The Constitution of Interests: Beyond the Politics of Rights 9780814723494

Many of America's most important social and political movements--abolition, women's suffragette, civil rights,

240 28 93MB

English Pages [239] Year 2020

Report DMCA / Copyright

DOWNLOAD PDF FILE

Recommend Papers

The Constitution of Interests: Beyond the Politics of Rights
 9780814723494

  • 0 0 0
  • Like this paper and download? You can publish your own PDF file online for free in a few minutes! Sign Up
File loading please wait...
Citation preview

The Constitution of Interest s

ADVANCE PRAIS E FO R TH E BOO K "T/ze Constitution of Interests addresse s importan t issue s withi n th e politic s o f law. Mor e specificall y i t i s concerne d t o focu s attentio n upo n th e pervasiv e institutional realit y o f lega l relation s upo n th e plethor a o f law s tha t consti tute th e politic s o f th e publi c sphere . Joh n Brigha m argue s persuasivel y tha t law shoul d b e understoo d b y referenc e t o th e divers e politica l communities , both radica l an d conservativ e whic h interpre t an d reproduc e it s r u l e / ' —Peter Goodrich , Universit y o f Londo n "A brillian t theor y o f law , rhetoric , an d movemen t politics . A n extremel y important b o o k / ' —Susan Burgess , University o f Wisconsin, Milwauke e "Socio-legal scholar s wit h a post-moder n sensibilit y hav e bee n developin g constitutive conception s o f th e la w an d o f lega l researc h fo r a t leas t th e las t decade. Joh n Brigham' s boo k move s th e constitutiv e enterpris e a significan t step forwar d an d ma y indee d hav e provide d i t wit h a foundin g document . Brigham demonstrate s tha t th e constitutiv e forc e o f th e la w i s bot h perva sive an d contingent . I n s o doing , h e breathe s ne w lif e int o E . P . Thompson' s seminal admonitio n t o abando n notion s o f th e la w a s exclusivel y a sit e o f domination (o r o f resistance ) an d t o thin k instea d o f la w a s a contingen t arena o f conflict. " —Stuart A . Scheingold, autho r o f The Politics of Rights

The Constitution of Interest s Beyond the Politics of Rights

John Brigha m

n

N E W YOR K UNIVERSIT Y New Yor k an d Londo n

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n ©1996 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Brigham, John , 1945 The constitutio n o f interests : beyon d th e politic s o f right s / John Brigham . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-1285- 1 (alk . paper ) 1. Law—United States . 2 . Jurisprudence—Unite d States . 3. Law—Unite d States—Philosophy . 4 . La w an d politics . 5. Civi l rights—Unite d States . I . Title . KF384.B75 199 6 349.73—dc20 96-2530 1 [347.3] CI P New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

This boo k i s dedicate d t o Christine B . Harringto n Professor, studen t o f th e constitutive, activist , mother , and partner .

Contents

Preface chapter 1

chapter 2

Legal Forms : Toward a Constitutive Theory The Constitutiv e Dimensio n Beyond Symbolis m an d Pluralis m Laws and Interest s Discursive Practice s Rights to Profligacy ? Sex and AIDS, the Early Years Rights as Practic e Rights Movement s Gay Right s an d AID S

chapter 3

chapter 4

chapter 5

chapter 6

Law and Socia l Relation s Professions o f Realism : An Institutional Form Ideologies i n a Professio n The Realist Traditio n Contemporary Manifestation s Positivism a s the Academ y Remedial Law : The Ideology of Informalism Law Reform a s Form of Law The Pound Conference s Family Mediatio n Alternative s Difference an d th e Stat e Radical Lega l Consciousness : Sex and Rage Consciousness Risin g Radicalism a s Law's Form Dworkin—The Early Rag e Law, Class, and Consciousnes s The Constitutio n o f Interests: Rethinking Legalism Intellectuals an d Politic s Positivism's Hierarchie s Institutional Hegemon y Legal Politic s

Notes Bibliography Index vii

IX

1 2 6 16 20 29 30 35 38 48 51 53 56 61 71 77 81 89 94 98 103 104 106 112 120 129 130 137 141 148 155 197 219

Preface

T

he Constitution of Interests set s forth a theory o f law, rhetoric, an d movement politic s an d applie s i t to various instance s whe n Amer icans hav e organized i n th e shado w o f the law . The interests develope d in the followin g chapter s concer n ga y rights, realis m i n th e lega l acad emy, the remedia l respons e t o law calle d "informalism, " an d th e radica l feminist antipornograph y campaign . Eac h cas e illustrates th e constitu tive power of law. The events o n which I focus here , suc h a s the closin g of the ga y bath s i n Sa n Francisco an d th e earl y antipornograph y move ment, transpired roughly ten years ago. The debates about how to understand the m continu e t o occup y socia l scientist s u p t o th e presen t moment.

This boo k trie s to engage law and politic s at the ideologica l an d epis temological levels. The relationship betwee n the two, and their influenc e on publi c authority , ha s bee n on e o f my professiona l preoccupations . Law derives its power from positivis m bot h in jurisprudence an d i n philosophy. Ho w American s kno w wha t i s law an d wha t i s politics goe s a long way toward determinin g th e structur e o f authority i n this country . Law consists o f pronouncements fro m th e sovereign—suc h a s the pro tection fo r abortio n emanatin g fro m Roe v. Wade. La w is also what w e think abou t th e subject s covere d b y thos e pronouncements—fo r exam ple, that abortio n i s either a choice or that i t is murder. La w is formed i n the dynami c tensio n betwee n officia l pronouncement s an d thei r recep tion at least as much as it is formed i n legislatures and courts . Liberal lega l an d politica l theor y typicall y downplay s th e powe r o f the law to constitute socia l relations, including identity , movemen t pol itics, an d categorie s o f scholarship . A s Susan Burges s ha s said , "Whe n scholars bas e their stud y o f the la w o n libera l concept s an d categorie s such a s pluralism an d individua l interest , the y inevitabl y fai l t o see the way tha t la w create s an d maintain s hierarch y an d dominanc e i n soci ety."1 In addition, whe n politica l activists fai l t o note the powe r o f con ventional lega l forms , the y canno t understan d th e powe r o f la w t o shape their interests . ix

PREFACE

X

The constitutiv e approac h incorporate s th e tw o pole s a t whic h mos t legal theor y i s situated : th e formalist , whic h assume s tha t la w deter mines th e shap e o f socia l life , an d th e realist , whic h see s politic s an d interests drivin g society . The la w may b e what th e judge say s it is . The politics an d behavio r o f judges ar e certainly centra l feature s o f law. Bu t we can no more understand th e meaning o f judicial politic s without la w than asses s judicial behavio r withou t a bench . La w doe s no t nee d t o determine ever y aspec t o f life t o hav e a constitutive effect . La w consti tutes alon g wit h othe r socia l forces, lik e religion, family , an d entertain ment. The law we find in society we call constitutive. Hence, constitutiv e work i s a level o f analysis. B y breakin g ou t o f the dichotom y betwee n "legal" an d "political " o r betwee n "law " an d "socia l life, " w e hop e t o offer a new perspectiv e o n politics—on e tha t look s a t th e place s wher e law matters. In my work , th e la w take s a differen t for m fo r eac h o f th e group s examined. Ther e ar e multipl e form s fo r law , a plurality . Thes e form s depend o n perception , whic h i s manifested i n socia l life . A t th e sam e time, an d unlik e som e traditiona l pluralists , I recognize a centrifuga l influence i n th e form s produce d b y governin g institutions . B y begin ning wit h "rights " an d endin g wit h radicalis m o r "rage, " I have orga nized th e chapter s t o highligh t bot h th e mos t commo n conception s o f law and th e polar responses t o it. In this sense , the constitutio n o f inter ests take s u s beyon d a politics o f rights. Gay s in th e first instanc e an d radical feminists i n the second each see law as a powerful forc e in society . Law professors , wh o profes s version s o f lega l realism , an d reformers , who buil t a network o f "informal " institutions , manipulat e th e form s o f law more instrumentally . The example s i n thi s boo k sho w a mutually constitutiv e proces s b y which group s seekin g t o influence th e la w are themselves influence d b y the wa y the y understan d it . La w an d lega l forms constitut e socia l rela tions and political practice b y delineatin g possibl e movement action an d determining movemen t practice . For instance, gay s who sa w themselve s in terms of rights turned t o this form o f law in response to public healt h measures during the early years of the AID S epidemic. I demonstrate thi s constitutive dimensio n o f law through speeche s and writings o f activists in eac h movement , unde r th e premis e tha t intelligibl e communicatio n depends o n share d practices . Additionally , linguisti c activit y depend s on a context withi n whic h i t i s possible t o delineat e wh o i s engaging i n the activity an d wh o is not.

PREFACE

Each o f these movement s i s of interest o n it s own. Eac h ha s fascinat ing characters , interestin g dynamics , an d importan t consequence s fo r American la w and politics . Some , like th e campaig n fo r ga y right s an d radical feminism , ar e identit y an d lif e styl e movement s tha t ar e com monly see n a s "new. " The influence o n identit y tha t la w exerts whe n i t encourages gay s t o se e themselve s a s oppresse d minoritie s o r radica l feminists t o see themselves as outside mainstream societ y i s very impor tant t o understandin g th e constitutiv e consequence s o f la w fo r socia l relations. Law-schoo l realist s an d informalist s ofte n fai l t o recogniz e their ow n activitie s a s movements a t all . I argue tha t thi s i s because th e movement qualitie s hav e bee n hidde n withi n institutiona l an d profes sional practices , suc h a s old la w schoo l tie s or ba r associatio n economi c support, tha t ar e crucia l i n definin g socia l relation s fo r thes e move ments. Together, th e fou r area s I will examin e ar e instructive i n reveal ing ho w la w influence s socia l life . La w i s not a s prominent i n som e of these context s a s it is in, say , elections, wher e law s provide fo r PAC S o r set no limits o n privat e contribution s candidate s ca n mak e to their ow n campaigns, bu t interest s examine d ar e all important fo r wha t the y sho w about the influences o f law that g o unnoticed . This boo k move s gingerly aroun d th e notio n "empirical. " Excep t fo r the occasiona l slip , m y presentatio n o f movemen t politic s avoid s th e word a s wel l a s th e clai m tha t realit y i s somethin g tha t exist s i n a n untheorized "outer " space . Som e of my colleague s ar e stil l wedde d t o the notio n tha t th e worl d i s divide d betwee n fact s an d values . The y would pu t th e aspiratio n t o ri d th e countr y o f pornograph y o n on e side—as a value—and describ e constitutiona l protectio n fo r pornogra phers a s a fact. Ofte n the y kno w tha t thi s i s not actuall y so , or a t leas t that fashionable scholar s no longer se e things that way , but th e notion i s kept alive by language that speak s of empirical research and empiricism , critical or otherwise. 2 The problem o f this recalcitrant , lingerin g positivis m become s acut e when w e examin e politica l practices . Ordinaril y peopl e d o no t mak e a distinction betwee n th e worl d the y liv e in an d theorie s abou t it . I wil l try t o avoid tha t distinctio n a s well. I will no t spea k o f "empirica l find ings" o r o f "data " i n th e traditiona l way , becaus e th e distinctio n between fact s an d theory , betwee n th e "real " world an d th e idea s of the academy, doe s more har m tha n good . Indeed , m y whol e argumen t rest s on th e recognitio n tha t all ou r judgments—"Pornography i s violenc e against women, " "Lega l academics ten d t o b e realists"—are judgment s

xi

PREFACE

both o f fac t an d o f value ; th e "real " an d th e "ideal " ar e inextricabl y combined i n them . Of course, where m y argument i s not convincing , i t might b e for lac k of decen t evidenc e rathe r tha n confusio n abou t wha t th e evidenc e means. I hav e visite d th e sites , spoke n wit h participants , rea d wha t scholars an d journalists hav e said , an d ofte n participate d i n th e move ments discussed , bu t ther e wil l alway s b e other evidence . The distinc tion betwee n evidenc e an d theor y i s an aspec t o f moder n intellectua l life. Here , rathe r tha n attemptin g t o dominat e throug h virtuosit y i n either the world o f data or theory, m y effort ha s bee n to say some thing s that ar e true an d perhap s somewha t illuminating , whil e usin g whateve r sources and rhetorica l form s i t takes to accomplish tha t today . Althoug h I accept man y o f the constraint s conventionall y associate d wit h science , such a s th e nee d t o b e carefu l an d rigorous , th e nee d fo r validit y (a s against varietie s o f experience), an d th e pursui t o f truth, I do not thin k scientific researc h mus t b e plodding .

xii

I wrote thi s boo k fo r professiona l politica l scientist s an d student s o f law, som e o f who m migh t b e lega l academics . Havin g worke d i n thi s field fo r a while, I have som e sense o f the challeng e o f interdisciplinar y publishing. La w i s a literat e gian t whos e practitioner s d o no t rea d widely outside professional texts . My primary audienc e will not b e legal intellectuals bu t thos e wit h a broade r interes t i n th e field no w ofte n called "la w and society. " This includes socia l scientists, along wit h som e law schoo l teacher s an d philosophers . M y secondar y audienc e i s i n political scienc e and include s scholar s of movements an d o f law. It is my hope tha t a t leas t a substantial segmen t o f scholar s i n politica l scienc e and law—field s tha t overla p i n variou s way s wit h my own—wil l com e to tak e thi s wor k seriousl y i n th e wa y tha t reviewer s suc h a s Michae l Musheno, Susa n Burgess , Howard Gillman , an d Girardea u Span n have . The position I offer her e was initially presente d t o the Western Politi cal Science Meetings hel d a t Eugene , Oregon , i n 198 6 and comment s b y Stuart Scheingold , Ji m Foster, an d Susa n Leeso n helpe d refin e th e argu ment. Later , th e pape r wa s discusse d i n Paris , where Yves Dezalay an d Boa de Sousa Santo s added depth , particularl y wit h regar d t o the analy sis of socia l movements. That sam e year , th e Amhers t Semina r pu t o n a mini-conference, wher e comment s b y th e Semina r an d b y Dunca n Kennedy, Caro l Smart , an d Davi d Sugarma n helpe d furthe r focu s th e position. A related pape r entitle d "Right , Rag e and Remedy " wa s pub lished in 198 8 by Studies in American Political Development, an d the edi-

PREFACE

tor, Stephe n Skowronek , mad e ver y helpfu l refinements . I n the proces s of preparing thi s article , hi s editoria l colleagu e Kare n Orre n mad e per haps th e simples t an d mos t challengin g commen t o f al l whe n sh e described wha t I was doin g a s "makin g law th e independen t variable. " Since I don't thin k i n term s o f variable s ver y often , I was a t firs t per plexed b y he r remark , bu t whe n I learned wha t sh e meant, th e proposi tion provided a great dea l of pleasure. Some of the materials included her e have been presented o r publishe d elsewhere an d hav e benefite d fro m th e critica l contribution s o f scholar s in th e field s o f political scienc e an d la w an d society . The discussio n o f rights an d AID S wa s presente d o n th e pane l "Legalbodie s I " a t th e Annual Meetin g o f the La w and Societ y Associatio n i n Philadelphi a i n 1992. The discussion o f consciousness an d th e feminist antipornograph y movement wa s presented t o Christine Harrington' s semina r a t New York University i n th e summe r o f 198 9 and benefite d fro m th e contribution s of Na n Hunte r an d Sandr a Goodman . Version s o f thi s stud y hav e appeared i n th e Review of Politics, Polity an d th e Legal Studies Forum. My thank s t o editor s Davi d Papk e an d Denni s Willia m Mora n fo r th e intense collegial involvement tha t grea t editing ca n bring . Sally Merr y an d Christin e Harringto n kep t th e ide a o f lega l form s alive b y citin g "Right , Rag e an d Remedy." 3 I t i s on e thin g t o hav e a n idea, ge t i t int o print , an d hav e i t mee t wit h favorabl e comment , quit e another t o ge t a substantial bod y o f peopl e t o pa y attentio n t o it . I n a sense, this boo k i s about attention—peopl e respondin g t o my work an d people responding t o the socia l phenomenon w e call law. It is also about the consequence s o f peopl e understandin g th e rul e o f la w i n variou s ways. There reall y i s no suc h thin g a s "th e law. " Although man y o f my colleagues wan t t o believ e somethin g o f this sort , payin g li p servic e t o the diversit y o f legal forms , fe w ar e abl e consistentl y t o avoi d playin g along wit h th e idea . Th e lega l form s i n politic s abou t whic h th e titl e speaks ar e ideas in livin g o r socia l worlds. Ideas onl y matte r whe n peo ple pay attention . Thi s attention determine s th e operativ e clou t o f suc h otherwise seemingl y objectiv e consideration s a s validity an d som e obviously subjectiv e ones , like influence . Beyond al l o f thi s o r a s a foundation fo r it , I live a life tha t i s ver y heavily engage d wit h th e politic s o f law . For a social scientis t wit h a n eye on th e courts , doctrine , an d lega l practice , Amhers t offer s a grea t deal: students lik e Phyllis Rippey , Joyc e O'Connor , Rosali e Young, Ti m Carrier, Bil l Rose , an d Ala n Gaitenby ; colleague s lik e Austi n Sarat ,

xiii

PREFACE

Kristin Bumiller , Sheldo n Goldman , an d Barbar a Yngvesson ; an d th e Amherst Seminar . M y discipline , eve r strivin g t o develo p a distinctiv e political scienc e o f law, ha s provide d m e with value d colleague s fro m many differen t venues , includin g Walte r Murphy , D . Marie Provine , Karen O'Connor , Marti n Shapiro , Lie f Carter , Michae l McCann , Howar d Gillman, Susa n Burgess , and Stuar t Scheingold . Thi s would al l b e suffi cient inspiratio n an d support , bu t Christin e Harringto n ha s give n m e yet more . Sh e introduced m e to th e problem s wit h disput e resolution ; she ha s bee n a n activ e lin k t o the communit y o f international scholar s whose insight s I have draw n from ; w e hav e coauthore d wor k o n ho w laws constitut e socia l relations ; an d togethe r w e ar e parents . Christin e has also shared he r resources and he r enthusias m fo r thi s work. I n grati tude fo r he r generosity , I dedicate The Constitution of Interests t o her .

xiv

Legal Form s

Toward a Constitutive Theor y

D

Chapter1

Men wante d nationa l independence largel y for economi c reasons , but the y sai d the y wanted i t becaus e thei r rights wer e invaded . Since th e pressure s they fough t agains t were firs t impose d b y law, i t wa s a natura l way t o expres s their resistance . —James Willar d Hurst , The Growth of American Law

istinctive legal forms have define d various interest s i n America n history. A constitutional confederac y bound th e Si x Nation s o f th e Iro quois. The compact draw n u p by the Pilgrims o n th e Mayflower wa s the basis for their short-live d communit y at Plymouth . Lega l routine s an d a special language establishe d th e form in whic h American s declare d thei r independence fro m Britain . The Civil War transforme d th e nature o f property an d consequentl y gav e ne w meaning t o citizenship fo r all Americans. In the early twentiet h century , conservatives cloake d thei r interest s as fundamenta l law . Th e respons e from Ne w Deal liberal s wa s to dis place the old text wit h mor e flexibl e forms o f authority . Mor e recently , rights claime d b y African American s to equal protectio n becam e the mantle under whic h man y disadvantage d groups organize d thei r interests . I n the Watergat e an d Iran-Contra scan dals, overzealous officials wer e checked by invigorate d constitutiona l limits . Agreements, proclamations , an d talk of right an d authority ar e the variegated source s of the terms of political discourse in the United States . Yet we easily overstate the part tha t l

LEGAL FORM S

2

legal phenomena 1 hav e played i n American history . Legion s of observer s have commented on the prominence of laws as the subject o f political controversy an d draw n attentio n t o the institution s o f legal authority tha t democratic peopl e employ . Alexi s d e Tocquevill e describe d America n legal doctrine and institutions in this light, and he depicted lawyers as the American aristocracy. 2 H e spawne d a n industr y o f commentator s wh o approached America n politics as essentially legal politics, and he is known for th e vie w that politica l issues in the United State s ultimately tur n int o legal issues. James Willard Hurs t wa s more cautious. He saw legal institu tions as accessible to Americans, and legal forms as tools by which Americans d o their business . H e presented th e authorit y o f law a s significan t only in terms of other, often mor e important, factors suc h as the social and the economic. 3 In his view, social questions d o not always become matters of law, bu t lega l phenomena ten d t o matter i n wha t becom e social ques tions. From Hurst, not d e Tocqueville, we take our guidance in describin g the role legal forms play in the constitution of political interests. The "compact " i s par t o f Pilgri m lor e fo r u s an d presumabl y th e process o f makin g i t reflecte d th e notio n o f covenan t s o central t o th e theological debates of the time. The Federalists not only turned t o a legal compact in order t o rectify flaws in the first confederation , th e Constitu tion an d it s creatio n hav e becom e the activit y b y whic h a generation i s known. 4 La w i s one basi s fo r assurin g freedo m fo r labo r afte r slavery . Old Englis h lega l way s figure d prominentl y i n th e pictur e Olive r Wen dell Holmes , Jr. , dre w i n The Common Law. Woodro w Wilso n under stood trust s i n term s o f the law s that migh t regulat e them , an d als o i n terms of the laws that mad e them. 5 Du e process rights incorporated int o the Constitutio n fro m 195 0 t o 197 0 mak e federa l crimina l procedur e more national . Analogou s form s ar e importan t i n ever y kin d o f socia l endeavor i n the United States . Because legal forms tend t o be depicted a s outside o f socia l an d politica l movements , I have trie d t o brin g the m inside, t o demonstrat e ho w the y "inform " th e language , purposes , an d strategies o f movemen t activity . Whe n activist s spea k t o on e another , they us e the language create d fo r the m b y th e lega l system, eve n whe n they ar e voicing oppositio n t o it. 6

The Constitutiv e Dimensio n We call practices operatin g o n way s of thinking an d acting—th e la w of the compact, of free or equal labor, or of due process rights— constitutive.

LEGAL FORM S

Legal practices i n this sens e are a part o f the culture , par t o f our nature : our basi c outloo k o n lif e i s stamped b y th e compact s draw n u p b y th e colonists; b y th e decisio n tha t al l laborers , blac k o r white , shoul d b e free; b y th e agreement s concernin g du e proces s fo r th e accuse d an d th e convicted an d th e prope r role s of the polic e an d th e judiciary. Th e con stitutive i s a level in the analysi s o f legal practices; it comes from constitute, meanin g t o form o r establish . Whe n w e sa y o f a former slav e afte r the Civi l War tha t law s constitut e hi s identit y w e d o no t mea n t o sa y that bein g fre e i s his whol e being , bu t rathe r tha t law s operat e a t th e level where hi s bein g i s determined, an d tha t the y operated , alon g wit h social positio n an d physica l characteristic s (suc h a s bein g black) , t o make hi m wha t wa s calle d a t th e tim e a "freedman. " A constitutiv e approach ha s been suggeste d fo r th e last fifteen year s as a way to see the reach o f law into social and politica l life. 7 This level for analyzin g lega l phenomena ha s an affinity wit h th e fun damental lega l documen t o f the Unite d States , the Constitution . W e us e a derivative of constitute i n referring t o the fundamental la w of the land . When laws operate at the foundational leve l of an activity, as the laws of marriage d o for husban d an d wif e or , perhaps , a s sodom y law s d o fo r homosexuality, lega l phenomena pla y a constitutive rathe r tha n simpl y an instrumental role . Law in this sens e need no t b e exclusive o r exhaus tive. To be legally constitute d a sodomite, on e who engage s in a n illega l sexual practice, may matter surprisingl y littl e in the conduct o f life mos t of the time . Bu t becaus e th e la w i s there a s a basi s fo r action , possibl y stimulating a mob o r shieldin g a police raid , th e socia l relation s o f th e homosexual ar e inevitably distinctive . Even a law that i s merely "o n th e books," such a s the la w o n sodom y i n Georgi a whe n Michae l Hardwic k was arrested, 8 ha s more than a n instrumenta l plac e i n th e affair s o f sex ual choice . The Georgi a la w delineate s som e same-se x relationship s a s illegal and thus plays a part in determining wha t those relationships are . All laws, in this sense, d o what th e Constitutio n does . Constitutive la w i s most ofte n contraste d wit h positiv e law , bu t the y are not opposites . We see legal phenomena fro m withi n a positive fram e when w e accep t a distinctio n betwee n fact s (o r th e world ) o n th e on e hand an d idea s (o r law) on th e other . Lega l phenomena ar e seen, i n thi s sense, a s operating fro m th e outsid e o f somethin g tha t exist s already . The traditiona l problemati c o f positiv e law , th e issu e o f whethe r law s can regulate moralit y o r instea d depen d fo r thei r efficac y upo n a mod icum o f morality tha t i s already i n place , stem s from th e ide a tha t lega l

3

LEGAL FORM S

4

phenomena ac t o n societ y fro m th e outside . Thes e phenomen a ar e instrumental i n that w e use them. This preserves our socia l identity out side th e reac h o f law an d paradoxicall y leave s us fumbling a s we try t o figure i n wha t wa y la w matters. Positivis m i n socia l scienc e offer s som e support t o positiv e law . The distinctio n betwee n la w an d societ y ani mates ver y narro w inquir y int o the way s o f legal institutions. The posi tivist conceptio n i n jurisprudence an d i n socia l scienc e reinforce s th e distinction i n liberalism betwee n stat e and societ y and direct s our atten tion awa y from th e presenc e o f laws in everyda y life . The curren t popu larity o f a constitutive approac h i s more directl y connecte d t o Germa n social science than to the constitutional projec t o f the Founding Fathers. 9 Controversy surround s th e notio n tha t law s form par t o f our politica l life. Sometime s the controvers y arise s from sensitivit y abou t callin g th e prevailing vie w "instrumental/ ' an d sometime s i t arise s a s an objectio n to making too much of legal phenomena. Yet, by sayin g that law s constitute, w e do not clai m that law s either determin e o r fully encompas s pol itics, bu t rathe r tha t the y becom e par t o f politic s i n mor e tha n a n instrumental way . This approach call s attention to the way we talk abou t politics an d ho w w e conduct it s business . In the cas e of the Declaratio n of Independence, fo r instance , a group o f citizens announc e thei r oppo sition t o the sovereig n i n a refined an d distinctiv e politic s o f separatio n affirming thei r lega l practice s whil e denyin g th e presume d sourc e o f these practice s i n th e king . The lega l form use d i n th e Declaratio n doe s not captur e all the aspects of identity an d disconten t tha t adhere d i n th e politics o f the America n Revolution . I t does , however , distinguis h th e politics in this phase of the movement for independence fro m wha t cam e after, th e formation o f a new nation . In the prefac e t o this volume, I mentioned a confrontation i n contem porary socia l scienc e betwee n a constitutive perspectiv e an d traditiona l positive scienc e i n term s o f a shift i n th e wa y variable s ar e addressed . My understandin g i n addressing th e histor y o f this shif t i s that th e plu ralist tradition , lik e system s theor y an d th e stud y o f attitudes, ha s see n laws and lega l institutions a s the phenomen a t o b e influenced. I n inter est-group terms , la w i s to b e influenced , usuall y throug h th e stat e o r governing apparatus. 10 Som e have proposed tha t makin g la w the depen dent variabl e was new. 11 1 do not think tha t thi s move is new; moreover , the mor e important mov e is beyond variable s altogether , becaus e o f th e rigid fram e tha t the y impose . By focusing o n the law s that constitut e politics , w e mov e awa y fro m

LEGAL FORM S

positivist lega l scienc e an d lega l phenomen a a s existing i n texts , codes , or the pronouncements o f governing elites . The constitutive perspectiv e aspires t o a less normative an d regime-dependen t approac h tha t woul d rigorously depic t th e rol e o f lega l phenomen a i n society . Whil e texts , codes, and othe r traditiona l lega l phenomena ar e important, 12 b y draw ing fro m socia l practices—th e wa y thing s ar e done—w e la y a founda tion fo r a more complet e understandin g o f the rol e o f legal phenomen a in politics . In a n earl y expressio n o f the constitutiv e position , Dougla s Hay discusse d th e meanin g o f judicial lenienc y i n th e fac e o f sever e codes, th e "Blac k Acts " of Renaissance England , a s an effectiv e wa y o f reinforcing th e authorit y o f the gentry. 13 The grac e o f the roya l judges gave the la w a power i n practic e tha t wa s not represente d b y th e codes . The absence o f the Declaratio n o f Independence fro m text s o n th e Con stitution als o indicate s a practic e o f distinguishin g tha t initia l brea k from th e body o f contemporary law . The birth o f the nation is associated with the Declaration , an d i t is there that w e know ourselve s as a people. But th e la w i s grounde d i n th e Constitution , an d i t i s constitutiona l practices that delineat e who we are legally. As form, law s come befor e a s well as after peopl e organize . Althoug h people obviousl y thin k an d ac t politicall y o n a lega l landscap e tha t already exists , the way contemporary socia l science depicts legal politics makes i t challengin g t o recogniz e thi s fact . W e se e legal practice s an d legal form s precedin g th e firs t women' s right s conventio n a t Senec a Falls, New York, in 1848 . Women who had bee n active abolitionists orga nized th e meeting. 14 The y brough t a framewor k o f right s wit h the m from th e struggl e ove r slavery , an d the y articulate d thi s framewor k i n the firs t sessions . Laws, in thi s sense , ar e embedde d withi n societ y an d form th e contour s o f American life . Lega l forms ar e salient i n most area s of American life , i n business , families , education , an d literature . Thes e forms operat e a s law's constitutiv e mechanis m an d ar e eviden t i f yo u know ho w t o loo k fo r them. 15 Here , w e wil l b e observin g thes e form s within movemen t politics . The prospect o f engaging i n a discussion abou t "wha t law is" tends t o fill all bu t th e mos t romanti c scholar s wit h dismay . Scholar s resis t an d are ofte n uninterested , a s i f suc h basi c question s ar e a n unnecessar y return t o matter s tha t hav e lon g bee n settled . Yet , this phenomenon — the disma y o f scholars—seem s t o b e socia l rather tha n intellectual . Th e question i s uninteresting becaus e i t seem s to b e settled; bu t i t seem s t o be settle d precisel y becaus e i t i s no t talke d abou t much , no t becaus e

5

LEGAL FORM S

there i s nothing t o figure out . Politica l scholarshi p ask s what la w is an d seeks to reclaim political possibilitie s b y keepin g th e fundamental issue s alive. And suc h issue s certainl y exist . Feli x Frankfurte r mad e th e cas e not s o long ago : "It ough t t o b e a needless platitude t o say that ther e ar e many kind s o f 'law ' a s administered b y th e courts , bu t unfortunately , i t is not. Th e fac t tha t th e singl e ter m 'law ' shoul d cove r th e rul e agains t perpetuities a s well as the unconstitutionalit y o f ticket-scalping legisla tion is a prolific sourc e of confusion." 16 Frankfurte r begin s with the same disclaimer tha t I too felt oblige d t o make. We speak o f law with a "singl e term" i n spite of the plurality o f the phenomena : "th e law, " as a generalization, i s a settled usage . Bu t breakin g i t dow n i s essential. The variet y of stuff tha t w e call by the same term "law " contributes to our confusio n and requires that we keep the inquiry open . Here, research into the sym bolic order o f political struggl e joins concer n abou t differen t lega l form s with epistemologica l attention t o the nature of law in society .

Beyond Symbolis m an d Pluralis m

6

Positive legal philosophy fro m Jerem y Bentha m to H. L. A. Hart, a s well as conventional thinking , see s law as rules o r command s fro m th e sover eign. This perspective—whether backe d b y jack-booted stat e troopers or issuing fro m friendlier , albei t les s imposing, legislatures—i s a s commo n to ordinary peopl e a s it is to philosophers. Peopl e spea k o f police as law enforcement an d senator s a s lawmakers . Th e law s i n eac h sens e mea n rules fo r th e public , wh o are generally depicte d a s "down " ther e some where. Th e order s com e fro m institutiona l sources , characteristicall y "up" above . This is a positivist view . Here, legal science stipulates that i n order fo r jurisprudenc e t o b e scientifi c it s proposition s hav e t o b e divorced fro m norms . Th e stat e become s th e neutra l sit e o f legality , claiming a place o f objectivity, a vantage poin t "above " th e fray . Posi tivism treats the constitutions, statutes , and officia l governmen t holding s as law. Consequently, th e office s an d institution s o f the stat e determin e what i s legal. For example , th e Suprem e Cour t decisio n o n abortio n i n 1973, Roe v. Wade, become s th e la w o n abortio n i n th e Unite d States . Although th e decisio n wa s anything bu t final, a s laws and prosecutoria l decisions a t the stat e level attest, man y wh o find thi s decisio n appallin g direct their attention to the Court or to Congress to make a change. According t o thi s traditio n abou t wha t la w is , peopl e outsid e th e institutions an d office s o f the "lega l system " receiv e rather tha n gener -

LEGAL FORM S

ate lega l authority . The y ma y o r ma y no t kno w th e rules . The y ma y advocate chang e an d appl y pressur e o n th e lawmaker s o r th e publi c i n general, bu t thei r advocac y i s not itsel f understoo d a s law . The "pro life" movement , fo r instance , advocate s a change in the Suprem e Court' s decision o n abortio n eithe r throug h a new decisio n o r a constitutiona l amendment. 17 I n thi s framewor k movemen t politics , eve n whe n i t ha s great significance , lik e whe n i t determine s th e tenur e o f a senato r o r threatens th e lif e o f a judge, remain s somethin g othe r tha n law . Politic s is set apart ; i t factor s int o lega l outcome s bu t doe s no t determin e wha t law is . Hence, whe n a bisho p propose s tha t "abortio n i s murder," w e understand hi m to be preaching, no t articulatin g a valid lega l claim . Legal phenomen a studie d i n isolatio n fro m societ y offe r limite d insight int o the socia l reality o f particular law s and th e rule o f law mor e generally. W e expect a gap betwee n court s an d society , an d eve n whe n an effec t betwee n th e tw o i s posited i t onl y confirm s th e usua l absenc e of suc h effects . I n eithe r case , the researc h i s painfully narrow . System s theory i s another illustratio n o f studie s tha t offe r limite d insight . I n hi s book o n th e federa l courts , Hard Judicial Choices, 18 politica l scientis t Phillip Coope r organize d th e materia l o n a system s theoretica l basis . This framewor k parallel s a familiar chronologica l arrangemen t o f cas e material. Beginnin g wit h th e trigge r phase , system s theor y move s on t o the "liabilit y phase, " th e "remed y phase, " an d "pos t decre e issues. " I n this type of analysis the jargon gets heavy. For instance, the "pos t decre e phase o f a remedial decre e cas e involves a parallel interactiv e relation ship between remedy implementation an d evaluatio n and remedy refine ment." 19 Here , lega l authorit y reside s i n th e "system " an d th e societ y provides th e ra w materia l an d generate s demands , th e hallmar k o f lib eral jurisprudence. Th e la w an d societ y perspective s fro m whic h mod ern scholar s describ e la w appea r a s normativ e "ideas " an d scientifi c "facts." Idea s are debatable , an d fact s ar e the weapon s o f policy debate . Yet, a systemati c bia s i n thi s vie w draw s attentio n awa y fro m th e processes b y which law s constitute political phenomena . Impact studie s reflec t thi s bias . Develope d i n th e earl y 1960s , th e behavioral perio d i n socia l science , impact studie s attemp t t o se e if laws in actio n reflec t th e lega l opinions announce d b y th e appellat e courts. 20 Indeed, thi s researc h coincide d wit h decision s tha t man y academic s applauded, lik e thos e tha t promote d integratio n an d nationalize d th e Bill o f Rights . Th e lat e 1960 s an d earl y 1970 s produce d a wealt h o f scholarship tha t als o reached outsid e the courtroom s an d looke d fo r la w

7

LEGAL FORM S

8

in society . This wor k too k lega l opinion s announce d fro m o n hig h a s a starting point ; la w cam e from wher e positivis m sai d i t did , fro m appel late courts . A s impac t studie s flourished, the y influence d ho w w e understand courts . What court s say , w e learned, doe s not immediatel y or necessaril y hav e an y effect . Fo r law s to matter , "othe r court s o r . . . nonjudicial actors " must act. 21 Thus, we saw reception o f appellate cour t decisions a s political just a s scholars mad e th e court' s proces s o f decid ing case s politica l a generatio n before . Impac t analysi s flourished i n phrases suc h a s "th e Miranda decisio n impacte d th e police " o r "th e Bakke decisio n wil l impac t universities, " an d conception s i n thi s lan guage remain influentia l today . The narrowes t impac t studie s focuse d o n compliance , th e par t o f impact associate d wit h individua l decisions . Broade r studie s included , as the impac t o f decisions , suc h divers e phenomen a a s improvements i n police work , th e electio n o f segregationis t governor s followin g th e Brown v. Board of Education decisio n i n 1954 , and th e defendan t warn ing card s tha t followe d Ernest o Miranda' s successfu l appeal. 22 Institu tional changes , politica l outcomes , an d materia l artifact s suc h a s th e Miranda card s were all part o f the picture. Although the object o f study, law, was not ver y precisel y drawn , th e attentio n t o phenomen a outsid e courts wa s influential. W e are asking ne w question s becaus e the impac t scholars hav e gotte n u s use d t o talkin g abou t lega l phenomen a whil e doing researc h ou t in communities . The influenc e o f lega l materia l ha s no w bee n pursue d int o th e fur thest reache s o f society . La w i s represented o n television , i n th e prac tices o f cops , lawyers , an d judges. La w is central t o politica l cultur e i n Congress, in executive appointments, an d o f course in the judiciary. We hear la w i n ordinar y conversatio n an d find i t i n bot h th e dispute s an d the harmon y sometime s characteristi c o f dail y life. 23 Law s operating i n everyday lif e ar e recognize d i n standar d materials—th e case s befor e courts, th e strategie s o f lawyers , an d confrontation s wit h police . Th e anthropological treatmen t o f legal phenomena i n a community describe s the cultura l contex t i n whic h "court s an d system s o f forma l la w oper ate." 24 This researc h give s u s muc h mor e tha n law s that lea p fro m th e pages o f texts an d compe l obedience . I t show s u s ho w th e lif e o f law s differs fro m th e ideal of "governmen t o f law" determine d b y text s an d judicial orders . Bu t th e distinctio n betwee n la w an d societ y i s stil l there. This distinction extend s the positive perspective an d i t is hard t o shake.

LEGAL FORM S

By defining law s as what th e sovereig n orders , positivism ha s limite d capacity t o explai n th e generativ e significanc e o f order s an d th e inter nalization o f public authority . Positive legal theory overlook s how socia l action depend s upo n a generalized meanin g o f law becaus e i t separate s society fro m governin g institutions . I n orde r t o account fo r law s as the y exist in the practices o f those who dea l with them , th e research perspec tive needs t o b e shifte d fro m la w and societ y t o on e that recognize s la w in society.25 Thus, rather tha n joining th e study o f law with th e study o f society—for example , b y studyin g wha t happen s befor e o r after a cour t makes a decision—th e appropriat e perspectiv e incorporate s law s i n social relations. (Se e chapter 5 , where I discuss th e women' s movemen t as a "rights" movement i n th e sens e that i t is constituted b y the pursui t of rights.) In th e developmen t o f a legal doctrine , suc h a s th e perspectiv e o n separation o f powers announced i n the cas e of Immigration and Naturalization Service v. Chada, 26 th e constitutiona l ba r become s mor e eviden t as an aspect o f politics. We learn the names and natur e of lawyers whos e careers prope l the m int o struggl e ove r th e meanin g o f article s an d clauses i n th e Constitution . I n a similar vein , w e are learning abou t th e "unobtrusive mobilization " tha t presse s from withi n institutions. 27 This is par t o f wha t define s socia l movement s a s "new. " No t onl y ar e ne w social movements less rigidly clas s based than the older labor movement , but the y operat e t o restructure th e form s o f politics. These movement s are organized aroun d differen t form s o f law. They ar e not outside , imag ining law ; rather, the y ar e encompasse d b y law . And wit h thi s w e ar e back essentiall y t o wher e w e starte d from—tha t is , w e ar e describin g how a fairly stabl e system o f authority i s maintained . In this book , I propose tha t command s an d rule s structur e th e claim s of political movements, and tha t movemen t politica l activity depend s o n available law. This formulation goe s beyond th e idea that law s in societ y are merely th e result o f social forces. Lega l phenomena ar e a function o f social knowledge. The y ar e dependen t o n wha t group s kno w an d ho w they ac t upon tha t knowledge. Freedom of expression i s such a phenomenon that rule s made by governmen t quit e commonl y infus e an d infor m movement politic s b y influencin g th e though t o f participants , th e nature o f their positions , and identificatio n wit h th e movement. We will consider ho w that happene d i n the antipornography movement . The curren t conceptio n o f law as symbolic i s rooted i n th e lega l realism o f the 1930s . From Thurman Arnold' s The Symbols of Government 28

9

LEGAL FORM S

to Kar l Llewellyn' s The Bramble Bush, 29 th e interpla y o f cultura l an d legal phenomen a becam e th e ne w framewor k fo r lega l studies . Muc h later, scholar s reactin g t o behavioris m i n th e socia l science s turne d t o hermeneutics, semiotics , an d ordinar y languag e philosoph y a s bases fo r inquiry int o th e symbol s o f law. 30 This perspectiv e o n th e rul e o f la w appears i n Josep h Gusfield' s "symboli c politics " studie s o f the temper ance movemen t an d i n Murra y Edelman' s symboli c use s o f politics. 31 More recently, lega l scholar s ar e movin g beyon d recognitio n tha t sym bols are important t o understanding ho w our life is made up of symboli c considerations.

10

In th e socia l sciences , scholar s bega n t o shif t thei r approac h i n th e mid-1970s. In political science , Stuar t Scheingold , Isaa c Balbus, and oth ers renewed attentio n t o the political role of laws by showin g ho w right s "condition perceptions , establis h rol e expectations, provid e standard s o f legitimacy, an d accoun t fo r th e institutiona l pattern s o f American poli tics." 32 B y focusing o n right s strategie s i n collectiv e action , thi s wor k showed la w a s a politica l resourc e an d elaborate d ho w law s relat e t o material life. 33 A s par t o f th e large r "sociologica l movemen t i n law," 34 social scientist s too k la w ou t o f th e hand s o f th e professionals—th e lawyers. They tried t o stand outsid e the profession an d observ e its activ ities from clos e at hand. Much of the work was done in the United States, but acces s was often impede d b y professiona l boundaries . A s interdisciplinary scholars , sociologist s of law often fee l margina l i n bot h sociolog y and law . Scholars in law schools lament their positio n relative to teacher s of contract s o r property , whil e sociologist s an d anthropologist s wh o focus o n la w seldo m dominat e thei r disciplines . Often , however , th e impact o f th e wor k belie s thi s claim . Th e curren t realis t cor e o f lega l scholarship an d th e importanc e o f lega l phenomen a t o scholarshi p i n fields such as history, sociology , and politica l science have made the sociological movement i n law more influential tha n i t claims to be . And fro m Roscoe Pound to Frank Sande r and Laura Nader—to nam e a few contem poraries—sociological scholarshi p has influenced th e practice of law. By pushing beyon d th e positiv e vie w o f law, we brin g int o questio n the distinctio n betwee n "th e judicial process, " including "th e styl e an d logic of appellate cour t decisions, " and th e act s of police, attorneys, an d courts. 35 The authorit y o f lega l process , especiall y a s it present s itsel f ritualistically, i s an aspec t o f "stat e law. " The "stuff " o f legislation an d appellate court decision s is an illusionary referent fo r law because it por trays a n orde r tha t i s "certain , consistent , an d powerful." 36 Rather , th e

LEGAL FORM S

ritual an d dram a o f the lega l proces s lea d u s to the socia l reality o f law. The conceptua l lif e o f the communit y i s related t o the conceptua l para meters of case law, statutes, and th e treatise literature (th e "stuff " o f th e law schoo l curriculum) . To some, these "mandari n materials " represen t "an exceptionall y refine d an d concentrate d versio n o f legal conscious ness/' 3 7 I n thi s view , th e structure s familia r t o lawyer s stan d behin d many o f th e way s ordinar y peopl e thin k abou t th e world . Elit e lega l thinking ma y influenc e th e vernacular , an d element s o f forma l lega l rules may b e internalized b y laypeopl e t o b e applied i n context s remot e from official s an d courts. 38 In a n influentia l statemen t o f this position , Robert Gordo n argue s tha t "field-leve l studie s woul d revea l a lo t o f trickle-down effects— a lo t o f mandari n ideolog y reproduce d i n some what vulgarize d forms/ 739 Owe n Fiss discusses law in societ y i n terms of the "ric h an d generou s bod y o f decision s o n fre e speech " produce d b y the Suprem e Court , whic h h e describe s a s a "Free Speec h Tradition." 40 In this characterization, fre e speec h has become "part o f our general cul ture," an d Fis s is not th e onl y on e given t o "believ e th e decision s o f th e Court implante d tha t principl e i n ou r culture , nurture d it , an d gav e i t much of its present shape." 41 Ethnographic wor k o n suc h tradition s "i n society " b y anthropolo gists suc h a s Sally Engl e Merr y focuse s o n lega l ideolog y amon g "dis putants" wh o us e the courts . Merry finds tha t "[experience d plaintiff s come to se e rights a s an opportunity , a basis fo r action , rathe r tha n a guarantee o f protection." 42 I n politica l science , a newer impac t analysi s challenges th e assumption s o n whic h th e field wa s originall y con structed. W e get a n enhance d pictur e o f message s fro m th e court s b y calling attentio n t o their receptio n b y differen t audiences. 43 We kno w that group s reac t t o cour t decision s differently , especiall y i n controver sial cases. In Miller v. California,^ dealin g wit h mai l order pornography , the America n Civi l Libertie s Unio n (ACLU ) tende d t o withdraw , whil e publishing association s entere d wit h greate r enthusiasm . Newe r impac t analyses examin e actio n tha t goe s beyon d th e judicial order s tradition ally associate d wit h compliance . Fo r example , th e U.S . Senate i n 197 6 easily passe d th e Hyd e Amendmen t barrin g th e us e o f federa l monie s for abortion . Th e senator s appea r t o hav e anticipate d tha t th e Suprem e Court woul d strik e dow n th e provision . Whe n th e Cour t approve d th e congressional action , the situatio n changed . Initiall y inactiv e pro-choic e senators mounte d a more extende d confrontatio n tha t becam e th e first real battl e o f the moder n abortio n wars . The resul t wa s a three-mont h

11

LEGAL FORM S

12

stalemate i n th e Senate . Similarly , th e ACLU' S involvement i n Skokie v. National Socialist Party i n th e lat e 1970 s led t o a costly cour t victory . Although the y wo n th e litigatio n guaranteein g th e Nazis' right t o marc h through a predominately Jewis h subur b o f Chicago, the organization los t sixty thousand members . This broke the organization's growth tren d an d caused th e ACL U to restrict it s activities and reevaluate its priorities. 45 We have learned t o look beyon d th e behaviora l question s t o the ideo logical impact of judicial decisions. We now understand th e importance of a decision's influence o n the substantive discourse of politics. These developments requir e a more complex vie w o f law, one that i s sensitive to th e channels o f political actio n o f which i t is a part. 46 Takin g accoun t o f th e nature and significance o f this research means allying ourselves with thos e who have jettisoned th e positive baggage of law defined simpl y as orders. Some contemporar y scholar s loo k a t la w tha t i s no t i n o r o n "th e books." This perspectiv e i s called legal pluralism. Eve n mor e obviousl y than th e movement ideologie s examine d here , lega l pluralism contain s a view o f law. And n o les s explicitl y tha n thes e movements , lega l plural ism sought t o break dow n th e dominatio n o f state law b y positin g othe r forms o f law in society . As exemplified b y the Journal of Legal Pluralism (and Unofficial Law) unde r th e editorshi p o f John Griffiths , an d a s evi dent i n Mar k Galanter' s "Justic e i n Man y Rooms " in th e journal's 198 1 issue, thi s perspectiv e o n law , lik e th e la w an d societ y movemen t o f which i t i s a part, see s law i n place s othe r tha n courts , a s well as in th e courts but outsid e the official gaz e of the judge. Pluralism, i n this formu lation, i s opposed t o centralism , o r the vie w tha t stat e law is at th e cen ter o f the univers e o f norms. According t o Griffiths, "[T]h e stat e ha s n o more empirica l clai m t o bein g th e cente r o f th e univers e o f lega l phe nomena tha n an y othe r elemen t o f that whol e syste m does." 47 Galante r points ou t tha t "court s resolv e onl y a small fractio n o f all dispute s tha t are brough t t o their attention." 48 The pluralist messag e is essentially th e same as the mor e familiar, i f less conceptually coherent , la w and societ y framework. On e might find evidenc e of contracting amon g businessma n or a n accountin g o f liabilities amon g th e elder s i n a tribe o r th e home makers in a neighborhood. On e might als o find many thing s that resem ble law occurring i n places such a s the corridor s o f the courthouses . The bes t o f this scholarshi p include s "Th e La w of the Oppressed " b y Boaventura d e Sousa Santos, 49 "Marxis m an d Lega l Pluralism" b y Pete r Fitzpatrick, 5 ° an d Laur a Nader' s ongoin g work. 51 Santo s foun d i n th e favellas, o r slums, of Rio de Janeiro an indigenous legal construction tha t

LEGAL FORM S

he describe s as law. Fitzpatrick too k o n Marxism i n the interest o f plura l legal forms , whic h h e foun d i n post-colonia l environments . Nader , i n order to understand disputing , dre w heavily on anthropology an d devel oped a n entir e field that wa s sensitive t o the cultura l aspect s o f conflict . Summary article s o n th e contribution s o f th e movement , suc h a s th e analysis b y Merry , emphasiz e th e discover y o f law in formerl y unrecog nized o r unrecognizabl e places 52—or, a s a recent critiqu e pointe d ou t with som e concern, the paradox o f finding la w in nonlegal places. 53 The problem wit h lega l pluralism i s evident i n academic project s lik e a conferenc e i n 198 9 that brough t togethe r lega l pluralist s wit h advo cates fo r popula r justic e movements. 54 Th e conferenc e wa s a cal l t o Utopian reificatio n commo n i n th e libera l academ y unde r positivism , where attentio n i s drawn fro m th e stat e apparatu s i n a move that seem s to den y th e lega l authorit y underlyin g moder n statu s relations . Cer tainly ther e ar e form s o f la w outsid e th e stat e an d though t generate d independently o f law and th e state . Bu t pluralis m turn s awa y fro m th e effect o f the stat e o n aspect s o f socia l life: th e family , bargaining , healt h and wealth . Conversely , i t i s important t o recogniz e th e penetratio n o f state powe r int o movemen t practice . T o sho w ho w governmen t la w becomes par t o f the talk, aspirations , an d socia l life o f politics—that is , to tak e a constitutiv e perspective—i s t o challeng e th e positivis t ele ments within lega l pluralism . Social scientists hav e bee n fascinate d b y othe r manifestation s o f law' s "plurality."55 Where scholars explore themes of hegemony an d resistance , the wor k acknowledge s th e influenc e o f a sovereign lega l order. 56 On e such contemporary perspectiv e comes from Antoni o Gramsci, who distin guished betwee n th e "dominant " an d th e "subaltern." 57 Th e subaltern , also know n a s "th e other, " i s sai d t o tel l u s wh o w e are. 58 I n orde r t o describe the other a s a part o f the whole, we must plac e law in society . In an article focusing o n native claim s in the cultura l appropriatio n contro versy in Canada, Rosemary J. Coombe sees the characteristic feature o f the other as representation "tha t projects upon non-Western people s qualitie s and characteristic s tha t ar e mirro r opposite s o f th e qualitie s th e Wes t claims for itself." 59 A parallel is evident in the language of colonialism. We have become self-conscious abou t the formation o f national identities. Social scientists are now looking a t laws that enter into and determin e social relations . Thus , i n Americ a th e movemen t o f whit e European s across the continen t become s the poin t o f departure . La w must b e hel d accountable fo r wipin g ou t a nativ e cultur e an d creatin g a n Africa n

13

LEGAL FORM S

14

slave class. 60 The earlies t nationa l legislatio n lai d th e groundwor k fo r expansion b y providin g fo r th e sal e of fee simple titles at public auctio n after survey s tha t provide d a more unifor m marketabl e commodit y ( a parcel o f land). Thus, a movement analysi s start s wit h la w becaus e la w draws attentio n t o the plac e o f rights, institutions , ideologies , an d con sciousness in political action . In the late 1970s , Sally Falk Moore, an anthropologist a t Harvard Uni versity, inquire d int o the natur e o f law and it s relation t o socia l change . Hers was a transitional conceptio n o f law a s a "semi-autonomous socia l field," an d sh e proposed thi s field as an appropriate subjec t o f study. To Moore '"the law' is a short term for a very complex aggregation of principles, norms , ideas , rules , practices , an d th e agencie s o f legislation , administration, adjudicatio n an d enforcement , backe d b y political powe r and legitimacy . . . . The comple x 'law / thu s condense d int o on e term, i s abstracted from th e social context in which it exists, and is spoken of as if it wer e a n entit y capabl e o f controllin g tha t context/' 61 Thi s present s problems that mus t b e grasped i n order to get beyond la w as symbol. As a research focu s i n th e sociolog y o f law, Moore's ide a i s "tha t th e small field observabl e t o a n anthropologis t b e chose n an d studie d i n terms of its semi-autonomy." This would amount to the fact that law "ca n generate rules and custom s and symbol s internally, bu t that it is also vulnerable to rules and decision s and othe r force s emanatin g fro m th e large r world b y which it is surrounded." Moor e notes that "a n emphasis on th e capacity o f the modern stat e to threaten t o use physical forc e shoul d no t distract u s from th e othe r agencie s and mode s of inducing compliance. " She goes on, i n a very helpfu l vein , t o sa y "tha t a n inspectio n o f semi autonomous socia l fields strongly suggest s that the various processes that make internall y generate d rule s effectiv e ar e ofte n als o the immediat e forces tha t dictat e th e mod e o f complianc e o r non-complianc e t o state made legal rules." 62 In sum , the point her e is that "th e semi-autonomou s social field i s define d an d it s boundarie s identifie d no t b y it s organiza tion . . . but b y a processual characteristic , th e fac t tha t i t ca n generat e rules and coerce or induce compliance to them." 63 There is no doubt tha t some norms develop in this way. But norms are also legislated b y govern ments, dictate d b y administrativ e an d judicial decisions , o r impose d i n other intentiona l way s b y privat e agencies . Thes e imping e o n semi autonomous socia l fields that already hav e rules and customs . The call for semi-autonom y i n law draws attention to aspects of law in society tha t anticipat e th e qualitie s t o b e taken u p here . For instance ,

LEGAL FORM S

Moore describe s ho w la w leverages politica l outcomes : "wer e i t no t fo r the vas t amoun t o f pertinent labo r law , the unio n representativ e woul d never hav e come to have the powerfu l positio n h e occupies"; an d "wer e it not the legal right o f the contracto r t o collect promptly th e bill s owed him b y the jobber, hi s restraint i n no t pressin g fo r collectio n woul d no t be a favor." Thus , Moor e note s tha t "th e contrar y ca n als o b e persua sively argued: that 'i t is society that control s law and no t the reverse/" 64 Labor an d contrac t la w provid e th e foundatio n fo r exchang e practice s that barel y loo k legal ; however, la w i s always in th e backgroun d a s ter rain, whic h may b e its most significan t quality . Thus right an d la w giv e birth t o much more, as we shall see beginning i n the next chapter . Phillip Selznic k an d other s hav e argue d tha t sociolog y shoul d hav e a "ready affinit y fo r th e philosoph y o f natura l law " becaus e bot h ar e "anti-formalist i n spirit, " lookin g beyon d wha t i s give n t o wha t i s "latent an d inchoate, " an d bot h ar e "committe d t o th e stud y o f 'nature/" 6 5 Associatin g hi s positio n wit h th e wor k o f Euge n Ehrlich , who propose d i n The Fundamental Principles of the Sociology of Law 66 that la w i s no t t o b e foun d i n forma l institution s bu t i n th e "inne r order" o f society , Selznic k call s o n a "commitmen t t o naturalism " tha t he associates wit h philosophica l pragmatis m rathe r tha n a narrow posi tivism.67 Suc h analysi s separate s th e lega l statu s o f laws from thei r con tent. Thus , th e proble m o f th e segregatio n law s i n th e earl y twentieth-century America n Sout h a s immoral and as law woul d con cern the sociologist of law interested i n understanding mor e than simpl y the claim s fo r la w mad e fro m withi n th e institution s o f th e state . Fo r Selznick, natura l law , like sociology, i s a methodology, a way o f lookin g for law , " a guide to inquiry." 68 The concep t o f "form " ha s a tradition i n th e sociolog y o f la w tha t deserves specia l note . Ou t o f the Marxis t traditio n I draw th e concep t of legal forms a s correlated t o social and economi c forces i n society . Ha d Isaac Balbu s staye d i n th e sociolog y o f la w hi s significan t contributio n to the conceptio n o f legal form woul d n o doub t hav e becom e mor e evi dent. Nonetheless , hi s articl e "Commodit y For m an d Lega l Form : A n Essay o n th e 'Relativ e Autonomy ' o f Law" 69 provide s a foundation fo r this dimensio n o f the theor y o f lega l form . Balbus' s wor k ha d corollar ies o f a distinctl y Britis h cast 70 an d generate d som e interes t amon g American scholars. 71 In he r articl e "La w an d Capital, " Doreen McBarne t discusse s th e rol e of legal form i n maintainin g economi c enterprises. 72 McBarne t attempt s

15

LEGAL FORM S

16

to invigorat e th e sociolog y o f law , whic h i n it s sophisticatio n ha d los t some of the vitality o f earlier, more instrumental conception s of the relation of law and capital . Where once the state was run b y the ruling clas s and "capitalist s wer e much i n evidence, " law cam e to b e more narrowl y defined, an d th e concentratio n o n institution s wa s often t o the exclu sion o f descriptio n o f economi c interests. 73 A s McBarne t point s out , bringing bac k th e activ e huma n elemen t require s "forgin g theoretica l links betwee n th e structure s o f la w an d capita l an d th e empiricall y observed huma n actio n whic h make s the m work." 74 He r attention , an d that o f som e o f he r colleague s a t th e Centr e fo r Socio-Lega l Studies , Oxford, i s draw n t o the armie s o f accountants , lawyers , an d othe r pro fessionals whos e job i t is to shape the laws to serve the immediate inter ests of very particula r capitalists. 75 Analysis o f legal form grounde d i n socia l relations suggest s affinities , corollaries, dichotomies , opposites , an d continu a a s the socia l reality o f law. Sometimes legal form i s less articulated tha n w e might expec t an d than those who count on the state for securit y might hope. This is generally true whe n w e look a t the propert y o r political right s o f the poo r o r movements of relatively margina l groups like gays and lesbians . At othe r times, penetration b y the state may b e far mor e significant tha n i s generally realized, expected, o r acknowledged. This is clearly the case with th e realist movement i n the law schools. The penetration o f law in social relations becomes especially eviden t whe n we compare social movements. In th e analysi s tha t follows , w e wil l se e tha t aspect s o f lega l form , such a s the belie f tha t la w i s powerful, ar e share d b y bot h ga y right s activists an d antipornograph y feminists , tw o movement s generall y a t the margin s and outsid e the institution s o f legal authority. O n the othe r hand, a belief i n th e powerlessnes s o f law i s shared b y lega l realist s i n law schools and the alternative disput e resolution movement , tw o movements tha t ar e heavily staffe d b y lawyers . On e of the paradoxe s i s thu s that th e lega l for m associate d wit h righ t suggest s lawyers , whil e thos e with th e mos t lega l education—la w teachers—declar e th e rhetori c o f rights to be naive. 76

Laws and Interest s The Nationa l Organizatio n fo r Women' s assaul t o n th e Suprem e Court , following th e pro-lif e movement' s assault , ha s dominate d th e publi c lif e of the Court . Thes e pressure s t o incorporat e th e politica l i n la w wer e

LEGAL FORM S

preceded b y pressure s fro m libera l la w writers o f a decade before . Law s are obviously susceptibl e t o group pressure . We make political pressur e an elemen t o f th e lega l syste m b y embeddin g la w i n a conceptio n o f democratic processes . Pressure ha s becom e an acceptable par t o f Ameri can law . Court s an d legislature s ar e place s wher e peopl e brin g want s and needs. While Brown v. Board of Education epitomized libera l politic s in law , th e civi l right s movemen t demande d th e realit y o f la w an d pressed fo r publi c demand s fro m th e government . Movemen t politic s also brough t institutiona l change , suc h a s th e sociologica l "Brandei s Brief/' an d wit h i t Justic e Loui s Brandei s himself , wh o a s a Je w exemplified a more divers e an d inclusiv e Suprem e Court. 77 Grou p resis tance to civil rights, in the for m o f southern citizen s council s with thei r control ove r governmen t an d la w enforcement , als o place d la w a t th e center o f political controversy . This resistance was aimed at preserving a way o f lif e i n whic h la w oppresse d a people . I n thi s resistance , eve n when wrappe d i n legal form (th e southern sheriff , th e votin g lists) , politics took awa y the legal status o f the resistance . For the las t fifty years , politics ha s bee n i n the forefron t o f studies o f law. Th e wor k o f Clemen t Vose 78 brok e ne w an d importan t ground . Although initiall y Vos e chose to focus o n th e restrictiv e covenan t case s rather tha n Brown, thereb y revealin g th e kin d o f intellectual curiosit y that wa s driving hi s research, h e provided elegan t testimon y t o the sub tlety and powe r of a framework. I n his work th e National Association fo r the Advancemen t o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) , th e Nationa l Consumer' s League, an d th e ACL U becam e th e centra l actor s i n th e grou p struggl e about law. With the NAAC P th e lore of movement struggl e is rich and th e contests amon g institution s an d personalitie s ar e played ou t a s a specta cle that define s th e civi l rights struggle : disagreement s betwee n Charle s Hamilton Houston and W. E. B. Du Bois about the role of litigation, or th e elevation o f Thurgood Marshal l t o the Suprem e Court . Women' s move ment groups were modeled o n these progenitors, an d the y ha d grea t suc cess with case s like Roe v. Wade. Th e success , i n fact , wa s s o great tha t these groups were slow in organizing a t the grass roots. One of the mor e vivi d example s o f the centralit y o f interests i n a static o r positiv e conceptio n o f law i s in th e researc h o n "politica l trials, " much o f whic h wa s stimulate d b y th e movement s o f the 1960s. 79 Thi s research was done by "liberals " who were fascinated b y the treatment of radicals i n th e courts . Theodor e L . Becker , Kennet h M . Dolbeare , an d Harry P . Stumpf, amon g th e mos t engage d an d importan t publi c la w

17

LEGAL FORM S

scholars of their generation , contribute d t o disciplinary scholarshi p an d to the politic s of the 1960s . They wer e drawn b y the aspirations o f radicals, bu t the y wer e concerne d abou t th e mean s employed , particularl y the violenc e tha t ofte n becam e th e subjec t o f trials. In th e trials , mean s often becam e the focus o f attention, shiftin g th e scholarl y gaze from poli tics to law. Generally, the trial showed th e state as relatively autonomou s with it s ow n rule s an d standard s fo r gettin g a t the truth . I n som e case s this was more successful tha n others . An obviou s failur e wa s the tria l of the Chicag o Seven, where one of the defendant s wa s bound an d gagged . While th e tria l o f Angela Davi s put th e radicalis m o f the blac k commu nity unde r th e microscop e o f libera l legalism , th e institutiona l auton omy o f th e la w wa s reaffirmed . I n man y respect s thes e treatment s o f political trials are good cas e studies in the difficult y o f seeing the consti tutive power of law. A closer look at one of these cases reveals the perva siveness of liberal law and the conceptions of interest that accompan y it .

18

Stumpf an d journalist Carro l W. Cagle chronicled "Th e Tria l o f Reie s Lopez Tijerina " fo r th e volum e Political Trials, edite d b y Theodor e Becker i n 1971 . The editor' s disclaime r a t th e beginnin g o f the boo k i s important: "I n a sense, all trials are political." 80 The statement reads as if Becker take s this observatio n fo r granted , a s though h e i s saying, "La w is political, right ? Okay , let' s ge t o n wit h wha t matters . Let' s talk som e politics." This shift fro m th e inquiry int o the obvious to the obviousnes s of the inquir y i s a characteristic proble m fo r th e libera l framewor k a s it addresses, o r fail s t o address , th e politic s o f law . There i s a cuteness i n the book' s division s tha t play s wit h scholarl y distanc e fro m th e mater ial.81 All the trials in the "pure " political sense are foreign. The y includ e the Spiegel case, Indian trials, and on e linking Grea t Britain and Nigeria . Here "th e natur e o f the crim e i s clearly politica l an d th e impartialit y o f the judge . . . i s not calle d into seriou s question." 82 The chapte r b y Stump f an d Cagl e cover s th e lega l respons e t o a n event i n earl y Jun e 1967 , when arme d Hispani c lan d reformer s entere d the courthous e i n Tierra Amarilla , Ne w Mexico, and pushe d aroun d th e occupants, includin g a number o f government officials . Th e result wa s a shootout i n th e Ol d Wes t style . Their accoun t o f th e tria l provide s a n opportunity t o describ e th e constructio n o f la w a t a leve l tha t i s addressed infrequently , a t least i n American politica l science . The imag e of th e shootou t an d th e academy' s respons e t o i t sho w u s th e rol e o f social scienc e scholarshi p o n la w i n coolin g th e passion s o f the perio d and discreditin g th e movement claims .

LEGAL FORM S

In thei r account , politic s i s presented wit h a rich arra y o f quotatio n marks. They are all over the place, even whe n n o one is speaking. Thes e quotes ar e used t o indicate ambiguit y an d puzzlement . Fro m the begin ning w e learn about "insurrectionists " an d hea r the detail s of the "cour thouse raid" tha t include d a n "arrest. " The subject o f the trial, Tijerina , is first describe d a s follows: "There , th e mercuria l Tijerina—eloquent , but wit h littl e forma l education , an d unverse d i n th e law—confronte d the ma n h e ha d sough t t o 'arrest/" 8 3 Late r i n th e story , Stump f an d Cagle provide a detailed accoun t o f the lega l issue underlying th e even t at the cente r o f the trial—title to land. Their account , i n part becaus e of its detail, is informative, sensitive , and characteristi c o f the liberal ideology i n law . Their sensitivity , however , i s humanistic rathe r tha n legal . The separatio n o f law from politic s preserve s th e innocenc e o f law, an d ultimately th e dominanc e o f convention . Thus, a conjunction o f activisms—th e activis m i n self-consciousl y political movements and the activism of the intellectuals, show s the con struction o f la w i n politica l science . A t thi s leve l o f cultura l creativit y we ca n see how th e construction s o f la w contai n politica l possibilities . In th e fac e o f concer n abou t objectivit y i n research , politica l pluralist s taught u s acceptabl e forms . Thoug h no t a s foreign, thes e followe d th e legalisms of amicus and cert very closely. One example of an institutiona l construction wit h politica l implication s i s Anthon y Lewis' s boo k Gideon's Trumpet M I n the guis e o f simply offerin g a more complete pic ture o f th e working s o f th e U.S . Supreme Court , th e New York Times reporter brough t a year o f training a t Harvar d La w Schoo l t o bea r i n a picture o f the institutio n tha t subtl y identifie s i t wit h biblica l symbol s of freedom an d vehicle s to challenge oppression. The power of the image has been s o great that mor e recent books , such a s Barbara Craig' s Chada: The Story of an Epic Constitutional Struggle, 85 pla y of f o f the imag e of a trip "al l the way to the Suprem e Court" whe n thi s image is certainly no t necessary an d barel y appropriat e t o the context . Research i n th e politic s o f law has now becom e more sophisticated. I t no longe r simpl y take s o n libera l interests . Conservative s befor e th e courts as well as on them have become part o f a continually illuminatin g story callin g attention t o the organized effort s b y conservatives to transform th e court s an d thei r decision s throug h th e Mountai n State s Lega l Foundation, th e Capita l Lega l Foundation, an d othe r Washingto n insti tutions give n prominenc e b y th e nationa l media . Thes e institution s affirm wha t th e Ne w Dea l firs t taught , tha t politica l movement s ca n

19

LEGAL FORM S

20

change th e institution s o f la w themselves . The y sho w tha t politica l activity ca n transfor m th e processe s o f thought an d th e doctrina l rela tions on which case s are argued . When activist s tal k abou t strateg y an d whe n the y addres s eac h othe r in their movements , lega l forms ar e more integral to their politica l activ ity tha n interes t grou p pluralis m suggests . Som e movement discourse , like the feminis t antipornograph y campaign , i s a broadside agains t th e oppression i n laws . The alternative disput e resolutio n movemen t i n th e 1980s was built o n a general critiqu e o f the lega l process as encumbere d and unsatisfactory . And , whil e ga y activist s sough t fulfillmen t o f lega l promises the y foun d i n th e Declaratio n o f Independence , th e critica l legal studies movement i n law schools was denying th e authority o f law's texts. The ideas about la w held b y thes e activists ar e not boun d i n stan dard la w books , and the y ar e not alway s petitions fo r a redress o f griev ances. They includ e conventions , article s o f faith, an d view s abou t th e world tha t activist s tak e t o b e true . Idea s abou t la w giv e meanin g t o social relations, and a s law "i n action " they mus t b e understood a s significant part s o f the legal order. To attend t o this aspect o f law is to illuminate a part o f law's social reality. La w that form s socia l life i s real in th e most elementa l sense ; its reality i s evident i n life' s choices . More specifi cally, to look a t law in this form i s to see law informing socia l action i n a new way. Such ideas and the relations they creat e are law in society.

Discursive Practice s Laws sometimes infus e America n socia l life wit h element s tha t see m no t quite natural . Th e du e proces s guarante e tha t "th e crimina l goe s free i f the constabl e blunders " i s one. A sense that judges ar e suppose d t o b e different, wise r an d mor e deliberat e tha n othe r people , is another. Law s appear i n politica l language a s claims of right, lik e a right t o privacy (o r its derivative , th e righ t t o contro l one' s body , i n th e pro-choic e move ment), an d a s the objec t o f scorn, lik e the law s publisher Bo b Guccion e uses to protect Penthouse. In the chapter s tha t follow , I will concentrat e on four form s o f law in society. Characterized a s right, institutiona l real ism, th e ideolog y o f remedy, an d th e radica l consciousness , thes e form s capture a broa d rang e o f politica l actio n an d lega l signification . O f course, th e categorie s ar e no t exhaustive . Instead , the y revea l som e of the way s la w works i n politic s that hav e not bee n develope d ver y fully . Movement discourse— a stum p speech , a keynote address , o r a letter t o

LEGAL FORM S

the editor—ma y dra w o n idea s abou t la w s o settled an d s o distinctiv e that the y defin e a movement's conventions . The categorie s o f legal for m explore d her e provid e som e ideologica l breadth sinc e they ar e linked t o differen t kind s o f movements, involv e different kind s o f politica l claims , an d privileg e variou s statement s about what law s can do. Both gay rights and the form o f legal consciousness evident i n the movement against pornography, fo r instance , play off the view that la w matters. In this view, laws offer protectio n fro m a society threatene d b y AID S an d creat e a n environmen t fo r pornographers . Positivism i s a legal form tha t depend s o n law school s and th e judiciary for it s impact. I t operate s fro m th e premis e o f a formalism tha t i s to b e avoided b y getting t o the "real/ ' Informalis m i s also a professional ideol ogy, but on e that speak s o f court incapacit y an d a litigious society . Sur prisingly, thi s lega l form i s the domai n o f lawyers an d th e movemen t i s heavily influence d b y lawyers . The lin k betwee n right s an d pornogra phers a s insurgent movemen t form s an d positivis m an d informalis m a s counterinsurgent form s i s not altogether obvious , although som e aspects of the relations are evident i n the chronicle s o f legal politics. This is one of the most intriguing thing s about the framework. Th e existence of ideological forms i n distinctiv e practice s an d th e constitutiv e dimensio n o f those practices for movemen t discours e wil l b e elaborated i n the follow ing chapter s i n term s o f debate s i n th e ga y medi a an d i n symposia , exchanges i n la w reviews (th e forum fo r th e lega l academy), conventio n speeches, withi n paraprofessiona l organizations , an d i n th e stree t lan guage and alternativ e pres s favored b y the antipornography movement . In th e followin g analysis , ideas , language , an d convention s tie d t o a legal form wil l b e calle d "practices/ ' Practice s ar e constituted b y an d i n turn constitut e differen t interpretiv e communities . Politica l languag e links lega l for m t o th e convention s o f thes e interpretiv e communities . Consequently, the conventions can be seen in talk about purposes, in th e style o f discussion , an d i n politica l strategies . The discours e appearin g in movemen t forum s suc h a s conferenc e proceeding s i s distinc t fro m academic o r journalistic commentar y o n it . These forum s establis h th e sociological dimension : people , b y participatin g i n them , constitut e a community. Academi c commentar y i s often comfortabl e wit h idea s out side of any time or place. The texts of journals o r even academic confer ence paper s i n fields suc h a s sociolog y o r politica l scienc e ar e seldo m grounded i n the communitie s that produc e them. Groundin g th e confer ences an d presentation s referre d t o her e i s a n importan t par t o f thi s

21

LEGAL FORM S

book. To comment o n a conference, especiall y whe n no t participating, i s to observe as one might observ e a subculture. 86 The tradition o f European socia l research has raised som e of the prob lems inherent i n observin g subcultures : "How , i n th e final analysis , ar e we to make sens e of subcultural style ? On e of the mor e obviou s way s is to 'appreciate ' i t in orthodo x aestheti c terms/' 87 Whether on e is observ ing th e Hell' s Angels, th e Junio r League , o r professor s a t a conference , the cultura l rather tha n instrumenta l approac h ha s its advantages. There is more interest i n th e bond s tha t unit e tha n i n th e force s tha t prevail . Each of the group s has qualities that ar e attractive, lik e the creativit y o f the gay community an d th e humanism o f the mediators who driv e infor malism. Sometime s thos e ar e th e qualitie s tha t associat e th e movemen t with law , sometime s the y ar e not . Thi s boo k seek s t o establis h th e authority o f law b y focusing o n political discours e with attentio n t o th e words and logic it employs.

22

From a vantage poin t les s integrate d int o professiona l lega l scholar ship tha n som e w e hav e considered , Loui s Althusse r describe s ho w different part s o f th e "socia l formation " perpetuat e submissio n t o th e ruling ideology . La w appear s a s "dominatio n o f th e rulin g clas s 'i n words.'" This formulation an d relate d literatur e in the Marxist traditio n develop th e constitutiv e perspectiv e discusse d here . I n "Ideolog y an d the Ideologica l Stat e Apparatuses, " Althusse r emphasize s tha t author ity reside s i n th e acceptanc e o f words a s a matter o f practice i n a social setting. Thus , th e authorit y o f la w i s material. 88 Law' s authorit y call s people togethe r i n tim e an d plac e an d provide s th e focu s o f a socia l movement, i s another wa y t o describ e th e constitutiv e for m o f la w an d demonstrate it s consequences . The resultin g perspective , a s elaborate d i n thi s analysis , i s tha t o f constitutive law . Although thi s perspective ha s various source s and cur rents, a n importan t statemen t o f i t i s foun d i n a 197 9 articl e b y Kar l Klare. According to Klare, "The initial theoretical operation i s to free th e Marxist theor y o f law from . . . the notio n tha t la w is a mere instrumen t of class power." 89 Klare sees the project a s one that tries "t o conceive th e legal proces s as , at leas t i n part , a manner i n whic h clas s relationship s are create d an d articulated , tha t is , t o vie w law-makin g a s a for m o f praxis." 90 Although propose d som e time ago , this projec t i s onl y no w getting of f the ground. Klar e has also examined th e deradicalizatio n an d incorporation o f th e America n workin g clas s a s reveale d i n earl y Supreme Court Wagner Ac t decisions. 91

LEGAL FORM S

A few classic s from th e rich traditio n o f British socia l research o n law and class , such a s Douglas Hay's "Property , Authorit y an d th e Crimina l Law/'92 sho w th e interpla y betwee n property , form s o f personal depen dence, an d crimina l law . Hay show s ho w la w displace d religio n a s th e dominant legitimizin g ideolog y in eighteenth-century England . Accord ing t o Hay , the crimina l statute s wer e infuse d wit h element s o f terror , majesty, justice, and mercy . The rhetoric of the deat h sentence , the ever present sanctio n o f the gallows , an d th e localize d an d persona l syste m by whic h th e rura l poo r an d occasionall y th e gentr y wer e convicted , often release d o n technicalities, o r pardoned, al l produced a chaotic system b y whic h respec t fo r propert y an d propert y owner s wa s effecte d through th e rule of law. The la w construct s throug h image s i n whic h peopl e ar e placed . Th e Elizabethan Poo r Law , sometimes take n b y moder n lawyer s to represen t the antithesi s o f welfar e entitlement , wa s i n fac t widel y understoo d a t the tim e as establishing welfar e a s a right. 93 Yet, law's existence i n gen eral depiction s o f societ y raise s the justifiable cautio n abou t seein g la w everywhere. I f we mak e thi s mov e to o cavalierl y an d withou t caution , certainly nothin g wil l be law—hence the attentio n her e to state law an d the ways in which i t expands system s of authority. Bu t in looking a t law in movement practic e som e of the distinctiv e feature s o f law see m to fal l by th e wayside . Thi s ma y b e th e pric e w e hav e t o pa y fo r seein g a n important trut h abou t law . Much o f its authority i s ideological. Beyond legal pluralism and lega l positivism w e find a complex realm of social lif e organize d aroun d concept s tha t ca n b e trace d t o a n origina l articulation fro m som e wing o r corrido r o f the authoritativ e publi c plat form w e cal l th e governmen t o r th e state . Findin g la w i n thi s real m requires transcending th e distinctio n betwee n publi c an d privat e s o central to traditional liberalism. As David Nelken puts it, "la w enters into the production an d reproductio n o f society/' 94 In modern systems , and char acteristically i n the libera l state , th e relatio n betwee n socia l movement s and la w needs to b e reexamined. Politica l movements , suc h a s feminism , alternative disput e resolution, an d other s discusse d below , ar e subject t o this "productio n an d reproduction. " On e of the mos t important moder n feminist critique s o f th e la w point s ou t tha t th e equalit y standard , whether th e standard o f "difference" o r of "sameness," characterizes me n as the standard. 95 I n stoppin g t o cal l attentio n t o la w beyon d dispute s over suc h things a s comparable wort h o r occupational qualification , thi s analysis has suggested how law at the constitutive level operates. 96

23

LEGAL FORM S

Movements ar e constitute d i n lega l terms wher e participant s see th e world throug h concept s derive d fro m stat e institution s an d organiz e themselves accordin g t o these concepts . The concep t o f free expressio n in contemporar y America n politic s i s often derive d fro m tal k abou t th e First Amendment . Thus , organization s a s divers e a s Wome n Agains t Pornography, whe n it s adherent s addres s a conventional notio n o f fre e inquiry, an d the American Legion , when i t advocated legislatio n i n 198 9 to protect the American flag, are constituted, a t least in part, b y the First Amendment. Lega l form s ar e eviden t i n th e language , purposes , an d strategies of movement activit y a s "practices/' 97 When activist s speak t o one anothe r i n meetings , o n picke t lines , o r ove r th e phone , thei r lan guage contains consistent way s of understanding o r acting, that is , practices of, about , o r in opposition t o the legal system .

24

American feminist s wh o met at Seneca Falls in the middle of the nine teenth centur y t o star t th e women' s rights struggl e spok e o f a "sense of right" familia r fro m th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e an d abolitionis t struggles. They rallie d t o the cr y "Equalit y o f Rights." 98 Similarly, whe n activists articulat e politica l purpose s thei r discours e i s situated relativ e to law. Gay rights activists of the 1970 s addressed claim s to city council s for ne w ordinance s t o protec t the m fro m discrimination , an d i n th e 1980s they extended protectio n for AID S victims by establishing tha t th e disease canno t b e transmitte d b y "casua l contact." 99 Whe n activist s develop strategies , the y revea l a politically significan t vie w o f the lega l system. Th e strategie s followe d b y th e civi l right s movement , suc h a s marches an d sit-ins , wer e no t alway s legal , an d man y wer e explicitl y illegal; just a s they wer e orchestrate d t o chang e law s i n th e lon g run , they wer e affecte d b y law s that wer e i n practice . Equall y compelling , but harde r t o see , ar e th e "post-consequentialist" IO ° strategie s o f la w and economic s o r th e radica l consequentialis m o f critica l lega l studies . From Klare' s "Judicia l Deradicalizatio n o f the Wagne r Act " t o Willia m Forbath's Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement, critica l legal studie s ha s don e considerabl e wor k o n th e labo r movemen t i n th e tradition o f constitutiv e law. 101 In general , scholarshi p o n race relation s has availe d itsel f o f a constitutiv e perspectiv e mor e full y tha n mos t chronicles of our political life. Eugene Genovese's Roll, Jordan, Roll is an outstanding exampl e i n thi s regard , a s i s Mar k Tushnet' s movemen t analysis work o n the NAACP. 1 0 2 David Silverma n an d Bria n Torode' s discussio n o f th e constitutiv e character o f languag e an d symbols , appropriatel y title d The Material

LEGAL FORM S

Word,103 propose s t o revers e th e assumptio n tha t speec h refer s t o a n external realit y i n exchang e fo r "attentio n t o speec h a s a reality i n it s own right/' 104 Thes e British author s develo p Althusser' s materialis t the ory o f ideology, t o whic h I will refe r throughou t thi s study . Silverma n and Torod e describ e practice s a s existing withi n ideologie s tha t relat e individuals t o one anothe r an d t o the condition s o f their existence . Fo r example, the y loo k a t th e ideolog y o f the Christia n religio n a s eviden t when w e address " a huma n individua l called , say , 'Peter/ " The y poin t out that the name is produced fro m withi n a n ideology since it is a biblical name and tha t i t i s granted b y a n ideologica l practice , baptism , an d they argue that these practices tell you that "Go d exists and tha t yo u ar e answerable to Him." While muc h o f society' s la w i s evident i n th e opinion s o f judges an d bills passe d b y legislatures , th e schola r wh o look s t o thes e source s i s looking fo r la w i n al l th e wron g place s toda y becaus e w e hav e bee n looking ther e fo r to o long . I t i s no w tim e t o recogniz e tha t th e socia l reality o f particular law s and th e statur e o f law generally ar e evident i n the share d practice s tha t w e find throughou t America n life , includin g movement activities. In movements, forms of law help defin e basi c socia l relations, suc h a s wh o i s in , wh o i s out , an d ho w w e kno w ther e i s a movement. Wha t I hope t o d o her e i s highlight th e operation s o f thi s constitutive dimensio n o f la w b y pointin g t o it s manifestation s i n th e formative languag e of various political movements . The chapter s tha t follo w cove r fou r contemporar y socia l movement s and depic t la w a s it constitute s movemen t practice . I n chapte r 2 I dis cuss right s b y focusin g o n th e ga y reactio n t o publi c hysteri a abou t AIDS, a situation i n whic h thi s for m o f la w characterize d a t leas t on e aspect o f a politica l controversy . Event s suc h a s th e closin g o f bath houses i n Sa n Francisco i n th e 1980 s manifest th e belie f i n right s a s a n important for m o f law. I begin her e becaus e right s hav e becom e a ver y familiar conceptio n o f law, particularl y a s the reac h o f federal la w ha s been extende d int o state s an d localitie s an d a s the Wester n conceptio n of law ha s bee n exporte d aroun d th e world . I n chapte r 3 I turn t o th e denial o f the reac h o f rights i n lega l realism . Critica l lega l studie s an d law and economics , movement s o n th e opposit e reache s o f the politica l spectrum, hav e bot h allie d themselve s t o realism, resultin g i n th e pre dominance o f realism in law schools. In chapte r 4 I discuss the influenc e of established lega l institutions i n th e informalis t o r alternativ e disput e resolution movement , a form tha t i s remedial i n tha t i t i s bot h base d i n

25

LEGAL FORM S

reformist claim s and seek s remed y ove r right . I n chapte r 5 I examine a form tha t i n som e sens e is the opposit e o f rights—that is , the tendenc y in politica l movement s o n the right an d th e lef t t o attribute grea t powe r to law bu t t o find th e impac t o f law to b e highly negative . Today we see this kind o f rage in the militia movement. A decade ago rage at legal protection o f pornograph y wa s prominen t i n radica l feminis m an d th e antipornography movement , especiall y a t it s inceptio n (1978—1982) , when movemen t activist s sought to raise consciousness of legal complicity i n women's oppression . When compare d t o on e another , thes e movement s revea l som e curi ous aspect s o f law's consequenc e fo r politics . Ga y activists , amon g th e least powerfu l an d certainl y th e mos t threatene d o f the groups , wor k t o advance a right t o equal treatmen t i n th e interes t o f empowerment an d pride. Dispute resolution o r informalism woul d no t exist as an organize d interest withou t a conceptio n o f la w agains t whic h i t coul d posi t it s alternative form . Realis m in law schools is self-consciously attentiv e t o a reformulation o f law a s politics rathe r tha n promise . Thus, fro m profes sors at institutions lik e Harvard an d Yale we hear that i t is naive to make claims about lega l obligatio n whil e antipornograph y feminist s hol d la w responsible fo r th e constructio n o f sexuality i n America . 26

Each chapte r unfold s i n roughl y th e sam e fashion. First , I provide a theoretical backgroun d fo r the legal form at issue, which helps to systematize the compariso n betwee n forms . I n eac h case , the for m i s associate d with a body o f scholarship an d tie d t o issues in jurisprudence. Thi s dis cussion i s followed b y a description o f the historica l an d politica l back ground necessar y fo r understandin g th e specifi c case s used t o illustrat e the form. A t the heart of each chapter is discursive material revealing th e way activist s tal k abou t law . This i s the basi s fo r th e interpretatio n o f form a s a political practice in each movement. Finally, I compare the gen eral characteristic s o f legal for m acros s movement s wheneve r possible . This comparison i s amplified an d deepene d i n chapter 6 . The study o f legal form i n movement discours e build s a conception o f law from th e wa y peopl e tal k an d therefor e thin k abou t la w i n politics . What peopl e thin k o f as inequality o r discriminatio n i s really a frame work throug h whic h w e vie w event s suc h a s ho w peopl e ar e treated . Very ofte n th e perceptio n o f right an d wron g i s derive d a t leas t i n par t from lega l decision s an d operate s no t a s an orde r bu t a s a way o f think ing. From this perspective w e realize that rule s and command s permeat e the socia l consciousnes s an d structur e socia l action. Rathe r tha n simpl y

LEGAL FORM S

existing as orders, as if law were like the instructions promulgate d b y a n imperious dril l sergeant , la w i s presented a s a part o f society , a part o f the wa y w e thin k an d act . Th e resul t i s a number o f counterintuitiv e findings abou t which form s attac h t o which sor t o f movements.

27

Rights t o Profligacy ?

Sex an d AIDS , th e Earl y Year s

R

Chapter2

Tradition i s th e custody o f that whic h is already ther e an d it s essence i s expressed i n the separatio n o f spiri t from substance . . . . [OJnly i n death , i n articulo mortis , ca n th e subject perceiv e th e secret o f law . —Peter Goodrich , Languages of Law

ights deman d a respons e fro m people i n authority . A s a n arti fact o f the law , they clai m a n obliga tion fro m governmen t generall y an d usually litigatio n processe s i n partic ular. Yet rights als o signa l a vulnera ble communit y turnin g t o law , ofte n simply i n th e hop e o f surviving . Americans, a t leas t thos e o f th e recent past , hav e heralde d rights . From Clarenc e Ear l Gideon , a small time croo k i n Florid a wh o claime d t o have a righ t t o a n attorney , t o con temporary AID S activists , right s hav e demanded that people respond.1 When George Whitmore, an author who died of AID S i n 1989 , was refuse d servic e at a Greenwich Villag e denta l clinic , he sue d fo r a violatio n o f hi s civi l rights. Th e clini c wa s fine d $47,00 0 by th e Ne w York Cit y Huma n Right s Commission, forcing i t to close (it was later opene d a s a nursin g hom e fo r AIDS patients) .

The ideolog y o f right, lon g par t o f the America n experience , provide s a warrant fo r movement s t o organiz e around takin g o r refusin g t o tak e a n action. The claim of right i s rooted i n the pas t an d it s for m reflect s th e adversarial structur e o f Anglo-Amer ican law. The result for politic s is that 29

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

movements tha t organiz e aroun d right s engag e i n distinctiv e form s o f political action . Fro m Africa n American s befor e th e Civi l War t o gay s since Stonewall , thos e wh o attemp t t o mobiliz e a s activists t o expres s interest t o th e stat e ar e themselve s affecte d b y thes e forms. 2 Indeed , even th e conceptualizatio n o f a movement i n terms o f rights give s poli tics its form an d situate s it in public lif e in a distinctive manner . Struggles i n th e earl y year s o f the AID S epidemi c exemplif y th e rela tionship betwee n right s an d th e identit y o f a movement . I n th e lat e 1980s, as the struggl e agains t AID S move d beyon d th e closin g o f bath houses, th e strateg y shifte d an d th e mor e libera l conceptio n o f la w a s rights cease d t o b e i n th e vanguard . Th e positio n develope d i n thi s chapter i s that th e impac t o f AID S o n grou p identit y wa s mediated b y legal forms . Initially , right s appeare d a s a bulwar k agains t a societ y pressing o n gays already a t ris k fo r th e disease . Later , a s queer activist s took th e plac e o f lawyers, th e bourgeoi s for m o f right wen t th e wa y o f the presumption tha t comin g out wa s a matter o f individual choice. 3

Rights a s Practic e 30

Rights are a way of doing things . The orientation towar d rights , with it s litany o f institutional channel s an d deferenc e t o professional discourses , contributes t o politica l stabilit y i n th e Unite d States . Thus , th e sam e rights tha t see m to prope l u s forward als o hold u s back . Thi s i s becom ing evident wit h referenc e t o the civil rights legacy in the late twentiet h century, whe n th e nondiscriminatio n right s tha t helpe d Suprem e Cour t Justice Clarenc e Thomas, NB C ancho r Bryan t Gumbel , For d Foundatio n President Frankli n Thomas , an d Genera l Coli n Powel l ge t t o th e to p o f the socia l hea p als o keep mos t peopl e o f colo r a t the bottom. 4 I n invok ing th e state , rights requir e tha t a certain homag e b e paid. Right s excit e us, drawin g ou r attentio n t o th e fe w wh o ge t ahead , rathe r tha n th e many kept behind. 5 Rights may rely o n rules backe d b y threat s o r appeals t o some highe r authority, a s in th e Declaratio n o f Independence, wher e th e clai m tha t "All me n ar e create d equal " challenge d th e la w o n th e books . Right s again mak e suc h sweepin g claim s i n th e Senec a Fall s declaratio n o f women's rights . Simila r claim s definin g equalit y i n term s o f universa l tolerance fue l th e struggl e fo r racia l equalit y toda y a s they hav e sinc e slavery wa s accommodated i n th e U.S . Constitution. I n th e earl y 1980s , barely ten year s after th e Stonewall riot that launched moder n gay liber -

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

ation, right s playe d a key rol l i n th e respons e o f the ga y communit y t o AIDS. Onl y a few year s into th e AID S epidemic , som e gay activist s mad e rights centra l t o thei r politica l strateg y whil e other s trie d t o introduc e the competing concern s o f public health . The claim of rights in the con troversy ove r th e bath s i s analogous t o the critica l discours e o n sexua l repression mor e generally. Lik e the polaritie s o f mourning an d rag e s o prominent sinc e th e onslaugh t o f AIDS , th e practic e o f rights contain s within itsel f bot h protectio n an d repression . Contemporar y scholarshi p in the socia l science s call s attention t o the constitutiv e qualitie s o f suc h debate-framing dichotomies . Accordin g t o Miche l Foucault , th e focu s on repressio n an d liberatio n i n th e histor y o f sexualit y limit s insight. 6 Eve Kosofsky Sedgwic k characterize s identit y debate s i n th e ga y com munity, whic h pi t socia l constructio n agains t biologica l essentialism , i n much th e sam e way. 7 We ough t t o b e abl e t o se e beyon d repressio n i n the relationship s amon g publi c healt h concerns , th e ga y community , and the law. Here, the terrain o f the rights claim , rather than its validity , is of primary interest . Rights fit into the instrumental pictur e of politics in the modern state . Groups, generall y thos e considere d "outside/ ' presen t claim s t o a government tha t may or may not respond. Thi s framework make s it difficul t to see law constitutin g movements . We find it hard t o fathom th e exten t to whic h Marti n Luthe r King , Jr. , an d th e civi l right s movemen t oper ated "inside " th e stat e (o r Attorne y Genera l Rober t Kenned y practice d "outside" it). Gay rights activists in the early years of the AID S epidemi c were als o see n a s outsider s appealin g t o th e constitutiv e norm s tha t legitimize authority , agains t th e practice s o f particula r governmen t officials. Thoug h conventional , thi s framewor k fail s t o captur e impor tant aspect s of politics and la w in America. San Francisco, with a powerful ga y community, close d its baths while other citie s like New York, Los Angeles, and Sa n Diego waited o r di d no t clos e them a t all. The proposi tion develope d her e i s tha t Sa n Francisco' s ga y communit y wa s mor e fully constitute d i n realm s beyon d rights . That is , in Sa n Francisco th e gay communit y wa s influential an d playe d a role in formulatin g healt h policy, whic h mad e the right s clai m les s monolithic, les s constitutive o f the entire community . Rights claims move to "trump" mere policy consideration b y claimin g to b e operating a t a higher level. 8 Rights claim s assert tha t th e stat e wil l eventually suppor t one' s position. In the case of AIDS , som e gay activist s appealed to legal rights in order to resist what they sa w as sexual repres-

31

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

sion. Other s challenge d th e right s clai m in the interest s o f the healt h o f the community . Wher e government s denie d th e right s claim , a s in Sa n Francisco, th e failur e o f this for m o f activism ma y b e a sign o f commu nity strength , o f ga y penetratio n int o th e structur e o f power , rathe r than a sign o f weakness. 9 Although al l political struggle s manifes t som e relation t o law , thos e wh o claime d right s i n th e earl y day s o f the epi demic differe d fro m mor e political activists . The rights claim s seemed a t the tim e t o b e mor e characteristi c o f ga y activism . I n retrospect , thes e claims ma y actuall y hav e bee n a n expressio n o f a more legall y consti tuted segment , perhap s eve n a more politicall y immatur e par t o f th e community. Nevertheless, in the early struggles over AID S policy at least part o f the gay community wa s clearly constitute d i n relation to rights.

32

Modern politica l an d lega l practic e distinguishe s individua l right s from th e right s o f a community. 10 Contemporar y scholar s asser t tha t th e Greeks appea r no t t o hav e employe d wha t w e cal l individua l rights. 11 Before th e bourgeoi s revolution s o f the lat e eighteent h century , peopl e turned t o ideas of justice and right conduct , wha t we now cal l "natural " law. Befor e "nature " becam e a modifier o f law, 12 nature o r Go d was th e law an d la w mad e thing s happen . La w in thi s sens e wa s no t a n officia l statement o f how peopl e shoul d act , bu t rathe r a description o f action . Earlier peopl e treate d "th e lega l precepts tha t governe d kings , counsel lors, and courts" 13 similarly, as descriptions . Before ther e wer e "rights " in the Western traditio n ther e wa s custom . The Romans administered thei r empir e through rule s formulated t o gov ern strangers , an d the y handle d politica l problem s tha t ha d bee n obscured b y th e homogeneit y o f the Gree k poli s through universa l val ues draw n fro m cultura l norms. 14 These universals amounte d t o a sort of "common law " for th e Roman Empire, which helpe d t o promote a workable citizenship. 15 Whe n collecte d i n codes , the y becam e a sourc e o f "higher law " i n th e Middl e Ages . Ther e the y coul d b e appeale d t o against th e "sinfulness " o f mankind an d coul d serv e a s a limitation o n rulers. While the Greek concep t o f justice "ente r [ed] into the more deliberate acts of human authority," the more modern higher la w checked an d limited authorit y "fro m without." 16 Bu t medieva l jurists lacke d a basi s for secula r authority t o recolonize individual consciousness . Law i s sai d t o hav e shifte d i n th e Middl e Age s t o a notion o f righ t action, whic h wa s characterize d a s the "righ t reason " o f learned men . The Inns o f Court i n medieva l Englan d provide d a n expertis e indepen dent o f popula r custom . Althoug h the y claime d publi c authority , th e

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

Inns depende d o n separatio n an d professiona l mystery—th e "scienc e of bench an d bar"—whic h expande d wit h th e ris e of a marketplace ideol ogy o f individualism i n th e nineteent h century. I7 Th e expansion o f thi s form o f powe r transforme d th e professiona l mysterie s o f lawyer s an d judges int o a generic uni t o f political exchang e comparabl e t o mone y i n the economic sphere. In the United States , rights appear t o precede soci ety becaus e o f the "autonomou s individual " depicte d i n liberalism . Bu t society remain s th e sourc e fo r rights , an d individual s ar e expecte d t o satisfy thei r interest s an d desire s withi n stipulate d limits . Developin g from thi s basis , America n governmen t depend s o n practice s tha t dis solved natura l la w into the natura l right s o f "life , liberty , an d estate" — liberalism, i n th e "classi c Lockeia n sense." 18 Right s groun d socia l relations i n th e forma l autonom y o f individuals whil e basin g th e clai m in the community . Rights , understood a s practices/ 9 reflect th e way s w e know th e world . Right s depen d o n knowledg e an d coexis t alon g wit h other socia l practices , suc h a s hono r an d exchange . Th e practic e o f rights come s fro m specifi c right s t o hav e o r d o something , suc h a s receiving a social security benefit . Becaus e rights ar e more than matter s of opinion, 20 a grou p relie s o n the m whe n i t feel s threatened . Whe n right simpl y assert s a n individua l opinion , an d fail s t o dra w fro m th ec authority o f practice i t is likely to fail. 21 Rights may appea r selfis h an d ma y see m no t t o blen d ver y wel l wit h1 values suc h a s gratitud e o r loyalty . A s right s asser t entitlemen t an d1 appeal t o the governmen t fo r protection , the y functio n ver y differentl y from socia l attributes suc h a s generosity o r friendship . I n th e AID S epi demic, all sorts o f social relationships ar e tested relativ e t o rights estab lished i n law . In th e handboo k "Lega l Answer s abou t AIDS " pu t ou t b y Gay Men' s Healt h Crisi s i n 1989 , the issue s com e fro m famil y life : th e desire t o continu e t o liv e i n a n apartmen t afte r on e partne r dies ; th e desire t o visi t i n th e hospita l o r hav e childre n take n car e of . Th e responses, often i n terms of right an d it s analogues—contracts, probate , and property—see m strained , minimall y reassuring , an d ofte n cold . Although w e canno t isolat e rights fro m mor e communitaria n an d famil ial concepts, rights in their mos t familiar manifestation s ar e incongruou s with relationships like sisterhood o r feelings lik e love. 22 Relationships of this sor t affec t u s mor e deepl y tha n rights—an d w e don' t loo k t o gov ernments to enforce them . Wesley Hohfeld , a n America n la w professo r writin g i n th e earl y twentieth century , produced a catalogue of rights, and hi s description o f

33

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

34

the practic e o f right s ha s becom e a gramma r fo r ho w t o us e them. 23 Somewhat modifie d b y Richar d Flathman, 24 Hohfeld' s analysi s intro duces th e varietie s o f right: powers , claims , immunities , an d liberties . Powers are available to peopl e b y virtu e o f specifi c authorit y o r provi sions i n law . Hohfeld's formulatio n require s n o specifi c grant s o f con sent, althoug h power s in a constitutional democrac y depen d o n popula r acquiescence. Th e governmen t ha s th e powe r t o prosecut e peopl e i t believes to hav e committe d crimes . Rights i n th e stric t sense , o r claims , are the expectation s betwee n individuals , o r betwee n individual s an d the government. Claims exist where a person or institution ha s a definit e duty t o a right holder . I n th e case of government officials , fo r instance , claims o f publi c responsibilit y exist . Similarly , welfar e recipient s an d the holder s o f entitlemen t provide d fo r b y statute s hav e claim s t o cer tain benefit s i f they mee t th e eligibilit y criteria . The rights convention ally associated with civi l liberties Hohfeld call s immunities and liberties . An immunity i s an exceptio n t o a power suc h a s the Fourth Amendmen t protection agains t unreasonabl e searche s an d seizures . Liberties ar e rights hel d agains t authoritie s tha t limi t interferenc e wit h a variety o f activities deeme d worth y o f specia l protection . Th e government' s dut y not to interfere wit h the exercise of free speec h comes, not from th e free dom to speak , bu t fro m th e righ t o r liberty no t t o b e interfered wit h i n the exercise of certain expression . In eac h o f these forms , right s exis t a s practices characteristi c o f th e American politica l experience . Clarenc e Gideon' s appea l i s featured i n books an d movies ; Marti n Luthe r King , Jr.'s contributio n t o civi l right s gets a national holiday; an d claim s that reac h the Suprem e Court receiv e much attention . Lik e elections , wher e w e struggl e ove r votes , ou r con tests ove r right s displa y ou r politics , an d a politics o f rights i s a key t o the America n experienc e tha t ca n b e brough t t o bea r i n politicall y significant ways . Bot h fla g burnin g an d crimina l du e proces s becam e central to the 198 8 presidential electio n campaig n betwee n Georg e Bush and Michael Dukakis. 25 At about the same time, minority scholar s bega n defending right s fro m th e contemporar y positio n i n la w school , whic h tended t o focus o n their lac k o f meaning. 26 Because they ar e social practices, rights i n general, an d particularl y th e claims , immunities, an d lib erties describe d here , ar e recognizabl e form s b y whic h interest s ar e asserted an d thu s law enters into politics. Modern libera l jurist s suc h a s Joh n Rawls , Ronal d Dworkin , an d Michael Walze r canno t b e separate d fro m communitaria n concern s a s

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

readily a s the stereotypica l liberalis m w e legitimately associat e wit h th e prevailing conception s about right i n law. They are not, a s scholars suc h as Roberto Alejandro , Susa n Molle r Okin , an d Lind a C . McClain hav e pointed out , trappe d i n a n "atomisti c man " framework. 27 I n m y effort s here t o se e the socia l relations i n right s tha t constitut e movemen t prac tices, I d o no t wis h t o caricatur e right s a s without root s an d withou t community. Rather , I want t o sa y tha t a relationship buil t o n right s i s usually bonde d i n a different wa y fro m on e buil t o n famil y relation s o r love. Bu t th e battle s ragin g i n politica l theor y poin t ou t th e nee d t o develop th e characte r o f liberalism beyon d th e relativ e autonomy o f th e individual t o include assumption s abou t th e Tightnes s an d reac h o f law that i s essential to the hegemony o f liberalism. 28 In hi s respons e t o the minorit y critique s o f the critica l lega l studie s movement, 29 Ala n Freema n concede s a lesso n learne d fro m minorit y scholars, i n thi s cas e Patricia Williams , tha t "th e experienc e o f rights assertion ha s bee n o f bot h solidarit y an d freedom , o f empowermen t o f an interna l an d ver y persona l sort ; i t ha s bee n a process o f finding th e self," a n experienc e o f particular importanc e t o the "historicall y disem powered." 30 A t thei r heigh t i n th e lat e 1980s , these debate s wer e ove r the nature o f the practice o f rights. Although politic s drov e the debates , the socia l practic e o f rights—different fo r whit e mal e intellectuals tha n for women , Asian-American , Chicano , and African-America n intellectu als—determined th e place of the intellectual i n the politics .

Rights Movement s Today, it is hard t o understand th e power o f legal rights even while the y seem omnipresent . Sinc e a t leas t th e firs t year s o f the Ne w Deal , "lega l realism" i n la w school s an d "judicia l behaviorism " i n socia l scienc e departments asserte d a political vie w o f law 31 an d peopl e i n th e acad emy, surrounde d a s the y wer e b y th e artifact s o f law , tende d t o los e track o f distinctly lega l processes. The action wa s in politics and i n society, an d henc e th e la w di d no t see m a s significant . Conceptualizin g power i n Americ a a s distinctly political , however , i s stilted. B y appealing t o rights o r callin g attentio n t o possibl e transgressions , right s hav e empowered an d ofte n change d thos e who invoke them . Although Americ a wa s bor n ou t o f declaration s o f natura l right , i t took a century t o satisf y th e mos t basi c claim s o f huma n equalit y an d launch th e moder n perio d o f rights. Frederic k Douglas s refuse d t o vot e

35

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

and participat e i n th e polit y delineate d b y th e Constitutio n becaus e i t accommodated slavery. 32 Willia m Lloy d Garriso n an d othe r norther n middle clas s reformers challenge d th e complicit y o f the stat e wit h th e evil of slavery. 33 The abolitionists may have been the firs t grou p to mak e a constitutiona l clai m i n th e moder n sense. 34 Late r i n th e nineteent h century, right s serve d industria l capita l with a vengeance an d women' s equality les s energetically . The Senec a Falls Convention, hel d i n 1848 , produced a Declaration o f Principles tha t demande d th e extensio n o f political right s t o women i n terms nearl y identica l t o those i n th e Declaratio n o f Independence. 35 To most wome n outsid e th e conventio n th e contro l o f property, guardian ship, divorce , and educatio n may well have been more pressing tha n th e vote, bu t i t wa s political right s o f this sor t tha t exemplifie d th e equit y claim and it s particular politica l form. 36 A s a result, thi s movemen t ha s been identifie d closel y wit h subsequen t politica l demand s mad e b y women. Amon g th e descendant s o f the Senec a Falls movement, firs t th e Bloomers an d muc h late r feminist s i n th e academ y becam e identifie d with equa l rights as articulated i n the original declaration .

36

Struggles fo r equalit y b y othe r group s turne d int o lega l victories fo r women onl y sporadically . The Fourteenth Amendment , a major victor y for free labor, placed "male " in the Constitution for the first time, thereby demonstrating th e falsehoo d tha t th e generi c pronoun s o f the Constitu tion coul d easil y b e read t o include women . The Fifteent h Amendmen t could hav e included sex since it listed "race , color, or previous conditio n of servitude/ ' bu t i t di d not . Suffrag e fo r wome n di d no t develo p a s a right until the perception o f sexual equality wa s more advanced. A problematic relationship betwee n th e struggl e fo r equa l rights an d wome n i n the workforc e wh o identif y mor e completel y wit h workers ' struggle s exemplifies th e distinctiv e qualit y o f rights as a legal form . By mobilizin g masse s o f peopl e aroun d lega l rights , civi l libertie s shifted publi c consciousnes s towar d greate r appreciatio n o f la w a s a resource. Thos e wh o fough t fo r fre e labor , mos t notabl y i n th e Thir teenth, Fourteenth , an d Fifteent h Amendments , initiate d late r expan sion of constitutional right s an d liberties . The craftsmanshi p o f variou s legal scholars and Suprem e Cour t justices i n the lat e nineteenth centur y exemplified creativ e developmen t focuse d o n th e protectio n o f prop erty.37 Afte r Frankli n Roosevel t remad e th e Suprem e Cour t b y appoint ing thre e ne w justices, th e Cour t shifte d it s attention t o politica l rights . Groups suc h a s th e America n Civi l Libertie s Unio n an d th e Nationa l

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

Association fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d People' s Lega l Defens e Fund facilitate d thi s shif t i n suc h importan t case s as Near v. Minnesota and Brown v. Board of Education J8 Th e result s transforme d th e Bil l of Rights fro m a document whos e applicatio n wa s limite d t o th e federa l government t o one that applie d t o all Americans. The publi c interes t la w movemen t reconceive d th e relationshi p between movement s an d law . Lawyer s mad e lega l chang e a basi s fo r mobilization. Stuar t Scheingold' s respons e t o thi s movemen t i n th e 1970s considere d right s strategie s a s part o f "th e myt h o f rights " an d described right s a s beliefs t o whic h on e coul d appeal. 39 H e located th e significance o f rights in political practice and identifie d lega l power tha t extended beyon d th e courtroo m b y politica l mobilizatio n base d o n appeals t o rights . Othe r natura l right s claim s surroun d us . Activist s from Easter n Europ e t o Chin a proclai m fealt y t o right s an d othe r arti facts o f Western "liberty " a s a substitute fo r socialism . Rights also char acterize les s celebrate d domesti c struggle s suc h a s th e contemporar y squatter movements . Here , th e clai m o f righ t t o particula r building s stands starkl y agains t th e mor e popula r effort s t o hous e th e homeless . Squatters fro m th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e of New York City to Amsterdam an d London confron t propert y b y th e ac t o f squatting , an d thei r clai m o f entitlement draw s from natura l la w rather tha n charity. 40 Rights movement s hav e becom e a type o f politica l action . I n man y cases movement s tha t ma y b e abou t identit y ar e cas t a s right s move ments becaus e it is so much mor e comprehensible politically . This seem s to b e true o f th e struggl e ove r abortio n rights , whic h ma y reall y b e a dispute ove r lifestyl e an d conception s o f the family. 41 On e suspects tha t rights movement s fit s o nicely wit h a pluralist visio n o f appea l t o th e state that eve n occasiona l exces s is not enoug h t o dete r publi c enthusi asm for demand s o f rights. In som e cases the assertio n o f rights, suc h a s those o f the elderl y an d peopl e wit h disabilities , hav e transforme d th e landscape i n th e form o f new entrance s t o building s an d hav e redefine d traditionally age-specifi c occupation s suc h a s airline stewar d o r profes sor. In th e case of people wit h disabilities , realizin g right s wa s possibl e by extendin g th e civi l rights tradition . I n the cas e of the elderly , politi cal influence seem s to have played a greater role . The conventiona l assumption s abou t right s movement s hav e pro voked question s an d give n meanin g t o "ne w socia l movements " tha t appear unconventional . Thes e ar e movements tha t d o not easil y situat e themselves o n th e spectru m fro m lef t t o right, a spectrum provide d b y

37

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

movement orientatio n t o politicall y constitute d authority . Th e ne w movements fo r environmenta l sensitivity , fo r peac e an d disarmament , against nuclea r powe r an d weapons , a s well as the man y lifestyl e move ments concerne d wit h health , mysticism , an d consciousness , mobiliz e but eithe r d o not challeng e th e stat e or , i n som e less classically politica l sense, presen t a challeng e t o al l states . Thes e movement s challeng e boundaries se t b y traditiona l movemen t practic e tha t i s strongly associ ated wit h right s struggles. 42 Conversely , o r perhap s dialectically , thes e movements an d th e scholarshi p tha t take s accoun t o f the m hav e expanded ou r conceptio n o f th e large r impac t o f right s movement s themselves on their participants .

38

A Latin a teache r i n Sa n Jose , California , i s quote d b y Blanc a Sil vestrini a s notin g tha t "yo u hav e t o confes s first , an d the n yo u ca n claim a right/' 43 Right s claims , particularly thos e associate d wit h socia l movements, requir e th e acceptanc e o f certai n identitie s o r relation s t o the state . Sometimes these are "required" upo n entranc e to the embrac e of the movement ; a t othe r time s the y ente r int o individua l conscious ness through th e shapin g tha t i s characteristic o f the movement . Right s do no t alway s constrai n th e participant s i n thi s way ; ofte n right s ar e used i n an instrumental sens e to mobilize. This is the picture we have of the early organizing o f the civi l rights movement, 44 and i t is reflected i n the observation s o f activist s abou t th e meanin g politica l struggl e ha s had fo r them. 45 Thi s sens e o f right s i s als o reveale d i n th e wor k o f Michael McCan n o n comparabl e worth. 46 Bu t ou r understandin g o f th e extent t o whic h movemen t politic s create s identity—th e wa y i n whic h it enters the consciousnes s an d become s indicative o f the socia l place of movement practitioners—i s stil l relativel y underdeveloped . Th e pic ture tha t need s t o b e filled i n i s outline d b y Kristi n Bumille r i n The Civil Rights Society, tha t is , the pictur e o f peopl e withi n law ; peopl e who hav e take n o n aspect s o f legalit y no t full y acknowledge d b y th e aspirational addresse s o f movement practice. 47 I n Bumiller' s frame , th e status o f victim reflect s i n practic e wha t Ala n Freema n describe s a s th e doctrinal stanc e o f civi l right s law , a stance tha t limit s th e aspiration s of participants. 48

Gay Right s an d AID S bring s t o everythin g i t touche s a sens e o f urgency . Right s hav e been touche d i n thi s way . This urgency wa s particularly eviden t i n th e

AIDS

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

initial hysteria a s the diseas e emerged i n California i n 1983 . Public reaction mad e i t difficul t fo r cit y buse s t o mov e throug h Sa n Francisco' s Castro Distric t or , i n othe r part s o f th e country , fo r infecte d childre n like Rya n Whit e t o g o to school . Suc h urgenc y wa s du e i n par t t o th e blistering pac e wit h whic h th e diseas e ha s sprea d sinc e i t wa s firs t identified.49 After th e perio d covere d i n thi s study , urgenc y le d activist s t o adop t bold strategie s i n orde r t o demonstrat e th e failure s o f a governmen t operating unde r ordinar y practices. 50 Thus ACT-U P an d Quee r Natio n shut dow n institution s suc h a s the Foo d an d Dru g Administratio n i n Rockville, Maryland, an d Cosmopolitan magazine.51 This was a boldnes s grounded i n th e vulnerabilit y o f most affecte d group s an d th e failur e o f rights strategie s t o promise protection . I n th e earl y years , rights claim s were seen as protecting gay s against society . A movement's assertio n o f a right i s base d upo n th e existenc e o f a group. For gays, sexual preferenc e i s central t o bu t no t determinativ e o f identity. A s a n ancien t predisposition , homosexualit y i s a movemen t rooted in basi c social relations. In the West in the twentieth century , ga y men hav e create d a social structur e an d grou p identity . B y the 1960s , this grou p identit y wa s eviden t i n al l aspects o f society , language , cul ture, an d socia l relations. The existenc e o f a gay language, fo r instance , is described b y Bruc e Boon e in th e contex t o f a poetry review. 52 I n th e work o f bea t poe t Fran k O'Hara , Boon e finds evidenc e o f group praxi s characterized b y repressed violence , cynicism, and guilt, as well as links to the worl d o f the art s an d th e avant-garde. 53 The image Boon e identi fies is one of opposition incorporatin g an d cooptin g dominan t practices . In thi s languag e o f grou p identit y w e also find th e basi s o f th e right s content o f gay liberatio n struggles , a s well a s the right s orientatio n o f the gay community's initia l response to AIDS . Since th e 1960s , homosexual s hav e raise d claim s fo r protectio n against discriminatio n o n th e basi s of sexua l preference . Ga y liberation , with an affinity fo r th e guarantees o f the civi l rights movement, erupte d with a new militanc y followin g th e Stonewal l riot s o f June 1968. 54 The conventional pictur e o f gay lif e i n Americ a unti l th e 1950 s was on e i n which ga y me n an d lesbian s ha d littl e security . Afte r th e nationa l expansion o f rights t o expression , equality , an d du e proces s associate d with lega l liberalism i n the 1950 s and earl y 1960s , security fo r gay s an d lesbians becam e a realistic aspiration . Ne w demand s wer e brough t b y gay politicians suc h a s San Francisco's Harve y Milk , an d publi c interes t

39

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

law groups such as the Lambda Legal Defense Fund. 55 Gay rights statute s were passe d i n man y America n citie s i n th e 1970 s an d 1980s . Bu t i n Miami, an d the n a littl e late r i n California , ther e wa s a backlash. 56 Although ordinance s against discriminatio n wer e being passe d a s late as 1989,57 they wer e also being repeale d wit h muc h fanfare . Beyond th e dominan t equa l protectio n clai m a t th e roo t o f th e ga y rights movement , ther e ha s als o bee n a rights lin k wit h privacy . Fo r years th e righ t t o privacy , whic h ha d emerge d fro m th e du e proces s changes i n th e 1960 s an d ha d give n wome n th e righ t t o abortion , promised t o offe r securit y t o ga y me n an d women . Unti l th e Suprem e Court decisio n i n Bowers v. Hardwick i n 1986 , however , ther e wa s more political action than significan t judicia l decisio n i n this area. 58 To gay activist s i n group s lik e th e Lambd a Lega l Defens e Fund , th e Bowers decisio n wa s disappointin g becaus e th e movemen t ha d supporte d Michael Hardwick' s attemp t t o appl y th e righ t o f constitutiona l pri vacy t o homosexua l relations . Havin g gon e al l the wa y t o the Suprem e Court an d los t magnifie d th e impac t o f th e decision. 59 Thi s wa s th e legal environmen t i n whic h closin g bathhouse s surface d a s a politica l issue. wa s first identifie d i n 1981 . B y 1983 , just enoug h ha d bee n learned about the disease to create a panic. In San Francisco, people began calling th e AID S Foundatio n wit h question s abou t share d toothbrushe s and ga y waiters , whil e cit y bu s driver s whos e route s brough t the m through ga y neighborhoods wer e reported i n the San Francisco Chronicle to b e wearin g surgica l masks. 60 While th e federa l governmen t resiste d addressing th e issue , ostensibl y becaus e ga y se x wa s illegal i n hal f th e states, a group calle d Ba y Area Physicians fo r Huma n Right s bega n pro ducing material s "t o eroticiz e saf e sex. " This ne w concep t o f sexualit y would eventuall y hav e profound consequence s for socia l practices. As the initial terror subside d an d th e magnitude of the crisis began t o present itself , right s issue s bega n t o surface . The y appeare d a s th e response to an asserted lin k betwee n morality and disease . Characteristically, some would juxtapose right s claim s in the contex t o f AID S agains t the interest s o f the community—right s versu s publi c health. 61 B y early 1984, public healt h official s i n Sa n Francisco wer e describin g ga y bath houses a s "se x establishments " wher e me n engage d i n "high-volume , high-frequency sex. " This was the contex t fo r a struggle ove r strategi c responses i n the ga y community , first i n Sa n Francisco an d late r i n Ne w York, Los Angeles, and Sa n Diego. 62 AIDS

40

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

The Baths Evolving fro m histori c establishment s wher e me n ha d gon e for genera tions t o ge t a steam , a massage, an d th e fellowshi p o f othe r men , ga y baths becam e th e focu s o f th e earl y struggl e ove r AIDS . Bath s suc h a s those on the Lower East Side of New York were public facilities tha t pro moted physical hygiene—often i n response to the urging o f the "better " classes. The "better " classe s also had thei r ow n facilities, suc h a s the allmale Olympi c Clu b i n Sa n Francisco . I n a n unflatterin g portraya l tha t predates th e epidemi c b y fifteen years , Marti n Hoffma n describe s th e baths in detai l as institutions develope d b y a population restricte d fro m the traditiona l place s fo r sex. 63 The bath s o f that perio d wer e divide d into privat e rooms , initiall y changin g an d res t areas , an d th e publi c areas around a pool or steam bath . In the next decade , the gay liberatio n movement o f the 1970 s is reported t o have made the hundreds o f "bath houses an d se x clubs " a $ioo-million industr y acros s the Unite d State s and Canada. 64 Concern abou t sexua l practice s wa s a feature o f report s o n th e epi demic by Randy Shilts, the San Francisco Chronicle's AID S correspondent . In his book And the Band Played On, Shilt s quotes a 1980 interview in the New Yor k Cit y ga y magazin e Christopher Street, wher e Da n Willia m addresses the rise in erotic practices: sex has been institutionalized an d franchised. Twent y year s ago, there may have been a thousand men on any one night having sex in New York baths or parks. Now there are ten or twenty thousand—at th e baths, the back-room bars , bookstores , porn o theaters , th e Rambles , an d a wide range of other places as well. The plethora of opportunities poses a public health problem. 65 Drawing fro m ad s for th e bath s fro m th e 1980s , Shilts note s tha t th e Handball Express's motto was "find you r limits," while "the Glory Holes pledged t o b e 'th e mos t unusua l se x plac e in th e world' ; th e Jagua r se x club in the Castro hyped 'you r fantasy , you r pleasure' ; while the coedu cational Sutr o Baths had a 'Bisexual Boogie ' every weekend." 66 The YMCA' S indoo r pools , stea m baths , an d massag e facilitie s pro vided a model fo r th e ga y baths. 6"7 This particula r institutiona l lineag e seems to go back to the period befor e World War II, when the Navy con ducted a major investigatio n o f the Newport YMC A branch. 68 In th e lat e 1970s , Dr . Davi d Ostrow , a n exper t o n ga y diseases , described th e bath s a s " a horribl e breedin g ground. " Later , i n hi s boo k on the control of AIDS , he ranked the m the fourth mos t dangerous out of

41

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

seven location s wher e ga y an d bisexua l me n me t fo r sexua l encoun ters. 69 Other studie s confirmed thi s observation : A Seattle study o f gay men suffering fro m shigellosis , for example , discovered that 6 9 percent culle d their sexua l partners from bathhouses . A Denver study found tha t an average bathhouse patron having his typical 2.7 sexual contacts a night risked a 33 percent chanc e of walking out of the tubs with syphilis or gonorrhea, becaus e about one in eight of those wandering the hallways had asymptomatic cases of these diseases. 70

42

As epidemiologists fro m th e Center s fo r Diseas e Contro l (CDC ) entere d the effort , th e bath s cam e t o hea d th e lis t o f location s an d behavior s identified wit h th e sprea d o f AIDS . Shilt s summarize s th e positio n o f Mary Guina n from CD C in his typically vivi d fashion : "Thi s disease was being sprea d throug h se x b y peopl e depositin g thei r infecte d seme n i n sundry orifice s o f their partners . . . . Gays were just gettin g i t more fre quently becaus e the y wer e mor e activ e sexuall y an d the y ha d institu tions lik e bathhouse s tha t wer e virtua l Federa l Reserv e Bank s fo r massive semen deposition/' 71 By the mid-1980s , thes e bastion s o f nonconformit y wer e becomin g lightning rod s fo r a community concerne d abou t repression . Th e bath s became symbol s o f tolerance an d a barometer o f the ga y community' s vulnerability, an d they were also linked to political leadership in the gay community. Shilt s describe s bathhous e owner s a s influential i n majo r American cities , "b y virtu e o f thei r substantia l larges s t o th e always starved ga y politica l community." 72 Th e link betwee n th e economi c via bility o f the bath s and public healt h issue s around AID S was the subtex t of conversation s betwee n bathhous e owner s an d publi c healt h officials . Cleve Jones o f the Kapos i Sarcom a Educatio n an d Researc h Foundatio n is said t o have tentatively suggested , " I think it' s a sexually transmitte d disease that' s cause d b y a virus," an d h e mentione d th e bath s tangen tially, "Nobod y ha s advocate d closin g th e baths , bu t I think ther e nee d to be changes." 73 The "Crunch" A powerfu l connectio n exist s betwee n la w an d th e materia l condition s that affec t busines s o r corporat e bodie s a s well as bodies infecte d wit h AIDS. The Alice B. Toklas Gay and Lesbia n Democratic Clu b in San Francisco oppose d closur e o f th e baths , bu t som e ga y activist s describe d bathhouse owner s as capitalists cynicall y trying t o make themselves ou t as civi l libertarians. 74 Civi l liberties lawyer s defende d th e bath s i n th e

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

abstract withou t defendin g th e actua l institution s o r the practice s the y facilitated.75 O n the other side , activists ranged from advocate s of voluntary closure , th e positio n hel d b y th e Harve y Mil k Lesbia n an d Ga y Democratic Clu b i n Sa n Francisc o i n 1983 , to thos e wh o believe d tha t mandatory closur e was inevitable. Shilts's boo k an d th e television movi e made from i t describ e growin g recognition, first in San Francisco and the n i n other communities , that th e baths had t o b e closed. This developmen t bega n wit h Selm a Dritz, 76 th e infectious diseas e specialis t fo r Sa n Francisco' s Departmen t o f Publi c Health. Shilts's treatment o f the issue, beginnin g wit h wor k he did for th e Chronicle, pit s public healt h agains t th e clai m of rights. About Dritz , h e writes, "Sh e had neve r bee n overly fond o f the institutions. It wasn't tha t she had any moral qualms.... But bathhouses were biological cesspools for infection. . . . 'Of course , from a n old-fashione d textboo k publi c healt h standpoint, yo u migh t g o in and clos e the places down. " Dritz adds, "O f course, some might argu e that ther e were civil liberties issues involved, " and Shilt s describes "he r voic e trailing of f in a way that suggeste d sh e did not think for one minute that civil liberties were the central issues involved here."77 Shilts describes the split over tactics in the context of activist con cern that "talkin g abou t the gay community's prodigious promiscuity wa s part o f a 'blame-the-victi m mentality.' " Th e Ga y Men' s Healt h Crisi s i n New York, which advocate d saf e sex education, wa s on record a t the tim e as seeing important civi l rights issues in bathhouse closure. 78 In Sa n Francisco durin g th e sprin g o f 1983 , activists sough t t o mov e beyond th e "saf e sex " campaign . A manifesto b y Bil l Kraus, a n ai d t o Congressman Phili p Burton , proposed , "W e believ e i t i s time t o spea k the simpl e truth . . . . Unsafe se x is—quit e literally—killin g us . . . . [Ujnsafe se x a t bathhouse s an d se x club s i s particularly dangerous." 79 With this , th e campaig n agains t th e bath s wa s launched publicly. 80 Th e baths issue was central to the struggle betwee n a sense of right withi n a t least par t o f th e ga y communit y an d th e regulatio n o f communit y health. The civil libertarians were led b y businessmen suc h as the owne r of the Sutr o Baths , who shoute d t o a public healt h officia l i n Sa n Fran cisco, "I f yo u tr y t o shu t the m down , I'l l hav e yo u i n cour t a da y late r with a temporary restrainin g order." 81 In earl y 198 3 the publi c healt h communit y stil l had doubt s abou t th e legality o f closin g th e baths . Drit z "aske d fo r a n opinio n o n th e legalit y of closure from th e cit y attorney' s office, " knowin g "tha t a closure orde r might b e difficul t t o ge t becaus e doctor s ha d no t ye t isolate d a n AID S

43

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

44

virus." Mervy n Silverman , Dritz' s bos s as directo r o f publi c healt h fo r San Francisco , sai d i t woul d b e "illega l fo r m e to clos e dow n al l bath houses an d othe r suc h place s that ar e used fo r anonymou s an d multipl e sex contacts. " Dritz , however , "though t th e postin g o f sign s [abou t th e dangers o f AID S i n bathhouses ] wa s a cop-out," an d sh e held tha t whil e "[t]he U.S. Constitution migh t b e construed t o allow the right t o commi t suicide . . . [t]he Constitution di d no t gran t th e righ t t o take othe r peo ple wit h you." 82 Eve n afte r Sa n Francisco mayo r Diann e Feinstei n qui etly bega n t o advocat e closin g th e bath s i n 1982 , public healt h official s hesitated fo r tw o years. By Februar y 1984 , however , doctor s a t th e Sa n Francisc o Genera l Hospital announce d thei r suppor t fo r closin g th e bathhouses. 83 I n March, th e publi c healt h departmen t concurred , bu t th e cit y di d no t implement th e decisio n unti l tha t fall , leadin g conservativ e supervisor s like Wendy Nelde r t o lament th e slo w pac e a t whic h th e cit y wa s mov ing. 84 O n Octobe r 9 , Silverma n announce d tha t th e cit y woul d clos e fourteen bath s tha t "promot e an d profi t fro m th e sprea d o f AIDS. " H e went o n t o add a t a news conference , "Thes e 1 4 establishments ar e no t fostering ga y liberation. They ar e fostering diseas e and death/" 85 The reactio n fro m th e bathhous e owner s an d th e civi l libertaria n community linke d economic s wit h right s claims. 86 On e ga y busines s association calle d closur e "a n intrusio n o n privat e enterprise, " an d th e Bay Area Lawyer s fo r Individua l Freedo m expresse d concer n tha t gay s throughout th e countr y wer e i n dange r o f losing thei r rights. 87 Si x o f the bathhous e owner s defie d Silverman' s order an d sough t cour t injunc tions allowin g the m t o remain ope n unti l th e civi l rights suit s coul d b e heard. 88 Although report s at the time held that the bath s were becomin g less popular, 89 the y wer e a locus of struggle i n law. The bathhous e own ers formed th e Committee to Preserve Our Sexual and Civi l Liberties an d fought th e closin g i n Sa n Francisco's courts , whil e i t wa s reported tha t other citie s were unlikely to close their baths. 90 On October n , 1984 , the city sough t a temporary restrainin g orde r listin g th e fourteen bath s an d fifty-six defendants . Feinstein , i n supportin g th e order , sai d tha t th e defiant owner s wer e "puttin g th e profi t motiv e ahea d o f the healt h an d life o f those wh o patroniz e thei r establishments." 91 O n October 16 , th e baths were ordered to close temporarily b y Judge William Mullins of the San Francisc o Superio r Court , wh o foun d a "rea l publi c healt h menace." 92 Th e ba n wa s uphel d o n Octobe r 2 4 b y th e Stat e Cour t o f Appeals on a 2-1 vot e with J. Anthony Klin e dissenting .

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

When Sa n Francisc o ordere d th e bath s closed , ther e wer e 71 4 AID S cases reported i n th e city . This wa s one third o f the tota l fo r Ne w York, where th e struggl e ove r closin g th e bath s di d no t full y emerg e unti l a year later . I n Octobe r 1985 , Governor Mari o Cuom o decline d t o recom mend closin g th e bath s i n th e state , offerin g ne w regulation s instead. 93 Two weeks later , th e New York Times reporte d favorabl y o n Sa n Fran cisco's effort, whic h ha d le d to court mandate d restriction s o n behavior s in th e bath s an d " a dramati c decline " i n sexuall y transmitte d disease s among homosexuals. 94 The mayoral electio n i n New York that fal l pitte d conservatives advocatin g closin g agains t liberal s Caro l Bellam y an d Edward Koc h wh o oppose d closing . A s the stat e healt h commissione r moved close r t o closin g th e baths , th e debat e i n Ne w Yor k sa w littl e advocacy fro m th e gay community i n favor o f closing th e baths . Other Cities In San Diego, J. Douglas Scott, president o f the Democratic Club, addressing the possibility o f closing the bath s in that city , argued fo r voluntar y measures. He figured i t would b e good publi c relation s for th e gay com munity an d migh t ste m th e threa t o f mor e extrem e actio n b y publi c authority. I n Scott' s words , "I f w e aren' t see n a s cooperatin g an d ar e seen a s little childre n sayin g 'no , don' t tak e thi s away, ' they'l l fee l per fectly justified i n whatever action s they take. They'll go further tha n th e baths." 95 Although th e public health communit y wa s beginning t o feel a need t o respon d t o th e epidemic , th e preemptiv e cal l fo r closur e wa s seen b y many as capitulation . Reacting to the call put fort h b y Scot t as the controvers y i n San Diego raged throug h th e winte r o f 1985-86 , ga y activist s develope d th e civi l libertarian positio n tha t wa s eviden t i n a number o f publications. Th e letters t o th e edito r o f th e Gayzette containe d call s fo r a n aggressiv e assertion o f the right s i n th e Constitution , includin g th e righ t t o prop erty, free association , and liberty. This call was emblematic of past strug gles. It claimed a new legal definition throug h th e clarification o f already recognized value s in the midst of a crisis. The assertion o f right cam e as a response t o the threa t no t onl y o f closure fo r th e baths , bu t o f genocid e fueled b y the fear i n the straight community . In this case, many in the gay community fel t threatene d b y publi c reactio n t o the sprea d o f AID S an d the resulting pressur e to clos e the bathhouses. 96 Bu t the AID S crisi s als o arrived durin g a political shift t o the righ t i n th e Unite d State s that pu t leverage o n th e cultur e t o disavo w a more libera l past . I n thi s context ,

45

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

46

activists i n th e ga y communit y sa w voluntary closur e a s a "co-conspir acy . . . with the forces o f reaction/' I n one comment i n the Gayzette, th e issue surroundin g bathhous e closur e wa s whethe r gay s an d lesbian s would work in an illicit alliance with those who would wip e them out i n order to respond t o the immediate situation . Suc h an alliance, the write r says, woul d "ro b u s o f our fift h amendmen t constitutiona l righ t t o du e process i n th e protectio n o f ou r life , libert y an d property." 97 Her e th e claim o f righ t rejecte d th e publi c healt h strategy . I n thi s sense , th e writer wa s operating accordin g t o the sam e polarity recognize d b y con servatives, one that pitte d right s claim s against public healt h interests . The letter writer's assertion i s of a vested right, an d i t brings to bear a tradition o f honorin g tha t right . Althoug h th e earlie r ga y rights move ments relie d o n equa l protection rathe r tha n du e process, property , pri vacy, an d assembl y rights , th e deman d fro m la w i s fo r protection . However, th e write r als o argues tha t th e bath s perfor m a public healt h service: "Th e bath s i n th e 1960 s brought togethe r unde r on e roof thes e myriad form s o f sexuality i n a safe gay haven. . . . Close down th e bath s and ou r brother s ar e bac k o n th e street s a s outlaws." This threat , a s a n aside, represents th e potentia l fo r a sort o f germ warfare . A s part o f th e public healt h debate , however , i t escalate d th e threa t beyon d th e clai m of right . The languag e i n th e respons e i s fearful. I t lack s th e confidenc e i n a better futur e see n i n som e right s struggles—th e speeche s o f Marti n Luther King , Jr. , fo r example—althoug h i t share s a n apocalypti c threa t with suc h struggles : "Mos t o f the heterosexua l majorit y hate s us . . . . We are fatally delude d i f we think tha t b y punishin g ou r 'perverts ' an d 'tainted merchants ' we will be miraculously spared. " At this stag e in th e struggle, neithe r th e radica l disobedienc e o f ACT-U P no r th e culturall y evocative NAME S project ha d provided a voice for the community. It was a perio d o f growing terro r an d ver y rea l prospect s fo r th e kin d o f mas s violations o f rights tha t Californi a ha d tolerate d i n interrin g Japanes e Americans durin g th e World War II. The threat t o the bath s came only a year afte r th e voter s o f Californi a rejecte d a Lyndon LaRouche-spon sored initiativ e tha t woul d hav e require d al l person s wit h Huma n Immunodeficiency Viru s (HIV ) t o repor t thei r conditio n t o th e Stat e Department o f Health.^ 8 Back in Ne w York, i n Decembe r 198 5 the cit y obtaine d a court orde r to clos e the Ne w St . Marks Bath s o n th e basi s o f findings o f unsafe se x by cit y healt h inspectors . Two weeks earlier , th e cit y ha d close d a clu b

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

frequented b y heterosexual s o n th e ground s tha t prostitutio n wa s tak ing place . The sequenc e wa s reporte d a s an effor t t o demonstrat e tha t the cit y wa s no t actin g agains t homosexual s i n closin g th e Ne w St . Marks Baths. " Som e report s describe d thi s bat h a s on e o f th e mor e responsible in providing saf e sex material, but a vivid portrayal of life in the bath s b y Phili p Weis s fo r th e New Republic describe d plent y o f unsafe activity. 100 I n th e Ne w Yor k Suprem e Cour t opinio n hande d down i n January 1986 , Judge Richard W . Wallach emphasize d th e rapi d spread o f the epidemic and its link to sexual practices such as anal inter course an d fellatio. 101 H e foun d th e closin g authorize d b y regulation s created b y the Stat e Public Health Counci l two months earlier . The claim s agains t closur e i n th e firs t year s o f the epidemi c denie d public healt h concern s an d invoke d traditiona l cultura l symbol s o f right. Althoug h lawyer s wer e involved , th e discours e o f the struggl e i s not deferentia l t o them. I t i s not mediate d b y professional s t o any grea t extent. The discourse, the practice, in this struggl e is about right. In th e end, th e right s clai m i s a stance, a political position . I n thi s sense , i t i s directed withi n a movement context , no t t o the outsid e an d th e uncon verted. Th e specia l significanc e o f righ t i n thi s movemen t contex t explains th e choic e o f this strateg y ove r others . The assertio n o f a legal right indicate s th e socia l relations the lega l form constitutes . Man y gay s in Sa n Francisco , Ne w York, an d Sa n Dieg o resisted th e publi c healt h moves o f the governmen t i n a n expressio n o f their solidarit y an d con cern abou t th e repressio n the y fel t sur e woul d follo w an y assertio n o f authority fro m th e state . The struggl e agains t AID S ha s no t onl y bee n fough t withi n th e lan guage o f socia l structure , i t ha s produce d ne w socia l structure s i n th e steps take n b y citie s suc h a s Sa n Francisc o t o provid e educatio n an d treatment i n respons e t o the disease . Paradoxically , however , th e asser tion o f wha t o n th e surfac e sound s forma l an d legalisti c i s more accu rately see n a s a n assertio n o f communit y identity . I n thi s case , th e rights clai m reflect s th e post-Stonewal l traditio n amon g gay s i n th e United State s of making identit y a central feature o f cultural politics. In the cas e o f th e baths , th e identificatio n appear s bot h natura l an d des perate, whic h i s in th e natur e o f the identit y politic s s o prevalent fol lowing th e civi l right s er a i n th e Unite d States . Here , however , resistance ma y hav e bee n romanticized. 102 Thoug h no t a s eviden t a form o f hegemoni c powe r a s silence , resistanc e i s nevertheles s a n expression o f state power .

47

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

Law and Socia l Relation s

48

Academic stud y o f right s teache s tha t right s ar e a politica l resourc e because the y contai n belief s abou t ho w thing s shoul d b e done . Stuar t Scheingold call s thi s belie f th e "myt h o f rights." 103 The significanc e o f rights i n thi s framewor k lie s les s i n th e politica l powe r behin d the m than i n thei r congruenc e wit h belief s abou t socia l justice o r righ t con duct. I n th e lat e 1960 s and earl y 1970s , the publi c interes t la w move ment, wit h it s mobilizatio n o f peopl e aroun d lega l rights , sough t appreciation o f law as a resource. I n th e conservativ e 1980 s the critica l legal studies movement' s critiqu e o f law turned awa y from rights. 104 But life wit h AID S teache s tha t right s d o matter, a t least to people subjec t t o the disease . Historically an d epistemologically , societ y i s the sourc e for th e mean ing an d significanc e o f rights. Right s appea r t o com e first becaus e o f a picture o f th e "autonomou s individual " associate d wit h libera l lega l practice in the United States . Despite this emphasis, rights involve inter actions an d canno t hav e any meanin g simpl y i n term s o f individuals. I n fact the y hav e produce d a situatio n cleverl y describe d b y Thoma s Haskell as the "curiou s persistenc e o f rights talk i n the 'Ag e of Interpre tation/" 105 I n a society (o r intersubjectiv e mora l order ) th e right s "la y claim to a kind o f knowledge that i s not merel y persona l an d subjective , but impersonal and objective." 106 For many, the reality is conventional, a form o f "moderat e historicism" ; fo r some , the historicis m i s more trou bling.107 In the academy, the historicism o f Friedrich Nietzsche and Mar tin Heidegge r thrive s whil e i n th e polity , particularl y aroun d la w an d social movements , th e languag e o f right seduces. Io8 The answe r t o wh y rights persist lie s in their socia l reality. Practice an d tal k abou t practic e matter. 109 This , o f course , result s i n recognition o f willful conduc t rathe r tha n a paradox i n th e persistenc e of rights. Haskell and other s predict "th e intensification o f rights talk a s more and mor e people shed their illusion s about objectivity an d com e to see i n th e ol d superstition s abou t natura l right s a usefu l devic e fo r manipulating th e gullible." 110 Beyon d th e challeng e o f historicism , th e natural right s challeng e t o conventionalis m attack s a n absenc e o f stan dards. On the other hand, "admittin g tha t rights talk has a fictive element loses its dismissive implications, and . . . even gains some potentially con structive ones." 111 The gay community i n the mid-1980s, like the women's community 15 0 years earlier, drew on a rights/law base in mobilizing a community respons e

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

to a crisis . Righ t i n th e ga y communit y wa s somethin g t o mobiliz e around, somethin g t o "com e out " to . No w tha t th e politica l struggl e against AID S ha s mature d wit h ACT-UP , th e politic s o f "outing, " an d Queer Nation , thes e earlie r move s in a mobilization aroun d right s see m immature, a s naive a s the sentimen t tha t dismisse d th e first manifesta tions o f the disease . Group s continu e t o reconstitut e themselve s wit h reference t o their environment . Th e initial response to AID S owe d muc h to the perio d o f rights consciousnes s followin g th e Stonewal l rio t an d the emergenc e o f the Sa n Francisco ga y communit y i n the 1970s . Subsequent development s too k som e o f their meanin g fro m th e transforma tion o f socia l relations brough t o n b y th e epidemi c itself , includin g th e aftermath o f the struggle to keep the bath s open . As the struggl e matured , righ t seeme d t o b e subsumed i n large r cul tural constructions . A s Lucinda Furlon g pointe d ou t i n "AID S Media/ ' her introductio n t o the sho w a t th e Whitney Museu m i n th e winte r o f 1989, "I t i s precisely becaus e cultura l biase s ar e inscribe d i n languag e that AID S activist s hav e conteste d th e terminolog y use d t o describ e th e disease an d hav e substitute d th e phras e 'peopl e wit h AIDS ' fo r 'AID S victims/" 112 I n hi s boo k Policing Desire: Pornography, AIDS, and the Media,113 Simo n Watney call s attention t o the "crisi s o f representation " associated wit h th e epidemic. Work suc h a s that o f Furlong an d Watne y deconstructs, i n wha t seem s t o b e a n oppositio n t o rights . And , wit h regard t o politica l activit y generally , right s claim s have not necessaril y predominated. A t the level of culture, the appeal to rights reinforced th e very victi m statu s in the gay community tha t late r activism woul d wor k to brea k down. 114 Lik e the polaritie s o f mournin g an d rag e that com e together an d fly apart , th e practic e o f right contain s withi n itsel f bot h protection an d repression." 5 T o paraphrase Foucault , w e ough t t o sa y that th e relationshi p betwee n publi c healt h concern s an d th e ga y com munity i s no t characterize d b y repression , whic h woul d "ris k fallin g into a steril e paradox. " Th e questio n i s not , "Wa s closin g th e bath s repressive?" bu t rather , "Wh y d o we say , with s o much passio n an d s o much resentment, tha t w e are repressed?"" 6 AIDS activis m ha s appeare d t o dra w o n bond s betwee n ga y me n an d lesbians. This is a strange alliance given th e misogyn y i n som e gay liter ature. I n th e importan t movemen t groups , suc h a s th e Lambd a Lega l Defense Fund , ga y an d lesbia n lawyer s presen t a united front . I n ACT UP, th e allianc e of homosexual me n and wome n look s quite striking . Yet the allianc e ma y no t b e as formidable a s public discussio n make s it ou t

49

RIGHTS T O PROFLIGACY ?

50

to be . Ther e ma y b e a synthesi s o f grou p interests , bu t ther e i s littl e doubt tha t thi s alliance affirms law' s authority a s a terrain fo r strugglin g over th e constructio n o f gay identity . O f course, i n man y instances , th e two culture s ar e profoundly divergent . The lesbian community , particu larly muc h o f the radica l lesbia n community , i s generally anti-men , an d the ga y community , particularl y th e mor e libertin e elements , i s anti women in much the sam e respect. This is not alway s evident o n the sur face, wher e right s a s ordinary discours e forge superficia l links , bu t i n the literatur e an d lif e o f th e communitie s on e see s evidenc e tha t th e alliances and the commo n enemy , which ar e synthesized i n rights terms, mask dee p divisions . Rights provid e u s wit h a paradigm fro m whic h t o conside r th e pres ence of legal form i n political discourse . Here, law is not legal in the positive sense—tha t is , it is not a command o f the sovereign . Drawin g a s it did from th e civil rights and the women's rights movements, which wer e themselves grounded i n the Declaratio n o f Independence, th e resistanc e to closin g th e bath s wa s a movement abou t rights . Here , the practic e o f rights mad e sense for a group unde r siege , particularly whe n tha t grou p had flourished unde r a more tolerant lega l climate and aspire d t o libera tion unde r a banner o f tolerance an d equality . A s bot h th e climat e an d the materia l environmen t degenerated , a right s strateg y expresse d a longing fo r community . Some gay me n livin g throug h th e star t o f a mysterious epidemi c tha t was singlin g the m ou t an d killin g the m relentlessl y reache d fo r a tradition i n la w that ha d empowere d homosexual s sinc e the Stonewal l riots . These year s roughl y coincide d wit h a grand expansio n o f civi l right s and liberties . In claim s of rights, protector s o f the bath s too k a stand a s "incumbents" of a tradition hopin g t o evoke some of the features o f that tradition, an d perhap s eve n "thos e dar k letter s tha t ar e la w fo r us, " as Peter Goodric h ha s described it. 117 This inquir y ha s examine d th e clai m o f right i n a besieged commu nity wit h a history o f reliance on rights. The prominence o f this form o f law in the earl y year s of the AID S epidemi c i s part o f the proble m o f th e persistence o f this clai m i n a n ag e of interpretation. Thu s w e return t o Goodrich's descriptio n o f traditio n i n Englis h La w a s "th e custod y o f that whic h is already there . . . expressed i n the separation o f spirit fro m substance."" 8 Asserte d i n th e fac e o f AIDS , la w i s indeed a n authorit y that carrie s the specte r o f death .

Professions o f Realis m An Institutiona l For m

I Chapter3

When w e came , the y were lik e a priesthoo d that ha d los t thei r fait h and kep t thei r jobs. They stoo d i n tediou s embarrassment befor e cold altars . Bu t w e turned awa y fro m thos e altars an d foun d th e mind's opportunit y i n the heart' s revenge . —Roberto M . Unger, The Critical Legal Studies Movement

n th e late sprin g o f 1990 , Derric k Bell—a professo r a t Harvard Law School, th e distinguished autho r o f "The Civi l Right s Chronicles/ ' And We Are Not Saved, an d Faces at the Bottom of the Well, an d former dea n of th e Universit y o f Orego n La w School—announced tha t h e woul d turn dow n hi s salary i n protest ove r Harvard's failur e t o hir e a blac k woman i n a tenured positio n a t the law school . Bell' s salary, considerabl e in compariso n t o mos t Americans , and th e prestige o f his position mad e his sacrific e significant . Bu t the publicity occasione d b y thi s even t wa s also a consequence o f the tactica l pig in the law school poke . Direc t actio n is not the traditional stuf f o f the lega l academy. Dunca n Kennedy , a leade r of th e critica l lega l studie s (CLS) movement, responding to Bell's protest, said suc h tactic s wer e "no t hi s style." 1 Althoug h thre e year s earlie r Bell had a "sit-in" in his own office to protest personne l action s take n b y Harvard's president Dere k Bok against faculty associate d with the CLS movement, suc h publi c displa y i s clearl y not law school style. 2 Bell's earlie r protes t too k plac e the sam e yea r tha t Rober t Bork , a n 51

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

52

appellate judge identifie d wit h th e economi c mode l o f law , wa s nomi nated t o the Suprem e Court. 3 The nominatio n wa s questioned b y a Bar Association committe e o n whic h Harvar d wa s well represented. A t th e hearings, Laurenc e Trib e an d othe r Harvar d professor s playe d a majo r role. The publicit y aroun d Bork' s nomination struggl e wa s widely see n by th e ba r t o b e unfortunate. I t was , however, nothin g compare d t o th e unfortunate development s surroundin g th e subsequen t nominatio n o f Judge Clarenc e Thomas to the Suprem e Court . Durin g th e Thomas hear ings the usuall y unsee n relation s in the legal academy cam e prominentl y to th e fore . Unlik e successfull y manage d nominations , lik e thos e o f judges Ruth Bade r Ginsbur g an d Steve n Breye r to the Court , la w school s were evident i n the prosecution an d defens e o f Clarence Thomas. We saw Yale against Yale being judged b y Yale, Harvard, Syracuse , and others . Events o n th e lega l lef t an d righ t tha t mak e i t t o th e publi c stag e merely sugges t the nature of politics in and aroun d th e legal academy. In the las t quarte r o f the twentiet h century , th e professionall y constitute d halls of academe have occasionally bee n rent b y political struggle. These struggles, however , hav e generally bee n behin d th e scenes . This i s tru e in large part becaus e the most dynami c politica l movements in law—CL S on th e lef t an d la w an d economic s o n th e right—ar e roote d i n a jurisprudential ideolog y first propose d i n th e 1930s . A s intellectua l movements the y bur y thei r politic s i n th e cloistere d lif e o f th e lega l academy. Lega l realism set s th e epistemologica l parameter s an d deter mines th e rhetorica l construction s fo r wagin g thes e lega l struggles . I t also diverts attention . Bot h politica l movement s adop t th e realis t frame work a s they se t themselves against traditional dogma . This chapter i s about ho w realism, as a theory o f law, operates in con junction wit h la w school s t o maintai n th e law . Realism i n la w school s has become a perpetual insurgenc y tha t keep s alive the foil o f formalis m in constitutin g contemporar y struggles . Throug h realism , whic h wa s once offere d t o expos e th e interest s behin d law , th e ideologie s o f la w mask the politics at law schools and resist academic inquiry. B y restating the obvious—tha t la w is about interests—an d goin g n o further, th e rol e of the lega l profession an d th e lega l academy i n la w i s ignored. Politic s formed i n realist terms dra w attention awa y from professiona l communi ties whil e maintainin g th e powe r o f those communitie s b y mean s o f a professional shyness . Politic s i n th e lega l academ y invoke s ol d for malisms that shiel d th e conflict s an d dra w attentio n awa y from th e hier archies that constitut e lega l power. The authority behin d moder n la w is

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

found onl y partl y i n th e publi c institution s o f the judiciary; th e lega l academy als o plays a major rol e in constructin g th e authorit y o f law b y determining wha t the public thinks law is. Politics i n th e lega l academy , specificall y th e struggle s betwee n la w professors, thoug h sometime s disruptive , ten d t o affirm th e authorit y o f the institutions in which they take place. Thus, struggles at Harvard La w School ove r tenur e ar e important becaus e th e la w schoo l i s important . Disagreements a t Yale Law Schoo l ove r Clarenc e Thomas' s nominatio n tended t o affir m th e centralit y o f Yale in the nationa l lega l arena. I n th e first sectio n of this chapter, I focus o n elements of constituted practic e i n a professional community. 4 In the following section s I consider th e tradi tion o f realism i n la w school s wit h attentio n t o the wa y jurisprudentia l ideologies hav e bee n use d t o maintain professiona l power , includin g th e place o f oppositiona l politic s i n maintainin g th e contemporar y lega l establishment. 5 I conclud e b y examinin g th e socia l function s o f posi tivism, i n its epistemological an d lega l sense. Positivism is the law in law school, bu t th e hegemon y o f thi s ideolog y ha s bee n challenge d i n th e debate ove r th e racia l and ethni c makeu p o f law faculties an d th e racia l and gender challenge s to the nature of legal scholarship.

Ideologies i n a Professio n An enduring fac t o f professional lif e describe d i n the academic languag e of our tim e b y Yves Dezalay, a French sociologis t o f law, is that scholar ship o n la w maintain s a "silenc e o n th e rol e o f th e lega l profession." 6 While tru e silence s ar e rare thes e days , given al l the attentio n t o differ ent voices , th e institutiona l an d professiona l relation s themselve s hav e been hear d relativel y little . Th e extraordinar y consequenc e o f thi s silence is the absenc e o f "th e subject " i n th e discourse s o f law. The ide a that judges, lawyers, and lega l academics are silent o r self-effacing i s not intuitively obvious . Yet, at least in matters relating t o where their powe r comes from—the institutions , language , an d convention s o f the profes sion—the ba r i s shy. This is evident i n it s sensitivit y t o advertising , i n its cautio n abou t openin g u p it s processes, an d i n th e desir e of law pro fessors t o b e see n a s academics an d no t a s lawyers. In thi s chapte r I tr y to overcom e tha t shynes s b y linkin g th e professiona l community—th e bar and the professors—to th e authorit y an d meanin g o f law. The authorit y examine d her e i s i n th e academy . O f cours e peopl e think tha t th e lega l academy ha s somethin g t o d o with th e authorit y o f

53

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

54

law, bu t attentio n i s deflecte d fro m th e rol e playe d b y th e professiona l life o f the la w in the academy i n delineatin g contemporar y lega l author ity. In on e respect, th e la w schools , like the ba r associations , ar e seen a s mere servant s t o the bench . Whil e w e focus o n th e Rehnquist s an d th e Borks, th e Warren s an d th e Burgers , th e me n an d wome n wh o decid e who wil l practice befor e th e court s i n Californi a an d Massachusett s an d the professor s wh o determin e th e curriculu m futur e practitioner s wil l study disclai m jurisprudential responsibilit y wit h a democratic demu r and a cavalier shrug . Identifying lawyer s a s the subjec t call s attentio n t o a powerful fra ternity an d t o the bond s o f professionals i n term s o f particular institu tions an d specifi c communities . B y charting th e commo n way s lawyer s understand thing s w e ca n presen t a n aspec t o f professional powe r a s a form o f la w tha t i s taugh t t o th e communit y mor e widely . Thi s la w exists behin d th e la w o f court s an d legislature s i n commo n way s o f thinking an d speaking . Th e natur e o f linguistic practic e a s socia l phe nomenon ha s seldo m bee n describe d wit h greate r flai r tha n i n Pete r Goodrich's The Languages of Law. "I n institutional terms, " he says, "th e profession als o stand s betwee n justice , 'lad y an d quee n o f al l mora l virtues/ an d barbarism. " Withou t th e lawyers , h e continues , "justic e would hav e n o tongue." 7 Th e practice s eviden t i n lega l languag e ar e institutional practice s upo n whic h th e socia l lif e o f law is built . Justic e without it s distinct language , withou t th e practice s carrie d b y it , i s not legal. The practice s tha t delineat e th e lega l community—th e imposin g edifices, th e archaic language, the fat books—ar e like the rules for polit e dining, suc h a s the arrangemen t o f the fork s a t a dinner party . Lik e th e rules fo r dinin g ( a popula r wa y o f portrayin g th e characteristic s o f class),8 the practic e o f acknowledging law' s forms, whethe r th e hierar chy of law schools or the discourse s on the Constitution, affirm s a "community." Law' s practices , lik e othe r socia l practices , ar e mediatin g devices i n that th e participant s "ar e not simpl y speakin g a s individual s to on e another " bu t ar e engagin g a s members o f a group. 9 I n th e lega l profession, a s with medicine or political science, such practices establis h authority. Knowin g whe n t o use a free-speech argumen t o r where to file a petitio n i s as crucia l t o wieldin g th e authorit y o f law a s the conven tions o f dinin g ar e to maintaining clas s relations. 10 Along wit h relation s such a s ol d schoo l tie s o r th e arrangement s fo r partnershi p i n a firm, fundamental jurisprudentia l practice s are practices o f the profession .

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

Realism a s jurisprudential practic e determine s th e wa y tort s o r con tracts i s taught o r whethe r a particular doctrin e o f equal protectio n i s authoritative. I t i s the basi s fo r excludin g som e form s o f scholarship , such as when tha t scholarshi p is said to be insufficiently "developed " o r lacking i n " a respectabl e basis/ ' a s feminism wa s describe d t o the lat e Mary Joe Frug b y the head o f the Contracts Section of the Association of American La w Schools in 1988. n These principles o f jurisprudence for m the domai n o f legal philosophy an d it s institutional life . Al l have impli cations fo r contro l o f th e classroom , wit h it s acces s t o benc h an d bar , and thu s the y ar e th e subjec t o f heate d discussio n i n th e club s an d cloakrooms o f legal power . Th e jurisprudential ideologie s contro l th e basic assumption s beneat h th e surfac e controversie s o f an y give n moment.12 They sa y who is part o f the group . The stor y o f th e lega l professio n i n la w i s lik e th e stor y Rolan d Barthes tell s of the Eiffe l Towe r an d th e way s som e Parisians hav e deal t with it s dominatio n o f the landscape. 13 Gu y d e Maupassant, a great fo e of the Eiffe l Tower , dine d contentedl y i n th e towe r restauran t althoug h he i s said no t t o hav e care d fo r th e food . Th e restauran t was , however , according t o Barthe s the onl y plac e Maupassan t di d no t hav e to look a t the tower . I n man y respect s th e towe r i s like th e lega l profession , an d legal scholar s hav e bee n muc h lik e Maupassant . Althoug h th e towe r dominates the landscape, it can be avoided b y those on the inside. In th e legal academy, th e powe r o f the professio n an d eve n o f law more gener ally is often denied . Realis m is at the hear t o f the denial . Much a s lunc h in th e Eiffe l Towe r allowed it s critic s in th e earl y par t o f this centur y t o turn awa y fro m th e monstrou s presenc e loomin g ove r th e city , bein g realistic i n th e academy , quit e paradoxically , allow s th e lega l profes sional to draw insight from th e mythology o f the ideal. As law professor s and lawyer s poin t t o th e forma l an d mechanical , th e stuff y an d th e archaic i n law , they dra w attentio n t o behavior s an d awa y fro m institu tional power . Legal history is , of course , ful l o f storie s abou t th e professiona l pro jects o f lawyers. 14 Th e late-nineteenth-centur y lawye r ha s bee n th e focus o f attention fo r Rober t Gordon , who has established th e role of the elite bar in New York City as "architects o f ideas and institutions," 15 creators of law schools, the American La w Institute "restatements, " and th e uniform codes . This wor k i s of great interes t t o the lega l community , a s evidenced b y th e receptio n Gordon' s wor k ha s received. I n hi s Holme s Lectures on the subject a t Harvard Law School in the mid-1980s, Gordo n

55

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

drew attentio n t o the effort s o f lawyers a century ag o to establish a high ground fo r thei r practice. 16 According t o this version of a "Civic-Repub lican" ideal , these lawyer s use d thei r ne w positio n t o hel p th e corpora tions extract themselve s from th e stricture s o f "classica l legal science." 17 The resul t wa s that corporat e lawyer s emerge d a t th e vanguar d o f th e progressive legal reform movement s o f the early twentieth century .

The Realist Traditio n

56

Legal scholars stil l contest th e natur e an d significanc e o f realism as the y continue t o discove r it . Thus , lon g afte r th e influenc e o f simila r move ments towar d "realism " i n th e Unite d States , suc h a s those i n ar t an d philosophy,18 ha s declined , contemporar y academi c lawyer s cal l up th e bad ol d formalis m tha t i s the hallmar k o f the realis t insight . Thus , th e scene fo r a contemporary academi c battl e i s set b y Philli p E . Areeda, a professor a t Harvard La w School, whe n h e observes, "Twent y year s ago our missio n wa s t o teac h la w i n th e gran d manner." 19 I n a New York Times Magazine articl e o n th e struggle s betwee n lef t an d righ t i n th e legal academy, Areeda is posed behin d a stack o f ancient la w books, an d his comment s abou t metho d an d th e "gran d manner " ar e brough t t o bear throug h allusion s t o Socrates , th e settle d natur e o f law, and well worn cultura l artifact s o f forma l lega l authorit y popularize d i n The Paper Chase. 20 Th e discussio n i n thi s chapte r draw s o n contemporar y disputes over legal form tha t maintai n it s institutional authority . Although lega l historie s writte n b y lawyer s ar e no t abov e suspicio n that the y migh t tend—lik e corporat e histories—t o avoi d offense , the y do sho w th e importanc e o f realism t o legal formations grounde d i n th e academy. Fro m suc h tale s w e learn th e name s and dates , the geograph y and th e ethnography o f the professional movement s in law. One influen tial histor y o f la w schoolin g i n th e Unite d State s actuall y begin s wit h "Once Upo n a Time." 21 I n thi s treatment , lega l educatio n emerge s i n something lik e th e moder n "la w school " for m b y 1850 . Thi s recen t "Once Upon a Time" is in the nature of modern academic ideology abou t the profession. Earl y American lega l education, stil l grounded largel y i n the practic e o f apprenticeships, ha d b y th e nation' s founding, produce d some schools aroun d distinguishe d practitioner s suc h a s Tapping Reev e of the Litchfiel d Schoo l in Connecticut . Chair s in la w at th e universitie s had bee n establishe d a s early a s that fo r Georg e Wythe a t William an d Mary i n 1779 . But it wa s not unti l th e 1820 s that th e universitie s bega n

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

to integrat e anythin g eve n remotel y lik e professiona l lega l educatio n into their curricula . Fo r th e nex t thirt y year s this emergin g aristocrac y had t o defend itsel f fro m th e populis m o f the Jacksonia n period . Yet, b y the 1850 s an institutional foundatio n existe d fo r la w in universities . The growth o f law as a profession i n the universities followed . Rober t Stevens trace s thi s t o a poin t whe n "th e marke t explodes/ ' a s h e described th e rapi d expansio n o f the professio n aroun d th e tur n o f th e century.22 Legal education i n the universities would hav e much the sam e qualities a s liberal education . It s missio n woul d b e to train gentleman , although la w woul d plac e a bi t mor e emphasi s o n th e practica l dimen sions of what i t meant to b e a gentleman. Steven s describe d th e scen e a t New York University i n th e 1860s : "There ar e thousands o f young me n in the United State s who are in possession, o r will come into possession , of larg e estates . . . . [N]early al l ar e anxiou s t o avai l themselve s o f th e advantages conferre d b y admissio n t o som e on e o f the learne d profes sions."23 It is necessary t o rethink th e universit y i n orde r t o understan d its natur e i n th e nineteent h centur y compare d t o presen t institutions . The creatio n o f professional school s change d th e natur e o f the univer sity. Isolation an d specializatio n le d t o separat e communitie s tha t dre w from th e authority o f the university an d linke d i t to practice . By th e earl y twentiet h century , th e lega l professio n ha d firmly planted itsel f in the universities. 24 As a learned profession i n the moder n sense, academi c practic e supplante d clas s an d othe r institutiona l rela tions a s the foundatio n fo r lega l authority . On e of the mor e interestin g developments pointe d ou t b y Steven s i s that th e la w schoo l took o n a n extraordinary homogeneit y "i n th e caus e o f institutionalizatio n an d interchangeability."25 Rathe r tha n representin g th e man y facet s o f lega l practice in differen t institutions , al l institutions aspire d t o look as much alike a s possible , give n hug e difference s i n stature , influence , an d wealth. A s law school s becam e affiliate d wit h universities , th e lengt h o f the program , th e curriculum , th e teachin g style , an d ultimatel y th e intellectual climat e becam e standardized . Toda y th e standardizatio n o f form an d rhetori c present s considerabl e unit y i n th e fac e o f divers e regional identifications . Legal realis m ha d it s foundatio n i n th e elit e la w schools , an d th e nature o f th e movemen t expresse s itsel f i n th e abstrac t thinkin g an d materialist methodolog y characteristi c o f those places by the early twen tieth century . Th e institutiona l change s tha t brough t la w unde r th e umbrella o f th e academy , th e ban e o f law student s an d libera l facult y

57

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

58

who wan t mor e practica l teaching , enhance d protectio n o f th e lega l monopoly. Thes e change s als o led inevitabl y t o a realist foundatio n fo r law that wa s more consistent wit h th e dominan t scientifi c orientatio n o f the academ y tha n wer e the clas s or theologica l underpinning s o f earlie r legal formations. Th e push o f scientifi c method , eviden t throughou t th e academy i n th e post-Civi l Wa r years , further transforme d th e ideolog y of law. The work o f Christopher Columbu s Langdell , th e us e of his case method a t Harvard , an d th e creatio n o f the moder n universit y b y Har vard's president Charle s Eliot provide the generally acknowledge d foun dation for the modern legal academy. Harvard stoo d nearly alone until at least the beginnin g o f World Wa r I, providing la w in the form o f gradu ate education. 26 Out o f this academi c culture , realis m i s a manifestation o f the socia l research concern s tha t dominate d th e academ y afte r Worl d Wa r I . Dea n Roscoe Poun d o f th e Harvar d La w Schoo l i s a majo r figure here , an d although h e ha s recentl y bee n linke d mor e closel y t o progressivism , Pound's method (lik e Justice Holmes's aphorisms) is part of the tradition . Realism i n th e 1930 s portray s itsel f agains t a backdrop , no t o f th e Langdellian avant-garde , bu t o f formalism. 27 It s terrain i s a romantic i f not altogethe r accurat e pictur e o f Englis h lega l education. 28 Thi s propensity t o place th e informe d presen t agains t th e darkes t pas t i s a n ongoing proposition. Jerome Frank and Karl Llewellyn, two early propo nents, captur e thes e an d othe r current s o f th e realis t tradition . Llewellyn's The Bramble Bush 29 an d Frank' s Law and the Modern Mind 30 elaborate th e realis t project . Thes e volume s tel l u s little o f the influenc e of the movement , bu t the y presen t idea s that ar e stil l current , a s if the y had just bee n minted . This movement also stemmed fro m fascinatio n wit h the social science s on the part o f Dean Pound at Harvard an d Llewelly n at Columbia. Socia l scientists hav e embraced realis m an d hav e generally supporte d th e pic ture provide d b y movement' s participants , on e tha t depict s realis m a s critique an d realist s a s dissident s wh o "brok e fro m th e sociologica l school and mounte d a fresh assaul t o n the stil l highly orthodo x declara tory theory." 31 Realis m i s conventionall y compare d t o theorie s draw n from material s lik e Blackstone' s Commentaries an d associate d wit h "Holmes's dictum " tha t th e la w i s made u p o f "prophecie s o f what th e courts will d o in fact." Jus t a s with realis m in law schools , however, th e political scienc e variant ha s becom e an ideology b y whic h w e know th e institutions o f the law. In discussin g th e existenc e o f neutral principles ,

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

many hav e noted th e obviou s currenc y o f the vie w tha t la w i s a characteristically politica l process rather tha n on e determined b y neutral prin ciples. Bu t realism i s no longe r critical . Indeed , "th e perspectiv e seem s to hav e demonstrate d it s authority/' 32 I n a nice characterizatio n o f th e puzzling persistenc e of realism, Harry Stump f note s that w e are inclined to "rea d mos t o f critical legal thought wit h a big yawn , concludin g tha t law professors , o r a t leas t a vocal minorit y o f them, hav e finall y joine d the club." 33 It seem s that perhap s th e realis m o f the earl y figures wa s more inter ested i n revealing th e source s of law than th e retro-realism w e see in law schools today. The early realist s carve d ou t a place b y establishin g link s with philosophica l movements, on the one hand, an d refor m movement s in politics , o n th e other . Realis m wa s a n aspec t o f th e socia l scientifi c advance i n th e academy , reflectin g i n on e communit y th e muc h large r characteristic o f the Western an d particularl y America n experienc e o f a world tha t mus t b e know n throug h scienc e i f i t i s t o b e "really " known. 34 Althoug h speakin g t o epistemology, realis m als o had a refor m aspect tha t linke d ideolog y an d socia l relations mor e explicitly. Realis m in the 1930 s was part o f the progressive effort t o control governing insti tutions wit h professiona l elites . With it s analogue s i n th e urba n strug gles b y th e middl e clas s t o tak e contro l o f th e cit y fro m politica l machines, realism in law school operated withi n the institutions to wres t control from establishe d elite s and lin k th e academy to emerging admin istrative structures , particularl y a t the federal level. 35 Thus, a striking characteristi c o f thi s movement , an d a central ele ment o f its legal formation, i s that i t links institutional an d epistemolog ical considerations . "Holmes' s dictum " i s institutional. Whe n h e call s attention t o th e judge, th e realis t suggest s tha t h e i s undercutting th e role o f the law . The epistemologica l consequenc e o f the exhortatio n i s clear. Holmes tells us ho w w e ar e to kno w th e law , and i t will no t b e i n books (excep t a s guides t o wha t th e judges wil l do) . The realisti c per spective associate d wit h Frank , especiall y i n Courts on Trial, 36 approaches la w fro m th e perspectiv e o f wha t "really " occurs . Fran k makes a n epistemologica l clai m abou t wha t determine s th e outcome s i n cases before th e bench. These poles are blended togethe r in the jurisprudential practice of the law schools as well as injudicial practic e and pop ular commentary . Th e consequenc e i n practic e i s that th e school s ar e supported b y a cynicism tha t leave s institutional arrangemen t unexam ined an d intact. 37

59

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

60

Scholars have woven realism into jurisprudence an d eve n spoke n of it as a project fo r th e lega l profession, 38 bu t onl y rarel y d o they not e th e impact o f realism o n th e maintenanc e o f legal power, includin g th e wa y social scienc e researc h o n la w i s channeled . Laur a Kalma n ha s argue d that "[a] t leas t sinc e the 1930s , the vie w tha t th e establishmen t i s naiv e and trappe d i n a formal orientatio n t o rule s ha s grow n progressivel y more influentia l unti l i t becam e th e framewor k o f th e lega l establish ment/' 39 An d Gar y Peller is among a number o f scholars who have note d that th e mos t interestin g thin g abou t realis m i s how thi s perspectiv e i s continually advance d a s a vanguard project. 40 Christin e Harringto n an d I said nearl y th e sam e thing i n a n article som e time ago: "With it s widespread acceptanc e fo r nearl y 3 0 years, there ha s bee n remarkabl y littl e change in legal thinking beyon d th e initial insights of Realism." We conclude tha t "[s]ocio-lega l scholars , particularl y i n America , hav e under stood la w throug h a version o f realism fo r som e time/' T o us, a centra l paradox abou t realism is its propensity t o be reinvented. We saw realism operating fro m "a n essentiall y anti-la w rhetori c . . . while servin g a s a rationale fo r la w refor m movement s an d a s the basi s o f a modern lega l orthodoxy."41 Th e capacity fo r realis m t o maintain itsel f seem s to deriv e from th e ideological role the orthodox y play s in th e curriculu m a t insti tutions suc h as Harvard an d Yale law schools. Harrington an d I point ou t tha t "Realis m a s legal authority promote s the vie w tha t la w is indeterminate bu t leave s intact socia l arrangement s and institution s determine d b y law." 42 We note that "[t]h e new empha sis on the plurality o f law is preoccupied wit h diversit y an d difference, " and tha t a political orientatio n linke d t o realis m "assert s a desire t o b e free fro m th e authorit y o f the privilege d voice s i t attribute s t o officia l law."43 Yet the impac t o f realism ha s bee n just th e opposite . Contempo rary America n jurisprudence place s th e judge a t th e cente r o f the la w and emphasize s th e importanc e o f th e contex t i n whic h la w i s prac ticed.44 This gives the appellate court s immense power. We now assume , as a trut h abou t th e lega l process , tha t th e judge , no t th e law , i s th e authority. 45 Th e result o f realism i s that judges hav e becom e the defini tive source of the fundamental la w in the United States . The sociologica l consequence i s a jurisprudence i n the la w school s that i s closely linke d to appellate courts. 46 In the cas e of law schools , realism i s not just a jurisprudence, i t i s an episteme, a wa y o f knowing . Th e fac t tha t la w i s no w locate d i n la w schools at research universities, where science is supreme, reinforces thi s

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

way o f knowing. 47 Thus , a lawye r know s th e la w a s idea l an d th e nuances o f th e momen t a s reality . H e stil l ma y expec t th e citize n t o respect th e authorit y o f courts, bu t hi s sens e o f the rea l leads hi m t o b e far les s reverent t o th e form s o f law a s applied t o himself . Thes e idea s about la w are part o f the institutional practice . They ar e law that consti tutes. Lega l power i n Americ a wit h it s institutiona l hierarchie s i s rein forced b y th e fac t o f a shared wa y o f proceeding , th e mos t importan t part o f which i s agreement o n the importance o f what i s real. The centrality o f realism to the intellectual lif e of the legal academy i s evident i n the work don e b y ideologists o f the profession, suc h as Bruce Ackerman, whos e Reconstructing American Law draw s o n realis t princi ples. His call on the profession t o take control of its intellectual environ ment make s th e lesson s o f realism th e necessar y antidot e fo r th e ill s of the present. This is done with considerabl e skill , in a way that i s indica tive o f professional attentio n t o th e strain s o f intellectua l lif e tha t th e lawyer mus t respect . Ackerma n compare s th e methodolog y o f moder n social scientists to the old method o f the "commo n lawyer." The compar ison i s weighte d i n favo r o f socia l scienc e du e t o th e imperativ e t o respond t o new way s o f proceeding. I n th e end , Ackerma n take s o n th e role o f practical philosophe r an d become s th e profession' s therapist . I n this role , h e warn s th e professio n b y elaboratio n fro m th e realis t tradi tion. This look at realism through th e aspiration s o f a second-generatio n legal economis t an d Yal e Law Schoo l facult y membe r i s an appropriat e transition to the current manifestations o f realism in the CL S and law and economics movements .

Contemporary Manifestation s In American law schools in the last quarter o f the twentieth century , th e major academi c traditions dra w from a foundation heavil y influenced b y legal realism. Critics, who meet under th e banne r o f critical legal studie s and cal l themselves "crits " and thei r movemen t CLS , clai m that th e tru e legacy o f lega l realis m i s progressive , tha t is , o n th e politica l lef t (a s opposed t o allied wit h th e progressiv e movement) . Conservative s i n th e law and economic s movemen t als o rely o n realis t insight s abou t th e la w balancing interest s throug h th e opinion s o f judges, althoug h the y sa y less about thei r realis t heritage . Bot h movement s hav e som e links t o th e social science s i n general , an d i n th e cas e o f CL S an d lega l economist s such a s Robert Ellickso n an d Lewi s Kornhauser, ther e ar e specifi c link s

61

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

to the law and societ y movement , th e inheritors of the sociologica l tradi tion originall y linke d t o realism under th e title "sociolog y o f law/' 48 Critical Legal Studies CLS is a post-i96os la w schoo l movemen t tha t bega n a t Yale and i s no w situated a t school s suc h a s Harvard an d Stanford , wit h outpost s a t th e University o f Miami, Northeastern , an d Cardozo . At Harvar d it s propo nents number a half doze n and a t Stanfor d a few less . Around th e coun try i t ma y hav e a coupl e o f hundre d adherents . It s influenc e o n la w students an d i n th e intellectua l communit y fostere d b y th e lega l acad emy is far greate r than it is in the profession generall y o r in the courts. It has als o received a great dea l o f attention i n th e prin t media : The New Republic calle d i t "radicalis m fo r yuppies" ; Boston Globe Magazine reported o n the "Feu d a t H.L.S." ; the Journal of Higher Education spok e of "Crits " versus th e Lega l Academy; an d th e New Yorker called i t "th e new lef t playe d ou t i n law. " Its distinctiv e presenc e ha s bee n fel t i n dis putes ove r tenur e a t la w school s an d i n th e decoru m associate d wit h these augus t institutions . Th e movement' s ke y theoretica l positio n i s old-fashioned lega l realism wit h a sixties twist tha t emphasize s th e rol e of law in maintaining th e dominan t relation s of power. 62

The manifest o o f th e movement , perhap s it s hig h point , wa s a dra ]matic presentatio n b y Robert o Unge r a t th e CL S meeting hel d i n Cam bridge, Massachusetts , i n Novembe r 1981. 49 Unge r i s a n enigmati c figure wh o has injected a level of mystery (an d mysticism ) into a profession marked , b y it s ow n admission , wit h a cynical godlessness . Unger , from Brazil , wa s trained a s a Jesuit an d ha s a priestly person a tha t add s considerably t o his intensity. (Th e priestly elemen t i n la w schoo l move ments ha s ofte n bee n commente d upon . W e heard i t earl y i n th e realis t era from Olive r Wendell Holmes , Jr., i n describin g Dea n Langdell 50 an d more recentl y i n postmoder n wor k b y Pete r Goodric h abou t ho w la w speaks o f itself. 51) Unge r gav e this particula r speec h t o a packed hall , with student s an d facult y nearl y hangin g fro m th e rafters . Dresse d i n black an d standin g alon e o n th e floor, withou t a lectern an d withou t notes, h e spok e fo r nearl y tw o hours . The unusua l lengt h o f thi s after dinner speec h t o a n audienc e o f five hundre d produce d a certai n amount o f discomfort , ye t fe w departed . Th e cor e o f th e speec h wa s built o n th e realis t tradition , fro m whic h Unge r dre w familia r link s t o a legacy of critique and concer n wit h activism within the legal profession . The natur e o f hi s critiqu e wa s twofold: "th e critiqu e o f formalism an d

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

objectivity/' 52 Bu t in addition t o critique, Unge r hel d ou t the promise of action; CL S was on the mov e and th e territory t o be invaded wa s the la w school. Action ha s bee n th e mos t dramati c aspec t o f the CL S movement . From sit-ins to law review articles that are as engaged as one might imag ine given th e forum , th e movemen t ha s bee n characterize d b y a rathe r purified activism . Th e activism extend s t o the critiqu e s o that th e char acteristic for m o f intellectua l engagemen t fo r a time wa s "trashing, " a scholarly bashin g o f the existin g nicetie s o f legal thought. Th e juxtaposition o f though t an d actio n i s a classic aspec t o f the positivis m a t th e root of legal realism in the United States . Unger's speec h conclude d wit h th e declaratio n tha t provide s th e epi graph t o this chapter . Fe w of us got the ide a whe n w e first hear d it , bu t more tha n a few wer e intrigued . Year s later it s realis t root s surfaced , breaking throug h th e mysticism . Th e ke y elemen t o f realism, whethe r modern o r o f th e olde r fashion , i s tha t som e othe r mus t b e standing , thinking, o r speakin g i n a way tha t i s patently naive . The priesthood o f law professor s Unge r spok e o f ha s the sam e place i n th e moder n varia tion of realism as those Holmes and Frank characterize d a s naive enoug h to believe the truth wa s in the word s of the law. Unger, however , build s on th e los s o f fait h an d see s i n thes e modern s a vacuous institutiona l attachment. Th e "col d altar " o f Kingsfield' s lecter n provide s CL S wit h the opportunity fo r revenge . Unger's purpose , i n hi s speec h an d throug h hi s influenc e o n Ameri can law , wa s to creat e a stir. H e offered fait h i n a mystical, relativize d world. Th e CL S movement a t th e tim e wa s reeling fro m it s first brushe s with th e academic ol d guard. I t had bee n expelle d fro m Yal e but ha d se t down root s at Harvard . I n thi s environmen t durin g th e lat e 1970s , fait h in the CL S project coexiste d wit h a critique of positivism in the academy . In the years that followed, th e next generation seeme d to replace Unger' s Latin America n mysticis m wit h Anglo-America n summe r camps , roc k concerts, an d lampoonesqu e version s o f legal scholarship . Thes e main tained a community o f left-liberal scholar s i n th e fac e o f reaction fro m the outsid e an d o f feminism an d diversit y within . Give n th e natur e o f the academy, this was also a period o f tremendous scholarl y production . CLS dre w fro m critica l theory , a n intellectua l movemen t grounde d i n German scholarshi p o f the 1930s , and th e "fanc y Frenc h philosophers " of post-structuralism , CL S ha s fro m it s inceptio n le d th e inquir y int o "the dominatio n o f the ruling clas s in words." 53 The words studie d hav e been la w words , ofte n th e word s an d languag e o f elite legal thinking o r

63

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

64

mandarin lega l consciousness, a particularly importan t for m o f ideology. The lin k betwee n critica l theor y an d realis m i s elusive . Kenned y ha s described Mar x a s a "formalist " an d calle d attentio n t o the insight s o f "realism." Followin g Marx , Kenned y draw s ou t a relationship betwee n the commodit y mod e o f productio n an d "it s constitutiv e lega l con sciousness." Early CL S scholarship sa w law as more than epiphenomeno n and speculate d tha t it s constitutiv e dimension s woul d becom e appar ent. 54 Thi s wa s the contex t i n whic h th e movemen t absorbe d realism . The foundations i n the 1960 s meant the discussions prior to the embrac e of realis m concerne d ideolog y an d th e la w tha t constitutes . Wit h th e realist tone, ideology took on a distinctive indeterminate qualit y and th e interest i n constitutiv e la w dropped out . Three texts provid e a wealth o f material for examination : The Politics of Law, edite d b y Davi d Kairy s (1982) ; the "Critica l Lega l Studies Sym posium" i n the Stanford Law Review (1984) ; and Mar k Kelman' s A Guide to Critical Legal Studies (1987). 55 Although the y onl y begi n to reflect th e range o f legal scholarshi p tha t ha s bee n associate d wit h th e movement , these work s represent CL S at th e stag e bein g considere d here . Kelman i s a critical scholar who directed a great deal of his attention t o the law and economics movement , an d hi s boo k reflect s tha t interest. 56 Th e boo k also reflects som e of the demographi c biase s of the movement, especiall y its malenes s an d it s situatio n i n th e la w schools. 57 Th e Stanford Law Review symposiu m i s an expressio n o f maturity an d institutiona l posi tion: th e CL S movement i s able to comman d a n entir e volume , ove r si x hundred pages , i n th e la w revie w o f on e o f th e nation' s riches t la w schools. The volume incorporates a somewhat greate r rang e of contribu tors, fro m adherent s t o la w an d economic s suc h a s Lewis Kornhause r from Ne w Yor k Universit y La w Schoo l t o colleague s fro m th e ol d lef t such as the late Ed Sparer of the University o f Pennsylvania La w School. The stunnin g fact—give n tha t i t wa s publishe d i n th e mi d 1980s—i s that al l eighteen contributor s ar e male, and al l are drawn fro m th e acad emy o f professiona l law. 58 Th e Kairy s volum e wa s mor e diverse , an d some of its female contributor s becam e influential feminis t lega l scholar s a few year s later . Not lon g afte r Unger' s speec h an d i n response to an increasingl y dra matic CL S presence , som e o f the mor e retrograd e member s o f the lega l profession ros e i n defens e o f the ol d order , givin g lif e t o th e requisit e realist foil. The result was a heated exchange in 1984-8 5 between Rober t Gordon, a professor a t Stanfor d La w School , an d Pau l Carrington , dea n

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

of th e la w schoo l a t Duk e University . Thi s exchang e i s importan t because unlik e som e left movements , CL S depend s o n it s plac e i n elit e institutions. I t speak s fro m academi c position s i n th e imperia l cit y an d the lega l consciousnes s i t studie s i s the mandari n consciousnes s o f th e legal academy and the elite bench and bar . The "trash" as CLS methodology depended o n its unsettling effec t i n a professional environmen t hel d together b y manipulatio n o f the traditio n o f legal discourse . The para dox is the centralit y o f realism to that tradition . The Carrington-inspire d exchang e play s a centra l rol e i n Sanfor d LeVinson's stud y o f belie f surroundin g th e Constitution . Levinson' s analysis o f this exchang e provide s a fine basi s for evaluatin g th e func tions o f realis m an d it s rol e i n maintainin g th e authorit y o f lawyers . Levinson's boo k Constitutional Faith 59 begin s wit h a quote fro m Davi d Mamet, whose collection Writing in Restaurants include s a discussion of those deepe r commitment s tha t occasionall y mak e ordinar y practice s transcendental. Mame t writes, "I f you take the belief out of Law, all you have is litigation." 60 L e Vinson examine s Feli x Frankfurter' s suppor t fo r swearing allegianc e t o the Unite d States . Where Frankfurter' s analysi s veers in th e directio n o f flag waving, Levinso n suggest s tha t patriotis m has bee n sullie d b y "it s joinder wit h America n involvemen t i n Viet nam." Levinson say s he is not interested i n patriotism, a t least not "ordi nary patriotism " o r lov e o f country , bu t rathe r i n ideal s tha t h e call s "constitutional faith"—tha t is , wholehearted attachmen t t o the Consti tution a s the cente r o f one' s (an d ultimatel y th e nation's ) politica l life . This includes "wha t i t mean s t o b e an American, " tha t is , "wha t bond s us (o r coul d bon d us ) int o a coheren t politica l community , especiall y after th e triumph o f a distinctly (post)modernis t sens e of the contingen cies o f ou r ow n cultur e an d th e fragilit y o f an y communit y member ships."61 Levinson's titl e is meant t o cal l to mind Barbar a Jordan' s "fait h in th e Constitution, " a s expressed durin g th e Watergat e investigation , and Richar d Nixon' s "breac h o f faith," i n a chronicle o f the sam e perio d by Theodore White. Of course, i n th e constitutiona l settin g th e conceptio n o f the found ing documen t i s central, an d difference s betwee n Thoma s Jefferso n an d James Madison loo m large. Jefferson's ide a wa s that "[w] e might a s well require a man to wear stil l the coa t which fitte d hi m when a boy, as civilized societ y t o remai n a s under th e regime n o f their barbarou s ances tors." 62 Madiso n fel t tha t "frequen t appeal s woul d i n grea t measur e deprive th e governmen t o f tha t veneration , whic h tim e bestow s o n

65

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

66

everything, an d withou t whic h perhap s th e wises t an d frees t govern ments woul d no t posses s the requisit e stability/' 63 I n th e contexto f th e law schools , belie f i n la w mor e generall y serve s a s a measure o f wha t Levinson call s a "faith community/' 64 H e compares CL S professors i n th e law school s t o atheist s teachin g i n divinit y schools , reflectin g th e dis may expresse d b y Carrington . Thes e "Lega l Nihilists " ar e th e one s o f "little faith." Accordin g to Levinson, Carrington' s position i s that to be a professor o f law one also must hav e "som e minimal belie f i n th e ide a o f law and th e institutions tha t enforc e it." 65 The debate over CL S is instructive wit h regard to the role of realism i n the legal academy. It is not that everyone believes in an autonomous law, though a t some level the possibility o f a government unde r la w is important, a s whe n Levinso n writes , "Carringto n canno t b e dismisse d a s a naive cheerleade r fo r law . H e confesse s t o hi s ow n dar k night s o f th e soul, i n whic h th e 'drea d i n disbelie f make s it s appearance." 66 I t i s rather tha t th e engin e o f realism, lik e the devi l within , i s the sourc e o f refinement, th e disciplinin g mechanism , an d th e temptation , s o tha t those wh o ca n stan d th e hea t advanc e t o th e hea d o f th e profession , while the choirboys are left behind . The debate takes place on matters of truth, a s would b e expected i n a faith community , an d th e ability to liv e with partia l truth ha s long bee n a hallmark o f the avant-garde, th e new , the modern . The natur e o f th e CL S movement mus t b e see n i n term s o f styl e an d pragmatics. Earlie r radica l lef t la w movement s hav e bee n base d i n th e practices o f radical professionals , suc h a s those i n th e Lawyer s Guild , who worke d i n th e center s o f poverty an d othe r site s of resistance, CL S is different—an d mor e lik e the la w an d economic s movemen t tha n th e Lawyers Guild—becaus e it s bas e ha s bee n i n th e la w schools . Instru mentally, th e significanc e o f th e la w schoo l bas e i s that Harvar d pro duces abou t one-thir d o f th e la w teacher s i n th e countr y an d Yal e another one-fifth , s o that a movement institutionall y situate d i n thes e institutions an d abl e to influenc e ho w the y thin k wil l b e influential i n law. This i s why tenur e an d appointmen t struggle s hav e helpe d defin e the movement , an d i t i s the wa y i n whic h th e insight s o f realism hav e been centra l to the movement. Thus, although CL S claims to be a radical movement,67 I consider it s primary lega l form, realism , to be well withi n the dominan t channel s o f legal power. The CL S position i s that th e lega l arena ha s alway s bee n a context throug h whic h th e dominan t classe s have sough t t o justify thei r plac e i n th e socia l order , CL S has criticize d

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

the view of law as an unmediated instrumen t o f class power. Rather tha n articulating an d foreshadowin g th e lega l form s o f th e future , CL S ha s developed th e method o f "trashing." This method, alon g with th e movement's identificatio n wit h politica l activit y suc h a s the organizatio n o f rent strike s an d it s suppor t fo r racia l an d gende r diversit y i n th e la w schools, forms th e basi s for it s claim to b e a radical movement . Law and Economics Realism is also at the heart of the most significant conservativ e movemen t in th e lega l academy, th e la w an d economic s movement . La w professor s across th e countr y hav e bee n shiftin g t o thi s movement , whic h ha s increasingly define d th e conventiona l languag e o f the academy . I n littl e over two decades, it has become de rigueur to maximize utilities, look fo r efficiencies, an d discoun t externalities. There are lawyers and lower cour t judges ready to be appointed t o the Supreme Court with this perspective . Law and economic s wa s par t o f the ideolog y prominentl y displaye d b y Robert Bor k at his confirmation hearing s (thoug h i t was not hi s only dis tinctive feature) . The former dea n o f Yale Law School, Guido Calabresi, is one o f it s originators , bu t movement' s cente r i s i n Chicago , wher e i t draws o n the relentles s advocac y o f Richard Epstein, 68 an d th e continu ing influenc e o f Judg e Richar d Posner. 69 Whil e th e CL S movemen t immersed itsel f i n it s "fanc y Frenc h philosophers " an d warde d of f th e pragmatic orientatio n o f clinica l practice , th e la w an d economic s move ment becam e a source of rigorous policy analysis for conservatives . As its nam e indicates , th e movemen t approache s la w fro m th e per spective o f economics. Two of the things i t takes from thi s approach ar e individualistic actor s and a marketplace. The actors in this model are not the sam e as people w e run int o o n an y give n day . They ar e profit maximizes i n th e hypothetica l extreme . They see k t o maximize thei r inter ests every momen t an d i n everythin g the y do . The economist s cal l thi s behavior rationa l an d giv e i t a n inevitabl e qualit y b y holdin g tha t it s context i s a market . Thes e profi t maximizer s mee t t o freely exchange goods and services in markets where the buye r an d selle r d o not kno w o r care t o kno w on e anothe r an d n o on e ca n b e mad e bette r of f withou t someone els e bein g mad e wors e off . Efficiency i s the nam e give n t o th e situation i n whic h th e interest s o f al l ar e take n int o account , an d thi s defines th e optimum situatio n fo r society' s well-being . Because this approac h mor e closely resemble s economics when i t first began a s a science o f societ y tha n i t doe s th e economic s o f th e recen t

67

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

68

past, i t i s calle d neoclassical It s practitioner s bega n b y applyin g eco nomic theory t o the area s of regulation wit h Calabresi' s stud y o f air pol lution 70 an d th e wor k o n antitrus t b y Posne r an d others. 71 Wit h ever-expanding claims , the metho d wa s applied t o contracts , torts , an d property right s b y Richar d Epstei n an d Bernar d Siega n an d t o crim e b y Kate Stith. 72 The economist eschew s the romance of traditional discours e and talk s o f th e "suppl y an d demand " fo r crim e an d th e penalt y a s a "price" to engage in crime . The movemen t bega n wit h R . H . Coase' s article , "Th e Proble m o f Social Cost," 73 whic h containe d a bold applicatio n an d a theorem tha t stated: "i n th e absenc e o f transactio n costs , th e efficienc y o f resourc e allocation i s independent o f the placemen t o f liability" (or , conversely , the initial assignment o f rights). Coase applied th e theorem to a situation in whic h runnin g a train besid e a farmer's field wil l destro y som e of th e farmer's crop s (impos e a "negativ e externality") . Th e economis t a s lawyer is interested i n the socially efficient outcome , that combinatio n o f train trip s an d damage d crop s that i s best fo r society . H e proposes tha t the mos t efficien t outcom e wil l result regardles s o f which part y ha s th e initial right i f the right i s traded a t the most efficien t price . Kornhauser characterize d la w and economic s a s a perspective i n lega l academic writin g wher e ever y articl e display s on e o r mor e o f four dis tinct claims : i.Economic theory provides a good theory for predicting how people will behave under rules of law. 2.The law ought to be efficient. 3.The (common) law is in fact efficient . 4.The common law tends to select efficient rules , although not every rule will, at any given time, be efficient. 74 These claim s provid e tha t rule s o f la w b e treated lik e price s an d lega l actors like rational individuals, that the best law is efficient, an d that th e common la w is generally efficient . The realis t presenc e i s eviden t throughou t th e la w an d economic s movement. Lik e othe r manifestation s o f realism , th e languag e o f eco nomics i s offere d a s a mean s o f cuttin g throug h cultura l categories . These categorie s ar e often dismisse d a s externalities i n th e languag e o f the economist . Realis m i n th e la w an d economic s movemen t differ s i n political orientation fro m CL S as the left i n politics differ s fro m th e right . These position s becom e point s o n a realism spectrum . Jus t a s left an d

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

right i n ordinar y politic s ofte n shar e institution s (lik e Congress) , lef t and righ t i n la w shar e i n maintainin g th e institutiona l statu s quo . La w and economic s emphasize s th e impedimen t o f traditional right s analysi s to rational decisio n making . A t th e sam e time i t offer s th e promis e tha t economic analysi s wil l revea l solution s consisten t wit h th e traditiona l equities worked ou t through th e commo n law. CLS and la w an d economic s tal k t o eac h othe r i n scholarl y journals . From 197 5 to 1980 , a series of CL S articles critical of the law and econom ics position appeare d i n leadin g la w journals an d anthologies . The pri mary contributor s wer e Mar k Kelman , To m Heller , an d Dunca n Kennedy.75 As Kornhauser describe s the nature of the CL S critique, it proposes a different understandin g o f how la w functions i n societ y tha t i s difficult t o discern becaus e CL S does not shar e a common methodology t o the exten t tha t proponent s o f law and economic s do. 76 But generally th e CLS position i s that la w and economic s passe s itself of f a s value-neutra l scientific analysi s an d tha t i t i s internall y inconsisten t becaus e i t demands a form o f motivation—rational action—tha t i s rarely practiced . Where CL S promote d a sort o f "retro " realis m usin g th e traditiona l language o f politics, 77 la w an d economic s introduce d economi c termi nology an d theoretica l frameworks . Th e authorit y o f the lega l academ y for what judges do and how law is analyzed i s established a s these movements travel on a parallel track. The key element in the politics is wealth maximization fo r la w and economic s and equalizatio n o f wealth fo r CLS . Realism a s a form o f law i n thes e academi c movement s i s evident i n th e relationship betwee n what is traditionally viewe d a s law and the view of law offere d b y th e movement . Th e clai m o f a fresh , bu t ofte n a ver y familiar, poin t o f vie w i s characteristi c o f lega l realis m an d eviden t i n law schoo l movement s o n th e righ t an d th e left. 78 Th e currenc y o f thi s claim to be offering somethin g new against a backdrop of traditional for malism indicate s a reliance i n bot h instance s o n a realist perspective . With realism a sense of discovery links the present to a familiar an d gen erally acceptable tradition . One thing CL S seem s to lack an d th e conservativ e movemen t t o hav e developed t o a high degre e is a rigorous method. Th e significance o f th e law and economic s movement ha s been not just i n the substantive impli cations o f its findings , bu t als o in th e seductio n o f its neoclassical doc trines t o lawyer s an d judges. The attractivenes s o f thi s dogm a reache s beyond th e lega l academ y an d i s bu t anothe r wa y i n whic h activitie s within th e la w sho w th e influence s o f the outside . Fo r some , the meth -

69

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

70

ods o f la w an d economics , sometime s calle d "publi c choice, " hav e resulted i n the substitution o f efficiency fo r justice as the basi s for law . Many chea p shots are taken at CLS . Most are on matters of style. However, the incapacity o f CLS to provide tools and visio n for socialis t strate gies to match the challeng e o f law and economic s has affected growt h o f the movement. While law and economic s is transforming th e way Amer ican law is taught, practiced , an d decided , th e left ha s failed t o respond . Movements o n th e lef t i n la w hav e relie d o n compassion , utopianism , and networkin g t o effec t change . Where th e righ t ha s supplanted , th e left ha s critiqued . No t onl y i s it s growt h fa r les s dramatic , bu t CL S appears to be stagnating withou t dogmatics , without a program. Some o f th e root s o f a progra m ar e there . Crit s ar e attentiv e t o th e transformative potentia l o f the vas t arra y o f understandings abou t justice, democracy , equality , an d libert y tha t legitimiz e the state . Social science is appealed to , wit h som e trepidation, a s a potential methodology , and importan t critica l scholar s suc h a s Richard Abe l o f UCL A an d Davi d Trubek o f the Universit y o f Wisconsin ar e active i n the la w and societ y movement.79 Ther e i s more to the limite d growt h o f CLS , however , tha n its failur e t o develo p a coherent method . Fo r on e thing , th e America n legal academy i s a conservative place . It is certainly no t th e most conser vative place in America, relative to most corporations o r military installa tions. But the legal academy is conservative enough in style and nature to favor conservativ e movement s an d subsum e progressive , critica l move ments whether o r not they hav e highly develope d methodologies . These two movement s expres s th e politica l significanc e o f realism. To the exten t tha t th e tradition s depen d o n distinctiv e characterization s built aroun d thi s orientation , th e socia l relations (explici t wit h CL S an d implicit wit h la w an d economics ) determin e th e politic s i n th e lega l academy. The movements hav e a great dea l in common . A s Ken Emerson pointed ou t i n hi s New York Times Magazine article , bot h side s enlis t similar imagery , wit h th e conservative s seekin g t o "hel p th e wheel s o f commerce turn" an d th e crit s pointing ou t tha t "greasin g th e wheel s of the system " i s mostly what lawyer s do. 8° A crucial difference , especiall y as a basis for organization , i s the exten t t o which thes e tw o movement s have produced coheren t socia l theories and practica l political guideline s to g o beyond th e realis t insight . I n thi s regard , la w and economic s ha s been muc h more successful . CLS failed t o maintain it s statur e i n th e academ y fo r a number o f rea sons, no t th e leas t o f which wer e conservativ e administration s i n Wash-

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

ington an d a n increasingly conservativ e federa l judiciary. Th e abilit y o f law and economic s scholar s t o further distrac t attentio n fro m th e socia l relations constitute d b y law , a s wel l a s their abilit y t o creat e a super structure consistin g o f forms that guide thought whil e denying th e position fro m whic h the y direct , represen t perhap s th e fulles t expressio n o f the contemporar y realis t lega l project. I t i s with thi s dimensio n o f real ism that I conclude this analysis.

Positivism a s the Academ y This inquir y int o th e academi c manifestation s o f lega l realis m raise s a number o f questions. On e is the perennia l issu e o f the positivis m a t th e heart o f th e realis t enterprise . Th e realis t ideolog y bear s compariso n with a framework o n which it depends heavily—common sense . Realism has becom e th e commo n sens e o f th e lega l academ y an d a n increasin g number o f othe r place s i n th e culture . I t i s fully embedde d i n politica l science an d throug h tha t disciplin e influence s th e conception s o f citi zenship an d publi c affairs . Realis m is increasingly a prominent aspec t of the politics of trial and appellat e courts . As common sense , neither real ist scholarshi p no r th e critiqu e o f formalism i s its bigges t contribution . Realism i s responsible fo r displacin g th e pla y o f powe r awa y fro m th e bar and la w schools. One o f th e feature s o f lega l realis m i s th e paralle l betwee n institu tional an d th e epistemologica l claims . Realists sa y tha t th e la w i s wha t the judges sa y it is and that behavio r o r what th e judge want s to d o refl ects the reality o f the legal processes, that i t is law. This double-barrele d quality o f realism i s a key t o its significanc e i n th e academy . A s a relatively ne w institution , th e lega l academ y ha s establishe d a n intimat e relationship wit h th e discours e o f judges b y makin g thei r word s an d actions central . Amon g th e losers , t o som e extent , ar e texts , whic h n o longer hav e a central plac e i n th e syste m o f authorit y behin d law . In a realist framewor k i t i s naiv e t o plac e text s abov e people . Instead , i n American la w today , th e professiona l triumvirat e o f practicin g attor neys, law professors, an d judges become s the relevant community. 81 This jurisprudence radiate s from th e law schools into other part s of the legal academy, suc h a s academic la w programs outsid e th e professiona l schools an d a t th e researc h institut e establishe d b y th e America n Ba r Association, th e Ba r Foundation. A study b y Austi n Sara t an d Willia m Felstiner, discussin g th e practica l significanc e o f la w i n th e lawyer' s

71

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

72

office, show s the reach o f the realist framework t o mask the power o f th e profession.82 Th e author s tape d interview s o f 11 5 lawyer-client confer ences i n Californi a an d Massachusett s i n th e earl y 1980s . The y wer e interested i n the power relation s betwee n th e lawyer an d th e client a s an aspect o f legal power an d outline d wha t the y calle d "mode s o f discours e about law, " namely , formalism , equity , an d realism . Findin g tha t th e lawyers were critical of the law, the authors posi t a realist mod e as dominant an d sugges t that becaus e this mode is critical, it may be responsibl e for som e of the popula r dissatisfactio n wit h th e law . One wonders, how ever, how the cynicism of the lawyer gets translated int o legal power . In an earlier article using the same data, the authors explicitly addres s the questio n o f power. 83 The y conclud e tha t lawyer s construc t mor e flexible client s tha n th e one s tha t wal k int o thei r offices . Th e powe r wielded i n thes e construction s an d eviden t i n th e transcript s the y report o n i s realist power . Muc h o f i t i s cynical. Th e clien t i s brough t into a world tha t i s unfamiliar an d pay s fo r th e lawyer' s insigh t abou t the judge o r abou t lega l strategy . Th e clien t i s disabuse d o f naive belie f that th e law is an idealized too l for correctin g injustice . " A major profes sional functio n therefor e i s to attemp t t o limi t clients ' expectation s t o realistic levels/' 84 However usefu l thi s insigh t abou t wha t lawyer s d o t o clients, it doe s not stra y fa r fro m th e traditiona l insight s o f realism, an d like realis m i n th e la w schools , i t leave s the structure s o f professiona l power intact . Th e cynicis m o f realis m doe s not , a s Felstiner an d Sara t would hav e u s believe , "chi p awa y a t th e lega l facade, " i t is the lega l facade.85 Thoug h w e migh t becom e a little cynica l i n learnin g ho w w e are treated b y lega l practitioners , w e lear n nothin g t o rattle th e struc tures o f legal power, especiall y i f we simply adop t th e realist fram e sug gesting tha t justice is not reall y relevant t o legal practice. Both o f the movement s i n th e la w schools , a s well a s this additiona l example fro m anothe r par t o f th e lega l academy , dra w attentio n awa y from th e mundan e practice s whereb y lawyer s wiel d powe r tha t citizen s do not have : the powe r t o kno w whe n an d wher e th e judge wil l b e sit ting; the nature of the calendar; who controls the docket ; and the paper s that nee d t o b e filed. Th e realism her e is a professional an d institutiona l one. It is hard to see with a traditional conceptio n o f the legal system. To fully understan d it s dynami c w e need t o go beyond th e critiqu e o f legal form an d sho w ho w realis t jurisprudence perpetuate s hierarchies . Ulti mately, th e powe r i n la w an d th e lega l professio n i s wielded i n opposi tion t o th e expectation s w e hav e receive d fro m th e past . Wher e lega l

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

mystery an d reverenc e onc e hel d th e scepte r aloft , no w cando r an d irreverence d o the job. Text s woul d als o mak e la w accessibl e t o man y more people , especiall y wher e th e tex t i s relatively simple , a s with th e American Constitution . According t o Gary Pelle r and other s identified wit h CLS , the law/poli tics dichotom y o f contemporar y realis m ha s impoverishe d th e concep tion o f politics becaus e "[i]t reduces th e conceptio n o f politics fro m th e wide notio n o f struggl e ove r th e exercise s o f contingent socia l powe r t o the narro w conceptio n o f how t o adap t t o th e limite d possibilitie s pre sented b y th e functiona l necessitie s o f socia l life/' 86 Thi s concer n i s focused o n th e shif t fro m formalis m i n genera l an d th e libert y o f con tract formulation s i n particular, t o realism as it developed fro m it s initia l more radical assertio n i n th e 1930 s to it s "domesticated " incorporatio n into mainstrea m lega l discourse . The shift , whic h domesticate d realis m presents a s radical, Pelle r see s as perpetuating th e "organizatio n o f con ceptual spac e whic h too k individua l subject s a s the ultimat e sourc e o f social relations/' 87 Where "th e centra l representational dichotom y i n th e liberty o f contract discours e was the public/private distinction, " accord ing t o Peller , "Realis m relie d o n simila r spatia l metaphors." 88 Thes e included distinction s betwee n word s an d things , right s an d remedies , the i s and th e ought , an d fact s an d values . I n th e oppositio n betwee n formalism an d instrumentalism , realis m i n jurisprudence perpetuate s the metaphysic s o f liberalism an d constitute s lega l powe r aroun d thos e relationships. Like divisions betwee n though t an d experience , for m an d substance, o r reaso n an d will , th e distinctio n betwee n la w an d politic s perpetuates lega l authority ove r the rules of the game and limit s politic s to the margins and th e surfaces. 89 These division s are most prominent i n the la w and economic s movement , whic h i n fac t moves , i n som e sense , partway bac k t o the libert y o f contract formulation . Th e positivist divi sions are also evident i n judicial behavioris m i n politica l scienc e an d i n the socia l research o n alternativ e disput e resolution. 90 No t surprisingly , they ar e also evident i n th e critica l school . We can conclud e b y explor ing the critiques leveled a t that schoo l b y minorit y faculty . Minority politic s in the legal academy ha s focused attentio n o n strug gles to diversify la w school faculties an d a t the same time has introduce d a new for m o f legal discourse that i s neither forma l no r realist . The mos t prominent exampl e o f both effort s i s Derrick Bell , whose protests bega n this discussion . H e begins his boo k And We Are Not Saved with a quot e from th e Bible : "Th e harves t i s past, th e summe r i s ended, an d w e ar e

73

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

74

not saved " (Jeremia h 8:2o). 91 Th e boo k wa s a reaction t o wha t th e U.S. Supreme Cour t ha d don e an d th e perception s o f equality tha t bot h sup port th e Court' s decision s an d affir m a n intention t o chang e littl e in th e practice o f race relations . "Today , whil e al l manner o f civi l right s law s and precedent s ar e i n place , th e protectio n the y provid e i s dilute d b y lax enforcement , b y th e establishmen t o f difficult-to-mee t standard s o f proof, an d wors t o f all, b y th e increasin g irrelevanc e o f antidiscrimina tion law s to race-relate d disadvantages , no w a s likely t o b e a result a s much o f social class as of color." 92 Fo r Kimberle Crenshaw , a n influentia l critical rac e theorist , a t leas t par t o f th e effor t mus t b e t o sho w a ne w way to present law: "Through th e allegory, we can discuss legal doctrin e in a way tha t doe s no t replicat e th e abstraction s o f lega l discourse." 93 Very earl y i n Bell' s book, h e turns t o faculty meeting s an d conference s as par t o f th e worl d o f law . I n thi s context , Howar d La w Schoo l an d Charles Houston ar e recognized fo r thei r contributio n t o the civi l right s movement, th e predecesso r t o critica l rac e theory. Thi s i s followed b y a series of allegorical "Chronicles. " The first, "Th e Chronicle of the Constitutional Contradictio n (Th e Real Status of Blacks Today)," focuses o n th e way law has been boun d u p with oppression , fro m "th e sanction o f slavery i n th e Constitution " t o th e ide a tha t "'republican ' equalit y i n Vir ginia rested o n slavery." 94 All throug h th e Chronicles , Bel l th e lawye r i s speakin g t o Bel l th e African American . In "Th e Chronicle of the Celestia l Curia (The Benefit s to Whites of Civil Rights Litigation)," the issue is the capacity o f law and litigation to achieve meaningful refor m fo r th e victim s of racial and eco nomic inequality . Bel l parodies presume d progressiv e development s i n the la w a s emanating fro m conservative s wh o woul d sti r th e disinher ited t o revolt . Withi n th e communit y o f civi l right s lawyers , a hege monic libera l positio n i s shown i n th e cas e o f Lewi s M . Stee l from lat e 1960s. Stee l wa s a n NAAC P staf f attorne y wh o criticize d th e Suprem e Court's decision s whil e Ear l Warren wa s Chie f Justice . H e argued tha t the decision s benefite d th e whit e rathe r tha n th e blac k community. 95 Steel was fired b y the national boar d th e da y after th e article appeared . Bell also argues that anythin g shor t o f quotas draw s energy away fro m fundamental socia l change . Thus, schoo l desegregatio n throug h racia l balance i s describe d i n "Th e Chronicl e o f the Sacrifice d Blac k School children (Neithe r Separat e Schools nor Mixe d Schools) " as a distraction . In Bell' s work, th e powe r o f la w t o mystif y throug h it s abstraction s i s addressed by the allegorical form. Minority scholars present an alternativ e

PROFESSIONS O F REALIS M

jurisprudential for m featurin g a focus o n the institutional seat s of power and a challenge to the way law has been writte n i n those places. The qualities eviden t i n th e practice s o f realism and minorit y politic s in th e lega l academ y ar e th e ke y t o th e contemporar y pictur e o f th e powerlessness o f law. Peter Fitzpatric k ha s linked positivis m t o what h e calls the "libera l cosmology/ ' whic h provide s " a particular protectio n o f law's innocence/' 96 H e show s ho w th e separatio n o f law fro m materia l life distract s u s fro m th e responsibilit y o f la w fo r th e constitutio n o f social relations and ultimatel y fo r muc h of material life. Realism, with it s denial of law's power, i s a paradoxical pictur e o f law for thos e wh o hav e so much power—th e judges , th e lega l academics , an d a t leas t t o som e extent the practicing attorneys . It is certainly a t odds with the picture of law I have describe d i n th e ga y community , a threatened an d relativel y powerless community tha t sough t protection fro m majorit y hysteri a sur rounding AIDS . Th e powerlessnes s o f la w leave s th e lega l communit y without responsibility . Thi s positio n make s i t naiv e t o as k muc h o f th e law, an d analogousl y i t become s unthinkabl e t o as k wh o th e lawyers , legal academics, and judges are . An approac h sometime s calle d "relational " embed s lega l though t i n human relation s and socia l institutions. Alan Hunt's interest i s much th e same as I have been pursuing here. 97 He makes an effort t o transcend th e limitations o f a liberal framework i n order t o liberate scholarshi p o n law from th e inabilit y t o look criticall y a t it s socia l foundations . Thi s atten tion to social relations is emphasized her e as a basis for movin g fro m th e realist perspectiv e t o a constitutive pictur e o f law. The separation o f law from it s literature an d it s cultur e throug h immersio n i n it s institution s makes i t impossibl e t o se e th e institution s themselves . Th e commo n sense political view b y which w e have come to accept this cultural sepa ration is an outgrowth o f realism. This function o f what we take to be an ordinary commo n sens e perspectiv e s o permeates scholarshi p tha t th e critique o f positivism i n th e academ y lead s to the cal l for a constitutiv e theory o f law. Such a theory i s necessary t o understand th e par t realis m plays in maintaining th e institutions o f law.

75

Remedial La w The Ideolog y o f Informalis m

A

Chapter4

It i s time t o explor e new way s t o dea l wit h such famil y problem s as marriage, chil d custody an d adoption s outside th e formalit y and potentiall y traumatic atmospher e of courts . —Chief Justic e Warren E . Burger , "Agenda for 2000 A.D."

desire fo r peace , fo r concilia tion—a remedia l urge—thi s i s the socia l consequenc e o f informal ism, th e "alternative " t o law that ha s been suc h a preoccupatio n aroun d the lega l professio n sinc e i t surface d in th e 1970s . For th e las t twenty-fiv e years, th e remedia l orientation , a s informalism, spawne d a new profes sion wit h associations , conferences , and careers . Groups suc h a s the Soci ety fo r Professional s i n Disput e Resolution (SPIDR ) an d th e Nationa l Conference on Peacemaking and Confl ict Resolution offered th e opportunit y for growt h i n a professional directio n following th e activis m o f th e 1960s . Informalists buil t centers , lik e th e National Institute for Disput e Resolution (NIDR ) i n Washington , D.C. , where the y dre w million s o f dollar s from foundation s suc h a s Ford , Aetna, an d Hewlett . From these institutions the y wen t fort h t o prosely tize. Unlik e activist s i n th e previou s decades, informalist s i n th e 1980 s were closel y linke d t o institutions — churches, courts , foundations , an d the lega l profession—an d i n thi s sense informalis m ha s bee n a move ment in law. As a lega l practice , informalis m 77

REMEDIAL LA W

78

has mad e dispute s it s business . Jus t a s the practic e o f medicin e claim s illness, informalist s wor k t o hea l conflict . Fro m withi n th e movement , the remedia l urg e i s no t a politica l deman d o r a visio n o f socia l processes, bu t rathe r th e discover y o f somethin g latent , a fact o f life . The "proces s of disputing"—the natura l and seemingl y inevitabl e erup tions i n th e socia l fabric—preoccupies thes e mediators . This perceptio n of dispute s a s a n elementa l for m o f socia l lif e present s the m a s inevitable. 1 Conflic t an d th e urg e t o resolv e i t ar e conceptualize d b y informalists a s prehistoric. Accordin g t o practitioner s o f th e remedia l arts, me n an d wome n hav e dispute d fro m th e biblica l Cai n and Abe l t o contemporary Israe l an d Palestine . Natur e become s a n all y agains t th e inevitable counterargument s tha t lin k dispute s t o professional interest s and a particula r configuratio n i n socia l history . Workin g unde r th e shadow o f a biblical tradition , a s well a s a legal one , th e peacemakers , according t o this movement, wil l inherit th e earth . Informalism, o r alternativ e disput e resolutio n (ADR) , i s a movemen t constructed b y me n an d wome n followin g thei r sens e o f what need s t o be done . The constructio n o f disputes , o r the dispute s paradigm , serve s the remedia l urg e an d i s neither particularl y natura l no r inevitable , bu t the participant s prefe r t o hide thei r role s i n nature . The shynes s abou t agency see n i n th e lega l academy an d attribute d t o realism i s also char acteristic o f informalists operatin g fro m remedia l premise s i n law . Law offers a cover fo r politics , an d informalis m make s us e o f thi s cove r i n various ways . Unlik e som e politica l movements , wher e gettin g credi t and publicit y ar e expected aspect s o f the politica l process , informalis m would prefe r no t t o b e see n a s a movemen t a t all . A s th e inevitabl e response to natural phenomen a rathe r tha n a political process , informal ists mas k th e representatio n o f interests. Bu t informalism i s more accu rately associated with politics than nature. From the outside, informalis m as a movement ma y indeed appea r to be an industry . Informalists operatin g unde r th e remedial impulse needed dispute s t o work on—tha t is , there ha d t o b e dispute s befor e ther e coul d b e reme dies. Informalists no t onl y found peopl e in conflict , the y als o develope d a framework i n socia l scienc e tha t make s disputin g central . Accordin g to scholars in the sociology o f law, this framework cam e from anthropol ogy an d conflic t theory . Th e anthropologist s buil t o n th e wor k o f Ma x Gluckman, P . H. Gulliver , an d Kar l Llewelly n an d Edwar d Hoebel. 2 These scholar s applie d th e principle s o f America n jurisprudenc e t o other societies , which the y calle d primitive . They als o develope d a case

REMEDIAL LA W

approach lik e th e on e America n la w school s ha d institute d fift y year s before. Rathe r tha n reflectin g th e bod y o f preceden t associate d wit h English law, cases were viewed a s the conventional response of ordinar y people dealin g wit h inevitabl e socia l problems. In conflict theor y begin ning i n the 1960s , scholars incorporated th e practices o f arbitration int o a mor e intellectuall y sophisticate d pictur e o f socia l processes . Fo r instance, i n the wor k o f Wilhelm Aubert , a n importan t earl y sociologis t of law, conflic t becam e a building bloc k fo r a new theor y o f socia l con trol incorporatin g th e perceptio n tha t dispute s ar e natural. 3 With thes e academic tool s providin g th e basi s fo r a n energeti c scholarship , th e informalist movemen t coul d buil d it s empire. Informalism wa s not withou t it s critics, wh o emerge d a t th e height o f the movement' s activity . Som e of this critica l wor k helpe d t o highligh t informalism a s politics. British scholar Maureen Cain and Hungarian con stitutional lawye r Kalma n Kulcsar published a n influential articl e durin g the academi c frenz y ove r dispute s i n th e earl y 1980s . The article , title d "Thinking Disputes : An Essa y o n the Origin s o f the Disput e Industry, " was a response t o sudde n growt h o f informalism an d th e prominenc e o f the remedial urge. 4 Cain and Kulcsa r argue d tha t th e assumptions o f academics, when institute d i n a movement practice , constitut e an ideology. 5 They elaborate d th e ideolog y o f the informalis t movemen t a s a way o f calling attentio n t o its politics an d t o associate it s ideas wit h it s practi tioners. The ideology o f informalism, i n their view , include s a belief i n universality, whereb y dispute s ar e everywher e i n huma n society ; functionalism, whereb y dispute s an d thei r remedie s serv e a s vita l part s o f society;6 and settlement practices, where the critique of courts leads infor malists to new institutions. 7 Universality , functionalism , an d settlemen t practices ar e som e share d characteristic s o f the orientatio n t o dispute s that allo w u s t o identif y th e movement. 8 Th e practitioner s migh t acknowledge thes e characteristic s o f informalism a t th e sam e time tha t they would den y the movement nature of their activity. 9 Remedy, a s the socia l manifestatio n o f informalism, supplant s socia l practices traditionally associate d with disputes , such as law. Informalist s present remed y a s a righteou s crusad e an d a trum p t o othe r form s derived fro m law , like the autonomou s expectation s associate d wit h th e claim o f right . I n th e worl d o f labo r negotiation , wher e informalis m flourishes a s arbitration, disput e resolutio n processe s ar e availabl e a s alternatives t o strike s an d labo r violence . Informalists offe r remed y a s a higher socia l practice than th e fights an d right s of the litigation process .

79

REMEDIAL LA W

80

Viewed withi n th e movement' s ideologica l form , thi s seem s attractiv e enough. Bu t in the contex t o f politics, problem s hav e arisen. Fo r exam ple, i n th e pas t decad e Africa n American s hav e challenged feminist s o n the "myt h o f the Blac k rapist/' whic h place s Africa n America n me n a t the forefront o f the problem of violence against women. 10 The informalis t response to issues of race and rape tends to be remedial, that is, that suc h issues are subject t o settlement rathe r tha n th e basi s for call s for justice. In fact , th e clas h betwee n informalis t ideolog y an d contemporar y con cern for domesti c violenc e ha s led to changes in the articulate d practic e in places where the ideology o f mediation doe s not see m appropriate. For instance, battere d wome n are discouraged fro m usin g mediation . When informalis m sit s in th e plac e traditionall y lef t fo r la w i n theo ries of public authority w e say of this socia l practice that i t constitutes a community i n law . The for m differ s fro m th e righ t asserte d b y gay s i n the controvers y ove r th e bath s i n Sa n Francisco , an d fro m th e rag e against pornograph y t o b e discusse d i n th e nex t chapter . Becaus e infor malism i s so close to la w i n a professional an d institutiona l sense , i t i s more aki n t o realis m i n th e la w schools . Som e o f th e feature s o f law' s magisterium, lik e the rob e an d th e gavel , ar e clearl y jettisoned i n favo r of th e urg e t o resolve rathe r tha n judge. Bu t the lawye r an d hi s o r he r professional form s ar e ver y muc h i n evidence . Alon g wit h th e profes sional orientatio n o f the participants , man y o f whom ar e lawyers, ther e is also the way the movement depict s itself as standing agains t the paga n masses.11 This key featur e o f modern lega l ideology, describe d b y Pete r Goodrich a s "institutional/ ' mean s tha t "th e professio n als o stand s between justice, 'lad y and quee n o f all moral virtues', and barbarism." 12 The architectur e o f many o f our la w building s testifie s t o the centralit y of those images—Greek temple s house our most important courts . In th e case o f family disputes , informalis m become s institutionalize d a s alter native disput e resolutio n an d mediation . Program s fro m cour t diversio n to institutiona l grievanc e procedure s ar e advanced b y member s o f th e legal profession, cour t administrators , an d attorney s i n private practice . As a form o f conflict management , informalis m occupie s in history th e soil tille d b y th e progressiv e revol t agains t forma l processe s i n th e courts. I n th e earl y twentiet h century , lega l activist s an d reformer s articulated a range o f alternatives t o the inherite d lega l process , ofte n called formalism. Rosco e Pound, in his 190 6 speech "Popula r Dissatisfac tion with the Administration o f Justice," 13 expressed a desire for greate r efficiency an d acces s from whic h informalis m gre w as a movement advo -

REMEDIAL LA W

eating ne w methods . Th e informalist s depicte d lega l actor s an d thei r processes i n a highl y critica l fashion . Th e ol d form , th e groun d tha t launches informalism , i s epitomized b y embattle d court s an d battlin g lawyers with thei r ow n institutional interest s in th e forefront. Thus , th e legal shar k an d th e cour t bureaucrac y becom e a foil fo r remedia l inter ests, an d th e oppositio n agains t whic h informalist s propos e t o mak e their contribution . Lik e realism , informalis m i s associate d wit h la w schools and , lik e realism , i t operate s fro m denia l o f a traditional lega l form. I n th e process , conflic t resolutio n ha s becom e a central aspec t o f law an d ha s com e t o represen t remedia l practices . Thus , remed y an d informalism, mediation , conflic t resolution , dispute s processing , an d ADR, alon g wit h delegalization , hav e enough i n commo n t o constitut e a movement whe n looke d a t from th e perspective o f law and la w reform. 14 My ai m her e i s t o highligh t th e exten t t o whic h th e movemen t depends o n a distinctive form . Informalis m put s fort h settlemen t a s th e overriding concern . I t i s far better , i n thi s framework , fo r mothe r an d daughter, Egyp t and Israel , even the tobacco industry an d the America n Cancer Society, to "settle " than t o fight fo r a right. The movement ideol ogy i s remedial becaus e o f thi s commitmen t t o reachin g a resolution ; "getting t o yes " is elevated t o a matter o f principle. 15 The Hol y Grai l of agreement become s an article of faith i n the movement .

Law Reform a s Form o f La w The remedial orientation manifeste d a s informalism constitute s a form of law in a number o f senses . Practitioners plac e the importanc e o f a remedy i n oppositio n t o the lega l process. They firs t characteriz e th e la w i n formal terms , muc h a s th e realist s hav e done . The y depic t thei r ow n activity i n oppositio n a s informalism. I n th e guis e o f institutional prac tices like "mediation, " informalis m claim s to b e different fro m th e tradi tional lega l process. Mediators disavo w procedura l rule s an d sometime s even theorie s o f practice. 16 O n the surfac e the y affec t a militant casual ness in dres s (shorts , gol f shirts , eve n Birkenstock s i n certai n contexts ) and styl e o f speech . I n th e case of Howard Bellman , a regulatory nego tiator charge d wit h bringin g industr y an d environmentalist s togethe r on the matte r o f a federal nuclea r wast e dump , th e form o f presentatio n is illustrative. During negotiation s i n 199 0 he offered th e following sum mation: " I thin k th e forma l proces s i s goin g t o expir e eithe r i n a fe w hours o r afte r thi s nex t meeting . Th e informa l proces s wa s goin g o n a

81

REMEDIAL LA W

82

hell of a long time before w e started an d i s going to continue, I presume, for decades , a s a matter o f fact/' 17 Thi s casua l styl e assert s th e opposi tion o f informa l an d forma l an d suggest s a n alternativ e t o traditiona l professional practice . Informalism i s grounded i n an assessment o f law b y lawyers . Lawyer s may not have been the first t o think o f elevating the importance of remedies, althoug h ther e ar e a number o f instances, suc h a s plea bargainin g and settlemen t conferences , wher e remed y i s the operativ e featur e o f law. Lawyer s hav e appropriate d informalis m t o becom e it s primar y benefactors an d som e of its foremost advocates . Bu t lawyers lik e forme r Chief Justic e Warren Burge r brough t i t t o the courts . Lawyer s lik e Joe l Handler sol d it to the foundations. An d lawyers like Janet Rifkin mak e it more acceptable to the public. Burger was an early proponent o f ADR , a s will b e noted below . Handler, wh o teaches a t th e UCL A La w Schoo l an d was presiden t o f the La w and Societ y Associatio n 1991-93 , consulte d with th e For d Foundatio n i n th e earl y 1970 s when i t helpe d t o se t u p NIDR. Rifkin , professo r o f legal studie s a t th e Universit y o f Massachu setts, Amherst , ha s hel d a number o f advocac y position s i n th e Ameri can Ba r Association an d participate d activel y i n th e disput e resolutio n community. In addition, the prominence of legal authority i n some disciplines, suc h a s academic socia l scienc e relatin g t o law, leads man y wh o have only a passing association wit h the profession t o embrace informal ism as one of its current techniques . This, of course, appears paradoxical becaus e the ideology of informal ism is base d o n a critique o f traditional lega l forms . Lawyer s inevitabl y bring th e movemen t clos e t o th e stat e apparatu s eve n whil e informa l procedures an d remedia l interest s esche w th e state' s traditiona l forms . Remedial practice , informalism , an d th e alternative s movemen t see k t o build a community aroun d th e absenc e o f bot h rag e an d right . Yet, as a movement practice, remedy is closely associated wit h institution s o f law. As a legal form , informalis m i s linke d t o realis m an d movement s lik e critical lega l studie s (CLS) . Thus, informa l alternative s t o la w ar e intri cately connecte d t o courts , th e bar , an d th e la w schools . Th e for m appears i n a variety o f settings , fro m plea-bargainin g t o famil y media tion, an d participant s tak e prid e i n thei r orientatio n t o procedura l rather tha n substantiv e issues . Christine B. Harrington's work on mediation and informal justice show s the movemen t characte r o f informalis m an d ho w i t i s roote d i n la w reform.18 Sh e draws parallel s wit h th e progressiv e reform s advocate d i n

REMEDIAL LA W

the firs t fe w decade s o f th e twentiet h century . Thos e movement s wer e associated, throug h Dea n Pound , wit h sociologica l jurisprudence , a n approach to law grounded in positivism and linked to legal realism.19 Sociological jurisprudence, whic h alon g wit h lega l realism is the intellectua l precursor t o la w an d society , dre w o n th e ne w Germa n socia l scienc e becoming popula r i n the academ y durin g th e firs t quarte r o f the twenti eth century. In public administration, th e progressive reformers reclaime d government fo r th e middle classe s with scienc e and research . In address ing th e courts , th e progressive s advocate d "'business-like ' manage ment/' 20 whic h the y claime d woul d defus e publi c criticis m o f the law . This links informalism wit h reform i n the tradition o f the liberal state. The progressive perio d i n legal reform wa s driven b y a framework fo r public authorit y aptl y characterize d a s the "Corporat e Ideal. " In a boo k carrying thi s title, James Weinstein offer s tw o theses that run counte r t o prevailing opinio n abou t th e role the stat e plays in the interest s o f busi ness.21 The first i s that th e libera l stat e had bee n establishe d b y th e en d of World War I. The second i s that th e libera l corporat e socia l order wa s developed b y thos e wit h politica l hegemony , th e corporat e financia l establishment. Th e pressure for chang e may have come from th e bottom , but th e reform s wer e pu t i n plac e b y libera l leaders . The y wer e elit e efforts t o ste m th e tid e o f socialis m an d expan d th e politica l economy . The socia l theory o f this framewor k hold s tha t th e libera l stat e require s federal interventio n an d tha t i t canno t surviv e i n a truly laissez-fair e order. According t o Weinstein, th e ideology o f federal interventio n doe s not captur e th e natur e o f America n liberalism . Rather , liberalis m pro motes the idea that th e stat e is in opposition t o capital . This opposition, lik e that betwee n th e formal an d th e informal , i s one way tha t belief s ca n b e organize d t o maintai n th e dominanc e o f th e given socia l order. Liberalism , then , ha s bee n th e ideolog y o f the domi nant economi c groups sinc e the nineteenth century . I n the day s of Jack sonian democracy , th e thrus t agains t monopol y include d suc h achievements a s free publi c educatio n an d popula r suffrage . I n thi s period "busines s leader s sponsore d institutiona l adjustment s t o thei r needs, and supporte d politica l ideologies that appeale d t o large number s of people o f differen t socia l classe s in orde r t o gain , an d retain , popula r support fo r thei r entrepreneuria l activity." 22 Bu t b y th e en d o f Worl d War I , leader s o f the larg e corporation s an d bank s emerge d secur e i n a "loose hegemony " ove r th e politica l structure . Contro l operate d i n th e name of corporate liberalis m i n the progressiv e er a (1900—1920). In larg e

83

REMEDIAL LA W

84

part becaus e clas s struggle rage d throughou t th e period , man y busines s leaders cam e to believ e tha t cu t throa t capitalis m threatene d socia l sta bility. Thus , th e Nationa l Civi c Federation oppose d socialists , radicals , and middle-clas s reformer s o n th e on e hand , whil e th e libertarian s i n their ow n ranks , th e busines s establishment , organize d a s the Nationa l Association o f Manufacturers. Marcu s Hann a wa s the first presiden t o f the Nationa l Civi c Federation, an d Samue l Gomper s wa s the vic e presi dent fro m it s founding unti l his deat h i n 1924 . Andrew Carnegi e was its biggest contributor . Accordin g t o Weinstein , "i n larg e corporations , such a s United State s Steel, the 'anarchists ' tende d t o be those men wh o came from th e manufacturing en d o f the busines s while the progressive s were thos e wh o represente d th e ban k o r wer e second-generatio n man agers/' 23 Bu t whe n the y wer e "unabl e t o establis h hegemon y ove r th e business communit y o n th e basi s o f it s trad e unio n policies , Federa l leaders turne d t o welfare a s an are a o f work tha t woul d appea l particu larly to anti-union employers." 24 One o f th e specifi c reform s brough t b y corporat e liberalis m wa s workmen's compensation . Th e reaction t o entrepreneuria l gree d serve d those wh o woul d stabiliz e th e economy . I n term s o f injuries t o workers , the industria l syste m too k a sever e toll . I n U.S . Steel's Sout h Chicag o plant, 4 6 me n wer e kille d an d 59 8 injured i n 1906 . In th e earl y nine teenth century , recours e t o damage s wa s throug h th e court s an d wa s based o n law s (e.g., the fello w servan t rule , th e assumptio n o f risk, an d contributory negligence ) that kep t recover y lo w an d mad e it difficul t t o establish responsibilit y fo r workin g conditions . Labo r attacke d thes e defenses an d di d no t generall y suppor t workmen' s compensation . Th e amounts specifie d i n compensatio n law s were suspect , an d mos t union s opposed governmen t regulatio n o n the theory that government wa s controlled b y business . Workmen's compensation , the y thought , migh t als o reduce loyalty t o the unions . At the same time, a mounting attac k o n courts was being thwarted b y industrialists. On e aspec t o f labor' s ne w loo k a t politic s fro m 190 5 t o 1908 was a fear tha t increasin g us e o f cour t injunction s agains t labo r would mov e the America n Federatio n o f Labor (AFL ) to politica l actio n to limit the judiciary. S o when Carnegi e contributed t o labor's legal fun d in an important cas e as part of his work with the NCF , h e warned tha t h e would no t giv e "th e slightes t countenanc e t o attack s o n th e Suprem e Court." 25 Bu t fo r labo r reformer s th e court s wer e th e enemy . Fo r instance, i n 191 1 the Ne w York Cour t o f Appeal s hel d i n Ives v . South

REMEDIAL LA W

Buffalo Railroad Co. tha t th e "conservative " compensatio n ac t o f Ne w York (relying o n privat e insurance ) wa s unconstitutional. I n Ne w York, an amendment backe d b y Theodore Roosevel t wa s passed t o reverse th e Ives decision . A s Presiden t Roosevel t ofte n tol d bi g business , socia l reform wa s truly conservative . B y 192 0 every stat e bu t si x i n the Sout h had workmen's compensation an d the federal governmen t ha d a program for civi l employees. Another are a o f earl y refor m wa s i n th e cit y commissio n an d cit y manager movements , wher e th e byword s wer e "efficiency " an d "reduced costs. " Locally , t o rationaliz e governmen t an d mak e a cit y more attractiv e mean t mor e business . Unde r th e banne r o f busines s management an d socia l science , smal l businesspeopl e create d th e com mission an d counci l manage r for m o f government . Busines s wa s con nected t o the nee d fo r paving , harbors , th e election s system , an d water , fire, an d sewe r services . Th e resul t wa s ofte n businesspeopl e a t th e helm. Th e cit y manage r for m wa s oppose d b y th e norther n politica l machines, socialists, and trade unionists. The plans eliminated war d rep resentation, an d henc e minorities ; concentrate d power , makin g i t har d to mobilize opposition ; an d eliminate d th e partisa n ballo t concentratin g on a politics of personality. "Efficiency " an d "reduce d costs " ushered i n new form s o f government. 27 Reform struggle d alon g i n othe r arena s o f the industria l fron t fro m 1913 to 1915 . These included th e United State s Commission on Industria l Relations. The commission wa s formed unde r Presiden t William Howar d Taft followin g violenc e a t th e Los Angeles Times, a n open-sho p paper . The idea o f an industrial relations commissio n wa s supported b y promi nent reformer s suc h a s Lincol n Steffens . Presiden t Woodro w Wilso n continued t o link th e academ y t o refor m wit h th e appointmen t o f suc h important member s a s Fran k Wals h a s chai r an d Joh n R . Commons , author o f The Legal Foundations of Capitalism, a s researcher. Walsh , a radical socia l justice advocate , believe d i n publicit y abou t th e condi tions unde r whic h labo r worked . H e looke d int o th e activitie s o f Col orado Fue l an d Iro n an d th e rol e o f Joh n D . Rockefeller i n controllin g Standard Oi l a s well a s producing th e Ludlo w massacre . Thes e move ments durin g th e mos t contentiou s year s i n th e struggl e betwee n labo r and capita l revea l a relationship betwee n economi c an d politica l power . This is the relationship tha t produce s refor m i n the spiri t o f democracy . In the end , th e mor e radical alternatives presente d th e greates t threa t to the legac y o f the Nationa l Civi c Federation reformers . Thei r "politic s

85

REMEDIAL LA W

86

of socia l responsibility" wa s a basis for th e emergin g corporat e system . Their reform s cloude d clas s identification durin g a period whe n social ists suc h a s Victor Berge r wer e electe d t o Congres s an d seventy-thre e cities elected socialis t mayors . Supported b y liberal busines s leaders an d reformers lik e Jan e Addams , th e federation' s Industria l Economi c Department investigate d th e menac e o f socialism . Th e reactio n linke d the "informal " wit h th e hars h an d final, a s economist Scot t Nearing wa s fired fro m th e Universit y o f Pennsylvani a i n 1915 . Though i t faile d t o destroy th e socialis t movement , Nationa l Civi c Federatio n activit y se t limits. B y movin g t o th e lef t i t absorbe d som e o f th e socia l issue s o n which socialis t strateg y wa s based . By analyzing th e constraint s o f lega l for m i n th e informalis t move ment, w e dra w ou t th e tensio n i n critica l realism—tha t is , we se e th e underside an d implication s fo r a movement i n la w eve n i n th e word s i t uses. Gran t McConnel l sa w a numbe r o f paradoxe s i n progressivism . Although linke d t o rural populism , progressivis m wa s an urba n move ment. Althoug h speakin g fo r th e masses , i t wa s hostil e t o organize d labor. For McConnell this same tension wa s characterized i n the progressive movement's paradoxica l suppor t fo r privat e powe r throug h it s cri tique o f itself. 28 Thi s analysi s o f progressiv e interest s an d ideologie s rests o n a view o f la w tha t i s quit e complementar y t o th e on e offere d here. Th e la w doe s no t no r ca n i t simpl y "contain " privat e interests ; rather, i t must b e understood a s constituting thos e interests. Only at thi s depth o f analysis can we hope to understand th e way law and legal institutions determin e politics . Progressives gave a great dea l of attention t o arbitration processe s an d "voluntary tribunals, " suc h a s the Chambe r o f Commerce Committe e o n Arbitration o f the State of New York, which wer e developed b y busines s leaders durin g th e progressive period a s mechanisms to cut dow n o n th e rate o f litigation. 29 Throug h suc h vehicle s a s th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Ba r Association's Committe e o n Preventio n o f Unnecessar y Litigatio n (formed i n 1916) , a somewha t les s matur e ba r playe d a majo r rol e i n developing thi s alternativ e framework . Althoug h thes e ideologie s per sist, an d barel y see m to hav e age d afte r hal f a century, group s suc h a s the American Ba r Association hav e changed a great dea l with the growt h of a national syste m of law. Many o f the reform s institute d i n thi s perio d wer e attempt s b y th e self-defined "better " classe s to transform th e values and limi t the powe r of the immigrant s wh o ha d com e to dominat e th e urba n landscape. 30 I n

REMEDIAL LA W

her analysi s o f thi s phenomenon , Harringto n cite s comment s t o th e Committee o n Smal l Claims and Conciliatio n b y Reginal d Hebe r Smith , who "haile d smal l claim s court s a s socializatio n agent s wort h mor e t o the caus e o f Americanizatio n tha n an y amoun t o f talk/' 31 Lowe r cost s and expande d acces s woul d perfor m th e socializatio n functio n al l th e more comprehensivel y and , mos t importantly—i n th e argo t o f th e time—more efficiently . Althoug h th e movemen t expresse d a n affectio n for th e "les s formal/' i t wa s also highly "professional, " th e ne w cod e fo r gentry control . In anothe r "progressive " movement , th e on e to eliminat e la y o r non professional judges , th e consequence s o f bourgeoi s refor m durin g thi s period ar e evident . La y judge s ar e remnant s o f a n earlie r an d mor e democratic populis m tha t ha s becom e inconsisten t wit h professiona l interests as these interests hav e been articulate d b y the organize d ba r i n the twentiet h century. 32 Ther e i s a widespread presumptio n tha t non lawyers, like laypeople, ar e incapable o f adhering t o legal rules an d ren dering judgment. Whil e ther e hav e alway s bee n nonlawye r judge s i n America, the challenges to their suitabilit y hav e been fairly recent . Earl y attempts t o limi t thi s popula r an d essentiall y les s formal institutio n o f the stat e relie d o n th e requiremen t i n som e stat e constitution s tha t judges b e "learne d i n th e law. " The common-la w principle , however , was that n o learnin g wa s needed. I n th e 1960s , the ol d "learne d i n th e law" expectatio n fo r judicial competenc e bega n t o b e couche d i n term s of constitutiona l du e proces s protection , bu t mos t court s turne d dow n claims that nonlawye r judges coul d no t constitutionall y instruc t juries , act in nuisance prosecutions, conduc t preliminar y exam s in felony cases , or carr y ou t othe r dutie s typica l o f misdemeanor judges. The Suprem e Court accepte d nonlawye r judges i n Cohort v. Kentucky, a case involvin g a conviction befor e a lay judges. Contemporary academic s hav e infused remedia l practice s wit h form s of law that reflec t som e of the reformis t tendencie s reviewe d i n th e pre vious chapte r i n conjunctio n wit h realis m i n la w schools . Like realism , remedial practice s ar e nurtured b y liberal s an d conservative s alike . We see this i n Mar k Kelman' s book , A Guide to Critical Legal Studies, an d i n Richard Posner' s economi c analysis. 33 The interes t i n informalism , i n a practical sense , comes out o f the sam e epistemological critiqu e tha t lie s at th e hear t o f lega l realism . Thu s i t i s linked t o th e neorealis m o f CL S and t o la w an d economics . Th e latter , wit h a mor e coheren t method , shares the critiqu e o f practice wit h th e AD R movement . Som e of this w e

87

REMEDIAL LA W

88

can se e in Posner's effort t o look more closely at the interpretivist move ment i n law . But law and economics , rathe r tha n bein g immerse d i n th e epistemological controversies , create s a n alternativ e normativ e scheme , an economic formalism tha t ultimatel y ha s little connection t o ADR . The descriptio n o f mainstream lega l thought b y CL S scholars contain s the remedial notio n o f the stat e as intervenor, whic h i s central to libera l ideology. Accordin g t o Kelman , thi s bod y o f thought i s simultaneousl y beset b y internal contradiction s an d "repressio n o f the presence of these contradictions." 34 These contradiction s appea r agai n a t th e hear t o f th e ADR movement . I n generall y unselfconsciou s ways , remedia l practice s attempt t o resolve the contradiction s identifie d b y CL S scholars and oth ers i n th e las t twent y years . Th e thre e centra l contradiction s ar e between (i ) " a commitmen t t o mechanicall y applicabl e rule s a s th e appropriate for m fo r resolvin g dispute s . . . and a commitment t o situa tion-sensitive, a d ho c standards" ; (2 ) "a commitmen t t o th e traditiona l liberal notion that value s or desires are arbitrary, subjective , individual , and individuatin g . . . and a commitment to the ideal that w e can 'know ' social an d ethica l truth s objectively" ; an d (3 ) " a commitmen t t o a n intentionalistic discourse , i n whic h huma n actio n i s seen as the produc t of a self-determinin g individua l will , an d determinis t discourse , i n which th e activit y o f nomina l subject s . . . i s simpl y deeme d th e expected outcom e o f existing structures." 35 The hear t o f contemporar y realism an d th e foundatio n fo r th e AD R movemen t i s the indeterminac y position. Thi s i s a characteristic o f CLS , wher e governanc e b y rule s i s made t o loo k impossibl e becaus e case s requir e huma n interventio n i n the for m o f interpretation. Th e CL S positio n draw s o n moder n concep tions o f languag e an d elevate s practic e an d conventio n ove r th e tradi tional formal exegesis . Similarly, on the need for purposiv e intervention , CLS, drawin g fro m la w an d society , call s attentio n t o th e la w i n actio n and thereb y focuse s o n the law's essentially politica l character . The realist/CL S vie w o f conflic t als o has affinitie s t o ADR . Conflic t i s more natura l tha n order , an d th e fac t tha t failure s o f normativ e orde r may b e embrace d b y lef t an d righ t alik e i s a source o f suppor t fo r th e realist position . Fo r the Crits , "[T]h e idea tha t stat e power i s often exer cised o n behal f o f those wh o captur e influenc e i n battl e certainl y seem s to b e the common wisdom." 36 While Crits profess t o avoid a faith i n plu ralism becaus e o f it s failur e t o recogniz e th e influenc e o f entrenche d interests, the y ar e als o reluctant t o accep t th e framework s o f th e firs t realist perio d whic h focuse d o n captur e o f governin g institution s b y

REMEDIAL LA W

elites. In this avoidance of the determinative , thei r epistemologica l skep ticism make s the m les s radical tha n thei r predecessor s an d muc h mor e like the informalists wh o den y th e role of institutional coercion . The continue d interes t i n gran d theorie s an d th e inevitabl e pul l toward mor e structura l explanation s ultimatel y separat e th e academi c realism o f CL S from th e institutiona l realis m o f ADR . I n th e cas e o f la w and economics , th e marke t orientatio n t o bargainin g i s simila r t o th e operative framewor k drivin g informalism , bu t th e doctrina l payof f fo r law an d economic s goe s i n a differen t directio n fro m th e practica l changes sough t b y th e AD R movement . A s part o f their positio n i n th e academy, Crit s projec t a theoretical cynicis m tha t clashe s wit h th e opti mism o f informalists. Whil e Crit s d o not pu t muc h stoc k i n th e benevo lence that ma y o r may no t b e part o f the rul e o f law, 37 this i s certainly a feature o f informalism . Th e AD R movemen t i s less self-consciou s tha n the law and economic s and CL S movements abou t th e power tha t rest s in even the least formal institutiona l arrangements , ADR' S proponents see m to have trouble recognizing th e mor e ordinary psychologica l conventio n that acknowledge s transference—o f th e sor t commonl y practice d b y mediators—to b e a form o f manipulation . Perhaps th e mos t tellin g featur e o f academi c discussio n o f informal ism i s th e propensit y t o maintai n tha t thi s movemen t i s organize d around a n "alternative " practice. Informalism, i n positing itsel f in opposition t o law , resist s th e incorporatio n o f la w int o th e "alternatives " framework. 38 Wit h regar d t o la w refor m a s a form o f law , however , I have described a number o f respects in which facet s o f law are central t o the mediatio n "alternative." 39 I n th e mid-1980s , a more sophisticate d presentation o f informalis m seem s t o hav e develope d tha t mor e full y acknowledges th e exten t t o whic h th e movemen t i s a part o f th e lega l process. To observe thi s developmen t i n movemen t practice , I turn firs t to the earlies t articulation s o f the informalis t creed , an d the n t o the cri tiques a s they emerge d fro m th e applicatio n o f informal processe s i n th e area of family law .

The Poun d Conference s Three histori c twentieth-centur y speeche s reflec t th e concern s o f th e ADR movemen t an d lin k the m t o th e law : Roscoe Pound' s 190 6 addres s to th e America n Ba r Association (ABA) ; Chie f Justic e Warre n Burger' s speech t o a 197 6 conferenc e tha t sough t t o buil d o n th e concern s

89

REMEDIAL LA W

90

expressed b y Pound; and a speech at the same conference b y Frank E. A. Sander o f Harvard La w School , a n influentia l contributo r t o the ideol ogy o f informalism. Thes e speeches , an d tw o conference s a t which the y were given, for m th e basi s for examinin g wha t m y colleagues have aptl y called "th e productio n o f ideology/' 40 Lik e other phenomen a tha t relat e law's forms t o its socia l life, speeche s i n conferenc e settings , wher e peo ple mee t t o develo p strategie s an d generat e suppor t t o institutionaliz e their position , ar e evidence o f law in society. Pound's speech , "Th e Cause s o f Popula r Dissatisfactio n wit h th e Administrations o f Justice," 41 whic h i s quite famou s i n la w refor m cir cles, wa s give n a t a conferenc e o f th e fledglin g AB A hel d i n St . Paul , Minnesota, i n 1906 , and attende d b y tw o t o three hundre d members. 42 The ABA , forme d i n the late nineteenth century , ha d onl y just reache d a place o f prominence, bu t no t ye t nationa l significance , an d Poun d him self wa s relatively unknown . Bor n in 187 0 on the Nebrask a frontier , b y the tim e o f the conferenc e th e 36-year-ol d Poun d ha d acquire d a Ph.D. in Botan y from th e Universit y o f Nebraska an d studie d la w for a year a t Harvard. H e had taugh t botany , publishin g fiftee n professiona l paper s on the subject , an d als o practiced law , where five of his papers had bee n published, includin g "Th e Decadenc e o f Equity." 43 H e bega n teachin g Roman la w a t th e Universit y o f Nebraska i n 189 5 and wa s dea n o f th e law schoo l fro m 1903 . Historically, bot h th e conferenc e an d it s speake r placed alternative s to the inherited lega l system on the national agenda . Pound's "sociologica l jurisprudence," whic h wa s th e drivin g forc e behind hi s speech, claime d a place for socia l science in the national legal establishment. I t predate d Justic e Loui s Brandeis' s sociologica l brie f i n Muller v. Oregon 44 by two years but wa s basically part of the same movement. Jus t a s Brandeis would lin k academi c scholarshi p t o the record i n a case before th e Supreme Court and b e acknowledged i n the opinion fo r the usefulnes s o f this technique, Poun d i s known fo r havin g expande d the empirica l foundation s fo r understandin g courts . I n thi s h e differ s somewhat fro m late r realist s suc h a s Jerom e Fran k an d Thurma n Arnold, whos e analyti c critiqu e o f process an d theor y ha s more affinit y with som e of the more vocal contemporary manifestation s o f realism. 45 He begins the speec h historicall y i n an attempt t o ground dissatisfac tion i n th e fabri c an d histor y o f Anglo-Saxon law . From it s roots i n th e early contest s ove r roya l sovereignt y i n th e Middl e Age s to democrati c resistance in nineteenth-century America , the various dissatisfaction s t o which Poun d allude s d o indeed depic t th e growt h o f the law . From th e

REMEDIAL LA W

claim o f equa l justice fo r ric h an d poo r t o concer n ove r corruptio n b y judges i n courts , whic h serve d a s a newly institutionalize d Renaissanc e expression o f the technologies o f governance, Poun d depict s dissatisfac tion as an engine for growth . In the United States , especially in the earl y twentieth century , som e o f th e dissatisfactio n wa s a democratic resis tance t o contro l o f court s b y conservativ e interests . Pound' s wor k i s i n part a response t o those forces , which , lik e the refor m orientation s dis cussed earlie r i n thi s chapter , me t redistributiv e demand s wit h institu tional refinements . Pound present s a picture o f th e court s a s overburdene d an d ineffi cient, on e that i s still with u s today. Initially, i t was not simpl y the flood of case s tha t bothere d Pound , bu t rathe r ho w the y wer e handled . According t o Pound, the court syste m in the United State s needed atten tion i n thre e differen t respects : multipl e courts , concurren t jurisdic tions, an d a waste o f judicial manpower . Commentator s not e tha t thi s system o f classificatio n reflecte d hi s botanist' s trainin g an d wa s a styl e Pound woul d emplo y throughou t hi s scholarship. 46 Poun d denounce s the "mechanical " operation s o f the law , foreshadowing th e mechanica l jurisprudence tha t wa s t o becom e suc h a n importan t foi l fo r realism , which suggest s link s rathe r tha n stron g division s betwee n Poun d an d the realists. While th e detail s o f Pound's perspectiv e ge t lost i n history , th e imag e of an overburdened cour t syste m persists. This image of the legal syste m seems t o b e a s enduring a s Alexis d e Tocqueville's dictu m tha t every thing i n Americ a inevitabl y end s u p i n litigation . Poun d spok e i n a language that appear s remarkably fresh : Judicial power may be wasted . . . b y rigid district s or courts or jurisdictions, s o that busines s ma y b e congeste d i n on e cour t whil e judges i n another are idle. Uncertainty, delay and expense, and above all, the injustice of deciding cases upon points of practice—have create d a deep-seated desir e to keep out of court, right or wrong, on the part of every sensible business man in the community. Indeed, th e freshnes s o f Pound' s word s i s as much a function o f th e success of the movement attache d t o this position as it is to the speaker' s ability t o anticipate development s i n th e law . In layin g a foundation fo r the contemporar y "litigatio n crisis " mentality , a s well a s for informal ism, thi s pictur e i s amon g th e mos t compellin g depictin g America n courts. Yet, excep t i n th e broa d sense , i t i s not entirel y clea r ho w la w

91

REMEDIAL LA W

reform an d th e critiqu e o f the administratio n o f justice become s a foun dation fo r th e AD R movement . One of the particularly creativ e parts of Pound's speech condemn s "th e sporting theor y o f justice/' i n which lawyer s tend t o seek privat e advan tage instead o f searching fo r trut h an d justice: "Wit h th e passin g o f th e doctrine that politics, too, is a mere game to be played for its own sake, we may look forward confidentl y t o deliveranc e from th e sportin g theor y o f justice/' Thi s depictio n wa s ultimately embedde d i n realism through th e work of Jerome Frank in Courts on Trial. The depiction of the fight-for-itsown-sake o r empty-contes t aspec t o f th e America n syste m becam e th e basis for informal alternative s suc h as mediation and arbitration .

92

The legacy o f Pound's speec h i s important fo r understandin g th e con temporary AD R movement , includin g it s relatio n t o ideologica l move ments in law like realism and contemporar y critica l perspectives, a s well as its links to reform movement s o f the past. The speech i s still availabl e in pamphle t for m fro m th e America n Judicatur e Societ y o f Chicago , a group tha t trace s it s formation i n 191 3 to the speech . And , accordin g t o John Wigmore , i t wa s "th e spar k tha t kindle d th e whit e flame o f progress."47 Althoug h no t initiall y a s enthusiastically received— a reso lution a t th e conferenc e callin g fo r mas s printin g o f th e speec h wa s defeated—it i s a n ico n o f cour t reform . Wigmore , wh o observe d th e speech, wa s a dea n a t Northwester n Universit y La w School , an d h e brought Poun d t o Evanston , a major ste p i n Pound' s journey fro m th e frontier t o the citade l of legal power . In 1976 , the National Conference o n the Causes of Popular Dissatisfac tion wit h th e Administratio n o f Justice was held a t St . Paul, Minnesota , in the sam e hall where Poun d ha d initiall y spoke n sevent y year s before . The conference , whos e titl e echoe d Pound' s speech , cam e durin g a time when th e bicentennia l o f th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e ha d gener ated a rhetoric o f renewal. The keynote address was given b y then Chie f Justice Burger , wh o applaude d Pound' s effor t "t o brin g rationalit y an d order t o the economi c an d socia l chao s cause d b y th e industria l revolu tion, b y th e subsequen t growt h o f our citie s and b y th e wave s of immigration." 48 The conferenc e sough t t o mobiliz e th e leadershi p o f the ba r and th e judiciary, an d i t i s a key sourc e o f interes t i n th e ideolog y o f informalism. Sponsor s included th e America n Ba r Association, th e Con ference o f Chie f Justices , an d th e Judicia l Conferenc e o f th e Unite d States. Proceeding s wer e publishe d i n Federal Rules Decisions, th e official federa l agenc y publication. 49

REMEDIAL LA W

Burger's keynote , title d "Agend a fo r 200 0 A.D., " include d a cal l fo r reform i n the directio n o f ADR . Amid a n extraordinar y numbe r o f refer ences t o Pound' s speech , Burge r emphasize d th e nee d fo r fundamenta l change. N o minor tinkering , a s Pound ha d initiall y pointe d out , woul d do.50 Change was important t o the Chief Justice, though on e had to admit that he was a quite solidly situated baro n of the bar. Changes in legal practice would b e the necessary response to other massive changes the countr y would b e facing. Burge r looked to institutional structure s as a way to measure the success and health of the official normativ e order. The AB A helped found th e National Center for Stat e Courts. Lawyers and judges formed th e American Judicatur e Society , i n part , a s a response t o Pound' s speech . They also created th e Judicial Conference o f the United States , the American Law Institute, an d th e Institute o f Judicial Administration, eac h wit h an interest in professional refor m throug h institutiona l change . Expansio n of the federal judiciary i s one of the keys to institutional reform suggeste d by Burger , bu t th e structura l elemen t o f Burger's presentation i s also reflected in the AD R movement. In the guise of alternative institutions, whic h despite their name take the establishment of law-related programs as a measure of their success, ADR is a largely a lawyer's movement. Another concer n Burge r borrowe d fro m Poun d an d th e progressive s and mad e t o wor k i n th e interes t o f th e judicia l establishmen t wa s efficiency. Althoug h no t "a n en d i n itself, " sai d Burger , efficienc y "ha s as its objective th e ver y purpos e o f the whol e system—t o d o justice."51 Small litigants , h e said , "ar e ofte n exploite d b y th e litigan t wit h th e longest purse " wh o ca n us e dela y t o hi s advantage . Bu t th e smal l guy , especially i f h e ha s bee n judge d guilt y o r condemne d t o die , i s les s salient i n th e argumen t whe n th e issu e o f efficienc y i s taken t o bea r o n appeals and th e jury system . In anticipating th e charg e that th e conferenc e wa s stacked i n favo r o f those wh o woul d reduc e acces s to courts , Burge r cite d a s the firs t o f hi s fundamental change s th e nee d t o fin d way s to "resolv e mino r dispute s more fairly an d mor e swiftly tha n any present judicial mechanisms mak e possible."52 Lawyers are not feasibl e fo r man y mino r o r smal l claim s like "shoddy merchandis e . . . o r a poor roofin g job, " an d Burge r suggest s that nonlawyer s migh t b e brough t i n fo r neighborhoo d o r communit y disputes. Similarly, Burger added, "I t is time to explore new ways to deal with suc h famil y problem s a s marriage, chil d custod y an d adoptions " outside wha t h e calle d "th e formalit y an d potentiall y traumati c atmos phere of courts."

93

REMEDIAL LA W

There i s n o indicatio n tha t participant s a t th e conferenc e wer e uncomfortable wit h th e teno r o f this critiqu e o f law, even thoug h mos t were lawyers. The demand fo r chang e was a central part o f the program , and ther e wa s little that criticize d th e wa y thi s chang e was suppose d t o develop. Onl y Simo n Rifkin d an d Laur a Nade r decrie d th e absenc e o f talk o f rights an d charge d tha t th e conferenc e sough t t o clos e access t o the courts . Bu t Burge r ha d anticipate d thei r concern s i n hi s expresse d desire fo r "th e speedies t an d th e leas t expensiv e mean s o f meetin g th e legitimate need s o f the peopl e i n resolvin g disputes/ ' Burge r thu s pre sented informa l mechanism s as an alternative to court congestion , a classic argumen t o f remedia l practic e advocates . Th e orientatio n o f th e gathering wa s at leas t i n par t a n expressio n o f preference fo r a differen t style of politics with clea r clas s implications. During th e 197 6 conference, Fran k Sander , wh o wa s to becom e a key activist i n th e AD R movement , dre w image s from a n academi c pas t i n a talk title d "Varietie s o f Disput e Processing." 53 Althoug h lat e i n th e movement, b y compariso n t o Pound' s progressive-perio d oration , thi s presentation cam e as organized interest s were arrayed aroun d ne w insti tutions championin g alternativ e way s o f resolving disputes . Informal ism had rise n to significance a s an instrument o f liberal reform . 94

Family Mediatio n Alternative s Juvenile court s ste m fro m th e progressiv e period , a s d o domesti c rela tions o r family courts . The first domesti c relation s cour t wa s establishe d in Buffal o upo n th e recommendatio n o f the Ne w York Stat e Probatio n Commission i n 1910 . Built on the sam e model as the juvenile court , wit h its emphasis o n socia l justice ove r du e proces s an d it s paternalistic con ception o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e stat e an d th e defendant , th e New York court deal t wit h case s of wife abandonment , illegitimacy , fail ure t o support , offense s agains t minors , an d custod y disputes. 54 A t th e height o f th e contemporar y informalis t movement , activist s targete d family-related disputes , alon g wit h consumer , environmental , an d busi ness disputes, a s objects o f reform. 55 Robert Mnooki n an d Lewi s Kornhauser , la w professor s wh o wer e early supporter s o f th e AD R movemen t i n famil y situations , describ e informalism i n th e are a o f domesti c relation s a s "a n alternativ e wa y o f thinking abou t th e rol e o f la w a t th e tim e o f divorce." 56 Rathe r tha n viewing la w a s "imposin g orde r fro m above, " the y se e mediatio n "a s

REMEDIAL LA W

providing a framework withi n whic h divorcin g couple s ca n themselve s determine thei r post-dissolutio n right s an d responsibilities/ ' Th e acade mic foundation fo r movin g fro m court s t o informal appendage s wa s th e belief tha t mediatio n woul d lea d t o a for m o f "privat e ordering/ ' o r what Lo n Fulle r calle d th e "law " tha t partie s brin g int o existenc e b y agreement.57 While the medi a broadene d suppor t fo r AD R i n the form o f dramatic presentation s o f law' s failure , suc h a s th e popula r movi e Kramer vs. Kramer with Dustin Hoffman an d Mery l Streep, a community of attentive an d intereste d professional s cam e increasingly t o represen t an institutionalized forc e fo r informalis m withi n th e law. Sander's Jun e 198 2 keynote addres s a t th e Firs t AB A Conferenc e o n Alternative Mean s o f Family Disput e Resolution , title d "Famil y Media tion: Problem s an d Prospects," 58 provides a basis for analyzin g th e dis course o f informalism. Sande r ha d chaire d th e ABA' S Special Committe e on Disput e Resolutio n an d helpe d t o organiz e th e conference , whic h took plac e in Washington, D.C. , and wa s funded b y th e ba r associatio n and variou s foundations . I t als o receive d suppor t an d programmati c assistance fro m newl y establishe d group s lik e NIDR , funde d b y the For d and th e Willia m an d Flor a Hewlet t foundation . Sander' s address , wit h its specific concer n for famil y mediation , i s a good example of movemen t discourse. I t epitomize s a focus o n remedia l actio n a s it i s structured b y a view o f the legal system . The most obviou s aspec t o f Sander's discussio n o f "alternatives " i s its disputes focus . I t is infused wit h a discursive practic e familia r largel y t o lawyers an d thos e wh o ar e aroun d court s o r wh o defin e themselve s i n terms o f lawyers an d courts . I t i s not tha t th e la w i s the onl y plac e w e find dispute s o r that dispute s inevitabl y lea d t o legal issues, bu t rathe r that disputin g i s a term of art for a particular movement . Dispute s are the social reality o n which thi s form o f law is based. A s it is used b y Sander , the dispute s paradigm i s a practice for th e movement. The movement ha s built a structure o f understandings tha t transfor m a social phenomenon , disputes, into a highly organize d aspec t of political culture . Sander pay s homag e to Fuller a s a legal theorist intereste d i n alterna tives, an d h e play s dow n th e issue s o f cour t congestio n tha t Burge r introduced a s th e basi s fo r hi s interes t i n alternative s t o court . Th e "problem" addresse d b y th e movemen t i s grounded i n anthropologica l research an d communit y relations . Sande r present s "report s fro m th e field" i n th e for m o f commentar y fro m "litigators. " Hi s searc h i s for a better way , and h e interposes the skil l of the intermediary a s a new pat h

95

REMEDIAL LA W

96

away fro m th e "donnybrook " towar d "civilization. " Sande r link s th e ADR movemen t t o th e famil y environmen t i n term s o f characteristic s t o which informa l processe s are addressed, suc h a s intensity o f feeling an d the existence o f continuing relations . The inevitability o f dispute s demand s a n institutiona l response . Con sequently, a characteristic o f Sander' s speec h i s its heavil y procedura l and institutiona l orientation . Althoug h i t deal s with conflic t i n the fam ily, its real detail and its passion are linked to the various forms for chan neling th e dispute s rather tha n th e substanc e o f the conflict . Th e listin g of institutiona l form s i s impressive . Jus t i n term s o f thos e linke d t o courts, Sande r list s "smal l claim s mediation, court-annexe d arbitratio n for routin e middle-size d claims , medica l malpractic e screenin g tri bunals, an d th e mini-tria l use d i n larg e and comple x litigation/' 59 Thi s attention t o institution s an d th e separatio n o f process fro m substance , though no t uniqu e t o th e lega l profession , i s a skill mor e finely hone d among lawyers than amon g mos t o f the citizenry . At a more superficial level , the authority fo r the discussion clearly lies in the legal profession. Th e author i s a Harvard professor , th e bibliogra phy i s overwhelmingly fro m la w review s o r abou t law , th e authoritie s from who m Sande r draw s hi s materia l ar e eithe r i n la w o r par t o f th e growing paraprofessiona l communit y i n disput e resolution . Thi s com munity relie s heavil y o n th e institution s o f th e law , particularl y la w reviews, bu t i t approaches th e materia l fro m th e concern s o f often criti cal social research. This symbiosis has been essential to the emergence of the AD R movement . Th e academi c communit y cam e out i n forc e i n th e late 1980 s to revie w th e boo k Dispute Resolution b y Stephe n B . Goldberg, Eric D. Green, and Sander. 60 Such closel y linke d network s pursuin g share d goal s ar e amon g th e most important consideration s fo r ensurin g tha t remedia l practice s suc h as the dispute s focus an d th e substantive/procedural spli t are carried b y a political movement . Share d practice s associate d wit h th e lega l profes sion identif y la w as a problem an d offe r th e informa l alternativ e a s par t of a strategy wit h significan t consequence s fo r ho w powe r i s wielded i n the Unite d States . The Third Nationa l Conferenc e o n Peacemakin g an d Conflict Resolutio n in 198 6 carried a n impressive list of supporting orga nizations, heade d b y th e William an d Flor a Hewlet t Foundation. 61 Eve n greater evidenc e o f links with th e law can b e found i n the SPID R confer ence held i n Ne w York City in 1987 , where th e openin g plenar y sessio n was addresse d b y Margare t Shaw , directo r o f the Institut e o f Judicia l

REMEDIAL LA W

Administration, an d Pete r S . Adler, directo r o f the Progra m o n Alterna tive Disput e Resolution , Hawai i Stat e Judiciary . Bot h o f these confer ences include d session s o n famil y mediatio n an d "issues " session s devoted t o th e family . Onl y a fe w year s afte r Sander' s cal l fo r famil y mediation, however , th e famil y a s a center o f mediation practic e seeme d to be in decline . Critics o f informalism i n th e famil y mediatio n are a hav e bee n amon g the mos t voca l i n oppositio n t o th e remedia l orientation . I n a n essa y i n the New York Times, 62 Lenor e J . Weitzman, Herber t Jacob , an d Mar y Ann Glendo n argue d tha t wome n far e wors e unde r no-faul t divorce . Their essay dre w responses from practicin g lawyer s who argued tha t th e process o f divorce , lik e crimina l prosecution , goe s to tria l les s than 1 0 percent o f the time . The Natioanl Organizatio n fo r Wome n (NOW ) Lega l Defense an d Educatio n Fund' s 198 4 pamphlet "Divorc e Mediation : A Guide for Women " ha s a more extensiv e treatmen t o f the subject . Writ ten b y attorney s Judit h Avner , fro m th e Famil y La w Project, an d Susa n Herman, fro m th e Institut e fo r Mediatio n an d Conflic t Resolution , th e work contend s tha t feminist s nee d t o respond t o the growt h o f informa l alternatives. The NO W pamphle t begin s wit h a cautio n tha t divorc e mediatio n should b e carefull y examine d an d scrutinize d becaus e th e woma n i s often th e mor e vulnerabl e partne r i n a divorce. The author s war n tha t "subtle prejudices " suc h a s economi c dependenc y an d th e desir e t o avoid conflict , whic h ofte n relegat e wome n t o a n inferio r status , ma y hurt a woman i n the mediation process . Stressing that divorc e mediatio n is a voluntar y process , th e author s als o distinguis h i t fro m goin g t o court o n th e basi s o f it s lac k o f formality . Som e states , lik e California , mandate mediatio n i n case s o f divorce ; others , lik e Massachusetts , encourage the partie s to work wit h cour t officer s t o try an d resolv e diff erences prio r t o going befor e a judge. Usin g a question-and-answer for mat, th e pamphle t lead s wome n throug h th e possibilities , concludin g with th e propositio n tha t th e appropriatenes s o f mediation depend s o n each woman's situation . At abou t th e sam e time that th e NO W pamphle t appeared , th e Famil y Law Projec t o f th e Universit y o f Michiga n La w Schoo l offere d th e fol lowing concern s t o th e participant s a t a Conferenc e o n Wome n an d Mediation a t New York University: (1 ) the parties shoul d b e of relativel y equal bargaining powe r for mediation t o be desirable; (2) because wome n "feel greate r responsibilit y fo r th e qualit y an d succes s o f a relationshi p

97

REMEDIAL LA W

98

and famil y life/ ' the y migh t b e misinterpreted a s blameworthy; an d (3 ) women feeling th e threat to custody of children may be willing to bargai n away nearly everything else in the interest of maintaining a position as the primary caregiver . These caveats shift t o dire warnings where there is violence in the family. They reflect th e view, which becam e more common in the mid-1980s , that wher e there is violence in a relationship mediatio n i s inappropriate. Th e authors hol d tha t "[mjediatio n provide s n o deterren t to the assailan t an d eve n give s hi m a protected righ t t o spea k hi s min d about hi s wife, wh o becaus e o f the peculia r characteristic s o f victimiza tion, will often agre e with him when he enumerates her many failings/' 63 In thi s critique , informalis m collide s wit h feminism . I t i s a clash tha t seems inevitable, considerin g th e absenc e o f attention t o feminist issue s in document s lik e Sander's speech. 64 By 198 7 cautions were being raise d about th e extensio n o f mediation int o family disputes, 65 and b y th e en d of the decad e the warnings ha d becom e a chorus. 66 A relatively enthusi astic movemen t discours e gav e way to the mor e guarded produc t o f th e political proces s an d th e rar e academi c critiqu e becam e th e norm . Pos ner's consideratio n o f family la w and th e application o f economic analy sis t o famil y relation s link s famil y mediatio n directl y t o academi c thinking, an d suggest s la w an d economic s a s a rehabilitativ e frame work. 67 I conclud e th e treatmen t o f informalis m wit h mor e materia l links betwee n th e movement an d the academy .

Difference an d th e Stat e A facad e o f folks y informalit y an d therapeuti c convictio n mask s th e institutional structure s supportin g informalis m an d make s i t difficul t t o assess transformation s i n th e natur e o f law . Here , th e la w tha t look s accessible, human , therapeutic , eve n friendly , i s produced b y peopl e well situated withi n th e state . Informalists als o mix informality wit h th e language o f socia l science , whic h give s thei r presentation s a comple x passivity. To quote the negotiator Howar d Bellma n again: "Now i t seem s to me that we can end this with som e sort of a bundle o f input that al l of you ma y o r ma y no t full y lik e . . . but hopefull y i s a consensus a s ini tially defined/' 68 Th e terms "bundl e o f input" an d "consensus " emerg e as nontechnical terms of art that help defin e a separate practice and situ ate it in opposition t o traditional lega l practice. In discussin g remedia l practice s i n la w I have draw n o n element s o f social relations i n orde r t o sugges t som e of the distinctiv e interest s w e

REMEDIAL LA W

need t o take accoun t o f in orde r t o understand informalism . Thes e rela tions, a s well as some analytic similarities , hav e linked informalis m an d remedial practices to realism. In this section, I expand my analysis to indicate some of the implication s o f this movemen t fo r variou s arm s of stat e power. In particular, th e expansion of a form o f power in which efficienc y is more salient tha n justice an d remedie s mor e highly prize d tha n right s portends a legal form that construct s claimant s out of citizens. Remedial practices exist in communities, where they provid e the legal forms tha t ar e the modern manifestatio n o f state power. Three aspects of state contro l a s social practic e deserv e not e i n thi s context . Th e firs t i s direct corporat e sponsorshi p an d it s correlat e th e variou s indirec t attachments characteristi c o f the Harvar d Progra m o n Negotiatio n an d its would-b e competitors . Th e secon d i s foundation support , whic h i s sometimes a n aspec t o f indirect attachments , bu t als o exists o n it s ow n as part o f the cultura l environmen t i n whic h remedia l practice s thriv e (e.g., NID R an d it s substantia l For d Foundatio n support) . Third , i n th e only slightl y remove d aren a o f the academy , ther e i s the lif e o f institu tions, careers , and professiona l relationship s tha t facilitat e thi s aspect of informalism. In orde r t o illuminat e th e relationshi p betwee n institution s an d th e professions, w e ca n tur n t o on e o f th e mos t articulat e practitioner s o f sociological researc h i n la w an d a n earl y advocat e fo r informa l justice , Joel Handler o f the Universit y o f Californi a a t Lo s Angeles La w School . In his boo k The Conditions of Discretion: Autonomy, Community, Bureaucracy,69 Handle r employ s contemporar y la w an d societ y research , a movement deepl y entangle d wit h th e la w refor m enterpris e i n genera l and informalis m i n particular . Hi s wor k i s particularly attentiv e t o th e administration o f welfare, an d i n his role as consultant t o the Ford Foun dation in the 1970 s he was one of the most effective America n academic s in establishing foundatio n suppor t fo r ADR . In a 1988 article, Handler build s a new conceptio n o f legal power o n a critique of liberalism, focusing o n the consequence o f law for dependen t people.70 He initiates his discussion o f informal justice with "th e specte r of a litigation crisis " and th e call s for "mechanisms , suc h a s communit y boards, neighborhoo d justic e centers , mediation , an d arbitration , tha t would process disputes outside of or alternative to formal procedures/' 71 Handler describe s informalis m a s a response t o tw o impulses : on e i s a critique of professionalism fro m th e left i n the 1960s , and th e other i s an establishment desir e o n the par t o f Chief Justic e Burger , larg e law firms,

99

REMEDIAL LA W

insurance companies , an d th e AB A t o clea r docket s an d decid e claim s "more efficiently, quickly , an d cheaply/ ' This polarity migh t giv e a careful observe r pause , and Handle r expresse s the "seriou s concer n tha t th e disadvantaged wil l suffe r eve n mor e under regime s o f informal justice " than the y ha d unde r th e much-maligne d forma l processes. 72 H e call s attention t o the recor d o f failure fo r informa l justice i n juvenile courts , small claim s courts , an d housin g courts, 73 th e inabilit y o f informa l mechanisms t o addres s th e problem s o f maldistributio n i n th e socia l structure tha t manifes t themselve s i n any dispute . Then, i n a style observers o f the AD R movemen t hav e become familia r with, h e goe s o n t o elaborat e th e alternativ e proces s a s havin g ne w wrinkles, a new informalism , mor e appealin g tha n before. 74 Accordin g to this assessment , informalis m ma y allo w th e partie s t o "connec t wit h each othe r i n mor e humanisti c way s tha n i n th e forma l system, " an d there i s the possibilit y tha t "th e qualit y o f participation wil l approac h dialogism."75 A s members o f a law-school-based movemen t wit h a solid antilogical and antiempirical attachment , informalis t theorist s are able to operate fro m contradictor y position s a s if thi s wa s a virtue. And , lik e law, informalism denie s it s sociologica l determinants , it s clas s or ethno graphic roots. 76 100

The informalist movement' s materia l basi s involves a telling conjunc tion o f financial interest , careerism , an d the intellectual fashio n tha t dri ves foundation decisions . The NID R wa s se t u p i n th e 1970 s with fund s from th e For d Foundatio n an d receive d substantia l suppor t fo r th e nex t twenty years . Its apparatu s i s actively involve d i n professiona l associa tions suc h a s the unaffiliate d La w and Societ y Associatio n an d th e mor e guild-associated America n Ba r Foundation. I n its academic attachments , NIDR commission s research drawin g attentio n t o the issues as movement operatives woul d hav e them discussed . I n th e etiquett e o f the contem porary academy , th e conclusion s canno t b e stipulated , bu t i t remain s perfectly acceptabl e to se t the research agend a an d creat e the settin g fo r its presentation . The Fun d fo r Researc h o n Disput e Resolutio n wa s administere d b y NIDR unde r a separate boar d chaire d b y Sanfor d Jaff e an d wit h Handle r and Felic e Levine , long-tim e directo r o f th e Nationa l Scienc e Founda tion's La w and Societ y Program , a s members. The fund operate d o n th e edge o f th e academy , drawin g interes t i n it s agend a wit h a budge t o f nearly $ 2 million. Recen t grant s fue l th e AD R movemen t an d provid e a form i n which academic s may cast their wor k i n order t o get funding .

REMEDIAL LA W

In the Harvard Progra m o n Negotiation, th e hom e bas e of such move ment figures a s Roger Fisher , Sander , an d Lawrenc e Susskind , w e hav e the mor e fully develope d corporat e influenc e ove r knowledg e lon g bar gained an d manage d i n privat e universities . Th e primar y mechanism s are consultin g an d a special institutional relationshi p i n whic h th e tim e of university facult y i s directly purchase d b y corporat e patrons . Here , the setting is either the corporation itsel f or the ivy-covered wall s where traditional bastion s o f gentry academicians , lik e th e Harvar d Facult y Club, may b e rented ou t t o corporat e visitors , wh o pa y fo r th e statu s o f dining ther e under th e auspices of the Program o n Negotiation . On the othe r side , i t i s hard no t t o see institutional aspect s o f Owe n Fiss's comment i n th e Yale Law Journal, "Agains t Settlement." 77 Fis s is a leading advocat e of proceduralism, a n alternative to informalism, an d hi s work i s institutionall y base d i n th e scholarshi p an d form s associate d with a particula r la w school . Perhap s no t coincidentally , th e articl e begins as a critique of a report b y the Harvard Overseer s and Dere k Bok's call fo r attentio n t o "th e ne w voluntar y mechanisms/' 78 Linkin g th e movement t o development s centra l t o informalism a s a very successfu l movement i n law , suc h a s well-funded institutes , section s o f the ABA , and new rules of civil procedure, Fiss holds that the received "accoun t o f adjudication an d the case for settlemen t rest on questionable premises/' 79 In suc h a context o f knowledg e productio n i t make s littl e sens e t o characterize th e stat e a s in oppositio n t o economi c interests . The stat e and th e economy , i n relations like the section s o f the AB A o r foundatio n grants t o academics , an d throug h th e developmen t o f th e ideologica l practice o f remedy an d informalis m i n law , becom e mutuall y constitu tive. I n muc h th e sam e sens e a s some o f the analytica l possibilitie s dis cussed i n the openin g chapte r o n lega l form, w e have the interminglin g described b y Sall y Fal k Moor e an d th e "interlegality " a t th e cor e o f Boaventura d e Sousa Santos' s cartographi c analysi s o f the contemporar y state o f th e law . Santo s draw s attentio n t o "differen t lega l space s [as ] non-synchronic," resultin g i n "uneve n an d unstabl e mixing s o f lega l codes."80 These code s reach i n an d ou t i n cultura l spac e and resonat e a s layers o f meaning throug h whic h legalit y present s itself . The resultin g fragmentation, note d b y bot h Stuar t Macaulay 81 an d Santos, 82 become s anything bu t chaotic . In the guise of the informalism examine d here , th e practices tha t manifes t themselve s a s a remedial syste m significantl y dull th e capacit y o f la w t o b e wielde d agains t th e interest s o f thos e i t constitutes, howeve r imperceptibly. 83

101

REMEDIAL LA W

What Harringto n an d Merr y hav e calle d "ideologica l production/ ' and wha t Cai n and Kulcsa r identif y a s the reasons for th e growth o f thi s movement, amoun t t o a complex socia l an d intellectua l configuratio n that mask s th e interest s serve d b y th e movement , an d i n thi s cas e it s links t o the institutiona l apparatu s fro m whic h i t putativel y set s itsel f apart. Th e economic suppor t an d elit e enthusias m tha t fue l informalis m obviously com e from it s attractions. Informalism fit s nicely into the pen etrating moder n mechanism s o f socia l contro l uncovere d i n al l thei r postmodern ambiguit y an d seemin g innocuousness a s against the bruta l past b y scholar s such a s Michel Foucault, Dari o Melossi, and Davi d Gar land. 84 And, a s is characteristic of all the movements discusse d a s part of law's politics , informalis m i s essentially a legal form. Informalis m crie s for remedies , for peacemaker s and conciliators , who provide a somewhat romanticized analo g to the traditional institutions o f lawyers and courts . In addition , i t construct s th e lega l formalis m o f "qualitativ e inter changeability" 85 i n whic h disputants , lik e voter s an d consumers , become atomize d i n a syste m tha t provide s fo r the m bu t whic h the y cannot escape .

102

The informalis t movement , base d i n th e state' s institutions , extend s the reac h o f th e la w b y drawin g o n a conceptio n o f it s inefficac y an d limits. In so doing, it provides microcosmic evidence o f the constructio n of family an d personalit y b y law . Here, the ultrarealis m o f the remedia l form commodifie s husband s an d wives , landlords an d tenant s int o par ties t o disputes . Th e family, 86 th e schools, 8"7 an d th e socia l welfar e bureaucracy,88 al l major instrument s o f indoctrination t o public norms , have eithe r embrace d o r bee n depicte d a s embracing th e idea l o f a system fo r resolvin g disputes . The movemen t work s throug h conventiona l institutions, wher e peopl e ca n lear n th e specific s o f appropriate degree s of conformit y an d th e propriet y o f peace . Th e ultimat e powe r o f th e state ove r th e demand s place d upo n it s bureaucrati c shoulder s i s in th e construction o f deman d i n relatio n t o thes e institutions . Institutin g a new therapeutic discourse , an d thu s allowing expert s to interpret need s in a fashion tha t function s a s the old institutions did , i s the characteris tic contribution o f informalism. 89

Radical Lega l Consciousness Sex an d Rage

C

Chapter5

Misogyny i s real. Rap e is real. Economi c discrimination i s real . The devaluatio n o f anything femal e i s real. The sexis m tha t define s sex a s intercours e (only) an d define s intercourse a s the mal e organ (only ) i s real . —Andrea Dworkin , "Pornography: Th e Ne w Terrorism"

oming fro m Englan d t o Americ a in th e seventeent h centur y mus t have take n considerabl e motivation , but th e me n an d wome n wh o mad e the voyag e coul d stan d t o liv e wit h their countryme n n o longer . Thes e were intens e people , perhap s eve n angry people . However , thei r ange r must hav e bee n largel y focuse d o n religious institution s becaus e th e political an d lega l institution s the y set u p i n Americ a dre w muc h fro m their Englis h experience . The law s of England, th e courts , an d th e lawyer s came t o dominat e th e Ne w World . They woul d als o becom e th e subjec t of resistance. From imperial expansio n against Nativ e Americans , throug h the struggle s tha t unite d th e natio n and eliminate d slavery , t o moder n social movements , Englis h institu tions have been subjecte d t o attack . Sometimes thes e attack s hav e bee n accompanied b y arme d struggle : Native America n resistance ; the Rev olution itself ; the Civi l War; the radi cal labo r movement ; th e Weathe r Underground o f the earl y 1970s . Al l of these movements took u p arms and wielded the m wit h a n intensit y bor n of th e perceptio n tha t ther e wa s n o alternative. I n othe r movements , thi s 103

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

104

intensity ha s been carrie d forwar d b y political means. Outrage and radi calism taking for m i n a struggle agains t law are the subjec t o f this chap ter. As in the other discussions , m y focus i s on the constitutiv e functio n of law . Here th e constitutiv e dimensio n i s in form s tha t stan d i n nea r total oppositio n t o th e hegemon y tha t la w appear s t o require . I n th e early feminis t movemen t agains t pornography , fro m whic h muc h o f th e material in this chapte r i s drawn, bu t als o in the antiabortion movemen t and i n histori c struggle s lik e the on e ove r slavery , ther e i s more at stak e than simpl y havin g th e movemen t circumscribe d b y th e word s o f th e master.1 Catharine MacKinno n situate s the rag e o f radical feminis m i n the cri tique of liberalism: "Libera l morality canno t dea l with illusions that constitute realit y becaus e its theory o f reality, lacking a substantive critiqu e of th e distributio n o f socia l power , canno t ge t behin d th e empirica l world/' 2 Th e lega l form examine d here , radicalism , ha s a social expres sion in the rage of its participants. It also takes differentiatio n a s far a s it can go . Radical tradition s ar e one s o f nearl y complet e resistance . Th e form varie s from arme d resistanc e throug h disruptio n t o vandalism an d disobedience. Th e characteristi c i n eac h cas e is an antipath y t o the sys tem tha t result s i n an d i s subsequently supporte d b y a blockage o f dis cursive flow. Without th e renewa l o f discours e ther e i s an estrangemen t that reache s to the cor e of law's claim to be authoritative .

Consciousness Risin g Perhaps th e epitom e o f outrag e towar d la w derive s fro m abolitionism , the early nineteenth-century struggl e agains t slavery . In this movement , leaders lik e Frederic k Douglass , th e blac k autho r an d activist , Willia m Lloyd Garrison , publishe r o f The Liberator, and Joh n Brown , the radica l abolitionist o f Harper's Ferry , carrie d outrag e int o politica l practice . I n the visag e o f Joh n Brown , especiall y i n th e vie w o f hi m w e ge t fro m Thomas Har t Benton' s imagis t portrait , w e hav e a n America n enraged . The resul t i s the politica l mobilizatio n o f anger. O f Brown's radicalism , which histor y ha s refused t o separat e fro m hi s rage, Frederick Douglas s wrote: "H e denounce d slaver y i n loo k an d languag e fierce an d bitter ; thought tha t slaveholder s had forfeite d thei r right to live; that the slave s had the right to gain their liberty in any way they could ; di d not believ e that mora l suasio n woul d eve r liberat e th e slave , or that politica l actio n would abolis h th e system." 3 Brown' s rai d o n th e federa l arsena l a t

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

Harper's Ferry falls somewhere betwee n the armed resistance of the Civil War itself, whic h b y th e convention s o f politics w e ascribe anothe r sta tus, an d th e political activity o f legal reform . In politics , wher e th e distributio n o f power (bot h activ e and passive ) is the subject , consciousnes s i s a precondition. Spoke n o f most broadly , to b e conscious—or eve n unconscious—i s t o b e in som e mental stat e i n relation t o others . The women' s movemen t traditionall y ha s focused o n consciousness. A s noninstrumental awarenes s o r denial , consciousnes s is about the forms o f politics rather tha n withi n them . Like the courtla of southern Africa n triba l life, i n which th e entire tribe discusse s a subjec t until i t ha s bee n discusse d enough, 4 outcome s ar e affected discursively . Recent scholarshi p point s ou t ho w discursiv e practice s operat e i n ideo logical struggle s wher e the y ar e no t transformative . I n contemporar y thought, th e bod y a s metaphor i n politics has been the subject o f a good deal of work b y women. 5 Mos t dramatically , th e politic s o f abortion ha s made th e bod y it s subject ; i t ha s redefine d wh o an d wha t i s inside o r outside, an d wha t i s on its own . Cruelty is implicit i n domination , a s Kate Millett's compelling conclu sions on sexua l politics demonstrate . He r ai m is at the tendenc y o f eve n the mos t traumatic socia l relations t o mask th e forc e behin d them . Mil lett calls our attention to the fact that "[w]he n a system of power is thoroughly i n command , i t has scarcel y nee d t o spea k itsel f aloud ; whe n it s workings ar e expose d an d questioned , i t become s no t onl y subjec t t o discussion, bu t eve n to change/' 6 The link betwee n rag e and socia l relations i s so embedded i n la w an d system s o f power tha t i t i s hard t o pu t in words, yet it is an essential qualit y o f the radical legal form. 7 Consciousness-raising i s no t abou t confrontatio n wit h th e obviou s and widel y accepted . Tha t is , it is not th e "ordinary " respons e i n a system tha t operate s hegemonically . Altere d consciousnes s o r ideolog y is , in fact , counterhegemonic . I t counter s tha t whic h dominate s becaus e i t comes from seein g th e obviou s i n th e no t widel y accepted . Thus , con sciousness i s linke d wit h rage , a s capture d i n thi s 197 8 statemen t b y Andrea Dworkin : "Th e oppressor . . . i s the maste r invento r o f justification. H e i s th e magicia n who , ou t o f thi n air , fabricate s wondrous , imposing, seemingl y irrefutabl e intellectua l reason s whic h explai n wh y one group must b e degrade d a t the hands o f another." 8 Fo r radical femi nists opposed t o pornography, th e stat e and la w are not see n a s "o n ou r side."9 Neither, o f course, are law and the stat e instruments viewe d wit h the liberal' s ambivalence , a position t o b e explored i n thi s chapter . La w

105

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

is the enemy. Dworkin's was one of the earliest statements in the moder n attack o n violen t pornography , an d i t demonstrate s th e "outgroup " quality o f the socia l relations characteristic o f this movement. 10 The literatur e o n socia l movement s fro m Seymou r Marti n Lipse t t o Michael Walzer 11 classifie s advocac y o f fundamental chang e a s ideologically extrem e rathe r tha n emotionall y intense . I n thi s tradition , a spectrum o f politica l orientation s i s arrayed a s if reflectin g th e positio n o f the bod y in space. Susan Sontag has illuminated thi s spatial relation an d called attention t o its links with repression : Take, for instance, a tenacious metaphor that has shaped (an d obscure d the understanding of ) so much of the political life of this century, the one that distributes , and polarizes, attitudes and social movements according to their relation to a "left" an d a "right." . . . I t seems . . . that its persistence in discourse about politics to this day comes from a felt aptnes s to the modern, secular imagination of metaphors drawn from the body's orientation i n space—lef t an d right , to p an d bottom , forwar d an d back ward—for describin g socia l conflict, a metaphoric practice that di d add something new to the perennial description of society as a kind of body, a well-disciplined body ruled by a "head."12

106

This metapho r ha s bee n dominan t fo r th e polit y sinc e Plato and Aristo tle. Thi s is , as Sonta g point s out , "perhap s becaus e o f its usefulnes s i n justifying repression/' 13 No t th e leas t reaso n fo r thi s i s its capacit y t o delineate politics as a constrained real m of the possible . In the cas e of movement practice , however , w e can situat e politic s b y its intensity a s well as its place on the political spectrum . Combinin g th e spatial an d emotiona l i s tricky, partl y becaus e liberalism assume s a connection. Thi s i s certainl y th e cas e wit h th e militi a movemen t an d th e antiabortion movement ; their radicalism puts them on the political fringe . Yet in constitutiv e term s the socia l meaning o f a political force i s closel y tied t o its depiction b y the dominan t interests . One way to see feminists ' outrage at pornography's violenc e and the expressio n o f this outrage in a radical social movement is as a critique of the spectrum and liberalism .

Radicalism a s Law's Form Radicalism, a s an ideological for m eviden t i n movement s agains t violen t pornography, abortion , an d discrimination , attack s th e sam e instru ments of government appealed to by gay activists—the courts , the judges, and th e doctrine s o f law. Common sens e tells us that th e "instruments "

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

are th e same , onl y th e natur e o f th e respons e i s different . Bu t radical s find th e la w oppressive. On e cannot sa y that a police officer viewe d a s a "pig" i s really th e sam e institutio n a s the avuncula r figure o f middle class socialization. The radical form an d th e rage that drive s these movements com e fro m struggle s agains t th e law . La w i s associate d wit h despair rathe r tha n hope , an d i t i s seen a s standing behin d oppressiv e social conditions . Thi s la w maintain s a n inequitabl e statu s quo—th e inequality o f powe r an d wealth , fo r instance , a s gendered relations — while radicals deman d a transformation . The radical lega l form i n politica l discours e relie s o n intens e feeling s and disquietude . Douglass' s characterizatio n o f Joh n Brow n convey s that emotion , a s di d th e pictur e o f slaver y Douglas s himsel f calle d up . For the women' s movemen t a hundred year s later , Millet t woul d sum mon up a similar rage by her interpretations o f the violence and domina tion i n Henr y Miller' s Sexus. 14 Th e emotio n come s fro m outsid e o f dominant socia l relations , o r a t leas t fro m outsid e th e institutionaliza tion of those relations as law. As a legal formation, radicalis m challenge s substantive lega l determinations . Drawin g o n expectation s o f equalit y and a shared humanity , i t wield s thes e vision s i n oppositio n t o the sta tus quo. 15 In movement s lik e the oppositio n t o abortio n sinc e th e 197 3 Supreme Cour t decisio n i n Roe v. Wade, a law ca n b e th e focu s o f th e rage an d radica l chang e i n a law ca n b e a strategy. La w i n genera l o r a body o f law , rathe r tha n a particula r law , ma y als o b e th e subjec t o f political unrest. In this sense, the movement play s off the dominan t con ception o f law. The feminist cas e against pornograph y an d th e practice s that constitut e th e movemen t ar e a mirror imag e o f the right s claim , i n this case , to free expression . The commentar y b y Wome n Agains t Pornograph y (WAP ) i n th e lat e 1970s sa w la w o n th e sid e o f th e pornographe r an d propose d tha t la w had i n fac t fostere d th e rang e o f pornographi c materia l available . Th e movement too k th e liberal successe s o f the post-World Wa r I I period a s its terrain. Ther e wa s general agreemen t tha t th e law s o n pornograph y were mor e libera l i n th e 1970 s an d 1980 s tha n the y ha d bee n twent y years or mor e before , an d tha t th e consequenc e wa s more pornography . All the while, the movement skirte d th e edge of censorship and was continually confronte d wit h th e challeng e o f free expression . I n th e cas e against pornography , radica l feminist s argue d tha t i n a male-dominate d society sexualit y involve s danger , an d tha t dominant/subordinat e powe r relationships i n se x a s i t i s normall y practice d perpetuat e violenc e

107

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

108

against women. 16 The movement in the early stages identified lega l form s with terrorism . The role , th e responsibility , eve n th e natur e o f law i n antipornogra phy discours e ca n b e compare d t o th e form s la w take s i n othe r move ments. The form eviden t i n the antipornography movemen t share s wit h the gay rights claim s in the AID S crisi s a belief in the power o f appellat e doctrine an d th e compulsio n o f rights claim s grounde d i n tradition . I n the antipornograph y movement , however , ther e i s muc h les s sens e o f entitlement tha n w e sa w i n th e ga y community. 17 I n addition , radica l feminists esche w th e "sophisticated " cynicis m o f critica l lega l studies , with it s tendency t o minimiz e th e powe r an d responsibilit y o f law. A n implicit jurisprudence make s sense out o f politics constitute d i n radica l social movements . The feminis t positio n doe s not simpl y accep t a positive fram e o f la w comin g fro m distan t o r professionall y constitute d institutions, though i t does take account o f those institutions. The position i s as sophisticate d a s the mos t advance d lega l scholarship , whic h finds tradition , structure , an d la w wher e other s den y tha t ther e i s any thing bu t power . According t o Owe n Fiss , drawin g fro m Harr y Kalven , th e Suprem e Court ha s give n ris e t o a free speec h traditio n i n it s decisions . Thus , "Free speec h i s now par t o f our genera l culture , an d I believ e th e deci sions o f the Cour t implante d tha t principl e i n ou r culture , nurture d it , and gav e it much o f its present shape." 18 Some kinds of "expression " ar e not "speech " unde r th e definitio n o f the First Amendment . Th e moder n doctrine come s from Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire i n 1942 . In Chaplinsky, a Jehovah's Witness ha d calle d a town officia l a "goddamned racke teer" an d a "damne d Fascist." 19 Judg e Fran k Murph y decide d tha t "certain classe s o f speec h neve r rais e constitutiona l problems " an d assumed tha t thi s speec h coul d b e prevented an d punished . "Th e lew d and th e obscene , th e profane , th e libelou s an d th e insultin g o r 'fightin g words'. . . they ar e neithe r essentia l t o an y 'expositio n o f ideas ' no r a 'step to truth/ " The lega l histor y o f obscenit y begin s wit h legislativ e involvement ; constitutional histor y i s grounded i n the court' s response . The first U.S. case was Commonwealth v. Holmes, din. 182 1 Massachusetts case involv ing th e 174 8 book Fanny Hill [Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure), one of the "eroti c classics." 20 Mos t moder n pornograph y prosecutio n ca n b e traced t o the lat e nineteenth centur y an d th e Comstoc k laws , which se t new restraint s o n the degre e of frankness allowe d i n discussio n o f sexu -

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

ality. The history o f prosecutions i s governed b y th e Hickli n Rule , firs t used i n 1868 , whic h employe d a standar d o f "whethe r th e marke t tended t o deprav e an d corrup t th e min d o f those whos e minds ar e ope n to such influences'' an d wh o might ge t a hold o f the material . In 1913 , Judge Learne d Han d rejecte d th e Hickli n tes t becaus e i t for bid all that migh t corrup t th e most corruptible. 21 His protest wa s echoe d by Judg e Feli x Frankfurter, 22 bu t Roth v. United States (1957 ) was th e clearest reaction. Until 1930 , the U.S. Customs Department barre d Aristo phanes' Lysistrata, Balzac' s Droll Stories, Defoe' s Moll Flanders and Roxana, Flaubert' s Temptation of St. Anthony, an d Voltaire' s Candide. Earl y twentieth-century literatur e tha t combine d politic s an d eroticis m adde d to th e propensit y t o prosecut e thes e classics . Works suc h a s Tolstoy' s Kreutzer Sonata, Shaw' s Mrs. Warren's Profession, Danie l Carso n Good man's Hagar Revelly, Theodor e Dreiser' s The "Genius" and Elino r Glyn' s Three Weeks all contained criticis m o f the bourgeoi s politic s at the sam e time that they scandalize d thi s class and its sensibility abou t sex . In 1933 , a U.S. Court o f Appeal s substitute d fo r th e Hickli n Rul e a concern fo r "obscenit y a s the dominan t effect." 23 Th e issue of obscenit y first cam e befor e th e Suprem e Cour t i n 1948 , when th e Cour t affirme d the convictio n unde r a New York obscenit y statut e fo r "Th e Princes s with th e Golde n Hair, " par t o f Memoirs of Hecate County, writte n b y Edmund Wilso n an d publishe d b y Doubleday . Judg e Jerom e Frank , i n United States v. Roth (1956), 24 wrote a n opinio n delineatin g th e contro versy an d appealin g t o th e Suprem e Cour t fo r a decision , whic h cam e the following year . The emergence o f the obscenit y issu e seems to me to be a result o f the strengt h o f the Firs t Amendmen t rathe r tha n an y par ticular retrograd e tendencie s o n th e par t o f the publi c a t th e time . Th e year before , th e Suprem e Cour t ha d hel d i n a per curiam opinio n tha t a state obscenity statut e i n Kansas relating t o motion picture s wa s uncon stitutional becaus e of vagueness. 25 The appea l o f Judge Frank' s decision , Roth v. United States, becam e the ke y decisio n o n obscenit y i n constitutiona l history . Announce d i n 1957, this was one of Justice William Brennan' s earliest opinions , and it s logic stil l governs th e debat e ove r pornography . Writin g fo r th e Court , Brennan declares , "W e hold that obscenit y i s not within th e area of constitutionally protecte d speec h o r press. " His framework dre w fro m th e history o f communit y i n Americ a fro m th e Puritan s o n an d th e protec tion i n th e commo n la w for libel , a s well a s the newe r doctrin e o f fight ing word s linke d t o th e states ' polic e power . I n Brennan' s argument ,

109

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

speech is protected becaus e it is the lifeblood o f politics. He begins wit h the issu e o f free expression , o r "whethe r obscenit y i s utterance withi n the are a o f protected speec h an d press." 26 Although Brenna n postulate s the historica l prohibition s agains t obscen e speech , fro m th e car e wit h which h e proceeds one senses a concern for expressio n wit h mor e mean ing an d greate r complexit y tha n wha t w e see so often i n th e contempo rary libera l respons e t o the antipornograph y movement . Brenna n held , "The protectio n give n speec h an d pres s wa s fashioned t o assur e unfet tered interchang e o f ideas for th e bringin g abou t o f political an d socia l changes desire d b y th e people." 27 Fre e speec h ha d a purpose, a s out lined i n th e Continenta l Congres s o f 1774 . According t o Brennan , thi s was "the advancement o f truth, science , morality, an d art s in general, i n its diffusio n o f liberal sentiment s o n th e administratio n o f government , its read y communicatio n o f thoughts betwee n subjects , an d it s conse quential promotio n o f unio n amon g them , whereb y oppressiv e officer s are shame d o r intimidated , int o mor e honorable an d just mode s o f con ducting affairs." 28 Becaus e o f al l this , a small categor y o f th e obscen e might b e proscribed .

110

The "obscene" in the opinion refers to "that for m o f immorality whic h has relatio n t o sexua l impurit y an d a tendenc y t o incit e lustfu l thoughts." Se x and obscenit y ar e distinguished . Obscen e materia l deal s with se x in a manner appealin g t o prurient interests , that is , it has a tendency t o incite lustful thoughts . The obscene is associated wit h "morbi d or lasciviou s language " an d wit h lus t rathe r tha n simpl y sexua l excite ment. I n making thi s distinction , Brenna n make s it clea r that h e believe s that se x i s a great an d mysteriou s forc e an d th e subjec t o f absorbin g interest, whil e obscenity i s a subclass o f sex that i s offensive t o decency . The contribution fo r whic h the Roth cas e is most noted i s its new test fo r obscenity. I n orde r t o safeguar d fre e expressio n whil e enablin g th e pun ishment o f obscenity , Brenna n shifte d th e standar d fro m th e Hickli n Rule's attention to an isolated excerp t an d a particularly sensitiv e person , and focuse d instea d o n the averag e person applyin g contemporar y com munity standards . In thi s test, th e dominan t them e woul d b e taken a s a whole and examine d wit h regard to its appeal to the prurient interest . The "middl e years " in obscenit y doctrin e cam e to b e associated wit h Justice Potte r Stewart' s aphoris m " I know i t when I see it." The distinc tion i n Roth, whic h sai d tha t obscenit y wa s b y definitio n utterl y with out redeemin g socia l values , becam e a criterion i n Jacobellis v. Ohio in 1964.29 Where ther e ar e ideas, there is protection. Tha t wa s the basi s of

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

the decisio n i n Memoirs v. Massachusetts, 30 anothe r cas e involving th e book Fanny Hill. Accordin g t o Justice Warren Burge r (writin g i n Miller v. California), Memoirs veere d sharpl y fro m Roth. I t was , a t least , a restatement. There were three tests: (i) the dominan t them e of the mate rial taken a s a whole must appeal to a prurient interes t i n sex; (2) it mus t be patently offensiv e b y communit y standard s relating t o descriptio n o r representation o f sexua l matters ; an d (3 ) i t mus t b e utterl y withou t social value. To be judged obscene , the material had to fail all three tests. Associate Justic e To m Clar k dissente d becaus e h e fel t tha t th e "ne w test" th e cas e introduced—th e "utterl y without " test—rejecte d th e basic holdin g o f Roth, wher e h e ha d bee n th e decidin g vote . Clar k believed the test had only two parts, and that socia l value might even b e weighed agains t offense . Clark' s descriptio n o f Fanny Hill make s it see m "dirty." H e say s i t depict s nothin g beside s th e brothel s an d see s n o social value , say , i n th e variou s industria l metaphors . H e clearl y believed i t wa s oka y t o kee p somethin g ou t o f circulatio n becaus e i t caused "genita l commotion. " By 1973 , the Cour t ha d changed . I n Miller v. California, a. ne w stan dard distinguishe d protecte d fro m unprotecte d expressio n b y empha sizing community-base d offensiveness , wit h a focu s o n hard-cor e porn—ultimate sexua l acts , masturbation , excretor y functions , an d lewd exhibition s that lac k seriou s literary, artistic , political o r scientifi c value. 31 I n Paris Adult Theater v. Slaton, a companion case , legitimat e state interest i n regulating obscenit y overcam e safeguards agains t expo sure to juveniles an d passersby. 32 Th e qualit y o f life, th e "ton e o f com merce i n th e grea t cit y centers, " an d publi c safet y (citin g th e minorit y report o f the commissio n o n obscenity ) wer e considere d enoug h t o justify controllin g pornography . I n dissent , Brenna n call s attentio n t o "sensitive adult s an d juveniles" an d zonin g i n case s suc h a s Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, whic h struc k dow n a n attemp t unde r nuisanc e laws t o protec t citizen s fro m unwillin g exposur e t o offensiv e materia l in drive-i n movies , an d Young v. American Mini Theatres, whic h allowed a Detroit zonin g ordinanc e limitin g wher e adul t por n show s could b e put on. 33 This i s the doctrina l worl d i n whic h th e politic s o f pornography unfolded . Dworkin's firs t speec h o n th e subjec t o f pornograph y wa s give n i n 1977 at th e Universit y o f Massachusetts, Amherst . I t wa s linked a t th e time with movements against domesti c violence and "femal e sexua l slav ery."34 Concern abou t pornograph y becam e increasingly associate d wit h

Ill

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

112

the conditio n o f wome n a s subject s o f mal e violence . A subsequen t speech b y Dworkin , spawne d b y a sit-in a t th e universit y ove r ad s fo r topless club s i n the studen t newspaper , develope d th e feminis t critiqu e of pornography an d la y the foundation fo r th e challeng e to liberal ideal ism. Thi s challeng e wa s importan t t o th e intensit y o f th e movemen t because it examined th e "materiality " o f speech . A shif t i n tactic s b y som e feminist s agains t pornograph y bega n t o appear i n 1983 . After a n unsuccessfu l attemp t i n Minneapolis , activist s were abl e to pas s an ordinanc e i n Indianapolis , wit h th e concurrenc e o f the cit y council , tha t attacke d pornograph y i n a new way . The majo r aspects o f the Indian a ordinanc e ar e its "findings " tha t "Pornograph y i s a discriminator y practic e base d o n se x whic h denie s wome n equa l opportunities i n society " an d a definitio n o f pornograph y a s "Th e graphic sexuall y explici t subordinatio n o f women, whethe r i n picture s or in words." As Joel Grossman ha s argued, "Ne w ordinances attempte d to bypass th[e] morass of inscrutable constitutiona l doctrin e b y definin g pornography a s a form o f sex discrimination." 35 Certainly , however , th e shift i n focu s towar d discriminatio n an d oppressio n wa s more than a n attempt t o bypas s a constitutional doctrine . A s Donal d Down s point s out, "Suc h conflatio n woul d undermin e th e entir e edific e o f moder n First Amendment doctrin e and revolutioniz e th e law of equality." 36 In he r opinio n i n American Booksellers Association v. Hudnut, th e Indianapolis case , Judge Sara h Evan s Barke r distinguishe d th e conven tional meanin g o f pornograph y fro m th e feminis t position , takin g account o f th e claim s abou t violenc e an d discriminatio n a s a basis fo r striking dow n th e ordinance. 37 Thi s brough t th e ne w politic s bac k t o court, completin g th e circl e of legal struggl e bu t certainl y no t tyin g u p the movement . B y this stag e in it s evolution, th e antipornograph y cam paign ha d turne d it s rage toward lawmaking , an d i t ha d becom e a ver y different sor t o f movement. 38 The decision s i n th e court s di d ver y littl e to address the feminis t consideration s tha t hav e bee n a t the hear t o f th e movement fro m it s inception . Th e critica l relationshi p o f the feminis t critique of pornography t o the dominan t conceptio n o f the First Amend ment will keep the movement alive .

Dworkin—The Earl y Rag e Dworkin's Universit y o f Massachusetts speech 39 wa s repeated ofte n o n college campuse s an d wa s th e basi s fo r he r remark s a t th e Ne w Yor k

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

University La w School forum o n the subject. He r remarks begin b y associating pornograph y wit h mankind' s greates t inhumanities . "Slavery , rape, torture , extermination/ ' t o Dworkin, ar e "th e substanc e o f life fo r billions o f huma n being s sinc e th e beginnin g o f patriarcha l time." 40 Male domination , sh e point s out , ha s depende d o n "th e law " a s a n instrument. "Th e oppresse d ar e encapsulate d b y th e culture , laws , an d values o f the oppressor . Thei r behavior s ar e controlle d b y law s and tra ditions base d o n thei r presume d inferiority. " Th e effect , t o whic h th e movement struggl e i s addressed , i s tha t wome n "hav e burne d ou t o f them the militant dignit y o n which al l self-respect i s based." 41 The speec h move s i n th e relentles s fashio n tha t exemplifie s a socia l life constitute d outsid e th e mainstream . T o Dworki n th e violenc e o f pornography i s "alway s accompanie d b y cultura l assault, " whic h sh e describes a s "propagand a disguise d a s principle o r knowledge." 42 Th e result, as a characterization o f a people under law , is the form o f domina tion wit h whic h sh e began , wome n a s "a n enslave d population—th e crop we harvest i s children, th e fields w e work ar e houses." In this con struction o f America , "Wome n ar e force d int o committin g sexua l act s with me n tha t violat e integrit y becaus e th e universa l religion—con tempt fo r women—ha s a s it s first commandmen t tha t wome n exis t purely a s sexual fodder fo r men." 43 In the fall of 1978 , feminist radical s and la w students gathered a t New York University t o discus s the emergin g issu e of "violen t pornography. " The discussio n tha t follow s i s base d o n th e repor t o f tha t conferenc e published i n th e Review of Law and Social Change. 44 An explanatio n o f how the conferenc e cam e about i s given b y Dea n Norma n Redlic h i n hi s opening remarks . The year before , a feminist studen t o f his, Teresa Hommel, ha d prepare d a discussio n o f "violen t pornography, " a new per spective, and th e conference ha d grow n ou t o f this interaction . Dworking speech , "Pornography : Th e Ne w Terrorism, " provide s th e key insights . The ideologica l practice s i t advocate s ar e a focus o n har m or dange r t o wome n an d a n undifferentiate d vie w o f pornography . Recently, activist s hav e calle d attentio n t o links betwee n pornograph y and violence . In the contex t o f the feminis t case , the attemp t t o demon strate tha t pornograph y cause s violenc e i s reminiscent o f the "clea r an d present danger " logi c i n constitutiona l discourse . Th e logi c tha t ther e are exceptions t o the constitutiona l righ t t o free speec h whe n ther e i s a possibility o f physical har m i s so characteristic o f the Firs t Amendmen t tradition tha t th e feminis t positio n appear s t o b e derivative . T o th e

113

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

extent tha t th e antipornograph y movemen t i s focused o n harm , i t link s pornography wit h th e First Amendment tradition . Dworkin talk s bot h abou t rap e a s terror an d abou t th e constitutiona l protection o f freedo m o f expression . La w fo r her , an d fo r th e antipornography movemen t i n its early stages , is a product o f patriarch y and th e ideologica l for m th e proble m takes . La w i s see n a s an epiphe nomenon, a rationalization s o that "whe n pornographer s ar e challenge d by women/ ' th e lega l establishmen t punishe s th e wome n "al l the whil e ritualistically claimin g t o b e th e lega l guardian s o f 'fre e speech/" 4 5 Much o f the substanc e o f the ideology an d it s significance i n socia l relations dra w from th e sor t of popularly constitute d ideolog y addresse d b y contemporary lega l scholars to show the relevance of High Court materi als in th e culture. 46 Th e substance , i n fact , i s not stat e la w bu t publi c mythology abou t law . This mytholog y i s fa r mor e pervasiv e tha n la w itself and ofte n seem s to reach ou t in various new directions .

114

The feminis t cas e agains t pornograph y pai d littl e attentio n t o th e explicit formulation s o f constitutiona l law , an d i n it s earl y years , fro m about 197 7 to 1982 , the movement avoide d seekin g state-supporte d cen sorship. Instead , th e movemen t state d a case agains t domination . La w was spoke n b y "th e oppressor, " an d h e wa s identifie d i n term s o f hi s perpetuation o f "wrongs for hi s own pleasure or profit." 47 Yet, the movement's practice s themselve s an d subsequen t development s sugges t tha t this avoidanc e may b e taken a s an influenc e o f doctrine , a tacit recogni tion o f th e hegemon y o f fre e expressio n ideology . Fo r years , th e spli t between protected speec h and pornography wa s far mor e powerful ideo logically tha n wha t wa s foun d i n actua l legislatio n o r cour t opinion . Feminists appeale d t o the mythica l Firs t Amendmen t wit h th e emphasi s on pure tolerance commonl y place d there . This popula r ideolog y o f free expression , rathe r tha n constitutiona l law on free expression , ha s bee n the primar y influenc e o n the politics of the feminis t antipornograph y movement . Whil e constitutiona l la w depends o n distinctions , movemen t practic e abhorre d them . While con stitutional doctrin e set s standard s fo r determinin g wha t i s obscene, th e conventional publi c positio n doe s not permi t a qualitative evaluatio n o f speech. The result i s an ideologica l practic e unfamilia r wit h distinction s and evaluation s and differen t i n its impact from stat e law. While activist s in Sa n Francisc o an d Sa n Dieg o invoke d right s believe d t o b e clearl y applicable t o the condition s ga y me n face d a t the onse t o f the AID S epi demic, this confidenc e i n the specificit y o f law was not s o characteristi c

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

of th e feminis t critique . Th e consciousness-raisin g an d mobilizatio n characteristic o f the earl y antipornograph y campaig n refuse d t o defin e the movemen t i n term s o f the law . In fact , centra l t o the movemen t wa s the denia l tha t la w ha d th e doctrina l flexibilit y t o cop e wit h th e situa tion. A t th e sam e time, however , ther e wa s increasing attentio n t o rap e and domesti c violenc e fro m som e o f th e sam e quarter s withi n femi nism.48 The fabric o f offense fo r th e antipornograph y movemen t wa s al l of a piece. Whether i t be sexuality i n an advertisement fo r diaper s or th e brutality o f hard-core pornography, la w was an agent of domestic terror ism. Accordin g t o Dworkin , "Th e violenc e i s always accompanie d b y cultural assault—propagand a disguise d a s principle . . . . This propa ganda i s the glove that cover s the fist in any reign o f terror/' 49 Books o n pornograph y appearin g i n th e wak e o f antipornograph y activism eithe r ha d t o dea l wit h th e activis m directl y o r b e hel d accountable. Wha t Jea n Elshtai n called , somewha t dismissively , "th e new por n wars'' 50 ha d change d th e intellectua l terrain . Movemen t activists ha d reaso n t o b e concerne d tha t thei r effort s wer e providin g subject matte r an d employmen t fo r academic s an d writers , man y o f whom ha d littl e interes t i n changin g th e la w o n pornography . Tw o books b y politica l scientist s intereste d i n constitutiona l protectio n fo r speech an d it s controversies , Downs' s The New Politics of Pornography and Richar d Randall' s Freedom and Taboo are noteworthy fo r wha t the y tell us about the rhetorical reaction t o this form o f law. 51 Randall's previ ous boo k wa s on censorship , an d hi s interest i n pornograph y goe s bac k awhile. Down s published a n importan t treatmen t o f the fre e expressio n controversy i n Skokie , Illinois , ove r Nazi s marching i n a predominatel y Jewish community . These are very differen t book s in many respects, bu t both hol d that pornograph y need s protection . Randall focuse s o n th e meanin g o f pornography , viewin g sexualit y through politica l theor y an d vic e versa . I n thi s work , obscenit y i s sim ply pornograph y proscribe d b y law . Randal l distinguishe s betwee n pornography "a s psychologica l element " an d pornograph y "a s socia l designation." 52 Althoug h h e doe s no t refe r t o Dworki n o r MacKinnon , Randall know s th e practice s o f pornography an d th e law . He describe s the moder n massag e parlo r a s the missin g lin k i n a "behaviora l chain " that ha s prostitution a t one end an d masturbatio n a t the other. Randall' s locutions, lik e hi s framework, ar e familiar. Hi s passage o n gratificatio n and perversity , "[n] o external libert y ca n completel y fre e u s from anxi ety abou t th e latter , an d n o socia l censorshi p i s so complete tha t i t ca n

115

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

116

obliterate th e seductiv e invitatio n o f th e former " call s Judge Learne d Hand t o mind , a s doe s hi s concludin g section , wher e th e discussio n o f pornography i s largely free o f judicial terms. 53 Moving fro m right s t o socia l control , Randal l want s t o minimiz e th e sense of inevitability surroundin g wha t h e calls " a libertarian obscenit y doctrine/' 54 This leads hi m t o reassess the tests for obscenit y an d t o as k whether "prurien t interest " i s simply anothe r wa y of defining hard-cor e pornography. Randal l hold s tha t a fear o f prurience i s not a legitimat e reason fo r proscribin g pornography ; i t ma y no t b e wha t i t doe s t o th e consumer tha t i s the cor e o f the issue , bu t rathe r th e kin d o f world th e consumer make s u s al l live in. Or , i n Randall' s words , pornograph y "i s more straightforwardl y understoo d a s being offensive." 55 Similarly , i n a nod t o th e feminis t position , Randal l finds tha t vigorou s assertion s o f "the ideal s o f huma n sexua l relation s base d o n affectio n an d mutua l respect . . . may develo p a keener sens e o f socia l bond s an d values." 56 Because th e psychosocia l worl d o f pornograph y i s more centra l t o hi s book tha n th e law s o n pornography , Randal l i s les s wildl y critica l o f feminists tha n man y o f hi s colleague s i n th e libera l constitutiona l la w establishment. Indeed , th e centra l focu s o n wha t pornograph y mean s t o the cultur e make s th e boo k mor e tha n simpl y a formalis t libera l response to the threat o f censorship. Still, Randall's idea o f "the pornog raphy within, " lik e liberalism, dim s the prospects for control . Downs's boo k i s about th e radica l feminis t movement , wha t h e call s the "ne w politic s o f pornography. " I t i s a valuable chronicl e o f the his tory o f the antipornograph y ordinance s i n Minneapoli s an d Indianapo lis. The commo n presenc e o f MacKinno n an d Dworki n an d th e similar , but no t precisel y identical , condition s i n thes e citie s mak e fo r a ver y useful descriptio n of the politics of this important issue . We get the local civil liberties unions in each city, with their ties to New York. We see the pace and intensit y o f local politics, the wor k tha t goe s into draftin g leg islation, an d th e excitemen t o f th e proces s a s score s o f lifetim e politi cians, an d on e novice activist , tackl e th e proble m o f pornography. Thi s is not th e simpl e decisio n o f a prosecutor o r a cop abou t wha t t o shu t down. I t i s not th e relativel y professiona l politic s o f zonin g an d othe r forms o f regulation. I t is the politics of local legislation . Because the movemen t challenge s th e traditiona l left-righ t spectru m in th e Unite d States , attentio n fro m politica l scientist s wil l n o doub t expand ou r vocabular y eve n i f i t doe s no t hel p th e movement . Down s does not g o as deeply int o the histor y o f the pornograph y issu e as Ran-

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

dall does, and consequentl y hi s insight into what is new in the politics is less than i t might be . That is , although h e recognizes th e traditiona l sit uation o f obscenit y doctrin e i n conservativ e logic , th e failur e t o full y account fo r th e transformativ e potentia l o f th e feminis t emphasi s o n equality lead s rather t o the mor e traditional puzzl e o f radical feminist s and conservatives, in Downs's unfortunate conception , "i n bed together. " His book i s about political movements, and hi s perspective is still tied t o the traditional continuu m o f left an d right . While he is not a s consciou s of this a s he migh t be , the boo k doe s help u s se e the limitation s o f thi s particular formulation . Although Downs' s project , bein g s o deeply embroile d i n th e frame work o f contemporar y legalisms , i s not goin g t o appea l t o radical femi nists, it is meant to draw from thei r critique . Ultimately, Downs wants t o recast the obscenit y law s by addin g a "prong" t o the Miller test . Down s proposes addin g th e issu e o f "violen t obscenity " t o th e tes t whic h requires tha t obscenit y mus t "appea l t o prurien t interest , giv e paten t offense, an d lac k socia l value. " For Downs , "Portrayal s o f murder , dis memberment, brutality , o r violenc e i n th e contex t o f obscen e act s . . . would b e subject t o the designatio n o f 'violen t pornography/" 57 Alon g with th e Mees e Commission , h e woul d giv e th e writte n wor d ful l pro tection, bu t h e believe s hi s concer n fo r visua l depiction s o f violenc e would hel p in the legitimate task o f fostering norm s of civility . MacKinnon criticize d Down s i n th e New York Times fo r no t inter viewing th e antipornography sid e of the debat e and fo r basin g hi s boo k on "th e favorit e fantasie s an d fabrications " o f pornography' s defend ers. 58 Althoug h thi s i s no t technicall y true , a s Down s di d intervie w Charlee Hoyt an d Naom i Scheman , supporter s o f the ordinanc e i n Min neapolis, MacKinnon's point is important. Althoug h Down s reads a great deal of movement literatur e a s well as constitutional law , like most polit ical scientist s h e take s th e perspectiv e o f th e state . H e interview s officials an d read s officia l reports . H e doe s muc h mor e wit h thi s topi c than mos t politica l scientist s wh o teach constitutiona l law , bu t th e per spective he offers i s only one side in the debate. As a political scientist, I was pleased wit h th e wor k tha t Down s di d i n bringin g th e movemen t into th e discipline . But , characteristically , th e vantag e poin t i s that o f dominant interests, in this case the interests of the tolerance community . Both book s distinguis h themselve s i n styl e fro m work s o f advocacy , but the y ar e not really very different . Th e outcomes are predictable, an d in man y respect s i t look s lik e the framewor k wa s largely se t u p befor e

117

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

the inquiry. Things were learned, certainly . Downs has some kind word s for radica l feminists . Randal l i s clearly discoverin g thing s a s he write s about th e relationshi p betwee n anxiet y an d desire . Th e thin g w e ar e compelled to ask of Randall, given the feminist critique, 59 is what he can tell u s abou t th e constructio n o f desire. 60 His insight int o the relation ship betwee n sexualit y an d socia l lif e i s impressive , an d readin g hi s book is like having a very fine conversation on a subject tha t makes faceto-face conversatio n difficult . O n this issue , however , I believe hi s com mitment t o liberalis m i s hard t o defen d excep t o n th e term s liberalis m has se t fo r itself . Tolerance ring s hollo w i n ligh t o f a number o f issue s we face, an d certainl y i n ligh t o f the radica l feminis t position . Besides , tolerance a s Randall carefull y present s i t lead s to lack o f responsibility . Liberals car e very littl e abou t wha t th e dirt y ol d me n ar e reading i n th e back room . The new politic s o f pornography n o longer appreciate s tha t kind o f tolerance.

118

The sam e opportunit y t o fal l bac k o n th e "deeper " discussio n o f political and psychologica l theory i s not available for Down s because hi s book focuses squarel y o n the antipornography movement . The boo k i s a systematic treatmen t o f the movemen t tha t i s valuable fo r it s presenta tion o f the chronolog y an d lega l developments. I t was unpopular amon g feminists because , lik e most la w studie s i n politica l science , i t too k th e state's perspective. This is unfortunate becaus e Down s is a sensitive an d engaged politica l scientis t wh o ha s taken th e movemen t mor e seriousl y than mos t colleagues . But when on e feels the radicalism o f Dworkin i n a book lik e Intercourse an d want s t o recoi l fro m th e notio n tha t al l me n want t o d o is occupy, violate , invade , an d colonize , Down s is little com fort. Whe n I look for qualifier s ("som e men,"—I sa y to my friends), h e is also o f littl e help . A boo k whos e cove r sport s a plain brow n wrappe r being rippe d bac k t o expos e a nude statue , an d whic h begin s wit h a quote fro m Nietzsche , prais e fro m thre e libertaria n mal e law professors , and acknowledgmen t t o two others , make s "som e men" a tougher clai m to support . The disciplinin g o f academi c network s i s powerful . On e wonder s about th e effec t o n tenur e fo r on e wh o migh t hav e stoo d agains t th e accepted vie w of the First Amendment. Som e of those who preach toler ance ca n barel y contro l thei r ow n rag e at the ide a tha t w e might distin guish th e feminis t positio n fro m tha t o f th e Nazi s o r th e Klan . Th e ideology agains t whic h radica l feminis m i s arraye d i s ver y powerfu l indeed, an d on e finds i t i n th e book s mentione d here . I t i s in Downs' s

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

orientation t o the stat e an d establishe d institutions . I t i s in th e psycho logical conceptio n o f pornography a s inevitable pu t fort h b y Randall . I t is in th e tantalizin g cover s an d th e sens e that th e ne w an d th e tabo o i n the titles will be of interest . Carol Sternhell' s revie w o f Dworkin' s book s Ice and Fire and Intercourse suggests a relationship o f law to liberal theory, an d o f liberal the ory t o consciousness . Sternhel l characterize s Intercourse a s making " a single argumen t (an d it' s a doozy)" that "Sexua l intercours e shoul d b e abolished" becaus e i t i s "th e caus e o f man y o f women' s problems. " Dworkin hersel f pu t i t thi s way : "Physically , th e woma n i n intercours e is a space inhabited, a literal territory occupie d literally : occupie d eve n if there has been no resistance, no force; even if the occupied perso n sai d yes please, ye s hurry, ye s more." Accordin g t o Sternhell , th e weaknes s in Dworkin' s contributio n i n bot h book s "i s it s relentles s portrai t o f Woman Victimized, victimize d i n essence, victimized a s women, victim ized without explanation. " Dworkin' s analysis concludes with the obser vation tha t "misogyn y i s real. Rap e i s real. Economi c discriminatio n i s real. The devaluatio n o f anything femal e i s real. The sexism tha t define s sex a s intercours e (only ) an d define s intercours e a s th e mal e orgas m (only) is real." In sayin g this , Dworkin, accordin g t o Sternhell, "reduce s real ( I hope changeable ) politica l arrangement s t o (unchanging) biologi cal design. " Sternhel l see s Dworkin makin g th e sam e mistake a s a male acquaintance wh o explaine d th e inevitabilit y o f mal e dominanc e b y analogy t o electricity : "Th e plu g goe s to the socket ; th e socke t doesn' t go to th e plug. " What sh e believe s th e ma n an d Dworki n fai l t o se e i s that th e analog y i s true onl y whe n th e socke t i s nailed t o a wall, onl y when " a hole nailed an d immobile is the only model of sexuality." Stern hell's countervailin g rag e is the kin d th e New York Times like s to mak e available t o its readers . The rag e an d sarcas m ar e directe d a t a feminis t argument i n favo r o f the sophisticatio n o f seein g a world tha t changes . This i s the law' s an d th e society' s respons e t o feminis t radicalis m ove r pornography; bot h la w an d societ y ca n change . Whil e true , thi s i s n o way to support a movement. One need no t overstat e th e contribution s o f French scholar s suc h a s Pierre Bourdie u an d Miche l Foucaul t t o recogniz e thei r valu e i n tran scending a positivist conventionality. 61 Alon g wit h interpretiv e theo rists lik e Stanle y Fish , thei r approac h suggest s a new kin d o f sociolog y that i s attentive t o the socia l foundations o f ideas. Sociolog y o f law ha s long avoide d carefu l inquir y int o how communitie s mutuall y constitut e

119

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

120

legal forms . Establishin g a sociology o f la w tha t capture s th e form s o f law i n socia l relation s require s attentio n t o th e communitie s mutuall y constituting th e lega l form. Th e interest i s less in the demographics—o r at leas t les s centrall y i n thos e characteristic s o f race , sex , age , an d national origi n tha t w e associat e wit h demography—bu t mor e com pletely in the ideological, social, and materia l construction o f alternativ e communities. The alternativ e fo r right s movement s i s to go deepe r int o America n practice, no t furthe r away—tha t is , to dra w fro m th e constitutiv e char acter o f ordinar y practic e an d t o conceptualiz e i t i n a transformativ e fashion. Thi s wa s eviden t i n th e wor k o f Charle s Reich , Angel a Davis , and Malcol m X , an d i t i s no w eviden t i n th e wor k o f Derric k Bell , Staunton Lynd , an d MacKinnon . I n her essa y "Liberalis m and th e Deat h of Feminism, " MacKinno n argue s tha t th e libera l reactio n t o th e antipornography movemen t ha s spli t feminism. 62 Sh e show s th e hege monic natur e o f liberalism an d it s inability t o address femal e inequalit y in it s analysis o f socia l life. A t the cente r o f her positio n i s the fac t tha t women inhabi t a society organize d aroun d men . The antipornograph y movement' s qualities , aspirations , an d radica l demands ar e significant . T o those wh o liste n an d d o not find th e equa tion o f law and dominatio n puzzling , the perspectiv e i s a powerful forc e for change . A s Dworkin point s out , "Strategie s o f resistance ar e devel oping. . . . Some are rud e an d som e are civil . . . . Some disregar d mal e law, brea k i t wit h militanc y an d pride." 63 In th e end , th e demand s ar e not a s dramati c a s the challeng e t o la w migh t suggest . Thoug h highl y rhetorical, Dworkin' s challeng e t o law , tha t "[ojther s dar e t o deman d that the law must protect women—eve n women—fro m braze n terroriza tion,"64 is relatively basic . In fact, thi s is what la w tells us it is doing. I n many respects , the socia l relations buil t outsid e thi s clai m are crucial t o the sens e it makes as a form o f law.

Law, Class , an d Consciousnes s The constitutiv e approac h demand s som e attention t o the clas s and his torical characte r o f the antipornography movement . This means perhap s less attentio n t o th e constitutiv e operation s o f it s ideology . I n thi s respect, th e movemen t ha s bee n predominatel y middl e clas s and roote d in left-libera l feminism . It s movement root s ar e in the wav e of feminis m that emerge d i n the earl y 1970 s and le d to suc h lega l transformations a s

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

Roe v. Wade an d th e introductio n o f the Equa l Right s Amendment . B y the late 1970s , when the manifestations o f the movement we have focused on becom e evident , som e of those successe s wer e looking les s attractiv e and the careerism of liberal feminism wa s beginning t o show itself to radicals. A t thi s time , a fuller expressio n o f feminis t rag e wa s eviden t i n work suc h a s Kathleen Barry' s Female Sexual Slavery, whic h wen t wel l beyond th e comfortabl e aspiration s fo r equalit y associate d wit h th e Equal Rights Amendment o r Simone de Beauvoir s The Second Sex. As th e activis m conventionall y associate d wit h th e 1960 s bega n t o wane, th e antipornograph y movemen t wa s free t o g o beyon d man y o f the socia l an d ideologica l characteristic s o f earlie r activists . Wome n Against Pornograph y ha s bee n influence d b y th e sam e counterideologi cal critiqu e tha t wa s pose d b y movemen t wome n agains t lef t male s i n the lat e 1960s—w e won' t mak e the coffee , w e won't tak e th e minutes — and whic h wa s influential a t th e onse t o f the women' s movement . Thus , elements of left- an d right-wing ideolog y becam e a part o f how Dworki n presented herself , althoug h a "strang e bedfellows " angl e wa s a muc h bigger dea l fo r thos e outsid e tha n withi n th e movement . I n th e move ment, it s contributio n wa s at leas t i n par t a n earl y impatienc e wit h th e confines o f th e traditiona l politica l spectrum . Radica l me n wer e quit e often th e worst i n their treatmen t o f women . The movemen t wa s closel y tie d t o universit y an d professiona l set tings, with man y of its major event s situated i n middle-class institution s like NY U La w School in the 1970 s and Barnar d Colleg e in 1982 . As a key element o f feminism , th e antipornograph y movemen t wa s linke d wit h other expressions of outrage at the treatment wome n get in the home, on campus, and in the streets. 65 As the movement's concern s have reached a larger audience , the y hav e inevitabl y involve d a more divers e popula tion. I n th e battere d women' s struggl e an d i n the extensio n o f prosecu tion fo r rape , th e incident s an d th e us e o f law have reached member s o f classes and racial groups that are underrepresented o n college campuses. The feminist cas e against pornograph y ha s subsequently bee n shape d by debate s ove r wha t i s pornographic, ove r fre e expression , an d ove r the nature of legislation as a form o f politics. In these considerations, th e link betwee n stat e law and ideolog y depend s o n the issue and th e grou p considered. Throughou t th e debate , an d perhap s particularl y becaus e i t took plac e in a middle-class environment , th e autonom y o f the individ ual ha s bee n asserte d quit e ofte n a t th e sam e tim e tha t th e fallacie s o f that position—it s failur e t o calculat e th e degree s o f restraint presen t i n

121

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

the context o f expression—have bee n rampant. A s Fiss notes, "Th e exaltation o f autonomy presuppose s a world tha t n o longer exist s and tha t i s beyond ou r capacit y t o recall—a worl d i n whic h th e principl e politica l forum i s the street corner. It ignores the manifold way s that the state participates in the constructio n o f all things socia l and ignore s the proble m of private censorship/' 66 The point i s put anothe r wa y in Jennifer Nedel sky's discussion of the inability o f one variation of feminist spiritualit y t o understand tha t the Bill of Rights is not simpl y a tool to be used b y thos e outside government to resist, bu t a tool—indeed, just part of a whole tool box—which th e government use s to keep the democrati c polity in line.6"7 As th e movemen t shifte d towar d relianc e o n th e stat e i n lat e 1983 , harm—which liberal s like William O. Douglas always contended wa s the key to justifying restraint s o n expression—played a central role . On th e other hand , lega l distinction s betwee n form s o f pornography continue d to b e resisted . Whe n th e cit y o f Indianapoli s defende d it s ordinanc e against violen t pornograph y i n court , i t concede d tha t th e ordinanc e would no t withstan d th e standar d measur e o f constitutiona l authorit y in Miller v. California. Subsequently, th e federal court s agreed .

122

The movement , constitute d b y it s oppositio n t o fre e speech , coul d not hav e existed a s it di d withou t notion s o f law derive d fro m th e Firs t Amendment. Fro m the foru m a t the Ne w York University La w School i n the lat e 1970s , where a new movemen t agains t pornograph y wa s articu lated, t o the mos t recen t debate s i n th e lef t an d feminis t press , the ten sion betwee n expressio n an d censorshi p ha s been intense. 68 In a politics constituted i n thi s wa y certai n consequence s ar e foreordained, suc h a s who will join o n what sid e and wh o will already b e there. Traditionally , we might hav e expected feminist s an d pornographer s t o share an abhor rence fo r Victoria n moralists , bu t thi s wa s no t t o b e the case . Instead , counterintuitive alliance s becam e par t o f th e publi c spectacl e an d heightened attentio n t o the issue of limits on expression . Radicalism, o f th e sor t tha t equate d stat e la w an d terrorism , domi nated th e feminis t cas e agains t pornograph y a t th e en d o f th e 1970s , before th e movemen t becam e involve d wit h loca l ordinances an d bega n to see law a s an instrumen t o f reform. T o capture th e antipornograph y movement befor e it s tur n t o la w a s a n instrumen t o f change , I hav e focused o n th e 197 8 conference a t Ne w York University , o n Dworkin , and o n th e earl y expressio n o f outrag e fro m tha t period . Bu t the move ment continue s t o grow , i n par t becaus e o f the challeng e i t present s t o conventional wisdom i n law.

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

From it s inception , th e antipornograph y movemen t ha s bee n infl uenced b y law. It has operated i n a sphere audience s generall y associat e with legality , illegality , an d th e Constitution . Th e movemen t ha s als o been influence d b y on e of the generation' s mos t creativ e lega l thinkers . For the las t decade , i n whic h th e 1960 s generation cam e to maturit y i n the academy , MacKinno n ha s bee n a challengin g voic e fo r a ne w jurisprudence. Sh e ha s embodie d clarit y i n though t abou t la w a t th e same time that sh e ha s engage d u s to think abou t lega l practic e i n ne w ways. MacKinnon reshapes, and ask s us to rethink, th e contours of politics and socia l life . Suc h rethinkin g challenge s ou r notion s o f mundan e and avant-garde , publi c an d private , left an d right . While offerin g som e of the mos t radica l conception s o f practice com ing ou t o f th e lega l academy , MacKinno n ha s turne d th e attentio n o f radical activist s towar d cit y governmen t an d give n man y caugh t u p i n the destructio n o f property reaso n to care about the local administratio n of justice . I n drawin g attentio n t o th e harassmen t o f wome n i n th e workplace, MacKinno n ha s demande d tha t w e tak e equalit y an d th e administrative proces s seriously . A s a theorist o f libera l epistemology , particularly idealis m i n law , MacKinno n ha s als o suggeste d ho w w e might tak e ourselve s an d ou r wor k mor e seriously . Thus , MacKinno n has give n feminis m it s shar e o f lega l victories . Th e cos t ha s bee n a n accusation o f "essentialism " b y a community concerne d wit h he r chal lenge to liberalism. This charg e seem s false give n th e rang e o f her inter ests and th e sensitivit y o f her politica l theory . I n additio n t o he r wor k on sexual harassment an d pornography , sh e has developed th e seeds of a new lega l theory o f rape, a conception o f abortion engagin g t o those o f us concerne d abou t heav y emphasi s o n th e rhetori c o f choice , an d a vivid descriptio n o f the constitutiona l presumptio n tha t equalit y i s less important tha n free speech . Thus, in law the issue of essentialism is most likely t o aris e becaus e la w o n expressio n mos t dramaticall y represent s liberal tolerance . Th e critiqu e o f essentialis m has , i n man y respects , been a critique o f the constitutiv e vie w o f law . The limit s o f bot h cri tiques are political as well as epistemological. 69 The unfavorabl e receptio n give n b y th e libera l communit y t o MacK innon's mos t recen t book , Only Words, i s understandable i n ligh t o f liberalism's deep devotion to its contemporary framework. Whil e MacKinnon critiques th e rea l consequence s o f Firs t Amendmen t protection , he r reviewers canno t conceptualiz e pornograph y a s anything bu t anothe r idea i n th e fre e marketplace . Callin g attentio n t o wha t pornograph y

123

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

does, MacKinno n claim s tha t abus e i s protecte d a s speech . Liberal s ar e adamant tha t th e governmen t mus t champio n objectivity , wha t MacKin non term s th e '"speec h yo u hate ' test : the mor e yo u disagre e wit h content , the mor e importan t i t become s t o protec t i t / ' 7 0 Th e mos t controversia l review o f he r boo k demonstrate d thi s perspectiv e an d sough t t o t r u m p the radica l feminis t positio n wit h th e traditiona l speech/actio n distinc tion. Th e image s o f rap e i n th e revie w b y Carli n Roman o victimize d an d dehumanized MacKinno n i n a way tha t onl y a male reviewe r could . The libera l fre e speec h positio n ha s a proble m wit h distinctions , tha t is, wit h a failure t o distinguish . Thi s failur e i s eviden t i n a n exchang e o f letters t h a t too k plac e i n Amherst , Massachusett s i n Decembe r 1989 , after feminist s brok e int o a newsstan d tha t sol d pornograph y an d van dalized magazines . Th e exchang e wa s betwee n a loca l lawye r w h o wa s president o f th e Chambe r o f Commerc e an d a colleg e professo r support ive o f t h e demonstrators . Th e n e w s s t a n d manage r wa s q u o t e d i n t h e Springfield Union

a s equatin g t h e feminist s w h o vandalize d he r book -

store wit h th e Kla n (an d th e Gestapo) . Th e presiden t o f th e Chambe r o f Commerce sai d simila r things . Th e professo r responded ,

124

I've live d i n Amhers t fo r fifteen year s an d teac h politica l scienc e a t th e University. I think w e would kno w i f the KK K wa s in Amherst. We woul d know becaus e of what the y sa y and wha t the y do . As a university professo r I fear suc h puzzling association s becaus e the y do s o little t o advanc e discussio n abou t eithe r pornograph y o r property . The KK K stand s fo r racis m an d anti-semitis m i n America . I t stand s fo r brutal repressio n b y a dominan t majority . Feminis m hold s tha t wome n have bee n hel d bac k b y mal e dominatio n an d i t stand s fo r liberation . Those ideas look differen t t o me. Besides the KK K i s a male organization . Amherst i s home t o man y college s an d althoug h w e have ou r head s i n the cloud s lot s o f th e time , w e shoul d b e abl e to recogniz e th e KK K i f i t comes to town. For one thing the y ar e not going to be our sisters . The vandalis m i n Amhers t migh t b e describe d a s a violen t ac t agains t the ACL U theor y tha t say s w e canno t distinguis h betwee n radica l femi nism an d t h e K K K . Thi s i s a t h e o r y i n t r o d u c e d wel l int o thi s c e n t u r y and nurture d t o extreme s i n th e las t decade . M y favorit e exampl e i s Fre d Friendly an d Marth a Elliott' s That Delicate Balance, a boo k produce d fo r the televisio n serie s o f th e sam e name , whic h describe s fre e speec h doc trine a s "protectin g th e though t tha t w e h a t e / ' W h e n i t fail s t o distinguish , th e ACL U theor y denigrate s th e substan tive value s o f fre e expression . Thes e ar e value s wo n i n struggl e agains t

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

repression b y governments . Th e valu e o f fre e expressio n ough t t o encourage u s t o b e impatien t wit h thos e wh o canno t distinguis h between constitutionall y protecte d speec h an d pornography . In additio n t o problems wit h distinctions , antipornograph y activis m poses fundamental challenge s to other aspects of liberalism. The militancy of the movemen t echoe s the outrag e o f John Brow n an d th e succeedin g waves of women's liberation. I n all of this, liberalism stand s in oppositio n to the focus and the intensity o f the movement. This is evident in the dra matic qualit y o f the coverag e o f the antipornograph y vandalis m a t th e Amherst newsstand . I t i s rare tha t twent y wome n fro m th e universit y constitute a gang, bu t tha t wa s how the women wer e described . There is no questio n tha t wome n fighting bac k i s news . Th e vandalis m cam e between murder s in Montreal, Canad a (don e b y a man wh o shoute d tha t feminists ha d take n to o many liberties) , and th e murder o f a female Uni versity of Massachusetts student in the local mall parking lot. For those of us who worked a t the university al l these events had a great impact . The sanctimoniou s invocatio n o f th e Bil l o f Right s an d freedo m o f speech b y th e loca l Chambe r o f Commerc e presiden t emphasize d vio lence. H e condemne d th e vandalis m a t th e newsroo m a s " a violen t ac t against freedom o f speech/' Suc h theories d o not advance the discussio n about pornograph y o r property , bu t rathe r focu s o n th e process . Th e conventional vie w o f free speec h i s puzzling becaus e i n mos t o f our lif e we are taugh t tha t wha t peopl e stan d fo r wil l determin e thei r plac e i n the communit y o r a t leas t i n history . Whe n w e lear n t o distinguis h between th e Son s o f Libert y an d Georg e III , th e righteousnes s o f th e American caus e becomes the determinin g facto r an d violenc e a cause fo r celebration. I n callin g attentio n t o the assertion tha t th e end canno t justify th e means , w e confron t on e o f the cornerstone s o f the ACL U posi tion. The ACLU , on e of the group s that claim s the en d canno t justify th e means, ha s sometime s trie d t o sho w tha t th e en d i s irrelevant. I n thi s context, a value mean s somethin g an d a robust commitmen t t o freedo m of expression doe s not preclud e actio n agains t pornography . Radical feminist s hav e bee n criticize d fo r focusin g to o narrowl y o n pornography a s a site o f feminis t struggle. 71 Althoug h th e connectio n between pornograph y an d violenc e against women is central to the radi cal argument, som e activists doub t tha t th e pornograph y issu e ha s th e capacity t o reac h ou t t o battere d women . Fro m m y vantag e point , th e antipornography movemen t i s one o f the mos t compellin g challenge s t o liberal legalism in existence. The response to strategic concern s ought t o

125

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

be that w e need t o avoid th e many trap s of liberalism. There is no prob lem with focuse d activism . Th e deman d fo r "evidence " i n thi s cas e is a denial of experience . One o f th e strength s o f th e antipornograph y movemen t i s it s chal lenge to the presumptions of liberalism and th e related limits posed for a full understandin g o f the nature of law. Radical feminism i n general, an d the movemen t agains t pornograph y i n particular , ar e frontal attack s o n liberalism. Th e fronta l quarte r t o whic h th e attac k i s ofte n directe d makes som e me n nervous . Specifically , th e intensit y o f th e critiqu e o f liberal jurisprudence ha s been very unsettlin g t o the men and wome n of the civi l liberties bar. 72 With regar d t o the implications o f positive theories o f law , ther e mus t b e a place fo r focuse d attentio n tha t doe s no t accept the premises of state power. Indeed, radica l feminism i s threaten ing becaus e of its failure t o accept the hegemony o f the legal system, no t because it sometimes break s the law.

126

Given th e natur e o f middle-clas s politic s an d politic s closel y tie d t o institutions suc h a s universitie s o r t o professiona l communities , th e antipornography movemen t doe s fac e challenge s t o th e buildin g o f coalitions. But , equall y important , th e movemen t face s th e challeng e o f liberalism i n developin g coalition s wit h othe r radica l movements . Although centra l t o th e pornograph y issue , th e influenc e o f prevailin g ideology aroun d speec h ha s bee n difficul t t o demonstrate . A s noted ear lier i n th e chapter , th e Suprem e Cour t ha s give n ris e to a "Fre e Speec h Tradition/' 73 Bu t it is the vernacula r understandin g o f freedom tha t ha s been the terrain for feminist critique s of pornography. Paradoxically , th e everyday variet y o f free speec h right is a much less legally sound but , a t least among the middle class, a more prevalent conceptio n tha n what th e Supreme Cour t offers . A s Fiss concluded, "Som e justices, suc h a s Blac k and Douglas , mad e a reputation fo r themselve s b y espousin g a n abso lutist positio n o n free speech : No regulation mean s no regulation/' 74 Bu t this ha s neve r bee n a position embrace d b y th e Suprem e Court. 75 Th e Court ha s alway s foun d contrar y position s worth y o f som e attention . The contemporar y feminis t cas e agains t pornograph y unfold s o n thi s legal an d conceptua l terrain , whic h i s constitute d b y th e traditio n o f constitutional though t abou t th e relationship betwee n th e First Amend ment and obscen e or pornographic material . Many activists in the struggles on the left, suc h as gay liberation, blac k and Chican o nationalism , th e women' s movement , welfar e rights , an d environmentalism, com e out o f liberalism. Man y participant s cal l them-

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

selves liberal because they believ e it puts them on the side of social justice and humanity . I n some respects they ar e right. There appears to be a link between thes e interest s an d th e receptivit y t o socia l chang e associate d with liberalism . This receptivity t o chang e at the margin s i s a feature o f liberalism, indee d i t is a feature o f power i n America tha t make s the sys tem resistant t o fundamental change . Liberalism i s essential to the syste m of domination responsibl e fo r th e condition s o f gross inequality tha t sur round u s in America . Radica l feminism i s closer to the tradition o f Joh n Brown than Ab e Lincoln, close r to Susan B . Anthony tha n Eleano r Roosevelt, an d close r to Malcolm X than Marti n Luthe r King . But radicalis m does not den y the appeal of both approaches, whereas liberalism does. The constitutiv e approac h demand s mor e attentio n t o th e clas s an d historical character o f belief. In this respect, my sample is the antipornog raphy movemen t i n an d aroun d th e academy , particularl y my ow n com munity i n wha t w e cal l th e "Pionee r Valley " nort h o f Springfield , Massachusetts, an d almos t t o the Vermont border . The movement her e is rooted i n th e feminis m o f the "secon d wave " bu t reflect s development s resulting fro m twent y year s o f feminist practice . In this community , th e kinds of feminist politic s were varied enoug h to produce subgroup s wit h distinctive identitie s an d politica l agenda s withi n th e large r domai n o f equality fo r women. Radical feminism wa s uncompromising an d in man y respects shocking t o more traditional forms . In Wester n Massachusetts , u p an d dow n th e valle y tha t produce d Shay's Rebellion i n 1787 , radical feminists hav e created a culture o f resistance, on e manifestatio n o f whic h i s th e antipornograph y movement . There are many way s to understand thi s culture . On e is to examine lesbian communitie s an d wha t Janic e Raymon d call s "GYN/affection." 76 Another i s to look to the wor k o f women suc h a s Mary Daly . In address ing "lust, " Daly says, On the one side, lust and pure lust Name the deadly dispassio n that prevails in patriarchy, the life-hating lecher y that rapes and kills the objects of its obsession/aggression. Indeed , the usual meaning of lust within th e lecherous state of patriarchy i s well-known. It means sexual desire of a violent, self-indulgent, character , lechery, lasciviousness. Phallic lust, violent an d self-indulgent , level s al l life , dismemberin g spirit/matter , attempting annihilation. 77 With storie s lik e this an d others, 78 collective households , distinctiv e entertainment, services , an d form s o f struggle , th e communit y ha s th e cultural presenc e to support it s vision o f the law.

127

RADICAL LEGA L CONSCIOUSNES S

128

While law' s "innocence " ofte n cover s it s responsibility fo r pain , th e most tellin g critica l wor k ha s brough t domination , pain , law , and soci ety togethe r again . Millett' s extraordinar y imag e o f th e brutalit y tha t accompanies oppressio n call s ou r attentio n t o on e o f th e mos t funda mental and littl e understood truth s i n American politics—th e silenc e of power. The movements agains t domesti c violenc e and rap e shar e an ideological structur e wit h th e antipornograph y movement . Th e struggl e i s over wha t wome n an d sexualit y ar e to be. 79 Those wh o woul d remai n within existin g socia l relation s allo w la w it s conventiona l innocence . Those wh o woul d radicall y chang e thos e relations ar e outraged a t law' s complicity. Becaus e radica l feminis m teache s tha t pornograph y i s no t speech bu t violence , that violenc e against women is not a "concern" bu t a crime, and tha t resistanc e i s not disobedienc e bu t self-defense , i t is an extraordinary movement . Radicalis m i n thi s sens e is an explosiv e foun dation for equality ; instrumentalis m i s not. The radica l feminis m o f MacKinno n an d Dworki n ha s bee n a chal lenging voic e for a new jurisprudence. The y embod y clarit y i n though t about la w an d engag e u s t o thin k abou t lega l practic e i n ne w ways , reshaping th e contour s o f politic s an d socia l life . Althoug h Down s noted tha t thei r positio n o n equalit y migh t "undermin e th e entir e edifice o f moder n Firs t Amendmen t doctrin e an d revolutioniz e th e la w of equality/' 80 th e earl y challeng e meant t o d o even more . Radical femi nists challenged la w as it constituted th e mundane and th e avant-garde , the publi c an d th e private , th e lef t an d th e right . Whil e offerin g ver y radical conception s o f practice , th e movemen t i s democrati c i n it s reconstitution o f a political community , an d ultimatel y i n its expressio n of fait h i n loca l government . And , becaus e i t contain s a powerful cri tique of liberal epistemology, particularl y idealis m in law, the movemen t suggests how we might tak e law more seriously .

The Constitutio n o f Interest s Rethinking Legalis m

A

Chapter6

Representation a s power an d powe r a s representation ar e a sacrament i n imag e and a "movement " i n language where , exchanging thei r effects, th e dazzlin g gaze an d th e admirin g reading consum e th e radiant bod y o f th e monarch. —Louis Marin , Portrait of the King

mericans ofte n loo k to o har d for law , and , consequently, w e tend t o look pas t it . We expect law s to be tucked awa y in the inner office s of law firms, in difficult-to-access la w libraries, o r in obscur e professiona l practices. Bu t law also hides beneat h our noses, in social and cultural prac tices. This law that w e don't notic e is powerful. A s part o f the landscape , legal practice s determin e whos e field the farmer plows—hi s ow n or that of another—or, jus t a s inconspicuously, mark th e boundarie s o f suburba n plots and urban buildings . This lega l landscape features zone s of pornography, wher e th e movie rating s di p to the botto m o f the alphabet , an d metropolitan ghetto s wit h blac k a t the center an d whit e a t th e periphery . Even whe n w e don't notic e th e law we are in the landscape. More quie t tha n th e official lega l contexts that appea r in the chronicles of publi c life— a trial , a hearing, an execution—features suc h a s rights , realism, remedies , an d rage for m the legal landscape for various movemen t activists. Right s ar e familiar . Th e other form s begi n t o complet e th e picture. I n th e precedin g chapters , we looke d a t some of these practice s 129

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

130

and trie d t o make them "problematic/ ' Sexuality , positivism , disputing , and pornography , a s political practices , ar e linke d t o distinctiv e lega l forms tha t constitut e participatio n i n the politica l process . These forms , like the practice of rights, are ways to do things. Legal forms in the practices o f distinc t communities , suc h a s gay s i n Californi a appealin g t o constitutional right s o r law professor s i n Cambridg e denyin g th e utilit y of rights , fram e politica l interests . Thes e lega l frame s constitut e th e identities, guid e th e aspirations , an d fue l th e interest s tha t defin e poli tics in a legal order . Political interests an d th e activity tha t result s from the m challeng e u s in the searc h for law' s role in political action. Movement practic e in gen eral and thes e form s i n particula r ar e self-conscious . Becaus e they exis t in practice , th e form s ar e taken fo r grante d onl y i n a contingent sense , and no t i n the wa y tha t th e authorit y o f a stop sig n is . The tolerance o f drunk drivin g befor e mother s organize d agains t i t an d th e progressiv e nature o f free speec h befor e feminist s questione d i t wer e bot h given s that mutate d unde r th e gaz e o f politics . Instrumental strategie s appea r unfettered. Th e movement to destroy pornograph y ha s been pretty clea r about wha t i t wants . The attentio n w e pa y t o interests—t o whethe r o r not the y wil l b e satisfied—distract s u s fro m th e form s tha t constitut e them, an d th e self-consciousnes s o f movements, b y drawin g attentio n from lega l construction , make s tha t constructio n particularl y signifi cant. This chapte r examine s lega l form a s an influenc e i n politic s an d a s a contribution t o legal theory.

Intellectuals an d Politic s When entrepreneur s an d activist s o f the ga y right s movemen t joine d with civi l libertarians t o oppose closin g th e bath s i n Sa n Francisco, thi s was no t a surprisin g alliance , bu t a n expressio n o f th e centra l rol e rights—and right s activists—have playe d in gay life for th e last twenty five years. Ga y me n i n th e mid-1980 s strugglin g agains t AIDS , fea r o f AIDS, an d hostil e institutions , saw , in man y instances , mor e promise i n law than woul d b e found amon g som e law professors. Whil e bathhous e owners an d activist s displaye d a faith i n la w a s they trie d t o kee p th e baths open , th e critica l lega l studies (CLS ) movemen t professe d a loss of faith i n law . These belief s abou t la w an d wha t i t ca n d o for m relation ships "i n law" . The relationships forme d t o keep th e bath s ope n i n th e early year s o f the epidemi c differe d fro m thos e tha t cam e ou t o f late r

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

protests. Relationship s tha t forme d deepe r i n th e despai r o f th e epi demic, such as ACT-U P an d Quee r Nation, wer e more akin to the radical ism of the Women Against Pornography . Key players i n these development s ar e the intellectual s wh o interpre t politics with referenc e t o imagined socia l and cultura l possibilities. Various social theorists hav e tried t o situate th e ideologie s o f activists in th e social context . I n hi s essa y "Th e Intellectuals, " Antoni o Gramsc i explored th e relationshi p betwee n thos e wh o produc e idea s an d th e social classes they serve . He proposed tha t the "notio n o f 'th e intellectu als' a s a distinc t socia l categor y independen t o f clas s i s a myth. " B y intellectuals, Gramsc i doe s no t mea n simpl y a grou p tha t thinks . H e acknowledges tha t "[a]l l men ar e potentially intellectual s i n th e sens e of having a n intellec t an d usin g it " an d explore s th e socia l use s t o whic h the intellec t i s put . H e divide s thos e wh o ar e intellectual s b y socia l function int o tw o groups , th e Traditiona l (o r professional ) an d th e Organic. This latter group he calls "the thinking an d organizin g elemen t of a particular fundamenta l socia l class." 1 Lawyers who become involve d in fashionin g grou p interest s ar e this sor t o f intellectual. 2 S o are man y political activists. The link betwee n lega l form an d politica l activity arise s from th e wa y intellectuals articulate the structures o f political action. The constitutiv e quality o f law draw s intellectual s in . Th e relation s o f power , economi c and political , ar e shaped b y th e intellectuals . Intellectual s interpre t la w to socia l movements . Ga y activist lawyers , b y assertin g rights , promis e protection whil e constitutin g th e movemen t a s victims. 3 In doin g this , they giv e law a rhetorical qualit y tha t help s t o lin k certai n individual s with th e struggl e an d no t others . Suc h i s th e cas e wit h Andre a Dworkin's critiqu e o f intercourse, whic h problematize s traditiona l sex ual relations . I n th e sam e movement , Catharin e MacKinno n ha s con figured la w around ne w strategie s and techniques. In the CL S movement, activist-scholar Dunca n Kenned y gav e hi s authorit y (i n thi s cas e bot h personal an d institutional ) t o the doctrin e o f indeterminac y associate d with th e critica l form i n contemporar y realism . Stanle y Fish , the Milto n scholar an d theoris t o f la w an d literatur e associate d wit h critica l jurisprudence, adde d hi s contentiou s commitmen t t o reaso n a s a gloss on variou s movements . Sinc e contentiou s reaso n i s a source o f power , Fish has become a star among lega l intellectuals. 4 Academic inquir y elevate s som e forms, privilegin g the m relativ e t o others, at the same time that it appears to have little political significance .

131

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

132

In th e 1950s , a generation o f politica l scientist s produce d studie s tha t circumscribed mas s politics. Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties by Samuel Stouffer wa s the interpretive key to the civil rights movemen t and th e Vietna m Wa r fo r a large grou p o f scholars . This stud y o f atti tudes influenced civi l liberties scholarship after Worl d War II by charac terizing democrac y an d it s institutions a s likely to b e nurtured b y elite s and threatene d b y th e "masses " of ordinary people , or , i n th e languag e of the studies , "th e mas s public. " This researc h undercu t th e politica l authority o f the public in matters of fundamental rights . The public wa s a threat becaus e i t ha d th e wron g "opinions. " Aske d ho w the y fel t o n matters of policy, ordinary peopl e were seldom a source of knowledge o r law. They wer e marginalized i n favor o f elites, whose training a s doctor s in matter s o f abortion, o r lawyer s an d judges i n matter s o f free expres sion, gave them specia l authority. 5 In attitud e studies , th e "public " i s a political constructio n tha t sup ports a particular vie w o f law. Although no t produce d b y lawyers , thi s view manifest s itsel f i n th e bar' s interest s an d i n th e implication s o f a marginalized mas s public fo r th e institutiona l lif e o f the law. By valuin g experts, whethe r fo r thei r knowledg e o r opinion, th e studie s suppor t a n orientation t o courts. These were the institution s sensitiv e to fundamen tal rights an d freedoms . I n this way , the attitude studie s helped t o solid ify th e legal form in matters of civil rights and liberty. The Stouffer stud y supported value s associated with freedom, th e marketplace, and the mid dle class . Other, mor e progressiv e values , lik e equality , whic h ar e con nected i n Wester n cultur e t o claim s o f socia l justic e an d worker s movements, receiv e les s attention . Thi s wa s accompanie d b y a tur n toward politica l rights and awa y from economi c rights. This shift i n legal orientation i s linked t o courts throug h th e "Doubl e Standard " i n consti tutional jurisprudence. Par t o f constitutional la w for th e las t fift y years , the "Doubl e Standard " justifie s judicia l revie w wher e th e politica l process appears no t t o b e working properly . Subtly , th e subjec t o f right s became situated with respect to class, with ba d attitudes taking the plac e of education an d persona l hygiene 6 as features distinguishin g th e classes. By the mid-twentieth century , the ideology of popular intoleranc e wa s affecting movemen t strategies . The civi l right s movement , fo r instance , supported th e idea that ordinary folks, at least southern whit e ones, were a threa t t o racia l progress . I n th e Unite d State s durin g th e lat e 1960s , from th e rednecked supporter s o f the Ku Klux Klan as a picture of south ern bigotr y to public initiatives and referenda agains t fair housing, 7 ther e

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

was reaso n t o suspec t th e attitude s hel d b y th e America n peopl e o n issues of equal rights and civi l liberties. The Stouffer stud y an d it s progeny contributed t o the specter of ordinary people threatening basi c liberties. B y implication , popula r institutions , lik e legislatures , especiall y state legislatures, wer e no t t o b e trusted. Learne d Hand—th e autho r o f the ide a that th e peopl e had t o defen d liberty , no t th e courts—notwith standing, the late 1950 s in America ushered i n a period in which only th e courts could b e trusted wit h the preservation o f rights. The consequence s fo r ga y right s ar e direc t an d powerful . Th e move ment wa s base d o n the specte r o f widespread homophobia , an d th e la w was see n a s a protective barrie r agains t discrimination . I n spit e o f th e role of law in criminalizin g homosexua l relation s an d th e polic e repres sion a t th e Stonewal l Ba r itself , th e post-Stonewal l response , whic h extended t o the bathhouse closings , linked homosexua l interests to legal claims i n th e for m o f civi l right s protection . Realis m i n la w school s tended t o leav e institutiona l elitis m intact , whil e informalis m turne d cynicism abou t th e powe r o f law o n it s head . Wit h th e radica l feminis t antipornography movement , the perception that the public is an illibera l mass come s full circle . That is , fear o f mas s politics reinforce s th e ide a that radical opposition t o law is reactionary. 8 Academic intellectuals hav e had a great dea l to say about socia l movements. The frameworks i n sociolog y an d politica l scienc e are varied an d discussion o f the appropriat e for m o f socia l scienc e inquir y int o move ment politic s continue s t o b e lively. 9 For th e mos t part , th e concer n o f movement scholar s is simply no t fo r th e role of law or legal institution s in th e live s o f activists . Mos t o f the literatur e o n collectiv e actio n an d the choic e t o participat e i n socia l movement s doe s no t amoun t t o th e kind o f state-centere d orientatio n suggeste d b y Gramsci . I n fact , th e most common framework extrapolate s fro m a model of individuals char acterizing group s o n th e basi s o f self-intereste d individua l choice . This framework contribute s t o th e socia l formulatio n o f liberal institutions , and b y isolatin g individual s an d leavin g th e stat e unexamine d i t serve s to maintain th e hegemony Gramsc i revealed . An exception to this general orientation is the work of Joseph Gusfiel d and hi s colleagues working o n "new " socia l movements. 10 Gusfield's ow n work brough t th e symboli c dimension s o f struggl e t o the for e t o revea l the interweaving o f law and politics . In the new socia l movements litera ture, scholar s hav e reconceptualize d collectiv e actio n i n respons e t o emerging form s o f movement practice—suc h a s the peac e movement ,

133

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

134

student movements , anti-nuclear energ y protests , minority nationalism , gay rights, animal rights, religious fundamentalism, an d women's rights— that see m to lead inexorably to issues of identity.111 have suggested in th e preceding chapter s tha t movemen t analysi s o f identity show s how orga nization aroun d a form o f law influence s socia l relations. The constitu tive dimensio n o f law operates o n thes e relation s a s identities. Thus th e gay o r radica l feminis t activis t wh o identifie s wit h th e movemen t an d sees him o r hersel f i n movemen t term s i s gay o r radica l a t leas t i n par t because o f law . This ma y no t b e a s new a s som e ne w socia l movemen t theorists argue, 12 sinc e ther e wer e identit y dimension s t o th e politica l parties o f th e nineteent h century , an d religiou s movement s lik e Mor monism ar e certainl y constitutiv e o f identity. I t is , nevertheless, a key feature i n the constitutio n o f interests. In additio n t o this work , Pau l Burstei n ha s recently turne d hi s atten tion t o law, 13 an d Michae l McCann , i n Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization,1^ ha s pushed th e constitu tive frame a s an elaboratio n o f Stuar t Scheingold' s "Myt h o f Rights/' 15 McCann's importan t boo k begin s wit h movements , an d works , a s h e says, fro m th e botto m up . It explicitl y look s for th e influenc e o f law i n movement practic e an d finds la w operatin g muc h a s Scheingol d described tw o decade s ago . Drawin g o n interview s wit h score s o f activists involve d i n pa y equit y reform , McCan n foun d law' s "mos t obvious positive contribution " wa s in movement building . That is, early favorable decision s wer e use d b y organizer s t o mobiliz e th e ran k an d file.16 Lawyer s wer e involve d here , i n way s simila r t o th e civi l right s movement,17 bu t labo r activist s playe d a relatively large r rol e an d hel d out th e promis e o f the la w in orde r t o gain suppor t fo r demand s tha t i n many case s wo n concession s withou t th e completio n o f litigation . A s McCann put s it , th e Suprem e Court' s Gunther ruling 18 an d th e distric t court's rulin g i n AFSCME V. State of Washington 19 "cas t a long shado w that significantl y refigure d relation s betwee n wome n worker s an d employers." 20 Drawin g o n sociolega l scholarshi p o f th e las t twent y years, McCann develop s and present s this observation i n a sophisticate d fashion. Fo r instance, he reminds u s that la w was a constraint a s well as an opportunity. "Th e logics of official antidiscriminatio n law, " he point s out, "wer e no t easil y refashione d t o conve y th e activists ' structura l account o f systemi c wag e discrimination." 21 I n othe r words , eve n a t it s height th e lega l opportunit y coul d onl y b e employe d withi n a libera l framework wit h privat e property an d individual worker s at its core.

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

While technicall y a right s struggl e i n th e classi c sense , th e us e o f rights i n pa y equit y cases , a s depicte d b y McCann , draw s attentio n t o social relation s i n a manner tha t enable s u s to extrapolat e th e constitu tion o f interest s t o context s tha t ar e no t right s based . I shar e wit h McCann a belief i n th e importanc e o f contex t an d believ e furthe r tha t we must read la w in the places where movements operate . In each of th e movements discusse d i n thi s book , intellectual s hav e articulated a for m of law based o n relevant institutiona l lif e and movemen t opportunity . I n the case of gays defending th e baths, the rights claim traces its lineage to the Englis h noble s wh o demande d autonom y an d produce d th e Magn a Carta. In the cas e of lawyers on the America n Ba r Association's Commit tee o n Alternativ e Disput e Resolution , th e claim s for informalis m dra w on reformist tradition s that als o have a noble past. Professors a t the Har vard Progra m o n Negotiatio n depic t la w b y minimizin g th e rol e o f lawyers an d highlightin g th e principle s o f informalit y agains t a back ground o f distinctl y evi l traditional lega l processes. Here, the mobiliza tion i s against law and i n oppositio n t o rights. In addition t o the academic intellectual, movement s have organic the orists who wor k t o adapt th e strategie s an d maxim s o f the specifi c case s to the tenet s o f the movemen t an d th e inclination s o f the participants . Sandra Goodman , a n antipornograph y activis t i n Amherst , ha s expressed wit h grea t insigh t th e challenge s t o individual wome n a s th e movement evolve d int o a phas e unfamilia r t o most—tha t o f illega l action. In a statement rea d to the judge at her trial she said, "Thi s trial is not th e struggl e tha t w e wis h t o concentrat e on/ ' Similarly , ga y right s activists an d bathhous e owner s situate d thei r claim s s o as to mee t th e challenge o f keeping bathhouse s ope n i n a way tha t woul d strengthe n rather tha n debilitat e thei r movement . Th e institutiona l advantage s o f law school movements an d alternativ e disput e resolutio n (ADR ) ti e thei r intermediate strategist s mor e directl y t o th e state . Becaus e bot h hav e institutional position s fro m whic h t o work, intellectual s associate d wit h these movement s ar e abl e t o pursu e career s a t th e sam e time tha t the y work i n th e movement . Th e significanc e o f institutionalizatio n i n thi s form i s its lin k t o the state . This lin k i s what make s u s thin k tha t CLS , law an d economics , an d AD R lac k th e tensio n wit h establishe d powe r that w e expect o f critical or insurgent politica l movements . Politics imbricated wit h la w raises issue s as to wha t w e cal l politics 22 and wha t w e call law. Gramsci describe d la w in Italy a s ascending whil e religion diminishe d i n importance . H e sa w la w residin g somewher e

135

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

136

between scienc e an d religio n a s an instrumen t o f stat e power , an d th e state a s "a n educator " an d a s "a n instrumen t o f rationalization/' 23 I n order t o understan d law' s function , Gramsc i hel d tha t la w ha d t o b e freed fro m transcenden t abstraction s an d place d i n context . Thes e requirements take us, even here near the end of this work, into struggle s over politics and epistemology . Conventiona l discours e makes it particu larly har d t o ge t beneat h th e claim s an d practice s o f politica l move ments. Th e struggle s w e hav e wit h abstractions—idea s abou t realit y beyond convention—ar e themselve s a facet o f state power . Much o f the languag e o f clas s struggl e an d hegemon y i s unfamilia r and henc e unappealing t o Americans. This may account fo r th e enthusi astic receptio n o f Miche l Foucault' s thesi s tha t contemporar y societ y had develope d system s o f authorit y tha t wer e beyon d law. 24 Yet, clas s analysis goes back a hundred years , to before th e liberal state emerged i n its presen t for m wit h it s more subtl e rationalizations . Th e battle s o f th e nineteenth centur y dre w th e line s o f economi c determinism . The y related th e socia l to the biologica l and worke d ou t th e scientifi c founda tions o f both . Fo r moder n socia l science , th e projec t o f socia l researc h shows ho w societ y produce s itself . This involve s relatin g th e sponta neous to the rigid b y lookin g a t movements t o see the law. For example , careers an d professiona l agenda s driv e th e AD R movement . Althoug h ADR ha s grass-roots rhetoric, and som e grass-roots support, th e bar associations an d th e judicial bureaucrac y generat e interes t i n the movemen t and th e foundation s facilitat e it s developmen t wit h thei r largesse . Here, a rhetoric i s appropriated an d powerfu l institution s identif y themselve s with th e commo n ma n o r woman . The socia l function o f the AD R move ment ma y wel l b e t o mak e thing s happe n withou t changin g clas s o r social relations. The movement agains t pornography , o n the othe r hand , is truly radical . It exist s in oppositio n t o traditional interests , an d whil e it uses law as a vehicle, it doe s so in an oppositional way . Some scholars have tried to account for the social relations by which we organize interests. Alain Touraine, who bucke d th e post-structural trend , is concerned wit h th e "glue " o f social relations, the element s o f societ y that hol d i t together. Fo r Touraine, structur e i s not somethin g tha t exist s independent o f people's activit y bu t i s "th e propert y o f a n activity." 25 Touraine break s dow n th e rigid structur e o f interests "outside " the state . Thus, the social structure is the structure of how a group moves, and pub lic life becomes a drama of social action and socia l relations. In the technical language of this framework, societ y consists of hierarchized system s of

T H E CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

action wit h a t leas t two components : "historicity, " society' s capacit y t o produce th e model s b y whic h i t functions ; an d "clas s relations, " th e processes throug h whic h thes e model s becom e socia l practices. 26 Thes e concerns reflect th e politics of law presented her e with referenc e t o legal forms and moving from instrumenta l t o constitutive law. For American socia l theory abou t law, demonstrating th e principles i n constitutive la w bega n wit h th e earl y wor k o f CL S scholars . In th e lat e 1970s, th e challeng e wa s t o sho w tha t la w wa s mor e tha n word s o n a page o r pronouncement s fro m o n high . On e response cam e fro m labo r historian Kar l Klare . Drawin g fro m Dougla s Hay' s Albion's Fatal Tree and fro m hi s ow n work , "Th e Judicia l Deradicalizatio n o f the Wagne r Act," Klar e propose d lookin g a t law-makin g a s praxis.27 Thi s picture , merely outlined b y Klare, featured prominentl y i n my discussion of legal form i n chapte r 1 . The challeng e t o fill it in , however , wa s neve r take n up b y CL S becaus e th e movemen t turne d towar d realism . Thus, CL S ha s made it difficul t t o articulate th e role of law in th e constitutio n o f inter ests. Yet , fro m th e beginnin g o f th e Enlightenment , la w ha s bee n i n movements an d i n practice—i n lawyers ' offices , i n th e languag e o f equality, i n th e Iran-Contr a hearings , an d i n contemporar y feminism . I t has bee n par t o f u s al l along , eve n a s intellectuals , professiona l an d organic, have told u s law is theirs.

Positivism's Hierarchie s While the public's experience of constitutional right s should b e the nat ural foundation fo r right s i n a democratic system , th e dominan t classe s are very nervou s abou t th e public' s view s o n fundamenta l rights . Socia l research o n attitude s i s at th e cor e o f this anxiety . Thoughtfu l people , often progressiv e people , agoniz e ove r wha t t o d o about th e reactionar y attitudes o f the workin g class . They poin t ou t a working-class propen sity t o se e welfare a s an enem y standin g agains t obviou s clas s interests . The stud y o f law' s constitutiv e forc e recognize s link s betwee n socia l knowledge an d right s a s a subjec t o f research , whil e attitud e studie s leave the socia l and cultura l source s o f feelings unexamined . Wha t peo ple know wit h referenc e t o legal forms i s a source o f law. To the exten t that welfar e i s constructed a s charity, i t become s a form o f wealth. Thi s construction o f wealth determine s that a salary chec k pai d out , whethe r from a public o r private source , is "mine" while payments from th e wel fare departmen t ar e not. 28

137

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

In the United States , the behaviora l turn, quantitativ e methods , and a framework o f attitudes ha d alread y begu n t o defin e th e contex t fo r civi l liberties whe n th e Stouffe r stud y cam e out. Stouffer' s 195 4 survey wa s based o n two publi c opinio n polls , on e b y Gallu p an d th e othe r b y th e National Opinio n Researc h Cente r a t th e Universit y o f Chicago. 29 Stou ffer's wor k i s presented a s scholarship o n people , o r " A Cross-section o f the Nation/ ' Th e stud y ha s its source s in th e intellectua l fermen t o f th e period, whe n the new behaviora l scienc e entered th e academy, accompa nied b y a wave o f fea r abou t fascis m an d communism . B y 1955 , wor k such a s T. W. Adorno's The Authoritarian Personality, an d th e genera l interest i n opinio n research , provide d th e conceptua l framewor k fo r Stouffer's study . Thi s framework , whic h recognize d th e masse s a s a threat, employe d a formulation o f opinion o r "attitude " research , a way of looking a t th e worl d tha t wa s oriented towar d feelings , th e registra tion o f affect , an d a n accountin g o f opinion. 30 Fort y year s afte r i t wa s written, Stouffer' s boo k provide s insigh t int o th e constructio n o f mas s publics a s threatening t o fundamental rights . Indeed, th e impac t o f thi s work an d subsequen t surve y researc h suc h a s The American Voter on political scienc e was to emphasize predictio n o f a public's propensit y t o choose on a narrow rang e of issues. 138

Stouffer compare s elites and masses , directl y addressin g th e politica l and lega l aspect s o f class. 31 Communit y leader s becom e th e basi s fo r comparison o n matter s o f toleration. Stouffe r describe s th e middl e an d working classe s a s reactionar y o n civi l liberties . Althoug h hopefu l that th e medi a an d opinio n leader s wil l sprea d th e messag e o f toler ance, 32 h e als o describe s th e authoritaria n tendencie s o f olde r Ameri cans, thos e wit h littl e education , southerners , farmers , an d clerica l workers, an d compare s thi s to the toleranc e o f college-educated, north ern, urba n managers . Muc h o f th e scholarl y wor k tha t followe d Stou ffer operate d fro m withi n thi s framewor k an d presente d fe w challenges t o hi s perspective. 33 Thi s i s true o f th e classic s o f th e earl y 1960s34 and subsequen t wor k tha t foun d a n elevate d standar d o f civi l liberties in elites as opposed t o masses. 35 Reprinting Stouffer' s table s i n a 198 5 article, Jame s L . Gibson an d Richar d D . Bingham minimiz e th e hysteria o f Stouffer' s tim e an d hol d tha t th e study , pu t i n thei r frame work, "clearl y demonstrate s th e tensio n betwee n majorit y rul e an d democracy."36 The critiqu e offere d b y Joh n Sullivan , Jame s Piereson , an d Georg e Marcus, altered the elite/mass dichotomy , substitutin g a model of democ-

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

ratic decision . These scholars questione d th e link betwee n toleranc e an d democracy characteristi c o f the Stouffe r stud y an d subsequen t wor k i n the same tradition.37 They conclude d tha t the perceived greater toleranc e among those who participate in politics and are better educated i s related to other factors , an d henc e "spurious." 38 For them, economi c insecurit y and a combination o f low self-esteem an d dogmatis m ar e class based an d strongly relate d t o intolerance. Buildin g o n these critique s an d address ing som e of their limits , Jennife r Hochschild' s wor k o n equalit y break s from traditiona l attitud e researc h b y addressin g "belief s abou t distribu tive justice," tha t is , why American s d o no t deman d redistributio n o f wealth. I n addition , sh e addresses the ideologica l world s w e inhabit bu t remains attentiv e t o social scientifi c concern s fo r validit y (i n her sampl e of ric h an d poor ) an d th e qualitie s o f th e live s he r respondent s lead . Despite thes e advances , th e uni t o f he r analysi s i s stil l th e individual , presented throug h th e voices of the respondents, an d th e work i s frame d in terms o f attitudes abou t policy . Nevertheless, Hochschil d reveal s th e highly develope d ideologie s concernin g capitalism , dow n t o the accep tance o f inheritance an d th e laziness in the rich. 39 People d o not lik e th e tax structure , ye t they ar e reluctant t o soak the rich. Even at this level of sophistication w e ca n see the elitis m i n th e attitud e perspective . Whe n the author point s out "confusion " amon g her respondents, 40 which deni grates their opinions , she is supporting a hierarchy. One way to transcend th e subjectivit y tha t maintain s the silence s o n institutional powe r i s t o describ e th e culture s o f power—th e la w schools, the judicial conferences , th e foundations an d thei r agendas . I n critical scholarship , for instance , Lanc e Bennett ha s suggested drawin g more sophisticate d researc h o n publi c value s fro m welfar e studies . H e notes example s wher e detaile d ethnographi c an d sociologica l wor k portrays th e characte r o f law s an d institution s governin g th e poor . I n the cas e o f wor k o n welfare , th e attentio n t o cultur e an d practic e i s meant t o delineat e th e institutiona l natur e o f legal entitlement. 41 Com munity powe r studies , whic h com e fro m a differen t intellectua l (an d political) tradition tha n th e attitud e work , hav e draw n attentio n t o th e social relation s an d materia l condition s withi n whic h th e live s o f th e poor ar e led . Here , knowledg e rathe r tha n attitud e determine s value . In th e attentio n t o context , wor k suc h a s J. Anthon y Lukas' s Common Ground (1985) , whic h look s a t th e schoo l busin g controvers y i n Boston, Mar k E . Kann' s Middle Class Radicalism in Santa Monica (1986), about ren t contro l an d developmen t issues , and Murra y Levin' s

139

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

140

Talk Radio (1987 ) revea l wher e clas s a s materia l condition , acces s t o power, an d perceptio n o f wha t i s "given " fi t int o th e constructio n o f expectation an d th e calculu s o f right. 42 Thes e studie s us e cultura l materials (e.g. , th e thing s peopl e sa y abou t thei r lives ) an d approac h them wit h th e sensitivit y t o th e relevanc e o f conceptua l an d ideologi cal constructions associate d wit h politica l theory . Thes e material s ma y also provide a reliable foundatio n fo r understandin g lega l forms. The y provide som e insigh t int o civi l libertie s i n general , an d particularl y rich description s o f property right s a s a phenomena i n the community . In these cases , the constraint s o n choic e becom e more evident tha n th e choice that w e know a s "attitude. " Transcending a n instrumenta l conceptio n o f interes t i s a ke y t o uncovering th e politics of form. I n his critique of group theory i n politi cal science, Mark Kesselman argues that Davi d Truman reduce s interest s to "subjectiv e attitude s an d preferences. " Truman , Kesselma n observes , failed t o "analyze the contingent relationshi p betwee n subjectiv e prefer ences an d objectiv e interests." 43 Other s hav e mad e tha t relationshi p more central. For instance, Gran t McConnell , i n The Decline of Agrarian Democracy, focuse d o n structura l chang e i n th e Unite d State s throug h "an objectiv e standar d t o judg e interests, " whic h h e suggest s mad e problematic "th e relationshi p betwee n interes t an d interes t group." 44 Over th e las t generation , publi c knowledg e ha s bee n see n increasingl y as a source o f law i n a sociologically sophisticate d sens e that reside s i n practice. Social practice s i n whic h lega l form s ar e base d ar e mor e fundamen tal than attitude , an d the y hav e a claim to authorit y i n matter s o f fun damental rights . Thi s clai m i s base d o n bot h a common-law traditio n that ha s no t ye t die d ou t o f America n practice , an d a sociopolitica l theory tha t place s popula r knowledg e a t the cente r o f political author ity. Constitutiona l scholar s ar e familia r wit h th e "suspec t classifica tions" of equal protection doctrin e (race, sex, alienage, and illegitimacy) , the unprotecte d speec h o f th e Firs t Amendmen t decision s (obscenity , libel, fighting words) , th e fundamental s o f du e proces s (generall y th e procedural protectio n o f the Bil l of Rights), and th e claim s to propert y recognized b y th e Constitution (one s where there is a legitimate expec tation o r interest) . A t thi s level , ther e i s a connection betwee n judicia l claims and publi c understanding . Th e public no t onl y receive s the dis tinctions, i t i s sometime s thei r source . Th e impediment , however , i s institutional.

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

Institutional Hegemon y The projec t o n lega l formation s i n politic s bring s t o ligh t th e implica tions of constitutive forms like right, realism, remedy, and rage. By identifying th e wa y movement s understan d la w we may bette r interpre t th e hidden force s o f hierarchy i n liberal capitalis t state s as they ar e found i n the practic e o f realis m i n la w schools , i n th e fea r o f homosexualit y linked t o the AID S epidemic , i n th e emergenc e o f radical feminism , an d in the appeal to the middle ground a t the heart of ADR. Having see n ho w forms o f law determin e th e practic e o f politics b y delineatin g th e possi ble, w e ca n retur n t o a part o f politic s to o easil y overlooked , tha t is , institutions. Institution s ar e th e mos t highl y conventiona l an d rigi d legal form. Th e institutional delineatio n o f political life i s not just i n th e parameters outsid e which w e cannot reach—th e cit y halls we can't fight or the taxes that ar e said to be as inevitable a s death. More significantly , institutions ar e i n th e parameter s o f th e possibl e tha t operat e t o con struct politic s a t it s inceptio n b y influencin g ho w peopl e bin d them selves in movements . Some studie s o f politic s i n whic h stat e powe r take s a constitutiv e form demonstrat e its range and relevance, even if they d o not always use the languag e o f constitutiv e forms . A s part o f the effor t i n politica l sci ence research t o "brin g th e Stat e bac k in," 45 scholars have examined th e role o f stat e elite s in formin g working-clas s consciousness. 46 This mov e from a "society-centered" explanatio n fo r clas s interests t o the stat e i s little known i n la w studies . As an endeavo r tha t ha s trouble gettin g ou t of th e state' s ow n doctrina l constructions , th e America n stud y o f la w seems fa r remove d fro m a politic s explaine d i n term s o f "capitalis t industrialization."47 Yet , interest-group scholarshi p i s a manifestation o f elites forming working-clas s consciousness . As interests, the expression s of group needs are sanitized s o that the y d o not loo k like class or purel y economic interests. 48 This i s the framewor k replicate d b y politica l sci ence work o n law. In hi s stud y o f America n governmenta l processes , Building the New American State, Stephe n Skowrone k als o make s th e stat e mor e complex.49 His construction her e is theoretical, historical , an d compara tive. Hi s subsequent wor k o n th e America n presidenc y adde d th e idio syncrasies of personality an d circumstance. 50 Discrete dynamics "o f men and thei r times " are pronounced; genera l dynamic s tha t defin e institu tions "i n time" are obscured. The modern presidenc y i s now understoo d to chang e i n differen t contexts , suc h a s international relationship s a s

141

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

142

compared t o domesti c relationships . Th e presidenc y i n practic e i s a n expression o f Franklin D . Roosevelt an d th e establishmen t o f the Execu tive Offic e i n 1939. 5I Skowronek' s ide a tha t onl y th e emergen t relation s matter, an d tha t th e submerge d d o not, misse s som e of the deepe r con stitutive dimension s o f law, suc h a s constitutiona l considerations . Hi s conception i s that neithe r th e moder n no r th e constitutiona l construc tion o f presidential histor y directl y addresse s the presidenc y a s an institution operatin g i n a politica l order , o r th e presiden t a s a n acto r i n political time . I n orde r t o focu s o n institutions , on e doe s no t nee d t o obviate th e power s o f law. On e only need s mor e sophisticate d tool s fo r understanding la w than thos e we take from conventiona l practice . The Cult of the Court, which I wrote in 1987 , focused o n the ways reverence fo r th e Suprem e Cour t structure s politica l actio n i n th e Unite d States.52 While institution s revea l th e structure s o f politics impose d b y forms o f law, some traditional candidate s fo r consideratio n i n th e analy sis of structures—race , sex , an d clas s (o r economi c condition)—see m not to be "legal" at all. The constitutive vie w of law, however, hold s tha t they are . America ha s move d fro m a cult o f the robe , wit h it s emphasi s on specia l mysteries linke d t o medieval form s an d archai c rituals , to th e bureaucratic form s o f institution an d hierarchy , whic h constitut e a cul t of the court . This shift permeate s America n politic s and i s changing th e way law maintains it s empire. The effec t o f "entrenchment, " o r th e creatio n o f a Charter o f Right s for Canad a to supplant a n act of the Britis h Parliament a s the fundamen tal organizing institution , ha s called Canadia n scholar s to look closel y a t the impac t o f judicial institution s o n politics. One aspect in the creatio n of a fundamental lega l process wit h judges an d appellat e litigatio n a t it s center is its effect o n the arrangement o f powers between differen t level s of the governmen t i n Canada . The effect o f the proces s o f entrenchmen t and th e corollar y elevatio n o f judges has been to centralize the develop ment o f fundamenta l lega l conceptions. 53 Jud y Fudg e point s ou t tha t "the entrenchment o f a justiciable charte r o f rights in the Canadian Con stitution wa s no t a response t o th e demand s o f popula r struggle , bu t was instead a n essential element i n the centra l government's respons e t o a popula r struggle." 54 Fudg e als o show s how , i n th e real m o f feminis t demands, th e Charte r ha s affecte d politica l discourse . Feminist s i n Canada mobilize d t o include languag e in the Charte r tha t woul d protec t sex equality. They als o provided tha t Sectio n 28 , which guarantee d tha t the right s an d freedom s unde r th e Charte r applie d equall y t o wome n

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

and men , woul d no t b e subjec t t o legislative override . But , particularl y with respec t t o th e effec t o f th e Charte r o n th e politica l debat e sur rounding sexua l assault, Fudg e holds that "[b] y reconstituting th e polit ical discourse in terms of rights, the Charter has polarized an d narrowe d the debat e withou t challengin g prevailin g practices. " She finds tha t th e Charter hardene d th e "ideologica l separation " betwee n publi c an d pri vate by focusing o n how the state should respond to sexual violence and drawing feminist s "int o th e state' s agenda. " Th e result, sh e makes clear , is that "th e socia l constructio n o f sexualit y an d th e socia l relation s o f power i n which sexua l practices take place fade int o the background." 55 One o f the puzzle s i n America n politic s ove r th e las t generatio n ha s been the propensity fo r conservative s t o stand alon e in callin g attentio n to the link s amon g libera l ideology , professiona l elites , an d th e courts . Paradoxically, thos e mos t resistan t t o sharin g th e wealt h hav e emerge d as the mos t suspiciou s o f the elit e theor y o f civi l libertie s an d judicia l activism. 56 Thi s relationship require s mor e carefu l investigatio n o f th e actors an d th e communities , bot h socia l an d scholarly , i n orde r t o demonstrate th e consequence s o f the politica l stance s take n b y judge s and jurists fo r th e ideologica l environmen t o f socia l movements . Th e conventional perspectiv e o n publi c attitude s i s characteristically libera l in a t leas t tw o senses . I n th e Madisonian , untrustin g sense , attitud e studies ar e liberal b y compariso n t o the wor k o f neoconservatives lik e Richard Morgan , whos e criticis m o f "right s production " i s directe d a t "legal intellectuals an d interes t grou p advocates." 57 In th e neoconserva tive ideology , right s ar e no t "really " there , an d Morgan , lik e Walte r Berns an d Christophe r Wolfe , criticize s socia l engineerin g b y lawyer s and courts . The attitude perspectiv e i s also liberal i n th e contemporary , everyday sense . In championin g right s suc h a s privacy an d expression , it i s certainly no t classicall y conservative . Bu t i n no t developin g a critique o f inequality, th e attitude perspectiv e i s not ver y radica l either . Distrust o f th e publi c i n matter s o f "civi l liberty " correlate s wit h skepticism abou t institution s closel y associate d wit h popula r cultur e (e.g., executive s an d legislatures ) an d suppor t fo r institution s tha t ar e more insulated fro m tha t culture , suc h as courts. Public opinion survey s that find respec t fo r th e Suprem e Court , relativ e t o other nationa l insti tutions, are an example. This respect, revealed ove r the last four decade s by surve y research, 58 reflects th e elit e orientation o f civil liberties liber alism. Th e Suprem e Court' s authorit y i n constitutiona l matter s an d a similar identification o f rights with litigation are the central institutiona l

143

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

144

correlates bearin g o n lega l formation s i n politics . Suppor t fo r th e Supreme Cour t appear s t o b e grounded i n it s specia l connectio n t o law . The Cour t i s ranked mor e favorably tha n Congres s o r th e presidenc y i n about hal f of the survey s don e b y politica l scientists, 59 although ther e is little evidenc e tha t th e Suprem e Cour t ha s a "special plac e either i n th e psyche o r i n th e childhoo d socializatio n o f Americans" o r tha t th e out comes o f it s decision s "comman d sweepin g generalize d approval/' 60 Scholars studyin g thes e survey s sugges t tha t th e Cour t i s ranked mor e favorably du e to the special publics in the legal profession tha t ar e attentive to its work an d nurtur e it s mystique . Another institutiona l dimensio n in American politics is the attempt t o deal wit h conflict s amon g elite s b y elevatin g th e courts . David Barnu m did thi s i n hi s stud y o f th e controvers y ove r th e Nazi s marchin g i n Skokie.61 Gibson an d Bingha m ar e led t o the conclusio n tha t "th e mos t democratic thin g elite s did " i n th e Skoki e cas e was go to court. 62 The y cite Barnu m t o the effec t tha t a minority o f elite s i n Skoki e di d "urg e that th e issu e b e submitte d t o th e court s an d tha t th e decisio n o f th e courts b e obeyed." 63 Thi s i s libera l democrac y wit h a theoretica l vengeance. Th e characteristi c democrati c institution , b y thi s analysis , becomes th e courts , an d th e characteristi c democrati c stanc e become s resistance to popular will . The legitimacy o f an institutio n i s established i n par t becaus e peopl e turn towar d i t an d awa y fro m othe r institution s i n th e politica l processes. Althoug h legitimac y ma y no t b e a zero-su m game, 64 con fidence i n on e institution, suc h a s the picture o f the Suprem e Cour t a s a body o f lawgiver s (maintaine d eve n i n th e mids t o f th e mos t intens e controversy), i s quite clearl y a reflection o f the pictur e o f other institu tions, suc h a s Congres s a s a plac e o f deal s an d self-interest . Fo r th e Supreme Cour t sinc e th e Ne w Deal , legitimac y ha s bee n "proces s based." Tha t is , it ha s depende d o n a n understandin g o f fundamenta l rights that justifies judges becomin g involve d whe n som e action "seem s to obstruc t politica l representatio n an d accountability." 65 B y this ratio nale, court s ar e believe d t o b e superio r t o legislatures i n the protectio n of fundamental rights . An institutional link betwee n court s and politica l or proces s right s ha s characterize d th e socia l "field " o f movement poli tics. The greates t impac t o f process-based theorie s i s the clai m they la y on th e protectio n o f basi c right s i n th e Constitutio n fo r judges, or , a s Laurence Tribe put s it , "th e impoverishe d relevanc e o f the Constitutio n for everyon e excep t judges." 66

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

The aspiration t o go "al l the wa y t o the Suprem e Court, " ofte n hear d early in litigation, ha s consequences tha t ar e another dimensio n o f ideological impact . Thi s clai m entail s a consciousness tha t havin g reache d the Supreme Court one has reached th e end o f the line. The case of land ing right s i n th e Unite d State s fo r th e British-Frenc h Concord e Super sonic airplan e i n th e lat e 1970 s exemplifies thi s institutiona l authority . When Lon g Island protester s learne d o f the Suprem e Court's decisio n t o allow th e plan e t o land , thei r enthusias m fo r th e struggl e diminishe d dramatically.67 Certainly , protes t doe s not alway s ceas e when th e Cour t makes a decision, bu t th e institutiona l dispositio n i n tha t directio n ha s become mor e marke d i n th e post-wa r period. 68 Indeed , seein g politica l possibility i n term s o f judicial activis m ha s bee n usurpin g ou r under standing o f the Constitutio n a s a function o f the "institutions , behav iors, and understandings " tha t for m th e political culture. 69 The present inquiry , thoug h i t approaches group s from a constitutiv e perspective, for the most part cut s across the categories of class. Like law, there i s a tendency o f interest grou p formulation s t o relegate economi c inequalities t o contextua l status , on e amon g th e man y way s i n whic h groups differ . E . P . Thompson's conclusio n t o Whigs and Hunters i s a rejoinder t o those who think la w is simply an outgrowth o f class power. 70 Law mediates clas s relations t o the advantag e o f the ruler s and impose s inhibitions o n the rulers . Law mystifies clas s rule bu t i s more than mer e sham. The defens e o f the citize n fro m power' s all-inclusiv e claims , say s Thompson, i s an unqualifie d huma n good . M y argumen t i s a little mor e guarded. I n a constitutive perspective , valu e is less like something insti tutions are awarded an d mor e like the way the institutions ar e known . A consequenc e o f constitutiv e theor y fo r th e stud y o f la w i n move ments has bee n a different pictur e o f the relation s o f groups i n law fro m the usua l "demographic " approac h (i.e. , farmers , women , etc. ) tha t i s part o f a pluralist perspective , an d wher e variet y i s built fro m demand s and socia l indicators . Th e grea t difference s betwee n th e group s exam ined her e hav e not figured prominentl y i n th e analysis . That remain s t o be done as part o f the politics of constitutive law. A related consequenc e has bee n identificatio n o f non-obviou s movement s an d surprisin g alliances. W e hav e no t inquire d simpl y int o self-proclaime d "socia l movements." 71 Fro m th e ver y socia l an d spirite d movemen t o f Anglo Saxon yeoman and their Europea n allies across the North America n con tinent to the most specific concern s about pornograph y i n the latter par t of th e twentiet h century , movement s ar e peopl e actin g i n concer t t o

145

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

146 (

pursue interest s tha t ar e eithe r articulate d o r articulable . T o accept a conventional mytholog y tha t treat s movement s a s outsiders seekin g t o get in is to fall into the trap o f pluralism this boo k ha s made every effor t to avoid. Of course, this framework suggest s that som e movements mov e more than others do. The movement for legal abortion was certainly mor e sedentary afte r it s 197 3 success in Roe v. Wade, and i n the last decad e of the twentiet h centur y change s o n th e Suprem e Cour t tha t threate n tha t constitutional protection hav e motivated descendan t pro-choic e forces . In the case of the AD R movement , operatio n within a professional con text an d th e nature o f the claim s compel participants t o play dow n thei r demands an d presen t thei r interest s a s th e inevitabl e consequenc e o f how the y vie w th e world . Similarly , th e attentio n t o conceptua l cate gories suggest s non-obviou s alliances , lik e the on e that i s said t o exis t between traditional conservatives and feminists o n the issue of pornography. Further analysis, however, is less compelling in support o f the actua l existence o f suc h a n alliance. In case s such a s this, the ideologica l driv e of liberal thought stop s wher e contrar y evidenc e o f social life emerges . Movement identit y i n a conceptual sens e also contributes t o how w e see strong claims , such as those made by gays faced wit h the closing of bath houses and th e AID S epidemic . A strategy tha t a t first seem s overblown , ] or a t leas t no t addresse d instrumentall y t o the need s o f the moment , i s seen o n furthe r reflectio n t o b e informe d b y th e socia l fact s o f gay lif e during the AID S crisis, a more reasonable, albeit grand, strategy . ( I conclud e her e wit h attentio n t o th e simila r impac t o f "law' s inno cence" 72 o n th e rol e o f law i n constitutin g class , race, an d sex , an d it s role i n constitutin g variou s politica l interests. 73 The portrayal o f grou p interests i n th e previou s chapter s buil t o n scholarshi p i n th e construc tivist tradition. Activists were engaged in a debate within the movemen t at a tim e o f grav e crisi s fo r th e ga y community . Bot h "realist " move ments, thos e aroun d th e politic s o f th e curriculu m an d thos e aroun d alternative processes , ar e entirely professiona l an d ver y self-consciou s about thei r ideas . Sander, fo r instance , i s not "substantive " i n th e sam e sense tha t othe r activists , suc h a s thos e opposin g pornography , are . Dworkin wa s not, i n the earl y year s of the antipornograph y movement , proposing specifi c ordinances . Yet, the politics in each movement illumi nates a constitutive perspectiv e fo r oppresse d group s generally . B y calling attentio n t o the relativ e powe r o f the group s involve d w e continu e the inquiry int o the way legal power i s hidden. Ultimately, authorit y i n politic s lie s in determination s abou t th e wa y

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

the worl d is , not simpl y ho w peopl e fee l abou t it . Th e exten t t o whic h "interests" have been define d a s having feeling s o r demand s rather tha n knowledge i s a powerful agen t fo r maintainin g authorit y relations . Fo r example, whe n a welfare worke r comment s concernin g a client' s mis take, "H e says . .. h e is on Home Relief... I think h e means TADC," 7 4 h e demonstrates tha t assertion s o f property right s ar e subject t o correctio n and refinemen t b y experts , bu t th e authorit y o f the poo r t o participat e in the discussio n i s substantially diminishe d b y a lack o f autonomy an d the technical discours e o f welfare property . This lack o f autonomy lead s to characterizin g th e recipient s accordin g t o thei r menta l o r socia l health, an d thei r claim s o n th e stat e becom e a function o f these condi tions. The social worker no w tend s "t o lay the blam e for wast e on 'emo tional disturbance / th e 'multiproble m family / th e 'female-centere d family/ o r th e poo r man' s propensit y towar d schizophrenia , whic h reduces ou r commo n huma n squalo r t o an exoti c psychologica l squalo r defined b y class." 75 As Douglas Hay , Karl Klare, an d other s mad e clear , this involvement , n o matter ho w sympathetic , lik e the grace of the gen try i n the late Middle Ages, reaffirms th e hierarchies. 76 Social service worker s teac h wha t propert y i s in a way tha t give s th e workers, an d henc e th e state , control . Fo r instance , i n on e disabilit y interview observe d i n Chico , California, i n 1988 , a man referre d t o hi s entitlement i n term s o f the paper s h e kept i n a little whit e ban k pouc h and th e peopl e h e knew wh o would handl e th e paper s for him . Alread y on disability, he was applying fo r Supplementa l Securit y Income . He di d not rea d o r write , bu t h e sa w his benefit s "i n there " (i n the pouch ) an d hoped that , wit h th e cas e worker's help , th e paper s migh t b e negotiabl e for food . Pointin g t o hi s papers , h e said , " I goofed i t up . Se e the thing s in there, I don't understan d al l the words . . . . I see the letter s o n differ ent can s an d boxe s an d I know wha t th e bo x is. " But hi s cas e worke r would fix it . "Norma , she' s good people, " he said . Anothe r man , als o i n Chico, wa s tryin g t o ge t o n disabilit y an d havin g a har d time . H e brought hi s lif e histor y o f pain t o the disabilit y process , bu t describe d his reaction t o the proces s a s " I get thi s feelin g I just wan t t o get i n my truck an d ge t u p i n th e mountain s an d stay. " H e wa s taugh t tha t th e bureaucracy woul d no t mak e it eas y fo r him . The distinctiv e featur e o f the manager s i s that the y gai n authorit y fro m th e stat e throug h thei r positions a s expert s an d officials , an d th e languag e o f propert y main tains thos e relations . Manager s o f subsidize d housing , welfar e workers , and lega l advocate s se e themselve s a s helpers . The y understan d th e

147

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

148

expectations, whil e recipient s ma y kno w onl y "th e signature s o r th e forms the y need/" 77 The pervasive taken-for-grantedness o f property an d th e wa y politic s is arraye d aroun d i t mak e th e publi c understandin g o f thi s constitu tional righ t importan t an d instructiv e fo r th e discussio n o f politica l interests. We ca n se e the manifestation s o f law i n contemporar y strug gles ove r housing . Followin g th e "Listeners ' Actio n o n Homelessnes s and Housing " sponsore d b y radi o statio n WBA I i n Ne w Yor k Cit y i n 1989, activist s proclaime d thei r movemen t a success b y heraldin g th e numbers o f people wh o marche d o r wer e arrested, th e coverag e and th e support amon g law-makers , al l with clea r affirmatio n tha t th e homeles s were withou t property , withou t entitlement , withou t lega l righ t t o housing. 78 The bia s reflectin g th e hierarchie s o f attitude scholarshi p i s evident i n th e languag e o f property . Th e limite d framewor k o f th e 1950s, wit h it s distrus t o f th e citizen , constitute s th e wa y w e spea k about entitlemen t i n the 1990s . In the particularities o f entitlement, atti tude is an instrument fo r ignorin g expectations . Looking a t group s i n term s o f ho w the y articulat e demand s draw s attention to their own identity. This may give depth to our understandin g of political strateg y an d t o ou r pictur e o f law. This dept h amount s t o a critical self-consciousness , an d i t i s no t alway s welcome . Bu t i n tw o respects a degree of self-consciousness i s desirable. First, the academy is a source o f strengt h fo r movement s tha t challeng e th e exercis e o f ra w power. Powe r i s rationalized i n the academy ; th e arguments an d th e evi dence ar e lined up . Rather tha n acced e t o the academy' s clai m o f inno cence, we should not e that its complicity is analogous to that of law. Each have their specialties , bu t scholar s and lawyer s bot h wor k o n particula r problems, suc h a s abortion o r soli d waste , a t the sam e time. Second, th e attention t o th e relationship s betwee n la w an d struggle , o r la w an d change, are in the end mor e supportive tha t undermining . While an individual ga y activis t ma y b e reluctan t t o becom e th e focu s o f academi c inquiry fo r a number o f reasons, no t th e leas t o f which i s the inheren t objectification, th e movemen t a s a whole thrive s o n attentio n fro m th e academic community .

Legal Politic s The politics of law is not simpl y a reaction to legalism, less formal activit y that take s place outside the cour t o r without lawyers . Politics imbricate d

T H E CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

with la w sometime s feature s it s lega l trappings , a s when Chie f Justic e Warren Burge r gav e his keynot e speec h i n St . Pau l (se e chapter 4) , bu t even then law' s role in politic s may b e difficul t t o see. In the framewor k used here , legalis m i s reconceived a s the basi s fo r a politics o f law tha t looks lik e politics tempere d an d shape d b y lega l forms (eve n where , a s in Burger' s speech , i t i s denied) . Here , I examin e th e epistemologica l debates surroundin g rac e theory an d feminis m t o uncover way s o f recognizing th e law in politics. The constitutive dimensio n o f law on race and th e way the law mask s the constructio n o f rac e i n America n politic s ar e eviden t i n Patrici a Williams's wor k o n property , a s well a s Derrick Bell' s foreword t o th e Harvard Law Review (examinin g th e 198 4 term o f the Suprem e Court) , where h e describe d civi l right s a s "a n inexac t euphemis m fo r racia l law."79 The wor k o f bot h scholar s ha s a mythic qualit y tha t reveal s th e law in parables. Bell draws attention t o the absence of major racia l issue s decided b y th e Suprem e Cour t i n 1984 , bu t instea d o f th e traditiona l doctrinal discussion , th e articl e i s a n exchang e wit h th e imagine d Geneva Crenshaw , a civil rights lawye r i n Mississipp i wh o wa s injure d by a racist attac k i n 1964 . The story, thoug h i t has all the trappings o f a fairy tale , mythic figures, heavenl y bodies , and heroi c exploits , is full o f real bu t little-know n characters , suc h a s William Rober t Ming , Jr. , wh o from 194 7 to 1953 , while at the University o f Chicago, was the first blac k to hold a full-time facult y positio n a t a white law school. With referenc e to matter s o f racial law , its lawyers , an d thei r struggles , th e stor y is , t o use the demu r o f Stanley Fish, "embedde d i n conviction." 80 Conventional jurisprudence i s uncomfortabl e wit h conviction , par ticularly i f i t i s too intens e o r move s i n th e wron g direction . Convic tion may , i n th e extreme , threate n th e consensu s ove r th e rules . Thi s was th e cas e i n th e civi l right s movemen t whe n dissenter s challenge d the premises of Brown v. Board of Education. Th e bodie s in these strug gles ofte n remai n hidden , bu t convictio n ha s a tendency t o cal l atten tion t o th e bodie s behin d th e law . Whil e commitmen t o r convictio n may lea d jurisprudence t o th e politic s o f socia l relations , th e powe r o f critical rac e theor y an d feminis t jurisprudenc e i s their explici t atten tion t o thes e relations . W e sa w i n th e las t chapte r ho w Catharin e MacKinnon offer s a powerful jurisprudentia l analysi s o f th e materia l dimensions o f la w an d th e failur e o f liberalism. 81 I n Feminism Unmodified, sh e present s a view o f wha t la w i s toda y fro m th e perspectiv e o f "gender as a distinct inequality, " parallel to race and clas s inequalities. 82

149

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

Here, an d wit h referenc e t o pornography , MacKinno n take s o n th e politics tha t define s sex , emphasizin g th e dominatio n o f me n an d th e way treating se x as a "difference rathe r tha n a hierarchy" mystifie s th e power relations . The force behin d MacKinnon' s jurisprudence i s its explici t attentio n to the socia l reality o f women's experience. I n he r introductio n t o Feminism Unmodified, "Th e Ar t o f th e Impossible, " sh e propose s tha t "women ge t their clas s status throug h thei r sexua l relations." 83 She also argues that gende r i s a distinct inequality , whic h als o contributes t o th e social embodimen t an d expressio n o f rac e an d clas s inequalities . Th e gender facto r operate s i n th e sam e way tha t "th e masculinit y o f mone y as a form o f power take s nothing fro m it s function a s capital—though i t undermines som e models of economics." 84

150

MacKinnon's theme s epitomiz e a politic s buil t o n th e constitutiv e dimensions o f law . Se x i s the ke y t o la w becaus e "[t]h e socia l relatio n between th e sexe s is organized s o that me n ma y dominat e an d thi s rela tion i s sexual—i n fact , i s sex. " Liberalism , th e prevailin g ideolog y behind America n law , holds that "gende r i s basically a difference rathe r than a hierarchy," whic h "hide s th e forc e behin d th e description. " Th e same can b e said o f law in the are a of gender relations . The "difference " celebrated i n la w a s neutral i s hierarchical whe n examine d i n th e con text o f an entire syste m of laws. Moving fro m la w to social life, sh e says, "Pornography turn s gendere d inequalit y int o speec h whic h ha s made i t a right. " Whil e libera l conventio n imagine s th e nee d fo r protecte d speech i n ligh t o f a government hostil e to sexuality , fo r MacKinno n th e state is hostile to women . The constitutiv e relationshi p betwee n idea s an d socia l life i n politic s is highlighted i n a critique o f MacKinnon b y Fish. 85 According t o Fish , her essay s brilliantl y exemplif y wha t h e call s "th e strateg y o f change. " Her method , h e says , i s t o emplo y he r ow n vocabulary , on e "tha t departs fro m ordinar y (o r a s she migh t sa y 'ideologicall y frozen' ) usag e in way s tha t canno t b e ignored." 86 Fo r example , th e phras e "rap e i n ordinary circumstance s . . . i s provocative becaus e i n th e wa y o f think ing MacKinnon wishes to dislodge, rape is defined a s an exceptional an d statistically devian t ac t agains t a background o f mutually agree d upo n sexual transactions. " Makin g rap e " a constitutiv e ingredien t o f every day heterosexua l intercourse , includin g intercours e i n marriage " ma y not dismantl e a n entir e lega l structure , bu t certai n assumption s ar e undermined whe n w e see the law in a new way. 87

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

MacKinnon, note s Fish, posits male and femal e way s of knowing. Th e male way o f knowin g i s universalizing an d committe d t o objectivity ; i t "does not comprehend it s own perspectivity, doe s not recognize . . . that the way it apprehends it s world i s a form o f [the world's] subjugation/' 88 In thi s way , sexua l relation s becom e th e foundatio n fo r epistemolog y and fo r law . Thes e observation s sugges t tha t "aperspectivity"—th e claiming o f universality fo r a partial poin t o f view—may b e considere d a centra l featur e o f th e debat e brough t o n b y th e antipornograph y movement. Bu t ther e ar e othe r ways , prio r t o epistemology , i n whic h sexual relations an d la w are linked. Thus , Fis h say s that "MacKinno n i s not, despit e he r ow n pronouncements , exhortin g u s t o a new wa y o f knowing, bu t t o know differen t thing s tha n w e currentl y kno w (abou t rape, pornography , etc. ) in th e sam e (and only ) way w e know anything , by havin g bee n convince d o f it." 89 T o Fish, "aperspectivity " i s " a nam e for th e conditio n o f believin g tha t wha t yo u believ e i s in fac t true , an d that i s a condition on e cannot transcend." 90 Still, Fish does not provide an account o f social relations that counter s MacKinnon's. Fish claims that MacKinno n undermine s he r ow n positio n inadvertently i n discussin g Mar y Daly' s analysis of suttee, " a practice in which Indian widows are supposed to throw themselves upon their dea d husband's funera l pyre s i n grief." 91 While Dal y describe s wome n wh o practice sutte e a s "drugged , pushed , browbeaten , o r otherwis e coerce d by th e disma l an d frightenin g prospec t o f widowhood i n India n soci ety," MacKinnon emphasize s tha t Daly' s attentio n t o the surfac e coer cions fail s t o understan d th e deepe r coercio n tha t lead s "som e wome n who ar e no t drugge d o r pushe d t o fling themselve s o n th e pyr e quit e 'freely.'"92 These , fo r MacKinnon , "ar e suttee' s deepes t victims : wome n who want to die when their husban d dies , who volunteer fo r self-immo lation becaus e the y believ e thei r lif e i s over whe n hi s is." 93 Althoug h Fish praise s th e attentio n MacKinno n give s to will , ther e i s little i n hi s analysis that leads us to see the role of communities in building th e step s to the funeral pyres . To Fish, the power to create the world "i s not a matter of epistemology, of th e producin g o f account s o f ho w w e kno w wha t w e know, " bu t rather " a powe r tha t attend s successfu l persuasio n . . . a power whos e effects ar e always and necessaril y objectifying " becaus e bein g "unde r it s sway (an d everyon e i s at ever y momen t o f hi s o r he r life ) i s to se e th e world fro m a point o f view." 94 According t o Fish, "Wha t i s wrong wit h Indian women from th e feminist poin t of view is not that they are willing

151

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

(in a precisely non-voluntarist sense ) to die for th e belief s that hav e captured them , bu t that they hav e not bee n captured—constituted, formed , made int o wha t the y are—b y th e righ t beliefs." 95 Her e Fis h cloak s hi s radical subjectivit y i n surfac e objectivity . H e doe s no t distinguis h between th e subjectiv e knowin g advocate d b y MacKinno n an d th e so called objectiv e knowin g tha t make s claim s o f universality . B y no t addressing th e variou s source s o f coercion , Fis h doe s wha t th e liberal s do and thereby reveals his value to them. He focuses hi s attention on th e project o f indeterminac y whil e operatin g a t a surface leve l o f conven tionality. He is the embodiment o f detached reason. 96

152

The constitutiv e projec t i s gaining ground . Whil e it s roots are in th e tradition o f social scientifi c studie s o f law, the seduction s i n tha t tradi tion continu e t o presen t hazards . Whether referrin g bac k t o th e posi tivism o f poorl y theorize d numbe r crunching , o r t o a n equall y problematic highl y relativize d interpretivism , th e framewor k use d i n this book has required a nurturing defens e fro m friend s an d foe s alike. 97 Some of the ways we have seen victims being made in the process of providing lega l right s represen t thi s constitutiv e approach . Kristi n Bumiller, whos e book The Civil Rights Society called attention to the role of civil rights law in constituting victims , has further develope d the picture o f how law' s form manifest s itsel f i n politics . Bumille r notes , "Th e debate o n rap e la w refor m ha s divide d feminist s betwee n thos e wh o have faith i n the law . . . and those who do not." 98 For those with faith i n the law , the politica l goa l is legislation tha t doe s not stereotyp e th e vic tim. Those who fear th e law see its form a s inherently responsibl e for th e oppression o f wome n an d d o no t believ e i n reform . Wher e rap e case s traditionally tur n o n consen t an d lin k rap e to sex, the feminist respons e has bee n attentio n t o rape as an ac t o f dominatio n an d violence , tha t is , as a crime against women. Law reforms (i.e. , the rape shield law s and th e elimination o f corroboration requirements ) tr y t o mitigate the lega l tactics tha t undermin e th e victim' s credibility . "Real " o r prototypica l rape—a woma n attacke d b y a strange r wit h a letha l weapo n o n th e street—is no t th e trial' s conceptio n (o r a t leas t no t th e defendant's) . Bumiller argue s for a "perspective on the politics of rape that focuse s o n the social construction o f power relations in rape trials," where, sh e says "legal languag e reinforce s existin g definition s o f rape." 99 The symboli c dimension o f rap e i s connecte d t o socia l structure , an d certainl y t o race. 100 Domination o f black s in th e America n Sout h throug h th e imag e of the blac k rapist amounts to rape for white s and repression fo r blacks .

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

The forms of law in this book dra w on these sorts of differences, alway s with attentio n t o how peopl e organiz e themselve s wit h referenc e t o th e law. Th e cleares t paralle l wit h thes e epistemologica l debate s i s i n th e antipornography movement , where for a time the law was considered alie n territory an d radical feminist communitie s were constituted i n oppositio n to it. In the struggle to keep the bath s open in San Francisco, where ther e was faith i n the law, a group of entrepreneurs wer e drawn t o the law an d to the belie f in legal right tha t ha d constitute d s o much of gay life for th e previous twent y years . To guarantee th e continuit y o f their enterprise , these entrepreneurs employe d th e courts , as well as the sens e in the com munity tha t right s were something th e oppressed coul d tur n to . The AD R movements i n la w schoo l ar e bot h mor e officially constitute d i n institu tions and less willing to have their institutional position s made explicit . Contemporary socia l theor y domesticate s critiqu e b y developin g a tone o f relativism . Anthropology , o f course , ha s bee n centra l t o thi s process because relativism has been its contribution i n the twentieth cen tury. Modernism i n cultur e generally—in design , i n architecture, i n economic structure—ha s bee n optimisti c an d determinativ e i n th e fashio n pointed ou t b y postmodernists. Modernism i n political and socia l theory, however, ha s not, a t leas t no t i n th e West. Accordin g t o anthropologis t George Marcus , "[0]n e migh t loo k firs t t o th e hesitations , misrecogni tions, an d anxietie s articulate d i n th e discourse s o f problem-solvin g institutions an d thei r nurturin g professiona l discipline s tha t ar e bent o n the technica l contro l o f an alway s unrul y world." 101 Indeed , mas s toxi c torts, suc h as those against asbestos manufacturers, canno t b e reduced t o the quotidian, bu t what is postmodern is necessarily the response to such events. Tha t is , ho w d o w e interpre t th e cataclysmi c event s o f th e moment (o r more accurately fo r socia l science , ho w d o we describ e th e way others have handled thes e events)? This is what Marcu s has done: [T]he internal human relations among family members , the face-to-fac e medium of most anthropological subjects, canno t b e understood withou t also intimately understanding how several different sphere s of specialized activity, paralle l to, discontinuou s i n space , and simultaneou s i n time, with th e day-to-da y interaction s o f family member s als o construct th e family an d it s wealth . Suc h a huma n famil y i s tie d t o it s "unsee n worlds."102 Marcus's sens e that forms—som e lega l an d som e not—are implicate d i n the everyday seem s right. Bu t the modern ma y not b e juxtaposed agains t the everyda y i n th e wa y socia l theorist s hav e proposed . Fo r Marcus ,

153

THE CONSTITUTIO N O F INTEREST S

"Everyday lif e i s the sea t o f orde r i n socia l life , an d upo n thi s orde r i s built i n huma n action , th e virtues , vices , contingencies , dramas , an d themes of life/' 103 In the constitutive analysis of poverty, we face the fact that the poor are who the y ar e becaus e o f the law. I04 The la w o f propert y i s what make s some people poor and som e not. Interpretation o f that law further imbed s poverty i n layers of understanding tha t mas k legal forms. I t helps to take the la w a s given whe n arguin g tha t peopl e ar e poo r becaus e o f lac k o f effort o n thei r behalf . Man y o f the riches t peopl e i n th e worl d ar e ric h through n o effort o f their own , bu t this does not matter to the law. People have wealth throug h property . Famil y is another sourc e of wealth, bu t i t too is a legal construction. The interesting thin g about the "poor " in comparison t o the "family" 105 i s how differen t the y ar e as social categories . "Family" i s a category self-consciousl y buil t an d attende d t o by thos e i n it. We say that we want a family. Whether w e succeed or fail, family i s our construction. Poverty , however , i s a category o f others ; th e condition s described ar e felt b y others as life, not as poverty.

154

All of the movements discusse d i n this boo k result from self-consciou s effort t o tak e coheren t socia l action . I n studyin g th e aspect s o f la w i n social life, I have tried to let movements define themselves while exploring the rol e of law in tha t definition . Thi s perspective relie s o n movement s themselves t o revea l wha t th e la w mean s t o the m throug h publi c dis course. The social reality o f the legal form i s based upo n self-definition — that is , people withi n movement s addressin g eac h other . Thi s bring s u s back t o the ways law operates in communities . When w e see law and ar e conscious o f its commands, th e wa y w e see the comman d i n a stop sign , the law operates only on the surface. La w is much more powerful whe n i t operates i n societ y an d o n ou r consciousness . O f course, the promis e of critical consciousness has been one of the most important claims for movements that woul d stan d outsid e law. 106 By expanding th e reach o f law in theory, I suggest tha t la w ha s always bee n mor e expansiv e i n fac t tha n critical commentators have been inclined t o acknowledge. Law operates at the leve l of consciousness whe n radica l activist s challeng e pornograph y and becom e preoccupied wit h debate s on the First Amendment. La w also operates this way when gays aspire to thwart the state because "they hav e a right," onl y t o becom e entangle d i n a politics that pit s th e movemen t against publi c healt h concerns . La w i s i n politic s whe n thes e sort s o f things happen, and the politics of these things may be the law's politics in all the imperial respects that the rule of law suggests.

Notes

Notes t o Prefac e i. Correspondenc e wit h th e author, sprin g 1995 . 2. Davi d M . Trubek an d Joh n Esser , "'Critica l Empiricism ' i n Ameri can Legal Studies: Paradox, Program , o r Pandora's Box? " Law and Social Inquiry 1 4 (1989): 3-52. Bu t se e Christin e Harringto n an d Barbara Yngvesson's response, "Interpretiv e Sociologica l Research," Law and Social Inquiry 1 5 (1990): 135. 3. Christin e B . Harrington an d Sall y Engl e Merry, "Ideologica l Pro duction: Th e Makin g o f Community Mediation, " Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988): 709-36.

Notes to Chapte r 1 1. I use the terms law and legal phenomena interchangeably t o refer t o the bodie s of laws and th e syste m o f authority tha t enforce s them . I us e the law, wit h th e definit e article , wher e i t i s a n idiomati c practice, suc h a s "the la w on the books " or "th e stron g ar m o f th e law," and refers to a way of doing things. This use is a jurisprudential conventio n mor e commo n i n Americ a tha n i n Englan d an d other commo n la w countries . 2. Alexi s d e Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 4t h ed . (Ne w York: H. G. Langley, 1845) . 3. Jame s Willard Hurst , The Growth of American Law: The Law Makers (Boston: Little, Brown, 1950) , 3. 4. Alexande r Hamilto n e t al. , The Federalist (Ne w York : Rando m House, 1937) . 5. See , for instance , Wilson' s acceptanc e speec h fo r hi s party's nomi nation, Jul y 7 , 1912 : "Big busines s i s not dangerou s becaus e i t i s big, bu t becaus e it s bignes s i s an unwholesom e inflatio n create d by privileges and exemption s whic h i t ought no t to enjoy." Arthu r S. Link, ed . The Papers of Woodrow Wilson (Princeton : Princeto n University Press , 1966—1994). 155

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

156

6. Joh n Brigham , "Right , Rag e an d Remedy/ ' Studies in American Political Development 2 (1988). 7. Kar l Klare, "La w Making a s Praxis," Telos 40 (1979): 122. 8. Georgi a Cod e Ann. @ 16-6- 2 (1984 ) provides: "(a ) A person com mits th e offens e o f sodom y whe n h e perform s o r submit s t o an y sexual act involving th e sex organs of one person an d the mouth o r anus of another. . . .(b) A person convicted o f the offense o f sodomy shall b e punished b y imprisonmen t fo r no t les s than on e nor mor e than 2 0 years." 9. Se e Klare, "La w Makin g a s Praxis," for a discussion o f "praxis, " a term fro m critica l theory , whic h underlie s Germa n socia l science' s picture o f law. 10. Roger s Smit h reiterate d thi s perspectiv e a t th e America n Politica l Science Associatio n 199 2 Annual Meeting , Augus t 29-Septembe r 3, 1992 , Chicago , Illinois , wher e h e discusse d law s i n term s o f a model tha t woul d brin g independen t an d dependen t variable s together. 11. Le e Epstein, a t the meetin g cite d i n not e 10 , described makin g la w the dependen t variabl e as a new contribution . 12. Indeed , text s themselve s ma y b e looked a t constitutively , tha t is , with attentio n t o the practices that giv e them meaning . 13. Dougla s Ha y e t al. , Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (New York: Free Press, 1975) . 14. Eleano r Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Women's Rights Movement in the United States (1959 ; reprint, Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1975) . 15. Se e Josep h Schumpeter , Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper an d Row , 1942) ; Jacques Donzelot , The Policing of Families (Ne w York: Random House , 1979) ; Samuel Bowle s an d Herbert Gintis , Schooling in Capitalist America (Ne w York: Basi c Books, 1976). 16. Felix Frankfurter an d James M. Landis, The Business of the Supreme Court (New York: Macmillan, 1928) , 307. 17. Fre d Frohock , The Abortion Controversy (Westport , Conn. : Green wood Press , 1983) ; Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1984) . 18. Philli p Cooper , Hard Judicial Choices (London: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1988) . 19. Ibid. , 347 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

20. Nea l Milner , "Comparativ e Analysi s o f Pattern s o f Complianc e wit h Supreme Court Decisions: Miranda and the Police in Four Communities," Law and Society Review 5 (1971): 126; Kenneth M. Dolbeare and Phillip Hammond, The School Prayer Decisions: From Court Policy to Local Practice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971). 21. Charle s A . Johnson an d Bradle y C . Canon, Judicial Policies: Implementation and Impact (Washington , D.C. : Congressional Quarterl y Press, 1984) , 25. 22. Stephe n Wasby , The Impact of the United States Supreme Court (Homewood, 111. : Dorsey Press, 1970) . 23. Stuar t Macaulay , "Non-Contractua l Relation s i n Business : A Preliminary Study, " American Sociological Review 2 8 (1963): 55. 24. Davi d M . Engel, "Cases , Conflict, an d Accommodation : Pattern s o f Legal Interaction i n a Small Community," American Bar Foundation Research Journal 4 (1983), 803-74. 25. Se e in particula r th e wor k o f som e members o f the Amhers t Semi nar i n "Specia l Issue : Law , Ideology , an d Socia l Research, " Legal Studies Forum 9 (1985); David Nelken , "Beyon d th e Stud y o f 'La w and Society'? " American Bar Foundation Research Journal 2 (spring 1986): 323-38. 26. Se e Kare n O'Connor , Women's Organizations' Use of the Courts (Lexington, Mass. : Lexington Books , 1980) , for additiona l exam ples. 27. Mar y Katzenstein , "Marchin g Throug h th e Institutions " (pape r presented a t Amherst College , February 19 , 1990). 28. Thurma n W . Arnold, The Symbols of Government (New Haven: Yale University Press , 1935) . 29. Kar l Llewellyn, The Bramble Bush. 30. Hanna h Pitkin , Wittgenstein and Justice (Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 1978) . 31. Josep h R . Gusfield , The Culture of Public Problems: Drinking-Driving and the Symbolic Order (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press , 1981); Murra y J . Edelman , Constructing the Political Spectacle (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1988) . 32. Stuar t Scheingold , The Politics of Rights (Ne w Haven: Yale University Press, 1974) , xi. 33. Isaa c Balbus , The Dialectics of Legal Repression (Ne w York: Russel l Sage, 1973) ; idem, "Commodit y For m and Lega l Form: An Essa y o n the 'Relativ e Autonomy ' o f the Law, " Law and Society Review 11 2

157

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

158

(1977): 571; Zenon Bankowsk i an d Geof f Mungham , Images of Law (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976) ; Bernard Edelman, Ownership of the Image: Elements for a Marxist Theory of Law (London : Routledge and Kega n Paul, 1979) . 34. Ala n Hunt , The Sociological Movement in Law (Philadelphia : Tem ple University Press , 1978). 35. Gusfield , Culture of Public Problems, 141. 36. Ibid. , 143 . 37. Rober t Gordon , "Critica l Lega l Histories," Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 127. 38. Willia m H . Simon , "Legality , Bureaucrac y an d Clas s in th e Welfar e State," Yale Law Journal 92 (1983): 1198 ; Robert Wiesberg , "Dereg ulating Death, " Supreme Court Review (1983) : 303. 39. Gordon , "Critica l Legal Histories," 121. 40. Owe n Fiss, "Free Speech and Socia l Structure" (unpublished manu script, 1985) . 41. Ibid . 42. Sall y Merry , "Concept s o f La w an d Justic e amon g Working-Clas s Americans: Ideology a s Culture," Legal Studies Forum 9 (1985): 67; idem, Getting Justice and Getting Even (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1990) . 43. Johnso n an d Canon , Judicial Policies; Thoma s Dalton , The State Politics of Judicial and Congressional Reform (Westport , Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1985) ; see also John Brigham , "Judicia l Impac t upon Socia l Practices," Legal Studies Forum 9 (1985): 51. 44. 41 3 U.S. 15 (1973). Joseph F. Kobylka, " A Court-Created Contex t fo r Group Litigation : Libertaria n Group s an d Obscenity, " Journal of Politics 49 (1987): 1061. 45. Arye h Neier , Defending My Enemy (New York: Dutton, 1979) . 46. Richar d A . Brisbin, "Antoni n Scalia , William Brennan , an d th e Politics o f Expression : A Stud y o f Lega l Violenc e an d Repression, " American Political Science Review 8 7 (1993) : 912-27 ; se e als o Brigham, "Judicia l Impact" ; idem , Civil Liberties and American Democracy (Washington , D.C. : Congressiona l Quarterl y Press , 1984). 47. Joh n Griffith s a s quote d i n Mar k Galanter , "Justic e i n Man y Rooms: Courts, Privat e Ordering , an d Indigenou s Law, " Journal of Legal Pluralism (and Unofficial Law) 1 9 (1981): 48. 48. Ibid .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

49. Boaventur a d e Sousa Santos , "Th e La w of the Oppressed : Th e Con struction an d Reproductio n o f Legalit y i n Pasargada, " Law and Society Review 1 2 (1977): 5. 50. Pete r Fitzpatrick, "Marxis m an d Lega l Pluralism/' Australian Journal of Law and Society 1 (1983): 45-59. 51. See , e.g. , Laur a Nade r an d Harr y F . Todd , eds. , The Disputing Process: Law in Ten Societies (New York: Columbia University Press , 1978). 52. Sall y Engl e Merry , "Lega l Pluralism : Revie w Essay/ ' Law and Society Review 5 (1988); see also idem, "Anthropology , Law , and Transi tional Processes," Annual Review of Anthropology 2 1 (1992): 357. 53. Bria n Z . Tamanaha, "Th e Foll y o f the 'Socia l Scientific ' Concep t o f Legal Pluralism, " Journal of Law and Society 2 0 (summe r 1993) : 192-217.

54. Boaventur a d e Sous a Santos , Toward a New Common Sense: Law, Science and Politics in the Paradigmatic Transition (Ne w York: Routledge, 1995) . 55. Merry , "Lega l Pluralism/' 869 ; Tamanaha, "Foll y o f the 'Socia l Scientific' Concept, " 192 . 56. Mindi e Lazarus-Blac k an d Susa n Hirsch , eds. , Contested States: Law, Hegemony, and Resistance (New York: Routledge, 1994) . 57. Antoni o Gramsci , "Histor y o f the Subalter n Classes : Methodologi cal Criteria," in Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed . an d trans . Q. H . Hoar e an d G . N . Smith . Se e als o Ranaji t Guha , "O n Som e Aspects of the Historiography o f Colonial India," Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society 1 (1980). 58. Accordin g t o Kendall Thomas, th e subaltern' s vie w tell s a story o f which constitutiona l histor y "ha s save d al l too littl e o f authenti c record an d trie d t o forget." Fo r Thomas, writin g i n th e traditio n o f critical rac e theory, w e should kno w abou t th e subalter n t o se t th e historical recor d straigh t an d i n orde r t o hea r th e voice s from th e grass roots . Kendal l Thomas , "Roug e e t Noi r Reread : A Popula r Constitutional Histor y o f the Angelo Herndon Case, " Southern California Law Review 6 5 (1992): 2665. 59. Rosemar y J . Coombe, "Th e Propertie s o f Culture and th e Politics of Possessing Identity : Nativ e Claim s i n th e Cultura l Appropriatio n Controversy," Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 5 (1993). 60. Joh n Opie , The Law of the Land: Two Hundred Years of American Farmland Policy (Lincoln : Universit y o f Nebrask a Press , 1987) ;

159

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

160

James Willar d Hurst , Law and Markets in United States History (Madison: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1980) . 61. Sall y Fal k Moore , Law as Process (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1978) , 57. 62. Ibid . 63. Ibid . 64. Ibid . 65. Philli p Selznick, "Sociolog y o f Law and Natura l Law/' Natural Law Forum 6 (1961): 84-108. 66. Euge n Ehrlich , The Fundamental Principles of the Sociology of Law (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1936). 67. Selznick , "Natura l Law/ ' 85. 68. Ibid. , 100 . 69. Balbus , "Commodit y For m and Lega l Form," 571. 70. Bo b Fine, "La w an d Class, " in Bo b Fine et al. , eds., Capitalism and the Rule of Law (London: Hutchinson, 1979) . 71. Adelaid e H. Villmoare, "Issue s of Conceptualization i n the Stud y o f Change in and around Courts : Forms of Law" (paper presented at the Annual Meeting o f the Law and Societ y Association, Toronto, 1982). 72. Doree n McBarnet , "La w an d Capital : The Role of Lega l Form an d Legal Actors, " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 2 (1984): 231-38. 73. Ibid. , 231. 74. Ibid. , 232 . 75. "Th e first respons e o f th e ta x avoide r i n justifying activitie s o r complaining abou t measure s take n agains t them , i s to invok e th e rule o f law . Tax avoiders—o r avoider s o f an y law—carefull y an d deliberately operat e i n th e gre y area s o f th e law , i n th e n o man' s land o f practices not specificall y prohibite d b y law" (ibid., 236). 76. Se e Christine B . Harrington, "Creatin g Gap s and Makin g Markets, " Law and Policy 10 (1988): 293-316; Magali Sarfatti Larson , The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis (Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1977) . 77. Jennife r Friese n and Ronald K . L. Collins, "Looking Bac k on Muller v. Oregon',' American Bar Association Journal 69 (1983): 472—79. 78. Clemen t Vose , "NAAC P Strategy i n th e Covenan t Cases, " Western Reserve Law Review 7 (winter 1955) : 101-45 ; idem, "Th e Nationa l Consumer's Leagu e an d th e Brandei s Brief, " Midwest Journal of Political Science 1 (1957): 267-90.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 1

79. Theodor e L . Becker, ed . Political Trials (Indianapolis : Bobbs-Mer rill, 1971) . 80. Ibid. , xi . 81. Th e five part s o f th e boo k ar e "Politica l Trials, " "Politica l Trial s that Becom e Political 'Trials/ " "Politica l 'Trials/ " "'Political ' Tri als," and " A 'Political Trial/ " 82. Becker , Political Trials, xiii . 83. Ibid. , 183 . 84. Anthon y Lewis , Gideon's Trumpet (New York: Random House, 1964). 85. Barbar a Craig , Chada: The Story of an Epic Constitutional Struggle (London: Oxford Universit y Press , 1988) . 86. Stanle y Fish , "Denni s Martine z an d th e Use s of Theory," Yale Law Journal 96 (1987): 1773-1800 . 87. Dic k Hebdige , Subculture: The Meaning of Style (Ne w York : Methuen, 1979) , 128. 88. Loui s Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy (New York: Monthly Review , 1971), 166. 89. Klare , "Law Making a s Practice," 1979 . 90. Ibid . 91. Th e Act, a result o f extended working-clas s struggles , initially rep resented rea l gain s tha t wer e subjecte d t o th e need s o f capita l b y the Court's decisions . 92. Dougla s Hay , "Property , Authorit y an d th e Crimina l Law, " in Ha y et al., Albion's Fatal Tree. 93. Gertrud e Himmelfarb , The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York: Knopf, 1983) . 94. Nelken , "Beyon d th e Stud y o f 'La w and Society'? " 95. Zilla h R . Eisenstein, The Female Body and the Law (Berkeley : Uni versity o f California Press , 1988) ; Catharine MacKinnon , Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law (Cambridge : Harvar d Uni versity Press , 1987) . 96. On e of the challenge s t o a constitutive vie w i s the "man y voices " perspective i n som e variation s o f moder n liberalism . Se e Carri e Menkel-Meadow, "Exclude d Voices : New Voice s in th e Lega l Pro fession," University of Miami Law Review 4 2 (1987): 29-53. 97. I have writte n abou t practice s befor e an d thi s formulatio n ha s a n important plac e in sociology o f law scholarship . 98. Elizabet h C . Stanton, "Declaratio n o f Sentiments," in The First Convention ever Called to Discuss the Civil and Political Rights of

161

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

Women (Senec a Falls, N.Y.: n.p., 1848) ; See also Flexner, Century of Struggle. 99. Ga y Health Clinic , "Saf e Sex, " San Francisco, 1983. 100. Marti n Shapiro , Who Guards the Guardians? (Atlanta: University o f Georgia Press , 1989) . 101. Kar l Klare, "Th e Judicia l Deradicalizatio n o f the Wagne r Ac t an d the Origins of Modern Lega l Consciousness, 1937-1941/ ' Minnesota Law Review 6 2 (1978): 265; Willliam Fo r bath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1991) . 102. Eugen e Genovese , Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books , 1972) ; Mark V. Tushnet, The NAACP's Legal Strategy against Segregated Education, 1925-1950 (Chape l Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1987) . 103. Davi d Silverma n an d Bria n Torode, The Material Word: Some Theories of Language and Its Limits (London : Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980). 104. Ibid. , 2 .

162

Notes t o Chapte r 2 1. Anthon y Lewis , Gideon's Trumpet (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1964). 2. Fo r mor e theoretica l discussio n sensitiv e t o the constitutiv e posi tions advance d here , se e Alan Hunt , Explorations in Law and Society: Toward a Constitutive Theory of Law (Ne w York: Routledge , 1993); Am y Bartholome w an d Ala n Hunt , "What' s Wron g wit h Rights?" (pape r presente d a t Rethinkin g Marxis m Conference , Amherst, Massachusetts , Decembe r 3-5 , 1989) . 3. Jos h Gamson , "Silence , Death , an d th e Invisibl e Enemy : AID S Activism an d Socia l Movemen t 'Newness/ " Social Problems 3 6 (1989): 35I~674. Michae l McCan n an d Geral d Houseman , Judging the Constitution: Critical Essays (Boston : Little , Brown , 1989) . This works fo r equal ity i n the importanc e o f "opportunity. " Similarly , Miche l Foucaul t depicted critic s o f sexualit y no t a s a roadbloc k t o th e "powe r mechanism" o f sexua l repressio n bu t "i n fac t par t o f the sam e historical network a s the thing i t denounces" (The History of Sexuality [New York: Random House, 1978]) , 10.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

5. Thi s fac t abou t right s i s conveyed throug h storie s o r "chronicles' ' by Derric k Bel l in hi s reflectio n o n th e civi l right s experienc e i n And We Are Not Saved (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1987) . It i s als o central t o th e analysi s offere d b y Catharin e MacKinno n i n Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law (Cambridge : Harvar d University Press , 1987) . 6. Foucault , Sexuality. 7. Ev e Kosofsky Sedgwick , The Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1990) . 8. Se e Howard Gillman , "Th e Right s Trump" (pape r presente d a t th e American Politica l Scienc e Association Annua l Meeting , Washing ton, D.C. , August 28-Septembe r 2 , 1991 , 1). 9. Critique s of equal protection guarantee s ar e becoming mor e prominent. Se e Bell, And We Are Not Saved; Kristin Bumiller , The Civil Rights Society: The Social Construction of Victims (Baltimore : John s Hopkins Universit y Press , 1988) ; Ala n Freeman , "Legitimizin g Racial Discrimination throug h Antidiscriminatio n Law : A Critica l Review o f Suprem e Cour t Doctrine/ ' Minnesota Law Review 6 2 (1978): 1049-119. 10. Henr y Abraham, Freedom and the Court: Civil Rights and Liberties in the United States, 4t h ed. (Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1982). 11. J . Roland Pennock, "Right s and Citizenship, " News: For Teachers of Political Science (Washington , D.C. : America n Politica l Scienc e Association, 1981) . 12. Ti m Kaye, "Natural La w Theory an d Lega l Positivism: Two Sides of the Sam e Practica l Coin? " Journal of Law and Society 1 4 (1987): 303-20. 13. Pennock , "Rights, " 13. 14. Sheldo n Wolin, Politics and Vision (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, i960) , 27. 15. Earnes t Barker, Church, State and Study (London: Methuen, 1930) , 23. 16. Edwar d S . Cor win, The Higher Law Background of American Constitutional Law (Ithaca : Cornell University Press , 1928) , 38. 17. Ibid., 37. 18. Loui s Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (Ne w York: Harcourt , Brace, 1955). 19. Richar d Flathman , The Practice of Rights (Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press , 1976) ; John Brigham , Civil Liberties and American Democracy (Washington, D.C. : Congressional Quarterly Books , 1984).

163

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

164

20. Whe n w e sa y " I hav e a right t o a hearing," w e ar e sayin g some thing abou t the world. Ofte n a claim about a legal part of the worl d is not s o much differen t fro m describin g th e testimony i n a hearing we might hav e attended . 21. Th e Amherst Seminar , eds., "Special Issue: Law and Ideology," Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988). 22. Se e Linda C. McClain, "Atomisti c Man ' Revisited : Liberalism, Con nection, an d Feminis t Jurisprudence, " Southern California Law Review 6 5 (1992): 1171-264. 23. Wesle y Hohfeld , Fundamental Legal Conceptions (New Haven : Yale University Press , 1919). 24. Flathman , Practice of Rights. 25. I n thi s contest , protectio n fo r flag burner s an d defendant s di d no t seem to win man y votes . 26. Mar i Matsuda , "Lookin g t o th e Bottom : Critica l Lega l Studie s an d Reparations," Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 2 2 (1987): 323; Richard Delgado, "The Ethereal Scholar: Does Critical Legal Studies Have What Minorities Want?" Harvard Civil Rights—Civil Liberties Law Review 22 (1987): 301. 27. McClain , "Atomisti c Man' Revisted"; Robert o Alejandro, Hermeneutics, Citizenship, and the Public Sphere (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993) ; Susan Moller Okin, Justice, Gender, and the Family (New York: Basic Books, 1989); see also Charles Taylor, "Atomism, " in Powers, Possessions and Freedom: Essays in Honour ofC. B. Macpherson, ed. Alkis Kontos (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979). 28. Se e chapter 5 below. 29. Ala n Freeman , "Racism , Right s an d th e Ques t fo r Equalit y o f Opportunity: A Critical Lega l Essay, " Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 2 3 (1988): 295-392. 30. Patrici a Williams , "Alchemica l Notes : Reconstructing Ideal s fro m Deconstructed Rights, " Harvard Civil Rights—Civil Liberties Law Review 2 2 (1987): 401 . 31. Joh n Brigha m and Christine B . Harrington, "Realis m and Its Consequences: A n Inquir y int o Contemporar y Socio-lega l Research, " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 7 (1988): 41-62; Mar tin Shapiro , Law and Politics in the Supreme Court (New York: Free Press, 1964) . 32. Sanfor d Levinson , Constitutional Faith (Princeton : Princeto n Uni versity Press , 1989) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

33. Willia m Wiecek , Equal Justice under Law: Constitutional Development, 1835-1875 (Ne w York: Harper an d Row , 1982) . 34. Joh n P . Roche , "Th e Foundin g Fathers : A Refor m Caucu s i n Action," American Political Science Review 5 5 (1961): 67-68. 35. Th e women's movement in the United State s began at least with th e Revolution's rhetori c o f equality. I t wa s stimulate d an d supporte d in par t b y effort s t o en d slaver y an d gre w ou t o f the abolitionis t societies forme d i n th e 1830s . Attention t o women' s educatio n i n New Englan d i n th e mid-i8oo s wa s another stimulus . The root s of contemporary feminis m ca n b e located i n the unite d fron t eviden t in th e progra m pu t fort h b y th e Grimk e sisters , wh o brough t th e issue of women's rights to the abolitionist struggle . 36. Eleano r Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Women's Rights Movement in the United States (1959 ; reprint, Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1975) . In 185 4 Massachusetts responde d t o part o f the claim s and passe d the married woman' s property act . 37. Arnol d Paul , Conservative Crisis and the Rule of Law, 1887-1895 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press , 1969) . 38. A traditional perspectiv e o n th e mobilizatio n o f politics to chang e law is presented i n Richard Kluger , Simple Justice (Ne w York: Random House, 1976) . For an analysis from withi n the civil rights movement that sees it at least in part as a construction of the law, see Mark V. Tushnet, The NAACP'S Legal Strategy against Segregated Education, 1925-1950 (Chape l Hill: University o f North Carolina Press, 1987). 39. Stuar t Scheingold , The Politics of Rights (Ne w Haven: Yale Univer sity Press, 1974) , 83. 40. Squatte r claim s differ fro m th e hopes of housing activists. We do not hear th e homeles s challengin g propert y right s becaus e thei r nam e says they do not have them. The movement for housing draws instead from sympath y for the plight of those without decen t shelter . 41. Kristi n Luker , Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1984) ; Faye D. Ginsburg, Contested Lives: The Abortion Debate in an American Community (Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1989) . 42. Clau s Offe, "Ne w Socia l Movements: Challenging th e Boundaries of Institutional Politics, " Social Research 52 (1985): 817-68. 43. Blanc a G . Silvestrini , "'Th e Worl d W e Ente r Whe n Claimin g Rights': Latinos and th e Quest for Culture " (paper presente d t o th e Amherst Seminar , Amherst , Massachusetts , 1991) , 1.

165

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

44. Tushnet , The NAACP'S Legal Strategy; Kluger, Simple Justice. 45. Se e Bell, And We Are Not Saved; Williams, "Alchemica l Notes/ ' 46. Michae l McCann, Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994). 47. Bumiller , Civil Rights Society. 48. Ala n Freeman , "Legitimizin g Racia l Discriminatio n throug h Antidiscrimination Law : A Critical Review o f Supreme Cour t Doc trine/' Minnesota Law Review 6 2 (1978): 1049. 49. Fo r instance, Gaetan Dugas, an airline steward, average d 25 0 sexual liaisons pe r yea r accordin g t o Rand y Shilts , And the Band Played On: People, Politics and the AIDS Epidemic (Ne w York: St. Martin' s Press, 1987) . A revie w o f Shilts' s boo k i n th e New York Times, October 7 , 1987 , also summarized th e book' s findings tha t " a slo w government response , lac k o f attention fro m th e pres s an d th e ini tial failur e o f th e ga y communit y t o accep t lif e styl e changes " allowed AID S to rage out o f control .

166

50. Margare t Cruikshank , The Gay and Lesbian Liberation Movement (New York: Routledge, 1992) . 51. Th e chronicl e o f thes e struggle s a t th e tim e wa s presente d i n "AIDS Media : Counter-Representations, " Ne w America n Fil m an d Video Series, Whitney Museu m o f American Art , Januar y 15-Feb ruary 5 , 1989 . 52. Bruc e Boone , "Ga y Languag e a s Politica l Praxis : Th e Poetr y o f Frank O'Hara, " Social Text 1 (winter 1979) : 59-92. 53. Ibid. , 76 . According t o Boone , "[I] f bars , baths , and othe r institu tions brought gays together, that much was certainly to the good. . . . But these sam e institutions als o exploited ga y men bot h financially and sexually . An d mos t important o f all, gay men characteristicall y interiorized the commodity relation thus given as the defining mean ing of sexuality itself . Thus promiscuity, self-rejection , an d th e reifi cation of the sexual experience as a series of 'numbers' or 'tricks' . . . often brough t th e commodity relatio n to the center o f gay self-expe rience" (79-80). 54. Davi d F . Greenberg, The Construction of Homosexuality (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1988) , 458. 55. Thi s group , wit h it s allianc e o f gay s an d lesbians , seem s t o b e a union in law—an alliance based on the shared situatio n of minority sexual orientation and the divergent life styles that accompany tha t orientation.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

56. Fo r a discussion o f the impac t AID S ha d o n th e smal l designer s i n the fashion industry , se e Melinda Katz , "La w in the Private Sector : Small Designer s an d Civi l Rights " (Honor s Thesis , Universit y o f Massachusetts, Amherst , 1987) . 57. I n Novembe r 1989 , afte r tw o decade s o f effort , Massachusett s became th e secon d stat e t o pas s a law prohibitin g discriminatio n against homosexual s i n employment , housing , credit , an d publi c accommodation. B y tha t time , eight y municipalitie s ha d simila r measures. While eleve n state s had executiv e order s o r civi l servic e rules tha t barre d discrimination , Wisconsi n wa s th e onl y othe r state wit h comprehensiv e legislation . " A Gay Rights La w Is Voted in Massachusetts," New York Times, Novembe r 1 , 1989. 58. A constitutiona l challeng e t o Georgia' s la w agains t sodomy , th e Supreme Cour t decisio n wa s grounde d i n th e privac y doctrine s developed i n the late 1960s . Justice Byro n White distinguishe d ga y rights fro m thos e o f married persons , holdin g th e latte r t o b e mor e expansive. Bowers v. Hardwick 47 8 U.S. 186 (1986). 59. Joh n Brigham , The Cult of the Court (Philadelphia: Templ e Univer sity Press, 1987) , 214. 60. Shilts , And the Band Played On, 352-53; see also Gary Schweikhart , "Shilts Responds to Critics," Sentinel 29 (March 1984) : 1. 61. I n a memorandum entitle d " A Strategy fo r th e Remaining Months " circulated i n th e Reaga n Justic e Departmen t durin g th e sprin g o f 1988, Willia m Bradfor d Reynold s urge d official s t o "polariz e th e debate" t o "kee p th e debat e o n ou r terms. " For example , i t urge d officials t o treat AID S no t a s a civil rights o r privacy issu e bu t "on e of publi c healt h an d safety. " Fre d Strasser , "Cour t Face s Chal lenges," National Law Journal, March 21 , 1988, 5-7 . 62. Kati e Leishman , "Ho w Sa n Francisco Cope d wit h AIDS, " Atlantic, October 1985 , 24. 63. Marily n Thornto n Williams , "NYC' S Publi c Baths : A Case Study i n Urban Progressiv e Reform, " Journal of Urban History 7 (1980) : 49—81; Martin Hoffman , The Gay World: Male Homosexuality and the Social Construction of Evil (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1968) . Hoff man als o offer s a numbe r o f speculation s abou t th e transitor y nature o f gay relationships that hav e come into disrepute . 64. Shilts , And the Band Played On, 19. 65. Ibid. , 20 . 66. O f the largest gay bathhouse i n the world, th e Bulldo g Baths , Shilts

167

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

writes, "Decorate d i n San Quentin motif. . . 'two-story priso n i s so incredibly rea l (real cells, real bars, real toilets . . . ) that whe n yo u see a guar d standin g o n th e secon d tie r lookin g dow n a t you , you're ready t o kneel down' " (ibid. , 23). 67. "Th e sprawlin g se x palace s reminde d Littlejoh n o f ho w fa r th e city's se x industr y ha d com e sinc e h e ha d move d t o S.F . in 1962 . His first hom e in S.F. had bee n the Embarcadero YMCA, a precursor to th e moder n bathhouse . Afte r Littlejoh n helpe d organiz e th e city's pioneerin g ga y group , th e Societ y o f Individua l Rights , i n 1964, h e ha d opene d on e o f th e city' s first privat e se x clubs . H e took som e credi t a s on e o f th e businessme n wh o introduce d a whole generatio n o f gay Sa n Franciscan s t o th e joys o f org y sex " (ibid., 431).

168

68. Lawrenc e R . Murphy , Perverts by Official Order (New York: Har rington Par k Press, 1988) . 69. Davi d G . Ostrow, Biobehavioral Control of AIDS (Ne w York: Irving ton Publishers, 1987) , 102. 70. Ibid. , 19 . 71. Shilts , And the Band Played On, 133. 72. Campbell , a former chairma n o f the boar d o f the National Gay Task Force, carried a great deal of clout in the gay community. Ibid., 180 . 73. "Privately , Clev e favored settin g u p informationa l picket s outsid e bathhouses t o let patrons kno w the y migh t b e risking thei r live s in the se x palaces . Bu t even hint s toward suc h actio n wer e me t wit h fierce resistance b y other s wh o stil l viewed bathhouse s a s symbol s of the sexual liberation gays had fought s o long to gain" (ibid., 180) . 74. Accordin g t o Shilts , describin g Pau l Volberding's epiphany , "Th e bathhouses weren' t ope n becaus e th e owner s didn' t understan d they wer e spreading deat h . . . [they] were open becaus e they wer e still making money. " Shilts, 422. 75. T o Foucault sex is repressed becaus e "i t is incompatible with a general and intensiv e wor k imperative. " He says of the "economi c fac tor" tha t th e "essentia l thing" is recognizing " a discours e in whic h sex, th e proclamatio n o f a new da y t o come , an d th e promis e o f a certain felicity ar e linked together " [History of Sexuality, 6-7) . 76. Playe d b y Lily Tomlin in the movie . 77. Shilts , And the Band Played On, 154. 78. Michae l Calle n an d Richar d Berkowitz , quote d fro m a n articl e i n the New York Native, said , "If going to the bath s is really a game of

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

Russian roulette , the n th e advic e mus t b e t o throw th e gu n away , not merel y play less often" (ibid. , 210). 79. Ibid. , 259 . 80. Norri s G. Lang, "Homophobia and the AIDS Phenomenon," in Culture and Aids, ed . Douglas A. Feldman (New York: Praeger, 1991) , 177. 81. Shilts , And the Band Played On, 305. 82. Ibid. , 305 , 316, 318. 83. "A n owner o f a bathhouse too k a doctor aside , 'We'r e bot h i n it fo r the same thing,' h e said. 'Money . We make money a t one end whe n they com e to th e baths . You make mone y fro m the m o n th e othe r side whe n the y com e here. ' Pau l Volberdin g [th e doctor ] wa s speechless" (ibid., 422). 84. Susa n Milstein , "S. R Goe s t o Cour t ove r Baths, " San Francisco Chronicle, Octobe r 11 , 1984. 85. Shilts , And the Band Played On, 489. 86. A t a conference i n Vancouver, Britis h Columbia, in March 1983 , the new theories of AID S transmission wer e met with insistence b y rad icals "tha t al l this attentio n t o the U.S . disease woul d foste r homo phobia," an d ange r fro m ga y bathhous e owner s "a t th e loca l newspaper fo r runnin g a health page, " whic h the y sai d obsesse d about " a handfu l o f sic k peopl e i n th e Unite d States " an d tha t i t "was bad fo r business. " Ibid., 247 . 87. "Th e Ba y Area Physician s fo r Huma n Right s maintaine d tha t clo sure woul d lea d t o mor e case s o f AIDS , no t fewer . I n th e end , th e only ga y grou p t o suppor t Silverma n wa s th e Harve y Mil k Ga y Democratic Club " (ibid., 490). 88. Ibid . 89. B y the time the measure s were bein g pu t i n place in Sa n Francisco, "The debat e was rapidly growin g moot . . . . Only three of the city' s eleven bathhouse s wer e still in business " (ibid., 523) . 90. Charle s C . Hendy , "Othe r AiDS-Hi t Citie s Unlikel y t o Clos e Se x Clubs," San Francisco Examiner, Octobe r 14 , 1984 . Shilt s writes , "The righ t win g wa s beginnin g t o dra w battl e line s around issue s of promiscuity an d bathhouses . Rather than defin e their own battl e lines, many gays adopted thes e issues as their front lin e of defense " (And the Band Played On, 312). 91. Milstein , "S. R Goe s to Court. " 92. Susa n Milstein , "Judg e Order s Bathhouse s i n S.F . t o Clos e Tem porarily," San Francisco Chronicle, Octobe r 16 , 1984.

169

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

170

93. "Cuom o Pane l Propose s Rule s t o Cur b AID S a t Bathhouses, " New York Times, Octobe r 10 , 1985. 94. "Bathhous e Curb s Calle d Hel p i n Coas t AID S Fight, " New York Times, October 24 , 1985. 95. Russel l Lewis , "Th e Sa n Dieg o Bathhous e Controversy, " Sappho Speaks (April 1986) : 1. 96. Th e New York Times editorialize d o n Novembe r 10 , 1985 , tha t although a get-tough polic y towar d th e bath s an d "othe r commer cial establishments tha t persis t i n fosterin g 'high-ris k sexua l activ ity' associate d wit h th e sprea d o f A I D S " wa s " a clos e call, " it wa s justified du e t o th e failur e o f voluntar y change s i n behavio r t o respond t o "thi s bewilderin g disease. " 97. "Lette r t o the Editor, " Gayzette, San Diego, February 7 , 1986 . 98. Ja y M . Kohorn, "Petitio n fo r Extraordinar y Relief : If the LaRouch e AIDS Initiativ e Had Passe d i n California, " Review of Law and Social Change 15 (1986-87): 477-512. 99. "Cit y Shut s a Bathhous e a s Sit e o f 'Unsaf e Sex/ " The New York Times, Decembe r 7 , 1985. 100. Phili p Weiss , "Insid e a Bathhouse, " New Republic, Decembe r 2 , 1985, 12-13 . 101. New York v. New St. Mark's Baths, 49 7 N.Y.S. 2d 97 9 (1986). 102. Lil a Abu-Loghud, "Th e Romanc e o f Resistance: Tracin g Transfor mations o f Power throug h Bedoui n Women, " American Ethnologist 17, no. 1 (1990): 41-55. 103. Scheingold , Rights, 83 . 104. Blac k lega l scholar s demur . Fo r Patrici a Williams , "mos t black s have no t turne d awa y fro m th e pursui t o f rights eve n i f what CL S scholars sa y abou t rights—tha t the y ar e contradictory , indetermi nate, reifie d an d marginall y decisiv e i n socia l behavior—i s so. " Williams, "Alchemica l Notes," 404. 105. Thoma s L . Haskell, "Th e Curiou s Persistenc e o f Rights Talk i n th e Age of Interpretation/" Journal of American History 7 4 (1987). 106. Ibid. , 1 .

107. Le o Strauss , Natural Right and History (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1949) , argue s tha t afte r Worl d Wa r I I th e Unite d States had the "yoke " of German historicist thought impose d o n it s tradition o f natural right, particularl y i n the socia l sciences. 108. "Th e languag e o f right s no w dominate s politica l debat e i n th e United States " (Ronal d Dworkin , Taking Rights Seriously [Cam -

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

bridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1977] , 184). Recall the stor y tol d by Cliffor d Geert z abou t th e Englishma n i n Indi a who , "havin g been tol d tha t th e worl d reste d o n th e bac k o f an elephan t whic h rested i n turn o n the bac k o f a turtle, aske d . . . what di d the turtl e rest on ? Another turtle . An d tha t turtle ? Ah , Sahib , after tha t i t i s turtles al l the wa y down' " (The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays [Ne w York: Basic Books, 1973] , 28-29). 109. Accordin g t o Haskell , Nietzsche' s respons e t o thi s conventiona l observation i s a descriptio n o f rights a s " a puffe d u p for m o f th e will to power" ("Persistence, " 15) . n o . Ibid. , 16 . i n . Ibid. , 28 . 112. Lucind a Furlong , "AID S Media : Counter-Representations, " Whit ney Museu m o f America n Art : Ne w America n Fil m an d Vide o Series, 1989 , 1 ; see also Paula A. Treichler, "A n Epidemic o f Signifi cation," October 43 (1987): 31 . 113. Simo n Watney, Policing Desire: Pornography, AIDS, and the Media, 2d ed. (Minneapolis : University o f Minnesota Press , 1987) . 114. Bumiller , Civil Rights Society. 115. On e o f th e reason s ma y b e th e ver y propensit y fo r mystificatio n and innocenc e associate d wit h right s tha t I will explore i n relatio n to other movements . 116. Foucault, Sexuality, 8-9 . 117. Pete r Goodrich , Languages of Law: From Logics of Memory to Nomadic Masks (London : Weidenfeld an d Nicholson , 1990) , 108. 118. Ibid., 109-10 .

Notes t o Chapte r 3 1. Thi s commen t t o Derric k Bel l was reported b y Bel l to Bil l Rose of the Universit y o f Massachusett s a t a receptio n give n fo r Bel l a t Western Ne w Englan d Colleg e School of Law in 1990 . 2. Bo k had just turne d dow n a tenured facult y appointmen t fo r Davi d Trubek, a schola r identifie d wit h CLS , and uphel d th e denia l o f tenure to Clair Dalton, anothe r "crit. " 3. Th e la w an d economic s movement , alon g wit h a more traditiona l orientation t o th e though t o f th e foundin g generation , provide d the basi s for Bork' s conservatism . 4. Share d practice s dra w attentio n t o debate s i n th e socia l science s

171

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

172

over "neo-institutionalism, " i n which this study ma y be placed a s a description o f th e wa y institution s structur e politics . Se e als o Rogers M. Smith , "Politica l Jurisprudence , th e Ne w Institutional ism, an d th e Futur e o f Publi c Law, " American Political Science Review 8 2 (1988): 89-108; and Susa n Burgess , "Beyon d Instrumen tal Politics: The New Institutionalism , Lega l Rhetoric, an d Judicia l Supremacy," Polity 2 5 (spring 1993) : 445-59. 5. Se e Am y Kaplan , The Social Construction of American Realism (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1988) . 6. Yve s Dezalay, "Fro m Mediation to Pure Law: Practice and Scholarl y Representation withi n th e Lega l Sphere," International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 4 (1986): 89-107. 7. Pete r Goodrich , Languages of Law: From Logics of Memory to Nomadic Masks (London : Weidenfeld an d Nicolson , 1990) , 90. 8. I n Garr y Marshall' s fil m Pretty Woman, th e kindl y manage r o f a hotel whos e job i s to mediat e betwee n th e working-clas s staf f an d the upper-class clientel e become s the interpreter o f class identifier s for a Lo s Angele s Cinderell a wh o i s elevate d fro m prostitut e t o lover after he r transformation int o an acceptable romantic figure . 9. Gar y Peller , "Th e Metaphysic s o f America n Law, " California Law Review 7 3 (1985): 1157. See also Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1977) ; Barbara Yngvesson, Virtuous Citizens, Disruptive Subjects (New York: Routledge, 1993) . 10. Thes e rule s no t onl y maintai n th e plac e o f those i n th e economi c elite, the y als o for m an d maintai n th e identit y o f othe r groups , whether organize d aroun d incom e (e.g., union members) , ethnicity , or sexua l orientation , a s in th e cas e o f the lif e style s w e kno w a s gay or straight . 11. Mar y Jo e Frug, Postmodern Legal Feminism (Ne w York: Routledge , 1992), i n . 12. Ke n Emerson, "Whe n Lega l Titans Clash, " New York Times Magazine, April 23, 1990, 25-31 . 13. Rolan d Barthes , The Eiffel Tower and Other Mythologies, trans . Richard Howar d (Ne w York: Hill and Wang, 1979) . 14. Christin e B . Harrington, "Creatin g Gap s an d Makin g Markets, " Law and Policy 10 (1988): 293-316. 15. Rober t Gordon , "'Th e Idea l an d th e Actua l i n th e Law' : Fantasie s and Practice s o f Ne w York Cit y Lawyers , 1870-1910, " in The New

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

High Priests: Lawyers in Post—Civil War America, ed . Gerar d W . Gawalt (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1984) . 16. Rober t Gordon , "Lawyer s a s the America n Aristocracy, " Holme s Lectures, Harvar d La w School , Cambridge , Massachusetts , 1985 ; idem, "Th e Ideal and th e Actual"; idem , "Lega l Thought an d Lega l Practice i n the Ag e of American Enterprise , 1870-1920, " in Professions and Professional Ideologies in America, ed . Geral d L . Gelso n (Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1983) . 17. Gordon , "Th e Ideal and the Actual. " 18. Hilar y Putnam , The Many Faces of Realism (L a Salle , 111. : Open Court, 1987) . 19. Emerson , "Lega l Titans," 27. 20. Areed a teache s antitrust , an d hi s traditionalis m i s associated wit h wealth an d powe r agains t th e challenge s o f the unwashe d descen dants of realism. 21. Rober t Stevens , Law School: Legal Education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s (Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1983). 22. Ibid. , 73-91 . 23. Ibid. , 21 .

24. Ibid. , 20 ; Burton J . Bledstein , The Culture of Professionalism (Ne w York: Norton, 1976) ; Magali Sarfatti Larson , The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press, 1977) . 25. Stevens , Law School, xv . 26. Th e University o f Pennsylvania wa s at least one exception . 27. Brigha m an d Harrington , "Realis m an d It s Consequences : A n Inquiry int o Contemporar y Socio-lega l Research, " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 7 (1988): 41-62. 28. Stevens , Law School, 131 . 29. Kar l Llewellyn, The Bramble Bush (New York: Oceana Publications , 1951). 30. Jerom e Frank , Law and the Modern Mind (Ne w York : Coward McCann, 1936) . 31. Walte r F. Murphy an d C . Herman Pritchett , Courts, Judges, and Politics: An Introduction to the Judicial Process (Ne w York : Rando m House, 1979) , 6. Political scientists , i n particular, amon g socia l sci entists trace their lineage to realism. The work o f the judicial behav ior movement wa s an outgrowth o f Pound's influence an d relate d t o

173

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

174

realism i n the la w schools . Thus, i t is not to o surprisin g tha t whe n looking bac k on their roots political scientists are not as attentive t o the development o f realism as a legal ideology i n its own right . 32. Brigha m and Harrington , "Realis m and It s Consequences," 55. 33. Harr y Stumpf , American Judicial Politics (Sa n Diego : Harcour t Brace Jovanovich, 1987) , 37. "[T]hes e notion s hav e bee n common place in politica l scienc e since Peltason" (Brigha m and Harrington , "Realism," 55). 34. Willia m Twining , Karl Llewellyn and the Realist Movement (Nor man: University o f Oklahoma Press , 1973) . 35. Th e presentatio n her e i s a broad swee p tha t doe s no t adequatel y engage wit h importan t debate s generate d b y scholar s suc h a s Twining, Stevens , Kalman, an d Joh n Henr y Schlegel , whose recen t book, American Legal Realism and Empirical Social Science (Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1995) , suggests that w e see realism not a s a juriprudence bu t a s a way of life . 36. Jerom e Frank , Courts on Trial (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1949) . 37. Norma n L. Rosenberg has proposed tha t contemporar y realis m is in "retreat" fro m th e critica l realism of the earlier period . H e portray s Anthony Lewis' s Gideon's Trumpet (Ne w York : Rando m House , 1964) as a vivid exampl e o f a sanitized realis m tha t introduce s ele ments o f practice , formerl y unseen , t o th e public . Rosenberg , "Gideon's Trumpet: Soundin g th e Retrea t fro m Lega l Realism," i n Recasting America: Culture and Politics in the Age of Cold War, ed . Lary May (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1989) . 38. Bruc e Ackerman , Reconstructing American Law (Cambridge : Har vard University Press , 1984) . 39. Laur a Kalman , Legal Realism at Yale, 1927-1960 (Chape l Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1986) . 40. Peller , "Metaphysics. " 41. Brigha m an d Harrington , "Realis m an d It s Consequences, " 41 . Describing thi s relationshi p bega n a s a joint projec t wit h Harring ton, and th e consequence s for socia l science research fro m dispute s processing t o judicial behavio r i s tied t o that project . 42. Ibid. , 42 . The philosophical base s of this vie w hav e become associ ated wit h th e relativism an d pragmatis m o f Richard Rorty , Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1979) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

43. Brigha m and Harrington , "Realis m and It s Consequences/' 42. 44. Davi d B . Wilkins , "Lega l Realis m fo r Lawyers, " Harvard Law Review 10 4 (1990): 468-524. 45. Constitutiona l doctrine s announce d b y thes e courts , particularl y the federa l court s o f appea l an d th e Suprem e Court , hav e al l bu t supplanted th e tex t itself , muc h les s publi c understandings , a s sources o f law. Se e John Brigham , The Cult of the Court (Philadel phia: Temple University Press , 1987) . 46. Whil e th e traditio n o f judicial centralis m goe s bac k a t leas t t o th e early par t o f this centur y an d i s evident i n th e wor k o f Edward S . Corwin, th e sourc e fo r modern , politicall y sophisticate d attentio n to the Supreme Court is the work of C. Herman Pritchett. This work led t o the lega l manifestatio n o f the behavioral revolutio n wit h it s attention t o th e attitude s o f judges . Brigha m an d Harrington , "Realism and It s Consequences," 46. 47. Schlege l depict s suc h a narrow slic e o f academi c activit y o n la w that h e misses the overridin g similaritie s betwee n realis t principle s and socia l research i n other part s of the academy . 48. Thi s movement, i n the positive tradition, ha s offered tw o divergen t sorts o f insight , har d fac t an d indeterminat e theory . I n th e las t decade theor y ha s bee n dominant , makin g la w an d societ y mor e attractive to CLS than la w and economics . 49. Robert o M . Unger , The Critical Legal Studies Movement (Cam bridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1986) . 50. "Mr . Langdell' s idea l i n th e law , the en d o f al l his striving , i s th e elegantia juris o r logical integrity o f the syste m a s a system. H e is, perhaps, th e greates t livin g lega l theologian. " Olive r Wendel l Holmes, Jr. , "Revie w o f A Selection of Cases on the Law of Contracts," American Law School Review 23 3 (1880). 51. "Th e first principl e of legal community i s theocratic. It is the attribu tion of an originary status and authority to the speech of the law. Legal discourse and the texts through which it gains its positive formulation s are simpl y representation s o f a primary speec h tha t pre-exist s an d authorizes the legal textual community." Goodrich, Languages, 108-9 . 52. Unger , Critical Legal Studies Movement, 3 . 53. Loui s Althusser, Lenin and Philosophy (New York: Monthly Revie w Press, 1971) . 54. Dunca n Kennedy, "Form and Substance in Private Law Adjudication, " Harvard Law Review 89 (1976): 1685; the constitutive dimension s can

175

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

176

be seen in the work of critical race theorists and feminists, wher e the movements against sexua l harassment an d violen t pornograph y an d the struggle to preserve antidiscrimination la w showed the influenc e of legal form in some of our most progressive political efforts . 55. Davi d Kairys , ed., The Politics of Law (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1982) ; "Critical Lega l Studie s Symposium/ ' Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984); Mark Kelman , A Guide to Critical Legal Studies (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1987) . 56. Whil e there is some attention t o the movement i n the Stanford Law Review symposium , whic h w e wil l tur n t o shortly , The Politics of Law paid relatively littl e attention t o law and economics . 57. O f 10 3 index citation s to other scholars , 8 are to women, an d with out th e pornograph y issu e an d "difference " ther e woul d onl y b e one or two. 58. Thi s wa s no t tru e o f the initia l CL S conference i n Madison , Wis consin, and the volume edited a few year s later b y Kairys, himself a practicing Guil d lawyer . 59. Sanfor d Levinson , Constitutional Faith (Princeton : Princeto n Uni versity Press , 1988) . 60. Davi d Mamet, Writing in Restaurants (Ne w York: Viking, 1986) . 61. Levinson , Constitutional Faith, 7 . 62. Pau l Leicester Ford, ed., Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 1 0 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons , 1899) , 43. 63. Jaco b Cooke, ed., The Federalist (Cleveland: Meridian Books , 1961), 340. 64. Levinson , Constitutional Faith, 155 . 65. Ibid. , 158 . 66.Ibid. 67. Alla n C . Hutchinson an d Patric k J . Monahan , "Law , Politic s an d Critical Lega l Scholars : The Unfoldin g Dram a o f America n Lega l Thought," Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 199. 68. See , e.g. , Richar d Epstein , "Judicia l Review : Reckonin g o n Tw o Kinds o f Error," i n Economic Liberties and the Judiciary, ed . Jame s A. Dor n an d Henr y G . Mann e (Fairfax , Va. : Cat o Institut e an d George Mason University Press , 1987) . 69. See , e.g. , Richar d A . Posner , Economic Analysis of Law, 2 d ed . (Boston: Little, Brown, 1977) . 70. Guid o Calabresi and Phili p Bobbitt , Tragic Choices (New York: Norton, 1978) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

71. Richar d A . Posner , " A Statistical Stud y o f Antitrust La w Enforce ment," Journal of Law and Economics 1 3 (1970) : 365-419 ; idem , Antitrust Law: An Economic Perspective (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1976). 72. Richar d Epstein , Takings (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1985); Bernar d Siegan , Economic Liberties and the Constitution (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1980) ; Kate Stith, "Govern ment Interest s i n Crimina l Law, " Albany Law Review 5 5 (1992) : 679-87. 73. R . H. Coase, "Th e Problem o f Social Cost," Journal of Law and Economics 3 (i960): 1. 74. Lewi s Kornhauser, "Th e General Image of Authority," Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 349-89. 75. Mar k Kelman , "Choic e an d Utility, " University of Wisconsin Law Review (1979) : 769; idem, "Consumptio n Theory , Productio n The ory, an d Ideolog y i n th e Coas e Theorem," Southern California Law Review 5 2 (1979): 669; Tom Heller, "Th e Importanc e o f Normativ e Decision-Making: The Limitations of Legal Economics as a Basis for a Liberal Jurisprudence—As Illustrate d b y the Regulatio n o f Vacation Hom e Development, " Southern California Law Review 5 3 (1980): 1215 ; Duncan Kennedy , "Cost-Benefi t Analysi s o f Entitle ment Problems: A Critique," Stanford Law Review 3 3 (1981): 387. 76. Kornhauser , "Genera l Image," 352. 77. Brigha m and Harrington , "Realis m and It s Consequences. " 78. Bot h CL S and la w an d economic s hav e claime d t o b e leadin g th e way to a "post-realist" lega l scholarship. Se e Mark Tushnet , "Post Realist Lega l Scholarship, " Wisconsin Law Review (1980) : 1383-1401; Jason Scot t Johnston, "Law , Economics, an d Post-Real ist Explanation," Law and Society Review 2 4 (1990): 1217-54. 79. Posne r criticize d thi s mov e an d other s lik e it , arguin g tha t whil e the method s o f economi c scienc e simpl y reflec t th e tru e natur e o f the law , feminism an d literar y metho d wer e unhelpfu l interloper s into legal discourse . "Th e Declin e of Law as an Autonomou s Disci pline: 1962-1987, " Harvard Law Review 10 0 (1987): 761. 80. Emerson , "Lega l Titans," 66. Emerson's article also calls attention t o the "lawye r a s janitor" metapho r share d b y bot h Kenned y an d Charles Fried . 81. Th e constitutiv e alternativ e t o lega l realism , a modern, relationa l political economy , allows us to assess the impact an d consequence s

177

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

of realis m a s a law schoo l ideology . Harringto n an d Brigham , "Real ism an d It s Consequences/ ' 82. Austi n Sara t an d Willia m L . F . Felstiner, "Lega l Realis m i n Lawyer Client Communications/ ' AB F Working Pape r #8723 . 83. Willia m L . F . Felstiner an d Austi n Sarat , "La w an d Strateg y i n th e Divorce Lawyer' s Office, " Law and Society Review 2 0 (1986): 93-134 . 84. Ibid. , 127 . 85. Ibid . I n addition , t h e scholarshi p continue s t o p r o m o t e a " g a p " framework i n whic h th e ideal , i n thi s cas e o f appellat e doctrine , i s "preached" an d th e realit y o f lega l practic e i s offered a s "la w a s it i s experienced" (ibid. , 132) . 86. Peller , "Metaphysics, " 1153 . 87. Ibid. , 1154 . Pelle r adds , "[T]h e presen t situatio n i s . . . the resul t o f political an d existentia l choice s t o tam e realis m an d t o continu e th e construction o f th e metaphysic s o f libera l authority , th e claim s t o impersonality an d impartiality " (ibid. , 1260) . 88. Ibid. , 1263 . 89. Ibid. , 1265 . 90. Brigha m an d Harrington , "Realis m an d It s Consequences. " 91. Bell , And We Are Not Saved, 1 . 178

92. Ibid. , 5 . 93. Kimberl e Crenshaw , "Fro m Celebratio n t o Tribulation : Th e Consti tution Goe s t o Trial, " Harvard Law

Review 10 1 (1988) , q u o t e d i n

Bell, And We Are Not Saved, 7 . 94. Ibid. , 41 . 95. Ibid. , 6 0 - 6 1 . 96. Pete r Fitzpatrick , "Racis m an d th e Innocenc e o f Law, " Journal of Law and Society 1 4 (1987): 121. 97. Ala n Hunt , Explorations in

Law and Society: Toward a Constitutive

Theory of Law (Ne w York: Routledge , 1993) .

Notes t o Chapte r 4 1. Susa n Leeso n assure d m e o f thi s qualit y an d describe d dispute s a s "always havin g bee n a r o u n d " i n commentin g o n a pane l a t t h e Western Politica l Scienc e Associatio n i n Minneapolis , Minnesota , in 1986 . 2. Ma x Gluckman , The Judicial Process among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester : Mancheste r Universit y Press , 1955) ; P . H .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

Gulliver, Social Control in an African Society (London : Routledg e and Kega n Paul , 1963) ; Karl Llewellyn an d Edwar d A . Hoebel, The Cheyenne Way (Norman: University o f Oklahoma Press, 1941). 3. Wilhel m Aubert, "Competitio n an d Dissensus : Two Types of Confl ict an d o f Conflic t Resolution/ ' Journal of Conflict Resolution 7 (1963): 26. 4. Mauree n Cai n an d Kalma n Kulcsar , "Thinkin g Disputes : A n Essa y on the Origin s of the Disput e Industry," Law and Society Review 1 6 (1981-82): 375-402. 5. Th e concep t o f "ideology " i s used her e afte r th e fashio n suggeste d by Ala n Hunt , "Th e Ideolog y o f Law," Law and Society Review 1 9 (1985): 11 , and develope d b y th e Amhers t Seminar , "Specia l Issue : Law and Ideology, " Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988). 6. Richar d L . Abel, " A Comparative Theor y o f Dispute Institution s i n Society," Law and Society Review 8 (1974): 217. 7. Cai n an d Kulcsa r als o sugges t tha t i n th e ideolog y o f dispute s th e parties ar e see n a s qualitativel y identical—lik e th e consumer s i n the marketplace , the y ar e interchangeable excep t fo r quantitativ e differences, suc h as more money o r more power—and tha t the con ceptual practic e o f identifyin g dispute s provide s a comparativ e foundation. "Disput e Industry, " 380 . 8. The y ar e also adhered t o in a manner Cai n and Kulcsa r cal l ideological idealism. 9. Se e Richard L . Abel, ed. , Politics of Informal Justice, vol . 1 (New York: Academi c Press , 1982) , with th e "Specia l Issu e o n Disput e Resolution" o f the Law and Society Review 1 5 (1980-81) on disput ing. 10. Angel a Y. Davis, Women, Race and Class (New York: Vintage, 1983) . 11. Pete r Fitzpatrick , The Mythology of Modern Law (London : Rout ledge, 1992) . 12. Pete r Goodrich , Languages of Law: From Logics of Memory to Nomadic Masks (London : Weidenfel d an d Nicolson , 1990) , 90 . Goodrich adds , "Withou t th e interpreters , i n othe r words , justic e would hav e no tongue." 13. Rosco e Pound , "Th e Cause s o f Popula r Dissatisfactio n wit h th e Administration o f Justice, " American Bar Association Reports 2 9 (1906): 395. 14. M y wor k o n thes e topics draw s heavily fro m Christin e B . Harrington, wh o introduce d m e to the fiel d an d wit h who m I continue t o

179

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

share th e inquir y int o thi s movement . Se e he r Shadow Justice (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1985) . 15. Roge r Fishe r an d Willia m Ury , Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement without Giving In (Ne w York: Penguin, 1983) . 16. Fo r discussio n o f practitione r rejectio n o f this theoretica l orienta tion, se e Christine B . Harrington, '"Bundle s o f Input': Negotiatin g the Nation' s First Nuclea r Wast e Dump— A Profil e o f Howard Bell man" (pape r fo r th e Harvar d Progra m o n Negotiation , 1991) , reprinted a s "Howard Bellman : Using 'Bundle s of Input' t o Negotiate an d Environmenta l Dispute, " i n When Talk Works: Profiles of Mediators, ed . Debora h Kol b (Sa n Francisco : Jossey-Bass , 1994) , 105-47.

180

17. Harrington , "Bundle s o f Input," 37. 18. Christin e B . Harrington, "Delegalizatio n Refor m Movements : A Historical Analysis, " i n The Politics of Informal Justice, vol . 1 , ed . Richard L . Abel (New York: Academic Press, 1982) . 19. Ibid. , 36 . 20. Ibid. , 39 . 21. Jame s Weinstein , The Corporate Ideal and the Liberal State 1900-1918 (Boston : Beacon Press, 1968) . 22. Ibid. , xiii . 23. Ibid. , 11. 24. Ibid. , 18 . 25. Ibid. , 48. 26. Ives v. South Buffalo Railroad Co., 201 NY 271 (1911). 27. Se e Leonard D . White, The City Manager (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1927) . 28. Gran t McConnell , Private Power and American Democracy (Ne w York: Knopf, 1966) . 29. Harrington , Shadow Justice, 41. 30. Am y Bridges , A City in the Republic (Cambridge : Cambridg e Uni versity Press, 1984) . 31. Harrington , Shadow Justice, 44. 32. D . Marie Provine , Judging Credentials: Nonlawyer Judges and the Politics of Professionalism (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1986). 33. Mar k Kelman , A Guide to Critical Legal Studies (Cambridge : Har vard Universit y Press , 1987) ; Richard A . Posner, Antitrust Law: An Economic Perspective (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1976) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

34. Kelman , Guide, 3. 35. Ibid . 36. Ibid. , 247 . 37. No r d o th e gentr y introduce d int o lega l theor y b y Dougla s Ha y and E . P. Thompson, becaus e ultimately thei r grace under th e Blac k Acts is seen a s an aspec t o f legal power an d syste m stabilit y rathe r than benevolence . Dougla s Ha y e t al. , Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (Ne w York: Free Press , 1975)38. Laur a Nade r describe d th e limitation s o f wha t sh e calle d "binar y thinking" i n th e la w reform literature . Se e "The Recurren t Dialec tic betwee n Legalit y an d It s Alternatives : Th e Limitation s o f Binary Thinking, " University of Pennsylvania Law Review 13 2 (1984): 621. 39. Fo r an interesting accoun t o f this problem an d a n alternative to th e traditional framewor k pittin g informalis m agains t rights , se e Craig A. McEwen , Lyn n Mather , an d Richar d J . Maiman , "Lawyers , Mediation, an d th e Managemen t o f Divorc e Practice, " Law and Society Review 2 8 (1994): 149-86. 40. Se e Sally Merr y an d Christin e B . Harrington, "Ideologica l Produc tion," Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988): 709-35. 41. Th e address wa s published i n American Bar Association Reports 2 9 (1906), 395; an abridged versio n appeared i n American Bar Association Journal 57 (1971): 348. 42. Arthu r L . Harding, "Professo r Poun d Make s History, " i n Harding , ed. The Administration of Justice in Retrospect, ed . Arthu r L . Hard ing (Dallas : Southern Methodis t Universit y Press , 1957) . 43. Rosco e Pound, "Th e Decadence of Equity," Columbia Law Review 5 (1905): 20 .

44. Muller v. Oregon, 20 8 U.S. 412 (1908). 45. Joh n Henr y Schlegel , American Legal Realism and Empirical Social Science (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1995) . Schlegel say s very littl e about Pound . 46. Harding , "History, " 8 . 47. Joh n Wigmore , introductio n t o Roscoe Pound . . . The Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with the Administration of Justice (Chicago : American Judicatur e Society , n.d.). 48. Warre n Burger , "Agend a fo r 200 0 A.D.— A Nee d fo r Systemati c Anticipation," Federal Rules Decisions 70 (1976): 23-35.

181

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

182

49. Ibid . 50. Pound' s exampl e o f tinkerin g wa s eliminatin g la w Lati n an d French. Burger' s example s include d th e Administrativ e Procedur e Act and th e merge r o f law and equity . 51. Burger , "Agenda, " 32. 52. Ibid . 53. Lik e Sander' s wor k i n general , an d tha t o f hi s colleague s Roge r Fisher an d Larr y Susskind , th e speec h indicate s newe r dimension s of informalism. Fran k Sander , "Varietie s o f Dispute Processing, " i n Neighborhood Justice, ed. Malcolm Feeley and Roman Tomasic (New York: Longman, 1982) . 54. Harrington , Shadow Justice, 52 . 55. Christin e B . Harrington, "A n Overview o f the Disput e Resolutio n Field" (report t o the Ford Foundation, Ma y 1986) , 4. 56. Rober t H . Mnooki n an d Lewi s Kornhauser , "Bargainin g i n th e Shadow o f th e Law : Th e Cas e o f Divorce, " Yale Law Journal 8 8 (1979): 950. 57. Lo n Fuller, "Mediation—It s Form s an d Functions, " Southern California Law Review 4 4 (1971): 353. 58. Fran k Sander , "Successfu l Technique s fo r Mediatin g Famil y Breakup," Mediation Quarterly 2 (1983): 354-63. 59. Ibid. , 355. 60. Lega l InfoTrac reporte d review s in all the majo r la w journals, four teen i n all . Se e reviews b y Simo n Roberts , Modern Law Review 5 3 (1990); Barbara Yngvesson, Law and Social Inquiry 1 3 (1988); Sally Engle Merry, Harvard Law Review 10 0 (1987). 61. Sponsor s als o included th e Academ y o f Family Mediators , Ameri can Arbitratio n Association , AB A Special Committe e o n Disput e Resolution, America n Sociologica l Associatio n Sectio n o n Peac e and Wa r t o Wayne Stat e University's Cente r fo r Peac e and Conflic t Studies, an d Woodbur y College' s Washington Count y Mediatio n Project, fo r a total of fifty sponsors . 62. Lenor e J. Weitzman, Herber t Jacob , and Mar y An n Glendon , "Th e Divorce Revolution," New York Times, Novembe r 7 , 1985 , III 1:3 . 63. "Issue s t o Conside r Regardin g Mediatio n o f Custod y Disputes, " Family La w Projec t Conferenc e o n Wome n an d Famil y Law , Ne w York University, Januar y 16 , 1984, 6. 64. Fo r a discussion o f some of the scholarshi p o n violenc e i n th e con text o f domestic dispute s an d feminism , se e Jo Dixon, "Th e Nexu s

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

of Sex, Spousal Violence, and the State," Law and Society Review 2 9 (1995): 359-76. 65. Howar d S . Erlanger, Elizabet h Chambliss , an d Marygol d S . Melli, "Participation an d Flexibilit y i n Informal Processes : Cautions fro m the Divorce Context," Law and Society Review 2 1 (1987): 585. 66. See , e.g., Trin a Grillo , "Th e Mediatio n Alternative : Proces s Dan gers for Women," Yale Law Journal 100 (1991): 1545. 67. Richar d A . Posner , "Th e Ethica l Significanc e o f Fre e Choice : A Reply t o Professor West, " Harvard Law Review 9 9 (1986): 1431. 68. Harrington , "Bundle s o f Input," 37 . 69. Joe l Handler , The Conditions of Discretion: Autonomy, Community, Bureaucracy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1986) . 70. Joe l Handler , "Dependen t People , th e State , an d th e Modern/Pos t Modern Searc h fo r a Dialogic Community, " UCLA Law Review 3 5 (1988): 999. 71. Ibid. , 1031 .

72. Ibid . 73. Christin e B . Harrington, "Delegalizatio n Refor m Movements : A Historical Analysis, " in The Politics of Informal Justice, ed . Richar d L. Abel (New York: Academic Press , 1982) . 74. Carri e Menkel-Meadow, "Towar d Another View of Legal Negotiation: The Structure of Problem-Solving," UCLA Law Review 31 (1984): 754. 75. Handler , "Dependen t People, " 1033. 76. Pierr e Bourdieu , Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans . Richar d Nic e (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1984), 3. 77. Owe n M . Fiss , "Agains t Settlement, " Yale Lavj Journal 9 3 (1984): 1073-90. 78. Dere k Bok , " A Flawe d System, " Harvard Magazine, May-Jun e 1983, 38. 79. Fiss , "Against Settlement," 1075 . 80. Boaventur a d e Sous a Santos , "Law : A Ma p o f Misreading, " i n Toward a New Common Sense (New York: Routledge, 1995) , 473. 81. Stuar t Macauley , "Image s o f Law in Everyda y Life : The Lesson s of School, Entertainmen t an d Spectato r Sports, " Law and Society Review 2 1 (1987): 185. 82. Santos , "Map, " 473. 83. Thi s poin t ha s bee n drive n hom e in scholarshi p i n the las t decade . In Laure n B . Edelman , Howar d S . Erlanger , an d Joh n Lande ,

183

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

184

"Internal Dispute Resolution: The Transformation o f Civil Rights in the Workplace/' Law and Society Review 2 7 (1993): 497-534, "inter nal disput e resolution " refer s t o effort s withi n firm s t o dea l wit h rights grievances . The findings ar e that remedia l processe s suc h a s these "ten d t o recas t discriminatio n claim s a s typical manageria l problems . . . [possibly] underminin g lega l rights b y deemphasiz ing and depoliticizin g workplac e discrimination. " 84. Miche l Foucault , Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage, 1977) ; David Garland , Punishment in Modern Society: A Study in Social Theory (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press, 1990) ; Dario Melossi, The State of Social Control (New York: St. Martin's, 1990) . 85. Cai n and Kulcsar , "Dispute s Industry. " 86. Yousse f Cohen , The Manipulation of Consent: The State and Working-Class Consciousness in Brazil (Pittsburgh : Universit y o f Pitts burgh Press , 1989) , 73. 87. Samue l Bowle s and Herber t Gintis , Schooling in Capitalist America (New York: Basic Books, 1976). 88. Joh n Brigham , "Ba d Attitudes : Th e Consequence s o f Surve y Research fo r Constitutiona l Practice, " Review of Politics 5 2 (1990): 582-602. 89. Nanc y Frase r i s mor e critica l o f th e struggl e betwee n right s an d needs discourse . See Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory. (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Min nesota Press, 1989) .

Notes to Chapte r 5 1. In hi s discussio n o f th e processe s o f readin g th e law , Pete r Goodrich describe s thi s situatio n i n terms o f differentiation : "the y speak 'i n th e nam e o f th e fathe r o r o f the law , an d th e sexis m o r asymmetry o f such speech is therefore no t a matter of the male gender o f representation, o r the language—the persona l pronouns—o f causality, bu t o f the constructio n o f sexuality, o f differentiation, a s such." Peter Goodrich, Languages of Law: From Logics of Memory to Nomadic Masks (London : Weidenfeld an d Nicolson , 1990) , 287. 2. Catharin e MacKinnon , "No t a Moral Issue, " in Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1987) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

3. W . E. B. Du Bois , John Brown (Philadelphia : Georg e W. Jacobs an d Co., 1909) , 81. 4. Joh n L . Comaroff an d Simo n Roberts, Rules and Processes: The Cultural Logic of Dispute in an African Context (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1981) . 5. Elizabet h Young-Bruehl, Mind and the Body Politic (New York: Routledge, 1989) ; Zillah Eisenstein, The Female Body and the Law (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1988) ; Susan Sontag , AIDS and Its Metaphors (New York: Farrar, Straus s and Giroux , 1989) . 6. Kat e Millet, Sexual Politics (New York: Avon, 1969) , 58. 7. Th e movements agains t domesti c violenc e an d rap e shar e a n ideo logical structur e wit h th e antipornograph y movemen t an d wil l b e developed her e i n conjunctio n wit h th e effor t t o limi t acces s t o pornography. 8. Andre a Dworkin , "Pornography : Th e Ne w Terrorism, " i n Letters from a War Zone (London: Seeker and Warburg, 1988) , 198. 9. A button a t the Lesbian and Ga y Pride Rally, Northampton, Massa chusetts, Ma y 5 , 1990 , read: "Pornograph y i s the Theory , Rap e i s the Practice. " 10. I n her article "Law, Boundaries, and the Bounded Self " (in Law and the Order of Culture, ed . Rober t Pos t [Berkeley : Universit y o f California Press , 1991]) , Jennifer Nedelsk y look s to the feminis t autho r Starhawk a s an exampl e o f an "alternativ e framewor k fo r thinkin g about politica l actio n an d persona l psychologica l transformation " (173). Starhawk' s interes t i n witchcraf t an d it s contributio n t o women's spirituality reflect s th e otherness of the community tha t i s central t o thi s discussio n o f th e oppositiona l forc e o f rage . Se e Starhawk, Dreaming the Dark: Magic, Sex, and Politics (Boston : Beacon Press, 1982) . 11. Se e Ego n Bittner , "Radicalis m an d th e Organizatio n o f Radica l Movements," American Sociological Review 2 8 (1963): 928-40. 12. Sontag , AIDS, 6 . 13. Ibid . 14. " 'You don't fee l i n the mood for it , I suppose,' say s he, and the n h e adds: 'that' s fine becaus e no w I' m goin g t o war m yo u u p a bit / With tha t h e u p an d tie s he r t o th e bedstead , gag s her , an d the n goes for th e razo r strop . O n the wa y t o th e bathroom , h e grab s a bottle o f mustard fro m th e kitchen . H e come s bac k wit h th e razo r strop an d h e belt s th e pis s ou t o f her . An d afte r tha t h e rub s th e

185

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

mustard int o th e ra w welts . 'Tha t ough t t o kee p yo u war m fo r to n i g h t / h e says. " H e n r y Miller , Sexus (Ne w York : Grove , 1965) , quoted i n Millett , Sexual Politics, 9 . 15. Zilla h Eisenstein , Feminism and

Sexual Equality

(Ne

w York :

Monthly Revie w Press , 1984) . 16. Se e als o J . Vega , "Coercio n an d Consent : Classica l Libera l Concept s in Text s o n Sexua l Violence, " International Journal

of the Sociology

of Law 1 6 (1988): 75-89 . 17. J o h n Brigham , "Right , Rag e an d Remedy, " Studies in Political Development 2

American

(1987): 303-16 .

18. Owe n Fiss , "Fre e Speec h an d Socia l Structure " (unpublishe d manu script, 1985) . 19. Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 31 5 U.S. 56 8 (1942) . 20. Commonwealth v.

Holmes, 1 7 Mass. 33 6 (1821) . Othe r "eroti c clas -

sics" includ e The Arabian Nights, Tom Jones, Boccaccio' s Decameron, Rousseau's Confessions, an d Ovid' s Art of Love. 21. U.S. v. Kennerley, 20 9 F . 11 9 (1913). 22. Butler v. Michigan, 35 2 U.S . 380 (1957) . 23. U.S. v. Ulysses, 5 F. Supp. 18 2 (1933) . 24. U.S. v. Roth, 23 7 F . 2d 79 6 (1956) . 186

25. Holmby Productions v. Vaughan, 35 0 U.S . 87 0 (1955) ; se e als o Winters v. New York, 33 3 U.S . 50 7 (1948) , whic h invalidate d par t o f a New Yor k obscenit y statut e b u t di d no t us e t h e a r g u m e n t o f t h e sort tha t wa s t o com e i n Roth. 26. Roth, 481 . 27. Ibid. , 484 . 28. Ibid . 29. Jacobellis v. Ohio, 37 8 U.S . 18 4 (1964) . 30. 38 3 U S 413 (1966) . 31. Miller v. California, 41 3 U.S. 1 5 (1973). 32. Paris Adult Theater v. Slaton, 41 3 U.S. 49 (1973) . 33. Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 4 3 L W 480 9 (1975) ; Young v. American Mini Theatres, 42 7 U S 5 0 (1976) . 34. Se e Kathlee n Barry , Female Sexual Slavery (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall, 1979) . 35. Joe l Grossman , "Th e Firs t Amendmen t an d th e Ne w Anti-Pornog raphy Statutes, " News for Teachers of Political Science 4 5 (1985) : 16 . 36. Donal d Downs , The New Politics of Pornography (Chicago : Univer sity o f Chicag o Press , 1989) , 155 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

37. American Booksellers Association v. Hudnut, 5 8 R Supp . 131 6 (1984). 38. A propose d ordinanc e fo r Cambridge , Massachusetts , modele d after th e Minneapolis an d Indianapoli s ordinances , wa s defeated i n November 198 5 by a vote of 13,03 1 to 9,419. 39. Dworkin , "Pornography/ ' 40. Ibid. , 198 . 41. Ibid . 42. Ibid. , 199 . 43. Ibid. , 200 . 44. "Colloquium , Violen t Pornography : Degradatio n o f Women versu s Right o f Fre e Speech/ ' New York University Review of Law and Social Change 8 (1978-79). 45. Dworkin , "Pornography, " 218. 46. Mar k Kessler, "Lega l Discourse and Politica l Intolerance: The Ideology o f Clea r an d Presen t Danger, " Law and Society Review 2 7 (1993): 559-98. 47. Dworkin , "Pornography, " 215. 48. Se e Judy Fudge , "Th e Effec t o f Entrenchin g a Bill of Rights upo n Political Discourse : Feminis t Demand s an d Sexua l Violenc e i n Canada," International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 7 (1989): 445-63. 49. Dworkin , "Pornography, " 216 . 50. Jea n Elshtain, "Th e New Porn Wars," Nation, Jun e 25 , 1984, 15-20. 51. Donal d Downs , The New Politics of Pornography (Chicago: Univer sity o f Chicag o Press, 1989) ; Richard Randall , Freedom and Taboo (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1989) . 52. Randall , Freedom and Taboo, 5. 53. Ibid. , 265. 54. Ibid. , 228 . 55. Ibid. , 241. 56. Ibid. , 133-34 . 57. Downs , New Politics, 195 . 58. MacKinnon' s letter wa s in response to a review b y Franklin E . Zimring tha t appeare d i n the New York Times, Januar y 28 , 1990. 59. Tha t is , if we are to get beyon d th e censorshi p issue . 60. Durin g th e questio n perio d afte r a speech i n Amhers t i n Februar y 1990, MacKinno n answere d th e "perennia l firs t question " abou t lesbian pornograph y wit h a n extraordinar y discussio n o f th e

187

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

188

images constructed b y the pornographer. This is something Randal l tells us about . 61. Pierr e Bourdieu , "Th e Forc e o f Law : Towar d a Sociolog y o f th e Juridical Field," Hastings Law Journal 38 (1987): 201. 62. Catharin e MacKinnon , "Liberalis m an d th e Deat h o f Feminism," i n The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, ed . Dorche n Leid holdt and Janic e G. Raymond (Ne w York: Pergamon Press, 1990) . 63. Dworkin , "Pornography, " 201. 64. Ibid. , 201. 65. Susa n Brownmiller , Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape (New York: Penguin, 1975) . 66. Fiss , "Free Speech," 26. 67. Nedelsky , "Boundaries, " 174 . 68. Carol e S . Vance, Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality (Boston: Routledge and Kega n Paul, 1984) ; Ann Ferguson, "Th e Sex Debate i n th e Women' s Movement : A Socialist-Feminis t View " (unpublished manuscript , 1980) ; see also idem, Blood at the Root: Motherhood, Sexuality and Male Dominance (London : Pandora , 1989). 69. Th e constitutiv e relationshi p betwee n idea s an d socia l life i n poli tics i s brough t ou t i n th e critiqu e o f MacKinnon discusse d i n th e next chapter . Stanle y Fish, "Going Down the Anti-Formalist Road, " paper presente d t o the Amhers t Semina r o n Lega l Ideology, Febru ary 24 , 1989 , an d reprinte d i n Doing What Comes Naturally: Change, Rhetoric, and the Practice of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies (Durham, N.C. : Duke University Press , 1989) . 70. "Yo u can tell you ar e bein g principle d b y th e degre e to which yo u abhor wha t yo u allow. " Catharin e MacKinnon , Only Words (Cam bridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1993) , 75. 71. A s part o f a tactical discussio n title d "Beyon d Pornography, " Jes sica LaMontagn e criticize d th e antipornograph y movemen t i n th e journal Left Field, March 1990 , published b y graduat e student s a t the University o f Massachusetts, Amherst . 72. Brie f Amici Curiae of Feminist Anti-Censorshi p Tas k Force et al., in American Booksellers v. Hudnut, Journal of Law Reform 21 (1988): 69; see also Dorchen Leidholt and Janic e G. Raymond, The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism (New York: Pergamon Press, 1990). 73. Fiss , "Free Speech," 1 . 74. Ibid. , 21.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

75. Ibid . 76. Janic e Raymond , A Passion for Friends (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1986). 77. Mar y Daly , "Be-Witching : Re-Callin g th e Archimagica l Power s o f Women," in Leidholdt an d Raymond , Sexual Liberals, 212. 78. Fo r example , "Th e man-date d worl d i s clockocracy—th e societ y that i s dead se t b y th e clock s an d calendar s o f fathered time . It i s marked b y measurement s tha t tic k of f women' s Lifetimes/Lifeline s in tid y tidbits . Clockocrac y i s marked b y male-ordere d monoton y that break s Biorhythms , preparin g th e wa y fo r th e fullnes s o f fathered time , that is , doomsday." Ibid., 219 . 79. Se e Kristin Luker , Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berke ley: University o f California Press , 1984) . 80. Downs , New Politics, 155 .

Notes t o Chapte r 6 1. Antoni o Gramsci , "Th e Intellectuals, " i n Selections from the Prison Notebooks (Ne w York: International Publishers , 1971) . 2. Magal i Sarfatt i Larson , The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis (Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1977). 3. Kristi n Bumiller , The Civil Rights Society: The Social Construction of Victims (Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press , 1988) . 4. Fo r the lin k betwee n reaso n an d intellectua l influence , se e Gram sci, Notebooks, 257-64 . 5. Joh n Brigham, "Bad Attitudes: The Consequences of Survey Research for Constitutional Practice," Review of Politics 52 (1990): 582-602. 6. Hygienic s wa s an earlie r movemen t t o make cleanlines s a standar d of social acceptability . 7. California' s initiativ e against th e Rumford Fai r Housing statut e wa s later overturned b y the U.S. Supreme Court . 8. Subsequen t t o the period unde r study , the militia movement linke d to the bombin g o f a federal buildin g i n Oklahom a Cit y in 199 5 fur ther supporte d thi s sens e of rage. 9. Se e Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1994) . 10. Enriqu e Larana , Han k Johnston , an d Josep h R . Gusfield , New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia : Templ e University Press , 1994) .

189

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

190

I I . Ibid. , 3. 12. Ibid. , 8 . 13. Pau l Burstein , "Lega l Mobilizatio n a s a Socia l Movemen t Tactic : The Struggl e fo r Equa l Employmen t Opportunity/ ' American Journal of Sociology 96 (1991): 1201-25. 14. Michae l McCann , Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1994). 15. Stuar t Scheingold , The Politics of Rights (Ne w Haven : Yale University Press , 1974). 16. McCann , Rights at Work, 279 . 17. Mar k Tushnet, The NAACP's Legal Strategy against Segregated Education, 1925-1950 (Chape l Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press , 1987). 18. County of Washington, Oregon v. Gunther, 452 U.S. 161 (1982). 19. AFSCME v. State of Washington, 770 F . 2 d 140 1 (9t h Cir . 1985 ) rev'g 57 8 F. Supp. 846 (D. Wash. 1983) . 20. McCann , Rights at Work, 285 . 21. Ibid . 22. Gramsc i argue d tha t politica l scienc e decline d whe n "[pjolitic s became synonymou s wit h parliamentar y politics. " H e proposed a "science of the State," the State being "th e entire complex of practical and theoretica l activitie s wit h whic h th e rulin g clas s not onl y justifies an d maintains its dominance, bu t manages to win the active consent o f those over whom it rules." Gramsci, Notebooks, 243-53. 23. Gramsc i describe s Machiavell i a s asserting th e "necessit y fo r th e State to b e ruled b y law , b y fixed principles , whic h virtuou s citi zens can follow i n certainty o f not bein g destroye d b y the blow s of blind fate. " B y this mechanism , th e Italia n medieva l bourgeoisi e might "pas s fro m th e corporat e t o th e politica l phase " b y freein g itself fro m "th e medieva l cosmopolita n conceptio n represente d b y the Pope , th e clerg y an d als o b y th e la y intellectuals. " Gramsci , Notebooks, 257-64 . 24. Miche l Foucault , Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage, 1979) ; but se e Alan Hunt , Explorations in Law and Society: Toward a Constitutive Theory of Law (Ne w York: Rout ledge, 1993) . 25. "On e see s bette r th e natur e o f stat e bureaucrac y i n it s relatio n t o movements tha n i n it s ow n terms. " Alain Touraine , The Voice and

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

the Eye: An Analysis of Social Movements (Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press , 1981) , 26. 26. Ibid. , 25-29 . 27. Kar l Klare, "La w Making a s Praxis/' Telos 40 (1979): 122. 28. Se e Joh n Brigham , Property and the Politics of Entitlement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press , 1990) . 29. Samue l Stouffer , Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties (Ne w York: Doubleday, 1955) , 15. 30. Th e attitud e framewor k parallel s th e constraine d choice s epito mized b y votin g i n most Western societies . 31. Stouffer , Communism, 274 . 32. Ibid. , 236 . 33. Bu t se e Benjami n Ginsberg , The Captive Public: How Mass Opinion Promotes State Power (New York: Basic Books, 1986). 34. Se e Herbert McClosky , "Consensu s an d Ideolog y i n America n Poli tics/' American Political Science Review 5 8 (1964): 361-82. 35. Alid a Bril l an d Herber t McClosky , Dimensions of Tolerance: What Americans Believe about Civil Liberties (Ne w York : Russel l Sage , 1983). 36. Jame s L. Gibson an d Richar d D . Bingham, "Skokie , Nazis , and th e Elitist Theor y o f Democracy, " Western Political Quarterly 3 3 (1985): 12. 37. Joh n Sullivan , Jame s Piereson, an d Georg e Marcus, Political Tolerance and American Democracy (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1982) . Fo r thes e authors , "Thoug h on e ma y b y definitio n link toleranc e an d democracy , a s a practical matte r th e two may b e at odds" (8). 38. Ibid. , 251. 39. Jennife r Hochschild , Political Tolerance and American Democracy (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1982) , 29. 40. Ibid. , 150 . 41. W . Lance Bennett , Public Opinion in American Politics (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brace , Jovanovich , 1980) , 124 ; Frances Fo x Pive n an d Richard A . Cloward , Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Vintage, 1971) , 169. 42. J . Anthony Lukas , Common Ground (New York: Knopf, 1985) ; Mark E. Kann, Middle Class Radicalism in Santa Monica (Philadelphia : Temple University Press , 1986) ; Murray Levin , Talk Radio (Lexing ton, Mass. : Lexington Books , 1987) .

191

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

192

43. Mar k Kesselman , "Conflictua l Evolutio n o f American Politica l Sci ence/' in Public Values and Private Power in American Politics, ed J. David Greenstone (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1982) , 39. 44. Ibid . 45. Pete r B . Evans, Dietric h Rueschemeyer , an d Thed a Skocpol , Bringing the State Back In (New York: Cambridge University Press , 1985). 46. Yousse f Cohen , The Manipulation of Consent: The State and Working-Class Consciousness in Brazil (Pittsburgh : Universit y o f Pitts burgh Press , 1989) . 47. Ibid. , 9 . 48. Se e Kann, Middle Class Radicalism, fo r a n unusua l perspectiv e o n this point . 49. Stephe n Skowronek , Building the New American State (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1982) . 50. Stephe n Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to George Bush (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994). 51. Ibid . 52. Joh n Brigham , The Cult of the Court (Philadelphia: Temple Univer sity Press, 1987) , 208-17. 53. Michae l Mandel , The Charter of Rights and the Legalization of Politics in Canada (Toronto: Wall and Thompson, 1989) . 54. Jud y Fudge , "Th e Effec t o f Entrenching a Bill of Rights upon Polit ical Discourse: Feminist Demand s and Sexua l Violence i n Canada, " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 7 (1989): 446. 55. Ibid. , 458-59 56. Richar d Morgan , Disabling America (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1984). 57. Ibid. , 5 . 58. Davi d Adaman y an d Joe l Grossman , "Suppor t fo r th e Suprem e Court as a National Policy Maker," Law and Policy 5 (1983): 405-37. 59. Ibid. , 409 . 60. Ibid. , 434. 61. Davi d Barnum , "Decisio n Makin g i n a Constitutional Democracy, " Journal of Politics 47 (1982): 480-508. 62. Gibso n and Bingham , "Skokie, " 191. 63. Ibid . 64. Joe l Grossma n pointe d thi s ou t t o m e i n comment s o n a n earlie r draft o f this chapter . 65. Laurenc e Tribe , American Constitutional Law, 2 d ed . (Ne w York: Foundation Press , 1988) , 1063.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

66. Ibid. , 1080 . 67. Brigham , Cult, 214. 68. Se e also Charles A. Johnson an d Bradle y C. Canon, Judicial Policies: Implementation and Impact (Washington , D.C. : Congressional Quar terly Press , 1984) , for attentio n t o the authoritativ e population s o f "interpreters an d implementers " wh o lin k elit e position s t o th e Supreme Court . 69. Rober t Nagel , Constitutional Cultures (Berkeley: Universit y o f California Press , 1989) , 1. 70. E . P . Thompson, Whigs and Hunters. Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 197571. Jame s Willar d Hurst , Law and Markets in United States History (Madison: Universit y o f Wisconsin Press , 1980) . See discussion i n chapter 1 above. 72. Se e Peter Fitzpatrick , "Racis m an d th e Innocenc e o f Law, " Journal of Law and Society 14 (1987): 119-32. 73. Se e Alle n Feldman , Formations of Violence: The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland (Chicago : Universit y of Chicago Press, 1991) ; Michael J . Piore, Birds of Passage: Migrant Labor and Industrial Societies (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1979) . 74. Richar d M . Elman , The Poorhouse State: The American Way of Life on Public Assistance (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1966) , 77. 75. Ibid. , 11. 76. "Praxis " was describe d i n terms o f the seemin g irrationalit y o f th e legal system i n th e lat e Middle Ages . An accoun t b y Dougla s Hay, interpreting attempt s to put the legal system on a more secure foot ing b y makin g punishmen t sur e an d efficient , point s ou t th e advantage o f the pardons , th e grac e controlled b y th e gentry , a s an affirmation o f thei r hegemony . Dougla s Ha y e t al. , Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (Ne w York: Free Press, 1975) . 77. Interview s conducte d b y the author a t Chico Legal Internship Cen ter, Chico , Calif., July 1988 . 78. Flye r date d Februar y 2 , 1989 , "Listener s Actio n o n Homelessnes s and Housing, " on file wit h th e author . 79. Patrici a J . Williams, Notes of a Law Professor (Cambridge: Harvar d University Press , 1991) ; Derrick Bell , "Foreword : Th e Civi l Right s Chronicles," Harvard Law Review (1985) : 4-83.

193

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

80. Stanle y Fish , Doing What Comes Naturally: Change, Rhetoric, and the Practice of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies (Durham , N.C. : Duke University Press , 1989) . 81. Catharin e MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1987) , intro., chaps . 3, 1, 11 . 82. Ibid. , 2 .

194

83. Ibid. , 3. 84. Ibid. , 2 . 85. Stanle y Fish , "Goin g Dow n th e Anti-Formalis t Road " (pape r pre sented t o th e Amhers t Semina r o n Lega l Ideology , Februar y 24 , 1989; publishe d a s the introductio n t o Doing What Comes Naturally. 86. Ibid , 17 . 87. Ibid . 88. Catharin e MacKinnon , "Feminism , Marxism , Method , an d th e State: An Agenda fo r Theory," Signs 7, no. 3 (spring 1982) : 24. 89. Fish , "Goin g Down, " 21. 90. Ibid. , 28. 91. MacKinnon , Signs, 25. 92. Fish , "Goin g Down, " 19. 93. MacKinnon , Signs, 23. 94. Fish , "Goin g Down, " 19 . 95. Ibid. , 32 . 96. Fish' s critique , thoug h supportive , doe s sugges t th e mor e volatil e reception o f MacKinnon's boo k Only Words (Cambridge : Harvar d University Press , 1993) , wher e th e predictabl y unfavorabl e response o f the press , once heightened b y a provocative metaphor ical use of rape by Carli n Romano in the Nation, becam e a cause fo r the antipornography movemen t t o rally around . 97. Fo r a discussion o f the platfor m fro m whic h I have sough t t o tak e off wit h thi s constitutiv e frame , se e David M . Trubek, "Wher e th e Action Is : Critica l Lega l Studie s an d Empiricism, " Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 575; and Davi d M. Trubek an d John Esser, "'Crit ical Empiricism ' i n America n Lega l Studies : Paradox, Program , o r Pandora's Box? " Law and Social Inquiry 1 4 (1989): 3. 98. Kristi n Bumiller , "Th e Socia l Construction o f Rape in Crimina l Trials" (pape r presente d a t th e Conferenc e o n Lega l Ideolog y an d Social Relations, Amherst, Massachusetts , 1987) .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

99. Ibid . 100. Angel a Y. Davis, Women, Race and Class (New York: Vintage, 1983) . 101. Georg e Marcu s said , "[I] t i s precisely th e relianc e o f socia l theor y on certai n assumption s abou t a domain conceive d a s everyday lif e that ha s mad e i t inadequat e t o d o it s jo b o f encompassing , o f domesticating fo r intellectua l consumption , lat e twentieth centur y realities as social processes." George Marcus, "Mas s Toxic Torts and the En d o f Everyday Life " (pape r presente d t o the Amhers t Semi nar, February 2 , 1990). 102. Ibid .

103. Se e also Fredric Jameson , "Regardin g Postmodernism— A Conver sation wit h Fredri c Jameso n (Ander s Stephanson), " Social Text 1 7 (1987): 29-54; George E. Marcus and Michae l Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1986) . 104. Pive n an d Cloward , Regulating the Poor; Charles Reich, "Th e Ne w Property," Yale Law Journal 74 (1964): 1245. 105. Jacque s Donzelot , The Policing of Families (Ne w York : Rando m House, 1979) . 106. Se e Davi d The o Goldberg , "Th e Prison-Hous e o f Moder n Law, " Law and Society Review 2 9 (1995): 541-52. 195

Bibliography

Books and Article s Abel, Richard L. 'A Comparative Theory of Dispute Institutions in Society/' Law and Society Review 8 (1974): 217. , ed. The Politics of Informal Justice, vol . 1 . New York: Academic Press, 1982 . Abraham, Henry . Freedom and the Court: Civil Rights and Liberties in the United States. 4t h ed . Oxford: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1982 . Abu-Loghud, Lila . "Th e Romanc e o f Resistance : Tracing Transforma tions o f Powe r throug h Bedoui n Women. " American Ethnologist 1 7 (1990): 41-55. Ackerman, Bruce . Reconstructing American Law. Cambridge : Harvar d University Press , 1984 . Adamany, David , an d Joe l Grossman . "Suppor t fo r th e Suprem e Cour t as a National Policy Maker." Law and Policy 5 (1983): 405-37. Alejandro, Roberto . Hermeneutics, Citizenship, and the Public Sphere. Albany: Stat e University o f New York Press, 1993. Althusser, Louis . Lenin and Philosophy. Ne w York : Monthl y Review , 1971. Amherst Seminar , eds. "Special Issue: Law and Ideology." Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988). . "Specia l Issue: Law, Ideology an d Socia l Research." Legal Studies Forum 9 (1985). Arnold, Thurman W. The Symbols of Government. New Haven: Yale University Press , 1935. Aubert, Wilhelm . "Competitio n an d Dissensus : Two Types o f Conflic t and of Conflict Resolution. " Journal of Conflict Resolution 7 (1963): 26. Balbus, Isaac. "Commodity For m and Lega l Form: An Essay on the 'Rel ative Autonomy' o f the Law." Law and Society Review 11 2 (1977): 571. . The Dialectics of Legal Repression. Ne w York : Russel l Sage , 1973Bankowski, Zenon, and Geof f Mungham . Images of Law. London : Rout ledge and Kega n Paul, 1976 . 197

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barker, Earnest . Church, State and Study. London : Methuen, 1930 . Barry, Kathleen. Female Sexual Slavery. Englewood, Cliffs , N.J. : PrenticeHall, 1979 . Barthes, Roland. The Eiffel Tower and Other Mythologies. Translate d b y Richard Howard . Ne w York: Hill and Wang, 1979 . Bartholomew, Amy , an d Ala n Hunt . "What' s Wron g wit h Rights? " Paper presented a t Rethinking Marxis m Conference , Amherst , Massa chusetts, 1989 . Becker, Theodore L., ed. Political Trials. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971. Bell, Derrick. And We Are Not Saved. New York: Basic Books, 1987. . "Foreword : Th e Civi l Rights Chronicles. " Harvard Law Review 99 (1985)- 4-^3. Voices From the Bottom of the Well. New York: Basic Books, 1992. Bennett, W . Lance. Public Opinion in American Politics. Ne w York: Har court Brace , Jovanovich, 1980 . Bittner, Egon . "Radicalism an d th e Organization o f Radical Movements. " American Sociological Review 2 8 (1963): 928-40. Blackstone's Commentaries. 1771 . Reprint, Philadelphia : J . B. Lippincott, 1900. 198

Bledstein, Burto n J . The Culture of Professionalism. Ne w York: Norton , 1976. Bok, Derek. " A Flawed System. " Harvard Magazine, May-Jun e 1983 , 38. Boone, Bruce . "Ga y Languag e a s Political Praxis : The Poetr y o f Fran k O'Hara." Social Text (winter 1979) : 59-92. Bourdieu, Pierre . Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Translated b y Richard Nice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984. . "Th e Forc e of Law: Toward a Sociology o f the Juridica l Field. " Hastings Law Journal 38 (1987): 201. . Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge : Cambridg e Univer sity Press, 1977 . Bowles, Samuel , an d Herber t Gintis . Schooling in Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books, 1976. Brest, Paul, and An n Vandenberg. "Politics , Feminism, and th e Constitu tion: Th e Anti-Pornograph y Movemen t i n Minneapolis. " Stanford Law Review 3 9 (1987): 607-61. Bridges, Amy. A City in the Republic. Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press, 1984 . Brigham, John . "Ba d Attitudes : The Consequence s o f Surve y Researc h for Constitutiona l Practice. " Review of Politics 52 (1990): 582-602.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

. Civil Liberties and American Democracy. Washington, D.C. : Congressional Quarterl y Books , 1984 . . The Cult of the Court. Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press , 1987. . "Judicia l Impac t upo n Socia l Practices/' Legal Studies Forum 9 (1985): 47-58. . Property and the Politics of Entitlement. Philadelphia : Templ e University Press , 1990 . . "Right , Rag e an d Remedy. " I n Studies in American Political Development. Edite d b y Kare n Orre n an d Stephe n Skowronek . Ne w Haven: Yale University Press , 1988 . Brigham, John , an d Christin e B . Harrington. "Realis m an d It s Conse quences: An Inquir y int o Contemporar y Socio-lega l Research. " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 7 (1988): 41-62. Brill, Alida , an d Herber t McClosky . Dimensions of Tolerance: What Americans Believe about Civil Liberties. Ne w York : Russel l Sage , 1983. Brisbin, Richar d A . "Antoni n Scalia , Willia m Brennan , an d th e Politic s of Expression: A Study o f Legal Violence an d Repression. " American Political Science Review 8 7 (1993): 912-26. Brownmiller, Susan . Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. New York: Penguin, 1975 . Bumiller, Kristin . The Civil Rights Society: The Social Construction of Victims. Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1988 . . "Th e Social Construction o f Rape in Criminal Trials." Paper pre sented a t th e Conferenc e o n Lega l Ideolog y an d Socia l Relations , Amherst, Massachusetts , 1987 . . "Victim s in th e Shado w o f the Law : A Critique o f the Mode l of Legal Protection." Signs 1 2 (1987): 421-39. Burger, Warren . "Agend a fo r 200 0 A.D.— A Nee d fo r Systemati c Antici pation." Federal Rules Decisions 70 (1976): 23-35. Burgess, Susan. "Beyon d Instrumenta l Politics : The New Institutionalism , Legal Rhetoric, and Judicial Supremacy." Polity 25 (spring 1993) : 445-59. Burstein, Paul . "Lega l Mobilizatio n a s a Social Movemen t Tactic : Th e Struggle fo r Equa l Employmen t Opportunity. " American Journal of Sociology 96 (1991): 1201-25. Cain, Maureen , an d Kalma n Kulcsar . "Thinkin g Disputes : An Essa y o n the Origin s o f th e Disput e Industry. " Law and Society Review 1 6 (1981-82): 375-402.

199

BIBLIOGRAPHY

200

Calabresi, Guido, and Philip Bobbitt, Tragic Choices. New York: Norton, 1978. Carrington, Paul . "Of Time and th e River." Journal of Legal Education 34 (1984): 222. Clark, Robert . "Tenur e at Harvar d La w School Examined. " Boston Globe Magazine, Octobe r 30 , 1990 , 21: 4 . Coase, R. H. "The Problem of Social Cost." Journal of Law and Economics 3(1960): 1. Cohen, Youssef. The Manipulation of Consent: The State and Working-Class Consciousness in Brazil. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989. "Colloquium: Violent Pornography: Degradatio n o f Women versus Righ t of Fre e Speech. " New York University Review of Law and Social Change 8 (1978-79). Comaroff, Joh n L. , and Simo n Roberts. Rules and Processes: The Cultural Logic of Dispute in an African Context. Chicago: University o f Chicag o Press, 1981. Cooke, Jacob, ed. The Federalist. Cleveland: Meridian Books , 1961. Coombe, Rosemary J . "Th e Properties o f Culture and th e Politics of Possessing Identity : Nativ e Claim s in the Cultura l Appropriatio n Contro versy." Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 6 (1993): 249-85. Cooper, Phillip. Hard Judicial Choices. London : Oxford Universit y Press , 1988. Corwin, Edwar d S . The Higher Law Background of American Constitutional Law. Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press , 1928. Craig, Barbara . Chada: The Story of an Epic Constitutional Struggle. London: Oxford Universit y Press , 1988. "Critical Legal Studies Symposium." Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984). Cruikshank, Margaret . The Gay and Lesbian Liberation Movement. Ne w York: Routledge, 1992 . Dalton, Thomas . The State Politics of Judicial and Congressional Reform. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1985. Davis, Angela Y. Women, Race and Class. New York: Vintage, 1983. Delgado, Richard . "Th e Etherea l Scholar : Doe s Critica l Lega l Studie s Have What Minoritie s Want? " Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 2 2 (1987): 301. de Tocqueville, Alexis . Democracy in America. 4t h ed . Ne w York: H. G. Langley, 1845 . Dezalay, Yves . "Fro m Mediatio n t o Pur e Law : Practic e an d Scholarl y Representation withi n th e Lega l Sphere. " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 4 (1986): 89-107.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dixon, Jo . "Th e Nexu s o f Sex , Spousa l Violence, an d th e State/ ' Law and Society Review 2 9 (1995) : 359-76 . Dolbeare, Kennet h M. , an d Philli p H a m m o n d . The School Prayer Decisions: From Court Policy to Local Practice. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1971 . Donzelot, Jacques . The Policing of Families. Ne w York : Rando m House , 1979. Downs, Donald . The New Politics of Pornography. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1989 . Du Bois , W. E . B . John Brown. Philadelphia : Georg e W . Jacobs , 1909 . Dworkin, Andrea . "Pornography : Th e Ne w Terrorism. " I n Letters from a War Zone. London : Seeke r an d Warburg , 1979 . Dworkin, Ronald . Law's Empire. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1986. . Taking Rights Seriously. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1977. Edelman, Bernard . Ownership of the Image: Elements for a Marxist Theory of Law. London : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul , 1979 . Edelman, Laure n B. , Howard S . Erlanger, an d Joh n Lande . "Interna l Dis p u t e Resolution : Th e Transformatio n o f Civi l Right s i n t h e W o r k place/' Law and Society Review 2 7 (1993) : 497~534 Edelman, Murra y J . Constructing the Political Spectacle. Chicago : Univer sity o f Chicag o Press , 1988 . Ehrlich, Eugen . The Fundamental Principles

of the Sociology of Law. Cam -

bridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1936 . Eisenstein, Zilla h R . The Female Body and the Law. Berkeley : Universit y of Californi a Press , 1988 . . Feminism and

Sexual Equality.

Ne

w York : M o n t h l y Revie w

Press, 1984 . Elman, Richar d M . The Poorhouse State: The American Way

of Life on

Public Assistance. Ne w York : Pantheon , 1966 . Elshtain, Jean . "Th e Ne w Por n Wars/ ' Nation, Jun e 25 , 1984 , 15—20 . Emerson, Ken . " W h e n Lega l Titan s Clash. " New York Times Magazine, April 23 , 1990 , 2 5 - 3 1 . Engel, Davi d M . "Cases , Conflict , an d Accommodation : Pattern s o f Lega l Interaction i n a Small Community. " American Bar Foundation Research Journal 4 (1983) : 803-7 . Epstein, Richard . Takings. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1985 . . "Judicia l Review : Reckonin g o n Tw o Kind s o f Error. " I n Eco-

201

BIBLIOGRAPHY

nomic Liberties and

the Judiciary. Edite d b y Jame s A . D o m e an d

Henry G . Manne . Fairfax , Virginia : Cat o Institut e an d Georg e Maso n University Press , 1987 . Erlanger, Howar d S. , Elizabet h Chambliss , an d Mar y gold S . Melli . "Par ticipation an d Flexibilit y i n Informa l Processes : Caution s fro m t h e Divorce Context/ ' Law and Society Review 2 1 (1987) : 585 . Evans, Pete r B. , Dietrich Rueschemeyer , an d Thed a Skocpol . Bringing the State Back In. Ne w York : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1985 . Feldman, Allen . Formations of Violence: The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1991. Felstiner, Willia m L . F. , an d Austi n Sarat . "La w an d Strateg y i n t h e Divorce Lawyer' s Office. " Law and Society Review 2 0 (1986) : 93-134 . Felstiner, Willia m L . F. , an d Austi n Sarat . "Lega l Realis m i n Lawyer Client Communications, " AB F Working Pape r #8723 . Ferguson, Ann . Blood at the Root: Motherhood, Sexuality and Male Dominance. London : Pandora , 1989 . . "Th e Se x Debat e i n th e Women' s Movement : A Socialist-Femi nist View. " Unpublishe d manuscript , 1980 . Fine, Bob , e t al. , eds . Capitalism and the Rule of Law. London : Hutchin son, 1979 . 202

Fish, Stanley . "Denni s Martine z an d th e Use s o f Theory. " Yale Law Journal 9 6 (1987) : 1773-1800 . . Doing What Comes Naturally: Change,

Rhetoric, and the Practice

of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies. Durham , N.C. : Duk e Univer sity Press , 1989 . Fisher, Roger , an d Willia m Ury . Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement without Giving In. Ne w York : Penguin , 1983 . Fiss, Owen . "Agains t Settlement. " Yale Law Journal 9 3 (1984) : 1073-90 . . "Fre e Speec h an d Socia l Structure. " Unpublishe d manuscript , 1985. Fitzpatrick, Peter . "La w an d Societies. " Osgoode Hall Law Journal 2 2 (1984): 115-38 . . "Marxis m an d Lega l Pluralism. " Australian Journal

of Law and

Society 1 (1983): 45-59 . . The Mythology of Modern Law. London : Routledge , 1992 . . "Racis m an d th e Innocenc e o f Law. " Journal of Law and Society 14 (1987): 119-32 . Flathman, Richard . The Practice of Rights. Cambridge : Cambridg e Uni versity Press , 1976 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Flexner, Eleanor . Century of Struggle: The Women's Rights Movement in the United States. 1959 . Reprint , Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1975. Forbath, William. Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1991. Ford, Pau l Leicester , ed . Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol . 10 . Ne w York: G. P. Putnam's Sons , 1899 . Foucault, Michel . The Archaelogy of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language. New York: Harper an d Row , 1976. . Dicipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Ne w York: Vin tage, 1977 . . The History of Sexuality. Ne w York: Random House, 1978 . Frank, Jerome . Courts on Trial. Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1949. . Law and the Modern Mind. New York: Coward-McCann, 1936 . Frankfurter, Felix , an d Jame s M . Landis . The Business of the Supreme Court. New York: Macmillan, 1928 . Fraser, Nancy. Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory. Minneapolis : University o f Minnesota Press, 1989. Freeman, Alan . "Legitimizin g Racia l Discriminatio n throug h Antidis crimination Law : A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine. " Minnesota Law Review 6 2 (1978): 1049. . "Racism , Right s an d th e Ques t fo r Equalit y o f Opportunity : A Critical Legal Essay." Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 23 (1988): 295-392. Friesen, Jennife r an d Ronal d K . L. Collins. "Lookin g Bac k o n Muller v. Oregon." American Bar Association Research Journal 6 9 (1983) : 472-79. Frohock, Fred . The Abortion Controversy. Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press, 1983. Frug, Mary Joe. Postmodern Legal Feminism. Ne w York: Routledge, 1992 . Fudge, Judy . "Th e Effec t o f Entrenchin g a Bill of Rights upo n Politica l Discourse: Feminist Demand s an d Sexua l Violence i n Canada. " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 7 (1989): 445-63. Fuller, Lon . "Mediation—It s Form s an d Functions. " Southern California Law Review 4 4 (1971): 305-39. Furlong, Lucinda . "AID S Media : Counter-Representations. " Whitne y Museum o f America n Art : Ne w America n Fil m an d Vide o Series , 1989.

203

BIBLIOGRAPHY

204

Galanter, Mark . "Justic e i n Man y Rooms : Courts, Private Ordering , an d Indigenous Law/ ' Journal of Legal Pluralism (and Unofficial Law) 1 9 (1981): 48. Gamson, Josh . "Silence , Death , an d th e Invisible Enemy : AID S Activis m and Socia l Movement 'Newness/ " Social Problems 36 (1989): 351-67. Garland, David . Punishment and Modern Society: A Study in Social Theory. Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1990 . Gay Health Clinic . "Safe Sex. " San Francisco, 1983. Geertz, Clifford . The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. Ne w York: Basic, 1973. Genovese, Eugene . Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made. Ne w York: Pantheon, 1972 . Gibson, Jame s L., and Richar d D . Bingham. "Skokie , Nazis, and th e Elit ist Theory o f Democracy." Western Political Quarterly 33 (1985): 12. Gillman, Howard . "Th e Right s Trump. " Pape r presente d a t America n Political Scienc e Associatio n Annua l Meeting , Augus t 28-Septembe r 2, 1991 , Washington, D.C. Ginsberg, Benjamin . The Captive Public: How Mass Opinion Promotes State Power. Ne w York: Basic, 1986. Ginsberg, Fay e D. Contested Lives: The Abortion Debate in an American Community. Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1989 . Glassburg, David . "Th e Publi c Bat h Movemen t i n America. " American Studies 2 0 (fall 1979) : 5-20 . Gluckman, Max . The Judicial Process among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia. Manchester: Mancheste r Universit y Press , 1955. Goldberg, Davi d Theo . "Th e Priso n Hous e o f Moder n Law. " Law and Society Review 2 9 (1995): 541-52. Goldberg, Stephe n B. , Eric D . Green, an d Fran k E . A. Sander . Dispute Resolution. Boston : Little, Brown , 1985 . Goodrich, Peter . Languages of Law: From Logics of Memory to Nomadic Masks. London : Weidenfeld an d Nicolson , 1990 . Gordon, Robert . "Critica l Lega l Histories. " Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 127. . "'Th e Idea l an d th e Actua l i n the Law' : Fantasies an d Practice s of Ne w Yor k Cit y Lawyers , 1870-1910. " I n The New High Priests: Lawyers in Post-Civil War America. Edite d b y Gerar d W . Gawalt.Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1984 . . "Lawyer s a s the America n Aristocracy. " Holme s Lectures , Har vard La w School, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1985 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

. "Lega l Though t an d Lega l Practic e i n th e Ag e o f America n Enterprise, 1870-1920. " I n Professions and Professional Ideologies in America. Edite d b y Gerald L. Gelson. Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolina Press, 1983. Gramsci, Antonio. Selections from the Prison Notebooks. New York: International Publishers, 1971. Greenberg, Davi d F. The Construction of Homosexuality. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1988 . Grillo, Trina. "Th e Mediation Alternative : Process Dangers for Women. " Yale Law Journal 10 0 (1991): 1545. Grossman, Joel . "Th e Firs t Amendmen t an d th e Ne w Anti-Pornograph y Statutes." News for Teachers of Political Science 45 (1985): 16. Guha, Ranajit . "O n Som e Aspect s o f th e Historiograph y o f Colonia l India." Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society 1 (1980). Gulliver, P . H. Social Control in an African Society. London : Routledg e and Kega n Paul, 1963. Gusfield, Josep h R. The Culture of Public Problems: Drinking-Driving and the Symbolic Order. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1981. . Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement. Champaign : University o f Illinois Press, 1966 . Hamilton, Alexander , e t al . The Federalist. Ne w York: Random House , 1937Handler, Joel . The Conditions of Discretion: Autonomy, Community, Bureaucracy. New York: Russell Sage, 1986. . "Dependen t People , th e State , an d th e Modern/Pos t Moder n Search for a Dialogic Community." UCLA Law Review 3 5 (1988): 999. . Social Movements and the Legal System. Ne w York : Academi c Press, 1978. Handler, Joel , Elle n Hollingsworth , an d Howar d Erlanger . Lawyers and the Pursuit of Legal Rights. Ne w York: Academic Press, 1978. Harding, Arthu r L . "Professor Make s History." In The Administration of Justice in Retrospect. Edite d b y Arthu r L . Harding. Dallas : Souther n Methodist Universit y Press , 1957 . Harrington, Christin e B . "Bundles o f Input : Negotiatin g th e Nation' s First Nuclear Waste Dump—A Profil e o f Howard Bellman. " Paper presented t o the Harvard Progra m on Negotiation, Ma y 17 , 1991. . "Creating Gaps and Makin g Markets. " Law and Policy 10 (1988): 296-316.

205

BIBLIOGRAPHY

. "Delegalizatio n Refor m Movements : A Historical Analysis. " I n The Politics of Informal Justice. Ne w York: Academic Press, 1982 . . "Regulator y Reform : Creatin g Gap s and Makin g Markets. " Law and Policy 10 (1988): 293. . Shadow Justice. Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1985. Harrington, Christin e B. , and Sall y Engl e Merry . "Ideologica l Produc tion: The Makin g o f Community Mediation. " Law and Society Review 22 (1988): 709-36. Harrington, Christin e B. , and Barbar a Yngvesson. "Interpretiv e Sociole gal Research." Law and Social Inquiry 1 5 (1990): 135. Hartz, Louis . The Liberal Tradition in America. Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace, 1955. Haskell, Thoma s L . "The Curiou s Persistenc e o f Rights Talk i n the 'Ag e of Interpretation/" Journal of American History 7 4 (1987): 984-1012. Hay, Douglas, et al . Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in EighteenthCentury England. New York: Free Press, 1975. Hebdige, Dick . Subculture: The Meaning of Style. Ne w York: Methuen ,

206

1.979Heller, Tom. "The Importance o f Normative Decision-Making: The Limitations o f Legal Economics as a Basis for a Liberal Jurisprudence—A s Illustrated b y the Regulatio n o f Vacation Hom e Development." Southern California Law Review 5 3 (1980): 1215. Hendy, Charle s C . "Other Ams-Hi t Citie s Unlikely t o Clos e Se x Clubs. " San Francisco Examiner, Octobe r 14 , 1984. Himmelfarb, Gertrude . The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age. New York: Knopf, 1983 . Hochschild, Jennifer . Political Tolerance and American Democracy. Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1982 . Hoffman, Martin . The Gay World: Male Homosexuality and the Social Construction of Evil. Ne w York: Basic, 1968. Hohfeld, Wesley . Fundamental Legal Conceptions. New Haven : Yale University Press , 1919. Holmes, Olive r Wendell, Jr . "Revie w o f A Selection of Cases on the Law of Contracts." In American Law School Review (1880) : 233. Hunt, Alan . Explorations in Law and Society: Toward a Constitutive Theory of Law. New York: Routledge, 1993 . . "The Ideology o f Law." Law and Society Review 1 9 (1985): 11. . The Sociological Movement in Law. Philadelphia : Templ e Uni versity Press , 1978.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Hurst, Jame s Willard. The Growth of American Law: The Law Makers. Boston: Little, Brown, 1950 . . Law and Markets in United States History. Madison : Universit y of Wisconsin Press , 1980 . Hutchison, Alla n C , an d Patric k J . Monahan. "Law , Politics and Critica l Legal Scholars : The Unfoldin g Dram a o f America n Lega l Thought. " Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 199. Jameson, Fredric . "Regardin g Postmodernism— A Conversatio n wit h Fredric Jameson (Ander s Stephanson)." Social Text 1 7 (1987): 29-54. Johnson, Charle s A., and Bradle y C . Canon. Judicial Policies: Implementation and Impact. Washington , D.C. : Congressional Quarterly Press, 1984. Johnson, Jaso n Scott . "Law , Economics , an d Post-Realis t Explanation. " Law and Society Review 2 4 (1990): 1217-54. Kairys, David, ed . The Politics of Law. New York: Pantheon, 1982 . Kalman, Laura . Legal Realism at Yale, 1927-1960. Chape l Hill : Univer sity of North Carolin a Press, 1986 . Kann, Mark . Middle Class Radicalism in Santa Monica. Philadelphia : Temple University Press , 1986 . Kaplan, Amy. The Social Construction of American Realism. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1988. Katz, Melinda . "La w i n th e Privat e Sector : Smal l Designer s an d Civi l Rights." Honors Thesis, University o f Massachusetts, Amherst , 1987 . Katzenstein, Mary . "Marchin g throug h th e Institutions. " Pape r pre sented a t Amherst College , February 19 , 1990. Kaye, Tim. "Natura l La w Theory an d Lega l Positivism: Two Sides of th e Same Practical Coin? " Journal of Law and Society 14 (1987): 303-20. Kelman, Mark. "Choic e and Utility." University of Wisconsin Law Review (1979): 769. . "Consumptio n Theory , Productio n Theory , an d Ideolog y i n th e Coase Theorem." Southern California Law Review 5 2 (1979): 669. . A Guide to Critical Legal Studies. Cambridge : Harvar d Univer sity Press, 1987 . Kennedy, Duncan . "Cost-Benefi t Analysi s o f Entitlemen t Problems : A Critique." Stanford Law Review 3 3 (1981): 387. . "For m an d Substanc e i n Privat e La w Adjudication. " Harvard Law Review 8 9 (1976): 1685. Kesselman, Mark . "Conflictua l Evolutio n o f American Politica l Science." In Public Values and Private Power in American Politics, ed . J . Davi d Greestone. New York: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1982 .

207

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Kerruish, Valerie. Jurisprudence as Ideology. London : Routledge, 1991. Kessler, Mark . "Lega l Discours e an d Politica l Intolerance : The Ideolog y of Clea r an d Presen t Danger/ ' Law and Society Review 2 7 (1993) : 559-98. Klare, Karl . "Th e Judicia l Deradicalizatio n o f the Wagne r Ac t an d th e Origins o f Modern Lega l Consciousness, 1937-1941. " Minnesota Law Review 6 2 (1978): 265. . "Law Making a s Praxis." Telos 40 (1979): 122. Kluger, Richard. Simple Justice. New York: Random House, 1976 . Kobylka, Josep h F . "A Court-Created Contex t fo r Grou p Litigation : Lib ertarian Group s and Obscenity. " Journal of Politics 49 (1987): 1061. Kohorn, Jay M. "Petitio n fo r Extraordinar y Relief : If the LaRouche AID S Initiative Ha d Passe d i n California. " Review of Law and Social Change 15 (1986-87): 477-512 Kornhauser, Lewis . "Th e Genera l Imag e o f Authority. " Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 349-89. LaMontagne, Jessica . "Beyon d Pornography. " Left Field, March 1990 ,

208

i-3Lang, Norri s G . "Homophobi a an d th e AID S Phenomenon. " I n Culture and Aids. Edite d b y Dougla s A. Feldman. New York: Praeger, 1991. Larana, Enrique , Han k Johnston , an d Josep h R . Gusfield . New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity. Philadelphia : Templ e Univer sity Press, 1994 . Larson, Magal i Sarfatti . The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis. Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1977 . Lazarus-Black, Mindie , an d Susa n Hirsch , eds . Contested States: Law, Hegemony, and Resistance. Ne w York: Routledge, 1994 . Leeson, Susan. "Comments, " Panel on Social Movements, Western Politi cal Science Association, Eugene , Oregon, 1986 . Leidholdt, Dorchen , an d Janic e G . Raymond, eds . The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism. Ne w York: Pergamon Press , 1990 . Leishman, Katie . "How Sa n Francisco Coped wit h AIDS. " Atlantic, Octo ber 1985 , 18-41 . Levin, Murray. Talk Radio. Lexington, Mass. : Lexington Books , 1987 . Levinson, Sanford . Constitutional Faith. Princeton: Princeton Universit y Press, 1989 . Lewis, Anthony. Gideon's Trumpet. Ne w York: Random House, 1964 . Lewis, Russell. "Th e Sa n Diego Bathhouse Controversy. " Sappho Speaks, April 1986 , 1-3 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Llewellyn, Karl . The Bramble Bush. Ne w York : Ocean a Publications , 1951. Llewellyn, Karl , an d Edwar d A . Hoebel . The Cheyenne Way. Norman : University o f Okalahoma Press , 1941. Lukas, J. Anthony. Common Ground. Ne w York: Knopf, 1985 . Luker, Kristin . Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood. Berkeley : Uni versity o f California Press , 1984 . McBarnet, Doreen . "La w an d Capital : The Role of Legal Form an d Lega l Actors/' International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 2 (1984) : 321-28. McCann, Michael . Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1994 . McCann, Michael , and Geral d Houseman. Judging the Constitution: Critical Essays. Boston: Little, Brown, 1989 . Macaulay, Stuart . "Image s o f La w i n Everyda y Life : Th e Lesson s o f School, Entertainment an d Spectato r Sports/ 7 Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 185. . "Non-Contractua l Relation s i n Business : A Preliminary Study. " American Sociological Review 2 8 (1963): 55. McClain, Lind a C . "Atomistic Man ' Revisited : Liberalism , Connection , and Feminis t Jurisprudence. " Southern California Law Review 6 5 (1992): 1171-1264 . McClosky, Herbert . "Consensu s an d Ideolog y i n America n Politics. " American Political Science Review 5 8 (1964): 361-82. McConnell, Grant . Private Power and American Democracy. Ne w York: Knopf, 1966 . McCourt, Kathleen . Working-Class Women and Grass-Roots Politics. Bloomington: Indiana Universit y Press , 1977 . McEwen, Crai g A. , Lyn n Mather , an d Richar d J . Maiman . "Lawyers , Mediation, an d the Management o f Divorce Practice." Law and Society Review 2 8 (1994): 149-86. MacKinnon, Catharine . "Feminism , Marxism , Method , an d th e State : An Agenda fo r Theory." Signs 7, no. 3 (spring 1982) : 24. . Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law. Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1987 . . Only Words. Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1993. Mamet, David . Writing in Restaurants. Ne w York: Viking, 1986 . Mandel, Michael. The Charter of Rights and the Legalization of Politics in Canada. Toronto: Wall and Thompson, 1989 .

209

BIBLIOGRAPHY

210

Marcus, George. ' Mass Toxic Torts and the End of Everyday Life. " Paper presented t o the Amherst Seminar , February 2 , 1990. Marcus, George , an d Michae l Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique. Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1986 . Marin, Louis . Portrait of the King. London : Macmillan, 1988 . Matsuda, Mari . "Lookin g t o th e Bottom : Critica l Lega l Studie s an d Reparations." Harvard Civil Rights —Civil Liberties Law Review 2 2 (1987): 323. Melossi, Dario. The State of Social Control. New York: St. Martin's, 1990 . Menkel-Meadow, Carrie . "Excluded Voices: New Voices in the Legal Profession." University of Miami Law Review 4 2 (1987): 29-53. . "Towar d Anothe r Vie w o f Legal Negotiation : Th e Structur e o f Problem-Solving." UCLA Law Review 3 1 (1984): 754. Merry, Sally . "Anthropology , Law , an d Transitiona l Processes, " Annual Review of Anthropology 2 1 (1992): 357. . "Concepts of Law and Justice among Working-Class Americans : Ideology a s Culture." Legal Studies Forum 9 (1985): 59-71 . . Getting Justice and Getting Even. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press, 1990 . . "Lega l Pluralism : Revie w Essay. " Law and Society Review 5 (1988): 869-96. Merry, Sally , an d Christin e B . Harrington. "Ideologica l Production. " Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988): 709-35. Millett, Kate . Sexual Politics. New York: Avon, 1969 . Milner, Neal . "Comparativ e Analysi s o f Pattern s o f Complianc e wit h Supreme Cour t Decisions : Miranda an d th e Polic e in Fou r Communi ties." Law and Society Review 5 (1971): 126. . "Th e Denigratio n o f Rights and the Persistence of Rights Talk." Law and Social Inquiry 1 4 (1989). . "The Dilemmas of Legal Mobilization." Law and Policy 8 (1986). Milstein, Susan . "Judg e Orders Bathhouses in S.F. to Close Temporarily." San Francisco Chronicle, Octobe r 16 , 1984. Mnookin, Rober t H. , and Lewi s Kornhauser. "Bargainin g i n the Shado w of the Law: The Case of Divorce." Yale Law Journal 88 (1979): 950. Mohr, Richar d D . Gays/Justice: A Study of Ethics, Society and Law. Ne w York: Columbia University Press , 1988. Moore, Sally Falk. Law as Process. Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1978. Morgan, Richard. Disabling America. Ne w York: Basic, 1984.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Murphy, Lawrenc e R . Perverts by Official Order. Ne w York: Harringto n Park Press, 1988 . Murphy, Walter R , an d C . Herman Pritchett . Courts, Judges, and Politics: An Introduction to the Judicial Process. New York: Random House, 1979. Nader, Laura . "Th e Recurren t Dialecti c betwee n Legalit y an d It s Alter natives: The Limitations of Binary Thinking," University of Pennsylvania Law Review 13 2 (1984): 621. Nader, Laura , an d Harr y F . Todd, eds . The Disputing Process: Law in Ten Societies. New York: Columbia Universit y Press , 1978. Nagel, Robert. Constitutional Cultures. Berkeley: University o f Californi a Press, 1989 . New York Times. "Bathhous e Curb s Calle d Hel p i n Coas t AID S Fight. " October 24 , 1985. . "Cit y Shut s a Bathhouse a s Sit e of 'Unsaf e Sex/ " Decembe r 7 , 1985. . "Cuom o Pane l Propose s Rule s t o Cur b AID S a t Bathhouses. " October 10 , 1985. Nedelsky, Jennifer . "Law , Boundaries , an d th e Bounde d Self. " In Law and the Order of Culture. Edited b y Rober t Post . Berkeley : Universit y of California Press , 1991. Neier, Aryeh. Defending My Enemy. New York: Dutton, 1979 . Nelken, David . "Beyon d th e Stud y o f 'La w and Society'? " American Bar Foundation Journal 2 (spring 1986) : 323-38. O'Connor, Karen . Women's Organizations' Use of the Courts. Lexington , Mass.: Lexington Books , 1980 . Offe, Claus . "Ne w Socia l Movements : Challengin g th e Boundarie s o f Institutional Politics. " Social Research 52 (1985): 817-68. Okin, Susan Moller. Justice, Gender, and the Family. New York: Basic, 1989. Opie, John. The Law of the Land: Two Hundred Years of American Farmland Policy. Lincoln: University o f Nebraska Press , 1987 . Ostrow, Davi d G . Biobehavioral Control of AIDS. Ne w York : Irvingto n Publishers, 1987 . Paul, Arnold . Conservative Crisis and the Rule of Law, 1887-1895. Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press , 1969 . Peller, Gary . "Th e Metaphysic s o f America n Law. " California Law Review 7 3 (1985): 1151-1290. Pennock, J . Roland . "Right s an d Citizenship. " News: For Teachers of Political Science. Washington, D.C. : American Political Science Association, 1981.

211

BIBLIOGRAPHY

212

Piore, Michae l J . Birds of Passage: Migrant Labor and Industrial Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1979 . Pitkin, Hannah . Wittgenstein and Justice. Berkeley : Universit y o f Cali fornia Press , 1978. Piven, France s Fox , an d Richar d A . Cloward . Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare. New York: Vintage, 1971. Posner, Richar d A . Antitrust Law: An Economic Perspective. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1976 . . "The Decline of Law as an Autonomous Discipline , 1962—1987." Harvard Law Review 10 0 (1987): 761. . Economic Analysis of Law. 2d ed. Boston : Little, Brown, 1977 . . "Th e Ethica l Significanc e o f Free Choice: A Reply t o Professo r West/' Harvard Law Review 9 9 (1986): 1431. . " A Statistical Stud y o f Antitrust La w Enforcement/ ' Journal of Law and Economics 13 (1970): 365—419. . "The Decadenc e of Equity/' Columbia Law Review 5 (1905): 20. Pound, Roscoe . "Th e Cause s of Popular Dissatisfactio n wit h th e Admin istration o f Justice." American Bar Association Report 29 (1906): 395. Provine, D . Marie. Judging Credentials: Nonlawyer Judges and the Politics of Professionalism. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1986 . Putnam, Hilary . The Many Faces of Realism. LaSalle , 111. : Open Court , 1987. Randall, Richard . Freedom and Taboo. Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press, 1989 . Raymond, Janice . A Passion for Friends. Boston: Beacon, 1986 . Report of the Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. Ne w York: Random House, 1970 . Reich, Charles . "The New Property." Yale Law Journal 74 (1964): 1245. Roche, Joh n P . "The Foundin g Fathers : A Reform Caucu s i n Action. " American Political Science Review 5 5 (1961): 67-68. Rorty, Richard . Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature. Princeton : Prince ton Universit y Press , 1979 . Rosenberg, Norma n L . "Gideon' s Trumpet : Soundin g th e Retrea t fro m Legal Realism." I n Recasting America: Culture and Politics in the Age of the Cold War. Edited b y Lar y May . Chicago: University o f Chicag o Press, 1989 . Sander, Fran k E . A . "Famil y Mediation : Problem s an d Prospects. " Keynote Address at the First American Ba r Association Conferenc e o n Alternative Mean s of Family Dispute Resolution, Jun e 1982 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

. "Successful Technique s for Mediating Family Break Up." Mediation Quarterly 2 (1983): 354-63. . "Varietie s of Dispute Processing." In Neighborhood Justice. Edited by Malcolm Feeley and Roman Tomasic. New York: Longman, 1982 . Santos, Boaventura d e Sousa. "The Law of the Oppressed: The Construction an d Reproductio n o f Legalit y i n Pasargada. " Law and Society Review 1 2 (1977): 5. . Toward a New Common Sense: Law, Science and Politics in the Paradigmatic Transition. Ne w York: Routledge, 1995 . Sarat, Austin , an d Willia m L . F. Felstiner. "La w an d Socia l Relations : Vocabularies o f Motive i n Lawyer-Clien t Interaction . Law and Society Review 2 2 (1988): 737-769. Scheingold, Stuart . The Politics of Rights. Ne w Haven : Yale Universit y Press, 1974 . Schlegel, Joh n Henry . American Legal Realism and Empirical Social Science. Chape l Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1995. Schneider, Elizabeth . "Th e Dialecti c o f Rights an d Politics : Perspective s from th e Women' s Movement. " New York University Law Review 6 1 (1986): 589-65 2 Schumpeter, Joseph . Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy. New York: Harper an d Row , 1942. Schweikhart, Gary. "Shilts Responds to Critics." Sentinel 29 (March 1984): 1. Sedgwick, Ev e Kosofsky. The Epistemology of the Closet. Berkeley: Uni versity o f California Press , 1990 . Selznick, Phillip . "Sociolog y o f La w an d Natura l Law. " Natural Law Forum 6 (1961): 84-108. Shapiro, Martin . Law and Politics in the Supreme Court. New York: Free Press, 1964 . . Who Guards the Guardians? Atlanta : Universit y o f Georgi a Press, 1989 . Shilts, Randy. And the Band Played On: People, Politics and the AIDS Epidemic. New York: St. Martin's, 1987 . Siegan, Bernard . Economic Liberties and the Constitution. Chicago : Uni versity o f Chicago Press, 1980 . Silverman, David , an d Bria n Torode. The Material Word: Some Theories of Language and Its Limits. London : Routledge and Kega n Paul, 1980 . Silvestrini, Blanc a G . "'Th e Worl d W e Ente r Whe n Claimin g Rights' : Latinos an d th e Ques t fo r Culture. " Pape r presente d t o th e Amhers t Seminar, Amherst, Massachusetts , April 15 , 1991.

213

BIBLIOGRAPHY

214

Simon, Willia m H . "Legality , Bureaucrac y an d Clas s i n th e Welfar e State." Yale Law Journal 92 (1983): 1198. Skowronek, Stephen . Building the New American State. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1982 . . "Notes on the Presidency in the Political Order." Studies in American Political Development. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986. . The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to George Bush. Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1994 . Smith, Roger s M . "Politica l Jurisprudence , th e Ne w Institutionalism , and th e Futur e o f Publi c Law. " American Political Science Review 8 2 (1988): 89-108. Sontag, Susan , AIDS and Its Metaphors. Ne w York : Farrar , Strau s an d Giroux, 1988 . Stanton, Elizabet h C . "Declaration o f Sentiments. " I n The First Convention Ever Called to Discuss the Civil and Political Rights of Women. Seneca Falls, N.Y.: n.p., 1848 . Starhawk. Dreaming the Dark: Magic, Sex, and Politics. Boston : Beacon , 1982. Sternhell, Carol . "Review o f Andrea Dworkin , Ice and Fire, Intercourse." New York Times Book Review, Ma y 3, 1987. Stevens, Robert. Law School: Legal Education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s. Chapel Hill: University o f North Carolin a Press, 1983. Stith, Kate . "Governmen t Interest s i n Crimina l Law. " Albany Law Review 5 5 (1992): 679-87. Stouffer, Samuel . Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties. New York: Doubleday, 1955 . Strauss, Leo . Natural Right and History. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press, 1949 . Stumpf, Harry . American Judicial Politics. Sa n Diego : Harcourt, Brace , Jovanovich, 1987 . Sullivan, John , Jame s Piereson, an d Georg e Marcus . Political Tolerance and American Democracy. Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1982 . "Symposium: Th e Proposed Minneapoli s Pornograph y Ordinance : Por n Regulation v . Civi l Right s o r Por n Regulatio n a s Civi l Rights. " William Mitchell Law Review 1 1 (1985): 39. Tamanaha, Bria n Z. "The Folly of the 'Socia l Scientific' Concep t o f Legal Pluralism." Journal of Law and Society 20 (summer 1993) : 192-217. Tarrow, Sidney . Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1994 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Taylor, Charles . "Atomism. " In Powers, Possessions and Freedom: Essays in Honour of C. B. Macpherson. Edite d b y Alki s Kontos. Toronto: University o f Toronto Press, 1979 . Thomas, Kendall. "Roug e e t Noi r Reread : A Popular Constitutiona l His tory o f the Angelo Herndon Case. " Southern California Law Review 6 5 (1992): 2665. Thompson, E . P. Whigs and Hunters. Ne w York: Vintage Books, 1975. Touraine, Alain. The Voice in the Eye. 1979. Treichler, Paul a A. "A n Epidemic of Signification." October 43 (1987): 31 . Tribe, Laurence . American Constitutional Law. 2 d ed . Ne w York: Foun dation Press, 1988 . Trubek, Davi d M . "Wher e th e Actio n Is : Critica l Lega l Studie s an d Empiricism." Stanford Law Review 3 6 (1984): 575. Trubek, Davi d M. , an d Joh n Esser . "'Critica l Empiricism ' i n America n Legal Studies: Paradox , Program , o r Pandora' s Box? " Law and Social Inquiry 1 4 (1989): 3-52. Tushnet, Mar k V . The NAACP'S Legal Strategy against Segregated Education, 1925-1950. Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1987. . "Post-Realis t Lega l Scholarship." Wisconsin Law Review (1980) : 1383-1401. Twining, William . Karl Llewellyn and the Realist Movement. Norman : University o f Oklahoma Press , 1973. Unger, Robert o M . The Critical Legal Studies Movement. Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1986 . Vance, Carol e S . Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality. Boston: Routledge and Kega n Paul, 1984 . Vega, J. "Coercio n an d Consent : Classica l Libera l Concept s i n Text s o n Sexual Violence. " International Journal of the Sociology of Law 1 6 (1988): 75-89. Villmoare, Adelaid e H . "Issue s o f Conceptualizatio n i n th e Stud y o f Change in an d aroun d Courts : Forms o f Law." Paper presente d a t th e Annual Meeting o f the Law and Societ y Association, Toronto , 1982 . Vose, Clement , "NAAC P Strateg y i n th e Covenan t Cases. " Western Reserve Law Review 6 (winter 1955) : 101-45. . "The National Consumer's League and th e Brandeis Brief." Midwest Journal of Political Science 1 (1957): 267-90. Wasby, Stephen . The Impact of the United States Supreme Court. Homewood, 111. : Dorsey Press, 1970 .

215

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Watney, Simon . Policing Desire: Pornography, AIDS, and the Media. 2 d ed . Minneapolis: University o f Minnesota Press , 1987. . Shattered Mirrors: Our Search for Identity and Community in the AIDS Era. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1989 . Weinstein, James . The Corporate Ideal and the Liberal State, 1900-1918. Boston: Beacon, 1968 . Weiss, Philip . "Insid e a Bathhouse." New Republic, Decembe r 2 , 1985 , 12-13.

216

Weitzman, Lenor e J. , Herber t Jacob , an d Mar y An n Glendon . "Th e Divorce Revolution." New York Times, Novembe r 7 , 1985 , III 1:3 . White, Leonar d D . The City Manager. Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1927 . Wiesberg, Robert . "Deregulatin g Death. " Supreme Court Review (1983) : 305. Wigmore, John. Introduction to Roscoe Pound: The Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with the Administration of Justice. Chicago : America n Judicature Society , n.d . Wilkins, Davi d B . "Legal Realis m fo r Lawyers. " Harvard Law Review 104 (1990): 468-524. Williams, Marily n Thornton , "NYC' S Publi c Baths : A Cas e Stud y i n Urban Progressiv e Reform." Journal of Urban History 7 (1980): 49-81. Williams, Patrici a J . "Alchemica l Notes : Reconstructin g Ideal s fro m Deconstructed Rights. " Harvard Civil Rights—Civil Liberties Law Review 2 2 (1987): 401-33. . Notes of a Law Professor. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1991. Wolin, Sheldon . Politics and Vision. Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, i960 . Yngvesson, Barbara . Virtuous Citizens, Disruptive Subjects. Ne w York: Routledge, 1993 . Young-Bruehl, Elizabeth . Mind and the Body Politic. Ne w York: Rout ledge, 1989 .

Cases AFSCME v. State of Washington, 77 0 F. 2d 140 1 (9th Cir. 1985) , rev'g 57 8 F. Supp. 846 (D. Wash. 1983) . American Booksellers Association v. Hudnut, 5 8 F. Supp. 131 6 (1984). Bowers v. Hardwick, 47 8 U.S. 186 (1986).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brown v. Board of Education, 34 7 U.S. 483 (1954). Butler v. Michigan, 35 2 U.S. 380 (1957). Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 31 5 U.S. 568 (1942). Commonwealth v. Holmes, 1 7 Mass. 336 (1821). Colton v. Kentucky, 407 U.S. 104 (1972). Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 4 3 LW 4809 (1975). Holmby Productions v. Vaughan, 350 U.S. 870 (1955). Ives v. South Buffalo Railroad Co., 201 N.Y. 271 (1911). Jacobellis V. Ohio, 378 U.S. 184 (1964). Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15 (1973). Memoirs v. Massachusetts, 38 3 U.S. 413 (1966). Muller v. Oregon, 20 8 U.S. 412 (1908). Near v. Minnesota, 28 3 U.S. 697 (1931). New York v. New St. Marks Baths, 49 7 N.Y.S. 2d 979 (1986). Paris Adult Theater v. Slaton, 41 3 U.S. 49 (1973). Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973). United States v. Kennerley, 209 F. 119 (1913). United States v. Roth, 23 7 F. 2d 79 6 (1956). United States v. Ulysses, 5 F. Supp. 18 2 (1933). Winters v. New York, 333 U.S. 507 (1948). Young v. American Mini Theatres, 427 U.S. 50 (1976).

217

Index

Aubert, Wilhelm , 7 9

Abel, Richard , 7 0 Abolition, 36 , 10 4 Abortion Hyde Amendment , 1 1 as lifestyle issue , 3 7 pro-choice, 14 6 pro-life movement , 7 , 10 3 rhetoric o f choice , 12 3 Academy disciplining an d tenure , 11 8 legal, 65 , 81 Ackerman, Bruce , 6 1 ACLU. See American Civi l Liberties Unio n Acquired Immun e Deficienc y Syndrome .

Bakke, Regents of the University of California v., 8 Barker, Sara h Evans , 11 2 Barnum, David , 14 4 Barry, Kathleen , 12 1 Barthes, Rolan d quoted, o n Gu y d e Maupassant, 5 5 Baths, 30 , 42 closing, 133 , 146 history, 4 1 Olympic Club , 4 1 Battered women , 8 0 Behavioral turn , 13 8 Bell, Derrick, 51 , 73, 120 , 14 9 Bellman, Howard , 81 , 98 Bennett, Lanc e on th e searc h fo r publi c values , 13 9 Berns, Walte r criticism o f rights, 14 3 Bill of Rights, 12 5 Black, Hugo , 12 6 Blackstone's Commentaries, 5 8 Body a s political metaphor , 105- 6 See also Thomas, Clarenc e Bork, Robert , 51 , 67 Bourdieu, Pierre , 11 9 Bowers v. Hardwick, 3 , 40 Brandeis Brief , 17 , 90 Brennan, William , 10 9 Breyer, Stephen , 5 2 Brown, John , 104 , 125 , 127 Brown v. Board of Education, 17 , 37, 14 9 Bumiller, Kristin , 38 , 152 "Bundle o f input," 9 8 Burger, Warren , 82 , 89, 111 1976 speech i n St . Paul, 92-94 , 14 9 Burstein, Paul , 13 4

See AID S

Adorno, T . W., 13 8 ADR. See Alternative Disput e Resolution ; Mediation African Americans , 30 , 8 0 AFSCME v. State of Washington, 13 4 AIDS, 30, II4 , 14 6 first identified , 4 0 Alternative Disput e Resolutio n driven b y professiona l agendas , 13 6 lacking tensio n wit h establishe d power, 13 5 within a professional context , 14 6 Althusser, Louis , 22 American Booksellers Association v. Hudnut, 11

2

American Civi l Liberties Union , 12 , 17, 124-25 American Federatio n o f Labor, 8 4 American Revolution , 4 Amherst, Massachusetts , 12 4 Anthony, Susa n B. , 127 Antipornography movemen t and epistemologica l debates , 15 3 class and historica l character , 120-2 1 See also Feminism; Pornography ; Women Agains t Pornograph y Arnold, Thurman , 9 Association o f American La w Schools, 5 5 Attitudes, 4 elitism i n the perspective , 13 9

Cain, Maureen , 79 , 10 2 Canadian Constitution , 142-4 3 Carnegie, Andrew , 8 4 Carrington, Paul , 6 4 Castro District o f Sa n Francisco, 3 9 219

INDEX

220

Centers fo r Diseas e Control, 4 2 Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 10 8 Chico, California , 14 7 Civil rights an d libertie s Martin Luthe r King' s contribution , 3 4 role o f the middl e class , 13 8 role of litigation, 1 7 on threat s t o racial progress, 13 2 Civil War, 1 , 103 , 105 Class as legal structure , 142 , 14 6 CLS. See Critical Lega l Studie s Coase, R. H., 6 8 Commodity form , 1 5 Community powe r studies , 13 9 Concorde landin g rights , 14 5 Consciousness-raising, 11 5 Conservative jurisprudence, 14 2 legal foundations, 1 9 Constitution impoverished relevanc e of , 14 4 Constitutive law , 103 , 141 and th e family , 15 4 less normative, 5 non-rights based , 13 5 politics of , 14 5 and poverty , 15 4 rather tha n instrumental , 3 role of communities , 119-2 0 Constitutive practices , 2 Coombe, Rosemary , 1 3 Cooper, Phillip , 7 Courtla, 10 5 Courts, a s overburdened, 9 1 Crenshaw, Geneva , 14 9 Criminal du e process , 3 4 Critical Lega l Studies, 52 , 108 , 131 affinities t o ADR , 8 8 early contribution s t o constitutiv e theory, 13 7 on fanc y Frenc h philosophers , 6 3 and indeterminacy , 8 8 legal nihilists, 6 6 linked t o established power , 13 5 links t o informalism, 8 2 loss of faith, 13 0 maleness, 6 4 new lef t playe d ou t i n law , 62 Cult of the Court, 142 Davis, Angela, 18 , 120 Daly, Mary, 12 7 analysis o f suttee , 15 1

Declaration o f Independence, 5 , 24, 30 de Tocqueville, Alexis , 2 , 91 Dezalay, Yves, 5 3 Disputes as natural, 7 8 See also Mediatio n Double Standard , i n constitutiona l jurisprudence, 13 2 Douglas, William O. , 122 , 12 6 Douglass, Frederick, 35 , 10 4 characterization o f John Brown , 10 7 Downs, Donald , 115 , 116-1 8 Dritz, Selma , 43-4 4 Due process, 14 0 Dworkin, Andrea , 105 , i n , 13 1 before th e ordinances , 14 6 theory o f violent pornography , 112-16 , 119 toward a new jurisprudence, 12 8 on transformativ e practice , 12 0 Dworkin, Ronald , 3 4 Ehrlich, Eugen , 1 5 Eiffel Tower , 5 5 Election, 198 8 presidential, 3 4 Eliot, Charles , 5 8 Ellickson, Robert , 6 1 Elshtain, Jean , 11 5 Enlightenment, 13 7 Epstein, Richard , 6 7 Equal protection , 1 and fre e speech , 12 3 and suspec t classifications , 14 0 Essentialism, 12 3 See also Catharine MacKinno n Faith, 6 5 Family mediation , 94-9 8 Fanny Hill, 108 , i n Felstiner, William , 7 1 Feminism, 24 , 80 , 103 , 119 challenge t o positivism , 10 8 and consciousness , 10 5 outrage a t pornography' s violence , 10 6 radical, 125 , 127 , 12 8 and spirituality , 12 2 See also Women's movemen t Fifteenth Amendment , 3 6 Fish, Stanley , 119 , 131 , 149-52 Fisher, Roger , 10 1 Fiss, Owe n and fre e speech , 11 , 108, 12 6 against settlement , 10 1 on a world tha t n o longe r exists , 12 2

INDEX

Fitzpatrick, Peter , 12-13 , 7 5 Flag burning , 3 4 Forbath, William , 2 4 Forms of law. See Legal form s Foucault, Michel , 31 , 102, 119 authority beyon d law , 13 6 Foundations, 77 , 82, 95, 100 , 13 6 Founding document , 6 5 Fourteenth Amendment , 3 6 Frank, Jerome , 58-59 , 92 , 10 9 Frankfurter, Felix , 6 , 10 9 Freedom o f expression, 9 , 108-1 2 absolutist position , 12 6 First Amendment , 11 8 first obscenit y case , 10 8 popular ideology , 114 , 12 6 value, 12 5 See also "Speech yo u hate " Freeman, Alan , 35 , 38 Free Speech Traditio n See Freedom o f expression , popular ideolog y Frug, Mar y Joe , 5 5 Fudge, Judy, 142-4 3 Fuller, Lon , 9 5 Fund fo r Researc h o n Disput e Resolution , 100

Garland, David , 10 2 Garrison, Willia m Lloyd , 10 4 Gay and lesbia n activists, 24 , 106 , 12 6 Alice B . Toklas Democratic Club , 42 in California, 13 0 constituted i n relatio n t o rights, 32 , 15 3 Harvey Mil k Democrati c Club , 4 3 joined wit h civi l libertarians, 13 0 language, 3 9 lawyers, 13 1 rights, 2 1 sexual preferenc e an d identity , 3 9 since Stonewall , 3 0 Gay Men's Health Crisis , 3 3 Gayzette, 4 5 German socia l science , 4 Gibson, Jame s L., and Richar d D . Bingham, 138 , 144 Gideon, Clarenc e Ear l See Gideon v. Wainwright Gideon's Trumpet See Gideon v. Wainwright Gideon v. Wainwright, 19 , 34 Ginsburg, Rut h Bader , 5 2 Goodman, Sandra , 13 5

Goodrich, Peter , 50 , 54 , 62, 8 0 Gordon, Robert , 11 , 55, 64 Gramsci, Antonio , 13 , 131, 133 on la w residing betwee n scienc e an d religion, 13 5 Greek temples , 8 0 Grossman, Joel , 11 2 Gusfield, Joseph , 13 3 Hand, Judg e Learned , 109 , 115 , 133 Handler, Joel , 82 , 99 Harrington, Christine , 60 , 82, 87, 10 2 Harvard La w School, 51-53 , 58 , 62, 90, 9 6 Program o n Negotiation , 99 , 101 , 135 Hay, Douglas, 5 , 23, 137, 147 Hegemony an d resistance , 1 3 Hicklin Rule , 10 9 Historicism, 4 8 Hochschild, Jennifer , 13 9 Hohfeld, Wesley , 33-3 4 Holmes, Olive r Wendell, Jr. , 2 , 62 Homophobia, 13 3 Houston, Charle s Hamilton, 7 4 Hurst, Jame s Willard, 2 Ideological production , 10 2 Impact studies , 7 Indianapolis, 112 , 116 Informalism, 77 , 10 0 critique o f professionalism, 9 9 and disputes , 7 8 ideology of , 7 9 linked t o realism, 9 9 and settlement , 8 1 Inns o f Court, 3 2 INS v. Chada, 9 Craig's book , 1 9 Intellectuals, 131 , 137 Intolerance values o f economicall y insecure, 13 9 Iroquois Confederacy , 1 Ives v. South Buffalo Railroad, 8 5 Jacobellis v. Ohio, n o Jurisprudence, 12 8 Kairys, David , 6 4 Kalman, Laura , 6 0 Kelman, Mark , 64 , 87 Kennedy, Duncan , 51 , 64, 13 1 Kesselman, Mar k on attitude s studies , 14 0 King, Marti n Luther , Jr. , 31 , 34, 46, 12 7

221

INDEX

Klare, Karl, 22 , 24, 137 , 147 Kornhauser, Lewis , 61 , 68, 94 Kramer v. Kramer, 95 Ku Klux Klan , 118 , 124 , 13 2 Kulcsar, Kalman , 79 , 10 2

222

Labor movement , 10 3 Lambda Lega l Defense Fund , 39 , 49 Langdell, Christophe r Columbus , 58 , 62 Law alternatives, 7 7 associated wit h despair , 10 7 conception o f inefficiency, 10 2 English experience , 10 3 in everyda y life , 8 innocence of , 128 , 14 6 looking past , 12 9 not quit e natural , 2 0 professors i n Cambridge , 13 0 relational approach , 7 5 as semi-autonomous socia l field, 1 4 in socia l and cultura l practices , 12 9 See also State law; Natura l la w Law and economics , 52 , 67-7 1 lacking tension with established power, 135 Law-making a s praxis, 13 7 Lawyers as aristocracy, 2 Guild, 6 6 in pa y equit y movement , 13 4 Legal forms, 10 3 linked t o politica l practices , 13 0 as inside movements , 9 , 2 0 as outside movements , 2 at Senec a Falls , 5 shared in antiporn and bath struggles, 108 in socia l relations, 16 , 12 0 as a source o f law, 13 7 taken fo r granted , 13 0 theoretical background , 2 6 tradition, 1 5 Legalism, 14 8 Legal landscape, 12 9 Legal profession, 57 , 77, 96 Legal realism, 5 2 in elit e law schools , 5 7 Levinson, Sanford , 6 5 Liberalism, 33 , 83, 150 elite orientation i n civi l liberties, 14 3 frontal attacks , 12 6 in law , 12 5 and socia l life, 14 6 source o f activism, 12 6 Life, outsid e th e mainstream , 11 3

Llewellyn, Karl , 10 , 58 Lynd, Staunton , 12 0 Macaulay, Stuart , 10 1 MacKinnon, Catharine , 104 , 12 0 as antipornography strategist , 116-17 , 128, 13 1 and charg e o f essentialism, 12 3 and conviction , 149-5 2 on social reality of women's experience, 150 Mamet, David , 6 5 Marcus, George , 15 3 Marshall, Thurgood , 1 7 Masturbation, 11 5 Material Word, The, 24-2 5 Mayflower, 1 McBarnet, Doreen , 1 5 McCann, Michael , 38 , 13 4 McConnell, Grant , 86 , 14 0 Mediation, 8 0 for divorce , 9 7 Melossi, Dario , 10 2 Memoirs v. Massachusetts, i n Merry, Sall y Engle , 11 , £3 , 102 Middle Ages , 3 2 Milk, Harvey , 3 9 Miller v. California, 11 , i n, 12 2 adding a prong, 11 7 Millett, Kate , 105 , 107 , 12 8 Ming, William Robert , Jr. , 14 9 Minneapolis, 112 , 116 Miranda v. Arizona, 8 Misogyny, 11 9 Mnookin, Robert , 9 4 Moore, Sall y Falk, 14 , 101 Moralists, 12 2 Morgan, Richar d criticism o f rights, 14 3 Movements analysis o f identity, 13 4 in be d together , 117 , 121 warrant t o organize , 2 9 Muller v. Oregon, 90 Mullins, Judg e William, 4 4 NAACP, 17 , 24 , 3 7

on criticizin g Brown, 7 4 Nader, Laura , 12 , 94 National Association fo r th e Advancemen t of Colore d People . See NAACP National Associatio n o f Manufacturers, 8 4 National Civi c Federation, 84 , 8 6 National Institut e fo r Disput e Resolutio n (NIDR), 77

INDEX

National Organizatio n fo r Women , 16 , 97 Native Americans , 10 3 Natural law , 32 Nazis, 115 , 118 Nearing, Scott , 8 6 Near v. Minnesota, 3 7 Nedelsky, Jennifer , 12 2 Nelken, David , 2 3 New Deal , 1 , 35 New St . Marks Baths , 46 New socia l movements, 3 7 New York University (NYU ) Law School , 113, 121 , 12 2

Nonlawyer judges, 8 7 Obscenity, 110-1 2 Paris Adult Theater v. Slaton, 11 1 Patriarchy, an d lust , 12 7 Pay equit y reform , 13 4 Peller, Gary , 60 , 7 3 Pilgrim compact , 2 Pluralism, 4 , 3 7 Journal of Legal Pluralism, 1 2 and popula r justice, 1 3 as a trap, 14 6 Politics an d politica l joined wit h epistemology , 13 5 traditional left-righ t spectrum , 11 6 trials, 1 7 Pornography and harm , 12 2 and law , 11 5 new politic s of , 116 , 118 turning gendere d inequalit y int o speech, 15 0 violent, 113 , 125 Positivism, 4 , 71 , 126 from Bentha m t o Hart, 6 contrast wit h constitutive , 3 as the la w in la w school , 5 3 separates society , 9 Posner, Richard , 67 , 87 Pound, Roscoe , 58 , 80, 8 3 1906 speech o n th e administratio n o f justice, 89-9 2 Practices, 9 5 and community , 2 1 as mediating devices , 5 4 and movemen t activity , 2 4 Professional communities , 12 6 Program o n Negotiation . See Harvard La w Schoo l Progressives, 80 , 8 6

Property, i n th e Constitution , 14 0 Prostitution, 11 5 Public as a threat t o civi l liberties, 13 2 Queer activists , 30 , 39, 49, 13 1 Race as legal structure , 142 , 146 , 14 9 Radical feminis m challenge t o free speech , 13 0 See also Feminism; Radicalis m Radicalism, 104 , 12 2 Randall, Richard , 115-16 , 11 8 Rape, 119 , 123 , 152 as a constitutive ingredien t o f everyda y life, 15 0 and Roman o review, 12 4 Rawls, John, 3 4 Raymond, Janice , 12 7 Realism, 61 , 86, 14 6 in ar t an d philosophy , 5 6 and cynicism , 7 2 as indeterminacy, 6 0 in la w an d economics , 6 8 links t o informalism, 8 0 retro-realism, 59 , 69 Reeve, Tapping, 5 6 Reform, 8 5 as corporate ideal , 8 3 institutional structures , 9 3 Rehnquist, William , 5 4 Reich, Charles , 12 0 Relationships i n law , 13 0 Relativism, 15 3 Resistance, cultur e of , 12 7 Rifkin, Janet , 8 2 Rights demand a response, 2 9 Hohfeldian analysis , 3 4 paradoxical persistence , 4 8 as political resource , 4 8 as practice, 33-3 4 Roe v. Wade, 6 , 17 , 107 , 14 6 Roman Empire , 3 2 Roosevelt Eleanor, 12 7 Franklin, 36 , 14 1 Theodore, 8 5 Roth v. United States, 109 , i n Safe sex , 40 , 4 3 Sander, Fran k E . A., 90 , 94-97 , 14 6 San Diego , 11 4

223

INDEX

San Francisco, 114 , 153 Santos, Boaventur a d e Sousa , 12 , 101 Sarat, Austin , 7 1 Scheingold, Stuart , 37 , 13 4 Sedgwick, Ev e Kosofsky, 3 1 Selznick, Phillip , 1 5 Seneca Falls Convention, 3 6 Sex as legal structure , 142 , 14 6 Shay's Rebellion, 12 7 Shilts, Randy , 4 1 Silvestrini, Blanca , 3 8 Skokie, Illinois, 115 , 144 Skowronek, Stephen , 14 1 Slavery, 103- 4 and identity , 3 Social relations, 13 6 Society fo r Professional s i n Disput e Resolution (SPIDR) , 7 7

Sociological movemen t i n la w See Sociology o f la w Sociology o f law, 10 , 12 0 Sodomy, 3 Sontag, Susan , 10 6 Sparer, Ed , 6 4 "Speech yo u hate, " 12 4 Squatters, 3 7 Stanford Law Review, 6 4 224 State , 14 1 State law, 1 0 Sternhell, Carol, 11 9 Stevens, Robert, 5 7 Stewart, Potter , n o Stonewall Bar , 13 3 Riot, 30 , 39 Stouffer, Samuel , 13 2 1954 study, 13 8 Strange bedfellows . See Movements Stumpf, Harry , 17-1 9 Style, 2 2 Subaltern, 1 3 Supplemental Securit y Income , 14 7 Supreme Cour t all the wa y to , 14 5 support for , 14 4 Symbolic politics , 1 0 Taft, Willia m Howard , 8 5

Television, 8 Thomas, Clarence, 5 2 Thompson, E . P., 145 Thought tha t yo u hate . See "Speech yo u hate " Tierra Amarilla , 1 8 Tijerina, Reie s Lopez, 1 8 Tolerance values o f professionals, 13 8 Top, o f the socia l heap, 3 0 Touraine, Alain , 13 6 Toxic torts, 15 3 Trashing, 65 , 67 Tribe, Laurence, 52 , 14 4 Trubek, David , 7 0 Unger, Roberto , 62 , 63 University o f Massachusetts, Amherst , i n Vose, Clement, 1 7 Walzer, Michael , 3 4 Ways of knowing, 15 1 WBAI, 14 8

Weather Underground , 10 3 Welfare, 14 7 What i s law?, 5 White, Ryan , 3 9 Whitmore, George , 2 9 Whitney Museu m AID S Show , 4 9 Williams, Patricia , 35 , 14 9 Wilson, Woodrow , 2 Wolfe, Christophe r criticism o f rights, 14 3 Women Agains t Pornography , 21 , 107, 121, 13 1

constituted i n oppositio n t o the Firs t Amendment, 12 2 See also Antipornography movement ; Feminism; Pornograph y Women's movement, 12 6 See also Feminism Wythe, George , 5 6 X, Malcolm, 120 , 12 7 Yale Law School, 53 , 62 dean, 6 7