Poland, Holy War, and the Piast Monarchy, 1100-1230 (Europa Sacra) (Europa Sacra, 14) 9782503547947, 250354794X

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Poland, Holy War, and the P iast M onarchy, 1100–1230

EUROPA SACRA Editorial Board under the auspices of Monash University General Editor Peter Howard, Monash University Editorial Board Megan Cassidy-Welch, Monash University David Garrioch, Monash University Thomas Izbicki, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey Carolyn James, Monash University Constant J. Mews, Monash University M. Michèle Mulchahey, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto Adriano Prosperi, Scuola Normale di Pisa

Previously published volumes in this series are listed at the back of the book.

Volume 14

Poland, Holy War, and the P iast M onarchy, 1100–1230

by

Darius von Güttner-Sporzyński

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Guttner-Sporzynski, Darius von, author. Poland and the holy war : evolution of the ideology of holy war in the Piast monarchy 1100-1230. -- (Europa sacra ; 14) 1. Poland--History--Piast period, 960-1386. 2. Crusades--Participation, Polish. 3. Piast dynasty. I. Title II. Series 943.8'022-dc23 ISBN-13: 9782503547947

© 2014, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2014/0095/128 ISBN: 978-2-503-54794-7 Printed on acid-free paper

Dedicated to

Andrzej Sporzyński

Contents

Illustrations ix Acknowledgements xi Abbreviations xiii Introduction 1 Chapter 1. The Expansion of the Piast Realm, 960–1100

29

Chapter 2. The Evolving Idea of Holy War and Crusade

51

Chapter 3. Conquest of Pomerania: Bolesław III and Holy War

77

Chapter 4. Mission and Crusade: Władysław II and the Piast Juniors

107

Chapter 5. A Piast in the Holy Land: Henry of Sandomierz

135

Chapter 6. The Piasts and the Holy War Against the Prussians

161

Chapter 7. Missions to the Prussians and the Beginning of the Prussian Crusade

187

Conclusion 217 Appendix 1. The Main Repre­sen­tatives of the Piast Dynasty (966–1230) 221 Appendix 2. The Chronology of Polish History c. 920–1230 231 Bibliography 235 Index

285

Illustrations

Figures Figure 1, p. 33. The early Piasts, including their relationship to Canute the Great Figure 2, p. 40. The Alliance between the Piasts and Ottonians: The Marriage of Mieszko II and Richeza of Lorraine Figure 3, p. 46. The Piasts of the Eleventh Century Figure 4, p. 111. The Sons of Bolesław III Figure 5, p. 116. The Piasts and the Imperial Family Figure 6, p. 145. The Relationship between Henry of Sandomierz and Vladislav of Bohemia Figure 7, p. 195. The Major Piast Rulers in 1230

Maps Map 1, p. 30. The Western Slavs before 966 Map 2, p. 36. Early Expansion of the Piast Realm Map 3, p. 39. The Piast Realm in 1025 Map 4, p. 53. Church Adminis­trative Structures by 1138 Map 5, p. 110. The Act of Succession of 1138

x

ILLUSTRATIONS

Map 6, p. 118. The Settlement of 1146 Map 7, p. 122. The Wendish Crusade and the Prussian Expedition of 1146 Map 8, p. 198. Tribal Prussia: The Direction of the Polish Expeditions Map 9, p. 211. Military Religious Orders in Poland before 1200

Acknowledgements

I

am grateful for the advice provided to me during the preparation of this book. I thank Megan Cassidy-Welch for her guidance along the journey, and Charles Zika, Constant Mews, Jonathan Riley-Smith, and Karl Borchardt who have encouraged my research over a number of years, and without whose advice and championship this project would never have been realized. I owe thanks to many others who were supportive at various stages of my research: Kurt Villads Jensen, Jonathan Phillips, Andrzej Ciechanowiecki, and Fra’ Andrew Bertie, and to those who helped me to navigate the challenges of Polish history and historiography: Józef Dobosz, Jerzy Kłoczowski, Tomasz Jasiński, and Jarosław Wenta. Piotr Górecki offered kind encouragement and introduced me to the scholarship of Stanisław Smolka and shared his ideas on ‘Piast Power’ for which I am grateful. Likewise, Adam Zamoyski shared his ideas on the Hospitallers in north central Europe and awakened my interest in their activities. I would like to thank Tadeusz W. Lange and Maria Starnawska for their help with accessing the latest results of Polish research and Stefan K. Kuczyński for many years of support which inspired me and gave me the confidence to persevere with this project. I wish to thank Andrzej Gawryszewski for his assistance with the production of the base maps of Poland. These maps provided the rivers, lakes, and major cities of the Piast monarchy before 1200, to which I have been able to add more information and which has enabled me to construct the maps that support this book. Also, I would like to thank Father Marian Aleksandrowicz for introducing me to the collections within the archives of the archdiocese of Gniezno. I thank the regional museum in Wiślica and the local council in Wiślica for granting me permission to reproduce images of the Plate of Wiślica, and Mieczysław Stec for taking the photographs of the Plate of Wiślica. I also thank Leszek Wetesko for his assistance in obtaining the photographs of the Porta

xii

Acknowledgements

Regia of Gniezno and the Door of Płock. I wish to thank Krzysztof Skupieński for the opportunity to explore the church of Saint Gilles in Inowłódź. I was fortunate to be able to stay in Europe during a crucial stage of my research thanks to the invitation and support of the Medieval Studies Centre at the University of Southern Denmark, Odense. Finally, I would like to thank my family; in particular my wife and sons for their patience, curiosity, and perspective.

Abbreviations

CDB

Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris regni Bohemiae, ed. by Gustavus Friedrich, 5 vols (Praha: Academia Scientiarum Bohemoslovenicae, 1904)

CDP

Codex diplomaticus Poloniae, ed. by Leon Rzyszczewski and others, 4 vols (Warszawa: Typis Stanislai Strąbski, 1847–58)

CDS

Codex diplomaticus nec non epistolaris Silesiae, ed. by Karol Maleczyński, 3 vols (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1956–64)

CDMP

Codex diplomaticus Maioris Poloniae, ed. by Ignacy Zakrzewski, 2 vols (Poznań: Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk Poznańskiego, 1877–78)

Chronica Polonorum Magistri Vincentii dicti Kadłubek Chronica Polonorum, trans. and ed. by Marian Plezia, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, n.s., xi (Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 1994) CDPM

Codex diplomaticus Poloniae Minoris, ed. by Franciszek K. Piekosiński, 2 vols (Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejętności, 1876–86)

CDPr

Codex diplomaticus Prussicus, ed. by Johannes Voigt, 6 vols (Königs­ berg: Gebrüder Bornträger, 1836)

CPM

Chronica Poloniae Maioris, ed. by Brygida Kürbis, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, n.s., ix (Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1970)

Gesta

Gesta principum Polonorum, ed. by Frank Schaer, trans. by Paul W. Knoll and Frank Schaer, Central European Medieval Texts, 3 (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2003)

PL

Patrologiae cursus completus: series latina, ed. by Jacques-Paul Migne, 221 vols (Paris: Migne, 1844–64) 

PrUB

Preussisches Urkundenbuch, ed. by Rudolf Philippi (Königsberg : Hartungsche Verlagsdruckerei, 1882–1939)

Regesta pontificum romanorum

Regesta pontificum romanorum, ed. by Philip Jaffé, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Leipzig: Veit, 1885–88)

Introduction

T

his book originated as a study of Polish participation in the crusades before the arrival of the Teutonic Order in north central Europe.1 During the course of the research journey, as my ideas evolved, my interest shifted to the transmission of the idea of holy war and the evolution of holy war ideology in the Polish context. The maturation of the work led to a book which deals with the development of the concept of holy war in the Piast realm. In this book, I trace the evolution of the idea of holy war from Poland’s beginning as a Christian realm in 966. I specifically focus on the period from 1100 to the settlement of the Teutonic Order in 1226 in the borderlands of Poland and Prussia. During this period, the development of the ideology of holy war into crusading breached the divide between pacifist Christian theology and the often violent reality of human existence. Medieval understanding of holy war rested on contemporary acceptance that the use of force was not inherently evil and in some cases, was in fact ordained by God. This reconceptualization of sacred warfare, the legitimacy of which was distinguished by the intention of those who engaged in it, facilitated the emergence of the idea of crusade and its institutionalized form of crusade.2 Before the thirteenth century, the difference between holy war and crusade is often blurred; it is certain, however, that whilst all crusades were holy wars, not all holy wars were crusades. How the idea of holy war took hold in Poland, how it conditioned the Polish response to crusading, and how the Polish approach to holy war evolved during the twelfth century are the subjects of this book. To help illuminate the 1  When referring to ‘Poland’ and ‘Polish’ I mean the region of Europe inhabited by a Slavic population known to others and themselves as Polanie and ruled by the Piast dynasty. 2  Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? (4th edn), p. 7.

2

Introduction

evolution of holy war and the emergence of crusading on the southern shores of the Baltic Sea I will explore Polish history with particular focus on the Piast dynasty, their knighthood, and the Church. The diffusion of the idea of holy war formed a part of the transformation of Christian pacifist ethics into the adoption of violence in defence of the faith. The development of Christian ethics and doctrine took place over centuries and culminated in Pope Urban II’s proclamation of the First Crusade in 1095. Understanding how holy wars waged by the Piasts became crusades offers a contribution to the ongoing discussion about the specifics and validity of definitions of crusade, especially for the period before the thirteenth century. The Piasts, who accepted baptism as a pragmatic political concession, adopted the idea of holy war in the two centuries that followed and adapted it for their own needs over the course of the Christianization of their realm. Within a decade of the First Crusade, the Piasts embarked upon the Christianization of neighbouring pagan Pomerania, a war which lasted from around 1102 to 1128. In general, the idea of holy war influenced the expansionary policies of the Piasts which coincided with the proselytizing objectives of the Church as the conquest of Pomerania was recognized and actively supported by the Holy See. The Pomeranian campaigns also established the dynastic tradition of Piast engagement in holy war. By the time of the Second Crusade the Piasts had embraced holy war as a means of territorial gain, of eradicating the pagan threat on their northern borders, and as a way of gaining the acceptance and respect of Latin Christendom. They contributed armies to the three theatres of conflict during the Second Crusade: against the Wends, against the Prussians, and against the Muslims in the Holy Land. The Polish dynasty also responded to subsequent Prussian apostasy with punitive expeditions. Before the arrival of the Teutonic knights in the borderlands of Prussia, the elites of the Piast monarchy also supported missionary activity. It was undertaken in the 1190s by Cistercians from Poland and resulted in the Christianization of some of the Prussian tribes. The transmission of the idea of holy war and the emergence of the crusading movement was part of the wider paradigm for the transmission of institutional and cultural models throughout Latin Christendom. For Poland, this process commenced with the ruler’s conversion to Christianity in 966 and coincided with (and enhanced) state formation processes under the ascendant Piast dynasty. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Christendom witnessed accelerated economic development and cultural evolution, coupled with the growth of sophisticated ecclesiastical and political institutions. This period of

Introduction

3

European history is described by Marc Bloch as the ‘the second feudal age’,3 the ‘age of the cathedrals’ by Georges Duby,4 and the high point of ‘the civilization of the Medieval West’ by Jacques Le Goff.5 The period has been characterized more recently by Robert Bartlett as the ‘making’ and the ‘Europeanization’ of Europe,6 and by Robert Moore as the ‘first European revolution’.7 Polish scholars such as Marian Plezia describe Christian Europe in this period as ‘one body animated by a single soul’; Jerzy Kłoczowski describes it as ‘the younger Europe’; and Mikołaj Gładysz, as resonating with ‘the message of Clermont’.8 The transmission of the idea of holy war to Poland during the eleventh and twelfth centuries was largely facilitated by western European individuals who migrated to Poland, and by bilateral relations between the Polish court and its western European counterparts. Examination of the sources that record these events provides a fragmentary but coherent picture of contemporaries’ understanding of the idea of holy war, and the means by which the idea of holy war was transmitted to Poland. The sources also provide insights into the reception of crusading in Poland and its experience there. My conceptualization of the transmission of the idea of holy war is influenced by the paradigm through which Robert Bartlett explained the Europeanization of the newest regions of Christendom (the periphery) via their interaction with the established centres of power (the core). In examining the transmission of the idea of holy war and its agents, I discuss a process whereby the key agents of change (the clergy, nobility, and scribes) transplanted, recreated, or remodelled the institutions (conceived in the core) with which they were familiar at the periphery, where they had settled, in effect expanding the cultural frontier of Latin Christendom.9 Latin Christendom brought writing in the service of the Church, to Poland. This, amongst other reasons, is why there is significantly more evidence pertaining to the clergy and its activities than any other section of society. 3 

Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. by Manyon. Duby, The Age of the Cathedrals, trans. by Levieux and Thompson. 5  Le Goff, La Civilisation de l’Occident médiéval. 6  Bartlett, The Making of Europe. 7  Moore, The First European Revolution. See also Moore, ‘The Birth of Europe as a Eurasian Phenomenon’. 8  Plezia, Kronika Galla na tle historiografii; Kłoczowski, Młodsza Europa; Gładysz, Zapom­ niani krzyżowcy, p. 27. 9  See the discussion which supports Bartlett’s approach in Górecki, A Local Society in Transition, pp. 2–7. For discussion of alternative approaches see Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, pp. 35–93. 4 

4

Introduction

Originally, I aimed to challenge Stanisław Smolka’s claim that ‘Poland was not too eager to venture on the crusades’. 10 Older Polish historiography has largely accepted Smolka’s statement in relation to the Holy Land and a tendency has developed amongst Polish historians to marginalize the impact of the idea of holy war in Poland. This position was, I believe, influenced by Poland’s deteriorating relationship with the military religious order of the Teutonic knights following the Order’s settlement in Prussia from 1226.11 The impact of the idea of holy war on the Polish participants of the crusades has subsequently been under-researched. I have since come more into agreement with Smolka than originally. The Polish elites of the twelfth century were influenced by the idea of holy war and were active participants in holy wars in the region. The Polish elites were enthusiastic, if selective, supporters of the idea of holy war, and responded to, or made use of, its propaganda and ideology. Polish involvement in holy war followed patterns similar to those of the wider crusading movement.12 The motives of Polish participants were a mélange of deep religious fervour, the need for conquest, and intricate political manoeuvring. Yet crusading was never a popular movement transcending the ‘class divide’ in Poland and remained the exclusive pursuit of the ruling dynasty and the knighthood. An analysis of the experience of holy war in Poland is not possible without consideration of research conducted in disciplines other than history. I draw upon the results of interdisciplinary research (archaeology, theology, sociology and anthropology, and genealogy). Archaeological evidence and interpretations are important sources and are used here for an understanding of the pagan societies of the Prussians and Pomeranians.13 Theology has supported an examination of the way that Christianity accepted the use of sacred violence. Sociology and its theories of cultural diffusion are important for an understanding of the transmission of the idea of holy war from Christendom to Poland, and the adaptation of other elements of Christian culture from Latin 10  Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, p. 65. Smolka’s opinions were echoed in the Afterword to the Polish edition of Runciman, A History of the Crusades. Zientara, ‘Posłowie’, p. 459. 11  For a detailed discussion of this doctrine see Belch, Paulus Vladimiri. Cf. Grodecki, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’. 12  Riley-Smith, ‘The Motives of the Earliest Crusaders’, p. 721. 13  Cf. Buko, ‘Unknown Revolution’; Urbańczyk, ‘The Role of Archaeology in Research’. For a discussion of one of the earliest references to Prussia found in the ninth century, Descriptio civitatum et regionum ad septentrionalem plagam Danubii by so-called Geographus Bavarus (where the Prussians are referred to as Bruzi), see Łowmiański, ‘O pochodzeniu Geografa Bawarskiego’, p. 10; Łowmiański, ‘O identyfikacji nazw Geografa Bawarskiego’.

Introduction

5

Christendom in Poland.14 The influence of family traditions and the relationships between Poland and the leading dynasties of Christendom are themes central to this work, for which genealogy provides important sources.15 The available evidence is fragmentary and equivocal. Its analysis needs to be placed within the context of other sources, mainly non-Polish, which enable the dating of events and the identification of participants. This process allows for a reconstruction of the military expeditions which formed a part of holy wars waged by the Piast rulers of Poland. It also provides a view of the circumstances surrounding and directly influencing them. The borders of the Piast realm, the regnum Poloniae, shifted significantly between the beginning of the eleventh and the end of the thirteenth centuries. For the purposes of this book, the concept of ‘Polish territory’ is restricted to the area of the archdiocese of Gniezno and the diocese of Kamień, which was subordinated to Gniezno until the end of the eleventh century.16 This approach enables the investigation of the Polish territories as a whole despite the change of sovereignty of some of the Polish provinces (for example Silesia, and Pomerania).17 The first two hundred years of Piast rule saw the transition of the realm into a monarchy and the Christianization of its inhabitants (despite a major pagan reaction): the resistance of tribal elites to the consolidation of power in the ruler; and the opportunism of invading neighbours. The process was greatly aided by the Church, which provided models for and assisted with the establishment of permanent institutions of state.18 The transition from tribal society 14 

For a detailed examination of the process known as diffusion see Friedl, Cultural Anthropology, pp. 374–75; Hiebert, Cultural Anthropology, pp. 416–17. The concept of diffusion also explains why geographically isolated societies change more slowly than other societies. See Nanda, Cultural Anthropology, p. 82; Murphy, Cultural and Social Anthropology, p. 223. As a result of Poland’s radical change in culture, its population came under the influence of a more dominant Christian culture. Cf. the explanation of such a process in Hoebel, Anthropology: The Study of Man, p. 660. 15  The most significant research concerning the genealogy of the Piasts was undertaken by Oswald Balzer and later by Kazimierz Jasiński. See for example, Balzer, Genealogia Piastów; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów. For a comprehensive overview of the state of research of the genealogy of the Piasts see the most recent edition of Balzer’s work, Balzer, Genealogia Piastów, pp. 1–28. 16  For a discussion of the conflicting territorial claims of the archbishops of Gniezno see Walicki, Przynależność metropolitalna, pp. 79–90. 17  For a similar view see Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 14. 18  ‘The Church under Rome was […] an institutionalised cultural unity, intimately integra­ ted into the power structures of the medieval west’. France, The Crusades and the Expansion, p. 5.

Introduction

6

to monarchy was achieved, I argue, by the end of Bolesław III’s reign in 1138.19 During this period the Poles began employing arms to support the propagation of the faith amongst their pagan neighbours (Pomeranians, Prussians, and Sudovians) and participated in crusades in Europe and in the Holy Land. The Poles and their pagan neighbours shared traditions which celebrated warfare and warriors. The spread of Christianity introduced the Latin language, writing, scholarship, and literature to the elites of Poland.20 These gradually transformed attitudes and norms of behaviour, and led to the eventual settlement of disputes by the Church through diplomacy and/or mediation. Wars fought by Christians against Christians were condemned by the Church because, according to its teachings, Christians should strive to secure peace with God’s grace. Wars against pagans were perceived as just because pagans disturbed the pax omnium rerum. Being part of Christendom contributed directly to economic development through the expansion of trade and the introduction of new military technology and techniques, and to political development through new forms of ecclesiastical and royal bureaucracy. Polish society became more stratified, and the regional magnate class grew in number, significance, and influence by replicating the behaviour of members of the dynasty. Poland’s development following Christianization led to the formation of structures comparable to the older regions of Latin Christendom. By the twelfth century, Poland had started the process of transition to an economy based on trade and maximization of the profits of agriculture, in stark contrast to its pagan neighbours, Pomerania and Prussia, whose economies were sustained by plunder and military gains. Polish rulers were unfalteringly independent, particularly with respect to the Holy Roman Empire, but they valued institutions successfully operating in Latin Christendom as prestigious and useful, and tended to adopt and adapt them (for example, the structure and etiquette of the court, state administration, and means of taxation).21 Their motivation was pragmatic and reflected a calculated, selective adaptation of institutions in political, administrative, and cultural fields. 22 19 

Deptuła, ‘Biskup i władca’; Zoll-Adamikowa, ‘Zum Beginn’, p. 233. Mews has noted the importance of literacy in the expansion of Latin culture within Central and Eastern Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Mews, ‘Manuscripts in Polish Libraries’, p. 81. For a discussion of Latin literacy and its introduction into Poland see Dowiat, ‘Środki przekazywania myśli’. 21  Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 21. 22  Elements of culture are more likely to be adopted when the culture they come from is considered to be prestigious; see Murphy, Cultural and Social Anthropology, p. 225. 20 

Introduction

7

Through adapting these institutions and associated practices, the Piast dynasty strengthened its position with traditional government structures of assemblies convened by tribal elders. The position of one singular ruler supplanted both the authority of the elders and the principle of rule by consensus.23 The example set by the ruling elites and the emergent apparatus of state became the catalyst by which the cultural elements of Latin Christendom were imposed on other strata of society. The adoption of Latin and the introduction of written records opened new communication channels between the Polish elites and the elites of Christendom, introducing the ideology of holy war. The time-frame for this book is between 1100 and 1230. It encompasses the reign of Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) (1102–38) and the period before the involvement of the Teutonic Order in the conquest of Prussia. The beginning of the period under consideration coincides with the First Crusade and the early activities of the crusading movement, and is the period during which the first references to holy war and crusading appear in Polish sources. The choice of the time-frame is influenced by a number of considerations. The period represents what I believe was the establishment of the Piast dynastic tradition of active participation in Christian holy war. It was heralded by successful subjugation and Christianization of Pomerania, and provided a model for future Piast conquests. I see this period of Polish history as a time when the idea of holy war provided the spiritual and ideological basis for the actions of the Piasts as these aligned with their territorial ambitions and corresponded to the objectives of the Church. During the twelfth century, Polish involvement in crusading underwent a transformation from the embrace of holy war against the Prussians, to crusades proper. The period also witnessed missionary activity by the Cistercians and Dominicans in Prussia under direct instruction from the Polish dynasts and the papacy. The period under study is bounded by the death of Kazimierz II Sprawiedliwy (the Just) in 1194, when the system of government established by Bolesław III in effect disintegrated and enabled the later ascendancy of the Teutonic Order. The Teutonic Order settled in Prussia in 1226 on the initiative of Kazimierz II’s son, Conrad of Mazovia. After that date, the Teutonic Order quickly dominated crusading in north central Europe24 and dramatically changed the scope and nature of Polish involvement in crusading.25 23 

Knoll, ‘Economic and Political Institutions’, p. 153. I follow a tradition which developed from naming crusading in the Baltic as the ‘Northern Crusades’. In this book I use the term ‘north central Europe’ rather than the term ‘east central Europe’ preferred by Polish historians. See for example Kłoczowski, East Central Europe, trans. by Garbowski. 25  From the thirteenth century onwards, Poland was absorbed by its struggle against the 24 

8

Introduction

Sources In this book, I rely primarily on the textual evidence offered by two of the earliest Piast dynastic histories, the Gesta principum Polonorum and the Chronica Polonorum by Bishop Vincentius of Kraków. These Polish narrative sources are crucial to understanding the effect of the idea of holy war and crusade on Poland. They are richer than annals in information and supplement other sources by offering the details of events and consequences as seen through the eyes of their authors. The oldest is the Gesta. Composed between 1112 and 1118, its value to research into Polish history is comparable to that of the Gesta Normannorum ducum for the history of Normandy and England.26 The Gesta, written within twenty years of the First Crusade, is a fundamental narrative source and provides a chronology of Polish history focused on the lives of the rulers of the realm, although no precise dates are preserved in the text. As the oldest narrative source to relate the sequence of events of early Polish history, the Gesta became the source for later authors and historians such as Bishop Vincentius of Kraków (c. 1150–1223) and Jan Długosz (1415–80).27 The Gesta is an eyewitness account of the early reign of Bolesław III, a period which saw the consolidation of cultural practices introduced under the influence of Latin Christendom in Poland. It presents the dynastic programme of the Piasts, which incorporated state formation, geographical expansion of territory, and the conversion of neighbouring pagans. The Gesta’s third book focuses on Bolesław III’s military campaigns against the Pomeranians and Prussians. I will argue later that the Gesta reflects the ideology of the leading families of Poland who adapted the idea of holy war for their own purposes.28 I will also examine the text of the Gesta for textual references and allusions to elements of holy war and Augustinian principles of just war, the conceptualization of the pagans, and territorial aspirations of the Teutonic Order. Biskup, ‘The Role of the Order’; Biskup and Labuda, Dzieje zakonu krzyżackiego; Górski, ‘The Teutonic Order in Prussia’; Powierski, Prusowie, Mazowsze i sprowadzenie Krzyżaków, i. Jasiński, ‘The Golden Bull’. 26  I use the recent parallel Latin-English edition, Gesta principum Polonorum [The Deeds of the Princes of the Poles], trans. by Knoll and Schaer. In the references to the Gesta, Roman numerals are used for book, followed by Arabic numerals for chapter, followed by page number. For discussion of the date of the Gesta’s composition see pp. ix–x. 27  The historiography of the Gesta is extensive. See for example Plezia, Kronika Galla na tle historiografii; Breeze, ‘The Crowland’; Kürbis, ‘Polskie Laudes Regiae’. 28  Grabski, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, pp. 62–63; Adamus, Ideologia feudalna, p. 135, n. 92.

Introduction

9

comparisons with works of historians of the First Crusade. It is highly likely that the author of the Gesta was a Benedictine monk who shared many aspects of his scholarship and literary tradition with the historians of the First Crusade, such as Baldric of Dol, Robert the Monk, and Guibert of Nogent.29 The second narrative source used in this book is the Chronica Polonorum by Bishop Vincentius of Kraków, first native chronicler of Poland. The Chronica Polonorum is the second oldest extant narrative source and follows the chronology established by the Gesta. Although the Chronica Polonorum places notably less emphasis on the ideology of holy war than the Gesta, Polish expeditions against the pagans (by Bolesław III in 1109 against the Pomeranians, Bolesław IV to Prussia in 1147 and 1166, and Kazimierz II in 1192 against the Pollexians) are related and described (in contrast to other military conflicts) as a mixture of punitive expeditions against apostates, missionary wars, and crusading engagements.30 The Chronica Polonorum relates the history of Poland until the decade following the death of Vincentius’s patron, Kazimierz II, and provides material with which to examine the extent to which the Piasts were engaged in crusading prior to 1194. In addition, the Chronica Polonorum provides insights into the culture of the Piasts’ courts, the Church, and society in general. Another key, albeit later source is the Annales seu cronici incliti regni Poloniae by Jan Długosz, the chronicler generally referred to as the first historian of Poland. The monumental Annales cover about five hundred years of Polish history, concluding just prior to Długosz’s death in 1480.31 Comparisons have been made between Długosz’s work and the Chronicles of Jean Froissart and the Mémoires of Philippe de Commynes. The Annales of Długosz are based upon earlier sources but provide a fifteenth-century Polish perspective on the events they relate. They cannot be relied upon uncritically and a measure of caution needs to be taken with their commentary on twelfth-century events. The Annales are nonetheless a valuable source and in particular provide infor29 

Cf. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 138. Chronica Polonorum, iii:14, p. 99. Without explaining her position Brygida Kürbis simply observed that Vincentius ‘assumed the pose of a crusader’ in Mistrza Wincentego, ed. by Kürbis, p. lxxiv. See also Grodecki, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, p. 111; Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 36–37; von Güttner-Sporzyński, ‘Wincenty Kadłubek’, p. 1283. As in the case of the Gesta, historiography concerning Vincentius is extensive; see for example Grodecki, ‘Mistrz Wincenty, Biskup Krakowski’; Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: I’; Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: II’. 31  Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others. 30 

10

Introduction

mation about the dynastic traditions of the Polish monarchy, the experience of holy war in Poland, including details of expeditions to the Holy Land and to Prussia, and the plans of Bernard of Clairvaux to travel to Poland to preach the Second Crusade.32 Evidence relating to this period is also preserved in Polish archives and consists of annals which in most instances originated from within the court circle or the Church hierarchy. There are also charters and papal bulls that contain information about Poland and its culture which were written by outsiders. The predominance of a tradition of oral history, the introduction of writing in the later tenth century, and the destruction of these sources over the centuries, including periods of war and occupation, has had a significant impact on the availability of written sources. 33 My survey of primary sources such as annals, charters, and papal bulls, reveals that references to Polish participation in the crusades are found rarely, and they are usually brief.34 For example, a journey by Henry of Sandomierz to Jerusalem is reported in the Annals of Lubiń very briefly as, ‘Henry Duke of Sandomierz went to Jerusalem’;35 the participation of Polish troops in the Wendish Crusade under the command of Mieszko III is hardly mentioned by Polish sources but is related in the Annales Magdeburgenses.36 Other European sources which substantiate the extent of contact between the Polish elites and Provence (a contemporary crusading centre), are the necrology of the abbey of Saint Gilles in Provence 37 and the 32  According to Długosz, Bernard of Clairvaux was to visit the abbey in Jędrzejów after preaching in Speyer in December 1146 and January 1147. Długosz, Annales, ed. by KozłowskaBudkowa and others, Lib. 5–6, pp. 12–13. 33  Cf. Grodecki, Dzieje klasztoru premonstrateńskiego, p. 13. Cf. comments on the Polish language in Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 235. For how the oral history tradition affected Polish medieval historiography see Polak, ‘Gesta Gallowe a kultura oralna’; Dymmel, ‘Traces of the Oral Tradition’; Skibiński, ‘Elementy historii oralnej’. 34  The Polish annals originated from paschal tables brought to Poland by Bohemian missionaries in the late tenth century. These tables were introduced into Poland from the monastery of Fulda founded in 744 by Saint Sturm. On the origins and development of Polish annals see Tymieniecki, Zarys dziejów historiografii polskiej, pp. 12–25; Labuda, ‘Polskie wczesne średniowiecze’; Labuda, ‘Gdzie pisano’; Labuda, ‘Główne linie rozwoju’; Budkowa, ‘Początki polskiego rocznikarstwa’; Drelicharz, Annalistyka małopolska xiii–xv wieku, pp. 7–14; Jasiński, ‘Początki polskiej annalistyki’. 35  Rocznik lubiński, ed. by Kürbis, p. 113. 36  Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, pp. 187–88; Chronicon Montis Sereni, ed. by Ehren­feuchter, p. 147. 37  London, British Library, MS Additional 16979 (Obituarium Abbatiae S. Egidii).

Introduction

11

twelfth-century Miracula sancti Aegidi.38 Polish annals such as the Annals of Greater Poland and the Annals of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Kraków are helpful in establishing a chronology based on the dates of notable events such as births, deaths, marriages, the coronation of rulers, and the consecration of bishops; for this reason, annals are used to establish the chronology of those events that are not supplied by narrative sources.39 In my analysis of the evolution of holy war ideology in the Piast realm I have used a number of non-Polish sources which contribute to an understanding of Polish history of this period. They are useful for cross-referencing the information from narrative sources such as the Gesta and the Chronica Polonorum of Bishop Vincentius of Kraków. One of the earliest sources, which contains information about the introduction of Christianity to Poland, is the chronicle of Thietmar of Merseburg (975–1018). Written in the first decades of the eleventh century, it provides a unique outsider’s perspective of the Piast dynasty.40 I have used the following sources to illustrate and complement my examination of the Gesta and its vision of the Christianization of Pomerania. They include, the Chronicle by Adam of Bremen, written in the 1070s, and the Chronicle by Helmold of Bosau (c.  1120–after 1177), which drew heavily on Adam of Bremen (before 1050–81/85) and describes missionary activity amongst the Wends.41 The same value can be ascribed to the Chronicle of the Slavs by Arnold of Lübeck (d. 1211/14), which was intended to complete Helmold’s Chronicle. 42 Similarly, the Chronicle of Saxo Grammaticus’s (c.  1160–after 1208), whilst a history of the Danes, also contains numerous references to the Wends and the Pomeranians.43 Another important set of sources which relate the successful missions to the Pomeranians are three variants of the Life of Bishop Otto of Bamberg. These sources provided me with background information which linked Otto to the Piasts. In my conceptualization of the conquest of Pomerania, the relationship between Otto and the Piasts is significant as he was a Polish court chaplain and is likely to have supervised the education

38 

Miracula sancti Egidii, ed. by Pertz. Annales capituli Cracoviensis, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa; CPM. 40  Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki. 41  Magistri Adami Gesta Hammaburgensis, ed. by Lappenberg. 42  Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum, ed. by Lappenberg. 43  Gesta Danorum, ed. by Olrik and Ræder. See also Skovgaard-Petersen, ‘Saxo, Historian of the Patria’, pp. 54–55; Jensen, ‘The Blue Baltic Border’. 39 

12

Introduction

of Bolesław III.44 The earliest of these sources was that written by a monk of Prüfening, a Bavarian monastery founded by Otto. It was probably composed in the early 1140s only a few years after Otto’s death. It is generally known as the Vita Prieflingensis. A second Life was composed in the 1150s by Ebo, a monk of the monastery of Saint Michael at Bamberg, where Otto was buried. Both the Prüfening Life and Ebo’s are based on the information of eyewitnesses. The third Life, composed by Herbord, also a monk of the monastery of Saint Michael, was written in 1158–59. Herbord’s work is far more literary than the other two Lives and with its many rhetorical devices presents problems of interpretation.45 Among authors at the time of the Second Crusade, was Bishop Otto of Freising the brother-in-law of Władysław II Wygnaniec (the Exile) who included some information about the Piasts and Poland in his Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa and A Chronicle of Universal History. Again, these two sources provide valuable reference points for contemporary Polish sources.46 In addition to narrative and hagiographical sources, and correspondence addressed to the papal court by the local episcopate, papal bulls contain a wealth of information about the planned preaching of the crusade across Polish ecclesiastical provinces. Evidence also suggests that local rulers and the church hierarchy initiated their own crusading enterprises. A difficulty with the ecclesiastical sources is that, although the bulls and briefs refer to various mooted actions, there is no complementary evidence that they took place. Correspondence between the Polish courts and the Holy See, however, confirms beyond doubt that the idea of crusade was espoused by the ruling elites in Poland, and was present in communications between the papacy and the Piasts.47

44  I use the edition prepared by Jan Wikarjak and Kazimierz Liman: Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman; Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman; Sancti Ottonis episcopi Babenbergensis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman. The most recent edition of Vita Prieflingensis is in Die Prüfeninger, ed. by Petersohn. 45  The debate over the exact dating of the three Lives of Otto is not conclusive. See Liman, ‘Stan badań nad żywotami świętego Ottona’; Petersohn, ‘Otto von Bamberg’. 46  Ottonis et Rahewini, ed. by Waitz; Ottonis episcopi, ed. by Hofmeister. 47  For details of papal bulls for Poland and letters addressed to the Polish princes see Bullarium Poloniae, ed. by Sułkowska-Kuraś and Kuraś, i: 1000–1342 (1982). For documents before 1200 and a commentary with summary of older research see Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów.

Introduction

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Historiography of the Crusades The experience of holy war in Piast Poland evolved between 1100 and 1230. Its nature changed, albeit at a much slower pace, in a process analogous to the development of crusading across other regions of Latin Christendom. At the beginning of the period under examination, the warfare initiated by the Piasts exhibited the characteristics of holy war. Fifty years later the Piasts joined the theatres of the Second Crusade as fully fledged crusaders in the Holy Land but remained reluctant in seeking papal authorization for their holy war against the Prussians. In my conceptualization of holy war I follow Jonathan Riley-Smith in defining holy war as warfare ‘approved of and even directly commanded by God, who could intervene physically on behalf of his chosen instruments of force’.48 Christian holy war drew on Old Testament accounts of the victories of the Jews, recalled in the Church’s liturgy. The holy wars were waged at (what was believed to be) the direct command of God against his enemies and in the course of the twelfth century influenced the emergent idea of crusade. An early example of holy war waged by the Piasts against the pagans is, as I will argue, the Polish conquest of Pomerania (c. 1102–28). The Polish experience of holy war only subsequently developed into crusading ideology. It evolved under the leadership of the papacy at the time of the Second Crusade.49 A key concept which emerged on the basis of holy war was the idea of crusade. The idea of crusade can be characterized as the set of preconditions which provided the spiritual and ideological foundations for the later institution of crusade.50 The genesis of the idea of crusade is seen in the amalgamation of various influences, which are expressed chiefly in the evolution of the Church’s approach to war.51 The idea of crusade emerged as the result of the reconciliation of the pacifist roots of Christianity with contradictory pronouncements of the Bible about war, and the acceptance of a Christian secular militarism. It received endorsement with Urban II’s call at Clermont, yet its actual form took 48 

Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 6. Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade, trans. by Baldwin and Goffart, pp. 113–17; Cowdrey, ‘The Genesis of the Crusades’. For some examples of proto-crusading see The Routledge Companion to the Crusades, pp. 306–08. 50  Cf. Jaspert, The Crusades, trans. by Jestice, pp. 13–16. 51  Blake, ‘Formation of the “Crusade Idea”’. For examples of some of the early excitatoria linked with the evolution of the idea of crusade, see Gieysztor, ‘The Genesis of the Crusades, I’; Gieysztor, ‘The Genesis of the Crusades, II’. Cf. Halecki, The Millennium of Europe, pp. 183–90. 49 

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centuries to be institutionalized.52 Crusading ultimately provided the justification that violence could be used in defence of Christendom. The leadership of the Church could legitimately authorize military action when its premise complied with the set of Augustinian qualifications for just war: legitimate authority, right intention, and just cause.53 In the Polish context, I agree with Andrzej F. Grabski who argued that the conquest of Pomerania by the Piasts was motivated by the same reasons as the wars referred to by Paul Rousset as précroisade, a holy war but not yet a crusade.54 According to Grabski, as earlier for Rousset, précroisade or proto-crusading was a concept antecedent to crusading proper. It was a manifestation of holy war characterized by wars being conducted against enemies of the faith without either the explicit authorization of the pope or the granting of indulgences.55 The new phenomenon of crusade which began to emerge in the late eleventh century encompassed and combined the characteristics of holy war, pilgrimage, and indulgences. The act of crusading was known variously to its contemporaries as peregrinatio, pilgrimage, via, way, and iter, journey.56 Other terms were also used in various vernaculars. Participants in the pilgrimage were customarily marked with the sign of the cross and were referred to as crucesig­ nati.57 The distinct term crusade appeared only at about the beginning of the thirteenth century.58 In historiography, the late development of the term has contributed to a lack of agreement on a strict definition of the phenomenon known as crusade.59 52 

See similar view in Mastnak, Crusading Peace, p. 50. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 5. See detailed discussion of the crusade as a ‘strange hybrid of holy war and just war’, in Mastnak, Crusading Peace, pp. 55–90. Cf. Atiya, Crusade, Commerce, and Culture, p. 17; Housley, Contesting the Crusades, pp. 24–47. 54  Grabski, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, p. 61. Cf. Rousset, Les origines et les caractères, pp. 27–29. 55  ‘The granting of this indulgence for any expedition may well be considered to define it as a crusade’. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, p. 145. Cf. Cowdrey, ‘The Genesis of the Crusades’, pp. 9–32. 56  Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, p. 2. 57  Markowski, “‘Crucesignatus”’, p. 157; Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, p. 31. Cf. Gilchrist, ‘The Lord’s War’, p. 70. 58  Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, p. 31; Hehl, ‘Was ist eigentlich ein Kreuzzug?’, p. 298; Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, p. 12. 59  Constable, ‘The Historiography of the Crusades’. 53 

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Hans Eberhard Mayer and Jonathan Riley-Smith have proposed two different definitions of crusade which are divergent, yet parallel approaches to the subject.60 Mayer, a traditionalist, argues that Jerusalem was the only objective of the crusades and an expedition directed towards any other geographical objective cannot therefore be a crusade. Riley-Smith offers a ‘pluralist’ definition, embracing a broader outlook in which many of the expeditions organized against heretics, pagans, or for other political reasons, were also crusades, because they were authorized by the pope on God’s behalf.61 Riley-Smith argues that contemporaries recognized a crusade by the requirement for participants to take a vow and to wear a cross, by the fact that the call for the campaign was made by the pope, and by the granting to the participants of certain privileges, including a special crusade indulgence. These elements, according to RileySmith, were essential to contemporaneous understanding of what constituted a crusade. Notwithstanding the differences in the approach to their definitions of crusade, both Mayer and Riley-Smith agree that a crusade was a manifestation of ‘a holy war, fought against those perceived to be the external or internal foes of Christendom for the recovery of Christian property or in defence of the Church or Christian people’.62 Jonathan Riley-Smith, in a number of studies, highlights the importance of crusading idealism. Riley-Smith argues that the crusaders’ idealism bridged the gap between spiritual renewal, postulated by the eleventh-century reform movement, and the theological justification for war. He explains how medieval piety and devotion defined crusading as an act of selfless Christian love, which directly obeyed the commands of Jesus Christ.63 Whether this popular view was a manifestation of a deep devotion, or a response invoked by those who preached the crusade is open to debate.64 I accept that there was a variety of 60 

Both authors consider at lengths, arguments about the defining characteristic of crusade. Mayer, The Crusades, trans. by Gillingham, p. 283; Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, pp. 11–12; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. xxviii. 61  See the definition of traditionalist and pluralist, in Riley-Smith, ‘The Crusading Movement and Historians’, p. 10; Housley, ‘If It Looks Like an Elephant’; Housley, Contesting the Crusades, pp. 1–23. See also discussion in Tyerman, The Invention of the Crusades, p. 2; Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom, pp. 228–30. I discuss the contentious issue of the definition, in von Güttner-Sporzyński, ‘The Crusades: Beyond a Definition’. 62  Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. xxviii. See also, Housley, The Later Crusades, pp. 2–6. 63  Riley-Smith, ‘The Crusading Movement and Historians’, pp. 1–14; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders. 64  Focus shifted away from crusaders’ economic motives to the personal motives of

16

Introduction

personal motives which led to participation in the crusades. I believe, however, that crusading occurred primarily as a result of the acceptance of violence by the Church, a consequence of the concept of holy war and its ideology.65 Augustine of Hippo (354–430) is credited with the formulation of the revised Christian response to war.66 Although the early Church denounced the bearing of arms by Christians, Augustine accepted the inevitability of war and stipulated three principles under which war could be legitimately conducted. Firstly, war must have been declared by a legitimate authority; secondly, it must be waged with the right intention (the intention to restore justice); and thirdly, it must be fought for a just cause (to remedy wrongdoing). The ideas of Augustine were later refined by canonists such as the Anselm of Lucca (1036–86), Ivo of Chartres (1040–1116), and Bonizo of Sutri (c. 1045–90). The collections of canon law compiled by these scholars, closely associated with the eleventh-century reform movement, provided further backing for the concept of just war and ultimate legitimacy for the concept of crusade (copies of these collections were made in Poland as early as 1103).67 The most significant study on the genesis of crusade was undertaken by Carl Erdmann. Many studies have reached broadly similar conclusions since the publication of Erdmann’s work on the idea of crusade, which shifted the focus of the debate from political and diplomatic factors towards an examination of the behaviour of an individual crusader, in particular his or her religious attitudes.68 Erdmann concludes that the idea of crusade was deeply rooted in the concept of Christian holy war. He points out that the phenomenon known today as the ‘crusade’ was in practice shaped not by the designs of

participants, and the desire to take part in the spiritual benefits promised to all crusaders. Jensen, ‘Temaer i korstogshistorien’, p. 19. Translated in Nedkvitne, ‘Why Did Medieval Norsemen Go on Crusades’, p. 37. 65  Cf. Tyerman, God’s War, pp. 27–57; Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom, p. 299; Mastnak, Crusading Peace, pp. 55–90. 66  The historiography of Augustine’s approach to war is extensive. The issue is comprehensively covered in Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages, pp. 16–39; Stevenson, Christian Love and Just War, pp. 1–11. Cf. Augustine: Political Writings, ed. by Atkins and Dodaro, p. xxiv. 67  Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages, pp. 18–36; Cowdrey, ‘The Genesis of the Crusades’, pp. 9–32. 68  Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, pp. 1–2. See also Runciman, ‘The Decline of the Crusad­ ing Idea’.

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the popes, but by the experiences of its participants.69 Erdmann’s other proposition — that Jerusalem was not the primary aim of the intended campaign called for by the popes — was rejected by, amongst others, Herbert Cowdrey, who argued that Jerusalem was central to the crusading plans of the popes.70 John Gilchrist, too, was critical of Erdmann’s use of the canonists because he did not find the idea of crusade in the collections of canon law created between 1083 and 1141. Gilchrist argues that Erdmann overstated the influence of the canonical collection of Anselm of Lucca on the events which culminated in the First Crusade, and argued that there was no change in the Church’s attitude towards holy war in the latter half of the eleventh century.71 Notwithstanding this criticism, scholars such as Ernst-Dieter Hehl, Grabski, Riley-Smith, and Janusz Trupinda adopted the Erdmann theses, and argued that the Church’s attitude to violence in the twelfth century was shaped by Christian theology, conclusions accepted here.72 An influential interpretation of the ideals, state of mind, and reality of the crusaders is provided by Riley-Smith. Significantly, he asserts that the message of Clermont was not far removed from the postulates of the eleventh-century reformers who wanted to ‘infuse secular life with monastic values’.73 RileySmith also observes that crusading was likely to have been less of a mass movement and more of an expression of religious, social, and political behaviour on the part of some interrelated families;74 my analysis of the sources to a degree confirms such a pattern of behaviour in the Polish context.

69 

The dynamics of the evolution of the idea of crusade were revealed by Blake who argued that the idea was ultimately shaped by the experiences of crusader pilgrims and the events which followed, and that of subsequent crusading expeditions altered the notions of crusade significantly on each occasion. Blake, ‘Formation of the “Crusade Idea”’, pp. 20–26. Also, see Bull, ‘Origins’. 70  Cowdrey, ‘Pope Urban II’s Preaching’. 71  Gilchrist, ‘The Erdmann Thesis’. See also Gilchrist, ‘The Papacy and War Against the “Saracens”’, pp. 180–84. 72  Hehl, Kirche und Krieg; Grabski, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, pp. 37–63; Trupinda, Ideologia, pp. 25–26. 73  Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 2. 74  The formation of family traditions constitutes an important aspect of crusading. RileySmith, ‘Family Traditions and Participation’; France, ‘Patronage and the Appeal of the First Crusade’.

Introduction

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Polish Historiography of the Crusades English readers of Polish history often find it challenging because of the linguistic barrier and a different historiographical tradition. There also seem to be many apparently unpronounceable personal and geographic names. Careful attention needs to be given to the context in which works by Poles were written. Polish historians who published during the century-long partition period (1795–1918) wrote under Austrian, Prussian, or Russian regimes and may have consciously or unconsciously adapted themselves to the censorship requirements of the partitioning power. During 1918–39, when Poland re-emerged as a sovereign state, Polish historiography was characterized by nationalism and a desire to justify, promote, and support the independent existence of a Polish state. These tendencies can be found in contemporary approaches to medieval history, including crusading. After the Second World War, communist ideology underpinned the totalitarian regime of the Polish Peoples’ Republic and influenced all facets of society. Its impact on academia created an imbalance towards the priorities dictated by Marxism. This was coupled with a preoccupation akin to nationalism to validate the acquisition of former German lands. The post-1945 amalgamation of the ‘Recovered Territories’ into new Poland was often justified on the basis of early Polish ‘Piast history’. Since the fall of communism in Poland in 1989, there has been active reassessment of earlier works and perspectives and scholars now operate in a climate of academic freedom. Research into Polish participation in the crusading movement dates back to the mid-nineteenth century with the research of Mathias Bersohn and Stanisław Smolka.75 In particular, Stanisław Smolka has influenced generations of historians with his conclusion that Poles were reluctant to take part in crusades in the Holy Land. His research has provided a long-lasting interpretation of the Wendish Crusade and the Piast expeditions against the Prussians. Smolka examined extant twelfth-century evidence and persuasively placed Mieszko III Stary (the Old) among the participants of the 1147 Wendish Crusade as the leader of the Polish contingent. According to Smolka, the Polish knighthood took part in the Wendish Crusade on a wave of universal enthusiasm for crusading in the wake of the Second Crusade.76 He also argued that the motives of 75 

Bersohn, ‘Kilka słów o polskich’; Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek. Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, p. 253. A similar position pointing to the reception of the idea of crusade through preaching was expressed in Bernhardi, Konrad III, pp. 563–64. 76 

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the Piasts were largely political.77 Among other episodes of Polish involvement in holy war Smolka identified the 1147 expedition of Bolesław IV Kędzierzawy (the Curly) against the Prussians as a crusade. Smolka’s arguments were to a degree supported by Stanisław Zakrzewski who has suggested that the Piasts ‘got away with nonparticipation in the Levantine crusades because the Poles invented their own Saracens in the neighbouring Wends and Prussians’.78 The conclusions of this book to a large extent confirm this observation. In the first years after Poland regained its independence Roman Grodecki claimed that the Polish knighthood possessed ‘an aversion to the use of force in the matters of faith’. Grodecki idealized the motives of Poles, and argued that Poles did not use crusading as a means of territorial expansion. In the spirit of his time, Grodecki’s stance conveniently reinforced Polish nationalist ideals, yet thirty years later Jerzy Dowiat categorized as a historiographical myth the position that ‘the Poles conducted only defensive wars because of their love of freedom, and that throughout their history any thought of military aggression was foreign to them’.79 The findings of my research to a great degree reflect Dowiat’s conclusions and also dispel this myth. In this book I build on and extend the research of Andrzej F. Grabski who analysed the idea of crusade and examined the presence of crusading ideology in the oldest extant work of Polish medieval historiography, the Gesta.80 In his detailed examination of the concept of the idea of crusade, Grabski followed Erdmann, Paul Rousset, and Michel Villey and concluded that the crusading ideology of the Gesta reflected the ideology of the court of Bolesław III. Thus, the magnates and the prelates, as the ruling elites of Poland, adapted for their own purposes the idea of crusade as manifested through the crusades against the Pomeranians, Prussians, and Sudovians. Grabski observed that the idea of crusade was not commonly known at all levels of Polish society, and that not all soldiers of Bolesław III’s holy wars would have identified with it. Grabski’s contribution to the debate is important because he drew attention to the impor77 

Bogusławski accepted this hypothesis, commenting that the Piasts became a tool in the hands of the Saxon rulers. Bogusławski, Dzieje Słowiańszczyzny, iii, p. 572. Also, Grodecki accepted that the political support of the Saxon margraves for the Piast Juniors was crucial to them at this time. Grodecki, ‘Dzieje Polski do roku 1194’, pp. 168–70. 78  Zakrzewski, ‘Wschód i Zachód w historii Polski’, p. 137. 79  Dowiat, ‘Ekspansja Pomorza’, p. 698. 80  Grabski, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, pp. 37–63.

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tance of the Gesta to crusading in Poland. Grabski’s analysis is taken further in this book and comparisons are made between the Gesta and the works of historians of the First Crusade. A popular theme of Communist historiography was the Germanization of the ‘Recovered Territories’ in the Middle Ages. A historian who cautiously warned against the oversimplifications of such a perspective was Benedykt Zientara. 81 Zientara’s study of the life of a Piast ruler of Silesia, Bolesław Wysoki (the Tall), examines Bolesław’s relationships with European dynasties, Bolesław’s exposure to the idea of crusade, and his role in the economic, legal, and societal changes of his principality. Zientara attempted to shift the focus of the research of Silesia away from presenting the Silesian Piasts as enablers of Germanization, and underlined the interrelationships between the Poles and the Germans during the twelfth century, and the position occupied by the Piasts as rulers supporting economic expansion modelled on European examples.82 The scholar who positioned Piast Poland as an integral part of Latin Christendom is Jerzy Kłoczowski. I am convinced by his argument that Piast Poland experienced a radical cultural change after its population came under the influence of Christian culture. Kłoczowski’s conclusions are vital to understanding the transmission of the idea of holy war to Poland and its reception there. One of the main arguments of Kłoczowski is that the idea of holy war and crusade was inherent in the acceptance of Christian religion in Poland.83 Through the acceptance of Christianity and exposure to the Latin clergy who ministered the faith, the Piasts and their knighthood were exposed to ideas from Latin Christendom. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, historians such as Mikołaj Gładysz, Marek Smoliński, and Maria Starnawska contributed to the discussion on the participation by the Poles in the crusades, and the settlement of military religious orders in Poland.84 Gładysz’s analysis is the most extensive both in the terms of the timeframe and the scope of activities covered. He examines the involvement of Poles in the crusades in the Holy Land, Pomerania, Prussia, and Sudovia 81 

Zientara, ‘Bolesław Wysoki’. Zientara, ‘Bolesław Wysoki’, pp. 367–71. See in general Zientara, ‘Mieszko Plątonogi’; Zientara, Świt narodów europejskich; Zientara, ‘Posłowie’, pp. 457–60; Zientara, Henryk Brodaty. 83  Kłoczowski, ‘Zakony na ziemiach polskich’; Kłoczowski, Młodsza Europa; Kłoczowski, A History of Polish Christianity. 84  Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy; Heś, Joannici na Śląsku; Smoliński, Joannici w polityce książąt polskich; Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem. 82 

Introduction

21

in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. His work is important as he considers the Polish crusading movement within the wider schema of European crusading, papal policy, and Piast foreign policy. Gładysz provides numerous hypotheses, one of which is, for example, in respect of the timing and circumstances of the pilgrimage of Jaxa of Miechów and the crusading activities of Henry of Sandomierz. Despite fragmentary evidence, often Gładysz’s enthusiasm for the subject matter renders the hypotheses risky as they are impossible to be substantiated. Gładysz also provides little comment on the transmission of the idea of crusade and the development of the ideology of holy war in Poland;85 the issue I consider vital for positioning the Piast realm firmly within the influence of Latin Christendom. The historian who has placed Piast participation in crusading within a wide social and political European context is Marek Smoliński. He presented the relationship between the Hospitallers, who settled in Poland and Pomerania, and their benefactors who were mainly Piast dynasts. Smoliński concentrated on the period between 1150 and 1315 and attempted to explain the reasons for the foundation of individual commanderies in Poland within the context of the foundation processes of the Hospitaller commanderies in Germany, Bohemia, and Moravia. Smoliński’s contribution is important as it reveals the involvement of the Hospitallers in Poland and in the politics of the dynasties ruling the region.86 Maria Starnawska pioneering research concentrated on the military religious orders in Poland and their importance to the crusading movement in the Middle Ages.87 Significantly for future studies, Starnawska analyses the inception of the orders’ engagements in Poland, the endowments of commanderies, and their location. She explores the orders’ engagement in the community through the network of preceptories which supported local parishes, maintained hospices and hospitals, managed landed estates, and took part in local politics. In this book, I agree with Starnawska’s argument that all of the military religious orders, despite their individual characteristics and particular aims, 85 

Gładysz, ‘W sprawie udziału polskiego księcia’; Gładysz, ‘O zapomnianych polskich krzyżowcach’; Gładysz, ‘Udział Polski’. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy. This book is now available in English translation; however the references in my work will be to its Polish edition. Gładysz, The Forgotten Crusaders, trans. by Barford. 86  Smoliński, Joannici w polityce książąt polskich. 87  Starnawska, ‘Crusade Orders on Polish Lands’; Starnawska, ‘Krucjata a Ziemia Święta’; Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem; Starnawska, ‘Rola polskich zakonów krzyżowych’; Starnawska, ‘Military Orders’.

Introduction

22

were subject to the same pressures; their presence promoted the idea of crusade and supported efforts of Polish dynasts to Christianize the pagan neighbours of Poland. Starnawska observed that ‘the propaganda of crusade conducted by the crusading orders reached the princes and ruling elites in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’ as evidenced by the charters and foundations of churches. She concluded that ‘the reception of this propaganda by other strata of society cannot be traced in any sources’.88 My research confirms Starnawska’s assertions that the extant sources primarily recount events related to the socio-political elites. The actions and preferences of these elites were not automatically transmitted to other strata of society. For this reason, an examination of the actions of Polish rulers and the knighthood are central to our understanding of the reception of the idea of crusade. The conclusions of Starnawska’s research are extended here. I propose that the impact of the idea of crusade in Poland can be estimated by the number and size of the endowments of the military religious orders by Polish magnates. The identification of individual crusade participants is an important part of the historiography of crusades and crusading.89 In the 1920s, Michał Mendys investigated and explored issues relating to the identity of anonymous Polish princes who took the cross during the Second and the Fifth Crusade.90 Mendys has postulated that Władysław II, deposed suzerain of Poland, was the ‘King of the Poles’ who took a large contingent of Polish knights on the Second Crusade joining the German and Czech forces. The strength of Mendys’s work is his use of Polish, German, and Czech sources. By highlighting the identity, cultural values, politics, and background of the Polish dynasts, and their international connections and intermarriages, Mendys has provided some precision about the extent and nature of the involvement of individual members of the Piast dynasty in crusading. The Wendish Crusade is directly connected to the Polish crusading effort surrounding the Second Crusade.91 Its events have received, in varying degrees of detail, the attention of authors such as Giles Constable, Helmut Beumann, 88 

Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 160–61. Riley-Smith, ‘Family Traditions and Participation’, pp. 101–08; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders. 90  Mendys portrayed crusading as a cynical enterprise conducted for political reasons. See Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, pp. 399–434. 91  I refer to the Slavic tribes inhabiting the lands east of the Elbe and west of the Oder as Wends rather than as the Polabian Slavs. Cf. Helmold of Bosau, Chronicle of the Slavs, trans. by Tschan, p. 5, n. 6. 89 

Introduction

23

Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Manfred Unger, and Friedrich Lotter.92 These authors have touched very broadly on ideological issues, mainly with reference to Bernard of Clairvaux and the reception of his ideas, and have also examined the motivations of some of those who took the cross against the Wends. According to Stanisław Smolka, the Polish knighthood took part in the Wendish Crusade on a wave of general enthusiasm for crusading in the wake of the Second Crusade.93 Smolka did not analyse how and by what means the idea of crusade had become known to the Poles. He suggested that the motives of the Piasts were largely diplomatic, prompted by a desire for good relations with Saxony.94 Whilst Smolka did not place the Poles within the wider perspective of the preaching of the crusade, his study brought to light numerous episodes of Polish involvement, and is referred to extensively by Polish historians. Another theory was proposed by Zakrzewski who argued that by being involved in the Wendish Crusade the Piasts sought to prevent the possible secession of Pomerania from their suzerainty.95 Similarly, Marian Gumowski argued that Polish involvement in the expedition against the Wends was a calculated demonstration of power aimed at securing Polish rights to Brandenburg.96 Kazimierz Myśliński proposed that Poles participated in the Wendish Crusade only to support their Slav neighbours; the focus of Myśliński’s study centred on political aspects and diplomatic manoeuvring only.97 I propose, however, that the Piast Juniors participated in the Wendish Crusade to legitimize their victory in the civil war 92  Constable, ‘The Second Crusade’; Beumann, ‘Kreuzzugsgedanke’; Kahl, ‘Wie kam es 1147 zum “Wendenkreuzzug”’; Kahl, ‘Compellere intrare’; Kahl, ‘Zum Geist der deutschen Slawen­m ission’; Unger, ‘Bernhard von Clairvaux und der Slawenkreuzzug’; Lotter, ‘The Crusading Idea’; Lotter, Die Konzeption des Wendenkreuzzugs. 93  Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, p. 253. A similar position pointing to the reception of the idea of crusade through preaching was expressed in Bernhardi, Konrad III, pp. 563–64. 94  Bogusławski agreed with this hypothesis, but argued that the Piasts became subservient to the Saxon rulers. Bogusławski, Dzieje Słowiańszczyzny, p. 572. For Grodecki the political support of the Saxon margraves for the Piast Juniors was crucial to their overall strategy at this time. Grodecki, ‘Dzieje Polski do roku 1194’, pp. 168–70. 95  Zakrzewski, Historya polityczna Polski, pp.  109–10. This theory has been accepted in Zientara, ‘Stosunki polityczne Pomorza Zachodniego’, p. 549, n. 16; Dowiat, ‘Ekspansja Pomorza’, pp. 702–03; Dworsatschek, Władysław II Wygnaniec, p. 130; Kahl, Slawen und Deutsche, pp. 752–53, n. 261. 96  Gumowski, ‘Sprawa braniborska xii wieku (część I)’, pp. 128–29. 97  Myśliński, Bogusław I książe Pomorza Zachodniego, p. 13; Myśliński, ‘Księstwo Saskie a Polska’, p. 177; Myśliński, Polska wobec Słowian połabskich, pp. 173–76; Myśliński, ‘Sprawa udziału Polski’; Myśliński, ‘Polska a Pomorze Zachodnie’, pp. 42–46.

Introduction

24

(1142–46) and in continuation of the holy war tradition established by their father Bolesław III as celebrated in the Gesta.98 Geographical location and politics link the Baltic region, Prussia, and Poland. The ‘Northern Crusades’ (in Pomerania and Prussia along the Baltic littoral) are explored by a number of historians such as Iben FonnesbergSchmidt, Hans-Dietrich Kahl, Janus Møller Jensen, Kurt Villads Jensen, Edgar Johnson, John Lind, William Urban, Tore Nyberg, and Eric Christiansen. 99 Most of these studies treat crusading by the Poles before 1200, peripherally. An exception is Lind who discusses Polish crusading in the context of crusading on the Baltic rim.100 There is no work published in English which explores the nature of the wars between the Poles and their northern neighbours before the arrival of the Teutonic Order. * * * My views on the evolution of the idea of holy war in the twelfth-century Poland have evolved over a period of research on the medieval realm of the Piasts. I argue in this book and in my other publications that the Polish elites were fervent supporters of Christian holy war and later on participants in the crusades. However, readers will need to decide for themselves if the wars conducted by the members of the Piast dynasty against the Pomeranians, Prussians, and Wends were manifestations of Christian holy war or wars of expansion. My interpretation of the evidence has convinced me that these wars were genuine holy wars even though the Piasts used the idea of holy war to further their own policy agenda. 98 

For Józef Mitkowski, it was the importance of securing Polish interests in the region. Mitkowski, Pomorze Zachodnie, pp. 60–61; Spors, Studia nad wczesnośredniowiecznymi, p. 238. 99  Christiansen, The Northern Crusades; Kahl, ‘Compellere intrare’; Kahl, Slawen und Deutsche; Kahl, ‘Wie kam es 1147 zum “Wendenkreuzzug”’; Kahl, ‘Zum Ergebnis’; Kahl, ‘Zum Geist der deutschen Slawenmission’; Urban, The Baltic Crusade; Nyberg, ‘Deutsche, dänische und schwedische Christianisierungsversuche’; Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades; Jensen, Jensen, and Lind, ‘Communicating Crusades’; Lind and others, Danske korstog; Lehtonen and others, Medieval History Writing. There is also important research by Włodarski which revealed that the Poles were involved in numerous expeditions which also aimed at Christianizing the Sudovians. Sudovia’s location between Prussia, Poland, and Lithuania, made it a target for conquest by all its neighbours. Włodarski, Rywalizacja o ziemie pruskie; Włodarski, ‘Między Polską, Litwą a Zakonem Krzyżackim’; Włodarski, Z dziejów rywalizacji Polski, Rusi i Zakonu Krzyżackiego. 100  Lind and others, Danske korstog; Lind, ‘Puzzling Approaches to the Crusading Move­ ment’, pp. 264–83.

Introduction

25

I agree with Roman Grodecki and Mikołaj Gładysz that proven examples of twelfth-century participation in the crusades to the Holy Land are very rare. In 1099, the realm of the Piasts, had been nominally Christian for only one hundred and thirty years. It is fair to assume that the Piasts’ subjects were not yet fully Christianized. The examples of individuals taking the cross were exceptional and restricted to the elites and the members of the ruling house.

The Present Study This book is divided into seven chapters which present the argument and evidence to support the study. Chapters 1 and 2 present the early history of Poland and explain the growth of power of the Piast dynasty and the expansion of their realm. I concentrate on the period between the baptism of Mieszko I in 966 to the death of Władysław I Herman in 1102. In explaining the long process of the Christianization of Poland, I present the background and the reasons for the involvement of the Piasts in Christian holy war and crusading. These two chapters set the scene for an examination of the evolution of the ideology of holy war, through examination of the processes which facilitated the reception of the idea of holy war in Poland. These two chapters also discuss the introduction of Christianity into Poland, and its profound influence on the Piast realm and its culture. I examine how the reception of Latin Christianity exposed Polish elites to its ideas and culture and helped transmit the idea of holy war and its ideology. The Christianization of Poland had a close connection to state formation and the strengthening of nationhood, and was closely linked with the growth of ecclesiastical organization. I argue in these two chapters, that a reciprocal relationship developed between the Piast dynasty and the Church at the end of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth century, which directly contributed to the vigour with which holy war was pursued by Polish rulers. In Chapter 3, I examine the adaptation of the idea of holy war. This chapter traces the dissemination of the idea of holy war within Polish elites of the early twelfth century and examines ‘the right and just’ wars waged by Bolesław III against the Pomeranians as examples of holy wars and at the same time examples of proto-crusades. Through examination of the Gesta, I focus on Bolesław III. I argue that this Piast largely instigated the acceptance of the idea of holy war in Poland, inspired its emulation amongst elites, and established the tradition which was enshrined by Gallus in his Gesta, an ‘instruction manual’ for knightly classes to follow. Bolesław III’s actions and reputation were crucial to the proliferation of the idea of holy war. They led to the establishment of a Piast family tradition of expanding the frontiers of Latin Christendom.

26

Introduction

Chapter 4 outlines the events of the civil war between Władysław II and his younger half-brothers in the lead up to the Wendish Crusade and analyses the circumstances of Polish involvement. It presents Piast involvement in the Wendish Crusade as a consequence of first — a Piast family tradition of active participation in the holy war established by Bolesław III, and second — as an outcome of the political isolation of the Piast Juniors. The Piast Juniors sought to legitimize and consolidate their usurpation of power in Poland in the aftermath of the coup of 1146 which deposed Władysław II. The participation of Mieszko III as a leader of the Polish contingent on the Wendish Crusade was the result of an alliance between the Piast Juniors and the Saxon dynasts, and was intended to be a show of Polish strength. Chapter 5 examines the evidence that the Poles were not only involved in the Second Crusade, but also contributed at least one significant crusading army to it. It examines the reference by John Kinnamos to the ‘King of the Poles’ as the leader of an army during the Second Crusade. I present my hypothesis which links this reference to Henry of Sandomierz, a devout crusader knight from Poland who later personally established commanderies of the military religious orders in his dominion. This chapter hypothesizes the extent to which Poles participated in the crusades through the study of the lives of Polish dynasts and their interaction with the leading figures of the European crusading movement. It also explores and evaluates the similarities and differences between the experience of crusading in Poland and Western Europe. Chapter 6 continues to explore Polish participation in Christian holy war and unearths the expedition led by Bolesław IV in the autumn of 1147 into the lands of the Prussians — a military operation unreported in English-language historiography. I argue that the expedition was part of the Polish response to the preaching of the Second Crusade. It is likely that the indulgences granted by the papacy for crusading against the Wends and other pagans inhabiting the north were understood by Polish contemporaries to include crusading against the Prussians in 1147. In this chapter, I introduce the hitherto unreported Polish expedition of 1166 against the Prussians and a subsequent holy war in 1192 against the Prussian tribe of Pollexians. Chapter 7 outlines the attempts by the Cistercian Order to achieve the conversion of Prussia through missionary activity against the backdrop of the political fragmentation of the Piast patrimony. The resulting lack of unity between the Piast princes and lack of co-ordination in conducting holy war against the Prussians brings about a change in strategy. The chapter analyses the events leading up to 1230 and the advent of the crusades against the Prussians.

Introduction

27

These were initially conducted by the Piasts, and later by the Danes, and finally by the Teutonic Order. This chapter also examines the settlement of military religious orders in Poland, their activities, and their participation in the wider crusading movement. Some additional information is presented in the appendices.

Names and Conventions Used in this Book There is no uniform translation of Polish names of the provinces into English and indeed it can be questioned why such a translation needs to be made. In this book, I decided to use English terms for Polish historical provinces. I use the terms Greater Poland rather than Great Poland (Polish: Wielkopolska, Latin: Polonia Maior), Lesser Poland rather than Little Poland (Polish: Małopolska, Latin: Polonia Minor), Sandomierz (Latin: Sandomiria, German: Sandomir), Pomerelia (German: Pommerellen, Polish: Pomorze Gdańskie or Pomorze Wschodnie), Pomerania (Polish: Pomorze, German: Pommern, Latin: Pomerania or Pomorania), and Prussia (German: Prußen, Latin: Borussia, Prutenia, Polish: Prusy). For the Polish rulers, I provide their full Polish name together with their nickname in Polish which is then translated, but on subsequent use I only use their translated nickname. Thus on the first use ‘Bolesław I Chrobry (the Brave)’ and subsequently ‘Bolesław I the Brave’ or ‘Bolesław I’. The only exception is Henryk Sandomierski who in this book is consequently referred to as ‘Henry of Sandomierz’. There are two conventions of Polish historiography which I also need to explain here. The author of the Gesta principum Polonorum is almost always referred to by Polish authors as Gall Anonim (Gallus Anonymous). This is simply a matter of convention as the author cannot be identified. I decided to follow this established convention and refer to him as Gallus. Similarly, the author of the Chronica Polonorum is referred to in Polish historiography as Mistrz Wincenty zwany Kadłubkiem (Master Vincentius called Kadłubek) or Mistrz Wincenty Kadłubek (Master Vincentius Kadłubek). I prefer to refer to this historian and chronicler as ‘Bishop Vincentius of Kraków’ as he was elected bishop of Kraków. The use of the highly dubious patronymic Kadłubek only complicates the issue of the author’s identity.

Introduction

28

Polish Language Polish names and words may appear difficult but their pronunciation is consistent. All vowels are simple and of even length, as in Italian, and their sound is best rendered by the English words ‘sum’ (a), ‘ten’ (e), ‘ease’ (i), ‘lot’ (o), ‘book’ (u), ‘sit’ (y). Most of the consonants behave the same way as in English, except for ‘c’ (which is pronounced ‘ts’), ‘j’ (which is soft as in ‘yes’), and ‘w’ (which is equivalent to the English ‘v’). As in German, some consonants are softened when they fall at the end of a word and ‘b’, ‘d’, ‘f ’, ‘w’, ‘z’ became ‘p’, ‘t’, ‘k’, ‘f ’, ‘s’ respectively. There are also a number of accented letters and combinations peculiar to Polish of which the following is a rough list:

ó u, hence Kraków is pronounced ‘krakooff ’.



ą nasal a, hence sąd is pronounced ‘sont’.



ę nasal e, as ‘in’ in French ‘enfin’, hence Łęczyca is pronounced ‘winchytsa’.



ć ch as in ‘cheese’.



cz ch as in ‘catch’.



ch guttural h as in ‘loch’.



ł English w, hence Bolesław becomes ‘Boleswaf ’, Władysław ‘Vwadiswaf ’.



ń soft n as in Spanish ‘mañana’.



rz French j as in ‘je’.



ś sh as in ‘sheer’.



sz sh as in ‘bush’.



ż as rz



ź a similar sound to ż, but sharper, as in French ‘gigot’

Chapter 1

The Expansion of the Piast Realm, 960–1100

B

efore the middle of the tenth century a West Slav tribe of Polanie established their realm in the basin of the Oder River. Under the leadership of a succession of warlords from whom the ruling dynasty of Poland later claimed descent, the Polanie successfully conquered the lands of neighbouring tribes in an aggressive territorial expansion. In 966, the ruler of the Polanie Mieszko  I converted to Christianity. At a stroke, the ruling Piast dynasty removed itself as a target for forceful conversion by its Christian neighbours, was granted the patronage and protection of the pope, and brought Poland into the sphere of the civilization of Latin Christendom. The motives for and methods by which Christianity came to Poland are significant: conversion was an act of expediency in the face of expansionist Latin Christendom and was orchestrated via the dynastic instrument of marriage in order to seal an alliance with others recently converted to Christianity, the Přemyslid dynasty of Bohemia.1 The Piasts’ subsequent policies and actions reveal a fundamental shift towards the religious, administrative, and political models offered by Latin Christendom. Furthermore, they attest to the continued importance of family relationships and tradition in matters of faith and state, and demonstrate how the assimilation of the idea of holy war was intrinsic to the acceptance of Christianity in Poland. * * * 1 

Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, iv:56, pp.  221–23. See also Urbańczyk, ‘Christianization of Early Medieval Societies’.

Chapter 1

30 THE WESTERN SLAVS BEFORE 966 14°

16°

20°

22°

18°

BAL

TIC

SEA

54°

54°

r Po m e

ania

ns M

az

ov

Po l a n i e

ia

ns

52°

52°

Silesians Vistu lans

50°

50°

16°

18°

20°

22°

N

Map 1. The Western Slavs before 966

This chapter examines the rapid enlargement of the Piast realm, 960–1100 and outlines the early history of Poland. It explains the growth of the power of the Piast dynasty and the territorial expansion of their realm. It concentrates on the period between the baptism of Mieszko I in 966 and the death of Władysław I Herman in 1102. It presents the complicated process of the Christianization of Poland as a backdrop to the involvement of the Piasts in Christian holy war and crusading. An examination of the early history of the Piasts sets the scene for an examination of the evolution of the ideology of holy war. * * *

The Expansion of the Piast Realm, 960–1100

31

Much of what is known about the Slavic tribes ruled by Mieszko I and the growth of the early Piast state is based upon archaeological evidence. 2 The realm first appears in written sources shortly before Mieszko’s baptism. The lands controlled by the Piast ruler were located far from the major European trading routes and the centres of early medieval Europe. Mieszko (d. 992) was the head of the Piast dynasty, whose name is derived from the family’s mythical founder, a ploughman named Piast. The origins of the dynasty’s name Piast has been a subject of much speculation. Whilst most historians accept that it represents the Old Polish word meaning ‘to nourish’ or ‘to hold’ the description of the Polish dynasty as the ‘house of Piast’ does not appear in other medieval sources and it seems to have been coined in the sixteenth century, apparently by Bishop Marcin Kromer (1512–89).3 Under the leadership of the Piasts the Polanie, whose tribal name literally means ‘people of the plains’, emerged as the most powerful of the numerous West Slav tribes settled on the plains between the Oder and Vistula Rivers.4 Before the 960s, the Piasts had united the kin-based tribal societies of the region including the Vistulans who had been Christianized earlier, probably by Saint Methodius. By the end of his reign, Mieszko’s realm encompassed Greater Poland, Lesser Poland, Mazovia, Silesia, and Pomerania with the fortified stronghold of Gniezno at its centre.5 The expansionary policy of the early Piast rulers such as Mieszko I was based on a strong and well organized military. The warriors were recruited from the Piasts’ free subjects and were paid for their service. The military contingents were stationed across Piast controlled territories and archaeological evidence suggests that the Piasts built strongholds across the new territories to accommodate the growing military force. These strongholds would have been both a visible symbol of the Piasts’ territorial conquest as well as a safeguard for their acquisitions. 2 

See in general, Buko, The Archaeology of Early Medieval Poland, pp. 55–106. Gesta, i:1, pp. 18–19. The theme of a ploughman as a progenitor of a dynasty features prominently in dynastic mythology. Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, i:6, p. 6; Banaszkiewicz, Podanie o Piaście, pp. 83–84. Cf. Kossmann, Polen im Mittelalter, ii, pp. 124–26. 4  The Poles are variously described as Polani, Poleni, and Poloni. Poland is referred to as terra Polanorum, Polenia, Polonia within two decades of Mieszko’s death. See for example, Sancti Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris vita altera auctore, ed. by Karwasińska, x, p. 8; xxx, p. 35; Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, v:23, p. 283; v:34, p. 299; vi:10, p. 329; viii:31, p. 621. 5  Kurnatowska, ‘Proces formowania’; Wasilewski, ‘Poland’s Administrative Structure’. 3 

Chapter 1

32

Archaeological evidence suggests that the Piast forces included mercenaries or allies and significant numbers of Viking warriors, as Viking relics have been found across Pomerania and Greater Poland. Close family relationships between the Piasts and the rulers of Scandinavia may explain the Viking presence in the military forces of Mieszko I. Mieszko’s daughter Świętosława (Sigríð) (d. after 1014) was the wife of the ruler of Sweden, Eric the Victorious (d. c. 995), and later married Sweyn I Forkbeard of Denmark (d. 1014), and was the mother of Canute the Great (c. 985/95–1035).6 There are few written sources which can shed light on the early period of the rule of the Piast dynasty, particularly prior to the accession of Mieszko I.7 One account is by Ibrahim Ibn Jakub, a merchant who travelled through central Europe in 961–62.8 According to Ibn Jakub, Mieszko’s land was: The most expansive of the [Slavs’] lands and it has an abundance of food, meat, honey, and arable land. Mieszko’s taxes […] go for the pay of his warriors. Every month every one of them receives a fixed sum. He has three thousand armoured warriors divided into units and every hundred of them is equal to ten hundred others, and Mieszko gives these men their clothes, horses, armour, and everything they need. If to one of them a child is born, he orders that it be paid a [warriors’] pay from the moment it was born, whether the child is of male or female sex. When the child grows up, then, if it is a man, he will marry him off and will pay a dowry for him to the [bride’s] father. If it is a girl, then he will give her in marriage and will pay a dowry for her to the [groom’s] father. […] If some man has two or three daughters, then this is the cause of his wealth. If he has two sons, then this is the cause of his poverty.9

Ibrahim Ibn Jakub’s description of the lands ruled by the ‘king of the north’ concentrates on Mieszko’s warriors, highlighting the martial reputation of the leader of the Poles. Such a characterization of the Piasts suggests, somewhat, the reasons why they were successful in establishing a powerful state with the support of a well organized warrior caste. The reference to Mieszko as the ‘king 6 

Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, vii:39, p. 523; Cnutonis Regis Gesta, ed. by Peitz, ii:2, p. 515. 7  Kóčka-Krenz, ‘Piast State Formation’; Buko, ‘From Great Poland to Little Poland’. 8  This passage is the first reliable description of Mieszko’s realm. Abraham ben Jacob also refered to as Ibrahim Ibn Jakub (Ibrâhîm ibn Ya’qûb) was a Sephardi Jew, probably a merchant. In 961–62 he travelled through western and central Europe. The memoirs and commentaries of his journey are known from excerpts by later authors. Richter-Bernburg, ‘Ibrāhīm ibn Ya‛qūb al-Isrā’īlī al-Ṭurṭūshī’. 9  Relacja Ibrahima Ibn Jakuba, ed. by Kowalski and Kostrzewski, p. 50.

The Expansion of the Piast Realm, 960–1100

33

Siemomysł leader of the Polanie d. 950–60

daughter m. unknown ruler of Pomerania

Mieszko I d. 992 d. of the Polanie c. 960 1 m. Dobrava of Bohemia

Bolesław I the Brave c. 967–1025 k. of Poland 1025 2 m. unknown 3 m. Emnilda of Lusatia

2 Bezprym c. 986–1032 d. of Poland 1031

Świętosława = Sigríð Storråda c. 968/72–1014 2 m. Sweyn Forkbeard of Denmark

3 Mieszko II Lambert c. 990–1034 k. of Poland 1025–31 m. Richeza of Lorraine

Kazimierz I the Restorer 1016–58 d. of Poland 1031 m. Dobroniega Maria of Kiev

Czcibor d. c. 972

Canute the Great 985/95–1035 k. of Denmark, England and Norway m. Emma of Normandy

Gertrude c. 1025–1108 m. Iziaslav of Kiev

Gunhilda of Denmark c. 1020–38 m. Emperor Henry III

Figure 1. The early Piasts, including their relationship to Canute the Great.

of the north’ is significant in the context of the expansion of Christendom and later references to the ‘pagans of the north’ in papal documents calling for recruitment of crusaders. The lack of written sources for the early history of the Piast realm was possibly a source of concern to the elites of the Piast realm, who by the end of the twelfth century are likely to have recognized that this set them apart from their western European counterparts. In the early twelfth century an anonymous monk in the service of the Piast court, conventionally known as Gallus, was commissioned to write the Gesta. His Gesta records the valiant deeds of his patron and descendant of Mieszko I, Bolesław III the Wrymouth. In his work Gallus explains that his lack of information about the origins of the Piast dynasty is due to there being no one alive to remember them, pointing to the dynasty’s reliance on the preservation of oral traditions. The monk began his Gesta with the earliest of the Piasts, but devotes more attention to Mieszko I,

Chapter 1

34

because he says information on this ruler was still alive in the memory of his informers. The circumstances surrounding Mieszko’s conversion to Latin Christianity are hotly debated. There are significant problems with accounts in Polish annals and their chronology, and the supporting evidence raises more questions. Yet, whatever Mieszko’s motives, his decision to convert to Christianity was an astute political act which cemented an important alliance with the ruler of Bohemia and simultaneously provided Mieszko with laudable justification to subjugate his pagan neighbours. That Mieszko chose baptism from a Bohemian missionary, may indicate that he sought to limit the political influence of the expanding, mission-focused German Church. Likewise Mieszko’s choice ensured that the first Polish bishopric, founded in 968 in Poznań, was subordinated directly to the conveniently distant, but undeniably supreme authority of Rome.10 The earliest sources highlight the significance of Mieszko I’s Christian wife, Dobrava, daughter of Boleslav I of Bohemia. 11 The Chronicle written by Thietmar of Merseburg between 1012 and 1018 presents a contemporary account of the event: Upon the incessant pleadings of his beloved wife, [Mieszko] spewed out the poison of paganism into which he was born and cleansed the stigma of the original sin in holy baptism, and immediately the previously infirm members of the populace followed their chief and beloved ruler and, clad in nuptial garments, were counted among the children of Christ.12

Mieszko’s wife Dobrava of Bohemia is credited with being the catalyst for the conversion which hints at the influence and potential political power of women within the dynasty. This idealistic account which conveys Thietmar’s vision of the baptism of Poland includes the allegorical simultaneous conversion of the whole popula10 

See in general Piskorski, Civitas Schinesghe. ‘Dubrouka venit ad Miskonem’, ‘Mysko dux baptizatur.’ Rocznik dawny, ed. by KozłowskaBudkowa, pp. 4–5. ‘Dubrouka ad Meskonem venit’, ‘Mesco dux Polonie baptizatur.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p.  43. For a detailed examination of the information presented in the extant annals see Kürbis, ‘Refleksje kronikarzy’. Cf. Abraham, Organizacja Kościoła, pp. 96–111. 12  Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, iv:56, p. 221. Later accounts of the event can be found in Gesta, i:5–6, pp. 28–29; Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, i:27, p. 49; Chronica Polonorum, ii:8–10, pp. 36–40. 11 

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tion as a consequence of the conversion of their ruler.13 Within a century of Thietmar’s account being written, the myth of Mieszko I’s conversion was elaborated by Gallus who added that the event was prophesized by the miraculous healing of Mieszko’s childhood blindness.14 The great and memorable Mieszko, the first of that name, […] was blind for the first seven years of his life. But when his seventh birthday came around […] it became clear that the blind boy had recovered his sight […] The older and wiser among [said that] the explanation was that as he had once been blind, so too had Poland, as it were, been blind before. But in time to come, they prophesied, Poland would be illuminated by Mieszko and exalted over all the neighbouring nations […] For Poland was indeed blind before, for she knew neither the worship of the true God nor the teachings of the Faith; but when Mieszko was enlightened Poland was enlightened too, because when he came to believe, the people of Poland were saved from the death of unbelief.15

The introduction of Christianity to Poland led to fundamental changes to the governance of the Slavic tribes ruled by Mieszko I and a cultural shift similar to that experienced by other converted territories across the European continent. Christendom provided previously disparate tribal groups with a common identity, and ultimately paved the way for Mieszko’s realm to be recognized as a state, with its internal structures comparable to the rest of Europe.16 References to Mieszko I and his realm begin to enter Christian written sources after his baptism. In 967, German annals mention the ruler of the Poles as amicus imperatoris, and ten years later, the land of the Slavs is depicted in a dedicatory miniature in a gospel book made for the Emperor Otto III.17 This late tenth-century miniature depicts Otto III enthroned and flanked by clergy and magnates. The Emperor receives homage from four female figures who are the crowned personifications of the four constituent parts of Christian Europe: Roma, Gallia, Germania, and Sclavinia — the land of the Slavs.18 This representation of a new, enlarged Europe, suggests that Poland played a significant part

13 

Cf. Wiszewski, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 29–31. Gesta, i:4, p. 26–28. Cf. Kürbis, ‘Refleksje kronikarzy’, pp. 97–114. 15  Gesta, i:4, pp. 28–29. 16  Cf. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 9; Buko, ‘From Great Poland to Little Poland’, pp. 468–73; Labuda, ‘Jakimi drogami przyszło’. 17  Widukindi monachi Corbeiensis, ed. by Hirsch and Lohmann, p. 144. 18  Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 291, 313. 14 

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in Otto III’s vision of Latin Christendom and signals Poland’s acceptance at the heart of the universal Christian world.19 In addition to aspiring to partnership with the Empire, Mieszko I followed a policy of direct engagement with the papacy. In 991, Mieszko placed his realm, the civitas Schinesghe cum pertinentibus, under the protection of the Holy See, a fact which is known from an extract of a charter known as the Dagome Iudex.20 19 

Klaniczay, ‘The Birth of a New Europe’, p. 100. See also, for example Fried, ‘Die Erneue­rung‘. The significance of the document is discussed in Kürbis, ‘Dagome iudex’. A summary of the most recent historiography can be found in Labuda, ‘Stan dyskusji’. Cf. Thietmar’s reference to the payment of Peter’s pence by the Piasts. Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, vi:92, 20 

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The significance of this act was twofold. Firstly, Mieszko I recognized the authority of the papacy, its religious and political prestige, and the importance of its patronage for his realm; secondly, it enabled departure from the tribal traditions of leadership by elders and warlords in favour of establishing a single throne secured for his descendants. The conversion of Mieszko  I also led to the establishment of the first Christian mission to Poland. The mission established the foundation for the deeper Christianization of Mieszko I’s subjects, a process which would take a further two centuries. The first mission was led by Bishop Jordan who initiated an influx of Latin clergy into Poland. Along with other material and organizational support from the Piast monarch, the activities of the Church were characterized by a top down conversion process. Church structures were directly subordinated to the Piast ruler from whom they derived their authority. In turn, the ruler guaranteed the provision of resources and the safety of the mission. Mieszko  I’s eldest son and successor, Bolesław  I Chrobry (the Brave) (c. 992–1025) continued the close relationship with the Church and engagement with Latin Christendom. After consolidating his power at the beginning of his reign, Boleslaw I exerted considerable influence on the politics of north central Europe and the Empire. Under Bolesław I’s auspices, in 997 Bishop Adalbert of Prague (c. 956–997), already renowned for his missionary work after his successful evangelization of Hungary, commenced a mission to the pagan Prussians.21 Adalbert and his fellow missionaries, including his halfbrother Gaudentius, earned the wrath of the Prussians when they attempted to destroy a sacred tree at a place of pagan worship. The Prussians responded to this profanity by slaying Adalbert and expelling the other Christian missionaries from their tribal lands. Bolesław I, under whose encouragement Adalbert had undertaken the mission, paid the Prussians a ransom for the return of Adalbert’s remains, reportedly the weight of the body in gold. Adalbert of Prague was canonized in 999, and from the first days of his sainthood the ruling elites and the Piast dynasty propagated his cult. Adalbert was proclaimed the patron saint of Poland, and Bolesław I established a shrine in Gniezno where the relics of ‘the Apostle of the Prussians’ were venerated.22 p. 447. In addition to the political dimension of the Piast’s submission to Saint Peter, Roman Michałowski highlights the religious significance of the patronage of the Prince of the Apostles over the newly Christianized Piast realm. Michałowski, ‘Princeps fundator’, pp. 99–102. 21  Adalbert was also known under his Slav name of Vojtěch (in Czech) or Wojciech (in Polish). 22  Fried, ‘Gnesen — Aachen — Rom’.

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The canonization of Saint Adalbert gave Poland its first saint and patron and confirmed Poland’s status as a sovereign European monarchy with an independent archdiocese. The importance of the cult of Saint Adalbert to the status of Poland as a Christian nation was also recognized through the titulature of the archbishop of Gniezno, styled as the ‘archbishop of Saint Adalbert the martyr’.23 The Piast rulers of the eleventh and the twelfth centuries placed tremendous significance on the cult of Saint Adalbert, as evidenced by the foundation of churches dedicated to him and the commissions and creation of major works of art depicting his life and deeds. Together, these formed an integral part of the reception of the culture of Latin Christendom in Poland and demonstrate the assimilation by the Poles of the artistic styles and imagery of Christendom into their own new works of art and literature. A prime example of these important sacred objects is the bronze door of the cathedral in Gniezno, the Porta Regia which depicts the life story of Saint Adalbert.24 The Piasts placed Saint Adalbert at the centre of their Church structures and in time made the saint the symbol and his work the rationale for the Christian holy wars that they launched against their pagan neighbours. In March 1000 the prestige of the Piast monarchy was further enhanced when Emperor Otto III made the shrine of Saint Adalbert the destination of his pilgrimage.25 The imperial pilgrimage also became an occasion for the announcement of the decision of Pope Sylvester II (999–1003) to establish an independent ecclesiastical organization for the Church in Poland with an archbishop in Gniezno and the foundation of episcopal sees in Kraków (Lesser Poland), Wrocław (Silesia), and Kołobrzeg (Pomerania). At Gniezno, Otto III ‘took the imperial diadem from his own head and laid it upon the head of Boleslaw in a pledge of friendship’26 and declared the Polish ruler a new ‘brother and partner of the empire, a friend and companion of the Roman people’.27 After the conclusion of Otto’s pilgrimage, Bolesław accompanied the Emperor on his return journey to Aix-la-Chapelle as a sign of the bond 23 

‘Aarchiepiscopus sancti Adalberti martyris’. Ottonis III Diplomata, ed. by Sickel, doc. 339, p. 769. 24  Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1987), pp. 11–25; Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1977), pp. 549–50. See also Labuda, ‘Znaczenie św. Wojciecha’. 25  Ludat, ‘The Medieval Empire and the First Piast State’, pp. 6–7. 26  Gesta, i:6, pp. 36–37. 27  ‘Frater et cooperator imperii, populi Romani socius et amicus.’ Gesta, i:6, pp. 36–37.

The Expansion of the Piast Realm, 960–1100 THE PIAST REALM IN 1025 14°

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between the newly founded Church of Poland and Otto as the successor of Charlemagne. At Aix-la-Chapelle Otto III confirmed Bolesław’s newly recognized royal status and presented him with Charlemagne’s throne. The symbolic coronation of Bolesław by Otto and the gift of the throne meant, according to the author of the Gesta, that Bolesław was thus ‘gloriously raised to kingship by the emperor’.28 The actual coronation took place in 1025. It was delayed, possibly, because of the death of Otto III in 1002 and the change in policy towards Poland by Otto’s successor, Henry II (1002–24). 28 

Gesta, i:6, pp. 38–39. Cf. Fried, Otto III und Boleslaw Chrobry, pp. 70–81.

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Otto II the Red 955–83 k. of Germany 961 Emperor 967 m. Theophano of Byzantium

Mieszko I d. 992 d. of the Polanie c. 960 1 m. Dobrava of Bohemia

Matilda 979–1025 m. Ezzo of Lorraine c. 955–1034

Bolesław I the Brave c. 967–1025 k. of Poland 1025 2 m. unknown 3 m. Emnilda of Lusatia

2 Bezprym c. 986–1032 d. of Poland 1031

3 Mieszko II Lambert c. 990–1034 k. of Poland 1025–1031

Otto III 980–1002 k. of Germany 983 Emperor 996

Richeza c. 995–1063

Kazimierz I the Restorer 1016–1058 d. of Poland 1034–1058

Figure 2. The Alliance between the Piasts and Ottonians: The Marriage of Mieszko II and Richeza of Lorraine

The change in imperial policy after the accession of Henry II is evident from the comments made by Bruno of Querfurt, another early eleventh-century missionary to the Piast realm, who was martyred by the pagan Sudovians in 1009.29 Around 1008 Bruno addressed the Emperor suggesting: What good and promising times would arrive for the upholding of Christianity and the conversion of the pagans, if you our king who lead the hope of the world, could live with Bolesław as the late emperor [Otto III] lived with his father Mieszko.30

From the time of his contested succession, Emperor Henry II treated Bolesław as a threat to the Empire’s influence in central Europe, no doubt in some part due to Bolesław’s alliance (though the betrothal of his son Mieszko II), 29 

Sosnowski, ‘Kategorie związane z misją’. Cf. Wenskus, Studien zur historisch-politischen, pp. 126–27. 30  Bruno of Querfurt, ‘O quanta bona et commoda in custodiendo christianismo et in conuertendo paganismo concurrerent, si sicut pater Mysico cum qui mortuus est imperatore, ita filius Boleziauo cum uobis qui sola spes orbis superstat uiueret nostro rege.’ Bruno of Querfurt, Vita quinque fratrum eremitarum, ed. by Karwasińska, lines 4–7, p. 105. Cf. Wiszewski, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 22–28.

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with those who opposed Henry’s election. In an attempt to consolidate his power over the marches of the Empire, Henry II attempted unsuccessfully to regain control over Lusatia and Meissen and to limit Bolesław’s influence over Bohemia. The military conflict which ensued lasted from 1002 until the Treaty of Budziszyn (Bautzen) in 1018. Intermarriage between the Polish dynasts and the German elites had a strong influence on Piast dynastic policy and relations between the Piasts and the rulers of the Holy Roman Empire. The Piast alliance with Otto III had been cemented by the marriage of Mieszko II to Otto’s nice Richeza of Lorraine. With this marriage, the Piasts joined the ranks of the elite families of Christendom and united the realm of the Slavs with the kingdom of the Germans (regnum Sclavorum regno Teutonicorum confoederari). 31 After the death of Emperor Otto III (983–1002), Richeza’s father Ezzo (1015–34) failed to secure succession against the claims of Henry II.32 The war of succession between Ezzo and Henry II continued for almost a decade and the marriage of Richeza and Mieszko II effectively entangled the Piasts in an anti-imperial alliance.33 The factional politics into which the Piasts were drawn altered successive emperors’ attitudes towards them. This became particularly evident when Bolesław I’s successor, Mieszko II Lambert (1025–34), was crowned shortly after his accession in 1025.34 The coronation was unfavourably received in some German courts, and is likely to have alienated Emperor Conrad II (1027–39) and his supporters.35 Piast association with the anti-imperial coalition found its artistic expression in a valuable gift of the Ordo Romanus presented to Mieszko II by Matilde of Swabia, wife of Frederick II, Duke of Upper Lorraine, who after Emperor Henry II’s death in 1024 led a revolt against Henry’s successor, Conrad II.36 The sacramentary contains a dedicatory letter in which Matilde praised Mieszko II as the embodiment of the idea of a sacerdotal ruler, an educated and glorious 31 

Brunwilarensis monasterii fundatorum actus, col. 13, p. 133. Brunwilarensis monasterii fundatorum actus, col.  10, pp.  130–31. Cf. Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, iv:60, p. 229. 33  Hlawitschka, ‘Königin Richenza von Polen’. 34  Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 169. 35  ‘Misako, qui iam per aliquot annos regnum Sclavorum tyrannice sibi contra imperialem usurpabat maiestatem.’ Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 97. In similar negative tone see also Annalista Saxo, ed. by Waitz, p. 678. 36  Labuda, Mieszko II król Polski, pp. 65–67; Kürbis, ‘Die Epistola Mathildis Suevae’; Kluger, ‘Propter claritatem generis’, pp. 242–44. 32 

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king who continued the deeds of his ancestors by spreading Christianity, by erecting new churches, and being able to praise God not only in Polish and in Latin, but also in Greek.37 She addresses Mieszko as the ‘most unfaltering believer in virtue and victorious king’ whom Matilde wished ‘greatest joy in Christ and providential victory over his enemies’.38 Later, in 1128, Mieszko II attacked Saxony in concert with the opponents of Conrad II.39 Mieszko II was at first successful but in 1031 was forced to cede the territories of Lusatia to the March of Meissen.40 At the same time that Mieszko II was embroiled in rebellion against the Emperor he also faced a civil war led by his half-brothers. Subsequently, Mieszko was overthrown and exiled and was succeeded by his eldest brother Bezprym.41 Bezprym made peace with the Emperor, and his submission to Conrad II was ceremonially confirmed by the surrender of the Piast crown insignia used in the two previous coronations.42 After his defeat, Mieszko II fled Poland but was imprisoned in Bohemia.43 His wife, Richeza of Lorraine and two children, 37 

For more information about the letter and the original manuscript see Kodeks Matyldy, ed. by Kürbis and others. Cf. Urbańczyk and Rosik, ‘Poland’, p. 294. 38  Kodeks Matyldy, ed. by Kürbis and others, pp. 49–59. 39  ‘Misako, qui iam per aliquot annos regnum Sclavorum tyrannice sibi contra imperialem usurpabat maiestatem, orientales partes Saxoniae cum valido suorum exercitu violenter invasit, et incendiis ac depraedationibus peractis, viros quosque trucidavit, mulieres plurimas captivavit, parvulorum innumerabilem prorsus multitudinem miserabili inauditaque mortificatione cruentavit, et per semetipsum suosque, immo diaboli satellites, nimiam crudelitatis sevitiam in christianorum finibus Deo inspiciente exercuit.’ Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 97. See Labuda, Mieszko II król Polski, p. 71. Cf. Borawska who argues to the contrary. Borawska, Kryzys monarchii, pp. 60–62. 40  ‘Imperator cum parvo Saxonum exercitu Sclavos autumnali tempore invasit, et Mysachonem diu sibi resistentem regionem Lusizi cum aliquot urbibus et praeda, quae prioribus annis in Saxonia facta est, restituere pacemque iuramento firmare coegit.’ Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 98. 41  Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, iv:58, p. 225. See Świechowski who suggests that Bezprym was responsible for the outbreak of the civil war. Świechowski, ‘Königin Richeza von Polen’, p. 40. 42  ‘Sed idem Bezbrimo imperatori coronam cum aliis regalibus, quae sibi frater eius iniuste usurpaverat, transmisit, ae semet humili mandamine per legatos suos imperatori subditurum promisit.’ Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 98. 43  ‘Qui Mysecho post mensis tantum spatium a fratre suo Bezbriemo subita invasione proturbatus, et ad Oudalricum in Beheim fugere est conpulsus.’ Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 98.

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Kazimierz and Gertrude, found refuge in Germany. Richeza retained her status as Queen of Poland which was specifically accorded to her by Conrad II, and probably resided at the estates of her mother in Franconia. It is not clear whether Bezprym’s domestic policies precipitated the catastrophic ‘pagan reaction’ which took place shortly after the civil war, or whether he encouraged a popular uprising against the Church and the supporters of the deposed king.44 During the upheaval of 1031–32, the structures of the Church and the state apparatus established by Bolesław I were destroyed.45 Gallus provides us with a vivid account of these events, still alive in the collective memory of the Polish court: At the same time as Poland was suffering this devastation and ruin at the hands of foreigners, her own inhabitants were doing even more senseless and ghastly things to her. For serfs rose against their masters, and freedmen against nobles, seizing power for themselves, reducing some in turn to servitude, killing others, and raping their wives and appropriating their offices in most wicked fashion. Furthermore […] they turned aside from the Catholic faith and rose up against their bishops and the priests of God; some they deemed worthy to be put to death by the sword, some by the baser death of stoning. In the end foreigners and her own people had between them reduced Poland to such desolation that she was stripped of almost all her wealth and population.46

Bezprym died amidst the chaos of the pagan reaction after which Mieszko II was able to negotiate his release from captivity in Bohemia.47 Mieszko II paid homage to the Emperor surrendering his title of king, and was restored as the duke of Poland around 1034.48 Mieszko  II died shortly after his return to Poland leaving his only son and heir, Kazimierz (still residing in Germany),

44 

Labuda, Mieszko II król Polski, pp. 84–88. ‘Insuper etiam a fide katholica deviantes, quod sine voce lacrimabili dicere non valemus, adversus episcopos et sacerdotes Dei seditionem inceperunt, eorumque quosdam gladio quasi dignos peremerunt, quosdam vero quasi morte dignos viliori lapidibus obruerunt. Ad extremum autem tam ab extraneis, quam ab indigenis ad tantam Polonia desolationem est redacta, quod ex toto pene diviciis et hominibus est exuta.’ Gesta, i:19, pp. 78–79. Also Borawska, Kryzys monarchii, p. 180; Labuda, Mieszko II król Polski, pp. 93–118. 46  Gesta, i:19, pp. 78–79. 47  Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 98; Górczak, ‘Bunt Bezpryma’. 48  ‘Misacho Polianorum dux immatura morte interiit et christianitas ibidem a suis priori­bus bene inchoata et a se melius roborata, flebiliter — proh dolor! — disperiit.’ Annales Hildes­ heimenses, ed. by Waitz, p. 98. 45 

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as the successor of the Piast throne.49 Kazimierz utilized his mother’s imperial connections to organize a military expedition to Poland to regain his patrimony and quell the unrest.50 During the disturbances of the 1030s, Pomerania drifted away from Polish suzerainty and Mazovia became independently ruled by the magnate Miecław, whose relationship with the Piast monarchy during this period is unresolved: its historiography is abundant in hypotheses.51 Mazovia’s successful bid for independence from Piast supremacy may have triggered a widespread magnate revolt: Kazimierz I was forced into exile around 1037/38. During Kazimierz’s absence the Czech troops invaded Poland.52 They devastated Poznań, desecrated the cathedral in Gniezno, and removed its rich furnishings including the relics of Saint Adalbert of Prague. The power of the Piasts collapsed and since there was no central authority in Poland the Czechs also annexed Silesia.53 The Czech raid significantly weakened Poland and its elites and the Polish magnates turned to the exiled Kazimierz to restore law and order. The devastation of Greater Poland and its strongholds of Gniezno and Poznań forced Kazimierz  I to establish his seat of government in Kraków in Lesser Poland.54 Through his marriage in 1041 to Dobroniega Maria, the daughter of Vladimir the Great of Kiev, he secured an alliance with Poland’s eastern neighbour, and by maintaining a close relationship with the Empire, Kazimierz secured stability on the Western frontier.55 The eastern alliance was further strengthened in 1043 with the marriage of Kazimierz’s sister, Gertrude, to the son of Jaroslav the Wise, Iziaslav, the future grand duke of Kiev.56 49 

Gesta, i:18, pp. 74–76; Labuda, Mieszko II król Polski, pp. 78–84. Gesta, i:18, pp. 74–82. See also Świechowski, ‘Königin Richeza von Polen’, pp. 27–48. 51  Gesta, i:20, pp. 82–84. Cf. Labuda, ‘Początki diecezjalnej organizacji’, pp. 29–34. 52  Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 47. See Borawska, Kryzys mo­nar­chii, pp. 171–72. 53  For a review of the historiography see Matla-Kozłowska, Pierwsi Przemyślidzi i ich państwo, pp. 457–58. 54  For a review of the historiography of these events see Kurnatowska, ‘Kraków i ziemia krakowska’. 55  ‘His temporibus Kazimer, filius Miseconis ducis Polanorum, reversus in patriam, a Polanis libenter suscipitur, duxitque uxorem regis Ruscie filiam, procreavitque duos filios Vladizlaum et Bolizlaum.’ Annalista Saxo, ed. by Waitz, p. 683. Cf. Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 130–32. 56  For a review of the historiography see Kürbis, ‘Gertruda — historia jej życia’. Cf. Wiszewski, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 76–82. 50 

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During his reign, Kazimierz reconstituted the realm of the Piasts and quashed the power of the magnates. His actions were celebrated by his descendants who accorded him the appellation ‘the Restorer’.57 By the end of Kazimierz’s reign in 1058, the Piast realm comprised the main provinces: Lesser Poland, Greater Poland, Mazovia, and Silesia. The challenges of the early reign of Kazimierz I were followed by a period of significant change in the structures of the Piast realm as it includes the adoption of practices from Western Europe and the re-establishment of the structures of the Church in Poland.58 The upheavals of the civil wars had resulted in the collapse of the taxation system and the system of dues owed to the ruler by his subjects. Financial constraints meant that Kazimierz could not maintain the elite warrior troops and mercenaries which had sustained the military strategies of Mieszko I and Bolesław I. Instead, Kazimierz instituted a new system of financing and rewards for a warrior caste. During his reign, he introduced grants of income from a particular territory in exchange for the collection of taxes and military service to the ruler. This was a first step towards the creation of a new legal system of obligations. Kazimierz’s innovation laid the foundations for the establishment of feudal structures in Poland and the creation of a social class of knighthood, who in exchange for the grants of ownership of land performed military services. This new practice, together with the strong support of his maternal relatives in Germany, enabled Kazimierz to reconstitute the realm of the Piasts with a new clerical and administrative cadre from the Empire. 59 Among these new recruits were monks from the abbey of Brauweiler, which was founded and endowed in 1024 by Kazimierz I’s grandparents Ezzo and Matilda. The monks from Brauweiler received an estate and the patronage of the church of Saint Andrew, and founded the new abbey of Tyniec in 1044. 60 Within two years of its establishment, its abbot, Aaron of Tyniec, was appointed archbishop by Pope Benedict IX (d. c. 1056).61 This appointment allowed for the consecration of other bishops in Poland and led to the restoration of the cathedral in Gniezno in 1064 during the reign of Kazimierz’s son.62 57 

Gesta, i:17, pp. 72–73. Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, pp. 110–18. 59  Schreiner, Königin Richeza, Polen und das Rheinland, pp. 8–64. 60  Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, pp. 113–16. For a review of earlier historiography see Labuda, ‘Klasztor benedyktynów w Tyńcu’. 61  Rocznik Krakowski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 829. 62  ‘Gneznenzis ecclesia consecratur.’ Rocznik Traski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 831. 58 

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Mieszko II Lambert c. 990–1034 k. of Poland 1025–31 m. Richeza of Lorraine c. 995–1063

Géza I c. 1044–77 k. of Hungary 1074

1 Zbigniew c. 1070–c. 1112

Gertrude c. 1025–1108 m. Iziaslav of Kiev

Kazimierz I the Restorer 1016–58 d. of Poland 1031 m. Dobroniega Maria of Kiev

daughter d. 1063 m. Béla I of Hungary

Władysław I Herman 1042/44–1102 d. of Poland 1079–1102 1 m. unknown 2 m. Judith of Bohemia 3 m. Judith Maria of Germany

2 Bolesław III the Wrymouth 1086–1138 1 m. Zbyslava of Kiev 2 m. Salome of Berg

3 three daughters

Bolesław II the Bold c . 1041–82 k. of Poland 1076–79 m. unknown

Sviatopolk II 1050–1113 m. unknown Přemyslid princes

Mieszko 1069–1089

Zbyslava c. 1085/90–c. 1112/14 m. Bolesław III the Wrymouth

Figure 3. The Piasts of the Eleventh Century

Kazimierz’s successor was the eldest of his four sons, Bolesław II Szczodry (the Generous) (1058–79). With Bolesław’s accession, his younger brothers served as governors in various provinces of the realm. In particular, Władysław  I Herman took charge of Mazovia. Bolesław II followed the policy of his ancestor Bolesław I in engaging actively in regional politics which included dynastic settlements in Bohemia and Hungary. Through the marriage of his sister Świętosława to Vratislav II of Bohemia 1062, Bolesław achieved better relations with his southern neighbour. When Hungary’s King Béla I died in 1063 Bolesław engaged in the succession to the throne in Hungary on the side of Béla’s sons, Géza and Ladislaus. After Géza was exiled from Hungary, partially due to Emperor Henry IV’s intervention, Bolesław supported his claim by initially offering him asylum and later military support. In 1072 Bolesław attacked Bohemia and shortly after intervened in Hungary where he installed Géza as its king.63 By participating in these conflicts, Bolesław entered the investiture contest as an ally of Pope Gregory VII against the Emperor. Similarly, Bolesław intervened in the succession of the throne in Kiev siding with his nephew, the candidate opposed to the Emperor. 63 

Gesta, i:27, pp. 96–97.

The Expansion of the Piast Realm, 960–1100

47

The legates of Gregory VII probably took part in the coronation of Bolesław II, who was consecrated by fifteen bishops on Christmas Day 1076 against the Emperor’s wishes.64 The coronation restored royal legitimacy to the house of Piast and the crown was, it could be argued, a reward for Bolesław’s support of Gregory VII in Bohemia and Hungary.65 The alliance between Bolesław II and Gregory VII returned the Piast dynasty to being a player in European politics and the ongoing struggle between the Empire and the papacy.66 One of the unresolved mysteries of Polish history is how Bolesław II was driven into exile three years after his coronation. His fall is linked to the 1079 execution of Bishop Stanisław of Kraków. No exact details of this affair are known. Bolesław’s military intervention in Hungary, Rus’, Bohemia, and Pomerania, may, however, have led to dissatisfaction or discontent among some of his knights and their families who resented the time spent abroad despite the benefits of the war bounty they acquired. Bolesław is likely to have been unrepentant in his condemnation of the dissenting knights and magnates. 67 The Bishop of Kraków defended those who rebelled against the policies of the King and threatened the King with excommunication.68 The court saw Bishop Stanisław of Kraków as the main leader of the revolt against the authority of the King. The Bishop betrayed his due fidelity to Bolesław II, and the King 64 

‘Bolezlaus II coronatus est.’ Rocznik dawny, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p.  5. Cf. Grudziński, Polityka papieża Grzegorza VII. 65  ‘Dux Polenorum, qui per multos iam annos regibus Teutonicis tributarius fuerat, cuiusque regnum iam olim Teutonicorum virtute subactum atque in provinciam redactum fuerat, repente in superbiam elatus, propterea quod principes Teutonicos cerneret domesticis seditionibus occupatos nequaquam ad inferenda exteris gentibus arma vacare, regiam dignitatem regiumque nomen sibi usurpavit diadema imposuit atque ipso die natalis Domini a XV episcopis in regem est consecratus. Quae brevi post comperta principes Teutonicos, quibus rei publicae dignitas curae fuit, graviter affecere, sibique invicem succensebant, qoud, dum intestinis in se atque in sua viscera odiis saevirent et digladiarentur, potentiam opesque barbarorum in tanatum aluissent, ut iam tercio dux Boemicus regnum Teutonicum a ferro et igne populabundus peragrasset, et nunc dux Polenorum in ignominiam regni Teutonici contra leges ac iura maiorum regium nomen regiumque diadema impudens affectasset.’ Lamperti Monachi Hersfeldensis, ed. by HolderEgger, pp. 284–85. 66  Labuda, ‘Zagadnienie suwerenności’, p. 1059. Cf. Powierski, Kryzys rządów Bolesław Śmiałego, pp. 229–32. 67  Labuda, Święty Stanisław, p. 120. 68  ‘Quem sacerrimus Cracouiensium pontifex Stanislaus cum ab hac truculentia reuocare non posset, prius illi regni cominatur excidium, tandem anathematis gladium intentat.’ Chronica Polonorum, ii:20:3, p. 57. Cf. Korta, Co faktycznie wiemy, pp. 22–25.

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condemned Stanisław to ‘mutilation of limbs’.69 The execution became the pretext for a magnates’ revolt lead by Sieciech of the Toporowie clan. The king was deposed and forced into exile and his younger brother, Władysław I Herman, was elevated to the Polish throne. Gallus avoids providing much information about these events by stating that it was: A long story, but this may be said, that no anointed man must take bodily retribution on another anointed man for any wrong whatever. For this harmed him much, when he added sin to sin, when for treason he subjected a bishop to mutilation of limbs. For neither do we forgive a traitor bishop, nor do we commend a king for taking vengeance in such a shameful way.70

Bishop Vincentius of Kraków, who wrote his chronicle over a century after the events, identified the unnamed bishop in the Gesta as Bishop Stanisław of Kraków. Vincentius suggested that the Bishop attempted to prevent Bolesław’s cruelty against his own subjects and when the King continued in his sinful ways the Bishop excommunicated him.71 The moralizing Vincentius commented that when Bolesław was driven into exile: [He] was soon afterwards stricken by an unusual disease and died. His only son, Mieszko, died poisoned in his youth. The whole of the family of Bolesław was thus punished on account of Saint Stanisław because no good deed goes unrewarded and no bad act without punishment.72

It is not possible to resolve the different interpretations of this event. Gallus presents controversial events in Polish history, including this one, in a manner consistently favourable to the Awdańcy, his patrons at the court. In contrast, Vincentius favours the traditions of his episcopal see of Kraków. It is not clear whether Bolesław II was faced with some factional opposition or a revolt, although elevation of his younger brother, Władysław I Herman to the throne suggests that his brother either supported the rebellion again the King or supported the leaders of the revolt. Probably led by the magnate Sieciech, the lead69 

Years later, in his letter addressed to the Archbishop of Gniezno, Pope Paschal II reminded the Polish metropolitan that his ‘predecessor condemned the bishop without the knowledge of the Roman Pontiff ’. ‘Nonne predecessor tuus preter Romani pontificis conscientiam damnavit episcopum.’ CDMP 1, doc. 5, p.  7. Cf. Powierski, Kryzys rządów Bolesław Śmiałego, pp. 229–47. 70  Gesta, i:27, pp. 96–97. 71  Chronica Polonorum, ii:20:3, pp. 56–57. 72  Chronica Polonorum, ii:20:15, p. 59.

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ers of the revolt chose Władysław I as their figurehead. Władysław I continued to rule Mazovia and may have not agreed to take the Polish throne until his brother’s death in Hungary in 1082. Gallus’s treatment of the subject seems to confirm this version of events.73 The death of Bolesław II and the accession of Władysław I altered the balance of power in the Piast realm in favour of the Church and the magnates. The relationship of the Piasts with the Empire and Bohemia was also affected. When Emperor Henry IV strengthened his position against the papacy, Władysław I decided to pledge his support to the imperial cause by entering into a treaty with Henry’s close ally, Vratislav II of Bohemia. The marriage of Vratislav’s daughter, Judith to Władysław around 1080 sealed the pact.74 The only child of this marriage, Bolesław III, was born in 1086.75 During the 1080s, apparently pro-imperial Władysław I renewed the Piast’s traditional alliances with Hungary and Rus’.76 The success of this policy and the renewed power of the Piasts in central Europe are evidenced by the next dynastic alliance employed by the Emperor.77 Around 1088, the recently widowed Władysław I was offered the hand of Henry IV’s sister, Judith.78 With this marriage, relations between the Piast court and the Empire changed fundamentally.79 Władysław’s new status as the brother-in-law of the Emperor reinforced either the subordination or alignment of the Piast realm to the interests of the Holy Roman Empire (perspectives challenged in the historiography). During Władysław’s early reign, the magnate faction led by Sieciech played a major role in the determination of Władysław I’s policies. The faction ceased to exert effective influence at the court after 1093 when Sieciech was forcibly removed from his strongholds 73 

Gesta, i:30, pp. 104–05. ‘Iuditha coniunx Wladizlai ducis Poloniorum, que fuit filia Wratizlai ducis Boemorum.’ Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, ii:36, p. 133. Cf. Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 163–64. 75  ‘Obiit Iuditha […] postquam peperit filium, tercia die obiit in prima galli cantu supra prenotate diei.’ Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, ii:36, pp. 133–34; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, p. 144. 76  Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, p.  25; Powierski, Kryzys rządów Bolesław Śmiałego, p. 274. 77  Sochacki, Stosunki publicznoprawne, pp. 176–77. 78  Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 168–69. 79  Herbord reported on this new relationships: ‘Factaque est per unum quasi una res publica domus imperatoris et domus ducis.’ Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:33, p. 200. 74 

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during a factional conflict involving Władysław I’s eldest son, Zbigniew (born out of a non-dynastic marriage).80 The precise rules of succession in the Piast dynasty at this point are unknown. On the basis of subsequent events it seems likely that all sons of the ruler were eligible to participate in inheritance and in some form of power sharing. Evidence also suggests that Władysław I treated his two sons Zbigniew and Bolesław equally, and assigned them equal duties and territories to administer.81 These provisions did not last, however, and shortly after Władysław’s death in 1202, the Gesta reports that ‘a bitter quarrel broke out between the two brothers about the division of the treasury and the kingdom’.82 At the turn of the twelfth century, the Piast monarchy faced a war of succession between Zbigniew and Bolesław.83 As an outcome of this conflict, within a decade of the First Crusade the consolidation of power in the hands of Bolesław established the conditions under which the Piast realm dealt with the issue of its pagan neighbours, the Pomeranians and the Prussians. The reign of Bolesław concluded the transition of the Piast realm from a tribal society to a Christian monarchy. Assisted by the Church the Piasts emerged as the natural lords of Poland recognised as partners by other rulers across Christendom.

80  Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, pp. 22–23. Jasiński suggests that Zbigniew was born between 1070–73. Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, p. 182. 81  ‘Wladizlaus dux Polonie habens duos filios, unum de concubina progenitum, nomine Izbigneu, alterum ex Iuditha Wratizlai regis filia editum, nomine Bolezlaum, hos inter suum regnum dividit per medium.’ Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, iii:16, pp. 178–79. 82  Gesta, ii:21, pp. 156. 83  Dalewski, Ritual and Politics examines Gallus’s account of the conflict between Zbigniew and Bolesław whilst dealing with the importance of ritual in the political life of twelfth-century Poland.

Chapter 2

The Evolving Idea of Holy War and Crusade

T

he choice of a Latin-rite conversion by the Piast ruling dynasty in the tenth century ensured that the Poles would look westward and to Rome for their cultural and religious models. Despite a major pagan reaction in the 1030s, the gradual incorporation of Poland into Christendom was progressing. It was largely facilitated by an influx of immigrants from Latin Christendom. The number and influence of western European visitors and migrants increased over time as a direct consequence of Piast state policy which utilized western European dynastic connections to rebuild and secure their realm. Primary sources record the visits of papal embassies as well as of royal marriages to foreign princesses, and the migration and experiences of Western nobles, clergy, adventurers, and scribes who moved to Poland. They provide useful perspectives for understanding how ideas conceived and developed at the ‘core’ of Latin Christendom were transmitted to Poland. The migrants were significant agents of change; they brought with them the latest Western ideas (including crusading), organizational models, technologies, and tools. Their activities, style, and conduct were often imitated by the Polish elites. In many cases the newcomers formed the nascent elites themselves. The Western migrants demonstrated and propagated the culture of Latin Christendom and contributed significantly to the acculturation of the Poles. * * * This chapter analyses the processes which facilitated the reception of the idea of holy war in Poland. It presents the impact of the introduction of Christianity in Poland on the Polish state and its culture. I demonstrate that significant cul-

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tural change took place in Poland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries largely as a result of the interaction between western European migrants and the nascent Polish elites. The careers of key migrants, the means and extent of their influence, and their links with the crusading movement provide an indication of how the idea of holy war and crusade was transmitted to and within Poland. The consequences of this interaction bound the Polish state to the rest of Latin Christendom. It included the adoption of new cultural practices in Poland and closer political, religious, and economic ties with the West. This process has been commented on elsewhere where it is described as ‘the Europeanization of Europe’ or ‘the making of Europe’.1 Through its relatively uniform liturgical practices, the Latin Church contributed and expressed a common western European culture. Throughout the eleventh century, the Church in Poland maintained its missionary character. The Christianization of the population and growth of the Church was facilitated through the establishment of new bishoprics, an increase in the number of clergy, the enforcement of ecclesiastical discipline, and the cult of saints and observances of the faithful.2 * * * The intensification of the Church’s mission in Poland in the eleventh century coincided with European expansion north-eastwards and enabled the Polish elites to be the recipients of the idea of holy war and crusade. In this chapter, I argue that this process can be understood through the application of the concepts of ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ to Latin Christendom in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. This paradigm, according to Robert Bartlett, explains the Europeanization of the newest regions of Christendom through their interaction with the established centres of power.3 The concepts of ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ in relation to the transmission of the idea of crusade provide a valuable conceptualization of how the process took place. The ‘core’ were the organizational centres of the Church as well as centres through which the development of Christian culture and education were able to exert influence over the recently Christianized regions of Europe such as Poland. The core was therefore ‘the zone of unequivocal acceptance of the final authority of Rome in spiritual affairs comprising what is now southern 1 

Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages; Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization. The theme is also explored in Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society. 2  Zachorowski, Rozwój i ustrój kapituł polskich, p. 14. 3  Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 85.

The Evolving Idea of Holy War and Crusade 0° CHURCH ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURES BY 21138 14°

16°

TIC

SEA

St Adalbert † 997

Kamień 1176 Wolin 1140

Lubusz 1123

22°

18°

BAL

54°

53

St Bruno † 1009 54°

Pr ussia

Poznań 968

Gniezno 1000

Włocławek 1159 Płock 1076

52°

52°

Wrocław 1000

50°

50°

Kraków 1000

Archdiocese Diocese

N 16°

18°

20°

22°

Map 4. Church Adminis­ trative Structures by 1138

England, France, Germany, and much of Italy’.4 Consequently, the ‘periphery’ were the ‘areas which were at least in part Catholic and owed obedience to the Holy See, yet which were different and clearly regarded as such’ by contemporaries. I argue that the ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ regions in this model were not static and each region was affected by the other. In the heartlands of the ‘core’, a mind-set was developing which increasingly insisted on uniformity and established a set of rules sanctioned by the Church by which the lives of people in the ‘core’ as well as in the ‘periphery’ were judged.5 4  5 

France, The Crusades and the Expansion, p. 3. See Davies, ‘Review of The Making of Europe’.

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Through an examination of the agents of transmission, I aim to contribute to an understanding of how the idea of crusade was transferred from the countries of Latin Christendom to its periphery, how it was assisted by modes of expression such as texts and objects of art, and how it affected the forms of behaviour and the political structures of the Polish elites. The cultural changes of the period reflected in broad terms the spread of the culture of the Christian elite from the West to the newly Christianized countries.6

Agents of Change The foremost place in the cultural exchange between the Piast realm and the established centres of power in Western Europe were the marriages between the ruling houses. These unions were an accepted method of cementing and reinforcing political alliances and often led to the transmission of the family traditions of the royal women to their children. Perhaps the most significant example of the influence of a royal consort is that of the Christian wife of Mieszko I, Dobrava of Bohemia, who is credited with the conversion of her husband and thus of the entire Piast dynasty.7 Christianity in turn legitimized the power of Mieszko in the eyes of his most powerful contemporaries. Mieszko’s grandson and namesake’s marriage to Richeza of Lorraine brought the Piasts to the centre of the Holy Roman Empire and into the orbit of imperial factional politics, monastic culture, and Latin learning. The arrival of Richeza in Poland is linked with the beginning of the custom of writing annals and the foundation of a native scriptorium. These links were critical to the restoration of Piast rule in the wake of the devastating pagan reaction of 1030s and enabled Mieszko II and Richeza’s son, Kazimierz I, to regain and consolidate his dynasty’s hold on power. Kazimierz, a descendant of both Ottonian and Byzantine emperors, having secured alliance with the West, attempted to align himself more closely with the East. Kazimierz’s son Bolesław II followed his father’s example and married a princess of the Rurik dynasty of Kiev. In the next two generations, Władysław I Herman, a brother and successor to Bolesław II, married Judith of Bohemia securing a degree of 6 

For an overview of the processes of Christianization across north central Europe see Berend, Christianization, pp. 19–39. 7  Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, iv:55–56, pp. 219–21. Later accounts of the event can be found in Gesta, i:5–6, pp. 28–29; Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, i:27, p. 47; Chronica Polonorum, ii:8–10, pp. 36–40.

The Evolving Idea of Holy War and Crusade

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stability for the Piast realm on its western and southern borders. 8 The influence of his childless Bohemian consort can be seen in the increase of the veneration of Saint Gilles (whose veneration was linked with fertility) and the spread of the practice of pilgrimage. Władysław I, together with Judith, petitioned the abbey of Saint Gilles in Provence ‘in hope of offspring’. 9 Their prayers were answered with the ‘miraculous birth’ of Bolesław III. After Judith of Bohemia’s death, Władysław I married Judith, the sister of the Emperor, putting the Piast firmly back into the Emperor’s camp.10 The influence of the royal women continued to shape Piast state policy. The first wife of Bolesław III was Zbyslava of Kiev. She is likely to have introduced her children to the traditions and practices associated with the Eastern Orthodox faith which would explain the otherwise surprising policy of her son Władysław II, for preferring peaceful evangelization rather than war for attaining the conversion of pagans to Christianity. By contrast, Bolesław III’s second wife Salome of Berg, raised in the Latin tradition, influenced her sons to embrace holy war and the crusading tradition.11 After conversion to Christianity the majority of Piast brides came from Latin Christendom. These brides and their retinue influenced the elites of the Piast realm who imitated their behaviour, however this influence was generally restricted to the court circle. Other agents of change who exerted great influence in transmitting ideas from the West to Poland were the papal legates. The institution of papal envoy grew in prominence during the pontificate of Gregory VII (1073–85) when the scope of the powers of legates was extended to provide for the enforcement of the reformist Pope’s agenda.12 The legates under Gregory VII were duly authorized officials who propagated, negotiated, and implemented the Pope’s programme of ecclesiastical renewal. The papal reforms forbade clerical mar8 

Gesta, i:30, pp. 104–05. Gesta, i:30, pp. 106–07. 10  Gesta, ii:1, pp. 116–17. 11  Salome and her two sisters, Richeza and Sophie, married into the ruling families of Poland, Bohemia, and Moravia respectively. Wallach, ‘Berthold of Zwiefalten’s Chronicle’, pp. 198–201; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, p. 194. The influence of the three Berg sisters on the literary advancement of their spouses’ courts has never been investigated. The commissioning of the Gesta and Chronica Bohemorum during this period may indicate that these women brought to their new surroundings traditions of written works depicting the history of the dynastic circle. Cf. Geary, Women at the Beginning, pp. 41–42; van Houts, ‘Women and the Writing of History. 12  Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, pp. 508–09. 9 

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riage, the buying and selling of ecclesiastical offices, and lay investiture.13 The geographic extent of Latin Christendom meant that the papacy had to rely on trusted collaborators through the institution of legates, and had to utilize them in exerting influence both in administrative and legislative matters. The reforms were achieved largely through local church councils convened by the legates. Their activities often successfully introduced and reinforced papal ideas. Legislation proclaimed at the councils in effect ensured administrative norms in the distant provinces of the Church.14 Despite their efficacy, the Pope’s influence in Poland depended on the cooperation of the Piast rulers and the diplomatic skill of the individual legates who intervened in the interests of the Church. The arrival of a papal legate was a visible reminder of papal authority and the legates were empowered to convene councils and adjudicate in litigation brought before them.15 The first twelfth-century legatine embassy to Poland, for which there are extant records, probably arrived in Poland in the early spring of 1103 (and certainly before Bolesław III’s marriage to Zbyslava of Kiev which was solemnized on 25 March 1103). The embassy was led by papal legate Galo (Walo), Bishop of Beauvais.16 An account of the Legate’s visit is given by Gallus17 in the Gesta and is partially confirmed by the Annals of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Kraków18 and other Polish annals. That the visit received multiple references, demonstrates the importance placed on it by the Poles. The Legate arrived in Poland at the request of Bolesław III, who pursued a policy of direct 13 

See for example Cowdrey, ‘Pope Gregory VII and the Chastity’. Somerville, ‘Cardinal Stephan of St Grisogno’, p. 157. 15  For a recent discussion of the development of the office of a papal legate see Rennie, Law and Practice in the Age of Reform, pp. 1–85. 16  Cf. Southern, The Life of St Anselm, p. 132, n. 2. See Balzer, Genealogia Piastów, p. 121; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 188–90; Rubenstein, Guibert of Nogent, pp. 90–91. 17  ‘Eo itaque de Morauia satis glorianter redeunte, Romane sedis legatus Walo nomine, Beluacensis episcopus, Poloniam advenit, qui cum virtute Bolezlaui, zelo iustitie tantum canonice districcionis rigorem exercuit, quod duos episcopos ibi nullo vel prece vel pretio subveniente deposuit. Sedis itaque Romane legato reverenter honorato, concilioque canonice celebrato, missus apostolica data benedictione, Romam rediit, belliger vero Bolezlauus hostes suos inpugnaturus adiit.’ Gesta, ii:27, pp. 166–67. 18  ‘Gualo episcopus Beluacensis Sedis Apostolice legatus intrat Poloniam […] et duos episcopos deponit.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 54. Other Polish annals repeated the information, for example in Rocznik małopolski, ed. by Bielowski, pp. 150–51. 14 

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engagement with Rome.19 The mission of Galo to the Piast court resulted in the strengthening of ties between the Polish Church and the Holy See. The Legate was ‘a man of sound religion, and steeped in ecclesiastical customs and discipline’.20 He convoked and presided over (together with Bolesław III) the council of the Polish Church at which the issues of the Gregorian reforms were discussed, in particular the area of ecclesiastical discipline. The council lead to the immediate deposition of two bishops, including Bishop Czasław of Kraków and the subsequent appointment of one Baldwin, a cleric of Frankish origin, to the see of Kraków.21 Like the Legate, Baldwin was from Lorraine and a disciple of Ivo of Chartres. Baldwin was Bolesław III’s envoy to the curia in the matter of the dispensation required for Bolesław’s marriage to Zbyslava of Kiev, and he accompanied Galo on his way from Rome to Poland.22 Baldwin’s elevation at the behest of Bolesław III was received favourably by the Holy See. Significantly, Pope Paschal II personally ordained Baldwin bishop.23 There are no extant sources of the council presided over by Galo and Bolesław  III; however, the Church councils convened at the same time in Hungary serve as an example of ecclesiastical gatherings organized by papal legates with the approval of the ruler in countries of the ‘periphery’. 24 If the 19 

Cf. Skwierczyński, Recepcja idei gregoriańskich, p. 280. ‘Vir bene religiosus, et ecclesiasticarum consuetudinum institutionibus.’ Southern, The Life of St Anselm, p. 132. 21  Długosz, Senioris Canonici, ed. by Polkowski and Pauli, p. 390; Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, p. 217; David, ‘Un disciple d’Yves de Chartres’, pp. 109–12. The same conclusion is reached in an earlier work by Abraham, ‘Początek biskupstwa’. Most recently restated in Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, p. 98. Cf. Maleczyński, ‘W sprawie nieznanego biskupa polskiego’. 22  ‘Balduinus Rome consecratus est in episcopum Cracouiensem.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p.  53. ‘Quatenus autem hoc a Paschali papa secundo concessum fuerit, quod nuptias istas de consanguinitate licuerit, Balduinus Cracouiensis episcopus, ab eodem papa Rome consecratus, fidei ruditatem et patrie necessitatem intimavit, sicque Romane sedis auctoritas, ut fertur, hoc coniugium misericorditer, non canonice nec usualiter, sed singulariter collaudavit.’ Gesta, ii:23, pp. 158–61. An alternative view has been put forward by David. See David, ‘Un disciple d’Yves de Chartres’, p. 112. Cf. Karwasińska, ‘Archiepiscopus Polonie’, pp. 48–49. 23  Deptuła, ‘Baldwin’; Grodecki, ‘Baldwin’. Also Vetulani, ‘Krakowska biblioteka kapi­ tularna’. 24  See instances of the Hungarian Church councils analysed in Michałowski, ‘Post dziewięciotygodniowy’. For Church councils as a means of enforcing the Gregorian Reform see Sweeney, ‘Gregory VII, the Reform Program, and the Hungarian Church’, pp. 269–73. 20 

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Hungarian examples can be used as a means of comparison, then the council of the Polish Church deliberated on the matter of simony, the importance of the application of canon law, and clerical discipline. According to Gębarowicz, deliberations of the council also included the ‘continuation of the great work initiated by the crusade’.25 There is no direct evidence to support this contention, yet the likelihood is that the Polish clergy considered the most acute issue facing the Latin Church at that time: recovery of the Holy Sepulchre and the establishment of Christian kingdoms in the Holy Land.26 The Legate’s visit to Poland strengthened the position of Bolesław  III. Consequently, the Polish ruler acted as the intermediary between the Holy See and the local Church. Also important for the dynasty, the Legate confirmed the Pope’s approval of the consanguineous marriage of Bolesław.27 That a papal dispensation was sought, marks a change to Polish dynastic customs away from traditional Polish marriage towards unions sanctified by the Church and therefore in accordance with, and recognized by, Christendom.28 Other acts of Galo’s embassy confirm that the papal legates served as influential agents of cultural change. For example, the Legate gave a canonical collection (the Collectio trium partium) from the school of Ivo of Chartres to the cathedral school in Kraków.29 This canonical collection became the source of later copies made for the cathedral school in Gniezno.30 The twelfth-century inventory of the library of the cathedral school in Kraków indicates that the works of canonists formed the core of the works available to the Polish clergy.31 A protégé of Galo, Bishop Baldwin of Kraków, added to the library collection of the school by acquirAlso, generally for the wider context of the social, economic, and political issues of reform see Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII; Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform. 25  Gębarowicz, ‘Walo biskup Beauvais’, p. 70. 26  This contention is supported by Skwierczyński, Recepcja idei gregoriańskich, pp. 281–84. 27  ‘Bolezlaus tercius duxit uxorem’, in Rocznik dawny, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 12. Cf. Balzer, Genealogia Piastów, p. 218; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 188–90. 28  The bride was related to Bolesław in the third degree (her grandfather Iziaslav Yaroslavich (1024–78), had married Gertrude, the sister of Kazimierz I, Bolesław III’s grandfather). See Balzer, Genealogia Piastów, p. 121; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 188–90. 29  Mews has observed that Galo’s visit may be linked to the copying of these collections in the early twelfth century. Mews, ‘Manuscripts in Polish Libraries’, p. 93. See also discussion in Nowak, ‘The Manuscripts of the Collectio Tripartita’, for the latest historiography and a summary of the debate. 30  Zachorowski, Rozwój i ustrój kapituł polskich, p. 37. 31  Rechowicz, Dzieje teologii katolickiej w Polsce, p. 40.

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ing other works of the canonists and classic works of antiquity. The cathedral school (which had at least two foreign scholars in residence by 1150) was an important centre of learning for the Polish clergy, and was originally established by Otto of Bamberg.32 The standing of Galo of Beauvais, subsequently bishop of Paris (1104–16) as a canonist and a disciple of Ivo of Chartres suggests that the papal legate not only dealt with issues of ecclesiastical discipline, but either directly (through preaching) or indirectly (through discussion and application of canon law), promoted the ideals of his magister.33 Students of Ivo of Chartres were propagators of Ivo’s ideas, which included the teachings of Saint Augustine.34 These were used by Ivo and other canonists such as Anselm of Lucca and Bonizo of Sutri in their collections of canon law. Inspired by Augustine’s commentary on the Sermon on the Mount, Bonizo of Sutri argued that Christians could bear arms if they fought for truth and righteousness. The arguments of the canonists provided further legitimacy for the concept of Christian just war and ultimately for the concept of crusade.35 Galo’s embassy was important because it brought the Polish Church into line with Rome and led to the adoption of the reforms initiated by Pope Gregory VII. The legation of Galo and the implementation of Gregorian reforms illustrate the transmission of ideas and practices from the ‘core’ to the ‘periphery’.36 The legatine embassy also supported a central plank of Piast foreign policy, namely the avoidance or minimization of the Holy Roman Emperor’s involvement in Polish affairs. A decade after the visit of Galo, the anonymous author 32 

Vetulani, ‘Krakowska biblioteka kapitularna’, pp. 163–92. For the contribution of Ivo of Chartres to the development of the juridical principles of a just war see Bauer and Lesaffer, ‘Ivo of Chartres’; Villey, ‘L’Idée de croisade’, p. 593. Also see the definition of ‘crusade’ in Purcell, Papal Crusading Policy, pp. 10–11. 34  Brundage, ‘St Anselm, Ivo of Chartres, and the Ideology of the First Crusade’, p. 176; Southern, The Life of St Anselm, pp. 132–34. 35  Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages; Cowdrey, ‘The Genesis of the Crusades’, pp. 9–32. ‘Idem de sermone Dei in habito in monte, cum de beatitudinibus loqueretur et venisset ad “Beati qui persecutionem paciuntur propter iustitiam” equaliter dixit beatos eos, qui persecutionem inferunt propter iustitiam, acsi qui persecutionem paciuntur propter iustitiam.’ Bonizonis episcopi Sutrini, ed. by Dümmler, p. 619. See extension of these ideas in Ivo of Chartres, Decretum, PL 161, cols 709–10; Anselmi Lucensis, ed. by Bernheim, p. 523. For a discussion of the intellectual formation of papal legates during the reform period see Rennie, Law and Practice in the Age of Reform, pp. 103–22. 36  Karwasińska, ‘Archiepiscopus Polonie’, p. 49. 33 

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of the Gesta written on commission for the Piast court recorded this view while commenting on the outcome of the Council of Gniezno in 1000. He claimed that the Emperor Otto III had recognized that Polish rulers had jurisdiction over matters of ecclesiastical honours in Poland and territories it had conquered from the barbarians. In the Gesta its author reiterated the Piasts’ policy and their long-held rights in respect of the territorial organization of the Church and the evangelization of pagans.37 Information about Galo’s legation in Polish early narrative sources, such as the Gesta, suggests that the memory of its significance was cultivated at the Piast court. The papal embassy was likely deliberately fostered and welcomed by the Piasts as it cemented direct communication with the papal curia. It also served as an example of validating their policy by obtaining the sanction of the highest authority of Christendom. The Piasts would defer to the papal legates from now on when dynastic and papal policy required it. For example, when in 1138 Boleslaw III sought to promulgate his Act of Succession, he requested that Rome authenticate his edict.38 The next papal embassy, led by Legate Gilo of Tourcy, Bishop of Tusculum, arrived in Poland twenty years after the legation of Galo.39 Gilo’s embassy took place in the wake of the Polish conquest (and nominal conversion) of Pomerania and the success of the first mission of Otto of Bamberg. The papal embassy was dispatched to Poland on Bolesław III’s request, which had been communicated to Rome via the Polish bishops attending the First Lateran Council in 1123.40 The primary objective of the embassy was the reorganization of the territorial structure of the Polish Church as agreed between the Legate and Bolesław III. Gilo’s legation is likely to have taken place between 6 April 1123 and 7 March 1125, as his name is missing from papal documents. It probably also took place before the death of Calixtus II in December 1124.41 37 

Cf. Bullarium Poloniae, ed. by Sułkowska-Kuraś and Kuraś, p. 4. See also older research in Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, pp. 5–6. Cf. Fried, Otto III und Boleslaw Chrobry, pp. 92–99; Fried, ‘Gnesen — Aachen — Rom’, pp. 273–79; Labuda, ‘Zjazd i synod gnieźnieński’. 38  In his letter of 9 June 1210, Pope Innocent III commanded the Archbishop of Gniezno and his suffragan bishops to obey the provisions of the Act of Succession, CDS 2, doc. 137, pp. 71–72. Cf. Rymar, ‘Primogenitura zasadą regulującą następstwo (II)’, pp. 2–3. 39  For information on Gilo his life and works see Grocock, ‘Ovid the Crusader’; Hüls, Kardinäle, pp. 142–43. 40  Silnicki, ‘Początki chrześcijaństwa i organizacji kościelnej’, p. 593. 41  In April 1125, Gilo was in Rome, because he appeared as one of the signatories to a

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Gilo was a monk at Cluny who entered papal service before 1121.42 It is possible that Pope Calixtus II recruited him during the Pope’s visit to Cluny in January 1120.43 Gilo had strong links with the crusading movement and was one of the authors of the Latin epic poem Historia vie Hierosolimitane, which is based on eyewitness accounts of the vernacular, and Latin traditions of the First Crusade. Gilo’s epic poem, written before he became a monk at Cluny during his early career as a clerk in Paris, is an important part of the development of the idea of crusade.44 Its literary style resembles the anonymous Gesta Francorum. Gilo was either drawing upon local traditions, or had access to eyewitness accounts of the First Crusade.45 The poem is classed with the other histories of the First Crusade written in the first two decades of the twelfth century by ecclesiastics in the West such as Guibert of Nogent and became a part of crusader propaganda.46 Gilo’s work formed a part of the rich, influential, and mind-shaping legacy of the First Crusade which greatly influenced Latin Christendom. The impact of the First Crusade on culture through literature, art, and politics, as convincingly argued by Jonathan Phillips, enabled the later success of the preaching of the Second Crusade. Works such as Gilo’s Historia immortalized and celebrated the deeds of the first crusaders and were series of privileges given to Cluny by Calixtus’s successor, Honorius II. There is also a document issued by Gilo in 1226 for the monastery of Arnoldstein. As to the date of the embassy there is a considerable disagreement in the historiography. For example, Labuda argues for 1123, David argues for 1124, whilst Maleczyński suggests the summer of 1125; Brackmann places it between 1125 and 1128, and Weiss states that 1126 is the most probable. David, ‘Gilon de Tourcy’; Maleczyński, Bolesław Krzywousty, p. 280; Labuda, ‘Początki diecezjalnej organizacji’, p. 40; Germania Pontificia, ed. by Brackmann, i, p. 134; Weiss, Die Urkunden, p. 93. See further debate on the embassy in Gębarowicz, ‘Mogilno — Płock — Czerwińsk’, pp. 143–64. 42  Gilo (Aegidius) of Toucy first appeared with the title of Bishop of Tusculum after 28 December 1121. See Regesta pontificum romanorum, i, p. 780. Gilo is also a signatory to the bull Ad universos fideles, PL 163, col. 1227. Cf. Constable, Three Studies, p. 164. 43  The Pope visited the abbey on the occasion of the canonization of Hugh, an earlier abbot of that abbey. Robert, Bullaire du pape Calixte II, i (1891), pp. 99, n. 3; 120–24. 44  The Historia vie [sic] Hierosolimitane, ed. by Grocock and Siberry, p. lxiii. 45  The Canso d’Antioca, ed. by Sweetenham and Paterson, p. 87; Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, p. 15. 46  Gilo made extensive use of leonine rhyme and displays a competent command of Latin hexameters. The Historia vie [sic] Hierosolimitane, ed. by Grocock and Siberry, p. xii. For details on parallels between Gilo’s poem and the work of Robert the Monk see Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, pp. 28–47. See also Kostick, The Social Structure of the First Crusade, pp. 193–96.

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the stories familiar to the generation who responded to the crusading call of Eugenius III in the late 1140s.47 The arrival of the embassy on behalf of Pope Calixtus II to Poland is known from a charter authenticated by Gilo for the Benedictine abbey of Tyniec.48 The Legate consecrated the cathedral of Kraków and on the request of Bolesław III agreed to a new structure for the Church’s administration in Pomerania.49 The ecclesiastical structure included new bishoprics for the Pomeranians in the territories under Polish suzerainty and with the territorial expansion of the Church under the aegis of Bolesław provided a visible dimension to the spread of common ties with Europe.50 For the Piasts, the incorporation of the newly established Church in Pomerania into their realm was sealed with the Legate’s decision to subordinate the newly erected bishoprics to the metropolitan of Gniezno. Bolesław III’s continued support for the conversion of pagans was rewarded by the papacy in 1136 when Pope Innocent II, in the bull, Ex com­ misso nobis a Deo, confirmed the canonical independence of the Polish Church from the ecclesiastical interference of the see of Magdeburg (which since 966 had claimed jurisdiction over the Polish Church). Some of the details of the Papal legate’s actions can be reconstructed on the basis of a later bull of Pope Eugenius III, issued in April 1148.51 The bull confirms that Gilo and Bolesław agreed to the creation of the diocese of Włocławek and delineated its boundaries. This was an important step in consolidating the Church’s missionary activity in newly acquired Pomerania. In addition to the old Polish stronghold of Kruszwica, the diocese of Włocławek encompassed 47 

Phillips, The Second Crusade, pp. 17–36. The text of the charter, which is known in the form of an interpolated transcript, was printed in Codex diplomaticus Monasterii Tynecensis, ed. by Kętrzyński and Smolka, doc. 1, pp. 1–3. For a discussion of the older historiography see Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, pp.  26, 29–33; Maleczyński, ‘Uwagi nad dokumentem legata’; Gąsiorowski, ‘Tyniecki dokument’. 49  Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, p. 289, n. 26. This assertion is not supported by the editor of the Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 141, n. 90, who argues that the cathedral was consecrated in 1142: ‘XII kalendas [Mai] Dedicatio ecclesie sancti Wencezlai indulgencia a domino papa XL dies, a legato XL, a domino XL.’ If the cathedral was consecrated in 1142 it would necessitate another legate’s embassy to Poland, otherwise unknown in extant sources. 50  Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 5–23. On the history of the early structure of the Church in Mazovia see Sułowski, ‘Początki organizacji kościelnej’. 51  Eugenii III Epistolae et Privilegia, PL 180, cols 1328–29. 48 

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Pomerelia along the Vistula as far as Gdańsk. There is no reliable record as to how many there were, or where the other bishoprics were created. 52 It is almost certain, however, that two other bishoprics were founded at the time of Gilo’s mission. One of the bishoprics for the newly baptized was erected in Lubusz, on the Oder River. The establishment of bishoprics in Kruszwica and Włocławek legitimized the Polish claim to Pomerania and established a strong missionary outpost directed towards the lands of the pagan Prussians. Control over Pomerelia was given to the archbishops of Gniezno, and the new bishopric of Lubusz ministered the faith for the Pomeranians whilst at the same time became a centre of missionary activity directed at the pagan Wends. The significance of Gilo’s embassy both for the Piast dynasty and for Bolesław III personally was enormous. Gilo endorsed Bolesław’s Christianizing efforts and supported the further extension of Polish missionary activity along the Baltic littoral. His embassy to Poland expressed the approval of the Holy See for the amalgamation of the newly gained territories into the structures of the Church in Poland and also endorsed the military action which enabled the missionary activity of Otto of Bamberg. Gilo’s legation provided the Polish monarchy with the authority and expertise to redefine the territorial organization of the Polish Church. 53 The Legate, described as ‘a learned and eloquent man’, was a noted apologist of the First Crusade who in his epic poem applauded the deeds of the crusaders. 54 Gilo’s authorship of the Historia vie Hierosolimitane made him an influential agent of the transmission of the idea of crusade to Poland. Gilo’s task required skilled diplomacy as the Legate had to reach a compromise between the conflicting interests of the German missionary see of 52 

According to Maleczyński, two new bishoprics were erected: Lubusz and Włocławek. Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, pp.  281–89. Labuda argues that bishoprics were established in Kruszwica and Włocławek (amalgamated in 1157): in the western part of Pomerania, bishoprics in Lubusz, Szczecin, and Wolin. Labuda, ‘Początki diecezjalnej organizacji’, pp. 44–45. The hypothesis advanced by David that the bishopric of Poznań was until that time a missionary see was rejected by subsequent historiography. David, ‘Gilon de Tourcy’, pp. 133–36. Cf. Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, p. 290, n. 27. See further detailed discussion in Michalski, ‘Ustanowienie i wczesne dzieje’; Weiss, ‘Terytorium diecezji lubuskiej’; Weiss, ‘Stan badań nad dziejami diecezji lubuskiej’; Spors, Studia nad wczesnośredniowiecznymi, pp. 161–66; Labuda, ‘Początki biskupstwa wolińskiego’; Bruszewska-Głombiowska, Biskup włocławski Michał, pp. 9–18. 53  Umiński, ‘Rola Bolesława Krzywoustego’. 54  See comments by William of Tyre, in Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon, ed. by Huygens, i, pp. 617–18.

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Magdeburg and the Piast monarchy. His later diplomatic career took him to the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem in 1129 where he enforced the papal decree confirming the bishopric of Tyre as a suffragan diocese of the patriarchate of Jerusalem.55 The historian, William Archbishop of Tyre, made reference to this legation in his Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum.56 The direct link with the Holy Land is important as it places Gilo conclusively within the diplomatic and political efforts which supported the expansion of Latin Christendom through the crusading movement. The experience of holy war in the Piast realm in the twelfth century reveals not only an engagement in the crusading movement but also an adherence to an older tradition according to which fighting the pagans was a transcendent holy act directly commanded by God. In the Polish context the territorial growth of the Church from the tenth century on was the result of strong support from the Polish dynasty for the Christianization of the pagan tribes north of the Piast realm which, not accidentally, included expansion towards the Baltic Sea. The actions of Bolesław III reveal the continuation of this policy and the use of the Christian religion to fuse the newly acquired territory with the Piast monarchy.57 After the successful conquest of Pomerania, Bolesław initiated a mission led by Otto of Bamberg, which further enhanced the prospect of Pomerania being successfully incorporated into the Piast realm; at the same time the mission (supported by the threat of military intervention) served as a means to make effects of the holy war permanent.58 In the case of the conversion of Pomerania, of which Otto of Bamberg and Bolesław III were the chief architects, this new model of conversion included a number of elements. Initially, it included conquest, where the pagan territory was militarily and politically subjugated by a Christian ruler. Subsequently, submission was achieved by force and was followed by missionary activity. Through baptism of the population and the erection of new churches the defeated were incorporated as a new Christian community of Latin Christendom. The ideology and methods of conversion espoused by Bolesław III and Otto of Bamberg were copied by 55 

Rowe, ‘The Papacy and the Ecclesiastical Province of Tyre’, pp. 174–78. Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon, ed. by Huygens, i, pp. 617–18. 57  Umiński, ‘Rola Bolesława Krzywoustego’, pp. 384–94. 58  Cf. Umiński, ‘Rola Bolesława Krzywoustego’, pp. 384–417; Leciejewicz, ‘Społeczne i polityczne warunki’; Zientara, ‘Stosunki polityczne Pomorza Zachodniego’, pp. 546–76; Dziewulski, ‘Przebieg i metody’, pp.  38–41; Strzelczyk, ‘Bolesław Krzywousty’ (1997); Strzelczyk, ‘Bolesław Krzywousty’ (2000). See also in general, Rymar, Święta studnia. 56 

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later Piasts, and once the conquest of Pomerania was achieved, they immediately turned to the subjugation of their Eastern neighbours, the Prussian tribes. Otto of Bamberg provides the best documented example of a Westerner who became a significant agent of change in Poland, and through his actions contributed to: the growth of Christian education, the introduction of writing, the production of written documents, the establishment of schools, and the successful promotion of Latin education for the sons of the Polish elite. Without Latin learning, and in particular without writing imported from Western Europe, the remainder of the cultural importation would have been difficult to achieve. The sources for the life and achievements of Otto of Bamberg (primarily found in the three Lives written not long after his death), provide information about Otto as an ambitious career clergyman.59 Otto, a younger son who faced limited opportunities at home, travelled to the frontier of Christendom and acquired fame, wealth, and reputation. Otto’s early career is an exemplar of the trend which supplied Poland with clergy willing to undertake the task of deepening the faith of the Poles and in the process educated them in the ways of Latin Christendom. Otto arrived in Poland after 1075 but before 1088, most likely in the entourage of Abbot Henry of Würzburg, who later became the archbishop of Gniezno. Gniezno was the centre of missionary training activity for the Piast monarchy and was the place where the native Polish clerical cadre were trained.60 Otto later served in the household of Władysław I Herman as a chaplain to the royal family, and possibly as a tutor to Bolesław III.61 During his residence in the Piast court, Otto was an organizer of Polish schools and mastered the vernacular language. He won the favour of the ‘great and powerful’ of Poland, and was used for diplomatic missions by Władysław I Herman and his 59 

Otto was born 1060/70: Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:33, p. 198. Herbord informs us of a date closer to 1060, but Ebo states 1070 and provides the names of Otto’s parents as Otto von Mistelbach and Adelaide. Herbord adds also the name of Otto’s brother, Frederick. 60  Rył, ‘Biblioteka katedralna w Gnieźnie’, pp. 237–42. 61  Bojar-Fijałkowski, Świety Otton, p. 22. Wolfger of Prufening presents his early life in detail. Sancti Ottonis episcopi Babenbergensis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, i:1–2, pp. 7–9. Also, Herbord records Otto’s stay at the Polish court before the death of Judith of Bohemia (25 December 1085): Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:32–33, pp. 197–200. Ebo connects Otto’s travel to Poland with the marriage of Władysław I Herman and Judith Maria of Germany in 1088: Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, i:1, p. 10.

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wife Judith Maria, who frequently sent him as an envoy to her brother, Emperor Henry IV.62 Otto’s diplomatic skills brought him into imperial service, leading to his appointment as chancellor of the Holy Roman Empire. In 1101, he was invested by the Emperor as bishop of Bamberg. He maintained contact with the Polish court, and in 1124 he accepted the initiative of Bolesław III to lead a Polish-sponsored mission to the Pomeranians.63 The mission, repeated in 1128, was successful, and Otto became known as the ‘Apostle of Pomerania’.64 He was canonized in 1189 by Pope Clement III. The career of Otto at the Piast court demonstrates that the change in Polish culture was gradual and elastic and that the process of cultural change may also influence the agent of change. This is evidenced by the successful tactics he used in his mission to Pomerania.65 The Lives detail the contrast between Otto as a missionary and the previous ascetic and eremitic missionaries sent to the Pomeranians. The most telling example is the Spanish missionary, Bernard the Eremite, who met the Pomeranians in ascetic garb and without shoes. The pagans were not convinced by preaching about an all-powerful Christian God delivered by a pauper. The preacher, in the pagans’ assessment, was clearly lacking in divine favour.66 Bernard reported on these aspects of his mission to the Pomeranians and suggested that if Otto wanted to: Win over the brute hearts of these barbarians, he must go there with a splendid retinue of companions and servants and a plentiful supply of foodstuffs and gar-

62 

Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:6, pp. 72–73; Sancti Ottonis episcopi Babenbergensis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:1, pp. 28–29, ii:21, pp. 51–53; Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:12, pp. 73–75. 63  Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:16, p.  90. Maleczyński dates the first mission of Otto from 22 May 1124 to c. 17 February 1125 and the second mission to 1128. Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, p. 278; Paszkiewicz, ‘Chrystianizacja Pomorza Zachodniego’. 64  Petersohn, ‘Apostolus Pomeranorum’, p. 262. 65  Archaeological excavations in Szczecin, Wolin, Kołobrzeg, Kamień, Stargard, and Białogard confirm the existence of the Pomeranian towns visited by Otto and the location of churches he established. Leciejewicz, Początki nadmorskich miast; Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian północnopołabskich. Cf. Dziewulski, ‘Przebieg i metody’, pp. 38–45. 66  ‘Quomodo […] credere possumus te nuntium summi Dei esse, cum ille glorious sit et omnibus divitiis plenus, tu vero despicabilis at tante pauperitatis, ut nec calciamenta habere possis?’ Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:1, p. 51; Bartlett, ‘Conversion of a Pagan Society’, p. 198. Cf. Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, pp. 139–40.

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ments. Those who, with unbridled neck, despised the burden of humility will bend their necks in worship for the glory of riches.67

Otto heeded this advice and employed his knowledge of Slavic culture, language, and customs, and recognized the powerful influence of superstition. He presented himself as the messenger of a potent deity and wore rich pontifical vestments suggesting that Otto was a person of great importance, influence, and power, and was supported by the almighty new (Christian) God.68 The author of one of the Lives of Otto, Herbord, highlights that Otto could speak to the Pomeranians in a language they understood and that this induced the pagans to listen to his preaching. In particular, Otto appealed to the secular elites of the Pomeranian towns who had already been exposed to Christianity though contact with their neighbours, the Saxons and the Poles.69 Otto’s mission, although described as a peaceful conversion was underlined by military threat. It exemplifies proto-crusading activity which involved a powerful combination of traditional warfare with the ideals of Christian holy war aimed at the evangelization of the pagans. 70 The threat of force was an 67 

‘Lucrum aliquod in brutis barbarorum pectoribus agere volueris, assumpta cooperatorum et obsequentium nobili frequentia, sed et victus ac vestitus copioso apparatu, illuc tendas; et qui humilitatis iugum effrenata cervice spreverunt, diviciarum gloriam reveriti, colla submittent.’ Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:1, p. 55. 68  Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:19, pp. 181–82. 69  The influence of Christian sepulchral customs can be observed in the Pomeranian practice of burying the dead. Ebo and Herbord also provide examples of the town elites who were receptive to Otto’s preaching. One was Niedamir of Wolin, known for his wealth, who was earlier baptized in Saxony: ‘diviciis et potential inter suos opinatissimus, antea quidem in Saxonia baptizatus et occulte christianus’. Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:8, p. 68. Another was Domasław of Szczecin who came from a wealthy and noble family and who was also baptized in Saxony: ‘diviciarum copia sed et generis nobilitate inter Stetinenses eminentissimus […] olim in Saxonia baptismi gratiam percepisse.’ Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ii:9, pp. 69–70. Otto’s success was possible because of his ability to influence the Pomeranian elite. For other examples see Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, iii:7, pp. 66–67; Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, iii:12, pp. 112–15; Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:2, pp. 150–52; iii:5, pp. 152–55; iii:9, pp. 163–69. For discussion of the wider social and political background of the mission as well as its ramifications, see elsewhere, Leciejewicz, ‘Społeczne i polityczne warunki’, pp. 51–74; Dziewulski, ‘Przebieg i metody’, pp. 38–47; Krzymuska-Fafius, ‘Kult świętego Wojciecha’. See also Bartlett, ‘Conversion of a Pagan Society’, pp. 85–201. 70  Cf. Bartlett, ‘Conversion of a Pagan Society’, pp. 194–97. It is difficult to agree with the assertion made by Thomson that Otto’s mission represented a ‘transition from paganism to Christianity and from barbarism to civilization’ and was achieved ‘by transformation and not by force’. Cf. Thompson, Feudal Germany, p. 430.

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overriding consideration which ensured the submission of the Pomeranians to the Christian faith. Later, this strong missionary element remained a crucial part of crusading in Northern Europe sanctioned by the papacy. The contribution of Otto to the transmission and promotion of the ideas of Christian just war include the training and preparation of a new generation of Polish clerics who continued the programme of the Christianization of Pomerania and Prussia.71 Among Otto’s collaborators recruited from the Polish court was Adalbert of the clan Pałuki (c. 1095–1160/62).72 Adalbert was a chaplain of Bolesław III who joined the missionary activity in Pomerania during Otto’s first mission (1124–25) and was instrumental to his success.73 Adalbert’s appointment and his dedication to the missionary effort are likely to have been influenced by his family traditions. The clan of Pałuki, which was prominent in Greater Poland, claimed descent from the brother of Saint Adalbert of Prague, Sobiesław Sławnikowic (d. 1004).74 The strength of the Pałuki clan and its connection to traditions surrounding Saint Adalbert could also have influenced the actions of a subsequent archbishop of Gniezno, Jakub of Żnin (also of the clan of Pałuki) who was one of the chief advisers of Bolesław III and a promoter of the holy war against the Pomeranians.75 Within a century of the successful subjugation of Pomerania, the clan’s attachment to the tradition of kinship with Saint Adalbert will provide an additional impetus for their patronage over the missionary activity conducted in Prussia by monks from the abbeys of their foundation. As a result of co-operation between Jakub of Żnin and Bolesław III (and with Otto’s agreement) Adalbert was nominated as the bishop of Pomerania.76 71 

Otto reported on his activities and plans directly to the Pope and presented him with a silver pagan deity taken from the pagan temple destroyed at Szczecin. Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:12, pp. 112–15; Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:32, pp. 122–24. 72  Dziewulski, ‘Stosunek Ottona bamberskiego’, pp.  124–40; Dziewulski, ‘Biskup Pomorski Wojciech’, pp. 16–40; Dziewulski, ‘Likwidacja pogaństwa’. 73  ‘At ille [Bolesław] unum de capellanis suis Adalbertum nomine. presulatus honore in gente illa sublimavit.’ Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:42, p. 145. There is a hypothesis that Adalbert was a monk at the Benedictine abbey in Lubiń. See Strzelczyk, ‘Bamberg a Polska w średniowieczu’, pp. 80–87; Derwich, Monastycyzm benedyktyński, p. 187. 74  Matla-Kozłowska, Pierwsi Przemyślidzi i ich państwo, pp. 331–50. 75  Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, p. 279. Cf. Semkowicz, Ród Pałuków, p. 188. 76  The establishment of the bishopric was most likely agreed to by Otto and Bolesław when the Bishop returned from Pomerania to Gniezno in February 1125: ‘Episcopus vero propter

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The nomination was confirmed in 1140 and Adalbert was consecrated bishop by Pope Innocent II (d. 1143). In 1147, the crusaders of the Wendish Crusade laid siege to Szczecin and Bishop Adalbert of Pomerania negotiated the siege to be lifted, which in effect ended the crusade. Adalbert and Otto erected the church of Saint Adalbert in Wolin whilst Adalbert conducted further missionary activity amongst the Pomeranians and settled the Benedictines in the abbey of Słupie. 77 Bishop Adalbert of Pomerania is only one prominent example of the native Polish clergy engaged in the evangelization in the region. Their numbers were insufficient, however, to undertake extensive missionary activity in Poland and amongst its neighbours, so the Piasts successfully recruited additional clergy from Western Europe. The most significant and influential of these recruits was Alexander of Malonne. Alexander of Malonne (d. 1156) has been described as ‘one of the most interesting and most outstanding personalities of the Polish Middle Ages’.78 He was a native of the diocese of Malonne (Lower Lorraine), became the bishop of Płock in Mazovia (1129–56), and was a close associate of Bolesław III. It is highly likely that in addition to his clerical appointment, he administered the province on behalf of Bolesław. Alexander organized the restoration and rebuilding of Płock and the province of Mazovia after it had been devastated by Pomeranian raids. During the civil war of the 1140s, the Bishop supported the Piast Juniors against their brother Władysław II. Alexander’s continued relationship with the diocese of Liège resulted in a settlement of the canons regular and Benedictines in Mazovia. Before 1155, he initiated a settlement of Benedictines from the abbey of Saint Gilles in Liège and founded the abbey in Czerwińsk on the Vistula River. He used his resources to continue the conversion of Prussia which bordered Polish Mazovia to the north. Alexander of Malonne in effect transplanted the cultural practices of the twelfth-century Liège renaissance to Płock.79 For example, he established the Płock cathedral festinanciam de episcopatu Pomeranie pro voto suo tunc ordinare non potuit, sed de prudencia ducis confisus, ei ex otio commisit ordinandum.’ Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:42, p. 145. Cf. Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:18, pp. 86–89; Sancti Ottonis episcopi Babenbergensis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, iii:1–2, pp. 57–58. 77  Letter of Pope Innocent II, ed. by Bielowski; PL 129, col. 518. Commentary and summary of older research can be found in Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, pp. 41–42. 78  Grodecki, ‘Aleksander’. Also Deptuła, ‘Aleksander z Malonne’. 79  Świechowski, Romanesque Art in Poland, trans. by Kozińska-Bałdyga and Bałdyga, pp. 67, 75.

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school, founded a scriptorium, and endowed the Bishop’s library with the Codex of Płock. The Codex consists of a twelfth-century illuminated bible, known as the Bible of Płock, a prime example of the art created in Liège at this time.80 Alexander commenced the building of a new cathedral in Płock in 1126 (consecrated in 1144), where the remains of Władysław I Herman and later of his son Bolesław III were interred. 81 The cathedral was decorated by artisans from Liège, and was adorned with a portal including an ornamental door. The door of Płock (manufactured in Magdeburg) imitated the elaborate doors of the cathedrals in Hildesheim and Mainz.82 The Hildesheim bronze door, commissioned in 1015 by Bishop Bernward at Saint Mary’s Cathedral, has reliefs of the lives of Adam and of Jesus Christ. The door of Płock was manufactured on Alexander’s initiative about 1150. The Door depicts the Bishop himself in one of the quarters. The artistic composition of the door suggests inspiration from the Church of San Zeno in Verona. The iconography on the door depicts scenes from the Old and New Testaments. The story of Jesus culminates in a depiction of his triumph where he is portrayed among the saints and the apostles. The symbolism of the door centres on the missionary activity of the Church. Even the choice of a door as the focal point is significant and underscores the evangelizing message as the door of a church is a representation of Christ through whom the faithful enter salvation: ‘I am the gate, and one who will enter through me will be saved’ ( John 10:9). A collegiate church was also erected in Płock during the episcopate of Alexander of Malonne.83 According to Świechowski, the patronage of Alexander of Malonne was decisive in transplanting those cultural elements. These enabled the capital of Mazovia (Płock) to thrive as the centre of Christian worship in the region, and in effect propagated the religious models of Latin Christendom.84 80 

Deptuła, ‘Aleksander z Malonne’, p. 340; Knapiński, Iluminacje romańskiej Biblii Płockiej. ‘Item anno Domini millesimo centesimo quadragesimo quarto ecclesia kathedralis Plocensis censecratur.’ Spominki płockie, ed. by Rutkowska-Płachcińska, p. 128. Gallus refers to the burial of Władysław I Herman in Płock, Gesta, ii:21, pp. 156–57. For details of the burial of the members of the dynasty see Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 162–63. 82  Cf. Gieysztor, ‘Problematyka ideologiczna’; Grzesik, ‘Literackie wzorce ikonografii’. 83  The example of Alexander of Malonne can be compared to the actions of Gilbert of Hastings after his appointment as bishop of Lisbon in 1147. Gilbert of Hastings introduced the liturgical practices of Salisbury to the cathedral in Lisbon. Cf. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 12; Tyerman, God’s War, p. 316; Jack, Lisbon, City of the Sea, pp. 103–04. 84  Świechowski, Sztuka romańska w Polsce, pp. 32–33; Świechowski, Romanesque Art in Poland, trans. by Kozińska-Bałdyga and Bałdyga, pp. 23–24. Cf. further discussion in Deptuła, 81 

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The Bishop of Płock’s close relations with his native land of Malonne, and the diocese of Liège, are confirmed in a document issued in 1147 by Otbert’s successor in the see of Liège, Henry of Leez (1145–64).85 The document refers to the involvement of Alexander in the renovation of a church which was in ruins and confirms his place of birth in the diocese of Malonne.86 Further references to the Bishop and his brother Walter can be found in Translatio sancti Bertuini, written around 1202 in the community of the canons in Malonne. 87 Due to Alexander of Malonne’s influence, and with Bolesław IV’s acceptance, his brother Walter was appointed bishop of Wrocław (1148–69).88 Walter’s actions mirrored these of his brother; he erected a stone cathedral in Wrocław, reformed the liturgy modelled on his native diocese of Liège, and introduced Benedictines into Silesia by founding their abbey in Lubiąż.89 The close links between Alexander and Walter of Malonne and their homeland explain: the presence of Lorrainers among the community of the canons of Płock, artisans at the bishop’s court, and the importation of cultural practices from Lorraine.90 Alexander promoted the canons regular of Saint Augustine whose highly ‘Krąg kościelny płocki’; Drzymała, ‘Działalność fundacyjna biskupa Aleksandra’; Kłoczowski, Kościół w Polsce, ii, p. 111. 85  Text published in CDS 1, doc. 18, pp. 46–48; Miraeus, Diplomatum Belgicorum, ed. by Foppens, iii, pp. 718–19; Barbier, Histoire de l’abbaye, pp. 279–81. Cf. Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 183. 86  ‘Virum honestum ecclesiae nostrae natum et renatum Alexandrum nobis suscitavit and propter salutem animae suae et antecessorum suorum inibi (in ecclesia Maleniensi) quiescentium.’ Barbier, Histoire de l’abbaye, p. 280. The document refers to Alexander as ‘in terra aliena vero episcopali dignitate sublimatus’. CDS 1, doc. 18, p. 47. 87  ‘Quorundam fratrum de Polonia, indigetum pagi glebae Maloniensis, quorum alter videlicet Alexander Plocensi praesedit ecclesiae alter Gualterus nomine Vrislariensi.’ Acta sanctorum Belgii selecta, ed. by Ghesquiere, v, p. 745. 88  Details in Piotr of Byczyna’s Chronica principum Poloniae, ed. by Węclewski, p. 546. Cf. Wiszewski, ‘Francuskie lilie w herbie biskupstwa wrocławskiego’. 89  In the period to 1147 contemporary sources mention the foundation of seventy churches Ortlieb Zwiefaltensis Chronicon, ed. by Bielowski, p. 3. Even if the number of erected churches is exaggerated, the significance of such large scale support for the Christian faith is instructive. Cf. David who commented that the seventy churches built during the reign on Bolesław III is a myth. David, Les bénédictins, p. 74. Cf. Wieczorek, ‘Zwiefalten i Polska’, pp. 29–31. For discussion of Piotr Włostowic’s patronage see Orłowski, ‘Czy Piotr Włost zbudował 70 kościołów?’. 90  Deptuła, ‘Krąg kościelny płocki’, p. 45; Berlière, ‘Alexandre, évêque de Plock’, ii, col. 200. For discussion on other foreigners who arrived in Poland with or at the invitation of Alexander see Maleczyński, Bolesław III Krzywousty, p. 289, n. 24.

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respected community was very well established in the diocese of Liège, further facilitating cultural exchange between his birthplace and his diocese.91 The canons were invited from Malonne and settled in the convent of Czerwińsk (closely linked to the cathedral chapter of Płock) and assisted with chapter reforms.92 Alexander’s position within the Polish episcopate was supported by his close relationship with Bolesław III. Alexander was selected by Bolesław to be an executor of the Act of Succession of 1138, and a guardian of his younger sons, also evidence of the respect accorded to him and his influence not only at the Piast court but also within wider Polish power structures. In this capacity, Alexander witnessed the document issued by Cardinal Hubaldus, the papal legate, in 1146, at the behest of the Piast Juniors.93 This charter was issued towards the end of the civil war between Władysław II and his brothers, led by Bolesław IV, until the whole of the Polish episcopate decided to support the Piast Juniors. Alexander Bishop of Płock was the only ecclesiastical witness who signed his name on the charter — thus confirming his allegiance to the Piast Juniors and fulfilling his oath of fealty to Bolesław III. While Alexander undertook an active policy of supporting missionary activity among the neighbouring Prussians, the Bishop also sought to protect the population of his diocese militarily against the raids of the pagans. The tradition, alive sixty years after his death, preserved his image as a crusader bishop. The late twelfth-century narrative source, the Chronica Polonorum, describes the Bishop of Płock as a ‘bishop and knight, armed and pious […] grand in battles, grander in God’s service’.94 Parallels can be drawn between Alexander and his Danish contemporary Absalon, Bishop of Roskilde who became archbishop of Lund (c. 1128–1201) and who in the words of Saxo Grammaticus, ‘behaved as a sea warrior no less than a bishop’.95 Absalon was an influential adviser of Valdemar I 91 

Potkański, Opactwo na łęczyckim grodzie, pp. 139–40. For example, the church at the abbey at Mogilno is an exact replica of the Benedictine church in the diocese of Liège. Świechowski, ‘L’Architecture Preromane et Romane’. 93  The document of the legate is discussed in Górka, ‘Przyczynki do dyplomatyki polskiej’; Maleczyński, ‘Dokument Humbalda’. The text of the charter is published in CDMP 1, doc. 12, p. 18–19. 94  ‘Idem presul et miles simul armatus et devotus […] magnus in preliis […] in divinis maior obsequiis.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:8.3–4, p. 93. Cf. Deptuła, ‘Krąg kościelny płocki’, pp. 61–62. Alexander of Malonne and the idea of crusade have been linked in Powierski, Stosunki polskopruskie do 1230, p. 110; Powierski, Śliwiński, and Bruski, Studia z dziejów Pomorza, pp. 70–71. 95  ‘Qui mox antistes creatus non minus piratam se quam pontificem gessit, parvi aestimans intus religionem tueri, si foris eam periclitari pateretur. Neque enim minus sacrorum 92 

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of Denmark. He had proved to be a skilled administrator by reorganizing the Danish fleet and coastal defences. He also led several campaigns against the Wends and is credited in involving Denmark in the Wendish Crusade. In the international arena, Absalon aimed to limit the influence of the Holy Roman Empire, as did Alexander of Malonne, and promoted close co-operation with the papacy. Both clerics are examples of churchmen at the periphery who assumed the roles of pastors, statesmen, and warriors as the situation demanded.96 The diocese of Płock, located at the periphery of Latin Christendom, was a frontier which also required the service of Christian warriors.97 The foreign knights who settled in Poland were richly rewarded by their Piast sponsors. In the Gesta, Gallus referred to the Piast tradition of accepting and promoting the services of foreigners ‘worthy in martial skills’. 98 The wars fought during the reign of Bolesław III and the civil war of 1142–46 provided ample opportunity for experienced knights to enlist in the service of the Piast warring factions. Hugo Butyr is an example of a knight who enlisted in the service of the Piast Juniors before 1146.99 Bishop Alexander of Płock may have played a role in Hugo Butyr’s arrival.100 Hugo was the third son of a crusader, Jan III van Arkel (Arckel) and Aleyde of Hoessden and was born before his father took the cross and joined the First Crusade.101 His nickname ‘Butyr’ apparently refers to the estates of Bottersloet inherited by Hugo after the death of Jan III in Palestine (1112) when his sons divided the patrimony between them.102 Sources refer to attinet cultui publicae religionis hostes repellere quam caerimoniarum tutelae vacare. Itaque pontificalibus tectis maiore ex parte solo aequatis, quo patriam firmioribus vallaret excubiis, maritimam assidue stationem peragens, habitationis usum interdum a silvis frondibusque mutuari solebat. Cuius tam humilis mansio convulsos patriae penates erexit.’ Gesta Danorum, ed. by Olrik and Ræder, xiv:21.3, p. 413. 96  Cf. Jensen, ‘The Blue Baltic Border’, p. 185. 97  For discussion of various aspects of frontier theories see Urban, ‘The Frontier Thesis and the Baltic Crusade’. The cultural consequences of boundary delimitation are discussed in Myśliwski, ‘Boundaries and Men in Poland’. 98  ‘Et quicumque probus hospes apud eum in militia probabatur, non miles ille, sed regis filius vocabatur.’ Gesta, i:16, pp. 66–67. 99  See review of older research on foreign mercenaries in the service of the Piasts in Puś, ‘Rycerstwo obce w służbie polskiej’, pp. 63–80. 100  Cf. Annales Palidenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 82; Petri de Dusburg, ed. by Töppen, p. 39. 101  Buter, Butr, Buttir, Butyr, Boeter, Botterman, Potyre. Cf. Piętka, ‘Geneza mazowieckiej elity feudalnej’, pp. 39–41; Powierski, ‘Hugo Butyr: Fragment stosunków’; Powierski, ‘Hugo Butyr’. 102  Powierski, ‘Hugo Butyr’, p. 236.

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him as a knight and a prefect in the service of the bishop of Utrecht.103 He was active in the conflict between the Bishop and Dirk IV Count of Holland. Due to a disagreement resulting from a military episode, Hugo left Utrecht before 18 May 1145 (his son had replaced him as the Bishop’s prefect by that date). The Annales Palidenses, which has a reference to the war between the Bishop of Utrecht and Otto von Rineck, also provide a comment that the Piast Juniors won the civil war in Poland after the ‘most faithful and most experienced’ Hugo joined their service.104 Butyr’s position as an experienced warrior was enhanced by his continued protection by the Bishop of Płock. Family traditions were very important to the engagement of certain families in crusading.105 Hugo’s family tradition of crusading has been linked with his service to the Piast Juniors, and may to some extent explain his involvement in the defence of Mazovia against the Pomeranians and Prussians. 106 Sometime before 1147, Hugo became the commander of Bolesław IV’s troops stationed in Chełmno, Mazovia, and together with Bishop Alexander of Płock played a crucial role in defensive and offensive actions against the Prussians.107 For Hugo’s bravery and military prowess, Bolesław IV appointed him the castellan of Chełmno108 and he was the recipient of valuable land estates from the rulers of Mazovia.109 Hugo’s descendants stayed to manage their estates in Poland, Chełmno becoming a Polish outpost and Chełmno castle one of the fortified strongholds which marked the borderlands of Polish Mazovia and Prussia. Hugo’s successful defeat of the Prussians was still celebrated in oral tradition when Peter of Dusburg compiled his chronicle over a century later.

103 

Deed dated 24 May 1119 where Hugo receives an estate from his father-in-law. Powierski, ‘Hugo Butyr’, p. 237. 104  ‘At illi iuncto sibi Hugone quodam fidentissimo et preliis exercitatissimo, uni duo prevaluerunt, et cesis multis milibus, machinationis adversum se excogitate vicem rependerunt.’ Annales Palidenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 82. 105  Riley-Smith, ‘Family Traditions and Participation’, pp.  101–08. On the impact of established family tradition on an individual’s decision to take the cross, see also Smith, Crusading in the Age of Joinville, p. 172; Daniell, From Norman Conquest to Magna Carta, p. 76. 106  Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 27. 107  Powierski, ‘Polska a Prusowie’, p. 84; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp. 108–13. 108  Cf. Puś, ‘Rycerstwo obce w służbie polskiej’, p. 63. Cf. Cronica Petri, ed. by Plezia, pp. xxx, xxxvi–xxxvii. Due to its location, the stronghold of Chełmno was the likely place where Polish forces were concentrated in preparation for an incursion into Prussia. 109  One of the hills, which formed the part of the city’s defences, bears his name Potterberg.

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Conclusion The Christianization of Poland had a direct connection with the process of state formation and the strengthening of nationhood, and was closely linked with the growth of ecclesiastical organization in Poland and Pomerania. Extant sources allow for the identification of individuals who acted as transmission agents for the diffusion of the idea of crusade. This is by no means an exclusive list and may have been far more extensive. These transmission agents included: royal consorts: Western clergymen (bishops, abbots, missionaries, and monks) who made a career in Poland, Western educators (writers, scribes) in the service of the Polish court, Western mercenaries in the service of Polish elites, and the Poles who were educated in the intellectual centres of Latin Christendom. A lack of richer sources allows only a hypothesis that the trends presented in the sources are representative of more general experience. Immigrant clergy assisted the Piasts with the establishment and running of cathedral schools, and Polish scholars were sent to the West for further study. The example of Otto demonstrates that Poland was known as a frontier of Christendom, and a place where clerics, educators, and scholars could achieve respect, wealth, and influence. With the exception of the royal wives who were duty bound, these newcomers shared common motives for going to Poland, which was on the periphery, such as personal fame, advancement, wealth, or protection and safety. In Poland they were welcomed, their services valued and actively sought. The motive for marriage alliances between the indigenous Piast dynasts and the ruling houses of Western Europe followed the pattern which characterized alliances between prominent families throughout Christendom. Marriage was typically a political instrument which cemented or guaranteed an alliance between dynasties, or was a diplomatic measure to show influence. The motives and subsequent careers of the individuals who ventured to Poland provided a model of behaviour for other Westerners, and established a pattern explaining some of the personal motivation (for instance, risk taking or protection from persecution). Although the sources do not provide extensive information about these individuals, patterns are discernible. These enable reliable conclusions to be drawn about the ways in which the idea of crusade was transmitted from the core to the periphery, and to ascertain the impact that the agents of change had in Poland. The interaction of the agents of change with the Polish elites provided further opportunities for the elites to engage in communication with Western Europe. These contacts brought to Poland an appreciation of literacy and Latin literature. Furthermore, they opened channels which

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enabled the idea of crusade to further infiltrate the political and ecclesiastical elite of Poland. The idea found its concrete expression in the Gesta by Gallus Anonymus.

Chapter 3

Conquest of Pomerania: Bolesław III and Holy War

T

he twelfth-century dynastic history, the Gesta principum Polonorum, provides detailed evidence of Polish involvement in Christian holy war. The Gesta presents an account of the early reign of Bolesław  III (1102–38), a period during which Poland experienced the consolidation of cultural practices introduced from Latin Christendom. These included the adoption of western European court practices, a marked increase in the veneration of saints, increased pilgrimage, and acceptance of the authority of the Church. * * * In this chapter, I analyse the conquest of Pomerania by Bolesław III in the Gesta, as a Christian holy war. An examination of the Gesta provides strong evidence that the Gesta’s anonymous author adapted the idea of holy war to present Piast expansion towards the Baltic Sea. I trace the dissemination of the idea of holy war within Polish elites of the early twelfth century and examine ‘the right and just’ wars waged by Bolesław III against the Pomeranians as examples of holy war. I focus on Bolesław III as the Piast who largely instigated the acceptance of the idea of holy war and crusade in Poland and who inspired the elites of the Piast realm to follow. His example established a tradition of active participation in holy war which was enshrined in the Gesta, an ‘instruction manual’ for knightly classes to follow. His actions and myth were crucial to the proliferation of the idea of holy war through establishing a family tradition of crusading among his Piast descendants. In my discussion of the Gesta, I outline hypotheses as to the origins of its author and the structure of the work. I present my own views about the sources of the Gesta’s author and the members

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of the Piast court who may have influenced the commissioning of this work, and posit that the idea of holy war is present in the Gesta’s narrative of the conquest of Pomerania. Also, I outline my understanding of the concept of holy war and its adaptation by the author of the Gesta to conceptualize the pagan Pomeranians as ‘the other’. * * * The Gesta is a narrative which was written between 1112 and 1118 by an anonymous monk in the service of the Piast court.1 The date of the Gesta’s composition can be established from the dates of the episcopate of the four bishops mentioned in the initial dedicatory letter, Archbishop Marcin of Gniezno, Bishop Szymon of Płock, Bishop Paweł of Poznań, Bishop Maur of Kraków (who died 1118), and Bishop Żyrosław of Wrocław (who was appointed in 1112). The Gesta is the oldest surviving written record of early Polish history. It contains accounts previously preserved through oral tradition, as well as eyewitness accounts of events which occurred at the time of writing. As such, the Gesta became a narrative source which shaped, influenced, and helped to create the account of early Polish history followed by later generations.2 It provides important contemporary evidence for understanding how the Piast court established the Polish tradition of active participation in the expansion of Christendom, and specifically how it contributed to the development of a crusading tradition in north central Europe. The Gesta reflects ideas shared by the Polish elites and is critical to an understanding of the attitude of Bolesław III and his court to holy war. It is a credible source which articulated the political programme and the ideas of the Polish ruler and his court, in particular the court’s attitude to the conversion and conquest of its neighbouring pagans. The account provides reliable evidence that Bolesław III largely instigated the acceptance of the idea of crusade in Poland, inspired its emulation amongst the elites, and established the tradition of crusading. The Gesta, Poland’s first literary work, is key evidence of the main expression of the acceptance of the idea of crusade in Poland.3

1 

Gesta, i:Epist, p. 2. Further discussion in Plezia, ‘Wstęp’, p. xiv. Cf. Foley, ‘The Implications of Oral Tradition’. 3  Banaszkiewicz, ‘Tradycje’, p. 277. Also see Boyer, Tradition as Truth, pp. 1–23. 2 

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Gallus Anonymus — The Author and His Work The Gesta is known from three late-medieval copies of the original manuscript.4 The most complete version is the earliest copy, the Codex Zamoyscianus. It served as the basis for the most recent critical editions of the Gesta. Textual analysis of other, albeit later, narrative sources such as the Chronica Polonorum and the Chronica Poloniae Maioris has shown that the original Gesta was accessible to Church schools and was used extensively by the authors of these texts. The origins of the author of the Gesta are obscure. The sixteenth-century historian, Marcin Kromer, attributed the chronicle’s authorship to a certain Gallus, whom he regarded as probably having been a monk.5 This view has been generally accepted, and the Gesta’s author is known in historiography as Gallus Anonymus. Examination of the Gesta’s text provides further clues. The epistle of Book III indicates that he was not a Pole because he refers to himself as ‘an exile and a sojourner’ who expected to take the ‘fruit of his labours’ (the Gesta) back to his Benedictine convent.6 It is also almost certain that he was from Western Europe and not Poland, Hungary, Germany, or Bohemia.7 The author’s knowledge of the early twelfth-century history of Hungary and his attachment to Saint Gilles suggest that he made his profession at the abbey of Saint Gilles in Provence, or at its Hungarian daughter house in Somogyvár (founded in 1091).8 4 

Codex Zamoyscianus, produced 1380–92 (Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, MS BOZ cim 28, fols 20v–54v); Codex of Sędziwoj, produced 1434–39 (Kraków, The Princes Czartoryskis’ Library, MS 1310, fols 242–307); Heilsberg Codex, produced 1469–71 (Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, MS 8006, fols 119–247). 5  Kromer made a comment to this effect on a page of a manuscript of the Gesta in his possession ‘Gallus hanc historiam scripsit, monachus, opinor, aliquis, ut ex proemiis conicere licet, qui Boleslai tertii tempore vixit.’ Cf. Plezia, ‘Wstęp’, p. viii; Wiszewski, ‘At the Beginnings of the Piast Dynastic Tradition’. 6  ‘Primum omnium vos scire volo fratres karissimi, quia tantum opus non ideo cepi, ut per hoc fimbrias mee pusillanimitatis dilatarem, nec ut patriam vel parentes meos exul apud vos et peregrinus exaltarem, sed ut aliquem fructum mei laboris ad locum mee professionis reportarem. Item aliud vestre discretioni manifesto, quia non, ut me quasi ceteris preferendo, vel quasi facundiorem in sermone referendo, hunc laborem suscepi; sed ut otium evitarem et dictandi consuetudinem conservarem et ne frustra panem Polonie manducarem.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 210. 7  See the discussion in Plezia, ‘Wstęp’, p.  xxiv. The Polish historiography on Gallus is extensive. For an overview of older research on the issue of Gallus’s identity see Plezia, Kronika Galla na tle historiografii; Plezia, ‘Wstęp’, pp. v–xc; Plezia, ‘Nowe studia nad Gallem Anonimem’; Plezia, ‘Związki literatury polskiej z literaturą francuską’; Tyc, ‘Anonim-biograf trzeciego Bolesława’; Tyc, ‘Uwagi nad Gallem Anonimem’; Maleczyński, ‘Wstęp’, pp. v–cxiv. 8  The hypothesis that Gallus belonged to the Benedictine order is generally accepted in

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The debate about the origin of the figure known as Gallus has been inconclusive. His Frankish origins were generally accepted, but have been recently challenged with the argument that the author of the Gesta was a monk from Venice.9 Tomasz Jasiński argues that the author of the Gesta was Monachus Littorensis, the author of the History of the Translation of Saint Nicholas the Great because of the similarities in the use the diphthongal rhyme and the application of cursus forms.10 The similarity between the two works, could also be explained, however, by the authors’ common education which influenced their literary style.11 Whether the author of the first extant narrative source about Poland was a Frank or a Venetian, he was familiar with a centre of the crusading movement, ruled by a leader of the First Crusade, Raymond of Saint Gilles (c. 1052–05), and was familiar with the regions along the route of the crusading army of the Count of Toulouse.12 The association with the abbey of Saint Gilles places the Gesta within the formative tradition of a monastic tradition which produced all of the most significant histories of the First Crusade such as the works by Baldric of Dol, Robert the Monk, and Guibert of Nogent. Gallus, like the monastic historians of the First Crusade undertook his task in order to rework a popular eyewitness account of the crusade because the subject merited proper literary treatment.13 Its author writes, he ‘thought it worth the while […] to record something of the deeds of the Polish princes […] rather than to leave posterity no record at all of deeds worth imitating’.14 Gallus’s presence at court provided him with direct access to the material he recorded in the Gesta. In particular, he had access to the ruler’s counsellors and to participants in the events about which he wrote, including the interhistoriography. See Plezia, Kronika Galla na tle historiografii, pp. 152–55; Maleczyński, ‘Wstęp’, p. lxxxix. 9  Cf. Wojciechowski, Szkice historyczne jedenastego wieku, pp. 256–63. 10  Borawska, ‘Gall Anonim’; Jasiński, ‘Czy Gall Anonim’; Jasiński, O Pochodzeniu Galla Anonima; Labuda, ‘Zamiana Galla-Anonima’; von Güttner-Sporzyński, ‘Gallus Anonymus’. 11  Plezia, ‘Nowe studia nad Gallem Anonimem’, pp. 111–20. 12  Tyc, ‘Anonim-biograf trzeciego Bolesława’, pp. 63–64. 13  Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 138. 14  ‘Quoniam orbis terrarum in universitate spaciosa a regibus ac ducibus plurimis plurima memorabilia geruntur, que fastidiosa negligentia philosophorum, forsitan inopia, silencio conteguntur, opere pretium duximus quasdam res gestas Polonicorum principum gratia cuiusdam gloriosissimi ducis ac victoriosissimi nomine Bolezlaui stilo puerili pocius exarare, quam ex toto posterorum memorie nichil imitabile reservare.’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 10.

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vention of Saint Adalbert on 30 April of 1097 in defence of the townspeople of Gniezno,15 the siege of the Pomeranian stronghold Nakło (10 August 1109),16 the siege of the Polish city of Głogów by the German army (24 August 1109),17 and the invasion of Bohemia (28 September 1110).18 In addition to providing an eyewitness account of the policies and activities of Bolesław III, the Gesta recounts events of Polish history based on oral tradition, thus recording, for the first time, history known until then through oral transmission.19 The transmission of information about the historical and mythical origins of the Piasts and their traditions, situated and legitimized the identities and the standing of their descendants. They communicated social memories and transformed them according to the social and political context of the day. The oral sources of this history were the close advisers of Bolesław III, such as members of the Polish episcopate, and in particular the chancellor, Michael Awdaniec.20 The epistles to all three books of the Gesta, in addition to providing information about its author and his background, offer some clues about his sources in Poland. In the epistle to Book I, having dedicated his work to the whole of the Polish episcopate, Gallus addresses it specifically ‘to his helper the venerable Chancellor Michael, the maker of the task embarked upon’. 21 Further, in the epistle to Book II, Gallus appeals to ‘his helper the Chancellor Michael of exemplary piety’.22 These dedications could be explained as expressions of literary convention; however, the events that took place during the reign of Bolesław III and the key and controversial role played by Chancellor Michael 15 

Gesta, ii:6, p. 130. Gesta, iii:1, p. 220. 17  Gesta, iii:5, p. 232. 18  Gesta, iii:21, p. 254. Cosmas of Prague corroborates this information and provides the date of the invasion as the Feast of Saint Wenceslas (28 September). Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, iii:35, p. 206. 19  Indicative of this are Gallus’s references to ‘narrant seniores antiqui.’ Gesta, i:3, p. 22. Also, to ‘que fidelis recordatio meminit.’ Gesta, i:3, p. 24. Cf. Tymowski, ‘Oral Tradition, Dynastic Legend and Legitimisation’. 20  Bisson, ‘On Not Eating Polish Bread’, p. 289. Tyc reconstructed the list of the courtiers who strongly promoted the conquest and Christianization of Pomerania: Chancellor Michael Adwaniec, Skarbimir, Palatine Piotr Włostowic, Archbishop Jakub of Żnin, Wojciech (Bolesław III’s chaplain), Comes Paweł and Otto of Bamberg (Władysław I Herman’s chaplain). Tyc, ‘Polska a Pomorze za Krzywoustego’, pp. 14–21. 21  Gesta, i:Epist., p. 2. 22  Gesta, ii:Epist., p. 110. 16 

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Awdaniec in them, are likely to provide some insight into the reasons for, and purpose of the Gesta. Michael Awdaniec was an elder statesman of the powerful Awdańcy magnate clan (‘Awdaniec’ means ‘of Awdańcy’ clan or kindred). The clan’s influence dated from the pagan tribal era and was supported by extensive landholdings further expanded during Bolesław III’s reign. Its support of his uncle, Bolesław II (1040–81), led to the decline of their influence after Bolesław II’s exile in 1079. The clan’s influence at court was only gradually restored towards the end of the reign of his brother, Władysław I Herman (1042–1102) when their position was enhanced by the appointment of Skarbimir Awdaniec as tutor trainer to the adolescent Bolesław III. Skarbimir later became the commander of Bolesław III’s troops during the conquest of Pomerania. The clan was favoured by Bolesław III, which enabled its members to re-establish an influential court faction which dominated the Piast court between 1102 and 1118. These dates are significant. In unknown circumstances the clan staged an unsuccessful coup d’état against Bolesław. Their defeat caused the withdrawal of Gallus’s commission and his Gesta was concluded with a short Book III. The epistle to Book III appeals to different sponsors or possible patrons ‘the venerable ducal chaplains’, which suggests a realignment of the court factions after the removal of the Awdańcy clan.23 The dedication of the Gesta’s first book to Chancellor Michał Awdaniec is evidence of the clan’s favoured status at that time and also suggests that the chancellor played an instrumental role in commissioning the Gesta and supplying information to its writer. Gallus refers to the chancellor as the author’s ‘co-worker’24 and originator, and to himself as a mere ‘scribe’. Again, these references could be a reflection of literary convention only, but when combined with Gallus’s frequent references to the members of the clan more often than any other magnate faction, these phrases may be an indication of Gallus’s closer affiliation with the members of the clan, possibly in a client position. Gallus describes himself as a foreigner and a sojourner among the Poles and is likely to have been commissioned by one of the court officials such as the chancellor. As a newcomer, his lack of knowledge of local history, geography, and traditions would have made him reliant on the information provided by these patrons. The dedication of the Gesta to the chancellor points to him as not 23 

Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 210. cooperator — co-worker, opifex — creator, craftsman. Gesta, i:Epist., p. 2. See Plezia, Słownik łacińsko-polski, iii, p. 718. 24 

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only the official who commissioned the work (‘the maker of the task embarked upon’), but the person through whom the Piast dynastic tradition and the political programme of Bolesław III and his loyal supporters, the Awdańcy clan, was made known.25 Further textual examination of the Gesta supports this contention. Gallus presents controversial events in Polish history in a manner consistently favourable to the Awdańcy. One example is the account of the 1079 execution of Stanisław, Bishop of Kraków by Bolesław II. No exact details of this affair are known, but it is understood that the Bishop betrayed his due fidelity to Bolesław II and the King condemned him to mutilation of limbs. The execution became the pretext for a magnates’ revolt lead by Sieciech of the Toporowie clan. The King was deposed and forced into exile, and his younger brother, Władysław I Herman was elevated to the Polish throne. The Awdańcy clan shared the fate of King Bolesław II, their patron, and its members were also driven into exile. In his account of the events, Gallus wrote that the King should have not have taken vengeance on the Bishop as the Bishop was anointed by God. Significantly, Gallus also refers to the Bishop as traitor and describes his action as treason.26 Such an approach to the events within living memory at the time of the Gesta’s composition, did not vindicate King Bolesław II but presented its readership with reasons for the King’s actions and served the Awdańcy’s political ascendancy. The Gesta provides the strongest reference in Polish sources to the actions of Bishop Stanisław and is at odds in interpretation with other, later references (for example one furnished by Bishop Vincentius of Kraków).27 Bishop Stanisław’s death was later considered martyrdom, and in 1253 he was canonized and proclaimed a patron saint of Poland.

Structure of the ‘Gesta’ The Gesta is a panegyric to Bolesław III, and has a strongly ideological character.28 The author places his protagonist at the centre of events in the narrative, and also presents the dynastic programme of the Piasts, which from the tenth century incorporated state formation, territorial expansion, and conversion of the neighbouring heathens. The Piasts’ political programme included the con25 

Cf. Plezia, Dookoła sprawy świętego Stanisława. Gesta, i:27, p. 96. 27  Chronica Polonorum, ii:20, p. 296. 28  Banaszkiewicz, ‘Młodzieńcze’. 26 

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solidation of neighbouring Western Slav tribal lands into the Piasts’ ancestral domain of Greater Poland. Gallus refers to Bolesław III as the most glorious and victorious of dukes, who was born by the gift of God and the prayers of Saint Gilles, thanks to whom he was blessed with good fortune and is ever victorious.29 Each book of the Gesta opens with an introductory epistle and epilogue in octosyllabic leonine verses. Book  I presents the ancestry of Bolesław III and supports the legitimacy of the rule of the Piast dynasty by recording, explaining, and highlighting the dynasty’s claim to the throne through its mythical origins. 30 It tells the story of Bolesław’s legendary ancestors, including the conversion of Mieszko I to Christianity, an event corroborated from a short note in the oldest of the Polish annals and the Chronicle of Thietmar. In Book I, the ancestry of Bolesław III is presented until the time of his conception. Significantly, twelve out of thirty-one chapters are devoted to the reign of Bolesław I (992–1025) and glorify his achievements in consolidating the Piast realm. They describe his wars with the neighbouring pagans, hinting at parallels between Bolesław I and Bolesław III. Book II records twenty-three years (1086–1109). Beginning with the reign of Władysław I Herman, it recounts the conflict between Bolesław III and his half-brother Zbigniew. It also introduces the military campaigns in Pomerania, focusing on the martial qualities and virtues of Bolesław III. Book III covers only four years (1109–13), continuing the theme of successful wars with the Czechs and Pomeranians. The Gesta ends somewhat abruptly with the demise of Zbigniew; what follows is Gallus’s description of Bolesław’s public penance for his brother’s death.31 The immediacy of the language in these passages of the Gesta suggests that Gallus and, or, his informers, were witnesses to Bolesław’s expiatory pilgrimage to the shrine of Saint Stephen and Saint Gilles in Hungary.

29 

Cf. Gesta, i:Proh., p. 10. ‘Polonicorum principum gratia cuiusdam gloriosissimi ducis ac victoriosissimi nomine Bolezlaui stilo puerili pocius exarare, quam ex toto posterorum memorie nichil imitabile reservare. Ob hoc etiam maxime, quod Dei dono precibusque sancti Egidij natus fuit, per quem, ut credimus, bene fortunatus, semperque victoriosus extitit.’ Gesta, i:Proh., p. 10. Cf. Tyc, ‘Polska a Pomorze za Krzywoustego’, pp. 1–36; Tyc, ‘Anonim-biograf trzeciego Bolesława’, pp. 64–76. 30  For an analysis of Bolesław III as ‘the embodiment of tradition’ see Wiszewski, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 257–342. 31  Cf. discussion in Plezia, ‘Wstęp’, p.  xxii; Plezia, Kronika Galla na tle historiografii, pp. 138–39. Cf. Maleczyński who, however, argues to the contrary. Maleczyński, ‘Wstęp’, p. lxxi.

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The structure of the Gesta places Bolesław III as the natural and preordained successor to his glorious Piast ancestors.32 In particular, the wars fought by Bolesław against the pagan Pomeranians and Prussians through which the Polish ruler expanded the boundaries of Christendom, are portrayed as the predestined consequence of a number of events which included: the baptism of Mieszko I in 966, the imperial visit to the shrine of Saint Adalbert in the year 1000, and the wars successfully concluded by Bolesław I before his coronation in 1025. Gallus celebrates the past glories of the Piasts. His narrative presents these events and traditions as honourable, glorious, and longstanding. He refers to their dynasty as dominis naturalibus, the natural lords of Poland. 33 In the chronicle, resembling the prophesies of the Book of Daniel, the author describes the history of the Piasts as an act of the intervention of God in human affairs. The Gesta memorializes the deeds of the Piasts, propagating the notion that the dynasty had a preordained mission to rule Poland. Through their successes they were providing for Poland’s greatness as well as bringing the Christian religion to north central Europe. This would appear a deliberate ploy to cement the myth of the Piast dynasty in the consciousness of the Polish elites. Gallus declares in Book I that the Gesta is an instructive history of the Poles illustrated by the achievement of their rulers; it is glorious ‘to recite in schools and in palaces the triumphs and victories of dukes and kings’ because they are ‘exalted in triumphal wars and victories’ and therefore their ‘exploits and victories’ ‘fire the hearts of soldiers to bravery when they are recited in schools and capitals’.34 Its author wrote with awareness, if not the intention, that this work would inspire the warrior class into action. He wrote the Gesta during a period of active warfare against Pomerania and Prussia, at a time when the idea of crusade and the idea of Christian knighthood were propagated amongst the Polish elites through their increasing exposure to the practices of Latin Christendom.35 32 

Banaszkiewicz, ‘Młodzieńcze’, pp. 11–29. Gesta, i:19, p. 81; ii:16, p. 147. 34  ‘Ita gloriosum est in scolis vel in palatiis regum ac ducum triumphos vel victorias recitare.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 212. ‘Ita militie vel victorie regum atque ducum ad virtutem militum animos accendunt, in scolis vel in capitoliis recitate. […] Sic defensores honorem patrie famamque dilatare student et gloriam temporalem.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 214. 35  In the Gesta, it could be argued, that the past serves a practical purpose to the present. The Gesta provides indication of the selective nature of memory created by the author and his sponsors. Cf. Patrick Geary’s exploration of various examples of remembering and reorganizing of the past to satisfy the concerns of the present. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance. 33 

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In the epistle to Book III, Gallus appears to be rushing to complete his task in a difficult political environment: which could have been the result of the fall from grace of the Awdańcy clan. He appeals to his ‘dear brothers’, the ‘venerable ducal chaplains’, and defends his decision to write the Gesta.36 Gallus exclaims that ‘the valour and noble spirit of the warlike Duke Bolesław’ gave him ‘the courage to dare’.37 This epistle also contains a plea to those who would discount the significance of his labour. Should his work be considered unworthy by the Polish clergy, then the kingdom of Poland would surely be classed among ‘the uncouth barbarian nations’.38 Gallus claims his work is important to the court, and that a written record separates the civilized from the barbarian. Gallus reminds the reader that the ancients would not be ‘celebrated throughout the world if they were not preserved in the testimony of writers for posterity to remember and imitate’.39 The commissioning of the Gesta and its reference to schools provides significant evidence of the extent to which Latin literacy, literature, and institutionalized learning had advanced in twelfth-century Poland.40 The early career of Otto, later Bishop of Bamberg, provides an example of how literacy was introduced to Poland and accepted by the Polish elites. 41 During his extended stay in Poland Otto won the favour of the ‘great and powerful’ who entrusted him with the education of their children. The actions of the magnates and prelates of the Piast monarchy suggest that they strived to demonstrate that their state was not counted amongst ‘the uncouth barbarian nations’ and that they imitated the behaviour of their counterparts in Western Europe. 36 

‘Capellanis ducalibus venerandis aliisque bonis clericis per Poloniam memorandis, presentis auctor opusculi sic bona temporalia preterire, ut liceat expedite de caducis ad permanentia transilire.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 210. 37  ‘Insuper etiam copiosa bellorum materia ad presumendum onus viribus inequale meam ignoranciam excitavit, ipsiusque Bolezlaui belligeri ducis probitas ac magnanimitas audendi fiduciam ministravit.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 210. 38  ‘Quodsi reges Polonos vel duces fastis indignos annalibus iudicatis, regnum Polonie procul dubio quibuslibet incultis barbarorum nationibus addicatis.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 212. 39  ‘Numquid enim fama vel militia Romanorum vel Gallorum sic celeberrima per mundum haberetur, nisi scriptorum testimoniis memorie posterorum et imitationi servaretur.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 212. 40  ‘Ita gloriosum est in scolis vel in palatiis regum ac ducum triumphos vel victorias recitare.’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 212. 41  See Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:6, pp.  72–73; Sancti Ottonis episcopi Babenbergensis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:1, p. 28; ii:21, pp. 51–53; Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:12, pp. 73–75.

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Latin Christendom wielded a powerful cultural influence over Poland from the middle of the tenth century. This is evidenced, for example, by the foundations of monasteries during the reigns of Bolesław II, Władysław I Herman, and Bolesław III. Amongst four abbeys founded or renewed during this period (Tyniec, Lubiń, Mogilno, and Trzemeszno), the abbey in Lubiń was founded by the kinsmen of Michael Adwaniec, the Awdańcy clan. It was established by monks from the Benedictine abbey of Saint James from Liège, an ecclesiastical centre closely associated with the crusading movement.42 In addition to the education of native Polish clergy in Western Europe, there was also increased contact with religious centres such as Bamberg, Liège, and Laon through the recruitment of clergy and educators from these cities. During his reign, Bolesław III nominated at least seventeen of Poland’s twenty bishops. Only five of the appointees were Poles: the others were either Franks or Germans.43 An example of a native cleric was Jakub of Żnin (d. 1148) who was educated and trained in Laon under the tutelage of Ivo of Chartres.44 Jakub, later archbishop of Gniezno, was the author of the rhymed legend Tempore illo depicting the conversion of a Pomeranian duke by Saint Adalbert of Prague himself. This hagiographical work heralded the revival of the veneration of Saint Adalbert and the adoption of the symbolism his martyrdom at the hands of the pagans as the political and religious justification for the forcible conversion of Poland’s pagan neighbours.45 Jakub of Żnin, as the head of the Church hierarchy in Poland, was also an influential courtier and close counsellor of Bolesław III. Jakub’s later support of the Piast Juniors, who continued their father’s policy of the Christianization of pagans with the use of force, suggests that he also strongly supported Bolesław III’s conquest of Pomerania and its Christianization, using similar methods. It is thus possible to hypothesize that Jakub’s exposure to the idea of crusade was significant. It was not accidental 42  The monks settled in Lubiń before 1124. The foundation of the abbey was possible due to the patronage of the Awdańcy clan. The abbey preserved the name of its benefactors, among them Bolesław III and various representatives of the Awdańcy clan. See Liber fraternitatis, ed. by Przezanowski, pp. 4–5. The benefactors are identified in Bieniak, ‘Polska elita, II’, pp. 57–74. On the development of the abbey in Lubiń see also Derwich, ‘Fundacja lubińska’, pp. 16–17; Derwich, Monastycyzm benedyktyński, p. 193, n. 38. Cf. Cetwiński, ‘Jeszcze o fundacji’. 43  On the significant influence of these bishops recruited from Western Europe see Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, pp. 247–49. 44  See Gąsiorowski, ‘Jakub tzw. ze Żnina’; Gąsiorowski, ‘Jakub ze Żnina’. 45  Labuda, ‘Jakub zwany ze Żnina’; Grzesik, ‘Żywot świetego Wojciecha’; Tyc, ‘Polska a Pomorze za Krzywoustego’, pp. 14–21.

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that in 1124 he was, as provost of the cathedral of Gniezno, the host to Otto of Bamberg’s mission.46 As discussed earlier, the influx and settlement of Western clergy from the late eleventh century facilitated the entrenchment of Christian culture in Poland. This included the observance of Latin rituals, feasts, and holy days. As demonstrated by the widening of the cult of Saint Adalbert, and despite initial revolts against the new religion, Christianity was eventually embraced across all social strata. The veneration of Saint Adalbert acquired prominence with the establishment of the feast day, Translatio Sancti Adalberti (20 October), at the initiative of Władysław I Herman. It gained further momentum after the discovery of the (believed to be stolen) relics of the Saint’s head in 1127.47 Bolesław III and the Polish bishops adopted Saint Adalbert as the patron of the conquest of Pomerania: newly erected churches in Wolin and Szczecin were dedicated to the saint.48 In addition to the religious significance of such actions, the political dimension of it was considerable. Saint Adalbert as the patron of Poland was the spiritual centre of the archdiocese of Gniezno. The use of his name for the patronage of local churches in Pomerania symbolized the links of these churches with their metropolitan see. Saint Adalbert’s tomb became a place of pilgrimages and in the 1130s Bolesław III minted bracteates depicting himself receiving a blessing from Saint Adalbert.49

The ‘Gesta’ as a Historical Source The Gesta contains a large amount of information about the history of the Piast realm, not known through any other source. The credibility of the Gesta as a historical source is substantiated by comparisons with the works of other authors such as Thietmar of Merseburg (975–1018), 50 Cosmas of Prague 46 

Ebonis vita sancti Ottonis, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:4, p. 62. Under the year 1127 Polish Annals noted: ‘Inventio capitis sancti Adalberti.’ Rocznik Krakowski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 832. And later under the same year in Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 4, p. 307. Cf. Likowski, ‘Geneza święta “Translationis S. Adalberti”’. 48  Krzymuska-Fafius, ‘Kult świętego Wojciecha’, pp. 287–88. 49  Umiński, ‘Rola Bolesława Krzywoustego’, pp. 384–417; Kiersnowski, ‘O brakteatach’, pp.  147–49; Suchodolski, ‘Jeszcze o brakteatach Bolesława’. For a detailed background and discussion of the extent of the cult of Saint Adalbert see Krzymuska-Fafius, ‘Kult świętego Wojciecha’, pp. 285–92. Cf. Silnicki, ‘Św. Wojciech’; Dunin-Wąsowicz, ‘Wzór świętego’, pp. 103–05. 50  See in particular, the account of Emperor Otto  III’s visit to Gniezno in 1000. Cf. 47 

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(c. 1045–1125),51 and extant Polish, German, and Russian annals. Such comparisons enable the verification of the chronology of events and the names of participants. The significance of the Gesta as a historical source, therefore, is generally recognized.52 Historians broadly accept that the Gesta expresses the opinions and ideas of the Piast court and the most influential magnates and prelates advising Bolesław III.53 According to Gallus, the tradition of Polish participation in the Christianization of pagans was single-handedly established by the Gesta’s central figure, Bolesław III. It presented Bolesław with his ancestors as actors in the divine plan. Bolesław plays a part as God’s willing co-operator. By devoting the whole of the Gesta to Bolesław, Gallus provided the Piast ruler with an exceptional place in Polish history. It commenced with emphasis on Bolesław’s worthiness through an account of the miraculous circumstances of his birth.54 The birth was believed to be the result of the intercession of Saint Gilles on behalf of his parents, an ageing childless couple. According to Gallus and Cosmas of Prague, Władysław I Herman and Judith of Bohemia supplicated the abbey of Saint Gilles in Provence for the deliverance of a male heir and their prayers were answered with the birth of Bolesław.55 That Bolesław’s parents chose a saint from a distant country indicates the influence and prestige of the devotional practices of Latin Christendom. It confirms the universal application of the veneration of saints across Christendom and provides a further link between Poland and Provence, as noted above, a centre of crusading activity.56 The Polish legation to the abbey of Saint Gilles Thietmari Merseburgensis, ed. by Jedlicki, iv:44–46, 203–11. See also Althoff, Otto III, trans. by Jestice, pp. 100–03; Sedlar, East Central Europe, pp. 368–70; Shepard, ‘Marriages Towards the Millennium’, pp. 29–31. 51  For an outline of the events linking the Polish court and Saint Gilles before the birth of Bolesław III see Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, ii:36, p. 133. 52  Maleczyński, ‘Wstęp’, pp. v–cxiv; Plezia, Kronika Galla na tle historiografii, pp. 195–99. 53  Grabski, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, pp. 45–47; Grudziński, ‘Ze studiów nad Gallem Anonimem I’. For broader historiographical context see Kersken, Geschichtsschreibung. 54  20 August 1085: Gesta, ii:1, p. 116. 55  ‘Ob hoc etiam maxime, quod Dei dono precibusque sancti Egidij natus fuit, per quem, ut credimus, bene fortunatus, semperque victoriosus extitit.’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 10. See also the detailed account in Gesta, i:30–31, pp. 104–08. An expanded narrative is provided in the Czech chronicle of Cosmas. See Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, ii:36, p. 133. 56  For a discussion of the strong French influences on the development of Latin culture in Poland see Plezia, ‘Związki literatury polskiej z literaturą francuską’, p. 57; Silnicki, Wpływy

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also marked an increase in the veneration of Saint Gilles in Poland.57 Sources provide the locations of nineteen churches and chapels dedicated to Saint Gilles in Poland founded during the reign of Bolesław III and his father.58 According to Gallus, Bolesław’s qualities and character were further formed and tested, through his upbringing during times of acute political instability and factional infighting. The reign of Bolesław III’s father, Władysław I Herman, was characterized by the struggle of the Piasts against the growing power of the Polish magnates who interchangeably exerted pressure on the ruler and his heirs. In later years, the magnates supported Bolesław and his halfbrother Zbigniew against their father and then against each other. 59 The tension resulted in a division of the state into domains ruled by Bolesław (Silesia and Lesser Poland) and Zbigniew (Greater Poland and Mazovia) and continued after the death of their father in 1102. The brothers’ struggle for dominance provoked a civil war. The civil war in 1107 and the subsequent exile of Zbigniew became the pretext for imperial intervention. In 1109, Emperor Henry V demanded restitution of Zbigniew’s lands and homage from Bolesław, but the intervention failed.60 Around 1111, Zbigniew returned to Poland and apparently reconciled with Bolesław; however, he was soon accused of treason francuskie na polski Kościół, pp. 346–48; Silnicki, Dzieje i ustrój Kościoła katolickiego, pp. 35, 71–73, 103–08; Kozłowska-Budkowa, ‘Płockie zapiski’; Cronica Petri, ed. by Plezia, pp. xliii–xlv. 57  Zathey, ‘Z dziejów kultu świętego Idziego’; Deptuła, ‘Krąg kościelny płocki’, pp. 5–122; Kłoczowski, ‘Zakony na ziemiach polskich’, pp. 373–582. Dunin-Wąsowicz concluded that the cult of Saint Gilles in Poland had an exclusive character and was limited to the Polish elites and the Piast dynasty. Dunin-Wąsowicz, ‘Saint Gilles a Polska’. Cf. Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, p. 179. 58  Maleczyński argued that nine of these churches and chapels were erected during Władysław I Herman’s reign and the rest during the reign of Bolesław III. Maleczyński, Bolesław Krzywousty, pp.  262–63. Some of the locations of the churches founded by Władysław  I Herman are listed in the Chronicle of Greater Poland: ‘Iste Wladislaus in honore beati Egidii dotavit etfundavit Ecclesiam parochialem in Clodawa, Ecclesiam collegiatam in honore beati Egidii in Cracovia. Aliam collegialem in Lancicia, parochialem in Crobya et alias plures in honore beati Egidii confessoris ad cuiuspreces habuit filium.’ CPM, col. 15, p. 24. On the cult of Saint Gilles and the architecture of Polish churches dedicated to that saint see Dunin-Wąsowicz, ‘Święty Idzi’; Grzybkowski, ‘Kościół św. Idziego’; Różański, ‘Scimus nos nihil scire’; Zathey, ‘Z dziejów kultu świętego Idziego’, pp. 274–310. 59  According to the Gesta, Zbigniew was Władysław’s son by a concubine. ‘Zbignieuus a Wladislauo duce de concubine progenitus.’ Gesta, ii:4, p. 122. Zbigniew’s position as one of the legitimate heirs of his father was not questioned. 60  Gesta, iii:3, pp. 228–46.

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and blinded, and died not long after.61 The Church condemned the fratricide and Bolesław’s repentant answer. Grief and regret at the way Zbigniew was punished as well as Bolesław’s public penance placated the Church. According to the Gesta, the clergy maintained their support for Bolesław.62 It is also possible that Bolesław considered the conquest and Christianization of Pomerania a penitential act, a way of gaining remission of his sins, in particular for the death of Zbigniew. In the Gesta, early trials of Bolesław’s character culminate in his knighting in 1101 in Płock. This event is portrayed by Gallus as a potent recognition of Bolesław’s maturity by his father, Władysław I Herman. The event is given great symbolic meaning. Gallus perceives the elevation of Bolesław to knight, on the eve of civil war (1102–09), as the commendation of Bolesław as warrior, leader, and future ruler. The splendid ceremony was a reproduction of the enthronement of Henry V (Władysław’s nephew) in Liège.63 By imitating the imperial coronation, the Piast court adapted the most powerful political symbols employed by rulers in Western Europe, which also presented the knighthood as sanctioned by God.64 Gallus provides here the first known account of knighting in Poland. The ceremony established a tradition of Piasts conferring knighthood on their sons. Gallus emphasized the qualities of warrior in Bolesław by applying to him the epithet ‘son of Mars’.65 This use of a classical appellation indicates that Gallus linked Bolesław allegorically with heroic warriors. This term is used repeatedly throughout the Gesta to describe Bolesław.66 Its use may indicate that the Gesta’s readership possessed a level of Latin and classical education and were equipped to interpret classical references. The epithet ‘Duke 61 

According to the Czech chronicler Cosmas, Zbigniew must have died before July 1110, see Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, ed. by Bretholz, iii:34, p. 205. Bieniak suggests a time before September 1112 see Bieniak, ‘Polska elita, II’, pp. 48–49, n. 154. Cf. description of events in Gesta, iii:25, pp. 270–80; Chronica Polonorum, ii:29–30, pp. 84–86. 62  Gesta, iii:25, pp. 270–80. 63  Gesta, i:18, pp. 152–53. Cf. Dalewski, ‘The Knighting of Polish Dukes’. 64  Gesta, i:18, p. 152. Cf. Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 180; Annalista Saxo, ed. by Waitz, p. 734. After Bolesław’s mother’s death, Władysław I Herman married Judith Maria, daughter of Emperor Henry III, sister of Henry IV, and aunt of Henry V (1081–1125). See also in general, Banaszkiewicz, Imagines potestatis. 65  This classical epithet is used to depict Bolesław in several instances, for example Gesta, ii:3, p. 120; ii:11, p. 136; ii:13, p. 138; ii:14, p. 140; ii:17, p. 150; ii:18, p. 152; ii:33, p. 180. 66  ‘Dux septentrionalis’ Gesta, ii:39, p. 190; iii:2, p. 226; iii:14, p. 244; iii:17, p. 250; iii:25, p. 278; iii:26, p. 282.

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of the North’ was also used by Gallus to accentuate the extent of Bolesław’s dominion, and the legitimacy of Bolesław’s rule over the ‘north of Poland’, that is Pomerania and Prussia.

Holy War On the Northern Sea, [Poland] has as neighbours three most savage nations of pagan barbarians, Selencia, Pomerania, and Prussia, and the duke of the Poles is constantly at war with these countries, fighting to convert them to the faith. But neither has the sword of preaching been able to sway their hearts from faithlessness, nor has the sword at their throats wiped out this generation of vipers in its entirety. Yet often their leaders when defeated in battle by the Polish duke have taken refuge in baptism, only to deny the Christian faith when they recovered their strength and take up arms afresh against the Christians.67

Bolesław’s expansionist policy towards Pomerania and Prussia resulted in military campaigns as early as 1102–06.68 In addition to being motivated by Bolesław’s religious convictions, it provided his supporters with opportunities for booty and land. Furthermore, the provincial lords were provided with the prospect of a border free from Pomeranian pillaging raids.69 The expansionist programmes of the Piasts and the Church were mutually reinforcing and the Gesta provides moral backing for the wars by drawing on the Old Testament, and presenting the conversion of these nations as Bolesław’s primary objective. In the Gesta and in the Old Testament parables, warriors and their leaders trusted in God’s commands. They successfully fought for the good of their people. Later, their examples featured in crusade model sermons.70 Through

67 

‘Ad mare autem septemtrionale vel amphitrionale tres habet affines barbarorum gentilium ferocissimas naciones, Selenciam, Pomoraniam et Pruziam, contra quas regiones Polonorum dux assidue pugnat, ut eas ad fidem convertat. Sed nec gladio predicacionis cor eorum a perfidia potuit revocari, nec gladio iugulationis eorum penitus vipperalis progenies aboleri. Sepe tamen principes eorum a duce Poloniensi prelio superati ad baptismum confugerunt, itemque collectis viribus fidem christianam abnegantes contra christianos bellum denuo paraverunt.’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12. The identification of the pagan nation of Selencia is still subject to dispute. See Buczek, ‘Ze studiów’; Grabski, ‘Gall Anonim’; Bieniak, ‘Wyprawa misyjna Brunona’. 68  Cf. Keen, Medieval Warfare, p. 67. 69  Gesta, ii:14, p. 141; ii:44, p. 201; ii:47–48, pp. 204–07; iii:1, pp. 220–27. Discussion in Strzelczyk, ‘Bolesław Krzywousty i Otton z Bambergu’ (2000), p. 51. 70  Maier, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology, p. 55.

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usage of Old Testament stories Gallus’s writing draws directly on the Christian concepts of holy war and just war.71 The early Church was characterized by its opposition to the participation of Christians in warfare; by the eleventh century, however, a transition of Christian attitudes enabled the cautious acceptance of warfare sanctioned by the Church. This change of approach and the Church’s policy was the result of a re-evaluation and re-interpretation of biblical teachings. Early Christians rejected participation in war as irreconcilable with the pacific teaching of Jesus. The writing of Origen (d. c. 254) is typical. He argued that the wars of the Old Testament should be understood allegorically as a struggle of the soul with the devil, and not literally as acceptance of divinely sanctioned violence. 72 A new approach was signalled by Augustine of Hippo’s re-examination of biblical texts and his interpretation of justifying Christian participation in war. 73 He combined elements of Roman and Judeo-Christian traditions, and reconciled the wars of the Old Testament with the New Testament’s precept of love for one’s neighbour.74 Augustine’s writings profoundly affected the official position of the Church. His ideas influenced medieval thinkers who developed the Christian doctrine of just war. The cornerstone of Augustine’s ideas was the notion of charity. He argued that aggressive action was justified provided it was motivated by charity. Using the Old Testament as an example, Augustine argued that the wars conducted by divine command punished men for their sin and evil deeds and were therefore a means of doing good.75 For Augustine, Moses’s punishment of sinners was therefore a manifestation of love, and any war waged ‘in obedience to God’ was a just war. By claiming that God may ordain wars himself, Augustine saw God as the author of war and the executors of his will as acting justly.76 Drawing upon Roman legal principles, Augustine wrote that ‘just wars’ must have firstly a ‘just cause’, because justice was the first condition of peace. Secondly, the ‘right intention’ of a just war is to redress an injustice and return 71  Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, p. 53. Cf. Deut. 20. 1–4. 72  Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages, p. 11. 73  Holmes, ‘St Augustine and the Just War Theory’. 74  Deane, The Political and Social Ideas. 75  Riley-Smith, ‘Crusading as an Act of Love’, p. 177. 76  Augustine, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, PL 42, xxii:76, cols  448–49; xxii:78, cols 50–51; xxii:79, cols 51–54.

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to the status quo ante bellum, that is peace. Peace, according to Augustine, is a grace and gift of God, which is bestowed not only upon people worthy of this grace (the Christian faithful) but also the unworthy (pagans). Thirdly, just war must be undertaken by leadership acknowledged as a legitimate authority. These three principles specified by Augustine provided the foundation of the Christian doctrine of just war.77 The writing and ideas of Augustine formed an essential part of monastic education, which placed emphasis on extensive meditation on the Scriptures and the teachings of the Church Fathers. The monk who wrote the Gesta would therefore have been versed in biblical examples and with the writings and ideas of Augustine.78 The military campaigns of Bolesław III are presented by Gallus as just wars according to the Augustinian formula. First, Bolesław’s legitimacy is established. Second, the wars are represented as having been fought with the right intention (love for their neighbour manifested by the eradication of their idolatrous errors, assuring their salvation through baptism, and uniting them with the Church). Third, the outcome of these wars brought peace along Poland’s northern border. The sins of the pagan idolaters and the harm they had caused to the virtuous Poles are described at length and are used to provide further justification for the conduct of the wars — broadly, the removal of potential physical and spiritual harm to Christians. By drawing on biblical exemplars in the style of Saint Augustine, Gallus provided justification for the wars using the formula for Christian holy war. Strong biblical antecedents are present in Gallus’s narrative. Bolesław III is depicted as the leader of God’s people, the imitator of the Maccabees. The Maccabees are portrayed as the proto-crusaders in papal documents and in the narrative sources of the First Crusade as fighters ready to die for their religion. For example, in the Historia Hierosolymitana, Fulcher of Chartres invokes direct comparisons between the crusaders and the Maccabees.79 Similar references are found in the crusading bull of Pope Eugenius III.80 Comparisons between the crusaders and the wars of the Israelites can be found in Fulcher 77 

Anselm of Lucca cited Augustine in his canonical collection on the relationship between war and peace. Cushing, Papacy and Law, p. 130. 78  For examples of the influences of the writings of Saint Augustine on the Gesta identified by Maleczyński see Maleczyński, ‘Wstęp’, p. lxiv. 79  Fulcherio Carnotensi Historia Iherosolymitana, p. 319. See English text Fulcheri Carno­ tensis Historia Hierosolymitana, trans. and ed. by McGinty, Prologue, pp. 9–10. Cf. Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon, ed. by Huygens, i, pp. 39–40. 80  PL 180, cols 1064–66.

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of Chartres, and Raymond of Aguilers.81 Throughout his reign, Bolesław III fought wars with ‘the most savage nations of pagan barbarians, Selencia, Pomerania, and Prussia’,82 ‘to convert them to the faith’. 83 References to the Maccabees were used widely in the accounts of the First Crusade as a model of the heroic defence of holy places.84 In the Gesta, Bolesław III is portrayed as the defender of Poland: At last, imitating the Maccabees, he divided his host so as to be able both to defend his country and avenge his injury.85

Similarly, the prayers of the Bishop of Płock are compared to the prayers of Moses: And as in ancient days the sons of Israel smote the Amalekites through the prayers of Moses, so now the Mazovians won victory over the Pomeranians with the help of their bishop’s prayers.86

In the Gesta (using a similar approach to Augustine and his Old Testament examples), the wars of the Poles with the pagans were inspired by God, were waged at God’s command, and in deciding moments of battle God assisted the Poles.87 81 

‘Machabeorum imitator, diviso exercitu et patriae defensor exititit et iniurie vindicator.’ Gesta, ii:34, p. 180; Katzir, ‘The Conquests of Jerusalem’, pp. 103, 106–07; Dunbabin, ‘The Maccabees as Exemplars’; Maier, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology, p. 55. On the crusaders’ view of themselves as the ‘new Maccabees’, see Green, The Millstätter Exodus, pp. 246–55. 82  ‘Barbarorum gentilium ferocissimas naciones, Selenciam, Pomoraniam et Pruziam.’ Gesta, i:Prohem, pp. 12–13. 83  ‘At fidem convertat’ Gesta, i:Prohem, pp. 12–13. 84  Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades, pp. 28–30. 85  ‘Tum vero Bolezlauus in dubio magno pependit, utrum prius de recenti contumelia se debeat continuo vindicare, an ab invasoribus suam patriam liberare.’ Gesta, ii:34, p. 180. Cf. 1 Macc. 5:17–21. Vincentius invoked the same analogy. Neutrum tamen negligit fidelis Machabeorum imitator. Nam et quos in Pomeraniam destinat, de Pomoranis victoriam referunt.’ Chronica Polonorum, ii:28.3, p. 74. ‘Quem ergo aut illum Boleslai precursorem, aut hos Machabei iuvenes estimare potes, nisi summe, nisi superexcellentis omnipotentie ministros?’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:15.1–2, p. 101. 86  ‘Et sicut antiquitus filii Israel Amalechitas orationibus Moysi devicerunt, ita nunc Mazouienses de Pomoranis victoriam, sui pontificis adiuti precibus, habuerunt.’ Gesta, ii:49, p. 208. Cf. Num.14:43. 87  ‘And it came to pass, as they fled from before Israel, and were in the going down to Bethhoron, that the Lord cast down great stones from heaven upon them unto Azekah, and

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God, protector of Christians and avenger of his vigil, roused the courage of a few of the faithful to the destruction of a vast number of pagans, and triumphed as they fell upon them in the glory of the Lord’s day and in might of his arm.88

Gallus draws on conventions of how the wars of the Israelites in the Old Testament are portrayed in the Bible and makes a distinction between the wars that are victorious (God delivers victory to his people) and the wars where the Poles are defeated (a sign of God’s wrath due to the sinful actions of the Poles themselves). For example, the Poles suffer defeat after they ‘had violated the observance of Lent’,89 and when they invaded Pomerania on the Feast of Saint Michael the Archangel, thus neglecting to properly celebrate one of the important holy days of the year.90 In another example, according to Gallus, the Poles were not victorious in the battle of Kołobrzeg because ‘the vast wealth and booty of the suburbs blinded the ardour of the soldiers, and so Fortune saved their city from the Poles’.91 Again, Bolesław fell into a Pomeranian trap after participating in an event which displeased God; here Gallus adopts a didactic tone instructing Bolesław (and therefore the Gesta’s readership) to obey the laws of the Church.92

they died: they were more which died with hailstones than they whom the children of Israel slew with the sword.’ Jos. 10:11. 88  ‘Namque Deus, christianorum conservator, sueque vigilie vindicator, paucorum fidelium audaciam in multorum perniciem paganorum suscitavit, quibus irruentibus dominice diei in gloria sue potencie brachio triumphavit.’ Gesta, ii:19, p. 154. This could be compared to the example, ‘Gloria magna Deo, tali tantoque tropheo, Qui perimit nocuos, glorificatque suos!’ Roberti Monachi historia Iherosolimitana, p. 763. ‘Great is the glory of God, for such a great victory as this. He destroyed the evil enemy and glorified his own soldiers.’ Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, iii:14, p. 111. 89  ‘Quod flagellum Deus, ut credimus, omnipotens in transgressoribus observancie quadragesimalis ad correccionem exercuit, sicut quibusdam postea de ipso liberatis periculo revelavit.’ Gesta, ii:2, p. 120. 90  Gesta, ii:3, p.  120. The feast falls on 29 September. Saint Michael the Archangel symbolizes the eternal fight of good versus evil. 91  Gesta, ii:28, pp. 166–68. 92  ‘Deo displicuerit cum divinis nupcias carnales celebrari, facile potest per discrimina, que sepius inde contingunt, comprobari.’ Gesta, ii:33, p. 176.

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The ‘Gesta’ and Accounts of the First Crusade The Gesta’s motif of God’s intervention, control, and command (all elements of holy war) resemble the demonstrations of divine intervention witnessed during the First Crusade and continue a much longer tradition in the writing of Christian history. Guibert of Nogent referred to divine intervention by stating ‘the hand of God only, and not that of man, was waging war’;93 likewise, for Robert the Monk it was ‘not by any human force but with the help of God’,94 that the crusaders achieved victory. Among other examples, Fulcher of Chartres was certain during the siege of Antioch that ‘the strength of God was present there’. ‘They blessed and glorified God, who permitted so many thousands of the heathen to be routed by a scant army of Christians. “Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us as prey to their teeth! Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord!”’95 Ralph of Caen said that crusaders ‘ascribed this to God rather than to human strength. Christ fought openly for the Christians’,96 because ‘victory is not a matter of numbers but comes from God’s strength’.97 On the eve of the indecisive battle of Kołobrzeg in 1103, ‘Bolesław had mass celebrated in honour of the Virgin Mary’98 and on the day ‘they took communion and some bodily refreshment as well’. Bolesław told his warriors to ‘trust in God and in their weapons’,99 a Christian knight’s formula recorded by Fulcher of Chartres for Baldwin, when in October 1097 Baldwin set out towards the Euphrates ‘trusting in the Lord and in his own strength’.100 93 

‘Deum, non hominis fecisse manum.’ Historia quae dicitur Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. by Guibertus, p. 236. 94  ‘Nec ulla vi humana superata fuisset, nisi Dei adjutorio.’ Roberti Monachi historia Iherosolimitana, p. 758. Earlier (p. 722) also, ‘non fuit humanum opus, sed divinum’. 95  ‘Quo mane per exploratores comperto, vocibus laudi fluis Deum benedixerunt et glorificaverunt, qui tot militia perfidorum raro exercitu Christianorum dissipari permisit. “Benedictus ergo Deus, qui non dedit nos in captionem dentibus eorum. Beata enim gens, cujus est Dominus Deus ejus.”’ Fulcherio Carnotensi Historia Iherosolymitana, p. 363. 96  ‘Deo sunt haec ascribenda, non viribus humanis: palam pro Christianis Christus dimicat.’ Radulfo Cadomensi, Gesta Tancredi, p. 715. 97  ‘Non est victoria in numero, sed in Dei virtue.’ Radulfo Cadomensi, Gesta Tancredi, p. 716. 98  ‘Precedenti nocte Bolezlauus officium fieri Marie constituit, quod postea usu pro devotione retinuit.’ Gesta, ii:28, pp. 166–68. 99  ‘In Deo tantum et in armis iam securi confidamus.’ Gesta, ii:28, p. 168. 100  ‘Confidens in Domino et in valore suo.’ Fulcherio Carnotensi Historia Iherosolymitana, p. 337.

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In the Gesta, Bolesław is made an instrument in the hands of God because ‘if God were not with this man, he would never grant him so great a victory over the pagans’. 101 Robert the Monk declares God’s favour for Bohemond to whom ‘God granted the privilege of fighting so many battles, beating so many terrible enemies, enriching themselves with so much spoil from races and being crowned with the palms of so many triumphs’.102 Gallus’s depictions of Bolesław’s actions present them as forming part of God’s plan and fulfilling God’s wishes. Bolesław’s instrumental role in God’s design for Poland and Christendom thus creates a myth, an indispensable part of the Piast dynasty’s heritage, which gives him a leading role in the expansion of Christendom. It is highly likely that from this proto-crusading tradition Bolesław’s heirs and successors (Władysław II, Bolesław IV, Mieszko III, Henry of Sandomierz, and Kazimierz II) drew inspiration in their attempts to follow the example of their father. His charisma and reputation as an invincible warrior, as witnessed and propagated by Gallus and other chroniclers such as Herbord, were held up as a model for the Polish elites. They also provided a basis for the legend of a ruler who with his own sword defended, cemented, and extended his patrimony. In addition, Bolesław successfully combined the Piast dynastic policy of securing the Polish northern frontier with the goal of bringing the cross to these pagan nations who had most obstinately refused evangelization.103 The difficulty of the task, meant, however, that the conquest of Pomerania was spread over two decades. Bolesław’s initial victory over the Pomeranians after the Battle of Nakło in 1109 did not last, in all probability because of the civil war between Bolesław and his half-brother. The Poles took control of Pomerelia in 1116, and Pomerania between 1119 and 1123. Gallus, who was present at Bolesław’s court during these campaigns, implicitly accorded them the status of holy wars, as noted above. Divine grace and favour are present in Gallus’s description of the decisive battle between the Poles and the Pomeranians, the siege of Czarnków in 1108, a regional centre in Pomerania. Boleslaw once again entered Pomerania and advanced with large forces on the castle of Czarnków, in preparation for a siege. Engines of various kinds were made 101 

‘Nisi Deus hunc hominem adiuvaret, nunquam tantam de paganis victoriam ei daret.’ Gesta, iii:12, p. 242. 102  ‘Cui unquam genti praestitit Deus in tam brevi tempore tot bella committere, tot acerrimos hostes superare, tot spoliis gentium ditari, tot triumphantium palmis insigniri?’ Roberti Monachi historia Iherosolimitana, p. 780. 103  Gesta, ii:33, p. 181.

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ready, towers were raised which rose above the level of the castle battlements, and he attacked the town by arms and machines until it surrendered and he subjected it to his lordship. In addition, Boleslaw also turned many from paganism to the faith, and raised the lord of the castle himself from the baptismal font. When the pagans and the lord of the pagans himself heard of this — namely, that the pride of the people of Czarnków had been humbled so easily — the duke himself was the first of all to bow down to Boleslaw.104

Gallus depicts Bolesław’s as a truly Christian ruler who acts literally as a sponsor to the leading Pomeranian converts, who destroys their sinful pride, and offers them peace. Gallus’s depiction of the behaviour of the pagan leaders, who abandon their idols when they prove powerless against the army of God, echoes the Song of Roland’s representation of the Saracens destroying the symbols of their faith.105 In the Gesta, the emphasis on the conversion and propagation of the faith adds to Bolesław’s qualities as a warrior of Christ who delivers salvation to the pagans. According to Gallus, God is on the side of the Christian Poles and is supporting his knights during the Pomeranian campaign. It is, by divine command, therefore, that the Poles are victorious. For Gallus, as for Herbord, it is natural that ‘it pleased God to obliterate some of Pomeranians so others may be converted to the faith’.106 The Poles are to extinguish the Pomeranians’ error and idolatry, proclaims Gallus107 just as Ralph of Caen exclaimed ‘that pilgrimage, that glorious struggle […] which extinguished idolatry and restored the faith’.108 The wars with Pomerania are held up as exemplars of just wars, and are presented by Gallus as a pattern to follow. 104 

‘Igitur inpiger Bolezlauus iterum Pomoraniam est ingressus et castellum obsessurus Carnkou magnis viribus est aggressus; machinis diversi generis preparatis, turribusque castellana munitione preminencioribus elevatis, armis tamdiu ac instrumentis oppidum inpugnavit, donec illud facta dedicione suo dominio mancipavit. Insuper etiam ad fidem multos ab infidelitate revocavit, ipsumque dominum castelli de fonte baptismatis elevavit. Audientes autem hoc pagani, ipseque dominus paganorum, sic facile videlicet corruisse contumaciam Charncorum, ipse dux Bolezlauuo primus omnium se inclinavit, sed eorum neuter longo tempore fidelitatem observavit.’ Gesta, ii:44, p. 200. 105  Cf. Tolan, Saracens, pp. 33, 105–06. 106  ‘Sed quia Deo placuit aliquos ex eis conterere, ut ceteros ad fidem converteret, ingenium et vires contra eos Bolezlao ministravit, ita ut multis et magnis cladibus eos frequenter afficeret.’ Herbordi dialogus, ed. by Wikarjak and Liman, ii:5, p. 68. 107  Gesta, iii:1, p. 224. 108  ‘Felix illa peregrinatio, sudor ille gloriosus, qui matri nostrae Iherusalem haereditatem suam restituit, idolatriam exstinxit, fidem reparavit.’ Radulfo Cadomensi, Gesta Tancredi, p. 603.

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Gallus’s account of the conquest of Pomerania bears similarities to the portrayal of the actions of the crusaders during the First Crusade. The Gesta recounts Bolesław III’s prayer asking for ‘God’s favour and the intercession of Saint Lawrence’ so the ‘idolatry of the Pomeranians and their martial pride be crushed’.109 Like Raymond of Aguilers, who in describing of the capture of Jerusalem by the Christians in 1099 wrote that ‘men rode in blood up to their knees and bridle reins’,110 Gallus highlights the enormous size of casualties amongst the pagans in his description of the battle of Nakło on 10 August 1109: A few brave warriors fell among the Christians, but of the pagans barely ten thousand out of the forty thousand escaped. I call to witness God, by whose help, and Saint Lawrence, by whose prayers this slaughter was brought about. Those present were amazed how such a great slaughter could so quickly have been made by less than a thousand warriors. For the Pomeranians themselves are said to have calculated that for sure twenty seven thousand of their men fell there.111

Gallus invoked the intercession of the Saint whose feast was celebrated on the day of the battle and shows no horror at the large number of casualties. On the contrary, the author of the Gesta exalts God and Saint Lawrence for bringing so bloody a victory, invoking their assistance in the same vein as a decade earlier the crusaders had proclaimed that ‘with the great mercy of God and his most evident support, Antioch was captured’.112 For the chroniclers of the First Crusade, the saints were pre-eminent in imparting physical signs of God’s approval.113 Similarly, in the Gesta miracles attributed to the saints were perceived as the active intervention of God in human affairs. One of the most spectacular examples of heavenly assistance 109 

‘Hodie, Deo favente, sanctoque Laurencio deprecante, Pomoranorum ydolatria ac militaris superbia vestris ensibus conteretur.’ Gesta, iii:1, p. 224. 110  Krey, The First Crusade, pp. 257–62. 111  ‘De christianis ibi quidam probi milites cadunt, paganorum vero de XL milibus decem milia vix evadunt. Testor Deum, ope cuius sanctumque Laurentium, prece cuius facta fuerit ista cedes. Ammirabantur, qui aderant, quomodo tam subito a militibus minus mille peracta fuerit tanta strages. Dicuntur enim ipsi Pomorani certo numero computasse de suis ibi XXVII milia corruisse, quod in paludibus interessent, nec illi quidem sic evadere potuissent.’ Gesta, iii:1, p. 224. 112  ‘Quam magna Dei misericordia quamque evidentissimo ipsius amminiculo a nobis capta est Antiochia.’ Fulcherio Carnotensi Historia Iherosolymitana, p. 352. 113  Sweetenham observed that ‘Miracles were seen as the active intervention of God in human affairs, explaining the inexplicable and giving a tangible sign of God’s approval. Pre-

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described in the Gesta was offered to the Poles by Saint Adalbert on the eve of the consecration of the cathedral in Gniezno (1 May 1097).114 According to Gallus, the Saint rescued the Poles from imminent death when he appeared as ‘an armed figure mounted on a white horse’ in front of the Pomeranians. The attackers, who with drawn sword were awaiting a signal to attack the Poles, were struck with terror and driven out of the castle by the Saint.115 The apparition of the patron saint of Poland to aid his people in defence against the pagans is significant.116 Saint Adalbert was the first missionary of the Baltic coastline and his cult was encouraged and developed by the nascent Church in Poland as a part of Christianization of the Polish northern territories.117 Gallus’s Gesta contains a direct instruction for any present and future Polish crusaders — their saint, the apostle of the Prussians, Saint Adalbert, will intercede in heaven on their behalf because their cause is right. In an analogous approach, Robert the

eminent amongst these are the celestial white forces led by saints (often St George, St Demetrius, and St Maurice) who feature particularly in Gesta Francorum derived sources for the Crusade.’ Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, p. 54; Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind. 114  Gesta, ii:6, p. 130. Cf. Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, p. 220. 115  ‘Et quoniam ecclesie mencio Gneznensis in hoc fieri forte contigerit, non est dignum preterire miraculum, quod in vigilia dedicacionis preciosus martir Adalbertus et paganis et christianis ostenderit. Accidit autem eadem nocte in quoddam castrum Polonorum quosdam traditores eiusdem castri Pomoranos sursum funibus recepisse, eosque receptos in propugnaculis diem crastinum ad oppidanorum perniciem expectasse. Sed ille, qui semper vigilat, nunquam dormitabit, oppidanos dormientes sui militis Adalberti vigilantia custodivit et paganos in insidiis christianorum vigilantes armorum terror spiritualium agitavit. Apparuit namque quidam super album equum Pomoranis armatus, qui gladio eos extracto territabat, eosque per gradus et solium castri precipites agitabat. Sicque procul dubio castellani, clamoribus paganorum et tumultibus excitati, defensione gloriosi martiris Adalberti ab imminenti sunt mortis periculo liberati. Hec ad presens de sancto dixisse sufficiat et ad intervallum superius nostre stilus intentionis incipiat.’ Gesta, ii:6, p. 130. 116  Robert the Monk presents the intervention of saints as the turning point of the battle in the sermon of Adhemar of Le Puy. Roberti Monachi historia Iherosolimitana, p. 830. 117  The details of the life and of the activities of Saint Adalbert of Prague are known from Sancti Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris vita prior, ed. by Karwasińska; Sancti Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris vita altera auctore, ed. by Karwasińska. Fried argued that the oldest of the Vitae of Saint Adalbert was written in Liege. Fried, Otto III und Boleslaw Chrobry, pp. 267–69. Cf. Gesta, p. xxviii, n. 33. See also Urbańczyk, ‘Misja św. Wojciecha do Prusów’. For discussion of the Vita as a historical source see Wiszewski, Domus Bolezlai, pp. 12–19.

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Monk reminded the crusaders of the attributes of Saint George the ‘undefeated soldier’, and ‘standard-bearer’ of their army.118

Evil Outsiders: The Representation of Pagans in the ‘Gesta’ The author of the Gesta draws on the shared identity of Latin Christians’ to construct the Pomeranians as the enemy by providing antagonistic differences between them and the Poles.119 This is particularly striking when considering that the Pomeranians and Poles considered each other as kindred until the late tenth century. The Pomeranians are consistently referred to by Gallus in ways that label them the ‘evil outsider’. This formulaic characterization of ‘us’ and ‘them’ is comparable with the descriptions of Saracens in Western sources such as the chansons de geste (The Song of Roland was not only known in Poland in the twelfth century but also contains references to Poland as an example of the magnitude of the conquests of Charlemagne). 120 Gallus presents the Pomeranians as ‘pagans’,121 ‘foreigners’,122 and ‘barbarians’,123 and employs the notion of the ‘other’. The ‘other’ is vile and evil. The ‘other’ must transform and through conversion to Christianity give up its despicable vices. The Prussians are a ‘barbaric nation’ 124 and their country is 118 

‘Georgilis invictus miles, eorum militiae signifer.’ Roberti Monachi historia Iheroso­ limitana, p. 859. The role of saints also accentuated in Dei gesta per Francos, ed. by Huygens, p. 240. Cf. Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, pp. 54, 142, n. 18. 119  Cf. Mastnak who observed that the launching of the First Crusade was the moment in which the respublica christiana became conscious of its unity. Mastnak, Crusading Peace, p. 117. 120  Cf. Labuda, Źródła, sagi i legendy, pp. 209–41. Also see, the letter of Emperor Alexius Comnenus I to Count Robert of Flanders where non-Christians are referred to ‘as the wicked race of pagans’. Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, p. 219. 121  ‘Pagani’ Gesta, ii:1; ii:2; ii:5; ii:6; ii:17; ii:22; ii:33; ii:35; ii:43; ii:44; ii:49; iii:1; iii:11; iii:12; iii:25; iii:26. The most common descriptions used in other sources in the region are barbari, pagani, gentiles, neophyti, infideli. Kala, ‘The Incorporation of the Northern Baltic Lands’, pp. 15–19. 122  ‘Gentiles’ Gesta, i:25, p. 92. Cf. Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12; i:6, p. 32. See also, ‘Gentiles sunt qui sine lege sunt, et nondum crediderunt. Dicti autem gentiles, quia ita sunt ut fuerunt geniti, id est, sicut in carne descenderunt sub peccato, scilicet, idolis servientes, et necdum regenerati.’ PL 82, x, col. 314. 123  ‘Barbari’ Gesta, iii:1, p. 224. ‘Natio barbarorum’ Gesta, iii:1, p. 224. ‘Regio barbarorum’ Gesta, ii:15, p. 140. Also, ‘barbarorum gentilium naciones’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12. 124  ‘Natio barbara’ Gesta, iii:24, p. 268.

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‘barbarian’.125 He observes that the pagans are ‘in want of cultivation or refine­ ment’,126 their ‘aggressiveness’,127 ‘contumacy’,128 and ‘natural faithlessness’129 are characteristics which motivate their ‘courage to revolt’.130 When Gallus recounts the ‘primeval faithlessness’ of the Pomeranians, he refers to the spiritual character of the pagans which encompasses an ‘inborn hostility to Christianity’, a reason in itself for the Polish conquest and conversion of the Pomeranian population.131 This faithlessness is the source of Pomeranian treachery, deceit, and failure to honour obligations and oaths.132 Thus, he compounds a pejorative image of the pagans and directly links their unfaithfulness with betrayal.133 In consequence, it is only just and wise for the Poles to crush such a ‘rebellious tribe’.134 Gallus creates a distance between Christians and pagans and sets his audience apart from the Pomeranian subject matter. Moreover, in addition to being treacherous and deceitful, the Pomeranians are proud, vainglorious, and arrogant. According to Gallus, pride is the reason why the Pomeranians oppose the advances of Bolesław’s army, 135 and 125 

‘Terra satis barbara’ Gesta, ii:42, p. 194. ‘Inculti’ Gesta, iii:Epist., p. 212. 127  ‘Ferocitas’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12; ii:42, p. 194. 128  ‘Contumaces’ Gesta, ii:1, p. 116; ii:48, p. 206. 129  ‘Perfidia, prima perfidia, naturalis perfidia’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12; ii:42, p. 194; ii:48, p. 204. Cf. Magistri Adami Gesta Hammaburgensis, ed. by Lappenberg, i:9, p. 287; i:13, p. 288. There, perfidia is the main reason for wars not to end earlier. 130  Adam of Bremen refers to the pagans as ‘fierce by nature and given to the worship of idols and hostile to the true religion. Natura feroces et cultui demonum dediti, veraeque religioni contrarii, neque divina neque humana iura vel pollulere vel transgredi inhonestum arbitrabantur.’ Magistri Adami Gesta Hammaburgensis, ed. by Lappenberg, i:8, p. 286. 131  Cf. Grabski, ‘Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyżowych’, p. 51. 132  In Helmold’s Chronicle rebelliousness and infidelity are featured as the characteristics of the pagans. Helmold refers to the pagans as stiff-necked and unbelieving folk who are rebellious and by nature untrustworthy and prone to evil. ‘Animi naturaliter sint infidi et ad malum proni ideoque cavendi.’ ‘Gentes rebelles et inredulae.’ Helmold of Bosau, Chronicle of the Slavs, trans. by Tschan, p. 14. 133  For example, Gniewomir commits ‘tradiciones multimodas dignas sentencie capitalis.’ Gesta, ii: 44, p. 200. 134  ‘Insurgendi fiduciam’ Gesta, ii:1, p. 118. The Pomeranians are also ‘rebelles, gens rebellis’ Gesta, ii: 1, p. 118; ii:48, p. 206. 135  ‘Superbiam sunt erecti’ Gesta, ii:3, p. 120. But when they are defeated then they are ‘primo fastu superbie descendentes’ Gesta, ii:48, p. 206. 126 

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their military vainglory must be routed by the power of the Polish sword.136 In his discourse, pride is the cause of one’s fall or death, and is in accord with the Augustinian principle that pride is a mortal sin; thus the eradication of this pride is another just reason why the Poles fight holy wars with the Pomeranians.137 War is a natural and just response to sin and the war will bring just peace — the natural order sought by mankind. 138 Only such wars are to be imitated and glorified. A just war against Pomerania, according to Gallus, is waged to restrain the wicked and lawless pagans and thus ‘lawless men are prevented from doing harm’.139 Gallus differentiates the Poles from the heathen Pomeranians and Prussians by placing them at opposite ends of the moral spectrum (Poles — Christian and honourable, Pomeranians — pagan and deceitful). He manifests his contempt for the pagans by depicting their character and by attributing bestial features to them to affirm that they are malicious, treacherous, and ungrateful. The pagan tribes neighbouring the Poles are the ‘viper race’,140 the Prussians in particular being ‘beastly animals’.141 When the Pomeranians demonstrate cunning battle tactics by unexpectedly emerging in larger numbers than expected, they are ‘shrew mice’.142 Therefore, heathen nations are fundamentally different to the Christian Poles and are as low as animals. He expresses himself similarly to Robert the Monk who portrays the Saracens as cunning and cowardly.143 Both chroniclers articulate their position as members of Christendom as being inherently at odds with the ‘evil outsider’.

136 

‘Militaris superbia’ Gesta, iii:1, p. 224. Cf. Macqueen, ‘Augustine on Superbia’. 138  As opposed to a war which is motivated by ‘the love of violence, revengeful cruelty, fierce and implacable enmity, wild resistance, and the lust of power’. ‘Nocendi cupiditas, ulciscendi crudelitas, impacatus atque implacabilis animus, feritas rebellandi, libido dominandi.’ Augustine, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, PL 42, xxii:74, col. 447. 139  Augustine, De Civitate Dei, PL 41, xix:21, col. 649. 140  ‘Viperalis progenies’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12. 141  ‘Bruta animalia’ Gesta, ii:43, p. 196. 142  ‘Quasi sorices de latibulis’ Gesta, iii:1, p. 222. 143  Roberti Monachi historia Iherosolimitana, pp. 765–66. Saracens are barely human; they jabber and grind their teeth, p. 788. Cf. Robert the Monk, History of the First Crusade, ed. by Sweetenham, p. 55. 137 

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Conclusion The Gesta is a valuable early source intended by its sponsors and author to be a record of the Piasts in general. In particular, it focused on Bolesław III’s special place in a divine plan for humanity and the Piasts’ holy mission. Bolesław’s ancestry, a strong pro-Christian dynasty which is credited with the conversion of Poland, and the myth surrounding him, was crucial to the proliferation of the idea of crusade in Poland, most significantly through the establishment of the family tradition of crusading among his Piast descendants. An examination of the Gesta’s portrayal of the conversion of Pomerania (1102–28) provides an example of the ‘successful’ fusion of coercion and mission which characterized proto-crusading activity in the region.144 It was under the auspices of Saint Adalbert, slain by pagan Prussians, that holy war brought triumph to the Poles along the Baltic shore. Gallus presents his audience with the conquest of Pomerania as a just war in accordance with the Augustinian principles of just cause, right intention, and legitimate authority. The conquest was in response to Pomeranian pillaging raids and incursions into Poland, and therefore wars against the pagan Pomeranians were fought to redress the wrongs suffered. The Poles fought these wars with the intention of restoring peace and military actions were conducted under the command of Bolesław III of Poland. To highlight the just nature of such wars, Gallus employed direct comparisons between ‘the right and just’ wars staged by Bolesław III and the ‘quite unjust’ 1109 invasion of Poland by Emperor Henry V.145 The war against pagans, according to Gallus, fitted the definition of just war, whilst the wars led by the Emperor against a Christian nation were not justified. Gallus’s portrayal of the Pomeranians confirms that they possess what Augustine described as ‘love of violence, revengeful cruelty, fierce and implacable enmity, wild resistance, and the lust of power’.146 Thus, they embody the greatest evils which, according to Augustine, manifest themselves during war. Through its narrative of the events of the war, and in particular the behaviour of the pagans, the Gesta reaffirmed the Augustinian argument that ‘good men 144 

Dziewulski, ‘Likwidacja pogaństwa’, pp.  7–32; Dziewulski, ‘Przebieg i metody’, pp. 38–47. 145  ‘Ipse quidem cum paganis bella gerit licita, Sed nos contra christianos germus illicita.’ Gesta, iii:11, p. 242. 146  Augustine, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, PL 42, xxii:74, col. 447.

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undertake wars when they find themselves in such a position as regards the conduct of human affairs’ and to punish these ‘greatest evils’. The Gesta provides significant evidence of Polish participation in Christian holy war. The wars of Bolesław against his pagan neighbours established a pattern of proto-crusading activity (conquest followed by conversion through missionary activity), and were significantly different from the earlier incidents of warfare between the Poles and Pomeranians. The Gesta successfully incorporated the wars against the Pomeranians into the universal Christian struggle against the pagans and established the Piast crusader tradition which became a powerful dynastic heritage. Ultimately, Gallus framed the holy war against the Pomeranians into a highly respected institution for the victorious eradication of paganism and presented the Piasts with the Gesta to inspire future generations and justify the expansion of the Polish state by conquest with divine sanction.

Chapter 4

Mission and Crusade: Władysław II and the Piast Juniors

W

hen the papal bull Quantum praedecessores issued in December 1145 proclaimed a new crusade, the Piast realm was on the brink of a civil war. The pope’s summons for Christians to retake the territory lost to the forces of ‘Imad ad-Din Zengi in the Holy Land and the urgency of action in defence of Latin Christendom, proved to be critical in tilting the balance of power in Poland.1 The papal bull was one of the first elements of Pope Eugenius III’s strategy to unite Christian rulers and their knighthood under the banner of Saint Peter in a new series of holy wars. Copies of Quantum praede­ cessores were dispatched to European monarchs, which included Władysław II (1138–59) of Poland.2 Władysław who ascended the throne of Kraków upon the death of his father in 1138 demonstrated significantly less enthusiasm than his half-brothers did for military action. These divergent approaches confronted the Polish prelates and magnates over the course of 1146–48 further dividing them into supporters and opponents of Władysław whose claim to suzerainty of Poland was tested during the civil war. * * * In this chapter, I will present the events which followed the death of Bolesław III in 1138 and the accession of Władysław II to the Polish throne. The change of leadership led to a departure from Bolesław’s practice of waging large-scale mil1  2 

PL 180, cols 1064–66. See also Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 93–94. Mayer, The Crusades, trans. by Gillingham, pp. 93–95.

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itary campaigns as holy war against the pagans inhabiting the regions northeast of Poland. Within a decade of Władysław succeeding to the throne of Kraków, this change of strategy stood at odds with events enfolding in the rest of Christendom. The influence of family traditions on Bolesław III’s sons and their impact on the Piasts’ attitude to holy war appears to have been significant. Different approaches to the reception of the idea of crusade were taken by the Polish princes. At the time of the Second Crusade there were two very different models of territorial expansion and conversion practised by the Piasts. During the civil war, sources demonstrate that these two approaches were hotly contested. In the event, the pro-holy war faction, the Piast Juniors, won, in no small part because their support for the idea of holy war secured them the allegiance of the Polish Church. The Wendish Crusade occurred immediately following the conclusion of the civil war and is the first documented example of Polish participation in a crusade. I will outline the events of the civil war between Władysław II and his younger half-brothers in the lead up to the Wendish Crusade and analyse the circumstances of Polish involvement in it. Piast involvement in the Wendish Crusade was the result of, first — a Piast family tradition of active participation in the holy war established by Bolesław III, and second — the political isolation of the Piast Juniors. The Piast Juniors sought to legitimize and consolidate their usurpation of power in Poland in the aftermath of the coup of 1146 which deposed Władysław II. The participation of Mieszko III as a leader of the Polish contingent on the Wendish Crusade was the result of an alliance between the Piast Juniors and the Saxon dynasts, and was intended to be a show of Polish strength. * * * The recipient of the Quantum praedecessores in Poland, Władysław II, was the eldest son, the heir, and the successor of Bolesław III. 3 Władysław’s accession was sanctioned by Bolesław’s Act of Succession.4 The act ostensibly instituted a form of government referred to in Polish historiography as the principate (or seniorate) which provided for the eldest son, as the first among the Piasts 3 

Berry states that Henry, Bishop of Olomouc brought copies of Pope Eugenius  III’s crusading bull to Władysław II, in Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 478. It can be assumed that Berry made that assertion on the basis of letters of Eugenius III addressed to Henry, Bishop of Olomouc which concerned Poland, published in CDMP 1, docs 13, 14, pp. 19–20. Mendys, however, already questioned the authenticity of these documents in Mendys, ‘Podejrzane listy Eugeniusza III’, pp. 78–79. 4  Dworsatschek, Władysław II Wygnaniec.

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princes (the princeps), to exercise overall suzerainty over the Piast patrimony.5 The princeps’ seat was the province of Lesser Poland with its capital in Kraków. He made appointments to all the leading lay and ecclesiastical offices of the Piast realm and exercised control over Pomerania and Pomerelia. The act also provided for Bolesław’s younger sons to be endowed with their own provinces within the Piast patrimony.6 Bolesław IV, Mieszko III, and Henry, were given rule over the domains of Mazovia, Greater Poland, and Sandomierz respectively whilst the youngest (posthumous?) son of Bolesław III, Kazimierz II, was not included in the settlement. The precise details of Bolesław III’s disposition are subject to unresolved historiographical debate as there is no extant text of its provisions. The most critical questions will most likely never be agreed upon. Was the Polish throne to be inherited through the line of Władysław II? Were the provinces given to Bolesław’s younger sons to become their hereditary possessions or an appanage during their lifetime? Among these uncertainties some salient features of Piast lordship emerge. Bolesław’s settlement neatly placed the Piast brothers as viceroys of the princeps in direct control over the provincial elites, the magnates, and the clergy who were often functionaries of the crown but whose allegiance was uncertain in times of crisis.7 The dynastic settlement established by the Act of Succession, 5 

Innocent III restated the provisions of the act in the following way. ‘Dux Polonie certam dederit singulis filiorum suorum in Polonia porcionem, principalem civitatem Cracouie maiori natu reservans, instituit, ut semper qui esset de ipsius genere prior natu, civitatem teneret eandem ita, quod si maior decederet vel cederet iuri suo, qui post eum de toto genere maior esset, ipsius civitatis possessionem intraret.’ CDS 2, doc. 138, p. 72. 6  ‘Regni successionem quattor legat filiis, certos tetrarchiarum limites disterminans, eatenus ut penes maiorem natu et Cracouiensis provincie principatus et auctoritas resideret principandi. De quo si quid humanitas obtigisset, semper etatis maioritas et primogeniture ratio litem successionis decideret.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:26.19, p. 118. A later source, the Chronicle of Greater Poland states that [Boleslaus] ‘quator filiis regnium Poloniae dividit, testamentales codicellos conscribi iubendo. Wladislao vero primogenito Cracoviensem, Siradiensem, Lanciciensem, Slesziam et Pomeraniam et principandi auctoritatem legat.’ CPM, col. 30, p. 48. Cf. Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 186. 7  The historiography of the Act of Succession (referred to by Polish historians as the Testament of Bolesław III) is extensive and there is no agreement on the act’s provisions. In fact, it could be questioned if the act existed at all. The discourse has concentrated on the division of Poland into hereditary duchies, the borders of the provinces, and the repercussions of Bolesław III’s disposition for Poland and its history. For example see Tymieniecki, Polska w średniowieczu, p. 98; Małecki, ‘Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego’; Kętrzyński, ‘Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego’; Smolka, Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego, pp. 259–310; Adamus, ‘Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego’; Labuda, ‘Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego’; Buczek,

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Map 5. The Act of Succession of 1138

intended by Bolesław  III to prevent fratricide broke within a decade of Bolesław’s death when Władysław II precipitated a civil war (1142–46). ‘Jeszcze o testamencie Bolesława’. For a most comprehensive review of the historiography and sources see Derwich, ‘Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego’. Alternative views of the dynastic settlement are presented by Rymar, who argues for primogeniture as the basis of the dynastic settlement in Poland. Rymar, ‘Primogenitura zasadą regulującą następstwo (I)’; Rymar, ‘Primogenitura zasadą regulującą następstwo (II)’. Cf. Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 184–94, 204, 24–45, 47–50. I do not agree with Wyrozumski’s assertion that Bolesław III intended the duchies given to his sons to become hereditary possessions. See Wyrozumski, ‘Poland in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, p. 285.

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Bolesław III the Wrymouth 1086–1138 d. of Poland 1102–38 1 m. Zbyslava of Kiev 2 m. Salome of Berg

1 Władysław II the Exile c. 1105–59 d. of Poland 1138–46

2 Bolesław IV the Curly 1121/22–1173 d. of Poland 1146–73

2 Mieszko III the Old 1122/25–1202 d. of Greater Poland 1138–1202 d. of Poland 1173–77, 1194–1202

dukes of Silesia

dukes of Mazovia

dukes of Greater Poland

2 Henry 1126/33–1166 d. of Sandomierz 1146–66

2 Kazimierz II the Just 1138–94 d. of Poland 1177–94

dukes of Lesser Poland dukes of Mazovia dukes of Poland

kings of Poland

Figure 4. The Sons of Bolesław III

Władysław began the war in response to the unilateral actions of his stepmother, Salome of Berg, who as the mother of the Piast Juniors held the leadership of a powerful faction. During the civil war, Władysław attempted to enforce his suzerainty and take direct control of his brothers’ provinces. The civil war brought to the fore concerns about the rules of succession of the throne. It also crystallized the complex web of structures, values, and traditions which constituted the wider framework of Piast politics in the twelfth century. As the civil war progressed, Władysław met with increasing opposition from the prelates and magnates, for whom centralized power in general and Władysław II’s policies in particular were unfavourable to their interests and influence. The Piast’s civil war progressed at the time when Pope Eugenius  III (1145–53) enlisted Bernard of Clairvaux, the Pope’s former master, to preach what is now known as the Second Crusade.8 Bernard’s masterful oratory persuaded the (reluctant) leading European monarchs to take the cross.9 8 

Eugenius III reissued Quantum praedecessores on 1 March 1146 with minor changes, and appointed Bernard to preach the crusade. 9  Phillips, ‘Papacy, Empire and the Second Crusade’, pp. 20–22. Cf. Cosack, ‘Konrads III’; Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, pp. 475–76. In general, see also Mayer, The Crusades, trans. by Gillingham, pp. 96–109; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 93–107.

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The pope had realised that a flood of paganism was about to overrun the Church, and he therefore sent out letters to all of Europe calling upon the faithful to fight against all enemies of the faith. Each province of the Church was ordered to fight the pagans living closest to them.10

As Saxo Grammaticus wrote, and other sources contemporary to the Second Crusade confirm, this crusade was initiated and generally understood as action against all enemies of Christendom. In practice it emerged as three distinct theatres of war: the war against Islam in the Levant, the war in the Iberian Peninsula, and the war against the remaining pagan tribes of the Baltic. For Latin Christendom these three theatres were the part of a ‘universal enterprise undertaken by a single Christian army’.11 Yet, this ‘universal enterprise’, intended by the Pope to engulf the whole of Latin Christendom, received a cool reception at the court of Władysław II. There is no extant contemporary evidence to explain Władysław’s reluctance to embrace the cause promoted by the papacy. I suggest however that Władysław’s approach was possibly influenced by his mother’s family traditions. Zbyslava of Kiev belonged to the Orthodox Church which rejected conversion by force, and the early period of Władysław II’s reign saw the facilitation of peaceful missions to Prussia. To place the missions in a political context, they were made possible because of Władysław’s alliance with some of the Prussian tribes. Władysław II’s policy in regards of the Christianization of the neighbouring pagan tribes is best illustrated by his co-operation with Bishop Henry of Olomouc (c. 1083–1150), who in the early 1140s had formulated strategies for a new mission and the peaceful conversion of the Prussians. 12 Henry 10 

Gesta Danorum, ed. by Olrik and Ræder, xiv: 3.5, p. 376. Cf. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, p. 46. 11  Constable, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 223. Helmold had no doubt as to the unified front of Christendom in the face of a common enemy when he wrote ‘Visum autem fuit auctoribus expedicionis partem exercitus unam destinari in partes orientis, alteram in Hyspaniam, terciam vero ad Slavos, qui iuxta nos habitant.’ Helmoldi presbyteri Bozoviensis cronica Slavorum, ed. by Schmeidler, p. 115. See also the account in Annales Rodenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 718, ‘Expeditio haec in tria est divisa, ubique contra ethnicos pugnatura. Nam plerique istius terrae ultra fines Galitiae profecti sunt classe, ubi expugnata civitate Lescbona cum circumposita regione, constituerunt in ea episcopum, relicta ibi cum eo plurima plebe. Saxonum vero quam plures, et eorum orientales, contra Wandalorum profecti sunt gentes, quorum non paucas converti ad fidem Christi compulerunt nationes. Universa autem multitudo prodiens ubique ex omni parte orbis terrae, versus Ierosolimam arripuit viam.’ Cf. Helmold of Bosau, Chronicle of the Slavs, trans. by Tschan, p. 172. For opposing views see Forey, ‘The Second Crusade’; Tyerman, God’s War, p. 304. 12  Bistřický, ‘Studien zum Urkunden’.

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was a Moravian bishop, well versed with crusading through his pilgrimages to Jerusalem (in 1123 and 1137) and close association with military religious orders (enlisting as a confrère of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre). Following his pilgrimages, the Bishop became a benefactor of military religious orders and on his initiative, the canons settled in Bohemia in the convents of his foundation (Mons Sion and Mons Oliveti).13 He also brought relics of the Holy Cross from Jerusalem to Bohemia.14 Henry’s mission to the Prussians followed earlier peaceful attempts by missionaries and martyrs such as Adalbert of Prague and Bruno of Querfurt. Like Adalbert and Bruno, Henry attempted to convert the Baltic pagans through exposing them to Christian teaching and through preaching without forcible baptism.15 References to Henry’s mission to the Prussians are present in Bohemian annals (which variously place it at 1141 or 1147) and surviving papal letters.16 The mission organized under the auspices of the Norbertines did not involve military support from Władysław II. The Norbertines advocated peaceful conversion of the pagans, an apostolic evangelization favoured by the Bishop, a model for later twelfth-century missionary work in the region. 17 Henry’s eagerness to participate in the evangelization of the heathens resulted from his pilgrimages to the Holy Land: his dedication to the pursuit of the Church’s mission led the Pope to appoint Henry initially as the papal legate to the Holy Land during the Second Crusade.18 13  Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 659; Deptuła, ‘Początki klasztorów norbertańskich’, p.  11, n.  24; Deptuła, ‘Monasterium Bethleem’, pp.  33–39; Deptuła, ‘O niektórych źródłach’, p.  202. Deptuła suggested that the participants of the unsuccessful mission led by Henry of Olomouc to the Prussians settled later in a convent in Brzesko (known as Bethlehem). 14  Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 659. 15  Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp.  106–07; Tymieniecki, Misja polska w Prusiech, p. 15; Deptuła, ‘Monasterium Bethleem’, pp. 27–29. See also Bieniak, ‘Wyprawa misyjna Brunona’, pp. 181–95; Borkowska, ‘Ideał świętości’; Labuda, ‘Inspiracje misyjne’; Syty, ‘Tło polityczne misji św. Wojciecha’. 16  The mission is reported variously under 1141 and 1147 in, Canonici Wissegradensis, ed. by Kopke, p. 147; Monachi Sazaviensis, ed. by Kopke, p. 159; Annales Gradicenses, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 651. 17  Powierski argued that the mission was part of a wider missionary strategy promoted by the Bishop. In his discussion of the motivation of the Bishop, Powierski alluded to the ‘crusader fashion which influenced him’. Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp. 107–09. 18  Text of the letter of Pope Eugenius III commissioning Henry Bishop of Olomouc as a papal legate to work on the union of the Western and Eastern Churches during the Second

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The influence of the idea of crusade on the Bishop, who was ostensibly to conduct missionary activity amongst the Prussians, can be observed in the ceremony which marked his departure for the mission. The ceremony closely resembled the rite of a crusading vow as the Bishop took the cross in order to venture ‘against the pagans’. During the ceremony, Henry received the cross from the altar of Saint Peter, intoned an antiphon, and then mounted his horse for his departure to preach and baptize the Prussians.19 The letter Pope Innocent II addressed to the Bishop of Olomouc confirmed the objectives and the nature of Henry’s expedition to the Prussians. The Bishop was to ‘preach the word of the Lord’ (verbum domini predicare) and convert the Prussians (ad fidem Christi convertere).20 In itself, the papal statement did not refer to a crusade but it authorizes a mission.21 The Bishop of Olomouc’s preference for peaceful means of converting the pagans is also demonstrated by his conduct during the negotiation of the truce after the siege of Szczecin in 1147, which effectively ended the hostilities of the crusade against the Wends. The peaceful nature of the mission supported by Władysław II was in significant contrast to the efforts of Bolesław IV, the leader of the Piast Juniors. Bolesław IV ruled the northern frontier province of Mazovia and was supCrusade printed in PL 180, col. 1251. Commentary in Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, pp. 480–81. Cf. PL 180, col. 1262. 19  ‘Hic praesul Zdico Olomucensis ecclesie accipiens crucem de sancto altari sancti Petri, lacrymans prae gaudio et cantans hanc antiphonam: “Qui vult venire post me, abneget semet ipsum et tollat crucem suam” etc. ascendit equum cum suis contra paganos, qui vocantur Pruzi, ut fidem Trinitatis eis insinuaret et baptizaret eos; quod tamen melius est silere de eius itinere, quoniam in vanum laboravit, et de eius reditu gaudere.’ Canonici Wissegradensis, ed. by Kopke, p. 147. The phrase accipiens crucem was used frequently to refer to a crusader and the act of becoming a crusader. Cf. Maier, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology, p. 53. 20  ‘Si tamen paganis de Pruzia verbum domini predicare et eos ad fidem Christi convertere desideras et fructum ecclesie dei exinde proventurum existimas, opus est, ut per episcopatum tibi a deo commissum honestas et discretas personas interim constituas, qui corrigenda corrigant, et que statuenda fuerint, ad honorem dei stabiliant atque ovibus tibi a deo commissis vite pabula sumministrent…Crucem quoque ad memoriam dominice passionis et inimicos Christi convertendos in terra illius gentis ferendi ante te fraternitati tue licentiam indulgemus.’ PrUB 1, doc. 2, p. 1 [dated 31 January 1141]. 21  The Annales Gradicenses highlight the missionary character of the Bishop’s undertaking. ‘Eodem anno domnus episcopus Heindricus ob amorem celestis patrie non veritus feritatem incredulorum convertit iter suum ad Pruzie terre gentem, Dei caeli ignorantem et creaturam pro creatore colentem, quatinus ex ea quos Deus ad eternam predestinavit vitam, ceu fluctivagos pisces rete fidei comprehensos de erronea infidelitate ad indeficiens lumen preduceret.’ Annales Gradicenses, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 651.

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ported very strongly by Bishop Alexander of Płock, one of the chief prelates of the Piast monarchy. Bolesław IV fought to subjugate and Christianize the Prussians using the model established by his father, Bolesław III. This successful strategy relied on military force (or the threat of it) and its prevalence was the first step towards conversion, an essential component of the Christianization process. The subsequent actions of Bolesław IV and the prelates supporting him confirm that waging holy war against the Baltic pagans and apostates was considered to be the key to the security of the region. The defensive war was aimed at preventing the pillaging raids against the Christians of Mazovia.22 Therefore, the policies of Władysław II were diametrically opposed to the policies of Bolesław IV. Władysław supported the peaceful mission of Bishop Henry of Olomouc and enlisted pagan Prussian mercenaries in his army whilst Bolesław aimed to prevent Prussian incursions into Mazovia by subjugating them and forcibly converting them. The Western Latin tradition which influenced the Piast Juniors, through their mother Salome of Berg, embraced holy war and crusading tradition, approaches also practised by Bolesław III in the conquest and Christianization of Pomerania.23 During the civil war, Władysław II entered into an alliance with the pagan Prussians who inhabited the lands north of Mazovia governed by Bolesław IV. The alliance with the Prussians served to strengthen the armed forces at Władysław II’s disposal, presented Mazovia with a military threat from the north, and ensured Władysław’s military superiority. The tables turned, however, in 1146 at the height of the civil war during the siege of Poznań, the last stronghold of the Piast Juniors. The leader of the Polish Church, Jakub of Żnin, Archbishop of Gniezno demanded a truce and a peaceful settlement between the brothers, from Władysław. When faced with his refusal the Archbishop excommunicated Władysław II and his wife Agnes of Austria.24 22  Gładysz argues that the mission of Henry, Bishop of Olomouc was unsuccessful because the Polish episcopate refused to co-operate with the Moravian prelate. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 40. The lack of co-operation shown by the Polish clergy to Henry was likely to be a reflection of the Polish Church’s opposition to Władysław II’s policies and all initiatives sponsored by him. For Kazimierz Wiliński Władysław II’s support of the mission was only a ‘political manoeuvre’. Wiliński, Walki polsko-pruskie, p. 143. 23  It was not uncommon for the crusading tradition to be passed down by women to their sons. Networks of crusading families were established and sustained by women through intermarriages over generations in various families. Riley-Smith, ‘Family Traditions and Participation’, pp. 101–08. 24  ‘Qui indutus infula et pontificalibus in civitate Poznaniensi Wladislaum ducem Polonie pro eo, quod fratres suos germanos nitebatur cum auxilio Ruthenorum de Polonia eliminare,

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Henry III the Pious 1017–56 Emperor 1 m. Gunhilda of Denmark 2 m. Agnes of Poitou

1 Frederick II of Swabia 1090–1147 m. Judith of Bavaria Frederick I Barbarossa 1122–90 k. of Germany 1152 Emperor

2 Henry IV 1050–1106 m. Bertha of Savoy

2 Judith Maria 1047–c. 1105 1 m. Salomon of Hungary 2 m. Władysław I Herman of Poland

Agnes of Germany 1072–1143 1 m. Frederick I of Swabia 2 m. Leopold of Austria

2 three daughters

1 Conrad III 1093–1152 2 m. Gertrude of Sulzbach

2 Agnes c. 1111–c. 1157 m. Władysław II of Poland Bolesław I the Tall c. 1127–1201 d. of Silesia

2 Otto of Freising c. 1114–58

2 Gertrude c. 1118–50 m. Vladislav II of Bohemia

Richeza = Ryksa = Richilde c. 1140–85 1m. Alfonso VII of León and Castile 2 m. Ramon Berenguer II of Provence 3 m. Albert III of Everstein

Figure 5. The Piasts and the Imperial Family

The Archbishop, who was one of the chief enforcers of Bolesław III’s policies and a strong supporter of the conquest and Christianization of Pomerania, was outraged by Władysław II’s use of pagan troops against his Christian opponents.25 Whilst the pagan troops are not precisely identified in the sources, the Bohemian chronicler describing these events names Władysław’s mercenaries as ‘Saracen’, a term often used in the narratives of the crusades to describe the publice ipso duce presente et audiente excomunicabat.’ CPM, col. 32, pp. 51–52; Ottonis et Rahewini, ed. by Waitz, i:57, pp. 81–82. The issue of the excommunicated sister of Conrad III was raised in papal correspondence. CDS 1, doc. 19, pp. 48–50; doc. 20, pp. 51–52. 25  ‘Wladizlaus, dux Polonie, collecta maxima tam Sarracenorum quam Rutenorum multi­ tudine Poznan, fratris sui Bolezlai civitatem, obsidet.’ Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 664. For an interpretation of the events of the Siege of Poznań in 1146 see Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, pp. 238–39; Labuda, ‘Zabiegi o utrzymanie’, pp. 1163–64; Labuda, ‘Rola Wielkopolski’, pp. 284–85; Powierski, Śliwiński, and Bruski, Studia z dziejów Pomorza, p.  82; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, p.  109. Polish historiography identified the Saracen contingent assisting Władysław II as Prussian troops. It has also been argued that these could have been Sudovians. Dworsatschek, Władysław II Wygnaniec, pp. 100–01; Powierski, Śliwiński, and Bruski, Studia z dziejów Pomorza, p. 88.

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enemy. The reference to Władysław’s allies as ‘enemies of Christianity’ further highlights his break with the Piast crusading tradition and emphasizes the alienated position of the Polish ruler who not only fought his brothers but who used pagan idolaters and apostates against them. The siege of Poznań and the revocation of the Polish Church’s support for Władysław II marked the reversal of his fortune in the civil war; before the end of 1146 he was defeated, exiled, and deposed. When the royal capital city of Kraków, the last bastion of forces loyal to Władysław II (under the command of his wife) surrendered26 Władysław’s family found sanctuary at the court of King Conrad III, his brother-in-law, and the exiled Piast became known to posterity as Władysław II the Exile.27 Despite pressure from Conrad III, the Polish Church, under the leadership of Archbishop Jakub of Żnin, rejected any possibility of the return of Władysław II to the Polish throne and accepted his younger brother and the leader of the Piast Juniors, Bolesław IV, as the new sovereign.28 The curia dispatched a legate, Cardinal Guido, who arrived in Poland in 1148/49, to persuade the Polish bishops to lift the excommunication of Władysław II and mediate for his return to Poland. The Legate’s diplomacy, however, was not successful. Cardinal Guido’s final decision, in the wake of the Polish bishops’ repeated refusal to accede to the Pope and Conrad III’s demands, was to excommunicate those opposing Władysław II and place Poland under interdict.29 The defiance shown by the Polish Church hierarchy to both the German king and the Pope provides firm evidence of its bitter opposition to Władysław II’s policies. The stance of the leadership of the Polish Church was in a defence of its local 26 

‘Wladislaus fugit et Cracovia devastator’. According to the Annales Palidenses, Władysław II made homage to Conrad III on 31 March 1146 at the imperial diet in Kaina apparently to enable him to fratres exheredare: Annales Palidenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 82. Cf. See differing interpretations in Grudziński, ‘O akcie sukcesyjnym’, p. 56, n. 61; Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 59–60. 28  See an extended narrative of the meeting between Władysław II and Jakub of Żnin in, Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 27–33. Cf. Labuda, ‘Zabiegi o utrzymanie’, p. 1164; Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, pp. 414–16, 422. 29  The embassy of Cardinal Guido to Poland most likely occurred between October 1148 and July 1149. See Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, p. 56. The charters and letters of Cardinal Guido (addressed to Wibald of Stablo and Conrad III) and others related to this mission, are published in CDS 1, docs 20–21, pp. 51–53; docs 23–24, pp. 58–59; docs 28–30, pp. 74–79. See also CDMP 1, doc. 17, p. 22. For a summary of recent Polish historiography see Dobosz, ‘Arcybiskup Janik’, pp. 85–86. In his letter dated 23 January 1150, Eugenius III reprimanded the Polish clergy for ignoring the Legate’s interdict. PL 180, col. 1408. 27 

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Map 6. The Settlement of 1146

i­ nterests. The Church had supported the Piast dynasty from when Christianity was introduced into Poland in the tenth century. In 1146, led by Archbishop Jakub, the Polish Church maintained its support for those Piasts who maintained their alliance with the Church and pursued policies analogous with the Church’s mission, which in the twelfth century placed crusading at its centre.30 The defeat of Władysław II at the hands of the Piast Juniors (supported by the Church and the magnates) was not exclusively related to Władysław II’s use of pagan troops against his Christian brothers and their knighthood. The polit30 

Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, p. 297. Dobosz also suggests that in supporting the Piast Juniors, the Polish clergy followed the policy of Archbishop Jakub of Żnin. This policy was maintained by his successor Archbishop Janik of Gniezno. Dobosz, ‘Arcybiskup Janik’, pp. 81–96.

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ical dimension of the proposed alliance with the Emperor was momentous. Since its establishment in the tenth century, the Polish Church had worked for many years to maintain canonical and administrative independence from the claims of the archbishops of Magdeburg. In the bull, Ex commisso nobis a Deo dated 7 July 1136, Pope Innocent II finally confirmed the structures and independence of the Polish Church.31 As Władysław II had married the half-sister of King Conrad III of Germany, the Polish bishops may have been concerned that in exchange for the military and political support of Conrad III, Władysław II would allow further fragmentation of the Polish metropolitan jurisdiction. In particular, their concerns were related to the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Gniezno over the Pomeranian dioceses which had been established in 1120s. The territorial and spiritual gains of the Polish Church in Pomerania (which were the outcome of holy war waged by Bolesław III) would have been lost with the change of Pomeranian allegiance from Poland to the Empire. Furthermore, for the church the alliance of Władysław II with the Prussians had in effect reversed the policy of conquest and Christianization pursued by Władysław’s father Bolesław III, a policy which had been the dynastic raison d’être of the Piasts. Władysław II’s military alliance with the Prussians alienated him further from the Polish ecclesiastical hierarchy, who until then had indisputably supported the dynasty’s political programme. While in exile, Władysław II did not cease his efforts to regain his patrimony. His expulsion from Poland led to the August 1146 military intervention by Conrad III. Accompanied by his vassals, Vladislav II of Bohemia, Albert the Bear, and Conrad of Meissen, Conrad invaded Polish territory to restore the exiled Władysław II to power.32 The invasion was halted by a counter-offensive 31  Archives of the Archdiocese of Gniezno: Collection of Papal Bulls and Charters (signature 1). 32  ‘Rex autem cum principibus Saxoniae colloquio habito, mense Augusto coadunato exercitu Poloniam ad restituendum ducem aggressus est. Fratres vero premunitas ingenti exercitu itineris semitas observabant, regi prohibentes introitum. Tandem consilio Adalberti et Conradi marchionum, obsidibus datis vicissim, regem adeunt, iuniore fratre obside dato aut promissa pecunia, patriam ab ipso suscipiunt; sicque rex reversus est.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. The German incursion into Poland and Conrad III’s later leadership of the German crusader army are briefly described as an event indicating that some of the Polish knighthood (maybe even the iunior frater who was given to Conrad III as hostage) may have joined the German king’s crusading contingent on the Second Crusade: ‘Cunradus imperator Poloniam intravit et cum regibus et ducibus Jerusalem pergit.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 59. A later source, Chronica Poloniae Maioris, expanded on the original source and reported on the amicable welcome of Conrad III by Bolesław IV.

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by the Piast Juniors which resulted in mediation initiated by Conrad’s Saxon vassals, Albert the Bear (c. 1100–1170) and Conrad of Meissen (c. 1098–1157).33 The negotiated truce eventually obliged Bolesław IV to submit to the German king’s adjudication in the conflict with the exiled Władysław II. As a guarantee, the Piast Juniors provided the German king with their iunior frater as a hostage.34 The Saxons’ mediation may have initiated, but certainly sealed, an emergent strategic alliance with the Piast Juniors. The relationship was cemented at the Council of Kruszwica ( January 1148) with the marriage of the Piasts’ sister, Judith (c. 1133–1171/75) to Otto (d. 1184), Albert the Bear’s son.35 The Saxons’ involvement in the truce negotiations of August 1146, appear to have influenced the Piasts’ decision to take the cross in the Wendish Crusade ( July– August 1147) when the Saxons and the Piasts joined forces. They did so again later, against the Prussians (November–December 1147).36 See CPM, col. 34, p. 55. These two accounts may have served in turn as the source for the expanded narrative found in Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 40–42. Cf. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 59–60. Kürbis linked the statement with Władysław II and suggested that he joined Conrad’s army. Later Polish annals repeated this idea, see Rocznik lubiński, ed. by Kürbis, p. 113; Rocznik Sędziwoja, ed. by Bielowski, p. 875; Rocznik Traski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 833; Rocznik Krakowski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 833; Rocznik krótki, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 237. Kozłowska-Budkowa commented that most likely it is a conflation of events by the annalist. See Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by KozłowskaBudkowa, p. 59, n. 185. Similarly, see CPM, p. 157, n. 300 and n. 301. 33  ‘Fratres vero premunitas ingenti exercitu itineris semitas observabant, regi prohibites introitum.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. See also, ‘Sed vir industrius utrumque dissimulans [Bolesław  IV ] amputat hostibus ubique pabulancia subsidia. Illud robur invictissimum legionum peste, fame contabuit.’ CPM, col. 33, p. 53. 34  There is a scholarly debate as to whether the iunior frater meant ‘younger’ Henry or ‘youngest’ Kazimierz; see Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 61–62; Labuda, ‘O stosunkach prawnopublicznych’, pp. 46–48; Zientara, ‘Bolesław Wysoki’, p. 370, n. 18. Mendys argued that the iunior frater meant the ‘youngest of the brothers’, Kazimierz, and also suggested that the hostage was never given to Conrad. Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p. 401. Similarly Dworsatschek, Władysław II Wygnaniec, pp. 122–23. 35  ‘Magdeburgensis archiepiscopus Fridericus et quidam alii principes Saxoniae Polonicis ducibus Bilizlavo et Miseconi in epiphania domini occurrentes in Crusawice fedus amicicie cum eis inierunt. Ibi eciam marchio Otto, filius marchionis Adalberti sororem Polonicorum principum sibi in legitimum matrimonium copulandam suscepit.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 190. See also Kahl, Slawen und Deutsche, p. 374; Schultze, ‘Die Mark und das Reich’, p. 13, n. 38; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 255–60. Elsewhere, on the opposition to King Conrad III and the Saxon alliance with Piast Juniors see Partenheimer, Albrecht der Bär, pp. 86–112. 36  Myśliński’s argued that through the Polish-Saxon alliance and Polish participation in the Wendish Crusade the Piast Juniors became subservient to the ‘imperialist’ policies of Albert

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Wendish Crusade According to the Annales Magdeburgenses, the forces of the Wendish Crusade37 gathered in two separate groups and separately attacked the two main cities of the Wends, Dobin, and Dymin.38 In July 1147, the first crusading army unsuccessfully besieged Dobin on Lake Schwerin.39 It was commanded by Henry the Lion (1129–95) and supported by the Danish fleet. After early losses to the Danes, a truce and then a peace were concluded. The peace allowed for the release of Danish prisoners, the nominal conversion of the Wendish ruler to Christianity, and the resumption of a tribute payment to Adolf of Holstein (1128–64).40 the Bear. I don’t find this argument persuasive because the Piast Juniors closely guarded their independence. Myśliński, ‘Sprawa udziału Polski’, pp. 357–76; Myśliński, ‘Polska a Pomorze Zachodnie’, pp. 1–46; Myśliński, ‘Słowiańska Brenna-Brandenburg’. 37  The Wendish crusaders were also crucesignati, but marked with a cross which resembled globus cruciger. Sources refer to various forms of crusader imagery. ‘Eramus in obsidione castri Dimin sub vexillo Crucifixi.’ Wibaldi epistolae, ed. by Jaffé, i, doc. 150, p. 244. ‘Saxones […] cruces […] assumpserunt, a nostris in hoc distantes, quod non simpliciter vestibus assutae, sed a rota subterposita in altum protendebatur.’ Ottonis et Rahewini, ed. by Waitz, i:42, p. 61. ‘Magna christiane militiae multitudo contra paganos, assumpto signo vivifice crucis exiverat.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. 38  ‘Eodem anno circa festum sancti Petri, divina inspiratione et apostolice auctoritatis exortatione et multorum religiosorum ammonitione, magna christiane militiae multitudo contra paganos versus aquilonem habitantes assumpto signo vivifice crucis exiverat, ut eos aut christiane religioni subderet, aut Deo auxiliante omnino deleret. Ubi in una societate convenerant Fridericus archiepiscopus Magdaburgensis, Rotholfus Halverstadensis episcopus, Wernherus Monasteriensis, Reinhaldus Mersburgensis, Wickerus Brandeburgensis, Anshelmus Havelbergensis, Heinricus Moraviensis episcopi et Wibolt Corbegensis abbas, Conradus marchio, Adalbertus marchio, Fridericus palatinus comes, Hermannus palatinus comes cum multis comitibus et armatis bellatoribus sexaginta milibus! Interim in alia societate se in unum collegerant Albero Bremensis archiepiscopus, Thietmarus Fardensis episcopus, Heinricus dux Saxonie, Conradus dux Burgundie, Hartwigus princeps prenobilis cum multis comitibus et nobilibus et ceteris armatis numero quadraginta milibus pugnatorum. Rex eciam Dacie cum episcopis terre illius et cum universo robore gentis sue, maxima multitudine classium collecta, circiter centum milibus exercitum paraverat. Iter [Mieszko] frater ducis Poloniae cum viginti milibus armatorum exiverat. Cuius etiam frater maior cum infinito exercitu adversus Pruscos crudelissimos barbaros venit, et diutius ibi moratus est. Contra quos etiam Rutheni, licet minus catholici tamen christiani nominis karacterem habentes, inestimabili Dei nutu cum maximis armatorum copiis exiverunt.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. 39  Ex Saxonis, ed. by Waitz, xiv, p. 87; Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, pp. 188–89; Wibaldi epistolae, ed. by Jaffé, doc. 150, p. 244; Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 663. 40  ‘Daci at Westphali ac Saxonum duces consenserunt in hoc, ut aliis euntibus Ierosolimam

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Map 7. The Wendish Crusade and the Prussian Expedition of 1146

A second crusader army gathered in Magdeburg towards the end of July 1147 and marched north on the left bank of the Elbe River towards Dymin and then towards Szczecin in Pomerania.41 The army was commanded by Albert the Bear and Anselm, Bishop of Havelberg (c. 1100–1158). It also included Henry, Bishop of Olomouc. The annalist mentions that the army was joined by a large Polish contingent under the command of one of the Piast princes. After the successful siege of Havelberg, the army laid siege to Malachow and Dymin, and the crusaders (arguably also the Polish contingent) reached Szczecin, which was the contra Sarracenos, ipsi vicinam sibi Sclavorum gentem aut omnino delerent, aut cogerent christianam fieri. Et cum iam ad arma ex utraque parte ventum fuisset, Teutonici accepta pecunia vendiderunt Dacos; ceptoque prelio se subtrahentes, multa milia Dacorum Sclavorum occiderunt gladii.’ Auctarium Gemblacense, ed. by Bethmann, p. 392. Both contenders to the Danish throne took part in the crusade: ‘Per eadem tempora Romanus antistes barbaricae tempestatis procella rem divinam pene obrutam eversamque conspiciens, datis per Europam epistolis, universos christianae credulitatis hostes ab eius cultoribus oppugnari percepit. Singulae autem catholicorum provinciae confinem sibi barbariem incessere iubebantur. Ne ergo Dani privatae miliciae rebus publicae religionis offcia detrectarent, sumptis sacre peregrinationis insignibus, imperium amplectuntur. Igitur Kanutus ac Sueno, invicem obsidibus datis, depositisque inimiciciarum exerciciis, rei melius gerendae gratia pacem pro tempore statuunt revocatumque a suis visceribus ferrum ad sacrorum vindictam convertunt.’ Ex Saxonis Gestis Danorum, ed. by Waitz, xiv, p. 87. Cf. Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 481. 41  Schultze, ‘Der Wendenkreuzzug 1147’, pp.  114–15. Cf. Lees, Anselm of Havelberg, pp. 75–82.

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capital of Pomerania, a fiefdom of Poland. The siege of Szczecin and negotiation with its leaders, Duke Ratibor of Pomerania and Adalbert, Bishop of Pomerania, were conducted by Henry of Olomouc, and resulted in the Pomeranian duke’s public confirmation of his adherence to the Christian faith.42 The Annales Magdeburgenses is the primary source and evidence for Polish participation in the Wendish Crusade. It does not specifically name the prince commanding the Polish crusader army but information included in the narrative of the annalist allows for his identification. The annalist states that it was ‘the brother of the duke of Poland’ (frater ducis Poloniae) who led the crusader army of twenty thousand armed men. With this information alone it would be difficult to determine which brother was the leader of the army. There were at that time three adult Piast princes (Bolesław IV, Mieszko III, and Henry) who had an elder brother. The elder brother, Władysław II, was acknowledged by King Conrad III and Pope Eugenius III as the duke of Poland. Yet, there is a further clue in the passage concerning the Polish crusader army. The Annales also refer to ‘his elder brother’ (etiam frater maior) who with a vast army ventured against the pagan Prussians with the assistance of troops from Rus’. In 1147 the only ‘elder brother’ of a ‘younger brother’, both of whom were brothers of the duke of Poland, was Bolesław IV. This reconstruction allows for the hypothesis that the Polish crusader army was commanded by Mieszko III, who ruled the Polish province of Greater Poland which bordered the Saxon marches and Pomerania. I exclude the other Piast Juniors, Henry and Kazimierz; Henry was probably absent from Poland as a hostage at the court of Conrad III and the youngest of the brothers, Kazimierz (born in 1138), was still a child. Mieszko III may thus have been in command of the Polish crusader army against the Wends. Mieszko’s province of Greater Poland was located geographically close to the designated place of meeting of the crusader armies. Greater Poland also shared borders with Wendish tribal lands and with Pomerania. The Tractatus de urbe Brandenburg attests to Polish involvement in the region. Specifically, Polish support extended to the ruler Jaxa of Köpenick, who was related to the Piasts through marriage.43 Recently, Bieniak argued that Jaxa of Köpenick was the 42 

Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 663. ‘Ubi autem huiusmodi fama, qua nullum malum velocius, in auribus Iaxzonis [ Jaxa of Köpenick] in Polonia tunc principantis, avunculi supradicti nobilis sepulti, percrepuit, permaxime de morte nepotis sui doluit, et quia proxima linea consanguinitatis defuncto iunctus erat, perpetuo se de urbe exhereditatum considerans, miserabiliter ingemuit. Verum tempore brevi elapso inhabitantibus urbem pecunia corruptis, proditam ab eis nocturno silentio cum magno exercitu Polonorum, reseratis amicabiliter portis castri, intravit et homines marchionis, 43 

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same person as Jaxa of Miechów and as such was strongly linked to the crusading movement. The participation of Jaxa in the crusading movement is significant in the context of the involvement of Poles in crusading and is well documented. Polish annals reported on Jaxa’s pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 116244 and on his foundation of a priory of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre in Miechów.45 Gładysz’s hypothesis that Jaxa accompanied the ‘King of the Poles’ in 1147 or went to the Holy Land with the crusader contingent of Henry of Sandomierz in 1154 and therefore ventured into the Holy Land twice, received renewed credibility with a new interpretation of the twelfth-century inscription on the lintel of the church of Saint Michael located at the Benedictine abbey in Ołbin.46 qui urbem tradiderant, in Poloniam ducens, simulatorie captivavit.’ Heinrici de Antwerpe, ed. by Holder-Egger, p.  483. The identity of Jaxa of Köpenick and Jaxa of Miechów has attracted much attention from historians, who argued for or against the separate identities of the two. Gumowski argued that Jaxa of Köpenick was the same person as Jaxa of Miechów. See Gumowski, ‘Sprawa braniborska xii wieku (część I)’, pp. 91–134; Gumowski, ‘Sprawa braniborska xii wieku (część II)’; Gumowski, ‘Jaksa’, pp. 48–49. His arguments were rejected in Ludat, Slaven und Deutsche im Mittelalter, pp. 27–84; Ludat, Legenden um Jaxa von Köpenick. Bieniak in his extensive study of the ruling elites of twelfth-century Poland rejected Ludat’s objections and convincingly argued and extended the hypothesis proposed by Gumowski. See Bieniak, ‘Polska elita, III’, pp. 67–69. Similarly in Rajman, “‘Dominus — comes — princeps”’; Rajman, ‘Pielgrzym i fundator’; Cetwiński, Rycerstwo śląskie, pp. 10–12; Stróżyk, ‘Fundacja preceptorii templariuszy’; Wójcik, Ród Gryfitów do końca xiii wieku. The discussion provided no consensus and there were further arguments for splitting the identity of Jaxa in Labuda, ‘Około datacji dokumentów fundacyjnych’; Wenta, ‘Jaksa z Miechowa’; Mosingiewicz, ‘Jeszcze o zagadce Jaksy’. I agree with Dobosz that that the whole issue cannot be resolved on the basis of extant sources. See Dobosz, Działalność fundacyjna, pp. 193–96. Dobosz restated his views recently in Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, p. 369. 44 

See the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, ‘Jazko Jerozolinam ivit.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 61. ‘Jaxa ivit Ierosolimam.’ Kozłowska-Budkowa, ‘Rocznik miechowski’, p. 123. Also in Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, p. 72. The date of 1163 is mentioned in Kozłowska-Budkowa, ‘Rocznik miechowski’, p. 123. The death of Jaxa in 1176 is confirmed in Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 63. For discussion of the symbolism of coins minted in Köpenick by Jaxa in the context of Jaxa’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem, see Kiersnowski, ‘Jaksa i jego monety’. 45  The priory of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre received privileges and donations from both the ruling house and the magnates of the realm. See charters of grants and donations in CDPM 1, docs 375–76, pp. 12–18. See also details and review of recent research in Piłat, ‘Fundator i fundacja klasztoru bożogrobców’; Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 73–77. 46  For detailed discussion see Mączewska-Pilch, Tympanon fundacyjny z Ołbina.

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The inscription, preserved in the Cronica Petri comitis Poloniae, mentions the founders of the abbey and refers to Jaxa’s two pilgrimages to Jerusalem.47 In the context of the Piast realm, Jaxa was a member of the powerful family alliance and a member of a leading court faction. He owed his prominence to his marriage to a daughter of Piotr Włostowic who was the prime magnate of Lesser Poland. Jaxa was also heir to the throne of Köpenick. In 1157, Jaxa was expelled from Brenna by Albert the Bear. Jaxa’s pilgrimage to the Holy Land also had a political dimension. Jaxa, like the Piast Juniors, might have sought the support of the Church for his efforts at restitution of the lost throne and the legitimization of his claim.48 Given that Albert the Bear, after his pilgrimage to the Holy Land became a benefactor of the Hospitallers, it is probably no accident that Jaxa favoured an alternative order associated with Jerusalem to the one settled in Brandenburg by his political rival, the margrave.49 Before 1200, the canons of the Holy Sepulchre, whose headquarters were located in Miechów, was in possession of numerous estates in Lesser Poland. At least one of the members of the order came to take possession of the estate in Miechów directly from Jerusalem and by 1198 the convent comprised at least three brothers.50 The initial endowment of three villages to the order was expanded into a substantial estate around Miechów and Lelów as well as along the highway from Kraków to Greater Poland. 51 According to Maria Starnawska, the location of estates may indicate the order’s preference for acquiring estates that were already economically viable.52 Jaxa’s decision to endow the canons of the Holy Sepulchre with villages on his estates brought the canons into the sphere of influence of Jaxa, his family, his kinsmen, and his vassals. In addition, they were likely to have been influenced by a group of supporters of Jaxa’s parents-inlaw, who sponsored the Piast Juniors.

47 

‘Jaxa principium templi fuit huius et auctor | Post obitum cuius operi finem dedit uxor | Presbiter eiusdem fuit Otto primus et idem | Est bis Jherusalem peregre progressus ad urbem | Jaxa decus morum ecti via, forma honorum | Assit pax Cristi tibi, bustum cuius adisti.’ Cronica Petri, ed. by Plezia, p. 30. Cf. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 66–67; Piłat, ‘Fundator i fundacja klasztoru bożogrobców’, p. 26. 48  Rajman, “‘Dominus — comes — princeps”’, p. 364; Kiersnowski, ‘Jaksa i jego monety’, p. 157. 49  Piłat, ‘Fundator i fundacja klasztoru bożogrobców’, pp. 27–28. 50  CDPM 2, doc. 379, p. 20; doc. 391, pp. 34–35. 51  Bieniak, ‘Polska elita, III’, pp. 87–88. 52  Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 75–76.

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The family relationship between the Wendish realm of the Sprewen, ruled by Jaxa and Mieszko III, the ruler of the adjacent duchy of Greater Poland, supports the hypothesis that it was Mieszko III who led the Polish crusader army out of Greater Poland through Köpenick to Magdeburg where the Poles joined the gathering of the crusading forces against the Wends. Smolka commented that Polish participation in the Wendish Crusade was part of a ‘general enthusiasm’ which characterized the European response to the preaching of the Second Crusade. He asserted that in Poland ‘the whole knighthood took the cross’. 53 The presence of Mieszko III’s Polish crusader army, in alliance with the leaders of the anti-imperial opposition to the Wendish Crusade, served as a counterpoint to the alliance between the exiled Władysław II and King Conrad III.54 The engagement of the Piast Juniors in the crusading activities ‘contra Sclavos ceterosque paganos, habitantes versus aquilonem’ as reported by the Annales Magdeburgenses confirms the presence of the Polish crusader army; neither its author, however, nor the Annales Bohemorum provide any indication as to the location, movement or battles undertaken by the Polish crusaders. This absence of evidence has allowed historians to provide diverging hypotheses as to the participation of the Poles in the Wendish Crusade and the role of the Polish crusaders. The role of the Polish crusaders and their motivation, as ascribed by various historians, has depended upon their evaluation of the Wendish Crusade as being either a crusade or an expansionary war.55 The predominant position in the Polish historiography of the Wendish Crusade questions the crusading character of this expedition by highlighting the aspects of its territorial expansion.56 The expedition is described as being chiefly about 53 

Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, pp. 253–56. Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, p. 252. Cf. Myśliński and Zakrzewski provide an alternative explanation; they argue that Mieszko III’s army took part in the Wendish Crusade due to a Saxon-Polish alliance formed before the expulsion of Władysław II from Poland. This occurred during the visit of Piotr Włostowic to Magdeburg in 1144 on the initiative of the Saxon rulers and was designed to protect and extend Polish interests on the Western side of the Oder River. See Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. See also Myśliński, ‘Polska a Pomorze Zachodnie’, p. 45; Zakrzewski, Historya polityczna Polski, p. 104. Similar treatment of the issue can be found in Mitkowski, Pomorze Zachodnie, p. 61; Tymieniecki, Dzieje Niemiec do początku ery nowożytnej, p. 383. The alliance between the Saxon rulers and the Piast Juniors was established after the expulsion of Władysław II in 1146. 55  See a review of Polish historiography in Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 88–89. 56  Some sources reveal early criticism of the Wendish Crusade. For example, they highlight the motives of the Saxons: ‘Saxones potius pro auferenda eis terra, quam pro fide christiana 54 

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Saxon ambitions, a defensive strike by the Danes on the Wends, and the acquisition of Wendish lands interrelated with the expansionary missionary policy of Anselm, Bishop of Havelberg (who sought the subordination of the Wendish territories under his jurisdiction).57 Whilst the account of Wibald of Stablo apparently confirms this position,58 it also acknowledges religious motivations though reference to the indulgences available to the crusaders.59 Analysis of Polish participation in the Wendish Crusade also needs to be placed in the wider context of the Second Crusade. On 5 October 1146 Pope Eugenius III extended the reach of the preaching of the crusade and addressed Italian clergy in a new crusade bull, Divini dispensatione, which reiterated the spiritual and temporal privileges granted to the crusaders. These were identical to those granted in the two previous versions of Quantum praedecessores.60 This reiteration of the principles guiding the crusading effort became the basis for the official proclamation of a crusade against the pagan Slavs and other pagans confirmanda tantam moverant militiam.’ Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 663. They also highlight the disagreements between the crusaders: ‘Tumultante siquidem militie et possessionum externarum, quas necdum obtinuerat, terminum statuente, plebis autem in id non conveniente, res undique turbantes, ordine neglecto, tandem aditis castrisque relictis discesserunt omnes, molimine quod proposuerant infecto.’ Annales Palidenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 87. And, they accuse the crusaders of want of personal gain: ‘In variis autem expeditionibus, quas adhuc adolescens in Sclaviam profectus exercuit, nulla de christianitate fuit mentio, sed tantum de pecunia.’ Helmoldi presbyteri Bozoviensis cronica Slavorum, ed. by Schmeidler, p. 129. Cf. varied interpretation in von Heinemann, Albrecht der Bär, p. 171; Bernhardi, Konrad III, p. 574; Bünding-Naujoks, ‘Das Imperium Christianum’, p. 107; Schultze, ‘Der Wendenkreuzzug 1147’, pp. 97–98; Lotter, Die Konzeption des Wendenkreuzzugs, pp. 70–72. 57  A prominent position in the discourse is occupied by Myśliński. See Myśliński, ‘Słowiańska Brenna-Brandenburg’, pp. 89–92; Myśliński, ‘Sprawa udziału Polski’, pp. 372–76; Myśliński, ‘Polska a Pomorze Zachodnie’, pp.  42–46. Cf. Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1987), pp. 11–25; Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1977), pp. 549–50. 58  ‘Reversi ab expeditione Sclavica in nativitate beatae Mariae quam etsi peccatis exigentibus non efficaciter set tarnen obedienter complevimus, ad quam nos traxerat et christianae salutis intuitus et specialis monasterii nostri causa, pro recipienda videlicet regione quadam, quae a Theutonicis Ruiana, a Sclavis autem Rana dicitur, quae Corbeiensi monasterio imperiali dono collata est a Lothario caesare.’ Wibaldi epistolae, ed. by Jaffé, doc. 150, p. 245. 59  ‘In virtute obedientiae et in remissione peccatorum nostrorum, ut ad debellandos christiani nominis hostes ac Dei aecclesiae vestatores trans Albim super paganos militaremus.’ Wibaldi epistolae, ed. by Jaffé, doc. 150, p. 243. 60  Earlier, at the request of Alfonso VII of Castile, Eugenius III had extended crusading privileges to the campaigns against the Muslims in Spain. For the pontificate of Eugenius III see Gleber, Papst Eugen III; Horn, Studien zur Geschichte Papst Eugens III.

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in Northern Europe in the papal bull Divini dispensatione issued at Troyes on 11 April 1147.61 In the address to all faithful, the Supreme Pontiff declared that the aim of the crusade was to promote the Christian faith amongst the pagans and to bring them into the Christian faith.62 The papal authorization of the crusade against the pagans in Northern Europe was at the request of Bernard of Clairvaux. The Abbot had been approached by a group of Saxon nobles gathered in Frankfurt on 13 March 1147, who asked for permission to launch a crusade against the pagans dwelling in the vicinity of their lands instead of journeying to the Holy Land.63 Bernard responded to this request favourably and promised those crusading against the pagans ‘the same spiritual privileges as those enjoy who set out towards Jerusalem’.64 In fact several of the nobles took the cross at the meeting.65 The subsequent reissue of Divini dispensatione at Troyes resulted from a meeting between the Abbot of Clairvaux and Eugenius III when Bernard persuaded his former pupil to endorse the actions against the pagans of Northern Europe, because, as he argued, the pagans were set against the Christians with evil intent, perniciose insidiantes dissimulans.66 It is apparent from the text of the reissued Divini dispensatione, that Eugenius III had foreseen that the extension of crusading activity meant the creation of uniform anti-pagan and antiMuslim action across Christendom.67 The same uniform conceptualization and approach to crusading activity can be found in other contemporary sources. The 61 

PL 180, cols 1203–04. Pommersches Urkundenbuch, ed. by Conrad, i, 36–37; PL 180, cols 1203–04. Cf. Kahl, ‘Crusade Eschatology’, pp. 38–42. 63  Epist. 457 [dated 13 March 1147], Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 433. See also RileySmith, The Crusades, p. 96. 64  Epist. 457, Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 433. Translation in The Letters of St Bernard, trans. by James, p. 467. 65  ‘Et multi quidem signati sunt ipso loco.’ Epist. 457, Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 433. 66  Epist. 457, Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 433. Bernard maintained that the Supreme Pontiff could not declare and wage war but could subsequently decide whether the action was a just one and signify his approval. Cf. Brundage, ‘St Bernard and the Jurists’, pp. 27–28. On the close relationship between Bernard of Clairvaux and Eugenius III, see for instance Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bernard, ii, pp. 436–37. 67  The twelfth-century sources drew no clear line between the Muslims and the heathens and referred to them as pagani. Constable, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 213. The heathen Slavs were also referred to as ‘saraceni’ PL 180, col. 1385. Also in Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 664; Chronica Polonorum, iv:19, p. 166. 62 

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papal bull explicitly associated the campaign in Northern Europe with those in Spain and the East. Eugenius granted the crusaders the same indulgences as those received by the crusaders to the Holy Land; however, the Pope emphasized that only those who had not vowed to go to Jerusalem, were permitted to join the crusade against the northern European pagans.68 Another difference was that although the crusaders’ property was also taken under papal protection, participants in these actions did not receive the full extent of the temporal privileges granted to other crusaders in the two preceding editions of the crusading bull, Quantum praedecessores. For instance, crusaders to the Holy Land received papal protection for their wives and children, freedom from legal suits while on crusade, exemption from usury on past loans, and increased credit ability. These privileges were not made available to crusaders in Northern Europe. What is also apparent from both Bernard’s letter and Eugenius III’s bull, in a startling contradiction of canon law, is that they were in agreement on the issue of the forceful conversion of non-Christians. In a letter concerning the Wendish Crusade, Bernard stated that the crusaders against the pagans in Northern Europe were forbidden to make any truce with the pagans ‘until such a time as, with God’s help, they shall be either converted or wiped out’.69 The dominant interpretation of Bernard’s statement is that it was a declaration of missionary war. Jonathan Riley-Smith observes that Bernard’s declaration was even more surprising because in his other writings Bernard opposed forcible conversion.70 Kahl explains the declaration in terms of Bernard’s eschatological ideas.71 Lotter, however, proposes that the alternative, ‘baptism or death’, formulated by Bernard should not be understood as the physical extermination of the pagan nation but as the destruction of their political structures, their conversion, and subordination to Christian rule.72 This explanation has been 68 

‘Omnibus illis qui crucem eamdem Hierosolymam non acceperunt, et contra Sclavos ire, et in ipsa expeditione, sicut statutum est, devotionis intuitu manere decreverunt, illam remissionem peccatorum quam praedecessor noster felicis memoriae papa Urbanus Hierosolymam transeuntibus instituit, omnipotentis Dei et beati Petri apostolorum principis auctoritate nobis a Deo concessa concedimus.’ PL 180, cols 1203–04. 69  ‘Donec, auxiliante Deo, aut ritus ipse, aut nation delegatur.’ Epist. 457, Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 433; The Letters of St Bernard, trans. by James, p. 467. See also discussion of a range of propositions and review of pertinent research in Sommerfeldt, ‘The Bernardine Reform’. 70  Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 96. 71  Kahl, ‘Crusade Eschatology’, pp. 38–40. 72  Lotter, ‘The Crusading Idea’, pp. 289–92.

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rejected by Hehl.73 Lotter’s proposition is more credible, in particular because of the ideas of missionary war prevalent in the region since the emergence of the Magdeburg Charter of 1108.74 The charter is the first extant document to advocate conducting a crusade and converting the pagans in the region. 75 Its anonymous author, probably a Flemish cleric in the service of the archbishop of Magdeburg, composed a draft of a public appeal to war against the Slavs. The appeal claims to have been issued in the names of Archbishop Adelgot of Magdeburg, his suffragan bishops, the counts of Saxony, and the inhabitants of Eastern Saxony, and is believed to be the result of the 1108 summit of King Henry V and a number of ecclesiastical and secular leaders.76 The charter describes the campaign in the language of crusade, and has similarities with the chronicles of the First Crusade, especially that of Robert the Monk.77 The Slavs are described as the ‘most cruel heathens’ who attack Christians and profane churches;78 the Christian warriors are called ‘lovers of Christ’ and ‘soldiers of Christ’,79 and they are urged to emulate the example of the Franks who had liberated Jerusalem, and to fight for ‘our Jerusalem’.80 Beloved brothers […] follow the good example of the Franks and imitate them… Rise up, all who love Christ and Church, and come, prepare yourselves to liberate Jerusalem just as the Franks did. […] The Franks struck out from the farthest West and triumphed in the farthest East against their advancing enemies, by force of their virtue. May this example give you the will and the power to subjugate these neighbouring and most inhuman pagans.81 73 

Hehl, Kirche und Krieg, pp. 38–43. Cf. Labuda, ‘Wezwanie wschodnioniemieckich’; Dygo, ‘Crusade and Colonization’; Constable, ‘The Place of the Magdeburg Charter’. Cf. Trupinda, Ideologia, pp.  126–28; Blomkvist, The Discovery of the Baltic, pp. 17–20. 75  Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, pp. 624–26. 76  Lotter, ‘The Crusading Idea’, pp. 275–78; Thompson, Feudal Germany, pp. 559–60; Starnawska, ‘Military Orders’, p. 418; France, The Crusades and the Expansion, p. 213; Phillips and Hoch, The Second Crusade: Scope and Consequences, p. 7. 77  Constable, ‘The Place of the Magdeburg Charter’, p. 290. 78  ‘Insurrexerunt in nos et prevaluerunt crudelissimi gentiles, viri absque misericordia et de inhumanitatis sue gloriantes malicia. Ecclesias Christi ydolatria prophanaverunt, altaria demoliti sunt, et quod humana mens refugit audire, ipsi non abhorrent in nos perdes alligant.’ Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, p. 625. 79  ‘Amatores Christi, Christique militibus.’ Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, p. 626. 80  Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, p. 626. 81  ‘Itaque fratres karissimi tocius Saxonie, Francie, Lotaringie, Flandrie, episcopi, clerici at 74 

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The appeal called for imitation of the example set by the First Crusade and defence of Christians from pagan attack because they ‘are daily oppressed by the pagans’ numerous attacks and by the most awful calamities, and so we yearn for your mercy; come and rescue your mother Church from ruin’.82 The image of Jerusalem and the descriptions of the murder and rape of Christians by the Slavs and their beheading of some of their Christian victims as offerings to pagan idols sought to provoke the intended audience and invited comparisons with the reported acts of the Muslims in the Holy Land, thus amplifying cultural and religious differences.83 The author of the appeal urged Christians to act against the inhumanity and cruelty of the Slavs presenting north central Europe with an opportunity to participate in the crusader movement whilst inciting them to both secure their salvation and acquire their land. The charter also attempts to portray the proposed war against the Slavs as holy war (sanctificate bellum) against the enemies of Christ (contra inimicos Christi).84 As observed by Constable and Gładysz, there is no evidence of any military or political response to the appeal proclaimed by the charter, possibly because of imperial military campaigns against Hungary (1108) and Poland (1109), which occupied the addressees of the appeal.85 The charter provides further evidence that the idea of crusade had reached north central Europe within a decade of the First Crusade and the fall of Jerusalem in 1099. 86 It is also an monachi, de bonis sumite exemplum at Gallorum imitatores in hoc etiam estote […] Erumpite et venite omnes amatores Christi et ecclesie, et sicut Galli ad liberationem Hierusalem vos preparate. […] Qui Gallos ab extremo occidente progressos in brachio virtutis sue contra inimicos suos in remotissimo triumphavit oriente, ipse tribuat vobis voluntatem et potentiam hos affines et inhumanissimos gentiles subjugare.’ Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, pp. 625–26. For English translation see Riley-Smith and Riley-Smith, The Crusades, Idea and Reality, pp. 75–77. 82  ‘Multimodis paganorum oppressionibus et calamitatibus diutissime oppressi, ad vestram suspiramus misericordiam, quatenus ecclesie matris vestre nobiscum sublevetis ruinam.’ Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, p. 625. 83  ‘Quosdam decollant at capita demoniis suis immolant. De quibusdam visceribus extractis manus abscissas et pedes alligant […] cum vivi aspiciant se per abscisionem singulorum membrorum mortificari et ad ultimum ceso ventre miserabiliter eviscerari. Quam plures vivos excoriant.’ Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, p. 625. 84  Wattenbach, ‘Handschriftliches’, p. 625. 85  Constable, ‘The Place of the Magdeburg Charter’, p.  286; Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 37–38. Cf. Labuda considered the charter as ‘the brutally formulated document of the feudal Drang nach Osten’. Labuda, ‘Wezwanie wschodnioniemieckich’, pp. 268–69. 86  Labuda, ‘Wezwanie wschodnioniemieckich’, pp. 268–69; Samsonowicz, ‘Międzynaro­

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example of the adaptation of the idea of crusade to suit a local environment far from the Levant and heralded the emergence of the concept of missionary war — a further by-product of holy war.87

Conclusion The impact of the post-1138 settlement on Polish participation, support and organizing of the crusades was significant. After his accession, Władysław II revealed not only his lack of enthusiasm for crusading but also demonstrated his pragmatism in entering into an alliance with the pagan Prussians. The policy shift of the new Polish ruler became apparent from the first years of his reign when he pursued peaceful missions on the Baltic, a break from the policies of Bolesław III. Władysław II’s military strategy during the civil war (1142–46) which included using pagan mercenaries led to outright opposition from the Polish Church, his excommunication, and defeat. The winning faction of the civil war, the Piast Juniors, however continued the policies of their father which aimed at the subjugation and forced Christianization of Prussia. The extent of the influence of the idea of crusade on the participants is demonstrated by co-operation on the Wendish Crusade between otherwise territorial competitors (Saxons, Danes, and Poles) for Wendish lands.88 The alliance of the three powerful neighbours against the Wends without specified territorial claims, confirms that the Wendish Crusade was more than just a veiled territorial acquisition. In this context, Mieszko III’s decision to take the cross and participate in the Wendish Crusade was supported by a range of considerations, including religious inspiration and pragmatism. Firstly, the Piast Juniors followed the family tradition of joining military action against the infidel (established by Bolesław III) and sought the benefits of spiritual rewards (such as indulgences) and recognition of their actions by the papacy. Secondly, the political situation for the Piast Juniors after their successful coup d’état was precarious, as outside Poland the exiled Władysław II was supported by King Conrad III and Pope Eugenius III, and was still recognized as the legitdowe aspekty krucjaty słowiańskiej’, p. 85; Bünding-Naujoks, ‘Das Imperium Christianum’, pp.  87–94; Beumann, ‘Kreuzzugsgedanke’, pp.  131–32, 34; Constable, ‘The Place of the Magdeburg Charter’, pp. 290–99. 87  Bünding-Naujoks, ‘Das Imperium Christianum’, p. 93. 88  Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, pp. 253–55; Bernhardi, Konrad III, pp. 563–64. It was most recently restated in Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 60–62, 86, 90.

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imate suzerain of Poland. The support of the Saxon rulers counterbalanced the actions of Władysław II and promoted the Piast Juniors as independent rulers of Poland. Thirdly, direction of the Wendish Crusade towards the lands ruled by Duke Ratibor, the Pomeranian vassal of Poland, served as a powerful reminder that he owed loyalty and service to the new suzerain, Bolesław IV, the leader of the Piast Juniors.89 Whilst much of Polish historiography concludes that the results of the Wendish Crusade were negligible, the outcomes should be seen in terms of its short- and long-term effects. The crusade provided no immediate territorial gain for the Church or the Saxon nobles. Nonetheless, it achieved the destruction of numerous pagan places of worship, placed some restraint on the Wendish pillaging raids against the Danes, and confirmed the Pomeranian elites’ adherence to Christianity. To contemporaries, the Wendish Crusade was a failure and attracted criticism because of the lack of immediate and visible acquisition of land by the Christians. In the long term, the crusade enabled further missionary activity and therefore facilitated the conversion of the last Slavic bastion of paganism (wedged between two major Christian kingdoms) and with it, the incorporation of Wendish territory into Latin Christendom.

89 

Cf. Zientara, ‘Stosunki polityczne Pomorza Zachodniego’, pp. 546–76. For Heinemann and later Schultze, Polish engagement in the Wendish Crusade was an extension of the political aspirations of the Piast Juniors. von Heinemann, Albrecht der Bär, p.  168; Schultze, ‘Der Wendenkreuzzug 1147’, pp. 108–09. A contrary position was adopted by Bernhardi who argued that the Polish crusaders responded to the preaching of the crusade. Bernhardi’s arguments were to a degree accepted by Bünding-Naujoks, who acknowledged a variety of reasons for the Polish knighthood’s involvement, including the prospect of loot and territorial conquest. Bernhardi, Konrad III, pp. 563–64; Bünding-Naujoks, ‘Das Imperium Christianum’, pp. 103–04.

Chapter 5

A Piast in the Holy Land: Henry of Sandomierz

When he [Henry of Sandomierz] reached the Holy Land safely and honoured the Holy Sepulchre, he joined the army of Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, and very gallantly fulfilled the knightly duty of fighting the Saracens. Although he dreamt of a martyr’s crown his wish was not granted. Having spent a whole year in the Holy Land, by which time many of his knights had been killed either in battle or by the inclement climate, he returned to Poland unharmed. Both his brothers Bolesław and Mieszko and the Polish lords received him with great reverence and sincere joy. Because of his tales news was spread of the condition, state and organization of the Holy Land, and of the fierce and bloody battles being fought in its defence.1

T

his account is included under the year 1154 in the monumental Annales seu cronici incliti regni Poloniae, which was written in the fifteenth century and celebrates the crusading experience of a twelfth-century Piast prince who ventured to the Holy Land. The Annales, written by the Polish his1 

‘Postquam vero Terram Sanctam incolumis attigit, Sancto Sepulchro adorato milicie Baldwin Iherosolimorum regis se coniungit fortissimique militis in certaminibus cum Saracenis habitis opera exercens, martirii palmam se suspirabat adepturum. Verum cum hec illi sors tunc obtingere non posset, anno integro illic exacto aliquibus militibus suis, partim in conflictibus huiusmodi occisis, partim intemperie eris absumptis in patriam sospes rediit, et tam a germanis suis Boleslao et Myeczszlauo quam universis Polonie optimatibus maximo honore et animorum gratulacione exceptus est. Cuius relacione et qualitas, condicio statusque Terre Sancte et quam acerrima quamque fortissima cum barbaris pro illius defensione agantur prelia, cepit vulgari et diffundi.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 52–53.

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torian Jan Długosz (1415–80)2 are no doubt amplified and expanded to suit the purposes of his day, namely defence against the Ottoman advance and incursion into Europe. The passage is almost certainly informed by a primary source, the Annals of Lubiń, which report a pilgrimage by Henry of Sandomierz in 1154.3 Długosz’s Annales were heavily influenced by the court’s collective memory, twelfth-century Polish annals, and later charters; the inclusion of this event reflects its original importance in the twelfth century as an event worthy of remembrance and veneration. The passage also provides specific evidence about how the idea of crusade was transmitted to the Polish elites, and strongly suggests that the Polish court was highly receptive to information about the crusades and their progress. * * * This chapter outlines the grounds for the hypothesis that a Piast prince, Henry of Sandomierz, participated in the Second Crusade and reached the Holy Land. It examines a reference to Polish involvement in the Second Crusade in the work of John Kinnamos, one of the principal Greek historians of the twelfth century. Kinnamos wrote of a ‘King of the Poles’, who with a large army joined Conrad III and Vladislav II of Bohemia on a crusade to the Holy Land. To illustrate the reception of the idea of crusade in Poland at that time, I contextualize the evidence provided by Kinnamos and the information from the Polish annals with the internal political and dynastic situation in Poland. This analysis adds to the debate regarding the extent to which Poles participated in the crusades, and further examines examples of the transmission of culture through the lives of Polish dynasts and their interactions with leading figures of the European crusading movement. This chapter also provides further discussion as to the similarities and differences between the experience of crusading in Western Europe and in Poland. I argue that the evidence of twelfthcentury sources and the commentary of Jan Długosz allow for the hypothesis that Kinnamos’s anonymous ‘King of the Poles’ was Henry of Sandomierz, the archetypical Polish crusader of the era. * * * 2 

Jan Długosz was also known as Ioannes Longinus. ‘Henricus dux de Sandomir ivit Iherosolimam.’ Rocznik lubiński, ed. by Kürbis, p. 113. See discussion of the provenance of the Annales of Lubiń, in Annales Poloniae Maioris, ed. by Kürbis, pp. xxxvii–xlv. For the development of Polish annals and historical writing see Dąbrowski, Dawne dziejopisarstwo polskie; Kürbis, ‘Dziejopisarstwo polskie’. 3 

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The Second Crusade began with an armada which departed from the English port of Dartmouth in May 1147 carrying Dutch, English, Flemish, Frisian, German, Norman, and Scottish crusaders. In the same month, a German army left for Jerusalem, led by King Conrad III. He was accompanied by his nephew Frederick of Swabia, and half-brother Otto, Bishop of Freising, and, according to the Greek chronicler John Kinnamos, Conrad’s vassal, Vladislav II of Bohemia. The Germans arrived in Constantinople in September 1147 after marching through Austria, Hungary, and Bulgaria.4 French troops also joined the Second Crusade under the command of King Louis VII. They began their march in June and arrived in Constantinople in October 1147. A key contemporary reporter of the Second Crusade was John Kinnamos, a twelfth-century Byzantine historian and an imperial secretary to Emperor Manuel I Comnenus (1143–80).5 Kinnamos related in October 1147: The Germans had been frequently defeated by the Turks and lost many of their men; once they abandoned passage through Philomilion, they hastened back. Coming to Nikaia [Iznik], they met there the French who were marching on the road, and the other kings who were bringing with them large forces: one of these ruled the Czechs’ nation, and had seemingly been appointed king by Conrad; the other, that of the Poles who are a Scythic people and dwell beside the western Hungarians.6

The information provided by Kinnamos is accurate and precise in respect of the Czechs and their ruler, Vladislav II, who later received his crown with the permission of Emperor Frederick I. It is also known that Vladislav II of Bohemia, his brother, and a number of Czech nobles took the cross after receipt of a letter from Bernard of Clairvaux.7 Participation by the Czech troops is confirmed by a number of other sources as are the events that Kinnamos reports in his Chronicle. The exception is the information about the Poles; the only known reference to the arrival of a Polish crusader army at the Bosporus is made by Kinnamos. Given his accuracy on other points Kinnamos’s evidence about the Poles is generally accepted. 4 

See Bernhardi, Konrad III, p. 591; Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 483; Runciman, The Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 268. 5  John Kinnamos (Cinnamus) was the author of a chronicle considered to be the continu­ ation of the Alexiad of Anna Comnena, as it covers 1118–76. Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. by Brand; Omran, ‘John Kinnamos as a Historian’. 6  English translation in Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. by Brand, p. 70. 7  PL 182, cols  652–54; Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, pp.  662–63; Monachi Sazaviensis, ed. by Kopke, p. 159.

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The German and French armies had planned to join forces and enter Muslim territory together; the slower than expected progress of the French, and the acts of violence against the local population committed by German soldiers stationed in Constantinople, led the Byzantine emperor, Manuel to persuade Conrad III to cross to Asia earlier and alone. Soon after this crossing Conrad’s forces were attacked and defeated by the Turks at Doryleum on 25 October 1147 (the event described above by Kinnamos). Conrad saved himself by retreating with his mounted knights towards Nicaea, where, according to Kinnamos, they encountered the troops of the French, Czech, and Polish armies.8 The Polish and Czech crusading contingents may have travelled to Constantinople together and only at the Bosporus joined with the French and Bohemians, as reported by Kinnamos. The close cultural and linguistic ties between the Poles and Czechs support the possibility of co-operation between Bohemian and Polish crusaders.9 The Polish source, closest to the events described by Kinnamos, which mentions Polish participation in the Levantine crusades is the oldest of the extant Polish annals, the Annals of Lubiń. The annals report a pilgrimage by Henry of Sandomierz to the Holy Land under the year 1154.10 Later Polish annals reported Henry’s journey to Jerusalem variously under the years 1154 and 1155, and link the event with the foundation of a Hospitaller commandery in Zagość (Lesser Poland), the first Hospitaller outpost in the region.11 8 

Further discussed in Runciman, The Kingdom of Jerusalem, pp.  266–68; Bernhardi, Konrad III, p. 624; Pauk, Działalność fundacyjna możnowładztwa czeskiego, p. 54. 9  Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 65. 10  ‘Henricus dux de Sandomir ivit Iherosolimam.’ Rocznik lubiński, ed. by Kürbis, p. 113. 11  ‘Henricus dux Sandomiriensis ivit Jerusalem. Iste fundavit ecclesiam in Zagosth.’ Rocznik Sędziwoja, ed. by Bielowski, p. 875. ‘Henricus dux Sanomiriensis ivit Ierusalem. Iste fundavit ecclesiam in Sagosce, quam contulit hospitali Cracoviensi.’ Rocznik Traski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 833. ‘Henricus dux Sandomirie ivit Ierusalem. Iste fundavit ecclesiam in Zagoszcz, quam contulit Hospitali.’ Rocznik Krakowski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 833. ‘Henricus dux Sandomiriensis ivit Jerusalem. Iste construxit ecclesiam in Zagoszcze, quam contulit Hospitalariis in Cracovie.’ Rocznik małopolski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 157. See also Kłoczowski, A History of Polish Christianity, p. 19; Mischke, ‘Kościół joannitów w Zagości’. There is no agreement on Henry’s date of birth. Długosz stated that Henry was born in 1132, according to Balzer; however, Henry could have been born between 1127 and 1131. Balzer, Genealogia Piastów, p. 300. See also Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p. 426; Mitkowski, ‘Henryk książę sandomierski’. Labuda argued for the year 1132 and Jasiński for 1132. Labuda, ‘Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego’, p. 183; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, p. 248. Henry was the first of the Piast dynasty to bear the non-Polish baptismal name of Henry, likely in honour of Emperor Henry II or

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These references to a journey by Henry of Sandomierz to Jerusalem, crossreferenced with Kinnamos’s Chronicle, provide strong evidence for a journey of a Piast to Jerusalem. Yet, the Polish annals refer to two separate events related to Piast connections with the Holy Land. Firstly, they refer to the actual pilgrimage, and secondly they confirm the subsequent foundation of the Hospitaller commandery.12 It is probable that the Polish annalists conflated the events of Henry’s crusade (which had taken place earlier) with the subsequent foundation of the Hospitaller commandery in Zagość.13 The wording of the undated foundation charter issued for the Hospitallers by Henry of Sandomierz supports the hypothesis that these were separate events. 14 In the charter (which survives in the original and is one of the oldest extant documents issued by a Polish ruler), Henry of Sandomierz refers, in a tone of self-reproach, to his long delayed resolve to endow the Hospitallers directly: For although the vanities of this world prevented me, a sinner, to fulfil a vow undertaken long ago to build a church to the glory of God and the honour of Saint John the Baptist […] I am fulfilling this vow now.15

There is a close parallel for a delayed foundation of a Hospitaller commandery as Vladislav II of Bohemia returned from the Second Crusade in 1148 and his maternal grandfather Henry, Count of Berg. Henry was born during the second mission of Otto of Bamberg to the Pomeranians in 1128 and Emperor Henry II was venerated as a saint in Bamberg. Deptuła, ‘Niektóre aspekty stosunków Polski’, p. 67, n. 118. For an alternative interpretation see Kętrzyński, ‘O imionach piastowskich’, p. 734. Jasiński provides a summary of sources and historiography in Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 247–50. 12  The description ‘crusader’ and ‘pilgrim’ were interchangeable. Maier, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology, p. 53. 13  On the foundation of the commandery in Zagość and the estate of the Hospitallers see Tymieniecki, Majętność książęca w Zagościu. See also Dąbrowska, Michałowski, and Tomaszewski, ‘Kościół świętego Jana’; Dąbrowska and Tomaszewski, ‘Badania w roku 1963’; Dąbrowski, ‘Geneza i początek’; Smoliński, ‘Geneza joannitów zagojskich’; Gąsiorowski, ‘Joannici na ziemiach słowiańskich’, p. 339. See also comments in Górecki, Economy, Society, and Lordship, pp. 19–20, 126–28. 14  See the original charter in the State Archives in Kraków (Collection of Parchment Documents, Charter No. 844). Latin text in CDP 3, doc. 4, pp. 4–5. For discussion of the aims of dynastic foundations see Michałowski, ‘Princeps fundator’, p. 277. 15  ‘Porro quia Ecclesiam in honorem Divi et Beati Joannis Baptistae in aliquo prae­ nominatorum locorum, iam dudum me constructurum devoveram, quod tamen vanitatibus huius socculi detentus dum facere potui, peccator non feci; ad hoc votum complendum.’ CDP 3, doc. 4, pp. 4–5.

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endowed the Hospitallers in 1169.16 The Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem was the first military religious order to establish its outposts in the Piast realm. After Henry’s endowment of a foundation for the Hospitallers in Zagość other military religious orders began to establish commanderies and houses in Poland. This was made possible by the generosity of the Polish elites and reflected the growing influence of the idea of crusade on the local rulers and their knighthood. The benefactors were members of the elites who had travelled to the Holy Land and had visited the Holy Sepulchre. After they returned they donated estates to the military religious orders and promoted the ethos of the orders among their vassals and kin. Commanderies, preceptories, and houses were established following the Second Crusade, the increasing generosity of the Polish elites reflecting the growing influence of the idea of crusade on the local rulers and their knighthood. The same trend can be observed across north central Europe. The settlement of the Hospitallers in Poland also heralded the order’s engagement in territories distant from the Holy Land. The purpose of the new commanderies was to provide support for the order: through the recruitment of knights: the receipt of donations, and through developing these properties to augment the wealth of the order. The origins of the order date back to around 1070, when a hospice for pilgrims run by the religious community of Saint Mary of the Latins was established. The chronicler William of Tyre explained the need for the hospice: ‘there was no one to offer a roof to our unfortunate people, ground down and ill to the limits of their endurance’.17 By the middle of the twelfth century, the Order of the Hospital had an established reputation as a Hospitaller confraternity whose existence was an expression of religious revival in Europe which was postulated to ‘infuse secular life with monastic values’.18 The Hospitallers promoted the idea of the laity being involved in 16 

See the charter of Vladislav  II of Bohemia dated 1169: ‘A primis principatus mei temporibus semper in voto habui lherosolimam ire atque sepulchrum dominicum et alia loca sancta videre. Quod et adimplere volui, quando cum imperatore Conrado in expeditione contra paganos processam. Sed cum peccatis exigentibus, nescio quo dei iudico, proposita perficere prohiberer, ad propria reversus, votum exsolvere atque lherosolimam ire ibique aliquantisper moram facere rursum magis ac magis accendor.’ CDB 1, doc. 246, p. 16. 17  Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon, ed. by Huygens, xviii:4–5, pp.  814–17. William of Tyre presented an account of the establishment of the church, monastery, and hospital for men and women to support Christian pilgrims of the Latin rite. Morris, The Sepulchre of Christ, p. 213. 18  Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 2. Also in Luttrell, ‘From Jerusalem to Malta’.

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benevolent actions to support those less fortunate. This enabled the adaptation of religious life to the demands of the world, with emphasis placed on service to others. In serving the ‘poor of Christ’, the Hospitallers adopted Saint John the Baptist as their heavenly patron. They took inspiration from the verse in the Gospel, ‘the last shall be first, and the first last’ and the community called on its members to welcome Christ through serving poor, sick, and exhausted pilgrims.19 The Hospitallers’ practical service was at this time innovative and radical; they served the poor and sick not only to secure their salvation, but because it benefited the person cared for. To them, the person cared for represented the person of Christ.20 In the charter, Henry of Sandomierz presented the Hospitallers with an estate, which consisted of settlers, livestock, two villages, an inn and a vineyard, four goldsmiths, and various privileges. 21 Whilst Maria Starnawska observed that the endowment was not extensive,22 this was nonetheless a welldefined estate with sufficient resources to enable the Hospitallers to establish a church, and their convent as well as to benefit the order’s mission.23 Henry of Sandomierz’s charter, in addition to donating the estate to the Knights of Saint John reveals another aspect of Western influence on Henry’s actions. In the charter establishing the commandery on the estate of Zagość, Henry of Sandomierz delineated the obligations of the peasant and artisan settlers of the estate, allowing for liberi hospites, who were allowed to leave the feudal estate after they fulfilled the conditions of their contract with their feudal lord. Tymowski argued that the charter of Henry of Sandomierz was evidence that Henry was a good manager and a ‘new-age administrator and organizer of the landed estates’ because of his innovative adaptation of Western methods for the settlement of peasants and their obligations to their feudal lords.24 In Polish historiography, the issue of the settlement of the Hospitallers in Zagość has 19 

‘So the last shall be first, and the first last: for many be called, but few chosen.’ Matt 20. 16 Riley-Smith, The Knights of Saint John, pp. 17–59. 21  CDP 3, doc. 4, pp. 4–5. 22  Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 27. 23  On the various components of Piast endowments see for example Górecki, Economy, Society, and Lordship, pp. 45–192. 24  Cf. Tymowski, ‘Henryk Sandomierski’. See also Grodecki, Początki immunitetu w Polsce, p. 45; Matuszewski, Immunitet ekonomiczny w dobrach kościoła, p. 302; Wojciechowski, Zagadnienie immunitetu sądowego, p. 173. Recently, Tymowski’s arguments were restated in Teterycz, ‘Rządy księcia Henryka’, pp. 260–61. 20 

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resulted in an inconclusive debate. The main points of contention are the dating of the foundation charter for the Hospitallers and the origins of the knights who settled in Zagość. The foundation charter for the Hospitallers in Zagość certainly dates from the period after the Second Crusade and before Henry’s death in 1166.25 Karol Tymieniecki and Antoni Małecki argue for the date of 1166/67 rather than c. 1153, suggested by the annals.26 Both Tymieniecki and Małecki see the charter as a devotional or testamentary document. They suggest that the charter was the result of the 1154/55 pilgrimage to Jerusalem and contacts with the Hospitallers but was actually issued in 1166 when Henry decided to confirm the foundation of the commandery, before the expedition against the Prussians. Similarly, Zofia Kozłowska-Budkowa supports the date of 1166.27 In contrast, Mikołaj Gładysz argues that the Hospitallers arrived after 1147/48 (as he dates the first pilgrimage of Henry of Sandomierz to the Holy Land in these years) and before 1153/54 (second pilgrimage).28 Gładysz also suggests that Jaxa of Miechów, who went to the Holy Land in 1147/48 and later in 1162 could have been an intermediary between the Hospitallers and the Piast prince. Gładysz argues that the Hospitallers who arrived in Zagość were probably recruited from the Holy Land. Barbara Klassa disputes the Levantine origins of the knights, proposing instead that the Hospitallers were Italians on the basis of an analysis of the architectural style of the church built in Zagość.29 Klassa’s suggestion is criticized by Marek Smoliński, who suggests instead that the Hospitallers arrived there from Bohemia and Moravia, because the first foundations in Poland were made in the period following the Second Crusade, that is after the order established its forests in these countries.30 25  See the debate and most recent review of pertinent historiography in Smoliński, Joannici w polityce książąt polskich, pp. 11–15. 26  Tymieniecki, Majętność książęca w Zagościu, p. 42. 27  Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, p. 69. Cf. Recently Stróżyk proposed the year 1161/63. Stróżyk, ‘Fundacja preceptorii templariuszy’, pp.  15–16. Cf. Dobosz, Działalność fundacyjna, p. 61. 28  Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 105–06. 29  Klassa, ‘Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy a joannici’, p. 153. 30  The first information about the Hospitaller commandery in Prague is included in the undated charters issued by Vladislav  II of Bohemia (1140–72). The charters granted the Hospitallers the patronage of the church of Saint Mary in Prague, and estates, and privileges. This endowment gave the Hospitallers the base to establish a network of commanderies and estates in Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. CDB 1, docs 245, 246, pp. 14–18.

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Smoliński shifted the focus of the debate about the commandery in Zagość by examining the wider political context of the military religious orders’ presence in north central Europe.31 In Smoliński’s argument, the foundation of a commandery in Zagość was closely related to the political alliance between the brother and heir of Henry of Sandomierz, Kazimierz II, and the Bohemian and Moravian dynasts.32 Henry of Sandomierz may have been introduced to the Hospitallers during his pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He may also have been influenced by the example set by his extended family. As Smoliński argues, a shift in Piast foreign policy may have served as the political inducement for the foundation of the commandery in Zagość. In the late 1150s the ascendancy of a political faction which aimed at securing a long lasting settlement with Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (1152–90), might have convinced Henry of Sandomierz to imitate the examples of his fellow crusaders, the Bohemian and in particular Moravian princes, relationships cemented through the subsequent marriage of Henry’s younger brother Kazimierz II to Helena of Znojmo. The influence of idea of crusade on Henry is difficult to substantiate but the family relationship with known crusaders place him within the milieu of the crusading movement. In this context the information offered in John Kinnamos’s account is significant because it links Polish participation in the crusades directly to the arrival of the crusading armies in Constantinople during the Second Crusade and allows for a hypothesis about Henry’s trip to the Holy Land. If true, participation in the Levantine crusade would predate the participation of Mieszko III in the Wendish Crusade ( July–August 1147) and Bolesław IV’s expedition against the Prussians (November–December 1147). This concentrated crusading effort by the Piast Juniors followed their victory in the civil war and was an extension of the strong engagement by the Piast Juniors in the affairs of Latin Christendom. Henry’s efforts were supported by his brothers, whose motivations were not all altruistic. A Polish army led by Henry was a means of legitimizing the rule of Bolesław IV in the eyes of other Christian rulers, and in particular, Pope Eugenius, who, due to the support of Conrad III, was sympathetic to his rival, Władysław II. Participation by the 31 

Smoliński, Joannici w polityce książąt polskich, pp. 25–68; Smoliński, ‘Geneza joannitów zagojskich’, pp. 225–51; Smoliński, ‘W obronie hipotezy’. Cf. Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, pp. 359–60. 32  Marek Smoliński highlighted the chronology of these events and explored the links between the ruling families of Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland, which at about the same time promoted the Hospitallers in their respective kingdoms. Smoliński, ‘Geneza joannitów zagojskich’, pp. 237–50.

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Poles in the crusade proper also served as proof to the rest of Christendom that the Poles were an integral part of Latin Christendom and were not culturally or politically inferior. The Piast princes did not feel that they were vassals of the Empire as they aspired to form an equal partnership with the Emperor. Sources reveal that the Polish ruling elites were exposed to the idea of crusade and actively took part in the crusading effort of the Second Crusade. This hypothesis is supported by Kinnamos’s Chronicle, when he identifies the ‘large forces’ as Czechs and Poles. He describes the Czechs as the vassals of the Germans but the Poles as a separate army led by their ‘King’. The Czech contingent seems to Kinnamos to have been part of the army under the command of Conrad III (Vladislav II’s overlord);33 elsewhere Kinnamos states that they crossed into Asia Minor not with the Germans but with the French. One explanation could be, as the Czech sources suggest, that Vladislav II of Bohemia stayed in Constantinople and later crossed the Bosporus together with the French.34 Further details of the actions of the Czech crusading contingent are not known precisely but their reconstruction provides clues to the likely actions of the Polish crusaders.35 The Czech crusaders fought against the Saracen forces and probably went as far as Tripoli with the French but were decimated. Vladislav II of Bohemia was thus prevented from fulfilling his crusading vow of reaching the Holy Sepulchre. When, due to his illness, Conrad III sailed from Ephesus to Constantinople without reaching Jerusalem it is likely that Vladislav II sailed with the king. 33  Annales Palidenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 82; Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, pp. 658–83, 81; Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. by Brand, pp. 168–69; Otto of Freising, The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa, trans. by Mierow, p. 75. 34  This took place after the departure of his liege and when he took the oath of allegiance to the Byzantine emperor. The taking of the oath is reported by Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 681; Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. by Brand, p. 168. See also Iwańczak, ‘Udział Czechów’, p. 120. For issues related to the oath taken by the French see Berry, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 492; Mayer, The Crusades, trans. by Gillingham, p. 101; Runciman, The Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 269. These oaths of allegiance were customarily required by the Greeks from leaders of the crusaders travelling to the Holy Land, see Runciman, ‘The First Crusade’, p. 284; Runciman, The First Crusade and the Foundation, pp. 142–64; Mayer, The Crusades, trans. by Gillingham, p. 44. 35  ‘Wladizlai ducis Boemie […] supradictus dux […] ob amorem Dei in remissionem criminum suorum cum fratre suo germano domino Henrico et cum patruele suo domno Spitigneo et cum plurima procerum suorum militia, fratre suo iuniori domno Theobaldo, viro prudenti et in armis strenuo, ducatus sui gubernacula relinquens, ultra mare iturus et contra paganos pugnaturus crucem assumpsit.’ Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 663.

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The relationship between Henry of Sandomierz and Vladislav of Bohemia

Henry of Berg d. bef. 1116 m. Adelheid of Mochental

Salome d. 1144 c. 1115 m. Bolesław III of Poland

Richeza d. 1125 c. 1111 m. Vladislav I of Bohemia

Henry of Sandomierz d. 1166

Vladislav II of Bohemia d. 1174 m. Gertrude of Austria dau. of Leopold III

Sophie d. 1126 c. 1114 m. Otto II of Moravia

Figure 6. The Relationship between Henry of Sandomierz and Vladislav of Bohemia

Vladislav’s return to Bohemia provides another hypothesis linking Czech and Piast participation in the crusade to the Holy Land.36 Despite the animosity between Vladislav II of Bohemia and the Piast Juniors, the close family relationship (Henry and Vladislav II were first cousins), as well as the cultural and linguistic ties, made it inevitable that there would be at least some collaboration if not comradeship. This amity may also be explained by Henry’s association with the Hospitallers as Vladislav II’s brother also became a confrère of the order during his pilgrimage to the Holy Land.37 Having such a close association with a military religious order might have influenced Henry’s religious observances and even led him to never marry and to maintain a low profile for a prince of a ruling house: he refused to use a formal royal title.38 The suggestion that Henry actually became a professed member of one of the military religious orders because he settled one of them in his duchy is an unlikely interpretation.39 36  Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 663. Cf. Gładysz, ‘W sprawie udziału polskiego księcia’, p. 37; Runciman, The Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 270. Cf. Pauk, Działalność fundacyjna możnowładztwa czeskiego, p. 55. 37  Cf. Lalik, ‘Sandomierskie we wczesnym średniowieczu’, pp. 70–73. 38  See discussion in Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 106. Teterycz repeats the argument restating the importance of religious influences on Henry. See Teterycz, ‘Rządy księcia Henryka’, p. 254. 39  Stróżyk proposed that the above argument indicates that Henry of Sandomierz joined the Order of the Temple. See Stróżyk, ‘Fundacja preceptorii templariuszy’, pp. 18–19. I do not agree which such a proposition.

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The Annales Bohemorum provides details of the return route to Bohemia taken by Vladislav II in 1148. The Annales report that Vladislav II returned to Bohemia through Rus’, which necessitated passage through the eastern territories of the realm of the Piasts, and in particular, the duchy of Sandomierz.40 The Czech ruler could not safely return via Hungary due to open hostility with the Hungarian king, Géza II. In the Gesta, Sandomierz, the capital city of the duchy of the same name, is referred to as one of the principal cities of the Polish monarchy. In addition to papal protection, close personal and family relationships between Vladislav II of Bohemia and the Piasts would have allowed him to request a guarantee of safe passage through Poland. This was not an obvious request as Vladislav II did not enjoy amicable relations with the triumvirate which ruled Poland in 1148. Vladislav had collaborated in Conrad III’s unsuccessful invasion of Poland in August 1146. The Piast Juniors would have been hostile to a prince who only two years prior had attempted to force them into submission and to the restoration of Władysław II as the suzerain of Poland. This animosity would have been blunted somewhat, however, if Vladislav II had returned to his kingdom through Rus’ and travelled through the Piasts’ realm in the company of a fellow crusader, the ‘King of the Poles’, Henry of Sandomierz.41 Henry of Sandomierz’s status as one of the rulers of Poland can be found in a number of charters issued after 1146. In 1152/53, the charter of a Polish noble Zbylut, places Henry as one of the three brothers governing Poland, ‘Boleslao, Mesicone, Heinrico fratribus germanis in Polonia principantibus’.42 Similarly, in a charter issued in 1153 by Archbishop Jan of Gniezno it is stated that ‘Boleslao, Mescone, Henrico germanis fratribus principatum in Polonia tenentibus’.43 Also, the iconography of the coins minted between 1150 and 1165 by Bolesław IV, suggests that the three oldest Piast Juniors formed a strong, united triumvirate. The coins, whilst depicting Bolesław IV in a dominant position also show them together as the rulers of Poland.44 40 

‘Predictus autem dux per Ruziam ad propria remeans.’ Vincentii Pragensis Annales, ed. by Wattenbach, p. 663; Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p. 429. 41  It could be argued that safe passage for Vladislav II of Bohemia through Poland would not have been problematic given his status as a crusader enjoying papal protection. 42  CDMP 1, doc. 18, pp. 23–24. 43  CDPM 2, doc. 372, pp. 1–2. 44  Suchodolski, ‘Renovatio monetae in Poland’, p.  68. Cf. Lalik, ‘Sandomierskie we

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The issue of the identity of Kinnamos’s ‘King of the Poles’ features in the historiography of Polish participation in the Second Crusade as an adjunct to the political situation in Poland at that time.45 Polish historiography has typically treated Polish participation in the crusades as an extension of personal ambition without regard to the influence of the idea of crusade on Polish participants. Discourse has been dominated by arguments that only a close ally of the German king could have joined the crusade, because of the expense of mounting an expedition to the Holy Land, especially given the urgency for the Piast Juniors to consolidate power in Poland in the aftermath of the civil war. The established view amongst Polish historians is that the unnamed Polish ruler referred to by Kinnamos was not Henry but Władysław II, the exiled brother-in-law of Conrad III who had sought refuge in Germany at the time of the Second Crusade.46 Władysław II’s participation in the crusade could have been a strategic manoeuvre to persuade the Pope to revoke his excommunication, and gain favour with the Polish prelates who opposed his return and his restoration as the suzerain of Poland.47 The issue of how Władysław II (who had been deserted by his Polish supporters) could finance, equip, and recruit particiwczesnym średniowieczu’. Henry of Sandomierz’s status whilst primarily derived from his parentage could also be derived from the status of his duchy. The region of Sandomierz, with its capital city of the same name, is linked with the pre-Piast history of Poland. Sandomierz is referred to in the Gesta as one of the main cities of the kingdom. ‘Sedes regni principales. In Wratislaw et in Cracou et in Sudomir sedes regni principales.’ Gesta, ii:7, p. 132; ii:8, p. 134. 45  For discussion of Polish historiography see Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 18. 46  For discussion of another candidate, Władysław  II’s son Bolesław  I, known for his pursuit of knightly glory see Zientara, ‘Bolesław Wysoki’, p. 371. The third prince identified as a possible (but highly improbable) candidate is Bolesław IV, the leader of the Piast Juniors, the coalition which deposed Władysław II, and was the new suzerain of Poland. According to Brand, it was Bolesław IV who was the ‘King of the Poles’. This is incorrect because at that time Bolesław IV organized and led the Polish expedition against the Prussians. Kinnamos, Deeds of John and Manuel Comnenus, trans. by Brand, p. 242, n. 65. Cf. Hoffman, Przyczyny podziału, pp. 114–15; Dola, ‘Religijność rycerstwa śląskiego’, pp. 348–49; Dowiat, Historia Kościoła Katolickiego, p. 115; Dworsatschek, Władysław II Wygnaniec, pp. 124–26; Grabski, Polska w opiniach obcych, p. 265; Grodecki, ‘Dzieje Polski do roku 1194’, p. 168; Hauziński, ‘Polska a Królestwo Niemieckie’, p. 141, n. 27; Kronika polska, ed. by Plezia, p. 165, n. 90; Maleczyński, ‘Śląsk w epoce feudalnej’, pp. 320–21; Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p. 329; Ossowska, ‘The Polish Contribution’, pp. 169–70; Rajman, “‘Dominus — comes — princeps”’, p. 364; Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, p. 252; Starnawska, ‘Rola polskich zakonów krzyżowych’, p. 109. 47  Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p. 403.

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pants for an independent crusader army remains open.48 Conrad III supported his brother-in-law and his family. Later, both of Władysław’s children, Bolesław and Ryksa, enjoyed a close relationship if not friendship with Conrad and his successor Frederick Barbarossa and with it had some means of influence, at the German court.49 If Władysław II was given the means of equipping and organizing the army by Conrad III, then it would seem extraordinary that he would not use these resources to directly challenge the Piast Juniors and regain the Polish throne.50 The Polish situation bears some parallels to Denmark where the appeal for participation in the crusade met with competing responses from the contending pretenders to the Danish throne.51 In Poland, the triumvirate of Piast Juniors seized the opportunity to participate in the crusades to reinforce their legitimacy to rule Poland. At the same time, they used the crusades domestically as a continuation of the policies of forced Christianization pursued by their celebrated father, Bolesław III. Henry’s crusading expedition to the Holy Land, Mieszko III’s participation in the Wendish Crusade, and the first example of crusading in Prussia of Bolesław IV were, I suggest, deliberate exploitations of crusading for local motives. In fact, they were shrewd political tactical acts analogous to Mieszko I’s adoption of Christianity as a state religion in 966. In addition to these objectives, Henry of Sandomierz is remembered as the archetypal, pious crusader. Henry, as a young knight was influenced and affected by the preaching of the Second Crusade. His later actions reflected his 48 

The cost of equipping a crusading expedition in the twelfth century is discussed among other things in Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, pp. 159–60; Lloyd, ‘The Crusading Movement: 1096–1274’, p. 54; Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, p. 38; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, p. 112; Tyerman, England and the Crusades, pp. 72–74. Riley-Smith estimated that in the case of a Frankish knight the cost could be four times his annual income. Cf. Constable, ‘The Financing of the Crusades’. 49  Altenburg in Thuringia was the seat of Władysław in exile. CDS 1, doc. 31, pp. 79–81. Bolesław took part in Frederick Barbarossa’s expedition to Italy. In 1163 with the support of the Emperor, Bolesław accepted suzerainty of Bolesław IV and was invested by his uncle as duke of Silesia. Bolesław’s sister Ryksa was betrothed by the Emperor to Alfonso VII (1105–57) of León and Castile in 1152. After his death she married Ramon Berenguer II, Count of Provence. CDS 1, doc. 32, pp. 80–82. The most comprehensive information about Ryksa (also known as Richesa, Richilde, Rica) is provided by Karol Maleczyński. Maleczyński, Dzieje Ryksy córki Władysława Wygnańca Śląskiego. One source refers to the otherwise unknown pilgrimage of Ryksa to the Holy Land in 1161/62. Nostredame, L’ Histoire et chronique, p. 137. 50  Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p. 428. 51  Jensen, ‘Denmark and the Second Crusade’.

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deep immersion in knightly ethos. He was probably directly influenced by the preaching of the crusade which focused primarily on the devotional and moral aspects of life and less on the military, material, or political aspects associated with the crusading movement.52 Henry of Sandomierz represented a ‘new kind of knight’ amongst the Piast dynasty and the Polish knighthood in general, ‘and one unknown to the ages gone by’,53 who ‘ceaselessly wages a twofold war both against flesh and blood and against a spiritual army of evil in the heavens’. 54 Henry’s life reflects the qualities extolled by Bernard of Clairvaux in the In laude novae militiae and the virtues memorialized by Długosz in the Annales. In particular, Długosz’s striking reference to Henry’s pursuit of ‘a martyr’s crown’ is an attitude likely to be adopted by a young knight under the influence of Bernard of Clairvaux. Bernard proclaimed that the ‘new knighthood’ need fear ‘neither demons nor men’ or death; on the contrary, they should desire it, as a direct encouragement of the quest for ‘a martyr’s crown’.55 Długosz’s narrative is likely to be a reflection of Henry’s legend cultivated at the Polish court. It draws parallels with Bernard’s ‘fearless knight’ who is ‘secure on every side, for his soul is protected by the armour of faith just as his body is protected by armour of steel’56 and is ‘blessed if he dies in the Lord, and even more so if he dies for the Lord!’57 In proposing Henry of Sandomierz as Kinnamos’s ‘King of the Poles’, I suggest that the early formative influences on Henry’s reception of the idea of crusade are highly relevant. He was brought up by a devout mother known for her generosity to the Church and her devotion and piety. There is also a further direct possibility of Henry being exposed to the preaching of the Second Crusade by Bernard of Clairvaux in August 1146 when Conrad III attempted to restore the exiled Władysław II to the Polish throne. The references in the Polish annals to Conrad III’s invasion of Poland provide a link between that war and Conrad’s later leadership of a crusader army during the Second Crusade. The annals reported that ‘Cunradus imperator Poloniam intravit et cum regibus et ducibus Jerusalem pergit.’58 Whilst this is not an explicit state52 

Maier, Crusade Propaganda and Ideology, p. 54. In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia. 54  In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, pp. 33–34. 55  In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, pp. 33–34. 56  In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, pp. 33–34. 57  In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, pp. 33–34. 58  ‘Cunradus imperator Poloniam intravit et cum regibus et ducibus Jerusalem pergit.’ 53 

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ment of the inclusion of the Polish dynasts and knighthood in the German crusader contingent, it is possible that the annalist referred to some of the Poles joining the multinational effort in the Second Crusade to the Holy Land. Conrad  III’s incursion into Poland in August 1146 ended in military fiasco for the king but resulted in closer relations between the Piast Juniors and Conrad’s Saxon vassals (Albert the Bear and Conrad of Meissen); as it was the vassals who negotiated the truce between the king and Bolesław IV. 59 The terms of the truce influenced the spread of the idea of crusade in Poland because in order to guarantee the terms of the truce the Piast Juniors provided their iunior frater as a hostage to the German king. Contrary to Mendys and Dworsatschek, who argued that the iunior frater denoted the youngest of the Piasts, Kazimierz II, I believe that it was Henry of Sandomierz who was given to Conrad III. For example, there was a later instance where a teenage prince was given as a hostage in preference to a child under ten.60 Born between 1127 and 1130, Henry was in his late teens at the time of Conrad’s invasion of Poland: the age of majority for the Piast Dynasts was between the ages of fourteen and twenty.61 During military operations against the German troops Henry was probably accompanied his older brothers Bolesław IV and Mieszko III. According to the Annales Magdeburgenses, after the truce negotiations, he was dispatched immediately with Conrad III.62 Such a reconstruction would also allow for the Piast dynast to personally witness Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 59. Other Polish annals reported the same events. 59  ‘Postea multas clades inferens fratribus, favente Deo expulsus a patria regem adiit, contra fratres auxilium flagitando. Rex autem cum principibus Saxoniae colloquio habito, mense Augusto coadunato exercitu Poloniam ad restituendum ducem aggressus est. Fratres vero premunitas ingenti exercitu itineris semitas observabant, regi prohibentes introitum. Tandem consilio Adalberti et Conradi marchionum, obsidibus datis vicissim, regem adeunt, iuniore fratre obside dato aut promissa pecunia, patriam ab ipso suscipiunt; sicque rex reversus est.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, pp. 187–88. See also Kahl, Slawen und Deutsche, p. 374; Schultze, ‘Die Mark und das Reich’, p. 13, n. 38; Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 255–60. On the Ascanian opposition to King Conrad III and the Ascanian alliance with the Piast Juniors see Partenheimer, Albrecht der Bär, pp. 70–84. 60  Cf. Mendys, ‘Udział Władysława II w krucjacie r. 1147’, p.  401; Dworsatschek, Władysław II Wygnaniec, pp. 122–23. Labuda and Zientara identify the hostage as Henry, in Labuda, ‘O stosunkach prawnopublicznych’, pp. 46–48; Zientara, ‘Bolesław Wysoki’, p. 370, n. 18. Recently, a similar position was also adopted in Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 62. 61  Sobociński, ‘Historia rządów opiekuńczych’, pp. 242–48. 62  Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, pp. 187–88.

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the preaching of the crusade and take part in preparations for the crusade at Conrad III’s court. Given as hostage in August 1146, Henry would have been exposed to the preaching of the crusade and influenced by the persuasive oratory of Bernard of Clairvaux which resulted in his reluctant decision to take the cross. The act of taking the cross placed him under papal protection and released him from any other obligation which could have prevented fulfilment of the vow.63 By taking the vow, Henry made a promise to God and had an obligation to the whole of Christendom.64 The moment he took the crusading vow he was released from the obligation to stay at Conrad’s court under the terms of the truce.65 Henry’s relative youth did not prevent him from leading the Polish crusader contingent as he was accompanied by the magnates of Sandomierz (for example, Jaxa of Miechów) and other Polish knights who were dispatched with him with the permission of Bolesław IV. The knights who accompanied Henry in 1147 were probably recruited predominantly from the duchy of Sandomierz66. Giergiel suggested that the existence of otherwise unique twelfth-century tombstones of knights located in Sandomierz, Wąchock, and Radom, which depict the symbols of a sword and a lion, mark the graves of the knights of Sandomierz who returned from the Holy Land with Henry.67 A reconstruction of a list of the knights who were either closely associated with the court of Henry in Wiślica or in his service is also possible. For example, there are twenty-six names of knights who were witnesses to the charter of Henry of Sandomierz issued on 21 May 1161, when Henry endowed the abbey of the canons regular in Czerwińsk.68 The participation of Henry’s contingent in the Levantine expedition is further supported by the lack of evidence of his activities in Poland between 1147 and 1149. During these years no sources mention Henry’s presence in Poland. The sources are also silent in relation to his involvement in the Wendish 63 

Similar position adopted in Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 63. Cf. Maier, Preaching the Crusades, p. 135. 65  Cf. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, p. 159. 66  Gładysz argued that the crusaders of Henry of Sandomierz travelled to Constantinople on land and from there by sea to the Holy Land in an estimated time of six months. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 102. Cf. Teterycz-Puzio, ‘Portret polskiego krzyżowca’, pp. 49–50. 67  Giergiel convincingly identified those knights as being predominantly from the duchy of Sandomierz in Giergiel, Rycerstwo Ziemi Sandomierskiej, pp. 64–65. 68  CDPM 2, doc. 373, p. 4. Cf. Giergiel, Rycerstwo Ziemi Sandomierskiej, pp. 63–64. 64 

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Crusade and perhaps more significantly he was absent from the council held by Bolesław IV with Albert the Bear, in Kruszwica. During this meeting, held in January 1148, the alliance between the Piasts and the Ascanian dynasty was cemented by a dynastic marriage between Albert’s son Otto and Judith, a sister of the Piast Juniors.69 In addition to Henry’s absence from Poland in 1147–49 there is further, albeit fragmentary evidence, suggesting that he was influenced by western European customs and practices which he introduced and supported in his duchy. The influence of chivalric culture on Henry of Sandomierz is evidenced by the cultural practices adopted at his court in Wiślica, the reception of which could be dated to Henry’s stay at the imperial court.70 According to Gerard Labuda and Tadeusz Wasilewski, the court in Wiślica was, in the second half of the twelfth century, a key political and cultural centre in Poland.71 Labuda suggested that the court of Henry of Sandomierz was the place where cultural exchanges between the West and Poland occurred. The court of the crusader prince favoured the knightly culture of Latin Christendom and thus influenced the behavioural patterns of the magnates of Sandomierz. Henry, and the knights who accompanied him on the pilgrimage to the Holy Land, contributed significantly to the transmission of ideas of courtliness and knightly ethos to Poland. In addition, they promoted the ideals of the ‘new knighthood’. 72 Amongst the most striking of this is the entertainment offered at Henry’s court in Wiślica — an adaptation of the Saga of Walther of Aquitaine. 73 The text of the Polish version of this poem has been preserved by a Polish annalist in the 69 

‘Magdeburgensis archiepiscopus Fridericus et quidam alii principes Saxoniae Polonicis ducibus Bilizlavo et Miseconi in epiphania domini occurrentes in Crusawice fedus amicicie cum eis inierunt. Ibi eciam marchio Otto, filius marchionis Adalberti sororem Polonicorum principum sibi in legitimum matrimonium copulandam suscepit.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 190. Henry is only mentioned in the Annals of the Cathedral of Płock which state for 1148: ‘in Polonia regnantibus Boleslao Mysecone et Henrico’, in Kozłowska-Budkowa, ‘Płockie zapiski’, p. 342. 70  Labuda, ‘Powieść o Walgierzu’, p.  290. This hypothesis is supported by Tymowski, ‘Henryk Sandomierski’, pp.  105–13. Cf. Teterycz-Puzio, ‘Portret polskiego krzyżowca’, pp. 52–53. 71  Labuda, ‘Powieść o Walgierzu’, pp. 290–91; Wasilewski, ‘Helena księżniczka znojemska’, p. 120. 72  See Scaglione, Knights at Court. 73  The poem about Walther and Hildegunde is preserved in a variety of versions: AngloSaxon, Latin, Middle High German, Old Norse, and Polish. Learned, ‘Versions of the Walther Saga’; Learned, ‘Origin and Development’.

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Chronicle of Greater Poland.74 The poem is considered to be the earliest example in Poland of a written composition whose function was not informative, legislative, or hagiographic, but purely a literary work for entertainment.75 The existence of a work of this kind in Poland is highly significant being an example of a western European art form being adapted to the Polish environment in using Polonized names for the characters and a Polish setting. The saga tells the love story of Walgierz of Tyniec, Wisława of Wiślica, and Helgunda and demonstrates the extent to which Henry’s twelfth-century court adapted ideas from the West.76 The saga also suggests a certain degree of homogeneity in the cultural practices of European elites.77 After the Act of Succession, Henry of Sandomierz established his own chancery which produced his charters and maintained control over his seal, and as duke of Sandomierz, Henry was the first of the Polish princes to have maintained the office of chancellor.78 An indication of the existence of such an office can be established from the charter issued to the Hospitallers. The charter included the phrase ‘ut autem haec mea largitio a saepedicto Hospitali s. Joannis in perpetuum firma et illibata permaneat Sigilli mei impressione eam corroboro et confirmo’.79 Whilst the most significant foundation of Henry of Sandomierz was the establishment of the commandery of the Hospitallers in Zagość, there are other documented donations to the Church by Henry. According to Lalik and Dobosz, the pilgrimage to the Holy Land resulted in an increase of Henry’s support for church foundations. Among the larger foundations were the collegiate churches in Wiślica (later the place of his burial), Opatów, as well as churches in Zagość, and endowments for the church in Czerwińsk.80 These foundations 74 

See the Latin text of the saga in CPM, col. 29, pp. 41–45. See also Kürbis, Studia nad Kroniką wielkopolską, p. 110; Kürbis, Dziejopisarstwo wielkopolskie, pp. 91, 103; Kronika wielko­ polska, ed. by Kürbis, pp. 14, 37. 75  Stefanowska and Sławínski, Dzieło literackie, p. 122; Labuda, ‘Powieść o Walgierzu’, pp. 286–92. 76  Labuda, ‘Powieść o Walgierzu’, pp. 289–92. 77  ‘The idea of the crusade as an act of love is part of the religious orthodoxy of the time; another connection between the crusades and love derives from a literary rather than an ecclesiastical source. One of the principal themes of medieval poetry is love’. Routledge, ‘Songs’, p. 100. 78  Kętrzyński, Studia nad dokumentami xii wieku, p. 17. 79  CDP 3, doc. 4, pp. 4–5. 80  Lalik, Studia średniowieczne, pp. 471–76; Dobosz, Działalność fundacyjna, pp. 83–86; Tomaszewski, Romańskie kościoły, pp. 87–90.

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were, according to Labuda, intended to support Henry’s foundation of a separate bishopric for the duchy of Sandomierz.81 A previously unknown aspect of the foundation of the church in Opatów was revealed by Tomaszewski. 82 By analysing the descriptions of the portal of the Romanesque church in Opatów (provided by Długosz in his Liber beneficiorum dioecesis Cracoviensis, a valuable example of medieval reception in its description of the Opatów collegiate church’s portal sculpture83), Tomaszewski explored the imagery of the portal of the church and concluded that its tympanum (which depicted the founders of the church) included the sculptures of knights with crosses on their mantles and probably depicts Henry of Sandomierz as a crucesignatus.84 Such an artistic presentation of the founder, wearing the cross of the crusaders, not only visibly distinguished him from other knights but also marked his particular status as one who had fulfilled his vow.85 The representation of Henry of Sandomierz as crucesignatus may also indicate his close association with a military religious order, possibly through being one of the order’s confrères, but also projects the image of Henry as a crusader to the local population. Recently, Gładysz proposed that Henry of Sandomierz travelled to the Holy Land twice, first during the Second Crusade in 1147, and later in 1154.86 This 81 

Labuda, Źródła, sagi i legendy, p. 290. Tomaszewski, ‘Sub habitu templariorum’, pp. 300–03. 83  ‘Quod in porta occidentali ecclesiae Oppatoviensis praefatae, supra utrunque postem due imagines sub habitu templariorum exculptae, in eandem diem extantes, et quas nos vidimus, sunt locatae.’ Liber beneficiorum dioecesis Cracoviensis, ed. by Przeździecki, i, p. 575. Długosz’s reference to the Templars is not correct and indicates his limited knowledge of the military religious orders. He made a similar mistake in his description of the foundation of the commandery of the Hospitallers in Zagość. ‘Fratribus Crucifieri Hospitalariis, qui et Templari vocitabantur.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, p. 53. 84  Stróżyk and Hauziński refer to the possibility of another military religious order, the Knights Templar’s settlement in Opatów, which I find unlikely given the association of Henry of Sandomierz with the Hospitallers. Stróżyk, ‘Fundacja preceptorii templariuszy’, pp. 17–18; Hauziński, ‘Templariusze w Małopolsce’, p. 73. 85  Tomaszewski, ‘Sub habitu templariorum’, pp. 300–03. On the status of a crucesignatus see Brundage, Medieval Canon Law, pp. 115–90. 86  Gładysz’s hypothesis that Henry travelled to the Holy Land twice (1147 and 1153/54) has been criticized by Teterycz, who argued that the account of John Kinnamos and the information in the Polish annals do not directly link Henry of Sandomierz with ‘the King of the Poles’ and therefore the ‘hypothesis is not supported by any concrete evidence’. Teterycz, ‘Rządy księcia Henryka’, p. 253. Starnawska also rejected the proposition that Henry of Sandomierz was the leader of the Polish crusader contingent in 1147. She argued that the expression ‘King 82 

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hypothesis is based on the identification of Kinnamos’s ‘King of the Poles’ and the account of the Annals of Lubiń. Gładysz’s identification of Henry of Sandomierz as the king of the Poles is convincing if hypothetical. Gładysz suggested that Henry of Sandomierz could have taken part in the siege of Ascalon, which had fallen to the crusaders on 19 August 1153, and argues that it is possible that the Polish crusading contingent arrived in the Holy Land with the other pilgrims from Europe mentioned by William in his Chronicle.87 While I find the possibility of the two trips by Henry of Sandomierz to Jerusalem credible, I believe that 1147 was the date of actual participation in the crusade and 1153/54 was the date of the establishment of the Hospitaller commandery in Zagość. The absence of sources in regard to Henry taking the cross is the main argument against the hypothesis identifying him as Kinnamos’s ‘King of the Poles’, as was noted by Starnawska and Gładysz.88 Polish native sources, are also silent, for example, on the subject of Polish participation in the Wendish Crusade, although other sources confirm that the Poles took part with an army of considerable size. The sources for the life of Henry of Sandomierz present a coherent image of Henry as a crusader, a pious and devout prince who was concerned for ‘higher causes’ and having a ‘lack of regard for earthly concerns’.89 Whilst the second youngest of the Piast Juniors was acknowledged as one of the ruling Polish dynasts, he refrained from using his titles in preference for being identified simply as the son of Bolesław III (filius Boleslai) or the brother of Bolesław IV (frater germanus), even in documents authenticated by the papal legates.90 His religious observances and close association with the military religious orders of the Poles’ could have referred only to Bolesław IV who was the suzerain of Poland at that time. Starnawska, Review of Zapomniani krzyżowcy by Gładysz. In my opinion, neither of the criticisms invalidate Gładysz’s hypothesis. For discussion and a cautious acceptance of Gładysz’s arguments see Giergiel, Rycerstwo Ziemi Sandomierskiej, pp. 56–57. 87  Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 99–106. 88  Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 26; Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 59. Cf. Giergiel, Rycerstwo Ziemi Sandomierskiej, pp. 56–57. 89  ‘Sublimioris etenim animi illum ceperat cura magnusque animus terrenis et infimis contemptis, magna quottidie, quibus et virtus enitescere et propiciari Divinitas posset, meditabatur.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, p. 52. 90  ‘Bolesclavous et Misico duces et fraters eorum Henricus atque Casimirus.’ CDMP 1, doc. 12, p. 19. See the discussion of the political aspects of such a public display of Henry’s humility in Teterycz, ‘Małopolska w ustroju Polski piastowskiej’, pp. 96–98; Teterycz, ‘Rządy księcia Henryka’, pp. 256–57.

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contributed to his unmarried status, notwithstanding the advice of the lords of his duchy who advised him to marry.91 The manner of Henry’s death (in an expedition against Prussian pagans in 1166) cemented the legend of the Piast for whom ‘death in battle is more precious as it is the more glorious’. 92 On 18 October 1166, Polish troops were decimated in an ambush in the Prussian wilderness. The Annals of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Kraków relate that Henry of Sandomierz was killed either directly in the battle or died as a result of the injuries suffered there.93 Within living memory of these events, Vincentius warned that the Prussians were ‘dangerous not so much to the body but to the soul’, resonating with the warning offered by Bernard of Clairvaux: Whenever you go forth, O worldly warrior, you must fear lest the bodily death of your foe should mean your own spiritual death, or lest perhaps your body and soul together should be slain by him.94

Writing at the court of Henry’s brother Kazimierz II, Vincentius reflected on the loss the Piasts had suffered in October 1166. Vincentius exclaimed that ‘oratory of the most eloquent kind would not suffice to relate’ the details of the tragic event and he declined to expand on the ‘names, personages, noble lineage, ancestry, dignities, valour, diligence, affluence’ of those who were killed,95 the literary act of omission criticized by historians but fitting the prince who desired martyrii palmae.96

91 

Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, p. 52. In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, pp. 33–34. 93  ‘Dux Hinricus interfectus est cum exercitu suo in bello in Prussica.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 62. ‘Dux Henricus cum exercitu suo interficitur in bello in Prussia.’ Annales Poloniae Maioris, ed. by Kürbis, p. 114. Cf. Wasilewski who argued that the date should be in fact 18 October 1165 on the basis of the marriage of Kazimierz II to Helena of Znojmo, which arguably could not have taken place if his elder brother, Henry was still alive and unmarried. Wasilewski, ‘Data zgonu biskupa krakowskiego Mateusza’. 94  In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, p. 34. 95  ‘Quorum nomina, personas, generositatem, prosapiam, dignitates, strennuitatem, industriam, fortunas nec superficietenus quidem cursu attingere, nedum disserendo exequi omnis dissertissimorum sufficeret facundia, quos lamentationum uarietates, a diuersis diuerso modo deplorate, usque hodie lugubriter deplangunt.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:30.21, pp. 127–28. 96  Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 52–53. 92 

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The manner of Henry’s burial in the collegiate church of his foundation in Wiślica and his personal charisma, as accentuated by Długosz, is perhaps in keeping with that of an unassuming crusader prince,97 Discovered during an excavation in 1959–60 and thought to be founded by Henry of Sandomierz’s brother and heir, Kazimierz II, is an ornamental floor covering made of plaster, known as the Plate of Wiślica or Plate of Orants. The plate was placed upon the floor on the way to the burial crypt where the remains of Henry of Sandomierz were placed.98 There is an inscription on the plate of a prayer that has partly survived: ‘those [depicted here] beg to be trodden upon so that they may be raised to the heavens’.99 The Plate of Wiślica depicts a family group of six persons in prayer divided into two fields.100 In the upper field standing in the centre (representing the dead) is the priest, Gedko Bishop of Kraków, in liturgical vestments and a tonsure; on his left side is a child (Henry’s nephew Kazimierz) depicted in a posture of prayer, standing upright with raised arms, set apart (the palms face outward), and on the right there is an older man (Henry of Sandomierz), with a long moustache and divided beard. In the lower field (representing the living) standing in the centre, is a middle-aged man (Henry’s brother Kazimierz II) with beard and moustache in a tunic and a cloak, on his left, a teenager (Henry’s nephew Bolesław) and on his right a woman in a long dress (Kazimierz II’s wife Helena).101 This portrayal of the dead and the living of the Piast dynasty can be interpreted not just as the confirmation of the life of Henry of Sandomierz but also as an expression of Kazimierz II’s aspiration to follow in the footsteps of his brother; ‘the Catholic Prince’. Kazimierz would fulfil this Piast family prayer in 1192 when he brought the Saladinistas, the Prussian tribe of Pollexians into submission.102 97 

Tomaszewski, Kolegiata wiślicka, p. 57; Józefowiczówna, ‘Recenzja badań wykopalis­ kowych’, p. 78. 98  Józefowiczówna, ‘Recenzja badań wykopaliskowych’, pp. 75–80. 99  ‘Hi conculcari querunt ut in astra levari possint et partier ve […].’ The Plate of Wiślica was most likely finished before 1177 when Kazimierz  II ascended the throne of Kraków. Kalinowski, ‘Hi conculcari querunt’, p. 193. 100  Kalinowski, ‘Romańska posadzka’, pp. 85–132; Świechowski, Sztuka romańska w Polsce, pp. 104–05. 101  Kalinowski identified the priest as Gedko, Bishop of Kraków (1166–86). Kalinowski, ‘Hi conculcari querunt’, p. 193. On the family of Kazimierz II see Wasilewski, ‘Helena księżniczka znojemska’, pp. 115–20. Cf. Buko, The Archaeology of Early Medieval Poland, pp. 292–94. 102  Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.4, p. 166.

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Conclusion This chapter has argued that the Piast Juniors participated simultaneously on three fronts in the Second Crusade: in the Holy Land, against the Wends, and against the Prussians. The influence of the idea of crusade on the Piast Juniors and their concentrated effort provided for the almost simultaneous involvement of Henry of Sandomierz in a crusading expedition to the Holy Land (1147–48), Mieszko III’s participation in the Wendish Crusade ( July–August 1147), and the expedition against the Prussians of Bolesław IV (November– December 1147). The Piast Juniors continued the Piast family tradition which aimed at the expansion of Latin Christendom through the subjugation and Christianization of the remnant pagan tribes to Poland’s north. The dynastic tradition preserved in the Annales of Jan Długosz emphasizes several key points about the Piast crusader, Henry of Sandomierz. Henry sought martyrdom, his return to Poland brought him acclaim, and his actions further propagated the idea of crusade in Poland. Polish annals conflate Henry of Sandomierz’s journey to Jerusalem in (1147) and the subsequent foundation of the Hospitaller commandery under the same year. Moreover, the reference to the ‘King of the Poles’ as a leader of a crusader army at the Bosporus in 1147 on the way to Jerusalem almost certainly refers to Henry of Sandomierz’s journey to Jerusalem (reported in Polish annals under 1154). During his probable stay at the imperial court as a hostage, Henry of Sandomierz was immersed in the ethos, politics, and aspirations of the most powerful court in Europe and became the epitome of a knight of Christ, a crusader, known for both his personal piety and actions which benefited the Church and the crusading orders in Poland. Henry’s residence at the imperial court and the inspirational preaching of Bernard of Clairvaux would have had a formative influence on him. It is very likely that Henry of Sandomierz was among the ‘noblest princes of the realm, had with many others vowed to undertake the same military service’.103 The life of Henry of Sandomierz exemplifies the characteristics of an archetypical crusader knight, virtues which were promoted by Bernard of Clairvaux. His legend preserved his image as ‘the avenger of Christ towards evildoers and he is rightly considered a defender of Christians’. 104 The virtues that he epito-

103  104 

Otto of Freising, The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa, trans. by Mierow, p. 76. In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, p. 39.

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mized in life and in death were that ‘when he inflicted death it was to Christ’s profit, and when he suffered death, it was for his own gain’.105 Henry’s pious efforts were supported by his Piast brothers for whom the involvement in crusading was also a means of legitimizing the rule of the Piast Juniors over Poland in the eyes of the Pope and other Christian rulers. Participation by Poles in the crusades proper placed the Piasts on equal footing with the rest of Latin Christendom. Sources reveal that the Polish ruling elites were exposed to the idea of crusade and actively took part in the crusading effort surrounding the Second Crusade. They financed crusading armies, recruited soldiers and knights, supported the settlement of crusading orders in Poland, and encouraged and aided preaching which promoted the idea of crusade. The number of identified individual crusaders, however, suggests that crusading in the twelfth century was not a popular movement transcending the class divide in Poland. Its followers were recruited from the ruling dynasty and the knighthood: both aspired to be respected members of Latin Christendom. The experience of crusading in Poland imitated that of the Christianization of the Poles, where the new religion took hold among the elites relatively swiftly. The subsequent actions of the Piasts suggest that they hoped that a similar Christianization strategy would work on the pagan Prussian tribes.

105 

In Praise of the New Knighthood, trans. by Greenia, p. 39.

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The Piasts and the Holy War Against the Prussians

I

n the late autumn of 1147, shortly after the conclusion of the Wendish Crusade, Bolesław IV led his army into the marshes and forests of Prussia. Bolesław’s military campaign was successful but only after Prussia’s pagan inhabitants were given the ultimatum, baptism or death. This Prussian expedition, dubbed by Smolka ‘the truly Polish crusade’, is rarely mentioned in crusade historiography, yet was considered by contemporaries to be part of the wider crusading effort of the Second Crusade, a holy war which hypothetically received the endorsement of the papacy. * * * This chapter examines the events of the 1147 Polish expedition against the Prussians and the circumstances which surrounded Bolesław IV’s attempts to subjugate Prussia. The Piasts used ‘tested methods’ for the Christianization of the Prussians. Bolesław IV repeated his father’s successful policies and tactics used during the conquest of Pomerania. The expedition against the Prussians closely followed the Piast Juniors’ engagement in the multinational crusade against the Wends, and further demonstrated the Polish dynasty’s commitment to holy war and crusading. In order to test the crusading character of the Prussian expedition of 1147 this chapter will analyse the evidence presented by narrative sources, the Chronica Polonorum and the Annales Magdeburgenses. The Chronica is second to the Gesta as a fundamental source of Polish history of the twelfth century. The literary treatment of the pagans and the use of crusading terminology in the Chronica provides persuasive evidence that the Prussian campaign was a crusade and part of the wider Second Crusade

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effort. This argument is supported by the fact that the indulgences granted by Pope Eugenius III in Divini dispensatione applied to those crusaders who ventured ‘contra Sclavos ceterosque paganos, habitantes versus aquilones’, against the Slavs and other pagans inhabiting the north. The sources also describe the context in which the expedition took place and provide twelfth-century perspectives on the nature of the conflict between the Poles and Prussians. I propose that contemporaries familiar with twelfth-century Poland, such as Bishop Vincentius of Kraków, justified the expeditions against the Prussians in terms of protecting the Christian community in Mazovia, and as a means of eradicating Prussian apostasy. This chapter considers the correspondence between Mateusz, Bishop of Kraków and Bernard of Clairvaux at the time of the Second Crusade. A letter, delivered by Achard of Clairvaux, suggests that the Second Crusade was preached in Poland and confirms that, despite its peripheral location, Poland featured in the wider plans of Bernard for the expansion of the Christian faith. The letter is evidence of the Polish episcopate’s enthusiasm for its involvement in crusading, a matter of concern to the universal Church. This chapter also explores the twelfth-century cult of the first patron saint of Poland, Saint Adalbert of Prague, which manifested itself in the creation of the Porta Regia of Gniezno and a number of literary works. The Piasts encouraged the veneration of Saint Adalbert, the first Christian missionary to reach the Prussians. Their policies have promoted the view that he became the Polish crusader-saint under whose patronage Bolesław III and Otto of Bamberg conducted the Christianization of Pomerania. After 1147, Adalbert’s patronage was adopted by the Piasts to support their Christianizing efforts in Prussia and culminated in the Polish expeditions in 1166 and 1192. The 1192 expedition led by Kazimierz II against the Prussian tribe of the Pollexians was the last of the holy wars against the Prussians led by a Piast prince without reference to the papacy and the Empire. In the narrative of the events presented by Vincentius, the expedition features elements known from descriptions of earlier holy wars against the Pomeranians. * * * Prussian tribes inhabited territory along the Baltic Sea to the north of the Polish province of Mazovia and east of Pomerania, and by the second half of the twelfth century formed one of the last bastions of paganism in Europe. The frontier nature of the borderlands between Prussia and the Piast realm reinforced the conviction of Polish rulers that their state was not limited to the north-east by Prussia but that the Piasts were Prussia’s overlords. Written sources are silent on the matter of wars or trade between the Poles and Prussians; however, archaeo-

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logical evidence suggests that they were actively involved together in trade.1 In a geographic and political sense, Prussia was significantly removed from the centre of Latin Christendom and it was also distant from centres of power such as the Empire and the papacy. Contemporary sources commented on Prussia’s formidable natural defences: ‘lakes and marshes that castles and cities would not protect it better’, which largely explained why the Prussians had remained unconquered.2 In his Gesta, Gallus describes the Prussians as a barbaric people, who by the reign of Bolesław III (1102–38) remain ‘without king and without religion, and have not abandoned their ancient faithlessness and ferocity’.3 Henryk Łowmiański suggests that there were no large scale wars between the Poles and the Prussians before the twelfth century because the borderlands between these two nations were territorially vast and uninhabited. Yet, cultural exchange between the Poles and Prussians resulted in visible cultural influences and technological change in Prussia. Archaeological evidence also provides no evidence of a major military struggle.4 According to Łowmiański, during this period the Prussians tribes entered a stage of development which in due course could have transformed their tribal society into a state. This process manifested itself by the intensification of Prussian raids into Poland, Pomerania, and Rus’.5 The borderlands between Prussia and the northern part of Polish province of Mazovia exhibited some characteristics of a frontier; it would acquire more as the twelfth century progressed and as the Poles pushed for the settlement of more land. In the opinion of the sponsors and the author of the Gesta, these borderlands between Prussia and Poland had become a front 1 

Okulicz-Kozaryn, Życie codzienne Prusów i Jaćwięgów, p. 48; Okulicz-Kozaryn, Dzieje Prusów, p. 227. For a discussion of early cultural and economic relations between Poland and Prussia see Bieniak, Państwo Miecława, pp. 155–73. 2  ‘Adhuc ita sine rege, sine lege persistunt, nec a prima perfidia vel ferocitate desistunt. Terra enim illa lacubus et paludibus est adeo communita, quod non esset vel castellis vel civitatibus sic munita; unde non potuit adhuc ab aliquo subiugari, quia nullus valuit cum exercitu tot lacubus et paludibus transportari.’ Gesta, ii:42, p. 194. 3  ‘Adhuc ita since rege, sine lege persistunt, nec a prima perfidia vel ferocitate desistunt.’ Gesta, ii:42, p. 194. Cf. A reference to the ferocity of the pagans in Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. by Arbusow and Bauer, xxiii:3, p. 158. 4  Kowalczyk, Systemy obronne, p. 154. 5  Łowmiański, ‘Stosunki polsko-pruskie za pierwszych Piastów’ (1989), pp. 123–26. For a discussion of Polish expansion into the lands of the Prussians see Powierski, Stosunki polskopruskie do 1230, pp. 77–78; Buczek, ‘Zagadnienia wiarogodności’, p. 61. A contrary view is expressed by Włodarski, who argued that the Poles and Prussians enjoyed friendly relations; see Włodarski, Problem jaćwiński w stosunkach polsko-ruskich, p. 7.

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line between ‘civilized’ Christendom and ‘barbarian’ paganism, and in political terms between the centrally administered nation state of Poland and the highly decentralized tribal Prussians.6 With the progress of the Christianization of Poland, the elites and warrior classes of Prussia and Poland were increasingly defined in terms of religion. This accentuated the existence of the cultural frontier between Poland and Prussia.7 The conclusion of the Polish civil war in 1146 and the exile of Władysław II heralding the Piast Juniors’ victory, cemented the success of the Piast Juniors and their supporters who advocated the continuation of holy war against the Prussians. In the aftermath of the civil war, there was a shift of power from Silesia and Kraków (Władysław II) to Mazovia (Bolesław IV). It also led to a period of consolidation of the Piast Juniors’ power base during which the winning Piasts sought acceptance of their usurpation of power. In terms of internal policy, Bolesław IV’s actions suggest that he was confident of the support of his younger brothers Mieszko and Henry (Kazimierz was still a minor). In order to prove the legitimacy of Bolesław IV’s claim to the throne, amongst the first actions of the new triumvirate was the participation of the Piasts in the Second Crusade: against the Muslims, the Wends, and the Prussians.8 The Annales Magdeburgenses reports on the composition and leadership of the crusader armies of the Wendish Crusade including the participation of the Polish contingent. The same source provides a direct link between Bolesław IV’s expedition against the Prussians and the multinational crusading effort of the Second Crusade. The annalist writes about Mieszko III commanding ‘twenty thousand armed men’ against the Wends. In the next sentence, the annalist adds that ‘his elder brother [Bolesław IV] with a boundless army went against the cruellest barbarian Prussians and remained there a long time.’9 The placement of information about the Prussian campaign immediately following a narrative of the events of the Wendish Crusade suggests that Bolesław IV’s expedition against the Prussians was equated with (or, in the minds of contemporaries, was at least as significant as) the Wendish Crusade. Further, the annal6 

Łowmiański, ‘Stosunki polsko-pruskie za pierwszych Piastów’ (1989), pp. 114–20. Łowmiański, ‘Stosunki polsko-pruskie za pierwszych Piastów’ (1989), pp.  123–26. For a discussion of the early cultural and economic relations between Poland and Prussia see Bieniak, Państwo Miecława, pp. 155–73. 8  The triumvirate of the Piast Juniors comprised: Bolesław IV, Mieszko III, and Henry of Sandomierz. Kazimierz II was not yet of age. 9  ‘Cuius etiam frater maior cum infinito exercitu adversus Pruscos crudelissimos barbaros venit, et diutius ibi moratus est.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. 7 

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ist understood both events to be crusades. The same source provides the date by which the 1147 Prussian expedition of Bolesław IV was concluded. The timing of Bolesław IV’s expedition was most likely November and December of 1147, when the lands of the Prussians, dominated by marshes and lakes, were more accessible due to freezing winter conditions.10 The Annales Magdeburgenses report that in January 1148, Bolesław IV and Mieszko III were the hosts of a council held with Saxon margraves in Kruszwica. 11 Therefore, Bolesław’s military operations in Prussia must have ceased by that time.12 The prior truce between the Poles and the Prussians was broken most likely as a result of the preaching of the Second Crusade.13 Whilst the Annales Magdeburgenses provides the chronology of the events and corroborates the status of Bolesław IV’s invasion of Prussia as the ‘first crusade’ in that region, it is a Polish twelfth-century narrative source, the Chronica Polonorum which firmly establishes the 1147 Polish expedition against the Prussians as holy war.14 The Chronica Polonorum also provides information about subsequent holy wars against the Prussians in 1166 and 1192. Written around 1190–1208, the Chronica Polonorum is a key source as it describes the early history of Poland and the deeds of its rulers (both mythical and historical). Bishop Vincentius of Kraków is referred to in Polish historiography by his patronymic name ‘Kadłubek’ or Magister Vincentius. He studied in Italy and France before 1189 and later became a canon in Kraków and provost in Sandomierz. In 1208 he was elected bishop of Kraków and participated in the Fourth Lateran Council in November 1215. He resigned his office in 1218 and entered the Cistercian convent in Jędrzejów where he died in 1223. Vincentius wrote the Chronica Polonorum almost certainly before being elected bishop of Kraków in 1208. The first three books of the Chronica are writ10 

Wiliński, Walki polsko-pruskie, p. 145. ‘Magdeburgensis archiepiscopus Fridericus et quidam alli principes Saxoniae Polonicis ducibus Bolizlavo et Miseconi in epihania Domini occurentes in Crusavice fedus amiciciae cum eis inierunt.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 190. See also elsewhere Grudziński, ‘O akcie sukcesyjnym’, p. 60; Myśliński, ‘Księstwo Saskie a Polska’, p. 177; Białuński, Studia z dziejów, p. 45; Białuński, ‘Wyprawa Bolesława Kędzierzawego’. 12  Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. 13  Kętrzyński, ‘Prusy a Polska’, pp. 266–67. 14  For details of his life see Grodecki, ‘Mistrz Wincenty, Biskup Krakowski’, pp. 30–61; Kürbis, ‘Wstęp’, pp. iii–lvii; Plezia, ‘Mistrz Wincenty zwany Kadłubkiem’. In sources, Vincentius is identified in CPM, Prolog, p. 3; Catalogi episcoporum Cracoviensium, ed. by Szymański, pp. 58–59. 11 

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ten in the form of a dialogue between Archbishop Jan of Gniezno (1148–65) and Bishop Mateusz of Kraków (1143/44–66), while the fourth is a narrative. All are based on a combination of oral tradition, the Gesta, and Vincentius’s own experiences.15 As a cleric in the service of the Church in Kraków, Vincentius most likely was a witness to many of the events he later included in his work. Whilst he describes himself as ‘a certain servant who carried the inkwell and quills and who cleaned up smoking torches’,16 Vincentius recounts that he ‘remembers, how great men deliberated, of those it is worth remembering and even more because of their authority, the greater they deserve recognition’.17 According to Vincentius, the actions of Bolesław IV stood in bold contrast to those of his predecessor, Władysław II; from the outset of his reign ‘Bolesław strived in particular to conquer the lands of the Prussians’.18 In Prussia, Bolesław IV’s efforts most likely concentrated on the lands inhabited by the Prussian tribes of Sasins, Galinds, and Pomezans; the Poles repeated the policies used in the conquest and conversion of Pomerania. They focused on the conquered elites and ensured that they were the first to adopt the new religion. They also reinforced religious arguments with the threat of lethal force against dissenters; thus the ‘effort of Church and State was now successfully incorporated into the wider effort of the crusade’.19 Parallels with the Iberian Reconquista are striking as ‘crusading idea and national idea or patriotism coincided’.20 Vincentius provides further details of the events of the expedition: When he [Bolesław IV] finally defeated some of them after many war battles, he ordered the following edict to be announced: those who would choose the Chris­ tian manner of worship would not be harmed either in person nor would their 15 

von Güttner-Sporzyński, ‘Wincenty Kadłubek’, p. 1283. See discussion about western European influences on Vincentius’s writing in Kürbis, ‘Wstęp’, pp. lxxxii–cxvii; Sondel, ‘W sprawie prawa rzymskiego’; Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: I’, pp. 398–404; Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: II’, pp. 162, 171. 16  ‘Aderat autem quidam uernaculus, atramentarium gestans cum calamo ac fumantem demungens faculam.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:1.1, p. 129. 17  ‘Memini siquidem collocutionis mutue uirorum illustrium, quorum tanto felicior est recordatio, quanto celebrior uiget auctoritas.’ Chronica Polonorum, i:1.2, p. 6. 18  ‘Precipuum vero industrie studium in populandis Getharum provinciis Boleslaus inpendit.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30, p. 126. Białuński discusses various wars between the Poles and the Prussians and proposes a number of theories as to the direction of each of the expeditions. Białuński, Studia z dziejów, pp. 55–60. 19  Constable, ‘The Second Crusade’, p. 260. 20  Kantorowicz, ‘Pro Patria Mori’, p. 478, n. 22.

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property suffer. But these who would not renounce the sacrilegious heathen rites would without delay be punished with death.21

Bolesław IV’s edict is consistent with the preaching of Bernard of Clairvaux in support of the Wendish Crusade. Bernard exhorted the crusaders taking the cross against the pagans in north central Europe not to make any truce ‘until such a time as, with the God’s help, they [the pagans] shall be either converted or wiped out’.22 The use of highly coercive tactics against the pagans as the primary means of achieving their conversion to Christianity is a characteristic of the northern crusades. The missions to the Prussians were most likely co-ordinated by the bishops of Płock and Włocławek.23 The monks of the abbey of Saint Adalbert in Płock and its filial houses were active in missionary activity in Prussia.24 The abbey was founded during the episcopate of Alexander of Malonne, Bishop of Płock, who fortified his city to defend its Christian community against the incursions of the Prussians. The monks who settled in the abbey were recruited from Liège.25 The choice of the abbey’s patron (Saint Adalbert) suggests its missionary character and it is highly likely that the monks were involved in the mission to the Prussians which followed the crusade of 1147. The expedition of 1147 against the Prussians did not receive an explicit papal endorsement through a specific crusading bull.26 Yet, whilst there is no extant evidence of papal indulgences granted specifically for that campaign, they were provided for in the Divini dispensatione. The bull approved spiritual and temporal privileges for those who took the cross ‘against the Slavs and 21 

‘Quorum quibusdam uix tandem post multa bellorum discrimina subactis, hoc edictum iussit promulgari, ut qui Christiane caracterem religionis elegisset, absolutissima donatus libertate, nullum in personis, nullum in fortuna pateretur dispendium; qui autem sacrilegum gentilitatis ritum deserere neglexisset, ultimo capitis infortunio indilate plecteretur.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30, p. 126. 22  ‘Donec, auxiliante Deo, aut ritus ipse, aut nation delegatur.’ Epist. 457, Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 433; James, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 467. Cf. the role of baptism versus physical force in Kahl, ‘Crusade Eschatology’, p. 37. 23  Powierski, Śliwiński, and Bruski, Studia z dziejów Pomorza, p. 71; Okulicz-Kozaryn, Dzieje Prusów, pp. 239–44. 24  Deptuła, ‘Krąg kościelny płocki’, pp. 60–63, 106–15; Żebrowski, ‘Kościół (x–xii w.)’, p. 139. 25  Kürbis, ‘Najstarsze dokumenty opactwa’, p. 59. 26  There is no evidence, pertaining to the twelfth century, to support the statement made by Teterycz-Puzio that ‘the Polish prince faced no difficulties in obtaining papal approval for their substitute crusades against the Prussians’. Teterycz-Puzio, ‘Portret polskiego krzyżowca’, p. 48.

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other pagans inhabiting the north’.27 In the bull, Pope Eugenius III exhorted all Christians to take part in the crusade to promote the Christian faith (de promovenda Christiana religione) amongst the pagans, and to subject them to the Christian faith (eos Christianae religioni subjugare).28 Moreover, some of the participants may have already taken a crusader’s vow some months prior (which subordinated them to papal control in spiritual matters) in order to participate in the Wendish Crusade. If these assumptions are accepted, then the 1147 expedition to Prussia fits the pluralist definition of crusade.29 The focus of the pluralist definition is on how a crusade was initiated and organized. Under that approach, a crusade is defined by the presence of its constituent elements, which are papal authorization of the crusade, the crusading vow made by participants, the protection of temporal possessions and family by the Church, and the granting of indulgences.30 The religious motivation of the Prussian campaign was apparent to Vincentius, who considered the Prussians ‘dangerous not so much to the body as to the soul’.31 His concerns echoed the preaching of Bernard of Clairvaux who warned that the existence of pagans near Christians may hinder the faithfuls’ attainment of Heavenly Jerusalem.32 Vincentius’s approach to the conversion of the Prussians resembles the Augustinian interpretation of the parable of the great supper in which a rich man compels the poor and the maimed to enter his house.33 The Poles, according to Vincentius, manifested their love for their neighbour by seeking to eradicate the Prussians’ idolatrous ways, providing for the Prussians’ salvation through baptism, and uniting them with the universal Church.34 27 

‘Contra Sclavos ceterosque paganos, habitantes versus aquilones.’ PL 180, cols 1203–04. Pommersches Urkundenbuch, ed. by Conrad, i, pp. 36–37; PL 180, cols 1203–04. 29  Various definitions of crusade are explored in detail in von Güttner-Sporzyński, ‘The Crusades: Beyond a Definition’. 30  Constable, ‘The Historiography of the Crusades’, p. 12. On the distinction between the traditionalists and the pluralists see Riley-Smith, ‘The Crusading Movement and Historians’, pp. 8–10; Housley, The Later Crusades, pp. 2–3. 31  ‘Quos non tam personis quam animabus constat esse infestos.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30, p. 126. 32  ‘Sed alium damnum veretur longe amplius de conversione gentium, cum audivit plenitudem eorum introituarum, et omnem quoque Israel fore salvandum. Suscitavit proinde semen nequam, filios sceleratos, paganos […] fiet ergo, Deo volente, ut eorum superbia citius humilietur, et non propter hoc impediatur via Ierosolimitana.’ Epist. 457, Sancti Bernardi Opera, viii, p. 432–33. 33  Luke 14. 16–24 34  Riley-Smith, ‘Crusading as an Act of Love’, pp. 77–92. 28 

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The Christianization of Prussia, these sources argue, was undertaken, therefore, as an act of Christian love and also for the removal of the potential physical and spiritual harm that the pagans presented to the Christian Poles. No doubt, there were other more secular motives as well. For example, Bolesław IV’s invasion of Prussia may have been motivated by the need to establish a secure perimeter and to create a stable border between Mazovia and Prussia.35 Jerzy Dowiat and Henryk Łowmiański acknowledged the crusading nature of the expedition although Łowmiański argued it was retribution for the pillaging raids of the Prussians.36 Grodecki went further and suggested that Bolesław IV’s expedition was purely a punitive strike against the Prussians who aided Władysław II in the civil war against the Piast Juniors. 37 Powierski and Wiliński adopted a position similar to Grodecki by arguing that the expedition was a reprisal against the Prussian alliance with Władysław II.38 In his Chronica Polonorum, Vincentius wrote in a directive tone, instructing the Piasts that they were responsible for the defence of the faith, even if that meant converting the Prussians by force. Thus, he accorded force and the fear of force a role in converting those souls who were the most obstinately alienated from God. Vincentius was in agreement, therefore, with Bernard of Clairvaux’s treatise on the subject of a loving God.39 The threat of force led to many immediate Prussian baptisms; as noted by Vincentius, the converts rejected the newly acquired faith as soon as the Polish army left Prussia. According to Church tradition, apostasy was an act that could justify the use of military force in order to coerce the dissenter back into the faith. The theological antecedents for this approach can be found in the writings of the Church Fathers and in particular in the works of Saint Augustine. Many examples of their application in north central Europe can be found in the writings of Bruno of Querfurt, Thietmar of Merseburg, and Adam of Bremen.40 35 

Smolka, Mieszko Stary i jego wiek, pp. 255–77; Powierski, ‘Polska a Prusowie’, p. 84; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp. 108–13. Powierski’s interpretation was accepted almost entirely by Wiliński, Walki polsko-pruskie, pp. 143–49. Białuński argued the opposite. See Białuński, ‘Wyprawa Bolesława Kędzierzawego’, pp. 7–9. 36  Dowiat, Historia Kościoła Katolickiego, p. 115; Łowmiański, ‘Stosunki polsko-pruskie za pierwszych Piastów’, p. 161. 37  Grodecki, ‘Dzieje Polski do roku 1194’, p. 170. 38  Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp. 112–13; Wiliński, Walki polsko-pruskie, p. 146. 39  Sancti Bernardi Opera, iii, pp. 109–63. 40  The perfidia as a characteristic is associated with apostates. In the works of other Chris­ tian writers who chronicled missionary and crusading activity on the Baltic, the dominant

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Like Gallus before him, Vincentius differentiated between the Poles and the Prussians in the Chronica Polonorum by placing them at opposite ends of the cultural spectrum. To Vincentius the Prussians were aggressive and ‘infamous idolaters’. 41 He vividly described the apostasy of the newly baptized, stating that the Christian faith of the Prussians was as transient as ‘vaporous smoke’, and observed that the ‘more it was forced upon them, the more transitory it was. Before long these double-dealers like slippery frogs entered the depths of apostasy’.42 The reference to the Prussians as frogs by Vincentius is a literary convention which had been employed earlier by Gallus. The pagans were described by Gallus as the ‘viper race’, ‘beastly animals’, and ‘shrew mice’. Vincentius attributed bestial features to the Prussians to affirm that they were malicious, treacherous, and apostatical.43 He employed the allegory of frogs to emphasize that Prussian apostasy and Prussian persistence in the enjoyment of sin has biblical antecedents. In the Bible, evil spirits or the damned appear in the form of frogs.44 For Vincentius, the Prussians were not only to be ‘compelled to enter’ Christendom, but must also be subsequently punished for their disobedience as apostates because those who rejected the Gospels are ‘true sons’ of the devil. His abhorrence of the Prussians appears to have also been due in part to his rejection of the Prussians’ ‘nonsensical belief ’ in reincarnation; the souls ‘after leaving the bodies enter the bodies of those about to be born and some of them turn into beasts and enter animal bodies’.45

features of the apostates are those of deceitfulness and faithlessness. For example, the habits of the Livonians are considered to be ‘most perfidious’. ‘Gens enim Lyvonum erat perfidissima et unusquisque proximo suo quod habebat auferebat ja prohibita sunt violencia, rapina, furta et hiis similia.’ Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. by Arbusow and Bauer, x:15, p. 46. 41  ‘Contra Saladinistas, contra sacre professionis hostes, contra spurcissimos idolatras pugnaturos.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.4, p. 166. 42  ‘Set ad modicum parens uapor illorum fuit religio, tanto uidelicet breuior quanto coactior. Mox enim salax ranunculorum lubricitas in apostasie resilit gurgitem, inolitis idolatrie sordibus obscenius inmergitur.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.15, p. 126. 43  ‘Vipperalis progenies.’ Gesta, i:Prohem, p. 12. ‘Bruta Animalia.’ Gesta, ii: 43, p. 196. ‘Quasi sorices de latibulis.’ Gesta, ii: 127, p. 222. 44  Rev. 16:13. 45  ‘Est enim omnium Getharum communis dementia, exutas corporibus animas nascituris denuo infundi corporibus, quasdam etiam brutorum assumptione corporum brutescere.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.9, p. 167.

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The Prussian apostasy was not immediately punished by Bolesław  IV. Vincentius accused the Polish ruler of ‘sluggish indolence’ which should have had been awakened by the ‘business of God’.46 He moralized in the Chronica Polonorum that Bolesław IV’s apathy in fighting Prussian apostasy was the reason that the Prussians ‘even more odiously immersed themselves in the mud of deeply rooted idolatry’ and the ‘more sluggish the fight against this wickedness, the more Poland was endangered’. 47 A later account in the Annales of Jan Długosz, which augments the information provided in the Chronica Polonorum, reports that during the first war with the Prussians, the Poles were victorious and as a result the Prussians were converted to Christianity and agreed to pay tribute to Bolesław IV. Whilst Vincentius does not give any precise date of the campaign, Długosz states that within a year the Prussians renounced Christianity. Bolesław IV did not intervene immediately because the Prussians kept their promise to pay tribute. Vincentius elucidated the failure of the Poles to achieve the conversion of the Prussians in terms of their failure to ‘give God what’s God’s’, and pursuit of their own material interest.48 Perhaps Vincentius followed Bernard of Clairvaux’s explanation of the failure of the Second Crusade as God’s judgement. Vincentius warned that the Prussians rejected Christianity because Bolesław IV accepted tribute from the Prussians in lieu of their fidelity to the new faith. Bolesław’s actions were in direct contravention of the prohibition proclaimed by Bernard of Clairvaux before the Wendish Crusade, which explicitly forbade the acceptance of tribute ‘until, with God’s help, either their religious observances or their nation be destroyed’.49 It is highly likely that this 46  ‘Non solum tributa non dependunt, set contingentia queque occupant, occupata diripiunt, direpta luporum instar absportant. Vnde factum est, ut quem zelus Dei molliter torpentem non mouit, durior saltem tribulationis ictus stertentem excitaret.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.17, p. 127. 47  ‘Inolitis idolatrie sordibus obscenius inmergitur. Quod scelus quanto segnius, quanto interpolatius propulsatum est, tanto grauiori Poloniam adegit discrimini.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.15, p. 126. 48  Sancti Bernardi Opera, iii, pp. 410–13. ‘Sufficere siquidem sibi arbitratus est Boleslaus, si quod principis est dependatur principi, licet quod Dei est denegetur Deo. Nec enim ulla exigitur apostatici ultio piaculi, dummodo salua sit tributalium reuerentia pensionum.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.16, p. 127. On the influences of Bernard of Clairvaux on Vincentius see Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: I’, pp. 408–09; Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: II’, pp. 106, 121, 161–75. 49  James, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 467. Kahl argued that for Bernard of Clairvaux the ‘destruction’ of the Wends could be accomplished as easily by baptism as by physical force. See

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criticism reflected the concerns of the Polish higher clergy given the perceived slow progress of the Christianization of Prussia in the last quarter of the twelfth century. In particular, Vincentius refers to the insurgent Prussians who recommenced their pillaging raids into Mazovia as being ‘like wolves raising loot’. The Prussian rebellion was seen by Vincentius as synonymous with their rejection of Christianity.50 He was not surprised, because ‘those who did not flinch at renouncing the salving covenant of the faith […] did not hesitate to break the pact imposing the servitude’:51 demonstrating that for Vincentius acceptance of and adherence to Christianity was synonymous with the acceptance of Polish suzerainty by the Prussians. It seems that Bolesław IV hesitated to respond to this militarily until the Prussians finally rejected Polish control of their territories.52 There is an ongoing debate as to whether his campaign could have resulted in a lasting baptism of Prussia. Bolesław’s approach to Prussian conversion was pragmatic rather than ideological. He tolerated their apostasy as long as they paid tribute as a sign of submission to the Piast crown.53 Bolesław IV’s success in converting and subjugating the Prussians in 1147 can be substantiated to a degree from the letter of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa who referred to the Prussian troops which

Kahl, ‘Crusade Eschatology’, p. 37. Cf. Sommerfeldt, ‘The Bernardine Reform’, p. 574; Leclercq, ‘Saint Bernard’s Attitude Toward War’. 50  Jan Długosz referred to this expedition in his Annales: ‘Boleslaus Polonorum dux et monarcha communicato fratrum suorum et nepotum principum Polonie consilio expeditionem contra Prussiam gentem, idolatrie in eam diem deditam, indicit, fidei sacre katolice et sue dicioni illam subiugaturus […] At Boleslaus Polonorum dux et monarcha primum iubet decernitque, ut si pacem salutemque accipere velint, vetustis se abdicent gentilitatis sordibus atque erroribus, fidemque et religionem profitentur katolice puritatis; absque renunciacione idolatrice caliginis nullam se sperent equam pacem cum Polonis habituros, abdicatis erroribus, equis condicionibus se pacem daturum […] Universale denique Boleslai iussu proponitur Prutensis edictum: omnes fidem katolicam professos professurosque liberos fore; qui baptismum abnuerent, sub hasta venire.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 76–78. Długosz’s account is almost certainly an amplification of the court tradition influenced by the later events. 51  ‘Set qui salutis fidem, qui salutare fidei rescindere fedus non horruit, coacte seruitutis pactum qua, obsecro deuotione custodiet?’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.16, p. 127. 52  Kętrzyński accepted the account of Długosz that the Prussians were subjugated and converted to Christianity. As soon as Bolesław IV’s troops had left Prussia, however, its inhabi­ tants reverted to their pagan religion. Kętrzyński, ‘Prusy a Polska’, pp. 266–67. 53  Powierski, ‘Polska a Prusowie’, p. 84; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp. 108–13; Biskup and Labuda, Dzieje zakonu krzyżackiego, p. 84.

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supported the army of the Piast Juniors against the 1157 imperial incursion into Poland by the Emperor.54 Using unknown sources or his own narrative licence, Długosz placed the account of the apostasy of the Prussians in the year 1165.55 This rejection of the Christian faith was equated with a Prussian rebellion and precipitated the Polish punitive expedition led by Bolesław IV or Henry of Sandomierz in October of 1166. The narrative of Vincentius provides a dramatic account of how, due to the terrain, the Polish army divided once it reached Prussia. The vanguard of the army relied on Prussian guides but the guides led the Poles into a trap.56 The Polish troops were decimated in an ambush on 18 October 1166. From other sources it is possible to establish that Henry of Sandomierz was killed before the army retreated.57 At the time Vincentius wrote the account of the events of the 1166 expedition in his Chronica Polonorum, they were still remembered as being within the painful recent past of the Piast dynasty, a plausible explana54  In his letter to Abbot Wibald, the Emperor referred to the Prussians who supported Bolesław IV in 1157. ‘Et ipsi, quamvis auxilio vicinarum gentium, Ruthenorum, Parthorum, Pruscorum, Pomeranorum, maximum exercitum collegissent, a facie nostra furgerunt.’ CDMP 1, doc. 19, pp. 24–25. 55  Długosz commented ‘Prutheni a fide catholica ducibus Poloniae conniventibus et tributis contentis desciscunt.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 79–80. Similarly, in his note for the year 1166 Długosz wrote, ‘Prutheni Polonis rebellant.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, p. 81. 56  ‘Est autem locus in ipso transmeatus uestibulo, densetis undique consertus raspalibus, in quo limosi abyssus bituminis sub quadam graminis uernantia delitescit. Asserunt exploratores ac duces exercituum transeundi locum, exploratissimum reperisse conpendium. Erant siquidem et hostium corrupti donatiuis at amicorum insidiis subinstructi. Hac omnium electissimorum prime certatim ruunt acies per angustum Semite limitem, cum ex insidiis altrinsecus hostes ebulliunt, nec amentatis, ut alias assolent, iaculantur spiculis, set quasi cuiusdam torcularis inpressos prelo cominus confodiunt, ipsis ultro in cuspides more aprorum, hiis ulciscendi animo illis succurrendi studio ruentibus. Maiorque numerositas proprii mole inpetus occidit, quam occisione corruit. Nonnullos armorum pressos pondere dehiscentis abyssi profundum absorbuit. Quidam ramalium nexibus ac ueprium intercepti obtruncantur, mines repentine caligo noctis inuoluit. Sic arte proditoria ceciderunt arena bellica, sic bello inbecilli uirtus inclitorum emarcuit.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.18–21, p. 127. 57  ‘Dux Hinricus interfectus est cum exercitu suo in bello in Prussica.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p.  62. See also Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp.  248–50. ‘Anno MCLXVI regnante in Polonia serenissimo duce Boleslao, Mysicone, Casimiro quartus forum frater dux Henricus sine herde defunctus est.’ Cathedralis ad s. Venceslaum, ed. by Piekosiński, doc. 4, p. 8–9. See also later narrative and commentary in Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 52–53.

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tion for his declining to expand on the ‘names, personages, noble lineage, ancestry, dignities, valour, diligence, affluence’ of those who were killed. Vincentius’s allusion to the fact that ‘oratory of the most eloquent would not suffice to relate’ the details of the tragic expedition, are an indication of the immeasurable loss the Piasts suffered.58 The death of Henry of Sandomierz deprived Poland of one of its rulers and in the eyes of later Polish chroniclers provided the pious Henry with his long desired martyrii palmae.59 Henry’s death also changed the political balance established by the alliance of the Piast Juniors: the triumvirate of Bolesław IV, Mieszko III, and Henry. In 1146, at the end of the civil war, Bolesław IV faced the issue of a new division of power, which had to include the youngest of his brothers, Kazimierz II. Initially, the position of Kazimierz was clearly subordinated to Bolesław IV’s dominant leadership: the co-operation of the Piast Juniors never resembled the triumvirate of years 1146–66. At the time of Bolesław IV’s death in 1173, Kazimierz II claimed Henry’s share of the inheritance and five years later challenged Mieszko III for the throne of the princeps in Kraków articulating his position in his charters, through sponsoring works of art, and supporting the Church. By the time of the next major expedition against the Prussians Kazimierz II, the youngest of the Piast Juniors, had consolidated his power as designated heir of Henry of Sandomierz and Bolesław IV. Vincentius’s Chronica Polonorum contains a valuable reference to Kazimierz II’s expedition against a pagan Prussian tribe, the Pollexians (in 1192), which is further evidence of the Polish elites’, and in particular Kazimierz II’s support for crusading. 60 The Piast court and Kazimierz II were exposed to the preaching of the Third Crusade. Somewhat like the 1191 Danish expedition to Finland, Kazimierz’s 1192 expedition against the Pollexians was in fact a Polish response to crusade 58 

‘Quorum nomina, personas, generositatem, prosapiam, dignitates, strennuitatem, industriam, fortunas nec superficietenus quidem cursu attingere, nedum disserendo exequi omnis dissertissimorum sufficeret facundia, quos lamentationum uarietates, a diuersis diuerso modo deplorate, usque hodie lugubriter deplangunt.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:30.21, pp. 127–28. For Kantecki, the silence of Vincentius is sufficient to reject Henry’s presence at the helm of the army in the expedition of 1166 and Henry’s death in Prussia. Kantecki argued that Henry died of natural causes. See Kantecki, ‘Zgon Henryka Sandomierskiego’, p. 66. 59  Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 52–53. 60  ‘Sunt autem Pollexiani Getharum uel Prussorum genus.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19, p. 166. The Chronica Poloniae Maioris presents the outline of the events based on the account by Vincentius. CPM, col. 43, p. 65. Cf. Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 152–53. For a discussion of the identification of the Prussian tribe of Pollexians see Nalepa, ‘Połekszanie (Pollexiani)’; Nalepa, ‘Połekszanie’.

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preaching.61 Długosz provides some details of the expedition and suggests that Kazimierz II wanted to avenge the death of Henry of Sandomierz, and reports that a number of other Piast princes took part in the expedition.62 Again, the information furnished by the fifteenth-century historian, cannot be totally relied upon. The Pollexian reference follows Vincentius’s reference to Kazimierz II’s wars with the Prussians.63 The 1192 campaign, according to Vincentius, was organized to ‘tame the ferocity of the refractory Pollexians’, 64 who are ‘very savage, more ferocious than all wild animals’65 and who are ‘inaccessible because of the expansive forests, dense bushland and bituminous swamps defending them’. 66 Vincentius’s eyewitness account of the preparation for the Pollexian expedition is laden with crusade references. He observed that Kazimierz II: The Catholic Prince has the whole army receive the salving Host and the Holy Sacrifice. […] Rightly so because those who were to fight against the Saladinistas [kinsmen of Saladin], against the enemies of the Holy Faith, against the shameful idolaters, should trust in the shield of their Faith rather than their weapons.67

Vincentius appeals directly to his audience by emphasizing the role of Kazimierz II as a Christian ruler who acts in defence of the Church and his 61 

Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 130. Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, pp. 152–53. See the analysis of textual amplification of Długosz’s account in Labuda, Zaginiona kronika, pp. 24–35. 63  ‘Compos itaque regni Kazimirus, certus amicorum set incertus amicitiarum, Gethicos magnanimiter sudores aggreditur.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.1, p. 166. 64  ‘In Pollexianorum ceruicosam feritatem animosius accingitur.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.1, p. 166. See also Kürbis, ‘Pollexianorum cervicosa feritas’. For more information on Pollexians and Sudovians see Kamiński, Jaćwież, pp. 19–25; Nalepa, Jaćwięgowie; Nalepa, ‘The Name of the Jatvings’; Nalepa, ‘Z badań nad jaćwięskimi reliktami’; Nalepa, ‘Połekszanie (Pollexiani)’; Nalepa, ‘Połekszanie’. References to the ‘ferocity of the pagans’ (ferocitas gencium) are frequently used in Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. by Arbusow and Bauer, xxiii:4; xxvi:13; xxx:4. 65  ‘Gens atrocissima, omni ferarum inmanitate truculentior.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.2, p. 166. 66  ‘Propter uastissimas solitudinum intercapedines, propter concretissimas nemorum densi­ tates, propter bituminata inaccessibilis palustria.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.2, p. 166. 67  ‘Catholicus princeps omnem exercitum salutaris Hostie ante omnia sacramento confoueri sacri ministro sacrificii uiro reuerendo Plocensium antistite. Decebat enim contra Saladanistas, contra sacre professionis hostes, contra spurcissimos idolatras pugnaturos, plus in armis fidei confidere, quam in martialis armature fiducia.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.4, p. 166. 62 

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people, exercising justice by force, and establishing peace.68 In his narrative, Vincentius amplifies the differences between the Christian Poles and the pagan Prussians by describing the Prussians as ‘enemies of the Holy Faith’, and in particular as ‘Saladinistas’.69 This direct literary association with the Muslim leader Saladin (c. 1138–93) follows Vincentius’s earlier reference to him as the ‘most obstinate enemy of the Holy Sepulchre.70 Vincentius employs the images and language of crusader historians and preachers and draws a direct comparison between the Prussians and the Muslims, the enemies of Christianity.71 The use of the term ‘Saladinistas’ is not found anywhere else in surviving twelfth-century sources. Its use appears therefore to be highly original and significant.72 Vincentius used the comparison to demonstrate to his audience (the Polish elites of the 1190s) the merit of the Prussian campaign as a holy and just war.73 He presents the Prussians as being as dangerous to the Poles as Saladin 68 

A later source, the Chronica principum Poloniae, reported on the triumphal return of Kazimierz II to Kraków. ‘Et tandem idem Kazimirus postquam a strage Getharum cum magno reverteretur trimpho Cracoviam.’ Chronica principum Poloniae, ed. by Węclewski, p. 483. See also Korolec, ‘Ideał władcy’. 69  Cf. ‘Christiane religione hostibus.’ Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum, ed. by Lappenberg, iv:2, p. 164. ‘Inimici Christi’, iv:5, p. 169. ‘Ad expugnandos inimicos crucis Christi robur militie sue convertit’, iv:7, p. 170. 70  ‘Atrocissimum Dominici sepulcri hostem Saladinum.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:16.10, p. 161. 71  Cf. similar use in other chronicles: ‘Nominis Christi inimici.’ Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, ed. by Arbusow and Bauer, xiv:1, p. 75. ‘Christiani nominis inimici’, xix:8, p. 132. ‘Inimicicias exercentes omni tempore contra christiani nominis cultores’, ix:4, p. 28. ‘Cor unum et anima una contra nomen christianorum’, xiv:8, p. 80. 72  For discussion of the use of term ‘Saracen’ see Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews, pp. 165–67. 73  The assessment of the 1192 expedition in historiography is not conclusive. Most interpretations concentrate on establishing the date of the expedition and its geographical direction. For example see Voigt, Geschichte Preussens, i, pp. 356–64; Kętrzyński, ‘Prusy a Polska’, pp. 266–68; Grodecki, ‘Dzieje Polski do roku 1194’, p. 172; Włodarski, ‘Problem jaćwiński w stosunkach polsko-ruskich’, pp.  25–30; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, p. 128; Powierski, Śliwiński, and Bruski, Studia z dziejów Pomorza, pp. 201–10; Caban, ‘Polityka północno-wschodnia’; Achremczyk, Historia Warmi i Mazur, p.  23. Wiliński, followed the assertions made by Długosz and suggested that the expedition was organized in retribution for the defeat of the Poles in 1166 and the death of Henry of Sandomierz. Wiliński, Walki polsko-pruskie, pp. 154–58. Gieysztor argued that the 1192 expedition had a defensive character and that it was primarily designed to protect the Christian communities of Mazovia against the danger of Prussian raids. Gieysztor, ‘Trzy stulecia’, pp. 121–22. Białuński agreed with the proposition about the defensive character of the 1192 expedition but linked it with

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was to the kingdom of Jerusalem and thus justifies the holy war against the Prussians as being as worthy as the crusades to the Holy Land. The entreaty addressed to the Polish knighthood that they ‘should trust in the shield of their Faith rather than their weapons’ invokes comparison to the divine protection of the holy warriors of the Old Testament. The inclusion of a reference to ‘Saladinistas’ when writing about the Prussian campaign is evidence of the extent to which the crusades were known and that reference to them was understood to be highly illustrative and persuasive to the elite in Poland at this time. Vincentius presents the actions of Kazimierz II in accordance with the exhortations of Bernard of Clairvaux who urged Christian rulers that they must ‘choose to fight for God rather than for the world’.74 Among those who desired to place their trust in God was the Polish knight Dzierżko. He was a contemporary of Kazimierz II and the brother of the bishop of Płock.75 In a charter, Dzierżko made a disposition before his departure on a war (bellum). He ceded all future decisions in regard to his property onto his wife. Grodecki, who examined the charter of Dzierżko, suggested that the description of the ceremony which accompanied the issuing of the charter may indicate that Dzierżko was departing on a crusade. 76 The actions of Dzierżko which are associated with the writing of the charter are described in terms of a religious ceremony. He confessed his sins, received the Holy Communion, and completed his charter in the church before the altar of Our Lady.77 The charter is undated, although its publisher considered that the note on the reverse of the charter, which included the date of 1190, is a reliable indication of the date the charter was issued.78 In addition to this note, the only other means of dating the charter is the date of the episcopate of Dzierżko’s brother, Wit, Bishop of Płock (c. 1180–c. 1206). The Bishop first appeared in sources in 1187, assumed Kazimierz II’s policy towards Rus’ and suggested that instead of one single expedition the accounts of Vincentius and Jan Długosz refer to a number of incursions into Prussian territory. Białuński, Studia z dziejów, pp. 65–81. 74  Sancti Bernardi Opera, p. 65; The Letters of St Bernard, trans. by James, p. 345. 75  CDP 1, doc. 6, pp. 15–16; Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, p. 119. Cf. Rajman, ‘Norbertanie polscy’, pp. 95–97; Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 134–35. 76  ‘Hic autem dicta et scripta sunt in ecclesia beate Marie ante ipsius altare, sub testimonio solius dei et genitricis eius, dominique Johannis prime ibidem prepositi, facta ad eum confessione, et sacri corporis et sanguinis Christi de manu ipsius communione sumpta, dum ad bellum processi.’ CDP 1, doc. 6, p. 16. 77  Grodecki, Dzieje klasztoru premonstrateńskiego, pp. 12–13. 78  CDP 1, p. 15, n. 1.

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his office sometime after 1180 and was most likely dead before 1206, when his successor’s name appeared in sources. Grodecki’s interpretation that Dzierżko took the cross and joined the forces of Frederick Barbarossa in Constantinople seems to be hypothetical as the charter itself mentions no pilgrimage or crusading vow. Dzierżko and his kin were the supporters of Kazimierz II and were property holders in the duchy of Sandomierz and his charter enabled the subsequent foundation of the Norbertine house in Busko.79 Whilst the charter can be considered as a manifestation of individual piety, it is unlikely that it was related to a Levantine crusading expedition. If the dating of the charter were accepted, then the suggestion that Dzierżko took part in the 1192 expedition of Kazimierz II against the Prussians could be considered, however, as the unnamed war described in the charter.80 The reference to the kinsmen of Saladin is not the only unanticipated element of the reports of the crusades against the Prussians. Accounts of the Wendish and Prussian Crusades in the Annales Magdeburgenses also contain information about troops from Rus’ who supported the crusading army of Bolesław IV against the Prussians in 1147.81 The participation of a contingent from Rus’ is likely because of the alliance of between the Piasts (and Bolesław IV, in particular) with some of the princes of Rus’ (and the Grand Duke of Kiev) whose territorial interest extended along the borderlands of Prussia and Mazovia. The alliances were primarily established through the Piasts’ marriages with the women of the ruling house of Rus’. In 1147, the alliance was further strengthened by Bolesław IV’s marriage with Wierzchosława, a niece of the Grand Duke of Kiev.82 The common action of Polish and Ruthenian dynasts was a response to the visit to Poland of Achard of Clairvaux (who probably arrived in Poland in 79 

Giergiel, Rycerstwo Ziemi Sandomierskiej, pp. 133–39. Cf. Gładysz, ‘O zapomnianych polskich krzyżowcach’, pp. 132–34; Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 159–60. 81  ‘Contra quos etiam Rutheni, licet minus catholici tamen christiani nominis karacterem habentes, inestimabili Dei nutu cum maximis armatorum copiis exiverunt.’ Annales Magdeburgenses, ed. by Pertz, p. 188. 82  Jasiński, Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, pp. 228–30, 61–63. In Polish historiography there is an ongoing debate as to which of the Ruthenian dynasts supported Bolesław IV’s expedition. Włodarski proposed that it was one of the rulers of the principalities bordering with Prussia. Włodarski, ‘Problem jaćwiński w stosunkach polsko-ruskich’, p. 25, n. 79. Kuczyński argued however, that it must have been the army of the Grand Duke of Kiev, Iziaslav II Mstislavich (c. 1097–1154). Kuczyński, ‘Stosunki polsko-ruskie’, p. 248. Gładysz accepted the argument ex silentio and suggested that the army was led by Mstislav Iziaslavich, son of the Grand Duke. See Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 92. 80 

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the entourage of the papal legate, Cardinal Hubaldus) and was related to the establishment of the Cistercian abbey in Jędrzejów.83 Achard of Clairvaux carried correspondence from Bernard of Clairvaux to Bishop Mateusz of Kraków (one of the interlocutors of Vincentius’s Chronica Polonorum) and the Polish magnate Piotr Włostowic, and may indicate the use of such a letter as a preaching instrument. The involvement of Piotr Włostowic (c. 1080–1153) is significant. He married Maria, daughter of Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich (1050–1113), Grand Duke of Kiev, who was the sister of Bolesław III’s first wife, Zbyslava. Piotr Włostowic was the premier magnate in Poland and, after the death of Bolesław III, the guardian of his adolescent sons and the executor of the Act of Succession. Piotr Włostowic was also the father-in-law of Jaxa of Miechów, known for the foundation of the commandery of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre.84 The letter of Bernard of Clairvaux to Bishop Mateusz of Kraków and Piotr Włostowic was most likely sent from Speyer in December 1146. Information about Bernard’s cancelled trip to Poland (Bernard became ill in Speyer) is based on Długosz’s knowledge of the original letter addressed from Speyer.85 If the information in the Annales of Jan Długosz about Bernard’s apparent planned trip to Poland is accepted, then the letter extends the possibility that the crusade was preached in Poland. The subsequent involvement of the Cistercians in missionary work in Prussia is likely to have been the result of contacts between the leadership of the order and the Polish episcopate. The content of the letter is known from the reply sent jointly by Mateusz Bishop of Kraków and Piotr Włostowic (which could be dated 1146/48). It referred to the possibility of Bernard preaching in Poland and encouraged 83 

There are some references to the establishment of the Cistercian house in Jędrzejów: ‘1140 claustrum Andreow edificatur; 1149 abbacia in Andreow fundatur.’ Rocznik Traski, ed. by Bielowski, p. 833. See also some references to Achard of Clairvaux. ‘Haec nobis novitiis ipse dominus Acardus cum iam esset aetate decrepitus, plena fide narravit.’ Herberti Libris de Miraculis Cisterciensium Monachorum, PL 185, col. 455. ‘De venerabili sene Achardo, quondam magistro novitiorum in Claravalle.’ Exordium magnum Cisterciense, PL 185, col. 1078–80. See also Daniel-Rops, Bernard of Clairvaux, p. 108; The Common Christian Roots, i, p. 552; Michałowska, Pogranicza i konteksty literatury polskiego, pp. 62–63. 84  For detailed discussion of the activities and influence of Piotr Włostowic see Kiersnowska, ‘Jeszcze o Piotrze Włostowicu’; Wenta, ‘Tradycja o Piotrze’; Bieniak, ‘Ród Łabędziów’. The background of the Polish political elites is also analysed in detail in Bieniak, ‘Polska elita, III’, pp. 13–107. Cf. Kajzer, ‘Jeszcze o 70 kościołach fundacji Piotra Włostowica’. For an alternative approach see Wenta, ‘O stróżach “Testamentu” Bolesława’. 85  Plezia, ‘List biskupa Mateusza do św. Bernarda’, p. 138.

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Bernard to come to Poland in order to preach and give support to a Catholic mission to Rus.86 The letter by the Poles was evidently a reply to questions from Bernard, originally conveyed in a communication which has not survived. Judging from Mateusz’s reply, it seems that Bernard had asked about the possibility of organizing a Latin mission to Rus’ situated to the east of the diocese of Kraków. Mateusz responded positively to this idea and suggested that such a mission would be successful, but only if Bernard himself were to come to Poland and be involved in its preparation. There is no explicit information about preaching of the crusade in the letter but the fact that Bernard approached the Polish episcopate and the Polish magnate Piotr Włostowic indicates that the Abbot not only had precise information about the Church in Poland but was seeking to use Polish connections for the promotion of the faith. There are no extant sources confirming the preaching of the crusade in Poland. It would be unlikely, however, for the Polish clergy to remain unaffected by the great preaching effort which encompassed the whole of Latin Christendom. An indicator of likely Polish involvement in the preaching of the crusade was the presence of the papal legate, Cardinal Hubaldus, at the Polish Church council in 1146 or 1147. The embassy is confirmed from a charter (bearing the date 2 March 1146) in which he authenticated the donation of a chapel for the abbey in Trzemeszno.87 The coincidence of the charter’s date, three months after Pope Eugenius III issued the bull Quantum praedecessores (December 1145) proclaiming the Second Crusade, has led historians such as Górka, Marian Plezia, and Brygida Kürbis to suggest that the Polish visit would 86 

Powierski hypothesized that the surviving letter to Bernard of Clairvaux is related to the participation of a contingent from Rus’ (supporting the Latin Christians) in Bolesław IV’s venture against the Prussians. Powierski, ‘Ruś w opiniach’, p.  28. Similarly in Trupinda, Ideologia, p. 58. Gładysz, however, suggested that Powierski’s proposition is based only on the chronological proximity of the letter and the Polish expedition against the Prussians, and as such cannot be accepted. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 49. 87  The charter issued by Cardinal Hubaldus, dated 2 March 1146, confirmed a donation for the convent in Trzemeszno. See CDMP 1, doc. 12, pp. 18–19. It is generally agreed that the charter is authentic, but in the historiography the date of the document has been disputed; historians have argued that the legation could have taken place between 1144 and 1147. Those favouring a connection between the legation and crusading support the later date; those concentrating on the internal politics of the Polish monarchy in the wake of the civil war argue for the earlier date. Discussion of older research in Wenta, ‘Na marginesie dokumentu legata Humbalda’, pp. 101–05; Dobosz, Działalność fundacyjna, pp. 30–32; Dobosz, Monarchia i możni wobec, p. 297. Gładysz questioned a pre-1146 date for the arrival of the papal embassy to Poland because of the civil war (1142–46). Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 48, n. 14.

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have been a natural opportunity to preach the Second Crusade to the Poles.88 This assertion is supported by the involvement of Cardinal Hubaldus in the preaching of the crusade in Denmark one month later.89 Surviving sources provide no direct link between Cardinal Hubaldus and crusading in Poland but it is highly likely that the Cardinal preached the cross to the prelates and magnates whilst attending a Polish Church council in Gniezno.90 The Polish events of 1146–47, and in particular the positive reception of Bernard of Clairvaux’s inquiries about the involvement of the Polish Church in missionary activity amongst the Ruthenians, suggest that the Polish dynasty, the prelates, and magnates were all receptive of the idea of crusade. In the same period as the crusading expeditions to Prussia, the Piasts commissioned major projects of religious art. These further demonstrate the influence of the idea of crusade on the Piasts. The most significant example is the commission and manufacture in Poland of a monumental door, the Porta Regia, which depicts the life story of Saint Adalbert of Prague, the patron saint of Poland, whose martyrdom in 997 (during a mission to the Prussians) earned him the honorific ‘The Apostle of the Prussians’.91 88 

Górka, ‘Przyczynki do dyplomatyki polskiej’, pp. 364–77; Grodecki, ‘Dzieje Polski do roku 1194’, pp. 168–69; Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, pp. 50–51; Plezia, ‘List biskupa Mateusza do św. Bernarda’, p. 139. 89  This assertion, made by Górka and Plezia, though challenged by Maleczyński (who questioned the possibility of the same cardinal preaching crusade in Poland and Denmark), is supported by the fact that a cardinal of the same name visited Denmark at about the same time and preached the crusade there. Plezia, ‘List biskupa Mateusza do św. Bernarda’, p. 139; Górka, ‘Przyczynki do dyplomatyki polskiej’, pp. 364–77; Maleczyński, ‘Dokument Humbalda’, pp. 55–61. According to the sixteenth-century Danish historian Hamsfort, Legate Cardinal Hubaldus attempted to persuade King Erik III (d. 8 August 1146) to join the crusading effort. Hamsfort, Chronologia rerum Danicarum secunda, ed. by Langebek, i, p. 274. The cardinal has been identified as Hubaldus, Cardinal Presbyter of Sancti Crucis in Ohnsorge, Päpstliche und gegenpäpstliche Legaten, p. 104, n. 1. Møller Jensen has recently argued that Hamsfort’s evidence is convincing and supports the proposition that the crusade was preached in Denmark. Jensen, ‘Denmark and the Holy War’, pp. 223–24. 90  Górka accepted that Hamsfort summarized the now lost charter of Rikolf Bishop of Odense (dated 17 April 1147), where the name of Legate Cardinal Hubaldus was inscribed. Górka argued that the Legate travelled from Poland directly to Denmark, and dated the visit of the Legate to Poland as February and March 1147. Górka based his assertions on, firstly, the identification of the cardinal legate, and secondly, the establishment of the date of the charter’s issue. Górka, ‘Przyczynki do dyplomatyki polskiej’, p. 377. See also Christensen, Erslev, and Hude, Repertorium diplomaticum, i, doc. 15, p. 3. 91  Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1987), pp. 11–25. Cf. Karwasińska, ‘Pretensje książąt

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In 997, Bolesław I the Brave paid the Prussians a ransom reported to be the weight of the body in gold for Adalbert’s remains. After Adalbert’s canonization in 999, the ruling elites and the Piast dynasty in particular, propagated his cult. The shrine where the relics were venerated was established in Gniezno. The importance of the cult of Saint Adalbert to the status of Poland as a Christian nation was demonstrated through the titulature of the Archbishop of Gniezno (founded in 999) referred to as the ‘archiepiscopus sancti Adalberti martyris’.92 With Saint Adalbert, Poland received its first saint and patron and confirmed its status as sovereign European monarchy with an independent archdiocese.93 The prestige of the Piast capital was further enhanced when in the year 1000 Emperor Otto III made the shrine of Saint Adalbert the destination of his pilgrimage. The tremendous significance the Piast rulers placed on the cult of Saint Adalbert is evidenced by the foundation of many churches dedicated to him. Mossakowski is among the historians who have researched the meaning and substance of the Porta Regia. He explored the ideological and artistic similarities between the Porta Regia of Gniezno and the Chronica Polonorum and argued that they formed an integral part of the reception of the culture of Latin Christendom. The assimilation by the Poles of the intellectual significance of the works of art and literature manifested itself in the creation of such objects in Poland.94 The choice of theme for the entrance to the cathedral in Gniezno is an example of the use of the cult of Saint Adalbert to support the Polish Christianizing effort in Prussia.95 In the early twelfth century, Bolesław III proclaimed Saint Adalbert to be the patron of the holy wars against the pagan Pomeranians. Adalbert’s patronage was powerfully emphasized by the homage paid by the Pomeranian ruler Varcislav (d. c. 1147) in Gniezno in 1128. The act symbolized not only Pomeranian submission to the Piasts but also ceremonial confirmation of its conversion to Christianity sponsored by the Polish dynasty.96 Bolesław III’s heirs extended the patronage of the Saint to the crusade against polskich’. Kętrzyński criticized the accounts of Gallus and Długosz as flowery platitudes and suggested that ‘one should not place any importance on them’, see Kętrzyński, ‘Prusy a Polska’, p. 266. See also Dvornik, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe, p. 192. 92  Ottonis III Diplomata, ed. by Sickel, doc. 339, p. 769. 93  Labuda, ‘Znaczenie św. Wojciecha’, pp. 183–94. 94  Mossakowski, ‘Drzwi gnieźnieńskie’. 95  Walicki, Drzwi gnieźnieńskie (1956), i. 96  Kiersnowski, ‘O brakteatach’, p. 158.

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the Prussians, and through their endowment of the Porta Regia of Gniezno, publicly announced the aims of their dynastic programme.97 The commissioning of this ornamental door was also the artistic expression of the political programme of Kazimierz II. It comprised: a close alliance with the Church, promotion of the Christianization of the Prussians, settlement of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre in the domain of Kazimierz II, and provision of support of the Piasts for the mission to the Prussians conducted by Cistercians from the abbey of Łękno.98 The Porta Regia contains eighteen quadrants cast in bronze depicting the life and death of Saint Adalbert of Prague; six quarters (X–XV) depict Adalbert’s mission to the Prussians in 997 and his martyrdom at their hands. Thus, one third of the narrative presented on the door is devoted to the Prussian mission. The ‘Prussian quarters’ contain a message which promotes the idea of the Saint’s sacrifice in the service of the faith and also directs the viewer to the theme of Prussian apostasy. From Quarter X, which depicts the arrival of Adalbert and his companions by boat in Prussia, the narrative suggests differences between the Christians and the pagans. Adalbert is shown in his episcopal regalia being greeted by pagan Prussians. The facial features (hairstyle, moustaches) of the welcoming Prussians are dissimilar to those of the Christians in other quarters; they are depicted with distinct weaponry and in a guarded posture. Adalbert is positioned in the middle of the image as if in the borderland between the two cultures, the Christian and pagan. Quarter XI, depicts the baptism of a Prussian. It is administered by Adalbert with other Prussians watching the ceremony. In the subsequent three quarters Adalbert preaches to the Prussians, celebrates mass, and suffers martyrdom when the Prussians behead him. These quarters depict what the patrons of the Porta (most likely Mieszko III and Kazimierz II) wanted to be remembered and known: the unforced baptism of the Prussians, the Bishop’s subsequent death, and the turning of a blind eye by the new converts during his execution. These images are powerful representations of the 97  Gieysztor, ‘Problematyka ideologiczna’, pp.  142–61; Pasierb, ‘Ideologia kościelna i państwowa’; Bujak and Labuda, Porta Regia; Karwasińska, ‘Drzwi Gnieźnieńskie’. 98  Starnawska, ‘Drzwi Gnieźnieńskie a konflikty polityczne’. For the political and ideological importance of the creation of the visible presence of Saint Adalbert in the life of the Poles see Pasierb, ‘Ideologia kościelna i państwowa’; Gieysztor, ‘Drzwi gnieźnieńskie’. See also in general Gieysztor, ‘Problematyka ideologiczna’, pp. 142–61; Grzesik, ‘Literackie wzorce ikonografii’, pp. 1–7; Bujak and Labuda, Porta Regia; Kalinowski, ‘Treści ideowe i estetyczne’; Ginter, ‘Wątki hagiograficzne św. Wojciecha’.

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attitudes of the Piasts and the Church, and provided visual justification of crusading against the now technically apostate Prussians of their own era. The representation of the Prussians’ baptism in 997 on the Porta Regia is evidence that the Poles treated the Prussians as apostates from the date of Adalbert’s mission and used apostasy as justification for the use of force to compel the Prussians to rejoin the Church. The theme of the Christianization of the Prussians in the life of Kazimierz II is not the only element which links him with crusading. An extant charter (quite likely handwritten by Vincentius) issued by Kazimierz II for the chapter of the cathedral of Kraków is dated 12 April 1189 in Opatów. It includes amongst a number of witnesses, the name of ‘Velizlaus ierosolimitanus’. 99 It is not possible to identify the knight with any contemporary Polish pilgrim to Jerusalem or with a member of any of the military religious orders which settled in Poland at that time. Recently, Józef Dobosz suggested that Velizlaus was associated with the commandery of the Hospitallers in Zagość or with the canons of the Holy Sepulchre, 100 and Starnawska suggested that Velizlaus was a knight who either completed a pilgrimage to Jerusalem or made a crusading vow to take part in the Third Crusade.101 The appearance of Velizlaus ierosolimi­ tanus as a witness of Kazimierz II’s charter might have been coincidental but more likely is associated with the preaching of the Third Crusade in Poland and the visits of papal envoys at the Piast court in Kraków. Polish annals inform of the arrival of the embassy of Cardinal Giovanni Malabranca to Poland in 1189.102 According to Jan Długosz, the Legate imposed a tithe on the Polish clergy for the recovery of the Holy Land.103 The papal embassy to Poland led by Cardinal Malabranca may have been part of diplomatic action in support of the Third Crusade (1189–92) and was designed to mobilize Christendom in a uni99 

Cathedralis ad s. Venceslaum, ed. by Piekosiński, doc. 4, pp. 8–9. The possibility that Vincentius was the scribe who produced the charter is discussed in Balzer, ‘Studyum o Kadłubku: I’, pp. 44–50; Piekosiński, Rycerstwo polskie wieków średnich, ii, p. 308. Cf. Kozłowska-Budkowa, Repertorium polskich dokumentów, pp. 114–15. For detailed discussion of the charter in the context of the older research see Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 131–35. 100  Dobosz, Działalność fundacyjna, p. 100. 101  Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 65. Riley-Smith provides examples of the usage of the designation Ierosolimitanus in Riley-Smith, The First Crusade, pp. 119, 234–38. 102  Placed under 1189, ‘Johannes cardinalis cognominatus Malabranca venit in Poloniam.’ Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 66. 103  ‘Episcopis quam universo clero pro recuperatione terrae sanctae decimam imposuit.’ Długosz, Annales, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa and others, lib 5–6, p. 146.

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fied action to reconquer Jerusalem after its loss to Saladin.104 Information about the fall of Jerusalem to the Muslim forces in 1187, reached Poland relatively quickly and the Annals of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Kraków noted that ‘Jerosolima capitur a paganis’.105 The other Piast courts were very likely exposed to the preaching of the crusade and information about the preparation of the Third Crusade through their family relations. Bolesław I of Silesia’s daughter married Dypold II of Moravia (1154/1162–90), who became the leader of the Bohemian contingent on the crusade and who died in the Holy Land. It is also highly likely that the court of Kazimierz II learned about the fate of the crusader states in the Holy Land through its contacts with the family of Kazimierz II’s wife, Helena of Znojmo.106 Helena’s brother, Conrad  II Otto of Znojmo (c.  1135–91), together with Emperor Frederick Barbarossa took the crusading vow in 1188. Vincentius observed that Conrad II Otto was: a courageous prince who wielded power over the Empire as the victorious Emperor, Frederick, who was about to depart against Saladin, the most obstinate enemy of the Holy Sepulchre, nominated him as the coadjutor of his son King Henry, in preference over other princes.107

The reputation of Conrad II Otto and his engagement in the preparation of the Third Crusade might have influenced Kazimierz II — ‘who thought it inglorious to be content with the glory of his Father’ — to organize the expedition against the Pollexians, the northern Saracens, and imitate the example of the Levantine crusaders.

104 

Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 122–25. Earlier a cautious approach to the link between the legation of Malabranca and the preaching of the crusade was made in Ptaśnik, Kollektorzy kamery apostolskiej, pp. 5–6. 105  Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p. 66. The information also appears in other annals, for example ‘Jerusalem civitas dei regis summi capta est a paganis’, in Rocznik Sędziwoja, ed. by Bielowski, p. 876. ‘Ierusalem a paganis capitur anno domini 1188’, in Rocznik Krasińskich, ed. by Bielowski, p. 131. 106  Wasilewski, ‘Helena księżniczka znojemska’, pp.  119–20; Zakrzewski, ‘Piast czy Przemyślida’, p. 457; Iwańczak, ‘Udział Czechów’, p. 121; Jasiński, Rodowód Piastów śląskich, i, pp. 81–83. 107  ‘Hic enim tantus ac tante uirtutis princeps fuit, ut eius nutu Romani cardo uerteretur imperii, utpote quem uictoriosus Romanorum imperator Fredericus in atrocissimum Dominici sepulcri hostem Saladinum proficiscens, imperialis coadiutorem celsitudinis filio suo regi Henrico pre ceteris principibus deputauerit.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:16.10–16.11, pp. 161–62.

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Conclusion Vincentius’s narrative of the wars (1147, 1166, 1192) between the Piasts and the Prussian tribes demonstrates his own understanding and acceptance of the idea of crusade as Polish campaigns against the Prussians. Evidence of the influ­ence of the idea of crusade being accepted by the Poles in this campaign is found in Vincentius’s descriptions of the Christianization of the Prussians. For example, the Prussians are not simply pagans who needed to be converted to Christianity in order to attain salvation. He accentuates the differences between the virtuous Christian Poles and the pagan Prussians by com­paring them to ‘kinsmen of Saladin’. The language of Vincentius’s account of Bolesław IV’s invasion of Prussia leaves no doubt that this expedition was motivated by the idea of crusade. That there was correspondence between the Polish episcopate and Bernard of Clairvaux at the time of the Second Crusade supports the proposition that crusade was preached in Poland. It may have also influenced the involvement of the Cistercian Order in the subsequent missionary effort amongst the Prussians before the arrival of the Teutonic knights in Prussia. The 1147 expedition of Bolesław IV against the Prussians was part of the crusading efforts which took place during the Second Crusade. As with the Wendish Crusade, its idea was based on an unequivocal and powerful ideological conceptualization of the alternatives — conversion or annihilation — which, articulated by Bernard of Clairvaux, resulted in the crusade being preached against the pagans (Wends and Prussians) in Europe, as much as against the Muslims in the Holy Land. The Piast Juniors’ actions were a response to the Pope’s crusading summons. Consequently, Bolesław IV’s campaign against the Prussians was (and was understood by contemporaries to be) part of the Second Crusade. Moreover, the indulgences granted by Pope Eugenius III in Divini dispensatione applied to those crusaders who ventured ‘contra Sclavos ceterosque paganos, habitantes versus aquilones’, against the Slavs and other pagans inhabiting the north, and thus to the participants in Bolesław IV’s expedition against the Prussians. Whilst the expedition of 1147 represents the first known example of crusading in Prussia, and the Piast sponsored holy wars against the Prussians followed similar patterns, the application of the method of forcible conversion was to alter after the 1192 expedition and with the decline of strong central Piast authority give way to a grass roots evangelization movement akin to the vita apostolica.

Chapter 7

Missions to the Prussians and the Beginning of the Prussian Crusade

T

he 1192 expedition was the last large scale Polish military attempt to subjugate the pagans and the apostates in Prussia undertaken by a son of Bolesław III the Wrymouth. Its success marked the commencement of a period of waning of the military campaigns against the Prussians. At the time when across Latin Christendom the crusading movement was developing towards the institutionalization of the crusade the experience and the progress of holy war in the Piast realm took a different path. The minority of Kazimierz’s successor was the beginning of a period of instability of the dynasty due to the perceived lack of central Piast authority. It allowed the individual Piast princes and their provinces to emancipate further from the control of the princeps. The system of principate offered suzerainty of the whole of Poland to the princeps residing in Kraków. This encouraged the Piasts to challenge each other for the rule the capital of Lesser Poland. The rivalry between the Piast rulers of Greater Poland, Silesia, and Mazovia prevented a unified Christianization strategy of the pagan tribes of the north and made the emergence of the strong leadership under the banner of the papacy unlikely. The Piasts’ ad hoc military incursions into Prussia were neither authorized by the pope nor is there any evidence that the Polish princes actually sought such an endorsement. The limited interest of the papacy in the co-ordination of the Christianization of the peoples of the Baltic was perhaps an indication of the remoteness of the region and the lack of coherent crusade strategy. In the last three decades of the twelfth century, Christian missionaries began the evangelization, however, of the lands of the Estonians, Fins, Livonians, and Prussians. The missionaries were supported by military contingents from some regional secular powers. In the southern Baltic,

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in the absence of a co-ordinated military action by the Piasts, Prussia became the target of a mission organized by the Cistercian Order, perhaps under the auspices of the Piast rulers of Greater Poland. At a time when the Piasts were unable to present a united front to conduct holy war against the pagans, the initiative of the Cistercians was welcomed as it did not involve a military resoures. Thus, the grass roots evangelization conducted by the Cistercian Order emerged as the most effective way of bringing salvation to the heathen Prussians. * * * This chapter outlines the dynastic situation in Poland and major developments in missionary work in the Baltic contrasting the intensification of the Christianization effort in the eastern Baltic with that taking place on its southern shores. I examine the attempts by the Cistercian Order to achieve conversion of Prussia through mission against the backdrop of the political fragmentation of the Piast monarchy and the ensuing struggle of the Piast princes for hegemony over the Piast realm. The resulting lack of unity and lack of co-ordination in conducting holy war against the Prussians between the Piast princes brings on a change in strategy. During the first decade of the thirteenth century, the weakness of the dynasty enabled a further emancipation of the Polish Church under the powerful, leadership of Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz. I argue that despite the efforts of the Archbishop Henryk the Piasts were reluctant to take the cross despite receiving first crusading bulls authorizing the crusade against the Prussians in 1221. In discussing the organization of the mission to the Prussians by the Cistercians from the abbey of Łękno, I would like to highlight the family traditions of the abbey’s benefactors which, I argue, were crucial in the encouragement of the Cistercians to undertake the mission in Prussia. I point to the ‘internationalization’ of the mission and crusading in Prussia and present the only military religious order formed in northern Poland and Prussia, the Order of Christ. Further, the chapter analyses the events leading to 1230 and the advent of crusades against the Prussians, initially conducted by the Piasts, and later by the Danes, and finally by the Teutonic Order. This chapter also examines the growth in the popularity of the military religious orders which since the Second Crusade enjoyed the patronage of the Piasts and the Polish knighthood. I argue that the territorial dislocation of the foundations of the commanderies of the Hospitallers and the Templars prevented their assets being effectively used in the system of defences against the pagan Prussian or other threats. * * *

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The 1192 Polish expedition against the Prussian tribe of Pollexians resulted in the submission of some of the Prussian tribes in the region. According to Bishop Vincentius of Kraków: The prince [of the Pollexians] and their elders humbled themselves at the feet of Kazimierz with their necks bent, asking for their own and their fellow tribesmen’s salvation.1

Kazimierz’s death two years later prevented the consolidation of these victories which would arguably have enabled the forced Christianization of Prussia and its incorporation into the Piast realm. Vincentius commented that ‘after the star of Kazimierz went out, disarray and confusion occurred in human relations’.2 The ensuing struggle and civil wars, fought between various members of the Piast dynasty for succession, prevented a unified and consistent approach to missionary activity in Prussia. Towards the turn of the thirteenth century the Piasts, absorbed in their internal disagreements, halted if not abandoned their northern campaigns and instead were forced to defend their territories against Prussian plundering raids. In contrast, there is no evidence of large scale Polish military incursions into Prussia. Initially, the papacy paid little attention to initiatives by local secular Christian rulers on the Baltic rim. In the 1170s, Christian missionaries began targeting the lands of the Estonians, Fins, and Livonians. During the pontificate of Pope Alexander III, the missionaries were assisted by military protection from Denmark, Sweden, and Germany. The first efforts at evangelization of the pagans were undertaken in the belief that these activities would ‘help to propagate the Catholic faith’ and assist ‘the infidel people to gain salvation’.3 By the 1170s, the tenor of these proselytizing campaigns had also taken on a defensive character, no doubt as a result of fierce resistance. In response to calls for assistance and also in order to give recruitment campaigns authority, the Pope, in his various bulls of 1171 and 1172 addressed the leaders of the missions in Finland and Estonia. In the bull, Non parum animus, issued in September 1171 or 1172, he offered an indulgence to all those in Denmark, 1  ‘Donec omni pene conflagrata provincia, tam princeps illorum quam magistratuum potestates, ad Kazimiri scabellum pronis ceruicibus prosternuntur, tam suam quam reliquiarum salutem deprecantes.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:19.16, p. 168. 2  ‘Sidere igitur Kazimiri occidente, ortum est quasi quoddam chaos et quedam rerum ac personarum confusio.’ Chronica Polonorum, iv:21.1, p. 175. 3  Diplomatarium Danicum, ed. by Afzelius and others, 1:3, doc. 22. Cf. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, p. 56; PL 200, cols 852–53.

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Sweden, and Norway who took arms against the pagans of Estonia and highlighted the brutal nature of the pagans.4 He wrote that ‘the savage Estonians and other pagans in those parts rise and fight God’s faithful and those who labour for the Christian faith and fight the virtue of the Christian name’.5 The Pope promised that participants would receive one year’s remission of sin and any who died during the campaign would receive a full indulgence. Whilst these indulgences had much in common with those granted by the Pope to Levantine crusaders, Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt convincingly argues that the privileges granted for the Baltic campaign were different and less generous than those granted to crusaders in the Holy Land (for example, Alexander did not issue a full crusade indulgence), and demonstrates that Alexander III’s policy remained preoccupied with the Levant in support of the kingdom of Jerusalem.6 In contrast to the east Baltic campaigns, there is no extant evidence that the Polish campaigns against the pagan Prussians (for example in 1147, 1166, and 1192) received their own specific crusading bulls. In prior chapters, I suggested that the Piasts were likely to have understood that indulgences granted by Pope Eugenius III in 1147 in Divini dispensatione also applied to them and their campaigns. In the bull, the Pope authorized the crusade against the pagans inhabiting the north.7 The peripheral location of the Piast realm left the initiative of converting Prussia to Christianity in the hands of local rulers. Fighting the heathens was seen by the Piasts as meritorious with or without papal approval as Bolesław III’s conquest of Pomerania in the early twelfth century has demonstrated. The Piasts insisted on managing their northern borderland without reference to another authority, thus precluding interference or the mediation of the papacy and the Empire. Towards 1200, the territorial expansion of Christendom and the development of the administrative structures of the Church provided additional impetus to incorporate these regions of Europe which were currently not obedient to the Latin Church. The crusading movement entered a defining stage under the dynamic leadership of Innocent III (1198–1216) who on numerous occasions made a universal call to the faithful to embrace Christian holy war. During his 4 

Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, p. 59. Diplomatarium Danicum, ed. by Afzelius and others, 1:3, doc. 27. Cf. FonnesbergSchmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 59–61. 6  Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 64–65. 7  PL 180, cols 1203–04. 5 

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pontificate, the Church focused not only on the struggle in the Holy Land but also sought to expand Christendom in other directions, including the north of Europe and the Baltic rim. In 1213, Innocent III addressed Christendom in his bull Quia maior and called on all Christians to join a new Fifth Crusade directed to the Holy Land. The bull is typical of Innocent’s style. From the beginning of his pontificate, he employed the imagery of a faithful who obediently became crusaders by taking up Christ’s cross. In language reminiscent of Bernard of Clairvaux’s sermon preached before Conrad III in 1146, he asked how could anyone ‘know that his brothers, Christian in faith and name, are held in dire imprisonment among the perfidious Saracens and most profoundly subjected by the yoke of servitude’ and not respond with brotherly love and fight for their liberation?8 We summon on behalf of him who when dying cried in a great voice on the cross, made obedient to God his father unto death on the cross, crying so that he should save us from the eternal crucifixion of death; who, indeed, for our own sake summoned us and said, ‘If any man will come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me’. And in this clearly he said, ‘Whoever wishes to follow me to the crown should also follow me to the battle, which is now proposed to all as a test’.9

In Quia maior, the Pope summoned Christians ‘as sons to take vengeance on an injury to their father and as brothers to avenge the destruction of their brothers’ and reinforced his call by quoting Jesus, ‘whoever wishes to follow me to the crown should also follow me to the battle, which is now proposed to all as a test’.10 The Pontiff ’s language reminded Christians about the love God expressed for humanity and became a popular theme in thirteenth-century sermons which were preached across Christendom in support of his call. This message found both an obedient and receptive audience in the Church hierarchy of the Piast realm, who themselves were within a two hundred years of their formal conversion.

8 

Tangl, Studien zum Register Innocenz’ III, p.  90; Riley-Smith and Riley-Smith, The Crusades, Idea and Reality, p. 120. Cf. Riley-Smith, ‘Crusading as an Act of Love’, pp. 177–92. 9  Tangl, Studien zum Register Innocenz’ III, p. 88. 10  Tangl, Studien zum Register Innocenz’ III, pp. 88–89.

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The Political Situation in Poland From 1138, the Church in Poland built up a strong political and economically secure position for itself. In the middle of the twelfth century, the archbishops of Gniezno and the bishops of Kraków played a pivotal role in periods of regency and civil war. The prelates became closely involved in politics; their involvement transformed them from supporters of the throne and functionaries of the crown into the authority which influenced succession and dispensed grace and favour upon those members of the Piast dynasty they considered most worthy of the crown.11 The status of the episcopate as the dominant authority in Poland was further consolidated under Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz (1199–1219). 12 Whilst the secular Piast realm fragmented as the main branches of the dynasty divided their domains to accommodate the succession demands of their male progeny, the Church pursued its internal reform. The Archbishop became the leader of a church reform movement in Poland and vigorously implemented the policies of Pope Innocent III. He also steered the Church adeptly through a series of conflicts between the various Piast dynasts as they fought for succession to the throne of Kraków and with it suzerainty of all Polish principalities.13 In 1210, the Archbishop played a key role as the arbiter of princes at the Council of Borzykowa where he secured far ranging concessions from the leading Piast princes: Leszek the White of Lesser Poland, Conrad of Mazovia, and Władysław Odonic of Greater Poland.14 The concessions ranged from the acceptance of the canonical election of bishops by cathedral chapters, to fiscal immunities, and juridical privileges. Five years later, the Archbishop received further concessions from the Piast princes at the Council of Wolborz when the Church received an extension of the privileges granted in 1210.15 His authority and political dynamism made him an ideal enforcer of Innocent III’s summons to a universal holy war.16 As Mikołaj Gładysz observed, the ‘success of the preaching of the crusade would have the same consequences for the Church in Poland as in the whole of 11 

Maciejewski, Episkopat polski doby dzielnicowej, pp. 145–46. PL 216, col. 823; Braun, Poland in Christian Civilization, pp. 144–45. 13  Wyrozumski, ‘Kościół i społeczeństwo polskie’, p. 109. 14  CDS 2, doc. 144, p. 82–83. The papal confirmation in the letter of 21 April 1211. Codex diplomaticus Masoviae novus, ed. by Kochanowski, i, doc. 174, pp. 65–66. Cf. Subera, Synody prowincjonalne, p. 39. 15  Codex diplomaticus Masoviae novus, ed. by Kochanowski, doc. 175, p. 66; CDMP 1, doc. 68, pp. 66–67; doc. 85, p. 81; doc. 114, p. 104. 16  Zientara, Henryk Brodaty, p. 229. 12 

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Europe. There is no doubt that the spectacular success of the Church reformers strongly highlighted the primacy of the authority of the Church over the secular power’.17 Even with the Archbishop’s zeal and authority, it proved challenging to co-ordinate the Polish princes into a crusading force and he had to manoeuvre between the conflicting provincial interests of the Polish principalities and the personalities of an increasingly fragmented Piast dynasty. Realizing the Church’s objectives, was further complicated by the Piast dynasty’s territorial division of Poland and its inability to present a unified policy. The rulers of Greater Poland, Silesia, Lesser Poland, and Mazovia aspired to the throne of Kraków but were challenged in their attempts by their own sons who demanded further settlement of land and thus division of the patrimony. The concessions received by Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz from the Piast princes were later confirmed by the papacy and provided legitimacy to one of the strongest claimants to the throne of the Piast realm. The request by Henryk I of Silesia (1201–38) for papal reconfirmation of the Act of Succession of 1138, theoretically enabled Henryk I to take over Kraków. Yet his claim was not enforceable without a major civil war.18 Given this volatile political backdrop, it is not possible to establish the extent to which crusade preaching was delivered or how it was received across the Piast principalities within the Polish ecclesiastical province. Some circumstantial evidence about how such preaching was conducted may be derived from a number of extant charters, for example, a charter issued by the powerful magnate Świętosław of the Clan Pałuki, who, according to the charter, donated a part of his estate to ‘pro terra Domini’. 19 Use of such wording indicates the donor’s intention to support the Christian presence in the Holy Land: there is no evidence, however, of the outcomes of Świętosław’s gift to the Church. Mikołaj Gładysz has hypothesized that Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz was a strong advocate of crusade. He also argued that the Archbishop organized the Council of Wolborz in 1215 in such a way as to take the cross there ceremonially himself in order to encourage his protégé princes to follow suit. This hypothesis is persuasive because the Council of Wolborz took place before the Archbishop’s departure for the Fourth Lateran Council.20 This chronology 17 

Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 148. CDPM 1, doc. 6, p. 12. Cf. Zientara, Henryk Brodaty, p. 177. 19  CDMP 1, doc. 88, p. 83. 20  Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 149. The Fourth Lateran Council gathered in Rome in November of 1215. 18 

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of events suggests Henryk Kietlicz was a strong supporter of the papal pronouncements, the organizer of the preaching of crusade in Poland, as well as the enforcer of the papal decrees.21 The appointment of the Archbishop as a papal legate means that the curia planned that a Polish crusader contingent led by him would join the crusade in the Levant.22 His original vow to go to the Holy Land was never realized. In a letter dated 14 February 1217, Honorius III responded to a supplication by the Archbishop of Gniezno and the princes of his ecclesiastical province to commute vows of crusading to the Holy Land for participation in the crusade against the Prussians. In the petition, the Piast princes argued for commutation on the basis of the intensity of the Prussian raids, the poor health of Henryk Kietlicz, and the fact that a number of crusaders lacked the financial means to support a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.23 The tone of the petition indicates that those who took the cross earlier had both limited resources and a limited political inclination to fulfil their vow. Another argument was that the ruler of the region, Conrad of Mazovia (1194–1247), a younger son of Kazimierz II, would be left to his own devices facing a volatile and unpredictable northern border exposed to the incursions of the pagan Prussian tribes. In his reply, Honorius III agreed that the crusading vows could be commuted from the Holy Land to Prussia with full indulgence, but only for those Polish knights who were recruited from the Polish provinces directly affected by the Prussian raids.24 The two provinces exempted from participation in the crusade to the Holy Land were thus most likely Mazovia and Pomerania.25

21  Papal approval for the mediation of the Archbishop was contained in the letter of 9 February 1217. CDMP 1, doc. 89, p. 83. 22  Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz was to lead the Polish crusading contingent. ‘Licet igitur inter ceteras sollicitudines nostras primum locum obtineat negotium Terre sancte, gerentes tamen de tua cantate ac religione fiduciam specialem, te ipsum ac ceteros Crucesignatos tue provincie tibi committendos duximus in hac parte.’ CDMP 1, doc. 92, pp. 85–86 [dated 14 February 1217]. Also in PrUB 1, doc. 16, p. 11 [dated 16 April 1217]. 23  CDMP 1, doc. 92, pp. 85–86. The Archbishop’s state of health is also referred to in PrUB 1, doc. 30, p. 21 [dated 11 May 1219]. Cf. Gładysz, ‘Udział Polski’, pp. 67–70. 24  ‘Ea venia peccatorum, que Crucesignatis transituris ad partes Ierosolime indulgetur.’ CDMP 1, doc. 92, pp. 85–86. 25  ‘Saltem duorum ducatuum Polonie qui sunt magis vicini paganis, a voto Ierosolimitane peregrinationis absolvere dignaremur.’ CDMP 1, doc. 92, pp. 85–86. Cf. Zientara, Henryk Brodaty, p. 230.

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Bolesław III the Wrymouth 1086–1138 d. of Poland 1102–38 1 m. Zbyslava of Kiev 2 m. Salome of Berg

1 Władysław II the Exile c. 1105–59 d. of Poland 1138–46

2 Bolesław IV the Curly 1121/22–1173 d. of Poland 1146–73

Bolesław I the Tall c. 1127–1201

Leszek c. 1160–86

Henry the Bearded c. 1165/70–1238

2 Mieszko III the Old 1122/25–1202 d. of Greater Poland 1138–1202 d. of Poland 1173–77 1194–1202

Odon c. 1145–94

2 Henry 1126/33–1166 d. of Sandomierz 1146–66

Władysław III c. 1161/67–1231

2 Kazimierz II the Just 1138–94 d. of Poland 1177–94

Leszek the White c. 1184/85–1227

Conrad I 1187/88–1247

Władysław Odonic c. 1190–1239

Figure 7. The Major Piast Rulers in 1230

The content of the papal bull of 17 April 1221 suggests that despite these concessions at least one Polish prince remained reluctant to fulfil his vows. Leszek the White (1194–1227), an elder son of Kazimierz II, had originally taken the cross with Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz in 1215 and then received the commutation of the vow to go to Prussia.26 Leszek wrote to the Pope that he could not travel to the Holy Land because he would not substitute beer and mead, unobtainable in the Levant, for wine and water. Leszek was either highly eccentric or sufficiently disinclined to go that he could proffer such an excuse.27 The Pope’s remonstrance failed to convince Leszek to take part in a crusade before 1227 when the prince was assassinated.28 One of the first papal documents which explicitly permitted preaching of the crusade against the Prussians in Poland was the bull issued on 20 April 26 

PrUB 1, doc. 39, p. 26 [dated 17 April 1221]. CDS 3, doc. 260, pp. 18–20. Gładysz interpreted this seemingly pathetic request as an indication of the princes’ illness rather than as an excuse. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 156. 28  ‘Audito quondam, quod dilectus filius nobilis vir L. dux Polonie sollempniter voverat, se transfretaturum in subsidium terre sancte vel profecturum in auxilium Prutenorum noviter conversorum, quia ipse votum suum exequi differebat, nos de ipsius salute solliciti, eum nostris litteris paterno affectu monuimus et per alias fecimus commoneri, ut quod promiserat veritati, veraciter adimpleret.’ PrUB 1, doc. 39, p. 26 [dated 17 April 1221]. 27 

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1221 in which Honorius III promulgated the indulgences available for those who took the cross within the territory of the archdiocese of Gniezno.29 The Pontiff explained that the changes in his policy towards the Christianization of Prussia were only seemingly inconsistent but rather a result of careful consideration of the immediate needs of the Fifth Crusade and the recovery of the Holy Land.30 Honorius further explained that he reinstated a full crusading indulgence for those who supported the mission in Prussia because he had been warned that the evangelization of the Prussians was threatened by the lack of continued support from other parts of Latin Christendom. A possible sign of the curia’s efforts to mobilize this support was the arrival in 1223 of the papal legate to Poland, Cardinal Gregorio de Crescenzi, who was authorized to commute the Levantine crusading vows of those physically unable to fulfil them to the closer geographic location of Prussia.31 In 1226, when crusading recruitment activities were under way in Austria, England, Norway, and Hungary, Pope Honorius III addressed a letter on 9 December to a cantor of Gniezno, a cleric known as Pełka. The papal letter is significant because it includes a reference to Pełka’s official duties which included the papal (officium predicandi Crucem in Gnesnensi provincia) the preaching of the crusade in the archdiocese of Gniezno.32 The letter also provides evidence of Pełka’s earlier communications with the curia, which indicates not only his personal involvement in the preaching of the crusade in 1226 but also his prior involvement as a papal preacher of the crusade in earlier years. Pełka told the curia that he encountered many who had been excommunicated as perpetrators of violence and who were now asking for the commutation of their penance through their support and personal involvement in the crusading movement. 29 

PrUB 1, doc. 40, pp. 26–27 [dated 20 April 1221]. ‘Si pro varietate negotiorum vel temporum consilia provide variamus, non est imputandum inconstantie levitati, sed maturitati potius ascribendum.’ PrUB 1, doc. 40, p. 27. There can be no doubt that the events of the Fifth Crusade directly affected the Pope’s policy on crusading in other parts of Christendom. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 144–46. In 1217–21 the curia would have been preoccupied on the Levantine crusade as the siege of Damietta in Egypt lasted from May 1218 to November 1219. The crusader army was defeated on 30 August 1221 at al-Mansura by the Muslim army. Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 146–49. 31  Annales Cracovienses priores, ed. by Kozłowska-Budkowa, p.  72; Ptaśnik, Analecta Vaticana, doc. 18, p. 9. Zachorowski argued that the reference to contra paganos crucis signum in the papal instructions for the legate might have refered to a crusade in Prussia. Zachorowski, Studja do dziejów wieku xiii, p. 91. See also, Ptaśnik, Analecta Vaticana, doc. 21, p. 10. 32  Ptaśnik, Analecta Vaticana, doc. 28, pp. 13–14; Bieniak, ‘Pełka’. 30 

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In the letter of 1226, the Pope provided Pełka with authority to remove the penalty of excommunication from those concerned in exchange for a crusading vow. There is no other evidence of Pełka’s earlier involvement in crusading initiatives. Sources confirm that he was in the service of the Church in Gniezno by 1213 but it is most likely that he worked with Archbishop Henryk Kietlicz in the preaching of the crusade.33 Pełka is known to have been involved in the reform movement in Poland and thus his support of the preaching of the crusade would have been a parallel, complimentary rather than exclusive, engagement. Later in his career, Pełka rose to lead the Church in Poland as archbishop of Gniezno in 1232–52.

Religious Orders and the Missions to the Prussians In the thirteenth century, the initiative for evangelizing the pagans on the shores of the Baltic Sea shifted from the Piast princes to the monastic orders. The networks of abbeys of monastic orders located in Poland had developed significantly in the prior two centuries. Amongst other things, the orders began to furnish them with the resources necessary to undertake missions among the heathen Prussians. Early missionary activity was probably co-ordinated by the bishops of Płock and Włocławek, as their dioceses were on the borders of the Prussian territories. They may, however, have been independently organized by individual abbeys.34 There are no extant sources to enable examination of the progress and organization of the early missions to the Prussians. The missions also need to be understood in the wider context of the deepening of Christianity in Poland. The new religion, as discussed in prior chapters, took some generations to be taken up by the population; by the thirteenth century the Piast realm had absorbed Gregorian reforms and adopted the veneration of saints such as Saint Adalbert of Prague.35 The growth of the Church in Poland, including the establishment and growth of filial houses of the monastic orders, enabled the Church to devote considerable resources to the evangelization of the pagans on the northern borders of the realm. 33 

CDP 3, doc. 7, p. 11. Deptuła, ‘Krąg kościelny płocki’, pp. 60–63, 106–15; Żebrowski, ‘Kościół (x–xii w.)’, p. 139. 35  Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1987), pp. 11–25; Karwasińska, ‘Święty Wojciech’ (1977), pp. 549–50. 34 

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POLISH EXPEDITIONS TO PRUSSIA 22° 18° 20°

24° 56°

Scalovia Sambia Natangia Gdańsk

POMERELIA

Nadrovia

Warmia

54°

Bartia

Po ge sa n

Pollexia

ia

Starogard

Sudovia

Pomesania

Świecie

1147

Chełmno

Łękno Gniezno

Dobrzyń Płock Włocławek

Galindia Wizna

1166

MAZOVIA

1192 Drohiczyn

N

52°

Map 8. Tribal Prussia: The Direction of the Polish Expeditions

Missionary activity to the north of Poland was coupled with increased uncoordinated secular interest in the region. It remains unresolved whether Prussian raids were caused by or aggravated by a push for more territorial acquisition by the Polish princes and their knights.36 The Prussian raids against the Poles appear to have been significant, contrary to the later propaganda of the Teutonic Order which belittled the severity of the Prussians raids against Mazovia and Pomerania. The military activities of the Prussian tribes may also have intensified as a result of changes occurring within their tribal structures. During the twelfth century, the increasing stratification of Prussian society resulted in the emergence of a caste of wealthy warriors. This new stratum of Prussian society increasingly took control of the political and decision making processes of the 36 

The discussion is summarized in Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 144–69.

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tribe; they encouraged alliances between the tribes and the creation of larger groupings of tribes which were able to undertake expansionary policies more efficiently. These processes if allowed to take their course may have led to the establishment of a Prussian proto-nation.37 The borderlands of Prussia with Poland, Pomerania, and Rus’ were an increasingly contested region for Prussian expansion.38 These changes within Prussian society also provided a fertile ground for Christianization as the newly formed and growing Prussian elites were a receptive target for conversion. In fact, the names of Prussian warriors (nobiles) are known from later papal letters.39 The warrior caste was receptive to the teaching of Christian missionaries in the same way that the other north central European peoples including Poland had been, that is, from the top down. Located on the eastern boundaries of Latin Christendom, Poland was the dominant regional power; its dynasty was supported by a powerful god and it provided a powerful example of such a process. Only scant detail is known about the early missionary activity in Prussia that was undertaken by Cistercians from Poland and Pomerania. The lack of sources relating to the early Cistercian mission to the Prussians may be explained by the peaceful approach of the missionaries.40 The leadership of these missions did not request military support from the region’s Christian rulers which means fewer written records were created. The development of the mission to the Prussians progressed initially along similar lines as the mission in Livonia, which has more sources and surviving evidence, perhaps because the Livonian mission received military support much earlier that the mission in Prussia. From the sources of the Livonian mission, it is known that around 1180 Meinhard, a canon regular, started a mission among the pagan Livonians and established his base at Üxküll on the Duna River. He was supported by Archbishop Hartwig II (1185–1207) of Hamburg-Bremen. In 1186, Meinhard was consecrated bishop of Üxküll and the Archbishop secured papal support for Meinhard’s mission and extended Hamburg-Bremen’s metropolitan 37 

Powierski, ‘Przekaz Dusburga o najazdach pruskich’, p. 41. Labuda, ‘Polska i krzyżacka misja’, p. 270. Powierski’s proposition is convincing. Sources show that in the early thirteenth century the Polish province of Mazovia suffered from several devastating pillaging raids by the Prussians. Powierski, ‘Przekaz Dusburga o najazdach pruskich’, pp. 9–41. 39  PrUB 1, doc. 9–10, pp. 7–8. 40  PL 216, col. 670; PrUB 1, doc. 7, p. 6. Cf. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 173–75; Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 109–11. 38 

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rights over the see of Üxküll.41 Military support was given to the Livonian mission after Meinhard, his fellow missionaries, and the Livonian neophytes were threatened by the pagans in the early 1200s. Similarly, in Prussia, there are no sources before 1217 suggesting the existence of a militia in support of the Prussian mission, when its existence was threatened by violent resistance to the new religion. The early missionaries, as detailed in earlier chapters, worked among the heathen Prussians in the spirit of the Church’s early pacifist teaching and did not use or call upon the use of force. A decade after the establishment of the mission among the pagan Livonians in the early 1190s, the Cistercian community of Oliwa in Pomerelia sought papal acknowledgement for their missionary efforts in Prussia. This action was a local initiative and was not supported by their superiors; the chapter general removed the prior of the monastery in Oliwa on the grounds of a breach of the order’s Rule. In spite of, or perhaps because of the involvement of Bernard of Clairvaux in the preaching of the Second Crusade decades earlier, the leadership of the Cistercians might have tried to distance itself from active participation in the evangelization of the pagans in Prussia as, despite Bernard’s active support, the Second Crusade’s Levantine expedition ended in a failure. Under these circumstances, the leadership of the order considered the prior of Oliwa’s authorization of one of the brethren to travel to the papal court to seek authorization for the mission as a contravention of Cistercian statutes.42 The sanctioning of the Cistercian community of Oliwa, however, did not prevent its sister house in Łękno (line of Morimond) from conducting its own mission. In the late twelfth and the early years of the thirteenth centuries the monks of the Cistercian abbey of Łękno continued their mission to the Prussians in the tradition of Saint Adalbert.43 The tradition of Adalbert as one of the first episcopi gentium who travelled to Prussia to convert its pagan inhabitants was perhaps one of the influences which made the Cistercians of Łękno active in missionary activities. This would seem a natural extension of the traditions of 41 

Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 65–67. Statuta Capitulorum Generalium, ed. by Canivez, 19, p. 137. Cf. earlier prohibition Statuta, 36, p. 60. For other hypotheses in regard to these events see Szacherska, ‘Valdemar II’s Expedition to Pruthenia’, pp. 48–49. 43  Labuda, ‘Polska i krzyżacka misja’, p. 234; Manteuffel, ‘Próba stworzenia cysterskiego’, pp. 165–66; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp.  131–33. The mission was probably supported if not inspired (as argues Mikołaj Gładysz) by the ruler of Greater Poland, Władysław III (c. 1165–1231) who was a significant benefactor of the abbey in Łękno. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, p. 173; Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, p. 124. 42 

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the abbey’s benefactors. The abbey was a foundation of the powerful Greater Poland magnate clan of Pałuki who claimed descent from Adalbert’s brother, Sobiesław.44 In 1153, one of the clan members, Zbylut, issued the abbey’s foundation charter. It was authenticated by the Archbishop of Gniezno.45 The activities undertaken by the monks of Łękno in Prussia must have been noticeable as they stimulated Danish interest in the region, and led to an extension of the rivalry between the rulers of Greater Poland and Denmark for control of the Baltic coastline.46 During the pontificate of Pope Innocent III (1198–1216), renewed interest in the Christianization of the Baltic pagans occurred at a time when the crusading movement was entering a new phase. The Pope took a keen interest in the crusades and the impact of his ideas and policies fundamentally altered the theory and practice of crusading.47 Within seven months of his election, he issued the bull, Post miserabile (15 August 1198), which proclaimed the crusade now referred to as the Fourth Crusade (1202–04).48 The papal summons in support of the Holy Land contained instructions to all ecclesiastical provinces of the Church for the Church authorities to be responsible not only for the supervision of crusade preaching but also the collection of a crusading tithe.49 Innocent’s approach to crusading was deeply ideological and aimed at bringing the whole of Christendom into a universal struggle rather than being only concerned with those who actually took the cross.50 He conceptualized crusading as military service for Christ in his encyclical Quia maior and the crusading canon Ad liberandam terram sanctam.51 44 

Matla-Kozłowska, Pierwsi Przemyślidzi i ich państwo, pp. 331–50. Semkowicz, Ród Pałuków, pp. 151–268. 46  Discussed in detail in Szacherska, ‘The Political Role of the Danish Monasteries’. The possible association of the mission’s leadership with Denmark probably reflected the changing nature of the quest for the lands of the Prussians and the competition between the crown of Poland and Denmark. Nowak, ‘Milites Christi de Prussia’; Szacherska, ‘The Political Role of the Danish Monasteries’, pp. 122–55; Szacherska, ‘Valdemar II’s Expedition to Pruthenia’, pp. 44–75. 47  Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 79–131. 48  PL 214, col. 312. Die Register Innocenz’ III, ed. by Sommerlechner and others, i, doc. 336. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, ‘Pope Honorius III’, p. 120. Cf. a new interpretation of Innocent’s intent in Throop, Crusading as an Act of Vengeance, pp. 124–25. 49  PL 214, cols 828–36. 50  Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades, p. 105. 51  ‘Ad liberandam terram sanctam.’ Canon 71, Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. by Alberigo and others, pp. 267–71. 45 

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These documents reach out to the whole of Christendom and ask how anyone could ‘know that his brothers, Christian in faith and name, are held in dire imprisonment among the perfidious Saracens and most profoundly subjected by the yoke of servitude’52 and not respond with fraternal love and join their rescue. The heightened state of preparedness and crusade preaching also influenced efforts aimed at the Christianization of the pagans on the Baltic. In a letter dated 26 October 1206, Innocent III highlighted his powers in respect of the authorization of this missionary activity. After reminding the Polish clergy that they ‘must ask the owner to send labourers to bring in the harvest’53 he called for their support for the mission to the Prussians undertaken by the Abbot of Łękno.54 The Pope announced that he had authorized the Abbot to preach the faith to the pagans (licentiam praedicandi) and recalled the recent efforts of the Abbot and the Cistercian monks in propagating the faith during their travels through Prussia. The Pope reinforced his approval, and quoting from Saint Paul’s Letter to the Romans, questioned ‘how could anyone preach without being sent?’55 The choice of Paul’s words was significant for Innocent III used the same authority as Bernard of Clairvaux who, in De consideratione, reminded Eugenius III about papal responsibility for mission and evangelization.56 Whether because of the papal exhortations or because the leadership of the Church in Poland considered the issue to be of vital importance to them, the Cistercians received material support from archbishop of Gniezno, who donated a large estate to resource their mission.57 A number of Cistercian 52 

Tangl, Studien zum Register Innocenz’ III, p.  90; Riley-Smith and Riley-Smith, The Crusades, Idea and Reality, p. 120. Cf. Riley-Smith, ‘Crusading as an Act of Love’, pp. 177–92. 53  ‘Qui discipulis suis ait: “Rogate dominum messis, ut mittat operarios in messem suam.”’ Die Register Innocenz’ III, ed. by Sommerlechner and others, doc. 174 [dated 26 October 1206]. Matthew (9. 38) 54  PrUB 1, doc. 4, pp. 2–4. Cf. Beginning of the mission dated for 1207 under the leadership of Godfrey as the ‘first bishop of Prussia’, Albrici monachi Triumfontium Chronicon, ed. by Scheffer-Boichorst, p. 887. Year 1209 stated in Chronicon Montis Sereni, ed. by Ehrenfeuchter, p. 176; PrUB 1, doc. no 4, p. 2; CDMP 1, doc. 39, pp. 48–49 [dated 26 October 1206]. Cf. Gerard Labuda hypothesized that by 1216 the whole of Pomezania was nominally Christianized. Biskup and Labuda, Dzieje zakonu krzyżackiego, p. 87. 55  ‘Et quomodo predicabunt, nisi mittantur?’ Die Register Innocenz’ III, ed. by Sommerlechner and others, doc. 174 [dated 26 October 1206]. Romans (10. 14–15). 56  Cf. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, p. 116. For a discussion of influences on Innocent’s writing see Doran, ‘In Whose Footsteps?’, pp. 60–62; Maccarrone, Chiesa e Stato, pp. 13–15. 57  CDMP 1, doc. 156, p. 136.

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monks entered Prussia, and their preaching resulted in the conversion of at least two Prussian nobiles.58 Despite this success, and apparently uncomfortable with continued involvement in missionary activity (not the usual occupation of Cistercians), in 1210 the chapter general of the Cistercian Order ordered that the monks return to their convent and reprimanded the Abbot.59 The Pope appears to have disagreed with the decision of the chapter general of the Cistercian Order. In 1210 he appointed the Archbishop of Gniezno as his legate and empowered him to protect the nascent mission to the Prussians.60 This direct intervention by the papacy in support of the evangelization of the Prussians is likely to have influenced Abbot Godfrey of Łękno to go against the directives of his Cistercian superiors. Subsequently, in the bull dated 10 August 1212, the Pope addressed the leadership of the Cistercian Order directly and announced that he was authorizing two Cistercian monks (Christian and Phillip) to preach the faith to the Prussians under the protection of the Archbishop. This time the order did not protest. From the same papal letter it is known that the Cistercians of Łękno’s involvement in the mission to Prussia led to the establishment of a Cistercian convent in the Prussian town of Zantyr and the monk Christian was made its abbot.61 Innocent III also sternly forbade the dukes of Poland and Pomerania to impose dues on the converts or reduce their freedoms.62 These reminders reflected Innocent’s concern for the welfare of the converts and it is likely that he wanted to prevent apostasy among the new Christian communities of Prussia.63 His concern was not unwarranted, as the example of the 1147 Polish expedition to Prussia and the forcible baptism of one of the Prussian tribes demonstrated. The newly baptized Prussians had heavy Polish taxes levied upon them. Shortly after, the converts rejected Polish overlordship and their recently acquired faith.64 The subsequent martyrdom of the Cistercian missionary Phillip suggests that at least some Prussians remained hostile to the preaching of the new 58 

Albrici monachi Triumfontium Chronicon, ed. by Scheffer-Boichorst, p. 241. Statuta Capitulorum Generalium, ed. by Canivez, i, p. 373. 60  PrUB 1, doc. 5, p. 4 [dated 4 September 1210]. 61  PrUB 1, doc. 6, p. 5 [dated 10 August 1212]. Cf. Statuta Capitulorum Generalium, ed. by Canivez, i, p. 414. 62  PrUB 1, doc. 7, p. 6 [dated 13 August 1212]. 63  Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, p. 119. 64  ‘Mox enim salax ranunculorum lubricitas in apostasie resilit gurgitem, inolitis idolatrie sordibus obscenius inmergitur.’ Chronica Polonorum, iii:30.15, p. 126. 59 

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faith.65 Contemporary sources inform that by 1216 the whole of the tribal lands of a Prussian tribe, the Pomezans, was considered to be Christianized, and Abbot Christian was successful in converting a number of Prussian nobiles. The existence of an elite Prussian caste comparable in status to Christian counterparts is found in the text of the Treaty of Christburg of 1249.66 The nobiles class was constituted of those of noble birth (ex nobili prosapia procreati) and in the treaty with the Teutonic Order maintained the right to be knighted with the sword, and thus were ascribed status equal to the Christian feudal knighthood. Around 1216, the leader of the Prussian mission, Abbot Christian, travelled with neophytes to Rome where two Prussians (chieftains, Surwabuno and Warapoda) were personally baptized by the Pope; Christian was ordained a bishop with jurisdiction over Prussia.67 The consecration of Christian as the bishop of Prussia was a visible sign of the papacy’s involvement and interest. It was also a strong statement of support for the local clergy who were facing incursions into Prussia from the competing secular powers of Poland and Denmark by the first two decades of the thirteenth century. Maria Stella Szacherska argues that Christian as the leader of the mission to the Prussians accepted help from the king of Denmark, Valdemar II as early as 1210. In that year, during a short campaign, the forces of Valdemar II landed in Prussia or Pomerelia. The outcomes of this expedition are not known with the exception of a record of the homage of the ruler of Pomerelia to Valdemar II. It seems, however, that whilst the expedition may have been part of wider engagement by the Danes in the eastern and southern Baltic, the 1210 expedition was isolated and rather accidental to the overall Danish campaign in the region. It also predated by a decade Valdemar’s invasion of Estonia, which at behest of the king was granted the status of crusade in 1219 by Honorius III.68

65  ‘Monachus Philippus ibi martirisatus est.’ Albrici monachi Triumfontium Chronicon, ed. by Scheffer-Boichorst, p. 887. ‘Philippus monachus et sacerdos propter nomen Christi in pruzia martirizatus est IIII Nonas luna may.’ Analecta Cisterciensia, ed. by Zakrzewski, p. 6. 66  Szorc, Alojzy, ‘Pokój dzierzgoński z 7 lutego 1249’. 67  PrUB 1, doc. 9–10, p.  7 [dated 18 February 1216]. In 1216, Christian is already addressed as bishop. Cf. Simon Grunau’s Preussische Chronik, ed. by Perlbach, Philippi, and Wagner, p. 290. ‘Christianus primus post beatum Adalbertum genti Prutenorum episcopus consecratus est.’ Chronicon Montis Sereni, ed. by Ehrenfeuchter, p. 241. 68  Cf. Petersohn, Der südliche Ostseeraum, pp. 438–42; Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, p. 82.

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During this period, Bishop Christian of Prussia continued to conduct an active missionary programme and was also successful in attracting material support for his efforts from Polish elites and Prussian neophytes in the form of donations of land for his cause.69 The 1210 Danish expedition to Prussia and Pomerelia does not seem to have resulted in a permanent Danish presence there. By the time of Valdemar II’s removal from the Danish throne in 1223, the Bishop of Prussia and his mission received direct military support from the Polish princes for incursions against the Prussians; in 1222 Polish forces recovered the territory of Chełmno from Prussian occupation.70 In the same year, possibly preceding the recovery of Chełmno from the Prussians, the Piast dynasts of Silesia, Lesser Poland, and Mazovia gathered in Lonz, an unknown locality often identified with Łowicz, Łońsk, or Łążyn. Among those present were Conrad of Mazovia, Leszek the White of Lesser Poland, and crucesignatus Henryk I of Silesia. 71 The princes were joined by Bishop Christian of Prussia, the Polish episcopate, and in particular the bishops of Wrocław and Lubusz, who were described as crucesignati. Extant sources do not allow for indisputable determination of the nature of the council and its objectives. The description of its participants as crucesignati, suggests that those gathered in Lonz were either on their way to a crusade or had taken the cross during the meeting. There is, however, no other evidence of a 1222 Polish crusade against the Prussians. In the aftermath of the council, which might be the only episode of a joint Piast crusader action against the pagan incursions into the Piast territories, the Piast ruler, Conrad of Mazovia, granted the Bishop of Prussia fiefdom over the land of Chełmno so that it could provide an economic base for the mission to the Prussians.72 69 

Evidence of increased support for the mission and future crusade in Prussia can be found in the charters of Polish princes and their knighthood, PrUB 1, docs 46, 47, 49–51, pp. 34–38; CDPM 2, doc. 387, p.  29; Codex diplomaticus Masoviae novus, ed. by Kochanowski, docs 223–24, pp. 230–32; docs 228–29, pp. 236–39. 70  Manteuffel, Papiestwo i cystersi, pp.  99–105; Labuda, ‘Polska i krzyżacka misja’, pp. 20–25; Powierski, ‘Na marginesie najnowszych badań’, p. 239. 71  Powierski, Stosunki polsko-pruskie do 1230, pp. 150–51. 72  ‘Ego Conradus, dei gratia dux Mazovie et Cuiavie, notum facio omnibus fidelibus tam futuris quam presentibus, quod venerabili domino Christiano Episcopo Prutscie primo et suis succesoribus pro eo, quod H. ducem Slesie, L. Wratzlauiensem, L. Lubusensem episcopos cruce signatos et eorum barones, ceterosque cruce signatos versus Prusciam, ad peticionem meam baronumque meorum, castrum Colmen, per multos annos a Prutenis destructum et totaliter desolatum, reedificare cum eius bona voluntate permisit, partem predicti Culmensis territorii, […] in remissionem peccatorum meorum liberi me donavi.’ PrUB 1, doc. 41, pp. 27–31 [dated

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The intensification of missionary activity and military and political interference from Poland and Denmark in Prussian affairs over decades affected the Prussian tribes significantly. Traditional Prussian society was influenced by increased missionary activity and the imposition of a new system of values from the neophytes whose zeal in propagating the new faith is likely to have alienated their pagan kinsfolk. This led to internal Prussian hostility, which manifested itself in attacks by pagan Prussians on the Prussian neophytes.73 From around 1210, the conquest of Prussia and its Christianization was no longer an exclusively Polish affair and reflected a change in the nature of the holy war against the Prussians.74 Self-proclaimed crusaders were arriving in Prussia, ostensibly for the defence of the Christian neophytes. These knights, however, were indiscriminate in their attacks on the local population and often did not distinguish between the newly converted and the pagans. These frequent pillaging raids began to significantly impede the progress of the Christianization of the Prussians. Thus, in 1217, the protection of the Prussian converts became the subject of deliberations of the Fourth Lateran Council. The council provided Bishop Christian with increased powers and he received papal instruction (dated 16 April 1217) from Honorius III which directed him to use the arriving knights for the defence of the Christian neophytes.75 On the basis of this papal authorization, Christian founded his own militia, a military religious order of the Knights of Christ, the Fratres Milites Christi de Prussia.76 In the older historiography the order is referred to as the Knights of Dobrzyń, Zakon Dobrzyński or Bracia Dobrzyńscy (in Polish), or the Orden von Dobrin (in German). It should, however, be more properly referred to as the Knights of Christ of Prussia as the order’s association with Dobrzyń (located in

5 August 1222]. The grant was confirmed in 1223 by Pope Honorius III, PrUB 1, doc. 44, p. 33 [dated 18 April 1223]. 73  Powierski identified a series of at least six major pillaging Prussian raids in the years 1216–25. Powierski, ‘Przekaz Dusburga o najazdach pruskich’, pp. 9–41. 74  The Danish crusade to Prussia in 1210 was led by Valdemar II. Riley-Smith and RileySmith, The Crusades, Idea and Reality, pp. 77–78; Szacherska, ‘The Political Role of the Danish Monasteries’; Szacherska, ‘Valdemar II’s Expedition to Pruthenia’. 75  PrUB 1, doc. 7, p. 6 [dated 13 August 1212]. See approval of the grants of land to the mission in PrUB 1, docs 9–10, pp. 7–8. 76  Cf. Polkowska-Markowska, ‘Dzieje Zakonu Dobrzyńskiego’; Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, pp. 265–66. The same argument was expressed by Starnawska in Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 108.

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Mazovia and not in Prussia) is related to the order’s final years of existence and as such Dobrzyń was marginal to its mission in Prussia.77 The establishment of the Knights of Christ of Prussia was confirmed by Pope Gregory IX in 1228, the date of the actual foundation of this military religious confraternity may, however, have been earlier: in fact closer to the date of the papal bull on 1217, given that the Pope referred in his letter to the establishment of the order by the bone memorie Bishop of Prussia.78 Given that Bishop Christian was alive at this time it could be argued that the local militia (which in 1228 received papal sanction as the Knights of Christ of Prussia) was in fact established earlier (about 1207–09) by Abbot Godfrey of Łękno. The Abbot used the title, Bishop of Prussia, without the approval of the Pope, a fact criticized by his Cistercian superiors.79 In 1228 the Polish ruler of Mazovia, Conrad, granted the knights the town of Dobrzyń and the surrounding land, a territory located south of and adjacent to Prussia. The Knights of Christ provided assistance to the Cistercian missionaries in Prussia and protected Christian communities in Mazovia from raids by pagan Prussians. Their rule was modelled on the Knights Templar. The knights wore white cloaks with the symbols of a raised red sword and a red star over their armour. Although the papal documents confirming the existence of the order are dated at 1228, the knights who joined this new confraternity most likely had arrived earlier in Prussia. The origins of the knights cannot be established precisely, but they were probably recruited from the communities which already supported the mission of Bishop Christian.80 It seems that at first the order included German knights from Lower Saxony and Mecklenburg who were settled in Zantyr, the Bishop of Prussia’s seat. The knights: were connected with the Cistercian abbey of Dargun, were vassals to the duke of Mecklenburg,

77 

Cf. Nowak, ‘Milites Christi de Prussia’, pp. 339–52. Codex diplomaticus Masoviae novus, ed. by Kochanowski, docs 258–59, pp. 276–77; Powierski, Prusowie, Mazowsze i sprowadzenie Krzyżaków, pp. 14–16. Maria Starnawska argues for the earlier foundation of the order. She uses analogy of the situation of the bishop of Riga and his conflict with the Knights of Christ to suggest that Bishop Christian would not have been inclined to support a new military religious order in his episcopal territory in the late 1220s, when the conflict between the bishop of Riga and the Knights of Christ entered its critical stage. Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 109. 79  Manteuffel, Papiestwo i cystersi, pp. 101–03. 80  Petrus de Dusburg, Chronica terrae Prussiae, ed. by Wenta and Wyszomirski, ii:4, pp. 25–26. 78 

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and came from the north German county of Stade.81 Polish knights, vassals of Conrad of Mazovia, may also have joined the order. The support and the importance attached by the papacy to the Christiani­ zation of Prussia is evident from the efforts the curia undertook to provide legal structures for the future of the Church hierarchy there. On 5 May 1218, the Pope authorized Bishop Christian to erect new dioceses in Prussia as and when it was warranted for the evangelization of the local population.82 During 1218, the Pope also undertook an appeal to support the mission to the Prussians. On 5 May, the Pope addressed the faithful of Poland and Pomerania and the dioceses of Cologne, Salzburg, and Mogunz and called for support of the crusade against the Prussians, in particular by those who were unable to support Christian efforts in the Holy Land. The Pope also agreed to the commutation of crusading vows from the Levant to Prussia83 and granted participants and those who sent others in their place a full crusading indulgence, which could also to be enjoyed by those who supported the expedition financially.84 The following day, Honorius III issued a bull and stated that those who already had taken a vow to go to the Holy Land but had insufficient means to do so or were of ill health could have their vows commuted so that they could go to Prussia instead, with full indulgence. In this bull, the Pope explicitly authorized crusading activity ‘ad defendum fideles predictos contra barbaras nationes’, to defend the newly converted Christian communities against the pagans.85 A year later in 1219, the Pope revoked the appointment of the Polish archbishop of Gniezno as a legate for Prussia and placed sole authority over the newly baptized Prussians in the hands of Bishop Christian.86 On 3 January 1225, he announced that all the communities of the newly Christianized Prussians and their Baltic kin (the Livonians) were under the protection of the Holy See, which claimed suzerainty over their lands.87 The direction of papal policy towards Prussia, whether formulated by the curia or instigated by Bishop Christian himself, was aimed at the limitation of 81 

Szacherska, ‘Pierwsi protektorzy biskupa’, pp. 137–41. Restated in Szacherska, ‘Valdemar II’s Expedition to Pruthenia’, pp. 71–72. 82  PrUB 1, doc. 19, p. 14 [dated 5 May 1218]. 83  PrUB 1, doc. 21, pp. 15–16 [dated 6 May 1218]; CDPr 1, doc. 2, pp. 3–4. 84  CDPr 1, doc. 2 [dated 5 May 1218]. 85  CDPr 1, doc. 3 [dated 6 May 1218]. 86  PrUB 1, docs 30–31, pp. 21–22 [dated 11 and 12 May 1219]. 87  PrUB 1, doc. 54, p. 40 [dated 3 January 1225].

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the Polish crown’s influence in Prussian affairs. Under the aegis of the papacy, Christian, as the bishop of Prussia, was vested with full authority to deal with matters spiritual and temporal over his neophyte subjects. Such a policy, which explicitly excluded Polish dynasts from territorial gains in Prussia, may have given the Polish ruler of Mazovia and the Polish ruler of Pomerania encouragement to undermine the mission led by Bishop Christian and the Cistercians.88 Attempts to settle military religious orders such as Order of Calatrava and the Teutonic Order were examples of such actions.89 There was also a change in papal support for Bishop Christian and the Cistercian mission in Prussia. The shift in papal policy towards the mission in Prussia may have been influenced by Honorius’s preference and approval of the Dominican Order’s ideas of evangelizing and mission. 90 This change of direction or indeed a new strategy of the curia sought to combine the task of pastoral care among the neophyte Christians in the region, and engagement and expansion of the mission, both objectives espoused by the ascendant Dominican Order. Pope Gregory IX (1227–41) decided that as well as the Dominicans, other mendicant orders such as the Franciscans were ideally suited to preach the crusade given the preaching character of their vocation and focus on pastoral care. The quest for Prussian souls and the overlordship of their lands changed in character with the summons issued in 1226 by Conrad of Mazovia for the Teutonic Order to settle in the borderlands between Poland and Prussia and to pursue a crusade against the pagans.91 By 1230, papal documents addressed to the Dominicans of the Polish province suggest that the papacy no longer supported the Cistercians for pursuing the mission in Prussia.92 The curia authorized the Dominicans to preach and organize crusades against the Prussians and to establish a Dominican missionary outpost in Pomezania. The involvement of the Dominicans, with the political backing of the curia, limited the scope 88 

Cf. Manteuffel, ‘Próba stworzenia cysterskiego’, p. 170. See for example Smoliński, ‘Kalatrawensi w Tymawie’; Smoliński, ‘W sprawie domów joannickich’. 90  Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 153–56. 91  For example Jasiński, ‘The Golden Bull’. Cf. PrUB 1, doc. 58, p. 44 [dated 5 May 1227]. 92  In the bull of 18 July 1231, the Pope endorsed the Teutonic Order as the second leader of the Christianization in Prussia and urged the Dominican preachers to appeal to the crusaders to follow the instructions of the Teutonic knights in addition to following the instructions of Bishop Christian. PrUB 1, doc. 85, pp. 65–66 [dated 18 July 1231]. Also see PrUB 1, doc. 87, p. 66 [dated 23 January 1232]. 89 

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of activity for Bishop Christian.93 In a series of papal letters related to Prussia, Gregory IX reiterated his position on the subordination of the crusading effort in Prussia to the Teutonic Order. For example, in September 1230 and January 1232 the Pope sent out an instruction that crusaders were to fight under the command of the Teutonic knights. In October 1233 and again in September 1234, Gregory IX repeated his request for the crusaders (and this time also the converts) in Prussia, to support and follow the directions of the Teutonic knights.94 In 1233/34 Bishop Christian was taken hostage by the Prussian pagan tribe of Sambs. Neither the Dominicans nor the Teutonic Order provided a ransom or attempted to secure his release.95 Instead, the knights ransacked the Bishop’s estates and devastated the town and the castle in the Bishop’s seat at Zantyr. The knights also raided the property of the Cistercian monks and usurped the financial rights belonging to the Bishop in respect of the churches and chapels thereby diminishing the economic base of the Cistercian mission and hindering the attempts of native Prussians to be baptized.96 Christian was imprisoned for five years during which time the Teutonic Order systematically destroyed all structures established in support of the Bishop’s mission and effectively removed the Cistercians from Prussia. The papal legate, William of Modena, received explicit instructions from Gregory to endorse the role of the Teutonic Order and to assist its work in Prussia. However, the legate was not to take over the administration of the crusade.97 In 1235, the Teutonic Order also secured the takeover of the military religious order of the Knights of Christ. In 1236, without any reference to the Bishop of Prussia, Pope Gregory IX decided to divide Prussia into three dio93 

Cf. Dekański, ‘Cystersi i Dominikanie’; Jasiński, ‘Dwie nieznane bulle’, pp. 79–82; Jasiński, ‘Trzy nieznane oryginalne bulle’. 94  PrUB 1, doc. 102, p. 76 [dated 7 October 1233]; docs 115–16, pp. 88–89 [dated 9 September 1234]. 95  PrUB 1, doc. 133, p. 100 [dated 23 March 1240]; doc. 135, p. 102 [dated 28 April 1240]. The Pope referred to the imprisonment of Christian in a letter addressed to the Dominicans in Prussia. PrUB 1, doc. 100, pp. 74–75 [dated 7 October 1233]. After his release, Christian complained to the Pope that the Teutonic Order did nothing to secure his release from imprisonment in Sambia. He also gave examples of the exchange of ransoms, hostages and prisoners by the order for other Christian prisoners. PrUB 1, doc. 134, pp. 100–02 [dated 11 April 1240]. 96  PrUB 1, doc. 134, pp. 100–02 [dated 11 April 1240]. 97  PrUB 1, doc. 111, p. 86 [dated 9 September 1234].

Missions to the Prussians and the Beginning of the Prussian Crusade 211 MILITARY ORDERS IN POLAND BEFORE 1200 14°

16°

18°

BAL

20°

TIC

22°

SEA

Sławno 1156–1180 54°

54°

Starogard

before 1198

Stargard

before 1187

Gniezno before 1187

Poznań

before 1187 52°

52°

Skaryszew

Strzegom

before 1187

ca. 1180

Tyniec Wielki 1170

Zagość

1146–1166

Kłodzko 1183

Bardo

Miechów

1189

Grobniki

1162

before 1183 50°

50°

Chełm

before 1173

Canons of the Holy Sepulchre Hospitallers

16°

N 18°

20°

22°

Map 9. Military Religious Orders in Poland before 1200

ceses to be ruled by the Dominicans. By the time Bishop Christian was released from captivity in 1239 (after his own family paid the ransom) the Teutonic Order, with the agreement of the curia, had Christian removed from all positions of authority in Prussia.98 98 

The investigation into Bishop Christian’s complaints against the order did not change

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Military Religious Orders and the Institutionalization of the Crusade The order of the Knights of Christ is the only military religious order to originate in Prussia and Poland and was modelled on the Levantine military religious orders, such as the Templars. Before 1200, however, other military religious orders established several outposts in Poland.99 These outposts would became the base to almost a hundred houses and commanderies of various military religious orders in Poland during the Middle Ages including the Hospitallers, the Templars, the canons of the Holy Sepulchre, and the Order of Calatrava. As Maria Starnawska observes, despite the peripheral location of Poland, the military religious orders, which were at the centre of the crusading movement, found their way to operate and thrive in the environment at the boundaries of Latin Christendom.100 The first of the military religious orders to establish a presence in the Piast realm were the Hospitallers (before 1166) and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre (before 1162). The military religious orders were supported by representatives of the ruling Piast dynasty (five donations) and Polish magnates (six donations). In the twelfth century, the houses of the military religious orders did not make up a consolidated network but were spread geographically across the Polish principalities. The commanderies were established in localities otherwise unconnected with the direct requirement to support the crusading movement, which suggests that their foundation was not initiated by the military religious orders but followed isolated donations from a local benefactor who aspired to join the crusading movement or perhaps hoped to benefit from the prayers of the religious community they endowed. Maria Starnawska and Robert Heś argue that the only example of a concentrated effort by a military religious order to acquire properties in close geographic proximity were the commanderies the Hospitallers established in Silesia along the trading route from Prague to Wrocław. The oldest of the Silesian houses was the commandery in Tyniec where the Hospitallers settled in 1187, although it is probable that the commandery was actually founded earlier. At about the same time the Hospitallers established a commandery in Grobniki (1180s) and in Kłodzko (about 1186) the order received a patronage over the local church. The next Gregory’s policy favouring the Teutonic knights. PrUB 1, doc. 134, p. 100 [dated 11 April 1240]. Cf. Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, pp. 200–02. 99  Cf. Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 25–54. 100  Starnawska, ‘Crusade Orders on Polish Lands’, pp. 121–42.

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commandery was founded around 1203 in Strzegom and between 1217/18 the knights received an estate in Maków.101 Initially, the founders of the Silesian commanderies were local magnates often assisted by the bishops of Wrocław. This Silesian model differed from practice in Bohemia where the Hospitaller foundations were established by the Czech dynasts. The 1220s and 1230s also became decades of increased generosity from the Polish elites who established various foundations supporting the military religious orders. The Order of the Temple received the most donations in this period. The first Templar commandery was founded in Silesia (Mała Oleśnica) by Henryk I the Bearded, most likely before 1226. Henry’s later policy of support for the crusades to Prussia suggests that this foundation was related to his later involvement.102 This foundation was further endowed by the bishops of Wrocław with a number of immunities and incomes. 103 Before 1229, Henry also endowed the Templars with an estate which became the cornerstone of the later commandery in Leśnica.104 Between 1232/35, additional endowments created the economic base for the foundation of the Templar commandery in Rurka.105 In Mazovia in 1239, the Templars were granted three villages.106 The settlement of the Templars there was likely designed to support the decimated Knights of Christ who were expelled from their castle in Drohiczyn.107 It is difficult to observe a pattern of settlement related to crusading and the possible pagan threat. The locations of the estates donated to the order do not suggest that the Piast dynasts settled the order in the areas where the Templars would be required to support military action against the pagans. Rather, the pattern of the donations suggests that they were colonizing the unsettled regions of the Piasts’ realms. The hospital in Gniezno and the earlier founda-

101 

Pope Innocent III confirmed the patronage of the Hospitallers over the church in Strzegom, CDS 2, doc. 249, p.  309 [dated 15 December 1203]. The Pope also confimed possession and incomes held by the master of the hospital in Silesia on the estates in Bardo and other localities. CDS 2, doc. 249, p. 309 [dated 15 December 1203]. 102  Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 61–63. 103  CDS 3, doc. 339, p. 167 [dated 1227]. 104  Schlesisches Urkundenbuch, ed. by Appelt, i, doc. 307; Zientara, Henryk Brodaty, pp. 222–24. 105  Urkunden und Regesten, ed. by Lüpke and Irgang, docs 12, 47, 49. 106  Urkunden und Regesten, ed. by Lüpke and Irgang, doc. 19. 107  Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, p. 62. Cf. Polkowska-Markowska, ‘Dzieje Zakonu Dobrzyńskiego’, p. 208.

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tion of the hospital in Poznań, however, may have been related to the care of crusaders travelling to Prussia through Greater Poland. In Greater Poland between 1225/38, the ruler, Władysław Odonic made a series of foundations which included a number of villages, the hospital in Gniezno and its estate, as well as land and estates across his principality. 108 Władysław Odonic’s generosity towards the military religious orders was the result of the influence exerted by the powerful churchman Archbishop Pełka of Gniezno: and generally because the preaching of crusade in Greater Poland seems to have been conducted with particular zeal.109 From 1232, Pełka had been very active in establishing a truce between the various branches of the Piast dynasty and in channelling the military prowess of the Polish knighthood towards crusading rather than fraternal bloodshed. The mediation of the Archbishop played a major role in preventing a civil war between Greater Poland and Silesia in 1234. He also played a role in the subsequent involvement of Władysław Odonic in crusades against the pagan Prussians in the 1230s. While in Greater Poland, Silesia, Pomerania, and Mazovia the Templars and Hospitallers were receiving numerous donations, in Lesser Poland another religious order also with origins in the Levant became the beneficiary of the Polish elites’ generosity. The canons of the Holy Sepulchre were the recipients of the most generous grants since the foundation of their commandery in Miechów around 1162. Among various donations, on 9 September 1232, Pakosław the Elder of the Clan of Awdańcy donated, in ‘subsidium sancte terre’, the village of Udarz to the canons. The charter states that Pakosław also took the cross (signo crucis accepto) and vowed to travel to the Holy Land (vovens proficisci transma­ rinas in partes).110

108  CDMP 1, doc. 202, pp. 171–72 [dated 23 May 1237]. In the historiography of the Polish crusading movement, Władysław Odonic is considered one of the probable participants of the Fifth Crusade. Włodarski, ‘O udziale Polski w wyprawie’. After almost a century of inconclusive debate the issue remains unresolved. Starnawska and Gładysz disagree on the possible reasons for this Piast prince taking the cross. Starnawska, Między Jerozolimą a Łukowem, pp. 56–57; Gładysz, ‘Udział Polski’, pp. 71–82. In his more recent publication, Gładysz recounts the main points of the discussion on Polish participation in the Fifth Crusade and after an analysis of various hypotheses rejects the proposition that Władysław participated in the Fifth Crusade. Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 156–69. 109  Bieniak, ‘Pełka’, pp. 574–77. See also Gładysz, Zapomniani krzyżowcy, pp. 206–10, 224–32. 110  CDPM 2, doc. 401, p. 46 [dated 9 September 1232].

Missions to the Prussians and the Beginning of the Prussian Crusade 215

The houses the military religious orders founded in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were established along the major trading routes in areas already settled and frequented by pilgrims. Five of the commanderies were rural estates and the others were established in towns. The benefactors donated existing rural settlements and villages; the relative wealth of these donations is demonstrated by the associated privilege of holding a fair on market day. The donation of estates in this number and size enabled the military religious orders to derive income immediately from the donated properties without extensive investment in the received estate. Only some of the commanderies founded in the twelfth century were located in the areas of future missionary and crusading activity. For example, the commandery in Starogard was located near the border with Prussia, and the commandery in Skaryszew was located on the highway to Sudovia. The relatively wide distribution of the foundations indicates that the grants by the Polish dynasts and their knighthood were not a part of a planned and carefully executed strategy to engage the military religious orders in the system of defences against the pagan Prussian or other threats.

Conclusion In the second half of the twelfth century, the Piast dynasty attempted at least twice to subjugate pagan Prussian tribes and force them to accept Christianity. With the death of Kazimierz II in 1194 and the subsequent disintegration of strong central authority in Poland, Prussia instead became the focus of peaceful missionary activity by renegade monks from the Cistercian Order. In the first two decades of the thirteenth century the mission to the Prussians gained the patronage and support of the papacy. Subsequently, it expanded with a Cistercian monk, Christian, becoming the leader of the mission as first bishop of Prussia. Bishop Christian continued his successful programme of evangelization through pacifist preaching and through increasing the Christian missionary presence in Prussia. His success renewed Polish imperial ambitions in respect of the lands of the Prussians. Christian’s repeated requests for material support from the West brought Danish and German interests to Prussia. The internationalization of the mission in Prussia meant Poland lost control over the mission. Further, its interests were hindered by Danish expansion in the Baltic. In 1206, the papacy extended its nominal control over the Prussian mission and in 1210 the Archbishop of Gniezno became the Pope’s legate for Prussia. Pope Innocent  III plainly sanctioned the mission which was to be undertaken through preaching without forceful conversion.

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Innocent’s successor, Honorius III, did not seek any control over the mission to the Prussians initially, although he developed an interest in the evangelization methods of the mendicant orders. Honorius utilized their preaching and missionary objectives to pursue further missions in Prussia thus creating competition between the mendicant orders and the Cistercians who had been engaged in the mission in the region over the previous thirty years. The Pope also extended a plenary indulgence to those who participated in or financially supported the crusades in Prussia. During the pontificates of Innocent III and Honorius III the status of the holy wars in Prussia gained acceptance as true crusades. In the 1230s, the focus of papal policy shifted towards recognition of parallel activities as manifestations of legitimate crusading: the crusade to the Holy Land, support of the Latin Empire of Constantinople, support of the crusade in Prussia, incursions into Livonia, and military expeditions against heretics in Europe. In the absence of Polish support for the mission in Prussia (due to disputes relating to the Polish succession), the papacy turned to other alternatives: the mendicant orders and the Teutonic knights. In the early 1230s, the Teutonic Order at the request of Conrad of Mazovia commenced the systematic conquest of Prussia thus replacing Bishop Christian’s mission with a ‘perpetual crusade’. The order adopted crusading propaganda to muster support for their actions and persuasively presented their military activities in Prussia as a defensive action against the pagan Prussians. Within fifty years of their arrival in Prussia, the Teutonic Order succeeded in subjugating the Prussian population and established their own state in the lands conquered from the pagans.

Conclusion

T

his book has considered the Polish response to the ideas of holy war and crusade in the twelfth century and the evolution of the forms of holy war and crusade adopted by the Piast dynasty. I have argued that the Polish elites were receptive to the idea of holy war and that holy war was used by the Piasts as a means of territorial expansion, validation of their membership of Latin Christendom and the neutralization of pillaging raids from their pagan neighbours. In the context of north central Europe, there was no ground-breaking distinction between holy wars and crusades before the 1220s. Polish participation in holy wars and crusades was motivated by the rationale provided by the Piast dynasty which justified it in terms of their dynastic interest. Piast involvement in the crusading movement cannot be explained by the call to crusade made by Pope Urban II in 1095 but rather as an evolutionary fragment of the development of the institution of crusade. The Piast realm serves as an example of how the character of the crusade changed in response to shifting military, social, economic, and political circumstances. The taking of the cross by the Piasts and their knighthood was a way of responding equally to both domestic and European strategic developments. The earliest Polish holy wars were not supported by indulgences, vows, and papal authorization; the distinctive features of later crusades. It can be argued that the leadership and participants of these military enterprises had the intention of engaging in penitential combat, but it cannot be proven. Thus, in the context of the Piast realm, Christian holy war was a dynamic concept which was adjusted for use in different conditions. Extant sources concerning Polish participation in the crusades do not allow for a deeper examination of the motives of the crusaders. Most Christian holy wars placed greater importance on achieving political purposes rather than selfsanctification, although the Polish narrative sources present them according to a universal formula for war against enemies of the Christian church. Therefore,

218

Conclusion

the specific characteristics of anti-pagan warfare in the Piast realm in the twelfth century do not enable historians to categorise them all as crusading. The Piast response to the idea of crusade in Poland underwent change during the twelfth century. During the first quarter of the twelfth century Bolesław III conquered Poland’s northern neighbour — Pomerania — in a series of wars which displayed the characteristics of a war deo auctore and which was presented in the Gesta according to the constraints of just war theology. These wars prepared the ground for the Christianization of Pomerania’s pagan population, which was conducted by Otto of Bamberg during missions to the Pomeranians in 1124 and 1128. Subsequently, the papacy legitimized Polish suzerainty over Pomerania through the creation of new bishoprics: subordinating them to the archdiocese of Gniezno. The papal envoys dispatched to the Piast court at the time of the Second Crusade were probably involved in preaching the Second Crusade in Poland. Correspondence between Mateusz Bishop of Kraków and Bernard of Clairvaux confirms the involvement of the Polish episcopate in Bernard’s missionary plans. During the Second Crusade, the Piast Juniors, who were in the ascendant, engaged in papacy-directed crusading. Polish crusaders participated in the Wendish Crusade under the command of Mieszko III ( July–August 1147), took part in the Prussian expedition led by Bolesław IV (November–December 1147), and joined a Polish crusader contingent of Henry of Sandomierz to the Holy Land (1147–48). Polish involvement in the Wendish Crusade and the organization of the first known crusade against the Prussians are examples of the Piasts’ response to the promise of the spiritual and temporal privileges granted in the bull, Divini dispensatione, which was directed at those who took the cross against the Wends and other pagans inhabiting the north. The influence of the idea of crusade on the Polish dynasty can be seen in the Polish response to the apostasy of the Prussian neophytes and the organization of punitive expeditions into Prussia in 1166 and 1192. In the second half of the twelfth century, Polish support for crusading can be also seen in the endowments of the military religious orders (the Hospitallers and canons of the Holy Sepulchre) by the Piasts and by the Polish magnates. The Polish sources explored in this book, in particular the Gesta and the Chronica Polonorum of Vincentius, provide examples of the reception of the idea of crusade by the Polish elites. Within a decade of the First Crusade, the anonymous author of the Gesta justified the holy war against the Pomeranians in terms of the Augustinian qualifications for just war. Ninety years later, writing in his Chronica Polonorum shortly after the fall of Jerusalem to the forces of Saladin, Vincentius provides a striking example of the transfer of crusading

Conclusion

219

terminology from the Levant to north central Europe by conceptualizing the apostate Prussians as the enemies of the Holy Faith and referring to them as the kin of Saladin — Saladinistas. The evolution of Polish involvement in crusading was in step with the process of state formation in Poland and the individual fortunes of the Piasts dynasts pre- and post-civil war of 1142–46, and closely followed the progress of Poland’s incorporation into Latin Christendom. Direct involvement in crusading was influenced by family tradition of waging holy wars against the enemies of the faith and was also pragmatic. The Piasts accepted the indulgences granted to crusaders and sought recognition and legitimacy for their efforts whilst pursuing domestic and foreign policy objectives: limiting the influence of the Holy Roman Empire in Poland’s affairs, territorial expansion, and maintaining their dynasty’s rule over Poland. The reception of the idea of crusade in Poland was facilitated by an influx of western European migrants (including dynastic wives raised in families with crusading traditions) who influenced many areas of public life in Poland. Other significant agents of change were the Poles who were educated in the intellectual centres of Latin Christendom (which were also centres of the crusading movement). These cultural exchanges enabled the idea of crusade to permeate the political and ecclesiastical elites of Poland. The experience of crusading in Poland promoted the deepening of the process of Christianization amongst the Poles. Christianity was imposed on the Poles by their rulers and the Piasts’ clientele (the nascent magnate and ecclesiastical elite). Whilst the elites of the Piast monarchy were devoted adherents of Christianity, the lower strata of society were initially highly resistant, and crusading in Poland never became a mass movement. Polish crusaders were recruited from the ruling dynasty and the knighthood. The acceptance of the idea of crusade and its manifestation in Poland occurred gradually. In its early stages, within twenty years of the First Crusade, the Poles successfully conquered neighbouring pagan Pomerania. This holy war (1102–28) was presented in the Gesta as a just war though which the expansionary policies of the Polish rulers’ dynasty overlapped with the mission of the Church. Successful conquest provided the Polish dynasty with a glorious tradition of engagement in holy war, which combined elements of their newly acquired religion with a ritual of celebrating warfare and martial strength. By the middle of the twelfth century, the Piasts had embraced crusading as a means of territorial gain and removing the pagan threat on their northern borders. The Piasts’ policy of contributing armies to the crusading enterprises of the Second Crusade: the Wendish Crusade (1147), against the Prussians (1147), and to the

220

Conclusion

Holy Land (1147–48) served as an important reminder of Poland’s membership of Latin Christendom. The response of the Polish dynasty to subsequent Prussian apostasy with retaliatory expeditions in 1166 and 1192 demonstrates the extent to which the elites of the Polish monarchy absorbed the teachings of the Church, even though as Bishop Vincentius of Kraków remarked its participants were moved more by greed and brutality than by charity. The Polish response to universal calls for crusade against the enemies of Christianity were characterized by a localized response; members of the ruling house and their knighthood rarely ventured to the Holy Land. The Piast adaptation of the idea of crusade suited regional conditions as the Piast principalities faced strong, yet decentralized tribal communities of pagan Prussians north of the Polish province of Mazovia. From 1200, mainly due to the political fragmentation of the Polish monarchy and the lack of central authority, the initiative of Christianization of the Prussians was taken up by Cistercian missionaries. The involvement of the Cistercian Order in the evangelization of Prussia added an international dimension to the efforts of local missionaries. By 1230, the mission received the endorsement of the papacy, later reversed with the arrival of the Teutonic Order. The subsequent zeal and ferocity with which the Teutonic Order subjugated and converted Prussia has overshadowed earlier history. The concept of crusading was addressed to and was positively received by the Polish ruling elites, located at the periphery of Latin Christendom. The conditions of the periphery, its local needs and environment, modified the idea of crusade to give crusading in north central Europe its own character. Yet, participants in Christian holy war, whether from Saint Gilles or Sandomierz, shared a sense of common belonging, understanding themselves to be part of one movement — a multinational effort, a common purpose and sense of community which was directed against non-Christians without restriction to geographic location.

Appendix 1

The Main Repre­sen­tatives of the Piast Dynasty (966–1230)

Mieszko I Parents Siemomysł, legendary warlord, leader of the Polanie (wife unknown) Death 25 May 992

Reign c. 960–92

Marriage 1. seven pagan wives, according to the Gesta 2. c. 965–77: Dobrava, daughter of Boleslav I the Cruel of Bohemia 3. c. 979/80–92: Oda, daughter of Dytryk, margrave of Northern march Issue (number indicates marriage) 2. Bolesław (966/67–17 June 1025) Świętosława (Sigríð Storråda) (968/72– after 3 February 1014) 3. Mieszko (979/84–after 25 May 992) Świętopełk (979/85–before 25 May 992) Lambert (980/90–after 25 May 992)

Appendix 1

222

Bolesław I Chrobry (the Brave) Parents Mieszko I / Dobrava of Bohemia Birth and Death 966/67– 17 June 1025

Reign 992–1025, crowned 18 or 23 April 1025

Marriage 1. 984–85: unknown 2. 986–87/89: unknown 3. 987/89–1013: Emnilda, daughter of Dobromir of Lusatia 4. 1018–after 1018: Oda, daughter Ekkehard, margrave of Meissen Issue 2. Bezprym (c. 986–1032) 3. Regelinda (989/90– 21 March 1030) Mieszko II Lambert (c. 990–10/11 May 1034) Otto (1000–33) 4. Matilde (1018/25–after May 1036)

Mieszko II Lambert Parents Bolesław I Chrobry / Emnilda, daughter of Dobromir of Lusatia Birth and Death c. 990–10/11 May 1034 Marriage 1. 1013–31: Richeza, daughter of Ezzo of Lorraine Issue 1. Kazimierz (25 July 1016– 19 March 1058) Gertrude (c. 1025– 4 January 1108)

Reign 1025–31, 1032–34, crowned 25 December 1025

The Main Repre­sen­tatives of the Piast Dynasty (966–1230)

223

Kazimierz I Odnowiciel (the Restorer) Parents Mieszko II Lambert / Richeza, daughter of Ezzo of Lorraine Birth and Death 25 July 1016 (Kraków)– 19 March 1058 (Poznań)

Reign 1034/38, 1039–58

Marriage 1. c. 1041–58: Dobroniega Maria, daughter of Vladimir the Great of Kiev Issue 1. Bolesław (1040/42– 2/3 April 1081 or 1082) Władysław (1042/44– 4 June 1102) Mieszko (16 April 1045– 28 January 1065) Świętosława (Swatawa) (1046/48– 1 September 1126) Otto (1046/48–1048)

Bolesław II Szczodry (the Bold) Parents Kazimierz I Odnowiciel (the Restorer) / Dobroniega Maria, daughter of Vladimir the Great of Kiev Birth and Death 1040/42– 2/3 April 1081 or 1082 (Ossiach ?)

Reign 1058–79, crowned 25 December 1076

Marriage 1. before 1069– 1081/82: unknown princess of Rus’ Issue 1. Mieszko (12 April? 1069– 7 January 1089)

Władysław I Herman Parents Kazimierz I Odnowiciel (the Restorer) / Dobroniega Maria, daughter of Vladimir the Great of Kiev Birth and Death 1042/44– 4 June 1102 (Płock?)

Reign 1079–1102

Appendix 1

224

Marriage 1. A concubine, according to the Gesta 2. 1080/81–86: Judith, daughter of Vratislav II of Bohemia 3. 1088–after 1092: Judith Maria, daughter of Emperor Henry III Issue 1. Zbigniew (1070/73–c. 1112 or 8 July 1113) 2. Bolesław (20 August 1086 or 1085– 28 October 1138) 3. daughter (1089/90–after 1112) Agnieszka (1090/91– 29 December 1125) daughter (1091/92–after 1112)

Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) Parents Władysław I Herman / Judith, daughter of Vratislav II of Bohemia Birth and Death 20 August 1086 or 1085 (Płock?)–

Reign 1102–38

28 October 1138 (Sochaczew?) Marriage 1. 1103–14: Zbyslava, daughter of Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich, Grand Duke of Kiev 2. 1115–38: Salome, daughter of Henry, Count of Berg Issue 1. Władysław (1105– 30 May 1159 or 30 May 1163) 2. Leszek (1115– 26 August before 1131) Ryksa (1116–after 25 December 1155) daughter (1117/22–?) Kazimierz (1117/22– 19 October 1131) Bolesław (1121/22– 5 January 1173) Gertrude (1126/35– 7 May 1160) Mieszko (1122/25– 13 March 1202) Dobroniega Ludgarda (1128/35–c. 1160) Henry (1126/33– 18 October 1166) Judyta (1130/35– 8 July 1171/75) Agnieszka (1137–after 1182) Kazimierz (1138– 5 May 1194)

The Main Repre­sen­tatives of the Piast Dynasty (966–1230)

Władysław II Wygnaniec (the Exile) Parents Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) / Zbyslava, daughter of Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich, Grand Duke of Kiev Birth and Death 1105– 30 May 1159 or 30 May 1163 (Altenburg?)

Reign 1138–46

Marriage 1. 1120/26–1159/63: Agnes, daughter of Leopold III of Austria Issue 1. Bolesław (1127– 7/8 December 1201) 2. Ryksa (1130/40– 16 June c. 1185) 3. Mieszko (1141/46– 16 May 1211) 4. Konrad (1146/57– 17 January 1180/90)

Bolesław I Wysoki (the Tall) Parents Władysław II Wygnaniec (the Exile) / Agnes, daughter of Leopold III of Austria Birth and Death 1127– 7/8 December 1201 (Wrocław)

Reign 1163–72: Silesia 1172–79/80, 1080/90–1201: Lower Silesia 1201: Opole 1179/80–1080/90: Legnica, Wrocław

Marriage 1. 1142–c. 55: Zvenislava, daughter of Vsevolod II Olgovich, Grand Duke of Kiev 2. c. 1160–1201: Christina, a German noblewoman Issue 1. Jarosław (1143/60– 22 March 1201) Olga (1155/60– 27 June 1175/80) 2. Berta (?–after 1163/74) Bolesław (1157/63– 2/3 May 1175/81) Konrad (1160/68– 5 July before 1190) Jan (c. 1169–before 1173) Henryk (1165/70– 9 March 1238) 3. Władysław (1180/90–1190/1200) 4. Adelajda Zbysława (1165/72– 29 March after 1213)

225

Appendix 1

226

Henryk I Brodaty (the Bearded) Parents Bolesław I Wysoki (the Tall) / Christina, a German noblewoman Birth and Death 1165/70 (Legnica?)– 19 March 1238 (Krosno Odrzańskie)

Reign 1231–38

Marriage 1. 1190/92–1238: Jadwiga, daughter of Bertold III, Count von Diessen-Andechs, Duke of Merania; in 1267 canonized by Pope Clement IV Issue 1. Bolesław (1192/94– 10/11 September 1206/08) Konrad (1191/98– 4/5 November 1213) Henryk (1196/1204– 9 April 1241) Agnieszka (1190/1200– 11 May before 1214) Zofia (1190/1200– 22/23 March before 1214) Gertruda (c. 1200– 6 or 30 December 1267) Anna

Bolesław IV Kędzierzawy (the Curly) Parents Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) / Salome, daughter of Henry, Count of Berg Birth and Death 1121/22– 5 January1173

Reign 1146–73

Marriage 1. 1136/37–c. 1162/67: Viacheslava Anastasia, daughter of Vsevolod Mstislavich, prince of Novgorod 2. before 1168–?: Maria Issue 1. Bolesław (c. 1150–72) daughter (before 1160–?) Wierzchosława (c. 1160– 2 January or 11/12 September after 1212) 2. Leszek (c. 1162–86)

The Main Repre­sen­tatives of the Piast Dynasty (966–1230)

227

Mieszko III Stary (the Old) Parents Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) / Salome, daughter of Henry Count of Berg Birth and Death 1122/25 (Łęczyca?)– 13 March 1202 (Kalisz)

Reign 1173–77, 1191, 1196/98, 1199/1200–02

Marriage 1. 1136/38–1150/54: Elizabeth, daughter of King Stefan II of Hungary 2. 1151/54– after 1187: Eudoxia, daughter of Iziaslav II, Grand Prince of Kiev by his first wife Agnes daughter of King Conrad III of Germany. Issue 1. Odon (c. 1145– 20 April 1194) Stefan (c. 1150–68/77) Wierzchosława Ludmiła (before 1152–1223) Judyta (before 1154– after 12 December 1201) Elżbieta (c. 1152– 2 April 1209) 2. Bolesław (1159– 13 September 1195) Mieszko (1160/65– 2 August 1193) Władysław (1161/62 February 1168– 18 August or 3 November 1231) Salomea (1162/64– 11 May after 1183) Anastazja (before 1164– after 31 May 1240)

Henryk Sandomierski = Henry of Sandomierz Parents Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) / Salome, daughter of Henry, Count of Berg Birth and Death 1126/33– 18 October 1166 Reign 1146–66: Lublin, Sandomierz, Wiślica

Appendix 1

228

Kazimierz II Sprawiedliwy (the Just) Parents Bolesław III Krzywousty (the Wrymouth) / Salome, daughter of Henry, Count of Berg Birth and Death 1138– 5 May 1194 (Kraków)

Reign 1177–94

Marriage 1. c. 1165–94: Helena, daughter of Conrad II of Znojmo of the House of Přemyslid Issue 1. daughter (c. 1166– after 1178) Kazimierz (1162/66– 1 March 1168) Bolesław (c. 1168– 16 April 1182) Adelajda (c. 1179– 8 December 1211) Leszek (1184/85– 23/24 November 1227) Konrad (1187/88– 30/31 August 1247) Odon (?– 15 May?)

Leszek I Biały (the White) Parents Kazimierz II Sprawiedliwy (the Just) / Helena, daughter of Conrad II of Znojmo of the House of Přemyslid Birth and Death 1184/85– 23/24 November 1227 (Marcinkowo k. Gąsawy)

Reign in Kraków 1194–96/98, 1196/98–1199/1200, 1202 or 1206–10, 1211–27

Marriage 1. 1207–27: Grzymisława, daughter of Ingvar of Kiev, Grand Prince of Kiev and Prince of Lutsk of the House of Rurik Issue 1. Salomea (1211/12– 17 November 1268) Bolesław (21 June 1226– 7 December 1279)

The Main Repre­sen­tatives of the Piast Dynasty (966–1230)

Konrad Mazowiecki (Conrad of Mazovia) Parents Kazimierz II Sprawiedliwy (the Just) / Helena, daughter of Conrad II of Znojmo of the House of Přemyslid Birth and Death 1187/88– 31 August 1247

Reign in Kraków 1241–43

Marriage 1. 1207/10–47: Agafia, daughter of Svyatoslav III Igorevich, Prince of Peremyshl Issue 1. Bolesław (1209/11– 25 February 1248– 7 April 1249) Kazimierz (1211/13– 14 December 1267) Siemowit (c. 1215– 23 June 1262) Eudoksja (c. 1215/25– after 1240) Siemomysł (1216/28– 10 July– 17 September 1241) Ludmiła (before 1226–?) Salomea (c. 1220/25–?)

229

Appendix 2

The Chronology of Polish History c. 920–1230

920–40

Earliest archaeological evidence of the existence of Piast strongholds in Greater Poland.

c. 950–60

Mieszko’s ascent to power over Greater Poland, Cuyavia, and Mazovia.

963–65

Earliest written evidence of military conflict between Mieszko I and the Empire. Mieszko  I is defeated by Margrave Gero and as amicus imperatoris pledges allegiance to Emperor Otto I.

965

A Christian, Dobrava of Bohemia daughter of Boleslav  I the Cruel, marries a pagan, Mieszko I.

966

Mieszko I is baptized. The symbolic baptism of Poland and the beginning of the Christianization of Mieszko’s subjects.

967

Mieszko I extends his rule to include Pomerania.

972

Hodo, margrave of the Lusatia March is defeated by Piast forces at the battle of Cedynia.

Before 990

Mieszko I extends his territory to include Silesia and Lesser Poland. In the charter Dagome iudex, Mieszko and his wife and their sons place the Piast realm under the protection of the Holy See.

992

After the death of Mieszko I, his eldest son, Bolesław I Chrobry consolidates his rule over the realm by banishing his stepmother Oda and stepbrothers Mieszko, Lambert, and Otto.

997, 23 April

Adalbert (Vojtěch), Bishop of Prague, leader of a mission to the Prussians is martyred by the pagans.

232 Appendix 2

1000, 7–15 March

Emperor Otto III makes a pilgrimage to the shrine of Saint Adalbert in Gniezno. During the Congress of Gniezno between Otto III and Bolesław I, the Emperor announces that Pope Sylvester II has decided to establish a Polish metropolitan see in Gniezno composed of dioceses in Kraków (Lesser Poland), Wrocław (Silesia), and Kołobrzeg (Pomerania). Otto III declares the Polish ruler a new frater et cooperator imperii, populi Romani socius et amicus. Bolesław accompanies the Emperor’s return journey to Germany. At Aachen, Otto presents Bolesław a throne chair as a gift. They agree to the betrothal of Bolesław’s son Mieszko II Lambert to Otto’s niece Richeza of Lorraine.

1003–18

Bolesław I and Emperor Henry II wage a series of military campaigns for control of Lusatia and Meissen. In 1018 a peace treaty is concluded at Bautzen (mod. Budziszyn, Poland) and Lusatia remains under Bolesław’s rule. The peace is confirmed by the marriage of Bolesław to Oda of Meissen, daughter of Eckard I.

1018

Bolesław I conquers Kiev and gains temporary control over Kievian Rus’.

1025

Bolesław  I is crowned king shortly before his death. His son and successor, Mieszko II Lambert, is crowned shortly after his accession.

1027–31

A war between Mieszko II and Emperor Conrad II. The Polish king is deposed and exiled in a rebellion which places his brother Bezprym on the throne. Mieszko abdicates.

1034

Mieszko II dies after his return to Poland in 1032. In the wake of the sudden death of Bezprym, Mazovia, Silesia, and Pomerania gain independence from the Piasts. Mieszko is succeeded by his son Kazimierz.

1034–38

The ‘Pagan Reaction’ destroys the administrative structures of the Church in Poland.

1038

The Bohemian invasion plunders Poland. The relics of Saint Adalbert are removed from Gniezno.

1039

Kazimierz I with the help of the Emperor regains control over Greater Poland and Lesser Poland. Kraków becomes the capital of the monarchy.

1047–48

Kazimierz assisted by troops from Rus’ conquers Mazovia, Silesia, and Pomerelia.

1058

After the death of Kazimierz I the Restorer, his oldest son Bolesław II succeeds to the throne. A younger son, Władysław I Herman rules Mazovia under Bolesław’s suzerainty.

1060–70

A series of wars and interventions in Kievian Rus’ (1069, 1077), Bohemia (1068–71), and Hungary (1060, 1063) by Bolesław II. The Polish ruler supports the anti-imperial opposition. Pomerania gains independence from Poland.

1075

The metropolitan see of Gniezno is re-established together with the dioceses of Poznań, and Wrocław. A new bishopric is erected at Płock.

The Chronology of Polish History c. 920–1230

233

1076, 25 December

Legates of Pope Gregory  VII attend the coronation of Bolesław  II as king of Poland. Bolesław is consecrated without the approval of the Emperor.

1079

Bolesław II is driven into exile after a magnates’ revolt linked to his execution of Bishop Stanisław of Kraków. The king is deposed and forced into exile and his younger brother, Władysław I Herman is elevated to the Polish throne.

1080

Marriage of Władysław I Herman to Judith, daughter of Vratislav II of Bohemia.

1081

Bolesław II dies in Hungary in exile.

1086

The son of Władysław I Herman, Bolesław III, is born.

1088

Mieszko, son of Bolesław II, who returned to Poland in 1085 and married a princess from Rus’ dies: possibly murdered.

1090

A series of skirmishes between the forces of Władysław  I Herman and pagan Pomeranians.

1093

The Rebellion of Władysław I Herman’s natural son Zbigniew, against his father for control of Silesia. Zbigniew and his half-brother Bolesław III unite against their father’s palatinate, Sieciech. Whilst retaining control of strategic strongholds across the realm and direct rule of Mazovia, Władysław I Herman places Zbigniew in control of Greater Poland; Bolesław III is given control of Silesia and Lesser Poland.

1101

Further factional conflict within the ruling elites of the realm. Zbigniew and Bolesław III force the exile of their father from the palatinate of Sieciech.

1102

Władysław I Herman dies. Zbigniew and Bolesław III decide to rule together.

1105–06

Bolesław  III fights with Bohemian forces and establishes a close alliance with Kievian Rus’, and Koloman, King of Hungary.

1106–08

Bolesław accuses Zbigniew of supporting Bohemian intervention in Polish affairs and supporting an alliance with the Pomeranians. Bolesław forces Zbigniew into exile. Zbigniew seeks help from Bohemia and Emperor Henry V.

1109

Emperor Henry V acts to reassert his supremacy over Central Europe. His troops invade the Piast realm aiming to replace Bolesław III with Zbigniew on the Polish throne. Bolesław preempts a Czech attack and invades Bohemia in 1110.

1111

Bolesław agrees to a truce with the Emperor. Zbigniew returns to Poland and apparently reconciles with Bolesław. He is soon accused of treason and blinded, and dies not long after. Bolesław performs public penance in atonement for his brother’s death. Bolesław goes on a pilgrimage to the sanctuary of Saint Gilles in Hungary and to the shrine of Saint Adalbert in Gniezno (1112).

1115–19

Conquest of Pomerelia.

234 Appendix 2

1119–22

Final conquest of Pomerania and submission of Pomeranian rulers to Bolesław III.

1124–25, 1128 At the behest of Bolesław III, Otto, Bishop of Bamberg leads the missions to the Pomeranians. 1131–34, 1135 Polish interventions in Hungary; Czech invasions in Poland. Bolesław III is defeated. Bolesław accepts Emperor Lothar III as the suzerain of Pomerania and Rügen Island. 1138, 28 Oct.

Bolesław III Wrymouth dies.

1138–46

Władysław II the Exile is the suzerain (princeps) of Poland.

1144–46

Civil war between Władysław II and his half-brothers, the Piast Juniors. Władysław is deposed and exiled.

1146–73

Bolesław IV the Curly is the suzerain (princeps) of Poland.

1157

Emperor Frederick Barbarossa invades Poland to force the return of Władysław II. Bolesław IV pays homage to the Emperor. Return of Władysław’s heirs to Poland. Bolesław IV grants them Silesia as their domain.

1173–77

Mieszko III the Old is the suzerain (princeps) of Poland.

1177–94

Resulting from a coup involving the magnates of Lesser Poland led by Bishop Gedko of Kraków, Kazimierz II the Just ascends the throne of Kraków as the suzerain (princeps) of Poland.

1180

The Council of Łęczyca. The provisions of the Act of Succession are modified to facilitate the descendants of Kazimierz II to inherit the throne of Kraków. The Church receives a number of privileges.

1195

After the death of Kazimierz II, Mieszko III attempts to seize the throne. Battle of Mozgawa. His rule is accepted in 1198.

1202

After the death of Mieszko III, Leszek the White, son of Kazimierz II, ascends to the throne.

1202–38

The reign of Henryk I Brodaty (the Bearded) in Silesia.

1215

The Council of Wolborz. Concessions for the Church.

1220

Intensification of Prussian raids into Mazovia and the land of Chełmno.

1228

The granting of Chełmno to the Teutonic Order by Conrad of Mazovia.

1227

The assassination of Leszek the White.

1230

Pope Gregory IV confirms grants of land and immunities for the Teutonic Order in Mazovia and Prussia.

Bibliography Manuscripts and Archival Documents Gniezno, Archives of the Archdiocese of Gniezno (Collection of Papal Bulls and Charters) Kraków, The Princes Czartoryskis’ Library, MS 1310 (Codex of Sędziwoj) Kraków, State Archives, Collection of Parchment Documents, Charter No. 844 London, British Library, MS Additional 16979 (Obituarium Abbatiae S. Egidii) Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, MS BOZ cim 28 (Codex Zamoyscianus) Warszawa, Biblioteka Narodowa, MS 8006 (Heilsberg Codex)

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Index

Aaron of Tyniec, abbot: 45 Abraham ben Jacob see Ibrahim Ibn Jakub Absalon, bishop of Roskilde, archbishop of Lund: 72–73 Achard of Clairvaux, master of novices: 162, 178–79 Act of Succession of 1138: 60, 72, 108–10, 153, 179, 193 Adalbert, bishop of Pomerania: 68–69, 81, 123 Adalbert, bishop of Prague: 37–38, 44, 53, 68–69, 81, 85, 87–88, 101, 105, 113, 162, 167, 181–84, 197, 200–01 Adam of Bremen: 11, 103 n 130, 169 Adelgot, archbishop of Magdeburg: 130 Adolf of Holstein, count: 121 Agnes of Austria, wife of Władysław II: 115–17 Albert the Bear, margrave of Brandenburg, duke of Saxony: 119–22, 125, 150, 152 Alexander III, pope: 189–90 Alexander of Malonne, bishop of Płock: 69–74, 95, 115, 167 Aleyde of Hoessden, mother of Hugo Butyr: 73 Alfonso VII, king of León and Castile: 116, 127 n 60, 148 n 49 Amalekites: 95 Annales Bohemorum: 126, 146 Annales Gradicenses: 114 n 21 Annales Magdeburgenses: 10, 121, 123, 126, 150, 161, 164–65, 178

Annales Palidenses: 74 Annales seu cronici incliti regni Poloniae: 9, 135–36, 149, 158, 179 annals: 8, 10–11, 34, 56, 84, 88, 113, 120, 124, 136, 138–39, 149–50, 154, 158, 184 Annals of Greater Poland: 11 Annals of Lubiń: 10, 136, 138, 155 Annals of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Kraków: 11, 56, 156, 185 Anselm, bishop of Havelberg: 122, 127 Anselm of Lucca: 16–17, 59, 94 Antioch: 97, 100 apostasy, apostates: 2, 9, 115, 117, 162, 169–73, 183–84, 187, 203, 218, 220 Arnold of Lübeck: 11 Arnoldstein, monastery of: 61 Asia Minor: 144 Augustine of Hippo: 16, 59, 93–95, 105, 169 Austria: 18, 137, 196 Awdańcy, the clan of: 48, 82–83, 86–87, 214 Awdaniec, Michael see Michael Awdaniec Baldric of Dol: 9, 80 Baldwin, bishop of Kraków: 57–58 Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem: 97 Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem: 135 Baltic Sea, Baltic region: 2, 7 n 24, 24, 63–64, 77, 101, 105, 112–15, 132, 162, 169 n 40, 187–91, 197, 201–02, 204, 208, 215 Bamberg: 12, 66, 87, 139 n 11

286

baptism: 2, 25, 30–31, 34–35, 64, 67, 85, 92, 94, 99, 161, 167–69, 171–72, 183–84, 203 barbarians: 60, 66, 92, 95, 102 Bardo: 211, 213 n 101 Bartia: 198 Bartlett, Robert: 3, 52 Bautzen: 41 Béla I, king of Hungary: 46 Benedictines: 9, 69, 71–72, 79 n 8 abbey in Czerwińsk: 69 abbey in Jędrzejów: 10 n 32 abbey in Lubiąż: 71 abbey in Lubiń: 68 n 73 abbey in Ołbin: 124 abbey in Słupie: 69 abbey in Tyniec: 62 abbey of Saint James in Liège: 87 abbey of Saint Gilles in Liège: 69 Benedict IX, pope: 45 Bernard of Clairvaux: 10, 23, 111, 128–29, 137, 149, 151, 156, 158, 162, 167–71, 177, 179–81, 186, 191, 200, 202, 218 Bernard the Eremite, missionary: 66 Bernward, bishop of Hildesheim: 70 Bersohn, Mathias: 18 Beumann, Helmut: 22 Bezprym, duke of Poland: 33, 40, 42–43 Białogard: 66 n 65 Bible of Płock: 70 Bieniak, Janusz: 91, 123–24 Bloch, Marc: 3 Bohemia (see also under Czechs): 21, 41–43, 46–47, 55, 79, 81, 113, 138, 142–43, 145–46, 185, 213 Bolesław, son of Kazimierz II: 157 Bolesław I the Brave, king of Poland: 27, 33, 37, 40–46, 84–85, 116, 147, 182, 185, 195 Bolesław I the Tall, duke of Wrocław: 20, 148 Bolesław II the Bold, king of Poland: 46–49, 54, 82–83, 87 Bolesław III the Wrymouth, duke of Poland: 6–9, 12, 19, 24–26, 33, 46, 49, 55–58, 60, 62–66, 68–73, 78, 81–85, 87, 88–90, 94, 95, 100, 105, 107–11, 115, 116, 119, 132, 145, 148, 155, 162–63, 179, 182, 187–88, 190, 195, 218

INDEX Bolesław IV the Curly, princeps of Poland: 9, 19, 26, 71–72, 74, 98, 109, 111, 114–15, 117–20, 123, 133, 143, 146–48, 150–52, 155, 158, 161, 164–67, 169, 171–74, 178, 180 n 86, 186, 195, 218 Bonizo of Sutri: 16, 59 Borzykowa, Council of: 192 Bosporus: 137–38, 144, 158 Bottersloet: 73 Bracia Dobrzyńscy see Knights of Christ Brandenburg: 23, 125 Brauweiler, abbey of: 45 Brenna: 125 Bruno of Querfurt: 40, 53, 113, 169 Brzesko, convent in: 113 n 13 Budziszyn, Treaty of: 41 Bulgaria: 137 Butyr, Hugo: 73–74 Calixtus II, pope: 60–62 canonists: 16–17, 58–59 Canute the Great, king of Denmark and England: 32–33 cathedral schools: 58–59, 65, 69–70 , 75, 85 Charlemagne, king of the Franks, emperor: 39, 102 Chełmno: 39, 74, 110, 198, 205 Christburg, Treaty of: 204 Christian, bishop of Prussia: 204–11, 215 Christiansen, Eric: 24 Chronica Bohemorum: 55 n 11 Chronica Polonorum: 8–9, 11, 47–48, 72, 79, 83, 91, 95, 156–57, 161, 165–76, 182, 185, 189, 218 Chronicle of Greater Poland: 90, 109, 153 Chronicle of Thietmar: 84 Chronicle of Universal History: 12 Chronicles of Jean Froissart: 9 Cinnamus, John see Kinnamos, John Cistercians: 2, 7, 26, 165, 179, 183, 186, 188, 199–200, 202–03, 207, 209–10, 215–16, 220 Clement III, pope: 66 Clermont: 3, 13, 17 Cluny, abbey of: 61 Codex of Płock: 70 Codex Zamoyscianus: 79 Cologne: 208

INDEX Conrad, duke of Mazovia: 7, 192, 194, 205, 207–09, 216 Conrad, margrave of Meissen: 119–20, 150 Conrad II, emperor: 41–43 Conrad III, king of Germany: 116–17, 119–20, 123, 126, 132, 136–38, 143–44, 146–51, 191 Conrad II Otto, duke of Znojmo: 185 Constable, Giles: 22 Constantinople: 137–38, 143–44, 151 Constantinople, Latin Empire of: 216 conversion: 29, 34–35, 37, 54–55, 64, 66–67, 83–84, 87, 102–03, 105–06, 112–13, 129, 166–68, 171–72, 186 forcible: 87, 113, 129, 186, 203 Cosmas of Prague: 81, 88–89 Cowdrey, Herbert: 17 Cronica Petri comitis Poloniae: 125 crucesignati: 14, 121, 154, 205 crusade First Crusade: 2, 7–9, 17, 20, 61, 63, 80, 93–97, 100–02, 104, 130–31, 140, 144, 148, 218–19 Second Crusade: 12–13, 22–23, 26, 111–13, 126–27, 136–37, 139–40, 142–44, 147–50, 158–59, 161–62, 164–65, 180–81, 186, 218–19 Third Crusade: 174, 184–85 Fourth Crusade: 201 Fifth Crusade: 22, 191, 196, 214 emergent idea of: 13 definition, pluralist: 15 definition, traditionalist: 15 genesis of: 16 ideology: 13, 19 papal bull: 94, 108, 129, 167, 190 preaching: 12, 23, 127, 133, 149, 151, 180–81, 184–85, 192, 194–97 curia, papal: 57, 117, 194, 196, 208–09, 211 Czarnków: 98–99 Czasław, bishop of Kraków: 57 Czechs (see also under Bohemia): 44, 137–38, 144–45, 213 Czerwińsk: 69, 72, 151, 153 Dagome Iudex, charter: 36 Dargun: 207 Dartmouth: 137

287

Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa: 12, 144, 158 Denmark, Danes: 27, 73, 121–22, 127, 132, 148, 181, 189, 201, 204–06, 215 Dirk IV, count of Holland: 74 Divini dispensatione, papal bull: 127–28, 162, 167, 186, 190, 218 Długosz, Jan: 8–9, 136, 158, 171–72, 177, 179, 184 Dobin: 121 Dobosz, Józef: 184 Dobrava, daughter of Boleslav I of Bohemia: 33–34, 40, 54 Dobroniega, daughter of Vladimir the Great of Kiev: 33, 44, 46 Dobrzyń: 198, 206–07 Dominicans: 7, 209–11 Door of Płock: 70 Doryleum: 138 Dowiat, Jerzy: 19, 169 Drohiczyn: 198, 213 Duby, Georges: 3 Duna River: 199 Dusburg, Peter of: 74 Dutch: 137 Dworsatschek, Mariusz: 150 Dymin: 121–22 Dypold II, duke of Moravia: 185 Dzierżko: 177–8 Ebo, monk: 12, 65 n 59, 67 n 69 Elbe River: 22, 122 Emma of Normandy: 33 England, English: 8, 53, 137, 196 Ephesus: 144 Erdmann, Carl: 16–17, 19 Eric the Victorious, king of Sweden: 32 Erik III, king of Denmark: 181 n 89 Estonia, Estonians: 187, 189 Eugenius III, pope: 62, 94, 107–08, 111, 113, 117, 123, 127–29, 132, 143, 162, 168, 180, 186, 190 evangelization, of pagans: 55, 60, 67, 69, 98, 113, 186–89, 196–97, 200–03, 208, 215–16, 220 Ex commisso nobis a Deo, papal bull: 62, 119 expeditions against Prussians expedition of 1147: 9, 19, 26, 69, 120, 143, 158, 162–78, 186, 190, 198, 203, 218–19

288

expedition of 1166: 9, 26, 156, 162, 165, 173–74, 176, 190, 198, 218, 220 expedition of 1192: 9, 26, 157, 162–65, 174–78, 186–87, 189, 190, 198, 218, 220 Ezzo of Lorraine: 40–41, 45 family traditions: 5, 17, 25–26, 54, 68, 74, 77, 105, 108, 112, 132, 158, 188, 219 Finland, Fins: 187, 189 First Lateran Council: 60 Flemish: 137 Fonnesberg-Schmidt, Iben: 24, 190 Fourth Lateran Council: 165, 193, 193 n 20, 206 France, French: 53, 137–38, 144, 165 Franconia: 43 Frankfurt: 128 Franks: 87, 130 Frederick I Barbarossa, emperor: 12, 116, 137, 143, 148, 172, 178, 185 Frederick II, duke of Upper Lorraine: 41 Frederick II, duke of Swabia, 116 Frisian: 137 Fulcher of Chartres: 94, 97 Fulda, monastery of: 10 Galindia: 198 Gallus: 25, 27, 33, 35, 48–49, 70, 73, 76, 79–81, 83–85, 89, 91, 99, 103, 106 Galo, bishop of Beauvais, papal legate: 56–60 Gaudentius, missionary: 37 Gdańsk: 63, 110, 198 Gębarowicz, Marian: 58, 61 Gedko, bishop of Kraków: 157 Geographus Bavarus: 4 Germany, Germans: 18, 20–22, 34–35, 41, 61, 63, 79, 81, 115, 119–20, 137–38, 144, 146–48, 150, 207–08 Gertrude, sister of Kazimierz I: 33, 43–44, 46, 58 n 28 Gesta Danorum: 11, 73, 112 Gesta Francorum: 61, 101 Gesta Normannorum ducum: 8 Gesta principum Polonorum: 8–9, 11, 19–20, 24–25, 33–35, 38–39, 60, 76–86, 88–92, 94–103, 105–06, 146–47, 163, 170, 218–19 Géza I, king of Hunagary: 46

INDEX Géza II, king of Hungary: 146 Giergiel, Tomisław: 151 Gilbert of Hastings, bishop of Lisbon: 70 n 83 Gilchrist, John: 17 Gilo of Tourcy, bishop of Tusculum, papal legate: 60–64 Giovanni Malabranca, cardinal, papal legate: 184, 185 n 104 Gladysz, Mikolaj: 3, 20–21, 25, 115 n 22, 142, 151 n 66, 154–55, 178 n 82, 180 n 86, 180 n 87, 192–93, 195 n 27, 200 Głogów: 81 Gniezno: 5, 37–39, 44–45, 48, 60, 62–63, 65, 68–69, 87–88, 118–19, 181–83, 194, 196–98, 201–03, 213 Gniezno, archbishop of: 5, 38, 62–63, 65, 68, 87–88, 192, 196–97 Gniezno, Council of: 60 Godfrey, abbot of Łękno: 202–03, 207 Górka, Olgierd: 180, 181 n 89, 181 Grabski, Andrzej F.: 14, 17, 19 Greater Poland: 27, 31–32, 35, 39, 44–45, 90, 109–11, 118, 122–23, 125–26, 187–88, 192–93, 195, 200–01, 214 Greeks: 136–37, 144 Gregorian reforms: 57, 59, 197 Gregorio de Crescenzi, cardinal, papal legate: 196 Gregory VII, pope: 46–47, 55, 59 Gregory IX, pope: 207, 209–10 Grobniki: 211–12 Grodecki, Roman: 19, 19 n 77, 23 n 94, 25, 169, 177 Guibert of Nogent: 9, 61, 80, 97 Guido, cardinal, papal legate: 117 Gumowski, Marian: 23 Gunhilda of Denmark, wife of Henry III: 33 Hamsfort, Cornelius: 181 n 89, 181 n 90 Hartwig II, archbishop of HamburgBremen: 199 Hauziński, Jerzy: 154 n 84 Hehl, Ernst-Dieter: 17, 130 Helena of Znojmo, wife of Kazimierz II: 143, 156 n 93, 157, 185 Helgunda: 153 Helmold of Bosau: 11, 103 n 132, 112 n 11

INDEX Henry, bishop of Olomouc: 108, 112–15, 122–23 Henry II, emperor: 39–41, 138–39 Henry III, emperor: 33, 91 Henry IV, emperor: 46, 49, 66 Henry V, emperor: 90–91, 130 Henry, count of Berg: 139, 145 Henry, duke of Sandomierz: 10, 21, 26–27, 98, 109, 123–24, 135–39, 141–43, 145–59, 164, 173–76, 218 Henry of Leez, bishop of Liège: 71 Henry of Würzburg, abbot: 65 Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony: 121 Henryk I the Bearded, duke of Silesia: 193, 213 Herbord: 12, 49 n 79, 65 n 59, 67, 98–99 Heś, Robert: 212 Hildesheim: 70 Historia Hierosolymitana: 94 Historia vie Hierosolimitane: 61, 63 Holy Land: 2, 4, 6, 113, 124–25, 128–29, 135–45, 147–55, 157–59, 184–86, 190–91, 193–96, 208, 214–16, 220 Holy Roman Empire: 6, 41, 49, 59, 66, 73, 219 Holy See: 2, 12, 36, 53, 57–58, 63, 208 Holy Sepulchre, canons of: 113, 124–25, 179, 183–84, 211–14, 218 Holy Sepulchre, the church of: 135, 144 holy war: 1–5, 7–11, 13–17, 19–21, 24–26, 51–53, 63–65, 67–69, 77–79, 91–95, 97–99, 103–08, 161–65, 185–88, 216–20 against the Pomeranians: 68, 77–78, 106 against the Prussians: 164–65, 188, 206, 219 conceptualization: 13 evolution: 2, 7–8, 11–14, 21, 24, 187, 206 experience: 10, 13, 64, 187–88, 217 and Innocent III: 190–92 and Magdeburg Charter of 1108: 130–01 and mission: 188 and missionary war: 9, 129, 132 and Old Testament: 93–94 and proto-crusade: 14, 25, 67, 94 tradition of participation in: 7–9, 24, 55, 77, 106, 108, 115 transmission of the idea: 1–5, 20, 29, 51–57 and wars of expansion: 24

289

Honorius II, pope: 61 Honorius III, pope: 194, 196, 204, 206, 208–09, 216 Hospitallers: 21, 125, 138–43, 145, 153–54, 158, 184, 188, 211–14, 218 commandery in Prague: 142 n 30 commandery in Zagość: 138–43, 153–55, 184, 211 Hubaldus, cardinal, papal legate: 72, 179–80, 180 n 87, 180–81 Hugh, abbot of Cluny: 61 Hungary, Hungarians: 46–47, 49, 57, 79, 137, 143, 146, 196 Ibrahim Ibn Jakub: 32 idea of crusade: 19–20, emergence of: 1, 13 evolution of: 17, 61, 114, 186, 218–20 transmission of: 21–22, 52, 54, 63, 72 n 94, 75, 87, 108, 114, 131–32, 136, 149–50, 158 and Polish elites: 12, 78, 85, 105, 140, 143–44, 149, 181 Imad ad-Din Zengi, ruler of Mosul, Aleppo, Hama, and Edessa: 107 immunities, fiscal: 192, 213 indulgence: 14–15, 26, 127, 129, 132, 162, 168, 186, 189–90, 194, 196, 208, 216–17, 219 Innocent II, pope: 62, 69, 114, 119 Innocent III, pope: 60, 109, 190–92, 201–03, 213 n 101, 215–16 investiture contest: 46 Italy: 165 Ivo of Chartres: 16, 57–59, 87 Iziaslav Yaroslavich, grand duke of Kiev: 33, 44, 46, 58 n 28 Iziaslav II Mstislavich, grand duke of Kiev: 178 n 82 Jakub of Żnin, archbishop of Gniezno: 68, 81, 87, 115, 117–18 Jan, archbishop of Gniezno: 146, 166 Jan III van Arkel: 73 Jaroslav the Wise, grand duke of Kiew: 44 Jasiński, Tomasz: 80 Jaxa of Köpenick: 123–26; see also Jaxa of Miechów

290

Jaxa of Miechów: 21, 124, 142, 151, 179; see also Jaxa of Köpenick Jensen, Janus Møller: 24, 181 n 89 Jensen, Kurt Villads: 24 Jerusalem: 10, 15, 17, 64, 113, 124–25, 128–31, 135, 137–40, 142, 144–45, 149, 155, 158, 184–85 Jerusalem, Latin kingdom of: 64 Jews: 13 Johnson, Edgar: 24 Jordan, bishop, missionary: 37 Judith, daughter of Bolesław III: 120, 152 Judith Maria, sister of Henry IV: 46, 49, 55, 66 Judith of Bohemia, wife of Bolesław III: 46, 49, 54–55, 89 just war: 8, 14, 16, 59, 68, 93–94, 104–05, 176, 218–19 Augustinian qualifications for: 14, 94 Kadlubek see Vincentius, bishop of Kraków Kahl, Hans-Dietrich: 23–24, 129, 171 n 49 Kamień, diocese: 5, 53, 66 n 65 Kazimierz, son of Kazimierz II: 157 Kazimierz I the Restorer, duke of Poland: 33, 44–46, 54, 58 n 28 Kazimierz II the Just, princeps of Poland: 7, 9, 43, 45, 109, 111, 120, 123, 143, 156–57, 162, 164, 174–78, 183–85, 194–95 Kietlicz, Henryk, archbishop of Gniezno: 188, 192–95, 197, 215 Kiev: 33, 44, 46, 54–57, 111–12, 178–79, 195 Kinnamos, John: 136–38, 143–44, 147, 149, 155 Klassa, Barbara: 142 Kłoczowski, Jerzy: 3, 20 Kłodzko: 211–12 Knights of Christ: 188, 206–07, 207 n 78, 210, 212–13 Knights of Dobrzyń see Knights of Christ Knights of Saint John see Hospitallers Kołobrzeg: 38, 66, 96–97 Köpenick: 124–26 Kozłowska-Budkowa, Zofia: 142 Kraków: 27–28, 38–39, 48, 53, 56–58, 108–10, 117, 125, 156, 164–66, 176, 180, 184–85, 187, 192–93 Kromer, Marcin, bishop of Warmia: 31, 79 Kruszwica: 62–63, 120, 152, 165

INDEX Labuda, Gerard: 152, 202 Ladislaus, king of Hungary: 46 Laon: 87 Łążyn: 205 legates, papal: 55–60, 62, 72, 113, 117, 155, 179–81, 184, 194, 196, 210, 216 Le Goff, Jacques: 3 Łękno: 188, 198, 200–03 Lelów: 125 Leśnica: 213 Lesser Poland: 27, 31–32, 35, 38, 44–45, 109, 111, 125, 138, 155, 187, 192–93, 205, 214 Leszek the White, duke of Poland: 192, 195, 205 Levant: 112, 132, 190, 194–95, 208, 214, 219 Liber beneficiorum dioecesis Cracoviensis: 154 Liège: 69–72, 72 n 92, 87, 91, 101 Liège, Benedictine abbey of Saint James: 87 Lind, John: 24 Lisbon: 70 Little Poland see Lesser Poland Livonia, Livonians: 170, 187, 189, 199–200, 208, 216 Livonian mission: 199–200 Lońsk: 205 Lonz: 205 Lorraine: 41, 57, 69, 71 Lotter, Friedrich: 23, 130 Louis VII, king of France: 137 Łowicz: 205 Łowmiański, Henryk: 163, 169 Lubiąż: 71 Lubiń: 87 Lubusz: 63, 205 bishopric: 63 Lund: 72 Lusatia: 41–42 Maccabees: 94–95 Magdeburg: 62, 64, 70, 119, 122, 126, 130 Magdeburg Charter of 1108: 130–32 Mainz: 70 Maków: 213 Malachow: 122 Mała Oleśnica: 213 Małecki, Antoni: 142 Maleczyński, Karol: 49, 61 n 41, 63 n 52, 66 n 63, 84, 90 n 58, 94, 148 n 49, 148, 181 n 89

INDEX Malonne: 69, 71 Małopolska see Lesser Poland Manuel I, emperor of Byzantium: 138 Marcin, archbishop of Gniezno: 78 Maria, daughter of Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich: 179 Mateusz, bishop of Kraków: 162, 166, 179, 218 Matilda, daughter of Otto II: 45 Matilde of Swabia, wife of Frederick II duke of Upper Lorraine: 41 Maur, bishop of Kraków: 78 Mayer, Hans Eberhard: 15 Mazovia: 45–46, 69, 74, 95, 111, 162–64, 169, 193–94, 198, 205, 207, 209, 213–14, 220 Mecklenburg: 207 Meinhard, bishop of Üxküll: 199–200 Meissen: 41–42, 119–20, 150 Mémoires of Philippe de Commynes: 9 mendicant orders: 209, 216 Mendys, Michal: 22, 108, 120, 150 Mews, Constant: 6 n 20, 58 n 29 Michael Awdaniec, chancellor of Bolesław III: 81–82, 87 Miechów: 21, 124–25, 142, 151, 179, 211, 214 Miecław, Polish noble: 44 Mieszko, son of Bolesław II the Bold: 46 Mieszko I, duke of Poland: 29–37, 45, 54, 84 Mieszko II Lambert, king of Poland: 33, 40–43, 46, 54 Mieszko III the Old, duke of Greater Poland, princeps: 10, 18, 26, 108–09, 111, 123, 126, 132, 135, 143, 148, 150, 158, 164–65, 174 military religious orders: 4, 20–22, 26–27, 113, 130, 140, 143, 145, 154–55, 184, 188, 206–07, 209–15, 218 Miracula sancti Aegidi: 11 mission, missionaries: 10–11, 37, 62–64, 66–70, 72, 105–06, 112–15, 117, 167, 180–81, 183, 187–89, 195–209, 215–16, 218–20 missionary war: 9, 129–30, 132 Mistrz Wincenty zwany Kadłubkiem see Vincentius, bishop of Kraków Mitkowski, Józef: 24 Mogilno: 72 n 92, 87

291

Mogunz: 208 Moore, Robert: 3 Moravia: 21, 55, 142–43 Moses: 93, 95 Muslims: 2, 131, 138, 164, 185–86 Myśliński, Kazimierz: 23, 120, 126–27 Nadrovia: 198 Nakło: 81, 98, 100 Natangia: 198 New Testament: 93 Nikaia: 137 Non parum animus, papal bull: 189 Norbertines: 113 Normandy, Normans: 8, 137 Norway: 190, 196 Oder River: 22, 29, 31, 63, 126 Olbin, Benedictine abbey in: 124 Old Testament: 13, 70, 92–93, 95–96, 177 Oliwa: 200 Olomouc: 112–13, 115, 123 Opatów: 153–54, 184 oral history: 10, 33, 74, 78, 81, 166 Orden von Dobrin see Knights of Christ Order of Calatrava: 209, 212 Order of the Holy Sepulchre see Holy Sepulchre, canons of Order of the Temple see Templars Origen: 93 Otbert, bishop of Liège: 71 Otto, bishop of Bamberg: 11, 59–60, 63–69, 75, 81, 86, 88, 139, 162, 218 Otto, bishop of Freising: 12, 137 Otto I, margrave of Brandenburg: 120, 152 Otto III, emperor: 35–36, 38–39, 41, 60, 88, 182 Otto von Rineck, bishop of Utrecht: 74 Ottonian dynasty: 40, 54 pagans: 6, 8–9, 60, 66–67, 87, 89, 94–96, 98–106, 112–14, 127–31, 161–63, 167–70, 186–90, 200, 202 Pakosław the Elder: 214 Palestine: 73 Pałuki, the clan of: 68, 201 papal bulls: 10, 12, 107, 119, 128, 195, 207 Paris: 61 Paschal II, pope: 48, 57

292

Paweł, bishop of Poznań: 78 Pełka, archbishop of Gniezno: 196–97, 214 Peter of Dusburg see Dusburg, Peter of Phillips, Jonathan: 61 Philomilion: 137 Piast, mythical founder of the dynasty: 31 Piast court: 3, 33, 43, 49, 57, 60, 65–66, 72, 78, 82, 89, 91, 174, 184–85, 218 Piast dynasty, Piasts: 1–2, 11–14, 19–25, 29–33, 35–41, 43–47, 49–50, 62–65, 83–85, 105–09, 137–41, 149–53, 161–65, 181–93, 217–20 Piast Juniors, triumvirate of younger Piasts governing Poland 1146–66: 23–24, 26, 72–74, 107–09, 111, 113–15, 117–21, 123, 125–27, 131–33, 145–48, 150, 158–59, 164, 173–74 pilgrimage: 14, 21, 38, 55, 113, 124–25, 136, 138–39, 142–43, 145, 152–53, 178, 182, 184, 194 Piotr Włostowic: 71, 81, 125–26, 179–80 Plate of Wiślica: 157 Plezia, Marian: 3, 180–81 Płock: 69–72, 91, 167, 197–98 Pogesania: 198 Polabian Slavs see Wends Poland, Christianization of: 25, 30, 75, 164 Polanie, progenitors of the Poles: 1, 29, 31, 33, 40 Pollexians: 9, 26, 157, 162, 174–75, 185, 189, 198 Polonia Maior see Greater Poland Polonia Minor see Lesser Poland Pomerania: 2, 4–9, 11, 13–14, 23–25, 62–69, 77–79, 81–85, 87–89, 91–93, 95–106, 118–19, 122–23, 161–63, 218–19 Christianization of: 7, 11, 60, 81, 91, 115–16, 162 conquest of: 2, 11, 13–14, 64–65, 77–79, 81–83, 85, 87–89, 91, 93, 95, 97–101, 103, 105, 161 Pomerelia: 27, 63, 109, 198, 200, 204–05 Pomesania, Pomezans: 166, 198, 204 Pomorze Gdańskie see Pomerelia Pomorze Wschodnie see Pomerelia pope, papacy: 7, 12–13, 36–37, 47, 49, 68, 111–12, 161–63, 187, 189–90, 193, 208–09, 215–16, 218, 220 Porta Regia of Gniezno: 38, 162, 181–84 Post miserabile, papal bull: 201

INDEX Potterberg: 74 Poznań: 34, 39, 44, 53, 63, 78, 110, 115–17, 122, 211–12, 214 Prague: 37, 44, 68, 81, 87–89, 101, 113, 142, 162, 181, 183, 197, 212 précroisade see proto-crusades Přemyslid, dynasty of Bohemia: 29 princeps, suzerain of all Poland: 109–10, 118, 124–25, 147, 174, 187 proto-crusades: 13 n 49, 14, 25, 67, 106 Provence: 89 Prüfening: 12 Prussia, Prussians: 1–2, 4, 6–10, 18–20, 24, 26–27, 37, 74, 104–05, 112–16, 119–20, 156–59, 161–91, 193–216, 218–20 Christianization of: 169, 172, 186, 196, 208 missionary activity in: 199 Quantum praedecessores, papal bull: 107–08, 127, 129, 180 Quia maior, papal bull: 191 Radom: 151 Ralph of Caen: 99 Ramon Berenguer II, count of Provence: 148 Ratibor, duke of Pomerania: 133 Raymond of Aguilers: 95, 100 Raymond of Saint Gilles, count of Toulouse: 80 reform movement, eleventh-century: 15–17 Richeza of Berg, daughter of Henry: 55 n 11 Richeza of Lorraine, daughter of Ezzo: 33, 40–42, 46, 54 Rikolf, bishop of Odense: 181 Riley-Smith, Jonathan: 13, 15, 17, 129, 184 Robert the Monk: 9, 61, 80, 93, 96–98, 101–02, 104, 130 Rome: 34, 51, 57, 59–60, 60 n 41, 193 n 20 Rousset, Paul: 14, 19 Rurik, dynasty of Rus: 54 Rus: 47, 49, 146, 180, 199 Ryksa, daughter of Władysław II: 148 Saga of Walther of Aquitaine: 152 Saint Adalbert see Adalbert, bishop of Prague Saint Bernard see Bernard of Clairvaux Saint Demetrius: 101

INDEX Saint Gilles: 10, 55, 69, 79–80, 84, 89–90, 220 abbey in Liège: 69 abbey in Provence: 10, 55, 79–80, 89 Saint John the Baptist: 139–41 Saint Lawrence: 100 Saint Mary of the Latins, church in Jerusalem: 140 Saint Maurice: 101 Saint Methodius: 31 Saint Michael in Bamberg, monastery of: 12 Saladin, Sultan of Egypt and Syria: 175, 177–78, 185, 218–19 Saladinistas: 157, 175–77, 219 Salisbury: 70 Salome of Berg, daughter of Henry of Berg: 46, 55, 55 n 11, 111, 115 Salzburg: 208 Sambia, Sambs: 198, 210, 210 n 95 Sandomierz: 146–47, 151–52, 154, 220 San Zeno in Verona, church of: 70 Saracens: 19, 99, 102, 104, 104 n 143, 116, 116 n 25, 135, 176 Saxo Grammaticus: 11, 72, 112 Saxony, Saxons: 19, 23, 26, 42, 67, 108, 120, 130, 132–33, 207 Scalovia: 198 Scotts: 137 Selencia: 92, 95 Sieciech of the clan Toporowie: 49, 83 Sigríð see Świętosława, daughter of Mieszko I, mother of Canute the Great Silesia: 5, 20, 31, 38–39, 44–45, 110–11, 116, 118, 142, 148, 185, 187, 193, 205, 212–14 Skarbimir of the clan Awdańcy: 81–82 Sławno: 211–12 Słupie: 69 Smoliński, Marek: 20–21, 142–43 Smolka, Stanisław: 4, 18–19, 23, 126, 161 Sobiesław Sławnikowic, brother of Adalbert bishop of Prague: 68, 201 Somogyvár, abbey of: 79 Song of Roland: 99, 102 Sophie of Berg, daughter of Henry of Berg: 55 n 11 Spain: 129 Speyer: 10, 179 Sprewen: 126 Stade: 208

293

Stanisław, bishop of Kraków: 47–48, 83 Stargard Szczeciński: 66 n 65, 211–12 Starnawska, Maria: 20–22, 125, 141, 154 n 86, 155, 184, 206 n 76, 207 n 78, 212, 214 n 108 Starogard Gdański: 198, 211 Stróżyk, Paweł: 142 n 27, 145 n 39, 154 n 84 Strzegom: 211–13 Sudovia, Sudovians: 6, 19–20, 24 n 99, 40, 116 n 25, 175 n 64, 198, 215 Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich, grand duke of Kiev: 46, 179 Sweden: 189–90 Sweyn I Forkbeard, king of Denmark and England: 32–33 Świecie: 198 Świętosława, daughter of Kazimierz II: 46 Świętosława, daughter of Mieszko I, mother of Canute the Great: 32 Świętosław of the clan Pałuki: 193 Sylvester II, pope: 38 Szacherska, Maria Stella: 204 Szczecin: 63, 66, 68–69, 88, 122–23 Templars: 154 n 83, 154, 188, 207, 212–14 Tempore illo: 87 Testament of Bolesław III see Act of Succession of 1138 Teterycz-Puzio, Agnieszka: 167 Teutonic Order: 1–2, 4, 7–8, 24, 27, 186, 188, 198, 204, 209–12, 216, 220 Thietmar of Merseburg: 11, 34–35, 88, 169 Tore, Nyberg: 24 Tractatus de urbe Brandenburg: 123 Translatio sancti Bertuini: 71 Translation of Saint Nicholas the Great: 80 Tripoli: 144 Troyes: 128 Trzemeszno: 87, 180 Turks: 137–38 Tymieniecki, Karol: 142 Tyniec: 45, 62, 87, 211–12 Udarz: 214 Unger, Manfred: 23 Urban, William: 24 Urban II, pope: 2, 13, 17, 217 Üxküll: 199–200

294

Valdemar I, king of Denmark: 72 Valdemar II, king of Denmark: 204–06 Varcislav, duke of Pomerania: 182 Velizlaus ierosolimitanus: 184 Verona: 70 Vikings: 32 Villey, Michel: 19 Vincentius, bishop of Kraków: 8–9, 11, 27, 48, 83, 95, 156, 162, 165–66, 168–77, 179, 184–86, 189, 218, 220 Vistulans: 31 Vistula River: 31, 63, 69 Vita Prieflingensis: 12 Vladislav II, duke of Bohemia: 137, 144, 146 Vojtěch see Saint Adalbert of Prague vow commutation of: 194–96, 208 crusading: 15, 114, 139, 144, 151, 154, 168, 178, 184–85, 194–95, 197, 208, 217 Vratislav II, duke of Bohemia: 46, 49 Wąchock: 151 Walgierz of Tyniec: 153 Walter of Malonne, bishop of Wrocław: 71 Warmia: 198 Wasilewski, Tadeusz: 152 Wendish Crusade: 18, 22–24, 26, 108, 120–23, 126–27, 129, 132–33, 155, 158, 161, 164, 167–68, 171, 218–19 Wends: 2, 11, 19, 22–24, 26, 63, 114, 121, 123, 126–27, 132–33, 158, 161, 164, 171 Wielkopolska see Greater Poland William of Modena, papal legate: 210 William of Tyre, archbishop: 64, 140 Wisława of Wiślica: 153 Wiślica: 39, 110, 151–53, 157 Wit, bishop of Płock: 177 Wizna River: 198 Władysław I Herman, duke of Poland: 25, 30, 46, 48–50, 54–55, 65, 70, 81–84, 87–91, 116 Władysław II the Exile, princeps of Poland: 22–23, 26, 69, 72, 98, 107–21, 123, 125–27, 129, 131–33, 143, 146–50, 164, 166, 169 Władysław III, duke of Greater Poland: 200 Władysław Odonic, duke of Greater Poland: 192, 195, 214

INDEX Włocławek: 53, 62–63, 167, 197–98 Włostowic see Piotr Wlostowic Wojciech see Adalbert, bishop of Pomerania Wolborz, Council: 192–93 Wolin: 53, 63, 66, 68–69, 88 women, influence of: 34, 54–55, 55 n 11, 55, 115 n 23, 115, 140 n 17 Wrocław: 38–39, 53, 71, 110, 212–13 Zagość: 138–43, 153–55, 184, 211–12 Zakon Dobrzyński see Knights of Christ Zakrzewski, Stanisław: 23 Zantyr: 203, 207, 210 Zbigniew, duke of Poland: 46, 50, 84, 90–91 Zbylut, Polish noble: 146, 201 Zbyslava of Kiev, wife of Bolesław III: 46, 55–57, 111–12, 179, 195 Zientara, Benedykt: 20 Żnin of, Jakub see Jakub of Żnin Żyrosław, bishop of Wrocław: 78

Europa Sacra All volumes in this series are evaluated by an Editorial Board, strictly on academic grounds, based on reports prepared by referees who have been commissioned by virtue of their specialism in the appropriate field. The Board ensures that the screening is done independently and without conflicts of interest. The definitive texts supplied by authors are also subject to review by the Board before being approved for publication. Further, the volumes are copyedited to conform to the publisher’s stylebook and to the best international academic standards in the field. Titles in Series Religious and Laity in Western Europe, 1000-1400: Interaction, Negotiation, and Power, ed. by Emilia Jamroziak and Janet E. Burton (2007) Anna Ysabel d’Abrera, The Tribunal of Zaragoza and Crypto-Judaism: 1484–1515 (2008) Cecilia Hewlett, Rural Communities in Renaissance Tuscany: Religious Identities and Local Loyalties (2009) Charisma and Religious Authority: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Preaching, 1200–1500, ed. by Katherine L. Jansen and Miri Rubin (2010) Communities of Learning: Networks and the Shaping of Intellectual Identity in Europe, 1100-1500, ed. by Constant J. Mews and John N. Crossley (2011) Alison Brown, Medicean and Savonarolan Florence: The Interplay of Politics, Humanism, and Religion (2012) Faith’s Boundaries: Laity and Clergy in Early Modern Confraternities, ed. by Nicholas Terpstra, Adriano Prosperi, and Stefania Pastore (2013) Late Medieval and Early Modern Ritual: Studies in Italian Urban Culture, ed. by Samuel Cohn Jr., Marcello Fantoni, Franco Franceschi, and Fabrizio Ricciardelli Thomas A. Fudge, The Memory and Motivation of Jan Hus, Medieval Priest and Martyr (2013) Clare Monagle, Orthodoxy and Controversy in Twelfth-Century Religious Discourse: Peter Lombard’s ‘Sentences’ and the Development of Theology (2013)

In Preparation Adriano Prosperi, The Giving of the Soul: The History of an Infanticide Mulieres religiosae: Shaping Female Spiritual Authority in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods, ed. by Veerle Fraeters and Imke de Gier Tomas Zahora, Nature, Virtue, and the Boundaries of Encyclopedic Knowledge: The Tropo­ logical Universe of Alexander Neckam (1157-1217) Line Cecilia Engh, Gendered Identities in Bernard of Clairvaux’s Sermons on the Song of Songs Bruno the Carthusian and his Mortuary Roll: Studies, Text, and Translation, ed. by Hartmut Beyer, Gabriela Signori, and Sita Steckel David Rosenthal, Kings of the Street: Power, Community, and Ritual in Renaissance Florence