The Hagiography of Saint Abercius: Introduction, Texts, and Translations [1 ed.] 9781003232018, 9781032140308, 9781032140346

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The Hagiography of Saint Abercius

This broad-based critical edition is the first-ever modern translation of all of three adaptations of the hagiography of St. Abercius, the 2nd-century bishop of Hieropolis, based on one of the most valuable inscriptions of the early church, the Abercius Inscription. This volume features the Greek texts complemented by facing translations for all three versions of the hagiography. The edition also includes introductory chapters, a composite critical text of the inscription, an Epitome, Synaxarion, and Greek/English indices. The reader will have access to the most expansive reconstruction of both the hagiography and the famous inscription based on the oldest traditions—twenty-nine 10th- and 11th-century manuscripts. The English translations are based on a majority reading, accompanied by an exhaustive Greek text apparatus that preserves the numerous variant readings. The volume provides scholars with new substantive material for research, while the introductory chapters help to familiarize readers interested in early Christianity with the Abercius tradition. The Hagiography of Saint Abercius is an invaluable resource for students and scholars working on early Christianity, early church history, and hagiography, as well as those interested in manuscript transmission. Ken Tully (MPhil, MDiv) is Adjunct Faculty, Classical Studies, Villanova University, and a DPhil candidate at the University of Oxford. In 2020,  he co-authored Jerusalem Afflicted: Quaresmius, Spain, and the Idea of a 17th-Century Crusade (Routledge), which presented the first-ever modern translation and commentary on the Latin sermon first published in 1631. Pamela D. Johnston (PhD) is Associate Professor of Classics and Ancient History at Fresno Pacific University, where she teaches a broad range of classes in ancient and medieval history and classics. She is the author of The Military Consilium in Republican Rome (Gorgias Press), the first full-length treatment of the consilium in the Roman Republic.

The Hagiography of Saint Abercius Introduction, Texts, and Translations

Edited and translated by Ken Tully and Pamela D. Johnston

First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Ken Tully and Pamela D. Johnston The right of Ken Tully and Pamela D. Johnston to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-032-14030-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-14034-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-23201-8 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018 Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

To Richard Hamilton, under whose supervision my adventure with Abercius began, whose legacy of contagious enthusiasm and energetic support for students continues to inspire. and To Marshall Johnston, who has always made Arcadia House a locus amoenus.

Contents

List of figures List of tables Preface Acknowledgments PART 1

ix x xi xii

Introduction

1

  1 Stone, story, and scholarship: introducing Abercius

3

  2 Chronology and context: historical considerations

12

  3 Doctrine and discourse: the Christocentric version

32

  4 A model metaphrasis: the Hagiocentric version

38

  5 Tomb terminology: the Epigraphic version

45

  6 Curious and concise: the Epitome and Synaxarion

55

  7 Reconstructing a reading: the inscription text

60

  8 Tracing traditions: twenty-nine manuscripts

66

  9 A broader base: critical text and apparatus

76

10 Style, scholars, and sectioning: english translations

79

PART 2

The texts—Greek and English

81

  1 The Christocentric version

82

  2 The Hagiocentric version

194

viii  Contents

  3 The Epigraphic version

236

  4 The Epitome

318

  5 The Synaxarion

328

  6 The inscription

332

English index Greek index

340 344

Figures

2.1 The journey of the couriers and Abercius in Asia 2.2 The Phrygian Pentapolis, with major roads indicated 8.1 Suggested stemma for Christocentric manuscript tradition

22 24 69

Tables

2.1 2.2 8.1 8.2

Sequence of key events as given in the Life Sequence of key events from historical data Manuscript groupings Concurrent variants of α group manuscripts

13 14 71 72

Preface

In 1994, somewhere between my study carrel in the Greek Classics Room and the shelves in Canaday Library, Bryn Mawr College (too long ago now to remember what sparked the initial interest), my adventure with Abercius began. A few months later, my supervisor at the time, Richard Hamilton, now the Paul Shorey Professor Emeritus of Greek, was handing back his ninety-four recommended MA thesis edits on the epitaph of the saint. In 2019, research resumed, this time in the library at St. Stephen’s, Oxford University. My MPhil dissertation focused almost exclusively on the Abercius Inscription, but in April 2020 work began in earnest on a critical text of the associated hagiographies, inspired by the threeversion edition of Theodore Nissen, now well over a century old. A significant number of manuscripts were not included in the Nissen text, and thanks to digital access to reproductions, the additional manuscripts were secured from Russia, the Netherlands, France, Italy, Greece, Turkey, and England, just to name a few. Securing reproductions of all twenty-nine manuscripts took several months. What the project lacked was a Roman historian who could sort through the many historical, biographical, political, and geographical references in the hagiography, and, by the way, someone also competent to be a sounding board for my Greek translations. The appropriate candidate was a fellow graduate student who sat across the aisle in the Greek Classics Room back in 1994, Pamela D. Johnston, now Associate Professor of Classics and Ancient History, Fresno Pacific University. Abercius was the subject of intense scholarly attention when William Ramsay discovered the inscription fragments in 1883. Interest waned, but every decade since has seen important publications that have advanced the study of the stone and the associated hagiography. We owe an immense debt to Ramsay and his insights into both the inscription and the hagiography. Our hope is that this critical edition will continue to advance our understanding of the famous epitaph and the hagiography it inspired. Ken Tully Pamela D. Johnston

Acknowledgments

We are grateful to a number of individuals for their assistance with this edition. First, many thanks to Markus Vinzent for his meticulous review of the Hagiocentric Greek text and translation. We are indebted to Alan Trigle for his skillful German translation of the Seeliger/Wischmeyer text. Many thanks to Villanova graduate students Ryan Yeazell, Katlyn Yost, and Benedicte Berg—Ryan for his transcription of the Greek text of the Epitome and his scrupulous review of the composite inscription text, Katlyn for her most helpful translation of the Latin introduction to Nissen’s 1911 edition, and Benedicte for her thorough review of the introductory chapters. We are indebted to Carol Harrison and Chad Leahy for their evaluation and suggested emendations of our initial submittal. Ken would like to give special thanks to his wife, Cheryl, for her management of the numerous international bank transfers to acquire manuscripts. Pam would like to thank Greg Camp for assistance with maps, Alice Neikirk and Rachel Schultz for their general overall support, and most of all, her husband, Marshall, for his many rounds of editing, wording suggestions, and frequent applications of strong coffee. We also want to recognize the assistance of Svetlana Berak, State ­Historical Museum, Moscow, and Reverend Deacon Alexander Koutsis, Ecumenical ­Patriarchate, Istanbul, for their efforts in securing several key manuscripts. Ken Tully Pamela D. Johnston

Part 1

Introduction

1 Stone, story, and scholarship Introducing Abercius

Housed in the Vatican Museum, the Abercius Inscription, a twenty-two-line ­narrative epigraph, is universally considered the most valuable of all ancient inscriptions witnessing to the early church. It is that epigraph which inspired an ancient author to pen the hagiography published in this edition. However, it is important to note that while we study the reception of the famous inscription in the hagiography, the inscription owes its fame to that same hagiography. As the story goes, in 1882 Sir William Ramsay published the lines of an epitaph for a man named Alexander, an epitaph which he had discovered in Central ­Phrygia.1 Once these lines were published, two scholars, Giovanni Battista de Rossi and Louis Duchesne, recognized that they resembled an epigraph included in the hagiography of St. Abercius.2 Ramsay, who at the time was wholly unfamiliar with Abercius, the very next year would discover two fragments of the original ­inscription of the saint only a few miles away. Hence, the relationship of the stone and the story is symbiotic; each owes its current fame to the other. Recently, there has been renewed interest in that relationship between the stone and the story. Two authors in particular, Markus Vinzent3 and Allen Brent,4 each revisit the connection of the inscription and the story of the saint. While ­challenging long-standing assumptions about that relationship, there are repeated references to the critical texts of Nissen and Wischmeyer. As one sees a renewed interest in revisiting the text of the hagiography, its manuscript tradition, and the record of the inscription it contains, it underscores the need for a new critical text and translation as presented in this volume—a critical text not based on speculative emendation or extrapolation,5 but on a broader base of the most ancient manuscripts collated and translated in majority readings. Paul McKechnie’s ‘Aberkios and the Vita Abercii’,6 takes a step in that direction by providing an English translation, although this is based on a version found in Theodore Nissen’s 1912 ­critical edition. In addition, he delivers a much-needed running commentary on the narrative and dialogues of the hagiography.

Celebrating the city One recent scholar, Peter Thonemann, has proposed a masterfully researched ­interpretive framework while elucidating a number of anachronistic inconsistencies DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-2

4  Introduction originally noted by J. B. Lightfoot.7 Thonemann’s theory of composition contends that the hagiography is a historical fiction fabricated by someone familiar with the geography of Hierapolis,8 who created the composite tale from several ­monuments and documents he had at his disposal: The Life of St Abercius, then, is a uniquely valuable document of the ­processes by which the Christians of late antique Asia Minor refashioned their (pagan) Roman past in their own image. Through creative readings of those secondcentury epigraphical monuments which survived in the urban landscape of the fourth century, the author of the Life offers an ‘archaeology of desire’.9 Eve-Marie Becker would concur that the hagiography is as much about Hierapolis as it is about Abercius: The inscribed funerary stele of Abercius of Hierapolis (ca. 2nd century ce) exemplifies a transformation over time not only of genre but of memorial significance. The reception . . . documents how the personal memory of an individual is transformed once it is incorporated into the larger framework of the memoria of a city in which it was housed.10 The identification of the city with an ecclesiastical figure like Abercius, who is considered ‘Equal to the Apostles’, cannot help but bolster its prestige. One need only consider the fact that nearly three-quarters of the narrative takes place in or around Hierapolis itself. The city’s situation allows its patron saint ready access east and west to implement his universal apostolic office. At one point in the ­narrative, the author boldly proposes that the ministry of the bishop of backwoods Hierapolis is required in the seat of the empire, Rome itself. Christ appears to the saint in a vision and pronounces, ‘Abercius, it is by my plan that you will arrive in Rome, so that, indeed, also those who are in it may come to know my name’ (§43 Epi.). Abercius was to ‘labor there for the salvation of men’ (§43 Hag.) and ‘strengthen even your brothers in Rome in the faith’ (§43 Chr.). ­Arriving during the winter and having exorcised the demon from the daughter of the emperor, Abercius remains in Rome until spring, having ‘spent a considerable time in Rome. He taught and strengthened the congregations of believers in the apostolic proclamation, having settled discord and harmonized them in oneness of mind’ (§67 Hag.). Despite the fact that both the author of the inscription and the author of the hagiography give Rome a central place in each of their narratives, it is Rome, the seat of the apostolic successor to Peter, which needs the help of the bishop of Hierapolis to save souls, strengthen believers, restore unity, and quell dissension.11 Abercius is the hero from Hierapolis. His journey to the cities in the East was no less effectual: Exhorting and teaching them all, he reconciled almost all the churches of Christ at variance with one another. For at that time the heresy of Marcion greatly disrupted the churches of the Christians. Crossing the Euphrates River, he spent time both in the city of Nisibis and all the cities situated in

Stone, story, and scholarship  5 Mesopotamia. Similarly, he passed through the neighboring regions there. For all the churches welcomed him as truly an apostle of Christ. (§69 Chr.) So influential, in fact, was his ministry in the East, that the churches there voted to bestow on the bishop of Hierapolis the title ἰσαπόστολος, ‘Equal to the Apostles’: Let us take a vote for the man to be called ‘Equal to the Apostles’. For better stated, his deeds give this title to him. For we know of none after the principal apostles who crossed such an extent of land and sea for the salvation of the brothers. (§70 Chr.) If the ministry of Abercius was dramatic in Rome and the East, it was utterly sensational in Hierapolis itself. The narrative, which opens with the raving mad populace of the town out to lynch the saint, transitions abruptly with the mass conversion of its citizens, who at the close of the story gather en masse to escort the body of the saint to his famous tomb. Hence, these hagiographies ought to be read in light of the municipal focus of the story.

Fact in fiction? In his article ‘Grabepigramm und Vita des Bischofs Aberkios’, Reinhold ­Merkelbach focuses his attention on the historicity of selected details in the ­hagiography of St. Abercius. His intention was to establish the validity of the Life, thus ­legitimizing it as an indispensable interpretive tool in understanding the inscription: Most scholars continue to ignore The Life; everything that is there is reportedly fabricated from the verses [of the inscription] or completely invented. I  believe that The Life represents a valuable testimony to the condition of Christianity in the time of the emperor Marcus, and that a satisfying interpretation of the verses only becomes possible, if one consults The Life.12 Merkelbach insists that although later attempts by revisionists to embellish the biography actually adulterated it, the text contains accurate insights into the Christianity of the 2nd century. Orazio Marruchi, who supervised the replication of the Abercius inscription, makes something of the same point. The acts of Abercius are certainly legendary; but we know that in all these hagiographic legends, even the most discredited, there is always a fund of historical truth; so that if the episodes are altered and sometimes even fabulous, the main characters are real. . . . The acts we possess are certainly derivatives from some older document and compiled at a time when his sepulchral monument must still be preserved and in veneration.13

6  Introduction Although he finds the use of the hagiography as an interpretive tool an interesting theory, overall Eckhard Wirbelauer has difficulties with Merkelbach’s ­methodology.14 Brent Allen is even less sympathetic: Scholarly discussion of the restoration has largely ignored an important p­ rocedural principle, namely, that the fourth-century Vita Abercii must not be used as a serious commentary on the inscription but rather the inscription must speak independently for itself: the fourth-century legend is merely a fable that explains the ignorance rather than the knowledge of its author.15 Wirbelauer and Allen, in part, reflect the opinion of William Ramsay himself on the narrative. ‘There is a tone of vulgarity and rusticity about it which gives it rather low place in the class of religious romances to which it belongs. It might be fairly discarded as an unprofitable fabrication’.16 Despite this harsh assessment, Ramsay admits that something of value can be salvaged from the narrative. It is now an accepted principle that even the genesis of legend is an ­historical process, which may throw light at least on the character of the age when the legend grew, if not on the age to which it professes to belong. . . . The ­Christians of Phrygia supplied the place of the old anthropomorphic deities by the saints, who had been the champions of their faith. . . . Fidelity of local detail is one of the most important characteristics of the class of tales which is here described. This class of tales has grown up among the people of a district, and has the character of popular legend.17 Ramsay does give the hagiographer a passing grade for creativity, admitting he had to have been a man of ‘fair education and knowledge’ and ‘many details are not of such a character as he would be likely to invent, but bear all the marks of free creative popular mythology’.18 In Ramsay’s estimate, ‘the literary form is due to the genius, or want of genius, of the writer’.19 David Bundy posits that the literary form was due to the ingenuity of the author. The hagiographer creatively seeks to imitate the symbolic tenor of the epigraph. According to Bundy’s theory of composition, the hagiography itself, like the inscription, is an intentionally symbolic work, in which several key characters are representative, not real. The author took considerable care with the narrative and framework within which it is set. However, the historical data in The Life [is] designed to lend credibility and interest to the story. They conform to and expand upon the Abercius Inscription.20 For Bundy, the three blind women represent the Montanist prophetesses; Euxeinianus’ blind mother, Phrygella, represents Phrygia; Euxeinianus himself embodies a disciple of Marcion; while the demon personifies the excommunicated Marcion who leaves Rome and returns to Asia Minor. The narrative is written with an anti-Marcion

Stone, story, and scholarship  7 undercurrent. Abercius, whose apostolic-like ministry is attested by the miraculous, claims to have possession of the real Pauline texts, as the inscription itself testifies. A contemporary of Ramsay, J. B. Lightfoot, likewise sees the artistry in its composition as an intelligently crafted fiction. Furthermore, when it comes to the record of the inscription, he makes a plea for its authenticity. ‘[T]hese Acts, though legendary themselves, contain an epitaph which has the ring of genuineness, and which seems to have suggested the story to the pious forger who invented the Acts’.21 Margaret Mitchell sees value in the hagiography’s physical description of the stone placed on the tomb of Abercius as a βωμός (altar), considering it essential in a contextual interpretation of the inscription as a material monument.22 However, for Mitchell, it is the creative fiction of the hagiography that transforms the simple material monument of the inscription into a supernatural souvenir. [A] deft tale that combines features of the Acts of the Apostles and Apocryphal Acts, with their love of travel lore, with Gospel narratives about Jesus’ exorcisms . . . the author has transformed a known and venerable (if already weathered and worn) local artifact from what he may have perceived as an uncomfortably ‘pagan-looking’ monument into an ironic trophy of the exorcistic power of Jesus Christ.23 Most authors would agree; the hagiography exerts a transformative influence on the inscription. Whether that be viewed positively or negatively depends on the commentator. For Allen Brent, the narrative imposes an unwarranted interpretive framework on the monument. If the Vita Abercii reinterprets a number of pagan artifacts with a ­narrative that gives them a Christian expression, why should we assume that the ­epitaph on the βωμός was itself Christian and the one exception sticking out from his otherwise pagan landscape. Given the project of cultural transformation ­witnessed by the production of the Christian Vita Abercii, what are the grounds for identifying the βωμός as untouched by this fourth-century, Christianizing project?24 The hagiography has had a century of critics who view the narrative as an immaterial interpretive distraction and irrelevant fabrication, with only a handful of advocates who find in it a pertinent record in finally grasping the elusive lines of the inscription and as a substantive witness to 2nd-century Christianity. In either case, the hagiography persistently defies neglect. As scholars continue to debate its value, they continue to make constant appeal to the text contained in its manuscript tradition. Interest persists, despite the fact that these texts have remained largely inaccessible to scholars and students who are not comfortable working directly in Greek. This volume seeks to satisfy the demand for both parties, providing a substantially updated critical text for scholars and translations from majority readings for students and interested readers alike.

8  Introduction

Shared plot The manuscript tradition of the hagiography is so broad that it presents three ­distinct narrative adaptations, which we refer to in this edition as the Christocentric, Hagiocentric, and Epigraphic. This volume offers the first-ever comparative analysis of the three accounts and encourages reading these adaptations in succession or studying them in parallel. Although each of the narratives tracks the same basic storyline, the Christocentric is distinguished by its extended theological ­dialogues and high Christology. The Hagiocentric, with its panegyric preface and conclusion, persistently extols the saint and is distinguished from the other two by its brevity and lack of direct quotation. The Epigraphic version, made popular through its inclusion in Patrologia Graeca, makes generous use of terminology found in the inscription. Explicit discourses on free will, soteriology, the necessity and efficacy of baptism, and the proper response to localized persecution find their way into all three narrative versions. Though no discourse on ecclesiology occurs, the reader has a clear view of the episcopate, presbytery, deaconate, and catechetical instruction. Because the three recensions follow the same storyline, Theo Nissen added a numbering system based on common episodes. Nissen’s system has been retained with a few minor adjustments, allowing the reader to quickly turn from an episode in one version to the same episode in another. This same numbering system reveals ‘gaps’ in the Hagiocentric and Epigraphic when compared to the fuller Christocentric account. The Epigraphic presents a shorter version of the evangelistic sermon to the repentant crowd and lacks §15. Neither the Hagiocentric nor the Epigraphic include the exhortation to believers after the healing of Phrygella (§24–25). Interestingly, these are segments that the Christocentric redactor plagiarized from The Vercelli Acts.25 Similarly, the Epigraphic truncates the discourse with Euxeinianus (§31–37), a discourse appropriated from Bardaisan’s The Book of the Laws of Diverse Countries.26 Finally, the Epigraphic omits the miracle of the potable water (§75). Mention should be made that apart from the three longer recensions of the hagiography, this edition also includes an Epitome,27 a 900-word summary of the longer narratives, and a Synaxarion,28 an even briefer synopsis of the saint’s story. Though several folios are damaged, the Epitome encompasses the entire narrative from the decree of the emperors to the burial of the saint. The Epitome does not include the exhortation to believers after the healing of Phrygella (§24–25), the healing of the three blind women (§26–30), the contents of the discourse with Euxeinianus (§32–38), the ministry to the churches in Rome (§67), the request of Abercius for leave to Syria (§68), the encounter with the farmers in Aulon (§72), his ministry after the return to Hierapolis (§73–76), nor the record of the inscription (§77).29 The Synaxarion, a mere sixteen lines in the original manuscript, is part of a collection of saints’ lives.30 As already mentioned, the narrative versions follow the same core plot. The story begins with the Roman emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus issuing an edict that requires all Roman provinces to hold a festival worshipping the pagan

Stone, story, and scholarship  9 gods. Abercius is disturbed at the celebration taking place in his hometown of Hierapolis in Phrygia Minor. In a dream, Christ commands him to smash the idols responsible for this widespread deception. During the night, the elderly Abercius breaks into the city’s temple and destroys its idols. The horrified temple attendants report the incident to the city council, who plan to arrest Abercius and bring him before the Roman governor. However, an incensed mob makes its way to the house of Abercius, bent on burning it to the ground along with the saint. When warned by his disciples, instead of escaping town, Abercius calmly discourses on persecution and then makes his way to the marketplace, where he begins to teach openly. The mob catches wind of this and is ready to tear the saint to pieces when three demon-possessed men, stripped naked, run out of the crowd and towards the saint. The crowd is stunned when Abercius exorcizes the demons, and now, in fear, the crowd confesses that the God of Abercius is the one true God and is in an emotional panic. Abercius reassuringly speaks at length about repentance, forgiveness, and the necessity of baptism. Next, Abercius heals Phrygella, the blind mother of an influential citizen of Hierapolis, Euxeinianus, who then comes to the saint in appreciation for the miracle. The two men dialogue at length on free will, the character of God, the moral law, and salvation. Abercius then exorcises another demon, who this time threatens to bring Abercius to Rome. The demon himself immediately makes his way to the capital city and takes possession of the teenage daughter of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina. All efforts by the pagan diviners are futile, and the demon demands that the emperor send for Abercius. When Abercius does arrive, he has the girl brought to the hippodrome, where he exorcises the demon and commands him to carry an altar in the arena to his hometown of Hierapolis and place it outside the south-facing gate of the city. The demon obeys; the girl is healed. When offered a reward by the queen, he discourses on money, contentment, and generosity. Abercius spends several months in Rome preaching to the churches there. He next travels throughout Syria, crossing the Euphrates to Nisibis. During this journey, he is designated ‘Equal to the Apostles’. Upon his return, Christ appears to him and announces that his labors are over. He prepares a tomb with the famous inscription and has the church appoint his successor. After laying hands on the new bishop, Abercius prays, and his spirit leaves for heaven.

Notes 1 ‘In October 1881 when wandering among the villages of a wide and fertile plain in central Phrygia, we observed the following inscription on a stone at the door of a mosque. . . . The surface is mutilated, and the following text is completed by the aid of the biography. When I published the text in 1882, I was ignorant even of the name of the Phrygian saint. “Citizen of the select city, I have, while still living, made this (tomb), that I may have here before the eyes of men a place where to lay my body; I, who am named Alexander, son of Antonius, a disciple of the spotless Shepherd. No one shall place another in my tomb: and if he does, he shall pay 2,000 gold pieces to the treasury of the Romans, and 1,000 to our excellent fatherland Hierapolis. It was written in the year 300 (A.D. 216) during my lifetime. Peace to them that pass by and think of me” ’. Ramsay, ‘Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia V’, 393.

10  Introduction 2 ‘This epitaph alone would furnish indubitable evidence as to the epigraph of Avircius, from which it quotes five lines, spoiling the meter by substituting for the name Avircius “Alexander, son of Antonius”. These inferences were drawn by Di Rossi and Duchesne immediately on the publication of the epitaph of Alexander’. Ramsay, V, 393–4. 3 Vinzent, Writing the History of Early Christianity, 77–159. 4 Brent, ‘Has the Vita Abercii Misled Epigraphists’, 325–61. 5 The critical text of Wischmeyer contains any number of speculative emendations. ­Wischmeyer, ‘Die Aberkiosinschrift als Grabeepigramm’, 24–6. Nissen seeks to extrapolate the Greek text from an old Russian version to correct what the editor considered corruptions in the Paris 1540 text. Nissen himself concedes, ‘Tamen quoniam ipso illo Graeco exemplari caremus lubrica res vel potius temerarium est eum verbis Russicis Graece versis recuperatum edere velle’. Nissen, S. Abercii Vita, XIV. 6 McKechnie, ‘Abercius and the Vita Abercii’, 166–86. 7 Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers, 500–1. 8 While the hagiographies identify the hometown of Abercius as Hierapolis, we agree with Ramsay that it was instead Hieropolis. Ramsay, ‘The Tale of Abercius’, 339–53. See also Chapter 2, Chronology and context: notes on geography. 9 Thonemann, ‘Abercius of Hierapolis’, 277. 10 Becker, ‘Transforming Memory’, 11. 11 Guarducci, to the contrary argues for the preeminence of the Roman church. ­Guarducci, ‘L’iscrizione di Abercio e Roma’, 174–203. 12 Merkelbach, ‘Grabepigramm und Vita des Bischofs Aberkios’, 125. 13 ‘Gli atti di Abercio sono certamente leggendari; ma noi sappiamo che in tutte queste leggende agiografiche anche le più screditate vi è sempre un fondo di verità storica; di maniera che se gli episodi sono alterati e talvolta anche favolosi, i principali personaggi però sono reali. . . . Gli atti che ne possediamo sono certamente derivati da qualche documento più antico e compilato in un’epoca in cui il monumento sepolcrale di lui dovea essere ancora conservato ed in venerazione’. Marruchi, ‘Nuove osservazioni sulla Iscrizione di Abercio’, 38. 14 Wirbelauer, ‘Aberkios, Der Schüler des reinen Hirten’, 359–82. 15 Brent, 351. 16 Ramsay, ‘Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia IV’, 262. 17 Ramsay, ‘Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia III’, 151–2. 18 Ramsay, III, 157. 19 Ramsay, III, 155. 20 Bundy, ‘The Life of Abercius’, 175. 21 Lightfoot, ‘Saint Paul’s Epistles’, 54, n.1. 22 Mitchell, ‘Looking for Abercius’, 303–35. 23 Mitchell, 316. 24 Brent, 332. 25 One could make a case that the original Abercius hagiography, that is, the prototype from which our recensions are derived, is a creative adaptation of The Vercelli Acts. See also Chapter 3, Doctrine and discourse: parallel plots. 26 See Chapter 3, Doctrine and discourse: extended discourse. 27 Macedonia, Ohrid, Naroden Muzej 4 (Mošin 76) ff. 513–17. 28 Menologion of Basil II, Vatican, Vatican Apostolic Library, 10th, Vat.Gr. 1613, 129. 29 See Chapter 8, Tracing traditions: the Epitome. 30 See Chapter 8, Tracing traditions: the Synaxarion.

References Becker, E. The Birth of Christian History: Memory and Time from Mark to Luke-Acts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017).

Stone, story, and scholarship  11 Brent, A. ‘Has the Vita Abercii Misled Epigraphists in the Reconstruction of the Inscription?’ The First Urban Churches 5: Colossae, Hierapolis, and Laodicea, James R. ­Harrison and L.L. Welborn, eds. (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2019), 325–61. Bundy, D. ‘The Life of Abercius: Its Significance for Early Syriac Christianity’, The Second Century 5 (1989–90), 163–76. Guarducci, M. ‘L’iscrizione di Abercio e Roma’, Ancient Society 2 (1971), 174–203. Lightfoot, J.B. ‘Saint Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon’, Notes and Dissertations (1879), 54. Lightfoot, J.B. The Apostolic Fathers, Vol. 2.2 (London: Macmillan, 1889). Marruchi, O. ‘Nuove osservazioni sulla Iscrizione di Abercio’, Nuovo bullettino di archeologia Cristiana (1895), 17–41. McKechnie, P. Christianizing Asia Minor: Conversion, Communities, and Social Change in the Pre-Constantinian Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019). Merkelbach, R. ‘Grabepigramm und Vita des Bischofs Aberkios’, Epigraphica Anatolica (1997), 125–31. Mitchell, M. ‘Looking for Abercius’, Commemorating the Dead: Texts and Artifacts in Context-Studies of Roman, Jewish, and Christian Burials, Laurie Brink and Deborah Green, eds. (New York: De Gruyter, 2008), 303–35. Nissen, T. S. Abercii Vita (Leipzig: Teubner, 1912). Ramsay, W.M. ‘Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia: A Study in the Early History of the Church III’, The Expositor 9.2 (1889), 141–60. Ramsay, W.M. ‘Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia: A Study in the Early History of the Church IV’, The Expositor 9.4 (1889), 253–72. Ramsay, W.M. ‘Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia: A Study in the Early History of the Church V’, The Expositor 9.5 (1889), 392–400. Ramsay, W.M. ‘The Tale of Abercius’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 3 (1882), 339–53. Thonemann, P. ‘Abercius of Hierapolis. Christianisation and Social Memory in Late Antique Asia Minor’, Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World, Beate Dignas and R.R.R. Smith, eds. (London: Oxford University Press, 2012), 257–82. Vinzent, M. Writing the History of Early Christianity: From Reception to Retrospection (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019). Wirbelauer, E. ‘Aberkios, Der Schüler des reinen Hirten, im Römischen Reich des 2. Jahrhunderts’, Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 51.3 (2002), 359–82. Wischmeyer, W. ‘Die Aberkiosinschrift als Grabeepigramm’, Jahrbuch für Antike (1980), 22–47.

2 Chronology and context Historical considerations

Prelude The unanimous use of the spelling ‘Hierapolis’ in the manuscripts for the hometown of Abercius and the archeological, geographic, and numismatic evidence forwarded by Sir William Ramsay identifying the hometown of the bishop as Hieropolis, modern-day Koçhisar, Sandıklı, left us wavering about which spelling to use in this chapter. At issue here is the need to distinguish Hierapolis in then– Phrygia Major, modern day Pamukkale, from the Hieropolis in then–­Phrygia Minor, where the fragments of Abercius’ epitaph were discovered, and which the geographical descriptions of the Life support as the hometown of the saint. It remains unclear why the hagiographer would adopt the spelling ‘Hierapolis’ for Abercius’ hometown, when his own descriptions of routes taken to the city confirm it as Hieropolis. Ramsay himself argues that Christian and Greek influences combined to alter the spelling during the period from the 2nd to the 4th century, since the spelling ‘Hieropolis’ designated it as ‘the city of the temple’.1 However, this change introduced the potential for ambiguity since there were now two cities with the same name in Phrygia. How does one eliminate this confusion? As Ramsay himself asserts, ‘It would be wrong to alter a literary passage, and to thrust into it the name Hieropolis in defiance of the MSS’.2 Therefore, we have arrived at something of a compromise. Where a clear reference is made to the hagiography, we will employ the spelling ‘Hierapolis’; conversely, when the context is geographical, we will use the spelling ‘Hieropolis’, at all time keeping in mind that we have one and the same city in mind, modern-day Koçhisar, Sandıklı.3

Introduction The historical problems surrounding the Life of Abercius have been recognized for over a century, and have been addressed most recently by Peter Thonemann, Allen Brent, Paul McKechnie, and Markus Vinzent.4 This chapter seeks to summarize these problems in order to outline, where possible, what elements may be considered as historically accurate, and what elements belong to the realm of historical fiction.5 First we will look at the basic chronological framework of the Life, ­evaluating how it coincides with known datable events. Then the personalities DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-3

Chronology and context  13 of the Life will be examined, along with the imperial edict and the Greek terms used for Roman institutions. We will then turn to the journey of the couriers to and from Hieropolis and of Abercius himself from Hieropolis to Rome and his subsequent travels and conclude with a few geographical notes. The Life of Abercius is set during the period of the so-called ‘Five Good Emperors’. Ruling from 96 ce to 180 ce, they included Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. The term ‘Five Good Emperors’ comes from Edward Gibbon in his monumental History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire: If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom.6 After the death of Antoninus Pius in 161, Marcus Aurelius (who is referred to simply as ‘Antoninus’ throughout the Life) ascended the throne and immediately requested that his adopted brother, Lucius Verus, be raised to the purple as coemperor, a  plan previously encouraged by Hadrian.7 As their reigns began in March of the year 161 ce, this date forms an obvious terminus post quem for the opening of the Abercius story.8

Chronological framework The author of the Life seems to know some details about the lives of the co-­ emperors but makes several serious chronological blunders that make constructing a coherent timeline impossible. In other words, the sequence of several key events in the Life is irreconcilable with the actual historical record. To illustrate this, the relative sequence of certain key events as given in the Life may be constructed as shown in Table 2.1, with the actual date given.9 However, if we were to arrange the datable events in chronological order based on the historical data, it would look something like what is shown in Table 2.2. Table 2.1  Sequence of key events as given in the Life Sequence of key events as given in the Life

Estimated date10

1 2 3 4 5

177 166 162 166 175–8

6 7

Earthquake at Smyrna11 §48 Edict requiring sacrifices12 (possibly in response to the plague) §1 Lucius Verus departs for Parthian War13 §44 Lucilla at age 1614 §44–6 Aurelius’ letter to Euxeinianus; Aurelius holds the honorary titles ‘Germanicus’ and ‘Sarmaticus’15 §48 Aurelius leaves Rome to counter the Germanic threat16 §59 Wedding of Lucius Verus and Lucilla in Ephesus17 §45

168 164

14  Introduction Table 2.2  Sequence of key events from historical data Sequence of key events from historical data

Estimated date

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

162 164 166 166 168 175–8 177

Lucius Verus departs for Parthian War Wedding of Lucius Verus and Lucilla in Ephesus Edict requiring sacrifices Lucilla at age 16 Aurelius leaves Rome to counter the Germanic threat Aurelius holds the honorary titles ‘Germanicus’ and ‘Sarmaticus’ Earthquake at Smyrna

As one can see, the two lists cannot be reconciled with each other. It is evident that the author of the Life has used datable events to help provide the framework with which to scaffold his story, but has little regard for, or scant knowledge of, the actual chronology. The problems inherent in the chronology are discussed next in greater detail. The earthquake at Smyrna Although in the Life the earthquake pre-dates all other events, historically it did not occur until well after the marriage of Verus and Lucilla, most likely in 177. The author of the Life has used this event as the springboard for Aurelius’ request for additional service from a certain Euxeinianus Pollio, ‘a most important man’ in the city, whose previous help during the earthquake had been conspicuous, and brought him to the attention of the emperor (§48 Chr.).18 As Peter Thonemann points out, the author may in fact be working from an actual imperial letter to a later benefactor who rendered assistance to the Smyrnaeans. Certainly, parts of the letter in the three versions seem to mimic actual imperial correspondence.19 However, if we date the imperial missive to post-177 because of the reference to the Smyrna earthquake, then Lucilla is already at least 27 years old, hardly the 16-year-old of the Life. Faustina would have died two years earlier, and (most problematic of all) Verus himself would have been dead for almost a decade!20 As it stands, the reference to the earthquake in the letter as included in the Life would allow the author to put praise in the mouth of Marcus Aurelius and thus soften the request that Euxeinianus Pollio dispatch Abercius to the aid of Aurelius’ daughter. The imperial edict and the plague We are told at the beginning of the Life that, during the reign of Marcus ­Aurelius and Lucius Verus, a decree had circulated throughout the Roman Empire requiring various religious rituals, although the rationale for these is not explicitly stated. It is tempting to connect the command for rituals with the wave of religious activity undertaken in response to the ravages of the Antonine plague, which hit the Empire at the end of 165 or the beginning of 166, probably making its way back

Chronology and context  15 along with the Roman army after the end of the Parthian War.21 The Roman historian Dio Cassius states that at the height of the plague, some 2,000 people per day fell victim to the plague in Rome.22 The author of the Historia Augusta, no great fan of Verus in general, claims that Verus brought the plague with him to those provinces through which he traveled on his return, and finally to Rome, although he attributes the ultimate blame to his commander Avidius Cassius, who failed to prevent his soldiers from sacking the city of Seleucia in violation of the treaty.23 He also notes that the plague originated from a spiritus pestilens, ‘a pestilential vapor’, which wafted from a despoiled golden casket in a temple of Apollo in Babylonia. The fear caused by the confluence of the outbreak of war and the plague was such that the ritual of the lectisternia, the propitiatory banquet offered to images of the gods on couches, was performed in the city of Rome. The lectisternia were performed to appease the gods, avert pestilence, or ward off enemies. They were supervised by priests, but the people also participated.24 That the rites in the Life ordered by the co-emperors (§1, 3–4) were said to take place in the temple of Apollo in Hieropolis could be nothing more than a coincidence, but propitiation of Apollo as the offended god who not only brought the plague, but could also cure it, makes sense. We can also point to the mention in the Epitome of the people ‘feasting during the Festival of Apollo’ (§2–4 Epitome).25 This theory would also explain why the ‘public sacrifices and libations to the gods’ took place all throughout the empire, as the plague was widespread. In fact, the references to Abercius healing the sick, not only in his city (§17) and the surrounding villages and countryside (§39), but also from Phrygia Major, Asia, Caria, and Lydia (§19), could also be seen as evidence for the plague’s spread throughout a wide area. The Parthian War and the Germanic threat The Parthian War with Vologases IV lasted from 161–6 ce. This war is mentioned in the Life as the reader learns that Verus had been sent by Marcus Aurelius to the East to fight Vologases (§44). Verus left in 162 and returned in 166. The absence of Marcus Aurelius from Rome during Verus’ campaign, as depicted in the Life (§59 Chr.), is chronologically impossible, since Aurelius did not leave Rome to combat the Germanic threat until the spring of 168, several months before the death of Verus.26 By this time, Verus and Lucilla had been married four years prior, and Lucilla had given birth to three children. The Germanic War was the first time that the elder co-emperor had seen military action, and evidently the first time he had left Italy.27 Apparently, by having Aurelius absent from Rome at the time of the demonic possession, the author of the Life wished to highlight the role of the empress Faustina to correspond more closely to the inscription, with its mention of ‘a goldenrobed queen’ (§77) while making no reference to a king or emperor, and therefore (rather conveniently, if anachronistically) he removes the emperor from the scene. In the summer of 162, Verus sets off for the East as commander of the ­Romano-Parthian War against Vologases IV. He spends time in Apulia, visits

16  Introduction Corinth and Athens, where he is initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries, then sails to the Asian coast, traveling thence to Antioch.28 The Life tells us that he had left ‘not long before’ the demonic possession of Lucilla (§44), and that ‘when the appointed time had arrived’ for the wedding, Verus had sailed from the East to Ephesus in anticipation of the planned wedding. While at sea, he received word from Aurelius that the wedding would be delayed, using, as the Life puts it, the pretext of the Germanic threat instead of Lucilla’s demonic possession. We are told that Verus ‘turned back for Antioch that is near Daphne’ (§45). There were several cities named ‘Antioch’ (Ἀντιόχεια) in Asia and Syria; the reference to Daphne makes the identification of this Antioch certain: it is the city on the Orontes river, founded near the end of the 4th century bce by Seleucus I Nicator in honor of his father, Antiochus I Soter.29 This identification is in line with the Historia Augusta, which states that Verus passed his winters at Laodicea, his winters at Daphne, and the rest of his time at Antioch.30 The baths at Agros Thermon and the grain dole In the Life, Abercius is traveling in the area near his home city. He comes to AgrosAlong-the-River and is informed that ‘many were bedridden, afflicted by various illnesses’ (§39). After healing them, he prayed for a hot spring to well up in the area. Later, while in Rome, he asks Faustina, wife of Marcus Aurelius, for the construction of a bathhouse at the site, and we are told that she immediately put plans for the construction into action. While certainly there were hot springs and baths at Agros Thermon (and still are, at modern-day Hüdai Kaplıcası in ­Turkey), it is unlikely that Faustina herself was responsible for their construction.31 Barbara Levick, in her biography of Faustina I and II, points out that, unlike the empresses of the principate and early empire such as Livia who were known for their extensive building campaigns, neither Faustina I nor II were known as builders. She states: ‘The impulse, which might have been started by Livia, for imperial women to finance public building had dissipated, and by the mid-second century both Rome and the Italian and provincial cities were well provided for’. The story of the construction of the baths, she continues, ‘is more valuable as a reminder of the anxiety that the health of their children presented to Marcus and Faustina II, especially after the plague had struck in 166’.32 According to the Life, Faustina also established a σιτηρέσιον, an allowance of grain, in the amount of 3,000 modii per annum ‘to the poor’ of the city, which continued until the time of Julian (§65–6).33 Distributions of grain outside the city of Rome itself were not unknown—for example, Trajan sent grain to Egypt after a drought there; Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius may also have expanded grain distributions during periods of famine—but they do not seem to be very common.34 In any event, just as with the gift of the bathhouse, Faustina’s reported largesse at the request of Abercius may be explained as one more piece of support for the saint’s beneficence toward the people of his hometown, thus elevating the status of both saint and city.

Chronology and context  17 The wedding of Verus and Lucilla at Ephesus In the Life, Aurelius manages to forestall the wedding of Lucilla and Verus until after her delivery from demonic possession by Abercius by claiming that he could not accompany his daughter on the journey due to the exigency of the Germanic invasion, which required his presence (§48). In the Historia Augusta, however, we are told that Marcus Aurelius, Lucilla, Verus’ uncle, and Marcus’ sister traveled together on the first leg of the journey to Brundisium. Then, bidding farewell to her father, Lucilla and her chaperones traveled to Ephesus, where they met Verus.35 Lucilla would have turned 14 years old on March 7, 164, although the Life gives her age as about 16 at the time of the demonic possession (§44). But why the need for the trip to Ephesus? Why not wait until Verus returned to Rome? One possibility is that after reports had traveled back to Marcus about Verus’ relationship with a mistress named Panthea from Smyrna, Marcus may have thought it prudent for the marriage to take place sooner rather than later.36 Another theory posited by the author of the Historia Augusta is that Verus did not wish his co-emperor to travel to Syria, the site of his earlier debauches.37 The hagiography adds that the wedding took place ‘at the Temple of Artemis in Ephesus’ (§45).38 Evidently the Christian author of the Life felt the need to have this marriage affirmed in a sacred space, although according to Roman custom, a ceremony in a temple was neither required nor customary. This would have been an unusual wedding, in that the usual Roman wedding ceremony began at the house of the bride’s father. From there, the wedding procession traveled to the house of the bridegroom.39 We simply do not know how this tradition was enacted in Ephesus, far from Lucilla’s home in Rome. Lucilla stayed in Ephesus for some time and bore in good time three children to Verus.

Prosopographical concerns Euxeinianus Thonemann, in his excellent article on the Life, argues very convincingly that the author has probably peopled his account with actual historical personages, some known to be active in the later part of Aurelius’ career, thus suggesting that while his knowledge of Aurelius and Verus’ activities in the 160s is sketchy, the author has access to relatively accurate information concerning the later part of their reigns.40 For example, Euxeinianus Pollio, referred to as ‘an important and influential figure in the city’ (§20 Chr.), may be the same Quintus Claudius Pollio, son of Tiberius Claudius Euxenos, named in a mid-2nd-century inscription at the base of an honorific statue at modern-day Ahat (ancient Akmoneia).41 If so, ‘Euxeinianus’ would be a variant of a standard patronymic, ‘son of Euxenos’. This may also be the same individual attested as asiarch on five different issues of bronze coinage from Hieropolis. The coins give his name as ‘Claudius Pollio, asiarch’. If he were an asiarch, he could thereupon reasonably be termed ‘an important and influential figure’.42 As for Caecilius, the procurator who first

18  Introduction informed the emperor of Euxeinianus’ good works concerning Smyrna, we follow Thonemann, that he might be identified with a ‘a certain M. Caecilius Numa, who was responsible for the construction of the heavily engineered highway through the mountains between Ephesos and Magnesia’.43 Cornelianus The ἔπαρχος or ὕπαρχος τῆς αὐλῆς (‘praetorian prefect’) Cornelianus briefs the emperor on the city and Euxeinianus (§47), sends a letter to the governor of Asia, Spinther (§51), arranges for a ship to transport the couriers from Brundisium (§50), acts in the absence of the emperor as a welcoming party once the couriers arrive in Rome with Abercius (§58), sends the architect for the construction of the bathhouse at Agros Thermon (§66), sets up the grain distribution (§66), and arranges for a ship to take Abercius back after the exorcism (§68). He seems to be aware of previous imperial correspondence (§47)—in all, a fairly important figure in the imperial administration. There is no ‘Cornelianus’ recorded as being ἔπαρχος or ὕπαρχος τῆς αὐλῆς ­during the period of about 160–80. Sextus Cornelius Repentinus, however, was praetorian prefect from 160 to (at least) 166.44 Another possibility is that the author of the Life has confused this individual with Lucius Attidius Cornelianus, the governor of Syria during the Parthian War, suffect consul between 180–2 ce. Alternatively, Cornelianus could be identified with the ab epistulis graecis Cornelianus under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, possibly the same Sulpicius Cornelianus mentioned in the correspondence of Fronto, but the wide range of duties performed by him would be problematic for an ab epistulis.45 As Potter notes, ‘in the case of the ab epistulis graecis it appears that specialized knowledge of government was not a prerequisite’.46 The consistency of reference to his position as ἔπαρχος or ὕπαρχος τῆς αὐλῆς throughout all versions of the Life must also be taken into consideration. Mason states that ἔπαρχος appears in all periods and in all types of documents as the equivalent of praefectus; it has no other Roman meaning, although other words may be applied to praefecti.47 The term ἔπαρχος τῆς αὐλῆς could refer to either the praefectus praetorio or the praefectus alae. Mason notes that ‘ἔπαρχος is used often alone for the praefectus praetorio, as ὕπαρχος is at a later date’. In Greek, an ab epistulis would be termed ἐπὶ ἐπιστολῶν or possibly ἐπιστολεύς, γραμματεύς, or προστάτης ἐπιστολῶν.48 The  identification of the prefect Cornelianus cannot therefore be securely determined. Publius Dolabella The Life opens by noting that the governor of the province of Phrygia at the time of the imperial edict was ‘Publius Dolabella’. The cognomen ‘Dolabella’ is attested

Chronology and context  19 for the patrician branch of the gens Cornelii since the beginning of the 3rd century bce. But which Publius Dolabella? Although the Dolabellae were a prominent family in the Republic, there seems to be only two Publii Cornelii Dolabellae who appear in the Empire: one was consul in 10 ce; the other was his son, suffect consul in 55 or 56 ce. Neither appear to have had activity in Asia.49 If we look further back, Publius Cornelius Dolabella, suffect consul in 44 bce, received Syria as his province in 43 bce. Passing through Asia on the way to his province, he killed Gaius Trebonius, who was then proconsul of Asia. Dolabella could then be said to have been at least de facto governor of Asia, which included Phrygia at the time. Spinther The erstwhile successor of Dolabella, Spinther, is an interesting case. The only attested Roman gens carrying that cognomen was a branch of the Cornelii ­Lentuli. Valerius Maximus tells us that Publius Cornelius Lentulus, consul in the year 57 bce, received the nickname ‘Spinther’ because of his resemblance to a ‘second-part actor’ of that name.50 Spinther was governor of Cilicia from 56–3 bce, and at least part of the time would have also governed parts of Phrygia, including the dioceses of Synnada, Apameia, and Laodicea.51 His son, Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, was quaestor in 44 bce under the earlier-mentioned Trebonius. Spinther fils minted coinage types bearing an abbreviated form of his ­cognomina.52 And it is here where the Dolabella–Spinther connection can perhaps be made. On the death of Trebonius, Spinther took command of the province and drove out Dolabella. He could then be said to have ‘replaced’ Dolabella as governor (§51 Chr.).53 So it appears the author of the Life had seen inscriptional or other evidence that referred to these events and then arbitrarily inserted them into his account for verisimilitude. Valerius and Bassianus The two couriers, Valerius and Bassianus, are referred to as μαγιστριανοί, a Greek term corresponding to the Latin agentes in rebus that comes into usage around the time of Diocletian. These officials (also termed in Latin veredarii; in Greek βερηδάριοι) were entitled to use the imperial post roads, the vehiculatio or cursus publicus (see later), and the public horses. The agentes in rebus arose after the earlier (and loathed) frumentarii were disbanded by Diocletian, but soon acquired the same despised reputation.54 These ‘special agents’ of the emperor are first attested in 319 ce and may have been part of the administrative reorganization undertaken by Diocletian.55 They would have replaced the earlier frumentarii, whose reputation had long been tarnished by their activities.56 Like the frumentarii (who were organized under the authority of the praetorian prefects), they may originally have come into existence as a military structure. Their Greek nickname, magistrianoi, comes from their placement under the magister officiorum. They are also described in the imperial letter to Euxenianus as ‘couriers of our imperial offices’ (§49 Chr. μαγιστριανοὺς τῶν θείων ἡμῶν

20  Introduction ὀφφικίων). Valerius and Bassianus are assigned by the emperor typical courier duties: delivering imperial correspondence and escorting Abercius to Rome, although thwarted in the latter by Abercius himself (§54–8). As Henry Thurston noted, their names could have been taken from Valerius Bassianus, who served as consul sometime before his death c. 183, and the author of the hagiography mistakenly identified him as two individuals.57 Titles in the imperial letter to Euxeinianos In the letter in the Christocentric version (§48 Chr.), the full title of Aurelius is given as ‘Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelianus Antoninus Augustus Germanicus Sarmaticus’. Aurelius did not adopt the honorific agnomina ‘Germanicus’ and ‘Sarmaticus’ until 175, and dropped them in 178, so an imperial letter concerning a 16-year-old Lucilla would not have contained them, although it could have included the title ‘Armeniacus’, won in 164. Neither the Hagiocentric version nor the Epigraphic version include these two titles in the imperial titulature of the letter; they give simpler forms of the titulature: ‘Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus’ (§48 Hag.) and ‘Antoninus Imperator Augustus’ (§48 Epi.).58

The routes The cursus publicus The cursus publicus was the official Roman road system, established by Augustus Caesar.59 Those couriers possessing a diploma, an official travel permit, or post warrant, could travel vast distances without incurring any expense, as lodging stations (mansiones or stationes) arranged at intervals of about 23 miles (37 km), and hostels (mutationes) at intervals of about 7–10 miles (11–16 km) along the way, were required to provide them with lodging, food, and a fresh change of horses as needed at no cost.60 These services, located at convenient distances along the Roman roads, made it possible for couriers to travel expeditiously throughout Italy and the provinces. The route of the couriers and Abercius We are told that the couriers were instructed to use all possible exertion on their journey (§50). According to the Life, they travel, evidently by horse, from Rome to the port city of Brundisium (two days), and thence by ship to the Peloponnese (seven days), by land to Byzantium (fifteen days), and sailing from there to Nicomedia (‘that very same day’). Using the cursus publicus (again on horseback, so it would seem) to Synnada (two days), they deliver the imperial letter to the governor, Spinther. They receive an escort from him for the journey and arrive in Hieropolis the same day nine hours later after a change of horses. The total time for their journey appears to be just under a month.

Chronology and context  21 How realistic is this journey? First, the time given for the initial leg of the j­ourney from Rome to Brundisium, two days, is highly implausible, if not ­downright impossible. The distance from Rome to Brundisium along the Via Appia is 365 miles (587 km). Plutarch tells us that Cato the Elder completed this journey in five days at great haste, with an average of about 73 miles (117 km) per day—­presumably by horse.61 This would be considered the upper limit of what would be possible on a good road with changes of horses. Given the more likely top speed of 45–50 miles (72–80 km) a day, it would have taken the couriers a little over a week to reach the port.62 We must speculate that the author of the Life, who has so drastically underestimated the necessary amount of time needed for this leg of the journey, is unfamiliar with travel routes and times in the western part of the Empire. The couriers then set sail from Brundisium, but the author gives their destination not as the more obvious Dyrrachium (modern-day Durrës), or Apollonia, where the post road of the Via Egnatia began, but the Peloponnese. The rationale behind this route is inexplicable. The shorter route to Dyrrachium (taking on average about one or two days sailing in good weather)63 would allow the couriers to pick up the Via Egnatia at its western terminus and travel along it all the way to Byzantium, a distance of just under 700 miles (about 1,120 km). Built in the mid-2nd century ce and named after Gnaeus Egnatius, governor of Asia in the mid-140s bce, the Via Egnatia was considered a continuation of the 4th-century Via Appia, which linked Rome with the port city of Brundisium in southeastern Italy across the Adriatic. As one of the main routes from West to  East, it would have been well supplied with mutationes and mansiones for the trip. Via this route, changing horses at mutationes and averaging up to about 50 miles (80 km) a day, they could have reached Byzantium in about fourteen or fifteen days.64 Alternatively, if by the ‘Peloponnese’ the author means Corinth, another possible (if unlikely) port,65 then the couriers could possibly have taken smaller roads north until they reached Thessaloniki, where they could pick up the Via Egnatia, but why? It is highly unlikely they would have found the kinds of services on that leg that the more commonly traveled Egnatian highway offered. The route as described in the Life evidences that the author is simply in error as to the place where the couriers would have disembarked.66 The real crux here, though, is why the route from Brundisium to the ­Peloponnese and then by land to Byzantium in the first place? Ramsey concluded that the author of the Life is writing after the establishment of Constantinople (­Byzantium) as the eastern Roman capital and gateway to the East, and so it would seem logical for the couriers to take that route.67 But at the time of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, it would be far more common to sail directly to Ephesus (a sailing time of about ten days in fairly good conditions, hugging the coast when possible) and take the cursus publicus east from Ephesus through Laodicea up towards Apamea and hence to Synnada—a distance of just under 220 miles (about 350  km), which would bring them to Synnada in about five days, cutting the total amount of travel nearly in half. In any event, once at Byzantium, travel time to Nicomedia (57 miles or

22  Introduction

Figure 2.1  The journey of the couriers and Abercius in Asia

about 92  km) would have followed the estimation given in the Life of about a day, and the couriers could certainly have made the leg from Nicomedia through Dorylaion to Synnada in two days (see Figure 2.1). From there, however, the route over the mountains using local roads (18 miles or about 29  km) would have taken them several more hours due to the rough terrain. We are told that the governor of Synnada, Spinther, sent the couriers off with guides, and they arrived at their destination at the ninth hour on the same day (§51 Chr.). The road through the mountain pass was evidently good enough to allow travel by horse, for when the couriers arrive, they are mentioned as being on horseback (§53). After their brief visit, Abercius and the couriers travel separately to Italy, ­Abercius telling them he would meet with them at Portus after forty days.68 The couriers left ‘once again using state-owned horses’ (§54), and if they did return

Chronology and context  23 via the same route, it would once again have taken them about four days to reach Byzantium. All we are told of their sea voyage back is that they reached Portus two days after the forty-day time period had lapsed ‘on account of the winter season’ (§57 Epi.) In other words, their return journey took at least twelve days longer than their journey east. The Christocentric version adds that they were ‘exceptionally apprehensive. . . . For it was now the winter solstice and they were very disheartened and distressed at the present circumstances’ (§57 Chr.). As Casson has pointed out, unfavorable winds and winter storms could substantially delay a traveler sailing from East to West.69 That Abercius, traveling at the same time from Hieropolis to Attalia by land, and thence to Portus by ship, had no such difficulties, was attributed to divine direction (§57 Hag.), and he arrived at Portus a day ahead.70 He was either traveling by donkey (§55 Chr. καθεσθεὶς ἐπὶ πῶλον ὄνου) or by horse-cart (§55 Epi. ὀχήματος πωλικοῦ ἐπιβαίνει). In the Hagiocentric version, he rides on a donkey and has an additional one to carry his provisions (§55 Hag.). At some point along the way from Hieropolis to Attalia, he is joined by a vineyard-worker named Trophimion (§56), who evidently sails with him all the way to Rome. ‘Their entire journey was easy with the Lord directing, and they arrived at the place called Portus one day before that which had been arranged with the soldiers’ (§57 Hag.). Once at Portus, Abercius awaits the arrival of the couriers, who are overjoyed to find Abercius already there (§58), and they travel the short journey along the Via Ostiensis from Portus to Rome without incident.71

Notes on geography Hierapolis vs. Hieropolis The manuscript tradition of the Life is uniform in identifying the city of St. Abercius as ‘Hierapolis’. The miracle of the hot springs just outside the city of Hierapolis, recorded in the Life (§39–40), has quite logically led to the association of Abercius with the city of Hierapolis in the Lycus valley (modern-day Pamukkale), famous for its hot springs. However, reconciling the bishop lists of Hierapolis with what the Life tells us about Abercius’ tenure as bishop has long been seen as a problem. As Thurston notes: The Church of Hierapolis, in Phrygia, was one of the most distinguished of those in Asia Minor .  .  . and the names of several of the early occupants of the see are known to us, more especially in the second century those of St. Papias and St. Apollinaris. Now the latter of these we are expressly told was made bishop in A.D. 171, and as Papias must have lived well on past the middle of the century, very little room is left for the episcopacy of St. Abercius, the more so as we learn from the Acta that he was not immediately succeeded by St. Apollinaris, but by another Abercius. Moreover, his journey to Rome cannot be placed earlier than the year 163, the year of ­Lucilla’s ­marriage to Verus.72

24  Introduction The problem was solved by William Ramsey in 1882–3 when he identified a city in the Phrygian Pentapolis as the same town that minted coins with the inscription ‘ΙΕΡΟΠΟΛΕΙΤΩΝ’ (emphasis ours). This city, Hieropolis, in the Sandıklı valley, was the home of Abercius (see Figure 2.2). In other words, as Thurston puts it, ‘There were two cities of the name in Phrygia, or rather one Hierapolis in what was called Phrygia Major, or Pacatiana, another Hieropolis in Phrygia Minor, otherwise known as Phrygia Salutaris’.73 The city where Abercius was bishop is located in the Phrygian Pentapolis, in Phrygia Salutaris, at modern-day Koçhisar, Sandıklı, near Afyonkarahisar, central Turkey (see Figure 2.2). The discovery by Ramsay in 1883 of the two fragments of the Abercius inscription, reused in the masonry of the public baths in Hieropolis, makes identification virtually certain. It also solves the problem of bishop lists from Hierapolis (Pamukkale) not containing enough room for our Abercius. The location of the city in the Phrygian Pentapolis west of Synnada explains the need for local guides to assist the couriers in crossing the mountainous area between Synnada and Hieropolis. Travelers from Synnada to Hierapolis in the Lycus valley would not need

Figure 2.2  The Phrygian Pentapolis, with major roads indicated

Chronology and context  25 guides; the road southeast from Synnada to Apamea and thence to Hierapolis was a well-traveled one. According to the Life, the couriers were able to complete the journey from Synnada to Hieropolis (some 18 miles or 29 km; see Figure 2.2) on the same day (§51). A journey from Synnada to Hierapolis in the Lycus valley, 60 miles (just under 100 km) south of Apamea, would take several days.74 The province of Phrygia Which Phrygia? Around 295, Diocletian divides the region of Phrygia into two provinces: Phrygia I and II. The city of Abercius, Hieropolis, is located in Phrygia II. By about 385, Phrygia II acquires the additional name ‘Salutaris’, and by 405 Phrygia I is being called ‘Pacatiana’. These names are used into the Byzantine period. The author of the Life is writing at a time when the names ‘Phrygia Salutaris’ and ‘Phrygia Minor’ appear to be used interchangeably for Phrygia II. The Christocentric version refers to Dolabella’s province as ‘Phrygia Salutaris’ (§1  Chr.), the Epigraphic, as ‘Phrygia Minor’ (§1 Epi.), and the Hagiographic, simply as ‘the province of Phrygia’ (§1 Hag.).75 Later, all three versions (§51) refer to the city of Synnada (modern-day Şuhut) as the mother city of the province.76 Up to this point, the western part of the region would have belonged to the ­province of Asia (Asia itself having been willed to Rome by Attalus III of ­Pergamum in 133 bce and organized as a province shortly thereafter) and the northwestern part to the province of Galatia (organized under Augustus Caesar in 25 ce). After the reorganization of the provinces under the Tetrarchy, Synnada was the metropolis of the province of Phrygia Salutaris. The anachronistic ­reference to Phrygia II at the time of Abercius as ‘Salutaris’ points to a date of composition of the Life after the division of the region of Phrygia into two provinces (c. 295) and after the adoption of the additional name ‘Salutaris’, post-385.

Conclusion The author of the Life has composed a dramatic adventure and, in an attempt to lend credibility to it, has taken historical bits and pieces of items that he has found in the debris of his hometown—an inscription or two here and there, perhaps a coin, a name or two from the distant past. Whoever the author of the Life was, he was nothing if not resourceful. One incident that illustrates this the best is his reaching back over the centuries to pluck the names of Publius Cornelius ­Dolabella and P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther out of the chaos of the last Civil War of the Roman Republic to serve as the governors of Phrygia. The author is wrong about so many things that it is perhaps more fitting to focus on what he does get right. He knows the main events of the lives of Marcus Aurelius and Verus, even if the chronology is markedly out of order. He knows, for example, that Verus and Lucilla were married at Ephesus. He knew of the earthquake at Smyrna and its aftermath, the Parthian War, and perhaps he knew of the plague that happened after the war. He knew that Marcus Aurelius left Rome at some point to counter the Germanic threat. He also knew about the basic style of

26  Introduction imperial correspondence, and he knew somewhat about the structure of provincial government. Likewise, he understood approximately how long it took to travel from Byzantium to Synnada and how long it took to get from Synnada to Attalia, and he at least has some clues about the dangers of sea travel during the winter months. But he failed to synchronize his story. There is much, too, that we do not know, and perhaps never will. History is seldom tidy, and much as we would like to unravel all the knotty problems ­associated with the Life, we are faced with the realization that the author of the Life is not writing history, much as we may wish him to. As Thonemann puts it, the Life is an ‘archaeology of desire’,77, a desire to create for Hieropolis a drama that will make his tiny hometown stand out among so many others in Asia.

Notes

1 2 3 4

5

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15

Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, 682. Ramsay, 680. See this chapter, Notes on geography: Hierapolis vs. Hieropolis. Thonemann, ‘Abercius of Hierapolis’; Brent, ‘Has the Vita Abercii Misled ­Epigraphists?’; McKechnie, Christianizing Asia Minor; Vinzent, Writing the History of Early Christianity: from Reception to Retrospection. Though several scholars dismiss the Life as a complete fabrication, pious invention, or mere fable, others are not as quick to do so, pointing out that kernels of truth may still be contained, and careful examination can unearth valuable information both on the period and on the Abercius inscription itself. See Chapter 1, Stone, story, and scholarship. Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 1.43. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 116. Antoninus Pius died on March 7, 161, and Marcus Aurelius had long been groomed as his successor, having held his first consulship in 140 at age 18 and his second in 145 at age 23, and given tribunician power in 147 at age 26. See Birley, 44. The chronology given by Birley throughout is used for the actual dates. We recognize that there may be some debate about the exact dating of certain of these events (for example, the earthquake at Smyrna is variously dated as occurring in 177 or 178), but these estimates are still useful in establishing a relative chronology. Dio Cassius 71.32.3. The earthquake must pre-date the imperial letter (and hence the demonic possession of Lucilla) since in the letter Marcus Aurelius praises Euxeinianus’ role in alleviating the suffering of the Smyrnaeans. This could possibly pre-date the earthquake. It may have been in response to the plague of c. 166. We are told that this was ‘a short time before’ the demonic possession of Lucilla. In §45–6 of the Life, we are told that Marcus is at a loss at what to do about his daughter, Lucilla. He has called in all of the priests and augurs from all of Rome and Italy, but to no avail. This dire situation precipitates the letter sent to Euxeinianus requesting Abercius. One of the ironies connected with the story is that Aurelius himself records that he has learned ‘to distrust the stories of miracle workers and imposters about incantations and exorcisms of spirits and such things’ (Meditations, 1.6, trans. in Birley, 37). Thonemann, 267. The letter references the earthquake in Smyrna and asks Euxeinianus’ assistance in bringing Abercius to Rome to deliver his daughter. Thonemann notes that there is a narrow window of time for Aurelius to bear both of the agnomina

Chronology and context  27

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

34 35

36

‘Germanicus’ and ‘Sarmaticus’; see this chapter, Titles in the imperial letter to Euxeinianos. ‘It so happened at that time that the emperor, Antoninus, was not residing in the city, for when the barbarians learned how most of the Roman army was wholly occupied in the eastern regions with the other emperor, Lucius Verus’ (§59 Chr.). Lucilla would have been 14 years of age at the time of the wedding. For the date of 164, see HA Mar. 7.7; HA Verus 7.7 with Birley, 118. Dio 72.32.3 states that Marcus Aurelius donated money to Smyrna and assigned the task of re-building the city to an unnamed ‘senator of praetorian rank’. Thonemann, 273. Verus dies in January 169, on the journey back from Aquileia to Rome, probably of the plague, although the author of the Historia Augusta records many lurid hypotheses of the cause of death (HA Verus 10.1–5). See Birley, 157–8. As Thonemann, 264, suggests. Dio 72.14.3–4. HA Verus 8.1: fuit eius fati ut in eas provincias perquas rediit Romam usque luem secum deferre videtur. As Richlin memorably puts it, ‘The Historia Augusta pretends to be a multiauthored set of the lives of the emperors written around 300 ce; scholars now agree that it was actually produced by a single author working around 400 ce and that its truth value is often dubious’. Barnes, ‘Hadrian and Verus’, 66f., is more measured, at least on the earlier lives in the collection. On the identification of the plague as most likely smallpox, see Littman and Littman, ‘Galen and the Antonine Plague’, 243–55. On the date of the sack of Seleucia by Cassius (after December  165), see Barnes, 72 on HA Verus 8.3. HA Mar. 13.2. (OCD3 s.v. ‘lectisternia’.) See Chapter 6, Curious and concise: The Epitome and Synaxarion. For the campaign against the Marcomanni, see Birley, 149ff. Birley, 156. It is surprising that although Hadrian himself had thought it a good idea to accustom Antoninus Pius to military action, Antoninus himself had no such concerns regarding Marcus Aurelius. Birley, 126. For the cities named Antiochia, see BATL Index s.v. ‘Antiochia’. HA Verus 3–4. A variant reading in P1540 adds κἀκεῖ [Antioch] διεχείμαζεν φροντίζων τὰ τοῦ πολέμου. For the location, see BATL Map 62 (Phrygia) D5. Levick, Faustina I and II, 94. The author of the Life connects the cessation of the grain allotment in Hieropolis with Julian’s persecution of the Christians, but it could in fact be explained by grain shortages. For example, a serious shortage of grain and attendant high prices in the city of Antioch in the years 362–3 caused Julian to import grain from the nearby cities. See Jones, ‘Inflation Under the Roman Empire’, 304, on Julian’s handling of the situation. For Trajan, see Pliny, Panegyr. 30–31. For Hadrian, see HA Hadr. 21.5 Antoninus Pius: HA Ant. Pius 8.11. Marcus Aurelius: HA Mar. 8.4–5. The author of the Historia Augusta is disappointingly vague as to the details. HA Mar. 9.4. The individuals have been identified as Marcus Vettulentus Civica Barbarus (brother of Lucius Verus’ father) and Lucius’ sister (not the sister of Marcus), Ceionia Fabia. Lucilla’s travel to Ephesus, subsequent marriage, and the importance of the city of Ephesus to the Antonine emperors is discussed in Joska, ‘Roman Imperial Family on the Road’. Birley, 129 and 131. On Panthea, see Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 8.37 and Lucian, Imag. 10 and 20. She may be the ‘amica vulgaris’ noted at HA Verus 7.10: Verus is so smitten with her that he is said to have shaved off his beard at her request. On views

28  Introduction 37 38 39 40 41 42

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

55 56 57 58 59

of the relationship between Verus and Panthea in general, see Sidwell, ‘Damning with Great Praise’, 111ff. Birley, 131. HA Verus 7.7: Verus traveled to Ephesus ‘chiefly in order that Marcus might not come to Syria with her [Lucilla] and discover his evil deeds’. SHA Marc. 9.4, Birley, 131. See K. Hersch, The Roman Wedding, chapters 2 and 3. Thonemann, 268. Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua XI: 100 (Akmoneia), with Thonemann, 268–72. Pollio appears on five issues of bronze coinage at Hieropolis as ‘Claudius Pollio, asiarch’. The form ‘Euxeinianos’ would be a patronymic form, ‘son of Euxe(i)nos’. MAMA XI:100 gives the dates of his asiarchy as 161–9 ce, based on Campanile, 90. On the vexed issue of the definition and duties of the asiarch (possibly as an official who presided over provincial festivals in the cities of Asia or served as deputies at provincial assemblies), see Magie, I, 449 and Friesen, ‘Asiarchs’, 285f. Thonemann, 268. See CIL 15, 07439, 1: ‘Sex(ti) Cornel(i) Repentini pr(aefecti) pr(aetorio) c(larissimi) v(iri)’. The letter of Fronto to him (ad amicos, 2.4., referring to him as ‘frater ­Contucci’) shows some familiarity (as given in CIL VIII 10570 =ILS 6870); see Magie I, 660. Brill NP s.v. ‘Cornelianus’ 2. This may be the same Sulpicius Cornelianus praised by Fronto as ‘hardworking, patriotic, and a congenial friend’. Klaassen, ‘Cornelius Fronto’, 66. See also Van den Hout, 401, on the identification. Potter, Roman Empire at Bay, 77. On the importance of, and need for experience in, the office of the praetorian prefect, see Potter, 79ff. Mason, Greek Terms, 138. Mason, 140–42. See Tansey, ‘The Perils of Prosopography’, 271. The consul of 10 ce set up a victory inscription at Lepcis Magna after the defeat and death of Tacfarinas (IRT 22021, #1021). The consul of 55 ce was his son. Val. Max. 9.14.4: ‘alter ex quodam secundarum cognomen Spintheris traxit’. Brennan, The Praetorship in the Roman Republic, 573, 594; Marek, In the Land of a Thousand Gods, 293. Cilicia existed as a separate provincia since 102 bce. See Marek, 259. For the coinage of Publius, see Stumpf, Numismatische Studien nos. 75–9, for his son Lucius, see RRC 500/1–6. The situation is described in a letter from Spinther ‘to the consuls, praetors, tribunes, senate and Roman people’ (Cic. Fam. 12.15), dated to late May/early June 43, and one to Cicero himself (Cic. Fam. 12.14) at around the same time. The term ‘veredarius’ and its Greek transliteration, βερηδάριοι, comes from the Latin veredus, ‘fast’ or ‘saddle’ horse. The agentes in rebus were civilian in nature, unlike the earlier frumentarii, and were organized under the magister officiorum, hence their Greek name, μαγιστριανοί (magistrianoi), ‘the men of the magister’. On the frumentarii, McCunn, ‘What’s in a Name?’ 240, notes that ‘Modern scholarship has usually seen their purpose as encompassing three roles: couriers, military police, and secret police, with the last attracting the most attention’. See Late Antiquity s.v. ‘agens in rebus’. On the frumentarii, see McCunn, 240ff. Thurston, 356 n. 3: ‘The mistake is not infrequent. Cases occur, for instance, of Lucius Verus being converted into Λεύκιος καὶ Βῆρος. Perhaps the mistake may have arisen from the form Λεύκιος ὁ καὶ Βῆρος’. Thonemann, 267. Christocentric: Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μάρκος Αὐριλλιανὸς Ἀντωνῖνος Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς Σαρματικὸς; Hagiographic: Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μάρκος Αὐρίλιος Ἀντωνῖνος Σεβαστός; Epigraphic: Ἀντωνῖνος αὐτοκράτωρ σεβαστός. Suetonius, Aug. 49.3. The name cursus publicus as such does not occur in our sources before the 4th century ce, but as Kolb notes in ‘Transport and Communication in the Roman State’, 95, ‘The fundamental principles upon which its operations were based, under the principate as well as under the late empire, were laid down at that time. It

Chronology and context  29 60

61

62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70

71 72 73 74 75 76 77

seems justifiable, therefore, to extend our use of the fourth-century term to the earlier organisation as well’. Casson, Travel in the Ancient World, 184–5. The mansiones were full-service establishments, offering everything from food and lodging to veterinary and blacksmithing services. The mutationes (‘changing stations’) were more modest, offering food, water, perhaps a bed, and a change of horses. Plutarch, Cato Maior 14.4. He uses the particle διελάσας, ‘having driven/ridden’. The couriers would have to have substantially exceeded even Julius Caesar’s legendary speed record, documented by Suetonius (Jul. 57), of 100 miles (161 km) a day in a meritoria rheda, a light-wheeled traveling chariot. It also seems unlikely that they would choose to cover the entire land distance by horseback, instead of a carriage, but the author of the hagiography makes a point of saying that the couriers dismounted from their horses when they arrived in Hieropolis (§53). Ramsay, ‘The Speed of the Roman Imperial Post’, 73, gives the average rate of speed for couriers as 50 Roman miles, a little less than 46 modern miles (about 73 km), confirmed by Eliot, ‘New Evidence for the Speed of the Roman Imperial Post’, 80. Ramsay, ‘Speed’, 63. For the speed, see Staccioli, The Roads of the Romans, 102; Laurence, The Roads of Roman Italy, 81–2; Casson, Travel, 188. Casson, Travel, 151, notes Corinth as a possible port—but only if Greece were the final destination. The seven days that the ship took to travel to Corinth seems about right given that the winds would have been favorable. Ramsay, ‘Tale’, 345. Portus was located 2 miles (3 km) north of Ostia, just north of the mouth of the Tiber river, some 16 miles (26 km) from Rome. Built by the emperor Claudius and improved by Trajan, it served as the main port for the city (OCD3 s.v. ‘Portus’). Casson, ‘Speed Under Sail of Ancient Ships’, 136ff., where he shows the dramatic effect of unfavorable winds on a westward journey from Alexandria to Rome. As Ramsay pointed out, ‘a native of Hieropolis knew that the easy and short way was by Attalia in Pamphylia. . . . Five good days’ journey would bring Abercius, passing along the easy valley behind (i.e. east of) Apameia .  .  . to Attalia’ Ramsay, ‘Tale’, 346. The estimated fastest sailing time from Attalea to Portus in December would be around 22.5 days (using the ‘fastest route’ setting in ORBIS), while sailing around the southern part of Sicily would take about 17.6 days (using the ‘shortest route’ setting in ORBIS). This would entail going through the dangerous Straits of Messina between northeastern Sicily and the ‘boot’ of Italy. About 16 miles (26 km). Staccioli, 36. Thurston, 345. Thurston, 345. The two articles by Ramsay, ‘Trois Villes’ and ‘The Tale of Abercius’, are seminal in identifying and promoting this distinction. §1 Chr. ‘καὶ Ποπλίῳ8 ἡγεμονεύοντι τῆς Φρυγῶν Σαλουταρίων ἐπαρχίας’; §1 Epi. ‘Ποπλίῳ τῆς μικρᾶς Φρυγίας ἡγεμονεύοντι’; §1 Hag. ‘τῷ τῆς Φρυγῶν ἐπαρχίας ἡγεμονεύοντι (Πόπλιος δὲ Δολοβέλλας οὗτος ἦν)’. Ramsay, ‘Tale’, 343. For the nomenclature of the two Phrygia, see Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, 81ff. Thonemann, 277.

References Barnes, T.D. ‘Hadrian and Lucius Verus’, Journal of Roman Studies 57 (1967), 65–9. Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World for iPad, R. J. A. Talbert, ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), Map 62 (Phrygia) D5.

30  Introduction Birley, A. Marcus Aurelius: A Biography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987). Bowersock, Brown et  al., eds. Late Antiquity: A  Guide to the Postclassical World (­Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999). Brennan, T.C. The Praetorship in the Roman Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). Brent, A. ‘Has the Vita Abercii Misled Epigraphists in the Reconstruction of the ­Inscription?’ The First Urban Churches 5: Colossae, Hierapolis, and Laodicea, James R. Harrison and L.L. Welborn, eds. (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2019), 325–61. Campanile, M.D. I Sacerdoti del Koinon d’Asia (Pisa: Giardini, 1994). Casson, L. ‘The Isis and Her Voyage’, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 81 (1950), 43–56. Casson, L. ‘Speed Under Sail of Ancient Ships’, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 82 (1951), 136–48. Casson, L. Travel in the Ancient World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1994). Eliot, C.W.J. ‘New Evidence for the Speed of the Roman Imperial Post’, Phoenix 9 (1955), 76–80. Gibbon, E. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Philadelphia: French, 1830). Hersch, K. The Roman Wedding: Ritual and Meaning in Antiquity (Spain: Cambridge ­University Press, 2010). Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, J.M. Reynolds, C.M. Roueché, G. Bodard, C. Barron, et al. (2021) at http://irt2021.inslib.kcl.ac.uk. Jones, A.H.M. ‘Inflation Under the Roman Empire’, The Economic History Review 5.3 (1953), 293–318. Joska, S. ‘Roman Imperial Family on the Road: Power and Interaction in the Roman East During the Antonine Era’, Travel, Pilgrimage and Social Interaction from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, J. Kuuliala and J. Rantala, eds. (Abingdon, Oxon: Taylor  & Francis, 2020). Klaassen, J-M. ‘Cornelius Fronto: A “Libyan Nomad” at Rome’, Acta Classica 52 (2009), 47–71. Kolb, A. ‘Transport and Communication in the Roman State: The Cursus Publicus’, Travel and Geography in the Roman Empire, Colin Adams and Ray Laurence, eds. (London and New York: Routledge Press, 2001). Lampe, P. ‘Social Welfare in the Greco-Roman World as a Background for Early Christian Practice’, Acta Theologica 36 (2016), 1–28. Laurence, R. The Roads of Roman Italy: Mobility and Cultural Change (London: Taylor & Francis, 2002). Levick, B. Faustina I and II: Imperial Women of the Golden Age (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014). Littman, R.J. and Littman, M.L. ‘Galen and the Antonine Plague’, AJP (1973), 243–55. Magie, D. Roman Rule in Asia Minor, Vol. I, Text, Vol. II, Notes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950). Marek, C. In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016). Mason, H.J. Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A  Lexicon and Analysis (Toronto: ­Hakkert, 1974). McCunn, S. ‘What’s in a Name? The Evolving Role of the Frumentarii’, CQ 69 (2019), 340–54.

Chronology and context  31 McKechnie, P. Christianizing Asia Minor: Conversion, Communities, and Social Change in the Pre-Constantinian Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019). Mitchell, S. Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor, Vols. I and II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). ORBIS: the Stanford Geospatial Network Model of the Roman World (http://orbis. stanford.edu) Potter, D. The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395 (London: Taylor and Francis, 2004). Ramsay, A.M. ‘The Speed of the Roman Imperial Post’, The Journal of Roman Studies 15 (1925), 60–74. Ramsay, W. ‘Les Trois Villes Phrygiennes Brouzos’ Hiéropolis et Otrous’, Bulletin de ­Correspondence Hellénique 6 (1882), 505–20. Ramsay, W. ‘The Tale of Abercius’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 3 (1882), 339–53. Ramsay, W. The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895). Richlin, A. Marcus Aurelius in Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). Staccioli, R. The Roads of the Romans (Los Angeles: Getty, 2003). Stumpf, G. Numismatische Studien zur Chronologie der römischen Statthalter in ­Kleinasien (122v. Chri.—163.n. Chr.) (Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Druckerei und Verlag, 1991). Talbert, R. Rome’s World: The Peutinger Map Reconsidered (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010). Tansey, P. ‘The Perils of Prosopography: The Case of the Cornelii Dolabellae’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 130 (2000), 265–71. Thonemann, P. ‘Abercius of Hierapolis: Christianization and Social Memory in Late Antique Asia Minor’, Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World, Beate Dignas and R.R.R. Smith, eds. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 257–82. Thurston, H. ‘The Tale of St Abercius, a Byzantine Forgery?’ The Month 69 (1890), 339–59. Van den Hout, M.P.J. A Commentary on the Letters of M. Cornelius Fronto (Leiden: Brill, 1999).

3 Doctrine and discourse The Christocentric version

Christ-centered This is by far the most intensely Christological of the three versions. This adaptation refers to Jesus, Son, Christ, and Lord 121 times compared to forty times in the Epigraphic version, though the two are comparable in length. The Hagiocentric version, which is about three-quarters the length of the other two, has only twenty-four references. The Christocentric version often refers explicitly to Jesus where the other versions refer merely to God. Christ is the only-born Son of God (§2, 16, 20), who took on human flesh, becoming human for our sake (§15, 21). Out of compassion, the Father sent his own child into the world, who came forth from the holy virgin (§24). Abercius likewise unequivocally proclaims the divinity of Jesus Christ, that apart from him and his blessed Father there is no other God (§62), and that Jesus Christ is the living God (§11); Cambridge 3574 and Paris 1540 add that he is the pre-existent God (§27). As God, Jesus Christ is Lord (§36, 43, 55, 68, 79, 80). The author does not hesitate to juxtapose the divinity and humanity of Christ in his benediction. He was the one proclaimed by the prophets and has now appeared, the one who is above suffering and suffered on our account, the one who existed in former ages and now has been revealed. We call this one Jesus and Door and Light and Way and Bread and Water and Life. We also call this one Rest and Vine and Gift and Word of the Father. This one has many names, yet he is one, the only-born Son of God, to whom be the glory and the power, both now and always and into the ages of eternity, Amen. (§16)

Trinitarian and baptismal emphasis The Christocentric version happens to be the most Trinitarian, with nine references to the Holy Spirit, compared with only two in each of the other versions. Abercius breaks through the temple doors ‘empowered by the Holy Spirit’, shattering the fastenings (§4), whereas the Hagiocentric relates that he was ‘emboldened by the DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-4

Doctrine and discourse  33 empowering command’ (§4 Hag.) and the Epigraphic describes Abercius as simply having ‘confidence in the divine manifestation’ (§4 Epi.). The Christocentric closes by recounting how the ‘brothers of the Christians . . . glorified and praised the benevolent God and our Lord Jesus Christ with the Holy Spirit’ (§80). Here the author uses the expression σὺν τῷ ἁγίῳ πνεύματι, made famous by Basil the Great in his defense of the divinity of the Holy Spirit. We cannot contemplate the Spirit’s pre-eternal existence and permanent presence with the Son and the Father unless we search for words which suitably express such an everlasting union. Truly precise co-existence can only be predicated of things which are mutually inseparable. . . . Whenever the union between things is intimate, natural, and inseparable, it is more appropriate to use with since this word suggests an indivisible union. . . . Therefore when we consider the Spirit’s rank, we think of him as present with the Father and the Son.1 The balance of the references to the Holy Spirit are in the context of baptism, a core activity in the ministry of Abercius. Baptism itself is a gift granted to those who believe (§17, 18), and who have been catechized (§19), following the pattern of the apostles who were ‘sent into the world to make disciples of all nations and to baptize those who believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit’ (§25). Baptism is the source of the complete forgiveness of sins for those who believe in Christ (§14, 19). Before departing for Rome, Abercius continued ‘teaching, catechizing, and baptizing those who believe in our Lord Jesus Christ’ (§43). When Abercius finally arrives back in Hierapolis, his final days are spent ‘teaching with much boldness and baptizing all who were coming to Christ, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit’ (§74).

Doctrine of salvation The Christocentric version, particularly the first thirty-two chapters, demonstrates a clearly defined doctrine of salvation. No time is wasted highlighting the human dilemma. Humanity is deluded, and only those who have been taught the word of truth and believed can be saved (§2, 7, 19, 32). The human race is overtaken by vices and ultimately will face judgement (§32) and destruction (§15). Therefore, any saving faith must be complemented by confession and repentance, the latter defined as a turning from sin (§13, 14, 22). This faith is a comprehension of God’s kind-hearted compassion and benevolence by those who are wearied and burdened (§14, 15). Faith and repentance culminate in the complete forgiveness of sins in baptism (§14, 19) and a knowledge and perception of God with the eyes of the soul (§16, 27). All this is a gift (§17, 18) bestowed on those who are deemed worthy by God (§11, 16, 23, 31, 76). Belief and repentance are the saving response to preaching (§30), and those candidates for baptism are first catechized (§19, 43) and subsequently exhorted to serve as soldiers for Christ.

34  Introduction Therefore, servants of Christ, each one of you so arm his inner man, in order that you may have with one another, peace, patience, faith, love, knowledge, wisdom, goodness, and righteousness in order that you may find the benevolent God and our commander, the first born of all creation and authority, Jesus Christ, our Lord to be propitious and easily reconciled. (§13)

Extended discourse Besides its Christocentric emphasis, this version is also characterized by its extended theological discourses, presenting lengthier versions of the addresses to the repentant mob, the instruction of the gathered disciples, and the dialogue with the inquiring Euxeinianus. The centerpiece discourse is that between an ostensibly open-minded Euxeinianus and Abercius. As Theo Nissen observed, the discussion is largely based on The Book of the Laws of Diverse Countries by the Syrian theologian Bardaisan.2 Perhaps more significant than the content of the discourse is the hagiographer’s decision to shadow a work of Bardaisan. In composing the hagiography, the author had the witness of the inscription, which tells of the saint’s journey to Syria; to this the hagiographer adds the ministry of Abercius to churches compromised by the heretic Marcion (§69).3 Incorporating the content of the Syrian, anti-Marcionite Bardaisan was the ideal synthesis. In fact, it can be assumed that the prominent Syrian Christian named Barxasanes, who suggests giving Abercius the title ‘Equal to the Apostles’ (§70), is in reality Bardesanes, the Latin rendering of Bardaisan.4 While no mention of Marcion is made in the deliberation with Euxeinianus, ample testimony in early Christian sources to the bifurcation of the just God of the old dispensation and the good God revealed by Jesus as a central tenet of Marcion’s theology.5 Although the Christocentric and Hagiocentric versions of the Euxeinianus discourse cover the same four topics—the just and good God, free will, the burden of the law, and the nature of man—the Christocentric draws more copiously from the illustrations and examples found in the Bardaisan dialogue. On the other hand, the Epigraphic version limits the discourse to discussion of the one God and free will and is less than half the length of the other two narrative versions.

Parallel plots In addition to the Euxeinianus discourse, the Christocentric author presents lengthier versions of the addresses to the repentant mob (§13–16) and the instruction of the gathered disciples (§24–25). These expanded segments are borrowed, at times verbatim, from The Vercelli Acts.6 The Christocentric author may have incorporated these segments because he recognized that the narrative of the archetypal hagiography was a creative adaptation of those very same Acts. Of course, the other explanation may be that these were indeed included in the archetype and either abbreviated or excluded in the metaphrastic versions. At first glance, any

Doctrine and discourse  35 reader can recognize that several of the scenes in the Abercius story are derivatives of the Acts: the aged blind woman (Acts 3.22), the aged blind widows (Acts 3.21), and the crowd rushing with wood and torches to burn Peter (Acts 3.28). However, beyond borrowing these scenes, the core storyline of Abercius may have its origins in an inventive reworking of the plot of the Acts. To accomplish this, the hagiographer places Abercius in the role of Peter and the demon in the role of Simon. As one reads the Acts, it becomes apparent that Simon is identified repeatedly with the devil. Simon is referred to as the ‘unstable demon’ and called the ‘angel of Satan’ (Acts 3.17). This Simon is said to have first been driven out of Judea by Peter (Acts 3.17, 23) and subsequently has a final contest with the saint in Rome. Brothers, dearest and most beloved, let us fast together and pray to the Lord. For he that drove him out thence (Judea) is able also to root him out of this place: and let him grant unto us power to withstand him and his magical charms, and to prove that he is Satan. The decisive and very public contest of Peter and Simon takes place at the forum of Julius (Acts 3.18), while that of Abercius and the demon in the hippodrome. Ultimately David Bundy, who speculated that the devil in the Abercius narrative is representative of Marcion, may have a valid argument. Afterall, it is Irenaeus who stated it was a small step between Simon Magus and Marcion.7 A case could be made that the hagiographer likewise appropriated the opening scenes of the Vercelli Acts in which Paul, when ordered to leave the city of Rome, says ‘If it be the will of God, he will reveal it to me’. This is no surprise since Paul is mentioned in the epigraph. After Paul fasts for several days, the Lord appears to him in a dream in which he is told to minister to those in Spain (Acts 3.1). The Abercius hagiographer incorporates two visions: the first when Abercius is told by the demon he will bring him unwillingly to Rome (§42) and the second when in Rome he is told to minister to those in Syria (§67).

Demonic activity It is the Christocentric version that lays particular emphasis on demonic power. In his exhortation to the brothers (§24), Abercius states: Gentlemen, as many of you who have believed in Christ, understand why the God and Father sent his own Son into the world or why he came forth through the holy virgin. For no other reason than to bring to completion his gracious plan, wishing to utterly remove sin from men and to abolish all rule and power of demons. When the emperor seeks aid in casting out the demon from his daughter, the Christocentric version refers to the priests of the demons (§46). Then when driving the demon out of the girl, Abercius appeals to Christ, who ‘rendered the legion

36  Introduction of demons powerless’ (§62), and when leaving the queen encourages her ‘not to imagine at all that it was possible for a demon to resist the will of our Lord Jesus Christ’ (§68).

Detailing The authors of all three versions each regularly enhance the narrative, offering editorial asides and additional details. Several examples exclusive to the Christocentric are given here. The gods Heracles, Artemis, and Aphrodite are identified by name (§4). The angry mob heads towards the house of Abercius with wood and torches (§7), instead of wood and stones as in the Epigraphic. When Abercius casts out the demons from the three young men, they are commanded to depart into the wild hill country (§11). A few days prior to the healing of Phrygella, Abercius is found not only teaching, but also giving generously to the crowd of poor who had gathered (§19). When Euxeinianus is introduced, it is noted ‘on different occasions the emperors would correspond with him concerning vital matters’ (§20), anticipating the later comments of Cornelius to the emperor (§47). Unique to the Christocentric is an editorial aside reminiscent of a Homeric descriptive digression. When the mob’s mad rush was suddenly halted by the sudden emergence of the three demon-possessed men, the hagiographer notes the crowd did not dare make a sound. Even as children who when they have been dismissed from school run in a disorderly crowd and vying with one another and making a racket. If from out of nowhere their teacher may unexpectedly appear, suddenly having seen him, they are completely silent and look at the ground. So then even the ­multitude ceased from their agitation and quietly looked at the face of the holy Abercius. (§10)

Notes 1 Basil, On the Holy Spirit, 63, 95–6. 2 See Denzey, ‘Bardaisan of Edessa’, 159–84; Drijvers, The Book of the Laws of Countries. 3 If our Abercius is the Abercius Marcellus of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History 5.16, he is presented there as an opponent of Montanism. 4 See Possekel, ‘Bardaisan’s Influence on Late Antique Christianity’, 81–125. 5 See de Blois, ‘Dualism in Iranian and Christian Traditions’, 1–19; Räisänen, ‘Marcion’, 100–24. 6 The Vercelli Acts 3.2, 7, 15, 20. 7 Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.27.1–2.

References Bardaisan. The Book of the Laws of Countries: Dialogue on Fate of Bardaisan of Edessa, Jan Willem Drijvers, ed. (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2007).

Doctrine and discourse  37 de Blois, F. ‘Dualism in Iranian and Christian Traditions’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 10.1 (2000), 1–19. Denzey, N. ‘Bardaisan of Edessa, Brill’s Companions to Religious Studies, Theology and Philosophy’, A Companion to Second-Century Christian ‘Heretics’, Antti Marjanen and Petri Luomanen, eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 159–84. Possekel, U. ‘Bardaisan’s Influence on Late Antique Christianity’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 21.1 (2018), 81–125. Räisänen, H. ‘Marcion, Brill’s Companions to Religious Studies, Theology and ­Philosophy’, A Companion to Second-Century Christian ‘Heretics’, Antti Marjanen and Petri Luomanen, eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 100–24.

4 A model metaphrasis The Hagiocentric version

What this edition refers to as the Hagiocentric version is witnessed by a single manuscript, Coislinianus 110. Folio 105 of that manuscript appropriately entitles the version a metaphrasis (μετάαφρασις), a specialized technique of rewriting an earlier text or texts that Gérard Genette referred to as hypertextuality.1 In this process, the author adapted the hypotext, that is, the source text or texts at his disposal. The Hagiocentric version of Abercius is a striking example of metaphrasis; instances of augmentation and reduction converge throughout the narrative, as the redactor in the same episode enhances and excises texts that are fully represented in the Christocentric and Epigraphic versions. The presence of an active editor is palpable. An intrusive author often delicately exercising his trade within the boundaries of a familiar storyline is in itself a trademark of metaphrasis.

Prologue and epilogue The intentions of the rewriter of the Hagiocentric version are undisguised. The devotional prologue and epilogue are bold augmentations, on the one hand, abbreviating the historical introduction of the longer narratives and enveloping it in an encomium to the saint, while excising the accession of Abercius’ successor to the episcopal seat and substituting a call to emulation. The epilogue itself may, in fact, be an adaptation. As Hippolyte Delehaye observed, ‘in many instances the hagiographer has not even taken the trouble to compose . . . he has found it more convenient to transcribe a chapter or extracts from some suitable treatise’.2 Perhaps the redactor exercised his revisionist skill in exchanging military for martyrial imagery in this excerpt from Eusebius. Other writers of historical works have confined themselves to the written tradition of victories in wars, of triumphs over enemies, of the exploits of generals and the valor of soldiers, men stained with blood and with countless murders for the sake of children and country and other possessions; but it is wars most peaceful, waged for the very peace of the soul, and men who therein have been valiant for truth rather than for country, and for piety rather than for their dear ones, that our record of those who order their lives according to God will inscribe on everlasting monuments: it is the struggles of the DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-5

A model metaphrasis  39 athletes of piety and their valor which braved so much, trophies won from demons, and victories against unseen adversaries, and the crowns at the end of all, that it will proclaim for everlasting remembrance.3 Whereas the other versions direct our attention to mandated religious festivals, here in the Hagiocentric version the saint remains in the forefront and the imperial decree is an afterthought. At the same time, we are aware of the ‘intentional presence’ of the author in the first person.4 Such is the life we have come to know laid out in succession for us now in a narrative. .  .  . In what manner and for what reason he presided over the priestly offices I think remains for me, though great in number, to examine. (§1) Unlike the other two narrative versions, this author subtly integrates several key themes into the prologue. Abercius is not simply the guardian of the church in Hierapolis but is ‘recognized everywhere under the sun on account of the height and magnitude of his virtue’ (§1), which anticipates the saint’s travels east and west and the recurring emphasis on his philanthropy and freedom from avarice. Abercius is pictured at the ‘ecclesiastical helm’ of the city, a clever contrast to a later reference to the heretic Marcion, ‘who for a time thought he knew how to steer the ship of faith successfully with skill’ (§69). The author notes that the saint’s renown ‘was of divine determination rather than a work of human ambition’, foreshadowing the four divine dreams of Abercius in which the Lord, ‘who manages all things as they should be’ (§43), directs the activities of the saint. The epilogue, which preempts the accession of the archpresbyter as the ­successor of Abercius, calls readers to emulate the saint whose life has been uniquely recorded as an epitaph. ‘For generally speaking, the grace of the All-Holy Spirit is not pleased to hand down the lives of praiseworthy men in an inscription’ (§80). The redactor understood the central significance of the epigraph as the inspiration and source of the original tale. The hagiographer’s reference to the Holy Spirit may simply be an acknowledgement of divine providence, but it may perhaps reflect a more pointed belief in the divine inspiration of the engraved text, as does the Christocentric version, which calls it ‘an inscription inspired by God’ (§76 Chr.).

Reduction A quantitative comparison of the Hagiocentric to the two longer versions included in this edition has the Hagiocentric at roughly two-thirds the length of the Christocentric (67%) and the Epigraphic (69%). However, the strategy of the Hagiocentric redactor was not restricted to abbreviation. As in other metaphrastic works, the combination of addition and suppression is a zero-sum quantitative change.5 In the case of the Hagiocentric version, the editor’s adaptations predominantly resulted in reduction through excision, concision, and condensation.

40  Introduction Excision Instances of excision, that is, the elimination of paragraph-long segments of the hypotext, are few. There are only two clear examples. One has been previously mentioned, namely, that segment containing the accession of Abercius’ successor (§80). Near the close of the hagiography, both the Christocentric and Epigraphic tell of Abercius ascending a nearby mountain with his companions. When they are overcome by thirst, the saint prays and potable water springs forth (§75). The Hagiocentric omits this episode. After the healing of Phrygella, Abercius instructs the people (§24–25). Neither the Epigraphic nor the Hagiocentric record this content, which is borrowed from The Acts of Peter 7. This, of course, raises the question of the source for the Hagiocentric. Is the Epigraphic the source text? Unfortunately, the Hagiocentric borrows phraseology from both the Epigraphic and Christocentric. As Stavroula Constantinou observes: It is not always easy to undertake a comparative analysis between the original text and its rewrite, either because the first has not survived or because it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to establish which version of the model text was used by the rewriter.6 Concision The metaphrast, instead of excising an entire segment, often chose to omit sentences and phrases from an episode while retaining those he considered significant to the storyline. This quickened the pace of the narrative, rapidly moving the reader on to those the redactor deemed more important. Editing of this sort is found successively in the several segments describing the angry mob’s pursuit of Abercius and the exorcism of the three young men (§9–11). This editorial method at times resulted in a choppy reading in contrast to the smoother reading of a crafted summation. This is particularly evident in the healing of the young man (§42) and the summoning of Cornelius by Aurelius (§47). The redactor apparently had little interest in travel details as he truncates the journeys of both the couriers to Hierapolis (§51) and Abercius to Rome (§57). Even the letter from Aurelius to Euxeinianus is abbreviated (§48–9). Condensation The principal method of quantitative reduction found in the Hagiocentric is condensation, that is, rewriting the hypotext in summary form. While the Epitome of Abercius at less than a thousand words is a work of pure summation, the redactor of the Hagiocentric version tends to supplement segments that have been condensed with his own editorial augmentations. This pattern is particularly evident where lengthy direct discourses are concerned, such as the preaching and prayers of Abercius (§12–16, 18), or his interchanges with Phrygella (§22) and the three blind women (§29). The miracle of the wineskin is reduced

A model metaphrasis  41 with no moralizing appended (§56). The redactor seems to have deemed the detailing of the episode at the hippodrome overly dramatic (§63), nor did he find the prolonged reluctance of Faustina to part with Abercius pertinent, succinctly stating, ‘she gives up her objection’ (§68). Perhaps most surprising is the compression of the scene in which Abercius is voted the title ‘Equal to the Apostles’, neither naming Barchasanes nor including his appeal to the church (§70). The Epigraphic version describes the ministry of Abercius upon his final return to Hierapolis. Therefore, he once again was going about the city gladly blessing and greeting them, teaching the word of truth with confidence. Those coming forward he perfected through divine baptism. He granted release from evil for those who were demon-possessed. He healed diseases, emitting the power of the Spirit in him which was stronger than all suffering. (§74 Epi.) Contrast this with the one-sentence synopsis found in the Hagiocentric. ‘He once again applied himself to the care of the flock’ (§74).

Augmentation While the principal work of a metaphrast may be reduction, the redactor is ­oftentimes not reticent to elevate the style of the story with augmentations that can be subtle or strikingly apparent. The redactor tinkers with the text to add vividness of description, explain motive, create a more convincing narrative, elevate the stature of the saint, or simply to flaunt his literary flair. Enhancements to improve vividness can be cleverly delicate. When Christ appears to Abercius in the first dream, he presents the saint with an ‘irresistibly beautiful’ staff with a ‘delightful’ word (§3). Abercius is to go out ‘openly’ and smash the idols ‘even as some ceramic vessels’ (§3). Abercius proceeds to take ‘the straightest route’ to the temple of Apollo (§3). Later, Abercius, ‘the tireless healer’ (§39), is traveling the countryside and sees the need of a bathhouse especially for the residents ‘who had a daily wage for physical labor’ (§39). Abercius prays for the eruption of hot springs that would create a place to bathe ‘at no cost’ (§39). At the completion of his prayer, there is ‘the deepest possible clap’ of thunder in a sky that was clear and had ‘no trace of a cloud’ (§40). When Abercius first confronts the demon in Lucilla, the saint assures him that he ‘will no longer celebrate or taunt my present forbearance’ (§61). In the hippodrome, the exorcised demon is commanded to carry an altar ‘made of marble, an insuperable weight . . . on his back’ to Hierapolis (§63). The editor of the Hagiocentric version is interested in clarifying motives and actions. The temple attendants who witness Abercius smashing the idols are panic-stricken, ‘which would have been reasonable to feel for individuals who had no idea by what authority someone had acted’ (§4). The crowd that once pursued Abercius is stunned and in despair after the demons are cast out of the

42  Introduction three young men. ‘For a soul with no experience of the benevolence of God does not readily understand how to put its trust in the greatness of the promises’ (§14). The redactor leaves no doubts about the sincerity of Euxeinianus in the questions he poses to the healer of his mother, since ‘the saint in a brief word provided the solution to what was puzzling Euxeinianus’ (§32). The demon is said to arrive in Rome ‘with malicious intent’ (§44). When the courier Valerius attempts to strike Abercius with his whip, the Epigraphic version speculates ‘he was moved by the evil one’ (§52 Epi.); in contrast, the Hagiocentric offers a sociological rationale, explaining ‘the military temperament is arrogant by nature’ (§52). The prologue and epilogue alone make it plain that the redactor wished to spotlight the saint. Surprisingly, he was generally conservative in expressions of admiration for the one ‘who presided over the priestly offices’ (§1) in Hierapolis. Abercius is ‘the worker of remarkable miracles’ (§11), ‘the holy man loving moderation in all matters, so that he would not take pride in great wealth’ (§21), ‘the tireless healer’ (§39), an instrument through whom Christ spoke (§61), whose work was apostolic (§71), whose instructional manual had been delivered as ‘as another kind of tablet engraved by God’ (§74), and yet Abercius passed from this life ‘with a meek and happy soul’ (§79). Among these, the most notable celebration of the saint comes when the metaphrast dramatically describes the Lord ‘standing over the athlete, who anointed him and strengthened him for the glorious double-length race’ just prior to his journey to Rome, and whom the Lord will accompany ‘as a fellow worker at all times’ (§43). The image is at the same time an allusion to the journey to Rome and then back to Hierapolis and the exorcism of the demon in the hippodrome. After the healing of Phrygella and the three blind women, crowds come to Hierapolis from throughout Phrygia. The editor adds, Some came in search of sustenance and now even these he was helping, increasing his talent while not adding at all to his own wallet. Others came on account of the gift of the miracles, hoping to be abundantly supplied with healing, in whom there was a disease, which then occupied their bodies. (§19)

Stylization As has already been emphasized, the work of the metaphrast was principally subtraction, but rarely subtraction without stylization, adding points of literary polish in an effort to elevate simple storytelling to an encomium worthy of the saint and to present a more credible account. To make the military references more realistic, the Germans were said to be ravaging Italy ‘with sorties and cavalry charges’ (§45) compelling Aurelius to leave Rome, ‘drawn in to restore peace in the coastal provinces disrupted by barbarians and otherwise to repel their irregular sorties’ (§59). On his return to Hierapolis, Abercius sat down among some rocks, ‘being weighed down a little with fatigue from the journey’ (§72). When those winnowing refuse to pause their activity, the righteous man ‘lessened’ the wind,

A model metaphrasis  43 rather than stopping it altogether (§72 Chr., Epi.). The workers then ‘set a table for themselves as best they could under the circumstances’ (§72). As a result of his instruction of the people, ‘the path of the gospel was being worn smooth by those choosing to walk in it’ (§26). The two couriers, desperate to find Abercius at Portus ‘with eyes wide-open they spared no effort searching everywhere, even as some hunters would for their prey’ (§58). The Christocentric and Epigraphic record the apparently harsh and sarcastic comment of grief-stricken Faustina to Abercius as her daughter lies motionless on the ground after the exorcism of the demon. ‘What is this you have done? I think that with the demon you also got rid of her life!’ (§64 Chr.) The Hagiocentric metaphrast expunges the caustic remark as tasteless and revises the narrative. ‘The queen herself, feeling as did many, began imploring the saint, fearing that he had rid the girl of life along with the demon’ (§64). Conversely, the redactor adds his own disparaging remarks concerning Julian, who ‘attempted to take up in tyranny the scepter of the Roman Empire, having apostatized against God the Maker. That one acted disgracefully in the royal purple’ (§66). Similarly, the editor had no hesitation in reproaching the heretic Marcion. For also at that time, as some turbid undrinkable seawater, the polluted nonsense of Marcion was prevalent among them, who for a time thought he knew how to steer the ship of faith successfully with skill. (§69)

The discourse with Euxeinianus It ought to be noted that the Hagiocentric preserves a full-length discourse between Abercius and Euxeinianus combining elements that occur independently in the ­Christocentric and Epigraphic versions. The metaphrast apparently judged that the doctrinal discussion in its entirety should not be abbreviated or subjected to ­summation. The editor’s derogatory remarks concerning Marcion later in the narrative perhaps explain why he neither truncated nor condensed the discourse. There are several subtle intimations in the narrative that flag the redactor’s particular interest in soteriology and ecclesiology. He describes baptism as ‘the cleansing of repentance and the washing of regeneration’ (§14) and the church building as ‘the temple of God’ (§18). Phrygella’s confidence in the healing touch of Abercius is ‘the medication of faith’. His replacement throughout the narrative of presbyters and deacons with priests (§1,78) demonstrated a concern to update or perhaps correct clerical terminology.

Final observations With its marked alternation of subtraction and augmentation, the Hagiocentric version is indeed a model metaphrasis. More than that, by borrowing phraseology from both the Epigraphic and Christocentric, it reveals the author had access to manuscripts representing both traditions. Perhaps its most valuable ­contribution is

44  Introduction its omission of several lines of the inscription text. Is this simply another example of metaphrastic redaction and reduction, or is it a revelation of a simpler, unembellished reading? The chapter in this edition Reconstructing a reading explores this in more detail.

Notes 1 Genette, Palimpsests, 5. 2 Delehaye, The Legends of the Saints, 94. 3 Eusebius, Church History 5.1. 4 Constantinou, ‘Metaphrasis: Mapping Premodern Writing’, 7. 5 Constantinou, 42. 6 Constantinou, 8.

References Constantinou, S. ‘Metaphrasis: Mapping Premodern Writing’, Metaphrasis: A ­Byzantine Concept of Rewriting and Its Hagiographic Products, Stavroula Constantinou and Christian Hogel, eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2020). Delehaye, H. The Legends of the Saints: An Introduction to Hagiography (New York: Longmans, Green, 1907). Genette, G. Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree, Channa Newman and Claude Doubinsky, trans. (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1997).

5 Tomb terminology The Epigraphic version

By far, the Epigraphic version is the most widely attested adaptation of the hagiography. This storyline appears in some sixty-eight manuscripts dating from the 10th to the 18th century. Twenty of the oldest manuscripts appear in the apparatus of this edition and demonstrate surprising consistency in transmission when compared to the substantial number of variants in the Christocentric version, in which large segments of text are altered. Unlike the Christocentric or Hagiocentric adaptations, there is no distinct and apparent emphasis, neither Christological, ecclesiastical, nor hagiographical. It certainly esteems Abercius, points to the growth of the church, and preaches the word of truth about the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, but with a balance and simplicity that bespeaks no editorial agenda. Topically significant emendations as noted in the apparatus of this edition are isolated and few, testifying to the consistency in transmission of the Epigraphic version. It is not surprising based on its manuscript count and their uniformity that it is the most widely recognized of all the Abercius narratives. This is not to say that the Epigraphic adaptation is free of editorial embellishments, which are in fact frequent.

Literary flair Simile and metaphor The hagiographer of the Epigraphic narrative was not shy in flexing his flair for the literary. Several Homeric-like similes embellish his version. After smashing the idols, Abercius is said to stride home ‘even as some valiant hero after defeating confederate enemies, who had been the cause of destruction for truly many souls’ (§4). Just before Phrygella arrives to petition Abercius to regain her sight, the saint is said to have taken his customary seat and ‘[e]ven as from some pleasant spring the most delightful stream of teaching flowed forth from his mouth’ (§20). When Abercius commands ‘that irreverent and foul demon’ (§62) to leave the emperor’s daughter, ‘that lion-like boldness of the demon turned into the fear of a fox’ who then complies ‘as a slave in fear of a master who has been trained to comply in every matter’ (§63). Perhaps the most noteworthy simile comes as the DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-6

46  Introduction author comments on the attempt of the Eastern churches to give Abercius remuneration for his services. However, they did not realize what they were doing was comparable to presenting fetters to one of those who was able to run the fastest. Some reward for speed! If you will, even as those trying to put clothes on one who is already stripped down being trained to wrestle, so that his opponent would have something to grab on him. (§69) One final simile comes at the close of the story as the crowd gathers and escorts the body of the saint to its final resting place ‘as if they had deposited some public treasure in the stone’ (§79). Ornate language The author appears to have thoughtfully varied the epithet associated with the saint. He is predominantly ‘the divine Abercius’ (§7, 11, 12, 17, 23, 38, 43, 55, 65, 67), but at the same time ‘the great Abercius’ (§20, 32, 42), ‘that blessed tongue’ (§40), ‘the admirable Abercius’ (§42, 54), and ‘philanthropic’ (§20, 72). At times, it is the author’s choice of more ornate language than that of the Christocentric: ‘received severe blows’ (§14 Epi.) for ‘done many wicked things’ (§14 Chr.) or ‘many poured together’ (§19 Epi.) rather than ‘assembled’ (§19 Chr.). The demon is said to have ‘plunged’ (§42 Epi.) into the young man rather than ‘entered’ (§42 Chr.), while later he refuses to come out of this ‘dwelling’ (§46 Epi.) rather than this ‘form’ (§46 Chr.). Upon the exorcism of the demon from the child of Antoninus, the crowd feared ‘that the demon had taken away the soul of the child’ (§64 Epi.) instead of the simple ‘she had died’ (§64 Chr.). Abercius restores the child, and the Christocentric version states, ‘With much joy and weeping, in shock she embraced her daughter for a long while’ (§65 Chr.). The description in the Epigraphic is far more dramatic, which first describes the girl ‘even as one who was groggy, overtaken by a deep sleep’ (§64 Epi.): When the mother saw the child just so, with tears of joy pouring down for her, she embraced the girl, pressing cheek on cheek and mouth on mouth. Even so, she clasped her hand to take her inside, and clinging to her, as if longing to be joined with her bare soul, not knowing what else she should do. (§65 Epi.)

Expanded narrative The author of the Epigraphic narrative was committed to making the hagiography a lively, visual experience for his reader. To do this, the hagiographer regularly adds details to which neither the Christocentric nor Hagiocentric versions bear

Tomb terminology  47 witness. We have previously noted how the author sought to enhance the tale with vivid and emphatic modifiers. Here the hagiographer invents reasonable particulars that embellish each scene. Instances of this enhancement are numerous, so just one example will be noted by comparison to the Christocentric and Hagiocentric texts. When the crowd in Hierapolis is about to overtake and kill Abercius, the Christocentric, Hagiocentric, and Epigraphic versions each relate how their attack is interrupted in increasing detail. When the crowd had come close and was not quite at the point of attacking to lay their hands on him, suddenly three young men greatly troubled by unclean spirits unexpectedly stripped off their clothes. . . . The crowd was startled when it saw this unexpected sight and they restrained their hands. Their mania was calmed. They stood still and did not dare to make a sound. (§9–10 Chr.) Now, just as they were about to tear apart the saint, three men, not low-born, having their clothes torn off and plainly demon possessed. . . . At this unexpected event, the populace, which had to this point been uncontrollable and enraged, had its recklessness changed to fear. The crowd ceased its hostility, and no less its shouting. (§9–10 Hag.) Suddenly three young men into whose souls evil demons had darted some time ago having torn off their clothes abruptly rushed out of the crowd. . . . Now this checked that irrational rush of the crowd and the harm being done to the young men ended. Perhaps more accurately stated, it stopped both the mania in those young men, which was incited by the demons, and even that in the crowd, which was incited against the saint by an unrestrained nature. Consequently, all stood still and watched him intently. The rush was constrained by the singular decorum of the man and by the composure of his demeanor. (§9–10 Epi.) When the demons are finally exorcised, the Hagiocentric simply says the men were ‘restored to their right minds’ (§11 Hag.). The Christocentric relates that they ‘appeared healthy and rational’ (§11 Chr.), whereas the Epigraphic combines dramatic metaphor with added detail. ‘Then the young men, having cast off the mist from the demons that had encompassed them until that instant, now stared briefly, and as if coming to their senses . . . sane’ (§11 Epi.). This pattern of enhancement through expansion is actually markedly present in all versions. What differs is at which point each of the authors decides to expand or contract the narrative. This tendency towards expansion is however most consistent in the Epigraphic text.

48  Introduction

Distinct descriptions Perhaps the central and most dramatic scene in the story of Abercius is the exorcism of Lucilla and the saint’s command to the demon to carry the altar from the hippodrome to Hierapolis. This scene provides two examples of the differences in description afforded by each version. He commanded the altar which was set before them (this was made of marble, an insuperable weight!) to load it on his back while all were watching and carry it to Hierapolis. (§63 Hag.) Pointing out to him with his hand a marble altar erected near him. . . . While all were watching, he entered into the altar from below. With a loud groan he lifted it and surmounted the hippodrome. Even as he was commanded by the saint, he carried it and stood it in the prescribed place. (§63 Chr.) Pointing out a stone altar with his hand .  .  . with countless eyes watching (O, Christ the King, who shall not marvel at you in every way!) the demon goes under the altar and lifting it up with a deep groan, he traverses the hippodrome—this is a bizarre sight to the Romans—and carrying the altar, he places it in the designated spot at Hierapolis. (§63 Epi.) In this instance, the shorter Hagiocentric version includes the most detail about the altar as ‘made of marble, an insuperable weight’ (§63 Hag.), while the others have ‘marble’ (§63 Chr.) and ‘stone’ (§63 Epi.). All three accounts differ in the demon’s method for lifting the stone: ‘to load it on his back’ (§63 Hag.), ‘entered into the altar from below’ (§63 Chr.), and ‘going under the altar’ (§63 Epi.). Sometimes the difference in description is more nuanced, the only variation being a simple synonym. For instance, Abercius’ disciples are ‘those who had already acquired the knowledge of piety’ (§7 Epi.) rather than ‘those who had been taught the word of truth’ (§7 Chr.). The saint later prays, ‘Christ, may your will come to pass’ (§43 Epi.), instead of, ‘May it be, Lord, according to your word’ (§43 Chr.). While in the East, Abercius is compared favorably to ‘those leading disciples of Christ’ (§70 Epi.) rather than ‘the principal apostles’ (§70 Chr.). Sometimes the different versions offer alternative rationales for events in the narrative, as when the disciples come to warn Abercius of the approaching mob. In all the versions, the disciples argue that there will be two benefits if Abercius escapes the crowd. However, the Christocentric and Hagiocentric offer rationales which are slightly different from that presented in the Epigraphic. On the one hand, the people, that is, the mob, would be spared from harming the saint, while the brothers, particularly the new converts, could continue to be catechized by Abercius (§7 Chr., Hag.). In the Epigraphic version, no mention is made of the

Tomb terminology  49 mob as a beneficiary; rather, neither Abercius nor the brothers’ lives will be lost (§7 Epi.). Each of the three versions has a different take on the attitude of the couriers concerning the separate travel plans of Abercius to Rome. Taken together, they express a full range of emotion. The Hagiocentric portrays them as reluctant and fearful (§54 Hag.), the Christocentric as reluctant but trusting (§54 Chr.), while the Epigraphic states, Now they could not bring themselves to distrust him, for they judged ­correctly from that which they had experienced and seen, that it was impossible for a man deemed worthy of such things, not to have both a virtuous conscience and tongue. (§54 Epi.) More often particulars of the narrative are distinct, each version offering an alternative action, motive, or result. Members of the ‘city council’ (§6 Epi.), not ‘the more reasonable among them’ (§6 Chr.), or those of the crowd who had ‘come back to their senses’ (§6 Hag.), attempt to quell the hostile mob, which is determined to tear apart Abercius with ‘their teeth’ (§9 Epi.), not ‘their hands’ (§9 Chr.). In other episodes, Lucius Verus was ‘disheartened and troubled’ (§45 Epi.) rather than ‘quite angry’ (§45 Chr.) when his wedding to Lucilla was unexpectedly delayed. Abercius leaves Hierapolis ‘in a horse-drawn carriage’ (§55 Epi.) not ‘mounted on a donkey’ (§55 Chr. & Hag.) and arrives in Portus ‘just as the prearranged number of days had come to an end’ (§57 Epi.) not ‘one day ahead of schedule’ (§57 Chr., Hag.). Overall, both full-length narratives and the shorter metaphrasis track the same narrative scenes; the differences are in the incidental details. One significant exception is the omission of the miracle of the potable water by the Hagiocentric (§75).

Editorial asides What might be called editorial asides are at times didactic, at other times dramatic. One of the trademarks of the metaphrastic tradition is the marked presence of the redactor. These closely edited versions of the saints’ lives aimed at a popular audience, and consequently, whether informative, devotional, or moralizing, occasional commentary was introduced into the inherited narrative. One of these asides, which employs the first person, occurs at the beginning of the Epigraphic version as the author comments on the festivals decreed by the emperors. Those festivals, which were no festivals at all—alas!—bringing death to their own soul. On the one hand, they set aside the true God, and on the other, they worship mute idols. It was a false illusion (in order that I may use the language of the divine Habakkuk) and a deceptive mist poured out on many. (§1)

50  Introduction Once Abercius has smashed the idols, the author is unable to resist a second aside vilifying the pagan gods. The gods, mute and empty, did not defend themselves. Despite being quite dumb and speechless, the deed evoked a loud utterance from them, that men are mad paying attention to these sorts of objects and calling them gods, and that these things which they now suffer, they suffer justly and quite commendably. (§4) When Abercius exorcises the principal antagonist of the story, the centurion demon, from the young bystander, the author adds, ‘He demonstrated by deed who is the disciple of the good, having been taught to do good, and who from the beginning is the evil one and one who teaches to do what is evil to others’ (§42). Further into the narrative, as the imperial couriers are entering Hierapolis, one of them reacts in anger at Abercius for not responding promptly to his enquiry. The hagiographer suggests that the courier was ‘perhaps moved by the evil one. . . . However, the hand keeping watch from above did not overlook this and immediately the rashness was checked’ (§52). One of the most puzzling segments of the narrative is the wineskin filled with wine, vinegar, and oil. In introducing the enigmatic miracle, the hagiographer again employs the first person and directly engages his readers. ‘I expect you now to pay particular attention for you will hear a miracle combined with humor’ (§56). He then confidently proposes an interpretation. So, the one who is purposely deceitful was trustworthy against his will, attaining none of the things he wanted for [his own] use; clearly this affair explicitly was teaching him to be upright and guileless and to do nothing beyond that which the one who furnishes the use permits. Abercius enjoyed these sorts of divine gifts from God. (§56) Upon his departure from Rome, Abercius requests the queen to finance the construction of a bath and annual distribution for the poor. She immediately summons Cornelius to make every effort to fulfill the request and not blunt the gift by tardy execution. Once again, the hagiographer cannot refrain from editorializing. For so by nature and emotion we gladly give to those who balk at gifts rather than to those who are ready to receive, having disdain for the latter because they look to be slaves to what is given, on the other hand, welcoming the former as superior. (§66) A much briefer observation follows the curse of the farm laborers never to be satiated, who refused to accommodate the fatigued saint. The author calls it ‘the

Tomb terminology  51 penalty for misanthropic treatment of a philanthropic person’ (§72). Two other asides are both ejaculatory praise from the author. When the prayer of Abercius causes the place where he knelt to spout hot springs, the author exclaims, ‘Now God be praised at all times who listens in this way to righteous men!’ (§40). Later, as the demon is about to lift the stone altar and, as the author explains, ‘countless eyes were watching’, he interjects, ‘O, Christ, the King, who shall not marvel at you in every way!’ (§63) and adds, ‘this is a bizarre sight to the Romans’, as the demon carries the altar from the hippodrome.

Inscription terminology We refer to this version as the Epigraphic adaptation due to its consistent and assumed intentional use of vocabulary derived directly from the inscription. It would, however, be a misrepresentation to say the Epigraphic author was the innovator, who first dropped cognates into the archetypal text. Rather, the archetypal author must be credited with this innovative idea. All three versions witness to this device. However, it is the Epigraphic author who most consistently expands and enhances this scheme. In a sense, the Epigraphic version could be more properly called the Epigraphically Enhanced narrative. Christian Høgel refers to this as ‘thematic elaboration’, a trademark of metaphrasis. When comparing old lives with their Metaphrastic redacted versions, one can observe in many instances that certain main themes . . . have been enhanced. These themes will normally also have been present in the old life but are accorded a greater role in the redacted version. They are played on more continuously and perhaps formally introduced in the prologue, or they may turn up in comparisons, descriptions, or explanations.1 Words taken from the inscription, including truth, disciple, eyes, see, time, ­brilliant, great, together, and traverse are all subtly woven into the story without necessarily having any contextual reference to the epitaph. Thus, the archetypal author not only framed the narrative based on the epigraph’s story, but ­carefully connected it to the original inscription by opportunely implanting its very words in the hagiographical record. This is not to say that the authors of the other two version did not recognize or enlarge the use of certain epigraphic cognates. For example, the Christocentric author makes predominant use of make/do, ποιέω cognates throughout, while also cleverly incorporating καθαρός in the storyline. Meanwhile, the Hagiocentric author features the terms teach, διδάσκω, and write, γράφω. One instance of the Epigraphic version enhancing this idea was by making additional references to shepherd, sheep, and flock, and applying them generously in description of the episcopal ministry of Abercius. These are of course taken directly from the inscription that refers to the ‘shepherd with great eyes who feeds his flocks on the hills and plains’. Perhaps the most telling example is the Epigraphic author’s use of the inscription term sheep, πρόβατον, which is absent

52  Introduction from the other two narratives, save the inscription text itself. The author combines πρόβατον with flock, ποίμνιον, and shepherd, ποιμήν, in the prayer of Abercius that opens the narrative and the exhortation to the brothers just prior to his death, forming something of a thematic inclusio for the hagiography: Eternal God, merciful Lord . . . neither so ignore this your city in which you appointed me shepherd of your sheep, whose oversight you entrusted to me. (§2) O my dear flock . . . you must consider which person you shall elect as your bishop, who both will shepherd you after me, and whose voice my flock will hear well and be shepherded by him as dear to God. (§78) In a key episode in which 500 men are baptized, Abercius exits his home early in the morning, and a crowd has spent the night outside awaiting the sacrament. All three versions mention that Abercius offers a prayer, but it is the Epigraphic which sounds the shepherding theme: I thank you, Master and God, that you have shown mercy to me, the shepherd of your rational sheep. You exposed the wolf who watches us at night and opens his mouth in vain. You called back the part of the flock that had been separated from the truth. (§18 Epi.) Also scattered throughout the narrative are repeated instances of the inscription term eye, ὀφθαλμός, nearly twice as many times as it appears in the Christocentric, while the word is completely absent from the Hagiocentric. There is likewise a higher incidence of the verb see, ὁράω, echoing the word observing, καθορόωντας, of the epitaph. Both terms are repeated incessantly in the extended plea of Phrygella: Give back to me again my eyes, the great creation of God. Cause me to see the sweet sun. Do not overlook one so pitiable. Relieve my misfortune. Look askance at the greatness of my notoriety. My son is Pollio, great with the emperor and mighty in the city, but I  do not see him. I  have wealth of all sorts. . . . But I am not even able to see these things of which I believe myself to be mistress. That is to say, I wish I were deprived of all these things to have my eyes alone. . . . Please open my eyes and by your confidence in the true God to place in them the power to see. (§20) Once Abercius restores her vision, the Epigraphic adds: For the restoration of her physical eyes showed that the eyes of her soul had been illuminated. Needless to say, when she became sensibly aware of the

Tomb terminology  53 gift, she was saying, ‘I give thanks to you, Lord, because you granted to me light in two ways, for although these eyes of the body are seeing, how much more you opened the eyes of my heart. For which reason what was said by David of you also applies to me. “You held back my eyes from tears and my feet from slipping” ’. (§22) One additional example of integrated inscription terminology is the repeated use of crossed through, διαβαίνω. The barbarians had crossed (διαβάν, διαβάντων) the Rhine (§45, 59). After reconciling the churches in Syria suffering from party strife, Abercius crossed (διαβάς) the Euphrates (§69). In his death, Abercius crosses over (διαβαίνει) to Christ with a chorus of angels (§79).

Intensifiers The author is keen to supply modifiers to strengthen the storyline, constantly adding adjectives and adverbs witnessed in neither the Christocentric narrative nor the Hagiocentric metaphrasis. The citizens of Hierapolis were ‘zealously’ obedient to the imperial decree, and ‘none of these were absent’ from the festival (§1). After his dream, Abercius realized ‘with certainty’ that the Lord had appeared to him (§3). Once at the temple of the gods, he not only ‘shattered’ (§4 Chr., Hag.), but ‘broke it into small pieces’ the image of Apollo (§4 Epi.), an act he performed with ‘great’ daring and addressed the attendants with ‘righteous’ anger (§4 Epi.). The mob is subsequently stunned by the exorcism of the three young men and feel they are not only unworthy, but ‘on account of their abundant shame, which the multitude of sins had scattered throughout their soul, they would thus be permanently unacceptable to God’ (§12). When Abercius strikes his ankle against a stone, the devil does not merely laugh (§41 Chr.) or ‘jeer’ (§41 Hag.), but is ‘quite delighted, laughing ardently with pleasure and outright arrogance’ (§41 Epi.). Later, when the couriers finally met Abercius in Portus, they were not just ‘in disbelief from joy’ (§58 Chr.), but ‘immediately prostrated themselves, embraced him, hugged him, and displayed every token of elation, as many as their souls were moved to show’ (§58 Epi.). The hagiographer continues to enhance the base narrative even in the closing chapters. As the saint enters Hierapolis, the crowd is eager to see his ‘sweet’ face and ‘longed-for’ voice, while he ‘gladly’ resumes his teaching ministry (§73–4). Even the description of the tomb is specified as ‘a certain four-cornered stone of equal length and width’ (§76 Epi.), while the Christocentric narrative merely states, ‘he prepared for himself a tomb’ (§76 Chr.). The favorite modifier of the hagiographer is ‘quickly’ or ‘immediately’ as the author regularly wants his reader to sense the rapidity of the action. Just a few examples follow. When the disciples warn Abercius of the approaching crowd, he must steal away ‘immediately’ (§7). Phrygella came ‘quickly’ to Abercius (§20). The saint ‘immediately’ heads for home following his discussion with Euxeinianus (§38). He ‘immediately’ has pity on the young man into whom the devil enters (§42). When Abercius discovers the messengers have been dispatched by the emperor, he leads them ‘quickly’ to the home of Euxeinianus (§53). However,

54  Introduction Abercius is not the only one to act swiftly. Aurelius ‘immediately’ orders the couriers to get ready (§47). Trophimion ‘immediately left his mattock and spade’ and accompanied the bishop on the way to Rome (§56). When Abercius asks the empress, ‘Where is your daughter?’ ‘Faustina in an instant quickly ran to the bedroom and she herself taking the child drags her to the saint with as much fervor and rapidity as you could describe’ (§61). Later, she orders Cornelius to ‘make every effort’ to make a ship and supplies ready for Abercius ‘so that the gift of what was promised quickly would not be blunted by the slowness of the execution’ (§66). Prior to the death of Abercius, the elders and deacons ‘immediately’ follow the saint’s directive to elect his successor (§78).

Final observations Recognizing the Epigraphic as a metaphrasis, recent scholars have justifiably focused their attention on the Christocentric version. If not our most reliable source for reconstructing the archetype, the Epigraphic with its enhancement of the inscription theme, nonetheless, ought to be appreciated as a literary endeavor. Its broad manuscript tradition allows us the best opportunity to at least recreate its original text, if not the prototype 4th-century hagiography.

Note 1 Høgel, ‘The Redaction of Symeon Metaphrastes’, 13.

Reference Høgel, C. ‘The Redaction of Symeon Metaphrastes: Literary Aspects of the Metaphrastic Martyria’, Metaphrasis: A Byzantine Concept of Rewriting and Its Hagiographical Products, Stavroula Constantinou and Christian Høgel, eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2021), 13.

6 Curious and concise The Epitome and Synaxarion

The Epitome An epitome refers to a distilled version of a larger work. In the case of the epitome published in this edition, it is roughly 900 words or one-tenth the length of the Christocentric or Epigraphic versions. While an epitome summarizes its lengthier source document, it may at times alter or add details. The Abercius epitome is contained in a 10th-century collection of saints’ lives of varying lengths. Unfortunately, as the last few folios of the codex, the pages of the Abercius epitome along with the epitome of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus are badly damaged.1 The title The translation of the word witness (μαρτύριον) in the title of the Epitome is the first point of consideration. The word μαρτύριον is used regularly in 10th-century hagiographic titles recounting the lives of those persecuted and killed for their faith, such as Cyprian, Lucian, Anastasia, Cyrus and John, and Agnes, to name only a sampling. However, in the case of Eudokia of Heliopolis, she is tortured but survives. The question here is whether μαρτύριον should be translated in the narrow sense of ‘witness of a martyr’ or the broader term ‘witness’, more specifically, the witness of one who evangelized at the risk of their own life.2 So the use of μαρτύριον here is either a inexcusable blunder on the part of the editor, since the Epitome itself states Abercius died a natural death (§78–80), or μαρτύριον is to be taken in the more general sense of witness, which appropriately fits the storyline of the hagiography, as Abercius put his life at risk for the sake of the gospel. However, a third option can be added, which is suggested by the use of μαρτύριον by the 9th-century hymnographer Clement in his Melodic Songs of Abercius.3 Your proclamation was elevated by the miracles Giving those who believed the water of life to drink. Having prayed you found strength for the people the warmth of the Spirit, the welling up of warm waters. An undying witness of your godly conduct . . . (Μαρτύριον ἀθάνατον τῆς θείας πολιτείας σου) DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-7

56  Introduction What is of particular interest here is that witness (μαρτύριον) is combined with the word conduct (πολιτείας), which is elsewhere used almost unanimously in the title of the Abercius hagiographies. We say almost unanimously, because two Christocentric manuscripts, J27 and A9, use the expression βίος καὶ μαρτύριον in their titles. The use of μαρτύριον in the title of the Epitome could serve a two-fold purpose, directing the reader’s attention to both the proclamation and the public conduct of the saint. Readings of note That the editor of the Epitome sourced his summation from manuscripts of the Christocentric tradition appears firm enough.4 The Epitome does, however, contain some noteworthy readings. The most obvious comes to us in the very first line where the decree goes out, not from ‘Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Verus’, but from Marcus Antoninus alone. The addition of and (καί) between the two names, Μάρκου καὶ Ἀντωνίνου, is the same convention found in the Christocentric version.5 The omission of Lucius Verus and this same naming convention is that found in the Anecdota Bruxellensia chronology of emperors.6 The Epitome goes on to say that this decree ‘went out in all the inhabited world’, whereas the scope is more closely defined in the Christocentric, which states the decree ‘circulated throughout the entire Roman empire’ (§1 Chr.) and in the Epigraphic version which reads ‘a decree circulated throughout all the earth, as much as was then subject to the Romans’ (§1 Epi.). Then, what is described as a generic festival to the gods in the other manuscripts is specified as the ‘Festival of Apollo’ (§2–4).7 Later in the narrative, when Abercius had knelt in prayer asking for the provision of hot springs, it not only thundered, but ‘a noise came from beneath the ground’ (§39–40). When the demon takes on the form of a woman to test Abercius, the Epitome and P1540 are the only manuscripts to describe her as ‘young’ (§41–2). In that episode, Abercius quickly turns away from the disguised demon and injures his ankle. Later, when the demon threatens to bring Abercius to Rome, the Epitome prefaces his taunt with ‘as I have weakened your foot’, (§41–2), which is found in none of the other versions. Once in Rome, the saint commands that same demon to place the altar ‘at the right side of the gate’ (§63–4) when other manuscripts simply designate ‘near the south gate’. As Abercius makes his final trip back to his hometown, the Epitome has him travel through Cappadocia, rather than Cilicia in the south (§71). Paul of Samosata When Abercius has returned to the East from Rome and is travelling through Syria and Mesopotamia, all the manuscripts speak of his reconciling disturbances in the churches caused by the heresy of Marcion. (§69). The Hagiocentric delivers the most dramatic description: Then one city after another hosted the teacher of the orthodox word and most trusted exegete of the unmixed pure faith. For also at that time, as some

Curious and concise  57 turbid undrinkable seawater, the polluted nonsense of Marcion was prevalent among them, who for a time thought he knew how to steer the ship of faith successfully with skill. Both Mesopotamia and congregations still further away benefitted from Abercius proclaiming piety. (§69 Hag.) It is therefore surprising that we find the Epitome referring not to Marcion, but rather Paul of Samosata. At first glance, it appears that the editor is substituting the 3rd-century Paul for the 2nd-century Marcion and committing a chronological miscue. The key to untangling this knotty problem may be found in understanding the editor’s use of the phrase οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ. We have determined to render it as follows: Having taken his leave of the brothers there, he arrived in the East, settling the churches of God, and drawing them together into oneness of mind. For there were in fact those full of error, under a prevalent heresy, yes, even as that of Paul of Samosata. Instead of mentioning Marcion, the author chose a more-or-less contemporary heresy with parallel features, that is, Paulicianism. The origin of the name for this widespread sect is indeterminant, but sometimes attributed to Paul of Samosata. The popular adoptionist sect had gained particular momentum in Asia Minor and other eastern regions in the 8th century, providing a neatly packaged parallel to the Marcionite movement described in the other hagiographies.8 We offer this more sympathetic explanation while admitting that much like the longer versions, the editor could very well be guilty of a historical anachronism. The inscription text The final two folios containing the Epitome text are severely damaged,9 and the conclusion is missing. The extant text breaks off at the sentence that states, ‘They attended to his honored body and placed it in the monument which he built, on which having set the altar, he wrote on it an epitaph . . .’ (§78–80). The question is whether the author was about to give the contents of the epitaph. Unfortunately, there are only thirteen lines remaining in column one, and a new hagiography begins in column two. Looking at other manuscripts such as M161 in which the text of the inscription requires forty-six lines, the most the Epitome could have given us was a brief summation.

The Synaxarion A synaxarion is a succinct summary of a saint’s story. The synaxarion of Abercius published in this edition appears in the Menologion of Basil II in which each page contains a sixteen-line hagiographic synopsis and a miniature painting of the saint.

58  Introduction Although the Synaxarion appears to track the Epigraphic tradition,10 in its retelling of the story it deviates in several instances from the longer narrative versions. Like the Epitome, the Synaxarion makes no mention of Lucius Verus as co-emperor. The Christocentric and Epigraphic each records the speech of Barchasanes, who makes reference to the apostles: ‘For we know of none after the principal apostles who crossed such an extent of land and sea for the salvation of the brothers’ (§70 Chr.) and ‘We know of no other who has compassed so much land and sea out of concern for the brothers, except those leading disciples of Christ, the very disciples he was seen following’ (§70 Epi.). While the Epigraphic in particular may hint at apostolic succession, the Synaxarion asserts Abercius became bishop ‘by the holy apostles’. The Synaxarion has the demon ‘testing’ Abercius by entering the emperor’s daughter; however, the longer narratives have this testing or temptation come when the demon assumes the appearance of a woman (§41). The use of the feminine relative pronoun in the clause ‘who also was demanding that the saint heal her’ can be taken either as the demon demanding through the girl or the girl asking for healing, in which case, only the first option would align with the long narratives (§46). Most odd is the account of the miracle of the wineskin. First, one wonders why nearly one-quarter of the Synaxarion is dedicated to this incident, ignoring the smashing of the idols, the exorcisms in Hierapolis, the healing of Phrygella, the hot springs, and the far-reaching ministry of the saint, and includes what the Epigraphic author considers a comical episode (§56 Epi.). Even here the Synaxarion deviates from the traditional storyline by referring to Trophimion as a ‘servant’ and substituting ‘fish sauce’ for ‘wine’. Finally, the Synaxarion has Abercius command the exorcized demon ‘to bring the stone and to put it on my tomb’. What the other versions specify as a bomos, altar or funerary pedestal (§63), here is called simply a stone. The other versions make it clear that only later Abercius constructs his tomb and at that point has the bomos placed on it (§76).

Final thoughts If the Epitome and Synaxarion were simply summaries of the lengthier texts, perhaps they would not have found their way into this edition. However, each contains unique readings that represent departures from the longer versions and as 10th-century works antedate most of the manuscripts in this edition. The question then arises whether these curious and concise presentations have best preserved the ancient story of the saint.

Notes

1 2 3 4 5 6

See Chapter 8, Tracing traditions: the Epitome. See Strathmann, ‘μάρτυς’, 502–7. Pitra, Analecta, 180–7. See Tracing traditions, the Epitome. C3574 omits καὶ. Cumant, Anecdota Bruxellensia I, 17.

Curious and concise  59 7 8 9 10

See Chapter 2, Chronology and context: the imperial edict and the plague. See Conybeare, The Key of Truth, v–xxii. See Tracing traditions, the Epitome. See Tracing traditions, the Synaxarion.

References Conybeare, F.C. The Key of Truth: A Manual of the Paulician Church of Armenia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1898). Cumant, F. Anecdota Bruxellensia I, Chroniques Byzantines du Manuscrit 11376, Vol. 1 (Paris: Gand, 1894). Pitra, J.B. Analecta sacra spicilegio Solesmensi parata, 2, Patres Antenicaeni (Paris: Tusculum, 1884). Smyth, H.W. Greek Grammar (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984). Strathmann, H. ‘μάρτυς’, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, Vol. 4, Gerhard Kittel, ed., Geoffrey W. Bromiley, trans. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1967), 474–514.

7 Reconstructing a reading The inscription text

Broader base of manuscripts The oft-cited critical text of the inscription by Wolfgang Wischmeyer1 has been utilized by scholars for over four decades.2 The Wischmeyer text draws from the same manuscripts selected by Theodorus Nissen for his 1911 edition.3 ­Wischmeyer excludes Paris 1501, 1503, and 1512, and Coislinianus 145, while including the speculative emendations of Ferrua,4 Orth,5 Grégoire,6 Calder,7 and Guarducci.8 The critical text presented here represents a significant departure from this model in two ways. First, the selections of texts for the Christocentric and the Epigraphic narratives have been significantly expanded and revised. Four additional manuscripts have been included for the Christocentric text, doubling the number of texts considered in Nissen’s reconstruction of the Christocentric narrative, although it must be noted that both the Egypt (E526) and ­Cambridge (C3574) unfortunately break off prior to the inscription. In the case of the ­Epigraphic narrative, three 12th-century manuscripts have been eliminated, Paris 1494, 1501, and 1512, while at the same time adding sixteen manuscripts dated to the 10th and 11th century. All twenty Epigraphic manuscripts witness to the inscription text. The second departure is that the critical text is based on a majority reading of the manuscript witness alone. The extant reading of the epigraph fragments is given in boldface type, and the apparatus notes the one instance in which the majority manuscript witness deviates from that on the fragments, the reading of Ε̣Χ̣Ω̣Ν̣ Ε̣ΠΟ̣ (v12). The suggested readings for Ε̣ΠΟ̣ by Ramsay and ­Wischmeyer are included. Also noted in the apparatus is the reading ΦΑΝΕΡ̣ (v2) of the ­Alexander inscription.9 The manuscripts for all three narratives—Christocentric, Hagiocentric, and ­Epigraphic—have been consolidated, providing a significantly broad base in reconstructing the inscription text. Sadly, the severely damaged manuscript ­containing the Epitome seems to break off just before a summation of the inscription, saying, ‘They attended to his honored body and placed it in the monument which he built, on which having set the altar, he wrote on it an epitaph’ (§77–80 Epitome). DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-8

Reconstructing a reading  61

Select variants The majority reading of the Christocentric, the majority reading of the Epigraphic, and the reading of the Hagiocentric are all given equal weight in determining the inscription text. Variants within each group are noted in the apparatus. The reading witnessed by two traditions is included in the critical text. Despite the general uniformity of the majority texts, there are several noteworthy variants. All the Epigraphic manuscripts end the inscription with ‘and a thousand gold coins with the good hometown of Hierapolis’ (v22), while only two Christocentric manuscripts, M176 and P1540, include this verse, and the Hagiocentric omits it. One might speculate here that in order to add symmetry to the opening and closing of the epigraph, a redactor at some point created an inclusio framing the inscription with mention of Hierapolis to match the opening verse in tribute to the ‘good city of Hierapolis’ (v22). Another notable variant reading is that of ‘everyone who is in accord’ (v19), which is unanimously witnessed by the Epigraphic manuscripts along with the Christocentric M176. However, the Hagiocentric omits the phrase and P1540 reads πᾶς ὁ σύνοδος, which can be taken as ‘fellow-traveler’ or ‘the assembly’, or may simply have been a scribe penning omicron for the omega of συνῳδός, not a rare mistake in the manuscripts.10 The question here is whether this phrase was added or perhaps enhanced from the seemingly banal ‘fellow-traveler’ by a later redactor who wanted to draw attention to the polysemic character of the epigraph. Several other variants of interest include the following: • • • •

Only the Hagiocentric and the Christocentric P1540 read ‘who has pure eyes’ (v5) καθαρεύοντας for καθορόωντας, perhaps in an effort to harmonize with ‘upright’ ἁγνοῦ (v3) and ‘clean’ καθαρόν (v14). The reading of ἀγροῦ for ἁγνοῦ (v3) in four manuscripts with another indicating an obvious erasure correction of the rho to nu. The Hagiocentric omits ‘and to see a queen, golden-robed, and I saw a people there having a bright signet’ (v8–9), ‘Paul within’ (v12), and ‘having good mixed wine, giving (it) with bread’ (v16). The Christocentric manuscripts J27, M161, and A9 omit ‘golden-sandaled’ (v8). A redactor may have been inclined to see the church portrayed in this imagery of the queen and deemed the word χρυσοπέδιλον to be too closely associated either with the golden-sandaled pagan goddess Hera11 or the judgement of Babylon in the Sibylline Oracles. Woe to you, Babylon, of golden throne and golden sandal. For many years you were the sole kingdom ruling over the world. You who were formerly great and universal, you will no longer lie on golden mountains and streams of the Euphrates.12

62  Introduction

Ramsay himself pointed out the verbal parallels between these verses and the inscription.13 The idea that χρυσοπέδιλον was a later addition is unlikely since the remaining fragments of the epigraph retained [χρυσόσ]το λον χρ[υσοπέδιλον].

Epigraph at variance The two fragments of the Abercius inscription have preserved segments of eighteen lines, every two lines combining to create one hexameter verse. The majority reading of the manuscripts coincides with the fragments with one clear exception. Where the majority text reads Παῦλον ἔσωθεν (v12), the inscription reads Π̣Α̣Υ̣Λ̣Ο̣Ν̣ ΕΧ ̣ ̣Ω̣Ν̣ Ε̣ΠΟ̣. It has been speculated that the fracture that separates the two fragments today existed at the time when the original author of the hagiography read the inscription. If this was the case, he did not take the time to decipher the text from the partially visible upper segments of the letters. Instead, he possibly looked to the preceding verse, ‘I had all the companions assembled’ and places Paul ‘within’ the assembly. Ramsay suggested an alternative reading by simply looking forward rather than back, ‘Having Paul, I was following, and Faith led in every place’. Ramsay’s proposal, using the unaugmented ἐπόμην, took into consideration both context and prosody.14

Problems with prosody Ramsay recognized immediately that the inscription was in hexameter.15 W. M. Calder describes the poetry as ‘elegant’.16 The ideal situation would be that when the textual evidence is weighed, and the most suitable variants are in place, the result will be the elegant dactylic hexameter which Calder had envisioned. ­However, what if we manage to select the best text and find that the meter is still flawed? If one does assume poetic proficiency on the part of the author, there are problematic verses which beg for creative, speculative remediation. For instance, the short verse six presents a lacuna that must be supplemented to fill out the hexameter. The text as received reads ‘For this one taught me faithful writings’, οὗτος γάρ με ἐδίδαξε γράμματα πιστά. In his 1929 article ‘Essay to Restore the Lacuna of Abercius’, V. Smialek catalogued a number of the possible words17 which would be inserted to fill the void after ἐδίδαξε, including τὰ Ῥώμης, λόγους καὶ, θεοῦ τὰ, ἱερὰ, ἀληθῆ, ἀληθῶς, φυλάξαι, and τὰ ζωῆς. An adaptation of a suggestion made by E. Orth18 seems quite attractive. The addition of τὰ πάντα fills out the hexameter and echoes the repetition of the πᾶς derivatives throughout the eastern embassy segment of the poem. Perhaps no word in the poem has been more troublesome than συνομηγύρους (v11), as witnessed by all the manuscripts in this edition. The issue is not with the meaning, but rather the meter, so relentless attempts have been made to find a suitable substitute that captures the same sense but, quite simply, with fewer syllables. This assumes that the end of the word had already broken off when

Reconstructing a reading  63 surveyed by the original hagiographer and a contextually appropriate, but poetically unsuitable, guess was made. Ramsay’s suggestion of συνοπαδούς19 can carry the sense traveling companions and wonderfully captures the context of this segment of the inscription.20 However, the term lacks any epigraphical witness. We suggest συνοδία, journey in company or companionship on a journey.21 There are several reasons why this represents a strong candidate. First, the term with its dual emphasis on companionship and travel encompasses the journey and fellowship themes adjoined in the inscription. It connects conceptually with προῆγε of the next verse, as does the reading ἐπόμην as suggested by Ramsay. Second, it finds substantial epigraphic witness in the East.22 Finally, the term συνοδία, if adopted, would play phonetically off the expression πᾶς ὁ συνῳδός, everyone in harmony (v19), while the reading of the cognate σύνοδος, traveling companion, in P1540 would make for an even closer association.

Broken ΒΑΣΙΛ reading No word in the inscription has spawned more debate and conjecture than the fractured βασιλ of verse seven. Ramsay swore that he had read an eta in the field, and it had broken off during transport; however, his companion Sterrett shows no record of eta in his field sketch.23 The manuscripts all read either βασίλειαν, βασίλεια, or βασιλεῖαν. None witness to the reading βασιλήαν, supporting Ramsay. To speculate about the reading implies that the fracture existed at the time the hagiographer read the inscription, otherwise given the unanimous testimony of the manuscripts one must then determine the meaning of βασιλείαν in this context. If one assumes an early fracture and an incomplete βασιλ, then the task remains to determine the missing letters. Conversely, a sketch of the inscription before its transport to Rome from Istanbul indicates a vertical and mid horizontal stroke (Ͱ)after the lambda.24

Epigraphic version epilogue What exactly was the condition of the inscription when the writer of the prototype hagiography of Abercius first encountered the epigraph? Scholars typically appeal to an epilogue which follows the recorded text of the inscription in the Epigraphic version of Symeon Metaphrastes. We translate the text as follows: Of a certainty the characters of the inscription went like this verbatim, except time had gradually diminished their precision and caused the inscription to be degraded. (§77 Epi.) The statement begins with of a certainty, μὲν δὴ, which Smyth notes indicates ‘positive certainty’ and has a simple confirmatory force.25 The expression like this, ὧδέ πως,26 is used consistently to describe direct quotations, while ἐπὶ λέξεως means ‘word for word’.27 This emphatic positive statement concerning the

64  Introduction readability of the inscription is then qualified. The ὅτι μὴ meaning ‘except’ does introduce a concession that the realities of time had gradually weathered the once freshly chiseled edges of the characters. The final clause puts in more general terms what has already been stated.28 All that being said, the statement is likely a mere invention of the Epigraphic editor, since neither the Christocentric nor Hagiocentric includes the remark. However, it must be noted that each of the other versions takes its turn in elevating the compositions of Abercius. The Christocentric prefaces the text of the inscription by calling it ‘inspired by God’ (§76 Chr.), while the Hagiocentric says ­Abercius continued to speak through the instructional manual he composed ‘as another kind of tablet engraved by God’ (§74 Hag.). So, in the case of the Epigraphic, we would expect a statement confirming the inscription’s semi-miraculous preservation, rather than a disappointing self-disclosure acknowledging that time had obliterated the text and what is recorded, at least in part, had been fabricated by the hagiographer.

Closing thoughts In conclusion, what we do possess are the manuscripts and the epigraph fragments. All else is scholarly speculation. We can appreciate the inscription as literature, whether it is the creative product of a late 2nd-century bishop, whose time-worn poetry was either preserved or clumsily remediated, or the inventive reworking of simple fragments found in a Phrygian graveyard by a late 4th-century writer.

Notes 1 Wischmeyer, ‘Die Aberkiosinschrift als Grabepigramm’, 24–6. 2 Seelig considers all the same texts as does Nissen, excluding Paris 1501, while adding a later 15th-century manuscript, Paris 2720. Vinzent duplicates the text selection of Nissen and like Seelig adds the late Paris 2720. 3 Nissen, S. Abercii Vita. 4 Ferrua, ‘Nuove osservazioni’, 279–305. 5 Orth, ‘Zur Grabschrift des Aberkios’, 1149–52. 6 Grégoire, Recueil des Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d’Asie Mineure. 7 Calder, ‘The Epitaph of Avircius Marcellus’, 1–3. 8 Guarducci, ‘L’Iscrizione di Abercio e Roma’, 174–203. 9 Ramsay, ‘Les trois villes’, 518–19. 10 Hence, the readings of πέδον and πέδων (10). 11 Homer, Odyssey 11.604. 12 Sibylline Oracles 5.434–37. See Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 403. 13 Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 726. 14 Wischmeyer’s less appealing ‘on a cart’ ἔχων ἐπ’ ὄχῳ does reflect the broader travel motif. 15 Ramsay, ‘Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia’, 424–7. 16 Calder, ‘Early-Christian Epitaphs from Phrygia’, 25. 17 Smialek, ‘Essay to Restore the Lacuna of Abercius’, 701–4. 18 Orth, ‘Zur Grabschrift des Aberkios’, 1149–52.

Reconstructing a reading  65 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Ramsay, ‘Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia’, 424–7. See Plutarch, Moralia, On Fate 570. The verbal form συνοδεύω is used in the Hagiocentric (54) and the Epigraphic (56). See Millar, ‘Caravan Cities’, 119–37. For epigraphic evidence, see IK Far East, Central Phrygia, Palmyra 89 (132 ce), 90 (140 ce), 92 (144 ce), 93 (155 ce), 94 (210/1 ce), 162 (159 ce), 165 (193 ce), and 184 (199 ce). Calder, ‘The Epitaph of Avircius Marcellus’, 5. State Archives of the Republic of Turkey, Department of Ottoman Archives, Y.PRK. TKM, 27/2. Smyth, Greek Grammar, §2899–2900. See Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 2.10; Julian, Letter to Themistius the Philosopher, 257d. See Basil, Letters 25; Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, Zeno 7.1.48. Along with many other segments, T79 omits this clause. See Chapter 8, Tracing traditions: the Istanbul manuscript—T79.

References Blass, F. and DeBrunner, A. A Greek Grammar of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961). Calder, W.M. ‘The Epitaph of Avircius Marcellus’, Journal of Roman Studies 29 (1939), 1–3. Calder, W.M. ‘Early-Christian Epitaphs from Phrygia’, Anatolian Studies 5 (1955), 25–38. Charlesworth, J.H. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, Vol. 1 (New York: Yale University Press, 1983). Ferrua, A. ‘Nuove Osservazioni’, Rivista di Archeologia Christiana 20 (1943), 279–305. Grégoire, H. Recueil des Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes d’Asie Mineure (Paris: Leroux, 1922). Guarducci, M. ‘L’Iscrizione di Abercio e Roma’, Ancient Society 2 (1971), 174–203. Millar, F. ‘Caravan Cities: The Roman Near East and Long-Distance Travel by Land’, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, Supplement 71 (1998), 119–37. Nissen, T. S. Abercii Vita (New York: Teubner, 1912). Orth, E. ‘Zur Grabschrift des Aberkios’, Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift 48 (1928), 1149–52. Ramsay, W.M. ‘Les Trois Villes Phrygiennes Brouzos, Hieropolis, et Otrous’, Bulletin de correspondance hellenique 6 (1882), 503–20. Ramsay, W.M. ‘Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 4 (1883), 370–436. Ramsay, W.M. Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897). Smialek, V. ‘Essay to Restore the Lacuna of Abercius’, Eos (1929), 701–4. Smyth, H.W. Greek Grammar (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984). Wischmeyer, W. ‘Die Aberkiosinschrift als Grabepigramm’, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 23 (1980), 22–47.

8 Tracing traditions Twenty-nine manuscripts

This edition presents five versions of the hagiography of St. Abercius. The first, which this edition refers to as the Christocentric, is the longest, followed by a short metaphrasis, which we call the Hagiocentric; the next is a longer metaphrasis, given the title Epigraphic; then an Epitome and a Synaxarion. All manuscripts are dated from the 10th and 11th century, representing the oldest narrative ­witnesses to the hagiography of St. Abercius.1 The first of these groups, the Christocentric narrative, is represented by seven manuscripts and is characterized by lengthened theological discourses. The diversity of readings is in sharp contrast to the consistency found among the far more numerous texts of the Epigraphic group. The theological emphasis naturally lends itself to editorial emendation as the several redactors each sought to have the narrative reflect his own dogmatic orientation. If antiquity can be considered to add weight to witness, then it would have been advantageous for the oldest of the texts, the 10th-century St. Catherine’s Monastery Egypt 526, to have been complete. Unfortunately, it ends abruptly after only three folios. Each manuscript is given next, listing first the abbreviation used in the apparatus. This is followed by the location of where the manuscript is currently housed, the dating of the manuscript, its catalog number, and folios. For three of the Christocentric manuscripts, the extant sub-sections as used in this edition are given in parentheses. In the case of C3574 and E526, the manuscripts are truncated. M176 is a unique manuscript in that §1–69 witness to the Epigraphic version, while §70–80 contain the Christocentric narrative.

Christocentric (7) A9 Greece, Mount Athos, Philatheou Monastery, 11th, MS 9, 333–345v and 353r–353v C3574 United Kingdom, Cambridge, Trinity College Library, 11th, MS Add. 3574, 258–273 (§1–66) E526 Egypt, Mount Sinai, St. Catherine’s Monastery, 10th, MS Gr. 526, 52–55v (§1–23) J27 Israel, Jerusalem, Patriarchal Library, 11th, Hagios Sabas 27, 283v–305v DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-9

Tracing traditions  67 M161 Russia, Moscow, State Historical Museum, 11th, Syn. Gr. 161, 355–380v M176 Russia, Moscow, State Historical Museum, 11th, Syn. Gr. 176, 84–85v (§70–80) P1540 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Gr. 1540, 129v–151v

Hagiocentric C110 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Coislinianus 110, 105–115v2

Epigraphic (20) A6 Austria, Vienna, Austrian National Library, 11th, Cod. Hist. Gr. 6, 220v–245v A15 Austria, Vienna, Austrian National Library, 11th, Cod. Hist. Gr. 15, 170–189 A189 Austria, Vienna, Austrian National Library, 11th, Cod. Hist. Gr. 189, 155–173v E149 England, Oxford, New College Library, 11th, MS 149, 275v–298 E210 England, Cambridge, Trinity College Library, 11th, MS  210, 122–139v E5603 England, London, The British Library, 11th, Harley MS  5603, 168–187 G551 Greece, Mount Athos, Monastery of Philatheou, 11th, MS  551, 195v–216 G77 Greece, Mount Athos, Vatopédi Monastery, 10th, MS 77, 113–124 G497 Greece, Mount Athos, Vatopédi Monastery, 10th, MS 497, 153v–172 M175 Russia, Moscow, State Historical Museum, 11th, Syn. Gr. 175, 171v–189v M176 Russia, Moscow, State Historical Museum, 11th, Syn. Gr. 176, 64v–83v (§1–69) P145 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Coislinianus 145, 183–202v P1480 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Gr. 1480, 171v–193 P1484 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Gr. 1484, 168v–187v P1495 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Gr. 1495, 178–199 P1503 France, Paris, National Library of France, 11th, Gr. 1503, 139v–156 T79 Turkey, Istanbul, Patriarchal Library, 11th, Hagia Triada 79, 174–191 V56 Vatican, Vatican Apostolic Library, 10th, Reg.Gr. 56, 148–168v V399 Vatican, Vatican Apostolic Library, 11th, Ott.Gr. 399, 185–206v V802 Vatican, Vatican Apostolic Library, 11th, Vat.Gr. 802, 129v–147v

68  Introduction

Epitome Macedonia, Ohrid, National Museum, 10th, Main Collection, 004 (Mošin 76), 513–17

Synaxarion Menologion of Basil II, Vatican, Vatican Apostolic Library, 10th, Vat.Gr. 1613, 129.

Christocentric manuscripts Perhaps the greatest disappointment of this project was the absence of a significant portion of the 10th-century Egypt 526, which breaks off at the close of §23 as the episode of Phrygella’s healing ends. The codex binding is badly split with a visible gap, and the remaining folios of the hagiography are missing. C3574 is likewise truncated with the full text complete to §66 as Abercius ministers to the church in Rome. Only a corner edge of the subsequent folio remains, containing the fragmented text of §63 and §67. Otherwise, the texts of all the Christocentric manuscripts are legible, with all but P1540 in neatly spaced two-column format. The only exception is found in A9 where the last five lines are written in dramatically smaller text as the scribe sought to end the narrative on the folio verso. Manuscript groupings In 1911 when Nissen considered this narrative version of the hagiography, he had three Greek texts at his disposal: J27, M161, and P1540. Nissen preferred P1540 as the more complete text and presented it as his principal text with slight emendations, while noting variant readings of J27 and M161 in the apparatus. Nissen considered that the inclusion of the fuller account of the dialogue with Euxeinianus, borrowed from The Book of the Laws of Countries3 and the Vercelli Acts,4 proved P1540 to be the superior text, which had otherwise been edited down by J27 and M161. Nissen recognized the affinity between J27 and M161 and believed these codices were derived from the same source. Our suggested stemma in Figure 8.1 reflects this judgment and introduces A9 as something of a bridge manuscript between the extended and short-discourse traditions. Nissen concluded that despite their close affinity, M161 was not merely transcribed from J27. The introduction of A9 as a source for M161 seeks to resolve those inconsistencies. We suggest that the extended discourse tradition is represented by two distinct source manuscripts, C3574 and E526. There is little affinity between these two texts, yet both appear to be the principal sources for P1540 and M176. We propose, in fact, that E526 may have been a truncated source at the time when P1540 was transcribed. P1540 shows overwhelming agreement in variant readings with E526 (63) in contrast to C3574 (13) and A9 (6). As expected, there is little affinity with manuscripts of

Tracing traditions  69

Figure 8.1  Suggested stemma for Christocentric manuscript tradition

the short-discourse tradition: M161 (10) and J27 (3). Of particular interest is that at the very point at which E526 breaks off, there is an immediate surge in agreement between P1540 and C3574 (103). Nissen believed that P1540 was a key manuscript in reconstructing the long-discourse tradition. Now add to this E526, C3574, M176, and A9, which Nissen did not have at his disposal, and restoring that tradition becomes even more practicable. The unique M176 While transcribing M176 at §70, the manuscript suddenly began to deviate dramatically from the critical reading of the Epigraphic texts already assembled. After a few minutes came the realization that the reading had abruptly shifted to that of the Christocentric narrative. No other 10th- or 11th-century manuscript has this split reading. This transition appears between folio 83v and 84r where a deep gap in the binding first appears. The Epigraphic reading ends at 83v, and the Christocentric takes over at the same point in the narrative at 84r, which is in a different hand with distinct ruled lines. An even more evident change appears on 84v and 85r where the text is dramatically reduced and condensed, going from thirtythree sixteen-character lines per column to thirty-nine twenty-character lines. As for the reading itself, M176 tracks solidly with the variant readings of P1540 compared to A9 (3) and none with M161 or J27.

Hagiocentric manuscript The manuscript Coislinianus 110 (C110) is the sole witness to the abbreviated metaphrasis of the Abercius narrative. The text was popularized with its publication by Boissonade in 1829. The principal question surrounding this text is its source, that is, from which of the longer narrative versions the metaphrast created

70  Introduction his adaptation. We agree with Nissen5 and Abel6 that P1540 is without doubt the primary source. There are substantial points of agreement between P1540 and C110 that are absent from any of the Epigraphic manuscripts, none more obvious than the extended discourse with Euxeinianus (§34–7). While C110 provides a condensed summary, these segments are omitted in both the Epigraphic and Christocentric A9, J27, and M161 of the short discourse tradition. Likewise, C110 summarizes the extended sermon of Abercius (§15 Hag.), not included in the Epigraphic. In Abercius’ prayer at the hippodrome, mention is made of the swine into which Christ commanded the demons (§62 Hag.). Once again, C110 incorporates this detail that is omitted by the Epigraphic. Two passages that point to P1540 as the likely source among the Christocentric manuscripts are found near the close of the narrative. C110 states, ‘When money was offered to him, he refused to take it, for he would say he was better off than most, and if he had any need, to take it from what the queen had given’ (§70 Hag.). P1540 is the only Christocentric manuscript that includes this (§70 Chr.). The next passage, and the most intriguing, is the inscription text itself (§77), where P1540 describes the eyes of the shepherd as ‘pure’, which is the reading in C110. Also, P1540 and M176 are the only Christocentric manuscripts to include ‘golden-sandaled’, which is once again read in C110. C110 reads ‘pray’ rather than ‘let him pray’ (εὖξαι rather than the majority εὔξαιτο) along with both P1540 and M176. However, P1540 and C110 are not uniform in their readings of the epigraph. C110 omits several phrases that are included in P1540. The Hagiocentric manuscript excludes ‘to see a queen’, ‘Paul within’, and ‘everyone who agrees’, which are all in the P1540 text. But is P1540 the exclusive source of this metaphrasis? Despite its frequent affinities with P1540, there are still a number of places in the Hagiocentric that appear to be influenced by readings found only the Epigraphic texts. At the start of the narrative, the people are found taking part in ‘festivals which were really no celebrations at all’, a wordplay found only the Epigraphic narrative (§1–2 Epi.). Then again, when Abercius addresses the temple custodians, he is the ‘righteous man’ who looks at them ‘with righteous anger’ (§5 Hag.), once more tracking the Epigraphic. Later in the story, the ‘burning affection’ of both Faustina (§17 Hag.) and the crowd longing for baptism (§61 Hag.) find their sources in the Epigraphic narrative. So, it appears that although C110 relied principally on P1540, there is evidence that he had at least one Epigraphic text at his disposal.

Epigraphic manuscripts While the Christocentric version is characterized by two distinct traditions, the Epigraphic is marked by overall uniformity despite the fact that twenty manuscripts have been considered. The Epigraphic narrative is actually represented by sixty-eight manuscripts from the 10th to the 18th century. For this project only the oldest manuscripts have been taken into account. All twenty of manuscripts are dated from the 10th and 11th century. All twenty manuscripts were obtained in either high-resolution color or black-and-white microfilm with the text legible and

Tracing traditions  71 neat with only three minor exceptions. P1484 had folios 184 and 185 placed out of order. V56 had water damage to the upper portion of the codex that smudged the first two lines of each column, although still readable. G77 had a portion of the parchment cut out at f115, which took with it three lines of text on each side. Manuscript groupings As for agreement in reading, the manuscripts fall into two groupings, organized as α and β in Table 8.1. The percentage represents a comparison of manuscripts with seven or more shared variants. The inclusion of the numerous low-incidence concurrences blurred the obvious clustering when examining the high-frequency pairings. Note in Table  8.1 that all three of the 10th-century manuscripts fall within the β group. The groupings do not represent radically divergent readings, rather a shading of variants with manuscripts in each grouping progressively blending into the other. For instance, V802 agrees with readings in the α group 79%. However, as the list descends, the readings reflect an incremented blending with β readings with V399 at 58%. The β group reflects a much stronger solidarity, with a majority of the manuscripts agreeing almost exclusively with readings in the β group. However, it must be observed that the highest concurrence in variant readings between manuscript pairs belongs to the α group. Table 8.2 reflects all concurrent variants. Where it becomes problematic to organize the texts is when one gives precedence to the readings of the three older 10th-century manuscripts and attempts to identify the relationship of these to the other individual manuscripts, i.e., deducing a stemma. The three 10th-century manuscripts themselves reflect hardly any affinity in shared variants: G497/G77 (7), G497/V56 (6), and V56/G77 (2). Overall, the texts in the β group track most closely with the 10th-century manuscripts. However, V56 shares readings almost uniformly with both groups α and β.

Table 8.1  Manuscript groupings α Group V802 A15 P1480 P1495 E149 E5603 V399

β Group 79% 71% 70% 68% 62% 59% 58%

G497 M176 P145 G77 T79 G551 P1484 A189 P1503 E210 M175 A6 V56

100% 100% 100% 100% 96% 94% 94% 93% 90% 84% 74% 70% 64%

72  Introduction Table 8.2  Concurrent variants of α group manuscripts α α α α α α α α β β

P1480 V802 A15 A15 E149 P1480 P1503 E149 E210 E5603

P1495 P1495 P1495 V802 V802 V802 T79 P1495 T79 P1480

36 28 25 24 20 20 20 19 19 19

The Istanbul manuscript—T79 While general consistency in reading marks the manuscripts of the Epigraphic version, one text stands out dramatically from the rest in its numerous unique omissions of lengthy segments and variant readings. If one is to take lectio brevior praeferenda into consideration, that the shorter reading is better, then the Istanbul text may provide a guide for trimming down significant points of scribal emendation which eventually settled into the other manuscripts. On the other hand, one could say T79 simply represents an over-zealous metaphrast seeking to trim down the narrative. In either case, only one of these omissions appears to reflect a scribal error. In an instance of homeoarchy, the absence of ἀγαθοί ἐσμεν εἰ βουλοίμεθα εἴτε (§33) seems to have been the result of the eye of the scribe skipping to the second εἴτε. The omissions range in size from three to sixty words, a majority either supplementary or explanatory in nature. Perhaps the most significant is the exclusion of the miracle of the potable water (§75), which also happens to be omitted in the Hagiocentric narrative. A  sampling of some other instances follows. When the city council plans to apprehend Abercius and his collaborators, the Istanbul omits why it would be reasonable to suspect the crime could not have been committed alone (§5). As the mob descends on the home of Abercius, he counsels his flock not to fear but reminds them of Christ’s command to flee. The Istanbul does not include the segment that seeks to reconcile these seemingly contradictory directives (§8). Later, when Phrygella realizes she has received her sight, Istanbul does not contain the lengthy explanation of how she received both physical and spiritual sight (§22). There are four times in the narrative when Abercius breaks off his teaching at the ninth hour for prayer. In one instance, after the healing of the three older women, Istanbul excludes the following. Taking along his usual companions from those present he returned home, rendering the hymns of the ninth hour, for this was his habit. Now even as

Tracing traditions  73 something incidental also at the end of the day, taking into account his body, he shared some small portion of bread. (§30) When the eastern churches attempt to reward Abercius money for his services, Istanbul does not add the second sporting analogy of giving clothes to a wrestler (§69); however, a later hand added it in the upper margin of the folio. Perhaps one of the most significant sentences in the narrative relating to the inscription is the testimony of the hagiographer. ‘Of a certainty the words of the inscription went like this word for word because time had not diminished even a little the precision and as a result flawed the inscription he prepared’ (§77). The Istanbul manuscript omits the final infinitive clause.

The Epitome The Epitome is a brief and partially damaged synopsis of the hagiography dating from the 10th century. The Epitome is contained in an otherwise well-preserved codex; however, since it appears on the vulnerable last several folios of the codex, these have sustained significant tears, leaving gaps in the text. As for the source of the text, much like the Hagiocentric metaphrasis, the Epitome appears to summarize the Christocentric narrative. A  few points of affinity include mention of Phrygia Salutaris (§1), the ‘priests’ of the temple report the iconoclast to the council (§5), the exorcised demons are commanded ‘to go to the wild country’ (§11), the demon inhabiting Lucilla demands that Abercius, ‘the bishop of the Christians’, come to Rome (§46), and the courier Valerius is said to be ‘quick-tempered’ (§52). Perhaps the most notable connection appears where the Epitome says the demon took on the form of a ‘young’ woman to test Abercius (§41). Only P1540 refers to the woman as ‘young’. If P1540 is indeed the source text for the Epitome, the dating of one needs to be reconsidered, since P1540 is currently listed as 11th-century. There are however at least two points at which the Epitome appears to reflect the Epigraphic narrative. The Epitome begins by saying a ‘decree went out in all the  inhabited world to sacrifice to those “who were not gods” ’, which may reflect the phrase ‘those so-called gods’ in the Epigraphic (§1). Later, the Epitome has Abercius meeting Augusta, following the Augusta Faustina of the Epigraphic where the Christocentric refers to her as ‘empress Faustina’ (§59–60). The Epitome also omits the extended sermons of Abercius (§24–5, 30) and the discourse with Euxeinianus (§32–8), both exclusive to the Christocentric extended-discourse tradition. At first glance, when reading the final preserved lines of the Epitome, ‘They attended to his honored body and placed it in the monument which he built, on which having set the altar, he wrote on it an epitaph’ (§78–80), one is tempted to hope that the transcription of the epitaph might follow. However, only thirteen lines remain in the first column, with another hagiography starting at the top of

74  Introduction the second column, far too little room to give more than a brief summation considering the entire epigraph required over forty lines in a typical two-­column format.

The Synaxarion Unlike the severely damaged Epitome, the Synaxarion is a well-preserved, singlepage synopsis of the hagiography found in the Menologion of Basil II.7 The question here is whether it can be determined which manuscript tradition the author had before him when composing the succinct, sixteen-line piece. The vocabulary points in several places, though far from decisively, to the Epigraphic tradition. The opening line, ‘our father among the saints, Abercius’, is a word-for-word parallel to the title of the Epigraphic manuscripts. The correspondence sent from Marcus Aurelius is described as an ‘imperial letter’, γραμμάτων βασιλικῶν, the exact terms used in the Epigraphic (§53 Epi.). While the Christocentric and Hagiocentric refer to the altar in the hippodrome as ‘marble’ (§63 Chr., Hag.), the Synaxarion follows the simple ‘stone’ of the Epigraphic (§63 Epi.). Finally, near the close of the narrative, the Epigraphic says that Abercius ‘had truly lived (βιώσας) his life as a messenger’ (§79 Epi.), and the Synaxarion also closes ‘then after living (βιώσας) the remainder of his life in piety’.

Closing observations The interrelationship of texts most certainly requires further investigation. The suggested stemma for the Christocentric tradition and the groupings of the Epigraphic are simply proposals meant as a starting point in exploring the path back to the prototype and understanding the evolution of the recensions. We are indebted to the libraries and museums that have invested in the digital reproduction of these manuscripts, making an edition of this breadth possible.

Notes 1 Not considered in this edition are the 9th-century De s. Abercio melodorum carmina. See Pitra, Analecta, 180–7. 2 For the published edition, see Boissonade, 462–88. 3 Drijvers, The Book of the Laws of Countries. 4 James, The Apocryphal New Testament, 300–36. 5 Nissen, S. Abercii Vita, XIV–XV. 6 Abel, ‘Etude Sur L’inscription d’Abercius’, 328. 7 Menologion of Basil II, Vatican, Vatican Apostolic Library, 10th, Vat.Gr. 1613, 129.

References Abel, A. ‘Etude Sur L’inscription d’Abercius’, Byzantion 3.2 (1926), 321–411. Boissonade, J.F. Anecdota Græca, Vol. 5 (Paris, 1829), 462–88.

Tracing traditions  75 Drijvers, J.W. The Book of the Laws of Countries: Dialogue on Fate of Bardaisan of Edessa (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2007). James, M.R. The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983). Nissen, T. S. Abercii Vita (Leipzig: Teubner, 1912). Pitra, J.B. Analecta sacra spicilegio Solesmensi parata, Vol. 2 (Patres Antenicaeni, Paris: Tusculum, 1884).

9 A broader base Critical text and apparatus

This edition considers five versions of the hagiography of Abercius. The Hagiocentric, the Epitome, and the Synaxarion are each based on a single manuscript requiring no variant-based apparatus. The approaches taken to determine a critical text for the Christocentric and Epigraphic are discussed in turn below. Variant readings for these manuscripts are presented in footnote form in the Greek text. The manuscripts considered in the apparatus are listed at the start of each version.

Christocentric Although seven manuscripts witness to the Christocentric narrative, three of these are incomplete, making the determination of a majority reading more complex. Add to this the absence of the extended discourse of Euxeinianus (§35–8) in several manuscripts. This requires individualized consideration of six distinct ­narrative segments.

Segment 1—§1–23 Manuscripts considered (6): A9, C3574, E526, J27, M161, P1540 Manuscripts excluded (1): M176 Rules: When a reading is split between the six manuscripts, a) the shorter reading or, if of equal length, b) the reading supported by E526 is preferred.

Segment 2—§24–34 Manuscripts considered (5): A9, C3574, J27, M161, P1540 Manuscripts excluded (2): E526, M176 Rule: Three manuscripts constitute a majority reading.

Segment 3—§35–8 Manuscripts considered (2): C3574, P1540 Manuscripts excluded (5): A9, E526, J27, M161, M176 DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-10

A broader base  77 Rules: Based on its affinity with E526, P1540 is the preferred reading unless it exhibits an addition, in which case, the shorter reading of C3574 is preferred.

Segment 4—§39–66 Manuscripts considered (5): A9, C3574, J27, M161, P1540 Manuscripts excluded (2): E526, M176 Rule: Three manuscripts constitute a majority reading.

Segment 5—§67–9 Manuscripts considered (4): A9, J27, M161, P1540 Manuscripts excluded (3): C3574, E526, M176 Rules: When a reading is split between the four manuscripts, a) the shorter reading or, if of equal length, b) the reading supported by P1540 is preferred.

Segment 6—§70–80 Manuscripts considered (5): A9, J27, M161, M176, P1540 Manuscripts excluded (2): C3574, E526 Rule: Three manuscripts constitute a majority reading.

Hagiocentric Coislinianus 110 is the sole witness to the Hagiocentric version; as a result, the apparatus is minimal, simply indicating a few marginal corrections, superscript corrections, and superscript annotations. The unusual superscript notes appear over the names of Lucilla (φωεινή), Faustina (λαμπρά), and Lucius (φωτεινῷ) in §44. Two other superscripts are more understandable: Verus (ἀνδρί) also in §44 and Portus (λιμένα) in §56. As a convenience, we have also included inline page numbers corresponding to the Anecdota Graeca published text.

Epigraphic Despite the fact that the Epigraphic considers twenty manuscripts, all but one are complete. Manuscript M176 begins to track the Christocentric from §70–80 and is excluded from the Epigraphic apparatus for those segments. In any case, the rules for establishing a majority reading remain simple throughout the entirety of the text.

Segment 1—§1–69 Manuscripts considered (20): All Rules: When there is an evenly divided reading, a) the shorter is to be preferred, or when the alternative reading is of equal length, then b) the group containing a majority of the 10th-century manuscripts is to be preferred.

78  Introduction

Segment 2—§70–80 Manuscripts considered (19): All but M176 Rules: Ten manuscripts constitute a majority reading.

Epitome The Epitome is based on a single manuscript, Ohrid 004, and is only 900 words in length. The most outstanding feature of the text, as mentioned in the Tracing traditions, the Epitome, is the presence of numerous lacunae resulting from two severely damaged folio.

Synaxarion The Synaxarion is based on a single manuscript, Vat.Gr. 1613, and is less than 200 words in length.

Inscription text Manuscript traditions The critical text of the inscription takes into consideration twenty-five manuscripts, since the truncated E526 and C3574 do not include the epitaph text. All variants are listed and categorized by tradition: Christocentric (C), Hagiocentric (H), and Epigraphic (E). Two traditions in agreement constitute a majority reading with any minority tradition reading indicated by boldface type in the apparatus. Epigraphic sources The reading of ΦΑΝΕΡ in the Alexander inscription is listed in the apparatus (v2), and the reading Π̣ΑΥ ̣ Λ ̣ ̣Ο̣Ν̣ ΕΧ ̣ ̣Ω̣Ν̣ Ε̣ΠΟ̣ of the Abercius fragment (v12) is the only instance where the majority reading presented in this edition deviates from the remaining text of the inscription. Boldface type in the principal text indicates the extant words or letters found on the inscription fragments.

10 Style, scholars, and sectioning English translations

Methodology On the whole, apart from idiomatic expressions, which require the adoption of sense equivalents, the translation avoids paraphrase. Participles have been translated at times in traditional fashion and at other times as finite verbs. Longer complex segments have been subdivided into sentences of more manageable length. The syntax of the Christocentric Greek text is uncomplicated, and a reader referencing the facing English should have little trouble tracking the Greek. On the other hand, the Hagiocentric and Epigraphic metaphrastic versions are written in a periodic style with each thought or action segment composed in a concentric fashion, and the reader will be more challenged in harmonizing the English and Greek text. In spite of its stylized text, the Hagiocentric presents a substantially condensed adaptation of the narrative,1 and as a consequence presents a choppy cadence, often with abrupt transitions. The Epitome offers an even more severe, almost wooden, read. Particularly in the case of the Epitome, we have sought to spare the reader the repeated translation of the innumerable καὶ as ‘and’, and in most cases selected a less monotonous transitional substitute. Alternate readings for all three long versions have been footnoted sparingly in the facing English, so the reader who wants to explore variant readings must refer to the Greek text apparatus.

Previous translations In the case of the Christocentric and the Epigraphic versions, we were fortunate enough to have translations by other scholars to which we could compare our own. We owe a debt of gratitude to authors Paul McKechnie2 and Pierre ­Maraval3 for their translations of the Christocentric, and Hans Reinhard Seeliger and ­Wolfgang Wischmeyer4 for their translation of the Epigraphic. For the Epigraphic, we occasionally consulted the Latin translation of P1484 in J. P. Migne’s ­Patrologia Graeca.5 As for the Hagiocentric, we are most grateful to Marcus Vinzent for his review and suggested emendations.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-11

80  Introduction

Sectional divisions In his 1911 edition of the three versions, Theo Nissen created corresponding subdivisions that facilitated cross-referencing. With minor adjustments, we have retained these same divisions and also applied them to the Epitome. This system uses the Christocentric narrative with its extended discourses as the base reference, and as a consequence these sections are unpopulated or combined in the other versions. For example, this system allows the reader to readily turn to each of the epigraphic transcriptions that appear consistently in §77.

Notes 1 Approximate Greek word counts for the four versions: Christocentric and Epigraphic 9,000, Hagiocentric 5,000, Epitome 900. 2 McKechnie, Christianizing Asia Minor, 263–87. 3 Maraval, Vie d’Abercius, 53–80. 4 Seeliger and Wischmeyer, Märtyrerliteratur, 414–68. 5 Migne, Patrologia Graeca 115, col. 1211–47.

References Maraval, P. Vie d’Abercius. Vie de Polycarpe: deux biographies légendaires d’évêques du IIe siècle (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2017). McKechnie, P. Christianizing Asia Minor: Conversion, Communities, and Social Change in the Pre-Constantinian Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019). Migne, J.P. Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 115 (Stone Mountain, GA: Religion and Technology Center, 2003). Seeliger, H.R. and Wischmeyer, W. Märtyrerliteratur: Herausgegeben, übersetzt, kommentiert und eingeleitet (Berlin, München: De Gruyter, 2015).

Part 2

The texts—Greek and English

1 The Christocentric version

A9 Greece, Mount Athos, 11th, MS 9, 333–345v, 353r–353v C3574 United Kingdom, Cambridge, 11th, MS Add. 3574, 258–273 (§1–66) E526 Egypt, Mount Sinai, 10th, MS Gr. 526, 52–55v (§1–23) J27 Israel, Jerusalem, 11th, Hagios Sabas 27, 283v–305v M161 Russia, Moscow, 11th, Syn. Gr. 161, 355–380v M176 Russia, Moscow, 11th, Syn. Gr. 176, 84–85v (§70–80) P1540 France, Paris, 11th, Gr. 1540, 129v—151v

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-13

84  The texts—Greek and English

βίος1 καὶ πολιτεία τοῦ ἁγίου2 καὶ ἰσαποστόλου Ἀβερκίου3 1

2

Ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις τὴν προεδρίαν καὶ ἐπισκοπὴν τῶν Χριστιανῶν τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως4 τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου ἐγκεχειρισμένου δόγμα τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων Μάρκου καὶ5 Ἄντωνίνου καὶ6 Λευκίου Βήρου ἐφοίτησεν7 εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους ἡγεμονίαν θεσπίζων δημοτελεῖς θυσίας καὶ σπονδὰς τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπιτελεῖσθαι. τὸ οὖν τοιοῦτον δόγμα κατεπέμφθη καὶ Ποπλίῳ8 ἡγεμονεύοντι τῆς Φρυγῶν Σαλουταρίων ἐπαρχίας· ὅστις9 δεξάμενος προσέταξεν10 πάσας11 τὰς πόλεις τῆς ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἐπαρχίας12 τὰς κελεύσεις τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων πρὸς ἔργον13 ἄγεσθαι. καὶ δὴ πᾶσαι αἱ πόλεις θυσιῶν καὶ ἑορτῶν ἐπληροῦντο· ἐν οἷς καὶ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ14 ὁ δῆμος τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως15 δεδοικότες τὸ δόγμα τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων τήν τε16 πρόσταξιν τοῦ ἡγεμόνος θυσίας καὶ σπονδὰς καὶ ἑορτὰς τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπετέλουν.

5

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Βλέπων οὖν ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος κατὰ17 πᾶσαν18 τὴν πόλιν λευχειμονοῦντας καὶ ἑορτάζοντας τοὺς19 ἀνθρώπους καὶ εἴδωλα

  1 A9, C3574, M161 μηνὶ ὀκτωβρίῳ (above column), P1540 μηνὶ τῷ αὐτῷ (top of folio)   2 C3574, P1540 omit τοῦ ἁγίου read τοῦ ἐν ἁγίοις πατρὸς ἡμὼν   3 J27 βίος καὶ μαρτύριον τοῦ ὁσίου πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ ἰσαποστόλου Ἀβερκίου ἐπισκόπου ἰεραπόλεως, A9 βίος καὶ μαρτύριον τοῦ ἐν ἁγίοις πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ ἰσαποστόλου Ἀβερκίου   4 M161 adds τῆς ἐν Φρυγία   5 C3574 omits καὶ   6 A9, P1540 omit καὶ   7 A9 adds τὴν   8 A9, E526, P1540 add Δολαβέλλᾳ   9 A9, C3574 add τοῦτο 10 E526, J27 omit προσέταξεν, E526, J27, P1540 add εἰς 11 A9, C3574, M161 ἀπάσας 12 J27 omits ὅστις δεξάμενος εἰς πάσας τὰς πόλεις τῆς ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἐπαρχίας, C3574 reads τὰς ὑπ’ αὐτῶν πόλεις τῆς αὐτοῦ ἐπαρχίας, M161 reads τὰς ὑπ’ αὐτὸν πόλεις τῆς αὐτοῦ ἐπαρχίας 13 J27 reads εἰς πέρας, A9, C3574, P1540 εἰς ἔργον 14 E526 omits ἡ βουλὴ καὶ 15 P1540 omits τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως, M161 reads τῆς Ἱεραπόλεως 16 E526 omits τε 17 P1540 omits κατὰ 18 P1540 ἅπασαν 19 J27 omits τοὺς

The Christocentric version  85

The life and conduct of Saint Abercius, equal to the apostles 1

In those days when Saint Abercius had been entrusted with the chief seat and the bishopric of the Christians of the city of Hieropolis, a decree of the emperors Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Verus circulated throughout the entire Roman empire declaring that public sacrifices and libations to the gods be performed. And so, such a decree was also sent to Publius, who was governing the province of Phrygia Salutaris. When he received the decree, he ordered all the cities in the province under their authority to carry out the commands of the emperors. Indeed, all the cities were full of sacrifices and feasts. Among them was the council and people of the city of Hierapolis, who fearing the decree of the emperors and the command of the governor, were performing sacrifices, feasts, and libations to the gods.

2

Therefore, Saint Abercius when he saw the people throughout all the city dressed in white celebrating the feast and idols being

86  The texts—Greek and English προσκυνούμενα20 καὶ τὴν πλάνην ἐπικρατοῦσαν στενάξας καὶ πληγεὶς τὴν ψυχὴν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ κλίνας τὰ γόνατα21 μετὰ δακρύων προσηύξατο λέγων· ‘Ὁ θεὸς ὁ τῶν αἰώνων δεσπότης, ὁ λόγῳ στερώσας22 τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν, ὁ τὸν παίδά σου τὸν ἀγαπητὸν ἐνανθρωπῆσαι εὐδοκήσας διὰ τὸ σῶσαι τὸ γένος τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἀπάλλαξον τῆς παρούσης πλάνης τὸν κόσμον σου ὃν ἐδημιούργησας καὶ τὴν ταπεινὴν πόλιν ταύτην, ἐν ᾗ ἀνάξιόν23 με ὄντα ἠξίωσας ἐπίσκοπον γενέσθαι τῶν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ μονογενοῦς σου υἱοῦ πιστευσάντων’. 3

4

20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

Καὶ μετὰ τὸ πληρῶσαι αὐτὸν τὴν εὐχὴν24 μηδὲ ἄρτου μεταλαβὼν25 ἐτράπει εἰς ὕπνον καὶ ἴδεν26 νεανίαν εὔμορφον ἐπιδιδόντα αὐτῷ27 ῥάβδον καὶ λέγοντα·28 ‘Πρόσελθε, Ἀβέρκιε, καὶ ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου καὶ τῇ βακτηρίᾳ ταύτῃ σύντριψον τοὺς τῆς πλάνης αἰτίους’. διυπνισθεὶς οὖν29 καὶ συννοήσας ὅτι ὁ κύριός ἐστιν30 ὁ φανεὶς αὐτῷ ἀνέστη ἀπὸ τῆς κλίνης καὶ λαβὼν ξύλον παμμεγεθέστατον31 ὃ βαστάζειν ἠδύνατο ἐπορεύθη μετ’ ὀργῆς εἰς32 τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ἔνθα αἱ πλεῖσται θυσίαι καὶ33 σπονδαὶ ἐγίνοντο· Ἦν δὲ ὥρα ὡς34 ἐνάτη τῆς νυκτός.

15

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25

30

Καὶ ἐνδυναμωθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος ὤθησε ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ τὰς θύρας τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ συντριβέντων τῶν κλειδωμάτων ἀνεῴχθησαν αὐτῷ πᾶσαι αἱ θύραι,35 καὶ εἰσδραμὼν εἰς τὸ μέσον36

E526, P1540 τιμώμενα C3574 adds αὐτοῦ E526, P1540 στηρίξας E526 ἀξιόν J27 adds μηδὲ ἄρτου γευσάμενος, A9, M161, P1540 μηδὲ ἄρτου μεταλαβὼν, C3574 μή τε ἄρτου μεταλαβόντα A9 μεταλαβόντα M161 θεωρεῖ C3574 αὐτὸν C3574, J27 add αὐτῷ, M161 αὐτόν J27 δὲ M161 ἦν E526, P1540 παμμεγεθεὶς E526, P1540 πρὸς A9, P1540 add αἱ A9 ὡσεὶ A9 πύλαι E526, P1540 omit συντριβέντων τῶν κλειδωμάτων ἀνεῴχθησαν αὐτῷ πᾶσαι αἱ θύραι, καὶ εἰσδραμὼν εἰς τὸ μέσον

The Christocentric version  87

worshipped, he groaned at the overpowering delusion and his soul was stricken with grief. He returned to his house, knelt down, and with tears he prayed saying, ‘O God, you who are Master of the ages, who by your word firmly fixed heaven and earth, who were well pleased to make your beloved child a human being in order to save the human race, set free from this present delusion your world, which you fashioned, and this humble city, in which, though being unworthy, you thought me fit to be a bishop of those who have believed in the name of your only-born Son’.

3

After he had completed his prayer, and without partaking of bread, turned to sleep and saw a young handsome man giving a rod to him and saying, ‘Go, Abercius, and in my name with this staff smash the causes of the delusion’. Therefore, when he woke up and had realized that it was the Lord who had appeared to him. He got up from his bed and taking an immense pole, the largest he was able to carry, he went in anger to the temple of Apollo where most of the sacrifices and libations were taking place. It was the ninth hour of the night.

4

Empowered by the Holy Spirit he pushed on the doors of the temple with his hands. The fastenings were shattered, and all the doors opened for him. He ran into the middle of the temple and the

88  The texts—Greek and English πρῶτον αὐτὸ37 τὸ ἄγαλμα38 τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὃ ἵστατο εἰς τὸ μέστον39 τοῦ ναοῦ,40 μετὰ41 ξύλου κατέαξεν, ἔπειτα καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἀγάλματα, τό42 τε τοῦ Ἡρακλέως καὶ43 Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ Ἀφροδίτης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν, συνέτριψεν.44   Οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς καὶ45 ὑπηρετοῦντες τῷ ναῷ46 βλέποντες τὰ γινόμενα47 κατεπλάγησαν καὶ ἀμυνεῖν48 τοῖς δρωμένοις οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν. στραφεὶς οὖν ὁ49 Ἀβέρκιος50 καὶ βλέψας εἰς αὐτοὺς λέγει51 αὐτοῖς52 μετ’ ὀργῆς· ‘Ἀπέλθατε ἀπαγγείλατε τοῖς βουλευταῖς καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παντὶ53 ὅτι οἱ θεοὶ ὑμῶν54 ἐκ τῶν θυσιῶν καὶ τῆς εὐωχίας τῆς πολλῆς ἧς χθὲς ἐποιήσατε55 μεθυσθέντες ἑαυτοὺς συνέτριψαν. ἀλλ’ εἴπερ εὖ φρονεῖτε, βάλετε αὐτοὺς εἰς κάμινον· δύνανται γὰρ εἰς οὐκ ὀλίγα ἀσβέστια ὑμῖν χρησιμεῦσαι’. καὶ ταῦτα πράξας πάλιν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ καθεσθεὶς ἐδίδασκε τοὺς ἀδελφούς.56 5

37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται τῶν εἰδώλων57 νυκτὸς ἔτι οὔσης ἀπελθόντες ἀπήγγειλαν58 τοῖς τὰ πρῶτα τελοῦσιν τῆς βουλῆς τὰ γενόμενα.59 καὶ μεθ’60 ἡμέραν ἐχώρει61 λόγος διὰ πάντων ὡς ἠσεβηκότος τοῦ Ἀβερκίου καὶ δίκην οὐ μόνον τοῖς θεοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ

P1540 ἀπὸ, C3574 omits πρῶτον αὐτὸ, M161 omits αὐτὸ C3574 ἱερὸν A9, P1540 μέσον, C3574, M161 omit ὃ ἵστατο εἰς τὸ μέστον P1540 omits τοῦ ναοῦ A9, J27 add τοῦ A9 omits τὸ A9, C3574 add τῆς A9 omits συνέτριψεν P1540 omits καὶ, J27, P1540 add οἱ E526, P1540 read τὸν λαόν, M161 οἱ ὑπηρέται τοῦ ναοῦ A9 γενόμενα P1540 ἀμῦναι A9, C3574 add ἅγιος M161 ἅγιος E526 εἶπεν, P1540 ἔφη E526, P1540 omit αὐτοῖς, M161 αὐτοὺς E526, P1540 omit παντὶ P1540 ἡμῶν A9, J27, M161 ἠτοιμάσατε E526 omits καὶ καθεσθεὶς ἐδίδασκε τοὺς ἀδελφούς E526, P1540 omit τῶν εἰδώλων J27 ἀνήγγειλαν A9 γινόμενα J27 καθ’ C3574, J27 add ὁ

35

40

45

50

The Christocentric version  89

very first image, that of Apollo, which stood in the center of the temple, he shattered with the pole. He then smashed the rest of the images: that of Heracles, Artemis, Aphrodite, and the other gods.   The priests and the custodians of the temple, seeing what was happening, were dumbfounded and did not dare to fend off what was being done. Therefore, Abercius turned and looking at them says to them in anger, ‘Go and announce to the city councilors and to all the people that your gods got drunk from the offerings and the abundant feasting you prepared yesterday and smashed themselves. However, if in fact, you have any sense, throw them into a furnace, for they are able to be used as no small amount of crushed limestone’. Having done these things, he returned again to his home, sat down, and instructed the brothers. 5

While it was still night the priests and the custodians of the idols went and announced to the chief administrators of the council what had happened. Now when morning came a report spread everywhere about the impiety of Abercius and how he owed reparation not only to the gods but also to the emperors and to the city.

90  The texts—Greek and English τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσιν καὶ τῇ πόλει ὀφείλοντος. καὶ σὺν τοῖς δήμοις ἄπασι δὴ62 συναχθέντες63 ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἐβουλεύοντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν βέλτιστοι τῶν πολιτῶν ἔλεγον· ‘Πέμψωμεν τοὺς δημοσίους ὑπηρέτας καὶ ἀγάγωμεν64 τὸν Ἀβέρκιον καὶ ἀνακρίνομεν65 αὐτόν, τίνος χάριν καὶ μετὰ τίνων ταῦτα ἐτόλμησεν· οὐ γάρ ἐστι πιθανὸν τηλικούτοις πράγμασιν ἐπιχειροῦντα αὐτὸν μὴ καὶ πλείωνας εἶχεν66 συναγωνιστάς· καὶ γινώσκοντες67 τοὺς συνεργοὺς αὐτοῦ κρατήσαντες68 κἀκείνους τῷ ἡγεμόνι69 μετ’ αὐτοῦ δεδεμένους παραπέμψωμεν, ὅπως δίκην ἀξίαν δώσωσιν περὶ70 ὧν71 εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ72 τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας ἠσέβησαν’. 6

62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83

Ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἰδὼν τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν θεῶν αὐτῶν εἰς τὸ ἔδαφος ἐρριμμένα παροξυνθεὶς ἠγριαίνετο, καὶ οἷον φιλεῖ 73 ὄχλος μαινόμενος σὺν οὐδενὶ λογισμῷ ἁρπάσαντες ξύλα καὶ λαμπάδας74 ἔκραζον· ‘Ἀπέλθωμεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ἔνθα ἐστὶν ὁ Ἀβέρκιος, καὶ κατακαύσωμεν αὐτόν,75 ἵνα κάκεῖνος καὶ οἱ76 ὁμόφρονες αὐτοῦ πάντες ἀπολοῦνται’. οἱ δὲ λογιώτεροι77 αὐτῶν δειλιάσαντες,78 μή79 ὁ ὄχλος ἐπελθὼν μαινόμενος καὶ ἐμπρίσας80 τὸν οἶκον ἔνθα κατήγετο ὁ81 Ἀβέρκιος τῷ πυρὶ μὴ μόνον82 τὸν οἶκον ἐκεῖνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς γειτνιώσας83 οἰκείας E526, P1540 omit σὺν τοῖς δήμοις ἄπασι δὴ E526, J27 συσχεθέντες E526 ἀναγάγωμεν, C3574 ἀγάγομεν J27, P1540 ἀνακρίνωμεν, A9, M161 ἀνακρινοῦμεν J27, M161, P1540 ἔχειν A9 γνῶντες A9, E526 κτήσαντες A9, E526, P1540 add αὐτοὺς A9, C3574 ὑπὲρ, P1540 omits περὶ P1540 ἣν C3574 adds εἰς A9 adds ὁ C3574, J27, M161 λίθους C3574, J27, M161 add ἐκεῖ C3574 adds πάντες C3574, P1540 λογιμώτεροι J27 δείσαντες, A9, C3574 φοβηθέντες P1540 μήπως J27, M161 ἐμπρήση, A9 ἐμπρῆσαι A9, C3574, M161 add ἅγιος J27 adds δὲ C3574, J27, M161 γείτονας

55

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65

The Christocentric version  91   Having gathered together in the temple with all the people, they took counsel. On the one hand the prominent citizens were saying, ‘Let us send the public magistrates and let us bring Abercius and interrogate him about why and with whom he dared these things. For it is not plausible that he himself attempted such extraordinary feats unless he had more accomplices. Then, once having identified his accomplices and seized those men, let us send them along with him bound to the governor in order that they may receive the punishment they deserve for their sin against the gods and the emperors’. 6

Nevertheless, when the people saw the hands and the feet and the faces of their gods cast onto the floor they were provoked and enraged. Now, as is the tendency with a maddened crowd with no sense, they seized wood and torches crying, ‘Let’s go to the house where Abercius is and let’s burn it, so that that one and those who are like-minded with him may all perish!’ But the more reasonable among them, fearing lest the maddened crowd having attacked the house where Abercius lodged and set it on fire, would destroy not only his house, but also the neighbors’ houses, and the innocent

92  The texts—Greek and English διαφθείρει καὶ μετὰ τῶν αἰτίων καὶ οἱ ἀναίτιοι ἀπολοῦνται84 καὶ αὐτοὶ περὶ τούτου85 κινδυνεύσουσι86 παρὰ τῷ ἡγεμόνι, κατέμιξαν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἤρξαντο παραινεῖν καὶ διδάσκειν αὐτοῖς87 τὰ συμφέροντα. 7

Ἐκ τούτου οὖν μικρᾶς διατριβῆς γενομένης τινὲς τῶν διδαχθέντων τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας ἰδόντες τὴν88 ταραχὴν89 ἐξέδραμον εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου καὶ εὑρώντες αὐτὸν ὡς μηδενὸς γενομένου90 φαιδρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ καθήμενον καὶ διδάσκοντα τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀπαγγέλλουσιν αὐτῷ τὴν γενομένην ἐπανάστασιν τῆς πόλεως καὶ ὅτι μέλλει ὁ δῆμος μετὰ ξύλων καὶ λαμπάδων ἐπέρχεσθαι91 αὐτῷ. παρεκάλουν92 αὐτὸν ὑπεξελθεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ ὅτι δύο τὰ μέγιστα93 δύναται ἡ ἀναχώρησις αὐτοῦ εὐεργετῆσαι· τὸν μὲν δῆμον, ἵνα μὴ τῇ ῥύμῃ τοῦ θυμοῦ94 φερόμενος τὴν μανίαν αὐτοῦ εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ95 πάντας96 ἐνδείξηται,97 τοὺς δὲ ἀδελφοὺς98 μάλιστα τοὺς99 νεωστὶ τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας παρ’ αὐτοῦ δεξαμένους ἐπιβιώσας στηρίξῃ ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς κατηχήσει.

8

Ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος λέγει πρὸς αὐτούς·100 ‘Δραπετεύοντες,101 ἀδελφοί, νομισθείημεν102 ἀποδιδράσκοντες· ὁ γὰρ κύριος ἡμῶν103 ἀποστέλλων τοὺς ἀποστόλους αὐτοῦ εἰς104 τὰ ἔθνη μετὰ

  84   85   86   87   88   89   90   91   92   93   94   95   96   97   98   99 100 101 102 103 104

J27, P1540 ἀπόλωνται J27 omits περὶ τούτου A9, J27, P1540 κινδυνεύσωσι C3574 omits αὐτοῖς, M161 αὐτοὺς C3574, J27 add γενομένην, A9, M161 add γινομένην J27 adds τῆς πόλεως E526 γινομένου A9, C3574 προσέρχεσθαι J27 adds δέ, C3574, M161, P1540 add οὖν J27 reads δύο ταῦτα μέγιστα ὄντα, C3574 δύο μέγιστα, M161 δύο ταῦτα μέγιστα C3574 adds μαινόμενος καὶ P1540 αὐτῶν, A9 αὐτὸν A9, J27 omit πάντας E526 ἐκπλήξει E526, M161, P1540 add καὶ A9, J27 omit τοὺς A9, C3574, J27 add ὡς E526 δραπετεύωμεν, P1540 δραπετεύομεν E526, P1540 omit νομισθείημεν, M161 νομισθείη J27 adds Ἰησοῦς ὁ Χριστός, A9, C3574, M161 Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς P1540 ἐπὶ

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The Christocentric version  93

might perish with the guilty. In which case, they themselves would run a risk concerning this with the governor. So they mixed themselves in with the crowd and began to warn them and explain to them what was a better course of action.

7

Consequently, this caused a brief delay, and certain of those who had been taught the word of truth, seeing the trouble, came running to the house of Saint Abercius. Finding him with a cheerful expression, as if nothing had happened, sitting and instructing the brothers, they announced to him the uprising of the city which had occurred, and that the people were about to attack him with wood and torches. They were urging him to leave the city and that his withdrawal would be able to bring benefit in two great ways, on the one hand, to the people, lest being borne along in a rush of anger may exhibit its madness against him and all those with him, then on the other hand, to the brothers, and especially those who recently received the word of truth from him, whom he, having survived, might strengthen and catechize along with many others.

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But Saint Abercius says to them, ‘Brothers, by running away, we would be thought of as acting like fugitive slaves. For our Lord sending his apostles to the nations commanded them to boldly herald

94  The texts—Greek and English

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παρρησίας105 ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς κηρύττειν τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας’.106 καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ οἰκήματος μετά τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ ἀπελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκαθέσθη107 εἰς108 μέσον τῆς πόλεως εἰς τόπον λεγόμενον παρ’ αὐτοῖς Φρουγεῖν109 καὶ διελέγετο τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς διδάσκων αὐτοὺς τὸ κήρυγμα τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ ὅτι δέον ἐστὶ τοὺς πιστεύσαντας καὶ τὴν σφραγῖδα τοῦ βαπτίσματος δεξαμένους περιφρονεῖν τῆς προσκαίρου ἡδονῆς τῆς ἐν τῷ βίῳ καὶ τῆς αἰωνίου ζωῆς μᾶλλον ὀρέγεσθαι, ἥντινα110 ἡτοίμασεν ὁ θεὸς τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτόν. Καὶ111 ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι αὐτὸν γνοὺς ὁ ὄχλος, ὅτι δημοσίᾳ καθέζεται διδάσκων, οὐκέτι καθεκτὸς ἦν112 οὐδὲ περιεγένοντο οἱ βέλτιστοι τῶν πολιτῶν ἐπισχεῖν113 αὐτῶν114 τὴν μανίαν, ἀλλ’ ἐξέδραμεν115 μετὰ κραυγῆς ὡς ὀφείλοντες116 ταῖς χερσὶν117 σπαράξαι τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ. καὶ γενόμενοι118 πλησίον καὶ ὅσον οὔπω μέλλοντος119 τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ120 ἐπιβαλεῖν ἐπιφέρειν121 ἰδοὺ122 τρεῖς νεανίσκοι παρενοχλούμενοι ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ἀκαθάρτων αἰφνίδιον περισχίσαντες τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν καὶ προσδραμώντες123 ἐγγὺς τοῦ

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105 E526 omits μετὰ παρρησίας 106 C3574, J27 add καὶ φοβεῖσθαι ἀπὸ προσώπου τῶν παρατῶν ἐχθρῶν κινδύνων καὶ θλίψεων, A9, M161 μὴ φοβεῖσθαι ἀπὸ προσώπου τῶν παρὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων κινδύνων καὶ θλίψεων 107 A9 ἐκάθισεν 108 J27 omits εἰς 109 A9 Φραφέλλιον 110 A9, C3574 ἣν 111 A9, C3574 οὖν 112 E526, P1540 ἐγένετο 113 J27 περισχεῖν, A9, M161 περιεσχεῖν 114 E526, P1540 αὐτοῦ 115 A9, J27, C3574 ἐξέδραμον 116 E526, P1540 ὀφείλων 117 E526, P1540 add αὐτοῦ 118 E526, P1540 γενομένου 119 C3574, J27, M161 μέλλοντες 120 A9, C3574, M161 αὐτῶν 121 E526 omits ἐπιφέρειν 122 E526 ἤδη 123 J27 adds ἐξέδραμον ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου καὶ ἤρξαντο τὸ τρίζειν καὶ βράζειν καὶ δάκνειν τὰς χεῖρας ἑαυτῶν, C3574, P1540 ἐξέδραμον ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου καὶ ἤρξαντο στριγγίζειν καὶ δάκνειν τὰς χεῖρας ἑαυτῶν, M161 ἐξέδραμον ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου καὶ ἤρξαντο τρίζειν καὶ κράζειν καὶ δάκνειν τὰς χεῖρας ἑαυτῶν, A9 ἐξέδραμον ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου καὶ ἤρξαντο κράζειν καὶ δάκνειν τὰς χεῖρας ἑαυτῶν

The Christocentric version  95

the word of truth’. Now while he was saying these things, he exited the house with the brothers and departed for the marketplace. Having sat down in the middle of the city in a place called by them Phrougin, he was speaking with the brothers, teaching them the proclamation of truth and how it was necessary for those who had believed and had received the seal of baptism to despise the temporary pleasure of this life and rather to yearn for eternal life, which God prepared for those who love him.

9

While he was speaking, the crowd, realizing that he sat teaching in public, no longer was restrained and neither were the prominent citizens able to prevail in holding back their madness, but they ran with a cry as if wishing with their hands to tear apart Saint Abercius and those with him. When the crowd had come close and was not quite at the point of attacking to lay their hands on him, suddenly three young men greatly troubled by unclean spirits unexpectedly stripped off their clothes. Running up close to Saint Abercius, they

96  The texts—Greek and English ἁγίου124 Ἀβερκίου ἀνεβόησαν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ λέγοντες· ‘Ὁρκοῦμέν σε κατὰ τοῦ μόνου ἀληθινοῦ θεοῦ125 ὃν σὺ126 κηρύττεις· μὴ ἡμᾶς βασανίσεις μηδὲ πρὸ καιροῦ διώξεις127 ἀπὸ τῶν πλασμάτων, ἔνθα κατοικοῦμεν’.128 10 Ὁ δὲ ὄχλος129 θεασάμενος130 τὸ παράδοξον αἰφνίδιον131 κατεπλάγει καὶ ἐπέσχεν τὰς χεῖρας132 καὶ ἡ μανία αὐτῶν133 κατεβλήθη καὶ ἔστησαν μηδὲ φωνὴν τολμῶντες134 ἀπολῦσαι, καὶ καθάπερ παῖδες ἀπὸ διδασκαλείου ἀθρόον ἀπολυθέντες ἀτάκτως τρέχουσι καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους135 διαμάχονται136 καὶ θορυβοῦνται, εἰ ποθεν δὲ ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ὅπου ἀναφανῆ ὁ διδάσκαλος αὐτῶν ἀπροόπτως,137 αἰφνίδιον βλέποντες ἀποφημοῦνται καὶ εἰς γῆν νεύουσιν, οὕτως καὶ τότε οἱ πολλοὶ138 τῆς ταραχῆς ἔληξαν καὶ ἠρέμα εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον ἀπέβλεπον139 τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου καραδοκοῦντες140 τὸ μέλλον ἐξ αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι141 εἰς τοὺς δαιμονιῶντας.142

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11 Ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος μηδὲν143 μελλήσας144 προσηύξατο λέγων· ‘Ὁ τοῦ145 παιδὸς τοῦ ἁγίου σου πατὴρ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἱκετεύω146 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146

J27 ὁσίου, M161 omits ἁγίου E526 reads κατὰ τοῦ μεγάλου ἀληθινοῦ Χριστοῦ A9 omits σὺ E526, P1540 add ἡμᾶς E526 ἔνθα ἐδόθησαν ἡμῖν κατοικεῖν, P1540 ἔνθα ἐδόθη ἡμῖν κατοικεῖν, C3574 ἔνθα κατοικοῦμεν ἀλλὰ ἄφες ἡμῖν μένειν ἐνταῦθα C3574 δήμος, A9 ἅγιος J27 adds τοῦτο C3574, J27 reads τὸ παράδοξον θέαμα εὐθέως, A9, M161 τὸ παράδοξον τοῦτο θέαμα εὐθέως C3574 adds αὐτῶν E526, P1540 αὐτοῦ, E526, M161, P1540 add ἡδέως E526, P1540 read ἔστη μηδὲ φωνὴν τολμῶν, M161 ἔστησαν μηδὲ φωνὴν τολμῶντες λαλῆσαι C3574 ἀλλήλοις E526, P1540 μάχονται E526, P1540 read ἐξ ἀφανοῦς τόπον ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιφανεῖ ὁ διδάσκαλος αὐτῶν, M161 ἐξ ἀφανοῦς φανῇ ὁ διδάσκαλος αὐτῶν ἀπροόπτως M161 for οἱ πολλοὶ reads οὗτοι M161 omits ἀπέβλεπον A9, J27, C3574 add εἰς C3574 adds καὶ J27 δαίμονας E526, P1540 μὴ E526, M161, P1540 add ἦρεν τὴν φωνὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ J27 adds ἀγαπητοῦ, C3574, M161 add ἁγίου E526, P1540 παρακαλούμεν

The Christocentric version  97

cried out in a loud voice saying, ‘We adjure you by the only true God whom you proclaim. Do not ahead of time torture us or drive us from these forms where we dwell’.

10 The crowd was startled when it saw this unexpected sight and they restrained their hands. Their mania was calmed. They stood still and did not dare to make a sound. Even as children who when they have been dismissed from school run in a disorderly crowd, vying with one another, and making a racket, if from out of nowhere their teacher may unexpectedly appear, immediately having seen him, they are completely silent and look at the ground. So then even the large crowd ceased its tumult and quietly looked at the face of Saint Abercius anticipating what would be done by him to the demonpossessed men. 11 Without delay Saint Abercius prayed saying, ‘O, Father of your holy child, Jesus Christ, I entreat you to save and strengthen the

98  The texts—Greek and English σε147 σῶσαι καὶ στηρίξαι148 τὰς ψυχάς, ἃς συ149 ἠξίωσας150 εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τὸ σὸν καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ σου πιστεῦσαι, ἵνα καὶ αὐτοὶ τελείως151 καὶ152 πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος ὁ παριστάμενος γνῶσιν,153 ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν πλήν σου ἄλλος θεός, καὶ ἀποδίωξον τὰ ἀκάθαρτα πνεύματα ἀπὸ154 τῶν νεανίσκων’.155 καὶ ταῦτα εὐξάμενος καὶ βλέψας156 εἰς τοὺς δαιμονιῶντας καὶ κρούσας τῇ ῥάβδῳ εἰς157 τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν εἶπεν· ‘Ἐν ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος θεοῦ158 ἐξέλθετε ἐκ τῶν νεανίσκων τὰ ἀκάθαρτα πνεύματα159 μηδὲν αὐτοὺς ἀδικήσαντα160 καὶ εἰς ἀγρίους τόπους161 ἀπέλθατε’. καὶ παραχρῆμα κράζαντα162 τὰ δαιμόνια163 καὶ σπαράξαντα τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀπῆλθον ἀπ’ αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ νεανίσκοι ἰαθέντες ἔπεσον ἐπὶ πρόσωπον εἰς τοὺς πόδας τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου ἐπὶ πολλὰς ὥρας ἄφωνοι, ὥστε πολλοὺς νομίσαι ὅτι164 ἀπέπνευσαν. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος165 τῇ δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ166 κρατήσας ἑκάστου167 τὴν χεῖρα ἀνέστησεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἔστησαν168 οἱ νεανίσκοι ἐρρωμένοι καὶ

147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168

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J27, M161 omit σε J27 reads σώσον καὶ στήριζον E526, P1540 σοὶ A9, C3574, M161 κατηξίωσας J27, M161 omit τελείως A9, E526 add ὁ E526, P1540 γνῷ, J27 adds ἀληθὼς M161 omits ἀπὸ A9, C3574, M161 add τούτων J27 βλεψάμενος E526 omits εἰς J27 reads τοῦ υἱοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος, C3574 τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος, M161, A9 τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος A9, C3574 δαιμόνια A9, E526 ἀδικήσαντες E526, P1540 read εἰς ἄγριον ὄρος J27, C3574, P1540 στρηγγίσαντα, A9 βοήσαντα J27 reads τὰ ἀκάθαρτα τά δαιμόνια, M161 τὰ ἀκάθαρτα δαιμόνια E526, M161, P1540 add καὶ C3574, E526, P1540 add ἐπινεύσας καὶ A9, C3574 add χειρὶ P1540 omits ἑκάστου, C3574 adds αὐτοῦ, A9 adds αὐτῶν E526 omits ἔστησαν

The Christocentric version  99

souls, which you considered worthy to believe in your name and that of your Son. In order that both they and the crowd standing here may fully know, that there is no other god except you, drive away the unclean spirits from the young men’. When he had prayed these things, he looked at the demon-possessed men, struck against their heads with his rod, and said, ‘In the name of Jesus Christ, the living God, unclean spirits come out from these young men, not injuring them in any way, and depart to the wild hill country’. Immediately the spirits shrieking and having wrenched the men went out from them. The young men, healed, fell on their faces at the feet of Saint Abercius for a long time speechless, so that many suspected that they even had expired. However, Saint Abercius with his right hand grabbed the hand of each and raised them up. The young men stood,

100  The texts—Greek and English σωφρονοῦντες,169 ὥστε καὶ τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν170 ἐπιζητῆσαι171 καὶ ἐνδύσασθαι καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ ἀκολουθεῖν τῷ ἁγίῳ Ἀβερκίῳ.172 12 Ὁ δὲ ὄχλος173 ταῦτα ἰδὼν ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς στόματος ἐβόησαν174 πάντες175 λέγοντες· ‘Σὺ εἶ ὁ μόνος ἀληθινὸς θεὸς ὁ διὰ τοῦ ἀξίου176 σου Ἀβερκίου κηρυττόμενος’. καὶ πολλοὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν177 ἐπίστευσαν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα178 κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ179 ἔλεγον πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον·180 ‘Δοῦλε τοῦ181 θεοῦ,182 εἰπὲ ἡμῖν εἰ μετανοοῦντες183 δυνάμεθα σωθῆναι· πολλὰ γὰρ κακά ἐσμεν ἐργασάμενοι· καὶ εἰ ἐκμειλίσσεται ἡμῖν ὁ θεὸς184 ἀνεξικακῶν ἐφ’ οἷς κατὰ ἄγνοιαν ἐξημάρτωμεν’. καὶ185 ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος186 ἐπάρας τὴν φωνὴν187 ὡς δυνατὸν ἦν διὰ τὸ ἐξακούεσθαι188 τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν ὄχλον εἶπεν· 13 ‘Ἄνδρες, ἀδελφοὶ189 οἱ νῦν πιστεύσαντες καὶ βουλόμενοι στρατεύεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ190 Χριστῷ, ἐὰν μὴ ἐπιμείνητε τοῖς παλαιοῖς ὑμῶν ἔργοις καὶ ταῖς191 πατρικαῖς192 παραδόσεσιν, ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ παντὸς δόλου καὶ ὀργῆς καὶ φθόνου193 καὶ μοιχείας καὶ

169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193

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E526, M161 add ἐγγόνασιν A9, C3574 ἑαυτῶν E526, M161 ἐπιζητεῖν E526, P1540 omit Ἀβερκίῳ C3574 adds ὁ παριστάμενος J27, M161 ἀνεβόησαν E526 omits πάντες C3574, A9 ἁγίου J27 omits ἐξ αὐτῶν E526 adds τοῦ πατέρος καὶ E526, P1540 add στενάξαντες E526, P1540 omit Ἀβέρκιον E526, P1540 add ἐπουρανίου A9, C3574, J27 Χριστοῦ A9, C3574, J27 μετανοήσαντες E526 υἱὸς C3574 τότε E526, P1540 add κατασείσας τῇ χειρὶ καὶ ἡσυχίας αὐτῷ γενομένης, C3574 κατασείσας τοῦς ὄχλους καὶ ἡσυχίας αὐτῶν γενομένης A9, C3574 add αὐτοῦ C3574 ἐξακουσθῆναι E526, P1540 omit ἀδελφοὶ E526, P1540 omit βασιλεῖ A9 omits ταῖς C3574 πνευματικαῖς corrected to πατρικαῖς, E526, P1540 add ὑμῶν A9, C3574 φόνου

The Christocentric version  101

appearing healthy and rational, so that they also sought their clothes, dressed themselves and from that time on followed Saint Abercius.

12 When the crowd had seen these things, as if with a single voice all shouted out saying, ‘You are the only true god, the one who is proclaimed by your holy Abercius’. Many of them believed in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ and were saying to Saint Abercius, ‘Servant of god, tell us if by repenting we are able to be saved, for we have done many wicked things, and whether God can be propitious to us, being long-suffering, because in these we sinned out of ignorance’. Then Saint Abercius raising his voice as much as was possible so that his words to the crowd could be heard, said: 13 ‘Gentlemen, brothers, you who have now believed and wish to serve as soldiers for Christ the king, if you do not continue in your old ways and in your ancestral traditions, but you abandon all deceit and wrath and envy and adultery and fornication and every other

102  The texts—Greek and English πορνείας καὶ πάσης ἄλλης ἀκαθαρσίας194 ἀποστεῖτε, ἀφίεισιν ὑμῖν ὁ πάντων195 θεὸς196 διὰ ἀγαπητοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ,197 εἰς ὃν νῦν ἐπιστεύσατε,198 ἅπερ μὴ ἰδότες199 αὐτὸν ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ ἔπραττετε·200 ὁπλίσατε οὖν, δοῦλοι Χριστοῦ, ἕκαστος ὑμῶν201 τὸν ἔσω αὐτοῦ202 ἄνθρωπον,203 ἵνα ἔχειτε204 εἰς ἀλλήλους εἰρήνην, μακροθυμίαν,205 πίστιν, ἀγάπην, γνῶσιν, σοφίαν,206 χρηστότητα, δικαιοσύνην,207 καὶ ἵνα208 ἕξητε209 ἵλεον καὶ εὐδιάλλακτον τὸν φιλάνθρωπον θεὸν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἡμῶν210 τὸν πρωτότοκον πάσης κτίσεως καὶ δυνάμεως Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν’. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντές λέγοντος αὐτοῦ211 τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀπεκρίναντο· 14 ‘Δοῦλε τοῦ Χριστοῦ, πολλὰ212 δεινὰ ἐπράξαμεν· ἐφονεύσαμεν, ἐμοιχεύσαμεν, ἐπλεονεκτήσαμεν213 ὀργῆς, ἐπιθυμίας αἰσχρὰ214 ἐδουλεύσαμεν. ἆρά τις215 ἔσται216 ἐλπὶς σωτηρίας ἡμῖν παρὰ τῷ θεῷ;’ ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος ‘Ναί,’ ἔφη ‘ἐὰν μὴ ἐν217 τοῖς αὐτοῖς218

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194 E526 for πορνείας καὶ πάσης ἄλλης ἀκαθαρσίας reads ἀλαζονείας καὶ ὑπερηφανίας καὶ ζηλοτυπίας καὶ ἔχθρας, P1540 ἀλαζονείας καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ ὑπερηφανίας καὶ ζηλοτυπίας καὶ ἔχθρας 195 J27 reads ὁ τῶν ἀπάντων, A9, C3574, P1540 ὁ τῶν πάντων 196 E526 adds τὰ παραπατώματα ὑμῶν 197 E526, P1540 read διὰ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου υἱοῦ 198 E526, P1540 πιστεύετε, M161 ἐπιπιστεύσατε 199 P1540 adds εἰς 200 E526 πράττετε, P1540 ἐπράξατε 201 P1540 omits ὑμῶν 202 E526 omits αὐτοῦ 203 E526, M161, P1540 add οὕτως 204 J27, C3574 ἔχητε 205 P1540 πρᾳότητα 206 E526 adds φιλοξενίαν, P1540 adds φιλοξενίαν, εὐσπλαγχνίαν 207 E526 adds ἐγκράτειαν, A9, J27, M161 add ἐλπίδα, εὐσπλαγχνίαν, πᾶσαν ἄλλην ἀρετήν, C3574 adds ἐλπίδα, εὐσπλαγχνίαν, πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν 208 E526, P1540 omit ἵνα 209 E526, P1540 ἕξετε 210 E526, M161 ὑμῶν, A9, C3574, J27 add καὶ 211 E526, P1540 omit λέγοντος αὐτοῦ 212 E536, P1540 omit πολλὰ 213 E526 omits ἐπλεονεκτήσαμεν 214 C3574, J27, P1540 for ὀργῆς ἐπιθυμίας αἰσχρὰ read ὀργῇ καὶ ἐπιθυμίᾳ αἰσχρᾷ, A9, M161 ὀργῇ καὶ ἐπιθυμίᾳ 215 M161 omits τις 216 P1540 ἔστιν 217 A9, C3574 omit ἐν 218 E526, P1540 ὁμοίοις

The Christocentric version  103

immorality, the God of all forgives you through his beloved Son, in whom now you have believed, for you did these things in ignorance not knowing him. Therefore, servants of Christ, each one of you so arm his inner man, in order that you may have with one another, peace, patience, faith, love, knowledge, wisdom, goodness, and righteousness in order that you may find the benevolent God and our commander, the first born of all creation and authority, Jesus Christ our Lord, to be propitious and easily reconciled’. After they heard him speaking, certain of them responded:

14 ‘Servant of Christ, we have done many dreadful things. We have murdered, committed adultery, and defrauded. We have been shamefully enslaved to anger and lust. Consequently, what hope of salvation will there be for us with God?’ But Saint Abercius said, ‘Yes, if you are not overtaken by these same vices, but turn to God,

104  The texts—Greek and English καταλειφθῆτε,219 ἀλλ’220 ἐπιστραφῆτε πρὸς τὸν θεόν,221 ἀφίησιν ὑμῖν222 τὰς ἁμαρτίας διὰ τοῦ ἁγίου αὐτοῦ223 βαπτίσματος, εἰς ὃ οἱ πιστεύσαντες βαπτίζονται εἰς τὸ ὄνομα224 τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος. ὁ γὰρ κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ἐν τῷ225 εὐαγγελλίῳ226 λέγει· “δεῦτε πρός με227 πάντες228 οἱ κοπιῶντες καὶ πεφορτισμένοι, κἀγὼ ἀναπαύσω ὑμᾶς.” ἔχετε οὖν229 πολλὰ ὑποδείγματα τῆς αὐτοῦ εὐσπλαγχνείας,230 εἰς αὐτὸν231 ἐλπίσατε καὶ232 εἰς αὐτὸν πιστεύσατε, αὐτῷ ἑαυτοὺς ἀναθέντες.233 15 Δεῖ γὰρ ὑμᾶς πρότερον ἐπίστασθαι234 τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ235 εὐσπλαγχνίαν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν, ὅτι ἐκκεχυμένης πολλῆς πλάνης236 ἐν τῷ βίῳ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰς ἀπώλειαν χωρούντων εὐσπλαγχνίσθη καὶ καταβὰς ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν ἐσαρκώθη καὶ ἐνηνθρώπησεν καὶ ἔπαθεν237 καὶ ἐτάφη καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀνέστη,238 καθὼς περὶ αὐτοῦ239 οἱ προφῆται ἔγραψαν,240 ἵνα σώσει πάντας τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸν πιστεύοντας.241 κρατύνθητε οὖν, ἀδελφοί, καὶ στηρίχθειτε242 ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ, ὅτι αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ, αὐτὸς δι ἡμᾶς ἐνηνθρώπησεν, δι’

219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242

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A9, C3574, J27 add πάθεσιν C3574 adds ἐάν, J27 omits ἀλλ’ ἐπιστραφῆτε πρὸς τὸν θεόν, ἀφίησιν ὑμῖν M161 αὐτὸν A9, J27, M161 ὑμῶν A9, E526 omit αὐτοῦ J27 reads εἰς ὃ οἱ βαπτισθέντες σωθήσονται διὰ αὐτοῦ ὀνόματος, A9, M161 εἰς ὃ οἱ βαπτισθέντες σωθήσονται διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος A9, J27, M161 add ἀγίῳ αὐτοῦ C3574, E526, P1540 add οὗ ἡμῖν ἐκοινώνησεν A9, M161 omit πρός με C3574, M161 omit πάντες E526 omits οὖν E526, M161, P1540 add καὶ A9, M161 add οὖν A9, C3574 omit καὶ E526, P1540 ἀνάθεσθε, C3574 ἀναθέσθαι A9, J27, M161 αἰτήσασθαι A9, J27, M161 αὐτοῦ E526 omits πλάνης A9 ἐσταυρώθη J27, M161 read ἐνηνθρώπησεν καὶ ἐσταυρώθη καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἐξανέστη M161 adds καὶ A9, M161 κεκράγασιν P1540 πιστεύσαντας A9, J27, M161 στερεώθητε

The Christocentric version  105

there is for you forgiveness of sins through his holy baptism, in which those who have believed are baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. For our Lord Jesus Christ, in the gospel says, ‘Come to me all who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest’.1 Since you have many examples of his kind-hearted compassion. Put your hope in him and believe in him. Entrust yourselves to him.

15 For it was necessary for you in the first place to comprehend God’s kindhearted compassion and loving benevolence. Since when much deceit had spread in life and human beings were moving closer to destruction, he had compassion. He came down from heaven, took on human flesh, became a human, suffered, was buried, and on the third day arose, even as the prophets wrote concerning him, in order that he might save all who believe in him. Therefore, brothers, be strong and stand your ground in his name. For he is the Son of God. He became a human for our sake. For our sake he ate and drank. For our sake he endured all things, being

1 Matthew 11.28

106  The texts—Greek and English ἡμᾶς ἔφαγε καὶ ἔπιεν, δι’ ἡμᾶς τὰ πάντα ὑπέμεινεν243 φιλάνθρωπος ὤν καὶ ἀγαθός, ὅστις καὶ ἐμὲ ἐπιδεόμενον αὐτοῦ244 καὶ χρῄζοντα ἐπιστηρίζει245 καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν.246 16 Ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς παρακαλεῖ, ἵνα ἐπιγνῶτε αὐτὸν247 ὃν χεὶρ ἀνθρωπίνη οὐ κατέσχεν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατέχει τὰ πάντα,248 ὃν σὰρξ249 μέχρι250 νῦν οὐκ εἶδεν, τοῖς δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρᾶται ὑπὸ τῶν ἀξίων αὐτοῦ, τὸν ὑπὸ προφητῶν κηρυχθέντα καὶ νῦν ἐπιφανέντα τὸν παθῶν ἀνῶτερον καὶ δι’ ἡμᾶς παθόντα, τὸν προτῶν αἰῶνων251 ὄντα, καὶ νῦν ἐπιδειχθέντα,252 τοῦτον Ἰησοῦν καλοῦμεν253 καὶ θύραν254 καὶ φῶς καὶ ὁδὸν καὶ ἄρτον καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ ζωήν, τοῦτον καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν καλοῦμεν καὶ ἄμπελον καὶ χάριν καὶ λόγον τοῦ πατρός· οὗτος πολυώνυμος μέν ἐστιν, εἷς δὲ ὑπάρχει

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243 A9, J27 δι’ ἡμᾶς ἐνηνθρώπησεν καὶ δι’ ἡμᾶς πάντα πέπονθε, M161 δι’ ἡμᾶς ἐνηνθρώπισεν καὶ δι’ ἡμᾶς πάντα πένθε 244 C3574, E526, P1540 add διὰ παντὸς 245 C3574, E526, P1540 add εἰς τὸ μέγεθος αὐτοῦ καὶ 246 A9, M161 add αὐτοῦ 247 C3574, E526, P1540 add καὶ φιλήσειτε καὶ φοβηθείτε τὸν μικρὸν τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν μέγαν δὲ τοῖς γινώσκουσιν αὐτόν, τὸν εὔμορφον τοῖς νοοῦσιν καὶ ἄμορφον τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν, τὸν παλαιὸν καὶ νεώτερον τῳ χρόνῳ φαινόμενον καὶ ἀεὶ ὄντα, τὸν πανταχοῦ ὄντα καὶ ἐν μηδενὶ ἀναξίῳς ἑαυτοῦ ὄντα 248 A9, J27, M161 σύμπαντα 249 M161 ὀφθαλμὸς 250 A9 adds τοῦ 251 J27 for προτῶν αἰῶνων reads τὸν προαιώνων 252 P1540 τὸν ὑπὸ προφητῶν κηρυχθέντα λόγον καὶ νῦν ἐπιφανέντα, τὸν ἀνεπίληπτον ἁμαρτίαις καὶ ἀρχαῖς καὶ ἐξουσίαις παραδοθέντα, τὸν ἡμῶν καὶ πάντων τῶν ἀγαπώντων αὐτὸν ἀεὶ προνοούμενον, C3574 τὸν ὑπὸ προφητῶν κηρυχθέντα λόγον καὶ νῦν ἐπιφανέντα, τὸν κηρυχθέντα καὶ θεὸν γνωρισθέντα· τὸν πάθοις ἀλλότριον. καὶ δι’ ἡμᾶς παθόντα· τὸν προτῶν αἰώνων ὄντα, καὶ νῦν ἐπιδειχθέντα, τὸν ἀνεπίληπτον ἁμαρτίαις καὶ ἀρχαῖς καὶ ἐξουσίαις παραδοθέντα, τὸν ἡμῶν καὶ πάντων τῶν ἀγαπώντων αὐτῶν ἀεὶ προνοούμενον, E526 τὸν διὰ τῶν προφητῶν κηρυχθέντα καὶλόγον κηρυχθέντα καὶ γνωρισθένα, τὸν πάθους ἀλλότριον καὶ δι’ ἡμᾶς παθόντα, τὸν προτῶν αἰῶνων ὄντα, καὶ νῦν ἐπιδειχθέντα, τὸν ἀνεπίληπτον ἐν ἁμαρτίαις καὶ ἀρχαῖς καὶ ἐξουσίαις παραδωθέντα, τὸν ἡμῶν καὶ πάντων τῶν ἀγαπόντων αὐτὸν ἀεὶ προνοούμενον 253 J27 omits τοῦτον Ἰησοῦν καλοῦμεν 254 J27 reads θύραν καὶ ὁδὸν καὶ ἄρτον καὶ ζωήν, καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν καὶ σωτηρίαν τῶν ἠλπικόντων· οὗτος πολυώνυμος μέν ἐστιν καὶ λυτρωτὴς πάντων ἡμῶν, ᾧ ἠ δόξα καὶ τὸ ἀράτος εἰς τοῦς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν, A9 θύραν καὶ ὁδὸν καὶ ἄρτον καὶ ζωήν, καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν καὶ σωτηρίαν τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἠλπικόντων· οὗτος πολυώνυμος ἐστιν καὶ λυτρωτὴς πάντων ἡμῶν, εἰς τοῦς αἰῶνας ἀμήν, M161 θύραν καὶ ὁδὸν καὶ ἄρτον καὶ ζωήν, καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν καὶ σωτηρίαν τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἠλπικόντων οὗτος πολυώνυμος ἐστιν, καὶ λυτρωτὴς πάντων ἡμῶν

The Christocentric version  107

benevolent and good, who also strengthens me, one who needs him and is also lacking in knowledge.

16 In the same way, he encourages you, in order that you may know him.2 No human hand controls him, rather he controls all things. The physical eye till now does not see him, yet he is perceived with the eyes of the soul by those worthy of him. He was the one proclaimed by the prophets and has now appeared, the one who is above suffering and suffered on our account, the one who existed in former ages and now has been revealed. We call this one Jesus and Door and Light and Way and Bread and Water and Life. We also call this one Rest and Vine and Gift and Word of the Father. This one has many names, yet he is one, the only-born Son of God, to whom be

2 Some manuscripts add ‘and love him and fear the one who is small to those who do not know him, but great to those who do. He is beautiful in form to those who understand, yet unsightly to those who fail to understand him. He is the ancient one yet the new one. He is the one appearing in time, yet the one who always is. He is everywhere yet is not in anyone unworthy of him’.

108  The texts—Greek and English μονογενεὶς υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ. ᾧ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος, νῦν καὶ ἀεῖ καὶ εἰς τοῦς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν’.255 17 Καὶ ὡς ἡ ἐνάτη ὥρα ἐπληρώθη, ἀνέστη ἀποδοῦναι τὴν εὐχαριστίαν,256 καὶ τοῖς νοσοῦσιν ἐπιθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας257 καὶ ἐπευξάμενος αὐτοῖς258 καὶ πάντας εὐλογήσας καὶ ἀσπασάμενος ἀνεχώρησεν259 μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν. ὁ δὲ ὄχλος ἐπηκολούθη παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν βαπτισθῆναι ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος260 τὴν μὲν261 προθυμίαν αὐτῶν262 καὶ τὴν263 πίστιν264 ἀπεδέξατο, τῆς δὲ ὥρας μὴ παρεχούσης, εἰς τὴν ἑξῆς ἐπηγγείλατο τοῖς265 πιστεύουσι266 παρέχειν τὴν χάριν τοῦ ἁγίου βαπτίσματος. τινὲς οὖν267 ἐξ αὐτῶν οὐδὲ ἀνεχώρησαν, ἀλλὰ διενυκτέρευσαν πρὸ τοῦ πυλῶνος268 τοῦ ἁγίου269 Ἀβερκίου.270 18 Ἐκεῖνος δὲ271 ὥσπερ εἰώθε272 ὀρθριώτερον ἀναστὰς καὶ τὴν προσευχὴν273 αὐτοῦ πληρώσας προῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ274 καὶ ἴδεν τὸν ὄχλον ἑστῶτα καὶ περιμένοντα αὐτὸν275 διὰ τὸ λαβεῖν τὴν χάριν τοῦ276 βαπτίσματος, καὶ ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ

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255 M161, P1540 omit ᾧ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος νῦν καὶ ἀεῖ καὶ εἰς τοῦς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν, A9, J27 add καὶ πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος ἐπεφώνησε τὸ ἀμήν, C3574 τότε πᾶς ὁ παριστάμενος ὄχλος ἐπευφήμισαν τὸ ἀμήν 256 A9, J27 add τῷ κυρίῳ, M161 adds τῷ Χριστῷ 257 A9, J27, M161 add ἰάσατο αὐτούς 258 J27, M161 omit καὶ ἐπευξάμενος αὐτοῖς 259 C3574, E526, P1540 add εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ 260 M161 omits Ἀβέρκιος 261 A9, J27 omit μὲν 262 A9, J27, M161 for αὐτῶν read τοῦ λαοῦ 263 C3574, P1540 omit τὴν 264 C3574, E526, P1540 add μετὰ χαρᾶς 265 C3574, E526, P1540 add βουλομένοις καὶ 266 E526 πιστεύσασι, C3574 πιστεύσαι, A9 adds εἰς Χριστὸν 267 A9 δὲ 268 C3574 adds τῆς οἰκίας 269 C3574 omits ἁγίου 270 A9, J27 omit ἀλλὰ διενυκτέρευσαν πρὸ τοῦ πυλῶνος τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου, M161 omits τινὲς οὖν ἐξ αὐτῶν οὐδὲ ἀνεχώρησαν, ἀλλὰ διενυκτέρευσαν πρὸ τοῦ πυλῶνος τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου 271 M161 omits ἐκεῖνος δὲ reads τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ 272 A9, J27 omit εἰώθε 273 E526 εὐχὴν 274 A9, J27, M161 read ἀποπληρώσας ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ δώματος αὐτοῦ 275 M161 reads προσμένοντα αὐτῷ 276 A9, J27, M161 add ἁγίου

The Christocentric version  109

the glory and the power, both now and always and into the ages of eternity, Amen’.

17 When the ninth hour was fulfilled, he rose up to return thanks. He laid hands on those who were sick and prayed for them. He blessed everyone, said farewell, and departed for his house with the brothers. However, the crowd followed, imploring him to be baptized by him. Now Saint Abercius, on the one hand, welcomed with joy their eagerness and faith. On the other hand, since the hour was not suitable, he promised that on the next day he would grant the grace of holy baptism to those who had believed. Thereupon, certain of them did not disperse, but stayed through the night before the gate of Saint Abercius. 18 Even as he was accustomed, that one arose before dawn and completed his prayer. He came out from his house and saw the crowd standing and waiting for him in order to receive the grace of baptism. He looked up to heaven and stretching out his hands he

110  The texts—Greek and English ἀνατείνας τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ εἶπεν· ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σε, υἱὲ277 τοῦ θεοῦ278 Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, ὅτι τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων πλανωμένων ἠλέησας καὶ ἠξίωσας αὐτοὺς279 ἐπιθυμεῖν εἰς τὸ ὄνομά σου καὶ τοῦ εὐλογημένου280 πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου281 πνεύματος βαπτισθῆναι,’282 καὶ ἐκέλευσεν τῷ ὄχλῳ ἀκολουθεῖν αὐτῷ283 εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. 19 Καὶ ἀπελθόντων αὐτῶν284 κατηχήσας αὐτοὺς285 ἐβάπτισεν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος εἰς τελείαν286 ἄφεσιν287 ἁμαρτιῶν, ἄνδρας τῶν ἀριθμῶν288 ὡσεὶ πεντακοσίους. πολλοὶ οὖν ἐκ τούτου ἑκάστης ἡμέρας συνέτρεχον289 πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐ μόνον τῆς περιχώρου τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας διδασκόμενοι ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ290 τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας,291 ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ Λυδίας καὶ Καρίας τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν· περιηχήτο292 γὰρ293 ὁ περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος ὡς ἀνδρὸς θαυμαστοῦ καὶ ἰάσεις ποιοῦντος.294 οὐ μόνον295 οἱ χρείαν ἔχοντες τοῦ διδαχθῆναι ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας296 συνέτρεχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλῆθος πτωχῶν καὶ297 ἀσθενούντων· ἀφθόνως γὰρ298 τοῖς δεομένοις299 ἐχορήγει καὶ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας ἐθεράπευεν.300

277 278 279 280 281 282

283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300

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C3574, P1540 read σοι, ἅγιε, A9, J27, M161 σοι, δέσποτα J27, M161 omit τοῦ θεοῦ J27 adds τῆς χάριτός σου, P1540 adds εἰς τὸ, C3574 adds τὸ C3574, P1540 add σου C3574 adds σου J27, M161 omit ἐπιθυμεῖν εἰς τὸ ὄνομά σου καὶ τοῦ εὐλογημένου πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος βαπτισθῆναι, A9 omits ἀνθρώπων πλανωμένων ἠλέησας καὶ ἠξίωσας αὐτοὺς ἐπιθυμεῖν εἰς τὸ ὄνομά σου καὶ τοῦ εὐλογημένου πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος βαπτισθῆναι, reads πλανωμένων ἠλευθέρωσας καὶ ἠξίωσας τῆς χάριτός σου C3574 αὐτὸν M161 omits καὶ ἀπελθόντων αὐτῶν C3574 omits αὐτοὺς A9, M161 omit τελείαν C3574, E526, P1540 add καὶ λύτρον A9, C3574, P1540 τὸν ἀριθμὸν E526, J27 προσέτρεχον C3574, P1540 add καὶ κατηχούμενοι, E526 adds κατηχούμενοι C3574 omits τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας M161 διηχεῖτο E526 omits γὰρ J27, P1540 add καὶ J27 adds γὰρ, A9, M161 add οὖν A9, J27 omit τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας A9, J27 omit πτωχῶν καὶ A9, J27 adds πᾶσι A9, J27 add τὰς ἰάσεις A9, J27 omit καὶ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας ἐθεράπευεν

The Christocentric version  111

said, ‘I thank you Son of God, Jesus Christ, that you took pity on such a crowd of stray people and deemed them worthy to desire to be baptized in your name, and that of your blessed Father, and that of the Holy Spirit’. He then commanded the crowd to follow him to the church.

19 When they arrived, he catechized them and baptized them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit for complete forgiveness of sins. The number of men was about five hundred. Subsequently, from that day on many assembled to meet him, being taught the word of truth by him, not only from neighboring Phrygia Major, but, indeed, even from the provinces of Asia, Lydia, and Caria. For the report was circulating about him as a wonder-working man and one who performs healings. Not only those having need to be taught the word of truth by him came together, but there was also a crowd of the poor and infirm. For he was giving generously to the needy and was healing those who were sick.

112  The texts—Greek and English 20 Ὀλίγων οὖν ἡμερῶν παρελθουσῶν301 πάλιν μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αὐτοῦ καὶ διακόνων καὶ λοιπῶν302 ἀδελφῶν προῆλθεν καὶ καθεσθεὶς εἰς τὸν συνήθη τόπον ἐδίδασκεν τοὺς παρεστῶτας.303 μία οὖν γυνὴ304 πλουσία305 ἐστερημένη τὰς ὄψεις καὶ μὴ306 βλέπουσα μετὰ ὁδηγοῦ προῄει,307 ἧστινος308 τὸ ὄνομα309 Φρύγιλλα. μαθοῦσα δὲ310 αὕτη τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον καθεζόμενον καὶ διδάσκοντα προσῆλθεν αὐτῷ καὶ προσπεσοῦσα τοῖς γόνασιν αὐτοῦ ἐβόα·311 ‘Ἐλέησόν με,312 ἅγιε313 τοῦ314 θεοῦ315 Ἀβέρκιε,316 καὶ χάρισαί μοι τὸ βλέπειν’. ἦν δὲ317 γυνὴ318 οὐκ ἀφανεῖς, ἀλλὰ μήτηρ Εὐξεινιανοῦ319 Πολλίωνος320 τοῦ μεγίστου ὄντος ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ δυναστεύοντος ὡς321 τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος322 τιμιωτάτου ὄντος,323 ὥστε διαφόρως περὶ ἀναγκαίων πραγμάτων γράφειν αὐτῷ τοὺς βασιλεῖς.324 21 Λέγει οὖν πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος· ‘Κἀγὼ325 ἄνθρωπός εἰμι  ταπεινὸς καὶ326 ἁμαρτωλὸς καὶ ἐλέους ἐπιδεόμενος.327 εἰ δὲ

301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327

A9, J27 διελθουσῶν A9, J27 add τῶν A9, J27, M161 ὄχλους M161 adds ἡ A9, J27, M161 add σφόδρα A9, J27, M161 add δ’ ὅλως M161 προσήρχετο M161, A9 ἧς J27 ὀνόματι A9, J27, M161 οὖν A9, J27, M161 add λέγουσα E526 omits με E526 adds τοῦ μονογενοῦς C3574 adds μόνου M161 Χριστοῦ A9, J27 omit Ἀβέρκιε A9, J27, P1540 add ἡ C3574 omits γυνὴ J27, P1540 add τοῦ A9 Πουπλίονος A9, J27, M161 add παρὰ C3574, E526, P1540 add γνωρίμου καὶ E526 ὄντως A9, J27 omit ὥστε διαφόρως περὶ ἀναγκαίων πραγμάτων γράφειν αὐτῷ τοὺς βασιλεῖς C3574 adds μήτηρ A9, J27 omit ταπεινὸς καὶ E526, P1540 δεόμενος

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The Christocentric version  113 20 Then after a few days had passed he again went with his elders, deacons, and the rest of the brothers, and sitting in his accustomed place he taught those who were present. Well, one wealthy woman, who was deprived of vision and was unable to see, was walking with a guide, whose name was Phrygella. Now when she had learned that Saint Abercius was sitting and teaching, she came to him, fell at his knees and cried, ‘Have mercy on me, Abercius, holy one of the only-born of God, and grant me sight!’ Now the woman was not unknown, but the mother of Euxeinianus Pollio, who was the most important and influential figure in the city, held in highest esteem by the emperor. As a result, on various occasions the emperors would correspond with him concerning vital matters. 21 Therefore, Saint Abercius said to her, ‘Even I am a human, lowly, and a sinner also in need of mercy. If you believe in Jesus Christ,

114  The texts—Greek and English πιστεύεις328 εἰς329 τὸν δι’ ἐμοῦ κηρυττόμενον Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, δυνατός ἐστιν ὡς τὸν ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλὸν330 ἐχαρίσατο τὸ βλέπειν καὶ συ παρασχεῖν’.331 ἡ δὲ Φρύγελλα332 ἐβόησεν μετὰ δακρύων· ‘Πιστεύω εἰς τὸν δεσπότην Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν333 τὸν θεὸν ἡμῶν· ἐλέησόν με καὶ ἅψαι μου τῶν ὀμμάτων334 καὶ ἀναβλέπω335 πάντως’. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος336 σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἐπ’ αὐτῇ337 καὶ ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν λέγει·338 ‘Ἐλθὲ τὸ ἀληθινὸν φῶς Ἰησοῦ Χριστὲ καὶ διάνοιξον αὐτῆς τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς’. 22 Καὶ ἐπινεύσας339 καὶ ἐγείρας τὴν γυναῖκα340 ὁ ἅγιος341 καὶ ἁψάμενος τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτῆς εἶπεν· ‘Εἰ ἀληθῶς Φρύγελλα342 ἐπίστευσεν343 εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, παραχρῆμα ἀναβλεψάτω’.344 καὶ εὐθέως ἠνεώχθησαν αὐτῆς οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ καὶ ἴδεν345 τὸ φῶς καὶ346 ἀνεβόησεν λέγουσα·347 ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σοι, κύριέ μου Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, ὅτι οὐ μόνον τῆς δούλης σου348 τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς349 διήνοιξας,350 δι’ ὧν351 τὸ αἰσθητὸν φῶς

328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351

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E526, J27 πιστεύσεις C3574, E526 omit εἰς C3574 reads τὸ ἐκ γεννητοῖς τυφλῷ J27 reads ὡς τῷ ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλῷ καὶ σοὶ τὸ βλέπειν χαρίσασθαι, M161 ὡς τὸν ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλὸν καὶ σοι τὸ βλέπειν χαρίσασθαι, P1540 ὡς τῷ ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλῷ, A9 ὡς τὸν ἐκ γεννητῆς τυφλὸν τὸ καὶ συ τὸ βλέπειν χαρίσασθαι C3574, E526, P1540 add ἐπὶ πλεῖον J27 adds δυνατός ἐστιν M161 add μου P1540 βλέπω, A9, M161 ἀναβέψω J27 omits Ἀβέρκιος, M161 omits ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος C3574, E526, P1540 διὰ τὴν πίστιν αὐτῆς A9, J27, M161 εἶπεν A9, J27, M161 ἐπιστραφεὶς M161 resumes at §23 with ‘εἶπεν· ‘Ἰδού, θύγατερ . . .’ A9, J27 omit ὁ ἅγιος, A9, J27 omit Φρύγελλα A9, J27 ἐπίστευσας A9, J27 ἀνάβλεψον C3574 ἰδοῦσα C3574 omits καὶ A9, J27 for ἀνεβόησεν λέγουσα read ἀνέστη κράζουσα A9, J27 omit τῆς δούλης σου E526, M161, P1540 add τούτους, A9 τοῦ σώματός μου C3574 ἤνοιξας C3574 ὃν

The Christocentric version  115

who is preached by me, he is also able to grant you sight, since he graciously gave sight even to the one blind from birth’. Then Phrygella cried out with tears. ‘I believe in the Master, Jesus Christ our God. Pity me, touch my eyes and I without a doubt will regain my sight!’ Saint Abercius had pity on her and looking up to heaven he said, ‘Come, Jesus Christ, the true light, and open her eyes’.

22 Then bending down he raised the woman. The saint then touched her eyes and said, ‘If Phrygella truly has believed in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, let her sight be restored this instant’. Immediately her eyes were opened, and she saw the light. She cried out saying, ‘I thank you, my Lord Jesus Christ, that not only these eyes of your servant you opened, by which I see the perceptible light, but you

116  The texts—Greek and English βλέπω,352 ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς τῆς καρδίας μου ὀφθαλμοὺς353 ἐφώτισας εἰς τὸ ἐπιστρέψαι με354 καὶ πιστεῦσαι τῇ355 ἀληθείᾳ’. καὶ βλέψασα εἰς τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον εἶπεν· ‘Ἰδού, ἄξιε τοῦ μόνου356 θεοῦ, ἐπὶ πάντων συντίθημι τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς οὐσίας μου χορηγῆσαι τοῖς πτωχοῖς’. 23 Ὁ δὲ ὄχλος τὸ παράδοξον τοῦ θαύματος μετ’ εὐνοίας καὶ χαρᾶς ἧς εἶχεν357 πρὸς τὸν Εὐξεινιανόν, ὅτι ἅγιος358 καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ τυφλὴ οὖσα ἀνέβλεψεν,359 ἐβόησε λέγων· ‘Μέγας ὁ θεὸς τῶν Χριστιανῶν, ὅτι τοιαύτας ἰάσεις τοῖς ἀξίοις σου καὶ360 ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομά361 σου362 παρέχεις’. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα363 εἶπεν· ‘Ἰδού, θύγατερ,364 ἐπειράθης καὶ ἔγνως ὅσα ὁ κύριος365 παρέχοιτό σοι.366 πορεύου εἰς εἰρήνην·’367

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24 Ἤρξατο διδάσκει368 τὸν λαὸν369 καὶ λέγειν αὐτοῖς·370 Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοῖς371 ὅσοι372 Χριστὸν ἐπιστεύσατε,373 γνῶτε τίνος ἕνεκεν374 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πάτηρ375 τὸν ἑαυτοῦ376 υἱὸν εἰς τὸν κόσμον ἀπέστειλεν,

352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376

A9, J27 omit δι’ ὧν τὸ αἰσθητὸν φῶς βλέπω J27 omits ὀφθαλμοὺς J27 omits με J27 adds σῇ A9, J27 omit μόνου C3574 εἶχον C3574, P1540 ὅλως A9, J27 omit μετ’ εὐνοίας καὶ χαρᾶς ἧς εἶχεν πρὸς τὸν Εὐξεινιανόν, ὅτι ἅγιος καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ τυφλὴ οὖσα ἀνέβλεψεν, J27 reads ἐπιγνοῦς, A9 γνοὺς A9, J27 omit ἀξίοις σου καὶ A9, J27 omit τὸ ὄνομά J27 αὐτῷ, A9 σε M161 resumes here. Ε526 ends here J27 adds μου C3574 reads συ παρέσχεν, J27 παρέσχεις σοι, A9, P1540 παρέσχε σοι C3574, P1540 add κἀκείνη πρὸς μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἀπῆλθεν, τοῦ δὲ λοιποῦ ἀχώριστος ἐγίνετο τοῦ ἁγίου. αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν πρὸς τὸν παρεστῶτα λαὸν ἔτρεψε τὸν λόγον καὶ, J27 κἀκείνη ἀχώριστος τοῦ ἁγίου. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος, A9 κἀκείνη ἀχώριστος ὑπῆρχεν ἁγίου. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος C3574, P1540 διδάσκειν C3574, P1540 omit τὸν λαὸν C3574, P1540 omit αὐτοῖς C3574 omits ἀδελφοῖς, A9, P1540 read ἀδελφοὶ C3574, P1540 add ἐπὶ, A9, J27 εἰς C3574, P1540 ἠλπίσατε P1540 adds διὰ τῆς ἁγίας παρθένου προήγαγεν Μαρίας C3574, P1540 omit καὶ πάτηρ C3574 αὐτοῦ, P1540 αὐτοῦ καὶ

The Christocentric version  117

also gave light to the eyes of my heart so that I repented and believed the truth’. Looking at Saint Abercius she said, ‘Behold, worthy one of the only God, in the presence of all I place half of my possessions to be given to the poor’.

23 When the crowd saw the unexpected miracle with the good will and joy which it had for Euxeinianus, because the saint, even though his mother was blind, had restored her sight, cried aloud saying, ‘Great are you, the god of the Christians, since you provide such healings for those who are deemed worthy by you and who call on your name’. Then Saint Abercius said to the woman, ‘See, daughter, you have made trial of him and come to know how much the Lord would provide for you. Go in peace’.3 24 Now he began to teach the people saying to them, that is to the brothers, ‘Gentlemen, as many of you who have believed in Christ, understand why the God and Father sent his own Son into the world

3 Some manuscripts continue, ‘Presently, that one departed, but from that point on, she was inseparable from the saint’.

118  The texts—Greek and English ἢ τίνος χάριν377 διὰ τῆς ἁγίας378 παρθένου379 προήγαγεν380 εἰ μήτινα381 χάριν καὶ οἰκονομίαν ἐξετέλει καθελεῖν βουλόμενος ἐκ382 τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν ἀμαρτίαν,383 ἀρχήν τε πᾶσαν καὶ δύναμιν384 δαιμόνων καταργῆσαι’.385 25 ‘Σπλαγχνισθεὶς οὖν386 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πάτηρ387 ἐξέπεμψε τὸν ἑαυτοῦ παῖδα εἰς τὸν κόσμον, ὃς388 πολλὰ σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ389 ἐργασάμενος390 καὶ ἀποστόλους ἐξελέξατο δώδεκα, οὓς καὶ ἀπέστειλεν εἰς τὸν κόσμον μαθητεῦσαι391 πάντα τὰ ἔθνη καὶ392 βαπτίζειν393 τoὺς πιστεύοντας394 εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος’. 26 Ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ διδάσκοντος ἰδοὺ395 πρεσβύτεραι τρεῖς καὶ αὗται ἐστερημέναι τῶν ὄψεων μαθοῦσαι δὲ396 ὅτι τὴν Φρύγιλλαν ἰάσατο ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος397 προσελθοῦσαι αὐτῷ ἐδέοντο κράζουσαι

377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390

391 392 393 394 395 396 397

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C3574 ἕνεκεν A9 omits ἁγίας C3574 adds Μαρίας P1540 omits ἢ τίνος χάριν διὰ τῆς ἁγίας παρθένου προήγαγεν J27 μήτι, P1540 μή τινα J27 omits ἐκ C3574, P1540 omit ἐκ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν ἀμαρτίαν, read πᾶν σκάνδαλον καὶ πᾶσαν ἄγνοιαν καὶ πλάνην καὶ πάντα δαίμονα J27 omits ἀρχήν τε πᾶσαν καὶ δύναμιν P1540 omits δαιμόνων καταργῆσαι, C3574, P1540 add ὑπερηφάνων. ἀσθενεῖ ποιῆσαι, ἥτις κατίσχυεν τῶν πάλαι καὶ τῶν πρὸ ἡμῶν πρὸ τοῦ τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ αὐτοῦ ἐπιλάμψαι. A9 omits οὖν reads ὁ γὰρ C3574, P1540 omit καὶ πάτηρ C3574, P1540 ὅστις C3574, P1540 omit πολλὰ σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ C3574, P1540 add ἐν τε σημείοις καὶ τέρασιν καὶ πάντων ἐκείνων τῶν μυστηρίων καὶ θαυμάτων τῶν καὶ μερικῶς δηλουμένων διὰ τῶν ἁγίων εὐαγγελίων ποιητὴς γενόμενος· ὅσα γὰρ ἠδυνήθησαν οἱ εὐαγγελισταὶ ἀπεγράψαντο διὰ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν παρ’ αὐτοῦ γενομένων θαυμάτων τὰ ὅλα μὴ δυνηθέντες ἀπομνημονεῦσαι· τότε γοῦν, J27 adds τότε γοῦν, A9 τότε C3574, P1540 add καὶ βαπτίσαι A9 omits καὶ, A9, M161 add τοῦ C3574, P1540 βαπτίσαι J27 omits τoὺς πιστεύοντας C3574, P1540 add αἰφνίδιον A9 γὰρ, J27, P1540 omit δὲ C3574, P1540 add καὶ τὸ βλέπειν αὐτῇ ἐχαρίσατο, A9 omits ἰάσατο ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος

The Christocentric version  119

or why he came forth through the holy virgin. For no other reason than to bring to completion his gracious plan, wishing to utterly remove sin from men and to abolish all rule and power of demons.

25 Therefore, having compassion the God and Father sent his own child into the world, who did many signs and wonders in the world.4 He also chose twelve apostles, whom he also sent into the world to make disciples of all nations and to baptize those who believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit’. 26 While he was teaching these things, see, suddenly three older women came to him. They themselves were deprived of sight and had learned that Saint Abercius had healed Phrygella. Coming to

4 Some manuscripts include, ‘He is the author of all those mysteries throughout the holy gospels. For as many as the evangelists were able, they wrote down, but because of the multitude of those wonders done by him, they were not able to recount them all’.

120  The texts—Greek and English ὁμοῦ· ἤλθομεν, ἅγιε τοῦ θεοῦ,398 εἰς τὸν Χριστὸν πιστεῦσαι·399 ὡς οὖν τὴν Φρύγιλλαν ἀναβλέψαι πεποίηκας,400 πιστεύομεν401 καὶ ἡμεῖς402 τὸν δεσπότην ἡμῶν403 Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν διὰ σοῦ. δεῖξαι404 τὴν αὐτοῦ εὐσπλαγχνίαν405 εἰς ἡμᾶς.406 καὶ ὁ δὲ407 ἅγιος408 ἀπεκρίνατο αὐταῖς· 27 ‘Εἰ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν ὡς ὁμολογεῖτε409 εἰς410 αὐτὸν ἀληθής411 ἐστίν, ὄψεσθε412 αὐτὸν τοῖς τῆς καρδίας ὀφθαλμοῖς, καὶ ἐὰν ὑμῶν ταῦτα τὰ αἰσθητὰ ὦτα413 κλεισθήσονται, τὰ τῆς414 ψυχῆς ὑμῶν ἀνεωχθήσονται’.415 καὶ ταῦτα πρὸς αὐτὰς416 εἰπὼν ἀνατείνας τὸ ὄμμα προσηύξατο λέγων· ‘Κύριε417 μου Ἰησοῦ Χριστὲ υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ, δέομαί σου καὶ καθικετεύω·418 ἅψαι καὶ τοὺς τούτων ὀφθαλμοὺς419 μόνον420 καὶ διαβλεψάτωσαν τὸ φῶς τῆς σῆς ἐπιγνώσεως’.421

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398 C3574, P1540 adds Ἀβέρκιε 399 C3574, P1540 read ἐπὶ Χριστὸν ἐλπίσαι καὶ πιστεῦσαι, J27 ἐπὶ Χριστὸν ἐλπίσαι καὶ πιστεῦσαι, A9 ἐπὶ Χριστὸν πιστεῦσαι 400 C3574, P1540 ἐποίησας, A9 adds οὕτως καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς ποίησον 401 C3574 παρακαλοῦμεν, A9 adds γὰρ 402 A9, M161 add εἰς 403 C3574, P1540 add καὶ κύριον, A9 omits ἡμῶν 404 J27 δεῖξον 405 J27 adds καὶ 406 C3574, P1540 for εἰς ἡμᾶς read καὶ μέχρις ἡμῶν 407 A9, P1540 omit δὲ 408 P1540 adds Ἀβέρκιος 409 C3574, P1540 λέγετε, A9 adds ἡ 410 J27, M161 πρὸς 411 C3574 ἐρρωμένη 412 C3574, P1540 βλέπετε 413 P1540 ὄμματα 414 A9 ταυτῆς 415 C3574 ἀνεωχθήτωσαν, A9 ἀνοιγήσονται, C3574, P1540 add καὶ ἐὰν νῦν ὑμῶν ἀνεωχθῶσιν οὗτοι οἰ ὀφθαλμοί, πάλιν κλεισθήσονται καὶ ἀναβλέψαντες οὐδὲν ὄψονται ἕτερον εἰ μὴ αἰσθητά, τουτέστιν ἀνθρώπους καὶ βόας καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ζῷα καὶ ξύλα καὶ λίθους, Ἰησοῦν δὲ θεὸν ὑπάρχοντα οὗτοι οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ οὐ πεφύκασιν ὁρᾶν. 416 C3574 omits καὶ ταῦτα πρὸς αὐτὰς 417 C3574, P1540 Ἅγιέ 418 C3574, P1540 omit δέομαί σου καὶ καθικετεύω, read παρακαλῶ σε 419 J27, M161 read τοῖς τούτων ὀφθαλμοῖς 420 C3574 μόνων, A9 omits μόνον 421 C3574, P1540 omit τὸ φῶς τῆς σῆς ἐπιγνώσεως

The Christocentric version  121

him together they begged crying out, ‘Holy one of God, we have come to believe in Christ. Therefore, as you restored the sight of Phrygella, we also believe in our Master Jesus Christ through you. Show to us his compassion’. The saint answered them:

27 ‘If your faith in him is true, as you confess, you shall see him with the eyes of the heart. Even if these perceptible eyes will be shut, the eyes of your soul shall be opened’.5 Having said these things to them, he lifted up his eyes and prayed saying, ‘My Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, I beg and earnestly entreat you, only touch even the eyes of these women and let them see clearly the light of your knowledge’.

5 Some manuscripts include, ‘If even now these physical eyes may be open, contrariwise they shall be shut even though sight has been restored. They shall see nothing other than the perceptible, that is, men, cattle, other animals, stones, and wood. However, these physical eyes are not by nature able to see Jesus, the preexistent God’.

122  The texts—Greek and English 28 Εὐχομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ περιήστραψεν τὸν τόπον φῶς μεγά, ὥστε422 ἐκστῆναι πάντων423 τὸν λογισμὸν καὶ ἐπὶ πρόσωπον πεσεῖν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον424 ἐκβοῆσαι καὶ εἰπεῖν·425 ‘Ἐλεήσον ἡμᾶς, κύριε ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν, τοὺς σοὺς δούλους· καὶ οἷς χωροῦμεν τούτοις, ὡς ἀγαθὸς ἐπισκέπτου ἡμᾶς’.426 29 Πεσόντων427 οὖν πάντων ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, μόνων δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν428 ἑστηκυιῶν τὸ περιλάμψαν φῶς ἐπιπεσὸν429 εἰς τὰς ὄψεις αὐτῶν430 ἀναβλέψαι αὐτὰς431 εὐθέως432 πεποίηκεν.433 αἷς προσεφώνησεν434 ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος· ‘Τί οὖν435 ἰδοῦσαι ἀνεβλέψατε;’ καὶ ἡ μία εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὅτι ‘Πρεσβύτην εἶδον κάλλος ἔχοντα ὃ εἰπεῖν οὐ δύναμαι’. ἡ δὲ ἄλλη εἶπεν· ‘Εἶδον νεανίσκον ἀγένειον’. ἡ δὲ τρίτη εἶπεν· ‘Παιδάριον μικρὸν ἥψατο τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν436 μου’.437 δοξάζων οὖν ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος τὸν κύριον438 ἔλεγεν·439 ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σοι κύριε440 Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, ὅτι441 παρέχεις καὶ νῦν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὰ θαυμάσιά σου.442

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422 C3574, P1540 omit φῶς μεγά, ὥστε add ἀστραπὴ οὐκ αὕτη κατὰ συνήθειαν ὡς λέγεται ἀπὸ νεφῶν γινομένη οὐδὲ τὸ φῶς τοῦτο ἐφάνη τὸ διὰ πυρὸς ἐν ἀστραπῇ λάμπον καὶ διατρέχον τὰς ὄψεις τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ φῶς μέγα καὶ εἰλικρινές· οὐκ οἶδα πῶς εἴπω ἢ ποίῳ ὀργάνῳ σωματικῷ χρησάμενος φθέγξομαι τὸ φῶς ἐκείνῳ τὸ φωτίσαν ἅπαντας τοὺς παρισταμένους ὡς 423 C3574 αὐτῶν, P1540 αὐτὸν 424 A9 read τὸν δὲ ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον, M161 τὸν δὲ ἅγιον 425 C3574, P1540 omit καὶ εἰπεῖν 426 C3574, P1540 read ‘Ἐλεήσον τοὺς δούλους σου, κύριε· οἷς χωροῦμεν, Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, τούτοις ἡμῖν κοινώνει καὶ οἷς οἶδας ἡμᾶς φέροντας ἀσθενοῦμεν γὰρ αὐτὸς οὖν καὶ τοῦ δύνασθαι ἡμῖν παράσχου βλέπειν σου τὸ φῶς’. 427 P1540 βεβλημένων 428 C3574, P1540 πρεσβυτίδων 429 C3574, P1540 ἐκπεσὸν αὐταῖς, A9 ἐμπεσὸν 430 C3574, P1540 omit αὐτῶν 431 M161 αὐτοὺς 432 J27, P1540 omit εὐθέως 433 C3574, P1540 ἐποίησεν 434 C3574, P1540 εἶπεν 435 A9, P1540 omit οὖν 436 C3574, P1540 ὀμμάτων 437 C3574, P1540 add ἁπλῶς καὶ ἠρέμα 438 P1540 Χριστὸν 439 J27 εἴπεν 440 C3574, P1540 omit κύριε, P1540 adds ἅγιε 441 C3574, P1540 add μονογενὴς υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν σὺ εἶ 442 P1540 omits καὶ νῦν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὰ θαυμάσιά σου, reads ἐν καιρῷ τὸ χρήσιμον ἑκάστῳ ἀπονέμων

The Christocentric version  123 28 While he was praying a great light illuminated the place.6 As a result, it confounded the reason of all and they fell facedown, but it caused the saint to cry out and say, ‘Pity us, our Lord God, your servants, even these for whom we approach. Since you are good, visit us’. 29 Meanwhile, after all had fallen on the ground, in contrast, only the old women were standing. The light which shined around had fallen upon their faces and had caused them at once to see again, whom Saint Abercius addressed, ‘What, therefore, did you see when you received your sight?’ The first woman said to him, ‘I saw an older man having a handsome appearance that I am not able to describe’. Then another said, ‘I saw a young man without a beard’. The third woman said, ‘A little boy touched my eyes’. At which point, praising the Lord, Saint Abercius said, ‘I give thanks to you, Lord Jesus Christ, because even now you dispense your wonders among humanity’.

6 Some manuscripts continue, ‘This was not ordinary lightning, so to speak, coming from a cloud. This light did not appear as that produced by the flame of lighting that shines and runs through the sky in full view of men. Rather it was a great and pure light. I do not know how or what sort of bodily faculty I could use to describe that light which illuminated all who stood there’.

124  The texts—Greek and English 30 Καὶ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον εἶπεν· μέμνησθε, ἀδελφοί, τίνα443 πρὸ τούτου ἔλεγον, ὅτι ‘Μείζων ὑπάρχει ὁ θεὸς τῶν ἡμετέρων διανοιῶν, ὥσπερ444 ἴδετε ἐπὶ τῶν πρεσβυτίδων τούτων ἄλλην ἄλλως λέγουσαν445 τὸ συμβὰν αὐταῖς;’ καὶ προτρεψάμενος πάντας τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ὡς ἄξιόν ἐστι θεὸν ὑμνῆσαι,446 ἀπέλυσεν τὸν ὄχλον447 εὐλογήσας ἄπαντας.448 αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ449 συνήθων ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ εὐξάμενος καὶ τελέσας τὴν ἐννάτην ὥραν450 μετέλαβεν ἄρτου. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ γενομένου θαύματος πολλοὶ451 συνέτρεχον πρὸς αὐτὸν452 ἀπὸ453 πάσης τῆς περιχώρου, καὶ πολλοὺς πιστεύοντας ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἐβάπτιζεν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος454 καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ μετὰ παρρησίας ἐκήρυττε τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας.455 31 Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς τὸ γενόμενον θαῦμα εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ456 μητέρα ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου,457 καὶ ἀσπασάμενος αὐτὸν μεγάλῃ458 φωνῇ εἶπεν· ‘Εἰ ᾔδειν σε, ἄξιε τοῦ θεοῦ459 δοῦλε, ὅτι χρήματα προσίεσαι, μέρος460 ἂν τῆς οὐσίας μου ἔδωκά σοι ὑπὲρ τῆς χάριτος, ἧς ἐποίησας εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν μητέρα τὸ βλέπειν αὐτῇ δωρησάμενος· ἐπειδὴ δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν461 ὁ θεὸς παρέσχεν462

443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462

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C3574, P1540 add ὑμῖν C3574, P1540 ὅπερ C3574, P1540 λεγουσῶν C3574, P1540 ἐννοεῖν M161 αὐτοὺς C3574, P1540 αὐτόν C3574, P1540 omit αὐτοῦ C3574, P1540 omit ὥραν add ὥσπερ εἰώθη C3574, P1540 for πολλοὶ read ἔτι πλέον C3574, P1540 add οἱ ἄνθρωποι A9 ἐκ A9 reads εἰς ὄνομα πατρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου πνεύματος C3574 omits καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ μετὰ παρρησίας ἐκήρυττε τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας, P1540 omits τῆς ἀληθείας C3574, P1540 αὐτοῦ C3574, P1540 add ὅτι ἤνοιξεν αὐτῆς τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ἐν μιᾷ τῶν ἡμερῶν νυκτερεύσας ἀπῆλθεν ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου A9 adds τῇ M161 Χριστοῦ A9 adds τί C3574 omits ὧν A9 παρέσχετο

The Christocentric version  125 30 To the crowd he said, ‘Brothers, remember what I  was saying before this happened, that God is greater than our understanding, even as you saw when each of these women was giving a different account of what happened to them’. Having urged all the brothers how it is fitting to celebrate God in song, he dismissed them after blessing them all. He departed for his home with his usual companions. Having prayed, he brought to a close the ninth hour, and afterwards he partook of bread. After this marvel had occurred, many people hurried to him from all the surrounding country. Each day he was baptizing the many who believed in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. The remainder of the time he was preaching the word with boldness. 31 When Euxeinianus learned about the miraculous healing which had happened to his own mother by Saint Abercius,7 he greeted him with a loud voice and said, ‘If I thought, worthy servant of Christ, that you would take money, I would have given you a share of what I own for the gracious act you performed for my mother, granting her the ability to see. But since, along with the other things that God

7 Some manuscripts add ‘one day during the night went (back) to the house of Saint Abercius’.

126  The texts—Greek and English σοι, καὶ463 χρημάτων κρείττονα464 ἐποίησεν,465 λοιπὸν ἀντὶ μεγάλου δώρου προσφέρω σοι τὴν εὐχαριστίαν. ἀποκείσεται γάρ σοι466 ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ οἴκῳ ἀείμνηστος εὐεργεσία’. καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἔπεσεν εἰς τοὺς πόδας τοῦ ἁγίου εὐλογηθῆναι παρ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπιθυμῶν.467 ὁ δὲ ἅγιος προφθάσας ἐκράτησεν αὐτοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν468 συσφίγξας σφόδρα καὶ εἶπεν· ‘Καὶ γε469 ἐγὼ ἤθελον, ὦ470 βέλτιστε, τοιοῦτόν σε471 ἄνδρα συνετὸν ὑπάρχοντα πιστὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ ἄπιστον’.472 32 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς ἀπεκρίνατο· ‘Εἰ σοι φίλον ἐστίν, συζητήσωμεν περὶ τούτου·473 τῆς γὰρ μητρός μου διαφόρος474 ἥκουσα λεγούσης ὡς ὑπὸ σοῦ διδαχθείσης, ὅτι τὸν475 θεὸν ποτὲ μὲν ἀγαθὸν λέγεις καὶ φιλάνθρωπον, ποτὲ δὲ φοβερὸν καὶ δίκαιον, καὶ ὅτε476 μὲν ὡς ἀγαθὸν ἀμείβεσθαι καὶ εὐεργετεῖν τοὺς477 τὸ καλὸν478 πράττοντας, ὅτε δὲ ὡς δίκαιον ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ κολάζειν τοὺς τὰ φαῦλα διαπραττομένους. καὶ πῶς ἔστι479 πιστεῦσαι,480 τὸν αὐτὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ δίκαιον εἶναι;’ καὶ ὁ ἅγιος ἀπεκρίνατο· ‘Ἀγαθὸς μέν ἐστιν ὁ481 θεὸς τοῖς μετανοοῦσι καὶ ἐπιστρέφουσιν482 εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφίων αὐτοῖς483 τὰς ἁμαρτίας, δίκαιος δὲ ὁ αὐτός ἐστιν, ὅταν κρίνων ἑκάστῳ τὰ484 κατ’ ἀξίαν ἀπονέμοι’.485

463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485

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J27 adds τῶν P1540 κρείττον αὐτῶν C3574, P1540 add σε C3574 σε C3475, P1540 omit ἔπεσεν εἰς τοὺς πόδας τοῦ ἁγίου εὐλογηθῆναι παρ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπιθυμῶν, add ἥψατο τῇ χειρὶ τοῖς γόνασιν αὐτοῦ J27 adds χεῖρα C3475, P1540 omit καὶ γε, read ἀλλ’ C3574, P1540 omit ὦ C3574 omits σε J27 εὔπιστον, C3574, P1540 omit ἢ ἄπιστον, add πένητα ἢ πλούσιον καὶ συγκλητικὸν διὰ ἡδονὴν προσκαίρον καὶ βραχυτάτην ζωήν C3574 omits εἰ σοι φίλον ἐστίν, συζητήσωμεν περὶ τούτου J27 omits διαφόρος, A9, P1540 διαφόρως C3574, P1540 add αὐτὸν A9 ὅτι C3574 τοῖς C3574, P1540 τὰ καλὰ ἔργα C3574 ἔνι, P1540 ἔνεστιν C3574, P1540 add ὦ φίλτατε M161 omits ὁ C3574, P1540 πιστεύουσιν C3574, P1540 αὐτῶν C3574, M161 omit τὰ C3574, P1540 ἀπονέμει

The Christocentric version  127

has provided for you, he made you superior to the influence of money, it remains that instead of a great gift, I bring thanks to you. Indeed, this good deed done by you will be eternally remembered and laid up in my house’. Having said these things, he began to fall at the feet of the saint desiring to be blessed by him. However, the saint anticipating him seized his right hand and holding it tightly said, ‘I would have, in fact, wished rather, O most excellent sir, since you are such an intelligent man, for you to be a believer rather than an unbeliever’.8

32 Euxeinianus answered, ‘If this pleases you, let us discuss this. For I  have heard my mother speaking contradictorily9 since being instructed by you that you say God at one time is good and philanthropic, then at another time fearful and righteous. Now on the one hand as being good he reciprocates and shows kindness to those who do what is good, but at times on the other hand as being just he pays back and punishes those who persist in doing what is bad. How is it possible to believe the same God to be good and just?’ The saint answered, ‘God is good to those who repent and believe in Him by forgiving their sins, and he is just whenever he may judge and may allot to each what he deserves’.

8 Instead of unbeliever some manuscripts read, ‘and a laborer rather than a wealthy senator enjoying a temporary and very brief life’. 9 or ‘saying at various times’

128  The texts—Greek and English 33 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανός·486 ‘Τοῦτο μὲν ὀρθῶς καὶ συντόμως ἐπέλυσας.487 ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνο ἀποκρίναι488 μοι· εἰ ὁ θεὸς τοῖς τὰ489 καλὰ ἔργα πράττουσιν χαίρει,490 διὰ τί μὴ ἐξ ἀρχῆς οὕτως ἔπλασεν τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἵνα τὰ κακὰ ποιεῖν491 μὴ ἠδύνατο,492 ἀλλ’ ἢ493 μόνον τὰ ἀγαθά; οὕτω γὰρ ἂν494 καὶ τὸ θέλημα αὐτοῦ ἐγίνετο καὶ οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὐκ ἐκολάζοντο’. ὁ δὲ495 ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος496 ἔφη· ‘Εἰ τὰ φαῦλα μὴ ποιεῖν497 ἠδυνάμεθα, ὦ βέλτιστε, οὐδὲ τὰ ἀγαθὰ ἃ ἐποιοῦμεν ἡμέτερα ἐδύνατο498 εἶναι, ἄλλως τε οὔτε ἐπαίνου οὔτε μισθοῦ ἄξιοι ἦμεν μὴ ποιοῦντες τὰ κακὰ ποιεῖν αὐτὰ μὴ δυνάμενοι. κακὸν γάρ ἐστι τὸ ἄρδην πορθῆσαι πόλιν καὶ μηδενὸς φείσασθαι μήτε νηπίων μήτε γερόντων μήτε γυναικῶν· οὐ δήπου δὲ499 ἐπαινοῦμεν τὸν500 Ἀριδαῖον501 σκυτοτόμον ὄντα502 ὡς γὰρ503 ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα μὴ κατασκάψαντα καὶ ἐρημώσαντα τὴν Λαοδικαίων πόλιν, ἐπειδήπερ ἐδιώχθη ἐκεῖθεν ὡς λέγει συκοφαντηθεὶς καὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα αὐτοῦ πάντα ἀπολέσας· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἠδύνατο πένης ὤν καὶ μόνος καὶ τὸ σῶμα κεκολοβωμένος μισεῖν γὰρ δυνάμενος·504 οὐ παύεται καταρώμενος τὴν πόλιν· βασιλεὺς δὲ ἢ ἄλλός τις505 δυνάστης506 ὑπὸ πόλεως κακωθῇ507 καὶ ταύτην δυνάμενος πορθῆσαι φείσηται αὐτῆς,508 οὗτος ἐπαίνου ἄξιος.

486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508

A9 adds εἴπεν M161 ἀπέλυσας, P1540 ἔλυσας C3574, P1540 ἀποκρίνου C3574, M161 omit τὰ C3574 θέλει A9 omits ποιεῖν C3574 δύναται, P1540 δύνηται C3574, P1540 omit ἤ A9 omits ἂν A9 omits δὲ J27, M161 omit Ἀβέρκιος A9 ποιεῖ μὴ M161 ἐδύναντο J27 δὴ A9 omits τὸν J27 adds τὸν χωλόν, P1540 τὸν χωλὸν τὸν παριστάμενον P1540 omits ὄντα. C3574, P1540 omit γὰρ M161 omits μισεῖν γὰρ δυνάμενος A9, P1540 omit τις C3574, P1540 add ἐάν, A9 adds εἰ M161 κακωθεὶς A9 αὐτὴν, P1540 omits αὐτῆς

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The Christocentric version  129 33 Euxeinianus replied, ‘You have explained this in a straightforward and concise fashion. However, answer me this. If God rejoices in those who do good works, why did he not from the start so form the human being so that he was not able to do wrong deeds, but only good deeds? For in this way his will would be done, and man would not be punished’. In response the saint said, ‘If we were unable to do evil deeds, O most excellent friend, neither would it be possible for the good deeds to be ours. In which case we would be worthy neither of praise nor reward, if we did not do evil deeds, since we were incapable of doing these.   For it is evil to completely sack a city and to spare no one, neither young children, nor old men, nor women. Now we certainly do not praise Aridaios, the leatherworker as being a good man because he did not utterly destroy and desolate the city of the Laodiceans after he had been driven from there, as he says, falsely accused and having lost all his possessions. For he was unable to take vengeance since he was poor, alone, and his body handicapped, yet still able to hate he never ceased cursing the city. However, a king or some other ruler, if he may have been wronged by a city, even though he is able to destroy this place, he shall spare it, this one is worthy of praise.

130  The texts—Greek and English ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ δύνασθαι τοῦ509 ποιεῖν τὰ κακὰ τὸ ἀγαθὸν τοῦ510 ποιοῦντος γνωρίζεται. 34 Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι ποιεῖν τὰ511 ἀγαθὰ οἱ μὴ ποιοῦντες αὐτὰ ὀρθῶς διαβάλλονται ὡς φαῦλοι, τοῖς δὲ μὴ δυναμένοις οὔτε ψόγος οὔτε ἔπαινος ἐπακολουθεῖ.512 διὸ513 εὐχαριστήσωμεν514 θεῷ τῷ ποιήσαντι ἡμᾶς κατ’ εἰκόνα ἑαυτοῦ515 καὶ516 καθ’ ὁμοίωσιν καὶ517 δόντι518 ἡμῖν τὸ αὐτεξούσιον· δι’ οὗ ἀποθεωθῆναι δυνάμεθα519 κτίζοντες ἑαυτῶν τὰς ψυχὰς διὰ τῶν ἀγαθῶν πράξεων· λέγει γὰρ ἡ520 γραφή·521 “Εὰν522 θέλετε”523 καὶ524 “θεοί ἐστε καὶ υἱοὶ ὑψίστου πάντες·”525 ἐν γὰρ τῷ αὐτεξουσίῳ καὶ τὸν ἔπαινον καὶ τὸν ψόγον526 ἔχομεν. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἀνθρώπινον νοῦν ἐπιστήμης δεκτικὸν ἐποίησεν, ἵνα γινώσκων τὰ καλὰ καὶ τὰ φαῦλα527 τὸ ἀρέσκον αὐτῷ ἐπιλέξηται.528

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35 Καὶ δέδωκεν ἡμῖν ἐντολὰς ἃς ὀφείλομεν ποιεῖν, δι’ ὧν καὶ529 δυνάμεθα σωθῆναι’.530 καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς ἔφη·531 ‘Ἀλλ’ ἴσως αἱ ἐντολαὶ αὗται ἃς λέγεις ὅτι παρέδωκεν532 βαρεῖαί εἰσιν,533 ὡς μὴ

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A9, P1540 omit τοῦ P1540 adds μὴ M161 omits τὰ P1540 ἕπεται C3574, P1540 add παυσόμεθα φιλονεικοῦντες καὶ μᾶλλον, J27 δι’ ὣ C3574 εὐχαριστήσομεν, A9, C3574, J27, P1540 add τῷ A9 αὐτοῦ A9, J27 omit καὶ C3574 omits καθ’ ὁμοίωσιν καὶ J27 δόντα M161 δεόμεθα P1540 adds θεία C3574 adds ὅτι P1540 omits ἐὰν J27 θέλητε, so Isaiah 1.19 (LXX) C3574, A9 omit καὶ M161, P1540 add κληθήσεσθε P1540 τὴν καταδίκην P1540 κακὰ J27 ἐπιλέγηται, M161 ἐπιλέγεται A9, C3574 omit καὶ A9, J27, M161 omit the remainder of §35 along with §36–37 and resume at the close of §38 with καὶ ὁ Εὖξινιανὸς εἶπεν . . .’ 531 C3574 εἴπεν 532 C3574 omits ὅτι παρέδωκεν 533 C3574 adds αἳ παραδοθεῖσαι ἡμῖν

The Christocentric version  131

The good of the doer is recognized from the capacity to do evil.

34 Likewise, when those who are capable of doing the good do not do it, they are rightly discredited as bad. However, for those who are incapable, neither praise nor blame follows. Wherefore, let us give thanks to God who made us in His own image and likeness and granted to us freedom of choice, of which we have need to be made divine by establishing our own souls through good deeds. For the divine scripture says, ‘If you exercise will’,10 and ‘You are all gods and sons of the Most High’.11 For in the faculty of free will we have both praise and condemnation. On this account God made the human mind capable of receiving knowledge, in order that recognizing both the good and the bad it might choose for itself what is pleasing to him. 35 He also has given to us commandments which we ought to do, through which also we are able to be saved’. Euxeinianus replied,12 ‘Perhaps, however, these same commandments which you say he imparted are equally burdensome, so that no one is able to bear

10 Isaiah 1.19, LXX 11 Psalm 81.6, LXX 12 Only two manuscripts contain the following prolonged discussion.

132  The texts—Greek and English δύνασθαι αὐτάς τινα φέρειν’. καὶ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτῷ·534 βαρεῖαί εἰσιν τῷ μὴ βουλομένῳ διὰ τὸ αὐτεξούσιον φέρειν αὐτάς, ἐπεὶ τίς οὐ δύναται ἀπέχεσθαι παντὸς ἔργου φαύλου, ὃ αὐτοὶ μισοῦντες οὐ θέλομεν ὑπὸ ἄλλου γίνεσθαι ἡμῖν, καὶ μάλιστα ἐκείνο, ὃ ποιήσαντες ἀρνούμεθα ὡς μὴ πεποιηκότες αὐτό;535 ἑτέρα δὲ ἐντολή ἐστιν προσέχειν παντὶ ἔργῳ ἀγαθῷ, ὃ φιλοῦντες θέλομεν ὑπὸ πάντων γίνεσθαι ἡμῖν. καὶ νομίζω πρὸς πάντα μᾶλλον ἐξασθενεῖν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἢ πρὸς ταῦτα· κοῦφα γάρ εἰσιν καὶ εὐχερῆ καὶ ἐμποδισθῆναι μὴ δυνάμενα θέλοντος μέντοι τοῦ αὐτεξουσίου. τίς γὰρ σωφρονῶν ἀδύνατός ἐστιν μᾶλλον ἀλήθειαν λέγειν καὶ μὴ ψεύδεσθαι ἢ μὴ ἐφίεσθαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ἢ μὴ διαφθεῖραι ἑτέρου γυναῖκα ἢ μὴ ἐκχέειν αἷμα δίκαιον536 ἢ μὴ λέγειν κακῶς κατὰ ἀνθρώπου ἢ μὴ κοινωνῆσαι τῇ μεταδόσει ἐξ ὧν ἔχει καὶ ἁπλῶς καθᾶραι τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ κακονοίας καὶ ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ πάσης φαυλότητος καὶ τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ πάσης ἀκολασίας;’537 36 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς ἀπεκρίθη· ‘Ταῦτα οὖν538 ἐπίσκοπε,539 εὐχερεῖ καὶ μὴ ἐμποδιζόμενα λέγεις;’ καὶ ὁ ἅγιος540 λέγει·541 ‘Τῷ θέλοντι εὐχερεῖ λέγω· ψυχῆς γὰρ ἐλευθέρας καὶ542 τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐχούσης αὕτη ἡ πολιτεία. τὰ γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ἔργα ἔστιν ὅτε543 ἐμποδίζεται καὶ μάλιστα ὑπὸ γήρους καὶ νόσου καὶ πενίας· οὐκ ἐκελεύσθημεν δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ βάρη τινὰ βαστάζειν ἢ λίθον ἢ ξύλον,544 ἃ οἱ νέοι καὶ οἱ ἐρρωμένοι545 βαστάζειν δύνανται, οὐδὲ κτίζειν πόλεις καὶ ἀνεγείρειν ναοὺς ἃ οἱ βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ δυνάσται μόνοι ἰσχύουσιν ποιεῖν, οὐκ ἄλλο τι ὃ διὰ τέχνης καὶ δυνάμεως σωματικῆς ἢ διὰ χρημάτων δύναται γενέσθαι· οὐ γὰρ πάντων ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ τινῶν. τὰ δὲ ἔργα546 τὴν

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C3574 ἔφη C3574 αὐτῷ C3574 δίκαιου C3574 ἀκολουθίας C3574 omits ταῦτα οὖν, reads ὄντως, ὦ C3574 adds ταῦτα πάντα C3574 adds Ἀβέρκιος C3574 εἶπεν P1540 adds τὴν ἐλπίδα πρὸς C3574 ὅτι C3574 λίθων ἢ ξύλων P1540 adds μόνοι C3574 adds τὰ

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The Christocentric version  133

them’. Now Saint Abercius answered him, ‘They are a burden to the one who is not willing on account of free will to bear them. Since who is not able to abstain from every bad deed, which we ourselves hating, do not want to be done to us by others, and especially that, which having done, we deny ever having done it? However, the other command is to be devoted to every good deed, which loving, we want to be done to us by all. I consider the human person utterly weak with respect to everything rather than with respect to these matters. For they are light and easy, and indeed not able to hinder the one who is willing by his own choice. For who is there of sound mind not able to speak the truth rather than lie, or not to desire what belongs to others, or not to corrupt the wife of another man, or not to spill the blood of the righteous, or not to share by distributing from what one has? In a word, to cleanse his soul of evil thoughts, schemes, and all filth, and his body from all lack of self-control’.

36 Euxeinianus answered, ‘Dear bishop, are these things which you say really easy and not an encumbrance?’ The saint replied, ‘I say they are easy for the one who is willing. This is the conduct of the soul that is free and has the truth. For it is the activities of the body that are sometimes encumbered, especially by old age, illness, and poverty. We have not been commanded by our Savior Jesus Christ to bear anything heavy, either stone or wood, which the young and the strong are able to carry. Nor are we commanded to found cities or erect temples, which only kings and rulers have the power to do. Nor are we commanded anything else that requires a trade, strength of body, or money to achieve. For these are not possessed by all, but

134  The texts—Greek and English ψυχὴν σώζειν δυνάμενα προαιρέσεως μόνης δύναται·547 εἴτε γὰρ νέος τίς ἐστιν εἴτε πρεσβύτης, εἴτε ἐρρωμένος εἴτε ἀσθενής, εἴτε548 πλούσιος, εἴτε ἄρρεν εἴτε θῆλυ, εἴτε ἐν καταδίκῃ εἴτε ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ, δυνατός ἐστιν μὴ μοιχεύειν,549 μὴ ψεύδεσθαι, φοβεῖσθαι τὸν θεόν, τιμᾶν τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ ἁπλῶς πάντα πράττειν ἃ ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς550 παρήγγειλλεν·551 37 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς ἔφη· ‘Ἴσως μετὰ πολλοῦ κόπου δυνήσεταί552 τις κακῶν ἔργων ἀπαλλάξαι ἑαυτόν,553 ἀγαθὰ δὲ πράττειν τίς δύναται ἄνθρωπος ὤν;’ καὶ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος μειδιάσας ἀπεκρίθη· ‘Θαυμάζω σε, ὦ Εὐξεινιανέ, συνετὸν ὄντα καὶ τοσούτων λόγων ἔμπειρον, ὅτι λέληθέν σε τοῦτο, ὡς ὅτι περ τὸ μὴ ποιεῖν τὰ κακὰ τοῦ ποιεῖν τὰ ἀγαθὰ εὐχερέστερον. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθὰ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐστίν, διὸ ἥδεται ποιῶν αὐτά· τὰ δὲ κακὰ τοῦ ἐνεργοῦντος ἐχθροῦ. οἷον τὸ ἐπαινεῖν τὸν φίλον ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν, τὸ δὲ μὴ ψέγειν τὸν ἐχθρὸν βαρύ, οὐ μέντοι ἀδύνατον· καὶ τὸ εὐεργετεῖν μεθ’ ἡδονῆς καὶ μειδιάματος γίνεται, τὸ δὲ ἀδικεῖν καὶ χειμάζειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν μετὰ θυμοῦ καὶ ὀργῆς καὶ πάθους ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος πέφυκεν τελεῖσθαι, καὶ τὸ μὲν μετὰ ἐπαίνου καὶ εὐλογίας, τὸ δὲ μετὰ ψόγου καὶ κακίας’.554 38 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς.555 ‘Φαίνεται μοι, τιμιώτατε Ἀβέρκιε, πάντα556 ταῦτα557 καλῶς διδάξαι, πλὴν εὑρίσκομεν, ὅτι τὰ πολλὰ οὐ κατὰ προαίρεσιν ἁμαρτάνει ὁ ἄνθρωπος, ἀλλὰ κατὰ φύσιν· εἰ μὴ γὰρ εἶχεν φύσεως ποιεῖν τὰ φαῦλα, οὐκ ἄν ποτε αὐτὰ ἐποίει προαιρέσει’. ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος· ‘Οὐκοῦν καὶ τὰ ἀγαθὰ κατὰ φύσιν ποιεῖ· ἰδοὺ γὰρ ὁρῶμεν καὶ αὐτὰ ποιοῦντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον. εἰ δὲ τῶν ἐναντίως ἐχόντων, τουτέστι καλῶν καὶ κακῶν558 ποιητής ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος, κατὰ φύσιν αὐτεξούσιος,559 547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 559

C3574 δεῖται P1540 adds πένης εἴτε P1540 adds μὴ πορνεύειν, μὴ κλέπτειν, μὴ φονεύειν C3574 adds ἡμῶν C3574 ἐπηγγείλατο C3574 δυνήσηταί C3574 ἑαυτῶν C3574 ἀδικίας P1540 adds ἔφη P1540 adds σε C3574 ἑαυτοῦ C3574 φαύλων P1540 adds ἐστιν

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by some. However, the works that are able to save the soul require only resolve. For whether someone is young or old, strong or weak, or rich, male or female, under judgement or in authority, one has the ability not to commit adultery, not to lie, to fear God, to honor father and mother, in a word, to do all things that our Lord Jesus Christ commanded’.

37 Euxeinianus said, ‘Perhaps with much effort someone will be able to free themself from evil deeds and to do what is good. Who being human is able to do good deeds?’ Now Saint Abercius smiling answered, ‘I marvel at you, O Euxeinianus, being intelligent and experienced in so much discourse, that this has escaped your notice, how much easier it is to do good than to do evil. For good deeds are of the individual himself, wherefore, doing these is pleasant. However, evil deeds come from the influence of an enemy. Just as it is easier to praise your friend, but burdensome, although not impossible, not to find fault with your enemy. To be benevolent comes with pleasure and a smile; but to treat unfairly, to be annoyed, and to be greedy is naturally performed with anger, rage, and passion affecting soul and body. The one comes with praise and blessing, the other with blame and ill will’. 38 Euxeinianus says, ‘It appears to me, most honored Abercius, that you have explained all these things well. Except we find that, overall, a person sins, not by choice, but by nature. For unless he was able by nature to do what is bad, he would never do these by choice’. Saint Abercius answered him, ‘Why yes, he also does good things by nature. For, look, we see a person also doing these. If a person is a doer of things that are opposite, that is to say of good and bad, a human is by nature autonomous, just as I said, and

136  The texts—Greek and English ὥσπερ εἶπον, καὶ λοιπὸν κατὰ προαίρεσιν ποιεῖ, ἃ βούλεται· τῆς γὰρ φύσεως αὐτοῦ ἐστιν κατὰ προαίρεσιν ποιῆσαι τὰ καλὰ ἢ τὰ πονηρά’.560 καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς εἶπεν·561 ‘Ἀκριβῶς ὄντως562 νῦν ἐπίσταμαι ὅτι αὐτεξούσιός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος καὶ κατὰ προαίρεσιν ἁμαρτάνει·’563 καὶ ταῦτα εἰπόντες564 τῆς ἐννάτης ὥρας καταλαβούσης565 πάλιν566 ἀναστὰς567 ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος καὶ568 ἀσπασάμενος καὶ εὐλογήσας πάντας τοὺς περιστῶτας569 ἀπέλυσεν570 ἅμα τῷ Εὐξεινιανῷ. 39 Πάλιν οὖν μετ’ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐπορεύετο ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς τὰς πέριξ κώμας καὶ χωρία,571 μάλιστα τὰ γειτνιάζοντα τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ, ἐπειδὴ ἤκουσεν ἐκεῖσε πολλοὺς κλινήρεις ὄντας ἐν νόσοις διαφόροις συνεχομένους.572 καὶ ἀπελθὼν καὶ θεραπεύσας αὐτοὺς εὗρεν ὅτι βαλανεῖον οὐκ ἔχουσι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐταλαιπωροῦντο. ἐλθὼν οὖν εἰς573 τόπον574 λεγόμενον Ἀγρὸν Παρὰ Ποταμὸν καὶ κλίνας τὰ γόνατα προσηύξατο λέγων· ‘Κύριε ὁ θεὸς τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν ὁ αἰτεῖν σε575 κελεύσας ἡμῖν καὶ παρέχων τοῖς αἰτοῦσίν σε576 ἀφθόνως ἃ χρήζουσιν, αὐτὸς καὶ νῦν ἐπάκουσον ἐμοῦ τοῦ δούλου577 σου καὶ παράσχου χάριν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ,578 καὶ ἀναβλυσάτω πηγὴ θερμῶν

560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571 572 573 574 575 576 577 578

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A9, J27, M161 resume here. C3574 adds ἀληθῶς νῦν ἀκριβῶς ἔπεισάς μοι ὅτι αὐτεξούσιός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος A9 omits ὄντως P1540 omits ἀκριβῶς ὄντως νῦν ἐπίσταμαι ὅτι αὐτεξούσιός ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθρωπος καὶ κατὰ προαίρεσιν ἀμαρτάνει P1540 omits ταῦτα εἰπόντες adds τότε μὲν P1540 ἐπιλαβούσης M161 omits πάλιν P1540 omits ἀναστὰς P1540 omits Ἀβέρκιος καὶ C3574, P1540 παρεστῶτας C3574 adds αὐτούς, J27 πάντας, M161 αὐτοῖς C3574 χώρας P1540 κατεχομένους A9 adds τὸν C3574 adds τὸν C3574 omits σε J27 omits σε C3574 reads μου τὸν δοῦλον C3574 reads τὸ τόπῳ τοῦτο

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subsequently he does by choice what he wants. For it is his nature to do by choice either the good or the evil’. Euxeinianus said, ‘Truly now I accurately understand that a person has a free will and that he sins by choice’. When they had said these things, it had reached the ninth hour. Once again Saint Abercius got up and said good-bye. Having blessed all who were present he dismissed them along with Euxeinianus.

39 Again, after a few days Saint Abercius was travelling with the brothers to the surrounding villages and countryside, particularly those neighboring his city, since he got word from there that many were bedridden, afflicted by various illnesses. Having made the journey and having healed them; he discovered that they did not have a bathhouse and on this account were suffering. Therefore, he came to a place called Agros along a river, knelt down, and prayed saying, ‘Lord, God of mercies, you commanded us to ask of you, and you generously provide to those who ask of you what they need. Now you yourself hear me, your servant, show kindness to this place, and let a spring of hot waters well up, so that all who wash in

138  The texts—Greek and English ὑδάτων, ἵνα πάντες οἱ εἰς αὐτὰ ἀπολουόμενοι579 θεραπεύονται580 ἀπὸ πάσης581 νόσου.582 40 Καὶ πληρώσαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν εὐχὴν αἰφνίδιον583 ὑπήχησεν584 αἰθρίου ὄντος τοῦ ἀέρος,585 ὥστε πάντας θροηθῆναι,586 καὶ μετὰ τῆς βροντῆς εὐθέως587 καὶ ἡ588 πηγὴ τῶν θερμῶν ὑδάτων ἀνέβλυσεν589 εἰς τὸν τόπον,590 ἔνθα τὰ γόνατο ἔκλινεν ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος. οἱ δὲ παρεστῶτες πάντες εὐλόγησαν καὶ591 ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῷ γεγονότι592 θαύματι.593 ὁ δὲ ἅγιος594 παρεκελεύσατο τοῖς595 ἐν τῷ Ἀγρῷ ἐφ’ ᾧ596 λάκκους ὀρύξαι βαθυτέρους εἰς τὸ σωρεύεσθαι597 τὰ θερμὰ ὕδατα καὶ εἰς αὐτὰ ἀπολούεσθαι ἄπαντας.598 Ὑποστρέφεν599 οὖν600 εἰς601 τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῦ.602 41 Ἰδοὺ ὁ διάβολος νομίζων πειράζειν603 αὐτὸν σχῆμα καὶ ἐσθῆτα604 γυναικὸς605 ἐπαναλαβὼν606 προσῄει τῷ ἁγίῳ Ἀβερκίῳ

579 580 581 582 583 584 585 586 587 588 589 590 591 592 593 594 595 596 597 598 599 600 601 602 603 604 605 606

M161 ἐν αὐτοῖς P1540 for θεραπεύονται reads θεραπείας ἀξιοῦνται C3574 παντὸς P1540 adds καὶ μαλακίας P1540 εὐθέως, P1540, M161 add βροντὴ M161 γέγονεν, P1540 adds αἰφνίδιον M161 οὐρανοῦ P1540 adds τοὺς παρεστῶτας P1540 omits εὐθέως P1540 omits ἡ P1540 ἔβλυσεν M161 ἐν τῷ τόπῳ M161 omits εὐλόγησαν καὶ J27, P1540 γενομένῳ P1540 omits θαύματι J27, P1540 add Ἀβέρκιος A9, C3574 τοὺς A9, C3574 omit ἐφ’ ᾧ P1540 συνάγεσθαι P1540 omits ἄπαντας C3574, M161 ὑπέστρεφον M161 adds αὐτῷ, A9, C3574 πάλιν, J27 πάλιν ὁ ἅγιος J27, P1540 ἐπὶ A9, C3574 omit αὐτοῦ, C3574 adds ὁ μακάριος, A9, P1540 adds καὶ P1540 πειράσαι C3574, M161 omit καὶ ἐσθῆτα P1540 adds νέας P1540 ἀναλαβὼν

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them are healed from all disease’.

40 When he had completed his prayer, suddenly thunder resounded, even though the sky was clear, so that all were frightened. Along with the thunder the spring of hot waters immediately welled up in the place where Saint Abercius had knelt. All those present blessed and glorified God for the wonder that had occurred. The saint recommended to those in Agros to dig deeper pools in that place in order to collect the hot waters and all to wash in them. Subsequently, he returned to his city. 41 Well, the devil, supposing to tempt him, assumed the appearance and dress of a woman and approached Saint Abercius as though she

140  The texts—Greek and English

ὡς δὴ607 χρείαν ἔχουσα608 τοῦ εὐλογηθῆναι παρ’609 αὐτοῦ. ἐμβλέψας610 δὲ εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτῆς ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος611 καὶ θελήσας μεταστραφῆναι προσέκρουσε τὸν πόδα αὐτοῦ τὸν δεξιὸν612 εἰς λίθον, ὡς καὶ τὸν ἀστράγαλον αὐτοῦ πλῆξαι. καὶ περιαλγὴς γενόμενος ἐπένευσε καὶ τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ προσέτριβε613 τὸν τύπον ὃν ἐπλήγει.614 ὁ δὲ διάβολος615 γελάσας καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὸ ἴδιον σχῆμα μεταβληθεὶς εἶπεν πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον·616 ‘Μὴ νομίσῃς με ἀπ’ ἐκείνων εἶναι τῶν ταπεινῶν δαιμονίων, ἅτινα617 διαφόρως σὺ ἐφυγάδευσας· ἐγὼ γάρ εἰμι618 ἑκατόνταρχος τῶν δαιμόνων. καὶ ἰδοὺ καὶ619 πεῖράν μου ἔλαβες· ὁ γὰρ τοὺς620 ἄλλους θεραπεύων ἀπὸ τῶν ὀδυνῶν αὐτῶν ἰδοὺ ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ ὀδυνήθης’.

42 Καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ὁ δαίμων621 εἰσῆλθεν εἰς ἕνα τῶν παρισταμένων νεανίσκων καὶ ἤρξατο ἐλέγχειν αὐτὸν καὶ σπαράσσειν. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος προσευξάμενος622 καὶ ἐξορκίσας τὸν δαίμονα ἐξήλασεν623 αὐτὸν624 ἀπὸ τοῦ νεανίσκου.625 καὶ ἐξελθὼν626 πάλιν627 μείζονι χρησάμενος τῇ628 φωνῇ ἔκραζεν·629 ‘Ταχύ, Ἀβέρκιε, ποιήσω σε ἄκοντα καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον καὶ630 τὴν

607 608 609 610 611 612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625 626 627 628 629 630

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J27 δῆθεν P1540 χάριν αἰτοῦσα C3574, P1540 ὑπ’ C3574, P1540 βλέψας M161 omits Ἀβέρκιος M161 omits τὸν δεξιὸν P1540 ἐκράτησεν M161 omits καὶ περιαλγὴς γενόμενος ἐπένευσε καὶ τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ προσέτριβε τὸν τύπον ὃν ἐπλήγει C3574 adds μέγα J27 omits Ἀβέρκιον M161 ὧν A9, J27 add ὁ M161 omits καὶ P1540 omits τοὺς P1540 omits ὁ δαίμων C3574 adds ἐπὶ πολὺ P1540 ἐξῆλθεν P1540 omits αὐτὸν P1540 adds ὁ δὲ P1540 ἐπελθὼν C3574 adds ὁ δαίμων J27 omits τῇ A9, C3574 ἔλεγεν, J27 ἔκραζεν λέγων M161 omits καὶ

The Christocentric version  141

had a need to be blessed by him. Saint Abercius looked at her face, and wishing to turn away, his right foot stumbled against a stone and as a result he struck his ankle. Being in severe pain, he bent down and grabbed with his hand the place that had been struck. Now the devil laughed and changed back again into his own appearance. He said to Saint Abercius, ‘Do not presume that I am from among those lower-class demons, which you at various times banished. For I am a centurion of the demons. Now see, you even have received proof, for the one healing others from their pains, see, you suffer pain from me’.

42 Having said these things the demon entered into one of the young men who was standing nearby and began to mistreat and convulse him. Nevertheless, Saint Abercius, having prayed, exorcised the demon, driving him from the young man. Having gone out, the demon in turn cried in a louder voice, ‘Quite soon, Abercius, I will even make you walk, constrained and unwilling, in the city of the

142  The texts—Greek and English

Ῥωμαίων πατῆσαι πόλιν’. καὶ ταῦτα ἀπειλήσας ὁ δαίμων ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο.

43 Ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος631 πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ἐθαύμασεν τὴν ἀναίδειαν632 τοῦ δαίμονος, καὶ633 ὑποστρέψας δὲ634 εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ ἔμεινεν ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας καὶ635 νύκτας636 νηστεύων μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ προσευχόμενος, ὅπως μὴ λάβῃ637 ὁ διάβολος κατ’ αὐτοῦ τὴν638 τοιαύτην ἐξουσίαν. καὶ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ νυκτὶ παρέστη αὐτῷ ὁ κύριος λέγων· ‘Ἀβέρκιε, καὶ τοῦτο οἰκονομία μεγάλη γενήσεται,639 ὅπως καὶ τοὺς ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἀδελφούς σου640 ἐπιστηρίξῃς641 εἰς τὴν πίστιν.642 θάρσει οὖν· ἡ γὰρ χάρις μου μετὰ σοῦ ἐστιν’. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος643 διυπνισθεὶς καὶ εὐλογήσας τὸν θεὸν εἶπεν· ‘Γένοιτο,644 κύριε, κατὰ645 τὸ646 ῥῆμα647 σου’. καὶ τὴν ὀπτασίαν διηγήσατο πᾶσι τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, ὡς648 χρὴ αὐτὸν649 καὶ ἐν τῇ650 Ῥώμῃ ἀπελθεῖν,651 καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ διετέλει διδάσκων καὶ κατηχῶν καὶ βαπτίζων τοὺς πιστεύοντας εἰς τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν.

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44 Ὁ δὲ δαίμων652 μηδὲν653 ὑποστειλάμενος αὐθημερὸν ἀπῆλθεν654 εἰς τὴν655 Ῥώμην καὶ εἰσέρχεται εἰς τὴν θυγατέρα τοῦ 631 632 633 634 635 636 637 638 639 640 641 642 643 644 645 646 647 648 649 650 651 652 653 654 655

P1540 omits Ἀβέρκιος P1540 παρρησίαν P1540 omits καὶ A9, M161 omit δὲ J27 adds ἑπτὰ M161 omits καὶ νύκτας A9, J27 λάβοι A9, M161 omit τὴν P1540 omits μεγάλη γενήσεται, reads ἐστίν P1540 omits σου J27, P1540 στηρίξῃς C3574 for εἰς τὴν πίστιν reads τῇ πίστει μου M161, P1540 omit Ἀβέρκιος C3574 adds μοι P1540 omits κατὰ C3574 omits τὸ P1540 θέλημά C3574 ὅτι. The outside edge of P1540 folio 142 is missing starting here. Some lines are missing approximately up to three letters. C3574 omits αὐτὸν C3574, M161 omit τῇ C3574 μεταπελθεῖν P1540 διάβολος M161 omits μηδὲν A9, C3574 ἀπέρχεται M161 adds πόλιν

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Romans’. After threatening these things, the demon disappeared.

43 Presently, Saint Abercius was amazed at the impudence of the demon. Returning to his house, he remained there seven days and nights fasting with the brothers and praying that the devil may not seize such power against him. On the seventh night the Lord stood by him saying, ‘Abercius, now this grand scheme shall come to pass so that you may strengthen in the faith even your brothers in Rome. Therefore, take courage, for my grace is with you’. Awakening from sleep, Saint Abercius blessed God and said, ‘May it be, Lord, according to your word’. Then he described the vision to all the brothers, how it was necessary for him also to depart for Rome. For the moment he continued teaching, catechizing, and baptizing those who believe in our Lord Jesus Christ. 44 Not backing down at all, that very same day the devil arrived in Rome and entered into the daughter of the emperor, Antoninus,

144  The texts—Greek and English βασιλέως Ἀντωνίνου ὀνόματι Λουκίλλαν οὖσαν ὡς656 ἐτῶν δεκαέξ, κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει ὑπερφέρουσαν πάσας τὰς καθ’ ἑαυτὴν παρθένους. ἡ δὲ κόρη657 εὐθέως ἤρξατο μαίνεσθαι658 δαιμονιῶσα καὶ τὰς τρίχας αὐτῆς659 σπαράττειν660 καὶ τὰς χεῖρας661 μασάσθαι.662 πλειστάκις δὲ τούτου συμβαίνοντος αὐτῇ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἡ Αὐγοῦστα Φαυστῖνα ἐν663 πολλῇ θλίψει συνείχοντο καὶ συμφορὰν μεγάλην ἡγοῦντο τὸ πρᾶγμα οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν θυγατέρα ὅτι ἔπασχε καίπερ μεγάλως δι’ αὐτὴν ἀνιώμενοι, ἀλλ’ ὅτι664 καὶ ἐγγυωμένη665 ἐτύγχανεν ἡ κόρη πρὸς γάμον Λουκίῳ666 Βήρῳ τῷ συν667 αὐτοκράτορι668 Ἀντωνίνῳ, ὅντινα πρὸ ὀλίγου χρόνου ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος669 ἐξέπεμψεν μετὰ στρατιᾶς εἰς τὰ ἑῶα μέρη πολεμήσοντα670 Βολογέσῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ.671 45 Συνετάξαντο οὖν672 ἑκάτεροι673 εἰς ῥητὴν674 προθεσμίαν675 ὁ μὲν Λούκιος ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς, ὁ δὲ Ἀντωνῖνος ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης676 καταλαμβάνειν μετὰ τῆς κόρης τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν καὶ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸν μὲν παραδιδόναι, τὸν δὲ παραλαμβάνειν τὴν παρθένον. ἐπεὶ οὖν ὁ καιρὸς τῆς προθεσμίας ἐνίστατο, καὶ677 ἠθύμει σφόδρα καὶ ἠπορεῖτο ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος περὶ τῆς κόρης.

656 657 658 659 660 661 662 663 664 665 666 667 668 669 670 671 672 673 674 675 676 677

M161 ὡσεὶ A9, C3574 omit ἡ δὲ κόρη read καὶ C3574, P1540 add καὶ A9, M161 ἑαυτῆς C3574 σπαράττων, P1540 σπαράττουσα J27, P1540 add αὐτῆς P1540 μασομένη J27 omits ἐν M161 ἔτι C3574 ἐγγενημένη [for οὖσαν ἐγγενῆ?], J27 μεμνηστευμένη A9, C3574 add τῷ C3574 adds αὐτῷ τῷ ὄντι, A9, P1540 αὐτῷ τῷ J27 συναυτοκράτορι M161 omits ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος C3574, P1540 add Πάρθοις καὶ P1540 adds αὐτῶν P1540 δὲ J27 ἀμφότεροι J27 ὁρισμένην C3574 adds καὶ J27 adds μετὰ τῆς κόρης P1540 omits καὶ

485

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The Christocentric version  145

whose name was Lucilla, who was about sixteen years old and surpassed all the other young women her age in beauty and stature. Once possessed, the girl immediately began to go mad. She was pulling out her hair and chewing her hands. With this happening to her frequently the emperor and Augusta Faustina were hard-pressed in much distress. They considered this matter a great misfortune not only because of their daughter, because she continued to suffer even though they were making considerable efforts to restore her to health, but also because it so happened the girl was pledged in marriage to Lucius Verus, the co-emperor with Antoninus, whom not long before Antoninus had sent with a force to the Eastern Provinces in order to fight Vologases, the king.

45 Each had agreed upon a specific, prearranged time, Lucius coming from the East and Antoninus coming from Rome with his daughter to arrive at the city of Ephesus and in the temple of Artemis to give her over and he, in turn, to receive the girl. Consequently, when the appointed time had arrived Antoninus was exceedingly disheartened and at a loss concerning the girl. He was compelled to

146  The texts—Greek and English ἠναγκάσθη678 γράφειν679 πρὸς τὸν Λούκιον πρόφασιν ποιούμενος, ὡς τὸ Γερμανῶν680 ἔθνος681 διέβη τὸν Ῥῆνον ποταμὸν καὶ πορθεῖ τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὰς κώμας τῆς ἐπικρατείας αὐτῶν τῶν682 Ῥωμαίων, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς τὸ παρὸν μὴ δύνασθαι πρὸς τὰ δόξαντα μετὰ τῆς θυγατρὸς συνδραμεῖν·683 ἀλλ’ εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἔτος ὑπέσχετο ἄγειν αὐτῷ684 τὴν κόρην.685 ὁ δὲ Λούκιος ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔπλει ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνοτολῆς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἔφεσον πρὸς τὴν προθεσμίαν,686 κατὰ μέσην687 τὴν688 θάλασσαν ὑπήντησεν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ689 Ἀντωνίνου πεμφθεῖσαν αὐτῷ ἀπόκρισιν καὶ πάνυ δυσφορήσας ὑπέστρεψεν ἐπὶ690 Ἀντιόχειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Δάφνης.691 46 Ὁ δὲ Ἀντωνῖνος ὀχλούμενος μάλιστα καὶ ὑπὸ692 τῆς βασιλίσσης693 περὶ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτῶν694 συνἠγαγε πάντας τοὺς ἱερεῖς τῶν δαιμόνων695 οὐ μόνον τῆς696 Ῥώμης697 καὶ ἀπὸ πάσης698 Ἰταλίας, ἀλλὰ699 καὶ τοὺς οἰωνοσκόπους ἀπὸ Τυρανίας,700 καὶ πολλὰς περινοίας701 καὶ ἐξορκισμοὺς μηχανωμένων702 αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ ἰάσασθαι τὴν κόρην οὐδὲν πλέον ἴσχυον, ἀλλ’ ἢ703 μᾶλλον

678 679 680 681 682 683 684 685 686 687 688 689 690 691 692 693 694 695 696 697 698 699 700 701 702 703

P1540 adds οὖν A9, C3574 γράψαι C3574 Γερμανὸν M161 γένος J27, P1540 omit αὐτῶν τῶν A9 προσδραμεῖν, P1540 adds ἐν τῇ Ἐφέσῳ P1540 αὐτοῦ P1540 θυγατέρα A9, C3574 add τῶν γάμων C3574 μὲν P1540 omits τὴν J27 omits τοῦ P1540 εἰς P1540 adds κἀκεῖ διεχείμαζεν φροντίζων τὰ τοῦ πολέμου C3574, A9 παρά, P1540 ἀπὸ P1540 adds Φαυστίνης A9, C3574 αὐτοῦ, P1540 omits αὐτῶν P1540 omits τῶν δαιμόνων A9 omits τῆς adds ἀπὸ C3574 omits τῆς Ῥώμης, J27, P1540 add ἀλλὰ M161 omits ἀπὸ πάσης P1540 omits ἀλλὰ M161 omits ἀπὸ Τυρρηνίας A9 ἐπινοίας C3574 ποιοῦν τῶν, A9 ποιούντων P1540 omits ἢ

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The Christocentric version  147

write to Lucius, making up an excuse, how the Germanic people had crossed the Rhine River and was pillaging the cities and villages of the Roman Empire itself. Because of this at the present time he would not be able as expected to meet Lucius with his daughter. However, he promised to bring the girl to him in the coming year. Now Lucius himself had since set sail from the East to Ephesus for the appointed meeting. While he was in the middle of the sea, he received the answer sent by Antoninus to him. He was quite angry and turned back for Antioch that is near Daphne.

46 Now Antoninus was particularly hard-pressed by the empress concerning their daughter. He brought together all the priests of the demons, not only from Rome and all Italy, but even augers from Tyrrhenia. Although they contrived many stratagems and conjurings to heal the girl, they were unable in any way to prevail, rather they

148  The texts—Greek and English καὶ704 ἔβλαπτον αὐτὴν.705 τοῦ δαίμονος σπαράσσοντος706 αὐτὴν707 καὶ βοῶντος·708 εἰ μὴ ἔλθοι709 Ἀβέρκιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος τῶν Χριστιανῶν τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως τῆς Φρυγίας710 καλουμένης μικρᾶς, οὐκ ἂν ἐξέλθοιμι711 ποτὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ πλάσματος τούτου.712 47 ἐπιμένοντος713 δὲ τοῦ δαίμονος ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ βοῶντος διὰ τῆς κόρης ὁ βασιλεὺς714 καλέσας τὸν ὕπαρχον715 τῆς αὐλῆς716 Κορνιλιανὸν ἐπυνθάνετο παρ’ αὐτοῦ, εἰ οἶδεν τινὰ717 πόλιν Ἱεράπολιν καλουμένην ὑπὸ Φρυγίαν τὴν μικράν. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ718 ἔφασκεν καὶ ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁρμᾶσθαι Εὐξεινιανὸν719 ἄνδρα μέγιστον,720 ‘ᾯτινι721 διαφόρως τὸ ὑμέτερον722 κράτος723 ἐπιστέλλει περὶ τινῶν724 πραγμάτων ἀναγκαίων καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ προσηκόντων’. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὑπομνησθεὶς τὸ ὄνομα725 περιχαρὴς γενόμενος726 ἐκέλευσεν727 εὐτρεπισθῆναι μαγιστριανοὺς ποιήσας ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς728 Εὐξεινιανὸν ἔχουσαν729 οὕτως·

704 705 706 707 708 709 710 711 712 713 714 715 716 717 718 719 720 721 722 723 724 725 726 727

520

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P1540 omits καὶ P1540 omits αὐτὴν M161 σπαράττος M161 omits αὐτὴν, P1540 τὴν παρθένον M161 adds πρὸς αὐτὴν, P1540 δι’ αὐτῆς P1540 ἔλθῃ P1540 adds τῆς P1540 ἐξέλθω P1540 omits τούτου C3574 ἐπιμαίνοντος P1540 αὐτοκράτωρ J27, P1540 ἔπαρχον P1540 omits τῆς αὐλῆς J27, P1540 omit τινὰ P1540, M161 add εἰδέναι A9 Αὐξινιανόν, P1540 adds Πουλλίονα J27, P1540 βέλτιστον A9, C3574 ὅντινα P1540 omits ὑμέτερον J27, P1540 adds σου P1540 omits τινῶν A9, J27 add καὶ C3574 adds σφόδρα C3574 adds πάσαν τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ παραχρῆμα κελεύει, A9 πᾶσαν τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ ἐκέλευσεν 728 P1540 adds τὸν 729 P1540 περιέχουσαν

The Christocentric version  149

caused her more harm as the demon would convulse her and cry, ‘Unless Abercius, the bishop of the Christians of the city of Hierapolis of Phrygia, which is called Minor should come, I would never come out from this form’.

47 When the demon had continued on for many days crying out the same things through the girl, the emperor called for the praetorian prefect, Cornelianus, and enquired of him, if he knew of a certain city called Hierapolis in Phrygia Minor. He affirmed that he knew it quite well and that ‘Euxeinianus, a most important man, came from there, to whom at various times your administration corresponded concerning critical matters pertaining to the empire’. The emperor recalled the name, and being very happy, commanded couriers to be made ready. He composed a letter to Euxeinianus containing the following:

150  The texts—Greek and English 48 ‘Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μάρκος Αὐριλλιανὸς Ἀντωνῖνος Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς Σαρματικὸς Εὐξεινιανῷ Πολλίωνι τῷ ἰδίῳ730 χαίρειν. ἔργῳ πειραθέντες τῆς σῆς ἀγχινοίας περὶ ὧν731 κατ’ ἐπιτροπὴν ἡμετέραν ἔναγχος διεπράξω κατὰ τὴν Σμυρνέων πόλιν ὡς ἐπικουφίσαι τοῖς ἐκεῖσε οἰκοῦσιν τὴν συμβᾶσαν αὐτοῖς συμφορὰν ἐκ τοῦ κλόνου τῆς γῆς τὴν σὴν ἀγρυπνίαν καὶ ἐπιμέλειαν ἐθαυμάσαμεν, μάλιστα καί Κιλικίου732 τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἐπιτρόπου σαφῶς ἀπαγγείλαντος ἡμῖν τὰ733 περὶ τούτου, δι’ οὗ καὶ τὴν ἀναφορὰν τῶν ἐκεῖσε ἐποπτευθέντων παρά σου πραγμάτων734 ἀπέστειλας ἡμῖν, δι’ ὃ735 καὶ συνομολογοῦμεν ὑπὲρ τούτου τὰ μέγιστά σοι εὐχαριστεῖν. 49 ἐπὶ736 δὲ τοῦ παρόντος ἐγνώσθη ἡμῖν Ἀβέρκιον ἐπίσκοπον737 τῆς τῶν Χριστιανῶν738 θρησκείας τῆς κατά σε Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως, ἄνδρα θεοσεβῆ ὑπάρχοντα ὡς739 καὶ δαίμονας ἀπελαύνειν καὶ ἄλλας740 ἰάσεις,741 τούτου κατὰ τὸ ἀναγκαῖον χρῄζοντες κελεύομεν τῇ σῇ στερρότητι προτρέψασθαι742 τὸν εἰρημένον743 ἄνδρα γενέσθαι παρ’ἡμῖν. διὰ γὰρ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ Οὐαλέριον καὶ Βασιανὸν μαγιστριανοὺς τῶν θείων ἡμῶν ὀφφικίων744 ἀπεστείλαμεν745 ὀφείλοντας μετὰ πάσης τιμῆς746 διασῶσαι τὸν ἄνδρα. καὶ747 πάντως748 τοῦτο πράξεις εἰδὼς ὅτι καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου οὐ μετρίαν σοι προσομολογήσω749 τὴν750 χάριν. ἔρρωσο.751

730 731 732 733 734 735 736 737 738 739 740 741 742 743 744 745 746 747 748 749 750 751

P1540 omits τῷ ἰδίῳ C3574 ὃν M161 omits Κιλικίου A9, J27 omit τὰ P1540 omits πραγμάτων A9 διὸ C3574, M161 ἐπεὶ A9, C3574 Ἀβέρκιος ἐπίσκοπος J27, M161 add ὄντα A9, C3574 read ἀνὴρ θεοσεβὴς ὑπάρχων ὃς A9, C3574 omit ἄλλας A9, C3574 add ποιεῖ, J27, P1540 ποιεῖν P1540 προτρέψαι P1540 omits εἰρημένον Latin officium P1540 ἐστείλαμεν A9 σπουδῆς P1540 οὖν C3574, J27 add οὖν A9, C3574 προσωμολογήσωμεν, P1540 καθομολογήσωμεν P1540 omits τὴν P1540 adds Εὐξεινιανὲ ἡμέτερε

535

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The Christocentric version  151 48 ‘Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Sebastes Germanicus Sarmaticus to my own Euxeinianus Pollio, greetings. Due to the work you just recently accomplished throughout the city of Smyrna, we have found proof of your sagacity, concerning which our representative tells how you supported those living there in the misfortune that happened to them due to the earthquake. We admired your attention and care, as Caecilius our representative specifically reported to us the details concerning this matter, through whom also came the report sent to us of matters there being overseen by you. For this reason, we agree that we owe you the greatest thanks in this matter. 49 Whereas, at the present time, it has been brought to our attention that Abercius, an overseer of the religion of the Christians, is there in your city Hieropolis, a man who is god-fearing, so as to drive out demons and perform other healings. In urgent need of this man, we appeal to your loyalty in urging the aforementioned man to join us. For this reason, we have sent not only Valerius but also Bassianus, couriers of our imperial offices, who are obliged to provide safe passage for the man with all respect. Knowing without a doubt you will do what is asked and beyond this, I shall profess measureless thanks to you. Farewell’.

152  The texts—Greek and English 50 Δεξάμενοι οὖν752 οἱ μαγιστριανοὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ταύτην753 καὶ προσταχθέντες σὺν τόνῳ πολλῷ τῇ πορείᾳ754 χρήσασθαι ἐξῆλθον ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης καὶ δύο ἡμέρας ἐλάσαντες κατέλαβον τὴν τὸ755 Βρεντήσιον· καὶ εὑρηκότες πλοῖον ἕτοιμον ἐπὶ756 τοῦτο παρεσκευασμένον προπέμψαντος757 Κορνηλιανοῦ τοῦ ὑπάρχου758 εἰσελθόντες ἐν αὐτῷ759 τοῦ ἀνέμου κατὰ πρύμναν ἱσταμένου ἑβδόμῃ ἡμέρᾳ διεπέρασαν τὸν Ἰώνιον καλούμενον κόλπον καὶ προσέμιξαν τῇ Πελοπονήσῳ ἐκεῖθεν δὲ760 πάλιν τοῖς δημοσίοις ἵπποις χρησάμενοι διὰ δεκαπέντε τῶν πασῶν761 ἡμερῶν κατέλαβον τὸ Βυζάντιον. 51 Κἀκεῖθεν αὐθημερὸν διαπλεύσαντες εἰς τὴν Νικομηδέων πόλιν καὶ πάλιν τοῖς κουνδούροις762 χρησάμενοι εἰς ἄλλας δύο ἡμέρας ἔφθασαν κατὰ τὴν Συναδέων μητρόπολιν τῆς προλεχθείσης763 Φρυγίας. καὶ ἀπέδωκαν τὰ γράμματα ἀπὸ764 Κορνιλιανοῦ τοῦ ἐπάρχου765 πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα Σπινθῆρα περὶ τούτου γραφέντα· ὁ γὰρ Δολαβέλλας ἤδη τοῦ χρόνου αὐτοῦ766 παροχηκότος ἐπέπαυτο τῆς ἀρχῆς. λαβόντες οὖν ὁδηγοὺς παρὰ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος767 καὶ ἀλλάξαντες τοὺς ἵππους768 ἐννάτῃ ὥρᾳ τῆς αὐτῆς769 ἡμέρας καταλαμβάνουσι τὴν Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλιν.770

752 753 754 755 756 757 758 759 760 761 762 763 764 765 766 767 768 769 770

M161, P1540 δὲ P1540 omits ταύτην, adds τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος C3574 τὴν πορείαν M161 omits τὸ J27 εἰς Μ161 προτρέψαντος C3574 ἐπάρχου P1540 omits ἐν αὐτῷ P1540 κἀκεῖθεν M161 omits τῶν πασῶν J27, M161 βερηδαριος, Latin veredarius P1540 λεχθείσης A9, P1540 omit ἀπὸ C3574 Αὐριλιανοῦ τοῦ ὑπάρχου, A9 ὑπάρχου J27 αὐτῷ C3574 adds οἱ μαγιστριανοὶ J27, M161 ἱππεῖς P1540 adds τῆς M161 for Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλιν reads Ἱεράπολιν

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The Christocentric version  153 50 When the couriers had received this letter and had been commanded to use all energy in making the journey, they departed from Rome. Travelling for two days, they reached Brundisium, where they found a ship ready, since the prefect Cornelianus had sent ahead for this to be arranged. Having embarked in it, and with a steady wind at the stern, they crossed the gulf called the Ionian and reached the Peloponnese on the seventh day. In turn, using state horses, from there they reached Byzantium in fifteen days. 51 From there, that very same day, they sailed across to the city of Nicomedia. Then, again using post-horses, in another two days they came to Synnada, metropolis of the aforementioned Phrygia. They delivered the letter from the prefect Cornelianus written concerning this matter to the governor Spinther. For Dolabella, his term having passed, had ceased to hold office. Subsequently, receiving guides from the governor and exchanging the horses, at the ninth hour that same day they reached the city of Hierapolis.

154  The texts—Greek and English 52 Συνέβη δὲ αὐτοὺς εἰσερχομένους771 τὴν πόρταν772 ὑπαντῆσαι τῷ ἁγίῳ Ἀβερκίῳ εἰωθότι περὶ τὴν ἐννάτην773 ὥραν ἀναχωρεῖν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ. οἱ οὖν βερηδάριοι ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν περὶ τοῦ Εὐξεινιανοῦ εἰ ἐνδημεῖ τῇ πόλει καὶ ἔνθα774 κατάγεται. τοῦ δὲ ἁγίου ἀντεπερωτήσαντος,775 δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν ἐπιζητοῦσιν τὸν ἄνδρα·776 ἐδεδοίκει γὰρ περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς περὶ777 φίλου, μή τι ἐναντίον ἐστὶ κατ’ αὐτοῦ, ἐπειδὴ778 ἑώρα μετὰ σπουδῆς ἐπερωτῶντας·779 εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν780 ἀγανακτήσας διότι ἀντεπερώτησε καὶ μὴ εὐθέως ἀπεκρίνατο ὀξύρροπος ὢν ἐπανέτεινε781 τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτοῦ ὡς πατάξων τὸν ἅγιον τῇ782 μάστιγι, καὶ παραχρῆμα ἔστη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ ξηρά. 53 Ἰδόντες οὖν783 τὸ παράδοξον θαῦμα784 ἐφοβήθησαν καὶ συντόμως ἀποβάντες τῶν ἵππων προσέπεσαν τῷ ἁγίῳ785 εἰς τὸ θεραπεῦσαι τὴν δεξιὰν786 τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος ἁψάμενος τῆς χειρὸς787 αὐτοῦ αὖθις ὑγιῆ αὐτὴν788 ἀπεκατέστησεν.789 καὶ μαθὼν790 ὅτι γράμματα τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἔχουσι791 πρὸς τὸν Εὐξεινιανὸν ἐβάδιζεν μετ’ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν792 αὐτοῦ. ὅστις δεξάμενος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ γνοὺς τὴν δύναμιν τῶν γεγραμένων793 ἐπέδειξεν τῷ ἁγίῳ Ἀβερκίῳ καὶ παρεκάλει αὐτὸν

771 772 773 774 775 776 777 778 779 780 781 782 783 784 785 786 787 788 789 790 791 792 793

A9, C3574 αὐτοῖς εἰσερχομένοις M161 omits τὴν πόρταν reads ἐν τῇ πόλει J27 adds τὴν C3574 ἔνθαδε A9, J27 ἀντερωτήσαντος P1540 for τὸν ἄνδρα reads αὐτόν C3574 ἐπὶ, P1540 omits περὶ J27, M161 add δὲ A9, C3574 add αὐτούς, J27, P1540 τοὺς βερηδαρίους J27, P1540 add ὀνόματι Οὐαλέριος P1540 ἀνέτεινεν C3574 omits τῇ C3574 adds ἐκείνοι C3574 adds ἐξαίφνις P1540 adds δεόμενοι A9, C3574 χεῖρα P1540 δεξιᾶς J27 αὐτὸν C3574 adds ὡς τὸ πρότερον C3574 adds ὁ μακάριος M161 omits ἔχουσι C3574 τὸν οἰκὸν C3574 ἐγεγραμμένων, P1540 omits τῶν γεγραμένων

570

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The Christocentric version  155 52 It so happened as they were entering the gate that they were met by Saint Abercius, who was accustomed around the ninth hour to return to his house. Consequently, the couriers were inquiring of him concerning Euxeinianus if he lived in the city and where he stayed. The saint in response asked for what reason they were seeking the man, for he had fears about him as a friend, concerned that the cause was some animosity toward him, since he saw they were so eager to make the inquiry. One of them was quite irritated that he had responded with a question instead of answering directly. Being quick tempered he stretched out his right hand intending to strike the saint with his whip. Immediately, his hand was stopped and withered. 53 Therefore, seeing this unexpected wonder, they were afraid and quickly dismounted from their horses. They fell before the saint that he might heal the right hand of Valerius. The saint took hold of his right hand, and it was restored once again to health. Then learning that they had a letter from the emperor to Euxeinianus, he walked with them to his house. Euxeinianus received the letter of the emperor and recognizing the authority of what was written showed it to Saint Abercius and implored him not to delay, but at once to

156  The texts—Greek and English

εἰς τὸ794 μὴ ὑπερθέσθαι, ἀλλ’ εὐθέως ἀναδέξασθαι τὴν πορείαν καὶ ἀπελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

54 Ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ προθύμως ὑπέσχετο εἰπὼν ὡς ‘Καὶ τοῦτο προεμήνυσεν ὁ κύριός μου795 τῷ δούλῳ αὐτοῦ’. ξενίσαντες οὖν τοὺς βερηδαρίους ἐπὶ796 δύο ἡμέρας καὶ μαθόντες παρ’ αὐτῶν τόν τε πλοῦν καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν797 πᾶσαν ἣν διῆλθον, τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀπέλυσαν αὐτοὺς798 συνταξαμένου αὐτοῖς τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου799 μετὰ τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέρας εἰς τὸν λεγόμενον Πόρτον πλησίον τῆς Ῥώμης εὑρίσκεσθαι καὶ οὕτως μετ’ αὐτῶν ἀπέρχεσθαι ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ. οἱ δὲ βερηδάριοι800 ἄκοντες μέν,801 ἐπείθοντο φοβηθέντες802 ἐκ τοῦ προτέρου θαύματος803 τοῦ γενομένου804 περὶ τὴν δεξιὰν805 ἑνὸς ἐξ αὐτῶν. λαβόντες οὖν τὰ ἀντίγραφα ἀπὸ806 Εὐξεινιανοῦ ἀπῆλθον πάλιν χρησάμενοι τοῖς δημοσίοις ἵπποις. 55 Ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος διαλεχθεὶς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ὡς μέλλων807 ἐξορμᾶν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ ὁρῶν πάντας θλιβομένους καὶ βαρέως φέροντας τὴν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ παρεκάλεσεν αὐτοὺς808 εὐθυμεῖν μᾶλλον καὶ εὔχεσθαι ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πρὸς809 τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν,810 ὅπως δείξῃ811 τὴν εὐσπλαγχνίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ δύναμιν812 καὶ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διὰ τοῦ δούλου αὐτοῦ. καὶ εὐτρεπισθεὶς813 ἔλαβεν814 ἀσκὸν καὶ815 ἔβαλεν εἰς816 αὐτὸν οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ

794 795 796 797 798 799 800 801 802 803 804 805 806 807 808 809 810 811 812 813 814 815 816

M161 omits εἰς τὸ A9, C3574 μοι J27, P1540 omit ἐπὶ P1540 στρᾶταν P1540 omits αὐτοὺς M161 omits Ἀβερκίου M161 omits βερηδάριοι A9, C3574 omit μέν, A9, P1540 add ὅμως δὲ P1540, M161 δείσαντες P1540 σημείου C3574 γινομένου C3574, P1540 add τοῦ J27 adds τοῦ P1540 μέλλει A9, C3574 παρεκάλει πάντας P1540 omits πρὸς A9, C3574 omit πρὸς τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν M161 adds καὶ νῦν A9, C3574 omit καὶ δύναμιν P1540 adds καὶ P1540 λαβὼν P1540 omits καὶ M161 adds τὸν

590

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The Christocentric version  157

undertake the journey and go to Rome.

54 In turn, he promised quite enthusiastically saying, ‘Even this my Lord had indicated beforehand to his servant’. Then, having hosted the couriers for two days and learning from them about the voyage and the entire route which they had travelled, on the third day they gave them leave, Abercius having arranged to be found after forty days at a place called Portus that is near Rome, thus he would make his way from there into Rome with them. Now, on the one hand they were reluctant, but yielded, fearing the previous wonder that had occurred concerning the right hand of one of them. Subsequently, taking the response from Euxeinianus they left, once again using state horses. 55 Now Saint Abercius discussed with the brothers how he was about to set out for Rome. When he saw that all of them were distressed and burdened with grief at his absence abroad, he encouraged them rather to take heart and to entreat our Lord Jesus Christ on his behalf, in order that he might show his compassion and power even in Rome through his servant. Getting ready he took a wineskin and in it he put wine and oil. With these two he mixed in

158  The texts—Greek and English ὄξος μίξας817 ἀμφότερα,818 καὶ ὀλίγους ἄρτους βαστάσας καὶ καθεσθεὶς ἐπὶ πῶλον ὄνου ἐξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως.819 56 Καὶ προβὰς820 ὀλίγην ὁδὸν καὶ ἰδὼν ἄνδρα σκάπτοντα τὰ821 ἀμπέλια αὐτοῦ822 ὀνόματι Τροφημίονα ἐκάλεσεν αὐτὸν823 ἐξ ὀνόματος λέγων·824 ‘Δεῦρο, Τροφημίων, σύνελθέ μοι ὀλίγην ὁδὸν ἕως Ῥώμης’. ὁ δὲ ὑπακούσας καὶ καταλείψας τὴν δίκελλαν αὐτοῦ καὶ βαλὼν825 τὸ826 περιβόλαιον αὐτοῦ827 ἠκολούθησεν τῷ ἁγίῳ Ἀβερκίῳ.828 καὶ ὁσάκις μὲν ἠβούλοντο ἄρτου καὶ οἴνου μεταλαβεῖν, κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἁγίου λύων ὁ Τροφημίων τὸν ἀσκὸν προσφόρως ὅπερ ἔχρῃζεν829 ἐκ τοῦ ἀσκοῦ830 καθαρὸν ἐξήρχετο·831 εἰ δὲ που ὁ Τροφημίων διψήσας καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἠβουλήθη λῦσαι τὸν ἀσκὸν καὶ ἐκβάλαι οἶνον, ἔλαιον καὶ ὄξος μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἐξῄει καὶ ἁπλῶς τὰ ἐναντία ὧν ἠβούλετο,832 ὡς833 μηκέτι τολμῆσαι αὐτὸν ἄνευ γνώμης τοῦ ἁγίου ἅψασθαι τοῦ ἄγγείου.834 57 Τὴν δὲ πορείαν αὐτῶν τοῦ κυρίου συνεργοῦντος αὐτοῖς εὐμαρῶς  διανύσαντες ἐγένοντο ἐν Ἀταλίᾳ τῆς Παμφυλίας.835 καὶ εὑρόντες836 ἕτοιμον πλοῖον837 μέλλον ἀνάγεσθαι838 ἐπὶ τὴν839

817 818 819 820 821 822 823 824 825 826 827 828 829 830 831 832 833 834 835 836 837 838 839

C3574 καὶ σμίξας, J27 ἔμιξεν P1540 ἑκάτερα P1540 τὴν πόλιν P1540 προκόψας C3574 omits τὰ M161 omits τὰ ἀμπέλια αὐτοῦ M161 omits ἐκάλεσεν αὐτὸν P1540 adds αὐτῷ J27, P1540 λαβὼν J27, P1540 omit τὸ C3574 omits καὶ βαλὼν τὸ περιβόλαιον αὐτοῦ, J27, P1540 omit αὐτοῦ J27, M161 omit Ἀβερκίῳ J27 ἔφερεν, P1540 ἔχρῃζον P1540 αὐτοῦ P1540 ἐξίει J27 adds εὔρισκεν J27, P1540 ὥστε A9 ἄγγους M161 for ἐν Ἀταλίᾳ τῆς Παμφυλίας reads κατὰ τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν τῆς Ἀσίας C3574, J27 εὗρον, A9, P1540 ηὗρον P1540 omits πλοῖον C3574 ἄγεσθαι C3574 adds πόλιν

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The Christocentric version  159

vinegar, taking along a few loaves of bread. When he had mounted a foal of a donkey, he exited the city.

56 When he had advanced a short distance, he saw a man digging about his vines, whose name was Trophimion, whom he called by name saying ‘Trophimion, come with me on a short journey as far as Rome!’ The man listened and left behind his mattock. Throwing on his cloak, he followed the saint. Now, on the one hand, as often as they wished to share some of the bread and wine, when Trophimion would loosen the skin with the acknowledgement of the saint, just the right amount of what they needed came out of it pure. On the other hand, if by chance Trophimion was thirsty and on his own accord wished to loosen the skin and pour out wine, oil and vinegar would pour out with it, in a word, just the opposite of what he wanted, so that he no longer dared to touch the sack without acknowledgement of the saint. 57 Since the Lord was assisting them, they readily completed their journey, having come into Attalia of Pamphylia. They found there a ship ready, about to set sail for Rome, which they boarded. One day

160  The texts—Greek and English Ῥώμην. καὶ εἰσελθόντες εἰς αὐτὸ κατὰ840 τὴν σύνταξιν τὴν γενομένην μετὰ τῶν βερηδαρίων πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας εὑρέθη ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος841 εἰς τὸν λεγόμενον Πόρτον πλησίον τῆς Ῥώμης περιμένων τοὺς μαγιστριανούς. οἱ δὲ μετὰ τρίτην ἡμέραν συνέφθασαν· πάνυ γὰρ κατὰ τὸν πλοῦν ἐσιάνθησαν. ἦν γὰρ λοιπὸν842 χειμερινὴ ἡ843 τροπὴ καὶ ἐν πολλῇ ἀθυμίᾳ καὶ περιστάσει συνείχοντο καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἐλογίζοντο844 ὡς μὴ εἰ845 εὕροιεν846 τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον κατὰ847 τὴν σύνταξιν ἐν848 τῷ Πόρτῳ, ἑαυτοὺς τῆς ζωῆς μέλλειν849 ἀποστερεῖν850 ἢ ἐμφανίσαντας χωρὶς αὐτοῦ βασανιζομένους ὑπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἀποθανεῖν. 58 Ὡς οὖν ἐξῆλθον εἰς τὸν Πόρτον ἀγωνιῶντες καὶ εἰς τὰ851 καταγώγια852 περιεργαζόμενοι ἦσαν,853 ἀπήντησεν854 αὐτοῖς ὁ ἅγιος καὶ ἀσπασάμενος αὐτοῖς855 καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν προτείνας ἐμέμφετο περὶ τῆς βραδυτῆτος αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ αἰφνίδιον ἰδόντες αὐτὸν πρῶτον μὲν ἠπίστουν ἀπὸ τῆς χαρᾶς, ἔπειτα856 τελείως ἐπιγνόντες857 ἔπεσον εἰς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ λέγοντες ὅτι ‘Πατέρα σε Χριστιανῶν ὀνομάζομεν, τιμιωτέραν τῆς προσηγορίας ταύτης μὴ858 ἔχοντες· ἐγενήθημεν γὰρ μετ’ ἐκείνων ὄντες ἀναίσθητοι, σωζόμεθα δὲ ὑπὸ σοῦ αἰσθανόμενοι· σήμερον γὰρ εἰ μὴ

840 841 842 843 844 845 846 847 848 849 850 851 852 853 854 855 856 857 858

P1540 πρὸς M161 omits Ἀβέρκιος P1540 omits λοιπὸν C3574 omits ἡ J27, M161 διελογίζοντο M161 omits εἰ P1540 εὕρωσι P1540 πρὸς M161 omits ἐν P1540 μᾶλλον C3574, J27 ἀποστερῆσειν, P1540 στερῆσαι C3574 omits εἰς τὰ J27 ἀγώγια C3574 omits ἦσαν M161 ὑπήντησεν C3574, P1540 omit αὐτοῖς, A9, J27 αὐτοὺς J27 ἔπει ταδέ, P1540 εἶτα A9, C3574 add αὐτὸν P1540 οὐκ

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The Christocentric version  161

ahead of the schedule which had been arranged with the couriers, the saint was found in the place called Portus near Rome awaiting the couriers, who arrived two days later, loathing their voyage. For it was now the winter solstice and they were very disheartened and distressed at the present circumstances. They reckoned with each other how unless they found Saint Abercius at the appointed time in Portus, they planned to take their own lives rather than appear without him to be tortured and die at the hands of the emperor.

58 Therefore, when they disembarked into Portus in distress, they were searching the inns assiduously when the saint encountered them. When he had stretched out his right hand to greet them, he criticized them for their tardiness. Upon seeing him so suddenly, at first, they were in disbelief from joy, then finally coming to that realization, they fell at his feet saying, ‘We name you Father of the Christians since we have no more honored appellation than this. For we were among those who had no perception,13 but being seen by you, we are saved. For today, unless we found you, we planned to remove ourselves from life’. However, Saint Abercius raised them,

13 i.e., those who are dead

162  The texts—Greek and English εὕρωμέν σε, τῆς ζωῆς ἑαυτοὺς ἐβουλόμεθα ἀπαλλάξαι’.859 ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος860 ἐγείρας αὐτοὺς καὶ προτρεψάμενος εὐθυμεῖν861 ἐβάδιζεν σὺν αὐτοῖς862 ἐπὶ863 τὴν Ῥώμην. οἱ δὲ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν πρὸς Κορνηλιανὸν τὸν ὕπαρχον. 59 Συνέβη δὲ κατ’ ἐκεῖνου καιροῦ864 τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Ἀντωνῖνον μὴ ἐνδημεῖν ἐν865 τῇ πόλει·866 τῶν γὰρ βαρβάρων μαθόντων ὡς τὸ πολὺ τοῦ Ῥωμαϊκοῦ στρατεύματος εἰς τὰ ἑῶα μέρη μετὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου867 αὐτοκράτορος Λουκίου Βήρου ἀπησχολείσθαι,868 ἐκ τούτου καταφρονήσαντες διέβησαν τὸν Ῥῆνον ποταμὸν869 καὶ ἐπόρθουν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπικράτειαν, ὡς ἀναγκασθῆναι τὸν Ἀντωνῖνον ἐξελθεῖν μετὰ τοῦ870 στρατεύματος ὅσουπερ ἱκανὸς871 ἐγένετο συναγαγεῖν872 καὶ ἀναστεῖλαι τὰς τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπιδρομάς. ὁ οὖν ὕπαρχος873 πρὸς874 τὴν βασίλισσαν Φαυστῖναν τὴν μητέρα τῆς κόρης ἀπήγαγε τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον. 60 Καὶ875 ἰδοῦσα αὐτὸν876 ἄνδρα αἰδέσιμον διὰ γῆρας καὶ σύνεσιν· ἦν γάρ τι877 ἀξίωμα περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ878 ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς θέας·879 ἠσπάσατο αὐτὸν καὶ λέγει·880 ‘Ὅτι μὲν881 θεοῦ ἀγαθοῦ καὶ δυνατοῦ882 δοῦλος εἶ, δῆλόν ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν

640

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859 M161 omits ἐγεννήθημεν γὰρ μετ’ ἐκείνων ὄντες ἀναίσθητοι, σωζόμεθα δὲ ὑπὸ σοῦ αἰσθανόμενοι· σήμερον γὰρ εἰ μὴ εὕρωμέν σε, τῆς ζωῆς ἑαυτοὺς ἐβουλόμεθα ἀπαλλάξαι 860 M161, P1540 omit Ἀβέρκιος 861 M161 omits καὶ προτρεψάμενος εὐθυμεῖν 862 P1540 μετ’ αὐτῶν 863 C3574, P1540 εἰς 864 P1540 κατ’ ἐκεῖνῳ καιρῷ 865 J27 omits ἐν 866 P1540 Ῥώμῃ 867 A9, C3574 add τοῦ 868 P1540 ἀπησχόληται, M161 ἀποσχολεῖσθαι 869 P1540 adds πολλαὶ μυριάδες 870 M161, P1540 omit τοῦ 871 M161 ἱκανῶς 872 C3574 ἀγαγεῖν, A9, J27 ἀναγαγεῖν 873 P1540 Κορνιλιανὸς 874 J27 πρὸ 875 A9, C3574 ἡ δὲ 876 C3574 τόν, P1540 adds ἡ βασίλισσα 877 A9, C3574 add καὶ 878 M161 omits καὶ 879 C3574 θεωρίας 880 P1540 adds πρὸς αὐτόν 881 C3574 adds γὰρ 882 M161, P1540 add ἄξιος

The Christocentric version  163

and exhorting them to take heart, he went with them to Rome. They then brought him to Cornelianus, the prefect.

59 It so happened at that time that the emperor, Antoninus, was not residing in the city, for when the barbarians learned how most of the Roman army was wholly occupied in the eastern regions with the other emperor, Lucius Verus, for this reason, showing contempt, they crossed the Rhine River and were decimating the realm of the Romans. Antoninus was thus compelled to go out with the army as large as could be assembled, in sufficient numbers to counter the barbarian raids. Therefore, the prefect brought Saint Abercius to the empress, Faustina, the girl’s mother. 60 The empress looked on him as a man who was revered because of his age and intelligence. For there was something worthy about him even from his appearance itself. She greeted him and said, ‘It is clear from that which the couriers reported to us that you are a worthy servant of a god who is good and powerful’. For Faustina

164  The texts—Greek and English ἀπήγγειλαν ἡμῖν οἱ βερηδάριοι·’πάντα γὰρ ἡ Φαυστῖνα883 μεμαθήκει884 παρ’ αὐτῶν.885 ἔφη οὖν886 αὐτῷ· ‘Παρακαλῶ σε μὴ κατοκνῆσαι καὶ βασιλέων εὐεργέτην887 γενέσθαι σώζων καὶ ἰώμενος τὸ ταπεινόν μου θυγάτριον·888 δωρεαὶ δὲ889 ἄξιαι890 δοθήσονταί σοι παρ’ ἐμοῦ’.891 61 Ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτήν·892 ‘Τὴν μὲν γνώμην893 σου ἀποδέχομαι, δωρεᾶς894 δὲ χρημάτων οἱ εἰς Χριστὸν ἐλπίζοντες895 οὐ χρῄζουσιν. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως μεμαθήκαμεν,896 ἵνα ἐπὶ μισθῷ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ897 θεοῦ898 δωρηθέντα ἡμῖν παρέχωμεν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. παρήγγειλε899 γάρ ἡμῖν λέγων·900 “δωρεὰν ἐλάβετε, δωρεὰν δότε.” ἄγε901 οὖν τὴν θυγατέρα σου καὶ ὄψει τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ θεοῦ μου’.902 ἡ δὲ903 εἰσδραμοῦσα εἰς τὸν θάλαμον ἑαυτῆς904 καὶ ἐπιλαβομένη τῆς χειρὸς τῆς θυγατρὸς905 αὐτῆς ἤγαγεν αὐτὴν906 πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον907 Ἀβέρκιον. ἡ δὲ κόρη καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ἰδέσθαι τὸ πρόσωπον τοῦ ἁγίου ἤρξατο σπαράσσειν ἑαυτὴν καὶ κράζειν διὰ τοῦ συνέχοντος αὐτὴν δαίμονος· ‘Ἰδού, Ἀβέρκιε,

883 884 885 886 887 888 889 890 891 892 893 894 895 896 897 898 899 900 901 902 903 904 905 906 907

P1540 adds ἀκριβῶς J27 βασίλισσα ἐμαθήκει P1540 αὐτῷ A9, C3574 add πάλιν P1540 ὑπηρέτην A9, C3574 add ἐκ τούτου γὰρ καὶ C3574 omits δὲ A9, C3574 ἄξιοι P1540 ἡμῶν P1540 τὴν βασίλισσαν P1540 προθυμίαν P1540 δωρεάν, A9 δωρεὰ M161 πιστεύοντες P1540 omits μεμαθήκαμεν, reads παρελάβομεν ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ M161, P1540 παρ’ αὐτοῦ P1540 omits θεοῦ P1540 λέγει P1540 omits ἡμῖν λέγων M161 ἄγαγε P1540 omits μου P1540 adds βασίλισσα M161, P1540 omit ἑαυτῆς P1540 καὶ παραλαβοῦσα τὴν θυγατέρα C3574, P1540 omit αὐτὴν J27 adds τοῦ θεοῦ

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had learned all the details from them. Therefore, she said to him, ‘I implore you. Do not hesitate to be a benefactor of emperors by saving and healing my poor little daughter and worthy gifts shall be given to you by me’.

61 However, Saint Abercius said to her, ‘Your intention I welcome, but those hoping in Christ have no use for gifts of money. For so we have not learned that we should offer as a reward to people what was freely given to us by God. For he gave a command to us saying, “Freely you received, freely give”.14 Now bring your daughter and you shall see the power of my God’. She ran to her own bedroom and taking the hand of her daughter she brought her to Saint Abercius. Now the girl, even before she saw the face of the saint, began to attack herself and to scream by the demon that was tormenting her. ‘See, Abercius, as I promised, I made you walk in

14 Matthew 10.8

166  The texts—Greek and English ὡς ἐπηγγειλάμην908 ἐποίησά σε πατῆσαι909 τὴν Ῥώμην’.910 ὁ δὲ ἅγιος·911 ‘Ναί,’ φησιν ‘ἀλλ’ οὐ χαρίσῃ τούτου ἕνεκεν’. καὶ ἐκέλευσε τὴν κόρην εἰς ὕπαιθρον τόπον ἀχθῆναι.912 62 Καὶ δὴ τῆς βασιλίσσης κελευσάσης καὶ παραφυλακῆς γενομένης εἰς τὸν ἀσκέπαστον913 ἱππόδρομον ἐκεῖ ἠνέχθη ἡ παρθένος, καὶ ἐπὶ πολλὰς914 ὥρας τοῦ δαίμονος915 ἐλέγχοντος αὐτὴν καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο βοῶντος ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ ἐνσεμνυνομένου,916 ὅτι δι’ αὐτὸν ἦλθεν ὁ ἅγιος τοσαύτην γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν διαπεράσας,917 καὶ σπαράσσοντος τὴν κόρην918 ἀναβλέψας919 εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ὁ ἅγιος προσηύξατο λέγων· ‘Σὺ εἶ ἡ ἐλπὶς πάντων τῶν εἰς σὲ920 ἐλπιζόντων,921 Χριστέ· σὺ922 καὶ923 τὸν λεγεῶνα τῶν δαιμόνων κατήργησας καὶ924 εἰς χοίρους ἐκέλευσας925 αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν.926 ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί927 σου τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ οὗτος ὁ δαίμων ἀποδιωχθήτω τῆς κόρης μηδὲν αὐτὴν ἀδικήσας, ὅπως γνώσονται928 πάντες οἱ παριστάμενοι,929 ὅτι πλὴν σοῦ930 οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλλος θεός’. 63 Καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ δριμὺ ἐμβλέψας εἰς τὴν κόρην ἔφη· ‘Ἐπιτάσσει931 σοι Ἰησοῦς Χριστός·932 ἔξελθε πνεύμα ἀκάθαρτον933 ἀπὸ τῆς κόρης

908 909 910 911 912 913 914 915 916 917 918 919 920 921 922 923 924 925 926 927 928 929 930 931 932 933

J27 adds σοι C3574, J27 add καὶ, J27 omits τὴν J27 ἐν Ῥώμῃ P1540 adds ἀπεκρίθη A9, M161 τεθῆναι A9, M161 omit ἀσκέπαστον J27 adds τὰς J27, P1540 omit τοῦ δαίμονος C3574, P1540 σεμνυνομένου, J27 ἐνσεμνυνομένος P1540 περάσας M161, P1540 add τοῦ δαίμονος P1540 βλέψας C3574 omits εἰς σὲ P1540 πιστευόντων Ἰησοῦ P1540 adds γὰρ A9, C3574 omit καὶ P1540 omits καὶ P1540 κελεύσας P1540 εἰσελθεῖν J27, P1540 add οὖν P1540 γνῶσιν P1540 adds καὶ αὕτη ἡ βασίλισσα P1540 adds καὶ τοῦ εὐλογημένου σου πατρὸς P1540 λέγει J27 adds δι’ ἐμοῦ, P1540 omits Χριστός J27 πονηρόν, P1540 omits πνεύμα ἀκάθαρτον

675

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The Christocentric version  167

Rome’. ‘Yes’, said the saint, ‘but on this count you will not be glad’. Then he ordered the girl to be brought to a place outdoors.

62 Now once the empress had given command and a guard was in place at the uncovered hippodrome, the maiden was brought there. For quite some time the demon abused her. He proclaimed nothing else, as it were, even boasting, how on his account the saint had made such a long journey across land and sea, as he continued to convulse the girl. Looking up to heaven the saint prayed saying, ‘Christ, you are the hope of all who put confidence in you. You rendered the legion of demons powerless and commanded them to leave and enter the swine. In your holy name let even this demon be driven away from the girl, doing her no harm, in order that all who are standing here will know that apart from you there is no other God’. 63 Having said these things, he looked in anger at the girl and said, ‘Jesus Christ commands you, leave the girl, unclean spirit, and do her no harm’. Having heard these things the demon answered, ‘I

168  The texts—Greek and English μηδὲν αὐτὴν ἀδικήσαν’.934 ταύτα δὲ935 ἀκούσας936 ὁ δαίμων ἀπεκρίθη ‘Κἀγὼ ὁρκῶσαι κατὰ Χριστοῦ,937 μὴ πέμψῃς με εἰς τόπον938 ἄγριον939 εἰ μὴ ἔνθα ἐξ ἀρχῆς ᾤκουν· οὕτω γὰρ μὴ βλάψας τὴν κόρην ταύτης940 ἀπαλλαγήσομαι’. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος941 εἶπεν·942 ‘Εἰς μὲν ἄγριον943 ὄρος οὐκ ἀποστελῶ944 σε, ἀλλ’ εἰς τὸν945 τόπον ἄπελθε ἔνθα ἐπιτάσσει946 σοι ὁ Χριστὸς δι’ ἐμοῦ·947 ἀνθ’ ὅτου948 δὲ ἐτόλμησας εἰς Ῥώμην ἀγάγαι με, κἀγὼ ἐπιτάττω σοι ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ949 βαστάξαι τὸν βωμὸν τοῦτον, ὑποδείξας αὐτῷ τῇ χειρὶ950 βωμὸν951 μαρμάρου πλησίον αὐτοῦ ἱστάμενον952 ‘Τοῦ ἀποσῶσαι αὐτὸν,’ φησιν ‘εἰς τὴν πόλιν μοῦ Ἱερᾶπολιν καὶ τοῦτον στῆσαι πλησίον τῆς νοτινῆς πόρτης’.953 καὶ954 ὁ δαίμων ὑπακούσας εὐθέως955 ἑξῆλθεν ἀπὸ τῆς κόρης μηδὲν956 αὐτὴν ἀδικήσας καὶ πάντων βλεπόντων ὑπεισῆλθεν εἰς τὸν βωμὸν καὶ ἐβάσταξεν αὐτὸν στενάξας μέγα957 καὶ διαβὰς958 τὸν ἱππόδρομον καθὼς ἐκελεύσθη ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου ἤγαγεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἔστησεν ἐν ᾧ προσετάγη τόπῳ.

934 935 936 937 938 939 940 941 942 943 944 945 946 947 948 949 950 951 952 953 954 955 956 957 958

690

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J27, P1540 ἀδικήσας P1540 omits ταύτα δὲ P1540 adds δὲ C3574 reads ἐξορκῶ σε κατ’ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ, A9 κἀγὼ ὁρκῶσαι κατὰ Ἰησοῦ, J27, P1540 ὅτι κἀγὼ οὖν ὁρκῶ σε κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ P1540 ὄρος P1540 adds ἢ εἰς ἄλλον τόπον C3574, P1540 omit ταύτης J27 adds Ἀβέρκιος P1540 adds πρὸς αὐτὸν A9, P1540 add διὰ Ἰησοῦν J27 ἀποπεψῶ, P1540 πέμπω A9, M161 omit τὸν J27 ἐπιτάσσεις P1540 for ἄπελθε ἔνθα ἐπιτάσσει σοι ὁ Χριστὸς δι’ ἐμοῦ, reads ἀπέλθεις τὸν πατρικόν σου P1540 ὧν P1540 omits Χριστοῦ A9, C3574 add τὸν A9, C3574 add ἐκ A9, C3574 add καὶ Latin porta C3574 τότε P1540 συντόμως P1540 μὴ P1540 omits μέγα P1540 ὑπερβὰς

The Christocentric version  169

adjure you by Christ, do not send me into the wilderness, instead send me where I was living at the start, for so without harming the girl I will depart from this one’. The saint said, ‘I will not send you into the wilderness of the hill country but go back to the place where Christ commands you through me. Now because you dared to lead me to Rome, I myself command you in the name of Jesus Christ to carry this altar’. Pointing out to him with his hand a marble altar erected near him, he said, ‘Take it intact to my city, Hierapolis, and set it near the south gate’. The demon instantly obeyed and came out from the girl leaving her unharmed. While all were watching, he entered into the altar from below. With a loud groan he lifted it and surmounted the hippodrome. Even as he was commanded by the saint, he carried it and stood it in the prescribed place.

170  The texts—Greek and English 64 Ἡ δὲ κόρη ὀλιγωρήσασα ἔπεσεν εἰς τοὺς πόδας959 τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου960 ἐπὶ πολλὰς ὥρας μὴ δυναμένη λαλῆσαι, ὡς καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτῆς961 καὶ πάντας τοὺς παρεστῶτας ἀγωνιᾶν τε962 καὶ τρέμειν φοβηθέντας963 ὅτι964 ἀπέθανεν. καὶ965 ἡ966 βασίλισσα εἶπεν πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον· ‘Τὶ τοῦτο ἐποίησας·967 νομίζω968 ὅτι969 μετὰ τοῦ δαίμονος καὶ τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῆς970 ἀπήλλαξας·’971 ὁ δὲ ἅγιος ἰδῶν972 τὴν περίστασιν αὐτῶν973 ἐπινεύσας καὶ δοὺς χεῖρα τῇ κόρῃ ἤγειρεν αὐτὴν καὶ ἔστησεν974 ὑγιαίνουσαν καὶ σωφρονοῦσαν καὶ εἶπε πρὸς τὴν μητέρα975 αὐτῆς·976 ‘Ἰδοὺ ἔχεις τὴν θυγατέρα σου τοῦ μὲν δαίμονος ἀπηλλαγμένην,977 τῆς δὲ ζωῆς μὴ στερηθεῖσαν’.978 65 Ἡ δὲ μετὰ πολλῆς χαρᾶς καὶ δακρύων979 περιλαβοῦσα τὴν θυγατέρα αὐτῆς καὶ ἐκπλαγεῖσα980 ἐπὶ πολλὰς981 τὰς982 ὥρας983 προσπεσοῦσα τῷ ἁγίῳ984 παρεκάλει αὐτὸν λέγουσα, ὅπως ἀξίας δωρεὰς λάβοι985 παρ’ αὐτῆς. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος περὶ μὲν χρημάτων οὐδὲ ἀκοῦσαι ἠνέσχετο εἰπών, τίς986 δέοιτο χρημάτων, οὗτινος ἄρτος

959 960 961 962 963 964 965 966 967 968 969 970 971 972 973 974 975 976 977 978 979 980 981 982 983

705

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715

C3574 illegible here to near the close of §66 M161 omits Ἀβερκίου P1540 adds Φαυστῖναν P1540 omits τε, adds πτοηθέντας μὴ J27 omits ἀγωνιᾶν τε καὶ τρέμειν φοβηθέντας, P1540 omits τρέμειν φοβηθέντας A9 for ὅτι reads μὴ καὶ J27 omits καὶ J27 adds δὲ P1540 omits τὶ τοῦτο ἐποίησας A9 νομίζων, A9, P1540 add ἄνθρωπε J27 ἔτι A9 αὐτὴν, P1540 omits αὐτῆς P1540 adds τὴν θυγατέρα μου P1540 συννοήσας P1540 τῆς βασιλίσσης P1540 omits καὶ ἔστησεν P1540 βασίλισσαν P1540 omits αὐτῆς A9 ἀπαλλάγεισαν P1540 adds καὶ περὶ τούτου μηδὲν ἀγωνιάσῃς J27 adds πολλῶν P1540 ἐμπλησθεῖσα P1540 ἱκανὰς P1540 omits τὰς P1540 adds ἐκείνην μὲν παρέδωκεν ταῖς κουβικουλαρίαις [Latin cubicularia] εἰς τὸ ἀποσῶσαι αὐτὴν εἰς τὸν θάλαμον, αὐτὴ δὲ 984 P1540 reads προσκυνήσασα τὸν ἅγιον 985 P1540 λάβῃ 986 J27, P1540 τί

The Christocentric version  171 64 Now the girl unawares fell at the feet of Saint Abercius. For a long time she was unable to speak, so that both her mother, Faustina, and all who were present, were dismayed and distressed fearing that she had died. Then the empress said to the saint, ‘What is this you have done? I think that with the demon you also got rid of her life!’ Seeing their dilemma the saint bent down, and giving the girl his hand, he raised her healthy and in her right mind. Then he said to her mother, ‘See, you have your daughter, freed from the demon and not deprived of life’. 65 With much joy and weeping, in shock she embraced her daughter for a long while. Then having prostrated herself before the saint she implored him saying that he should receive worthy gifts from her. However, the saint could not bear to hear anything at all about money saying, ‘What need is there of money for whom bread and

172  The texts—Greek and English καὶ ὕδωρ αὔταρκες εἰς987 τροφὴν,988 ᾔτησεν δὲ989 ἐφ’ ᾧ990 κτισθῆναι991 βαλανεῖον ἐπὶ992 τῷ Ἀγρῷ τῷ λεγομένῳ993 παρὰ ποταμόν, ἔνθα κλίνας τὰ γόνατα προσηὔξατο994 καὶ αἱ πηγαὶ τῶν θερμῶν ὑδάτων ἀνέβλυσαν, ἀπονεῖμαι δὲ καὶ σιτηρέσιον τοῖς πτωχοῖς τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ καθ’ ἕκαστον ἔτος995 τρισχιλίους μοδίους σίτου. 66 Ἡ οὖν996 βασίλισσα μετὰ σπουδῆς μεταπεμψαμένη Κορνηλιανὸν τὸν ὕπαρχον ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῷ997 πάντα998 τὰ αἰτηθέντα999 ὑπὸ1000 τοῦ ἁγίου1001 εἰς πέρας1002 ἀγαγεῖν. ὁ δὲ μὴ μελλήσας εὐθέως τὸν ἀρχιτέκτονα μετὰ προστάξεως1003 ἐκπέμψας1004 πρὸς Σπινθῆρα τὸν κατ’ ἐκεῖνου καιροῦ ἄρχοντα1005 Φρυγίας1006 χρήματα ἐπιδοῦναι ὅσα δέοιτο ὁ ἀρχιτέκτων1007 εἰς τὸ κτισθῆναι τὸ βαλανεῖον, ἀπονεῖμαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς τρισχιλίους μοδίους τοῦ σίτου1008 εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν1009 τοῖς ἐν1010 τῇ πόλει αὐτοῦ1011 πτωχοῖς.1012 κτισθέντος οὖν1013 τοῦ βαλανείου ἐν τῷ εἰρημένῳ Ἀγρῷ ἀπὸ τότε1014 οὐκέτι ὁ Παρὰ Ποταμὸν Ἀγρός,

  987   988   989   990   991   992   993   994   995   996   997   998   999 1000 1001 1002 1003 1004 1005 1006 1007 1008 1009 1010 1011 1012 1013 1014

A9 omits εἰς A9 ἡ τροφή, P1540 ἄριστον J27 adds αὐτὴν, A9 αὐτῇ A9 omits ἐφ’ ᾧ J27 πέμψαι κτισθῆναι, P1540 πέμψαι αὐτὴν ἀρχιτέκτονα εἰς τὸ κτισθῆναι P1540 ἐν A9, J27 ἐπιλεγομένῳ P1540 ηὔξατο P1540 omits καθ’ ἔκαστον ἔτος P1540 δὲ P1540 omits αὐτῷ, J27 αὐτὸν P1540 omits πάντα, adds μετὰ πολλῆς συντομίας J27 adds τὰ P1540 παρὰ P1540 adds Ἀβερκίου P1540 ἔργον J27 προστάγματος P1540 ἔπεμψεν P1540 reads τῷ κατ’ ἐκείνῳ καιροῦ ἄρχοντι P1540 adds τῆς μικρᾶς ἐφ’ ᾧ J27 τῷ ἀρχιτέκτονι P1540 σιτηρεσίου P1540 omits εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν A9 omits ἐν P1540 for ἐν τῇ πόλει αὐτοῦ reads τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως J27, P1540 add καὶ P1540 omits οὖν P1540 ἔκτοτε

720

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The Christocentric version  173

water are sufficient for food?’ Instead, based on her offer, he asked for a bathhouse to be built in the place called Agros alongside the river, where kneeling down he had prayed, and springs of hot waters welled up, and to distribute each year to the poor of his city an allowance of three thousand modii15 of grain.

66 Consequently, the empress quickly summoned Cornelianus, the prefect, and commanded him to bring to completion all that had been requested by the saint. Without hesitation, he immediately sent a master-builder with orders to Spinther, who at that time was governing Phrygia, to provide as much money as the master-builder required for the construction of the bathhouse and to distribute the three thousand modii of grain as a service to the poor in his city. Subsequently, when the bathhouse had been built in the place called Agros, from that point on it was no longer named ‘Agros Beside the

15 A modius was a Roman dry measure equal to approximately nine liters or two gallons.

174  The texts—Greek and English ἀλλὰ Ἀγρὸς Θερμῶν Ὑδάτων1015 ἐπωνομάσθη. τὸ δὲ σιτηρέσιον ἔμεινεν χορηγούμενον ἄχρι τῶν χρόνων Ἰουλιανοῦ τοῦ παραβάτου· ἐκείνου τοίνυν1016 μὴ μόνον διώξαντος τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ἀλλὰ1017 καὶ ἐπιφθονήσαντος1018 ταῖς τοιαύταις δωρεαῖς ἐκέλευσεν τὰ ὁπωσοῦν παρεχόμενα αὐτοῖς πάντα1019 ἀναρρηθῆναι.1020 ἐκ τοῦ τρόπου1021 οὖν ἐκείνου καὶ ἡ τοιαύτη δωρεὰ1022 ἀπεστερήθη. 67 Αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος ἐπιμείνας ἐφ’1023 ἱκανὸν1024 χρόνον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ χρηματίσας ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῶν Χριστιανῶν1025 μετὰ παρρησίας μέγας1026 διδάσκαλος γέγονε1027 τοῦ ἔαρος ὑποφαίνοντος1028 εἶδεν πάλιν κατ’ ὄναρ τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν1029 λέγοντα πρὸς αὐτόν· ‘Ἀβέρκιε, δεῖ σε1030 καὶ τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ ἀνατολῇ μέρεσί1031 μου φροντίσαι’. 68 Διυπνισθεὶς οὖν καὶ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἐπὶ1032 τῇ ὀπτασίᾳ1033 τοῦ κυρίου θᾶττον1034 ᾔτησε τὴν βασίλισσαν ἀπολῦσαι αὐτόν· πάνυ γὰρ ἠβούλετο ἐκείνη κατέχειν αὐτὸν ὑφορωμένη, μὴ ἀναχωροῦντος αὐτοῦ πάλιν ὁ δαίμων παρρησίαν λαβὼν ὑποστρέψῃ εἰς τὴν θυγατέρα αὐτῆς. καὶ παρεκάλει τὸν ἅγιον ἐπιμεῖναι1035 ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀπέκρυψεν1036 αὐτῷ1037 τὴν

1015 1016 1017 1018 1019 1020 1021 1022 1023 1024 1025 1026 1027 1028 1029 1030 1031 1032 1033 1034 1035 1036 1037

735

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745

J27, P1540 omit Ὑδάτων P1540 δὲ C3574 resumes here A9, C3574 φθονήσαντος P1540 omits πάντα A9 ἀποκοπῆναι C3574, P1540 χρόνου J27 σιτηρεισία P1540 omits ἐφ’ C3574 ends here A9, J27 add οἰκουμενικὸς A9, J27 omit μετὰ παρρησίας μέγας P1540 omits γέγονε, J27, M161 add καὶ δὴ, P1540 adds καὶ διαλλάξας πάντας τοὺς στασιάζοντας καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἐγκατασπείρας ἤδη J27, M161 ἀποφαίνοντος M161 omits ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν P1540 σον A9, J27 μέλεσίν P1540 omits ἐπὶ P1540 ὄψει P1540 omits θᾶττον M161 παραμεῖναι M161 ὑπέκρυψεν P1540 αὐτὸν

The Christocentric version  175

River’, but ‘Agros of the Hot Waters’. The allowance of grain continued to be supplied until the times of Julian the Apostate. Well now, that one not only persecuted the Christians but also begrudged such gifts. He commanded that anything whatsoever that had been provided to them be taken back. Therefore, in that way such a gift was also withdrawn.

67 As for Saint Abercius himself, who had come as a teacher with great boldness, he remained in Rome for a considerable time dealing with the churches of the Christians. As spring was arriving, he once again saw our Lord Jesus Christ in a dream saying to him, ‘Abercius, it is necessary for you to also have regard for my members who are in Syria and the East’. 68 Therefore, awaking from sleep he was overjoyed at the vision of the Lord, and wasting no time he asked the empress to give him leave. For that one very much wanted jealously to retain him, lest when he went away, the demon taking confidence may once again return to her daughter. She implored the saint to remain in Rome. For she did not conceal her thoughts about him. The saint charged

176  The texts—Greek and English γνώμην αὐτῆς1038 ὁ δὲ ἅγιος θαρρεῖν αὐτὴν περὶ1039 τούτου κελεύσας καὶ μηδὲ ὅλως εἰς ἔννοιαν ἔχειν ὡς ἔστι δυνατὸν δαίμονα ἀντιτάξασθαι1040 θελήματι1041 τοῦ κυρίου1042 ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ᾔτησεν αὐτὴν1043 πλοῖον αὐτῷ κατασκευασθῆναι1044 ὥστε ἀποπλεῦσαι αὐτὸν1045 εἰς τὴν Συρίαν. ἡ δὲ1046 πεισθεῖσα1047 ἐκέλευσεν πάλιν Κορνηλιανῷ1048 τῷ ὑπάρχῳ καὶ τὸ πλοῖον καὶ πάντα τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν αὐτῷ1049 εὐτρεπισθῆναι. 69 Εἰσελθὼν οὖν ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος εἰς τὸ πλοίον1050 εἰς ὅλας ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας1051 διέπλευσεν καὶ1052 ἐξῆλθεν1053 εἰς τὰ μέρη τῆς Συρίας. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπεδήμησεν τῇ Ἀντιοχέων πόλει τῇ λεγομένῃ ἐπὶ Δάφνην καὶ ἐν Ἀπαμείᾳ καὶ1054 Σελευκείᾳ καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς πάσαις πόλεσι τῆς Συρίας καὶ πάσας σχεδὸν τὰς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ Χριστοῦ1055 στασιαζούσας πρὸς ἀλλήλας διήλλαξεν νουθετήσας καὶ διδάξας πάντας·1056 πάνυ γὰρ1057 τῷ χρόνῳ ἐκείνῳ ἡ αἵρεσις τοῦ Μαρκίωνος ἐθορύβησε τὰς τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐκκλησίας.1058 περάσας δὲ1059 τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν ἐπεδήμησεν καὶ τῇ Νισιβέων πόλει καὶ πάσαις ταῖς οἰκούσαις τὴν1060 Μεσοποταμίαν ὁμοίως κἀκεῖ1061 τὰ παραπλήσια διαπραξάμενος· ὑπεδέξαντο γὰρ

1038 1039 1040 1041 1042 1043 1044 1045 1046 1047 1048 1049 1050 1051 1052 1053 1054 1055 1056 1057 1058 1059 1060 1061

J27 ἑαυτῆς M161 ἐπὶ A9, J27 add τῷ P1540 omits θελήματι P1540 τῷ κυρίῳ A9, M161 αὐτῇ J27 παρασκευασθῆναι αὐτῷ, P1540 παρασκευασθῆναι, A9 ἀποπαρασκευασθῆναι M161 omits αὐτὸν P1540 reads ἡ δὲ βασίλισσα P1540 adds μετὰ πολλῆς προθυμίας M161 omits Κορνηλιανῷ P1540 αὐτοῦ P1540 omits εἰς τὸ πλοίον M161 for εἰς ὅλας ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας reads δι’ ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν M161 omits διέπλευσεν καὶ A9 ἦλθεν A9 adds ἐν P1540 omits τοῦ Χριστοῦ P1540 omits πάντας P1540 adds ἐν M161 ταῖς τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐκκλησίαις P1540 adds καὶ J27, P1540 add καλουμένην A9 κἀκεῖσε

750

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The Christocentric version  177

her to take heart about this and not to imagine at all that it was possible for a demon to resist the will of our Lord Jesus Christ. He asked her that a ship be prepared for him so that he might sail back to Syria. The empress acquiesced and in turn commanded the prefect to have a ship and everything that he needed be made ready.

69 Boarding the ship, Saint Abercius sailed for seven whole days and disembarked in the regions of Syria. First, he stayed in Antioch, referring to the city near Daphne, and then in Apamea, Seleucia, and all the rest of the cities in Syria. Exhorting and teaching them all, he reconciled almost all the churches of Christ at variance with one another. For at that time the heresy of Marcion greatly disrupted the churches of the Christians. Crossing the Euphrates River, he spent time both in the city of Nisibis and all the cities situated in Mesopotamia. Similarly, he passed through the neighboring regions there. For all the churches welcomed him as truly an apostle of

178  The texts—Greek and English αὐτὸν πᾶσαι αἱ ἐκκλησίαι ὡς ἀληθῶς ἀπόστολον1062 Χριστοῦ καὶ1063 πολλὰ1064 χρήματα αὐτῷ1065 παρεῖχον,1066 μὴ βουλομένου1067 δέξασθαι ἔτι πλέον προσετίθουν1068 καὶ ἠνάγκαζον1069 λαβεῖν.1070 70 Καὶ δὴ1071 ἀναστὰς εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὀνόματι Βαρχασάνης,1072 ὃς καὶ γένει καὶ πλούτῳ διέφερεν πάντων,1073 τοιάδε1074 ἔλεξεν ‘Χρήμάτα1075 μέν, ὦ ἀδελφοί, μὴ βουλόμενον λαβεῖν βιάσασθαι οὐ δυνάμεθα, ὃ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτῷ διδόμενον ἀπώσασθαι, τοῦτο δὴ καὶ ποιήσωμεν1076 καὶ ψηφισώμεθα τὸν1077 ἄνδρα ἰσαπόστολον καλεῖσθαι. καὶ γὰρ μᾶλλον τοῦτο1078 αἱ πράξεις αὐτῷ1079 διδόασιν·1080 οὐδένα γὰρ ἴσμεν μετὰ τοὺς κορυφαίους ἀποστόλους τοσαύτην γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν περιελθόντα ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν’.1081 ἐπαινεσάντων δὲ πάντων καὶ ἀποδεξαμένων1082 τὸν λόγον, παρευθὺ ἰσαπόστολον ἐψηφίσαντο καλεῖσθαι τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον,1083 καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου ταύτης ἔτυχε τῆς ἐπωνυμίας.1084

1062 1063 1064 1065 1066 1067 1068 1069 1070 1071 1072 1073 1074 1075 1076 1077 1078 1079 1080 1081 1082 1083 1084

770

775

780

P1540 adds τοῦ A9 omits καὶ A9 adds γὰρ J27 omits αὐτῷ J27 παρέσχον J27, P1540 add δέ, A9 δὲ αὐτοῦ A9, J27 προσετίθοντο A9, M161 add αὐτὸν A9, J27 add τὰ χρήματα παρ’ αὐτῶν. καὶ δὴ οὐ κατένευσε, M161 adds ὁ δὲ κατένευσεν P1540 omits καὶ δὴ, adds εἰπὼν ὡς, εἰ ἄρα χρημάτων λόγον ἐποιεῖτο, ἡ βασίλισσα πλέον ἐδίδου καὶ ἡ πρόφασις τοῦ μὴ λαβεῖν εὐλογωτέρα ἐδείκνυτο, πάνυ ἰσχυρῶς τὴν πεῖραν τοῦ λαβεῖν ἀπετρίψατο. θαυμασάντων δὲ πάντων ἐπὶ τῇ καταφρονήσει τῶν χρημάτων At this point M176 takes up the Christocentric narrative version and is included in the apparatus. M176 πάντως M176 omits τοιάδε P1540 χρημάτων M176, P1540 omit τοῦτο δὴ καὶ ποιήσωμεν, read παράσχωμεν M176 omits τὸν M176 omits τοῦτο P1540 αὐταὶ M176, P1540 add τῷ ἀνδρί M176 omits ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν M176, P1540 omit καὶ ἀποδεξαμένων P1540 omits Ἀβέρκιον, M176 omits καλεῖσθαι τὸν ἅγιον Ἀβέρκιον P1540, M176 προσωνυμίας

The Christocentric version  179

Christ. They offered him much money even though he was unwilling to take it. They persisted even more and kept trying to compel him to receive it.

70 So then, one of them by the name of Barchasanes, who in birth and wealth surpassed all the others, arose and spoke to this effect, ‘On the one hand, O brothers, we are not able to force one who is not willing to receive money, on the other hand there is something to be given to him that cannot be rejected. Even now, let us do this. Let us take a vote for the man to be called ‘Equal to the Apostles’. For better stated, his deeds give this title to him. For we know of none after the principal apostles who crossed such an extent of land and sea for the salvation of the brothers’. When all had applauded and welcomed the idea, straightaway they took a vote for Saint Abercius to be called ‘Equal to the Apostles’ and from that time he has been allotted this name.

180  The texts—Greek and English 71 Ὑποστρέψας οὖν πάλιν τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν καὶ γενόμενος ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ1085 Κιλικίᾳ καὶ ἐν1086 τῇ1087 Λυκαονίᾳ καὶ1088 Πισσιδίᾳ κἀκεῖ ὁμοίως ὡς ἀπόστολος Χριστοῦ ὑποδεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ φρονούντων ἦλθεν εἰς Σύναδα τὴν μητρόπολιν τῆς μικρᾶς λεγομένης Φρυγίας, κἀκεῖ ἀναπαύσας ἑαυτὸν καὶ ξενισθεὶς1089 οὐκ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖσε Χριστιανῶν1090 ἐξώρμησεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῦ. 72 Καὶ παρελθὼν διὰ χωρίου καλουμένου1091 Αὐλῶνος1092 ἐκαθέσθη ἐπὶ πέτρας τοῦ αὐτοῦ χωρίου πλησίον. τῶν δὲ ἀγροίκων θέρους ὥρᾳ1093 καὶ ἀνέμου αἰσίου πνέοντος λικμώντων τὰ γενήματα ἐπίφορος ὢν ὁ ἄνεμος τὸν κονιορτὸν1094 τῶν γενημάτων1095 εἰς τὴν ὄψιν ἔφερεν1096 τοῦ ἁγίου.1097 αὐτοῦ δὲ τοὺς γεωργοὺς αἰτήσαντος ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς βραχὺ οὐχ ὑπήκουσαν δι’ ἀγροικίαν,1098 ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ πλέον τῷ εὐκαίρῳ ἀνέμῳ χρησάμενοι τῷ ἔργῳ προσεῖχον. τοῦ δὲ ἁγίου προσευξαμένου καὶ παύσαντος τοῦ ἀνέμου οἱ ἄγροικοι1099 πρὸς1100 ἄριστον ἐτράπησαν.1101 διψήσας οὖν1102 ὁ ἅγιος ᾔτησεν αὐτοὺς ὕδωρ ἐπιδοῦναι1103 αὐτῷ·1104 οἱ δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἀγροικίας καὶ1105 μισοξενίαν1106 προσλαβόμενοι1107

1085 1086 1087 1088 1089 1090 1091 1092 1093 1094 1095 1096 1097 1098 1099 1100 1101 1102 1103 1104 1105 1106 1107

785

790

795

A9 omits ἑκατέρᾳ, M161 adds τῇ M176 omits ἐν A9 omits τῇ A9 adds ἐν M176, P1540 add ἐπὶ M176, P1540 omit Χριστιανῶν, add τὴν ἐλπίδα ἐχόντων εἰς τὸν Χριστὸν P1540 omits καλουμένου M176 Αὐλὼν A9 ὄντος M176, P1540 add τὸν ἐκ A9 for τῶν γενημάτων reads τὸν ἐκ τῶν γενήματα αὐτῶν ἐπίφορος ὤν ὁ ἄνεμος τὸν κονιοπτὸν M176 ἀπέφερε M176, P1540 add Ἀβερκίου. At this point the text of M176 dramatically reduces in size roughly corresponding to the change in narrative source. A9 omits δι’ ἀγροικίαν A9 οἱ γεωργοὶ, J27, M161 add ἄνθρωποι J27 εἰς M176 ἀπίεσαν P1540 δὲ A9 omits ἐπιδοῦναι A9 αὐτοῖς M176 omits καὶ J27 μισοξενίας P1540 προσλαβόντες, M176 λαβόντες

The Christocentric version  181 71 Therefore, returning again on the same route and arriving severally in ­Cilicia, Lycaonia, and Pisidia. There, likewise, being welcomed as an apostle of Christ by those whose minds were set on the things of Christ, he came to Synnada the metropolis of what is called Phrygia Minor. There having given himself rest he was hosted not a few days by the Christians there and set out for his own city. 72 Passing through a location called Aulon he sat on a rock near that same place. The rustics were winnowing the grain as an auspicious wind was blowing in the time of harvest. The wind being favorable bore the dust from the grain into the face of the saint. When he asked the farmers to stop for a brief time, in their discourtesy they did not listen, but all the more employing the favorable wind they continued their work. However, when the saint had prayed and stopped the wind the rustics turned to eat lunch. Next, the saint was thirsty and asked them to give him some water. However, adding hatred of

182  The texts—Greek and English ἀπεκρίναντο μὴ σχολάζειν·1108 μηδὲ γὰρ δύνασθαι ἔλεγον διὰ ἕνα γέροντα καταλιμπάνειν1109 τὴν τράπεζαν. καταγνοὺς οὖν ὁ ἅγιος τῆς τοσαύτης αὐτῶν σκληρότητος προσηύξατο1110 τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀχορτασιάν παρασχεθῆναι αὐτοῖς· ὅπερ μέχρι τῆς σήμερον ὡς λέγεται1111 διέμεινεν εἰς αὐτούς. 73 Ἀναστὰς οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς πέτρας καὶ τῇ πορείᾳ1112 χρησάμενος κατέλαβεν τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῦ. μαθόντες δὲ τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ πάντες1113 οἱ ἀδελφοὶ συνέτρεχον μετὰ σπουδῆς ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἰδεῖν τὸ1114 πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ1115 καὶ τῆς φωνῆς αὐτοῦ ὑπακοῦσαι.1116 ὄχλου οὖν πολλοῦ ὑπαντήσαντος1117 αὐτῷ1118 αὐτὸς μὲν πάντας ἠσπάσατο1119 καὶ εὐλόγησεν· ἐκεῖνοι δὲ μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς1120 ὡς ἀπὸ1121 ἑνὸς στόματος ἐδόξαζον1122 τὸν παρεσχηκότα αὐτοῖς θεάσασθαι τὴν τιμίαν1123 ὄψιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ οὕτω πάντες μετὰ τιμᾶς1124 παρέπεμψαν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ. 74 Καὶ ἀπὸ τότε1125 μετὰ παρρησίας πολλῆς ἐδίδασκεν καὶ ἐβάπτιζε1126 τοὺς προσερχομένους τῷ Χριστῷ1127 εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος.1128 συνέταξεν δὲ καὶ βιβλίον1129 διδασκαλίας1130 πάνυ ὠφέλιμον1131 πρὸς1132 τοὺς

1108 1109 1110 1111 1112 1113 1114 1115 1116 1117 1118 1119 1120 1121 1122 1123 1124 1125 1126 1127 1128 1129 1130 1131 1132

800

805

810

A9 εὐκαιρεῖν M176 καταλιπεῖν M176, P1540 ηὔξατο M176 omits ὡς λέγεται A9 τὴν πορίαν M176, P1540 omit πάντες J27 adds τίμιον M176 omits τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ M176, P1540 ἀκοῦσαι M176 ἀπαντήσαντος P1540 omits αὐτῷ M176 omits αὐτῷ αὐτὸς μὲν πάντας ἠσπάσατο M176 omits ἐκεῖνοι δὲ μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς A9, M161 ἐξ’ M161 adds θεοῦ, J27 adds τὸν θεὸν καὶ κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, A9, P1540 add τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, M176 adds τὸν θεὸν A9, J27 add καὶ ἁγίαν, M176, P1540 omit τιμίαν M176, P1540 omit μετὰ τιμᾶς M176, P1540 for ἀπὸ τότε, read τοῦ λοιποῦ A9, M161 add πάντας M176 omits τῷ Χριστῷ A9 omits εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος P1540 βίβλον A9, J27 διδασκαλίκον P1540 ὠφελοῦσαν, M176 ὠφελοῦν M176, P1540 omit πρὸς

The Christocentric version  183

strangers to their discourtesy they replied not to have time. For they said they were not able to leave the table on account of one old man. Therefore, condemning such harshness on their part the saint prayed to God to give to them an insatiable appetite, which until today, it is said, remains the case with them.

73 Getting up from the rock and completing his journey he arrived at his own city. Learning of his arrival all the brothers hurriedly ran together, eager to see his face and to hear his voice. Therefore, when a large crowd had assembled to meet him, he greeted and blessed them all, and they with joy and a shout as with one voice glorified the one who had given them the chance to see his precious face. In this way all escorted him back to his home with honor. 74 From that point on he was teaching with much boldness and baptizing all who were coming to Christ, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. He also composed a book of instruction quite beneficial for those who read it, which he entrusted

184  The texts—Greek and English ἐντυγχάνοντας, ἥντινα1133 καὶ παρέδωκεν1134 τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις αὐτοῦ καὶ διακόνοις. καὶ 1135 περιῆγεν οὖν 1136 τὴν χώραν πᾶσαν 1137 θεραπεύων1138 πᾶσαν νόσον καὶ πᾶσαν μαλακίαν1139 καὶ δαιμόνια ἀπελαύνων1140 ἀπὸ τῶν ἐνοχλουμένων ὑπ’ αὐτῶν.1141 75 Συνέβη οὖν αὐτὸν1142 ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ1143 γενέσθαι1144 εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλόν,1145 ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἄντικρυς τῆς πόλεως Λυσίας,1146 καὶ διψήσαντος αὐτοῦ1147 τε καὶ τῶν1148 μετ’ αὐτοῦ1149 κλίνας τὰ γόνατα προσηύξατο. καὶ1150 ἀνέβλυσεν πηγὴ ὕδατος1151 καθαροῦ1152 καὶ πάντες οἱ διψῶντες ἐξ αὐτοῦ1153 ἐκορέσθησαν. ὁ δὲ τόπος ἐκεῖνος1154 ἀπὸ τότε1155 Τόπος Γονυκλησίας1156 ἐκλήθη.1157

1133 1134 1135 1136 1137 1138 1139 1140 1141 1142 1143 1144 1145 1146 1147 1148 1149 1150 1151 1152 1153 1154 1155 1156 1157

815

820

J27 ὥσπερ M176 omits ἥντινα καὶ παρέδωκεν P1540 omits καὶ A9 omits οὖν A9 omits πᾶσαν, adds αὐτοῦ P1540 adds τοὺς νοσοῦντας P1540 omits πᾶσαν νόσον καὶ πᾶσαν μαλακίαν J27 ἀποδιώκων, P1540 ἐκβάλλων J27, P1540 omit ὑπ’ αὐτῶν, A9 reads καὶ δαιμόνια ἀπελαύνων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐνοχλουμένων ὑπ’ αὐτῶν, M176 θεραπεύων τοὺς νοσοῦντας καὶ δαιμόνια ἐκβάλλων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐνοχλουμένων M176 omits αὐτὸν P1540 τῶν ἡμερῶν, M176 ἡμερῶν M176 omits γενέσθαι M176 adds ἀνέρχεται M161 Μυσίας A9 διψήσας αὐτός A9 οἱ A9 αὐτὸν J27 adds εὐθέως P1540 νάματος M176 καθαρὰ J27 adds ἔπιον καὶ P1540 omits ἐκεῖνος P1540 for ἀπὸ τότε reads ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ καιροῦ, M176 ἐξ ἐκείνου P1540 omits Τόπος, reads Γονυκλησία, M176 reads Τόπος Τοῦ Κόρου Γονυκλησία M161, P1540 ἐπεκλήθη

The Christocentric version  185

to his elders and deacons. Subsequently he went around to all the surrounding countryside healing every sickness and every weakness, while casting out demons from those who were oppressed by them.

75 One day he came to a high mountain which was opposite the city of Lysias. When both he and those with him became thirsty he fell to his knees and prayed. A  spring of pure running water welled up and from it all who were thirsty were quenched. From then on that spot was called ‘Place of Kneeling’.

186  The texts—Greek and English 76 Ὑποστρέψαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ1158 οὐ πολλῶν1159 διελθουσῶν ἡμερῶν εἶδεν πάλιν τὸν κύριον λέγοντα αὐτῷ1160 ‘Ἀβέρκιε πιστὲ1161 θεράπων,1162 ἤγγικεν ὁ χρόνος1163 εἰς τὸ ἀναπαυσθῆναί1164 σε τῶν πολλῶν1165 πόνων’. διυπνισθεὶς δὲ1166 καὶ ἐξηγησάμενος τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς1167 τὸ ὁραθὲν1168 αὐτῷ1169 καὶ συννοήσας, ὅτι τὴν τελευτὴν1170 αὐτῷ1171 προδεδήλωκεν1172 ὁ κύριος, κατεσκεύασεν ἑαυτῷ τύμβον ἰσοτετράγωνον1173 καὶ τὸν βωμόν, ὃν κατὰ πρόσταξιν αὐτοῦ1174 ἤγαγεν ὁ δαίμων ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, ἔστησεν ἐπάνω1175 τοῦ τύμβου ἐγχαράξας εἰς αὐτὸν θεόπνευστον ἐπίγραμμα τοῖς μὲν ἀξίοις τοῦ Χριστοῦ δούλοις1176 νοούμενον καὶ ὠφέλιμον,1177 τοῖς δὲ ἀπίστοις1178 μὴ γινωσκόμενον ἔχον αὐταῖς λέξεσιν οὕτως. 77 ‘Ἐκλεκτῆς1179 πόλεως πολίτης τοῦτ’1180 ἐποίησα1181 ζῶν, ἵν’ ἔχω καιρῷ1182 σώματος1183 ἐνθάδε θέσιν. τοὔνομα1184 Ἀβέρκιος ὁ ὢν μαθητὴς ποιμένος ἁγνοῦ,1185 ὃς βόσκει προβάτων ἀγέλας 1158 1159 1160 1161 1162 1163 1164 1165 1166 1167 1168 1169 1170 1171 1172 1173 1174 1175 1176 1177 1178 1179 1180 1181 1182 1183 1184 1185

M176, P1540 omit αὐτοῦ J27, M161 add ἤδη M176, P1540 πρὸς αὐτόν J27 adds μου M176, P1540 omit πιστὲ θεράπων A9, M161 καιρὸς M176 ἀναπαυῆναί J27 adds σου J27 οὖν J27 adds τὸ ὅραμα A9 ὅραμα A9 omits αὐτῷ A9 adds αὐτοῦ M176, P1540 αὐτοῦ M176, P1540 προεμήνυσεν M161 omits ἰσοτετράγωνον, M176 τετράγωνον M176 omits αὐτοῦ J27, M161 add αὐτοῦ M176, P1540 omit δούλοις A9 omits καὶ ὠφέλιμον A9 ἀπιστοῦσι A9, J27 ἐκ τῆς M176 τόδ’ J27 ἐποίησας M176 καινὸν M176 σώμα τοῖς M176 τούνομ’ A9, J27 ἁγροῦ

825

830

835

The Christocentric version  187 76 Having returned to his house, not many days had now passed when once again he saw the Lord speaking to him, ‘Abercius, faithful servant, the time has drawn near for you to rest from your many labors’. Waking from sleep he explained to the brothers what had been seen by him. Understanding that the Lord had made clear to him his death beforehand, he prepared for himself a tomb. The altar, which on his command the demon had brought from Rome, he set on the tomb, engraving on it an inscription inspired by God, on the one hand, understandable and beneficial to the worthy servants of Christ, yet not understood by unbelievers. It had these very words thus: 77 ‘A citizen of an exceptional city, I made this while living in order that I may have at the right time a burial place here for my body. My name is Abercius, one who is a disciple of an upright16 shepherd, who feeds his flocks of sheep on the hills and plains, who

16 Two manuscripts read ‘shepherd of the field’.

188  The texts—Greek and English

ὄρεσι1186 πεδίοις τε, ὀφθαλμοὺς ὃς1187 ἔχει μεγάλους πάντα1188 καθορόωντας.1189 οὗτος γάρ με ἐδίδαξε γράμματα1190 πιστά, εἰς Ῥώμην ὃς ἔπεμψεν ἐμὲ1191 βασιλείαν1192 ἀθρῆσαι καὶ βασίλισσαν ἰδεῖν χρυσόστολον·1193 λαὸν δ’1194 εἶδον ἐκεῖ λαμπρὰν σφραγῖδα ἔχοντα. καὶ Συρίης πέδων1195 χώρας1196 εἶδον1197 καὶ ἄστεα πάντα1198 Νίσιβιν Εὐφράτην διαβάς. πάντας1199 δὲ1200 ἔσχον συνομηγύρους, Παῦλον δὲ1201 ἔσωθεν. πίστις δὲ παντὶ1202 προῆγεν καὶ παρέθηκε τροφὴν παντὶ1203 ἰχθὺν ἀπὸ πηγῆς1204 παμμεγέθη καθαρόν, ὃν ἐδράξατο παρθένος ἁγνὴ καὶ τοῦτον ἐπέδωκε1205 φίλοις ἐσθίειν διὰ παντός,1206 οἶνον χρηστὸν1207 ἔχουσα, κέρασμα διδοῦσα μετὰ1208 ἄρτου. ταῦτα παρεστὼς εἶπον Ἀβέρκιος ὧδε1209 γραφῆναι· ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἔτος καὶ δεύτερον ἦγον1210 ἀληθῶς.1211 ταῦτα1212 ὁ νοῶν εὔξαιτο1213 ὑπὲρ Ἀβερκίου.1214 οὐ μέντοι τύμβον

1186 1187 1188 1189 1190 1191 1192 1193 1194 1195 1196 1197 1198 1199 1200 1201 1202 1203 1204 1205 1206 1207 1208 1209 1210 1211 1212 1213 1214

M176 οὔρεσι J27 οὓς M176, P1540 πάντη P1540 καθαρεύοντας M161 γράμματι M176, P1540 με, M161 reads ὃς εἰς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψέν ἐμε J27 βασιλεῖαν M176, P1540 add χρυσοπέδιλον P1540 δὲ A9, M176 πέδον P1540 omits χώρας P1540 adds second εἶδον A9, J27 add ὁ M176, P1540 πάντη P1540 δ’ M176 omits δὲ M176 reads πίστις παντῃ δέ, M1540 reads πίστις παντὶ δὲ M176 omits παντὶ, M161 omits τροφὴν παντὶ reads τὶ M161 γῆς, A9 τῆς γῆς P1540 ἐπέδωκεν A9, M176 διαπαντός M161, P1540 Χριστὸν M176 μετ’ P1540 ὧσδε M176 ἄγων M176 omits ἀληθῶς M176 ταῦθ’ M176, P1540 εὖξαι M176 adds πᾶς συνῳδός, P1540 πᾶς ὁ σύνοδος

840

845

The Christocentric version  189

has great eyes observing all things. For this one taught me faithful writings, who sent me to Rome to see a royal city and to see a golden-robed17 queen. And I saw a people there having a brilliant signet. I also saw the regions of the plains of Syria and all the cities, then Nisibis, after having crossed the Euphrates. And I had all companions assembled, both Paul within and Faith led in every place, who also provided food in every place, an immense, clean fish from a spring, which a pure virgin had caught, and she offered this on every occasion for friends to eat, having good18 mixed wine, giving it with bread. I, Abercius, being present, said for these things to be written here. I led a life of seventy-two years in the truth. Let the one who understands these things pray on behalf of Abercius. Surely, no one shall place anything else upon my tomb. But, if so,

17 Two manuscripts add ‘golden-sandaled’. 18 Two manuscripts read ‘Christ’.

190  The texts—Greek and English ἕτερόν τις ἐμοῦ ἐπάνω θήσει.1215 εἰ δ’ οὖν, Ῥωμαίων ταμείῳ θήσει δισχίλια χρυσᾶ’.1216 78 Τοῦτο1217 οὖν1218 πράξας καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ διακόνους τῆς ἐκκλησίας καί τινας τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς1219 ‘Τεκνία μου, ἐγὼ μὲν ὡς ὁ κύριος μοι1220 ἐφάνισεν1221 μεθίσταμαι· ὑμεῖς δὲ βουλεύσασθαι1222 περὶ ἐπισκόπου’. καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ διάκονοι καὶ οἱ1223 ἀδελφοὶ πάντες1224 μικρὰ διαλεχθέντες ἐπελέξαντο τὸν ἀρχιπρεσβύτερον ὀνόματι καὶ αὐτὸν Ἀβέρκιον. ἐπαινέσας1225 οὖν τὴν προβολὴν1226 αὐτῶν ὁ ἅγιος ἐπέθηκεν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ1227 ἐπευξάμενος1228 καὶ εὐλογήσας αὐτὸν οὐ μετὰ πολλὰς ὥρας προῆγεν αὐτῶν1229 πάντων ἀναβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἐκτείνας εἶπεν· 79 ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σοι, κύριέ μου Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, ὁ μέχρι τῆς σήμερον φυλάξας1230 τὸν δοῦλόν σου καὶ ἀξιώσας με εἰς τὴν πόλιν σου, ἣν ἐκέλευσάς με1231 ἐπισκοπεύειν, μεταστῆναι1232 τοῦ προσκαίρου τοῦδε1233 βίου,1234 εἴη τὸ ὄνομά σου δεδοξασμένον εἰς τοὺς1235 αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων,1236 ἀμήν’.1237 καὶ πάντων τῶν παρεστώτων τὸ

850

855

860

865

1215 M176 reads ἕτερόν τινα ἐπάνω θήσειν 1216 J27 χρυσαί, M176 adds καὶ χρηστῇ πατρίδι Ἱεραπόλει χίλια χρυσᾶ, P1540 reads Ῥωμαίων ταμείῳ θήσει χίλια χρῦσινα καὶ χρηστῇ πατρίδι Ἱεροπόλει δισχίλια χρυσά 1217 M161 ταῦτα 1218 M176, P1540 omit οὖν 1219 M176 omits πρὸς αὐτούς 1220 P1540 omits μοι, M176 μου 1221 A9, J27 ἐνεφάνισε, M176, P1540 προσέταξεν 1222 A9, P1540 βουλεύσασθε 1223 M176 adds λοιποὶ 1224 M176, P1540 omit πάντες 1225 M176 ἐπινεύσας 1226 M161 ἐπιλογὴν 1227 M176 omits καὶ 1228 M176 adds τε 1229 A9, M176 omit αὐτῶν 1230 A9, J27 διαφυλάξας 1231 M176 omits με 1232 M176 adds ἀπὸ 1233 M176, P1540 omit τοῦδε 1234 M176, P1540 add τούτου καὶ, A9 καὶ 1235 M176, P1540 add ἀτελευτήτους 1236 A9 omits τῶν αἰώνων 1237 P1540 omits ἀμήν

The Christocentric version  191

he shall place 2,000 gold coins in the treasury of the Romans.’

78 Therefore, when he had done these things, he gathered the elders and deacons of the church along with certain of the brothers and said to them, ‘My little children, as the Lord has shown to me, I am going to another place, but you, deliberate concerning a bishop’. The elders, deacons, and all the brothers after a brief discussion amongst themselves chose the arch-presbyter, whose name was also Abercius. Therefore, the saint praised their proposal and placed hands on him, prayed over him, and blessed him. After not much time, when they were all seated together, he looked up towards heaven and stretching out his hands he said: 79 ‘I give thanks to you, my Lord Jesus Christ, who to this day guarded your servant and counted me worthy to transfer now from this transitory life in your city, which you commanded me to oversee. May your name be glorified for endless ages into eternity. Amen’. As all those standing around joined in the ‘Amen’ he

192  The texts—Greek and English ἀμὴν ἐπευφημησάντων1238 παρέδωκεν τὸ1239 πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ τοῖς1240 ἀγγέλοις. ἐπιμελησάμενοι οὖν οἰ περιεστῶτες1241 τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ1242 ὡς ἦν1243 δυνατὸν1244 ἔθαψαν αὐτὸν1245 εἰς τὸν1246 τύμβον, ὃν ὡς προείρηται1247 κατεσκεύασεν1248 ἑαυτῷ. 80 Ἐτελειώθη1249 δὲ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος μηνὶ ὀκτωβρίφ εἰκάδι δευτέρα1250 καὶ ὑποστρέψαντες πάντες οἱ ἀδελφοὶ1251 τῶν χριστιανῶν1252 εἰσήγαγον ὃν ἐψηφίσαντο ἐπίσκοπον καὶ αὐτὸν ὡς εἴρηται Ἀβέρκιον καλούμενον1253 εἰς1254 τὸν1255 θρόνον τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἰσαποστόλου Ἀβερκίου δοξάζοντες καὶ αἰνοῦντες τὸν φιλάνθρωπον θεὸν καὶ τὸν1256 κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν1257 σὺν τῷ ἁγίῳ πνεύματι, ᾧ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων.

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A9 ἀναπεμψάντων A9, J27 add ἅγιον A9, J27 add ἁγίοις, M176, P1540 παρεστῶσιν M176, P1540 παρόντες P1540 omits τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ, M176 αὐτοῦ M176 omits ἦν M176 ἠδύναντο M176, P1540 omit αὐτὸν M176 omits τὸν A9 omits ὡς προείρηται A9 προκατεσκεύασεν M176, P1540 ἐτελεύτησεν P1540 for εἰκάδι δευτέρα reads κβ΄ κατὰ Ῥωμαίους A9, J27 ὄχλοι M176, P1540 omit τῶν χριστιανῶν J27 omits καὶ αὐτὸν ὡς εἴρηται Ἀβέρκιον καλούμενον A9 adds τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ ἐκάθισαν αὐτόν, P1540 τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ ἐκάθισαν αὐτὸν εἰς, M176 τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ ἐκάθισαν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ 1255 J27 adds τίμιον 1256 J27 omits τὸν 1257 Alternate endings include J27 δι’ οὗ καὶ μεθ’ οὗ τῷ πατέρι καὶ τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ ζωοποιῷ πνεύματι δόξα, κράτος, τιμὴ. νῦν καὶ ἀεὶ καὶ εἰς τοὺς σύμπαντας αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν, M176 τὸν μονογενῆ υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ σὺν τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ ζωοποιῷ πνεύματι, ᾧ πρέπει τιμὴ καὶ βασιλεία καὶ ἡ προσκύνησις νῦν καὶ ἀεὶ καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, A9 omits καὶ τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, reads ὅτι αὐτῷ πρέπει δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος νῦν καὶ ἀεὶ καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας ἀμήν

The Christocentric version  193

delivered over his spirit to the angels. Subsequently, those present, as carefully as possible, placed his body in the tomb, which, as previously stated, he had prepared for himself.

80 Saint Abercius died on the twenty-second day in the month of October. All the brothers of the Christians returned and led whom they had elected bishop, the one called Abercius, as was mentioned earlier, to the chair of the episcopate of the holy and ‘Equal to the Apostles’, Abercius. They glorified and praised the benevolent God and our Lord Jesus Christ with the Holy Spirit, to whom be the glory and the power for all the ages of eternity.

2 The Hagiocentric version

C110 France, Paris, 11th, Coislinianus 110, 105–115v

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-14

196  The texts—Greek and English

μ[ῆνι] ὀκτωβρίω κβ΄ μετάφρασις εἰς τὸν βίον καὶ τὰ θαύματα τοῦ ἐν ἁγίοις πατρὸς ἡμῶν Ἀβερκίου 1

[462]1 Οὐκ ἀγώνων ἐνστάσεις μόνον μαρτυρικῶν καὶ νῖκαι καὶ τρόπαια τὸ ἀξιέπαινον ἀποφέρεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ βίος πολὺ τὸ ὑπερκείμενον ἔχων τῆς κατὰ σάρκα ζωῆς καὶ τὴν τραχεῖαν τῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ ἀνάντη τρίβον διηνυκὼς διὰ τῆς χαμόθεν ἐπάρσεως· εἰ δὲ καὶ ἀποστολικοῖς ἔργοις τε καὶ διακονήμασι καὶ προσέτι γε θαύμασι τοῖς ὑπερφυέσιν ἐγκαλλωπίζοιτο, ὅσον τῷ κεκτημένῳ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἀμιγὲς καὶ ἀπρόσιτον οἶδεν ἐπιμαρτύρεσθαί.   Τοιοῦτον διὰ τῶν ἐφεξῆς καὶ τὸν νῦν ἡμῖν εἰς ἀφήγησιν βίον προκείμενον ἔγνωμεν τοῦ ἐν τοῖς πάλαι μὲν χρόνοις τῆς κατὰ Φρυγίαν Ἱεραπολιτῶν ἐκκλησίας ἐπιτροπεύσαντος Ἀβερκίου, τῇ ὑφηλίῳ δὲ πάσῃ ἐπεγνωσμένου διὰ τὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς ὕψος καὶ [463] μέγεθος. τούτου γὰρ τοὺς τῆς εἰρημένης μεγαλοπόλεως ἐγκεχειρισμένου ἐκκλησιαστικοὺς οἴακας, τὸ δὲ ὅπως καὶ ὅθεν τῶν ἱερατικῶν ἐπέβη πραγμάτων παραλείψειν δοκῶ μοι ὡς περιττὸν εἰς ἐξέτασιν· πᾶσι γὰρ δῆλον ὡς ἀρετῆς ἡ προτίμησις καὶ θείας ψήφου μᾶλλον ἢ ἀνθρωπίνης περιδρομῆς ἔργον ἡ ἐπ’ αὐτῷ καθιέρωσις.   Πράττοντος δ’ οὖν τὰς ἱερὰς φροντίδας, ὡς εἴρηται, δόγμα τῷ τῆς Φρυγῶν ἐπαρχίας ἡγεμονεύοντι (Πόπλιος δὲ Δολοβέλλας οὗτος ἦν) καταφοιτᾷ. τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Ἀντωνίνου Μάρκου καὶ Λευκίου Βήρου θεσμοθεσίας ἐκσφράγισμα οὐ πόλεις βαρβαρικὰς καταστρέφεσθαι οὐδὲ πρὸς ἀντίπαλον μοῖραν τῶν οὐ φιλίως αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων ἐγκελευόμενον παρατάττεσθαι, ἀλλὰ δημοτελεῖς θυσίας τε καὶ σπονδὰς τοῖς κακῶς ἀπολουμένοις αὐτῶν θεοῖς θεσπίζον προσάγεσθαι. ἐπράττετο δ’ οὖν ἔργῳ τὸ κελευόμενον καὶ ἀνάνευσις οὐκ ἦν ἐν τῷ θανάτῳ αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ δῆμος ἅπας καὶ ὅμιλος πολυάνθρωπος ἑνὸς νόμου προστάγματι ὡσπερεί τινι ἀλύτῳ δεσμῷ κατεχόμενος ἀθέσμων σπονδῶν καὶ ἑορτῶν ἀνεόρτων καὶ

1 Page number of printed text in Anecdota Graeca, Volume 5.

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The Hagiocentric version  197

On the 22nd in the month of October A metaphrasis of the life and the miracles of Abercius, our father among the saints 1

Not only the martyrs’ contests, both the victories and trophies, obtain what is praiseworthy, but even a life having what far transcends living in the physical body and having finished the rough and steep path of virtue by rising above the earth, if it may boast of both apostolic works and services, yes indeed, even of extraordinary wonders, as much as it is able to witness to the one possessing what is exclusive and unapproachable for others.   Such is the life we have come to know laid out in succession for us now in a narrative, the life of Abercius, who on the one hand was in ancient times entrusted with the guardianship of the church of Hierapolis in Phrygia, and on the other hand recognized everywhere under the sun on account of the height and magnitude of his virtue. The ecclesiastical helm of this great city we have mentioned had been put in the hands of this one. In what manner and for what reason he presided over the priestly offices I think remains for me, though great in number, to examine. It was apparent to all that the higher esteem for virtue and devotion to him was of divine determination rather than a work of human ambition.   So then, while he was performing the priestly offices, so to speak, a decree came down through the one ruling the province of Phrygia. This was Publius Dolabella. This was an official copy of an ordinance of Emperor Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, neither commanding to subdue barbarian cities nor to form battle lines against a rival party of those not on friendly terms with them, but rather decreeing that public sacrifices and libations be offered to their gods who were about to be woefully destroyed.   Therefore, what was commanded was put into action and ‘there was no thought of their own death,’1 but an entire citizen body, even an assembled throng, by the prescription of a single law, even as if held fast by some unbreakable bond, took part with the governor in libations which were without sanction, in festivals which were really

1 A quotation from the Septuagint 72.4. Eusebius, Origin, and John Chrysostom all offer interpretations. Origen, Selections from the Psalms 12.1525, notes that the Septuagint of Symmachus reads, ‘Because they were not thinking about their own death’.

198  The texts—Greek and English

δημοθοινίας ἄλλης οὐκ εὐσεβοῦς ἐκοινώνει τῷ ἄρχοντι.

2

Βλέπων οὖν ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄνθρωπος ἐν τοῖς τοῦ σκότους ἔργοις τὴν πόλιν λευχειμονοῦσαν καὶ τοῖς δαίμοσι κακοδαιμόνως τὸ ἀσεβὲς σέβας ἀπονεμόμενον πλήττεται μὲν τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ σκυθρωπάζει πρὸς τὰ ὁρώμενα. στεναγμῷ δ’ οὖν τὸ κεκακωμένον τῆς καρδίας ὡς ἐνῆν παραμυθησάμενος τὴν ἐπ’ οἴκου ἐβάδισε καὶ ἐξαιτεῖται μετὰ δακρύων τὴν παρὰ κυρίου βοήθειαν, ‘Θεέ,’ λέγων ‘τῶν αἰώνων καὶ κύριε τοῦ ἐλέους καὶ δημιουργὲ τοῦδε τοῦ σύμπαντος, ὁ τὸν [464] ἀγαπητόν σου παῖδα εὐδοκήσας ἐνανθρωπῆσαι τὴν ἡμῶν σωτηρίαν οἰκονομούμενος, ἀπάλλαξον τῆς παρούσης πλάνης τὸν ὅν σὺ ἐδημιούργησας καὶ τὴν πόλιν δὲ ταύτην οὐχ ἧττον, ἐν ᾗ με ποιμένα τῶν σοὶ πιστευόντων θρεμμάτων ἔθου, εἰ καὶ ἀνάξιον’.

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Καὶ συντελεσάμενος τὴν εὐχὴν εἰς ὕπνον κατέπεσε καὶ τινα νεανίσκον τὸ κάλλος ἄμαχον ἐνορᾷ ῥάβδον αὐτῷ τὴν μετὰ χεῖρας παρεχόμενον καὶ λόγῳ τῷ καθ’ ἡδονὴν δεξιούμενον. ἔλεγε γὰρ τὸ ὁρώμενον οὕτω· ‘Ταύτῃ τῇ βακτηρίᾳ καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ ὀνόματι ἐπερειδόμενος, ὦ Ἀβέρκιε, πρόϊθι φανερῶς καὶ τοὺς τῆς πλανήσεως αἰτίους ἐν τῇ ράβδῳ ταύτῃ ὡσπερεί τινα σκεύη κεραμέως σύντριψον’. διϋπνισθεὶς δὲ καὶ ἐπεγνωκὼς τὸν καλέσαντα ἄσμενος ἐξανέστη καὶ λαβὼν ξύλον μέγιστον ὃ βαστάζειν οὐκ ἀδύνατος ἦν τὴν εὐθὺ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μετ’ ὀργῆς ἐπορεύθη· ὥρα δὲ ἦν αὐτὸ τῆς νυκτὸς τὸ περίορθρον.

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Ὤθησεν οὖν τὰς θύρας τῷ ἐνδυναμοῦντι ἐπιθαρρήσας προστάγματι καὶ τὸ πρώτως καταληφθὲν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος κατέαξεν ἄγαλμα, παραπέλαυσε δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ πρώτῳ τιμῆς.   Ὡς οὖν οἱ θεραπευτῆρες καὶ ἱερεῖς τὰ γεγενημένα ἐπώπτευσαν, κατεπλάγησαν μέν, ὅπερ εἰκὸς καὶ παθεῖν ἦν ἀνεννοήτοις τῆς τοῦ δράσαντος ἐξουσίας ἀνθρώποις, ἀμύνειν δὲ τοῖς πραττομένοις τολμηρὸν ἄλλως ἡγοῦντο. βλέψας οὖν εἰς αὐτοὺς μετ’ ὀργῆς

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no celebrations at all, and in a different kind of public feast which was anything but religious.

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The man of God seeing the city dressed in white in the works of darkness and the profane worship being rendered demonically to demons, first was smitten in his soul, and his anger at what he saw was apparent. Then with groaning in his heart over the distressful event, two days later, having calmed down, he walked to his house and was begging with tears for help from the Lord, saying, ‘God of Eternity and Lord of Mercy and Fashioner of this whole world, you who are the dispenser of our salvation were well-pleased to make your beloved child a human being, please set free from this present deception the world which you fashioned, and no less this city in which you set me as a shepherd of those nurslings who believe in you, even though I am unworthy’.

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Having finished his prayer, he fell asleep, and he sees a certain young man, who with his hands is presenting to him an irresistibly beautiful staff and greeting him with a delightful word. For the vision was saying as follows, ‘With this staff and depending2 upon my name, O Abercius, go out openly and the causes of this deception smash with this rod even as some ceramic vessels’. Having awoken from sleep and having recognized the one who called him, he gladly arose and taking the largest piece of wood that he was able to carry, with anger he went on the straightest route to the temple of Apollo. The time this happened was night approaching dawn.

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He thrust open the doors emboldened by the empowering command. Having seized first the statue of Apollo he shattered it. Then he hewed off the sides of the rest starting with the first in honor.   Therefore, as the temple attendants and priests were eye-witnesses of what had transpired, they were panic-stricken, which would have been reasonable to feel for individuals who had no idea by what authority someone had acted, ­otherwise they would have considered how to defend from such a daring act those being harmed. So then, looking at them with righteous anger, the righteous

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δικαίας ὁ δίκαιος ἄνθρωπος ‘Ἀπέλθετε,’ εἶπεν ‘καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ὑμῶν καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τὴν τῶν θεῶν ὑμῶν [465] καταστροφὴν ἀπαγγείλατε, ὡς ἡ εὐωχία αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ χθιζὸν κῶμα ἐκμεθύσαντα πρὸς συντριβὴν τὴν ἀλλήλων διήγειρεν. ἀλλ’ εἴπερ ὑμὶν οὐ πάντη αἱ φρένες ἀπώλοντο, τὰ τρύφη τούτων καμίνῳ πυρώσαντες τὴν οὐκ ἄχρηστον ὑμῖν ἔσεσθαι μέλλουσαν ἐξεργάσασθε ἄσβεστον’. ταῦτα πράξας τὴν πρὸς τὸ καταγώγιον ἐστέλλετο φέρουσαν καὶ τοῖς συνερχομένοις τὸν τῆς διδασκαλίας λόγον ἐπεδαψίλευεν. Οἱ δὲ τοῖς εἰδώλοις προστετηκότες εὐθὺς ὡς εἶχον τῇ βουλῇ τὰ γενόμενα προσανέθεντο καὶ διὰ πάντων ὅσον οὔπω λόγος ἐχώρει ὡς ἠσεβηκότα μὲν τοῖς θεοῖς, ἀλογήσαντα δὲ καὶ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων δίκας ὑπέχειν Ἀβέρκιον. ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν ὅσον τοῦ βελτίονος ἦν μέρους τῶν βουλευτῶν κρίσει τὴν ψῆφον ἐπέτρεπον· καὶ διαπυνθάνεσθαι παρὰ τούτου τοὺς συναραμένους ἐβούλοντο καὶ μεθ’ ὧν ταῦτα τετόλμηκεν· εἰς γὰρ ἀπίθανον αὐτοῖς τὸ ὑπερφυὲς ἐπανεφέρετο τοῦ τολμήματος. Ὁ δ’ οὖν δῆμος (δῆμος γὰρ ἦν τῷ ὄντι καὶ πρὸς πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὑπὸ μανίας ἐπίφορος) ὡς εἶδον ἐπ’ ἐδάφους τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἀποθραύσματα, ὀργῇ ἀλογίστῳ τὸ θυμούμενον προσανάψας ξύλα καὶ λαμπάδας ἀναρπασάμενοι τὸ τοῦ Ἀβερκίου ἠπείλουν πυρπολεῖν καταγώγιον. τὸ μέντοι δυνάμενον καὶ ἐν τούτοις ἀναφρονεῖν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ὡς ἀσύμφορον διεκώλυον, δεδιότες μὴ ποινὰς τῆς τόλμης καὶ αὐθαδείας εἰσπραχθήσονται, δέους ὄντος μὴ μετὰ τῆς Ἀβερκίου οἰκίας καὶ τὰ γειτονοῦντα ἡ πυρκαϊὰ ἐπινέμοιτο. οὐ μὴν τούτων τι τῆς διδασκαλίας ἀπῆγε τὸν [466] ἅγιον. Τῶν γε μὴν ἀκουσάντων τὸν τῆς πίστεως λόγον τινὲς τοῦ θορύβου αἰσθόμενοι παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν μικρὸν τῇ τοῦ δήμου ἀχαλινώτῳ δοῦναι τόπον ὀργῇ, δύο τὰ μέγιστα κερδαίνειν ἐκ τούτου ὑποτιθέμενοι, αὐτόν τε μὴ γενέσθαι παρανάλωμα ὄχλου δίκην πυρὸς ἐξαπτομένου πρὸς τὸ λυποῦν, καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ὅσους

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man said, ‘Go, announce to those governing you and the citizen assembly, the destruction of your gods, how the feasting and yesterday’s celebration having gotten them drunk roused them to smash one another. However, if in fact you have not completely lost your minds, fire the pieces of these in an oven and you will produce burnt lime which will not be something useless for you. Having done these things, he set out on the road leading to his residence and he freely gave the word of instruction to those who were gathering.

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However, those who were fixated on their idols, as quickly as they were able, presented what had happened to the council, and everywhere, as far as the report had not yet reached, it was reported how Abercius having committed sacrilege against the gods and having paid no regard to the emperors, had to pay the penalty. However, some of better stock were referring the vote to the judgement of the council members. They wanted to find out from him those who took part and with whom he dared to do these things. For they were referring to his extraordinarily daring act as unlikely.

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The people, on the other hand (for any general populace, in reality, on the whole is prone to frenzy) when they saw the broken pieces of the gods on the bases, they were infuriated with an irrational rage. Igniting wood and snatching up torches they were threatening to burn down the residence of Abercius. Nevertheless, since it was possible even amongst these to come back to their senses, some were attempting to prevent the attack, seeing how it could be detrimental, fearing lest for recklessness and presumption they shall exact requital on themselves, since there was reason to fear lest along with the house of Abercius the fire might spread to the neighboring properties. Still, none of these events diverted the saint from his teaching.

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Yet, in fact, certain of those who had heard the word of faith, sensing the uproar, encouraged him to give a little space for the unbridled wrath of the people, suggesting that he would gain two most significant objects from this course of action. He would not be a casualty of a crowd inflamed like fire against the source of its vexation. Also, those with him, if he may survive, even as many as

202  The texts—Greek and English

εἰ ἐπιβιῴη τῇ πίστει μέλλοι προσαγαγέσθαι μὴ ὥσπερ τινὰς ἀποιμάντους ἐναποληφθῆναι τῇ τῶν ἐπεμβαινόντων θηριωδίᾳ.

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Ὁ δὲ τὴν κυριακὴν ἐντολὴν ἀντετίθει τούτοις τὴν κελεύουσαν μετά παρρησίας κηρύσσειν τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας. καὶ συνεξελθὼν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ οἰκήματος ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ τοῦ διδάσκειν ἀπήρχετο καὶ τοὺς περὶ βαπτίσματος λόγους ἐκίνει καὶ τῆς αἰωνίου μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς προσκαίρου ζωῆς ἀντέχεσθαι ἔπειθε.

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Τοῦτο μαθὼν ὁ ἔτι στασιάζων ὄχλος ἀκάθεκτος ἦν εἰσάπαξ καὶ τῶν συμβουλευόντων ἀνήκοος. μελλόντων οὖν ὅσον οὔπω διασπαράττειν τὸν ὅσιον τρεῖς ἄνδρες τὴν ἡλικίαν οὐκ ἀγεννεῖς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐσθῆτας περιρρηξάμενοι καὶ τῶν οἰκείων σαρκῶν παρατρώγοντες καὶ ἀτεχνῶς δαιμονῶντες μὴ πρὸ καιροῦ βασανίζεσθαι τῷ ἁγίω ἐπεβοώντο.

10 Τῷ δὴ παραδόξῳ τούτῳ τὸ τέως ἀκρατὲς καὶ θυμούμενον τοῦ δήμου εἰς δέος τὴν τόλμαν μεταβαλὸν τὰς χεῖρας συνέστειλεν οὐχ ἧττον ἢ τὴν φωνὴν καὶ ἀτενῶς πρὸς τὸν δίκαιον ἔβλεπεν, εἴ τι καὶ δρᾶν μέλλοι πρὸς τοὺς δαιμονῶντας καραδοκοῦν. 11 [467] Ὁ δὲ τὸν Χριστὸν ἐπικαλεσάμενος καὶ τὰς τῶν πιστευσάντων ψυχὰς ἐπιστηριχθῆναι ἐξαιτησάμενος καὶ τῶν πονηρῶν ἀπαλλαγῆναι πνενμάτων, τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐπιθειάσας ‘Ὡς ἂν καὶ ὁ παρὼν οὗτος ὄχλος γνῷ’ φησι ‘σὲ μόνον εἶναι θεὸν ἀλῃθῆ’ καὶ τούτοις συμπερανάμενος τὴν εὐχὴν τῇ ἐν χερσὶ ῥάβδῳ τὰς κεφαλὰς τῶν δαιμονώντων ἐπικροτήσας καὶ ‘Ἀκάθαρτά’ φησι ‘πνεύματα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐξελθόντα εἰς ὄρος ἀνθρώποις ἀπέλθετε ἀνεπίβατον’. καὶ τοῖς λόγοις τὸ ἔργον ἐπηκολούθει, καὶ οἱ χειμαζόμενοι πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν ἄφωνοι τοῦ ἁγίου κείμενοι δόξαν πολλοῖς παρέσχον ἐκπεπνευκέναι. ἀλλ’ ὁ θαυματουργῶν τὰ τεράστια τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοὺς λαβόμενος ἤγειρε καὶ σωφρονήσαντας ὁπαδοὺς εἶχεν εἰς τὸ μετέπειτα.

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he may be likely to bring to the faith, would not be caught up even as those without a shepherd by the savagery of those attacking.

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But he set in opposition to these pleas the Lord’s command which mandated to preach the word of truth with boldness. Exiting his house with them he began to teach in the middle of the marketplace, setting out the arguments concerning baptism and entreating them to cling to the eternal rather than the life lasting for a time.

9

Having learned this, the crowd, still agitated, was at this point out of control and was not willing to listen to those who were trying to advise them. Now, just as they were about to tear apart the saint, three men, not low-born, having their clothes torn off, biting off their own flesh, and plainly demon possessed, were calling upon the saint so as not to be tortured prematurely.

10 At this unexpected event, the populace, which had to this point been ­uncontrollable and enraged, had its recklessness changed to fear. The crowd ceased its hostility, and no less its shouting, and was looking intently at the righteous man, anticipating that he was about to do something for the demon possessed men. 11 Abercius, having called upon Christ, asking that the souls of those who had believed be strengthened, and calling upon God that the young men be set free from the evil spirits, he said, ‘So that all this crowd here present may know that you alone are the true God’. Having concluded the prayer with these words, he struck the heads of the demon possessed men with the rod in his hand, and said, ‘Unclean spirits, in the name of Jesus Christ come out! Go away to a remote place where no men walk’. The work followed the words, and the young men lay tossed3 at the feet of the saint, causing many to suppose that they had expired. However, the worker of remarkable miracles, taking them by the hand, raised them. Having been restored to their right minds, thereafter, Abercius had them as attendants.

3 The term is used of bodies tossed ashore.

204  The texts—Greek and English 12 Οἱ δ’ οὖν θεασάμενοι μόνον ἀληθινὸν ἐπεβοῶντο θεὸν τὸν διὰ τοῦ Ἀβερκίου κηρυττόμενον, καὶ πιστεύοντες σωτηρίαν ᾐτοῦντο μεταγινώσκοντες. 13 Καὶ ὁ ταύτης ἐγγυητὴς ἐγγύτερος μᾶλλον τῶν αἰτουμένων καὶ μεγάλῃ φωνῇ τὰ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς εἰς ἐπήκοον ἐπεφώνησε λόγια, ἑνὸς λέγων μόνου δεῖν τῆς τῶν προβεβιωμένων ἀλλοτριώσεως καὶ τῆς τοῦ ὀλεθρίου σεβάσματος ἀποχῆς ‘Καὶ πάντα ὑμῖν ἕτοιμος ἐγὼ παρασχέσθαι τὰ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐνέχυρα’. 14 Οἱ δὲ, ἀπείρατος γὰρ θεοῦ φιλανθρωπίας ψυχὴ οὐκ οἶδε ῥᾳδίως τῷ τῶν ἐπαγγελλομένων μεγέθει ἐπιθαρρεῖν, τὰ τολμηθέντα εἰδότες δεινὰ τὴν σωτηρίαν ἀπήλπιζον. ἀλλ’ ὁ τοῦ φιλανθρώπου θεοῦ φιλάνθρωπος ὑπουργὸς τὴν ἐκ μετανοίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ λουτροῦ τῆς παλιγγενεσίας ὑπετίθετο κάθαρσιν καὶ τὸν σωτήριον λόγον [468] εἶχε τοῦ διηγήματος πίστωσιν τὸν ‘Δεῦτε,’ λέγοντα ‘πρός με πάντες οἱ κοπιῶντες καὶ πεφορτισμένοι κἀγὼ ἀναπαύσω ὑμᾶς’.

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15 Καὶ μεῖζον προσετίθει σωτηρίας ἐνέχυρον τὴν διὰ φιλανθρωπίαν κάθοδον ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν τοῦ δημιουργοῦ τῆς ὀλισθησάσης ἕνεκα φύσεως ἀνθρωπίνης γεγενημένην, 16 Καὶ ὅσα δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἡ πολυύμνητος αὐτοῦ καὶ μέχρις ἡμῶν συναναστροφὴ εὐσπλαγχνίας ἐχόμενα διεπράξατο, τὸν τῆς συμβουλῆς τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ παραινέσεως συνδιεξύφαινον λόγον.

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17 Διαθερμανθείσης oὖν τῷ λόγῳ τῆς καρδίας ἁπάντων καὶ αἰτουμένων τὸ βάπτισμα, ὁ δὲ τὴν ἀκαιρίαν εἰς ἀπολογίαν αὐτοῖς τοῦ κατεπείγοντος ἀντιθείς, ἐνάτη γὰρ ὥρα τῆς ἡμέρας ἦν, εὐλογήσας αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀσπασάμενος εἰς τὸ οἰκεῖον ὑπανεχώρησεν ἐνδιαίτημα, εἰς τὴν ἑξῆς αὐτοῖς τὸ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐπαγγειλάμενος βάπτισμα. ἀλλ’ οὐκ εἶχεν ὅμως αὐτοῖς τὸν πόθον λέγων ἀφοσιώσασθαι· διὸ πλεῖστοι τοῦ περὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον φίλτρου ἐκκαῶς ἔχοντες πρὸ τῆς οἰκίας ἀπελθόντες διενυκτέρευσαν.

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The Hagiocentric version  205 12 Therefore, those who had seen this were calling upon the only true God, which was being preached by Abercius. Believing and repentant, they were asking for salvation. 13 Now the guarantor of this salvation is quite near at hand to those who ask, and in a voice loud enough to be heard by them Abercius proclaimed the oracles of salvation, saying there was only one thing necessary for release from the alienation of their previous way of life and from destructive religion. ‘I am ready to share with you all the guarantees of salvation’. 14 Now the people cognizant of the horrible deeds they had dared to commit were despairing of salvation. For a soul with no experience of the benevolence of God does not readily understand how to put its trust in the greatness of the promises. Nevertheless, the benevolent servant of the benevolent God set before them the cleansing of repentance and the washing of regeneration. He held out as an assurance the saving word of the gospel narrative, ‘Come to me all who are weary and weighed down and I will give you rest’.4 15 An even greater pledge of salvation he added, that is, the descent of the Maker from the heavens by reason of his philanthropy, which came about on account of fallen human nature. 16 In addition to these, how many acts full of compassion were accomplished during his much-hymned life spent with the likes of us. Such was the word of counsel and exhortation woven together by the saint. 17 Therefore, the heart of each one was warmed, and all were asking for baptism. However, he set the lack of time as a defense against their urgency since it was the ninth hour of the day. Having blessed them and said goodbye, he gradually made his way back to his own residence, having promised them the baptism of salvation on the following day. Despite saying this, he was not able to assuage their desire. Therefore, the greater part, having a burning affection for the teacher, came back and spent the night in front of his house.

4 Matthew 11.28

206  The texts—Greek and English 18 Ἐκεῖνος δὲ πρωϊνώτερον2 ἀναστὰς καὶ τὴν ἐν ἔθει εὐχαριστίαν ἀποδοὺς τῷ θεῷ τὸν περιεστῶτα ὄχλον κατέλαβε καὶ εὐχῇ τὸ πρόθυμον αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ τὴν πίστιν σπουδαῖον ἀμειψάμενος ἕπεσθαι τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν ναὸν τοῦ θεοῦ παρηγγύησε. 19 Κἀκεῖ κατηχήσας αὐτοὺς εἰς ὄνομα πατρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου ἐβάπτισε πνεύματος ἄνδρας εἰς ἀριθμὸν πενταπλῆς ἀναφερομένους ἑκατοντάδος. ἀνοιγείσης δὲ διὰ τούτων θύρας τοῖς ἔθνεσι πολλοὶ [469] πρὸς τὴν πίστιν ἐχειραγωγοῦντο συντρέχοντες οὐ τῶν ἡμεδαπῶν μόνον καὶ ἐγχωρίων, ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἐπηλύδων καὶ πορρωτάτω τῆς Φρυγίας διαιτωμένων. συνεπέρρει δὲ τούτοις πλῆθος οὐκ ἔλαττον, οἱ μὲν κατὰ βίου ζήτησιν, καὶ γὰρ καὶ τούτοις ἐπαρκῶν ἦν πλειστηριάζων τὸ τάλαντον, ἀλλὰ μὴ τῷ βαλλαντίῳ προσκτώμενος, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν τῶν θαυμάτων χάριν, ὅσοις νόσος ἥτις ποτὲ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἐπεχωρίαζε μέλεσι, θεραπείαν πλουτῆσαι ἐλπίζοντες. 20 Ποιουμένῳ δ’ οὖν αὖθις τὴν συνήθη τοῖς ὄχλοις διδασκαλίαν πρόσεισι χειραγωγούμενον γύναιον ἄμφω ἐστερημένον τῶν ὄψεων. ἦν δὲ οὐκ ἄσημον οὐδὲ ἄπορον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλούτῳ βρῖθον καὶ γένει περιφανές· Εὐξεινιανοῦ γάρ μήτηρ Πολλίωνος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἦν δυναστεύοντος· ὄνομα τῷ γυναίῳ Φούγιλλα. προσελθὸν3 δ’ oὖν τὸ βλέπειν ᾐτεῖτο, καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτου ἐποιεῖτο παράκλησιν. 21 Καὶ ὁ ἐν πᾶσι τὸ μέτριον ἀγαπῶν ἱερὸς ἄνθρωπος, ὡς ἂν μὴ τῷ μεγέθει τῶν τελουμένων ὑπερφρονήσειεν, ἁμαρτωλὸν ἔλεγε καὶ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι ἄνθρωπον καὶ τοῦ ἴσου ἐλέους ἐπιδεᾶ· ‘Εἰ δὲ τῷ ὑπ’ ἐμoῦ,’ φησι ‘κηρυττομένῳ πιστεύσεις Χριστῷ, δυνατὸν εἶναι τοῦτο γενέσθαι· καὶ τὸν ἐκ γενετῆς γὰρ τυφλὸν τὸ τῆς πίστεως ἐξιάσατο φάρμακον’. ἡ δὲ τὸ εὐγενὲς τῆς ψυχῆς προκεκτημένη τοῦ σώματος τῷ τοῦ ἁγίου λόγῳ ἐπιδακρύσασα. πίστεως πλήρη φωνὴν ἐναπέρρηξε, πιστεύειν εἰποῦσα Χριστῷ καὶ θαρρεῖν ὡς εἰ ἅψεται4 μόνον τῶν [470] ὀμμάτων, ἐξιαθήσεται. ὁ δε μεγάλην αὐτῆς τὴν

2 Corrected in margin from πρωΐτερον 3 Corrected in margin from προσελθὼν 4 Corrected in margin from ὄψηται

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The Hagiocentric version  207 18 Now that one, having risen quite early in the morning and giving his customary thanks to God, caught sight of the crowd standing around. Responding to their eagerness and zeal concerning the faith with a prayer, he gave the word to follow him to the temple of God. 19 Once there, having catechized them, he baptized them in the name of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit, a reported total of five hundred men. Now when the door had been opened for the heathens through these, many gathering together were being led to the faith, not only native inhabitants of our land, but now also outsiders coming in who lived in the most distant parts of Phrygia. No less a multitude flowed in together with these. Some came in search of sustenance and now even these he was helping, increasing his talent,5 while not adding at all to his own wallet. Others came on account of the gift of the miracles, hoping to be abundantly supplied with healing, in whom there was a disease, which then occupied their bodies. 20 While he was once again delivering his customary instruction to the crowds, a woman was present being led by the hand, deprived of sight in both eyes. She was not insignificant or without means but had substantial wealth and a prominent family. For she was the mother of Euxeinianus Pollio, who was a man of influence in the city. The woman’s name was Phougilla. She had come asking to gain her sight and she was making a request for this. 21 Now the holy man, loving moderation in all matters, so that he would not take pride in great wealth, was saying that he himself was also human, a sinner and in need of equal mercy. He says to her, ‘Now if you will believe in Christ, who is preached by me, this can happen. For the medication of faith completely cured even the one who was blind from birth’. Now she, already possessing in her body a nobility of spirit and weeping at the word of the saint, full of faith, burst out a response saying that she believed in Christ and had confidence that, if he will only touch her eyes, she will be completely healed. Now when he saw her great faith, he said

5 An allusion to the parable of the talents, Matthew 25:14–30 and Luke 19:11–27.

208  The texts—Greek and English

πίστιν ἰδὼν ἐπευξάμενος εἶπε ‘Τὸ ἀληθινὸν φῶς, ὦ Χριστέ, διάνοιξον τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτῆς νῦν, ὡς ἂν ἐπιγνῷ σου τὴν ἐξουσίαν’.

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22 Καὶ ἁψάμενος αὐτῆς ἀποκατέστησεν ὑγιᾶ. καὶ ἀπέδωκε καὶ αὐτὴ τοῦ ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλοῦ οὐχ ἧττον τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ τερατουργήματι δόξαν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς οὐσίας τοὶς πένησι διενείματο. 23 Ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὁ παριστάμενος ὄχλος τῆς εὐχαριστίας ἠμέλει, ἀλλὰ τῷ παραδόξῳ τοῦ θαύματος ἐκπληττόμενος καὶ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Εὐξεινιανὸν φίλτρῳ περικαόμενος, oὗ μήτηρ ἦν τοῦ θαύματος ἀπολαύσασα, μέγαν ἐν θαύμασι τὸν τῶν Χριστιανῶν θεὸν ἐπευφήμησαν. ὁ δε ἅγιος ‘Ἐπίγνωθί,’ φησι ‘θύγατερ, ὅσα πεποίηκέ σοι ὁ κύριος, καὶ ἐν εἰρήνῃ πορεύθητι’. καὶ ἐπορεύθη μὲν πρὸς τὸ κατεπεῖγον, ἀχώριστος δὲ τούτου πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐγένετο.

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24–25 26 Καὶ ἡ συνήθης αὖθις δίδαξις τὸν λαὸν διεπαιδαγώγει καὶ ἡ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τρίβος τοῖς βαδίζειν προαιρουμένοις ἐξωμαλίζετο. τῷ γοῦν κατὰ τὴν Φούγιλλαν θαύματι ἐπιρρωσθεῖσαι γυναῖκες πρεσβύτιδες τρείς, αἳ τῆς ὁμοίας κακοδαιμόνως ηὐτύχουν πηρώσεως, εἰσδραμοῦσαι πρεσβυτικῶς ἐφ’ ἱκεσίας ἐτράποντο κυλινδούμεναι, τὴν πίστιν προβαλλόμεναι, τὴν θεραπείαν ἐπιζητοῦσαι. 27 Ὁ δὲ μὴ μελλήσας ‘Εἰ τὰ τῆς πρὸς Χριστὸν ὑμῖν,’ φησι ‘πίστεως ἔρρωται καὶ οὐκ ἀμφιδοξεῖν ὑμᾶς ἡ προκατασχοῦσα πλάνη ἔτι ἐξαπατᾷ, ἰδοὺ κίχρημι τὰς χεῖρας τῷ τῶν τοιούτων θαυμάτων ἐργάτῃ μόνῳ Χριστῷ καὶ οἶδα ὡς οὐ παρόψεται ἱλεούμενος’. 28 [471] Καὶ εὐχομένου φῶς ἀσύνηθες περιήστραψεν οὕτω λαμπρὸν ὡς ἐκστῆναι μὲν πάντας καὶ τὰς ὄψεις ἐναπερεῖσαι τούτων ποιῆσαι πρὸς γῆν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἅγιον τῇ δυνατῇ ἐξαιτεῖν τὸν θεὸν κοινωνεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁμιλίᾳ, ὡς τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἀσθενείας ἀδυνάτως ἐχούσης πρὸς θείαν ἐνέργειαν.

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The Hagiocentric version  209

praying, ‘O Christ, the true light, open her eyes now, so that she may know your power’.

22 Touching her, he restored her to health. For her part, she gave in return glory to the wonder-working God, no less than the man blind from birth. She also distributed half of what she owned to the poor. 23 Furthermore, the crowd standing around did not neglect to give thanks but were stunned by the incredible miracle. Excited out of affection for Euxeinianus, whose mother was the beneficiary of the miracle, they praised with shouts the God of the Christians, great in wonders. Then the saint says, ‘Know for certain how much the Lord has done for you and go in peace’. As for her, she left with a sense of urgency, but in the future, she was inseparable from that one. 24–256 26 In turn, his customary teaching continued to instruct the people, and the path of the gospel was being worn smooth by those choosing to walk in it. For instance, encouraged by Phougilla’s miracle, three older women, who were themselves prosperous, yet suffering miserably from the same affliction, in their old age they hurried to him and in turmoil turned themselves to supplication. Putting forward their faith they sought healing. 27 Abercius did not hesitate, but said, ‘If your faith in Christ is strong, and the uncertainty which previously had a hold no longer misleads you, so that you doubt, see, I offer my hands to Christ, the only worker of such miracles, who being merciful, will not disregard you’. 28 While he was praying, a strange light flashed around so bright that everyone was startled, and it caused their eyes to be fixed on the ground. However, the saint himself was asking God to join with them in powerful communion, since human weakness is powerless for this divine action.

6 The sermon of Abercius to the people is omitted.

210  The texts—Greek and English 29 Ἐμπεσοῦσα δ’ οὖν ἡ τοῦ τοιούτου φωτὸς ἀστραπὴ τοῖς πεπηρωμένοις ὄμμασι τῶν γυναίων ἀναβλέψαι ταύτας πεποίηκε. καὶ τὸ διάφορον ἐκάστη τῆς ὀπτασίας ἐπερωτώμεναι ἔλεγον, 30 ἐξ ὧν εὐχαριστία συνήθης ὑπὸ πάντων τῷ αὐτουργῷ τῶν τοιούτων ἑκάστοτε προσανήγετο. 31 Ὁ γε μὴν Εὐξεινιανὸς τῇ τῆς μητρός συγχαίρων εὐετηρίᾳ νυκτερινὸς ἀφίκετο πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον καὶ ‘Χρήματα μὲν,’ ἔλεγεν ‘εἴ σε ᾔδειν, ἄνθρωπε τοῦ θεοῦ, λαμβάνοντα, ἀπέτισα ἄν σοι τῆς εἰς τὴν μητέρα θεραπείας τιμὴν ἀξιόχρεων· ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων καλῶν καὶ χρημάτων κρείττων εἶ ὡς μηδὲ τούτοις ἁλίσκεσθαι, ἔχεις ἀποκειμένην σοι παρ’ ἐμοὶ χάριν καὶ εὐχαριστίαν ἀείμνηστον’. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν τοῦ ἁγίου ὑπέπιπτεν. ἀλλὰ προφθάσας αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνος πρὸ τοῦ πεσεῖν ἐξανέστησεν εἰπών ‘Ἀλλ’ ἔγωγέ σε ὦ βέλτιστε, συνετὸν ἄνδρα ὑπάρχοντα πιστὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον πένητα ἐβουλόμην ἢ πλούσιον ἄπιστον, βραχείᾳ ἡδονῇ βίου ματαίου παρασχολούμενον’. 32 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς ‘Εἴ σοι φίλον ἐστί, φησι, περὶ τούτου ἐπιζητήσομεν· ἀκήκοα γὰρ τῆς μητρὸς ὑπὸ σοῦ διδαχθείσης, ὡς τὸν αὐτὸν θεὸν ποτὲ μὲν λέγεις εὐμενῆ καὶ φιλάνθρωπον, ποτὲ δὲ φοβερόν τε καὶ δίκαιον καὶ ὁτὲ μὲν ὡς ἀγαθὸν καλοῖς ἀμείβεσθαι τοὺς τὰ [472] ἀγαθὰ πράττοντας, ὁτὲ δὲ ὡς δίκαιον τοὺς τὰ φαῦλα ἐργαζομένους ἀμύνεσθαι. πῶς οὖν ἐν ταὐτῷ πειστέον εἶναι τὸ ἀγαθόν τε καὶ δίκαιον, τὸ εὐμενὲς καὶ τὸ φοβερόν;’ ὁ δὲ ἅγιος βραχεῖ λόγῳ τὴν ἐπίλυσιν τῶν ἀπορουμένων τῷ Εὐξεινιανῷ προσευπόρησεν. ἔφη γὰρ τοῖς μὲν μεταγινώσκουσι καὶ τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν πίστιν παραδεχομένοις εἶναι φιλάνθρωπον, δίκαιον δὲ τοῖς ἀμετανοήτοις τὰ κατ’ ἀξίαν ἀπονέμοντα. 33 Ὁ δὲ Εὐξεινιανὸς ‘Καὶ εἰ χαίρει,’ φησὶν ‘ὁ θεὸς τοῖς καλοῖς, διὰ τί μὴ τὸν ἄνθρωπον πλάττων οὐ τὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔργων δύναμιν μόνον τούτῳ ἐνέθηκεν, ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ τἀναντία πράττειν οὐ κεκώλυκε;’ πρὸς ὃν ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ ἄνθρωπος ‘Εἰ τὸ τὰ φαῦλα ἐργάζεσθαι, ὦ οὗτος,’ φησι ‘μὴ ἠδυνάμεθα, οὐδ’ ἂν τὸ ἀγαθὸν ἦν

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The Hagiocentric version  211 29 Then a stroke of lightning of intense brightness fell on the disabled eyes of the women and caused these to see again. When asked, they were saying each saw something different in the vision. 30 For which thanksgiving was offered up regularly by all on every occasion to the one who does such works independently of anyone. 31 Now then, Euxeinianus celebrating together with his mother her good fortune, came to the saint at night, saying, ‘Man of God, if I thought you were someone who took money, I would have paid back a substantial amount to you for the healing of my mother. However, since you are superior with respect to other good things and money, as you are not able to be won over by these, there is laid up in store for you gratitude and thanks with me remembered eternally’. While he was saying these things, he tried to fall at the feet of the saint. However, before he could fall, that one raised him saying, ‘My dear friend, indeed, I for my part wish that you, being an intelligent man, would be a poor believer rather than a wealthy unbeliever, who devotes himself to the brief enjoyment of an empty life’. 32 Euxeinianus replies, ‘If it pleases you, let us make a further examination concerning this. For I have heard from my mother, who has been taught by you, how the same god, at one time you call kind and philanthropic, then at another time you call fearful and righteous; as good when he rewards those who do good with good things, but as just when he repays those who do what is bad. Is it then somehow necessary to believe that beneficence and justice, kindness and dread are to be found in the same god?’ Now the saint in a brief word provided the solution to what was puzzling Euxeinianus. For he said he was philanthropic to those who repent and take up faith in him, but just with those who are unrepentant, assigning what is deserved. 33 However, Euxeinianus replies, ‘If God rejoices in good actions, why, when he was forming man, did he not place in this one only the potential for good deeds? Furthermore, why did he not then already prevent man from doing the opposite?’ To whom the man of God responds, ‘Dear sir, if we were not capable of doing bad actions, neither would the good be ours, furthermore, we would not

212  The texts—Greek and English

ἡμέτερον, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ μισθῶν ἢ ἐπαίνων ἄξιοι ἦμεν ἂν οὐ πράττοντες τὰ κακὰ μὴ τὴν τοῦ ποιεῖν αὐτὰ δύναμιν ἔχοντες. οὐ δήπου δὲ τὸν μὴ δυνάμενόν τινα κακοῦν ὡς ἀγαθὸν ἐπαινοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν δυνάμενον μέν, φειδόμενον δέ·

34 Ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ δύνασθαι ποιεῖν τὰ κακὰ τὸ ἀγαθὸν τοῦ ποιοῦντος γνωρίζεται καὶ ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι πράττειν τὰ ἀγαθὰ ὀρθῶς οἱ μὴ ταῦτα καταπραττόμενοι διαβάλλονται. τοῖς δὲ μηδ’ ἕτερον δυναμένοις οὔτε ψόγος οὔτε ἔπαινος ἐπακολουθεῖ. ὥστε τῆς ἀκαίρου ταύτης ἀδολεσχίας παυσάμενοι πρὸς εὐχαριστίαν τὸν λόγον τοῦ πλάσαντος ἡμᾶς εὐοδώσωμεν, ὃς ἀγαθὸς ὢν ἡμᾶς τῷ αὐτεξουσίῳ τετίμηκεν ἵν’ ἐν τῷ θέλειν ἡμῖν ᾖ καὶ τὸ γενέσθαι κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου φωνὴν υἱοὺς θεοῦ καὶ τὸ τιμῶν ἀξιοῦσθαι διὰ τῆς ἀγαθοεργίας ἢ κολάσεων [473] διὰ τῆς πρὸς τὰ κακὰ ἁπονεύσεως. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ νῷ καὶ λόγῳ τὸν ἄνθρωπον μόνον τετίμηκεν, ἵν’ ἔχῃ τὸ διακρῖνον τὸ φαῦλον ἀπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος,5 καὶ τῇ αἱρέσει τοῦδε μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦδε τὸ αὐτεξούσιον ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀναγκαστὸν ἀποδείκνυται. 35 Ἃς δὲ λέγεις ἐντολὰς τὸ βαρὺ ἔχειν καὶ φορτικὸν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸ δυσκατόρθωτον, αἷς ἡμᾶς ὁ ἀγαθὸς δημιουργὸς βιοῦν διετάξατο, τῷ μὴ βουλομένῳ εὑρήσεις ταύτας βαρείας εἶναι διὰ τὸ αὐτεξούσιον, ἐπεὶ τῷ προαιρουμένῳ κοῦφον ἡ τῶν φαύλων ἀποχὴ καὶ λίαν εὐπόριστον. τίς γὰρ κάματος, ἃ μὴ αὐτοὶ παρ’ ἑτέρων εἰς ἡμᾶς βουλόμεθα γίνεσθαι, ταῦτα μηδ’ αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς κατά τινων πραγματεύεσθαι; οἷον τὸ ἀλλοτρίους μὴ διορύττειν γάμους, τὸ μὴ τὰ ψευδῆ μᾶλλον προτεθυμῆσθαι καὶ ἀδικεῖν τὴν ἀλήθειαν, τὸ μὴ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ἐρᾶν, τὸ κοινωνεῖν τῶν ὑπαρχόντων τοῖς χρήζουσιν· ὧν ἁπάντων ῥᾴστη τῷ βουλομένῳ καθέστηκεν ἡ ἐγχείρησις’. 36 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανός ‘Εὐχερῆ ταῦτα λέγεις καὶ ἀπαραπόδιστα, ὦ ἐπίσκοπε;’ καὶ ὃς ‘Εὐχερῆ μέν,’ φησιν ‘ἐλευθέρᾳ ψυχῇ γίνεται ταῦτα· τῇ δὲ τοῖς κάτω καὶ περιπεζίοις ἀσχολουμένῃ ὡς δυσχερῆ καὶ

5 Corrected in margin from χείρονος

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The Hagiocentric version  213 be worthy of rewards or praises, even though we do nothing evil, since we would have no ability to do these. Doubtless we would not praise anyone as good who is incapable of doing evil, but rather the one who is capable and refrains. 34 For it is because of the capacity to do evil deeds, that the good deed of the doer is commended. Conversely, because they are able to do good deeds, those who do not accomplish these are rightly blamed. However, neither praise nor blame attends those who have no capacity for the other. So then, putting an end to this unduly prolonged discussion, with thanksgiving let us pass on to the consideration of the one who fashioned us, who being good, honored us with self-determination, in order that there may be willingness present in us both to become ‘sons of God,’7 as that one says, and to be deemed worthy of honors by good service or of punishment through an inclination towards evil. For on this account man alone has been awarded with intellect and speech in order that he may be able to discriminate what is bad from what is better. So, by the choice of one instead of the other self-determination rather than compulsion is demonstrated. 35 Commandments which you say are a burden and onerous, and on this account are hard to fulfill, by which the good fashioner commanded us to live, you will find that these are burdensome for the one who is not willing on account of freedom of choice, although for the one who chooses deliberately, abstinence from evils is light and exceedingly easy. What trouble is this for us to exert ourselves not to do those things against others which we ourselves do not want done to us by others? Such as not undermining others’ marriages, not to prefer to tell lies and to abuse the truth, not to desire others’ spouses, to share what we possess with those in need. The undertaking of all these is rendered quite easy by the one who is willing’. 36 Euxeinianus replies, ‘Are you saying these things are easy and without obstacles, dear bishop?’ Abercius responds, ‘These things are easy for the soul that is free, but how difficult and hard to effect

7 Psalm 81.6, LXX

214  The texts—Greek and English

δύσεργα διαβάλλεται. τί γὰρ τοιοῦτον ὁ πλάσας νενομοθέτηκε βαρύ τε καὶ δυσαχθές, οἷα οἱ κακοδαίμονες βασιλεῖς ἐπιτάττουσι λίθων ἢ ξύλων ἄχθη ἐπιφορτίζεσθαι παρακελευόμενοι, ἃ καὶ τοὺς κατὰ ῥώμην γενναίους πολλάκις ἀποκναίει καὶ διαφθείρει διὰ τὸ εἶναι δυσμεταχείριστα; [474] τὰ δὲ ψυχὴν σώζειν δυνάμενα προαιρέσεως μόνης, οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς ἐπιδέεται, τίς γὰρ πόνος μὴ πορνεύειν, μὴ μοιχεύειν, μὴ ψεύδεσθαι, ἀλλὰ φοβεῖσθαι τὸν κύριον;’

37 Ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα τῷ Εὐξεινιανῷ πρὸς τὸ δυσχερὲς μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ ῥάδιον ἐνομίσθη, θαυμάζειν αὐτὸν ἔφη ὁ ἅγιος συνετὸν ὄντα μὴ συνιέναι ὡς τοῦ ποιεῖν τὰ κακὰ τὸ τὰ ἁγαθὰ διαπράττεσθαι εὐχερέστερον. ‘Τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθὰ ὡς κατὰ φύσιν ὄντα τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ διαπραττόμενος ἥδεται, τὰ δ’ αὖ ἐναντία ὡς ἑτέρας ὄντα ἐνεργείας οὐ καθ’ ἡδονὴν ἐνεργεῖ. ῥάδιον μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἐπαινεῖν, τὸ δ’ αὖ μὴ ψέγειν τὸν ἐχθρὸν βαρὺ νομίζεται. καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐεργετεῖν μεθ’ ἡδονῆς ἐνεργεῖται. ὁ δ’ αὖ ἀδικῶν παραπλῆγι καὶ μαινομένῳ προσεοικὼς θυμῷ μᾶλλον ὑπηρετεῑται ἢ λογισμῷ’. 38 ‘Ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ κατὰ φύσιν ὡς οἴει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ ἁμαρτάνειν ἐμπέφυκεν· εἰ γὰρ τοῦτο, καὶ τὸ ἀγαθὸν ἄρα κατὰ φύσιν ποιῶν ἄμισθον ἔχει τὴν ἀρετήν. ἀλλὰ μὴν ἐκ τούτων ἁπάντων καλῶς ἡμῖν ἔχει προαιρέσει μᾶλλον ἢ φύσει ταῦτα διενεργεῖσθαι διὰ τὸ αὐτεξούσιον’. τούτοις πεισθέντα τὸν Εὐξεινιοινὸν μετὰ τῶν συνόντων ἀπέλυσεν ἐπευξάμενος. 39 Ἐπειδὴ δὲ μετ’ οὐ πολὺ περιερχόμενος τὰς γειτονούσας πόλεις καὶ χώρας τῇ θεραπείᾳ τῶν νοσούντων ὁ ἀκάματος θεραπευτὴς ἐνησχολεῖτο, ἑώρα δὲ αὐτοὺς βαλανείου χηρεύοντας καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα τῆς ταλαιπωρίας ἐφόδιον ἔχοντας ἐλθὼν εἴς τινα τόπον παραποτάμιον καὶ κλίνας τὰ γόνατα ‘Θεὲ [475] τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν,’ ἀνεῖπεν ‘ὁ αἰτεῖν κελεύσας ἡμῖν τὰ χρειώδη καὶ παρέχων ἀφθόνως

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The Hagiocentric version  215

are these when they are at variance with the soul that is occupied with the things that are below and earthy. For why would the fashioner have laid down such legislation, both burdensome and grievous? As malevolent kings command, giving orders to bear excessive burdens of stone and wood, which often wear down and destroy even strong, well-bred persons, because they are so difficult to manage. Contrarywise, what is able to save the soul, lacks nothing else, save only resolve to choose. For what hard labor is it not to fornicate, not to commit adultery, not to lie, but rather to fear the Lord?’

37 However, when even these things when compared seemed harder rather than easier to Euxeinianus, Abercius said he was amazed that being an intelligent person he did not understand how it is easier to accomplish what is good, than to do what is evil. ‘For on the one hand what is good is a delight, since one is effecting what is in accord with human nature. But then in turn the opposite actions are not enjoyably effected since they consist of a different kind of activity. For on the one hand, it is considered easier to exhort, but rather a burden not to censure an enemy. To do a good work is accomplished with joy but, in turn, doing wrong in madness and in a rage is like being a servant to wrath rather than to reason’. 38 Yet not as you imagine, has it been implanted in humanity to sin by nature. For if this is the case, consequently, even when someone does what is good by nature, the person has virtue with no reward. But in reality, it is possible for us to handle all these situations well by resolute choice rather than by nature because of self-determination’. With Euxeinianus having been persuaded in these matters, after praying, Abercius dismissed him along with those present. 39 Soon afterwards, the tireless healer was going around to the neighboring cities and villages giving his full attention to healing the sick. He saw that they needed a bathhouse, and this was especially the case for those who had a daily wage for physical labor. Coming to a certain place alongside the river, Abercius knelt down and prayed aloud, ‘God of compassion, you are the one who commanded us to request what we need, and you are the one who

216  The texts—Greek and English

τὰ ἐξαιτούμενα, ἐπάκουσον τῆς προσφερομένης σοι τὰ νῦν παρ’ ἐμοῦ δεήσεως καὶ βλυσάτω πηγὴ θερμῶν ὑδάτων ἐνταῦθα, ἵν’ ἔχοιεν οἱ ἐν τούτοις ἀπορρυπτόμενοι ἄμισθον ἰατρεῖον ἁπάσης νόσου καὶ μαλακίας’.

40 Τῆς εὐχῆς οὖν τῷ πέρατι βροντῆς ἦχος ἀπήντησεν οἷος βαρύτατος, καίτοι τοῦ ἀέρος ἀνεφέλου λαχόντος καὶ αἱθριάζοντος, καὶ τῷ ἤχῳ συνεξεβλύσθη θερμῶν ὑδάτων πηγή, ἐν ᾧ τόπῳ τὸ γόνυ ἐπὶ τῇ προσευχῇ ὁ ἅγιος ἔκλινεν. ἐφ’ ᾧ πάντες οἱ ὁρῶντες καταπλαγέντες δόξαν εὐχαριστίας τῷ σωτῆρι ἁνέπεμψαν. παρακελευσάμενος δὲ τοὺς ἀγρότας δεξαμενὰς ἑαυτοῖς ὀρύττειν, εἰς ἃς τὸ θερμὸν ἐπισυναγόμενον εὔχρηστον αὐτοῖς εἰς λουτρὰ γενήσεται ἐπὶ τὴν λαχοῡσαν αὐτὸν πόλιν ὑπέστρεφεν. 41 Οἰόμενος δὲ ὁ τοῖς καλοῖς ἅπασι διαφθονούμενος καὶ βασκαίνων διάβολος ἐκπειράσαι τὸν ἅγιον, ἐν σχήματι νέου γυναίου πρόσεισιν αὐτῷ καὶ εὐλογίαν αἰτεῖ. ὁ δὲ ἐμβλέψας τῷ γυναίῳ εἶτ’ εὐθὺς ἀποστραφεὶς προσέκοψε τὸν δεξιὸν αὐτοῦ πόδα πρὸς λίθον καὶ περιαλγὴς γενόμενος ἥψατο τῇ χειρὶ τοῦ πληγέντος μέρους. ὁ δὲ μακρὸν ἐπικακχάσας καὶ τὴν ὑποκρινομένην ἐναλλάξας μορφὴν ‘Μὴ ὑπολάμβανέ,’ φησιν ‘ὦ Ἀβέρκιε, ἑνὶ γε τῷ τῶν ἐκβεβλημένων ὑπό σου δαιμονίων με παραβάλλεσθαι· ἰδοὺ γὰρ καὶ πείρᾳ μου ἔγνως τὴν δύναμιν· ὁ γὰρ ἄλλους θεραπεύειν προσποιούμενος διὰ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως ὠδυνήθης’. 42 Καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν εἰς τινα τῶν παρεστώτων νεανίσκον6 [476] ὑπεισῆλθε καὶ σπαράττειν αὐτὸν ἀπήρξατο. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος προσευξάμενος ἀπήλασεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ νεανίσκου. καὶ ὃς δυσχεραίνων ‘Ἄκοντά σε,’ φησι ‘ποιήσω τὴν ἐπὶ Ῥώμην στέλλεσθαι’. καὶ εἰπὼν ἠφανίσθη. 43 Συνῆπτεν οὖν ὁ ἅγιος ταῖς εὐχαῖς εὐχὰς καὶ ταῖς ἀσιτίαις ἐντεύξεις μετὰ τῶν συνόντων, ὅπως μή τινα λάβοι κατ’ αὐτοῦ παρρησίαν γενικὴν ὁ πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινόμενος δαίμων. ἀλλ’ ὁ πάντα δεόντως οἰκονομούμενος κύριος τῇ ἑβδόμῃ νυκτὶ ἐπιστὰς τὸν ἀγωνιστὴν ἤλειψε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς τῆς ἀρετῆς διαύλους ἐπέρρωσε καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπόψεσθαι αὐτὸν εἶπε τῶν ἐκεῖ ἀνθρώπων

6 Corrected in margin from νεανίσκων

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The Hagiocentric version  217 provides generously what we ask. Hear now the petition brought to you by me about these present needs and let a spring of hot water well up here, so that those who bathe themselves in these may have healing from every malady and weakness at no cost’. 40 The deepest possible clap of thunder attended the close of the prayer, even though the sky was clear and there was no trace of a cloud. Along with the sound a spring of hot water gushed out in which place the saint had knelt in prayer. At which all who watched were startled and sent up thankful praise to the Savior. Encouraging the rustics to dig for themselves cisterns into which the hot water gathering would be useful as baths for them, he returned to his allotted city. 41 Now the devil, who envies and begrudges everything good, thought about putting the saint to the test. He comes to him in the appearance of a young woman and asks for a blessing. Abercius looked at the woman, then immediately turning away, he struck his right foot against a stone. In great pain he grabbed with his hand the part which had been struck. For a long while the devil jeered, and setting aside his assumed appearance, says, ‘Do not presume, Abercius, to cast me aside as one of those demons who had been cast out by you. For look, even in my temptation, you realized my power. You, who allegedly healed others, were caused pain by my trickery’. 42 Having said these things, he entered into one of the young men who was standing nearby and began to convulse him. However, the saint after praying, drove him away from the young man. Annoyed, the devil says, ‘I will cause you to be sent unwillingly to Rome’. Having spoken, he disappeared. 43 Therefore, the saint joined prayers and intercessions with the prayers and fasting of those with him, so that the demon, being an impediment to all that is good, may not gain any kind of confidence against him. Still, the Lord who manages all things as they should be, on the seventh night, standing over the athlete, anointed him and strengthened him for the glorious double-length race. He told Abercius he was about to look upon Rome and labor there for the

218  The texts—Greek and English

τὴν σωτηρίαν πραγματευόμενον καὶ τὴν χάριν ἔχειν αὐτοῦ συνεργὸν ἐν πᾶσι κατεπηγγείλατο. ὁ δὲ διϋπνισθεὶς καὶ ἐπευλογήσας τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ τὸ θεῖον γενέσθαι θέλημα ἐπευξάμενος καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦ ὀφθέντος καὶ τῶν ἐντεταλμένων ἀνακοινωσάμενος τῆς συνήθους εἴχετο κατηχήσεως.

44 Ὁ μέντοι διάβολος αὐθημερὸν τὴν Ῥώμην καταλαβὼν τῇ θυγατρὶ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Μάρκου συνεισεφθάρη παρθένῳ ἔτι τε οὔσῃ καὶ νέαν ἀγούσῃ τὴν ἡλικίαν· (Λουκίλλα7 ἦν ὄνομα τῇ παρθένῳ.) ἤρξατο οὖν [477] δαιμονᾶν καὶ μανικοῖς ἐκμαίνεσθαι δείμασι τὸ κοράσιον καὶ τὰς τρίχας ἠνεμωμένας ἔχον σοβεῖν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας διαμασᾶσθαι. εἵπετο οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀθυμεῖν τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ τῆς παιδός· (Φαυστῖνα8 δὲ αὕτη ἦν) ἐποίει δὲ τὴν συμφορὰν μείζονα, ὡς καὶ ἀποκλίνειν πρὸς τὸ ἀπαραμύθητον τὸ κατηγγυημένην εἶναι τὴν κόρην τῷ συνάρχοντι Λουκίῳ9 Βήρῳ10 πρὸς γάμον, ὃν ἦν πρὸ βραχέως ἐξαποστείλας κατὰ τὴν ἑώαν τὸν κατὰ Πάρθων διοικήσοντα πόλεμον. 45 Καὶ ἦν αὐτοῖς σύνθημα κατὰ τὴν Ἔφεσον ἄμφω γενέσθαι κἀκεῖ τὴν θυγατέρα τῷ γαμέτῃ συζεῦξαι. καὶ ἡ προθεσμία ἐγγίζουσα εἰς ἀπορίαν περιΐστατο τὸν Ἀντωνῖνον. ἔδοξεν οὖν ὑπέρθεσιν τέως τοῦ γάμου γενέσθαι ὡς κατεπειγόντων δῆθεν τῶν κάτω πραγμάτων τὸν αὐτοκράτορα. καὶ πρόφασις ἦσαν οἱ Γερμανοὶ τὸν Ῥῆνον διαπεράσαντες καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ταῖς ἐπεκδρομαῖς καὶ ἐπελάσεσι λυμαινόμενοι. δόξαν οὖν οὕτως ἐγράφη τὰ τῆς ὑπερθέσεως τῷ Λευκίῳ. καὶ τὸ ἐπιὸν ἔτος αὖθις τὴν τῶν γάμων εἶχεν ὑπόσχεσιν. 46 Εἶχε δὲ καὶ Φαυστῖναν τὸ τῆς θυγατρὸς πάθος καὶ τὸν Ἀντωνῖνον ἐπιστυγνάζοντας. καὶ οὐδὲν τῶν ὅσα πρὸς θεραπείαν ἐλέλειπτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἱερεῖς συνηθροίζοντο καὶ οἰωνοσκόποι τὴν τέχνην οὐ φαῦλοι συνεκαλοῦντο. καὶ ματαία τούτοις πᾶσα ἡ σπουδὴ ἀπεδείκνυτο τοῦ δαιμονίου μᾶλλον διερεθιζομένου πρὸς τὰς ἐπῳδὰς καὶ μειζόνως τὴν παῖδα κακοῦντος καὶ ἐπιβοωμένου πᾶσι μὴ ἂν ἄλλως ἐξελθεῖν, εἰ μὴ Ἀβέρκιος ὁ τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν Φρυγίας ἐπίσκοπος πρὸς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀφίκοιτο.

  7   8   9 10

Superscript over Λουκίλλα reads φωτεινή Superscript over Φαυστῖνα reads λαμπρά Superscript over Λουκίῳ reads φωτεινῷ Superscript over Βήρῳ reads ἀνδρί

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The Hagiocentric version  219 salvation of men, promising to have his support as fellow worker at all times. Awaking from sleep, Abercius blessed God for this and prayed that the divine will be done. When he had shared with his companions who had appeared and what had been commanded, he kept to his customary instruction. 44 Nevertheless, the devil reached Rome the next day and with malicious intent entered into the daughter of Emperor Marcus, who was young in age and still a virgin. The name of the virgin was Lucilla. Whereupon the girl began to suffer as one possessed and to be driven mad with dreadful frenzies, violently agitated with disheveled hair, and chewing on her hands. Accordingly, the father and the mother of the child (this being Faustina) had lost heart at these behaviors. Making this a greater misfortune, so that it tended to admit no consolation, was that the girl had been pledged in marriage to the co-emperor Lucius Verus, whom a short time before Marcus had sent to the East in order to conduct the war against the Parthians. 45 They had an agreement to both arrive in Ephesus and there to join the daughter with her husband in marriage. The appointed day was drawing near and brought Antoninus into dire straits. He determined to postpone the wedding for a while, saying how the affairs of state were pressing down hard on the emperor. The pretext was that the Germans had crossed the Rhine and were ravaging Italy with sorties and cavalry charges. Thus resolved, the reasons for the delay were written to Lucius. The succeeding year in turn would see the fulfillment of the promised marriage. 46 Meanwhile, the suffering of their daughter held Faustina and Antoninus in a deep gloom. Not one of the many remedies at their disposal had been overlooked, but the priests were being assembled and the augers, who were not unskilled in the trade, were being called together. Every effort on the part of these was rendered futile, while the demon was further provoked by the enchantments, doing greater harm to the child. He was crying out to all that under no other circumstances would he come out, unless Abercius, the bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia would come to Rome.

220  The texts—Greek and English 47 [478] Ἐκαλεῖτο οὗν ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ἔπαρχος Κορνηλιανὸς καὶ πυνθανομένῳ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπιγινώσκειν τὴν πόλιν ἔλεγε καὶ πολίτην εἶναι ταύτης Εὐξεινιανὸν Πολλίωνα, ᾦ περὶ πραγμάτων ἀναγκαίων πολλάκις βασιλικαὶ γραφαὶ ἐξεπέμφθησαν. ἐπιμνησθεὶς οὖν ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος γράφει τοιαῦτα τῷ Εὐξεινιανῷ·

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48 ‘Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μάρκος Αὐρίλιος Ἀντωνῖνος Σεβαστὸς Εὐξεινιανῷ Πολλίωνι. ἔργῳ πειραθέντες τῆς σῆς ἀγχινοίας περὶ ὧν κατ’ ἐπιτροπὴν ἡμετέραν ἔναγχος διεπράξω, ἐπικουφίσας τὴν συμφορὰν τῇ Σμυρναίων πόλει, ἣ ἐκ τοῦ κλόνου αὐτοῖς ἐπισυνέβη τῆς γῆς, τὴν ἐν πᾶσί σου ἐθαυμάσαμεν ἐπιμέλειαν, μάλιστα Κεκιλίου τοῦ ἡμετέρου σαφῶς ἡμῖν ἕκαστα ἀναγγείλαντος, καὶ ἔχεις ὀφειλομένην σοι παρ’ ἡμῶν εὐχαριστίαν ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων.

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49 Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ νῦν ἐγνώσθη ἡμῖν ἐπίσκοπόν τινα Ἀβέρκιον τῆς κατά σε Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως ἄνδρα θεοσεβῆ εἶναι ὡς καὶ δαιμόνια ἀπελαύνειν καὶ ἰάσεις ἄλλας ἐπιτελεῖν, τούτου κατὰ τὸ ἀναγκαῖον χρῄζοντες κελεύομεν τῇ σῇ στερρότητι τὸν εἰρημένον ἄνδρα προτρέψαι παρ’ ἡμῖν γενέσθαι. διὰ ταύτην γὰρ τὴν αἰτιάν καὶ Οὐαλλέριον καὶ Βασσιανὸν μαγιστριανοὺς ἐστείλαμεν ὀφείλοντας μετὰ πάσης τιμῆς διασῶσαι τὸν ἄνδρα. πάντως οὖν τοῦτο πράξεις εἰδὼς ὅτι καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου οὐ μετρίαν σοι καταθησόμεθα χάριν. ἔρρωσο’. 50 Δεξάμενοι οὖν οἱ μαγιστριανοὶ τὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος γράμματα καὶ ἐμβάντες πλοίῳ κατὰ τὸ Βρεντήσιον [479] εὐμενῶν ἀνέμων αὐτοῖς ἐπιπνεόντων ἑβδομαῖοι τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ προσώκειλαν. κἀκεῖθεν ὀχήμασι δημοσίοις ἐπιβάντες παρήλασαν τὸ Βυζάντιον·

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51 Καὶ σὺν πολλῷ τάχει τὰ Σύναδα κατειλήφασιν, ἃ μητρόπολίς ἐστι τῆς λεχθείσης Φρυγίας.

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52 Καὶ παρὰ τοῦ ἄρχοντος τῶν ἐκεῖσε πρὸς τὴν Ἱεράπολιν ὁδηγηθέντες ἀπήντησαν κατὰ συγκυρίαν πρὸ τῆς πόρτης τῆς πόλεως τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ δοῦλον Ἀβέρκιον καὶ ἐπηρώτων περὶ τοῦ Εὐξεινιανοῦ. τοῦ δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν πυθομένου τῆς τούτου ζητήσεως, ἐδεδίει γὰρ μή τι ἀηδὲς αὐτῷ γενήσεται φίλῳ τυγχάνοντι, εἷς τῶν

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The Hagiocentric version  221 47 Therefore, the praetorian prefect, Cornelianus, was summoned. While the emperor was being briefed, Cornelianus was stating that he recognized the city, and that Euxeinianus Pollio was a citizen of this place, to whom imperial documents concerning essential affairs of state had often been sent. Antoninus, recalling the name, writes thusly to Euxeinianus: 48 ‘Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus to Euxeinianus ­Pollio. Having made proof of your sagacity in your endeavor, concerning which, according to our procurator, you recently achieved success, easing the misfortune for the city of Smyrna, which occurred as the result of an earthquake, we marveled at your careful attention in every matter, particularly since our Caecilius clearly reported to us each detail. You have a debt of gratitude owed to you by us for such efforts. 49 Whereas present circumstances have brought to our attention a certain bishop, Abercius, who is from your city Hierapolis, a religious man who can drive out demons and accomplish other healings, having urgent need of this one we appeal to your loyalty to enjoin the aforementioned man to be with us. For this reason, we sent the couriers, Valerius and Bassianus, who are under obligation to provide the man with safe passage with all due respect. You shall do this in full, knowing that also for this we will return thanks without measure. Farewell’. 50 Having received the emperor’s letter, the couriers embarked by ship at Brundisium, and with favorable winds blowing for them they came ashore at the Peloponnese on the seventh day. From there having mounted state horses they passed through Byzantium. 51 With much speed they reached Synnada, which is the metropolis of the region called Phrygia. 52 Having been led by guides provided by the ruler of that place to Hierapolis, they met quite by chance the servant of God, Abercius, before the gate of the city and were inquiring concerning ­Euxeinianus. However, when Abercius asked the reason for seeking this one, for he feared lest something bad should happen to him, who

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μαγιστριανῶν τῇ ἐπερωτήσει τοῦ ἁγίου δυσχεράνας ἀνέτεινε τὴν χεῖρα ὡς πατάξων τοῦτον τῇ μάστιγι· θρασὺ γὰρ φύσει τὸ στρατιωτικὸν καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν λίαν εὐπτόητον. ἀλλ’ οὐκ εἰς μακρὸν αὐτῷ τῆς προπετείας ἡ δίκη ἐπηκολούθησεν· ἔμεινε γὰρ ἡ χεὶρ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀνατάσει ξηρὰ τὸ ἄδικον θριαμβεύουσα.

53 Δέος ἐπὶ τούτοις τοὺς ἄνδρας καταλαμβάνει καὶ τῶν ἵππων ἀποβάντες ἱκέται γίνονται καὶ τὴν θεραπείαν τῆς ἀκρατοῦς ἐξαιτοῦσι χειρός. ἁψάμενος οὖν αὐτῆς ὁ ἅγιος τὴν συνήθη ἀπέδωκεν εὐετηρίαν καὶ ὁδηγὸς τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐξεινιανὸν φερούσης ἐγένετο. ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος τὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος γράμματα τὴν τούτων διάνοιαν τῷ Αβερκίῳ ἐμήνυσε καὶ παρεκάλει μὴ ὑπερθέσθαι ἢ ἀναβολήν τινα προϊσχόμενον ἀλογῆσαι τῶν ἀξιούντων. 54 Καὶ ὃς θείαν εἶναι τοῦτο ἐπιταγὴν εἰπὼν καὶ προεγνωκέναι περὶ αὐτοῦ πάλαι τοῦ κυρίου μηνύσαντος προθύμως τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ἐποιήσατο. [480] ξενίσαντες οὖν ἐφ’ ἡμέραις δυσὶ τοὺς ἀποσταλέντας παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος καὶ συνταξάμενοι ἐξαπέστειλαν μετὰ ἀντιγράφων, μετὰ τεσσαρακοστὴν ἡμέραν τοῦ ἁγίου αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν λεγόμενον Πόρτον11 πλησίον τῆς Ῥώμης συγγενέσθαι προστάξαντος ὡς μετ’ αὐτῶν τὴν Ῥώμην καταλαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ ἄκοντες μὲν ὅτι μὴ αὐτοῖς συνοδεύοι, δείσαντες δὲ ὅμως τὴν κατ’ αὐτοὺς ἤλαυνον. 55 Κἀκεῖνος παρακαλέσας τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς βαρέως φέροντας πρὸς τὴν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεπευξάμενος αὐτοῖς τὰ συμφέροντα λαβὼν ἀσκὸν καὶ οἴνου αὐτὸν ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ ἐλαίου μετ’ ὄξους πλήσας καὶ ἄρτους εἰς ἐφόδιον προσλαβόμενος καὶ ὄνῳ ἐπισάξας ταῦτα ἀπεδήμει ἔποχος ὢν καὶ αὐτὸς τῇ τοιαύτῃ ὄνῳ. 56 Βραχὺ δὲ ἐκεῖθεν προβὰς εἶδέν τινα γεωργὸν ἀμπελῶνα ταφρεύοντα· Τροφιμίων ἦν ὄνομα τῷ ἀγροίκῳ. τούτῳ ἀκολουθεῖν αὐτῷ ἐπειπὼν καὶ πεισθέντα λαβὼν εἴχετο τῆς ὁδοῦ. καὶ ἔνθα μὲν κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἁγίου ὁ ἀσκὸς ἐλύετο, πρόσφορον τῇ βουλήσει

11 Superscript over Πόρτον reads λιμένα

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happened to be his friend, one of the magistrates, annoyed at the reply of the saint, stretched out his hand to strike Abercius with his horsewhip. For the military temperament is arrogant by nature and quite quick tempered. But the judgement for his rashness which followed was swift. For his hand was withered and fixed in midair foiling his wrongdoing.

53 At these events fear grips the men, who having dismounted from their horses, become suppliants, and beg healing for the disabled hand. The saint grabbed the hand and restored it to normal health. He then became their guide on the way leading to Euxeinianus. Receiving the letter of the emperor, Euxeinianus shared the contents of the correspondence with Abercius. Euxeinianus entreated him not to ignore or slight what was being requested by making some excuse. 54 Abercius said this was a divine command and that he had been informed about it some time ago when the Lord had revealed it. He eagerly promised to go. Therefore, having hosted for two days those who had been sent by the emperor, they made arrangements and sent them back with a reply in writing. The saint stipulated that after forty days he would meet with them at the place called Portus near Rome and then to arrive at Rome with them. On the one hand they were reluctant because he would not travel with them, nevertheless, despite their fears, they set off on their own. 55 Abercius encouraged the brothers who were grieved at his departure and prayed together with them that which was in their best interest. He took a leather bag and filled it with equal amounts of wine, oil, and vinegar. Besides that, he also took along bread as a provision. Having packed these things on a donkey, and he himself being mounted on such a donkey, he departed. 56 Advancing a short distance from there, he saw a certain farmer digging in a vineyard. The countryman’s name was Trophimion. After speaking with this man, he was persuaded to follow him. Taking him along he applied himself to the journey. Here and there at the discretion of the saint the wineskin would be loosened. When he drained it, whatever came out was useful for his want and need.

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καὶ τῇ χρείᾳ τὸ ἐξερχόμενον ἀπεκένου, ὡς φέρε εἰπεῖν, οἶνον μόνον ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ· εἰ δέ που τὸν Τροφιμίονα τὴν δίψαν ἀκέσασθαι ἐνθύμιον ἔλαβεν, ἀδιάκριτον αὐτῷ τὸ κενούμενον ἦν καὶ τῇ χρείᾳ ἀπρόσφορον.

57 Τὴν δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν εὐμάρειαν αὐτοῖς τοῦ κυρίου βραβεύοντος πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τῆς πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας συντάξεως τὸν Πόρτον καλούμενον τόπον κατέλαβον. κἀκεῖνοι οὐκ αἰσιόυ τυχόντες τοῦ [481] πλοῦ ὑπερήμεροι μέν, ἀνήχθησαν δ’ οὖν ὅμως καὶ κατὰ τὸν συντεταγμένον τόπον ἐγένοντο πάνυ τὸ ἀθυμοῦν ὑποτρέφοντες, εἰ μὴ τὸν δι’ ὃν ἀπεστάλησαν καταλάβωσιν. 58 Ὡς οὖν ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐναγώνιος ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ ἀναπεπταμένοις τοῖς ὄμμασι πανταχοῦ καθάπερ τινὲς θηρευταὶ τὸ θήραμα περιειργάζοντο, ἀσπασίως αὐτοῖς ὁ ζητούμενος ἐπιφαίνεται. καὶ τῆς βραδυτῆτος ἐπιμεμψάμενος καὶ τῆς δυσθυμίας ἀνακτησάμενος μετ’ αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀφίκετο. καὶ ἐντυγχάνει πρῶτα τῷ τῆς αὐλῆς δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπάρχῳ, ὃν ἐν τοῖς ἄνω ὁ λόγος Κορνηλιανὸν ἐπεφήμισε,

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59 δι’ αὐτοῦ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν βασιλίδα Φαυστῖναν· Ἐπεὶ κατὰ σύμβαμα ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος ἀπόδημος ἦν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς κάτω βαρβάρους στασιάζοντας εἰρηνούμενος ἢ καὶ τὰς ἀτάκτους αὐτῶν ἀναστέλλων ὑπεκδρομάς, ἐπεισάγεται. 60 Ἡ δὲ ἰδοῦσα αὐτὸν ἄνδρα πλήρη συνέσεως καὶ διὰ γῆρας αἰδέσιμον καὶ δι’ αὐτῆς τῆς θέας ἀξίωμά τι καὶ ὄγκον ἐπιδεικνύντα φρονήματος ‘Ὅτι μὲν ἀγαθοῦ θεοῦ,’ φησι ‘καὶ δυνατοῦ ἄξιος δοῦλος εἶ, τὰ παρὰ τῶν μαγιστριανῶν ἡμῖν περὶ ὑμῶν μαρτυροῦσιν ἀπαγγελθέντα· ὅτι δὲ εἰ μὴ ἀπαξιοῖς καὶ βασιλέων εὐεργέτης γενέσθαι τοῦ περιέχοντος πάθους ἐξιώμενος τὸ θυγάτριον, λαμπρὰν παρ’ ἡμῶν ἀποίσῃ καὶ ἀποχρῶσαν τὴν ἀμοιβήν, ἥκιστά σε ἀμφιδοξεῖν οἴομαι’. 61 Ὁ δὲ ἅγιος ‘Τὴν μὲν τῶν χρημάτων,’ ἀντέφησε ‘δόσιν ἄλλοις ἔδει κατεπαγγέλλεσθαι, οἷς τὸ περιφανὲς καὶ εὔδαιμον ἐν τῷ πλουτεῖν τὸν κάτω [482] πλοῦτον νενόμισται· οἷς δὲ ἡ εἰς Χριστὸν

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The Hagiocentric version  225 Let us say, wine only or something else of what was in it. However, anytime Trophimion had the urge to quench his thirst, what emptied out was mixed and unsuitable for his need. 57 Their entire journey was easy with the Lord directing, and they arrived at the place called Portus one day before that which had been arranged with the soldiers. However, those did not happen to have such a fortunate voyage and arrived past the scheduled date. Nevertheless, having made their return they came to the designated place despite harboring a deep despondency that they may not meet the one on whose account they had been sent. 58 Their soul was in distress and with eyes wide-open they spared no effort searching everywhere, even as some hunters would for their prey. Happily for them, the one being sought is spotted. Having registered a complaint for their tardiness and having restored them from despondency, he comes with them to Rome. He is first introduced by them to the praetorian prefect, whom the narrative in the lines above names as Cornelianus. 59 Through Cornelianus Abercius was then introduced to the queen, Faustina. For as chance would have it Antoninus was out of the country, drawn in to restore peace in the coastal provinces disrupted by barbarians and otherwise to repel their irregular sorties. 60 Now the queen, seeing the man in person, full of wisdom, venerable with old age, and through his very appearance exhibiting some dignity and weight of intelligence, says, ‘What has been announced to us by the couriers concerning you bears witness that you are a worthy servant of a good and powerful God. Now, if you do not deem it unworthy to become a benefactor of kings by completely curing our young daughter of this suffering which encompasses her, I think there is little room for you to doubt that you shall receive in return from us a magnificent and sufficient recompense’. 61 But the saint responded, ‘Perhaps it is required to promise a gift of money to some, for whom it is considered a conspicuous blessing to be rich in wealth here below. But for others, hope in Christ has

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ἐλπὶς τεθησαύρισται, οὗτοι τοὺς ἐπὶ γῆς θησαυροὺς ὡς ἀπολλυμένους οὐ θησαυρίζουσιν. ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ μισθοῦ τὴν ἄπρατον χάριν διδόναι καλόν, δωρεὰν δὲ λαβόντας καὶ δωρεὰν ἀπονέμειν τοῖς χρήζουσι. τοῦτο γὰρ ἡ ἐντολὴ καὶ ὁ ταύτης ἡμῖν χορηγὸς ἐνετείλατο κύριος. ἀλλ’ εἴπερ τοῦ ἐν ἐμοὶ λαλοῦντος Χριστοῦ ζητεῖς δοκιμήν, ἄγε δὴ κάλεσον τὸ θυγάτριον καὶ ὄψει τὸ ἐλπιζόμενον’.   Καὶ ἡ βασιλὶς τῷ περὶ τὴν παῖδα φίλτρῳ περικαῶς ἔχουσα αὐτὴ δι’ ἑαυτῆς εἰσκαλεσαμένη ἐκ τοῦ κοιτωνίσκου ταύτην πρὸς τὸν θεῖον ἄνδρα προσήγαγεν. ὡς δ’ ἧκεν ἀναταράξαν αὐτὴν τὸ συνέχον δαιμόνιον μεγάλῃ φωνῇ οἷον ἐπιτωθάζον τῷ ἁγίῳ ἀπεφοίβαζεν· ‘Ἰδοὺ ὡς ἐπηγγειλάμην τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ ἄκοντα καταλαβεῖν σε ἐποίησα’. ὁ δὲ ‘Ναι,’ φησιν ‘ἀλλ’ οὐ χαιρήσεις οὐδὲ κατορχήσῃ μου ἔτι τῆς ἀνεξικακίας’. Καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ στῆναι τὴν παῖδα. 62 Καὶ ἧκον λοιπὸν εἰς τὸν ἀσκεπῆ ἱππόδρομον. κἀκεῖ γενομένων ἐπάρας τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἐπηύξατο λέγων· ‘Σύ, κύριε, ἡ ἐλπὶς πάντων ὁ τῷ λεγεῶνι τῶν δαιμονίων ἐπιτιμήσας καὶ κατοικίαν αὐτοῖς τοὺς χοίρους ἔχειν ἐγκελευσάμενος, εἰσάκουσον καὶ νῦν τῆς δεήσεως ἡμῶν τῶν ἐπικαλουμένων σε καὶ δόξασόν σου κἀνταῦθα τὸ πανάγιον ὄνομα διὰ τοῦ τὸ πονηρὸν πνεῦμα τῆς κόρης ἀποσοβῆσαι καὶ ἐλευθερῶσαι τὸ τῶν χειρῶν σου ποίημα τῆς [483] τοῦ ἀντικειμένου ἐπικρατείας· γνώσονται γὰρ οὗτός τε ὁ παριστάμενος ὄχλος καὶ ἡ βασιλὶς ὅτι μόνος αὐτὸς εἶ θεὸς ἀληθινὸς καὶ πάντα δυνάμενος’. 63 Καὶ δριμύ τι ἐμβλέψας τῇ κόρῃ ‘Ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί,’ φησιν ‘Ἰησοῦ ἔξελθε τῆς κόρης μηδὲν αὐτῇ λυμηνάμενος’. ὥρκωσε δὲ καὶ ὸ δαίμων κατὰ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ τὸν ἅγιον μὴ εἰς ἄγριον ὄρος, ἀλλ’ εἰς ἣν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ᾤκει χώραν ἀποσταλῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ δοῦλος ἐπένευσεν, ἕνεκα δὲ τῆς εἰς Ῥώμην ἐλεύσεως ἑνεκελεύσατο αὐτῷ τὸν προκείμενον βωμόν (μαρμάρου δὲ οὗτος ἦν βάρος ἄμαχον) πάντων ὁρώντων τοῖς νώτοις ἐπιφορτίσασθαι καὶ τῇ Ἱεραπόλει ἀποκομίσαι. καὶ ὁ δαίμων τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐπετέλεσεν. 64 Ἡ δὲ κόρη τῇ ἀπουσίᾳ τοῦ δαίμονος προσαραχθεῖσα τῇ γῇ καὶ νεκρώδη χρόαν καὶ παρειμένην γλῶτταν καὶ ἄφωνον ἐπὶ πολὺ

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been stored up as treasure. These do not store up treasure on earth since it perishes. Not only that, but it is not good to give at a price the gift that is not for sale, but freely having received, freely to distribute to those in need. For this is the command, and the Lord who furnishes the gift to us issued the command. However, if you indeed seek proof of Christ speaking by me, go and summon your daughter and you shall see that for which you have hoped’.   Now the queen, who had an abundant burning love for the child, summoned her daughter from the bedroom and she personally brought the girl to the divine man. Yet, as she was approaching, the demon which oppressed her harassed her and in a loud voice, speaking as one possessed, was mocking the saint. ‘See, just as I promised, I made you arrive in Rome unwillingly!’ However, the saint replies, ‘Yes, but you will no longer celebrate or taunt my present forbearance’. Having said these things, he ordered to set the girl in the open air. 62 Finally they came to the unroofed hippodrome. Once they had arrived there, lifting up his eyes to heaven, Abercius prayed saying, ‘You, Lord, are the hope of all humanity, who reproved the legion of demons and commanded them to have the pigs as a habitation. Hear even now our petition, who call upon you and glorify even here your all-holy name, by sending away the evil spirit from the girl and setting free the work of your hands from the mastery of the adversary. For both this crowd that is present and the queen shall understand that you alone are the true and all-powerful God’. 63 Looking with intense anger at the girl, Abercius said, ‘in the name of Jesus, come out of the girl and do not harm her in any way’. Now the demon made the saint swear by Jesus that he would not be sent away into the uncultivated hill country, but to the region which he originally inhabited. The servant of God agreed to this, but on account of his journey to Rome he commanded that the altar which was set before them (this was made of marble, an insuperable weight!) to be loaded on his back while all were watching and carry it to Hierapolis. The demon then completed what had been enjoined. 64 In the absence of the demon, the girl had been slammed to the ground exhibiting for quite a while the color of a corpse and a tongue

228  The texts—Greek and English

παρεμφαίνουσα θανάτου δόξαν πολλοῖς ἐνεποίησε. καὶ αὐτὴ δὲ ἡ βασιλὶς τὸ τῶν πολλῶν παθοῦσα προσελιπάρει τὸν ἅγιον μὴ καὶ τῆς ζωῆς στερῆσαι τὴν κόρην μετὰ τοῦ δαίμονος. καὶ δοὺς χεῖρα τῇ κόρῃ ζῶσαν καὶ σωφρονοῦσαν ταύτην τῇ μητρὶ παρεστήσατο ‘Ἔχεις,’ εἰπὼν ‘τὸ θυγάτριον ὡς ἐβούλου γενόμενον· πᾶσαν οὖν ἀγωνίαν ἀποθεμένη χάριν ἔχε τῷ τοιαῦτα ἐπί σοι ἐργασαμένῳ παράδοξα’.

65 Καὶ ἡ Φαυστῖνα ἐμπλακεῖσα τῇ παιδὶ ἐν δύο παθῶν μεταιχμίῳ ἐτύγχανε τὸ μέν τι δακρύουσα, τὸ δέ τι καὶ ἐπιχαίρουσα. ἀλλὰ ταύτην μὲν ταῖς βασιλείοις θεραπαίναις πρὸς τὸν θάλαμον ἀπάγειν ἐκδίδωσι, τοῖς δὲ ποσὶ προσκειμένη τοῦ Ἀβερκίου [484] τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀπολαβεῖν ἐλιπάρει. ὁ δὲ μὴ δεῖν εἰπὼν χρημάτων ᾧ τὴν τράπεζαν ἄρτος καὶ ὕδωρ ἀναπληροῦσι τὰ πάντων εὐπόριστα, ταῦτα μόνα παρὰ τῆς βασιλίδος εἰς ἀμοιβὴν ἐξῃτήσατο τοῦ κατά τε τὸν ἀγρόν, ἐφ’ ὃν δι’ εὐχῆς τὴν αὐτόρειθρον χύσιν τῶν θερμῶν ναμάτων εἰργάσατο, βαλανεῖον βασιλικαῖς δαπάναις ἀνοικοδομηθῆναι καὶ σιτηρέσιον τοῖς τῆς αὐτοῦ πόλεως πτωχοῖς ἐκ βασιλικῆς ἐπιχορηγεῖσθαι καθ’ ἕκαστον χρόνον χειρὸς εἰς τρισχιλίους μοδίους τῷ ἀριθμῷ διαβαίνοντας. 66 Καὶ ἡ βασιλὶς ταῦτα μετὰ σπουδῆς καταπραχθῆναι διεκελεύσατο. καὶ τό τε βαλανεῖον διὰ τοῦ τῆς Φρυγίας ἐξείργασται ἄρχοντος. Σπινθὴρ ἦν ὄνομα τῷ ἀνδρί. καὶ τὸ σιτηρέσιον χορηγούμενον ἔμεινε μέχρι τοῦ τὰ σκῆπτρα τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς τὸν κατὰ θεοῦ τοῦ πεποιηκότος ἀποστατήσαντα Ἰουλιανὸν τυραννίδι ἀναλαβεῖν ἐπιθέμενον. ἐκείνου δὲ τῇ πορφυρίδι ἐνυβρίσαντος ὥσπερ ἡ τῶν ἄλλων καλῶν φορὰ τὸν βίον ἐπέλιπε καὶ τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐκκέκοπται σιτηρέσιον· οὐκ ἦν γὰρ πονηρὸν ἀγαθοῦ τινος διασώσασθαι χορηγίαν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τοῖς κάτω χρόνοις διεσκευάσθη· 67 Τότε δὲ ὁ Ἀβέρκιος τῇ Ῥώμῃ προσδιατρίψας ἐφ’ ἱκανὸν καὶ τὰς τῶν πιστῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀποστολικῷ κηρύγματι κατηχήσας καὶ κρατυνάμενος καὶ διαλλάξας τὸ στασιάζον καὶ πρὸς ὁμόνοιαν

475

480

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The Hagiocentric version  229

that was slack and silent. It made many think that she was dead. The queen herself, feeling as did many, began imploring the saint, fearing that he had rid the girl of life along with the demon. Having extended his hand to the girl, he presented this one alive and in her right mind to her mother saying, ‘You have your daughter in the condition you were hoping. Therefore, set aside all anguish and give thanks to the one who did incredible things for you’.

65 Then, while Faustina was embracing the child, she experienced intervals of two emotions. At one time she would be crying and at another she would be rejoicing. However, she does give charge of the girl to the royal handmaidens to bring her to her bedroom. At this point, placing the recompense at the feet of Abercius, she implores him to accept it. But he said he had no need of money for whom the best of all compensations was bread and water on his table. Only the following he asked from the queen as compensation: both for a bathhouse to be built at the imperial expense in the field on which through prayer he made the self-producing stream of flowing thermal waters, and for an allowance coming from the royal hand guaranteed each year to provide for the poor of his city at a count of 3,000 modii8 of grain. 66 The queen commanded these requests to be fulfilled with speed. The bathhouse was completed through the governor of Phrygia. The man’s name was Spinther. The allowance continued to be provided until Julian attempted to take up in tyranny the scepter of the Roman Empire, having apostatized against God the Maker. That one acted disgracefully in the royal purple, even as the contribution of other goods essential to life were drying up, the agreed upon allowance had been cut off. For it was not possible for a bad person to maintain the provision of something good. However, these things were provided in the times which followed. 67 Then Abercius spent a considerable time in Rome. He taught and strengthened the congregations of believers in the apostolic proclamation, having settled discord and harmonized them in

8 A modius was a Roman dry measure equal to approximately nine liters or two gallons.

230  The texts—Greek and English

ἁρμοσάμενος. ἤδη τοῦ ἔαρος ὑποφαίνοντος ὄψιν εἶδεν ἱερὰν τῶν ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ καὶ ἑώᾳ σωτηρίων ἐπιφροντίσαι μελῶν ἐγκελεύουσαν καὶ ᾐτεῖτο τὴν ἀπανάστασιν.

68 [485] Ἡ δὲ βασιλὶς μὴ δυναμένη ἐπὶ πολὺ κατέχειν τὸν οὗ χωρισθῆναι ἀπηύχετο ὅμως τῇ ἐνστάσει ἐνδίδωσι. 69 Καὶ πλοῖον εὐτρεπίσασα καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν διὰ τοῦ τῆς αὐλῆς ἐπάρχου ἑτοιμάσασα ἐξαπέστειλε. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τῇ κατὰ Δάφνην Ἀντιοχείᾳ προσέσχεν, εἶτα ἄλλη καὶ ἄλλη πόλις αὐτὸν εἶχε διδάσκαλον τοῦ ὀρθοῦ λόγου καὶ τῆς ἀκραιφνοῦς πίστεως ἐξηγητὴν ἀσφαλέστατον. καὶ γὰρ ἐπεπόλαζεν αὐτοῖς τότε οἷά τις θολερὰ καὶ ἄποτος θάλαττα ἡ μυσαρὰ τοῦ Μαρκίωνος ληρωδία· καὶ εἰς καιρὸν εὐτύχουν τοῦ κυβερνᾶν εἰδότος μετ’ ἐπιστήμης τὸ σκάφος τῆς πίστεως. ἀπέλαυσε τούτου καὶ ἡ μέση τῶν ποταμῶν καὶ αἱ ἔτι πόρρωθεν ἐκκλησίαι τὴν εὐσέβειαν καταγγέλλοντος.

505

510

70 Ἐπεὶ δὲ χρημάτων διδομένων αὐτῷ παρῃτεῖτο τὴν λῆψιν, πλειόνων γὰρ ἂν εὐπορεῖν ἔλεγεν, εἰ λαβεῖν ἔχρηζε δωρουμένης τῆς βασιλίσσης, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθον ψηφίζονται τούτῳ δοῦναι ὅπερ οὐκ ἦν τοῦτον ἀπώσασθαι· τὸ δὲ ἦν ἰσαπόστολον κλῆσιν ἔχειν αὐτὸν προκληθέντα τοῦτο διὰ τῆς πράξεως.

515

71 Κἀκεῖθεν ἀπάρας τῇ Λυκαόνων καὶ Πισιδῶν ἐπιφοιτᾷ χώρᾳ τοῦ οἰκείου τῆς ἀποστολῆς ἔργου ἐχόμενος. εἶτα τοῖς κατὰ Σύναδαν τόποις δεξιωθεὶς πρὸς τὴν οἰκείαν πόλιν ἠπείγετο.

520

72 Καὶ δὴ τῷ ἐκ τῆς ὁδοιπορίας κόπῳ μικρὸν βαρηθεὶς ἐπὶ πέτρας καθῆστο. ἔτυχε δὲ ἄνδρας ἐκεῖσε λικμῶντας ἐν ἀλωῇ ἐπιφόρου αὐτοῖς τοῦ πνεύματος καταπνέοντος κονιορτοῦ τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ ἁγίου ὑποπιμπλᾶν12 καὶ αἰτήσαντος ἐνδοῦναι μικρὸν μὴ προσσχεῖν13 [486] τὸ τοῦ πνεύματος εὔκαιρον παραπολέσθαι μὴ φέροντας. ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν καὶ ἄκοντες ἡσύχασαν εὐχῇ τοῦ δικαίου τὸ πνεῦμα κοπάσαντος. καὶ

12 μ added in superscript 13 σ added in supercript

525

The Hagiocentric version  231

oneness of mind. Now when spring was just beginning to appear Abercius saw a divine vision urging him to take thought for the salvation of the members in Syria and the East. So, he made a request for his departure.

68 However, the queen, fearing she might not be able to retain him for long, earnestly prayed not to be separated from him. Nevertheless, she gives up her objection. 69 Having arranged for a ship and having made ready what was requisite through the praetorian prefect, she sent Abercius on his way. First, he put into port at Antioch opposite Daphne. Then one city after another hosted the teacher of the orthodox word and most trusted exegete of the unmixed pure faith. For also at that time, as some turbid undrinkable seawater, the polluted nonsense of Marcion was prevalent among them, who for a time thought he knew how to steer the ship of faith successfully with skill. Both Mesopotamia and ­congregations still further away benefitted from Abercius proclaiming piety. 70 When money was offered to him, he refused to take it, for he would say he was better off than most, and if he had any need, to take it from what the queen had given. Since they could not convince him to take money, they voted to give to this one what was not possible for him to decline, this was to have the title ‘Equal to the Apostles,’ which he was offered on account of his work. 71 Departing from there, he subsequently visited the region of Lycaonia and Pisidia, holding fast to his own apostolic work. Then, having been welcomed by places throughout the region of Synnada, he set out eagerly for his own city. 72 So then, being weighed down a little with fatigue from the journey, he sat down on a rock. There happened to be some men there winnowing on a threshing floor. When a favorable wind blew down for them, the eyes of the saint were filled with the dust. Although he asked them to desist and not continue for a short time, they were not inclined to waste a favorable wind. However, they unwillingly rested when with a prayer the righteous man lessened

232  The texts—Greek and English

οἳ λαβόμενοι ἀδείας τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἐνόντων παρέθεντο τράπεζαν. καὶ διψήσαντος τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ὕδωρ αἰτήσαντος οὐδὲ πρὸς τοῦτο κατανεῦσαι ἐδυσωπήθησαν οἱ παράφρονες, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τῇ ἄλλῃ κακίᾳ καὶ κακοξενίαν ἑαυτοῖς ἐπεφήμισαν μὴ ἄγειν σχολὴν λέγοντες δι’ ἕνα γέροντα τῆς τραπέζης ἀφίστασθαι. ὁ δὲ καταγνοὺς αὐτῶν τῆς σκληρότητος κατηύξατο μὴ ἄν ποτε αὐτοὺς τῶν ἐσθιομένων ἐμπίμπλασθαι,14 ἀλλὰ καὶ χορτάζειν δοκοῦντας βουλιμιᾶν, ὃ καὶ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν διαμένειν λέγεται.

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73 Ἀποβὰς δὲ τῆς λιθώδους καθέδρας, ἣ σκληροτέρους αὐτῆς εἶχε τοὺς ἑστιάτορας, ὑπὸ τῶν συμπολιτῶν καὶ ἀδελφῶν ἄσμενος προσεδέχθη καὶ σὺν πολλῇ θυμηδίᾳ πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν παρεπέμφθη· 74 Καὶ τοῦ ποιμνίου τῆς προστασίας καὶ αὖθις ἐπεμελεῖτο. λέγεται δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ βίβλον συντάξαι διδακτικὴν καὶ ταύτην τοῖς τέκνοις ἀντ’ ἄλλης τινὸς χρηματίζειν θεοχαράκτου πλακός.

540

75 76 Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδει ποτὲ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῆς φύσεως ἀποτίσαι χρέος καὶ ἀπαναστῆναι τῶν γηΐνων πρὸς τὰ οὐράνια καὶ τοῦτο δι’ ὀπτασίας αὐτῷ προδεδήλωτο, καλέσας τὸ ποίμνιον καὶ τὸ ὁραθὲν εἰπὼν ὡς ἀναπαύσασθαι αὐτὸν15 ὁ καιρὸς ἤδη καλεῖ, αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ τὸν εἰς ὃν ἔμελλε κατατεθῆναι τύμβον κατεσκεύασε καὶ ἐπέστησεν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ τὸν ἐκ Ῥώμης ἀχθέντα ὑπὸ [487] τοῦ δαιμονιόυ βωμὸν ἐγχαράξας τῷ τύμβῳ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν ταύτην· 77 ‘Ἐκλεκτῆς πόλεως πολίτης τοῦτ’ ἐποίησα ζῶν, ἵν’ ἔχω καιρῷ σώματος ἐνθάδε θέσιν. οὔνομα Ἀβέρκιος, ὁ ὤν μαθητὴς ποιμένος ἁγνοῦ, ὃς βόσκει προβάτων ἀγέλας ὄρεσι πεδίοις τε· ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχει μεγάλους πάντη καθαρεύοντας. οὗτος γὰρ μ’ ἐδίδαξε γράμματα πιστά, εἰς Ῥώμην ὃς ἔπεμψεν ἐμὲ βασίλειαν ἀθρῆσαι χρυσόστολον χρυσοπέδιλον. καὶ Συρίης πέδον εἶδον καὶ ἄστεα πάντα Νίσιβιν

14 μ added in superscript 15 Duplicate αὐτὸν marked with superscript dots

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The Hagiocentric version  233 the wind. The farmers took advantage of the lull and set a table for themselves as best they could under the circumstances. At this point the saint was also thirsty and asked for water. The senseless men were not shamed into granting this request, rather they engaged in another evil, also assigning to themselves inhospitality, saying they could not take the time to leave the table on account of one old man. Passing a verdict on their harshness, Abercius prayed an imprecation that they never be sated with what was eaten, but even having eaten their fill, to still feel insatiably hungry, which is said to remain to the present day. 73 Leaving his stony seat, which had its hard-hearted hosts, he was glad to be welcomed by his fellow citizens and brothers. He was escorted to his home with much celebration. 74 He once again applied himself to the care of the flock. Now it is said that he himself composed an instructional manual, and this continued to speak as another kind of tablet engraved by God. 759 76 But then it was necessary for him to pay the debt common to our nature and to depart from the earthly to the heavenly realms. This had been previously revealed to him in a vision. So having summoned the flock, he told them of the vision and how the time for him to rest was now calling. He prepared for himself the tomb into which he was about to be laid and set on it the altar which had been brought from Rome by the demon. On the tomb he engraved this epigraph: 77 ‘A citizen of an exceptional city I made this while living in order than I may have at the right time a burial place here for my body. My name is Abercius, one who is a disciple of the upright shepherd, who feeds the flocks of sheep on the hills and plains, who has great eyes, completely pure. For this one taught me faithful writings, who sent me to Rome to see a queen, golden-robed, goldensandaled. I also saw the plain of Syria and all the cities, then Nisibis, after

9 Omits potable spring episode.

234  The texts—Greek and English

Εὐφράτην τε διαβάς. παντὶ16 δ’ ἔσχον συνομηγύρους· πίστις παντὶ προῆγε καὶ παρέθηκε τροφὴν ἰχθὺν ἀπὸ πηγῆς παμμεγέθη καθαρόν, οὗ ἐδράξατο παρθένος ἁγνή, καὶ τοῦτον ἐπέδωκε φίλοις ἐσθίειν διαπαντός. ταῦτα παρεστὼς εἶπον Ἀβέρκιος ὧδε γραφῆναι· ἑβδομηκοστὸν δ’ ἔτος καὶ δεύτερον ἦγον ἀληθῶς. ταῦτα ὁ νοῶν εὖξαι ὑπὲρ Ἀβερκίου· οὐ μέντοι τύμβῳ τις ἐμῷ ἕτερον ἐπάνω θήσει· εἰ δ’ οὖν, Ῥωμαίων ταμείῳ θήσει δισχίλια χρυσᾶ.’

78 Ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς ὑπ’ αὐτὸν ἱερεῖς καὶ τὰ δέοντα παραινέσας ‘Ἐγὼ μέν,’ φησι ‘τῶν ὧδε τῷ κυρίῳ δόξαν οὕτως μεθίσταμαι· σκέψασθε οὖν ἐξ ὑμῶν τὸν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς καλῶς προστησόμενον’. οἱ δὲ βραχὺ συλλαλήσαντες [488] ἀλλήλοις τὸν ὁμώνυμον αὐτῷ ἐψηφίσαντο τῆς πρώτης καθέδρας τοῦ πρεσβυτερίου17 ἐπειλημμένον. ἐπαινέσας οὖν αὐτῶν τὸ ἀδέκαστον τῆς ψήφου καὶ σύντομον καὶ ἐπευξάμενος καὶ εὐλογήσας αὐτὸν ηὔξατο οὕτως· 79 ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σοι, κύριέ μου Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, ὅτι με φρουρῶν μέχρι τῆς σήμερον οὐ διέλιπες, καὶ ὅτι με ἐν τῇ λαχούσῃ μοι παροικίᾳ τὸ γεῶδες σκῆνος τοῦτο ἀποθέσθαι εὐδόκησας. εἴη τὸ ὄνομά σου εὐλογημένον εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας’. καὶ τῶν παρεστώτων τὸ ἀμὴν ἀποδόντων πραείᾳ καὶ ἱλαρᾷ τῇ ψυχῇ ἐναπέψυξε. καὶ ἐκηδεύθη μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐν ᾧ αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ κατεσκεύασε τύμβῳ. 80 Τούτου τὴν ἀρετὴν ζηλώσωμεν οἱ ἀκούοντες· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἁπλῶς εἰς ἀναγραφὴν τῶν ἐπαινουμένων ἀνδρῶν τοὺς βίους ἡ τοῦ παναγίου πνεύματος χάρις εὐδόκησε παραδίδοσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἵν’ ἕκαστος τὸ ἐξ αὐτῶν ὠφέλιμον ποριζόμενος καὶ μιμήσει τῶν κρειττόνων τὸ ἐνάρετον ἐξασκούμενος τῆς ἴσης εὐκλείας μὴ ἄμοιρος ἐν ἡμέρᾳ εὑρίσκοιτο τῆς ἀνταποδόσεως, χάριτι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ᾧ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, ἀμήν.

16 Corrected in margin from πάντη 17 Corrected in margin from πρεσβυτερείου

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The Hagiocentric version  235 having crossed the Euphrates. I  had companions assembled everywhere. Faith led in every place, who also provided food: an immense, clean fish from a spring, which a pure virgin had caught. And she offered this at all times to friends to eat. I, Abercius, being present, said for these things to be written here. I led a life of seventy-two years in the truth. May the one who understands these things pray on behalf of Abercius. Surely, no one shall place anything else upon my tomb. But, if so, he shall place two-thousand gold coins in the treasury of the Romans’.10 78 After completing these preparations and having gathered together the priests under him, he advised on vital matters saying, ‘The Lord so willed that I am leaving those here, therefore, look among yourselves for one who will administer well the episcopal office’. After briefly discussing the matter with one another, they voted for one who had the same name as Abercius to occupy the chief seat of the presbytery. Praising their impartial and prompt vote, Abercius prayed for him and blessed him, praying in this way: 79 ‘I thank you, my Lord Jesus Christ, that keeping watch over me till today, you never left me, and in your favor, you decided in the sojourn allotted to me that I should lay aside this earthly tent. May your name be blessed forever’. When those present had responded with the ‘Amen,’ with a meek and happy soul he let go of life. He was buried in a manner befitting a great man in the tomb which he had prepared for himself. 80 Let us who hear strive to emulate his virtue. For generally speaking, the grace of the All-Holy Spirit is not pleased to hand down the lives of praiseworthy men in an inscription. However, in order that each, being provided with something beneficial from them, also shall imitate what is virtuous in better persons, and being adorned with equally good repute, may not be found without a share in the day of recompense, by the grace and philanthropy of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be the glory forever. Amen.

10 Following the Christocentric version, the payment of penalty to Hierapolis is omitted.

3 The Epigraphic version

A6 A15 A189 E149 E210 E5603 G551 G77 G497 M175 M176 P145 P1480 P1484 P1495 P1503 T79 V56 V399 V802

Austria, Vienna, 11th, Cod. Hist. Gr. 6, 220v—245v Austria, Vienna, 11th, Cod. Hist. Gr. 15, 170–189 Austria, Vienna, 11th, Cod. Hist. Gr. 189, 155–173v England, Oxford, 11th, MS 149, 275v–298 England, Cambridge, 11th, MS 210, 122–139v England, London, 11th, Harley MS 5603, 168–187 Greece, Mount Athos, 11th, MS 551, 195v–216 Greece, Mount Athos, 10th, MS 77, 113–124 Greece, Mount Athos, 10th, MS 497, 153v–172 Russia, Moscow, 11th, Syn. Gr. 175, 171v–189v Russia, Moscow, 11th, Syn. Gr. 176,64v–83v (§1–69) France, Paris, 11th, Coislinianus 145, 183–202v France, Paris, 11th, Gr. 1480, 171v–193 France, Paris, 11th, Gr. 1484, 168v–187v France, Paris, 11th, Gr. 1495, 178–199 France, Paris, 11th, Gr. 1503, 139v–156 Turkey, Istanbul, 11th, Hagia Triada 79, 174–191 Vatican, 10th, Reg.Gr. 56, 148–168v Vatican, 11th, Ott.Gr. 399, 185–206v Vatican, 11th, Vat.Gr. 802, 129v–147v

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-15

238  The texts—Greek and English μηνὶ τῷ αὐτῷ1 κβ΄

βίος καὶ πολιτεία2 τοῦ ἐν ἁγίοις3 πατρὸς ἡμῶν Ἀβερκίου ἐπισκόπου Ἱεραπόλεως 1

Μάρκου Ἀντωνίνου καὶ Λευκίου Βήρου τὴν αὐτοκράτορα Ῥωμαίοις διεπόντων ἀρχὴν δόγμα ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἐφοίτα τὴν γῆν ὅση τότε4 Ῥωμαίοις ὑπήκουε5 δημοτελεῖς κελεῦον τοῖς λεγομένοις θεοῖς σπονδάς τε6 καὶ θυσίας ἐπιτελεῖν. τοῦ γοῦν τοιούτου δόγματος καὶ αὐτῷ Ποπλίῳ τῆς μικρᾶς Φρυγίας ἡγεμονεύοντι τότε καταπεμφθέντος ἦν ὁρᾶν τὴν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους πᾶσαν ἑορτάς τε ἄγοντας καὶ θυσίας καὶ σπουδῇ τῷ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων προστάγματι διακονουμένους, ἡ τε βουλὴ τῶν Ἱεραπολιτῶν καὶ ὁ δῆμος οὐδὲ οὗτοι τῆς κοινῆς7 ἐκείνης8 ἀπελιμπάνοντο τελετῆς.

2 Αὐτὸς δὲ οὗτος ὁ νῦν ὑπόθεσις ἡμῖν ὑπάρχων Ἀβέρκιος τὴν Ἱεραπολιτῶν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐγκεχειρισμένος λευχειμονοῦντάς τε τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τὰς9 ἀνεόρτους ἐκείνας ἑορτὰς ἐπὶ καταστροφῇ φεῦ τῆς ἑαυτῶν10 ψυχῆς ἐπιτελοῦντας ἰδὼν καὶ τὸν μὲν ἀληθῆ θεὸν ἀθετούμενον, εἴδωλα δὲ κωφὰ προσκυνούμενα ψευδῆ φαντασίαν,11 ἵνα τὸ τοῦ θείου12 Ἀμβακοὺμ φθέγξωμαι, καὶ13 πλάνης ἀχλὺν ἐπὶ πολλοὺς διαχεομένην14 χαλεπὸν τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ δεινῶς ἄτοπον ἡγησάμενος καὶ οἷα ὑπὲρ ἀδελφῶν πληγεὶς15 τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν δάκρυσι τῷ θεῷ καταμόνας προσηύχετο ‘Θεὲ,’ λέγων ‘τῶν αἰώνων καὶ κύριε τοῦ ἐλέους καὶ δημιουργὲ τοῦ σύμπαντος τοῦδε καὶ συνοχεῦ, ὁ ἐνανθρωπῆσαι τὸν μονογενῆ σου παῖδα δι’ ἡμᾶς εὐδοκήσας ἔπιδε

  1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9 10 11 12 13 14 15

G497 omits τῷ αὐτῷ adds ὀκτωβρίῳ E149, V802 add καὶ ἀγῶνες, V56 omits καὶ πολιτεία A6, A189 omit ἐν ἁγίοις read ὁσίου V56 τε A189 omits ὑπήκουε G551 omits τε A6 omits κοινῆς A6, P1484, V802 omit ἐκείνης, E5603 reads ἐκείνοις M176 omits τὰς E5603 ἑαυτὸν A6, E5603, G497, M175, M176, P145, P1503, T79 add εἶναι, T79 omits ψευδῆ φαντασίαν A6 θεοῦ E5603 omits καὶ E5603 χεομαίνειν V56 τρωθεὶς

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The Epigraphic version  239

On the 22nd in the same month1 The life and conduct of our father among the saints, Abercius, bishop of Hieropolis 1

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While1Marcus Antoninus2 and Lucius Verus as emperors were governing the realm of the Romans, a decree circulated throughout all the earth, as much as was then subject to the Romans, ordering that at public expense, libations and sacrifices be offered to those so-called gods. At any event, at that time when such a decree had been sent also to Publius himself, governor of Phrygia Minor, to see to it that the entire region under Roman control celebrated festivals and sacrifices and that the people were zealously obedient to the directive of the emperors, neither the council, nor the people of Hierapolis, none of these, were absent from that public rite. However, this one, who is the subject of our story, Abercius, elected the bishop of Hierapolis, saw the citizens dressed in white and in subjugation performing those festivals, which were no festivals at all—alas!—bringing death to their own soul. On the one hand, they set aside the true God, and on the other, they worship mute idols. It was a false illusion (in order that I may use the language of the divine Habakkuk3) and a deceptive mist poured out on many. Considering the matter irksome and terribly wicked, and since he was grieved in his soul for the brothers, with tears he prayed by himself to God, saying, ‘Eternal God, merciful Lord, Fashioner and Sustainer of all this, you who were pleased to make your only child a man for our sake, look even now upon the world

1 October 2 Marcus Aurelius 3 Habakkuk 2.18, LXX

240  The texts—Greek and English

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καὶ νῦν ἐφ’ ὃν16 ἐδημιούργησας κόσμον μηδὲ τὴν σὴν ταύτην πόλιν17 ἐν ᾗ με ποιμένα τῶν σῶν ἔθου προβάτων καὶ ἧς τῷ ἀναξίῳ18 ἐμοὶ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐνεχείρισας χειροποιήτοις οὕτω περιΐδῃς19 βδελύγμασι προσκειμένην, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ἐπισκοτοῦντος αὐτῇ τῆς ἀπάτης20 νέφους ἀπαλλάξας21 τῷ σῷ φωτὶ προσοικείωσον’. Ταῦτα ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς ἡμέρας προσευξάμενος καὶ ὕπνῳ δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ὁρᾷ νεανίαν ὡραῖόν τε καὶ καλὸν τὸ εἶδος ῥάβδον αὐτῷ ἐγχειρίζοντα καὶ ‘Ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου, Ἀβέρκιε,’ λέγοντα ‘πορεύθητι νῦν καὶ σύντριψον τῇ βακτηρίᾳ22 ταύτῃ τοὺς τῆς πλάνης αἰτίους’. διϋπνισθεὶς οὖν καὶ ὅτι23 κύριος ἦν ὁ φανεὶς αὐτῷ καλῶς ἐννοήσας εὐθὺς διανίσταται καὶ θάρσους ἐμπίπλαται καὶ παμμέγεθές τι ξύλον ἁρπάσας ἄπεισι πνέων ζήλου καὶ ὀργῆς ἐκεῖνος24 παρὰ τὸ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν, ἔνθα25 αἱ26 πλεῖσται σπονδαὶ τε27 καὶ θυσίαι διετελοῦντο· ἦν δὲ περί που τὴν ἐνάτην ὥραν ἡ νύξ. Καὶ τῇ θείᾳ πεποιθὼς ἐμφανείᾳ πρῶτα μὲν αὐταῖς χερσὶ τὰς τοῦ νεὼ πύλας ὠθεῖ, καὶ ἐπεὶ αἱ τε κλεῖδες αὐτῷ καὶ οἱ μοχλοὶ συνετρίβησαν καὶ αἱ πύλαι ἀνεπετάσθησαν, εἰς μέσον τὸν ναὸν εἰσδραμὼν28 τὸ ἑστὼς ἐκεῖσε τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος εἴδωλον29 κατέαξέ τε καὶ εἰς λεπτὰ διεῖλεν, εἶτα καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν περιελθὼν ἐπίσης διέθηκε. καὶ οἱ θεοὶ οὐκ ἠμύναντο καὶ τὰ κωφὰ καὶ μάταια κωφὰ30 οὕτω καὶ ἄφωνα31 ἦν32 φωνὴν μεγίστην ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργον33 ἀφιέντα,

G551 ὣν G77 omits πόλιν V56 τὸ ἀναξίωμα A189 περιΐδοις V802 omits τῆς ἀπάτης V56 omits ἀπαλλάξας T79 ῥάβδῳ M176 adds ὁ T79 omits ἐκεῖνος A15, E210, G497, M176, P1480, P1495, V56, V802 add καὶ V802 omits αἱ V56 reads σπονδέται A6 εἰσελθὼν P1480 ἄγαλμα M175, M176 omit καὶ μάταια κωφὰ P145 μάταια G551 omits ἄφωνα ἦν A15, A189, E149, E210, P1495, P1503, V56, V399 ἔργων

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The Epigraphic version  241

which you created, neither so ignore this your city in which you appointed me shepherd of your sheep, whose oversight you entrusted to me though unworthy, as it devotes itself to man-made abominations. Rather, with your light take away the deceitful cloud which overshadows it and claim it as your own’.

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He prayed these words for most of the day, and having gone to sleep he saw a handsome, well-built man putting a staff in his hands, who said, ‘In my name, Abercius, go now and smash the causes of deception with this staff’. Then he woke up and realized with certainty that the one who had appeared to him was the Lord. Filled with confidence, that one got up immediately, grabbed an immense stick and exuding jealous anger he went out of the house to the temple of Apollo where most of the libations and sacrifices were being offered. Now it was night about the ninth hour.

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Now with confidence in the divine manifestation, first he pushed against the gates of the temple with his own hands. Then the locks and bars were broken for him, and the gates flew back. Having run into the middle of the temple, he shattered the idol of Apollo that was standing there and broke it into small pieces. Going around, he next equally disposed of the images of the other gods. The gods, mute and empty, did not defend themselves. Despite being quite dumb and speechless, the deed evoked a loud utterance from them

242  The texts—Greek and English ὅτι μεμήνασιν34 ἄνθρωποι35 τοιούτοις οὖσι προσέχοντες καὶ θεοὺς αὐτοὺς ὀνομάζοντες καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα ἃ πάσχει νῦν δικαίως ἐκεῖνα πάσχει καὶ λίαν ἐπαινετῶς·   οἱ μέντοι36 θεραπευταὶ τῶν θεῶν καὶ τοῦ νεὼ ὑπηρέται τὰ γεγενημένα ταῦτα37 κατὰ πολλὴν τόλμαν ἰδόντες μεστοὶ ἐκπλήξεως καὶ ἀπορίας εἰστήκεισαν. ὁ δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιστραφεὶς ὀργῇ τε δικαίᾳ ὁ δίκαιος ἄπιδὼν ‘Ἄπιτέ,’ φησι ‘τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παντὶ ἀπαγγείλατε, ὡς οἱ θεοὶ ὑμῶν38 τῇ παρατεθείσῃ χθὲς αὐτοῖς εὐωχίᾳ καὶ τῷ39 κώμῳ μεθύσαντες συνέτριψάν40 τε ἀλλήλους καὶ εἰς ἔδαφος οὕτω κατέσπασαν.41 ἀλλ’ ὑμεῖς, εἴ42 γε δὴ43 καὶ ὀλίγα44 φρενῶν μετέχετε,45 τὰ συντρίμματα τῶν εἰδώλων ταῦτα καμίνῳ παράδοτε καὶ πυρί. τάχα γὰρ ἂν οὕτως ὑμῖν οἱ θεοὶ χρήσιμοί που46 ὀφθεῖεν, διὰ τῆς ἀσβέστου φημὶ47 τῆς ἐξ48 αὐτῶν ἐκείνων γενησομένης’. ταῦτα πράξας49 Ἀβέρκιος καὶ εἰπὼν οἴκαδε ἐπανῆκε καθάπερ τις ἀριστεὺς κοινοὺς ἀνελὼν πολεμίους, πολλῶν ὄντως50 ψυχῶν ἀπωλείας αἰτίους.51 ἐπανελθὼν δὲ τοὺς πρὸς52 αὐτὸν συρρέοντας ἐδίδασκεν ὄχλους θεοσεβείας ἀληθοῦς ἔχεσθαι καὶ βίου σώφρονος ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. 5

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Ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν νύκτα οἱ τε θύται καὶ οἱ νεωκόροι προσίασι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ προσαγγέλλουσι53 μὲν Ἀβέρκιον, ἀναδιδάσκουσι δὲ τὰ γεγενημένα, καὶ ἅμα φωτὶ λόγος εὐθὺς διὰ πάντων ἐχώρει

A189 adds οἱ A6 adds τούτοις P1484 μέστοι V56 πάντα E5603 ἡμῶν P1484 αὐτῷ A15 συσυνέτριψάν V802 κατέπεσον A189 οἱ V56 omits δὴ A6 omits ὀλίγα A6 μετέχοιτε, E5603 μετέχεται, P145 μετέχητε M176 ποι P145 omits τῆς ἀσβέστου φημὶ P1484 δὲ A15 πραξάμενος V56 ὄντων M176 omits πολλῶν ὄντως ψυχῶν ἀπωλείας αἰτίους A189 ἐπ’ A6, A15, E149, P145, V802 προαγγέλλουσι

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The Epigraphic version  243

to the effect that men are mad paying attention to these sorts of objects and calling them gods, and that these things which they now suffer, they suffer justly and quite commendably.   To be sure, the servants of the gods and the temple attendants, when they saw that these things had been done with great daring, stood there full of astonishment and confusion. But righteous Abercius, turning and looking at them in righteous anger said, ‘Go and report to the council and to all the people how your gods, drunk with the feasting and the revelry served up to them yesterday, shattered and pulled one another down to the floor in this way. But you, if in fact you have even a little sense, would put the shattered fragments of these idols in a stoked furnace. In this way the gods would perhaps be useful to you, I say, by the burnt lime which is produced from them’. Having done and said these things, Abercius left for home, even as some valiant hero after defeating confederate enemies, who had been the cause of destruction for truly many souls. When he arrived home, he was teaching the crowds, which were pouring together to him, to hold on to true religion and to be careful to live a temperate life. 5

However, during that same night, both the sacrificers4 and the temple custodians came to the council. They reported Abercius and explained what had happened. With daybreak a report immediately

4 or diviners

244  The texts—Greek and English ὡς μεγάλῃ54 μὲν Ἀβέρκιος περιπέσοι πλάνῃ, κατεπαρθείη δὲ τῶν θεῶν κἀντεῦθεν οὐχ ὅπως αὐτὸν τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τῇ πόλει πάσῃ δίκας ὀφείλειν.55 σπουδῇ τοίνυν πάντες ἐπὶ τὸν ναὸν ἀθροισθέντες56 ἐσκέπτοντό τε57 καὶ ἀλλήλοις περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐκοινοῦντο. οἱ μὲν οὖν βελτίους τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων διενεγκόντες τοὺς δημοσίους συνεβούλευον ὑπηρέτας πέμψαι καὶ τὸν Ἀβέρκιον ἀγαγεῖν ὑφέξοντα λόγον ὅτου χάριν τοιαῦτα58 τολμήσοι59 καὶ τίνας αὐτῷ τοὺς συναραμένους ἔχοι· ‘Οὐδὲ γάρ ἐστι τῶν εἰκότων,’ φησὶ ‘τηλικούτοις ἐπιχειροῦντα μὴ καὶ πλείονας ἔχειν τοὺς συνεργούς. κἀκείνους οὖν κατασχόντες δεσμίους τῷ ἡγεμόνι σὺν Ἀβερκίῳ ἀποστελοῦμεν, ὅπως ἀξίαν γε60 δῶσι61 τὴν δίκην, ὧν62 εἰς τε63 τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ64 τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας ὕβρισαν’.65 τοῖς μὲν οὖν συνέσει τῶν πολλῶν διαφέρουσιν ὥσπερ ἔφημεν τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν ἐδόκει καὶ ‘Οὕτω ποιητέα ἡμῖν,’66 ἔφασαν ‘ἔσται’. 6

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Ὁ δὲ δῆμος τάς τε χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν θεῶν ἐρριμμένα κατὰ γῆς θεασάμενοι σφόδρα τε κινηθέντες ἀνόητοι φαίη τις ὑπὲρ ἀνοήτων καὶ ξύλα καὶ λίθους ἁρπάσαντες. τοιοῦτον γὰρ ὄχλος ἅπαξ67 εἰς ὀργὴν κινηθεὶς καὶ οὕτως ἀλογίστῳ τῇ ὁρμῇ χρώμενος. ‘Ἴωμεν,’ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐβόων ‘ἴωμεν, πῦρ κατὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ βάλωμεν οἰκίας καὶ ταύτην ὅτι τάχος ἀνάψωμεν, ὡς ἂν μὴ ἐκεῖνος μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶς ὅστις σύνοικος αὐτῷ καὶ ὁμόφρων

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A15 μέγα V56 ὀφείλει V56 omits ἐπὶ τὸν ναὸν ἀθροισθέντες G77 omits ἐσκέπτοντό τε P145, A6 ταῦτα A6, A15, E5603, P1495, V399, V802 τολμήσαι A189 omits γε A189 δῶσει A15 omits ὧν A189 omits τε A189 adds εἰς T79 omits οὐδὲ γάρ ἐστι τῶν εἰκότων, φησὶ τηλικούτοις ἐπιχειροῦντα μὴ καὶ πλείονας ἔχειν τοὺς συνεργούς. κἀκείνους οὖν κατασχόντες δεσμίους τῷ ἡγεμόνι σὺν Ἀβερκίῳ ἀποστελοῦμεν, ὅπως ἀξίαν γε δῶσι τὴν δίκην, ὧν εἰς τε τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας ὕβρισαν 66 V56 ὑμῖν 67 T79 ἅπας

The Epigraphic version  245



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spread everywhere how Abercius had fallen into grievous error and had acted in arrogance towards the gods. Consequently, he owed reparation not only to the gods and to the emperors, but also to the citizenry and the entire city. Accordingly, all hurriedly gathered at the temple, both examining the scene and consulting with one another concerning the man. Then the most prominent citizens, who were far superior to the others, decided to send public officers and bring back Abercius in order that he may furnish an account of why he had dared to undertake such actions and whom he had as accomplices. One said, ‘For there is no reasonable person who attempts something of this magnitude, unless he has more fellow conspirators. So, also having detained those, we will send them in bonds to the governor along with Abercius in order that they may suffer the deserved punishment for the outrages which they committed against the gods themselves and the emperors’. Therefore, even as we said, to those who surpassed the majority in intelligence, this plan seemed advantageous and said, ‘It will be necessary for us to manage the situation in this way’. However, when the populace saw the broken hands, feet, and faces of the gods on the ground, the senseless people became extremely agitated, someone might say, beyond senseless, and grabbed sticks and stones. For so it happens once a crowd is moved to anger and acts in irrational impulse. They were yelling to one another, ‘Let’s go, let’s go, let’s throw fire on his house and set that place ablaze as fast as we can, so that not only that one may perish miserably, but everyone who lives with him and agrees

246  The texts—Greek and English κακῶς68 ἀπόλωνται’.69 ἡ μέντοι βουλὴ δείσασα μή τῆς Ἀβερκίου οἰκίας ἐμπρησθείσης αἵ τε τῶν γειτόνων καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων ἀναιτίων70 συμμετάσχωσι τοῦ κακοῦ εἶτα71 δίκας οὗτοι72 Ποπλίῳ ὑπόσχωσι τῷ πλήθει ἑαυτοὺς διανείμαντες κατέψων τε ἀγριαίνοντας καὶ φλεγμαινούσας καταστέλλειν αὐτοῖς73 τὰς ψυχὰς ἐπειρῶντο. 7

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Ἐν τούτῳ τοίνυν διατριβῆς οὐ μικρᾶς γενομένης αἰσθόμενοί τινες τῶν τῆς74 εὐσέβειαν ἤδη75 καταμαθόντων76 ἐν πολλῷ τῷ77 τάχει πρὸς τὸν τοῦ Ἀβερκίου οἶκον ἐφίστανται78 καὶ τοῦτον καταλαβόντες τῇ τῆς εὐσεβείας διδασκαλίᾳ τοὺς παρόντας79 ἥδιστα ἐν ἡμέρῳ τε τῇ ὄψει καὶ φαιδρᾷ δεξιούμενον ὥσπερ οὐδενὸς καινοῦ80 γενομένου φράζουσιν αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ ἀντιβολοῦσι μικράν τινα χώραν τῇ ἀτάκτῳ τοῦ δήμου81 δοῦναι82 ῥοπῇ καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτίκα ὑπεξελθεῖν, ὡς ἂν μὴ δύο τὰ καιριώτατα πατέρα τε ζημιωθῶσι καὶ ἀδελφούς, αὐτὸν δηλαδὴ τὸν θεῖον Ἀβέρκιον, ὃν εἰς πατρικὴν μοῖραν αὐτοῖς τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἔταξε καὶ ἀδελφοὺς ἐκείνους, οὓς εἰ οὗτος83 ἐπιβιῴη84 προσάξοι85 τῇ εὐσεβείᾳ. Ὁ86 δὲ ‘Δραπέται μὲν,’ ἔφη ‘πάντως ἂν τῶν ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ παθημάτων, ἀδελφοί, νομισθείημεν, εἰ τὸ δι’ αὐτὸν παθεῖν ἀγεννῶς οὕτως ἐκφύγοιμεν καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἀποστόλοις ἐκείνου

M176 κακός M175 ἀπολεῖται V399 αἰτίων P1495 εἰ τὰς V56 omits οὗτοι A189 αὐτῶν A189, E210, M176, P145, V56, V399 τὴν G77 omits ἤδη A15, A189, E149, E5603, G77, P1495, V56, V802 μεταμαθόντων, P1480 μετεχσηκότων P1495 τῶν A6 ἀφίκοντο A189, E210, G77, G497, G551, M176, P145, T79, V399 add ὡς A6, G497, G551, P1484, P1503, T79 κενοῦ P1484 omits τοῦ δήμου E149 omits δοῦναι M176 οὕτως P145, P1503 ἐπιβιών A189, T79, V56 προσάξει M176 ἢ

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with him’. Consequently, the council feared that if the house of Abercius was set on fire, the houses of his neighbors and those of many other innocent people might share in the disaster. Then these would need to give an account to Publius. So, dispersing themselves in the crowd they were attempting both to calm their anger and to settle down their seething hearts.

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Subsequently, in this way there occurred a delay of no short time. Aware of what was happening, certain of those who had already acquired the knowledge of piety came with all speed to the house of Abercius. Upon arrival they found this one welcoming those who were present for instruction in piety with great pleasure, courtesy, dignity, and joy, as if nothing new had happened. They informed him of the planned attack and pleaded with him to give some small space to the reckless impetus of the populace and to immediately steal away from the city, so that two principal parties may not be lost, both a father and brothers. Clearly this would be the divine Abercius himself, whom the Holy Spirit appointed in a position as their father, and those brothers, whom this one would lead towards piety, if he may survive.

8

However, Abercius responded, ‘Brothers, we would most certainly be ­considered fugitives from the sufferings on behalf of Christ, if quite ignobly we should flee even these things to avoid suffering for his sake. These ­sufferings were in view when that one

248  The texts—Greek and English κελεύσαντος κηρύττειν σὺν παρρησίᾳ τὸν τῆς ἀληθείας λόγον τοῖς ἔθνεσι μηδὲ φοβεῖσθαί τι τῶν ἀβουλήτων ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀνόματος αὐτοῦ ἐν καιρῷ τῆς τῶν ἐπηρεαζόντων ἐπαγωγῆς. τό τε γὰρ κακοπαθεῖν δι’ αὐτὸν ἡδὺ καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου ἀποθανεῖν ζωῆς πάσης ἀληθῶς87 ἥδιον. πλὴν ἀλλὰ πειστέον88 ὑμῖν89 οὕτω βουλομένοις90 καὶ τοὺς ἐπιόντας καθ’ ἡμῶν φευκτέον,91 ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο νόμος Χριστοῦ φεύγειν ἀτεκνῶς92 τοὺς διώκοντας’.   ταῦτα ἔφη καὶ ἅμα σὺν αὐτοῖς ἐξελθὼν ἄπεισι κατὰ μέσην τὴν πόλιν παρὰ93 τὴν ἀγοράν, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ εἰς τόπον ὃς94 οὕτω παρ’ αὐτοῖς Φραγέλλιον ἐκαλεῖτο καθίσας τὸ κήρυγμά τε τῆς ἀληθείας ἐδίδασκε τοὺς παρόντας καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώσεως ἠξίου, ὡς ἐκείνους ἀξιοῦσθαι δυνατὸν ἦν95 καὶ δεῖν ἔλεγε τὸν τῷ θείῳ96 βαπτίσματι τελειωθέντα καὶ Χριστιανὸν97 ἀξιωθέντα98 ἤδη καὶ εἶναι καὶ99 ὀνομάζεσθαι τῶν μὲν παρόντων ἡδέων καταφρονεῖν, ἐπίκαιρα100 γάρ, ὀρέγεσθαι δὲ μόνης τῆς ἀθανάτου ζωῆς, ἐπεὶ καὶ μόνη ὡς ἀληθῶς αὕτη ζωή, ἣν τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτὸν ἡτοίμασεν ὁ θεός.

105

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9

Ἐν ὅσῳ οὖν ταῦτα οὗτως101 πρὸς αὐτοὺς διελέγετο,102 τὸ κατ’ αὐτοῦ φερόμενον πλῆθος τὸ πρᾶγμα μαθόντες καὶ ὅτι οὐκ ἠγάπησεν οἴκοι περὶ τῆς οἰκείας διεξιέναι πίστεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ δημοσίᾳ103 κηρύσσει καὶ παρρησιάζεται τὴν εὐσέβειαν, εἰς πλείονα τὴν μανίαν παροξυνθέντες καὶ θερμοτέρῳ ζέσαντες πνεύματι οὐκέτι καθεκτοὶ

  87   88   89   90   91

E5603, P1480, V802 omit ἀληθῶς A189, G551, M175, V399 πιστέον A15, G497, P1480, P1495, T79, V56, V802 omit ὑμῖν P1484 βουλομένας T79 omits ἐν καιρῷ τῆς τῶν ἐπηρεαζόντων ἐπαγωγῆς. τό τε γὰρ κακοπαθεῖν δι’ αὐτὸν ἡδὺ καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου ἀποθανεῖν ζωῆς πάσης ἀληθῶς ἥδιον. πλὴν ἀλλὰ πειστέον οὕτω βουλομένοις καὶ τοὺς ἐπιόντας καθ’ ἡμῶν φευκτέον ἀτεχνῶς V56 ἐπὶ T79 omits ὃς V802 εἶναι G77 omits θείῷ E5603 Χριστιανοῖς T79 omits καὶ Χριστιανὸν ἀξιωθέντα M176 omits καὶ P145, E210 ἐπίκηρα P145 omits οὗτως, A15, E149, E5603, M175, P1495, V399, V802 οὗτος A6 adds ὁ θεῖος Ἀβέρκιος A189 παρρησίᾳ

  92   93   94   95   96   97   98   99 100 101 102 103

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The Epigraphic version  249

commanded his holy apostles to preach with confidence the word of truth to the nations and not fear anything undesirable on account of his name in the moment when the insolent threatens to attack. For to suffer on his account is sweet and to die on his behalf is truly sweeter than all life. However, as you wish, we must give in to you and we must elude those who are coming against us. Since this also is a law of Christ, to simply flee those who are persecuting’.   He said these things and at the same time exiting with them he went through the middle of the city to the marketplace. Then, in fact, at a place which is so called by them Phragellion, he sat teaching those present both the proclamation of truth and stating the conduct he considered worthy of the knowledge of God, that is, how it was possible for those to be deemed worthy. He was saying how it was necessary for the one who had been initiated in sacred baptism and deemed worthy now both to be and to be called a Christian, on the one hand to despise present pleasures, for they are temporary, and on the other hand to yearn for the life which alone is immortal. Since even this only is truly life, which God prepared for those who love him. 9

So while he was discussing these things with them, the crowd that was being borne along against him learned what was happening, that he was not content to expound his personal faith in his home, but that he was preaching in a public place and confidently proclaiming piety, they were provoked to greater mania. Now seething and hot-tempered, they no longer continued

250  The texts—Greek and English ἔμενον οὐδὲ τοῖς βελτίστοις τῆς πόλεως104 ὑπεῖξαι οἷοί τε ἦσαν, ἀλλὰ σὺν θορύβῳ καὶ κραυγῇ κατ’ αὐτοῦ ὅρμων105 μονονοὺ106 τοῖς ὀδοῦσιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ107 διασπαράξαι βουλόμενοι. ἐπειδὴ108 ὡς αὐτόν τε ἤδη ἐγένοντο καὶ109 ὅσον οὔπω110 τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβαλεῖν111 αὐτῷ ἔμελλον, ἰδοὺ τρεῖς νεανίσκοι πονηρῶν πάλαι δαιμόνων εἰς τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν ἐνσκηψάντων ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου περιρρηξάμενοι τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἐκθέουσι τοῦ ὄχλου, τὰς οἰκείας αὐτῶν χεῖρας δάκνοντές τε καὶ στρεβλοῦντες, τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς διαστρέφοντες,112 ἀφρὸν τοῦ στόματος ἀποπτύοντες,113 ἄσημόν τινα καὶ ἀλλόκοτον φωνὴν ἀφιέντες, οἱ καὶ προσδραμόντες114 τῷ Ἀβερκίῳ ‘Ὁρκοῦμέν σε κατὰ τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ καὶ μόνου θεοῦ, ὃν σὺ κηρύττεις,’ ἰσχυρῶς ἐβόων ‘Μὴ πρὸ καιροῦ βασανίσαι ἡμᾶς’. 10 Τοῦτο τῷ μὲν πλήθει τὴν ἄλογον ἐκείνην ἐπέσχεν ὁρμήν, τοῖς νεανίσκοις δὲ πέρας ἐγένετο τοῦ κακοῦ, μᾶλλον δέ, εἰ δεῖ ἀληθέστερον115 εἰπεῖν, ἀμφοτέροις ἔστησε τὴν μανίαν, τοῖς μὲν τὴν ἐκ τῶν δαιμόνων, τῷ πλήθει δὲ τὴν ἐξ ἀπαιδεύτου φύσεως κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου κεκινημένην. ἵσταντο οὖν πάντες ἀτενὲς αὐτὸν βλέποντες, μόνῃ τῇ κοσμιότητι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τῇ τῶν ἠθῶν γαληνότητι τὰς ὁρμὰς πεδηθέντες καὶ τὸ μέλλον εἰς ὅ τι ἂν116 ἐκβῇ περιμένοντες. 11 Ὁ μέντοι θεῖος Ἀβέρκιος οὐδὲν μελλήσας εἰς εὐχὴν ἑαυτὸν τρεψάμενος117 ‘Ὁ τοῦ ἁγίου παιδός σου Ἰησοῦ118 πατὴρ,’ εἶπεν ‘ὁ κἂν μυριάκις ἁμάρτωμεν119 αὐτὸς τὰ πρὸς σωτηρίαν οἰκονομῶν, δέομαι καὶ ἱκετεύω σε λῦσαι τοῖς νεανίσκοις τὴν ἐκ τῶν δαιμόνων

104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119

125

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P145 τῶν πόλεων V399 ὥρμων M176 μονονουχὶ A189 for αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ reads αὐτῶν τε καὶ τοῖς μετ’ αὐτοῦ M176, P145, P1503, V399 add δὲ, E149, G497, M175, M176, P1480, P1495, P1503, V399 ἐπεὶ δὲ V56 omits ὡς αὐτόν τε ἤδη ἐγένοντο καὶ A15, V56, V399 οὐ E5603, V56 ἐπιβαλλεῖν G77 adds καὶ A6 παραπτύοντες, P1484 ἀποπαύοντες V56 omits οἱ καὶ προσδραμόντες A6 δεῖ τἀληθέστερον, E5603, P1480 δὴ ἀληθέστερον A6, E210, G497, G551, M175, M176, P145, P1484, P1503, T79 οὖν A6, A15, E210, E5603, M175, P1484, P1495, T79 τρεψόμενος, V56 τρέψας M175 omits Ἰησοῦ V56 ἁμάρτανωμεν

The Epigraphic version  251

to be checked, nor were they capable of yielding to the most prominent citizens, but with a roar and a shout they rushed at him, all but wishing to tear apart with their teeth both him and those with him. Yet at that moment when they had almost reached him and were about to lay their hands on him, suddenly three young men into whose souls evil demons had darted some time ago, having torn off their clothes, abruptly rushed out of the crowd biting and twisting their own hands. Rolling their eyes, they spit out foam from their mouths letting loose an unintelligible and strange sound. These rushing at Abercius yelled loudly, ‘We adjure you by the true and only God, whom you preach, do not torture us ahead of time’.

10 Now this checked that irrational rush of the crowd and the harm being done to the young men ended. Perhaps more accurately stated, it stopped both the mania in those young men, which was incited by the demons, and even that in the crowd, which was incited against the saint by an unrestrained nature. Consequently, all stood still and watched him intently. The rush was constrained by the singular decorum of the man and by the composure of his demeanor as they waited to see what was about to happen. 11 Meanwhile, without hesitation the divine Abercius turned himself to prayer and said, ‘Father of your holy child Jesus, you who arrange the means for salvation even though we may sin countless times, I ask, even entreat you for these young men to put an end to the abusive treatment of the demons, in order that for the

252  The texts—Greek and English ἐπήρειαν, ἵνα καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸ λοιπὸν κατὰ τὸ σὸν ὦσι θέλημα πορευόμενοι καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους τῷ περὶ αὐτοὺς θαύματι προστεθῆναί σοι παρασκευάσωσιν,120 ὥστε πάντας γνῶναι ὅτι σὺ εἶ θεὸς μόνος καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἕτερος πλὴν σοῦ’.   ταῦτα εὐξάμενος121 τῷ θεῷ122 καὶ εἰς τοὺς νεανίσκους ἰδὼν πλήττει τούτων τῇ μετὰ χεῖρας ῥάβδῳ τὰς κεφαλὰς ‘Ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ ἐμοῦ123 Χριστοῦ,’ εἰπὼν ‘ἐξέλθετε ἐκ τῶν νεανίσκων τούτων, δαιμόνια πονηρά, μηδὲν αὐτοὺς λυμηνάμενα’. καὶ τὰ124 μὲν δόξαντά τινα μεγίστην ἀφεῖναι φωνὴν εὐθὺς ἀπηλλάττοντο, οἱ δὲ τὴν κατέχουσαν αὐτοὺς τέως ὑπὸ δαιμόνων ἀχλὺν ἀποβεβληκότες διαβλέψαντές τε μικρὸν καὶ οἷον ἀνενεγκόντες τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐκείνου ποσὶν ἑαυτοὺς διδοῦσι καὶ ἄφωνοι τούτων ἐπὶ πολὺ ἔχονται,125 ὥστε καὶ θανεῖν αὐτοὺς νομίζεσθαι παρὰ πάντων. αὐτὸς μέντοι λαβόμενος ἑκατέρου τῆς δεξιᾶς νήφοντας αὐτοὺς διανίστησι.126 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐσθῆτας ἐπεζητήσαντες127 καὶ ταύτας128 ἐνδύντες129 ἱματισμένοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἑωρῶντο καὶ130 σωφρονοῦντες131 καὶ Ἀβερκίου μηδ’ ὁπωσοῦν ἀφιστάμενοι. 12 Ὁ δὲ ὄχλος ταῦτα ἰδόντες ὥσπερ ὑπὸ μιᾷ πάντες καὶ132 γνώμῃ καὶ γλώττῃ133 ‘Σὺ εἶ ὁ μόνος ἀληθινὸς θεὸς ὁ διὰ τοῦ σοῦ κηρυττόμενος Ἀβερκίου,’ μέγα ἐφθέγξαντο.134 μαρτυρεῖ τῷ πράγματι καὶ ἡ ἀθρόα τοῦ πλήθους ἐκείνου135 μεταβολὴ οὕτω κατ’ ἄκρας136 ἁλόντων τῷ θαύματι ὡς μηδένα τούτων ἀπολειφθῆναι τῆς ἐπιγνώσεως, ἀλλὰ τῷ θείῳ πάντας βαπτίσματι προσδραμεῖν, καλὸν

120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136

P1484 παρασκευάσασιν A15 ἐπευξάμενος P145 omits τῷ θεῷ P145 omits ἐμοῦ V56 οἱ E5603 ἔχοντες V56 παρΐστησι V399 ἐπιζητήσαντες, P1495 ἐπεζήτησαν P145 πάντας G497, P145 ἐκδύντες, G77, A15 omit καὶ ταύτας ἐνδύντες P1495 omits καὶ ταύτας ἐνδύντες ἱματισμένοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἑωρῶντο καὶ A189 σωφρονίζοντες G497, G551, M175, M176, P145, P1503 omit καὶ A6 reads ὑπὸ μιᾶς καὶ γνώμης ἅμα καὶ γλώττης ὄντες M176, T79, V399 ἐφθέγξατο V56 omits ἑκείνου A15 κατάκρας

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The Epigraphic version  253

remainder of their lives they themselves may live according to your will and by this wonder done for them they may cause many others to be added to you, so that all may know that you alone are God and there is no other except you’.   Having prayed to God and looking at the young men he struck the heads of these with the rod he held in his hands saying, ‘In the name of my Christ, come out from these young men, evil demons, without in any way mistreating them’. Now the demons seemed to have let out some loud noise and immediately departed. Then the young men, having cast off the mist from the demons that had encompassed them until that instant, now stared briefly, and as if coming to their senses, placed themselves at the holy feet of that one. These went speechless for quite some time, holding on to his feet, so that all supposed them to be dead. Nevertheless, he took each by the right hand and stood them up sane. Indeed, having sought clothing, they put these on and from that time forward they appeared dressed and in their right minds and under no circumstances left Abercius. 12 Now the crowd having seen these things, all even as with one mind and voice made a great exclamation, ‘You are the only true God, who is preached by your Abercius’. Now the collective change of that crowd, so utterly overwhelmed by the miracle, witnessed to the event, since not one of these lacked complete awareness. Rather, all hurried to the divine man for baptism, the

254  The texts—Greek and English

πάρεργον τῆς Ἀβερκίου ἐπιβουλῆς τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν ποιησαμένους.   πλῆν εἶναί τι τὸ μάλιστα θορυβοῦν αὐτοὺς ἔλεγον· δεδοικέναι γὰρ καὶ τρέμειν, μήποτε διὰ τὴν πολλὴν αἰσχύνην, ἣν τὸ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν πλῆθος τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτῶν κατεσκέδασεν, ἀπρόσδεκτοι οὕτω137 παρὰ θεῷ διαμείνωσιν.138 ἀμέλει καὶ προσιόντες ‘Δίδαξον ἡμᾶς,’ ἔλεγον139 ‘ἄνθρωπε τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰ ἀνεξίκακον ἡμῖν ὁ θεὸς140 ἐπιβλέψει ἢ141 ἀποδιδοὺς ἔσται ἐφ’ οἷς εἰς αὐτὸν ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ πεπλημμελήκαμεν, ὃ καὶ142 φρίττομεν,143 ἐφ’ ᾧπερ ἀλγοῦμεν,144 ὑπὲρ οὗ145 φοβούμεθα καὶ δεδοίκαμεν’. 13 Ὁ δὲ προσχὼν μεγάλῃ ὡς δυνατὸν καὶ λαμπρᾷ τῇ φωνῇ ‘Ἄνδρες οἱ νῦν πιστεύσαντες,’ ἔφη ‘εἰ μὴ146 ἐπιμείνητε147 τοῖς παλαιοῖς ὑμῶν ἔργοις καὶ ταῖς πατρικαῖς παραδόσεσιν, ἀλλὰ πάσης ἀποστῆτε κακίας φθόνου φημὶ καὶ μίσους,148 ἀκαθαρσίας, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσα πρότερον ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ ὄντες ἐπράττετε, ἵλεως149 ὑμῖν αὐτὸς150 ἔσται, εἰς ὃν γνησίως νῦν πεπιστεύκατε,151 ὃς καὶ προσκαλούμενος τοὺς ἁμαρτίαις βεβαρημένους “δεῦτε πάντες,” φησὶν “οἱ κοπιῶντες καὶ πεφορτισμένοι κἀγὼ ἀναπαύσω ὑμᾶς.” ἔχομεν152 μυρία τῆς αὐτοῦ χρηστότητος ὑποδείγματα. διόπερ εἰς αὐτὸν πιστεύσαντες αὐτῷ καὶ153 τὰς ψυχὰς ἀνάθεσθε πάντες, καὶ τῶν ἐλπίδων οὐχ ἁμαρτήσετε’.

137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153

V56 οὕτοι G77 μείνωσιν A15, E5603, P1495, P1503, V399, V802 ἔλογον M176 omits ὁ θεός A6 εἰ G77 omits καὶ T79 omits ὃ καὶ φρίττομεν P1484 omits ἐφ’ ᾦπερ ἀλγοῦμεν T79 ἐφ’ ᾧπερ V56 οὐκ E149, V56 ἐπιμείνετε A189 ζήλου M175 ἵλεος A189, V56 omit αὐτὸς A6, E149, E5603, P1480, P1495, V802 ἐπεπιστεύκατε P145 ἔχοιμεν G77 omits καὶ

170

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The Epigraphic version  255

good side-effect of the attack on Abercius, even bringing about their own salvation.   However, they were saying one thing especially troubled them. For they were afraid and trembling, lest on account of their abundant shame, which the multitude of sins had scattered throughout their souls, they would thus be permanently unacceptable to God. Needless to say, they came to Abercius and were saying, ‘Teach us, man of God, if God will look on us with forbearance or will render what is due for that which we sinned against him in ignorance. We shudder at this, we are in grief over this, we are afraid and alarmed about this’. 13 But Abercius, projecting in as loud and clear a voice as possible said, ‘Men, who have now believed, if you do not continue in your old deeds and in your patriarchal traditions, but you desist from all evil, greed, I say, even hatred, depravity, and from the other things, as many as you did, being formerly in ignorance, the one in whom now you genuinely have believed, he will be gracious to you, who gave the invitation to those burdened with sins saying, “Come, all who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest”.5 We have countless examples of his kindness. For this very reason, since you have believed in him, all of you also entrust your souls to him and you shall not fail to obtain that for which you hope’.

5 Matthew 11.28

256  The texts—Greek and English 14 ‘Ἀλλὰ πληγὰς,’ εἶπον ‘ἐλάβομεν χαλεπάς, ὅλους ἑαυτοὺς πρὸς154 ἀτόπους τοῦ βίου ἡδονὰς πάντα τὸν ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον ἀνέντες καὶ πολλὰ ταῖς τοῦ σώματος ἐπιθυμίαις δουλεύσαντες καὶ τὴν πονηρὰν ἔτι155 συνήθειαν τυραννοῦσαν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς ἔχοντες’.

190

15 16 ‘Ἀλλὰ δράμετέ,’ φησιν ‘ὡς τάχος ἐπὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν καὶ νηστείαν, πόνους, προσευχάς, δάκρυα,156 τὸ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἐξαγορεύειν, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους τοὺς ἐνοχλοῦντας ὑμῖν λογισμοὺς καὶ πρὸς τὴν157 τοῦ κακοῦ πρᾶξιν ὠθοῦντας, ὃ καὶ διὰ Ὠσηὲ τοῦ θείου πολλοῖς πρότερον ὁ θεὸς158 χρόνοις ὀνειδίζει τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις “ἵνα τί,” λέγων “παρεσιωπήσατε ἀσέβειαν καὶ τὸν καρπὸν αὐτῆς ἐτρυγήσατε;”159 ταῦτα δὴ τὰ160 ἀνυσιμώτατα φάρμακα αὐτοὶ161 ἑαυτοῖς ἐπίθετε καὶ οὐδὲ ἴχνος ὑμῖν τῶν162 τραυμάτων ὑπολειφθήσεται’.163 17 Οὕτως τοῦ θείου πρὸς αὐτοὺς Ἀβερκίου διεξιόντος, ἡ ἐνάτη τῆς ἡμέρας ὥρα πρὸς164 τέλος ἤδη165 γενομένη166 τέλος αὐτῷ καὶ167 τῶν λόγων168 ἐπάγει, καὶ διέλυσεν ἐν τούτοις τὴν ὁμιλίαν, τῆς συνήθους αὐτὸν169 προσευχῆς ἑλκούσης170 εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἄλλην τοῦ

154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170

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A6 omits πρὸς τὰς (erasure), A15, E210, G551, P1480, P1495, V56, V399, V802 add τὰς M175 omits ἔτι A189, E5603, G77 add προσαγάγετε καὶ M176 τὸν A6 omits ὁ θεὸς, A15, P1495, V802 ὁ Χριστὸς T79 omits ὠθοῦντας, ὃ καὶ διὰ Ὠσηὲ τοῦ θείου πολλοῖς πρότερον ὁ θεὸς χρόνοις ὀνειδίζει τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις “ἵνα τί,” λέγων “παρεσιωπήσατε ἀσέβειαν καὶ τὸν καρπὸν αὐτῆς ἐτρυγήσατε,” M175 omits τὰ P145, αὐτὰ, A6 omits αὐτοὶ A6 omits τῶν A6, T79 ὑπολειφθήσετε P1484 adds τὸ M175 ἤθη A15 omits τέλος ἤδη γενομένη, G77 omits ἤδη γενομένη P1484 adds τῷ G77 τὸν λόγον A189 αὐτῷ P145 omits ἑλκούσης

The Epigraphic version  257 14 They responded, ‘But we have received severe blows,6 giving ourselves up completely at all times in the past to the wicked pleasures of life, on many occasions we were slaves to the desires of the body and had a habitual evil way of life that reigned as a tyrant in each of us’. 15 16 Abercius replies, ‘But run as fast as possible to the physician, even to fasting, labors, prayers, tears, to confess the sin and those very thoughts that trouble you and try to drive you to the practice of evil, for which also formerly on many occasions God through the divine Hosea upbraided the Jews, saying, “Why did you omit mention of impiety and eat its fruit?”7 Now apply these most effective remedies to yourselves and not a trace of the wounds will be left’. 17 When the divine Abercius had expounded to them in this way, the ninth hour of the day had now run its course. It also brought an end to his words, and he broke off the discussion with them, because the habit of prayer was drawing him aside, even though he

6 i.e., they bear the scars of the floggings received as slaves to sin 7 Hosea 10.13, LXX

258  The texts—Greek and English ποθουμένου.171 ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀνέστη172 καὶ τὰς ἱερὰς ἐκείνας χεῖρας τοῖς κακῶς173 ἔχουσιν ἐπιθεὶς ἔσβεσέ τε αὐτοῖς τὰς ὀδύνας καὶ πρὸς τελείαν ὑγίειαν ἐπανήγαγεν. εἶτα πᾶσιν ἐπευξάμενός τε174 καὶ εὐλογήσας, ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοῦ ἐν κυρίῳ φιλήματος μεταδοὺς καὶ οἷόν τινα σφραγῖδα τοῦτο αὐτοῖς ἐπιθεὶς ὥστε καλῶς φυλαχθῆναι παρὰ τούτοις τὰ εἰρημένα, οἴκαδε σὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐχώρει· τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἐπηκολούθουν καὶ βαπτισθῆναι ὑπ’ ἐκείνου175 ἐδέοντο. ὁ δὲ ἀποδέχεται μὲν τὸ πρόθυμον, ὥσπερ176 εἰκός,177 πολλῷ πλείονα καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων ἐν τούτῳ τὴν178 προθυμίαν· ἐπεὶ δὲ μὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς ὥρας συμβαίνοντα ἦν, εἰς τὴν αὔριον τὸ βάπτισμα ἀνεβάλετο.179 οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ180 τούτων τῷ θερμῷ ἔρωτι τοῦ βαπτίσματος181 οὐδὲ τὴν οἴκαδε182 ὑποστροφὴν ὑπομείναντες αὐτοῦ που παρὰ τὸ δωμάτιον ἐκοιμήθησαν. 18 Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἦν ἐκ183 μέσων νυκτῶν, ὁ τοσοῦτον ἐν χάριτι λάμψας Ἀβέρκιος προσευξάμενος τῷ θεῷ ἔξεισι τῆς οἰκίας καὶ τὸν ὄχλον περιεστῶτάς τε καὶ ὑπομένοντας θεασάμενος τὰ ὄμματα εἰς οὐρανοὺς ἀνασχὼν ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σοι, δέσποτα καὶ θεέ,’ εἶπεν ‘ὅτι με184 τὸν ποιμένα τῶν σῶν λογικῶν προβάτων ἠλέησας καὶ τὸν ἀγρυπνοῦντα καθ’ ἡμῶν λύκον κεχηνότα μάτην ἀπέδειξας καὶ τὴν διασπασθεῖσαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας τοῦ ποιμνίου μοῖραν ἀνεκαλέσω καὶ τῆς διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος υἱοθεσίας ἤδη καταξιοῖς’. ταῦτα τῷ τῶν ὅλων θεῷ διαλεχθεὶς ἀκολουθεῖν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τὸ πλῆθος προτρέπεται.

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171 T79 omits καὶ διέλυσεν ἐν τούτοις τήν ὁμιλίαν τῆς συνήθους αὐτὸν προσευχῆς ἑλκούσης εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἄλλην τοῦ ποθουμένου 172 P1484 ἀπέστη 173 P1495 κακῷ 174 V56 omits τε 175 E5603, P1480, P1495 omit ὐπ’ ἐκείνου 176 A15, E149, V802 ὡς 177 V56 adds ἦν 178 G77 omits τὴν adds καὶ 179 A6, E149, P145, P1480, P1495, V802 ἀνεβάλλετο 180 V56 πολὺ 181 M175 βαπτισθέντος 182 A6 οἴκα 183 M175 omits ἐκ, A189 ἐν μέσῳ 184 M176 μετὰ

The Epigraphic version  259

yearned for another discussion. Therefore, he stood up and laid those holy hands on those who were ill, easing their pain and bringing them back to complete health. Then he prayed for all and blessed them, moreover he shared a kiss in the Lord even as placing this as some seal upon them, so that what was said to them would be well guarded. He then departed for home with the brothers. However, the crowd followed along and was asking to be baptized by him. Now he readily welcomed them, which was reasonable since he had far more eagerness in this matter. However, since the time of day did not afford the opportunity, the baptism was postponed until the next day. Now subsequently, many of these with a burning desire for baptism could not bear the thought of returning home and spent the night somewhere near his house.

18 So then in the middle of the night, Abercius, shining with so much grace, having prayed to God, came out of the house, and saw the crowd standing around and waiting. Lifting up his eyes to heaven he said, ‘I thank you, Master and God, that you have shown mercy to me, the shepherd of your rational sheep. You exposed the wolf who watches us at night and opens his mouth in vain. You called back the part of the flock that had been separated from the truth, even those you now deem worthy of sonship through baptism’. Having discoursed with the God of all about these things he charged the crowd to follow him to the church.

260  The texts—Greek and English 19 Ἐπειδὴ δὲ185 ἀφίκοντο ἤδη τὰς συνήθεις αὐτοῖς186 εὐχὰς ἐπειπὼν τελειοῖ τῷ187 βαπτίσματι ἄνδρας πεντακοσίους τὸν ἀριθμόν. πολλοὶ οὖν παρὰ τὸν ἄνδρα τῇ188 ἀπ’ ἐκείνου συνέρρεον,189 οὐ τῆς μεγάλης μόνον190 Φρυγίας καὶ τῆς περιχώρου πάσης,191 ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσοι τὴν Ἀσίαν ᾤκουν ὅσοι τε τῇ Λυδίᾳ192 καὶ ὅσοι τῇ Καρίᾳ ταῖς ἐπαρχίαις ἐπεδήμουν. καὶ γὰρ διὰ πάσης πόλεως193 περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος ἐχώρει οὐ κενὸς ὢν καὶ μάταιος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ σβεσθῆναι τὸ τάχος δυνάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν ἔχων τὴν ῥώμην ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας.194 συνέρρεον τοίνυν παρ’ αὐτὸν. οἱ μὲν ὥστε τὰ σωτήρια διδαχθῆναι, οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐνοχλούντων ἀπαλλαγῆναι ὅσους δηλαδὴ νόσος ἐπίεζέ τις ἤ195 τι196 καὶ197 ἄλλο κατεῖχε κακόν. ἦν γὰρ καὶ198 διδάξαι τὸν τῆς ἀληθείας λόγον δεξιώτατος καὶ οἰκειώσασθαι τοὺς προσιόντας διὰ Χριστὸν199 ἑτοιμότατος καὶ ἀπαλλάξαι κακῶν ὀξύτατος.200 20 Ὀλίγαι γοῦν201 παρῆλθον ἡμέραι καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ διακόνους πρὸς δὲ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἀδελφότητα παραλαβὼν202 πρόεισι καὶ203 καθίσας204 εἰς ὅνπερ205 εἰώθει τόπον ὥσπερ ἐκ206 τινος ἡδίστης πηγῆς τὰ γλυκύτατα τῆς διδασκαλίας ῥεῖθρα προΐει

185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206

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M175 ἐπειδὲ V56 omits αὐτοῖς A6 adds θείῳ A189, E210, M176, P145, P1503, T79, V56, V399 τὸ A189 συνέρρεοντες A189 μόνης A6, V56 omit καὶ τῆς περιχώρου πάσης A189 τὴν Λυδίαν A189 adds ὁ T79 omits οὐ κενὸς ὢν καὶ μάταιος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ σβεσθῆναι τὸ τάχος δυνάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν ἔχων τὴν ῥώμην ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας V56 εἴ, G77 adds καὶ M175 omits τι E5603, G77, G551, P1480, P1495, P1503, T79, V399 omit καὶ E210, G497, M176 omit καὶ A6 omits διὰ reads τῷ Χριστῷ T79 omits ἤ τι ἄλλο κατεῖχε κακόν ἦν γὰρ καὶ διδάξαι τὸν τῆς ἀληθείας λόγον δεξιώτατος καὶ οἰκειώσασθαι τοὺς προσιόντας διὰ Χριστὸν ἑτοιμότατος καὶ ἀπαλλάξαι κακῶν ὀξύτατος A6, T79 οὖν A189 συμπαραλαβὼν E149, E5603, V802 omit καὶ E149, V802 add δὲ A15 ὅπερ M176 ἐν

The Epigraphic version  261 19 When at length they arrived, having already spoken over them the customary prayers, he perfected in baptism five hundred men in number. Consequently, from that time on, many there were flowing together to the man, not only from Phrygia Major and all the neighboring region, but even as many as were living in the province of Asia and as many as were residing in the districts of Lydia and Caria. For his report spread through every city, since it was not empty rumor or idle talk, in which case it would have been able to be quickly extinguished. However, as a result, possessing much strength from the truth, they flowed together to him. Some came with the result that they were taught salvation. Others were set free from what troubled them, as many as some disease quite clearly had laid hold or some other evil had seized. For he was the most skillful to teach the word of truth and the most prepared to manage those added on account of Christ, also the most passionate to deliver from evils. 20 When at least a few days had passed he received the presbyters, deacons, and in addition, the rest of the brotherhood, and stepped forward to take a seat in the place he was accustomed. Even as from some pleasant spring the most delightful stream of teaching

262  The texts—Greek and English τοῦ στόματος. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ207 προσῆλθέ208 τις ὑπὸ χειραγωγῷ γυνὴ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐκκεκομμένη τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ὄνομα209 Φρύγελλα, Εὐξεινιανοῦ μήτηρ Ποπλίωνος. ὁ δὲ ἦν210 τῶν παρὰ τῷ αὐτοκράτορί τε καὶ τῇ πόλει πάσῃ τὰς πρώτας ἐχόντων211 τιμὰς212 ὁ Ποπλίων. χειραγωγῷ οὖν, ὥσπερ ἔφημεν, ἡ ἐκείνου μήτηρ χρωμένη ἐπειδὴ τὸν μέγαν Ἀβέρκιον αὐτοῦ τε ἤδη καθῆσθαι καὶ διδάσκειν ἐπύθετο σπουδῇ αὐτῷ προσδραμοῦσα καὶ τῶν ἐκείνου λαβομένη ποδῶν πολλή τις ἦν δεομένη καὶ ‘Οἴκτειρον, ἀνθρώπων ἐμοὶ τιμιώτατε καὶ τῷ μόνῳ καὶ ἀληθεῖ θεῷ φίλε, τὴν ἱκέτιν,’213 ἔλεγεν ‘οἴκτειρον· ἀπόδος μοι πάλιν τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς,214 τὸ μέγα τοῦ θεοῦ κτίσμα, τὸν γλυκὺν ἥλιον ἰδεῖν ἐμὲ παρασκεύασον μηδὲ οὕτως ἔχουσαν ἐλεεινῶς περιΐδῃς· παραμύθησαί μοι215 τὴν συμφοράν, τὸ τῆς ἐμῆς περιφανείας μέγεθος δυσωπήθητι.216 ἔστι μοι Ποπλίων υἱός, μέγα παρὰ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῇ πόλει δυνάμενος· ἐγὼ δὲ αὐτὸν οὐχ ὁρῶ. ἔστι μοι πλοῦτος παντοδαπός, οἰκέται, χρήματα,217 κτῆσις ὅση· ἐγὼ δὲ μᾶλλον τῶν ἐνδεῶν πρὸς ταύτην ἔχω κακῶς. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ καὶ δυνατὸν ἀπολαύειν τῆς θέας τῶν ὀλίγων ὧν ἔχουσι καὶ διατίθεσθαι τὰ ὄντα ὥσπερ ἂν βούλωνται·218 ἐγὼ δὲ οὐδὲ ὁρᾶν ἔχω ταῦτα, ὧν εἶναι κυρία πιστεύομαι· ὤφελόν γε τούτων πάντων219 ἀφῃρημένη τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς εἶχον μόνους.220 διὰ τοῦτο δέομαί σου τῆς φιλανθρώπου ψυχῆς, πάνυ δέομαι καὶ ἱκέτις ἡ ἀθλία γίνομαι διανοῖξαι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὺς καὶ τῇ σῇ πρὸς τὸν ἀληθῆ221 θεὸν222 παρρησίᾳ τὴν τοῦ βλέπειν αὐτοῖς δύναμιν ἐνθεῖναι’.

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V56 omits δὲ V399 προῆλθέ V56 adds δὲ A15, E149 omit ἦν G77, V56 ἔχων G551, P1480, P1495 ἀρχὰς A189 οἰκέτην, M176, T79 ἱκέτην V56 adds καὶ E210, P145, V56 μου T79 omits τὸ τῆς ἐμῆς περιφανείας μέγεθος δυσωπήθητι E149 adds κτήματα A189, P145, T79 βούλονται V56 ἀπάντων T79 omits ὤφελόν γε τούτων πάντων ἀφῃρημένη τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς εἶχον μόνους E5603, V802 τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἀληθινὸν, A15, P1480, P1495, V399, V802 τὸν ἀληθινὸν θεὸν, V56 τὸν ἀληθινὸς θεὸν 222 A6 omits θεὸν

The Epigraphic version  263

flowed forth from his mouth. On this occasion a certain woman of a notable family who had lost her sight came to him directed by a guide. Her name was Phrygella, the mother of Euxeinianus ­Pollio. Pollio was one of those held in high regard by the emperor and the entire city. Therefore, as we said, his mother needing a guide, when she learned that the great Abercius was presently sitting here and teaching, she quickly came to him and took hold of his feet. She was in the posture of someone in great need, saying, ‘Have pity on me most honored of men, friend to the only and true God, have pity on this suppliant. Give back to me again my eyes, the great creation of God. Cause me to see the sweet sun. Do not overlook one so pitiable. Relieve my misfortune. Look askance at the greatness of my notoriety. My son is Pollio, great with the emperor and mighty in the city, but I do not see him. I have wealth of all sorts: houses, money, and so many possessions. But in this respect, I am worse off than those who are in need. For those are able to enjoy the sight of the few things which they have and to manage what they have as they wish. But I am not even able to see these things of which I believe myself to be mistress. That is to say, I wish I were deprived of all these things to have my eyes alone. On this account I entreat you by your philanthropic soul. I by all means entreat you, even as a miserable suppliant I have come. Please open my eyes and by your confidence in the true God to place in them the power to see.

264  The texts—Greek and English 21 Ὁ δὲ ‘Ἀλλὰ κἀγὼ ἁμαρτωλὸς,’ ἔφη ‘γύναι,223 καὶ ἐλέου224 μᾶλλον δεόμενος καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ φιλανθρωπίας225 ἐμαυτὸν ἀναρτήσας.226 εἰ δὲ ἐφ’227 ὃν228 ἐγὼ πέποιθα καὶ σὺ πιστεύεις θεόν, δυνατὸν αὐτῷ πάντως ὥσπερ δὴ τῷ ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλῷ καὶ σοὶ229 τὸ βλέπειν χαρίσασθαι’. ἡ δὲ ‘Πιστεύω,’ φησιν ‘εἰς τὸν ἀληθῆ δεσπότην Χριστὸν καὶ πιστευούσης τῶν ἐμῶν ἁψάμενος ὀφθαλμῶν τὸ ποθεινὸν τούτοις χάρισαι φῶς’. ταῦτα οὐ λόγοις μόνον ἐφώνει ψιλοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ ἤθει καὶ ταῖς τῶν δακρύων πηγαῖς ἐπιστοῦτο. σπλαγχνισθεὶς οὖν ὁ ἅγιος καὶ εἰς οὐρανοὺς ἰδὼν ὁ τῶν οὐρανῶν ὄντως ἄξιος ‘Ἐλθὲ τὸ ἀληθινὸν,’ ἔφη230 ‘φῶς Ἰησοῦ Χριστὲ καὶ διάνοιξον ταύτης τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς’. 22 Εἶτα ἐπιστραφεὶς καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων αὐτῆς ἁψάμενος ‘Εἰ ἀληθῶς,’ εἶπεν ‘εἰς Χριστὸν ἐπίστευσε, Φρύγελλα, παραχρῆμα ἀναβλεψάτω’. οὕτως231 εἰπόντος ἡ τε πήρωσις αὐτῇ διελύετο καὶ ἡ πρὸς Χριστὸν πίστις ἀληθὴς ἐδείκνυτο. ἡ γὰρ τῶν σωματικῶν ὀφθαλμῶν232 ἀνάβλεψις τῆς ψυχῆς ἐδήλου πεφωτίσθαι τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς. ἀμέλει καὶ εὐγνώμων περὶ τὴν δωρεὰν ἐγνωρίζετο ‘Εὐχαριστῶ σοι, κύριε,’ λέγουσα ‘ὅτι μοι διπλῇ τὸ φῶς ἐχαρίσω· τῶν γὰρ ὁρωμένων τούτων233 τοῦ σώματος ὀφθαλμῶν πολλῷ πλέον ἐμοὶ τοὺς τῆς καρδίας διήνοιξας. ὅθεν μοι234 καὶ προσήκει τὰ τοῦ Δαυὶδ τοῦ σοῦ φθέγγεσθαι235 ὅτι “ἐρρύσω τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς μου ἀπὸ δακρύων καὶ τοὺς πόδας236 ἀπὸ ὀλισθήματος·” ἐρρύσθην γὰρ ἀληθῶς τοῦ προσκόπτειν οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν σωματικῶν καὶ τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς

223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236

A189 omits γύναι reads πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα A15 ἐλαίου, M175 ἐλέους A6, G551, P1480, P1495 add ὅλον A6 omits καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ φιλανθρωπίας ὅλον ἐμαυτὸν ἀναρτήσας V56 omits ἐφ’ V56 ᾧ A189 σὺ T79 omits ἔφη T79 adds οὖν V56 παθῶν M175 omits γὰρ ὁρωμένων τούτων P145 omits μοι V56 φθέγξεσθαι A189, E5603, G497, G551, P145, P1503, V56, V399 add μοῦ

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The Epigraphic version  265 21 He replied, ‘But I  also am a sinner, madam, even more in need of mercy, and I myself depend on the philanthropy of the one who is good. Now if you yourself believe God in whom I have put my trust, it is most certainly possible for him to give to you the gift of sight, in fact, even as to the one who was blind from birth’. She replied, ‘I believe in the true Master, Christ, and since I believe, touch my eyes and give the longed-for light to these’. These things she expressed not in mere words alone but confirmed by her gestures and springs of tears. Therefore, the saint was moved with compassion and the one who was assuredly worthy of heaven looked to heaven and said, ‘Come, Jesus Christ, the true light, and open the eyes of this one’. 22 Then turning to her and touching her eyes, he said, ‘If Phrygella truly has believed in Christ, immediately let her sight be restored’. Having spoken in this way, both her blindness was put away and her faith in Christ was shown to be true. For the restoration of her physical eyes showed that the eyes of her soul had been illuminated. Needless to say, when she became sensibly aware of the gift, she was saying, ‘I give thanks to you, Lord, because you granted to me light in two ways, for although these eyes of the body are seeing, how much more you opened the eyes of my heart. For which reason what was said by David of you also applies to me. “You held back my eyes from tears and my feet from slipping”.8 I truly have been set free from stumbling, that is, the steps of my soul no less than the steps of my body’. Consequently,

8 Psalm 114.8, LXX

266  The texts—Greek and English διαβήματα’.237 ἐντεῦθεν238 καὶ θερμῷ τῷ εἰς Χριστὸν ἔρωτι ληφθεῖσα καὶ ὅλη τῶν ἐντολῶν αὐτοῦ γενομένη ‘Ἰδού,’ φησι ‘πάτερ,’ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον ἀποβλέψασα ‘συντίθημί σοι ὑπὸ πολλοῖς μάρτυσι τούτοις τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς οὐσίας διαδοῦναι239 τοῖς ἐνδεέσιν’. 23 Ὁ τοίνυν περιεστηκὼς240 ὄχλος τὸ καινὸν τοῦ θαύματος ἐκπλαγέντες241 ‘Μέγας εἷ,’ καὶ οὗτοι ‘ὁ τῶν Χριστιανῶν θεός,’ ἀνεβόησαν ‘ἐπεὶ καὶ μεγάλων ὄντως ἀπολαύουσι τῶν χαρίτων οἱ τὸ σὸν ἐπικαλούμενοι ὄνομα’.242 ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ θεῖος Ἀβέρκιος ‘Ἰδού, γύναι,’243 φησὶν ‘ἔγνως ὅπως ὁ ἐμὸς244 δεσπότης ἀμείβεται φιλοτίμως245 τοὺς ἐλπίζοντας ἐπ’ αὐτόν· πορεύου τοιγαροῦν εἰς εἰρήνην ἑαυτῇ τε προσέχουσα κἀκείνῳ προσήκουσαν246 τὴν εὐχαριστίαν ἀποδιδοῦσα’. ταῦτα ὁ μὲν ἔλεγεν· ἡ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἀφίστατο, πάλιν δὲ ἐπανήρχετο καὶ κατὰ πολὺ τὸ σέβας αὐτοῦ εἴχετο καὶ οὐδαμῶς τὸ μετὰ ταῦτα247 διΐστατο.

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24–25 26 Ἥπτετο μὲν οὖν Ἀβέρκιος καὶ248 αὖθις τῆς συνήθους διδασκαλίας, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Φρύγελλαν θαύματος εἰς249 πολλὰ τῆς γῆς250 μέρη διαδοθέντος προσέρχονται αὐτῷ πρεσβύτιδες τρεῖς τὰς ὄψεις καὶ αὗται πεπηρωμέναι ‘Πιστεύομεν,’ λέγουσαι ‘καὶ ἡμεῖς εἰς τὸν ὑπὸ σοῦ κηρυττόμενον Ἰησοῦν·251 φανήτω τοιγαροῦν252 ἡ

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237 T79 omits τῶν γὰρ ὁρωμένων τούτων τοῦ σώματος ὀφθαλμῶν πολλῷ πλέον ἐμοὶ τοὺς τῆς καρδίας διήνοιξας. ὅθεν μοι καὶ προσήκει τὰ τοῦ Δαυὶδ τοῦ σοῦ φθέγγεσθαι ὅτι ἐρρύσω τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς μου ἀπὸ δακρύων καὶ τοὺς πόδας ἀπὸ ὀλισθήματος· ἐρρύσθην γὰρ ἀληθῶς τοῦ προσκόπτειν οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν σωματικῶν καὶ τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς διαβήματα. 238 T79 ἔνθεν 239 A15 διδόυναι 240 V399 παρεστηκὼς, M175 περιστὼς 241 T79 omits τὸ καινὸν τοῦ θαύματος ἐκπλαγέντες 242 T79 omits ἐπεὶ καὶ μεγάλων ὄντως ἀπολαύουσι τῶν χαρίτων οἱ τὸ σὸν ἐπικαλούμενοι ὄνομα. 243 V56 γ’οὖν 244 A189 omits ἐμὸς 245 P1495 omits φιλοτίμως 246 M176 omits κἀκείνῳ προσήκουσαν 247 V56 μετ’ αὐτοῦ 248 P1484 omits καὶ 249 V56 omits εἰς 250 V399 omits τῆς γῆς adds τὰ 251 V56 θεὸν 252 V56, V399 add καὶ

The Epigraphic version  267

seized with fervent love for Christ, and being wholly under the sway of his commandments, looking with affection at the saint, she says, ‘See, Father, I commit to your care before all these witnesses, half of my possessions to distribute to the needy’.

23 Well then, the crowd standing around was astonished at the unprecedented miracle, and these cried out, ‘Great you are, God of the Christians, since those who call upon your name most certainly enjoy great gifts!’ At this the divine Abercius said, ‘See, Madam, you have come to understand how eagerly my Master responds to those who hope in him. Well then, go in peace, and watch yourself that you render the thanks that is due to that one’. He said these things, and on the one hand, she presently departed. However, she came back again and clung to him with deep reverence, and after these events in no way separated herself. 24–25 26 So then, even again Abercius was engaged in his customary teaching. Now after the miracle of Phrygella had spread through many parts of the land, three older women came to him whose own vision was impaired, saying, ‘We ourselves also believe in the Jesus, who is preached by you. Therefore, let the kind-hearted

268  The texts—Greek and English εὐσπλαγχνία τοῦδε καὶ ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς καὶ δεῖξον, ὦ θαυμάσιε, καὶ ἡμῖν ὥσπερ ἄρα καὶ Φρυγέλλῃ τὸ φῶς’. 27 Ὁ δὲ ‘Εἰ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν πρὸς τὸν ἀληθῆ θεὸν ἀληθής ἐστιν ὥς φατε, τοῖς νοητοῖς αὐτὸν τῆς καρδίας ὄψεσθε ὀφθαλμοῖς’. ταῦτα τε253 εἴρηκε καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἀνατείνας ‘Κύριε254 Ἰησοῦ Χριστέ, δέομαί σου,’ ἔφη ‘ἰδέτωσαν καὶ255 αὗται τὸ φῶς τῆς σῆς ἐπιγνώσεως καὶ τῆς ἐπικειμένης αὐταῖς ἀχλύος ἀνενεγκοῦσαι διαβλεψάτωσαν, δέσποτα, πρὸς τὰς σὰς τῆς ἀληθείας αὐγάς’. 28 Οὕτως ηὔξατο, καὶ ἰδοὺ τὸν τόπον, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ εἱστήκεσαν, φῶς ἄνωθεν περιαστράπτει μέγα καὶ πάντας εἶχε πεσόντας ἡ γῆ256 τῷ παραδόξῳ τῆς θέας καταπλαγέντας· τὸ δὲ φῶς οὐχ οἷον ἐξ ἡλίου καὶ ἀστραπῆς ἔρχεται, ἀλλὰ καινὸν ἄλλως καὶ φρικτὸν καὶ ἀσύνηθες. 29 Ἵσταντο257 τοίνυν ἀκλινεῖς αὗται πάντων τῷ ἐδάφει καταπεσόντων καὶ τὸ258 φανὲν259 ἐκεῖνο φῶς πολὺ ταῖς ὄψεσι τούτων ἐγκατασκῆψαν ἀναβλέψαι τε260 αὐτὰς ἐποίησε παραχρῆμα καὶ τὸ ἡλιακὸν τοῦτο φῶς τὸ γλυκὺ261 καὶ φίλον ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν.262 ὁ δὲ ὡς οὕτως ὑγιῶς τῶν ὀμμάτων ἐχούσας εἶδε263 ‘Τί ἆρα τὸ φανὲν ὑμῖν,’ ἤρετο ‘καὶ τί πρῶτον διαβλέψασαι264 εἴδετε;’ ἡ μὲν οὖν ‘Πρεσβύτην,’265 ἔφη ‘τὸ εἶδος ἄρρητον, τὴν ὥραν φαιδρόν,’ ἡ δὲ ‘Νεανίσκος ὤφθη μοι,’ ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα ‘Παιδάριον κομιδῆ,’266 φήσιν ‘ἥψατό μου τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν’. 30 Τούτων ἀκούσας Ἀβέρκιος καὶ τῷ τῶν θαυμασίων χάριν ὁμολογήσας θεῷ διέλυσε τὴν διδασκαλίαν. ἐκ δὲ τῶν παρόντων

253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266

M175 omits τε A15, E149, P1495, V56, V399, V802 add μου E5603 adds ὡς T79 εἰς γῆν M175 ἵσταν P1503 omits τὸ A6, P1480 φανερὸν M175 omits τε A6 omits τὸ γλυκὺ A6 θεᾶσθαι adds καὶ αὐταὶ παραδόξως εἶδον M176 οἶδε V56 διαβλέψασα G77 πρεσβύτις A189 adds νεόν

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The Epigraphic version  269

compassion of this one shine even on us and show the light to us, O MiracleWorker, even as previously to Phrygella’.

27 He responded, ‘If your faith in the true God is true, as you say, you will see him with the mental eyes of your heart’. Then having said these things and lifting up his eyes he said, ‘Lord Jesus Christ, I entreat you, let even these see the light of your knowledge, having recovered from the mist that hangs over them. Master, let them fix their eyes on your rays of truth’. 28 He prayed in this way, and see, even in the very place where they stood, a great light from above flashed all around. Everyone was terrified by the incredible sight, and they kept themselves cast down on the ground. However, the light was not like that which came from the sun or lightning, but strangely different, both awful and unknown. 29 But presently, while all had fallen to the ground, these women stood upright, and that light which was shining so intensely fell upon their eyes. Immediately they were caused to regain their sight and to see the light of this sun, pleasant and dear to humans. Now when he saw that in this way their eyes were healthy, he asked, ‘Tell me, what appeared to you? What did you first see when you were staring?’ Therefore, one said, ‘An older man, inexpressibly handsome, whose beauty beamed with joy’. The next said, ‘A young man appeared to me’. Then the other said, ‘A boy, quite young, touched my eyes’. 30 When he heard these things, Abercius confessed his gratitude to God for the miracles and broke off his teaching. Taking along his

270  The texts—Greek and English τοὺς συνήθεις παραλαβὼν οἴκαδε ἐπανῆκε καὶ τοὺς τῆς ἐνάτης ὥρας ὕμνους ἀποδούς267—τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ268 ἔθος, οἱονεὶ κατὰ πάρεργον καὶ πρὸς τῷ τέλει τῆς ἡμέρας ποιεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ σώματος λόγον—βραχύ τι ἄρτου μεταλαμβάνει.269 τῶν270 τοίνυν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ γενομένων θαυμάτων διὰ πάσης ᾀδομένων271 τῆς περιχώρου, πολλοὺς ἦν ὁρᾶν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα συρρέοντας καὶ εἰς ὄνομα πατρὸς καὶ272 υἱοῦ καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου273 βαπτιζομένους. 31 Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν μητέρα γνοὺς Εὐξεινιανός, ὅπως τε χειραγωγουμένη προσέλθοι τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ ὅπως πεπηρωμένων αὐτῇ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἀναβλέψειεν, ἀκριβῶς274 πάντα ἐξ αὐτῆς πυθόμενος ἄπεισι παρὰ τοῦτον καὶ ἀσπασάμενος ‘Εἰ σε ᾔδειν, πάτερ, ἐγώ,’ φησιν ‘ἡδέως εἰς χρήματα βλέποντα, οὐκ ὀλίγον ἄν σοι μέρος ἀπένειμα275 τῆς οὐσίας ἀνθ’ ὧν276 μοι χάριτος εἰς τὴν μητέρα τοιαύτης ὑπῆρξας.277 ἐπεὶ δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν278 ἐδωρήσατό σοι279 θεὸς καὶ κρείττονά σε χρημάτων διέθηκε, τί ἄν σε280 τῆς δωρεᾶς ταύτης ἀμειψαίμεθα κατὰ λόγον; τί ἄλλο γε ἢ ἀνάγραπτά σοι τὰ τῆς εὐχαριστίας281 κείσεται παρ’ ἡμῖν;’282 ταῦτα ὁ283 μὲν284 εἰπὼν τῶν ποδῶν ἥψατο τοῦ ἁγίου· ὁ δὲ τῆς δεξιᾶς λαβόμενος ‘Ἐμὲ μηδενὸς,’ ἔφη ‘χρήζοντα ἴσθι, ὦ βέλτιστε, παρὰ σοῦ ἢ ὅπως οὕτω

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267 P1480, P1495, V56 add τῷ θεῷ 268 A189 αὐτὸ 269 A6 μεταλαμβάνων, V399 λαμβάνει, T79 omits ἐκ δὲ τῶν παρόντων τοὺς συνήθεις παραλαβὼν οἴκαδε ἐπανῆκε καὶ τοὺς τῆς ἐνάτης ὥρας ὕμνους ἀποδούς—τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ ἔθος, οἱονεὶ κατὰ πάρεργον καὶ πρὸς τῷ τέλει τῆς ἡμέρας ποιεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ σώματος λόγον—βραχύ τι ἄρτου μεταλαμβάνει 270 A6, E210, G497, G551, M175, M176, P145, P1484, P1503, T79 τούτων 271 A6, E210, G497, G551, M175, M176, P145, P1484, T79 omit θαυμάτων διὰ πάσης ᾀδομένων 272 A6, A15, A189, E149, M175, P1480, P1495, T79, V802 add καὶ 273 A6, A15, E5603, G551, M175, P1480 ἁγίου πνεύματος 274 P1495 ἀκριβῷ 275 V56 ἀπονέμειν 276 V399 ἧς 277 G551, P1480, P1495 add αἴτιος, A6 παραίτιος, M175 πρόξενος 278 G77 ἂν 279 A6, E5603, V56 add ὁ 280 A189 σοι 281 P1480, P1495 εὐεργεσίας 282 V56 ὑμῖν 283 T79 omits ὁ 284 P145 omits ταῦτα ὁ μὲν

The Epigraphic version  271

usual companions from those present, he returned home, rendering the hymns of the ninth hour, for this was his habit. Now even as something incidental also at the end of the day, taking into account his body, he shared some small portion of bread. Meanwhile, the miracles performed by him were being celebrated throughout the whole surrounding region. Many were pouring in to see the man and being baptized in the name of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit.

31 Meanwhile, Euxeinianus came to understand what had happened to his mother, how being led by a guide she had come to the saint and how he had restored the sight of her impaired eyes. Having learned the details from her, he came to this one and greeting him said, ‘Father, if I thought you were inclined to look for money, I would have imparted to you not a small part of what I possess in exchange for such a gift you gave to my mother. However, along with the other things God has given to you, he disposed you to be above money. What else could we give you in exchange in proportion for this gift? What else, indeed, other than that a written record of thanks to you will be placed with us’. Now having said these things, he grabbed the feet of the saint. But taking his right hand he said, ‘Understand that I have need of nothing from you, dear friend, other than somehow, being so

272  The texts—Greek and English

συνετὸς ὢν πιστός τε ἐξ ἀπίστου γένοιο285 καὶ τῆς δυσεβοῦς θρησκείας μεταβαλὼν εἰς ἐπίγνωσιν ἔλθοις τῆς ἀληθείας. βούλομαι γάρ πιστὸν σε εἶναι πένητα μᾶλλον ἢ ἄπιστον περιφανῆ τε καὶ πλούσιον’.

32 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανός· ‘Οὐκοῦν, ὦ ἱερὰ κεφαλή, εἴπερ βούλει ζητητέον ἡμῖν περὶ τούτου. πολλάκις γὰρ ἤκουσα παρακαθήμενος τῇ μητρὶ ὡς ὑπὸ σοῦ διδαχθείη286 τὸν θεὸν νῦν μὲν φιλάνθρωπόν τε καὶ ἀγαθόν, νῦν δὲ φοβερὸν εἶναι καὶ δίκαιον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ὡς287 σφόδρα ἀγαθὸν ἀγαθοῖς ἀμείβεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ οἷα δίκαιον ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ κολάζειν. εἰ τοίνυν ἐξ ἀγάπης μὲν ἡ εὐεργεσία καὶ τὸ ἀμείβεσθαι, ἡ τιμωρία δὲ καὶ τὸ κολάζειν ἐκ μίσους, πῶς ἔνι τὸν αὐτὸν288 ἀγαθόν289 εἶναι καὶ δικαίας ἐπάγειν τὰς290 τιμωρίας;’ ‘Ὅτι,’ φησὶν ὁ μέγας Ἀβέρκιος ‘τοῦ κατ’ ἀξίαν ἑκάστῳ291 συντηρουμένου τοὺς μὲν τὰ ἀγαθὰ πράσσοντας οἷα φύσει ἀγαθὸς ὢν εὐεργετεῖ, τοὺς δὲ τὰ φαῦλα μετιόντας ἅτε δικαίως πάντα ποιῶν τιμωρεῖται, μηδενὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν γνῶσιν ὧν ἡμεῖς292 πράττομέν τε καὶ μόνον εἰς νοῦν λαμβάνομεν διαφεύγοντος. αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστι καὶ τῶν ἐν βάθει τῆς διανοίας ἐξεταστὴς ἀκριβέστατος δοκιμάζων καρδίας καὶ νεφροὺς διϊκνούμενος ἄχρι μερισμοῦ ψυχῆς293 καὶ πνεύματος294 ἁρμῶν295 τε καὶ μυελῶν καὶ κριτικὸς ἐνθυμήσεων καὶ ἐννοιῶν καρδίας’. 33 Καὶ ὁ Εὐξεινιανός· ‘Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὀρθῶς ἐπιλέλυται· πλὴν ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνό με δίδαξον· εἰ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἥδεται, διὰ τί μὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν296 τοιοῦτον ἐποίει τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ὥστε τὸ μὲν ἀγαθὸν ἐργάζεσθαι δυνατὸν εἶναι, πονηρὸν δὲ297 μηδ’ ὁτιοῦν πρᾶξαι

285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297

P1503 γένοιτο V56 διδαχθῆναι G77 omits ὡς A15 omits αὐτὸν, G77 adds τε A189, E210, E5603, P1484, P1503, T79 add τε E210 τι, A6, E149, G77, M175, M176, P1484, P1503, T79 omit τὰς A189, T79, V56 ἑκάστου A189 ὑμεῖς A189 σαρκὸς M176, P1480, V56 σώματος P1480, P1495, V802 ἁρμονιῶν E149, P1480, P1495 omit τὴν ἀρχὴν G77 οὖν

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The Epigraphic version  273

intelligent, you would become a believer from an unbeliever, and turning from profane religion you would come to a full knowledge of the truth. For I  would wish you to be a poor believer rather than a famous and wealthy unbeliever’.

32 Euxeinianus replied, ‘So then, Holy Man, if you are willing, we should discuss this. For often while sitting with my mother, I heard how the god that is taught by you, is at one time philanthropic and good, and then at another is dreaded and just, since he is exceedingly good, recompensing some for good deeds, but he is just, requiting and punishing others. Well then, if on the one hand kindness and recompense spring from love, but on the other hand retribution and punishment spring from hate, how can you propose love and righteous vengeance to be in the same god? ‘Because’ says the great Abercius, ‘while maintaining a strict regard for the merit of each individual, he does good to those who practice what is good since he is good by nature, however since he does all things justly, he takes vengeance on those who participate in what is bad. Nothing escapes his knowledge, either of what we do or only conceive in our mind. For he is the most exact examiner of the depths of our thoughts, who scrutinizes hearts and minds, “penetrating as far as the division of soul and spirit, joints, and marrow, one who is able to discern the ideas and intentions of a heart” ’.9 33 Then Euxeinianus answered, ‘So then, this has been clarified in a ­straightforward way, but explain this to me. If God is pleased with the good, why did he not make such a man at the start, so that he would be able to do good, but not the least capable of doing

9 Hebrews 4.12

274  The texts—Greek and English δύνασθαι; οὕτω γὰρ ἂν τά τε298 κατὰ γνώμην αὐτῷ πράττοντες ἦμεν καὶ ἀπαθεῖς πάσης299 διεμένομεν τιμωρίας’.   ὁ δὲ ‘Καὶ τοῦτο σφόδρως300 κηδομένου,’ ἔφη ‘καὶ301 τὸ ἡμέτερον ἀγαθὸν ἐκ παντὸς302 θέλοντος· εἰ γὰρ μὴ τὰ φαῦλα πράττειν δυνατῶς303 εἴχομεν,304 οὐδὲν305 ἂν οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ τὰ ἀγαθὰ ποιεῖν ἐκερδαίνομεν. οὔτε γὰρ ἐπαίνου306 παρὰ τοῦτο πάντως307 οὔτε ἀποδοχῆς ἦμεν ἄξιοι. τότε γὰρ οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἐγίνετο τὸ πραχθὲν308 προαίρεσιν, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τὴν τοῦ πράγματος φύσιν. οὐ γὰρ ὁ309 μὴ ποιεῖν τὸ κακὸν δυνάμενος οὗτος μὴ πράττων ἐπαινετός, ἀλλ’ ὁ πράττειν μὲν δυνατὸς ὤν, ἀπεχόμενος δὲ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ καλὸν ἔφεσιν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀμφότερα παρ’ ἡμῖν καὶ εἴτε ἀγαθοί ἐσμεν, εἰ βουλοίμεθα, εἴτε310 φαῦλοι— “ἐὰν θέλητε,” γάρ φησι “θεοὶ ἔσεσθε”311—τί τῆς εὐδοκιμήσεως τὴν πρόφασιν ἀναιρεῖς καὶ τῶν στεφάνων ἐκβάλλεις τὰς ἀφορμάς;’

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34–37 38 Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Εὐξεινιανὸς· ‘Ἀκριβῶς πέπεισμαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον,’ ἔφη312 ‘αὐτόνομόν τε εἶναι καὶ αὐτεξούσιον καὶ κατὰ γνώμην ἐπὶ τὸ ἁμαρτάνειν ἔρχεσθαι’. τοιαῦτα πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαμιλλωμένων αὐτῶν313 ἡ ἐνάτη πάλιν καταλαβοῦσα διέλυσε τὰς ζητήσεις. ἀναστὰς γὰρ εὐθὺς ὁ θεῖος Ἀβέρκιος ἀσπάζεται τοὺς περιεστῶτας καὶ εὐλογήσας οἴκαδε σὺν Εὐξεινιανῷ πέμπει.

298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313

M176 τέκνα A6 omits πάσης A15, A189, E5603, P1480, P1495, V399, V802 σφόδρα A189 adds ἐὰν G77 παντοίου G77 δυνατὸς, A189 omits θέλοντος· εἰ γὰρ μὴ τὰ φαῦλα πράττειν δυνατῶς P1484 ἔχομεν, V399 adds ἂν P145 οὐδ’ G77 omits ἐπαίνου A15 πάντες T79 omits ἐγίνετο τὸ πραχθὲν A6 adds γὰρ T79 omits ἀγαθοί ἐσμεν, εἰ βουλοίμεθα εἴτε P145 ἐστέ A189 omits ἔφη E5603, P1480, P1495 omit αὐτῶν

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evil? In this way we would have practiced what was congruent with his knowledge and we would have continued without experiencing any retribution’.   Now Abercius replied, ‘This deserves thoughtful consideration, that our good is wholly from volition. For if we did not have the ability to do what is bad, neither would we profit from doing what is good. For accordingly in no respect would we be deserving either of praise or of approbation. For then what was done did not come about on account of our choice, but on account of the nature of the deed. For the one who is not able to do evil is not praised because he does not do evil, rather the one who is able to do evil, but refrains on account of his desire for what is good. Now since both are with us, whether we are good, if we should choose, or bad—for, “If you will,” he says, “you will be gods”10—why would you confute an argument for merited esteem and reject the means to the crowns of glory?’ 34–37 38 To these things Euxeinianus replied, ‘On every point I  am convinced that man is both autonomous and free to choose. So based on personal decision he sets out to sin’. While they were earnestly contending about such things with one another the ninth hour overtook them and broke off their inquiries. For the divine Abercius arose immediately, said goodbye, blessed those in attendance, and sent them home including Euxeinianus.

10 Isaiah 1.19 and Psalm 81.6, LXX

276  The texts—Greek and English 39 Ὀλίγαι τὸ μετὰ ταῦτα διῆλθον ἡμέραι, καὶ τὰς πέριξ κώμας314 καὶ πρό γε τῶν ἄλλων τὰς ἐν γειτόνων ἅμα τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς περιῄει. ἐμάνθανε γὰρ ἤδη315 πολλοὺς ἐκεῖ διαφόροις πιέζεσθαι νόσοις. περιελθὼν οὖν316 καὶ θεραπεύσας εὐχῇ καὶ χειρῶν ἐπιθέσει, ἐπεὶ βαλανείου ἄπορον ἑώρα τὸν τόπον, πρᾶγμα νοσοῦσι δεξιὸν παραμύθιον, εἰς τινα χῶρον ἐλθὼν317 ᾧ Ἀγρὸς μὲν ἡ κλῆσις, ποταμὸς δὲ αὐτῷ παρέρρει, τὰ γόνατα τῷ318 θεῷ κλίνας τοῦ ἐδάφους γίνεται. 40 Καὶ ἰδοὺ βροντὴ μὲν319 ἐξ ἀκριβοῦς καταρρήγνυται320 τῆς αἰθρίας· ἀναδίδωσι δὲ πηγὰς θερμῶν ὑδάτων ἡ γῆ, καὶ διὰ πάντων ὑμνεῖτο θεὸς ἐπήκοος οὕτω δικαίων ἀνδρῶν γινόμενος.321 ἡ μέντοι μακαρία ἐκείνη γλῶσσα λάκκους ὀρύξαι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐντειλαμένη, ὥστε σύρροιαν ἐν τούτοις γίνεσθαι τῶν θερμῶν ὑδάτων, καὶ εἰς ἀνάκτησιν αὐτὰ σωμάτων εἶναι πεπονηκότων, ἐπανῄει πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν. 41 Ἐν τούτῳ οὖν ὁ τῶν πειρασμῶν καὶ τῆς ἀπάτης πατὴρ, ὁ πονηρὸς δαίμων, γυναικείαν ὑποκριθεὶς μορφὴν πρόσεισι τῷ ἁγίῳ εὐλογίας τυχεῖν δῆθεν παρ’ αὐτοῦ βουλομένης.322 ὁ δὲ ἐπιβαλὼν ἐκείνῳ323 τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς καὶ τὸν εἴσω κρυπτόμενον λύκον οὐκ324 ἀγνοήσας, εἰ καὶ τὴν τοῦ προβάτου δορὰν περιέκειτο, εὐθὺς μεταστρέφεται καὶ λίθῳ προσπταίει325 τὸν πόδα τὸν δεξιόν. περιαλγὴς οὖν326 γενόμενος ἅπτεται τῇ χειρὶ τοῦ ἀστραγάλου· αὐτὸν γὰρ ἦν πεπληγώς.

314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326

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A15, V802 χώρας A189 omits ἤδη V802 γὰρ M176 omits οὖν καὶ θεραπεύσας εὐχῇ καὶ χειρῶν ἐπιθέσει, ἐπεὶ βαλανείου ἄπορον ἑώρα τὸν τόπον, πρᾶγμα νοσοῦσι δεξιὸν παραμύθιον, εἰς τινα χῶρον ἐλθὼν V56 omits τῷ V802 omits μὲν V56 γίνεται A189, V56 γενόμενος V56, V802 βουλομένος, G77 βουλομένη A6 ἐκείνῃ, A189 ἐκείνο T79 μὴ P145, V399 προσπαίει T79 νῦν

The Epigraphic version  277 39 A few days passed after these events and together with the brothers he went around to the surrounding villages, and before all others those in the neighborhood. For he was just learning that many there were hard-pressed with various illnesses. Therefore, he was going around and healing with prayer and the laying on of hands. At that time, he saw the place lacked the resources for a bathhouse, something that was a ready relief for illnesses. Coming to a certain place, which was called Agros, where a river ran alongside, he fell to the ground on his knees to God. 40 See, precisely at that moment thunder broke forth in a cloudless sky. Then the ground sent up springs of hot water. (Now God be praised at all times who listens in this way to righteous men!) Consequently, that blessed tongue commanded those who were present to dig cisterns so that the hot water would flow together into these, which would afford recovery for bodies weary from work. He then returned home. 41 Then, at this time, the father of all temptations and deceit, the evil demon disguised in the form of a woman, approached the saint pretending that she wanted to obtain a blessing. However, when he set his eyes on that one, not unaware of the wolf hidden inside, even if he wore the skin of a sheep, immediately he turned away and struck his right foot against a stone. Being in intense pain he grabbed his ankle with his hand for it was bruised.

278  The texts—Greek and English   καὶ ὁ πονηρὸς εἰς ἑαυτὸν πάλιν327 μεταβαλὼν ἥδιστόν τε καὶ θερμὸν ἀνεγέλα328 καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς φίλης εὐθὺς ὑπερηφανίας ‘Μήτι329 με330 νόμιζε,’ λέγει331 ‘τῶν ταπεινῶν εἶναι332 ἐκείνων δαιμονίων, ἃ σὺ πολλάκις φυγαδεύειν οἶδας καὶ μόνῳ τῷ ῥήματι· ἀλλ’ αὐτός εἰμι αὐτὸς ἑκατόνταρχος,333 οὗ δὴ καὶ νῦν εἰς πεῖραν ἐλθὼν ὁρᾷς ὅπως334 χαλεπαῖς335 βέβλησαι336 περιωδυνίαις337 ὁ πολλοῖς ἑτέροις λυσάμενος τὰς ὀδύνας’. οὕτως ἀπὸ τοῦ βλάπτειν ὁ μιαρός, οὐδέποτε δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὠφελεῖν οὐδένα ἑαυτῷ τὸν ἔπαινον περιτίθησι. 42 Ταῦτα τοίνυν πρὸς τὸν θαυμαστὸν Ἀβέρκιον εἶπε338 καί τινι τῶν περιεστηκότων αὐτὸν339 νεανίσκων ἐπιπηδᾷ· ὃν χαλεπῶς σπαράξας τε καὶ διαταράξας μεταξὺ πάντων ἐλεεινῶς καταβάλλει. ὁ μέντοι μέγας Ἀβέρκιος ἔλεον αὐτίκα τοῦ νεανίσκου λαβὼν καὶ δεηθεὶς τοῦ340 θεοῦ λύσιν τε αὐτῷ δίδωσι τοῦ κακοῦ341 καὶ τὸν μιαρὸν ἐκεῖνον δαίμονα ἐκποδὼν τίθησιν, ἔργῳ δηλώσας τίς ὁ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ μαθητὴς καὶ ἀγαθύνειν δεδιδαγμένος, καὶ τίς ὁ ἐξ ἀρχῆς πονηρὸς καὶ τοῦ πράττειν ἄλλοις342 τὰ πονηρὰ διδάσκαλος. ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἀλλ’ οὐ μέχρι τούτου343 ἔστη οὐδὲ ἐπὶ μόνῃ τῇ τοιαύτῃ ἔμεινεν ἥττῃ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἑτέραν αὐτῷ344 προκηρύττει πάλην, οὗ μηδὲ τὴν πρώτην ὑπενεγκεῖν ἴσχυσεν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ καὶ ἄκων ἀπῄει τὸν νεανίσκον345 ἀπολιπὼν346 τραχείᾳ ὡς εἶχε καὶ ἀναιδεῖ χρησάμενος τῇ φωνῇ ‘Ταχύ σε,’ ἔφη347 ‘Ἀβέρκιε, καὶ ἄκοντα παρασκευάσω τὴν Ῥωμαίων

327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347

P145 omits πάλιν T79 ἀνεγέλασε E210, G77, G497, G551, P1503, T79, V399 μήτοι M176 μοι A189 λέγων V56 omits εἶναι P1480 omits καὶ μόνῳ τῷ ῥήματι· ἀλλ’ αὐτός εἰμι αὐτὸς ἑκατόνταρχος A6, A15, E210, G77, G497, G551, M175, P145, P1484, T79 πῶς A6 reads χαλεπῶς πόδα καὶ G77 περιβέβλησαι A6, V56 ὁδύναις M56 εἷπερ, A189 εἰπῶν M175, P145 αὐτῶν, M176, V56 αὐτῷ, A189 omits αὐτὸν V802 adds ἁγίου καὶ φιλανθρώπου A15 adds τούτῳ, P1480, P1495 omit τοῦ κακοῦ E210, P145, P1503, T79 ἄλλους A6 τούτων E149 τῷ, A15, V802 πάλαι, M175 adds πάλαι V56 νεανίαν A189 καταλιπὼν V56 omits ἔφη

395

400

405

410

The Epigraphic version  279   Now the evil one once again having changed back into himself, was quite delighted, laughing ardently. With pleasure and outright arrogance says, ‘Do not suppose at the least that I am one of those low-ranking demons, whom you so often knew how to banish with only a word, but I, I am a centurion into whose temptation even now you have come. You see how you have been struck with grievous and excessive pains, who released the pains in many others’. So, the foul one ascribes praise to himself for hurting, never for helping anyone. 42 Now having said these things to the admirable Abercius, he plunged into one of the young men who was standing around him, whom after both violently convulsing and throwing into confusion hurled him down pitifully in the middle of the crowd. At this, the great Abercius immediately took pity on the young man and petitioned God that he may grant him release from the evil one and may remove that foul demon. He demonstrated by deed who is the disciple of the good, having been taught to do good, and who from the beginning is the evil one and one who teaches to do what is evil to others. However, at this point that one did not stop, nor was he content to endure such a solitary defeat, but even proclaimed another contest with him, even when he was not strong enough to endure the first. For after he had unwillingly departed and left the young man, adopting as hostile and shameless a tone as he could, he says, ‘Abercius, in no time I will cause you unwillingly to see

280  The texts—Greek and English

ἰδεῖν’. τὸ δὲ ἄρα οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐξέβη, ὡς τὰ ἑξῆς τοῦ λόγου δηλώσει.

43 Ὁ μὲν γὰρ θεῖος Ἀβέρκιος εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ οἰκίαν ἐπανελθὼν ἑπτὰ ὅλας εἷλκεν ἡμέρας ἐν νηστείαις καὶ παννυχίσιν ἅμα τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, δεόμενος μὴ τοιαύτην γενέσθαι κατ’ αὐτοῦ ἰσχὺν τῷ ἐχθρῷ ὡς ᾗπερ348 ἂν ἐκεῖνος349 ἄγῃ350 καὶ αὐτὸν ἕπεσθαι· ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἑβδόμην νύκτα ὄναρ αὐτῷ351 τὸν κύριον ἐπιστάντα352 καὶ ‘Εἰς Ῥώμην,’ φάναι ‘Ἀβέρκιε, οἰκονομίᾳ τῇ ἐμῇ ἀφίξῃ, ὥστε δὴ353 καὶ354 τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ τὸ ἐμὸν ὄνομα ἐπιγνῶναι. θάρρει τοιγαροῦν· ἡ γὰρ χάρις μου μετά σου ἔσται’. τότε διϋπνισθέντα τὸν ἅγιον ‘Γένοιτο,’355 φάναι ‘τὸ θέλημά σου, Χριστέ·’ καὶ τὴν θείαν ἐκείνην ἐμφάνειαν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀπαγγεῖλαι. 44 Ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν οὕτω καὶ παρὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων356 πόλιν ἀφικέσθαι προείρητο,357 ὁ δὲ πονηρὸς δαίμων ἐκεῖνος ὁ μικρῷ πρόσθεν τῷ ἁγίῳ τὴν ἄφιξιν ταύτην ἐπισείσας358 οὐδὲν ἀναβαλόμενος359 εἰς Ῥώμην φοιτᾷ360 καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀντωνίνου παῖδα ἐπίγαμόν τε ἤδη καὶ ἑκκαιδεκετίν361 οὖσαν,362 ἣ Βήρῳ μὲν Λευκίῳ ἀνδρὶ κατηγγύητο, Λουκίλλα δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο,363 κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει τὰς κατ’ αὐτὴν ὑπερενεγκοῦσαν364 εἰσδύεται καὶ αὐτίκα ἐκμαίνει, ὡς σπαράττεσθαί τε καὶ καταβάλλεσθαι καὶ ὀδοῦσι τῶν χειρῶν ἅπτεσθαι καὶ τὰς αὐτῆς σάρκας διαμασσᾶσθαι.

348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362

415

420

425

430

A189 εἴπερ, V56 οἷς περ A15 ἐκεῖ A189, T79 ἄγει V56 αὐτὸν E149, E210, M175, P1480, P1495, P1503, V56, V399, V802 add ὁρᾷ V399 omits δὴ G77 omits καὶ A6 adds μοι M176 omits Ῥωμαίων M176 προείτο A189 ἐπιστήσας A6, E5603, P145, P1480, T79, V802 ἀναβαλλόμενος V56 ἐπιφοιτᾷ M176 ἐκδεκετίν with erasure of και E149 ἑξκαίδεκα ἕστιν, P1495 ἑξ καὶ δεκέτην οὖσαν, P1480 ἐξ καὶ δεκὰ οὖσαν, A189, V56 ἐκκαιδεκαέτην οὖσαν 363 A189 omits Λουκίλα δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο 364 M175, V399, V802 ὑπενεγκοῦσαν

The Epigraphic version  281

Rome’. Subsequently, not much later this turned out to be the case, as what follows of the story will show.

43 For the moment, divine Abercius, having returned to his own home, persisted in fasting and all-night vigils together with the brothers for seven full days, asking that such power against him not be given to an enemy, and that he should follow wherever that one may lead. Now on the seventh night in a dream the Lord stood next to him and said, ‘Abercius, it is by my plan that you will arrive in Rome, so that, in fact even those who are in it may come to know my name. Therefore, have confidence, for my grace will be with you’. Then waking from sleep the saint said, ‘Christ, may your will come to pass’. He then announced the divine manifestation to the brothers. 44 Even though it was foretold to him that he would so arrive at Rome, that evil demon, who just a short time before had threatened the saint with this arrival, without delay came into Rome and entered into the child of Emperor Antoninus. The child was sixteen years old and now of marriageable age. What is more, she was engaged to Lucius Verus as husband. Her name was Lucilla and surpassed girls her own age in beauty and stature. The demon immediately drove her mad, so that she convulsed, threw herself down, and fastening her teeth on her hands was even chewing on her own flesh.

282  The texts—Greek and English   ἡ οὖν μήτηρ Φαυστῖνα—τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα τῇ Αὐγούστῃ—λύπῃ σὺν Ἀντωνίνῳ καὶ ἀπορίᾳ δεινῶς365 εἴχοντο366 καὶ367 συμφορὰν ἐσχάτην τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐτίθεντο· ἦν δὲ τὸ μάλιστα τούτοις368 ἐπιτεῖνον τὴν ἀθυμίαν ἡ πρὸς τὸν Λεύκιον τῆς κόρης μνηστεία. τοῦτον369 γὰρ ἀπεστάλκει μὲν Ἀντωνῖνος ἤδη370 πρὸς τὴν ἑώαν πόλεμον συμβαλοῦντα371 βασιλεῖ Βουλγέσσῳ. 45 Ὑπῆρχε δὲ ἀλλήλοις συγκείμενον κατά τινας ῥητὰς ἡμέρας, τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἕω, τὸν Λεύκιον, τὸν δὲ ἀπὸ Ῥώμης τὴν Ἔφεσον καταλαβεῖν372 καὶ ἐν τῷ κατ’ αὐτὴν ναῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τὸν μὲν ὑπὸ μάρτυρι τῇ θεῷ καταθέσθαι Λευκίῳ τὴν παῖδα, τὸν δὲ δέξασθαι. ἐπεὶ οὖν ὁ Λεύκιος κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἔπλει πρὸς τὴν Ἔφεσον ἐπειγόμενος, οὐκ ἔχων ὅ τι χρήσαιτο ἑαυτῷ Ἀντωνῖνος373 δαιμονώσης αὐτῷ τῆς παιδὸς προφάσει διακρούεται τὸν καιρὸν γράψας Λευκίῳ374 ὡς τὸ Γερμανῶν ἔθνος διαβὰν375 τὸν Ῥῆνον τάς τε πόλεις Ῥωμαίων καὶ τὰς κώμας ληΐζεται· κἀντεῦθεν376 μηδὲ κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα δύνασθαι νῦν εἰς Ἔφεσον μετὰ τῆς παιδὸς συνδραμεῖν, ἀλλ’ εἰς τὸ ἐπιὸν ἔτος. τῷ δέ, ἐπειδὴ κατὰ μέσον τὸν πλοῦν τὰ παρὰ βασιλέως ὑπήντα γράμματα, σφόδρα τε ἀθυμήσας καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκὼν εἰς τὴν ἐν377 Δάφνῃ Ἀντιόχειαν378 ὑποστρέφει.379 46 Βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἀντωνῖνος τοῦτο μὲν καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις σπλάγχνοις περὶ τὴν τῆς παιδὸς φροντίδα πολὺς ὤν, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς συζύγου παροξυνόμενος380 πάντα τε ἐποίει381 καὶ οὐδενὸς

365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381

A189, V56 omit δεινῶς V56 συνείχοντο A15 omits καὶ A6, A189, E210, G77, G497, M175, P1484, P1503, T79 αὐτοῖς A189 adds μὲν A189, G77 omit ἤδη A15 συμβαλοῦν, A15, E149, E5603, P1480, P1484, P1495, V399, V802 add τῷ M176 καταλαμβάνειν T79 adds δὲ G77 τὸν Λεύκιον V56 διαβὰς A6 ἐντεῦθεν V56 omits ἐν V56 Δάφνην Ἀντιόχειας T79 ἐπιστρέφει, E5603, V399 add ὁ V56 παροτρυνόμενος V56 omits πάντα τε ἐποίει

435

440

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450

455

The Epigraphic version  283   Therefore, her mother, Faustina—for this was the name of Augusta—and Antoninus were in a desperate predicament in grief and perplexity. They considered the situation the most extreme misfortune. The engagement of their daughter to Lucius was what particularly intensified their despondency. For Antoninus had recently sent Lucius to the East to engage in war against King Vologases. 45 They had an agreement in place with one another, that on stated days, Lucias from the East, and Antoninus from Rome were to arrive in Ephesus and in the temple dedicated to Artemis, with the goddess as witness, the child was to be given and received by Lucius. Therefore, when according to the agreement, Lucius set sail and hurried to Ephesus, he had no idea that Antoninus would contrive for himself a pretext to delay the appointment because his daughter was demon possessed. Antoninus wrote to Lucius that the nation of the Germans had crossed the Rhine and was plundering the cities and villages of the Romans. In consequence at the present time, he would not be able to travel to Ephesus with the child as agreed, but in the following year. Now that correspondence from the emperor reached Lucius midway in his voyage. Extremely disheartened and troubled he returned to Antioch near Daphne. 46 However, Antoninus, out of his own compassion for his child, was in constant reflection concerning this matter, and furthermore, pressed by his wife, he tried everything and turned no one away

284  The texts—Greek and English ἀπείχετο382 τῶν λόγον383 ἐχόντων. τοὺς Ῥωμαίων τοίνυν καὶ Ἰταλῶν ἱερεῖς συναγαγὼν καὶ οἰωνοσκόπους ἀπὸ Τυρρηνίας μεταστειλάμενος ἐξώρκιζέ384 τε τὸν δαίμονα δι’ αὐτῶν καὶ385 οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐκ ἐπενόει πρὸς τὴν τοῦ κακοῦ θεραπείαν. τὰ δὲ κενά τε ἠλέγχετο καὶ ἀγριώτερον ἐποίει τὸν πονηρὸν δαίμονα τῇ κόρῃ. ἀμέλει καὶ τοιάνδε τινὰ διὰ τῆς παιδὸς ἐκείνης386 ἠφίει φωνὴν ὡς ‘Εἰ μὴ Ἀβέρκιος ὁ τῆς ἐν τῇ387 μικρᾷ Φρυγίᾳ τῶν Ἱεραπολιτῶν ἐπίσκοπος ἔλθοι, οὐκ ἂν ἀπὸ τοῦ σκηνώματος ἐξέλθοιμι τοῦδε’. 47 Ὡς οὖν ἐπὶ συχνὰς ἡμέρας ταῦτα ἐβόα, διηπορεῖτο καθ’ ἑαυτὸν388 Ἀντωνῖνος, τί ἂν εἴη τοῦτο σκοπούμενος, καί ποτε εἰσκαλέσας389 τὸν ἔπαρχον390 τῆς αὐλῆς Κορνηλιανὸν ἀνεπυνθάνετο, εἴ πού τις Ἱεράπολις ὑπὸ μικρὰν Φρυγίαν ἐστίν. ὁ δὲ ‘Καὶ μάλα, δέσποτα,’ ἔφη ‘καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτῆς Εὐξεινιανὸν ὁρμᾶσθαι, ᾧ πολλάκις περὶ δημοσίων ἐπέστειλας πραγμάτων’. τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος ἥσθη τε οἷα τῆς391 φροντίδος ἀπολυθείς, ὅτιπερ392 Εὐξεινιανὸς ἐκεῖ διατρίβων δεξιὸς393 αὐτῷ ἔσται τοῦ πράγματος οἰκονόμος. καὶ Οὐαλέριον καὶ Βασσιανὸν μαγιστριανοὺς εὐθὺς εὐτρεπισθῆναι κελεύσας ἐπιστέλλει αὐτῷ394 ταῦτα· 48 ‘Ἀντωνῖνος αὐτοκράτωρ σεβαστὸς Εὐξεινιανῷ Ποπλίωνι χαίρειν. ἐγὼ εἰς πεῖραν τῆς σῆς ἀγχινοίας ἔργοις αὐτοῖς καταστὰς καὶ μάλιστα οἷς ἔναγχος προστάξει τοῦ ἡμετέρου κράτους διεπράξω κατὰ τὴν Σμύρναν, ἐπικουφίσας Σμυρναίοις τὴν ἐκ τοῦ κλόνου τῆς395 γῆς ἐπιγενομένην αὐτοῖς συμφοράν, ἥσθην τε, ὥσπερ εἰκός, καί σε τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπιμελείας ἐπῄνεσα· ἔμαθον γὰρ ἅπαντα

382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395

V399 ἀπήσχετο A189, G497, G551 λόγων A189 ἐξώρκιξαί P145 omits καὶ A6, E149, E5603, G77, P145, P1503, V56, V399 ἐκείνος A15, E149, E5603, P1480, P1495, V802 omit τῇ A189 adds ὁ A15, A189, E5603, M175, P1480, P1484 καλέσας V56 ἄρχοντα T79 omits τῆς G77 ὅπερ G77 omits ἐκεῖ διατρίβων δεξιὸς G77 omits αὐτῷ A6, A15, G551, M175, P1480 omit τῆς

460

465

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The Epigraphic version  285

having an idea. Therefore, he gathered together the priests of Rome and Italy while summoning the augurs from Tyrrhenia. He attempted to exorcise the demon through them, and every conceivable method was contrived to cure the evil, but these were proven to be ineffectual and made the evil demon in the girl even more savage. Notwithstanding, he would send out some such statement through the child as, ‘Unless Abercius the overseer of Hierapolis in Phrygia Minor comes, I will not come out of this dwelling’.

47 In this way, day after day, he yelled these things. On his own, Antoninus was at a complete loss at what this examiner11 might be. At that time summoning the praetorian prefect Cornelianus, he inquired if perhaps there is some Hierapolis in Phrygia Minor. Cornelianus responded, ‘Yes, most definitely Lord, and Euxeinianus makes his home there, to whom often you send instructions concerning public matters’. Having heard this, Antoninus was delighted, as he was released from his concern, seeing that Euxeinianus who lived there will be just the right person to manage this matter for him. Antoninus immediately ordered the couriers Valerius and Bassianus to get ready and sent these instructions to him. 48 ‘Antoninus Imperator Augustus to Euxeinianus Pollio, greetings. Having established evidence of your sagacity by your deeds themselves and especially by those you recently accomplished by command of our sovereignty throughout Smyrna, easing for the Smyrnaeans the misfortune of the earthquake which came upon them, I was delighted, as one would expect, and I applaud you for your attention paid to these matters, for I learned

11 Antoninus understands overseer, bishop to be some sort of examiner, observer.

286  The texts—Greek and English μετὰ ἀκριβείας ὡσπερανεὶ396 παρὼν. ἡ τε γὰρ παρὰ σοῦ πεμφθεῖσα ἀναφορὰ ὁ τε ἀποδιδοὺς ταύτην Καικίλιος397 ὁ ἐπίτροπος ἡμῶν398 ἅπαντά μοι399 σαφῶς400 διηγήσαντο.401 49 Ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ παρόντος γνωσθὲν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ κράτει Ἀβέρκιόν τινα τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν ἐπίσκοπον παρά σου402 διατρίβειν, ἄνδρα εὐσεβῆ οὕτω τὰ τῶν403 Χριστιανῶν ὡς δαιμονῶντάς404 τε ἰᾶσθαι καὶ νόσους ἄλλας εὐκολώτατα θεραπεύειν, τοῦτον κατὰ τὸ ἀναγκαῖον ἡμεῖς χρήζοντες Οὐαλέριον καὶ Βασσιανὸν μαγιστριανοὺς τῶν θείων ἡμῶν ὀφφικίων ἐπέμψαμεν τὸν ἄνδρα μετ’ αἰδοῦς καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης ὡς ἡμᾶς ἀγαγεῖν. κελεύομεν οὖν τῇ σῇ στερρότητι πεῖσαι τὸν ἄνδρα σὺν προθυμίᾳ πάσῃ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀφικέσθαι εὖ εἰδότι ὡς οὐ μέτριός405 σοι κείσεται παρ’ ἡμῖν καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου406 ἔπαινος. ἔρρωσο’. 50 Ταύτην τοῖς μαγιστριανοῖς δοὺς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀπέπεμψεν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης εἰπὼν ὅτι ‘Πολλαπλάσιον ὑμῖν θήσει τὴν εἰς ἐμὲ θεραπείαν τὸ407 Ἀβέρκιον ἐνεγκεῖν,’ προστεθὲν καὶ τὸ τάχος. οἱ δὲ λαβόντες408 οὐδὲν τάχους καὶ συντονίας ἐνέλιπον, ἀλλὰ δυσὶ τὸ Βρεντήσιον ἡμέραις καταλαβόντες πλοίου τε ἐπὶ τούτῳ παρεσκευασμένου409 παρὰ τοῦ ὑπάρχου410 Κορνηλιανοῦ ἐπιβάντες κατὰ πρύμναν αὐτοῖς τοῦ πνεύματος ἱσταμένου τῇ ἑβδόμῃ τὸν Ἰώνιον διαπλεύσαντες καταίρουσιν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ἐκεῖθεν δὲ δημοσίοις ἵπποις χρησάμενοι ἀφικνοῦνται τῆς πεντεκαιδεκάτης411 εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον.

396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411

A189 ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰ M176 Κεκίλιος, T79 καὶ Κέλιος A6, E210, G497, G551, M175, M176, P1484, P1503, T79 ὑμῶν P145 omits μοι M176 omits σαφῶς E210, G77, P145, T79 διηγήσατο M176, V399 σοι G497, M175, V56 omit τῶν A15, E149, E5603, M175, P1480, P1495, V802 δαιμονῶντα A15, P1495 μέτρίως A6, A189, E210, M175, M176, P1484, P1495 add ὁ T79, V56 τὸν, M176, V399 τῷ A6 adds τἀ γράμματα P1503 omits παρεσκευασμένου V56 ἐπάρχου T79 τῇ πεντεκαιδεκάτῃ

480

485

490

495

500

The Epigraphic version  287

all things in detail as if I had been there. For both the report sent by you and Caecilius, our procurator who delivered it, have clearly described all things to me.

49 Now at the present time it has come to the attention of our sovereignty that a certain Abercius, an overseer of Hierapolis, resides with you, a very pious man in matters pertaining to the Christians, as he both heals the demon-possessed and quite readily cures other diseases. Out of necessity we ourselves require this one and have sent Valerius and Bassianus, couriers of our imperial offices to escort the man back to us with all respect and honor. Therefore, we command you by your resoluteness to persuade the man to come to us with all zeal, knowing full well how commendation without measure will be given to you by us also for this. Farewell’. 50 Having given this letter to the couriers he sent them from Rome saying, ‘You will be repaid many times over for your service to me for having escorted Abercius’. The urgency of the matter was added, so taking the letter they wasted neither time nor effort but reaching Brundisium in two days they boarded a ship which had been made ready by the prefect Cornelianus. With a strong wind at their stern on the seventh day having crossed the Ionian Sea they put into port in the Peloponnese. From there, using state horses, they arrived in Byzantium on the fifteenth day.

288  The texts—Greek and English 51 Εἶτα πρὸς τὴν Νικομηδέων αὐθημερὸν περαιωθέντες412 καὶ αὖθις δημοσίῳ χρησάμενοι δρόμῳ413 εἰς Σύναδα μητρόπολιν ἥκουσι τῆς Φρυγίας, ἡγεμόνας τε τῆς ὁδοῦ παρὰ τοῦ ἡγεμονεύοντος414 ἐκεῖ Σπινθῆρος λαβόντες οἷα προστεταγμένον αὐτῷ415 παρὰ Κορνηλίου τοῦ ἐπάρχου περί που τὴν ἐνάτην ὥραν τὴν Ἱεραπολιτῶν καταλαμβάνουσιν. 52 Εἰσιόντες τοιγαροῦν τὴν πόλιν ὑπαντῶσι τῷ Ἀβερκίῳ καὶ ταῦτα ἀπὸ τοῦ παρήκοντος·416 εἰώθει γὰρ κατὰ τὴν ἐνάτην ὥραν ἐκ τῆς417 διδασκαλίας οἴκαδε ἀναστρέφειν τὰς συνήθεις ἀποδώσων εὐχὰς τῷ θεῷ. οἱ μὲν οὖν ὑπαντήσαντες αὐτῷ ἀνεπυνθάνοντο, ποῦ ποτε ὑπάρχοι418 Εὐξεινιανὸς καὶ ὅπῃ419 γενόμενοι ἐντύχοιεν τῷ ἀνδρί. ὁ δέ, ἐπειδὴ καὶ αὐτὸς τίς τε ἡ ζήτησις420 τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ ἐφ’ ὅτῳ ἥκοιεν421 ἤρετο, τὴν ἐκείνου ἐρώτησιν χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκὼν Οὐαλέριος, ὅτι μὴ ταχὺ ἀπεκρίνατο, τολμᾷ τι καὶ θρασύτερον, ἴσως ὑπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ κινηθείς, καὶ ἀνατείνει κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου τὴν δεξιάν, πλῆξαι τοῦτον τῇ μάστιγι422 βουληθείς· καὶ εὐθὺς ἡ φρουροῦσα χεὶρ ἄνωθεν οὐκ ἠμέλει, καὶ ἡ τολμηρὰ423 ἐκολάζετο καὶ ἀκίνητος ἦν ὥσπερ τινὶ προκατασχεθείσα πέδῃ. 53 Λαμβάνει καὶ τὸν ἕτερον δέος ἐπὶ τῷ καινῷ τούτῳ424 θεάματι, καὶ ἀποβάντες ἄμφω τῶν ἵππων προσπίπτουσί τε τοῖς τοῦ ἁγίου ποσὶ καὶ ἱκέται γίνονται ταπεινοὶ λίαν, ὥστε τὴν ἀπομαρανθεῖσαν χεῖρα καὶ οἱονεὶ τεθνηκυῖαν ἀναθῆλαι πάλιν καὶ ἀναζῆσαι μηδὲ οὕτως ἀπολειφθῆναι νεκράν. ὁ δὲ τῆς συνήθους κἀν τούτῳ425 γίνεται

412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425

P1480, P1495 διαπεραιωθέντες cursus publicus praeses T79 προστεταγμένα αὐτοῖς V399 παρείκοντος G77 omits τῆς A189, M175, P1480, V56, V399 ὑπάρχει M175 ὅποι M176 ζητήσεις V56 ἔχοιεν V56 μέγιστα G497 add χεὶρ A15 τῷ κενῷ τοῦτο A189 τοῦτο

505

510

515

520

The Epigraphic version  289 51 That same day crossing over to Nicomedia, they once again used the cursus publicus and came to Synnada, the metropolis of Phrygia. Receiving guides from Spinther, who governed there, as he had been commanded by the prefect Cornelianus, around the ninth hour they arrived in Hierapolis. 52 Well then, while they were entering the city, as chance would have it, they met Abercius. For it was his habit at the ninth hour to return home from teaching to offer the customary prayers to God. So then, when they met him, they asked him where at this time Euxeinianus lived and what way they should take to meet with the man. However, he himself asked them why they made inquiry about the man and for what reason they had come. Valerius, reacting in anger at his response because he did not answer directly, dared something even bolder, perhaps moved by the evil one. He stretched out his right hand against the saint intending to strike Abercius with his whip. However, the hand keeping watch from above did not overlook this and immediately the rashness was checked. The hand was immobilized even as held fast by some shackle. 53 Fear also gripped the other courier at this strange sight and they both dismounted their horses, prostrated themselves at the feet of the saint, and became exceedingly humble suppliants, so that the hand that had been withered as if it had died might be restored again and brought back to life, and not to be left dead in this condition. Even in this situation Abercius felt his accustomed

290  The texts—Greek and English συμπαθείας καὶ ἅπτεται μὲν426 τῆς πειρωθείσης,427 ὑγιᾶ δὲ αὐτὴν εὐθὺς δείκνυσιν. εἶτα428 τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ πάλιν τῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς χρείας ἐρόμενος καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι βασιλικὰ πρὸς αὐτὸν κομίζειεν429 γράμματα, ὁδηγὸς γίνεται τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ εἰς τὸν Εὐξεινιανοῦ οἶκον τὸ τάχος ἀπάγει.430 ἐκεῖνος μέντοι τὰ γράμματα εἰς χεῖρας λαβὼν καὶ τὰ ἐγκείμενα ἐπελθὼν431 μεταδίδωσι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν εὐθὺς τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ ἠξίου μηδὲν ὑπερθέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ αὐτὴ ἠβούλετο, τὴν ταχίστην ἅπτεσθαι πορείας. 54 Ὁ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀναγνοὺς ‘Ἐλεύσομαι,’ ἔφη ‘καὶ οὐκ ἀπροθύμως432 τὴν πορείαν ἀνύσω,433 ἐπεὶ κατὰ γνώμην θεοῦ τὸ γινόμενον, ὡς κἀμοὶ ἤδη παρὰ τοῦ κυρίου μου ἐδηλώθη’.434 οἱ μὲν οὖν μαγιστριανοὶ λαμπρῶς παρ’ Εὐξεινιανῷ ξενισθέντες δύο τέ τινας435 ἡμέρας παρ’ αὐτῷ μείναντες τὴν πορείαν τε πᾶσαν αὐτῷ436 καὶ τὸν πλοῦν ἀπαγγείλαντες.   τῇ τρίτῃ ἀντίγραφα λαβόντες ἀπῄεσαν, ὑπεσχημένον αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ437 τοῦ θαυμαστοῦ438 Ἀβερκίου μετὰ τεσσαράκοντα ὅλας ἡμέρας κατὰ τὸν λεγόμενον Πόρτον, ὃς ἐχόμενα Ῥώμης ἐστίν, ἀλλήλοις ἐντυχεῖν καὶ οὕτως ἅμα ἐκείνοις τῆς πόλεως ἐπιβῆναι. οἱ δὲ ἀπιστεῖν οὐκ ἔχοντες, ἔκρινον γὰρ ὀρθῶς ἐξ ὧν ἔπαθόν τε καὶ εἶδον, ὅτι ἀδύνατον ἄνδρα τοιούτων ἠξιωμένον τό τε συνειδὸς καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν ἔχειν οὐχ ὑγιᾶ. τοῖς δημοσίοις καὶ αὖθις ἐπιβάντες439 ἵπποις ἐπανῄεσαν.

525

530

535

540

426 P145 adds καὶ 427 M175 παρειθήσης, E149 πωρωθείσης (initial ω by a different hand), G77, G497, G551, P1484, P1495, V399, V802 πηρωθείσης 428 A6 adds καὶ 429 A189, E210, P145, V399 κομίζοιεν 430 A6, G551, P1484, T79 ἐπάγει 431 A6 μετελθὼν, P1484 ἐπανελθὼν 432 A15, G77, P1495, V399 ἀπροθύμος 433 A189 ποιήσω 434 A6 reads ἐπεὶ κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ δεσπότου μου Χριστοῦ τὸ γινόμενον, καθώς μοι παρ’ αὐτοῦ ἐδηλώθη 435 A189 omits τινας (erasure) 436 T79 omits αὐτῷ 437 A189, A6 παρὰ 438 A6 θείου 439 A15 omits καὶ αὖθις ἐπιβάντες

The Epigraphic version  291

sympathy and grabbed the disabled hand and it was immediately evident that the hand was healthy. Then asking once again the reason they had need of the man, Abercius learned that they were bringing an imperial letter to him, and he became a guide for the men, leading them quickly to the home of Euxeinianus. That one took the letter in hand and coming to its contents he immediately shared the letter with the saint, insisting he not delay, but as the epistle had desired, to undertake the journey as quickly as possible.

54 Having read the letter himself, he said, ‘I will go and without reluctance finish the journey, since what is happening is according to God’s purpose, as it had already been revealed to me by my Lord’. Subsequently, the couriers were hosted splendidly by Euxeinianus, remaining with him for some two days, relating to him their journey on land and the sea voyage.   On the third day, taking a letter in reply, they were ready to depart. It was promised by the admirable Abercius that after a total of forty whole days at a place called Portus, which is close to Rome, to meet one another and so together with them go to the city. Now they could not bring themselves to distrust him, for they judged correctly from that which they had experienced and seen, that it was impossible for someone deemed worthy of such things, not to have both a virtuous conscience and tongue. So once again mounting state horses, they made their way back.

292  The texts—Greek and English 55 Ἀβέρκιος δὲ ὁ θεῖος οἶνόν τε καὶ ὄξος καὶ ἔλαιον εἰς ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀσκὸν ἐμβαλών, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἄρτους ὀλίγους λαβών,440 εἶτα τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς διαλεχθεὶς τὰ εἰκότα τὴν ἐκείνου τε ἀποδημίαν ἐλεεινῶς ἀποδυρομένους δεξιώτατα παραμυθησάμενος ὀχήματος πωλικοῦ441 ἐπιβαίνει καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἔξεισι.

545

56 Βραχὺ δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ προελθὼν442 ὁρᾷ τινα ἀμπελουργὸν σκάπτοντα καὶ περὶ τὰς ἀμπέλους ἐπιμελῶς ἔχοντα· ὄνομα τῷ ἀνδρὶ Τροφιμίων.443 τοῦτον ὀνομαστὶ καλέσας ‘Δεῦρο’. φησὶν ‘ἀδελφέ, συνδιάνυσόν μοι τὴν ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ὁδόν’. ἤκουσεν ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὴν δίκελλαν εὐθὺς καὶ τὸ σκαφεῖον ἀπολιπὼν τὴν οἰκείαν τε ἁρπάσας ἐσθῆτα, ἣν διὰ τὸν ἐκ τῆς444 ἐργασίας κόπον τῇ γῇ καταθεὶς ἦν, εἵπετο τῷ ἁγίῳ.   ἐπειδὴ δὲ συνώδευον ἤδη—ἀλλὰ νῦν445 ὅτι μάλιστα προσέχειν ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶ, θαῦμα γὰρ ἀκούσεσθε σύμμικτον ἡδονῇ—καὶ γὰρ ὁπότε μὲν ὁ Τροφιμίων εἰς κοινὴν δὴ χρείαν ἐπιτρέψαντος τοῦ ἁγίου τὸν τοῦ ἀσκοῦ πόδα λύσειεν, αὐτὸ δὴ τὸ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν συντελοῦν μόνον446 ἀμιγὲς ἔξήει,447 οἶνος τυχὼν ἢ ὄξος ἢ ἔλαιον, τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ χώραν448 μενόντων· ὁπότε δὲ449 πάλιν ἐκεῖνος ἐν χρείᾳ τινὸς καταστὰς οὐ κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἁγίου λύσειε τὸν ἀσκόν, τἀναντία ἢ αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο θαυμαστῶς ἐξῄει· ὄξος μὲν450 καὶ ἔλαιον εἰ δίψῃ451 τυχὸν ληφθεὶς πειρῷτο πιεῖν· εἰ452 δὲ καὶ453 ἔμπαλιν αὐτῶν δεηθείη, οἶνος ἀκραιφνὴς τοῦ ἀσκοῦ ἀπέρρει. οὕτως454 ὁ ἑκοντὶ δολερὸς ἄκων ὑπῆρχε πιστός, οὐδενὸς ὧν ἠβούλετο κατὰ χρείαν ἁπτόμενος, σαφῶς αὐτὸν τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδιδάσκοντος ὀρθῶς ἔχειν καὶ ἀκεραίως καὶ μηδὲν παρὰ τὴν τοῦ χρησαμένου γνώμην ποιεῖν.

550

555

560

565

440 A15 omits πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἄρτους ὀλίγους λαβὼν 441 A6, G551, M176, P1503, T79 πολιτικοῦ, G77 πωλιτικοῦ, E210 πωλιτηκοῦ (corrected with erasure to τη) 442 M175 παρελθὼν, M176 περιελθὼν 443 A6, A15, P1480, P1495 omit ὄνομα τῷ ἀνδρὶ Τροφιμίων 444 M176 adds γῆς τῆς superscript by another hand 445 A189 adds μὲν 446 G497, G551, P1484 συντελούμενον 447 P1480, P1495 ἦν 448 P1480, P1484, P1495, V802 χώρας 449 A189 omits δὲ 450 A6, E149, P1495, V802 add γὰρ 451 A189, P145 δίψει 452 A15 ἢ 453 A189 omits καὶ 454 E149 οὕτος

The Epigraphic version  293 55 The divine Abercius put wine, vinegar, and olive oil into one and the same wineskin and, in addition, took a few loaves of bread. He next discussed with the brothers what one would expect, and he consoled in the kindest way possible those who were crying bitterly over his departure. He then got into a horse-drawn carriage and departed. 56 Having proceeded a short distance on his journey he saw a certain vineyard worker digging and carefully attending to his vines. This man’s name was Trophimion. He called this one by name and said, ‘Come, brother, accompany me on the journey to Rome’. That one obeyed and immediately left his mattock and spade and grabbing suitable clothes which had been placed down on the ground on account of the exertion required for the work, he followed the saint.   Now when they were going on their way together (I expect you now to pay particular attention for you will hear a miracle combined with humor) for on the one hand, whenever the saint gave permission, and Trophimion loosened the spout of the wineskin for mutual use, it, in fact, sent out unmixed only what contributed to the present need, whether it happened to be wine, vinegar, or olive oil, while the others remained in place. However, when again that one in need of something would loosen the spout without the consent of the saint, amazingly the opposite of what he wanted came out. On the one hand, if perchance being thirsty he tried to drink, he received vinegar and olive oil; but on the other hand, when he may need these, unmixed pure wine poured out from the wineskin. So, the one who is purposely deceitful was trustworthy against his will, attaining none of the things he wanted for his own use; clearly this affair explicitly was teaching him to be upright and guileless and to do nothing beyond that which the one who furnishes the use permits. Abercius

294  The texts—Greek and English

τοιούτων 455 Ἀβέρκιος χαρισμάτων.

τῶν

παρὰ

θεοῦ

θείων

ἀπέλαυε456

57 Πᾶσαν οὖν εὐμαρῶς ἀνύσαντες τὴν ὁδὸν ἐν Ἀτταλείᾳ τῆς Παμφυλίας κατάγονται, ἐν ᾗ πλοίου τινὸς τῶν ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ἀναγομένων ἐπιβάντες εἰς τὸν ὡρισμένον καταίρουσι457 τόπον, πέρας ἄρτι καὶ τοῦ τῶν ἡμερῶν λαβόντος συνθήματος. τῶν οὖν μαγιστριανῶν τρισὶν ὕστερον ἡμέραις καὶ αὐτῶν καταχθέντων· πολὺν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐτρίβη χρόνον ὁ πλοῦς διὰ τὸ τῆς ὥρας χειμέριον· καὶ πολλὰ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς μεμφομένων τῆς βραδυτῆτος οὕτω τε οἰομένων ὡς εἰ458 μὴ τῷ ἁγίῳ κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἐντύχοιεν ἢ ὠμῶς ἑαυτοὺς διαχρήσασθαι ἢ εἰ459 τῷ αὐτοκράτορι κεναῖς ὃ δὴ λέγεται χερσὶν ἐμφανισθεῖεν460 ὑπ’ ἐκείνου ἀναιρεθῆναι. 58 Ταῦτα τούτων461 καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς διασκοπουμένων ἐπειδὴ ἀπέβησάν τε τῆς νηὸς ἤδη καὶ τὰς καταγωγὰς ἀνηρεύνων καὶ τὴν ἀκτὴν περιῄεσαν ἐντυγχάνουσι τῷ ἁγίῳ. ὁ μὲν οὖν τὴν δεξιὰν προτείνας καὶ αὐτοὺς ἀσπασάμενος προσφιλές τε εἶδε τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ πράως τοῦ συνθήματος ὑπεμίμνησκεν. οἱ δὲ ἄσμενοι462 τοῦτον463 ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἤλπισαν ἰδόντες προσεκύνουν εὐθέως, περιεπτύσσοντο, περιέβαλλον,464 πάντα τἄλλα465 ἐποίουν, ὅσα ψυχῆς ὑπὸ466 περιχαρείας κεκινημένης467 ἐστὶ σύμβολα. εἶτα παραλαβόντες εἰσίασί τε τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ ὡς τὸν ὕπαρχον468 ἄγουσι Κορνηλιανόν.

455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468

E210, G497, G551, P1503, T79 τοιούτον A189 ἀπέλαβε A189 κατάγουσι G77 omits εἰ A15, P1495, V802 omit εἰ P145 ἐμφανισθῆναι καὶ E5603 omits τούτων T79 ἅσμενως A189 τούτων V56 περιέβαλλοντο G497, G551, P1480 τὰ ἄλλα M175 ἀπὸ M175 omits κεκινημένης A6 ἔπαρχον

570

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580

585

The Epigraphic version  295

enjoyed these sorts of divine gifts from God.

57 Therefore, having readily completed the entire journey on land, they came to the coastal city of Attalia in Pamphylia where they boarded one of the ships heading out to sea towards Rome. They put into port at the designated place just as the prearranged number of days had come to an end. Then the couriers themselves put to shore two days later, for on account of the winter season the voyage had cost them much time. They laid much of the blame for the delay on themselves, consequently they had a foreboding that if they do not meet the saint at the designated time, they would either have to steel themselves to commit suicide or be put to death by the emperor, if they should appear before him empty handed, as the expression goes. 58 While these two were speculating with each other about these things, they had by that time disembarked from the ship and were scouring the landings. Having made a circuit of the shoreline they happened upon the saint. He reached out his right hand and greeted them. Then looking at the dear men he gently reminded them of the prearranged time. Now they were happily relieved since they would never have expected to see this one and they immediately prostrated themselves, embraced him, hugged him, and displayed every token of elation, as many as their souls were moved to show. Next, taking him along, they entered Rome and led him to the prefect Cornelianus.

296  The texts—Greek and English 59 Ὁ δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Ἀντωνῖνον ἡ κατὰ τῶν469 βαρβάρων εἶχεν ἐκστρατεία τὸν Ῥῆνόν τε διαβάντων καὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων λεηλατούντων, τὸν ἄνδρα πρὸς τὴν Αὐγούσταν ἄγει Φαυστῖναν. 60 Ὃν ἐκείνη θεασαμένη γεραρὸν οὕτω καὶ σεμνὸν καὶ τὸ470 εὔκοσμον οἷον καὶ γαληνὸν ὑποφαίνοντα αἰδοῦς ὑπόπλεως γίνεται καὶ σὺν πολλῇ αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεται τῇ σεμνοπρεπείᾳ. καὶ ‘Ὅτι μὲν ἀγαθοῦ καὶ πάντα δυναμένου,’ λέγει471 ‘θεοῦ δοῦλος εἶ, δῆλον ἐξ ὧν ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ πρότερον καὶ νῦν ἀπήγγειλαν ἐπανελθόντες οἱ μαγιστριανοί·’—καὶ γὰρ ἤδη καὶ παρ’ αὐτῶν ἡ Φαυστῖνα τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἄνδρα ἐμεμαθήκει— ‘Δέομαι οὖν μηδὲν ἀναβαλέσθαι472 καὶ βασιλέων473 εὐεργέτης ὀφθῆναι καὶ τὸ ταπεινὸν ἡμῶν σῶσαι καὶ θεραπεῦσαι θυγάτριον. οὕτω γάρ σοι474 μεγάλαι τιμαὶ παρ’ ἡμῶν καὶ δωρεαὶ475 τὴν χάριν ἀμείψονται’.476 ταῦτα μετὰ πολλῆς ὑπηγόρευε τῆς περιπαθείας· ἔκαμπτον γὰρ αὐτὴν αἱ τῆς φύσεως ἀνάγκαι καὶ βοηθὸν ἐποίουν ἐκεῖνον ἐπιζητεῖν, ὅν, κατὰ τὸν θεῖον φάναι Δαυίδ, δωρεὰν ἐμίσουν καὶ ὡς θεὸν477 ἀληθῆ478 προσκυνεῖν οὐκ ἠνείχοντο.479 61 Ὁ δὲ ‘Ἀπόδεκτα μὲν τὰ τῆς προαιρέσεως,’480 ἔφη ‘τῆς σῆς, πλὴν οὐδενὶ τούτων ἡμεῖς τῶν παρ’ ὑμῖν τιμίων481 ἡδόμεθα, πάλαι τὴν κενὴν482 ταύτην διαπτύσαντες φαντασίαν· ἄλλως τε δὲ οὐδὲ ἐμμίσθους τὰς παρὰ θεοῦ δοθείσας ἡμῖν483 παρέχομεν χάριτας,

469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483

M175 omits τῶν M176 omits τὸ P145 λέγειν V802 ἀναβαλλέσθαι A189 βασιλέως A189, T79 σε M176 δωρεὰ P1495 omits οὕτω γάρ σοι μεγάλαι τιμαὶ παρ’ ἡμῶν καὶ δωρεαὶ τὴν χάριν ἀμείψονται A6, A189, E210, E5603, G77, M176, P1484, P1503, T79 omit θεὸν P1480 omits ἀληθῆ A189 ἠνεσχοντο M176 omits τῆς προαιρέσεως P1480, P1495, V802 τιμωμένων A15, M176 καινὴν A6 ὑμῖν

590

595

600

605

The Epigraphic version  297 59 He in turn led the man to Augusta Faustina, since the emperor Antoninus was occupied with an expedition against the barbarians, who had crossed the Rhine and were plundering Roman territory. 60 When Faustina observed his exceptionally dignified and noble bearing, his underlying calm decorum shining through, she was filled with admiration and greeted him with conspicuous respect, saying ‘That you are a servant of a god that is good and capable of all things is evident from what many others previously and the couriers now having returned have reported’. For Faustina had not only already learned the details concerning the man but now also from them. ‘Therefore, please let there be no delay whatsoever in showing yourself to be a benefactor of emperors in saving and healing our poor little daughter, for thus great gifts and honors from us shall be recompensed to you for this favor’. She enumerated these offers with deep emotion for the stresses on her nature had bowed her down and caused her to seek out that one as a helper. Whom, as the divine David said, “They hate without cause”,12 and they refuse to worship the true God’. 61 Now Abercius said, ‘Your goodwill is welcome, except we take no pleasure in these things valued by you, long ago looking on them with disdain as an empty illusion. We especially do not receive the gifts given to us by God as pay, since we are

12 Psalm 68.5, LXX

298  The texts—Greek and English

δωρεὰν λαβόντες καὶ δωρεὰν διδόναι484 κεκελευσμένοι. ἀλλὰ ποῦ σοί,’485 φησιν ‘ἡ θυγάτηρ;’ καὶ ἡ Φαυστῖνα ὡς εἶχε τάχους εὐθὺς εἰς τὸν θάλαμόν τε εἰστρέχει καὶ τῆς παιδὸς αὐτὴ λαβομένη ἐφέλκεται πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον μεθ’ ὅσης ἂν τῆς θερμότητος εἴποις καὶ τῆς σπουδῆς. ὁ μέντοι ἐνοικῶν τῇ παιδὶ πονηρότατος δαίμων, ἐπεὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπαγόμενος ἔγνω, οὗ καὶ πρότερον ἐγίνωσκεν ἡττηθείς, ἐσπάραττε τὴν παῖδα, κατέβαλλε,486 δεδοικέναι ταράττεσθαι τρέμειν ἰλιγγιᾶν ἐποίει. εἶτα καὶ φωνὴν ἐκ ταύτης ἠφίει ‘Ἰδοὺ Ἀβέρκιε,’ λέγουσαν ‘καὶ εἰς Ῥώμην σε ἤγαγον, ὥσπερ ἄρα487 ἐπηγγειλάμην’. ὁ δὲ488 ‘Ναὶ,’ φησὶν489 ‘ἀλλ’ οὐ χαιρήσεις τούτου γε ἕνεκεν’. Οὕτως ἔφη καὶ τὴν κόρην εἰς ὕπαιθρον ἀχθῆναι κελεύει.

62 Ἤχθη οὖν ἀνὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον ἡ παῖς ὑπασπιστῶν τε βασιλικῶν490 πρότερον καὶ φρουρῶν τὸν τόπον491 διαλαβόντων. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ492 τοῦ ἀναιδοῦς ἐκείνου καὶ μιαροῦ δαίμονος σπαράττοντός τε καὶ καταβάλλοντος τὴν κόρην καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο βοῶντος ὅτι μὴ τὰ ὀφρὺν καὶ κόμπον δηλοῦντα μόνον, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὸν ἅγιον τοσαύτην θάλασσάν τε καὶ γῆν δι’ αὐτὸν ἀγάγοι, τὸ ὄμμα εἰς οὐρανοὺς ἐπάρας Ἀβέρκιος καὶ προσευξάμενος τῷ θεῷ. 63 Δριμύ τε τῇ κόρῃ ἐμβλέπει καὶ ‘Ἔξελθέ,’ φησι ‘ταύτης, πονηρὲ δαῖμον· ἐπιτάσσει σοι Χριστὸς ὁ ἐμός· μηδὲν αὐτῇ λυμηνάμενος’. ὁ δὲ εὐθὺς τὸ λεόντειον ἐκεῖνο θράσος εἰς δειλίαν ἀλώπεκος μεταβεβληκὼς ‘Ὁρκίζω σε κἀγὼ,’ ἔφη ‘κατὰ493 τοῦ αὐτοῦ Χριστοῦ, μὴ εἰς ἐρημίαν με, μὴ εἰς ἕτερον ἀποπέμψαι τόπον, ἀλλ’ ἔνθα δὴ καὶ πρότερον ᾤκουν’. καὶ τὸν ἅγιον ‘Ἀπελεύσῃ μέν,’ εἰπεῖν494 ‘οὐκ εἰς ἐρημίαν, ἀλλ’ εἰς τὸν495 τόπον τὸν πατρικόν. ἀνθ’ ὅτου δέ με καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἰδεῖν ἐποίησας, ἐπιτάττω σοι καὶ αὐτὸς πάλιν ἐν τῷ

610

615

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484 M175 omits δωρεὰν λαβόντες καὶ, A6 reads δωρεὰν ταῦτας λαβόντες ἡμεῖς καὶ δωρεὰν ὁμοίως διδόναι 485 T79 σου 486 E149, T79 κατέβαλε 487 V56 ἤδη 488 A189 omits ὁ δὲ 489 V56 omits φησιν adds ἅγιος 490 A189 adds καὶ δορυφόρων 491 A189 marginalia τὸ ἱππόδρομον 492 V56 οὖν 493 P1495 adds τὰ 494 P1484 omits εἰπεῖν 495 E5603, P1480, P1495, V802 omit τὸν

The Epigraphic version  299

commanded freely to receive and freely to give’. Then he says, ‘But where is your daughter?’ Faustina in an instant quickly ran to the bedroom and she herself taking the child drags her to the saint with as much fervor and rapidity as you could describe. At that point, the most wicked demon that inhabited the child, when he recognized to whom he was being led, by whom he knew he had been previously defeated, was convulsing the child, throwing her down causing her to be dizzy, afraid, agitated, and to tremble. Then he sent out from her a voice, and she said, ‘See, Abercius, even to Rome I have brought you, even as, in fact, I promised’. However, Abercius replied, ‘Yes, but you will not be happy about this’. So Abercius spoke and ordered the girl to be brought into an open space.

62 Therefore, the child was brought up to the hippodrome once both the attendants and guards of the emperor had secured the place. Now at this point, that irreverent and foul demon while convulsing and throwing the girl down, cried out nothing else except that which displayed his pride and arrogance, because he had brought the saint so far by land and sea on his account. Abercius lifted his eyes to heaven and prayed to God. 63 Looking with intense anger at the girl, he said, ‘Get out of her, evil demon, and cause her no harm! My Christ commands you!’ At once that lion-like boldness of the demon turned into the fear of a fox and he said, ‘I myself adjure you by the same Christ. Do not send me into a remote place. Please, do not send me into any other place except from where I came and previously lived’. The saint replied, ‘You will not go to a remote place, but to my hometown because you also caused me to see Rome. I myself in turn order

300  The texts—Greek and English ὀνόματι496 Ἰησοῦ497 τὸν βωμὸν τοῦτον ἆραι’—δείξας αὐτῷ τῇ χειρὶ βωμὸν λίθινον—‘μέχρι τε Ἱεραπόλεως τῆς ἐμῆς ἐνεγκεῖν καὶ παρὰ τῇ νοτίῳ φέροντι παραστῆσαι498 πύλῃ’. ἤκουσεν ὁ δαίμων, καὶ εὐθὺς οἷα δοῦλος φοβερῷ δεσπότῃ πάντα ὑπείκειν πεπαιδευμένος ἀπαλλάττεται μὲν τῆς κόρης μηδ’ ὁτιοῦν αὐτὴν δράσας κακόν. εἶτα μυρίων ὁρώντων ὀμμάτων—ὦ τίς μὴ θαυμάσει σου πάντα, Χριστὲ βασιλεῦ—ὑπέρχεται τὸν βωμὸν καὶ ἀναιρεῖται βαρὺ στενάξας, καὶ499 δίεισι διὰ500 τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου—καινὸν δὴ501 τοῦτο θέαμα502 Ῥωμαίοις—καὶ τῷ ὡρισμένῳ φέρων ἐναποτίθησι τόπῳ κατὰ τὴν Ἱεράπολιν.

635

64 Ἡ δὲ κόρη τοῦ ἐνοχλοῦντος ἀπαλλαγεῖσα δαίμονος ἄφωνος ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον τῶν ποδῶν εἴχετο τοῦ ἁγίου· ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς παρόντας ἐθορύβει δεδοικότας μὴ καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ὁ δαίμων ἀφείλετο τῆς παιδός. τὴν μέντοι Φαυστῖναν μὴ δυνηθῆναι σιωπῇ τοῦτο διενεγκεῖν.503 ἀλλὰ μεστὴν ἀγωνίας ἔχουσαν τὴν καρδίαν πρὸς τὸν ἅγιον φάναι· ‘Ἦ504 που μετὰ τοῦ δαίμονος ἀπήλλαξας τὴν παῖδα καὶ τῆς ζωῆς’. ὁ δὲ οὕτως αὐτὴν διακειμένην ἰδὼν505 καὶ οἰκτείρας, τὴν χεῖρα τῇ παιδὶ προτείνας, ὥσπερ ὑπὸ βαθεῖ ὕπνῳ κατειλημμένην νήφουσαν506 ἐγείρει καὶ σωφρονοῦσαν καὶ πρὸς τὴν Φαυστῖναν ἐπιστραφείς· ‘Ἰδού,’507 φησι ‘παρέστηκέ σοι ἡ παῖς οὔτε τῆς ζωῆς στερηθεῖσα καὶ τῆς τοῦ δαίμονος ἐπηρείας ἀπαλλαγεῖσα’.

645

65 Ὡς οὖν οὕτω τὴν παῖδα508 ἡ μήτηρ εἶδε, περιβαλοῦσα509 ταύτην καὶ δάκρυα χαρᾶς αὐτῇ καταχέασα παρειάν τε παρειᾷ510 ἐπετίθει καὶ

496 497 498 499 500 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508 509 510

T79 adds τοῦ A189, G77 add Χριστοῦ P1480, P1495 ἐπιστῆσαι P1484 omit καὶ P1495, V802 omit διὰ P1484, V802 δὲ A189 θαῦμα V56 ἀνενεγκεῖν A189 εἰ A189 ὁρῶν P1484 omits νήφουσαν A189 adds σοι E5603 omits τὴν παῖδα M175 περιλαβοῦσα T79, V56 παρειὰν

640

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655

The Epigraphic version  301 you in the name of Jesus to take this altar’ (pointing out a stone altar with his hand) ‘and bring it as far as my Hierapolis and place it at the gate which leads south’. The demon listened and immediately as a slave in fear of a master, who has been trained to comply in every matter, he removed himself from the girl, doing her no harm whatsoever. Next, with countless eyes watching (O, Christ the King, who shall not marvel at you in every way!) the demon goes under the altar and lifting it up with a deep groan, he traverses the hippodrome (this is a bizarre sight to the Romans) and carrying the altar, he places it in the designated spot at Hierapolis. 64 The girl, now set free of the troubling demon, was holding the feet of the saint for a long time in silence, at which those present and most of all her mother were disturbed, fearing lest the demon had taken away the soul of the child. To be sure, Faustina was not able to bear this in silence, but having a heart full of anguish said to the saint, ‘Surely along with the demon you rid the child of life!’ Abercius, seeing her so disposed was moved with pity. Reaching out his hand to the child, even as one who was groggy, overtaken by a deep sleep, he raised her up having fully recovered her senses. Turning to Faustina, he said, ‘See, the child stands beside you, not deprived of life, and freed from the abuse of the demon’. 65 When the mother saw the child just so, with tears of joy pouring down for her, she embraced the girl, pressing cheek on cheek and

302  The texts—Greek and English στόματι στόμα χερσί τε ἐνέβαλε511 χεῖρας καὶ ὥσπερ ἔνδον λαβεῖν καὶ γυμνῇ αὐτῇ512 συγγενέσθαι τῇ ψυχῇ γλιχομένη οὐκ εἶχεν ὅ τι καὶ γένοιτο. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἱκανῶς αὐτῇ ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὴν παῖδα εἶχεν, ἠξίου τὸν θεῖον513 Ἀβέρκιον θερμότατα λίαν514 ἡ βασιλὶς μὴ παραιτήσασθαι παρ’ ἐκείνης λαβεῖν ἀμοιβήν, ᾗτινι μεγάλης οὕτως515 αὐτὸς καὶ ἀναγκαίας ὑπῆρξε χάριτος.516 ὁ δὲ χρημάτων μὲν οὐδὲ μνήμην ἀτεχνῶς ἠνέσχετο, εἰρηκὼς ὅτι ‘Τί517 δεήσοι χρημάτων ὥσπερ518 ἄρτος καὶ ὕδωρ πολυτελὴς ἄριστος;’ οἰκοδομηθῆναι δὲ βαλανεῖον αἰτεῖ ἐπὶ τῷ παρὰ ποταμὸν Ἀγρῷ, ἔνθα κλίνας αὐτὸς τὰ γόνατα ηὔξατο καὶ ἡ γῆ πηγὰς ὑδάτων ἀνῆκε519 θερμῶν, σιτηρέσιόν τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει αὐτοῦ πτωχοῖς εἰς τρισχιλίους μοδίους ἀποταγῆναι. 66 Τούτων ἡ βασιλὶς ἅμα τε ἤκουσε καὶ ἀσμένως ἁρπάζει τὸ αἰτηθὲν Κορνηλιανόν τε τὸν ἔπαρχον520 ὡς τάχος μετακαλεῖται καὶ σπουδὴν πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκεῖν521 πρὸς522 τὰ αἰτηθέντα κελεύει, ὥστε μὴ ἀμβλῦναι τὴν χάριν τῶν ταχέως ὑποσχεθέντων βραδυτῆτι διακονίας. οὕτω φύσει καὶ πάθει ψυχῆς οἱ ἄνθρωποι τοῖς ὀκνοῦσι τὰς δωρεὰς μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς πρὸς τὸ λαβεῖν ἑτοίμοις523 ἡδόμεθα χαριζόμενοι, τοὺς μὲν διὰ τὸ ἥττους524 ὁρᾶσθαι τῶν διδομένων525 περιφρονοῦντες, τῶν δὲ τὸ ὑψηλὸν ἀσπαζόμενοι.   ὁ ἔπαρχος μέντοι μελλήσας οὐδὲν τὸν ἀρχιτέκτονα πρὸς τὸν κατ’ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ ἄρχοντα Φρυγίας ἐκπέμπει, ἐφ’ ᾧ χρήματα λαβεῖν526 παρ’ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βαλανείου οἰκοδομήν, ὅσων527 δέοιτο, καὶ μοδίους τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἱεραπόλει πένησι τρισχιλίους

511 512 513 514 515 516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 525 526 527

E210, G551, T79, V56, V399, V802 ἐνέβαλλε V56, V399, αὐτῆς A189 μεγὸν A189 omits λίαν A6 omits οὕτως A15, E149, E5603, P1480, P1495, T79, V56, V802 add αἴτιος P145 Οὐ A6, A15, E149, E210, P1484, P1495 ᾧπερ M176 ἀνῆναι V399 ὕπαρχον M176 ὑπενεγκεῖν M175 εἰς M175, P145 ἑτοίμως, G497 ἑτοίμους, V56 omits ἑτοίμοις V56 ἧττον A189 δεδομένων G77 omits λαβεῖν A6, E210, G551, P145, P1484, P1503, T79 ὅσον

660

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The Epigraphic version  303

mouth on mouth. Even so, she clasped her hand to take her inside, and clinging to her, as if longing to be joined with her bare soul, not knowing what else she should do.   Then, when she now had given sufficient attention to the child, the queen was extremely adamant that the divine Abercius not refuse to receive a reward from her, for whom in such great need he himself had been the cause for gratitude. Nevertheless, he could absolutely not bear any suggestion of money, saying, ‘Why would there be need of money, when even bread and water are a lavish extravagance?’ Instead, he asked for a bathhouse to be constructed at Agros alongside the river, where he himself had knelt and prayed, and the earth sent up springs of hot water. He also requested an allowance of three thousand modii13 to be assigned for the poor in his city. 66 At the moment the queen heard these requests she gladly seized upon what was asked. As quickly as possible she summoned the prefect Cornelianus and commanded him to make every effort in response to what was requested, so that the gift of what was promised quickly would not be blunted by the slowness of the execution. For so by nature and emotion we gladly give to those who balk at gifts rather than to those who are ready to receive, having disdain for the latter because they look to be slaves to what is given, on the other hand, welcoming the former as superior.   Therefore, the prefect without any delay sent out the architect to the one who was governing Phrygia at that time, with the stipulation that he was to receive money from him for the construction of the bathhouse, as much as would be required, and distribute three thousand modii to the poor in Hierapolis. Now

13 A modius was a Roman dry measure equal to approximately nine liters or two gallons.

304  The texts—Greek and English ἀπονέμει·528 ἐπειδὴ529 δὲ καὶ τὸ βαλανεῖον οἰκοδομούμενον530 τέλος εἶχεν, οὐκέτι τὸ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου Παρὰ Ποταμὸν Ἀγρός, ἀλλ’ Ἀγρὸς Θερμῶν τῷ τόπῳ τὸ ὄνομα· καὶ τὸ σιτηρέσιον δὲ531 διέμεινε χορηγούμενον ἕως τῶν Ἰουλιανοῦ χρόνων τοῦ δυσσεβοῦς. ἐκεῖνος δὲ532 καθάπερ τῶν ἄλλων533 ἀγαθῶν πάντων οὕτω δὴ καὶ534 τούτου φθονήσας Χριστιανοῖς τὴν χορηγίαν εὐθὺς ἵστησιν. 67 Ὁ θεῖος τοιγαροῦν535 Ἀβέρκιος, ἵν’ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἐπανίωμεν, Ῥωμαίοις χρόνον ἱκανὸν συγγενόμενος536 καὶ τὸν ὑγιαίνοντα τῆς πίστεως λόγον Χριστιανῶν παραδοὺς ἐκκλησίαις, ὄναρ ποτὲ τὸν κύριον ἐπιστάντα ὁρᾷ καὶ ‘Δεῖ σε, Ἀβέρκιε,’ λέγοντα ‘καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ φροντίσαι μερῶν’. ἀνεθεὶς οὖν τοῦ ὕπνου αἰτεῖ τὴν βασιλίδα μεταθεῖναι537 αὐτόν· 68 Περιείχετο γὰρ τέως ἰσχυρότατα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς δεδοικυῖα μὴ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου ἀποδημίαν ἀδείας τυχὸν τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐμπηδήσῃ πάλιν τῇ θυγατρί. ὁ δὲ θαρρεῖν τούτου γε ἕνεκεν εἰρηκὼς ἐδεῖτο καὶ αὖθις ναῦν αὐτῷ παρασκευασθῆναι, δι’ ἧς ἐπὶ τὰ τῆς Συρίας πλεύσειε μέρη. μόλις οὖν ποτε καὶ τῇ πολλῇ πεισθεῖσα538 προσεδρείᾳ κελεύει Κορνηλιανῷ πλοῖόν τε αὐτῷ εὐτρεπίσαι καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ὅτι τάχος ἐνθέσθαι.539 69 Καθορμισθείσης οὖν αὐτῷ τῆς νεὼς ἐμβὰς ἑβδόμῃ τῇ πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν ἡμέρᾳ τὴν Συρίαν καταλαμβάνει. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τῇ Ἀντιοχέων ἐπιδημεῖ, εἶτα δέχεται τοῦτον Ἀπάμεια, κἀκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὰς λοιπὰς μεταβαίνει πόλεις καὶ στασιαζούσας διαλλάττει540 τὰς ἐκκλησίας. πάνυ γὰρ τότε541 τὸ τῆς αἱρέσεως τοῦ Μαρκίωνος κακὸν

528 529 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 539 540 541

A15, E149, E5603, P1480, P1495, V399, V802 ἀπονεῖμαι A6 ἐπεὶ A189 οἰκοδομεῖν M175 omits δὲ T79 γὰρ P1495, V802 omit ἄλλων A6 adds τότε T79 τοίνυν A189, M176 συγγινόμενος A6, A189, E149, E5603, G77, G551, M176, P1484, P1503 μεθεῖναι M176 πλησθεῖσα A6 ἐνθεῖναι A15, V802 διατάττει, V56 μεταλλάττει A189 omits τότε

685

690

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The Epigraphic version  305

when the construction of the bathhouse was completed, the name of the place from that time on was no longer ‘Agros Beside the River’, but ‘Agros of the Hot Waters’. The allowance of grain continued to be provided until the times of Julian the Impious. Just as that one begrudged the Christians all other good things, so even in this case, he immediately stopped the supply.

67 Well then, the divine Abercius (in order that we may return to him) having assisted the Romans a considerable time and having delivered the sound word of faith to the churches of the Christians, then saw the Lord standing near him in a dream, saying, ‘It is necessary for you, Abercius, to also have regard for the regions14 in Syria’. Therefore, awakening from sleep, he asked the queen to send him there. 68 For up to this time she had most determinedly been retaining the man, fearing lest after his departure the demon having license would again spring upon her daughter. However, Abercius having told her to have no fear about this, asked even once again for a ship to be readied for him, by which he might sail to the regions of Syria. Therefore, even with much persistence she was just barely persuaded and ordered Cornelianus both to make ready a ship for him and to place in it the necessary supplies as quickly as possible. 69 Therefore, when the ship was brought into harbor for him, he embarked, and on the seventh day into the voyage he arrived in Syria. First, he stayed in the city of Antioch, then Apameia received him, and from there passing through the remaining cities he reconciled the churches experiencing party strife. For at that time the evil of the heresy of Marcion had altogether spread to

14 or members. The Epigraphic author interprets it as regions in §68.

306  The texts—Greek and English ἐνέμετο ταύτας.542 τὸν Εὐφράτην τὲ543 διαβὰς ταῖς544 κατὰ Νίσιβίν τε καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν ἐκκλησίαις545 ἐπιφοιτᾷ κἀκείνας τὸν ἴσον διατίθησι τρόπον.546 ἐντεῦθεν χρήματα αὐτῷ κομίζεται παρὰ πάντων,547 ἀμοιβὴ μετρία τῆς πολλῆς αὐτοῦ δῆθεν548 περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας κακοπαθείας. ἠγνόουν δὲ ὅμοιόν τι ποιοῦντες, ὥσπερ εἴ τινι τῶν549 τρέχειν ὀξύτατα δυναμένων πέδας παρεῖχον, γέρας τι τῆς εὐκινησίας,550 εἰ βούλει δέ,551 καθάπερ οἱ τὸν γυμνὸν552 ἤδη παλαίειν πεπαιδευμένον553 πειρώμενοι ἐνδιδύσκειν, ὥστε λαβὰς ἔχειν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν τὸν ἀντίπαλον.554 ἐπεὶ οὖν ὁ μὲν ἀνένευε τὴν ἀνάληψιν τὰ τῆς βασιλίδος πλείονα εἰρηκὼς εἶναι καὶ εὐλογωτέρας ἐχόμενα πρὸς τὸ λαβεῖν ἀφορμῆς.555 70 Οἱ δὲ προσκείμενοι πείθειν οὐκ εἶχον, εἰς μέσον τις αὐτῶν καταστὰς Βαρχασάνης ὄνομα, ἀνὴρ556 τὸ γένος557 λαμπρότατος, τὸν πλοῦτον διαφορώτατος ‘Βιάζεσθαι μέν, ἀδελφοί, τὸν ἄνδρα χρημάτων ἕνεκα,’ ἔφη ‘οὔτε αὐτῷ πρέπον οὐθ’ ἡμῖν ὅλως λυσιτελές.558 ὃ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν διδόμενον ἀποθέσθαι καὶ ὅπερ αὐτῷ μᾶλλον αἱ πράξεις διδόασιν, ἐκεῖνο δὴ καὶ ποιητέον ἡμῖν. καὶ ψηφισώμεθα τοῦτον ἰσαπόστολον ὀνομάζειν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ περιελθόντα ἕτερον ἴσμεν γῆν τοσαύτην καὶ θάλατταν ἐπὶ

542 543 544 545 546 547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558

705

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715

720

V56 πάντας P145, T79 δὲ A6 omits ταῖς V56 omits ἐκκλησίαις A6 reads ἐκκλησίαις εἰσήρχετο καὶ ταῦτας κατὰ τὸν ἴσον τρόπον διοίκει V56 αὐτῶν T79 omits δῆθεν P145 τῷ G77 ἐκκλησίας V56 omits δέ V56 τῶν γυμνῶν V56 πεπαιδευμένων T79 omits καθάπερ οἱ τὸν γυμνὸν ἤδη παλαίειν πεπαιδευμένον πειρώμενοι ἐνδιδύσκειν, ὥστε λαβὰς ἔχειν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν τὸν ἀντίπαλον which is added at top of folio by a different hand P145, T79 ἀφορμὰς From this point on M176 follows the Christocentric version and its text is considered in the apparatus of that narrative. The Epigraphic version stops at the end of folio 83v and continues with the Christocentric on 84r with lined parchment and considerably smaller writing. V56 τῷ γένει V802 adds οὔτε αὐτῷ πρέπον

The Epigraphic version  307

these. Having crossed the Euphrates, he visited the churches throughout Nisibis and all Mesopotamia, also settling those in like fashion. Consequently, money was brought to him from everywhere since it seemed to be fitting remuneration for his truly considerable hardship on behalf of the churches. However, they did not realize what they were doing was comparable to presenting fetters to one of those who was able to run the fastest. Some reward for speed! If you will, even as those trying to put clothes on one who is already stripped down being trained to wrestle, so that his opponent would have something to grab on him. Of course, he shook his head refusing to take it, saying what was provided by the queen to be more than enough, and how it was more reasonable to take from that provision.

70 Now while those entreating Abercius were not able to persuade him, a certain man by the name of Barchasanes stood up in their midst, a man prominent with respect to family and exceptional with respect to wealth. He said, ‘Brothers, for the man to be constrained on account of money is neither proper for him nor profitable for us. However, there is something, which being given, is not possible to refuse, even that which his deeds rather give to him. That is what we must do. Let us vote to name this one ‘Equal to the Apostles’, since we know of no other who has compassed so much land and sea out of concern for the brothers, except those

308  The texts—Greek and English

προνοίᾳ559 τῶν ἀδελφῶν, ὅτι μὴ τοὺς κορυφαίους ἐκείνους τοῦ Χριστοῦ μαθητάς, οἷσπερ δὴ καὶ οὗτος ὤφθη ἑπόμενος’. ταῦτα ὁ μὲν εἶπε, τοῖς δὲ δεῖν ἐδόκει, καὶ τὸ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου ταύτην ἔλαχε τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ὁ καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐκείνων ψήφου τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτὴν κληρωσάμενος.

725

71 Ἀναζεύξας τοίνυν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ τε560 Κιλικίᾳ γενόμενος561 καὶ τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ καὶ Πισιδίᾳ562 ἐπιδημήσας εἰς Σύναδα τῆς μικρᾶς Φρυγίας μητρόπολιν ἥκει. ἐπιξενωθεὶς δέ τισι563 τῶν ἐκεῖ564 Χριστιανῶν καὶ μικρὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀναπαύσας πρὸς τὴν οἰκείαν ὥρμησε πόλιν.

730

72 Τὸ χωρίον οὖν ὅπερ Αὐλὼν ἐκαλεῖτο θέρους καταλαβὼν ἐπὶ τῆς πλησίον ἐκάθισε πέτρας. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τό τε πνεῦμα ἐπίφορον ἔπνει καὶ τοῖς ἀγρώταις ὁ σῖτος ἐπὶ τῆς ἅλωνος ἐλικμᾶτο καὶ ἡ αὖρα τὰ λεπτὰ τῶν ἀχύρων διαρριπίζουσα ταῖς ὄψεσι προσέβαλλε τοῦ ἁγίου, δεῖται τῶν γεωργῶν ἀνεῖναι πρὸς βραχὺ τὸν πόνον.565 οἱ δὲ οὐχ ὑπήκουον· εἶτα ὁ μὲν προσευχῇ μόνῃ τὸ πνεῦμα κοιμίζει, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἄκουσιν ἐπαύετο ἡ σπουδή· μὴ ἔχοντες566 οὖν ὅ τι καὶ ἑαυτοῖς χρήσονται, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον τρέπονται, ὁ δὲ—καὶ γὰρ ἔτυχε δίψει ἁλούς— ὕδωρ παρ’ αὐτῶν ᾔτει. ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνοι δεινῶς ἄξενοι ὄντες καὶ ἀκριβῶς ἄγροικοι παρεθεώρουν τὴν αἴτησιν καὶ χλεύην τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐποίουν ‘Εἰ δι’ ἕνα γέροντα,’ λέγοντες ‘ἀφεξόμεθα τραπέζης’. ἐμέμψατο567 τὴν ἀπανθρωπίαν ταύτην ὁ φιλανθρωπότατος ἀνδρῶν Ἀβέρκιος καὶ τὸ μηδέποτε κορέννυσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐπηρᾶτο·568 ὃ καὶ ἔσχον569 εἰς δεῦρο παραμένον αὐτοῖς, μισανθρωπίας φιλάνθρωπον ἀτεχνῶς570 ἐπιτίμιον.

559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570

A15 ἐπινοίᾳ T79 omits τε A189 omits ἀναζεύξας τοίνυν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ τε Κιλικίᾳ γενόμενος A15 omits καὶ Πισιδίᾳ V56 τινι V56 ἐκεῖσε G497, M175, V56 τῶν πόνων A6 ἔχουσιν A189, G77, G497, P145, P1484, P1503 add οὖν E210, P145, P1503, T79, V56, V399 ἐπηράσατο E210, P145 ἔπασχον, G77, V399 ἔσχατον A189 omits ἀτεχνῶς

735

740

745

The Epigraphic version  309

leading disciples of Christ, the very disciples he was seen following’. Barchasanes said these things, and it seemed fitting to them. From that time on he obtained this title by vote, which even prior to their vote he had inherited by his works.

71 Withdrawing from there he came to Cilicia, Lycaonia, and Pisidia, and having spent time in each place, came to Synnada, the metropolis of Phrygia Minor. Visiting with some of the Christians there as a guest and giving himself a little rest, he set out for his hometown. 72 Arriving in an area called Aulon during the summer harvest, he sat on a nearby rock. Now, since a favorable wind was blowing, the grain was being winnowed on the threshing floor by the country folk and the breeze dispersing the fine particles of the chaff cast it into the eyes of the saint, who asked the farmers to briefly cease their labor. However, they did not listen. Then with only a prayer he caused the wind to cease. So constrained, their efforts stopped and not having anything for themselves to do, they turned to a midday meal. Then Abercius, since he was overcome with thirst, asked them for water. However, the farmers, being terribly inhospitable and genuinely uncouth, ignored the request and were making a joke of the matter, saying, ‘Why should we leave the table for one old man?’ The most philanthropic of people, Abercius, found this inhumane behavior blameworthy and solemnly cursed them to never be satiated, which has remained with them until now, clearly the penalty for misanthropic treatment of a philanthropic person.

310  The texts—Greek and English 73 Εἶτα τῆς πέτρας ἀπαναστὰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν καταλαμβάνει. τὸ γοῦν πλῆθος αἰσθόμενοι τῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς παρουσίας συνέρρεον πανδημεὶ γλιχόμενοι571 ὄψιν τε τὴν γλυκεῖαν ἰδεῖν καὶ φωνῆς ἀκοῦσαι τῆς ποθουμένης. 74 Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀσμένως αὐτοὺς εὐλογήσας καὶ ἀσπασάμενος περιῄει καὶ αὖθις τὴν πόλιν διδάσκων τε τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας572 σὺν παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοὺς προσιόντας διὰ τοῦ θείου βαπτίσματος τελειῶν, δαιμονῶσι λύσιν τοῦ κακοῦ παρέχων, νόσους ἰώμενος, καὶ παντὸς ἰσχυροτέραν πάθους τὴν ἐν αὐτῷ τοῦ πνεύματος δύναμιν προβαλλόμενος.573 συνθεὶς δὲ καὶ βίβλον διδασκαλίας574 πάνυ ὠφελίμως ἔχουσαν καταλείπει τοῖς ὑπ’ αὐτὸν πρεσβυτέροις ἅμα575 καὶ διακόνοις, ἵνα καὶ μετὰ θάνατον φθέγγηται576 δι’ αὐτῆς καὶ τρόπον τινὰ μηδέποτε ὠφελῶν παύηται. 75 Ἀνελθὼν οὖν577 ποτε εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν οὕτω δὲ ἦσαν ἐπεὶ δίψῃ578 δεινῇ αὐτός τε καὶ ὅσοι αὐτῷ συνῆσαν ἥλωσαν, ἐπὶ τὸν πάντα δυνάμενον καταφεύγει. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς προσευχὴν κλιθεὶς579 τὰ γόνατα τῷ ἐδάφει δίδωσιν· ὕδωρ δὲ πότιμον εὐθὺς ἀνῆκεν ἡ γῆ, καὶ ὁ τόπος ἐξ ἐκείνου Τόπος Γονυκλισίας τὸ λοιπὸν580 ἐκλήθη.

750

755

760

76 Πλὴν ἀλλὰ τότε μὲν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ ἐπανῆκεν·581 οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον ὁρᾷ πάλιν αὐτῷ582 ὄναρ583 τὸν κύριον ἐπιστάντα καὶ

571 A15 γλιχόμενον 572 V56 omits τῆς ἀληθείας 573 T79 omits καὶ τοὺς προσιόντας διὰ τοῦ θείου βαπτίσματος τελειῶν, δαιμονῶσι λύσιν τοῦ κακοῦ παρέχων, νόσους ἰώμενος, καὶ παντὸς ἰσχυροτέραν πάθους τὴν ἐν αὐτῷ τοῦ πνεύματος δύναμιν προβαλλόμενος 574 V56 omits διδασκαλίας 575 A189 omits ἅμα 576 A15, V802 φθέγγωνται 577 E5603, M175, P1480, P1495 omit οὖν 578 P145 ἐπὶ δίψει 579 A189 κληθεὶς 580 V56 omits τὸ λοιπὸν 581 T79 omits ἀνελθὼν οὖν ποτε εἰς ὄρος ὑψηλὸν οὕτω δὲ ἦσαν ἐπεὶ δίψῃ δεινῇ αὐτός τε καὶ ὅσοι αὐτῷ συνῆσαν ἥλωσαν, ἐπὶ τὸν πάντα δυνάμενον καταφεύγει. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς προσευχὴν κλιθεὶς τὰ γόνατα τῷ ἐδάφει δίδωσιν· ὕδωρ δὲ πότιμον εὐθὺς ἀνῆκεν ἡ γῆ, καὶ ὁ τόπος ἐξ ἐκείνου Τόπος Γονυκλισίας τὸ λοιπὸν ἐκλήθη. πλὴν ἀλλὰ τότε μὲν εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ ἐπανῆκεν· 582 G77 omits αὐτῷ 583 G77 adds αὐτὸν, T79, V56 omit ὄναρ

The Epigraphic version  311 73 Then standing up and leaving the rock he arrived at his own city. Well, when the crowd heard of the man’s arrival, they ran together in a mass eager to see the sweet face and to hear the longed-for voice. 74 Therefore, he once again was going about the city gladly blessing and greeting them, teaching the word of truth with confidence. Those coming forward he perfected through divine baptism. He granted release from evil for those who were demon-possessed. He healed diseases, emitting the power of the Spirit in him which was stronger than all suffering. Also, having composed a quite useful book of instruction, he left it behind for the presbyters under him along with the deacons, in order that after his death he might continue to speak through it and in a certain way he may never stop being of service. 75 Subsequently, he went up to a high mountain and at that time Abercius and as many as were with him were overcome with terrible thirst. He appealed to the one who is all powerful. Abercius knelt in prayer, setting his knees on the ground. Immediately, the earth sent up drinkable water. From that time forward the place was called ‘Place of Kneeling’. 76 In any case, he returned to his house and not much later, once again he saw the Lord standing near him in a dream, saying,

312  The texts—Greek and English ‘Ἀβέρκιε,’ λέγοντα ‘ἤγγικεν ἤδη ὁ καιρὸς ὥστε ἀναπαύσασθαί σε τῶν πόνων σου τῶν μακρῶν.584’ διαγρηγορήσας δὲ καὶ γνοὺς τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτῷ585 προδηλοῦσθαι τὸ φανὲν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς διηγεῖται καὶ λίθον τινὰ τετράγωνον μῆκός τε καὶ πλάτος ἴσον τάφον ἑαυτῷ586 κατασκευάζει καὶ τὸν βωμόν, ὃς ἐκείνου προστάξαντος ἀπὸ Ῥώμῃς ὑπὸ τοῦ δαίμονος ἐκεῖ μετηνέχθη τῷ λίθῳ ἐφίστησι τοιόνδη587 τι588 αὐτῷ589 ἐπίγραμμα ἐγχαράξας· 77 ‘Ἐκλεκτῆς πόλεως πολίτης τόδ’ ἐποίησα ζῶν, ἵν’ ἔχω καιρῷ590 σώματος ἐνθάδε θέσιν. τοὔνομα Ἀβέρκιος, ὁ591 ὢν μαθητὴς ποιμένος ἁγνοῦ,592 ὃς βόσκει προβάτων ἀγέλας οὔρεσι πεδίοις τε, ὀφθαλμοὺς ὃς ἔχει μεγάλους πάντα καθορόωντας. οὗτος γάρ με ἐδίδαξε γράμματα πιστά, εἰς Ῥώμην ὃς ἔπεμψεν ἐμὲ593 βασιλείαν594 ἀθρῆσαι καὶ595 βασίλισσαν ἰδεῖν596 χρυσόστολον χρυσοπέδιλον. λαὸν δ’597 εἶδον ἐκεῖ λαμπρὰν598 σφραγῖδα ἔχοντα. καὶ Συρίης πέδον599 χώρας εἶδον καὶ ἄστεα600 πάντα Νίσιβιν Εὐφράτην διαβάς. πάντας601 δ’ ἔσχον συνομηγύρους,602 Παῦλον ἔσωθεν, πίστις δὲ παντὶ προῆγε, καὶ παρέθηκε τροφὴν ἰχθὺν ἀπὸ πηγῆς603 παμμεγέθη604 καθαρόν,605 ὃν606 ἐδράξατο παρθένος ἁγνή, καὶ

584 585 586 587 588 589 590 591 592 593 594 595 596 597 598 599 600 601 602 603 604 605 606

765

770

775

780

P145 μικρῶν A189 αὐτοῦ A189 ἑαυτοῦ P145, T79 τοιὸν δὲ A189 omits τι P145 omits αὐτῷ G497, V56, V399 καιρὸν A189 omits ὁ A6, V802 ἀγροῦ, A15 ἁγνοῦ with erasure from ἀγροῦ, P1503 ἁγνοῦς P1480, P1495 ἔπεμψὲ με A6, E149 βασίλεια with erasure of ν, A6, A189, E149, E210, G77, G497, G551, P1484, P1495, P1503 βασίλειαν A15 omits βασιλείαν ἀθρῆσαι καὶ A189 ἰδεῖ V56 δὲ A189 λαμπρὸν V56 πέδων A15 ἄστια with erasure from ἄστρα, V802 ἄστρα P145 πάντα Migne prints συνηγόρους when his manuscript, P1484, reads συνομηγύρους V56 τῆς γῆς A15, G551 παμμεγέθει A6 reads παρέθηκεν ἰχθὺν ἀπὸ πηγῆς παμμεγέθη καθαρὸν τροφὴν P1503 omits ὃν

The Epigraphic version  313

‘Abercius, the time has now drawn near so that you may rest from your long labors’. Waking up he realized his death had been revealed to him beforehand. Having described the vision in detail to the brothers, he prepared as a tomb for himself a certain four-cornered stone of equal length and width along with the altar, which had been brought there from Rome by the demon, as that one had commanded. This he set in place on the stone, engraving on it a certain epigram as follows:

77 ‘A citizen of an exceptional city, I made this while living, in order that I may have at the right time a burial place here for my body. My name is Abercius, one who is a disciple of the upright shepherd, who feeds the flocks of sheep on the hills and plains, who has great eyes, observing all things, for this one taught me faithful writings, who sent me to Rome to see a royal city and to see a queen, golden-robed, golden-sandaled. I also saw a people there having a bright signet. I also saw the plain of the region of Syria and all the cities, and having crossed the Euphrates, Nisibis. I  had all companions assembled, Paul within and Faith led the way in every place, who also provided food, an immense, clean fish from a spring, which a pure virgin had caught, and this she offered at all

314  The texts—Greek and English τοῦτον ἐπέδωκε φίλοις ἐσθίειν διαπαντός,607 οἶνον χρηστὸν608 ἔχουσα, κέρασμα διδοῦσα μετ’ ἄρτου. ταῦτα παρεστὼς εἶπον609 Ἀβέρκιος ὧδε γραφῆναι, ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἔτος καὶ δεύτερον ἄγων ἀληθῶς. ταῦθ’ ὁ νοῶν εὔξαιτο ὑπὲρ Ἀβερκίου πᾶς ὁ συνῳδός. οὐ μέντοι τύμβον ἕτερόν610 τις ἐπ’611 ἐμοῦ ἐπάνω θήσει· εἰ δ’ οὖν, Ῥωμαίων ταμείῳ θήσει612 δισχίλια χρυσᾶ καὶ χρηστῇ πατρίδι Ἱεραπόλει χίλια χρυσᾶ’. τὰ μὲν δὴ613 τοῦ ἐπιγράμματος614 ὧδέ πως ἐπὶ λέξεως εἶχεν, ὅτι μὴ ὁ χρόνος ὑφεῖλε615 κατ’ ὀλίγον τῆς ἀκριβείας καὶ ἡμαρτημένως ἔχειν τὴν γραφὴν παρεσκεύασεν.616 78 Αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους εἰς ταὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς διακόνους καί τινας τοῦ πλήθους καλέσας·617 ‘Τεκνία,’ ἔφη ‘ἐμοὶ μὲν τὸ τοῦ βίου τέλος ἤδη πάρεστι καὶ ἄπειμι, ὦ φίλον ἐμοὶ ποίμνιον, ἄπειμι πρὸς ἣν ἐπόθουν ἐκ νέου διαγωγὴν καὶ πρὸς ὃν μόνον ἐγὼ618 τὴν619 ἔφεσιν ἔχω καὶ οὗ με σφοδρῶς620 ὁ θεῖος ἐξέκαυσεν ἔρως, ἄπειμι τοῦτον ὀψόμενος. ὑμᾶς δὲ χρὴ σκοπεῖν, ὅν τινα ἑαυτοῖς ἐπίσκοπον ψηφιεῖσθε· ὃς ποιμανεῖ τε621 ὑμᾶς μετ’ ἐμὲ καὶ οὗ τῆς φωνῆς ἀκούσει622 τὰ ἐμὰ πρόβατα καλῶς καὶ623 ὡς θεῷ φίλον ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ποιμαινόμενα’. ταῦτα τοῦ ἁγίου πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπόντος βραχέα ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους εὐθὺς624 κοινολογησάμενοι τὸν ἀρχιπρεσβύτερον τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ὄνομα καὶ αὐτὸν625 Ἀβέρκιον, κοινῶς ἐψηφίσαντο· καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ ἀνδρὶ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐπιψηφισάμενος ἐπιτίθησί τε αὐτῷ τὰς χεῖρας καὶ εὐλογήσας

607 608 609 610 611 612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625

P1503, T79, V56 διὰ παντός A15, P1503, V56 (corrected) Χριστὸν P145 εἶπεν A189, T79 ἔτερός A6, E210, G77, G497, G551, M175, P145, P1484, P1503, T79 ἀπ’ A15 omits θήσει T79 omits τὰ μὲν δὴ A15, E5603, G497, P1480, P1503, T79 γράμματος, A6 ἐπιγραμμάτων T79 ὑφελεῖ T79 omits καὶ ἡμαρτημένως ἔχειν τὴν γραφὴν παρεσκεύασεν A189 μετακαλέσας E149 adds γε A15 omits καὶ πρὸς ὃν μόνον ἐγὼ τὴν T79 ὁ σφοδρὸς V56 omits τὲ, E149, P1495, V802 for ποιμανεῖ τε read ποιμανεῖται A189 ἀκούσῃ V56 omits καὶ M175, V56 omit εὐθὺς V56 omits καὶ αὐτὸν, adds ᾧ

785

790

795

800

The Epigraphic version  315

times for friends to eat, having good mixed wine, giving it with bread. I, Abercius, being present, said for these things to be written here, leading a life of seventy-two years in the truth. Let the one who understands these words pray on behalf of Abercius, everyone who is in accord. Surely, no one shall place anything else upon my tomb, but if so, he shall place two thousand gold coins in the treasury of the Romans and a thousand gold coins with the good hometown of Hierapolis’. Of a certainty the characters of the inscription went like this verbatim, except time had gradually diminished the precision and caused the inscription to be degraded.

78 He himself, having called the presbyters, the deacons, and some members of the congregation to the same place, said, ‘Little children, the end of my life is now here, and I am going away. O my dear flock, I am going away to the passage for which I have yearned since youth and for whom alone I have a desire, whose divine love greatly enflames me. I am going away to see this one, and you must consider which person you shall elect as your bishop, who both will shepherd you after me, and whose voice my flock will hear well and be shepherded by him as dear to God.’ When the saint had made these brief statements to them, those immediately having taken counsel with one another, by common consent elected the arch-presbyter of the church, whose name was also Abercius. He himself having approved that the bishopric belonged to the man, placed his hands on him and blessing him, said, ‘To

316  The texts—Greek and English

‘Σοί,’626 ἔφη ‘ὦ Ἀβέρκιε, ἐπισκόπῳ εἶναι δίδωμι θεοῦ τε διδόντος καὶ ἐμοῦ ὅσον ἐπ’ ἐμοί’.

79 Εἶτα εἰς οὐρανοὺς σὺν τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ627 χεῖρας ἀνασχὼν καὶ προσευξάμενος τῷ θεῷ ἀπαίρει628 τῶν ἐνταῦθα τῷ πνεύματι καὶ πρὸς Χριστὸν διαβαίνει, χοροῖς ἀγγέλων ὁ κατ’ ἄγγελον ἀληθῶς629 βιώσας παραπεμπόμενος. τὸ μέντοι τὴν πόλιν οἰκοῦν πλῆθος παρὰ τὸ ἱερὸν630 ἐκεῖνο τοῦ ἀνδρὸς σῶμα συναθροισθέντες, ἱερά τε αὐτῷ ἐπᾴσαντες ᾄσματα631 καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀνελόμενοι ὥσπερ τινὰ κοινὸν θησαυρὸν ἐν τῷ λίθῳ κατέθεντο, δευτέραν τοῦ ὀκτωβρίου πρὸς ταῖς εἴκοσιν ἄγοντος· 80 Εἶτα τὸν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ632 δεξάμενον τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτοῦ θρόνον ἀναγαγόντες633 κοινῇ τὸν ἐπὶ θρόνου δόξης τῆς βασιλείας θεὸν ἐμεγάλυνον, ᾧ πρέπει πᾶσα δόξα, τιμὴ, καὶ προσκύνησις νῦν καὶ ἀεὶ634 καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν.

626 627 628 629 630 631 632 633 634

A6 συ V56 omits καὶ A189, E149, E210, G497, G551, P145, P1503, T79, V399, V802 add τε E5603 ὀρθῶς P1503 omits ἱερὸν P145 ἐπᾴσματα ᾄσαντες V56 αὐτῶν G77 ἀγαγόντες A15, E5603, G497, M175, P1480, P1484, P1495, V399 omit καὶ ἀεὶ

805

810

815

The Epigraphic version  317

you, O Abercius, I grant to be bishop, as far as it is in my power, seeing that both God and I grant this’.

79 Then with his eyes toward heaven and his hands lifted, having prayed to God, he departed in spirit from this world and crossed over to Christ, the one who had truly lived his life as a messenger,15 being escorted by a chorus of angels. Subsequently, the populace living in the city gathered together at that holy body of the man. Accompanied by sacred songs in his honor, they took him up magnificently for burial as if they had deposited some public treasure in the stone, observing this on the twenty-second of October. 80 Next, together they led to his seat the one who had received the bishopric from him, and together magnified God upon his throne of royal glory, to whom is fitting all glory, honor, and worship, now and forever into the eternal ages. Amen

15 The same word can mean angel.

4 The Epitome

Macedonia, Ohrid, 10th, Main Collection, 004 (Mošin 76), 513–17

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-16

320  The texts—Greek and English

Μαρτύριον τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου 1 Βασιλεύοντος Μάρκου καὶ Ἀντωνίνου δόγμα ἐξῆλθεν ἐν πάσῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ θυσιάζειν τοῖς μὴ οὖσιν θεοῖς. ἔφθασεν oὖν τὸ τοιοῦτον δόγμα καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ Φρυγίας Σαλουταρίας καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τῇ Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλει, ἐν ᾗ ἦν κεκληρωμένος τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος.

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2–4 Τοῦ ὄχλου εὐωχουμένου ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ζέων τῷ πνεύματι καὶ ζηλώσας τῷ κυρίῳ λαβὼν ξύλον οἷον ἠδύνατο βαστάζειν εἰσῄει ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῶν εἰδώλων περὶ ὥραν ἐννάτην τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ συνέτριψεν πάντα τὰ ἀγάλματα. 5–19 Οἱ oὖν ἱερεῖς κατάδηλον ἐποίησαν τὸ πρᾶγμα τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ. ἕωθεν oὖν ὥρμησαν παμπληθεὶ κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου. ὁ δὲ προφθάσας παραγενόμενος ἐν τῇ ἀγoρᾷ καὶ διδάσκων τὸν λόγον τοῦ κυρίου ἐξαίφνης παρίστανται αὐτῷ τρεῖς νεώτεροι δαιμονιῶντες περιερρηγμένα ἔχοντες τὰ ἱμάτια κράζοντες καὶ λέγοντες· ‘Δοῦλε τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου, δεόμεθά σου, μὴ ἡμᾶς βασανίσῃς’. ὁ δὲ ἀνατείνας τὸ ὄμμα πρὸς κύριον καὶ εὐχὴν τελέσας ἐπετίμησεν τοῖς ἀκαθάρτοις πνεύμασιν ἐξελθόντα πορευθῆναι εἰς ἄγρια ὄρη· καὶ ἐξῆλθον ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τὰ δαιμόνια ἐάσαντες τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡσεὶ νεκρούς. ὁ δὲ ἐπιλαβόμενος τῶν χειρῶν αὐτῶν ἀνέστησεν αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ ὄχλος θεασάμενος ἀνεβόησεν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ· ‘Μέγας ὁ θεὸς Ἀβερκίου’. καὶ προσελθόντες ἐβαπτίσθησαν ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ἄνδρες ὡσεὶ πεντακόσιοι. 20–23 Μετὰ δὲ ταύτα, καθεζομένου αὐτοῦ καὶ διδάσκοντος προσῆλθεν αὐτῷ γυνή τις τῶν εὐπατρίδων, ᾗ ὄνομα Φρουγῆλα, μήτηρ Εὐξεινιανοῦ, ἥτις διὰ τὸ μὴ βλέπειν ἐχειραγωγεῖτο. καὶ πεσοῦσα παρὰ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ ἐδέετο χαρισθῆναι αὐτῇ τὸ φῶς. τοῦ δὲ ἐπευξαμένου καὶ ἁψαμένου τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν αὐτῆς εὐθέως ἀνέβλεψεν· καὶ παραχρῆμα ἐπίστευσεν εἰς τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, δοῦσα τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς ὑποστάσεως αὐτῆς τοῖς δεομένοις. ὁ δὲ ὄχλος ἐπεβόησεν· ‘Μέγας ὁ θεὸς τῶν χριστιανῶν’.

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The Epitome  321

The witness1 of Saint Abercius 1 During the rule1of Marcus Antoninus,2 a decree went out in all the inhabited world to sacrifice to those ‘who were not gods’. So, such a decree arrived also in the province of Phrygia Salutaris, and specifically in the city of the Hierapolitans, in which Saint Abercius had obtained the episcopate. 2–4 While the populace was feasting during the Festival of Apollo, Abercius, fervent in spirit and full of zeal for the Lord, having taken a piece of wood, the sort he could carry, went into the temple of the idols around the ninth hour of the night and smashed all the statues. 5–19  Then the priests made known the matter to the council and the people. So, at dawn they rushed in a mass against Saint Abercius. But while he was already present in the marketplace and teaching the Word of the Lord, suddenly there stood next to him three young men possessed by demons, having their garments torn off, crying out, and saying, ‘Servant of the Most-High God, we beg of you, do not torture us!’ He lifted his face towards the Lord and having finished his prayer, ordered the unclean spirits to come out and go to the wild hill country. The demons went away from there having left the men as if they were dead. But he laid his hands upon them and raised them up. Now the crowd, having seen this, cried out in a loud voice, ‘Great is the God of Abercius!’ Then about five hundred men came forward and were baptized by him. 20–23  After this, while he was sitting there teaching, a certain prominent woman came to him, whose name was Phrygella, the mother of Euxeinianus, who on account of being blind, was being led by the hand. Falling at his feet, she begged him to restore the light to her. After he had prayed and touched her eyes, she at once received her sight. Instantly she believed upon our Lord Jesus Christ and gave half of her substance to the needy. The crowd shouted out, ‘Great is the God of the Christians!’

1 See Curious and concise, the title 2 or ‘Marcus and Antoninus (Lucius Verus)’. See Curious and concise, readings of note

322  The texts—Greek and English 24–30 31 Ἀκούσας δὲ Εὐξεινιανὸς ὁ υἱὸς αὐτῆς τῆν παρ’ ἐλπίδα ἴασιν τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ παρεγένετο εὐχαριστῶν τῷ θεῷ τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀβερκίου θεραπευομένῳ. 32–38 39–40 Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐξελθὼν ἐπισκέψασθαι τὴν περίχωρον διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς ὑπὸ νόσων κατέχεσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ ὑπάρχειν βαλανεῖον ἐν τῷ τόπῳ, παραγενόμενος ἔν τινι ἀγρῷ παρὰ ποταμῷ κλίνας τὰ γόνατα προσηύξατο αἰτούμενος τὴν τῶν θερμῶν παράσχεσιν. καὶ πληρώσαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν εὐχήν ἦχος ὑπόγειος καὶ βροντὴ ἄνωθεν γενομένη ἐξαίφνης ἀνέβλυσαν αὐτοφυῆ θερμά, ἔνθα τὰ γόνατα αὐτοῦ ἔκλινεν. τοῦτο οὖν θεασάμενοι οἱ ὄχλοι ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεόν· καὶ προσετίθεντο τῷ κυρίῳ πλήθη ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν. 41–42 Ὑποστρέφοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ πόλει ὑπήντησεν αὐτῷ ὁ δαίμων ἐν μορφῇ γυναικὸς νέας δῆθεν αἰτουμένης ἐντολήν. ὁ δὲ προσσχὼν εἰς αὐτὸν προσετρίβη λίθῳ, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ἀστράγαλον αὐτοῦ πλῆξαι. ὁ δὲ δαίμων μετασχηματισθεὶς ἀνεβόησεν· ‘Ὁ ἄλλους ἰώμενος σὺ ὀδυνᾶσαι;’ καὶ παραυτὰ εἰσελθὼν ἔν τινι νεωτέρῳ ἐσπάραξεν αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος ἐπιτιμήσας ἐξήλασεν αὐτόν· ἐξερχόμενος δὲ ὁ δαίμων ἀνέκραξεν λέγων· ‘Ὡς ἐκόπασα τὸν πόδα σου, ποιήσω σε ἄκοντα καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον καὶ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ παραγενέσθαι’. 43–54 Αὖθις οὖν ἀπελθὼν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ὁ δαίμων εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν θυγατέραν τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀντωνίνου· καὶ σπαράξας ἑαυτὴν ἤρξατο κράζειν· ‘Ἐὰν μὴ παραγένηται Ἀβέρκιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος τῶν χριστιανῶν τῆς Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλεως Φρυγίας τῆς μικρᾶς, οὐκ ἐξέρχομαι ἐντεῦθεν’. ὁ οὖν βασιλεὺς συγκαλεσάμενος πάντας τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ οἰωνοσκόπους καὶ [ἐξορ]κιστάς, οὐδὲ οὕ[τως ἰάθη.] τότε

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The Epitome  323 24–30 31 Having heard of his mother’s healing, which was beyond hope, Euxeinianus, her son, arrived, giving thanks to the God whom Saint Abercius served. 32–38 39–40  After this, he went out to visit the surrounding district, on account of the many people gripped by disease because there was not a bathhouse in that place. He arrived at a certain field alongside a river, knelt and prayed, asking for the provision of hot springs. After he had finished his prayer, a noise came from beneath the ground and thunder from above, and suddenly hot springs welled up of their own accord where he knelt. Therefore, having witnessed this, the crowds glorified God and a substantial number of men and women were brought to the Lord. 41–42  While he was returning to the city, the demon met him in the form of a young woman ostensibly asking for alms. Now Abercius, on his guard against the demon, grazed against a stone, so that he also struck his ankle. Now the demon, having been changed in form, cried out, ‘Are you, the one who heals others, in pain?’ Now he immediately entered into a certain young man and threw him into convulsions. But Saint Abercius rebuked him and drove him out. Then the demon, as he was coming out, cried out saying, ‘As I have weakened your foot, I also will cause you, constrained and unwilling, to be present also in Rome’. 43–54 Hereafter, having thus departed and arrived in Rome, the demon went into the daughter of the emperor Antoninus, and having sent her into convulsions, he began to cry out, ‘Unless Abercius, the bishop of the Christians of the city of Hierapolis of Phrygia Minor, is present, I am not coming out of here’. And so, although the emperor summoned all the priests, the augurs, and the exorcists,

324  The texts—Greek and English ἀποστέ[λλει .  .  . .  .  . .  .  . μα]γιστριανοὺς [Εὐξει]νιανόν. τῶν δὲ παραγενομένων κατὰ συγκυρίαν συνήντησεν αὐτοῖς ὁ ἅγιος Ἀβέρκιος· οἵτινες ἠρώτησαν αὐτὸν λέγοντες· ‘Εἰ ἐνδημῇ τῇ πόλει Εὐξεινιανός;’ Τοῦ δὲ ἀντερωτήσαντος· ‘Τἰνες ἐστέ;’ εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν, ὀξύρροπος ὤν ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα ἠθέλησεν μαστίξαι τὸν ἅγιον· οὗτινος ἔμεινεν ἡ χεὶρ ἐξηραμμένη. τούτου γενομένου [. . .] αὐτοῦ εἰς τοὺς [. . . αἰ]τούμενοι [. . .]. ὁ δὲ ἐ[. . . . . . . . .].

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55–56 Συνταξ[άμενος τοῖς] ἀδελφοῖς καὶ βαλὼν ἐν ἀσκῷ οἶνον καὶ ὄξος καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ ὀλίγους ἄρτους καθεσθεὶς ἐπὶ ὄνου ἐπορεύετο. εὐρὼν δέ τινα ὀνόματι Τροφημίονα λέγει αὐτῷ· ‘Ἐλθέ, Τροφημίων, μετ’ ἐμοῦ’. ὁ δὲ ἠκολούθει αὐτῷ. ἡνίκα οὖν γέγονεν καταλῦσαι αὐτὸν καὶ ἠθέλησεν μεταλαβεῖν οἴνου, ἐξήρχετο οἶνος μόνος· ἡνίκα δὲ χρεία ἦν ἐλαίου, ἐξήρχετο ἔλαιον· ὡσαύτως καὶ τὰ λοιπά. ἐπεὶ δὲ Τροφημίων διψήσας ἠθέλησεν πιεῖν οἶνον, ἐξήρχοντο ἀναμὶξ [. . . . . .].

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57–62 Γενόμενος οὖν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τοῦ μὲν βασιλέως τῇ πόλει μὴ ἐνδημοῦντος εἰσήχθη πρὸς τὴν Αὐγοῦσταν. [αὐ]τῆς δὲ ἱκετευούσης [αὐτὸν] ὑπὲρ τῆς [. . . . . . . . .].

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63–64 ‘[. . . . . . . . .] ἀπὸ τῆ[ς κόρης] μηδὲν βλάψας ἢ [ἀδικήσας] αὐτήν. ἀλλ’ ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤγαγές με ἐνταῦθα, ἐπιτάττω σοι ἆραι τὸν βωμὸν ἐκεῖνον καὶ ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐν τῇ Ἱεραπόλει καὶ στῆσαι αὐτὸν ἐκ δεξιῶν τῆν πόρτης’. ἐξελθόντος δὲ τοῦ δαίμονος ἀπὸ τῆς κόρης πάντων θεωρούντων ὑψώθη ὁ βωμὸς καὶ ὑπερβὰς τὸν ἱππόδρομον ἦλθεν ἐν τῇ Ἱεραπολιτῶν πόλει καὶ ἔστιν μέχρι τῆς νῦν ἡμέρας. 65–66  Πολλὰ δὲ ἱκετεύσασα ἡ Aὐγοῦστα τοῦ λαβεῖν αὐτὸν χρήματα οὐκ ἐπένευσεν· ᾐτήσατο δὲ αὐτῇ τοῦ οἰκοδομῆσαι αὐτὴν βαλανεῖον ἐν τοῖς θερμοῖς τοῖς διὰ τῆς προσευχῆς αὐτοῦ ἀναβλύσασιν· ἥτις καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀπήρχετο. 67–68

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The Epitome  325 even so [she was] not [healed]. Then he sends [certain] couriers . . .3 to Euxeinianus. Now when these arrived, Saint Abercius by chance met them, and they asked him, saying, ‘Does Euxeinianus live in this city?’ When he in turn asked them, ‘Who are you?’, one of them, being quicktempered, having stretched out his hand, wished to whip him, but his hand stood fast having been withered. After this happened . . . 55–56 Gathering together [the] brothers, and he put wine and vinegar and olive oil in a wineskin along with a few loaves of bread. He took his seat on a donkey and he began to set out. Finding a certain man, Trophimion by name, he says to him, ‘Come with me, Trophimion,’ and Trophimion followed him. When it so happened that Abercius unloosed the wineskin and wished to partake of wine, only wine came out. When there was need of oil, oil came out, and in like manner the rest. However, when Trophimion was thirsty and wanted to drink wine, they came out mixed . . . 57–62  So then he arrived in Rome and since the emperor was not residing in the city, he was brought before Augusta. While she was begging [him] on behalf of . . . 63–64 . . . from the girl, without having harmed or injured her at all. But because you led me here, I order you to lift that altar and carry it back to Hierapolis and place it on the right side of the gate. After the demon left the girl, while everyone watched, the altar was lifted and traveled over the hippodrome. It arrived in the city of the Hierapolitans and is still there to the present day. 65–66 Now although the empress begged him many times to accept money, he refused. But he asked her to build a bathhouse at the hot springs that welled up because of his prayers. This she offered eagerly. 67–68

3 From this point forward the folios are badly damaged with numerous lacunas of varying lengths, which are indicated simply by ellipses. Italics represent the editor’s supposition.

326  The texts—Greek and English 69–70  Ἀποταξάμενος οὖν τοὺς ἐκεῖσε ἀδελφοὺς παρεγένετο ἐν τῇ ἕῳ στηρίζων τὰς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ εἰς ὁμόνοιαν συνελαύνων· ἦσαν γὰρ δὴ ἀγνοοῦντες τῆς αἱρέσεως ἐπικρατούσης, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Παύλου τοῦ Σαμοσατέως. παραγενόμενος δὲ καὶ ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ κἀκεῖ τοῦς ἀδελφοὺς στηρίξας ἐν τῇ πίστει ὑπέστρεφεν ἐν [. . . . . .]. πάντων δὲ [. . . . . .]ων χρὴ [. . . . . .] ἔχειν [. . . . . . . . .] ἀρχιε[. . . . . . . . .] ἰσαπόστολον· τοῦτο οὖν τὸ ὄνομα τότε ἐκληρώσατο.

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71 Περιελθὼν δὲ Καππαδοκίαν, Λυκαονίαν τε καὶ Πισιδίαν ἦλθεν ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ παροικίᾳ. 72–76 77–80 Καὶ μετ’ ὀλίγας ἡμερας, τοῦ θεοῦ δηλώσαντος αὐτῷ τὴν ἐνθένδε ἀναχώρησιν, προσκαλεσάμενος πάντας τοὺς πιστοὺς καὶ κατηχήσας αὐτοὺς τὸν λόγον τοῦ κυρίου καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα αὐτοῖς συμβαίνειν προειπὼν προχειρίζεται εἰς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ τόπον τὸν πρῶτον τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τῆς κατ’ αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίας τοὔνομα καὶ αὐτὸν Ἀβέρκιον. καὶ ποιήσας εὐχὴν ἐκτενὴν καὶ ἀνατείνας τὸ ὄμμα πρὸς κύριον παρέδωκεν τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ. οἱ δὲ ὁμοθυμαδὸν κηδεύσαντες αὐτοῦ τὸ τίμιον σῶμα κατέθεντο ἐν τῷ μνημείῳ ὃ ᾠκοδόμησεν· ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἐπιστήσας ἔγραψεν ἐπ’ αὐτῷ ἐπιτύμβιον [. . .] ἡμῶν [. . . . . . . . . . . .].

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The Epitome  327 69–70 Having taken his leave of the brothers there, he arrived in the East, settling the churches of God, and drawing [them] together into oneness of mind. For there were in fact those full of error, under a prevalent heresy, yes, even as that of Paul of Samosata. Coming also into Mesopotamia, having also set the brothers there firm in the faith, he turned back in . . . and of all . . . necessary . . . to have . . . arch[bishop] . . . ‘Equal to the Apostles’. Therefore, at that time he was allotted this name. 71 Having travelled around Cappadocia, Lycaonia, and Pisidia he came to his own neighborhood. 72–77 78–80 After a few days, when God had revealed to him his departure from this world, he summoned all the faithful. After teaching them the word of the Lord and foretelling the events about to happen to them, he appointed into his own position the foremost of the elders of their church, and his name was also Abercius. After he prayed a fervent prayer and lifted his eyes towards the Lord, he gave up his spirit. They attended to his honored body and placed it in the monument which he built, on which having set the altar, he wrote on it an epitaph

5 The Synaxarion

Menologion of Basil II, Vatican, 10th, Vat.Gr. 1613, 129.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-17

330  The texts—Greek and English μηνὶ τῷ αὐτῷ κβ΄

μνήμη τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἰσαποστόλου πατρὸς ἡμῶν Ἀβερκίου ἐπισκόπου Ἱεραπόλεως

Ὁ ἐν ἁγίοις πατὴρ ἡμῶν Ἀβέρκιος ἦν, ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας Μάρκου, ἐπίσκοπος γενόμενος Ἱεραπόλεως παρὰ τῶν ἁγίων ἀποποστόλων. ἦν δὲ καὶ θαυματουργὸς περιβόητος. θέλων δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ δαίμων πειράσαι εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα, ἥτις καὶ ἐζήτει τὸν ἅγιον ἵνα θεραπεύσῃ αὐτήν. διὸ καὶ διὰ γραμμάτων βασιλικῶν πρὸς τὴν Ῥώμην ὥρμησε. προσέταξε δὲ τῷ ὑπουργῷ αὐτοῦ βαλεῖν εἰς ἀσκὸν ἕνα ὄξος καὶ γάρον καὶ ἔλαιον. καὶ ὄτε μὲν αὐτὸς ἐξ αὐτῶν τι ἐζήτησεν, ἐξήρχετο κεχωρισμένον ἓν ἔκαστον. ὅτε δὲ ὁ ὑπουργὸς αὐτοῦ ἠβουλήθη λάθρα ἐκβαλεῖν, ἐξήρχοντο μεμιγμένα. κατελθὼν δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην, τὴν μὲν θυγατέρα τοῦ βασιλέως ἰάσατο. τῷ δαίμονι δὲ προσέταξε τὸν πλησίον κείμενον βωμὸν λίθον μέγαν ὄντα ἀγαγεῖν εἰς Ἱεράπολιν. εἰπὼν ὅτι ‘σὺ μὲν παρασκεύασάς με κοπιᾶσαι εἰς Ῥώμην, ἐγὼ δὲ προστάσσω σοι ἀγαγεῖν τὸν λίθον καὶ θεῖναι ἐπάνω τοῦ τάφου μου. ὃ καὶ γέγονε. βιώσας δὲ ἐν ὁσιότητι τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ζωῆς πρὸς Κύριον ἐξεδήμησεν.

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The Synaxarion  331

On the 22nd in the same month1 Anniversary of our father, Saint Abercius, Equal to the Apostles and bishop of Hierapolis

Our father among the saints, Abercius, lived at the time of Emperor Marcus, having become bishop of Hierapolis by the holy apostles. He was also a famous miracle worker. The devil wishing to test him entered into the daughter of the emperor, who also was demanding that the saint heal her. Wherefore, by order of an imperial letter he set out for Rome. He commanded his servant to put vinegar, fish sauce, and oil into one pouch. Now, when he himself asked for any of them, each one came out separately, but when his servant wanted to pour it out in secret, they came out mixed. Then coming to Rome, first he healed the daughter of the emperor, and then, despite it being immense, he commanded the devil to bring a stone altar, which was set nearby, to Hierapolis saying, ‘You caused me to trek to Rome, now I command you to bring the stone and to put it on my tomb’, and this was done. Then after living the remainder of his life in piety, he made the journey to the Lord.

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6 The inscription

C: Christocentric Manuscripts H: Hagiocentric, Coislinianus 110 E: Epigraphic Manuscripts

DOI: 10.4324/9781003232018-18

334  The texts—Greek and English   1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9 10

Ἐκλεκτῆς1 πόλεως πολίτης, τοῦτ’2 ἐποίησα3 ζῶν, ἵν’ ἔχω καιρῷ4 σώματος5 ἐνθάδε θέσιν. τοὔνομα6 Ἀβέρκιος, ὁ7 ὢν μαθητῆς ποιμένος ἁγνοῦ,8 ὃς βόσκει προβάτων ἀγέλας ὄρεσι9 πεδίοις τε, ὀφθαλμοὺς ὃς10 ἔχει μεγάλους πάντα11 καθορόωντας.12 οὗτος γάρ με13 ἐδίδαξε γράμματα14 πιστά, εἰς Ῥώμην ὃς ἔπεμψεν ἐμὲ15 βασιλείαν16 ἀθρῆσαι, καὶ17 βασίλισσαν ἰδεῖν18 χρυσόστολον χρυσοπέδιλον.19 λαὸν δ’20 εἶδον ἐκεῖ λαμπρὰν21 σφραγῖδα ἔχοντα.22 καὶ Συρίης πέδον23 χώρας24 εἶδον25 καὶ ἄστεα26 πάντα27 Νίσιβιν

  1 C: A9, J27 ἐκ τῆς   2 C: M176 τόδ’; E: τόδ’   3 C: J27 ἐποίησας  4 C: M176 καινὸν; E: G497, V56, V399 καιρὸν; Alexander Inscription: ΦΑΝΕΡ̣   5 C: M176 σώμα τοῖς;   6 C: M176 τούνομ’; H: οὔνομα   7 E: A189 omits ὁ   8 C: A9, J27 ἀγροῦ; E: A6, V802 ἀγροῦ, A15 ἀγνοῦ with erasure from ἀγροῦ, P1503 ἁγνοῦς   9 C: M176 οὔρεσι; E: οὔρεσι 10 C: J27 οὓς, H: omits ὃς 11 C: M176, P1540 πάντη; H: πάντη 12 C: P1540 καθαρεύοντας; H: καθαρεύοντας 13 H: μ’ 14 C: M161 γράμματι 15 C: M176, P1540 με, M161 reads ὃς εἰς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψέν ἐμε; E: P1495, P1480 ἔπεμψὲ με 16 C: J27 βασιλεῖαν; H: βασίλειαν; E: A6, E149 βασίλεια with erasure of ν, A6, G10, P1484, P1495, G497, E149, A189, E210, G77, P1503 βασίλειαν 17 E: A15 omits βασιλείαν ἀθρῆσαι καὶ 18 E: A189 ἰδεῖ; H: omits καὶ βασίλισσαν ἰδεῖν 19 C: omits χρυσοπέδιλον, M176, P1540 add χρυσοπέδιλον 20 C: P1540 δὲ; E: omits δὲ, V56 δὲ 21 E: A189 λαμπρὸν 22 H: omits λαὸν δ’ εἶδον ἐκεῖ λαμπρὰν σφραγῖδα ἔχοντα 23 C: πέδων, A9, M176 πέδον; E: V56 πέδων 24 C: P1540 omits χώρας; H: omits χώρας 25 C: P1540 adds second εἶδον 26 E: A15 ἄστια with erasure from ἄστρα, V802 ἄστρα 27 C: A9, J27 add ὁ

The inscription  335   1 A citizen of an exceptional city, I made this   2 while living, in order than I may have at the right time a burial place here for (my) body.   3 My name is Abercius, one who is a disciple of an upright shepherd,1   4 who feeds the flocks of sheep on the hills and plains,   5 who has great eyes observing all things.2   6 For this one taught me faithful writings,   7 who sent me to Rome to see a royal city,   8 and to see a queen, golden-robed, golden-sandaled.3   9 And I saw a people there having a bright signet. 10 I also saw the plain of the region of Syria,4 and all the cities, then Nisibis

1 2 3 4

Some MSS ‘shepherd of the field’ Some MSS ‘pure in every way’ Some MSS omit ‘golden-sandaled’ Some MSS ‘plain’

336  The texts—Greek and English 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

Εὐφράτην28 διαβάς. πάντας29 δὲ30 ἔσχον συνομηγύρους,31 Παῦλον32 ἔσωθεν,33 πίστις δὲ34 παντὶ35 προῆγε,36 καὶ παρέθηκε τροφὴν,37 ἰχθὺν ἀπὸ πηγῆς38 παμμεγέθη39 καθαρόν,40 ὃν41 ἐδράξατο παρθένος ἁγνή, καὶ τοῦτον ἐπέδωκε42 φίλοις ἐσθίειν διαπαντός,43 οἶνον χρηστὸν44 ἔχουσα κέρασμα, διδοῦσα μετὰ45 ἄρτου.46 ταῦτα παρεστὼς εἶπον47 Ἀβέρκιος ὧδε48 γραφῆναι. ἑβδομηκοστὸν49 ἔτος καὶ δεύτερον ἦγον50 ἀληθῶς.51 ταῦτα52 ὁ νοῶν εὔξαιτο53 ὑπὲρ Ἀβερκίου.54

H: adds τε C: M176, P1540 πάντη; H: παντὶ corrected in margin from πάντη C: P1540 δ’; H: δ’ E: Migne prints συνηγόρους when his manuscript, P1484, reads συνομηγύρους C: adds δὲ, M176 omits δὲ H: omits Παῦλον δὲ ἔσωθεν; Abercius Inscription: Π̣ΑΥ̣Λ̣ ̣ Ο̣Ν̣ Ε̣Χ̣Ω̣Ν̣ ΕΠ ̣ Ο̣; Ramsay: ἐπομην; Wischmeyer: ἐπ’ ὄχῳ H: omits δὲ C: M176 reads πίστις παντῃ δὲ, M1540 reads πίστις παντὶ δὲ C: προῆγεν C: adds παντὶ, M176 omits παντὶ, M161 omits τροφὴν παντὶ reads τὶ; E: omits παντὶ; H: omits παντὶ C: M161 γῆς, A9 τῆς γῆς; E: V56 τῆς γῆς E: A15, G10 παμμεγέθει E: A6 reads παρέθηκεν ἰχθὺν ἀπὸ πηγῆς παμμεγέθη καθαρὸν τροφὴν E: P1503 omits ὃν; H: οὗ C: P1540 ἐπέδωκεν; H: ἐπέδωκε C: διὰ παντός, A9, M176 διαπαντός; E: P1503, T79, V56 διὰ παντός C: M161, P1540 Χριστὸν; E: A15 Χριστὸν C: M176 μετ’; E: μετ’ H: omits οἶνον χρηστὸν ἔχουσα, κέρασμα διδοῦσα μετὰ ἄρτου. E: P145 εἶπεν C: P1540 ὧσδε H: adds δ’ C: M176 ἄγων; E: ἄγων C: M176 omits ἀληθῶς C: M176 ταῦθ’; E: ταῦθ’ C: M176, P1540 εὖξαι; H: εὖξαι C: M176 adds πᾶς συνῳδός, P1540 πᾶς ὁ σύνοδος; E: adds πᾶς ὁ συνῳδός

The inscription  337 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

5 6 7 8

after having crossed the Euphrates. I also had all5 companions assembled, Paul within,6 and Faith led in every place, and provided food, an immense clean fish from a spring, which a pure virgin had caught, and she7 offered this on every occasion for friends to eat, having good mixed wine, giving (it) with bread. I, Abercius, being present, said for these things to be written here. I led a life of seventy-two years in the truth. Let the one who understands these things pray on behalf of Abercius,8

Some MSS ‘in every place’ Inscription ‘having Paul . . .’ i.e., Faith, a feminine noun, as the main clause resumes following the relative Some MSS add ‘everyone who is in harmony’

338  The texts—Greek and English 20 οὐ μέντοι τύμβον55 ἕτερόν56 τις57 ἐμοῦ58 ἐπάνω θήσει,59 21 εἰ δ’ οὖν, Ῥωμαίων ταμείῳ θήσει δισχίλια χρυσᾶ.60

55 56 57 58 59 60

H: τύμβῳ E: A189, T79 ἔτερός E: adds ἐπ’, A6, M175, P1484, G10, G497, E210, G77, P1503, T79 ἀπ’ H: ἐμῷ C: M176 reads ἕτερόν τινα ἐπάνω θήσειν; H: reads τύμβῳ τις ἐμῷ ἕτερον ἐπάνω θήσει C: J27 χρυσαί, M176 adds καὶ χρηστῇ πατρίδι Ἱεραπόλει χίλια χρυσᾶ, P1540 reads Ῥωμαίων ταμείῳ θήσει χίλια χρῦσινα καὶ χρηστῇ πατρίδι Ἱεροπόλει δισχίλια χρυσά; E: adds καὶ χρηστῇ πατρίδι Ἱεροπόλει χίλια χρυσᾶ

The inscription  339 20 Surely, no one shall place anything else upon my tomb. 21 But, if so, he shall place two-thousand gold coins in the treasury of the Romans.9

9 Some MSS add ‘and one-thousand gold coins with the good city, Hierapolis’

English Index

Numbers in italics refer to pages of the introductory chapters, non-italic to section numbers of the English texts. Prosopographical Abercius passim Abercius (arch-presbyter, successor to Abercius) 23; Chr. 78, 80; Hag. 78; Epi. 78; Epit. 78 – 80 Antoninus see Aurelius, Marcus Aphrodite 36; Chr. 4 Apollo 15, 41, 53, 56; Chr. 3, 4; Hag. 3, 4; Epi. 3, 4; Epit. 2 – 4 Aridaios Chr. 33 Artemis 17; Chr. 4, 45; Epi. 45 Augusta see Faustina Aurelius, Marcus 8 – 9, 13 – 18, 20 – 1, 25 – 7, 29, 40, 42, 46, 54, 56, 74; Chr. 1, 44 – 6, 48, 59; Hag. 1, 44 – 8, 59; Epi. 1, 44 – 8, 59; Epit. 1, 43 – 54; Syn. Avercius see Abercius Barchasanes 41, 58; Chr. 70; Epi. 70; see also Bardaisan Bardaisan 8, 34; see also Barchasanes Bassianus 19 – 20; Chr. 49; Hag. 49; Epi. 47, 49 Caecilius 17 – 18; Chr. 48; Hag. 48; Epi. 48 Cornelianus 18, 28; Chr. 47, 50 – 1, 58, 66; Hag. 47, 58 – 9; Epi. 47, 51, 58, 66, 68 David (King) 53; Epi. 22, 60 Euxeinianus Pollio 6, 8 – 9, 13 – 14, 17 – 18, 26, 34, 36, 40, 42 – 3, 53, 68, 70, 73, 76; Chr. 20, 23, 31 – 3, 35 – 8, 47 – 8, 52 – 4;

Hag. 20, 23, 31 – 3, 36 – 8, 47 – 8, 52 – 3; Epi. 20, 31 – 3, 38, 47 – 8, 52 – 4; Epit. 20 – 3, 31, 43 – 54 Faustina 9, 14 – 16, 27, 41, 43, 54, 70, 73, 77; Chr. 44, 59 – 60, 64; Hag. 44, 46, 59, 65; Epi. 44, 59, 60, 61, 64; Epit. 57 – 62; see also queen German(ic) War 13 – 17, 25, 42; Chr. 45; Hag. 45; Epi. 45 gold/golden 9n1, 15, 61, 70; Chr. 77; Hag. 77; Epi. 77; Insc. 8 Habakkuk 49; Epi. 2 Hadrian 13, 16, 27n23, n27, n33 Heracles 36; Chr. 4 Historia Augusta 15 – 17, 27 Hosea Epi. 16 Julian the Apostate 16, 27, 43, 65; Chr. 66; Hag. 66; Epi. 66 Lucilla 13 – 17, 20, 23, 25 – 8, 41, 48 – 9, 73, 77; Chr. 44; Hag. 44; Epi. 44 Lucius Verus 8, 13 – 14, 18, 27 – 9, 49, 56, 58, 77; Chr. 1, 44 – 5, 59; Hag. 1, 44 – 5; Epi. 1, 44 – 5; Epit. n2 Marcion 4, 6, 34 – 6, 36n5, 39, 43, 56 – 7; Chr. 69; Hag. 69; Epi. 69 Marcus Aurelius see Aurelius, Marcus Nissen, Theo xi – xii, 3, 8, 10, 34, 60, 64n2, n3, 68 – 70, 74n5, 80

Index  341 Parthian War 13 – 15, 18; Hag. 44 Paul (apostle) 7, 10n21, 35, 61 – 2, 70; Chr. 77; Epi. 77 Paul of Samosata 56 – 7; Epit. 69 – 70 Phrygella 6, 8 – 9, 36, 40, 42 – 4, 52 – 3, 58, 68, 72; Chr. 20 – 2, 26; Epi. 20, 22, 26; Epit. 20 – 3 Publius Dolabella 18 – 19, 25; Chr. 51; Hag. 1 Ramsay, W. M. xi, 3, 6 – 7, 9n1, 10n2, n8, n16, n17, n18, n19, 12, 24, 26n1, n2, 29n67, n70, n74, n76, 60, 62 – 5; Insc. 12n33 Spinther 18 – 20, 22, 25, 28n50, n53; Chr. 51, 66; Hag. 66; Epi. 51 Trophimion 23, 54, 58; Chr. 56; Hag. 56; Epi. 55 – 6 Valerius 19 – 20, 42, 73; Chr. 49, 53; Hag. 49; Epi. 47, 49, 52 Vologases 15; Chr. 44; Epi. 44 Geographical Agros 16, 18; Chr. 40, 65 – 6; Epi. 39, 65 – 6 Antioch 16, 27n29, n30, n33; Chr. 45, 69; Epi. 45, 69 Apamea 21, 25; Chr. 69 Asia (Minor) 4, 6, 15 – 16, 18 – 19, 21 – 3, 25 – 6, 26n4, 28n41, n42, 57, 80n2; Chr. 19; Epi. 19 Attalia 23, 26, 29n70; Chr. 57; Epi. 57 Aulon 8; Chr. 72; Epi. 72 Brundisium 17 – 18, 20 – 1; Chr. 50; Hag. 50; Epi. 50 Byzantium 20 – 3, 26; Chr. 50; Hag. 50; Epi. 50 Caria 15; Chr. 19; Epi. 19 Cilicia 19, 28n51, 56; Chr. 71; Epi. 71 cursus publicus 19, 20 – 1, 28n59; Epi. 51, 51n413 East(ern) 4 – 5, 15 – 16, 21, 23, 46, 48, 56 – 7, 62 – 3, 65, 65n22, 73; Chr. 44 – 5, 59, 67; Hag. 44, 67; Epi. 44 – 5; Epit. 69 – 70

Ephesus 13 – 14, 16 – 18, 21, 25, 27n35, 28n37, 55; Chr. 45; Hag. 45; Epi. 45 Euphrates 4, 9, 53, 61; Chr. 69, 77; Hag. 77; Epi. 69, 77 Hierapolis (Hieropolis) passim Ionian Sea Chr. 50; Epi. 50 Italy 15, 20 – 2, 26n14, 29n64, n70, 42; Chr. 46; Hag. 45 – 6 Laodicea 16, 19, 21; Chr. 33 Lycaonia Chr. 71; Hag. 71; Epi. 71; Epit. 71 Lydia 15; Chr. 19; Epi. 19 Mesopotamia 5, 56 – 7; Chr. 69; Hag. 69; Epi. 69; Epit. 69 – 70 Nicomedia 20 – 2; Chr. 51 Nisibis 4, 9; Chr. 69, 77; Hag. 77; Epi, 69, 77; Insc.10 Peloponnese 20 – 1; Chr. 50; Hag. 50; Epi. 50 Phrougin (Phragellion) Chr. 8; Epi. 8 Phrygia 6, 10n16, n17, 12, 18 – 19, 23 – 5, 27n31, 29n76, 42, 64, 64n13, n15, n16, n19, 65, 65n22; Chr. 51, 66; Hag. 1, 19, 46, 51, 66; Epi. 51, 66; Central 3, 9n1; Minor 9, 12, 24 – 5; Chr. 46 – 7, 71; Epi. 46 – 7, 71; Epit. 43 – 54; Major 12, 15, 24; Chr. 19; Epi. 19; Pentapolis 24; Salutaris 24 – 5, 73; Chr. 1; Epit. 1 Pisidia Chr. 71; Hag. 71; Epi. 71; Epit. 71 Place of Kneeling Chr. 75; Epi. 75 Portus 22 – 3, 29n68, n70, 43, 49, 53, 77; Chr. 54, 57 – 8; Hag. 54, 57; Epi. 54 Rhine River 53; Chr. 45, 59; Hag. 45; Epi. 45, 59 Roman(s) 4, 9n1, 13, 15, 17, 18 – 19, 20 – 1, 27n35, 28n39, n53, n59, 29n62, n64, 48, 51, 56, 65; Chr. 42, 59, 65n15, 77; Hag. 77; Epi. 1, 45, 59, 63, 65n13, 67, 77; emperors 8; provinces 8; governors 9; church 10n11; empire 13 – 14, 26n6, 27n33, 28n46, 43, 56; Chr. 1, 45; Hag. 66; army 15, 27n16; Chr. 59; republic 25, 28n51 Rome 4 – 6, 8 – 9, 13 – 18, 20 – 1, 23, 25, 25n14, n15, 27n20, 29n68, n69, 33, 35, 40, 42, 49, 50, 54, 56, 63, 68, 73; Chr.

342 Index 43 – 6, 50, 53 – 8, 61, 63, 67 – 8, 76 – 7; Hag. 42 – 4, 46, 54, 58, 61, 63, 67, 76 – 7; Epi. 42 – 6, 50, 54, 56 – 8, 61, 63, 76 – 7; Epit. 41 – 2, 43 – 54, 57 – 62; Syn.; Insc. 7 Seleucia 15, 27n23; Chr. 69 Smyrna 13 – 14, 17 – 18, 25, 26n10, n11, n15, 27n18; Chr. 48; Hag. 48; Epi. 48 Synnada 19 – 22, 24 – 6; Chr. 51, 71; Hag. 51, 71; Epi. 51, 71 Syria 8 – 9, 16 – 19, 28n37, 34 – 5, 53, 56; Chr. 67 – 9, 77; Hag. 67, 77; Epi. 67 – 9, 77; Insc. 10 Tyrrhenia Chr. 46; Epi. 46 General altar 7, 9, 41, 48, 51, 56 – 8, 60, 73 – 4; Chr. 63, 76; Hag. 63, 76; Epi. 63, 76; Epit. 63 – 4, 78 – 80; Syn.; see also bomos; βώμος apostle(s) 5, 7, 33, 48, 58; Chr. 8, 25, 70 – 1; Epi. 8; Syn.; Equal to 4 – 5, 9, 34, 41; Chr. Title, 70, 80; Hag. 70; Epi. 70; Epit. 69 – 70; Syn. Title baptism 8 – 9, 32 – 3, 41, 43, 70; Chr. 8, 14, 17 – 18; Hag. 8, 17; Epi. 8, 12, 17 – 19, 74 bathhouse 16, 18, 41; Chr. 39, 65 – 6; Hag. 39, 65 – 6; Epi. 39, 65 – 6; Epit. 39 – 40, 65 – 6 bishop(ric) 4 – 5, 9, 12, 23 – 4, 26n1, 29n76, 52, 54, 58, 64, 64n13, n15, 65n19, 73; Chr. 1 – 2, 46, 78, 80; Hag. 36, 46, 49; Epi. title, 2, 47n11, 78, 80; Epit. 43 – 54, 69 – 70; Syn.; overseer Chr. 49; Epi. 46, 46n11, 49 bomos 58; see also altar Book of the Laws of Countries 8, 34, 36n2, 74n3 bread 61, 73; Chr. 3, 16, 30, 55 – 6, 65, 77; Hag. 55, 65; Epi. 30, 55, 65, 77; Epit. 55 – 6 brothers (brotherhood) 4 – 5, 33, 35, 48 – 9, 52, 57 – 8; Chr. 4, 7 – 8, 13, 15, 17, 20, 24, 30, 39, 43, 55, 70, 73, 76, 78, 80; Hag. 55, 73; Epi. 2, 7 – 8, 17, 20, 39, 43, 55 – 6, 70, 76; Epit. 55 – 6, 69 – 70 catechize 33, 48; Chr. 7, 19, 43; Hag. 19 Christians 4, 6, 27n33, 33, 73; Chr. 1, 23, 46, 49, 58, 66 – 7, 69, 71, 80; Hag. 23; Epi. 23, 49, 66 – 7, 71; Epit. 20 – 3

church(es) 3 – 5, 8 – 9, 10n11, 23, 30, 34, 39, 41, 43, 46, 53, 56 – 7, 59, 61, 68, 73; Chr. 18, 67, 69, 78; Hag. 1; Epi. 67, 69, 78; Epit. 69 – 70, 78 – 80 citizen(s) 5, 9, 9n1, 53; Chr. 5, 9, 77; Hag. 1, 4, 47, 73, 77; Epi. 2, 5, 9, 77, Insc. 1 companions 40, 62 – 3, 72; Chr. 30, 77; Hag. 43, 77; Epi. 30, 77 council(ors) 9, 49, 72 – 3; Chr. 1, 4 – 5; Hag. 5; Epi. 1, 4 – 6; Epit. 5 – 19 couriers 13, 18 – 25, 28n54, 29nn61 – 2, 40, 42 – 3, 49 – 50, 53 – 4, 73; Chr. 47, 49 – 50, 52, 57, 60; Hag. 49 – 50, 60; Epi. 47, 49 – 50, 53 – 4, 60; Epit. 43 – 54 deacons 43, 54; Chr. 20, 74, 78; Epi. 20, 74, 78 demon(s) 4, 6, 9, 15 – 16, 35 – 6, 39 41 – 3, 45 – 8, 50 – 1, 56, 58, 70, 73; Chr. 24, 41 – 3, 46 – 7, 49, 61 – 4, 68, 74, 76; Hag. 2, 41, 43, 46, 49, 61 – 4, 76; Epi. 9 – 11, 41 – 2, 44 – 6, 61 – 4, 68, 76; Epit. 5 – 19, 41 – 2, 43 – 54, 63 – 4; demonic possession 17, 26n11, n13, 41; Chr. 10 – 11; Hag. 9 – 11; Epi. 49, 74; demonic activity 35 disease(s) 41, 42; Chr. 39; Hag. 19; Epi. 19, 49, 74; Epit. 39 – 40; see also illness(es); plague disciple(s) 9, 9n1, 33 – 4, 48, 50 – 1, 53, 58; Chr. 25, 77; Hag. 77; Epi. 42, 70, 77; Inscr. 3; of Marcion 6 dream 9, 35, 39, 41, 53; Chr. 67; Epi. 43, 67, 76; see also vision elders see presbyters eye(s) 9n1, 33, 43, 48, 51 – 3, 61, 70, 72; Chr. 16, Hag. 4, 20 – 1, 28 – 9, 58, 62, 72, 77; Epi. 9, 18, 20 – 2, 27, 29, 31, 41, 62 – 3, 72, 77, 79; Epit. 20 – 3, 78 – 80; Insc. 5 flock(s) 41, 51 – 2, 72; Hag. 74, 76; Epi. 18, 78; Insc. 4 gods 9, 15, 28n51, 36, 50, 53, 56, 73; Chr. 1, 4 – 6, 34; Hag. 1, 4 – 6; Epi. 1, 4 – 6, 33; Epit. 1 idols 9, 41, 45, 49 – 50, 58; Chr. 2, 5; Hag. 5; Epi. 2, 4; Epit. 2 – 4 illness(es) 16; Chr. 36, 39; Epi. 39; see also disease(s) miracle(s) 8 – 9, 23, 26n14, 40, 42, 49 – 50, 55, 58, 72; Chr. 23, 25, 25n4, 29, 40,

Index  343 53 – 4; Hag. title, 1, 11, 19, 23, 26 – 7; Epi. 12, 23, 26, 30, 56; miracle-worker Epi. 26; Syn.; wonder(s) Hag. 22; Epi. 11; wonder-worker Chr. 19 oil 50, Chr. 55 – 6; Hag. 55; Epi. 55 – 6; Epit. 55 – 6 overseer see bishop(ric) philanthropic (philanthropy) 39, 46, 51; Chr. 32; Hag. 15, 32, 80; Epi. 20 – 1, 32, 72 plague 13 – 16, 25, 26n12, 27n20, n23, 59n7 poor 16, 36, 50; Chr. 19, 22, 33, 65 – 6; Hag. 22, 65; Epi. 31, 65 – 6 preach see teach (instruct) prefect (praefectus) 18 – 19, 28n46; Chr. 47, 50 – 1, 58 – 9, 66, 68; Hag. 47, 58, 69; Epi. 47, 50 – 1, 58, 66 presbyters (elders) 8, 43, 54; Chr. 20, 74, 78; Hag. 78; Epi. 20, 74, 78; Epit. 78 – 80; arch-presbyter 39; Chr. 78; Epi. 78 priests (Christian) 39, 42 – 3; Hag. 1, 78 priests (pagan) 15, 26n14, 35, 73; Chr. 4 – 5, 46; Hag. 4, 46; Epi. 46; Epit. 5 – 19, 43 – 54 queen 9, 15, 36, 43, 50, 61, 70; Chr. 77; Hag. 59 – 62, 64 – 6, 68, 70, 77; Epi. 65 – 7, 69, 77; Insc. 8

sheep 51 – 2; Chr. 77; Hag. 77; Epi. 2, 18, 41, 77; Insc. 4 shepherd 9n1, 51 – 2, 70; Chr. 77; Hag. 2, 7, 77; Epi. 2, 18, 77 – 8; Insc. 3 soteriology 8, 43 spring, of water 16, 23, 40 – 1, 51, 56, 58; Chr. 39 – 40, 65, 75, 77; Hag. 39 – 40, 75n9, 77; Epi. 40, 65, 77; Epit. 39 – 40, 65 – 6; of teaching 45; Epi. 20; of tears Epi. 21 teach (instruct) 4, 9, 33, 36, 41, 45, 50 – 1, 56, 72; Chr. 8 – 10, 20, 24, 26, 43, 67, 69, 74; Hag. 6, 8, 17, 26, 69; Epi. 4, 8, 12, 19 – 20, 26, 30, 42, 52, 56, 74; Epit. 5 – 19, 20 – 3, 78 – 80; instruct(ion) 8, 34, 40, 43; Chr. 4, 7, 32; Hag. 4, 20, 43; Epi. 7; instructional manual 42, 64; Chr. 74; Hag. 74; Epi. 74 Vercelli Acts 8, 10n25, 34 – 5, 36n6, 68 vinegar 50, Chr. 55 – 6; Hag. 55; Epi.55 – 6; Epit. 55 – 6 vision 4, 35; Chr. 43, 68; Hag. 3, 29, 67, 76; Epi. 76; see also dream wine 50, 58, 61; Chr. 55 – 6, 77; Hag. 55 – 6; Epi. 55 – 6; Epit. 55 – 6; Syn. wineskin 58; Chr. 55 – 6; Hag. 55 – 6; Epi. 55 – 6, 77; Epit. 55 – 6

Greek Index

The original hagiographer embedded words from the inscription and their cognates throughout the narrative. All the recensions witness to this strategy and to varying degrees enhance the use of this literary device. The Greek Index below includes the words of the inscription in bold face followed by topically significant derivatives. Numbers in italics refer to pages of the introductory chapters, non-italic to line numbers of the Greek hagiographic texts. ἀγέλη Chr. 837; Hag. 553; Epi. 774 ἁγνός 61; Chr. 837, 845; Hag. 553, 559; Epi. 774, 782 ἀγρός Chr. 837n1185; Hag. 484; Epi. 774n592 ἀγριαίνω Epi. 460 ἄγριος Chr. 127, 689, 691; Hag. 464; Epi. 87; Epit. 18 ἄγροικος Chr. 788, 792, 794, 796; Hag. 407; Epi. 740 Ἀγρός Chr. 433, 731 – 2; Epi. 379, 682 – 3 ἀγρότης Hag. 296 ἄγω Chr. 54, 505, 621, 665, 673, 693, 701, 725, 848, 848n1210; Hag. 326, 444, 532, 549, 561; Epi. 6, 68, 419, 488, 587, 591, 617, 619 – 20, 625, 649, 785, 812 ἀθρέω Chr. 840; Hag. 555; Epi. 777, 777n595 ἀληθῶς 62; Chr. 122n153, 245, 422n561, 767, 848, 848n1211; Hag. 561; Epi. 106, 106n87, 108n91, 117, 280, 290, 291n237, 786, 808 ἀλήθεια Chr. 73, 82, 87, 91, 216, 219, 258, 386; Hag. 90, 255; Epi. 112, 226, 237, 237n194, 240, 317, 351, 751, 751n572

ἀληθής Hag. 107; Epi. 13, 57, 137, 255, 268, 273, 282, 312, 603 ἀληθινός Chr. 105, 137, 242; Hag. 116, 173, 461; Epi. 134, 164, 268n221 ἄρτος Chr. 24, 24n24, 180, 180n254, 308, 605, 612, 717, 847; Hag. 404, 482; Epi. 335, 335n269, 664, 784; Epit. 68 ἄστυ Chr. 842; Hag. 556; Epi. 779 βασίλειος 63; Chr. 527, 840; Hag. 480, 555; Epi. 776, 814 βασιλίσσα Chr. 511, 652, 654n876, 657n884, 661n892, 666n903, 674, 684n929, 706, 708n973, 710n975, 723,745, 754n1046, 770n1071, 840; Hag. 516; Epi. 777 βασιλεία Chr. 527; Epi. 814; Syn. 1 βασιλεῦς Chr. 233, 352, 391, 484, 488, 494, 522, 528, 584, 658; Hag. 262, 434; Epi. 259, 428, 438, 450, 453, 598, 641; Epit. 54, 57, 74; Syn. 10 βασιλίς Epi. 661, 669, 691, 712 βασιλικός 74; Hag. 353, 486, 487; Epi. 526, 620; Syn. 5 βόσκω Chr. 837; Hag. 553; Epi. 774

Index  345 βωμός 7; Chr. 695, 695, 700, 830; Hag. 467, 549; Epi. 635 – 6, 641, 769; Epit. 78, 81, 107; Syn. 11 γράμμα 62, 74; Chr. 563, 583, 839; Hag. 370, 390, 554; Epi. 450, 494n408, 526, 528, 776; Syn. 5 γράφω Chr. 176, 233, 233n324, 501, 564, 785, 848; Hag. 340, 354, 560; Epi. 446, 785; Epit. 107 ἀνάγραπτος Epi. 347 ἀντιγραφή Hag. 396 γραφή Chr. 361; Hag. 353; Epi. 791; ἐπίγραμμα Chr. 832; Epi. 770, 789 ἐπιγραφή Hag. 550 διαβαίνω 53; Chr. 502, 648, 700, 843; Hag. 488, 557; Epi. 447, 590, 703, 780, 808 διδάσκω 62; Chr. 47, 47n56, 71 – 2, 75, 91, 97, 215, 219, 224, 227, 26, 261n368, 274, 329, 413, 480, 762, 810, 839; Hag. 91, 218, 554; Epi. 57, 112, 174, 237, 240, 252, 351, 356, 408, 751, 776; Epit. 12, 23 ἀναδιδάσκω Epi. 60 διδακτικός Hag. 541 διδασκαλεῖον Chr. 111 διδασκαλία Chr. 813; Hag. 64, 80, 158; Epi. 92, 246, 306, 331, 509, 755 διδάσκαλος Chr. 113, 113n137, 740; Hag. 142, 508; Epi. 409 ἐκδιδάσκω Epi. 567 δίδωμι Chr. 59, 107n128, 317, 359, 366, 660, 665, 709, 770n1071, 773, 775, 847; Hag. 84, 441, 474, 515, 517; Epi. 26, 73, 95, 157, 492, 608, 609, 675, 718, 761, 784, 804, 804; Epit. 29 ἐπιδίδωμι Chr. 25, 727, 795, 846; Hag. 559; Epi. 783

ἐπεύχομαι Chr. 194, 194n258, 859; Hag. 173, 280, 321, 454, 570; Epi. 151n121; Epit. 27 εὐχή Chr. 24, 203n273; Hag. 40, 108, 145, 291, 313, 313, 484, 528; Epi. 143, 230, 377, 509; Epit. 16, 40, 104 προσευχή Chr. 203; Hag. 294; Epi. 196, 206, 736, 760; Epit. 85 προσεύχομαι Chr. 17, 118, 285, 434, 464, 472, 679, 793, 799; Hag. 310; Epi. 18, 26, 221, 626, 807; Epit. 39 ζάω Chr. 126, 126ν158, 835; Hag. 475, 551; Epi. 772 θέσις Chr. 836; Hag. 552; Epi. 773 Ἱεράπολις Chr. title, title-n3, 11n15, 524, 568n770, 697, 851n1216; Hag. 376, 468; Epi. title, 467, 636, 644, 680, 789; Epit. 79; Syn. title, 2, 11 Ἱεραπολίτης Chr. 2, 10, 11n15, 519, 542, 567, 568n770; Hag. 10, 349, 363; Epi. 8, 11, 462, 484, 505; Epit. 4, 56, 82 ἰχθύς Chr. 844; Hag. 558; Epi. 781 καθαρεύω Chr. 839n1189; Hag. 554 καθαρός 61; Chr. 614, 821, 821n1152, 845; Hag. 558; Epi. 782; 782n605 ἀκαθαρσία Chr. 149, 149n194; Epi. 182 ἀκάθαρτος Chr. 123, 127, 128n163, 687, 687n933; Hag. 109; Epit. 17 καθαίρω Chr. 382 κάθαρσις Hag. 128

ἐσθίω Chr. 179, 846; Hag. 534, 559; Epi. 783

καιρός Chr. 106, 301n442, 499, 644, 727, 727n1005, 822n1155, 836; Hag. 98, 511, 547, 551; Epi. 105, 135, 446, 678, 765, 772 ἀκαιρία Hag. 138 ἄκαιρος Hag. 239 ἐπίκαιρος Epi. 116 εὐκαιρέω Chr. 797n1108 εὔκαιρος Chr. 792; Hag. 527 καίριος Epi. 96 πρόσκαιρος Chr. 93, 326n472, 864; Hag. 93

εὔχομαι 70; Chr. 124, 288, 308, 601, 721n994, 799n1110, 849, 849n1213; Hag. 197, 561, 570; Epi. 151, 317, 666, 786

κέρασμα Chr. 847; Epi. 784 ἀκεραίως Epi. 568 ἀκραιφνής Hag. 509; Epi. 565

ἐκλεκτός Chr. 835; Hag. 551; Epi. 772 ἐκλέγω Chr. 270

346 Index λαμπρός 77; Chr. 841; Hag. 197, 329n8, 435; Epi. 179, 715, 778, 778n598 λαμπάς Chr. 63, 77; Hag. 75 λαμπρῶς Epi. 534, 811 λάμπω Chr. 288n422 λαός Chr. 39n46, 197n262, 260n367, 261, 261n369, 841; Hag. 187; Epi. 778 μαθητής Chr. 837; Hag. 552; Epi. 407, 722, 773 καταμανθάνω Epi. 90 μαθητεύω Chr. 271 μανθάνω Chr. 226, 275, 582, 590, 645, 657, 803; Hag. 94; Epi. 120, 375, 479, 526, 597 μεταμανθάνω Epi. 90n76 μέγας Chr. 78, 78n93, 104, 105n125, 182n247, 215, 230, 256, 288, 288n422, 316, 320, 456n615, 474, 474n639, 489, 525, 540, 700, 700n957, 740, 740n1026, 838; Hag. 47, 84, 120, 172, 182, 449, 554; Epi. 41, 62, 62n54, 154, 165, 179, 232, 252, 256, 259, 296 – 7, 298n242, 319, 341, 404, 516n422, 600, 600n476, 661n513, 662, 775; Epit. 21, 21, 30; Syn. 11 παμμεγέθης Chr. 29, 29n31, 845; Hag. 558; Epi. 31, 782, 782n604, n605 μεγαλοπόλεως Hag. 12, μεγαλοπρεπῶς Hag. 575 μεγαλύνω Epi. 815 μεγάλως Chr. 490 μέγεθος Chr. 181n245, 485; Hag. 11, 125, 165; Epi. 258, 259n216, 430 νοέω Chr. 182n247, 833, 849; Hag. 561; Epi. 786 ἀγχίνοια Chr. 533; Hag. 356; Epi. 475 ἀμετανόητος Hag. 226 ἀνεννόητος Hag. 54 ἀνόητος Epi. 78 – 9 διάνοια Hag. 390; Epi. 346 ἐννοέω Chr. 28, 306n446, 708n972, 828; Epi. 30 ἔννοια Chr. 751 ἐπίνοια Chr. 515n701; Epi. 721n559 εὔνοια Chr. 254, 256n359 κακόνοια Chr. 382 μετανοέω Chr. 140, 334 μετάνοια Hag. 127 νοητός Epi. 313

ὁμόνοια Chr. 740n1027; Hag. 500; Epit. 69 – 70 περίνοια Chr. 515 προνοέω Chr. 187n252(3) πρόνοια Epi. 721 συννοέω Chr. 28, 708n972, 828 οἶνος Chr. 604, 612, 615, 846; Hag. 403, 410; Epi. 545, 560, 565, 783; Epit. 55 – 56(4) ὄνομα passim ὁράω passim καθοράω 52, 61; Chr. 839; Epi. 775 ὄρος Chr. 128n161, 689n938, 691, 838; Hag. 110, 464, 553; Epi. 758, 774; Epit. 18 ὀφθαλμός 52; Chr. 183n249, 184, 243, 245, 247, 249 – 50, 250n353, 282, 284n415, 286, 286n419, 299, 315n457, 838; Hag. 174, 454, 553; Epi. 131, 248, 256, 265, 265n220, 267, 274, 279, 283 – 4, 286, 288, 291n237, 313 – 4, 329, 341, 390, 775; Epit. 27 ὄμμα Chr. 240, 283n413, 284, 299n436; Hag. 172, 203, 420; Epi. 222, 280, 326, 625, 640, 806; Epit. 16, 105 παρθένος Chr. 262n374, 264, 264n380, 485, 499, 517n707, 675, 845; Hag. 325 – 6, 559; Epi. 782 πέδιον Chr. 838; Hag. 553; Epi. 774 πέδον Chr. 842, 842n1195; Hag. 556; Epi. 779, 779n599 πέμπω Chr. 54, 508, 689, 692n944, 718n991, 726n1004, 840, 840n1191; Hag. 555; Epi. 68, 373, 480, 488, 776, 776n593 πηγή Chr. 437, 442, 720, 821, 845; Hag. 288, 293, 558; Epi. 246, 276, 382, 666, 781, 782n605 πίστις Chr. 153, 197, 281, 475, 475n642, 844, 844n1202; Hag. 82, 87, 146, 151, 168, 170, 173, 192 – 3, 225, 509, 512, 557; Epi. 121, 282, 312, 688, 781; Epit. 92

Index  347 πιστός 62; Chr. 326, 826, 826n1162, 841; Hag. 215, 499, 555; Epi. 350, 352, 566, 776; Epit. 100 ἀπιστέω Chr. 635; Epi. 541 ἄπιστος Chr. 326, 833, 833n1178; Hag. 216; Epi. 350, 352 εὔπιστος Chr. 326n472 πιστέον Epi. 107n88 πιστεύω passim ποιμήν 52; Chr. 837; Hag. 38, 552; Epi. 22, 224, 774 ἀποίμαντος Hag. 88 ποιμαίνω Epi. 797, 798n621, 799 ποίμνιον 52; Hag. 540, 546; Epi. 226, 794 πόλις passim πολίτης Chr. 54, 98, 835; Hag. 352, 551; Epi. 12, 67, 772 μητρόπολις Chr. 562, 784; Hag. 374; Epi. 502, 728 πολιτεία 55 – 6; Chr. title, 386; Epi. title, title-n2 πολιτικός Epi. 548n441 συμπολίτης Hag. 538 πρόβατον 51; Chr. 837; Hag. 553; Epi. 22, 224, 391, 774, 798 σύνοδος 61, 63; Chr. 849n1214 συνομηγύρος 62; Chr. 843; Hag. 557; Epi. 780 συνῳδός 61, 63; Chr. 849n1214; Epi. 786 συναγωνιστής Chr. 57 συνεργος Chr. 58; Hag. 319; Epi. 71 συνοδεύω Hag. 400; Epi. 556 σύνοικος Epi. 83 σφραγίς Chr. 92, 841; Epi. 211, 778 ἐκσφράγισμα Hag. 20 σῶμα Chr. 249n349, 350, 383, 387, 410, 836, 836n1183, 868, 869n1242; Hag. 170, 552; Epi. 192, 286,

291n237, 334, 335n269, 348n294, 386, 773, 810 σωματικός Chr. 288n422, 392; Epi. 283, 290, 291n237 τροφή Chr. 718, 718n988, 844, 844n1203; Hag. 558; Epi. 781, 782n605 φίλος Chr. 327, 328n473, 407, 574, 846; Hag. 217, 380, 559; Epi. 255, 325, 395, 783, 794, 799 προσφιλής Epi. 583 φιλανθρωπία Chr. 172; Hag. 124, 131, 582; Epi. 270, 270n226 φιλάνθρωπος Chr. 155, 179, 330, 876; Hag. 126, 126, 219, 225; Epi. 266, 405n340, 742, 744 φιλέω Chr. 62, 182n247, 374 φιλίως Hag. 21 φιλοξενία Chr. 154n206 φίλημα Epi. 210 φιλότιμος Epi. 299, 299n245 φίλτατος Chr. 333n480 φίλτρον Hag. 143, 181, 446 χρηστός Chr. 846, 851n1216; Epi. 783, 788 ἄχρηστος Hag. 61 εὔχρηστος Hag. 297 χρησιμεύω Chr. 46 χρήσιμος Chr. 301n442; Epi. 53 χρηστότης Chr. 154; Epi. 187 χρύσινος Chr. 851n1216 χρυσοπέδιλον 61 – 2; Hag. 556; Epi. 777 χρυσός Chr. 851, 851n1216; Hag. 563; Epi. 788 – 9 χρυσόστολος 62; Chr. 841, 841n1193; Hag. 555; Epi. 777 χώρα Chr. 429n571, 815, 842, 842n1196; Hag. 282, 465, 520; Epi. 94, 374n314, 561, 561n448, 779 ἀχώριστος Chr. 260n367; Hag. 184 περίχωρος Chr. 215, 310; Epi. 233, 233n191, 336; Epit. 36 χωρίον Chr. 429, 787, 788 χῶρος Epi. 378, 379n317