The Deportation of Peoples in the Soviet Union 1560723718, 9781560723714

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Nikolai

ougai

Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

he USSR peoples in the Soviet period, including the deporuted peoples,

is the history of numerious relocations, realization of the measures on the successive intro* ductton of those statements of national policy, which had been connected with the isolation

of the whole nation or its groups from (he places of (heir original settling. This is also the history of the strengthening of the ruling system. Along with the peoples deportation, undertaken on (he Order of the USSR Government

by (he USSR Commissariat for Internal Affairs, the NKVD local authorities, there had been such processes, as:" special exiles" special evacuations",” exiles

repatriation,

re*evacuatton. immigration, etc.

A deep, ihocotgh analysis of (he past mistakes is necessary for Russia, not to make

these mistakes in future. The society, as well as its every member, has to deny any vio­ lence.

References I. N. Bougai. ** Fo soobsbeniyu NKVD SSSR byti pereselcny ...7Kiev. 1992

N. Bougai" Opcrauiya " Ulusy". /Elista. 1991 " O peteselenii yevrd$kogona$c!eniya*./Oieche$ivemuiyalsn in a Moaih

47

citizenship (Turks, Greeks, Iranians), Kurds, Khemshines, dashnaks, anti-soviet elements relocated from Georgia in 19444951 totalled 85,837 persons.

The regime of settling for special settlers - Iranians and other persons of that category

(former stateless persons who were granted Soviet citizenship, etc.) should be noted. Their

settling in (he special setUemems was regulated by: the rules on settling a.td movement of foreign citizens in the territory of the USSR (Decree of Sovnarkom N 540-227 “secret".

February J1. I949) and the rules on settling and movement in the territory of the USSR of

stateless persons (Decree of Sovn&rom. N 963*1622, July 29,1939). According to the above mentioned nites, foreign citizens and stateless persons had to

ask permission in the mil ilia bodies for a change in residence in the USSR, even temporar­ ily; they had no right to live near a borderline, secret or regime zones. Besides, stateless

persons had to register every three months in militia offices. On July 5, 1954 (he "secret0 decree of the USSR Council of Ministers N 1439*649.

was adopted. According to the decree, “On the removal of legal restrictions from special settlers" these persons, as special settlers were allotted with the right to settle in (he terri­

tory of the given republic, krai, region. In case of a business trip they were allowed to move without restrictions to any point in (he country. Once a year they hid to register in

the local MVD bodies.

Proceeding from the fact that the double registration of foreign citizens and stateless persons was not necessary, USSR MVD authorities put forward the fallowing proposals to

the government in June 1956: - to remove from the register of special settlers: foreign citizens and stateless persons: to

keep the mentioned persons on register in the Department on Visa and Registration of tbe republican, krai, and regional MVD administration; •to remove from the register and to sei free from administrative supervision by USSR

MVD bodies, former Greek, Iranian and Turkish citizens who were granted Soviet citizen­

ship. On the basis of these proposals the resolution was adopted in June. 1956. Draft The Resolution of the Central Committee

of the Communist Part of the USSR June. 1956

”On (he Removal from the Register of Some Categories of Stateless Persons Having No Citizenship and (he Former Stateless Persons Who Were Granted Soviet Citizenship”

Taking into account, that further stay in special settlements for Greek, Iranian and Turkish citizen former Greek, Iranian and Turkish citizens at present being stateless, and

former stateless persons, who were granted Soviet citizenship were deported in 1942*1951

Nikolai from the Crimea, Krasnodar Krai, Rostov regioa. Azerbaijanian. Armenian, Georgian SSR, the Black Sea Coast is not necessary, the CC of the CPSU orders: Approve the draft of the Presidium decree of the USSR Supreme Soviet, "On the re*

mova] from the register of some categories of stateless persons having no citizenship and (ormer stateless persons who were granted Soviet citizenship** [23]. Many Iranians after their liberation from special settlements went back to their moth­ erland. This was the end of one of the pages In the history of Iranians, who by fate had

arrived in the USSR.

The described policy dkta't provide for the consolidation of peoples. On the contrary. U lead to destabilization, apathy, a search for freedom and internal protest. No doubt, this

policy caused great damage to the friendship of peoples. Today, it’s the perfect time to

discuss the mistakes to estimate them and to prevent them in the future.

References I. 2.

The AlWnion population census. J937. Short report. Moskva, 1991. p. 95. The State Arch&e of the Russian Federation. OARF, f. 5446, tsp. d. 29,1.23.

3.

ibid., 1.25.

4. 5.

ibid. ibid.. 1.24.

6.

ibid.. 1.27-28.

7.

ibid . 1.6-10.

8. 9.

ibid. Ibid.

10.

ibid.. 1.12-13.

IL ibid. d. SO, 1.1-2.

12. ibid., op. Ld.3OJ.3L 13. ibid., d. 50,1.13-1$. 14JW0.. op. 30, d. 15.1.25-28,

l$.ibidL. .54-5$.

16.

ibid., d. 15,1.50.

17.

ibid., 1.59-60.

18.

Ibid., f. 5446, op. 30. d. 1$, 1.3-

19. 20.

ibid.. f. 9479. op. 1. d. 436,126.

21. 22.

ibid., d. 436,1.106.

23.

ibid., A set of Documents.

ibid.,d.925, 1.345-348.

ibid., d. 949,1.122-124.

The Forced Migration of Karachais

In lhe course of policy towards some nations during lhe Great Patriotic War, the fate of

Karachais was tragic. This nation was deported in the second half of 1943 to the East re­

gions of lhe country along with many ocher nation.

The problem of Karachais* deportation in 1943 still is a "blank space'* in the history of

our country and needs a thorough investigation. The publications on the problem of their deportation have been restricted only by as*

cenaining (he facts of relocation. Reasons have not been given mare (he estimations of those events and the quantitative characteristics 11 ]. The explanation was very simple, Fw

a long time were net enough documents. The reasons for that action were political economic, social, ideological and actions of

the masses against collectivization at the end cd the 1920s-193Ds. Religion was persecuted in the mentioned regions. The clergymen, who had been de­

prived of their priority position, joined the opposition, which struggled against the Soviets and the Red Army. They hoped to improve their position in Karachat society after their

utter defeat.

K is known that the social layer of those who were in contradictions with the Soviet power, included repressed party and Soviet workers, declassed elements, deserters, crimi*

nals, saboteurs, etc. (n Karachiai their numbers were many. The existence of this layer, (heir candid behaviour and mood led to the destabilization at lhe rear of (he Red Army, especially during the occupation of some regions of (he Karachai autonomous republic and the Kalmyk ASSR by fascists. The fascists propaganda

was mobile and flexible. Much attention was paid to the discontent of the local inhabitants with the Soviet power and to the clergymen infhenoe in those regions. Hitler wrote in one

of (he documents addressed to the North Caucasian troops: "The Moslem laws, mulakhs still greatly influence the majority of the mountaineers. This fact makes our task easier.

The mountaineers are naive and thoughtless by nature. It is easier (o work with (hem than

with other peoples” [2J.

Nikolai Beugai

5*

'The Declaration of the German Imperia to the Soviet People.” presented to the

Reichsminiater of Germany. G. Rosenberg on May 9,1941 mentioned that the fate of the

Caucasian nations: Georgians, Checbeos, Abkhasians. Karacbais and mhers - should be defined by the federation of these peoples under lhe aegis of Germany. Otherwise “they

would be ready co bite each uihcr'a head off” [3]. Canceraing Stalin's politics in the 1930s-J940s towards those peoples, it should be mentioned that politics were inflexible and didn't take imo account the situation at that

time, and the consequences of the undertaken measures. Karachais are the representatives of one of the native living in the North Caucasus. By

the beginning of April, 1918 the Soviet power was established in the territory of KancbaiAfter the civil war the mountaineers were busy with the restoration of the economy and

building socialism. On November 19.1921 the Kaxachai Okrug was found in the Georgian

SSR. In November. 1921 the Congress of cbe peoples of Karachai and Circassia voted to establish the joined natiooal autonomy - Karachal - Circassia. In 1926 a new step was

nude towards the creation of the iodepeodert state of Karachai people. On April 26, 1926 the Karachai Autonomous Region and Circassian national Okrug were established. Ac­ cording to the results of the 1939 census there were 75,736 Karacbais in the autonomous

region territory (4J. Wide transformations had been carried out in the region: agrarian, industrial and cul­ tural. Much attention was paid to road coostmetion and transport development.

In spite of the difficulties incurred in the socialistic building of the labor masses, work­

ers, kolkhozniks and peasants still supported the ideas of socialism. The treacherous intervention of Hitter’s Germany interrupted the peaceful labor of the Soviet peoples, including Karachais. A great number of Karachais from 24 national auls

left for the front. The inhabitants of the region worked hard co the construction of the de­

fense belt. They collected and scot different things to (be front. They gathered money for the production of the air squadron “North Caucasian Komsomol.” The volunteer cavalry

unit named after Ordzhonokidze was formed. 6 miHion roubles were collected in (he region (5]. During 1941-1943.52 Trillion roubles were sent to the Defense Fund by the inhabi­

tants of Karachai and Circassia (6).

Among 25,000 called to the Red Army. 19,000 Karachais and Circassians straggled selflessly at the fronts. Many of than joined the cavalry corp of General L. L. Duvator. They defended Moscow and took part tn the defeat of the “Edriwtisa” division. Many Karachais were killed during the war. The fascists occupied ibe territory of Karachai in August, 1942. During the first days

of the occupation great damage was inflicted on the region. Many Karachais were tortured and killed in the GESTAPO.

The German comtmnd tried co extend and strengthen its influence in the Caucasus, in­

cluding Karachai. The measures they choose were bribery and intrigue. They also made

advances to the Moslem clergymen and involved local inhabitants the struggle against (he

Soviet Power.

The For. The 3rd Separate Infantry Regiment of the USSR NKVD Internal Troops,

awarded with the Order of tbe Red Banner, 1,226 soldiers in number, was sent for the op­ eration. as well (25).

On the USSR NKVD order, 1,355 cars were sent to Kalmykiya. 310 experienced op­ eratives from the Central Staff USSR NKVD-NKGB were sent to cotnrol the preparatory

measures and the “IHussy" operation (20). They formed the Republican and Ulussy

“troika/* headed the local operative units and controlled the work of the operative groups, No doubt, the representatives of the Central Staff carried out tbe hardest tasks.

Along with the above-mentioned, the USSR NKVD-NKGB sent 200 operatives to the Kalmyk ASSR. 170 American cars, '‘Studebeckera.” were transported through the Div-

noye and Kotelnikova stations. Tbe central staff of the USSR NKVD-NKGB sent to the

Koielnikovo station. 110 operatives and 100 cars for the transportation of tbe special con­

tingent to the railway station [27]. The higher school of the USSR NKVD-NKGB sent about 1,225 persons to Kalmykia.

More than 300 high skilled officers of the central staff of tbe USSR NKVD-NKGB were

sent to Kahnykya, as well, 1,500 persons from the regional department staff of the NKVD-

NKGB came to Kalmykiya. Thus, the Moscow Regional Department of the NKVD sent to Kalmykiya 225 servicemen with 100 American cars through the Remontnoye station [23].

225 operatives of the NKVD departments of Central Russia were sent to Kalmykiya:

Ivanovskaya, Ryazanskaya. Yaroslavskaya and Tulskaya. The operatives were brought to Kalmykiya from many regions, including Archangelsk, Kirov and the Vologda regions,

ISO operatives were sent from the Stavropol Krai NKVD-NKGB (29). Laur oo, the op­ eratives of the Crimean ASSR NKVD-NKGB were sent to Kalmykiya for tilts purpose.

An important rde was given to tbe 3rd Separate Infantry Regiment of the USSR

NKVD Troops. The regiment was sent to the most dangerous and largest town in the

Deported Forever: On the Deportation of Kalmykc

♦3

course of operation "Ulussy" - Elista. The regiment formed in 1922. Al the beginning of

the Great Patriotic War. the regiment stayed in Tallin. In June. 1943 the regiment, as a unit of the 1st Separate Division of the USSR NKVD Internal Troops, took part in lhe battle in Novorossia In November, 1943 lhe regiment was very active in the deportation

operation of Karachais. The commander of the regiment. Colonel Khorkov, his deputies - Lieutenant - Colonel

Kotlyar and Major Bubenko, the headquarter chief, Major Krinkin were veil informed ret the “task" of the regiment and transferred lhe idea of the importance of lhe operation to the

officer and the ranks of the regiment. The regiment staff differed greatly from the staff of lhe other regiments The total number of the staff was 1,226 persons, including 497 com* manders and 729 soldiers (technical personnel dealing with cars, as well}. But even the

commander of lhe regiment. Colonel Khorkov, wondered why 4 anti-tank guns and 18 monars had been given to the regiment To struggle against unarmed old men and women

116 machine guns were enough [30]. Probably, the authorities suppose ihst the unarmed

old men and women would attack the armed servicemen. It should be noted, that the Senior Operative of the Intelligence Department of the USSR NKVD ’‘Stwsh,” Captain Rezn&ov did not have a high opinion co the moral of

the regiment. In his report on December 24.1943 he informed his chiefs on the facts of the marauding in Karachaevsk. For example, the commander, Colonel Khorkov sent to his family in Moscow a 25 kg barrel of honey. Captain Rezntkov was afraid that the men­

tioned event would be repeated in Kalmykiya (31].

(t should be said that approximately 10.000 servicemen (1 officer and soldier per 9

special settlers) from the NKVD-NKGB troops were sent in a small republic of Kalmykiya to deport 93.000 Kalmyks (mostly women, children, old men). It should also be noted that it was the period of the Great Patriotic War. So, each soldier and officer were necessary at

the front. That’s why the war with the peaceful inhabitants of the country should be con­ sidered as the tyranny

the Stalin-Beriyas oprichnina towards all deponed peoples. Since

the middle of the I930s-I940$ more than 3,200.000 persons were deportee to the eastern parts of the country, according to the data of the USSR NKVD Department on Special

Settlements [32]. These actions had been in addition to the mass repressions after October.

1917, which influenced the fates of several generations. Such are the sufferings of millions of people, including disabled persons, old men and children, who had to live for weeks in cold, dirty ftelyachii carnages." Many of Ihem died

of hunger, diseases in transit and were thrown away at the unknown Siberia railway sta­ tions. Many living former special settlers still remember "the awful carriage life." A

mother was inconsolably sobbing over her dying baby, on the morning they coming across cold corpses. The reports of lhe commanders of lhe columns, stored in the state archive of the Russian Federation, shows evidence that the highest percent of the dead among lhe

special senlers were those who had died in transit during relocation to the eastern regions of the USSR.

Nikolai Bougal

«4

According co the data of one of Che four Siberia regkxw where Kalmyks had been relo­ cated to • Altai Krai - 290 cut of 478 people died in transit due to tuberculosis, inflamma­ tion and dystrophy (33). Hundreds of people could not bear the bard living conditions in

their new sertlemema. Especially sad were the sorrow of children, invalids, and tbe old people. There are a lot

of facts which prove the heartless attitude of the autboritiw to the fates of special sealers. Simultaneously, Beriya and his assistants from the USSR NKVD were awarded with govcnrmertal orders. They received Stalin's gratitude for this "successful operation* The

People's Comrois&ar L. Beriya and his deputy J. A. Serov, who bad been moved from the

Ukraine to tbe Central Staff of the USSR NKVD {later on, he would become the Army General and the ChainruuJ of the USSR KGB), were also awarded with honors for tbe suc­

cessful operation on the relocation of Germans, Karacbais, Chechens and Ingushes.

Several thousand farrow operatives of the NKVD wrr« awarded for their "heroic

deeds” during the deportation of innocent persons. They have not been deprived of ihe

honors and are still amoog tbe honorable holders of an order. It’s true that according co the

Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, dated April 4.1962.714 operatives of (he USSR NKVD-NKOB were awarded whh battle orders aod medals in March, 1944

for the "UUmy" operation in the territory of Kafrnyklya [34]. Still. the memory about the black deeds of Stalinism do not wony the former Chekitts. The repressions towards the Kalmyk people were earned out by the USSR NKVD. The

general leaders of the operation, of course, was L.P. Beriya and LA. Serov, who had ao-

cumulated rich experience in the tasks of their “master.” They cook part in almost all op­ erations on the forced deportation of peoples.

According to the order of the People's Comtrasw on the relocation measures of Kalmyks, tbe deputy head of Che USSR People’s Comrabsar for Interna) Affairs, the Commissar of State Security of the 2nd Grade. V.V. Chenysbov was responsible for the

"Ulu$$y” operation. He headed the operation group, founded under ihe USSR NKVD. The

group included: the Head of the GULAG, the Cornrmssar of the State Security of tbe 3d Grade Nasedkin, the Head of the Transport Department of the USSR NKVD, the Com­

missar of the State Security of the 3d Grade Ariradiev, the People's Commissar of the In­ ternal Affaire of the Kalmyk ASSR. the Commissar of the State Security of the 3d Grade Zhukov, the People’s Commissar of the State Security of tbe Kalrnyk ASSR and the Lieu­

tenant-General of the State Security Mikhailov. The group included all special represetxatives responsible for carrying out tbe “Ulussy" operation. The members of the group, V.V,

Chernyshov. NascdJdn and Aricadeiv. of the Centra] Staff of the USSR NKVD, mostly

dealt with the railway transportation problems of the railway and accommodation of Kalmyks in Siberia (35 b The Comrrusw of State Security Matkeev was sent to Elista on the order of the USSR NKVD to cany out all the necessary measures on operation "Uhissy.” The operation chief

in Elista was appointed - Major of State Security Zolotov and was sent as a skilled officer

from the staff of (he USSR NKVD. The operation headquarters arrived In Elista some time

Deported Forever: Ob the Deportation of Kalmyk*

65

before tbe deportation began. The headquarters had been doing the preparatory work on

the organization of the Kalmyks relocation: from the registcatioo of (he deportees to the transportation and loading into columns [36]. The headquarters was ordered to form the operative districts io compliance with instructions. The special representatives of the

USSR NKVD were appointed the chiefs of these districts. They were appointed by tbe

Deputy People’s Commissar for Internal Affairs. LA. Serov on the recommendation of (he operation “Ulussy” headquarters. The operation was carried out by the special representa­ tives. The necessary amouot of operative workers and NKVD troops were supplied at (heir disposal.

Thus, the special representatives of the USSR NKVD-NKGB were the plenipotentiary representatives. They all were higher officers.

On the eve of the Kalmyks deportation, the USSR Deputy People's Conmtissax for In­

ternal Affairs, LA. Serov arrived in Elista for a short time. His mission was co check the

readiness of lhe headquarters to begin operation “Ulussy.” to hear the reports of the repre­ sentatives from the Central Staff of the NKVD on the work done on the deportation of

Kalmyks, and to give final instructions on the fulfillment of the planned action. On October 27. 1943 late io the evening. I.A Serov called (be leading Party-Soviet ac­ tivists of the republic to a meeting held in the "Red House” on the 4) - Comrade Voikachov. the Chairman of the Oblast Executive Committee • Comrade Grishin and tbe Head of the NKVD Department • Comrade Losev, were responsible for the acceptance,

settling, accommodation and employment of the Ingermanland population, formerly living in the Leningrad region...

6. From December 25, 1944 til) January 15, 1945, 7 columns have been accepted -

5,577 persons. Most of them were Finns, Jzhories. Vepses. Some of them were Rus’ Mans...”

The arrived contiigent settled in lhe regions of Veltkdukskaya Oblast: in the Toropet^ky region -413 families (916 persons) Serezhinsky region - 232 families (812 persons): Ploskoshsky region • 248 families (811 persons); Neltdovsky region - 236 families (803

persons): Velikoluksky region -193 families (694 persons). There were 2.762 able working

persons, including 893 men and 1869 women They were employed: in kolkhozes - 398 families (1,265 persons), in fishing artels *231 persons, in sovkhozes - 92 persons, in in­

dustry - 405 persons, in cooperative artels -180 persons, other offices - 362 persons.

Nikolai Banjal

12*

At the same time, Ingermanlandians settled in the Nogcrod region. as well. The Chief Engineer of the Department on Deportation under the RSFSR Council of Ministers, V.

Lyakbomsky wrote in his letter addressed to the Heed of the Department on Deportation. D.D. Bychenko in march, 1946: ‘The checking procedure defined: I. 2,800 Ingenuanlimdtan households planned to relocate to the Novgorod region. In fact, 3,1?2 households ar­

rived. up co 11,060 persons in number... The arrivals were accommodated in 6 Novgorod regions (Valdai, Krestetsty. Maslinsky regions, etc,), in kolkhozes not destroyed daring

the war. These kolkhozes were located far from the Oblast centres and railway stations..." 6,363 persons settled in the Pskov region, including 1,309 men, 2.833 women and 2.193 children. They were employed in kolkhozes and mechanical * tractor stations in the Dnovsky and Dedovichevsky regions [14}.

3,000 Ingertnanlandian families planned to settle in the Kalinin region. Still, by the end

of January. 1943, 4.393 families (11.169 persons) arrived, including 2,897 ireai, 6,274 women and 4.998 children under 16 years of age. 4,080 families in kolkhozes, the rest in

the local industry. There were 7/446 able u> work persons.

The number of Ingermaolandians in the region decreased because of their unwillingness to live in the defined settlements. This fact was common for other regions as well. The Head of the Kalinin Region Department on Deportation, I. Chekalin reported on May 30, 1946: “There are 2,820 working families: in agricuhure - 1.893 families, in enterprises -

866 families. There are 9,266 Ingermanlandians arrwig them- In April-May 1946. we car­ ried out a thorough investigation of Ingcrmanlandan settlers living in the region since

1945... On May 15,1946 there were 3,262 settler families- Among them, 442 families had

the right to return to the original place of settlement according to the “Secret" USSR Sov-

narkom Decree, dated September 19.1945.“

Table 2. Regions

< 1

Subjected

Accomodated by plan

toretocft*

lactating Including

tton by plan

Family

Perrons

Mea

Women

ChBdrea

Yaroslavl

5000

6020

19236

3896

8664

6776

Kalinin

3000

4393

14169

2897

6274

4998

Novgorod

2000

3147

10513

2233

4919

3361

Velikoluki

1000

1796

5677

1265

2468

1844

Pskov

1000

1973

6335

1309

2833

2193

120000

17308

55830

11600

25158

19172

tngermtnlatjdiaais • “Top Secret"

121

19,380 Finns settled in the Yaroslavl region. loo. Table 2 shows generalized data on the relocation of Ingermanlandians by March. 1945. The document showed the data on the

quantity of grain (530 0, and forage (2,868 t), sold to Ingcrmantandians. While relocating

to the regions, Ingexmanlandians brought 65 horses. 4,779 cows. 1.323 heads of pedigree caute.

REPORT on the number of Ingermanlandfan citizens settled in the RSFSR regions

(on the reports of the Executive Committees)

Assistant to the Chief of the Office ofthe

RSfSR Suvnurkam

(V. Sokolov) The Soviet Government made efforts through local authorities to improve living condi­

tions and employment conditions for the Ingermanlandian settlers.

“The USSR Council of People's Commissars, Comrade GM. Malenkov

In compliance with the Decree of the State Committee for Defense, N 6973 ss, dated November 19, 1944, 12.000 ingermanlandian families returning from Finland were

planned for relocation in the RSFSR Nartont&g supplied 1 ,200 t of grain for sale among the indigent settlers at a rate of 1 centner per family. In fact, 17.308 families were relocated in the RSFSR, i.e. 5,200 more families than the

quantity defined by the Decree.

Velikofukskaya, Kalininskaya, Novgorodskaya, Pskovskaya and the Yaroslavskaya Oblast Executive Committees applied for extra grain supplies in compliance with the num­ ber of accomodated families. The new settlers brought 6,166 heads of cattle, including 4,778 cows, 1,243 sheep and goats. The Oblast Executive Committees applied for 2.8681 of forage (hay, straws), nec­

essary till the beginning of the pasture period. The RSFSR Sovnarkom supports (he application of the Oblast Committees and asks

you to commit Narkomzag to allocate 5301 of grain and 2,863 l of hay for the indigent settlers. I ask you to consider and sign the submitted draft of the USSR Sovnaxkcm Decree.

Deputy Chairman ofthe RSFSR Council of People *s Commissars

A, Gritsenko March, 1945."

in

NlkoUi Beugei "Drofi Tbe USSR Council of People's Commissars

Decree N March* 1945 Moscow, Kremlin

To commit Narkomzag (Comrade Dvinsky) to alloctte 5301 of grain and 2,868 t of hay to the Yaroslavsky, Kalininsky, Velikobksky, Pskovsky and Novgorodsky Regional

Corrurinees. for sale at stated prices to the settkrs, in compliance with the Decree of the State Committee for Defense, N 6973 ss, dated November 19. 1944 (according to the en­

closure).

Deputy Chairman cf the USSR Council ofPeople’s Commissars

G. MaUnkov” 1001 of grain. 1,239 c of hay were allocated to the Yaroslavskaya region: 135 t and

1.0251 to the Kalininskaya region; 1151 and 1000 t to the Novgorodskaya region; 80 c and

268.51 to the Velikohkskaya region; IGO c and 3.3551 to the Pskov region. The allocated sums and foodstuffs were distributed by local authorities. The report on

the accoramodatioo of Ingermenlandians in the Velikolakskaya region mentioned that as­ sistance in the sum of 42,535 roubles was rendered to 308 ftniliea. 1001 cf grain was sold

for cash to indigeoi families from the funds allocated to (he region.

In 1945, assistance was rendered to the koikhozniks: 700 kg of grab). 15,876 kg of po­ tatoes, 22.200 kg cf hay, &00 pieces of soup, 1.772 I of kerosine. 154.479 roubles were

allocated to Ingermanlandians from the regional fund.

In March. 1946 the Head of the Department on Deportation of the Velikdukskaya Re­ gion, P. Lunev reported that 500 thousand roubles were allocated to Ingermanlandians for housebuilding and cattle purchases.

Credit in the sum of 500.000 roubles was given to the fagernwilandian’s families in tbe

Kalinin region for the first quarter of 1946. and 800 thousand roubles for the second quarter. The Regional Executive Committee rendered an extra sum, 2.322 thousand rou­

bles and 3001 of grain.

In the Novgorodskaya region. Jngermanlandians were given credit in (he sum of

923,000 roubles: for cattle purchase - 883,000 roubles,for bousing - 21,000 roubles. (8? t of grain were given, 151 of potatoes, and a roaintenaoce grant in the sum of 42.000 rou­

bles. The assistance continued. The acting head cf the Novgorod Regional Executive Committee, Stepanov reported that the families were given assistance • 307,600 roubles,

229,600 kg of grain and 106.000 kg of hay (15). Many of the Jngarnanlandian settlers joined the labour activity. They were honest

workers who did their best to increase productivity. Kollonen, Ingermanlandian by origin, the worker of the artel "Svoi Trod” (shoe-maker) falCdted the plan by 20Mbi Myattenen,*

lBgermaril»ii4l»nd» * '’Top Secret”

123

carpenter in the Toropetsky shop fulfilled the plan by 150%, while training young workers, as well. Many kolkhozniks were an example of honest labour. It should be noted that (he settlers nursed a grievance on not settling in their original

areas (Leningrad and its region) but in different places in the North. A. Antoshina from the

Velikolukskaya region wrote: 'The mood of the settlers was not stable. They thought that they were settled forever. They felt that the Soviet Commission had deceived them. They were told that they would be relocated to their Motherland, but were moved to a strange

region...” Similar applkatx>ns were received from the Novgorodskaya region, V. Lyakhontsky wrote: “By March 15, 1946.1,800 families oHngermanland origin left tbe Novgcrodskaya

region on various pretexts (families moving leaving by passing cars, etc.)*' Ii March. 1946 the Head of the Department on Deportation of the Regional Soviet reported to the Chair­ man of the ftegionaJ Comnuttcc. Shatov; "Ic sliwtd be noted, that Inspire of the carried out political propaganda on accommodations for (helngennanlandiati settlers, (he latter are not applying for credits for housebuilding and cattle purchase, but are still waxing departure

for their Motherland with their suitcases toady.” Many officials from the staff tried to find cut the reasons for the complex adaptation of

the Ingermanland population in the regions defined for settlement. Among the shoncom* ings was the lack of governmental decision propaganda on settling repatriants in the Fin* nish territory and the absence of medical service in the settlements. There were cases when

persons ill with tuberculosis were living in one flat with many ocher persons. Not wch attention was paid to the living conditions. Able to work persons were not registered in the roper way. No one was going to solve their employment problems. For example, there

were 808 able to work persons in the Valeysky region. 158 persons (19%) had not been

placed into a job. The chief inspector on repatriation of the Department on Deportation, Deviatkin sent a

report in the beginning of April. 1946 to the Head of the Department on Deportation under

the RSFSR Council of Ministers, D.P. Bychenko. He summarized the relocations within the Northern regions, including tbe relocation of the Ingermanlandians. It was clear that the return of me Ingemwtlandians to their homeland became necessary.

It is known that on September 19. 1945 “secret” Decree N 13925 was adopted by the USSR Council of People’s Commissars. In lhe Velikolukskaya region among 1,796 (ngexmanlandian families, 1.096 families had received permission for departure. By March

25,1946.307 families had received a pernut for departure, 500 families were in the proc­ ess of document preparation. 295 families were left on their own in the winter of 1945-

1946. The Ingermanlandians wanted to move to (heir Motherland. From (he end of 1944 till May, 1945, 186 fanulies left the Ncwgorodskaya region on

(heir own. From June, 1945 till May, 1946 the number was 1,941 families. In ell. 2.340 households had left the region on their own. By June. 1947 (here were 141 Ingerm&nlan-

dian families (418 persons) in the regioo.

Nikolai Boegal

HA

Among the 3.262 In^amanlaTKlUn families living in the Kalinin region, 442 families had received permission for departure. Tbe situation was rather conaptex. The measures to return tbe bgtrtrenJandian families

to the Leningrad region was urgently carried out. The Ingenrnnlandiaoa returned from the Velikohilskaya. Novgorodskaya, Kalininskaya and Yaroslavskaya regions. Besides, re* ev&cuated Ingermanlandians from tbe Kirov, Tyumen and Omsk regions, Krasnoyarsk and Krasnodar Krais used any pretext to return to Leningrad.

The aspiration of Finns to return to the Leningrad region had not without basis. Ac­ cording to S.G. Verifin there were 1.590 IngermanlaxHan houses and outhouses in the ns*

gion. The Leningrad Regional Executive Committee appealed with the following: “Leningrad, March 19, 1946, Secret." To Comrade Gallon, the Head of the Principle

Department of Militia of the USSR NKVD, Militia Commissar of the let Grode to Com­ rade Bychenho, the Head of the Department on Deportation under the RSFSR Sov-

narhom.

Tbe Executive Committee of the Regional Soviet of People’s Deputies reports, that there were cases when the regional Militia departments of Velikolukskaya. Omsfcaya, Yaroslavskaya and other regkxw. Krasooyarsky and Krasnodarsky Krais, as well, relocate former Leningrad region inhabitants of Finnish end German nationalities who were spe­

cially evacuated or togetmanlandians, returned through Finnish territory to their original

places of settlement without permission of our authorities.

Tbe rneotiooed actions of militia bodies and departments on depoctatioo of the above mentioned regions infringed the Decree of the USSR Sovnajkonu N 1392S, dated Septem­

ber 19,1945 and the Instructions of the Deputy Head of tbe USSR People's Commissar on Internal Affairs, Cotooel-General Chernyshov, N166, dated September 24,1945. The Executive Committee of the Leningrad Regional Soviet of People’s Deputies asks

for your instractkxts to stop the described practice and to give an extra explanation for the

returning of Ingermanlandiaris and former inhabitants of the Leningrad region who were in

special evacuation. The Deputy Chairman of the Leningrad Regional Soviet of

People's Deputies

M. Safonov.” There was a visa of DP Bycfrenko on this letter “Prepare a letter addressed to the heads of the departments on deportation, to carry out tbe re-evacuatioa from the Leningrad

region, on ihe inadmissibility of the mentioned facts and inform the militia bodies about

these works*

IcgermaaUftdlafidt * "Top Secret”

128

Those who were deported in 1942 were mentioned in die letter.

In December. 194$ tbe Chairman erf the Leningrad Regional Soviet. N. Solovyov ap­ pealed with the same proposals to lhe Chairman of lhe RSFSR Sovnarkom A.N. Kosygin. He wrote: "in compliance with the Sovnarkom directives we Mt registering the families of

the servicemen. We are undertaking measures to return the rest who had arrived on their own.” No doubt, the central authorities immediately reacted to the letter of the Leningrad Re­

gional Soviet. The Head of the Department on Deportation under the Krasnoyarsk Krai Executive Committee, G.D. Beguntsov, sent a secret report on July 7.1946 to the Head of

the Department on the Deportation under lhe RSFSR Council of Ministers. Dmitriev: "On

March. 1946, while in Moscow at the Department on Deportation, I got (he directive not to return the Finns and Germans evacuated from the Leningrad region to their homeland re* gnrxUcss of (lie feu if they were registered in the NKVD bodies or not. l he Leningrad Ex­

ecutive Committee of the Regional Soviets do not intent to return them to the places of their original settlement."

On March 27, 1946 a “secret" letter N 39 of the Department on Deportation appeared, containing a directive lo all departments on deportation. Tbe MVD bodies were not to sup** ply the former inhabitants of the Leningrad Region of Finnish and German nationalities,

who were evacuated or Ingermanlandians. reluming through Finnish territory co the Lenin­

grad region. Still, Firms and Germans who were registered in the USSR NKVD bodies, were not mentioned in the letter. It was not dear whether they could return to their former settlements or not. The Department on Deportation, itself, could not explain the situation due co ihe lack of any governmental instructions.

in this regard, Beguntsov wrote ‘The department on Deportation is not able to perfectly explain ihe situation to these layers of inhabitants. They are to deceive the Finns evacuated

from lhe Leningrad region, who are not registered in the NKVD bodies.” G.D. Beguntsov asked the Head of the Department on Deportation to urgently explain co the Krai Department on Deportation, what the behavior towards the above menliooed

evacuated Finns and Germans who were not registered in the NKVD bodies should be. D.

Bychenko gave the following answer on June IS. 1946; “Persons of Finnish and German nationalities evacuated from the Leningrad region, are noc to be moved back to the Lenin­ grad region according to the passport order, regardless to the fact that formerly they were

noi special settlers.*’ Here, the notice should be mentioned: “If the husband in the family is

Russian, and the wife is not Russian, the re-evacuation is allowed." The femdies of the

servicemen, the participants in the Great Patriotic War were allowed co return, as wdl. Permission was given by the Regional Executive Committees. Tbe flow of ocher Inger-

tnanlandians increased. Still, the Militia bodies did noi allow them register. Repressive measures were undertaken towards them - they were to leave the Leningrad region. The Department of Militia under the USSR NKVD asked the Regional Executive Committees to strictly follow the RSFSR Sovnarkom Decree N 13925, dated September 19,1946.

Nikolai Boug«i

>25

While directives and mstmctions passed through (he State authorities, (he departments

agreed to Ute demands of JngtrmanUrxhans and returned them back to the Leningrad re­ gion. Thus, on July 24,1946 the Department on Deportadoo of the Krasnoyarsk Krai So*

viet of People's Deputies sent a group, which consisted of 23 persons, including 8 Finns (o (he Leningrad region. Later on, the Daurovsky Regional Soviet of People’s Deputies re-evacuated 60 persons

of Finnish nationality to the Leningrad Region, being on special register. “But this act stopped in proper tin* and people were captured in Krasnoyarsk Krai'’ • mentioned G. Bcguntsov in his written explanation, sent to the Head or the Department cc Deportation

under the RSFSR Council of Munster*. The Omsky Regional Department on Deportation sent a group of persons, 40 families

in number, inchiding 16 Finnish families, on July 30. The families were living in the Khanti-Mansiysk national district of the Tyumen region. LT. Dmitriev, the Head of the Department on Deportation under (he RSFSR Council of Ministers instructed: ‘'Command

urgently to atop the organized re-evacuation of the group of persons mentioned in the letter

aid to command the departments on deportation (o give their explanations.” In the "secret” letter of the Department on Deportation dated October 2,1946 he ordered (he brads of the

departments on deportation under the Arkhangelsk, Irkutsk. Kemerovo, Kurgan. Tomsk, Tyumen, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Sverdlovsk Regional Executive Committees, Altai, Kras­

noyarsk Krai Executive Committees, the Council of Ministers or the USSR Sovnarkocn concerning this point in the documents of the USSR NKVD.

Still, one document mentions the NKVD-NKIGB plan of deportation, confirmed on June 14, 1941. It also mentions: "The deportation is carried out on Comrade Benya's order,

dated June 14. 1941, in compliance with the Government Decree/’ 11] This order con*

cerned Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Moldova. In June-July, 1941, 25,586 deportees from the Baltic countries arrived in exile (12,632

from Lithuania, 9,236 from Latvia, 3,668 from Estonia) [2J. Later on, their number de­ creased because of the mortality that had overcome birth. In January, 1953, 14.3 thousand special deportees from Baltic countries were regis­

tered. They were deported before the war. The dead in transit were oct included in (hat number, but boro in exile were included. Besides, they were considered as special settlers

only in 1952, Before that time they were considered as settlers in exite, i.e. they were de­ prived of civil tights. (It should be noted, that special settlers formally had the same status as USSR citizens with all the rights. Still, they didn't have the right to leave the determined place of settlement).

In 1945-1949, deportation from the Baltic countries was carried out in compliance with the following: (he wired instruction of the USSR NKVD, N 323. dated lune 16,194$, the

Directive of the USSR MVD N 5672/K, dated December 10. 1946 and the Order of the USSR MVD N 001164, dated December 18, 1946 on the deportation from the Lithuanian

SSR, the family members of the heads and active members of bands; the Decree of the

Nlkelal Bowfal

I*

USSR Council of Ministers N 4l7-16tfs$. dated February 21, 1948 on (be deportation

from the Lithuanian SSR the family members of bandits and nauotsalUis. being in an ille­ gal position, kilted at the armed conflicts and condensed, the bandits accomplices, kulaks

and their families; the Decree of the USSR Council of Ministers N 390*138 ss. dated

January 29. 1949 on the deportation front lhe Lithuarjan. Latvian and Estonian SSR nf kulaks with their families, families of bandits and natioialists.

By the beginning of 1942 there were 49.331 special settlers deponed from Lithuania in 1945*1948 [3]. The total number of special settlers was a little bit less than the number of lhe deportees, because of mortality and escapes. On January 1, 1949 there were 46,940

special setters, deponed from the Lithuanian SSR in 1945*1948. including 32.233 in Krasnoyarsk Krai. 11,388 in tbe Irkutsk region, 3,987 in Buryat-Mongolian SSR. 2.492 in

the Tomsk region, 2,234 in ihe Molotov region, 1.343 in the Sverdlovsk region, 1,227 in the Tyumen region, 864 in Komi ASSR and 87 in the Kemerovo region [4].

Taking into account those relocated from Baltic republics on tbe decision of the USSR Council of Ministers, dated January 29. 1949. there were 142,543 special settlers in 19451949 [5J. That number inchided: 83.000 relocated from Lithuania, 40,000 relocated from

Latvia and 20.000 relocated from Estonia. By July 1949, there were 137,660 special set­ tlers deported from Baltic republics after the War: including 37,475 men. 60,575 women,

39,610 children. 46,456 persons were relocated from Lithuania in 1945-1949. including 13,454 men. 19,698 women, 13,305 children 91,204 persons were relocated in 1949 from

Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia (24,022 men. 40,87? women, 26,305 children). [6] On

January ), 1952 there were 139,604 special settlers relocated from Baltic countries be­ tween 1945*1949. Later on (excepting those registered as "kulaks from Lithuania in

195!”>, 43.304 persons, i.e. 32.4% were sent to special settlements between 1945*1948. 94.300 persons, i.e. 67.6% from 1949 on [7J. On September 5,1951, the Decree of the USSR Council of Ministers N 3309*1568 ss was adopted on (he permanent deportation of kulaks and their families from the Lithuanian

SSR for hostile actions against kolkhozes. On January 1, 1952, there were 16,833 peas­

ants registered as special settlers and relocated from Lithuania in 1951. By July 1, 1952. the number increased up to 18.027 persons. On January 1 ► 1953, 10,827 of 18,104 special settlers were registered in Krasnoyarsk Krai and 7,277 in the Tomsk region [8J.

In 1952 the special settlers from Baltic countries were divided into four contingent groups: ‘’from Baltic countries in 1941,* "from Lithuania in 1945-1948,*’ "from Baltic

countries in 1949" and "kulaks from Lithuania in 1951.” They were also divided into three categories: relocated for terms (in 1941); relocated without defined terms (in 1945*1948);

relocated forever (in 1949*1952). The criminal proceedings were instituted against the spe­ cial settlers of the Erst two categories for escape (article 82, part 2. RSFSR Criminal

Code, and corresponding articles of the Criminal Code of other republics). The term was, as usual, 5 years in prison camps. Concerning the Baltic inhabitants deponed between

1949-1952, they were under the action of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme So*

viet of the USSR, dated November 26, 1948. "On the criminal responsibility for escapes

The Forced Deportation* of Peoples from Baltic Coaatrlet

W

from the places of (he obligatory and permanent settlements of persons relocated to the far

regions of the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic War.” The decree defined punish­

ment for escape from special settlements as 20 years of penal servitude. At the end of 1952. the contingents relocated from Lithuania between 1945*1948 and from the Baltic

countries in 1949 were joined together in one contingent - "from Baltic countries in 19451949” (the division into relocated foe defined terms and relocated forever remained). The chronological frames, defined in the tides of the mentioned conbtgents. were not certain. The contingent relocated in 1941 included the Baltic inhabitants arrested till 1940. Those persons were exiled for settlement after prison. 3.807 bandits and thsir accomplices,

included in the contingent ” from Baltic countries in 1945*1949,’' were relocated from Lithuania between 1950*1952 (91. The contingent, “kulaks from Lithuania in 1951” was

enriched by the Lithuanian peasants in 1952. The majority of inhabitants from Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia relocated in 1945*1942. were sent to special settlements according to the decision of the Special Assembly under

the NKVD-MVO-MGB of the USSR. On July 1,1952 there were 139,379 persons in spe­

cial setiiemcnis (19]. This was 90% of the registered Baltic special settlers relocated be­

tween 1945*1952. By this date, 3.935 were registered in the Tomsk region, 3.703 in Kras­

noyarsk Krai. 2,105 in the Yakut ASSR. 2,050 in Altai Krai, 1.373 in the Kirov region,

616 in the Komi ASSR. 156 in the Novosibirsk region, 94 in the Kemerovo region. 89 in the Guriev region. 46 in the Tyumen region, 40 in the Karaganda region, 17 in the Omsk

region, 9 in the Kdcheuv region, 3 in the Akmolinsk region. 2 in the Kzyl-Orda region, 2 in the Semipalatinsk region, 1 in the Pavlodar region. These totalled 14,30) Bahk special

settlers of the pre-war contingent (1)]. The deportees from the Pskov region (deported in 1950 in compliance with the Decree

of the USSR Council of Ministers, dated December 29,1949 on the relocation of kulaks, families of bandits, nationalists and repressed accomplices of bandits). In 1940, some re­ gions of those republics with a dominating Russian-Speaking population were included into

the Pskov region after Latvia and Estonia joined the USSR and the borders were perfectly defined. In 1950, (he relocalion of the area population began (there were many Estonians and Latvians among the deportees). 1.415 persons became special settlers. On January I,

1953. 1,356 persons of the Pskov contingent were registered, including 954 in reformatory

camps and special construction sites of the MVD. 393 in Krasnoyarsk Krai, 9 in the Ke­

merovo region 112]. The Baltic population was among the following contingents of special settlers: the

members of the rdigiovs sect "Jehovah Witnesses,” relocated from the Baltic countries. Western Ukraine. Western Byelorussia and Moldova in 1951; "andersovuy,” the former servicemen of the Polish Army under the command of Anders, who had arrived on repa­

triation in the USSR from England in the second half of the 1940s and were relocated in

1951 with their families from the Western Ukraine. Byelorussia and Lithuania to special settlements. in 1951 “Jehovah Witnesses" and “andersovtsy756 in number arrived from the Baltic countries to special settlements (the "Jehovah Witnesses - from Lithuania, Lat­

Hlkclai Baugai

168

via and Estonia." aodersovisy•from Lithuania). [13]. Among the “andersovtsy" relocated

from Lithuania were Lithuanians and Pole, as well By June t. 1958, the share of Lithua­ nians was l.9$% among lhe special settkrs. the former servicemen of the Anders' Army

(without the family members) [ 14}. A small amount of Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians were among the ocher contiogents (for example, among Germans). The German- special settler, 1.2 million in number,

were divided into five contingents: “relocated." "repatriated," "local," “mobilized" and

“others." The contingent “others” included persons of ocher nationalities relocated along with the Germans. In March, 1949, the number of German special settlers totalled 1,721

persons, including among others 111 Lithuanians, 154 Latvians. 33 Estonians (here, only those, who had not been members of German fancies were taken into ao account) (!$].

1,387 adult special settters, regarded as "German Accomplices" (the family members of German accomplices, relocated between 1944-1945 from the towns of the North Cauca­

sus) were staying in (be Tadjik SSR aod Novosoborsk region. Among them were 6 Lithua­ nians, 2 Latvians. 2 Estonians [16]. Amoog 2,357 adult special settlers, regarded as the

contingent of “FoDcsdeutsch*’ (the family members of “FoUsdentsch." relocated from the

Ukrainian SSR in 1944), 10 Latvians. 6 Estonians and 4 Lithuanians we living in the Novosibirsk region by March, 1949 [17]. Among 10.849 adult special settlers, regarded as

the contingent “Kalmyks,” 2 Latvians and I Estonian were tiring in the Novosibirsk region

by March. 1949(18]. On the other hand, bear in mind that the represettattves of other nationstates were also included in the number of special settlers: Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians. For exam­

ple, in March 1949, there were 26.855 aduh Lithuanians relocated between 1945-1948, in

the Krasnoyarsk Kni, Buryat-Mongol ASSR. The term “Lithuanians" meant only that they all were deported from Lithuania, despite their nationality. There were 688 Poles. 58 Russians. 20 Germans, 9 Latvians, 2 Ukrainians, 1 Byelorussian, 1 Kazakh and 2 repre­

sentatives of other nations among them (19). In the documents of the IX Department of the USSR MGB. (on January 1.1953) the

national structure of special settlers is mentioned. But the figures do not include children,

only adults were taken mto account (17 years of age and older). By January 1, 1953, amoog the 1,810,140 adult special settlers (not inchiding the arrested and those being

searched for) there were 75,024 Lithuanians, 33,102 Latvians and 16.O7O Estonians (2-J. The mortality among special settlers overcame the birth rate. Between 1945-1950 the

mortality rate among the Baltic special settlers of the post-war deportation was 5 times more than lhe birth-rate: in 1945 - 47.2 times mere; in 1946 - 10.0; in 1947 • 48.4; in 1948 * 8.5; in 1949 - 4.5; in 1950 • 4.2 tn 1951, 918 persons were bora (423 from the

contingent "from Lithuania between 1945-1948” a93 “from Bah* countries tn 1949", 2

“kulaks from Lithuania in 1951"). 3,871 persons died in 1951-1952 (3,173 "from Baltic

countries in 1945-1949“. 158 “kulaks from Lithuania in 1951“) [21]. The Bahk inhabitants were included in the lumber of politically unreiiable contingents of special settlers (fitom the point of view of the official Soviet bodies). In their circles

The Forced Deportation of People* (row Bailie Countries

169

there were talks about the facts, that they should move to taiga and form the anti-Soviet

partisan movement in case of English-American aggression. Tbe greatest share of under­

ground anti-Soviet organizations and groups acting in special settlements, was formed

among lhe Baltic inhabitants and "ounovtsy” (persons deponed from the Western Ukraine). For example, the underground organization "The oath in exite” was discovered

and abolished in the Tomsk region. The main task of that group was to organize Lithuani­ ans. living in special settlements, for the armed struggle against the Soviet State. The or­ ganization had its program, regulations and piblished several issues of the newspaper.

“Without Motherland.” Similar underground organizations were discovered and abolished in other region, as well [22). In March, 1949 there were 31,793 adult Baltic special settlers deported between 1945-

1948 (those deported in 1949 were not yet registered). Their social structure was the fol­

lowing: workers - 21,892. kolkhozniks • 55. cdnoltchniks * 94, officials - 384, students -

222, housewives - 852, old and dependent persons - 633. disabled persons -1,968. reared

persons - 9, others - 5.683 persons. 265 persons had a higher education. 1,596 - secondary

education, 22,583 primary education, 7.348 were illiterate. 220 persons formerly served in the Red (Soviet) Army, including 5 officers, 5 sergeants. 210 ranks. There were 307 per­

sons who were formerly under trial. 49 persons who were in captivity. 488 persons who were formerly abroad. In March, 1949. there was not a single communist among (he spe­ cial settlers of that contingent, only 7 komsomols [23). By August 1, 1950.84.346 special settlers relocated from the Baltic countries between

1945-1949, were employed in the economy of tbe country. Among them: 37,726 persons were employed in the institutes of the Ministry of Agriculture, 26,291 - in the timber and paper industry, 10,275 • in sovkhozes, 2,759 • in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 1,304 • in the Ministry of Transport, 1,179 • in mining. 1,148 - in the local industry, 431 - in the

bodies of state security, 417 - in the metalurgical industry, 297 - in the food industry. 213 -

in trade. 212 - in the State Purchase Department, 205 - in the river fleer. 186 - in public

utilities, 174 - in the chemical industry, 169 - in the industry of communication means, 163 - in the fishing industry, 83 - in civil construction. 34 - in public health institutes. 32 in

education. 29 - in the diary and meat indistry, 17 • in the Principle Department of Indus­

trial Cooperation. 11 - in lhe building materials industry. 5 - in che Committee on Arts, 3 in labor reserves. 3 - in light industry. 2 - in che oil industry, 2 - in che institutes of higher

school, 2 - in financial institutes, I - in heavy ogineering. I - in the post-office, 962 - in

governmental and Soviet institutes [24]. By August 1, 1948 there were 592 special settlers relocated under search from Lithua­

nia in 1945-1948. It was 1.23% of lhe total number of special settlers forming the mcotioned contingent [25]. In the summer-autumn period, the number of escapes were enor­ mous in comparison to the winter - spring period. For example, from January 1 till Octo­

ber 31, 1948. there were 424 special settler escapes of those deported from Lithuania in

1945-1948, including: 47 - in January-April; 9 - in May; 39 - in June; 86 - in July, 11) - in

August, 91 - in September and 41 - in October [26).

Nikolai Boagal

17»

During 1945-1948 there were 1.722 special settlers escapes from those deported from

Lithuania after tbe War. By January 1.1949, 1.070 parsons bad been seized. the search for the remaining 652 persons continued. 600 seized settlers (56.1%) were put under trial.

470 were returned to their special senloneots (271- Further on tbe number of escapes greatly decreased because of die terrible order dated Movember 26, 1948, that petrified

many potential escapers. In October 1949, there was 393 special settlers deponed from the

Bahic countries after tbe war under search, including 369 relocated between 1945-194$ and 24 relocated in 1949 [281.

During the 1940$ the beginning of the 1950s many Baltic special settlers and settlers in exile tried to be dismissed legally. They sect petitions and letters to different institutions

in order to revise their cases and to receive penmsicn to returns to their motherland. The

procedure for consideration was ratber difficult. If the local bodies of Internal Affairs were petitioned for tbe dismissal of special settlers w settlers in exite, they had to set an agree*

menr with the procurator of the republic (krai region) and then send it for consideration to

the Special Assembly. In some cases, those petitions were satisfied, n 19514952, 278

Baltic special settlers were dismissed, including 14 relocated in 1941, 255 in 1945-1949 and 9 from tbe contingent "kulaks from Lithuania in 1951“ (29).

Besides special setters, there was the category of setttere - in exite (sent to exile for­ ever), exited (sentenced to exite for term) and relocated. By January 1,1953,6,192 Baltics

were related to that category, including 78.8% settlers - in exite, 12.2% exited and 9.0% relocated. Tbe prisoners, who were convicted in compliance with the acting laws, but served their

sentence in territories other than Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia. In the territory of Russia and Kazakhstan, the number of persons subjected to the forced migration were also inchxted.

In December, 1952, there were 44.036 Baltics (21,771 Lithuanians, 11.814 Latvians and

10,451 Estonians) among 224,430 prisoners of special camps and prisons, related to the category of the ‘’especially dangerous state criminals’’ 130). The number of Baltics among the prisoners of GULAG increased greatly in the post-war period. Tbe number of prisoners

- Lithuanians Latvians, Estonians in the camps and reformatory schools of GULAG in*

creased from 9,007 to 96,154 persons, more than 10 times during the period January 1, 1945Jaouary 1, 1951. The action of the Decree cf the Presidium of tbe USSR Supreme Soviet, dated March 11. 1952, "On the special settling of the persons, who had served their time, the members of their families being on special settling" extended to the Baltics,

us well [31). In compliance with the Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, dated

March 27. 1953, "On the amnesty" 40% of the GULAG prisoners were dismissed before their appointed time. AD the relocated persons (the category of "relocated” was abolished) and part of the exited persons were dismissed, as well The action of the decree was partly

extended to the settlers - in exile in April, 1954 (the persons sentenced earlier to 5 years for counter-revofotioatfy crimes were dismissed). In July. 1954, the settlers • in exite who

were sent on the decision of the Special Assembly were dismissed. Still, the number of set­

The Forced Deperlatloa ot People* from Bailie Countries

171

tiers • in exile did ix* decreased but had increased by the beginning of J95€, because of the

action of the Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, dated February 21. 1948, "On the settling of especially dangerous state criminals to serve their sentence in exile in the far regions of the USSR/* On January I , )956, there were 8,980 Baltic nation alists in exile ($,317 Lithuanians, 2,120 Estonians and 1543 Latvians [32].

Concerning the special settlers, h should be noted, that the decree, dated March 27,

1953, didn’t mention them. Still, the process of dismission had been going on since 19S4. In compliance with the Decree of the USSR Council of Ministers, dated July 5.1954, "On

removing some restrictions in the legal position of special sealers,” the following catego­

ries were stricken off the register a) children up to 16 years old; b) children of special set­

tlers older than 16 years of age studying in institutions [33]. During 1954,42,560 Baltics were dismissed in compliance with the mentioned decree and other decisions. 5295 Baltic

special scttlccs were dismissed in 1955 (87? pro-war deportees, 4,418 post-wai Jepuriccs), including 3.0)0 in compliance with the decisicms of the Councils of Ministers of Baltic

republics, 1,006 oi the court decision and 1,279 on the decision of the MVD bodies [34], In accordance with the mentioned Decree of the USSR Council of Minttters, dated July 5, 1954 the Baltic special settlers of the pre-war deportation were provided with the right

of free movement and settling within the republic, krai and region. They had to register in

special commandants once a year (earlier - once a nx>nih). The Baltic special settlers of the post-war deportation were limited in their movemerus and had to live only in the obligatory

settling regions. However, the position of die deportees in 1949-1952 improved because the dragon Decree, dated November 26, 1948, had forfeited its force in compliance with the Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, dated July 13. 1954 [35], But there weren't any changes in the position of special settlers deported from Lithuania in

19454948. The mass discharge of special settlers, which took place in the middle of the 1950s, concerned Lithuanians. Latvians and Estonians, although there weren't special decisions

on them in 1955-1957 in contrary to Germans, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingushes. Karachais,

balkarians, Crimean Tatars, etc. A number of decrees of the USSR Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet was adopted from May, 1955 till March,

1958 on. It took off the register all the contingents of special settlers, including Baltics:

communists and their family members: participants in the Great Patriotic War and persons awarded with orders and medals: women married to the local population: lonely, incurable,

and disabled persens; the families of those killed at the fronts of the Great Patriotic War;

teachers; persons relocated as accomplices of fascist occupants (but not the accomplices of

the nationalists* underground); families of teachers: families of the participants in the Great Patriotic War and persons awarded with orders and medals: families of persons

stricken off the register previously; persons elected to the local Soviets, trade unions, kom* some! organizations and dependent members of their families; persons who were under 16

years of age at the lime of special settling [36].

Nikelal Bowl

172

In 1954, the Councils of Ministers of the Union Republics, were the deportation took

place, were provided with the tight to revise the cases of special settlers and to adept deci­

sions on their discharge. The Councils of Ministers were entrusted to check the validity of the relocation of some category of special sealers to the local Soviets and adopt decisions

on the basis of their investigation. Later on, in 195^-1958 the Commissiotts of the Presid­

ium of the Supreme Soviet of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia were formed. They were en­ trusted to adopt decisiotis on the discharge of special settlers. Inspite of the “Khrushov’s thaw," the principle of (he continuity of the policy still was in action. The policy of mass

relocation was not under criticism, but was considered as a necessary and important politi­

cal action. One could find themselves in the dock axording to Article 58 of the Criminal

Code of the RSFSR (anti- for the talks, that the deportation of peoples was the crime of the regime and was Soviet propaganda. The local power authorities had the right to adopt de­

cisions on the discharge of special sextiers, If there was proof that the pensem was relocated

by mistake. Most of the ’’relocation by mistake'’ cares were among kulaks. The households had been related to kulaks on the basis of household lists for 1939-1940. By the moment of relocation, most of them were not kulaks, but were members of kolkhozes. Local Soviets

of the regions and krais where the relocation of peasants took place in 1948-1952, worked very hard to check the validity of those relating their households to kulaks in 1956*1957. As a result, 6,733 households were stricken off the register of special settlers during 1957

oo the decision of the Commission under the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the

Lithuanian SSR, 6,122 - on the decision of the Council of Ministers of the Latvian SSR

[37J. Thousands of special seeders were discharged as relocated “by mistake” on tbe decision

of other bodies. 18.899 special settlers were discharged in 1957 on (he decision of the Commission under the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of tbe Lithuanian SSR [38]. The scale of discharge of special scalers on the decisions of power bodies of the republics and regions, where tbe relocation took place, was much lower in 1954-1956. For example, only

735 special settlers were discharged in 1954. end 1,147 in 1955 on the decision of the

Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR (39). The functions of the Commissions under the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the republics can be studied in tbe example of the Estonian commission. The Convnssion un­

der the Preeidium of the Supreme Soviet of tbe Estonian SSR, was formed in compliance with the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Estonian SSR, dated Octo­

ber )2, 1957. The task of tbe Commission was to revise tbe cases of those relocated from tbe Estonian SSR to special settlements. The Commission was entrusted with the right to

discharge the former participants of the nationalistic underground, bandit accomplices (poor peasants, workers, officials, who were involved in the nationalistic activities because

Tbe Forced Deportation of Peoples from Bailie Countries

173

of "Ibeir faint-heartedness" and had acted positively while being in special settling) and members of (heir families. The special order of the USSR MVD, dated October 30, 1957

defined: ‘To announce to Ihe special settlers, discharged on the decision of the Commis­

sion under the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Estonian SSR. (hat according to the Decree of the Council of Ministers of the Estonian SSR, dated October 1. 1957 they are allowed to return to the Estonian SSR and to live in any place, except Tallinn, the shore border line and particular towns they had been relocated from** [40].

The Baltic settlers - in exile were dismissed ;n March. 1956. The Decree of the Presid­

ium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, dated March 10, 1956. ‘‘On the abolition of tbe Decree

of the Presidium of tbe USSR Supreme Soviet, dated February 21, 1948. "On sending es­

pecially dangerous state criminals, after serving their time, to exite to the far regions of the USSR/’ defined: "The Latvian, Lithuanian, Estonian nationalists, who served their time and whose families were sent to special settlements on the special decisions of (he Gov­

ernment. are to be sent to their families" {41]. 4.331 of the total number of Baltic nation­

alists and settlers - in exile were transferred into the category of special settlers. 4,649 per­ sons who had no relatives in special settlements were discharged from exile and settled in a common base [42]. The institute of settlers * in exile was abolishedRestricting measures were carried cut towards the prisoners and settlers - in exile. They

were forbidden to return to the Baltic countries. First of all, the measures concerned the active participants of tbe nationalistic underground. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet

of the Lithuanian SSR adopted a Decree on January 21,1957.

Decree of ihe Presidium ofthe Supreme Soviet ofthe Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic On (he prohibition of ihe former leaders of the bourgeois government of Lithuani, the leaders of the bourgeouis political parties, active members of the Lithuanian nationalist underground, leaders of the anti-Soviet organizations, convicted and those who had served

time, to return to (be Lithuanian SSR. The Presidium of ihe Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR decrees:

To prohibit the- former leaders of the bourgeois govemmem of Lithuania, the leaders of the bourgeois political parties, active members of the Lithuanian nationalistic underground,

leaders of the anti-Soviet organizations, those cccvicted of betrayal to tbe motherland, ter­ roristic and diverse acts, and also persons convicted of banditism and those who had

served time, to return to the Lithuanian SSR.

Nikolai Bengal

174

The mentioned persons who rewm to the Lithuanian SSR on their own are subjected to

exile foe a five year term. The Chairman ofthe

Presidium ofthe Lithuanian SSR K Paietskis The Secretary of the

Presidium ofthe Lithuanian SSR S. Nauyalis

Vilnus, January 21, 1957(44].

In October, 1957, similar decrees were adopted by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Latvian and Estonian SSR: Xta the prohibition of the fanner leaders of the bour­

geois government of Lithuania, the leaders of the bourgeois political parties and antiSoviet organizations, ccavieied active members of the Latvian nationalistic underground,

and those who had served time art to return to the Latvian SSR" (October 5); "On the

prohibition of persons, convicted of bard state crimes, the former members of the bour­

geois govonrrent of Estonia, leaders of ihe bourgeois parties and nationalistic organiza­ tions, police, state institutions and active merriben, of the Latvian nationalist underground

io return to the Estonian SSR" (44],

In the second half of the 1950s the institute of special settlers still existed, by the num­

ber of special settlers rapidly decreased. The number of Baltic specials settlers decreased from 172,516 to 7,297 from January 1. 1954-January I, 1959. The Baltic post-war de­ portees were divided into five groups; "bandits and natiwaJiscs;'' "members of the bandits

and nationalists families;" "bandits and nationalists acccmpbces;” "members of (he bandits and nationalises accomplices families;" "hdaks-nationahsts and their families.** The spe­

cial settlers of the group "members of the bandits and rationalists families,” in turn, were

divided into five sub-groups. The national structure of the 145,968 special settlers registered on January 1, 1958, was the following: Ukrainians - 85,161; Lithuanians - 36,330; Modavians • 7,903; Estoni­ ans - 5,359; Latvians - 3,852; Russians - 1,759; Bydonissians - 1,433; Jews - 1,054; Poles • 978; Bulgarians - 897; others -1.242 (45], Tbe share of Lithuanians, Latvians and

Estonians was 31.2% of the total umber of special settlers on January 1,1958. The proposals of the ministers of Internal Affairs for lhe union republics were taken

into account while discussing the problem of striking off the register bandits and national­ ists in Moscow in January. 1958. The Minister of Interna) Affairs of the Lithuanian SSR,

AA. Gailyavkhyus, was assured that the mentioned persons were to be stricken off ihe

register. Still, he was afraid that inspite of the prohibitions to return to their homeland.

The Forced Deportalton of PeopUf from Baltic Countries

US

many of them would come back. That, tn turn, would case mass repressions. He expressed

his opinion not (o introduce movement restrictions. The Minister of Internal Affairs of the

Latvian SSR, LD. Zuyan, noted that the mentioned persons were co be stricken off the

register, but not forbidden to return to their former settlements. The Minister of Interna)

Affairs of the Estonian SSR, l.Y. Lorabak, considered it necessary to strike off lhe register

of special settlers the nationalists* accomplices and the family members, but they should not be allowed to iwm to the relocated regions, and to the regime towns, as well. They should be allowed to return to ether regions of Estonia. These proposals were in contradiction with the opinion of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR. The lat­

ter considered it necessary to forbid the return of the members of the nationalists bands

“OUN-UPA” (the Organization of the Ukrainian Nationalists - Ukrainian insurrectionary

Army) to the Western Ukraine. The Ministry authorities were disposed co apply the pun­ ishment as exile fo> a five yew tenti to those who bad returned on their own (46J.

At least Moscow adopted a decision worthy of Solomon: the Moscow authorities de­ cided to define in the corresponding decrees and instructions on the discharge of special

settlers and the nationalist accomplices, that they should not be allowed to return to their homeland, but they could return to places on a separate decision by the local authorities.

Two groups of the post-war Baltic deportees remained in special settlements after the

mass discharge: "bandits and nationalists," and "members of the bandits and nationalists families." 535 Baltic pre-war deportees remained in special settlements on September I,

1958 (332-ftom Lithuania. 153-from Latvia and 50-from Estonia), 96 persons of the Pskov contingent and 58 "Jehovah Witnesses/ relocated from the Baltic countries (49 -

from Lithuania, 9 • from Estonia) (48J. The contingent of "andertovtsy" was fully dis­ charged in August, 1958. The prohibiting part of the decrees, dated May 19, 1958 and January 7, 1960 did not

hinder the return of the special settlers co the Baltic countties. The Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian SSR satisfied as usual, the request of the mentioned persons. Those who had returned on their own were not persecuted, as a rue, by the local authorities. The problem of housebuilding was difficult in the Baltic regions. Many dis­

charged persons did not have proper living conditions. Due to that fact, some Lithuanians had to settle in the. Kaliningrad region of the RSFSR. The migration flow from the Baltic regions was caused by the evaxs of the Second

World War. The Baltic countries were occupied by the German fascists in 1941-1944 (Courland - till May, 1945). Practically, from the very beginning of che occupation, Hit­ ler's authorities be^tn the mass relocation of the able-lo-work population (first of all, the

youth) to the forced works to Germany. It looked like a “labour trip on their own to Reich "very often. The fascists carried out the total “evacuation” of the local population, as well as in the nearest Leningrad region, in 1944 on the eve of the Soviet troops arrival. Those

Baltic inhabitants, who dealt tbe nationalists, expected nothing good at the meeting with

the Soviet court, so they left together with the Germans. Many thousands of Baltic citizens left the USSR.

Nikolai Bengal

1?*

101,062 Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians were repatriated co the USSR from Ger­ many, Austria. Poland and ocher countries by March I, 1946. Most of them were sent to

the Baltic regions after the checking and filtrating in the Array camps, accommodating points of the People’s Commissariai of Defense and check-filtrating points of the NKVD. Taking into account the Russians. Poles. Jews and other nationalities, by March 1. 1946. J j.O! 1 repatriants had been sent for permanent settling to the Baltic regions. The repatria­ tion had been going on In later years, but the rate was slow, Most of the Lithuanians, Lat­

vians and Estonians who left the USSR during the Second World War, didn't return. The number of non-rcriirned Baltics (who became “the second wave of immigration") was 231,539 persons, according to the data of the USSR Council of Ministers on January 1,

1952. At the end of 1945, the authorities of the Principle Department on Camps for Prisoners

of War and Internees (GULVI) of the USSR NKVD were searching for Lithuanians, Lat­ vians and Estonians and permanent inhabitants of the Baltic countries. In compliance with the special directive of the USSR NKVD the Baltics, mobilized to the Germany Army,

legions and police as the ranks, junior officers and those who had been in captivity, as

well, were subjected to discharge and returned to their settlements in the Baltic regiow

[50]On August 18, 1945. a Decree of the State Committee for Defense was adopted "On the employment in industry far the former servicemen of the Red Army, released from

German captivity, and rtpacriams of call-up age.** In compHaoce whh the decree, repatri-

arts - those in captivity and of a demobilized age - we sent co the labour battalions of the State Committee for Defense in the northern and eastern regions of (he country- Persons in

the Germany Army, special German troops, vlatovwy and policemen were sect as special

settlers for a five year tenn (S3]• By spring, 1946 most part of Baltic repatriants, who were not sent to the regions of

their seeding, were concentrated in the check-filtrating camps of the NKVD. S.N. Kruglov informed L. Beriya by the tetter N 1214/K co March 30. 1946. that there were 2,442 Lat­ vians. 6,942 Lithuanians and 5.96? Estonians in the check-filtrating camps (41.35) per­

sons in total) [52]. They were former servicemen of the German Army, legroos, police, etc. (searched anwng the repatrianls and in the territory of the Baltic regions), who were sub­

jected to six yean in special settling as lhe contingent “vlasovuy.“ But they were never sent io special settlements because of the government petition of the Latvian SSR. V.M. Molotov. L.P. Beriya and S.N. Kruglov were unanimous m their opinion that the petition of V. LatsUs and Y. Kainberzin had to be satisfied. Besides, they adopted (he same decision, concealing Lithuanian’s and Sstomans, inspite of the absence of any gov­

ernment petition of the Lithuanian and Estonian SSR. The USSR Council of Ministers

adopted a Decree on April 13. 1946. According to that decree the repatriants - Latvians, Lithuanians and Estonians - were dismissed from labour columns to the far regions of the

country and to special settlements.

The Forced Deposition of Peoples from Baltic Countries

117

The number of Baltics who were in the check-filtering camps and had been sent to spe­ cial settlements for six years, decreased greatly after the adoption of that deace. In 1949

there were 150 Latvians. 87 Estonians and 4 J Lithuanians among 112.382 special settlers

registered as "vlasovtsy" [55]. They were sent to special settlements because (hey wwerft permanent citizens of the Baltic countries (there was a special note in rhe Decree 843342$$).

The return of Lithuanians. Latvians and Estonians from the check-filtering camps and

labour battalions to their motherland caused a flow of requests to release their relatives from the Baltic inhabitants: Russians. Poles and other nationalities. The Plenipotentiary of

the USSR Council of Ministers. F.l. Golikov, sent a tetter N 001959 on May 14. 1947 to V.M. Molotov. He asked to solve this problem positively [56]. The USSR Council of

Ministers adopted Decree N 724rs on June 12.1947. on the extension of (he action of the Decree of the USSR Council of Ministers N 843*342 ss. dated April 13. 1946 on tbe re-

patriants of all nationalities, except Germans and those who had been in service in the German Army, legions, vlasovtsy. policemen and permanent citizens of (he Lithuanian,

Latvian and Estonian SSR (57). The special settlers ’’vlasovtsy” of other nationalities (not Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians), who were the permanent citizens of the Baltic re­ publics. were not discharged. Concerning the Baltic inhabitants - Russians. Poles and oth­

ers (except Germans), who were sent to the labour battalions and the northern and eastern regions of (he USSR as (he permanent staff in tbe industry, it should be mentioned that

(hey were sent to (he Baltic countries.

The fascists occupation caused another migration flow. Hundreds of Russian. Ukrain­ ian and Byelorussian and other republic inhabitants arrived tn the Baltic countries. They

were dismissed from German captivity and moved (o the forced labour works by Germans,

“evacuated” by Germans on lhe eve of the arrival of Soviet troops. For example, the total “evacuation” of the inhabitants of the Leningrad region was carried out in 1943-1944 on the order of the German commandants, Ingermanlandians who had evacuated to Estonia soon moved to Finland. Russians were moved to Germany and partly spread all over the

Baltic regions, (n 1944. it was a common picture, when a crowd of inhabitants of Lenin­ grad. Smolensk and other regions who had been forcefully transferred to Germany, moved

towards the Soviet troops entering the Baltic regions. These contingents could be called the internally transferred person (transfer within the USSR). They were registered as rrpairi-

ants by lhe Plenipotentiary Department of the USSR Council of Ministers on Repatriation. By the end of 1944, 109,830 persons had been repatriated from the Baltic countries, in­

cluding 85,438 to settlements, 12.758 called up io the Red Army and 11.634 transferred at

the disposal of the NKVD (the special contingent). The process continued. In total.

283,407 internally transferred persons (227.044 civil and 56.363 former war prisoners) were relocated from the Baltic countries by March 1. 1946. The statistics do not consider the thousands who arrived in the Baltic regions for different reasons and permanently stayed there.

Nikolai Boogal

1»

These were the main measures of the forced character that were carried out in the Bal­

tic countries io the 40s and 50s. They were the consequences of Stalin's regime and fas­ cists occupation policy.

REFERENCES I.

GARF. The State Archive of the Russian Federation, f. 9479, op. Ld- 64,»t 31*

2.

ibid..d. 87.1.1-12.

3. 4.

ibid., d. 436.1. 17. Ibid., d. 488,1.3-8.

5. 6.

ibid., d. 641.1.34. ibid., d. 436.1. 19-20.

T ibid., d. 597,1.16-17. 1. ibid., d. 597.1.16-17, d. 641,1.38-40,58-59.297. 9. GARF. A se< of documents. 10. IMd.» f. 9479, op. 1. d. 597,1 259.

IL ibid., d. 641,1. 22-67. 12. ibid., 1.38-40,46*47.67-68.297. 13.

GARF. A $« of documents.

14. 15.

ibid., L 9479, op. 1. d. 968.1.1 -2. IHd.,d. 436.1 26.

16.

ibid., d. 483.1.108. d. 484.1.122.

17.

ibid., d.484.1.122.

18.

19.

ibid. ,1.113. ibid., d. 487.1.23,162,290.

20.

ibld.d. 641,1.69-70.

21.

ibid., d. 4J6, । 106. d. 642.1. 14-15.

22. 23.

ibid., d. 725.1. 72. ibid., d. 436,). 98*99, d. 489.1.4-3.

24.

ibid., d. 641,1.390-392.

25.

ibid., d. 435.1.40.

26. 27.

ibid., d.436.1.3. ibid., d. 488,1.13.

28. 29. 30.

ibid., 1.275. ibid., d-642.1. IS. GARF. A set of documents.

31, 32.

ibid. ibid., f. 9479. op. 1, d. 900.1.266.

33.

GARF. A set of documents.

34.

ibid., f. 9479. op. 1.4 900,1.188.

35. 36. 37.

GARF. A set of documents. ibid.

38.

ibid.. d 976.1.156.

39.

ibid., d 900.1.178.

ibid.. (. 9479. op. 1, d. 949,1. 68.

The Farced Deporotlo* of Peoples from Ba hie Countries 40.

GARF. A set of documents.

41. 42.

ibid. ibid., f. 9479, op. l.d. 900.1. 178.

43.

GARF. A set of documents.

44.

ibid.

45.

ibid., f. 9479. op. 1, d. 949.1. 59*60.

46.ibid.. 1.119. 47.

GARF. A set of documents.

48.

ibid., f. 9479. op. T, d. 949.1. 143.

49.

GARF. A set of documents.

50.

ibid.

51

- The Russian Centre for Storage and Study of the Documents of the New History (RTsKhfDNJ). f 644, op. 1. d. 457.1.194*198.

52.

GARF. f. 5446. op. 49. d. 2513.1. 3.

S3,

ibid., 1. 1-2.

54.

ibid.. 1.9*)0.

55. 56.

ibid., f. 9479. op. 1, d. 489.1. 39.43.

57.

ibid.. 1.7.

ibid., f. 5446, op. 50. d. 62,1.4-5.

58.ibid, a set of documents.

]?9

The 1940’s: Deported and Mobilized Germans in the Far East

he economic development of (he USSR Far East has been under the attention of gov­

ernmental bodies. The 1940s were no exception. This was one of the mosi complex periods in the life of ihe Soviet Stale, the period of fascist aggression and the war with Japan.

This period in the history of economic development has been expelled from Soviet his*

lory. This was not true. The forced relocation to the Far East and from the Far East took place in that time. Simultaneously, production forces in that region formed. The end of the 1930s was known as 8 period of forced relocation for the Soviet Kore­

ans from the Far East. 11,000 Chinese. 500 Poles and Latvians were relocated along with Koreans. Many national regions ceased to exist.

About 172,000 inhabitants of Korean nationality left the Far East region. The deporta­ tion caused damage to the economy of the region, first of all, agriculture. Chinese, Koreans and other nations were mostly employed in agriculture. Some of them were employed in

enterprises and processing precious metals. The lack of a production force became obvious with the deportation of the mentioned

peoples. The artificially’ formed vacuum was filled step-by-step through deportation: ac­ cording to the planned state tasks, forced relocation and accommodation of the demobilized from the Red Army, as well.

The measures on the relocation of the German population had been carried out actively since 1936. Since the end of August, 1941 al) the German inhabitants had been deponed

from (he Volga German's ASSR. The flow of Germans to the region of the Far East in­

creased. The German contingent relocated from diverse regions of the country. More (han

800,000 Germans were deported. However, it should be taken into account that Germans who weren't subjected to relo­

cation were living in some Union republics, krais and regions of the Russian Federation. This fact concerned Germans who had been living in regions of East and West Siberia, Kazakhstan, Central Asia and the Far East.

Nikolai Bengal

181

But, che fate of the latter, including Germans from the Far East, was hard, They suf­ fered all the “charms" of deportation and feh the regime of special commandant*a offices.

In the 40s the labor mobilization through the creation of labor armies, labor columns,

battalions and brigades was popular due to the lack of labor forces. The labor armies aa n socio! phenomenon were well known under the conditions of a socialist experiment. They were formed even in lhe 20s in lhe Ukraine, North Caucasus,

Ural and Azerbaijan. But they were not so gloomy in these days. In the 1920s, jusi after the end of the Civil War, the soldiers of the Red Array with rifles on their shoulders were

doing their beat to restore the economy of the country; they were employed in the oil in­ dustry end agriculture. The necessity of that labor force lessened with the strengthening of the Soviet power.

In the 1940s the creation of such armies became a tradition in the civil sphere, when only the civil population was involved in the labor arnxes, columns, battalions and bri­

gades. The labor amtes were mostly formed of tbe repressed peoples. That is why the ac­ tion could be considered as one of the forms of punishment for many peoples. They were

tamed forcibly. There was not a hint of initiative and patriotism. The living conditions for the members of the arroies didn't differ from those of the special sealer? or exiled persons. Later on, many members of the battalions, brigades and columns got the status of "special

witters."

According to the oeosus of 1939. there were 1911 Germans in the Primorsky Province

(including Ussuriisk Krai); 5,096 Germans in lhe Khabarovsk Krai (including Amur.

Kamchatka, Niztae-Ajnur. Sakhalin regions and the Jew* Autonomous region). In 1941, legislative work began on tte employment of inhabitants of German national­

ity. Among the first acts was the USSR MVD Order N 00! 393, dated September 26,

1941. which defined in compliance with the "top secret” Decree of tbe State Committee for

Defense N 660, dated September 1 J. 1941. that the local authorities h&d to "reorganize all the construction battalions under the NKVD into the labor columns, strike off tbe service

corps supply and manage them as builders” [11- The order extended to tbe Germans and

tbe members of the construction battalions. On October 30,1941 the USSR Sovnarkom Decree N 57-K. "On the relocation of per­

sons of German nationality from the industrial regions to the agricultural regions*' fol­ lowed.

In conyliance with the mentioned legislative acts, the prescription of the Deputy Head

of the USSR NKVD GULAG. Zavgorodny had been of great importance. The prescription was sent to the regions on November 20, 1941. It cleared up the legal status of the battal­

ions and columns. In particular, items 1 and 2 defined; ‘Tbe construction battalions are to

work as labor columns. Those who have been mobilized to work in the columns are con­ sidered to be liable for call-up and can't leave the columns on their own" [2]. Farther on lhe prescription defined: "The battalions are to be accommodated in bar­

racks. Tbe internal order is established by the Head of the Camps Department..

Th* 1949s: Deported end Mobilised Gertaant

th* Far Eait

189

Item 7 of (he document defined: ’’Simultaneously present lhe list of German invalids who ate not to be employed because of bad health. Get further instructions concerning

them” [3].

On January 10.1942 tbe State Committee for Defense adopted “top secref Decree N I123. “On the order of the employment of the German special settlers of call-up age, 17-

50 years old.** Tbe decree defied (he mobilization to start immediately and to finish it by January 30,

1942. The persons, guilty io absence of evasion were subjected to capital punishment.

The transportation rules of the demobilized were also described in che document. Con­ cerning lhe food supply, it was mentioned that they were in cw^liance with the USSR GULAG [4].

According to the “top secret” Decree of the State Committee of Defense, dated Febru­ ary 14.1942, the German camtngem, subjected to emptoymem at the labor front, was ex­ tended on account of Germans men of call-up age, 17-50 years old, who were permanently

living in che regions, krais, autonomous and Union republics. Khabarovsk? and Primorsy

krais were mentioned among the regions [5J. On October 7, 1942, lhe State Committee foe Defense adopted a Decree, “On the additional mobilization of Germans for the economy of

lhe country.” On October 14,1942, the above meniioned decrees were spread among other oatiorss

the authorities of (he State Committee for Defense: Romanians, Hungarians, Italians, Finns {6].

At the end of October, 1942 new decrees of the USSR Sovriaricom and the CC of the VCP (b) appeared: “on the development of coastal fishing in Beloye and Barentsovo

Seas,'* “On the development of fishing in tbe rivers of Siberia and die Far East.” In com­ pliance with the above memwned, the USSR People’s Commissar of lotemal Affairs. V.V.

Chernyshov, supposedly sent contingents, first of all Germans, to the regions of Lena.

Eniseai the Yaa rivers and Kolyma, as well. In the beginning of October. 1942 tbe Head of the USSR Department on Special Set­

tlements, Majorof the State Security Ivanov prepared a report on the basis of the USSR NKVD data, the Principal Department on Statistics under the USSR Sovnarfcom. The re­

port mentioned the inhabitants of German nationality living in the USSR territory and subjected to relocation to the far regions. 586 Germans were subjected to relocation from

the Primorsky Province. 2,096 from tbe Khabarovsk? Krai. The local authorities sent requests to the USSR NKVD to explain what category of Germans was subjected to the deportation, For example, the officials from lhe NKVD of

the Primorsky Province asked whether Germans with children less (han three years old. childless German women married to Russians, Soviet officials and members of the VCP (b) were subjected tc relocation.

The legal basis for (he mobilization of Germans was prepared by Autumn, 1942. The recommendations of the USSR NKVD defined the order of the foundation for the German labor units. Tbe? said that Germans - men 17-50 years old had to he called up to

Ntkolel Bowgal

IM

the labor columns through the Comrrossions on Regi‘tratk