The Cult of Isis Among Women in the Graeco-Roman World (Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain) 9004043683, 9789004043688

Citation preview

THE CULT OF ISIS AMONG WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

ETUDES PRELIMINAIRES AUX RELIGIONS ORIENTALES DANS L'EMPIRE ROMAIN PUBLlEES PAR

M. J. VERMASEREN CINQUANTE-ET-UNIEME

SHARON KELLY HEYOB

THE CULT OF ISIS AMONG WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL 1975

SHARON KELLY HEYOB

THE CULT OF ISIS!AMONG WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL 1975

ISBN 90 04 04368

3

Copyright 1975 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission from the publisher PRINTED IN BELGWM

Ioanni Viro Carissimo

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface . Abbreviations Bibliography

IX XI XIII

I. Historical Perspectives 11. The Essential Nature of Isis

37

Ill. Isis as Perceived by Women in the Graeco-Roman World

53

IV. The Participation of Women in the Cult of Isis

81

V. Morality and the Cult ofIsis

III

Conclusions .

128

Index Nominum et Rerum

131

Index Auctorum Antiquorum

135

Index Inscriptionum

138

PREFACE In recent years a good deal of scholarly interest has been aroused on the subject of the oriental religions as they developed outside of Egypt in the Greek and Roman spheres. New archaeological finds have contributed to this interest and in some cases have allowed new interpretations of past thinking. The object of this work is to investigate the role of women in one of the most widespread of these oriental cults, the cult of Isis. My initial curiosity about this subject grew out of the remarks of the elegiac poets about their mistresses' involvement with Isis. Of primary interest to me is the degree to which women participated in the organizational aspects of the cult. This work seeks to investigate in what light women viewed Isis and what aspects of her character appealed most to them. Finally, a study of the morality of the cult was made in view of the implications of the elegiac poets in this regard. My study was aided considerably by Ladislaus Vidman's recent collection of all of the inscriptions pertaining to the cult into one volume, SyUoge inscriptionum religion is Isiacae et Sarapiacae. His precise and thorough commentaries on these inscriptions have been invaluable to me as is evident at every point in this work. Likewise, the works of M. Malaise (Les conditions de penetration et de diffusion des cultes egypliens en Italie and Inventaire preliminaire des documents egyptiens decouverts en Italie) and of F. Dunand (Le culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la mediterranee) have proved to be extremely helpful to me throughout this publication. J. Gwyn Griffiths' recent edition of Plutarch's De lside et Osiride with its English translation and very thorough commentary is also an extremely valuable piece of recent scholarship in this field, as are all of the works pertaining to the oriental cults continually being produced in this series (Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans ['empire romain) edited by M. J. Vermaseren. I wish here to express my gratitude to Rev. Thomas P. Halton of The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C., for introducing me to Isis, for guiding me patiently during the preparation of this work in its original form as a doctoral dissertation, and for obtaining for me copies of a number of important bibliographical items. I am greatly

x

PREFACE

indebted to Professor M. J. Vermaseren who has assisted me by making known to me several bibliographical items and by suggesting changes at several points throughout the work. I am extremely grateful also to Betty Lou Gutekunst of the Humanities Library and Jean McElligott, Inter-Library Loan Librarian, at Catholic University for their very efficient handling of my many inter-library loan requests. Fran Bucy, Inter-Library Loan Librarian at the Denver Public Library, graciously provided me with the same assistance. Finally and especially I am grateful to my husband John whose constant encouragement made a difficult task immeasurably easier.

ABBREVIA nONS AC AJA AJP BCH BIE CAH

CIG CIL

CJ CP CR CRAI CW DIO HThR

IG IGRR

ILS JEA JRS JThS OGIS P. Oxy. 1380 PSI RE REG REL RHR RIC

SEG

SHA

SIG TAPA VS

VSCE ZAS

L'Antiquite classique American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Philology Bulletin de correspondance helUnique Bulletin de l'lnstitut d'Egypte Cambridge Ancient History Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum Classical Journal Classical Philology Classical Review Comptes rendus des seances de l'Academie des inscriptions et belleslettres Classical World Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride Harvard Theological Review Inscriptiones Graecae Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes Inscriptiones Latinae selectae Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Journal of Roman Studies Journal of Theological Studies Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XI.J380 Papiri Greci e Latini Pauly-Wissowa et al., Realencyclopiidie der c1assischen Altertumswissenschaft Revue des etudes grecques Revue des etudes latines Revue de l'histoire des religions Mattingly, H., and E. A. Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum Scriptores historiae Augustae Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum Transactions of the American Philological Association Vidman, L., Sylloge inscriptionum religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae P. Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens cl Delos du 1I1e au ler siecle av. J.-C. Zeitschrift fur iigyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde

BIBLIOGRAPHY AlfOldi, A., "Die alexandrinischen Gotter und die vota publica am Jahresbeginn," Jahrbuchfiir Antike und Christentum 8-9 (1965-66) 53-87. - - , A Festival of Isis in Rome Under the Christian Emperors of the IVth Century (Budapest 1937). - - , "Isiskult und Umsturzbewegung im letzten Jahrhundert der romischen Republik," Schweizer Miinzbliitter 5 (1954) 25-31. Altheim, F., A History of Roman Religion. Translated by H. Mattingly (New York 1937). Amelung, W., Die Scu/pturen des Vaticanischen Museums (2 vols. Berlin 1903-1908). Bailey, C., Religion in Virgil (New York 1935). Balsdon, J. P. V. D., Review of Koberlein, Caligula und die iigyptischen Kulte, CR 78 (1964) 91-92. - - , Roman Women: Their History and Habits (London 1962). Bayet, J., Histoire politique et psychologique de la religion romaine (Paris 1957). Beaujeu, J., La religion romaine a ['apogee de ['empire, I: La politique religieuse des Antonins (96-192) (Paris 1955). Becatti, G., "Una stela ostiense del tardo impero," La Critica d'Arte 3 (1938) 49-56. Becher, I., "Der Isiskult in Rom-ein Kult der Halbwelt?" Zeitschri/t fUr iigyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 96 (1970) 81-90. - - , "Oktavians Kampf gegen Antonius und seine Stellung zu den iigyptischen Gottem," Altertum 11 (1965) 40-47. Bell, H. I., Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt (New York 1953). Benndorf, 0., and R. Schone, Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranensischen Museums (Leipzig 1867). Bergman, J., lch bin Isis. Studien zum memphitischen Hintergrund der iigyptischen Isisaretalogien (Uppsala 1968). - - , Isis-Seele und Osiris-Ei. Zwei iigyptologische Studien zu Diodorus Siculus I 27, 4-5 (Uppsala 1970). Bevan, E., History of Egypt Under the Ptolemaic Dynasty (London 1927). Bieber, M., The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age (New York 1955). von Bissing, F. W., "Sui tipo dei sistri trovati nel Tevere," Bulletin de la Societe Archeologique d'Alexandrie 31 (1937) 211-24. Bleeker, C. J., "Isis as Saviour Goddess," in S. G. F. Brandon, ed., The Saviour God (Manchester 1963) 1-17. Bliimel, C., Romische Bildnisse (Berlin 1933). Boissier, G., La religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins (7th ed. Paris n.d.). Bonnet, H., Reallexikon der iigyptischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin 1952). Bouche-Leclercq, A., "La politique religieuse de Ptolemee Soter et le cuIte de Serapis," RHR 46 (1902) 1-30.

XIV

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brady, T. A., "Isis," in Oxford Classical Dictionary (2nd ed. Oxford 1970) 553-54. - - , The Reception of the Egyptian Cults by the Greeks (330-30 B.C.) (University of Missouri Studies, vol. 10; Columbia, Missouri 1935). Breasted, J. H., Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (New York 1959). Bruneau, Ph., Recherches sur les cultes de Delos a l'epoque helMnistique et a l'epoque imperiale (Paris 1970). Bure1, J., Isis et isiaques sous l'empire romain (Paris 1911). Burriss, E. E., "The Religious Life of Tibullus as Reflected in his Elegies," CW 22 (1929) 121-26. Burton, A., Diodorus Siculus, Book I : A Commentary (Leiden 1972). Carcopino, J., Daily Life in Ancient Rome (New Haven 1940). Casper, J. W., Roman Religion as Seen in Pliny's Natural History (Diss., University of Chicago Libraries 1934). Chastagnol, A., "La famille de Caecinia Lolliana, grande dame paienne du IVe siecle aprcs J-C," Latomus 20 (1961) 744-58. Cumont, F., "Nouveaux hymnes grecs a !sis," Revue Archeologique 6 (1935) 97-98. - - , "Rapport sur une mission a Rome," CRAI (1945) 386-420. - - , Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain (4th ed. Paris 1929). - - , "La salle isiaque de Caligula au Palatin," RHR 114 (1936) 127-29. Davies, J. G., "Was the Devotion of Septimius Severus to Serapis the Cause of the Persecution of 202-2031" JThS n.s. 5 (1954) 73-76. Degrassi, A., Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae I (Firenze 1957). Dennison, W., "A New Head of the So-Called Scipio Type: An Attempt at its Identification," AJA 9 (1905) 11-43. Dickins, G., Hellenistic Sculpture (Oxford 1920). Dill, S., Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius (London 1905). Dorchain, P., and J. Hubaux, "Vespasian au Serapeum," Latomus 12 (1953) 39-52. Dow, S., "The Egyptian Cults in Athens," HThR 30 (1937) 183-232. - - , "A Fragment of a Colossal Acrolithic Statue in the Conservatori," AJA 48 (1944) 240-50. Drexler, W., "!sis", in W. H. Roscher, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie (Leipzig 1882-1921) 2.373-548. Dubois, Ch.-A., "Cultes et dieux a Pouzzoles," Melanges d'Archeologie et d'histoire 22 (1902) 23-68. Dunand, F., Le culte d'Isis dans le bassin oriental de la mediterranee (3 vols. Leiden 1972). - - , "Une 'interpretatio romana' d'lsis, !sis d«sse des naissances," REL 40 (1962) 83-86. Erman, A., Die Religion der Agypter (Berlin/Leipzig 1934). Faulkner, R. 0., "The Bremner-Rhind Papyrus-I," JEA 22 (1936) 121-40. Ferguson, J., The Religions of the Roman Empire (lthaca, New York 1970). Festugiere, A.-J., "Initi« par l'~poux:' Monuments Piot 53 (1963) 135-46. - - , Personal Religion Among the Greeks (Berkeley 1954). --, "l\. propos des ar~ta1ogies d'lsis," HThR 42 (1949) 209-234.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

xv

Frank, T., "Race Mixture in the Roman Empire," American Historical Review 21 (1916) 689-708. Frankfort, H., Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation (New York 1948). Fraser, P. M., "Two Studies on the Cult of Sarapis in the Hellenistic World," Opuscula Atheniensia 3 (1960) 1-54. Frazer, I. G., Adonis, Attis, Osiris (3rd ed. London 1914). Friedlilnder, L., Roman Life and Manners Under the Early Empire I (7th ed. New York 1965). Fugier, H., Recherches sur I'expression du sacre dans la langue latine (Paris 1963). Gatti, G., "Topografia dell'lseo Campanense," Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia di Archeologia 20 (1943-44) 117-63. Gignon, 0., "Isis," in Lexikon der alten Welt (ZUrich und Stuttgart 1965) 1411-12. von Gonzenbach, V., "Der griechisch-rBmische Scheitelschmuck und die Funde von Thasos," BCH 93 (1969) 885-945. - - , Untersuchungen zu den Knabenweihen im Isiskult der romischen Kaiserzeit (Bonn 1957). Gotsmich, A., "Die Venus von Esquilin. Ein Symbol einer west-Bstlichen Auseinandersetzung in der Antike," Forschungen und Fortschritte 25 (1949) 193-95. Greipl, N., "Ober eine Ptolemiierinschrift," Philologus 39 (1930) 159-74. Grenfell, B. P., and A. S. Hunt, edd., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XI.l380 (London 1915). Grenier, A., Mana Ill. Les religions etrusque et romaine (Paris 1948). Griffiths, I. Gwyn, Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride. Edited With an Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (University of Wales 1970). Grimal, P., Love in Ancient Rome. Translated by A. Train, Ir. (New York 1967). Guimet, M. E., "L'lsis romaine," CRAI24 (1896) 155-60. Haight, E. H., Essays on the Greek Romances (New York 1943). Harder, R., Karpokrates von Chalkis und die memphitische Isispropaganda (Berlin 1944). Harris, E., and I. R., The Oriental Cults in Roman Britain (Leiden 1965). Hatzfeld, I., "Les italiens residant a Delos," BCH 36 (1912) 5-218. - - , Les trafiquants italiens dans l'orient hellenistique (Paris 1919). Hauser, F., "The Heads of the 'Scipio' Type," AJA 12 (1908) 56-57. Hawthorne, I. G., "Cenchreae, Port of Corinth," Archaeology 18 (1965) 191-200. Heidel, W. A., "Why Were the Jews Banished from Italy in 19 A.D.?" AJP 41 (1920) 38-47. Helbig, W., Fiihrer durch die oifentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom (4 vols., 4th ed. Tubingen 1963-72). Hinks, R. P., "Isis Suckling Horus," British Museum Quarterly 12 (1938) 74-75. Hoey, A. S., "Official Policy Towards Oriental Cults in the Roman Army," TAPA 70 (1939) 456-81. Homolle, T., "Les romains a Delos", BCH 8 (1884) 75-158. Hopfner, T., Fontes Historiae Religionis Aegypticae (Bonn 1922-25). Hornblower, G. D., "Predynastic Figures of Women and their Successors", JEA 15 (1929) 29-47. Hombostel, W., Sarapis (Leiden 1973).

XVI

BffiLIOGRAPHY

Jeanmaire, H., "La politique religieuse d'Antoine et de Cleopatre", Revue Archeologique 19 (1924) 241-61. Jones, H. S., A Catalogue of the Ancient Sculptures Preserved in the Municipal Collections of Rome. The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino (Oxford 1912). The Sculptures of the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Oxford 1926). Jouguet, P., "Les premiers Ptolemees et I'hellenisation de Sarapis," Hommages d loseph Bidez et d Franz Cumont (Collection Latomus 2; Brussels 1949). EI-Khachab, Abd EI-Mohsen, '''0 'KAPAKA.d.dOE' KOEMOKPATDP," lEA 47 (1961) 119-33. Kiefer, 0., Sexual Life in Ancient Rome (London 1934). Kiessling, E., "La genese du culte de Sarapis a Alexandrie," Chronique d'Egypte 24 (1949) 317-23. Ktiberlein, E., Caligula und die iigyptischen Kulte (Beitriige zur klassischen Philologie, Heft 3, Meisenheim an Glan 1962). Lafaye, G., Histoire du culte des divinites d'Alexandrie en dehors de I'Egypte (paris 1884). - - , "L'introduction du culte de Serapis a Rome," RHR 11 (1885) 327-29. - - , "Isis", Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines (Paris 1899) 3.577-86. Lambrechts, P., Augustus en de Egyptische godsdienst (Brussels 1956). Lanczkowski, G., "Isis und Osiris," Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche (2nd ed. Freiburg 1960) 5.789-90. La Piana, G., "Foreign Groups in Rome during the First Centuries of the Empire," HThR 20 (1927) 183-403. Latte, K., Romische Religionsgeschichte (Munich 1960). Leclant, J., "ReBets de I'Egypte dans la Iitterature latine d'apres quelques publications recents," REL 36 (1958) 81-86. Leipoldt, J., Review of R. Merkelbach, Roman und Mysterium in der Antike, Theologische Literaturzeitung 89 (1964) 16-17. - - , Die Frau in der antiken Welt und im Urchristentum (Leipzig 1954). Levy, I., "Sarapis," RHR 60 (1909) 285-98. - - , "Sarapis," RHR 61 (1910) 162-96. - - , "Sarapis," RHR 63 (1911) 125-47. - - , "Sarapis," RHR 67 (1913) 308-317. Lilja, S., The Roman Elegists' Attitude to Women (Helsinki 1965). L'Orange, H. P., Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture (Oslo 1947). Lugli. G., Roma antica. II centro monumentale (Rome 1946). Magie, D., "Egyptian Deities in Asia Minor in Inscriptions and on Coins," AlA 57 (1953) 163-87. Maj, B. M. F., I ritrafti. Museo Nationale Romano (Rome 1953). Malaise, M., Les conditions de penetration et de diffusion des cultes egyptiens en Italie (Leiden 1972). - - , Inventaire preliminaire de documents egyptiens decouverts en Italie (Leiden 1972). Marcade, J., Au Musee de Delos (Paris 1969). Mattingly, H., and E. A. Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage (London 1926).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

XVII

Mercer, S. A. B., The Religion of Ancient Egypt (London 1949). Merkelbach, R., Isisfeste in griechisch-romischer Zeit. Daten und Riten (Beitriige zur klassischen Philologie, Heft 5, Meisenheim an Glan 1963). - - , Roman und Mysterium in der Antike (Munich and Berlin 1962). Merlat, P., "Jupiter Dolichenus, Serapis et Isis," Revue Archeologique 27 (1947) 10-31. Merrill, E. T., "The Expulsion of the Jews from Rome Under Tiberius," CP 14 (1919) 365-72. Michailides, G., "Contribution it l'etude de la Grande Deesse en Egypte, 11: Isis deesse de l'amour," Bulletin de I'Institut d'Egypte 37 (1956) 191-213. Moehring, H. R., "The Persecution of the Jews and the Adherents of the Isis Cult at Rome A.D. 19," Novum Testamentum (1959) 293-304. MUller, D., Agypten und die griechischen Isis-Aretalogien (Berlin 1961). MUller, H. W., "Isis mit dem Horuskinde," Munchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 14 (1963) 7-38. - - , Der Isiskult im antiken Beneventum und Katalog der Skulpturen aus den iigyptischen Heiligtumern im Museo del Sannio zu Benevent (Berlin 1969). Nash, E., Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Rom (Rome 1961). - - , Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome (2 vols., 2nd ed. New York 1968). Nilsson, M. P., Geschichte der Griechischen Religion Il: Die Hellenistische und Romische Zeit (Munich 1950). Nock, A. D., Conversion (Oxford 1933). - - , "The Development of Paganism in the Roman Empire," CAH 12.409-49. - - , "Religious Developments From the Close of the Republic to the Death of Nero," CAH 10.491-505. Oliver, J. H., "Attic Text Reflecting the Influence of Cleopatra," Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 6 (1965) 291-94. Peters on, R., The Cults of Campania (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy at Rome, vol. 1, Rome 1919). Pettazzoni, R., La confessione dei peccati (2 vols. Bologna 1935-36). Pharr, C., "The Testimony of Josephus to Christianity," AJP 48 (1927) 137-47. Pietrangeli, C., I monumenti dei culti orientali, Musei Capitolini (Rome 1951). Piganiol, A., "La propagande paienne it Rome sous le bas-empire," Journal des Savants (1945) 19-28. Platner, S. B., A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. Completed and revised by T. Ashby (London 1929). - - , The Topography and Monuments of Ancient Rome (2nd ed. Boston 1911). Quasten, J., "Isis," Lexikonfur Theologie und Kirche (1st ed. Freiburg 1933) 5.628-29. Robert, L., Report on Y. Grandjean, Une nouvelle aretalogie d'Isis a Maronee in CRAI (1971) 532-35. Roeder, G., "!sis," in Pauly-Wissowa et al., Realencyclopiidie der c1assischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart 18941f.) 9.2084-2132. Rolley, C., "Nattes, Rubans et Pendeloques," BCH 94 (1970) 551-65. Rose, H. J., "Roman Religion, 1911-1960," JRS 50 (1960) 161-172. Rostovtzelf, M., The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World 2 (Oxford 1941).

XVIII

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Roussel, P., Les cultes egyptiens d Delos du Ill e au ler siecle av. J.-C. (Paris-Nancy 1916). - - , "Un nouvel hymne grec a Isis," REG (1929) 137-68. Rowe, A., Discovery of the Famous Temple and Enclosure of Serapis at Alexandria (Le Caire 1946). de Ruggiero, E., "Isis", Dizionario epigrafico di antichitd romane (Rome 1886ff.) vol. iv, fasc. 3. Salem, M. S., "Ennius and the 'Isiaci Coniectores·... JRS 28 (1938) 56-59. - - , "The 'Lychnapsia Philocaliana' and the Birthday of Isis," JRS 27 (1937) 165-67. Schubart, W., Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde (Berlin 1918). Scranton, R., and E. Ramage, "Investigations at Corinthian Kenchreai," Hesperia 36 (1967) 124-86. Seeck, 0., "Zur Geschichte des Isiskultus in Rom," Hermes 43 (1908) 642-43. Smallwood, E. M., "Some Notes on the Jews Under Tiberius," Latomus 15 (1956) 314-329. Smith, A. H., A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities. British Museum 3 (London 1904). Snowden, F. M., Jr., Blacks in Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass. 1970). - - , "Ethiopians and the Isiac Worship," AC 25 (1956) 112-116. Squarciapino, M. F., I culti orientali ad Ostia (Leiden 1962). Stem, H., "La date de la fete d'Isis du mois de novembre a Rome," CRAI (1968) 43-50. Stiehl, R., "The Origin of the Cult of Sarapis," History of Religions 3 (1963-64) 21-33. Sydenham, E. A., Coinage of the Roman Republic (London 1952). Tarn, W. W., Hellenistic Civilisation (3rd ed. Cleveland, Ohio 1952). Taylor, L. R., The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (Middletown, Conn. 1931). - - , "Foreign Groups in Roman Politics of the Late Republic," Hommages d Joseph Bidez et d Franz Cumont (Collection Latomus, vol. 2; Brussels 1949) 323-30. Toutain, J., Les cultes paiens dans ['empire romain (3 vols. 1907-1920). Townend, G., Review of E. K6berlein, Caligula und die iigyptischen Kulte, JRS 54 (1964) 203. Toynbee, J. M. C., Review of A. AIf6ldi, Die Kontorniaten (Budapest 1943) in JRS 35 (1945) 115-21. Tran Tarn Tinh, V., Le culte des divinites orientales en Campanie (Leiden 1972). - - , Essai sur le culte d'lsis d Pompei. Images et cultes (Paris 1964). - - , "Isis et Serapis se regardant," Revue Archiologique 28 (1970) 55-80. - - , with the collaboration of Yvette Labrecque, Isis lactans (Leiden 1973). - - , "Une statuette d·Isis-Ourania." Revue Archiologique 28 (1970) 283-96. Tschudin, P. F., Isis in Rom (Aarau 1962). Turcan, R., "Le roman 'initiatique' : Apropos d'un Iivre recent," RHR 163 (1963) 149-199. - - , Seneque et les religions orientales (Collection Latomus, vol. 91; Brussels 1967). Van Buren, A. W., "New Items From Rome," AJA 44 (1940) 376-97. Vermeule, C. C., "New Near-Eastern, Greek and Roman Sculptures in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston," CJ 56 (1960) 1-16.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

XIX

Vidman. L.. Isis und Sarapis bei den Griechen und Romern (Berlin 1970). - - . "Die Isis- und Serapis-Verehrung im 3. Iahrhundert u.Z .... Neue Beitriige zur Geschichte der Alten Welt (Berlin 1965) 2.389-400. - - . Sylloge inscriptionum religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae (Berlin 1969). Visser. E.• Gotter und Kulte in ptolemiiischen Alexandrien (Amsterdam 1938). Walsh. P. G .• The Roman Novel. The Satyricon of Petronius and the Metamorphoses of Apuleius (Cambridge 1970). WaIters. H. B.• Catalogue of the Bronzes. Greek. Roman. and Etruscan in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities. British Museum (London 1899). - - . Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and Cameos (Greek. Etruscan. and Roman) in the British Museum (2nd ed. London 1926). - - . Catalogue of the Terracottas in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities. British Museum (London 1903). Walton. F. R .• "Religious Thought in the Age of Hadrian." Numen 4 (1957) 165-70. Waltzing. I.-P .• Etude historique sur les corporations professionnelles chez les romains 1 (Louvain 1895). Wessetzky. V.• Die iigyptischen Kulte zur Romerzeit in Ungarn (Leiden 1961). West. S.• "A Further Note on ArAIlH in P. Oxy. 1380." JThS 20 (1969) 228-30. Wilcken. U .• Urkunden der Ptolemiierzeit 1 (Berlin 1927). Wille. G .• Die Bedeutung der Musik im Leben der Romer (Amsterdam 1967). Wissowa. G .• Religion und Kultus der Romer (2nd ed. Munich 1912). Witt. R. E .• "The Importance of Isis for the Fathers." Studia Patristica 8 (1966) 135-45. - - . Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (London 1971). Ziehen. I .• "Ein Ciceronianum zur Geschichte des Isiskultes in Rom." Hermes 33 (1898) 341-42. Zimmermann. F .• Die iigyptische Religion nach der Darstellung der Kirchenschri/tsteller und die iigyptischen Denkmiiler (Paderborn 1912).

CHAPTER ONE

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES From time immemorial Isis was for the Egyptian world goddess of all life. The ankh, the symbol so often held by her in ancient Egyptian representations, was the very symbol of life. Annually, according to the myth, she restored the life of Osiris, her brother-husband, god of the Nile, who in turn inundated the land, rejuvenating its fertility and providing sustenance for its inhabitants. Little wonder, then, in a land so dependent on the river for its existence, that her creative powers were deemed limitless, that she was identified with every living thing, and that she became all things to all men. Isis was the Great Lady, the Queen of Heaven, the Moon-goddess, protectress and mother of all the pharaohs. Her hieroglyph s.t. or Aset meant throne, a symbol frequently adorning her head in Egyptian portrayals. Originally she may have personified the royal throne. l She was the corn goddess, the rain goddess, and the wind goddess. She invented spinning and weaving. She was skilled as a sorceress and a healer. The ordinary Egyptian could turn to her in an infinite number of troubles. Isis's union with Osiris, too, existed from all time, and it was of the deepest intimacy. Plutarch tells of the sexual union of the two already in their mother's womb before their birth. 2 The doctrine of Heliopolis makes the two, along with Seth, or Typhon as Plutarch calls him, and Nephthys, the children of the earth god Geb and the sky goddess Nut. Typhon's plot against Osiris, Isis's wanderings in search of her husband, her discovery of him, and the birth of Horus from the seed of his dead father are well known from Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride. 3 In legend Isis showed herself the ideal wife, characterized by her complete love of and devotion to Osiris, and the ideal mother in her relationship with Horus, known in the Graeco-Roman world as Harpocrates; the three formed a model family, the object of Egyptian admiration. In all of her very human aspects Isis was to touch the hearts of many

s. A. B. Mercer, The Religion of Ancient Egypt (London 1949) 198. Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 12 (356A). a Ibid., 12ff. (355D ff.). 1 I

2

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

in the post-Alexandrian period and her faith was to spread itself throughout all of Europe and Asia Minor. 4 But first a transformation took place among the three divinities, and it was the resultant Hellenistic goddess who took hold of the Graeco-Roman world. The Greeks who first learned of the cult, refusing to accept any gods who did not correspond to the Greek conceptions of the divine, identified Isis and her new husband Sarapis with their own deities; so these Egyptian gods took on new attributes. Certain aspects of the cult, particularly those concerning animals, found no place in the Greek worship and were discarded, and other typically Greek practices found their way into the cult. Outwardly Isis in various art forms took on a new appearance, but her most basic characteristics and much of the Egyptian ritual were retained. It has generally been believed until very recently that Ptolemy I Soter, at some point during his reign as king of Egypt (305-283 B.C.), sought a god in whose worship both Egyptians and Egyptian-based Greeks might join together. The legend was that in a dream Ptolemy had a vision of a colossal statue bidding him to bring it to Alexandria immediately; when described, the statue was said by a certain traveler or travelers to be that of Pluto in Sinope. 5 This, says Tacitus, is the most , For the widespread influence of the cult see G. Lafaye, Histoire du culte des divinites d'Alexandrie (Paris 1883); T. A. Brady, The Reception of the Egyptian Cults by the Greeks (330-30 B.C.) (University of Missouri Studies X; Columbia, Missouri 1935); V. Wessetzky, Die iigyptischen Kulte zur Romerzeit in Ungarn (Leiden 1961); M. F. Squarciapino, I culti orientali ad Ostia (Leiden 1962); V. Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai sur le culte d'lsis a Pompei. Images et cultes (Paris 1964); G. y. Bellido, Les religions orientales dans l'Espagne romaine (Leiden 1967); E. and J. R. Harris, The Oriental Cults in Roman Britain (Leiden 1965); L. Zotovic, Les cultes orientaux sur le territoire de la Mesie Superieure (Leiden 1966); G. Grimm, Die Zeugnisse iigyptischer Religion und Kunstelemente im romischen Deutschland (Leiden 1969); V. Tran Tarn Tinh, Le culte des divinites orientales a Herculanum (Leiden 1971); id., Le culte des divinites orientales en Campanie (Leiden 1972); M. Malaise, Inventaire preliminaire des documents egyptiens retrouves en Italie (Leiden 1972); id., Les conditions de penetration et de diffusion des cultes egyptiens en Italie (Leiden 1972); F. Dunand, Le culte d'lsis dana le bassin oriental de la Mediterranee : I. Le culte d'lsia et les Ptolt!mees; H. Le culte d'lsis en Grece; HI. Le culte d'lsis en Asie Mineure. Le clerge et rituel des sanctuaires isiaques (Leiden 1972); and the works continually being published in the series Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans ['empire romain edited by M. J. Vermaseren. For a quick view of the spread of the cult see the maps in R. E. Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (London 1971) 56-57. I Piu., DIO 28 (361F-362B); Tac., Hist. 4.83-84.

mSTORlCAL PERSPECTIVES

3

popular account of the origin of the god, but others claim he came from Seleucia at the time of Ptolemy III Euergetes, 6 and still others make Memphis his home.? The theory, however, that Sarapis8 was of Egyptian origin, deriving his character and name from Osiris-Apis (Osor-Hapi), the deified bull or series of bulls from Memphis, 9 is now generally accepted. 10 It may be said, then, that if Ptolemy was the founder of the cult, he merely gave official recognition to a cult that already existed and Hellenized its iconography.l1 Realizing that a god represented as a bull would in no way be acceptable to the Greek mind, Ptolemy, as the theory goes, commissioned the famed Athenian sculptor Bryaxis to create a cult statue, the result being a colossal, seated divinity with a majestic bearing, his abundant hair adorned with the calathos, symbol of fertility; on the whole, it very much resembled Zeus or Asclepius. 12 The theory that attributes this statue to Bryaxis, however, can not be followed although it is possible that a work of his influenced the Alexan-

8 According to Isidore in Clem. Alex., Protr. 4.48.2, the statue was brought by the Seleucians near Antioch. Cf. also Tac., Hist. 4.84. 7 Tac., Hist. 4.84. 8 The spelling Sarapis was already more than two centuries old when Serapis, which the Romans preferred, replaced it. (L. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis bei den Griechen und Romern [Berlin 1970] 24). , Piu., DIO 20 (359B) and 29 (362C) explains Apis as the image of the soul of Osiris. For an explanation of the rites associated with the Apis bull see E. Bevan, A History of Egypt Under the Ptolemaic Dynasty (London 1927) 41-42. 10 For a full explanation of the theory of Memphian origin see Bouche-Leclercq, "La politique religieuse de Ptolemee Soter et le culte de Serapis," RHR 46 (1902) 1-30 und U. Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemiierzeit (Berlin and Leipzig 1927) 1.77-88. For a discussion of earlier views see Wilcken, UPZ 1.77-88 and I. Levy in his four articles entitled "Sarapis" : RHR 60 (1909) 285-98, RHR 61 (1910) 162-96, RHR 63 (1911) 125-47, RHR 67 (1913) 308-17. For attempts to prove that Sarapis originated in Sinope see C. F. Lehmann, "Sarapis contra Oserapis," Klio 4 (1904) 396-401 and R. Stiehl, "The Origin of the Cult of Sarapis," History of Religions 3 (1963-64) 21-23. 11 J. Gwyn Griffiths in his edition of Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride (Univ. of Wales 1970) 394. This edition is hereafter simply referred to as Griffiths. 18 F. Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain (4th ed. Paris 1929) 72; Brady, Reception 10 ; P.M. Fraser, "Two Studies on the Cult of Sarapis in the Hellenistic World," Opuscula Atheniensia 3 (1960) 3 n. 1. For a detailed discussion of the appearance of this statue and of its creator see W. Hornbostel, Sarapis (Leiden 1973), esp. pp. 59-133 and 35-58.

4

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

drian Sarapis.13 An important sanctuary of Sarapis would have to have been built during the lifetime of Bryaxis, a fact which scarcely seems possible given that the sculptor flourished c. 350 B.C.14 The first cult statue in the most ancient sanctuary was very likely an Egyptian statue; the oldest extant Greek representation of Sarapis belonged to the reign of a successor of Euergetes,15 probably Ptolemy IV, so it is difficult to place farther back than the reign of Ptolemy III a Hellenistic statue of Sarapis. Perhaps the latter ruler brought back with him from Seleucia a statue sculpted in the style of Bryaxis.16 A great deal of controversy surrounds the validity of several aspects of this theory of Ptolemaic origin. Objections to the belief that Ptolemy created Sarapis to unite the Egyptians and the Greeks resident in Egypt were first raised by W. Schubart17 who asserted that such a unifying policy scarcely corresponded to the political viewpoint of Ptolemy I. Schubart was supported in this belief by his student E. Visser18 who raised the question of whether the Greek population in Egypt needed a unifying god to bring it into a relationship with the Egyptian religion and who demonstrated that such a relationship already existed. Visser has further demonstrated that the court poets gave very little attention to Sarapis,19 the opposite of which would be expected if Ptolemy were attempting to promote the god. In a recent study P. M. Fraser20 gave his attention to this matter and showed that in terms of dedications, papyri, and literary evidence Sarapis had very limited appeal in Ptolemaic Egypt; he was worshiped more in the third century than at any other time, mostly in Alexandria, and mostly by Greeks; Egyptians participated in the cult only insofar as they were Hellenized. The Greeks, concludes Fraser, seem to have been foremost in Ptolemy's mind when he created the god though certainty is impossible without a clearer understanding of the Greek and Egyptian elements of the cult. While 13 Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.58. 14

16 18

17 18 19

80

I. Uvy, "Sarapis," RHR 63 (1911) 138. This representation appears on a silver coin; cf. Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.58 n. 2. Ibid., 1.58. W. Schubart, Einfuhrung in die Papyruskunde (Berlin 1918) 339. E. Visser, Goffer und Kulte im Ptolemiiischen Alexandrien (Amsterdam 1938) 20. Ibid., 21. Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 9-19.

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

5

giving his attention to the creation of Sarapis by Ptolemy I, J. Gwyn Griffiths21 comments that Fraser's conclusions are unobjectionable. In this connection, however, he has raised two questions which deserve further consideration if Fraser's theory is to stand: 1) "why was the choice made from the Egyptian pantheon rather than the Greek?"; 2) "why was the anthropomorphic Osiris or Isis not chosen rather than a god that was partly theriomorphic in origin?" A possible or at least partial answer to these questions lies in the theory that Ptolemy I intended the cult for the Greeks residing in Egypt and for Hellenized Egyptians but not for the native population. His purpose would have been to supply the Greeks, especially those at Alexandria, with the divine protector which they had been lacking. Because of the position of the Greeks in Egypt this protector would require Egyptian elements.22 Controversy also surrounds the dating of the introduction of Sarapis to Alexandria. Lack of dated evidence makes it impossible to conclude precisely at what date or in what manner the god's cult was transferred from Memphis to Alexandria. Fraser23 would link the date to the transfer of the Egyptian capital from Memphis to Alexandria, concluding that the earliest date at which Sarapis could have been introduced to Alexandria was 320 B.C., though there is no direct evidence for this. In an important article written several years ago N. Greipl,24 while discussing an inscription from Halicarnassus (VS 270=OGIS 16), concluded that it is impossible to place the introduction in Ptolemy's governorship since there is no evidence for it. She would allow the last decade of Ptolemy's reign as a possible date for introduction. Previously the inscription from Halicarnassus was dated between 308 and 306 B.C., which dates were believed to be the latest possible period for the introduction of Sarapis. 25 Griffiths 395. Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 19; Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.55. 23 Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 2-3 D. 1. 84 N. Greipl, "Ober eine Ptolemiierinschrift," Philologus 39 (1930) 17'1. 25 WiIcken, UPZ 1.82. See the literary evidence for introduction under the reign Ptolemy I in Tac., Hist. 4.83; PIu., DIO 28 (361F), De sol/ertia animalium 36 (984A-B); Eustathius, Ad Dionys. Perieg. 255. Cf. also Jerome in Eusebius, Chronica 2.119 who dates the introduction to 286 B.C., and CyriI of Alexandria, Contra Julian 1 and the Armenian version of Eusebius which put the date in 280 B.C. Clement of Alexandria, Protr. 4.48.1 if. makes Ptolemy PhiIadelphus the recipient of the Sarapis statue from the Sinopeans. 21 21

6

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

Greipl, however, and Vidman (VS 270) after her, place the inscription in 271/270 B.C. or later and interpret the Ptolemy there mentioned as Ptolemy 11 Philadelphus. A number of private dedications to Sarapis and Isis at the beginning of the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus indicate that the cult had been introduced to Alexandria before this time. 26 Furthermore, Menander's words WS UEP.VOS Eapams 8EOS 27 imply that the introduction of Sarapis must have been prior to 291 B.C., the date of the author's death. 2s In a most recent discussion of the dating of the beginnings of Sarapis, however, Vidman has expressed the opinion that the theory that Alexander the Great was familiar with Sarapis must no longer be passed over in silence. 29 In fact, says Vidman, the Alexander tradition in which Sarapis was connected with Alexander survived until the Middle Ages. Speaking of the need for greater attention to the theory that the Sarapis cult originated in the time of Alexander the Great, Vidman mentions the work of F. Pfister (Alexander der Grosse in den Offenbarungen der Griechen, Juden, Mohammedaner und Christen [Berlin 1956]) who supported this theory. Following Pfister, C. Bradford Welles in his article, "The Discovery of Sarapis and the Foundation of Alexandria," Historia 11 (1962) 271-98, supported the Alexander theory. It remains uncertain, however, whether the theory of Ptolemaic origin or that of origin in the time of Alexander the Great is the correct one. At any rate Sarapis existed already at the end of the fourth century B.C. whether or not his origin is placed in the time of Alexander. 30 Sarapis quickly became known outside of Egypt. Already at the end of the fourth century B.C. an inscription from Halicarnassus (VS 269) indicates that Sarapis and Isis were worshiped by a couple and their children. This is regarded by Fraser as the oldest mention of the Hellenistic cult outside of Egypt. 31 It is true that an inscription from Athens from 333/32 B.C. (VS I =IG 2/3 2 .337) mentions a temple of Isis, but she was the pre-Hellenistic Isis as indicated by the fact that only oZ Alyv7rno, 28

27 28

29 80 81

Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 2 and n. 1. P. Oxy. IS03.9. Cf. Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.51 and n. 3. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 22. Ibid.,2S. Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 34 n. 1.

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

7

were connected with her, as is also the case in a fourth-century inscription from Eretria (VS 73=IG Suppl. 562) which consists only of the words AlYV7TTLO' "1c,,8,.32 Also from the fourth century B.C.33 comes an inscription from Perinthus in Thrace (VS 128) in which a priest is already mentioned. The third century B.C. witnessed the establishment of the Hellenistic cults along the coasts of insular and continental Greece. Initially, the cult worship was confined to private individuals or associations, but eventually public cults arose. One of the most important cult centers in this early period was Delos whose first Serapeum was built about the year 205 B.C. 34 through the mediation of Apollonius 11, grandson of the Egyptian priest who had come from Memphis and brought the cult with him.s5 The most ancient inscription from Delos concerning the Egyptian gods is one dedicated to Isis (VS CE=IG 11.4.1306) dating back to the end of the fourth or the beginning of the third century B.C.36 After Delos lost its independence to Athens, the Delian cult became official. Athens in turn was influenced to some degree by the thriving cult at Delos. 37 While the cult had already been known in Athens for some time as an inscription (VS 2=IG 2/3 2 .1292) mentioning an association of Sarapiastai and dating from 215/14 B.C. indicates, the cult was not officially recognized there until just after 200 B.C. as is shown by an inscription (VS 3=IG 2/3 2 .4692) in which the priest and the zacorus mentioned were Athenian citizens. 38 A glance at the inscriptions will show that the cult spread widely Vidman, lsis und Sarapis 34. Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 37 n. 6. 84 Vidman, lsis und Sarapis 37. 85 P. Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens a Delos du lIl e au ler siecle av. J.-c. (Nancy 1916) 72. For a brief but well-organized listing of the sources for the evidence from Delos see Ph. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Delos a l'epoque hellenistique et a /'t!poque imperiale (Paris 1970) 457-59. 88 This dating is according to M. Malaise, Les conditions de penetration et de diffusion des cultes egyptiens en ltalie (Leiden 1972) 276. 37 The name of '1,,,y£VYJs was held by an Athenian who was born at the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century B.C. (IG 22.1727) The appearance of a theophoric name so early is significant; it is probable that in this family the cult of Isis was practiced though it was not yet official at Athens. Dunand, Le culte d'lsis 2.5-6. 88 Vidman, lsis und Sarapis 37. 32

83

8

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

in the second and first centuries B.C. to numerous Greek cities in, for example, Boeotia, Phocis, the Peloponnesus, Euboea, Epirus, Thessaly, Thrace, and Macedonia, to Rhodes and the islands of the Aegean and to the cities of Asia Minor.39 The widespread popularity of the cult led to the theory maintained until very recently that the spread of the cult of Isis and Sarapis outside of Egypt was due to its deliberate promotion for political reasons by the Ptolemies. In his work on the Egyptian cults at Delos P. Roussel first gave indications that this theory certainly did not apply at Delos where official documents showed that an ordinary priest with no political intentions simply brought the cult with him from Memphis to Delos. Roussel could not find any proof that the Ptolemies favored the propagation of the cult of Sarapis and Isis at Delos. 40 Fraser took up this idea and applied it to several other cities in which the cult was popular at an early period. He has successfully shown that the theory of Ptolemaic propagation must be abandoned for, according to him : Not only is the cult of Sarapis practiced as a public cult almost exclusively, so far as our present knowledge goes, in cities which were never Ptolemaic, such as Rhodes and Priene, and even in the capitals and main cities of monarchs continually hostile to Egypt, such as Thessalonica and Laodicea, but it is conspicuously absent from the main Ptolemaic preserves. Against this it is useless to set the evidence of the new places which had the cult (usually in private form, so far as we can tell), and also happen to have been Ptolemaic. The theory of Ptolemaic inspiration must be abandoned in its entirety. The cult spread spontaneously unaffected by political factors.41 The cult of Sarapis and the associated deities spread spontaneously by means of merchants, Greeks who had served in Egyptian military or 89 For a complete and systematic discussion of the appearance of Sarapis and Isis in Greece see Brady, Reception, and W. Drexler, "Isis," in W. H. Roscher, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie (Leipzig 1882-1921) 2.373-95. See also the summary treatment in Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 15-19. 40 Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens 244 : "La domination des Lagides parait donc avoir dure une quarantaine d'annees environ. Or, on chercherait en vain la preuve que, durant ce laps de temps, i1s aient en quelque mesure favorise la propagation du culte de Sarapis et d'Isis a Delos." Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Delos 466, likewise believes that the introduction of the Egyptian cults in Delos was not due to Lagid influence. 41 Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 47.

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

9

civilian capacities,42 travelers, sailors, and priests. It is not altogether clear to what extent the cult spread directly from Egypt and to what extent Greek cities that received the cults early acted as intermediaries,43 but in view of the rejection of the theory of Ptolemaic promotion it would seem likely that the older foundations of the cult played an important part in the spread of the cult. Certain cities which were great trading centers are likely to have been influential in this spread 44 as seems most evident in the reception of the cults by Italy. According to the most common thesis it was at Alexandria that the Hellenistic Isis was born, and the iconography she received was entirely new.45 Whether or not it was intended that Isis should be connected with this new god Sarapis in much the same way as she was with Osiris is not absolutely clear. She became very quickly associated with Sarapis as the inscriptions reveal; the majority of the dedications of this period are made to both Sarapis and Isis together. 46 There is no certain evidence that any of the Ptolemies dedicated a temple to both Sarapis and Isis in Egypt,47 so official initiative here is not directly evident. The association of Isis with Sarapis could be a most natural and spontaneous one in the light of Sarapis's creation from Osiris-Apis. Spontaneous or otherwise, the association of the two was made, at least to some degree. For the Egyptians continued to worship Isis as the old Egyptian divinity while to the Greek population she was the wife of Sarapis,48 represented under a new cult type. Here again there is a lack of clarity about her development in this period; little is known of the nature of the Egyptian and Greek elements involved in her cult. It is certain, however, that the 42 Brady, Reception 17. 43 Ibid., 31 where Brady says, "In almost all instances, the further extension of the worship of Sarapis after the reign of Euergetes I came by way of the older foundations in the Greek world and not from Egypt." In evaluating this statement it is necessary to keep in mind that Brady advocated the theory of Ptolemaic interest in racial union and of Ptolemaic promotion outside of Egypt and feels that by this time such Ptolemaic interest had died. 44 Ibid., 32 where Brady mentions as possible intermediate centers Eretria, Boeotia, and Methana. Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 49 suggests Rhodes and Delos. 46 Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.80. 48 Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 4. 47 Ibid. 48 Brady, Reception 17; Dunand" Le culte d'Isis 1.79.

10

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

two divinities became inseparable in the Graeco-Roman world; mention of one implied the other. 49 By the second century B.C. the Romans already knew of the Egyptian cults. As to precisely how or at what date the cults first entered Italy nothing is certain, but contact between Italians and those who were familiar with the cults occurred in several instances. The climate for learning of Sarapis and Isis was particularly good at Delos where the cult in the second century B.C. was a thriving one. As early as the first half of the second century B.C. Italian negotiatores were settled at Delos. 50 Since the Greek termed any Italian ·Pwp.a'ios whether he was a slave, a freedman, or an actual citizen of Rome, it is impossible to know the exact origin of all of the Italians at Delos although many have been shown to have come from southern Italy.51 Dedications of Italians at Delos to the Egyptian gods appeared most frequently toward the end of the second century B.C., but some were set up at the beginning of the second century. 52 Roussel notes that after 166 B.C. there was among the Isiaci at Delos a large number of Italians: ten are found among the inventories, fifteen or sixteen in the dedications, and seventy are listed as subscribers. 53 From 166 to 88 B.C. there appeared at Delos the names of one hundred fifteen Italians who adhered to the Isiac religion. 54 It is entirely possible that these Italians returned home and 41 At Delos, for example, Sarapis was always worshiped most preponderantly, but Isis was of nearly equal importance. She was called the spouse of Sarapis. She had her own temple in the official sanctuary and was often invoked alone in dedications. Cf. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Delos 463 and also J. Marcad6, Au Musee de Delos (Paris 1969) 428. 60 J. Hatzfeld, "Les Italiens a D610s," BCH 36 (1912) 5, 141-142; id., Les trafiquants ita liens dans Orient hellenistique (Paris 1919) 34-36. 61 Hatzfeld, BCH 36 (1912) 130-34. Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 20, however, cites Hatzfeld as a source for the statement that in the first half of the second century B.C. many Roman negotiatores were settled at Delos. 52 The names of the Italian dedicants at Delos can be found in Hatzfeld's article in BCH 36 (1912) 197-218 and in Brady, Reception 69, with some further additions made by Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 96-97. See also Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 283-303 where he gives a prosopographia of Italians attested in the Egyptian cults at Delos. He lists one as early as the end of the third/beginning of the second century B.C., one 158/7 B.C., and one before 156 B.C. 62 Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens 283-84. 64 Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 331.

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

11

introduced their newly discovered religion to their fellow citizens. It is more likely that exposure to the cults in Delos rather than at Alexandria was responsible for their introduction to Italy. Although Italian negotiatores resided in or had passing contact with Alexandria, the cult of Sarapis, as been said, did not flourish there. The proximity of Italy to Sicily made it possible that Italians could come into contact with the Egyptian cults. The new cult was introduced to Sicily shortly after 214 B.C.55 The old theory that Agathocles, the tyrant of Syracuse, and his wife Theoxena, the daughter of Ptolemy 11, brought the cult to Sicily about 300 B.C. has now been rejected since it was based on an incorrect reference and also on the imperialistic theory. 56 Coins from Catana (now Catania) with representations of Isis and Sarapis appeared at the end of the third and the beginning of the second century B.C.57 Bronze coins from Syracuse having the same representations were minted shortly after 212 B.C. 58 Corresponding chronologically to the appearance of these coins is an inscription on an altar originating perhaps as early as the end of the third century B.C. in Tauromenium (VS 513=IG 14.433) in which Sarapis and Isis (called Hestia) are mentioned. The significance of Sicily as a trade route could have brought many Italians into contact with the Egyptian cults, although the limited number of Isiac documents from Sicily shows that it did not play a large role in the diffusion of the cults in Italy. In addition, Italians could have learned of the cults in other cult centers which Italian merchants frequented. In the Republican period ·Pwp.a'io, also appeared in such cult centers as Eretria and Chalcis,59 and Italians could have come into contact with the Egyptian cults at Athens, Boeotia, Euboea, Thessaly, and Macedonia. 60 Despite all of this opportunity for 65 G. Manganaro, "Ricerche di antichita e di epigrafia siceliote," Archeologica classica 17 (1965) 191. 68 Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 47 n. 3; G. Manganaro, "Ricerche di epigrafia siceliota," Siculorum Gymnosium 14 (1961) 175-98; id., Archaeologica c1assica 17 (1965) 189-91; Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 29-31. 67 M. S. Salem, "Ennius and the 'Isiaci Coniectores'," JRS 28 (1938) 58 and

n.13. &8

at 10

Manganaro, Archaeologica c1assica 17 (1965) 190-91. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 98-99 and nn. 17 and 18. Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 265.

12

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

contact with the cults, there are relatively few traces of actual participation in these cults by ltalians. 61 Italians were also exposed to the Egyptian cults on their own soil by means of a steady stream of Egyptian merchants and sailors who played an increasingly important part in the commerce of the Mediterranean. A particularly interesting note in this regard is the observation by Vidman that no standard publication concerning the Isis cult refers to the fact that the oldest witness of the cult in Spain occurred as early as 79 B.C.62 It is a question of an altar found in the camp of Caecilius Metellus on which appears the bust of the bearded Sarapis. This altar was of Alexandrian origin and was brought into the camp by oriental merchants. The earliest evidence for the cults in Italy is the well-known city ordinance from Puteoli dating to the year 105 B.C. (VS 497 = CIL 10.1781) which provided for the construction of a wall in the area in front of the temple of Sarapis. 63 Analogies show that there normally was a considerable duration of time between the first appearance of a religion and its definite establishment,64 which in this case is proved by the presence of a temple to Sarapis. It seems probable that there also was at Puteoli a temple of Isis. 65 During the first and second centuries B.C. the role of the Aegean as the leading market for Hellenistic goods had diminished and that of Italy and the West increased. Since the beginning of the second century B.C. when she had received a Roman colony, Puteoli increasingly became the chief commercial port of southern Italy at the 61 Ibid., 267 where Malaise points to only three such Greek inscriptions: VS 48=IG 7.540, from Tanagra in Boeotia, 97-95 B.C.; VS Ilia from Thessalonica in Macedonia, first century B.C., VS III b from Thessalonica, first century B.C. 62 Ibid., 100 and n. 22. 63 Only two other inscriptions, both of them dedications to Sarapis, have been found in Puteoli. They are both of a much later date, one (VS 498=CIL 10.1593) dated merely after Trajan, the other (VS 499=CIL 10.1594) dating from the end of the second or beginning of the third century A.D. For a boat-shaped lamp with a likeness of Isis crowning Sarapis see Witt, Isis pI. 40. 84 Ch.-A. Dubois, "Cultes et dieux a Pouzzoles," Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire 22 (1902) 44. 86 See. V. Tran Tarn Tinh, Le culte des divinites orientales en Campanie (Leiden 1972) 23-24 where he speaks of two vases, one from Prague, the other from Odemeira, that indicate by inscription and depiction respectively the existence of an Iseum at Puteoli.

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

13

expense of Neapolis.66 In this position Puteoli was open to the reception of the Egyptian cults from many places. Among the many Campanians who paid hommage to Sarapis, Isis, and Anubis in Delos, the Puteolians figured in the first place. 67 The passage from Valerius Maximus (9.14.3) where Valerius relates that the name "Serapio" was given by the vulgus to the young Cornelius Scipio who became consul in 138 B.C., because of his resemblance to a slave who had this cognomen68 is sometimes used as an indication that the cult was known in Italy in the first half of the second century B.C. However, this does not necessarily mean that the cult had already been introduced among the lower classes, but might simply be a question of a Greco-oriental slave. 69 In a passage from Cicero, De divinatione 1.58, the following words are attributed to Ennius : non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem; non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astro)ogos; non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somnium; In an article discussing this passage M. S. Salem70 explains that early editors of the De divinatione used to attribute this passage to Ennius, but since the time of F. H. Bothe (Poetae scenici Latinorum [Halberstadt 1823]) this view has been opposed. While Salem admits that it is impossible to call these the ipsissima verba of Ennius, he attempts to show that they can be a close paraphrase of his words. Most important, Salem has emphasized that those who reject the Ennian origin of the words simply on the grounds of chronological impossibility are incorrect since it is entirely possible that Ennius was familiar with the cult of Isis. While discussing the use of the term /siaci, Vidman says that it appears to him very doubtful that Ennius could have used this expression since this passage is the oldest proof for the use of the adjective lsiacus, although he acknowledges the Isis cult was familiar to Ennius.71 While, R. M. Peterson, The Cults of Campania (Rome 1919) 101. Tran Tarn Tinh, Campanie 25. 68 G. Lafaye, "L'introduction du culte de S6rapis a Rome," RHR 11 (1885) 327-29. 8. Malaise, Les conditions de penetTation 255 n. 3. 70 Salem, JRS 28 (1938) 56-59. 71 Vidman, lsis und SaTapis 92. Malaise, Les conditions de penetTation 247, believes that the Isiac cult only began to win Campania at this period and appeared at Rome only at the beginning of the first century D.C. 88

87

14

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

in the opmlOn of this writer, it is not quite so doubtful that Ennius could have used these words, this passage certainly cannot be used as concrete proof of any sort for the chronology of the cult in Italy, nor need it be since proof of the early existence of the cult especially in Sicily and Delos makes it very possible that Rome had already been exposed to the cults at the time of Ennius's entrance into Rome. The spread of the Egyptian cults was rapid and met with little opposition in Campania. 72 In addition to Puteoli they spread to Pompeii, Herculaneum, Naples,73 and Stabiae. 74 Malaise recently has made a particularly revealing analysis of the Isiac sites in Italy.75 Nearly all the sites are of an urban character. The south of Italy which witnessed a transfer of the population from the towns to the country showed little predilection for the gods of Egypt. Those places favorable to the cults were frequently on a shore, and many were important ports. Those at the interior were situated on branches of trade routes or not far distant. Such places having a commercial inclination were more open to Grecooriental influence. It is evident, then, that the Egyptian gods definitely followed the negotiatores. The rich finds in Pompeii reveal that Isis and Sarapis flourished there at the time of the eruption of Vesuvius. 76 But the road to Rome was a rougher one. From an early time the Roman government exercised control over groups which associated for religious reasons. 77 Many of the foreign cults that made their way to Rome at the beginning of the second century B.c. were well suited for the gathering of subversives from the lower classes of Roman society. Such religions appealed greatly to the masses to whom the official Roman religion was dry and meaningless. The pomp of their festivities and the awesomeness of their mysticism were a welcome substitute for the perfunctory contractual 72 Tran Tarn Tinh, Campanie 34, notes that it is interesting that in Campania much more than elsewhere, Isis took on all of her forms, being endowed with the most diverse attributes to please the faithful. 73 There was perhaps a temple of the Egyptian gods at Naples at the end of the second century B.C. Tran Tarn Tinh, Campanie 29. 74 Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 26. 75 Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 348. 76 See Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai for the archaeological finds at Pompeii. 77 A. AlfOldi, "Isiskult und Umsturzbewegung im letzten Jahrhundert der ROmischen Republik," Schweizer Munzbliitter 5 (1954) 26.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

15

tone of the state religion. Moreover, the mystery religions gave the illusion of intellectual certainty and offered the reward of a future life in return for piety.7s The associations of Isiaci which arose among the lower classes could, if not carefully guarded by the authorities, exercise strong political power. Enemy activity concealed under the aura of religion was rooted out with force. There is no better example than the action taken by the Senate in 186 B.C. against the devotees of Bacchus as a result of the passage of the Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus. The social upheaval of the first century B.C. found a gathering place for its dissatisfied elements in the secret associations of worshipers of the Alexandrine gods. In a numismatic study, A. Alf6ldi 79 has asserted that at least one such association housed on the Capitoline Hill managed to express its revolutionary tendencies on coins. Already in the 80's B.C. the coin issues portrayed references to the exotic surroundings of Isis and her associated symbols without depicting the goddess or her companion gods themselves. so A series of such coins, with symbols of a scorpion,s1 a lotus flower,s2 a crocodile,s3 an ibis,s4 a pyramid,Bs and a sistrum, B6 used as propaganda, appeared for a period of a decade. After 70 B.C. Isis herself appeared with a sacred bird, B7 and the sistrum and the lotus flower were represented together. BB The symbolism on these coins seems, according to Alf6ldi, to have originated not from the triumviri monetales but from the lower-ranking staff in the work rooms

Cumont, Les religions orientales 24-35. AlfOldi, Schweizer Miinzbliitter 5 (1954) 28-30. 80 Ibid. 81 E. Babelon, Description historique et chronologique des Monnaies de la rlpub/ique romaine (Paris 1885-86) I, p. 293, #266, #241; 2, p. 7, # 140; p. 566; H. A. Grueber, Coins o/the Roman Republic in the British Museum (London 1910) 1, #2588, #2602. 82 Babelon, Description 1, p. 294, #230; 2, p. 7, #95; Grueber, Coins I, #2531. 88 Babelon, Description 2, p. 7, # 102; Grueber, Coins I, #2569. 84 Babelon, Description I, p. 293, # 166; Grueber, Coins I, #2056. 85 Grueber, Coins 1, #2007, p. 252. 88 A. Fabretti, Raccolta numismatica del R. Museo di Antichita di Torino, Mon. Consulari (Rome/Turin 1876) p. 152, #2815. 87 Babelon, Description 2, p. 403, #23, # 123. 88 Babelon, Description 2, p. 403, # 140; Grueber, Coins I, #3449. For other similar coin-types see Tran Tam Tinh, Essai 20-21. 78 78

16

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVFS

located under the temple of Juno Moneta. 89 In this connection the college of Pastophores, founded in the time of Sulla90 and evidently associated with a sanctuary on the Capitoline,91 provided the manpower and the inspiration in conjunction with assistance from some important political functionaries or merchants who had formed attachments to the cults in the midst of business ventures. At least one such person is knownthe curule aedile M. Plaetorius Cestianus, an associate of Crassus, who, says Alf6ldi, issued for the games of Magna Mater in 55 B.C. two cointypes, one with the bust of Isis Panthea. 92 This propaganda was connected with Crassus's attempt to exploit the situation through the agency of the aedile. 93 Something of a discrepancy, however, surrounds the dating of this coin with the image of Isis Panthea. Plaetorius Cestianus minted coins under the authority granted to him by the Senate as curule aedile, an office which he filled in 68 or 67 B.C. Lafaye believed it was impossible that as early as 68 B.C. a state coin could be minted with the image of Isis and suggested that it recalled a diplomatic mission of Plaetorius to Egypt. 94 Vidman in a recent discussion of this problem considers the dating of the coin in 55 B.C. questionable. 9s Indeed, it is difficult to understand how such a coin could be struck in the very midst of the persecutions of Isis followers and the destruction of Isiac altars that were so frequent in that period of the history of the religion. Alf6ldi in his study gave no reasons for suggesting that Plaetorius Cestia88 Likewise, AlfOldi treats the art of the period of the Gracchi. See Alfoldi, "Die alexandrinischen Gotter und die vota publica am Jahresbeginn," Jahrbuch lur Antike und Christentum 8-9 (1965-66) 53-87. On page 62 of that article he states that from 64 B.C. symbols on wall paintings could no longer be considered mere proofs of the mystery religiosity of the period. They had now become characteristics of the revolution. Here, Alfoldi reiterates his belief that Isiac cult associations served as a base for revolutionary organizations, suggesting that they were a serious danger in Rome. 90 Apul., Met. 11.30. 81 VS 377=CIL 6.2247 mentions a priest of Isis Capitolina. A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Latinae liberae rei publicae (Firenze 1957) 1.159 dates this inscription before 58 B.C. and Vidman accepts this date. 81 Alfoldi, Schweizer Munzbliitter 5 (1954) 30; P. Tschudin, Isis in Rom (Aarau 1962) 16; E. A. Sydenham, The Coinage 01 the Roman Republic (London 1952) #809. Sydenham describes the coin-type as representing Vacuna and dates it 68-66B.C. 83 Tschudin,lsis 16. N Lafaye, Histoire du culte 240-41. 81 Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 101-104.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

17

nus minted the coin with the image of Isis Panthea in 55 RC. rather than at the time when he was believed to have been curule aedile. Vidman explains, however, that in another connection Alfoldi did attempt to prove according to stylistic grounds, minting technique, and peculiarity of stamp cut that Plaetorius issued two mints, one without the inscription AED. CVR. which Alfoldi places in 62 RC. and one with the inscription AED. CVR. which he dates in 55 B.C. S8 While Vidman asserts that only a numismatist can corroborate Alfoldi's methods (he notes that M. H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coin Hoards [London 1969J 2-3, expresses certain hesitations about these methods), he himself believes that the coin was struck before 64 B.C. Furthermore, as to the reasons for the minting of such coins, Vidman draws a parallel to the appearance of the so-called Isis propaganda of the Senate in the fourth century A.D. AlfOldi explained the appearance of Isiac symbols on these coins as a reaction of the pagan aristocracy against Christianity and the Christian emperors, and he connected the issuance of these coins with the vota publica of the new year on behalf of the emperor. S? Vidman rejects the notion of pagan propaganda by the Senate, however, and accepts the little-known thesis expounded by S. Mazzarino, "La propaganda imperiale nel tardo impero (1939-1951)," Doxa 4 (1951) 121-48, that the minting by the Senate of coins with Isiac symbols was merely an attempt to appease the tastes of the Roman lower classes. Applying this theory to the situation in the first century B.C., Vidman suggests that the curule aedile used these symbols on coins to please the people. ss This, in fact, would not be the only time during the first century B.C. that politicians A. Alfldi, appears in the understanding of "Anubim portaret." The author makes the phrase mean to carry the statue in his hand, whereas it properly meant to wear the mask of Anubis. (Cf. App., Bell. civ. 4.47; Apul., Met. 11.11.) In fact, AIfi>ldi is incorrect on this point. While it is true that the mask of Anubis was in use (see the Anubis mask on a relief from Savaria, VS 662=CIL 3.10908, and further examples in Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai #31, pI. V, 3, and Witt, lsis pI. 46), Anubophors who carried statues of the god Anubis also existed (VS 742=CIL 12.1919). The Anubophors were a type of hierophor or pastophor, lower priests who were responsible for carrying statues of the gods. Likewise, see Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 434, and in his lnventaire preliminaire des documents egyptiens decouverts en ltalie (Leiden 1972) Roma 352 and 368, pp. 195, 198-99, which describe reliefs of columns of the lseum Campense that preserve an image of a priest carrying in his arms a canopus with the head of a jackal. Since the reference here is to carrying the statue of Anubis, there is no reason to make it mean anything but that. 178 SHA, Pescennius Niger 6.8-9. 180 Dio Cass. 72.15 mentions a statue of gold of Commodus which represents the emperor with a buIl and a cow. H. P. L'Orange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture (Oslo 1947) 72 states that this "can only be understood as Commodus-Horus between

32

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

Septimius Severus reportedly enjoyed his trip to Alexandria all the more because of the religion of Sarapis,l8l and on his return to Rome he represented himself under the aspect of the Alexandrian god.l 82 But it was under Caracalla that the cults of Isis and Sarapis reached the height of their popularity. The reign of Caracalla witnessed the attainment of the goal of a theocracy patterned after the Egyptian. The connection of the emperor with the divine is evident from a coin on which Caracalla, portrayed as Sarapis, is cosmocrator, having power over heaven and earth.l 83 It was Caracalla who finally in 217 legalized what for nearly 200 years had not in practice been restricted. The ban on the performance of the Egyptian rites within the pomerium was abolished.l 84 Caracalla, called philosarapis,185 was especially devoted to the cults himself, celebrating the ceremonies with more solemnity than anyone before him. This, too, in spite of the fact that his supplications to Sarapis for better health were in vain.186 In his travels Caracalla made a trip to Alexandria to sacrifice to Sarapis and to honor the memory of Alexander. m During his slaughtering of the Alexandrians he made the temple of Sarapis his headquarters, issuing orders from there.188 The very sword with which he murdered his brother he dedicated to the god. m His visit to Egypt was commemorated by two coins on both of which Isis appeared.l 90 In addition, several other coin-types of Caracalla show Osiris-Apis and the cow Isis, having its natural place with the many manifestations of Commodus' Egyptian religiosity." 181 SHA, Sever. 17. 182 L'Orange, Apotheosis 77. 183 Abd EI-Mohsen EI-Khachab, JEA 47 (1961) 124 and pI. X.!. 184 SHA, Caracalla 9.10-11; Herodian 4.8.6-7; Aurel. Victor, Caes. 21.4. Now for the first time these foreign divinities, by being brought within the pomerium, were made equal to the Roman gods. Hence, perhaps, the statement that CaracaIIa "sacra Isidis Romam deportavit." (Wissowa, Religion und Kultus 355). 185 IGRR 1.1063, an inscription of the year 216 A.D. from Alexandria. 188 Dio Cass. 77.15.6-7. 187 Herodian 4.8.6-7. 188 Dio Cass. 77.23.1. m Dio Cass. 77.23.3; 78.7.3-4. 190 RIC 4.1, p. 249, #257a - 215 A.D. : Obverse: ANTONINUS PlUS AUG. GERM. Head, laureate, left. Reverse: P.M. TR. P. XVIII COS. 1111 P.P. Isis standing right, holding sistrum and presenting two corn-ears to CaracaIIa, who stands left, in military dress, holding spear and trampling on crocodile. RIC 4.1, p. 249, #257b - 215 A.D. : Obverse: Legend = #257a, bust, laureate, draped, cuirassed, left. Reverse: = #257a.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

33

Isis and Sarapis,19l and three coins of Julia Domna, his mother, have Isis on the reverse. 192 He was responsible also for the construction of magnificent temples to the Alexandrian gods. One such temple was that on the Caelian Hill which is either from Caracalla's reign or slightly earlier.l93 That on the Quirinal also dates from the reign of Caracalla,194 So popular was Isis during this period that by some she was no longer even considered foreign. 19s In a recent article Ladislav Vidman 196 has called attention to the competition among the oriental religions during this period. A small marble pillar in the Mithraeum of the baths of Caracalla dating from the age of Caracalla has inscribed on the front El!) ZEV!) I MtTpa!) I" H>"LO!) I Koup.oKpaTwp 11 cl.VEtK71TO!). The original reading in line two was l:apa7TL!) but after Caracalla's death the word was blotted out and 181 RIC 4.1, p. 303, #544; p. 239, #193, #194; p. 241, #208; p. 246, #244; p.250, #263a,b,c,d,e,f; p. 253, #280a,b,c,d,e; p. 255, #289a,b,c,d,e,f; p. 256, #290, #29la,b,c, #292; p. 294, #497; p. 295, #502, #505; p. 306, # 561a,b. 182 RIC 4.1, p. 170, #577 - 196-211 A.D. : Obverse: IULIA AUGUSTA, bust, draped, right, hair waved and coiled at back. Reverse: SAECULI FELICITAS, Isis, wearing peaked headdress, standing right, left foot on prow, with the infant Horus at her breast: to left, altar, against which rests a rudder. RIC 4.1, p. 170, #645 - 196-202 A.D. : Obverse: IULIA AUGUSTA, bust, draped, right, hair waved and coiled at back. Reverse: SAECULI FE LICITAS, Isis standing as on #577. RIC 4.1, p. 209, #865 - 193-196 A.D. : Obverse: IULIA AUGUSTA, bust of Julia, draped, right, hair waved and coiled at back. Reverse: SAECULI FELICITAS S.C., Isis standing right, foot on prow, with Horus at her breast: behind, altar against which rests rudder. 193 SHA, Trig. tyro 25.4. This temple has not yet been found. See the archaeological evidence from this area (Region 11) in Lafaye, Histoire du culte 200-203 and his catalogue #107, 108, 115. In 1848 an inscription to Isis regina (VS 370 = CIL 6. 354) was found near the church of Santa Maria in Domnica (or in Navicella). It dates from 198-209 A.D. and would seem to indicate the existence of a temple in this region already under Septimius Severus. 184 The exact position of this temple is not certain. VS 374=CIL 6.570 and VS 375=IG 14.1024 prove that such a temple was dedicated by Caracalla to Sarapis. Cf. also VS 376=CIL 6.573. See Lafaye, Histoire du culte 211-215; Platner and Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary 487; Nash, Pictorial Dictionary 2.376 and the bibliography there. 18& Min. Fel., Oct. 23.1. m Vidman, "Die Isis- und Sarapisverehrung ... ," 389-400.

34

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

MlTpaS was inserted.l97 The word aVElK"1TOS = invictus is also a key word. While the epithet especially characterized Mithra, it was employed here not so much as a sign of syncretism as of competition to use the title which was most popular with the masses.l98 After this time evidence for interest in the Alexandrian divinities on the part of the emperors is much less frequent. Severus Alexander adorned the public temples of Isis and Sarapis with statues. l99 The mother of this emperor, Julia Mamaea, appears on a coin with the headdress of Isis.200 Under Gordian III in 239 or 240 a coin was issued with the standing figure of Sarapis. 201 The coins of both Gallienus 202 and Claudius Gothicus 203 give evidence of the Alexandrian cults. Dioc1etian displayed an interest in Egypt and rebuilt the lseum Campense. 204 His coins reveal syncretism of the traditional Roman gods with the Egyptian, as do those of Galerius. 205 Isis persisted on the coins and still had a circle of followers throughout 187 This theory was first proposed by F. Cumont and L. Canet in "Mithra ou Sarapis Koap.oKpo..Twp" eRAI (1919) 313-328. 188 Vidman, "Die Isis-und Sarapisverehrung ... ," 39I. 1111 SHA, Sever. 26. 100 Witt, lsis 238, pI. 57. 201 RIC 4.3, p. 18, #30: Obverse: IMP. C.M. ANT. GORDIANUS AUG. with a bust of Gordian facing right. Reverse: P.M. TR. P.lI COS. P.P., Sarapis is standing, facing the left, raising his right hand and holding a scepter. 202 RIC 5.1, p. 132, # 19: Obverse: IMP. GALLIENUS PlUS FEL. AUG., h~lmeted, cuirassed, bust, right. Reverse: P.M. TR. P. VIIII COS. 1I11 P.P., Sarapis standing left, right hand raised, left holding spear; at foot, rabbit. RIC 5.1, p. 184, #600 - 264 A.D. : Obverse: IMP. GALLIENUS P.F. AUG. COS. V., radiate, cuirassed, bust, right. Reverse: P.M. TR. P. XII COS. V P.P., Sarapis standing left, holding scepter. 208 RIC 5.1, p. 228, #201 : Obverse: IMP. C. CLAUDIUS AUG., radiate, draped, bust, right. Reverse: CONSER. AUG., Sarapis standing left, right hand raised, left holding scepter. RIC 5.1, p. 228, #202: Obverse: Legend = #201, various positions. Reverse: CONSER. AUG., Sarapis standing left, holding scepter, facing Isis standing right, holding sistrum and basket. RIC 5.1, p. 229, #217: Obverse: Legend = #201, various bust positions. Reverse : SALUS AUG., Isis Pharia standing left, holding sistrum and basket. 204 Drexler, "Isis," in Roscher, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon fur griechische und riimische Mythologie (Leipzig 1882-1921) 2.406. 20S Wilt, lsis 239.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

35

the fourth century. Now it was the noblest and most distinguished Romans who stood by the pagan cults, partially for political reasons. A remarkable series of coins, struck in Rome between 379/80 and 395 A.D. and once thought to have on the obverse the disguised representations of Julian the Apostate and his wife Helena, has been shown by Alf61di 206 to contain the busts of Isis and Sarapis. This was the last surge of the Isiac religion, if surge of religion it can be called, since the striking of such coins seems to have been motivated by a desire to win the popularity of the lower c1asses. 207 The Isiac religion during the late fourth century A.D. seems to have been no more than a persistence of certain ancient traditions. The festivity and color of Isiac processions no doubt still had their appeal among the lower classes, but a deeper religious meaning was absent. Even those members of the pagan senatorial party who supported the Egyptian religion did so partially as a means of opposition to the Christian emperor. Until the year 379 the likenesses of the emperor appeared on coins and medallions that also bore the images of the Alexandrian gods. In that year Gratian prohibited the striking of such coins although the practice continued until 394. In 391 A.D. the destruction of the Serapeum in Alexandria removed what was in actuality the home base and the only centralizing force of the religion. That same year brought an edict prohibiting sacrifice to the pagan gods and the frequenting of their sanctuaries in Rome. In 394 A.D. the consul Nicomachus F1avianus celebrated the last official festivals of Magna Mater and Isis.208 The final mention of an Isis festival is found in Rutilius Namatianus who speaks of a festival held in Falerii in 416 A.D.20D Though small groups of believers for a while no doubt 206 201 208

209

Alfoldi, A Festival. See supra p. 18. Carmen in paganos 98-99 : quis te plangentem non risit, calvus ad aras sistriferam Phariam supplex cum forte rogares? cumque Osirim miserum luges ... Rut. Nam., De red. suo 1.371-76. Lassantem cohibet vicina Faleria cursum, quamquam vix medium Phoebus haberet iter. et turn forte hilares per compita rustica pagi mulcebant sacris pectora fessa iocis : iIlo quippe die tandem revocatus Osiris excitat in fruges germina laeta novas ...

36

mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

remained outside of Rome, the religion eventually died, giving way to Christianity. The Isiac religion, then, possessed a good deal of endurance. From the fourth century B.C. until the fourth century A.D. it was one of the most popular of the oriental religions. It spread gradually throughout the ancient world, reaching its peak of popularity in the second century A.D. While Sarapis was the dominant member of the family of gods in its initial appearance, Isis with all of her very human characteristics soon became the leading figure. In most locations the cult of Isis was readily accepted, at first by private individuals, then publicly. In Rome, however, the stubborn opposition of political leaders, who suspected that all groups meeting secretly were plotting revolution, attempted to prevent involvement in the cult. Just as stubborn, however, was the desire of the populace to provide Sarapis and Isis with altars and temples. After several periods of persecution in the first century B.C. and the early first century A.D., the Egyptian gods eventually found favor with the Roman emperors only to lose any remaining strength when Christianity became officially recognized as the state religion.

CHAPTER TWO

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS What is of prime importance in comprehending the great appeal Isis had for women is an understanding of precisely what she represented and what her essential attributes were. It is difficult to ascertain her original significance since her widespread appeal tended to cause an increasing accumulation of spheres that she governed and attributes that she possessed. Each new quality that she took on was accompanied by the assumption of a new name, and these forms and names grew so numerous that she came to be addressed as 7TOAVILOPrPOS,l 7TOAVWVVILos,2 and ILVPLWVVILOS. 3

Originally, Isis existed independently. It is particularly difficult to determine her character at this time when she was not as yet bound together with Osiris, since there is no concrete evidence from this early period that gives any clue to her identity. She seems to have been a cosmic deity, either a goddess of heaven and mother of the Sun-god, or the embodiment of the fertile land of the Delta, possessing creative powers such that she brought forth Horus without aid of a husband. 4 Her motherlike character seems to have been with her from the earliest times. More important for our purposes are the traits she possessed when, at the end of the development of the Egyptian religion, she and her son Horus were joined together with Osiris, the god of vegetation and death; henceforth, the three deities were considered a unit, although one might appear alone in an inscription or art form. The Pyramid Texts, the oldest body of Egyptian religious texts, inscribed on the walls 1 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (edd.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XI (1915) 1380.9, hereafter referred to as P. Oxy. 1380. a VS 325=CIG 3724; P. Oxy. 1380.97, 101-102. In Apul., Met. 11.22 she is called dea multinominis. 3 VS 505=IGRR 1.1391; VS 351; VS 639=CIL 5.5080; VS 656=CIL 3.4017; VS 692; VS 698=CIL 3.882; VS 721; VS 749=CIL 13.3461; VS 808. Vidman notes (VS 505) that all of these inscriptions seem to date from approximately the same period, i.e., the first-second century A.D. 4 Roeder, "Isis", RE 9.2086.

38

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

of the pyramids at Sakkara where Egyptian kings of the fifth and sixth dynasties were buried, furnish a series of unconnected allusions to the myth that grew around the triad to explain their origins and significance. From these allusions it is evident that the myth of Isis and Osiris was already at that early date very familiar to the Egyptians. Plutarch in his treatise De [side et Osiride, written in 118 or 119 A.D.,· however, has supplied us with a complete, connected version of the myth. Relying on a variety of literary sources relating to Egypt, 6 Plutarch introduced some new elements and omitted some old ones. However much the mythological allusions in the Pyramid Texts were conflated and however varied Plutarch's sources were, the roles of the main deities in the myth remained essentially constant. Isis performed three major functions which cannot be completely separated from one another. In her first appearance, in the Pyramid Texts, Isis, as sister of Osiris, played the role of a mourner in conjunction with her sister Nephthys when they found their brother Osiris dead, either as a result of an encounter with Seth or of drowning. 7 Not as yet designated as the wife of Osiris, Isis assisted her brothers and sisters in the embalming rites that resulted in his revival. The rites involved an elaborate display of grief as handed down in three Ptolemaic texts now called "The Songs of Isis and Nephthys,"8 "The Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys,"9 and "The Hour-watches. "10 These were a series of chanted solos or duets which were a part of the dialogue used in the enactment of the passion of Osiris. The papyrus containing "The Songs" dates back at latest to the fourth century B.c., but an inscription from Ikhernofret reveals that such Osiris rites were at least as old as the Middle Kingdom.ll Griffiths 17. For a discussion of Plutarch's sources see Griffiths 75-100. 7 Ibid., 34. 8 R. O. Faulkner, "The Bremner-Rhind Papyrus-I," JEA 22 (1936) 121-40. This is a translation and commentary of "The Songs of Isis and Nephthys." A transcription of the papyrus is published by R. O. Faulkner in The Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, 3) i. 8 R. O. Faulkner, "The Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys," Memoires publ;ees par I' Institut franc;ais d'archt!ologie oriental du Caire 66 (1934 = Melanges Maspero, voI. 1) 337-48. The text is from P. Berlin 3008. 10 H. Junker, Die Stundenwachen in den Osirismysterien (Vienna 1910). 11 Faulkner, JEA 22 (1936) 122. &

8

39

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

The initial stanzas of "The Songs" provide instructions for the preparation of the temple and of the two women who would play the parts of Isis and Nephthys. The two women were to be "pure of body and virgin, with the hair of their bodies removed, their heads adorned with wigs, . . . .. tambourines in their hands, and their names inscribed on their arms, to wit Isis and Nephthys, and they shall sing from the stanzas of this book in the presence of this god." There follows a series of recitations by a chief lector, duets by Isis and Nephthys, and solos by Isis. A few stanzas from "The Songs" will illustrate the general tone of all of these hymns of grief. Isis in her first, short solo enunciates her great loss by singing : I am thy sister Isis, the desire of thine heart, (Yearning) after thy love whilst thou art far away; I flood this land (with tears?) to-day. (3.14-3.16)

Further on she sings another longer, mournfully beautiful solo: I am a woman beneficial to her brother, Thy wife, thy sister by thine (own) mother; Come thou to me quickly, Since I desire to see thy face after not having seen thy face ... My heart is hot at thy wrongful separation; ... I yearn for thy love toward me. Come! Be not alone! Be not far off! ... I hid me in the bulrushes to conceal thy son in order to avenge thee, Because it is a very evil state of affairs, the being far from thee, And it is not fitting for thy flesh ... Hot are the hearts of myriads of persons, Great sorrow (?) is among the gods. (6.27-7.23)

In "The Songs" as opposed to "The Lamentations" Nephthys plays a minor role. She has no solo piece but appears frequently as a duettist with Isis, as in the following short chant: Draw nigh, so please you, to us; We miss (?) life through lack of thee. Come thou in peace, 0 our Lord, that we may see thee, o Sovereign, come in peace, Drive trouble (?) from out of our house, Consort thou with us after the manner of a male. (3.17-3.22)

40

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

The entire interchange of solos, duets, and recitations demonstrates one of the chief roles in which Isis was cast by the Egyptians. At this period she was subordinate in significance and popularity to Osiris. Her chief duty was to lament his death and seek to revive him by meticulous care for his body. In this enactment of the myth, she relates repeatedly her yearning for him, tells how she has sought him out on a long journey, and pleads for his return to her. Consequently, both Osiris and Isis were at that time primarily gods of death, a sphere especially important to the Egyptians. There is every indication that the rites and doctrines that Plutarch described in De Iside et Osiride are those which characterised the cult as it was practised in Egypt. The most striking evidence of this is the prominence of Osiris in Plutarch's account and the minor roles played by Sarapis and Isis. Such prominence is in opposition to the complete dominance of Sarapis in Greek cult centers12 and to the supremacy of Isis in the Roman cult. It can be concluded that the role played by Osiris relates to his position in the Pharaonic culU 3 Moreover, in calendrical references to festivals and customs, Plutarch's use of neither Greek nor Roman terminology strengthens the conclusion that his concern was with the cult in EgypU4 The cult in Egypt, however, particularly as practised by the Greeks residing there, had absorbed by this time several features of the Greek religion, especially in regard to the mysteries, and these are in evidence in Plutarch's account. The mythological account given by Plutarch in chapters 12-20 (355D358E) is generally in harmony with the native Egyptian mythology, disagreeing occasionally in details. 15 Plutarch begins by relating the birth of Osiris, Aroueris (the elder Horus), Typhon, Isis, and Nephthys on each of the five epagomenal days. Their mother was Rhea, and their father was variously one of her three consorts, Helius, Hermes, or Cronus. 18 Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 13, in a study of the inscriptions, prefers to refer to this difference in a chronological respect : "in der hellenistischen Zeit kommt Osiris sehr sporadisch, in der rijmischen haufiger vor .... Aber in allgemeinen wird Osiris auch in der rijmischen Zeit nur seIten genannt, insgesamt in 20 sowohllateinischen als auch griechischen Inschriften, vor allem in der westIichen Hiilfte des Imperiums." 18 Griffiths 4546. 14 Ibid., 67. 16 Ibid., 53.

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

41

Nephthys married Typhon, and Isis and Osiris loved each other before they were born, having united with each other in the womb. In Osiris's absence while he was civilizing the world, Typhon conspired against him. Having prepared a beautiful chest, Typhon lured Osiris into lying in it, shut the lid and bolted it, and cast the chest into the river.ls When Isis heard of the incident, she cut off a lock of her hair l7 and put on mourning garments; this is why, says Plutarch, the city where the incident occurred is called Coptos (from IC07T'TW). Wandering about in a state of distress (cl7Topovuav), she inquired of everyone she met whether he had seen the chest. In the midst of her wanderings she discovered that Osiris had been intimate with Nephthys; the fruit of that union, Anubis, became her guardian and attendant. Then she learned that the chest had been cast up at Byblos on a heath-tree which had grown rapidly and concealed it, and that the tree was now used as a pillar in the king's house. Isis journeyed to Byblos,18 dejected and tearful ('Ta7T"W~V ICa~ SeSaICpvl1,EvTJv). After acquainting herself with the queen's maids, she gained entry to the king's house as nurse of his child. At night, she turned herself into a swallow and flew about the pillar in loud lament «(JpTJvetv). When the queen discovered her, Isis finally revealed herself and her mission and asked for the pillar. Having given special treatment to the wood and entrusting it to the king's keeping, she threw herself on the coffin in grief. So loud was her wail that the younger son of the king died at the sound. 19 Taking the older son of the king with her, she found a secluded spot where she opened the chest and mournfully caressed the body of Osiris.20 The king's son angered her so by watching the incident that one look from her frightened him to death. Then, she returned to lS The Egyptian sources contain no trace of the Greek traditIon that Osiris was lured into a chest to die although the casting of the chest into the river may be an echo of the Egyptian version of drowning. Anne Burton, Diodorus Siculus, Book I. A Commentary (Leiden 1972) 60. 17 The cutting of a lock of hair in mourning is a Greek custom not found in Pharaonic Egypt. Griffiths 54, 314-15. 18 Plutarch is the earliest extant source for the Byblos episode. For a discussion of this see Griffiths 54, 319-22.

19 Tjj S( uopq, 1r£pl1r£u£iv Ka! KWKvual T1)>'IKoliToV, WUT£ TWV 1ralSwv TOV {Jau.>.tws TOV V£cf,T£POV tKBav£iv.

20 ••• arlrqv KaB' ~a~v ywop.tV'l}v &'voiEIlI ~v M.pvaKa Ka! Tq, 1rpoucf,1r'l' TO 1rpOUW1rOll t1rlB£iuav &'U1rauaaBllI Ka! SaKpvnv.

PIu., DID 17 (357D).

42

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

her infant son Horus, who, as we learn later, was born, prematurely and weak in the lower limbs, of the posthumous union of Osiris and Isis, and was now hidden away in Buto. Meanwhile, Isis had set the coffin aside, and it was soon discovered by Typhon who cut the body into fourteen parts and scattered them everywhere. All but the genitals were eventually found and buried by Isis who sailed through the marshes on a papyrus boat searching for them. Subsequently, Osiris came from the underworld and sought his revenge by training Horus for battle with Typhon in which venture Horus was successful. So we see from the complete treatment of the Osirian myth in Plutarch that even many centuries after the composition of the solos and duets chanted at the performances of the sufferings of Osiris, Isis was still portrayed as a sorrowful mourner who searched tirelessly for her husband's body. In Plutarch's account, however, it is to be noted that Nephthys did not participate in the mourning ritual; rather, the burden belonged to Isis alone. "Nor did she allow the contests and struggles which she had undertaken, her wanderings and her many deeds of wisdom and bravery, to be engulfed in oblivion and silence, but into the most sacred rites she infused images, suggestions and representations of her experiences at that time, and so she consecrated at once a pattern of piety and an encouragement to men and women overtaken by similar misfortunes. "21 Thus, Isis as mourner came to be imitated in festivals everywhere in Egypt,22 and eventually in Greece and Rome, too. Before the Graeco-Roman era these funerary functions were the dominant ones associated with Isis. More important in the spread of her cult outside of Egypt, however, were Isis's functions as wife and mother, and, thus, the portrayal of Isis, Osiris, and Horus as a family unit. Although Isis is also called the sister of Osiris by Plutarch, nonetheless, from the very beginning of his account her role as wife is emphasized. She and Osiris had already united sexually in their mother's womb. Her devotion to Osiris and her anguish at his loss are expressed in her long search for him and in her repeated wails of grief so powerful as to cause disastrous results. This grief grew out of her deep wifely love for Osiris. Even when she learned of Osiris's adulterous relationship a1 Piu., DID 27 (36ID-E); Griffiths' translation. aa See, for example, Herodotus 2.61, and for Greece, Diodorus Siculus 1.14.

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

43

with Nephthys resulting in the birth of Anubis, she was not deterred from her mournful journey, but instead brought Anubis up as her own child and took him as her attendant. If Diodorus Siculus (1.27) is to be believed, the Egyptians took the marriage of Isis and Osiris as a basis for their own marriage laws. 23 Contrary to the rest of mankind, they permitted the marriage of brothers and sisters since the marriage of Isis to her own brother had been so successfu1. 24 As verification of this success Diodorus calls attention to a vow that Isis took after Osiris's death never to marry another man. She avenged the murder of her husband and then became the source of more blessings for men as she reigned over the land. For this reason, the story goes, the queen in Egypt had more power than the king, and husbands gave obeisance to their wives. Plutarch relates that Euxodus called Isis the arbiter in matters of sexual love (DID 52 [372D]). Although she was eventually identified with Hathor, goddess of sexual love in Egypt, and later with Aphrodite, in contrast to these goddesses, Isis represented sexuality only within the bounds of wifely fidelity which she perfectly embodied. G. Michailides in a 28 Marriage oaths for Greeks in the Fayum mention Osiris, Isis, and Horus. Cf. Brady, Reception 37 and Griffiths 42 n. 1 who specifically mentions PSI 64, 1-3 dating from 116/15 B.C. See also P. Perdrizet, TC Fouquet 2: "Ies contrats de mariage de I'Egypte greco-romaine revelent qu'une image d'Isis-Aphrodite faisait generalement partie des paraphernaux." According to Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.81 n. 2, a certain number of papyri attest the mention of statuettes of Aphrodite in contracts of marriage or similar documents. 24 But see Burton, Diodorus Siculus Ill, who says that "contrary to popular belief, consanguineous marriage was not particularly common in Egypt. During the pharaonic period marriage between brothers and sisters appears to have occurred almost exclusively within royal families, and was presumably undertaken for dynastic reasons. The evidence for such marriages outside the royal family during this period has been collected by Cerny, 'Consanguineous Marriages in Pharaonic Egypt,' lEA, XL, 1954,23-29, who concludes that it was possible but not common ... For the GraecoRoman period there is definite evidence in the papyri of non-royal consanguineous marriages. In fact consanguineous marriage seems to have been yet more common in the Roman than in the Ptolemaic period and extended to other relationships than that of full brother and sister ... The practice was presumably not inherited from pharaonic Egypt, but became established in the Graeco-Roman period, possibly in imitation of the consanguineous marriages of the Ptolemies." For a funerary stela found in Egypt on which is depicted a woman in Isiac garb nursing her infant who apparently has married her brother see V. Tran Tarn Tinh with Yvette Labrecque, Isis lactans (Leiden 1973) 29-30.

44

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

recent study25 has shown that in spite of the many roles Isis played (healer, goddess of heaven in association with the star of Sothis and the moon, principle of fertility, mistress of all land and sea, dispenser of justice, possessor of magical power, etc.), her dominant trait was her loving devotion to Osiris and her motherly love for Horus. It was especially as mother that Isis touched the hearts of the faithful. She came at the end of a long development of mother-goddesses and was the most humanized of these goddesses. Sculpturally, she was most frequently portrayed with the child Horus. 26 Michailides 27 points out that while conjugal love is the product of a rather late civilization, maternal love is found among the earliest people. In its primitive state maternal love closely approaches animality, but in Isis it was spiritualized into its definitive form. Benevolence and tenderness characterized all of her relationships. In a hymn of praise she was called "affectionate" c/>,>'6UTOPYOV) and "the provider of sweetness in assemblies" (r1]v EV Ta'is uvv6So,s ~Slas E1J1Toplav).28 Gentle and placable was the favor of her two commands. 29 Her emotions were very human ones-love, loyalty, sorrow, compassion-and it was her human qualities with which the ordinary man could identify and which caused her widespread popularity. MythologicaIIy, then, Isis was mourner, wife, and mother, and all that these functions implied. Most certainly she had possessed many other attributes in ancient Egypt, and she acquired new attributes as she made her way into the Greek and Roman world, but the essence of her being was inherent in these roles. "Isis in the Graeco-Roman world was above all else the faithful wife and indeed the divine patroness of family life and instructress in such domestic arts as weaving and spinning . . . She was esteemed as the model spouse .. . The tale of Isis and Osiris, whatever the discrepancies of detail, could serve as the pattern of family bonds of affection. "30 16 Michanides, "Contribution a l'etude de la grande deesse en Egypte, 11, Isis deesse de l'arnour," Bulletin de /'Institut d'Egypte 37 (1956) 191-213. IS On such portrayals see H. W. Miiller, "Isis rnit dern Horuskinde," Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 14 (1963) 7-38, and Tran Tarn Tinh and Labrecque, Isis lactans. I? Michanides, BIE 37 (1956) 200. 18 P. Oxy. 1380.130-32. It Ibid., 155-57 : ~'Ir€la aov Kal ~~,4.UalC1"os .j X¥'s TWV 800 'lrpoCITayp,O.TCrJv. 80 Witt, Isis 41.

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

45

Isis designates herself specifically as patroness of women in the aretalogies, a series of closely-related, Greek hymns celebrating the goddess in her various functions. 31 She appears in these hymns predominantly, but not at all exclusively, as the goddess of women. A good deal of controversy still surrounds the Memphite archetype on which these hymns are based, despite recent studies by D. Miiller32 and J. Bergman. 33 The central point of discussion is the language in which the original was written. Closely connected with this problem is the question of the essential characteristics of Isis when her cult spread throughout the Mediterranean region. Was she at her first exit from Egypt all that the aretalogies implied or did these characteristics accrue as she entered foreign lands? R. Harder,34 following whose publication the bulk of the controversy began, concluded, while attempting to demonstrate that the hymns were Egyptian in composition and ideas, that all of the texts went back to an Egyptian original later translated into Greek. His thesis was vigorously rejected by A. D. Nock 35 and A. J. Festugiere. 36 Festugiere set up his own series of proofs in opposition to Harder, demonstrating that the hymns contained many Greek ideas as well as Egyptian and that they displayed an order of composition harmonious with the Greek mind. Thus, he concluded, there was no

al Among the finds at Maron~ is a stela with a new hymn to Isis. Judging by the writing Yves Grandjean has dated it in the first century A.D. In addition to the usual praises of Isis the aretalogy contains two more original portions: 1) the birth section of the hymn reveals an intense interest on the part of the author in Athens; 2) in the first section of the hymn the author explains why he is writing the praises of Isis. It was Isis to whom he had prayed for a recovery from an eye disease, and his prayers had been granted. A preliminary report on the work ofYves Grandjean (Une nouvelle aretalogie d'lsis a Maronee) is given by Louis Robert in Comptes Rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions (1971) 532-35. aa D. MUlier, Agypten und die griechischen Isis-Aretalogien (Berlin 1961). aa J. Bergman, Ich bin Isis (Acta Univ. Uppsal. : Historia Religionum 3) (Uppsala 1968). 84 R. Harder, Karpokrates von Chalkis und die memphitische Isispropaganda (Berlin 1944). Before this time most scholars agreed that the hymns were literal translations from the Egyptian. Cf. P. Foucart, Les mysteres d'Eleusis (Paris 1914) 72; W. Wittmann, Das Isisbuch des Apuleius (Stuttgart 1938) 141. 85 A. D. Nock in his review of R. Harder, Karpokrates in Gnomon 21 (1949) 221 tr. 86 A. J. Festugiere, "A propos des ar~talogies d'lsis," HThR 42 (1949) 209-234.

46

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

need for an Egyptian archetype; the original was Greek. Martin Nilsson,37 taking a somewhat neutral ground, noted that the whole tenor of the texts displayed adaptation to Greek representations, while the details were Egyptian. He cautioned the reader to recognize that Egyptianizing could creep in not only from a translation but also through composition by an individual who spoke Egyptian but wrote Greek. The problem awaited further investigation and detailed analysis by a scholar who was familiar with both the Egyptian and the Greek languages. An Egyptologist, Dieter Muller, recently approached the problem with a great deal of precision, interestingly enough attempting to find the exact Egyptian equivalent for each statement of the hymn in the process of relating it to Egyptian or Greek sources. 3B He concluded that the archetype was of Greek origin, although he demonstrated that just less than half of the attributes of Isis in the aretalogies could derive from Egyptian sources, Graecized though they might be in form. The Egyptianizing elements may be explained in various ways, but Muller is inclined to believe, in view of what he terms the basic Greek attitude of the aretalogies, that a Greek Isis-priest who had access to the written documents of the Egyptian religion either through collaboration with an Egyptian colleague or through a knowledge of the language, composed the archetype from which came the hymns of Cyme, los, Andros, Saloniki, and the hymn in Diodorus Siculus. 39 On the other hand, J. Bergman 37 M. Nilsson, Geschichte der Griechischen Religion, 2, Die Hellenistische und Romische Zeit (Munich 1950) 600-603. Nilsson gives an extensive critical bibliography for the aretalogies, 600 n. 2. 38 Miiller, Agypten. Miiller in his systematic approach uses the letter M, proposed by Harder, to designate the reconstructed archetype from Memphis. 39 The texts of the hymns of Cyme, los, Andros, and the related hymns of Cyrene and of Mesomedes and the Anubis-hymn from Cios are found in W. Peek, Der Isishymnus von Andros und verwandte Texte (Berlin 1930). The texts also appear in the following places: the hymn of Cyme : A. Sala~, "Inscriptions de Kyme d'Eolide, de Phocee, de Tralles," BCH 51 (1927) 378-83; P. Roussel, "Un nouvel hymne grec it Isis," REG 42 (1929) 137-68; P.G. Walsh, The Roman Novel (Cambridge 1970) 252-53; the hymn of los : IG 12.5.14; the hymn of Andros : IG 12.5.739. The text of the fragmentary inscription of Saloniki is found in Harder, Karpokrates along with the related hymn of Karpokrates. Diodorus 1.27 reproduces a portion of an inscription which is closely related to the archetype. For a commentary on this see Burton, Diodorus Siculus 114-16. For the hymn of Mesomedes see A. Delatte, "Deux nouveaux hymnes heIIenistiques," Musee BeIge ·17 (1913) 135-44. An Isis aretalogy is preserved

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

47

another Egyptologist, has directed attention to the general Egyptian background from which the aretalogies resulted; in opposition to Miiller, he emphasized that this background was Egyptian, not Greek. It is surprising to see Miiller, who pointed out many elements characteristic of Egyptian thought and composition in the aretalogies, coming to conclusions so heavily in favor of a Greek origin. 40 In the face of so much that could be referred to Egyptian sources, Miiller (p. 8) seems to contradict himself by agreeing with G. Vandebeek 41 that Egypt contributed little more to the image of Isis than the name and motives. On the other hand, an Egyptianizing background does not conclusively prove that the original was written in Egyptian. The problem of the language of the archetype has not yet been solved with any degree of certainty. Nor is there absolute agreement about the date of the composition of the original. The oldest extant version of the aretalogy is the hexametric hymn of Andros which stems from the first century B.C. To nearly the same period belongs the text handed down in Diodorus 1.27, said by the author to be part of a longer inscription, the remainder of which was illegible. The dating of these two versions has encouraged scholars to place the composition of the original in the second or third century B.C.42 Most recently, Vidman,43 dating the Andros hymn at the end of the first century B.C., has stated that, in his opinion, the original is not much older than the first century B.C. General agreement, however, does surround the thesis that the author of the aretalogy wished to popularize Isis among the Greeks. Such a purpose involved creating an image of the goddess that would appeal to the Greek spirit. Indeed, the Isis who so captivated the ancient world after making her way from Egypt was the product of an intermingling of characteristics, many of them gained through the process of syncretism. Of immediate interest in the aretalogies is the manner in which in Stob., Eel. phys. 1. For the four Isis hymns of Isidore from Medinet Madi see SEG 8.2.548-551. Finally, of importance here also is the Isis hymn of P. Oxy. 1380. 40 Miiller, Agypten 8,86-87,911. 41 G. Vandebeek, De Interpretatio Graeca van de Isis figuur (Louvain 1946). 41 Festugiere, HThR 42 (1949) 233, says it belongs perhaps to the beginning of the third century B.C. Harder, Karpokrates 51 and n. 7, believed the original went back to the second century B.C. or perhaps even to the time of the first Ptolemy. 43 Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 126 n. 7.

48

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

Isis is represented, or rather represents herself through a series of selfpredications, many beginning with the formula "I am". Near the very beginning of the aretalogy (M6)44 she states what is already known about her from the myth: ' Eyw Ell-" yvv~ Kat d8EACP~ 'OaElp,8os {3aa,M.ws. There follows (M8) a statement of her relationship to Horus : 'Eyw Elf" 1-'~7"TJP "Qpov {3aa,Uws. Having given her family background, she begins in MlO to state facts that are not directly known from the myth. She announces herself as goddess of women : 'Eyw Ell-" ~ 7Tapa yvva,gt BEOS KaAOVI-'EV1J. Miiller 45 has indicated that the Egyptian equivalent of this title was applied to four Egyptian goddesses, Hathor and Isis among them, who were primarily goddesses of fertility and birth. Isis, then, was the protectress of these exclusively female functions. It was she whom women could invoke for help in any aspect of these processes or in concerns of domestic life. According to the litany of P. Oxy. 1380. 130-31, she was the ornament of the female sex: K6al-'OV B1JAEUJJV. She had also introduced the arts of spinning and weaving,46 arts that she and Nephthys had used, according to Egyptian texts, to make garments for Osiris.47 Moreover, Isis has been portrayed in the myth as a model wife and mother with very human emotions. It was natural for women to identify with her, and they did much more so than they could with Diana, who was primarily a chaste virgin and had little to do with domestic life, or with Venus, whose sphere of interest was rather sexual or romantic love than married love or female functions. In Isis women found a goddess who was essentially their own. Proceeding from her proclamation that she was patroness of women, Isis in her aretalogy gives several specific reasons why women especially owed her homage and looked to her for protection. It was she who had brought man and woman together: 'Eyw yvVatKa Kat av8pa avv~yayov (MI7). Or as P. Oxy. 1380.146-48 more graphically expresses it, it was her will that men and women should anchor together: av Kat Tas awas yvvatKas dv8pam avvoPI-',aBfjva, BEA,S. This reference to her concern with sexual life was developed through her identification with Hathor and Aphrodite-Venus. Particularly in the eyes of women was Isis the 44 46

46

47

Cf. n. 38 supra. Miiller, Agypten 35. P. Oxy. 1380.145-46: l1l'l vo£i. Kal Drexier, "Isis," 459.

Ta. ••

v.8WTa U4>fjva,.

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

49

goddess, as were Hathor and Aphrodite-Venus, who united the sexes in love and perpetuated human life. Her identification with Hathor is visible in those representations in which she wears a cow's horns or head or appears entirely in the form of a COW.48 Plutarch (DIO 19 [3580]) attempted to explain this Hathor-form by having Isis receive a cow headdress from Hermes. The horns were interpreted by many authors as the crescent moon,49 although there is no evidence that she was connected with the moon in Egypt;50 thus, Plutarch says (DIO 52 [3720]) that the moon is summoned for help in love affairs. The Greeks saw in Isis-Hathor their own goddess Aphrodite, and subsequently identified Isis with Aphrodite. From an early time the cult of Isis-Aphrodite was in evidence at Alexandria, at Oelos, and in many villages of Egypt and Greece. 51 A certain inscription from Perinthus, for example, in which Artemidorus, a priest, made a dedication to Isis-Aphrodite, dates, in the opinion of some scholars, from the third or fourth century B.C. 52 An inscription from Oelos was set up by two specific groups of devotees, the melanephori and the therapeutai, to Isis Aphrodite at the end of the second century B.C.,53 and two additional inscriptions from Oelos are to Isis Aphrodite Oikaia. 54 In P. Oxy. 1380 Isis is said to have been called Aphrodite at Aphroditopolis, Nithine, Hermopolis, Heliopolis, Leuce Acte, and at M ... enestium. Numerous statues, in the majority of which the female figure is nude, depict Isis with the characteristics of Aphrodite and Venus. 55 Apuleius could address her as the Venus who brought 48 Ibid., 453 If. See Witt, Isis pI. 2, for a Hellenistic statue of Isis-Hathor. See also J. Bergman, Isis-Seele und Osiris-Ei. Zwei iigyptologische Studien zu Diodorus Siculus 127, 4-5 (Uppsala 1970) 24, who states that the connection between Hathor and Isis was so close that even at Dendera, the chief cult center of Hathor, it is very difficult to distinguish whether Hathor or Isis is named in a text or represented in an image. 49 Piu., DIO 52 (372D); Diod. Sic. 1.11.1; Macr., Sat. 1.21.11-12; Firm. Mat., Err. prof. reI. 8; Diog. Laert., Prooem. 10; Eus., Praep. evang. 3.26; Stat., Theb. 1. 717 If.; ApuI., Met. 11.24. For her further identification with the moon in the form of Selene see Drexler, "Isis," 437 f. 60 Griffiths 501. 61 Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 83. 62 VS 128. &8 VS CE 151. 64 VS CE 161 and 162. 56 Drexler, "Isis," 494 If. For a statue of Isis-Aphrodite anadyomene see Malaise, Inventaire Roma 333, p. 179-80. On the same statue see A. Gotsmich, "Die Venus

50

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

together male and female and so eternally propagated mankind. 56 In this aspect of her character sexual love was her sphere of influence although, as has been noted, it was predominantly married love over which she held sway. In this respect she stood in contrast to those goddesses with whom she was identified. As evidence of her interest in the permanent relationship between man and woman, Isis in the aretalogy also claimed to have founded marriage contracts : 'Eyw uvyypacPas yal-"KaS EVPOV (M30). In this regard she was sometimes mentioned in marriage contracts and would later appear in the Greek romances as a witness to marriage vows. 57 Closely connected with M 17 is M27: 'Eyw UTEpYEu8a, yvvaLKaS' tnT' av8pwv ~vaYKaua. Here Isis repeats her claim that it was she who brought man and woman together. Harder 58 denied that this statement had any connection with sexual life, but he was proven incorrect by F estugiere. 59 Furthermore, Isis had imposed the act of childbearing on women and created the institution of parenthood : •Eyw yvva,g~ 8EKal-'7]V,aLOV {3PEcPOS' EiS' cPwS' EgEVEYKELV ETaga (MI8); •Eyw V1TO TEKVWV YOVELS' cP,>"ouTopYELu8a, Evol-'o8ET7]Ua (MI9). Isis, who was herself the creative principle (PIu., DIO 43 [368C]), bestowed fertility and was invoked as a fertility goddess. She had been recognized since early Egyptian times as giver of life for she had given her own husband life after his body had been dismembered, and had, after his death, conceived Horus. The ankh, the sign of life in the form of a tau, that she had carried in ancient Egypt still appeared at times in the Graeco-Roman period. 8o Isis in her function of dispenser of life became the protectress of pregnant women. In an Egyptian magical charm a pregnant woman identified herself with Isis and summoned the gods to prepare her couch for confinement, making her order binding by saying that it was Isis and not vom Esquilin. Ein Symbol einer west-ostlichen Auseinandersetzung in der Antike," Forschungen und Fortschritte 25 (1949) 193-95. 66 Apul., Met. 11.2: seu tu caelestis Venus, quae primis rerum exordiis sexuum diversitatem generato amore sociasti et aeterna subdole humano genere propagato nunc circumftuo Paphi sacrario coleris. 67 Ach. Tat. 5.14. 68 Harder, Karpokrates 26. 68 Festugiere, HThR 42 (1949) 214 f. 80 Drexler, "Isis," 501.

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

51

she who gave it. 61 Isis's connection with the goddess Bubastis is further evidence of her governance over the sphere of the reproductive processes. Bubastis was the Hellenized form of the Egyptian goddess Bastet, among whose essential functions were her roles as protectress of women and goddess of maternity. In Herodotus she appeared especially as a fertility goddess. 62 The relationship of the two goddesses vacillated between identification and mere association. 63 The Isiac aretalogy of P. Oxy. 1380.3-5, for example, states that in one particular city, whose name is illegible, Isis was called Bubastis. On the other hand, several GraecoEgyptian terra cotta figurines depict the gestures of women, many of whom wore an Isiac crown, at festivals of Bubastis.64 Some of these figurines represent nude women, squatting or sitting, carrying an amulet as did Isis, indicating that protection was sought by pregnant women from Isis. 65 Other terra cottas represent a type ofIsis-Aphrodite-Bubastis designated by the epithet aVaUVPIl-EVTJ. The goddess, wearing a calathos adorned with the Isiac crown, lifts her tunic up with both hands, a gesture typical of rituals of fertility. 66 Isis also claimed to have caused parents to be loved by their children. Of interest in this regard is the statement attributed by Plutarch to Horus in response to a question by Osiris as to what he considered to be the finest action. With pride he heard Horus respond, "TW 1TaTp' Ka, Tfi Il-TJTP' Ttll-WPE'V KaKw, 1Ta{)ovu,". The child Horus, was, then, a perfect example of filial devotion. Furthermore, Isis threatened to punish those who were unkind to their parents : 'Eyw TO', aUTOpywS YOVEVU' 8taKE'Il-EVO'S TEtll-wptav E1TE{)TJKa. A strong sense of family loyalty marked the relationship of Osiris, Isis, and Horus, serving to popularize the cult particularly as a family cult. Illustrative of Horus's fidelity as a son are his Egyptian epithets lWTJ mwt .f, 'pillar of his Ibid., 502. Hdt. 2.137, 156. 83 F. Dunand, "Une 'interpretatio romana' d'Isis : Isis, dc!esse des naissances," REL 40 (1962) 83-86; VS 67; Bergman, Isis-Seele und Osiris-Ei 24-25, 67, n. 1. 64 Dunand, REL 40 (1962) 84 f. 85 Ibid. 88 Dunand, Le culte d'Isis 1.85 and n. 3. In this connection see Hdt. 2.60 in his description of the Bubastia : while the men played flutes and clapped their hands, the women danced and lifted up their dresses. 61

82

52

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF ISIS

mother," and nij It .f, "saviour of his father."67 Griffiths68 points out an instance of the parallelism between the Osirian family and the human family in the Kanais inscriptions, 30 : "As for anyone who will ignore this decree, Osiris will pursue him, and Isis his wife, and Horus his children."69 The strong family unit created thus served as a model for the faithful who were attracted by the very human aspects of the Isiac religion. It is in the Oxyrhynchus hymn that Isis, perhaps one of the first advocates of women's liberation, is attributed with having given to women power equal to that of men: av i'VIIatg~v 'ta7Jv Svva,."tv TWV avSpwv E7Tot7Jaa~ (214-16). This seems to be a sort of summation of all of her other activities on behalf of women. In a sense it was because of all of her aforementioned gifts to women that she had made the power of women equal to that of men. More important was the fact that women now had a goddess who presided over functions specifically their own, whom they could invoke in times of trouble, and whose life was something to be emulated by every woman. In this way women could practise religion on an equal basis with men. In summation, from the earliest times Isis seems to have been portrayed first as a mourner at the death of her brother-husband Osiris. More important in her spread throughout the Graeco-Roman world were her roles as the loving wife of Osiris and the devoted mother of Horus. These very human aspects of her character endeared her particularly to that class of society whose concerns revolved around domestic life. The aretalogies, a series of Greek hymns in praise of Isis, depict her primarily, though not exclusively, as goddess of women. In the hymns she claims herself as the one called goddess by women, the one who brought man and woman together; it was she who established marriage contracts, who caused women to be loved by men, who gave women the ability to bear children, and who established the parent-child relationship. Finally, she gave women power equal to that of men thereby establishing herself supremely as goddess of women. 17

Griffiths 345.

ea Ibid. IV Cf. the inscription from Chalcis published by R. Harder, Karpokrates 88.7 in which Harpocrates claims to preside over the upbringing of children.

= VS

CHAPTER THREE

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD The character of Isis was remarkably persistent throughout the many centuries and in the many locations in which she was worshiped. Her sculptured form changed, of course, from the rigid Egyptian figure to the more graceful and refined goddess of Hellenistic art. She was assimilated to numerous goddesses in function, form, and name through the process of syncretism. But the role she played in the myth and what she claimed to be in her aretalogies comprised her basic nature, and it was this nature that attracted the allegiance of women in the GraecoRoman world. A multitude of other reasons may have caused women to look to Isis for assistance, but basically it was because she had established herself as patroness of the female sexl and offered herself as a model of inspiration in the circumstances of domestic life. In the natural but momentous occurrences of living common to all of mankind protection was sought through identification with the goddess. Among these occurrences was death, particularly in two aspects : the mourning that accompanied death, and the concerns of life after death. Isis had already established her claim over the sphere of death when she became united with Osiris, the god of the dead, toward the end of the development of the Egyptian religion. She became more directly associated with death through the myth that portrayed her as the mournful sister and widow of Osiris. The memorialization of her struggles and wanderings had begun at an early period in Egypt with the dramatization of the death and resurrection of Osiris, and of the search for and discovery of him by Isis. Mention has already been made 2 of an inscription from Ikhernofret indicating that the Osirian rites at Abydos were at least as old as the Middle Kingdom. Similar to a medieval passion play, the rites at that time were simply an enactment of scenes from 1 VS 761 =CIL 2.3386, an inscription from Spain, was dedicated to her as protectress of women under the name puellaris. 2 See p. 38 supra.

54

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

Osiris's life and death. The series of hymns in "The Songs of Isis and Nephthys" preserve a portion of the dialogue used in the presentation of this drama. It is noteworthy that at this early date women already played a major part in these ceremonies, Isis and Nephthys being portrayed by two virgin priestesses. The rites involved in the celebration of Osiris's death and resurrection eventually took on a more symbolic meaning as evidenced in the Denderah texts and in Plutarch. 3 In the month of Athyr, according to Plutarch (DID 39 [366E-F]), when the Nile had completely receded, the priests covered a gilded cow with a black linen garment such that it represented the mourning Isis. 4 Seven times the cow was led around the temple of the sun (Piu., DID 52 [372C]). On the third day of the rites, at night, the priests went down to the sea and took out a sacred box inside of which was a golden casket. Into the casket they poured water, and everyone there shouted, "Osiris has been found!" Then mixing fertile earth with water, precious spices, and incense, they formed a crescent-shaped image and clothed it, to signify their belief that Isis and Osiris were the principles of earth and water. This description of the ceremony confirms that of Herodotus (2.132) who speaks of a cow, covered with a purple robe such that only the head and neck, which were encrusted with a thick layer of gold, were visible. The cow was brought out of its chamber only once a year when the Egyptians lamented a god whom Herodotus could not name. The fourth-century A.D. calendar of Philocalus indicates that at Rome the days from October 28 to November 1 were set aside for a feast called the Isia. 5 This was most certainly the celebration of Osiris's death and resurrection. There is no full description in ancient literature of these holy days as there is of the other great Isiac festival, the navigium Isidis (Apul., Met. 11), consequently, little is known of the precise nature of the solemnities at Rome. Basically, they involved an imitation of the lamentation of Isis, of her search for the parts of Osiris's corpse, and of her joy at finding him. Of immediate interest here is the mural on the Griffiths 63. PIu., DID 52 (372D) mentions statues of Isis with black clothes. For a statue of Isis with black vestments see Lafaye, Histoire du culte, # 51. Completely black statues are mentioned by Drexler, "Isis," 469. 5 H. Stern, "La date de la rete d'lsis du mois de novembre a Rome," eRAI (1968) 43-50, would extend the feast to November 3. 3

4

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

55

northwest wall of the sacrarium of the temple of Isis at Pompeii. 6 The scene there depicts the discovery of Osiris. A female figure with long black hair and a lotus flower on her head stands in the first of two boats. She holds a rope that is attached to the second boat. In the second boat is quite a large box on which is painted a bird with black wings. Presumably, then, an actual search did take place, the corpse of the discovered Osiris being returned by boat. A marble base from Faesulae shows an image of Isis mourning Osiris, 7 but provides no conclusive information as to the specifics of the ceremony. The rites must have been similar to those described by Firmicus Maternus, who speaks of annual periods of mourning when shorn Egyptian devotees pretended to seek out the remains of Osiris's body, all the time bewailing him, striking their breasts, wounding their arms, and cutting away the scars of old wounds. 8 Corresponding to this is the description in Minucius Felix (Octavius 23.1) where Minucius tells of miserable votaries beating their breasts and imitating the sorrows of an unhappy mother, and of how the priests rejoiced when Osiris was found. These rites seem to have made a deep impression on the Roman mind; there are many references to them in Latin literature. 9 Pagan and Christian writers alike viewed as a great source of amusement the annual renewal of the search for and discovery of Osiris, particularly scorning the great rejoicing that followed the discovery and the repetitiveness of the whole ceremony. Ovid mocked this religious rite, speaking of Osiris who was never sufficiently sought for,lo and Juvenal followed suit in a satiric reference to what Egypt

Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 143-44, #47 (PI. X.l). VS 564 = elL 11.1544. 8 Firm. Mat., Err. pro! rei. 2.3 : Haec est lsiaci sacri summa: in adytis habent idolum Osiridis sepultum; hoc annuis luctibus plangunt, radunt capita, ut miserandum regis sui turpitudine dehonestati defteant capitis, tundunt pectus, lacerant lacertos, veterum vulnerum resecant cicatrices, ut annuis luctibus in animis eorum funestae ac miserandae necis exitium renascatur. Et cum haec certis diebus fecerint, tunc fingunt se lacerati corporis reliquias quaerere, et cum invenerint, quasi sopitis luctibus gaudent. 9 Tib. 1.7.28; Tert., Adv. marc. 1.13.5; Firm. Mat., Err. pro! rei. 2.6, 2.9,27.1-2; Lact., Div. inst. 1.21; Arn., Nat. 1.36; Serv., Aen. 6.154; Rut. Nam., De red. suo 1.375-76; Prud., C. Symm. 1.624-31; Paulinus of Nola, Carmina 19.110-30. 10 Ov., Met. 9.693 : numquam satis Osiris quaesitus. 6 7

56

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECQ-ROMAN WORLD

shouted when Osiris was found. ll St. Augustine 12 tells us that Seneca in his lost work De superstitione made great fun of the fact that there was great moaning when Osiris was lost and great rejoicing when he was found, and that the people genuinely grieved and rejoiced though they had lost nothing. To this he added: huic tamenfurori certum tempus est. Tolerabile est semel anno insanire ... Seneca's total irreverence toward this aspect of the cult is further evidenced by his use of the ritual words EVp~Kap.Ev, (JvYXa{pWP.EV to express the reaction in heaven when Claudius appeared (Apocolocyntosis 13). On the other hand, Firmicus Maternus simply attempted to integrate this cry of joy (Evp~Kap.Ev, (JvYXa{pOP.EV) into the Christian religion, counseling Christians to use it as a sign that they had found the true path of salvation. This portion of the festival surrounding the findings of Osiris was called the inventio or the hilaria as the calendar of Philocalus designates the festival of November 3. There is little question that women participated in the lsia. In the Egyptian ceremonies at Busiris, where Osiris had long been worshiped, Herodotus had seen thousands of females imitating the mournful wife and mother in pantomime while men and women beat their breasts in grief. 13 That these rites were transferred to Italian soil is certain from Minucius Felix,14 who, without expressly mentioning female mourners, spoke of the imitation of motherly grief15 in the old Egyptian rites that had now made their way to Rome: ... et lsiaci miseri caedunt pectora et dolorem infelicissimae matris imitantur. Thus, women continued to participate in the Isiac mourning ritual as the religion spread outside of Egypt. The public appearance of women in imitative mourning for Osiris was apparently so familiar a sight in Rome that Statius in his Silvae 5.242-45 could refer to it for reasons of comparison: Juv., Sat. 8.26-30 : ... salve Gaetulice, seu tu Silanus, quocumque alio de sanguine rarus civis et egregius patriae contingis ovanti, exclamare Iibet, populus quod c1amat Osiris invento. 12 Aug., De civitate dei 6.10. 13 Hdt. 2.61. 14 Min. Fe!., Oct. 23.1. 15 The ancient authors frequently confused Osiris and Horus and referred to Isis's grief over her dead son rather than her husband. 11

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

57

... te sentit habetque, te videt et tumulos ortuque obituque salutat, ut Pharios aliae ficta pietate dolores Mygdoniosque colunt et non sua funera plorant. The display of grief involved in the Isia was public. While the population at large was acquainted with the myth behind it, those mourners who were initiates seem to have been more intimately bound up with these rites. This was not mere play-acting for them. In some secretive way these rites signified eternal life for those who had been initiated. Although no element of mystery in the true sense of the word was involved in the ancient Egyptian religion, and although the Egyptian ceremonies were comparable to mystery-plays, a participation in which gave no one man advantage over any other,l6 the Greeks, who identified Isis with Demeter, saw in these rites their own mysteriesY Under Greek influence true mysteries were introduced into the Isiac ceremonies;18 initiation, the privilege of which in Egypt was limited to the priesthood, was extended to include the laity too.1 9 Initiation, however, was still narrowly limited in the sense that only persons selected by the goddess herself were permitted this honor. The individual would be notified in a dream that Isis desired him or her as her servant; by the same method the priest who was to preside over the initiation would be informed of the upcoming event. These initiates belonged to the highest 18 MUller, Agypten 49; also Nock, Conversion 39 ; Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 126. But cf. Witt, Isis 152 who follows C. J. Bieeker, "Initiation in Ancient Egypt," Numen, Supplem. 10, 49-58, in believing that religious mysteries were known in ancient Egypt. 17 Hdt. 2.171 where he speaks of a lake whereon the Egyptians enacted at night the story of the god's sufferings (undoubtedly Osiris's sufferings), a rite which they called ",v(1T~p,a. In line with his understanding of the word "mysteries," Herodotus refuses to speak of further details. 18 The question of how early these mysteries began has been raised and has engendered much controversy. Fraser, Opusc. A then. 3 (1960) 4 n. 1 sees no evidence for them before the Roman period and rejects a Ptolemaic origin. He passes lightly over the Isiac aretalogies in which Isis claims to have pointed out "'V~v.wv Elltlla!as aolll'l-'a ypO.l-'l-'aTa t/>wvEiv. "Xaip£ 1(a.>Ju.;avIJ~J" I'r1rO, aa" "'Ir'A:qpo;opov, t/rox'J."

Tu m'as appris a prononcer les aoidima grammata. "Salut, toute brilIiante," puisse-t-eUe te dire, "sois pleinement rassuree, ame."

In the next-to-Iast verse Tetratia herself is speaking. Her husband, she says, has taught her to speak the proper words before death so that she might be justified and saved. In the final verse her husband has Isis speak, proclaiming to the dead woman that she is saved. Because of the bold conjecture of Ka).).'tPav~s in the final verse, Vidman would suggest the word E,.,.tPav~s which fits better with the Latin letters; though he is uncertain about the first letters of the verse, he would translate it approximately as follows: "Sei willkommen," moge dir die in Person Erscheinende sagen, "Seele, sei vollkommen (deiner Rettung) versichert." Both conjectures fit well with the interpretation of the relief on the left side. The man anointing the woman's eye is Tetratia's husband who is qualifying her eyes for the mystic visions. From him she has learned the mystic words to be spoken before death, and by him she has been initiated into mysteries. Following her initiation her name was changed to Memphius 46 as was sometimes the practice after A. J. Festugiere, "Initi~ par l'epoux," Monuments Piot 53 (1963) 135-46. Most recently Malaise in Les conditions de penetration SO-SI has warned that derivations obtained from the name of the city Memphis need not necessarily be interpreted as Isiac names. Having examined the examples, he states that one must recognize that nothing authorizes us to attribute to these names a value other than their manifest geographic nature. In connection with the sarcophagus of Ravenna he says that the conjunction of Isias and Memphi(us) is not a decisive index of a liaison with the Isiac cult because nothing proves that this woman is not really of Egyptian origin. 4a

46

64

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

initiationY Thus initiated and devoted to Isis, she is assured of salvation. These frequent occurrences of Isiac phrases and objects specifically connected with the concerns of life after death and their association with women in a majority of instances illustrates the deep emotional satisfaction that women obtained from participation in these mysteries. The identification of a deceased husband or son 48 or brother with Osiris and the attempt to acquire for them a future existence through an imitation of Isis's struggles and laments provided an outlet for the profound despair and grief accompanying such a loss.49 The firm belief that as truly as Osiris died and was resurrected to a new life so would one's beloved deceased live again was a solace to those left behind. And when it was time for the true Isiac herself to approach her death, she went confident of salvation, possessing only the secrets of her religion. 50 The Isiac religion provided a further emotional outlet particularly for female followers in its penitential aspect. Isis apparently was a goddess whose wrath was aroused by certain improper actions. Public acts of penance by Isiac -devotees are well documented among the ancien t authors. Isiacs were seen sitting before altars confessing that they had violated the goddess's will. 51 Others performed severe forms of penance to gain once again the goddess's favor. Juvenal knew of female devotees who on cold winter mornings would immerse themselves three times in the icy Tiber and then crawl around the streets naked on their bleeding knees. They would even have gone to Egypt to fetch water for the temple 47 Vidman, lsis und Sarapis 133. For a similar but not identical name change involv ing the Isiac mysteries see Ammianus Marcellinus 16.12.25 where Mederick, king of the Alemanni, after his return from captivity in Gaul, where he was initiated into the Isiac mysteries, changed the name of his son from Agenarich to Serapion. 48 The final line of an inscription from Fanum Fortunae (VS 585 = elL 11.6426) suggests that the deceased, a sixteen-year-old boy, was identified with Isis's son:

nomen tenebit lsidis nati puer. 49 Aelian, De nat. animo 10.23 : 'Ev Tfj I(01TTCP Tfj A1YV1TTlg ~v 'law at{3ovaw Aly.mT'o, 'Tui'S' 'rE

rua,S'

IEpovpylaS' Kat

,.,.lV'TO'

Kat Tji ,"apo. TWV '1TEv8ovawv ~ TOUS' av8pus

ac/>£Tlpovs ij 'TOUS' 1Tai8aS' 7j TOUS' cl8EAr/>ovs 'AaTpEl950 51

"rE

Kat 8Epa1T£la.

Piu. DIO 3 (352B). Ov., Pont. 1.1.51-52 : vidi ego linigerae numen violasse fatentem Isidis Isiacos ante sedere focos.

'TO

uS'

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECQ-ROMAN WORLD

65

if Isis had so commanded. 52 Violation of the prescriptions of chastity by women was at least one cause for repentance. When a husband discovered that his wife had not observed the sacred days of chastity, he begged forgiveness through his tears, offering a goose and a slender cake as appeasement,53 No less punishment could a man expect if he should make a sexual attack on a woman who was sacred to Isis. 54 On occasion punishment was exacted from sinners in the form of blindness. 55 Isis was also liable to anger if someone desecrated altars set up for one of

Juv., Sat. 6.522-29 : hibernum fracta glacie descendet in amnem, ter matutino Tiberi mergetur et ipsis verticibus timidum caput abluet, inde superbi totum regis agrum nuda ac tremibunda cruentis erepet genibus; si candida iusserit 10, ibit ad Aegypti finem calidaque petitas a Meroe porta bit aquas ut spargat in aede Isidis, antiquo quae proxima surgit ovili. Cf. Sen., De vita beata 26.8 : ... cum aliqua genibus per viam repens ululat 53 Juv., Sat. 6.535-41 : iIIe petit veniam, quotiens non abstinet uxor concubitu sacris observandisque diebus magnaque debetur visa est argentea serpens; et movisse caput visa est argentea serpens; iIIius lacrimae meditataque murmura praestant ut veniam culpae non abnuat, ansere magno scilicet et tenui popano corruptus, Osiris. 54 Xen., Eph. 3.11.4-5; 5.4.5-7; HId., Aeth. 2.25.1-6 where the Isiac priest Calasiris was tempted by the beauty of the devotee. Though the gods preserved him from approaching her, it was nonetheless a sin of intention in punishment for which he imposed exile on himself. 55 Ov., Pont. 1.1.53-54 : alter, ob huic similem privatus lumine culpam, clamabat media se meruisse via. Juv., Sat. 13.93 : Isis et irato feriat mea lumina sistro Numerous eyes of gold or silver were dedicated as ex-votos in the sanctuary of Isis and Sarapis at Delos. They indicate that recoveries from blindness and other eye diseases were attributed to Isis as well as the diseases themselves. Cf. R. Pettazzoni, La confessione dei peccati (Bologna 1935-36) 11.45 and n. 144. 52

66

lSIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

her devotees 56 or enslaved those who had been freed under her auspices. 51 It was especially in this aspect of the religion that Roman matrons who were devotees of Isis displayed their devotion to the priests. The priest was not so much one who intervened for the sinner but an actual substitute for her, the priest himself doing the weeping and begging and perhaps the very confessing of the sin.58 More often Isis was viewed as a gentle goddess who presided over the spiritual and physical aspects of love. Her relationship to AphroditeVenus has already been pointed out. Her role as protectress of lovers is particularly emphasized in the Greek romances of imperial times. These novels of Graeco-Roman antiquity actually arose from religious roots.59 The novelist Xenophon in his third-century romance, the Ephesiaca, portrayed Isis as the preserver of the heroine Anthia's chastity. Habrocomes, a handsome, sixteen-year-old boy fell in love with Anthia at the Artemis festival in Ephesus. The two were married and then set off to travel in fulfillment of the oracle of Apollo at Charos. Thus began for the two lovers a series of dangers at sea, kidnappings, imprisonments, 66 vs 464=CIL 6.21129; vs 465=CIL 6.24760. See also VS 52=IG 7.2681 where defilement would cost the criminal 700 denaria to be paid to !sis. 57 VS 55=IG 7.2872 where a penalty of 1000 drachmas would have to be paid to Sarapis. In VS 67=IG 9.1.86 the penalty was due to both Isis and Sarapis. See also VS 69=IG 9.1.188. 58 Pettazzoni, La confessione 11.48. 59 See R. Merkelbach, Roman und Mysterium in der Antike (Munich and Berlin 1962) which Merkelbach devotes entirely to the proof of this thesis. Whereas the general thesis is commonly accepted as correct, there has been some criticism as to the extent to which Merkelbach carries his theory. See, for example, the comments of R. Turcan in "Le roman 'initiatique' : apropos d'un livre recent," RHR 163 (1963) 149-99. On page 150 of this article Turcan notes that one can only agree with Merkelbach when he affirms that the novel must have religious origins. But, says Turcan, Merkelbach wishes to go much further. He defines Greco-Roman novels as Mysterientexte. Each story, even a Christian novel, is only a narrative transposition of an initiation. Merkelbach sees in every episode, gesture, formula, or word of the hero an allusion to a ritual of the mysteries. Further, on page 153 Turcan says: "Que des representations religieuses fort anciennes aient inspire plus d'un conte populaire, c'est ce qu'on ne revoquera point en doute; mais que les mysteres greco-romains soient 'dramatises' dans les romans qui en derivent, voila ce qu'on n'admettra pas aussi aisement. "

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

67

and attempted rapes. Many attempts were made to violate Anthia, but her chastity was protected by Isis. In an incident in which Psammis,60 an Indian rajah who had bought Anthia as a slave, was about to rape her, she related how her father had consecrated her to Isis from the day of her birth until she was married. 61 "If," she said, "you do violence to that which belongs to the goddess, she will be angry; her vengeance will be terrible." Thereupon, Psammis paid hommage to Isis and respected Anthia. Once again Isis rescued her from a similar situation when Polyidos,62 who had captured Anthia and had taken her to Alexandria was overcome with passion for her. Anthia fled to the temple of Isis and prayed for help: uv P.E, W SEu7Towa AiyV7TTOV, 7Tli'\w UWUOV, fJ J/Jo~O'T}ua~ 7To'\MKL~ CPELU&.UOW P.OV Ka~ IIo'\vLSo~ Tfj~ SuI. UE uwCPpovo~ 'A/JPOKOP.T1 T'T}pOVP.EV'T}~. So again she was allowed to remain pure for Habrocomes. At last husband and wife met again at Rhodes whereupon the crowds raised up cries of joy and salutations to Isis. The lovers themselves entered the temple of Isis and offered to her thanks for having saved and reunited them. Later, at Ephesus, the two offered prayers and sacrifices to Artemis in her temple there. Throughout the novel Isis and Artemis are portrayed as two aspects of one divinity,63 as was harmonious with the syncretism of the age. At the festival of Artemis where the two lovers met, Anthia was part of the great procession and was herself dressed like Artemis. Before beginning their travels the two lovers pledged faithfulness to each other, Anthia swearing her oath by Artemis. Yet in the midst of perils it was Isis who was invoked and who protected the lovers. Finally, both goddesses were given thanks when the two had been saved and reunited. Further proof of this view of Isis as protectress in matters of love eo Xen., Eph. 3.11.2-5. In an inscription from Athens (VS 22=IG 2/3 2.4069) a man and his wife seem to consecrate their daughter to Isis: ... T7JV JaVTwv 8vyaTlpa Novp.p.lav /(.\£,:, Eicnll, £.JX'iv. Dunand, Le cU/fe d'/sis 2.140 and n. 3. suggests that another Athenian inscription (VS 21 =IG 2/3 2.4068) may also refer to the consecration of a young girl to Isis. It is probable, however, that the man in question dedicated to Isis a statue of his daughter. Yet Dunand notes that the verb (dvaTl8'1]p.') used in the formula of offering is found in Xenophon's Ephesiaca to designate the consecration of a young girl to Isis. 81 Xen., Eph. 5.4.5-7. 88 Witt, /aia 243. 81

68

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

is found, though not quite so directly, in the Aethiopica written by a third-century author named Heliodorus. This story relates, once again, the dangers and torments endured by two lovers, Theagenes and Chariclea, in their attempt to be reunited. Two of the characters are priests of Isis at Memphis, and another had vacated his priesthood. This former priest, Thyamis, as he was about to marry the heroine, had a dream in which Isis in her temple led Chariclea by the hand before him, saying that the girl would be his wife. 64 The goddess then spoke mysterious words, saying that Thyamis would have her and yet not have her, that he would murder her and she would not die. Thyamis mistakenly interpreted this to mean that he would have her as a wife, not a virgin and that he would murder her virginity. On the contrary, it meant that Chariclea only pretended to want to marry Thyamis and that he would actually murder a girl whom he thought was Chariclea. So it was through Isis that not only her virginity but also her life were saved. In this novel there are no scenes in which the assistance of Isis is invoked or thanks and sacrifices are offered to her, nevertheless it was Isis who protected the heroine so that in the end she could, her chastity intact, be reunited with her lover. The final book of Apuleius's Metamorphoses was inspired by the same local legends which developed into the Greek love romances having a religious climax with Isis as the savior goddess. There are those who see the Metamorphoses simply as entertainment wherein the eleventh book depicting Lucius's deliverance by Isis merely echoes the usual ending of the love-romances. But a more complex interpretation seems likely. Lucius had rejected his home life and entered into a period of obsession with sensuality and magic. Because of these vices he was turned into an ass. Thereafter he was further punished by being forced to mingle with the baser elements of society. Only when Lucius dedicated his life to Isis was he freed from his slavery to sexuality and magic. Thus, Isis again appeared as one who loved chastity and purity and endeavored to preserve them. Furthermore, the eleventh book seems to have been inspired by Apuleius's personal devotion to the Isiac religion in the face of the expansion of Christianity at that time in Africa. Understood as such, the eleventh book of the Metamorphoses "swings sharply into focus as a It

HId., Aeth. 1.18.2-5.

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

69

commitment to pagan personal religion composed under the stimulus of hostile taunts and opposing claims."65 The special emphasis on Isis's demand for sexual chastity suggests that the Christians' distinitive claim to this virtue is being challenged. There is evidence, too, that betrothals were made in the temple of Isis with the goddess as a witness. In the love story of Clitophon and Leucippe told by the Greek author Achilles Tatius, Clitophon, believing that Leucippe was dead, agreed to marry a wealthy widow. 66 The widow and Clitophon decided to meet at the temple of Isis to discuss their future plans. There Isis was their witness as they swore to love each other honorably and to make themselves husband and wife. The oath was felt to be binding as the widow indicates later when Clitophon, having discovered that Leucippe was alive, was reluctant to follow through with the marriage. 67 She reminds him of Isis and the oaths sworn before her altar. Recently Tran Tarn Tinh while publishing two lamps68 noticed the presence of a particular artistic motif in which the busts of Isis and Sarapis exchange an embrace, sometimes kissing each other, sometimes entwining their arms about each other. The motif appears generally on lamp handles and seems to have originated in the second half of the first century A.D. The majority of the monuments displaying this motif came from Italy. The motif has no relation to any other works of art. These facts and its absence from Alexandria lead to the conclusion that the motif, which made a rapid disappearance, was created in a Roman workshop. In an attempt to interpret the motif of the embrace Tran Tarn Tinh proposes and rejects the possibility that it is a portrayal of the Egyptian myth where the kiss would represent the kiss of life. This mythological interpretation does not correspond to the theme on the lamps where love alone is expressed. Moreover, according to Tran Tarn Tinh, the artists could not have copied monuments since the theme appears in no other art form. Rather, he suggests, it was among the methods of propaganda used by the Isiac religion. The Isiac aretalogies, indeed, had assigned an important place to conjugal love. The theme Walsh, The Roman Novel 186. Ach. Tat. 5.14. 67 Ibid., 5.26. 68 V. Tran Tarn Tinh, "Isis et Serapis se regardant," Revue Archeologique 28 (1970) 55·80. 65 66

70

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECD-ROMAN WORLD

was no less important among Christians. Authors such as Minucius Felix, TertuIIian, and Clement of Alexandria derided the frivolous love of the Olympian gods, but found nothing reprehensible in the relationship of Isis and Sarapis. Tran Tarn Tinh calls attention to third-and fourth-century monuments of Christian archaeology in which a husband and wife share a tender expression and caress each other. Corresponding to the role played by Isis in the Greek romances as protectress of faithfullovers and spouses, the theme of the happiness and love of the divine couple was a symbol of the blessings which Isis and Sarapis granted to faithful spouses. Surely this was a popular conception of Isis and Sarapis, especially among the lower classes whose greatest source of happiness was their domestic life and among women whose only concern in most instances was home life. There is a considerable amount of concrete evidence that Isis was looked upon in the Graeco-Roman world as the goddess who presided over fertility and birth. Of chief importance are instances in which Isis was identified with the goddess Bubastis and Artemis-Diana. The role of Bubastis as goddess of fertility and her connection with Isis as indicated by several Hellenistic terra cotta figurines have already been mentioned. Inscriptions provide further evidence of the connection of the two goddesses and the special interest that women took in IsisBubastis. The earliest epigraphic mention of Bubastis in connection with Isis outside of Egypt is in an inscription of Rhodes that dates back perhaps as far as the second century B.C.69 There appears the only masculine priest of Bubastis in her connection with Isis. A stela from Gomphi in Thessaly has inscribed on it a hexametric hymn of Isis wherein Bubastis is mentioned. 70 Only the beginning of each verse is legible; the other letters seem to have been deleted for religious reasons. In an inscription from Hyampolis in Phocis there is mention of the Bubastia, the festival of Isis-Bubastis that seems to have been instituted at Hyampolis during the period of Trajan's reign. 71 At Iasus in Caria a man and his wife set up an altar and some censers to Anubis, Isis Pelagia, and Isis-Bubastis. 72 &9 VS 173. Vidman notes after this inscription that A. this was a priestess. 70 VS 92. 71 VS 67=IG 9.1.86. 78 VS 274.

Sala~

mistakenly thought

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

71

A dedication of Alexandria was addressed to Bubastis by a woman for her daughter who was saved from great danger. 73 More indicative of the importance assigned by women to Isis-Bubastis are inscriptions in which priestesses or worshipers of Isis-Bubastis are mentioned. In Rome T. F1avius Ampliatus set up an inscription in memory of his wife Ostoria Successa, who was designated as a priestess of Bubastis. 74 The word Bubastiaca was used to identify someone as either a priestess or worshiper of Isis-Bubastis. It is interesting to note that its masculine form Bubastiacus occurs nowhere, whereas the equivalent terms lsiacus and Anubiacus occur in the masculine. 75 (Anubiacus, however, does not appear in the feminine form.) Probably these Bubastiacae formed a sort of sisterhood of believers, at least in Rome and Ostia. 76 At Rome Cornelia Mo ... who set up an inscription for herself and her husband was called Bubastiaca. 77 At Ostia Caltilia Diodora Bubastiaca in accordance with her will gave some luxurious gifts to Isis-Bubastis. 78 The only inscription in which a man alone made a dedication to Isis-Bubastis is one from Scarbantia in upper Pannonia : lsidi Augustae et Bubasti G. Pomponius Philinus, Pomponi Severi libertus, votum soMt (VS 664 = CIL 3.4234). We can well imagine a situation in which PhiIinus pledged vows to IsisBubastis if she would assist his wife in a difficult pregnancy. Or perhaps the circumstances approximated those in which Ovid found himself when his Corinna was on her death bed following an attempted abortion. It was Isis to whom the poet prayed for mercy, for it was she who was known to have compassion on women in labor, and in return he promised her vows and gifts and an inscription. His beautiful prayer reveals a good knowledge of the habits of Isiac devotees: Isis, Paraetonium genialiaque arva Canopi quae colis et Memphin palmiferamque Pharon, quaque celer Nilus lato delapsus in alveo per septem portus in maris exit aquas, 73 E. Breccia, lscrizioni greche e {arine (Catalogue general des antiquites egyptiennes du Musee d'Alexandrie) (Le Caire 1911) # 121. 74 VS 423 = CIL 6.2249. 76 Vidman, lsis und Sarapis 90. 78 Dunand, REL 40 (1962) 85. 77 VS 422=CIL 6.3880. 78 VS 534=CIL 14.21.

72

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

per tua sistra precor, per Anubidis ora verendisic tua sacra pius semper Osiris amet, pigraque labatur circa donaria serpens, et comes in pompa corniger Apis eat! huc adhibe vultus, et in una parce duobus! nam vitam dominae tu dabis, ilia mihi. saepe tibi sedit certis operata diebus, qua tangit laurus Gallica turma tuas. tuque laborantes utero miserata puellas quarum tarda latens corpora tendis onus, lenis ades precibusque meis fave, I1ithyia : digna est quam iubeas muneris esse tui. ipse ego tura dabo fumosis candidus aris, ipse feram ante tuos munera vota pedes; adiciam titulum Servata Naso Corinna, tu modo fac titulo muneribusque locum. (Am. 2. 13. 7-26)

In one other reference to Isis Ovid made clear the role of the goddess as protectress of pregnant women. In the Metamorphoses 9.685-701 when Telethusa was about to give birth to her child, she pondered over her husband Lygdus's threat that if the child were a girl he would not allow it to live. In the middle of the night in her dreams she saw Isis with her glorious procession standing at the foot of her bed. Standing with Anubis and Apis and Osiris and Harpocrates and the crocodiles was sancta Bubastis, here portrayed as a separate but associated goddess. Then Isis seemed to speak to Telethusa : pars 0 Telethusa mearum, Pone graves curas mandataque falle mariti; Nec dubites, cum te partu Lucina levarit, Tollere, quidquid erit! dea sum auxiliaris opemque Exorata fero, nec te coluisse quereris Ingratum numen. (Met. 9.696-701)

Telethusa did, in fact, put her trust in Isis and managed to save her daughter's life by concealing her sex. The relationship of Isis with Artemis-Diana was a rather unusual one. 79 The identification of the two goddesses is clear from their roles in 78 For an artistic assimilation of Artemis and Isis see Witt, /sis, PI. 36. See also Witt, /sis, chapt. 11, "Great Artemis-Isis," 141-51, and id., "The Importance of Isis

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD

73

Xenophon's Ephesiaca. Artemis-Diana was the young huntress renowned for her virginity. How she could be identified with Isis whose one most important characteristic was motherhood is difficult to understand until we realize that in her cult at Ephesus Artemis personified female fertility.so Moreover, chastity had an important place in the Isiac religion. This gave the two goddesses more than one common point on which they might meet. Indeed, in Ovid's prayer following Corinna's abortion attempt, Diana's epithet Ilithyia was given to !sis, indicating the identification of the two in matters concerning childbirth. In an inscription on a marble tablet used as a table in a church in Beroea the two goddesses were also identified. SI The dedication was made by a man and his wife paying a vow for their daughter, probably after the birth of her child, to Isis Lochia, the epithet applied to Diana as goddess of childbirth. So women in the Graeco-Roman world viewed Isis as among other things the goddess whose protection they might seek in the whole span of events connected with the reproduction process. From her womanliness and motherliness her followers hoped for understanding and help. Her identification with other goddesses who presided over the same sphere was only natural and reinforced the governance over life that she had maintained since her very beginnings. She acquired more general epithets that praised her fertility and her bestowal of all forms of life. The interchange between Lucius and Isis at the beginning of the eleventh book of Apuleius's Metamorphoses is illustrative of her sovereignty over all living things. In his desperation Lucius invoked the all-powerful goddess known under various names, whether she was Ceres, "the original, nourishing mother of the fruits of the earth," or whether she was Venus, "who at the first beginnings of the world allied the two sexes in generative love and in the eternal propagation of the human race," for the Fathers," Studia Patristica 8 (1966) 135-45. It is, however, necessary to be somewhat cautious with Witt's conclusions, especially as regards syncretism, as has been pointed out by Stephanie West in "A Further Note on ArAIIH in P. Oxy. 1380," JThS (New Series) 20.1 (1969) 228-30. 80 Witt, Isis 142. V. von Gonzenbach in her article "Der Griechisch-R5mische Scheitelschmuck und die Funde von Thasos," BCH93 (1969) 935, notes that in northern Greece the worship of Artemis Kourotrophos of classical times was changed in the empire to a mystery religion with a cult association to which small girls could belong. 81 VS 107=SEG 12.316. The inscription is reproduced in Witt, Isis PI. 15.

74

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECQ-ROMAN WORLD

or the one, whom he did not name, "who nourished the fertile seeds with damp heat."82 Indeed, it was Isis who answered him, and when she did, she announced herself as "mother of the nature of things, mistress of all the elements, initial progeny of the races."83 Plutarch (DIO 56 [374B]) informs the reader that Isis is sometimes called Mouth which means mother. Apuleius later referred to the cow in the procession as being the image of the goddess who was the fruitful mother of all things. 84 Under this aspect she was called p.fJ'T'Y}p p.EyaA'Y},85 p.fJ'T'Y}p (JEWV,86 and merely p.fJ'T'Y}p.87 Her fertility was also emphasized in the epithets Kap1Tocfo6pos88 and frugifera. 89 Isis's own motherhood was a source of inspiration for women in the Graeco-Roman world. The relationship of mother and child was idealized in numerous statues of Isis and Harpocrates. As a model of maternal love, Isis was very frequently portrayed holding the infant Harpocrates in her arms as she suckled him.90 Representations of this type did not originate with the Greeks and Romans but were common in ancient Egypt. Representations of divine or mortal women with child at breast are frequent in Egyptian art, while in ancient cultures outside of the Nile valley they are strikingly seldom and enter late. 91 This maternal gesture had particular symbolism in the old Egyptian religion because 81 Apul., Met. 11.2: ... alma frugum parens originalis, ... Venus, quae primis rerum exordiis sexuum diversitatem generato amore sociasti et aIterna subdole humano genere propagato ... udis ignibus nutriens laeta semina ... 83 Ibid., 11.4 : ... rerum naturae parens, elementorum omnium domina, saeculorum progenies initialis .. . 84 Ibid., 11.11 : ... omniparentis deae fecundum simulacrum ... 85 VS CE 50a. 88 VS CE 82. Cf. Apul., Met. 11.4 where Isis says that the Phrygians call her mother of the gods at Pessinus. 87 VS 741 =CIL 12.2217. 88 VS 317. 88 VS 379=CIL 6.351; VS 724=CIL 13.1337. 80 Tran Tam Tinh, Essai 88 notes the strangeness of the almost total absence at Pompeii of the type of Isis nourishing Harpocrates. He mentions in his catalogue only one statue (#99) of Isis Kourotrophos. "Les isiaques pompeiens etaient-i1s insensibles a la beaute de cette figuration de la maternite divine?" he asks. Several examples of this type in Alexandrian art are listed by him on p. 88 n. 1. For other examples see Drexler, "Isis", 504-509. See also supra chapter 2 n. 26. 81 MUlier, Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 14 (1963) 8, 36 n. 3.

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECD-ROMAN WORLD

75

milk issued from the divine breast and brought to the one nursed life, longevity, salvation, and divinity. This belief was found in Greek mythology also: Heracles must suck at the breast of Hera to obtain immortality.92 Although other goddesses in Egypt were portrayed suckling their infants, by the time of the Middle Kingdom the type was definitely identified with Isis and Horus. 93 In the Graeco-Roman period this type and the type in which Harpocrates merely sat on her lap were found in bronze statues, terra cotta statues, on gems, and on Alexandrian coins.94 It was probably at Alexandria that the cult ofIsis nursing Harpocrates developed with a new artistic type. If statues of Isis lactans from the Ptolemaic period are compared with coins of the Antonine period, Isis appears to have been suddenly Hellenized. The sudden appearance of these coins in a temple in 108/109 A.D., their frequence under the Antonines, and their progressive disappearance under Commodus and the first Severan emperors most likely correspond to a renovation of the temple and especially to the extraordinary expansion of the cult of the mother and infant. The motif had already appeared frequently in the first century on the handles of lamps.95 These figures of Isis nursing Harpocrates found on lamp handles must have been ex-votos offered to the goddess for the protection of the family and especially for the protection of infants against evil spirits. 9a The veneration in which the character of the nourishing mother was held is evident from the description of the procession down to the sea in Apuleius (Met. lLlO). Among the principal Isiac priests who were leaders of the sacred rites and who carried the relics of the goddess was one who carried a vessel of gold in the shape of a breast from which milk flowed (aureum l'asculum in modum papillae rotundatum de quo lacte libabat). A mysterious statement by Macrobius describes Isis as a goddess whose whole body was covered thickly with many breasts, thus representing the nutritive element of all things,97 not merely of her son. 92 Tran Tam Tinh and Labrecque, Isis lactans 1 and n. 3. 93 G. D. Hornblower, "Predynastic Figures of Women and their Successors," JEA 15 (1929) 43. Miiller, Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 14 (1963) 9. 84 Drexler, "Isis," 504-509. 8D Tran Tam Tinh and Labrecque, Isis lactans 16-17. 88 Ibid., 20. 87 Macr., Sat. 1.20.18: Hinc est quod continuatis uberibus corpus deae omne densetur, quia vel terrae vel rerum naturae altu nutritur universitas.

76

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECQ-ROMAN WORLD

The opinion is frequently put forth that Isis lactans strongly influenced from an iconographic point of view the creation of Maria lactans, the Blessed Virgin and Christ Child. Tran Tarn Tinh has examined this hypothesis and has pointed out the large chronological gap between the Isis lactans and the first appearances of the Maria lac tans both in Egypt and outside of Egypt. os Relatively few images of Maria lac tans have been found in Christian Egypt, and these few images were found not in public churches or chapels but in private chapels or cells of hermits of the desert. Outside of Egypt the third through the sixth centuries witnessed the great popularity of the theme of the Virgin holding the infant Jesus on her knees, but the theme of Maria lactans seems to have been ignored. Most of the images of Maria lactans which have come down to us from the West date from the twelfth century or later. Harpocrates also appeared with Isis as an older child standing by her side, frequently portrayed with his finger in his mouth, a gesture not uncommon for children, but one which led the ancient authors to think that he called for silence in the face of the mysteries of the religion. DD To judge by the number of representations of Isis and Harpocrates it was in her role as mother that Isis achieved the greatest popularity in the Graeco-Roman world. On the other hand, inscriptional and literary references in which she was called mother or where her motherhood was honored, as noted above, are few. The instances in which she was called mother in inscriptions and literature generally refer to her as the parent of all things or mother of the gods rather than emphasizing her own motherhood. The relationship of the mother and child, however, was not forgotten; inscriptions were dedicated to Isis and Sarapis accompanied by either Harpocrates or Anubis or both. loO In some cases honor was paid to Isis by a dedication to her son, as in an inscription from Perusia in which Critonia Chrotis made a dedication to Harpocrates under the name of Apollo ob honorem Isidis. lol At Neapolis a certain M. Opsius Navius Phannianus set up a statue of Apollo Horus HarpoTran Tam Tinh and Labrecque, Isis lactans 40-49. Piu., DIO 68 (378C); Varro, De ling. lat. 5.10, 5.57; Catull. 74, 102; Qv., Met., 11.693; Pliny, Nat. hist. 33.3. 100 The four-part formula is so typically Greek, according to Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 16, that it does not occur in the Latin form at all. 101 VS 577=CIL 11.1916. 98 99

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

77

crates and dedicated it to Isis. 102 In the final analysis it must be judged that the concept of maternal love could be displayed visually with more depth and ease and true beauty of meaning than it could verbally. Despite the fact that the Alexandrian triad was more apt in the GraecoRoman world to include Isis, Sarapis, and Anubis than Isis, Sarapis, and Harpocrates,103 the true family grouping of Isis, Sarapis, and Harpocrates did exert an influence on the religious life of the ordinary family. At times this included only a husband and wife. The famous sarcophagus from Ravenna,lo4 for example, depicts a wife being initiated into the Isiac mysteries by her husband; he had also taught her the mysterious words that would gain her salvation after death. On a grave relief from Rome105 the Isiac priestess Galatea stands at the side of a man, presumably her husband, before a flaming altar. The man holds in his left hand a box from which he seems to sprinkle incense on the flames. What part he played in the cult is not certain, but the two appear to have been united in their worship. There are, of course, many dedications made to Isis and Sarapis by husbands to their wives and vice-versa, by fathers or mothers with their children, and by husbands and wives together. From Chius comes a Greek inscription106 in which a certain Thraseas set up an inscription on behalf of his entire family to the entire family of Egyptian gods: 8paala~ .Ii,oylvov~

Kal rij.

v"fp ;aUTO;; Kal TWV TIKVWV Kal TWV TIKVWV l1o>Jo.a~ Kal

yvva'KO~ l1o>Jo.a~

KvlVTOV TIKVWV

"Ia,a, 1:~po:,,.r,,, 'Av01Jp,a"

'AtyrrOKpaTE', (JEOj~

avvvao,. Kal avILPWILo,. ~,}X'1v.

Lafaye in his catalogue (Histoire du culte #101) described a marble plaque on which three Roman people appeared in the costumes and with the attributes of Sarapis, Isis, and Harpocrates. The husband and wife stood with hands joined on either side of their son who represented the young Harpocrates. Of particular interest in terms of the Isiac religion as a family cult are instances of children dedicated to the religion by their parents. Children 101 101 104 106 108

VS 496=IG 14.719. Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens 378; Vidman, lsis und SQI'apis 15. VS S86=ILS 9442, except for the Greek song. VS 453 = Lafaye. Histoire du culte # 11 5. VS 2S7=CIG 2230.

78

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

were granted special protection, in fact, by Isis who was hailed in an inscription from Rome as educatrix. 107 Most notable among these instances are the portraits of male children who wear the so-called Horuslocke that appeared in its typical form since the second century A.D.lo8 Young girls also wore the Horuslocke although examples of such are not very numerous. 10D The Horuslocke was one thick curl extending straight down from the back of the head or frequently hanging behind the right ear. The rest of the head either was shaved or had rather short hair. This curl signified that the boy or girl had received a sort of preconsecration into the Egyptian cults without being expressly designated as an initiate. llo This would be not at all unnatural since Harpocrates had proclaimed his governance over the upbringing of children in the hymn from Chalcis in his honor.l11 Further evidence of the interest parents took in bringing their children up under the influence of the Isiac religion exists in the case of Anthia, in Xenophon's Ephesiaca,ll2 whose father had dedicated her from birth to Isis and in the case of Clea, in Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride,ll3 who had been consecrated in the Osirian rites by her mother and father. One might expect by quickly checking through the epithets given to Isis in inscriptions 1l4 dedicated by women or in which women played a VS 371 =CIL 6.30915 where the dedication is made to Isidt Lydiae educatrici. For a full treatment of this see the monograph by V. von Gonzenbach, Untersuchungen zu den Knabenweihen im Isiskult der romischen Kaiserzeit (Bonn 1957). See further the controversy between Gonzenbach in "Der Griechisch-Romische Scheitelschmuck und die Funde von Thasos," BCH 93 (1969) 885-945 and Claude Rolley in "Nattes, Rubans et Pendeloques," BCH 94 (1970) 551-65. Rolley suggests that adornment of the head was characteristic of infants who died at an early age and whom one wished to place, in the other world, under the protection of divinities outside of the traditional Graeco-Roman pantheon, most often the Egyptian divinities. Gonzenbach believes these conclusions are incorrect. 109 Gonzenbach, BCH 93 (1969) 902. An example of a girl about eight to twelve years old with a Horuslocke appears in Gonzenbach's catalogue (#35) here. 110 Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 131. See also A. D. Nock, review of Gonzenbach, AJA 64 (1960) 197 and Gonzenbach, BCH 93 (1969) 917, 927. 111 VS 88. 111 Xen., Eph. 3.11.4. 118 Piu., DIO 35 (364E). 114 Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 181-82, notes that in Italy fifty-five percent of the inscriptions have only the name of Isis whereas the remaining have an epithet. 107

108

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAEC0-ROMAN WORLD

79

substantial role to discover some favorite way that women had of addressing her. In fact, it seems that their favorite name for her was Augusta,1l5 which also was the most common epithet employed by men. The second most frequently used epithet among women was regina 1l8 and following that domina,l17 both of which also had corresponding popUlarity among men. All of these epithets express the complete sovereignty of the goddess over her subjects and essentially hail her as the all-powerful goddess. The epithet Augusta is believed by some to refer to Isis's position as goddess of the family in her identification with the Lares. 1l8 In fact, the Isiac cult had made its way into everyday life even in the most intimate way.l19 The images of the Alexandrian divinities appeared especially at Pompeii in the niches and aediculae that served as lararia. There the Egyptian gods were worshiped as protectors of domestic life. Tran Tarn Tinh 120 has made the interesting observation that of all the oriental gods only the Alexandrians were admitted as Penates in the domestic cult. Malaise,m however, convincingly argues against Isis's identification with the Lares as being the source of the epithet Augusta. Anubis, he notes, who was not received into the lararia, was also called Augustus (VS 599=CIL 5.8210). To Malaise the conception of Isis Augusta as protectress of the imperial throne is more logical, but the imperial sense of this title must have had serious restrictions. Sarapis was only once called Augustus contrary to the expectation that he would have received the title more frequently since he was bound up with the emperors especially in the Flavian and Severan periods. Among epithets given to Isis by women, only three-Bubastis, puelm vs 486; VS 577=CIL 11.1916; VS 649; VS 653; VS 760=CIL 2.2416; VS 765=CIL 2.4080. Isis is an interpretatio Romana of Isis which does not seem to have an equivalent in the interpretatio Graeca. Vidman, Isis und Sarapis 115. For a plaque of marble found in 1791 at Civita-Rotta dating from the first/second century A.D. see VS 503=CIL 10.4717 and Tran Tarn Tinh, Campanie 81. 118 VS 621 =CIL 5.2797; VS 681 =CIL 3.7907; VS 682=CIL 3.7908; VS 739= CIL 12.1562. 117 VS 510=CIL 10.6303; VS 588 =CIL 11.695; VS 754=CIL 2.981. 118 Lafaye, Histoire du culte 129; Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 103-109. ut For the connection of Isis with Vesta see VS 513=IG 14.433. 120 Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 109. 111 Malaise, Les conditions de penetration 184.

80

ISIS AS PERCEIVED BY WOMEN IN THE GRAECo-ROMAN WORLD

[oris, and Lochia-specifically pertain to her role as patroness of women. The study of epithets alone does little to provide us with an image of Isis as she appeared to women in the Graeco-Roman world. A closer study of the inscriptions, however, of their content and the occasions on which they were set up, along with a review of the other archaeological and literary remains has indicated the reasons for which women in the Graeco-Roman world sought her out. In sum, she was a protectress during the most important occasions of the life-cycle-birth, marriage, and death. Every emotion experienced by the ordinary person at such events had already been experienced by Isis. At death she provided an emotional outlet through the enactment of her sufferings. Purification from one's sins was granted by her through penance, and eventually salvation was attained. One's chastity was preserved by Isis before marriage, and troth was pledged with Isis as witness. Finally, she provided protection during childbirth and nurtured infants. All of these matters were of primary concern to women, and it was they who sought Isis out most eagerly to fill a need which the Greek and Roman religions failed to fill.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CULT OF ISIS The frequent mention by scholars, and, more especially by the ancient authors, of the participation of women in the Egyptian cults should not lead one to believe that women formed the majority of the participants of the cults or that it was only because of women that the Egyptian cults gained such popularity. While there were several reasons why women were more attracted to Isis than to other deities, they were involved in the cults less frequently than might be imagined and than has, indeed, been implied in some instances. This may be illustrated by the use of a few statistics based on the inscriptions relating to the cult as collected by Vidman in his Syl/oge inscriptionum religionis lsiacae et Sarapiacae. The catalogue contains 1099 inscriptions. 1 Of these 1099 inscriptions, according to my calculations, 200 or 18.2 % mention women who were priestesses, members of cult associations, or ordinary devotees of the Egyptian cults, as indicated by dedications they made or dedications made on their behalf. In this number are not included queens or empresses for whom dedications were made to Isis or other women whose names appear in inscriptions relating to the cult but concerning whom there is no indication of having been affiliated with the cult themselves. This percentage seems rather low when the emphasis given by the elegiac poets, for example, to women's devotion to Isis is considered, and, in any case, is not great enough to warrant the assumption that the female element gave the cult its great popularity. A breakdown of these inscriptions according to the localities from which they originate also yield interesting results. Of the major cult centers Athens and Rome seem to have produced the greatest number of female adherents, in fact, far more than any other cult centers. Of the 35 inscriptions from Athens 17 or 48.6 % concern female devotees, while from Rome 36 of 97 1 Although Vidman's numbering only goes to 810, some inscriptions have the same number but are further qualified by a lower case letter, for example, 450a is an inscription distinct from 450. In addition, on the same basis, 247 inscriptions from Delos are included and are numbered according to P. Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens a Delos du Ille au ler siecle av. J.-C. (Paris-Nancy 1916), abbreviated as CE.

82

THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CULT OF ISIS

inscriptions or 37.1 % speak of women in this connection. From the other major cult centers the percentages are much smaller. Of the 75 inscriptions from the island of Rhodes not one mentions a woman devotee. This could in part be due to the fact that Rhodes figured as a cult center at a very early period, from the third to the first century B.C., as the inscriptions reveal, when Isis, though she had outstripped Sarapis in favor, had not yet reached the peak of her popularity which came only with the empire. Here it should be pointed out that even at Athens only 5 of the 17 inscriptions relating to women originated in the centuries before Christ. Although Isis and the whole family of Egyptian gods were almost always connected with Sarapis in the Graeco-Roman world and although a priest of Sarapis was also a priest of Isis,2 the more frequent and primary mention of Sarapis in the inscriptions of the Hellenistic period reveals greater interest in him as representative of the family. Of the 75 inscriptions from Rhodes 62 name Sarapis, a priest of Sarapis, or an association of Sarapis devotees, 5 mention Isis or Isiac associations, and 8 name Isis and Sarapis or their associations together. Moreover, the majority of inscriptions from Rhodes are merely lists of priests wherein it would be unusual to find a woman named, since Isis priestesses are not known elsewhere until the empire. Women, likewise, played a very minor part in the thriving cult center of Delos. Of the 247 inscriptions from Delos only 28 or 11.3 % concern women adherents. Again, there is no evidence at all of an Isis priestess from Delos. 3 The primary role played by women at Delos was that of canephor, a secondary priestess in the processions. The number of women admitted into the cult societies was severely limited, as was true all over the Greek world in all periods. 4 At Delos there is one female mentioned among the 20 therapeutai 5 and 7 women out of 16 dekadistai;6 in one instance one woman is named out of 19 contributors,? in another, 2 In large cult centers Isis and Sarapis each had their own temples and priests, but in less important towns they were rendered a common cult. Malaise, Les conditions de pem!tration 135. 3 Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens 275 n. 6. 4 S. Dow, "The Egyptian Cults in Athens," HThR 30 (1937) 194. 6 Roussel, Les cultes egyptiens 253. • Ibid., 100. 7 Ibid., 84.

THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CULT OF ISIS

83

one out of 9. 8 Among the enatistai who worshiped Isis there were 24 men and no women. 9 From Pompeii come 14 inscriptions 2 of which or 14.3 % mention women. One of these is an inscription consisting of the names of the father, mother, and son of the family that built the second Iseum at Pompeii with their own money after an earthquake had destroyed the first one. 10 The three names were inscribed on the pavement of the ecclesiasterion of the temple. Pompeii is unique in the sense that while it has yielded very few inscriptions concerning the Isiac cult, a rich treasure of wall paintings and frescoes and other objets d' art have preserved many traces of the cult and have shown that Pompeii was an active cult center. These monuments as catalogued by Tran Tarn Tinh depict male priests or devotees in 17 instances and their female counterparts in 12 instances. In addition several of the houses of Pompeii had lararia in which traces of the Egyptian gods are preserved,l1 and other houses such as that of Acceptus and Euhodia12 give other indications that whole families were devoted to the Isiac cult. A definite discrepancy exists here, then, between the inscriptions and the anepigraphic monuments in regard to the proportion of women adherents for it would seem from the anepigraphic monuments that female priests were far more numerous than the inscripttions would indicate. There is one point to remember in this connection, however, and that is that while inscriptions in every case represent an actual person, the anepigraphic monuments, except for sepulchral monuments with portrait representations, which do not enter into the instances just mentioned from Pompeii, can represent actual persons, or, on the other hand, can be merely decorative representations of hypothetical situations. Every woman represented on these anepigraphic monuments need not have been an actual person. Yet Isis priestesses were apparently not a very unusual sight at Pompeii. As to other major cult centers aside from Pompeii, it is impossible to establish any such correlation between the inscriptions and the anepigraphic monuments for two main reasons: I) no complete catalogue 8 8 10

11 12

Ibid., 158. Ibid., 253-54.

VS 484=CIL 10.848; Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 41. Tran Tarn Tinh, Essai 49, 51-53. Ibid., 51, #27, pI. XIV. 2.

84

THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CULT OF ISIS

of the anepigraphic monuments of the Isiac cult exists; 2) it is difficult in several instances to determine the origin of these monuments because of the neglect given this information by very early archaeologists. The problem of assigning dates to some archaeological remains would also come into play whereas at Pompeii we are dealing with a fairly welldefined, rather brief period of time. Aside from the inscriptions, perhaps the only other reliable evidence for the proportion of women involved in the cult can be found in descriptions or representations of Isiac processions or festivals, especially in the picture painted by Apuleius in the eleventh book of the Metamorphoses. Even in that description it is difficult to say whether men or women composed the bulk of the procession since no numbers are given. All of the principal priests were male; no mention is made of an Isis priestess. The procession was led, however, by women dressed in white vestments, apparently four groups of them as differentiated by the objects they carried and the gestures they made. Next came a group carrying various types of lights; it was composed of men as well as women. The sex of the instrumentalists and the singers is not indicated, but the initiates, we are told, consisted of a throng of both men and women of all stations in life. Women, it seems, were well represented in this procession. From Corinth, at whose port of Kenchreae the navigium Isidis described by Apuleius took place, come only 3 inscriptions, one of which is an inscription by a woman to Sarapis and Isis (VS 34a). One can scarcely draw conclusions from so few inscriptions. Clement of Alexandria l3 who witnessed an Isiac procession makes no mention of women nor does Porphyry14 in his naming of the various priests of the Egyptian gods. The frescoes from Herculaneum, however, help somewhat in this regard since we find that women did participate in the festivals there. One fresco,l5 for example, shows a priestess evidently playing a major part in the festival, and, in addition, several women were represented as participants in the chorus. In a second fresco l6 while a masked 11 14 11 11

Clern. Alex., Strom. 6.35-37. Porph., Abst. 4.8. Tran Tarn Tinh, Essa; 27, pi. XXIII. Ibid., 27-28, pi. XXIV.

THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CULT OF ISIS

85

person performs a sacred dance, a small group of the faithful, including at least two women and one young girl, face toward the dancer, shaking their sistra while standing or kneeling. Thus, we are still left with the inscriptions for the most part to form certain conclusions as to the proportion of women in the cult. On the basis of the inscriptions alone it can be concluded, then, that on the whole women composed a distinct minority of the devotees of the Egyptian gods outside of Egypt. In two major cult centers, Athens and Rome, however, women were represented in much greater numbers than they were in any other place. (It must be noted here that not every inscription mentions an individual devotee, as, for example, when a college of devotees is mentioned, and no indication of the sex of the members is given, or when the name of the dedicant is not given. And frequently men and women are named in the same inscription. Thus, it cannot be assumed that because 48.6 % of the inscriptions from Athens mention women, 51.4 % mention men. In fact, at Athens 23 inscriptions, or 65.7% of them, name men who were adherents of the cult.) On mainland Greece and in Italy women devotees also appeared with greater frequency than they did on the Greek islands, in Asia and Asia Minor, and in the provinces of Europe and Africa. From mainland Greece 40 of 146 inscriptions or 27.4 % mention women affiliated with the Isiac cult; in Italy the figure is 78 of 291 inscriptions or 26.8 %. Some general conclusions can also be made in regard to the dating of inscriptions concerning women adherents of the cult. The oldest dated inscription mentioning a woman, and, in fact, the oldest inscription of the Egyptian gods outside of Egypt, comes from Halicarnassus and belongs to the end of the fourth or beginning of the third century B.c. (VS 269).17 It is a dedication made by a husband and a wife for themselves and their children to Sarapis and Isis. The latest inscription mentioning a woman is from Rome dated in the year 390 A.D., naming a priestess of Isis (VS 447=CIL 6.512). Between these two dates most of the dated inscriptions fall within the time period from the second century B.C. to the second century A.D. The following is the breakdown according to time periods of dated inscriptions mentioning women.

17

Fraser, Opusc. Athen. 3 (1960) 34 n. I.

86

THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CULT OF ISIS

end of 4th-beginning of 3rd cent. B.C. 3rd or 3rd/2nd cent. B.C. 2nd or 2nd/1st cent. B.C. 1st cent. B.c. 1st or 1st/2nd cent. A.D. 2nd or 2nd/3rd cent. A.D. 3rd cent. A.D. 4th cent. A.D.

10 24 25 20 33 11 2

Three inscriptions are dated generally in the Hellenistic period, 3 in the Roman period, and 7 in the imperial age. The remaining inscriptions are not dated. Inscriptions from Delos form a great part of those dated in the first and second centuries B.C. In the second century B.C. 16 of the 24 inscriptions are from Delos; in the first century 11 of the 25 are from Delos. The oldest inscription from Italy mentioning a woman adherent is one from Rome dated before the middle of the first century B.C. (VS 377=CIL 6.2247). The inscription is a listing of the members of the gens Caecilia among whom is T. Sulpicius T.j, sacerdos lsidis Capitolinae. Also mentioned is Polla Caecilia Spuriji/ia with no further description. Fortunately, an inscription recently found in Thessalonica (VS IlIa) dating from the first century B.C. names the same woman, this time called Caecilia Polla, making a 'dedicati