The Heresy of the Brothers, a Heterodox Community in Sixteenth-Century Italy (Europa Sacra, 28) 9782503593296, 2503593291

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THE HERESY OF THE BROTHERS, A HETERODOX COMMUNITY IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY ITALY

EUROPA SACRA VOLUME 28 Editorial Board under the auspices of Monash University General Editor Carolyn James, Monash University Editorial Board Megan Cassidy-Welch, Australian Catholic University David Garrioch, Monash University Peter Howard, Australian Catholic University Thomas Izbicki, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey Constant J. Mews, Monash University M. Michele Mulchahey, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto Adriano Prosperi, Scuola Normale di Pisa Volumes published in this series are listed at the back of the book.

The Heresy of the Brothers, a Heterodox Community in Sixteenth-Century Italy

by matteo al kalak

The original Italian edition of this volume was published by Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

© 2022, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2022/0095/78 ISBN 978-2-503-59329-6 eISBN 978-2-503-59330-2 DOI 10.1484/M.ES-EB.5.122347 ISSN 2030-3068 eISSN 2406-5838 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

Table of Contents

List of Illustrations

7

Abbreviations

9

Introduction

11

Chapter 1. The Face of Heresy. Protagonists and Scenarios of Dissent The Context: A City in Sixteenth-Century Italy From the Academy to the ‘Brothers’: Two Generations Faith and Commerce: The Structure and Places of Heresy Private Meetings and Public Protests: Secrets, Uproar, and the Spread of the Community The Leaders of the ‘sect’: Hierarchies, Welfare, and Roles in the Heterodox Movement The Origins of the Community: Camillo Renato, Bartolomeo Fonzio, and Bartolomeo della Pergola Chapter 2. The Timeframe and Methods of Justice. Religious and Political Authorities Confronted with Heresy The Conduct of Bishops in the Face of Religious Dissent The Trials Conducted by the Inquisition (1546–1568) The Final Dispersion of the Community (1568–1570) Conflicts between the Political Authorities and the Courts of Faith: The Defence of Municipal Autonomy Impossible Compromises: Community, Court, and Inquisition The Final Defeat: The Magnavacca Case Chapter 3. Dangerous Books. The Texts and Readings of the Modenese Brothers From Bible Translations to Erasmus of Rotterdam Satires, Catechisms, and Anti-Catholic Pamphlets Methods of Circulating, Distributing, and Concealing Forbidden Books

19 19 24 27 33 41 50 63 63 67 73 77 82 88 93 93 97 106

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter 4. Faith and Works. The Doctrines and Practices of the Heterodox Movement Saving the Soul: Justification, Free Will, and Predestination Criticism of Baptism and the Spread of Antitrinitarian Doctrines Signs of God: Eucharistic Symbolism and Celebration of the Lord’s Supper Confessing Sins Papist Inventions: Priesthood, Confirmation, Extreme Unction, and Marriage Prayers for the Living, Prayers for the Dead The Worship of Saints and Images Fighting the Antichrist

111 111 116 119 124 127 131 134 138

Chapter 5. Beyond the Community. Persecution and Survival Feeling Persecuted: Inquisitorial Repression and Expectations of Freedom Pursuing Heresy: Outlying Territories Monitoring Affections: Family Networks Beyond the Border: Inquisitorial Networks against the Brothers

147

Conclusions

165

Appendix I. Series of Bishops of Modena, Roman Pontiffs, and Dukes of Ferrara

173

Appendix II. Documents

175

Works Cited

193

Index

207

147 151 156 160

List of Illustrations

Figures Figure 1.

Figure 2. Figure 3. Figure 4.

Figure 5. Figure 6. Figure 7. Figure 8. Figure 9. Figure 10.

Figure 11. Figure 12. Figure 13. Figure 14.

Benedetto degli Erri, ‘Miniature with St Geminianus in the middle, on the right the Modena’s coat of arms and on the left the Este family’s white eagle’, Archivio Storico Comunale di Modena, 22 Statuta Mutine Reformata, c. 4r. 1420–1485. Girolamo Comi, St Paul Preaching in Athens, Modena, Museo Civico d’Arte (inv. n. 25). Sixteenth century. 34 Girolamo Comi, St Paul arrested in Jerusalem, Modena, Museo Civico d’Arte (inv. n. 26). Sixteenth century. 35 Vincenzo Colombi, ‘Historical map of the city of Modena’, Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Trattato della città di Modena et suo ducato et delle cose in esso accadute diviso in tre libri (α.G.10.3). Seventeenth century. 38 Enrico da Campione, ‘Pulpit of Modena Cathedral’, Modena, 1322. 55 Nicolas Beatrizet, Portrait of Pope Paul IV, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. 1530–1566. 69 Bartolomeo Cancellieri, Portrait of Cardinal Giovanni Morone, Private collection. Sixteenth century. 75 Emilian painter, Portrait of Ludovico Castelvetro, Modena, Gallerie Estensi. Sixteenth century. 79 Prospero Sogari Spani, called il Clemente, ‘Bust of Ercole II d’Este’, Modena, Gallerie Estensi (inv. 574). Sixteenth century. 81 Niccolò dell’Abbate, Mural paintings of the Sala del Fuoco (the cycle of frescoes, painted in the most important hall of the Communal Palace, celebrated the freedom and autonomy of the city), Modena, Palazzo Comunale. 1546. 87 Albrecht Dürer, Erasmus von Rotterdam, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. 1526. 97 Portrait of Celio Secondo Curione, London, The Britsh Museum. 1597–1599. 99 Bernardino Ochino, Expositio epistolae divi Pauli ad Romanos (Augsburg, Ulhardt), London, The Britsh Museum. 1545. 102 Lucas Cranach the Elder, Portrait of Martin Luther, Coburg, Kunst Sammlungen der Veste Coburg. 1521. 112

8

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 15. Huldrych Zwingli, Trento, Biblioteca comunale. 1627. Figure 16. René Boyvin, Portrait of John Calvin, Genève, Bibliothèque de Genève. 1562. Figure 17. Antonio Begarelli, Madonna and Child with the Infant Saint John the Baptist (devotional statue originally placed in the facade of the Municipal Palace of Modena), Modena, Museo Civico d’Arte. 1522. Figure 18. The baptism of the Antichrist (the Antichrist wears a papal tiara and is surrounded by a group of devils dressed as monks and nuns), London, The Britsh Museum. 1544–1558. Figure 19. Image of the Council of Trent, Atlanta, Digital Archives of Pitts Theology Library. 1596. Figure 20. Historical map of the Modena countryside (Status Mutinensis in suas Ditiones), Leipzig, Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde. 1746.

120 120

139

141 149 152

Map Map 1.

Historical map of Italy in 1494.

20

Community of Brothers: Main Groups Community Network Structure Complicities

57 58 60

Tables Table 1. Table 2. Table 3.

Abbreviations

ACDF ACMo ASCMo

ASMo

ASVe BEUMo BSLu FI

TCD

Archivio della Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede (Archive of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith), Vatican City Archivio Capitolare (Chapter Archive), Modena Archivio Storico del Comune (Municipal Historical Archive), Modena Ex actis Community’s resolutions Registro dei morti Registry Office, Deaths, Death register 1569–1576 1569–1576 Vacchette Reforms, Councils and Commissions of the Community of Modena (known as Vacchette) Archivio di Stato (State Archive), Modena Ambasciatori Records Office, Foreign section, (Ambassadors) Ambassadors’ correspondence Archivio per materie Records Office, Collections and (Archive by Miscellaneous, Archive by subject subject) Avvisi e notizie Records Office, Foreign section, dall’estero Announcements and news from abroad (Announcements and news from abroad) Particolari (Specific Records Office, Collections and Miscellaneous, Correspondence and individuals) documents of specific individuals Rettori dello Stato Records Office, Internal section, (Rectors of the Correspondence of the rectors of the state state) Archivio di Stato (State Archive), Venice Biblioteca Estense Universitaria (Estense University Library), Modena Biblioteca Statale (State Library), Lucca ASMo, Inquisizione (Inquisition): Ecclesiastical bodies, Court of the Inquisition of Modena c. costituto (deposition, i.e. trial deposition) Trinity College Library, Dublin

10

ABBREVIATIONS

Bibliographic Abbreviations BM Bianco CM Dall’Olio DBI Mercati

OER Peyronel Rambaldi PM

Girolamo Tiraboschi, Biblioteca modenese, 6 vols (Modena: Società Tipografica, 1781–1786) Cesare Bianco, ‘La comunità dei “fratelli” nel movimento ereticale modenese del ’500’, Rivista storica italiana, 92 (1980), 621–79 Tommasino de’ Bianchi, known as de’ Lancellotti, Cronaca modenese, 12 vols (Parma: Fiaccadori, 1862–1884) Guido Dall’Olio, Eretici e inquisitori nella Bologna del Cinquecento (Bologna: Istituto per la storia di Bologna, 1999) Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 100 vols (Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italia, 1960–2020) Angelo Mercati, Il sommario del processo di Giordano Bruno con appendice di documenti sull’eresia e l’Inquisizione a Modena nel secolo XVI (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1942) Hans J. Hillerbrand, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, 4 vols (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996) Susanna Peyronel Rambaldi, Speranze e crisi nel Cinquecento modenese. Tensioni religiose e vita cittadina ai tempi di Giovanni Morone (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1979) Massimo Firpo, and Dario Marcatto, eds, Il processo inquisitoriale del cardinal Giovanni Morone, with the collaboration of Luca Addante and Guido Mongini, 3 vols (Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2011–2015)

Introduction

The history of the Protestant Reformation, its spread in Italy, and the strategies with which the Catholic Church responded to what it consid‐ ered one of the most dangerous threats to its survival has been the subject of considerable research.1 This study is part of this field: it seeks to con‐ tribute to our understanding of one of the most important reformist com‐ munities that flourished in Italy during the years of the schism between Catholics and Protestants. The following pages focus in particular on the ‘community of Brothers’ in Modena, whose story unfolded between the 1540s and 1560s. Building on the legacy of the heterodox groups which, in the previous two decades, had made the Emilian city a hotbed of protest, the community of Brothers is one of the most important examples of the circulation of Reformed ideas in Italy. Although the pope deemed Italy to be an area of highly symbolic importance, which Catholicism had to retain at all costs, the Catholic Church’s authority was severely challenged in Modena and heresy reached both the upper echelons of the city’s elite and the lower strata of citizens. The profile of religious dissent will be analysed by taking into account five main aspects: the key players, the judicial context represented by the Inquisition and the other powers charged with suppressing heresy, the books that contributed to disseminating new religious beliefs, the doctrinal positions conceived by the Brothers, and the outcome of their experience in the final decades of the sixteenth century. The first chapter aims to present the structure of the community and its key figures. It will attempt to outline the characteristics of the Modenese Brothers and of their relationship with the heretical groups that preceded them. The analysis will scrutinize the organization of the heterodox move‐ ment in Modena, identifying its leadership and the people who inspired it. The second chapter will examine the historical events that impacted the

1 For the spread of the Reformation in Italy and the Inquisition’s campaign to oppose it, see the overviews by Firpo, Juan de Valdés and the Italian Reformation; Black, The Italian Inquisition. For a summary of recent studies, with particular regard to the use of inquisitorial sources, see Valente, ‘Nuove ricerche e interpretazioni sul Sant’Uffizio’. Valuable information on existing studies can also be found in Tedeschi and Lattis, The Italian Reformation of Sixteenth Century and Albertoni, Italian Reformation and Religious Dissent of the Sixteenth Century.

12

INTRODUCTION

life of the community of Brothers from around 1540 to 1570. The Modena example, which mirrors the wider context in Italy, shows how different powers intervened in the heterodox community and with its members. The spread of heresy led, in particular, to the involvement of the succession of bishops who presided over the diocese of Modena, together with the mag‐ istrates tasked to ensure the ‘reputation’ and ‘morality’ of the respublica: the Este, dukes of Ferrara and lords of Modena and Reggio, as well as the Municipality of Modena. These three jurisdictions were entwined with that of the popes who, as the leaders of Christianity, claimed the power to prosecute and extradite subjects of the House of Este who had been charged with heresy. The third and fourth chapters will concentrate on the doctrinal views developed by the Brothers: the initial focus will be on the banned books that circulated heterodox beliefs among an audience of commoners, artisans, and merchants; the study will then outline the religious beliefs of the Modenese Brothers. Finally, the last chapter will illuminate the strategies used by the Inquisition to disperse and silence the community of Brothers and what survived of the community in the late sixteenth century. The importance of this case has not escaped the notice of historians who, over the last few decades, have repeatedly investigated the Modenese heretical movement. Scholars have paid particular attention to the stage that preceded the emergence of the community of Brothers. Starting in the late 1520s, a group of humanists and commoners known as the ‘Accademia’ (Academy) began to gather around doctor Giovanni Grillen‐ zoni, a pupil of philosophers and men of letters such as Panfilo Sassi, Pietro Pomponazzi, and Ludovico Boccadiferro.2 The group’s members remained ‘in lieto e fiorente stato’ (in a happy and flourishing state) while ‘ristettero entro i confini dell’amena letteratura’ (they kept within the confines of pleasant literature). That boundary was very soon crossed and, alongside philological and literary discussions, a ‘nuova e più ingegnosa spiegazione delle Sacre Scritture’ (new and more ingenious explanation of the Holy Scriptures) was advanced.3 Ludovico Castelvetro, Filippo Valen‐ tini, Giovanni Bertari, Francesco Porto, Nicolò Machella, Camillo Molza, Francesco Camurana, Lodovico dal Monte, and Pellegrino degli Erri were just some of the figures who made an active contribution to the group’s meetings. From 1538, the Academicians’ adherence to ‘Lutheran’ ideas became increasingly explicit: that year, Giovanni Grillenzoni, his brother Bartolomeo, and other friends staged a parody of preacher Serafino of Fermo, a staunch opponent of the reformist treatise entitled Il Sommario della Sacra Scrittura (The Summary of Holy Scripture), and some time 2 Grillenzoni and the other characters mentioned below will be further discussed in the first chapter. 3 See BM, i, 3–14.

INTRODUCTION

later the same Academicians sided against the inquisitors in favour of a woman accused of witchcraft.4 Some of them, such as Don Giovanni Bertari, held a series of public lectures on the Pauline epistles; others fomented dissent with the dissemination and translation of works and pamphlets from beyond the Alps or, as in the case of Francesco Porto, they gave public lectures on Greek (the language that made it possible to access the Bible). The uproar aroused by these incidents and many others was so great that it inevitably raised questions in Rome. In 1542, while drawing up the bull that would lead to the creation of the Holy Office, established to oppose ‘heresie et massime di Modena, Napoli e Lucca’ (heresy, especially in Modena, Naples and Lucca), Cardinal Gasparo Contarini, Modenese Cardinal Jacopo Sadoleto, and the Bishop of the diocese of Modena Giovanni Morone attempted to resolve the rift created by Grillenzoni’s circle, asking its members to sign, as proof of their orthodoxy, a list of clauses regarding the main points of Catholic doctrine.5 Following a series of negotiations, mediations, and failures, an agreement was finally reached and, after receiving consent from the Consiglio dei Conservatori (Council of Conservators) — the Modenese community’s governing body —, it was decided that Academicians, municipal magistrates, and ordinary citizens would sign their name at the bottom of the document. In 1545, an edict issued by Duke Ercole II appeared to put an end to the matter, banning public discussion of questions of faith. The experience of the Academy, which paved the way for the commu‐ nity of Brothers, has been thoroughly investigated by Susanna Peyronel Rambaldi, who was the first to dedicate an entire study to the situation in Modena in relation to the religious context of sixteenth-century Italy.6 Her research particularly focused on the relationship between the spread of the principles of the Protestant Reformation, the social and political dynamics of the city and the role played, in the 1530s and 1540s, by Bishop Giovanni Morone. Indeed, Morone has attracted more studies than any other figure. Under his governance (1529–1550) and that of his close associate Egidio Foscarari (1550–1564), Modena had earned the title of nuova Praga (new Prague) due to the religious protest both inside and outside the city walls. While Morone ruled the diocese, dangerous groups of heretics were able to grow and prosper in Modena. The bishop was soon accused of protecting and aiding them and of the more serious

4 Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, p. 59. 5 Firpo, ‘Gli “spirituali”, l’Accademia di Modena e il formulario di fede del 1542’. For the Formulary’s text and the names of the signatories, see PM, ii, 376–425. The quotation referring to the establishment of the Roman Inquisition is taken from Prosperi, Tribunali della coscienza, p. 64. 6 See Peyronel Rambaldi.

13

14

INTRODUCTION

charge of sharing their religious beliefs. Convinced of Morone’s heresy, Cardinal Gian Pietro Carafa, the father of the Roman Holy Office, gath‐ ered evidence and clues against him, and when Carafa was elected pope, under the name of Paul IV, he subjected him to a sensational trial for heresy. The inquisitorial files against the cardinal, preserved both in the original and in copies, were edited by Massimo Firpo and Dario Marcatto.7 The interrogations conducted in the course of the trial and its related documents reveal the intricate religious situation of the city of Modena, the many heretics who found shelter there and the growing dissent during the years in which Morone governed the diocese. It is interesting to note the role of the Modenese heretics: they formed part of the evidence with which the judges attempted to secure Morone’s conviction and there were many witnesses who described what they had seen and heard in the diocese that he had governed. Various hypotheses have been made about the cardinal’s legal struggles, which involved other illustrious figures such as Reginald Pole, Marcantonio Flaminio, and Juan de Valdés, and there have been many conflicting interpretations. Some scholars have considered Morone to be an enlightened reformer, who sought to reabsorb heresy and doctrinal dissent through dialogue and mediation; others, by contrast, have suggested that he held more serious and explosive heterodox beliefs than the reformist groups themselves.8 In any case, Modena certainly developed one of the most lively Italian heterodox communities and many scholars have considered it necessary to outline its characteristics in order to understand the political and cultural dynamics behind the arrival of Reformed ideas in Italy. For example, the historian Antonio Rotondò has often referred to the Modenese heterodox movement to demonstrate the progressive radicalization of the Italian reformist groups.9 The trials against the Modenese Brothers have been used to illustrate the spread of heresy among the public, the movement’s Calvinist tendencies and the severe repression carried out by the Roman authorities. An article written by Cesare Bianco in 1980, which is still very 7 On Cardinal Morone, see the recent biography by Firpo and Maifreda, L’eretico che salvò la Chiesa. On his trial, see the first critical edition (based on a copy of the documents) in Firpo and Marcatto, eds, Il processo inquisitoriale del cardinal Giovanni Morone. A second edition, based on the original trial conserved by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, see PM. 8 The links between Morone’s story and those of the figures mentioned have been extensively studied. Among the available research, on Pole see Mayer, Cardinal Pole in European Context and Mayer, Reginald Pole: Prince & Prophet. On Valdés, Flaminio and Morone’s sympathy with their doctrines, see again Firpo and Maifreda, L’eretico che salvò la Chiesa and Firpo, Juan de Valdés and the Italian Reformation. There is an interpretation of Morone’s career as a reformer and pragmatic man, committed to mediating between Catholics and Protestants, in Robinson, The Career of Cardinal Giovanni Morone. 9 Rotondò’s main essays on the subject are now collected in Rotondò, Studi di storia ereticale del Cinquecento.

INTRODUCTION

relevant, provided a systematic overview of the community of Brothers. Through a detailed analysis, Bianco outlined the doctrinal and organiza‐ tional profile of the Modenese dissidents, whose vicissitudes were further examined in two subsequent articles on the contribution made by preach‐ ers to the success of Reformed ideas in Modena and on the crucial role played by books.10 Considerable attention was also paid to the heterodox in Albano Biondi’s political and cultural studies. In various essays, he examines the relationship between the events of religious protest and the history of the city’s institutions and considerable documentary heritage — in partic‐ ular chronicles — that characterized the Este tradition in the sixteenth century. Biondi’s research enables us to comprehend the climate of major cultural renewal that Modena experienced in the sixteenth century, as well as the ancient tradition of municipal autonomy which, for the heretics, provided a political refuge in which they could enjoy a degree of freedom of thought.11 Finally, it is worth briefly mentioning a subject which, although linked to developments in Tridentine Catholicism, is nevertheless often referred to in relation to investigations into the spread of the Reformation in Italy. The Modena case has also aroused interest due to the bishops’ attitude towards religious dissent. In addition to Morone’s conduct mentioned earlier, there has been careful analysis of the work of his successor, Egidio Foscarari, who, according to the scholar Michelle Fontaine, used his own example and pastoral dedication as his means of fighting heresy. The community of the Brothers — the one with which Foscarari principally contended — has been indicated as a comparative reference point to understand the variety of responses to the religious protest, which were not exclusively repressive. Some have argued that Foscarari’s accommodat‐ ing approach reflects the willingness of certain quarters of the Catholic hierarchy to pursue a policy of conciliation; others have suggested that his attitude was connected to Morone’s ambiguous doctrinal positions, which Foscarari had agreed to cover up; others have claimed that he embraced a reformist notion predicated on the bishop’s authority in opposition to inquisitorial hegemony.12 Understandably, the Brothers’ history has been retraced from numer‐ ous different perspectives and there is probably more to be written on their

10 See Bianco (first study dedicated to the Modenese Brothers); Bianco, ‘Bartolomeo della Pergola’; Il sommario della Santa Scrittura, ed. by Bianco. 11 Biondi, ‘Streghe ed eretici’. 12 Fontaine, ‘Making Heresy Marginal in Modena’. For a summary of the various interpretations of the figure and work of Foscarari, see Al Kalak, Il riformatore dimenticato.

15

16

INTRODUCTION

story in relation to the most recent perspectives on the Reformation, from global history to cultural history.13 This research is primarily focused on one goal: to concentrate on the accounts of the figures involved, using the records of the Modena Inquisition, a resource that is unique and exceptional in many respects. Having survived the dispersion and destruction that similar documents have suffered, the papers of the Modenese court, now kept at the Modena State Archive, are one of the few examples of inquisitorial archives that have been entirely preserved.14 Initially a secondary office of the Ferrara Inquisition and later, from 1598, the Este state’s main office, the Modena Inquisition preserved the entire series of trials held from 1489 (with certain important documents dating back to the fourteenth century) to 1784, the date of its abolition.15 This completeness makes it possible to conduct systematic and serial investigations that go beyond the focus of a case study, enabling us to reconstruct, at a broader level, the workings of the court of faith and of the society in which it operated. Those who have made use of the archives have therefore been able to explore not only phenomena related to religious dissent, but also the many areas in which the Inquisition was involved, from regulation of cohabitation between Christians and Jews to sexual behaviour and the fight against witchcraft.16 Taking advantage of these extensive records, this work has sought to prioritize archival sources, in particular the trials held by the Inquisition against the heretics of Modena: the aim has been to give a voice to the accused and their judges, in an effort to reconstruct the profile of the com‐ munity of Brothers, starting from the experience of its members. As will be seen in the notes accompanying the text, there are abundant references to the inquisitorial files that testify to the complicity, beliefs, and readings of the Modenese Brothers. These references include indications that identify the interrogations which form the basis for the conclusions offered to the reader.17 In line with this approach, expressions and words have been used that are not intended to express a judgment, but rather to present 13 See for example Terpstra, Religious Refugees in the Early Modern World. 14 On this subject, see L’Inquisizione romana in Italia nell’età moderna. On the dispersion of the inquisitorial archives, see in particular: Tedeschi, ‘The Dispersed Archives of the Roman Inquisition’. 15 Trenti, I processi del tribunale dell’Inquisizione di Modena. 16 See e.g. Aron-Beller, Jews on Trial; Al Kalak, ‘Investigating the Inquisition’; Duni, Under the Devilʼs Spell. 17 Typically, testimonies regarding beliefs, complicity, and readings emerge several times in the course of the same process. The indications in the footnote refer to the specific interrogation on which I have based my conclusions. In most cases, these are references to passages in which a particular belief is expressed more explicitly. The citation system for inquisitorial sources consists of: the shelf mark (envelope number and file number), the date of the interrogation and the name of the witness questioned. These elements are omitted when they have already been made explicit in the text.

INTRODUCTION

the perspective of the figures involved. Terms such as heresy, heretic, An‐ tichrist, papist, and so on should therefore not be understood as historical assessments, but as definitions used, respectively, by the inquisitors and their victims, in the context of a clash in which colourful, violent language was common. In order to offer an overview of the entire community, I have also decided not to dwell too much on individual stories. The footnotes, however, contain certain essential information on the biography of the individual Brothers whenever their names appear for the first time. I had intended this book to be a translation of a monograph previously published in Italian.18 However, after rereading the work, and in view of the fact that it is being released by a new publisher and that ten years have elapsed since the original edition, it was clear that important changes had to be made. The structure of the book has been partly reworked, several paragraphs have been rewritten, many passages have been added and, more generally, the text has been very thoroughly revised. In certain cases, such as in the last chapter, I have rethought my thesis, partly in light of what I have learned in the last decade of studying. The bibliography contained in the critical apparatus has been updated as much as possible, while seeking to maintain a special link with archival sources. I have also rethought the introduction and conclusion so that they effectively account for the research. The text that has emerged from this revision is, in several respects, a new volume: not so much because of the sources on which it is based, but rather because of the way in which it presents them, its interpretation of certain significant passages and its conceptual framework. One point remains unchanged: the story of the Modenese Brothers was an experience of freedom that challenged the political and religious authorities, reconnecting a small town in the Po Valley to the major disputes that were sweeping through Italy and Europe. During these years, the fates of many men and women were decided in Modena. Their beliefs were not only of interest to the judges of a peripheral office of the Inquisition: a different model of Christianity was at stake, an ideal of faith and Church that some believed they could bring about despite the shadow of the papacy.

18 Al Kalak, L’eresia dei fratelli.

17

ChAPtER 1

The Face of Heresy Protagonists and Scenarios of Dissent

The Context: A City in Sixteenth-Century Italy To understand the history of the Modenese Brothers, we must first con‐ sider the context that permitted the emergence and development of a form of religious dissent that caused great alarm in Rome. The community did not appear out of nowhere; rather, it developed in a city that had undergone major transformations over the centuries. Situated in the centre of the Po Valley, Modena was one of the municipalities which, in the twelfth century, had joined the Lombard League against Emperor Freder‐ ick Barbarossa to reassert the city’s freedoms. In the years that followed, the city was rocked by bitter struggles between the noble families who repeatedly attempted to seize power and impose their hegemony. Unable to find a solution, in 1288 these rivals agreed to entrust the rule of the city to Obizzo d’Este, who, from that moment on, brought the Modenese district into the seigniory of the Este family, the marquises and, later, dukes of Ferrara.1 Over the course of the next few centuries, the city experienced changes of government, accompanied by radical shifts in the political and demographic equilibrium. The sixteenth century began with papal rule and occupation by Julius II in the 1510s. When Francesco Guicciardini, who had been appointed papal governor, arrived in Modena in June 1516, he explained to his brother how he thought he could tame that land. The only way he could govern a city so rife with factions and divisions was to set himself above the fray, proving himself to be a ‘huomo indifferente et sanza parte’ (unbiased and impartial man).2 Despite Guicciardini’s competence, the streets continued to be bloodied by violent conflicts between family groups throughout the sixteenth century. Even the return of the House of Este in 1527 failed to appease the quarrels between the various parties and a no-holds-barred dispute involved bishops and dukes in a wearying pacification attempt that continued for over half a century. However, one bulwark held up: the defence of municipal autonomy withstood the worst impact of those years and none of the succession

1 On the history of Modena from its foundation to the Late Middle Ages, see Malnati, ed., Mutina splendidissima; Golinelli, Nuova storia illustrata di Modena, and the overview of Gaiotto, ‘Modena’. 2 Guicciardini, Le lettere, ed. by Jodogne, p. 117.

20

CHAPTER 1

Map 1. Historical map of Italy in 1494.

of princes who governed Modena was able to appropriate the privileges of the ‘magnifica comunità’ (magnificent community). Neither the popes nor the subsequently restored Este government could strip the magistrates who presided over the city of their jurisdiction. The popes and dukes had to come to terms with the Conservatori (Conservators), the officials en‐ trusted with the task of supervising the respublica Mutinensis. The Conser‐ vators were prone to internal divisions in relation to the acquisition of shares of power and political influence, but they formed a common front when the stability of the autonomous regime was endangered.3 There were also incidents in which the community itself took the initia‐ tive, demonstrating its vitality. Such was the case for the project to central‐ ize state welfare, which was successfully implemented in the early 1540s. Between 1541 and 1542, the ruling class had merged the charitable organi‐ zations operating in the urban area to cope with the waves of peasants who 3 Folin, Rinascimento estense, pp. 89–93. On the Este State in the Renaissance, see also Dean, ‘Ferrara and Mantua’.

THE FACE OF HERESY

had fled to the city due to war and famine. This operation enabled the Conservators and the oligarchy which they embodied to get their hands on the assets of the confraternities and hospitals, excluding the old adminis‐ trators.4 Internal factions, regime changes, and welfare reforms closely corre‐ lated with a sharp and unexpected increase in population and to a rapidly evolving society. The city’s inhabitants had been steadily growing since the late fifteenth century and they had doubled in just over fifty years.5 The large-scale rural to urban migrations of peasants led to a stable population, between 1540 and 1580, of around 20,000, and in order to deal with growing internal pressure, a decision was made to expand the city walls. The beneficiaries of the considerable resources and money involved in this undertaking were mainly labourers, masons, carpenters, and brickmakers. Since the population was subject to changes in size, as well as economic changes, naturally the problem arose of how the newcomers would partici‐ pate in its power structure. Families with new wealth began to pressure the city council to allow them to fully participate, while the city’s old nobility (such as the Rangoni family) entertained the idea of an aristocratic order that would restrict control of the community to just a few people.6 After a period of closure and an attempt at oligarchic resistance by the families who had sat in the council in the first half of the century, from 1560 onwards a greater number of families succeeded in getting their own repre‐ sentatives elected among the Conservators, evidencing the resurgence of social promotion for new segments of the population.7 Workers from the countryside, beggars, and labourers were not the only ones who had moved to the city: for some time, the borders of the Duchy of Este had been open to Jews expelled from the Iberian Peninsula. When, in 1492, the Spanish monarchs completed their project to reunify the nation through religious uniformity, it resulted in the exodus of thou‐ sands of Jews and Moriscos, particularly to Italy and the Ottoman Empire. Like many other princes, the dukes of Ferrara viewed that displacement of people as an opportunity to intercept the capital and wealth that they brought with them. To this end, they created legislation that offered tax exemptions, attracting Spanish and Portuguese Jews to the land of the Este. This move, however, also gave rise to discontent among the populace, fomented by the anti-Judaism of itinerant preachers. In public debates,

4 Peyronel Rambaldi, pp. 147–61; Grana, Per una storia della pubblica assistenza a Modena; Santus, ‘La nascita della Santa Unione’. 5 Cattini, ‘Profilo economico e sociale di una città eterodossa’, which is the source of some of the following information. For an overview of the socio-economic situation, see also Basini, L’uomo e il pane. 6 See Marini, ‘Lo Stato estense’, p. 47. 7 Melloni, ‘Il Ceto dirigente modenese’.

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Figure 1. Benedetto degli Erri, ‘Miniature with St Geminianus in the middle, on the right the Modena’s coat of arms and on the left the Este family’s white eagle’, Archivio Storico Comunale di Modena, Statuta Mutine Reformata, c. 4r. 1420–1485.

members of the Jewish community were often held responsible for disas‐ ters, famines, or crimes.8 Soon, together with the ‘perfidi giudei’ (perfidious Jews), witches and sorceresses were accused of trying to subvert the established order. In this regard, Modena had a long tradition. Enchantresses and sorcerers had not always been marginal figures who were subject to blame. For many years, nobles, princes, and even bishops had turned to them. The contact between witches and sophisticated intellectuals such as Panfilo Sassi has been the subject of research. A figure of particular note was Don Guglielmo Campana, the cathedral exorcist, one of the best-known sorcerers in the early sixteenth century.9 However, not all healers and sorcerers could boast high-ranking acquaintances or positions that could

8 On the presence of Jews in the city, I will simply recommend the following works: Bonilauri and Maugeri, eds, Le comunità ebraiche a Modena e a Carpi; Francesconi, Invisible Enlighteners; Aron-Beller, Jews on Trial. 9 Ginzburg, ‘Un letterato e una strega’; Duni, Tra religione e magia.

THE FACE OF HERESY

protect them. The appointment of Dominican Bartolomeo Spina as the head of the Holy Office in Modena resulted in increased inquisitorial repression, which led, between 1518 and 1520, to an extraordinary rise in witch-hunting that only the Protestant crisis managed to temporarily contain. Nonetheless, the spread of shared magical knowledge continued to circulate in the city and in the countryside and, in some cases, it even ended up hybridizing with the protest movement that had originated in reformed countries.10 Among other things, the decline of the diocesan clergy fostered this mixture of the sacred and the superstitious. The criticism of the hierar‐ chical Church advanced by dissident groups and reformists, as well as the proliferation of unorthodox management of the supernatural were facilitated by the conditions in which priests carried out their duties. Accounts of medieval pastoral visits reveal that many parish churches had fallen into a state of abandonment and the situation recorded in 1565, immediately after the Council of Trent, did not appear to be any better.11 Over the centuries, the bishops supported a series of attempts at reform, which encountered the resistance of a well-established system, aided by the privileges of the cathedral chapter, which, rather than assisting the bishops, generally impeded their moralizing action. Matters were further complicated by the House of Este’s ambitions to gain control over the ap‐ pointment of bishops and, above all, over the dioceses under the bishops’ governance.12 The situation described above therefore shows how the context in which the Brothers operated was shaken by violent political struggles and profound changes: many citizens sought to participate in the city’s government, the population rose and new groups such as the Jews entered Modena. Finally, the religious authorities did not appear to come up with effective responses to a state of deep moral degradation in which the clergy were unable to perform the leadership role expected of them. The economic empowerment of the artisan and productive classes, coupled with the scandal caused by the abuses and corruption of the Catholic hierarchy, were among the factors that facilitated the rise of the commu‐ nity of Brothers. In the following pages I will illustrate the movement’s organizational structure and the places in which it operated, identifying its leaders and the figures who inspired its inception. The aim is to provide an initial overview of the community in order to present the characteristics that will form the background to the entire study.

10 Ginzburg, ‘Stregoneria e pietà popolare’. An overview in Weber, Sanare e maleficiare. 11 Al Kalak, ‘“La chiesa sta malissimo”’. 12 See Peyronel Rambaldi, pp. 29–34.

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From the Academy to the ‘Brothers’: Two Generations There were around thirty of them and they were called the ‘Brothers’. After a brief exchange, Pellegrino Varanini, who appeared before the inquisitor Bonifacio of Mantua on 22 December 1563, had revealed to the judges what they wanted to know.13 The confession came as no surprise. The inquisitors had been searching for members of the community of Brothers for some time and several of its most illustrious exponents had fled as soon as the apparatus of the Holy Court had started to function effectively. For the Roman Inquisition, it marked the start of a period of victories and successes, while the last dissenters were dispersed or reduced to obedience. But who were the heretics that the judges were looking for? They were individuals who, partly thanks to the political and social transformations examined in the previous paragraph, had managed to take the place of the protest groups active between about 1530 and 1545. The heterodox movement in Modena had in fact involved two generations: the second had succeeded the first in the mid-1540s. Following the contestation of the humanistic circle known as the Academy, which centred around the doctor Giovanni Grillenzoni, a second generation — that of the Brothers — had strongly opposed the Catholic authorities, partially abandoning the intellectual debate that had initially characterized the emergence of the Modenese reformist groups. This transition was due both to the influence of the theological positions of certain heretics who passed through the city and to the declining membership of the Academy. As will be further discussed in the final paragraph, between 1540 and 1544 a major role was played by the — official or clandestine — preaching of various figures who came to Modena, from the Franciscan Bartolomeo della Pergola, who captivated the commoners and velvet weavers, to Lisia Fileno (also known as Camillo Renato), who was accused of having incited the peasants in the countryside. Equally important contributions were made by Friar Minor Bartolomeo Fonzio and Bolognese weaver Tommaso Bavella, who left a lasting mark on the leaders of the Modenese movement. 14 Inspired by their message and the ideas that they spread, the Academy’s original positions had increasingly tended towards theological radicalism, on the basis of which the Brothers had built a very different community from the one formed in Modena twenty years earlier.

13 FI, 3,38. Varanini reported what he had learned from another heretic, Pietro Antonio of Cervia. On the estimate regarding the group of Brothers, see Bianco, p. 631. 14 On della Pergola, Renato and Fonzio, see infra, pp. 50–56. On Bavella, Rotondò, ‘Per la storia dell’eresia a Bologna’; Dall’Olio, ad indicem.

THE FACE OF HERESY

As mentioned, the middle decades of the sixteenth century had also brought about generational change: many members of the Academy had left Modena, taking refuge in lands where they could freely profess their faith, while others had died at various ages. To commemorate some of the most notable figures: on 22 July 1551 Giovanni Grillenzoni died in Modena after a brief illness; Giovanni Bertari, who had served as confessor to the Augustinian nuns since 1543, died on 12 September 1558; in the same year, Filippo Valentini was in exile in Grisons; Francesco Porto re‐ canted before the Inquisition and subsequently fled to Chiavenna.15 On 1 October 1555, Pope Paul IV (1555–1559) ordered Duke Ercole II to hand over Ludovico Castelvetro, Antonio Gadaldino, Filippo Valentini, and his cousin Bonifacio: they had kept away from Modena, where challenging times awaited them.16 Lodovico dal Monte had begun, in around 1543, to take care of his own affairs in various European countries and he did not return to his homeland until the final years of his life (he died in 1571), while Pellegrino degli Erri broke away almost immediately from the ideas of the Academy, leaving for Rome.17 In short, by the middle of the century the Academy’s old guard had largely disappeared, fled, or fallen from grace. It was at this complex juncture, during this first confrontation between the Holy Office and the Modenese heretics, that the Brothers’ community was able to enter the scene. Nonetheless, there were a number of people who were part of both groups, which ensured a certain degree of continuity between the two movements and the transmission of the Academy’s doctrinal heritage to the new network. One of these was Francesco Camurana, son-in-law of Academician Nicolò Machella, whose daughter he had married in 1538.18 The heretic established himself as the heir of the city’s first protest move‐ ment and the figure in charge of initiating the new generations to the ideas discussed, developed, or adopted in Grillenzoni’s circle. It was a natural transition, most likely facilitated by the extraordinary library that Francesco had inherited from his half-brother Girolamo, formerly chancel‐ lor of Guicciardini in Modena and Reggio Emilia. Among others, Brother Ercole Manzoli had trained in Camurana’s workshop. In 1568, he had confessed: Dico che doppo la mia pratica della bottega sudetta del Camorano ho continuato in detti errori et ne ho parlato con altri cioè con messer

15 On the four figures referred to (and related bibliography), see respectively Dall’Olio, ‘Grillenzoni, Giovanni’; Rotondò, ‘Bertari, Giovanni’; Felici, ‘Introduzione’; Al Kalak, ‘Porto, Francesco’. 16 Fontana, ‘Documenti vaticani’, pp. 434–35. On this affair, see infra, pp. 77–82. 17 On dal Monte and degli Erri, see PM, i, 919–20; Boillet, ‘“I Salmi di David” de Pellegrino degli Erri’. 18 PM, i, 238–39. For Camurana and all the other Brothers discussed below, see also Bianco.

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Benedetto Carandino nel levarsi alle volte insieme dalla predica […] et con messer Lodovico Fiordibello del sudetto modo et con messer Francesco Bellencino pur anche del sudetto modo.19 (I declare that after my training in the workshop of the aforementioned Camurana, I continued to err and I sometimes talked about it with Mr Benedetto Carandini when we were together after the sermon […] and with Mr Ludovico Fiordibello in the aforementioned manner and with Francesco Bellincini, also in the aforementioned manner.) What Manzoli had learnt during his apprenticeship filtered out to his fellow believers (in this case, Benedetto Carandini, Ludovico Fiordibello, and Francesco Bellincini) with a sort of domino effect. A similar situation was reported by wool weaver Geminiano Calligari, who, when he was in Francesco Camurana’s home, was present during conversations between Camurana and the Academicians Ludovico Castelvetro, Giovanni Maria Tagliati (known as Maranello), Giovanni Grillenzoni, Giannantonio Rossi, and Nicolò Machella.20 The heads of the Academy were in earshot and, in this joint presence of past and future influencers, we can clearly see a proof of how the Brothers continued from where the Academicians left off. Maranello was also a frequent visitor to the home of Camurana. In addition to enjoying close relations with Castelvetro, Machella, and Gril‐ lenzoni, he in turn became a contact point between the Academy and the Brothers. His name appeared in many of the cases opened against members of the community, who sometimes referred to him as a teacher and an initiator. He was so closely involved in the new network that, after his abjuration in 1567, on 1 February 1570 the inquisitor was obliged to recall him in order to question him about all the defendants who had named him as an accomplice.21 Aside from figures such as Maranello or Camurana who acted as a link between the old and new circles, there was also occasional contact between Academicians and Brothers who, meeting ‘nello andare a spasso’ (while going for a stroll), discussed matters of conscience. It was in this manner that Francesco Maria Carretta confessed to having spoken of his convictions to people such as Nicolò Machella and Giovanni Grillen‐ 19 FI, 4,29, c. 20 March 1568. Ercole, the son of Andrea Manzoli from Modena, was a draper. He confessed his heresies to Cardinal Giovanni Morone. See Mercati, p. 145. 20 FI, 5,2, c. 26 January 1569. A wool weaver, Calligari was tried between 1568 and January 1569, and sentenced to various penances. His brother-in-law was another Modenese heretic, Giovanni Padovani. He died on 1 August 1572 (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 88v). 21 FI, 4,10. On Maranello: PM, i, 296–97. A school teacher and author of grammatical texts and commentaries, he was tried and sentenced in 1567. He died on 23 April 1574 (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 137r).

THE FACE OF HERESY

zoni. Indeed, this kind of occurrence, facilitated by kinship and shared acquaintances, also happened in other cases.22 The handover between the Academy and the community of Brothers was therefore characterized by gradual transformation and doctrinal repositioning accompanied by the succession of one generation to the next. This was all set against the backdrop of a changed political and religious climate which, following the accession of the first inquisitor popes to the papal throne (starting with Gian Pietro Carafa), required the House of Este and municipal magistrates to take greater precautions.

Faith and Commerce: The Structure and Places of Heresy To create a profile of the community and to understand which and how many Brothers were involved, it may be useful, rather than starting from a biographical description of single events, to first consider how the group was structured. It operated as an ‘open’ network, consisting of various circles whose members might belong to more than one group. Abundant evidence of this system, which scholars consider to be one of the peculiar characteristics of the Modenese movement, can be found in the trial documents.23 A first census makes it possible to identify almost twenty places where the Brothers used to gather. Accounts of what took place at these gatherings have played a major role in shaping our understanding of the features of heterodoxy in the 1550s and 1560s. The first and perhaps largest group of Brothers gravitated around the workshop of Piergiovanni Biancolini, one of the community’s leaders in terms of both his charisma and contribution. A man of wealth who was an important member of the community of weavers and merchants, Bian‐ colini was one of the most influential propagators of Protestant doctrines. Between 1556 and 1557, he held the role of podestà in Vigoleno, near Pia‐ cenza, not without falling foul of the Inquisition, which was suspicious of the magistrate’s irreverent attitude towards rites and public processions.24

22 FI, 5,12, c. 27 April 1568. Carretta was ‘one of the community’s most original figures, suspected of Anabaptism and full of apocalyptic ideas’ (Bianco, p. 650). A member of the college of bankers and of the art of haberdashery, he confessed his heterodox ideas on 6 April 1568 and died in October of that year. On Carretta, Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, pp. 244–50. On Doctor Nicolò Machella and his library, which contained many heterodox texts (Luther, Bucer, Zwingli, Calvin, Melanchthon, Ochino, Brucioli, Alfonso de Valdés, etc.), see PM, i, 857–58 and Ristori, ‘Benedetto Accolti’, p. 304. 23 Bianco, p. 631. 24 Rotondò, ‘Biancolini, Pietro Giovanni’. According to some testimonies, he was dead by 1573 (FI, 6,31, c. 3 June 1573). Before his escape to Grisons, he had tried to convince his son Andrea to follow him. See Bianco, pp. 669–70.

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However, it was in Modena that Biancolini managed to assemble a wide circle of religious dissidents, which soon grew to a considerable size. It was Brother Pietro Antonio of Cervia who revealed the names of the many accomplices who gathered in Biancolini’s workshop to the judges of the Holy Office.25 Some of the community’s most important figures had joined him there: Giacomo Graziani, who read St Paul in the vernacular, Gian Giacomo Cavazza, Vincenzo Quistello, Giovanni Battista Magnanini, Pellegrino Setti, and Giovanni Bergomozzi (known as Conselice).26 That list essentially contained the skeleton of a protest movement that was soon fleshed out. Other names emerged from the open trials against new defendants. In March 1568, Giovanni Antonio Durelli had confessed that he had visited Biancolini several times and had found Geminiano Tamburino, Francesco Bordiga, Cristoforo Zamponi (also known as Totti), and Giovanni Padovani ‘a ragionare di dette cose’27 (discussing these things). The carpenter Francesco Secchiari, naming the people who had initiated him to the heterodox doctrines, also denounced ‘Piergiovanni Biancolini, Alberto Morando, suo compagno et complice, et Pellegrino Civa, Francesco Burdiga […] quali in diversi luochi per Modena […] et ancho alle volte fuori di Modena […] et ancho nella bottega di detto Piergiovanni mi parlavano et insegnavano’28 (Piergiovanni Biancolini, Al‐ berto Morandi, his friend and accomplice, and Pellegrino Civa, Francesco

25 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. The proceedings of the trial against Cervia (in English translation) are in: Tedeschi and Henneberg, ‘Contra Petrum Antonium a Cervia’. For the Italian version: Al Kalak, ‘Pietro Antonio da Cervia’. 26 Graziani and Bergomozzi, the leaders of the community of Brothers, will be discussed further on infra, pp. 41–50. On Cavazza, see Biondi, ‘Cavazza, Iacopo’. There is little information about the other figures: Quistello, a native of Mirandola, fled around 1568 (see FI, 277, II) and kept up an extensive correspondence with Bergomozzi. Pellegrino Setti owned a silk workshop in partnership with Count Giovanni Rangoni (Bianco, p. 633), which was also a meeting place for heretics. 27 FI, 4,38. The hatter Durelli recanted before Cardinal Morone (Mercati, p. 146). Geminiano Reggiani (‘de Resanis’), known as Tamburino, was a weaver: the judges started to pursue him in 1567, condemning him in 1568 to three years as a galley slave (later commuted to carcere perpetuo — which, despite its literal meaning of ‘life imprisonment’, often consisted of temporary confinement to a particular location, rather than imprisonment — due to health reasons). Francesco Mazzi, known as Bordiga, was jailed in 1568, sentenced to carcere perpetuo and repeatedly recalled for failing to comply with his punishments (FI, 5,22; 6,21). Shoemaker Giovanni Padovani, known as ‘Rossino’ (Ginger) due to his red beard (see FI, 5,8, c. 13 March 1568), was Geminiano Calligari’s brother-in-law. He was tried between autumn 1567 and the start of the following year. He was sentenced to the abitello (a robe used to identify penitent heretics) and three years as a galley slave, which was then commuted to carcere perpetuo. On them, see Mercati, pp. 142, 145–46. 28 FI, 5,27, c. 21 March 1568. Francesco Secchiari was a carpenter. He was tried in 1568 and sentenced to carcere perpetuo (Mercati, p. 146). Secchiari used work assignments in private homes as opportunities for religious propaganda (see Ercole Piatesi’s deposition in FI, 5,6, c. 27 March 1568).

THE FACE OF HERESY

Bordiga […], who in several places in Modena […] and also sometimes outside Modena […] and also in Piergiovanni’s workshop, talked to me and taught me). Thus, a wide network of men, beliefs and books surrounded the Mode‐ nese heretic’s workshop, as Bartolomeo Caura, his business partner, also confirmed, recalling that in this place ‘concorevano da lui et per conto di lui Piergiovanni molti sospetti o tenuti heretici’29 (many suspected or known heretics flocked to Piergiovanni, attracted by his fame). About twenty people gravitated around this wealthy merchant and other trials revealed that the intrigues woven by this man extended far beyond the marketplace. Another group that the judges identified was connected to shoemaker Gaspare Chiavenna. On 19 December 1566, Gaspare, summoned before the Holy Court, admitted his guilt and denounced several accomplices: Io ho havuto et conosciuto per complici in questa dottrina luterana Cataldo Bozzali, Thomaso Capellina, mastro Bartholomeo Ingoni, Christopharo Zamponi, Giovanni Padovano calzolaro. Et questi ho conosciuto per complici perché siamo convenuto inscieme alle volte in la mia botega et alle volte per la terra in piazza sotto li portichi.30 (My accomplices in this Lutheran doctrine were Cataldo Buzzale, Tommaso Capellina, Bartolomeo Ingoni, Cristoforo Zamponi and the shoemaker Giovanni Padovani. They were my accomplices because we sometimes met in my workshop and sometimes in the square below the porticoes). The inquisitorial apparatus did not hesitate to seek answers from the people implicated by Chiavenna. Tommaso Capellina confirmed that he had frequented the Modenese shoemaker’s workshop, where he had met both Bartolomeo Ingoni (known as Cavazza) and Cataldo Buzzale.31 The former immediately admitted that he had been ‘qualche volta nella botega di Gasparo Chiavena calzolaro dove convenevano Thomaso Capelina et Cataldo Bozzali tessitori da velluto’ (a few times in the workshop of the shoemaker Gaspare Chiavenna, where the velvet weavers Tommaso Capel‐

29 FI, 5,18, c. 14 March 1568. Bartolomeo Vecchi, known as Caura (or Cauramagra), was a maskmaker at a workshop rented with Piergiovanni Biancolini around 1564. Engaged in trade between Modena and Venice, he recanted and was sentenced to carcere perpetuo (Mercati, p. 145). 30 FI, 4,6. Shoemaker Gaspare Chiavenna was arrested around 10–12 December 1566. He was subsequently tried and sentenced to carcere perpetuo. He died on 6 December 1573 (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 123r). 31 See FI, 4,5, c. 14 December 1566. Capellina, a velvet weaver, worked in Pellegrino Setti’s workshop for several months. He was arrested in December 1566, quickly tried and sentenced to carcere perpetuo.

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lina and Cataldo Buzzale met) to discuss ‘molte cose o molte pazzie che mi parevano o mi pare che fossero contro la fede catholica’32 (many things or many follies that appeared to me or appear to me to be against the Catholic faith); the latter only yielded after being subjected to torture.33 The final piece of evidence was the confessions of Giovanni Padovani who, implicated by his fellow believers, declared on 16 October 1567 that his accomplices were ‘Gasparo Chiavena, Bartholameo Ingone, Christhofaro Zamponi con li quali io ragionava alcune volte di queste opinioni nella botega di detto Gasparo’34 (Gaspare Chiavenna, Bartolomeo Ingoni and Cristoforo Zamponi with whom I sometimes discussed these opinions in the aforementioned Gaspare’s workshop). While Biancolini’s group had proven to be very diverse, including artisans, merchants, nobles, teachers, and men of letters, Chiavenna’s group had a ‘corporate’ uniformity, di‐ vided equally between shoemakers (Chiavenna, Ingoni, and Padovani) and weavers (Capellina, Buzzale, and Zamponi). Work and business became the (increasingly large) arteries through which faith flowed and it is possi‐ ble that the Pauline epistles or passages from the many banned books in circulation reverberated among the hammers, soles, and spinning wheels. Arts and crafts workshops were the nerve centres of the community and new members were trained in these places. The lively urban society which, with its productive fervour, had facilitated trade and cultural ex‐ changes, was now a fertile ground for growing and developing the many ideas that came from abroad. Such was the case for Pellegrino Setti’s workshop, in which Leonardo Bazzani had begun his own journey. In that place, he had started to associate with ‘messer Gioanni Rangone per occasione che lui veneva nella botega di messer Pellegrino di Sette ove io praticava per occasione di far misurare i miei velluti’35 (Mr Giovanni Rangoni when he came to Mr Pellegrino Setti’s workshop, where I went to measure my velvets). Setti and Rangoni were in business and the process of checking the quantities of goods to be sold or bought had been the bait for the young Bazzani. Giulio Cesare Pazzani fell into a similar trap: aged

32 FI, 4,20, c. 23 January 1567. Bartolomeo Ingoni, known as Cavazza, was tried in early 1567 and sentenced to carcere perpetuo. 33 FI, 4,1, c. 9–13? October 1566. Cataldo Buzzale, a velvet weaver in contact with certain Bolognese and Mantuan heterodox believers, ascribed his adherence to reformist ideas to encounters that he had in Geneva during a return trip from France (1543). Tried in 1566, he recanted and was sentenced to carcere perpetuo and the abitello. On Buzzale, see also Mercati, p. 141. 34 FI, 5,26. 35 FI, 4,17, c. 28 January 1567. After his abjuration on 9 February 1567, Bazzani was sentenced for being ‘infetto di peste lutterana et anabatista’ (infected with the Lutheran and Anabaptist plague) to carcere perpetuo and various penances. As we shall see, there is no evidence of the accusation of Anabaptism in the charges brought against him. He was a silk and velvet merchant. On Giovanni Rangoni, see infra, pp. 46–47.

THE FACE OF HERESY

just sixteen, he found himself embroiled in a long series of discussions and meetings in Romano of Corte’s workshop. Praticando io nella bottega di messer Romano da Corte circa sei anni sono ch’io potevo havere circa sedeci anni per imparare l’arte o mercantia de pani venevano et praticavano in detta botega un messer Giacomo Cavazza […] et messer Giovanni Battista Magnanino, messer Giovanni Rangoni, messer Giacomo Cavallarino, messer Giacomo Gratiani, messer Pietro Giovanni Biancolino, messer Martino Savera fattore di detta botega et Francesco Bordiga. Quali lor tutti insieme, hor alcun di loro secondo che s’imbattevano, ragionavano di cose […] pertinenti alla fede.36 (I trained at the workshop of Mr Romano of Corte for around six years and when I was aged around sixteen to learn the art or trade of drapery, Mr Giacomo Cavazza […] and Mr Giovanni Battista Magnanino, Mr Giovanni Rangoni, Mr Giacomo Cavallerini, Mr Giacomo Graziani, Mr Pietro Giovanni Biancolini, Mr Martino Savera, a manager at the aforementioned workshop, and Francesco Bordiga all came and practised in that workshop. All of them together, or some of them depending on who they encountered, discussed things […] relevant to faith.) Despite having succumbed to the arguments of the defendants, the boy tried to redeem himself in the judges’ eyes by showing them the arquebus bullet that he had received from the Huguenots: Son stato non solo alieno dalle heresie, ma nemico capitale delli heretici et son stato in Franza tre anni alla guerra nella compagnia del signor marchese Rangone in Avignone al servitio di papa Pio quarto et ho combatuto contro ugonotti da quali io hebbi una arcobusata nella gamba. (I have not only been opposed to heresies, but a fierce enemy of heretics and I was in France for three years in the war in the company of Marquis Rangoni in Avignon in the service of Pope Pius IV and I fought against the Huguenots from whom I received an arquebus bullet in the leg.) A defender of the faith who, however, had said too much. Alongside shoemakers, weavers, and merchants, the community also contained ‘maskmakers’. One of these was Giulio Abbati who, like many others, admitted his guilt in the spring of 1568. He declared that he had learned the ideas in which he had formerly believed ‘quattro anni sono da 36 FI, 4,30, c. 27 April 1568, which is also the source of the next quotation. There are a few notes on Pazzani, who confessed and recanted before Cardinal Morone, in Mercati, p. 146.

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Martino Savera et da Geminiano Tamburino nella mia botega’ (four years ago from Martino Savera and Geminiano Tamburino in my workshop), where sometimes ‘Francesco Bordiga mi ha parlato delle sudette et simili opinioni’37 (Francesco Bordiga talked to me about these and similar opin‐ ions). It was a small group of just four people (Bordiga, Savera, Tamburino and Abbati) which nevertheless confirmed what was happening in the most sensational cases: a myriad of outbreaks that were creating a devastat‐ ing fire that had flared up on multiple fronts. The first protest movement had been led by a doctor — Giovanni Gril‐ lenzoni — and it was continued many years later by a ‘medico da piaghe’ (surgeon). Many gathered in Pietro Curione’s apothecary to discuss faith and Scripture. ‘Possono essere circa quatordeci anni’ (It must have been around fourteen years ago), Curione admitted, ‘che praticando diverse per‐ sone ne la mia bottega comenciorono a ragionare delle cose lutherane […] continuando sino all’anno circa 1566’38 (when the various people gathered at my workshop started to discuss Lutheran matters […], continuing until around 1566). The names of his accomplices followed: Giovanni Terraz‐ zano, Paolo of Campogalliano, Bernardino Pellotti (known as Garapina), Francesco Villanova, and Giovanni Battista Fattori who ‘venne una volta in detta mia bottega et mi domandò s’io sapevo che san Paolo dicea che il purgatorio nostro siede alla destra del Padre. Et io con loro cercai su la bibia’39 (once came to my workshop and asked me if I knew that St Paul said that our purgatory sits at the right hand of the Father. And together we looked it up in the Bible). This commonplace scene was symptomatic of a deep-rooted and widespread practice: people whose conscience was tormented by doubts and uncertainties immediately rushed to Scripture and to do so they went to the nearest shop where fellow believers and forbidden books would certainly have contributed to the answer. Other cases of complicity were soon added to those denounced by Curione: Pellotti also named Alberto Morandi as one of the men who fre‐ quented the workshop.40 Francesco Secchiari gave an even more detailed 37 FI, 4,37, c. 28 and 29 March 1568. Abbati confessed to having started to subscribe to the Brothers’ opinions around 1564. On 29 March, after he had recanted, various penances were imposed on him. 38 FI, 5,22, c. 24 March 1568. Since around 1554, surgeon Pietro Curione had received a large circle of heterodox believers in his workshop. Tried in 1568 and subjected to torture, he was sentenced to carcere perpetuo. In the following years he was reprimanded again for failing to comply with his punishments. On Curione, see Mercati, p. 146. 39 FI, 5,22, c. 22 April 1568. Of the heretics mentioned by Curione, we have information about Giovanni Terrazzano (known as de Milanis), who was tried in the mid-1550s, and on Bernardino Pellotti (known as Garapina), an illiterate shoemaker, on whom see PM, i, respectively 298 and 299). Paolo of Campogalliano will be discussed in further detail, infra, pp. 159–62. 40 See FI, 5,19, c. 21 March 1568. In 1563, Morandi was one of the esuli religionis causa (religious exiles) who took refuge in Geneva (see Galiffe, Le refuge italien, p. 148).

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account: ‘Sono anco stato alle volte alla botega di messer Pietro Curi‐ one […] et quelli ch’io ho visto et sentito in detta botega erano Alberto Morandi, Bernardino Garapina, Polo da Campogaiano, Giovanni Terraz‐ zani, Geminiano Ferrari, Vicenzo Donelina, Pellegrino de Casalecchio et uno Moraldo beccaro’41 (I have also sometimes been to the workshop of Mr Pietro Curione […] and in this workshop I have seen and heard Al‐ berto Morandi, Bernardino Garapina, Paolo of Campogalliano, Giovanni Terrazzano, Geminiano Ferrari, Vincenzo Donelina, Pellegrino of Casalec‐ chio and the butcher Moraldo). The group’s ranks, which had been subtly reconstructed by Curione, swelled as the judges’ work proceeded, and the number of people involved rose to a dozen. Many other workshops emerged from interrogations of the accused, from Camurana’s aforementioned workshop to that of Paolo Livizzani, as well as goldsmiths’ and jewellers’ workshops.42 In the places where he carried out his work, the painter Girolamo Comi was even forced (if we give credence to his testimony) to suffer the Brothers’ incessant propa‐ ganda: ‘Uno chiamato Battista Balestra’ (One called Battista Balestra), he recounted, ‘venendomi in botega ogni qual dì m’instigava mostrandomi delle parti della Scrittura nel Testamento nuovo volgare del Brutiolo’43 (came to me in the workshop everyday and started to show me parts of the Scripture in Brucioli’s vernacular translation of the New Testament). Dissent therefore appeared to have had no shame and was able to thrive not only beneath the signs of taverns, but also among the tools of tanners, shoemakers, and painters. There was, however, another place where the judges should have entered: the privacy of homes and buildings concealed far more dangerous ideas and practices than the simple reading of Scripture, and, sheltered from prying eyes, the foundations of ortho‐ doxy were being undermined.

Private Meetings and Public Protests: Secrets, Uproar, and the Spread of the Community Pietro Antonio of Cervia offered a revealing insight into what was taking place in the Brothers’ homes. After having told the judges of his visits to Biancolini’s workshop and his acquaintance with Giovanni Rangoni, Gian

41 FI, 5,27, c. 25 March 1568. 42 FI, 4,20, c. 23 January 1567 (for Livizzani’s workshop); FI, 5,3, c. 15 March 1568 (for the goldsmiths’ and jewellers’ workshops). 43 FI, 5,5, c. 21 March 1568. From what can be deduced from the records of the Inquisition, Giovanni Battista Campiani, known as Balestra, must have died between March and September 1552. On Girolamo Comi, see Guandalini, ‘Comi, Girolamo’ and Al Kalak, ‘Eresia e dissenso religioso a Carpi’. See also infra, p. 142.

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Figure 2. Girolamo Comi, St Paul Preaching in Athens, Modena, Museo Civico d’Arte (inv. n. 25). Sixteenth century.

Giacomo Cavazza, and Giacomo Graziani, the Romagna native recounted that ‘non solamente io ho udito raggionare et n’ho raggionato di cose d’heresie contra la fede catholica nella detta botega ma nelle case proprie

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Figure 3. Girolamo Comi, St Paul arrested in Jerusalem, Modena, Museo Civico d’Arte (inv. n. 26). Sixteenth century.

delli soprascritti mo’ in casa d’uno mo’ in casa d’un altro’44 (I heard dis‐ cussed and myself discussed heretical things against the Catholic faith not

44 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567.

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only in the aforementioned workshop, but also in the homes of the above, sometimes in the home of one and sometimes in the home of another). The Brothers not only turned workplaces into places to spread and discuss their faith, but also used their homes to carry out conversations and rituals that would have been too risky outside those walls. Francesco Bordiga had given proof of this. The wool weaver had confessed that Biancolini ‘m’insegnava hora nella sua bottega et hora in casa sua et hora anco in casa mia’45 (sometimes taught me in his workshop, sometimes at his home and sometimes at my home). This proselytizing and exhortation seemed to have no boundaries, jumping from one place to another. Every occasion was a good opportunity to discuss matters of faith, to read forbid‐ den books, and to learn from the words of Scripture. It was expedient to behave ‘prudentemente et secretamente’ (prudently and secretly), as Cataldo Buzzale put it, to elude discovery: it was easier to have discussions and conversations in the safety of the home.46 The inquisitors’ records had revealed a very dense network of asso‐ ciations and contacts set against the backdrop of the various Brothers’ houses. Natale Gioioso, for instance, denounced Bernardino Garapina as one of the suspects that the court should prosecute: ‘Ho conosciuto per complici Bernardino Garappina perché, in casa sua, lui et Bartholomeo Ingone et credo anche Gasparo di Rocho [i.e. Gaspare Chiavenna] et io habiamo parlato insieme delle sudette opinioni et habiamo letto libri volgari prohibiti’47 (Bernardino Garapina was my accomplice because, in his house, he and Bartolomeo Ingone and maybe also Gaspare Chiavenna and I discussed the aforementioned opinions and read forbidden books in vernacular). The activities that took place during the day in the workshops were repeated at night in the Brothers’ houses. Gian Giacomo Cavazza’s home appears to have been particularly crowded: Francesco Bordiga had seen Martino Savera visit this residence, who confirmed that he had met many fellow believers ‘in una camara a solaro’ (in an attic room) where forbidden readings took place.48 There was talk of justification and baptism in a hidden attic and the clandestine climate in which the Brothers operated made the inquisitors uncertain how to act: they were compelled to eradicate, house by house, the discord which they feared was spreading through the city. Weaver Antonio Maria Ferrara, giving a profile of the group that met in Gian Giacomo Cavazza’s home, also spoke of the ‘camera di sopra’ (upper room), the attic, of which Savera had testified:

45 46 47 48

FI, 5,16, c. 14 March 1568. See FI, 4,1, c. 22 July 1566 (Gaspare Canossa). FI, 5,8, c. 17 March 1568. My italics. FI, 5,17, c. 15 March 1568 (Martino Savera).

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Ho conosciuto per complice Martino Savera in casa di Giovanni Iacomo Cavazza ove convenea, circa dieci anni sonno, col detto Alberto Morando et Giovanni Battista Magnanino et Gemignano Tamburino et Francesco Bordiga et io, quali tutti in detta casa in una camera di sopra congregati ragionavamo delli sudetti errori consentendo […] et ivi si legevano diverse cose.49 (I met my accomplice Martino Savera at the home of Gian Giacomo Cavazza, where, around ten years ago, he met with Alberto Morandi and Giovanni Battista Magnanini and Geminiano Tamburino and Francesco Bordiga and myself. In the house, congregated in an upper room, all of us discussed the aforementioned errors, agreeing […] and various things were read there). Once again it was sufficient to compare three defendants to realize how the few names initially declared by one of them increased until an image emerged of an attic full of men involved in forbidden readings. In light of the above, we can better understand the network structure that we started from. Although we must take into account the partiality and occasionally the reticence of the inquisitorial sources, it is clear that the Brothers’ workplaces and homes constituted an invisible web superim‐ posed on the lattice of streets that ran through the city. Even excluding places of minor importance, we can recognize the density of the network reconstructed by the judges (Table 1, p. 57) and how the various suspects were members of more than one group at the same time (Table 2, p. 58– 59). The situation is further complicated by the meetings that took place in the streets and squares. As Pietro Antonio of Cervia remarked in regard to his heretical opinions, ‘spesse volte anchora n’habbiamo raggionato per le piazze e per le strade dove ci trovavamo però intra di noi’50 (we also often discussed them in the squares and streets where we met): it was possible to arrange a meeting at a crossroads or in the streets, where notions could be contemplated without the need to be inside. ‘Per la terra, in piazza, sotto li portichi’ (outside, in squares and under porticoes), echoed Gaspare Chiavenna: there were no boundaries to the dissemination of ideas.51 Geminiano Calligari had met many of his accomplices precisely by ‘parlando con loro in diversi luochi in Modena et specialmente in piazza’52

49 FI, 6,1, c. 20 March 1568. Ferrara, a velvet weaver, had received offers from the Modenese Brothers. Imprisoned and tried in 1568–1569, he recanted and was sentenced to carcere perpetuo and to the abitello; see Mercati, p. 146. 50 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 51 FI, 4,6, c. 19 December 1566. 52 FI, 5,2, c. 26 January 1569.

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Figure 4. Vincenzo Colombi, ‘Historical map of the city of Modena’, Modena, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Trattato della città di Modena et suo ducato et delle cose in esso accadute diviso in tre libri (α.G.10.3). Seventeenth century.

(speaking to them in different places in Modena and especially in the square), and Giovanni Padovani held discussions ‘anco in piazza’ (also in the square). The first discussions between certain Brothers had started on the street: ‘Ho conosciuto da otto, dieci anni in qua Piergiovanni Bianco‐ lino per complice andando con lui per strada in Modena col detto Alberto Morando’ (Piergiovanni Biancolini has been my accomplice for eight to ten years. I used to meet him on the street with the aforementioned Alberto Morando), Antonio Maria Ferrara recounted.53 The bonds that existed between the Brothers were not only due to their attendance of the same group. A more subtle network of direct and indirect acquaintances united members of different circles in the ‘congregazione dei veri credenti’ (congregation of true believers). We need only extend our focus to the ‘complici’ (accomplices) denounced by the Brothers to understand the considerable size of the contagion (Table 3, pp. 60–62). An examination of around forty trials reveals the names of one hundred and twenty heretics, suspects, and acquaintances to monitor. In addition to the occasional appearance of preachers, heretics from other cities, or even Academicians of the previous generation, the unwritten list of the members of the community comprises a hidden universe of wives,

53 FI, 6,1, c. 20 March 1568.

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mothers, and children who often followed their fathers and husbands in the Reformed faith. Here is just one example that illustrates the extent to which the inquisi‐ tors were also aware of this matter. In 1567, seeking to shed light on the plots that linked the Brothers, the judges asked Pietro Antonio of Cervia ‘an habuerit et habeat practicam et cognitionem de domina Bartholomea della Porta’54 (whether he had spent time with or was acquainted with the lady Bartolomea della Porta), one of the most influential women in the community. The Romagna native denied it, but the transition from a woman who he did not know to another who had been sympathetic to his journey of faith made him spontaneously confess: Io non ho né pratticato né parlato di queste opinioni con alcuna donna eccetto che con la sorella dil Panzachio et con le donne di casa sua, nella quale io stava, et con la Laura mia moglie, le quale tutte sono in questi errori et opinioni nelle quali son stato io che n’havemo ragionato et trattato più volte insieme.55 (I have neither practiced nor talked about these opinions with any woman except with Panzacchi’s sister and the women of his house, in which I was staying, and with my wife Laura, all of whom share the errors and opinions that I espoused, which we discussed and debated several times together.) In addition to the sister of Bolognese heretic Alessandro Panzacchi,56 he thought of his wife Laura. The heretic’s confession had immediate repercussions between late summer and autumn of the same year. While Pietro Antonio was being led to the stake, the inquisitors called Francesca Melloni, one of the women Cervia had referred to, before the court, as well as his wife Laura.57 The judges were so zealous that even Livia Melloni, Francesca’s daughter, was summoned, who, as far as one can determine from the records, was probably just a child.58 Although research does not enable us to define the exact size of the community, we can assume that at least a hundred alleged heretics gravi‐ tated around a few prominent figures. The names of the dissidents who formed the heart of the community can be deduced by comparing certain particularly important testimonies. The first comes from Pietro Antonio of Cervia, who was been referred to several times above. The heretic revealed sixteen names: Giovanni Rangoni, Maranello, Gian Giacomo Cavazza, 54 On Bartolomea della Porta: Peyronel Rambaldi, ‘Per una storia delle donne’, p. 35. She died on 17 March 1574 (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 128v). 55 FI, 3,38, c. 2 June 1567. 56 See in particular Dall’Olio, pp. 326–30. 57 FI, 4,11. 58 FI, 7,10.

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Giacomo Graziani, Piergiovanni Biancolini, Claudio Carandini, Francesco Camurana, Marco Caula, Giovanni Battista Magnanini, Pellegrino Setti, Geminiano Tamburino, Paolo Superchi, Giovanni Bergomozzi, Gaspare Chiavenna, Cataldo Buzzale, and Vincenzo Quistello.59 In other words, a significant proportion of those who visited the workshops of Biancolini and Chiavenna, as well as Cavazza’s home. Antonio Maria Ferrara presented a different list. He had in fact visited several times to collect offerings from the members of the group. The names only partly matched those revealed by Cervia. The Brothers and Sisters included Francesco Caldana, Bartolomea della Porta, Ippolita Bel‐ trama, Alberto Baranzoni, Giulio Sadoleto, Giovanni Rangoni, Antonio Gadaldino, Alessandro Milani, Ercole Mignoni, Francesco Catti and his brother, Giacomo Graziani, Francesco Camurana, Giacomo Cavallerini, and Maranello.60 Finally, the third testimony came from Bartolomeo Caura, who, like his other two fellow believers, provided a list of Brothers who he had met at Biancolini’s workshop: Comminciorno il primo anno di detto affitto a praticare in detta bottega messer Iacomo Gratiani, messer Giovanni Rangoni, messer Gianmaria Maranello, Gemignano Tamborino, Francesco Bordiga, un tessadro di velluto detto il Ferrara, Giambattista Magnanino, Gianiacomo Cavazza et uno detto il Cervia […] Loro si chiamavano per fratelli.61 (In the first year Mr Giacomo Graziani, Mr Giovanni Rangoni, Mr Giovanni Maria Maranello, Geminiano Tamburino, Francesco Bordiga, a velvet weaver called il Ferrara, Giovanni Battista Magnanini, Gian Giacomo Cavazza and someone called Cervia started to practise in the aforementioned workshop […] They called themselves Brothers.) Clearly the testimonies are not entirely in agreement with each other, even though there is considerable overlap. It is evident that none of the three defendants wanted or was able to reproduce the complete list of the

59 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. For the names revealed by Cervia, in addition to what is referred to in the previous notes, see Tedeschi and Henneberg, Contra Petrum Antonium a Cervia and Al Kalak, ‘Pietro Antonio da Cervia’. For Marco Caula (also known as de Medici), see his trial for heresy published in Mercati, pp. 137–39. 60 FI, 6,1, c. 26 March 1568. On Alberto Baranzoni, who disseminated the Liber generationis Antichristi, see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 135–37, 192–95. He died on 19 October 1569 (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 13v). For Alessandro Milani and Giacomo Cavallerini, see respectively PM, i, 300–01 and 298–99. On the other Brothers mentioned, see the following paragraph. 61 FI, 5,18, c. 15 March 1568.

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group’s members, proving that they were not the ones pulling the strings. Nonetheless, combining their depositions results in around thirty names which, presumably, approximate to those of the group’s main members and confirm the information provided by certain heretics while the community was still active.62 These figures, however useful, should be treated with caution and what is interesting here is not so much numerical size or the precise identification of the nucleus around which the community’s activity took place, but rather the existence of this nucleus. It was where the doctrinal guidelines — the liturgical and propagandistic practices that inspired the community — took shape and it was where the judges had to look in order to put an end to a period that Rome wanted to leave behind.

The Leaders of the ‘sect’: Hierarchies, Welfare, and Roles in the Heterodox Movement ‘The Modenese community, although fragmented into different groups that were yet closely connected to each other, explicitly recognized certain people as leaders’. Historian Cesare Bianco, summing up the Brothers’ organization, concluded that Rangoni, Graziani, Biancolini, Caula, Camu‐ rana, Bergomozzi, Leonardo Bazzani, Giulio Sadoleto, and Maranello were the community’s senior figures.63 In the tangle of relationships that bound the polycentric structure of the Modenese community together, there were leaders and key members. It remains to be understood what role they played and what determined the superiority over others. A crucial factor was undoubtedly the cultural prestige that some of them enjoyed. Graziani, as we have seen, often visited Piergiovanni Biancolini’s workshop, where ‘legeva l’epistole di san Paolo’ (he read the Pauline epistles) in the vernacular, imaginarily retracing the footsteps of the Academician Giovanni Bertari.64 Reading and commentary of the Pauline texts, as has been pointed out, symbolized a return to scriptural fi‐ delity, to a form of Christianity that was not corroded by the distortions of the hierarchies,65 and, like the Apostle, Graziani also maintained extensive correspondence on matters of faith. The inquisitors discovered some traces of this, which formed part of the judgment against him. Three missives had been intercepted, two sent by Gaspare Parma and one by Vincenzo 62 As mentioned at the start of this chapter, Pellegrino Varanini testified ‘che haveva udito da la boca propria dil sudetto Pietro Antonio Cervia che [gli eretici] erano quasi 30 quali si dimandavano fratelli’ (that he had heard directly from the aforementioned Pietro Antonio of Cervia himself that there were almost 30 [heretics] who called themselves Brothers) (FI, 3,38, c. 22 December 1563). 63 Bianco, pp. 640–44, quoted here p. 640. 64 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567 (Pietro Antonio of Cervia). 65 See Biondi, ‘La cultura a Modena’, pp. 535–36.

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Quistello. Among discussions of business and commissions, matters of conscience were referred to and, on 5 February 1560, Quistello updated Graziani about the health of a certain Girolama ‘che quasi è statta a l’ultimo di sua vita’ (who has almost reached the end of his life): an intricate forest of allusions and cautious references filled the text with friends, acquain‐ tances, and needs that were known to the recipient but never inscribed in ink. The correspondents had understood the hard lesson of dissimulation (so-called ‘nicodemism’) and indeed not a single name appeared in full except for their own.66 The same vagueness pervaded the other two letters that came from Padua. Gaspare Parma sent the Mantuan heretic Silvio Lanzoni to Graziani to talk about a deal that would certainly satisfy him, the outcome of which — whatever it might be — nevertheless required the utmost discretion.67 Four years later, after recounting the story of the illness that had led him to death’s door, Parma invited his friend Graziani to join him in Padua because ‘per molte vostre lettere a diversi tempi ricevute’ (in many of your letters received at different times) he had seemed to ‘comprendere un certo non so che di vostro disiderio di lasciar quella patria per qualche tempo e venire a godere questa di qua’68 (understand something of your desire to leave that country for some time and to come to enjoy this one here). These were shrewd and veiled references to the Inquisition’s grip and to the need to move away from Modena to avoid arrest. Graziani, like Biancolini, Bergomozzi, and many others, noticed this in time and started to plan the routes that would lead him to safer ports. However, what emerged from the letters was not only a web of con‐ nivance and complicity: alongside everyday and extraordinary vicissitudes, the human profile of the heretic took shape, at the centre of correspon‐ dence with Brothers of faith who revered him as a teacher. Giovanni Rangoni even referred to him as second St Paul: Carlo Tassoni, Rangoni’s cousin, heard ‘lodargli il Graciano con dire ch’egli è un san Paolo’69 (Ran‐ goni praise Graziani saying that he was like St Paul). Giovanni Maria Tagliati (Maranello) had also given lectures on St Paul and the Gospels to the Confraternity of St Sebastian. With the alleged endorsement of Bishop Egidio Foscarari, Morone’s successor, who will be discussed further on, Maranello had ‘insegnato l’evangello o la epistola’ (taught the Gospel or the Epistles) to members of the association that he

66 The letter is published in Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 174–75. 67 See Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, p. 175. On Silvio Lanzoni, an important Mantuan heretic, see Pagano, Il processo di Endimio Calandra and Dall’Olio, both ad indicem. 68 See Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 176–78. 69 FI, 3,35, c. 12 May 1563.

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belonged to.70 According to his own admissions, he was bound by friend‐ ships with other community leaders, confessing ‘qualche conversatione et familiarità con messer Giovanni Rangone, messer Giacomo Gratiano, con messer Marco Cauli’ (some conversations and familiarity with Mr Gio‐ vanni Rangoni, Mr Giacomo Graziani and Mr Marco Caula), as well as with Biancolini and Bergomozzi, who ‘ho havuto manco familiarità, ma pur ne ho havuto qualche puoco’71 (I did not know so well, but was slightly acquainted with). A confirmation came from Caula himself: after labelling Maranello as his ‘maestro in questo conto’ (master in this regard [i.e. in heresies]), he described Manarello’s circle to the judges: ‘Ho visto praticare con lui [Maranello] et sentito raggionare et confirmare […] messer Giovanni Rangone et messer Iacomo Graciani, messer Giovanni Bergomucio et altri quali non conosco’72 (I saw Mr Giovanni Rangoni, Mr Giacomo Graziani, Mr Giovanni Bergomozzi and others who I do not know associating with him [Maranello] and heard them discussing and agreeing with each other). Caula had been involved with this group for sixteen years. Maranello, after introducing the disciple to the heart of the Modenese protest move‐ ment, continued his work as a skilful propagator of doctrine with the usual Brothers: Rangoni, Cavazza, Camurana, Setti, Graziani, Bergomozzi, Magnanini, and Bazzani.73 Figures such as Giacomo Graziani or Giovanni Maria Maranello therefore catalysed the attention of their companions (and probably cultivated a mutual friendship) by virtue of their cultural stature and thorough knowledge of the Bible. Alongside wealth of knowledge, financial affluence also played a strate‐ gic role. Pietro Antonio of Cervia explicitly said: ‘Sono bene stato a casa di tutti gli soprascritti, cioè di messer Giovanni [Rangoni] et del Maranello et di Giovanni Iacomo Cavazza et del Gratiani, che erano richi, per de la farina et dell’altre cose che mi facevano bisogno per me per sovenire la mia fameglia’ (I was at the home of all the aforementioned people, namely Mr Giovanni [Rangoni] and Maranello and Gian Giacomo Cavazza and Graziani, who were rich, for flour and other things that I needed to take care of my family). They gave this to him, the Romagna native concluded, be‐ cause ‘mi conoscevano per della loro setta e compagnia’74 (they recognized me as part of their sect and company). The leaders had not only acquired their position through merit, but also through wealth, which enabled them to assist their needy Brothers or, as happened in some cases, to meet the

70 FI, 4,10, c. 27 January 1567. Maranello actually appears in the list of Brothers of San Sebastiano, as shown from ACMo, MS SS 1(15), fol. 24v. 71 FI, 4,10, c. 25 January 1567. 72 FI, 4,27, c. 3 July 1567. 73 FI, 4,27, c. 20 July 1567. 74 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. My italics.

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needs of men who would become Brothers thanks to their help. Herein lies one of the most delicate issues: wealthy merchants, from Biancolini to Bergomozzi, and nobles belonging to the city’s patriciate, such as Giovanni Rangoni, often succeeded in increasing the group’s membership by provid‐ ing generous alms, while exhorting the recipients to follow the true faith. The welfare support that the community offered was one of the catalysts for its expansion and also prevented possible disputes over economic and social disparity within the group.75 There is no lack of examples. Cristoforo Totti (also known as Zamponi) confessed that he had been approached during a period of illness by certain community leaders who began to discuss heretical matters at his bedside: Io ne ho sentito parlare a messer Giacomo Gratiano et ne ho sentito parlare al Maranello, mastro di scola chiamato Giovanni Maria, et a Pietro Giovanni Biancolino, li quali tutti mi hanno fatto beneficio mentre son stato infermo dandomi danari et robba da mangiare per sovenirmi et mi hanno visitato al letto et mi hanno consolato et confortato.76 (I heard Mr Giacomo Graziani talk of it, as well as Maranello, a school teacher called Giovanni Maria, and Piergiovanni Biancolini, all of whom assisted me when I was sick, giving me money and food in order to help me and they visited my bedside and consoled and comforted me.) Exactly the same script was repeated in the case of the ‘carezze grandi’ (great kindness) with which certain Brothers, introduced by Cataldo Buz‐ zale, had offered Gaspare Canossa financial support.77 It was times of hard‐ ship, of illness or the poverty of people like Cervia, who switched from one job to another, which enabled the leaders of the community to take action and spread their ideas (and their wealth). These circumstances led to Francesco Bordiga’s fervent and active participation in the community. He soon joined many heterodox groups in Modena. Trovandomi la mia seconda moglie chiamata Francesca inferma gravemente, per la quale infermità mi trovavo in estrema necessità, onde incapandomi un giorno in Piergiovanni Biancolino cimator da panni che mi domandò come l’andava […] lui cominciò a consolarmi offerendosi d’aiutarmi in ciò che poteva. Et così subito mi diede alcuni danari in elemosina. Onde io captivato da tale bontà gli restai affettionato et cominciai a tenere sua amicitia […] Talché un giorno mi

75 See Bianco, pp. 643–44; Al Kalak, ‘Obbedire a Dio’. 76 FI, 4,7, c. 22 December 1566. 77 FI, 4,1, c. 22 July 1566. On Canossa, see Dall’Olio, pp. 311–14.

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diede il testamento nuovo da leggere et cominciò a instruirmi in molte cose.78 (Finding myself in a situation in which my second wife, named Francesca, was gravely ill, I was in dire need due to her illness, when one day I ran into Piergiovanni Biancolini, a shearman, who asked me how I was […] He began to console me, offering me whatever help he could. And he immediately gave me some money in alms. I was won over by his goodness and I remained fond of him and we started to become friends […] Then one day he gave me the New Testament to read and started to teach me many things.) First comfort was bestowed, then material support was provided and finally the conversation edged towards Scripture. Astute and sometimes imperceptible transitions that represented one of the strategies to build the community. ‘Havevano questo costume tra loro’ (They had this custom among them), testified Bartolomeo Caura ‘di cercare dannari tra i fratelli per sussidio delli fratelli poveri che s’infermavano o che si trovavano in necessità’79 (of asking for money from the Brothers to help poor Brothers who were unwell or in need). Everyone contributed as much as they could, reviving the model of the early Church (‘così come [l’ostia] era fatta di molti grani così dovea esser la carità fra noi’ — ‘just as [the host] was made up of many grains, so should charity be among us’, said Pellegrino Civa).80 ‘Alle volte uno di noi’ (Sometimes one of us), admitted Maranello, ‘mosso da carità andava ricercando gli altri complici et anco altri che non erano complici et faceva racolta di qualchi danari delli quali si comprava alle volte del pane et si distribuiva a qualche povere vidue e altre persone vergognose o inferme’81 (looked, out of charity, for other accomplices and others who were not accomplices and collected some money with which we sometimes bought bread and distributed it to certain poor widows and other people who were in a bad state or unwell). The long history of the poor, who had played a significant role in traditional piety, also found its place in the context of the Modenese dissent. In fact, setting aside the reasons given, the names involved in welfare support were always the same: Maranello, Piergiovanni Biancolini, Gia‐ como Graziani, and their few companions who, due to their social standing and wealth, could guarantee sufficient attention to the movement’s poorest 78 FI, 5,16, c. 14 March 1568. 79 FI, 5,18, c. 15 March 1568. 80 Who reported the opinion of ‘un predicatore di santo Augutino’ (a preacher of St Augustinus) (FI, 3,21, c. 29 August 1556). Pellegrino Civa, who, after being tried in the second half of the 1560s and imprisoned, had escaped, was subsequently acquitted in secret thanks to the special powers granted by Pope Julius III to Bishop Egidio Foscarari (see infra, pp. 63–66). 81 FI, 4,10, c. 28 January 1567.

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fringes. Some recognized the connection between the distribution of alms and superiority within the group. This was grasped by Antonio Maria Fer‐ rara, who, after going ‘cercando ellemosine di commissione del Maranello et del Gratiano […] et di messer Giacomo Cavallarino’ (to ask for alms on the orders of Maranello and Graziani […] and Mr Giacomo Cavallerini’, concluded that ‘i predetti tre nominati […] a mio giuditio erano li primi tra la setta’82 (the aforementioned three men […] were in my opinion the leaders of the sect). It was also an ability to rally commoners and dissidents around them that made men like Biancolini key figures in the community’s organization. His workshop was perhaps the most crowded of those managed by the Brothers, with around twenty suspects who came there with their doubts and opinions. Mentioned in many trials, the merchant, although he did not have the eloquence and sophistication of his other companions, had a polemical spirit that was undoubtedly one of the reasons behind his appeal to customers and acquaintances. A scandalized Giovanni Francesco Rac‐ chetti, for example, on 17 September 1557 reported the heretic’s remarks to the inquisitors: ‘Sono stato questa mattina alla messa’ (I was at the mass this morning), Biancolini told his friend, ‘et venga il cancaro alla messa et chi l’à ditta’ (and to hell with the mass and those who said it!). More than just theological arguments, Biancolini brandished the sword of opposition to the ecclesiastical system and its deceit.83 Giovanni Rangoni had a similar temperament and in many cases he could barely restrain angry outbursts and violent criticism of Catholic ritu‐ als.84 The Franciscan Ludovico of Lyon, who testified in the trial against the aristocrat in the 1560s, reported that the Modenese nobleman relied on many certainties to escape the grasp of the court. ‘Non havea paura né d’inquisitore né d’altro perché è di un parentado tanto grande che lo deffenderia da chi lo volesse offendere’ (He did not fear inquisitors nor anyone else because his family was so illustrious that it would defend him from anyone who wished to offend him). It was the swan song of the nobility that in cities like Modena, Faenza, Lucca, and Trento clutched onto privileges that had come to an end. Rangoni also never stopped hoping that bishops and prelates would assist him: ‘già un’altra volta fu pur travagliato et chiamato a Roma per heretico’ (he had been harassed and summoned to Rome as a heretic once before), but ‘il vescovo morto, frate Egidio, lo aiutò’85 (the dead Bishop, the Dominican Egidio Foscarari,

82 FI, 6,1, c. 26 March 1568. 83 FI, 3,4. 84 On Rangoni, see Rotondò, ‘Atteggiamenti della vita morale italiana’, pp. 241–43; PM, ii, 539–40. 85 FI, 3,35, c. 19 March 1566. The same file conserves the text of his abjuration with a handwritten signature.

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helped him). At the time of the trial, Foscarari was no longer alive and the abjuration that Rangoni could have made with his assistance was a memory of times that would never return. When the Modenese aristocrat understood this, the only choice was to escape to Sondrio and the Swiss valleys, where, on his deathbed, a handshake given to a priest willing to testify to his conversion was an attempt to redress the excommunication imposed by the Holy Office on 7 December 1566.86 We can therefore conclude that it was their proselytizing zeal, organizational skills, and frankness in disputes that earned Biancolini and Rangoni a prominent position among their companions. By contrast, the figure of Giovanni Bergomozzi, who was referred to as one of the heads of the group, appears to have played a more background role, without engaging in the activism of other leaders. Of Venetian origin (he came from a wealthy family in Conselice), after his arrival in Modena at the age of around twenty he was involved in commercial activities, con‐ tinuing to move periodically, especially to Venice, from where he brought various forbidden books that he circulated in the city. When, in Modena, he encountered the heretic Bartolomeo Fonzio, who will be discussed in the next paragraph, he was fascinated by his doctrines, developing their essential content in the following years. Like many of his fellow Brothers, he was forced to flee and in 1568 he travelled to Chiavenna and then on to Piuro. Even in Switzerland, however, he faced incomprehension from the religious authorities, who excommunicated him due to his views regarding the impeccability of the regenerated. Only the intercession of Alessandro Trissino allowed him to heal a rift that probably dated back to the first Modenese doctrines.87 Bergomozzi’s name was referred to on several occasions in the course of the Brothers’ trials, even though few claimed that he had played a key role: while his position at the centre of the community is undisputed — the heretic appears regularly alongside Biancolini, Rangoni, Maranello, Graziani, etc. — only Giovanni Andrea Manzoli gave any weight to his dissent: ‘Ho conosciuto per complice messer Giovanni Bergomozzo alias Conselice il quale continuamente mi persuadeva et mi confirmava in dette opinioni’88 (Giovanni Bergomozzi, also known as Conselice, was

86 The story of Rangoni’s ‘conversion’ is reported in the long letter written on 13 September 1567 by the priest Pietro Martire Parravicino to the Dominican Domenico of Lodi (published in Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 171–73). The text of the excommunication imposed by the Roman Holy Office is kept in a copy in TCD, MS 1224, fol. 96 (the reference is to the original numbering system). For the inquisitorial papers kept at Trinity College, Dublin, see Abbott, Catalogue, pp. 243–49 and Tedeschi, ‘I documenti inquisitoriali’. 87 The notes are taken from Rotondò, ‘Bergomozzi, Giovanni’. See also Cantimori, Eretici italiani del Cinquecento, pp. 304–05. 88 FI, 4,32, c. 17 March 1568. Giovanni Andrea Manzoli appeared before Cardinal Morone in 1568 to confess his heterodox beliefs.

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my accomplice, who persuaded me and strengthened my belief in these opinions). Thus Bartolomea della Porta, who belonged to Manzoli’s circle, accused Bergomozzi ‘per havermi parlato delli suddetti errori’ (for having spoken to me of the aforementioned errors) on the basis of an unspecified ‘catechism’.89 However, it was Antonio Maria Ferrara who offered the judges the most interesting testimony in this regard: the man confessed to having ‘praticato et mangiato una volta, ma ben praticato più volte, in casa di messer Bartholameo Fontio’ (eaten at the home of Mr Bartolomeo Fonzio once and having visited many times) and having ‘veduto et sentito parlare con detto Giovanni Bergomozzi’90 (seen and heard him talking to the aforementioned Giovanni Bergomozzi). These associations clearly reveal the start of the subsequent heretical ideas. For Bergomozzi, Maranello, and others, the doctrines preached by Fonzio, which were steeped in Anabap‐ tist elements, were a lasting memory and, on the basis of the conversations held on those days, radical ideas began to circulate in the community. When the judges had to wrap up the trial and disclose the names of the movement’s leaders, they showed that they had a clear picture. On 3 September 1566, Giovanni Maria Tagliati, Giacomo Graziani, Marco Caula, Piergiovanni Biancolini, and Giovanni Bergomozzi — who had taken flight — were summoned to appear to account for the serious charges hanging over them.91 The investigation conducted by the friars of San Domenico considered these men to be the five pillars that sup‐ ported the Modena protest movement and their flight constituted an implicit admission of guilt. The zealous agents of the Holy Office were not entirely mistaken. In fact, if one considers the lives of many of the group’s distinguished members, exile on account of religion was a recur‐ ring epilogue. Such was the case for Rangoni, Bergomozzi, Biancolini, and Graziani, and the same destiny must have initially been envisaged by Caula and Maranello, who instead eventually presented themselves before the judges.92 The same fate befell another Brother, Giulio Sadoleto, who, after taking refuge in Chiavenna (1571), in 1589 resided in Morbegno with his wife Giulia and nine children.93 Sadoleto was of some importance in the community of Brothers and his name appeared more than once

89 90 91 92

FI, 5,1, c. 23 March 1568. FI, 6,1, c. 26 March 1568. See FI, 4,12. As reported by the Dominican Domenico of Imola, they had both already appeared before the judges, respectively in January and June 1967 and on 29 January and 7 June 1567; see Mercati, pp. 140, 142. 93 On Sadoleto, see Al Kalak, ‘Sadoleto, Giulio’, from which the following information, unless otherwise specified, is taken.

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in the trials held in the 1560s.94 According to Cesare Bianco, Sadoleto mainly limited his contact to the community’s leaders.95 His special rela‐ tionship with the group’s leaders also emerged during the trial against him. As witnessed by Giovanni Battista Ingoni, ‘messer Giulio Sadoletti et Giacomo Gratiani […] erano molto amici insieme’ (Mr Giulio Sadoleto and Giacomo Graziani […] were great friends) and, as in the case of the community’s other senior figures, the judges ensured that the Modenese citizen was given an exemplary punishment.96 After futile attempts to intimidate Ingoni and convince him to retract, Sadoleto was forced to plan his escape across the Alps, seeking to delay his inevitable sentence.97 Between 17 and 23 November 1569, he was summoned by the Holy Court, but managed to get an extension until the following Easter. How‐ ever, those few months would not change his condition, as he himself wrote from Frankfurt to Nicolò Grassetti. He confided to his friend that he would no longer be able to stay in the city of Modena, other than for brief periods, ‘havendo io sempre havuto desiderio di abandonarla’ (since I have always wished to leave it) and since now ‘la maggior parte de cittadini [sono] diversissimi al mio genio’ (the majority of the citizens are very different to me).98 Sadoleto could not be understood in Modena and he had no choice but to abandon a field in which punishments were liberally dealt out. On 17 February 1570, the merchant was preparing to leave for Lyon with the intention of spending Easter with his cousin Paolo, bishop of Carpentras, and then to return home for some time after the festivities.99 In the following autumn the judges proceeded to declare the heretic excommunicated and in default, ordering an estimate of his estate (8 October) and decreeing, on 27 December 1572, that his entire property be confiscated and that his effigy be burnt. For Sadoleto too, the Modena experience could be considered complete. It remains to be examined to what extent the roles accorded to figures such as Rangoni, Biancolini, Sadoleto, and others effectively corresponded to a hierarchy within the heterodox movement. From what can be under‐ stood from the court documents, the managerial role performed by certain

94 See e.g. FI, 5,12, c. 27 April 1568; FI, 5,19, c. 27 March 1568. 95 Bianco, p. 642. A different view is taken by Rotondò, ‘Esuli italiani in Valtellina’, who highlights the activism within the group. 96 FI, 6,12, c. 5 March 1568. As we learn from the documents published in Mercati, p. 144, Ingoni had been employed as a bailiff at Sadoleto’s properties. 97 The last attestation of Sadoleto’s presence in Modena dates back to 10 February 1569, when he received the proceeds from the sale of his movable assets, amounting to 12,000 ducats, from his administrator Spinazzo Seghizzi (Rotondò, ‘Esuli italiani in Valtellina’, p. 427). Subsequently on 27 May 1574, Seghizzi attended to various possessions belonging to Sadoleto, see FI, 293, XI. 98 The full copy of the letter, written from Frankfurt on 3 November 1569, is in FI, 1,7,V. 99 Letter from Sadoleto to Spinazzo Seghizzi in FI, 1,7,V.

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Brothers did not have precise organizational implications and was not clearly defined. Those who gained standing within the community did so, as mentioned, for varying reasons, and the most significant members prevailed. There were almost always pre-existing social and cultural dif‐ ferences underlying the internal distinctions, and the seniority of some Brothers over others would seem to have been limited to welfare (with wealthy Brothers, the leaders, assisting the weakest) and, as shall be discussed further on, to admission to the ‘Lord’s Supper’, reserved for a restricted circle. Aside from this, the community’s composition never became rigid and in any workshop or house where people wished to profess the new faith, they could do so without any special conditions. The community of Brothers also consisted of groups of cobblers and carpenters in which the movement’s leaders did not participate and the influence of the ‘senior figures’ was essentially of a charismatic nature. Biancolini, Bergomozzi, Graziani, and their companions circulated forbidden texts, managed the wealth at their disposal to gain proselytes and safeguarded the secrecy of the few liturgical rituals that they managed to celebrate. Their greatest merit was perhaps their ability to gather and organize the legacy of those who, in the first half of the 1540s, had stirred things up in a city that was already seething. The judges should have also taken this into account to fully understand how and why they had reached this point.

The Origins of the Community: Camillo Renato, Bartolomeo Fonzio, and Bartolomeo della Pergola Those who have studied or even just observed the Modena case have often described the heterogeneity of the messages it encompasses with the image of a laboratory of ideas, in which the fascinating theological themes of the European debate converge.100 Modena, which in those years was in fact a lively commercial, political, and — inevitably — religious hub, was visited, for varying lengths of time, by figures destined to leave their mark on the colourful history of the Italian Reformation. In those visits, in the series of sermons held during these stays and in the meetings of the new arrivals with the exponents of religious dissent, many have identified the factors of a change of direction, of the evolution of the city’s protest movement towards increasingly radicalized positions. The first to sow his seed was Paolo Ricci, better known as Lisia Fileno or Camillo Renato, a Friar Minor who had abandoned the priesthood and had begun travelling through Italy. In 1538, he arrived in Bologna where ‘he had managed to enter the most exclusive noble and intellectual circles’, 100 Caponetto, The Protestant Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Italy. See also Firpo, Juan de Valdés and the Italian Reformation.

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stirring up a hornet’s nest of controversy and accusations of heresy.101 It was these circumstances that led the former friar to the land of the Este where, in Modena and Staggia (a country town where he was hosted by the nobleman Tommaso Carandini), he carried out his propaganda activities, even involving peasants and commoners. Subjected to pressure from sev‐ eral quarters, Duke Ercole II ordered his arrest in the early autumn of 1540 and on 23 December, in Ferrara, after having compiled an Apologia, Fileno recanted.102 A year later, he was transferred to a prison in Bologna, from where he managed to escape to end his life, many years later, in Grisons. The Academicians were fascinated by the message of the former Franciscan and Count Ercole Rangoni, complaining to the duke of the ‘frati dominicani, che gli oppongono [a Fileno] non so che vanitadi’103 (Dominican friars who made silly criticisms [of Fileno]), described him as his ‘familiarissimo’ (close acquaintance). Ricci had made inroads in Grillenzoni’s group and some of the doctrines preserved in the fragments of his trial emerged, years later, in the Academicians’ declarations.104 The series of defendants who appeared before the Holy Court never indicated a direct connection between their beliefs and Fileno’s activity: it can, however, be conjectured that their convictions, if not produced by the Sicilian’s visit, were certainly strengthened by it. Even in the trial drafted against the heretic, the role of the Academi‐ cians had been decisive (though not conclusive) and the dense correspon‐ dence between the diocesan vicar Giovanni Domenico Sigibaldi and the then Bishop Giovanni Morone contains abundant traces of it. On 26 October 1540, after informing the cardinal of the capture, ‘fra gli altri ministri de Antichristo’ (among the ministers of the Antichrist), of ‘uno siciliano per nome Phileno aut Paulo […] fugito da diverse parti, che ha processi sopra de lui de homicidii et de heresia’ (a Sicilian by name of Fileno or Paolo […], who has fled from different places and has been charged with homicide and heresy), Sigibaldi reported that Ricci enjoyed the protection of powerful people who were pushing for his acquittal. ‘Non manchavano intercessori per questo ribaldo’ (There were no lack of mediators for this scoundrel), who had travelled through the Modena countryside ‘suvertendo li villani’ (corrupting the peasants).105 Filippo Valentini, Giovanni Bertari, and Nicolò Machella had insisted that the 101 For Lisia Fileno’s (also known as Camillo Renato) stay in Bologna, see Dall’Olio, pp. 101–08, quoted here p. 101. On Fileno, also see Williams, ‘Camillo Renato’, pp. 122–28 (regarding the reformer’s stay in Modena); Renato, Opere, ed. by Rotondò. 102 See Renato, Opere, ed. by Rotondò, pp. 31–89 (apologia) and pp. 189–91 (abjuration). 103 Qtd. in Renato, Opere, ed. by Rotondò, pp. 168–69. See also Williams, ‘Camillo Renato’, p. 123. 104 See Renato, Opere, ed. by Rotondò, pp. 180–89. 105 Qtd. in PM, i, 854, 857. See also Renato, Opere, ed. by Rotondò, pp. 170–72. On Sigibaldi, see PM, i, 14.

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vicar intervene and the whole Academy was lined up to defend the Sicilian. In comparison with other figures, such as della Pergola or Bartolomeo Fonzio, who will be discussed shortly, Fileno’s legacy seems to be lost in the doctrinal heritage that Grillenzoni’s followers handed down to the Brothers: none of them remembered the Sicilian among the people who had inspired them and his contribution should be associated, rather than with particular positions, with the emergence and consolidation of radical ideas within the Modenese movement.106 Other individuals had a much greater impact. In 1545, the inquisitor Angelo Valentini reported to the duke that ‘Bartholomeo Fontio veneto presbitero’ (a certain Venetian presbyter named Bartolomeo Fonzio) was visiting the city, returning from a long stay in Germany, during which he had made contact with some of the most influential figures of the Reformation.107 His movements among the imperial cities earned him the esteem of religious leaders and theologians who only later, when the friar’s beliefs took a spiritualist turn, began to change their attitude.108 In the 1530s, Fonzio was still held in high regard and in 1533 he visited the Swiss churches and Basel with Martin Bucer. His expectations for a recon‐ ciliation between the various fringes of the reformed movement went up in smoke shortly after, faced with the uncompromising sentences imposed by the Protestant side against Anabaptists, Schwenckfeldians, and other radi‐ cal groups. After returning to Venice, Fonzio continued to travel around, crossing back over the Alps some time later. In the Venetian Republic, the Franciscan had established friendly relations with various patricians (members of an ‘ecclesia’ headed by Fonzio himself) and, following the proceedings against him, he even managed to convince Cardinal Gasparo Contarini of his innocence.109 From Rome, where he had been tried, years of rapid and not entirely known journeys began which, in 1543–1544, led him to Modena. ‘His presence had a decisive influence in the spiritualistic and radical intensification of the Modenese heretical movement’, and, although he had not yet reached the complete vision of Fidei et doctrinae ratio (the theological work that Fonzio completed in the last days of life), the subversive scope of his preaching was already apparent.110 The vigilant inquisitor Valentini listened carefully and recorded a list of the claims made by the friar. Some of these are worth mentioning:

106 This view is shared by Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, p. 224 n. 128. 107 The following biographical notes are taken, unless otherwise stated, from Fragnito, ‘Fonzio, Bartolomeo’. On Fonzio’s Modenese preaching, see also Zille, Gli eretici a Cittadella, pp. 169– 72. 108 See Olivieri, ‘“Ortodossia” ed “eresia”’, pp. 50–51; Fragnito, ‘Fonzio, Bartolomeo’, p. 770. 109 On the ‘ecclesia’ organized by Fonzio, see Ambrosini, Storie di patrizi, pp. 21–23. 110 Fragnito, ‘Fonzio, Bartolomeo’, p. 770. The text and an introduction to Fonzio’s doctrinal work in Olivieri, ‘Il “Catechismo”’.

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che il battesmo non è necessario perché tutti li predestinati si possono salvare senza quello et che basta essere del numero delli eletti […], che le letanie non son da Dio et son soperflue et più tosto presontione humane et infidelitati che altro, che non sono state instituite dalla vera chiesa, che la vera chiesa è nelle povere persone non cognoscien[ti] al mondo et non ne li pontefici et altri prelate, che tal chiesa de pontefici può errare et che non si li debbe credere […], che non siamo ubligati a servar il voto della castitate, che l’authorità dil nostro Salvatore ‘Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua et Spiritu Sancto’ sic debet glosari idest ex aqua spirituali, che basta confessarsi in generale.111 (that baptism is not necessary because all those who are predestined can be saved without it and that it is enough to be one of the elects […], that the litanies are not from God and are superfluous and rather are human conceit and infidelity, that they were not established by the true church, that the true church is in the poor people who do not care about earthly values and not in the pontiffs and other prelates, that such a church of pontiffs may err and that they should not be believed […], that we are not obliged to serve the vow of chastity, that the words of our Saviour — ‘Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit’ — should be understood as follows: ‘of spiritual water’, that it is sufficient to confess in general). This preacher, the inquisitor continued, ‘è andato in varii luogi in Modona et ha predicato et insegnato con astutia molte volte dicendo le cose de lutherani’ (went to various places in Modena and preached and taught with guile many times, saying Lutheran things). Fonzio had not only made a name for himself, but he had made active appearances in the city, going to spice shops and squares to spread the news of truths that ranged from the church of the poor to predestination, to rejection of infant baptism. In 1568, twenty years after these events, there were still people who remembered it distinctly. Antonio Maria Ferrara admitted to having re‐ peatedly gone to see the Venetian heretic and to having witnessed him talk with Giovanni Bergomozzi. Fonzio’s Anabaptist beliefs must have also convinced Maranello, who was fully persuaded that baptism was useless. 111 FI, 2,64, letter of 30 June 1545, published in Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 169–71 (from which the following quotation is also taken).

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While Fonzio left a mark on some of the leading figures in the commu‐ nity’s organization, groups with members of lower social rank were in‐ spired by another Franciscan: Bartolomeo della Pergola. Many referred to the friar’s teachings and, as has been demonstrated, Pergola played a deci‐ sive role in the movement’s fate.112 Pergola arrived in the city at the invitation of Bishop Morone on 27 February 1544, arousing both enthusiasm and discontent destined to last for a long time. The Franciscan’s inclinations were evident from the outset: he ‘predicava se non l’evangelo, né mai nomina né santi, né dottori della chiesa, né dice di Quaresima, né di digiuno et molte altre cose che vanno a gusto degli accademici’113 (only preached the Gospel, without referring to saints, doctors of the church, Lent, fasting and said many other things in line with the beliefs of the Academicians). The uproar surrounding his case was proof of a palpable and widespread unease that split the city in two. When he was forced to publicly retract his statements, two opposing factions committed to defending or accusing the preacher confronted each other beneath the pulpit. The message of a liberating and redemptive faith, which had enthused many commoners who created the community of Brothers, was declared by the friars’ detractors to be a detached solution used for attracting crowds of deluded listeners: ‘molti credono andare in paradiso in calze solate, perché [Pergola] dice che Christo ha pagato per noi’114 (many believe that they will go to heaven in footed hose because he [Pergola] says that Christ has paid for us). However, as history had shown in many cases, there were numerous ways to recant and, during that phase of relative uncertainty, as the Inqui‐ sition took its first steps, it was still possible to confess a truth with your mouth that was rejected with your manner and gestures. Pergola pronounced the retraction imposed on him by the judges of faith with ostentatious reluctance and a mass of allusions, outbursts, and theatrical gestures did the rest. Those words, which, rather than restoring order, were transformed into an opportunity for effective propaganda, marked the culmination of preaching full of doctrines and references of which, as we shall see further on, the trials of the Brothers were the eventual results. Bartolomeo Ingoni, Geminiano Calligari, Ercole Cervi, Francesco Maria Vincenzi, Bernardino Garapina, Alessandro Secchiari, the notary Taddeo of Vaglio, and Francesco Secchiari were just some of the heretics on which this preacher exerted his influence. Many of them became active members

112 Bianco, ‘Bartolomeo della Pergola’. On della Pergola, see Rotondò, ‘Bartolomeo della Pergola’; PM, i, 318–21. 113 CM, viii, lxiv. 114 Quoted in Biondi, ‘Streghe ed eretici’, p. 90.

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Figure 5. Enrico da Campione, ‘Pulpit of Modena Cathedral’, Modena, 1322.

of the Modenese heterodox movement and their workshops were used as places for spreading reformist doctrines. Pergola’s teaching was so incisive that it even provoked domestic quar‐ rels. In 1562, Giacoma, wife of Gian Antonio Sandonati, denounced Anto‐ nio Zanotti and her husband for having repeatedly silenced her by invok‐ ing Pergola’s authority (‘Il Pergola dicea così’ — Pergola said so). ‘Quando io gli grido’ (When I shout), she impatiently testified, ‘loro mi dicono che sono una male femina’115 (they tell me that I am a bad woman). What this woman described was none other than the extreme consequences of

115 FI, 7,39, c. 3 January 1562.

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preaching that had captured the heart and ears of many Modenese citizens. The friar’s words were now part of the Brothers’ doctrinal heritage and, al‐ though history had led him elsewhere, the preacher was still considered by many exponents of the heterodox movement to be the instigator and teacher in those ‘cose di fede’ (matters of faith).

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Table 1. Community of Brothers: Main Groups

Shop/House (S/H)

Brothers who met

1. Biancolini-Caura (S)

Bergomozzi, Biancolini, Bordiga, Caura, Cavazza, Cervia, Civa, Durelli, Ferrara, Graziani, Magnanini, Maranello, Morandi, Padovani, Quistello, Rangoni, Savera, Secchiari, Setti, Tamburino, Zamponi

2. Chiavenna (S)

Buzzale, Capellina, Cervia, Chiavenna, Ingoni, Padovani, Zamponi

3. Setti (S)

Bazzani, Bergomozzi, Graziani, Rangoni, Setti

4. Corte (S)

Biancolini, Bordiga, Cavallerini, Cavazza, Graziani, Magnanini, Pazzani, Rangoni, Savera

5. Abbati (S)

Abbati, Bordiga, Savera, Tamburino

6. Curione (S)

Campogalliano, Curione, Donelina, Fattori, Ferrari, Garapina, Moraldo, Morandi, Pellegrino of Casalecchio, Secchiari, Terrazzano, Villanova

7. Camurana (S)

Bordiga, Calligari, Camurana, Faiono, Guidoni, Manzoli E., Pazzani

8. Biancolini (H)

Biancolini, Bordiga, Cervia, Ferrara, Tamburino

9. Secchiari (H)

Biancolini, Bordiga, Ferrara, Secchiari

10. Camurana (H)

Bavella, Calligari, Camurana, Castelvetro, Grillenzoni, Machella, Maranello, Rossi

11. Garapina (H)

Chiavenna, Garapina, Gioioso, Ingoni

12. Cavazza (H)

Bordiga, Cavazza, Cervia, Ferrara, Magnanini, Morandi, Savera, Tamburino

13. Ferrara (H)

Falloppia, Ferrara, Garapina, Graziani, Maranello, Mariano

58

CHAPTER 1

Table 2. Community Network Structure

Dissidents

Groups in which dissidents participated (number refers to the groups listed in Table 1)

 

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

Abbati

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bavella

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

Bazzani

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bergomozzi

×

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Biancolini

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

×

×

 

 

 

 

Bordiga

×

 

 

×

×

 

×

×

×

 

 

×

 

Buzzale

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Calligari

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

Campogalliano  

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Camurana

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

Castelvetro

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

Caura

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cavallerini

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cavazza

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

Capellina

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cervia

×

×

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

×

 

Chiavenna

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

Civa

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Curione

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Donelina

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Durelli

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Faiono

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

Falloppia

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

Fattori

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ferrara

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

×

 

 

×

 

Ferrari

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Garapina

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

×

 

×

Gioioso

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

Graziani

×

 

×

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

Grillenzoni

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

THE FACE OF HERESY

59

Dissidents

Groups in which dissidents participated (number refers to the groups listed in Table 1)

 

1

2

3

Guidoni

 

 

Ingoni

 

×

Machella

 

Magnanini Manzoli E.

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

Maranello

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

Mariano

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

Moraldo

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Morandi

×

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

Padovani

×

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pazzani

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pellegrino of Casalecchio

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Quistello

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Rangoni

×

 

×

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Rossi

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

Savera

×

 

 

×

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

Secchiari

×

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

Setti

×

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tamburino

×

 

 

 

×

 

 

×

 

 

 

×

 

Terrazzano

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Villanova

 

 

 

 

 

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Zamponi

×

×

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

60

CHAPTER 1

Table 3. Complicities Names, surnames, and nicknames are only written in full in the first occurrence and are maintained in cases of doubt or to avoid confusion with other names.

Defendant [archival shelfmark in FI]

Denounced accomplices

Giovanni Rangoni [3,34]

Andrea Tosabecchi, Alessandro Tassoni, Giacomo Graziani, Giovanni Maria Tagliati (Maranello)

Pietro Antonio of Cervia (Cervia) [3,38]

Rangoni, Paolo Superchi, Francesco Camurana, Gaspare Chiavenna, Cataldo Buzzale, Geminiano Tamburino, Claudio Carandini, Piergiovanni Biancolini, Vincenzo Quistello, Gian Giacomo Cavazza, Giovanni Battista Magnanini (or Magnoni), Pellegrino Setti, Giovanni Bergomozzi, Maranello, Graziani, Giovanni Padovani

Cataldo Buzzale [4,1]

Pellegrino Civa, Alberto Morandi, Gaspare Canossa, Chiavenna, Tommaso Capellina, Cervia, Rangoni, Maranello, Graziani, Bergomozzi, Biancolini

Tommaso Capellina [4,5] Setti, Lucio Rangoni, Chiavenna, Buzzale, Capellina, Bartolomeo Ingoni, Cristoforo Zamponi Gaspare Chiavenna [4,6]

Buzzale, Capellina, Ingoni, Zamponi, Padovani, Cervia, Bernardino Pellotti (Garapina)

Giovanni Maria Tagliati (Maranello) [4,10]

Rangoni, Graziani, Marco Caula, Girolamo Serafino Teggia, Quistello, Ludovico Bassani, Cesare Bellemino, Gerardo Livizzani, Setti, Camurana, Pietro Maria Busello, Magnanini, Pietro Giovanni Grillenzoni, Cavazza, Girolamo Brualdo, Giovanni Brualdo, Giacomo Cavallerini, Antonio Zavarisi, Bartolomeo Pazzani

Leonardo Bazzani [4,17]

Setti, Rangoni, Graziani, Bergomozzi, Cervia, Caula, Maranello, Garapina

Bartolomeo Ingoni [4,20] Paolo Livizzani, Setti, Chiavenna, Capellina, Buzzale, Cristoforo Totti Giacomo Gandolfi [4,25]

Francesco Seghizzi, Giovanni Battista Tassoni, Giovanni Battista Vignola, Giovanni Battista Bachella, Morandi, Piergiovanni shoemaker

Marco Caula [4,27]

Maranello, Rangoni, Graziani, Bergomozzi, Cavazza, Camurana, Setti, Magnanini, Bazzani?

Francesco Manzoli [4,28] Benedetto shoemaker, Natale Gioioso Ercole Manzoli [4,29]

Vincenzo Faiono, Francesco Bordiga, Giulio Cesare Pazzani, Camurana, Benedetto Carandini, Ludovico Fiordibello, Francesco Bellincini, Giulio Cesare Seghizzi, Pietro Curione, Ercole Campogalliano, Cosimo Guidoni

THE FACE OF HERESY

61

Defendant [archival shelfmark in FI]

Denounced accomplices

Giulio Cesare Pazzani [4,30]

Cavazza, Magnanini, Rangoni, Cavallerini, Graziani, Biancolini, Martino Savera, Bordiga

Erasmo Barbieri [4,31]

Francesco Maria Carretta, Paolo Campogalliano, Francesco Secchiari, Gioioso, don Donnino Bandera, don Matteo Puliga, don Filippo Bergola, Giovanni Mirandola, Antonio Villani

Giovanni Andrea Manzoli Xenofonte son of Francesco the Greek, Bergomozzi, Rangoni, [4,32] Graziani, Paolo Campogalliano, Bartolomeo Caura, Ludovico Paganino, Bartolomea della Porta Francesco Caldana [4,34] Setti, Tamburino, Garapina, Biancolini, Rangoni, Graziani, Cervia, Bordiga, Lucio Rangoni, Bazzani, Secchiari, Giulio Franzosino, Giovanni Terrazzano, Giovanni Antonio Durelli, Francesco della Gregora Giulio Cesare Seghizzi [4,35]

Buzzale, Secchiari, Ercole Manzoli, Garapina

Giulio Abbati [4,37]

Savera, Tamburino, Bordiga

Giovanni Antonio Durelli Cervia, Caura, Biancolini, Tamburino, Bordiga, Zamponi, [4,38] Padovani, Buzzale, Secchiari, della Gregora, Secchiari Bartolomea della Porta [5,1]

Bergomozzi, Giovanni Andrea Manzoli, Apollonio Merenda

Geminiano Calligari [5,2] brother Timoteo da Cremona (Augustinian friar), brother Giovanni Andrea (Augustinian friar), Camurana, Ludovico Castelvetro, Maranello, Giovanni Grillenzoni, Tommaso Bavella, Giovanni Antonio Rossi, Nicolò Machella, Graziani, Bordiga, Cristoforo Bagazzano, Morandi, Civa, Ingoni, Zamponi, Padovani, Paolo Campogalliano, Gioioso Ercole Cervi [5,3]

Rangoni, Giovanni Battista Bertari, della Gregora, Garapina, Ercole Manzoli, Guidoni

Francesco Maria Vincenzi Secchiari, della Gregora, Cura, Ercole Manzoli [5,4] Girolamo Comi [5,5]

Cervia

Ercole Piatesi [5,6]

Tamburino

Cosimo Guidoni [5,7]

Camurana, Bordiga, Biancolini, Calligari, Ercole Cervi

Natale Gioioso [5,8]

Ingoni, Zamponi, Padovani, Curione, Francesco Manzoli, Bordiga, Garapina, Chiavenna, Barbieri

Antonio Villani [5,9]

Cervia, Girolamo Tavoni, Curione

Ercole Mignoni [5,10]

Giovanni Ballotta, Camurana, Biancolini, Bordiga, Graziani

Francesco Maria Carretta [5,12]

Garapina, Francesco Maria Machella, Nicolò Machella, Rangoni, Giovanni Grillenzoni, Maranello

62

CHAPTER 1

Defendant [archival shelfmark in FI]

Denounced accomplices

Francesco Bordiga [5,16]

Biancolini, Rangoni, Graziani, Maranello, Caura, Savera, Tamburino, Buratto Sassomarino, Antonio Maria Ferrara, Secchiari?, Cavazza, Bordiga, Morandi, Civa, Cervia, Magnanini

Martino Savera [5,17]

Cavazza, Tamburino, Bordiga, Ferrara, Abbati

Bartolomeo Caura [5,18]

Biancolini, Graziani, Rangoni, Tamburino, Bordiga, Maranello, Ferrara, Magnanini, Savera, Cavazza, Cervia, Zamponi, Vincenzi, Durelli, Caldana, Paolo Campogalliano

Bernardino Pellotti (Garapina) [5,19]

Ferrara, Maranello, Gabriele Falloppia, Luca Mariano, Graziani, Morandi, Paolo Campogalliano, Terrazzano, della Gregora, Curione, Natale Poltronieri, Buratto Sassomarino, Giulio Sadoleto

Pietro Curione [5,22]

Terrazzano, Paolo Campogalliano, Garapina, Teofilo della Begoda, Francesco Villanova, Giovanni Battista Fattori

Geminiano Reggiani (Tamburino) [5,25]

Cavazza, Graziani, Biancolini, Maranello, Caula, Savera, Paolo Campogalliano, Bordiga, Cervia, Morandi, Civa, Ferrara, Secchiari, Padovani, Quistello, Caura, Gioioso

Giovanni Padovani [5,26] Chiavenna, Ingoni, Zamponi, Calligari, Biancolini, Bordiga, Graziani, Caura, Gioioso, brother Giovanni Andrea (Augustinian friar), brother Giovanni Martino? (Augustinian friar) Francesco Secchiari [5,27] Biancolini, Morandi, Civa, Bordiga, della Gregora, Tamburino, Paolo Campogalliano, Cervia, Durelli, Piatesi, Curione, Garapina, Terrazzano, Geminiano Ferrari, Vincenzo Donelina, Pellegrino of Casalecchio, Moraldo beccaro, Barbieri, il Menadore, Francesco Citti, Antonio Maria Boschetti Antonio Maria Ferrara [6,1]

Biancolini, Morandi, Tamburino, Bordiga, Gioioso, Geminiano Scurano, Mariano, Rossi, Savera, Cavazza, Magnanini, Zamponi, Graziani, Maranello, Cavallerini, Rangoni, Caldana, della Porta, Ippolita Beltrama, Alberto Baranzoni, Sadoleto, Rangoni, Alessandro Melloni, Alessandro Fogliani, Antonio Gadaldino, Ercole Mignoni, Citti?, Graziani, Camurana, Pazzani, Bartolomeo Fonzio, Bergomozzi

Francesco Piccinini [6,16] Caura, Tamburino, Bavella Antonio Maria Boschetti [6,17]

Biancolini, Tamburino, Secchiari, Morandi, Bordiga, Ferrara, Cavazza, Magnanini

Francesco Citti [6,23]

Secchiari, Pietro Giovanni Trimbocchi

ChAPtER 2

The Timeframe and Methods of Justice Religious and Political Authorities Confronted with Heresy

The Conduct of Bishops in the Face of Religious Dissent While the previous chapter reconstructed the origins, structure, and names of the main members of the community of Brothers, this chapter will consider how the religious and political authorities reacted to the spread of heresy. Firstly, we will examine the conduct of the exponents of the Catholic Church, i.e. the bishops, who were responsible for leading the diocese of Modena, and of the inquisitors, who combated heresy through the courts of the Holy Office. Secondly, we will illustrate several cases which reveal, better than others, the efforts of the municipal magistrates and, to some extent, of the Dukes of Este to resist the anti-heretical attack on the Brothers. As for the ecclesiastical authorities, we have already seen how, as a direct consequence of the strict inquisitorial policy launched during the papacy of Paul IV, the Brothers had started to take a more clandestine ap‐ proach to professing their faith and, in terms of doctrine, had been inspired by increasingly radical religious principles. Nevertheless, they received unexpected assistance in their clash with the judges from Bishop Egidio Foscarari, Giovanni Morone’s successor, who was appointed head of the diocese of Modena from 1550 to 1564.1 As Adriano Prosperi has written, the Dominican bishop reconciled many heretics with mild penances and informal trials, protecting them from notaries and minutes to avoid the risk of their guilt being recorded in writing.2 In a secret notebook, Foscarari listed the names of the suspects who, in his opinion, he had managed to return to orthodoxy. Several years after his death, the inquisitors frantically searched for that diary to find out the names of the heretics whose confes‐ sions the bishop had secretly collected. They eventually found it in a small room in the bishop’s palace in Modena and extracted a list of people to investigate and prosecute.3

1 On Foscarari, see the biography Al Kalak, Il riformatore dimenticato. 2 Prosperi, Tribunali della coscienza, p. 273. 3 Foscarari’s books have been lost. On 5 January 1572, following their seizure, the notary of the Modena Inquisition made an extract (see Appendix, 3) of the volumes with a number of

64

CHAPTER 2

The significance of this document is evidenced by the fact that it was used to reconstruct the structure of the entire community. The names in the notebook included Cesare Bellincini, Paolo Superchi, Giovanni Bergo‐ mozzi, Filippo Valentini, Nicolò Machella, Bonifacio Valentini, Ercole Cervi, Pellegrino Setti, Bartolomea della Porta, Marco Caula, Giacomo Cavallerini, Antonio Gadaldino, Ludovico Castelvetro, Giacomo Graziani, Francesco Camurana, Antonio Maria Ferrara, Giulio Sadoleto, Paolo Cassani, Ludovico Bassani, Tommaso Carandini (known as Barbazza), Francesco Catti, Pietro Curione, Pellegrino Civa, Giulio Cesare Seghizzi, Cataldo Buzzale, Francesco della Gregora, Alessandro Carandini, Guido Sudenti, Maranello, and Giovanni Rangoni. This list of old and new names alone is sufficient to understand how Foscarari’s conduct did not hinder the development of the community, but rather created a ‘climate of toler‐ ance’ that favoured its expansion.4 Just as Bishop Morone had protected the members of the Academy in the 1530s and 1540s, it appears that Foscarari safeguarded the Brothers in the 1550s and 1560s. Letters from the heterodox community, such as those addressed to the Dominican by Filippo Valentini and Ludovico Castelvetro, were ‘full of respect and above all of trust in his tolerance’; Valentini called him ‘monsignor mio prudente et giusto’ (most prudent and just Monsignor).5 Foscarari had privately investigated and absolved certain individuals who played a decisive role in the group’s fate: the people who the inquisitors subsequently took pains to bring down in order to decapitate the move‐ ment had only received paternal reprimands and loving appeals for obedi‐ ence from the bishop. Giacomo Graziani, for example, after being rebuked for his ideas about the Eucharist, free will, and fasting (fundamental questions from a doctrinal standpoint), was rapidly acquitted by Foscarari who cited the opinion of a certain friar, Alberto: ‘audit eum in confessione et mirifice laudat’ (after hearing his confession, he greatly praised him).6 What happened in Modena was not, however, an isolated case. The 1540s and 1550s — the first decades in which the Roman Inquisition was able to operate after its establishment in 1542 — were, in many areas of Italy, a period of deadlock for the court and there was no shortage of bishops who put a spanner in the works of the judges. Many clergymen, in particular those with extensive experience in the Roman Curia, claimed the right to judge heterodoxy cases, undermining, as much as possible,

brief notes (preserved in FI, 1,7,VIII). For a more comprehensive overview of this affair, see Al Kalak, ‘L’inquisitore archivista’. 4 The definition is from Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 142 n. 256. See also Rotondò, ‘Atteggiamenti della vita morale italiana’, p. 243 n. 22 and similar assessments in Bianco, p. 621. 5 Bacchelli, ‘Di una lettera su Erasmo’, p. 261. 6 FI, 1,7,VIII.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

the new court.7 Foscarari had a special license granted by Pope Julius III, who had attempted to reaffirm papal power over the Inquisition. Thanks to that privilege, the bishop could privately absolve cases of heresy, removing them from the jurisdiction of the court of faith.8 It is therefore hardly surprising that the inquisitors considered Fo‐ scarari’s actions in relation to heresy to be a major form of complicity, as clearly revealed by the judgments expressed, in a changed climate several years after his death, by cardinals and inquisitors of the Holy Office. When the Dominican Sisto Visdomini of Como, the former inquisitor of Modena, was appointed bishop of the city in 1571, the many prelates with whom he maintained close correspondence found a negative model to draw his attention to. Cardinal Vincenzo Giustiniani warned him as follows: Alcuno di suoi predecessori, parlo di monsignor Egidio, ha patito assai. Conviene che lei c’ha l’essempio avan[ti] gli occhi, antiveda di non venire a quelli termini […] Però io sarei di parer che Vostra Signoria non si dimesticasse troppo con loro [eretici] e massime con parenti di chi son stati sospetti, star sempre unito co ’l padre inquisitore […] Mostrarvi etiam d’esser in tutto inimicissimo di questa sorte de huomini, inimici della fede et proceder contra loro con ogni rigore, perché la humanità, il dissimular, il voler proceder con loro benignamente et pensar di vincerli con ragione o persuasione è tutto perso et lei acquisteria mal nome. Non è tempo se non di rigor e castigo hoggi dì con questa sorte di persone.9 (One of your predecessors — I am referring to Bishop Egidio Foscarari — endured a great deal. Bearing in mind his example, you should avoid finding yourself in the same situation […] I would therefore advise you against giving too much credence to heretics and relatives of those suspected of heresy; to always stay close to the inquisitor […] You must also demonstrate that you are a great enemy of these kind of people, who are enemies of the faith, acting very severely towards them, since being charitable, behaving kindly and trying to convince them with reasoning or persuasion is a waste of time and will earn you a bad reputation. Now is the time

7 See Prosperi, Tribunali della coscienza and the summary in Prosperi, ‘Riforma cattolica’. 8 A summary of the measure, issued by Julius III on 21 July 1550, can be found in Fontana, ‘Documenti vaticani’, p. 419. For an overview of the privilege in the context of the pontifical policy on heresy, see Brambilla, La giustizia intollerante, pp. 68–77; Al Kalak, Il riformatore dimenticato, pp. 104–08. 9 The letter, dated 20 November 1571, is published in Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 211– 12.

65

66

CHAPTER 2

to be strict with these kind of people and to inflict punishments on them.) The period of almost thirty years in which, thanks to Foscarari, the net‐ works of dissent in Modena had been able to operate with relative ease was unequivocally condemned. Cardinal Giovanni Francesco Gambara implied something similar in a letter dated 5 December 1571: ‘La bona memoria di monsignor di Modena già suo predecessore — he wrote to Visdomini — per haver voluto usar sempre la mansuetudine et la piacevolezza, si giudica che non habbia fatto tutto quello che havrebbe potuto per servitio della sua chiesa’ (The bishop of Modena, now dead [Foscarari], is considered to have failed in his duty because he always wanted to take a gentle and meek approach). He continued: Vostra Signoria sa che ’l Santo Offitio si suol riposare assai nei vescovi che sono stati creati de l’ordine de l’inquisitori, però quando quelli non facessero il debito loro sarebbe manco male o che non ci fussero vescovi overo che ci fussino di quelli ne i quali il Santo Offitio non confida. (You are aware that the Holy Office has great confidence in the bishops who come from the order of the inquisitors [i.e. the Dominican Order]. However, when the latter do not behave appropriately, it would be better either for the dioceses to have no bishops or to be governed by bishops not trusted by the Holy Office.)10 Foscarari’s betrayal was twofold: as a bishop and as a Dominican. The bishops’ authority had therefore been an ineffective deterrent against the spread of heresy in Modena. Moreover, the very manner in which Foscarari had tried to reconcile the heretics had in fact favoured the expansion and consolidation of the community of Brothers. In the eyes of the Papal Curia, the only option was to rely on courts of faith directly controlled by Rome: the bishops, at least in the first two decades of the existence of the Holy Office, had not proven to be reliable allies and the path to re-establishing orthodoxy necessitated severe and rigorous inquisitorial trials.

10 The letter is published in Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 210–11.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

The Trials Conducted by the Inquisition (1546–1568) As previously discussed, the initial years of the Roman Inquisition’s work in Modena were by no means easy. Successive bishops had prevented or impeded many of the legal proceedings that the inquisitors sought to take. An examination of the trials of the Modenese Holy Office reveals that it was only after Foscarari’s ‘gentle manner’ was discarded and Michele Ghislieri (who became Pope Pius V in 1566) was elected to the papal throne that the judges were able to fully deploy the ‘arsenal’ at their disposal. This is further evidenced when we attempt to reconstruct the course of the repressive measures through the succession of trial papers: the decisive year, a watershed moment in the judges’ proceedings, was 1566. If we select the most relevant cases, exclude duplicates and investiga‐ tions carried out in other locations of the Holy Office and only consider accusations of particular significance within the scope of the analysis conducted here, we can reduce the trials held between the mid-1540s and 1560–1563 to around twenty. Some of them aimed to extinguish hotbeds associated with particular heretics. Such was the case of Giovanni Battista Campiani, known as Balestra, who was summoned to court in September 1547: although he denied all the accusations levelled against him, Balestra failed to convince the friars of San Domenico who, from 1548 to March 1552, continued to call witnesses willing to attest to his unorthodox tendencies. After Balestra’s death, the judges turned their attention to his wife Lucia, who was denounced in September 1552 by Maria Viviani for having committed ‘multa hereticalia’ (many heresies).11 In other cases, the court convicted bakers, teachers, and commoners and collected testimonies against members of the Academy. However, even some of the Brothers and those who gravitated around the group found themselves caught in the judges’ snares. Seven trials in particular help to demonstrate how the Holy Office started to acquire precise knowledge of the Brothers’ heresy in the 1550s. Following a denunciation during Christmas 1546 in which the Dominican Teofilo of Mantua reported the issues discussed by Don Vincenzo Ferraroni, Gabriotto Tassoni, Gemini‐ ano Manzoli, and Giovanni Rangoni,12 a number of men ended before the judges: Piergiovanni Biancolini, Paolo Superchi, Pietro Giovanni Gril‐ lenzoni and his son Orazio, Paolo of Campogalliano, Pellegrino Civa,

11 The charges against Balestra (denial of purgatory, hell, free will, the worship of images and saints, and the Eucharist) are in FI, 2,70, c. 2 September 1547. The testimonies against him were gathered from 20 May 1548 (Cassandra Catti’s deposition in FI, 2,70) to 14 March 1552 (Ludovico Vecchi’s deposition in FI, 3,6). Maria Viviani’s accusations against Balestra’s wife are in FI, 3,6, c. 29 September 1552. 12 See FI, 2,69.

67

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and Girolamo Brualdi (Beroaldi), figures who, a few years later, were named as members of the community by various heretics.13 While most of the Modenese dissidents settled accounts with the lenient Foscarari, the judges were developing an increasingly clear understanding of the commu‐ nity’s structure and the activities of its key members. The Holy Office be‐ gan to gather clues that made its attack more effective over the following decades. The Biancolini case, mentioned above, is emblematic in this re‐ gard. Summoned by the judges in March 1552, the heretic defended him‐ self against the inquisitors until he was imprisoned (on 25 April) on the grounds of lack of cooperation. He subsequently tempered his words and was soon persuaded to talk. His final abjuration should have put an end to the trial, but a few years later the Inquisition of Piacenza sent copies of other compromising depositions against Biancolini, who at the time was acting as podestà. It emerged that after the trial in Modena he had contin‐ ued to uphold his heterodox beliefs and his brother Ludovico, who testi‐ fied in 1559, confirmed that he had not strayed from his convictions in any way.14 Paolo Superchi, one of the other heretics who the inquisitors started to investigate at an early stage, immediately engaged in a discussion with the preacher Sebastiano of Ferrara to urge him to tell the truth without pretence.15 A similar episode involved Pellegrino Civa, who claimed to have persuaded the bishop to share his views.16 Until the early 1560s, however, the court was unable to achieve much: although a number of key members of the community had been identified, the court was still a long way from accomplishing its goal. It was not until 1557 that the Inquisition’s work began to accelerate as a result of changes taking place in the Roman Curia. When the ‘father’ of the Holy Office, Gian Pietro Carafa, became pope with the name of Paul IV (1555), one of his first objectives was to attack Cardinal Giovanni Morone. Convinced that the cardinal had embraced heretical doctrines that had led him, as discussed earlier, to protect many dissidents, including those

13 The proceedings against Pietro Giovanni and Orazio Grillenzoni are recorded in FI, 3,17; their story is reconstructed in Al Kalak, ‘Eresia e dissenso religioso a Carpi’, pp. 219–23. See also Martinelli Braglia, ‘Grillenzoni, Orazio’. For the velvet weaver Paolo Antonio of Campogalliano (known as Paolo), whose trial is recorded in FI, 3,15 (see also 3,14), see PM, i, 299–300; Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 158–64; Al Kalak, ‘Paolo Antonio da Campogalliano’. There is some mention of Girolamo Brualdi (or Beroaldi) in Peyronel Rambaldi, p. 255; his trial is in FI, 3,22. For Pellegrino Civa, see supra, p. 45, note 80. 14 The Biancolini case is reconstructed based on FI, 3,4, which is accompanied by the depositions sent by the Inquisition of Piacenza. The cover of the file reads: ‘1552. Processus formatus contra ser Ioannem Biancholinum et per abiurationem absolutus’ (Trial held against Piergiovanni Biancolini, which ended with abjuration). 15 See FI, 3,7, cc. 8 and 22 June 1552. 16 See FI, 3,21, c. 19 April 1558.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

Figure 6. Nicolas Beatrizet, Portrait of Pope Paul IV, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. 1530–1566.

belonging to the Modena Academy, Carafa imprisoned Morone in Castel Sant’Angelo in 1557. He was soon joined by Bishop Egidio Foscarari, who was accused of having sent Morone certain documents for his defence: the two men, who succeeded each other at the helm of the diocese of Modena, thus found themselves incarcerated together in Rome by order of the In‐ quisition. In 1559 the death of Paul IV and the election of the new pope, Pius IV, who admired Morone, prevented the worst outcome and the two defendants were acquitted.17 Nevertheless, those who still had doubts about the consequences that a moderate and dialogue-oriented govern‐ ment would have for the bishops received a clear answer. Unsurprisingly, during the same period the situation started to deterio‐ rate for the Brothers. In 1563, as the noose tightened around one of the 17 On Morone’s trial and its connection to the events discussed here, see Firpo and Maifreda, L’eretico che salvò la Chiesa, pp. 493–558.

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group’s leaders, nobleman Giovanni Rangoni,18 a testimony was given about the community’s existence for the first time. These were the ‘quasi 30 quali si dimandavano fratelli’ (almost 30 heretics who called themselves Brothers) of whom Pellegrino Varanini had spoken on 22 December of that year.19 Soon little would remain of these heretics: coinciding with the election of a new inquisitor-pope, Pius V (1566–1572), an intense series of trials was launched that decapitated the most important groups and dis‐ persed the community’s leaders. On 3 September 1566 Bergomozzi, Biancolini, Graziani, Caula, and Maranello, all fugitives, were summoned by the court.20 Only the latter two men returned. Subsequently, the Brothers Cataldo Buzzale and Leonardo Bazzani were crushed by severe interrogations. One after the other, the accomplices who they had denounced also started to crack. Buzzale had implicated Gaspare Chiavenna and Tommaso Capellina.21 The pair were summoned in December of that year, after trying in vain to prevent Cataldo from coming clean. Chiavenna then named Bartolomeo Ingoni, Cristoforo Zamponi, and Giovanni Padovani.22 Ingoni only had to wait a few days before he was summoned by the judges in January 1567;23 shortly before, the court had called Cristoforo Totti (also known as Zamponi), who was examined in late December.24 Padovani managed to avoid the summons until October 1567. After admitting that he was a member of Gaspare Chiavenna’s group, he revealed, under torture, the names of various accomplices: Geminiano Calligari, Francesco Bordiga, Bartolomeo Caura, and Natale Gioioso.25 The judges soon made use of this new material. Between 1566 and 1567, another trial was held that caused a sensation: the trial against Marco Magnavacca, who fled to Modena to avoid being arrested by the Bologna Inquisition. As will be discussed in greater detail further on,26 the judges managed to apprehend him and, since he had

18 The greatest number of testimonies against the Modenese nobleman were heard in this year (see FI, 3,35). 19 FI, 3,38, see supra, p. 24. 20 On the condemnation of the five leaders of the community, see Appendix, 4. See also: FI 4,21. 21 FI, 4,1, c. 9–13? October 1566. 22 FI, 4,6, c. 19 December 1566. 23 FI, 4,20. 24 FI, 4,7. Ingoni identified Totti as one of those with whom he had discussed matters of faith: ‘Et da indi in poi ne ho parlato con diverse persone quali conoscevo essere di tali opinioni’ (And I subsequently talked about it with several people who I knew to hold these views) including ‘Christopharo Totto da Modena’ (Cristoforo Totti of Modena) (FI, 4,20, c. 23 January 1567). 25 FI, 5,26, cc. 24 and 31 January 1568. 26 See infra, pp. 87–92. Magnavacca was a member of a heterodox Bolognese group that was dispersed by the inquisitor Balducci in the spring of 1560. A shearman, he fled to Modena

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

already been sentenced in Bologna, there was no choice but to impose the death penalty on him as a relapso (i.e.: someone who had fallen back into the heresy that they had promised to abandon). On 10 February 1567 the court pronounced the sentence, listing fourteen charges (contesting the worship of images and the Madonna, papal power, purgatory, the right to judge and condemn heretics, the primacy of grace and the greater importance of the Bible than the sacraments). It was the sinister prelude to the final defeat of the community of Brothers. For several months the judges continued to investigate the complicity between various defendants, until, in March, the inquisitor of Bologna Antonio Balducci contacted the Modenese court again to report the arrest of Pietro Antonio of Cervia. The Dominican had immediately realized the importance of this event, of which he had also informed the Holy Office in Rome. On 1 March 1567 he wrote to Cardinal Scipione Rebiba as follows: V’è un Pier’Antonio da Cervia il quale è heretico et è un gran ribaldo perché oltre ch’è heretico perditissimo, confessa poi [avere] continuamente celebrato la messa non havendo ordine alcuno. Questo ha confessa[to] tutta la compagnia o almeno una gran parte degli heretici di Modena et gli errori che tenevano.27 (There is a certain Pietro Antonio of Cervia who is a heretic and very dangerous because, in addition to being an unconvertible heretic, he has also confessed to having continually celebrated mass, despite not being a priest. He has also confessed the names of all his companions, or of at least a large part of the heretics in Modena, and their wrongs.) Four days later, on 5 March, the court of Bologna sent all of Cervia’s interrogations to the congregation of cardinals in Rome and awaited in‐ structions on how to proceed:28 the Holy Office asked Balducci to keep Cervia ‘sotto buona custodia’ (imprisoned under close surveillance) and, in response, the inquisitor reassured them that the key to the cell in which the heretic was locked ‘giorno e notte sta appresso di me’ (is with me day and night).29 On 4 June the names of the defendant’s accomplices were extracted through torture.30 Finally, around 23 August, the court of

27 28 29 30

with other companions. See Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’ e Dall’Olio, pp. 275–76. In February 1567, Magnavacca was a married father of five children. The trial against him, from which the following information is taken, is in FI, 4,9. ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 20r-v. ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 30r. Letter dated 15 March 1567, in ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 23r-v. ‘È stato esaminato il Pier Antonio da Cervia con una buona tortura et ha manifestati alcuni altri heretici in Modena, huomini et donne de quali si mandarà la copia al vicario del padre

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Bologna was ordered to leave Pietro Antonio to his fate, since by then they had obtained everything they could have hoped for from him.31 His interrogations, as mentioned in the first chapter, offered an exceptionally complete picture of the Modenese community, which made it possible to improve the existing strategy of repression. In early September a decision was made to punish him with the death sentence. The heretic, by the inquisitor’s own admission, showed that he had converted as he ascended the gallows. Antonio Balducci reported to Cardinal Rebiba as follows: Gli dico mo’ come hieri demmo al brazzo secolare il Cervia et Peregrino dipintore et hoggi la sentenza è stata esequita. Monsignor mio, non credo forsi che dui altri heretici siano morti da molt’anni sono più divotamente, con parole, con atti divotissimi, protestando sempre la santa fede catholica della Romana Chiesa e domandando perdono dello scandalo dato.32 (I am writing to inform you that yesterday we delivered Cervia and the painter Pellegrino [i.e. another heretic sentenced alongside Cervia] to the secular arm. The judgment was passed today. Monsignor, I believe that there have not been, for many years, two heretics who have died with more devotion and more pious words and gestures than these men. They acknowledged the holy Catholic faith of the Roman Church and asked forgiveness for the scandal they caused.) After this punishment had become an edifying conversion spectacle, it was now a matter of ascertaining the position of women and companions who had lived in close contact with Cervia. In August 1567, in parallel trials, the Romagna native’s wife, Laura Mamani, Francesca Melloni, who had regu‐ larly visited the heretic, and the latter’s small daughter, Livia, all appeared before the inquisitors.33 A month later Alessandro Carrari of Parma, who had served in the military with Cervia, was imprisoned and, after torture, was acquitted of all charges.34 A worse fate befell Giovanni Ludovico

31 32 33 34

inquisitore di Ferrara acciò facci l’ufficio suo’ (Pietro Antonio of Cervia was interrogated under torture and revealed other heretics present in Modena, both men and women, a list of whom will be sent to the vicar of the inquisitor of Ferrara [i.e. the inquisitor of Modena] so that he may carry out his duty) (ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 15r). The letters on the Cervia case dating back to the summer of 1567 are in: ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fols 4v, 10a r, 51v, 106r. ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 72v. The letter is dated 6 September 1567. The decision to enforce the sentence had previously been announced in Rome on 3 September (see fol. 71r). The first two proceedings are bound in a single file (FI, 4,11), while Livia’s deposition is preserved in FI, 7,10. Cervia revealed the names of sixteen comrades (FI, 3,38, c. 2 June 1567). The trial against Carrari is in FI, 4,16.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

Novelli, the other of the two comrades who, according to Cervia, accepted his doctrines. After being imprisoned, Novelli continued to protest his innocence even when, on 30 September, he was tortured by burning his feet in a fire. On 1 December Novelli received a sentence which, given the gravity of the charges, entailed relatively light punishments (prayers and fasting).35 Perhaps by following the trail of the Cervia interrogations, the judges also traced Giovanni Padovani (already named as an accomplice by Gaspare Chiavenna) and Geminiano Tamburino. Summoned in October 1567, Tamburino revealed to the judges many of the names that appeared before the court a few months later. The sentence issued against him on 31 January 1568 effectively ended the first stage of the great inquisitorial repression,36 culminating, as will be discussed shortly, in the unusual alliance between the Holy Office and the bishops of Modena.

The Final Dispersion of the Community (1568–1570) It was Pope Pius V Ghislieri who gave an ancient and still undefeated ad‐ versary a tool that was destined to put a permanent end to Modenese het‐ erodoxy. On 10 February 1568, the great inquisitor, now pope, entrusted Cardinal Giovanni Morone, who had been reappointed bishop of Modena following Foscarari’s death († 1564), with the task of reconciling all the dissidents still present in the Emilian diocese. With a special privilege, Pius V granted him the power to absolve in both forums (the forum of conscience and the judicial forum) the faithful who wished to return to the bosom of the Church, even if they were tainted with heresy. Anyone who went to the bishop to confess his sins and reveal his accomplices, after a public or secret abjuration declared in the presence of notaries, witnesses, and two theologians, would be reintegrated into the Christian commu‐ nity.37 This measure was undoubtedly important: ‘these concessions did more serious damage to the cohesion of the heterodox movement than the denunciations made by those who had already been tried […] Those who did not present themselves voluntarily were imprisoned, subjected to a rigorous trial and often tortured’.38

35 Novelli’s accusations essentially echo the confessions of Pietro Antonio of Cervia. See FI, 4,18. 36 FI, 5,25. 37 There is a copy of the brief in FI, 270, III (Editti e decreti 1550–1670). For a partial edition and related bibliographical references, see Bianco, p. 623 n. 10 and, in particular, Firpo and Maifreda, L’eretico che salvò la Chiesa, pp. 737–40. 38 Bianco, p. 623. On the value of these trials for the accurate reconstruction of the activities of Modenese heretics, see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 154–55.

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Traces of Morone’s activity are recorded in two lists. The first is a list of ten heretics who secretly abjured, which is kept in the Vatican Archive.39 The second is a more comprehensive summary, reported in the appendix to the inquisitorial file against the heterodox Giulio Abbati: it includes all twenty-one suspects who confessed to the cardinal, shattering what remained of the community of Brothers forever.40 By carrying out the crackdown ordered by the pope, Morone acted as a ‘specially delegated’ inquisitor, that is, as an extraordinary member of the court of Modena. In this regard, the archives make it possible to very accurately reconstruct what occurred in spring 1568. On 15 March Ercole Cervi and Cosimo Guidoni presented themselves before the court, fol‐ lowed by Francesco Maria Vincenzi on 16 March and Ercole and Giovanni Andrea Manzoli on 17 March.41 Two days later, their brother Francesco came forward, along with Giulio Cesare Seghizzi, followed on 21 March by Francesco Caldana, Giovanni Antonio Durelli, and Girolamo Comi. Gio‐ vanni Battista Meschiari, Bartolomea della Porta, and Giacomo Gandolfi presented themselves on 23 March, Francesco Villanova on 25 March and Ercole Piatesi and Ercole Mignoni on 27 March.42 The month concluded with Giulio Abbati (28 March) and Antonio Villani and Giovanni Battista Capelli (29 March). The last group, consisting of Giulio Cesare Pazzani and Ludovico Mazzoni, came forward on 27 April.43 In two weeks (from 15 to 29 March) nineteen heretics presented themselves,44 just over one

39 The file was first reported by Mercati, pp. 145–46. 40 See FI, 4,37. 41 Ercole Cervi was a goldsmith who, from at least the 1540s, had started to cultivate positions of religious dissent (Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 150). Cervi was the brotherin-law (and fellow believer) of Francesco Bergamasco, who was also a goldsmith. When his father died around 1565, he was visited by Ercole Manzoli and Cosimo Guidoni, who revealed to him their heterodox views. Around 1550 Cosimo Guidoni was employed in Francesco Camurana’s tannery together with Geminiano Calligari. He then began to work in Nicolò Castelvetro’s workshop, where he met Francesco Bordiga. Various documents testify to his acquaintance with Ercole Manzoli (see e.g. FI, 5,3, c. 15 March 1568). 42 On Giacomo Gandolfi, see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 143–49. On 10 January 1571 Gandolfi, a builder, appears among the dead in the parish of San Barnaba (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 39v). Francesco Villanova had developed heretical beliefs by the 1540s. 43 Giovanni Battista, the son of Stefano Capelli, was a relative of Francesco Seghizzi, who introduced him to reformist beliefs, and the brother-in-law of Cesare Bellincini, who confirmed his views. He was a small landowner (see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 142–43). On 10 February 1557 he was sent to the duke as a representative of the Community of Modena (ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 96, letter dated 10 February 1557). Ludovico Mazzoni, nicknamed Paganino, had begun to adhere to reformist theories around 1560 at the home of Giovanni Andrea Manzoli (FI, 4,32, c. 20 March 1568). 44 The information is taken from the inquisitorial files on the various defendants. In citation order: FI, 5,3; 5,7; 5,4; 4,29; 4,32; 4,28; 4,35; 4,34; 4,38; 5,5; 4,36; 5,1; 4,25; 5,15; 5,6; 5,10; 4,37; 5,9; 4,33; 4,30; 5,21.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

75

Figure 7. Bartolomeo Cancellieri, Portrait of Cardinal Giovanni Morone, Private collection. Sixteenth century.

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a day, along with Francesco Maria Carretta who, probably in the same pe‐ riod, was acquitted by the cardinal.45 Abjurations and judgements were rapidly recorded and passed. In the majority of cases, it did not take longer than a day for the defendants to be notified of the penances that they were required to perform. This swift justice offered the judges a valuable overview. It should be noted, however, that in this period the inquisitors did not delegate other cases to Morone that contributed to spelling the demise of the Modenese community. After sentencing the most important Brothers or sending them on the run, the judges tried the last of the leaders who had not yet been brought before the court, Giulio Sadoleto. The trial, which began in March 1568, went on for another two and a half years, when Sadoleto was finally sentenced in October 1570 (two years after his assets had been confiscated).46 A matter concerning another heretic — Natale Gioioso, whose name had appeared in more than one interrogation — remained to be resolved. His status as a relapso — he had already abjured on 10 March 1563 — put him in an extremely delicate situation. While awaiting a response from the Roman Holy Office, on 2 November 1568, exhausted by illness, Natale Gioioso died before the judgment could be passed: on 27 November, the man’s corpse, after careful inspection, was handed over to the secular arm to be burned at the stake of that heretic who had relapsed into his past mistakes. Two days later, the abjuration that the man was supposed to have declared was attached to the records.47 In order to complete the clean-up operation, it was still necessary to disperse the last members of groups against which no action had yet been taken. Certain trials were relatively fast, taking place in the space of a month. Between March and April 1568, Francesco Bordiga, Martino Savera, Bartolomeo Caura, Bernardino Garapina, Francesco Secchiari, and Erasmo Barbieri, who were all implicated as members of at least one dissenting group, were summoned and condemned by the court.48 In the same month Pietro Curione and Fulvio Calori were requested to appear to court. Their trials continued until October. Meanwhile, Antonio Maria

45 On 24 April 1568 Carretta admitted various heretical views before the inquisitors, ‘le quali cose spontaneamente confessai già alli dì passati all’illustrissimo et reverendissimo cardinale Morono et fui da Sua Signoria Illustrissima assoluto’ (I recently confessed these things voluntarily to Cardinal Morone and was absolved by him; FI, 5,12). 46 FI, 6,12. 47 The information is taken from his case file in FI, 5,8. He is also referred to as a relapso in Mercati, p. 145. 48 ‘A street vendor of rags and glass, which he used to stock up on in Venice’ (Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 156), Erasmo Barbieri is recorded to have died in the parish of San Pietro on 19 March 1569 (ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576, fol. 8v). The trials in question against the various heretics are in: FI, 5,16–5,19; 5,27; 4,31.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

Ferrara’s position was examined from March 1568 to October 1569.49 Francesco Maria Carretta’s turn came in April. Geminiano Calligari’s short trial was not held until December.50 Whether they abjured in secret or not, from March to December 1568 over thirty Brothers, members of important groups in the original community network, were investigated and tried. Finally, between 1569 and 1570, the final repression was carried out, marking the end of any further development for the Brothers. However, it is significant that, after the series of trials conducted by Morone on behalf of Pius V, the Roman Holy Office advised the judges of Modena to monitor and supervise those whom the cardinal had absolved. In a letter dated February 1569 — less than a year after Morone’s actions — Scipione Rebiba, member of the Roman congregation, invited the inquisitor of Ferrara Paolo Costabili, head of the Este state courts, to question those who had abjured before Morone: indeed, in the opinion of the supreme inquisitors, the defendants had not been truthful when identi‐ fying accomplices and suspects and it was therefore necessary to question them once more (in particular, the inquisitor was asked to re-examine Gia‐ como Gandolfi, Ercole Manzoli, and Bartolomea della Porta).51 Morone’s disavowal could not have been more obvious. Although the inquisitorial authorities and the bishops has briefly joined forces in an attempt to put an end to the spread of heresy, the cardinal was still shrouded in very strong suspicion. The work he had done was unreliable and it was necessary to review his actions in order to assess his sincerity.

Conflicts between the Political Authorities and the Courts of Faith: The Defence of Municipal Autonomy The trials held by the inquisitors and Bishop Morone show the devel‐ opment of the escalated repression, as previously discussed, during the pontificates of Paul IV and, above all, of Pius V. Within the complex tangle of jurisdictions that characterized the states of Italy at the time, the work of

49 Fulvio Calori, son of Girolamo, was tried between 1567 and 1568. Geminiano Tamburino described him as a man with a ‘barba bionda et puole haver 30 anni’ (blonde beard, aged around 30; FI, 5,25, c. 25 January 1568). He owned a villa in the Modena countryside, where he possessed an extensive library (Bianco, p. 649). After abjuring, he was sentenced to carcere perpetuo, but was forced to repeat his abjuration in January 1570. The trials against Curione, Calori and Ferrara are respectively in: FI, 5,22; 5,23; 6,1. 50 See FI, 5,12; 5,2. 51 Rebiba’s letter of 26 February 1569 is kept in FI, 251, among the extensive correspondence between the Roman Holy Office and the Modenese Inquisition. For an analysis of the documents, see Biondi, ‘Le lettere’. On Costabili (or Constabili), see Foa, ‘Constabile, Ferdinando’.

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the Holy Court not only affected the prerogatives of the bishops, but also threatened, in an equally serious manner, the justice of the prince (in this case, the Duke of Ferrara) and municipal autonomy. The following pages will examine the main disputes that arose between the Community of Mo‐ dena, which fiercely guarded its political freedom, and the Inquisition, which was committed to restoring order and religious uniformity in the city. Particular attention will be paid to the behaviour of the Conservators (the members of the city’s elite in charge of the Municipality), who repeat‐ edly tried to oppose the Inquisition, requesting assistance from the Este court. The political influence of the Community in Modena was a longstanding issue. The Este dukes had arrived in the city in January 1289 when Obizzo II was appointed lord by the Rangoni and Boschetti fami‐ lies, who had emerged victorious from the struggles of previous years.52 Ferrarese rule, which was not always stable, had been obliged to come to an agreement with the Municipality, granting it an important role in the governance of the area. Throughout the sixteenth century ‘the Council of Conservators, whose eventful history is yet to be written […] jealously defended its prerogatives’, and the dukes failed in their attempts to exercise more control over the appointments and equilibrium of the assembly.53 In Modena an ‘imperfect diarchy’ was created in which the dukes exerted their power, while the ordinary administration of the city and surrounding area was entrusted to a collegiate body made up of magistrates first called ‘Anziani’ (Elders), then ‘Sapienti’ (Sages), and finally ‘Conservatori’ (Con‐ servators). In this context, the first recorded clash between the Inquisition and the city magistrates was at the start of the pontificate of Paul IV Carafa, when an order arrived from Rome for Duke Ercole II d’Este to hand over four Modenese citizens suspected of heresy: Ludovico Castelvetro, Antonio Gadaldino, Bonifacio and Filippo Valentini.54 Although it involved mem‐ bers of the Academy, this affair was also very significant for the Brothers: the tensions of these days revealed that the new court was becoming much more effective. On 17 July 1556 a long letter from the Conservators was delivered to the duke in Ferrara, expressing the Modenese magistrates’ protestations in response to this request.55 The Municipality used compelling rhetoric

52 On this subject, see the summary by Vasina, ‘Il mondo economico emiliano-romagnolo’, pp. 697–99. 53 Peyronel Rambaldi, pp. 26–29; qtd. here p. 26. See Biondi, ‘Per una storia dell’attività consiliare’; Cattini, ‘Tremilacinquecento Modenesi’; Turchi, ‘Un patriziato alla prova’. 54 As stated supra, p. 25, the application for arrest arrived from Rome on 1 October 1555, with a brief published in BM, vi, 59. 55 The letter, whose contents are summarized below, is in FI, 1,6,III (Appendix, 2).

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

to put forward various arguments to defend its jurisdiction against the in‐ terference of the court of faith. First, it complained that the Inquisition inter‐ fered with lay people, taking them away from the duke’s justice. More‐ over, after the many efforts that the Community had made since 1542 to publicly attest its orthodoxy, it was impossible to once again single out Modena as a den of heretics: the city, by then, was ‘quietissima’ (very calm). The defendants requested by Rome were described as ‘persone virtuose e non degl’ultimi’ (honourable and high-ranking individuals), who were being falsely accused due to rivalries Figure 8. Emilian painter, Portrait of between the city’s factions. In the let‐ Ludovico Castelvetro, Modena, ter, the Conservators asked what Gallerie Estensi. Sixteenth century. should be done to appease the Holy Office: as mentioned, the City had re‐ peatedly affirmed its loyalty to the Church, the duke had issued edicts against the heretics, the Inquisition had set up its courts in the Duchy of Este and the bishop of the diocese, according to the magistrates, exercised strict pastoral care over his flock. What could Rome possibly suspect? The Conservators’ letter described a situation of calm that bore no relation to what was actually taking place in the alleys and streets of the city. The com‐ munity of Brothers was very active and, as seen in the previous chapter, the mid-1550s was a period of numerical growth and doctrinal radicalization. The judgment of Modenese citizens and subjects of the House of Este in Rome was not, however, something that the municipal magistrates could have permitted. If the four defendants in question had been handed over, there would have been a proliferation of similar requests. The importance of that extradition was confirmed by the insistence with which the then inquisitor Michele Ghislieri asked the Este ambas‐ sadors in Rome to hand over the accused: Monsignor Giulio Grandi, the bishop of Anglona and representative of the dukes of Ferrara to the pope, reported that the Holy Office was insisting on the handover of the four Modenese citizens, which would be a sign of the duke’s allegiance in the ‘guerra spirituale’ (spiritual war) waged by Paul IV.56 56 In a letter to the duke dated 8 July 1556, Grandi described the judges’ behaviour as follows: ‘Postea non volgio mancare dirli che ogni dì ho alle spale fra Michel qual fugo più che posso et me dice che [con] questa tardità della esecutione della cittatione di quelli modenesi […]

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It was not only the municipal magistrates who realized the danger which that extradition posed to the Este jurisdiction. The governor of Mo‐ dena, Ercole Contrari, who defended ducal power in the city, also warned Ercole II d’Este against Rome’s demands. On 23 July, he had sent the duke a letter in which he reiterated the importance of the dispute: the subjects of the lord of Ferrara — he explained — should not be ‘travagliati’ (mis‐ treated) by the judges of Rome and if Castelvetro, Gadaldino, and the Valentini cousins were handed over it could lead to riots and uprisings.57 A few days later, on 28 July, the duke himself replied to Contrari’s insistent letters, affirming his commitment to resolve the matter and requesting that the four defendants be tried in Ferrara or within the state borders.58 Trapped between the pope and the municipal magistrates, Ercole II tried to pacify both Rome and Modena. On the one hand, he reassured Paul IV of his willingness to comply with the pontifical request; on the other, he gave opposite signals to the Conservators. While Giulio Grandi informed the pope that the summons against the four heretics had been served (29 July 1556), the city of Modena’s ambassador Elia Carandini, sent to Ferrara, reported that the duke would do anything necessary to obtain a ‘commissario nel stato suo’ (commissioner sent to his state) and to prevent his subjects from having to stand trial before other courts (3 August).59 On 7 October, in Rome, according to the canonical procedure, quotes of the alleged heretics were posted on the doors of St Peter’s Basilica and the Palace of the Holy Office.60 Nonetheless, the Este state held its ground and, as has been noted, the whole affair ‘grew into a conflict between a religious and civil authority over the question of jurisdiction’.61 The Este state’s reaction was stronger than expected and a number of different solu‐

57 58 59

60 61

non si devrebbe dare causa […] che Sua Santità et questi signori se potessero giustamente dolere’ (I do not wish to omit telling you that every day I am followed by Brother Michele [Ghislieri], who I avoid as much as possible. He tells me that the pope is displeased with this delay in handing over the suspects and that the Roman Curia could be rightly displeased); ASMo, Ambasciatori, Roma, 53. On Grandi, see Gulik and Eubel, eds, Hierarchia catholica, p. 110 n. 10. The letter is in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 61. Letter dated 28 July 1556 in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 61. Giulio Grandi’s letter to the duke is in ASMo, Ambasciatori, Roma, 53, 29 July 1556. Ambassador Carandini’s report on the mission carried out in Ferrara on behalf of the Conservators is in ASCMo, Vacchette, 1556, fols 87r-v. A distinguished member of the Modenese patriciate, Carandini had been sent to Ferrara on the previous 24 July, with a letter of credence now in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 95. On Carandini, see PM, i, 912. ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1548–1558, fol. 198r (here and hereafter the modern numbering system is referred to). For the exact sequence of summonses, see also Felici, ‘Introduzione’, p. 105 n. 329. Marchetti and Patrizi, ‘Castelvetro, Ludovico’.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

81

Figure 9. Prospero Sogari Spani, called il Clemente, ‘Bust of Ercole II d’Este’, Modena, Gallerie Estensi (inv. 574). Sixteenth century.

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tions were available to the alleged heretics. Castelvetro, in hiding between Modena and Ferrara, was sheltered from the judicial upheavals; Filippo Valentini, after a period as a fugitive, decided to take the road to Grisons. By contrast, Ercole II was forced to surrender Gadaldino: the printer, who was imprisoned in Ferrara on 3 February 1557, was handed over to the Bolognese vice-legate and the latter sent him to Rome where he remained for almost three years. Attempts by his friends and relatives to secure his release before extradition were in vain.62 Two distinguished defendants — the most distinguished — had fled with the duke’s connivance and no fur‐ ther exceptions could be made. In autumn of 1559 Gadaldino abjured and on 13 October he was sentenced to imprisonment in the city of Modena.63 Only Bonifacio Valentini, Filippo’s cousin, remained. His status as a cleric, even though he was a member of one of Modena’s most prominent families, changed the balance in the clash of powers and jurisdictions invoked by the Duke and the Community. After successfully hiding for some time, he voluntarily presented himself in Bologna in May 1557 to be tried in Rome, where he abjured on 6 March 1558.64 The case of the heretics who Paul IV had demanded be handed over therefore ended with a partial success: the House of Este had managed to prevent the extradition of the two most important defendants, but had been compelled to surrender Antonio Gadaldino and Bonifacio Valentini. The authority of the dukes of Ferrara and that of the Modenese patriciate was profoundly weakened by this jurisdictional battle, demonstrating how the demands of orthodoxy were now undermining the ancient privileges of the municipal magistrates and the power of sovereigns.

Impossible Compromises: Community, Court, and Inquisition The previous paragraphs show how the Inquisition’s repressive measures and the dispersion of religious dissent were accelerated and strengthened in 1566 with the election of the great inquisitor Michele Ghislieri, who became Pius V, to the papal throne. According to the reports of the ambas‐ sadors of the dukes of Ferrara on 26 October 1566, the pope had clearly 62 On Christmas Day 1556 Governor Ercole Contrari had written to ask the duke for a pardon, in view of the bookseller’s poor health, age, and children who would be left in financial difficulties: see ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 61. 63 Copy of the judgment in FI, 3,23. 64 His trial was read by the cardinals of the Holy Office on 11 November 1557 (ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1548–1558, fol. 245r) and discussed on the following 25 November (see fols 246r–47v). A copy of the abjuration was sent to Modena to be reread by the cleric in the cathedral on 29 May 1558. The text, together with that of the judgment, can be found in Tassoni, Cronaca, ed. by Bussi, pp. 274–76 and FI, 3,25.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

set out his government’s priorities: it was necessary to turn the Inquisition into an effective tool that was capable of overcoming the fragmentation of states and jurisdictions, in the name of unity of faith. After summoning the cardinals of the Holy Office, ‘disse che voleva che il tribunale della Santa Inquisitione fosse sopra tutti gli altri et che potesse farsi dare prigioni da tutti i tribunali o per indurli per testimonii o per disaminarli circa la fede’ (he said that he wanted the court of the Holy Inquisition to be considered superior to all others and to have the power to make any court hand over prisoners in order to induce them to testify or to examine them on matters of faith).65 Given these circumstances, it is hardly surprising that jurisdictional tensions were mounting. In 1556, the summons of Castelvetro, Gadaldino, and the Valentini cousins marked the start of the assault on ancient munic‐ ipal freedoms and on the power of the Este dukes; ten years later the attempt to break down political boundaries in the name of orthodoxy achieved even better results. In Modena, the summer of 1566 began with a case that had been dragging on for a long time: that of Giovanni Rangoni. The Modenese nobleman had been charged in 1546 and again in 1563. The support that he enjoyed and the protection of the successive bishops at the head of the diocese had guaranteed him freedom, but now nothing — not even his ‘parentado tanto grande’ (very important family) to which he had repeatedly appealed — could withstand the attack from Rome. Sought by the inquisitors, Rangoni tried to secure favours, transfers to different courts and concessions that would make it possible to postpone an inevitable judgment. On 24 July 1566 Governor Ippolito Turchi wrote to the new duke, Alfonso II, that Rangoni — according to an unnamed ‘relative’ — had been allowed to be tried by the Holy Office of Parma in‐ stead of Rome.66 Rangoni was nonetheless on shaky ground, as evidenced during those days by the anxiety endured by his family members, who were warned by Rome that, alongside the trial, the court would proceed to confiscate the Modenese nobleman’s property.67 On 28 August the duke could no longer resist and had to yield to pressure from the Curia, which demanded that the count be brought to trial.68 Alfonso II’s ‘surrender’ demonstrated that even the ancient feudal nobility was no longer safe from the Holy Office’s campaign of repression: the Community of Modena, by contrast, had not yet resigned itself to the

65 This is what was reported to the Este court in a dispatch from Rome. See ASMo, Avvisi e notizie dall’estero, 6. 66 Letter in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 67 Governor Turchi reported this to the duke after a conversation with Rangoni’s sons. The letter dated 27 July 1566 is in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 68 The duke sent Governor Turchi the order to carry out what the Inquisition requested; see ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70.

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court’s advance. On 13 September, the Conservators gathered to discuss what strategy they should adopt faced with an increasingly aggressive Inquisition.69 In addition to Rangoni, the judges had called several citizens before the court on the grounds of heresy and many of them had been arrested. Fear — according to the Conservators’s account — was rampant in the city, because the way had been paved ‘alle accuse, alle calunnie, alla rovina d’ogniuno che fosse accusato a dritto o a torto’ (for accusations, slander and the discrediting of anyone who had been wrongly or rightly ac‐ cused’). In order to guarantee the city’s good name and well-administered justice, the Conservators came up with a scheme which, drawing on other Italian examples and above all on the model of the Republic of Venice, aimed to include ‘laymen’ in the tribunal, i.e. members appointed by the political magistrates.70 According to the Community, if ‘alcune persone della terra’ (some men from the city) or ‘officiali ducali’ (ducal officials) were appointed as judges, many defendants would no longer fear that they would be victims of slander and unfair sentences and would voluntarily come forward to face the charges against them. The Conservators begged the governor to act as an intermediary with the duke and resolved to send a letter to Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, uncle of Alfonso II, who was engaged in the Hungarian war at the emperor’s side. The fact that it was a struggle to find ambassadors is an indication of the delicate nature of this message and of how compromising it could have been for its bearers. The Community first entrusted the task to Girolamo Bellincini and Filippo Vignola; Elia Carandini and Bartolomeo Bellincini were then selected. When they refused, votes were cast again, revealing the names of Giulio Cesare Codebò and Bartolomeo Calori. When Calori also rejected the Community’s request, events seemed to heading in a bad direction. Fortunately, Codebò accepted the assignment and the Assembly proceeded to appoint Guido Molza as his companion.71 On 16 September, the letter to be delivered to Ippolito d’Este was issued and detailed instructions were prepared for the ambassadors:

69 The Conservators’s resolution is in ASCMo, Vacchette, 1566, fol. 151r, from which the following quotations are taken. 70 In Venice, in 1547, the magistracy of the ‘Tre Savi all’eresia’ was created to investigate heretics, with the involvement of the legate, the Patriarch of Venice and the inquisitor. A similar solution was adopted in Genoa, while in Lucca, with another expedient, the ‘Officio sopra la religione’ was established, a lay magistracy with the duties of religious police, which operated alongside the bishop’s jurisdiction. See summary in Black, The Italian Inquisition, pp. 31–37, 40–41; Del Col, L’Inquisizione in Italia, pp. 325–26, 346–47. 71 There is an account of the troubled appointment of the two ambassadors in ASCMo, Vacchette, 1566, fols 152r–153r (14 September). Other documents on the mission of Codebò and Molza are in ASCMo, Ex actis, October 1566.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

Esporrete a Sua Illustrissima et Reverendissima Signoria i disordini che sianno per avenire in questa città trattandosi le cause della inquisitione del modo che s’è cominciato. Per provedere ai quali disordini dimanderete in ciò a nome della città quattro cose: La prima che i suspetti d’heresia siano chiamati in castello per gli officiali del governo secondo che s’è costomato per gli tempi addietro, […] conoscendosi et determinandosi le cause nello Stato dello illustrissimo et eccellentissimo duca di Ferrara con assicuramento di non esser condotto a Roma. La seconda che contra gli inquisiti si proceda secondo l’ordine posto nel 1545 per la felice memoria del duca Hercole II […] La terza che con i padri inquisitori siano associati nel procedere et nel giudicare cittadini della terra d’honesta e buona vita o iurisperiti, se si può secolari, se non ecclesiastici, o almeno degli officiali di Sua Eccellentia. La quarta che la inquisitione si estenda solamente alle cose spettanti all’heretica pravità et non agli altri difetti.72 (You will explain to His Most Illustrious and Reverend Lordship [Cardinal Ippolito] the unrest that will occur in this city if inquisitorial cases are dealt with in the manner in which they have recently started to be handled. To avoid this unrest, you will ask for four things on behalf of the city. Firstly, that suspected heretics be summoned to the castle [the seat of the Este governor] by government officials, as has been done in past years, investigating and judging the cases under the jurisdiction of the Duke of Ferrara within his state, with a guarantee that the defendants will not be extradited to Rome. Secondly, that the suspects are tried according to the procedure established in 1545 by the late Duke Ercole II. Thirdly, that when opening and judging cases inquisitors be assisted by citizens of Modena, of good and honest conduct, legal experts, possibly lay people or, if this is not possible, clerics, or at least ducal officials. Fourthly, that the Inquisition only judge matters concerning heresy and not other conduct.) A single demand underlay the solutions proposed by the members of the Community: the demand for civic autonomy. In truth, it was very apparent from the wording of the brief that the Conservators were resigned to

72 ASCMo, Vacchette, 1566, pp. 152r–153r.

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reaching a compromise with the court, in the hope of somehow circum‐ scribing the powers of the Inquisition. When they arrived in Ferrara, the ambassadors sent from Modena had a long conversation with Cardinal Ippolito who, probably in order to buy time, intimated that the House of Este would not fail to provide assistance. The report forwarded by the two emissaries revealed a cautious optimism: the cardinal awaited ‘una risposta da Sua Santità in beneficio della causa da noi trattata’ (a response from the pope in support of the cause for which we were appointed).73 In fact, Ippolito had made it clear to both the governor of Modena and to the Conservators that it was unthinkable to allow laymen to enter the tribunal.74 In their final report, the ambassadors Codebò and Molza stated that the cardinal considered it ‘frustatorio’ (futile) to ask the pontiff for a power that he could never have granted: Ippolito would nevertheless strive to ensure that in the future Este citizens would not be hastily imprisoned by the Inquisition as had previously been the case.75 The following months did not bear out the ambassadors’ predictions. The inquisitorial machine operated at full capacity and indeed those days marked the start of its decisive stranglehold. In December the court’s attacks were a recurring theme in diplomatic exchanges between members of the Community, governors, and dukes. It was not only figures of little importance such as the shoemaker Gaspare Chiavenna and the weaver Tommaso Capellina who were struck down: the judges were not afraid to ask for Giulio Sadoleto and Giovanni Maria Castelvetro, two of the ‘principali cittadini di qui et appresso tenuti universalmente per huomini da bene’ (most important citizens of Modena who were regarded as good men by all), to be handed over.76 The events belied any attempt to control the action of the court of faith: the ducal authority emerged from those months incapable of defend‐ ing the nobility, while the city’s governing elite had to acknowledge that there were no longer any remaining family or local affiliations to protect citizens from the consequences of religious dissent.

73 Letter by Giulio Cesare Codebò and Guido Molza dated 16 September 1566, in ASCMo, Ex actis, October 1566. 74 See the letters written by Ippolito d’Este on 20 September 1566 to Governor Turchi (ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70) and to the Conservators of Modena (ASCMo, Ex actis, October 1566). 75 The report is preserved in ASCMo, Ex actis, October 1566. 76 The quotation is taken from a letter from Governor Turchi to the Duchess of Ferrara and Cardinal Ippolito (16 December 1566) in ASMo, Archivio per materie, Letterati, 14 (Giovanni Maria Castelvetro).

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

87

Figure 10. Niccolò dell’Abbate, Mural paintings of the Sala del Fuoco (the cycle of frescoes, painted in the most important hall of the Communal Palace, celebrated the freedom and autonomy of the city), Modena, Palazzo Comunale. 1546.

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The Final Defeat: The Magnavacca Case The events of 1566 and the extreme attempts to reach a compromise were interwoven with an episode which, in many ways, can be considered the epilogue of the jurisdictional clashes between the Inquisition, municipal magistrates, and ducal authority described in the preceding pages. After a decade in which the Conservators of Modena had endeavoured to resist the Inquisition or at least to limit its scope, the case of a craftsman accused of heresy revealed that belonging to the city’s community was no longer a defence against the demands of orthodoxy. The affair, mentioned earlier, involved Marco Magnavacca, a shearman. His story began in 1560, when the Bolognese inquisitor Antonio Balducci discovered a group of crafts‐ men including Piero Bavellino, known as Romagnolo, the Modenese Gio‐ van Francesco Tavani (also known as Ghisoni), the shoemaker Sforza, a certain Giovanni Battista, a weaver, the cloth merchant Vincenzo Cenerini, a carpenter named Giovanni Battista, Giacomo Montecalvi, and Marco Magnavacca himself.77 On 16 May of that year Magnavacca had abjured before the inquisitor and the Episcopal Vicar Sebastiano Rolandi.78 After the trial, however, he continued to associate with various heretics and, when the situation began to worsen, he travelled up to Emilia seeking refuge in the Este territories.79 On 16 February 1567, ensnared in the web of the Modena Inquisition, he was condemned to death as a relapso heretic. The death sentence, which was one of the few passed in the city on the grounds of heresy, caused considerable uproar because of the Inquisition’s affront to the members of a Community that still hoped to defend its pre‐ rogatives. Specifically, what made the Magnavacca case particularly deli‐ cate was the discovery that he was not a ‘foreigner’, as initially believed, but an Este subject. Although in 1560, at the time of his first conviction, Magnavacca had been described as ‘de Mutina habitator Bononiae’ (originally from Modena and living in Bologna), when he was tried for the second time everyone appeared to ignore this information, perhaps because he had spent thirty

77 See Dall’Olio, pp. 275–76. The names of the group’s members were confirmed by Tavani during his trial in 1579 (FI, 7,30, c. 16 November 1579). A copy of the judgment against Tavani is also kept in TCD, MS 1226, fols 1–2 (see Abbot, Catalogue, pp. 250–51). Piero Bavellino has at times been confused with Tommaso Bavella, mentioned in the first chapter (supra, p. 24). Antonio Balducci, when sending the excerpts of the Bolognese trials, advised the inquisitor of Modena to refer to the heretic ‘sotto nome del Romagnuolo perché così lo nominavano’ (as ‘Romagnolo’ because that was his nickname) (FI, 4,9, letter dated 26 November 1566). 78 The texts of the abjuration and judgment are kept in FI, 4,9. 79 See Dall’Olio, pp. 311–14.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

years away from his hometown.80 This is what Cardinal Ippolito d’Este seemed to believe: on 29 October 1566, he gave instructions to the gover‐ nor of Modena Ippolito Turchi about some fugitives from Bologna, includ‐ ing Magnavacca. They had to be captured — the cardinal explained — and immediately handed over to the inquisitors: if the judges had chosen to hold the trial in Bologna, the prisoners could have been extradited without any particular impediments.81 The cardinal’s words were not so much in‐ spired by the defence of orthodoxy as aimed at preserving the jurisdiction of the Este borders: it was best to take swift action with those Bolognese relapsi, to quickly arrest them and to equally rapidly deliver them to the pontifical judges. In this circumstance the Este collaboration should have been proven in order to demand ‘più destrezza’ (more promptness) when, in other cases, the subjects of the Duke of Ferrara ended up in the clutches of the Holy Court. On the following day, Ippolito and Duchess Barbara d’Asburgo, Alfonso II’s second wife, again urged Governor Turchi to arrest Magnavacca, confirming that he should be delivered into the hands of the judges of Bologna.82 However, a long letter from Ippolito Turchi, on 1 November 1566, revealed the misunderstanding that had forced the Este government to abandon its initial enthusiasm to protect the interests of the state. They were no longer just any old heretics: among the wanted men was a Mode‐ nese citizen. Havendo havuta la lettera di Vostra Altezza et di Vostra Signoria Illustrissima delli 30 del passato in materia di dover fare pigliare quei due in essa nominati […], io non sarei mancato di far fare interamente quanto da loro mi viene comandato se nello indirizzare della essecutione non fossi venuto in cognitione l’uno di loro, cioè quel Marco Mangiavacca, essere non forestiere come ha presupposto esso viceinquisitore quando n’ha fatto ufizio presso a Vostra Altezza et a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima, ma essere di questa città di Modona.83 (Having received the letter from Your Highness [the duchess] and Your Most Illustrious Lordship [Cardinal Ippolito] dated 30 October last, instructing that the two [heretics] named therein be arrested, I would not have failed to carry out what I had been ordered to do if I had not learned that one of them, Marco

80 See FI, 4,9. In the interrogation on 17 December 1566 he admitted that he was born in Modena, in the parish of San Giorgio, but that he had lived in Bologna since 1532. He also mentioned that he had spent 16 months in Lodi. 81 This is the content of the letter in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 82 Letter dated 30 October 1566, in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 83 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70.

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Magnavacca, was not a foreigner, as the vice-inquisitor had said, but a native of Modena.) In the rest of the letter, the governor made it clear that the rash behaviour of the Modenese judges had created a problem from which it was difficult to escape due to the path that was initially taken: the order to rapidly hand over the prisoners had been based on the assumption that they were both foreigners. The discovery of Magnavacca’s origins changed everything. When Ferrara learned of the situation, it immediately sent its ap‐ proval of Turchi’s prudent conduct. On 3 November Cardinal Ippolito and Duchess Barbara reiterated that ‘non daremo poi esso Magnavacca come suddito in mano dell’inquisitor di Bologna’ (we will not deliver Magnavacca to the inquisitor of Bologna, since he is our subject): no Modenese citizen would have crossed the border of the Este jurisdiction.84 Despite the new circumstances, the inquisitors urged the governor to arrest the heretics from Bologna who had taken refuge in the city.85 On 7 November Turchi reported that only Magnavacca had been found, while the other fugitives had probably escaped elsewhere.86 It was not long before the news reached the ears of the judges in Bologna. On 26 November, Inquisitor Balducci sent the Modena court some documents with evidence of Magnavacca’s guilt, intended for use to prepare a trial on Este land, if not within the confines of the Papal States.87 On 17 December Turchi agreed that Magnavacca be handed over to the Modena Inquisition and the trial could now begin. The investigation was rapid and the judgment was already written: on 24 January 1567 Ferrara gave the go-ahead for the death sentence that the Holy Office was about to decree.88 The podestà of Modena, who was responsible for carrying out the sentence, after having examined the files on Magnavacca, confirmed to the duke that there was no way for the weaver to escape the stake and that ‘el delinquente sia fatto morire di notte, abbrugiandolo poi di giorno acciò che passi in essempio degli altri’ (the criminal would be killed at night and burned at the stake the next day as a warning to other heretics).89

84 The letter is in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 85 On this matter, see the letter from the inquisitor Nicolò of Finale dated 5 November 1566 in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 86 Letter to Duchess Barbara and Cardinal Ippolito in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70. 87 The letter is kept inside the case file in FI, 4,9. On 14 December Balducci also reported the dispatch of the papers against Magnavacca to the congregation of the Holy Office; see the letter dated 14 December 1566 in ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE 1-a, fol. 716r. 88 The ducal draft to the podestà of Modena Matteo Maria Parisetti is in ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 12. 89 Letter from the podestà of Modena to the Duke of Ferrara (Modena, 6 February 1567), in FI, 1,6,VIII.

THE TIMEFRAME AND METHODS OF JUSTICE

While the Este authorities were resigned, the proud old Community was trying to achieve what the altered balance of power no longer allowed. On 12 February the Conservators had written ‘una letera direttiva a Sua Eccellenza in favore di Marco Mangiavacca condennato dallo inquisitore per le cose della religione’ (a letter addressed to the duke in support of Marco Magnavacca, condemned by the inquisitor for matters of faith).90 The next day, a request landed on Alfonso II’s table which the duke could not grant: L’amore che sappiamo le communità dovere portare come madri pie ai suoi cittadini et non pur a quelli che drittamente caminano, ma a quelli ancora che per sua fragilità o per mala suggestione alcuna volta cadono, ci ha spontaneamente mossi ad accompagnare con la presente nostra i presenti latori che vengono a supplicare a Vostra Eccellentia Illustrissima per quello infelice di Marco Mangiavacca condennato dal padre inquisitore per le cose della religione. Il quale officio ci siamo indotti a fare non tanto per rispetto di lui, al quale como ad huomo et come a cittadino non potressimo neanco mancare della nostra raccommandatione, quanto per la compassione della misera moglie et di cinque suoi figliuolini inhabili a guadagnarsi il vivere, i quali rimanendo di lui privi senza alcun dubbio saranno per andare in disperso […] et per non vedere hora nella città nostra un spettacolo tale, quale ancora a nostra memoria non vi si è veduto.91 (The love that every Community must extend, like a caring mother, to its citizens, even to those who do not behave in a righteous manner, but who, owing to their weakness or bad influences, sometimes fall, has prompted us to write this letter, which will be delivered to you by our representatives. These men come to entreat Your Most Illustrious Excellency on behalf of the unfortunate Marco Magnavacca, condemned by the Inquisition for matters of faith. We have decided to do this not so much out of consideration for the condemned man, for whom, as a man and citizen, we should still have compassion, but out of pity for his poor wife and five children who cannot earn a living and who, without him, will certainly be ruined […] Moreover, we feel compelled to write this letter in order not to witness in our city a spectacle which, in our memory, has never been seen.) The Community was a pious mother begging for clemency: one of her sons had committed very serious crimes, but he might find mercy in the

90 ASCMo, Vacchette, 1567, fol. 22r. 91 FI, 1,6,IX. Another copy is kept in ASCMo, Ex actis, February 1567, with a different date (11 February 1567).

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eyes of a paternal and benign sovereign like Alfonso II. It was an extreme and hopeless attempt to claim different treatment for those born within the city’s jurisdiction. Their efforts were all for nothing. On 23 February the podestà reported to the duke what had happened on the night between 20 and 21 February: Magnavacca was killed in prison and then burned outside the walls.92 Even though his confession had been heard by the inquisitor father, at the last moment he had shown that he was not really repentant: the comforters — probably those of the city’s confraternity of St John the Baptist — had tried in vain to convert the heretic at the point of death.93 When everything seemed lost, Magnavacca asked ‘che si facesse tosto quel che s’havea da fare’ (that we would quickly do what had to be done). The fire that annihilated the mortal remains of the heretic erased the privileges of the land from which he came. It was the image of an Italy in which local powers and the sovereign’s authority left space for the struggle for orthodoxy: political forces were no longer able to restrain the court of faith.

92 The letter from the podestà is in FI, 1,6,VIII (this is the source of the quotation below regarding Magnavacca’s execution). 93 See Al Kalak and Lucchi, Oltre il patibolo. On conversion methods and techniques applied to prisoners condemned to death, see Romeo, Aspettando il boia and Prosperi, Delitto e perdono.

ChAPtER 3

Dangerous Books The Texts and Readings of the Modenese Brothers

From Bible Translations to Erasmus of Rotterdam In the first two chapters, we witnessed how the community of Brothers underwent its greatest expansion between the 1550s and 1560s, initially relying on the help of the bishops and the local magistrates, but eventu‐ ally enduring stronger and more effective inquisitorial repression. The community’s growth had been fostered by a medium which, as in many other contexts, had played a fundamental role: books. Printed material had enabled them to spread, in a largely clandestine manner, the ideas of the Reformation and other doctrinal content related to religious dissent. The books were lent out, sometimes lost (with suspicious punctuality in rela‐ tion to the inquisitors’ summonses), copied, and collectively commented on. They were the ‘preferred tool’ through which new ideas passed from one part of the city to another.1 The text which, more than any other, had divided the fate of the Christians of Europe — the Holy Scripture — was understandably the most popular at meetings and gatherings of Modenese heterodox groups. Antonio Brucioli’s vernacular translation (accompanied by commentaries on the Old and New Testament) became ‘the Bible that most influenced the Italian Reformation and was the version of Scriptures that was most admired by Italian evangelicals […] until the late seventeenth century’.2 Modena was no exception and the files opened against the many suspected heretics are full of references to vernacular translations of the Scriptures. The Dominican Ludovico of Modena, accused of extorting money to settle lawsuits and rectify alleged inquisitorial trials, testified that he had seen ‘Bruciolem super Paulum’ (Brucioli’s commentary on the Pauline epistles) in the house of the cleric Bonifacio Valentini, along with many

1 See Bianco, p. 648. 2 Lear, ‘Brucioli, Antonio’, p. 480. See also: Boillet, ed., Antonio Brucioli. The Commento al Vecchio Testamento (Commentary on the Old Testament) was published by the Venetian Bartolomeo Zanetti in 1540. This was followed by the Commento al Nuovo Testamento (Commentary on the New Testament) in 1543–1544, published by Francesco and Alessandro Brucioli, Antonio’s brothers. For censorship and bans relating to Scripture, see Fragnito, La Bibbia al rogo. For the index of the texts mentioned below, see Index des livres interdits, ed. by Bujanda (for Italy in particular vols iii, viii, ix).

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Lutheran books.3 In June 1552, Giovanni of Milan confessed to owning the New Testament, which he read from time to time, while Paolo of Cam‐ pogalliano, three years later, admitted to having been loaned ‘il testamento vecchio e novo’ (the Old and New Testaments).4 As Damiano Angera had explained, it was not difficult to obtain translations of the sacred texts if even a carpenter could quickly acquire them: the heretic had stated that he possessed the New Testament in Latin and in the vernacular, adding that he had ‘letto la bibia volgare qual mi fece havere un marangone dove io stava in casa’ (read the translated Bible given to me by a carpenter who I used to live with).5 ‘Gli evangelii et le epistole volgari’ (the Gospels and Epistles in the vernacular) had repeatedly passed before the eyes of Cataldo Buzzale, who had circulated them among his acquaintances.6 In all likelihood, it was the same copy that Tommaso Capellina had told the judges about: ‘Io ho havuto et tenuto il testamento novo vulgare et gli levai via una epistola di Erasmo di commissione di Cataldo, anzi lui la levò con le sue mani’ (I had the New Testament in the vernacular, from which I took a letter by Erasmus [of Rotterdam] at the suggestion of Cataldo [Buzzale]; indeed, it was he who tore it off with his own hands).7 This clumsy attempt to hide the name of the Dutch humanist — a troublesome name, as we will see later — seemed to be the expedient of those who foresaw the judges’ questions. That book had been passed from one member to another of the group that used to meet in the workshop run by Gaspare Chiavenna, who revealed where it came from: ‘Lo comprai circa un anno fa et parmi ch’io lo comprasi nel Castellaro dalla botega da Galdadini’ (I bought it about a year ago and I believe I bought it in Gadaldino’s workshop). Following Buzzale’s incarceration, he finally got rid of it in the hope of removing an incriminating clue.8 Translations and copies of the Bible also circulated in the countryside and, as Don Giulio Cassellani, rector of the mountain village of Monte‐ specchio near Modena, wrote, some people were posing as commentators and theologians. The priest denounced a certain Vecchiarello who said he studied Holy Scripture and philosophy and owned the New Testament and the Gospels.9 In other places too, such as the parish of Don Antonio

3 FI, 3,2, c. 11 April 1551. 4 See respectively FI, 3,5, c. 17 June 1552 and FI, 3,15, c. 22 September 1555. 5 FI, 3,31, c. 7 April 1562. As we learn from the trial against him, Angera was a Milanese citizen, a velvet worker first in Milan (1553), then in Reggio Emilia, Modena (1554), Venice and again in Modena (Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 48 n. 6). 6 FI, 4,1, c. 9 September 1566. 7 FI, 4,6, c. 18 December 1566. 8 FI, 4,6, c. 17 December 1566. 9 FI, 7,5, letter of 23 August 1576.

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of Maserno, the heirs of a certain Giacomo di Salomone owned the New Testament and many suspicious books.10 Brucioli’s translations were not the only concern. There were also many works from beyond the Alps. Roberto Fuchis, who frequented the court of Renée of France, admitted to having had the Acts of the Apostles in the vernacular, in John Calvin’s version. After realizing that this book was highly dangerous, he confessed to a monk who immediately burned it.11 There were also translations of the Psalms, originating from Geneva and accompanied by musical notation, which Francesco Caldana claimed to have heard recited by Piergiovanni Biancolini and Geminiano Tamburino.12 Similarly, in 1564 Ercole Piatesi had bought ‘in Franza un catechismo stampato in Lione in volgare italiano con salmi con il canto notato di sopra’ (a catechism in the vernacular in France, published in Lyon, with the Psalms accompanied by musical notation).13 This text was probably similar to the one in the hands of Luigi Padovani of Mantua, who possessed a volume that described tutta la vita et costummi che hano a tener quelli della setta lutherana […] et l’orationi ch’hano a dire et le ceremonie che fano nelle lor chiese e nel qual libro v’erano cinquanta salmi di David, il principio de quali era come notato sul tono che l’haveano a dire. (all the lives and actions of the adherents of the Lutheran confession […] and the prayers which they have to recite and the ceremonies which they perform in their churches; and that book contained fifty psalms of David, whose incipit was accompanied by the key in which they must be recited.)14 Based on the model of the Church of Geneva, Scripture, in its various forms, abounded in the city’s circles of religious dissent: psalms, vernacular translations, and biblical commentaries surfaced at numerous trials, offer‐ ing the judges an insight into a very lively scene.15

10 FI, 7,22. 11 FI, 4,26, c. 19 October 1567. Roberto Fuchis of Arras entered the service of Michel Leclerc de Maison, the house steward of Renée of France, in 1553. After accompanying the Duchess to her native land in 1560, he returned to Modena where he was denounced. There are a few notes on his trial in Fontana, Renata di Francia, iii, 188–90 and Belligni, Renata di Francia, pp. 296–97. 12 FI, 4,34, c. 21 March 1568. 13 FI, 5,6, c. 27 March 1568. 14 This was reported by a witness, Gaspare Canossa (see FI, 4,1, c. 22 July 1566). Luigi Padovani has been identified as a street vendor of knives and scissors, who abjured in Mantua in 1568 (see Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, p. 225 n. 131). 15 The link with the Geneva model has been highlighted by Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, pp. 225–26.

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The belief behind this widespread circulation of the sacred text was summed up by Dalida Carandini, a disciple of Ludovico Castelvetro, who complained that the ban on the Bible in the vernacular had done great harm to believers: ‘essendo Christo venuto per salvar tutti, doveano tutti esser partecipi della dottrina di Christo’ (since Christ came to save every‐ one, everyone should know his doctrine).16 Believers could not be de‐ prived of direct and immediate access to the treasure of the revelation and it was necessary to put the focus back on reading Christ’s message. With translations, Bibles, and Testaments, another name had emerged that was one of the most incriminating pieces of evidence in the eyes of the judges: that of Erasmus. His work, in particular De praeparatione ad mortem, had been praised by Dalida Carandini, and other of his books were present in the libraries of the Modenese heretics.17 Piergiovanni Biancolini owned Enchiridion militis christiani (which his brother described as ‘a Lutheran book’ when he accused him).18 In 1570 Paolo Cassani admitted before the inquisitors that he had ‘un libro d’Erasmo prohibito zoè la Moria’ (a forbidden book by Erasmus, namely Moria), In Praise of Folly — in Latin, Moriae encomium — which the grammar teacher Maranello also kept together with many other works by the humanist.19 On 28 March 1575, nobleman Guido Rangoni confessed to having read the Colloquies, and a friar, Domenico of Faenza, had found Erasmus’s commentaries on the works of St Jerome in some cases belong‐ ing to Don Pietro Giovanni Monzone.20 In the course of the inquisitorial trials, the Dutch humanist’s texts had been sought out and feared as much as the Bible. The Brothers had shown that they were able to nurture their faith through the written word and the judges had often compared Luther’s sola Scriptura to Erasmus’s claims. However, soon the court discovered that many other books were a source of inspiration for the city’s dissent and that the main European reformers were making their voices heard in the streets of Modena.

16 Carandini’s opinions were reported by his confidant, the Jesuit Bonfio Bonfi, in a complaint now in FI, 6,38. Another copy of the denunciation, kept in the Archive of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, is reported by Prosperi, ‘Una esperienza di ricerca’, p. 256 n. 58. On Dalida Carandini see in particular Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 166–68 and Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 140–46. 17 For the book owned by Dalida Carandini and the appreciation that she expressed for Erasmus’s De praeparatione, see FI, 6,38. 18 FI, 3,4, c. 7 July 1559. For the association between Luther and Erasmus in the inquisitorial sources, see Seidel Menchi, Erasmo, pp. 41–67. 19 The Cassani case, recorded in FI, 3,9, is covered by Seidel Menchi, Erasmo, pp. 125–27. Maranello confessed to having owned many books by Erasmus, in addition to In Praise of Folly (FI, 4,10, c. 25 January 1567). 20 See respectively FI, 7,25 and FI, 7,32.

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Figure 11. Albrecht Dürer, Erasmus von Rotterdam, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. 1526.

Satires, Catechisms, and Anti-Catholic Pamphlets Adherence to the principles of the Reformation was primarily based on Scripture, on its commentaries and on the works of Erasmus, which in‐ sisted on the need for a return to the Gospel. However, other books that had spread the protest against the Catholic Church to the people had also burst onto the scene. Tragedia del libero arbitrio (The tragedy of free will) by Francesco Negri, for example, was a great success among the Italian re‐ formist communities.21 The work portrayed the coronation of Free Will by the pope: when Christians rebel against his rule, Grace cuts off his head by order of God and the pope is also condemned to a slow death caused by reading the Bible and the Gospel. The book was found in the possession of 21 Zonta, ‘Francesco Negri’; Barbieri, ‘Note sulla fortuna europea’; Ragazzini, ‘La cultura della memoria’. A recent edition of the book in Negri, Tragedia, ed. by Casalini and Salvarani.

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many heretics, from the vagabond Gian Giacomo Tabita to the Dominican Ludovico of Modena, to Andrea Antonello Luci, demonstrating how the work was read by people of different backgrounds and origins.22 From what can be deduced, the Brothers had the opportunity to contemplate its contents on various occasions: Cataldo Buzzale revealed that he had read these dangerous pages together with Pellegrino Civa, who ‘portò con lui un libro che si chiamava la Tragedia […] et me ne lesse una gran parte’ (brought a book entitled Tragedia with him and read me a large part of it).23 This satire was reminiscent of another: Pasquino in estasi — Pasquino’s fantastic journey in papal heaven — by the humanist Celio Secondo Curione. Some people, such as Antonio Maria Ferrara, did not hide the fact that they kept the two books side by side.24 Curione’s popular work was also present in the library of nobleman Guido Rangoni: ‘Questo è il più nefando libro che mai mi habbi letto’ (this is the most wicked book I’ve ever read), he explained.25 Indeed, Gian Giacomo Tabita and Andrea Antonello Luci, mentioned above, as well as the weaver Paolo of Campogalliano and many others, had heard Pasquino’s adventures in the papist otherworld.26 Within the community, the writings of Alfonso de Valdés, the secretary of Emperor Charles V, were also rather popular. In particular, Dialogue of Mercury and Charon, which laid bare the evils of society and the Church by staging a conversation on the threshold of the underworld in which the life and behaviour of various characters (in particular clergymen) were examined. The text was very popular in Modena’s heterodox circles and, as Francesco Caldana reported, people went to great lengths to buy it.27 Taddeo of Vaglio acquired Dialogue in the late 1540s from his brotherin-law Martino, as a bequest.28 The most common solution, however,

22 For the three cases mentioned, see FI, 3,12; 3,18; 3,34 (confession). On Gian Giacomo Tabita of Brescia, who also passed himself off as a priest, public official and astrologer, see Dall’Olio, pp. 276–77; Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 157–58. In Modena, where he abjured before Bishop Foscarari, he was referred to as a ‘printer’ (FI, 1,7,VIII). For the case of Luci, who lived for some time in Germany before returning to Catholicism, see Al Kalak, ‘Lutero nell’Italia del Cinquecento’. 23 FI, 4,1, c. 9 September 1566. 24 On Pasquino, see Curione, Pasquillus extaticus, ed. by Cordibella and Prandi (with a previous bibliography) and Biasiori, L’eresia di un umanista. For Antonio Maria Ferrara’s possession of the two books, see FI, 7,4, c. 27 March 1568. 25 FI, 7,25, c. 28 March 1575. The Rangoni case will be discussed further on: see infra, pp. 152– 54. 26 For Campogalliano, see FI, 3,15, c. 22 September 1555. For Tabita and Luci, see references to note 22. 27 See FI, 4,34, c. 21 March 1568. 28 FI, 5,24, c. 20 October 1568. The notary Taddeo of Vaglio was originally from the mountain village of Vaglio near Modena. He became interested in Protestant ideas in the 1540s when

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Figure 12. Portrait of Celio Secondo Curione, London, The Britsh Museum. 1597–1599.

Bartolomeo dalla Pergola was preaching. After various scrapes with the Inquisition (Mercati, p. 145), he was sentenced to carcere perpetuo in 1568, but he was probably excused due to poor health. There is a copy of the judgment against him in FI, 277,II.

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was circulation through loans or group readings. Geminiano Tamburino received the book from Piergiovanni Biancolini, while Giovanni Padovani obtained a copy from his accomplice Bartolomeo Ingoni.29 Fulvio Calori had testified that Pietro Antonio of Cervia had almost broken into his home to present him with those pages: ‘Cervia portò in casa mia il Dialogo di Mercurio et Cherote et volse legerlo alla presentia mia, ma io non volsi ascoltarlo’ (Cervia brought Dialogue of Mercury and Charon into my house and wanted to read it to me, but I refused to listen).30 Another book, though seemingly less polemical, was viewed as more dangerous by the judges: The Benefit of Christ’s Death by Don Benedetto Fontanini of Mantua. The work — one of the Reformation’s bestsellers in Italy — discussed the salvation that the faithful had gained from Christ’s sacrifice and reflected the attempts made by certain illustrious members of the Roman hierarchy to reconcile Catholics and Protestants.31 One day Paolo of Campogalliano had asked Don Francesco della Croce if he had ever seen a copy of it and, when the priest reminded him that it was a forbidden text, the heretic reassured him with a smile: it was the bishop himself who had given him permission to keep the book.32 Reading this work was a deeply rooted tradition for men and women in the city’s heterodox circles. There were copies of The Benefit in the possession of Antonio Villani, Martino Savera (who had received it from Gian Giacomo Cavazza), Geminiano Tamburino, Antonio Maria Ferrara, Gian Giacomo Tabita, and Bartolomea della Porta.33 Taddeo of Vaglio had obtained the book from the chaplain of Mocogno, a village in the Apennines, after being persuaded by Bartolomeo della Pergola’s preaching: Il detto prete mi mostrò et diede alcuni libri: uno chiamato il Beneficio di Christo et l’altro che conteneva 26 prediche di fra Bernardino da Sciena con dirmi che legessi detti libri che trovarei che il detto predicatore [il Pergola] diceva la verità.34 (That priest showed me and gave me several books: one book entitled The Benefit of Christ’s Death and the other containing 26

29 For the two episodes, see respectively FI, 5,25, c. 18 October 1567 and FI, 5,26, c. 15 October 1567. 30 FI, 5,23, c. 29 March 1568. 31 On The Benefit, its authors and studies on the subject, see Fontanini and Flaminio, Il beneficio di Cristo, ed. by Caponetto; Ginzburg and Prosperi, Giochi di pazienza; Iacovella, ‘Dall’Alfabeto cristiano al Beneficio di Cristo’ (with a discussion of the previous bibliography). 32 FI, 3,14, c. 19 June 1555?. Campogalliano admitted to owning a copy of The Benefit on 22 September 1555 (FI, 3,15). 33 See respectively FI, 5,9, c. 29 March 1568; FI, 5,17, c. 25 March 1568; FI, 5,25, c. 15 October 1567; FI, 7,4, c. 27 March 1568; FI, 3,12; FI, 5,1, c. 23 March 1568. 34 FI, 5,24, c. 23 April 1568.

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sermons by the Franciscan Bernardine of Siena. And he told me to read those books to check that the preacher [Bartolomeo della Pergola] had told the truth.) Along with The Benefit, the priest from the Apennines had recommended that Taddeo read the sermons of Bernardino Ochino, a work that appeared many times during the trials of heterodox suspects.35 Nicola Sassi had reported that he had seen Pietro Giovanni Grillenzoni with a book by Ochino ‘che dise che i frati et preti possono pigliare mogliera’ (which says that friars and priests can marry).36 Caterina Gandolfi accused her husband Giacomo of hiding various forbidden texts, one of which was by Ochino, and Antonio Villani openly admitted that he had possessed and lent the Sermons of Brother Bernardino of Siena to many people.37 These sermons had also ended up in pride of place on the bookshelves of another Brother, Pietro Curione.38 The teachings of the Sienese friar were found in many other libraries, including that of Giacomo Graziani and a priest, Don Domenico Vitrioli, who had been reprimanded by the bishop for his choice of reading material.39 In addition to Ochino, other friars who had embraced the reformed faith had disseminated their views through printed material. The former Augustinians Pietro Martire Vermigli and Giulio della Rovere (Giulio of Milan) appeared among the authors who were most popular with the Brothers and religious dissidents and there are clear traces of them in the inquisitorial trials. Tabita had confessed to reading the writings of Ochino, Giulio della Rovere and Una semplice dichiaratione sopra gli XII articoli della fede christiana (A Simple Declaration on the 12 Articles of the Christian Faith) by Vermigli — the text that Tommaso Carandini had offered Giacomo Gandolfi.40 Francesco Maria Vincenzi and Ercole Mignoni had received the Sermons of Giulio of Milan from Giovanni

35 Several editions of Ochino’s Sermons were published — edited and corrected in various ways — from the 1541 Venetian edition to the subsequent editions published in Geneva (1543) and Basel (1562?). It is difficult to determine exactly which of them were circulating in Modena. On Ochino, see Camaioni, Il Vangelo e l’Anticristo. 36 FI, 3,17, c. 24 April 1555. 37 See respectively FI, 4,25, c. 8 March 1545 and FI, 5,9, c. 29 March 1568. 38 FI, 5,22, c. 24 March 1568. 39 See FI, 6,39 and FI, 6,17, c. 5 July 1572. Don Domenico was rebuked during a pastoral visit in June 1572: see ACMo, MS O.I.33, fol. 95r. 40 His trial revealed that Tabita read Ochino, Giulio della Rovere and Vermigli (FI, 3,12). On the importance of Vermigli’s Semplice dichiaratione in the Modenese heterodox movement, see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 144. More generally see Adorni Braccesi, ‘Un catechismo italiano’ and Peyronel Rambaldi, ‘Una semplice dichiarazione’. For the episode involving Gandolfi, see FI, 4,25, c. 8 March 1545.

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Figure 13. Bernardino Ochino, Expositio epistolae divi Pauli ad Romanos (Augsburg, Ulhardt), London, The Britsh Museum. 1545.

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Ballotta, Geminiano Tamburino and Pindaro Rangoni also having access to this work.41 Another book that enjoyed remarkable distribution was Il Sommario della Sacra Scrittura (Summary of the Holy Scripture), whose message had inspired many heterodox Italian groups, including that of Modena.42 A compendium of reformed doctrine that focused on exalting the secular world and its values, Il Sommario had been read, despite the public con‐ demnations that it had received, by Pietro Curione, Paolo of Campogal‐ liano, Giovanni Maria Maranello, Erasmo Barbieri, Ercole Piatesi, Cosimo Guidoni (to whom it was recommended by Francesco Bordiga), Antonio Villani (who lent it to Cervia), Francesco Maria Carretta, Geminiano Tamburino, and Antonio Maria Ferrara.43 As has been observed, the many references to the work in the trials may be attributable to the fact that the Brothers could readily admit to owning this book, which was considered less compromising than others. With the sole exception of the vernacular transaltions of the Bible, however, it was probably the most widespread text in the city's protest circles. Other texts were rarer: Gian Giacomo Tabita had read the works of the Mantuan heretic Francesco Stancaro; Gaspare Carandini saw Hermann Bodius’s Unio dissidentium (Union of Dissenters) on the counter of the bookseller Gadaldino; and an enthusiastic Paolo Roccocciolo, on his re‐ turn from Hungary, had brought with him a volume by Melanchthon, con‐ vinced that the theologian was ‘il più dotto huomo ch’havesse l’Alamagna’ (the most learned man in Germany).44 Another text from Germany, writ‐ ten by Luther, was denounced by Andrea Antonello Luci (most probably the tract To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation).45 Maranello even 41 See respectively FI, 5,10, c. 27 Mach 1568; FI, 5,4, c. 16 March 1568; FI, 5,25, c. 18 October 1567; FI, 7,27, c. 31 October 1575. On the Sermons of Giulio of Milan, see Rozzo, ‘Della Rovere, Giulio’, p. 354. 42 See Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, pp. 217–52. 43 See respectively FI, 3,14; FI, 3,14, c. 17 June 1555; FI, 4,10, c. 25 January 1567; FI, 4,31, c. 7 April 1568; FI, 5,6, c. 27 March 1568; FI, 5,7, c. 15 March 1568; FI, 5,9, c. 29 March 1568; FI, 5,12, c. 26 April 1568; FI, 5,25, c. 15 October 1567; FI, 7,4, c. 27 March 1568. In Modena, the text had been denounced in December 1537 by the Augustinian Serafino Aceti de’ Porti of Fermo and burned in the public square the following March (CM, v, 389–90, 455). 44 See respectively FI, 3,12; FI, 3,23, c. 1557; FI, 3,32, c. 8 March 1562. On the identity of Bodius, see Peters, ‘Who Compiled’, which speculates about the origin of the Unio Dissidentium in Strasbourg reformed circles. On Paolo Roccocciolo, son of the teacher and scholar Francesco, see BM, iv, 385–86: he was a doctor in Modena and Viadana, served Carlo Gonzaga, moved to Bologna and, under unspecified circumstances, made a trip to Vienna and Hungary. 45 FI, 3,34, confession. Luci called the text ‘Li tre muri’ (The Three Walls). This is likely a reference to a famous page of the tract To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation (1520), which describes the three walls metaphorically erected by the Catholic Church to prevent the faithful from reaching the truth and defending it.

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owned a book ‘qual trattava di Christo’ (about Christ) by the antitrinitar‐ ian Michael Servetus.46 Ercole Piatesi may have possessed Le Sommaire (The Summary) by William Farel, while Antonio Villani had copies of the Preface to the Epistle to the Romans attributed to Federico Fregoso and the Trattato dell’unica e perfetta satisfattione di Cristo (Treatise on the One and Only Perfect Satisfaction of Sins Obtained by Christ) by Agostino Mainardi.47 Martino Savera received the Risposta del Mutio Iustinopolitano ad una lettera di Messer Francesco Betti (Reply by Girolamo Muzio from Koper to a Letter from Mr Francesco Betti) from Gian Giacomo Cavazza, a title which, very probably, concealed the theories spread by the heretic Francesco Betti. Paolo of Campogalliano owned a copy of Speranza dei cristiani (Christians’ Hope).48 The library of one of the community’s leaders, Giacomo Graziani, also proved to be very well-stocked. After he fled, his wife, Elisabetta degli Erri, was asked to accompany the inquisitor to the heretic’s room for an inspection. Various texts were found inside and a detailed inventory was drawn up: Coniecturae de ultimis temporibus (Conjecture about Recent Times) by Andreas Osiander, Trattato della oratione (Treaty on Prayer) by Federico Fregoso, bound with Le tre giornate dello infallibile viaggio del cielo (The Three Days of the Infallible Journey to Heaven) by the Franciscan Feliciano of Civitella, two works by Antonio Brucioli (Pia espositione and the Epistola on the messianic nature of Christ), the anonymous Instituta christiana — perhaps John Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion — and Epitoma chyromantico (Chiromancy Epitome) by Patrizio Tricasso.

46 FI, 4,10, c. 25 January 1567. This may have been the five books of the Declarationis Iesu Christi Filii Dei. 47 See respectively FI, 5,6, c. 27 March 1568 and FI, 5,9, c. 29 March 1568. The book possessed by Piatesi may have been a translation of the Summaire briefue declaration daulcuns lieux fort necessaires a vng chascun chrestien (Brief declaration of certain strengths that every Christian needs) according to Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, p. 226 n. 133. On Farel, see Zuidema and Van Raalte, Early French Reform. The Prefatione del reuerendissimo cardinal di santa Chiesa M. Federigo Fregoso was a translation of the Latin version of the Vorrede auff di Epistel S. Pauli an die Römer by Luther, as demonstrated by Seidel Menchi, ‘Le traduzioni italiane’, pp. 81–89; see also Alonge, Condottiero, cardinale, eretico, pp. 185–96. On Mainardi’s work see finally Adorni Braccesi and Feci, ‘Mainardo, Agostino’, p. 588 (and bibliography); Armand-Hugon, ‘Il Trattato della soddisfazione di Cristo’. Some notes on his activity in the framework of the Swiss Reformation in Bernhard, ‘The Reformation in the Three Leagues’. 48 See respectively FI, 5,17, c. 25 March 1568 and FI, 3,15, c. 22 September 1555. Behind Girolamo Muzio’s writing against the heretic Betti there was probably a book by Betti himself in which he reiterated his theses (see Bianco, p. 652 n. 150). With regard to Speranza dei cristiani, Antonio Rotondò identified it as the second part of the Dottrina verissima by Urbano Regio (Dialogo tra uno penitente peccatore et Satan, ove si parla de la desperatione et della speranza; Dialogue between a penitent sinner and Satan, talking about despair and hope). See Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 161 n. 321.

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Those books, which survived their owner’s flight, gave a glimpse of the breadth of titles available to him.49 Finally, there was one last kind of work which, although not attribut‐ able to the controversies of the Reformation, was read by the Brothers as part of the ongoing anti-Catholic polemic. The mass of texts that dealt with faith were joined by those of the humanistic tradition, whose anticler‐ icalism was interpreted as a protest against the Church’s corruption. Guido Rangoni, on 6 December 1576, visited the house of Francesco Zanfi, a very wealthy farmer and merchant, in Magreta. A member of his retinue seized a book from the windowsill: he leafed through a few pages and then the room resounded with the words of a composition by Francesco Berni ‘qual diceva che il papa era un balordo’ (which said that the pope was a fool). The text had been lent to Zanfi by a carpenter named Giovanni Battista who lived in Sassuolo.50 The work of Francesco Petrarca met with a similar fate: Paolo of Campogalliano, after reading a tract by Pier Paolo Vergerio that commented on some of the poet’s sonnets, claimed, justifiably, that Petrarch had deprecated the betrayals, licentiousness, and sins of the Papal Curia.51 The spread of heterodox views, which interpreted the texts of the literary tradition from an anti-Catholic perspective, was then consolidated with works that illustrated the freedom of Renaissance customs and the magical and cabalistic tradition. Guido Rangoni, who had described Francesco Berni’s verses to the judges, admitted that he owned many of Pietro Aretino’s plays, that he had been lent Boccaccio’s works by his friend Camillo Cimiselli and that he in turn had lent Count Ludovico Montecuccoli a text by Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (probably De occulta philosophia) accompanied by a copy of the Key of Solomon.52

49 The texts found in Graziani’s library around 1571–1572 are listed in FI, 6,39. They can be identified as follows: Osiander, Coniecturae de ultimis temporibus; Fregoso, Pio et christianissimo trattato della oratione (on which see Caravale, Forbidden Prayer, pp. 23–38); Feliciano da Civitella del Tronto, Le tre giornate dello infallibile viaggio; Pia espositione ne dieci precetti; Epistola. Nella quale con la sola autorità della Scrittura Santa (on which see Rozzo, ‘L’Epistola sul Messia’); Tricasso, Epitoma chyromantico. 50 FI, 7,5, c. 4 January 1577. The sonnet referred to is in Berni, Rime, ed. by Barberi Squarotti, n. 29. On the influence of reformed thought on Berni’s work see Caponetto, ‘Lutero nella letteratura italiana’. 51 FI, 3,14. The composition referred to by Campogalliano was the sonnet Fiamma dal ciel, in Petrarca, Canzoniere, ed. by Contini, n. 136. The verses were part of the ‘Babylonian triptych’, in which the poet attacked the Roman Curia. Vergerio’s text quoting Petrarch’s sonnet has been identified by Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 163, as Stanze del Berna con tre sonetti del Petrarca dove si parla dell’Evangelio et della Corte Romana (Strofe di Berni with three sonnets by Petrarch talking about the Gospel and the Roman Curia), published in 1554. 52 FI, 7,25, c. 28 March 1575. On the translations of De occulta philosophia, see Adorni Braccesi, ‘Fra eresia ed ermetismo’.

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The Modenese community therefore had access to a large number of books which, thanks to the trade that took place in the city and to the humanistic tradition that flourished between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, could be found in the heretics’ homes and shops. Given that these books were available in such abundance, we must consider how they were used, exchanged, and distributed within the heterodox circles and what strategies were adopted by the Brothers to conceal these dangerous objects from the eyes of the religious authorities.

Methods of Circulating, Distributing, and Concealing Forbidden Books The trial of a man who has been mentioned several times, Pietro Antonio of Cervia, sheds valuable light on the ways in which the Brothers managed to circulate forbidden books in the community that were among the most sought-after by the religious authorities. It was Cervia who gave a detailed description of what had occurred after he had started to frequent Piergiovanni Biancolini’s workshop. The Brothers gathered here to read the Bible and other forbidden works. When someone new was introduced to the circle, a proselytizing process began that involved extensive use of the written texts. Pietro Antonio explained to the inquisitors how the Brothers had initiated him. After confessing that he had heard passages from Calvin and Luther relating to the Mass in Biancolini’s workshop, he described the strategy with which he had been offered other books to read.53 First he had received Dialogue of Mercury and Charon to pass the time during the long guard rounds at the castle gate. According to Biancolini, when he had finished it — and only then — he could receive another ‘more beautiful’ volume from the attentive lender. This was how Pietro Antonio moved on toTragedia del libero arbitrio by Francesco Negri, followed by Agostino Mainardi’s Unica et perfetta satisfattione. It was a simple system: the books went in and out of Biancolini’s workshop one at a time and every loan explored the content of the reformed faith from an increasingly radical perspective. Those books were the means by which Cervia, a soldier trying to overcome boredom, was drawn to content that was at odds with orthodoxy. Pietro Antonio developed an interest in the content of the new faith and was provided with works to contemplate by two Brothers, Giacomo Graziani and Gian Giacomo Cavazza, who frequented the same workshop. Using a communicating vessels system, the heretic spread the contents of those pages in everyday places and, as we have seen in the 53 The following information is taken from FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. The texts by Calvin and Luther that Cervia referred to have been identified in Tedeschi and Henneberg, ‘Contra Petrum Antonium a Cervia’, p. 254, as Calvin, Breve e risoluto tratato and Luther, Libellus.

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previous chapter, many of his comrades ended up embroiled in theological discussions that may have been best avoided. The books were thus passed from one person to another and many defendants had testified to this. Erasmo Barbieri had recalled that, after receiving Il Sommario della Sacra Scrittura from a silk merchant (Giovanni Mirandola), he had given the work to Antonio Villani ‘il quale l’accettò volontieri’ (who accepted it willingly). At the same time, Francesco Maria Carretta had provided him with other texts, taking pains to guide his friend’s reading with directions and advice: ‘Lege il tal capitolo’ (Read that chapter), he wrote to him.54 People who were unable to read, looked for someone who could do it for them. Giacomo Gandolfi asked certain women (Antonio Cappellari’s wife and, in another instance, his own wife) to listen to the contents of the books that Tommaso Carandini had procured for him.55 Bernardino Gara‐ pina, after receiving Antonio Brucioli’s New Testament from Francesco Maria Carretta, returned it to him specifying that, due to his illiteracy, he had asked Giovanni Terrazzano to read it to him.56 The Brother Francesco Caldana, since he could not keep the book that he had borrowed for too long, had copied it by hand: ‘Io ricopiai una volta un libretto in cui si finge che un padre interoga il figliolo nelle cose della fede secondo et in favore della dottrina lutherana, qual copia io abbruciai’ (I once copied a pamphlet that gives an account of a father who asks his son about the contents of the faith, according to Lutheran doctrine: I then burned that handwritten copy).57 The books therefore circulated both in print and transcribed versions: for the judges the situation was becoming more complicated and increasingly difficult to monitor. Predictably, the many booksellers working in the city played a crucial role. A notable figure in this regard was Antonio Gadaldino, whose trial has already been discussed. Thanks to the support of Cardinal Giovanni Morone, his shop was the source of numerous copies of The Benefit of

54 FI, 4,31, c. 6 April 1568. 55 FI, 4,25, c. 10 January 1570. Garapina’s case was similar: after he received Brucioli’s New Testament from Francesco Maria Carretta, ‘glilo resi perché non lo intendeva né lo sapeva legere ma lo facea legere a mastro Giovanni Terrazzani’ (he gave it back to him because he did not understand it and he did not know how to read it, but he asked Giovanni Terrazzano to read it to him, FI, 5,19, c. 6 April 1568). 56 FI, 5,19, c. 6 April 1568. 57 FI, 4,34, c. 22 March 1568. The book in Caldana’s possession may have been Catechismo cio è formulario per ammaestrare i fanciulli ne la religione christiana fatto in modo di dialogo, dove il ministro della chiesa domanda, ed il fanciullo risponde (Catechism, a way of teaching children the Christian religion in the form of dialogue, in which the church minister asks questions and the child answers) by Calvin, translated by Giulio Domenico Gallo and published in Geneva by Jean Girard in 1545 (on which see Felici, Giovanni Calvino e l’Italia, p. 21).

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Christ’s Death, while Il Sommario della Sacra Scrittura and many other forbidden texts could be found on its counters.58 However, the extraordinary circulation of reformist works cannot be explained unless the system of exchanges and loans could also count on other supply sources and well-stocked private libraries. On 16 July 1557, Battista Panini had stated that Giovanni Battista of Monzone had given him a book, brought to the city from the nearby village of Fiorano: after reading it, he was plagued by terrible doubts about the orthodoxy of its pages until a priest explained to him that it was definitely a Lutheran book.59 The heretic Tommaso Bonvicini, according to the rumours re‐ ported by the inquisitorial vicar Giacomo da Lugo, had ‘una catastra de libri lutherani’ (a stack of Lutheran books).60 Six years later, another witness appeared who confirmed this account: ‘a lui Thomaso venevano le montagne de libri di Piamonte et […] li teneva in uno camerino sotto la scalla in Fiorano in casa sua’ (Tommaso received mountains of books from Piedmont and he kept them in an under-stair cupboard in Fiorano, in his house).61 Stacks and mountains: images that described the extent of the libraries owned by the heretics. Bernardino Scacceri accused Fulvio Calori of having books in his house that spoke ill of the pope and the Church, carefully stored ‘di fuori a un luoco suo nella villa di San Donino’ (outside one of his properties in the village of San Donnino).62 As one might guess, the volumes that the community relied on partly came from clandestine trade, which brought the voices of the reformed world to the city, and partly from the exchange of copies from the private libraries of heretics, intellectuals, and sometimes ordinary people. The trials against the Modenese dissidents finally shed light on one last aspect, namely how they disposed of forbidden books when the judges started to clamp down on them. In a number of cases, the fastest way to get rid of illicit texts was to burn them or throw them into the canals that ran through the city. Pietro Curione, for example, took Ochino’s Sermons back from Cervia so he could toss them into the canal behind Count Fulvio Rangoni’s palace.63 Antonio Villani, on the other hand, had burned I quat‐

58 For Gadaldino’s role in the circulation of The Benefit of Christ’s Death, see PM, i, 500–04, 684–86. In 1557, Vincenzo Albano Ingoni testified that Gadaldino also sold ll Sommario della Sacra Scrittura (FI, 3,23). In all likelihood the heretic Geminiano Tamburino also bought a copy of La medicina de l’anima. Il modo e la via di consolar gl’infermi (Soul – Medicine for the Healthy and the Sick in these Dangerous Times) by Urbano Regio in his shop, a work that appeared in translation in Venice in 1544 and 1545 (FI, 5,25, c. 18 October 1567). 59 FI, 3,22. 60 FI, 3,36, c. 12 December 1561. 61 FI, 4,15, c. 5 February 1567. 62 FI, 5,23, c. 19 March 1567. 63 FI, 5,22, c. 24 March 1568.

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tro libri de la humanità di Christo (The Four Books of Christ’s Humanity) by Pietro Aretino, when he realized that the judges might consider them to be suspicious.64 Others chose not to destroy, but to hide the books in their possession. The files against the Modenese heretics reveal a great variety of places, rooms, cubicles, and furniture used as hiding places. The parish priest of Castelnuovo, in the countryside near the city, had informed the Inquisition that Guido Machella had ‘una casseta fatta a guisa di nave piena de libri prohibiti ascosa’ (a box in the shape of a ship, which he kept hidden, full of forbidden books).65 Costanza Mazzani had reported a similar episode that she had heard about: speaking with Sigismondo Sadoleto’s wife, she had learned that the woman had burned many books at a stake organized in the public square by the inquisitor. Before being destroyed, however, these texts had been stored under her mattress and subsequently hidden in a chest owned by a bookseller named Elia. There are many other cases that could be mentioned including perhaps the most sensational of all, that of Ludovico Castelvetro, who walled up his very extensive library inside a villa in the countryside near Modena (known as Verdeta). In the early nineteenth century, during renovation work, the vol‐ umes were found by chance. They included works by the main theologians of the Reformation (Luther, Calvin, etc.).66 Not everything, therefore, was lost, burned, or consumed by flowing water: many books were hidden, stolen, and perhaps sold. Despite these efforts, however, the inquisitors’ repression prevailed, and the Brothers’ only remaining alternatives were exile or silence.

64 FI, 5,9, c. 29 March 1568. 65 FI, 6,8*, c. 3 April 1570. Here and below some cards are indicated with FI, 6,8* that are included in file 6,8, but catalogued under 6,10 (however, file 10 cannot be found in envelope 6). 66 On this episode see the first mention by Sandonnini, Lodovico Castelvetro, pp. 306–09. On Castelvetro’s library, see also Barbieri, ‘Castelvetro, i suoi libri’, and Barbieri, Lodovico Castelvetro.

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Faith and Works The Doctrines and Practices of the Heterodox Movement

Saving the Soul: Justification, Free Will, and Predestination Having reconstructed the composition of the community of Brothers, the way in which the political and religious authorities dealt with it and the texts that inspired its members, it is necessary to focus on the doctrinal matters that led Modenese heretics to break away from Catholic orthodoxy. In the following pages, I will attempt to draw an outline of the Modenese community, using the inquisitorial trials and other available testimonies to identify the main aspects of the faith that caused so much alarm in the Roman Curia. The first sign of the separation from traditional doctrine undoubtedly related to justification. In Italy, among the generations scattered through‐ out the peninsula that had enthusiastically welcomed Luther’s message, the justification through faith was, around the 1540s, an acquired inheritance. In Modena, too, the issue was central to public debate: in wash houses, shops, and markets, people discussed doctrinal matters that shook Europe and stirred theological debates both within and outside religious factions. A famous letter sent on 10 November 1540 by the vicar of the diocese of Modena, Giovanni Domenico Sigibaldi, to Bishop Giovanni Morone compares the city to Prague because everyone in it ‘disputa de fede, de libero arbitrio, de purgatorio et eucharestia, predestinatione etc’ (argues about faith, free will, purgatory, the Eucharist, predestination, etc.).1 As was repeatedly the case, it was primarily itinerant preachers who spread the idea that Christ’s sacrifice was the only source of salvation. The cleric Giovanni Francesco of Bagnacavallo, who arrived in the city in 1551, had explicitly touched on this subject in the sermons that he gave in the square.2 On 14 May 1558, Alessandro Tassoni reported the

1 PM, i, 871. 2 After preaching in Ferrara, Reggio Emilia, Piacenza, Gubbio, and Rome, in 1551 the cleric from Romagna arrived in Modena, where he provoked heated debates between Catholics and the heterodox, openly associating with various exponents of religious dissent. Antonio Rotondò suggests that the preacher may have been Francesco of Bagnacavallo, identified by the historian Delio Cantimori as one of the Italian exiles in Grisons (Rotondò,

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Figure 14. Lucas Cranach the Elder, Portrait of Martin Luther, Coburg, Kunst Sammlungen der Veste Coburg. 1521.

content of this preaching to the judges: man, after falling into sin, could only be reconciled with God ‘per fidem’ (through faith) and, since it was impossible to fulfil and keep the commandments, the sons of Adam could avoid damnation through Christ’s sacrifice. On Judgement Day, when the dead, according to the Book of Revelation, would be assessed based on their deeds, true believers would be saved through faith. A strong tendency in this direction was rooted in Modenese circles around the middle of the century, while the Brothers unequivocally adopted the doctrine of the justification through faith. This is evidenced by the incident that Cristoforo Totti recounted to the inquisitors on 22 De‐ cember 1566. After the usual period of imprisonment that preceded the in‐ ‘Atteggiamenti della vita morale italiana’, pp. 234–36, in particular n. 88; see also Ginzburg and Prosperi, Giochi di pazienza, pp. 26–29). On the entire affair see Al Kalak, Il riformatore dimenticato, pp. 138–48. The testimony on Bagnacavallo’s preaching is in FI, 3,24.

FAITH AND WORKS

terrogation, the accused admitted his responsibilities: he had been in con‐ tact with the leading figures of the local protest movement, from Giacomo Graziani to Maranello and Piergiovanni Biancolini, who had assisted him during a period of infirmity. He had often heard them having suspicious conversations and he confessed that ‘mi dicevano che noi siamo salvi per Christo et che Christo ha sparso il sangue’ (they told me that we are saved through Christ and that Christ spilled his blood).3 Mankind’s salvation had gushed forth from Christ’s side and could be found there alone. Although this nullified the notion of good deeds, the Brothers, as Totti’s case demonstrates, nevertheless carried out a great deal of charitable work. It was their reading of St Paul and the reference to the early Church that served as a model for the Modenese heretics.4 Leonardo Bazzani, for example, on 7 February 1567 confessed that he believed that good deeds should be done out of love for God, without hoping for any reward: ‘Quando io facevo qualche buon’opera, io la facevo simplicimente per l’amor de Dio et non con dissegno che Iddio gli fosse tenuto a dare alcuno premio’ (When I did a good deed, I only did it out of love for God and not with the belief that God was obliged to give me a reward).5 In those years, many defendants repeated, almost to the letter, the words of Marco Caula during his trial: ‘Le opere nostre, anchora in gratia di Dio fatte, non sono satisfattorie per li nostri peccati et non sono meritorie di vita aeterna’ (Our deeds, even if performed in the grace of God, do not compensate for our sins and do not entitle us to eternal life).6 In one case, that of Bartolomeo Ingoni, reference was made to another New Testament story: the Parable of the Master and Servant. God, the heretic explained, grants us heaven through his grace alone and not through our merits, as Christ himself said: ‘quando havremo fatto tutte le buone opere diciamo che siamo servi inutili […] La fede sola basta a salvare et giustificare l’huomo’ (when we have done every good deed, we must acknowledge that we are worthless servants. Faith alone is sufficient for man’s salvation).7 The value of good deeds was therefore understood not in a compensatory sense, but as a manifestation of filial submission to God.

3 FI, 4,7. Totti was released as innocent, although the trial was never concluded (‘† Christophorus Totus. Hic videtur liber dimissus velut innocens, sed processus est imperfectus’, reads the cover of the file). 4 On this subject, see Al Kalak, ‘Obbedire a Dio’. 5 FI, 4,17. This is similar to what Francesco Secchiari stated: ‘Il vero christiano debbi come figliolo di Dio operare bene per dilettione et dellettatione di ubidire al Padre’ (The true Christian must perform good deeds, being a child of God, out of willingness and the joy of obeying the Father). See FI, 5,27, c. 21 March 1568. 6 FI, 4,27, judgment against Marco Caula (11 April 1568). Similar statements are found in the trials against Francesco and Giovanni Andrea Manzoli, Bartolomea della Porta, Geminiano Calligari, Ercole Cervi, Bernardino Pellotti and others (see FI, 4,28; 4,32; 5,1; 5,2; 5,3; 5,19). 7 FI, 4,20, c. 23 January 1567. The parable referred to by Ingoni is in Luke 17. 7–10.

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This question, however, raised an even more delicate one, that of the freedom of the Christian and the role exercised by human will in salvation. When Pietro Antonio of Cervia appeared before the Holy Office on 28 February 1567, he confessed that the Brothers believed man only had the power to do evil and that it was God who allowed good to be done.8 It took many years to reach this firm denial of free will. In the early 1540s, a long-distance debate had pitted Ludovico Castelvetro, the most authoritative member of the Academy, against Tommaso Bavella, who had fled Bologna and adopted radical doctrines. On 8 September 1545, Pietro Gioioso reported that he intervened, together with a certain Benedetto Ferro, to reprimand Bavella during a debate in the public square. ‘Dio solo è quel che opera’ and ‘la nostra voluntà è niente’ (Only God acts, and our will is nothing), the man from Bologna had claimed. Gioioso, assuming the role of defender of the faith, had tried to challenge the heretic by proposing that he solve a dilemma: ‘Se uno amazo un altro, vo’ tu dire ch’el sia Dio che l’amaza e non voluntà e le mane de colui che l’amaza?’ (If some‐ one kills someone else, are you claiming that God killed the victim and not the will and the hands of the person who committed the murder?). Who was to blame for a murder? God or the hands of the killer? Bavella’s arguments were nothing new. One of the men present at the discussion spoke out, recalling that in a similar case Ludovico Castelvetro had defined those convictions as ‘heresia marza’ (rotten heresy). Nevertheless, Gioioso concluded, Bavella had stuck to his opinions.9 Some exponents of the first heterodox generation would therefore have declared their opposition to the denial of free will, as revealed by both the Castelvetro case and several testimonies about Filippo Valentini.10 However, an opposite trend was gradually prevailing among the heretics of Modena. The preaching of Bartolomeo della Pergola, in particular, discussed in the first chapter, strengthened this conviction.11 Most of the Brothers believed that man was an instrument in God’s hands, as Cataldo Buzzale had said: when doing good deeds, ‘noi siamo instrumenti di Dio sì come il martello è instrumento del fabro et la sega del marangone’ (we are God’s instruments, just as the hammer is the instrument of the blacksmith and the saw is that of the carpenter).12 This view repeatedly surfaced in the trials of the 1560s: man’s freedom played a role in evil actions, but not in good actions, which only came from God. 8 FI, 3,38. 9 The episode is reported in FI, 2,63. 10 See Felici, ‘Introduzione’, p. 58. Valentini also opposed the theory of predestination, which other members of the Academy accepted. 11 See Bianco, ‘Bartolomeo della Pergola’, pp. 30–31. A direct link between the rejection of free will and Pergola’s preaching was explicitly referred to by several Brothers, including Ercole Piatesi: see FI, 5,6, c. 27 March 1568. 12 FI, 4,1, c. 3 September 1566.

FAITH AND WORKS

This assertion, moreover, was consistent with the doctrine of predes‐ tination, which the community appeared to strongly support. Cosimo Guidoni had no doubt that ‘talmente l’huomo sia predestinato o riprobato che di necessità giunga al fine prescritto’ (man was predestined or repro‐ bate and necessarily came to the fate assigned to him by God).13 Along similar lines, on 25 March 1568 one of the Brothers, Francesco Bordiga, confessed that those predestined to salvation would go to heaven despite their sins and, conversely, reprobates would be damned no matter what good deeds they performed.14 Francesco Secchiari saw proof of Bordiga’s explanation in Judas’ betrayal: the apostle ‘non potea se non tradir Christo perché era ordinato’ (had no choice but to betray Christ, since this event was preordained).15 The discussion of predestination then led to another conclusion, ex‐ plained by Gian Giacomo Tabita, who stated ‘de ecclesia quod sit invisi‐ bilis ex predestinatione’ (that the church is invisible precisely because of predestination).16 If merit, good deeds, adherence to the sacraments, and other outward practices no longer contributed to salvation, the visible Church would disappear and be replaced by the community of those chosen by God’s mercy. ‘La giesia sono li boni christiani’ (the Church is good Christians) declared Luca Mariano and Geminiano Scurano.17 Pietro Antonio of Cervia offered more detailed insight, describing the Modenese Brothers’ position to the judges: Quanto alla chiesa dicevamo e credevamo che la chiesa fosse la congregatione de fideli e credenti et cioè di quelli che credeno dover essere salvi per la morte e passione di Christo. Questa era la vera chiesa, ma quelli che credevano essere salvi per indulgenze, perdoni, voti, peregrinaggi et altre simil’opere non credevano veramente e per questo non erano della chiesa.18 (With regard to the Church, we said and believed that the Church is all the faithful who believe, namely those who profess to being

13 FI, 5,7, c. 15 March 1568. 14 FI, 5,16. 15 FI, 5,27, c. 21 March 1568. Erasmo Barbieri reported that he knew ‘Polo da Campogaiano il quale diceva molti errori come che Giuda non si poteva salvare anco per la misericordia de Dio se bene havesse fatto penitenza delli suoi peccati’ (Paolo of Campogalliano, who said many false things, such as that Judas could not have been saved even if, through God’s mercy, he had done penance for his sins; FI, 4,31, c. 10 April 1568). 16 FI, 3,12. 17 FI, 2,63, c. 8 September 1545. There are few traces of the two men. There is a denunciation against Scurano in FI, 2,71, while Mariano was named by Bernardino Garapina and Antonio Maria Ferrara as an accomplice of certain Brothers (Maranello, Giacomo Graziani and Gabriele Falloppia); see FI, 5,19, c. 21 March 1568 and FI, 6,1, c. 20 March 1568. 18 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567.

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saved through the death and resurrection of Christ. This was the true Church; however, those who believed that they were saved through indulgences, jubilees, vows, pilgrimages and other similar deeds, were not true believers and therefore did not belong to the Church.) So there were two Churches: one true and one false. The invisible Church of faith, made up of believers, and the Church of the Antichrist, which sanctioned indulgences, vows, and pilgrimages. Given these premises, clearly little could remain of the sacramental doctrine that constituted the foundation of Catholic practice and, as shown by accusations made against the Modenese heretics, from baptism to extreme unction, few areas were spared from the Brothers’ criticism.

Criticism of Baptism and the Spread of Antitrinitarian Doctrines The challenge to the Roman Church and to the orthodoxy that it strove to impose centred first and foremost on a revision of the sacrament that constituted the gateway to the ecclesial community: baptism. As studies have shown, theological, political, and social needs converged in this rite. Indeed, almost all the confessions that emerged after Luther’s protest had kept baptism among the sacraments.19 Calvinists, Lutherans, and Catholics ultimately all agreed on one point: anyone who questioned this rite, and with it the established order, should be eliminated as a heretic. This was the destiny of the Anabaptists and, more generally, of what was termed the Radical Reformation.20 In the trials conducted by the Modenese Holy Office, for a long time the judges’ efforts focused on the search for doctrines opposed to baptism. The inquisitors were not interested in delving into the details of the ministers or ceremonies, ‘but rather in discovering Anabaptists, in order to divide the extreme fringes from the rest of the movement through exemplary punishments’.21 The first and most ardent propagator of the new doctrines was Bartolomeo Fonzio, one of the figures who had inspired the community of Brothers. Nicola Bissoli testified that he heard him claim that ‘li puti batizati sono salvi si credeno e se non credeno non sono salvi’ (baptized children will be saved if they believe and damned if

19 George, ‘Baptism’. For an overview on the social role of sacraments in Western tradition, see Bossy, Christianity in the West. 20 Williams, The Radical Reformation. 21 Bianco, p. 659.

FAITH AND WORKS

they don’t).22 When the Franciscan Giovanni Battista had shown Fonzio Augustine’s theory, according to which those who died without being baptized would receive eternal punishment, Fonzio was heard to reply that, on that point, he disagreed with the great father of the Church.23 Fonzio’s arrival in the city is probably responsible for the beliefs of Giovanni Maria Tagliati (Maranello), who was sentenced in 1567 for being ‘infetto di peste lutterana et anabatistica’ (infected with the Lutheran and Anabaptist plague). He admitted the following to the judges: ‘Hebbi opinione che non si dovesse battezzare se non l’huomo adulto acciò potesse havere in sé la fede col battesmo’ (I believed that only adults should be baptized, so that they already have the faith when they receive baptism).24 In the late 1560s, the inquisitors sought out possible Anabaptists in the community and even Leonardo Bazzani of Scandiano was condemned for Anabaptism.25 A few months later, in March 1568, Martino Savera told the inquisitors of his meetings with Gian Giacomo Cavazza, Geminiano Tamburino, Francesco Bordiga, and Antonio Maria Ferrara, in which Cavazza read the Gospel in the vernacular and then went on to discuss ‘di primo battesimo e di secondo batesimo’ (first and second baptism).26 In 1578, ten years after Savera’s deposition, another case showed how Anabaptism continued to be a cause of alarm. Bartolomeo Ferraroni, the brother of Don Vincenzo (who was tried by the Inquisition more than thirty years earlier), had been investigated by the Holy Office of Padua, which judged and condemned him as an Anabaptist. No information could be extracted from him be‐ cause he had escaped from the court’s prison: the first assumption was that he had returned to his hometown (Modena), although reports soon began to circulate that he had fled to Trieste, where he had formerly worked as a teacher.27 Other convictions emerged that hinged more on the doctrinal presup‐ positions of baptism than on the celebration of its related ritual. Girolamo Fogliani, for example, asserted that Catholic ceremonies associated with baptism were useless since one could simply be baptized in rivers and with

22 FI, 2,63, c. 8 September 1545?. There is a similar testimony by Girolamo of Correggio in FI, 2,63, c. 12 April 1545. 23 FI, 2,63, c. 13 April 1545. 24 FI, 4,10, c. 25 January 1567. In another declaration Maranello claimed that his belief dated back to around eighteen or twenty years earlier: ‘Non mi raccordo il tempo preciso quando io tenni quella opinione del battesmo anchorché di sopra io habbia limitato il tempo delli 18 in 20 anni’ (I can’t remember the exact time when I held that opinion about baptism, although I previously testified that it was around 18 to 20 years ago), c. 28 January 1567. 25 In the judgment (in FI, 4,17), Bazzani is also declared to be ‘infected with the Lutheran and Anabaptist plague’. 26 FI, 5,17, c. 25 March 1568. 27 FI, 7,7, c. 14 July 1578 (Gaspare Manzoli). The trial against Bartolomeo’s brother, Vincenzo Ferraroni, is in FI, 2,69.

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ordinary water.28 Erasmo Barbieri, on 10 April 1568, informed the court of the opinion of Francesco Maria Carretta, who had said that ‘ogn’aqua è buona per battezzare et che non vi si ricerca né oglio né sale come si usa hoggidì a battezzare’ (any water is suitable for administering baptism and neither oil nor salt are needed, as is customary today).29 A similar view was expressed by Taddeo of Vaglio, who claimed that there was no difference between baptism performed according to the rite of the Church or in the water of an ordinary fountain.30 Tommaso Bonvicini was more scornful, referring to the sacrament as ‘una materìa’ (foolishness), since, as he saw it, sprinkling a child’s head with water was good as washing a donkey’s head.31 Others, finally, did not discuss the value of baptism, but focused on the characteristics of the figure who had the task of administering it: according to Giovanni Ludovico Novelli and Pietro Antonio of Cervia (who reported the view of many Brothers), this task was reserved for those who had been ordained by the people.32 On the basis of the remaining documentation, it is not easy to establish whether, as in other areas of Italy, critical stances towards baptism were related to antitrinitarian doctrines.33 In the case of Maranello there is no doubt that his convictions about the futility of baptizing children went hand in hand with his readings of the antitrinitarian Servetus, men‐ tioned in the third chapter.34 In other cases, by contrast, it is difficult to understand the precise content of the arguments against the Trinity and their possible relationship with the doctrine of Baptism. For instance it is not entirely clear what Don Giovanni Bertari meant when he taught that ‘Christo è eguale al Padre seconda la humanità’ (Christ is equal to the Father in humanity), although his words had certainly bewildered listeners due to the subject that they addressed (the Trinity).35 These were probably also the years in which the heretic Giorgio Filalete, known as Turchetto, visited Modena, instructing various exponents of religious dissent in the faith: the antitrinitarian doctrines spread by Filalete during his travels through Italy may suggest that he had already propagated views

28 29 30 31 32

FI, 3,8, c. 4 December 1558 (Giovanni Battista Chiesa). FI, 4,31. FI, 5,24. FI, 4,15, c. 21 December 1566. For Novelli, see FI, 4,18, judgment. For the beliefs reported by Cervia, see FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 33 On Anabaptism in Italy, particularly in the Veneto area, see Stella, Dall’anabattismo al socinianesimo; Stella, Anabattismo e antitrinitarismo. For the possible origin of antitrinitarian doctrines in Italy, see also Addante, Eretici e libertini. 34 See supra, pp. 103–04. 35 FI, 2,60, c. 13 April 1541 (Francesco Seghizzi). Peyronel Rambaldi speculates that these words may refer to Servetus’s doctrines, see Peyronel Rambaldi, pp. 186–87.

FAITH AND WORKS

that opposed the Trinity in Modena, although there is no evidence of this.36 Setting aside conjecture, we can observe, within the Modenese hetero‐ dox movement, radical forces which, by undermining the value of baptism and moving towards Anabaptist positions, opened the way to doctrines feared by the judges. Nonetheless, the Modenese community never fully adopted an antitrinitarian stance and, barring a few exceptional cases, the inquisitors did not find any claims disputing Christ’s divinity.

Signs of God: Eucharistic Symbolism and Celebration of the Lord’s Supper In the space of a few decades, the court’s actions had successfully con‐ tained the doctrines that threatened the first of the sacraments. The most radical beliefs were in fact limited to a few cases. When it came to another cornerstone of Catholic doctrine, namely the presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Eucharist, the situation was somewhat different. Reformers such as John Calvin and above all Huldrych Zwingli had viewed Mass as a celebration in which Christ was only present spiritually or, in Zwingli’s case, in a purely symbolic way.37 In the eyes of the Catholic Church, such a conception of the Eucharist could have had significant repercussions: Mass and its value depended on suffrages for the dead and collections from the celebration of anniversaries, ceremonies, processions, and liturgical feasts. Sacramentalism, i.e. a symbolic conception of the Eu‐ charist, also caught on in Modena, characterizing the heterodox movement early on at various social levels.38 Giovanni dal Prè accused a labourer, Giovanni Gherlo of Campogal‐ liano, of believing that Christ was not present in the sacrament and that it was nothing but bread, while Piergiovanni Biancolini, according to his brother, affirmed ‘che il corpo di Christo entra nell’ostia in quella forma ch’a lui pare et niuno lo può sapere’ (that the body of Christ enters the host in the way that Christ sees fit and no one can know it).39 The new doctrine had even become established among the clergy and it was often priests themselves who warned the faithful against the risks of believing in 36 The visit to Modena is mentioned in a letter written by the episcopal vicar Giovanni Domenico Sigibaldi to Cardinal Morone in PM, i, 859. Silvana Seidel Menchi suggests that Turchetto may have been Ortensio Lando; see Seidel Menchi, ‘Chi fu Ortensio Lando?’. 37 For an overview, see Wandel, ed., A Companion to the Eucharist; Wandel, The Eucharist in the Reformation; Davis, This is my Body. 38 See Simoncelli, ‘Inquisizione romana e Riforma’. 39 For the Gherlo case, see: FI, 2,68, c. 28 April 1546. For Biancolini: FI, 3,4, c. 7 July 1559; it should be noted, however, that the heretic repeatedly demonstrated — with scornful, irreverent gestures — that he did not believe in the real presence.

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Figure 15. Huldrych Zwingli, Trento, Biblioteca comunale. 1627.

Figure 16. René Boyvin, Portrait of John Calvin, Genève, Bibliothèque de Genève. 1562.

the real presence. On 12 June 1549 a certain Cecilia had denounced Don Ludovico Bassani for having explained to two believers who wanted to take communion that the sacrament was merely a memory of the passion of Christ, who had redeemed men with his blood.40 The symbolic conception of the sacrament had taken hold and the Brothers never missed an opportunity to argue, often in a sarcastic and irreverent manner, about the paradoxes raised by the real presence. In a discussion with Giovanni Brighi in his apothecary, the heretic Pellegrino Civa attempted to use weapons of logic to dissuade Brighi from accept‐ ing this Catholic doctrine: if Christ had been present with his body in the host, the celebrant would have to eat his bones (‘sacerdos morderet humeros Christi’; the priest would bite Christ’s shoulders).41 A similar image returned in the admissions of Giovanni Padovani, who confessed that he had believed that in the consecrated host ‘in sangue et ossa et carne il corpo di nostro signor Giesù Christo’ (the body of Our Lord Jesus Christ in blood, bone and flesh) was not present.42 The Saviour, as Zwingli had also argued in a debate with Luther, could not truly and simultaneously

40 FI, 2,77. 41 FI, 3,14, c. 7 May 1553 (Nicola Morani). 42 FI, 5,26, c. 15 October 1567.

FAITH AND WORKS

be in each of the consecrated pieces of bread on the altar: ‘se fosse in ogni ostia consecrata vi sarebbono assai Christi’ (if he were in each consecrated host, there would be many Christs), explained Tommaso Bonvicini.43 Popular opinion echoed this sentiment. Antonio Lami, denounced by his nephew, recalled that he had often seen six or eight priests celebrate at the same time on different altars: ‘Come può essere che in tutte quelle hostie in diversi luoci si ritrovi Christo?’ (How can Christ be present in all those hosts in different places?).44 The contestation of the real presence involved certain watchwords, which spread among the Brothers to signal their contempt for the host. Margherita Tribanelli ran away from her husband, Girolamo of Cremona, when, in a fit of anger, he told her that ‘Christo non è in quella merda d’hostia’ (Christ is not in that shitty host).45 However, the most commonly used term to mock the Eucharist was ‘pasta’ (dough), a definition that alluded to its material nature using everyday vocabulary. In the mountain village of Sestola, for example, Contino of San Cesario used to wander around mocking the Eucharist: ‘Cur vultis hanc pastam adorare?’ (Why do you want to worship this dough?).46 Natale Andriotti, talking with a friend, had said something similar, claiming that the host was just ‘un poco di pasta’ (a little bit of dough).47 The influential Giovanni Rangoni had also spoken of ‘dough’ and, according to the Franciscan Ludovico of Lyon, he no longer went to Mass in order not to ‘commettere idolatria, adorando un pezzo di pasta per Dio’ (commit idolatry by worshipping a piece of dough as if it were God).48 Most of the Brothers showed that they firmly adhered to those beliefs, understanding the Eucharist as a remembrance of Christ and his sacrifice. Those of this opinion included Cataldo Buzzale, Maranello, Giovanni Ludovico Novelli, Bartolomeo Ingoni, Giacomo Gandolfi, Marco Caula, Francesco Manzoli, Francesco Caldana, and many others.49 Pietro Antonio of Cervia, in his confessions, confirmed that this was the position of the community and its leaders.50

43 44 45 46 47

FI, 4,15, c. 8 July 1566 (Giovanni Frigeri). FI, 6,20, c. 29 March 1572 (Girolamo Lami). FI, 3,22, c. 22 April 1557. FI, 3,1, c. 21 August 1550 (Giovanni Paolo Magnani). FI, 6,22, c. 22 August 1573 (Claudio Sellicani). Andriotti’s case was also considered particularly serious by the congregation of the Holy Office, which gave precise instructions to the Modenese judges on 18 November 1572 (see a letter from the inquisitor Antonio Balducci in FI, 1,4,I). 48 FI, 3,35, c. 19 March 1566. 49 See respectively FI, 4,1, c. 11 September 1566; FI, 4,10, c. 27 January 1567; FI, 4,18, judgment; FI, 4,20, c. 23 January 1567; FI, 4,25, c. 23 March 1568; FI, 4,27, judgment; FI, 4,28, judgment; FI, 4,34, judgment. 50 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567.

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These convictions were also reflected in the Brothers’ attitude in public during the Eucharistic processions or religious celebrations that were founded in the real presence. When the sacrament was brought out for the worship of the faithful, the dissidents could be identified by their scornful and irreverent behaviour: they did not remove their hats, proudly stood upright while the congregation genuflected, scratched their heads and so on. The preacher Francesco of Cremona, who appeared before the judges on 2 January 1575, reported an emblematic episode: sent by the bishop to Marzaglia to preach, he noted that Guido Rangoni ‘vedendo passar il santissimo sacramento se ne stava dritto in piedi con il capello alla traversa in testa’ (seeing the procession of the Most Blessed Sacrament pass by, remained standing wearing his hat).51 It was not an isolated case. On 2 March 1570, Egidio of Correggio, an inquisitorial vicar in Modena, had written to the inquisitor of Ferrara to denounce three inhabitants of the mountain (Francescone, Simone, and Simoncello) who, when the celebrant raised the host, turned their backs and did not remove their hats.52 The behaviour of the heretic Giovanni Rangoni, who is referred to sev‐ eral times in the previous pages, was particularly sensational and explicit. His cousin had heard that Rangoni had scratched his head when the host was raised, as a sign of contempt, and someone had even heard him addressing Christ: ‘Vedi Signore, io non vengo già per fare idolatria, ma tu sai che io son sforzato, et similia, per paura dei farisei’ (Lord, you know that I do not come to Mass for the purpose of committing idolatry, but that I am forced to attend out of fear of the Pharisees).53 The Pharisees, namely the Catholic authorities, forced the Modenese nobleman to take part in an idolatrous rite, which involved worshipping a piece of bread with no divine presence. To avoid troubling their conscience with Catholic ‘idolatry’, some peo‐ ple would leave their parish at Easter, when, according to canon law, they were required to attend annual communion. Leonora Capelli, for example, left the city on Holy Monday, fuelling the rumours that already considered her to be a ‘lutherana marza’ (rotten Lutheran).54 It was nonetheless also possible for dissidents to attend traditional services, welcoming the parts of the ceremony that were considered useful into their soul. Laura Mamani, at the instigation of her husband Pietro Antonio of Cervia, believed that it was right to go to Mass, but only to listen to Scripture and to recite the Apostles’ Creed and Lord’s Prayer.55 This was also the belief of

51 52 53 54 55

FI, 7,25. FI, 6,6. FI, 3,35, c. 12 May 1563. FI, 3,36, c. 3 July 1566. FI, 4,11, c. 30 September 1567.

FAITH AND WORKS

Francesco Secchiari, who, aside from the Gospel and the Epistles, deemed the other parts of the Mass to be ‘inventioni de papi’ (popes’ inventions).56 There may be many other similar examples. What I wish to demonstrate here is the range of options that heretics had recourse to: to participate in the Mass while showing open signs of dissent; to attend it while only engaging with its good elements (Bible readings, the Apostles’ Creed, the Lord’s Prayer and, in rare cases, the sermon); to completely refrain from participating. In all cases there were control and monitoring systems that enabled the Catholic authorities to detect suspicious behaviour. Although they avoided the rites of the Catholic Church and considered them idolatry, the Brothers nevertheless celebrated the Lord’s Supper to express their sense of community.57 That rite, conceived as the symbolic presence of Christ, dated back to the origins of the heterodox movement and had passed from one generation to another shrouded in deep secrecy. For a long time the judges appeared to be unaware of the existence of clandestine liturgical activity. Nothing emerges from the trials and files of Modena between the 1540s and 1560s. Nor can anything be found in the chronicles and correspondence of those decades. It is necessary to consult documents produced beyond the Este borders to find some trace of those meetings. The testimony of the humanist Antonio Bendinelli from Lucca, who had witnessed some meetings of the Academy in Modena, is important in this regard. Around 1537 he attended a dinner at Nicolò Machella’s house: Filippo Valentini, in imitation of Christ, had given the guests who were still fasting the ‘bread of the word’, that is he had entertained them before the meal with spiritual exhortations. At the end of the dinner, he had given everyone a chalice to drink from, intended as a symbol of a life that should be led before the eyes of God.58 In the 1530s, a liturgical activity was developed and relatively widespread among the Modenese heterodox. However, no more was heard of the Lord’s Supper until, in 1567, the judges came into possession of Pietro Antonio of Cervia’s confessions.59 The Romagna native was the only one of the Brothers to give an account of those gatherings: like the leaders of the Academy before them, the Brothers would occasionally meet in the homes of one member or another to celebrate the Lord’s Supper, admitting only the most trusted members. It was essential to avoid a leak that would reveal valuable details to the inquisitors. The secret seemed to hold up and none of the Brothers, except Cervia, spoke or confessed anything. For this

56 FI, 5,27, c. 21 March 1568. 57 See Bianco, p. 646. 58 Adorni Braccesi, ‘Una città infetta’, pp. 207–13, which can be referred to for a biographical profile of Bendinelli. Bendinelli’s account is in the oration ‘Dopo Cena’, in BSLu, MS 1099, fol. 54r-v. 59 FI, 3,36, c. 2 June 1567, from which the following information is taken.

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reason too, it is difficult to understand the exact role of the celebration of the Supper in the life of the community: the heretics who fell into the clutches of the Inquisition never referred to these celebrations and, most likely, this liturgical activity was neither regular nor strictly organized.

Confessing Sins As in the case of the Eucharist, confession was also one of the issues that divided Catholics and Protestants from the early days of the Reformation. Luther strongly rejected auricular confession because of how it had been structured over the centuries: believers were required to examine their conscience before the eyes of God, without the obligation to enumerate their failings to a priest.60 ‘Confessio privata non requirit necessario enu‐ merationem peccatorum’ (Private confession does not require the listing of every sin), Luther had taught.61 Calvin and the second generation of the Reformation had gone further, stripping penance of any sacramental quality.62 In Catholicism, by contrast, the traditional principles were reaf‐ firmed and confession became one of the best aids to inquisitorial policy, guaranteeing control over the consciences and conduct of believers.63 Within the community of Brothers and the networks of dissent in Modena, there was essentially a consensus against auricular confession, although dissenters nonetheless sought solutions that were a compromise with Catholic practices. Lucia, Giovanni Battista Balestra’s widow, said that sometimes it did not hurt to confess, even if the detailed list of sins that priests demanded was unnecessary (‘quidem confessio est bona, sed non oportet dicere omnia peccata’; any form of confession is a good thing, but there is no need to enumerate every sin).64 This view was echoed many years later by Giacomo Gandolfi, who claimed that it was enough to confess sins ‘in generale’ (in general) without going into detail.65 There were also cases of clergymen who, influenced by Protestant doc‐ trines, administered confession in a very irregular way. Giovanni Zuccari had heard from some friends that the Augustinian friars of Modena did not ask penitents for a list of sins, but questioned them about the cornerstones of the faith and the essential commandments (do not murder, do not 60 Tentler, ‘Confession’. On the persistence of confession in certain important Reformed documents, see clarifications by Prodi, Una storia della giustizia, pp. 251–54. 61 D. Martin Luthers Werke, ed. by Drescher, p. 694. 62 See e.g. Calvin, Institution de la religion chrestienne, ed. by Benot, iv, 480–85 (vol. iv, ch. xix). 63 Prosperi, Tribunali 64 FI, 3,6, c. 29 September 1552 (Maria Viviani). 65 FI, 4,25, c. 23 March 1568. Similar positions can be found in the confessions of other Brothers, such as Giovanni Padovani (FI, 5,26, c. 16 October 1567) and Francesco Citti (FI, 6,23, c. 14 November 1552; Caterina Citti).

FAITH AND WORKS

steal, do not commit adultery). They then explained to believers that they should ask God, rather than a priest, to absolve them of their sins.66 These were all expedients to devise solutions which, in everyday life, would allow heretics to continue to approach the sacrament without attracting the judges’ attention. Confession, according to many Brothers, could be practised as ‘signium humiliationis’, a display of humility towards God.67 It was God who absolved. However, this was not to discourage the practice of going to a priest or a clergyman: it was possible to go to them, as mentioned, to receive advice and to show submission to God’s judgement. Stripping the sacrament of its value (and with it the Church’s ability to mediate) meant that the significance of the penances imposed by the confessor in Catholic doctrine was lost. This explains why Girolamo Fogliani said that priests are wrong to impose penances on the faithful who confess. It was sufficient to urge sinners to change their ways: ‘Basta che tu sii gramo dil tuo peccato, va’ e più non peccare’ (It is enough that you repent of your sin, go and sin no more). All other impositions ‘sonno menchionarie’ (are foolishness).68 As a compromise the Brothers did not therefore reject confession, at least on a ritual level: they considered it useless, as Pietro Antonio of Cervia explained, since Christ had already atoned for the sins of mankind; nevertheless, it was ‘né ancho di danno’ (not harmful).69 Dissimulation did not undermine matters of faith: auricular confession served no purpose, but it could be practised with the intention and conviction of trusting in God’s forgiveness. However, there were also more critical views. Geminiano Scurano maintained that sins could be confessed to anyone without the need for in‐ stitutional mediation.70 Cataldo Buzzale held a similar opinion: citing the Letter of James, he believed that sins committed against someone should be confessed to those who had been wronged, rather than to the priest. All other sins were ultimately subject to God’s judgement.71 There was also a strong attack on the doctrine of sacramental confession instituted by

66 FI, 3,7, c. 18 April 1552. 67 The expression ‘display of humility’ appeared, in 1546, in the trial against Don Vincenzo Ferraroni, Gabriotto Tassoni, Geminiano Manzoli and Giovanni Rangoni: ‘Homo vel mulier quando vadit ad sacerdotem non confitetur ut remittatur peccata sua […] sed vadit ad sacerdotem tanquam accipiens cosilium et est potius signium humiliationis’ (When a man or a woman goes to a priest, they do not confess so that their sins may be forgiven, but rather they go to a priest to receive his advice: confession is instead a display of humility). See FI, 2,69, c. 25 December 1546 (Teofilo of Mantua). 68 FI, 3,19, c. 13 July 1555 (Ercole Bernoro). 69 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 70 FI, 3,1. 71 FI, 4,1, c. 11 September 1566. The passage from the Letter of James cited by Buzzale is James 5. 16.

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Christ through the mandate given to the Apostles after the Resurrection.72 Natale Gioioso had staunchly denied that the event narrated by the Gospel of John marked the beginning of the ministry of priests and bishops in matters of Reconciliation: in his opinion, Christ had only granted that power to the Apostles and not to their successors.73 Some even made fun of the blind trust placed in priests: ‘Ti confessarò ben io’ (I will take your confession), Girolamo of Cremona had told his wife.74 Fulvio Calori mocked the sacrament by claiming that it was a ‘rubaria di papa et cardinai et vescovi’ (theft by popes, cardinals, and bishops).75 Giovanni Maria Buratto, who had not confessed or taken communion for years, reacted in a more brutal manner: when he heard that his wife had gone to the confessional, he beat her severely, scolding her for what she had done.76 Similar statements opposing confession can be found in most of the files concerning members of the community (including: Tommaso Capel‐ lina, Gaspare Chiavenna, Giovanni Maria Tagliati, Giovanni Ludovico Novelli, Erasmo Barbieri, Francesco Caldana, Francesco Maria Carretta, Ludovico Mazzoni, Geminiano Tamburino, etc.).77 If salvation came from Christ’s one sacrifice, which he granted to those who believed through grace alone, it was clear that the penance administered by the Church could no longer be accepted. Friars and priests who demanded a precise list of sins were compared to prying meddlers, and that rite, as Tommasino of Guiglia said, could be considered God’s greatest error: ‘tra tante l’opere fatte da Dio, non era la pegior quanto sacramento della confessione […]: gran cosa è che dobbiam dir i fati nostri a un prete’ (among the works performed by God, the worst is the sacrament of confession: it is a mistake to have to tell our business to a priest!).78

72 The reference is in John 20. 21–23. The Gospel passage is also mentioned in the decrees of the Council of Trent on penance: ‘Dominus autem sacramentum poenitentiae tunc praecipue instituit, cum a mortuis excitatus insufflavit in discipulos suos, dicens: Accipite Spiritum Sanctum; quorum remiseritis peccata, remittuntur eis, et quorum retinueritis, retenta sunt’ (The Lord instituted the sacrament of penance when, after rising from the dead, he blew on his disciples, saying: Receive ye the Holy Ghost, whose sins you shall forgive, they are forgiven them, and whose sins you shall retain, they are retained). See Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. by Alberigo and others, p. 679; Sess. XIV, Doctrina de sanctissimis poenitentiae et extremae unctionis sacramentis, ch. ι. 73 FI, 5,8, c. 13 March 1568. 74 FI, 3,22, c. 22 April 1557 (Margherita Tribanelli). 75 FI, 5,23, c. 20 March 1567? (Caterina Lisignani). 76 FI, 6,7, c. 25 March 1570 (Libera). 77 See respectively FI, 4,5, judgment; FI, 4,6, c. 19 December 1566; FI, 4,10, c. 27 January 1567; FI, 4,18, judgment; FI, 4,31, inquisitio; FI, 4,34, judgment; FI, 5,12, c. 27 April 1568; FI, 5,21, c. 27 April 1568; FI, 5,25, c. 15 October 1567. 78 FI, 7,26, c. 26 March 1575 (Giulio Ferrari).

FAITH AND WORKS

Papist Inventions: Priesthood, Confirmation, Extreme Unction, and Marriage The objection to confession discussed in the previous paragraph was closely interwoven with a critical stance towards the prerogatives of the clergy who, within the structure of the Catholic Church, were assigned the task of dispensing and administering divine grace. Indeed, the Reformed world railed against the nature of priesthood as a sacrament. The Reform‐ ers had expressed their support for universal priesthood, the doctrine according to which, through baptism, all believers are granted priestly pre‐ rogatives and require no further mediation. This belief had been prevalent among the Modenese heterodox since the early 1540s. In 1545, Girolamo Grassetti was accused of claiming ‘quod omnes sacerdotes sumus’ (that we are all priests).79 Ten years later a certain Francesco reported to the judges that Pietro Curione, Paolo of Campogalliano, Giovanni Terrazzano, and Bernardino Garapina had claimed that we are all priests ‘egualmente’ (in equal measure).80 There was also criticism of the divine institution of the sacrament. Paolo Cassani firmly denied that ordination had been willed by God: all priests and friars would go to hell, in his opinion, because Christ had never instituted the clergy.81 Similarly, Laura Mamani, convinced by her husband, believed Jesus had not instituted the priesthood as a sacrament at all, a view shared by most of the Brothers.82 Rejection of ecclesiastical celibacy was even more apparent and wide‐ spread. Pietro Curione stated that it had been introduced by the Church ‘per un rubamento’ (in order to steal).83 Orazio Grillenzoni declared that priests and friars would do better to marry rather than have concu‐ bines.84 Erasmo Barbieri expressed the same view when speaking to Natale Gioioso: referring to a priest who boasted about the prostitutes that he visited, Gioioso affirmed that it was not a sin for clergymen to marry, but it was for them to sleep with prostitutes.85 Giacomo Gandolfi condemned priests for wasting money to satisfy their lust: ‘vescovi et altri religiosi che spendono male la roba della giesia et vano a done d’altri et alle meretrici havriano fatto meglio a maridarsi et stare al seculo che non vivere da religioso’ (bishops and clergymen who squander the patrimony of the Church and sleep with other men’s women and prostitutes should have 79 FI, 2,66, c. 15 April 1545 (Giovanni Paolo of Lugo). On this episode, see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, p. 163. 80 FI, 3,14, c. 21 June 1555. 81 FI, 3,9, c. 19 May 1554 (Martino of Padule). 82 FI, 4,11, c. 30 September 1567. 83 FI, 3,14, c. 21 June 1555. 84 FI, 3,17, c. 8 December 1555. 85 FI, 4,31, c. 21 April 1568.

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married and lived in the world, rather than taking vows).86 Some, such as Cataldo Buzzale, criticized the clergy’s celibacy, but recognized that Scrip‐ ture distinguished lay people from bishops, priests, and deacons.87 On the whole, however, the Brothers rejected the validity of the sacrament and, insisting that priests and friars should marry, they argued that priesthood should be reduced to a simple office dedicated to serving the community, in line with the Reformed model.88 The position of the heterodox community is well-illustrated by the words of Giulio Cesare Pazzani who, on 27 April 1568, in a wide-ranging deposition, explained the reasons for the Brothers’ aversion to the clergy: Tra l’altre cose dicevano che l’habito de sacerdoti mentre dicono messa era habito da boffoni; et che li frati et li preti vanno per le case de seculari o per causa delle donne o per volere robba; et che non si fanno preti et frati se non quelli che non hanno voglia di lavorare; et che queste religioni de frati erano state ordinate da huomini come noi che erano chiamati santi et non instituite da Christo et perciò non erano buone.89 (Among other things, they said that the habit used by priests when they say Mass is a clown’s outfit; that friars and priests either go to the houses of lay people to seduce their women or to extort goods; that only those unwilling to work become priests and friars; and that these religious orders to which friars belong were established by men like us, who were called saints, but were not founded by Christ and are therefore unworthy.) The criticisms voiced by heterodox circles spared no one and dismantled all the structures stemming from ordination and religious vows. As part of the customary blend of long-standing anticlericalism and new elements of dissent, monks, friars, and priests were singled out as idle layabouts in search of women and offerings. It is also interesting to note that there was a widespread aversion to the sacrament among the members of the clergy themselves. Giulia, the wife of a shoemaker named Michele, had asked Don Orio Gasparini why he never celebrated mass. The priest had jokingly replied that he would perform his duties if they would only allow him to take a wife.90 Another

86 FI, 4,25, c. 10 January 1570. 87 See FI, 4,1, c. 9 September 1566 and c. 11 September 1566. 88 Pietro Antonio of Cervia confirmed this view: ‘Quanto al sacramento dell’ordine […] gli negavamo et non gli credevamo in modo alcuno’ (As for the sacrament of ordination, we denied it and did not believe in it in any way). See FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 89 FI, 4,30, c. 27 April 1568. 90 FI, 6,4, c. 30 August 1569 (Pellegrino Tamberla). As stated on the outside of the inquisitorial file dedicated to him, Don Orio died during the trial.

FAITH AND WORKS

friar, Vincenzo of Bologna, was equally explicit when he was denounced on 17 February 1578 by a fellow friar for certain conversations held in the monastery of San Nicolò in Carpi. The Franciscan had spoken of the sacrament that he received in no uncertain terms: ‘Quando io fui ordinato al sacerdotio (ridendo dissi ancora a me) quando me ongeteno le mani, mi ongeteno ancora il culo’ (‘When I was ordained a priest’, he said, laughing, ‘in the moment they anointed my hands [with holy oil] they also anointed my arse’).91 The hands that Catholic devotion regarded as mediators of heavenly grace were compared to an ‘arse’ sprinkled with useless oil. It was also deemed ineffective to use oil for two other sacraments, confirmation and extreme unction. The Reformers had agreed to remove these rites from the list of divine signs, dismissing them as mere supersti‐ tions. The Modenese heterodox movement shared this line of thought. ‘Il sacramento della cresma lo negavamo et havevamo per niente’ (We denied the sacrament of confirmation and considered it invalid), said Pietro Antonio of Cervia.92 Similar statements can be found in the trials against Laura Mamani, Giovanni Ludovico Novelli, and Marco Caula.93 Francesco Caldana described confirmation as a ceremony invented by the Catholic Church and both Geminiano Calligari and Francesco Bordiga referred to it as an ‘invention’ (Calligari called it a useless confirmation of baptism).94 Similar views were held regarding extreme unction, or as it was commonly referred to, ‘the oil’. The heretics who spoke of it reiterated the above definitions of confirmation. Pietro Giovanni Monzone was con‐ vinced that ‘l’oglio santo fusse una bagia’ (holy oil was a fib) and the notion that the sacrament was non-existent or invented was also discussed by Ludovico Mazzoni, Giovanni Ludovico Novelli, Marco Caula, Francesco Bordiga, and Cervia.95 Nevertheless, despite the radical contestation of the Catholic Church’s sacraments, some elements appeared to survive. The Modena Brothers came up with an original position concerning the value of marriage. The delicate issue of the sanctity of marriage had immediately led to a rift between the Roman Church and the Protestant world. While Reformers had rejected the idea that this bond was indissoluble, Catholics had reaf‐

91 FI, 7,2 (Franciscan Angelo of Brescia). On this episode and its possible involvement in the spread of unorthodox unrest in the town of Carpi, see Al Kalak, ‘Eresia e dissenso religioso a Carpi’, pp. 217–19. 92 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 93 See respectively FI, 4,11, c. 30 September 1567; FI, 4,18, judgment; FI, 4,27, judgment. 94 See respectively FI, 4,34, judgment; FI, 5,2, c. 26 January 1569; FI, 5,16, c. 25 March 1568. 95 See respectively FI, 7,32, c. 4 November 1575; FI, 5,21, c. 27 April 1568; FI, 4,18, judgment; FI, 4,27, judgment; FI, 5,16, c. 25 March 1568; FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567.

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firmed its divine institution, in particular during the Council of Trent.96 As noted, the Modena heretics adopted an unusual position in this regard. In his depositions, Pietro Antonio of Cervia stated that the Brothers believed in marriage as a sacrament. With this term, he emphasized the dignity surrounding the union between spouses.97 Indeed, this appears to be confirmed by an incident reported by Gaspare Canossa. Canossa had learnt from a friend that the heretic Cataldo Buzzale had been scandalized after seeing him ‘con una putana […], la qual cosa non se conveniva a noi altri fratelli che si doveamo contentar delle nostre moglie’ (with a prostitute […], and this behaviour was not befitting of us Brothers, because we have to be content with our wives).98 It was not just a moral claim: these words were underpinned by a notion of marriage as a bond that must be respected and preserved, by virtue of a special blessing from God. This depended on the role and importance of the sacrament in strategies for the expansion and preservation of the community: marriage was one of the means of transmitting faith, as the judges had learned from Pietro Antonio of Cervia himself, who recalled that he had shared the doctrines to which he had been introduced with his wife Laura. For this reason too, community leaders sought to control the associations of the Brothers, especially those of lower social standing.99 Maddalena Rossi testified to this, telling the inquisitors of the events that had led her to marry the heretic Giovanni Maria Buratto. Interrogata quis vel qui eidem nubere persuaserint respondit: Fu uno certo Pietro Giovanni Biancolini cimadori de panni modenese […] et gli fu parimente un altro detto il Tamborino tesidore […] Io era rimasta senza padre e senza niuno aiuto perhò quasi per forza fui maritata.100 (Asked who persuaded her to marry Buratto, she replied: It was a certain Piergiovanni Biancolini, a shearman in Modena […] and 96 Safley, ‘Marriage’. For the Italian situation regarding separation, see Seidel Menchi and Quaglioni, eds, Coniugi nemici. 97 FI, 3,38, c. 27 February 1567. 98 FI, 4,1. The deposition reported here is preserved in a copy of a trial, which probably came from the court in Bologna. 99 Endogamy within the heterodox movement has been discussed by Seidel Menchi, Erasmo, pp. 177–78. 100 The following information and quotation are taken from FI, 6,31, c. 3 June 1573. An associate of Biancolini and many other Brothers, Buratto was warned of his imminent arrest and fled to the Republic of Venice. Here, near Vicenza, he found work as a farmhand, but he was denounced by farmers and forced to take flight again. Bernardino Garapina gave the judges a very precise physical description of him (annotation at the end of FI, 6,7). In 1573, according to his wife, he was imprisoned in Vicenza. On him, see also Mercati, p. 145. On Maddalena Rossi, see a few notes in Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, p. 236 n. 165.

FAITH AND WORKS

another man named Tamburino, a weaver […] I was orphaned by my father and helpless, so I practically had to get married.) Piergiovanni Biancolini and Geminiano Tamburino had acted as media‐ tors, finding a partner for Buratto. The fact that the girl was destitute had simplified matters. When Maddalena later attempted to remarry, assuming that her husband had died, illustrious noblewomen (Beatrice Rangoni and Ippolita Beltrama) supported the Brothers in the quest, demonstrating that members of the community had direct or indirect control over marital unions. Aside from specific cases, it is very likely the Modenese heretics continued to regard marriage as an indissoluble bond. Solidarity between spouses could become (and often did) solidarity between fellow believers and this sacrament was one of the most effective means to unite the ranks of the community.

Prayers for the Living, Prayers for the Dead The previous paragraphs illustrated how the community of Brothers re‐ vised the Catholic doctrine of the sacraments, while at the same time developing a vision of salvation that was far-removed from that of the Catholic Church. Although these were the main tenets of the Brothers’ creed, they also shared many other beliefs with the Reformation move‐ ment. For example, their thoughts on prayer, which were closely linked to the matters discussed above, were particularly significant, not least due to their everyday implications. Indeed, it was impossible to conceive of the celebration of the Church’s sacraments beyond a framework comprised of various formulas, rituals, and prayers. The heretics strongly criticized vocal prayer which, in their opinion, was often focused on quantity and could not bring the faithful to God. In Modena this matter had been discussed by a priest, Don Giovanni Bertari, who was close to the Academy group and later to the Brothers. During one of his public lectures, he claimed that those who prayed without understanding the meaning of the words, were sinning and causing serious offence to God.101 In a trial opened a few years after these events, Bertari’s teachings resurfaced, revealing how widespread they had been: explicitly referring to his arguments, Vincenzo of Prato claimed that prayers were useless if one did not understand their meaning.102

101 FI, 2,60, c. 22 March 1541 (Pietro Giovanni Bartolomasi). For the case of Bertari and his possible links with Erasmian readings, see Seidel Menchi, Erasmo, pp. 74–76. 102 FI, 2,65, c. 17 April 1545 (Accio Acci). On Vincenzo of Prato, see also Mercati, p. 144. Filippo Valentini, another leading exponent of the heterodox movement, took a similar position to that of Bertari: in this regard, see Felici, ‘Introduzione’, pp. 58, 146–50.

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The heretics voiced an even stronger objection when prayers, such as the rosary, became symbols of Catholic identity. Giovanni Battista Balestra had said that it was better to recite one Lord’s Prayer with devotion than all the rosary beads.103 Only a year later his wife was questioned about similar statements: talking to a friend, she told her that it was better she visited the sick than went to Vespers and that repeating many Lord’s Prayers and Ave Marias (another allusion to the rosary) made her a ‘pharisea’ (Pharisee).104 Maria Carafoli told the inquisitors that her daughter-in-law ridiculed her when she found her kneeling to recite the rosary.105 The podestà Giovanni Battista Bottoni, who governed a town in the Apennines, responded in the same way. A prisoner, Matteo Lardi, reported that he had been mocked by Bottoni who saw him reciting the rosary in his cell: ‘Che tante corone e che tanti pater nostri? Che voi tu far de tante corrone? Se tu vorai uscire fuori di questa prigione ci vorà altro che pater nostri!’ (Why do you recite so many rosaries and so many Lord’s Prayers? What is the point of all these rosaries? If you want to get out of this prison, it will take more than Lord’s Prayers!). It was clearly more than just a joke, since the poor mountain dweller Maria of Rocchetta had endured the same affronts: to recite the rosary, pre-empting the podestà’s insults, she had to hide from him, as did Bottoni’s wife and daughter.106 It was therefore thought that prayers recited in life should avoid repetitiveness and concentrate on a spiritual understanding of their content, with a strong link to Scripture (hence the reference to the Lord’s Prayer, a prayer recorded in the Gospels). It was a different situation when it came to prayers for the dead. Luther’s confrontation with the system of indulgences, which sparked the Reformation, had questioned the otherworldly fate of the soul and in particular the existence of purgatory. Eliminating purgatory from the faith meant removing the basis of the vast range of practices and rites connected with the ‘middle kingdom’: the various forms of suffrage (prayers, rosaries, masses, solemn funerals, legacies, etc.) lost their meaning and, above all, their usefulness. Natale Andriotti, for example, explained to the judges that he did not believe in prayers offered by priests for the dead, since God would judge them on the basis of their deeds: how could He decide their destiny on the basis of masses or suffrages recited by someone else?107 The Brothers’ reasoning demanded that believers only trust what was recorded in Scripture. The New and Old Testament did not refer to any other fate besides hell and heaven, as Girolamo Fontana, Piergiovanni Biancolini, Cataldo Buzzale, Francesco Secchiari, Giacomo Gandolfi, and

103 104 105 106 107

FI, 3,6, c. 14 March 1552 (Ludovico Vecchi). FI, 3,6, c. 29 September 1552 (Maria Viviani). FI, 3,6, c. 29 October 1552. FI, 7,3, c. 16 April 1568. On Bottoni, see Peyronel Rambaldi, ‘Podestà e inquisitori’. FI, 6,22, c. 10 April 1572.

FAITH AND WORKS

many others repeated to the inquisitors.108 For the Modenese heterodox, the ‘true purgatory’ was Jesus Christ, who had cleansed mankind of all its sins. His blood — rather than prayers of suffrage — had erased every sin and to admit the existence of purgatory was to declare the ineffectiveness of his sacrifice. Almost everyone was convinced of this, from the most illustrious Brothers such as Giovanni Maria Tagliati, to craftsmen such as Francesco Manzoli, Giulio Cesare Seghizzi, Antonio Villani, and Francesco Bordiga.109 If there was ever a purgatory — said Francesco Cavallerini, Paolo Cassani, Marco Magnavacca, and Ercole Piatesi — it was that of earthly life with all its trials and tribulations.110 It is therefore understandable why income from suffrages for the dead was a focus of the dissidents’ contempt and ridicule. Panfilo Ancarani, see‐ ing a man walking down the street carrying candles for the dead, had called purgatory ‘paghatorio’, a pun on the Italian words ‘purgatorio’ (purgatory) and ‘pagare’ (to pay).111 Piergiovanni Biancolini had also fearlessly asserted that purgatory did not exist and that prayers of suffrage had been devised by the Church for the sole purpose of sating the avarice of priests and friars.112 The heretics’ distrust of prayers for the dead was also reflected in their request for humble funerals celebrated without pomp and solemn ceremonies. Bartolomeo della Pergola had branded the expenses for can‐ dles and funeral equipment as ‘unnecessary’: it was better to allocate that money to the poor, rather than wasting it on a useless facade.113 The heretics’ simple burials exemplified the beliefs they held during their life‐ time. This was well understood by the chronicler Tommasino Lancellotti who, referring to the modesty of Francesco Seghizzi’s funeral on 11 August 1550, quickly found an explanation: ‘Lui era de quella setta de Modena che sono contra alla ordinatione della S.ta Madre Giesia e voleva disputare della fede’ (He was from that sect in Modena that opposes the prescriptions

108 See respectively FI, 3,3, inquisitio; FI, 3,4, c. 24 April 1552 (Vincenzo of Carpi); FI, 4,5, second c. 14 December 1566 (Tommaso Capellina); FI, 5,27, c. 21 March 1568; FI, 4,25, c. 23 March 1568. 109 See respectively FI, 4,10, c. 27 January 1567; FI, 4,28, judgment; FI, 4,35, c. 19 March 1568; FI, 5,9, c. 29 March 1568; FI, 5,16, c. 14 March 1568. 110 See respectively FI, 3,7, c. 1 July 1552 (Marta Felicini); FI, 3,9, c. 19 May 1554 (Martino of Padule); FI, 4,9, judgment; FI, 5,6, c. 27 March 1568. 111 FI, 2,76, c. 29 April 1549 (Gian Nicola Murani). The concept of ‘paghatorio’ may have been taken from Pasquino incarcerato by Celio Secondo Curione, see Peyronel Rambaldi, Dai Paesi Bassi all’Italia, p. 241 n. 181. Another source, which was definitely circulating in Modena, was the Tragedia del libero arbitrio by Francesco Negri, for which see Zonta, ‘Francesco Negri’, p. 128. 112 FI, 3,4, c. 16 March 1552 (Vincenzo of Carpi). 113 See PM, ii, 515.

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of the Holy Mother Church and always wanted to argue about faith).114 The following year, on 22 July 1551, Giovanni Grillenzoni, the father of the Academy, also died, leaving instructions in his will to spend as little as possible on burial and not to give offerings to the Church’s charities, but to distribute money directly to the poor.115 This sentiment also existed within the community of Brothers. On 15 March 1568, Ercole Cervi had testified that Giovanni Rangoni criticized funerals and that Ercole Manzoli, when he had come to console him following his father’s death, had expressed the same view.116 The Brothers’ opinion was well described by Marco Caula: ‘è cosa vana et non buona l’accendere lumi et torcie nelle esequie de morti sopra li loro corpi’ (it is a futile and bad practice to light lamps and torches on the bodies of the dead during a funeral).117 This position was part of a broader opposition to a system that made ceremonial pomp one of its main sources of income: the Church could not influence the otherworldly purification of the deceased and therefore prayers, offerings, and other forms of suffrage had to be abandoned.

The Worship of Saints and Images The power of mediation exercised by the Church, which supported prayers and suffrages, cannot be explained without considering the role played by the saints, both from a doctrinal point of view and above all in popu‐ lar sentiment. In the countries that had embraced the claims of Luther and other Reformers, the churches had been emptied of paintings and images: the miracles and heroic martyrs presented to the faithful had been removed in order to reaffirm the oneness of Christ and to avoid idolatrous forms of worship.118 The Brothers also readily spoke out against the devotion to saints and against the Church’s belief in their intercession with God. A preacher who had passed through the Modena countryside during Lent in 1546 had taught from the pulpit that saints should not be worshipped because they can neither give nor obtain graces.119 The saints must not be prayed to, since they do not pray for us, Giovanni Rangoni

114 CM, x, 273. Francesco Seghizzi, who was married with five children to a woman named Elena, held various positions within the civic magistracy: he was elected to the Conservators in 1542 and 1545, and was in charge of food administration in 1546–1547. He died on 11 August 1550 in his early 40s. See PM, i, 896–97; Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 139–47. 115 Dall’Olio, ‘Grillenzoni, Giovanni’, p. 437. On the role of wills in the reconstruction of heterodox beliefs, see also: Seidel Menchi, ‘Se l’eretico fa testamento’. 116 FI, 5,3. 117 FI, 4,27, judgment. 118 Eire, ‘Iconoclasm’. 119 FI, 2,67, c. 17 April 1546 (Baldassarre Barbieri).

FAITH AND WORKS

had declared.120 And Giovanni Terrazzano had summed up the reasons for this distrust by explaining that turning to the saints denoted a lack of trust in Christ, the only mediator between God and mankind.121 According to Geminiano Scurano the saints could not see the face of God and were the false prophets referred to in the Scriptures.122 Other people combined this rejection of worship with scorn: Girolamo Fogliani believed that no one went to heaven aside from Christ and his mother; in his opinion St Bernardino was in hell and St Christopher — depicted in paintings crossing a river while carrying Jesus as a child on his back — was merely a porter.123 Giacomo Gandolfi was also convinced that the saints were not in heaven.124 This very strong statement had serious implications. If the saints were excluded from the kingdom of heaven, then the religious orders that they had founded should be considered ‘sects’, unacceptable deviations from the worship of God: there was only the Christian religion, as claimed by Pietro Antonio of Cervia, Giovanni Ludovico Novelli, and Paolo Cas‐ sano.125 Irreverent stories were created about some of the most famous saints. The goldsmith Giovanni Battista Bertari had given a contemptuous account of the origin of St Francis’s stigmata: San Francesco hera un mascalzone il quale una volta andò in un campo di fava per impirsene tutto il seno et fu visto da un contadino, il quale era padrone de detta fava. Fugendo san Francesco et costui corendoli dietro, cascò san Francesco et incrosò li piedi insieme e detto contadino li tirò d’un spontone e li passò tutti dui li piedi e queste sono le stigmate. Hora volendosi levare per fugire, cascò di novo incrosande le mani insieme et li tirrò dil pontone et li passò tutte due le mani et […] il costato.126 (St Francis was a scoundrel, who once went to a bean field to fill a sack. However, he was seen by the farmer who owned the field. The farmer chased him and as St Francis fled, he fell, crossing his feet. The farmer stabbed them with a blade and pierced them, resulting in the stigmata. St Francis then tried to get back up and fell again with his hands crossed. The farmer stabbed him again, wounding both his hands and […] his ribs.)

120 121 122 123 124 125 126

FI, 2,69, c. 25 December 1546 (Teofilo of Mantua). FI, 3,14. FI, file without shelf mark in 2,71, c. 7 January 1545. FI, 3,8. FI, 4,25, c. 8 March 1545 (Caterina Gandolfi). See respectively FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567; FI, 4,18, judgment; FI, 3,9, c. 20 January 1570. FI, 8,11, c. 5 June 1584 (friar Ignazio).

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The forms of protest cited above reaffirmed, in different ways, that worship of saints necessarily distracted from the exclusive worship of God: ‘solo andare da Christo’ (only go to Christ), confessed Bartolomea della Porta, everything else was idolatry.127 The Modenese heterodox produced various scriptural evidence to justify their position. According to Pietro Antonio of Cervia, the oneness of Christ was evidenced by a famous passage from Matthew (11. 28): ‘Come to me, all you who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest’.128 In Cataldo Buzzale’s opinion, St Paul had taught that anyone who wished for grace should turn to Christ, God’s intercessor.129 This was confirmed by Tommaso Capellina, who confessed that he had believed, due to the teachings of Bartolomeo Ingoni and Buzzale, that in prayer one should only turn to Christ — referred to as ‘nostro avvocato’ (our advocate) — and not to saints.130 In everyday life, criticism of the saints’ power was inevitably translated into a refusal to venerate images depicting them and relics of their bodies. In some cases even depictions of Christ were considered idolatrous. The Franciscan Ludovico of Trento, who went to the square to buy an image of the Crucifix, was approached by the heretic Giovanni Terrazzano, who asked him what he wanted to do with this representation: aren’t you aware that it is forbidden to make images of God? The friar pointed out that the images, according to the tradition of the Church, constituted the Biblia pauperum, the Bible for those who could not read. After a heated exchange, Terrazzano, exasperated, lashed out at the cleric: ‘Andativene e forbitevene il culo!’ (Go off and wipe your arse with these images!).131 Terrazzano, like many other Brothers, accompanied the demands of a newfound fidelity to the Scriptures with an aversion to the world of priests and friars, who enriched themselves through superstitious practices. He demonstrated this view speaking in Pietro Curione’s workshop: although paintings and statues of saints in churches were clearly idolatrous, the avaricious clergy had flouted divine precepts in order to make money from them.132 Angelo Mondadori made a long list of all the things that one should not believe in to avoid falling into sin: ‘in sanctis, nec in reliquias sanctorum, nec in rosario […], nec in beata virgine, nec in imaginibus’

127 FI, 5,1, c. 23 March 1568. 128 See FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 129 FI, 4,1, c. 3 September 1566. On 9 September, he reiterated: ‘Ho tenuto che non si debba riccorrere per gratie se non a Christo vero intercessore et chi riccorre ad altri faccia come dice Christo che chi entra per altra via che per la porta è ladro’ (I believed that one should only seek grace from Christ, the true intercessor, and that those who seek it from others behave, as Christ says, like someone who enters by other means than the door, in other words like a thief). The reference is to John 10. 1. 130 FI, 4,5, second c. 14 December 1566. 131 FI, 3,14, c. 29 December 1550. 132 FI, 3,14, c. 19 June 1555?.

FAITH AND WORKS

(neither in saints, nor in saints’ relics, nor in the rosary […], nor in the Blessed Virgin, nor in images).133 In the arguments used by the Modenese dissidents, the weight given to the material nature of the sacred images was similar to that given to sacramental bread, mentioned in the previous paragraphs. This was, for example, the aspect dwelt on by Antonio Vecchi in a discussion with his parish priest, Don Giulio Cassellani: ‘Che cosa volite adorare uno pezo di legno o una carta dipinta? Basta adorare Idio in Christo’ (What do you intend to do? Worship a piece of wood or a piece of painted paper? Simply worship God through Christ).134 Minor and major incidents of intolerance and iconoclasm against the images were recorded. Fulvio Calori had been accused by Caterina Lisi‐ gnani of having said that if he could extract Christ’s heart, he would eat it: then, after seeing an image of the Madonna hanging from the bed, he started shouting for them to remove it because it was nonsense.135 In other cases, some proposed opposite solutions, which were nonetheless guided by the same conviction: to only create images of Christ, painting them with exquisite colours that would emphasize their importance. The weaver Giovanni Francesco Tavani, ragionando del Nostro Signore diceva che, se a lui stasse, voria fare et imponere a tutti gli altri che depingendo il Signore voria che fosse fatto d’oro massicio oltra che voria fare et imponere che niuno invocasse né san Pietro né san Paolo o altro santo ma solo il Signore, anzi si maraviglia che tutti chiamano san Pietro e san Paolo e niuno chiama Christo.136 (speaking of Our Lord, said that, if it were up to him, he would force everyone to paint the Lord with the colour of solid gold. He would also forbid anyone from praying to St Peter, St Paul or any other saint, so that everyone only prayed to the Lord. Indeed, it is astonishing that everyone prays to St Peter and St Paul, while no one prays to Christ.) In the face of these beliefs, it was inevitable that a similar fate would befall relics and pilgrimages that involved believers worshipping saints. Francesca Melloni, relating her conversations with Pietro Antonio of Cervia, admit‐ ted that the Romagna native sometimes referred to relics as horse bones.137 Caterina Gandolfi also testified that her husband Giacomo accused those

133 134 135 136 137

FI, 2,66bis (Cassandra Ingoni). FI, 6,11, c. 28 February 1569. FI, 5,23, c. 20 March 1567? FI, 7,30, c. 15 April 1578 (Prospero of Reggio). FI, 4,11, c. 18 August 1567.

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who kissed relics of committing mortal sin.138 It is idolatry to worship relics, the heretic claimed, and it is not proper to go on a pilgrimage to re‐ vere ‘corpi et lochi santi’ (holy bodies and places).139 Indeed, it was pilgrimages, one of the pillars that fuelled the flow of of‐ ferings to the Catholic Church, which received the most radical criticism. In particular, the Brothers attacked the Santa Casa in Loreto, one of the most important and prosperous sanctuaries in the central-northern area of Italy. Tommaso Bonvicini called the Madonna venerated in Loreto ‘la puttana del papa’ (the pope’s whore), which the pontiff went to rob two or three times a year.140 Antonio Balugani had used almost the same words, repeating that ‘quel giotto del papa’ (that glutton of a pope) used to go and burgle Loreto two or three times a year.141 Pietro Curione opposed pilgrimages using logic and common sense: ‘la madonna Maria vergine es‐ sendo in cielo come è, si trova dapertutto […] Andando a Santa Maria de Loreto sonno presi molti da Turchi: sarebbe meglio che stassero a casa per fugire tal pericolo et honorare e riverire la beata Vergine qui in Modena’ (the Virgin Mary is in heaven and therefore she is everywhere […] Many, while travelling to Loreto, are captured by Turkish raids: it would be better for them to stay at home to avoid this risk and to honour the Virgin here in Modena).142 The Brothers agreed that there was no point in making a vow to go to a particular place to offer images, candles, or other donations. Worship of the saints and of the Madonna was therefore attacked in every sense: its theological foundation was denied, as was devotion linked to depictions and veneration of sanctuaries and places where relics and sacred objects were preserved. This hostility, however, was associated with another form. The heretics complained that it was the pope who benefited from the proceeds of the superstitions and idolatry of the faithful. And it was he, as well as his instruments, who should be harshly and firmly criticized.

Fighting the Antichrist Many Reformers affirmed that the pope of Rome was the Antichrist. The Catholic Church was not led by the vicar of God, but by he who, on the contrary, inveigled believers, leading them astray and into error. The propa‐ ganda machine had put a lot of work into this image and a portrayal of the

138 139 140 141 142

FI, 4,25, c. 8 March 1545. FI, 4,25, c. 23 March 1568. FI, 4,15, c. 21 December 1566 (Ludovico Vecchi). FI, 7,38, c. 12 November 1576. FI, 5,22, c. 24 March 1568.

FAITH AND WORKS

Figure 17. Antonio Begarelli, Madonna and Child with the Infant Saint John the Baptist (devotional statue originally placed in the facade of the Municipal Palace of Modena), Modena, Museo Civico d’Arte. 1522.

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pope with devilish, monstrous features had been widely disseminated both within and outside the confines of the Reformed world.143 The Modenese Brothers also believed that the pope, the Devil, and the Antichrist were cut from the same cloth. This was well-explained by Gian Giacomo Tabita: since the Church is invisible and takes shape in the mysterious will of God, who preordains some to salvation and others to damnation, no one knows its exact boundaries except Christ, who gathers it in his blood. The Catholic Church was thus a usurper, which, like the biblical Babylon, submitted to the devil, becoming his beloved bride. Although it claimed the privilege of apostolic succession, it was and remained the ‘sinagoga diaboli’ (Devil’s synagogue).144 In Modena the idea was probably communicated through a pasquinade, a satire discovered by the governor Francesco Villa in 1541. It described the ‘generatio An‐ tichrist’ (genealogy of the Antichrist), a long list of faults (money, luxury, ambition, simony, etc.) which, starting from the devil, entered the Catholic sacraments and devotions, culminating in the Antichrist.145 The heretics in Modena were deeply convinced by what was stated in these pages and were not afraid to testify to this before the judges. Leonardo Bazzani, Giovanni Andrea Manzoli, and Francesco Caldana declared that the pope had no authority over the universal Church.146 Others, such as Giovanni Terrazzano, Gaspare Chiavenna, Giacomo Gandolfi, and Giovanni Battista Meschiari believed that they could legitimately escape the authority of pontiffs and bishops on account of their misconduct and the sin in which they lived.147 It was a short step from this position to labelling the pope the An‐ tichrist. The name was used, for example, by Andrea Antonello Luci, who also challenged the pope’s power to legitimize wars.148 Tommaso Bonvicini included the cardinals who assisted Peter’s successors among the Antichrists.149 ‘Il papa è satanasso’ (the pope is Satan), declared Damiano Angera, claiming to have read it in the Scriptures.150 Giulio Sadoleto was accused of stating that the pontiff was similar ‘a quella bestia che si legge nell’Apocalipsi che habitava in Babilonia’ (to that beast in the Apocalypse who dwelt in Babylon).151 The same opinions widely circulated in the main

143 Hillerbrand, ‘Antichrist’. 144 FI, 3,12. 145 The document, preserved in ASMo, Particolari, 77,2 (Alberto Baranzoni), has been cited and studied by Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 64–65. 146 See respectively FI, 4,7, c. 7 February 1567; FI, 4,32, judgment; FI, 4,34, judgment. 147 See respectively FI, 3,14, list of charges; FI, 4,6, c. 19 December 1566; FI, 4,25, c. 23 March 1568; FI, 4,36, c. 23 March 1568. 148 FI, 3,34. 149 FI, 3,36, c. 12 December 1561 (Giacomo of Lugo). 150 FI, 3,31, c. 5 April 1562 (Girolamo Pazzani). 151 FI, 6,12, c. 18 March 1568 (Giovanni Battista Ingoni).

FAITH AND WORKS

Figure 18. The baptism of the Antichrist (the Antichrist wears a papal tiara and is surrounded by a group of devils dressed as monks and nuns), London, The Britsh Museum. 1544–1558.

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heterodox groups: Gaspare Canossa and Cataldo Buzzale frequently dis‐ cussed it, as did Pellegrino Setti, Giacomo Gandolfi, Bonifacio Valentini, and Erasmo Barbieri.152 There was no lack of proof that the head of the Catholic Church was the Antichrist. On the one hand, Peter’s successors held undue temporal dominion over a State — an unsuitable position for those who asserted to be the vicar of God.153 On the other hand, the power of the keys, the authority to bind and loosen conferred on St Peter by Christ, was exploited for warped purposes.154 The pope also used priests and friars, who possessed almost nothing spiritual. This is evidenced by an incident that took place in the public square. One day the painters Girolamo Comi, a member of the city’s heterodox movement, and Giovanni Mignoni were approached by Giovanni Rangoni, who showed them a print depicting priests and bishops sleeping, others playing, and wolves carrying off sheep. Beside them were foxes, dressed as friars, preaching to the lambs. Rangoni wanted the two of them to paint him a picture based on this print, the meaning of which was all too clear.155 Finally, the means by which the pontiff manifested and imposed his reign were no better. The most significant of these were indulgences, which quickly led to heaven, and the fasting that punctuated the liturgical calendar. The Modenese dissidents had strong words about both subjects. As far as indulgences were concerned, it was obvious to everyone that they had been invented ‘per cavare danari’ (to make money), as Giovanni Maria Tagliati put it.156 The Catholic Church’s voracity revealed the nature of the Antichrist, eager to enrich his apparatus and deceive a naive and superstitious populace. True believers inevitably mocked the effectiveness of indulgences. This was confirmed by Ludovico Biancolini, who had seen his brother Piergiovanni laughing at this notion, while Pellegrino Setti

152 See respectively FI, 4,1, c. 22 July 1566 (for the conversations of Canossa and Buzzale); FI, 4,20, c. 23 January 1567 (Bartolomeo Ingoni); FI, 4,25, c. 8 March 1545 (Caterina Gandolfi); FI, 4,31, c. 21 April 1568. 153 This idea was supported by, among others, Cataldo Buzzale (FI, 4,1, c. 11 September 1566); Tommaso Capellina (FI, 4,5, judgment); Marco Magnavacca (FI, 4,9, judgment); Giovanni Antonio Durelli (FI, 4,38, c. 21 March 1568); Martino Savera and Gian Giacomo Cavazza (FI, 5,17, c. 25 March 1568). 154 An original position in this regard was adopted by the heretic Antonio Maria Ferrara, who had a unique interpretation of the power of the keys: it was the authority to ‘predicare et fare predicare la parola di Dio in modo che quelli che l’accettano et credano si chiamano sciolti et quelli che non la credano né l’accettano si chiamano legati’ (preach the word of God and let it be preached, so that those who believe may be considered ‘loosened’; and those who do not believe and do not accept the word of God are considered ‘bound’). See FI, 6,1, c. 24 March 1568. 155 FI, 5,5, c. 22 March 1568. On this episode, also see Rotondò, ‘Anticristo e Chiesa romana’, pp. 153–54; Firpo and Biferali, Immagini ed eresie, pp. 75–76. 156 FI, 4,10, c. 27 January 1567.

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had derided indulgences in his workshop.157 Brothers and dissidents who appeared before the court confessed in unison that the pardons granted by the pope were worthless, although sometimes exceptions could be made. Francesco Maria Carretta, in a misguided attempt to gain favour with the judges, had argued that the indulgences granted by the popes were of no value, with the exception of those of the reigning pontiff, Pius V, ‘perché io non havevo gli altri per huomini dabeni come questo’ (because I did not consider the other popes to be decent men, but this pope is).158 Jubilees, pilgrimages, and indulgences were meaningless: ‘si puol pigliare uno asino per la coda come andare in processione al iubileo’ (take a donkey by the tail or join the procession for the jubilee — it’s the same thing), said the podestà of the village of Spezzano.159 Questioning the value and effectiveness of indulgences meant reducing papal prerogatives to zero. It therefore goes without saying that the Brothers equally despised excommunication and all canonical legislation.160 The pontiff, as Pietro Antonio of Cervia testified, was a man and could not force any other man to do anything under pain of mortal sin: only God had such authority.161 The heterodox had similar views about the observance of fasting im‐ posed by the Church. The liturgical calendar, with its festivities and dietary restrictions, was an invention that contravened divine law. The doctor Paolo Roccocciolo affirmed that God had created days that were all equal, while Francesca Melloni believed that certain feast days (she called them ‘festicciuole’, ‘feasts of little importance’) such as those of St Catherine, St Blaise, St Lucia, St Anthony, St Sebastian, and so on were pointless.162 Tommaso Bonvicini told farmers and labourers that it was madness to go to mass and that even on holidays they had to work, ignoring the feasts.163 If there was no distinction between the days of the year, it was senseless to respect the fasting that characterized Catholic devotion. In the Brothers’ depositions there is a repeated reference to the famous Gospel passage regarding the purity of food: ‘What goes into someone’s mouth does not defile them, but what comes out of their mouth, that is what defiles

157 See respectively FI, 3,4, c. 7 July 1559; FI, 4,5, second c. 14 December 1566 (Tommaso Capellina). 158 FI, 5,12, c. 26 April 1568. 159 FI, 7,38, c. 1576 (Francesco Vignola). 160 The following are just two examples of this view. Francesco Caldana stated that ‘le escommuniche papali non se habbino a temere’ (the pope’s excommunications should not be feared); FI, 4,34, judgment. Cataldo Buzzale confessed that ‘il papa di Roma non habbia authorità di far constitutioni né leggi’ (the Pope of Rome has no authority to issue charters and laws; FI, 4,1, c. 9 September 1566). 161 FI, 3,38, c. 28 February 1567. 162 See respectively FI, 3,32, c. 8 March 1562 and FI, 4,11, c. 26 August 1567. 163 FI, 4,15, c. 8 July 1566 (Giovanni Frigeri).

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them’.164 With this verse, Geminiano Calligari justified his opinion that he could still eat meat on days when it was forbidden (‘quello che entra nella bocca non macchia l’huomo, come è il mangiare carne nelli giorni prohibiti’; that which enters the mouth, such as meat eaten on days when it is forbidden, does not contaminate man).165 This position was shared by many, including Francesco Maria Carretta, Paolo Roccocciolo, and Giacomo Scurano.166 The offence of fasting had the greatest symbolic value at Lent. An anecdote about the origins of this penitential period circulated in the city. Giovanni Cavallerini and others recounted ‘quod fuerat unus papa qui ut venderet oleum instituit Quadragesimam et non Deus ipse instituit eam’ (that it was a pope who established Lent because he had to sell oil: it was not created by God). This account portrayed a pope who, in order to sell oil (the food that replaced animal fat during fasting periods), had instituted Lent. 167 There was such a desire to oppose the constraints of the Church that some dissidents, such as Baldassare Sicheri, during the days of Lent or the most solemn vigils, specially prepared tables of fatty food and forbidden meat, creating counter-rituals to mock Catholic practice.168 Gio‐ vanni Vecchi, according to a certain Gian Giacomo, commanded his wife to kill chickens on Fridays and Saturdays because those priests and friars who said it was a sin to eat their meat on those days were lying.169 Similarly, Fulvio Calori used to cook chicken meat on Fridays to consume together with his fellow believers.170 However, the protest was not only private. In taverns, too, meat was served in defiance of canon law. Bernardino Pellotti (Garapina), after travelling to Carpi, had received meat and chicken from the innkeeper on the eve of St Bartholomew’s Day.171 Likewise, the ‘del Montone’ inn in Modena, according to an anonymous friar, distributed meat to eat on Fridays and Saturdays.172 The Brothers agreed that Lent and

164 Matthew 15. 11. 165 FI, 5,2, c. 30 December 1568. 166 See respectively FI, 5,12, c. 26 April 1568; FI, 3,32, c. 8 March 1562 (Giovanni, known as Zanotto); Giacomo Scurano (FI, 7,8, c. 8 January 1563; Lazzaro Sugari). 167 FI, 3,7, c. 1 July 1552 (Marta Felisini). The anecdote about Lent’s establishment by a pope involved in oil trading appears in various files. See the trials against Stefano Carrara (FI, 6,2, c. 16 October 1569; Tommaso Cambi) and the farmer Pellegrino Baroni, known as Pighino (FI, 6,15, list of charges). 168 FI, 3,14, c. 12 June 1552 (Nicola Morani). 169 FI, 3,29, c. 28 October 1561. 170 FI, 5,23, c. 19 March 1567 (Bernardino Scacceri). 171 FI, 4,23, c. 25 October 1568. On this episode, see Al Kalak, ‘Eresia e dissenso religioso a Carpi’, pp. 215–17. 172 FI, 3,29.

FAITH AND WORKS

fasting should be rejected as arbitrary human impositions: the challenge to these practices led to opposition to the Roman Antichrist and the affirmation of a faith which, alongside words, used everyday gestures and behaviour.

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Beyond the Community Persecution and Survival

Feeling Persecuted: Inquisitorial Repression and Expectations of Freedom The analysis carried out in the previous chapters has made it possible to reconstruct the Brothers’ history, presenting their key figures, dynamics, readings, and beliefs. It now remains to investigate the outcome of the Modenese community’s experience beyond the context and, to some extent, the time period covered thus far. In the following pages an attempt will be made to understand how the Brothers interpreted the Catholic au‐ thorities’ opposition and how the inquisitors’ ‘persecution’ spread through space and time, pursuing the trail of dissent within territorial and family networks, sometimes over the course of several decades. With regard to the judges’ actions, there is no doubt that, from the early days of the movement, the Brothers regarded the court’s authority as a form of oppression through which the Antichrist sought to quash true believers. This is well-illustrated by Pietro Giovanni Grillenzoni’s words to his faithful companion Girolamo Fontana: although he was persecuted by the inquisitors — this was the verb he used —, he urged him to persevere and trust in Christ.1 The Antichrist pope was to blame for these tribulations: Ippolito Lanzi told the judges that Leonardo Bazzani, after the leaders of the community fled, repeatedly railed against the pope in the public square ‘perché perseguita li sopranominati fugitivi’ (because he persecutes those who have fled on account of their faith). This was followed by a bitter attack on St Peter’s successor: ‘O ladrone, o traditore! Mangiabroda, prevossi esser squartato poiché dai fastidio a chi non ne dà a te’ (Thief! Traitor! Gruel guzzler! May you be ripped to shreds, for you attack those who do not attack you).2 According to a certain Compare of Lecchio, the pope could not excommunicate since he himself had been excommunicated for the many deaths caused by his persecution.3 The

1 FI, 3,17, c. 24 April 1555. 2 FI, 4,17, c. 7 September 1566. In another file, the defendant was asked whether he actually stated ‘che faceano male gli inquisitori a brusciar in statua quelle persone che andavano in Genevra’ (that the inquisitors were wrong to burn effigies of the people who went to Geneva) (FI, 7,22). 3 FI, 3,26, c. 20 February 1559.

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heretics’ blood became, in the minds of the Brothers, the blood of the martyrs that the Church, as Marco Magnavacca stated, should not have shed.4 Indeed Magnavacca himself, after being executed by the Inquisition, became a hero of the faith: Pietro Curione told everyone who entered his workshop that this courageous man had gone ‘in paradiso dritto come fece il ladrone’ (straight to heaven like the Penitent Thief).5 According to the farmer Pighino, individual conscience prevailed over the affirmation of orthodoxy: Lutherans who agreed to be burned at the stake, he claimed, would be welcomed by God into the kingdom of heaven.6 In any case, on Catholic soil the truth faced too many obstacles because of the Inquisition, considered the main opponent to the spread of the faith.7 To find a place where you could escape persecution, you had to cross the Alps. The first generations of heretics, grouped together in the Academy, had looked above all to the German context, while the Brothers’ attention and sympathies began to shift towards a new frontier, that of Calvinism and, more precisely, to the Huguenots. Giovanni Rangoni, criticizing the excess of Carnival, called for respect for the sensitive politi‐ cal situation in France, where Huguenots were being brutally murdered. Speaking to a Franciscan originally from Lyon, he could not restrain his enthusiasm: ‘Voi dovete esser buon christiano, non dico papista, no, ma ugonoto perché gli ugonoti sono veri christiani’ (You must be a good Christian; I don’t mean a papist, but a Huguenot, since they are true Christians). Had he not been concerned about the fate of his children, in the service of two cardinals, he would have travelled there too.8 Many interpreted the religious upheaval in France as a sign of the end of time referred to in the Scriptures. Francesco Maria Carretta had presented Erasmo Barbieri with a scroll bearing a Gospel passage (‘Nation will rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom’; Matthew 24. 7) which, in his opinion, prophesized the wars currently taking place beyond the Alps.9 In Modena there were high expectations regarding that part of Europe, to the extent that Giovanni Maria Castelvetro, Ludovico’s brother, had written and circulated a translation of the Edict of Amboise.10

4 ‘Ecclesia non deberet effendere [sic] sanguinem hereticorum’ (The Church must not shed heretics’ blood; FI, 4,9, judgment). 5 FI, 5,8, c. 17 March 1568 (Natale Gioioso). 6 FI, 6,15, c. 29 May 1570. 7 This was explicitly declared by the teacher Stefano Carrara, who was accused of claiming that ‘la santa Inquisitione impedisse che non si dica la verità’ (the Holy Inquisition prevents people from telling the truth) (FI, 6,2, c. 16 October 1569, Tommaso Cambi). 8 For the two episodes mentioned, see FI, 3,35, c. 13 May 1563 (Giovanni Paolo Carandini) and c. 19 March 1566. 9 FI, 5,12, c. 24 April 1568. 10 The Edict of Amboise guaranteed the Huguenots certain privileges and partial religious freedom. The translation referred to above was found in the early nineteenth century in

BEYOND THE COMMUNITY

Figure 19. Image of the Council of Trent, Atlanta, Digital Archives of Pitts Theology Library. 1596.

Giovanni Battista Ingoni also reported that he had heard Giulio Sadoleto and Giacomo Graziani discussing the battles of the Huguenots and the Prince of Condé, remarking that they would accomplish great things.11 Very soon — according to the predictions of Cataldo Buzzale’s circle — a new Church would also be established in Italy: ‘finalmente questa Chiesa Romana papistica ha d’haver fine et s’ha da viver secondo la chiesa evan‐ gelica cioè lutherana come se ne vede il principio in Alemania, in Franza et in Ingliterra’ (eventually, the Papist Church of Rome will fall and we will start to live in accordance with the customs of the Evangelical Church, namely the Protestant Church, whose origins can be seen in Germany, France, and England).12 The world of Calvinism and the Huguenots was therefore a model and the Brothers even decided to send certain members of the community to places where the faith could be freely professed. On 30 September 1567,

the Castelvetro family villa (Sandonnini, Lodovico Castelvetro, p. 228). Giovanni Maria Castelvetro will be discussed further on. 11 FI, 6,12, c. 18 March 1568. 12 FI, 4,1, c. 22 July 1566 (Gaspare Canossa).

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Laura Mamani, the wife of Pietro Antonio of Cervia, reported that the Modenese dissidents had given alms to her husband (three lire) to travel to Geneva: however, the man secretly made his way to Ancona where he stayed for eight months.13 Despite Cervia’s disappointing results, there was still hope for victory on the Reformed front, based on the conviction that the political equilibrium could change the balance of power between the Churches, putting an end to the persecution of the Brothers. By contrast, no hope was raised by another event that took place in the years in which the community was under attack from the Inquisition: the Council of Trent (1545–1563). Although the Council was convened with the aim of pacifying Catholics and Protestants, it was clear from the outset that it would consolidate the positions of the Catholic Church, without providing opportunities for mediation and reconciliation between the two sides.14 The Modenese heretics’ distrust of the discussions underway in Trent was evident, for example, in the trial against Piergiovanni Biancolini. When a certain Vincenzo of Carpi reminded him that the bishop had sent from Trent, where he was involved in the proceedings of the Council, cer‐ tain instructions regarding the observance of Lent, the heretic impatiently responded by challenging the Council’s authority: ‘Veng’al cancaro al vescovo! Che concilio?’ (The bishop be damned! What council!). Shortly afterwards, other evidence was gathered against Biancolini, and in particu‐ lar he was accused of complaining that the Council was delegitimized by the absence of the emperor and the king of France.15 The refusal of many European powers and of the Protestants to participate in the proceedings constituted, in the eyes of the Modena Brothers, an explicit repudiation of the Council. The Council was worthless if the key European figures did not take part: the pope acted from Rome through legates without setting foot in Trent; the French and imperial forces preferred to engage in open combat and to incite skirmishes by the respective episcopates, while only one of the two disputants (the Catholics) actually sat down to discuss pacification. In short, the Modenese dissidents could not see any solution on the horizon: the persecution to which they were subjected did not appear to be abating and the pronouncements of an assembly of Catholic bishops would certainly not remedy the oppression that jeopardized their faith.

13 FI, 4,11. 14 For an overview of the Council, see O’Malley, Trent. 15 For the two episodes, see respectively FI, 3,4, c. 16 March 1552 and c. 24 April 1552.

BEYOND THE COMMUNITY

Pursuing Heresy: Outlying Territories In the 1570s, the persecution that the Brothers believed they suffered seemed to take its toll. At the start of the decade, the community was scat‐ tered. Bishop Giovanni Morone, who advocated a conciliatory approach, was forced to step down as head of the diocese and the Dominican Sisto Visdomini, a former inquisitor in the Emilian city, was appointed in his place. As discussed in the second chapter, this appointment reassured the Roman authorities that order would be effectively restored: the new bishop could monitor those who, reconciled or convicted in previous years, had to prove that they had truly abandoned their past convictions.16 However, to prevent religious dissent from rising from its ashes and to eradicate the remnants of the community, the judges had to look further afield. It was not enough to only supervise the city: it was also necessary to eliminate the avenues that had enabled heretics to take refuge in minor fiefdoms surrounding the Este state, in the countryside or within family networks that often crossed borders and jurisdictions. The Sassuolo area provides an example of how small autonomous states presented a valuable opportunity for the Modenese dissidents. A few miles from Modena, halfway between the nearest hills and the Reggio Emilia countryside, Sassuolo was the capital of a fiefdom, ruled by the Pio family, which only became part of the Este state in the late sixteenth century.17 Midway through the century it was anything but a quiet centre of trade and commerce. This had been revealed by the vicar of the Inquisi‐ tion of Reggio Emilia, Pietro of Rimini, who had preached there during Lent in 1565. On 3 July 1566, he informed his fellow inquisitors that the lieutenant of the Lord of Sassuolo, Captain Tommaso Bonvicini, was publicly known to be a ‘Lutheran’.18 His name had often surfaced in the Inquisition’s records and the judges had been investigating him since the early 1560s. Several witnesses testified that Bonvicini did not go to church and forbade the women in his house from attending mass.19 On a journey from Ferrara to the port of Finale, situated in the plain north of Modena, Ludovico Vecchi had even heard him deride baptism, confession, the real presence, the worship of the Madonna, and Church ceremonies.20 Clearly, Bonvicini could not continue his practices undeterred.

16 See supra, pp. 65–66. 17 Initially in the possession of the Della Rosa family, it then became the property of the Pio family of Carpi from 1499 to the end of the sixteenth century. For a reconstruction of the complex political events concerning Sassuolo, see the still useful Schenetti, Storia di Sassuolo. 18 The testimony regarding Bonvicini is in the file against Leonora Capelli in FI, 3,36. 19 For the reported charges, see FI, 3,36, c. 12 December 1561 (Giacomo da Lugo); FI, 3,36, c. 16 April 1563 (Battista Panini). 20 FI, 4,15, c. 21 December 1566.

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Figure 20. Historical map of the Modena countryside (Status Mutinensis in suas Ditiones), Leipzig, Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde. 1746.

Rome took action to lay hands on the man. In June 1566, the papal governor of Bologna Francesco Bossi wrote to the inquisitor Cardinal Sci‐ pione Rebiba to report the circumstances that had led him to arrest Bon‐ vicini.21 Bossi had summoned the captain under a pretext and, after luring him into papal territory, had given orders for him to be imprisoned along with his companions. Bonvicini was not, however, one of the many shoe‐ makers, shearmen, or merchants that the Holy Office had previously dealt with: the man the inquisitors had captured was, as mentioned, the lieu‐ tenant of the lord of Sassuolo, Ercole Pio.22 The judges did not appear to be overly scrupulous and, in order to apprehend Bonvicini, they had no hesi‐

21 The following information is taken from Bossi’s letter to Rebiba (19 June 1566), in ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-a, fols 702r-v and 713r. On Bossi, see Prosperi, ‘Bossi, Francesco’. 22 Having ruled the Sassuolo fiefdom since his early twenties (1555), Ercole Pio died in Zadar as a result of a typhus epidemic that broke out during the military campaign against the Turks (20 January 1571). See Schenetti, Storia di Sassuolo, pp. 107–16. Various sources testify to Ercole Pio’s support for the Modenese heterodox: among those who benefited

BEYOND THE COMMUNITY

tation in detaining Ercole Pio himself. A dispatch written from Rome on 15 June informed Duke Alfonso II d’Este that Pio had been placed under arrest: the pope, the Este informers wrote, ‘vuol nelle mani certi heretici che si riparano nel Stato suo’ (wants certain heretics who have taken refuge in the State of Sassuolo to be handed over to him). It was only after Bon‐ vicini was arrested in Bologna that the lord of Sassuolo was released, with a bail of 8000 ducats and the implicit promise that he would cooperate with the judges.23 In early summer, on the instructions of the supreme inquisitors, Bon‐ vicini was transferred from Bologna to Rome. On 6 July, the accused was on his way to the papal city. Ten days later, the Holy Office convened to grant the newcomer a cell with a bed, writing desk and other furnishings.24 All decisions concerning his fate were postponed for a long time.25 On 24 July 1567, Pope Pius V ordered further interrogations, using torture if necessary.26 In late December, when Bonvicini’s heterodox beliefs had been ascertained, his property was confiscated, and a few days later, on 7 January 1568, it was rumoured that the captain would be sent to Malta to serve his sentence.27 It is not entirely clear how the situation evolved: Tommaso probably managed to extricate himself, given that in the following years he contin‐ ued to appear alongside his brother and his other relatives in the privileges granted by the feudal lords of Sassuolo.28 His case demonstrated that the judges were no longer afraid to openly challenge the secular magistrates, even going so far as to deceitfully secure the arrest of officials and gover‐ nors. The actions against Bonvicini constituted an attack both on heresy and on those who believed that they were protected by their social or

23 24

25 26 27 28

from his hospitality was the heretic Lorenzo Penni, arrested in 1568 by the Inquisition: see Prosperi, ‘Lorenzo Penni’. For the events concerning Ercole Pio, see ASMo, Avvisi e notizie dall’estero, 6, 15 and 22 June 1566. Details of Bonvicini’s imprisonment in Bologna in June 1566 are in ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE 1-a, fols 695r, 703r. For his departure to Rome: fol. 690r. For the discussion of his case within the Roman congregation, ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1565–1567, fol. 65v. An announcement from Rome on 20 July 1566 also informed the Este court of Bonvicini’s arrival; see ASMo, Avvisi e notizie dall’estero, 6. On 16 October 1566, 1 and 22 February 1567, 26 April, 7 June and 26 July, the meetings of the Holy Office were inconclusive; see ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1565–1567, fols 79r, 98v, 102r, 115v, 125v, 138r. ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1565–1567, fol. 137v. ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1567–1568, fol. 40v (20 December 1567). The suggestion that Bonvicini would be sent to Malta was reported in an announcement sent to Modena (ASMo, Avvisi e notizie dall’estero, 6). The privileges granted to the Bonvinicini family by the Pio family are in ASMo, Particolari, 202,4. The first provision issued by Ercole Pio on 28 May 1557 was renewed by Enea Pio on 17 April 1571, by Mario Pio on 31 October 1585 and by Cesare d’Este on 19 January 1610.

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political standing. The events of June 1566 served as a warning. There was nowhere left to hide: the Inquisition continued to advance and no secular power would survive the battle for orthodoxy unscathed. Nevertheless, the spectre of Tommaso Bonvicini seems to have reap‐ peared ten years after these events, revealing how the spread of heresy in the outlying territories, especially in the countryside, was by no means quelled. On 26 February 1575, Don Francesco Magnani, rector of the church of Santa Maria in Marzaglia, a few miles from the city of Modena, denounced the two nobles Pindaro and Guido Rangoni (father and son) for keeping and selling books that belonged to Bonvicini and another heretic, Pietro Giovanni Monzone.29 Following years of relative tranquil‐ lity in which dissidents and dissenters were replaced by witches and Jews in the court of faith’s priorities, it was as if a bolt from the blue had reawakened interest in matters that were seemingly no longer relevant. Notably, the judges’ interrogations revealed the widespread circulation of one of the most dangerous books, Pasquino in estasi by Celio Secondo Curione. This work’s popularity in Modenese heterodox circles has already been discussed.30 Here, however, the important thing to note is how the inquisitors, in tracking down the book’s owners, had discovered a vast web of complicity that spanned the countryside around Modena. Don Magnani testified that Pindaro Rangoni had asked him for the list of forbidden books, claiming that he wanted to ensure that there were no suspicious works in his library. This request had been accompanied by a conversation between the priest and Pindaro’s son, Guido. The latter suggested that he use ‘modern’ books for his sermons, such as those that Bonvicini and Monzone had given him and his brother when they were persecuted by the inquisitors.31 This was sufficient grounds to travel to Modena and entrust the matter to the judges of faith. After the parish priest’s denunciation, Guido and Pindaro Rangoni carried out the retaliations with which they customarily obtained satisfac‐ tion. A priest, Desiderio of Modena, wrote to the inquisitor of Ferrara on 3 January 1575, urging caution, to warn him that in Marzaglia there were ‘maligni spiriti i quali vogliono vivere in spiritu libertatis et dire sfazatamente le heresie e chi li vole respondere […] li vogliono per morti’ (wicked men who want to lead an unbridled life and brazenly profess their heresies; and they want anyone who wishes to oppose them dead). Don Magnani — the letter continued — had been threatened and his life was in danger; at night, the rectory was surrounded by bandits and criminals who

29 The charge is in FI, 7,25. For the genealogy of Pindaro and Guido Rangoni, see Litta, Famiglie celebri d’Italia, Rangoni di Modena, tab. II. The following case has been illustrated in greater detail in Al Kalak, ‘Il libro “heretechissimo”’. 30 See supra, p. 98. 31 FI, 7,25, c. 4 February 1574.

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had singled out the unfortunate priest with the intention of murdering him.32 Despite all their efforts, the Rangoni family were unable to resist the advance of the Inquisition: Guido, who had appealed in vain to the Duke of Ferrara, was imprisoned and interrogated.33 To compel the defendant to talk, the judges asked Rangoni if he had met Pietro Giovanni Monzone and Tommaso Bonvicini. The minutes of the trial report that Rangoni blushed (‘multum erubuit’) when he heard the two names.34 A few days later, on 28 March 1575, Guido admitted that he had read Aretino, Eras‐ mus, Alfonso de Valdés, and Pasquino in estasi.35 Guido offered his accusers a web of men and ideas connected by a single thread: books. New figures came to light, including a certain Camillo Cimiselli, an Este official, and Don Benedetto Passerini, a chaplain at a monastery in Modena. Rangoni reported that Cimiselli, in his house in Rubiera (not far from Marzaglia), had spoken to his friend about the ‘più bel libro del mondo’ (most beau‐ tiful book in the world). To acquire it, Guido was told to go to Don Benedetto Passerini, who would hand it over to him. The book in question was none other than Pasquino in estasi. It was not long before the inquisitors began to seek answers from the other implicated men. The first was Don Benedetto Passerini. Appearing before the judges, he confirmed that he had acted as a go-between to deliver the forbidden book.36 The text, he confessed, had been widely circulated in the Modena countryside: indeed, Passerini had met Cimiselli in Mugnano, a village that lay below the hills. One day, on his way to celebrate mass at one of his properties, he found Cimiselli reading. He asked if he could borrow the book and was handed a copy of Pasquino.37 After reading it, he returned it to Cimiselli who, in turn, sent it back to a certain Pompeo, who lived in Castelvetro, a fiefdom in the Modena hills.38 Without delving into the details of a case that played out like a spy story, with twists and turns, new characters and incriminating documents, it should be noted that the accusation against Guido and Pindaro Rangoni exposed an extensive network of complicity. It revealed the continued existence of religious dissent which, far from being defeated, was, on the contrary, still significant, particularly in outlying areas.

32 Letter enclosed in FI, 7,25. 33 The duke’s interest in the Rangoni case can be inferred from a letter sent on 4 March 1575 by the governor of Modena Antonio Bevilacqua to Alfonso II d’Este; see ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 93. 34 FI, 7,25, c. 21 March 1575. 35 FI, 7,25, c. 28 March 1575, from which the following quotes are also taken. 36 FI, 7,28, c. 16 April 1575. 37 See FI, 7,28, c. 16 April 1575. 38 See FI, 7,28, c. 13 April 1575.

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The Inquisition managed to regain control: in November 1575, the whole affair concluded when Cimiselli voluntarily appeared before the judges.39 Subsequently, Guido’s father, Pindaro Rangoni, and Don Pietro Giovanni Monzone were also tried. As a result of their testimony, the judges were once again presented with the names of the Modenese Broth‐ ers who had been convicted and dispersed ten years earlier. Pindaro, among other things, admitted to having given refuge to the fugitive Piergiovanni Biancolini, who hoped that he could go into exile with his little son Andrea.40 Don Monzone, who had repeatedly changed parish, confessed that he had been in contact with Filippo Valentini, Giulio Sadoleto, Giacomo Graziani, Maranello, and many other dissidents.41 The situation that emerged, as discussed above, proved that in the mid 1570s forbidden texts continued to be widely circulated, preserving the memory of the Brothers and perpetuating the ideas that they had professed in the preceding decades.

Monitoring Affections: Family Networks As well as extending its attention to outlying areas, the Inquisition under‐ stood that in order to root out heresy it was also necessary to focus on family networks, which in many cases were key to devising strategies to combat dissent. The series of interests and affections that centred around the family unit became one of the levers used by the judges to counter the spread of the contagion. For example, reprisals involving the assets of heretics’ families were one of the main methods used to persuade them to abjure. As Pius V explained to an ambassador from Mantua, confiscation of assets that deprived the dissidents’ relatives of inheritance and money could act as a deterrent: il peccato dell’heresia era tanto grave che non solo bisognava castigare coloro che n’erano macchiati, ma le leggi volevano che ancho i figliuoli et i nipoti ne patissero la pena nella robba, accioché coloro che sono di tal natura che non si moverebbero per suplitio della persona sua, si movano per il danno che ne viene al sangue loro, il che suole talhora avenir in alcuni che amano più i suoi parenti che se stessi.42

39 The Duke of Ferrara was informed by the Este inquisitor; see FI, 1,5,III, letter dated 9 November 1575. 40 See FI, 7,27 (cover of the file); see also Bianco, pp. 669–70 n. 238. 41 See FI, 7,32, c. 14 November 1575. 42 The quote, which reports the conversation between Pius V and the ambassador of Mantua Ippolito Capilupi, is taken from Pagano, Il processo di Endimio Calandra, p. 194.

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(the sin of heresy was so grave that it was not only necessary to punish those who had been guilty of this crime, but the law also required that their children and grandchildren be punished by confiscation of property: thus, those who are not inclined to repent for the suffering inflicted upon their person are however inclined to repent when considering the harm that they are inflicting on their relatives and sometimes this is the case for those who love their relatives more than themselves.) The heretics sometimes abandoned their convictions out of love for their children: if they returned to the bosom of the Church, their family assets would not be confiscated and those left behind were guaranteed a better future. News of a similar episode had also reached Modena. As discussed in the first chapter, Giovanni Rangoni, one of the most combative mem‐ bers of the community of Brothers, had been converted at the point of death out of concern for his children and family fortune.43 In most cases, however, financial leverage and the threat of confiscation were not enough to prevent the spread of heterodox views within family circles. The judges were aware of this and, in order to identify possible pockets of protest, they carried out careful surveillance of the wives, children, and grandchildren of heretics who had been tried. In the case of Modena, this is demonstrated by the discussions concerning Rangoni himself that arose within the congregation of the Holy Office. The cardinal inquisitors turned their attention to his son Costanzo, who was a priest at the time: from what can be deduced, in 1572 the inquisitors sent the bishop of Modena Sisto Visdomini precise instructions to exclude Costanzo from a parish curacy in the surroundings of Modena. His guilt was simple: ‘’l padre di questo è stato heretico notorio, vivuto e morto fra eretici’ (his father was a flagrant heretic who lived and died in exile among heretics).44 The crime was passed down from father to son. Something similar happened to the alleged nephew of another famous heretic, a friend and associate of Rangoni. On 1 March 1567 the inquisitor of Bologna Antonio Balducci informed Rome that ‘uno Matheo da Mo‐ dena, nipote del Maranello heretico marzo’ (a certain Matteo of Modena, nephew of the terrible heretic Maranello) was imprisoned in the court’s jail.45 Although Maranello, interrogated several years later, did not clarify the nature of his ties with the arrested man (they did not appear to have

43 See supra, pp. 46–47. 44 The quotation is taken from Scipione Rebiba’s letter to Visdomini, Rome 9 February 1572; see Al Kalak, Gli eretici di Modena, pp. 136–37, 221–22. The discussions of the Holy Office regarding Costanzo Rangoni, dating back to March 1567, are in ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1565–1567, fols 106v, 107v. For the confiscation orders against his father, see ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1565–1567, fol. 85v. 45 Letter to Scipione Rebiba in ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 20r-v.

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been relatives), it is significant that the judges based their search on the criteria of kinship.46 At the time of his arrest, Matteo Rubbiani — this was the surname of the defendant — was a teacher in Bologna. It was the same Matteo (also known as Giovanni Matteo) against whom, in 1550, the Modenese judges had taken the deposition of a preacher, who had reported him as a dangerous Lutheran.47 In 1567, the judges of Bologna were therefore convinced that they had captured the nephew of one of the leaders of the Modenese community. Partly for this reason, they acted swiftly and in close contact with Rome. On 5 March, shortly after his capture, the inquisitor Balducci sent the Holy Office a detailed report on Matteo Rubbiani.48 On 26 March, the prisoner was about to be sent to Rome, where he arrived in late June.49 His trial began in July: the file was read in the congregation on 19 July, torture was ordered on 23 August and 4 September, and a solemn auto da fé was held at the Minerva church around 20 September.50 The judgment, passed on the same day, listed the very serious errors that Rubbiani had committed, from the denial of the real presence to belief in predestination and critical statements regarding baptism, confession, and priesthood, as well as the rejection of all devotional practices and pontifical authority, viewed as a manifestation of the Antichrist.51 Another figure who faced the consequences of — in this case certain — kinship with one of the most feared heretics of Modena was Giovanni Maria Castelvetro, Ludovico’s brother, who, as mentioned earlier, trans‐ lated the Edict of Amboise. Born around 1522, the thirteenth son of Giacomo and Bartolomea della Porta, Giovanni Maria had held various positions as a member of the city’s magistrates.52 After travelling to Rome with his brother in 1560, he took refuge with him in Vignola and in the Verdeda family’s villa, hiding for some time as the inquisitors’ hunt escalated. When Ludovico escaped to Grisons, it appears Giovanni Maria did not follow him, although several years later the changed climate and 46 See FI, 4,10, c. 30 September 1572. 47 The first testimony, which referred to Lent of 1549, was that of the preacher Desiderio of Modena, who named him as ‘Matteo of Maranello’; see FI, 3,1, c. 14 August 1550. 48 See ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fol. 30r. 49 For his transfer from Bologna to Rome, see ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b, fols 22r; 40r-v. For his imprisonment in Rome, see ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1565–1567, fol. 130r. 50 See ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1565–1567, fol. 136v (trial reading); Decreta, 1567–1568, fols 14r, 17v (torture). His conviction in Santa Maria della Minerva is attested by a dispatch sent from Rome to the Este court: it reported that Matteo Rubbiani of Maranello, a teacher in Bologna, had been sentenced to a galley slave; see ASMo, Avvisi e notizie dall’estero, 6 (dispatch dated 24 September 1567). For the confiscations that followed his conviction, see ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1567–1568, fol. 21v. 51 There is a copy of the judgment in TCD, MS 1224, fol. 207. 52 The following information is taken from Biondi, ‘Castelvetro, Giovanni Maria’; Sandonnini, Lodovico Castelvetro.

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harsh repression conducted by the court of faith against the community of Brothers forced him to leave his hometown. On 9 November 1567, less than a month after the excommunication issued by the Holy Office of Rome, Castelvetro’s name was displayed in Campo dei Fiori.53 The Modena native began a long period of wandering that led him from Montargis to Paris, Lyon, Vienna, and Chiavenna, although he also occa‐ sionally returned to Modena. His request for help to Alfonso II d’Este and Emperor Maximilian II’s intercession were of little consequence.54 In autumn 1575, Cardinal Scipione Rebiba again asked the Duke of Ferrara to hand Castelvetro over to the Holy Office.55 Ultimately, the situation was resolved by circumstance: Castelvetro died on 17 December 1575 in his early fifties. In the late 1570s, therefore, Modena remained under scrutiny, since there was a risk of heresy surviving within family units and being passed from brother to brother, father to son or uncle to nephew. This concern seemed to last until almost the end of the century, as evidenced by the case of the heirs of bookseller Antonio Gadaldino, who was first involved in the Academy and then in the community of Brothers. For many years, the shop that had sold some of the most popular forbidden books in Modena remained under the watchful eye of the inquisitors. In June 1568, shortly after Antonio’s death, several dangerous texts were seized during an inspection (four copies of the New Testament in the vernacular, a commentary on the Epistles and Gospels and Erasmus’s De recta Latini Graecique sermonis pronuntiatione).56 Three years later, in 1571, Gadaldino’s grandson Timoteo was investigated for printing the Rime spirituali raccolte dalla Scrittura. Even after showing the inquisitor his permit, Timoteo could not allay the suspicions surrounding the family’s shop.57 In 1594, another Gadaldino, Francesco, was summoned before the court. On 15 January of that year, the judges learned that a printed copy of St Martha’s prayer (a prayer used by witches and sorcerers), which had been dictated to

53 The texts of the excommunication and the judgment are in TCD, MS 1224, fol. 248. On 9 June 1568, the excommunication notice was also displayed in the cathedral of Modena and the church of San Domenico; see ASMo, Archivio per materie, Letterati, 14 (Giovanni Maria Castelvetro). 54 Castelvetro asked the Duke of Este for help in a letter sent from Vienna on 4 February 1569, see BEUMo, MS it. 833, file 58. Maximilian II’s letter of intercession (Prague, 27 April 1570) is in ASMo, Archivio per materie, Letterati, 14 (Giovanni Maria Castelvetro). 55 Rebiba’s letter to the duke (Rome, 22 October 1575), in FI,293,XI. The Holy Office had discussed the Castelvetro case several times during its sessions, see ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1565–1567, fol. 25r (8 November 1565); Decreta, 1567–1568, fol. 28v (‘pro fisco’ measure, 18 October 1567). 56 The episode is recalled by Pastore, ‘Gadaldino, Antonio’, p. 130, who also mentions the cases of Timoteo and Francesco Gadaldino discussed below. 57 See FI, 7,4, c. 29 July 1571.

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him by a certain Margherita Chiappona, had come from his presses.58 He received a light sentence; however, this trial is further evidence that the In‐ quisition closely monitored individuals whose families had been ‘stained’ with heresy. The court never let its guard down and for the Brothers, or what remained of them, there seemed to be no escape.

Beyond the Border: Inquisitorial Networks against the Brothers As illustrated in the previous paragraphs, the Inquisition of Modena had become increasingly aware that the measures taken against the Brothers in the city in the 1550s and 1560s had not eliminated the ‘contagion’ and, in certain respects, had fostered its spread to more remote areas such as the countryside and behind the veil of family units. To rectify matters, the judges had proceeded to expand their gaze, extending their search to outlying areas, to small fiefdoms that provided shelter for dissidents and the families of those who had strayed from orthodoxy. This endgame, which aimed to erase any last trace of religious dissent, revealed the fundamental role of the collaboration between the inquisitorial offices that presided over the various Italian states.59 While information had been of‐ ten exchanged with neighbouring offices, such as that of Bologna or, more rarely, Mantua, from the late 1550s onwards the Este judges intensified the hunt for the Brothers outside their jurisdiction. Two cases in Venice give us a good insight into this situation. A first example relates to the Gadaldino family, mentioned above. Agostino Gadaldino, son of the bookseller Antonio, had taken refuge in Venice.60 His story, hitherto little researched, gives us a glimpse into the avenues pursued by a man whose father had experienced the worst period of inquisitorial repression and the severe constraints of the court. Born on 15 March 1515, Gadaldino had studied medicine, probably in Ferrara; he later moved to Venice where he was responsible for the Latin translation of Galen’s Opera omnia for the Giunta publishing house (1541). It was his father’s publishing business that introduced him into the circle of Venetian printers: Giovanni Maria Giunta, on 31 July 1557, admitted that he had known Agostino for a long time. His father Antonio had associated with the Giunta family for sixty years and when his son arrived in Venice after

58 FI, 8,20. Margherita was tried shortly afterwards for witchcraft (FI, 8,21). 59 On which, see overview in Black, The Italian Inquisition. 60 On Agostino Gadaldino, see Pastore, ‘Gadaldino, Antonio’, p. 130; BM, ii, 371–76; Forciroli, Vite dei modenesi illustri, ed. by Cavicchioli, pp. 145–49.

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finishing his studies — in around 1540 —, he was immediately employed to correct and translate Galen’s texts.61 Gadaldino’s reasons for moving to Venice were not, however, solely re‐ lated to the profession he had decided to pursue there. Indeed, in 1557 the Venetian Inquisition had opened a case against him, discovering that his depositions revealed something that far exceeded his passion for medicine. A bifolium accompanying the trial documents attested to his heterodox views: the Catholic Church had not been founded by Jesus, the pope was the Antichrist, ceremonies, worship of saints, veneration of images, fasting, and the vow of chastity were worthless, purgatory did not exist and Christ was only present spiritually in the Eucharist. Many of the Brothers’ beliefs had therefore found their way into Agostino’s soul and, despite his move from the Este borders to Venice, the network of offices on which the Roman Inquisition relied had made it possible to detain Gadaldino and then to monitor his activities in the following years (other complaints against him were collected in 1563).62 While this episode occurred in a context that was still being defined, with inquisitorial offices that were not yet efficiently coordinated, a decade later the situation was markedly different. In this period, the Modenese velvet maker Paolo of Campogalliano, one of the original members of the community of Brothers, was scrutinized by the judges. After years of travelling between Modena and the Venetian Republic, Paolo had moved to Venice by the late 1550s, probably to avoid harsh repression instigated in his hometown by the Este Inquisition.63 The trial against him in Modena in 1555 was resolved with the intervention of Bishop Foscarari who, having obtained the weaver’s abjuration, had released him for the price of some form of penance. However, in 1568, when the majority of the community had been scattered, the Este inquisitor Paolo Costabili had made use of the network of offices and officials that the Holy Court had established throughout Italy to settle accounts with this Brother on the run. Costabili sent copies of the trials to his Venetian colleagues that demonstrated Campogalliano’s culpability.64 As soon as the documents ar‐ rived from Ferrara, Patriarch Giovanni Trevisan ordered Campogalliano’s imprisonment, initiating proceedings that dragged on for almost two years. On 29 October 1569, Paolo Antonio (better known as Paolo) appeared before the judges and alleged that, on the shores of Venice, there was 61 ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 13,9. Unless otherwise stated, the following information is also taken from this file. 62 See ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 17,19. 63 Campogalliano’s arrival in Venice around 1558 is attested in ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 20,17, c. 6 March 1570. 64 The copies are contained in ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 20,17, accompanied by Costabili’s letter (Ferrara, 18 January 1568) to Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti, then nuncio in Venice. The following information, unless otherwise stated, is taken from the specified file.

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a small group of Modenese involved in business and trade who never missed an opportunity to get together and argue. In a tavern near the fishmongers, he had spoken with several compatriots: there was a certain Giovanni Battista Calti, with whom he had worked in Modena, a velvet merchant and the glass seller Erasmo Barbieri, who was also a member of the community of Brothers. Costabili’s suspicions, which had led to that manhunt, were well-founded: just as on Este land Campogalliano had demonstrated an extraordinary ability to weave networks of complicity, so too in Venice he had become a contact person for commoners and small-scale merchants who moved from Modena to Venice to carry out their trade. In the following months, examining the papers that had been sent to them, the Venetian inquisitors asked Paolo for an explanation of his religious beliefs. After putting up some resistance, the defendant ended up confessing the names of his accomplices in the land where he had taken refuge.65 However — and this is the key point — the judges also obtained the list of his former accomplices, those Brothers who he had identified as fellow believers in Modena. The map of Modenese dissent resurfaced in the Venetian trial: In Modena conosceva un Piero Zuane di Biancolini zimadore da lana et era mastro di schuola da legger et di abbaco, il qual habitava nella contrada di San Georgio. Pellegrin Civa veluder, stava in contrada di San Biasio. Franceschin, lavora di lana, habitava in contrada di San Piero. Zeminian, anche lui lavorava di lana in contrada San Giacomo. Un altro Zeminian Rasan che tesseva tela et non mi ricordo ove stava, penso a San Hieronimo. Bernardin Garapina callegher, stava alla Pomposa. Alberto testor da panni da seda il quale andò in Geneva. Herasmo che andava vendendo gotti, stava alla Pomposa. Mastro Zuane Tirrazano, stava in contra’ de San Biasio. Un messer Geminiano di Barbieri mercante che condudeva vino in Venetia et stava in Modena sul Canalgrande. Mastro Ferrara testor da panni da seda, stava sotto la cura di San Biasio. Hieronimo sartor da Sassuol, stava nella contrada di San Michiel. Mastro Francesco Camorana mercante da lana, stava a San Zorzi. Messer Carlo [sic] Caula nodaro in Modena. Uno chiamato Maranel mastro da schuola. Christoffalo Zampon stava appresso la chiesa di San Michiel, il quale era prima testor da panni de seda et li vene poi mal alle gambe et si messe a cimolar lana et forse sarà morto perché era vecchio […]

65 See ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 20,17, c. 20 February, 4 and 6 March 1570.

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Messer Piero Curion miedego, sta in la contrada di San Michiel il qual s’ha redito due volte per quel che mi è stato detto. Messer Giacomo Gratian cittadin da Modena et vive de intrada. Messer Zuane Rangon, stava sotto la contrada di San Zorzi et è cittadin de Modena et vive de intrada. Messer Zeminian Carandin, credo ch’el nome così, et è cittadin di Modena.66 (In Modena I knew a shearman, Piergiovanni Biancolini, who was also a school teacher and taught reading and mathematics. He lived in the San Giorgio district. Pellegrino Civa, a velvet maker who lived in the San Biagio district. Franceschino, a wool weaver who lived in the San Pietro district. Geminiano, who also made wool in the San Giacomo district. Another man named Geminiano Reggiani [also known as Tamburino], who wove cloth and I can’t remember where he lived, I think near San Girolamo. Bernardino Garapina, a shoemaker who lived in the Pomposa district. Alberto, a silk weaver who fled to Geneva. Erasmo, who sold glass and lived in the Pomposa district. Mr Giovanni Terrazzano, who lived in the San Biagio district. Mr Geminiano Barbieri, a merchant who exported wine to Venice and lived in Modena on Canalgrande. Mr Ferrara, a silk weaver who lived in the parish of San Biagio. The weaver Girolamo of Sassuolo, who lived in the San Michele district. Mr Francesco Camurana, a wool merchant who lived in San Giorgio. Mr Carlo [sic] Caula, a notary in Modena. Another man named Maranello, a school teacher. Cristoforo Zamponi [also known as Totti], who lived near the church of San Michele; first he was a silk weaver, then due to a bad leg he became a wool sorter; perhaps he is dead now since he was old […] Mr Pietro Curione, a doctor who lives in the San Michele district. He has changed his views twice, from what I’ve been told. Mr Giacomo Graziani, a citizen of Modena who lives off his income. Mr Giovanni Rangoni, who lived in the San Giorgio district and is a citizen of Modena and lives off his income.

66 ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 20,17, c. 6 March 1570.

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Mr Geminiano Carandini — I believe that is his name — who is a citizen of Modena.) The geography of a crushed and defeated community was there in black and white in the files of the Inquisition of Venice, while one of the commoners who had been part of it was sentenced on 6 July 1570. The cases of Paolo of Campogalliano and Agostino Gadaldino — men who were far-removed in terms of their education, knowledge, and back‐ ground — effectively illustrate how the plan to eliminate every form of protest had been supported by a network of courts which, within a decade, had become more efficient and incisive, partly due to the use made of them by the inquisitors. The Holy Office had managed to overcome Italy’s political fragmentation and to exert control beyond political borders. The whole of Italy, for those who wanted to profess the Reformed faith, was no longer a safe place.

Conclusions

In many respects, the Brothers’ experience was unique. The city of Modena never again experienced such an intense period of religious opposition and the term ‘heresy’ perhaps never again assumed such theological and doctrinal significance in the trials of the Este Inquisition. As we have seen in the previous pages, the Modenese heretics managed to weave a dense web of complicity and connivance that spanned the realm of everyday life. Building on the legacy of the Academy — the first generation of religious dissent — the Brothers proselytized in shops, workshops, and private homes where it was difficult for the judges to monitor them. While in the 1530s and 1540s heresy had become a state affair, compromising a large section of the city’s ruling class, in the decades that followed the reins of the protest movement were taken up by artisans, tradesmen, and ordinary workers. To keep the community united, the richest helped the poorest through a system of alms that mitigated social differences. The change also extended beyond social structure: doctrinal positions had gradually be‐ come radicalized, partly due to the influence of particular figures who had left their mark. The arrival of Bartolomeo della Pergola in the city, as well as the heretics Camillo Renato and Bartolomeo Fonzio, had inculcated increasingly firm views in the Modenese dissidents. An examination of the Brothers’ religious beliefs reveals a predominantly Calvinist position, with certain principles derived from Zwingli’s theology and, to a lesser extent, from antitrinitarianism and Anabaptism. As I have sought to demonstrate through a systematic analysis of the trials held by the Inquisition, the majority of the Brothers not only believed in justification through faith, but also in predestination that minimized the role of free will. Of the main sacraments, they only preserved baptism, although some questioned its value. Auricular confession was dismissed as a useless papist custom, since it was only necessary to confess one’s sins directly to God, trusting in Christ’s one sacrifice. The Eucharist was a commemoration of the Last Supper with a merely symbolic value, priesthood was shared by all believ‐ ers — which undermined all the prerogatives of the Catholic clergy —, and confirmation and extreme unction were worthless. However, contrary to the pronouncements of the Reformation, the sanctity of marriage sur‐ vived, most likely in order to strengthen internal ties within a persecuted community, which was hemmed in and forced to live a semi-clandestine existence. The doctrinal system that the Brothers had established therefore

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CONCLUSIONS

challenged the orthodoxy that the Catholic Church was developing in these decades, which witnessed the conclusion of the Council of Trent. The political and religious authorities responded to this community in various ways: the municipal magistrates, keen to preserve the city’s good name and a degree of political autonomy, struggled in vain to resist the Inquisition’s advance. The Duke of Ferrara, faced with growing political pressure from the papacy and plagued by the scandal resulting from the heresy of Duchess Renée of France, was unable to oppose the demands of the Holy See. The bishops of the diocese had more room for manoeuvre and, for various reasons, some granted their protection to the Modenese heretics. In the 1540s, Giovanni Morone, betraying his consummate pru‐ dence, had recognized the members of the heterodox movement as fellow believers; Egidio Foscarari decided to engage in dialogue and to take a gentle approach in order to dampen the flames of religious protest, while simultaneously advocating the moralization of the clergy. Both paid for their open-mindedness with a trial: when Gian Pietro Carafa became pope under the name of Paul IV, he incarcerated these two bishops — who had succeeded each other in Modena —, submitting them to the judgment of the Holy Office. The pope’s death in 1559 saved them from conviction, yet this episode showed how the Inquisition had gained ground and that there was no real prospect of survival for the heretics. As discussed in the second chapter, the court of faith grew stronger and, starting in the mid-1560s, a series of trials were held in Modena that decapitated the community and condemned most of its members. While these events specifically concerned the Brothers, their story nonetheless sheds light on various, more far-reaching issues that invite us to reflect on the ways in which the Reformation spread and on its failure to take root in Italy. A starting point is the relationship between the freedom to profess ideas that clashed with Catholic orthodoxy and the political identity of local communities, in particular of the city’s autonomous au‐ thorities. We have repeatedly seen how the Community of Modena, with its magistrates and governors, attempted to intervene in order to protect its members, i.e. those who fell under its jurisdiction, from the court of faith. These actions were not primarily motivated by support for religious freedom or reformist positions: rather, they were intended to defend the political autonomy that was threatened by the interference of a court di‐ rected by the pope, in which not even the Duke of Ferrara — the supreme political authority — was able to intervene. Certainly, the intricate tangle of jurisdictions that characterized the city of Modena — where the ruling Este family had to come to terms with the self-governing Municipality and where, on another front, the bishops and the Inquisition competed for authority for almost half a century — was an ideal habit for religious dissent. Grey areas, overlaps, and clashes between different jurisdictions benefited the Brothers and offered them a degree of protection, facilitated

CONCLUSIONS

by the fact that a significant part of the governing class embraced reformist ideas. From an outsider’s perspective, the whole city seemed ‘infected’, raising a problem that the political authorities first and foremost should have sought to resolve. This, for example, was the analysis of the inquisitor Tommaso of Morbegno, who had been the first to recognize something more significant than dissent behind the outbreaks of heresy in Modena. In 1540, when the community of Brothers was emerging, he had written to his colleague in Ferrara Girolamo Papino, stating in no uncertain terms that ‘a Modona regna una setta’ (a sect reigns in Modena). The sect was comprised of ‘la più parte de cittadini et nobili et huomini dotti’ (the ma‐ jority of citizens, nobles and learned men), and their heresies were among the most dangerous. To redress the situation, it was necessary to put pressure on the duke and his representative in the city, the governor.1 Both the local and Roman inquisitors believed that the municipal magistrates could not be relied on since the entire city that they administered was compromised, due either to their collusion or to their inability to combat the phenomenon. Tommaso of Morbegno’s words therefore reveal the Inquisition’s initial attitude towards the Modenese heterodox movement: the Brothers and, before them, the Academy were a political problem that posed a challenge for the Duke of Ferrara and his desire to be a Christian prince (that is, faithful to the pope). The bodies of self-government could not be trusted because they were part of the problem and, in all likelihood, complicit with the heretics. Understandably, this situation was an almost inescapable predicament for the House of Este: on the one hand, the Holy Office required drastic and decisive measures, a position strengthened by the Duke of Ferrara’s dependence on Rome (the Este family were vassals of the pope); on the other, the local authorities demanded that the duke defend them against Church and, above all, inquisitorial interference. There is also a second aspect to consider: the municipal government’s protection and the extensive spread of heresy in the urban area did not lead to the formation of a significant, albeit clandestine, ecclesial structure. The repressive environment in which the Brothers operated evidently played a decisive role, but we cannot rule out the possibility that this situation was also due to the fact that the heretics never overcame their doctrinal heterogeneity. The two factors — the absence of a structured church and the diversity of the Brothers’ beliefs — were closely related and fostered each other in an interdependent relationship. The lack of robust structures governing the movement led to a variety of convictions and practices; however, as mentioned, we cannot underestimate the extent to which the Brothers’ lively debate and views complicated the development 1 FI, 1,5,I (see Appendix, 1). On Girolamo Papino, the recipient of the letter, see A. Prosperi, Girolamo Papino e Bernardino Ochino: documenti per la biografia di un inquisitore, in Prosperi, L’Inquisizione Romana, pp. 99–123: 110.

167

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CONCLUSIONS

of ecclesial structures that could define a shared belief system. Although historians have often used the term ecclesiae (churches) to refer to Italian reformist communities — particularly those with similar views to Calvin —, it should be noted that in many cases the structures created, with the possible exception of the Waldensian and Anabaptist communities in Venetia, were transitory, not particularly influential and not comparable to the Reformed churches beyond the Alps.2 To return to the Modenese Brothers, the celebration of the Lord’s Supper, a collective rite that was ex‐ ceptionally important to their identity, is very significant. The Brothers not only disagreed on the presence of Christ in the host (most of them consid‐ ered it merely a symbol, while others recognized its spiritual presence), but also exclusively admitted a few select people to the ceremony, which meant there were two different levels within the community: a restricted circle — the group of leaders — was admitted to the Supper; a second, broader level, which encompassed most of the Brothers, was introduced to Reformed doctrine and instructed through circulation of forbidden texts and participation in discussions of faith, but not involved in heterodox liturgy. Similarly, the community lacked any kind of regulatory framework. Given its hierarchical nature, mostly due to members’ financial situation and ability to provide support to poorer Brothers, no steps were taken to create some sort of doctrinal uniformity. The community’s leaders distributed books and guided discussions, hosting them in their shops or homes; but, there is no evidence of measures to rectify internal differences or to support one opinion at the expense of another. This approach was, from a certain perspective, based on charisma: it was connected to the authority of the movement’s leaders, although even they did not share the same views. Again, it is clear that the community’s doctrinal diversity was strongly influenced by the repressive context and consequent desire to oppose the tyranny of the Antichrist pope, without excessive constraints. The Brothers were not an ecclesia in terms of their structures, which were barely defined and sometimes non-existent, yet they saw themselves as part of a larger Church that was destined to exist without hierarchies and tangible signs. As discussed in the third chapter, the Church was the congregation of believers, made up of true Christians, of those who put their trust in Christ’s sacrifice. It was the invisible ensemble of those who believed in the redemptive power of Jesus’s blood. However, even the Reformed churches across the Alps did not turn out to be the frontier of freedom that many Brothers had hoped for. Indeed, some of them endured the bitter experience of being marginalized or ex‐ pelled because their independent thought, and doctrinal autonomy could no longer be reconciled with the needs of the ecclesial communities that

2 See e.g. Felici, Giovanni Calvino e l’Italia.

CONCLUSIONS

were also being established in the countries that had embraced the Refor‐ mation.3 For example, one of the Brothers’ leaders, Giovanni Bergomozzi, fled to Chiavenna and then to Piuro to escape Catholic persecution. After arriving in Grisons, he found himself excluded from the rite of the Supper (1567–1568). One of the charges brought against him was the notion that the ‘regenerated’ could not sin. Yet it is worth noting his reaction before the judges: Bergomozzi accused them of acting like the inquisitors and of believing that he was only answerable to God for his convictions. Between 1568 and 1569 he was excommunicated, finding himself in the particularly characteristic situation of being considered a heretic by both the Catholic Church and the Reformed Churches.4 Finally, the third aspect that this study aims to highlight concerns the role and success of the Inquisition in the fight against heterodox dissent. In the events described above, the Holy Office was the real winner. Although the power of the dukes of Ferrara and of the long-standing city magistrates, the bishops’ jurisdiction over the diocese and the formidable networks that protected the heretics provided a bulwark for some time, in the late 1560s the Inquisition — and with it the papacy — had increased its political clout and operational capacity. Various circumstances contributed to this situation, such as: the progressive confessionalization of Europe in the aftermath of the Peace of Augsburg (1555); the weakened authority of the Duke of Ferrara, who had not produced any heirs; the conclusion of the Council of Trent with the consolidation of papal centralism (1563); and the Holy Office’s influence in determining careers within the Roman Curia, with the election of leading members of the congregation to the papal throne (first Gian Pietro Carafa, who became Paul IV in 1555; then the supreme inquisitor Michele Ghislieri, elected pope under the name Pius V in 1566). On the political front, it was Michele Ghislieri himself who, after ascending to the Chair of Saint Peter, inflicted a decisive blow to the ambitions of the Este family. With the publication of a bull that made it illicit to pass on ecclesiastical fiefdoms to illegitimate children (1567), Pius V extinguished the last hopes of Duke Alfonso II d’Este, who was known to be infertile.5 The decree, which led to Ferrara’s return to the Papal States in 1598, put the House of Este in an even more precarious position in relation to the papacy which, partly for this reason, had consid‐ erable leverage to demand decisive measures against heresy in Modena.

3 On these matters, see the interpretation offered by Cantimori, Eretici italiani del Cinquecento; Williams, The Radical Reformation. 4 See Rotondò, ‘Bergomozzi, Giovanni’; Fiume, Scipione Lentolo, p. 139. The stories of Bergomozzi and other Modenese Brothers in exile in Switzerland (e.g. Giulio Sadoleto) are also discussed by Taplin, The Italian Reformers. 5 The measure referred to was the Prohibitio alienandi et infeudandi civitates et loca Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, published on 23 May 1567. See Bullarium diplomatum, pp. 560–64.

169

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CONCLUSIONS

More generally, the Inquisition grew stronger at both a central and periph‐ eral level. The congregation had a multitude of officials who made their work more efficient and reinforced their oversight of the Catholic world.6 Similarly, the various offices were endowed with a specialized form of bureaucracy and, as the case of Modena shows, with a rigorous legal and administrative structure.7 An increasing number of letters were exchanged between the congregation and the local courts, which spurred them to action, while exerting control over them. This flow of information, which is still evidenced today by the correspondence between Rome and its Italian offshoots, paved the way to more coordinated repressive measures and provided the papacy and the Holy Office with a tool that transcended political boundaries.8 The combination of these elements led, in a relatively short time, to restored order in the city of Modena, where, as mentioned, the Inquisition appeared to have been the real winner. Another factor that has long been studied by historians, the social disciplining actions of the court of faith, also proved effective, at least with regard to doctrinal deviations such as those of the Modenese Brothers.9 Most of them were silenced, while others were driven into exile or, in rare cases, executed. The bishops were also persuaded to cooperate with the court’s containment measures: in 1568, Giovanni Morone agreed to become the longa manus (long arm) of Pius V in the trials against the Brothers who remained in the city. Three years later, he handed the reins of the diocese to an inquisitor, Sisto Visdomini, who deferentially obeyed the Roman congregation. The court’s actions reinstated, outwardly at any rate, religious uniformity in Modena, which appeared to be gravely threatened between the 1540s and 1550s. Nonetheless it failed, in the short term, to destroy the underground channels in which dissent continued to spread. As we have seen, books continued to be a subversive force and many texts, steeped in heresy and protest, were passed from hand to hand both in the towns and countryside. Similarly, political and family networks and minor jurisdictions surround‐ ing the Este territories were places where, in a more hushed, surreptitious manner, opposition to the Catholic Church found new ways to express

6 Regarding the sixteenth century, light is shed on this process in the prosopographic collection by Schwedt, Die Anfänge der Römischen Inquisition. 7 The structures and bureaucratisation of the Inquisition has recently been revisited by Bonora, ‘The Takeover of the Roman Inquisition’, pp. 250–56 and Solera, La società dell'Inquisizione. For the economic implications of this process: Maifreda, The Business of the Roman Inquisition. On the Modena office, see Biondi, ‘Lunga durata e microarticolazione’. 8 For the project to publish the correspondence between the congregation and the local offices, see Valente, ‘Nuove ricerche’, p. 578; for Modena: Biondi, ‘Le lettere’; Black, ‘Relations between Inquisitors’. 9 On the subject of disciplining measures in Italy, see the overview in Boer, ‘Social Discipline in Italy’.

CONCLUSIONS

itself and survive. Having appeased order to the city that had represented the nucleus of the heterodox movement, the court soon widened its gaze and in time also returned the outlying areas to a normal state of affairs. The freedom that the Brothers had dreamed of never came. Europe and Christianity took other paths, and Modena, which reawakened as a capital thirty years later, left behind an era that was not destined to be repeated.

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APPEndix i

Series of Bishops of Modena, Roman Pontiffs, and Dukes of Ferrara

Bishops of Modena

Roman Pontiffs

Dukes of Ferrara

Giovanni Morone (1529–1550)

 

 

 

Paul III (1534–1549)

Ercole II (1534–1559)

Egidio Foscarari (1550–1564)

Julius III (1550–1555)

 

 

Marcello II (1555)

 

 

Paul IV (1555–1559)

 

 

Pius IV (1559–1565)

Alfonso II (1559–1567)

Giovanni Morone (1564–1571)

 

 

 

Pius V (1566–1572)

 

Sisto Visdomini (1571–1590)

 

 

APPEndix ii

Documents

This section presents four transcribed and translated documents that summarize the essential developments in the history of the Modenese Brothers, from the moment the religious authorities became aware of the alarming situation that was unfolding in the city (doc. 1) to the moment when the Inquisition’s affirmation marked the epilogue of religious dissent (doc. 4). In between these events, the city made a vain attempt to defend itself against the aggressive politics of the court of faith (doc. 2) and the local episcopal authority sought to pursue dialogue and reconciliation (doc. 3). The First Alarm

Letter from the inquisitor Tommaso of Morbegno to Girolamo Papino (2 April 1540) This letter, in which inquisitor Tommaso of Morbegno reported the spread of strong religious dissent in Modena to his colleague in Ferrara, Girolamo Papino, was one of the first warning signs for religious authorities regard‐ ing the situation in the Emilian city. The document is kept in FI 1,5,I. Transcription. Here and in subsequent documents abbreviations are dropped without warning. The spelling corresponds to that of the original document. Reverende pater nostri observandissime salutem. Essendo qua a Modona constituto vicario della inquisitione della heretica pravità et considerando tutti i pericoli et scandali che potrebbono avenire, con ciò sia cosa che qua a Modona regna una setta domandata Accademia nella qual setta gli sono la più parte de cittadini et nobili et huomini dotti, nella qual setta si contengono molte heresie et prima che nel hostia consecrata non c’è il corpo di Christo vero et negano la confessione et adoratione o vero invocatione de santi, negando l’authorità del sommo pontefice et molte altre heresie qual sarebbe un longo narrare. Et volendo io provedere a simili defetti, io ho emanato lo editto publico in publica forma. Oltra di questo io ho dechiarato in scritto et publicato in publice

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secondo che vogliono i sacri canoni; ma essendo costoro ostenati nella loro pertinacia et mala volontà, non temendo iudicii di Dio et manco della Santa Madre Chiesa, mi è parso invocare l’aussilio secolare et massime della Eccellentia del Nostro Signore duca dal quale io spero per mezzo di Vostra Reverentia mi darà favore et aussilio, tanto più ch’io ho con fruto questo caso con il signore governatore, il qual molto lauda ch’io scriva al signore duca per il vostro mezzo che egli sarà molto propitio cognoscendo egli così essere la veritate. Et questa mia domanda è in tal forma, videlicet che Sua Eccellentia scriva al prefato signore governatore faccia fare una publica grida sotto pena della sua disgratia et di quella pena pecuniaria parerà a Sua Eccellentia, se gli è persona alcuna che tegna questa setta o chi sappia cosa hereticale debbia fra il termine de quindeci giorni comparere denanci da me fra Thomaso vicario soprascritto ad abiurare detta setta et oppenioni false et propalare le persone che tengono dette oppenioni sotto quella medesema pena. Et così priego Vostra Reverentia amore Dei et zelo fidei che vogliate operare com’io spero farà Vostra Reverentia, alla quale di continuo mi raccomando et offero. Di Modona alli 2 di aprile 1540. Vester in Domino, frater Thomas de Morbinio ordinis predicatorum *** Our dearly respected Reverend Father, I greet you. Since I am here in Modena as vicar of the court of the Inquisition, which is established to combat heresy, and considering the dangers and scandals that could arise in the future, I inform you that here in Modena a sect called the Academy has emerged. The majority of citizens, nobles and learned men belong to this sect and many heresies are professed, above all that the consecrated host does not contain the true body of Christ. Its members deny the value of confession and the worship of and prayer to saints, while also rejecting the authority of the supreme pontiff. And they profess many other heresies that would take a long time to recount. Since I wish to remedy these evils, I have publicly issued an edict for members to appear before the court. Furthermore, I have prepared written and publicly posted statements, as required by canon law. However, since these heretics are steadfast in their obstinacy and ill intentions, without fearing the judgement of God and the Holy Mother Church, I deemed it appropriate to invoke the help of secular power, and especially that of His Excellency our duke, from whom I hope to receive benevolence and help through Your Reverence. Moreover, I have had fruitful discussions on this matter with the governor, who has strongly encouraged me to write to the duke through you, certain that he (the duke) will help me, knowing that

DOCUMENTS

this is the true state of affairs. I therefore ask that His Excellency write to the aforementioned governor so that he may issue a public order that leads to members being disgraced and receiving a monetary fine to the extent that seems appropriate to His Excellency. Anyone who is a member of this sect or who has any knowledge of heresies will have to appear before me, the aforementioned vicar Friar Tommaso, within fifteen days to disavow this sect and its false beliefs, and to reveal the people who have the same convictions, with the same penalty stated above. And I therefore implore Your Reverence, for the love of God and zeal of faith, to do as I hope. I continue to recommend and offer myself to you. Modena, 2 April 1540. Yours in the Lord, Friar Tommaso of Morbegno of the Order of Preachers The City Protests

Letter from the Municipality of Modena to the Duke of Ferrara challeng‐ ing the injustices of the Inquisition (17 July 1556) In 1556, the magistrates of the Municipality of Modena wrote to Duke Ercole II d’Este to complain about the requests of the Roman Inquisition. The court had claimed the right to extradite and judge Este citizens accused of heresy. According to the magistrates, the prince should have defended them, without handing them over to an ecclesiastical court. The portrait of the city offered by the Conservators aims to show an orderly society, far-removed from the situation described by the Roman judges and obedient to the dictates of the Catholic religion. The document is kept in FI 1,6,III. Illustrissimo et eccellentissimo signor nostro sempre osservandissimo Havendo sentito il rumore d’alcuni nostri cittadini che sono stati citati a Roma per conto d’heresia, n’è paruta cosa molto insolita et strana prima che in questa città a persone laiche vengano cittationi da Roma, la qual cosa quando dovesse procedere saria per portare molto danno a questa povera città essendo costretti i cittadini di quella a patire tanti incommodi et così gravi spese. Poi la causa ciò dell’heresia ci ha ancho spaventati sapendo che questo torna a qualche infamia della città la qual, per la Dio gratia, hora certo quanto a questi parlamenti si truova quietissima sì come Vostra Eccellentia può havere informationi da suoi ufficiali. Et risuscitare a questo modo i morti, non ci pare già molto a proposito perché consideriamo che ancho questa cosa sia per moltiplicare il rumore e non per farlo cessare quando pur ce ne fosse, perché potria esser facilmente per

177

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molte cagioni che questi citati non volessoro comparire e più tosto patire ogni grave cosa, di che nasceria scandalo sopra scandolo. All’ultimo diremo pur anche questo: che quelli nostri cittadini, li quali non sono degl’ultimi, sono tenute persone virtuose e non tali che debbano esser dishonorati a questo modo. E si può pensare più tosto che tali cose procedano da partialità et da animi divisi, de quali Vostra Eccellentia sa quanto copiosi ne siamo hora in questa terra, che da vera cagion di zelo di fede. Et in queste essaminationi secrete che usano di pigliare in simili casi se può molto bene far delle sue vendette. Pertanto a noi come a sopraposti hora a negoci di questo fedel Commune di Vostra Eccellentia n’è paruto farla di tanto avisata pregandola e supplicandola a pigliar il tutto in buona parte e non che mai vogliamo scostarci dal suo piacere. Aggiongeremo pur anche una parola che in questa cava non crediamo mai di vederne il fine dopo tante provigioni fatte et non mai acquetandosi questi signori romani. I reverendissimi cardinali fecero fare le sottoscrittioni a tutta la città, la Vostra Illustrissima Eccellentia ha fatto le cride, l’inquisitione usa il suo ufficio senza impedimento alcuno, il reverendissimo monsignor vescovo nostro huomo di tanta santità ha tanta cura delle cose; et che cosa sentono a Roma che tante persone non sentano qui? Se paresse a Vostra Eccellentia di domandare a Sua Santità un commis‐ sario per acquetare un volta questi tanti fastidii et mettere una cano‐ nica norma per l’avenire del prociedere in simili cause, a noi certo pareria molto espediente, di che ancho ne scriveremo al nostro reverendissimo et illustrissimo di Fano, il quale essendo in fatto forte potria havere qualche pronto rimedio. Di tutto però rimettendosi nel suo savio et amorevole parere verso questa sua fedelissima città la quale con le braccia in croce le raccommandiamo sì che non li lassi mettere sopra tanta gravezza e così humilissimamente li basciamo le mani et cetera. In Modona, alli xvii di luglio Mdlvi. Di Vostra Illustrissima et Eccellentissima Signoria, Gli suoi fedelissimi et obedientissimi servitori I Conservatori della sua città di Modona *** Our most illustrious and excellent Lord, always worthy of respect Hearing rumours about some of our fellow citizens who have been sum‐ moned to Rome on charges of heresy, it seemed to us very unusual and strange that lay people in this city receive summonses from Rome. Were this to happen again, it would cause serious damage to this poor city because its inhabitants would be forced to endure a great deal of inconvenience and expense.

DOCUMENTS

Moreover, the suspicion of heresy has alarmed us because it constitutes a stain of infamy for the city which, by God’s grace, is currently very calm with regard to these rumours, as Your Excellency can ascertain from your officials. We do not believe that it is helpful to reopen old wounds in this way because this summons will only increase unrest and will not stop it (if it really existed before): indeed, the citizens who have been summoned will, most likely and for many reasons, not want to appear before the court, even at the cost of great suffering. And one scandal will ensue from another. Finally, we should also say that our fellow citizens, who are by no means insignificant, are considered virtuous people, who do not deserve to be shamed in this way. One might also surmise that such slander stems not from true zeal for the faith, but from rivalries and people involved in disputes, which, as Your Excellency knows, currently abound in this land. Indeed, in the secret interrogations that are typically carried out in these cases, it is very easy to pursue private vendettas. Therefore, we who govern the things that happen in this Municipality loyal to Your Excellency deemed it appropriate to warn you, imploring and entreating you to act benevolently towards us, believing that we never wish to stray from your will. We would like to add one more word: despite everything that we have done, we cannot see the end of the tunnel, since these gentlemen from Rome are implacable. The most reverend cardinals made the whole city sign a declaration of faith, Your Most Illustrious Excellency issued measures against heresy, the Inquisition has its own court in Modena without any impediment, and our most reverend bishop, a very holy man, exercises extreme pastoral care over the city: what do they feel in Rome that so many men do not feel here in Modena? If Your Excellency wishes to ask His Holiness for a commissioner to resolve these matters once and for all and to establish canonical rules for the future setting out how such cases should be dealt with, we would consider it very useful. We will also write about this matter to our most reverend and illustrious bishop of Fano [Pietro Bertano, of Modenese origin], who, as a man of great experience in this field, may have a quick solution to recommend us. We commit ourselves in all respects to your wise and loving opinion of this most faithful city of yours, urging, just as if its arms were hanging from the cross, that it should not be subjected to this burden. And we kiss your hands with humility, etc. Modena, 17 July 1566. Of Your Most Illustrious and Most Excellent Lordship, Your most faithful and obedient servants The Conservators of your city of Modena

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APPENDIX II

A Map of the Heterodox Community

Excerpta ex libro reverendissimi domini episcopi Foscararii (5 January 1572) The Excerpta (excerpts) from Bishop Egidio Foscarari’s book report the names of the Modenese heterodox who presented themselves before the bishop to be acquitted in private thanks to the special powers conferred on Foscarari by Pope Julius III. The document, drawn up by the inquisitors when the book was seized in 1572, comprises an extraordinary map of the heterodox community in Modena in the 1550s and 1560s. The document is kept in FI 1,7,VIII. Transcription. Abbreviations are dropped without warning. The spelling corresponds to that of the original document. [[…]] indicates annotations in the margin of the document. indicates the correction of easily identifiable errors. (…) indicates gaps in the text that cannot be filled or cannot be clearly read; (abc) indicates suggestions for how these gaps should be read. The signature of the inquisitor Costabili is handwritten. Translation. Translating the text is not always easy, since the notary who copied the document made some copying errors due to misunder‐ standing. Italics indicate passages of the text in which the meaning of the translation is conjectured. The names of the churches alongside those of the various heterodox believers almost always indicate the parish to which the individuals in question belonged. In many cases it can be assumed that the interrogation that Foscarari noted in his book took place in these same churches. 1572 indictione 15a die vero quinto ianuarii Pateat universis presentes inspecturis et lecturis quod reverendus pater frater Paulus Constabilis Ferrariensis inquisitor generalis in totto dominio illustrissimi et eccellentissimi domini domini ducis Ferrarie, mihi notario infradicto, die prenotata ostendit librum quendam in quarto cartarum 150 copertum membrana, quem ipse reverendus dixit invenisse in episcopali palatio Mutine, in cubiculo sive camerino quodam supra scalam dicti palatii qua itur in ecclesiam cathedralem; in quo camerino reposita erant multa scripta reverendissimi domini Egidii Foscararii Bononiensis condam episcopi Mutinensis. Ex quo libro scripto manu predicti reverendissimi domini episcopi ut aparet ex carateribus et contentis in eo, mandavit ut fideliter describerem que subiciiuntur: in dicti igitur libri primis sex foliis continentur ut infra.

DOCUMENTS

Suspecti de fide Folio primo Antonius Maria (…), testis dominus Silvester. Est verbosus potius quam hereticus; nam cum diceretur eum delatum esse inquisitori, venit ad me et se expurgavit ut mihi satisfecerit. In Sancto Bartolomeo. [[Obiit]]. Cesar Belencinus in Sancto Barna, 16 ianuarii. Ego secum egi de baptismate, de certitudine gratiae, de perseverantia gratiae; promisit re‐ sponsurum de purgatorio. Obiit. Maranelus in Sancto Bartolomeo. Abiuravit. Forcirollus Iulianus Forcirollus. Delatione del Compare da Licio. Petrus Maria Buselus, predicante quodam saccho, dixit domino Nicolò Fontanelle quod non predicabat abusus ecclesie nec de sanctis. Allocutus sum eum in Campo Gaiano: conatus est se ostendere adherentem Ecclesie Romane, utinam verum sit. In Campo Gaiano. Obiit. Paulus Soverchius in Sancto Barnaba. Opportunus domino Melchio. Se‐ quebatur verbum quod non intellexi. Ioannes Rangonus, in Sancta Agatha. Hic pluries admonitus, asserit se omnia credere. Obiit Sondri. Ioannes Bergomutius. Philipus Valentinus. Hic abiuravit in manibus meis. Rome declaratus hereticus aufugit. In 2° folio De fide Nicolaus Machela obiit. Filius suspectus est. Bonifacius Valentinus. Sanctus Geminianus. Hic optat abiurare. Abiuravit. Captivus, ductus Romam et ibi condemnatus, publice abiuravit. Hercules aurifex. Ioannes Antonius Rubeus. Peregrinus Settus in Sancta Agatha. Hunc corexi et ostendit se credere omnia. Non nichil videbatur suspicari de precibus sanctorum. Querella domini Benedicti Carandini. Geminianus infirmus. Iulia Quatrifra in Sancto Barnaba. Confessa est inquisitori. Obiit. Bartolomea Porta. Sancta Margarita. Delata de precibus sanctorum, ad‐ monita est. Degit in domo eorum de Castelvetris. Relatione della cavalera Molza. Camillo Caula in Sancto Vincentio. Marho Caula. Sancto Paulo. Admonitus quod nihil daret ecclesie. Negavit.

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In tertio folio Iacomo Cavalarino in Sancto Barnaba. Antonio libraro. Sancto Geminiano. Citatus Rome, carceratus Mutine in castello opera eccellentissimi ducis dominus (Altezza Serenissima). Seque‐ batur verbum a me non intelectum. Ludovico Castelvedri in Sancto Barnaba. Citatus Romae, declaratus hereti‐ cus et combusta eius statua. Burato servitore del Sassomarino. Concessi 29 9bre adhuc 15 dies discesit. 7 iulii recepi literas et promisit venire. Abiuravit. Nove querele che i giorni tuti iussum ut abeat et concessus mensis maius dehinc september. Thomaso Cavalarino ex Francisco Blanco. Sancto Geminiano. Obiit. Iacobus Gratianus. Sancta Agatha. Delatus de eucheristia, de delectu ci‐ borum, de libero arbitrio, admonitus excusavit factum. Frater Albertus minorita audit eum in confessione et mirifice laudat. Bernardo Guidono. Simon Ronchus. Sancto Geminiano. Camilo Donzi. Sancto Biagio. Francisco Camurana. Sancto Georgio. In folio 4to De fide Antonio Maria Ferara. Bartolomeo Azaloni. Geminiano Cato. Ex multis coloquiis habitis cum eo, non credo. In Sancto Geminiano. Obiit. Alberto Cantù. In Saliceto. Condemnatus morti, aufugit. Interemptus est [[sic est in libro]]. Iacomo Fusano. Madona Masina Molza ex literis Camili filii. In Sancto Lorenzo. Anna uxor Ioanis Francisci Carafoli non santificat dies festos et comedit carnes diebus prohibitis. Ex inquisitore et matre Ioannis. In Sancto Mi‐ haele. Obiit. Tota familia Milonum infamis. In Sancto Mihaele. Francisco Citta. In capella divi Marci. Ex matre et inquisitore. Examinatus, visus est homo simplex. Petrus Montechius marangono abiit obstinatus. Die decimo augusti rever‐ sus. Non nihil mitigatus est. Il prete Vignola ex Livizano et Roncheta.

DOCUMENTS

In 5to folio Messer Giovanni Baptista Cantù a Bastardo et nepote domini Nicolai, ultimo aprilis. Hic abiuravit. In Trinitate. Obiit. Ioannes Baptista Sassuolus. Docet gramaticam. Delatus a domino Blasio in Sancto Laurentio et ab alio cui comodaverat librum hereticum. 17 iulii reprehensus promisit. Pietro Madonina mangia della carne in giorni prohibiti, come ho inteso dalla Lucia Stirpa. Eragli il fratelo del medico Cavalarini. Sancto Barnaba. Gregorius de Gregoriis hospes, in Sancto Geminiano. Examinandus est ille iuvenis musicus qui secum degit. Geminiano da Sassolo in capella Sancti Mihaelis. Iulius Sadoletus. In Sancto Iacobo. Paulus Cassanus. In capela divi Bartolomei. Abiuravit prima iunii presente inquisitore. Balthassar Rodilia a Ghino quod habeat libros suspectos. Ioanne da Conselice. 23 accepit terminum respondendi. Vocatus venit 25 ianuarii pollicitus. Dominus Ludovicus Bassanus. Cesare Spinalbo. Ibi erat nomen a me non intelectum. Zan Maria Cavaza barbero. In folio 6to Paulo Antonius da Campo Gaiano. In la Pomposa admonui et docui. Policitus est iussi ut confiteretur patri Dominico. Inquit quod Bagnacavalus docuit quod pium erat credere purgatorium non tantum neccessarium. Abiuravit primo octobris 1555. Messer Augustino da Cremona ex Mazolo. Francisco Sigino, Barbaza Carandini. Creditur quod isti obierint et quod sint relationis antique. Francisco Catto. In capella Sancti Geminiani. Die 23 ianuarii correptus, noluit se propalare. Allocutus sum suum comfessarium qui bona retulit. Pietro Curiono a l’incontro del conte Fulvio Rangone. Accusatus, fassus est de purgatorio. Ferrante Castaldo doctor et uxor. De purgatorio, eucherestia, ieiunio. Se‐ quebatur verbum non intelectum a me notario. Anna Fortezza examita negat purgatorium. In Sancto Bartolomeo. Corexi. Constanter negat. Obiit. Giovanni Iacobo da Bresa stampatore. Ex reverendissimo. Abiuravit. Il luoco tenente del Caula, testis Basilio Brisighella. In Regio interrogatus testis negavit.

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Nicolaus Girlinzonus filius domini Antoni accusatur a duobus sacer‐ dotibus [[sic erat in libro]]. Peregrinus Civa incarceratus dehinc auffugit et reversus et admissus. Renovanda quam sepius proclama. Iulio Cesare Seghizo et Cataldo Buzzalo. Vincenzo Prato convictus de libris. De eo qui habet librum contra immortalitatem animarum. Suspicio de Girlinzon quod die veneris comedat carnes. Il Liurato. In libro autem alio in folio cartarum 200 membrana recto quem predictus inquisitur dixit se invenisse in dicto loco et inde accepisse, notantur tan‐ quam suspecti de heresi infradicti videlicet: Hospes della Gregora suspectus de heresi, folio 3 facie prima. Dominus Ventura Parolenus. Aiunt testem esse dominum Doninum quod cum consecrasset plures hostias dixit molto credere che queste bagatele sieno il corpo di Christo, folio x facie prima. Rainaldus Bononiensis suspectus, Marcus Caula suspectus, folio xi facie prima. Messer Guido Quatrifra lusor et suspectus, folio 20 (secunda). Ioanne Baptista Cantù suspectus, abiura, folio 52 facie prima. Antonius Guirinus suspectus comedere carnes, ibi in dicto folio. Don Alexander Carandinus notatus aliquando fuit de heresi. Inquit domino Guido Sudentus quod vacilabat in fide et negabat purgatorium haberi ex divo Augustino, folio 60 facie prima. Helena Sigizza suspecta, Ferranto Castaldi suspectus de rebus fidei, folio 78 facie (secunda). Dominus Franciscus Cavalca rector fuit suspectus de fide ob comertium quod habuit cum dono Ludovico Bassani et doni Dominici de Aquaria, folio 93 facie prima. Gioan Francesco Carafol suspectus et acusatus et magis (omnium). Degit in Sancto Petro, obiit, folio 95 facie prima. Il Rubera cognato del Caula filii sunt suspecti de fide, maximamente il lugotenente, folio 144 facie prima. Ioanne Baptista Bastardo suspectus de heresi, folio 155 facie prima. Hec omnia ego notarius infradictus iussu et mandato predicti reverendi patris inquisitoris et in eius presentia ex libris predictis fideliter sunpsi et descripsi solum addito id quod in margine est appositum et quod anotavi de verbis aliquibus a me non intelectis et de numero foliorum. Ego Franciscus filius spectabilis viri domini Hieronimi de Pellipariis civis Mutinensis notarius sanctissime inquisitionis scripsi de mandato.

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Ita est frater Paulus Constabilis Ferrariensis inquisitor generalis qui supra. *** 5 January 1572, indiction XV Let it be known to all those who examine and read the following pages that the Reverend Father Friar Paolo Costabili of Ferrara, Inquisitor General in the State of the illustrious Duke of Ferrara, showed me, the notary men‐ tioned below, on the aforementioned day, a quarto-size book, consisting of 150 papers, covered in parchment, which the same Inquisitor said that he had found in the bishop’s palace in Modena, in a small room above the stairs of this palace leading to the cathedral. This room contained many writings by the Reverend Egidio Foscarari of Bologna, formerly bishop of Modena. From this book, handwritten by the aforementioned bishop, as can be deduced from the writing and its contents, the inquisitor instructed me to faithfully describe what is written below: the first six sheets of this book contain what follows. Suspects in matters of faith First sheet Antonio Maria (…), witness Mr Silvestro. He is verbose, rather than heretical. Indeed, when he was told that he had been denounced to the inquisitor, he came to me and made a satisfactory confession. In San Bartolomeo. [[He is dead]]. Cesare Bellincini, in San Barnaba, 16 January. I spoke with him about baptism, the certainty of grace and the perseverance of grace. He promised to answer me on the subject of purgatory. He is dead. Maranello, in San Bartolomeo. He abjured. Giuliano Forciroli. Denounced by Compare of Lecchio. Pietro Maria Busello, while a man dressed in a habit was preaching, told Mr Nicolò Fontanella that this man did not preach either the abuses of the Church or the superstition of the worship of saints. I spoke with him in Campogalliano: he took pains to demonstrate his devotion to the Catholic Church and let us hope that it is true! In Campogalliano. He is dead. Paolo Superchi in San Barnaba, subordinate of Mr Melchio. This was fol‐ lowed by a word that I did not understand. Giovanni Rangoni in Sant’Agata. He was admonished several times and stated that he believed in all truths of faith. He died in Sondrio. Giovanni Bergomozzi. Filippo Valentini. He abjured before me. Declared a heretic in Rome, he fled.

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Second sheet Suspects in matters of faith Nicolò Machella. He is dead. His son is suspected. Bonifacio Valentini. In San Geminiano. He decided to abjure. He abjured. Imprisoned, he was taken to Rome, where he was condemned. He publicly abjured. Ercole, goldsmith. Giovanni Antonio Rossi. Pellegrino Setti, in Sant’Agata. I have corrected him and he has shown that he believes in all truths of faith. He appears to be suspected of not believing in the value of prayers to saints. Denounced by Mr Benedetto Carandini. Geminiano. He is unwell. Giulia Quattrofrati, in San Barnaba. She confessed to the inquisitor. She is dead. Bartolomea della Porta, in Santa Margherita. Denounced because she did not believe in the value of prayers to saints, she was admonished. She lives in the home of the Castelvetro family. Denounced by Mrs Molza. Camillo Caula, in San Vincenzo. Marco Caula, in San Paolo. He was admonished because he did not make any offerings to the Church. He denied the accusations. Third sheet Giacomo Cavallerini, in San Barnaba. Antonio, bookseller. In San Geminiano. He was summoned to Rome and imprisoned in the castle in Modena by order of His Excellency, the duke. This was followed by a word that I did not understand. Ludovico Castelvetro, in San Barnaba. Summoned to Rome, he was de‐ clared a heretic and his effigy was burned. Buratto, servant of Mr Sassomarino. From 29 November to the present day he was given 15 days to present himself, but he fled. On 7 July I received letters from him in which he promised to present himself. He abjured. There are new charges against him… He was given from the month of May until September to present himself. Tommaso Cavallerini, denounced by Francesco Bianchi. In San Geminiano. He is dead. Giacomo Graziani, in Sant’Agata. He was accused of heresy in matters of the Eucharist, of food that must be abstained from and of free will. Admonished, he exonerated himself. Friar Albert, a Franciscan, heard him in confession and highly praised him. Bernardo Guidoni. Simone Ronchi. In San Geminiano.

DOCUMENTS

Camillo Donzi. In San Biagio. Francesco Camurana. In San Giorgio. Fourth sheet Suspects in matters of faith Antonio Maria Ferrara. Bartolomeo Ansaloni. Geminiano Catti. Based on the many conversations that I have had with him, I do not believe that he is a heretic. In San Geminiano. He is dead. Alberto Cantù. In Saliceto. Condemned to death, he fled. He was killed. [[This part is erased in the book]]. Giacomo Fusano. Mrs Masina Molza, denounced by the letters of her son Camillo. In San Lorenzo. Anna, wife of Giovanni Francesco Carafoli, does not observe holidays and eats meat on days when it is forbidden. Denounced by the inquisitor and by the mother of Giovanni Francesco Carafoli. In San Michele. She is dead. The whole Melloni family has a bad reputation. In San Michele. Francesco Citti. In the chapel of San Marco. Denounced by his mother and the inquisitor. Upon examination, he seemed to me a simple man. Pietro Montecchi, carpenter, he departed, continuing to uphold his erro‐ neous convictions. He returned on 10 August. He has slightly reconsidered his heretical opinions. Don Vignola, priest. Denounced by Levizzani and Ronchetti. Fifth sheet Mr Giovanni Battista Cantù, denounced by Bastardo and by the nephew of Mr Nicola. On the last day of April. He abjured. In the church of the Trinity. He is dead. Giovanni Battista Sassuolo. He teaches grammar. He was denounced by Mr Biagio in San Lorenzo and by another man to whom he had lent a heretical book. He was reprimanded on 17 July. He promised to mend his ways. Pietro Madonnina eats meat days when it is forbidden, as I learned from Lucia Stirpa. The brother of doctor Cavallerini was present. In San Bar‐ naba. Gregorio Gregori, innkeeper. In San Geminiano. The young musician who lives with him must be questioned. Geminiano of Sassuolo, in the chapel of San Michele. Giulio Sadoleto. In San Giacomo. Paolo Cassani. In the chapel of San Bartolomeo. He abjured on the first of June before the inquisitor.

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Baldassarre Roteglia, denounced by Ghino for having suspicious books. Giovanni of Conselice. On 23 January he was given a deadline to present himself and answer the charges. Summoned, he came on 25 January. He promised to put his mistakes behind him. Mr Ludovico Bassani. Cesare Spinalbo. A name was stated here that I could not understand. Giovanni Maria Cavazza, barber. Sixth sheet Paolo Antonio of Campogalliano. At the church of Santa Maria in Pom‐ posa I admonished him and taught him the correct doctrine. He undertook to obey the order to confess to Father Domenico. He said that Bagnacavallo taught that it was good to believe that purgatory was not necessary. He abjured on the 1 October 1555. Mr Agostino of Cremona, denounced by Mazolo. Francesco Sigino (perhaps: Seghizzi), Barbazza Carandini. They are be‐ lieved to be dead and to be long-standing heretics (or: to be connected to each other for a long time). Francesco Catti. In the chapel of San Geminiano. Reprimanded on 23 January, he did not wish to reveal his opinions. I talked to his confessor, who spoke well of him. Pietro Curione, in the presence of Count Fulvio Rangoni. Accused, he spoke of purgatory. Ferrante Castaldi and his wife. They have heretical opinions about purgatory, the Eucharist and fasting. This was followed by a word which I, the notary, did not understand. Upon examination, Anna Fortezza denied purgatory. In San Bartolomeo. I corrected her. She continued to deny it. She is dead. Gian Giacomo of Brescia, printer. Denounced by the most reverend (per‐ haps: Foscarari). He abjured. Mr Caula’s lieutenant, witness Basilio Brisighella. Questioned as a witness in Reggio, he denied all charges. Nicolò Grillenzoni, son of Mr Antonio, is accused by two priests. [[This part is erased in the book]]. Pellegrino Civa, imprisoned, fled. On his return he was admitted to confes‐ sion with the bishop. Repeat the admonitions as often as possible. Giulio Cesare Seghizzi and Cataldo Buzzale. Vincenzo Prato, guilty of possessing forbidden books. He has a book that disputes the immortality of souls. Grillenzoni is suspected of eating meat on Fridays. Leporati.

DOCUMENTS

In another book, in folio format with 200 papers, covered in parch‐ ment, which the aforementioned inquisitor said he found in the place mentioned above and then seized, the following names are noted as being suspected of heresy, namely: The innkeeper of Gregora, suspected of heresy: sheet 3 recto. Mr Ventura Parolino. Reportedly, Mr Donnino witnessed that when sev‐ eral hosts were consecrated, (Parolino) said: ‘I should hardly believe that this nonsense is the body of Christ!’: sheet 10 recto. Rinaldo of Bologna, suspected, Marco Caula, suspected: sheet 11 recto. Mr Guido Quattrofrati, gambler, suspected: sheet 20 verso. Giovanni Battista Cantù, suspected. He abjures: sheet 52 recto. Antonio Guarini is suspected of eating meat on fasting days: here, on the same sheet. Don Alessandro Carandini was suspected in his time of heresy. He told Mr Guido Sudenti that he was wavering in faith and denied the existence of purgatory based on St Augustine: sheet 60 recto. Elena Seghizzi, suspected, and Ferrante Castaldi, suspected in matters of faith: sheet 78 verso. Mr Francesco Cavalca, rector, was suspected in matters of faith because of his relations with Mr Ludovico Bassani and Mr Domenico of Acquaria: sheet 93 recto. Giovanni Francesco Carafoli suspected and accused, more than anyone else. He lives in San Pietro. He is dead: sheet 95 recto. Mr Rubiera, brother-in-law of Mr Caula: his children are suspected in matters of faith, especially the lieutenant: sheet 144 recto. Giovanni Battista Bastardi, suspected of heresy: sheet 155 recto. All these things, I the notary mentioned below, by order and on behalf of the aforementioned father inquisitor and in his presence, have taken faithfully from the books referred to above and described by adding only what can be read in the margin and what I have noted about certain words that I did not understand and the numbering of the sheets. I Francesco, son of the estimable Mr Girolamo Pellizzari, Modenese citizen and notary public of the Holy Inquisition, wrote by order of the inquisitor. Everything stated above is true. Friar Paolo Costabili of Ferrara, Inquisitor General, mentioned above.

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The Final Condemnation

Letter from the governor of Modena Ippolito Turchi to the Duchess of Ferrara Barbara d’Asburgo and Cardinal Ippolito d’Este (17 December 1566) In 1566, the governor of Modena, Ippolito Turchi, asked the court of Ferrara to publish the condemnation and excommunication of the heads of the community of Brothers. The condemnation — he explained — would cause a great deal of uproar: however, no one could oppose the Inquisition’s demands, which deprived the heterodox community of its leadership. The document is kept in FI, 1,6,VII. Transcription. [Attachment] indicates the list of defendants attached to the letter on a separate sheet. In Modona, alli 17 di decembre 1566 Serenissima Madama et Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Signore, Signori et padroni osservandissimi, Hoggi era venuto a trovarmi il viceinquisitore ricercandomi a concederle di poter publicare la sua sentenza di condannatione et di scomunica contro quei cinque di questa terra, i quai furono i primi da lui citati, et i nomi di quai sono notati nella polize qui introclusa. La qual cosa, conoscendo io essere la più importante che sia ancor seguita nel lor processo et che darà da dire assai a questa città, perché mai non n’è occorsa un’altra tale, io mi son reso difficile di concedergli se da Vostra Altezza et da Vostra Signoria Illustrissima non me ne vien ordine espresso, per lo qual io sappi qual circa ciò sia l’intention loro. Oltre che mi ha ancho ricercato di licenza di far pigliare un altro. Vengo dunque hora per quest’altre nuove occasioni a scrivere anco et espedir loro la presente mia supplicandole di degnarsi di mandarmene quella commissione secondo la quale io m’habbi a governare, che sarà più lor in piacere. Alle quai, non essendo questa per altro, resto col finirla, ba‐ ciandole riverentemente le serenissime et illustrissime mani et pregandole ogni lunga felicitate. Di Vostra Serenissima Altezza et Vostra Signoria Illustrissima et Reve‐ rendissima, humilissimo servitore Hippolito Turcho

DOCUMENTS

[Allegato] Messer Giovanni Maria Maranello, mastro di schola Messer Giacopo Gratiano Messer Marco Caula Messer Pier Giovanni Biancolino et Messer Giovanni Bergomozzi. *** Modena, 17 December 1566 Most Serene Lady and Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Lord, Lords and masters worthy of great respect, Today, the deputy inquisitor came to visit me, asking me to allow him to publish the sentence of condemnation and excommunication against those five inhabitants of this city who were summoned by him, the names of which are indicated in the sheet attached to this letter. Since I know that this is the most important aspect of their trial and will cause a great deal of uproar in this city because nothing of this nature has ever occurred before, I told him that it would be difficult for me to grant what he was asking without an explicit order from Your Highness and Your Most Illustrious Lordship allowing me to know your intentions. He also asked my permission to capture another suspect. In light of what I have said, I therefore write to you and send you this letter imploring you to deign to tell me how I should act in order to satisfy your wishes. Since I have nothing else to add to this communication, I end by reverently kissing your regal and illustrious hands and wishing you lasting happiness. The most humble servant of Your Most Serene Highness and Your Most Illustrious Lordship, Ippolito Turchi [Attached] Mr Giovanni Maria Maranello, school teacher Mr Giacomo Graziani Mr Marco Caula Mr Pier Giovanni Biancolini and Mr Giovanni Bergomozzi.

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Works Cited

Manuscripts and Archival Sources ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1548–1558 ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta 1565–1567 [26 July 1565–16 August 1567] ACDF, Sant’Officio, Decreta, 1567–1568 [3 July 1567–13 October 1569] ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-a ACDF, Sant’Officio, St St EE1-b ACMo, MS O.I.33 ACMo, MS SS 1(15) ASCMo, Ex actis, October 1566 ASCMo, Ex actis, February 1567 ASCMo, Registro dei morti 1569–1576 ASCMo, Vacchette, 1556 ASCMo, Vacchette, 1567 ASMo, Ambasciatori, Roma, 53 ASMo, Archivio per materie, Letterati, 14 ASMo, Avvisi e notizie dall’estero, 6 ASMo, Inquisizione, 1 ASMo, Inquisizione, 2 ASMo, Inquisizione, 3 ASMo, Inquisizione, 4 ASMo, Inquisizione, 5 ASMo, Inquisizione, 6 ASMo, Inquisizione, 7 ASMo, Inquisizione, 8 ASMo, Inquisizione, 277 ASMo, Inquisizione, 293 ASMo, Particolari, 77 ASMo, Particolari, 202 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 12 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 61 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 70 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 93 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 95 ASMo, Rettori dello Stato, Modena, 96 ASVe, Santo Ufficio, 13

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WORKS CITED

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205

Index*

Abbati, Giulio, heretic: 31, 32 n. 37, 74 Abbott, Thomas K.: 47 n. 86, 88 n. 77 Acci, Accio: 131 n. 101 Accolti, Benedetto, cardinal: 27 n. 22 Aceti de’ Porti, Serafino (Serafino of Fermo), preacher: 12, 103 n. 43 Adam, progenitor: 112 Addante, Luca: 10, 118 n. 33 Adorni Braccesi, Simonetta: 101 n. 40, 104 n. 47, 105 n. 52, 123 n. 58 Agostino of Cremona: 181, 186 Al Kalak, Matteo: 15 n. 12, 16 n. 16, 17 n. 18, 23 n. 11, 25 n. 15, 28 n. 25, 33 n. 43, 40 n. 59, 42 n. 66, 42 n. 67, 42 n. 68, 44 n. 75, 47 n. 86, 48 n. 93, 53 n. 111, 63 n. 1, 64 n. 3, 65 n. 8, 65 n. 9, 66 n. 10, 68 n. 13, 92 n. 93, 96 n. 16, 98 n. 22, 112 n. 2, 113 n. 4, 129 n. 91, 144 n. 171, 152 n. 29, 155 n. 44 Alberto, friar: 64, 180, 184 Alberto, heretic: 160–61 Albertoni, Marco: 11 Alonge, Guillaume: 104 n. 47 Amboise: 146, 146 n. 10, 156 Ambrosini, Federica: 52 n. 109 Ancarani, Panfilo, heretic: 133 Ancona: 148 Andriotti, Natale: 121, 132

Angelo of Brescia, franciscan friar: 129 n. 91 Angera, Damiano, heretic: 94, 140 Ansaloni, Bartolomeo: 180, 185 Antonio Maria, heretic: 179, 183 Antonio of Maserno, priest: 94–95 Aretino, Pietro: 105, 109, 153 Ariosto, Ludovico: 196 Armand-Hugon, Augusto: 104 n. 47 Aron-Beller, Katherine: 16 n. 16, 22 n. 8 Arras: 95 n. 11 Asburgo, Barbara d’, duchess of Ferrara: 89–90, 188 Asburgo, Maximilian II d’, emperor: 157, 157 n. 54 Augustine, saint: 182, 187 Avignon: 31 Babylon: 140 Bacchelli, Franco: 64 n. 5 Bagnacavallo see Vacca, Giovanni Francesco Balducci, Antonio, inquisitor: 70 n. 26, 71–72, 88, 88 n. 77, 90, 90 n. 87, 121 n. 47, 155–56 Balestra see Campiani, Giovanni Battista Ballotta, Giovanni, heretic: 101 Balugani, Antonio, heretic: 138 Bandera, Donnino, priest: 60 Baranzoni, Alberto, heretic: 40, 40 n. 60, 140 n. 145

* Entries marked with a ? indicate an uncertain identification.

208

INDEX

Barbazza see Carandini, Tommaso Barberi Squarotti, Giorgio: 105 n. 50 Barbieri, Andrea: 109 n. 66 Barbieri, Baldassarre: 134 n. 119 Barbieri, Edoardo: 97 n. 21 Barbieri, Erasmo, heretic: 76, 76 n. 48, 103, 107, 115 n. 15, 118, 126–27, 141, 146, 160–61 Barbieri, Geminiano, heretic: 161 Baroni, Pellegrino (Pighino), heretic: 144 n. 167, 146 Basel: 52, 101 n. 35 Basini, Gian Luigi: 21 n. 5 Bassani, Ludovico, heretic: 64, 120, 181–82, 186–87 Bastardi, Giovanni Battista: 182, 187 Bastardo, accuser of Giovanni Battista Cantù: 181, 185 Bavella (Bavellino) Tommaso, heretic: 24, 88 n. 77 Bavellino, Piero (Romagnolo), heretico: 88, 88 n. 77 Bazzani, Leonardo, heretic: 30, 30 n. 35, 41, 43, 70, 113, 117, 140, 145 Belligni, Eleonora: 95 n. 11 Bellincini, Bartolomeo, ambassador of the Community of Modena: 84 Bellincini, Cesare, heretic: 64, 179, 183 Bellincini, Francesco: 26 Bellincini, Girolamo: 84 Beltrama, Ippolita, heretic: 131 Bendinelli, Antonio, heretic: 123, 123 n. 58 Benoit, Jean Daniel: 124 n. 62 Bergamasco, Francesco, heretic: 74 n. 41 Bergomozzi, Giovanni, heretic: 28, 28 n. 26, 40–44, 47, 47 n. 87, 48, 50, 53, 64, 70, 167, 179, 181, 183, 186, 189

Bernardino, saint: 135 Bernhard, Jan-Andrea: 104 n. 47 Berni, Francesco, poet: 105, 105 n. 50, 105 n. 51 Bernoro, Ercole, priest: 125 n. 68 Beroaldi see Brualdi Bertani, Pietro, cardinal: 176–77 Bertari, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 135 Bertari, Giovanni, heretic: 12–13, 25, 41, 51, 118, 131 Betti, Francesco, heretic: 104, 104 n. 48 Bevilacqua, Antonio, governor of Modena: 153 n. 33 Biagio, accuser of Giovanni Battista Sassuolo: 181, 185 Bianchi, Francesco: 180, 184 Bianchi, Tommasino see Lancellotti, Tommasino de’ Bianco, Cesare: 14–15, 15 n. 10, 24 n. 13, 25 n. 18, 27 n. 22, 27 n. 23, 27 n. 24, 28 n. 26, 41, 41 n. 63, 44 n. 75, 49, 49 n. 95, 54 n. 112, 64 n. 4, 73 n. 37, 73 n. 38, 77 n. 49, 93 n. 1, 104 n. 48, 114 n. 11, 116 n. 21, 123 n. 57, 154 n. 40 Biancolini, Andrea: 27 n. 24, 154 Biancolini, Ludovico: 68, 142 Biancolini, Piergiovanni, heretic: 27, 27 n. 24, 28, 29 n. 29, 30–31, 33, 36, 38, 40–50, 67, 68, 68 n. 14, 70, 95–96, 100, 106, 113, 119, 130–33, 142, 148, 154, 160–61, 189 Biasiori, Lucio, 98 n. 24 Biferali, Fabrizio: 142 n. 155 Biondi, Albano: 15, 15 n. 11, 28 n. 26, 41 n. 65, 54 n. 114, 77 n. 51, 78 n. 53, 156 n. 52, 168 n. 7 Biondi, Grazia: 168 n. 8 Black, Christopher F.: 11 n. 1, 84 n. 70, 158 n. 59, 168 n. 8

INDEX

Blaise, saint, 143 Boccaccio, Giovanni: 105 Boccadiferro, Ludovico, philosopher: 12 Bodius, Hermann: 103, 103 n. 44 Boer, Wietse de: 168 Boillet, Élise: 25 n. 17, 93 n. 2 Bologna: 50–51, 51 n. 101, 70–72, 82, 88, 88 n. 80, 89–90, 103 n. 44, 114, 129, 130 n. 98, 150–51, 151 n. 24, 155–56, 156 n. 49, 156 n. 50, 158, 183, 187 Bonfi, Bonfio, jesuit: 96 n. 16 Bonifacio of Mantua, inquisitor: 24 Bonilauri, Franco: 22 n. 8 Bonora, Elena: 168 n. 7 Bonvicini, Tommaso, heretic: 108, 118, 121, 138, 140, 143, 149, 149 n. 18, 150, 151, 151 n. 24, 151 n. 27, 152–53 Bordiga, Francesco see Mazzi, Francesco Boschetti, family: 78 Bossi, Francesco, governor of Bologna: 150, 150 n. 21 Bossy, John: 116 n. 19 Bottoni, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 132, 132 n. 106 Brambilla, Elena: 65 n. 8 Brescia: 98 n. 22, 129 n. 91, 186 Brighi, Giovanni: 120 Brisighella, Basilio: 181, 186 Brualdi, Giovanni, heretic: 68 Brualdi, Girolamo, heretic: 68 Brucioli, Alessandro: 93 n. 2, 192 Brucioli, Antonio, heretic: 27 n. 22, 33, 93, 93 n. 2, 95, 104, 107, 107 n. 55 Brucioli, Francesco: 93 Bucer see Butzer Martin Buratto, Giovanni Maria, heretic: 126, 130, 130 n. 100, 131, 180, 184

Busello, Pietro Maria, heretic: 179, 183 Bussi, Rolando: 82 n. 64 Butzer, Martin, reformer: 27 n. 22, 52 Buzzale, Cataldo, heretic: 29, 30, 30 n. 33, 36, 40, 64, 70, 94, 98, 114, 121, 125, 125 n. 71, 128, 130, 132, 136, 141, 141 n. 152, 141 n. 153, 143 n. 160, 147, 182, 186 Calandra, Endimio, heretic: 42 n. 67, 154 n. 42 Caldana, Francesco, heretic: 40, 74, 95, 98, 107. 107 n. 57, 121, 126, 129, 140, 143 n. 160 Calligari, Geminiano, heretic: 26, 26 n. 20, 28 n. 27, 37, 37 n. 52, 54, 70, 74 n. 41, 77, 113 n. 6, 129, 143 Calori, Bartolomeo, ambassador of the Community of Modena: 84 Calori, Fulvio, heretic: 76, 77 n. 49, 100, 108, 126, 137, 144 Calori, Girolamo: 77 n. 49 Calti, Giovanni Battista: 160 Calvin, John, reformer: 8, 27 n. 22, 95, 104, 106, 106 n. 53, 107 n. 57, 109, 119–20, 124, 124 n. 62, 166, 166 n. 2 Camaioni, Michele: 101 n. 33 Cambi, Tommaso: 144 n. 167, 146 n. 7 Campana, Guglielmo, sorcerer: 22 Campiani, Giovanni Battista (Balestra), heretic: 33, 33 n. 43, 67, 67 n. 11, 124, 132 Campiani, Lucia, heretic: 67, 124 Campogalliano (Modena): 160, 179, 183 Campogalliano, Paolo Antonio, heretic: 32, 32 n. 39, 33, 67, 67 n. 13, 98, 98 n. 26, 100, 100 n. 32,

209

210

INDEX

104–05, 105 n. 51, 115 n. 15, 127, 159, 159 n. 63, 162, 181, 186 Camurana, Francesco, heretic: 12, 25, 25 n. 18, 26, 33, 40–41, 43, 64, 74 n. 41, 161, 180, 185 Canossa, Gaspare, heretic: 36 n. 46, 44, 44 n. 77, 95 n. 14, 130, 141, 141 n. 152, 147 n. 12 Cantimori, Delio: 47 n. 86, 111 n. 2, 167 n. 3 Cantù, Alberto: 180, 185 Cantù, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 181–82, 185, 187 Capelli, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 74, 74 n. 43 Capelli, Leonora, heretic: 122, 149 n. 18 Capelli, Stefano: 74 n. 43 Capellina, Tommaso, heretic: 29, 29 n. 31, 30, 70, 87, 94, 133 n. 108, 136, 141 n. 153, 142 n. 157 Capilupi, Ippolito, ambassador of Mantua: 154 n. 42 Caponetto, Salvatore: 50 n. 100, 100 n. 31, 105 n. 50 Cappellari, Antonio, heretic: 107 Carafa, Gian Pietro, see Paul IV Carafoli, Anna: 180, 185 Carafoli, Giovanni Francesco: 180, 182, 185, 187 Carafoli, Maria: 132 Carandini, Alessandro, heretic: 64, 182, 187 Carandini, Benedetto: 26, 179, 184 Carandini, Claudio, heretic: 40 Carandini, Dalida, heretic: 97, 97 n. 16, 97 n. 17 Carandini, Elia: 80, 80 n. 59, 84 Carandini, Gaspare: 103 Carandini, Geminiano, heretic: 161– 62 Carandini, Giovanni Paolo: 146 n. 8

Carandini, Tommaso (Barbazza), heretic: 51, 64, 101, 107, 181, 186 Caravale, Giorgio: 105 n. 49 Carpentras: 49 Carpi (Modena): 129, 129 n. 91, 144, 149 n. 17 Carrara, Stefano, heretic: 144 n. 167, 146 n. 7 Carrari, Alessandro: 72, 72 n. 34 Carretta, Francesco Maria, heretic: 26, 27 n. 22, 76, 76 n. 45, 77, 103, 107, 107 n. 55, 118, 126, 142–43, 146 Carundi, Pietro Antonio, heretic: 24 n. 13, 28, 28 n. 25, 33, 37, 39–40, 40 n. 59, 41 n. 62, 41 n. 64, 43– 44, 71, 71 n. 30, 72, 72 n. 31, 72 n. 34, 73, 73 n. 35, 100, 103, 106, 106 n. 53, 108, 114–15, 118, 118 n. 32, 121–23, 125, 128 n. 88, 129–30, 135–37, 143, 148 Cassani, Paolo, heretic: 64, 96, 127, 133, 181, 185 Cassellani, Giulio, priest: 94, 137 Castaldi, Ferrante, 181–82, 186–87 Castelnuovo Rangone (Modena): 109 Castelvetro (Modena): 153 Castelvetro, family: 147 n. 10, 179, 184 Castelvetro, Giacomo, father of Giovanni Maria and Ludovico: 156 Castelvetro, Giovanni Maria, heretic: 87, 146, 147 n. 10, 156–57, 157 n. 54, 157 n. 55 Castelvetro, Ludovico, heretic: 12, 25–26, 64, 78–80, 83, 96, 109, 109 n. 66, 114, 156 n. 52, 180, 184 Castelvetro, Nicolò: 74 n. 41 Catherine, saint: 143

INDEX

Catti, Cassandra: 67 n. 11 Catti, Francesco, heretic: 40, 64, 181, 186 Catti, Geminiano: 180, 185 Cattini, Marco: 21 n. 5, 78 n. 53 Caula, Camillo: 179, 184 Caula, Marco, heretic: 40, 40 n. 59, 41, 43, 48, 64, 70, 113, 113 n. 6, 121, 129, 134, 160–61, 179, 181– 82, 184, 186–87, 189 Caura (Cauramagra), Bartolomeo see Vecchi, Bartolomeo Cavalca, Francesco, heretic: 182, 187 Cavallerini Giacomo, heretic: 31, 40, 46, 64, 180, 184 Cavallerini, Francesco, heretic: 113, 133, 185 Cavallerini, Giovanni, heretic: 143 Cavallerizzi Tommaso: 180, 184 Cavazza, Bartolomeo see Ingoni, Bartolomeo Cavazza, Gian Giacomo, heretic: 28, 28 n. 26, 31, 34, 36–37, 39, 40, 43, 100, 104, 106, 117, 141 n. 153, 186 Cavazza, Giovanni Battista see Ingoni, Giovanni Battista Cavazza, Giovanni Maria, heretic: 181, 186 Cavicchioli, Sonia: 158 n. 60 Cenerini, Vincenzo, heretic: 88 Cervi, Ercole, heretic: 54, 64, 74, 74 n. 41, 113 n. 6, 179?, 184? Cervia, Pietro Antonio da see Carundi, Pietro Antonio Chiappona, Margherita: 158 Chiavenna (Sondrio): 25, 47–48, 157, 167 Chiavenna, Gaspare, heretic: 29, 29 n. 30, 30, 36–37, 40, 70, 73, 87, 94, 126, 140 Christopher, saint: 135

Cimiselli, Camillo, heretic: 105, 153– 54 Citti, Caterina: 124 n. 65 Citti, Francesco, heretic: 124 n. 65, 180, 185 Civa, Pellegrino, heretic: 28, 45, 45 n. 80, 64, 67–68, 98, 120, 160– 61, 182, 186 Codebò, Giulio Cesare, ambassador of the Community of Modena: 84, 84 n. 71, 87, 87 n. 73 Comi, Girolamo, heretic: 7, 33, 33 n. 43, 34–35, 74, 142 Compare of Lecchio, heretic: 145, 179, 183 Conselice (Ravenna): 47 Conselice see Bergomozzi, Giovanni Contarini, Gaspare, cardinal: 13, 52 Contini, Gianfranco: 105 n. 51 Contino of San Cesario, heretic: 121 Contrari, Ercole, governor of Modena: 80, 82 n. 62 Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim: 105 Corte, Romano of, heretic: 31 Costabili (or Constabili), Paolo, inquisitor: 77, 77 n. 51, 159, 159 n. 64, 160, 178, 183, 187 Curione, Celio Secondo, heretic: 98, 98 n. 24, 99, 133 n. 111, 152 Curione, Pietro, heretic: 32, 32 n. 38, 32 n. 39, 33, 64, 76, 77 n. 49, 101, 103, 107, 127, 136, 138, 146, 161, 181, 186 Dall’Olio, Guido: 10, 24 n. 14, 25 n. 15, 39 n. 56, 42 n. 67, 44 n. 77, 51 n. 101, 71 n. 26, 88 n. 77, 88 n. 79, 98 n. 22, 134 n. 115 David, king of Israel: 95 Davis, Thomas J.: 119 n. 37 De Bujanda, Jesús M.: 93 n. 2 Dean, Trevor: 20 n. 3

211

212

INDEX

Del Col, Andrea: 84 n. 70 Della Rosa, family: 149 n. 17 Della Rovere, Giulio, heretic: 101, 101 n. 40, 103 n. 41 Domenico of Acquaria: 182, 187 Domenico of Faenza, friar: 96 Domenico of Imola, friar: 48 n. 92 Domenico of Lodi, friar: 47 n. 86 Donelina, Vincenzo, heretic: 33 Donnino, accuser of Ventura Parolino: 182, 187 Donzi, Camillo: 180, 185 Duni, Matteo: 16 n. 16, 22 n. 9, 197 Durelli, Giovanni Antonio, heretic: 28, 28 n. 27, 74, 141 n. 153 Egidio of Correggio, inquisitorial vicar: 122 Eire, Carlos M. N.: 134 n. 118 Elia, bookseller: 109 England: 147 Erasmus of Rotterdam, humanist: 5, 7, 93–94, 96, 96 n. 17, 96 n. 18, 96 n. 19, 97, 157 Erri, Benedetto degli: 22 Erri, Elisabetta degli: 104 Erri, Pellegrino degli, heretic: 12, 25 Este, Alfonso II d’, duke of Ferrara: 83–84, 89, 91, 151, 157, 167 Este, Cesare d’, duke of Modena: 151 n. 28 Este, Ercole II d’, duke of Ferrara: 7, 13, 25, 51, 78, 80–82, 85, 175 Este, Ippolito II d’, cardinal: 84–85, 87, 87 n. 74, 87 n. 76, 88–90, 188 Este, Obizzo II d’: 19, 78 Eubel, Konrad: 80 n. 56 Facchinetti, Giovanni Antonio, nuncio in Venice: 159 n. 64 Faenza (Ravenna): 46 Falloppia, Gabriele, heretic: 115 n. 17 Fano, cardinal of see Bertani, Pietro

Farel, Guillaume, reformer: 104, 104 n. 47 Fattori, Giovanni Battista: 32 Feci, Simona: 104 n. 47 Felici, Lucia: 25 n. 15, 80 n. 60, 107 n. 57, 114 n. 10, 131 n. 102, 166 n. 2 Feliciano of Civitella, friar: 104, 104 n. 49 Felicini, Marta: 133 n. 110 Fermo: 12, 103 n. 43 Ferrara, Antonio Maria, heretic: 36, 37 n. 49, 38, 40, 48, 53, 64, 76, 98, 98 n. 24, 100, 103, 115 n. 17, 117, 141 n. 154, 160–61, 180, 185 Ferrara: 12, 16, 19, 20 n. 3, 21, 51, 68, 72 n. 30, 77–80, 82, 85, 87 n. 76, 89–90, 111 n. 2, 122, 149, 152– 53, 154 n. 39, 157–59, 159 n. 64, 164–65, 167, 173, 175, 178, 183, 187–88 Ferrari, Geminiano, heretic: 33 Ferrari, Giulio: 126 n. 78 Ferraroni, Bartolomeo, heretic: 117, 117 n. 27 Ferraroni, Vincenzo, heretic: 67, 117 n. 27, 125 n. 67 Ferro, Benedetto: 114 Filalete, Giorgio (Turchetto), heretic: 118, 119 n. 36 Fileno, Lisia see Renato, Camillo Finale (Modena): 149 Fiorano (Modena): 108 Fiordibello, Ludovico: 7 Firpo, Massimo: 11 n. 1, 13 n. 5, 14, 14 n. 7, 14 n. 8, 50 n. 100, 69 n. 17, 73 n. 37, 142 n. 155 Fiume, Emanuele: 167 n. 4 Flaminio, Marcantonio, heretic: 14, 14 n. 8, 100 n. 31 Foa, Anna: 77 n. 51 Fogliani, Girolamo, heretic: 117, 125, 135

INDEX

Folin, Marco: 20 n. 3 Fontaine, Michelle M.: 15, 15 n. 12 Fontana, Bartolomeo: 25 n. 16, 65 n. 8, 95 n. 11 Fontana, Girolamo, heretic: 132, 145 Fontanella, Nicolò: 179, 183 Fontanini, Benedetto: 100, 100 n. 31 Fonzio, Bartolomeo, heretic: 24, 24 n. 14, 47–48, 50, 52, 52 n. 107, 52 n. 109, 52 n. 110, 53–54, 116–17, 163 Forciroli, Francesco: 158 n. 60 Forciroli, Giuliano: 179, 183 Fortezza, Anna, heretic: 181, 186 Foscarari, Egidio, bishop of Modena: 13, 15, 15 n. 12, 42, 45 n. 80, 46– 47, 63, 63 n. 1, 63 n. 3, 64–69, 73, 98 n. 22, 159, 164, 178, 183, 186 Fragnito, Gigliola: 52 n. 107, 52 n. 108, 93 n. 2 France: 30 n. 33, 31, 146–48 Franceschino, heretic wool weaver: 161 Francesco della Croce, priest: 100 Francesco of Cremona, preacher: 122 Francesconi, Federica: 22 n. 8 Francis, saint: 135 Frankfurt: 49 Fregoso, Federico, cardinal: 104, 105 n. 49 Frigeri, Giovanni: 121 n. 43, 143 n. 163 Fuchis, Roberto, heretic: 95, 95 n. 11 Fusano, Giacomo: 180, 185 Gadaldino, Agostino, heretic: 158, 158 n. 60, 159, 162 Gadaldino, Antonio, heretic printer: 25, 40, 64, 78, 80, 82–83, 94, 103, 107, 108 n. 58, 157–58, 158 n. 60, 180, 184 Gadaldino, family: 158

Gadaldino, Francesco, printer: 157 Gadaldino, Timoteo, printer: 157 Gaiotto, Cristina: 19 n. 1 Galen: 158 Galiffe, John B. G.: 33 n. 40 Gallo, Giulio Domenico: 107 n. 57 Gambara, Giovanni Francesco, cardinal: 66 Gandolfi, Caterina: 135 n. 124, 137, 141 n. 152 Gandolfi, Giacomo, heretic: 74, 74 n. 42, 77, 101, 101 n. 40, 107, 121, 124, 127, 132, 135, 140–41 Garapina see Bernardino, Pellotti Gasparini, Orio, heretic: 128 Geminiano (Geminianus), saint: 22 Geminiano of Sassuolo: 181, 185 Geminiano, heretic: 160–61, 179–80, 184–85 Geneva: 30 n. 33, 32 n. 40, 95, 95 n. 15, 101 n. 35, 107 n. 57, 145 n. 2, 148, 160–61 Genova, Genoa: 84 n. 70 George, Timothy: 116 n. 19 Germany: 52, 98 n. 22, 103, 147 Gherlo, Giovanni, heretic: 119, 119 n. 39 Ghino, accuser of Baldassarre Roteglia: 181, 186 Ghislieri, Michele see Pius V, pope Ghisoni, Giovanni Francesco see Tavani, Giovanni Francesco Giacomo of Lugo, inquisitorial vicar: 108, 127 n. 79, 140 n. 149, 149 n. 19 Gian Giacomo, accuser of Giovanni Vecchi: 144 Ginzburg, Carlo: 22 n. 9, 23 n. 10, 100 n. 31, 112 n. 2 Gioioso, Natale, heretic: 36, 70, 76, 126–27, 146 n. 5 Gioioso, Pietro: 114 Giovanni (Zanotto): 143 n. 166

213

214

INDEX

Giovanni Battista of Monzone, heretic: 108 Giovanni Battista of Sassuolo: 105 Giovanni Battista, carpenter and heretic, 88 Giovanni Battista, friar: 117 Giovanni Battista, weaver and heretic, 88 Giovanni of Milan, heretic: 94 Giovanni Paolo of Lugo, friar: 127 n. 79 Girolamo of Correggio: 117 n. 22 Girolamo of Cremona, heretic: 121, 126 Girolamo of Sassuolo, heretic: 161 Giulia, accuser of Orio Gasparini: 128 Giulio of Milano see Della Rovere, Giulio Giunta, family: 158 Giunta, Giovanni Maria: 158 Giustiniani, Vincenzo, cardinal: 65 Golfi della Pergola, Bartolomeo, preacher: 24, 24 n. 14, 52, 54, 54 n. 112, 55, 99 n. 28, 100–01, 114, 114 n. 11, 133, 163 Golinelli, Paolo: 19 n. 1 Gonzaga, Carlo: 103 n. 44 Grana, Daniela: 21 n. 4 Grandi, Giulio, representative of the dukes of Ferrara to the pope: 79, 79 n. 56, 80, 80 n. 56, 80 n. 59 Grassetti, Girolamo, heretic: 127 Grassetti, Nicolò: 49 Graziani, Giacomo, heretic: 28, 28 n. 26, 31, 34, 40–50, 64, 70, 101, 103, 105 n. 49, 106, 113, 115 n. 17, 147, 154, 161, 180, 184, 189 Gregora, Francesco della, heretic: 64, 182?, 187? Gregora, Gregorio della: 181, 185 Grillenzoni Bartolomeo, heretic: 12

Grillenzoni Giovanni, heretic: 12, 12 n. 2, 24–26, 32, 51–52, 134 Grillenzoni, Antonio: 182, 186 Grillenzoni, Nicolò: 182, 186 Grillenzoni, Orazio, heretic: 67, 68 n. 13, 127 Grillenzoni, Pietro Giovanni, heretic: 67, 68 n. 13, 101, 145 Guandalini, Gabriella, 33 n. 43 Guarini, Antonio, heretic: 182, 187 Gubbio (Perugia): 111 n. 2 Guicciardini, Francesco: 19, 19 n. 2, 25 Guidoni, Bernardo: 180, 184 Guidoni, Cosimo, heretic: 74, 74 n. 41, 103, 115 Gulik, Wilhelm van: 80 n. 56 Henneberg, Josephine von: 28 n. 25, 40 n. 59, 106 n. 53 Hillerbrand, Hans J.: 10, 140 n. 143 Hungary: 103, 103 n. 44 Iacovella, Marco: 100 n. 31 Ignazio, friar: 135 n. 126 Ingoni, Bartolomeo, heretic: 29, 30 n. 32, 29–30, 30 n. 32, 36, 54, 70, 70 n. 24, 100, 113, 113 n. 7, 121, 136, 141 n. 152 Ingoni, Cassandra: 137 n. 133 Ingoni, Giovanni Battista: 49, 49 n. 96, 140 n. 151, 147 Ingoni, Vincenzo Albano: 108 n. 58 James, saint: 125, 125 n. 71 Jerome, saint: 96 Jodogne, Pierre: 19 n. 2 John the Baptist, saint: 92, 139 John, saint: 126 Judas, apostle: 115, 115 n. 15 Julius II (Giuliano Della Rovere), pope: 20

INDEX

Julius III (Giovanni Maria Ciocchi dal Monte), pope: 45 n. 80, 65, 178 Lami, Antonio: 121 Lancellotti, Tommasino de’, chronicler: 133 Lando, Ortensio: 119 n. 36, 201 Lanzoni, Silvio, heretic: 42, 42 n. 67 Lardi, Matteo: 132 Lattis, James M.: 11 n. 1 Lear, Robert: 93 n. 2 Leclerc, Michel, sieur de Maison: 95 n. 11 Leporati, heretic: 182, 186 Libera, accuser of Giovanni Maria Buratto: 126 n. 76 Lisignani, Caterina: 126 n. 75 Litta, Pompeo: 152 n. 29 Livizzani, accuser of don Vignola: 180, 185 Livizzani, Paolo, heretic: 33, 33 n. 42 Lodi: 47 n. 86, 88 n. 80 Loreto, sanctuary: 138 Lucca: 13, 46, 84 n. 70, 123 Lucchi, Marta: 92 n. 93 Luci, Andrea Antonello, heretic: 98, 103, 140 Lucia, saint: 143 Ludovico of Lyon, friar: 46, 121 Ludovico of Modena, friar: 93, 98 Ludovico of Trento, friar: 136 Luther, Martin, reformer: 27 n. 22, 96, 96 n. 18, 103, 104 n. 47, 106, 106 n. 53, 109, 111–12, 116, 120, 124, 132, 134 Lyon: 49, 95, 146, 157 Machella Guido, heretic: 109 Machella, Nicolò, heretic: 12, 25–26, 27 n. 22, 51, 64, 123, 179, 184 Madonnina, Pietro, heretic: 181, 185 Magnani, Francesco, priest: 152

Magnani, Giovanni Paolo: 121 n. 46 Magnanini, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 28, 31, 37, 40, 43 Magnavacca, Marco, heretic: 70, 70 n. 26, 71 n. 26, 87–90, 90 n. 87, 91, 92 n. 92, 133, 141 n. 153, 146 Magreta (Modena): 105 Maifreda, Germano: 14 n. 7, 14 n. 8, 69 n. 17, 73 n. 37, 168 n. 7 Mainardi, Agostino, heretic: 104, 104 n. 47, 106 Malnati, Luigi: 19 n. 1 Malta: 151, 151 n. 27 Mamani, Laura, heretic: 72, 122, 127, 129, 148 Mantova, Mantua: 95, 95 n. 14, 100, 154, 154 n. 42, 158 Manzoli, Andrea: 26 n. 19 Manzoli, Ercole, heretic: 25–26, 26 n. 19, 74 n. 41, 77, 134 Manzoli, Francesco, heretic: 121, 133 Manzoli, Gaspare: 117 n. 27 Manzoli, Geminiano, heretic: 67, 125 n. 67 Manzoli, Giovanni Andrea, heretic: 47 n. 88, 48, 74, 74 n. 43, 113 n. 6, 140 Maranello see Tagliati, Giovanni Maria Marcatto, Dario: 14 Marchetti, Valerio: 80 n. 61 Maria of Rocchetta: 132 Mariano, Luca, heretic: 115, 115 n. 17 Marini, Lino: 21 n. 6 Martinelli Braglia, Graziella: 68 n. 13 Martino of Padule: 127 n. 81, 133 n. 110 Marzaglia (Modena): 122, 152–53 Matteo of Maranello see Rubbiani, Matteo Matteo of Modena see Rubbiani, Matteo

215

216

INDEX

Matthew, evangelist: 136 Maugeri, Vincenza: 22 n. 8 Mayer, Thomas F.: 14 n. 8 Mazolo, accuser of Agostino of Cremona: 181, 186 Mazzani, Costanza: 109 Mazzi, Francesco (Bordiga), heretic: 28, 28 n. 27, 29, 31–32, 36, 36 n. 48, 37, 40, 44, 57, 60–62, 70, 74 n. 41, 76, 103, 115, 117, 129, 133 Mazzoni, Ludovico (Paganino), heretic: 74, 74 n. 43, 126, 129 Melanchthon, Philip, reformer: 27 n. 22, 103 Melchio: 179, 183 Melloni Anna, 196n Melloni Francesca, heretic: 39, 72, 137, 143 Melloni, Claudia: 21 n. 7, 199 Melloni, family: 180, 185 Melloni, Livia: 39 Mercati, Angelo: 10, 26 n. 19, 28 n. 27, 28 n. 28, 29 n. 29, 30 n. 33, 31 n. 36, 32 n. 38, 37 n. 49, 40 n. 59, 48 n. 92, 49 n. 96, 74 n. 39, 76 n. 47, 99 n. 28, 130 n. 100, 131 n. 102 Meschiari, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 74, 140 Michele, shoemaker: 128 Mignoni, Ercole, heretic: 40, 74, 101 Mignoni, Giovanni: 142 Milani, Alessandro, heretic: 40 Milano, Milan: 94 n. 5 Mirandola (Modena): 28 n. 26 Mirandola, Giovanni, heretic: 107 Mocogno (Modena): 100 Molza, Camillo, heretic: 12 Molza, Guido, ambassador of the Community of Modena: 84, 84 n. 71, 87, 87 n. 73 Molza, Masina: 180, 184

Molza, Mrs: 179 Mondadori, Angelo, heretic: 136 Mongini, Guido: 10 Montargis: 157 Monte, Ludovico dal, heretic: 12, 25, 25 n. 17 Montecalvi, Giacomo, heretic: 88 Montecchi, Pietro: 180, 185 Montecuccoli, Ludovico, count: 105 Montespecchio (Modena): 94 Monzone, Pietro Giovanni, heretic: 96, 129, 152–54 Moraldo, heretic: 33 Morandi, Alberto, heretic: 28, 32, 32 n. 40, 33, 37 Morani, Nicola: 120 n. 41, 144 n. 168 Morbegno (Sondrio): 48 Morone, Giovanni, cardinal: 13–14, 14 n. 4, 14 n. 8, 15, 26 n. 19, 28 n. 27, 31 n. 36, 42, 47 n. 88, 51, 54, 63–64, 68–69, 69 n. 17, 73– 76, 76 n. 45, 77, 107, 111, 119 n. 36, 149, 164, 168 Mugnano (Modena): 153 Murani, Gian Nicola: 133 n. 111 Muzio, Girolamo: 14, 104 n. 48 Napoli, Naples: 13 Negri, Francesco, heretic: 97, 97 n. 21, 106, 133 n. 111 Nicolò of Finale, inquisitor: 90 n. 85 Novelli, Giovanni Ludovico, heretic: 72–73, 73 n. 35, 118, 118 n. 32, 121, 126, 129, 135 O’Malley, John W.: 148 n. 14 Ochino, Bernardino, heretic: 27 n. 22, 101, 101 n. 35, 101 n. 40, 102, 108, 165 n. 1 Olivieri, Achille: 52 n. 108, 52 n. 110 Osiander, Andreas, reformer: 104, 105 n. 49

INDEX

Padova, Padua: 42, 117 Padovani, Giovanni, heretic: 26 n. 20, 28, 28 n. 27, 29–30, 37–38, 71, 73, 100, 120, 124 n. 65 Padovani, Luigi, heretic: 95, 95 n. 14 Pagano, Sergio: 42 n. 67, 154 n. 42 Panini, Battista: 108, 149 n. 19 Panzacchi, Alessandro, heretic: 39 Papino, Girolamo, inquisitor: 165, 165 n. 1, 173 Paris: 157 Parisetti, Matteo Maria, podestà of Modena: 90 n. 88 Parma, Gaspare, heretic: 41–42 Parma: 83 Parolino, Ventura: 182, 187 Parravicino, Pietro Martire, priest: 47 n. 86 Passerini, Benedetto, heretic: 153 Pastore, Alessandro: 157 n. 56, 158 n. 60 Patrizi, Giorgio: 80 n. 61 Paul IV (Gian Pietro Carafa), pope: 14, 25, 27, 63, 68–69, 77–80, 82, 164, 167 Paul, saint: 28, 32, 34–35, 41–42, 113, 136–37 Pazzani, Girolamo: 140 n. 150 Pazzani, Giulio Cesare, heretic: 30, 31 n. 36, 74, 128 Pellegrino of Casalecchio, heretic: 33 Pellicciari, Francesco: 182, 187 Pellicciari, Girolamo: 182, 187 Pellotti, Bernardino (Garapina), heretic: 32, 32 n. 39, 33, 36, 54, 76, 107 n. 55, 113 n. 6, 115 n. 17, 127, 130 n. 100, 144, 160–61 Penni, Lorenzo, heretic: 151 n. 22 Pergola see Golfi della Pergola, Bartolomeo Peter, saint: 137, 140–41, 145, 167 Peters, Robert: 103 n. 44 Petrarca, Francesco: 105, 105 n. 51

Peyronel Rambaldi, Susanna: 13, 13 n. 4, 13 n. 6, 21 n. 4, 33 n. 12, 27 n. 22, 39 n. 54, 54 n. 106, 68 n. 13, 78 n. 53, 95 n. 14, 95 n. 15, 101 n. 40, 103 n. 42, 104 n. 47, 118 n. 35, 130 n. 100, 132 n. 106, 133 n. 111 Piacenza: 27, 68, 68 n. 14, 111 n. 2, Piatesi, Ercole: 28 n. 28, 74, 95, 103– 04, 104 n. 47, 114 n. 11, 133 Pietro Antonio of Cervia see Carundi, Pietro Antonio Pietro of Rimini, inquisitorial vicar: 149 Pighino see Baroni, Pellegrino Pio, Enea, lord of Sassuolo: 151 n. 28 Pio, Ercole, lord of Sassuolo: 150, 150 n. 22, 151, 151 n. 23, 151 n. 28 Pio, family: 149, 151 n. 28 Pio, Mario, lord of Sassuolo: 151 n. 28 Piuro: 47, 167 Pius IV (Giovanni Angelo de Medici), pope: 31, 69 Pius V (Michele Ghislieri), pope: 67, 70, 73, 77, 79, 80 n. 56, 82, 142, 151, 154, 154 n. 42, 167, 168 Pole, Reginald, cardinale: 14, 14 n. 8 Pompeo of Castelvetro, 153 Pomponazzi, Pietro, philosopher: 12 Porta, Bartolomea della, heretic: 39, 39 n. 54, 40, 48, 64, 74, 77, 100, 113 n. 6, 136, 179, 184 Porta, Bartolomea della, mother of Giovanni Maria Castelvetro: 156 Porto, Francesco, heretic: 12–13, 25 Prague, Praga: 13, 111, 157 n. 54 Prè, Giovanni dal: 119 Prodi, Paolo: 124 n. 60 Prosperi, Adriano: 13 n. 5, 63, 63 n. 2, 65 n. 7, 92 n. 93, 96 n. 16,

217

218

INDEX

100 n. 31, 112 n. 2, 124 n. 63, 150 n. 21, 151 n. 22, 165 n. 1 Prospero of Reggio: 137 n. 136 Quaglioni, Diego: 130 n. 96 Quattrofrati, Giulia, heretic: 179, 184 Quattrofrati, Guido: 182, 187 Quistello, Vincenzo, heretic: 28, 28 n. 26, 40, 42 Ragazzini, Luca: 97 n. 21 Rangoni Ercole, count, 51 Rangoni Giovanni, heretic: 28 n. 26, 30, 30 n. 35, 31, 33, 39–44, 46– 47, 47 n. 86, 48–49, 64, 67, 70, 83, 121–22, 125 n. 67, 134, 142, 146, 155, 161, 179, 183 Rangoni, Beatrice: 131 Rangoni, Costanzo, priest: 155, 155 n. 44 Rangoni, family: 21, 78, 83, 153 Rangoni, Fulvio: 108, 181, 186 Rangoni, Guido, heretic: 105, 122, 152–53, 153 n. 33, 154 Rangoni, Pindaro, heretic: 152–54 Rebiba, Scipione, cardinal: 71–72, 77, 77 n. 51, 150, 150 n. 21, 155 n. 44, 155 n. 45, 157, 157 n. 55 Reggiani, Geminiano (Tamburino), heretic: 28, 28 n. 27, 32, 37, 40, 73, 77 n. 49, 95, 100, 103, 108 n. 58, 117, 126, 131, 160–61 Reggio Emilia: 12, 25, 94 n. 5, 111 n. 2, 149, 181, 186 Regio, Urbano, reformer: 104 n. 48, 108 n. 58 Renato, Camillo, heretic: 24, 24 n. 14, 50, 51 n. 101, 51 n. 101, 51 n. 102, 51 n. 103, 51 n. 104, 51 n. 105, 52, 163 Renée of France, duchess of Ferrara: 95, 95 n. 11, 164 Ricci, Paolo see Renato, Camillo

Rinaldo of Bologna, heretic: 182, 187 Ristori, Renzo: 27 n. 22 Robinson, Adam P.: 14 n. 8 Roccocciolo Paolo, heretic: 103, 103 n. 44, 143 Roccocciolo, Francesco: 103 n. 44 Rolandi, Sebastiano, episcopal vicar of Bologna: 88 Roma, Rome: 13, 19, 25, 41, 46, 52, 66, 69, 71, 72 n. 32, 78, 78 n. 53, 79, 80, 82–83, 85, 111 n. 2, 138, 143 n. 60, 147–48, 150–51, 151 n. 24, 155, 155 n. 44, 156, 156 n. 49, 156 n. 50, 157, 157 n. 55, 165, 168, 175–77, 179–80, 183– 84 Romeo, Giovanni: 92 n. 93 Ronchetti, accuser of don Vignola: 180, 185 Ronchi, Simone: 180, 184 Rossi dalle Tripe, Maddalena: 130, 130 n. 100 Rossi, Giovanni Antonio, heretic: 26, 179, 184 Roteglia, Baldassarre: 181, 186 Rotondò, Antonio: 14, 14 n. 9, 24 n. 14, 25 n. 15, 27 n. 24, 40 n. 60, 46 n. 84, 47 n. 87, 49 n. 95, 49 n. 97, 51 n. 101, 51 n. 102, 51 n. 103, 51 n. 104, 51 n. 105, 54 n. 112, 64 n. 4, 68 n. 13, 71 n. 26, 73 n. 38, 74 n. 41, 74 n. 42, 74 n. 43, 76 n. 48, 94 n. 5, 96 n. 16, 98 n. 22, 101 n. 40, 104 n. 48, 105 n. 51, 111 n. 2, 127 n. 79, 134 n. 114, 140 n. 145, 142 n. 155, 167 n. 4 Rozzo, Ugo: 103 n. 41, 105 n. 49 Rubbiani, (Giovanni) Matteo, heretic: 156, 156 n. 50 Rubiera (Reggio Emilia): 153 Rubiera, heretic: 182, 187

INDEX

Sadoleto, Giulia: 48 Sadoleto, Giulio, heretic: 40–41, 48, 48 n. 93, 49, 49 n. 96, 49 n. 97, 49 n. 99, 64, 76, 87, 140, 147, 154, 167 n. 4, 181, 185 Sadoleto, Jacopo, cardinal: 13 Sadoleto, Paolo, bishop of Carpentras: 49 Sadoleto, Sigismondo: 109 Safley, Thomas M.: 130 n. 96 Saliceto (Modena): 180, 185 San Donnino (Modena): 108 Sandonati, Gian Antonio: 55 Sandonnini, Tommaso: 109 n. 66, 147 n. 10, 156 n. 52 Santus, Cesare: 21 n. 4 Sassi, Nicola: 101 Sassi, Panfilo: 12, 22 Sassomarino, Geminiano, count: 180, 184 Sassuolo (Modena): 105, 149, 149 n. 17, 150, 150 n. 22, 151 Sassuolo, Giovanni Battista, heretic: 181, 185 Savera, Martino, heretic: 31–32, 36, 36 n. 48, 37, 76, 100, 104, 117, 141 Scacceri, Bernardino: 108, 144 n. 170 Scandiano (Reggio Emilia): 117 Schenetti, Matteo: 149 n. 17, 150 n. 22 Schwedt, Herman H.: 168 n. 6 Scurano, Geminiano, heretic: 115, 115 n. 17, 125, 135, 143, 143 n. 166 Sebastian, saint: 143 Sebastiano of Ferrara, preacher: 68 Secchiari, Alessandro, heretic: 54 Secchiari, Francesco, heretic: 28, 28 n. 28, 32, 54, 76, 113, 115, 123, 132 Seghizzi, Cesare: 64, 74 Seghizzi, Elena: 134 n. 114, 182, 187

Seghizzi, Francesco, heretic: 74 n. 43, 118 n. 35, 133, 134 n. 114, 181?, 186? Seghizzi, Giulio Cesare: 133, 182, 186 Seghizzi, Spinazzo: 49 n. 97, 49 n. 99 Seidel Menchi, Silvana: 96 n. 18, 96 n. 19, 104 n. 47, 119 n. 36, 130 n. 96, 130 n. 99, 131 n. 101, 134 n. 115, 201 Sellicani, Claudio: 121 n. 47 Servetus, Michael, heretic: 104, 118, 118 n. 35 Sestola (Modena): 121 Setti, Pellegrino, heretic: 28, 28 n. 26, 29 n. 31, 30, 40, 43, 64, 141–42, 179, 184 Sforza, heretic: 88 Sicheri, Baldassarre, heretic: 144 Sigibaldi, Giovanni Domenico, diocesan vicar of Modena: 51, 51 n. 105, 111, 119 n. 36 Silvester, accuser of the heretic Antonio Maria: 179, 183 Simoncelli, Paolo: 119 n. 38 Simoncello, heretic: 122 Simone, heretic: 122 Solera, Dennj: 168 n. 7 Spezzano (Modena): 142 Spina, Bartolomeo, inquisitor: 25 Spinalbo, Cesare: 181, 186 Staggia (Modena): 51 Stancaro, Francesco, heretic: 103 Stella, Aldo: 118 n. 33 Stirpa, Lucia: 181, 185 Sudenti, Guido: 64, 182, 187 Sugari, Lazzaro: 143 Superchi, Paolo, heretic: 40, 67–68, 179, 183 Tabita, Gian Giacomo, heretic: 98, 98 n. 22, 98 n. 26, 100–01, 101 n. 40, 103, 115, 140, 181, 186

219

220

INDEX

Taddeo of Vaglio, heretic: 54, 98, 98 n. 28, 100–01, 118 Tagliati, Giovanni Maria (Maranello), heretic: 26, 26 n. 21, 39–43, 43 n. 70, 44–48, 53, 64, 70, 96, 96 n. 19, 103, 113, 115 n. 17, 117, 117 n. 24, 118, 121, 126, 133, 142, 154–55, 156 n. 47, 156 n. 50, 161, 179, 183, 189 Tamburino, Geminiano see Reggiani, Geminiano Taplin, Mark: 167 n. 4 Tassoni, Alessandro: 82 n. 64, 111 Tassoni, Carlo: 42 Tassoni, Gabriotto, heretic: 67, 125 n. 67 Tavani, Giovanni Francesco (Giovanni Francesco Ghisoni), heretic: 88, 88 n. 77, 137 Tedeschi, John A.: 11 n. 1, 16 n. 14, 28 n. 25, 40 n. 59, 47 n. 86, 106 n. 53 Tentler, Thomas: 124 n. 60 Teofilo of Mantua, friar: 67, 125 n. 67, 135 n. 120 Terpstra, Nicholas: 16 n. 13 Terrazzano, Giovanni, heretic: 32, 32 n. 39, 33, 107, 107 n. 55, 127, 135–36, 140, 160–61 Tommasino of Guiglia, heretic: 126 Tommaso of Morbegno, inquisitor: 165, 173–75 Totti, Cristoforo see Zamponi, Cristoforo Trenti, Giuseppe: 16 n. 15 Trento, Trent: 46, 120, 136, 148 Trevisan, Giovanni, patriarch of Venice: 159 Tribanelli, Margherita: 121, 126 n. 74 Tricasso, Patrizio, humanist: 104, 105 n. 49 Trieste: 117 Trissino, Alessandro, heretic: 47

Turchetto see Filalete, Giorgio Turchi, Ippolito, governor of Modena: 83, 83 n. 67, 83 n. 68, 87 n. 74, 87 n. 76, 88–90, 138, 188–89 Turchi, Laura: 78 n. 53 Vacca, Giovanni Francesco (Bagnacavallo), 111, 111 n. 2, 181, 186 Valdés, Alfonso de: 98, 153 Valdés, Juan de, heretic: 11 n. 1, 14, 14 n. 8, 27 n. 22, 50 n. 100 Valente, Michaela: 11 n. 1, 168, n. 8 Valentini, Angelo, inquisitor: 52 Valentini, Bonifacio, heretic: 64, 80, 82–83, 93, 141, 179, 184 Valentini, Filippo, heretic: 25, 51, 64, 78, 80, 82–83, 114, 114 n. 10, 123, 154, 179, 183 Van Raalte, Theodore: 104 n. 47 Varanini, Pellegrino, soldier: 24, 24 n. 13, 41 n. 62, 70 Vasina, Augusto: 78 n. 52 Vecchi, Antonio, heretic: 137 Vecchi, Bartolomeo, heretic: 29, 29 n. 29, 40, 45, 70, 76 Vecchi, Giovanni, heretic: 144 Vecchi, Ludovico: 67 n. 11, 132 n. 103, 138 n. 140, 149 Vecchiarello: 94 Venezia, Venice: 29 n. 29, 47, 52, 76 n. 48, 84, 84 n. 70, 94 n. 5, 108 n. 58, 130 n. 100, 158–59, 159 n. 63, 159 n. 64, 160–62 Verdeta (Modena): 109, 156 Vergerio, Pier Paolo, heretic: 105, 105 n. 51 Vermigli, Pietro Martire, heretic: 101, 101 n. 40 Viadana (Mantua): 103 n. 44 Vicenza: 130 n. 100 Vignola (Modena): 156

INDEX

Vignola, Filippo: 84 Vignola, Francesco: 142 n. 159 Vignola, priest and heretic: 180, 185 Vigoleno (Piacenza): 27 Villani Antonio, heretic: 74, 100–01, 103–04, 107–08, 113 Villanova, Francesco, heretic: 32, 74, 74 n. 42 Vincenzi, Francesco Maria, heretic: 54, 74, 101 Vincenzo of Bologna, heretic: 129 Vincenzo of Carpi: 133 n. 108, 133 n. 112, 148 Vincenzo of Prato, heretic: 131, 131 n. 102, 182, 186 Visdomini Sisto, bishop of Modena: 65–66, 149, 155, 155 n. 44, 168 Vitrioli, Domenico, heretic: 101 Viviani, Maria: 67, 67 n. 11, 124 n. 64, 132 n. 104

Wandel, Lee P.: 119 n. 37 Weber, Domizia: 23 n. 10 Wien, Vienna: 103, 157 Williams, George H.: 51 n. 101, 51 n. 103, 116 n. 20, 167 n. 3 Zamponi (Totti), Cristoforo, heretic: 28–30, 44, 70, 70 n. 24, 112–13, 113 n. 3, 160–61 Zanetti, Bartolomeo: 93 n. 2 Zanfi, Francesco: 105 Zanotti, Antonio: 55 Zara, Zadar: 150 n. 22 Zille, Ester: 52 n. 107 Zonta, Giuseppe: 97 n. 21, 133 n. 111 Zuccari, Giovanni: 124 Zuidema, Jason: 104 n. 47 Zwingli, Huldrych, reformer: 27 n. 22, 119–20, 163

221

Europa Sacra

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Titles in Series Religious and Laity in Western Europe, 1000-1400: Interaction, Negotiation, and Power, ed. by Emilia Jamroziak and Janet E. Burton (2007) Anna Ysabel d’Abrera, The Tribunal of Zaragoza and Crypto-Judaism: 1484–1515 (2008) Cecilia Hewlett, Rural Communities in Renaissance Tuscany: Religious Identities and Local Loyalties (2009) Charisma and Religious Authority: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Preaching, 1200– 1500, ed. by Katherine L. Jansen and Miri Rubin (2010) Communities of Learning: Networks and the Shaping of Intellectual Identity in Europe, 1100-1500, ed. by Constant J. Mews and John N. Crossley (2011) Alison Brown, Medicean and Savonarolan Florence: The Interplay of Politics, Humanism, and Religion (2012) Faith’s Boundaries: Laity and Clergy in Early Modern Confraternities, ed. by Nicholas Terpstra, Adriano Prosperi, and Stefania Pastore (2013) Late Medieval and Early Modern Ritual: Studies in Italian Urban Culture, ed. by Samuel Cohn Jr., Marcello Fantoni, Franco Franceschi, and Fabrizio Ricciardelli (2013) Thomas A. Fudge, The Memory and Motivation of Jan Hus, Medieval Priest and Martyr (2013) Clare Monagle, Orthodoxy and Controversy in Twelfth-Century Religious Discourse: Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ and the Development of Theology (2013) Darius von Güttner-Sporzyński, Poland, Holy War, and the Piast Monarchy, 1100– 1230 (2014)

Tomas Zahora, Nature, Virtue, and the Boundaries of Encyclopaedic Knowledge: The Tropological Universe of Alexander Neckam (1157–1217) (2014) Line Cecilie Engh, Gendered Identities in Bernard of Clairvaux’s Sermons on the Song of Songs (2014) Mulieres religiosae: Shaping Female Spiritual Authority in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods, ed. by Veerle Fraeters and Imke de Gier (2014) Bruno the Carthusian and his Mortuary Roll: Studies, Text, and Translation, ed. by Hartmut Beyer, Gabriela Signori, and Sita Steckel (2014) David Rosenthal, Kings of the Street: Power, Community, and Ritual in Renaissance Florence (2015) Fabrizio Conti, Witchcraft, Superstition, and Observant Franciscan Preachers: Pastoral Approach and Intellectual Debate in Renaissance Milan (2015) Mendicant Cultures in the Medieval and Early Modern World: Word, Deed, and Image, ed. by Sally J. Cornelison, Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, and Peter Howard (2016) Adriano Prosperi, Infanticide, Secular Justice, and Religious Debate in Early Modern Europe (2016) Studies on Florence and the Italian Renaissance in Honour of F.W. Kent, ed. by Peter Howard and Cecilia Hewlett (2016) Relics, Identity, and Memory in Medieval Europe, ed. by Marika Räsänen, Gritje Hartmann, and Earl Jeffrey Richards (2016) Boundaries in the Medieval and Wider World: Essays in Honour of Paul Freedman, ed. by Thomas W. Barton, Susan McDonough, Sara McDougall, and Matthew Wranovix (2017) Marie-Madeleine de Cevins, Confraternity, Mendicant Orders, and Salvation in the Middle Ages: The Contribution of the Hungarian Sources (c. 1270–c. 1530) (2018) Authority and Power in the Medieval Church, c. 1000–c. 1500, ed. by Thomas W. Smith (2020) Convent Networks in Early Modern Italy, ed. by Marilyn Dunn and Saundra Weddle (2020) Renaissance Religions: Modes and Meanings in History, ed. by Peter Howard, Nicholas Terpstra, and Riccardo Saccenti (2021)

In Preparation Lucie Mazalová, Eschatology in the Work of Jan Hus