The Politics of Human Rights 1859847277, 9781859847275

This volume sets out to describe the political and philosophical underpinnings of the idea of human rights by bringing t

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The,Jolitics of Human Rights

Edited by Obrad Savic for the BELGRADE CIRCLE JOURNAL

VERSO

London • New York

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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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The editors and Verso gratefully acknowledge the per1nis.~ion of the authors and 1heir publishers to reproduce 1naterial in this \'Olun1m it-; shres. It is timely that we shot1ld have this eloquent communication from the eclge of Europe, since such cc>mn1unications are i11 dire danger of being ct1rtailed. Europe, this haven of hu1nan rights ctalture as Rorty would no doubt see it, is now busily slamming down the drawbridge on those uprooted by its own free-1narket policies, swinging its big guns to face t}1ese p(>tential n1igrants and inst1rger1ts ratl1er than the forn1er So"iet lancls, and threatening ,vith physical destruction any foreign regime which reti1ses to be cornplicit ,vith its own interests. It is this whicl1. in some i11tellectual circles, passes ftlr the C(>nccpt c,f universality. Yet it is fron1 the same Eur(>pe. in a rather more

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TERRY EAGLETON

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heroic, enlightened period of its great bourgeois culture, that the notion of human rights sprang up, and it is still a potent enough lineage to be deployed against much of that Europe's current political practice. At least, as this collection triumphantly demonstrates, ideas can still migrate freely across frontiers, and different cultures still fruitfully interbreed. If the Western liberal intelligentsia is nowadays understandably nervous of appropriating the experience of others by seeking to represent them, there are other intellectual groupings, like the Belgrade Circle, who are part of those whose freedom they espouse. And it is a sign of the urgency of their situation that they call in this volume not necessarily on the politically correct, but on those from whatever ideological camp whose ideas might be of some service to them. As such, the book represents a precious act of solidarity between some of the more privileged intellectuals of the West, who have the time and resources to reflect upon these philosophical matters because there is little need for them to be politically active, and those of their colleagues elsewhere whose situation is often the reverse.

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PART I THE POLITICS OF HUMAN RIGHTS

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Introduction

The Global and the Local in Human Rights: The Case of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Obrad Savic

Fifty years ago to this day, the United Nations General Assembly, in its 183rd session, adopted the Universal Declaration of Hu1nan Rights. It was a critical turning point in the long quest for freedom and human dignity, comparable in significance to the Magna Carta and the American Declaration of Independence, and declaring a 'common standard for the achievement of all peoples and all nations'. In the final vote, the outline of the Declaration was not adopted unanimot1sly- forty-eight member states voted for it, while eight delegations abstained, including the then Federal People 's Rept1blic of Yugoslavia. 1 This lack of consensus was an early indication of futt1re conflicts related to the isst1e of the limits to a universal validity of human rights, which have since become a standard in the evalt1ation of rights in general. The modern concept of human rights originated in the context of monstrous abuses during the Second World War: the experience of Nazism (as well as Stalinism) forced the global community to look for international instrument~ which would defend human life a11d human rights. However, the United Nations Charter (forerunner to the Universal Declaration). which wa.~ adopted on 26 Jt1ne 1945 before any peace treaty following the war had been signed, was not as far-reaching as some had hoped: The human rights provisions which ultimately found their way into tl1e ( :harter of the United Nations fell far short of the expectations that Roosevelt's visi For example, according to international common law, slavery a11d genocide are cnsidered crimes against humanity, regardless of whether a state has signed r ratified Cnventions on slavery or genocicle.

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The unhindered functioning of human rights and, related to this, the democratic regulation of political and legal life, have become standard criteria for the legitimization of modern states. Only with the presupposition of a respect for human rights is the effective working of a true pluralistparliamentary democracy possible. Otherwise, what we have is a formal legal simulation which irresponsibly embarks upon the permanent postponing of democracy. The subversive element of natural law which insisted on a delimitation between society and the state ('freedom from the state') has nowadays given way to positive law, the operation of human rights within the state's legal order( ' through constitutional law'). As Habermas suggests, 'the revolutionary moment of turning natural into positive law has been worn out during the long process of the democratic integration of basic rights. This change led to the creation of both political space and a legal framework for citizens' participation in demcratic decision-making procedures. The international mechanism for the codification and protection of human rights is binding states with increasing strictness to the creation of decision-making mechanisms which enable all particular interests to be effectively articulated within the 'general will'. Through its conventions, commissions and hun1an rights courts, Europe in particular has already established procedures which for the first time in history make it possible for tl1e interests ofthe individua~ of the citizen, to emerge on the international stage, in the field of international law, until now reserved solely for sovereign states. The tendency to 'internalize' human rights indicates the global commt1nity's increasing willingness to take into account the sovereignty of the individual, or of minority groups, and not that of states. Respect for human rights is no longer within the domain of a state's internal affairs: care for these rights is progressively being taken over by the international community. Tl1is means that the • Universal Declaration has in effect initiated a long process of dissolution of state sovereignty. State sovereignty has often been misused, in order to hide violence and lawlessness by the state; the spread of an international consensus on human rights annot1nces the beginning of a new era, ' the age of rights', when human rights will have a real chance to be universalized, to become 'a general law of peoples'. The end of tlle Cold War and the disappearance of totalitarian communisn1, which divided the international community for almost five decades, renewed hopes in a general respect for 'human dignity' , as expres.sed in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. Things have not moved quickly or dramatically - 'the disappearance of the Soviet empire has not left a world unanimous in its commitment to the idea of human rights or to institutions that give effect to this idea. China - with one fifth of the earth 's human poJr ulation - is at best in slow transition toward constitutionalism, the rt1le of law, and respect for human rights' 6 - but still a wide international debate has been started: Fllowing the disappearance f ideolgical blocs that servt'cl to protect the

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INTRODUCTION countries which violated human rights, some of these states are now more lial>le to international pressure to improve htunan rights conditions. All these factors have enabled the international community to strengthen the normative and institutional framework for dealing with human rights issues in recent years.;

A minimal consensus was reached to treat human rights, within a ne"-', modern concept of rights, as a mt1ltilateral international right that deals with the protection of individt1als and groups against violations of their internationally gt1aranteed rights by the state. This universalization of ht1man rights uprooted a traditional doctrine of international law, according to which regulation was exclt1sively at the level of relations between national states: 'To the extent that states had any international legal obligations relating to indi\iduals, they were deemed to be obligations owed to the states whose nationality the individt1als possessed.'11 In a legal sense, a citizen was exclusively within the jt1risdiction of his/ her own state. Tht1s, it comes as no st1rprise to discover that the Pact of the League of Nations, the contract by which the Leagt1e was founded in 1920, contains absoltately no pro,-i sion for human rights! Only the Universal Declaration enabled the strengthe11ing of the international mechanisms for the protection of ht1man rights, e11abling their jt1risdiction to spread to all parts of the world. The moral, political and normative power of the Universal Declaration has enabled the international commt1nity to establish extraordinary meast1res, especially in cases of mass violations of httman rights. Of cot1rse, this does not mean that the internationalization of ht1man rights in the second half of the nve11tieth centt1ry can be interpreted nly throtagh progress of the humanist 'ideology' that fc>llows a 11ormative concept of social and political justice, that is to say. one that emphasizes ethical solidarity with those who are denied basic human right'I. The programme of establist1ing international htamanitarian respn1atic competition and ideological propaganda. The fact that the norn1ative standards adopted then were looked upon as something redundant or impf the {:old War, played for the hearts and souls of pe,,ple throughout the ,vorld Y

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Both blocs worked equally on minimizing the effective influence of human rights on the processes of government - Western countries which for pragmatic reasons (protection of foreign investment) helped the authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe, and communist countries which suffocated their own opposition and prevented the appearance of an active civil society. 'Hence, in the course of the first twenty years, foundations for the culture of human rights had been laid, but there were almost no conditions for its realisation, in the sense of improving living conditions for peoples of the world.' 10 An important step forward came as the result of both a strengthened humanism and the pressure of new relations of political power in various areas of the world. A new geopolitical balance of powers which essentially abolished the barriers between the blocs - accompanied by the anti-colonial movement, a world-wide anti-apartheid campaign, an increased awareness of the right of peoples to self-determination, and widespread civic initiatives shifted the focus of human rights towards the underdeveloped countries, the Arab world and aboriginal peoples. The Cairo Declaration of Human Rights ( 1990), for instance, provided for a specifically regional, Islamic acceptance of human rights, and represented an important attempt at codification of the shari 'a principles in the areas of rights and liberties. 11 The so-called new world order, heralded by these shifts in global relations, has not made miraculous progress in the area of global human rights, however. For while there is widespread consensual support for the idea of the expansion of civil, political and human rights, the powerful 'neo-liberal' elite have for the most part completely ignored the international economic and social rights of citizens in poor countries. Underdeveloped countries have been coerced into bowing to the mechanisms of the world market, within which, despite all the reforms and privatization, they have no real chance of succeeding. In these circumstances, calls for human rights, and a related insistence on democracy, sound something like post-colonialist interventionism. Moreover, a lack of balance in the distribution of international power and wealth is the very foundation of the prolonged and strong resistance to the generalized moral norms that underpin human rights. 'Globalization from above ' produces hegemonic effects which systematically endanger consensual acceptance of the universal status of human rights. As Richard Rorty suggests, 'human rights culture ' (the expression was first used by the Argentinian jurist and philosopher Eduardo Rabossi, in his article 'Human Rights Naturalized' ) can count on universal solidarity only under the condition that it frees itself of proWestern cultural imperialism. 'We see our task as a matter of making our own culture - the human rights culture - more selfr a general recognitic>n of civic, httman and political rights JllltSl take int ac:count the social and t'Cnc>rnic. in other words the

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structural limitations of their application. For instance, the emphasis forcertain countries that ratify covenants, as Weissbrodt says, would be that 'they must immediately cease torturing their residents, but they are not immediately required to feed, clothe, and house them'. 29 The politics of the globalization of human rights must take into account cultural priorities, regional specificities and local limitations. Otherwise, attthoritarian regimes may respond using the geopolitical argument, claiming that the struggle for human rights is nothing but a postcolonial manoeuvre, a conspiracy of the new world order against regional or national interests. Naturally, the global processes of adapting the state to the idea of human rights may also work from below, taking into accot1nt all the cultural, regional or national differences. It is the belief of the writers here that modern states follow witl1out hindrance the normative concept of social and political justice, precisely by demonstrating international solidarity with individuals or grottps whose basic human righL~ are jeopardized or completely denied. Finally, despite a real conflict of global, local and regional interests and needs, one could state the conditions under which a non-..,ilent and general consensus on human rights is possible. The Western discourse of human rights forms an intrinsic value, whose international persuasiveness 'comes from the sense that they are not just features of our legal tradition, that they are not part of what is culturally conditioned, one option among others which human societies can adopt, but fundamental, essential, belonging to human beings as such- in short, inviolable'.30 That is the minimum around which different groups, states, countries, religiot1s communities, cultures and civilizations could agree. Althot1gh they would keep mt1tt1ally t1ncoordinated fundamental views on tlleology, metaphysics and tl1e philsophy of human rights, they could still agree on certain norms and rules that should govern human behaviour. As suggested by Charles Taylor, 'We wottld agree on the norms, while disagreeing on why they were the right norms. And we wotlld be content to live in this Cnsensus, t1ndistt1rbed by the differences f profound underlying belief.' \\1hen Louis Henkin announced 'The Age of Rights', what he had in mind was a new form of international coexistence, arising under the gt1ise of the broad and non-violent consenstts on ht1man rights. Unlike the old compromise, which insisted on fragile cc>ordination, the nC\\", all-encornpassing consensus is continually opening up t(>wards individual disagreements around which we could reach some conclusi(>n. so that a consenstts would be rennvecl, with rnutual respect. I do not see why anyone would l\illingly abandn translatio Juris of non-intrt1sive and wide-reaching consensus about the inviolability of their own human rights. A singuu,riwlion ofth, law, and not co/1,ctivization ofduties ( towards the state, party, natin , race or religion). which, as a rule, undermines a belief that we share similar beliefs and common values, is, in the long term. the asis fa nn,ic>lent univt'!T'Saliuition of hun1an rights.

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Notes (;t•neral note: All cn1 pha.'1Cs in quotes are the author's o\\'11.

I . The Yugosla,· delegation had nu,nerous ohjections to the proposed outline of the Dec laration. First. the Declarc1tion was ·concr. ~tanchester Llnivcrsity Prt:s.-;, l\iancht·stt'r, I 986. 5. ,\t the 199:} Vienna World c:onfer c nce on Human Rights. a l>t·claratio n and a Progratn of Ac·tivitit·s were adoptt·d. signt·d by the reprt'sentati\'cs of Ii I slates. At that 1in1c, tht• United Nations had 18:l n1t·111bt'r st,11c·s. 'l"ht• first ar1iclviously with the latter cha11ge as part of the effort t provide a st1itable definition of, and li1niL'I on, a governme11t's internal sovereignty, though it is not tincnnected \\1th the first. At this point I leave ac;ide the 111any difficulties of interpreting these rights and limits, and take their general meaning and tendency as clear enot1gh. \\'11at is essential is that our elaboration of the law of peples should fit - as it tt1rns ot1t to do - these t,vc> basic cha11ges, and give them a suitable rationale.

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The second preliminary matter concerns the question : in working out the la"· of peoples, why do we start (as I said above) with those societies well ordered by liberal views somewhat more general than justice as fairness? Wouldn't it be better to start with the world a,; a whole, with a global original position, so to speak, and discuss the question whether, and in what form, there should be states, or peoples, at all? Some writers (I mention them later) have thought that a social contract constructivist view should proceed in this manner, that it gives an appropriate 11niversality from the start. I think there is no clear initial answer to this qt1estion. We should try various alternatives and weigh their pluses and minuses. Since in working out justice as fairness I begin with domestic society, I shall continue from there as if what has been done so far is more or less sound. Thus I build on the steps taken until now, as this seems to provide a suitable starting point for the extension to the law of peoples. A further reason for proceeding thus is that peoples as corporate bodies organized by their governments now exist in some form all over the world. Historically speaking, all principles and standards proposed for the law of peoples must, to be feasible, prove acceptable to the considered and reflective public opinion of peoples and their governments. Suppose, then, that we are (even though we are not) members of a wellordered society. Our convictions about justice are roughly the same as those of citizens (if there are any) in the family of societies well ordered by liberal conceptions of justice and whose social and historical conditions are similar to ours. They have the same kinds of reasons for affirming their mode of government as we do for affirming ours. This common understanding of liberal societies provides an apt starting point for the extension to the law of peoples. Finally, I note the distinction between the law of peoples and the law of nations, or international law. The latter is an existing, or positive, legal order, however incomplete it may be in some ways, lacking, for exan1ple, an effective scheme of sanctions such as normally characterizes domestic law. The law of peoples, by contrast, is a family of political concepts with principles of right, justice and the common good, that specify the content of a liberal conception of justice worked tip to extend to and to apply to international law. It pro\ides the concepts and principles by which that law is to be judged. This distinction between the law of pec>ples and the law of nations should be straightforward. It is no more obscure than the distinction between the principles ofjustice that apply to the basic str11cture of domestic society and the existing political. social and legal institutions that actually realize that strllCture.

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The Extension to Llberal Societies

The three preliminary matters settled, I turn to the extension of liberal ideas ofjustice to tl1e law of peoples. I understand these ideas ofjustice to contain three main elements: (i) a list of certain basic rights and liberties and opportunities (familiar frorn constitutional democratic regimes); (ii) a high

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priority for these ft1ndamental freedoms, especially with respect to claims of the general good and of perfectionist values; and (iii) meast1res assuring for all citizens adequate all-purpose means tc> make effective use of their freedoms. Justice as fairness is typical of these conceptions except that its egalitarian features are stronger. To some degree the more general liberal ideas lack the three egalitarian featt1res of the fair value of the political liberties, of fair equality of opportunity, and of the difference principle. These features are not needed for the construction of a reasonable law of peoples and by not asst1ming them our account has greater generality. There are two main stages to the extension to the law of peoples and each stage has two steps. Tl1e first stage of the extension I call the ideal, or strict compliance, theory, and tinless otherwise stated, we work entirely in this theory. This means that the relevant concepts at1d principles are strictly complied with by all parties to the agreements made and that the requisite favourable conditions for liberal or hierarchical institutions are on hand. Our first aim is to see what a reasonable law of peoples, ft1lly honoured. would require and establish in this case. To make the account manageable, we sttppose there are only two kinds of well-ordered domestic societies, liberal societies and hierarchical societies. I disct1ss at the first step the case of well-ordered liberal democratic societies. This leads to the idea of a well-ordered political society of societies of democratic peoples. After this I tt1rn to societies that are well ordered and jt1st. often religious in nature and not characterized by the separation of chttrch and state. Their political institutions specify a just consttltation hierarchy. as I shall say. while their basic Scial instittttions satisfy a conception of jt1stice expressing an appropriate cc>nception of the common good. Fundan1ental for our rendering of the law of peoples is that both liberal and hierarchical societies accept it. Together they are n1embers in good standing of a wellorclered society of the jt1st peoples of the world. The second stage in working ottt the law of peoples is that of nonideal theory, and it alslems we face every day. Yet, for reasons n we need to be sure that the original psition ,vith the veil of ignoran(e is a device f representatin for tile case f liberal societies. In 1he first use of the original position, its functicln as a clevice c>f representation ,neans tl1at it models whal we regard - you and I. and here and no"'·10 - as fair conditions for the parties, as representatives of free anr the basic structure of domestic society and then moving upward and outward to the law of peoples. l11 so cling our knowledge of how peoples and their governments have acted historically gives us guidance in how to proceed and suggests questions and possibilities we might not otherwise have thought of. But this is simply a point of method and settles no questions of st1bstance. These depend on what can actually be worked Ul. One might well be sceptical that a liberal sclc·ial Cn of inferioritv. 1n11ch less thted to Frcdt·rick Nnsent.' 1 This s1ill empha-.izes the connection of individttal liberties ,vith an intersu~jective recgnition by legal consociates. As his analysis prf>· ceeds. however, an intrinsic value accrues 10 private law, independent of its authorization by a demnn1y had a foundatic,n in the 111nomy f the person. Once la,v in general lost its idealist grottnding - in particttlar, the sttpport it had fron1 K.tnt 's moral theory- the husk f 1he ·indivi rule' \\'as rol>bed of thnretician of a bourgeois rule of law withotll democracy than as the apologist of unlimited absoltttism; accc>rding to Hobbes, the sovereign can impart his commands only in the langt1age of modern law. The sovereign guarantees an order in internal affairs that asst1res private persons of equal liberties according to general laws: 'For supreme commanders can confer no more to their civil happiness, than that being preserved from foreign and civil wars, they may quietly enjoy that wealth which they have purchased by their own industry.' 16 For Hobbes, who clearly outfits the status of st1~jects with private rights, the problem of legitimation naturally cannot be managed unthin an already established legal order, and hence through political rights and democratic legislation. This problem must be solved immediately with the constjtution of state authority, in a single blow, as it were; that is, it mt1st be conjt1red out of existence for the futt1re. Certainly Hobbes wants to explain why absolutist society is justified a'i an instrumental order from the perspective of all participants, if nly they keep t a strictly purposive-rational calculation of their own interests. This was supposed t make it unnecessary to design a rule of law. that is, t elaborate regulations for a legitimate ex,rrisf. of political at1thoritv. , The tension between facticitv , and validitv , built int law itself dissolves if legal authority per se can be portrayed as 111aintaining an rdered system of egoism that is favoured by all the participants anyhow: wl1at appears as n1orally right and legitimate then issues spntaneously from the self-interested decisions of rational egoists or, Kant will put it, a 'race of de\-ils'. The tttilitarian grounding of the bc:,urgeois order of private law - that tl1is type f 111arket sciety 1nakes as n1any people a'i possible well fl for as long as possible 17 - bestows rnaterial justice on the sovereignty of a ruler who by definition can do nothing unlawful. However, to carry ottt his intended dernonstration , Hobbes must do mre tl1an simply slt(>W why such an order ec1t1ally satisfies the interests of all participants PX />ost fact o , that is. frorn the standpint of readers who already find thernselves in a civil Sciety. . He 1nt1st in addition show whv, st1cl1 a systen1 Cns of a dnnon·atir p,·ore,lurr. under these conditions the results arrived at in conforn1ity with this procedure express per se the cc>ncurring will nsensus of all participants. In this ,vay, the mulcl he better L teach our

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students that these bad people are no less rational, no less clearheaded, no more prejudiced, than we good people who respect otherness. The bad people's problem is that they were not so lucky in the circumstances of their upbringing as we were. Instead of treating as irrational all those people out there who are trying to find and kill Salman Rushdie, we should treat them as deprived. Foundationalists think of these people as deprived of truth, of moral knowledge. But it would be better - more specific, more suggestive of possible remedies - to think of them as deprived of two more concrete things: security and sympathy. By 'security' I mean conditions of life sufficiently riskfree as to make one's difference from others inessential to one's self-respect, one's sense of worth. These conditions have been enjoyed by Americans and Europeans - the people who dreamed up the human rights culture - much more than they have been enjoyed by anyone else. By 'sympathy' I mean the sort of reaction that the Athenians had more of after seeing Aeschylus' TM Persians than before, the sort that white Americans had more of after reading Unck Tom's Cabin than before, the sort that we have more of after watching 1V programmes about the genocide in Bosnia. Security and sympathy go together, for the same reasons that peace and economic productivity go together. The tougher things are, the more you have to be afraid of, the more dangerous your situation, the less you can afford the time or effort to think about what things might be like for people with whom you do not immediately identify. Sentimental education only works on people who can relax long enough to listen. If Rabossi and I are right in thinking human rights foundationalism outmoded, then Hume is a better advisor than Kant about how we intellectuals can hasten the coming of the Enlightenment utopia for which both men yearned. Among contemporary philosophers, the best advisor seems to me to be Annette Baier. Baier describes Hume as 'the woman's moral philosopher' because Hume held that 'corrected (sometimes rule-corrected) sympathy, not law-discerning reason, is the fundamental moral capacity' . 10 Baier would like us to get rid of both the Platonic idea that we have a true self, and the Kantian idea that it is rational to be moral. In aid of this project, she suggests that we think of 'trust' rather than 'obligation· as the fundamental ,noral notion. This substitution would mean thinking of the spread of the human rights culture not as a matter of our becoming more aware of the requirements of the moral law, but rather as what Baier calls 'a progress of sentiments· . 11 This progress consists in an increasing ability to see the similarities between ourselves and people very unlike us as outweighing the differences. It is the result of what I have been calling 'sentime11tal edttcation'. The relevant similarities are not a matter of sharing a deep true self which instantiates true htamanity, but are stach little, superficial, similarities as cherishing otar parents and Otar children - similarities that do not interestingly distinguish us from many nonhuman animals. To accept Baier's suggestions, however, we should have to overcome our sense that sentiment is too weak a force. and that smt·thing strf pure practical reasc>n . The desperate hope for a non-contingent and powerful ally is. according to Nietzsche, the common core of Platonism. of religious insistence on divine omnipotence. and of Kantian moral philc>sc.>phy. 12 Nietzsche was, I think, right c>n the buttn when he offered his diagnosis. \\i11at Santayana called 'supernaturalism·. the conf11sion of ideals and power. is aJI that lies behind the Kantian clairn that it is not onlv, nicer, b11t more rational, to incl11de strangers within our rnoral con,n1unity than to excl11de 1hem fro,n it. If we a~ree \Yith Nietzsche anct Santayana on this point.

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however, we do not thereby acqt1ire any reason to turn our backs on the Enlightenment project, as Nietzsche did. Nor do we acquire any reason to be sardonically pessimistic abot1t the chances of this project, in the manner of admirers of Nietzsche like Santayana, Ortega, Heidegger, Strauss and Foucault. For even though Nietzsche was absolutely right to see Kant's insistence on unconditionality as an expression of resentment, he was absolutely wrong to treat Christianity, and the age of the democratic revolutions, as signs of human degeneration. He and Kant, alas, shared something with each other which neither shared with Harriet Beecher Stowe - something which Iris Murdoch has called 'dryness' and which Jacques Derrida has called 'phallogocentrism'. The common element in the thought of both men was a desire for purity. This sort of purity consists in being not only autonomous, in command of oneself, but also in having the kind of self-conscious self-sufficiency which Sartre describes as the perfect synthesis of the in-itself and the foritself. This synthesis could only be attained, Sartre pointed out, if one could rid oneself of everything sticky. slimy, wet, sentimental and womanish. Although this desire for virile purity links Plato to Kant, the desire to bring as many different kinds of people as possible into a cosmopolis links Kant to Stowe. Kant is, in the history of moral thinking, a transitional stage between the hopeless attempt to convict Thrasymachus of irrationality and the hopeful attempt to see every new featherless biped who comes along as one of us. Kant's mistake was to think that the only way to have a modest, dampeddown , non-fanatical version of Christian brotherhood after letting go of the Christian faith was to revive the themes of pre-Christian philosophical thought. He wanted to make knowledge of a core self do what can be done only by the continual refreshment and re-creation of the self, through interaction with selves as unlike itself as possible. Kant performed the sort of awkward balancing act required in transitional periods. His project mediated between a dying rationalist tradition and a vision of a new, democratic world, the world of what Rabossi calls 'the human rights phenomenon'. With the advent of this phenomenon , Kant's balancing act has become ot1tmoded and irrelevant. We are now in a good position to put aside the last vestiges of the ideas that human beings are distingt1ished by the capacity to know rather than by the capacities for friendship and intermarriage, distinguished by rigorous rationality rather than by flexible sentimentality. If we do so, we shall have dropped the idea that assured knowledge of a truth about what we have in cornmon is a prerequisite fc>r moral education, as well as the idea of a specifically moral motivation. If we do all these things, we shall see Kant's foondations of tM iWetaphysics of Morals as a placeholder for Uncl, 1am '.s Cabin - a concession to the expectations of a11 intellectual epoch in which the quest for quasi-scientific kno,vledge seen1ed the only possible response to religious excltisionism. 13 Unfortunately, many philosophers, especially in the English-speaking world, are still trying to hold on to the Platonic insistence that the principal duty of human beings is to knou.1. That insistence ,\"as the lifeline to which

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Kant and Hegel thought we had to cling. 14 Just as German philosophers i11 the period between Kant and Hegel saw themselves as saving 'reason' from Hume, many English-speaking philosophers now see themselves saving reason from Derrida. But with the wisdom of hindsight, and with Baier's help, we have learned to read Hume not as a dangerously frivolo11s iconoclast but as the wettest, most flexible, least phallogocentric thinker of the Enlightenment. Someday. I suspect, our descendants may wish that Derrida's contemporaries had been able to read him not as a frivolous iconoclast, but rather as a sentiment.al educator, another of 'the women's moral philosophers'. 15 If one follows Baier's advice one will not see it as the moral educator's task to answer the rational egotist's question 'Why should I be moral?' but rather to answer the much more frequently posed question 'Why should I care about a stranger, a person who is no kin to me, a person whose habits I find disgusting?'. The traditional answer to the latter question is 'Because kinship and c11stom are morally irrelevant, irrelevant to the obligations imposed by the recognition of membership in the same species'. This has never been very convincing, since it begs the question at issue: whether mere species membership is, in fact, a sufficient surrogate for closer kinship. Furthermore, that answer leaves one wide open to Nietzsche's discomfiting rejoinder: that universalistic notion, Nietzsche will sneer, would only have crossed the mind of a slave - or, perhaps, the mind of an intellectual. a priest whose self~teem and livelihood both depend on getting the rest of us to accept a sacred, unarguable, 11nchallengeable paradox. A better sort of answer is the sort of long, sad, sentiment.al story which begins 'Because this is what it is like to be in her situation - to be far from home, among strangers', or 'Because she might become your daughter-inlaw·, or 'Becat1se her mother wo11ld grieve for her'. S11ch stories, repeated and varied over the centuries, have induced us, the rich, safe, powerful, people, to tolerate, and even to cherish, powerless people - people whose appearance or habits or beliefs at first seemed an ins11lt to our own moral identity, our sense of the limits of permissible human variation. To people who, like Plato and Kant, believe in a philosophically ascertainable truth abo11t what it is to be a human being, the good work remains incomplete as long as we have not answered the question 'Yes, but am I under a moral obligation to her?'. To people like Hume and Baier, it is a mark of intellectual itnmaturity to raise that question. But we shall go on asking that question as long a,; we agree with Plato that it is our ability to know that makes us human. Plato wrote q11ite a lng time ago. in a time when we intellectuals had to pretend to be successors to the priests, had to pretend to know somethit1g rather esoteric. Hume did his best to josh us out of that pretence. Baier, who seems to me both the n1ost original and the most useful of contemporary ,noral philosophers. is still trying to josh us out of it. I think Baier may eventually succeed, for she has the history of the last two hundred years of moral progress on her side. These two centuries are most easily understood not as

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a period of deepening understanding of the nature of rationality or of moralil)·, but rather as one in which there occurred an astonishingly rapid progress of sentiments, in which it has become much easier for us to be moved to action by sad and sentimental stories. This progress has brought us to a moment in human history in which it is plausible for Rabossi to say that the human rights phenomenon is a 'fact of the world'. This phenomenon may be just a blip. But it may mark the beginning of a time in which gang rape brings forth as strong a response when it happens to women as when it happens to men, or when it happens to foreigners as when it happens to people like us.

Notes 1. 'Letter from Bosnia', .Vn" 1'cmvr, November 23, 1992, 82-95. 2. 'Their griefs are transient. Those numberles.'I afflictions, which render it doubtful whether heaven has given life to us in mercy or in wrath, arc less feh. and 500ner forgotten \\'ith them. In general, their existence appears to participate more of sensation than reflection. To this must be ascribed their disposition to slet"p \\•hen abstracted from their diversions, and une1nployed in labor. An animal whose body is at rest, and who does not reflect must be disposed to sleep of course.' Thomas Jefferi;on, 'Notes on Virginia', WritinKl, ed. Lipscomb and Bergh (Washington, D.C., 1905), I, 194. 3. Geertz, 'Thick Description·, in his 71,,. /11tnprrtatio11 of Cu/Ju re ( Ne,v 'tork: Basic Bools, 1973), 22. 4. Rabossi also says that he does not wish to question 'the iclt:a of a rational foundation of morality'. I am not sure why he does noL Rabos.'ii may perhaps 1nean that in the pil\il - for example, at the tin1e of Kant - this idea still ,nade a kind of sense, but it makt-s sense no longt-r. That, at any rate, is my own ,iew. Kant wrote in a period \\'hen the only alternative to religion seemed to be something like science. In such a period, inventing a pseudoscience called 'the system of transct>ndental philosophy' - setting the stage for the show-stopping climax in which one pulls moral obligation out of a t.ranscendcntal hat rnight plausibly secn1 the only way of saving morality from the hedonist.,, on one side and the priests on the other. 5. The prt•sent state of metaethical discussion is ad1nirably sun1111arized in Stephen Darwall, :\Han (;ibbard and Peter Rail ton, 'Toward Fi11 d, Si;(/, Ethics: Some Trends'. 711, Philosophir,11 Rruin." 101 ( 1992). 115-89. This co,nprehensi\'e and judic·ious article takes for grantt'd that there is a problcn1 about 'vindicating tht· o~jccti\'ity of 1norali1y· ( 12i). that there is an interesting question as to \\'hethcr ntorals is 'cognitive' or 'non-ctuals had ht·cume unable to belit·,·c thal philosc,phy ,night produt·c Sl'lffit• i.ort of superknowledgt•. knowledge that n1ight tru,np tht· rt·sults of physical and biological inquiry. 7. So1ne contt·n1por.iry intellectuals, especial!\' in France and (.~r111any. take it a.-. ob,ious that the Holcxaust rnadt' it clt·ar that tht' hopt·s for hurnan frt·t·do1n whic·h arose in tht· ninC'tt·c nth century art· obsolete - that at tht· /(l'l'H ,if .v11timn1ts: lvjlrrti11n1 011 H111nl''1 'frl'ati.1f ((:an1bridgt·, ~lass.: 1-farvard L' niversity Prt·ss, 1991). f\.1it'r s ,·ic'I\' of tht' inadt· quac\' of 1nost atte rnpts by contt·rnporarv n1oral philosopht·rs to brea k with K;,nt r o1nt·s 0111 111ost t·lcarly when -she charac·tt·riJt•s :\!Ian (;ihbard (in his book \\'I.if (:J1oi(1'\, .-\pt l-i-fli111-,"!i) as foc u sing ' 011 tht: fet·li11gs that a patriart·hal religion h as ht·qut·atht·d to us·. and ~,ys that ·~1un1e ,vould judgt' (;ihbard to ht·. a~ a 1noral philosophc-r, basic ally a di\'i11t: disguised as a fcllo,,· expres-

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I~- Nit't:tschbliged to do something is 110 longer a sufficient reason so to act' .12 By cc>ntrast, Ka11t" s assurnption that n1oral rightness is unc(>nditic>nal 'categc>rical' rightness presupposes an overindi\'idualistic cc>ncept of at1tncl111y which n1isleaclingly abstract~ fron1 the cncrete Cn text of n1otivation. 1:\ lnteresti11gly, in fnktiz.itiit ttnd (;t>/tun~ this accc>unt of the breakdown f n1c,ral tnt>tivatic>n is part ,>f llabern1as ·s explanatilaces n rn,)ral Cusness,

°

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and which has three important aspects. Firstly, the complexity of the situations to be morally assessed often overstretches the cognitive powers of the individual; secondly, the organizational resources required to fulfil certain duties are beyond the capacities of the individual; and - most importantly for our purposes - the abstraction of postconventional morality from concrete forms of life weakens its motivational force, as does the breakdown of expectations that others will follow the same moral norm. But significantly, Habermas does not seem to consider this breakdown of the ethical mediation of morality as in any sense a socially pathological condition. There are, I would suggest, two contradictory reasons for this. On the one hand, Habermas misleadingly equates acceptance by individuals of the 'nonrecoverable' (i.e. morally unenforceable) obligations of trust, benevolence and concern with the subsistence of an intact traditional Sittlichknt. 14 From such a perspective, modern moral consciousness will inevitably suffer from an intrinsic lack of motivational force. As Habermas puts it: 'every posttraditional morality requires a distanciation from the self-evidence of unproblematically habitual life-forms. Moral insights which are disconnected from the concrete Sittuchknt of everyday life no longer automatically have the motivating force which allows judgements to become practically effective.' 15 Yet on the other hand, as we have just seen, Habermas also implies that a commitment to the common good - presumably in a degree sufficient to sustain the moral authority of law as a form of collective self-regtalation, even when law supplants individual moral consciousness - is built into the idealizing play of intersubjective role-taking which he considers essential to the normative infrastructure of communication in general. If one combines these two - apparently incompatible - assumptions, then the transfer of moral responsibilities to the sphere of legal regulation will appear unproblematic. Habermas speaks of an 'interlacing' of law and morality in modern society: 'This comes about through the fact that in co11stitutional states the means of positive law are employed to distribute burdens of argument and to institutionalize forms of jtastification which are open for moral argumentation.' 16 Presumably, on this account, the 'solidarity' which is the complement ofjustice will also be injected into the sphere of law, and indeed, at the beginning of faktiz.itiit und Geltung, Habermas writes of solidarity being 'preserved' in 'legal structures' .17 Yet if the weakness of moral consciousness itself in part derives from a deficiency in forms of collective trust and concern which cannot be legally enforced or reqtaired, then the transfer from morality to law will do nothing to address this problem and indeed, as suggested above, may even aggravate it, perhaps to the extent of triggering a degenerative spiral. Habermas does stress, throughout Faktiz.itiit und (;e/tung, that the goct design of procedures for the making and implementation of law in effect only solves half the problem: 'The rational quality of political legislation depends not only on how elected majorities and protected n1inorities within parliament operate. It also depends on the level of participation and educatic>n, on the level of information and the sharpness of articulation of

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contested issues, in short 011 the discttrsive character of the noninstitutionalized formation of opinion in the political pttblic sphere.' 18 In tJ1is sense he shares those anxieties that, in the absence of any vivid public commitment to democratic participation, the &chtstaat may become an oppressively hollow shell, which - as Charles Taylor has recently reminded tis - are at least as old as De Tocqueville. 19 However, Habermas has littJe to say, from the standpoint of a philc>sophically informed social theory, about kinds of solidarity whicl1 would encot1rage such participation. He prefers instead to put his trust in the spontaneous potential of civil society and social movements to respond to the dangers posed by the at1tonomot1s dynamic of social systems.20 This lack of explicit discussion of the problem of solidarity in faktiz.itiit und Geltung becomes more curious when one observes that sensitivity to the 'structural dilemma' which Habermas identified in 1"he Theory of Communicative Action. in the context of his discussion ofjuridification, has not entirely disappeared from his current work. If anything, this dilemma has been identified at a more general level, in the form of an 'ambiguous proces.,; of individt1alization' which Habermas takes to be characteristic of contemporary society. Formerly, as we have seen. Habermas had te11ded to assume that modern society generated more or less spontaneously the forms of consciousness which could tinderpin and motivate a universalistic morality. 21 Now, however, influenced by the work of Ulrich Beck, he acknowledges the negative aspect of individualization, namely the process of 'singularization· i11 which the individt1al increasingly becomes an isolated rational decisionmaking unit, t1nderstanding hin1- or herself objectivistically as const1mer, taxpayer, voter and so on, engaged in interaction with a range of social sys-teins.22 In the light of this more pessimistic account of the conseqt1ences of modernization, Habermas 's concept of the lifeworld has lost some of it,; originally protective and defensive colouring. For part of the answer to the problem of singularization, Habermas stJggests. is that individuals n1ust learn 'to create socially integrated life-forms themselves' .23 Yet. in his discussions of this isst1e, Habern1as has little to say about the conditions tinder which such life-for111s could be achieved. other than to st1ggest that individuals must 'recognize each other as autonomous sttbjects capable of actio11 · .24 Bt1t although this may be a necessary. it is certainly 11ot a suflicient condition for the creation and sustaining of new. non-regressive but solidaristic forms of life, since it omits any consideration of the need for a common ethical orientation which is i1nplied by Habermas's o\v11 accc)unt of solidarity as grounded in the awareness f sharing a form of Iife intrinsically interwoven. Yet. if this is the case, a question arises Cncerning which 'ntology' should be taken to l>e inure fundamental. As Martin Seel has expressed the issue: does the lifeworld exhibit an illusory i11tegration of ratinality n of the lifewrld ,,·hich reveals the il/uJory teparatio11 f ratinality din1ensic,ns characteristic of specialized cultures f expertise?:u; To pt1t this in anotl1er way: the problem with 1-labern,as's conception is that natttral-scientific knc,wledge - to take this exarnple - is unit1Pr.tal in its scope. bt1t can only be produced thrc>ttgh a process f cgnitive abstraction n the part of su~jects wh ren1ain existentially ernl)eclclecl in tht· life,vc,rld . Suc}1 kno,\'ledge tht·refc,re ren1ains

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epistemically derivative in relation to this context. On the other hand, the lifeworld, which appears as existentially more fundamental in terms of its formal fusion of validity claims, will always appear as particular and relative in terms of the content which these validity-claims articulate. Habermas, in his reply to Seel, appears not to appreciate the force of this objection. He states that each specialized form of argumentation can indeed, tinder the pressure of problems encountered, be abandoned in favour of another form, and that judgment will play an important role in deciding if and how this takes place. In this way a coherence and interdependence of the forms of argumentation is acknowledged, while at the same time allowing Habermas to claim that 'every discourse stands, so to speak, directly before God' .37 Habermas goes on to suggest that this is not surprising, since 'communicative action encounters in the different types of argumentation only its own reflected forms'. But this reply omits to consider that the types of argt1mentation also have ontological implications: that discourse within the cognitive-instrumental rationality complex, for example, implies a world of normatively neutral facts, while discourse in the legal-moral sphere, as Habermas conceives it, presupposes the existence of a source of normativity which is logically independent of any specific states of affairs. This splitting of ontological domains is incompatible with the fusion of truth. rightness and aesthetic appeal which characterizes our experience of, and ways of assessing, the everyday human world which we inhabit. So the qt1estion arises: which ontology is more fundamental? Are the fusions of fact and val11e typical of the lifeworld projections which veil an essentially value-neutral reality or not? In itself, this may appear to be a relatively minor problem for Haberma.. ·s position. But it takes on greater importance as soon as one tries to locate philosophy on one side or the other of the divide between the lifeworld and the specialized spheres. In its role of placeholder, philosophy is located 11nambiguo11sly by Habermas within the institutions of systematic research. Stat he also stresses that philosophy would betray its age-old inheritance if it were to understand itself merely as one specialized discipline amongst others. In the form of interpretation, philosophy is both closely allied - and radically opposed - to everyday understanding. It moves within - and is related to the non-objectifiable totality of a lifeworld, in a manner similar to that of common sense, yet at the same time its critical and reflective stance opposes it to everything which is taken for granted.:lR We already know that philosophy. in its function as stand-in, is expected to meet the san1e fallibilistic criteria of truth as any other specialized science. But now the diffic11lty arises that these expectations will require philosophy to satisfy a standard which is itself abstracud from the lifeworld whose integrity philosophical interpretation seeks to explore and sustain. Habermas himself appears to sense this problem when he remarks tha1 'this mediating task [of interpretation] is not devoid of a certain paradox, beca11se in the expert cultures knowledge is always treated 11nder individual aspects of validity. where a-. in everyday practice all f11nctions of lang11age and aspects of validity encroach on each other, constit11te a syndro,ne. •:\!I

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Although Habermas does not say so directly, the task of mediation appears 'paradoxical' becalise the philosophical language which tr.mslates specialized validity claims back into the terms of the lifeworld must it.self fuse the various dimensions of validity, and in this case will not be susceptible to any straightforward assessment of its 'cognitive' truth. According to Habermas's own account, the philosophical task of interpretation embodies 'the interest of the lifeworld in the totality of functions and structures which are bundled and joined together in communicative action . However it sustains this relation to the totality with a degree of reflexivity which is lacking in the background of the lifeworld, w}1ich is only intt1itively present. •4o But there is no obvious reason why the introduction of reflexivity as s11ch need disrupt the interfusion of validity dimensions which this accot1nt implies - there are, after all, forms of reflexivity other than the cognitive, such as those which we find in works of art. Yet despite his awareness of this paradox, Haberma'i, in sc>me f his recent writings, seeks to maintain that philosophy mt1st now satisfy the specialized criteria of cgnitive trltth. Against the historical backgrot1nd of the institutionalized separation of validity spheres. he argt1es that: 'Today. philosop}1y could establish iL'i own distinct criteria of validity - in the name of genealogy, of recollection (Andmken), of elucidating Existenz, of philosophical faith , of deconstrttction, etc. - only at the price f Jallinf( short of a level of differentiation and justification that has already been reached, i.e. at the price of surre11dering its own credibility ( (;laulnviirdigkeit) .' 41 Curio11sly. it does not cxcur to Haherma'i to consider the types f philosophical activity which he lists here as primarily concer11ed not to ef partictalar traditions, and cannot make claims, even by negation , about the good life in general. Yet, as we have seen, this attempt to restrain the scope of philosopl1y leads to inconsistencies. Fundamentally. what is at stake here is the sense in which Habermas's theory can still be regarded as emancipatory - as expressing a viewpoint which is 'anchored extratheoretically in an empirical interest or moral experience', as Axel Honneth puts it, 46 and in this sense as continuing the tradition of Critical Theory. Haberrnas himself is clear that an emancipatry proces.c; iJ1volves the conjt1nction of moral and ethical reflection: 'If in posing "ethical" questins we would like to get clear about who we are and who we would like to be: and if in posing "moral" qt1estions we would like to know what is equally gocxl for all; then an emancipatory transforn1ation of co nsciousness combines moral insight with a new ethical self-understanding. \\1e recgnize who we are becatase we have also learned to see c>urselves

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differently in relation to others. ' 47 Yet while he affirms that philosophy. by reconstructing the normative prest1ppositions of communication in general, can pro\'ide a justification of morality and democracy, Habermas sees no role for philosophy in ethical discourses, the responsibility for which must he insists - be left to the participants in disct1ssion themselves. However. this restriction seen1s to be dictated by Haber1nas's assumption that the contribution of philosophy to ethical disct1ssion could only consist in the imperious handing down of a priori insights. He affirms, for example: 'I do not at all correspond to the traditional image of the "philosopher", who explains the world from a single point.' 48 Such a perspecti\'e fails to recognize that we can be forced into a philosophical investigation of otar deep tacit assumptions and presuppositions precisely by ethical tension and conflict. An outstanding recent example of such investigation would be Charles Taylor's critical analvsis of the internal contradictions of our modern 'ethics of , authenticity' .49 Habermas might reply, of course, that there is no reason to describe such investigations as 'philosophical' rather than reflectively 'ethical', but such a reply would in turn highlight the difficulties of his attempt to restrain the claims of evalt1ative discourses lvithin the confines of specific traditions. In his general account of 'evaluative· discourse in The Theory of C,()mmunicative Action, where he takes aesthetic critique as his main exen1plar, Habermas st1ggests that the claim raised by such discot1rse is the relative one of the 'appropriateness of standards'. 50 'Above all' , Habermas arg11es, 'the type of validity-claims with which culttaral valt1es appear do not transcend local bounds in the same way as claims to trt1th or rightness. Cultural values do not count as universal ... Values can only be made plausible in the context of a specific life-form. For this reason, the critiq11e of val11e-standards presupposes a common pre-understanding c>f those who participate in argumentation, which is not at their disposal, but which simultaneously constitutes and limits the domain c)f the thernatized validity-claims. •:>l As an account of 'aesthetic critique·, this description must already be considered tendentious, since such critique undotabtedly strives for universality, even while being aware that this is far harder to achieve than in the case of cognitive claims. Furthern1ore, in cases where the aesthetic standards at the basis of the discussion are themselves problen1atized by the fact of disagreement, the specifically philosophical is..sue of the appropriateness of these standards. assessed in tJ1e light of what is essnitial to a work of art as such, cannot help btat be raised. Aesthetic critique, and indeed tl1erapeutic critique in many of its n1odes, and a fortiori philc>sophical interpretation of the ethical sphere. cannot help but address the question of the relation between our culturally embedded standards and values and the ultimate or true nattare of the releva11t phenomena. This point cot1ld be made i11 another way by pointing otat tl1at Habermas lacks (and indeed must lack, given his current asst1mptions) a 'philosophy of culture·. Despite the ct·ntrality of the concept of tradition to his account of interpretatist-metaphysical' terrain. But, as Herbert Schnadelbach has pertinently enquirecl: 'Does not the post-n1etaphysical age truly begin when, inundated by the media and other tranquillizers. we sin1plv n longer ask certain questions? ···,,

Notes I. ( :r. .Ji•r~~-11 Haht·r1n.1s. -,-,,,, "/'JworJ ,if (.'v1111111111iralil'P :\rti1111. ,·ol. t (l.i/ru•or/,d a11d .\)'.~te111: .-\ ( .'ritiqur 0J'F1111rti1111nli.\ t lu•r1.\1111), tra11~. ·r1io111as \1c( :arthy. c:,1111hrirlgt·: Polit,· Prc~s 191'(7, pp. :\(i I - 7:t 2. Ji1r~t·11 llaht·rnias, Fakti:itiit 11,1d (;,,1t11n1:: 11,.;1,-iigr· :11r l>i~k11n.thr111ir dP.\ /f,.rhlJ 1111d dr.< dem11kr11ti.1rhn1 lln'/1/utaat.1. Frankfurt arn ~iain : S11hrka111p 1~2. pp. :,02-3. :\. Fakti:itiil und ( ;;•/t1111/(, p. :,0:.!. 4. 'f'hFor,· 11/ ( ~11nm1111iratii•r ,\rti1111, ,ol. :.!, pp. :lfi2. :lt,~I. :>. Ibid .. pp. :172-'.I (trans. altt·recl). 6. Fnkti:itiit 11,ul (;f/t1111K. p. :J:lt-i. 7. lhicl .. p. 44. H. ( :la us ()flt·. 'Bincli11g~. Sharkles. Brakt>s: ( >n St-ll~Li1nit.1ti11n S11·,11egies·. in 1\ . Honneth l't al.. eds, ( .'11lt11ral-l'11lit1a1/ /11t,'l·t11•11tio11, i11 thr l '11/i11i.1hnl /)i.11·0111'\I' of ,\lod,-,·111/y, ( :a,nhrirlge ~1..\ a11cl London: \Irr Pn·~\ I!¥.I:.!. p. Xti. . :\5. .J(1rge11 Hahern1as. ·Philosophy S1,111d-l11 ,111d h11t·rprt·1t·r '. in Kt·nnt·1h Ba\·n t·s, .Jan1es Bohn1an and Thon1as l\-lc(:art h y, f the humanism \\·hich stands behind the Western discourse of h11man rights. They converge on the concern for equality, and alsc> for the sec11rity of the person against burde11s, dangers and suffering imposed from otttside. Btat this is not the whole story. There is also a negative change. Something has been cast off. It is O()t as though our ancestors would have jtast thought the level of pain irrelev·a nt, providing nc> reasn at all to desist fro,n sme cotarse of action involving torture and wc>ttnds. For us, the relief of suffering has become a supreme value, but it \\'as al,vays an important consideration. lt is rather that, in cases like that of Da,nien , the negative significance of pain ,vas s11bordinated to other, weightier considerations. If it is necessary that punishment in a sense undo the evil of th e c,·ime. restore the balance -what is implicit in the whc,le notic>n of the criminal making amnide lwnourable then the very horrc>r of regicide calls fc>r a kind of theatre of the l1orrible a.~

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the medium in which this undoing can take place. In this cc>ntext, pain takes on a different significance; there has to be lots of it to make the trick. A principle of minimizing pain is trumped. And so we relate doubly to our forebears of two centuries ago. We have new reasons to minimize suffering; but we also lack a reason to override the minimizing of suffering. We no longer have the whole outlook - linked as it was to the cosmos a'I meaningfttl order - which made sense of the necessity of undoing the crime, restoring the breached order of things, in and through the punishment f the criminal. In general, contemporaries in the West are so little aware of the positive change they have gone through - they tend anachronistically to think that people must always have felt this way - that they generally believe that the negative change is the crucial one that explains our difference from our predecessors. With this in mind, they look at the Shari'a punishments as the simple result of pr~modern illusions, in the same category in which they now place the ancien regime execution scenarios. With this dismissive condemnation, the stage is set for the dynamic I described above, in which contemptuous denunciation leads to 'fundame11talist' reaffirmations, which in turn provoke even more strident denunciations, and so on. What gets lost in this struggle is what An-Na'im shows so clearly, the possibilities f reinterpretation and reappropriation which the tradition itself contains. And what also beco1nes invisible is what could be the motor of this change, analogous to the role played by the cultural revolution affirming ordinary life in the West. \\'hat this or these could be, it is not easy for an outsider to determine. But the striking Islamic theme of the mercy and compas.'lion of God, reinvoked at the beginning of almost every Sura of the Qur'an, might be the loct1s of a creative theological development, which might help towards a convergence in this domain . In which case, we might see a consensus out of very difl'erent spiritt1al backgrounds, analogot1s to the Thai Buddhist views I discussed earlier.

VII I feel that, if not some conclusion. at least some attempt to draw tgt'ther the threads of this long and perhaps ra1nbling discussio11 would now be in rcler. Perhaps I can bring out the main themes of the preceding pages. I started fro1n the basic notion that an unforced world cc>nsensus oks. I then argt1ed that these norn1s have to be distingt1ished and analytically separated c,fl· not just from the background justifications, but also from the legal fc>rn1s which gi\'e them frcc. These t\\·o cot1ld vary, ,vith goocl rcasc>n , from sciety to sciety. e\'en though the norn1s we crucially want to preserve re1nain constant. \\-"e need in other \\·orcls a three-fold distinctic>n: norms, legal fc,r1ns and l>ackgrounr tl1e prec>ns with hun1an life, freedom, the avoidance f suffering; t this extent they will tend t think that the path to convergence reqtaires that lhcrs tO cast ff their traditional ideas, that they even rt~jcct their religious heritage. ancl become 'unrnarkcd' n1oderns like us. It is nly if we in the West can reetween the legislative and the executive branches of gc>vernment. To assign tl1at task to an assembly that als include the right to he able to count on the laws being reasonably stable. 15 Third, there are rigl1L-. that protect religious and ethnic groups, by g11ara11teeing freedon1 of ,vorship or the right to use and be educated in one's own language. This partict1lar way of classifying rights has no intrinsic rnerit, except that it is useft11ly Crrelated with ways in which - and mc>tives for which - majority rule might possible infringe on the exercise and the value of righL11. First, a majority government ,viii always be ten1pted to manipulate pc>litical rights to increase its chances of re-election. If it is free to change the tirning of the election, it may choose a n1ment. y,•hen econrity to infringe on the rights of tJ1e rninority. He re I have discussed three cases: standing interests. standing passions and mc>1nentary passions. Although all six combinatio11s of actrs and motives nlight be relevant.. I shall lirnit nlvself to five . First, there is the case of a parlia111entary m~jority that acL11 to preserve itself as a n1ajority. hy the various prcedural stratagen1s mentir,r1ed earlier, r Ing the m~jority. Qualified majorities are intended tc, protect individual rights against the standing interests and passions of the majority. It is easily seen that these two mechanisms must differ f undamentally in their mode of adc>ption. If we focus on delays, the following description is indeed appropriate: ·c.:onstitt1tions are chains with which men bind themselves in their sane moments that they may nt die by a suicidal hand in the day of their frenly. •:\4 It is in tl1e straightforward interest of the m~jority to prevent itself from making rash decisions under the sway f passion. However, the use f qt1alified m~joritics cannot be explaint·cl r

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jt1stified by the idea that Peter when sober acts to bind Peter when drunk.:i,, If a majority among the fot1nders has a standing interest on some particular issue, that interest will not induce them to set it aside. If they are moved by religious fanaticism, this is a passion they embrace rather than fear. In the eighteenth century the question did not have the importance it assun1es today. The founders as a whole, and a fortiori a majority among them, represented a minority elite within the population that could impose its views on the rest. In the United States, for instance, today's ,najority is bound by a founding minority. As with the other cot1ntermajoritarian devices disct1ssed below, constitutionalism has a potential for creating problems as well as solving them. One should keep in mind a dictum of constitutional lawyers, dt1e to Justice Robert Jackson: tl1e constitution is not a suicide pact. It must be possible to unbind oneself in an emergency. Society must not be confined too tightly. 36 In the debates over the constitutional ban on paper money al the Federal Convention, George Mason said that 'Though he had a mortal hatred to paper money, yet as he could not foresee all emergencies, he was t1nwilling to tie the hands of the Legislature. He observed that the late war could not have been carried on, had such a prohibition existed. •:\i The enst1ing dilemma is very tight. On the one hand, one might wish for the constitution to allow for unforeseen and unforeseeable emergencies. On the other hand, some of the occasions tl1at will be claimed to have emergency status will be the very situations in which the constitution was s11pposed to act as a protection. An alcoholic will always be able to specify some way in which today is special and exceptional. 38

VI Judicial Review as a Countermajoritarian Device The dilemrna has been solved by judicial review. Let me first note that having a constitution by itself does not solve anything, unless an apparatus of interpretation and enforcement is in place. Sieyes's claim that the constitution did away with the need for executive veto or similar devices:\~ had no force as long ao, he did not specify a practical rnechanism by which violations of the constitution would trigger the necessary corrections. He asserted that in st1cl1 cases one would have to appeal to an extraordinary constitt1tional convention, but said nothi11g abo11t who should }1ave the right to call it. And in any rta11l role. 40 At the Federal ( :c>nvention, ideas related to jt1dicial revie,v were, nevertheless. considered. On the one hand, the fran1ers distinguished be~•een ex ante control and rrdhaus noted that a similar dilemma arises if one takes the more indirect route of creating an independent central bank. To prevent 'political business cycles' one might, he observes, entrust ecnomic policy to persons that will nt be:· ternpted by the sirens of partisan politics. This prcedt1re is typical fr n1011etary policy, which for historical reasons is lodged i11 the ce11tral bank (as in the independent Federal Reserve System in the US or the Bank of England). A similar possibility is to tt1rn fiscal policy over to a Treasury dominated by civil servants. It may be objected. ho\vever. that ctelegating responsibility tble,n elf self-interested legislators

Bicameralisn1 is Ll1e soluticn1

Upper house will slow down the process, and also through wealth or wisdom resist a passionate . . maJor,ty

A divided assemblv, less likely to become an aristocracv•

Executive veto is the solution

Veto can serve as an additional check c)n clangerous impulses

The executive will resist any legislative selfaggrandizement

Bicameralism is lM solution to the problem of passionate majorities. This propositio11 has several aspects. In the first place, bicarneralisn1 simply makes for a slower ar1d more cumbersome prc>cess, giving hot spirits time to cool down . When Thomas Jefferson asked (;e,lrge Washingtn wl1y the Convention had

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established a Senate, Washington replied by asking, 'Why do you pour your coffee into your saucer?' 'To cool it,' Jefferson replied. 'Even so,' Washington said. 'We pour legislation into the Senatorial saucer to cool it.' In France, Mounier observed that the majority might need a cooling-off period to protect itself against the temptation to abdicate from power in favour of a strong man. 49 This argument does not reply on any special ,irtues possessed by the senators as compared to the members of the lower house, but appeals merely to the virtues of slowness. It carries over, therefore, to any other delaying or cooling device, such as the need for constitutional changes to be approved by two successive legislatures or the king's suspensive veto. Most bicameral systems, however, have posited some qualitative difference between the senators and the representatives by virtue of which the upper house would be more prudent and conservative and thus act as a brake on the more impetuous lower house. A number of screening mechanisms were envisaged. The lower age limit for senators could be set higher. 50 Senators could be chosen by indirect elections (the original American solution). They could be made subject to longer periods of office, with staggered renewals (also part of the American solution) . More controversially, they may be subject to different eligibility requirements with regard to property or income. In a passage that for me represents the intellectual high point of the {',0nvention, Madison offered a veil-of-ignorance argument for the Senate which serves, he asserted, first to protect the people against their rulers: secondly to protect the people agst. the transient impressions into which they themselves might be led. A people deliberating in a temperate moment. and with the experience of other nations before them, on the plan of Govt. most likely to secure their happiness, would first be aware, that those chargd. with the public happiness. might betray their trust. An obvious precaution agst. this danger wd. be to divide the trust between different bodies of men, who might watch & check each other .... It would next occur to such a people, that they themselves were liable to temporary errors, thro· want of information as to their true interest, and that men chosen for a short term , & employed but a small portion of that in public affairs, might err from the same cause. This reflection wd. naturally suggest that the C..ovt. be so constituted, a'> that one of its brclnches might have an oppy. of acquiring a competent knowledge of the public interest5. Another reflection equally becoming a people on such an occasion. wd. be that they themselves, as well as a numerous body of Representatives, were liable to err also. from fickleness and passion. A necessary fence agst. this danger would be to select a portion of enlightened citizens. whose limited number and firmness might seasonably interpose agst. impetuous counsels. It ught finally to occur to a people deliberating on a C,ovt. for themselves. that as different interest'> necessarily result from the liberty meant to be secured, the n1ajor interests ,night under sudden impulses be tempted to commit i~justice on the n1inority.'' 1

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THI-: Puse n1ight turn into an aristocracy. In Philaclel1>hia. Gerry said that as· ( the new syste1n] now stands it is as co,npleat an aristocracy as e\'er was frctrned. If great powers should l>e given to the Senate we shall be governed in realil)· by aJttllt(> as has been apprehended.· \\' ilson said that 'he ,vas c,bliged to consider the whole as havi11g a dangerous tendency to aristocracy; as throwing a dangerous pwer i11to the hands of the Senate.' This argument had a11 e\'en stronger appeal in Paris, wl1erc tht" \'ery idea of a11 upper ho11se powerfully ren1inded people of the old syste111 of (>rders. Howe\'er, the argument can tx· turned on its head. It is preciselv in order to pre\'ent tl1e fc>rn1aticn1 of the l,1-,11slntur, ru nristorra0• that one has t accept an ariJtorrrl ugiJ/nturr. ..\lthugh a lr,nger term in ffice fc)I· the Senate rnav turn their rne,nlx-rs into an aristng a number of versions of the idea of checks and balances. l "he textl>k idea posits three main ir1stitlltic>ns - the executive, the legislative and the judiciary - which must be so y any one of them to usurp power. In the twc1 eighteenth-century debates, hc>wever, the three parties involved in checks and balances were rather tl1e t\\"rctte: it is a trustee, not si111plv a t" ndahlt' rlausc:~s. in particular. offer a pt-rft·rt prolct·tion against irnpulsivo:>; .b.1cI., 9.: .> • .,. , .. 0 8. - M orris. 6 :>. ~·rry, 1. h. 66. 'fhe ft>llowing applies to till: situation at the tin1c of\\Titing (April l \19:\ ). I do 1101 discuss dc,·t·lop1nenls in tht· for,ner So\'it·I L1nion , part.ly ht·cause I kno\\· less a bout tht·111 and partl\' bt·cauS the world stage the same rnof governn1ent r 1nclel of sc>ciety that was the rctdical negation of their own domestic regime. It is unrealistic t imagine a state collaborating in the setting 11p of an international nor,native framework destined to be used hy others to deny the legitimacy of its own domestic pc,litical syste1n. Accordingly. the dec·alg11es set up at the inter11ational level in no way 'favour' any of the vario11s political or gvernmental systems I have just n1entined. They quite rightly do not atten1pt to make the internal political situatic>n in the various cc>untries fit son1e absurd Procrustean bed. Eacl, country is left free t aclopt the institutional arrange1,1ents and political s\·sten1 mc,>st cngeniaJ tc> it, those which best reflect its peple 's needs and its national traditions. All that the texts demand is respect for certain minimum .standards concerning relations between the citizen and the state: respect for certain essential human rights. certain essential freed oms and the right tel self~overnment. Each country is free to decicle hc)w to bring about this selfgovernrnent (thrc>ugh a multi-party systern or a single party; by proportional r first-past-the-post electoral systems, or on the basis of the ' blocked single slate·). Each country also has the right to decide ho," it '"ill organize the periO(iic consttltations necessary to appoint its ruling bodies. jttst as each state may decide how it \\'ill allow fr citizen participation in government. Eq11ally. each state may place restrictions on the f11ndamental righL'i and freedoms of i1s citizens for reasy requiren1enL'i of public order or natinal security. 1norality or health. Finally, each state has the right to choose its own economic and social ~1·stem and may place restrictions n the ft1ndamental rights and freedoms C)f its citizens f(>r reasons dictated IJy reqt1irements of pul>lic rder or natirality c>r healtl1. Finally. each state has Lhe right t choc>se itted as cornpatible with this collective freedcn11 the individual's cornplete st1~jection to the atathority of the whole•.\I It is precisely this subjection that rna11 today forcibly rejefts. Toda,·, the indi,•i dual

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delegates to others the exercise of political power: what concerns him is 'safety in private enjoyment' ('la securite dans les jouissances privees'); 10 Constant characterized freedom as 'the guarantees accorded by the instit11tions for that enjoyment' . 11 This is, broadly speaking, the Western conception of liberty. There is a markedly different view in the socialist countries and again in the Third World. For the former, the individual's freedom can be realized only in a society in which classes, bound up with the capitalist system of production, have ceased to exist, so that the individual can fully participate without hindrance or inequalities in the life of the community. Taking up concepts that were first put forward byJ.J. Rousseau, socialist thinkers and politicians argue that freedom does not necessarily mean putting restraints on an oppressive central power: the central power is an expression of the community and identifies itself with it. Freedom means rather the creation of mechanisms that promote and enhance integration between individual and comm11nity. The stress is no longer on the dialectic between liberty and a11thority, but on the dialectic between individual and communitv. , A still more radical difference in conception is the one between the Western and the Asian great cultural traditions. In the Buddhist conception, society is patterned on the family: the political leader - the emperor, in the past- is like the father of a family, with all the powers, a11thority and responsibilities of the paterJamilias. Freedom therefore consists not in guaranteeing a space free from possible invasion or oppression by the authorities, but in harmonizing as far as possible the individual's action with the leader's, in view of the d11ty of obedience owed to the latter. Even more inclined to subject individuals to the political leader is the Hindu tradition, which has impregnated the social life, and especially the ideology. of India, right up to its Declaration of Independence, and beyond. In Hindt1 tradition, division into castes - though legally abolished - still involves an obligation on each member of the caste to accept their social status without rebellion. It is the task of all individuals to strive to act positively within their own caste, in order to pass to a superior caste in the next life, or at least not worsen their social standing after death. There is no q11estion of any struggle against authority or of safeguarding a sphere of freedom against an external power. Similar considerations hold tr11e for Confucianism, a religion (and also a \'ision of society and of relations between individuals) that developed first in China and subsequently spread to Japan . In Confucian tradition the ft1ndamental nt1cleus of society is the family; within this miniature social structure, the primary position goes to the head of the household, who is owed unconditional respect by the other members. This patriarchal vision is extended to the state: the emperor is seen as the head of a family to whom absolute deference is owed. This leaves little room for human rights. The same is also true in the Islamic tradition, or at least in practice in the Islamic co11ntries, which have in some respects steadily moved away from the principles of the Qu'ran. In particular, although there is no radical incompatibility between Islam and

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the e~ntial principles of human rights, there is a conflict as regards the relationship between man and woman: in Islam these are placed squarely i11 a relation of subordination, the latter to the former. In the African tradition , which is to a large extent a tradition of tribal practices and customs, the individt1al's self-realization is through the co,nmunity, which is headed by a leader, to whose authority all n1ust bow. There is no reason to fight against the leader, since he does nt oppress the members of the community, but rather guides them by acting in sttch a way as to allow them to integrate fully into the whole: what he does is thus beneficial to the interests of the collectivity. It will be objected that all tl1ese Asian or African traditions have been, as it were, diluted or enfeebled by contact with the modern state: as soon as that characteristic construct of Western Europe has taken root in Africa or Asia. all its characteristic ambiguities and concerns have surfaced, including the dialectic between authority and liberty. This also explains why 1nodern state structures have st1ch difficttlty functioning in so many African or Asian countries. It is a plant that puts down roots only slowly, and all too often finds itself there in inhospitable, if not indeed sterile, soil.

Divergences in Treatment of the Problem of International Protection of Human Rights 1.o(>king more closely at the attitude of states, one fir1ds still fttrther divergences and conflicts as regards a number of ft1nda1nental issues bound up with human rights. Firstly. there is a difference between the socialist 'statist' conception of human rights. and the current Western international. or rather 'metanational', view. I shall attempt to explain in what this divergence consists. In the socialist view, it is the task of the international community to agree on a series of broad rules or standards as to the categories or types of ht1man rights to be recognized, that is, as to the restrictions that sovereign states have to accept in order to give sufficient 'space' to individuals within the internal system of each country. Once this step has been taken, it is for each state to lend greater specificity to tl1ese broad rules or standards. This is done through domestic legislation laying down the scope of the rights, the powers of the governmental authorities and the procedures ope11 to individuals to seek redress should the righL~ be breached. At this point, the international commt1nity no longe r has anything to say on the mat.ter: only sc>vereign states can decide - though of cot1rse within the framework set by the international rules on how httman rights are to be observed and implemented. The international community 'passes the baton· , as it were, to national systems, particularly as regards checks on observ-c111ce of the rights in qt1estion . This rneans that so far as the socialist countries are concerned, it is not for other states. o r the ne hand, and econon1ic. Scial ancl cultural ones on t.he other. According to tl1e develping and n1any Scialist Cuntries, the second grottp is the one that ought to be favc,ured in international actin. There are two reasons. Firstly. these rights are intrinsically n1re important. Wl1at sense is there in talking of frecdn1 of expression when ne is hungry. jobless or homeless? Econornic and social right., have al>solute pririty, fr it is only when tl1ey are fully reali1.ecl that it is pssible to create the d11 _facto equality that makes civil and pc>litical rights fully realizable. The seconn is that. especially in develt.>ping cottntries, it is in the econric that the mu11tries. eronornic a11eial back,vardness rneans tl1at nt onlv, are rast' rights. (;)early, divergences can be noted in the way states apply the 'escape clauses' in order to allw thernselves room fr rnanocuvre. These t1ntries, v.·hic-h cncled up e11ergetically participating in producing. if nc>t the Oec-laration (n1an>· of them were not yet independent in 194~). at least tlte 1966 (:o\'enants. This invc,lved them in a proc-ess of clebate and negotiation in whins. ·rhus. gradually, the vario11s paran1eters included in the three international dCt1rnents in qt1estion finished by offering the prospect of con1n1c>n lines of action . Admittedlv. this prc>c-ess of unification remains at tl1e n101nent n1ainly at a 'rhetric·al' level, that is, a nc,rmati\'e and to sane extent ideolc>gical ll\\' rights rclating t tl1t" ftandamental needs f the hu,nan person: the rights t v.·c>rk, to dccent hc,using, to nou1ishn1ent, tc> protectin of health . Tl1irdly. still in S(>n1e Srt f c,rder f in1porta11ce, are srne c·i,-il and 1>c>litical rights like freedf exprcssin ancl f assc>ciation. the right to c·h0se a go\'ernn1t>nt ancl hold public oftic-e. and so ()n. I feel that this gracling departs cc>nsiclerably fron1 traditic,nal \\1c stern conc-eptions and gcs S 111c·ct the aspir.ttions a11d idclgical cc,nc-eptions of the Thircl \\'oriel anc regarded as a pint f rap/1rnchnnt·11t l>et\,'C't'n the )>posing views (the fact that subsequent L'S acln1inistratirld. It is

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foreseeable that this agreeme11t in principle will gradually con1e to ernbrace an increasingly wide range of rights. Furthermore, some convergence has come about in other important areas. For example, recently Eastern European states seem less unresponsive t the Western view of the relationship betrveen peace and respect for human rights (reference to this view was made in the third section of this chapter). They now tend to take a somewhat looser view than before, as is evidenced by their voting in favour of General Assembly Resolt1tion 37 / 200 of 18 December 1982, where it is stated that the absence of peace can in no way relieve a state from its obligation to ensure respect for the human rights of all those under its jurisdiction. Similarly, most Eastern European countries are in the process of changing their minds as far as international monitoring is concerned. They now seem less hostile to outside scrt1tiny of 11ational implementation of international standards in a number of fields including ht1man rights. Behind this shift in the attitude of Eastern European countries one can discern a change in their approach to the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs. Previously, those cot1ntries consistently insisted on the rule that states should neither inqt1ire nor make representations about alleged breaches of human rights in other states, as such actio11 ran counter to the long-standing principle of non-interference. The only permissible exception was where the breaches were so serious, large-scale and systematic as to amount to a threat to international peace. Recently this approach has been relaxed, as is borne out by the final doct1ment adopted at Vienna, on 19 January 1989, by the C,S(;E ((:onference on Security and Co-operation in Europe). All but one of the thirty-five states adopted the text on the 'Human Dimension of the CSCE' which is of striking importance (Romania entered a reservation). This text provides that each participating state is entitled to request from other states, throt1gh diplomatic channels, information about cases (including specific cases) which raise questions of human rights. In addition, each state may make observations to which responses n1ust be given. Furthermore, each state can bring tip those cases in bilatn-al meetings. Once a state has received the requested information or response, it may raise the whole question ,vith otl1er participating states in the CSCE. This shift fr(lrn a bilattral tc> a multilateral frameroorlc can take place in two ways: a state ca11 simply pass on the received inforrnation or response together with its own comments (if any) to the ther participating states; or, it may raise the question at one of tl1e meetings of the csc:E. Although of course the CSCE is prirnarily a Eurc>pean exercise, to a large extent it reflect'i emerging trends at the tiniversal level. Yet another area where rapproch,.,n,.111 is taking place is the right to cle,·elopment. The cleavage between industrialized Western countries ancl developing nations, to which I drew attentic>n in the precedi11g sectin, is nC)\\' narro,ving. This is borne out by the fact that n 4 Decernber 1986 a nt11nber of Western cot1ntries (including France, Canada and Italy) voted in f~tvour of a General Assembly Resc>lt1tion on this n1atter (Resc>lutin 41 / 128) (ho,ve,·e:·r. the United States cast a negative vrn1 relatively independent rganizatins. including indepe11dt·11t political parties and ir1terest groups. I:: ach act f Soviet hegemny (>n democratic developments in the cc,untries of Eastern Europe was unrelievedly negative . I am also compelled to say that the direct influence of the United States gc>\'ernn1ent has, on the \\'hole, in1paired rather than assisted the development of dernoc.ratic systems in I.atin America throt1ghUt n11.>st of this century. Surely, howe\'er, we Wuld not be gathered here unless we had reasc>n to think that outside influences 111ight sc,metimes have a psitive effect n hun1an rights, ant1ntry who for whatever reasc>n are, or helieve themselves t be. in a psition to make a difference. (:onseqt1ently, I want to cast my thought now in terms somewhat closer to action, to policy - though what l shall say will still be too general and abstract tor immediate translation into a feasible policy. By way of advance warning. I want to add that what I am going to propose may seen1 not only tc>o schematic to do justice to the infinite and subtle variations among cot1ntries but unhappily reminiscent at times of the c>nce fashic>nable and ultimately unrewarding attempt to identify 'stages of developn1ent' . I cannot emphasize tc>o strongly how important it is in thinking about prospects for strengthening hun1an rights to avoid mechanistic interpretations. and to pay scrupulot1s attention to the uniqt1e limits and pssibilities of a particular cou11try. Yet I also think that a focus on particulars can be enlightened by an awareness c>f general tendencies. In considering the lir11its and possibilities of change in a particular country it seems obvious that we need to ask at least four questions. ( 1) \\1hat is t.he present state of rights in the country? (2) \\1hat is the nature of the underlying conditions (of the kind I just described) that favc>t1r or impede the clevelopment of democratic rights and liberties? (3) What is the present and. give11 certain reasc>nable assun1ptions, probable future dir,rtion of change? ( 4) What is the present a11d, given certain reasonable assurnptions, probable future rat, of change? It goes without saying that the answers will ust1ally be fraught with uncertainty. As I have already pointed out, it is abst1rd ted earlier loclk on the \\'hole tc> be favourable to democratization , and the country has been rno,ing more or less steadily. over the long pt1II at anv rate, to,~ard greater demspects f«.>r achieving a full systern of de1nocratic rights and libertit's are very high. And in so far as actors insicie or outside the country are in a position to do anything about it, it wc>uld be reasclnable for them to try to push the cc>untry tc>,vard a full system of den1ocratic righL,; and liberties. But imagine instead that ,vhat ,vt· have is a country like thc>se in scale type VIII. St1ppose further that all five of the conditio11s 1nentioned earlier are unfavc>urable to dernc>cracv. \\'ot1ld it ncracy and in1rnediate elections, cratic rights and liberties \\/(lt1lct scln1ehow cc>me into being? Yet if it is unrcasnahle in these circurnstances for persor1s deeply rmmittcd to dempse thre clangerus to nc>n-clen1ocratic leaders but easie r to prevent. Shc>rt f vt•rthrr cc>llapse. a nc>n-den1ocratic regime can hold o ut ag-.ainst free and fair ele{'tins ahncJst indefinitely. By contrast. the coste tin usually high. ,,·hile the Cst., of accepting or tolerating fajr trials, particularly in political case s, n1ay be quite extraordinary. If these assun1ptions are correct then an effective right to a fair trial need nt necessarily Cn1c into existence pribstacles to delncratization. 1. \\'hen C,orbachev revt•rsed sixty vears of policy and practice under which pposition \\'as systematically silenced in the Soviet l lnion by violent coercion and intimidatin, public oppositic>n immediately sprang tip and hithert st1ppressed demands for political rights and liberties becalne irresistible. l,ikewise. when it became evident lo people in the countries under So,iet domination that pubic political activity would no longer be coercively suppressed, the democratic oppositions took off like wildfire and helped to bring about the liberalization and democratizatic>n of their regin1es. 2. As figures 9.2-9.4 illustrate, many of the social and economic characteristics of the USSR and, even nlre. f countries like (:zechoslovakia. Hungary. Poland and East Germany were at variance with the extre1ne authc>ritarianism of their regimes. In 1nany respects, in their socioeconon1ic levels these countries were closer to the mature democratic cot1ntries (e\'cn tl1ough the gaps were great and a majc>r sot1rce of discc>ntenl) than to the less de\'elc>ped countries ,vith highly authoritarian regi1ncs. 3. \\'l1en the expansion of r>olitical rights ancl liberties made it possible for hitherto suppressed cleavages to appear, cnflicts among sharply di,ided subcultures rapidly emerged. Ho,v. and ho,v successfully, these conflicts will he n,anaged without impairing or re\'ersing tl1e n1c>\'ement toward democrati7ation and liberalization ren1ains highly uncertain, particularly in the So,iet Union. (:tcarly one part of any sc,lt1tic>n will be greater at1tonc.l1ny for subgroups conscious of their distin ctiveness. Thot1gh the problem is too cn1plex tc> explore here, it is ,vorth stressing that decentralization, increawd autonomy. and even separation and independence need not by themselves in1pair - and rnay in sc,n1e circtu11stances actually enhance - basic rights, liberties and clen1cratic prCt'sses. Tl1e danger to human rights and dcn1ocratic instituticu1s arises not fr«>m dect'ntralizatin c>r autonomy per se but from the intense· conflicts ancl reprt:ssive actins that they rnay stimulate. 4. The events certain Iv underscore 'the irnpareign influence and control' on den1ocracy and politic:al libcr1ies. The hservation that ' the in1pact of Sc,viet hegernony on den1ocratic de\'elopments in the countries of Eastern Eurc)pe \Vas unrelievecllv nc·gative ' was abundantly confirmed by the arnazing speed spects f'c >r den1c>c racy and rights t>f icleas and beliefs. particularlv arnong political elites. Den1«>cra1ic idrm to the ' plausible sequence' I proposed. In fact, the seqttence from alternative sources of information , to a wider public expression, then to a plurality f illegal and semi-legal assc>ciations and groups seems to me to fit their experiences moderately well. However, the general tone of my discttssion emphasized it'i slowness: Other than in the near-polyarchies or the proto-plyarchies, electicn1s shotdd be seen as a critical stage following a process f liberalization, probably a lengthy process, in which the prior institutions and appropria te ur1derlying conditions for stable den1ocracy have developed. I believe this is correct. Yet I probably underestin1ated tl1e extent to which the setting of elections can under some conditions turn into a driving force that enormously speeds up the whole sequence. What then are the requisite cnditions? The answer, a speculative one no doubt, would take a separate essay, and I shall nt undertake to provide one here. But surely an ans,ver ,vould include these three factors. First, if any f the five obstacles n1entined abc>ve stands massively in the way, elections cannot produce dernocracy and fundamental rights. The lamentable example f El Salvadc>r, and the less well-known examples of Honduras and Guatemala, demnstrate that elections are not sufficient tc> transforn1 a regime dominated by a military establishn1ent into a democratic governrnent that respects ft1ndan1ental rights. Second, the prior elements ii1 the sequence - alternative sources f infc>rmation, freedom of expression and freedc>nl t rganize - rnust alreaciy be in place firrnly enough t survive the vic.·issitudes of the post-electin period. Third. internatilic\' can n,vadays t·xert

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extraordinary influence on the development of these crucial elements, n 1he conduct of the elections themselves, and on the post-election transition. It is possible, indeed, that international influences may now help to shorlen a process of change that historically was ordinarily qt1ite protracted.

Rt'produced with pertnission ft·om Robert A. Dahl. 'Ot'tn0nstitute a sort of language which endows the animals with a srt of co1nmunity in which 181

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affective slates (Arisltle's pathnnata) are t'Xchanged. alng ,vith adntnitins as to conduct. This signal-based language is not wl1olly lacking in the human species, bu1 its role is Csitin c>f )'OU, they are s because 1hc\' ha\'e spoken r will speak as /. lntt·rlocution thus in11>lit·s that hun1an lx·ings cannc,t, as animals can. rnc.·rgt' int a Cn11nunity hast•cl tl signals. Thc.·y de> s c,nly when the impssibility of interlocutic>n rc.·cluccs 1hc·n1 tc> that rneagrc rc.·source. In theory. the hun1an lllf' des not J>recede but results frc,n1 in1erlocutic,n. In this 111t, thssiblc inlf the republican democracies. I nevertheless maintain that this legality cnceals a conf11sion between a capacity, the aptitude for speech . and a legitimacy, the authority to speak. In other words, there is. stricdy speaking, no natural right. It is of the essence of a right that it be merited; no right without duty. The sarne goes for the capacity to enter into dialogue. It is not true that it realizes itself spontaneo11sly. It requires care and attention , an entire learning process. It req11ires precisely ,vhat is called civilization. The human being as such is no other than a member of the species Homu. an animal that can speak. It is true that its language is so constit11ted that it effectively cc>ntains the promise of interlocution . B11t if he is to bring out and respect the fig11re of the other that this promise bears in it, he must free himself frotn that in him which will not recognize the fig11re of tl1e ther. that is, his animal nature . Children do nt spontaneously enter into dialgue. There is something in us which resists, son1ething which does perhaps 'speak •. but in signals rather than according to the r11les of interlocutic>n. Civilization , understood here as the process of learning how to share dialc>gue with requires a n11nent of silence . .-\.ristotle said: the tnaster speaks

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and the pupil listens. For that moment, the stat11s of/ is forbidden to me, l am assigned the position of you for the master, at the tacit pole of destination. Tacit does not imply passive. The exaltation of interactivity as a pedagogic principle is pure demagogy. The pupil has the capacity to speak; he has to win the right to speak. To do so, he must be silent. The s11spension of interlocution imposes a silence and that silence is good. It does not undermine the right to speak. It teaches the value of that right. It is the exercise necessary for excellence in speech. Like the pupil , writers, artist'!, scholars and novices must enter into retreat in order to learn what they will have to say to others. The master, whatever his title, exempts his pupils from the sharing of speech in order to tell them something that they do not know. He may even speak to them in a language that they do not tinderstand. The master is not the figure of the general other, of you, b11t the figure of the Other in all its seJ> aratenes.'!. He is the stranger, the foreigner. How can one dialogue with the foreigner? One would have to learn his language. This question is in some measure analogous with that of literature and the arts, testifying to something that is 'present' otherwise than as interlocutory expectation: something opaque, Beckett's the 'Unnamable'. The silence that the learning process of civilization imposes is the moment of a labour of estrangm,ent. It is a matter of speaking otherwise than is my wont and saying something other than what I know how to say. Throt1gh the alterity of the master, the strangenes.'! of another logic is, in silence, imposed. He takes me hostage in order to make me hear and say what I do not know. Emmanuel Levinas has elaborated this theme better than anyone. From this brief analysis. if follows that the interlocutory capacity changes into a right to speak only if the speech can say something other than the deji, dit (what has already been said). The right to speak implies a duty to announce. If our speech announces nothing, it is doon1ed to repetition and to the conservation of existing meanings. The human cornmunity may spread, bt1t it will remain the same, prostrated in the euphoria it feels at being on such very good terms with itself. It is the main function of the media today to reinforce the interlocutory consent of tl1e community. They are boring to the extent that they teach us nothing. Interlocution is not an end in itself. It is legitimate only if, throt1gh others, the Other announces to me something which I hear but do not understand. 1 \ \ e should then distinguish three different levels of the 'right to speak'. First, the faculty of interlocution, a principle factually inherent in human languages; second, the legitimation of speech, d11e to the fact that it announces something other, which it strives to make us understand; and last, the legitimacy of speech, the positive right to speak, which recognizes in the citi1.en the right to address the citizen. The latter aspect merges the two forrner. But this confusion is good. By authorizing every possible speaker to address others, the republic makes it every speaker's dttty to annot1nce to those others what they do not know. It enco11rages anno11ncements; it instr11c1s. And. on the other hand, it forbids that anvne be arbi1ra1ily depri\'(•d f

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speech. It discourages terrr. In this way it governs silence in everyone's best interest. authorizing the silence of discipline and outlawing the silence of despotism. This picture of the republic is idyllic, bl1t the idyll conceals something far from idyllic. The threat of being deprived of speech is not contingent; it weighs constantly on the interlocutory right. This is precisely why the republic is indispensable. The human speaker is always afraid that a 'keep quiet' will debar his words. He complains of the precariousness of his membership in the speech community. Even the good silence of the writer, the monk. or the pupil contains an element of suffering. Any banishment is a harn1 inflicted on those who undergo it, but this harm necessarily changes to a wrong when the victim is excll1ded from the speech comrnunity. For the wrong is the harm to which the victim cannot testify. since he cannot be heard. And this is precisely the case of those to whom the right to speak to others is refused. The right to impose silence which the community grants itself as a sanction is always dangerous. The death sentence evidently does an irren1ediable wrong to the condemned man, even if he is guilty of a heinous crime. But in relation to our present topic, death is not necessarily the wrong done to him. There are. as the Greeks pllt it, 'beautift1l deat11s', of which the citizens continue to speak long afterward. It happens that a speaker is more eloquent dead than alive, and does not therefore die for the comn1unity. So we must reverse the relation: it is the wrong which is the cause of death, since it implies the exclusion of the speaker from the speech C acquire.' A,; I am not deeply educated in philost>phy, perhaps ignorance is what inhibits any understanding of this logic, which seerns like saying, 'We t1ave failed, which proves that what we atten1pted was baseless.· The claim that there is no 'big picture ' is like the naively unacknowledged theological quality of atheism. As a classmate of Rrty's during the I 940s recently asked. ' Hw is the neopragmatic claim that "there 's no big pictt1re" not a big picture? How is the "n big pic ture" big picture not the ideology of a con1ft>rtable. do-y,>ur-0wn-thing-and-l'll-\'ides no norn1s to jt1dge the cruel and unjust. and in,ites either ,noral paralysis or the rc1w display f power. · (G. Fackre, letter t the l/ 11i11n -sit)' of (:l1ira1,.ro ,\lagazitit', June 1994.) Indeed , ·111oral p.tralvsis' and the 'ra\\l display of power' are precisely what \ve ha\'e ht're, nc>\v, tsitions like Prt>fessor Rorty's have no answer tc> ethnic nationalisn1 ancl psed t suffice for men1bership in a ,noral cc>n1n1unity.' Prfessor Rorty ,,Tiles that since the \\'t>rld is such a clat1gerous place. 1>eplt· hc,ld thSe ,iews for ~od rc·,L~>n . It is useless to e,nploy ' Kantian· argun1cnts abc,ut c,,n1111nscripts in this country (Serbia and Montenegro) are now able, for the first time, and with recourse to the highest law of the land, to legally reftise to bear arms dt1ring military service. Article 137 of the Constitt1tion of the FR\' reads as fc>llows: Military service is gener.-1 and it is fulfilled in the wav specified by federal law. A citizen who, due to religi~jectio n became increasingly lost in a universalistic and religiously net1tral concept of· conscience ·. Secondly, an increasing nu1nber of people were not re fusing to participate in any war against any enen1y, btat against a specific enen1y and in specific circumstances (for example, a nt1clear war). Thirdly, there was a question as to whether the reason f conscience should be universally valid for all fc>rms of military service ( that is to say. including the ci\'il service), or just fo r the ones that included ar111s--bearing. Finally. the possibility of state institutions checking for and determining the existence of an 'at1thentic' conscience of a person , and then determining whether those indi"iduals should be granted this basic right, was increasingly questioned as well. This led to the proposal that this basic right should be ' untangled' frorn the right to a free conscience. Onlv, the third of these co ntroversies has been dcfinitivelv,· solved so far. Due tc> a restrictive and co11servative politics of the process of ' acknowldgernent · of the existence of tl1e 'conscien ce' objec tion (,\,imninungs1.1erfahren), a great number of conscripts who wish to invoke the ir right t refuse to bear arms dttring military ser,ice must hide their political rnotives, o r cloak then1 in religiot1s or universalistic-ethical concepts (Krolls 1983: l 08), while tiniversalizing their own 'situationally cnditic,ned · pacifist "iews (Bne has to note that the pressure to use this right is increasing eve ry year, so that the nun1ber of n1ilitary conS perfrmed ci\'il ser,ice reached 160,()()() in first made posI Y~}5, which is I{)() tin1es more than in l Y5 7, \\'hen tl1is right sible. That is why one n1ight say that the n1ilitary needs are still of primary in1prtance , and that the hasic right t refuse t bc.:ar arn1s in n1ilitary service is not used as an autht'ntic unlin1i1ed basic hurnan right (as stipulated in tl1e c:onst.itutin). but as a right that is su~ject to lin1itatins - as provided in tl1e meantirne by the Gern1an c:onstitutional Co urt (:\lexy 1986: l 07). It wo ulcl be icleal fi>r the state (r filr its n1ilitar\') if each ve ar the nun1ber , of peple wh refuse t bc.·ar arn1s in n1ilitary ser vice ,vuld be st1ch that: ( I ) ii w,ver of the armed forces. (2) it Ccial pathology. Approximately, from the French Revolution (more precisely. from its .Jacobin phase) onwards. this

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attitude served as a basis for establishing a ge11eral military ser,-i ce, ancl " ·as used to legitimize militaristic components of nationalist doctrines. (1 will deal with this in more detail in section Ill.) The third attitude, that will cmpletely negate the 'heroic discot1rse' (whether in a traditional cla-.s, or in a new egalitarian sense), shall becon1e possible only when the ci,il class begins to dominate society, when liberal theory shakes the foundations of the ancien regin1e, and whe11 a citize11 ·s life and property begin to be important as the main values that a state should protect. This 'fearful discourse' a1>peared for tl1e first time in seventeenth stop that evil. Influenced by this, Hobbes made a distinction between fear and a state of being afraid ( t,,,ing affrighted) (Laird, 1968: 172-173). In DP ri1,I', Hobbes gives a clear distinction between these two psychic events: It is objected: it is so improbable that man should grow into civil societies out f fear, that if they had been afraid, they would not ha'"e endured each other's looks. They presume, I belie\'e, that to fear is nothing else than to be affrighted. I comprehend in this word /Par, a certain foresight f future e\'il; neither do I conceive flight the sole property of fear, but to distrust, suspect, take heed, prvide so that they may not fear, is also incident to the fearful. They ,vho go to sleep, shut their doors; they ,vho travel. carry their S\\'Ords ,vith them, because they fear thieves. Kingdon1s gt1ard their coast" and frontiers with forts and ca.,;tles; cities are con1pact \ltith y,alls; and all for fear of neighbouring kingclon1s and t(lWllS. Even the strongest ar1nintingent upon "sufficient security", and where this security is lacking, he n1ay attempt to preserve himself by any means which seems justifiable to him in terms of his ,,wn circumstances and fears' (Warrender, 1961: 44, 32~32 l). When describing in this way members of a civil sc.lciety, it seems that Hobbes has in mind extremely materialistic-oriented people, whc> mostly tear loss of life and property, and subsume to these v-cl.lues all others. However, this is not true, since Hobbes puts the value of honour above the v-cl.lue of life. ,\ccording to him, 'because all signs of hatred and contempt provoke most of all to brawling and fighting. insomuch as most men would rather lose their lives (that is to say, their peace) than suffer slander' (Hobbes, 1966a: 38) . Thus. if their honur is sullied, 'most' people would not hesitate to give t}1eir lives- prirnarily in a dttel - ir1 order to \\'ash the slander from then1selves and their name. However, perhaps Hobbes here went a step further than the basic pre1nises of his theory allow for, since, in t necessary for people t risk their lives in dttels; in a society that would efficiently protect not just lives and prc>perty, but also honour all its n1en1lx:rs. a regular court procedure of protection would be quite enough t satisfy even the 111ost honottr-abiding an1ong them. A more plausible soltt· tin is pc>ssibly to be found in /,roiathan. where Hobbes pleads for 'such time as 1here shall be Honour ordainecl fr then1 that refuse Duels. and Ignominy f-111nr-rhnos and slnl~P,are-order. The state starts where the war ends, and \'icietv. hut only te1nporal leagut·. "·hich e\'erv discontented soldier may dt•part frt)lll \\'hen he pleases, as bein~ entcrt·d bv eabbes clearly started frrders of a state, while relations between states are, so to speak, in a cnstant state of war. For WAR, consisteth not in battle only, or the act of fighting; but in a tract of time, wherein the will to contend by battle is sufficiently known; and therefore the notion of ti~. is to be considered in the nature of war; (... )so the nature of war, consisteth not in actual fighting; but in the known disposition thereto, during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary. All other time is PEACE. (Hobbes, 1966b: 113) Starting from this definition of war, Hobbes could indeed calmly conclude that 'in all times, kings, and persons of sovereign authority, because of their independency, are in continual jealousies, and in the state and posture of gladiators' , that is to say, in the state of war (Hobbes, 1966b: 115). And not only that. Presupposing that people long for security and that in unregulated relations - such as in the natural state - security is protected with weapons, the universal rule is that the most opportunistic thing is to attack first, so that one is not taken by surprise. And for this difference of one another, there is no wav, for anv, n1an to secure himself, so reasonable, as an anticipation; that is, by force, or wiles, to master the persons of all men he can, so long, till he see no other power great enough to endanger him; and this is no more than his own conservation requireth. and is generally allowed. ( Hobbes, 1966b: 111) Hence, it is also best for states to initiate wars against their enemies, so that they will not be attacked at inopportune moments. Two principles of Hobbes's social philosophy are in direct conflict here: on the one hand. according to the first law of nature, a sovereign mt1st always strive for peace, while on the other, general insecuricy in international relations obliges every sovereign to lead 'preventive' wars. The antagnism is to an extent present in the very constitution of a state, since only citizens enter into a state of peace, while a sovereign remains in the natttral state (with sovereigns in all other states). If one takes into account the plurality of states and sovereigns, this can lead to a conclusion that states are special oases of peace and securicy, sect1red by the wars that sovereigns wage among themselves. In such a way. in global relations. the superseding of the natural state has never occt1rred, it has simply been 'ft1nctionalized' to protect these oases of peace and sect1rity in states. One should take into account that Hobbes writes at a time when nationalisrn had not yet st1cceecled in making a sovereign a national leader, or in making wars ·a question of life or death of the whole nation '. In his time, wars are aln1ost 'private affairs' of rnonarchs fighting for their own aims and interests, and their st1~jccts ar(• interested in these wars only in as mt1ch as they "'ish to be spared all tht'ir tinfavourable consequences - most of all. the endangering f hvereign \\'h

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defeats their old sovereign in a war, if he id war. then he condt1Cl'i it as a defensive war. forming a paid arn1y, which gc>es to war as it would do any other job - for a profit (Sombart, 1915: 28-29). ErnstJiinger gave the m,,st artict1late forn1 to this critique of pacifism. He was one of the 'cnservative revolutionaries· who spent the whole of World War I at the front, only t begin to thec1retically develop and propagate his critique (for the future) after defeat. Acc,>rding to hint , one mt1st take into account that pacifism itself has two f(lrrns: one is cowardly, and inspired by egoism and a fear of war (this mostly crresponds to Hobbes's pacifism), while the other is a matter of an idea and a principle, and 'has to be respected'. For this latter fc)rm of pacifisn1 the basic things are ideas and 'cc>nsciot1sness': the idea of humanity is higher than the idea of people, and that is why a 'heroic pacifist' fights f(lr its realization out of conviction. and not out of fear or fc)r material gds (Jt'anger. 1958: 444) . That is the lc,gic which is still valid today, with tht· addition of s1ne other elementc; of the pacifist's rhctc>ric. at the hotto,n of the basic right to refuse t bear arms cluring 1nilitary ser\·ice. derived from the basic right to a freedom f . ccJnsc1ence. The actual core c>f the 'ht·rcing con,ictcd either of refusal to c,bey rders, or of comn1itting a war crin1e). but the courts did not accept this argurnent (\\c'hitto,ne, 1989: ~0). In a sense. the attit11de of the Arnerican cc>urts w.is logically cc>rrect: cveryc,ne gc,ing to war in principle accepts the pssibility that he will enter a situatiulcl be quite enough for avoiding l1aving t bt·ar arn1s. :\ cc1nscri1>t wc)uld ha,·t' a right to decide ,vhether he ,vanted to ser,·e ,vi1hcu11 ar1ns in the \ 'u goslav :\rn1y. c,r ulrl last t,,·ice as lc.>ng as cn·dinary rnilitary scr,ic.1-· Al.l. F()R\fS ()f

RACIAi. DISC'.RIMINATION ( 1963)

It prohibits the realization, incitement or complicity in discrimination as to the enjoyment of human rights and freedoms on the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin. The pre\'ention of discrimination is especially designated in terms of civil rights: nationality, education, religion. employment, profession and residence, the right to use public facilities. and f\1rthermore in terms of political rights. especially the right to take part in electins through the general and equal right to vote and taking part in governing bodies. THE INTERNATIONAL C:n in :-.; Tl-IE PRE\'E:-.TJ:-. :\:\I> Pt·:-.1SH\tF.:-.T F THF. ( :RI\IE

F (;t:N(;ll)E ( l~l·l~)

(;enocicle 111eans any

The participating states will prmote constant progress i11 the realization. respect and actual enjoyment of human right" of national minorities. as \\'ell as the protection of their legitimate interests. l'Hf. VIENNA (:ONC:LLJDIN(; DOC:l' MENT ( IY89)

The participating states will take all the necessary legislative. administrative and other measures in order to protect human rights of persons belonging to national minorities, they will protect and create conditions for the promotion of the ethnic, c11ltural, ling11istic and religious identity of national minorities and ensure their f11II eqttality with others. Persons belonging to national rninorities can establish and maintain contacts with the citizens of other states with whom they share a common national origin or cultural heritage. and cherish and develop their own culture in all aspects, including language. literature, religion and the preservation of c11ltural and historical monun1ents and objects. The participating states will ensure that perSns belonging to national minrities have acces.,; t, disseminate and exchange informatin in their native langt.1age. and facilitate education of n1inorities in terms f their O\VIl culture, including learning the langt.1age. religion and cultural identity by transferring it from parents to their children. l 'l!E SE( :N D Mf.E.flN(; OF Tl~E ( '.()/1.FEREN< :E T HE ( ;set:. ( :()PE!'.Jl,\(;E'.',I ( 1!190)

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THE Ht : !'ttAN Dll\1E!'\Sl()N F

i\part fi·(>n1 the Articles stating that pt.~rsF THE C():"-FERE:-. CE o:-. THE Hl"~IA:"- 01~-fE:-.s , o :-- OF

T~I E ( :St>d , shehl'r. health care and employment. This is an approach favourt·d by thse wh see the dominant Western human rights traditin and international law as to individtaalistic and identify wc>men 's oppression as prin1arily econclrnic. This tendency has its rigins amclng sc>cialists and lal>our activist.Ii who have long argut·d that pc>litical human rights are meaningless to many \\ithut ecc>non1ic rights as \\'CII. It focuses on the prirnacy of the need to end wn1en ·s right to c,rganize as ,vorkers and pposition to violence in the workplact". t·specially in situations like the free trade zones which have targeted wn1en as cheap, nnn-organiLt·prc>ach l1as hct•n highlighting the fc.·1ninizatic,n c)f pver~· or ,vhat might ht·tter be callt·n also interprets the issue f vilence against wo rnen as 'clearly fundan1ental to the spirit of the

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Convention·. especially in Article 5 which calls for the modification of social and cultural patterns, sex roles and stereotyping that are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either sex.24 The Convention outlines a clear hu1nan rights agenda for women which. if accepted by governments, wotald mark an enormous step forward. It also carries the limitations of all such international documents in that there is little power to de1nand its implementation. Within the United Nations, it is not generally regarded as a convention with teeth, as illustrated by the difficulty that CEDAW has had in getting cuntries to report on compliance with its provisions. Further, it is still treated by governments and most non• governmental organizations as a document dealing with women's (read. 'secondary') rights, not human rights. Nevertheless, it is a ttseful statement of principles e11dorsed hy the United Nations arot1nd which women can organize to achie\'e legal and plitical change in their regions. 4. feminist 1'ransfonnatimi of Human Rights. Transforming the human rights concept from a feminist perspective. so that it will take greater accot1nt of women's lives, is the fourtl1 approach. This approach relates women ·s rights and human rights, looking first at the violations of women's lives and then asking how the human righL'i cncept can change to be more responsive to women. For example, the G:\BRIELA women's coalition in the Philippines simply stated that 'Women's Right,; are Human Rights' in launching a campaign in 1989. As Ninotchka Rosca explained, coalition members saw that ' human right,; are not reducible to a questin f legal and due process ... In the case of women, human rights are affected by the entire society's traditional perception of y,•hat is proper or not prper for women. ' 25 Similarly, a panel at the 1990 International W1nen ·s Rigl1ts Action Watch conference asserted that 'Violence Against \\'omen is a Human Rights Issue·. \\'hile work in the tJ1ree previous apprc>aches is often done from a feminist perspective, this last view is the n1c>st distinctlv fen1inist with its woman-centred stance and ' its refusal to wait fc>r permissin from some authority to determine what is or is not a ht1man rights issue. This transforn1ati\'e apprach can be taken toward any issue, but those wc,rking frc,m this approac·h have tended t fc">Ct1s most on abuses that arise specific·ally c,ut of genclry ht·tcrsexuality and fernale 1nt1tilation. l"hese are alsc> the issues most ften disn1isscd as nc>t really h11man rights questions. This is therefore the mst hc,tly cntestcd art·a and requires t11at harriers be hroken down between public and Jlri\'atc. stale and nn-gm this perspectjvc can clra,,·n n the y,·rk f thcrs '"h havt· cxpandc·d the tinderstanding f hurnan rights prc·,·iuslv. For exan1ple, tY." decades ago there was no concept . Spt·t·f ,iolence in general, nor shall I consider the isstte of violence and crimes as such. I shall limit myself to the following issues (large though each of tl1em still is). From the point of view of utopian realism, is it feasible to st1ppose that the role of warfare might diminish and how might such a process be furthered? \\--11at can be done to

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lin1it tJ1e spread of sexual violence? How can we cottnter violence which de,·elops on the basis of ethnic or cultural differences? These may seem like disconnectecl is_..ues, bt1t in tlle light of tlle social transformations discussed earlier [in &yond /Jft and loght: ed.] some clear connections, as I shall try to show. exist between them. I take it that each of these questions raises problems f pacification and I take pacification to be as important a part of an agenda of radical politics as any f the issues I have discussed earlier. For even if the Cold War has been relegated to the past, the threat of nuclear conflict and other sorts of military vilence will ren1ain for the indefinite ft1ture; and \iolence and the tllreat f vilence in social life can destrc>y r cripple the lives of millions. Several provisos are in order here. There are respect.s, and some very irnprtant respect,;, in which the use of ,iolence is necessary to achieve widely clesired social ends. Thus pacification itself prest1mes a control of tlle means f vilence n the part of legitimate attthrities. I think one can take it for granted, though, that all for1ns of vilence are to be minimized as far as possible, whether legitimate or illegitimate. In other words, the tendency of governing authorities to secttre a monopoly over the means of violence shuld not be equated with an increasing resort to violence. 'Violence· has Srnetimes been defined in a very broad wc1y. Johan Gal tung, fr exan1ple, argues for a11 'extended concept of,iolence' which would refer 10 a wide set of conditions that inhibit the developme11t of individuals' life chances. Violence is any barrier whicl1 impedes the realization of potential. where such a barrier is social rather than natural: 'if people are star,ing when this is objectively avoidable, then violence is cmmitted .. .' 1 As with Pierre Bourdieu ·s idea of 'symbolic ,iolence'. the point is t apply the concept of ,iolence t a wicle ,~ariety of frrns of oppression which people ,night suffer, and thereby l relate it tlence as ,,rdinarily understood - tlle use of force t cause physical harn1 to anther - bt·con1es lSt frc,m ,iew. I shall tllerefore understancl ,ilenc.e in lhis straightforward and conventic1nal sense.

The State and Pacification ·rhe issue of paC'ifiuld be 'taken for granted', while female sext1ality was in large part controlled through being subjected to an interrogatory gaze: it became understd as the 'dark continent', prol>lematized by the first stirrings of the assertion of independent women's rights. The large-scale entry of women into the labur force, together with ttni\'ersal den1ocratization and the contintted transformation of familv, forms. has radically altered the 'tradition in modernity' comprornise which characterized simple n1odernization. Patriarchy can no longer be defended by violence directed by sc>me men against thers. Men (or, as one must say. some men) turn directly to violence against wo,nen as a means of shoring up disintegrating syste,ns of patriarcl1al p\\·er - and it is in this sense that one might speak of a war against women today. It is not an expression of traditic,nal patriarchal systems but, instead. a reaction to their partial dissoltttion. Much of sttch violence, then, results from a system which is decaying; it results from the fact that women's challenge to patriarchy has in so1ne part been successful. Its successes have pro\'Oked violent reactions; but they have also brttght a great deal intn their conceptions of what it is to be a man, always encounter and frequently collide with other power relations ... It is not so hard to imagine a world free from the fear of too little work for men. and all too much work for women ... It is just as easy to en\isage a world free from fears of the interpersonal \iolence, rape. and child sexual abuse which. in their most dangerous and prevalent forms, are the violent acts of men ... 11

Easy to envisage, a critic might say, hard actually to bring about: how might the combating of 1nale violence against women relate to other forms of pacification? There is a clear connection, as has been mentioned, with the decline of militarism. Male violence is certainly not aJI of a piece with the waging of wars, but there are con1mon elements that spill O\'er from one to the other. Mass rapes are qt1ite often perpetrated in times of war; conversely, attitudes of adventtarism found among some who enlist in the ar1ned forces seem empirically linked to a tendency to violent behaviour towards women. ti More important, probably, are potential connections the other way around. The creation of a democracy of the emotions, as I have sought to show earlier, has implications for social solidaril)' and citizenship. Men's violence against won1en, or a great deal of it, can be understood as a generalized refusal of dialogtae. (:ouldn 'tone see this as a (:latasewitzean tl1eory of interpersonal relations? Where dialogue stps, violence begins. Yet stach viole11ce is (in principle) as archaic in the persc>nal dornain as Clatasewitz's theorem is in the wider public arena.

Violence, Ethnic and Cultural Difference A,; I write these lines, a tenuous dialogue has been established between warring parties in Israel and in Bosnia; the arn1ed conflict~ in Somalia, Angola. Afghanistan and elsewhere look set to continue. To move from violence against women back towards st1ch military confrontatins might appear as heterodox as the link developed witl1 O\'erall processes of pacification. Yet the Cnnectins are thc,·e. The war in Bc:,snia. for exan1ple , witnessed the

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systematic rape of Muslim women as a deliberate way of humiliating them and, as statements from those involved made clear, of humiliating their menfolk also. Confrontations such as those in the former Yugoslavia and other regions might perhaps be a residue of the past - a clearing-up of lines of division and hostility. Alternatively, and more distl1rbingly, they may be the shape of things to come. For the very changes that act to reduce the possibility of wars between states might increase the chances of regional military confrontations - the more so since fundamentalisms of various kinds can act to sharpen pre-existing ethnic or cultural differences. Under what conditions are the members of different ethnic groups or cultural communities able to live alongside one another and in what circ11mstances are the relations between them likely to collapse into violence? The question is again a large one, and I shall discuss only a few aspects of it. There are virtually no socie~!es in the world where different ethnic groups are wholly equal to one another. Ethnic division, and some other kinds of differences, such as religious ones, are normally also differences of stratification. The inequalities associated with ethnicity are often sources of tension or mutual hostility, and thus play their part in stimulating conflicts which may lead to a collapse of civil order. Yet such inequalities are too commonplace to provide sufficient explanations of outbreaks of major violence. Without seeking to analyse how common or otherwise such conflicts are likely to be, or what their main origins are, I want to discuss three sets of circumstances relevant to how they might be inhibited or contained. The first is the potential inflt1ence of dialogic democracy; the second, the countering of fundamentalism; tl1e third, controlling what I shall call degenerate spirals of emotional commt1nication. All relate to, or draw on, ideas discussed in other parts of Beyond uft and Right. There are only a limited number of ways, analytically speaking, in which different cultures or ethnicities can coexist. One is through segmentation throt1gh geographical separation or ct1ltt1ral closure. Few groups or nations. however, can sustain a clear-cut separation from others today. Small communities which try to cut themselves off from the otttside world, or limit contact with it, nearly all become reabsorbed to a greater or lesser degree - as has happened, for example, with the vast majority of the comml1nes of the l 96()s. States which seek isolation, such as in a sense the whole Soviet bloc did, r China or Iran, have not been able to preserve it in the longer term . As a 'Slution • to problems of living along with clashes of values, then, segmentation is much less significant than it t1sed to be, with the emergence of a global cosmopolitan order. Although complete withdrawal from the wider social universe has become problematic, various kinds of grot1p separati(>n and national differentiation can of course be maintained. Groups can keep to themselves and physical segregation has not lost all its meaning. In cities. for example, different ethnic groups often occt1py distinct neighbourhoods which have only limited contacts with one another. Geophysical separation is

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one means by which the stratification of ethnic groups and under-classes is organized. Those in the poorer areas may lack the capacity to travel, while the members of more affluent groups rarely if ever visit the deprived neighbourhc>ods. Given the diasporic character of many ethnic and cultural differentiations, however, and the penetrative influence of mass media, segmental cultures now only fttnction with some degree of harmony in a cosmopolitan climate. Where segmentation has become broken down, and exit difficult, only two options remain: communication, or coercion and violence. There is a tension between communication and violence, then, of a more acute kind than existed in earlier phases of modern social development - and this is true not only in the industrialized societies but on a global scale. In such a situation, whether combined with more orthodox democratic institu• tions or not, dialogic democracy becomes a prime means for the containment or dissolution of violence. It isn't far-fetched to see a direct line of connection here between male violence against women in everyday life and violence between subnational groups. Difference - whether difference between the sexes, difference in behaviour or personality, cultural or ethnic difference - can become a medium of hostility; but it can also be a medit1m of creating mutual understanding and sympathy. This is Gadamer's 'fusion of horizons', which can be expressed as a virtuous circle. Understanding the point of view of the other allows for greater self-understanding, which in turn enhances communication with the other. In the case of male violence against women it is well established that dialogue can dispel the 'Clausewitzean theorem ·. That is to say, violent individuals become less so - in other spheres of their lives also - if they manage to develop a virtuous circle of communication with a significant other or others. Dialogue has great substitutive power in respect of violence. even if the relation between the two in empirical contexts is plainly complex. Talk can in many circumstances lead to hostility, and to the possibility of violence, rather than serving to undermine them. In a diversity of situations, a refusal to engage with the other is tied to systems of coercive power, as is its opposite, the absence of voice. The advance of dialogic democracy almost always depends on correlate processes of socioeconomic transformation . These things ha\ing been said, dialogic democratization is likely to be central to civil cosmopolitanism in a world of routine cultttral diversity. Difference can be a means of a fusion of horizons; what is a potentially virtuous circle, however. can in so111e circun1stances becorne degenerate. I would define a degenerate spiral of communication as one where antipathy feeds on antipathy, hate upon hate. And this observation brings us full circle. For how else cottld one explain the events in Bosnia, and parallel l1appenings elsewhere? Fundamentalisms, as I have said earlier, are edged with potential violence. Where\'er fundamentalism takes hold, whether it be religious, ethnic, nationalist or gender fundamentalism, degenerate spirals of con1n1unication threaten. \\'hat is

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originally merely an isolationism, or perhaps only an insistence on the purity of a local tradition, can, if circumstances so conspire, turn into a vicious circle of animosity and venom. Bosnia sits on a historic fault-line dividing Christian Europe from Islamic civilization. Yet one cannot produce a sufficient explanation of the Yugoslavian conflict only by reference to old hostilities. Those hostilities, when refocused in the present, provide a context; once conflict begins, and hate starts to feed on hate, those who were good neighbours can end as the bitterest of enemies.

Notes I. Johan Galtung, 'Violence and Peace'. in Paul Smoker et al., A R,adn in Ptar, Studi,s (Oxford: Pergamon, 1990), p. 11. 2. I have discus.~d these changes at some length in 1'ht Nation-State and Violrorr (C'.ambridge: Polity, 1987). For an important analysis. see Charles Tilly, (mrion, (nJlital and f:uropean SliWl AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990). 3. Martin Shaw, Post-Military Snal stuff, so culture in the broader anthrplogical sense relevant to cultural natic,nalism becomes a kind of alternatjvc to institutional politics. The anti-plitical animus of Irish cultural natic,nalisrn is very striking, to the point where 'cttltural nationalism' begins to sound mnds tc> the dominant irnage of the 'end of history' at the S(>-eallccl end f history. wh consu111cs the in1age of history's end. Hence t speak c>f the histry f cc>nsu111ptin in some senses deletes the po~ sibility c,f spc:aking abclut a th('f history in which consumption appears as a non-ny. Hence to think the relation between history and constamer society is to think again the question of time and history when history is forced to account for the conditions of it., appearance, which means tl1e conditions of its productions, from an indeterminate origin that is never a consumable present within historical time. Constamer society liberates the possibility of thinking again how history happens as such precisely because the object by which history is localized - the past - can be 111ist.aken for the referent from where it is received - the present. Concomitantly. pasts are invented thus liqt1idating the ground of a present within history. A., a restalt. if the past happer1s in the present, and the present passes but not into the past, then history is the logic of transferable regimes of te1nprality ,vhse dominion is consumer society. Likewise. consumer Sciety is the origin of Lht· image of histc>ry }1appening in the prfusion of a n11-ehord. (;uy. Sorirl)· n/ th, Sf>rrlarlr. Detroit: Black and Rc.- d 198:\, p . 15:\. 2. Bau drillarcl , Jt·,t11, Srlrrtrd \\'1-iti11p. F.d. Mark Postt'r. Stanford: Stanford l lnivt'rsity Pr~ss 1988, p. 5'.\.

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==========18========== The Perfect Crime Jean Baudrillard

\Vere it not for appearances, the world would be a perfect crime, that is, a crime without a criminal, without a victim and without a motive. And the truth would forever have withdrawn from it and its secret would never be revealed, for want of any clues [ traces] being left behind. But the fact is that the crime is never perfect, for the world betrays itself by appearances, which are the clues to its non-existence, the traces of the continuity of the nothing. For the nothing itself - the continuity of the nothingleaves traces. And that is the way the world betrays its secret. That is the way it allows itself to be sensed, while at the same time hiding away behind appearances. The artist, too, is always close to committing the perfect crime: saying nothing. But he turns away from it, and his work is the trace of that criminal imperfection. The artist is, in Michaux's words, the one who, with all his might, resists the fundamental drive not to leave traces. 1 The perfection of the crime lies in the fact that it has always-already been accomplished - perfectum. A misappropriation of the world as it is, before it even shows itself. It will never, therefore, be discovered. There will be no Last Judgment to punish or pardon it. There will be no end, because things have always-already happened. Neither resolution nor absolution, bt1t inevitable unfolding of the consequences. Precession of the original crime - which we might perhaps be said to find in derisory form in the current precession of simulacra. After that, our destiny is the accomplishment of this crime, its inexorable unfolding. the continuity of the evil, the continuation of the nothing. We shall never experience the primal scene, but at every moment we experience its prolongation and its expiation. There is no end to this a11d the consequences are incalculable. Just as we cannot plumb the first few seconds of the Big Bang. so we cannt locate those few seconds in which the original crime took place either. It is a fossilized crime, then , like the 'fossilized' background noise scattered ab11t

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the universe. And it is the energy of that crime, like that of the initial explosion, which will spread through the world until, perhaps, it exhausts itself. This is the rnythic vision of the original crime, the vision of the alter-ation 2 of the world in the play of seductin and appearances, and of its definiti\'e illusoriness. This is the form the mvsterv . . takes. The great philosophical question used to be: '\\'hy is there Smetl1ing r.tther than nothing?' Toclay, the real question is: '\\l1y is tht>re nthing rat11er than something?' The absence of things from thernselves, the fact that they do not take place though they appear to do so, the fact that everything withdraws behind il5 own appearance and is, therefore, never identical with itself, is the material illusion of the world. And, deep down, this remains the great riddle, the enigma which fills us with dread and from which we protect ourselves ~ith the formal illusion of truth. On pain of dread. we have to decipher the world and the refore wipe out the initial ilh1soriness of the world. We can bear neither the void. nor the secret, nor pure appearance. And why shotild we decipher it instead of letting its illusion shine out as such, in all it,; glory? Well, the fact that we cannot bear its enigt11atic character is also an enigma, also part of the enigma. It is part of the world that we cannot bear either the illusion of the world or pure appearance. We wc>uld be no better at coping with radical truth and transparency, if these existed. Truth wants to give herself naked. She is desperately seeking nudity, like Madonna in the film which brought her fame. That hopeless striptease is the very striptease of reality, which 'disrobes' in the literal sense.' offering up to the eyes of gullible voyeurs the appearance of nudity. But the fact is that this nudity wraps it in a second skin, which no longer has even the erotic charrn of the dress. There is no longer any need even of bachelors to strip her bare. since she has herself given up trom~l'reil for striptease. And, indeed, the main ~jecticu1 to reality is its propensity to submit unconditionally to every hypotht·sis you can make about it. With this il5 most abject conformism, it discc>urages tl1e liveliest minds. Voll can subject it- and its principle (v,hat do they get up to tn of power over it. A dizzying hypothesis: ratio11ality, culminating in technical virtuality, n1ight be the la~t of the rust's of unreason, of that will to illusion of which. as Nietzcsche says. the will t truth is merely a derivative and an avatar. On the horizon of sirnulation, not only has the ,vorld disappeared btll the very question of its existence can 110 longer be pc>sed. But this is perhaps a ruse f the world it-.elf. The irc>nlaters of Bvzantittm \\'ere subtle fc>lk. wh ,

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claimed to represent God to his greater glory but who, simulating God in images. thereby dissimulated the problem of his existence. Behind each of these in1ages, in fact, God had disappeared. He was not dead; he had disappeared. That is to say, the problem no longer even arose. It was resol\'ed by simulation. This is what we do with the problem of the truth or reality of this world: we have resolved it by technical sitnulation, and by creating a profusion of images in which there is nothing to see. But is it not the strategy of God himself to use images in order to disappear, himself obeying the urge to leave no trace? So the prophecy has been fulfilled: we live in a world where the highest ft1nction of the sign is to make reality disappear and, at the same time. to mask that disappeara11ce. Art today does the same. The media today do the same. That is why they are doomed to the same fate. Because nothing wants exactly to be looked at any longer, but merely to be visually absorbed and circtalate without leaving a trace - thus outlining, as it were. the simplified aesthetic frm of impossible exchange - it is difficult today to recover a grasp on appearances. With the result that the discourse which would accotant for them would be a disco11rse in which there was nothing to say - the equivalent of a world where there is nothing to see. The equivalent of a pure object, of an object which is not an object. The harmonious eq11ivalence of nothing to nothing, of E\-il to Evil. But the object which is not an object continues to obsess you by its empty, immaterial presence. The whole problem is: on the outer fringes of the nothing, to materialize that nothing; on the outer fringes of the void. to trace 011t the mark of the void; on the outer fringes of indifference. to play by the mysterious rules of indifl'erence. There is no pc>int iclentifying the world. Things have to be grasped in their sleep. or in any other circumstance where they are absent from themselves. As in the House of tM Sleeping Beauties.5 where the old men spend the night beside the women and. tho11gh 111ad \\1th desire, do not touch them, and slip away before they wake. Tl1ey too are l~ing next to an object which is not an object. the total indifference of which heightens the erotic charge. But the n1ost enigmatic thing is that it is not possible to k.J1ow whether the women are really asleep or whether they are not n1aliciously taking pleasure, from the depths of their sleep, in their sedtacti\'eness and their own suspended desire. Not to be sensitive to this degree of unreality and play, this degree of malice and ironic wit on the part of language and the world is. in efTect, to be incapable of living. Intelligence is precisely this sensing of the universal illusion, even in amoro11s passion - though \\'ithout the natural cot1rse of that passic>n being impaired . There is something stronger than passion: illt1sion. There is something stronger than sex or l1appiness: the passion for illusion. There is no pint identifying the wrld. We cannot even identify 011r etween October 1994 andjant1ary 1995' alone."4 The ratio of Palestinians to Israelis killed has declined since Oslo I, a te11dencv, described in Israel and the West as an increase in Palestinian terror; not false. bttt not quite the whole story either. even more so ifwe bring in the suppressed topic of international terrorism in Lebanon. US-Israeli intentions to maintain those terrorist operations were made explicit the day that Shimon Peres asst1med his duties as prime 1ninister. ' Peres Sets Tone of Post-Rabin Era', a front-page New Yorlt Times headline read, introdt1cing a repc>rt that 'Israeli warplanes shrieked over Lebanon• and ' pounded the bases of radical Palestinian g11errillas S II to the Knesset, Rabin outlined 'the rnain changes. not all t>f them, which we envisin and want in the permanent solution· . In accord with these prin1ary demands, hardly likely to be sttbject to negotiation, Greater Israel is t incc>rporate 'unitt>d Jerusalern, which will include both Ma'ale Adumim [a town to its cast] and Giv'at Zc'ev [a suburb to iL~ north] '; the.Jordan Valley; 'blc>cs of settlen1cnts in Judea and Samaria like the c>ne in Gush Katif [ the SUthern sectc>r t>f (;aza that Israel retains surrounding its scttlen1ents] •. Tht>se bloc·s are to include 'G11sh Etzion . Efrat, Beitar and otl1er cc>mmunities' in the West Bank. The press reported that Ma'ale ,\dumim will be annexect to the greatly expanded Jerusalern area after expanded settlement establishes crking'. 'fhat is almst accurate. It is nercssary, however, l recall thcr ft'at111·es f the Third \Vt>rlct n1perty, and smashing car windgime, the local population was left with few options beyond exile or employment in Israel under terrible conditions that have been bitterly condemned for years in the Israeli press, largely concealed from those who pay the bills. The only comparative scl1olarly st11dy concludes that 'the situation of noncitizen Ardbs in Israel is worse relative to that of nonnationals in other countries' - migrant workers in the United States. 'guestworkers' in E11rope. etc. Even these options have now been sharply reduced as Palestinians are being replaced by workers brought in fro1n Thailand, the Philippines, Romania and other places ,vhcrc people live in misery. Israeli investigative reporters have documented 'inhuman• worki11g Cries had 'devastated the Palestinian economv, and destroyed 100,000 '

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families in Gaza alone',journalist Nadav Ha'etzni reported in May 1995, a 'trauma' that can only be compared with the mass dispossession and expulsion of Palestinians in 1948, he added. The situation is likely to deteriorate as imported semi-slave labour displaces the Palestinian workforce from the only employment that had been allowed them. In such ways, 'the Oslo Accords have created a truly new Middle East', Ha'etzni writes. 15 The rights of Palestinian workers in the 'new Middle East' were spelled out in a May 1995 ruling by Justice Y. Bazak of the Jerusalem District Court, rejecting a lawsuit brought by the workers' rights grot1p Kav La'Oved ('Worker's Hotline', Tel Aviv). The plaintiffs had requested restitution of SI billion withheld from salaries for social benefits that Palestinian workers had never received (pensions, unemployment payments and so on); the ft1nds ended up in the state treasury. The cot1rt dismissed the case, accepting the government's argument that Knesset legislation to implement the Oslo I accords retroactively legalized the robbery, thus removing any legal basis for the suit. The court also accepted the government's argument that Israel's National Inst1rance Law grants rights only to residents of Israel. The deductions were never intended to ensure equal rights for the Palestinian workers, Justice Bazak ruled, but were designed to keep wc1ges for Palesti11ians high on paper but low in reality, thus protecting Israeli workers from unfair competition by cheap Palestinian labour. This is 'a worthy and reasonable purpose which is recognized by the Cot1rt' ,Jtastice Bazak explained, 'jt1st as the legality of imposing customs taxes is recognized for the purpose of protecting the country's products ... • One can see why the Israeli jttdicial system must retain veto power over any legislation that the Palestinian authorities might contemplate; and why American taxpayers must be kept in the dark about the use of the huge st1bsidies they provide to Israel. These st1bsidies, incidentally, are opposed by the public even more than most foreign aid, a.nd are the one component that is immune from the sharp reductions now being instittated in the miserly US programme, an international scandal and virtually invisible if Israel and other US Middle East interests are exclt1ded. It includes, for example, twenty-five of 'the most sophisticated fighter-bombers in the world', the British press reporL'I, a deal that 'slid throt1gh Congress with no objections by legislators and virtt1ally n comment in the American media'. This is 'the first time stach highperformance rnilitary equipment has been sold unrestricted and unamended abroad since the Second World War' ('sold' means ft1nded by US military aid), a 'decisive enhancement of Israel's military capabilities, giving it the power to strike at potentially dangerous nations far beyond its borders: Iran, Iraq, Algeria, and Libya for example.· The US 'appears to be reappointing Israel a'I local deputy sheriff, a role which ended with the disappearance of the communist threat in tl1e Middle East ' - ,vhich, rhetoric aside. was never the real threat as the extended appointment once again reveals, and has indeed been official conceded. 10 Though Israel's barring c>f develprnent in tht~territries ,\'as ,veil kn,,·n.

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its extent came as a surprise even to the most knowledgeable observers when they had an opportunity to visit Jordan after the Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty of October 1994. The comparison is particularly apt, Danny Rubi11stein observes, since the Palesti11ian populations are about as numerous on both sides of the Jordan, and the \\'est Bank was somewhat more developed before the Israeli takeover in 1967. Ha\ing covered the territories with distinction for years, Rubinstein was well aware that the Israeli administration 'had purposely worsened the conditions under which Palestinians in the territories had to live'. Nonetheless, he was shocked and saddened to discover the startling truth. 'Despite Jordan's unstable economy and its being part of the Third World'. he found, 'its rate of development is much higher than that of the West Bank, not to mentior1 Gaza', administered by a very rich society which benefits from unparalleled foreign aid. While Israel has built roads only for the Jewish settlers, 'in Jordan people drive on new, n1ultiple-lane highways, wellequipped with bridges and intersections.' Factories, commerce, hotels and universities have been developed in impoverished Jordan, at quite high levels. Virtually nothir1g sin1ilar has been allowed on the West Bank, apart from 'two small hotels in Bethlehem'. 'All universities in the territories were built solely with private funding and donations from foreign states, without a penny from Israel', apart from the Islamic University in Hebro11, originally supported by Israel as part of its e11couragement of Islamic fundamentalism to undermine the secular PLO, now a Harnas centre. Health services in the West Bank are ·extremely backward' in comparison with Jordan. 'Two large buildings in East Jerusalem, intended for hospitals and clinics to serve the residents of the West Bank, which the Jordanians were constructing in 1967, were turned into police bttildings by the Israeli government', which also refused permits for factories in Nablus and Hebron under pressure front Israeli manufacturers who wanted a captive market without competition. 'The result is that the backward and poor Jordanian kingdom did mt1ch more for the Palestinians who lived i11 it than Israel', showing 'in an even more glaring form how badly the Israeli occupation had treated them·. Electricity is available everywhere in Jordan. unlike the West Bank, where the great m~jority of Arab villages have only local generators that operate irregularly. 'The sarne goes for the water S)'Sten1. In aridJc>rdan, several large water projects ... have turned the eastern bank of the Jordan valley into a dense and bloomi11g agrictaltural area·, \Vhile on the West Bank water supplies have been directed to the use (>f settlers and lsrc1el itself - about five-sixths of West Bank water, according to Israeli specialisL~. 17 As reported by the l,0ndon f'inanr.ial 1'imes last summer [ 1994], 'Nothing symbolises the ineqt1ality of water cnst1n1ption more than the fresh green lawns, irrigated flower beds, bloomi11g gardens and swimming pc>0ls ofJewish settlen1enL~ in the West Bank', while nearby Palestinian villages are denied the right to drill wells and have running water nment, whc> con1ments that the tern1s are not 'particularly remarkable as water agreements go'. with one exception: 'what is omitted, or, more accurately, whc> is omitted. Not a word is said about water rights for the Palestinians, nor abottl giving thern a role in managing the waters of the Jordan valley.· 'Palestinians are not even party to the negotiations', Brooke observes: 'Their omission is staggering given that most of the l.ower Jordan River (frorn Kinnerct to the Dead Sea) forn1s the brder between Jordan and what is likely in the near future to be Palestinian, nl Israeli, territory.· 1~1 His basic point is correct, but the omission bec·omes less staggering when we depart frorn the rhetoric about what lies down the road and attend to its factual basis: specifically. to the fact that Israel has always made very clear its intention to retain the Jc,rdan Valley within (;reater lsrc1cl. S that Palestinian

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cantons that ,nay some day be called ·a state' will be largely ctat off from the utside. Effective control over Palestinian enclaves by Jordan and Israel , if that proves to be the Utcon1e, will bring to a natural concllasion the coperativc efforts of Israel and Jordan's Hashen1ite monarchy that go back 10 the pst-World War II origins of these states including the 1948 Y.'ar.2t1 Neitlter Jordan nor Israel (nor the pre-state actors) has ever had any use for Palestinian natio11alism , though there is a ,·ersion that the US and Israel de> advocate: Palestinian nationalisnt in the se11se n1ade explicit in the official LIS policy that pro\'ided the basis for the peace process i11itiated at Madrid in 1991 . That conception had been spelled Otlt in the Baker plan of December 1989, which identified the Shantir-Peres plan of Israel's coalitio11 govern1nent as the solt> ' initiative· to be cnsidered in e\'ent,1al negotiations. The basic principle of the Shamir-Peres-Baker plan was that there can be no 'additional Palestinia11 state in the Gaza district and in the area between Israel and Jordan· - the latter already a 'Palestinian state· . The terms of the Shamir-Peres-Baker plan, expressing the consensus of ,irtually the entire spectrum of US-Israeli politics, are scarcely to be found in the t:nited States. and the occasional references involve substantial ntisrepresentation. The highly efficient suppression of official US policy makes goocl sense. 21 Tl1e Jordan-Israel Trt>aty is a cc>mponent of the 'truly new ~tiddle East" that dc,es rece ive attention in Western commetttary, being far 111ore significant than SI billion stolen fro m Palestinians labouring tander subhu1nan fnditions or the assignment of crucial Palestinian resources to irnportant partners in the peace process. Its n1.tjor achieven1ent is the integration of Israel ,vithin the LlS-dc>minated Middle East system. Long-standing tacit rela1ins arno ng participants are now becon1ing tnre O\'ert and efficie11t. and Israel is taking on its inte nded role as a n1ilitary-industrial-technc>logical centre fo r the regin (pssibly financial centre as ,veil) . This goal was difficult t achie\'e as lo ng a., the Palestinian issue rcrnained a feste ring sore . a sotirce 1,f ,1nrest in t11e Arab wo rld. But Arafat's acceptance of ' the peace of the ,ich>rs·. in the apparent hope of sal\'aging stne shreds of his ,vaning a uthority hv becorning an age nt f tJ1e pWt'. rful, has helpecl tr the present (there are other factors. including the disinte1-{J"atin itself in the contested Asia-Pacific rt·gin is a useful further accc)1nplish1ncnt. ·rhcst' cnSt'quc nccs f the O slo peace process are reflected in the rapidl\' rising le\"t·l f freign in\'est1ncnt in Israel , \Yhich is increasingly seen as ' the h1lcru1n f cc1,n1,111ic clc\'e lopment in the rt'.gio n · (Lore! Sterling, chairn1an fa 1n~jr L1K shipping C111pany). ' Israe l \,·ill look back on 1995 as the year when i11tc-rna1i1.>nal finan ce anci business c.lisc\'e rt~d its thriving c conon1y·. the l-111a 11rial '/111ws 1,hst·r\'CCI - 'thriving' in the usual n1ann eventua1lv, cede Israeli control of \\'est Bank lands to the Palestinians'. Rabin never so rnuch a'I hinted at an offer 'of walling off the Gaza Strip and West Bank'; quite the cntrary. he was adamant, clear and consistent in stressing that nothing of the sort wa'I even a remote pc>ssibility. And although Rabin's 'ideas about peace' had indeed 'roamed far' fron1 1992, it wa,; not quite in the direction indicated: in 1992, as in 1988 and before. Rabin was advocati11g the traditional Labo11r Party stand that Israel should keep about 40 per cent of the occupied territories, not the far greater proprtion he accepted on the Day of Awe. As for what is ' undeniable' and 'irreversible', readers can make their own guesses, recognizing that these are speculatio11s lacking any serious factual basis. Those who 'know' that Rabin's course would lead to an authentic Palestiniai1 state, not 'a Palestinian Bantustan'. might want to explain why they dismiss out of hand not a11 relevant facts. but also t11e explicit statements of the leadership, not only Rabin, bt1t also Shimon Peres, even more of a 'visionary dove· tha11 Rabin. Explaining the Oslo II accords to a gathering of ambassadors in Jcrt1salen1, Peres responded t the question whether the pern1anent settlement could involve a Palestinian state by making it crystal clear that 'this solution about which everyone is thinking and which is what you want will never happen'. Two weeks before, jot1rnalist An1non Barzilai reports further in Hn 'arPlt, Peres responded with a resc>unding 'No· \Yhen asked at a meeting with the eclitorial board of Nnvswe,k whether a Palestinian state might be the eventual outcorne. He proceeded with a 'learnecl explanation·, which, however, was never completed, because the verdict in the 0 .J . Simpson trial was just then broadcast so that the meeting had to stp, and afterwards the l\Jn11sulf'ek editors were 'too excited about the verclict' tc> return to his thoughto;. 25 Part of the standard storv.. is indeccl trut· . \-\'c shuld 'Score One for

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Clinton' and observe what happened with Awe. The scale of the victory can only be appreciated by reviewing the history. almost totally suppressed in the US - and, quite interestingly, by now largely forgotten abroad, not only in Europe but in Latin America and elsewhere. The facts are not in dispute, and need not be reviewed here once again. In brief. from 1967 to 1971 the US led the international consensus in st1pport of a diplomatic settlement based on UN 242, which it understood as implying full peace in return for full Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967 (with perhaps minor and mutual modifications). When President Sadat of Egypt accepted these terms in February 1971 in what Rabin describes in his memoirs as a 'famous . .. milestone' on the road to peace, the US had to decide whether to keep to the policy it had crafted or join its Israeli ally in rejecting it. Kissinger insisted on 'stalemate• - no negotiations, only force - and won out in the internal conflict, setting the US on a lonely path as leader of the rejectionist camp, not only ignoring Palestinian rights (as did UN 242 and Sadat's offer as well) bt1t also rejecting one of the two paired requirements of UN 242: Israeli withdrawal. US isolation deepened a few years later as the international consensus shifted to support for a two-state settlement incorporating the wording of UN 242, compelling Washington to veto Security Council resolutions, vote alone annually at the General Assembly ( with Israel, and occasionally some other client state). and block all other diplomatic initiatives, a task that became increasingly complex from the early 1980s as the PLO more forceft1lly called for negotiations leading to mutual accommodation, bt1t was handled with ease. thanks to the services of the intellectual community.26 It was not until the Gulf War established 'What We Say C.oes'. in George Bush's words, that the US was able to initiate the Madrid negotiations, an authentic 'peace process' because it was unilaterally run by Washington and restricted to its extremist agenda. The establishment of Washington 's r~jectionist stand in Oslo I, and its affirmation in Oslo II. is an impressi\"e achievement. The character of the triumph is revealed in a different way when we con1pare the reaction to the Rabin assassination with other cases, the n1ost obvious one being the assassination of Abu Jihad (Khalil al-Wazir) by Israeli commandos in Tur1is in April 1988. This act of international terrorism was probably intended mostly for mordle-building in Israel at the height of the poptilar t1prising (Intifada) , which Israel was then unable to st1ppress, despite considerable brt1tality. On little credible evidence, Abu Jihad was charged with directing the Intifada, a claim reported as fact in the US media, which did, howe\'er, recognize that Abu Jihad was known 'a,; one of the more moderate and thoughtful officials in the PLO hierarchy' ( iVashington l'ost). The Post also reported that 'many Israelis celebrated his killing as e,idence Shultz's understanding of the adversary's aspirations has echoes elsewhere, as recent news reminds us. A week before Rabin's assassination, Fathi Shiqaqi, head of Islamic Jihad, was shot in the back and killed in Malta, 'probably by Israeli agents', the Times reported. As in the case of Abu Jihad, Israel did not take responsibility, thot1gl1 the press did so with 'huge headlines', Israeli correspondent Haim Baram reports, extolling ' the long arm of Israel' and 'the night of revenge·, while articles praised the murder and warned that ' Israel will punish \•;hoever is responsible for the killing ofJews', and ' both Rabin and Peres hinted gleefully that Mc>ssad was involved '. Peres commented that · Islamic Jihad are killers, so it's one less killer' - true enough, thot1gh again one might observe that Peres's own achievements put them well in the shade, not to speak of George Shultz. 31 Shiqaqi's position on peace was the mirror image of Shultz's. Shiqaqi probably understood the 'aspiratins of Israelis' in the Shultz style, and would have accepted an otttcome in which.Jews lived st1bmissively tinder Palestinian rule. On non-racist assumptions, the n, e ithe r bth Shultz and Shiqaqi are men f peace, or both are murderot1s terrorists who deserve the fate that only one has suflered. Fortu11ately, such assumptions are unthinkable, so ,,·e need not pursue the e xercise. While Abt1Jihad and (obviously) Fathi Shiqaqi do not enter the Pantlten , some Arabs do. \\'hen Rabin was assassinated, alongside the front-page story in the &ston Glo~ re porting that ' peace has claimed another victim ·, the adjacent column recalled tl1e assassination of Anwar Sadat - wh qualifies as a peace,naker not because of his acceptance fa ft1ll peace treaty with Israt·I in terms of official US policy in 1971 , a 'famous n1ilestone' banned fro1n history, but because of his visit to Jerusalem in 1977, opening the \\lay t thl' (:amp Da\id settlement, admissil>le because it kept t \,\Jashingtn 's rt:jur highly ciisciplined intellectt1al culture, the ans\ver t those qt1estins is a virtual reflex: on Washington's tern1s, and under its directin. The conventins have useft1l crtsequences. One is that the phrase ' the t :s gvernment is trying t adva11ce the peace process' is true by definition. ,vhatever Washington happens to be doing - say. undermining diplomatic effrts t achieve peace. And the phrase ' the LJS governn1e11t is trying to unctern1ine the peace process' is n1eaninglcss, unthinkable. even if plainly true, as it often is. dranlatically s in the present case for twenty-five years. Though there is nly not, hy very large margins. Does the plan make sense? It surely clcs fc>r- s1nc sc·ctrs. those that h10.1fwrl.1 (Sou th End, 1996). Nor,nan Fi 11 kt·lstein, lmtJ~f nnd Rrality of th, /Jrnrl-l'nv.fli Ill' ('.onjlirt (Vt'rso, 1995); /:'11d of l'nlr.1/iIll' (~finnesota, l9Yfi). Nasc·t•r Aruri, 7'h, ()bstruf'li1111 of l'rflCI' (( :01nn1on (:ourage. l~I:>). On 1993-9:,, st·c Ed"'·ard Said, Prarr and itJ /Ji 1ro11/r11/.f (\!intage. 1995) and (;rahan1 Lls)l(· r, Pa/,,{ tin, in (:riris ( Pluto, 1995) . One rcc·ent standard source is l\tark Tt·s.~le r, :\ Histor_l' ,if th, ltrMli- l'alntinian (:.Onflirt (Indiana. 1994). one of the bettcr histories, though not "·ithou1 sc:rious Oaws, particularly \\'ith rciard to thtt topics considt·rt·d here; st·c /'oulfl.1 and f'n11p1•rfl on one crucial ca'iC. 4. Usher, op. cit. 5. Serge Schmcn1an11, Elaine· S. Fisk, /11dry1nuln1t, (}ct. 22, 1\1\1-t . 6 . Rabin, )'t-diot Ahr11not, ()ct. :t l~l:l. Ki1-singcr, A11stralia11 Fi11a11 1'i11l llrl'in,•. No\'. I :l, 199:,. 7. Barak. Ben,·cnisti. Ha ·arrt:... ()t'I. 12 ( '/'hr ()th,r l-'ro11t, Jeru,;;1l); 'Tht· ·raba lnterin1 Agrt'en1cnt. ,\n o ther (:apitulation by ,\rafi11'. H" 'arPt:.,.July 6 (Shah.ik translations. Sept. 199:,). Sharon, Ethan Bronner. HoJton (;fob,•, :-.:o,·. Ji; 11.trt·I. Sc·hn1t·n1,111n, op. cit.; Beil in, ,\.fn 'nri11, Sept. 27 (Shahak tr.inslations): Rabin. ll.ep11rt 0 11 l.1raPli St'ttl,•111e11t. So,. 1995; Rabin and prt:ss reports. Ha 'arl'lt, ()ct. 6 and Kol Ila ·11·. : ldeolf1J..."! a.1 a C,111ral far/or i11 l.1rruli Polin~ (Hl·bre"·;. \iav-Junc· l!~I.">. Sus.~kin. Also ..\aron &,ck and Eitan Fc· ln,1n·ri11~ /J,•111nrr1111· ( ..till & \\'ang. l~~I'.! ). ' .-\frc· r,,·ord'; l\ iJrltl (hril"l'l, ,· r. l; John Battt· r~by, ht· grasJ>t•cl fron1 the,n. \\'hile \\'t' do not kno,,· ho\\· n1any puld be deri\'ed frc>m a particular text cir c,,1nmunicatiugh mucl1 of media ·analvsis' d nsidcr the case of ne suc·h analyst ,,·h•, c haractt·ri1.t·s lhe lf categc>rizatic>n emhdied in tht· disputt· in the fllwing way: where\'er a prtagonist in the contrc>,•ersv speaks c,f ahrtin as a n1atter f 'm11rlc,gical in1plicatic,ns. ~-1ore\'t•r. the a\'ailahle categ,>ri1atin of anti-abortion acti,ists as ' pr-lifc · can t>c argued t postulate an irnplicit contrast to a derog-c1tory constructic>n 'anti-life ' . i.e. \\'hat \\'Oulcl it n1ean t he ·anti-life'? Surely, this \\'Ould he 1,, l>cg th e qut·still. It rnay ,·c.·ry \\ cll tx· argued that such an account of the lll h is o\\·n ,.,itiral rc·sourc·t·s tc,r tht· pr< 1logical indifference', and given Weber's arg11mcnt in favc>ur c,f adopting a critical stanclpoint as a methodologicaJ prceclure f reason t li111it ot1rselves as analysts to orientations exclusi\'e of rriti,al ones. The only caveat is not to transgress the bc,undaries blogical and linguistic analysis to show 'the ho11/ of any such achieved understanding that members may arrive at. This approach proposes that the ' text' (the embodiment of categorization practices and conceptt1al arrangen1ents through then1) be the object t be ccn1fused ,vith the perft·ctly reasonable propc,sal that, given a text T. its analysis and a dcscriptic,n f l>ackground ccnnmitment(s) B. position Pean be founrder to stl1cly US tele\ision network coverage of the Israeli invao;in of Lebanon " 'hich occurred in 1982. Mur.ivchik pltblished t1is report in the jurnal Poli0• Reuin11 (23. Winter 1983). and I prese11ted my (more extensive) analysis to Bstn l !niversity in partial satisfaction of the require-rnenL'i for the PhD clwever, \\'as dian1etrically pt)sitc to ~1t1ravchik's. This cliscrepancy posed for 111e the follciwing intellectual issue: was there a mett1ocllgical procedure tl1at could be used to decide ht'.twccn ry-pair. 'War of lndependence'/'War of (:Onqt1est' . The former is the official Israeli category preference. the latter is tllat of Palesti11ia11s_l; NB(: News, Mnday, 9 August 1982 ( 17:50:40)

(John ( :hancellor Cmmentary in l.ebanon) ScHnc f' these people [Palestinians] can1e ht"rc.· to l.ehanon in the lsrat"li l\"111 o_ l /,ul"f)n1dn1rr. That's how the Palestinians beca,ne refugees. ( 17:50:50) ( :ha11cellr's usage aJliliates hiln to the fficial Israeli position . hardly tlle perspcrtive le f n1isll·ading my intcrleutor if it turns out that the entertain1t1c.·nt cc.>nsisted in trturing smeone. I cannility l'rinciple' for ,norally const·quential accounts. Did Paul Miller, and th selected the category 'Christian• tg· ical indiflcrence ·. In the preceding discussion, I have tried to show l1ow an interest in the 1,iorlrinKJ f c,;ticality may be investigated in the domain of media studies. This required the formulation of an analytical methodology and a detailed case study invol\.ing it~ application. In c>rder to demonstrate its relative cogen0·. I sught to specify the results fits application to a corpt1s of materials and to contrast them to a substantive media critique (that of Muravchik). Further, I tried to show how Muravchik's critiq11e embodied the elements of a protomethodc>logy which was tuntt·r t realist f

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THE POLITICS OF HUl\1AN RIGHTS

articulate utterance by accon1plishing the passage from 'sound without signification· (phon~ asemos) to meaningful speech-production (phone semantw). From this point, so Aristotle argues, one can go on to derive the entire inventory of human lingt1istic resources - front syllables, via nouns and verbs, t the highest, most cn1plex levels of logico-grammatical structure - which set human beings decisively apart from the rest of the animal creation.9 Yet there is als11 the path to adequate conceptual knowledge. This is why, as he writes, the philosophical evaluation of metaphor has always been ambiguous: n1etaphor is dangerous and foreign as concerns intuition (\ision and contact). ronr'-fJt (the grasping or proper presence of the signified), and ronsriousness ( proxin1ity or self-presence): but it is in wledge-acquisitive agent , with perhaps some allowance - and here Benveniste slides back tm possible state oppression. According to its regulatory principles. a democratic state must function as the operational service of civic societv. Only the states which respect the general will of the people are able tsition to the binary lngir of political diffrrenlialion. This logic has (seemingly) split the whole society into two antagnistic camps. Even thot1gh the place for self-exposure, which I will call here the third option, was becoming narrower, the protagonisL~ of the so-called 'Other Serbia'2 bravely tried to show that they have a different project of a civic society. They were un~illing to give in to the general practice of political differentiation, as they were led by the correct attitude that civic society cannot be imposed from abow, because it simply (self)expresses from within.' The NGO network did not permit itself to be dra\vn into the binary political option that was imposed on Serbia by the 'Socialist' government, as well as its mostly nationalist-oriented opposition. In contrast to the nationalist opposition in Belgrade, the NGO scene did not indicate any desire to become the officially simulated, manufactured opposition of the regime in Serbia. Faced with the problem of political legitimization, the gc>vernment authority almost 'legalized', in other words, institt1tionalized the opposition, a11d, in the process, the multi-party system. On the one hand. the opposition took tapon itself the coerced and thankless task of feigning political pluralism in the parliament, while on the other it acted out an open society at mass rallies. Perhaps this, hopefully temporary simulation will some day prodtace sorne real effect. In contrast to the nationalist-oriented oppsition, the civic alternative stood cautiously on the sidelines. refusing to participate in the seductive announcement of redi~ tribution of political pwer and distribution of administrative authority. The NGO scene managed to maintain control over the displacing technique, which permitted it to avoid the parasitic symbiosis between the authorities and its nationalistic opposition. The pttblic sphere in Serbia was colonized by those political formations which sought a pri\ilegecl role in the redistribution of current power, as well as an exclusive primacy in the general circulation of atathority. Sc,ciety has been reduced to a specific political zone. which is based on the exploitation of simple party polarity. Crossed-over, selfserving interests are reciprocally legitimized by a poptalist conception of democracy. tc>tally steeped in nationalistic jargon. This pre-political concept c,f den1ocracy in Serbia draws its energy frc>m 'the soul of the Serbian people· , 'the greatness (>fa nation awakened', and 'the spirit of national community'. The pro founcl banality t>f such rhetorical figures inhabited the entire syn1bolir space in St"rbia. ()f Curse. st1ch slogans of the day were intended to preserve the nationalistic fervtar in Serbia. Public space for civic initiatives had been entirely endangered. In order to survive \\rithin the global political surroundings. the NGOs l1ad to forrtl uxal counter-allianc,s. The NGO network logy i11 Serbia, the intellectt1als in the Belgrade NGO scene di· to initiate a theoretical debate about the N(;o scene. Legal. political and moral obligations which ha\'e been adopted in this scene should not hinder the:- constant effort to responsibly consider this new form of ci\'ic engagement. In any case.·, theoretical culture is the integrc1I part of a sophisticated ci\'ic consciousnes.~. I. The Belgr.ide network of non-governmental organizations originated at thk (Drul{O Srbija, eds., Ivan Colovic, Aljosa ~1iniica, Beogradski Krug, Borba. Beogr.id, 1992) came out, this term took on a much broader n1eaning, hecoming a synony,n for supporters of the Nt·\\·, Different, ,\ht•rnate, Parallel Serbia, and, of cour.;c. SR Yugoslavia. The term is frequently used in the !iervice of precist· differt:ntiation of nationalist. populist and abo,·e all militarist options, a.~ wc·II as the government option it..elf. See the• international editions of that lxK1k: l !n, A uhl' Snbi,, l.t·s Temps Modernes, Paris, No. 570-571/1994; 1,altra Snbia, Selene Edizione, Milan, 1995. 3. For an instructi\'e ,iew of the crisis of ci,ic society in the FR'\' see: \ ' ukasin Pa\'lo,ic. ed., Poti.tnuto (:i11ilnn l>ruiltlf), Eko ('.entar, Belgrade, 1993. 4 . By late 1992 there apf)f'ared the public petition (over a hundred signatures of the ,nost distinguished mt'. n1bers of the Belgrc1de (;ircle) in which an announcement was made regarding the cessation of all cooperation with govern,nent media in Serbia. The greater part of signators followed this public announcement, this public call for caution. \-\"ith this gesture of withdrawal. public discourse re,nained at the n1ercy of the West. L'hiniately, tht· nationalist intelligentsia could manufacture, undisturbed, the niedia 'exultation in national roots.• 5. &{grab ( ;;,r:I,Journal. no. I, 1994, p. 6. 6. 'That which is called totalitarianism is the coniplete representation of (rritit·al) st·nsc: in truth .. . In the fasc·ist vc·rsion, truth is the life of a con1n1unity; in the nation(alist) Vl'rsion it is the inllan1n1atio11 of people, and in the comniunist Vt'rsion, it is human it,· 'l\·h ich is created a, humanity.' {Jt•an-1.uc: Nancy, Th, .vn.~, of t/1, i\'t,rld, trans. Jeffrt·v S. l.ihrett, L1ni,·ersitY• of Minnl'sota Pres.~. 1998.) 7. The distinguished Rt·lgracle author Biljana Jo,-anovic ( 19:i:\--I 976) is the conc·t·pt11.1I creator of tht' projc·ct 'The Flying ( :las.~room/ \\'ork.~hop' - Fnly an extraordinary fast can save us from the evil which has befallen us! Blesseund tl1e dun1psters, for theirs is the Kingdom f Heaven! After all. in front of God one should be simple. obsequious. sad and hungrv. Merrirnent is the politeness of the rich.

Eucalyptm• The eucalypt11s is the favc>urite plant of the lo11dest propagator of Serbian natinalisrn, academician Ljubomir Tadic. Our oral Dionys1lS k11ows what the real thing is: one sho11ld only cultivate that tree whose flower remains closed even after blon1ing! This secret of nature has been revealed by the sociolSes fr tl1e sake of Serbhd? Tl1e trick is that this political et1calyptus wishes to say everything precisely in order to say nothing. Tadic's public discot1rse is nthing but expression of g0seflesh, spasms and screams of a S11l which n1ust announce its C(>lcl l11nacv. , There are no semantics there, nly n1ere gestures. No ideas. only frigid writhing. No meaning, only earthly cxcitt'n1ent. Ne> spirit, nly mere breath and spasmc>l1n. 11.

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Bibliography: International Publications relating to Human Rights compiled by Obrad Savic

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Rajesb Sampath teaches History at the University of California, Irvine, and is the author of numerous essays on contemporary French philosophy. Jean Baudrillard was Associate Professor of Sociology at the University f Paris Nanterre. He is the author of/~ systeme nrfait, 1994; f'ra~nts: ('.-0; ll'hal l !nrle Sa,n Real~)' llan/J, 1992; ll,,rld ()rder: Old and ;\ :n,1, I 9ur 11,ru,, 1997.

Paul Jalbert is Associate Professor f Comn1unicatin Sciences at the l lniversity of (:onnecticut, Stamford. His research has focused on the explication of ideological phenomena in US television coverage of international conflictf1roach,s.

Christopher Norris is Professor of Philosophy at the University of \\!,1Jes. Cardiff. He is the author of Inside thr 1\1_,•th: