The Estrella de Sevilla and Claramonte [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674492837, 9780674187290

Citation preview

THE ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA AND CLARAMONTE

LONDON : H U M P H R E Y MILFORD OXFORD U N I V E R S I T Y

PRESS

THE

ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA AND CLARAMONTE BY

S T U R G I S E. L E A V I T T U N I V E R S I T Y OF NORTH CAROLINA

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS I93I

COPYRIGHT,

I93I

BY T H E P R E S I D E N T A N D F E L L O W S O F H A R V A R D C O L L E G E

P R I N T E D A T T H E HARVARD U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S C A M B R I D G E , M A S S . , U . S. A .

TO MY MOTHER

PREFACE HE writer trusts that he has approached the question of the authorship of the Estrella de Sevilla with an open mind. In 1929, having arrived at a conclusion regarding the year in which the play was composed — which, as it happened, nearly coincided with the date set by Señor Cotarelo in 1930 — he went to Spain to investigate further. With a list of expressions which seemed peculiar to the Estrella de Sevilla, a sampling was made of a number of the authors of the period (see Appendix), which revealed: first, that a considerable number of these expressions were in fairly general use and consequently of little value in identifying the author of the Estrella de Sevilla; and second, that many others appeared rather consistently in the works of Calderón and Claramonte, with a predominance in favor of the latter. With regard to Calderón, it appeared that he could be eliminated, principally because the Estrella de Sevilla antedated all his productions. This was not the case with Claramonte, and furthermore the fact that his name had already been associated with the play gave an additional basis for investigation. The search eventually resolved itself into a comparison of the style of the Estrella de Sevilla and that of Lope de Vega and Claramonte, but whenever it is stated that a particular expression cannot be found in Lope, it is also understood that, unless otherwise noted, it does not occur in the plays of other authors which have been examined. Since relatively little has been written about Claramonte, all the information about him that could be assembled has been included in the study.

T

PREFACE

Vili

Thanks are due to those in charge of the various departments in the Biblioteca Nacional, the Biblioteca Municipal, the Biblioteca de Filosofía y Letras, and the library of the Centro de Estudios Históricos for the facilities extended during the course of these investigations at Madrid. To Javier Lasso de la Vega, Secretary of the Biblioteca Nacional, the writer is particularly grateful. S. E. L. CHAPEL H I L L , N .

March, 1931

C.

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION

3

I. THE SOURCES AND DATE OF THE ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA II. INTERPOLATIONS IN THE ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA

.

.

7

. . .

III. ANDRES DE CLARAMONTE: HIS LIFE AND DRAMATIC WORKS . 50 IV. CONCLUSION APPENDIX INDEX

93 97 107

ABBREVIATIONS Acad BAE Bibl. Nací Brit. Mus Cat Mod. Lang. Notes Mod. Lang. Rev NBAE Pte Rev. Hisp Rom. Rev Zeit.f. rom. Phil.

Real Academia Española (edition of) Biblioteca de Autores Españoles Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid) British Museum Catalogue Modern Language Notes (Baltimore) Modern Language Review (Cambridge) Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Españoles (Madrid) Parte Revue Hispanique (Paris) Romanic Review (New York) Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie (Halle)

THE ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA AND CLARAMONTE

INTRODUCTION

O

F THE plays of the Golden Age in Spain that have attracted particular attention — and there are many that have attained this distinction — it is safe to say that not one affords more elements of interest than the Estrella de Sevilla. Some of these points of interest are for the specialist alone, but for the general reader, as well as for the scholar, the play stands out as one of the landmarks of Spanish literature and will undoubtedly continue to be so regarded in spite of any new light that may be shed upon its authorship. No one can deny the beauty of particular situations, the intensity of its dramatic moments, the nobility and charm of its characters, and the effective and unusual ending of the play. A summary of the Estrella de Sevilla can give no adequate idea of the qualities mentioned above, but it will serve as a reminder that the development of the plot is one of the reasons for the survival of the play. King Sancho has entered the city of Seville amid great acclaim, the city having outdone itself in its welcome. The King is gratified at this attention but, as we soon learn, is much more impressed by the charms of one of the ladies gracing the balconies of the street through which he passed. This person, as he discovers, is called the "Estrella de Sevilla." The King attempts to win over Estrella's brother, Busto, and later Estrella herself, by promising rewards far beyond their remotest dreams, but these are promptly refused. Undisturbed in his design, the King searches for someone more susceptible, and finds this individual in the person of a slave who lets him into Estrella's house. The unexpected return of Busto, however, foils these plans and a sharp reprimand administered to the nocturnal visitor adds humiliation to disappointment. In such a state of mind the King seeks revenge, and it so happens that the person whom he chooses to assassinate Busto is none other than Sancho, the promised husband of Estrella. When Sancho realizes his situation a frightful moral strug-

4

INTRODUCTION

gle takes place, but loyalty to the sovereign triumphs. Busto is killed, and his body brought to Estrella's house at the very moment when she is preparing for her marriage. Sancho is arrested, but steadfastly refuses to divulge his motive. In prison he falls a prey to mental anguish, which at one moment verges on insanity, but his determination is unshaken. He refuses an opportunity to escape, and chooses to remain silent even in the face of the King's command to declare why he committed the crime. Finally, the King, who has exhausted every compromise, declares himself to be the instigator. Sancho and Estrella are brought together; but both decide that happiness is impossible now; and each goes his own way. On a first reading of the Estrella de Sevilla, the scene of the delirium of Sancho is perhaps the part of the play that impresses one most, not because it is the most dramatic or the best developed, or anything of the sort, but because it raises so many questions, all difficult to answer. Are the preliminary remarks about Sancho's losing his mind to be taken literally, and is Sancho really crazy? What was the purpose of the scene? Was it intended merely as comic relief? Just how did the author intend that it should be played? And, finally, could this scene, so different from the rest, have been in the original play ? The scene referred to above is not the only puzzling thing about the play by any means. On the contrary, there are many shorter passages in which the intention of the author is far from clear. This unfortunate situation was even more acute until FoulchéDelbosc presented a more extensive text 1 than the one generally known 2 and thus explained a considerable number of doubtful passages. But this highly important contribution to our knowledge of the play still leaves much to be desired, because even in this longer form there are entire lines missing. In an introductory study to the critical text Foulché-Delbosc estimated that there 1. La Estrella de Sevilla. Edition critique publiée par R. Foulché-Delbosc. Extrait de la Revue Hispanique, tome X L V I I I . New York, Paris, 1920. 2. A suelta of the seventeenth century is the basis for earlier editions, the first modern reprint being by Francis Sales, Boston, 1828.

INTRODUCTION

5

were as many as twenty-seven of these lines, but S. G. Morley has explained that this calculation is excessive.1 The fact remains that the play in its entirety is not what we possess. An explanation for the loss of the lines will readily occur to anyone familiar with the propensity of actors and managers to cut or adapt plays, but this does not restore the lost lines. Nevertheless, conjecture as to what has become of them incidentally adds further interest to the play. A full account of the few copies of the suelta version extant and of the single copy of the other left to us would be a fascinating one, if we may judge from the many interesting details given in an article by the eminent authority on Spanish drama, Señor Cotarelo y Mori,2 were there not matters of greater moment to claim our attention, the most important of which is the question of authorship. Up to the publication of the Foulché-Delbosc text, the Estrella de Sevilla had been attributed without question to Lope de Vega, because in the only version known his name appeared on the title page, in the running titles, and in the final lines: Esta tragedia os consagra Lope, dando a la Estrella D e Sevilla eterna fama . . .

The Foulché-Delbosc text also ascribes the play to Lope on the title page and in the running heads but the concluding lines differ: esta tragedia os consagra Cardenie, dando a la Estrella de Seuilla eterna fama . . .

Inasmuch as the pseudonym "Cardenio" was never used by Lope and since the verse is faulty in the " L o p e " lines and not in the others, Foulché-Delbosc was led to believe that Lope de Vega was not the author of the play. He did not, however, base his conclusion upon this single fact, but brought forward other reasons, which will be discussed later, in support of it.

m

ι. "The missing lines of the Estrella de Sevilla." Rom. Rev., xiv, 233-239. 2. "La Estrella de Sevilla es de Lope de Vega." Rev. de la Biblioteca Archivo y Museo, (¡93°), 12-24·

6

INTRODUCTION

In the introduction to a school edition 1 of the play H. Thomas agreed with Foulché-Delbosc, added further proof that Lope was not the author, and concluded that the unknown Cardenio, when found, would prove to be from southern Spain. This opinion was shared by Anita Lenz who, in a review of the situation,3 added that in her judgment the author, whoever he was, must have had no sense of humor. More specific is Aubrey Bell who states that the Cardenio in question was Pedro de Cárdenas y Angulo,3 who was known to have used this pseudonym. But the trouble is that the one play that he wrote (with Antonio de Paredes) is lost, and hence we know nothing of the character of his work. Finally, Señor Cotarelo y Mori attacks the position of Foulché-Delbosc and endeavors to restore to Lope 4 credit for the play, though giving considerable emphasis to a theory, advanced by Menéndez y Pelayo, 5 that the play as we have it now was reworked to some degree by Andrés de Claramonte, manager of a theatrical company in Lope's time and something of a playwright himself. As the situation now stands, one group of scholars ascribes the Estrella de Sevilla to Lope de Vega, though admitting that in its present form there is a strong likelihood that it is either a refundición or contains interpolations. Another group thinks that the play is by a single hand, the author probably having been born in the south of Spain and in some way to be identified with the name Cardenio. In this disagreement, which affords still another element of interest, it seems appropriate to study the question of authorship in all its ramifications and try to find a more satisfactory solution. i . La Estrella de Sevilla, formerly attributed to Lope de V e g a . Edited with introduction, notes, and vocabulary b y H . T h o m a s . Oxford, 1923 (2nd ed., enlarged, 1930). T h e text o f this edition follows the shorter version, since it was already in type when the edition of Foulché-Delbosc appeared. T h e date of the volume of the Revue Hispanique in which the latter appeared does not correspond with the date of publication. α. " Z u einer Neuausgabe der Estrella de Sevilla." Zeit. f . rom. Phil., x l i i i (1923), 92-108. 3. A . F . G . Bell, " T h e author of the Estrella de Sevilla." Rev. Hisp., l i x , 296-300; and " W h o was C a r d e n i o ? " Mod. Lang. Rev., x x i v , 67-72. 4. " L a Estrella de Sevilla es de Lope de V e g a . " Op. cit. f . Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. A c a d . , i x , x x x v - x x x v i .

I

THE SOURCES AND DATE OF THE ESTRELLA

DE

SEVILLA

SOURCES HE historical sources of the Estrella de Sevilla are not to be sought in any account of the stirring times of King Sancho IV of Castile, upon whom the play is supposed to turn; because, except for an occasional vague reference to Moors, Gibraltar, Granada, or trouble in Castile, there is nothing in the play that is true to the events which occurred during the reign of Sancho or at all suggestive of the century in which he lived. The incident of the killing of Busto at the King's command, and the sovereign's subsequent reluctance to come to the assistance of his agent, however, does find its parallel in a period of Spanish history much nearer to the time when the play was composed. But this historical fact has been so frequently mentioned in connection with the play that little more than mention is necessary here. In 1578 a certain Juan Escobedo was murdered at the instigation of Philip II; and the King's secretary, Antonio Pérez, to whom the details of this "affair of state" had been entrusted, was arrested, put to cruel tortures and subjected to interminable persecution without the King's even raising his hand to protect him. Señor Cotarelo y Mori, in the article referred to above, has attempted to prove that the Estrella de Sevilla was written in 1623 and not before 1618 as had been suggested by Foulché-Delbosc.1 If this is the case, the story related by Lord Holland about Philip ι . Op. cit., pp. 33-34.

8

THE ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA

IV, who came to the throne in 1621, may well have been the inspiration for another important incident in the play. The similarity at least is striking. He [Philip] and the Count Duke of Olivarez, after having engaged the Duke Albuquerque at play, suddenly left the room; but Albuquerque, suspecting the king's design upon his wife, feigned violent sickness, and, rising hastily from his seat, made the best of his way to his own palace. There he perceived two men muffled in cloaks lurking near the gate. He instantly fell upon the one whose height showed him to be the king, and, employing his stick in a most unmerciful manner, obliged the Count Duke Olivarez to interfere; who, to rescue his sovereign from so severe a drubbing, stepped forward and informed the duke that the man whom he was striking was the king. Albuquerque affected great indignation at such an imputation on his majesty; and repeating that such designs were as incongenial with the character as incompatible with the honour of the monarch, under the pretense of vindicating royalty from such an aspersion, made the minister, who had shared his master's guilt, partake also of his chastisement.1 The story of the amorous escapade of Philip which terminated so disastrously may have been nothing but slander; but, whether it actually happened or not, if the Estrella de Sevilla had any connection with such gossip, there was every reason why the author, whoever he was, should wish to hide his identity behind a pseudonym. The same is true of an actual occurrence with which the King's name was again associated and which may well be a further source of the play. This was the murder of the Count of Villamediana on August 21, 1622. A t nightfall, when the famous Count was driving through the Calle Mayor in Madrid, a muffled man stopped the coach, recognized the occupant, and dealt the Count such a terrible wound that he died in a few minutes. The prominent position of the victim, his supposed love for the Queen, and the fact that the assassin was never apprehended, all this made the affair considerably more than a nine days' wonder and comment was rife. I. Lord Holland, Some Account of the Life (1806), p. 139; and 2d ed. (1817), ι, 163-164.

and Writings of Lope Felix de Vega Carpio

AND CLARAMONTE

9

Y hubo personas tan descaminadas en este suceso, que nombraron los cómplices y culparon al principe, osando decir que le introdujeron el enojo por lograr su venganza; que su orden fué que lo hiriesen, y los que la daban, la crecieron en muerte, abominando el engaño tanto como el delito.1 There is no certainty that the Estretla de Sevilla was based upon the events or stories mentioned above, but if the play was written as late as Señor Cotarelo believes, evidently there was plenty of material in real life from which to elaborate a plot, though there might have been considerable danger in making too free a use of these sources and in acknowledging the workmanship. We shall also see that literature offered an abundant amount of material which an author could use for a play of this sort without, however, jeopardizing his life by so doing. As Menéndez y Pelayo has pointed out,2 there is an obvious similarity between the Niña de Plata 3 and the Estrella de Sevilla. In fact, the likeness is so great that a single summary will serve for the greater part of both plays : Taking part in a procession through the streets of Seville the Prince (King) is particularly attracted by one of the numerous women who have witnessed the scene from their balconies. In the course of his inquiries as to who this person is, he learns the names of others, comments upon them, and is finally apprised of the identity of the one in whom he is interested. He discovers that the girl has a brother and decides that this is the individual through whom an approach can best be made. The brother is summoned, — the pretext being decidedly flimsy in both instances, — is questioned about his family, and, to his surprise, is taken into the service of the Prince (King). The girl in question has a lover, who naturally has many misgivings when he hears of the attentions the girl's family is receiving. These fears prove to be entirely justified 1. F. de Quevedo y Villegas, Grandes anales de quince dias. BAE, x x m , 214, col. 1 . See also E . Cotarelo y Mori, El Conde de Villamediana, Madrid, 1886; and N. Alonso Cortés, La muerte del Conde de Villamediana, Valladolid, 1928. 2. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., i x , cviii. 3. Listed in Lope's El peregrino en su patria, ed. 1618.

IO

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

when an aunt (slave) accepts a bribe and lets the royal personage into the girl's house. From this point on the two plays differ radically. A minor point of resemblance is the presence of a female slave in each house.1 There are numerous textual similarities, the most numerous of which deserve mention to show how closely the Estrella de Sevilla parallels a possible model. MAESTRE

[A

Don Enrique]

¿Qué os parece la ciudad? DON

ENRIQUE

Una octava maravilla; Pero con decir Sevilla Se dice todo. (Niña, p. 322, col. ι)

ARIAS

Que te parece, señor, de Seuilla? REY

me ha tan solo Rey.

Parecido bien, que oy

he sido

(Estrella, 11. 51-54) 2

ESCUDERO

ESTRELLA

Quisiera Que Su Alteza conociera Quién es la casa en que estoy. El sol no ha entrado ni tiene Licencia de entrar en ella. (Ibid., p. 327, col. ι)

Viuia con él contenta sin dexar que el Sol me injurie, que aun los rayos del Sol no eran a mis ventanas comunes. (Ibid., 11. 2090-93)

DON

ENRIQUE

Llegad, no tengáis temor. FÉLIX

¿Quien no le ha de tener en la presencia De un príncipe tan alto y generoso? (Ibid., p. 330, col. 2)

BUSTO

A essos pies turbado llego, porque es natural efeto ya en la presencia del Rey turbarse el vassallo . . . (Ibid., 11. 278-82)

1. A. Restori, who rightly considered the aunt in the rôle of go-between as particularly objectionable and unnecessary to the action, mentions a refundición (edition of 1737), the changes in which might have been made by Lope himself. In this version the intermediary is the slave. Zeit.f. rom. Phil., x x v u i , 235-236. The slave episode in the Estrella may possibly have some connection with Masuccio, Novellino, In this story two noblemen bribe a servant and gain access to the room of two girls. After the crime the servant is threatened by the father and confesses. 2. The references are to the Academy edition of Lope, i x ; and to the edition of the Estrella de Sevilla by Foulché-Delbosc.

AND CLARAMONTE Escudero ΐres reyes se han apeado en nuestro zaguán, no más. Chacón Ni fueron más á Belén. (Ibid., p. 332, col. 2)

Félix No dijiste que venías Por tela, raso ó gurbión, No por holanda 6 Lutfwjuy cambray . . . . {Ibid., p. 335, col. 2)

D o n Arias El oro ablanda hasta las peñas duras. {Ibid., p. 341, col. 2)

II Natilde

Que era el Rey, señora. Arias El era, y no es mucho que los Reyes siguiendo vna Estrella vengan. {Ibid., 11. 774-76) Clarindo Como los dos no damos de olandas y cambray es algunos blandos ayes, siguiendo a nuestros amos? {Ibid., 11. 544-47) Natilde Por oro que monte tendrá firmeza? {Ibid., 11. 863-64)

Menéndez y Pelayo was of the opinion that the Niña de Plata was the more recent of the two plays because of "its greater perfection of style," but were there no other evidence than the two plays themselves, it would seem obvious that the eminent Spanish scholar was in error in this instance. It is true, as the Spanish critic states, that the style of the Niña de Plata is superior to that of the Estrella de Sevilla, but the former play has more plots, contains much extraneous material, and develops many incidents in an unfortunate way; whereas the Estrella concentrates the interest upon a few characters, eliminates unnecessary details, and handles satisfactorily the very incidents that are objectionable in the Niña de Plata. These improvements alone indicate that the Estrella is the later play. Though not so intimately connected with the Estrella de Sevilla as is the Niña de Plata, Lope's Fuerza lastimosa 1 — hitherto unmentioned in connection with the Estrella — has a few passages that are suggestive. One of these is in the second act where the I. Listed in El peregrino en su patria, ed. 1604.

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

11

King, after a discussion of what is honorable in rulers, hands Enrique a paper that is equivalent to an order to kill his wife, an obligation which leaves Enrique in a state of extreme distress. The resemblance between this incident and the one in the Estrella in which the King gives Sancho the paper with Busto's name upon it might pass unnoticed, were there not textual similarities in the two plays. ENRIQUE

ESTRELLA

Entre la taza y el labio Dijo, en cierto pasatiempo, ¿>ue había peligro, un sabio . . . (.Lafuerza lastimosa, Acad., xiv, . 6, col. i)

Mas quien sacó el fin por el principio, si entre la taça y la boca υη Sabio temió el peligro? {Estrella, 11. 1398-1401 )*

[ T O Enrique, who has been summoned by the King] Fos sois un gran caballero . . . {Ibid., p. 12, col. ι)

REY

FABIO

ENRIQUE

¡ Buenos mis negocios van ! S>uién tendrá en esto paciencia? {Ibid., p. 33, col. 2)

[To

Busto, who has been summoned] Soys υη grande Cauallero . . . {Ibid., 1. 401) SANCHO

En ocasion tan triste quien paciencia tendrá? quien sufrimento? {Ibid., 11. 663-64)

In Lope's Servir con mala estrella 2 there are apparently a few points of contact with the Estrella de Sevilla. The King in the former play, for example, has seduced Tello's sister, and one of the bodyguard advises that Tello be given a place on the frontier and thus be removed — an idea suggestive of King Sancho's first encounter with Busto in the Estrella. Again, the rebuke which Busto gives the King in the Estrella has almost its parallel in Lope's play. There, Tello enters his sister's room unexpectedly and finds the King, who remains motionless. A t this, Tello, pre1. But cf.

Bien dijo un sabio, que había entre la boca y la taza peligro . . . El Burlador de Sevilla, Act III, Sc. XIX. 2. Listed in El peregrino en su patria, ed. 1618.

AND CLARAMONTE

13

tending that he is speaking to a lienzo, delivers a mild reproof. No passages present verbal similarities. Another play of Lope's, El médico de su honra,1 seems to have contributed a share. At least there is one passage in it suggestive of the Estrella de Sevilla. Rey

Rey

Mucho he estimado el cuidado Con que en aquesta ocasión Hoy Sevilla su afición En recibirme ha mostrado. Agradecido me siento, Y justamente Sevilla Se intitula maravilla. (El médico de su honra, Acad., ix, 4 1 3 , col. 1)

Muy agradecido estoy al cuydado de Seuilla, y conozco que en Castilla ya soberano Rey soy. Desde oy reyno, pues desde oy Seuilla me honra y ampara . . . (Estrella, 11. 1 - 6 )

Commenting upon the relation between the delirium scene in the Estrella de Sevilla and that in Tirso de Molina's Como han de ser los amigos, which was played long before 1621 according to the testimony of Tirso himself, Foulché-Delbosc states that "the resemblance is flagrant and there are even verbal coincidences, some of which are perfect." 2 In proof of this he cites the following passages (which have been extended here to include whole lines) : D. Manrique Necio he sido; sí. ¿No es necio quien da el alma? . . .

( . N B A E , I V , 24, col. 1 )

Sancho "Honor, vn necio y honrado viene a ser criado vuestro, por no exceder vuestras leyes." (Estrella, 11. 2478-80)

Tamayo

Clarindo

Ese argumento traen siempre los boquirubios pero no los boquinegros . . . (Ibid., p. 24, col. 2)

Por Dios, señor, que lo creo, que aquel demonio de allí, arrogante y corninegro, a vn poeta amigo mio se parece . . . (Ibid., 11. 2467-71)

1. " . . . la representó Avendaño, acaso entre 1621 y 1623." Rennert y Castro, Vida de Lope de Vega (Madrid, 1919), p. 496. 2. Op. cit., p. 27, note ι.

14

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA D . MANRIQUE

Entiérrame. TAMAYO

Ya te entierro. (Quiero seguille el humor:) ¿No te has de echar en el suelo? (Ibid., p. 25, col. j ) D.

MANRIQUE

¡Válgame Dios! ¡Que honre á un necio, muerto por sola su culpa, tanta multitud de cuerdos! (Ibid., p. 25, col. i)

CLARINDO

(APARTE)

Pienso que ha perdido el sesso; quiero seguille el humor. {Ibid., 11. 2373-74)

SANCHO

Valgame Dios! Ay, Estrella, que desdichada la tengo sin vos! (Ibid., 11. 2534-36)

D . MANRIQUE

SANCHO

Discreto fuiste en traella, pues solo, sin Armesinda, padezco. (Ibid., p. 25, col. ι)

Honor, su hermano perdi, y ya en su ausencia padezco, (Ibid., 11. 2500-1)

TAMAYO

SANCHO

Ea! que el Responso cantan. ¿Quieres que sea el Memento, ó el Peccatem me quotidie, responso de majaderos? (Ibid., p. 25, col. 2)

Dame vna poca [ceniza], Clarindo, para que diga "memento." (Ibid., 11. 2380-81)

These "coincidences" would be of slight importance were there not an obvious similiarity in the development of the two scenes: both masters fall a prey to mental anguish, the idea of death is suggested, both servants decide to humor their masters, and groups of imaginary people are pointed out. In the two plays there are other verbal similarities, not mentioned by FoulchéDelbosc, the first of which, it may be noted, does not occur in the delirium scene of either play. D.

MANRIQUE

¡Necio! Salte de la sala; vete á la caballeriza, que está aquí el conde de Fox, don Gastón.

BUSTO

Sancho Ortiz de las Roelas . . . SANCHO

Ya no me llamays cuñado?

AND CLARAMONTE

15

TAMAYO

BUSTO

¿Aquí está, ox? Cuando el hombre se encarniza es caballo desbocado. {Ibid., p. 3, col. 2)

V n cauallo desbocado me haze correr sin espuelas. 1 (ibid., 11. 599-602)

CLARINDO

TAMAYO

¡ A y celemines!

¿Qué es esto?

Respondedme. D.

mas si eres ya piedra sal, di como hablas? {Ibid., 11. 2390-91)

MANRIQUE

¿ Qué respuesta te tiene de dar un muerto? TAMAYO

¿'Tú estás muerto? D.

MANRIQUE SÍ. TAMAYO

¿Y con habla? {Ibid., p. 24, col. 2) D . MANRIQUE

SANCHO

. . . que la necedad es la honrada en estos tiempos . . . {Ibid., p. 25, col. ι )

. . . el verdadero honor consiste y a en no tenerlo . . . {Ibid., 11. 2482-83)

Foulché-Delbosc believed that the delirium scene in Tirso was the imitation because " i t is distinctly inferior to the other." With this reasoning it is hard to agree. In the first place, the scene in the Estrella, though not "tan insulsa, tan fría, tan desatinadamente escrita" as Menéndez y Pelayo considered it, certainly lacks the logical development and the unity of Tirso's. One is confused, jumbled and aimless, while the other is orderly and methodical. But here, if the question of priority were not already clear, the I . T h e m e a n i n g o f these lines, i. e. " t h a t B u s t o is m u c h e x c i t e d , " is h a r d l y clear w i t h o u t reference to the corresponding p a s s a g e in T i r s o .

ι6

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

fact that the scene in Como han de ser los amigos fits much more neatly into the general scheme of the play would argue conclusively that the Estrella scene was the imitation. Confronted with so many verbal similarities in these two plays, it seems entirely likely that a part of the conversation between Natilde and Clarindo in Act I of the Estrella, which at first sight appears to have no connection with the Como han de ser los amigos, really has its origin in Tirso's play. Clarindo and Natilde, it will be remembered, decide to make love in imitation of their masters, and in the course of their conversation we find the following: CLARINDO

Ay, hermosa muleta de mi amante desmayo! NATILDE

Ay, hermoso lacayo, que al son de la almoaça eres poeta! (Estrella, 11. 549-52)

The idea of an almohaza here is absolutely absurd, since Clarindo has nothing at all to do with horses, and neither has Natilde. But no such objection can be raised to the use of the word in Como han de ser los amigos. TAMAYO

No soy bueno para espía: mándame tú que haga plaza del mandil y la almohaza . . . (.NBAE, iv, i l , col. 1)

This is most appropriate, for Tamayo is intimately associated with such appurtenances. He is a groom, his first appearance is with a grain sieve, and his vocabulary is largely made up of stable terms. The two other plays included in the Cigarrales have never been considered in connection with the Estrella de Sevilla in spite of the fact that striking similarities are to be found in them.

AND CLARAMONTE

17

DIANA

BUSTO

Si el D u q u e á amarte se m u e v e , ïomarâ à censo tu honor . . . {El celoso prudente, BAE, v , 613, col. 1)

que es como censo el honor, que aun el que le da, le quita? {Estrella,Vi. 1055-56)

REV

Si en papeles y pinturas Censo su amor quiso echar, Y redimille procuras, Ya como censo al quitar T e v u e l v e [Sancho] las escrituras. {Ibid., p. 622, col. 1) REY

SEGISMUNDO

Lisena mía, Y a es medio día, y a en verte Se ausentó la noche fría.

R e y s o y , y he venido a ver Estrellas a medio dia.1 {Ibid., 11. 183-84)

GASCÓN

Veremos de aquesa suerte Estrellas al medio día. {Ibid., p. 614, col. 3) i . Cf. Lope: CAMACHO

¡Hola! £>uc soy, Marqués, como censo. PARÍS

¿§ué es como censo? CAMACHO

Al quitar, Porque Alejandro me ha hecho. {La prueba de los ingenios, Acad., xiv, 221, col. 1) 2. Cf. Lope: CuRIACIO

Volveré, señora, á ver Aquesos ojos suaves. Volveré á ver, Julia mía, Las estrellas que solía; Porque al mediodía, sospecho Que dirás que verme has hecho Estrellas Λ mediodía. {El hermano honrado, Acad., vi, 393, col. 2) (·Concluded on p. 18)

ι8

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

SANCHO

SANCHO

Do« Sancho soy; si he callado A vuestro gusto, por esto Al buen callar llaman Sancho, En mí teneis el ejemplo. {El celoso prudente, ibid., p. 632, col. 3)

que si al hablar(!) llaman sancho, yo soy Sancho, y callar quiero. {Ibid., 11. 2332-33)

VASCO

CLARINDO

¡Santos estrellados! Doléos de quien de miedo está en tortilla . . . (El vergonzoso en palacio, ibid., p. 207, col. ι)

Por esta Estrella hermosa morimos como hueuos estrellados; mejor fuera en tortilla. (Ibid., 11. 689-91)

The unusual word almohaza, to which attention has already been called, is found in El celoso prudente: GASCÓN

Por armas pondré una higa, Y á sus lados dos almohazas . . . (BAE, ν, 622, col. 3)

Although Gascón is not so given to stable words as is Tamayo, he appears as a coachman late in the play. The word, then, belongs in his vocabulary. Evidently, almohaza is more the stock and trade of Tirso than the property of the author, or the refundidor, of the Estrella de Sevilla. A possible point of contact between the Vergonzoso en palacio and the Estrella de Sevilla is to be found in the much discussed " R i c a r d o de T u r i a " certainly seems to have borrowed from Tirso. LISARDO

Aquí solo quiero hacer, Entre uno y otro suspiro Memoria de mis querellas Que son mas que las estrellas Que ya rutilantes miro. Y ( qué mucho que mi pecho Diga que en la noche Jría Ve estrellas, si á mediodía Las estrellas velie han hecho? (La burladora burlada, BAE, XLIII, íT], col. 2)

AND CLARAMONTE

19

delirium scene. As will be recalled, Sancho and then Clarindo indulge in a conversation in which both the questions and answers are given by themselves. The first is with Honor (11. 2477-2502) and the second with Cerberus (11. 2515-25). These passages are very brief as compared with Tirso's practice, for it will be remembered that in the Vergonzoso Serafina puts on a whole " p l a y " in this manner; Magdalena takes the part of both herself and Mireno in the famous "sleep" scene; and, toward the end of the play, the same sort of thing occurs when Antonio is about to enter the garden. 1 With so many similarities apparent, it seems entirely probable that the author of the Estrella — or the one who reworked it, if such was the case — had a copy of the manuscript of the Cigarrales de 'Toledo2 before him, or at least the three plays it contained well in mind, when he was engaged in the composition of the play. If this conclusion is correct, a clue of another sort is suggested. One of the servants in El celoso prudente never comes upon the stage and consequently attracts little attention, though his name, Cardenio, 3 is extremely familiar to those who are acquainted with the closing lines of the play we are considering. Given the apparent connection between El celoso prudente and La Estrella de Sevilla, this servant may help explain the pseudonym which has been such a puzzle. THE DATE OF THE PLAY From the foregoing it is evident that the Estrella de Sevilla in its present form derives principally from the Niña de Plata of Lope de Vega and leans heavily upon the three plays of Tirso which appeared in the Cigarrales de Toledo. This being true, it seems cerI. In Lope's Fuerza lastimosa (Acad., xiv, 6) Octavio talks to his alma in the same manner. 1 . According to Miss Bourland (The Short Story in Spain, . . . Northampton, 1927) the first edition of the Cigarrales was published in 1624. Since the privilegio is dated November 8, 1621, the collection may have had considerable circulation before 1624. 3. BAE, ν, 630, col. 3.

io

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

tain enough that the play was written after 1621 at least. But since Señor Cotarelo has dated the play more exactly it is necessary to examine all the evidence that he brings forward, try to estimate its validity, and see if there is any other information on the subject which he does not mention. The first testimony introduced by Señor Cotarelo is to be found at the very beginning of the edition published by Foulché-Delbosc, where we find the sentence, Representóla Auendaño. This undoubtedly means that the company of Avendaño was the first to present the play. 1 Commenting upon this fact, Señor Cotarelo points out that the Avendaño referred to is Cristóbal de Avendaño, stating further that he was not a director of a company until 1621. Hence the play must have been composed on or after that date. A Cristóbal de Avendaño is mentioned by Rennert and Castro as having been manager of a company between 1609 and 1619, 2 but if this was the Cristóbal de Avendaño who later became one of the best known autores de comedias in Spain, he could not have been very successful during this period, to judge from his appearance with a number of different companies as a mere actor. In 1613, for example, he was with the company of Baltazar Pinedo; in 1619, with Cristóbal Ortiz y Villazán; 3 and in 1620 with Juan Bautista Valenciano. T h a t he was not considered important enough to play leading rôles even then is evident from the manuscript of Claramonte's Inj elice Dorotea, written in 1620 and licensed in 1621, 4 for here the parts are assigned and the one given to Avendaño, " Lain," is a very minor one.4 After M a y , 1621, however, we find frequent 1. " E n cuanto a la fecha de su composición y de su estreno, sólo hay un d a t o algo preciso y seguro para fijarlas, suponiendo que el uno h a y a seguido de cerca a la otra, como era costumbre, y es el encabezado de la desglosada, que dice: 'Representóla A v e n d a ñ o ' ; es decir, que la puso por primera vez en escena la compañía de Cristóbal de A v e n d a ñ o . " Cotarelo, La Estrella de Sevilla, etc., ρ. ao. 2. El Corral de la Pacheca is given as the source of this information, but there is an error somewhere for no such statement is found on the page cited (p. 4 1 ) , nor elsewhere in the book. 3. C . Pérez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo español, etc. ( M a d r i d , 1901), p p . 131, 168. 4. See infra, p. 68, note.

AND

CLARAMONTE

21

reference to Avendaño as manager of a company and from that year on his name was one to be conjured with. In 1621 he put on two autos in Madrid for the Corpus fiesta;1 in 1622 he produced Lope's Juventud, de San Isidro before the King; 2 between October 5, 1622 and February 5, 1623 he played El labrador venturoso before the Queen; 3 and in 1623, in April and M a y , he again played before the King, 4 leaving in July for Valencia to give a series of fifty performances. 5 It seems altogether likely, then, that the Estrella de Sevilla had its estreno by this famous actor some time after his inconspicuous appearance in La infelice Dorotea. The second piece of evidence produced by Señor Cotarelo comes from within the play itself and consists of the following lines: DON

SANCHO

D e que te ries? CLARINDO

D e ver a vn espantado hazer gestos, señor, a aquellos demonios, porque le han ajado el cuello y cortado las melenas.

(11. 2434-38) This passage, it is stated, refers: first, to a decree of 1623 prohibiting the wearing of that intricate and expensive piece of masculine adornment known as the cuello escarolado; and, secondly, to an edict of the same year against another refinement of the period, tufos and copetes. Therefore, it is argued, the play was written in 1623. It is indeed true that a decree against these collars — with many other fantastic provisions — was proclaimed on February 11, 1623,6 to be effective March 1, and was not rescinded by a βρει. Pérez Pastor, op. cit., p. 188. 2. H. A. Rennert, The Spanish Stage in the Time of Lope de Vega (New York, 1909), p. 427. 3. H. A. Rennert, "Notes on the chronology of the Spanish drama." Mod. Lang. Rev., h i , 44. 4. Rennert, The Spanish Stage, p. 427. 5. Pérez Pastor, op. cit., p. 195. 6. Capitvlos de reformación, qve sv Magestad se sirve de mandar guardar por esta ley, para el gouierno del Reyno. En Madrid. Por Tomas Iunti . . . 1623.

22

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

cial order of March 22 1 of the same year permitting the wearing of elaborate dress during the visit of the Prince of Wales. But the measure in question was presented to the King for his approval on June 27 of the preceding year, 2 and may have given rise to considerable comment before it became a law. Consequently, the chances are that a joke about disarranging collars would have been entirely appropriate in the latter part of 1622, as well as in 1623. The absurd regulation about the long locks affected by elegant dressers may likewise have been the subject of much comment before it was actually enforced in 1623. But whether or not the Madrid dandies had any warning that their long hair and fancy neckwear would be curtailed by the government in 1623, we cannot but note that Señor Cotarelo has weakened the force of his argument by giving countenance to an assertion made by Menéndez y Pelayo that all the scenes in which the gracioso, Clarindo, appears are interpolations by Andrés de Claramonte. 3 For it will be observed that not only do the remarks about collars and hair occur in a scene in which Clarindo figures, but the very lines in question are uttered by that character. If these lines are interpolations, as Menéndez y Pelayo asserts and as Señor Cotarelo seems to admit, the references to the collars and the long hair serve only to date the interpolations and not the whole play. The same is true of the other lines mentioned by Señor Cotarelo as proof that the play was written in 1623: CLARINDO

Quien, señor, ha de escreuir, teniendo tan poco premio? A las fiestas de la plaça muchos me pidieron versos . . .

(il. 2176-79) ι. Pregón qve por mandado del Rey nvestro Señor se ha dado en esta Corte . . . sobre la suspension de los trages, y otras cosas prohibidas en las vltimas prematicas. . . . 2. Discursos y apuntamientos de Don Mateo de Lison, y Btedma . . . Ponese por principio vna proposición. . . . 3. "Todas las escenas en que interviene el gracioso Clarindo... tienen que ser de aquel adocenado plagiario. . . . " Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., i x , xxxv.

AND

CLARAMONTE

23

These, it is asserted, refer to the fiestas held in the Plaza Mayor in Madrid on the occasion of the visit of the Prince of Wales (March 7 to September 7, 1623). Evidently they do, but if we accept Señor Cotarelo's reasoning, does not the fact that Clarindo utters them indicate that they are interpolations and were not in the original play? The matter becomes even more complicated if we admit another suggestion made by Señor Cotarelo to the effect that the play as we have it was reworked by Claramonte in order that it might be put on in Seville. 1 If this is the case, it would appear that Claramonte's first change, granting for the moment that he did rework the play, would have been to eliminate the " f i e s t a " lines, since they would mean nothing to a Sevillian audience, and substitute others with some local appeal. In fact, the question, as understood by Señor Cotarelo, involves a serious contradiction. So much so, that it seems best to avoid for a time the intricate problem of interpolations and cast about for other clues that will assist in dating the play. The additional evidence necessary is perhaps not so difficult to find. A t least there is another play to be considered, the plot of which so closely parallels that of the Estrella de Sevilla that it must be considered as either a source or an imitation. In Calderón's Amor, honor y poder the King falls in love at first sight very much as the Sovereign does in the Estrella — the similarity of the girls' names, Estela and Estrella, may or may not have some significance — and in both plays the favorite or prime minister acts as go-between, but is unsuccessful in spite of having made extravagant promises. In both, the brother of the girl is an obstacle and must be removed. In Amor, honor y poder the brother, Enrico, administers a severe rebuke to the King, pretending, like Busto, that he is doing so to someone else. 2 Instead of being killed for his I. " A l l í [Seville] le llegaría la comedia de L o p e , a la que puso como nueva para estrenarla en dicha ciudad; por eso h a y tantos elogios de ella, aun impertinentes y duplicados." Op. cit., p. 23. 1. T h e situation is different, but the conception is the same. In Calderón's play Enrico talks to a " s t a t u e " (the K i n g himself), the reprimand being less severe than Busto's. In

24

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

daring as is Busto in the Estrella, Enrico is put in prison. There, just as is the case in the Estrella de Sevilla, a veiled lady comes with jewels and a horse to facilitate his escape. She does not want to reveal her identity any more than Estrella does, but Enrico, like Sancho, insists. Later, Estela, like Estrella, comes before the King to present her case; the King makes a number of flattering remarks; and the girl's story makes an impression upon him quite similar to that made by the report of Estrella's visit to Sancho in prison : REY

REY

No he visto gente mas gentil ni mas Christiana que la desta Ciudad: callen ere?««, marmoles y estatuas. (Estrella, 11. 2774-77)

¡Que una muger ha sido Tan noble, que el poder haya vencido! Callen Porcia y Lucrecia, que ofendidas Despreciaron las vidas; Pero no desta suerte . . . 1 {Amor, honor y poder, ΒAE, vii, 383, col. 3)

There are other textual similarities: REY

REY

Soys υη grande Cauallero, y en mi Camara y Palacio quiero que assistays de espacio, porque yo conmigo os quiero. (Estrella, 11. 401-4)

Galan andais, Enrico; Y aunque en esto no os pago, De mi cámara os hago . . . {Amor, honor y poder, BAE, vil, 370, col. 3) ESTELA

BUSTO

Esto, don Busto Tauera aqui os lo dize, y, por Dios, que como lo dize a vos a el mismo se lo dix era. (Ibid., 11. 1077-80)

Si el Rey quisiera intentar Cosa contra el honor mio (Que no es posible que ofenda Al honor mas claro y limpio), Al mismo Rey le dijera Que en mas que su reino estimo, Y mas que el mundo, mi honor. {Ibid., p. 378, col. 1)

this connection compare the incident in Lope's El servir con mala estrella, which has already been mentioned (supra, pp. 12-13). I. Cf. also que las dadiuas son puertas para conseguir fauores de las Porcias y

Lucrecias.

(Estrella, 11. 824-26)

AND CLARAMONTE

25 LUDOVICO

REY

todo el amor es cautelas . . {Ibid., 1. 1405)

Haces bien, que el amor todo es cautela. {Ibid., p. 370, col. 3 ) 1

In trying to determine which of the two plays is the earlier we may note that Calderón almost certainly imitated the Estrella de Sevilla in at least two plays of this early period. At least we find that a few incidents from them tell practically the entire story of the play we are considering. In El médico de su honra, for example, (which follows Lope's play of the same name very closely except in the incident related here) a female slave, who, like Natilde in the Estrella de Sevilla, has been promised her liberty and more, introduces the Prince into Mencia's garden at night. As in the Estrella, this happens at the beginning of the second act. The slave tells the Prince something of Mencia's habits just as Natilde reveals the habits of Busto. In both cases (as in Lope's play) the man in question returns unexpectedly and complications arise upon which all the rest of the play depends. In La devoción de la cruz, Eusebio, like Sancho, expects to marry a girl of whom he is very fond, but these plans are upset when he kills her brother in a duel. As is the case in the Estrella, the body of the brother is brought into the house in a dramatic manner and Julia, like Estrella (at the end of the play), reflects that marriage is now impossible since she would always have before her the man who killed her brother. A comparison of the two remarks mentioned just above makes the resemblance even more striking. I. But cf. DON

JUAN

Amor es una cautela . . . {fan largo me lo fiáis, Act I, Sc. V) CRIADO

I°

in*u/ todo iuuuesCJcautela muntela que, aunque amor . .. . {Ibid., Act I, Sc. IX) D . PEDRO [Fabio]

Si amor todo es cautela . . . {Ibid., Act. III, Sc. VII, and El Burlador de Sevilla, Act. III, Sc. IX)

26

THE ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA ESTRELLA

JULIA

Y o te absueluo la palabra, que ver siempre al homicida de mi hermano en mesa y cama me ha de dar pena. SANCHO

Y a mi estar siempre con la hermana del que maté injustamente, queriendole como a el alma. ESTRELLA

Pues libres quedamos?

¿ Qué gusto tendré en tus brazos, Si para llegar a verme Dando vida á nuestro amor, Voy tropezando en la muerte? ¿Qué dirá el mundo de mí, Sabiendo que tengo siempre, Si no presente el agravio, Quien le cometió presente? Pues cuando quiera el olvido Sepultarle, solo el verte Entre mis brazos, será Memoria con que me acuerde. {La devoción de la cruz, BAE, vil, 58, col. 3)

SANCHO

Si.

ESTRELLA

Pues a Dios. SANCHO

A Dios. REY

Aguarda. ESTRELLA

Señor, no ha de ser mi esposo hombre que a mi hermano mata, aunque le quiero y le adoro. {Estrella, II. 3005-16)

The earliest of the three plays of Calderón which have been mentioned is the Amor, honor y poder, which was produced at Court on June 29, 1623. 1 As we have seen, there is not the same certainty with regard to the date of the "collar" and "fiesta" lines in the Estrella de Sevilla, though the more one considers them the more probable it seems that they refer to events of the same year. If this is so, they must have been written before June 29, for it seems hardly likely that a playwright would make a joke in July or later about matters which were the principal topic of conversation as early as February and March. By late summer, ι. E. Cotarelo y Mori, Ensayo sobre la vida y obras de D. Pedro Calderón de la Barca (Madrid, 1924), p. 118; and Rennert, Îhe Spanish Stage, p. 4 1 1 .

AND CLARAMONTE

27

surely, the novelty of the decrees would have well worn off. With reference to the relation between the Estrella de Sevilla and Amor, honor y poder, we may note that in 1623 Calderón was just beginning his dramatic career and there is a much greater likelihood that he would be the imitator, as we find him to be in so many of his early plays, than that someone would imitate him. Again, certain situations in Amor, honor y poder that are reminiscent of the Niña de Plata seem far removed from Lope's play and have every appearance of having come to Calderón in a diluted form. Finally, the fact that Calderón almost certainly imitated the Estrella de Sevilla in the other plays mentioned above makes it seem even more likely that he copied here. It is obvious, then, that all the evidence that can be collected tends to point to the year 1623 as the date of the Estrella de Sevilla. It was written after the composition of the Cigarrales de Toledo; after Avendaño became manager of a dramatic company; probably after the death of the Conde de Villamediana; a part, at least, was composed either just before or soon after the cuellos escarolados were prohibited; another part not far from the time when the Prince of Wales made his famous visit; and the probability is that the play was known before June 29, 1623. But a final judgment is clouded, as we have observed, by the vexing problem of interpolations. It is necessary, therefore, to leave the exact date of the Estrella somewhat in abeyance and pass on to a discussion of them.

II

I N T E R P O L A T I O N S IN T H E ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA HAS been pointed out, the Estrella de Sevilla is something of a mosaic — and in this respect not unlike many other plays of the siglo de oro — a considerable part of the plot having been borrowed from Lope's Niña de Plata, one whole scene from Tirso's Como han de ser los amigos, and occasional lines from other sources. I t now remains to be seen whether it is also spotted with interpolations, an important detail upon which critics have signally failed to agree. The first to suggest the possibility that the play had suffered at the hands of some refundidor was J. E. Hartzenbusch who, to be sure, had only the shorter form to guide him. [La Estrella] carece de sentido en varios pasajes, mutilados oprobiosamente: supresiones ó añidaduras mal hechas embrollan su desenlace de tal manera que apenas se entiende la intención del autor.1 Now that we are certain that a considerable number of lines are lacking in the suelta upon which Hartzenbusch based his conclusions, it is easy to understand why he stated without hesitation that the play had been mutilated. But it must be noted that he did not speak with the same conviction about interpolations. On the contrary, he qualified his statement to supresiones ó añidaduras; and the first of these possibilities was clearly established by the publication of the longer version. The second alternative was advanced by Menéndez y Pelayo without reservations. ι. ΒJE, XXIV, viii.

ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA A N D CLARAMONTE

29

La edición, con efecto, es pésima aun entre las de su clase; pero no sólo debe de estar horriblemente mutilada, sobre todo en el tercer acto, sino que contiene evidentes interpolaciones de mano ajena y torpe, que ni siquiera ha intentado disimularse. Para mí es claro como la luz del día que La Estrella de Sevilla que leemos hoy está refundida por Andrés de Claramonte, quien cometió en ella iguales ó mayores profanaciones que en la de El Rey Don Pedro en Madrid. Todas las escenas en que interviene el gracioso Clarindo (nombre poético de Claramonte), por ejemplo, la del delirio de Sancho Ortiz, tan insulsa, tan fría, tan desatinadamente escrita, tienen que ser de aquel adocenado plagiario, que aun para ellas necesitó ayuda de vecino; por ejemplo, la de Tirso de Molina en su comedia Como han de ser los amigos. . . ,1 Menéndez y Pelayo's reason for believing that the " C l a r i n d o " scenes belonged to Claramonte was the fact that this playwright made use of such a pseudonym on more than one occasion. It is indeed true that Claramonte frequently styles himself thus. Gallardo cites a poem in the Fragmento á la Purísima Concepción (1617), entitled " C l a r i n d o á su p l u m a " ; and the final verses of Claramonte's Infelice Oorotea contain the pseudonym, y esta venganza Clarindo promete en otro comedia.

Occasionally, a Clarindo appears in Claramonte's plays as the author of songs sung by musicians or others: Esto Clarindo cantaba a natalio y a teodora . . . (Púsome el sol [Bibl. Nacl., 14955] fol. 2) Cantad los bersos que hiço Clarindo al papel de aier. {Ibid., fol. 28) Vn epitafio es, señora, que yço Clarindo a una ynfanta de navarra, de tu nombre . . . {La infelice Dorotea,

Act II, fol. 10)

Foulché-Delbosc was well aware that Clarindo was the nom de plume of Claramonte but he could not see that this was sufficient I. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., ix, xxxv-xxxvi.

30

THE ESTRELLA

DE

SEVILLA

reason for thinking that the " C l a r i n d o " lines in the Estrella were written by him. Le fait qu'un personage d'une comedia se nomme Clarindo est, pour Menéndez y Pelayo, la preuve de l'intervention de Claramonte. Parlant de Dineros son calidad, il dit que cette oeuvre eut, comme plusieurs autres pièces de Lope, " l a desgracia de ser refundida por Claramonte, que no dejó de poner en la obra su contraseña, introduciéndose en ella con su nombre poético de Clarindo y llenándola de necedades según costumbre [IX, clxv-clxvi]." J'avoue que le but de cette manoeuvre m'échappe et q u e j e ne réussis pas à comprendre l'utilité de cette soi-disant contraseña. Je me l'explique d'autant moins, que, parmi les pièces dont personne n'a songé à disputer la paternité à Claramonte, il en est un grand nombre qui ne contiennent aucun personnage nommé Clarindo. Faudrait-il donc admettre que Claramonte ne plaçait cette contraseña que dans les pièces qu'il aurait prises à autrui? 1 Foulché-Delbosc's conclusions with regard to interpolations were as positive as those of Menéndez y P e l a y o : Je suis convaincu: i° que le texte de La Estrella de Sevilla tel que nous le connaissons maintenant est exempt d'interpolations et de retouches; 1° que ce texte est un texte original et non une refonte.2 H è goes on to say that the style of the play, though not of the best, is the same from one end to the other. In other words it is the style of a single author. In attacking the position of Foulché-Delbosc, Señor Cotarelo takes practically the same stand as Menéndez y P e l a y o in regard to interpolations and even goes several steps farther. In answer to a statement that Clarindo is necessary to the action, he suggests that the scenes in which Clarindo appears m a y be substitutions for others in the original, and that the delivery of the letter to Sancho (the most important proof of the necessity of Clarindo) m a y well have been originally entrusted to the maid, the conventional message-bearer in plays of the period. W e have also noted that Cotarelo believes that Claramonte got hold of this play during his residence in Seville and re-made it (puso como nueva) to p u t on ι. Op. cit., p. 29-30.

2. Op. cit.y p. 24.

AND CLARAMONTE

31

in that city. On this account it contains "tantos elogios de ella, aun impertinentes y duplicados." In other words, many, if not most, of the passages in praise of Seville are by Claramonte. We may note in passing that there is a Clarindo in a number of plays of the seventeenth century, 1 some, or none, of which may have seen the hand of Claramonte; but that matter is not of immediate concern now. The two questions of moment are: Is there any evidence that the Estrella de Sevilla contains interpolations? and, Are there any reasons for thinking that Claramonte had anything to do with the "Clarindo" passages, or with any part of the play? I t must be admitted that at first sight a survey of the "Clarindo" scenes favors the affirmative in both instances. It would appear, for example, that if Clarindo were dispensed with altogether in the first act, the play would suffer not at all, but rather be improved. To begin with, the affair between Clarindo and Natilde (or Matilde), though it is the conventional burlesque of serious love-making, is much more unlikely than is usually the case with situations of this kind. With a doncella in the house to attract his attention, why should a high-class servant like Clarindo fall in love, or even pretend to fall in love, with a slave? Clarindo, it seems, never thinks of her again, and after her demise does not even realize that she has been killed. We have already seen that the almohaza remark of Natilde is absurd (probably due to the author's reckless imitation of Tirso) and upon examination the rest of the conversation between the pair is found to be of the same stuff, totally devoid of humor. Whether Menéndez y Pelayo was right or not in thinking that Claramonte had a part in this, it seems likely that Lope would have been capable of better work. Lack of humor is quite characteristic of Claramonte, but still there are times when Lope himself fails; so nothing conclusive can be deduced from the ineffectual attempt at wit mentioned above. i. Dineros son calidad (Lope), La prueba de los ingenios (Lope), Los amores de Albanio y Ismenia (Lope), El Rey Don Pedro en Madrid (?), La milagrosa elección de San Pio Quinto (Moreto).

32

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

But just before this passage and immediately after it there are lines that do suggest the presence of Claramonte, for no examples of the sort can be found in Lope. SANCHO

juntándonos amor en solo vn sino, para que emule el cielo otro Castor y Polux en el suelo? Quando en laços iguales nos llamará Castilla Geminis de Seuilla con gustos inmortales? (Estrella, 11. 496-502)

VIZCONDE

Y aquellos caballeros? CORDOVILLA

Son desta marauilla los primeros, y son por marauilla el Geminis del Cielo de Castilla Castor y Polux bellos . . . (De Alcalá á Madrid, Parte quinta de comedias, Fol. 1, verso)

SANCHO

NINO

La mar tranquila y cana amanece entre leche, y, antes que montes eche a el Sol por la mañana, en circuios de grana madruga el Alúa hermosa . . . (Estrella, 11. 566-71)

Cuando de regozijo en circuios el sol de leche y grana vistió, padre, esta sierra, gracias le di al Señor de Cielo y tierra. (El Gran Rey de los Desiertos, Autos sacramentales . . ., p. 128.)

A t the end of the " a l m o h a z a " scene Clarindo announces the arrival of Busto and remains upon the stage throughout a lengthy conversation between Busto and Sancho without interposing a single word, which, to say the least, is no token of good dramatic technique. It is not until some time after Busto's departure that Clarindo has a speaking part, and this is only four lines, following Sancho's outburst against the King. But not one of these lines is important to the action, which would be more effective with their omission along with the suggestion of Sancho that the two go to Gibraltar (a false lead anyway, for the two never discuss the matter any more, nor do they do anything further about it). Finally, the verse scheme would not be broken if this scene ended with the last lines of Sancho's "monologue," y dándoles tu silla no gozes los Imperios de Castilla! (11. 679-80)

AND CLARAMONTE

33

The final line, repeated so many times in this scene, appears to have some connection with Claramonte, for practically the same expression occurs in Deste agua no beberé: DON

GUTIERRE

M i l años, R e y y señor, El imperio de Castilla Gocéis, dilatando E s p a ñ a Africanas monarquías. 1 (BAE, xLiii, 5 1 7 , col. 1)

Still, Lope uses the same construction, though never, as far as can be ascertained, in connection with Sevilla. REY

T u esposa y tu imperio goza, D a n d o fin á los sucesos D e l gran D u q u e de M o s c o v i a . {El Gran Duque de Moscovia,

A c a d . , v i , 642, col. 2)

LELA

P o r mil años Goces de Fez el imperio. (La tragedia del Rey Don Sebastian, A c a d . , x n , 527, col. 1)

On the other hand, the whole imprecation uttered by Sancho against the King finds almost its exact counterpart in Claramonte's Católica Princesa (1612). E n ocasion tan triste, quien paciencia tendra? quien sufrímiento? T i r a n o , que veniste a perturbar mi dulce casamiento con aplauso a Seuilla, no gozes los Imperios de Castilla!

FULGENCIA plegué a dios, enemigo, que no logres tus locas esperanças, y p a r a t u castigo, e n t r e m o n t e s de picas y de lanças, s e enfrenen tus porfías Matías. y mueras a ¿as manos de

Bien de don Sancho el B r a u o mereces el renombre, que en las obras de concerte acabo;

Persígate leopolda, los papistas te causen mil enojos, y el sol que al m u n d o entolda

i . Menéndez y Pelayo and Foulché-Delbosc believed that Deste agua borrowed from the Estrella de Sevilla. Is it not more likely that similar passages in the two plays are the work of a single hand ?

34

THE ESTRELLA DE

y pues por tu crueldad tal nombre cobras y Dios siempre la humilla, no gozes los Imperios de Castilla! Conjúrese tu gente, y pongan a los hijos de tu hermano la Corona en la frente con Bulas del Pontífice R o m a n o ! y dándoles tu silla no gozes los Imperios de Castilla! (Estrella, 11. 663-80)

SEVILLA

con nubes de alquitran çiegue tus ojos, y no logres tus di as y mueras a las manos de Matías. M e t a con mano sabia la casa de austria en termino suçinto por toda la moldabia la mitra y llaues de su Paulo quinto, y por tus tiranías mueras entre las manos de Matías. (La Católica Princesa, A c t II, fol. 11)

It will be noted that the occurrence of repetitions, the versification, and the general tone are the same. The arrangement of the succeeding lines, however, differs. In the Estrella, Sancho, after repeating the third no gozes . . . speaks several lines to Clarindo before delivering himself of a final no gozes los Imperios. . . . The author of the Católica Princesa holds back this final word until the next act. But repetitions are frequent in Claramonte and in La infelice Dorotea an example occurs (fols. 6-9), though not in sextillas, in which the final remark comes at the end of the scene as in the Estrella. Lope is more sparing of repetitions than Claramonte and his practice differs somewhat from the examples quoted above. In La boda entre dos maridos (Acad., x i v , 606-07) repetitions in sextillas are found, but they occur every twelve lines instead of at the end of each sextilla; in La pobreza estimada (Acad., x i v , 294, cols. I, 2) a line not in sextillas is repeated several times, and the final remark comes at the end of a scene after an interruption, as in the Estrella, but the line in question occurs each time at the beginning of a series of speeches rather than within one. In La fuerza lastimosa (Acad., x i v , 32-34) and in El halcón de Federico (Acad., x i v , 466-67) lines are repeated a number of times by a character who is half mad, but the verse is not in sextillas and the repetitions are interrupted by intervening speeches. In fact, no example can be found in Lope so nearly like the Estrella passage as that quoted from Claramonte.

AND CLARAMONTE

35

Clarindo's next appearance is in the second act when he delivers a letter from Estrella to Sancho, a service which Señor Cotarelo suggests is more appropriate to the maid than to Clarindo. This is indeed the case and, furthermore, how did Clarindo get possession of the letter anyway? He is Sancho's servant, not Busto's, and yet he merely says that it was Estrella who told him to deliver the message. This would be a natural remark for the maid, but it is an unsatisfactory and incomplete explanation from Clarindo. In this scene a number of passages are so decidedly in Claramonte's manner that the hand of suspicion rests heavily upon him here. In the first place, the passage SANCHO

Cuyo es este ? CLARINDO

De Estrella que estaua mas que el Soi hermosa y bella, quando por la mañana forma circuios de oro en leche y grana. {Estrella, 11. 1 6 1 3 - 1 6 )

contains almost the same line from Claramonte that has been quoted above. In the first of the following quotations, though there are no verbal coincidences the similarity in idea is apparent. CLARINDO

CLAVELA

Tengo, señor, buen rostro con buenas nueuas, pero fuera vn mostro si malas las traxera, que hermosea el plazer desta manera. No vi que hermoso juesse hombre jamas que deuda me pidiesse, ni vi que feo ballasse hombre jamas que deuda me pagasse . . . {Estrella, 11. 1 6 2 3 - 3 0 )

Y asi no ay pobre galán, que el que no tiene riqueza casi no es ijo de Adán. As visto pobre discreto ni rico que no lo sea? {El secreto en la mujer, Act I, fol. ι, verso-i) ARNAO

no e bisto pobreça alguna a quien discreción le sobre, y rico no bi jamas que un oráculo no sea. {La infelice Dorotea, fol. 8, verso)

36

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

A few lines further on we find verbal similarities, which are not to be discovered in Lope. SANCHO

ANDRES

A y , buelto soberano deste Polux diuino soy humano! {Estrella, 11. 1657-58)

son aquellas lumbres bellas [Los Reyes Católicos] Castor y Polux divino, y son en el cielo insigno y en la tierra dos estrellas . . . (La Católica Princesa, fol. 15)

Again, Sancho's commands in regard to the marriage preparations are almost the same as Celio's in Claramonte's El dote del Rosario: SANCHO

CELIO

Auisa al Mayordomo de la dichosa sujeción que tomo, y que saque al momento las libreas que estan para este intento en casa reseruadas, y saquen las cabeças coronadas mis lacayos y pajes

prevengan mis gentes todas lo neçesario en Palacio, saqúense luego libreas para paxes y lacayos, para que abriles y mayos en tantos colores veas. [El dote del Rosario, fol. 13, verso)

de hermosas pesadumbres de plumajes. (Estrella, 11. 1667-74)

Of the two scenes at the end of A c t II in which Clarindo participates (his return to report that he has delivered the message, and the arrival of Busto's body), the first regales us with a display of humor on Clarindo's part that is quite as unsuccessful as his previous attempt (and incidentally quite unlike Lope), and the second provides a speech of a single word by this individual. Evidently there is little here that could not have been done just as well by the maid. A slight similarity may be seen between some of the phrasing and passages from Claramonte but the usage of Claramonte and Lope in this regard is so similar that the actual evidence of Claramonte's presence is slight. The most important of the " C l a r i n d o " scenes, the prison and the delirium, have decidedly the appearance of having been tampered with: the presence of Clarindo and the musicians in the pri-

AND

CLARAMONTE

37

son is not motivated, the delirium is suddenly introduced, 1 and undue prominence is given to Clarindo. Having seen how the mad scene in the Estrella is patterned after the one in Tirso's Como hart de ser los amigos, we can hardly believe that Lope at the height of his career would have imitated Tirso so closely. Furthermore, we find that, in spite of the author's supreme effort, the humor falls as flat as it has hitherto. Surely, Lope would have struck a spark at least once if he had been the one who was trying so hard. The feeble humor is, rather, more like the manner of Claramonte; and as evidence that this writer had a share in at least one of these scenes we note the following similarities: SANCHO

REY

Buscad barbaros castigos, inuentad nueuos tormentos, porque en España se oluiden de F alari s y Magencio. (Estrella, 11. 2 2 7 2 - 7 5 )

Matarelos y dare al mundo eterno escarmiento; sere jalaris sangriento, maxençio ingrato sere. (La infelice Dorotea, Act II, fol. 5, verso)

i. It is true that there seems to be preparation for this scene. In the second act, when Sancho is about to fight his best friend, he remarks (aside) : Perdone amor, que el excesso del Rey ma ha quitado el sesso. . . . (11. 1812-1813). After the deed he talks in a manner that seems strange to the bystanders — but which would have been perfectly intelligible had they known all the circumstances — and remarking upon the whole incident Farfan says: Este hombre ha perdido el sesso. (1. 1864) (The audience knows, however, that Sancho was never more sane in his life). Later, when Pedro reports the matter to the King, he explains that Sancho wants to die: Esso es lo que mas dessea: el sentimiento le priua, viendo vna hazaña tan fea, tan auara y tan esquiua, del juyzio. (11. 2018-2022) But if this series of remarks about Sancho's losing his mind was intended as preparation for the " c r a z y " scene, the continuity is broken at the most critical moment, for the same men, when they come to see Sancho in jail (the scene immediately preceding the delirium), say nothing that would indicate that they believed him insane. In fact, Arias' final comment is: Raro valor! brauo esfuerço! (1. 2361) Later, when the alcaldes pass judgment upon him, nothing is said about madness being an extenuating circumstance. The only conclusion possible is that either the remarks about Sancho's losing his mind were not intended as preparation for the delirium scene, or else that this preparation is poorly handled.

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

38

Lope makes occasional mention of Phalaris 1 but never, as far as can be ascertained, in connection with Maxentius. Clarindo makes his appearance again in the final scene, where his participation in the conversation is limited to a single line toward the end and the utterance to the audience regarding the author of the play. The last lines could certainly have been taken as well by anyone else but it must be observed that no one but he — or the doncella who never appears in this act — could have made the remark about Sancho's renunciation: M a s me parece locura.

But however that may be, the hand of Claramonte seems to be evident very early in the scene: SANCHO

DOÑA

SI hablara el papel, èl lo dixera, que es cosa euidente y clara . . . (Estrella, 11. 2935-37)

MENCIA

Q u e si ofendido os hubiera, Es cosa evidente y clara, Señor, que no os lo dixera . . . (Oeste agua no beberé, BAE, XLIII, 520, col. 1) ANACREONTE

Ese sueño no declaras? A mi me parece cosa muy clara y muy evidente. (El mayor rey de los reyes, fol. 228)

With regard to the passages in praise of Seville, which Señor Cotarelo suggests may also be due to Claramonte, it must be noted that they are so numerous that it would be almost impossible to I.

FEDERICO

Que, aunque privado, no tengo Otras riquezas que herede, Porque lo he sido de un Rey Que en la crueldad bárbara excede . . . Fálaris, Claudios y Jerjes. (La ley ejecutada, Acad., xiv, 328, col. 2) LAURO

¿Este es Febo? No es Febo, Sino un Fálaris nuevo. (La boda entre dos maridos, Acad., xiv, 607, col. 1).

AND

CLARAMONTE

39

leave them out and have very much left to the play. If Claramonte wrote this much, as well as the " C l a r i n d o " scenes, his contribution was surely not inconsiderable. And it must be confessed that Claramonte spent a number of years in Seville and had a greater motive for praising the city than did Lope. To be sure, this praise is not entirely unalloyed, for Sevillian poets are not included in it. We find the following, for example, in the " h e l l " scene: CLARINDO

N o veo, señor, entre estos poetas ninguno de nuestros tiempos: no veo aora ninguno de los Seuillanos nuestros. SANCHO

Si son los mismos demonios, dime como puedes vellos, que allá en forma de poetas andan dándonos tormentos. (Estrella, 11. 2458-65)

Still, it is easy to understand that a resident of the city might have his reasons for praising Seville and the city fathers, and at the same time take occasion to jibe at his rivals. From the foregoing it is evident that there is ample reason for suspecting that Claramonte had something to do with the scenes in which Clarindo figures; but rather than discuss the likelihood that these may be interpolations it seems advisable to search further and see if there is evidence of Claramonte's participation in other scenes in the play. Curiously enough one of the lines which seemed to be connected with Claramonte at the end of the play is the first bit of testimony to confront us at the beginning. REY

Desde oy reyno, pues desde oy Seuilla me honra y ampara, que es cosa cuídente y clara . . . (.Estrella, 11. 5-8)

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA The occurrence of this expression on two occasions is of no significance except as indicative of the haste or carelessness of the author, but if the line in the final scene is due to Claramonte, as seems likely, it is also his here in a passage in praise of Seville. Continuing with the search we note that in the same opening scene the author rhymes empressa and Alteza (11. 4 2 - 4 3 ) . He does this again in Act II (11. 9 5 0 - 5 1 ) and later (in a "Clarindo" scene) has ofensas and vengas in rhyme (11. 1 6 6 3 - 6 4 ) . Such faulty verses undoubtedly indicate, as Thomas and others have pointed out, that the author came from southern Spain. Again we are reminded of Claramonte, who was born in Murcia and spent a large part of his life in Andalucía. Not only this, but Claramonte falls into the same error more than once. LEOPOLDA

Varrer esta sala quiero, si manda vuestra

alteza.

REYNALDO

E s posible, rreino fiero, que açes tan gran crueldad

oy con tu misma

prinçesai

Decir quiero en la çiudad que es oy rreinaldo. LEOPOLDA

Ay pobrera y paciencia.

Perdonad.

(La Católica Princesa, Act I I I , fol. 13) REY

Venced de Rosimunda la tibieza, y seguro quedad de mi promeza.

(De los méritos de amor, fol. 18) O T Av i O

G a n a r espera mucho en servir en tal casa, y aunque criado no ha sido, y a tres años a servido, que ansi el tiempo buela y pasa. y o le e buscado esta traça de servir.

AND

CLARAMONTE

41

LELIO

M u y vien está a C l a b e l a servirá. {El secreto en la muger, A c t . I I , fol. 12) PADRE

Y o , padre mio, lo haré si la uida m e da espaçio. y un Jeremías seré. SAN

ANTON

V a m o s dentro y de

Atanasio

el gran m a n t o sacaré. (Τao de San Anton, Schaeffer, 1, 136) LEOPOLDA

duque, m u c h o os agradezco el c u y d a d o que teneis, y aunque m u j e r os parezco, pues tu prinçipe tendreis, honor del suelo tudesco . . . {La Católica Princesa,

A c t I, fol. 19, verso, 20)

Gallardo (11, 4 7 8 - 7 9 ) cites verses from Claramonte's Fragmento á la Purísima Concepción which are equally faulty. O no p u d o ó no quiso, sino hizo Q u e A d á n fuese de A d á n valiente escudo, Y que en el sacro y celestial provizo A d á n dejase á A d á n suspenso y mudo. Ignorancia es decir que Dios no quizo, C o m o yerro dudar que Dios no p u d o . . . 1

Of course, the fact that Claramonte made such mistakes is no proof in itself that he was the one who erred in the Estrella de Sevilla, but if the decision lies between him and Lope the verdict is hardly in doubt. In the next scene where the King and Arias are discussing the women of Seville, we find that Arias' comment on the name of one is similar in idea to a remark made in one of Claramonte's plays. I. T h e author of the Estrella has other imperfect rhymes that are not quite as striking: duerme-acuerdes (11. 37, 40), and pies-porque (11. 437, 440). Claramonte rhymes perfectorespeto {La Católica Princesa, Act. I, fol. 15, tterso), and [h]artes-que des {Ibid., ι, 19, verso).

42

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

ARIAS

DOROTEA

L a buena or mala fortuna también se atribuye al nombre. (Estrella, 11. 1 1 5 - 1 6 )

Muchas veces dan los nombres las desgracias. (La infelice Dorotea, A c t II, fol. 10, verso)

A t the beginning of the next scene the King addresses Gonzalo just as the King does Diego in Deste agua no beberé: GONÇALO (con

luto)

Derne los pies vuestra Alteza.

DON DIEGO (vestido de luto) Déme los pies reales vuestra alteza.

REY

REY

Leuantad, Por vida mia, dia de tanta alegría vents con tanta tristeza? (Estrella, 1 1 . 221-24)

Pues, Don Diego Tenorio, bien venido; ¿Cómo á mis pies venís con tal tristeza? (Deste agua, BAE, XLIII, 516, col. 3)

Later in the act Busto's protests against the King's entering his house are couched in practically the same terms as Mencia's objection to the King's plan to visit her castle: BUSTO

Señor, son hechas para mi humildad, y vos no podeys caber en ellas, que para tan gran señor se cortaron muy estrechas; y no os vendrán bien sus salas, que son, gran señor, pequeñas . . .

MENCIA

No sé si podréis caber, Porque es cosa conocida No cortarse â esa medida, Y ansí pequeño ha de ser . . . (BAE,

XLIII, 5 1 3 , col. 3 )

(Estrella, 11. 706-12)

Passing on into A c t II we find what seems at first sight to be the most significant passage of all 1 for in it occurs a strange error which Claramonte also made in his De Alcalá á Madrid. DON

Solo te auenturas?

ARIAS

ISABEL

N u n c a , Marques, de dulces tan amargos los postres me sirváis.

ι . Cf. S. E. Leavitt, "Apples of Hesperides in the Estrella de Sevilla." Mod. Lang. Notes, χ LV, 314.

AND

CLARAMONTE

43

REY

MARQUES

Pues, por que espumosos remolcos por manqanas passo a Colcos? {Estrella, 11. 933-36)

Si a Coicos fuera por las manganas vana gloria de Argos dulce imposible por serviros fuera . . . 1 (Del Alcalá â Madrid, Parte quinta de comedias, fol. 14, verso)

But the matter cannot be settled so easily, for Lope, in spite of the fact that he wrote a play on the Golden Fleece/ makes the same mistake again and again. FRONDOSO

Corrió [Atalanta] esta tarde con el bello Hipómenes; Pero valióse de una industria el Principe, Que tres manzanas, más que las H espèride s, Que Medea guardó con arte màgica, L a fué arrojando entre las plantas agiles . . . (Adonis y Venus, Acad., vi. 11, cols. 1, a) FINEO

Viene Jasón. ANTIOPÍA

¿Es Jasón? FINEO

El que robó las manzanas Y el vellocino de oro . . . (Las mujeres sin hombres, Acad., v i , 46, col. 1) LUCINDO

Iré á cumplir en todo tu deseo; Pero no sé si en la batalla aciertas, Porque en Atenas cuentan de Teseo Grandes hazañas. ORANTEO

Todas son inciertas: L a que cuenta con Hércules no creo, N i que rompió las infernales puertas; El tr a Coicos si, pues ya se sabe Lo de Jasôn y la primera nave. En fin, se halló en el robo de Medea El vellocino y las manzanas de oro . . . (El laberinto de Creta, Acad., v i , 132, col. 2) i . MS. por ser bivos. . . . í . Foulché-Delbosc thought this conclusive proof that Lope could not possibly have written the lines in question.

THE ESTRELLA

44

DE

SEVILLA

ALEJANDRO

¡Ojalá, como á Me mandáredes Las hespéridas Venciendo toros

Jasón, traeros manzanas, de Juego! {La -prueba de ios ingenios,1

A c a d . , x i v , 205, col. 2)

ISABEL

Eso de las pomas de oro Y el vellocino dorado F u é de mil fieras guardado, Y fué inviolable tesoro; Rindiólo

todo Medea . . . {La pobreza estimada, A c a d . , x i v , 270, col. 1) 2

B u t disregarding the fact that both Lope and Claramonte were confused about the location of the Apples of Hesperides, the question under consideration finds its answer in a number of passages from Claramonte in which the rhyme words are identical with those in the Estrella de Sevilla. In Lope's plays, it m a y be observed, these combinations do not occur. URSINO

Seguirete a la muerte, pasare el mar nabegando, como otro Jason a Colcos, por espumosos remolcos y por bentanas nadando . . . {El secreto en la muger, A c t I I , fol. 8) 1. La prueba de los ingenios has a character named Clarindo in it and, if the formula of Menéndez y Pelavo is accepted, this would indicate that Claramonte had tampered with the play. Here, too, the author makes a mistake about Phaeton just as the author of the Estrella de Sevilla does in lines 69-70. FLORELA

Cayó [Faetón] en el mar a templar Su furia, abrasado y ciego . . . (Acad., XIV, 186, col. 1) Cf. also ESTRELLA

Valgame Dios; si el tiempo me atropella\ {Estrella, 1. 598)

ALEJANDRO

Y o he entrado donde el tiempo me atropella. . . . {Ibid., 212, col. 2) 2. G. I. Dale {Hispania, xi, 289-290) has cited other examples of the same sort.

AND

CLARAMONTE

45

T u , mar, que atreuidos sorbes en espumosos remolcos, no con gigantes estorbes que llegue al eterno Coicos, sulcando esfericos orbes. {Letanía Moral, p. 455) GALLINAIO

y saliéndose de coicos, j a s o n conbertido en argos, y de los mares A m a r g o s sufra barbaros remolcos . . . (El Nuevo Rey Gallinaio,

fol. 8-8, verso ')

Continuing with the search for signs of Claramonte's participation in the Estrella de Sevilla, we note other similarities. BUSTO

ANTONIO

N o permite su [Estrella's] arrebol eclipse, ni sombra obscura, que es su luz, brillante y pura, participada del Sol. {Estrella, 11. 1145-48)

Y o eclipsare su [Leopolda's] arrebol, o la v e r d a d sabre aqui antes que se esconde el sol. {La Católica Princesa, A c t I I , fol. 1 , verso) REY

[Maria] viene como pescado, escama y piel, con que cubre y eclisa su arrebol. {El Nuevo Rey Gallinaio, fol. 5, verso) BUSTO

GARCINUÑEZ

[abruptly entering Estrella's room to accuse her of h a v i n g given entrance to the King] Echa esse marco.

[unceremoniously entering D o r o t e a ' s room w i t h the intention of killing someone] tengo de entrar ansi a m a t a r y a morir, pues con morir y m a t a r , cumpliendo con el uiuir, puedo el morir disculpar.

ESTRELLA

Q u e es esto . . . {Estrella, 1. 1260)

DOROTEA

Echa ese marco, T e o d o r a . A y de mi. {La

infelice

Dorotea, A c t I I I , fol. ζ, verso) ι . Cf. also, espumosos gol/os, Nuevo Rey Gallinaio, fol. 14.

φ

THE ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA

Passing on to the end of the act we observe that the evil omen attending Estrella's preparation for her wedding and the attempt to make light of it finds its parallel in Claramonte. TEODORA

PEDRO

[to Estrella, who is nearly ready for her wedding] Verte, señora, en ti misma puedes, porque no ay cristal que tantas verdades diga, ni de hermosura tan grande haga verdadera cifra.

[to Ñuño who has practically finished dressing for his marriage] En toda tu vida as estado mas galani

Parece que suena gente. Cayo el espejo: de embidia, dentro la hoja, el cristal, de vna luna hizo infinitas.

PETI

Tu cara a amarte muy gallardo vas.

MARTIN

Y a te están aguardando. ([Ñuño] va a caer.)

ESTRELLA

Quebróse?

PEDRO

Cayda

agora.

TEODORA

Señora, si. ESTRELLA

Bien hizo, porque imagina que aguardo el cristal, Teodora, en que mis ojos se miran.

conbida,

ÑUÑO

Fue de contento del bien que boy adquerir.1 {El ataúd para el vivo, fol. 19)

{Estrella, 11. 1 8 8 4 - 1 9 1 2 )

The exaltation of kings in general, so frequent in the Estrella, may well have been intended as a measure of compensation for the sorry rôle that the particular king Sancho plays. No examples of the sort can be found in Lope; and there is no play of Claramonte's in which the Monarch is extolled so often, but a considerable number of passages of extravagant praise do occur in the plays of the latter, and in these the spirit, and occasionally the phrasing, is the same as in the Estrella de Sevilla. LOPE

BUSTO

Bien estoy ansi, que si el R e y se ha de tratar como a santo en el altar, digno lugar escogí.

{Estrella, 11. 2 8 9 - 9 2 )

. . . pues quien rije es Rey, que el Rey solamente de altar en sus reynos sirbe. {El ataúd para el vivo, fol. 3 )

I. Just before this a mirror has fallen and broken to bits.

AND

47

CLARAMONTE REY

BUSTO

Diuinas y humanas leyes dan potestad a los Reyes, pero no les dan lugar a los vassallos a ser con sus reyes atreuidos porque con ellos medidos gran señor, deuen tener sus desseos . . . (Estrella, 11. 298-305)

don femando, los basaltos an de cumplir con sus leyes callando, y siempre a los reyes servillos y no apurallos; que al cielo ni al rey no deuen los basallos consultar. Y basta para callar y dicnas causas me mueuen. (La infelice Dorotea, A c t II, fol. 6) BARON

BUSTO

Sancho Ortiz, el Rey es Rey : callar, y tener paciencia. (Estrella, 11. 661-62)

Nuestro Rey es nuestro rey, M a s son gloriosas las faltas En los reyes, porque en ellos T o d o merece alabanza. (De lo vivo à lo pintado, BAE,

XLIII,

535> c o 1 · 3) DON

BUSTO

. . . pues sabeys que sacras y humanas leyes condenan a culpa estrecha al que imagina o sospecha cosa indigna de los Reyes. (Estrella, 11. 1036-40) SANCHO

DIEGO

Porque al cielo ni á los reyes Pedir la causa no es justo. (Deste agua no beberé, BAE, XLIII, 518, col. 3)

LEONOR

y , al fin, vna imagen veo de Dios, pues le imita el R e y ; y despues dèi, en vos creo . . . (Estrella, 11. 1442-44)

luego yo no soy umana? GARCINUÑEZ

N o , señora, que los reyes son del çielo semejança son ymagenes de Dios.1 (La infelice Dorotea, A c t II, fol. 16)

I t is hardly necessary to demonstrate that if the lines in the Estrella similar to those in Claramonte's plays are actually his handiwork much more is his also. Still, since so much insistence has been made on interpolations it will be well to make it clear in I. Cf. Montalván, porque vn Rey, quanto al dominio que tiene sobre los suyos por el puesto, y el oficio, es vn retrato de Dios. ( El Mariscal de Virón, Ρ te. 25. Zaragoza, 1632, fol. 230, verso)

4

8

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

one or two instances that whole scenes at least, and not particular lines, are involved. As we have seen, the only important function performed by Clarindo in the play is the delivery of the letter, a service which Señor Cotarelo believes might well have been performed by the maid. T o this there is a serious technical objection — the doncella has not been hitherto presented to the audience. While she attracts no more attention than a piece of furniture in the scene where she is preparing Estrella for the marriage, she would not be so inconspicuous here. For a female character to walk boldly to the palace in Clarindo's place, considerable advance preparation would be required, as is the usual case with message-bearing maids, and there is no such preliminary presentation in the play, nor any opportunity for it. With regard to the Apples of Hesperides it is evident that the suelta reading ARIAS

Solo te aventuras hoy? REY

Pues, dime, aunque me aventuro . . . (Estrella [Thomas], p. 31)

is inappropriate. T h e line as quoted above implies that the King had ventured out on other occasions and not alone. Or it may be interpreted to mean that he had gone into that particular house before and unaccompanied. N o suggestion of either is to be found anywhere in the play. 1 Therefore the other reading 3 must be considered as preferable. This being the case, lines in this particular scene other than those referring to Colchis must also be attributed to Claramonte. 1. T h e fruitless visit with Arias in A c t I has nothing venturesome about it and can have no connection with the line in question. 2.

ARIAS

solo te auen turas? REY

Pues, por que espumosos r e m o l c o s . . . .

AND CLARAMONTE

49

If we review the numerous scenes mentioned in this chapter it will be seen that there are traces of Claramonte in a number of the "Clarindo" scenes; that this author seems to be closely connected with some, at least, of the passages in praise of Seville; and, furthermore, that he had a hand in the composition of scenes to which neither of the two limitations applies. The evidence of his participation is not always as convincing as is the case with the Apples of Hesperides but the similarities are on the whole striking and numerous enough to warrant the conclusion that Claramonte is present throughout a major portion of the play. His part cannot be confined to changes in a few isolated lines, but more likely extends to the composition of whole scenes. Can all, or most of these, be interpolations ? Even if they are, Claramonte is entitled to credit for a play as "original" as were many of the productions of the period. But can we agree with Foulché-Delbosc that the style is the same throughout; and then go to the extent of saying that what seem to be interpolations are only defects and that the whole play is the work of Claramonte? But before venturing to give a final answer to this question it seems wise to interrupt the discussion of the Estrella de Sevilla and discover what we can about Claramonte's life and the plays he wrote, particularly noting where he was in 1623, and the character of his work.

III ANDRES DE C L A R A M O N T E : HIS LIFE A N D DRAMATIC WORKS LIFE

T IS generally supposed that Andrés de Claramonte was born in Murcia. Nicolás Antonio and others so state, though the source of their information may have been only the Suma del •privilegio of Claramonte's Letanía Moral, in which he is spoken of as a "vecino de la ciudad de Murcia." The date of his birth is uncertain 1 and little is known about his family except a few hints to be gleaned from the Letanía Moral. There we find that Claramonte speaks of himself as "humilde"; and laudatory poems were written by a sister, Esperanza, and by his wife, Beatriz de Castro y Virués/ From 1610 on Claramonte was a congregante of the Esclavos del Santísimo Sacramento de los Trinitarios Descalzos.3 So far as is known, the first work of Claramonte to be published was a series of three romances entitled Relación del naci-

I

1. The archives of the eleven parochial churches in Murcia were searched by A. K . Shields, Instructor in Spanish at the University of North Carolina, without result: San Bartolomé y Santa María, Nuestra Señora del Carmen, San Pedro, San Miguel, San Lorenzo, San Juan Bautista, San Antolín, San Andrés, Santa Catalina, Santa Eulalia, and San Nicolás. 2. The term humilde may have been only a pose (cf. Biblioteca del Murciano . . . [Madrid, 1924], ι, 156 ff.), for both his wife and sister make use of Doña, and Esperanza seems to have been fairly affluent, to judge from her death notice: "Esperanza Claramonte viuda de Jinés Pujol murió a veintecuatro de octubre del año mil seiscientos y cuarenta y tres dejó por albaceas a Juan de Ortigosa su yerno y a Juan de la Veria su hijo dejó fuese enterrada en Nuestra Señora de la Concepción y que el dia de su entierro se le diga una misa cantada. Yten dejó cien misas en Nuestra Señora del Carmen. Y t e n dejó trescientos cinquenta misas por su alma y de todos sus difunctos en la parte que pareciese a sus albaceas." Libro séptimo de defunciones, fol. 458, San Bartolomé. Copied by D . José Soria Gabardo, presbítero, for A. K . Shields. 3. L. Fernández-Guerra y Orbe, D. Juan Ruiz de Alarcón y Mendoza (Madrid, 1871), p. 187.

ESTRELLA DE SEVILLA A N D C L A R A M O N T E

51

miento del neuvo Infante . . . 1612. 1 The Letanía Moral3 appeared in 1613, though the privilegio is dated April 30, 1611. In the dedication to Don Francisco de Ulloa, Veinticuatro de Sevilla, the author states that it was his intention to dedicate this work to Juan de Ulloa, Conde de Villaalonso, "mecenas de las letras, de quien recebi mil mercedes," but when death took this protector away he laid the work aside and did nothing further " h a s t a que en V. merced resucitaron sus favores y mercedes." In the section Al letor Claramonte claims to have written "estos trabajos" at the age of twelve; they could have been printed, so he says, when he was fourteen. The volume consists of 131 poems in quintillas in praise of nearly that many saints, but through the poems in the latter half of the book the author introduces at frequent intervals eulogistic remarks about particular sovereigns, nobles, churchmen, autores de comedias and actors. A list of these personages is appended in an Inquiridion de los Ingenios Inuocados. Claramonte had begun his dramatic production by this time for we have a manuscript play, La Católica Princesa, dated 1612. T h a t the profession of autor de comedias must have claimed Claramonte some time before 1602 is evident from a reference to him in the loa to the Valencian dramatist Tarrega's (i555?-i6o2) La duquesa constante: Si mi laceria D i o s no remediara, Q u i z á aun moliera en seco mi molino; M a s su bondad un monte m e depara. U n monte claro, que á esta tierra v i n o ; Y si es posible que se m u d e un monte, ¿ Q u é mucho que se m u d e mi destino? M u d ó s e , por serviros, Claramonte; Y en todo c u a n t o á contentaros toca, P r o c u r a que su f a m a se remonte. 1. Relación del nacimiento del nuevo Infante, y de la muerte de la Rey na nuestra señora. Dirigida al Conde de Portalegre, Mayordomo mayor de los Reynos de Portugal. Compuesta por Andrés de Claramonte. Impressa con licencia, En Cuenca en casa de Saluador Viader, año 1612. 4 leaves, double cols. 2. Letanía Moral. A Don Fernando de Vlloa Veintiquatro de Sevilla. Piadoso travaxo de Andres de Claramonte y corRoi. Con Privilegio Real en Sevilla. Por Matías Clavixo, Año de 1613. 8 p. 1., 522 p., 7 1.

52

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

En esta parte no hay mas firme roca; En otras ocasiones lo ha mostrado, Y agora os lo denuncia por mi boca, Pidiéndoos el silencio acostumbrado. 1

Rojas Villandrando also mentions Claramonte in his Viage entretenido (1603): De los farsantes que han hecho farsas, loas, bayles, letras, son: Alonso de Morales, Grajales, Zorita, Mesa, Sanchez, Rios, Auendaño, luán de Vergara, Villegas, Pedro de Morales, Castro, y el del Hijo de la Tierra, Carauajal, Claramonte, y otros muchos que no me acuerdan, que componen y han compuesto comedias muchas y buenas.2

W i t h regard to this period of his life a curious reference is quoted by L a Barrera from Fabio Franchi's Ragguaglio di Parnasio. In this work Franchi pretends that after the funeral of Lope de Vega in the Delphic temple Lope de Rueda presented the case of a number of poets, among others that of Claramonte. E Claramonte (veramente per molti capricci festivi benemerito di V.M.,) supplica si levino dalle sue commedie tutte le disfide che si fanno in cavalli vivi, ed in particulare le donne, perche patisce scrupolo, che in uno di questi si disperse Mari Mugnoz di un figlio maschio, che fu gran perdita per la posterità de Vigliegas, ed anco demanda se gli reformino tutti gli equivochi in pena di quello che dice in una sua commedia: Filippo innamorato,3 che ripresso da Fabio con questa parole: T u piangi, Philippo? Riposi: Leva il filli, ed lascia il Pó. 4

In March, 1614, Claramonte was in Madrid making ready for a theatrical tour to Alcalá, Algete and Guadalajara. In this year he i. BAE, xLiii, 77, col. i. i. NBAE, xxi, 497. 3. N o other reference to this play can be found. 4. L a Barrera, Catálogo bibliográfico y biográfico del teatro antiguo español, p. 93.

AND

CLARAMONTE

53

apparently had some trouble with his company since we find a year's contract made in June with one group of actors, and in July arrangements concluded with another group for practically the same period. 1 According to a decree of 1615 Claramonte was one of twelve autores de comedias permitted to present plays in Spain for two years. Whether he waited for the expiration of that time before giving up the profession and taking up his residence in Seville is not known, but it seems clear that he was in Seville in 1617 for it was there that he published his Fragmento á la Purísima ConcepciónSánchez-Arjona argues very plausibly that the Infelice Dorotea, written in 1620 for Juan Bautista Valenciano, was composed in Seville and played in the Coliseo. 3 Claramonte was undoubtedly living there about this time for we have evidence of a volume of Villancicos (1621) from which Justo de Sancha took a composition for inclusion in his Romancero y cancionero sagrados-,4 and mention is made of two loas, La asunción de la virgen and Las calles de Sevilla, published in the same year by Claramonte, vicino de Sevilla.s As we come to the probable date of the production of the Estrella de Sevilla, we note that at this period Claramonte's popularity was at its height in Seville. T w o of his autos were presented in 1623; one, El valle de la muerte, by Tomás Fernández; and another, Los corporales de Daroca, by Alonso de Olmedo. In the following year two more were played; La sinagoga and El homo de Constantinopla, the latter by Tomás Fernández. 6 But for some reason which can1. Pérez Pastor, op. cit., pp. 144-48. 2. Fragmento á la Purísima Concepción de María sin pecado en su primer instante. En la protección de D. Gaspar Saavedra, Presidente en la Sala de los Alcaldes desta Real Audiencia de Sevilla. Agora favorecido con la devoción de Diego de Arana, S. de Cámara en ella. Afecto piadoso de Andres de Claramonte Corroí. Con licencia, impreso en Sevilla, por Francisco de Lira, año 1617. — Gallardo Ii, 478. 3· J. Sánchez-Arjona, Noticias referentes i ios anales del teatro en Sevilla. . . . (Sevilla, l898),p. 214. 4.

BAE,

XXXV,

194.

5. Dos jamosas loas à ¡o divino. La primera de la Assuncion de la Virgen representada en competencia por los doze meses del Año. La segunda, Sacramental, de las Calles de Sevilla, tan c e l e b r a d a de todos. Por Andrés de Claramonte Corroí, vicino de Sevilla. [At the end] Impresso con licencia en Sevilla, por Francisco de Lyra, año 621. — Gallardo, π , 478-79. 6. Sánchez-Arjona, op. cit., pp. 187-88, 224, 226.

54

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

not be explained Claramonte left Seville before the production of any of these plays and, at a time which cannot be determined exactly, took up his residence in Madrid. We know, for example, t h a t the ayuntamiento did not pay him in person for the first two autos but delivered the stipend in each case to the manager of the company. 1 I t is also clear t h a t Claramonte was in the capital in the summer of 1623 and thoroughly conversant with what was going on in literary circles for he was one of those who wrote against Ruiz de Alarcón when t h a t unfortunate poet was convicted of appropriating verses on the occasion of the fiestas (August 21) in honor of the Prince of Wales. 2 In 1624 Claramonte appeared before a notary in Madrid to declare t h a t El ataúd para el vivo y tálamo para el muerto had been licensed before 3 — evidently in Seville before his departure. This is the last news we have of Claramonte before his death. H e died in Madrid in the Calle del Niño (now Quevedo) on September 19, 1626,4 and was survived by his wife. 1. " . . . en los libros de Caja del Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, en el correspondiente al año 1623, hay una partida que dice: '300 reales á Andrés de Claramonte por el auto El valle de la muerte, por conducto de Tomás Fernández, que lo representó;' y otra en que dice ' E n 13 de Junio 300 rs. á Andrés de Claramonte, vecino de esta ciudad, por el auto Los corporales de Daroca.' Se libraron por conducto de Olmedo, que fué el encargado de representarlo."— Sánchez-Arjona, op. cit., pp. 187-88. 2. Décima vs. Alarcón de Andrés de Claramonte: Tanto su elogio se arroba, Que es en la gloriosa acción Cada verso un Alarcón, Cada letra una corcova, Que así las frases innova, Que cuidadoso ha sacado Del estilo endemoniado Cuyas voces dificulto, Que lo que en Gongora es culto En don Juan es corcovado. (BAE, u i , 587). " . . . las décimas contra Don Juan debieron ser una broma, aunque de nada buena especie." Hartzenbusch, BAE, lii, xvii. 3. MS., Bibl. Nací., Madrid. These "licencias . . . por ser largas," were not copied into the manuscript. 4. Pérez Pastor, op, cit., pp. 211-12.

AND

CLARAMONTE

CLARAMONTE'S

55

PLAYS

N o t all of Claramonte's plays have survived; and of those that have, only a few are generally known. It will be well, then, to summarize those that are not readily accessible and, as an aid to understanding his work, assemble whatever information possible about them all. COMEDIAS

De Alcalá á Madrid.1 A Vizconde has come to the court of Queen Isabella, seeking the hand of Doña Esperanza, who is also loved by two brothers, Gonzalo and Alonso. When these two request a token of her favor she drops a ribbon, but without indicating for which one it is intended. Neither of the two brothers wishes to accept the gift, so they cut it in two and again ask which is the favored one. This time Esperanza keeps half the ribbon and the issue is still in doubt. But when the Queen informs Esperanza that it is her wish that she marry the Vizconde, Esperanza accedes. A game is played at court whereby one of the ladies is chosen " Q u e e n , " and she, to reward the Vizconde for reciting a poem, orders Esperanza to give him the ribbon. The game ends in confusion when Alonso snatches the prize and offers to fight the Vizconde for it. But after Alonso has passed out of the room Gonzalo hands the other half of the ribbon to the Vizconde, saying Alonso told him to do so. Since the two pieces are alike the deception is not noticed. Gonzalo then, with the idea of protecting his brother, states that he is the one who will fight the duel. Gonzalo persuades Alonso to give up the ribbon he has taken, and shortly afterwards their enemy appears, willing to fight both of them. H e throws his ribbon down and declares that the winner ι . M S . , Bibl. N a c í . (15048); Suelta, M a d r i d ( ? ) , I700(?) [ C a t . Brit. M u s . ] ; Suelta. M a d r i d ( ? ) , i 7 3 o ( ? ) , a t t r i b u t e d to Calderón [ C a t . B r i t . M u s . ] ; Suelta. Valencia [ F a j a r d o ] ; Diferentes [ F a j a r d o ] ; Parte quinta de comedias de ¡os mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, n.d. " O f the comedies in this v o l u m e the i s t , 3d, 9th and n t h [De Alcalá] have been ins e r t e d in place of four others, whose titles h a v e been defaced with i n k . " — C a t . Ticknor Collection.

$6

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

shall have it. Gonzalo explains that there is no reason to fight, that the Vizconde can pick up the ribbon from the ground, and have the other half as well. (One reason for this extraordinary behavior is his desire to save the honor of Esperanza, and another is to protect his brother, who will be severely punished if the Vizconde is killed.) Alonso, who does not have his brother's caution, declares he will kill the Vizconde anyway. Proud of his easy spoils, the Vizconde sends the two pieces of ribbon to Esperanza and the two brothers hear that he has boasted of his victory. Both resolve to punish him. Gonzalo is the first to make the attempt, but the fight is in the dark and Gonzalo pretends that he is Alonso. The Vizconde is overcome and to save his life promises to postpone the wedding, giving Gonzalo his ring in evidence of good faith. After Gonzalo has departed, the Vizconde's servant proposes a way to get revenge. The plan is to send out a goodly number of loyal men and have them act as robbers on the road from Alcalá to Madrid. The two brothers will surely be among the first to try to put an end to the trouble and thus will be at the mercy of the Vizconde's men. When everything is ready for the marriage ceremony the Vizconde, to the surprise of all, asks that it be postponed. The " b a n d i t s " attack the Venta de Viveros. The Vizconde has tried to make his position in regard to the bandits clear by " s a v i n g " an alcalde whom they attacked. He even offers to go out and capture the robbers. But Alonso, who hears this remark, asserts that he and his brother will do it. Gonzalo demurs, and Alonso says he will do it alone. At this, Gonzalo goes out against the bandits, defeats their captain, and discovers him to be the Vizconde. Again Gonzalo gives his name as Alonso. This time the Vizconde's life is spared on condition that he confess to Esperanza his participation in the whole affair and retire from the court. Gonzalo receives a chain as a pledge. The Vizconde comes with his men to surrender; and does so to Alonso, who is surprised at his easy victory. Alonso is given credit for subduing the bandits, but Gonzalo produces the tokens given him by the Vizconde and proves that it was he who did it. He graciously gives

AND CLARAMONTE

57

way to Alonso in the matter of the marriage to Esperanza and receives as his reward an important military command. De lo vivo á lo pintado.* This play, recounting the adventures of a prince sent as an ambassador to arrange the marriage of a king only to fall in love with the girl himself, is included in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles and needs no summary here. De los méritos de amor el secreto es el mejor? Agesilao, King of Thebes, is making war on Anteo, King of Crete, because the latter, after arranging a marriage between Rosimunda and Agesilao, suddenly changed his mind and decided upon Lisandro, King of Athens, instead. A sea battle has been fought between the two rivals, Lisandro has been supposedly killed, and another king put on the Athenian throne. We find, however, that Lisandro is not dead but is living in Crete under the name of "Lidoro." He has been favored by the King, who of course does not know his identity. Lisandro is made general of the Cretan army and Rosimunda falls in love with the handsome stranger. A truce is arranged between the two armies. Agesilao is received at the court of Anteo but is more impressed by Fenisa, the niece of the King, than by Rosimunda. Trouble between the two rivals is nearly precipitated when Rosimunda drops her glove and both start to pick it up. Hot words follow and the King, angry at Lisandro's forwardness, orders him taken off to prison. Someone explains that Lisandro's act is perhaps the result of a locura to which he has been a prey lately. Agesilao resolves to win Rosimunda by other means than force and sends his army home. Hereupon, Anteo thinks it best for "Lidoro" to return to his own country; but Rosimunda, who feels that there is something mysterious about "Lidoro's" madness and his aversion to Agesilao, conveys to him her father's plans. Agesilao hears that the man who had been sent back with the 1. Suelta. Sevilla, n.d.; Suelta. Sevilla, 1700 (?) [Cat. Brit. Mus.]; BÂE, χ LUI. Summarized by Schaeffer, Geschichte des spanischen Nationaldramas. Leipzig, 1890. 2. M S . , Bibl. Nacl. (17408).

58

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

fleet has taken most of the ships and made himself King of Lidia. It is also reported that friends of Lisandro, believing him alive, have revolted in Athens. Lisandro, who was about to declare himself, decides, when he hears this news, to win the girl on his own merits. But this idea comes to naught because a servant reveals to Rosimunda who he is. A fleet from Athens appears and an ambassador, representing Lisandro, formally asks for the hand of Rosimunda. A t that moment she tells Lisandro to step forth. The two marry, and so do Agesilao and Fenisa. Oeste agua no beberé,1 This play is one of three of Claramonte's included in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles and therefore will not be summarized here. There is considerable similarity between Deste agua and the Estrella de Sevilla. The King, Don Pedro, who meets Mencia by chance, falls in love at first sight and determines to make his way into her room, her husband being absent. A servant assists him. The King makes extravagant promises just as Arias, representing the King, does in the Estrella. In the course of the play Gutierre, like Sancho, receives a letter ordering him to kill someone very dear to him. Menéndez y Pelayo criticized this play very harshly: Su comedia es el más extraño centón que puede imaginarse: parece que Claramonte zurció retazos de las comedias más en boga, sin preocuparse de la unidad del conjunto. N o sólo hay reminiscencias de El Médico de su honra, sino de La Fuerza lastimosa [Note i . Don Pedro que aquí está presentado como un tirano feroz, manda á D . Gutierre matar á su mujer], de El Burlador de Sevilla [Note i. M e lo persuaden los nombres de Tisbea y D. Diego Tenorio'], de El Rey D. Pedro en Madrid [Note 3. Toda la parte sobrenatural de la comedia]. L a acción, extraordinariamente desordenada, llega hasta los campos de Montiel, y en ella se prodigan mucho las sombras y apariciones fantásticas. N o interviene en esta comedia D . Enrique, y el enamorado de D. a Mencia es el propio I. MS., Brit. Mus.; Suelta, n.p., n.d.; Suelta. 1700 (?) [Cat. Brit. Mus.]; Doze comedias nvevas de Lope . . . y otros avtores. Segunda parte. Barcelona, 1630 ("Representóla Antonio de Prado"); BAE, xliii. Summarized by Schaeffer.

AND CLARAMONTE

59

rey D. Pedro, que en los dos primeros actos se muestra como un tirano brutal y sanguinario, no templándose su fiera condición hasta el grotesco desenlace, en que el arrepentido Monarca corona de laurel á D. Gutierre y de flores á su esposa.1 This judgment seems unduly severe. Deste agua no beberé is not without its defects,-to be sure, but it has many good qualities, particularly in the first act. The only similarity evident between this play and El médico de su honra (Menéndez y Pelayo does not specify) is the incident in which Margarita complains to the King about Gutierre's perfidy; and the connection is very slight. On the other hand, the statement that Claramonte borrowed from La fuerza lastimosa is amply corroborated by the following incidents common to the two plays. Gutierre, like Enrique in Lope's play, comes before the King with every expectation of being favorably received if not highly honored, and to his surprise the King turns his back. In both, a woman, when marriage is being considered, relates a story of dishonor as the reason why this cannot take place. In one case the story is true and in the other it is not. Both kings order the men to kill their wives, in each case the deed is entrusted to another, and the woman escapes, by design in Deste agua and by chance in La fuerza lastimosa. One of the important motives in the play is the lie told by Juana to the effect that Gutierre seduced her under promise of marriage, and for that reason she cannot marry Don Fernando. Guillen de Castro has a similar incident in El Conde Alarcos. The incident in which Gutierre sees Mencia's reflection in the water also has its counterpart in Guillen de Castro's play. The first act of Deste agua and that of Calderón's Amor, honor y poder are much alike. In both a girl brings water to a king, who receives it with many flattering remarks, playing upon the words fuego and agua. Both girls fear the designs of the Monarch and do not undress that night, both making very much the same observation about being a "sentinel of her honor," the King enters, the girls ask who is there, and the reply in each case is " T h e King." i. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., ix, cxxxi-cxxxii.

6o

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

Extravagant promises are unheeded, the King is tricked, and he is ungenerous enough to swear revenge. Menéndez y Pelayo, we should note, also called attention to the fact that Calderón drew from this play the name of some of the characters for El médico de su honra,1 Lomba y Pedraja shows that the first scenes of Oeste agua were inspired by a ballad, Por los campos de Jerez? The similarity between Deste agua and El Rey Don Pedro en Madrid will be discussed later. It is well to note that Claramonte promised a second part to this play: Y el desafío de E n r i q u e P a r a m a ñ a n a se q u e d a , R e m i t i e n d o lo que f a l t a A la segunda comedia.

El ataúd pam el vivo, y el tálamo para el muerto.3 Ñuño de Ferreira returns to Lisbon from exile in Africa, the enforced absence having prevented him from marrying Doña Brianda, who has in the meantime espoused Jorge de Atayde. The news of this occurrence Ñuño learns only upon his arrival in Lisbon. Determined to get revenge, he has an opportunity when the new King makes him his favorite and asks that a viceroy to India be appointed. Ñuño confides in his friend, Lope, but after the latter has been sent to Atayde to announce his appointment to the vacant post, encompassed by blank papers signed by the King, two assassins are sent after him. Atayde thus far has been very happy with Brianda but now has a presentiment of impending evil (voces del cielo). Lope delivers the message and shortly after is 1. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., i x , cxxxi. 2. J. Lomba y Pedraja, " E l Rey Don Pedro en el Teatro." Homenaje â Menéndez y Pelayo (Madrid, 1899), 11, 258-59. 3. MS., Bibl. Nacl. (16069); MS., Bibl. Nacl. (15368); at the end of the latter: tenia las lizencias para poderse representa (sic) y por ser largas no se an copiado. Madrid y 'Julio 22 de 1624. Obbregon — Claramonte. On back of this sheet: Comedia famosa . . . por Όοη Andres de Claramonte. On next sheet: Fuy testigo de lo que dizen de la licencia para impimirse (sic) y representarse en 22 de Julio de mil seizientos y beinte y quarto. Don Juan Esclarezido (Rúbrica). Ante mi el presente escrivano — Bodogar — y testigos pareció On. Andres de Claramonte con esta obra y los testigos de lo que doy credito y berdad. Madrid y Julio de 1624. Juan Ruiz(?) Corrido y Corredor (Rúbrica) Pedro Dies(?) Bamoni(?).

AND CLARAMONTE

6i

attacked by the assassins. He successfully defends himself and discovers the author of the crime when the would-be murderers deliver to him the papers with the King's signature attached. Lope asks them to report him dead. Atayde, before his departure, swears that he will not cut his beard while away. Six years pass. Atayde's troops have been successful in India but Atayde is reported to have been killed. A friend of his, however, receives a message that he is still alive. Ñuño in the meantime has been paying court to Brianda but has received little encouragement. Atayde returns with a beard so long that no one recognizes him. He finds the town gaily bedecked, and upon inquiry learns that Brianda is to be married to Ñuño, por fuerza. A coffin supposed to contain the body of Atayde is brought to Brianda's house by Atayde himself, and even Brianda does not recognize the bearer at first. The King and others are greatly surprised to find so sinister an object as a coffin in the house of a woman about to be married, but the preparations continue. When Ñuño is making ready for his marriage, a series of accidents presage misfortune but Ñuño pays no heed. 1 As the ceremony is about to be performed, Atayde reveals himself and kills Ñuño, exhibiting as proof of perfidy the letters signed by the King. El honrado con su sangre.2 Filipo is conspiring against the Count of Barcelona and his son, Jofre, both of whom are high in favor with the Emperor Ludovico. The Count is recalled from his post, and Filipo makes ι. This passage suggests the incident of Estrella's preparations in the Estrella de Sevilla. Since the scene in El ataúd immediately precedes the catastrophe, greater emphasis is given to it: the strap of Nuño's shoe tears, his belt drops from his hands, blood is found on his collar, his hair is strangely disarranged, he cuts himself with his sword, a mirror falls and is broken to bits, and when he has finally completed his toilette he stumbles and nearly falls. As has already been pointed out, El ataúd para el vivo was written at about the same time that the Estrella de Sevilla was composed. In La fuerza lastimosa we find a scene that is somewhat different from the two mentioned above. Enrique is dressing for his marriage to Dionisia when he sees a reflection of his " d e a d " wife in his sword. A t this he takes off his clothes and tries to kill himself. 1 . T o be found in a volume of plays now in the possession of Professor E . B. Babcock, formerly of New York University (see Modern Philology, X X I I , pp. 283 ff.). It is evi-

6i

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

secret arrangements to have him assassinated before he reaches the Court. Jofre, who is in love with Hipólita, the daughter of the Count of Flanders, receives from her such open encouragement that he resolves to ask her hand in marriage. The Count's head is brought to the Emperor byFilipo's agent, and Jofre, who is present, draws his sword against his enemy. The Emperor at once orders Jofre's arrest. Jofre has been delivered over to the Count of Flanders for safe-keeping, an arrangement which eventually permits Jofre and Hipólita to see each other freely. In the meantime Jofre's mother is being harshly treated by Filipo, who has been appointed to the vacant post. The Count of Flanders suspects that his daughter is in love with his noble prisoner, and proves it to his satisfaction by making a test similar to that employed against Jimena in Guillén de Castro's Mocedades del Cid. In like manner the Count discovers that Hipolita's affection is returned by Jofre. This news is received with approval, however, and Jofre is promised the hand of his beloved on condition that he recover his place in Barcelona. Jofre and Hipólita do not heed the Count's admonition to wait, but come to Barcelona in disguise. After some difficulty Filipo is defeated and killed. A little later Jofre saves the Emperor from the hands of the Moors and is severely wounded in the conflict. The Emperor gives his consent to the marriage of Jofre and Hipólita, and, putting his hand on Jofre's breast, stamps the imprint upon a shield saying that Jofre will be "honrado con su sangre." El Gran Rey de tos Desiertos.1 Eudipo and his men disembark on an unknown island after a dently a suelta (η. p., η. d.), bound with others. Ascribed to Claramonte on title-page and in the running-titles. "Representóla Amarilis." A copy of the printed text was loaned to the writer by Professor H. C. Heaton. T h e play is ascribed to Claramonte b y M e d e l and L a Barrera. Rennert believed that " I t is likely to be a recast — perhaps of Lope's p l a y . " In the opinion of the writer the weak attempts at humor, the disguises, the borrowing from Guillén de Castro, and a number of expressions in the manner of Claramonte add support to the evidence of the title-page that this is Claramonte's play. T h a t it is a recast seems an unwarranted assumption. i . Suelta. Sevilla, n.d.; Suelta. Madrid(?), i74o(?) [Cat. Brit. Mus.]; Autos sacramentales con qvatro comedias nuevas. . . . Madrid, 1655. Summarized by Schaeffer.

AND CLARAMONTE

63

hard trip by sea. They hear music, followed by a loud crash, and upon investigating see a number of people dead in the ruins of a temple. To their further surprise a girl appears from near by, blindfolded and with her hands tied. This is Silene, who explains that she was to have been killed, according to a custom of the country which required the sacrifice of a maiden to Apollo each year, but this time the temple fell in and killed everyone but her. Eudipo and his men take her with them to Alexandria. We are now introduced to Ninforo, who relates a chapter of family history to his wife, Plácida. Years before, Onofre, King of Egypt, resigned the throne to his brother (Ninforo's father) and left for parts unknown. But after his departure a tyrant usurped the power and left the throne to his son, Delfo. Ninforo now wishes to go back and claim the kingdom. His wife, though pregnant, decides to accompany him. While at sea she gives birth to a child; both apparently die, and are taken ashore. After the men have departed, Plàcida comes to life and learns from a shepherd that a lioness has carried off her baby. While searching for the child, Plàcida encounters Onofre, but is frightened by his appearance. Eight years pass. Silene, who has been at the court of Delfo all this time, is worried because the King hasn't married her; and Eudipo, who is there also, is displeased at Delfo's attentions to Silene. The people are about to burn a loco (Ninforo) who claims to be King, but Silene asks that he be permitted to be her fool. The nobles of the court insist that Delfo give up the strange woman to whom he is attached and marry someone else, and to this Delfo pretends to consent. Hereupon, Silene, who overhears and fears that he may be in earnest, plans to kill him. The scene changes to the desert where we see Onofre tempted by the appearance of grandeur, but to no avail. Plácida sees her child in a dream and is comforted. In the palace Silene has the loco kill the King while he is resting in her arms. The blame is put on Eudipo and Silene hopes now to be Queen of Egypt. Ninforo and Eudipo escape and come to the very place where Ninforo left his wife and child years before. San Panuncio finds

64

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

Onofre in a dying condition and hears his story. Ninforo finds his wife and then the child, who has been brought up by the lioness. The nobles and Silene try to kill Ninforo but the lioness protects him. Panuncio shows the grave of Onofre among the rocks, and, though dead, Onofre speaks, declaring Ninforo to be his nephew. In this play the author, contrary to his usual practice, declares himself in the closing lines: Este es el gran Rey de los desiertos, perdonen las faltas y los defectos admiten de Claramonte.

El inobediente, o la ciudad sin Dios.1 This play in three acts, dealing with the coming of Jonah to Nineveh, and with countless other incidents added, is published in the Academy edition of Lope's plays and hence it is not necessary to summarize it here. Menéndez y Pelayo states that he included it in the series not because he had any idea that it belonged to Lope but because it had been attributed to him at various times. El Mayor Rey de los Reyes.'' In this play the three Magi Kings are miraculously instructed to go to Bethlehem in search of the Christ. They obey, entrusting their kingdoms to others, and during their absence lose their thrones. On their return they are faced with persecution and poverty, but each in turn regains his power and the people are converted to Christianity. 1. MS., Bibl. Nacl. (15443), attributed to Lope; Suelta. British Museum [Rennert y Castro]; Suelta [Salva I, 580], attributed to Lope; Pte. XXVI, extravagante [Fajardo]; Segunda parte de comedias . . . de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652; Acad., πι. Attributed to Lope by Chorley; to Claramonte by Medel, La Barrera, Schaeffer, Menéndez y Pelayo. Rennert and Castro state that it is a refundición by Claramonte. The general style and the occurrence of such characteristic expressions as espumosos juicos would seem to indicate that it is Claramonte's play, to a large measure, if not in its entirety. 2. M S . , Bibl. Nacl. (15268), anon., second act in a different hand; M S . , Bibl. Nacl. (17133), attributed to Claramonte, folios numbered 224-47; MS., Bibl. Nacl. (15278) attributed to Claramonte, copied by Diego Martinez de Mora in 1631, elaborate stage directions; Comedias y autos (Valdés), 1655 [Paz y Melia],

AND

CLARAMONTE

El Nuevo Rey Gallinaio-1 Tipolda, the daughter of King Guacol of Chile, calls upon the sun god, and to her surprise a white woman, Maria, appears, who tells her story. Born in Zamora under an unlucky star, she was loved by a poor nobleman, Gallinaio, but her parents opposed the match and the two eloped. In their flight they were separated, and Oña, a friend of Gallinato's, looked out for her only too well, for he forced her to marry him. The two took ship for America, were wrecked, and Maria, so far as she knows, was the only survivor. The stage now passes to Gallinaio who, we find, has also had all kinds of bad luck in spite of a prophecy that great fortune would come to him. His luck seems to change when he is offered passage to Peru. Oña, we discover, has been saved as well as Maria. The Indians tell their King, Polipolo, about meeting him, and Polipolo believes it to be the same god who advised him in a dream to attack Guacol. The attack is now certain. An envoy from Guacol comes to the Spaniards in Peru asking for assistance, and Gallinaio, after some hesitation, goes with the troops. The captain dies on the way, and Gallinato is elected in his stead. 2 Oña is found but Gallinato pretends not to recognize him and allows him to depart. Gallinato finds Maria, who tells him that Oña is dead and hence she is free. Gallinato who, as we know, has reason to doubt this statement, rejects her proposals. Gallinato spurns the love of Tipolda, conquers Polipolo and brings him before the King. Guacol and his men are converted to Christianity and Guacol resigns the throne to Gallinato. Oña, who puts in an appearance at the last moment, is united to Maria. El secreto en la mujer* Three men, Lelio, Antonio and Ursino are in love with the same girl, Clavela. She unceremoniously dismisses Lelio and decides to 1 . M S . , Bibl. Nacl. ( 1 5 3 1 9 ) . 2. Cf. the death of the adelantado, Gerónimo de Alderete, on the way to Chile with the expedition of which Ercilla was a member, and the subsequent appointment of Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza. El nuevo rey shows no trace of the Araucana, however. 3. M S . , Bibl. Nacl. ( R 1 6 9 ) , " C o n enmiendas, algunas de mano de Francisco de R o j a s . " — Durán.

66

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

avoid marrying Antonio by eloping with Ursino. Lelio, discouraged, plans to leave Milan and before departing is warned by his father against three things: entrusting secrets to a woman, befriending any young man not his son, and living under the protection of a lord. 1 That night, while waiting to elope with Clavela, Ursino quarrels with Antonio and each, believing that he has killed his man, makes his escape. Lelio happens along at the right moment and Clavela goes away with him, thinking he is Ursino. All the interested parties repair to the same inn, and in the morning Clavela discovers that she has spent the night with Lelio, and accepts him for her husband. The play would seem to be concluded in A c t I but such is not the case. In the second act we are introduced to a new character, Aurelia, in love with Ursino, who promises to marry her if she will help him get vengeance on Lelio and Clavela. This pair are happily married and are so thoroughly enjoying the favor of the Duke and Duchess that Lelio thinks he must have misunderstood his father's advice. Clavela, however, believes that the Duchess is altogether too fond of Lelio. Aurelia, disguised as a boy, is befriended by Lelio; and Ursino, also disguised, enters Lelio's service and makes love to Clavela. Lelio, wishing to prove to his wife that he really loves her, decides to send the Duke's falcon for her dinner.3 While Lelio is thus engaged, Aurelia has been inflaming Clavela's jealousy. The falcon arrives, is cooked, and Lelio confides to his wife what it is. Such an opportunity is too good to miss, and Clavela denounces Lelio to the Duke. Lelio is about to be beheaded when a servant appears with the falcon — another had been killed instead. Aurelia and Ursino are banished and Clavela sent to a convent. Lelio admits that he did wrong in not following his father's advice. 1. C f . Novelle di Franco Sacchetti, N o v e l l a decimasesta: U n giovane ha tre comendamenti alla morte del padre; in poco tempo disubbidisce, e quello che ne seguita. 2. C f . Boccaccio, v , 9; and L o p e , El halcón de Federico.

AND

CLARAMONTE

67

El valiente negro en Flandes.1 This play was evidently the most popular of Claramonte's works. It appears in the Biblioteca de Autores and need not be summarized here. Restori was of the opinion that El valiente negro was a reworking of Lope's Prodigio de Etiopia 2 but an examination of the play does not bear this out. Unless the following is a popular refrain, Calderón made use of a verse from this play in El' alcalde de Zalamea. E l amor de un soldado N o es más de una hora; En tocando la caja, Adiós, señora. 3

It is interesting to note that Claramonte promised a second part: Reservando á otra comedia Deste negro las hazañas, C u y a historia verdadera Largamente las aclara Y largamente las cuenta.

L. Fernández de Moratín (Orígenes del teatro . . .) credits Vicente Guerrero with El valiente negro en Flandes, segunda parte. La Católica Princesa Leopolda.4 Leopolda, Princess of Moldavia, has just been declared heir to the throne by her father, and plans are being made for her to marry Matías, Emperor of Germany. This arouses the ire of Duke Vicencio, who is ambitious to have his son, Antonio, marry her 1. MS., Bibl. Nacl. (15690); Suelta, η.p., n.d.; Suelta. Salamanca, n.d.; Suelta. Sevilla, n.d.; Suelta. Madrid, n.d.; Suelta. Madrid, 174Ç [Cat. Brit. Mus.]; Suelta. Valencia, 1764; Pte.ji de las mejores comedias. Barcelona, 1638 [La Barrera]; BAE, 43. Summarized by Schaeffer. 2. Zeit./, rom. Phil., x x i i , 274-75. 3 . BAE,

x L i i i , 494.

MS., Bibl. Nacl. ( 1 5 3 3 4 ) . Title page: La Católica Princesa Leopolda prima de J>. M''" de Austria Reina de España; y election del Emperador Mathias. Comedia compuesta por Andrés de Claramonte. Año de 1612. 4.

68

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

instead. Hoping to get the Princess into his power, and fearing for the prestige of the Lutherans if the marriage of Leopolda and Matías is consummated, Count Alberto, Antonio's uncle, poisons the King. Fulgencia, in love with Antonio, now plans to kill Leopolda, marry the man of her choice, and occupy the throne. Leopolda is warned that the Duke and Alberto are plotting her death and this attempt, by means of a poisoned letter, fails. Fulgencia makes her effort in the second act but the membrillo which contains the poison is taken by Alberto instead, he having gained access to Leopolda by disguising himself as a beggar. The Duke tries to force Leopolda to marry his son, but she escapes from the tower in which she is imprisoned and finds employment in an inn. Announcement that Matías is approaching with an army causes consternation among the followers of the Duke. At this point the servant of Matías arrives, disguised as a messenger from the Turks and offering aid from the "Vizier's" forces which are close by. I t is planned to have the " T u r k s " enter the city in the dress of Matías' troops and thus allay the suspicion of the Duke's enemies. Leopolda is discovered in the inn and is happily united to Matías after he discloses his true self and kills the Duke and all his followers. La infelice Dorotea.1 An old man, Sancho, is driven out of Dorotea's room and mutters something about bad luck which he hopes will not come true. I . M S . , Bibl. Nacl. (15226). " L a s 5 últimas hojas de la i a jornada, y la 2 1 , excepto 4 hojas, y una larga variante de la 3 a son autógrafas de Antonio de Mendoza." — Paz y Melia. I f this is the case, the spelling, despresios, pobresa, çierpe, etc., in the part supposed to be in Mendoza's hand, seems strange. Mendoza was born in northern Spain. On the first page, under the title and Personas della, the parts are assigned, in a different hand, as follows: Don G a r c i n u ñ e z — f a d r i q u e ; R e y — ]"" geronimo; Don Fern d o — Ju° Bapta; Ñuño de lemos — Cosme; Arnao — coronel; Solano — vargas; L a y n — simón; Mendo — Jusepe; Teodora — la sa Vizenta; Dorotea — La s" mañuela; Leonor — La s" a" de los Angeles; Don J u a n — Manuel de Coca. In a different hand and different ink Cosme is crossed out and Andres written opposite, migel is substituted for cargas, avendano for stmon, and maria for Vizenta. It would seem from this that Avendaño and his wife, Maria Candau, were not in the original cast.

AND CLARAMONTE

69

Garcinúñez, her intended husband, has also been informed of evil omens, a Moor having told him that if he married Dorotea he would be responsible for his wife's death. Fernando, who has fled to Toledo from Aragon, overhears D. Juan and Ñuño plot to have Garcinúñez killed because they are jealous of his favor with the King (Alfonso VIII). We now learn that the King is planning to send Garcinúñez to Aragon to arrange the marriage of the Princess, Leonor, who, as we later discover, is in love with Garcinúñez. Fernando saves Garcinúñez from the assassins and tells him the story of his misfortunes. Touched by what Fernando has said and done, Garcinúñez offers to intercede in his behalf. The act closes with Leonor planning to keep Garcinúñez and Dorotea apart, and with Ñuño plotting to stir up trouble while Garcinúñez is away. Fernando hears that the King of Aragon has pardoned him, thanks to Garcinúñez' intercession. Leonor lies to her father saying that Garcinúñez seduced her, 1 and Ñuño makes it appear that Garcinúñez is conspiring with the Turks. The King, deciding to punish Garcinúñez through Fernando and Dorotea, has them marry, she readily consenting when told that Garcinúñez has married another. Garcinúñez returns to find himself in disgrace and everyone against him. A cloud is cast upon the happiness of Fernando and Dorotea when Sancho appears again and warns Fernando to absent himself from Toledo. Dorotea herself is further disturbed by the fact that Garcinúñez apparently has designs upon her husband's life, and dreams of impending evil add to her uneasiness. An old enemy of At the end of Act I : Io Acto — Pasa en Τoledo — Para Jua Bapt" Valenciano Autor de Com"' — Año de 1620 — Omne dictum sub correcte s" matrij eclesie dico. On the page marked Act II is the name of Andrés de Claramonte. At the end of the play is a rúbrica and below it, crossed out in different ink: Poduese representar la comedia intitulada La Infelice Dorotea com Bailes i entremeses honestos Ia pte. (?) de Diciembre^?) de 1621. — Signature, apparently Francisco. On opposite page, in a different hand: Vea esta comedia Ρ" de Vargas Machuca. Below in clearer ink and different hand: Esta comedia que Andres de Claramonte nombra La Infelice Dorotea es un caso que cuenta La Chronica gral. de España del Conde García Nuñez Ossorio, puedese representar Reservando a la vista lo que alli se ofreciere y lo mismo en el entremés y bayles. Madrid 12 de çbre 1622. Pedro de Vargas Machuca. I. Cf. Deste agua no beberé and Guillén de Castro's Conde Alarcos.

ηο

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

Fernando's tries to assassinate him, and in the struggle Fernando accidentally kills Dorotea. Garcinúñez is pardoned, is offered the hand of Leonor, but he says her marriage has already been arranged in Aragon. Fernando is about to be executed when the would-be assassin appears and declares that Dorotea's death was accidental. In the closing lines Claramonte promises another play: y oi vera España bengada la ynfeliçe Dorotea y esta venganza Ciármelo promete en otra comedia.

La Tao de San Antón,1 It seems unnecessary to give a synopsis of this play since it has been published by Schaeffer. In the closing lines Claramonte seems to have promised another play: Aquí se acaba, Senado, De Anton la santa vida Y comienzan sus milagros.

Púsome el sol, salióme la lima (Santa Teodora).2 Lesbia, jealous of the happiness of Natalio and Teodora, plans to disturb their wedded bliss. T o encompass this, she conspires ι. MS., Bibl. Nacl. (16937); Schaeffer, Ocho comedias desconocidas. Summarized by Schaeffer. 2. MS., Bibl. Nacl. (14955), ascribed to Lope, preceded by a loa of 46 lines, Act III in a different hand; M S . , Bibl. Nacl. (16986), ascribed to Lope, part of Act III missing; Suelta, i72o(?), [Cat. Brit. Mus.]; Ooze comedias de Lope . . . Ρ te. ig. Guesca, 1634, attributed to Claramonte in the running titles. The latter version seems to have been taken from M S . 16986, judging from incomplete lists of characters and other mistakes common to the two. This play is attributed to Claramonte by Medel, Chorley, La Barrera and Menéndez y Pelavo. The truth of this assertion is supported by the following facts: The style is in the manner of Claramonte, the few disastrous attempts at humor are unlike Lope, there are repetitions of lines like a refrain as in Claramonte, the songs are like Claramonte and are attributed to Clarindo as in the Infelice Dorotea. A Letra ajena in Salinas, Poesías (1646), ι, 112, reads: Púsome el sol, Salióme la luna, Más me valiera, Madre, L a noche escura.

AND

CLARAMONTE

71

with Fidelio, who promises to marry her if she will aid him in seducing Teodora. 1 The first attempt is unsuccessful. Lesbia then visits Teodora and explains that she is in love with Fidelfo but that this love is unrequited because of his affection for Teodora. She therefore begs her friend to invite Fidelfo to come to her garden that night. Teodora will let him in but Lesbia will meet him. Teodora reluctantly consents and the scheme is only too successful. Teodora is raped by Fidelfo, but decides to say nothing of the crime, throwing away her clothes, the witnesses of her guilt. Natalio finds the clothes scattered about and hears from the servants that his wife has left, dressed as a man. Teodora, now "Teodoro," repairs to a monastery, is admitted after some difficulty, and there earns a reputation as a saint. The new " m o n k " is sent out to beg and is directed by shepherds to a river where a fierce crocodile is known to be. T o their surprise the crocodile dies at the request of the "fraile." One of the women makes indecent proposals but Teodora flees, leaving behind a cloak which the lewd woman exhibits as evidence. Teodora is accused of transgressing the rules of the order, the woman in the preceding act appearing against her. She is driven out of the monastery but, after a series of minor adventures, returns. T h e monks in the meantime have received a miraculous message to let her in. Natalio comes to the monastery, Teodora dies in glory, and Natalio enters the order. AUTOS

El dote del rosario.2 Dionisio has been driven out of Florence and, being at death's door, wishes to divide the little property he has between his two daughters, Merencia and Fabia. This property consists of two boxes, one containing a heart of jewels and the other a cross. The I n the Famosa Teodora, B i b l . N a c í . ( 1 6 1 1 2 ) , anon., d e a l i n g w i t h the s a m e s u b j e c t , n o t a single line is s u g g e s t i v e o f C l a r a m o n t e . 1. C f . a similar incident in La Católica Princesa and El secreto en la mujer. 2. M S . , B i b l . N a c l . ( 1 5 2 5 4 ) ; Suelta [ P a z y M e l i a ] .

72

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

daughters are to choose before opening either box. Fabia makes her selection and, upon discovering that she has nothing but a rosary, is so displeased that Merencia exchanges with her. T h e two meet Celio who, though only a servant, pretends that he is a great lord. Fabia, in her anxiety to be wealthy, is attracted by Celio's high-sounding words and he in turn is interested in the jewel. Alberto, in love with Merencia, has been looking for her in vain and agrees to sell his soul to the Devil if the latter will find her. The pact is written on the sand, Alberto expecting the wind to obliterate it. Celio arranges to take Fabia to his "castle." Merencia is found by Alberto but she repulses him, and the Devil plans another attack. Filipo, Duke of Florence, hears from his nobles that it is necessary to marry, but there is no one whom he loves. In this dilemma the Virgin appears and commands him to go forth on a hunt in the course of which he will find a girl who, though shabbily dressed, is the one he should choose. Fabia is driven away by Celio since he does not care for her now that he has her money. The Duke finds Merencia and takes her with him. Alberto thinks he has Merencia in his power but to his surprise finds in his arms the Virgin who has taken her place. 1 The Virgin also saves Alberto when the Devil comes to claim his soul. The Duke introduces Merencia to the nobles and their protest is stilled by the appearance of the Virgin. She asks, too, that the Duke favor Alberto. Fabia is given a renta, and Celio is pardoned. y tenga de claramonte fin el dote del rosario, que en la minerba hallo escrito este milagroso casso.

RI homo de Constantinopla Ruben is to be married to Acenid. While he is absent from the scene a group of Christians pass by with Holy Bread. The Jews 1. Cf. Mira de Amescua, El esclavo del demonio and Calderón, El màgico prodigioso. 2. MS., Bibl. Nací. (17391). A t beginning: licencia, signed by Lucas de Soria and dated June 3, 1624. At end: permission to play is given to Tomás Fernández and his company, June 6, 1627.

AND

CLARAMONTE

73

do not show the proper respect and in punishment are forced to eat pork. Ruben finally learns what has happened and decides to steal the bread and burn it in an oven. In connection with the theft a series of miracles occur and Ruben is converted. The Jews resolve to put him to death in the oven, but he remains untouched by the flames and all are converted. LOST

PLAYS

So far as can be ascertained, Claramonte never fulfilled his promise to write a second part to the plays mentioned above. Furthermore,the following loas, autos and plays which he is known to have written cannot be found. La asunción de la virgen {loa). Mentioned by Sánchez-Arjona. Las calles de Sevilla (loa). Mentioned by Sánchez-Arjona. El Inj ante de Aragon (comedia). Mentioned by Medel, La Barrera. Hartzenbusch states that this play was given by Avendaño in the Palace in October or November of 1622.1 La jura de Baltasar (auto). Mentioned by Medel, La Barrera. La sinagoga (auto). Mentioned by Sánchez-Arjona. El valle de la muerte (auto). Mentioned by Sánchez-Arjona. PLAYS

ATTRIBUTED

IN

WHOLE

OR

IN

PART

TO

CLARAMONTE

Dineros son calidad. Referring to El'Rey Don Pedro en Madrid, Menéndez y Pelayo stated that Claramonte "puso en él sus pecadoras manos . . . como las había puesto en La Estrella de Sevilla, en Dineros son calidad y El Médico de su honra y quizá en otras piezas." 2 His principal reason for so thinking was the fact that in it a shepherd by the name of Clarindo appears. An examination of Dineros son calidad reveals passages that are indeed suggestive of Claramonte though curiously enough most of 1 . BAE, m , XV. 2. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. A c a d . , i x , clxxii.

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

74

them occur in scenes in which Clarindo does not figure. In the latter part of the play, for example, Octavio and Macarrón disguise themselves and come into the presence of Julia, usurper of the throne, in practically the same manner that Matías and Carlos gain admission to Duke Vicencio, usurper, in La Católica Princesa. Macarrón says he is a "Potentado de Moldavia" and talks a strange language that Octavio has to interpret. Matías in Claramonte's play is not given any spoken lines in a " foreign " language, but it is evident that a show of conversation is intended since Carlos had to interpret for him. The troops of Camila — a Camila is one of the characters in La Católica Princesa — like those of Matías, gain admission into the city by means of disguises. The wording of a few lines in another scene might implicate Claramonte. tiranizóla [Ñapóles] un ingrato, un Falaris, un Creonte. {Dineros [Suelta, Madrid, 1751], p. 9, col. 2)

sere jalari s sangriento, maxençio ingrato sere. {La infelice Dorotea, Act II, fol. 5, verso)

In the scenes in which Clarindo appears, two passages are somewhat reminiscent of the delirium scene in the Estrella de Sevilla. [Scene in a deserted castlé\ CLARINDO

Estruendo suena, que horror à los montes dà.

SANCHO

En el Infierno, Clarindo? en que lo ves?

MACARRÓN

CLARINDO

CLARINDO

En que veo, Señor, en aquel castillo Mas de mil sastres mintiendo. {Estrella, 11. 2401-05)

De muchos? De muchos. MACARRÓN

Pues almas de sastres serán que aqui cosiendo estarán. {Dineros, γ. 17, col. 1)

AND CLARAMONTE MACARRÓN

Cobardes son los demonios? qué dices, si aun de su imagen tiembla el mundo. OCTAVIO

Verdad digo. MACARRÓN

Si por ser sus semejantes à los soplones tememos, con ser demonios en carne ellos, que incorporeos son por ser materia del avre, no han de ser mas invencibles, y mas espantosos? {Dineros, p. 17, col. 2)

75 SANCHO

Y aquellos? CLARINDO

Son demonios, que los lleuan, señor, presos. SANCHO

No les basta ser demonios, sino soplones. {Estrella, 1 1 . 2424-27)

A final decision with regard to the extent of Claramonte's participation in this play is extremely difficult. It is true that Clarindo is a character necessary to the action, but this does not preclude the possibility that in the original, if there was one, he might have had another name. The scene of the disguises might well have been different in the original (?). However, in the scenes in which Clarindo appears the humor is quite unlike Claramonte. Until further light is thrown on the matter one can only say that it does not seem probable that any considerable part of the "Clarindo" scenes can be Claramonte's and, in regard to the rest of the play, only a few lines at most, besides the scene of the disguises, can be attributed to him with any foundation. El horno de Babilonia {auto). Attributed to Claramonte by La Barrera, probably through confusion with El homo de Constantinopla. The manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional is attributed to Claramonte on the cover; another, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, ascribes this auto to Calderón. Nothing in style or incident would indicate that Claramonte had anything to do with it.

76

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

El médico de su honra. As we have seen, Menéndez y Pelayo believed that Claramonte put his " s i n f u l " hands upon this play. If this is the case the similarity between El médico and the Estrella, mentioned in connection with the sources of the latter play, remains very much in doubt. Either Lope imitated himself here; or Claramonte wrote both passages; or else the lines in the Estrella are Claramonte's borrowing from El médico. Beyond this bit of doubtful evidence there is little proof that Claramonte had any part in the play. El Rey Don Pedro en Madrid, o El Infanzón de Ilíes cas.τ Hartzenbusch (ι 848) explained that this play was not written by Calderón because the title is not included in the list sent to the Duque de Veragua. " N i puede pertenecer exclusivamente á Lope, ni á Téllez, ni á Claramonte." He called attention to the fact that lo is frequently employed for le as accusative of the pronoun él, persons as well as things. Claramonte is cited by him as given to this practice in El valiente negro, whereas Lope and Tirso "genera l l y " use le. Hartzenbusch was first inclined to think that the play was by Tirso, rejundida by Claramonte, 2 but later he thought it might be by Lope and reworked by Claramonte. 3 Cotarelo (1893) comments extensively on the above statements 4 and adduces other evidence to support the theory that the play was written by Tirso and rejundida by Claramonte. An ap1. M S . , Bibl. N a c l . (16639), attributed to Calderón on the parchment cover and on the page with the list of characters to Claramonte. M S . , Bibl. Municipal, M a d r i d , ascribed to Claramonte. Hartzenbusch mentioned one in the Archives of the T e a t r o Español, which Señor Cotarelo says was a copy of the manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional. W a s this not the manuscript now in the Municipal? Hartzenbusch {BAE, v, xliii) also said he had seen a modern copy o f another manuscript attributed to Tirso. T h e p l a y was published in Doce comedias de Lope . . . y otros autores. Barcelona, 1630 [Paz y Melia]; Pte. XXVII, extravagante, in Lope's name [La Barrera]: " A l fin de un ejemplar de la parte X V I I , 1621, se encuentra como última comedia, en vez de El hidalgo abencerraje." [Rennert y Castro]; Pte. V, Comedias de Calderón. Barcelona, 1677; Suelta, attributed to Lope [Cotarelo, Tirso]; Suelta, anon. [Cotarelo]; Suelta, in M u n i c h L i b r a r y , attributed to Calderón [Stiefel]: BAE, ν ; A c a d . i x . See Restori, Zeit./, rom. Phil., χ χ ι χ , 105-27; and Stiefel, Ibid., x x x i , 476. 2. BAE, ν , xliii-xliv. 3. BAE, Lii, p. 550, note 2. 4. Tirso de Molina, Investigaciones

biobibliográficas

(Madrid, 1893), pp. 121 ff.

AND

CLARAMONTE

77

proximate date of 1618 or earlier was set by Cotarelo because of what he thought was a flattering allusion to the Duque de Lerma. CLARINDO

Después D e s o s r e a l e s , los p i e s M e ilustran de un S a n d o v a l . 1

Sánchez-Arjona (1898) was partly persuaded that the play was by Tirso and reworked by Claramonte. 2 Menéndez y Pelayo (1895 and 1899) believed that the Rey Don Pedro was written by Lope but retouched by Claramonte. Following the lead of Cotarelo, he cites the following passages to which this author put his hand: the long story by Elvira in Act I; all the scenes in A c t II in which Clarindo figures; and in Act III, a number of songs.3 In reviewing this work, 4 Restori agreed that the play was by Lope and reworked by Claramonte. Lomba y Pedraja (1899) accepted the theory that Lope was the original author and Claramonte the vandal. 5 S. G. Morley (1905) added further evidence in favor of L o p e ; 6 and Cotarelo finally accepted the arguments of Menéndez y Pelayo. 7 Blanca de los Ríos (1910) reverted to Tirso, believing the King Don Pedro to be the "hermano gemelo" to Don Juan in deeds and words. In La Santa 'Juana, " H a y una escena prestigiosa que me parece de la misma mano que la de La Sombra del Clérigo en El Rey Don Pedro, la de la estatua en El Burlador, y hasta con versos iguales." 8 1. Oirás de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., i x , 491, col. 2. Schaeffer had argued that this Sandoval was Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas. See Schaeffer, Geschichte . . . 1, 330. 2. Op. cit., p. 188, note 1. 3. Estudios de crítica literaria, II Serie, pp. 192-97; and Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., i x , cxlii-clxxx. 4. A. Restori, "Obras de Lope de V e g a . " Zeit.f. rom. Phil., χ χ ι χ , 105-27. 5. J. L o m b a y Pedraja, " E l R e y D o n Pedro en el teatro." Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo (Madrid, 1899), π > 2 í 8 - í 9 · 6. S. G. Morley, " T h e use of verse forms (strophes) by Tirso de M o l i n a . " Bull. Hisp., VII, 387-408. 7. Obras de Tirso de Molina, NBAE, i x , xlv. 8. B. de los Ríos y Lampérez, Del siglo de oro (Madrid, 1910), p. 49.

78

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

Foulché-Delbosc (1920) doubted that the passages mentioning Clarindo could have been written by Claramonte and thought that the Rey Don Pedro must have been written after the Estrella de Sevilla.1 In spite of considerable disagreement as to the author of the original play, the consensus of opinion, then, favors Clarmonte as having had a part in the reworking of it. The whole question of authorship and reworking, however, needs to be reopened for several reasons. In the first place, the manuscript of the Biblioteca Municipal (which has not been considered in connection with the authorship of the play, nor consulted in the edition of the Biblioteca de Autores or that of the Academy), rectifies mistakes in the other versions. One example will suffice: GINESA

Q u e me rindió sin venirme f a v o r , consuelo ni amparo, ni de las rejas [for tejas, BAE, ni de las tejas a b a j o .

A c a d . , etc.] arriba,

Secondly, it contains lines not found elsewhere. Again, the " C l a r i n d o " scene is lacking in this manuscript. 2 Furthermore, examples of the use of lo for le are less frequent in this manuscript than in the edition of Hartzenbusch, and the manuscript of El valiente negro en Flandes has fewer examples of lo for le than occur in the text of the Biblioteca de Autores. The humor of the play, at times rather vulgar, is real humor and seems altogether in the manner of Tirso. Claramonte is vulgar at times but this vulgarity is only the feeblest approach to humor. He never makes a joke, for example, anywhere near as rich as Ginesa's request that her betrayer either be forced to marry her or χ. Op. cit., pp. 30-34· 2. The manuscript of the Biblioteca Nacional clearly has the spelling Clorindo on every occasion that this name occurs. This reading was followed by Hartzenbusch in the BAE. In the manuscript of the Biblioteca Nacional, on the page listing the characters for Act II, three are added that are not in the play; and someone, evidently the manager of the company, has written " N o " opposite.them. They are Don Jil, Don Diego and Don Martin, personages in Tirso's Don Gil de ¡as Calzas Verdes.

AND

CLARAMONTE

79

pay for the tejas that he broke. 1 Some of the songs are indeed suggestive of Claramonte but the general style of the play is not. On the other hand, we find that Ginesa has a long speech with assonance in accented u, a tour de force attempted by Claramonte in Deste agua no beberé. The latter play also deals with the King Don Pedro; in it he is warned by sombras; and at the end a second part is promised. Still, Claramonte's second part was to have had a desafío of Enrique in it, and there is hardly a suggestion of such a thing in El Rey Don Pedro. If the hungry poet referred to 2 is Claramonte — and it seems 1. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed. Acad., i x , 483, col. 2. 2.

REY

¿Quién sois vos? CLARINDO

Soy, gran señor, Un ingenio derrotado, Que de Sevilla ha llegado, Confiado en el favor De Vuestra Alteza, á Madrid. REY

¿Que queréis? CLARINDO

Comer querría. REY

¿Qué es vuestro asunto? CLARINDO

Es poesía. REY

Pues animaos y escribid, Que en mí tienen premio igual Armas y letras. CLARINDO

Después Desos reales, los piés Me ilustran de un Sandoval. REY

Si tal padrino ténéis, ¿Que teméis? CLARINDO

Temo no errar. REY

Sabed al pueblo agradar, Y con eso acertaréis. (Acad., i x , 491, col. 2)

8o

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

likely that he is, whether Claramonte wrote the scene or not — the " d e r r o t a " undoubtedly has to do with Claramonte's departure from Seville in 1623,1 and the Sandoval is the Saldaña accorded a place in Claramonte's Letanía Moral? Los Amantes de Teruel. Señor Cotarelo believed that in its present form this play could not be attributed to Tirso, although " h e must have written something similar." En mi opinion, este drama cayó después de representado en las manos de Andrés de Claramonte, quien lo pondría como nuevo.3 A search through the Amantes de Teruel for traces of Claramonte's handiwork is productive of few positive results, although some incidents are indeed reminiscent of the Murcian author. T h e most important of these are the omens scattered through the play: gloomy books have a prophetic meaning for Isabel, Marsilla falls three times and loses Isabel's portrait, he hears a mournful song on his way home, and a mirror is broken before Isabel's death. T h e imprecation uttered by Isabel when she hears that Marsilla died in battle 4 is also suggestive. But even so, the whole matter seems very doubtful. Los Comendadores de Cordoba. N o t a line in this play is at all suggestive of Claramonte. " E s t a comedia, escrita de mano de Claramonte, no es otra que la de Alvaro Cubillo titulada La mayor venganza de honor. ..." 5 Tan largo me lo fiais. Señor Cotarelo has suggested that this work, especially the long passage in praise of Seville, is Claramonte's rehandling of Tirso's Burlador.6 ι . C f . supra, p. 54. 2. C o n d e de Saldaña. " E l amadissimo Principe D o n D i e g o Gomez de S a n d o b a l [1587-1632], hijo del Excelentissimo Señor D u q u e de L e r m a , amador de las armas y letras, y honrador de los ingeniosos y virtuosos." — Inqviridion de los Ingenios. . . . 3. tirso de Molina, Investigaciones . . . p. 102. 4. NBAE, ν , p. 701, col. I. 5. R e n n e r t and Castro, Vida de Lope de Vega, p. 470. 6. Tirso de Molina, Investigaciones . . . pp. 1 1 9 - 2 1 .

AND

CLARAMONTE

8i

In view of the fact that Claramonte lavishly praises Valencia in La Católica Princesa and takes occasion to flatter Zamora in El Nuevo Rey Gallinaio, it would not be unlikely, if his company ever did put on the "Burlador in Seville, that he might have taken the liberty of making some changes for the sake of local color. But this theory, a-priori so plausible, is not supported by evidence. Not a line in the play, not even the elaborate description of Seville, is in Claramonte's manner. THE

MERITS

AND D E F E C T S

OF C L A R A M O N T E ' S

PLAYS

Andrés de Claramonte has fared somewhat badly at the hands of critics, but it must be remembered that their judgment is based upon only a part of his production and in some cases upon only a few works. Hartzenbusch, in his edition of Tirso's plays, qualifies him as an "autor de tercero ó cuarto orden"; 1 though Mesonero Romanos in publishing three of his plays says that the Valiente negro en Flandes "está escrita con notable desenfado; el carácter del protagonista muy bien trazado, y la acción con episodios oportunos. . . . Desta agua no beberé tiene condiciones de un buen drama . . . [y] De lo vivo á lo pintado es una comedia de ingeniosa acción, aunque poco verosímil." 2 Schack, who confines his criticism to El valiente negro, has the following to say: Seguramente no es grande el valor poético de esta composición; falta el arte en el c o n j u n t o de la acciójn, y su desarrollo es duro y grosero; pero, sin embargo, respira toda ella cierta frescura y grata sencillez. L a s temerarias hazañas del negro, que milita b a j o las banderas del duque de A l b a , y que, á fuerza de osadía, consigue la investidura de caballero de la Orden de Santiago (entre otras empresas, por haber penetrado solo en el c a m p a m e n t o enemigo y haber hecho prisionero en su tienda al príncipe de O r a n g e ) , excitan un v i v o interés á causa de las animadas descripciones, que llenan á esta comedia. L a rudeza de su exposición se harmoniza admirablemente con el colorido popular, que la distingue. 3 ι . Β/ίΕ,ν,χ]iv. 2. ΒΑΕ,·χ.LUI, xxxv-xxxvi. 3. Historia de la literatura y del arte dramático en España, Traducida . . . por Eduardo de Mier (Madrid, 1885-1887), m , 321-22.

8α

THE ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

Schaeffer analysed a fair number of Claramonte's plays and came to a very unfavorable conclusion: Claramonte hätte wohl keine Dramen geschrieben, wenn ihn nicht sein Beruf hierzu verleitet hätte. Nicht allein fehlte ihm gänzlich das poetische Feuer, was schon aus seiner, trotz gelegentlichen Schwulstes nüchternen Diction erhellt, sondern er war auch durchaus unfähig, einen Stoff dramatisch zu concipiren und zu gestalten. Viele altspanische Dramatiker leiden unter dem Mangel einer dieser Fähigkeiten; wo aber beide fehlen, ist überhaupt kein dramatisches Talent vorhanden und kann auch nie durch Schauspielerroutine ersetzt werden. 1

In a passage already quoted, Menéndez y Pelayo qualifies Claramonte as an "adocenado plagiario." 2 Elsewhere he terms him a "gran remendón literario," 3 and on other occasions he is even more emphatic in his condemnation: Fué sin duda Andrés de Claramonte ingenio bizarro, aunque inculto . . . comedias indisputablemente suyas, como la titulada De esta agua no beberé, tienen mérito propio, 4 y no se desdeñó de imitarlas el mismo Calderón; y la titulada El Valiente negro en Flandes es muy original y llena de fiereza y desgarro soldadesco. Pero en general, el teatro suyo que conocemos, y que en estos últimos años se ha acrecentado algo merced á los descubrimientos de A. Schaeffer, muestra notable tendencia al efectismo más grosero y estrepitoso, logrado á fuerza de parricidios, incestos, atrocidades y tiranías estupendas; recursos candorosos y primitivos y que ya en las tragedias de Cristóbal de Virués y Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola habían sido empleados largamente, si bien con más cultura de dicción y más respeto á la prosodia, que los que suelen advirtirse en las obras de Claramonte. 5 En Andrés de Claramonte no hay que pensar como autor original. Era un dramaturgo vulgar y adocenado, que, siendo comediante de oficio y viéndose obligado á abastecer la escena con novedades propias ó ajenas, se dedicó á la piratería literaria con el candor con que ésta se practicaba en aquel tiempo, y del cual daban ejemplo grandes poetas. . . . Todavía Claramonte podía alegar disculpas que no alcanzan á esos grandes poetas: 1 . A. Schaeffer, Geschichte des spanischen Nationaldramas (Leipzig, 1890), 1, 332. 2. Supra, p. 29. 3. Obras de Lope de Vega. Acad., i x , cxxxi. 4. Later Menéndez y Pelayo appeared to change his opinion, for he calls this play a "rapsodia dramática." Obras de Lope de Vega, ed., Acad., i x , clxxiv. 5. Obras de Lope de Vega, ed., Acad., i n , lxxvii-lxxviii.

AND

CLARAMONTE

83

su pobreza, su oficio, entonces tan abatido, sin ninguna preocupación literaria. Ni se le pueden negar ciertas cualidades, inferiores sin duda, pero muy recomendables; conocimiento de la escena y cierto brío y desgarro popular, que principalmente lucen en su comedia soldadesca El Valiente negro en Flandes. Lo intolerable en Claramonte y lo que prueba la penuria de su educación literaria, es el estilo. Por raro caso en su tiempo, Claramonte escribe mal, no ya por culteranismo ó conceptismo, como muchos otros, sino por incorrección gramatical grosera, que hace enmarañados y obscuros sus conceptos. Este desaseo y torpeza de expresión es, por decirlo así, la marca de fábrica de su Teatro, y sirve de indicio casi infalible para deslindar lo que realmente le pertenece en las obras que llevan su nombre.1 B u t Claramonte was not wholly deserving of this devastating criticism, as a study of the merits and defects of his plays will show. T h e first characteristic of Claramonte's plays to be noted is the variety of his subjects. Some, to be sure, like De ΐο vivo á lo pintado and De los méritos de amor, deal with more or less conventional themes, while others, such as the dramatization of the lives of San Onofre, San Antonio and Santa Teodora, can hardly be considered particularly original, the well-known piety of Claramonte probably being responsible for such a preponderance of religious subjects. B u t in other plays the last objection that could be raised is monotony or dullness of themes. We have, for example, the prodigious deeds of an extraordinary negro; the story of a man gone six years, and returning — so changed t h a t even his wife did not know h i m — w i t h a coffin in which his dead body is supposed to be; innumerable adventures of the Magi Kings recounted through three acts instead of the conventional one; the King Don Pedro portrayed in two striking moods, love and vengeance; an incident from the Cronica General; a story from the Italian novellieri; and the case of a man who sells his soul to the Devil. Within the limits of relatively few plays, not many authors of the period could boast of greater diversity. As regards the qualities of these plays the most apparent virtue t h a t they possess is action, easily explained by Claramonte's actual I. Ibid.,

ix, cxliv-cxlv.

84

THE ESTRELLA DE

SEVILLA

experience with the stage. H e seems to have realized that the public of his time wanted something to happen; and he provided it. I t may be well to mention in this connection that he may have had little hope that his productions would find favor with cultured audiences, as was the fortune of many of his contemporaries, and consequently did not write with one eye on the nobility and the other on the mosqueteros. The audience of which Claramonte was absolutely certain was the large group of ignorant people who after all decided the fate of most of the dramatic productions. One must remember that the public of that age was not essentially different from the movie audience of today, entranced by characters who experience sudden changes of fortune, by heroic and improbable exploits, adventures in far-away countries, villains who meet with final and just retribution, and by virtue pathetically oppressed but finally triumphant. In Claramonte we find all of these elements. The Magi Kings lose their thrones and recover them; Teodora is reduced from high estate to a mendicant " f r i a r " ; a Princess is persecuted and has to earn her living in an inn; and a common soldier rises to be king in Chile. Superhuman feats are accomplished in Flanders, Araucanians are defeated in America, and armies fight in Egypt and in Germany. In several plays there are attacks by bandits. When this happens to Melchor in El Mayor Rey he is willing to give up everything but his wife, for whom he fights desperately; likewise the Marqués in De Alcalá á Madrid will surrender all but a jar of preserves he is taking to the Queen. There are unsuccessful attempts to murder innocent people by poison or by steel, while others are actually killed, some unnecessarily. Duels, on the other hand, so frequent with other playwrights of the period, are unusual in Claramonte. Instances of parricide and incest, the accusation of Menéndez y Pelayo, are entirely lacking. The public, then as now, took delight in disguises, and Claramonte provided that attraction. In El secreto en la mujer Aurelio disguises himself as a shepherd in order to enter the service of Lelio, and Ursino becomes one of the same household with the

AND CLARAMONTE

85

assistance of smoked glasses; Fidelfo reduces himself to an escudero in Púsome el sot; Count Alberto appears for a time in the guise of a pobre in La Católica Princesa; in the same play, Matías dresses as a Turk in order to win his way into the kingdom of Moldavia; and Jofre and Hipólita in El honrado con su sangre disguise themselves as pilgrims that they may safely enter the stronghold of their enemy. Similar in spirit are instances where a person is so changed by different dress or by the action of time as to be unrecognized by either friends or enemies. Teodora, for example, after her misfortune, successfully plays the part of a man through the rest of her life; Princess Leopolda works as a servant girl, and Atayde's six years' beard makes him seem a different man. In his religious plays Claramonte gives considerable emphasis to the miraculous or the supernatural. The appearance of the Devil in the guise of a tempter is of course quite the conventional thing in plays of this type, as is the coming of angels or the Virgin in the rôle of comforters—and it is no surprise to find this sort of material in the plays of Claramonte which deal with religious themes. More spectacular is the sight of flames and rockets burning up the sun god in El Mayor Rey, fire rising from Ruben's breast when he steals the sacred bread in El homo de Constantinopla, and Ruben unscathed in a fiery furnace. These particular marvels must have produced a proper effect upon the audience; but other wondrous occurrences, though intended to be serious, must have come perilously close to humor. "Miracles" of this sort occur, for example, in La Tao de San Antón when a raven brings bread, when an eagle in El gran rey de los desiertos snatches away the King's crown, and when a lioness in the same play carries off a child. But these are nothing compared with a whale swallowing Jonah in El inobediente and spewing him up again on the shores of Nineveh. 1 I. The "business" of the whale is, after all, not so very much worse than some examples from Lope: La sierpe sale echando juego por la boca, y tocan trompeta, y riñe y queda ella tendida.— El Perseo, Acad., vi, 106, col. 2. Aquí se descubre un laurel, y en él el vellocino de oro; á sus pies dos loros echando fuego, y

86

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

Claramonte found precedent enough for the spectacular in other religious plays of his time and can hardly be censured for his practice in plays of the same type. There was less excuse for the introduction of the miraculous in non-religious plays. The appearance of the Sun and Moon in Púsome el sol; Teodora carrying Lesbia off through the air in the same play; the intervention of Imagination, Idolatry and Faith in El' Nuevo Rey Gallinaio — these can hardly be condoned. On the other hand, the appearance of a shepherd, shepherdess and a sombra warning Don Pedro to repent in Deste agua has dramatic value, though it must be admitted that Claramonte does not derive from these incidents a maximum of dramatic effect. More meritorious is Claramonte's use of omens. (Here we are reminded of the diamond and the mirror in the Estrella de Sevilla.) In El Nuevo Rey Gallinaio this foreshadowing is poorly handled, for the prophecy is too vague to be of much dramatic force. Of slight significance, too, is the stumbling of Mencia in Oeste agua no beberé when her husband returns from the war. But no such criticism can be made of the omens in La infelice Dorotea. Here Claramonte skillfully uses this motif to arouse interest and give movement to the opening scene; the foreshadowing takes definite shape later in the same act; and the two warnings leave the principal characters (and the audience) properly disturbed. Variety is secured by having only one of the incidents happen on the stage. In the second act the omens appear to be false, but half way through the third act another mysterious warning is introduced and, at the end of the play, all the predictions are fulfilled in an unexpected manner. The technique of this series of circumstances could hardly be improved upon. A different use of omens is found in El ataúd para el vivo. In the first act Atayde and Brianda little suspect that anything can mar their happiness until the echo of Atayde's words have a fateful meaning, soon understood when Atayde is sent away to India. In el dragón [previously introduced] acometa á Jasón, ά quien venza primero, tocando cajas y trompetas. El vellocino de oro, Acad., vi, 169, col. 2.

A N D CLARAMONTE

87

the same play we have the scene already referred to as being a counterpart of the marriage preparations in the Estrella de Sevilla. Ñuño is preparing for his wedding and everything seems to be conducive to happiness. He has long been the favorite of the King; he has finally forced Brianda to marry him; and, so far as he knows, her husband is dead and buried in a far removed land. But strange omens of disaster occur, Ñuño makes light of them, and is killed at the moment when supreme happiness seems within his grasp. Somewhat similar is Claramonte's use of sad songs when people are in trouble. (Here we are reminded of the prison scene in the Estrella where the musicians sing to Sancho about death.) Songs are found in most of Claramonte's plays, and in several the melancholy chant is particularly effective. In El ataúd, para el vivo, for example, Brianda hears a song about tears and the sea when she is thinking about her husband gone so long; Natalio in Púsome el sol listens to a sad song after discovering that his wife has left him; and in ha infelice Dorotea, after the omens, Teodora comes into the presence of Dorotea singing about a princess by the name of Dorotea who was killed by her husband. Even in the religious play El gran rey de los desiertos, Ninforo, thinking of the loss of his rightful kingdom is made even more melancholy by a song whose theme is the sadness of Egypt in being deprived of its ruler. Songs of this vaguely prophetic type constitute one of the outstanding characteristics of the plays of Claramonte. Needless to say, the use of them adds an emotional intensity which could not otherwise be secured, and the popular appeal, if the songs were at all well rendered, must have been great. Occasionally Claramonte introduces highly improbable scenes, as for example, in El Nuevo Rey Gallinaio when Gallinaio leaves a battle with the issue doubtful to engage in a long conversation with Tipolda; or again, at the close of the same play, when he becomes King and makes his men Counts and Dukes in reward for their services. The deeds of the negro in Flanders suffer from exaggeration. In fact, this term might apply to no small part of Claramonte's production.

88

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

Claramonte also exhibits at times a certain unhealthy tendency toward the macabre. At the end of La Católica Princesa, when a general slaughter of Lutherans takes place, the heads of the victims are shown at the feet of Matías; similarly, in EÍMayor Rey de los Reyes, the Devil shows Melchor his two children hanging from trees; and in El gran rey de los desiertos the noise of a falling house is heard and people are seen dead among the ruins. It is unnecessary to point out that Claramonte was not alone in the practice; witness, for example, the dead captain in Calderón's Alcalde de Zalamea. On the other hand, the Murcian author has no few excellent scenes to his credit. These are too many to enumerate, but a few examples will show that Claramonte was not lacking in dramatic feeling. In El secreto en la mujer three men are suitors for a woman's hand; two of them quarrel in front of her house, and both decide that the best way to get rid of the other is to pretend to be killed. Their ruse is eminently successful and both flee, each thinking he is a murderer. The unexpectedness of the outcome is effective, especially when the third man comes along and gets the girl. The same merit of an unforeseen solution is found in the scene between Mencia and the King in Oeste agua no beberé. The King is in her room, it is late at night, and her husband is away. Apparently no help for her is in sight. In answer to the King's advances she calls for help, and when the King's men rush in, she explains that a robber came to her room and the King entered in response to her cries. All this is true, as is the King's reply that she dreamed about the robber. In La Católica Princesa the advantage of a foreseen solution appears in the scene between the Princess and Count Alberto. He has come disguised as a beggar with the idea of assassinating her. She is also in danger from another quarter since Fulgencia has brought some poisoned food. The author has previously emphasized the Princess' kindness to the poor, and hence the audience expects her to insist upon Alberto's eating first. He does so and thus dies by his own hand.

AND

CLARAMONTE

89

The value of a solution clearly seen but withheld for the sake of suspense is shown at its best in the final scene of El ataúd, para el vivo. We are all sure that Atayde will kill his enemy, Ñuño, at the first opportunity, for he has sufficient cause. The King and the nobles are assembled for the wedding ceremony; Ñuño has come, and all are expecting the bride, who finally enters with a man (Atayde) whose face is not clearly seen. The King urges Ñuño to take her hand and say some requiebro to her. ÑUÑO

Dicen que una necedad es, gran Señor, el primero; y asi no me atrebo ablalla, porque no me llamen necio, y mas que tiempo queda. PITI

No confies en el tiempo; llega, y tomaie la mano. ÑUÑO

Amor es hijo del miedo, temblando llego, señora, quando llego a mereceros. BRIANDA

En el talamo temeis? ÑUÑO

Temo en el talamo, y pienso que estoy en el ataúd según dudo, y según tiemblo. BRIANDA

Si es ansi, decir podre que me caso con un muerto. JORGE DE ATAYDE

(Descúbrese)

Si, porque he resucitado para ver el casamiento. Yo soy, cobarde, Don Jorxe de Atayde que requerdo del sueño de aquesta audiencia en que he vivido durmiendo.

go

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA Vivo estoy, si deseavas mi vida; vivo; recuerdo; y quiero ver si mi espada hace lo que ablando as hecho.

The Estrella de Sevilla has been justly praised for its unusual ending. Many of Claramonte's plays have the same characteristic. In De Alcalá á Madrid, for instance, Gonzalo, who has done all the heroic deeds and rightly deserves Esperanza, retires in favor of his brother. In La infelice Dorotea, Garcinúñez, having been restored to favor, does not marry the Princess who is in love with him, but each, like Sancho and Estrella, goes his own way. Clavela in El secreto en la mujer after trying to ruin her husband, is not forgiven but is ordered to a monastery. Again, Gallinaio in El'Nuevo Rey does not marry the girl he has loved and lost; rather, she is restored to Gallinato's treacherous friend who took her away from him. When one considers the wholesale marriages so frequent in the plays of this period, such restraint on the part of Claramonte seems the more remarkable. The motivation of a number of Claramonte's plays exhibits little variety. In no few cases it is jealousy, or revenge for some real or imagined affront (as is the case with the Estrella de Sevilla). In El ataúd para el vivo, El secreto en la mujer, and in Púsome el sol jealous people try to disturb the happiness of a married couple. In La infelice Dorotea Ñuño is covetous of Garcinúñez' favor with the King and makes it appear that he is conspiring with the Turks. Fulgencia in La Católica Princesa is jealous of Leopolda and plans to kill her so she can marry Antonio. The King in Deste agua no beberé tries to get even for Mencia's refusal of his advances in exactly the same spirit that King Sancho does in the Estrella de Sevilla. Many of the characters in Claramonte's plays are animated by a steadfastness similar at least to that so nobly exemplified by Sancho Ortiz in the Estrella de Sevilla. Anacrasis in El Mayor Rey suffers all kinds of persecution rather than consent to the designs of Butifaz; Leopolda in La Católica Princesa remains true to

A N D CLARAMONTE

91

Matías in the face of threats, attempts at assassination and poverty; Mencia and, to a considerable extent, Gutierre in Deste agua exhibit the same characteristics; and so does Brianda in El ataúd para el vivo, remaining firm for six years and only yielding to force. These examples of resistance to guile and treachery are not the only instances of nobleness of spirit in the plays of Claramonte. We find Gonzalo in De Alcalá continually trying to protect his brother from the consequences of rashness, and giving way to him utterly when happiness is at stake. Natalio in Púsome el sol refuses to believe his wife guilty and searches for her many days with no idea of punishment in his mind. To a lesser degree other characters are animated by high purposes and do their utmost to carry them into effect. The few attempts at humor in the Estrella de Sevilla are, as we have observed, sad failures, and this is the case with every play of Claramonte in which a similar effort is made. Fortunately, Claramonte's graciosos are not numerous, for the few he has inserted add little or nothing to the interest. Peti in El ataúd gives a long account of his success at petty grafting but it would require an unusual actor in the part to raise even a smile. Zurdo in Púsome el sol tries to be funny from time to time but even his most ambitious attempt is wholly unsuccessful. Quite as futile, too, are passages in negro "dialect" in El valiente negro and in El Mayor Rey de los Reyes. Not often does Claramonte become vulgar in an effort to excite laughter, examples being found in only two of his plays, El valiente negro and El Nuevo Rey; but these attempts only demonstrate that Claramonte did not have one spark of humor in his make-up. As the author of the Estrella de Sevilla probably felt that he might gain favor by lavishly praising the inhabitants of Seville, so Claramonte tries the same thing by extolling the people of Zamora in El Nuevo Rey Galìinato. He also introduces a long and glowing account of Valencia in La Católica Princesa; and in the same two plays a glorification of the Catholic religion plays no

92

T H E ESTRELLA D E SEVILLA

small part. This sort of thing, as well as the praise of particular sovereigns in the two plays just mentioned, is another evidence that Claramonte well knew what the public liked. Claramonte is not above lifting incidents and even lines from other authors; his style is not of the loftiest by any means; and his work in general is very uneven. While some of his plays are mediocre enough to deserve the censure he has received, there are others that are noteworthy for their unusual situations, movement of plot, and the diversity and strength of the characterization. The plots and the most important characteristics of these have already been given, but it is pertinent to mention particularly the structure of the Infelice Dorotea; the use of a child in El ataúd to provide a dramatic moment for Atayde to declare his identity; and the splendid contract between the prudent Gonzalo and his hot-headed brother in De Alcalá á Madrid. It is unfortunate that two of these plays could not replace the commonplace De lo vivo á lo pintado and the improbable Valiente negro in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles and take their place along with Deste agua no beberé, which, on account of its well constructed first act, ranks next in merit. If this had been the case, perhaps Claramonte would not have met with so much unfavorable criticism.

IV CONCLUSION

H

examined the merits and defects of Claramonte's plays, we may turn the same microscope upon the Estrella de Sevilla. Its good qualities are apparent — and no one will attempt to disprove them — but at the same time it must be admitted that the play is far from being a perfect piece of work. Lord Holland thought the delirium scene the "coldest and worst in the play"; and Menéndez y Pelayo considered it "insulsa, fría, desatinadamente escrita." According to some, the incident upon which the entire play is based, Sancho's killing of Busto, is extremely unlikely. Others are inclined to think that the climax of the play comes too early, and that the interest lags in the last act. Señor Cotarelo, as we have noted, thinks the repetition of the praise of Seville "impertinente." And to these unfavorable criticisms might be added the unforeseen return of Busto, the betrayal of Estrella by Natilde (out of character in spite of all that the author does to make it seem reasonable), the " business " of the letter, Clarindo's forgetfulness of Natilde, and the dismal failure of the humor throughout the three acts. The play has been censured, too, for the poverty of its vocabulary. Menéndez y Pelayo himself stated that it was "mejor pensada que escrita, al revés de lo que sucede con otras muchas de Lope"; and with this Foulché-Delbosc agreed, calling attention, for example, to the author's propensity to rhyme a word with itself. Mention also might be made of the undue frequency of Estrella, Tabera, and Sevilla in rhyme. The vocabulary is limited in another sense. The word atropellar, for example, is employed in the play no less than ten times; abrasar, six; and bronce, six, five of AVING

94

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

these in the sense of "memorial tablet." Indicio is used four times, and three of these in less than a hundred lines in rhyme with oficio.r Other examples of the sort could be cited. In comparing the Estrella de Sevilla with the Niña de Plata, Menéndez y Pelayo admitted that the latter was far superior in style. Was it not the case that the author of the Estrella found it easy to improve some of the characters of Lope's play and reduce the plot, but found it impossible to do anything of the kind with so delicate a thing as style? Had Lope been imitating himself, would he not have at least retained some trace of his earlier manner? The attribution to Lope is not conclusive even with Señor Cotarelo's reservation that he may have "drowsed" on this occasion. It is true that his name appears on the title page, in the running titles of the two versions known, and in the final verses of one. But in these very verses the meter is faulty. Furthermore, the printers' habit in the seventeenth century of ascribing to Lope and Calderón plays in which these writers had no hand is too well known to call for proof here. There is of course the possibility that some of the similarities quoted from Claramonte's plays may be later than the date of composition of the Estrella de Sevilla, but these cannot be numerous since Claramonte died in 1626 and much of his work was done years before. Not only this, but half of the passages cited above from Claramonte come from three plays, one of which, La infelice Dorotea, we know for a certainty was written before the Estrella de Sevilla. Of the other two, El ataúd and Deste agua, the former, as Sánchez-Arjona argues, was probably written at practically the same time as the Estrella; while the latter, Deste agua, may have been, since Calderón imitates it so early. ι . I t would seem a vain task to a t t e m p t to fix the responsibility o f any author from his use of the above words. Claramonte uses atrepellar five times in De lo vivo, once w i t h a personal object, as is frequently the case in the Estrella; while L o p e uses i t three times in El médico, though not with a personal object. T h e other words mentioned are common stock with the authors of this period. T h e r h y m e indicio-oficio presents no clue. I t occurs in the works o f L o p e , Claramonte, and others, though never so frequently as in the Estrella.

AND

CLARAMONTE

95

Faced with so many similarities, not only in the plays of Claramonte of the same period but also in others, some of which, like La Católica Princesa are certainly earlier, it seems clear that the resemblances pointed out convict Claramonte of having had no slight part in the composition of the play. For one thing, the faulty rhymes point to Claramonte rather than to Lope. T o be sure, some poet other than Claramonte might have made such errors; and here we must remember the Pedro de Cárdenas, whom Aubrey Bell believes to be the author. But it does not seem likely that a playwright capable of composing such a play as the Estrella de Sevilla would have written only one more, and that in collaboration with another author. It is indeed unfortunate that the lost play of Cárdenas cannot be found and its style compared with that of the Estrella de Sevilla. But with nothing left to judge the work of Cárdenas, the only recourse is to return to the author who exhibits the same style as that manifested in the Estrella de Sevilla. Claramonte, as has been shown, rhymes ζ and s, Colcos and espumosos remolcos; confuses the location of the Apples of Hesperides; strives for a peculiar effect by repeating whole lines like a refrain; 1 puts some of these repetitions in sextillas; lavishly praises the office of King; and employs numerous other expressions that occur in the Estrella de Sevilla. Incidents like the affair between Mencia and the King in Oeste agua no beberé, and the breaking of the mirror in El ataúd make the relation seem even closer. It is evident also from the numerous excellent scenes that Claramonte presents that he was entirely capable of having written the play, especially with the " a i d " of Lope and Tirso. 2 If it is possible, then, that Claramonte could have been the author of the Estrella de Sevilla, does this agree with what we know about him and about the play itself? 1. For a list of the repetitions in the Estrella de Sevilla see Foulché-Delbosc, op. cit., pp.

176-177-

2. The passages in the Estrella similar to those in Lope's El medico, El servir con mala estrella, and La fuerza lastimosa may after all be only imitations by Claramonte's hand. We have seen that he utilized two of these plays in Desta agua, which is a "composite" play like the Estrella de Sevilla.

96

T H E E S T R E L L A D E SEVILLA

The fact that the play is so saturated with praise of Seville — no considerable part of which can be removed without destroying the play — is almost prima facie evidence that it was written to be played before a Sevillian audience. As we know, Claramonte was in Seville in 1622 and actively engaged in dramatic composition at the time. The possibility that Claramonte wrote the play there is not necessarily contradicted by the lines about the verses and the collars, both of which, the first especially, have the appearance of having been inserted merely to give the play a touch of local color when it came to Madrid. 1 Everything considered, it seems entirely likely that the Estrella de Sevilla is the work of Claramonte. The play may have been composed as early as 1622; and may even have been presented in Seville in that year, or early in the next. That it was actually performed in Madrid in 1623 seems reasonably certain, and probably a few modifications were made for the occasion. If it is granted that the play appeared after the tragic death of the Conde de Villamediana, the advisability of a pseudonym can readily be understood. The name Cardenio was perhaps suggested by Tirso's Celoso prudente, but the real reason for the choice may have been the fact that it is almost a perfect anagram of Claramonte's own pseudonym, Clarindo. ι. The "Clarindo" scene in the Rey Don Pedro en Madrid in which mention is made of a poet befriended by a Sandoval, defeated on the Guadalquivir, and coming to the Manzanares, undoubtedly refers to Claramonte and may well have been based upon the very passage in which the versos en la -plaza occur. Similarly, Salas Barbadillo's poem about Alarcón and his theft of verses may be another reference to the Estrella de Sevilla. El segundo Claramonte, Por llenar más presto el vaso, No fué al monte del Parnaso Por agua, sino a Belmonte. (BAE, LII, 587). In other words, Alarcón, in writing his verses, was a "segundo Claramonte" because he borrowed; but unlike Claramonte, he did not go to Parnassus (Lope and Tirso), but to others of lower degree.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX PLAYS EXAMINED IN CONNECTION WITH THIS STUDY AGUILAR, GASPAR

El mercader amante. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 43. La gitana melancólica. Ibid. La venganza honrosa. Ibid. AVILA, GASPAR

DE

El familiar sin demonio. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652. La sentencia sin firma. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. BARRIENTOS, FRANCISCO

DE

El cautivo venturoso. Doce comedias de Lope . . . y otros autores. veinte y nueve. Huesca, 1634. BELMONTE, LUIS

Parte

DE

Amor y honor. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. BERMÚDEZ, MIGUEL

Olvidar para vivir. Doce comedias nuevas de Lope . . . y otros autores. Segunda parte. Barcelona, 1630. BOÍL, CARLOS

El marido asegurado. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 43. CALDERÓN

DE LA B A R C A , P E D R O

Amor, honor y poder. Ed. Vera Tassis, 1. Argenis y Poliarco. Ibid. A secreto agravio, secreta venganza. Ibid. Casa con dos puertas mala es de guardar. Ibid., 1. El astrólogo fingido. Ibid., 1. El galán fantasma. Ibid. El hombre pobre todo es trazas. Ibid. El mayor monstruo los celos. Ibid. El médico de su honra. Ibid. El príncipe constante. Ibid., 1. El purgatorio de San Patricio. Ibid. El sitio de Breda. Ibid. Judas Macabço. Ibid., 2.

APPENDIX

ΙΟΟ

La dama duende. Ibid., ι . La devoción de la cruz. Ibid. La Gran Cenobia. Ibid. La puente de Mantible. Ibid. La vida es sueño. Ibid. Lances de amor y de fortuna. Ibid. Las tres justicias en una. Ibid., g. Peor está que estaba. Ibid., ι. Saber del mal y del bien. Ibid. CASTRO, GUILLEN

DE

El Conde Alarcos. Obras, Ed. Acad., 2. Donde no está su dueño está su duelo. Ibid. Las mocedades del Cid, Ptes. i and 2. Ibid. CERDA, MEXI'A

DE

LA

Doña Inés de Castro. Doce comedias de varios autores. CLARAMONTE, ANDRÉS

Tortosa, 1638.

DE

See text, pp. 55-72. CUBILLO

DE A R A G Ó N , A L V A R O

El Señor de noches buenas. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652. ENRIQUEZ

GOMES, ANTONIO

Celos no ofenden el sol. Ibid. No hay contra el amor poder. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. GODÍNEZ, FELIPE

Aun de noche alumbra el sol. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. GRAJALES, JUAN

El bastardo de Ceuta. Ibid., 43. GUZMAN, LUIS

DE

El blasón de Don Ramiro. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. H E R R E R A , RODRIGO

DE

Castigar por defender. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652. Del cielo viene el buen rey. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. HUERTA, ANTONIO

DE

Competidores y amigos. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652. HURTADO

DE M E N D O Z A , A N T O N I O

Cada loco con su tema. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. El marido hace mujer. Ibid. Los empeños del mentir. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652.

APPENDIX

ΙΟΙ

Más merece quien más ama. Doce comedias nuevas de Lope . . . y otros autores. Segunda parte. Barcelona, 1630. J I M É N E Z DEL E N C I S C O , D I E G O

Juan Latino. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. Los celos en el caballo. Parte veinte y cinco de comedias recopiladas de diferentes autores. Zaragoza, 1632. Los Médicis de Florencia. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. MIRA

DE A M E S C U A , A N T O N I O

El Capitán Belisario. Parte veinte y cinco de comedias recopiladas de diferentes autores. Zaragoza, 1632. La Fénix de Salamanca. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. La rueda de la fortuna. Ib 'td. No hay dicha ni desdicha hasta la muerte. Ibid. Obligar contra su sangre. Ibid. MONTERO

DE E S P I N O S A , R O M Á N

Fingir lo que puede ser. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. PEREZ

DE M O N T A L B A N , J U A N

Amor, lealtad y amistad. Parte veinte y cinco de comedias recopiladas de diferentes autores. Zaragoza, 1632. De un castigo dos venganzas. Ibid. El Gran Seneca de España. Ibid. Attributed to Gaspar de Avila in this volume. El Mariscal de Virón. Ibid. La más constante mujer. Ibid. No hay vida como la honra. Ibid. R u i z DE A L A R C Ó N , J U A N Ganar amigos. Obras, Ed. Acad., ι. SÁNCHEZ, M I G U E L

La guarda cuidadosa. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 43. Segunda parte del Cosario Barbarrosa. Doce comedias de varios autores. Tortosa, 1638. SIGLER

DE H U E R T A , A N T O N I O

No hay bien sin ageno daño. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652. SOLÍS, DIEGO

DE

La firme lealted. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. TÉLLEZ, GABRIEL

(TIRSO

DE

MOLINA)

Como han de ser los amigos. Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 4. El Burlador de Sevilla. Ibid., 9. El celoso prudente. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 5.

APPENDIX

102

El vergonzoso en palacio. Ibid. Los amantes de Teruel. Ibid. Tan largo me lo fiáis. Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 9. " T U R I A, RICARDO

DE"

La burladora burlada. VEGA

CARPIÓ, LOPE

Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 43.

DE

Adonis y Venus. Ed. Acad., 6. Alejandro el Segundo. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 1. Amar por burla. Ibid. Antonio Roca. Ibid. Arauco domado. Ed. Acad., 12. Arminda celosa. Ed. Acad., Nueva, ι. Audiencias del Rey Don Pedro. Ed. Acad., 9. Barlán y Josefa. Ibid., 4. Burlas veras. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 4. Carlos V de Francia. Ed. Acad., 12. Casamiento en la muerte. Ibid., 7. Castelvines y Monteses. Ibid., 15. Contra valor no hay desdicha. Ibid., 6. Del monte sale quien el monte quema. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. Dineros son calidad. Madrid, 1751. Don Juan de Austria en Flandes. Ed. Acad., 12. Don Juan de Castro, Ptes. 1 and 2. Ibid. El alcalde de Madrid. Ibid., 1. El aldegiiela. Ed. Acad., 12. El amor enamorado. Ibid., 6. El animal profeta, San Julián. Ibid., 4. El anzuelo de Fenisa. Ibid., 14. El asalto de Mastreque. Ibid., 12. El Cardenal de Belén. Ibid., 4. El casamiento por Cristo. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. El castigo sin venganza. Ed. Acad., 15. El Conde Fernán González. Ibid., 7. El desdén vengado. Ibid., 15. El ejemplo de casadas. Ibid., 15. El esclavo de Roma. Ibid., 6. El galán de la Membrilla. Ibid., 9. El galán escarmentado. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 1. El ganso de oro. Ibid., 1. El Gran Capitán de España. Ibid., 2. El Gran Duque de Moscovia. Ed. Acad., 6. El Grao de Valencia. Ed. Acad., Nueva, ι . El guante de Dona Blanca. Ed. Acad., 9. El halcón de Federico. Ibid., 14. El hijo venturoso. Ed. Acad., Nueva, ι .

APPENDIX El laberinto de Creta. Ed. Acad., 6. El llegar en ocasión. Ed. Acad., 14. El loco por fuerza. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 1. El marido más firme. Ibid., 6. El mármol de Felisardo. Ibid., 14. El Marqués de las Navas. Ibid., 13. El médico de su honra. Ibid., 9. El mesón de la corte. Ed. Acad., Nueva, ι. El perseguido. Ed. Acad., 15. El Perseo. Ibid., 6. El piadoso veneciano. Ibid., 15. El poder en el discreto. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. El premio riguroso. Ibid., ι . El principe melancólico. Ibid., 1. El prodigio de Etiopia. Ed. Acad., 4. El prodigioso príncipe transilvano. Ed. Acad., Nueva, El rey fingido. Ibid., 1. El rey por semejanza. Ibid., 2. El rey por trueque. Ibid. El rey sin reino. Ed. Acad., 6. El ruiseñor de Sevilla. Ibid., 15. El santo negro Rosambuco. Ibid., 4. El serafín humano. Ibid., 4. El sol parado. Ibid., 9. El testimonio vengado. Ibid., 7. El toledano vengado. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. El último godo. Ed. Acad., 7. El valiente Céspedes. Ibid., 12. El valiente Juan de Heredia. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. El valor de Malta. Ed. Acad., 12. El vaquero de Moraña. Ibid., 7. El vellocino de oro. Ibid., 6. El villano en su rincón. Ibid., 15. Fray Diablo. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. La amistad pagada. Ibid., 7. La bella aurora. Ibid., 6. La boda entre dos maridos. Ibid., 14. La carbonera. Ibid., 9. La comedia de Wamba. Ibid., 7. La corona de Hungría. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. La discordia en los casados. Ibid., 2. La discreta enamorada. Ed. Acad., 14. La doncella Teodora. Ibid., 14. La esclava de su hijo. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. La fortuna merecida. Ed. Acad., 9.

APPENDIX La fuerza lastimosa. Ibid., 14. La gran columna fogosa. Ibid., 4. La imperial de Otón. Ibid., 6. La infanta desesperada. Ed. Acad., Nueva, ι. La inocente sangre. Ed. Acad., 9. La ley ejecutada. Ibid., 14. La madre Teresa de Jesús. Ibid., 5. La mayor corona. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. La mayor desgracia de Carlos V. Ed. Acad., 12. La mayor hazaña de Alejandro Magno. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. La mayor victoria. Ed. Acad., 15. La mejor enamorada. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. La mocedad de Roldan. Ibid., 13. La Niña de Plata. Ibid., 9. La niñez de San Isidro. Ibid., 4. La nueva victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoba. Ibid., 13. L a nueva victoria del Marqués de Santa Cruz. Ibid., 13. La pérdida honrosa. Ibid., 12. L a pobreza estimada. Ibid., 14. La primera información. Ibid., 9. La prueba de los ingenios. Ibid., 14. La quinta de Florencia. Ibid., 15. La Reina Juana de Nápoles. Ibid., 6. La Santa Liga. Ibid., 12. La serrana de la Vera. Ibid., 12. La tragedia del Rey Don Sebastián. Ibid., 12. La venganza piadosa. Ed. Acad., Nueva, ι . La viuda valenciana. Ed. Acad., 15. Las doncellas de Simancas. Ibid., 7. Las dos bandoleras. Ibid., 9. Las famosas asturianas. Ibid., 7. Las grandezas de Alejandro. Ibid., 7. Las justas de Tebas. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 1. Las mocedades de Bernardo del Carpio. Doce comedias de Lope . . . y otros autores. Parte veinte y nueve. Huesca, 1634. Las mujeres sin hombres. Ed. Acad., 6. Lo que pasa en una tarde. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 2. Los amores de Albanio y Ismenia. Ibid., 1. Los Benavides. Ed. Acad., 7. Los españoles en Flandes. Ibid., 12. Los locos por el cielo. Ibid., 4. Los mártires de Madrid. Ibid., 5. Los palacios de Galiana. Ibid., 13. Los prados de León. Ibid., 7. Los Ramírez de Arellano. Ibid., 9.

APPENDIX

105

Los Tellos de Meneses. Ibid., 7. No son todos ruiseñores. Ibid., 15. Querer más y sufrir menos. Doce comedias de Lope . . . y otros autores. Parte veinte y nueve. Huesca, 1634. Roma abrasada. Ed. Acad., 6. San Isidro, labrador. Ibid., 4. San Nicolás de Tolentino. Ibid., 4. San Segundo de Avila. Ibid., 4. Santa Casilda. Ed. Acad., Nueva, 1. Santo Angelo. Ibid., ι. Servir á señor discreto. Ed. Acad., 15. Servir con mala estrella. Ibid., 14. Si no vieran las mujeres. Ibid., 15. VÊLEZ

DE G U E V A R A , L U I S

Celos, amor y venganza. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. El cerco del Penón. Doce comedias de Lope . . . y otros autores. Parte veinte y nueve. Huesca, 1634. El diablo está en Cantillana. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. El espejo del mundo. Doce comedias de varios autores. Tortosa, 1638. El Hércules de Ocaña. SchaefFer, Ocho comedias. Leipzig, 1887. El Rey Don Sebastián. Ibid. La luna de la sierra. Flor de las mejores doce comedias de los mejores ingenios de España. Madrid, 1652. La obligación a las mujeres. Segunda parte de comedias escogidas de las mejores de España. Madrid, 1652. La Rosa de Alexandria. Ibid. Los hijos de la barbuda. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 45. Reinar después de morir. Ibid. V I L L A I Z Á N , JERÓNIMO

DE

Sufrir más por querer menos. Parte veinte y cinco de comedias recopiladas de diferentes autores. Zaragoza, 1632. VILLEGAS, JUAN

BAUTISTA

DE

Como se engañan los ojos. Ibid. El discreto porfiado. Ibid.

INDEX

INDEX A l b u q u e r q u e , D u k e of, 8 A l d e r e t e , G e r ó n i m o , 65 η. 2 Alfonso V I I I , 69 Alonso C o r t é s , Narciso, 9 η. 1 " A m a r i l i s , " 61 n. 2 A n t o n i o , N i c o l á s , 50 Argensola, Lupercio L e o n a r d o d e , 82 A v e n d a ñ o , C r i s t ó b a l d e , 13 η. I, 20-21, 27, 68 n . 1 , 7 3 B a b c o c k , Ε . B . , 61 n. 2 B a r r e r a , C a y e t a n o A l b e r t o d e la, 52,61 n. 2, 64 η. 1 , 6 7 η . ι , 7 ο η . 2 , 7 3 , 7 5 , 7 6 η. ι

Bell, A u b r e y F . G . , 6, 95 Boccaccio, G i o v a n n i , 66 η. 2 B o u r l a n d , Caroline B r o w n , 19 n. 2

Honrado con su sangre, 61-62, 85; Horno de Constantinopla, 71-73, 85; Infelice Dorotea, 20-21, 29, 34-35, 37, 42, 45, 47, 53, 68-70, 70 n . 2, 74, 86-87, 9 ° , 92, 94;

Inobediente, ó Ia ciudad sin Dios, 64, 85; Letanía Moral, 45, 50-51, 80; Mayor Rey de los Reyes, 38, 64, 84-85, 88,91; Nuevo Rey

Gallinaio,

45, 65, 81, 86-87, 90-91;

Púsome el sol, salióme la ¡una, 29, 70-71, 85-87, 90-91; Relación del nuevo infante, 50-51; Secreto en la mujer, 35, 40-41, 44, 6 5 - 6 6 , 7 1 n . 1 , 8 4 , 88,90; Tao de San

tón,^,

An-

70, 85; Valiente negro en Flandes,

67,76, 78,81-83,91-92

C l a r a m o n t e , E s p e r a n z a , 50 C o t a r e l o y M o r i , Emilio, V, 5-7, 9, 20-23, 26 η. i , 30, 35, 48, 7 6 - 7 7 , 80, 93-94

C a l d e r ó n d e la B a r c a , P e d r o , V , 27, 55 η. ι , 76,94; Alcalde de Zalamea, 67, 88; Amor, honor y poder, 23-27, 59; Devoción de la cruz, 25-26; Horno de Babilonia, 75; Mágico prodigioso, 72 n. i ; Médico de su honra, 25, 60 C a n d a u , M a r í a , 68 η. 1 C á r d e n a s y Ángulo, P e d r o d e , 6, 95 " C a r d e n i o , " 5-6, 19, 96 C a s t r o , A m e r i c o , 13 η. ι , 20,64 η . ι , 76 η. ι , 80 η. 5

C a s t r o , Guillén d e , 59, 61 n. 2, 62, 69 η. 1 C a s t r o y V i r u é s , B e a t r i z d e , 50 C h o r l e y , J o h n R u t t e r , 64 η. 1,70 n. 2 C l a r a m o n t e , Andrés d e , V, 6, 22-23, 2 9 ®·> Ataúd para el vivo y tálamo para el muerto, 46, 54, 60-61, 86-87, 8 9 _ 9 2 j 94~95; Católica Princesa, 33-34, 3 6 , 40-41, 45, 5 1 , 67-68, 71 n . i , 74, 81, 85, 88, 90-91, 95;

De Alcalá à Madrid, 32, 42-43, 55-57, 84, 90-92; Z)í /oj méritos de amor, el secreto es el mejor, 40, 57-58, 83; De lo vivo á lo pintado, 47, 57, 81, 83, 92; Deste agua no beberé, 33, 38, 42, 47, 58-60, 69 η. i , 79, 81, 82, 86, 88, 90-92, 94-95;

Dote del rosario, 36, 71-72; Fragmento à la Purísima Concepción, 29, 41, 53; Gran rey de los desiertos,

32, 62-64, 85, 87-88;

Crónica General, 68 n. 1, 83 Cubillo d e A r a g ó n , A l v a r o , 80 D a l e , G e o r g e I r v i n g , 44 η. 2 D u r á n , A g u s t í n , 65 η. 3 Ercilla y Z ú ñ i g a , Alonso d e , 65 n. 2 E s c l a r e c i d o , J u a n , 60 n. 3 Escobedo, J u a n , 7 F a j a r d o , Índice, 55 n. 1, 64 n. 1 Famosa Teodora, La, 70 n. 2 F e r n á n d e z , T o m á s , 53, 54 n. 1, 72 n. 2 F e r n á n d e z d e M o r a t í n , L e a n d r o , See Moratín F e r n á n d e z - G u e r r a y O r b e , Luis, 50 n. 3 F o u l c h é - D e l b o s c , R . , 4-7, 13-15,20,29-30, 33 η · ! > 4 3 π · 2 , 4 9 , 7 8 , 93 F r a n c h i , F a b i o , 52 G a l l a r d o y B l a n c o , B a r t o l o m é J o s é , 29, 41, 53 n. 2, n. 5 G a r c í a N ú ñ e z Osorio, 68 η. 1 G ó m e z d e S a n d o v a l , D i e g o , 80 n . 2 G u e r r e r o , V i c e n t e , 67 H a r t z e n b u s c h , J u a n E u g e n i o , 28, 54 n . 2, 73, 7 6 , 7 8 , 8 i

n o

INDEX

Heaton, H. C., 61 n. 2 Holland, Lord, 7-8, 93 Hurtado de Mendoza, García, 65 η. 2 Leavitt, S. E . , 42 η. ι Lenz, Anita, 6 Lerma, Duke of, 77, 80 η. 2 Lisón y Biedma, Mateo, 20 η. 2 Lomba y Pedraja, J . , 60, 77 Martínez de Mora, Diego, 64 n. 2 Masuccio, 10 η. 1 Medel del Castillo, 61 η. 2, 64 η. ι , 70 η. 2, 73 Mendoza, Antonio de, 68 η. ι Menéndez y Pelayo, Marcelino, 6, 9 , 1 1 , 1 5 , 22, 28-31, 33 η. I, 44 η. ι , 58-60, 64, 70 η . 2 , 7 3 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 8 2 - 8 4 , 9 3 - 9 4 Mesonero Romanos, Ramón de, 81 Mier, Eduardo de, 81 n. 3 Mira de Amescua, Antonio, 72 η. 1 Montalván, Juan Pérez de, 47 η. 1 Moratín, Leandro F. de, 67 Moreto, Agustín, 31 η. 1 Morley, S. Griswold, 5, 77 Olivárez, Count Duke of, 8 Olmedo, Alonso de, 53, 54 η. 1 Ortigosa, Juan de, 50 n. 2 Ortiz y Villazán, Cristóbal, 20 Paredes, Antonio de, 6 Paz y Melia, Antonio, 64 n. 2, 68 n. 1, 71 n. 2, 76 η. i Pérez, Antonio, 7 Pérez de Montalbán, Juan, See Montalbán Pérez Pastor, Cristóbal, 20 n. 3 , 21 n. 1 , " · 5> 53 n. 1 , 5 4 1 1 . 4 Philip II, 7 Philip I V , 7-8 Pinedo, Bal tazar, 20 Portalegre, Conde de, 51 η. 1 Prado, Antonio de, 58 η. 1 Pujol, Jinés, 50 n. 2 Quevedo y Villegas, Francisco de, 9 η. 1 Rennert, Hugo Α., 13 η. ι , 20, 21 η. 2-4, 26 η. ι , 61 η. 2, 64 η. ι , 76 η. ι , 8ο η. 5 Restori, Antonio, 10 η. ι , 6j, 76 η. ι , ηη

Rey Don Pedro en Madrid, El, 29, 31 n. 1 , 5 8 , 6 ° , 73, 76-80, 96 η. ι Ríos y Lampérez, Blanca de los, 77 Rojas, Francisco de, 65 n. 3 Rojas Villandrando, Agustín de, 52 Rueda, Lope de, 52 Ruiz de Alarcón, Juan, 54, 96 η. ι Sacchetti, Franco, 66 η. ι Salas Barbadillo, Alonso Jerónimo de, 96 η. i Saldaña, Conde de, 80 Sales, Francis, 4 η. 2 Salinas, Juan de, 70 n. 2 Salvá, Vicente, 64 η. 1 Sancha, Justo de, 53 Sánchez-Arjona, José, 53, 73, 77, 94 Sancho IV, 3 , 7 , 46 Sandoval y Rojas, Bernardo de, 77 η. 1 Schack, Adolf Friedrich von, 81 Schaeffer, Adolf, 57 η. ι , 58 η. ι , 62 η. ι , 64 η. ι , 67 η. 1 , 7 0 , 7 7 η. ι , 82 Shields, Α. Κ . , ζο η. 1 - 2 Soria, Lucas de, 72 ri- 2 Soria Gabardo, José, 50 η. 2 Stiefel, Arthur Ludwig, 76 η. ι Tarrega, Francisco, 51 Téllez, Gabriel (Tirso de Molina), 29,76-78, 81,95-96; Amantes de Teruel, 80; Burlador de Sevilla, 12 η. ι , 25 η. ι , 58, 77, 80-81; Celoso -prudente, 1 7 - 1 9 , 9 6 ; Cigarrales de Toledo, 16, 19, 27; Como han de serlos amigos, 1 3 - 1 6 , 28-29, 37, Don Gii de las Calzas Verdes, 78 η. 2; Santa Juana, 77; Tan largo me lo fiáis, 25 η. ι , 80-81; Vergonzoso en palacio, 18-19 Thomas, Henry, 6, 40 Ticknor Collection, 55 η. ι Tirso de Molina, See Gabriel Téllez " T u r i a , Ricardo de," 17 n. 2 Ulloa, Francisco de, 51 Ulloa, Juan de, 51 Valenciano, Juan Bautista, 20, 53, 68 η. ι Vargas Machuca, Pedro de, 68 η. ι Vega Carpio, Lope Félix de, V, 5-6, 3 1 , 3 6 - 3 9 . 43-44, 46, 64, 70 η . 2 , 76-77, 85 η. ι , 94-96; Adonis y Venus, 43;

INDEX Amores de Albania y Ismenia, 31 η. ι; Boda entre dos maridos, 34, 38 η. ι ; Dineros son calidad, 3 ° , 3 1 η. ι, 73~75i Fuerza lastimosa, 11-12, 19 η. ι , 34, ζ%~59> 6ι η. ι , 95 η · 2 ; Gran Duque de Moscovia, 33; Halcón de Federico, 34, 66 n. 2; Hermano honrado, 17 η. 2; Juventud de San Isidro, 21; Labrador venturoso, 21; Laberinto de Creta, 43; Ley ejecutada, 38 η. I; Médico de su honra, 13, 25, 58-59, 73, 76,95 n. 2; Mujeres sin hombres, 43; Niña de Plata, 9 - 1 1 , 19, 27-128, 94; Pobreza

III

estimada, 34, 44; Prodigio de Etiopia, 67; Prueba de los ingenios, 17 n. 1 , 3 1 n. 1,44; Servir con mala estrella, 12-13, 2 3 n · 2> 95 n. 2; tragedia del Rey Don Sebastián, 33; Vellocino de oro, 85 η. 1 Veragua, Duke of, 76 Vería, Juan de la, 50 n. 2 Villamediana, Count of, 8, 27, 96 Virués, Cristóbal de, 82 Wales, Prince of (Charles I), 22-23, 27> 54