinese. The Congregational Church, for instance, specially set up a local preaching team in the city of Beijing and paid Chinese preachers with donations from its branch churches. Herein lay the starting point of an independent Chinese Church. After that, followers of the Congregational Church and LMS contacted some members of the Episcopal Church, the Methodist Church and the Presbyterian Church and jointly initiated the programme of founding BJICCC. This programme even won support from some foreign missionaries. After years of preparation, BJICCC was inaugurated on May 20, 1912 in the huge auditorium of the Congregational Church at Dengshikou, Beijing. The BJICCC Constitution was passed, accordingly. The organizing committee of BJICCC was composed of (Chinese) Christians from the Episcopal Church, the Methodist Church, the Congregational Church, the Presbyterian Church, the YMCA and LMS. The head of this committee was Liu Xinting from the Methodist Church and the deputy head Cheng Jingyi from LMS. More than 1,000 people attended the inaugural meeting. Prominent figures such as Ding Weiliang, who played a leading role in the teaching work of Jingshi Daxuetang (Imperial University of Peking, which was the predecessor of China’s most prestigious higher education institution, Peking University), Wang Zhengting, the Vice Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, and Zhang Boling, the founding president of Tianjin-​based Nankai University, all offered lectures at the meeting, praising and supporting Chinese Christians’ independence endeavour. LMS even allowed BJICCC to freely use Gospel Hall of Dongliushujing, which was located outside Chongwen Gate, another gospel hall lying in streets just outside Dongzhi Gate and dozens of houses pertaining to it, and over ten mu of donated land.47 The two halls attracted many Chinese Christian converts. It is said that dozens, even hundreds, of people attended the preaching session held at Dongliushujing, and if there was a special lecture the number of attendees would exceed 200.48 In 1917, the Congregational Church’s preaching society at Kuanjie Street joined BJICCC. Three years later, LMS’s church at Mishidajie Street was completed and

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  115 handed over to BJICCC. In 1921, LMS donated one of its chapels situated in Sanjianfang Village, just outside Chaoyang Gate, to BJICCC. In the spring of 1921, the five gospel halls set up an interdistrict council consisting of 16 councillors, who were in charge of affairs in relation to these gospel halls. In 1916, Chinese churches in Beijing, Tianjin and Shandong collaboratively founded Huabei Jidujiaohui Lianhehui (Association of Chinese Churches in North China, ACCNC). ACCNC held a meeting every August and discussed related issues. In general, north China’s independent Chinese Churches harmonized with foreign missionary societies. Although some Chinese Churches were indeed impeded by missionary societies in their early endeavour to be independent, they did finally win support from a few foreign missionaries as the situation evolved constantly. It is particularly worth mentioning that foreign missionary societies such as LMS and the Congregational Church worked cooperatively in the independence movement in Beijing. The united Guangdong Independent Chinese Christian Church (GDICCC) and its counterpart in the southern Fujian (SFICCC) were not founded until 1919. Zhonghua Jidujiaohui Lianhui (China Council of Christian Churches, CCCC) exerted direct influence on the creation of the two independent Christian Churches in south China. CCCC originated from the Presbyterian Church. The Presbyterian Church did missionary work in China very early and had a huge number of followers. Nevertheless, the Presbyterian Church in China was actually an assemblage of foreign missionary societies of all shades, so that it could by no means be united nor act in concert. This was not conducive to missionary work. Some missionaries of the Presbyterian Church, influenced by the Western Revivalism prevailing in the second half of the nineteenth century and the Chinese Christians’ aspiration for an independent Chinese Church in particular, hoped that there would be a united Church serving entire missionary work. Therefore, some at the 1890 GCPMCS proposed to set up a national confederation of Presbyterian Churches. After Yihetuan, Presbyters gathered in Shanghai and discussed this issue again. After several rounds of discussion, the National Confederation of Presbyterian Churches (NCPC) finally made its debut in 1907 in Shanghai. In April 1918, the fifth congress of NCPC was convened in Nanjing, where 46 delegates, Chinese and foreign, worked collaboratively to reconstruct NCPC into the General Council of Presbyterian Churches (GCPC). Some priests from LMS and the Congregational Church attended this conference too. They strongly suggested the Presbyterian Church and their own Churches form an alliance. As a consequence, the conference passed a union plan consisting of five articles, among which there three were key:49 First, Presbyterian Church, LMS, and Congregational Church are officially united. We welcome any Church that has the same aspiration and is willing to do the same work to join us.

116  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church Second, the united Church is designated Zhonghua Jidujiaohui Lianhui (China Council of Christian Churches, CCCC). Third, CCCC will listen to advices from component churches and deliberate over rules respecting various issues in preparation for the founding of a grand United Chinese Church in the near future. In January 1919, the provisional general office (PGO) of CCCC convened a conference in Nanjing. In addition to delegates from LMS, the Presbyterian Church and the Congregational Church, clergies of Baptist and Quaker Churches attended. They collaboratively formulated the basic doctrines and regulations of the united Church. The Nanjing conference gave impetus to the independence movement among Chinese Christians in Guangdong and southern Fujian. Southern Fujian’s Presbyterian Church and LMS chose to join together and set up SFICCC at an enlarged meeting. Chinese Christians in Guangdong founded GDICCC in the same vein. The embryonic form of SDICCC could be traced back to the autonomous Chinese Churches located at Xinjie and Zhushu, Xiamen in the mid-​ nineteenth century, even though SDICCC was officially inaugurated in 1919 in the wake of the founding of CCCC. The Churches located at Xinjie and Zhushu were set up by Anglo-​American clergy in 1856. From the very beginning, the two Churches paid attention to training Chinese presbyters and deacons. By 1862, the foreign missionaries of two Presbyterian churches decided to reorganize the established chapels into new Chinese churches on the grounds that the development of missionary work depended on the autonomy of Chinese churches. As a consequence, the halls located at Xinjie and Zhushu were combined into one general assembly, which was a de facto autonomous Chinese Church administered equally by Chinese and foreign clergies.50 The newly-​founded branches of this autonomous Chinese Church tried their best to “be self-​governing and self-​supportive, meanwhile hiring priests by themselves and disseminating the gospel as wide as possible by venturing into new regions.”51 In almost three decades (1890–​1918), these new autonomous Churches achieved basically not only self-​support but also self-​ propagation, meeting the general assembly’s requirement that new Churches must be able to hire their own priest without external financial help. The reason why the general assembly made such a requirement was that, new Churches, such as Tianshan, attempted to be independent of Zhangzhou Church. At first, the general assembly did not agree with Tianshan’s proposal because it thought the opportunity had not yet arrived. Nevertheless, Tianshan had already resolved to be independent. The general assembly had no alternative but to lay down such a requirement. But, on the other hand, new autonomous Churches such as Tianshan did make a success in

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  117 self-​support and self-​propagation. In short, they had realized independence. A Christian journal specially reported how Jinjing Church, which was located in a remote seaside village, had accomplished in self-​government. Originally, this Church, which was built in 1890, was under the command of the Presbyterian Church in Anhai. It was financially based on money donated by some ardent Chinese Christian converts and 50 silver dollars from the foreign missionary society. Then, Jinjing Church witnessed a rapid growth. In 1893, it set up two branches. One year later, followers of Jinjing Church raised some money by themselves and hired their own priest, meanwhile requesting Anhai’s Presbyterian Church to grant it independent status. Nevertheless, the missionaries of Presbyterian Church held that, although Jinjing was financially in good shape, it should not be independent immediately, on the grounds that the majority of its members were unable to earn a living. This did not weaken Jinjing’s resolve to fulfill independence. In 1895, Jinjing’s followers requested independence again at the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church, insisting that they must have their own Church and full autonomy. Jinjing hired Xu Shengyan, the head of Shengdao Shuyuan (Holy Way Academy), as its leading priest. In face of the Chinese Christian converts’ strong demand, the Presbyterian Church had to allow Jinjing to be independent. In 1896, Xu was officially appointed the chief clergy of Jinjing Church. This marked the realization of self-​government and self-​support of Jinjing Church. Moreover, several members of Jinjing tried their best to promote self-​propagation and in doing so they recruited new followers and set up branches in Panjing, Shenhu, Qianjiang, Qiancang, Dongan and Yuhu. The reasons for Jinjing’s development were twofold. First, preaching Christianity by Chinese missionaries was readily acceptable to Chinese residents. Second, an expected plague was an impetus to the growth of Jinjing Church. In one decade (1896–​1905), a pestilence raged in the coastal areas of Fujian. Everyone felt imperiled: Whenever there was an outbreak of plague, there were many cases in which relatives and friends abandoned each other and even those who were bound together by ties of blood become apathetic to each other. Contrary to this, the Chinese Christians were deeply attached to each other. If a fellow Christian felt ill, others would take good care of him. When he died, fellow Christians would have him decently buried and bring up his children. As a consequence, some, who lost their son due to the pandemic, were moved to such an extent that they finally converted to Christianity; and some, who had had aversion to Christianity, gave up hostility and chose to believe in this religion [because of the fraternal love of Christians].”52 In short, Jinjing Church thrived at that time. There were three types of self-​support among Chinese Christian Churches in southern Fujian.

118  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church First, several churches are combined into one. The general united church hires priests and its branches do specific missionary work. Branch churches and preaching societies work cooperatively. Second, the general united church and its branches are all self-​supportive. Third, the general and branch churches are able to realize self-​support and do self-​ propagation by extending to new areas.53 These autonomous Chinese Christian Churches were not cut off from foreign missionary societies, to which they originally belonged. Both Chinese and foreign missionaries played a role in the new Church. Especially, the new autonomous Chinese Church that could be categorized into the first type were closely interwoven with foreign missionary societies. To promote self-​support, Christian Churches in the southern Fujian adopted the method known as five-​ year consecutive reduction. Specifically, each year branch churches increased one-​fifth of its income; and, accordingly, the foreign missionary society reduced one-​fifth of its allowance given to the Chinese Church. And if this went on for five consecutive years, branch churches would be fully self-​supportive. Exactly because of the emergence of self-​supportive Chinese Christian Churches, plus the founding of CCCC’s PGO, Chinese Christian churches in the southern Fujian set up SFICCC in 1919. SFICCC was a member church of CCCC. It should be pointed out that some local Christian churches in Guangdong tried to be independent very early. For example, Chen Mengnan set up an independent Chinese Christian Church as early as the late 1870s. As Guangdong was renowned for its huge number of overseas Chinese, it was not uncommon to find quite a few local Christian Churches that were financially supported by donations from overseas Chinese and that acted autonomously. The founding of CCCC’s PGO was undoubtedly a great impetus to the independence movement of Chinese Christian Churches in Guangdong. In January 1919, CCCC’s PGO passed the united constitution in Nanjing. Three months later, Guangdong’s Presbyterian Church, LMS, Congregational Church, Tongyinhui (United Brethren), Meiruidanhui (a united missionary society composed of Christian preachers from America, Sweden and Denmark), and BMS dispatched their delegates to the YMCS office, where they met and discussed PGO’s suggestion of founding a confederation of Chinese Christian Churches. They finally agreed to set up Zhonghua Jidujiao Guangdong Dayihui (“Great Council of Chinese Christian Churches in Guangdong”). In July, this united Christian organization made its debut. Xie Enlu and Kuang Liuchun were elected president and vice president respectively. In April 1922, the National Conference on Christianity (NCC) was convened in Shanghai. PGO of CCCC grasped this opportunity and revised the constitution. The revised constitution was passed unanimously at NCC. The 16-​member executive committee consisting of Christian professionals such as Bi Laisi (Philip Francis Price), Gong Ziyun, Xu Shengyan, Shi Baiheng and Zhao Guanhai, was thus set up in Shanghai.

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  119 The new constitution set forth the basic tenets of CCCC, asserting: The Christian churches in China should be united and make concerted effort to practice the spirit of self-​help, self-​government, and self-​propagation. This effort is an embodiment of the true Christian life. We all devote ourselves to propagating the entirety of Christian doctrines worldwide.54 The new constitution stipulated that CCCC’s original four-​tier system consisting of a general assembly, interdistrict council, district council and parish council be reconstructed into a quadripartitioned organ of authority, which was hierarchically composed of the general, interdistrict, district and parish executive committees. This reform indicated that CCCC could not only play an advisory role, but also have real executive power.55 In addition, the new constitution explained in detail the rights and duties of the executive committees at each level. By 1922, CCCC consisted of nine missionary societies, namely the Presbyterian Church, LMS, the Methodist Church, New Zealand’s Presbyterian Church, Meiruidanhui, Gangjishen zilizonghui (Chinese Congregational missionary society), Canada’s Presbyterian Church, America’s United Brethren and Guangdong’s Presbyterian Church. Later, other missionary societies such as Fuchuhui (Reformed Church in the United States), Youaihui (Schwarzenau Brethren), Guizhenghui (Calvinist Reformed Church), Xingdaohui (Mission Covenant Church of Sweden), Zundaohui (United Evangelical Church Mission) and the Presbyterian Church of Korea joined CCCC. Consequently, the total number of constituent Churches of CCCC amounted to 19. CCCC was undoubtedly a huge confederation of Christian Churches in China. However, this colossal confederation did not actually have real influence over member Churches. It merely hoped that “the politics of Christian church that conforms to the Chinese conditions and thinking can be put into force [by setting up such a confederation].”56 To sum up, there were three types of independence movement among Chinese Christian Churches in the first two decades (1902–​1920) of the twentieth century. First, some emphasized that Chinese Churches be completely divorced from foreign Churches. The Chinese Church must be the Chinese people’s own Church. The aspiring Chinese Christians must do their best to fulfill self-​government, self-​support and self-​propagation. Under no circumstances should the Chinese Churches be under the command of foreign Churches. These Churches were mainly anchored in east China. ICCC was a textbook example of this independence movement. Second, some, following the way of the Chinese Christian Church in north China, combined confederation and independence in one practice. Organizationally, they freed themselves from foreign Churches and banded together Chinese followers of other Churches. But, meanwhile, these new Churches maintained a good relationship with foreign missionary societies.

120  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church Third, some were autonomous and self-​supportive within the established framework of the Christian Church and worked cooperatively with foreign missionary societies. This type of practice was mainly found in south China, where the Chinese Churches of Xiamen, Zhangzhou and Jinjing were renowned for their autonomy. It must be pointed out that the self-​propagation work was later than the self-​government and self-​support work. There were indeed several Chinese preaching societies, such as the Presbyterian preaching group founded in southern Fujian in the late nineteenth century, Chouen budaohui set up in Shandong in 1885, and Shandong preaching society created by the Presbyterian Church in Wei County in 1908. But, candidly, these societies were too small and hardly survived. As the independence movement of Chinese Christian Churches grew increasingly stronger, Chinese Christians gradually realized the importance of self-​propagation. In the wake of the 1911 Revolution, various missionary societies set up preaching groups nationwide. Specifically, the Methodist Church had six groups; the Episcopal Church, four; the Congregational Church, two; the Baptist Church, nine; the Presbyterian Church, five; and CIM, one. In the 1918 spiritual exchange session held in Guling, Jiangxi, seven Chinese Christians from different Churches founded the transdenominational Zhonghua Guonei Budaohui (Intra-​China Christian Preaching Society, ICCPS), which broke the established boundary between different denominations, accused exclusive sectarian preaching practice of being against the true spirit of Christ, and advocated propagation work going beyond conventional denominational division. Thanks to their efforts, by 1927 over 13,000 Christian converts had joined ICCPS.57 Not only did ICCPS set up 79 branches nationwide (except in Gansu, Yunnan, Guizhou and Guangxi), but it also dispatched missionaries to far-​flung corners of China, such as Heilongjiang and Mongolia. These efforts helped self-​propagation grow significantly in the independence movement. In addition to these three types of independent Chinese Churches, there were fully indigenous new Chinese Christian groups in the early stage of the independence movement. Most of these indigenous Christian groups could be categorized as part of the charismatic movement. Among them, some were renowned for their public ownership of properties. Zhen Yesuhui (Society of True Jesus, STJ), which was founded in Beijing and Tianjin in 1917, Yesu Jiating (Family of Jesus, FJ), which was set up in 1921 in Mazhuang, Shandong, and Jiaohui Juhuichu (Christian Meeting Place, CMP), which was established by Ni Tuosheng (Watchman Nee) in Fuzhou in 1921, were representative of the indigenous Chinese Christian Church. Wei Baoluo (Paul Wei), the founder of STJ, joined LMS in 1902. As soon as Wei acquired membership of LMS, he was immediately aware that the official designation of LMS unambiguously voiced cultural invasion. For this reason, Wei separated himself from the Western Church and founded an independent Chinese Church at the entrance of Ciqikou just outside Chongwen Gate, Beijing.58 Soon, he came to realize that Christian doctrines adopted

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  121 by Chinese Churches were all either European or American. Moreover, Wei pointed out that, in China, there had already been over 170 foreign missionary societies, in the face of which Chinese Christian converts felt totally disoriented because these societies attacked one another endlessly. Therefore, Wei spent 16 years researching the advantages of each Church and selectively believed in the well-​grounded content in the Bible. As the story goes, it was on May 1, 1917, that Jesus the Lord granted an interview to Wei and then Wei gave up secular affairs and devoted himself to propagating true Christian doctrines. Specifically, Wei stopped running two silk shops and focused his mind on preaching Christianity. His endeavour interested some people, who finally converted to Christianity. Unfortunately, as Wei’s propagation of Christianity differed greatly from that of foreign missionaries by laying stress on ling’en (charisma), he was strongly boycotted by Western preachers. Soon Wei went to Tianjin, where he and some people with the same ideals named their group Zhen Yesuwei (STJ). STJ was headquartered in Beijing. In 1919, Wei died and Wei Yisa (Isaac Wei) succeeded him as STJ leader. STJ developed very rapidly following its founding. Zhang Dianju (Barnabas Zhang), who lived in Wei County, Shandong, took the lead in responding to STJ. He created a fellowship, in which all members lived together and all articles were for public use. Then, similar fellowships were set up nationwide one after another. By 1922, when the second national congress of STJ was held in Wuhan, delegates from Hebei, Henan, Hunan, Hubei, Jiangsu and Shanxi met and elected Gao Daling, Wei Yisa and Zhang Dianju as leading members, meanwhile formulating STJ’s constitution.59 After the meeting, STJ’s troika, namely, Gao, Wei and Zhang, participated in the First National Conference on Christianity, in which they suggested that the Chinese Christian Church be renamed Yesujiaohui (“Church of Jesus’s Teaching”) and by doing so all Chinese Christian Churches would be united in the name of Jesus. Nevertheless, because this conference was still controlled by Western missionaries, the indigenous independent Chinese Churches’ suggestions met with an icy response from conference leaders. Even so, the introduction made by STJ’s troika interested quite a few Chinese delegates, who finally joined STJ. After the conference, Gao, Wei and Zhang went to Changsha, Henan and Fujian respectively, where they continued to do missionary work. In 1926, the headquarters of STJ was set up in Nanjing. One year later, it was relocated to Shanghai, where STJ published its own newspaper, Shenglingbao (News of Holy Spirit). From then on, STJ witnessed a rapid growth at home and abroad. Not only did STJ set up branches in many provinces including Taiwan but it also extended to foreign lands such as Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Honolulu and European countries. According to the Special Issue Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of Society of True Jesus published by STJ in 1948, there were over 1,000 branches and prayer sites affiliated to STJ and more than 80,000 followers after China’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (hereinafter referred to as Kangzhan). It is said that STJ had over 100,000 members in its heyday.

122  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church In 1921 Jing Dianying founded FJ in Mazhuang of Tai’an, Shandong. Originally, Jing was a lover of Confucianism. Then, when he was exposed to the Bible in a secondary school, Jing converted to Christianity. As a Chinese Christian convert, Jing did not think the Chinese Church should rely on any foreign missionary societies. Combing the primitive form of Christian community recorded in the New Testament and traditional Chinese family modes, he required that all followers completely abandon their own families, sell off all their property, join the big family of Jesus, share all money and belongs, and fully adjust to group living. In order that such a community could survive, Jing formulated very detailed standards of everyday life. For example, it was stipulated that there should be two meals a day. Specifically, in the morning FJ members had hutu (a porridge made of coarse bean powder, sweet potato, or doughball) and in the afternoon they were provided with steamed corn bread. As for clothing, all members put on clothes made of coarse materials and wore cloth shoes, with no socks. It was simple and unadorned, to such an extent that it was not even as good as the clothing of destitute peasants.60 In the meantime, Ning adopted a set of methods whereby Christian belief and productive labour could be combined. To be specific, it was required that, with the exception of those who were old, weak, ill or disabled, all members of FJ must take part in manual labour, which was divided into four parts, namely, yi (clothing), shi (food), zhu (housing) and xing (transportation). Yi consisted of a whole set of programmes such as cultivating cotton, rolling seed cotton, fluffing cotton, spinning, weaving and tailoring, in which each department worked in an organized way. Besides, FJ members participated in raising sheep, shearing, spinning wool, wiring, making sweat shirts and mending shoes. Shi included growing grain and vegetables, grinding crops, washing vegetables, baking and cooking. Zhu required members to build not only all the dwelling houses of the big family but also the meeting house for religious activities. Moreover, the department of carpentry was responsible for producing a wide variety of utensils, ranging from a plank of wood to coffin. Every piece of woodwork was made by FJ members themselves. Xing was mainly implemented by the department of ironware, which was adept in repairing bicycles, oxcarts, mulecarts, and so on.61 Due to these efforts, the basic living of members’ life could be well guaranteed. Moreover, FJ planted fruit trees, as well as processing farm and sideline products. For example, FJ produced the well-​known Longkou vermicelli and sold it in the market. Additionally, members of FJ had to donate all their belongs to the Church. Consequently, FJ itself was financially sound. However, FJ paid much greater attention to the spiritual life of its members. Every day, apart from labouring, members gathered together and said their prayers. Because FJ was a participant of the charismatic movement, it stipulated that all members should pray approximately five-​and-​a-​half hours every day and all year round.62 FJ was organizationally attractive to some Chinese Christian converts and those who lived in poor areas in particular. For this reason, the density of distribution of FJ branches was highest in the nine provinces scattering in north and northwest

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  123 China. It was by means of primitive communism that FJ accomplished self-​ government, self-​support and self-​propagation. In 1921, Ni Tuosheng and Wang Zai collaboratively created CMP in Fuzhou. First, CMP, emulating the Christian Church in its incipient stage, performed the communion service every week. It aspired to “transcend the sectarian division and return to the Bible,” rejected entirely the conventional theology and rituals of all established Christian denominations, and formulated its own doctrines. In the next year, 18 Christian converts joined CMP. In 1923, Ni, who then was studying in Fujian’s Episcopal School, launched Fuxingbao (Resurrection News) and later published Jidubao (News of Christ). Ni himself was totally intolerant of any Christian Churches other than CMP, unshakably insisting that, in a certain place, there could only be one Christian Church and that all others were fake. Furthermore, he suggested the Church be organized in the way recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. Specifically, at the beginning, there should be the independent, self-​ supportive Christian family unions. Then, when family unions developed to a certain extent and produced leadership, a formal meeting place could be set up. Initially, Ni objected paying preachers. At this point, Wang was, practically and ideologically, different from Ni. Finally, in 1925, Wang parted company with Ni and went his own way. Wang went to southeast Asia, where he set up preaching groups among overseas Chinese. In the same year, Ni visited Shanghai and Nanjing, where he encouraged Christian converts to join CMP and even founded a local Church in Shanghai. Ni’s CMP was also known as xiaoqun (Small Group), on the grounds that Ni edited and published Xiaoqun shigeji (Hymns of Small Group). In the 1930s, CMP witnessed a great growth in Shandong, on the grounds that Li Changshou, who was from Yantai, required all followers to donate everything they owned, that is, all their properties, to the Church. Whenever a new branch of CMP was set up in the northeast or the northwest, some followers went there and launched groundbreaking efforts to create meeting places and attract more followers. In the 1940s, Ni lived in Shanghai, where he preached Christian doctrines, meanwhile running a business. He set an example to other missionaries. Later, CMP initiated the jiaochulai movement (donating everything members owned to the Church). As a consequence, CMP possessed a number of enterprises. But on the other hand, CMP became increasingly secularized, and within the Church some fought for power and money for themselves. CMP was eventually plagued by internal division. In retrospect, there were multiple factors contributing to the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church. First, Chinese Christian converts drew lessons from the upheavals brought about by jiao’an and Yihetuan, realizing that only when the Chinese Christian Church was independent and had extricated itself of the designation of a foreign religion would Christianity be readily acceptable to the Chinese and incidents of jiao’an come to an end. In short, the future of the Chinese Christian Church depended on whether it could truly win independence.

124  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church Second, patriotic Chinese Christians thought that foreign powers’ bullying China, and bleeding China for huge money in particular, was totally unacceptable; they hoped that the Chinese Church could be completely freed from the tyrannical control of the foreign Church. For example, the righteous Rev. Huang Qixin, who taught at Guangzhou’s Shendao Xueyuan (Union Theological Institution), had a strong aversion to the master foreign missionary society, which availed itself of an accidental fire involving the institution and its neighbours to blackmail the local Chinese government for huge compensation; he came forward bravely and denounced the missionary society as utterly contemptible. Huang’s bravery always stuck in the missionary society’s throat. Witnessing this, Huang concluded that independence and the self-​propagation of the Chinese Christian Church was already of great urgency.63 Huang’s struggle indicated that, for some Chinese Christians, their aspiration for independence was totally based on patriotic feelings. Third, it was at the time that a mature leadership consisting of renowned figures such as Yu Guozhen, Cheng Jingyi, Yuan Yuejun and Xu Shengyan emerged in the Chinese Christian community. These leading Chinese Christians made great efforts to help the Chinese Church be truly independent. Some even fell victim to serious illness induced by overwork. Rev. Yuan Yuejun, for instance, had to be confined to his sickbed, because he was violently attacked by dysentery caused by working so hard to put together comrades and invest them in setting up Shandong’s independent Chinese Church.64 Sadly, Yuan passed away in 1913. Driven by Yuan’s dedication and hardworking spirit, Shandong’s Chinese Christian Church made remarkable progress in the independence movement. Fourth, Chinese Christian converts became increasingly religiously mature and consequently there had already been a number of Chinese Christians who were ardent supporters of the independence movement. For example, Liu Shoushan and Sui Xilin, both of whom were Chinese Christians living in Shandong, donated 10,000 silver dollars to the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church. Even in Fujian’s Jinjing, a remote and poor place, Christian converts held fast to the principle of independence, regardless of poverty and hardship. Fifth, some local governments supported the independent Chinese Church. Zhou Ziqi, for instance, who had played a leading role in the Shandong government, backed the Chinese Christian Church in its endeavour to be independent. Shandong was not unique. In Changsha, the Chinese Christian Church received 1,000 taels of silver from Tan Yankai, the Governor of Hunan, in its inauguration. Moreover, Tan gave 900 taels of silver every year to the Church, as well as allocating one huge piece of land to the Church for building an assembly hall. In Shanxi, Yan Xishan, the governor, allowed the Christian Church to use a (Daoist) temple built by Cen Yunjie, who governed Shanxi in the late Qing, as the site of church and granted it a monthly subsidy worth 50 silver dollars.65

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  125 Sixth, the Chinese people assumed a more tolerant attitude towards Western culture following the social transformation initiated by Yihetuan and the 1911 Revolution overthrowing the decadent Qing dynasty, both of which dealt a heavy blow to Confucian orthodoxy. The republican government founded in the wake of Qing’s collapse adopted Western-​style religious freedom and separation of religion from politics. As a consequence, Christianity and other religions were fairly treated, Chinese hostility towards Christianity was reduced, and Chinese Christians’ national identity really increased. In such a circumstance, the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church was substantially carried forward. In addition to these reasons, the global development of ecumenism contributed to the independence of the Chinese Church by changing some foreign missionaries’ attitudes towards Chinese Christians and the Church. Christianity is always schizophrenically divided into two forces; one is ever expansionistic and the other is inclinationally fusionistic. In the nineteenth century, the expansionists were overwhelmingly predominant. But since the dawning of the twentieth century, the ecumenical movement started to grow worldwide. In 1910, an ecumenism-​themed evangelical conference was held in Edinburgh. This meeting, which was known as the World Missionary Conference, paid particular attention to the growth of young churches and advocated that the main goal of global missionary work lay in helping young churches become self-​governing, self-​supportive and self-​propagative. It critically reexamined the harm done by overseas interdenominational rivalries to world missionary work and placed emphasis on transdenominational cooperation instead. After this conference, foreign missionary societies in China made special efforts to set up national Christian organizations, meanwhile abandoning old nomenclative prefixes such as Daying (Great Britain) or Damei (Great America) and having them replaced with Zhonghua (Chinese). Moreover, they started to lay stress on the training of Chinese missionaries. Such changes taking place in the basic policies on missionary work was, to a certain extent, conducive to the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church. Overall, the early independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church made great progress. By 1920, the fully independent Chinese Churches, which were usually named Zhongguo Yesujiao Zilihui or Zhonghua Jidujiao Zilihui, accounted for 1.2 per cent of the total number of Protestant Churches in China. The number of Chinese Churches that were still closely related to foreign missionary societies and at the same time aspired for true independence was higher. All in all, it was in the independence movement that Chinese Christians gradually developed the consciousness of extricating themselves from the control of foreigners and foreign missionary societies, and Chinese Christian Churches progressively proceeded from being dictated by foreign missionaries to being cooperatively run by Chinese and foreign priests, and finally to realize the Chinese clergy full management of the Church. In the

126  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church meantime, the Chinese Church began breaking the conventional denominational divisions and creating a transdenominational union. However, in its incipient stage, although the independent Chinese Church was economically self-​supportive and administratively self-​governing, it was, organizationally and theologically, dependent on the West and culturally less competent to combine Christianity with Chinese culture. In this sense, the early independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church was merely the first step in the indigenization of Christianity in China. The intellectual movements that truly pushed forward the indigenization of Christianity in China were the May Fourth Movement (1919) and the Condemning Christianity Movement (1922). The independence movement climaxed in 1927, when the nationalist revolution was in progress. By then, there were over 600 independent Chinese Christian Churches spread all over the country. After that, due to the unexpected outbreak of military conflict, such as the war between two regional warlords, Qi Xieyuan and Lu Yongxiang, the September 18 Incident and the January 28 Incident, a large number of independent churches stopped services, disbanded, and even reemerged as foreign missionary societies. By the first half of 1935, there were only 200 or so Chinese Churches adhering unswervingly to the principles of independence, self-​support and self-​propagation.66

Notes 1 Yang Tianhong 杨天宏, Christianity and Modern China [基督教与近代中国] (Chengdu: The People’s Press of Sichuan, 1994), 18–​19. 2 T. W. Pearce, “Western Civilization in Relation to Protestant Mission Work,” Chronicle, October 1890, 238. 3 Wang Wenjie 王文杰, Conflicts between Christian Missionaries and Chinese Residents in Modern China [中国近代史上的教案] (Research Society for Chinese Culture of Union College, 1947), 14. 4 Wang Zhixin, A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity, 240. 5 Milton T. Stauffer et al., eds, The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China, Made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–​1921 [中华归主] (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee, 1922), 33. 6 Ibid., 38. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., 403. 9 Ibid., 3. 10 Ibid., 1. 11 “To All Comrades with Same Ideals” (致全国同道书), Bulletin of Christian Occupation of China (中华归主运动通告书), no. 1 (January 10, 1920), 1. 12 Quan Shaowu 全绍武, “The Movement of Christian Occupation of China?” (中华归主运动), Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴), no. 6 (1921), 45. 13 “To All Comrades with Same Ideals,” Bulletin of Christian Occupation of China, no. 1 (January 10, 1920), 1.

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  127 14 Milton T. Stauffer et al., eds, The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China, Made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–​1921, 32. 15 Ibid., 32–​33. 16 Ibid., 33. 17 See: Ibid., 380. 18 Milton T. Stauffer et al., eds, The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China, Made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–​1921, 3. 19 Ibid. 20 Cheng Jingyi 诚静怡 (Cheng Ching-​yi), “The Chinese Christian Church and National Movements,” The Chinese Recorder, vol. 50, no. 7 (July 1919), 457. 21 Ibid. 22 Milton T. Stauffer et al., eds, The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China, Made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–​1921, 3. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid., 36. 26 Ibid., 33. 27 Ibid., 38. 28 Quan Shaowu, “Christianity and China” (基督教与中国), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 7 (1924), 39. 29 Milton T. Stauffer et al., eds, The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China, Made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–​1921, 34. 30 Ibid., 35. 31 See: Theological Review (神学志), vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn, 1924). 32 See: Missionary Review (中西教会报), vol. 91 (1903). 33 Annals of Chinese Christian Church (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1914), the debut edition. 34 Chai Lianfu (柴连复), “The Independent Chinese Christian Church” (中国耶稣 教自立会), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, part 1 of no. 11 (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1929–​1930), vol. 2, 92. 35 Ibid., 92–​94. 36 True Light Magazine (真光报), vol. 5, no. 3 (May 1906). 37 Annals of Chinese Christian Church, part 1 of no. 11, vol. 2, 93. 38 See: Erwang 二忘, “Early Independence Movement of Chinese Church” (中国教 会早期的自立运动), Part 2, Heavenly Wind (天风), no. 14 (1957). 39 Han Jinghu 韩镜湖, “Report of First National Congress of ICCC” (中国耶稣教 自立会全国联合大会记实), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, vol. 6 (1921), 57. 40 Li Daohui 李道辉, “Christian Church in Shandong” (山东中华基督教会), Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 58. 41 See: Erwang, “Early Independence Movement of Chinese Church,” Part One, Heavenly Wind, no. 13 (1957), 18.

128  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church 42 Li Daohui, “Christian Church in Shandong,” Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 59. 43 Ibid., 59–​60. 44 Liu Siyi, “Shandong Chinese Christian Church (SDICCC)” (山东中华基督教自 立会), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, part 1 of no. 11, 95. 45 Song Zejiu 宋则久, “History of Tianjin’s Independent Chinese Christian Church” (中华基督教会历史—​—​天津), Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn, 1924), 45. 46 Meng Xingwu 孟省吾, “History of Independent Chinese Christian Church in Beijing: Gospel Hall of Dongliushujing” (中华基督教会历史—​—​北京东柳树井), Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 34. 47 Ibid., 33. 48 Ibid., 35. 49 Zhao Guanhai 招观海, “A Survey of General Assembly of Chinese Christian Church in Guangdong” (中华基督教会广东大会概况), Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn, 1924), 28. 50 “A Survey of SFICCC’s Self-​government and Self-​Reliance” (闽南中华基督教会 推进自立自养概况), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 12 (1933), 80. 51 Ibid. 52 Xu Shengyan 许声炎, “Jinjing Church’s Striving for Autonomy in Past Three Decades” (金井教会三十年自立简史), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 2 (1915), 145. 53 “A Survey of SFICCC’s Self-​government and Self-​Reliance,” Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 12 (1933), 81. 54 Zhao Guanhai, “A Survey of General Assembly of Chinese Christian Church in Guangdong,” Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn, 1924), 29. 55 Ibid. 56 Gao Bolan 高伯兰 (Asher Raymond Kepler), “Church’s United Endeavor in China” (教会合一运动), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, part 1 of no. 11, vol. 3, 6. 57 Li Qiongjie 李琼阶, “The Self-​ Propagation Endeavor of Chinese Christian Church” (中国教会之自传运动), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 9 (1927), 42. 58 For a detailed delineation of Wei Baoluo’s founding of Zhen Yesuhui, see: Special Issue Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of Society of True Jesus (真耶稣会卅 年纪念专刊), 1951, L7. 59 Ibid., L8. 60 Wang Xipeng 汪锡鹏, “The Primitive Communism of Family of Jesus” (耶稣家 庭的共产制度), Collected Papers Respecting Christianity (基督教丛刊), no. 24 (March 1950), 42. 61 Ibid., 40–​41. 62 Ibid., 44. 63 Zhao Yimang 赵逸氓, “Part One of Biographies of Priests of Independent Chinese Church” (自立教牧传（一）), Holy News (圣报), vol. 14, no. 11 (November 1924), 2. 64 Li Daohui, “Christian Church in Shandong,” Theological Review, vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 53. 65 For details, see: Chen Chunsheng 陈春生, “A General Discussion of Christianity and Current Situation” (基督教对于时局最近之概论), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, vol. 1 (1914), 12. 66 See: Annals of Chinese Christian Church, vol. 13 (1934–​1936), 24–​25.

Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church  129

Bibliography “A Survey of SFICCC’s Self-​government and Self-​Reliance” (闽南中华基督教会推进 自立自养概况). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 12 (1933), 79–​83. “To All Comrades with Same Ideals” (致全国同道书). Bulletin of Christian Occupation of China (中华归主运动通告书). No. 1 (10 January 1920), 1. Annals of Chinese Christian Church [中华基督教会年鉴] (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1914). Debut edition. Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). Vol. 13 (1934–​1936). Chai, Lianfu 柴连复. “The Independent Chinese Christian Church” (中国耶稣教自 立会). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). Part 1 of no. 11 (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1929–​1930). Vol. 2, 92. Chen, Chunsheng 陈春生. “A General Discussion of Christianity and the Current Situation” (基督教对于时局最近之概论). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中 华基督教会年鉴). Vol. 1 (1914), 10–​14. Cheng, Jingyi 诚静怡. “The Chinese Christian Church and National Movements.” The Chinese Recorder. Vol. 50, no. 7 (July 1919), 456–​460. Erwang 二忘. “Early Independence Movement of Chinese Church” (中国教会早期的 自立运动). Heavenly Wind (天风). No. 14 (1957). Part 2, 18–​19. Gao, Bolan 高伯兰 (Asher Raymond Kepler). “Church’s United Endeavor in China” (教会合一运动). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). Part 1 of no. 11 (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1929–​1930). Vol. 3, 27–​34. Han, Jinghu 韩镜湖. “Report of First National Congress of ICCC” (中国耶稣教自 立会全国联合大会记实). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). Vol. 6 (1921), 57. Li, Daohui 李道辉. “Christian Church in Shandong” (山东中华基督教会). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 57–​62. Li, Qiongjie 李琼阶. “The Self-​Propagation Endeavor of Chinese Christian Church” (中国教会之自传运动). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 9 (1927), 34–​45. Liu, Siyi 刘思义. “Shandong Chinese Christian Church (SDICCC)” (山东中华基督教 自立会). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). Part 1 of no. 11 (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1929–​1930), 95. Meng, Xingwu 孟省吾. “History of Independent Chinese Christian Church in Beijing: Gospel Hall of Dongliushujing” (中华基督教会历史—​—​北京东柳树井). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 33–​34. Missionary Review (中西教会报). Vol. 91 (1903). Pearce, T. W. “Western Civilization in Relation to Protestant Mission Work.” The Chronicle of the London Missionary Society for the Year of 1890. (London: The Directors of the London Missionary Society, 1891, 235–​241.) Quan, Shaowu 全绍武. “The Movement of Christian Occupation of China?” (中华归主运动). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 6 (1921), 45–​47. —​—​. “Christianity and China” (基督教与中国). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 7 (1924), 37–​42. Song, Zejiu 宋则久. “History of Tianjin’s Independent Chinese Christian Church” (中华基督教会历史—​—​天津). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 40–​45.

130  Independence movement of Chinese Christian Church Special Issue Commemorating the 30th Anniversary of Society of True Jesus (真耶稣会 卅年纪念专刊). 1951. L7. Stauffer, Milton T. et al., eds. The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China, Made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–​1921 [中华归主] (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee, 1922). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924). True Light Magazine (真光报). Vol. 5, no. 3 (May 1906). Wang, Wenjie 王文杰. Conflicts between Christian Missionaries and Chinese Residents in Modern China [中国近代史上的教案] (Research Society for Chinese Culture of Union College, 1947). Wang, Xipeng 汪锡鹏. “The Primitive Communism of Family of Jesus” (耶稣家庭的 共产制度). Collected Papers Respecting Christianity (基督教丛刊). No. 24 (March 1950), 39–​49. Wang, Zhixin 王治心. A Historical Sketch of Chinese Christianity [中国基督教史纲] (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council,1993). Xu, Shengyan 许声炎. “Jinjing Church’s Striving for Autonomy in Past Three Decades” (金井教会三十年自立简史). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基 督教会年鉴). No. 2 (1915), 143–​146. Yang, Tianhong 杨天宏. Christianity and Modern China [基督教与近代中国] (Chengdu: The People’s Press of Sichuan, 1994). Zhao, Guanhai 招观海. “A Survey of General Assembly of Chinese Christian Church in Guangdong” (中华基督教会广东大会概况). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1924), 28–​31. Zhao, Yimang 赵逸氓. “Part One of Biographies of Priests of Independent Chinese Church” (自立教牧传（一）), Holy News (圣报), Vol. 14, no. 11 (November 1924), 1–​2. —​—​. “Part Two of Biographies of Priests of Independent Chinese Church” (自立教牧 传（二）), Holy News (圣报), Vol. 14, no. 12 (December 1924), 1–​2.

5 Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement

The impact of the May Fourth Movement and the New Culture Movement on Christianity in China The main goal of the independence movement of the Chinese Christian Church lay in pushing forward the indigenization of Christianity in China by means of independence (or self-​government), self-​support and self-​propagation. It was the New Culture Movement (NCM) and the Condemning Christianity Movement (CCM) that, really and truly, prompted the Chinese Christian Church to theologically seriously think about the issue of indigenization. NCM was also known as New Trend of Thoughts. It was launched on the basis of an intellectual campaign against traditional Chinese culture. A national movement objecting to making Confucianism the state religion was the immediate trigger for NCM. During the transition from the Qing dynasty to Republican China, a group of new intellectuals, who were deeply influenced by capitalist thinking, emerged in Chinese society. Sun Zhongshan was undoubtedly their leader. Quite a few of these new intellectuals constituted the skeleton staff of the 1911 Revolution. In 1912, the 1911 Revolution gave birth to the Republic of China (ROC). ROC’s interim government had a huge impact on the feudal ethics and Confucian orthodoxy that had played a dominant role in Chinese society for thousands of years. This effort reignited Chinese people’s hope of rejuvenating the nation. But, in fact, China under ROC’s rule was soon devoured by protracted socio-​political instability and division. Yuan Shikai, who finally seized supreme power and put the interim government under his control, did his best to revive the feudal ethical system in expectation of the restoration of the monarchy in China. In 1913, Yuan crushed the anti-​restorationist Second Revolution launched by republican groups. In June, Yuan promulgated Tongling Chong Kongsheng Wen (The General Order Promoting Veneration of Confucius Nationwide), which proclaimed: [The central government,] strictly according with the ancient ritual codes and their implications, makes necessary revisions to the existing sacrificial ceremony dedicated to Confucius, meanwhile formulating detailed DOI: 10.4324/9781003334965-5

132  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement regulations regarding this ceremony in the hope that our deep reverence can be paid properly and the greatness of the Sage be forever remembered.1 In January 1914, Parliament passed a resolution regarding offering sacrifices to heaven and Confucius. In September, Yuan, putting on the attire made in accordance with the style of the remote Western Zhou dynasty (1046–​771 B C ), accompanied by a huge entourage of high military and civil officials, visited the Confucian temple, where they paid homage and offered sacrifices to Confucius as sage. In August 1915, orchestrated by Yuan and a group of royalists, the overthrown monarchy was restored in Beijing. Yuan logically ascended the throne. The restoration of the monarchy was strongly opposed by republicans and some patriotic people. In face of the powerful anti-​Yuan armed force led by Cai E, a pro-​Republican regional warlord, Yuan had no alternative but to lay down the sceptre and abolish the emperorship. The republican presidency was recovered. Yuan died of uremia in June 1916. In the wake of Yuan’s death China was immediately plunged into an abyss of wild war between separatist military strongmen. The intellectual foundation of Yuan’s restoration endeavour was laid by Xinguocui pai (School of Neo-​National Essentialists) represented by Kang Youwei, a renowned reformer-​turned-​royalist. One observer asserted that Xinguocui pai held that China’s spiritual civilization was superior to Western culture and ardently advocated that China either carry forward her indigenous religions or create a new religion by synthesizing the advantages of all existing indigenous religions. Kongjiaohui (Society for Confucianism as Religion) specially proposed that Confucianism be the state religion.2 Kongjiaohui was founded in 1912 by Chen Huanzhang and someone else at the instigation of Kang Youwei. Inspired by the privileged status Christianity enjoyed in Western countries, it actively campaigned for the religionization of Confucian orthodoxy. In February 1913, Kang launched a magazine entitled Buren (We Cannot Bear), reasserting that Confucianism be the state religion. Kang and Chen furthered their action, filing a petition to the two-​tier parliament. Yuan deeply appreciated this and supported them wholeheartedly. However, the Kang–​Chen proposal met with strong opposition from many sides, including not only republicans and Westernized intellectuals but also religious professions and Christian clergies in particular. In December 1913, some Christians from Protestant sects mobilized a few Catholics, Buddhists, Daoists and Muslims to set up a religious association, which devoted itself to launching a signature campaign for religious freedom and preventing Confucianism from becoming the state religion. Three years later, Kang suggested again that Parliament exalt Confucianism to be the state religion, contending that all civilized nations but the backward, barbaric peoples had a certain religious faith and relevant religious organizations. Looking back at this, the present author holds that the pro-​and anti-​guojiao (Confucianism as state religion) campaign, which had seldom been seen in the history of China, indicated that the Chinese did pay attention to religion in the early republican

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  133 period, even though Confucianism finally failed to metamorphosize into a state religion due to the long Chinese cultural tradition in which the Chinese always remained lukewarm towards religion and no one attempted to select a certain faith as the state religion. However, the introduction of the concept of guojiao (state religion) precisely demonstrated that Christianity had become increasingly influential in China. In reality, the pro-​ Confucian campaign initiated by Xinguocui pai accomplished the very opposite. Many intellectuals, witnessing the pro-​ Confucian effort, realized that, although China had transformed into a republic, remnants of feudalism were still powerful and deep-​rooted. Some concluded that, as traditional Chinese culture, and Confucian culture in particular, laid the intellectual foundation of feudal politics, only when the old culture was entirely eradicated would the new culture in congruity with new socio-​political systems be created. It was under such a circumstance that a grand and spectacular cultural movement known as NCM was launched. NCM could be called China’s Renaissance. NCM was initiated by several Peking University (Beida) scholars, nicknamed the Six Gentlemen—​Chen Duxiu, Qian Xuantong, Shen Yinmo, Liu Fu, Hu Shi and Zhou Zuoren. Chen Duxiu, who published NCM’s flagship magazine, Xinqingnian (La Jeunesse) in 1915 and formulated NCM’s dual slogan—​Democracy and Science—​in the debut issue, was widely regarded as the standard-​bearer of NCM. In addition to Xinqingnian, Beida played a great role in promoting NCM. Cai Yuanpei, who had presided over Beida, carried out a new educational reform at the university in 1917, when Hu Shi took the lead in promoting a radical stylistic change in Chinese literature. Both Cai and Hu’s work was indispensable to NCM. The role of Shangzhi Xuehui (Society for Sublimed Aspiration), which was founded by Fan Jingsheng (Fan Yuanlian), should not be neglected. It is particularly worth mentioning that, from 1918, Fan, who had recently investigated European and American education on the spot, suggested Chinese educational institutions invite leading Euro-​American scholars to lecture in public. Universities such as Beida and research societies actively answered the call. As a consequence, famous philosophers such as Bertrand Russell and John Dewey visited China and lectured before Chinese audiences. This cultural exchange was an impetus to the growth of new culture in China. New intellectual thinking of all shades was predominantly imported from the West. Popular Western ideas such as Darwinism, Huxley’s agnosticism, Kantian ethics, Nietzschean thinking, the Bergsonian theory of intuition, various genres of anarchism, statism and socialism exerted influence on Chinese society. Comparatively, the doctrines developed by Dewey and Russell more directly acted on the Chinese intelligentsia, on the grounds that they offered lectures in Chinese campuses. Dewey himself was a pragmatist, suggesting people probe into the reasons of everything and treat religious issues that could by no means be explained reasonably as something unscientific and refusable. Meanwhile Russell had certain socialist ideas, was strongly against Christianity and denounced religion as irrational, substituting as it

134  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement did subjective emotions for objective evidences. Russell pointed out that religion was no more than the codes attempting to define human behaviour and impose restrictions on human behaviour by means of preconditions; and that religion was an irrational belief because religious empathy and conviction were emotional and coercive.3 These assertions had a considerable impact on Chinese intellectuals. Not only did the global new trend of thinking give impetus to NCM, but so too did the changing domestic situation. Originally, Chinese people thought ROC’s founding might be a catalyst for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. But the reality was harsh. In the wake of the founding of ROC, China was plagued by the tangled wars between warlords of every hue and the endless fights for power and money between politicians of all shades. The people still lived on the edge of starvation and the country was ceaselessly bullied and humiliated by foreign powers. At the Paris Peace Conference (1919–​1920) following World War One, imperialistic powers such as Britain, France and the United States, completely ignoring the interests of China as one of the victorious nations, arbitrarily decided to transfer the privileges the defeated Germany had in Shandong to the rising Japanese empire. The conference was thus the direct trigger for MFM, in which patriotic young students constituted the main force. Driven by MFM, NCM reached new heights. By then, people more consciously threw themselves into this sweeping cultural movement. For example, in six months or so immediately after MFM, the number of publications increased sharply to 260, most of them written in modern vernacular Chinese. Xinqingnian became one of the most significant journals voicing the spirit of MFM. Many well-​known scholars such as Cai Yuanpei, Hu Shi and Lu Xun strongly supported this journal. They ardently promoted science and democracy, meanwhile criticizing religions, and Confucianism as religion in particular. In addition to Xinqingnian, another journal entitled Shaonian Zhongguo (The Young China) enthusiastically partook in the heated discussion of religion. Shaonian Zhongguo was published by Shaonian Zhongguo Xuehui (Society for Young China, SYC). SYC was the brainchild of Li Dazhao, Zhou Guangqi and Zhou Taixuan, who started to set up this society in June 1918. On July 1, 1919, SYC made its national debut in Beijing, stating that it “strives hard to create a Young China in the light of scientific spirit and by virtue of social activities.”4 The membership of SYC was difficult to acquire. Those who wanted to join SYC had to have a specialty in a certain field of natural or social sciences, had to play a positive role in “doing research work, reexamining social problems, and promoting the work respecting the youth,”5 had to be recommended by five (later changed to three) referees, and had to be strictly evaluated by relevant departments of SYC. Due to these strict rules, the number of official members of SYC was very small—​121 at most. Although SYC was small, it spread extensively. Not only did SYC extend to a large number of Chinese cities and provinces, but it also set up branches

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  135 in France, Germany, Britain, Japan and southeast Asia. In short, SYC was small but powerful. Intellectually, SYC was a battleground in which members fiercely exchanged their thinking. It did exert influence on Chinese society in the period of MFM. The reasons why proponents of NCM (hereinafter referred to as NCMers) paid great attention to the issue of religion were multiple. First, they vehemently attacked the feudal ethics defending old social systems and thus inevitably dealt with the issue of religion in the campaign against Confucianism as state religion. Second, according to one observer: they realize that, in order to modernize herself, China must not only adopt the Western technologies and institutions but also have her people intellectually Europeanized. In this regard, it is not an easy job to make sure whether the Western culture includes religion apart from the spirit of science and democracy. Therefore, they intensively discuss the status of religion in the cultural perspective. As NCMers “critically reexamine[d]‌the entirety of thinking and institutions existing in the society and reevaluate[d] their value, religion [was] reappraised unavoidably.” Since the founding of ROC, some develop a strong aversion to religion, on the grounds that quite a few Chinese Christian converts launch a large-​scale campaign preaching the Christian and do everything possible to induce the Chinese to join the church. In addition, “the restrictions that SYC imposes on the acquirement of membership arouse people’s interest in discussing questions respecting religion.”6 There are two points. First, NCMers were deeply influenced by Western thinking and, consequently, became interested in religions and the Christian faith in particular. For those who fanatically preached the total Westernization of China, the key to China’s successful acquirement of modernity did not depend on the adoption of Western sciences and systems, but on the total acceptance of Western spirit, which was deeply entrenched in the Christian faith. In contrast, some immersed themselves in Western rationalism, assuming a critical and sceptical attitude towards Christianity. But, no matter how they regarded Christianity, they were really interested in the Christian religion. Second, the increasing Chinese interest in Christianity could be attributed to the rapid development of the Christian religion in the first two decades of the twentieth century and the religion’s growing influence on Chinese society. Some recognized the growth of Christianity in China; but meanwhile, some abominated this. In addition, Marxism and Leninism, both of which were introduced into China in the wake of the October Revolution (1917), and MFM did affect NCMers’ discussion of religions. Thereby, the nationalist consciousness of the Chinese people was awakened. As a result,

136  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement some were radically against the Christian religion. The 1922 CCM intensively voiced this strong criticism against Christianity. Altogether, the critics against Christianity among NCM intellectuals before MFM pointed guns at the anti-​scientific aspects of Christianity and Christian anti-​Marxist/​Leninist discourses running counter to the historical materialism. Since the dawning of MFM, especially after the 1922 CCM, critics interconnected Christianity with imperialism and thus became politically against the Christian faith. An observer trichotomized the development of Chinese intellectuals’ attitude towards religion.7 Stage I (1917–​1921) was characterized by rationalism; Stage II (1922) by emotion; and Stage III by the power of will. In the first two stages, Chinese intellectuals verbally attacked the entirety of religions. Then, in the third stage, they not only kept verbally criticizing religions but also took action to boycott religions in an organized way. It was at this stage that Christianity became a target for all. Furthermore, it was noticeable that a reformative endeavour was carried out within the Christian Church in Stage III. The present author roughly combines the second and third stages into a phase known as CCM and redesignates the first state as the NCM–​MFM phase. In the NCM–​MFM phase, questions respecting religion were intensively discussed. Quite a few relevant articles were published in Xinqingnian and Shaonian Zhongguo. Many well-​known figures such as Cai Yuanpei, Hu Shi, Chen Duxiu, Zhu Zhixin, Tian Han, Wang Xionggong, Li Shizeng, Li Huang, Zhou Taixuan and Liang Shuming participated in this heated debate. Amid the members of SYC, few had a good opinion of religion and some even turned savagely against religion. In July 1920, on behalf of SYC members in Paris, Zuo Shunsheng, who headed the evaluation section of SYC, suggested that those who had religious belief not be granted membership and those who believed in religion and had already acquired membership immediately opt out.8 Meanwhile some, such as Tian Han, had formidable opposition to this suggestion. Therefore, proponents and opponents of this suggestion launched a heated debate and published their arguments in Shaonian Zhongguo. Digging into articles published in Xinqingnian and Shaonian Zhongguo, the present author concludes that, even though the majority of Chinese intellectually in the MFM period neither believed in religion nor agreed with religious doctrines, they were not unanimously against religion. In fact, a certain number of Chinese intellectuals favoured religion. Of course, these intellectuals differed from one another in terms of what they favoured. Some recognized Christianity on the grounds that religious morality had historico-​socially played a positive role. Take Chen Duxiu for example. Originally, he was against all types of religion. But later, he gradually held that Christianity was superior to Confucianism. In a journal article entitled “Christianity and the Chinese,” Chen said: In the Medieval Europe, Christians brutally oppressed scientists and free thinkers on the pretext of believing in God and Church. The horrible

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  137 crimes perpetrated by Christians should never be denied or neglected. But on the other hand, what on earth does the European culture originate from? As we know, the fountain of European culture lies not only in the ancient Greek scholarship but also in Christianity. This cannot be denied, either. Inasmuch as the modern historiography and natural sciences made unexpectedly remarkable progress, the Christian Creation Myth, Trinity, and all forms of magical power were debunked to such an extent that all thought Christianity had gone bankruptcy. Nevertheless, I personally hold that Christianity is a religion of love. So long as we do not adopt the Nietzschean negation of love between human beings, we cannot say that Christianity has completely collapsed. The most basic doctrines of Christianity are conviction and love, apart from which other doctrines are all nonessentials. Chen went further, advocating that “[we’d better] inject Jesus’s great personality and deep, compassionate feelings into our own blood and by doing so we can prevent us from being engulfed by the decadent callousness, darkness, and filthiness.” He even analyzed why Christianity had always been greeted by confusion for several hundred years in China. There were ten reasons, according to Chen. First, Chinese society distained Christianity on the grounds that those who gave themselves up to the Christian Church outnumbered those who truly believed in the religion. Second, the Chinese resented Christianity because foreign powers used Christian missionary work as a tool of cultural invasion. Third, the Chinese rejected Jesus on account of the traditional veneration of sages and resistance against barbarians. Fourth, some Chinese vulgarly thought Jesus was merely a person of little importance, as the New Testament had demonstrated that Jesus had no powerful and wealthy friends but poor fishermen and weak sick men. Fifth, the ordinary people were infuriated by officials flattering foreigners, such as Western missionaries; meanwhile Christian converts were angry at officials venerating exclusively Confucian sages. Sixth, in some cases, officials disliked priests defending the rights of Christian converts and the ordinary Chinese detested those who were favoured by foreign priests; in other cases, the Chinese hated bitterly the evil-​minded foreign priests who protected Christian thugs from being duly punished and inappropriately expanded the force of Church. Seventh, Christian doctrine was obviously opposed to ancestral worship prevailing among Chinese communities. Eighth, the Old and New Testaments, written in vernacular Chinese, were much less decent and less refined than the Confucian Five Classics and Four Books. Ninth, there were many ungrounded rumours about Christianity, due to the lack of education about science among the ordinary Chinese. Tenth, Catholic mysticism was a catalyst for rumours. Chen concluded: “Where the ten reasons are concerned, in all fairness, it is the Chinese who goes wrong. Foreigners do commit a few mistakes, to which they have made corrections.”9 All these discussions demonstrate that Chen himself had a good opinion of Christianity.

138  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement Some recognized the role that religions, including Christianity, played in spiritually consoling the people. Liang Shuming, for instance, said: “Religion is something that goes beyond knowledge and aspires to emotionally encourage and console people.” Liang continued: Religion does nothing but emotionally consoles people. Therein lies precisely a place in which we harmonize with the world and have ourselves well established. It is true that Tolstoy found such place and had himself reborn. It is also true that other Christians are able to achieve this.10 As far as the general character of religions was concerned, Liang pointed out that “it is nothing more than preventing the human life from collapsing and helping it keep going” and “precisely because of this religion does play quite a significant role in the culture of humankind. Thereupon, we grasp the point that religion is indispensable to the human life.”11 Liang sincerely agreed with the idea that “religion makes us emotionally powerful and leads us to march ahead undauntedly,” contending that the greater part of religionists, driven by the religious worldview, did “have the compassionate feeling for all humankind and the courage to immolate themselves [for the welfare of others].”12 Inspired by the fact that the ancient Indian Buddhism originated from emotional inquiry into human birth, senility, illness and death, he concluded that such an emotional endeavour was shared by all humans: People should never think the problems besetting humankind can be solved by humankind itself day after day, so that the human life will become easier with each passing day. Solving a problem is nothing more than inducing a harder problem. Ultimately, there will be inextricable problems. Whenever such inextricability befalls, humankind has no alternative but to abandon this world. By then, religion becomes an irresistible necessity.13 Some, Zhou Zuoren, for example, formed a favourable impression of religions, and Christianity in particular, in the light of the interrelation of religion and culture. Zhou, reexamining the history of literary development in Europe, contended that high literature basically developed from religion. Religion and literature all originated from humankind’s spiritual struggle for survival. In ancient times, religion and literature were inseparable. Later, as history kept developing, literature and religion parted from each other. Literature concerned itself with changes taking place in human emotions. Even so, literature and religion could by no means be absolutely divided, on the ground that religion’s unity of supernatural and human beings and inseparability of (external) things and (internal) self were similar not only to ancient literature’s tendency to express social feelings but also to modern literature’s stress on voicing the emotion of the entirety of society and mankind. In

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  139 short, both religion and literature were in conformity with the requirement of human nature. Zhou finally concluded: No matter how religion is rejected by science, it does play a role in literature and art. This is neither praise nor defence for religion. Rather, this conclusion is based on the truth that religion and literature are spiritually identical. Even if all churches ultimately collapsed, there will definitely be the feeling of religious nature in literature and art.14 Some held that the high religions were conducive to improving society and subliming the human spirit. Liu Boming, for example, believed that religion proceeded from lower to higher forms, in pace with the progress of human society. The highest religions, such as the Platonic religion, held: There is a feeling known as love or affection in human nature. Love inclines to the spiritual world. Metaphorically, although there is not anything that is absolutely round in the world, we still know what is round and what is not round. The reason why we are able to make judgment is that we have something ideally round in our mind. This corroborates the spiritual inclination of love/​affection. It thus can be concluded that only when man has idealism will he be competent for reforming the society. In his time Plato was a social reformer. The Platonic religion was nothing more than rehabilitating the society in accordance with his own ideal. Why not people believe in such a religion? What is the harm of such a religious belief ? Where the birth of religion was concerned, Liu contended that the emergence of religion be attributed to the conflict existing between ideal and reality. He pointed out that, “precisely because mankind cannot be spiritually satisfied, it has to figure out how to feed spiritual desires. It is at this moment that humankind desperately needs religion.” Liu critically disagreed with Wang Xinggong and Cai Yuanpei, both of whom suggested that religion be replaced with aesthetic/​art education, arguing: One of the objects of religion is the spiritual world, which is entirely independent of the general art. How can religion be replaced with art? On the other hand, the art that can play the role as religion does must have been religionized. Furthermore, Liu stood against those who condemned religion from the anti-​idealist perspective. For example, he criticized some, who negated the significance of religion, by citing the inhumane Crusades, pointing out that “the Crusades, driven by unconsciousness, were crazy and dangerous and the religion propelling the Crusades was the religion completely devoid of

140  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement knowledge. For this reason, we should never take any bad examples as criterion.” Arguing against Russell’s ideas that religion could by no means be truth because it was purely subjective, emotional and imaginary, and truth could only be investigated in the light of tangible realities, Liu pointed out: We should never think the ideal of humankind is not worth a farthing. Take one piece of fiction for example. The fiction as a whole is an idealist product. Despite this, the fiction itself is so well-​organized and systematic that perfectly conforms to the true situation of human society. What the characters in this fiction say and act tallies with the identities and personalities represented by these characters. Such a type of imagination is an expression of indispensable or matter-​of-​course facts. How can we say it is something counting for nothing? His final conclusion read: Does the ideal realm exist objectively? I cannot corroborate this. Nevertheless, I still hold that it is historically grounded. Digging into works by Plato and probing into the Middle Ages, modern times, the present day, the East, and the West, we find that there are conceptions of such an idealist realm everywhere. It is really ubiquitous. It thus can be said that the ideal realm is truly well-​founded. But it must be pointed out that it is not based on matter nor on nature but on the human spirit. Inasmuch as it is the common tendency shared by entire humankind, it must not be produced by any blind natural forces but be built on a spiritual basis.15 Some—​Tian Han, for instance—​condemned anti-​religious ideas in the light of the freedom of religious belief. Tian was really annoyed at SYC’s resolution turning down religious believers’ applications for membership: After reading the fourth issue of SYC’s mouthpiece, I know that comrades in Paris have decided to prohibit religious believers from joining SYC and demanded those believers who have already been official members to withdraw from SYC voluntarily. Astonishingly, the members of Evaluation Section passed this resolution even without consultation and consideration. What a careless, arbitrary decision! So do I feel resentful! Tian, quoting the words of one of his friends, as Zhang Difei, rebuked SYC for transforming society into a despotic entity, in which “there is neither the freedom of religion nor freedom of belief.” He did not think SYC members, who knew a little something about science and art, were able to find a solution to the problem of religion. In this regard, Tian said: “No great artists and prominent thinkers are not religionists in the world”; by contrast, “the young guys of SYC all unexceptionally lack even the slightest speck of

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  141 religious belief.” He declared himself to be a panreligionist. For example, Tian found that he loved some parts of the Bible and was especially fond of the great personality of Christ after studying Biblical literature. He compared religion to the beacon lighting up people’s way forward and held that this beacon greatly mattered to “the benighted East that are still far from being enlightened.” Tian thought highly of one New Testament story, in which a prostitute scrubbed Jesus’s feet with her own hair and balm, saying from the bottom of his heart: What an amazing woman! What an amazing Jesus! What an amazing event! And what an amazing writing! Next to them, there is nothing that can be more lively, more artistic, and more divine! How moving Jesus is! He is well worthy of the patriarchship!16 It thus can be concluded that Tian not only objected to repressing any religions due to his advocacy of religious freedom, but also fully recognized the charisma of the personality of Jesus. Some were opposed to the simplistic objection to religion by means of science and history. The leading voice of this group was Tu Xiaoshi. In the third part of SYC’s special lecture on religion, Tu penned: Religion was, at best, a product of humankind that had not yet been intellectually enlightened in the eyes of modern natural scientists and historians. [Scientists and historians hold that,] nowadays, when the entirety of humankind had been academically well-​equipped, we should never wallow ourselves in unintelligibleness and casualness brought about by religion.17 Whether religion did matter to modern times and have its own raison d’être was still open to discussion. Tu first made an analysis of humankind, contending: On the one hand, man, who pertains to the tangible natural world, is affected everywhere by external environment, as well as being self-​ interested. In a word, man is a finite, transient being. On the other hand, human beings, who have always attempted to get rid of all fetters imposed by [external forces such as] time, space, society, and nature, is such an intelligent being aspiring to enjoy full freedom.18 Tu advanced his elaboration of the nature of religion therefrom, proposing a theoretical trichotomy consisting of autonomy, mysticism and ethics. He personally argued that there were two prerequisites for religion. One was the autonomous mind aspiring to shake off all natural shackles. The other was the most direct and most immediate religious experience. As regards religious experience, Tu said it denoted “the inward experience in which self and

142  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement transcender are mutually interrelated” and stressed that “no matter what the experience is, its original form is absolutely true and man has no right to deny it.”19 Tu’s final conclusion respecting religion has three points. First, humankind’s attitude towards the entirety of the universe should not be uniform. Specifically, neither the rational nor moral attitude towards the universe should be simplistically denounced as incorrect. Science, art, morality and religion all had their own characteristics; nor should they exclude one another. Exclusion was no more than prejudice and it could by no means be an appropriate solution. Second, religion and science did not irreconcilably conflict with each other. The essence of religion lay in the direct, subjective experience and thus it was intuitionistic. Contrastingly, science was reasonable abstraction and analysis. Intuition, reason, knowledge and emotion all played a role indispensable to human psychology. Precisely for this reason, none of them had the right to deny the other side. Take science for example. It is true that it was able to negate religious cosmology; it is also true that it was unable to deny religion per se. The reason was that, by nature, religion was a concrete experience, which could not be denied in any way. Third, religion and history could go beyond absolute antagonism. History held fast to relative truth. But at the same time, it did not give up the pursuit of absolute truth. Life was dynamic. Something real constituted one aspect of the upward life as a whole. In other words, it was a key component indispensable to absolute truth. Therefore, individual experience and personality in history acquired an absolute value. It thus could be concluded that the absolute truth alleged by religionists and the truth pursued by historians could be essentially in harmony with one another. In the MFM–​NCM era, there were quite a few people who were strongly against Christianity. Among those who condemned Christianity, most reasonably criticized religions in a mild manner. Nevertheless, some fiercely rebuked Christianity and categorized this religion as all bad. The sharp-​tongued reaction was vividly embodied in “What the F*** is Jesus?” penned by Zhu Zhixin. Zhu totally disapproved of Jesus and then repudiated the entire Christian religion. According to Zhu’s treatise, Jesus was nothing more than a bastard of Mary and a Roman military officer. Not only did Zhu disbelieve that Jesus was the son of a virgin, but he also held that the story in which Jesus had 12 disciples and was sold out by Judas was completely ungrounded. Influenced by research work done by Kotoku Shusui, a Japanese scholar, Zhu even regarded the crucifixion of Jesus as an embodiment of a phallic cult. Jesus as narrated in the Bible was utterly mendacious in Zhu’s eyes. Even though Zhu acknowledged that in a very few cases Jesus in the Bible was a saving grace, he asserted that Christianity was essentially good for nothing. In this regard, he said: The Bible alleged that Jesus was an embodiment of equality and universal love. The stories, in which Jesus suggested people love others as themselves and gave all his belongs to others, together with the record

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  143 that Jesus preached a sermon on a hill, indeed counted for something. Despite this, the Christian Church in Jesus’s time was really selfish, parochial, irascible, and revengeful to such an extent that the goodness of Christianity was totally eradicated. (It must be pointed out that the goodness should not attributed to Christianity but to the admonitions handed down through ages.) For this reason, when Jesus was keeping a straight face and rhapsodizing about morality, his intolerance, arrogance, and absurdity surfaced unconsciously.20 Zhu kept having Jesus crucified by critically reexamining two records—​the parable of ten virgins and the cursing of the fig tree—​taken from the 25th and 11th chapters of the Gospel of Saint Mark respectively. He sharply pointed out: “The Christian Church is born with two tendencies, namely, selfishness and revengefulness.”21 Zhu vehemently criticized Catholicism and, at the same time, he totally denied Protestantism, saying: It is all very well to lay bare inhumane punishments [against free thinkers] perpetrated by old Christians [that is, the Catholics]. Protestantism did it. But the same could be said of Protestants [who perpetrated the same crime as old Christians (the Catholics) did], could it not? In terms of bigotry, parochialism, brutality, and revengefulness, Protestantism and old Christianity [that is, Catholicism] are jackals of the same lair.22 He went further, saying that when the Reformation led by Luther was still in progress, Christians suggested that ruling lords, who were being opposed by the people, savagely kill the resistant. Therefore, Zhu concluded: It is thus clear that freedom and equality propagandized by either Protestantism and old Christianity [Catholicism] are nothing more than fine words. [According to Christianity], if you were slaves, you should be burned; and if you are nothing but commoners, you should be killed [at will]. It is the Christian ethics, isn’t it? Jesus of Protestantism and that of old Christianity [Catholicism] are birds of a feather. Both are vile characters that are self-​interested and revengeful.23 Zhu finally identified Jesus as an “idol of duplicity, intolerance, egoism, irascibility, and revengefulness.”24 The present author contends that the number of people who vehemently attacked religions, as Zhu did, was actually not huge. Unlike Zhu, many, such as Hu Shi, Cai Yuanpei, Wang Xionggong and Zhou Taiquan, criticized religions in a relatively mild manner instead. Cai, for instance, penned an article entitled “On Substitution of Aesthetic Education for Religion,” holding that “the origin of religion did lay nowhere but the role that the human spirit had played.”25 According to Cai, the earliest religion was the trinity of knowledge, will and emotion. As time went by,

144  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement natural sciences, physiology, psychology, sociology and so on became increasingly developed and thus knowledge and will were all fully independent of religion. Only emotion was still closely related to religion. Emotions constituted the sense of beauty. Nevertheless, “the evolution of fine arts indicated that even art was inclined to be divorced from religion.”26 Cai specially discussed aesthetic education, pointing out: Where the aesthetic education is concerned, it has already been dichotomized into two schools. Comparatively digging into the history of these schools, we find that the school attaching itself to religion is actually encumbered by the Church to such an extent that it cannot play any roles in nourishing the human mind but instead devotes itself to stir the feelings. The reason is that, no matter what the religion is, it must be expansionistic and intends to attack dissenting beliefs. Cai corroborated his argument respecting the defects of religion by citing instances such as the Crusades and wars between Catholicism and Protestantism. He suggested that religion be replaced with pure aesthetic education, which was able to “refine human feelings, cultivate pure and noble mind, and dispel [evils such as] egocentricity, hostility towards others, and making profit at others’ expense.”27 Hu Shi authored “Undecayedness is My Religion,” in which he proposed that people substitute the undecaying society for the imperishable soul preached by religion and (conventional Chinese) immortality based on virtue, meritorious service and words. Hu believed in neither religion nor the imperishableness of supernatural beings and spirit, ridiculing: Religionists often say soul/​spirit enjoys the freedom from decay, as well as alleging the inevitability of Armageddon [in which all human beings must be judged after death]. [Inconceivably, for thousands of years], not only did stupid men and women superstitiously believe in these stories, but many scholars also never counterchallenged their authenticity. Hu, agreeing with the materialist view, did not think the human soul was something intangible and independent but a general terminology denoting neural activities. The human soul was the same as shen perceived by Fan Zhen, who was a renowned Chinese atheist thinker living in the fifth century and who interpreted shen (spirit/​soul) as one of the functions of the body. Hu contended that, as the alleged imperishableness of the soul actually exerted little influence on human life, it did not matter at all. Furthermore, he held that religious methods adopted by Confucianism in China had no effect today; nor did the apocalyptic, theocratic, idolatrous religions work on the human mind, let alone dictating human life. “In my opinion,” Hu concluded, “the concept of undecayedness is really my religion.”28

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  145 In comparison with the analyses made by Hu Shi and Cai Yuanpei, Zhou Taixuan’s critical dissection of religion was much more profound and more trenchant. In a treatise entitled “Religion and China’s Future,” Zhou said: In terms of literature and fine arts, the Chinese nation inherently optimistic and persevering. Therefore, the Chinese people is essentially alienated from religion. [Nevertheless], nowadays it is noted that, apart from pure believers, some scholars and educated young people do favor religion. Religion was nothing more than a hallucination in Zhou’s eyes. For this reason, Zhou asserted: It seems that we, who devote ourselves to the scientific spirit, intellectual freedom, evolutionism, [independent] personality, and truth, should not sit by while religion, a hallucination, grows wild. Nor should we look on with folded arms and do nothing to save those young people, who are being destroyed by religion due to the temporary fad and beguilement. The purpose of Zhou’s treatise was that it inquired into religion in the light of truth and humanism. At this point, Zhou penned: What religion needs is not truth, nor freedom, nor reason, but only fallacy and superstition, both of which are embodied in varied beliefs and forms attracting people to worship. If the contents of religion were reformed to be in line with truth and conscience, the elements constituting religion would immediately vanish into thin air. As regards the definition and nature of religion, Zhou held that religion was created to meet the needs of society and humans. He especially pointed out that the creators of religion were actually misled by wrong ideas and methods. His conclusion read: First, inasmuch as religion is, by nature, ossified and unchangeable, it frequently goes against truth and conscience. Second, in most cases, religion is nothing but a hallucination, on the grounds that it is not a product of reason but the crystallization of feelings of a people and therefore it could only meet the emotional need of life for a moment while having nothing to do with reason and the real life. Third, functions and phenomena attributed to religion, such as the admonishment suggesting people do good works, are usually blind, mechanical actions. Fourth, religious things and phenomena of all shades can be dissected in philosophy. Metaphorically, we cannot say a corpse is still curable and not yet dead, merely because it is being anatomized in a medical experiment.

146  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement Furthermore, Zhou shed some light on the relationship between religion and the Chinese, contending: First, the Chinese never recognizes the [alleged] omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent Creator. Second, the Chinese attitude towards supernatural beings [such as the so-​called God] is generally relative, lukewarm, and reasonable. Third, since most Chinese are seldom absolutely dependent on any gods, even though they do believe that there is something supernature, the role religion plays in the everyday life of the Chinese is very insignificant. Fourth, the Chinese is optimistic, persevering, and emotionally flexible, so that they are rarely defeated in the practical life. In other words, even if the Chinese is being frustrated and disappointed, they are unwilling to pray for help from gods and consequently the emotional role religion can play in the life of the Chinese is unworthy of being mentioned. Ultimately, Zhou concluded that “amidst what lies ahead for China there is no religion.”29 Wang Xinggong’s repudiation of religion was based on his critical dissection of religion’s two basic characteristics, namely compliance and idolization. Precisely because of the two characteristics, Wang asserted, religion had everything cloaked in a mysterious haze. This religious mysterious haze was really pernicious in scientists’ eyes. Specifically, there were three points in Wang’s argument against religion. First, due to mysticism, religion believed that the solution to any problem would always be easily available. In short, religion, at all time, resorted to intuition, to which science was resolutely opposed. Second, religion, acting against the common sense that being ignorant of some practical problems did not mean this ignorance would persist into the future, mysteriously drew an impassable line between ignorance and enlightenment, by which it attempted to prevent man forever from being knowledgeable. Third, mysticism might turn religion into an idealistic creation. To be specific, religionists believed that human knowledge was built on mysticism, meanwhile denouncing the effort to scientifically observe and experiment as something totally worthless. Contrary to religionists, scientists attached the greatest importance to empirical study and thus were strongly against religion. Wang even disagreed with the allegation that the good point of religion lay in the role it played in encouraging man to forge ahead and easing the sufferings of man. His final conclusion read: There would not be any religions without idolization. No matter whether idolization is ritualistic or psychological, it will always be greeted by the strong disapproval of scientists. Where the religious attitude is concerned, it is nothing but fanaticism that can neither be proved nor be scientifically studied. The disadvantages of this religious attitude outweigh the

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  147 advantages. Furthermore, the so-​called advantages can be completely replaced with education and art.30 Among anarchists there were some who were strongly against religion. Wu Zhihui was their representative. Wu believed in evolutionism and called himself a follower of scientism. He said that, as man was composed of materials, spirit must be essentially an assemblage of materials. As early as 1908, Wu published an article entitled “Questions on Religion,” arguing that the origin of religion lay precisely in early humankind’s ignorance and inability to govern themselves and the external world. Later, morality evolved at pace with the development of knowledge. Unfortunately, religion threw humankind into the abyss of superstition and sin, thwarted the growth of moralities intrinsic to humankind, and prevented humankind from being wise. Religion must be replaced with socialism in the wake of the advent of a truly developed society. In short, it is destined to be eliminated.31 These various papers criticizing religion indicated that the main reason why they disapproved of religion was that (1) religion acted against reason and science; (2) religion, and Christianity in particular, ran counter to morality and humanity; (3) Christianity was totally intolerant of other religions; and (4) Christianity was extremely ill-​adapted to traditional Chinese culture and Chinese nationality. These topics were further set out in the national campaign criticizing Christianity that was launched in 1922.

MFM–​NCM’s influence on the Chinese Christian Church The independence movement launched by Chinese Christian churches since the dawning of the twentieth century was Chinese Christians’ effort to organizationally indigenize this Western religion. Likewise, Chinese Christians’ response to and self-​examination of NCM and CCM laid the theoretico-​ intellectual foundation of the indigenization of the Chinese Christian Church. It was through these campaigns that Chinese Christians tried their best to make Chinese Christianity a religion that was, organizationally and intellectually, independent of Western missionary societies and their agents in China.32 As a matter of fact, Chinese Christians’ response to NCM was diverse. One observer said: Some regarded the new culture as a great scourge, holding that it was so dangerous that it would not only attack the Christian Church but also disturb the society if it was not exterminated immediately. Contrary to this, some said the movement promoting new culture was like daily necessities indispensable to the human life. For these proponents of NCM, the entirety of Chinese society and especially whether the society would be vigorous or not depended on the strength of this cultural movement. They

148  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement particularly pointed out that, if the energy of NCM was injected into the Christian Church, the latter must be invigorated to make a difference. As a consequence, there were articles repeatedly advocating the religious reform and the twentieth-​century new religion in newspapers. The authorship of these articles was undoubtedly ascribed to NCM proponents. Besides, some Christian clergymen assumed an extremely lukewarm attitude towards the national campaign of new culture, meanwhile absolutely refraining themselves from partaking in NCM. Consequently, there was such a scene, in which cultural activists were enthusiastically promoting the new culture and Christian professionals, by contrast, were immersing in tranquility.33 The present author holds that it was those who regarded NCM as a daily necessity indispensable to human life who proposed the programme of indigenizing the Chinese Christian Church. Although these NCM proponents did not fully agree with the ideas of people condemning Christianity, generally they supported new trends of thinking in this national cultural campaign. Precisely because of their efforts, Chinese Christianity successfully kept abreast with the times. Enlightened Chinese Christians, first, accepted that the new thinking emerging in NCM were all accordant with Christian thinking. Some went to extremes. Take Zhang Kaiwen for example. He penned an article entitled “The Christian Church and New Intellectual Trends,” radically and arbitrarily, alleging that “the Christian Church fully incarnated new thinking” and that “a kaleidoscopic array of new thinking prevailing in China were all stolen from Christianity.” Specifically, Zhang went on, basic concepts, such as equality, freedom and fraternity, all originated from the Christian faith and isms of all shades, such as devotionalism, mutualism, democratism and labourism, were unexceptionally rooted in the Bible. He even attempted to prove that what NCM advocated—​ science, morality, fine arts, literature, music, and so on—​were inseparably connected with Christianity. Even the modern Chinese vernacular was a product of the religious (/​Christian) reform lasting for five or six centuries in Zhang’s eyes.34 Zhang finally concluded: The reason why some who advocate new thinking choose to be atheists is that they do not have the advanced knowledge about universe. [As we know], only when our knowledge about universe becomes increasingly advanced, will we grasp more mysterious principles and more convincingly believe in the power of Master of Universe [that is, the Christian God].35 Furthermore, enlightened Chinese Christians affirmed the positive role NCM played in the development of Chinese Christianity. Among them, it was generally held that NCM was actually conducive to disseminating the Christian faith nationwide. For example, they asserted, “[NCM] helps the

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  149 Christian Church combat against superstition permeating the society and makes preparations for the dissemination of Christianity.” By this time, Christianity had spent over 100 years doing good works such as forbidding smoking opium, educating commoners, healing the people, emancipating women and instructing people to love each other and serve society. NCM, voicing the Christian endeavour, indirectly brought the Christian aspiration out in its entirety. In doing so, it helped ordinary Chinese gain a better understanding of Christianity, meanwhile contributing to a wider dissemination of the Christian principle of serving the people. NCM made the Chinese people interested in religion and Christianity in particular, and even led them to research into religions. It was in the course of studying Christianity that some non-​Christian scholars—​Chen Duxiu, for instance—​changed their original critical attitude towards the Christian faith. These scholars’ writings in turn exerted influence on ordinary Chinese people. Owing to these, the Chinese Christian Church successfully adjusted rather than ran counter to NCM. As for the reason the Chinese generally condemned Christianity, enlightened Chinese Christians held that many people misunderstood the religion. Thus, one of the Chinese Christians’ missions was that they should do their best to clear up misunderstanding and help the majority of NCM proponents correctly apprehend Christianity and eventually stop condemning it. Enlightened Chinese Christians made various efforts, such as publishing written materials, delivering speeches and inviting opponents of Christianity to discuss religion, to set out how Chinese Christians perceive the world, society, the country, science and democracy. By doing so, they attempted to convince people that there was no contradiction between the Christian faith and the mainstream of the NCM. In short, enlightened Chinese Christians did their best to clear the air, promote the joint effort made by free thinkers and Christians to serve society, and finally help the Chinese Christian Church play a greater role in the development of Chinese society.36 In the meantime, they accepted free thinkers’ pertinent criticism with an open mind and, sincerely and profoundly, rethought problems existing in their Church. They paid particular attention to the problem of yangjiao, which meant that the Chinese regarded Christianity as a foreign religion, completely ill-​adapted to the country. It was in the course of self-​ examination that the Chinese Christian Church started to walk the path of indigenization. Among pioneers of indigenization, the Beijing-​ based Zhengdaotuan (“corps of fully enlightened Christians”), which consisted of a group of well-​educated Chinese Christians making substantial contribution to the work of indigenization, deserved to be mentioned. In the spring of 1820, leading Chinese Christians, such as Xu Baoqian, Wu Leichuan, Zhao Zichen, Liu Tingfang and Hu Jinsheng, all of whom were very influential among Chinese Christian converts, set up Zhengdaotuan in Beijing. The founding of Zhengdaotuan was actually a far-​sighted and positive Chinese Christian response to NCM and MFM. Founding members of Zhengdaotuan unexceptionally affirmed the two socio-​cultural movements,

150  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement holding that, even though many activists of NCM and MFM were against Christianity, this was excusable. They said there were two points to be made. First, many participants of NCM and MFM did not really understand Christianity. As soon as they really understood the religion and especially grasped the point that Christianity was not only the cradle of democracy and science but also fully harmonized with the democratic and scientific spirit, they would immediately give up opposing Christianity and turn to supporting it. Chen Duxiu was an example. Second, the Chinese Christian Church itself did have its own disadvantages, as well as being ill-​adapted to the times. Therefore, enlightened Chinese Christians sincerely hoped that they could reform the Church with the help of NCM and other patriotic movements and finally make the Church well adaptable to the tide of the times. Precisely for this reason, they set up Zhengdaotuan. Xu Baoqian recalled the creation of Zhengdaotuan in one of his papers published in Annals of Chinese Christian Church. According to Xu, because Beijing was the home of scholars’ patriotic movements such as NCM, the majority of the participants of these movements, who were fully confident in democracy and science, aspired to smash all old civilizations and institutions, including religion, and then create a brand-​new civilization. Consequently, these activists vehemently attacked Christianity and regarded the Christian religion as something completely incompatible with science and democracy. At this point, Xu specially pointed out: Generally, their perception [of the contradiction between Christianity and science and democracy] is a misunderstanding. But on the other hand, this misperception itself is enough to shake the ordinary people’s acceptance of Christianity. In this case, if we can make people fully confident in this religion, we will not only prevent those who want to choose the Christian faith from giving it up, but also correct misunderstandings of critics of Christianity and make them tolerant of this religion. To be honest, neither the Chinese Christians as a whole nor organizations, rites, and contents of the Chinese Church can adapt to the trend of the times. Thus, we Christians do need to consider reform [of the existing Church].37 Xu’s words demonstrated that the founding of Zhengdaotuan in Beijing was precisely a response to NCM. The purpose of Zhengdaotuan was as follows: On the one hand, it does its best to prove that Christianity is able to successfully accord with the zeitgeist and even become a pioneer of the times. On the other hand, it chooses to candidly face various problems besetting the Church and make preparations for reform.38 Although enlightened Chinese Christians unswervingly adhered to their religion, they did realize that “Christians and the Church are far from being

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  151 perfect and existing imperfections do impede the development of Christian faith in China.”39 In order that the majority of Chinese Christians could be “substantially aware of these problems,” the first step of reform of the Church must be “intellectual rehabilitation.”40 The method adopted by Zhengdaotuan to make Christians fully confident in their religion focused on speeches and writings. For example, Zhengdaotuan frequently invited renowned scholars, such as Cai Yuanpei, Hu Shi, Li Dazhao and Jiang Menglin, to discuss religions. The two sides were quite honest with each other, even though the scholars generally greeted Christianity with disapproval. Consequently, mutual understanding was substantially improved. According to Xu, “we Christians really appreciate the scholars’ frankness and honesty, though they are generally critical of Christianity.”41 Furthermore, Zhengdaotuan published its mouthpiece entitled Life Monthly, which introduced the public to a series of Christian articles responding to NCM. Inspired by Zhengdaotuan and its Life Monthly in particular, other publications of the Church responded to NCM. Among them were Qingnian Jinbu (Progress of the Young) founded by YMCA, Zhonghua Guizhu (The Christian Occupation of China) published by the central organ of campaign of Christian Occupation of China, Xinghuabao (Newspaper Rejuvenating China), Shenxuezhi (Theological Review), Shengbao (Holy News), and others. Many articles discussing the new cultural and intellectual movements were published in these newspapers and journals. In the meantime, China Continuation Committee, which convened the nineth annual meeting on May 5, 1921 in Shanghai, attentively considered the relationship between NCM and Christianity in China. Two leading editors of Life Monthly, Liu Tingfang and Bi Laisi, Chai Yuehan, a secretary of YMCA, and Luo Yunyan, the editor-​in-​chief of Xinghuabao, delivered speeches respecting the relationship between NCM and Christianity. The title of Liu’s speech was “The Duty of Christian Preachers in New Culture Movement; Bi’s, The Relationship between Christianity and New Intellectual Trends in China; Chai’s, Christianity and New Chinese Thoughts” and Luo’s was on “New Trend of Thoughts and Christianity.” Liu’s speech is worth discussing briefly. Liu elaborated the birth and growth of new intellectual movements, as well as setting out the Christian religion’s attitude towards these movement and its responsibilities with regard to these movements. Not only did Liu’s speech introduce NCM in detail, but it also shed light on how NCM influenced Chinese Christians and Church. This speech ended in Liu analyzing what Christian preachers’ duties in NCM were and how to perform these duties. Overall, these four scholars affirmed and welcomed NCM, suggesting “Christians, frankly and honestly, face [free thinkers’] strict scrutiny of Christianity.”42 In other words, “We Christians should be aware of our own defects, meanwhile trying our utmost to be tolerant of [free thinkers’] criticism.”43 A heated debate then ensued in the meeting. The debate focused on five topics in relation to NCM.44 First, how NCM affected women? Second, how to clear the air by instructing Christians to grasp the truth about

152  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement NCM? Third, how to help leading participants of NCM correctly understand Christian doctrines? Fourth, how NCM influenced the Church’s treatment of leading Chinese Christians? And, fifth, how the Church contributed to NCM, such as producing written literature? All contributors spoke their mind without reticence. Most of them approved NCM’s criticism of existing systems, recognized the equality of men and women, and advocated the use of modern vernacular Chinese. When it came to NCM’s criticism of Christianity, they were divided into two groups. One was tolerant of these criticisms and suggested Christians shed light on the Christian truth by fairly analyzing the advantages and disadvantages of NCM. By contrast, the other group required that Christians should never make any compromises and counterattack those critics. But, no matter what the Christian Church’s attitude towards NCM was, it was obvious that NCM did exert significant influence on Christianity and its mundane agencies in China. It can thus be concluded that many enlightened persons in the Chinese Christian Church actually favoured MFM and NCM in the light of these articles and speeches. The reasons for this acceptance were fourfold. First, MFM–​NCM’s requirement for reappraising all values not only had positive aspects but also demonstrated that the Chinese had become self-​conscious in recent years. To be specific, [the Chinese] changes fundamentally their original indifference to the politics, society, scholarship, and religion and turns to reevaluating and interfering [in established things]. Rightly or wrongly, this [aggressive] reevaluation/​ interference voices the positive critical and adventurous spirit, as well as embodying the national progress.45 Second, the scientific and democratic spirit advocated by MFM and NCM was worth being recognized and, in the same vein, equalitarianism, republicanism and humanism initiated by the new cultural movement were all truths teaching the Chinese a new outlook on life and endowing them with new hope and new courage. NCM preached that science was a panacea and suggested all Chinese people assume the scientific attitude. In doing so, it broke established Chinese tradition and old habits, awakened the Chinese, and instructed the Chinese to consciously abandon superstition. Third, NCM played a significant role in rehabilitating society. Precisely because NCM gave the Chinese brand-​new values and spirits and led the Chinese to make orchestrated efforts to improve society—​such as reforming family and marriage systems, openly discussing issues related to extended and nuclear families, concubinage, and divorce, and analyzing the life of poor people, labour and capital issues, restriction on population, freedom to choose a spouse, communism and emancipation of women. As a consequence, some changes were brought to established customs and institutions. It is particularly worth mentioning that NCM made a remarkable contribution to the reform in which classic Chinese was gradually replaced with

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  153 modern vernacular Chinese. This reform of the writing system was incomparably important in some Christians’ eyes. For example, a leading Chinese Christian observed: [This reform] matters not only to the Chinese history but also to the entire world. The reason of China’s decline is essentially the moral decline of the Chinese. It is the intellectual deterioration that should be responsible for the moral decline of the Chinese. The reason why the Chinese suffers an intellectual deterioration lies precisely in the bondage imposed by the old writing system on them. The new cultural movement, which is desperate to reform the writing system, really thinks big.46 Fourth, NCM and MFM, in particular, substantially influenced the development of the patriotic movement. In this regard, Xu Baoqian expounded: At first sight it seems that the patriotic movement is nothing but an activity instigated by political parties of all shades. But now everybody knows that this suspicion is entirely groundless. The reason of patriotic movement is twofold. First, it is the trend of the world that inspires the Chinese patriotic movement. Second, the new intellectual and cultural movements play an indispensable role in the patriotic movement.47 As a matter of fact, leading Chinese Christians affirmed the significance of NCM and at the same time they voluntarily exposed themselves to the influence exerted by this cultural movement. They specially used the critical and patriotic spirit of MFM–​NCM as a seedbed for ideas. By doing so, these Chinese Christians leaders not only pushed forward the patriotic movement taking place within the Church but also gave impetus to rethinking the state of the Church and indigenizing Christian agencies in China. The present author attempts to make a furthered analysis of this. (1) MFM and NCM impelled many Chinese Christians to improve their national consciousness and kindled their love for the country and care for society. In the wake of the outbreak of MFM, the Shanghai Association for Christian Propagation (SACP), inspired by the strong patriotic spirit of MFM, called together over 1,200 Christian professionals from a wide variety of churches and held a meeting in Moore Memorial Church on May 11, 1919. During the meeting, Shanghai Christians organized a special prayer session themed on national salvation. They said unambiguously that Christians should do their utmost to protect the country from being humiliated by foreign powers and prevent the country from being engulfed by a civil war. After the meeting, SACP issued a public notice nationwide, suggesting: [All churches] send a telegram to the national government, expressing the Christians’ ardent desire for good governance and advising the government to placate the infuriated people by dismissing bureaucrats doing

154  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement harm to the country and ordering diplomats in Europe to unswervingly uphold the most basic principles.48 Two days later, SACP formally sent a telegram to the central government, which read: [First of all,] we sincerely hope that the Honorable Mr. President [of Beijing Government] and the State Department [of the Republic of China] would like to read our open letter. It was on the day of zhen that the Christian clergymen from Shanghai Association for Christian Propagation and followers in Shanghai gathered together in Moore Memorial Church, in which they heartfeltly pray for the peace of the country. We Christians hold that endless internal disorders actually result from the warlords’ manipulation of political power for personal ends and that the corrupt, impotent bureaucrats directly bring about the ashamed fiasco in the international diplomacy. Therefore, we sincerely beg God to dispel the separatist [warlords’] selfishness and deter [foreign] invaders from committing any atrocities. The Christian religion devotes itself to loving all humans, as well as desperately pursuing the good governance. By now, there are 470,000 Christian converts in entire China. We would like to be true supporters of the government in pursuit of justice and truth. We earnestly request that all treacherous officials be immediately removed from their posts, so that the people’s wrath would be placated. In the meantime, [the central government should] immediately sends a telegram to our diplomats and tell them that, under no circumstances should they sign any unfair, unequal treaties. Our country would rather die than give up justice. Heaven will definitely give a hand to all of you! Please go all out to [defend the interests of our country]! Zhou Shiguang, a Chinese citizen and Christian from Shanghai, writes this letter on behalf of one thousand and two hundred Christian believers.49 This telegram fully indicated that, just like ordinary Chinese people, Chinese Christians sincerely loved their country. Later, Chinese Christians participated in strikes organized by students, workers and merchants. In doing so, they gave support to students in Beijing and clearly stood against the warlords’ crackdown on students. Xu Baoqian had mentioned how patriotic movements such as NCM influenced Chinese Christians. According to Xu, [As Chinese Christians] witness remarkable achievements made by new cultural and patriotic movements, they gradually develop a strong love for the country and her people. At the time, many young Chinese people resolve to struggle to the very end for the country and their ideals. In face of [the patriots’] great achievements, Chinese Christians can’t help examining their own conscience. This self-​examination asks four hundred

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  155 thousand Chinese Christians, who have been in China for over one century and are capable of grasping truth, for what reason they are unable to achieve what the mass movement has done?50 It was such self-​reflection that gave impetus to the awakening of national consciousness among Chinese Christians. In fact, several advanced persons among Chinese Christians had discussed the issue of patriotism in the context of the NCM even before the outbreak of MFM. Some published patriotism-​themed articles in magazines such as The Monthly and Progress of The Young. Take Fan Zimei, the editor-​in-​chief of Progress of The Young, for example. As early as 1917, Fan had delivered a speech discussing how Chinese Christians loved the country. His discussion being based on conventional Confucian methods applied to self-​cultivation, management of family and governance of state, he suggested Chinese Christians, who aspired to perform the duty of patriotism, do as follows. First, they should love themselves. The reason was that, only when Chinese Christians perfected their own morality and refrained themselves from indulging desires, would they be able to love the country. Second, they should love their own family. According to Fan, when the children of Chinese Christians grew up, they should be faced with the stark realities of life and know precisely life’s hardships. In order that the love for family could be realized, Chinese Christians must keep the family clean, work diligently and act prudently. Fan believed that, as soon as Chinese Christians accomplished in the three things, they would become physically strong talented people competent in working for the country and making proper contributions. Third, they should love society. At this point, Fan said Jesus set an example by promoting people of humble origin to important posts and sacrificing oneself to better society. Fan finally concluded: Without the love of God there would be no the sacrifice of Christ. Without the sacrifice of Christ all things could by no means be well handled. Hence it can be said with certainty that loving the country is premised on loving the society.51 Additionally, some, taking their inspiration from new cultural and patriotic thinking, tried their best to find evidence supporting patriotism in the Bible. By doing so, they attempted to prove that Chinese Christians themselves were patriotic and at the same time helped Christian converts deepen their patriotic feeling. Take Fan Bihui, who penned “The Patriotic Jesus,” for example. Fan analyzed Jesus in the Gospels and held: Jesus’s love for his country takes precedence over his love for the world. This can be applied to his aspiration to save his own nation and other peoples, too. Because Jesus loves his country so much, he bitterly worries about the Old Capital’s future, heartfeltly laments the decline of his

156  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement motherland, and feels deep regret for his compatriots’ muddleheadedness. … Jesus, feeling more abashed for his pain, cannot refrain from bitterly weeping with loud noise.52 His ultimate conclusion read: “There have not been any sages who are unpatriotic since time immemorial.” Fan’s effort theologically justified Chinese Christians’ patriotic activities. Some made bold effort to put forward Christian national salvation. Xu Qian (a.k.a. Xu Jilong) pioneered formulating this Christian theory. He penned The Christian National Salvation, setting out a series of theories respecting national salvation and stressing that what Christ strove for saving was precisely peoples and their country. In order that Christ could fulfill this dream, Christianity formulated an ideological trinity, which meant, “since the accumulation of people amounts to the rise of a country and the amassment of countries finally leads to emergence of the world, salvation must be simultaneously applied to people, their country, and the world.” Put plainly, national salvation, saving people, and redemption of the world were inseparably interconnected with, inclusive of, and indispensable to each other. This tripartite salvation was related to Christ’s deliverance. Xu, digging into modern history, in which China was incessantly humiliated by foreign powers, argued against some Christians’ passive idea that, so long as they could be redeemed and endowed with an eternal life in heaven, they did not mind whether the country perished or not. He specially pointed out that this passive idea might result in such a phenomenon in which selfish Christians outnumbered patriotic citizens and the country distrusted Christian converts. Xu realized that the reason why foreign powers constantly humiliated and bullied China was that they adopted egoistic statism, suggesting instead: The meaning of salvation’s breaking away from statism is that, the endeavor of national salvation does make no distinction between self and other. Jesus says people should love others as themselves. Therefore, saving other peoples’ countries is exactly saving one’s own country. … It is Christians’ duty to hold fast to the grand principle of salvation and try their best to save their own country and other countries in entire globe.53 Driven by MFM, several Christians not only improved their understanding of patriotism but also perfected their patriotic activities. In 1919, for example, Xu Qian said loving the country should never be empty talk but should instead be put into effect. More unambiguously than ever, he stated: Our country is being faced with a crisis of preservation or destruction. If Christianity could neither make even the slightest contribution to the national salvation nor do anything to save the country from perishing, it would be certainly eliminated. If Christians keep remaining indifferent to the country’s collapsing, meanwhile boasting that their soul will ascend to

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  157 Heaven, they will count for little be unworthy of being mentioned at all. [This indifference] is no Way of Christ! Xu went further, saying: According to Verses 34–​36 of Eighth Chapter of John, if we aspire to be sons of God, we should never be servants of sin. Now that we choose not to be servants of sin, how we can be slaves of other countries? In the same vein, how could Christians willingly be slaves of foreign country and sinfully be dead to saving themselves and the country and protecting future generations from being sold by traitors? Therefore, he urgently suggested that there be a Shanghai-​based association for Christian national salvation. It was clergymen from SACP who first proposed the founding of an association for Christian national salvation in July 1918. At that time, they published speeches respecting Christian patriotism in various journals and at the same time delivered similar lectures in different churches. In August 1918, a huge Christian conference attended by delegates from 11 provinces was convened in Guling, Jiujiang, Jiangxi. In this meeting, Xu Qian and his Christian comrades put the Shanghai clergymen’s proposal on the table, receiving unanimous support from all attendees. In particular, “leading Chinese Christians, such as Cheng Jingyi, Yu Rizhang, Chen Weiping, and Mei Yunying, applaud this proposal. Immediately, the proposal is discussed nationwide and entire country responds to it.”54 The association for Christian national salvation was formally founded in the wake of the outbreak of MFM. In September 1919, the first Association for Christian National Salvation (ACNS) was founded in Guangzhou. Soon, ACNS was set up in Beijing, Nanjing, Zhejiang and Guangdong. Due to efforts made by Christian professionals such as Xu Qian and Wang Baozhen, ACNS appeared in Shanghai on the first day of 1920. Before long ACNS and similar organizations were set up nationwide. It could be found in various cities such as Nanjing, Xiamen, Wenzhou, Kaifeng, Xi’an and Hulan, Heilongjiang. At that time, Shanghai was the centre of Chinese Christianity. For this reason, it became the nexus interconnecting ACNS spreading all over China. In short, Shanghai was the de facto national headquarters of ACNS. For what reason did Chinese Christians found ACNS? The answer could be found in The Manifesto of Republic of China’s Association for Christian National Salvation, which is worth quoting at length: If bad governance prevails in a country, the country is doomed to fail. If good governance cannot be applied to the entirety of the people, it is of little importance. Today, some talk glibly about the national salvation, meanwhile making no effort to probe into the Way [of Good Governance]. Some, on the other hand, prattle on about the Way. But in

158  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement fact, they are unable to tell the true Way from the false one. As a consequence, although the number of people attempting to save the country is increasing, the speed of collapse of the country actually accelerates. Under these circumstances, even those, who strive for improving the national governance, inevitably do harm to the country in their endeavor. The national salvation is not an ordinary thing. Therefore, it is not ordinary people but capable brains that are qualified to carry it out. This does not mean that the capable people must have extraordinary intelligence and courage but suggests that they should abide by God’s decrees, practice what God teaches, and acquire what is embodied in great love and ability of Holy Ghost. If this extraordinariness can be applied to the national salvation, the endeavor to save the country will be absolutely successful. It thus can be concluded that the great mission of national salvation, to which the Heart of Heaven is sentimentally attached, can only be finished by Christians. Indeed, there are celebrities as many as carps coming and going in the river, great men as many as clouds floating in the sky, and generals and politicians as many as bushels full of grain. In recent years, they kept on the run every day, threw themselves into battles of wits, and busied to and fro like bats out of hell. Even so, instability is intensified as they endlessly talk about improving governance and the complete collapse of the country is imminent as they try their best to save the country and ensure her survival. It is true that they rack their brain to find solution, dare to rehabilitate the country even at the cost of their blood and life, and are fully prepared for any hardships. It is also true that they do achieve nothing, adversities still engulf the country, and the weal and woe of the people is not eased. Meanwhile, the people are so resentful that they even want to rebel against them, the political parties are gradually morally corrupt, the general mood of society deteriorates, and the public opinion is confusing and ambiguous. Those who boastfully talk about the national salvation are, more often than not, perpetrators of sins. If they fail to have themselves rectified, how they can apply rectification to others? If they do not sincerely love others, how they can truly love the country? In face of the general trend of the country that is like the formidable river going forward with great strength and vigor, they cannot stand firm as rock in midstream. Inasmuch as the prospects of the country are gloomy, they act as if treading on thin ice. Although all ordinary Chinese citizens are obliged to save the country, the great cause of national salvation can only be done by extraordinary people. As can be seen from this, for we Christians, saving the country is a duty of great urgency. We Christians are Chinese citizens. Among the Chinese citizens, we Christians are those who abide by the ordinances of God. We have won good reputation by repeatedly undertaking charitable activities and helping compatriots seek refugee from suffering. We make these efforts day after day. It will be much better to save four hundred million

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  159 compatriots from disaster than to merely help a small number of people in need. Similarly, it will be better to prevent the country from irrevocably sinking into degradation than to temporarily relieve sufferings [of the people]. As we know, only when impediments on the earth are all removed, will Kingdom of Heaven befall; and only when devils in the world are all eliminated, will Light of Kindness illuminate every corner. Digging into the Book of John, we know that Jesus died for his compatriots. Probing into Exodus, we realize that it was Moses alone who led his people out of danger. The essence of national salvation lies in the effort to save the world and peoples. The principle of saving the world and peoples lies in the endeavor to apply equality and freedom to all peoples. Unfortunately, in present-​day Republic of China, four hundred million people not only are thrown into slavery, in which they are treated extremely badly, but also are spiritually repressed and sunk in the perpetual death, wherein truth is irreparably tarnished and grand principles totally disappear. Witnessing this, God, who is devoured by bitterness, shows deep sympathy for the people. Those, who are not aware that they should love others as themselves, are non-​Christians. Those, who love others but meanwhile remaining lukewarm towards the national salvation, are incomplete Christians. The incomplete Christians are those who are beguiled by the [alleged] separation of the church from the state and identify themselves as Christians only rather than [the Chinese] citizens. They are indifferent to the survival or collapse of the country. They are actually ignorant of the historical fact that, in Middle Ages, the church was very politically powerful in Europe and clergymen had been at the helm of the state. At that time, whether a king could ascend the throne was dependent on the Pope’s approval. In a word, the church was the government, and vice versa. When the Reformation dawned, there was the separation of the church from the state. But this did not mean that neither was the church prohibited from talking politics nor were Christian converts allowed to love the country. In retrospect, the general of Parliamentary army had said: “Alas! God favors the people.” In the same vein, the three thousand cavalries led by Cromwell had stated: “Because God favors us, we fight in accordance with the will of God.” In the event that Christians were completely oblivious of political world, the constitutional government of Britain would come to naught and the rights of the people could by no means grow and extend. The War of Independence of the United States might corroborate this. From the very inception of the Revolution, the proponents of independence from Britain gathered together in the church, where they rang the funeral bell to incite people to pay no tax; or, they used the assembly hall of the church for organizing allied forces. As soon as George Washington had his troops stationed in a valley, he hired chaplains, who preached sermons in barracks and arranged ceremonies of prayer among soldiers. If the church was really apolitical, the people of

160  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement the thirteen colonies are still brutally enslaved to this day. If this was really true, there would be no trace of the United States of America in history. These indicate that saving the country from crisis is one of Christians’ duties and improving the national politics is fully congruous with the inborn ability of Christianity. The idea, which suggests Christians pay no attention to the collapse of the country and non-​Christians’ succumbing to slavery in the light of the separation of the church from the state, is not only entirely contrary to God’s indiscriminate love but also an embodiment of evil egoism. All Christians must be aware of this and stay alert. Today, many non-​ Christians frequently criticize that, inasmuch as Christians lack the national consciousness, spread groundless rumors, and oppose the freedom of religion that is sanctioned by the national constitution, the dissemination of truth and grand teachings is inevitably impeded. The reason lies in the fact that some Christians do not comply with their duty to save the nation and consequently this inaction jeopardizes the reputation of Holy Teaching. Are not those who commit this mistake men of sin? Jesus, gazing away out to Jerusalem, wept and said: “A great calamity is coming down on! There must be enemies, who will attack the city, kill our children, and destroy magnificent buildings!” Jesus’s warning tells us that we should sincerely care for the fate of our nation. The Bible teaches us that God fathered entire world and all peoples living in this world are compatriots. If we love the invisible God, we must love the visible compatriots first. This biblical teaching summons our courage to save the people. We Christians are able to do things that are missions impossible in non-​Christians’ eyes. To be specific, we fear no sacrifice, adhere to faith, advocate righteousness, love freedom, humbly serve others, help people harmonize with one another, cherish the soul, remain the same throughout our life, hold firmly to the truth, refuse evil doctrines and superstitions, stand firm against strong wind and waves, and advance bravely irrespective of mountains and rivers. Furthermore, we Christians live a pure and holy life, have a mild nature, and eliminate disagreeable character by making ourselves truly self-​sufficient. Meanwhile, we are able to settle disputes in advance by means of earnest and tacit prayer. Now that God has us endowed with great abilities and Jesus Christ makes us conscious of grand principles, we Christians, unambiguously, should never indulge in empty talk about faith but instead take action to save the country. As soon as Mr. Xu Jilong sets forth the Christian national salvation, positive responses can be found nationwide. A gentleman known as Pu Huaren specially pens articles shedding light on the Christian national salvation and his elucidation perfectly accords with the essence of Christian national salvation. Rev. Cheng Jingyi and Messrs. Yu Rizhang and Chen Weiping all applaud these efforts one after another. In addition, there are people, who have the same feeling and inspiration and emerge in countless number even though they have not yet elaborated their idea except a few

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  161 verifiable commentaries. It is thus clear that the holy teaching and true doctrine have always been fairly judged by the public. The reason why this was not explicated in the past but advocated simultaneously at present is that it can be properly applied to the national salvation. Alas! God, our Master, will save the people and rescue the country! In addition to praying earnestly, we Christians launch open-​minded discussions in the light of abovementioned teachings and finally decide to set up a national association for the Christian endeavor to save the country. We realize exactly that, because we ourselves are not adequately intelligent, the work in its incipient stage will definitely be very hard. But at the same time, the national crisis is imminent and many issues must be discussed urgently. If we aspire to launch a nationwide campaign, we must, first of all, lay a solid [organizational] foundation in a certain region. Thus, we make bold to start an association in the hope that it can be a modest spur to the national movement. We prepare a provisional constitution and temporarily set up the association in Guangzhou. Then, after consulting Christians all over China, we meet together in Tianjin and Shanghai. So far, the association has already been in good shape. Of course, we know exactly that our effort is too common to mention. We sincerely hope that, from now on, we all Christians will make a concerted effort to build the edifice of national salvation. Among those who are in power, how many of them are not perpetrators of sins? Meanwhile, it is a great pity that quite a few celebrities of our age are actually as venomous as snakes and scorpions. As soon as the Jews perished, the Holy City was destroyed accordingly. Once Korea was annexed [by the Japanese empire], restrictions were immediately imposed on Christianity. When the country was destroyed and her people were thrown into slavery, how could there be the freedom of religion? If the country was engulfed by political instabilities and the people were agonized by sufferings, there would be any possibility to pursue the truth of Gospel? It can thus be concluded that saving the country is tantamount to carrying forward the Christian doctrine. Similarly, carrying forward the Christian doctrine is greatly conducive to the mission of saving the country. If we Christians do not follow nor practice what Jesus had done but instead indulge in empty talk about Christ, we actually sin against the teachings of Christ. If we Christians eat food provided by China, but meanwhile remaining indifferent to crises plaguing China, we are actually disloyal to the country. We sincerely hope that all authorities and brothers will have strong faith, love each other, care for the country, rectify malpractice of the time, deal with affairs with great intelligence, exert themselves as one man, and beat the crises together. We are so lucky that we have gotten directives from God, by which we can correct all wrongdoings. We hereby believe that there must be blessings. We Christians do hold that we have the duty to serve and sacrifice and that the power and glory of the country always go to God. Amen.55

162  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement Not only did the Manifesto justify the importance of being patriotic by invoking Christian theology and the history of the Christian faith in the world, it also demanded that Chinese Christians must love the country by revealing imminent national disaster. Furthermore, the Manifesto sharply denounced Christians who treated the survival and downfall of the country with an air of detachment on the pretext of the separation of the church from the state. Overall, the goal of ACNS’s programme lay in the fulfillment of Jesus’s conception of the heavenly kingdom in the world. In other words, Christians believed that the heavenly kingdom in their faith and pursuit would come true in the end.56 Members of ACNS generally held that, as in the present-​day world the state was the principal perpetrator of sins, and it was the state that forced people to do evil, saving the country was the prerequisite for the fulfillment of Jesus’s heavenly kingdom. Where the mission of national salvation was concerned, they said it was essentially based on fundamental national reforms such as the substitution of public ownership for private ownership and the realization of world peace and global harmony. To achieve these, the church must take the lead in reforming itself and finally achieve full unity. In this sense, ACNS was actually an embodiment of the social gospel. Aspiring to have the heavenly kingdom established in this world, ACNS members devoted themselves to reforming Chinese society and objected to the Chinese Christian Church’s detachment from society. Furthermore, they cared greatly for the Church’s own reform, and the itss self-​innovation in particular, stood against sectarianism and advocated the unity of all Churches. Their endeavour was an impetus to the indigenization of the Chinese Christian Church. Thanks to the efforts made by ACNS, Chinese Christians launched a nationwide heated debate about the method, theory and practice of national salvation. Pu Huaren discussed at length the reasons for and methods of national salvation undertaken by Chinese Christians. He developed four points respecting this in one of his treatises entitled “Opinions about Chinese Christians’ National Salvation Endeavor.” First, Chinese Christians should emulate Jesus in their effort to save the country. Pu said, digging into the Bible, that he found that Jesus did his best to save his own country before saving the world and save his own people before saving all other peoples. He thus asked: If we cannot be the citizen loyal to the Chinese nation, how can we be the people loyal to the Heavenly Kingdom? We hear that Jesus requires his disciples to endure humiliations in exchange of the propagation of the holy teaching. But we never hear that Jesus has made any attempt to persuade others to sell their own country. Second, Chinese Christians should carry forward Christian culture. Pu held that Christian culture was able to “restrict the arbitrary power, subjugate the violent people, support the poor and the weak, and extend the freedom.” In the face of a new round of national humiliation, in which foreign powers

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  163 recklessly bullied China and Japan illegally occupied Qingdao with the connivance of Western regimes, Pu said: What makes our country—​the young, innocent Republic of China—​ extremely sad and disappointed is the truth that might is still right and the Christian spirit collapses after a short prosperity. Christianity had illuminated the land. But now, it has been in eclipse. The reason why we Chinese refuse to give up Qingdao does not only lie in the love for the country but also in the defence of Christian culture. Third, Chinese Christian should do their best to prevent war from breaking out in future. Pu repeatedly pointed out that foreign powers’ recognition of the Japanese illegal occupation of Qingdao might be the blasting fuse leading to war. In his eyes, what the Treaty of Versailles brought to the world was no more than the strong powers’ victory and the weak countries’ helpless indignation. It marked the failure of the experiment of building a perpetual peace worldwide. Pu requested that the American, British and French governments, all of which regarded themselves as true lovers of peace, take the Chinese people’s indomitability as the basis for the work of revising this unfair treaty and, by doing so, perpetual peace could be realized. Pu went further, saying: The Christian gospel is the gospel of peace. Jesus Christ is the sovereign of peace. Therefore, if we want to be true Christians, we should never make no effort to maintain peace and eliminate war. If we do want to eliminate war, we must take back Qingdao. Fourth, Chinese Christians should make the true motives of their feelings known to the world. Pu pointed out that some non-​Christians always treated the patriotic feelings of Christians with suspicion: If we Christians remained indifferent to the unprecedented [socio-​ political] trend, people would hold us in contempt. If this was really true, our advocacy of Christian national salvation would be no more than totally untrustworthy empty talk, the ability to propagate the Christian teaching be lost, and the future of Christianity be too dreadful to contemplate. But in fact, Christians all over the would all devote themselves to saving their own country. They make various efforts, such as prayers, lectures, donations, medical service, fighting on the battleground, and so on, to save the country. We Chinese Christians are all loath to lag behind and make concerted effort to save the country from crises. Last, Pu appealed to the Church to take quick action to save their sacred and inviolable country and unambiguously pointed out that the survival and downfall of the country and the rise and fall of the Church were inseparably interconnected.

164  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement As far as the four suggestions made by Pu were concerned, the first suggestion theologically justified the love for the country. In doing so, he laid a theoretical foundation for indigenized Chinese Christian theology. Pu’s second and third suggestions led Chinese Christian converts to be patriotic under the circumstances that foreign powers recklessly humiliated China. The last suggestion, which was based on Pu’s observation of the true situation of Christianity and Christians in China and foreign Christians’ patriotic endeavours, indicated that Chinese Christians not only should but actually must love the country. Furthermore, Pu proposed 12 methods, by which Chinese Christians could carry out national salvation. To be specific, in order that the Chinese nation could be saved from collapse, Chinese Christians should pray for the country, strive for foreign aid, glorify the motherland, persuade people to use Chinese goods as far as possible, advise people to save money, rehabilitate people’s soul by disseminating Christian doctrines, teach students to be patriotic, guide children in Sunday school to love the country, publish patriotic manifestos, promote the compulsory schooling, pen books and articles reminding people of their duty to save the country, and have Christians and non-​Christians banded together to save the country.57 Pu’s methods were all very practical. Thanks to him, Chinese Christians’ discussion of national salvation was no longer purely theoretical. Since the outbreak of MFM, many leading Chinese Christians, just like Pu Huaren, realized clearly that Chinese Christian converts were far from being banded together with the ordinary Chinese and many of them cared only their own redemption while meanwhile feeling apathetic about the fate of the country and society. Enlightened Chinese Christians suggested all Chinese converts simultaneously care about the redemption of their soul and the salvation of the country and society, on the grounds that they were not only citizens but also advanced social members, who had a duty to save the country, reform society, assist the people, benefit others as far as possible, and carry forward truth.58 Only when all these were done by Chinese Christians would the Chinese Church have good prospects. Therefore, some leading Chinese Christians required that the Church substitute the social gospel for the personal gospel and stressed that the gospel of God must be the one that could be used to save and improve society.59 Some Chinese Church leaders suggested all Chinese Christians be socially responsible, unite as one, and strive to become stronger. Cheng Jingyi, for instance, said: Many pessimistically say: “I am unfortunately born a Chinese.” At this point, I speak my innermost thoughts to you. Contrary to them, overall, I sincerely feel very happy [to be a Chinese]. Specifically, first, I am so happy that I am born a Chinese; and second, I am so happy that I am born a Chinese of present-​day China. [Cheng went further, holding] Nowadays, there are many corrupt, immoral cases in families and the society. It is under such circumstances that we Christians should examine ourselves honestly.

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  165 [Therefore, he makes three suggestions for Christians.] First, Chinese Christians should have the sense of duty. It is required that everyone act responsibly. If the country is glorified, we will be glorified, accordingly. If the country is humiliated, we will be, therefore, humiliated. Second, Chinese Christians should be united with all compatriots. We four hundred million Chinese people are of one mind in building a greater community. Third, Chinese Christians should have themselves constantly rehabilitated. Foreigners [racially, discriminatorily] label the Chinese as Sick Man of Asia. For this reason, we Chinese should do away with old, bad habits and have ourselves spirito-​physically rehabilitated. We Chinese are always independent and future is firmly controlled in our own hands.60 Some contended that the reason why China had so many problems lay in moral deterioration and thus suggested that national salvation proceed from the reconstruction of Christian morality. For example, Dong Jing’an proposed that national salvation was based on the effort to save society and saving society was premised on the promotion of morality, by which the will of the people and social customs could be purified and improved. In Dong’s eyes, the moral force generated by the Christian faith was most desirable. The reasons were fivefold. First, Christianity advocates sacrifice [for grand causes], so that it is a remedy for the selfishness of some Chinese nationals. Second, Christianity pursues equality, so that it can be used to improve the social system of China. Third, Christianity strongly denounced any genre of idolatry, so that it can play a role in eliminating bad customs. Fourth, Christianity attaches great importance to practice, so that it is conducive to pushing forward various undertakings. Fifth, Christianity treasures the creative and enterprising spirit, so that it can be a great impetus to the improvement of Chinese culture.61 In addition to Dong, some discussed national salvation with the perspective of personality. They suggested that Christians make themselves an example in emulating Jesus Christ and doing specific work such as improve society and cultivating moral quality among people living in the bottom strata. To be specific, Christians should strive to teach people to refrain from abusing their power, smoking opium, gambling and idling, and meanwhile instruct them to pay attention to hygiene, live frugally, assume a down-​to-​earth attitude to life and conscientiously labour for themselves and others.62 They believed that, if the number of people of conscience increased, social personality would be upgraded and social civilization would progress accordingly. In short, the patriotic thought found in the NCM exerted a very profound influence on the Chinese Christian Church. As ever more Chinese Christians threw themselves into the mission of national salvation, the Chinese people’s attitude towards Christianity changed gradually. As a consequence, the gulf

166  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement between the Christian Church and mainstream Chinese society shortened and the indigenization of the Christian Church in China was furthered. (2) What the NCM advocated—​such as the critical spirit, abandonment of blind faith and constant inquiry into the root of matter—​played quite a significant role in the growth and indigenization of the Chinese Christian Church. NCM’s criticism of Christianity helped some Chinese Christians shake off the shackles imposed by their blind faith in Western missionaries and established Christian doctrines. As a result, enlightened Chinese Christians deeply rethought the problems existing within the Chinese Church, proposed reform that applied to the Church itself, and did their best to free the Chinese Church from being an inferior vassal of foreign missionary societies and help it become the Chinese nation’s own Church instead. This change in the basic attitude towards Christianity in China actually constituted one of the theoretico-​intellectual bases of the indigenization of the Chinese Christian Church. In one of his speeches, Liu Tingfang required that Chinese Christian professionals learn two things from NCM. One was the development of inquiring habit and the other was the practice of critical spirit. Specifically: First, when it comes to the established institutions and customs that all have been handed down generation after generation, we Christians should ask what the value for their existence today is? Second, as regards the sage’s teaching told ab antiquo, we Christians should ask whether it can be applied to the present? Third, witnessing the widely acceptable but confusing faith and conducts, we Christians should ask whether something widely acceptable cannot be mistaken? We even should go further, asking: “For what reason I must follow what others do? Aren’t there any methods or ways that are better, more reasonable, and more beneficial?”63 Some leading Chinese Christians comparatively discussed NCM’s positive influence on China and the deficiencies of the Chinese Christian Church, critically pointing out that there was an urgent need to reform Christianity in China and metamorphosize the Church into a truly Chinese national Church. Their criticism of the Chinese Church could be summarized as follows: First, the Chinese Church’s equalitarian spirit was still weak. NCM brought the politics of commoners, that is, equalitarianism, to the Chinese. Contrary to this, what Western missionaries brought to the Chinese Church was exactly dictatorship. Western missionaries, who did not have the equalitarian spirit but racism and parochial nationalism instead, discriminatorily believed that the white race was superior to “the yellow men” and placed themselves and their missionary societies above China. In this regard, Liu Tingfang observed: “[The Western missionary society’s administration of] the Chinese church is dictatorship, in which the Chinese is under the Westerners’ rule.”64 Echoing Liu’s observation, Zhao

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  167 Zichen sharp-​mindedly point out: “the [Western missionary-​run] church arbitrarily deal with theological issues.”65 Under Western missionaries’ despotic rule, Chinese Christians could neither have any power nor be any persons in charge. Many Western missionaries had very poor quality. Not only were they unable to enlighten Chinese Christian converts; but they were also noted for their indolence. Despite this, these Western missionaries still lived a superior, comfortable life and were entirely divorced from Chinese Christians. In many cases, Western missionaries, who admitted that the missionary society was merely transitional, only paid lip service to the promise of transferring the management control of church to the Chinese. In reality, they neither paid attention to training Chinese Christian leaders nor allowed the Chinese clergymen to manage the church. As a result, the quality of Chinese clergymen and preachers could not be improved substantially. Where the Chinese pastors were concerned, some of them were heavily dependent on Western missionaries, suffered the lack of self-​cultivation, poorly understood the Bible, busied themselves with secular affairs, and preached Christian doctrines in a much less attractive way. In short, their work could by no means meet the need of Chinese Christians’ spiritual life. Furthermore, some observers criticized Western missionaries’ arbitrary control of Christian church and their missionary method that taught converts to develop a blind faith in Christianity. They pointed out that the Chinese Church immediately abandon this authoritarian missionary work and have it replaced with a convincing, reasonable endeavor that was intellectually well-​founded. In other words, what the Chinese Church prepared for Chinese Christians should be the gospel that not only was at a higher theoretical level but also had already been indigenized. Otherwise, Christianity could not attract free thinkers and Chinese intellectuals in particular in China. What the Chinese Church lacked was precisely an indigenized gospel. Some leading Chinese Christians suggested the Church carry forward Christian equalitarian doctrines such as God fathered entire world and all the people of the world are brothers. They even developed a Christian spirit of service, which professed that Christian should never enslave any persons but always serve others. Second, the Chinese Church’s national consciousness was still weak. NCM awakened Chinese national consciousness. To put it another way, due to NCM, Chinese nationalism was awakened and grew increasingly strong. Contrary to this, Chinese Christian Churches as a whole were noted for their lack of national consciousness. As a rule, the relationship between a Chinese Christian Church and its parent missionary society was similar to that of vassal and suzerain. Whenever the parent missionary society convened a conference, there would only be a handful of Chinese delegates. Many foreign missionaries showed strong contempt for the Chinese and even treated Chinese clergymen as servants. Influenced by foreign missionaries, some

168  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement Chinese Christians chose to be ignorant of politics and regarded themselves as Christian people having nothing to do with the fate of China. One observed: [Within the Church,] the scenes, spirit, forms, terminologies, language, characters, poetry, dressing, rites, thinking, ethics, faith, and so on, are all strongly Westernized. Most ridiculously, digging into the literal translation of foreign prayer books, we even find auspicious messages dedicated to a foreign emperor. Incredibly, [the foreign missionary-​run] church forces the Chinese Christian converts to recite these prayer books.66 Meanwhile, the missionary schools were little better than the Churches. These schools were all dictated or manipulated by Western missionaries, who monopolized the headmastership or presidency of all schools. However, an embarrassingly inconvenient truth was that most of these headmasters and presidents were not educators at all. An insider acrimoniously pointed out: Usually, students of missionary schools are good at English and sports activities. But on the other hand, their Chinese language proficiency is very poor, [which strongly] disaccords with the national educational program. Whenever there are patriotic activities mobilized by students, most of headmasters and presidents of missionary schools are at a loss what to do.67 Generally, the Chinese regarded missionary schools as something that were used to erase entirely the national characters of students. As regards the students educated in missionary schools, they were portrayed as cowards who never had the courage to sacrifice for the country.68 Enlightened Chinese Christians realized clearly that, if this situation could not be changed fundamentally, the Christian Church would be unable to survive in China. For this reason, they advocated Christian patriotism. Third, the Chinese Church’s consciousness of rehabilitating knowledge was still weak. It is generally held that NCM was China’s Renaissance, through which new sciences and new thinking were brought to China. By contrast, the Chinese Church was hardened to this Chinese edition of the Renaissance and remained afraid and suspicious of the critical attitude and scientific spirit.69 The Church’s numbness was embodied in the lack of conformity between Christian dogmata, faith and creeds and knowledge and science of the time and its rejection of new theology and new philosophy. When it came to the training of Chinese Christian leaders, the Church’s methods were very old-​ fashioned. Take the interpretation of the Bible, for example. It did not adopt a methodology based on historical study, which had been popular for years in the West, but employed instead the medieval methodology noted for its strained interpretations and farfetched analogies. Consequently, the Chinese Church had no alternative but to stand against modern sciences and scholarship. The Chinese Church’s petrified, inflexible handling of religious rites and

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  169 the Bible resulted in its failure in taking the lead in society. It followed instead the footsteps of evolutionists. At this point, Wu Leichuan pointed out: The reasons here are these. First, the Church, which looks like being restricted by a genetic bondage, attaches importance to all rituals and ceremonies handed down from time immemorial, even though it knows perfectly the axiomatic inevitability of social evolution. In present-​day world, the Church still attempts to force followers to abide by rules formulated over one thousand years ago. Neither can this attempt be judged by reason; nor will it be recognized by emotion. Furthermore, the Church is always unwilling to bring changes to the arrangement of personnel due to various restraints. Finally, the Church gives up becoming awakened earlier in the society. Second, although most of the principles founded in Old Testament and New Testament are still valid, [the Church fails to realize that] these principles are intellectually and linguistically foreign to the Chinese due to differences existing in races, territories, and times. If the Church remains inflexible and literally interprets the Bible in strict accordance with the original text, the followers’ general understanding of Christian doctrines will be misled. [The Church’s ossified interpretations of the Bible] make followers suspicious of principles founded in the Holy Book and regard them as something contradicting realities of the world. Consequently, the Church’s endeavor actually constitutes a huge obstacle to the propagation of Christian teaching.70 After critically reviewing the anti-​scientific attitude assumed by Christianity in the past, these critics advocated the scientification of Christianity and especially suggested Christians adopt a higher analytical interpretation of the Bible, which applied scientific methods to biblical study. They generally held that, only when superstitious elements existing within Chinese Christianity were eliminated would this religion be accepted by NCM. In this regard, Liu Tingfang said: The only way is to use the scientific and historical method, being willing to acknowledge the eccentric mistakes and illusions of our Christian forefathers together with their inventions and hair-​splittings, and our cowardice with regard to modifying or changing them.71 It is required that Christians scientifically reexamine Christianity, discard the Bible’s supernatural narratives, in which, for example, the Virgin Mary had a baby and Jesus was raised from the dead, and showcase Jesus’s nobility of character. Many held that, by preaching what Jesus said and did to the world, the quality of the Chinese could be improved and the endeavour to save the country by perfecting national personality be fulfilled. On the basis of the scientification of Christianity, some Christian intellectuals furthered their discussion of the relationship between Christianity

170  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement and science. Some contended that religion and science belonged to totally different categories. Specifically, religion was emotional, subjective and spiritual and, by contrast, science was empirical, objective and physical. Luo Yunyan pointed out that religion and science could by no means be placed in the same category, on the grounds that they had entirely different missions. Some attempted to have science and religion blended together, arguing that God, the master of the entire universe, endowed humans with intelligence and the ability to grasp the world, and thus humans could justify theology and correct its mistakes by means of rational inquiry into scientific knowledge. In the meantime, they held, science needed the guidance of religion, because science was limited and it was unable to find the true meaning of life. Observers pointed out that, if people did not take cognizance of the limitations of science, they would fall into the trap of scientism, regard science as something omnipotent, and finally lead science down the wrong path. Their conclusion was that only when science and religion harmonized with each other would a reasonable, complete view of life be created for humankind. Fourth, the Chinese Church had failed to achieve in reconstructing new ethics, and social ethics in particular. As we know, NCM brought fundamental changes to Chinese ethics. Proponents of new culture vehemently attacked old, arbitrary and closed familial customs and suggested that the old ethics be replaced with new ethics such as fraternity, equality, freedom, cooperation, serving the society and respecting individuality. In doing so, they hoped that Chinese society would be totally rehabilitated. But, in reality, what the Chinese Church was advocating at that time was no more than the medieval gospel, which paid more attention to posthumous life rather than to real life, attached importance to abstract theories rather than to true ethics, aspired to emotional transmission of faith rather than genuine salvation, and strove for personal redemption rather than social improvement.72 Even though the Church did do charity work, such as setting up hospitals and schools, its ultimate goal was neither saving society nor developing the gospel benefiting the entirety of humankind but the deliverance of its own soul. Not only was this contrary to the spirit of NCM but was also not in accord with the pragmatic spirit of Chinese nation. Critics pointed out that such a dissonant situation theologically resulted from the eschatology preached by Christian conservatives, who fanatically believed that, as humanity had been totally corrupted due to the inherently sinful nature of humankind and man was completely unable to improve society, the advent of the heavenly kingdom should not be decided by man but God alone. Influenced by this passive theology, the Christian Church devoted itself to propagating the gospel among individuals and persuaded people to have their soul redeemed by converting to Christianity. Contrary to the conservatives, reformists took their aspiration from NCM’s humanism and suggested that the centre of gravity of eschatology be shifted to humanity. To be specific, they contended that only when man and God made a joint effort would the advent of the heavenly kingdom be fulfilled. At this point, Wei Que, a Christian educator, observed:

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  171 [Our new Christianity] will never have a blind faith in tradition, which preaches that, only when today’s world was destroyed would the new supernatural era dawn. Rather, we make concerted effort to reform present-​day society in anticipation of the rise of God’s Kingdom.73 Wei and his comrades were opposed to Christian conservative tradition, in which Christians remained indifferent to society and cared only for individual salvation preached by eschatology. Instead, they encouraged Chinese Christians to collaboratively work with ordinary Chinese in finding a way leading to a new China and preparing a social reform programme rehabilitating the country. Fifth, the Chinese Church was still deeply sectarian. The Chinese Church’s sectarian attitude was totally instigated by foreign missionaries belonging to different societies. One observer pointed out the selfishness of some foreign missionaries. To be specific, some missionaries prevented followers of other societies from taking communion; and some alleged that Christian converts, who were not baptized, could not be true Christians.74 The root of Christian sectarianism lay in the history of Europe and America, such as the European Reformation and the American Civil War. Originally, these histories were totally irrelevant to China. But, in fact, they did affect foreign missionaries’ management of the Church in China. For example, due to their own activities and conflicts, foreign missionaries intentionally divided Chinese Christians into groups such as the Chinese brethren of the Presbyterian Church in the United States (South), the Chinese followers of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, and the Chinese believers of the Methodist Episcopal Church.75 As a consequence, there were many sects struggling against one another within the Chinese Church. Critics, who generally held that Chinese culture was inherently inclusive, pointed out that, as Christian sectarianism was completely at variance with the true situation of China, the Chinese Church must eliminate entirely the division brought about by Western Churches and achieve unity with Chinese characteristics. In addition to criticizing the dependency of the Chinese Church on foreign missionaries, critics realized that, in such circumstances, there could hardly be a large number of Christian converts noted for their pure belief. One of them said: Is the starting point of the faith of people, who call themselves Christians, correct? As far as I am concerned, philistines and rascals, who use the church as protective talisman, and penniless and frustrated persons, who want to be helped by the church, do not have [the true] faith. In addition, those, who joined the church in exchange for a better educational opportunity in their younger days, do not have [the true] faith, either. Furthermore, even those, who admit that they did have shortcomings or feel pity for the morally corrupt society and thus do repent and search after happiness, do not have the correct starting point of faith. On the

172  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement one hand, these people are truly free from being criticized; but on the other hand, their goal is narrow-​minded in the strictest sense and cannot embody the brightness, uprightness, universality, and perfection of Christianity, on the grounds that their goal is only to redeem themselves and have an eternal life. In view of this, it might be concluded that the true faith is rarely seen. On this account, we should not complain that there are criticisms against the dependency, superstitions, and selfishness of Christians.76 Echoing him, another critic said: “Among ordinary Christian converts, there are indeed a number of chijiaozhe (literally, bad persons living by the Christian church), who neither make a distinction between religion and superstition nor truly understand the Christian faith.”77 Many held that, in such a Chinese Church, Christian converts could hardly develop the true spirit of service. Therefore, only a small number of people were willing to make a contribution to the Church. Among the well-​educated, sensible Chinese Christians, who actually knew well that the Church suffered a lack of talented people, they would rather, indiscreetly and irresponsibly, comment or criticize than join the management team of the Church. As a result, the Chinese Church was unable to make substantial progress. It was on the basis of criticism and introspection that enlightened Chinese Christians realized that the Chinese Church had no choice but to reform itself fundamentally. Such a fundamental reform must be premised on the founding of a truly national Christian Church, that is a fully indigenized Chinese Church. CCM, which was launched in March 1922, helped the aspiration for an indigenized Chinese Church reach new heights. Consequently, the Chinese Church, for the first time, openly discussed the issue of the indigenization of the Church in China at the national congress of Christianity convened in May 1922.

Notes 1 Yuan Shikai 袁世凯, “The General Order Promoting Veneration of Confucius” (通 令崇孔圣文), in Xu Youming 徐有明, ed., Collected Writings of Great President Yuan Shikai [袁大总统书牍汇编] (Shanghai: New China Book House, 1935), vol. 2, 51. 2 Zhang Qinshi 张钦士, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade [国内近十年来之 宗教思潮] (Beijing: Jinghua yinshuju, 1927), “Preface” (序言), 2. 3 Bertrand Russell (罗素), “The Second Part of Lecture on Religion” (宗教问题演讲 之二), The Young China (少年中国), vol. 2, no. 8 (February 1921). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 83. 4 Quoted in Yang Tianhong, Christianity and Modern China, 67. 5 Ibid., 68. 6 For detailed discussion, see: Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, “Preface”, 2. 7 Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, “Preface,” 3–​4.

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  173 8 “Chronicles of Evaluation Section” (评议部纪事), The Young China, vol. 2, no. 4, 87. Quoted in Yang Tianhong, Christianity and Modern China, 69. 9 Chen Duxiu 陈独秀, “Christianity and the Chinese” (基督教与中国人), Xinqingnian, vol. 7, no. 3 (February 1920). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 39–​41. 10 Liang Shuming 梁漱溟, “The Fourth Part of Lecture on Religion” (宗教问题演讲 之四), The Young China, vol. 2, no. 3 (February 1921). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 113. 11 Ibid., 114. 12 Ibid., 116. 13 Ibid., 135. 14 Zhou Zuoren 周作人, “The Issue of Religion” (宗教问题), The Young China, vol. 2, no. 11. Quoted in Yang Tianhong, Christianity and Modern China, 83–​84. 15 Liu Boming 刘伯明, “The Fifth Part of Lecture on Religion” (宗教问题演讲之 五), The Young China, vol. 2, no. 11 (May 1921). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 141–​142, 144–​146. 16 Tian Han 田汉, “The Young China and Questions about Religion” (少年中 国与宗教问题). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 51–​58. 17 Tu Xiaoshi 屠孝实, “The Third Part of Lecture on Religion” (宗教问题演讲之 三). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 87–​106. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid. 20 Zhu Zhixin 朱执信, “What the F*** is Jesus?” (耶稣是什么东西), Special Issue on Jesus, ROC Daily (《民国日报（耶稣号）》), December 25, 1919. Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 23–​34. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Cai Yuanpei 蔡元培, “On Substitution of Aesthetic Education for Religion” (以美育代宗教说), Xinqingnian, vol. 3, no. 6 (August 1917). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 2. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., 5–​6. 28 For Hu’s detailed discussions, see: Hu Shi 胡适, “Undecayedness Society is My Religion” (不朽—​—​我的宗教), Xinqingnian, vol. 6, no. 2 (February 1919). Quoted in Ouyang Zhesheng 欧阳哲生, Selected Hu Shi’s Essays on Scholarship and Culture [胡适学术文化随笔] (Beijing: China Youth Press, 1996), 53–​62. 29 For Zhou’s detailed discussions, see: Zhou Taixuan 周太玄, “Religion and China’s Future” (宗教与中国之将来), The Young China, vol. 2, no. 1 (August 1921). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 155–​183. 30 For Wang’s detailed discussions, see: Wang Xinggong 王星拱, “The First Part of Lecture on Religion” (宗教问题演讲之一), The Young China, vol. 2, no. 8 (February 1921). Quoted in Zhang Qinshi, Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade, 59–​72. 31 Wu Zhihui 吴稚晖, A Collection of Wu Zhihui’s Academic Writings [吴稚晖学术讲 著] (Shanghai: Shanghai Publishing Cooperatives, 1926), 3rd edition, 203–​218.

174  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement 32 Wu Liming 吴利明, [基督教与中国社会变迁] (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council, 1997), 3rd edition, 4. 33 Wang Hengxin 王恒心, “Cry of Chinese Missionaries” (中国传道人才的呼声), Theological Review, vol. 6, no. 3 (September 1920), 4–​5. 34 For Zhang’s detailed discussions, see: Zhang Kaiwen 张开文, “The Christian Church and New Thoughts” (教会与新思潮), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 6 (1921), 134–​140. 35 Ibid., 139. 36 Xu Baoqian 徐宝谦, “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends” (基督 教与新思潮), a speech delivered on September 12, 1920 at a conference attended by Chinese and foreign Christian converts. See: Life Monthly (生命月刊), no. 1 (October 1920), 3. 37 Xu Baoqian, “The Purpose and Programs of Beijing-​Based Zhengdaotuan” (北京 证道团的宗旨及计划), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 6 (1921), 133. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid., 134. 42 Chai Yuehan 柴约翰, “Christianity and New Chinese Thoughts” (基督教与中国 的新思潮), Life Monthly, vol. 2, no. 1 (June 1921), 5. 43 Bi Laisi 毕来思 (Philip Francis Price), “The Relationship between Christianity and New Intellectual Trends in China” 中国新思潮和基督教的关系, Life Monthly, vol. 2, no. 1 (June 1921), 6. 44 “Summary of Annal Meeting of China Continuation Committee in 1921” (中华 续行委办年会纪略), Life Monthly, vol. 2, no. 1 (June 1921), 2. 45 “Special Issue Devoted to Annual Meeting” (大会号), The Christian Occupation of China (中华归主), no. 16 (November 10, 1921), 3. 46 Liu Tingfang 刘廷芳 (Timothy Tingfang Lew), “The Duty of Christian Preachers in New Culture Movement” (新文化运动中基督教宣教师的责任), a speech delivered on 5 May 1922 at the meeting convened by the China Continuation Committee. Quoted in Zhang Xiping 张西平 and Zhuo Xinping 卓新平, eds, The Experiment of Indigenizing Christianity in China [本色之探] (Beijing: China Radio and Television Press, 1999), 140. 47 Xu Baoqian, “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends,” Life Monthly, vol. 1 (October 1920), 1. 48 “The Burning Patriotism of Shanghai Associations for Christian Propagation” (传道联会之爱国热), The Monthly (月报), no. 27 (July 1919), 7. 49 “An Open Letter Prepared by Shanghai Association for Christian Propagation” (上海基督教传道联合会公启), The Monthly, no. 27 (July1919), 7. 50 Xu Baoqian, “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends,” Life Monthly, vol. 1 (October 1920), 1. 51 “Mr. Fan Zimei’s Speech on Christians’ Method of Loving the Country” (范子美 先生基督徒爱国方法之演说), The Monthly, no. 8 (February 1917), 3–​4. 52 Fan Bihui 范皕诲, “The Patriotic Jesus” (爱国之耶稣), Progress of The Young (青年进步), no. 13 (May 1918), 9–​10. 53 George Xu Qian (佐治徐谦), “The Christian National Salvation” (基督教救国主 义), The Monthly, no. 16 (August 1918), 7. 54 Records of Conference of China Association for Christian National Salvation (中华基督教救国会大会纪事), The Monthly, no. 31 (November 1919), 7.

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  175 55 “The Manifesto of Republic of China’s Association for Christian National Salvation” (中华民国基督徒救国会宣言), The Monthly, no. 30 (October 1919), 9–​10. 56 Xu Qian, “An Historical Sketch of Association for Christian National Salvation” (基督教救国会纪略), Annals of Chinese Christian Church, no. 6 (1921), 223. 57 For Pu’s suggestions and methods, see: Pu Huaren 浦化人, “Opinions about Chinese Christians’ National Salvation Endeavor” (中华基督徒救国意见书), The Monthly, no. 27 (July 1919), 18–​21; no. 28 (August 1919), 18–​21. 58 Hua Zhiyuan 花之渊, “Christians’ Obligations to Non-​Christians” (基督徒对非 基督徒之责任), Theological Review, vol. 6, no. 3 (October 1920), 1–​5. 59 Liu Tingfang, “The Duty of Christian Preachers in New Culture Movement,” a speech delivered on 5 May 1922 at the meeting convened by China Continuation Committee. Quoted in Zhang Xiping and Zhuo Xinping, eds, The Experiment of Indigenizing Christianity in China, 162. 60 “A Speech Delivered by Rev. Dr. Cheng Jingyi on Holy Communion Day” (诚静 怡博士圣餐日之演辞), The Monthly, no. 27 (July 1919), 3. 61 Dong Jing’an 董景安, “On National Salvation” (救国论), The Monthly, no. 35 (March 1920), 2–​3. 62 Renfu 任夫, “How to Apply Cultivation of Personality to National Salvation?” (人格救国是怎样的), Progress of The Young, no. 45 (July 1921), 4. 63 Liu Tingfang, “The Duty of Christian Preachers in New Culture Movement,” a speech delivered on 5 May 1922 at the meeting convened by the China Continuation Committee. Quoted in Zhang Xiping and Zhuo Xinping, eds, The Experiment of Indigenizing Christianity in China, 169. 64 Ibid., 159–​169. 65 Zhao Zichen 赵紫宸, “A Major Issue respecting the future of Chinese Christian Church” (中国教会前途的一大问题), The Life Monthly, vol. 2, no. 8 (1922), 5. 66 Jian Youwen 简又文, “The National Church” (民族的教会), Part One, Progress of The Young, no. 52 (April 1922), 37. 67 Xu Baoqian, “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends,” Life Monthly, vol. 1 (October 1920), 6. 68 See: Jian Youwen, “The National Church,” Part One, Progress of The Young, no. 52 (April 1922), 38. 69 Zhao Zichen, “A Major Issue respecting the future of Chinese Christian Church,” The Life Monthly, vol. 2, no. 8 (1922), 5. 70 Wu Leichuan 吴雷川, “An Observation of Chinese Christian Church” (我对基督 教会的感想), The Life Monthly生命月刊, vol. 4 (December 1920), 2. 71 Timothy T．Lew (刘廷芳), “China’s Renaissance—​the Christian Opportunity,” Chinese Recorder, vol. 52 (May 1921), 319–​320. 72 Jian Youwen, “The National Church,” Part One, Progress of The Young, no. 52 (April 1922), 40. 73 Quoted in Lin Ronghong 林荣洪, The Rise of Chinese Christian Church in Unrest [风潮中奋起的中国教会] (Hong Kong: Tien Dao Publishing House, 1980), 44. 74 Xu Baoqian, “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends,” Life Monthly, vol. 1 (October 1920), 5. 75 For a detailed discussion, see: Liu Tingfang, “The Duty of Christian Preachers in New Culture Movement,” a speech delivered on 5 May 1922 at the meeting convened by the China Continuation Committee. Quoted in Zhang Xiping and Zhuo Xinping, eds, The Experiment of Indigenizing Christianity in China, 159–​169.

176  Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement 76 Wu Leichuan, “An Observation of Chinese Christian Church,” The Life Monthly, vol. 4 (December 1920), 1–​2. 77 Xu Baoqian, “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends,” Life Monthly, vol. 1 (October 1920), 4.

Bibliography “An Open Letter Prepared by Shanghai Association for Christian Propagation” (上海 基督教传道联合会公启). The Monthly (月报). No. 27 (July 1919), 7. “Records of Conference of China Association for Christian National Salvation” (中华 基督教救国会大会纪事). The Monthly (月报). No. 31 (November 1919), 7. “Special Issue Devoted to Annual Meeting” (大会号). The Christian Occupation of China (中华归主). No. 16 (November 10, 1921), 3–​4. “Summary of Annal Meeting of China Continuation Committee in 1921” (中华续行 委办年会纪略). Life Monthly (生命月刊). Vol. 2, no. 1 (June 1921), 1–​4. “The Burning Patriotism of Shanghai Associations for Christian Propagation” (传道 联会之爱国热). The Monthly (月报). No. 27 (July 1919), 7. “The Manifesto of Republic of China’s Association for Christian National Salvation” (中华民国基督徒救国会宣言). The Monthly (月报). No. 30 (October 1919), 9–​10. Bi, Laisi 毕来思 (Philip Francis Price). “The Relationship between Christianity and New Intellectual Trends in China” (中国新思潮和基督教的关系). Life Monthly (生 命月刊). Vol. 2, no. 1 (June 1921), 1–​11. Chai, Yuehan 柴约翰. “Christianity and New Chinese Thoughts” (基督教与中国的新 思潮). Life Monthly (生命月刊). Vol. 2, no. 1 (June 1921), 1–​3. Cheng, Jingyi 诚静怡. “A Speech Delivered by Rev. Dr. Cheng Jingyi on Holy Communion Day” (诚静怡博士圣餐日之演辞). The Monthly (月报). No. 27 (July 1919), 2–​3. Dong, Jing’an 董景安. “On National Salvation” (救国论). The Monthly (月报). No. 34 (February 1920), 2–​3. —​—​—​. “On National Salvation” (救国论). The Monthly (月报). No. 35 (March 1920), 2–​4. Fan, Zimei 范子美 (Fan Bihai 范皕诲). “Mr. Fan Zimei’s Speech on Christians’ Method of Loving the Country” (范子美先生基督徒爱国方法之演说). The Monthly (月报). No. 8 (February 1917), 3–​4. —​—​—. “The Patriotic Jesus” (爱国之耶稣). Progress of The Young (青年进步). No. 13 (May 1918), 7–​11. Hua, Zhiyuan 花之渊. “Christians’ Obligations to Non-​Christians” (基督徒对非基督 徒之责任). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 6, no. 3 (October 1920), 1–​5. Jian, Youwen 简又文. “The National Church” (民族的教会). Progress of The Young (青年进步). No. 52 (April 1922). Part One, 33–​44. Lew, Timothy T. 刘廷芳. “China’s Renaissance—​the Christian Opportunity.” Chinese Recorder. Vol. 52 (May 1921), 301–​323. Lin, Ronghong 林荣洪. The Rise of Chinese Christian Church in Unrest [风潮中奋起的 中国教会] (Hong Kong: Tien Dao Publishing House, 1980). Ouyang, Zhesheng 欧阳哲生. Selected Hu Shi’s Essays on Scholarship and Culture [胡适学术文化随笔] (Beijing: China Youth Press, 1996). Pu, Huaren 浦化人. “Opinions about Chinese Christians’ National Salvation Endeavor” (中华基督徒救国意见书). The Monthly (月报). No. 27 (July 1919), 18–​ 21; no. 28 (August 1919), 18–​21.

Chinese Christianity in the May Fourth Movement  177 Renfu 任夫. “How to Apply Cultivation of Personality to National Salvation?” (人格 救国是怎样的). Progress of The Young (青年进步). No. 45 (July 1921), 1–​4. Wang, Hengxin 王恒心. “Cry of Chinese Missionaries” (中国传道人才的呼声). Theological Review (神学志). Vol. 6, no. 3 (September 1920), 4–​5. Wu, Leichuan 吴雷川. “An Observation of Chinese Christian Church” (我对基督教会 的感想). The Life Monthly (生命月刊). Vol. 4 (December 1920), 1–​4. Wu, Liming 吴利明, [基督教与中国社会变迁] (Hong Kong: Chinese Christian Literature Council, 1997). 3rd edition. Wu, Zhihui 吴稚晖. A Collection of Wu Zhihui’s Academic Writings [吴稚晖学术讲著] (Shanghai: Shanghai Publishing Cooperatives, 1926). 3rd edition. Xu, Baoqian 徐宝谦. “The Christian Faith and New Intellectual Trends” (基督教与新 思潮). Life Monthly (生命月刊). No. 1 (October 1920), 1–​7. —​—​. “The Purpose and Programs of Beijing-​Based Zhengdaotuan” (北京证道团 的宗旨及计划). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 6 (1921), 133. Xu, Qian George 佐治徐谦. “The Christian National Salvation” (基督教救国主义). The Monthly (月报). No. 16 (August 1918), 4–​7. Xu, Qian. “An Historical Sketch of Association for Christian National Salvation” (基督教救国会纪略). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 6 (1921), 222–​224. Yang, Tianhong 杨天宏. Christianity and Modern China [基督教与近代中国] (Chengdu: The People’s Press of Sichuan, 1994). Yuan, Shikai 袁世凯. Xu Youming 徐有明 ed. Collected Writings of Great President Yuan Shikai [袁大总统书牍汇编] (Shanghai: New China Book House, 1935). Vol. 2. Zhang, Kaiwen 张开文. “The Christian Church and New Thoughts” (教会与新思潮). Annals of Chinese Christian Church (中华基督教会年鉴). No. 6 (1921), 134–​140. Zhang, Qinshi 张钦士. Trend of Religions in China in Last Decade [国内近十年来之宗 教思潮] (Beijing: Jinghua yinshuju, 1927). Zhang, Xiping 张西平 and Zhuo Xinping 卓新平 eds. The Experiment of Indigenizing Christianity in China [本色之探] (Beijing: China Radio & Television Press, 1999). Zhao, Zichen 赵紫宸. “A Major Issue Respecting the Future of Chinese Christian Church” (中国教会前途的一大问题). The Life Monthly (生命月刊). Vol. 2, no. 8 (1922) 1–​13.

Index

Note: Endnotes are indicated by the page number followed by ‘n’ and the endnote number e.g., 20n1 refers to endnote 1 on page 20. American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) 2, 5, 7, 8, 71 Anglo-​Chinese School 5–​8 Baishangdihui: against Confucianism 38; against Confucius as an idol 14; attractive to the Hakkas 17, 18; China’s first indigenized Christian Church 16, 18, 44; Datong, a Confucian idea 22; founding 13; increasing adherents 17; increasingly distinct from conventional Christianity 30–​3; interfusion of Chinese culture and Christian doctrines 27; laws 23; religious service 25, 26; understanding of God 19 Cai Yuanpei 133, 134, 136, 139, 143, 145, 151 Catholicism 2, 3, 18, 143, 144; Catholic Church 91; Catholic missionaries 39; Catholics and Yihetuan 93 Chen Duxiu 133, 136, 149, 150 Chen Mengnan 86, 103, 118 Cheng Jingyi 101, 114, 124, 157, 160, 164 chijiaozhe 84, 92, 94, 172 China Continuation Committee (CCC) 97, 151 China Famine Relief Committee (CFRC) 76 Chinese Bible 3, 4, 30, 42; heheben 100; Jiushizhuyesuxinyizhaoshu 3; light-​ wenli 4; New Testament 4, 5, 18, 35; Old Testament 3–​5, 18, 21, 32, 35, 42;

Old Testament and New Testament (in critical perspective) 107, 169; Shentia nxinjiuyizhaoquansh (Old Testament and New Testament) 3, 29; wenli 4; Zhenyue 36 Christian missionaries in China: baojiaoquan 91, 94, 95; disputes with Chinese residents 91; protection of unequal treaties 49; religious agencies of imperialistic powers 93 Christian Occupation of China (COC, a religious movement) 59, 97, 151; Christian Occupation of China (a journal) 96, 151 Christianitybrought to China: Nestorianism 3; propagation and imperialistic powers 49, 92; Tang dynasty 1 Condemning Christianity Movement 126, 131 Confucianism 14, 16, 29, 33, 37, 38, 42–​4, 60, 61, 64, 66, 67, 73, 74, 100, 122, 131–​6, 144; complementation between Confucianism and Christianity 60, 61; Confucianism as religion 132, 134 Confucius 14, 16, 38, 42, 47n51, 49, 59–​62, 74, 92, 131, 132 Confucius plus Christ 60, 61 Di Kaowen (Calvin W. Mateer) 53, 71, 81, 94, 112; Wenhuiguan 73–​5, 81, 104, 110 Ding Weiliang (William Alexander Parsons Martin) 59, 61, 62, 64, 71, 72, 114 Dong Jing’an 165

Index 179 Fan Zimei 155 Feng Yunshan 14, 16, 17, 25, 27, 31 First Opium War 2, 9; Second Opium War 49 Fuhanhui (Chinese Union) 11 Fu Lanya (John Fryer) 53, 60, 62, 64, 72, 73 General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China (GCPMCS): 1877 56, 68, 71–​3, 77, 80; 1890 59, 62, 80, 115 Guangxuehui 51, 53, 62–​6 Guo Shila (Karl Gutzlaff) 15, 18, 23, 30, 42, 45n6, 45n8 Guo Xiande (Hunter Corbett) 77, 81–​4, 112 Holy Trinity 18, 19, 30, 31, 41, 44, 45n16 Hong Ren’gan 35, 40–​4; Zizhengxinpian 41 Hong Xiuquan 6, 13, 25, 28; Baizhengge (Baizheng) 14, 15; Melchizedek 21, 32; Tianwang 28, 33, 37; Yuandaojiushige (Jiushi) 14–​16, 20; Yuandaojueshixun (Jueshi) 22; Yuandaoxingshixun (Xingshi) 14, 16 Hu Shi 133, 134, 136, 143–​5, 151 Indigenization of Christianity: Chouenbudaohui 104, 110, 120; earliest attempts 54; fully independent Chinese Christian Church 106; JiaohuiJuhuichu (CMP) 120, 123; Jinjing Church 117; self-​reliance 84–​6, 106, 112; self-​support self-​ government, and self-​propagation 11, 54, 58, 80, 81, 101, 104, 105, 112, 116–​20, 123–​6, 131; Sinicized Christianity/​Church 73, 89n53, 103; Yesu Jiating (FJ) 120, 122, 123; Zhen Yesuhui(STJ) 120, 121; Zhongguo Jidutu Hui 105 Jesuit 3, 19, 60 Jiawu War (First Sino-​Japanese War) 50–​2, 91 jiao’an (conflicts between foreign missionaries and Chinese residents) 58, 91, 93, 94, 101, 104–​6, 123 Kang Youwei 51, 52, 63, 66, 100, 132 Keju (imperial civil service examination) 13, 14, 70, 74, 95, 98–​100

Kongjiaohui 132 Le Lingsheng (Frank Joseph Rawlinson) 95, 98, 103 Li Hongzhang 50, 75, 78 Li Timotai (Timothy Richard) 59, 61, 62, 64–​6, 76, 77 Li Yage(James Legge) 3, 41, 44 Liang Shuming 136, 138 Liu Shoushan 110, 124; Sui Xilin 110, 124 Liang Fa 5, 6, 13, 14, 18; Quanshiliangyan 5, 13 Liang Qichao 51, 63, 66 Lin Lezhi (Young J. Allen) 53, 59, 65, 66, 72, 73, 75, 81 Liu Boming 139 Liu Tingfang 149, 151, 166, 169 London Missionary Society (LMS) 1–​7, 30, 41, 55, 78, 113–​16, 118–​20; Mohai Shuguan (the London Mission Press) 5 Luo Xiaoquan (Issachar J. Roberts) 15, 26, 39, 79 Ma Lixun (Robert Morrison) 1–​3, 11n1, 68, 79 Marxism and Leninism 135 May Fourth Movement (MFM) 101, 126, 131, 134–​6, 142, 147, 149, 150, 152, 153, 155–​7, 164; Chinese Christians’ response to NCM 147–​9; critics against Christianity 136; New Culture Movement (NCM) 131, 133–​6, 142, 147–​55, 165–​70 Medhurst, Walter H. (Mai Huatuo) 2–​5, 35, 41, 63 medical missionary work (MMW) 8, 9, 77; Medical Missionary Society in China (MMSC) 8; Zhonghua boyi hui (China Medical Missionary Association) 54, 79 National Conference on Christianity (NCC) 118, 121 nationalism 95, 166, 167 Ni Weisi (John L. Nevius) 54, 77, 81, 82, 84, 85 patriotism 52, 108, 109, 155–​7, 168; patriotic movement and the Church 153 Protestantism 1–​3, 11, 144; earliest Chinese Protestants 5; evangelization 57–​60, 68, 70–​2; direct evangelization

180 Index 62, 67, 69, 70; indirect evangelization 59, 60, 63, 67, 68, 75; preparatory period of dissemination 2; translation of the Bible 3; Zhu Zhixin’s denial 143 Pu Huaren 160, 162, 164 Qiangxue hui 66 Rite Controversy 1 Saint John’s College (SJC) 74, 83 Shangdi (the Lord Above, God) 4, 14, 17–​21, 25–​7, 29, 31, 33, 36, 37, 41, 42, 46n39; Heavenly Father (Tianfu) 19, 20, 27–​9, 31–​8, 41, 44; Heavenly Mother 31, 32, 42; Huangshangdi 16, 20–​2, 24, 27; Jidu (Christ) 18, 20, 21, 26, 31, 33; Shen (God) 4; Tian 19; Yesu (Jesus, Heavenly Brother) 14, 18, 20, 21, 26, 27, 30, 31, 36, 46n41; Yesu Jidu (Jesus Christ) 20, 21, 26 Shaonian Zhongguo Xuehui (SYC) 134–​6, 140, 141 Shiwu bao 66 Sun Zhongshan (Sun Yat-sen) 100, 131; 1911 Revolution 100, 120, 125, 131 Taiping Tianguo 22; Aspiration to create a Christian kingdom 28; ban on idolatry and traditional customs 39; distinct from conventional Christianity 30; religious reform by Hong Ren’gan 40–​4; sessions of séance 27, 31, 35, 38, 46n39, 46n41; Taiping Army 23, 27, 35, 38, 39, 44; Taiping-​style indigenized Christianity 29; Tianchaotianmuzhidu 28; Tianjing (Nanjing) 27, 29, 33–​5, 38, 39, 41, 44; Tiantiaoshu (book of heavenly laws) 23, 24; traditional Chinese festivals 39; Western missionaries’ general attitude towards Taiping Tianguo 40 Taylor, James Hudson (Dai Desheng) 53, 54, 64, 69; China Inland Mission (CIM) 53–​9, 86, 120

Tian Han 136, 140 Tongwenguan 70 Tu Xiaoshi 141 Wang Xinggong 139, 146 Wanguogongbao 51, 65, 66 Weixin (Hundred Days’ Reform) 51, 52, 62–​4, 66, 67, 75 Wei Lianchen (AlexanderWilliamson) 53, 63, 64, 72, 73 Wu Leichuan 149, 169 Wu Zhihui 147 Xiao Chaogui 27, 31, 37, 46n41 Xinqingnian (La Jeunesse) 133, 134, 136 Xu Baoqian 149, 150, 153, 154 Xu Qian 156, 157 Yangwu (Self-​Strengthening Movement) 50–​2, 62, 63, 67, 70, 74–​6 Yang Xiuqing 27, 31, 32, 35–​7, 41, 46n39 Yihetuan (Boxer Uprising) 52, 53, 91, 93, 98, 104, 105, 113–​15, 123, 125; Baguolianjun (Eight-​Power Allied Forces) 93 YMCA 112, 114, 151 Yu Guozhen 105, 107–​9, 124 Yuan Shikai 131; guojiao (Confucianism as state religion) 133; Pro-​ Confucianism endeavors 131–​3 Yuan Yuejun 111, 124 Zhao Zichen 149 Zeng Guofan 38, 50 Zhengdaotuan (corps of fully enlightened Christians) 149–​51 Zhongguo congbao (The Chinese Repository) 4, 5 Zhou Taixuan 134, 136, 145 Zhou Zuoren 133, 138 Zhu Zhixin 136, 142; strong criticism against Jesus 142, 143 Zongli yamen 64, 65