The Causatives of Malagasy 0824810791

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Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication No. 21

The Causatives of Malagasy

Charles Randriamasimanana

University of Hawaii Press Honolulu

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Randriamasimanana, Charles. The causatives of Malagasy. (Oceanic linguistics special publication ; no. 21) Bibliography: p. 1. Malagasy language—Causative. I. Title., II. Series. PL5373.R36 1986 499'.35 86-16017 ISBN 0-8248-1079-1 (pbk.) Publication of The Causatives of Malagasy has been supported in part by grants from The University Publications Sub-Committee, the Research and Graduate Studies Committee of the Arts Faculty, and the Research and Graduate Studies Committee of the English Department, each of the University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria, Australia. Camera-ready text copy was prepared using the facilities of the English Department, University of Melbourne, under the supervision of the author.

In loving memory of my father, my mother and my grandmother

CONTENTS

FOREWORD

pages xiii-xiv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

xv-xvi

GENERAL INTPODDCTICN

1

CHAPTER CUE: THE CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS OF MALAGASY

2-201

Introduction

2-7

Section 1: Animacy

7-28

Section 2: Control

29-74

Section 3: Entailment

75-85

Section 4: Productivity

86-128

Section 5: Fusion

129-177

Section 6: Markedness

178-194

Conclusions

195-200

Footnotes

201

CHAPTER TWO: PREVIOUS SCHOLARSHIP ON MALAGASY CAUSATIVES

202-229

Introduction

202-203

Griffiths

203-205

Parker

205-206

Ferrand

206-208

Malzac

208-210

Dahl

210-213

Rajaona

213-221

Rabenilaina

221-222

Conclusions

222-224

Footnotes

225-229

viii

CHAPTER THREE: KEFLEXIVIZATION

230-323

Introduction

230-236

The Process

231

Scope of Present Study

232

Criteria for Markedness

232-234

Mditional Criterion for Markedness

234-235

Assumption

235-236

Section Is Reflexivization and Granmatical Relations

236-249

Section 2: Reflexivization and non-Causative Constructions

249-264

Section 3: Reflexivization and Causative Constructions

265-274

Section 4: Reflexivization and the Cyclic Convention

274-30Ì

Section 5: Reflexivization and Pronominalization Conclusions

_

CHAPTER FOUR: PRCNOMINALIZATIQN

301-320 321-323 324-417

Introduction

324-325

Section Is The Basic Process

326-386

Human Trigger Assumption

326-343

Summary: Human Trigger and Proncminalization

344-345

Animate But Non-Human Trigger Assumption

345-365

Sunmary: Non-Human, Animate Trigger and Pronominalization

365-367

Non-Animate Trigger Assumption

367-384

Sunmary: NOn-Animate Trigger and Pronominalization

384-386

ix

Section 2: Other Relevant Parameters

386-404

The "Precede" Parameter

387-397

The "Command" Parameter

397-403

Forward Pronominalization

404

Backward Pronominalization

404

Section 3: The Cyclic Convention

405-414

Against Simultaneous and Free Order Rule Applications

405-406

Against Simultaneous Rule Application

406-407

Against Free Order Rule Application

407-409

Ordering of Rules

409-414

Conclusions

414-416

Footnotes

417

CHAPTER FIVE: PASSIVIZATION

418-590

Introduction

418

Section Is The Basic Process

419-493

The Relevant Parameters

420-421

Malagasy Verb Classification

421-429

Distribution of Passive Affixes

429-446

Additional Parameters: Tense and Aspect

446-449

Ihe Semantics of Passive Affixes

450-454

Relevance of the Keenan-Comrie Hierarchy

454

Order of the Different Types of Oblique

454-465

Case-marking and the Passive Voice

465-476

Relative Order of the Different Types of Oblique

477-490

Summary: Relative Order and Properties of the Obliques

490-493

Section 2 s The Passive and Complex Structures

493-588

Verbal Construction Types Bgui-1

495-509

Equi-2

509-525

Raising-to-DO

525-539

Raising-to-Su

539-554

Complementizer Fa and Application of Affixal Passive

554-567

Affixal Passive Contingent upon Underlying Fa 567-568 Causative Constructions Predicate-Raising Causatives

568-570

Restriction on Affixal Passive

570-572

Affixal Passive and Causal Causatives

572-574

Coniplement-Causatives and Nature of the Embedded Verb Cbmplement-Causative and Verbal Aspect

574-576 576-578

The Causative aha and the Nature of the Predicate in the Embedded Clause

578-580

The Causal Causative aha and Affixal Passive

580-582

The Causal Causative ank (a) and Affixal Passive

582-584

General Restriction on Affixal Passive and the Dichotomy between PredicateRaising Causatives and Comp-Causatives

585-586

Summary: the Different Types of Biibedded Clauses Affixal Passive and the Cycle Conclusions

586 587-588 588-590

xi

CHAPTER SIX: ÌHE BI-SENTENTIAL SOURCE OF ALL CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

591-674

Introduction

591-592

Section 1: Bi-Sentential Source

592-639

Co-Occurrence Restrictions on the Verb

592-607

Transportability of Adverb and Scope Ambiguity

607-623

Do-So Replacement

624-631

Izany-Replacement

631-637

Reflexivization to N£ Tenany and Pronominalization Section 2: Single S Output

637-639 640-672

Sentential Question Formation

641-644

Exclamation Formation

644-646

No-Longer Negation

647-649

Izy-Substitution

650-654

Distinction between DO and 10

655-661

Demotion of the Embedded Su to DO

661-669

Passivization

669-672

Conclusion

672-673

Footnotes

674

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

675-676

APPENDIX A: List of Abbreviations

677

APPENDIX B: Classes of Verbs

678-680

BIBLIOGRAPHY

681-683

TABLES

Table 1: The Animacy Parameter

28

Table 2: Control by Causee

74

Table 3: The Entailment Parameter

85

Table 4: The Different types of Embedded Predicates

128

Table 5: The Degree of Fusion of the Higher and Lower Predicates

176

Table 6: Markedness

194

Table 7: Anaphoric Pronominalization: Human Trigger

344

Table 8: Anaphoric Pronominalization: Non-Human Animate Trigger

366

Table 9: Anaphoric Pronominalization: Non-Animate Trigger Table 10: Verb Classes

385 427

Table 11: Distribution of the Different Verbal Affixes

449

Table 12: The Different Types of Oblique

491

Table 13: The Order of the Different Types of Oblique

492

Table 14: Types of Clause That Can be Embedded

586

Table 15: Criteria for the Distinction between DO and 10

661

FOREWORD

Most previous studies on Malagasy syntax have been concerned primarily with classification of the various surface structures that occur in Malagasy. These studies have provided a wealth of invaluable information on Malagasy sentence structure, reflecting both the strengths and the weaknesses, of this methodology. More recently, developments in transformational and generative graitmar have been applied to provide deeper insight into many aspects of Malagasy sentence structure. Pioneering work in this area has been carried out by Edward L. Keenan, some of whose relevant publications are cited in the bibliography to the present work. Charles Randriamasimanana's study of Malagasy causative cons' structions is the most comprehensive application to date of this methodology to Malagasy syntax. Charles Randriamasimanana shows that, although Malagasy causative constructions appear to consist of a single clause, many of their properties can only be given insightful analysis if one assumes a level of analysis at which the causative construction consists of two distinct clauses. In fact, a Malagasy causative construction requires two distinct levels of syntactic analysis: one where it is biclausal (accounting for the similarities to other complex sentences) and one where it is monoclausal (accounting for the similarities to other simple sentences). This monograph will be Of interest as a detailed illustration of the application of this methodology to an Austronesian language and for the way in which it uses linguistic argumen-

xiv

tation to evaluate competing analyses. But even linguists whose interests are less theoretical will find Charles Randriamasimanana's study an invaluable source of insight into a wide range of syntactic phenomena and semantic distinctions in Malagasy grammar.

December 19, 1985 Bernard Comrie

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express m/ thanks and appreciation to the following persons and institutions without whose encouragement and help this book would have never been published in English: Noam Chomsky and Kenneth Hale, both of MIT, who expressed in many ways their academic interest in this little known language and whose help made it possible for me to prepare the final manuscript for publication; Bernard Comrie, of TJSC, who originally took the initiative of proposing The Causatives of Malagasy as a PhD dissertation under the title A Study of the Causative Constructions of Malagasy; Edward Keenan, of UCLA, who not only was generous of his time in discussing most aspects of this study, but who also, with Elinor Ochs, extended their hospitality to me upon my first arrival in California and subsequently, provided guidance and financial support in periods of need. I would like to express my gratitude to the Publications Sub-Committee of the University of Melbourne for its generous publication grant. I am grateful to the Arts Faculty of the University of Melbourne^,for its Research Development Scheme during 1984, 1985 and 1986. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank the English Department for the research money it granted me as well as the constant support it gave during the preparation of the manuscript. The following native speakers of Malagasy, who happened to be in the United States, provided me with their grammaticality

xvi

judgments and intuitions, absolutely crucial when iny cwn were uncertain: B. Andriamanalimanana, L. Koziol nee Randrianarivony, A. Rabakoarihanta, H. Rahaingoson, J. Rajaofera, R. Rakotomalala, F-X Ramarosaona, B. Ranaivoarisoa, V. Randrianasolo and his wife, M. Rasamimanana, H. Rasolondramanitra, V. Razafimahatratra, and M. Razafimamonjy. It goes without saying that the final decision was mine so that any error or mistake in the present publication should not be attributed to any of my consultants. Several of the sentence types used in this work originated from personal letters written over a period of several years by irr/ parents before their death, whereas others were inspired by two daily newspapers, i.e. Atrika and Vaovao, published in Madagascar and graciously sent to me by the Embassy of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar in Washington, D.C., in the United States. Many thanks to John Pater son, who helped me prepare the final copy of the manuscript, and to Heather Bcwe whose cooperation with the final proof-reading was much appreciated. Last but not least, I would like to pay a special tribute to my father, Randriamasimanana, my rrother, Denise Rasoamanana, and my grandnother, Gertrude Rakala, for their encouragements, love, understanding and sacrifice.

Parkville, Victoria, Australia January, 1986

GENERAL INTRODOCTION

The present study deals with the Causative Constructions of Malagasy, showing that all of them have to be derived from bi-sentential sources. A number of tests will be used to establish the validity of such a hypothesis. These will include but will not be restricted to Reflexivization, Pronominalization, and Passivization, each one of these processes being described in great detail in Chapters Three, Four, and Five, respectively. Chapter One presents all the Causative Constructions of the language and proposes a set of six parameters to account for all the semantic and syntactic aspects thereof in a systematic manner: Animacy, Control, Entailment, Productivity, Degree of Fusion, and Markedness. Chapter Two provides a rapid review of previous works touching upon the Malagasy Causatives and written between 1854 and 1974 by the following authors: Griffiths (1854), Parker (1883), Ferrand

(1903), Malzac

(1908), Dahl

(1951), Rajaona

(1972), and Rabenilaina (1974). Finally, Chapter Six exploits the findings of all previous chapters and presents additional evidence to bear on the issue of the bi-sentential sources of all Causative constructions.

CHAPTER ONE

THE CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS OF MALAGASY

0.1

Introduction. The relevant parameters for an adequate description of the Causative Constructions of Malagasy. The purpose of Chapter One is two-fold: first, to in-

troduce all the Causative Constructions of Malagasy, and second, to propose a set of six factors which will account for all the semantic and syntactic aspects thereof in a systematic manner. In fact, the following are the parameters relevant for a description of the Causative Constructions of this language:

Animacy (Section 1), Control (Section 2), Entailment (Section 3), Productivity of the different Causative predicates (Section 4), Degree of fusion of the higher and the lower predicates (Section 5) , Markedness (Section 6).

3

Throughout the present chapter, bi-sentential sources for all Causative Constructions will be assumed (see Chapter Six for justification of such a hypothesis).

0.2

The Causative Constructions of Malagasy. Malagasy has the following types of Causative Con-

structions:

(1)a.

Nanao

izay handehanan'

i Jeanne i Paoly1.

past-do comp fut-circ-go-by Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was doing so that Jeanne would leave."

b.

Nanao

izay hividianan'

i Jeanne ny boky i Paoly.

past-do comp fut-circ-buy-by Jeanne the book

Paul

"Paul was doing so that the book would be bought by Jeanne."

(2)a.

Nanery

an' i Jeanne handeha i Paoly.

past-force

Jeanne fut-go

Paul

"Paul was forcing Jeanne to leave."

b.

Nanery

an' i Jeanne hividy ny boky i Paoly.

past-force

Jeanne fut-buy the book

Paul

"Paul was forcing Jeanne to buy the book."

(3) a.

Namela an'i Jeanne handeha i Paoly. past-let

Jeanne fut-go

Paul

"Paul was allowing Jeanne to leave."

4

b.

Namela an'i Jeanne hividy ny boky i Paoly. past-let

Jeanne fut-buy the book

Paul

"Paul was allowing Jeanne to buy the book."

(4)a.

N-amp-andeha an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-go

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was having Jeanne go."

b.

N-aitp-ividy

ny boky an'i Jeanne i Paoly.

past-caus-buy the book

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was having Jeanne buy the book."

(5)a.

N-amp-iakanjo an'ilay zaza Rasoa. past-caus-dress

the child Rasoa

"Rasoa was dressing the child."

b.

N-amp-idina

ny saina i Paoly.

past-cause-lower the flag

Paul

"Paul was causing the flag to come down," i.e. "Paul was lowering the flag."

c.

N-amp-ianjera ny latabatra/an1i Jaona i Paoly. past-caus-fall the table/

John

Paul

"Paul was causing the table/Paul to fall."

d.

N - aha - sasa

ny

fitaratra i Paoly.

past-caus-wash

the glass

Paul

"Paul was causing the glass to be washed," i.e. "Paul managed to wash the glass."

5

e.

N - am -(v)aky

ny fitaratra i Paoly.

past-caus-broken the glass

Paul

"Paul was breaking the glass."

(6)a.

N - aha - resy

an'i Jaona i Paoly.

past-caus-be in defeat

Jaona

Paul

"Paul succeeded in causing John to be in defeat, i.e. "Paul managed to defeat John."

b.

N - aha - vaky

ny fitaratra i Paoly.

past-caus-broken the glass

Paul

"Paul caused the glass to be in the broken state i.e. "Paul managed to break the glass."

(7)a.

Ny ditra-ny

no

n-ampa-voa-kapoka an'i P.

the mischief-his part past-caus-pass-punish

P

"It was his mischief which was the cause of P's having been punished."

b.

Ny adala-ny

no

n-aha-resy

an'i P.

the stupidity-his part past-caus-in-defeat

P

"It was his stupidity which was the cause of P's having been defeated."

c.

Ny resaka no the talk

n-an-dreraka

an'i Jeanne,

part past-caus-fed up

Jeanne

"It was the talk which fed Jeanne up," or "Because of the talk, Jeanne was fed up."

6

d.

Ny sakafo no

n-ank-arary an'i Jeanne,

the food part past-caus-sick

Jeanne

"It was the food which sickened Jeanne," i.e. "It was the food which caused Jeanne to be sick."

In ( 1 ) w e have the "persuasive" construction; in (2), the "coercive"; in (3), the "permissive"; and in (4), the "neutral" Directive respectively. These first four subtypes represent what will be referred to as Directive. In (5), we have the Manipulative; in (6), the Abilitative; and in (7), the Causal constructions. With these it is usual to cleft on the Subject (henceforth Su) NP, as illustrated under 2.2.4 to 2.2.7 of Chapter Five, for example; now, if Clefting does not occur, a special intonation has to be used with a pause demarcating the non-fronted Su from the rest of the sentence. Finally, (7)c. with Causal 3 an(a) tends to acquire a Manipulative reading. (See 6.1.9) The following are examples similar to those referred to above, showing that Clefting is optional: (8)a.

N - ampa - sosotra an'i Paoly io. past-caus-angry

Paul this

"Paul was angry because of this," or "This angered Paul."

b.

Io

no

n - ampa - sosotra an'i Paoly.

this part past-caus-angry

Paul

"It was because of this that Paul was angry," or "Because of this, Paul was angry."

7

(9) a.

N - aha - voa- kapoka

an'i Paoly ny ditra-ny.

past-caus-passive-strike

Paul the mischief-his

"Paul was punished because of his mischief."

b.

Ny ditra-ny no

n - aha - voa - kapoka an'i Paoly.

the mishief part past-caus-passive-strike

Paul

"It was because of his mischief that Paul was punished."

In (8)a. and (9)a., Clefting has not applied, and a special intonation is needed, whereas in (8)b. and (9)b., Clefting has applied.

Section 1

Animacy

1.0

The Animacy Parameter. In Section 1, assuming bi-sentential sources for all

Causative Constructions and if the Su of the matrix clause is referred to as the Causer and that of the embedded clause as the Causee, both in the underlying sequence, the Animacy parameter yields the following pattern: 1. if ws have a Directive or Manipulative construction, then the Causer is Animate; 2. if we have a Causal construction, the Causer is not Animate; 3. but if we have an Abilitative construction, the Causer is optionally Animate.

8

Furthermore, 4. in a Directive construction, the Causee is also Animate; 5. in a Manipulative construction, the Causee is typically nonAnimate; 6. in an Abilitative construction, the Causee is optionally Animate; 7. in a Causal construction, the Causee is typically Animate and under aha or ampa, the latter is obligatorily deleted while the Causer is typically non-Animate.

1.0.1

Criteria for Each Type of Construction. As will be seen in Sections 4 and 5, the classification

into four different types of Causatives for those constructions where fusion takes place (see Section 5) correlates with the following characteristics of each: 1. A Causal construction is one where the Causative prefix, i.e. ampa, aha, ana, or anka, meets one of the following requirements: a. if (See Section 4) it can entoed a transitive verb, the latter must be in the Affixal Passive form with the perfective aspect marker voa; b. if it can embed an intransitive verb, the latter must be in the Affixal Passive form with the perfective aspect marker tafa, unless it is a Psychological predicate (see 1.5); c. if it can embed a root passive or an adjective, the latter must be a Psyctological predicate (see 1.5). 2. An Abilitative construction is one where the lower predicate can be either a Psychological or a non-Psychological predicate and where the sequence with the lower predicate strip-

9

ped of its higher Causative predicate has the same cognitive meaning as the sequence without the Causative predicate (see 2.2.2.4). 3. A Manipulative construction is one where ClauseUnion can precede Affixal Passive (see 4.1.13). 4. A "neutral" Directive construction is one which is not subject to any of the above restrictions.

1.1

Hie Causative Prefix Amp (a). The Causative prefix amp (a) can enter into three types

of constructions: - "neutral" Directive, when both the higher and the lower Sus are Animate; - Manipulative, if only the higher Su is Animate, but not the lower Su; - Causal, if the higher Su is not Animate.

1.1.1

The Directive Causative Amp(a). In the following examples, amp (a) has the Directive

reading:

(10)a.

N - amp - andidy ny mofo an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-cut

the bread

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was having Jeanne cut the bread."

b.

N - anp - andidy ny mofo {an'azy/*an'ilay izy} izy. past-caus-cut

the bread him/her *it

he/she

"He/she was having him/her/*it cut the bread."

10

c. ?*N - anp - andidi - n' i Paoly an'i Jeanne ny nrofo. past-caus-cut-pass-by

Paul

Jeanne the bread

(intended reading) "Paul was having the bread cut by Jeanne."

(11)a.

N - anp - itsangana an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-stand-up

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was having Jeanne stand up."

b.

N - amp - itsangana {an'azy/*an'ilay izy} izy. past-caus-stand-up him/her *it

he/she

"He/she was having him stand up."

c.

*N - anp - itsangana-n'

i Paoly i Jeanne.

past-caus-stand-up-pass-by Paul

Jeanne

"Paul was having Jeanne stand up."

The ungrammatically of the relevant portion of (10 )b. and (11) b. shews that the underlying Su of the lower clause is indeed Animate since izy/azy refers to an Animate in Pronominalization (see details in Chapter Four).

(10)c. is marginally grammatical, which

suggests that we only have tendencies and not absolutes. (11)c. could be gramnatical but with a different meaning, i.e. "Paul stood Jeanne up."

1.1.2

The Manipulative Causative Amp (a). In the following examples, anp (a) has the ffcnipulative

reading:

11

(12)a.

N - anp -idina

ny saina i Paoly.

past-oaus-go-down the flag

Paul

"Paul was lowering the flag."

b.

N - amp - idina {an'ilay izy/*an'azy} izy. past-caus-go-dcwn

it/*prep him/her he/she

"Paul was lowering it/*him/*her."

c.

N - amp - idini - n'

1 Paoly ny saina.

past-caus-go-down-pass-by

Paul the flag

"The flag was being lowered by Paul."

d.

N - anp - iakanjo an'ilay zaza Rasoa. past-caus-dress

that child Rasoa

"Rasoa was dressing the child."

e.

N - anp - iakanjo - n -dRasoa ilay zaza. past-caus-dress-pass-by-Rasoa that child "the child was being dressed by Rasoa."

f.

N - aitp - ianjera ny latabatra i Paoly. past-caus-fall

the table

Paul

"Paul was causing the table to fall," i.e. "Paul made the table fall."

g.

*N - anp - ianjera - n'i Paoly ny latabatra. past-caus-fall-pass-by Paul the table (intended reading) "The table was made to fall by Paul."

12

The lower Su is not Animate in (12)a., (12)b., and (12)c., judging from the ungrammaticality of the sequence after the substitution with azy "him/her," as in (12)b. But the higher Su is indeed Animate since it can be replaced with izy "he/she," as shown in (12)b. Furthermore, in (12)a., (12)b., (12)c., (12)d., and (12)e., Affixal Passive with ...(i)n(a) can apply after ClauseOnion in contrast to (12)d., where Affixal Passive has not applied and as a result, the sequence lends itself to an ambiguous interpretation as either a Manipulative or a "neutral" Directive Causative; in (12)e., where the lower verb is a non-Psychological predicate and Affixal Passive has applied, the output is grammatical and can only be assigned a Manipulative reading, while in (12)f., which has a Psychological predicate in the lower clause, the resulting sequence, as shown in (12)g., is ungrairmatical. Likewise, in (12)c., the lower verb is not a Psychological predicate and Affixal Passive after Clause-Union yields a grammatical output with an unambiguous interpretation, i.e that of a Manipulative Causative. Finally, in (12)a., we have a case of "controlled" Manipulation, as opposed to the "ballistic" type of Manipulation found in (12)f: in the first instance, causation remains effective throughout the entire phase, whereas in the second, causation provides only the initial impulse. The terminology is borrowed from Shibatani (1973).

1.1.3

The Causal Causative Amp(a). Amp(a) has the Causal reading in the following senten-

ces, where Fronting of Su with insertion of the particle no has applied. Typically, the embedded predicate is one where the Causee retains no Control.

13

(13)a.

Ny eritreri-ny no the mind-her

n - anp - ijaly an'i Jeanne,

part past-caus-suffer

Jeanne

"It was because of her mind that Jeanne suffers."

b.

{llay izy/*lzy} no n-anp-ijaly {an'azy/*an'ilay izy}. it/*he/*she

him/her/*it

"It was because of *him/*her/it that Jeanne suffers."

(14) a.

Ny orana no

n-anp-ianjera ny trano.

the rain part past-caus-fall the house "It was because of the rain that the house fell."

b.

{llay izy/*izy} no n-anp-ianjera {an'ilay izy/*azy}. it

*he/*she

it/*him/*her

"It was because of it that it fell."

The grammaticality pattern emerging from (13) and (14) suggests that the higher Su is always non-Animate, as evidenced by the distribution of different forms of pronouns, whereas the lower Su can be Animate, as in (13), or non-Animate, as in (14). As will be seen in Section 3, there is Entailment of the lower clause in both (13) and (14).

1.2

The Causative Prefix Aha. Aha can show up in two types of constructions:

- Abilitative, when both the higher and the lower Sus are optionally Animate, i.e. both the higher and the lower Sus are Animate, only the higher Su is, both the higher and the lower Sus are nonAnimate, and only the lower Su is Animate;

14

- Causal, when the higher Su is not Animate.

1.2.1

the Abilitative Causative Aha. Four cases exist in the Abilitative reading of aha

depending cm the Animacy of the Causer and the Causee and given all theoretical possibilities: - Both the higher and the lower Sus are Animate, as in

(15)a.

N - aha - zaka past-caus-carried

an'i Jeanne i Paoly. Jeanne

Paul

(zaka "(be) carried" is a root passive) "Paul managed to carry Jeanne."

b.

Zaka-n'

i Paoly i Jeanne.

carried-by Paul

Jeanne

"Paul managed to carry Jeanne."

- Only the higher Su is Animate, as in

(16)a.

N - aha - loka

ny varavarana i Paoly.

past-caus-with-hole the door

Paul

(loka "(be) with a hole" is a root passive) "Paul managed to make a hole in the door."

b.

Loka-n'

i Paoly ny varavarana.

with-hole-by Paul the door "Paul managed to make a hole in the door."

15 V

- Both the higher and the lower Sus are not Animate, as in

(17) a.

N - aha - zaka past-caus-carried

ny entana ny nozana. the luggage the scale

"The scale could lift the luggage."

Zaka-n1

b.

ny mozana ny entana.

carried-by the scale the luggage "The scale could lift the luggage."

- Only the lower Su is Animate, as in

(18)a.

N - aha - zaka an'i Jeanne ny nozana. past-caus-carried

Jeanne the scale

"The scale was able to support Jeanne."

Zaka-n1

b.

ny nozana i Jeanne.

carried-by the scale

Jeanne

"The scale was able to support Jeanne."

In all of the above sentences, the a. and b. sequences have the same cognitive meaning.

1.2.2

The Causal Causative Aha. In the Causal reading, the higher Su is typically not

Animate: - but if the lower Su is Animate, then we have a Psychological predicate:

16

(19)a.

N - aha - variana

an'i Paoly ny raharaha.

past-caus-be-absorbed

Paul the affair

"The affair absorbed Paul."

Variana i Paoly tamin'

b.

ny raharaha.

absorbed Paul because-of the affair "Paul was absorbed because of the affair."

- If the lower Su is not Animate, then we have a non-Psychological predicate:

(20)

Ny rivotra no n- aha - vaky

ny fitaratra.

the wind part past-caus-broken the glass "The glass got broken because of the wind."

- It is also possible for the lower Su to be Animate, with a nonPsychological predicate in the perfective aspect involving voa or tafa:

(21)a.

Ny ditrany

no

n-aha-voa-kapoka

an'i Paoly.

the mischief part past-caus-strike

Paul

"It was because of his mischief that Paul was punished."

b.

Ny adalany

no

n-aha-tafa-janona

the stupidity-his part past-caus-stay

an'i Paoly. Paul

"It was because of his stupidity that Paul was left behind."

17

1.3

The Causative Prefix An (a). The Causative prefix an(a) can enter into two different

types of constructions: - Manipulative, when the higher Su is Animate; however, it is also possible to marginally have the Manipulative reading even if the lower Su is Animate, as in (23) below. - Causal, when the higher Su is not Animate.

1.3.1

The Manipulative Causative An(a). Typically, in the Manipulative reading of an (a), the

higher Su is Animate and the lower Su, not Animate (however, see sentence (5)a.):

(22)

N - am - (v)aky ny fitaratra i Paoly. past-caus-broken the glass

Paul

(vaky "(be) broken" is a root passive) "Paul was doing so that the glass be-broken," i.e. "Paul was breaking the glass."

However, it is possible to have the higher and the lower Sus Animate although this appears to be marginal:

(23)

?I Jeanne no

n-an-dreraka

an'i Paoly.

Jeanne part past-caus-fed-up

Paul

(reraka "(be) fed up" is an adjective) "It was because of Jeanne that Paul was fed up."

In its Manipulative reading, (23) is acceptable, although thischaracterizes a very familiar style.

18

1.3.2

Bie Causal Causative An (a). When the higher Su is not Animate:

- then, if the lower Su is Animate, we have a Causal reading with a lower Psychological predicate, as in

(24)

Hay resaka no that talk

n-an-dreraka

an'i Paoly.

part past-caus-fed-up

Paul

"It was because of the talk that Paul was fed up."

- But, if the lower Su is not Animate, then we have a Causal reading with a lower predicate which is not Psychological, as in

(25)

Ilay vato no

n-am-(v)aky

ny fitaratra.

that stone part past-caus-broken the glass "It was because of the stone that the glass got broken."

1.4

The Causative Prefix Ank(a). The Causative prefix ank(a) can enter into three dif-

ferent types of constructions: - Manipulative, as in (116)a. and (116)b.; - Abilitative, when the higher Su is optionally Animate; - Causal when the higher Su is not Animate.

1.4.1

The Abilitative/Causal Ank(a). When the higher Su is optionally Animate, we have the

Abilitative reading, as in (26), whereas when it is not Animate, we have the Causal reading, as in (27). Thus:

19

(26)a.

N - ank - arenin-tsofina i Paoly. past-caus-be-deaf-of-ear

Paul

((h)arenina "(will be) deaf" is an adjective) "Paul made a deafening noise."

b.

I Paoly no

n-ank-arenin-tsofina.

Paul part past-caus-deaf-of-ear "It was Paul who made a deafening noise."

(27)a.

Hay sakafo no that food

n-ank-arary an'i Paoly.

part past-caus-sick

Paul

((h)arary "(will be) sick" is an adjective) "The food sickened Paul," i.e. "It was because of the food that Paul got sick."

b.

Ilay sakafo no that food

n-ank-arary

ny vavoni-ny.

part past-caus-sick the stomach-his

"It was the food which upset his stomach."

(28)a.

*I Jeanne no

n-ank-arary

Jeanne part past-caus-sick

an'i Paoly. Paul

*"Jeanne was the cause of Paul's being sick."

b. ?*I Jeanne no

n-ank-arary

ny vavoni-ny.

Jeanne part past-caus-sick the stomach-his "It was Jeanne who upset his stomach."

In (28), the higher Su is Animate, and in the Causal reading, the sequences are of very doubtful grammaticality.

20

1.5

The Causative Constructions and Animacy. All the Causative prefixes, i.e. amp (a), aha, an (a),

and ank(a), can have the Causal reading whose main characteristic is that the higher Su is not Animate, as illustrated in the preceding paragraphs. Furthermore, Causal constructions share one comn»n feature in that they comprise either a Psychological predicate or an Affixal Passive with voa/tafa in the lower clause. The following segment of this chapter will provide five criteria for distinguishing between a Psychological and a nonPsychological predicate. With the former: 1. the embedded predicate must take an Animate Su; 2. the eirbedded Su is not an Agent; 3. Clause-Union cannot precede Affixal Passive; 4. Clause-Union and Affixal Passive cannot co-occur; 5. a Psychological predicate cannot take an Agent in the genitive case.

1.5.1

Psychological Predicates and Animacy. Typically, with a Psychological predicate, the embedded

Su of the underlying representation is Animate, as opposed to the Manipulative reading, where it is not Animate:

(29) a.

N - am - (v)aky ny

kitay i Paoly.

past-caus-broken the wood

Paul

"Paul was chopping the wood."

b.

*N - am- (v)aky an'i Jaona i Paoly. past-caus-broken

John

"Paul was chopping John."

Paul

21

(30)a.

N - an - (t)afitohina an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-be-upset

Jeanne

Paul

(tafitohina "(be) upset" is an adjective) "Paul was causing Jeanne to be upset."

b.

*N - an - (t)afitohina ny sai-n' i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-be-upset

the mind-of

Jeanne

Paul

*"Paul was causing Jeanne's mind to be upset."

In (29), the underlying enbedded Su mist be non-Animate since the sentence (29) b. with an Animate Su yields an irretrievably ungranmatical sequence. This is the Manipulative reading. On the other hand, in (30)a., the lower Su must be animate, as can be inferred from the grammaticality pattern eiterging from the pair (30)a. and (30)b. In (30)b., therefore, we have a Psychological predicate in the lower clause.

1.5.2

Criteria for Agency. With the Causal reading, the enbedded Su is not an

Agent. For an NP to be an Agent, it must satisfy the following conditions: 1. it can be used to answer the question:

Nanao

inona i

NP?

past-do what deic NP "What was NP doing ?"

2. it can enter into combination with the adverbial expression fanahy iniana "deliberately";

22

3. its predicate must be able to form an Affixal Passive with the no...ina form (See Chapter Five on Passivization); 4. it can enter into combination with the expression amin'izay denoting a purpose; 5. it yields a grammatical sequence with the progressive aspect marker eo amp... followed by a verb in the circumstantial voice; and 6. it can show up in a sequence comprising an Instrument NP Thus, in:

(31)a.

Tbfoka i Jeanne. fed-up

Jeanne

"Jeanne is/was fed up."

i Jeanne is not an Agent since it does not have any of the properties listed:

b.

Nanao

inona i Jeanne?

past-do what

Jeanne

"What was Jeanne doing ?"

*T»foka (izy). fed-up (he/she) "(He/she was) fed up.11

c.

*Fanahy inian' soul

i Jeanne

willed-by Jeanne

ny

tofoka.

carp fed-up

*"Jeanne deliberately was fed up."

23

d.

*No - tofòh - in1

i Paoly i J(eanne).

passive-fed-up-by

Paul

J(eanne)

*"J was caused to be fed up by Paul."

e.

*Tofoka i J amin'izay voa-karakara fed-up

ny enta-ny.

J in-order pass-take-care-of the luggage-her

?*"J was fed up for her luggage to be-taken care of."

f.

*T-eo anp-i-tofoh-ina

i J no

tonga

i P.

past prcgr-circ-fed-up J part arrived P *"J was in the process of being fed up when P arrived."

g.

*Tt>foka t-amin'

ilay boky i J.

fed-up past-instr

that book

J

*"J was fed up by using the book."

By contrast, in a non-Psychological State predicate like vaky "being in the state of having been smashed," it is possible to have the following sequences:

(31')a.

Vaky

ny fitaratra.

broken the glass "The glass is broken."

b.

N - am - (v)aky ny fitaratra i Paoly. past-caus-broken the glass

Paul

"Paul was causing the glass to be broken," i.e. "Paul was breaking the glass."

24

c.

Nanao

inona i Paoly?

past-do what

Paul

"What was Paul doing ?"

d.

Fanahy inian' soul

i P ny

namaky

willed-by P comp past-caus-broken

ny fitaratra. the glass "Paul was deliberately smashing the glass."

e.

No - vaki - n' i Paoly ny fitaratra. pass-broken-by

Paul the glass

"The glass was being smashed by Paul."

f.

No - vaki - n 'i Paoly ny fitaratra past-broken-by

Paul the glass

amin'izay ho tafa-voaka izy. in-order fut pass-exit he/she "Paul was smashing the window so as to exit."

g.

T-eo ampamakiana

ny fitaratra i Paoly

past progr-cire-break the glass

no

Paul

tonga i Jaona.

part arrived John "Paul was in the process of breaking the glass when John arrived."

25

1.5.3

Distinction between Psychological and non-Psychological Predicates: Clause-Union preceding Passivization. With a Psychological predicate, it is not possible to

have a Clause-Union preceding Affixal Passive, whereas this is a possibility with a non-Psychological predicate (See (12) c.):

(32)a.

N - amp - isafoaka an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-angry

b.

Jeanne

*N - amp - isafoaka-n'

Paul

i Paoly i Jeanne,

past-caus-angry-passive-by Paul

Jeanne

(interpretation for both a. and b.) "Paul was causing Jeanne to get angry."

(33)a.

N - anp - ieritreritra an'i Paoly ilay olona. past-caus-think

b.

*N - amp - ieritrereti-n'

Paul the person

ilay olona i Paoly.

past-caus-think-passive-by the person Paul "The person was arousing suspicions in Paul's mind."

In (32), where Clause-Union precedes Affixal Passive, we have the Manipulative reading of amp(a) in a.^, whereas the b. sentence remains ungramraatical. Likewise, in (33)a., which does not allow Clause-Union to precede Affixal Passive in the intended reading, amp(a) has the Causal interpretation. Hcwever, (33)b. becomes grammatical with the meaning "The person gave Paul a choice between an unspecified nunfoer of alternatives," where the other person is in a position of Control over Paul.

26

1.5.4

Distinction between Psychological and non-Psychological: Possibility of Clause-Union and Passivization. With a Psychological predicate, it is not possible to

have Clause-Union and Affixal Passive, whereas this is possible with a non-Psychological predicate:

(34)a.

N - an - (t)afitohina an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-upset

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul upset Jeanne," or "Jeanne was upset because of Paul."

b.

*No - tafitohi - n'i Paoly i Jeanne, passive-upset-by

Paul

Jeanne

(no interpretation whatsoever)

(35) a.

N - am - (v) aky ny fitaratra i Paoly. past-caus-broken the glass

Paul

"Paul was breaking the glass."

b.

No - vaki - n ' i Paoly ny fitaratra. pass-broken-by

Paul the glass

"The glass was being deliberately broken by Paul," or "Paul was breaking the glass."

In (34)a., we have a Psychological predicate, hence the ungrammaticality of Affixal Passive, as seen in (34)b. On the other hand, (35)a. comprises a non-Psychological predicate and (35) b., where Affixal Passive has applied, is graiimatical.

27

1.5.5

Another Criterion: Possibility of Expressing the Agent. With a Psychological predicate, it is not possible to

express the Agent in the genitive case, whereas this is possible with a non-Psychological predicate:

(36) a.

Vaky

ny fitaratra.

broken the glass (same as (31')a-) "The glass is/was in the state of having been broken."

b.

Vaki-n'i Paoly ny fitaratra. broken-by Paul the glass "The glass is/was broken by Paul."

(37) a.

Tafitohina i Paoly. upset

Paul

"Paul is/was upset."

b.

*Tafitohin'i Jeanne i Paoly. upset-by

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul is/was upset by Jeanne."

In (37)a., we have a Psychological predicate and therefore, it is not possible to have the sequence in (37) b. with the Agent in the genitive case: the latter is irretrievably ungranmatical. By contrast, in (36)a., the predicate is a non-Psychological m e and the sentence in (36) b., with the Agent in the genitive case, is perfectly grammatical. i

28

1.5.6

Summary: Animacy. Hie first parameter dealt with in this section, i.e.

Animacy distinguishes between four types of Causative constructions whose features are reported on Table 1.

Table 1

The Animacy Parameter

Underlyingly

Higher Su

Lower Su

"Neutral" Directive

[+Animate]

[H-Animate]

Manipulative

[+Animate]

[+/- Animate]

Abilitative

[+/- Animate]

[+/- Animate]

Causal

[-Animate]

[+Animate]

Note:

Higher Su = CAUSER; Lower Su = CAUSEE; + = Positive; - = Negative ; +/- = Optional.

29

Section 2

Control

2.0.1

The Control Parameter. This Section will consider the Control parameter, which

expresses the degree of Control exercised by the Causee and which is based on: - the nature of the embedded predicate, i.e. Aether it refers to an Activity or a State, as is made evident by the voice and aspect marker used or that can be used with the root of the lower predicate; - as well as the presence or absence of Intent, as shewn by the compatibility or incompatibility with certain adverbial nodifications. The distinction drawn under 1.5 between Psychological and non-Psychological predicates, along with the findings made in Section 1 with respect to the Animacy parameter, will be assumed since there are sentences like "Mati-n'i Jaona i Paoly (Dead-by John Paul)", i.e. "Paul was dead as a result of John's doing," where i Jaona "John," a human, hence Animate, is assumed to be an Agent. This contrasts with exanples like "Mati-n'ny hanoanana i Paoly (literally "dead because of hunger Paul)," i.e. "Paul died of hunger," where ny hanoanana "the hunger," is non-Animate, and therefore, is not assumed to be an Agent in the genitive case. Finally, note that although Affixal Passive in the nonperfective aspect typically encodes Control, as opposed to Root Passives, which usually do not, there exist a nunber of exceptions, of which lasa "(be) gone" is one.

30

2.0.2

Interaction of Causative Constructions with Mverbial Modification. All the Directive and the Manipulative constructions:

interact with the active or circumstantial voices or the Affixal Passive forms no...ina and a-, all of which denote an Activity and are compatible with the modifier fanahy inian'i NP (ny) "soul-willed," i.e. "deliberately," but not with tsy satry (not preferred) "not willingly, accidentally." All the Causal constructions interact with a Psychological predicate, whether the latter is a root passive or an adjective, which denotes a State. All of them are conpatible with tsy satry "accidentally," but not with fanahy inian'i NP (ny) "deliberately." Falling between these two extremes, the Affixal Passive forms voa and tafa, on the one hand, béhave as though they were Activity predicates since initially their agent is expressed but must be deleted under a Causal predicate; yet, en the other hand, they behave like Stative predicates, i.e. the union of the set of Psychological predicates with Animate Causees (for example (19) a) and that set of predicates which can have an Animate or non-Animate Causee (for example (17)a.), which does not involve Psychological predicates or predicates which refer to, or can refer to, an Activity. In fact, these Stative predicates are not compatible with fanahy inian (ny) "deliberately," but are conpatible with tsy satry "accidentally."

2.1.0

The Causative Constructions and Intent. In this Subsection, it will be shown:

31

1. that the "persuasive," the "coercive," the "permissive," and the "neutral" Directive constructions with amp(a) and an (a) allow voice and aspectual forms of the lower predicate, i.e. active, circumstantial, and no...ina or a Affixal Passive forms, which refer to a Deliberate Activity; 2. that the Causal constructions with aha and amp (a) allow, in the lower clause, voice and aspectual forms, i.e. voa/tafa, which correlate with an Activity turned into a State but which is not Intentional, as in the case of a Psychological predicate. They also allow a root passive or an adjective in the lower clause in the case of a Psychological predicate; 3. falling between these two, lies an intermediate zone represented by the Abilitative aha construction which not only a. allows a root passive or an adjective in the enbedded clause, but b. which also allows substitution of the Abilitative aha predicate by the Affixal Passive form no...ina and a, both of which correlate with Deliberate Activity.

2.1.1

The "Persuasive" Directive Construction. In the "persuasive" Directive construction, the em-

bedded predicate must be in the circumstantial voice. Furthermore, it cannot be a Stative predicate (however, see 6.2.7 to 6.2.9).

(38)a.

Nanao [izay h-an-didi-an'i J(eanne) ny mofo] i P(aoly). did

oomp fut-circ-cut

J(eanne) the bread P(aul)

"P(aul) was doing so that the bread would be cut by J (eanne)."

32

b.

H-andidy ny itofo i J(eanne). fut-cut the bread J(eanne) "J(eanne) will be cutting the bread."

c.

*Nanao [izay h-andidy ny irofo (an)i J(eanne)] i P(aoly) did

camp fat-cut the bread

J(eanne)

P(aul)

(no interpretation whatsoever)

d.

No - didi - n' i J(eanne) ny irofo. pass-cut-by

J(eanne) the bread

"The bread was being cut by J(eanne)."

e.

*Nanao [izay no-didi-n'i J (eanne) ny riDfo] i P(aoly). did

coup pass-cut-by J (eanne) the bread P(aul)

(only intended reading) *"P was doing so that the bread was being cut by J."

(39)a.

Nanao [izay h-an-defa-s-an'i J ny entana] i P. did

cortp fut-circ-send-by J the luggage P

"P was doing so that the luggage would be sent by J."

Ho a-lefa - n' i J(eanne) ny entana.

b.

fut pass-send-by J(eanne) the luggage "The luggage will be sent by J(eanne)."

c.

*Nanao [izay ho a-lefa-n' i J ny entana] i P. did

coirp fut pass-send-by J the luggage P

(oily intended reading) "P was doing so that the luggage would be sent by J."

33

(40)a.

Voa - didi - n' i Jeanne ny iiDfo. pass - cut - by

Jeanne the bread

"The bread has been cut by Jeanne."

b.

*Nanao [izay voa-didi-n'i Jeanne ny mofo] i Paoly. did

comp pass-cut-by Jeanne the bread Paul

(only intended reading) *"Paul was doing so that the bread has been cut by Jeanne."

(41)a.

Tafa - petraka i Jeanne, pass - sit

Jeanne

"Jeanne found herself sitting."

b.

*Nanao [izay tafa-petraka i Jeanne] i Paoly. did

comp pass-sit

Jeanne

Paul

(cnly intended reading) "Paul was doing so that Jeanne found herself sitting."

(42)a.

Lasa i Jeanne, gone

Jeanne

(lasa "(be) gone" is a root passive) "Jeanne is/was gone."

b.

*Nanao [izay lasa i Jeanne] i Paoly. did

comp gone

Jeanne

Paul

(only intended reading) "Paul was doing so that Jeanne was gone."

34

(43)a.

Reraka i Jeanne. tired

Jeanne

"Jeanne is/Was tired."

b.

*Nanao [izay reraka i Jeanne] i Paoly. did

camp tired

Jeanne

Paul

(oily intended reading) "Paul was doing so that Jeanne got tired."

The graimaticality of (38)a. and (39)a., where the enbedded verb is in the circumstantial voice, shows that the latter can be in the circumstantial voice. The ungranmaticality of (38) c., where the enbedded verb is in the active voice, indicates that the latter cannot be in the active voice; insertion of the preposition an in front of the lower Su does not improve its grammaticality. The ungranmaticality of (38)e. with the Affixal Passive form no...ina in the imperfective aspect and that of (39)c. with the Affixal Passive form a, also in the imperfective aspect, suggests that the enbedded clause cannot take any Affixal Passive form in the imperfective aspect. The ungranmaticality of (40)b. with the perfective aspect-marker voa and that of (41)b. with the perfective aspect-marker tafa (see Chapter Five: 1.0 for further details) shew that the enbedded predicate cannot be an Affixal Passive form with a perfective aspect. Finally, the ungranmaticality of (42)b. with a root passive and (43) b. with an adjective demonstrates that a root passive or an adjective are ruled out in the embedded clause of the "persuasive" Directive. From (38) to (43), we have all the different possibilities that can occur and since only a verb in the circumstantial

35

voice is allowed in the embedded clause, it follows that the latter is obligatory.

2.1.2

The "Coercive" or "Permissive" Directive Constructions. In the "coercive" or "permissive" Directive constru-

ctions, the enbedded predicate must be either in the active or in the affixal Passive with no.. .ina or a. It cannot be a Stative predicate.

(44)a.

Nanery/Namela

an'i J hanasa an' i P i K.

past-force/past-let

J fut-wash

P

K

"K was forcing/allowing J to wash P."

b.

H -an -(s)asa - n' i J an'i P ny savony. fut-circ-wash-by

J

P

the soap

"The soap is being used by J to wash p."

c.

*Nanery / Nàmsla an'i J hanasa-ny past-force/past-let j fut-wash-pass-by-her

an'i P ny savony i K. P

the soap

K

"K was forcing/letting P be washed with the soap by J."

d.

Nanery / Namela an'i P ho-sasa-n' i J i K. past-force/past-let P pass^wash-tay J

K

"K was forcing/allowing P to be washed by J."

36

(45) a.

Bo a-lefa

any T(amatave) iP(aoly).

fut pass-send to T(amatave)

P(aul)

"P will be sent to T."

b.

Nanery/Namela

an'i P ho a-lefa

past-force/past-let

any

T i J.

P fut pass-send there T

J

"J was forcing/allowing P to be sent to T," or "J forced/let P (to) be sent to T."

(46)a.

Ho voa - sasa - n' i J i P. fut pass - wash - by

J

P

"P will have been washed by J."

b.

*Nanery/*Namela an' i P ho voa-sasa-n' i J i K. past-forced/past-let P fut pass^wash-by J

K

*"K was forcing/allowing P to have been washed by J."

(47)a.

Nanery/Namela

an'i J h-ipetraka i P.

past-force/past-let

J fiat-sit

p

"P was forcing/allowing J to sit."

b.

Tafa-petraka i J(eanne). pass-sit

J

"J found herself sitting."

c.

*Nanery/Nanela

an'i J ho tafa-petraka i P.

past-force/past-let

J fut pass-sit

P

*"P was forcing/allowing J to find herself sitting."

37

lasa

(48) a.

i J(eanne).

fut gone

J(eanne)

"J will be gone."

b.

*Nanery/Namela

an'i J ho lasa i P.

past-forced/past-let

J fat gone

P

?*"P was forcing/allowing J to be gone."

(49) a.

Matahotra

iJ(éanne).

pres-afraid J(eanne) "J is afraid."

b.

*Nanery/Nairela

an'i J ho matahotra

past-force/past-let

i P.

J fut pres-afraid P

*"P was forcing/allowing J to be afraid."

In (44) a. and (44)d., the enbedded verb is in the active voice and the Affixal Passive no.. .ina, respectively; both are grammatical. By contrast, in (44) c., where the lower clause has its verb in the circumstantial voice, the output is ungramraatical despite the fact that the lcwer clause on its own, as shown in (44)b., is perfectly granmatical. (45) illustrates the case where the enbedded predicate has the Affixal Passive form with a. When the lower predicate has the perfective aspect marker voa or tafa, the output is ungrammatical, as shown in (46) b. and (47)c. In (48), we have a root passive and, in (49), an adjective: the ungranmaticality of their b. sequences suggests that the lower clause cannot comprise a Stative predicate. From all this, it

38

follows that the active voice or the imperfective aspect Affixal Passive with no.«.ina or a is mandatory (see 1.1.2 for the difference between no...ina and a).

2.1.3

The "Neutral" Directive Construction. In the "neutral" Directive construction, the embedded

predicate must be in the active voice since it transpires that none of the other voice possibilities yield granmatical sequences. Furthermore, a Stative predicate or a root passive is ruled out, as is made evident by the grammaticality pattern of the sentences below.

(50)a.

N

- anp - andidy ny mofo an'i Jeanne i Paoly.

past-caus-cut

the bread

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was having Jeanne cut the bread."

b.

H-andidy ny mofo i Jeanne, fut- cut the bread Jeanne "Jeanne will be cutting the bread."

c.

No - didi - n' pass - cut - by

i Jeanne ny mofo. Jeanne the bread

"The bread was being cut by Jeanne."

d.

*N - ampa - no - didi - n' i Jeanne ny mofo i Paoly past-caus-pass - cut - by

Jeanne the bread Paul

(only intended interpretation) "Paul was having the bread cut by Jeanne."

39

(51) a.

N - anp - andefa ny entana an'i J (eanne) i P(aoly). past-caus-send

the luggage

J(eanne)

P(aul)

(note that the enbedded verb is in the active voice) "P (aul) was having J (eanne) send the luggage."

b.

H-andefa ny entana

i J (eanne).

fut-send the luggage

J(eanne)

"J(eanne) will be sending the luggage."

c.

Ho a-lefa-n'

i J (eanne) ny entana.

fut pass-send-by J (eanne) the luggage (note the embedded verb in the passive voice with a, non-perfective aspect-marker "ballistic" interpretation in d. below) "The luggage will be sent by J(eanne)."

d.

*N - ampa- (ho) - a-lefa-n'

i J ny entana i P.

past-caus-(fut)-pass-send-by

J the luggage

P

(only intended reading) "P was having the luggage sent by J."

(52)a.

H - anp - anasa an'i Jaona an'i Jeanne i Paoly. fut-caus-wash

John

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul will be having Jeanne wash John."

b.

H - anasa an'i Jaona fut-wash

John

i Jeanne. Jeanne

"Jeanne will be waging John."

40

c.

Voa - sasa - n'i Jeanne i Jaona. passive-wash-by

Jeanne

John

"John has been washed by Jeanne."

d.

*N - ampa - voa -sasa-n'i Jeanne i Jaona i Paoly. past-caus-pass-wash-by

Jeanne

John

Paul

(only intended interpretation) *"Paul was having John have been washed by Jeanne."

53)a.

N - anp - i- petraka

an'i Jeanne i Paoly.

past-caus-prf-sit down

Jeanne

"Paul was having Jeanne sit down."

b.

H - i- petraka

i Jeanne,

fut-prf-sit down

Jeanne

"Jeanne will sit dcwn."

c.

Tafa - petraka i Jeanne, pass-sit dcwn

Jeanne

(notice absence of Control by the Su) "Jeanne found herself sitting."

d.

*N - anpa - tafa - petraka an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-pass-sit down

Jeanne

Paul

(only intended interpretation) *"Paul was having Jeanne find herself having sat dcwn.

41

(54)a.

N - anp - andeha an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-go

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was having Jeanne leave."

b.

H - andeha

'

i Jeanne,

fut-go

Jeanne

"Jeanne will be going."

c.

Ho lasa i Jeanne, fut gone Jeanne. "Jeanne will be gone."

d.

*N - anpa - (ho) - lasa an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-(fut)-gone

Jeanne

Paul

(cnly intended interpretation) *"Paul was having Jeanne be gone."

(55) a.

H-arary i Jeanne. fut-sick Jeanne "Jeanne will be sick."

b.

*N - anp - arary an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-sick

Jeanne

Paul

(only intended interpretation) *"Paul was having Jeanne be sick."

All of the a. sequences, where the enbedded clause has a verb in the active voice are grammatical, from (50) to (54). Hie ungrammatically of (50)d., (51)d., (52)d., and (53)d. shows that the

42

lower clause cannot have its verb in the Affixal Passive, whether it is in the perfective or imperfective aspect. Hie ungrammatically of (54)d. and (55)b. indicates that the lower predicate cannot be a root passive or an adjective respectively, which suggests that the Causee must retain Control.

2.1.4.1

Hie Manipulative Amp (a) Construction. In the Manipulative amp (a) construction, the eirbedded

predicate is either in the active or in the circumstantial voice. The latter phenomenon has been labelled passive, i.e. Passivization applies after Clause-Union has taken place, this is the diagnostic test for a Manipulative construction.

(56)a.

N - anp - andeha an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-walk

Jeanne

Paul

•I 'Paul was having Jeanne walk."

b.

N - anp - andeha-n-an' i Paoly i Jeanne. past-caus-circ-walk-by

Paul

Jeanne

'Jeanne was being made to walk by Paul.n

(57) a.

No - sasa - n'i Jeanne ny lanfoa. pass^wash-by

Jeanne the linen

"The linen was being washed by Jeanne.n

b.

*N - ampa - no - sasa - n'i Jeanne ny lamba Rasoa. past-caus-pass-wash-by

Jeanne the linen Rasoa

(notice passive in the lower clause exclusively) *"Rasoa was making the linen washed by Jeanne."

43

Voa

(58) a.

~ sasa ny lantoa.

pass-wash the linen "The linen has been washed."

b.

*N - anpa - voa - sasa ny lamba i Jeanne, past-caus-pass-wash

the linen Jeanne

"Jeanne was washing the linen."

(59)a.

(Tafa) - latsaka

ilay taratasy.

(pass) - be-dropped the letter ir

"The letter was dropped (accidentally)."

b.

*N - anpa - tafa - latsaka an'ilay taratasy i Paoly. past-cau s-pass-be-dropped

the letter

Paul

*"Paul was causing the letter to be dropped accidentally. "

c.

*N - airpa - latsaka an' ilay taratasy i Paoly. past-caus-be-dropped

the letter

Paul

*"Paul was having the letter dropped accidentally."

(60)a.

Potsy ny rindrina. white the wall "The wall is white."

b.

*N - anpa - fotsy ny rindrina i Paoly. past-caus- white the wall

Paul

"Paul was whitewashing the wall."

44

In (56)a., the enbedded predicate is in the active voice, whereas in (56) b., it is in the circumstantial voice. In both cases the sequences are grammatical. By contrast, in (57)b. and (59)b., involving verbs in the Affixal Passive with perfective and imperfective aspect, the sentences are ungrammatical even though in each case, the lower clause becomes granmatical, as shown in the relevant a. sequences, when used in isolation. In (59)c., we have the root passive latsaka "be in the state of having been dropped" while in (60)b., the enbedded clause comprises an adjective. The ungranmaticality of these two sentences suggests that Manipulative amp(a) cannot embed a root passive or an adjective. However, exanple (5)a. involving the Stative verb miankanjo "be dressed in" shows that it is possible for the lcwer verb to be a Stativé predicate.

2.1.4.2

Restriction on the Manipulative Causative Amp (a). However, if the lower clause has a Stative predicate,

then it must be in the active voice since, as the following examples demonstrate, if it shows up in the passive, the output is ungrammatical. Ihis contrasts with those cases where the lower verb is in the active voice.

(61)a.

H - ianjera ny latabatra. fut-fall,

the table

"the table will fall."

b.

N - anp - ianjera ny latabatra i Paoly. past-caus-fall

the table

"Paul made the table fall."

Paul

45

c.

H - i - anjera - n' ny vilia ny latabatra. fut-circ-fall-by

the plate the table

"The table is where the plate(s) fell."

d.

*N - anp - i - anjera - n' ny vilia ny latabatra past-caus-circ-fall-by

the plate the table

i Paoly. Paul "Paul made the table fall."

(61)b., which comprises the lower predicate shown in (61)a. and which is in the active voice, is grammatical. (61)d. with sequence (61)c. in its lower clause is ungranmatical. The only difference

between (61)b. and (61)d. is that in the latter case, the

embedded verb is in the circumstantial voice.

2.1.4.3

Prefix Substitution with the Manipulative Causative Anp (a). When the embedded verb is a Stative predicate, although

not a Psychological predicate (see this distinction under 2.0.2), the Affixal Passive form corresponding to the Manipulative anp (a) has the a prefix, which substitutes for the Causative predicate and the verb prefix.

(62)

N - a - zera - n' i Paoly ny latabatra. past-pass-fall-by

Paul the table

"The table has been made to fall by Paul" (compare with (61) b.)

46

The Affixal Passive prefix a replaces both the higher Causative predicate amp (a) and the prefix of the verb, in this case ian, leaving the root zera.

2.1.5.1

Restrictions on the Manipulative Causative An(a). In the Manipulative an(a) construction, the lower pred-

icate must be a root passive or an adjective that is Stative but ret Psychological; furthermore, it irust be the case that the Causee does not have any Control. Hi is excludes root passives like lasa which attribute some Control to the Causee.

(63)a.

*N - an - andidy ny mofo an" i Jeanne i Jaona. past-caus-cut

the bread

Jeanne

John

(compare with (50)a.) *"John was making cut Jeanne the bread."

b.

*N - an - andeha-n-an' i Paoly an' i Jeanne i Jaona. past-caus-circ-go-by

Paul

Jeanne

John

(oonpare with (56)b.) *"John was making Jeanne to be walkedfayPaul."

c.

*N - an - no - didi - n' i Jeanne ny mofo i Paoly. past-caus-pass-cut-by

Jeanne the bread Paul

(coitpare with (50) c.)

d.

*N - an - voa - sasa - n ' i Jeanne an' i Jaona i Paoly. past-caus-pass-wash-by (coitpare with (52) c.)

Jeanne

John

Paul

47

e.

*n - ana - a - lefa - n' i Jeanne ny entana i Paoly. past-caus-pass-send-by

Jeanne the luggage Paul

(compare with (51)c.)

f.

*N - ana - tafa - petraka an' i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-pass-sit

Jeanne

Paul

(compare with (53)c.)

64)a.

N - an - datsaka

an' ilay taratasy i Paoly.

past-caus-be dropped

the letter

Paul

(see (59)a. with latsaka "(be) dropped") (the relevant meaning entails no Control by Causee) "Paul was dropping the letter."

b.

N - am -(f)otsy ny rindrina i Paoly. past-caus-white the wall

Paul

(see (60)a. with fotsy "white") "Paul was whitewashing the wall."

c.

*N - an - atahotra an' i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-afraid

Jeanne

Paul

(see (49)a. with matahotra "(be) afraid) "Paul was frightening Jeanne."

d.

*N - an - dasa an" i Jeanne i Paoly. past-caus-gcne

Jeanne

Paul

(see (54)c. with lasa "(be) gone") "Paul was sending Jeanne away."

In (64)a., the embedded predicate is a root passive, latsaka "in the state of having been dropped." In (64)b., it is an adjective, fotsy "white." In both instances, the sequences are grammatical. However, in (64)c., the embedded clause also comprises an adjective, matahotra "afraid of"; yet, the sequence is ungrammatical. The difference between (64)a., (64)b., and (64)c. lies in the fact that the latter is a Psychological predicate. As for (64)d., its ungrammaticality seems to be due to the fact that, although lasa "gene" is a root passive, the Causee still retains Control. The ungrammatical sentences in (63) show that the embedded clause cannot comprise an active voice verb, as seen in (63)a., a circumstantial voice verb, as seen in (63)b., or any form of Affixal Passive, as can be inferred from (63)c. to (63) f. In all the cases shown in (63), no interpretation whatsoever could be assigned to the ungrammatical sequences.

2.1.5.2

Prefix Substitution with the Manipulative Causative An (a). In the Manipulative an (a) construction, the active

prefix an (a) of the typically transitive verb can be replaced by the no...ina circumfix of Affixal Passive.

(65)a.

Vaky

ny fitaratra.

broken the glass "The glass is/has been/was broken."

b.

N - am -(v)aky

ny fitaratra i Jaona.

past-caus-broken the glass "John was breaking the glass."

John

49

c.

NO - vaki - n' i Jaona ny fitaratra. pass-broken-by

John the glass

"The glass was being smashed by John."

2.1.5-3

Passive with A or Tafa Prefix. If the verb

is a Stative intransitive, then the

relevant Affixal Passive is a in the most typical case:

(66) a.

N - ian - tonta ny entana. past-act-fall

the luggage

"Ohe luggage fell."

b.

N - a - tonta - n' i Jaona ny entana. past-pass-fall-by

John the luggage

"ftie luggage was being dropped by John."

(67)a.

Latsaka ny taratasy. dropped the letter (note "accidental" meaning) "The letter has dropped."

b.

N -

i - latsaka ny taratasy.

past-pref-fall

the letter

"The letter fell."

c.

N - a - latsak'

i Paoly ny taratasy.

past-pass-dropped-by Paul the letter (note "deliberate activity" meaning) "Hie letter was being dropped by Paul."

50

d.

N - an - datsaka ny taratasy i Paoly. past-caus-dropped the letter

Paul

"Paul was dropping the letter."

(68)a.

Tafa - latsaka ny taratasy. pass-dropped

the letter

"Hiey/Someone managed to drop the letter."

b.

Tafa-latsak'

i Paoly ny taratasy.

pass-dropped-by Paul the letter "The letter was able to be dropped by Paul," i.e. "Paul managed to drop the letter."

m

(66)a., w= have a typically intransitive verb that is also

Stative. Its imperfective passive form is obtained by substituting a for its prefix. By contrast, in (67), to the root passive form in the a. sequence correspond an intransitive verb, as seen in the b. sentence, or a transitive verb, as shown in the d. sentence. Furthermore, the perfective aspect marker tafa acquires the Abilitative meaning.

2.1.6.1

Restrictions on the Abilitative Aha Construction. In the Abilitative construction involving the Causative

aha, the lower predicate is either a root passive or an adjective provided it is not a Psychological predicate. This requirement proves necessary since otherwise, the construction yields a Causal interpretation, to the exclusion of the relevant meaning.

51

jg9ja


246

Sequence (27) with the same predicate fantatra "be-known," as in (26), but in the active voice with the Causative prefix an yields an irretrievably ungrammatical sentence. No semantic interpretation whatsoever can be assigned to (27). Second, even in cases where the corresponding sentence with an active verb is grammatical and acceptable, its meaning is totally different from the one comprising the relevant root passive.

(28)a.

Fantatr'

i Paoly ny toetra-n'

i Jeanne,

be-known-by Paul the character-of

Jeanne

"Jeanne's character is known to Paul" i.e. "Paul knew/knows Jeanne's character."

b.

N-am-(f)antatra ny toetra-n' active-be-known

i Jeanne i Paoly.

the character-of Jeanne

Paul

"Paul tried to figure out Jeanne's character."

It follows that (27) cannot be proposed as the underlying representation for (26).

1.2.2

Non-Subject Trigger. The trigger for Reflexivization is not a Su but an

Experiencer in the Genitive case with a predicate like fantatra "(be) known," which takes a sentential Su.

(29)a.

Fantatr'i P^ tsara loatra angaha ny m-ampa-hory known-by P^ well too

part oomp pres-caus-miserable

247 ny tenany^? the body-of-him^ "Does Paul^ know very well what causes hira^ to be miserable?"

b.

Fantatr'i P^ tsara loatra anie ny m-ampa-hory known-by P^ well too

excl comp pres-caus-miserable

ny tenany^i the body-of-him " (Well) Paul^ knows all too well what causes him^ to be miserable1"

(30)a.

*Fantatr'

izy^ tsara loatra ny m-anpa-hory

be-known-by hinu well too oonp pres-caus-miserable ny tena-ny^. the body-of-him^. "He^ knows all too well what causes him^ to be miserable."

b.

Fanta-ny^

tsara loatra ny

known-by-hinu well too

m-airpa-hory

ccatp pres-caus-miserable

ny tenany^. the body-of-him^ "It is known to hin^ all too well what causes hin^ to be miserable."

248 (29) a. with the insertion of the question particle angaha ana (29) b. with the insertion of the exclamation particle anie show that the two clauses have a sentential Su. Note that these

are

the sane basic structure as (26) above. The ungrammatically of (30) a. proves that the NP i Paoly is not a Su since it cannot be replaced with the Su form of the independent pronoun izy "he/she". The sentence (30)b. with the clitic form of the pronoun, i.e. -ny "by him/her," confirms the view that it is indeed in the Genitive case.

1.2.3

Criterion for Basicness. Even in those cases where the corresponding sentence

with an active verb exists and is cognitively synonymous with the sequence comprising the relevant root passive form, it can be shown that the latter is more basic. The following sentence with the predicate zaka "bearable" and a sentential Su does have the corresponding sentence with an active voice verb, which is the sane as the Causative construction, i.e. with Abilitative aha.

(31)a.

Tsy zaka-n'

i Paoly^ ny tsy nikarakara-n'

not bearable-by Paul^ conp not past-circ-take-care-by

i Jeanne ny tenany^. Jeanne the body-of-him^ "The fact that Jeanne did not take care of hirtu was not bearable to Paul^', i.e. "Paul^ could not accept the fact that Jeanne did not take care of hiiru."

249

b.

Tsy n-aha-zaka

ny

tsy nikarakara-n'

not past-caus-bearable coup not past-circ-take-care-of

i Jeanne^ n y

tenany^

i Paoly.

Jeanne1, the body-of-him,Paul 1 sj "Paul could not accept the fact that Jeanne.^ did not take care of herself^." Now, as will be shown in Chapter Six, (31) b. with the Abilitative aha construction has a bisentential source, and as such, is less basic than its non-Causative counterpart in (31) a. In fact, (31)b. involves three different clauses or cycles, whereas (31)a. only involves two. In (31)a., the trigger for Beflexivization is 1 Paoly, an Experiencer in the Genitive case, since it passes all the tests applied in (29) and (30).

1.3

The Victim of Reflexivization. As far as the victim of Beflexivization is concerned,

it will appear in Section 2 that it too is constrained by Grammatical Relations since it shows up as tena if it occupies the DO position, but as ny tenany if it is an 10 or an Oblique.

Section 2

Reflexivization and non-Causative Constructions

2• 0

introduction. In Section 2, it will be seen that in non-Causative

Constructions

250 1. When the trigger and its victim are clausemates initially, 2. the latter, if it is a DO, goes into tena, 3. but if it is an IO or an Oblique, then it surfaces as ny tenany. Justification for Equi-1, Equi-2, Raising-to-DO, and Raising-to-Su is provided in Section 2 of Chapter Five. Ihe focus of the second part of this section is the interaction of Reflexivization with Equi-1 and Raising-to-Su.

2.1

Ihe Victim as Tena. In a simplex sentence, the victim goes into tena if it

is a DO, or into ny tenany if it is not.

2.1.1

Restrictions on the Victim as Tena. In a simplex sentence with the Unmarked VOS word order,

where the trigger and its victim are clausemates, the latter goes into tena if it is a DO:

(32) a.

Namono tena^ i Paoly^. killed self ^

b.

/[ Namono an'i Paolyi i pady^/ killed

(33) a.

Paul^

Pauli

pauli

Namono an'i Jaona i Paoly. killed

John

"Paul killed John."

Paul

251 b.

No-vono-in'

i Paoly i Jaona.

passive-kill-by

Paul

John

"John was being killed by Paul.it

(32)a. whose underlying representation is provided in (32)b. has both the trigger and its victim within the sane clause. Evidence for this is provided by (33)b., where the DO an'i Jaona of (33)a. has been promoted to Su through Passivization. Furthermore, the presence of the preposition an in an'i Jaona is a clear indication that this NP occupies a DO position.

2.1.2

Basic Word Order. Indeed, the Unmarked word order is VOS, as in (32) and

(33), as opposed to the SV(O) of the following set of sentences:

(34)

*I

Paolyi namono tenai.

deic Paul^ killed selfi (contrast with the word order in (32)a.) "Paul^ killed himself

(35)a.

*I Paoly namono an'i Jaona. Paul killed

John

(contrast with the order in (33)a.) "Paul killed John. it

b.

*I

Jaona no-vono-in'

i Paoly.

deic John passive-kill-by deic Paul (contrast with the order in (33)b.) "Jbhn was killed by Paul."n

252 If there is no strong pause between the Su, i.e. i Paoly or i Jaona, and the constituents of each sentence, and if all three sequences are not part of an exhaustive list —

in the sense of

S.Kuno (1972) — where what happened to Paul is contrasted with what happened to John, etc, in an enumeration, (34) and (35) are ungrammatical and unacceptable. Hiere are only three cases where the SVO order is possible:

(36)

I

Paoly ^ no naraono tena^.

deic Paul^ part killed self^ "It is Paul^ who killed himself^"

(37)

Nalahelo

i

J tamin'

i

P^ naircno tena^

was-afflicted deic J causal-Obi deic P^ killed self^ "J was afflicted because of P^'s killing himself^."

(38)

I Paolyi namono tena^,i Jeanne nandositra ary i Jaona Paul, killed selfl i

Jeanne took-off

and

John

niatonta. fell "As for Paul^, he^ killed himself^ whereas Jeanne took off and John fell."

In (36) we have defting on the Su; in (37) the clause embedded under the Causal-Oblique has the SVO order; and in (38), we have

253

an enumeration of different events which took place at the same time. Compare this with the intended reading provided for each of the sentences in (34) and (35).

2.1.3

®ie Victim of Reflexivization and Marked Word Order. When the word order is the Marked one, i.e. SVO, it is

possible for the DO to go not only into tena but also into ny tenany. However, in the latter case, there is additional Emphasis or indirect Causation.

(39)

I

Paoly ^ ihany no namono tena^.

deic Pauli only part killed selfi "Pauli is the only one who killed himselfi."

(40)

I Paoly^

ihany no

namono ny tenany

Pauli

only part

killed selfi

*"It was Pauli himselfi who killed himselfi-" i.e. "It was Paula's own action which killed himi" in the sense of "Paul^ was responsible for hiSi own death."

(41)

*Namono ny tenany^ i paoly killed

self.

Pauli

"Paul^ killed himselfi."

The ungranmaticality of (41) with a VOS word order contrasts with the grammaticality of (39) and (40), both with the SVO word order and the no particle inserted after the Su. Furthermore, there are two important differences between the meaning of (39) and that of

254 (40): on the one hand, (39) holds true of a situation where Paul takes a knife at time T 1 and uses it to kill himself at a slightly later time T 2; on the other hand, (40) is true of

a

situation where at time T 1 he sets up a deadly mechanism to prevent burglars from entering his hare and then at a later date, T 2, he inadvertently steps into the trap and thus kills himself. In this case, T 1 and T 2 can be very far apart and not oily that but premeditation is absent since presumably Paul did not intend to kill himself. In short, (39) has a Contactive interpretation, whereas (40) has an Indirect Causation interpretation.

2.1.4

The Victim as Ny Tenany. In a simplex sentence where the trigger and its victim

are clausemates, the latter goes into ny tenany if not a DO:

(42) a.

Nanome enta-mavesatra ny tenany ^ i Paoly^ gave

luggage-heavy

self^

Pauli

"Paul^ was imposing a heavy burden upon himself^."

b.

*Nanome enta-mavesatra gave

(43)a.

luggage-heavy

tena^

i Paoly^.

self^

Paul^

Nikaroka hevitra ho an'ny tenany^ i Paoly looked-for idea for

self^

Pauli

"Paul^ was seeking ideas for himself^."

b.

*Nikaroka hevitra ho (an) tena^

i Paoly

self, l

Paul^

looked-for idea for

255

in (42) we have an 10, whereas in (43) we have a BeneficiaryOblique. In both instances, the sequences with tena are irretrievably ungrairmatical in the intended reading, while the ones with

ny tenany are grammatical. However, in the case of (43)b.,

if the preposition an is inserted in front of tena, the sentence becomes grammatical in Colloquial Malagasy, but with a totally different and unrelated interpretation:" Paul was seeking ideas for you-idiot," you referring to the hearer.

2.1.5

Tests for 10. That ny tenany in (42) a. is an 10 is shown by the fol-

lowing tests (For further details see Chapter Six, Section 8):

(44)a.

Nanome enta-mavesatra ny mpianatra i Paoly. gave

luggage-heavy

the student

Paul

(same meaning as b. below)

b.

Nanome enta-mavesatra an'ny mpianatra i Paoly. gave

luggage-heavy

the student

Paul

"Paul imposed a heavy-burden on the student(s)."

(45)

Nanome enta-mavesatra

ho an'ny mpianatra i Paoly.

gave

for

luggage-heavy

the student

Paul

"Paul gave a heavy burden for the student(s)."

(46)

*Ny irpianatra no nanome enta-mavesatra i Paoly. the student part gave

luggage-heavy

Paul

"It is on the student(s) that Paul imposed a heavy burden."

256 The grammaticality of (44)b. shows that if we substitute rg mpianatra "the student(s)" for ny tenany of (42)a., as in (44)a., it is possible to have a co-occurrence of an and

The well-

formedness of (45) proves that insertion of the particle to is also possible in front of ny mpianatra. But (46), with fronting of ny mpianatra, is irretrievably ungrammatical. Now, this is a pattern characteristic of an 10 (as opposed to that of a DO).

2.1.6

Tests for Beneficiary-Oblique. That ny tenany in (43) a. is a Beneficiary-Oblique is

shown by the following tests (For further details see Chapter Five at the end of Section 1):

(47)a.

Nikaroka hevitra ho an'ny tenany^ i Paoly sought

idea

for

self^

Paul^

"Paul^ sought ideas for himself

b.

Ny tenany^ ihany no n-i-karoh-an' self ^

i Paoly^ hevitra.

only part past-circ-seek-by Paul^ idea

"It was for himself^ Paul^ sought ideas."

c.

TN-i-karoh-an' past-circ-seek-by

i Paolyi hevitra ny tenany^ Paul^ idea

selfi

"Paul^ was seeking ideas for himself^."

d.

Ho an'ny tenany^ ihany no n-i-karoh-an'i P^ hevitra. for

self ^

only part circ-seek-by

Pj_ idea

"It was only for himself^ that Pauli sought ideas."

257

First, (47)a. has the ho an' preposition, which is characteristic of the Beneficiary-Oblique. Second, the contrast in grammaticall y between (47)b. with Clefting and (47)c. without Clefting, when the verb is in the circumstantial form of Passive, suggests that Clefting is preferred. Third, (47)d. shows that Clefting with the preposition ho an' is possible although this appears to be optional, judging from the grammaticality of (47)b. Hie above pattern is characteristic of a Beneficiary-Oblique.

2.2

Complex non-Causative Sentences. In a complex non-Causative sentence, since the trigger

and its victim are actually clausemates underlyingly, the victim also goes into tena if it is a DO, or into ny tenany if it is not, i.e. if it occupies the 10 slot on the Keenan-Comrie Hierarchy or anyone of the ten types of Oblique dealt with in Passivization, Subsection 1.3.2.

2.2.1

Reflexivization in Equi-2 Constructions. In 1.1.2.1 of Section 1, one illustrative example of an

Equi-2 structure was presented, where a non-Su trigger in the matrix clause triggers the deletion of the underlying Su of the embedded clause after Reflexivization to tena applies on the lower cycle. In that instance, the victim occupies a DO position. In the following examples, the matrix clause verbs are predicates that trigger Equi-2, mibaiko "to order (someone to do something)" and maioela "to allow (someone to do something)" and the victims of Reflexivization are an 10 and an Oblique respectively in the embedded clause.

258

(48)a.

Nibaiko an'i P^ hanome ordered

valin-kasasarana ny tenanyi

P^ will-give reward

self^

i J(aona). J(ohn)

b.

*Nibaiko an'i P. hanome ordered

valin-kasasarana tena^ i J.

P^ will-give reward

self^

J

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "J ordered P^ to grant himself^/herself^ a reward."

(49)a.

Namela an'i P i hitady let

b.

P i will-seek house for

*Namela an'i P. hitady let

trano ho an'ny tenany^ i J. selfi

trano ho an-tenai

Pj will-seek house for selfi

J

i J. J

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "J let P^ look for a house for himselfi/herselfi."

Assume that Bgui-2 deleting the Su of the embedded clause applies only after Reflexivization has taken place in the subordinate structure. The contrast in graxmaticality between the a. and the b. sequences in (48) and (49) shows that when the victim is an 10 or an Oblique it can only surface as ny tenany, even in the case of a oonplex structure involving Equi-2. As was pointed out in connection with the sentence (43)b., the sequences (48)b. and (49)b. can only be granmatical in Colloquial Malagasy in a totally different sense, i.e. "John ordered Paul to give you-idiot a reward" and "John let Paul look for a house for you-idiot."

259

2.2.2

Reflexivization in Raising-to-DO Constructions. In 1.1.2.4, one illustrative example of a Raising-to-DO

structure was presented where the Su of the embedded clause was raised to DO of the matrix clause. In that instance, the victim occupies the DO position in the lower clause and therefore ends up as tena. In the following exanples, the victims are an 10 and an Oblique respectively:

(50)a.

Niandry an'i J. hanòme expected

b.

enta-mavesatra ny tenany^ i P.

0\ will-give luggage-heavy

*Niandry an'i X hanome expected

selfi

P

enta-mavesatra tenai i P.

will-give luggage-heavy selfi

P

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "Paul expected

(51)a.

Niandry an'i J\ hitady expected

b.

to impose a burden upon herselfi."

J^ will-seek house for

*Niandry an'i J^ hitady expected

trano ho an'ny tenanyi i P. selfi

P

trano an-tenai i P.

J i will-seek house selfi

p

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "P expected of ^ that shei would look for a house for herselfi>"

The b. sequences, where the victim shows up as tena, are irretrievably ungrammatical. This contrasts with the grammaticality of the a. sequences with ny tenany.

260 2.2.3

Reflexivization and Bqui-1 Constructions. The following structures show the interaction between

Reflexivization and Bqui-1, where the higher Su deletes the embedded Su of the underlying sequence, thus removing the actual trigger for Reflexivization on the lower cycle (See Chapter Five, 2.1.1.0.3, for further details):

(52)a.

Hamono

tena^

i Paolyi.

will-kill himself^

b.

*Hamono

Paul^

ny tenany ^ i Paoly^.

will-kill self ^

Paul^

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "Paul^ will kill himselfi."

(53)a.

b.

Nitetika ny

hamono

tena^

i paoly

planned comp will-kill self ^

Paul^

*Nitetika ny hamono

ny tenany^ i Paolyi-

planned comp will-kill self^ (intended

reading

for

Paul^

both a. and b.)

"Pauli planned to kill himself

(52) a. is a simplex sentence. Hie ungrairmaticality of (52)b., contrasted with the grammaticality of (52)a., indicates that the victim must be tena in such a case, and this correlates with the fact that the victim is in the same clause as its trigger. The contrast in grammaticality between (53)a. and (53)b. suggests that initially tena had its trigger within the same clause, i.e.

261

the one embedded under nitetika. Notice that in both (52) a. and (53)a. the victim tena occupies the DO position. The following sequences show cases where the victim is an xo and an Oblique respectively:

(54)a.

Nitetika ny hanome

valin-kasasarana ny tenany^ i j^.

planned coup will-give reward

b.

*Nitetika ny hanome

self^

valin-kasasarana (an-)tena^ i j^.

planned conp will-give reward

self^

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "John^ planned to grant himself^ a reward."

(55)a.

Nitetika ny hitady

trano ho an'ny tenany^ i p^.

planned conp will-seek house for

b.

*Nitetika ny hitady

himself^ p^

trano ho (an-)tena^

planned conp will-seek house for

self^

i p^, p^

(intended reading for both a. and b.) "Paul^ planned to look for a house for himself^."

Again, as in the case of Equi-2 in 2.2.1, Raising-to-DO in 2.2.2, Equi-1 structures conform to the generalization made under 2.2 above.

2.2.4.1

Reflexivization and Raising-to-Su Constructions. The following structures show the interaction between

Beflexivization and Raising-to-Su (See Chapter Five, 2.1.4.6, for further details):

262

(56)a.

Fantatra fa namono tena^ i Paoly known

b.

oomp killed self^

Paul^

Fantatra i Paoly^ fa namono tena^. known

Paul

i coup killed selfi

(interpretation for both a. and b.) "It is a known fact that Paul^ killed himself

(57)a.

Fantatra fa

ny tenany^ ihany no voa-vòno-n'i p^.

be-known conp self^

b.

*Fantatra i P^ fa ny tenany^ ihany no known

c.

only part pass-hit-by p^

P^ coirp self^

voa-vonony^.

only part

*Fantatra ny tenany^ fa voa-vono-n'i P^. known

self ^

conp pass-hit-by P^

(intended reading for a., b., and c.) *"It is a known fact that it was himself^ that was hit by Paul/', i.e. "It is a known fact that it was Paul^ who got himself^ hit."

In (56)a. fantatra "be known" is a Raising-to-Su predicate with a sentential Su which conprises i Paoly. Hie grammaticality of (57)a. indeed argues that i Paoly, in the genitive case here, since the lower clause is in the passive voice with the perfective aspect-marker voa-, belongs in the lower predicate. Hie contrast in grammaticality between (56)a. and (57)b. shows that in

263

the first sequence i Paoly is still a Su at the time Raising-togu applies, whereas this is not the case in the second sequence. Furthermore, the ungranmaticality of (57)c. shows that Raisingto-Su is restricted to an environment where the word order is Unmarked, i.e. VOS, as that found in the lower clause of (56)a., which contrasts with the Marked order SVX (X being the Agent) found in the lower clause of (57) a. Thus, the domain of application of Raising-to-Su is the complement of that of Raising-toDO since in the latter case, the order in the embedded clause is SVO, as in:

(58) a.

?I X hikarakara

tena^ no

andrasa-n'

i P.

J^ will-take-care-of self part pass-expect-by P "It is for Jeanne^ to take care of herself that is expected by Paul", i.e. "Paul is expecting Jeanne^^ to take care of herself."

b.

?Izy^ hikarakara

tena^ no

andrasa-n'i

i P.

she^ will-take-care-of self part pass-expect-by P "Paul is waiting for Jeanne^ to take care of herself."

Although (58)a. and (58) b. are of dubious graiimaticality, their grammaticality is enhanced by the use of a special international pattern, with a strong pause just before the particle no. The matrix verb is andrasana "be-expected ," passive form of miandry "to expect". The NP i Jeanne in (58)a. is indeed a Su since it can be replaced with the Su form of the independent pronoun izy "he/she."

264

2.2.4.2

Hie Victim of Reflexivization and Case-Marking. Fran (56) through (58) above, the victim was a do. i

ccmp be-boss-passive

Paul^

"Paul^ expected himself^ to be served", i.e. "Paul^ expects other people to be subservient to him^ and to satisfy every one of his caprices."

b.

/[Niandry ["ny tenakoi ho hotonpoina"] expected

i P^]/.

self ^ conp future-boss-passive

P^

In (77)b., we have in the embedded clause a conplementizer ho and a future tense marker ho. Somehow either one of them will be filtered out or the two will merge. The word order in the embedded clause is the Marked SV one. If the underlying representation proposed in (77)b. is justified, it follows that Reflexivization precedes Clause-Union.

279

4.1.3.1

Justification for Direct Peeling Representation. One type of justification for a Direct Feeling repres-

entation is that many of the Raising-to-DO verbs,tàiiehshare the gaite characteristics as miandry "expect", are verbs of mental representation of the same type as milaza "to consider oneself as something, as is apparent through one's verbal behavior," mihevitra "to consider oneself as something, as is apparent in one's patterns of thought," and to a certain extent manao "to consider oneself as something, as is apparent through one's actions" — as opposed to verbs like miangavy "to request", which involve Equi-2 and which are verbs of linguistic communication.

(78)

Milaza ny tenany^/azy^ ho consider self

mahay

i Paoly^

/hirr^ conp intelligent Pauli

"Pauf considers himselfi intelligent."

(79)

Mihevitra ny tenany .j/azyi ho consider

self/hin^

mahay

i Paolyi.

ccaip intelligent Pauli.

"Pauf considers himselfi intelligent."

(80)

Nanao

ny tenanyi tsy ho

considered

selfi

zavatra tokoa i Paolyi-

not conp thing

really Pauli

"Pauf considered his selfi not to be a thing," i.e. "Paul showed total abnegation."

4.1.3.2

Postposition. It is possible to paraphrase (78) and (79), but not

(80), in the following manner:

280 (81)

Milaza...i Paoly^ [hoe mahay say

ny tenany.

Paul^ quote intelligent

self

"Pauf says that he^ is intelligent."

(82)

Mihevitra...i Paolyi [hoe mahay think

Pauf

ny tenanyi].

quote intelligent

self

"Pauf thinks that he^ is intelligent." -

(83)

*Nanao...i Paoly^ [hoe tsy ho did

Pauf

zavatra ny tenany.

quote not coirp thing

self

(no interpretation whatsoever)

In (81), milaza literally neans "to say"; in (82),

mihevitra

literally signifies "to think"; and in (83), manao means "to do". The granmaticality of (81) and (82) shows that it is possible to extrapose the embedded clause from the position indicated by ... and substitute hoe "quote.. .unquote" for the Indirect Discourse complementizer ho of (78) and (79). Notice the VS word order in the embedded clause in (81) and (82), as opposed to the SV order in (77) to (80). (83), for its part, is irretrievably ungrammatical.

4.1.3.3

Indirect Discourse Formation. In each of the examples in (78) and (79), the embedded

clause comprising the Reflexive form ny tenany stripped of its complementizer, does exist in the language as an independent clause, provided the necessary shift in person is effected. Nbte the change in word order, from the Unmarked VS to the Marked SV.

281

(84) a.

Mahay

ny tena-ko.

intelligent the body-of-me "I (my humble person) am intelligent."

b.

Ny tena-ko

mahay.

the body-of-me intelligent "As for me (my humble person), I am intelligent."

c.

*Mahay

ny tena-ny.

intelligent the body-of-him "He (his humble person) is intelligent."

d.

*Ny tena-ny

mahay.

the body-of-him intelligent "He (his humble person) is intelligent."

The contrast in grammaticality between the sentences in a. and b., and those in c. and d. proves that only the first person ny tena-ko "I (ny humble person)" is possible, but not *ny tena-ny "he (his humble person)". This suggests that an Indirect Discourse Formation is necessary which will shift the Direct Discourse first person ny tena-ko into ny tena-ny in the process of embedding a. under the appropriate matrix verb.

4.1.4

Reflexivization Before Raising-to-Su. Reflexivization interacts with Clause-Union in a way

which suggests that it must precede Raising-to-Su with a matrix predicate of the type of fantatra "(be) known."

282

(85)a.

b.

Fantatra

fa

known

conp killed selfi

Fantatra known

i Paoly^ fa

namono tenai ì Paoly Pauli

namono tenai-

Paul^ comp killed selfi

"It is a known fact that Paul^ killed himselfi."

(86)a.

Namono tenai i Paolyi. killed self^

b.

Fantatra known

(87) a.

i Paoly^ fa

Fantatra

Fantatra known

c.

Fantatra known

namono tenai-

Paul^ conp killed selfi

fa * [namono an'i Paoly ^^ i Paolyi].

known

b.

Pauli

conp killed

i Paolyi

fa

Pauli

[namono an'i Paolyi].

Paul^ conp killed

i Paolyi fa

Paul^

Pauli

[namono tenai].

Pauli comp killed selfi

In (85)a., Raising-to-Su has not applied yet, as opposed to the situation in (85) b. Now, if Reflexivization to tena applies in the embedded clause, as in (86) a., and then the embedded Su is raised into the matrix clause, one obtains (86)b. If, on the other hand, Reflexivization to tena does not apply in the lower clause, one is forced to resort to an intermediate structure like (87)a., which is ungrammatical. More importantly, in (87)c., Re-

283 flexivization to tena will have to apply across clause-boundary. However, in Subsection 4.4 below, we will see that Clausematiness is a crucial parameter for Reflexivization to tena in non-Causative constructions. It seems then that Reflexivization must be jnade to precede Raising-to-Su.

4.2

Reflexivization After Clause-Union. Yet, Reflexivization interacts with Clause-Union in

Causative Constructions in a manner which suggests that it must follow Clause-Union.

4.2.1

Reflexivization and the "Neutral" Directive Causative Amp(a) Construction. Reflexivization to tena interacts with Clause-Union in

Causative Constructions of the "neutral" Directive type and supports the generalization just proposed.

(88) a.

N - amp - amono tenai an'i Jeanne £ i Paoly. past-caus-kill self^

Jeanne^

Paul

"Paul had/caused Jeanne^ to kill herself^."

b.

/[N- aitp -[aiiDno an'i Jeanne^ past-caus-kill

c.

Jeanne^

i Jeanne^ i Paoly]/. Jeanne^

*N - amp - amono an'i Jeanne.^ an'i Jeanne^ past-caus-kill

Jeanne^

Jeanne^

Paul

i Paoly. Paul

Reflexivization to tena applies in the embedded clause of (88) b. since its structural description is met. In this case, therefore,

284 Reflexivization precedes Clause-Union since its non-application on the lower cycle yields the irretrievably ungrarrmatical (88)c.: only a Su can trigger Reflexivization and the initial trigger i Jeanne has now been demoted from Su to DO. (See Chapter Six, Subsection 2.5.0 and subsequent paragraphs about Demotion).

4.2.2

Reflexivization After Clause-Union in Other Causative Constructions. Reflexivization to tena cannot apply before

Clause-

Union in Causative Constructions of the Manipulative ana and anka as well as the Abilitative aha type since in each one of the embedded clauses in the b. sequences below, which constitutes an actual sentence of Malagasy in isolation, the predicate is intransitive and, as a result, Reflexivization cannot apply.

(89)a.

N - ana - tsara tena^ i Paoly ^. past-caus-good

self

Paul^

"Pauf made himself (appear) to be good", i.e. "Paul,, praised himself."

b.

/[N- ana -[tsara i Paoly^ i Paoly-jJ/. past-caus-good

(90) a.

Pauf

Paul^

N - ank - adala tena.^ i Paoly^. past-caus-crazy self

paul^

"Pauf worries himself to death."

b.

/[N- ank-[adala i Paoly^ ì Paoly jj/. past-caus-crazy Pauf

Pauli

285

(91) a.

N - aha - tafita

teru^ i Paoly.^

past- caus-successful self^

Paul^

"Paul managed to reach his goal(s)

b.

/[N- aha - [tafita

i Paoly^ i Paoly^/.

past-caus-successful Paul^

Paul^

Ihe underlying representation for each sequence is given in b. Hach one of the embedded clauses from (89) to (91), as shown in (64)a. to (66)a., are actual sentences of Malagasy: the structural description of Reflexivization is not yet met before ClauseUnion applies. It can only be inferred that Clause-Union mast precede Reflexivization.

4.3

The Ordering Paradox and its Solution. To solve the Ordering Paradox derived from, on the one

hand, the interaction between Reflexivization and Equi-1, Equi-2, Raising-to-DO, and Raising-to-Su, and, on the other, that between Reflexivization and Causative Constructions, the Cyclic Convention is made to apply, thus capturing both orderings.

4.3.1

The Order: Reflexivization Before Clause-Union. Thus, to account for the ordering of Reflexivization

before Clause-Union in complex non-Causative constructions involving Equi-1 or Equi-2, as well as in the case of the "neutral" Directive Causative, Reflexivization applies in the lower clause, as in (72)a. for Equi-1, (75)a. for Equi-2, or (88)a. for the relevant Causative since the structural description of the rule will have been met at that particular stage of the derivation.

286

4.3.2

The Order: Reflexivization After Clause-Union. Likewise, to account for the ordering Clause-Union be-

fore Reflexivization in Causative Constructions, there is the fact, quite evident in the underlying structures shown in (89)b. to (91)b., that the embedded clauses comprise intransitive predicates and that Clause-Union is necessary to increase the valency of the verbs, transforming them into transitives. The structural description of Reflexivization will only be met after ClauseUnion has taken place.

4.4

Boundedness. Reflexivization is a bounded rule in that: 1. on the one hand, in the case of the victim tena, it

is clause-bounded; and 2. on the other, in the case of the victim ny tenany, application of this subrule is restricted to a situation where the victim is in the next lower clause from its trigger, as in the Causal and the "neutral" Directive Causative Constructions.

4.4.1

Evidence for Boundedness of Tena-Reflexive. That Reflexivization to tena is a clause-bounded rule

is evident from the following data:

(92) a.

Nilaza i Paoly f a said

Pauii

hamono

tena^

that will-kill selfi

"Pauf said that hei will kill himself."

b.

/[Nilaza [fa hamono an'i Paoly^ i paoly^ i Paolyi]/. said

comp will-kill Pauf

Pauli

Pauli

287 (93) a. *Nilaza i Paolyi f a said

hamono

tena.^ i Jaona.

Paul^ that will-kill seiq

John

*"Pauli said that John will kill himself^"

b.

/[Nilaza [fa hamono an'i Paoly^ i Jaona] i Paoly^]/. said

(94)a.

comp will-kill Paul^

N-amp-amono

John

Paul^

tena^ an'i Paoly^ i Jeanne,

past-caus-kill self^

Paul^

Jeanne

"Jeanne caused Paul^ to kill himself^."

/[N-anp-aitDno

an'i Paoly i Paolyi] i Jeanne]/,

past-caus-kill

(95)a.

*N-amp-anono

Paul^

Paul^

Jeanne

tena.^ an'i Paoly i Jeanne^.

past-caus-kill self^

Paul

Jeanne^

*"Jeanne^ caused Paul to kill herself^"

b.

/[N-anp-amono an'i Jeanne^ i paoly] i Jeanne^/, past-caus-kill

Jeanne^

Paul

Jeanne^

The underlying sequences are given in b. for each of the actual sentences found in a. In (92) a Zero-Pronominalization rule (See details in Chapter Four) has deleted the embedded Su in (92)b. after Reflexivization has applied. The output is the grammatical (92) a. In (93), as is evident in (93)b., the trigger for Reflexivization is the higher Su, whereas its victim is the DO of the lower clause. The resulting sentence (93)a. is irretrievably

288

ungrammatical. In (92) and (93), we had non-Causative constructions. However, the situation in Causative Constructions is

not

fundanentally different: in (94)b., both the trigger and its victim are clausemates and the output (94)a. is grammatical; this contrasts with (95)b., where the trigger and its victim are in different clauses, yielding the ungrammatical (95)a.

4.4.2

Evidence for the Boundedness of Ny-Tenany-Reflexive. As far as non-Causative constructions are concerned,

Reflexivization to ny tenany is applicable if both trigger and victim are clausemates in a Marked structure:

(96)a.

I Paoly^ ihany no Paul^

namono

ny tenany

only part past-active-kill

self ^

"Paul^ is the onei who killed himself^", i.e. "P^ bears the entire responsibility for his^ own death."

b.

Ny tenany^ ihany no no-vono-in' i Paoly self ^

only part pass-kill-by Paul^

"Someone was killed by Paul^ and that is himself^."

c.

Ny tenany^ ihany no voa-vono-n' i Paoly^. self^

only part pass-kill-by Paul^

"Someone has been unwittingly killed by Paul^ and that is Paul^ himself"

(97)a.

*Nataon'

i P^ i 2a y nanonoan'

i J ny tenany^.

was-done-by P i comp circ-kill-by J "Pauli had Jeanne kill himself."

selfj^

289

b.

/[Nanao [(izay) namono ny tenan'i P. i j] i P^]/. did

(98) a.

Nataon'

(coup) killed

self-of

i P izay namonoan'

P^

j

p^

i ^ ny tenany^.

was-done-by P camp circ-kill-by J^

self^

"Paul caused Jeanne^ to kill herself^."

b.

*Nataon1

i p izay namono

ny tenany^ i j^.

was-done-by P comp past-act-kill self^

c.

/[ N-anao [ izay n-amono ny tenany^ i j^] i P]/ past-do

(99) a.

comp past-kill self^

p

*Namono ny tenanyi i Jeanne killed

self^

Jeannei

"Jeanne^ killed herself^"

b.

/[Namono ny tenan'

i Jeanne^ i Jeanne^]/,

killed the body-of-her Jeanne^

Jeanne^

In (96)a., the trigger and its victim are clausemates, as could be inferred from the possibility of promoting the DO ny tenany to Su: in (96)b., the verb has the nonperfective aspect marker no..• ina, whereas in (96)c., it has the perfective aspect marker voa. Furthermore, although it is an independent clause, the word order in (96) a. is the Marked SVO, as opposed to the Unmarked VOS order, as in (99), but which is ungrammatical. The contrast in

290 grammaticality between (97) a. and (98) a. is due to the fact that in the first, the trigger and its victim, as shown in the underlying representation in (97)b., belong in different clauses, hence its ungrammaticality; whereas, in the second, both trigger and victim are clausemates, as seen in (98)c. In addition, ny tenany in (98) c. is itself in an embedded clause, with its verb obligatorily in the circumstantial form of Passive (see Chapter Five). Otherwise, the ungrammatical (98)b. ensues. This suggests that the embedded clause in (98)a. is derived from (99)b. through Passivization. Since a passive is Marked, it follows that the embedded clause containing ny tenany in (98)b. is Marked.

4.4.2.1

Clausematiness and Ny-Tenany-Reflexive. In the case of structures like those in (96), it seems

that they involve clausemates so that it is to be concluded that Reflexivization to ny tenany can be clause-bounded. The following examples show that it does not have to be so:

(100)

Sosotra tamin' angry

ny tenany i Paoly^.

past-with self

Pauf

"Pauf was angry with himself."

(101)a. ?Sosotra i Paolyi tamin' angry

Pauf

ny tenany^

because-of

self

"Pauf was angry because of himself."

b.

N-aha-sosotra past-caus-angry

an'i Paoly^ n y tenany^. Pauf

self

"Pauf was angry because of himself."

291

(102) a.

Sosotra ì Paoly^ tamin' angry

izyi tsy tafita.

Paul^ because-of he^ not successful

"Paul^ was angry because of the fact that he^ was not successful."

b.

Izy^ tsy tafita

no

n-aha-sosotra an'i Paoly^.

he^ not successful part past-caus-angry

Paul^

"Hie fact that he.^ was not successful angered Pauli."

In (100), tamina means "with," but in (101)a. it can only have a Causal-Oblique interpretation. Now, Passivization shows that the cut-off point for prorroting an NP to Su is precisely the CausalOblique. This suggests that the latter is not part of the clause since (101)a., although of doubtful granmaticality with a Causal tamina, has the sane cognitive meaning as (101)b. with the corresponding Causative Construction. Since, as will be shown in Chapter Six, (101)b. must be derived from a bi-sentential source, it follows that the same may apply to (101) a. And indeed, (102), which oonprises a sentence embedded under the Causal-Oblique preposition, suggests that this is the case: in (102)a., the embedded clause immediately follows the Causal tamina, whereas in (102)b., it has been fronted, hence insertion of the particle rra to separate the sentential Su from the verbal predicate.

4.4.2.2

Causal-Oblique vs. Causal Causative Source. The following data confirm the view that a Causal-

Oblique construction is the source of the corresponding Causal Causative and not the other way around. It is, therefore, a piece of evidence in favor of thè bi-sentential source for (101) a.:

292

(103)a. /C sl N - aha -f s2 sosotra i P a o ^ S ] i P a o ^ past - caus - angry

b.

Paul^

Pauli

Sosotra i Paoly. angry

c.

S1]/.

Paul

N - aha - sosotra an'i Paolyi i Paolyipast-caus-angry

Paul^

d. *N - aha - sosotra tena^ past-caus-angry

Pauli

i Paolyi-

self^

Pauli

e. *N - aha - sosotra ny tenany.^ i Paolyipast-caus-angry

selfi

Pauli

f. *I Paolyi no n-aha-sosotra ny tenanyi. Pauli part past-caus-angry selfi

(104)a.

?Sosotra i Paolyi tamin1 angry

ny tenanyi.

Paul^ Causal-Obi

selfi

"Pauli is angry with himselfi."

b. ?N - aha - sosotra an'i Paoly^ ny tenanyipast-caus-angry

Paul^

selfi

"Paul^ is angry with himselfi-"

c-

Ny tenany^ no n-aha-sosotra an'i Paolyi. self^ part past-caus-angry

Pauli

"It was with himself , that Paul,- was angry."

293

If, as in (103)a., the Causal Causative is assumed to be the underlying representation for a sentence containing a Causal-Oblique and if Reflexivization is to apply, m e should be able to get a granmatical sequence with tena: Clause-Union yields (103) c. and the structural description of the rule is therefore net. Now, (103)d. is irretrievably ungrammatical, a sharp contrast with (91)a. Furthermore, along the lines sketched in 4.3.2, as illustrated in (98)a., it should be possible to have ny tenany In the embedded clause. In fact, (103)a. is a Marked structure from an aspectual viewpoint since the higher predicate is the Causal aha and since the latter canrallyembed a sequence with a predicate in the perfective aspect, as shown in Chapter One, Section 4. But, (103)e. is ungrammatical and even fronting of the Su in (103)f. does not help retrieve the situation — as is the case in (104) c. with the fronting of Su on the intermediate structure (104) b. If, on the other hand, the sentence (104)a. containing the Causal-Oblique is assumed to be the underlying sequence for the corresponding Causative Construction (101)b., then Reflexivization to ny tenany is easily accounted for: the trigger is a Su, i.e. i Paoly, and its victim occupies an Oblique position, and therefore must shew up as ny tenany. In the process of Causativization, which involves Clause-Union, the embedded Su is denoted to DO and the Causal-Oblique ny tenany is raised to become the higher Su. The grammaticality of (104)c. corroborates the proposed derivation.

4.4.2.3

Restrictions on the Causal-Oblique Preposition. New, there is a co-occurrence restriction between the

294

Psychological predicate and its Causal-Oblique preposition, either tamina or noho, both meaning "because". The restriction seems to hold particularly between the predicate and its preposition, which actually serves as a conplementizer, when the governed element is not an NP but a sentence/clause.

(105)a. *Taitra

i Paoly fa niakatra

surprised

b.

*Taitra

Paul conp went-upstairs Jeanne

i Paoly satria niakatra

surprised

c.

*Taitra

Paul conp

Taitra

i Jeanne.

went-upstairs Jeanne

i Paoly noho i Jeanne niakatra.

surprised

d.

i Jeanne.

Paul conp

Jeanne went-upstairs

i Paoly tamin' i Jeanne niakatra.

surprised

Paul comp

Jeanne went-upstairs

(intended reading for entire subset) "Paul was surprised at Jeanne's coming upstairs."

(106)a. *Tafita

i Paoly

successful Pauli

b.

*Tafita

nikiry

0^

conp persevered Oi

i Paoly^ satria nikiry

successful

Tafita

fa

Paul^ coup

i Paoly ^ noho

successful Pauli

perservered

izyi nikiry.

coup he.^ persevered

295

d. *Tafita

i Paoly ^ tamin' izy.^ nikiry.

successful Pauli conp he.^ persevered (intended reading for entire subset) "Paul^ was successful because he^ was perseverant."

(107)a.

Nandroaka an'i J(eanne) i K(oto) • fa tsy tia azy^ 0 J J i threw-out J (eanne) ^ Kotoj coup not love her _ he

b. *Nandroaka an'i threw-out

i Kj satria tsy tia azy^ Oj. J. 1

K • carp J

neg love her,- 0 • -L J

c. *Nandroaka an'i J^ i Kj noho izyj tsy tia azy^. threw-out

J^

K^ conp hej not love her^

d. *Nandroaka an'i J. i K• tamin'izy- tsy tia azy-. l j j Jthrew-out

Kj conp hej neg love her^

(intended reading for entire subset) "Kj threw J^ out because hej does not love her^."

(108) a.

b.

No-roah-an'

i Kj i J i fa

tsy tia-nyj

0i

pass-throw-out-by Kj

J^ corrp not pass-love-by-him 0^

No-roah-an' i Kj i

satria tsy tia-nyj

thrown-out-by Kj

carp

not loved-by-him Oi

c. *No-roah-an' i Kj i ^ noho izy^ tsy tia-nyj. thrown-out-by Kj

coitp she^ not loved-by-hinij

296 d. *tto-roah-an1

i K^ i J i tamin'izyi tsy tia-nyj.

thrown-out-by Kj

J i coup she^ not loved-by-himj

(intended reading for entire subset) "J^ was thrown out by Kj since she^ was not loved by hinij",i.e. "Kj threw J^ out because hej does not love her^"

Hie pattern of grammaticality and acceptability in (105) and (106) shows that, with taitra "be awakened", the relevant Causal-Oblique preposition is tamina, whereas with tafita "besuccessful", it is noho. Furthermore, (107) and (108) suggest that this type of co-occurrence restriction is not limited to typically intransitive verbs. In fact, the grammaticality and acceptability pattern found in the last two sets of examples indicates that typically transitive verbs co-occur with fa or satria, both with the Causal interpretation.

4.4.2.4

Boundedness- and Selection Restriction of Preposition. If indeed it is the case that there is a co-occurrence

restriction between the matrix verb and its preposition or complementizer , then it follows that such a verb selects the latter. It can only be inferred that the victim of Reflexivization can only show up in the next lower clause, in the case of the CausalOblique, and hence, given the derivation proposed in 4.4.2.2, in that of the Causal Causative as well.

4.4.2.5

Boundedness in Causative Constructions. In Causative Constructions, Reflexivization to ny tena-

ny is restricted to the next lower clause since:

297

in Causative Constructions not involving Fusion (See Chapter One, Section 5, for further details), if the trigger and its victim are separated by an intermediate clause, the output is irretrievably ungrammatical; and in Causative Constructions involving Fusion, embedding of another Causative predicate is not permitted, so that there is no possibility of having Reflexivization apply beyond the next lower clause.

4.4.2.5.1 Evidence for Boundedness from Directive Causatives. The first two sequences below involving the "coercive" and the "permissive" Directive constructions show that when the trigger and its victim have an intermediate cycle separating them, the output is irretrievably ungrammatical and cannot receive any interpretation whatsoever:

(109)a. *Navelan'

i X n-anp-amono

ny tenany^ an'i P Rj.

was-allcwed-by f past-caus-kill self

P Rj.

b. /[ gl Namela an-dRj [ g 2 n-anp -[ g3 amono ny tenan'i f allowed

1 P

P

S3]

Rj

S2J Rj

1 J

past-caus-kill

the body-of J^

i SlVJi

(intended reading for a. and b.) *"Ji allowed R to have P kill herselfi",i.e. "Ji allowed R to have P kill heri."

298

(110)a. *Noteren'

i J. n-airp-amono

was-forced-by

ny tenany^ an'i p r.

f past-caus-kill

p

selfi

R

b. /[ gl Nanery an-dRj [ g 2 n-amp-[ S 3 amono ny tenan' i forced

1 P

Rj

Bj S2l

P

Rj

1 J

past-caus-kill

the body-of

i ]/ Ji

(intended reading for a. and b.) *"Ji forced R to have P kill herself', i.e. "Ji forced R to have P kill heri."

(111)a.

N - anp - amono ny tenanyi past-caus-kill

an'i P i J ^

the body-of-her^

p

J^

b. /[ gl N - anp -[ g 2 amono ny tenan'i Ji i P g 2 ] i Ji]/ past-caus - kill

the body-of J^

P

Ji

(actual interpretation for a. and b.) *"Ji had P kill herselfi",

i,e

'

"Ji had P kill heri."

Yet, when the trigger and its victim are in two adjacent clauses, as in (111), the output is grammatical. Notice that in both (109)a. and (110)a., there is only a sequence of three NPs following the coiplex Causative predicate, and that the Unlike-Su Constraint operative

in "neutral" Directive Constructions is

respected in both, as is apparent in the lowest and the next-tolowest cycles in (109)b. and (110)b.

299 4.4.2.5.2 Evidence for Boundedness from Other Causatives. A Causative predicate involving Fusion, as explained in Chapter One, Section 5, does not allow embedding of another Causative predicate — however, see exceptions below in 4.4.2.5.3 and under Section 6.2.0 of Chapter One.

(112) a.

Hianatra

i Paoly.

will-study

Paul

"Paul will study."

b.

H - amp - ianatra

an'i Paoly i Jaona.

fut-caus-study

Paul

John

"John will cause Paul to study", i.e. "John will teach Paul."

c. *N-amp-amp-ianatra

an'i Paoly an'i Jaona Rakoto.

past-caus-caus-study

Paul

John Rakoto

"Rakoto had John cause Paul to study", i.e. "Rakoto had John teach Paul."

d.

Nasain-dRakoto

n-amp-ianatra an'i Paoly i Jaona.

was-told-by-Rakoto past-caus-study

Paul

John

"John was told by Rakoto to cause Paul to study", i.e. "Rakoto had John teach Paul."

Again, the ungrammaticality of the sentence (112)c. cannot be attributed to the presence of an exceptionally heavy sequence of four NPs since it only has three. Furthermore, the Unlike-Su Constraint is respected since the three NPs do not have the same

300

referent: Malagasy has recourse to the alternative strategy using asaina "be-told-to" in the main clause, as seen in (112)d. if

^

bedding of another Causative is not possible, then there should be no possibility of having the trigger of Reflexivization and its victim separated by an intermediate clause. From this, it can be inferred that in a Causative Construction, Reflexivization can only apply into the next lower clause.

4.4.2.5.3 Apparent Counter-Examples. Hie one exception to the general rule stated above, relative to the possibility of embedding another Causative under a matrix Causative predicate, involves the finite set of non-Psychological root passives of the type of vaky "broken." As the following set of examples show, such predicates can be doubly embedded:

(113) a.

Vaky

ny fitaratra/* i Paoly.

broken the glass / *

Paul

"The glass/*Paul is broken."

H - am- (v)aky ny

fitaratra

i Paoly.

fut-caus-broken the glass

Paul

"Paul will cause the glass to be broken", i.e. "Paul will break the glass."

N - anp - am - (v)aky ny

fitaratra an'i Paoly i Jaona.

past-caus-caus-broken the glass

Paul

John

"John had Paul cause the glass to be broken", i.e. "John had Paul break the glass."

301

(114)a.

M - i - verina

ny tantara.

pres-stative-repeat the history "History is repetitive", i.e "History repeats itself."

b. *M - am - (v) erina tenai ny tantara^ pres-caus-repeat self^ the history^ "History repeats itself."

Even the behavior of sentences like (113) c. constitutes a piece of indirect evidence in favor of the boundedness of Reflexivization since the root passive being non-Psychological, it will not take an animate Su, as can be inferred from the relevant portion of (113) a. Now, in Malagasy, the trigger of Reflexivization is restricted to animate NPs, as can inferred from the ungranniaticality of (114)b. and the grammaticality of sentences of the type of (60)b.

Section 5

Reflexivization and Pronominalization

5.0

Introduction. Section 5 will demonstrate that Reflexivization and

Pronominalization are in complementary distribution with respect to the clausematiness condition and the degree of fusion of the higher and the lower predicates in the case of bi-sentential sources.

302

1. Hie victim shows up as tena - when both the trigger and its victim are clausemates, either initially, as in non-Causative constructions; -or derived, as in the Manipulative or Abilitative Causative Constructions, both involving maximal fusion. In both cases, there is the proviso that the victim be a DO, but not an IO or an Oblique. 2. Hie victim ends up as ny tenany -when both the trigger and its victim are clausemates, either initially, as in non-Causative constructions, but the victim is an IO or an Oblique (exclusive of Causal-Oblique, See Chapter Five on Passivization); and -when the trigger and its victim are not clausemates, either only initially, as in the case of typical Raising-to-DO verbs (See 4.1.3.1) or in that of the "neutral" Directive (See Section 3), or always so, as in the case of the Causal-Oblique Causative. 3. Hie victim shows up as 0/tena/ny tenany/izy, i.e. optionally as a pronoun (See Chapter Four, Section 1, for further details).

5.1

Assumptions. In the present study about Reflexivization in Malagasy,

the following type of structure has been factored out since the apparent victim does not fit into the prototypical case:

(115)a.

Mikarakara

ny tenany^

fatratra i Jeanne^.

takes-care-of the body-of-hef indeed

Jeanne ^

" Jeanne^ takes good care of her^ own body."

303

b.

Mikarakara

tenai

fatratra i Jeannei.

takes-care-of

self.^

indeed

Jeanne

"Jeanne takes good care of herself."

in (115)a., ny tenany refers exclusively to Jeanne's body, whereas this is not the case in (115) b. Therefore, in the first sequence, there is a distinction between Jeanne as a person and her body. This is a case of what was referred to as Displacement, which makes the sentence under consideration Marked, therefore, less basic.

5.2

The Form of the Victim of Reflexivization. The victim of Reflexivization shows up as tena when

both the trigger and its victim are clausemates, either initially in non-Causative constructions or derived in the Manipulative and Abilitative Causatives.

5.2.1

Non-Causative Construction Environment. The victim ends up as tena when both the trigger and

its victim are clausemates initially in non-Causative constructions :

(116) a.

Namita-tena^ i paoly^. deceived-self, Paull l "Paul, deceived himself^"

b. /[Namitaka an'i Paoly^ ^ Paolyj_]/. deceived

Paul^

Paul^

304

(117)a.

Nikasa hanavo-tena^

ì P(aoly)

intended will-save-self^ p(aul)^ "P(aul) ^ intended to save himself^"

b. /tSx Nikasa [S2 hanavotra an'i P^ i P^] i P^]/. intended

will-save

P^

p^

Pi

The underlying sequences corresponding to the a. sentences are represented in b. in both instances, the trigger and its victim show up in the same clause. The example (116)a. is a simplex sentence; (117)a., a complex one. (See other exanples in Section 2). In (116), the verb ends up with a final syllable in ka so the DO tena undergoes Cbject-Incorporation into the verb. This process is activated whenever the verbal predicate ends up in ka, tra, or na. As a result, the compound turns into an intransitive verb.

5.2.2

Causative Construction Environments. The victim goes into tena when both the trigger.and its

victim become clausemates after Clause-Union, as in the case of the Manipulative and the Abilitative Causatives.

(118) a.

N-anp-ijaly past-caus-suffer

tena.j/*ny tenany^ i Jeanne^. self^

Jeanne^

"Jeanne^ made herself suffer," i.e. "Jeanne was a masochist."

b. /[N-airp-[ijaly an'i Ji/*ny tenan'i J i i jy i ji]/. past-caus-suffer

J^ the body-of J^

J^

Jj_

305

(119)a.

N-ank-adala

tena^/*ny tenany^

i Jeanne^,

past-caus-crazy self^the body-of-he^ Jeannej "Jeanne worried about every trifle."

b. /[N-ank-[adala

i J.j/*ny tenan'

i J^ i J ± ] / .

past-caus-crazy J i the body-of-her

(120) a.

N-aha-tafita

J£

tena./*ny tenanyi

i Paolyj.

past-caus-successful self/ the body-of-her^ Pauf "Pauf caused himself to be successful", i.e. "Pauf managed to achieve his^ goal(s)."

b. /[N-aha-[tafita past-caus-successful

i Pi/*ny tenan' i Pi] i Pi]/, P^/*the body-of P^

P^

All the portions of the a. sequences comprising ny tenany are ungrammatical in the relevant reading, and all the b. sequences with ny tenany are simply not acceptable since, as was pointed out in 4.1.3.3, only ny tena-ko "my humble person", in the first person singular, is possible just in case the lower clause has a Direct Peeling representation. This does not apply to the Manipulative and the Abilitative Causatives.

5.3

Hie Victim of Reflexivization as Ny tenany. The victim of Reflexivization goes into ny tenany in

the following cases: - obligatorily, when the trigger and its victim are derived clausemates, as in the "neutral" Directive Causative Constructions; and

306 - optionally, when the trigger and its victim are not clausemates, as in the case of typical Raising-to-DO verbs.

5.3.1

Ny-Tenany-Reflexive and the "Neutral" Directive. Ny tenany is obligatory in the "neutral" Directive

Causative Construction:

(121)a.

N - anp - amono ny tenany^ an'i Paoly i Jeanne^ past-caus-kill

self^

Paul

Jeanne^

"Jeanne^ caused Paul to kill herself^", i.e. "Jeannei caused Paul to kill heri."

b. *N - anp - amono azyi

an'i Paoly i Jeanne^.

past-caus-kill heri

Paul

Jeannei

(no interpretation whatsoever)

c. *N - anp - amono 0^ past-caus-kill

an'i Paoly i Jeanne^.

0^

Paul

Jeannei

(no interpretation whatsoever)

d. *N - anp - amono tena^ past-caus-kill self^

an'i Paoly i Jeanne^. Paul

Jeanne^

(coreferentiality exclusively with Causee)

The ungrammaticality of (121) b. with azy coreferential with the higher Su i Jeanne, (121)c. with a coreferential

and (121)d.

with a coreferential tena, proves that only a coreferential ny tenany is possible.

307

5.3.2

Ny-Tenany-Reflexive and Raising-to-DO Environment. Ny tenany is optional with a typical Raising-to-DO

verb:

(122)a.

Nilaza ny tenanyi ho said

b.

c.

d.

selfi

mahay

i Paolyi.

corrp intelligent Paul^

Nilaza azy^

ho

said

comp intelligent Paul^

him. l

mahay

i Paoly

ho

mahay

said

i Paoly-, °i comp intelligent zero-pro^ paul^

Nilaza tenai

ho

mahay

said

coup intelligent Paul^

Nilaza

self^

i Paoly^

(same reading for entire subset) "Paul^ considers himself^ intelligent."

In (122) a. and (122) b., the word order of the embedded clause is Marked, i.e. SV(O); the retention of pronoun strategy is used, this contrasts with (122)c., where the embedded clause has the Unmarked V(0)S order, and therefore, the zero-pronoun. (For further details, see Chapter Pour on Pronominalization). This suggests that the embedded i Paoly was in the Su position underlyingly in the sentence (122)c. Last, notice (122)d., where the victim is tena. Thus, the full range of options is possible under a typical Raising-to-DO verb like milaza: 0, tena, ny tenany, and azy, all of them with a coreferential reading with i Paoly.

308

5.3.3

Alternation Ny Tenany/Azy. Ny tenany alternates with azy in the Causal-oblique

Construction, but not with 0^ nor with tena;

(123)a.

Nanao izay n-aha-soa did

b.

what past-caus-good

Nanao izay n-aha-soa did

ny tenany^ i Paoly self^

azy^

i Paul^

Oi

i Paolyi.

what past-caus-good zero-pro^

d. *Nanao izay n-aha-soa did

i paoly^.

what past-caus-good him i

c. *Nanao izay n-aha-soa did

Paul^

tena^

Pauli

i Paolyi.

what past-caus-good self^

Pauli

(relevant meaning for entire subset) "Paul^ did whatever caused hin^ to be good", i.e. "Paul^ did whatever was good for himi."

5.4.1

Non-Relevance of the "Precede" Parameter. The grammatically pattern from non-Causative con-

structions provides evidence that supports the view that the "precede" parameter

is not relevant for Reflexivization in

Malagasy.

(124)

N-ikasa

h-amono tena^ Oi i

past-intend fut-kill self^

Paolyi.

0 obligatorily; b. when trigger = DO and victim = DO, victim => O/Pro optionally; c. when both trigger and victim =/= Su or DO, then victim

Pro obligatorily, i.e.

if only trigger = Su, victim => Pro obligatorily, if only trigger = DO, victim if only victim = Su, victim

Pro obligatorily, Pro obligatorily,

if only victim = DO, victim => Pro obligatorily; if both trigger and victim =/= Su or DO, then victim =» Pro obligatorily.

1.2.0

Animate But Non-Human Trigger Assumption. Assuming that the trigger is referential, singular and

animate but not human, and furthermore: a. if both the trigger and its victim occupy the Su position, then the victim goes into a Zero-pronoun although Hay + pronoun can also be marginally acceptable; b. if both the trigger and its victim occupy the DO position, then the victim can optionally go into a Zero-pronoun, a Pronoun, or Ilay + Pronoun; and c. if both the trigger and its victim do not occupy the Su or the DO position, then the victim tends to go into a Pronoun, except:

346

- when the victim occupies the Su position, in which case, it goes into Hay + Pronoun; - or when oily the trigger or only the victim is a DO - or both the trigger and its victim are neither Su nor DO, then, the victim can optionally surface into Ilay + Pronoun.

1.2.1

Both Trigger and Victim Are Sus. When both the trigger and its victim occupy the Su

position, then the victim goes into a Zero-pronoun although ilay + Pronoun can sometimes also be marginally acceptable:

(40)a.

N-ivovo

ny alikai fa latsaka t-ao anaty lavaka 0^.

past-bark the dog^ since fallen

into

hole hei

"The dog^ was barking because iti fell into a hole."

b.

*N-ivovo

ny alika^ fa latsaka t-ao anaty lavaka izy^.

past-bark the dog^ since fallen into

c.

"The dog^ was barking because iti

N-anomboka n-ivovo past-begin past-bark

0^ ny alikai. the dogi

*N-anomboka n-ivovo izy^ n y alikaipast-begin past-bark he^ the dogi

hole

fel1 ìnto a

"The dog began to bark."

b.

hei

Nivovo ny alika^ fa latsaka tao anaty lavaka ilay izy^. barked the dog^ since fallen into

(41)a.

hole

it^ hole."

347

C.

*N-ancmboka n-ivovo ilay izyi ny alika^. past-begin past-bark

it.,

the dog^

"The dog began to bark."

(42) a.

N-itady

h-ihinam-bary (L ny alika^.

past-seek fut-eat-rice (h the dog^ "The dog wanted to eat rice."

b.

*N-itady

h-ihinam-bary izyi n y alikai.

past-seek fut-eat-rice he^ the dog^ "The dog wanted to eat rice."

c.

*N-itady

h-ihinam-bary ilay izy,,n y alika^

past-seek fut-eat-rice

it^

the dog^

"Hie dog wanted to eat rice."

(43) a.

T-any

ny alikai fa tsy t-eto

past-there the dog^^

but neg past-here

"The dog was there but not here."

b.

*T-any

ny alika^ fa tsy t-eto

past-there the dog^

izy^.

but neg past-here hei

"The dog was there but not here."

c.

*T-any ,

ny alikai f a tsy t-eto

past-there the dog^

ilay izy

but neg past-here iti

"The dog was there but not here."

348

(44)a.

N-andeha n-ikarenjy (h ny alikai. past-go past-roam CK the dogi "The dog went roaming around."

b.

*N-andeha n-ikarenjy izy^^n y alikaipast-go past-roam he^ the dogi

c.

*N-andeha n-ikarenjy ilay izyi ny alikaipast-go past-roam

(45)a.

it^

N-itetika h-isambotra akoho past-plan fut-catch

ka n-andrasa-ko

the dogi

ny alika^

chicken the dog^

tsara (L.

so pass-wait-for-by-me well "Hie dog^ wanted to catch (some) chickens so I watched iti carefully."

b.

*N-itetika h-isambotra akoho past-plan fut-catch

ka n-andrasa-ko

c.

ny alikai

chicken the dog^

tsara izy^

so pass-wait-for-by-me well

he^

N-itetika h-isambotra akoho

ny alika,

past-plan fut-catch

chicken the dog

ka n andrasa-ko

tsara ilay izy^

so past-wait-for-by

well

he. l

349

"The dog^ wanted to catch (some) chickens so I watched it^ carefully."

in all of the above sentences, both the trigger and its victim occupy the Su position. NCw, when the victim surfaces as a Zeropronoun, as in the a. versions, the outputs are grammatical; but when it goes into the preferential independent pronoun izy, the sentences become ungrammatical. Hcwever, as seen in (40) c. and again in (45) c., it is also possible to have the victim go into Hay + Pronoun when there is some emphasis on the victim. Notice that in the last two sentences, the victim is in a clause which is not embedded within the matrix, as is the case with (41) and (42). The grammatically pattern above shows that the sequence with a Zero-pronoun is always grammatical when both trigger and victim are Sus, but that it can sometimes go into Ilay + Pronoun since native speakers' judgments vary.

1.2.2

Both Trigger and Victim Are DOs. When both the trigger and its victim occupy the DO

position, then the victim can optionally go into a Zero-pronoun, a Pronoun, or Ilay + Pronoun:

(46)a.

Tokony h-androaka ny alika^ i paolyj should fut-chase the dog^

kanefa m-atahotra but

Paulj

0^ 0j.

pres-afraid 0^ 0j

"Paul should chase the dogi, but is afraid of( hin^)."

350

b.

Tokony h-androaka ny alika^ i paolyj should fut-chase the dogi

kanefa m-atahotra but

Paulj

azy^ Oj.

pres-afraid-of hiiru Oj

"Paul should chase the dog^ but is afraid of him^.'

c.

Tokony h-androaka ny alìka^ i paolyj should fut-chase the dogi

kanefa nt-atahotra but

paulj

ilay izyi Oj.

pres-afraid-of

iti Oj

"Paul should chase the dog^, but is afraid of iti-"

(47)a.

Tsy n-ikarakara

ny alika^ i Paolyj

neg past-take-care-of the dog

fa tena

Paulj

tsy n-iraharaha 0 i Oj.-

but really neg past-care

0 i Oj

"Paul did not feed the dog^, and did not care about (hirr^)."

b.

Tsy n-ikarakara

ny alika^ i paoly Oj

neg past-take-care-of the dog

fa tena

Paul Oj

tsy n-iraharaha azy.^ Oj.

but really neg past-care

hinu Oj

"Paul did not feed the dog^ and did not care about him.."

351

c.

Tsy n-ikarakara

ny alika^ i p(aoly) j

neg past-take-care-of the dog^

fa tena

p(aul)j

tsy n-iraharaha ilay izy^ Oj.

but really neg past-care

it^ Oj

"P did not feed the dogi and did not care about it^"

(48)a.

Hoe h-anampy ny soavaly^ i Pj said fut-help the horse^

Pj

fa tsy hoe h-ijery 0.^ fotsiny tsy akory Oj. but neg said fut-look 0 i only

neg at-all Oj

"P was supposed to help the horse^ and not just look at (him^)."

b.

Hoe h-anampy ny soavaly^ i Pj said fut-help the horse

fa tsy hoe h-ijery

Pj

azy^ fotsiny tsy akory Oj.

but neg said fut-look-at hirn^ only

neg at-all Oj

"P was supposed to help the horse^ and not just look at him^."

c.

Hoe h-anampy ny soavaly^ i Pj fa tsy said fut-help the horse

hoe h-ijery said fut-look-at

Pj but neg

ilay i2yi fotsiny tsy akory Oj. iti

only

neg at-all Oj

352

"P was supposed to help the horse and not just look at it. "

In the sentences from (46) to (48), the trigger is a DO and the victim is also a DO. The three versions, a. with Zero-pronoun, b. with azy, and c. with ilay + izy, yield grammatical sequences, it can be concluded that the choice is free between these three forms. However, the c. version appears to be the most natural, whereas the b. sentence sounds somewhat unnatural without a more elaborate context and the a. version is ambiguous between one interpretation where the Zero-pronoun refers to an antecedent in the sentence and another where the Zero-pronoun refers to the overall situation and not just to a specific antecedent.

1.2.3.1

Only the Trigger Is a Su. When cnly the trigger occupies the Su position, the

victim goes into Ilay + Pronoun obligatorily:

(49)a.

*N-anome

vary ny alika^ i Paoly fa

past-give rice the dog^

naona CK.

Paul since hungry CK

"Paul gave the dogi some rice since he^ was hungry."

b.

*N-anome

vary ny alika^ i Paoly fa

past-give rice the dog^

naona izy^.

Paul since hungry he^

"Paul gave the dog^ some rice since he^ was hungry."

c.

N-anome

vary ny alika^ i Paoly fa

past-give rice the dogi "Paul gave the dog. s o m

naona ilay izy^.

Paul since hungry r i c e s i n c e it .

^

ìt^

hungry .«

353

(50)a.

*N-iafina tamin'ny alika_L i paoly fa past-hide from the dogi

masiaka

0i.

Paul since ferocious 0 i

"Paul was hiding from the dogi for hei was ferocious."

b.

*N-iafina tamin'ny alikai i Paoly fa past-hide from the dogi

masiaka izy^

Paul since ferocious he^

"Paul was hiding from the dog. for he^ was ferocious."

c.

N-iafina tamin'ny alika., i Paoly fa masiaka ilay izy^ past-hide from the dog^

Paul since f.

it^

"Paul was hiding from the dog^ for it^ was ferocious."

(51)a.

*N-itsaha-n' i Paoly ny rambo-n'ny alika^ ka nivovo 0^ past-tread-by Paul the tail-of the dog^ so barked "Paul was walking on the doge's tail, so he^ barked."

b.

*N-itsaha-n'i Paoly ny rambo-n'ny alika^ ka nivovo izy^ past-tread-by Paul the tail-of the dog^ so barked he^ "Paul was walking on the doge's tail, so he^ barked."

c.

Nitsahan'i P ny rambon' ny alika^ ka nivovo ilay izy^ tread-by

P the tail-of the dog^ so barked

it^

"P was walking on the dog^s tail, so it£ barked."

The sentences from (49) to (51) have their

trigger occupying

non-Su position: an 10 in (49), an Oblique in (50), and a Geni tive in (51). Hie a. sentences, where the victim goes into Zero-pronoun, are irretrievably ungrammatical and, in fact, can

354

not be interpreted (only the intended meaning provided); likewise for the b. sequences, which however are conceivable in Child Speech or Foreigner Talk. By contrast, the c. sequences with the victim showing up as ilay + Pronoun are perfectly granmatical.

1.2.3.2

Only the Trigger Is a DO. When only the trigger is a DO, the victim can optional-

ly surface into Ilay + Pronoun except when the latter is a Su, in which case it is obligatory:

(52)a.

*Nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa tsy nety chased

the dog.

nandeha 0^.

p but neg accepted went

0-

\

"p chased the dog^ but the latterdid not yield."

?*Nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa tsy nety nandeha izy^. chased

the dog^

p but neg acc. went

he^

"p chased the dogif but the latter^ did not yield."

c.

Nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa tsy nety nandeha ilay izy^ chased

the dog^

P but neg acc. went

ifc

i

"P chased the dog , but the latterdid not yield." i (53)a.

Tia handroaka ny alika^ i p kanefa matahotra 0^. want will-chase the dog^

p but

afraid

"P wants to chase the dogit but is afraid of hirn^."

Tia handroaka ny alika^ i p kanefa matahotra azy^. want will-chase the dog^

p but

afraid

him^

"P wants to chase the dog^ but is afraid of hin^."

355

C.

Tia handroaka ny alikai i p kanefa matahotra ilay izy. w. will-chase the dogi

p but

afraid

it^

"P wants to chase the dogi, but is afraid of iti."

(54)a.

*Tsy nandroaka ny alikai i p fa nanome vary neg chased

the dogi

p but gave rice

"P did not chase the dog^, but gave him^ rice."

b.

Tsy nandroaka ny alika.^ i p fa nanome vary azy^ neg chased

the dog^

p but gave rice him^

"P did not chase the dog^, but gave hinii rice."

c.

Tsy nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa nanome vary ilay izy^. neg chased

the dog^

p but gave rice

it^

"P did not chase the dog^, but gave it^ rice."

(55)a.

*Tsy nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa niafina 0.^. neg chased

the dog.^

p but hid

0.^

"P did not chase the dog^, but hid from hirn^."

b.

Tsy nandroaka ny alika^ i P fa niafina tami-ny^. neg chased

the dog^

p but hid

from-him^

"P did not chase the dog^, but hid from him^."

c.

Tsy nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa niafina tamin'ilay izy neg chased

the dog^

p but hid

from

"P did not chase the dog^ but hid from iti."

it^

356

(56)a.

*Tsy nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa nikitika ny rambo-0.. neg chased

the dog^

p but touched

the tail-his.

"P did not chase the dog^ but touched hisi tail."

b.

Tsy nandroaka ny alikai i p fa nikitika ny rainbo-ny^. neg chased

the dog^

p but touched the tail-his^

"P did not chase the dog.,, but touched his.^ tail."

c.

Tsy nandroaka ny alika^ i p fa nikitika neg chased

the dog^

p but touched

ny rambon' ilay izy^. the tail-of

it

i "P did not chase the dog , but touched its^ tail." i Except for (53), in the sentences from (52) to (56), oily the trigger is a DO. Furthermore, in (52), the victim is a Su, and only the sequence (52) c. with Ilay + Pronoun is perfectly grammatical. In (54), the victim is an 10 and, as a result, both (54)b. and (54)c. are grammatical. Likewise, in (55), where the victim is an Oblique, both (55)b. and (55)c., are grammatical. In (56), with the victim in the Genitive case, both (56)b. and (56)c. are grammatical. This subset of sentences contrast with (53), which has its victim in the DO position with the predicate matahotra "be-afraid-of (something)" and which allows the coreferential Zero-pronoun, as in (53)a., along with the other two options in (53)b. and (53)c.

357

1.2.3.3

Only the Victim Is a DO. When only the victim is a DO, then it can optionally

surface into Ilay + Pronoun, except when the trigger is a Su, in which case it is obligatorily a Pronoun:

(57)a.

*Nivovo ny alika^ f a

nitoraka

Oi ny ankizy.

barked the dogi since threw-stone Oi the child(ren) "The dogi barked since the child threw stones at himi."

b.

Nivovo ny alikai f a

nitoraka

azyi ny ankizy.

barked the dogi since threw-stone hirrii the child (ren) "The dogi barked since the child threw stones at himi."

c.

?Nivovo ny alika^ fa nitoraka (an')ilay izyi ny ankizy. barked the dogi s. threw-st.

iti

the child

"The dog^ barked since the child threw stones at iti-"

(58)a.

*Nanome vary ny alìkaj^ i p rehefa avy namaha Oigave

rice the dog^

p after done untied Oi

"P gave the dogi rice after untying himi."

b.

Nanome vary ny alikai i p rehefa avy namaha azyi. gave

rice the dog.^

p after done untied himi

"P gave the dogi rice after untying himi."

c.

Nanome vary ny alikai i p rehefa avy namaha ilay izyigave

rice the dogi

p after done untied

"P gave the dogi rice after untying it^"

iti

358

(59) a.

*Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i p rehefa avy nitoraka 0 ^ hid

from the dog.^

p after done threw-st C^

"P hid from the dog^ after throwing stones at him

b. . Niafina tamin'ny alika.^ i p rehefa avy nitoraka azy^. hid

from the dog^

p after done threw-st himi

"P hid fran the dog^ after throwing stones at himi."

c.

Niafina tamin'ny alìka^ i p rehefa avy hid

from the dog^

p after done

nitoraka (an') ilay izy^ threw-stone

it,

"P hid from the dogi after throwing stones at iti-"

(60)a.

*Nanitsaka ny rambo-n'ny alikai i P no sady nandaka Oi. trod

the tail-of the dog.^

p also

kicked Oi

"p stepped on the dog^s tail and kicked himi-"

b.

Nanitsaka ny rambon'ny alika^ i P no sady nandaka azy^. trod

the tail-of the dogi

P also

kicked hinii

"P stepped oi the dog^s tail and kicked himi-"

c.

Nanitsaka ny rambon'ny alika^ i p no sady nandaka trod

the tail-of the dog.^

p also

kicked

(an') ilay izyi. ifc

i "P stepped on the doge's tail and kicked iti-"

359

In

(57), the trigger is a Su, and as the gramraaticality pattern

of this subset shows, oily a Pronoun is possible: (57)b. is perfectly grammatical, whereas (57)c. is marginally so. In (58), the trigger is an 10 while in (59) and (60), it is respectively an Oblique and a Genitive. In all three subsets, the sequences in b. and c., with either a Pronoun or Ilay + Pronoun are perfectly grammatical.

1.2.3.4

Both Trigger and Victim Other Than Su or DO. Both the trigger and its victim do not occupy the Su or

the DO position, then the victim can optionally surface into Ilay + pronoun:

(61)a.

*Nanome vary ny alikai i p rehefa avy nanome rano 0 i . gave

rice the dog^

p after done gave water

"P gave the dog^ rice after giving him^ water."

b.

Nanome vary ny alikai i p rehefa avy nanome rano azy^. gave

rice the dog^

p after done gave water him^

"P gave the d c ^ rice after giving hiir^ water."

c.

Nanome vary ny alikai i p rehefa avy nanome rano gave

rice the dogi

p after done gave water

(an1) ilay izy^. it. l "P gave rice to the dogi after giving iti water."

360

(62) a.

*Nanome vary ny alika^ i p rehefa avy niaraka gave

rice the dog^

o^

p after done accompanied

"P gave rice to the dog^ after accompanying himi."

b.

Nanome vary ny alika^ i p rehefa avy niaraka tami-ny^. gave

rice the dog^

P after done accomp-with-hiitii

"P gave rice to the dog^ after accompanying himi."

c.

TNancme vary ny alika i P rehefa avy niaraka gave

rice the dog^

p after done accompanied

tamin'ilay izy^. with

it^

"P gave rice to the dogi after accompanying iti-"

(63)a.

*Nanone vary ny alika., i P rehefa nahita ny vilia-0^. gave

rice the dog^

p after

saw

the plate-0i

"P gave rice to the dog^ after seeing hiSi plate."

b.

Nanome vary ny alikai i P rehefa nahita ny viUa-ny^ gave

rice the dogi

P after

saw

the plate-hiSi

"P gave rice to the dog^ after seeing hiSi plate."

c. ?*Nanome vary ny alika^ i p rehefa nahita gave

rice the dog^

p after saw

ny vilia-n'ilay izy^. the plate-of

iti

"P gave rice to the dog^ after seeing itSi plate."

361

(64)a.

*Niafina tamin'ny alikai i p f a tsy nanome sakafo 0 ^ hid

from the dogi

p but neg gave food himi

"P hid from the dogi but did not give himi

b.

food

-"

Niafina tamin'ny alika^^ i p f a tsy nanome sakafo azyi hid

from the dogi

p but neg gave food

himi

"P hid from the dogi but did not give himi food."

c.

Niafina tamin'ny alika^^ i p fa tsy nanome sakafo hid

from the dcg.^

p but neg gave food

(an') ilay izy^. ifc

i "P hid from the dogi but did not give iti food."

(65)a.

*Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i P fa tsy niaraka hid

from the dogi

Oi.

p but neg accompanied Oi

"P hid from the d c ^ but did not go with himi."

b.

Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i P fa tsy niaraka tami-nyi. hid

frcmi the dogi

P but neg aceomp with-himi

"P hid from the dogi but did not go with himi."

c.

Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i p fa tsy niaraka hid

from the dog^

p but neg accompanied

tamin'ilay izy^. with

it.^

"P hid from the dogj^ but did not go with iti."

362

(66)a.

*Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i p ary nanitsaka ny rarabo-O^. hid

from the dog^

p and trod

the tail-o^

"P hid from the dog. and stepped on his tail." 1 i b.

Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i p ary nanitsaka ny rambo-ny. hid

from the dog^

P and trod

the tail-his^

"P hid from the dogi and stepped on his^ tail."

c.

Niafina tamin'ny alika^ i p ary nanitsaka hid

from the dog^

p and trod

ny rambo-n'ilay izyi. the tail-of

i^

"P hid from the dog^ and stepped on its^ tail."

(67) a.

*Nanitsaka ny ranibo-n'ny alika^ i P raha handeha trod

the tail-of the dog^

hanome

vary Oi.

p when fut-go

fut-give rice Oi

b.

Nanitsaka ny ranibo-n'ny alika^ i p raha handeha trod

hanome

the tail-of the dog^

p when fut-go

vary azy^.

fut-give rice hinu "P stepped cxi the dog^s tail when he/she was about to give him. rice."

363

c.

Nanitsaka ny ranibo-n'ny alika^ i p raha handeha trod

hanome

the tail-of the dogi

p when fut-go

vary (an') ilay izy^.

fut-give rice

it^

"P stepped Cxi the doge's tail when he/she was about to give itj rice."

68)a.

*Sosotra tamin'ny vovo-n' angry

ny alika^ i p ka nandeha

with the barking-of the dog^

p so went

niafina tamy-(h. hid

b.

from-Oj

?Sosotra tamin'ny vovo-n' angry

ny alika^ i P ka nandeha

with the barking-of the dog^

p so went

niafina tami-ny^. hid

from-hiitij

"P was angered by the barking of the dog^ and so, went hiding from him^."

c.

Sosotra tamin'ny vovo-n' angry

ny alika^ i p ka nandeha

with the barking-of the dog^

p so went

niafina tamin'ilay izy^. hid

from

itj

"P was angered by the barking of the dog^ and so, went hiding from itj."

364

(69)a.

*Sosotra tamin'ny vovo-n' angry

ny alika^ i p ka

with the barking-of the dog^

n-itsaha-ny

p so

ny rambcMK.

pass-tread-by-him/her the tail-CK "p was angered by the barking of the dog^ and so, stepped cxi his^ tail."

b.

Sosotra tamin'ny vovo-n' angry

ny alika^ i p ka

with the barking-of the dog^

n-itsaha-ny

p so

ny rambo-ny^.

pass-tread-by-him/her the tail-his^ "P was angered by the barking of the dog^ and so, stepped cm hisj^ tail."

c.

Sosotra tamin'ny vovo-n' angry

ny alika^ i p ka

with the barking-of the dog^

n-itsaha-ny

p so

ny rambo-n'ilay izy^.

pass-tread-by-him/her the tail-of

it^

"P was angered by the barking of the dog^ and so, stepped on hiSj tail."

In (61), both the trigger and its victim occupy the 10 position and the a. version with a Zero-pronoun is ungrammatical, but both (61)b. and (61) c. with a Pronoun and Ilay + Pronoun respectively are perfectly grammatical. In (62), the trigger is an 10, but the

365

victim is an Oblique: (62)b. with a Pronoun in its clitic form is ^e most natural although some native speakers sometimes find (62)c. not totally acceptable. In (63), the trigger is an 10, whereas its victim is a Genitive: here again, (63)b. with a clitic Pronoun appears preferable to (63)c. which comprises Ilay + pronoun although the latter is not ungrammatical. The sentences in (64) have their trigger in the Oblique and their victim in the XO position: the grammatically pattern makes it quite evident that there exists a choice between a Pronoun, as in (64)b., and Tlav + Pronoun, as in (64) c. In (65), both the trigger and its victim are Obliques and the choice between a Pronoun, as in (65)b., and Ilay + Pronoun, as in (65)c., subsists. However, when the victim is a Genitive, as in (66), while the trigger remains an Oblique, there seems to be a strong preference for a Pronoun, as is evident in (66) b. compared with (66) c. comprising Ilay + Pronoun. New, when the trigger is a Genitive and its victim, an 10, as in (67), both the b. sequence with a Pronoun and the c. version with Ilay + Pronoun are grammatical. In (68), the trigger is a Genitive but its victim, an Oblique: the preference seems to go towards the c. sequence with Ilay + Pronoun although the one in (68)b. is not totally ungrammatical. Finally, in (69), both the trigger and its victim are Genitives: both a Pronoun, as in (69)b., and Ilay + Pronoun, as in (69)c., are grammatical although the latter sounds more natural.

1.2.4

Summary: Non-Human, Animate Trigger and Pronominalization. All of the above, from 1.2.0 to 1.2.3.4, can be sum-

marized on Table 8.

366

Table 8

Anaphoric Pronorainalization: Non-human Animate Trigger

Victim

Trigger/'

SO

SU

0;*Pro

DO

*0; Pro

?Ilay+Pro *llay+Pro

DO

10

OBL

GEN

10

OBL

GEN

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*Ilay+Pro

*Ilay+Pro ?*Ilay+Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0;*Pro

0; Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

?Ilay+Pro

?Ilay+Pro

*0;*Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

*0;*Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

?Ilay+Pro

*0;?*Pro

*0; Pro

*0; Pro

*0;?Pro

*0; Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Ilay+Pro

Note: 0 = Zero-pronoun; Pro = Pronoun; Ilay+Pro = Ilay + Pronoun;* = Ungrammatical ; ? or ?* = Doubtful Grammaticality. See summary next page.

,

367

Assumptions 1. Trigger = Referential, 2. Trigger = Animate but not human, 3. Trigger = Singular, guirmary: a. When both trigger and victim = Su, then victim

Zero-pronoun;

b. when both trigger and victim = DO, then victim

Zero-pronoun/Pronoun/Ilay+Pronoun;

c. when both trigger and victim =/= Su or DO, -if oily trigger = Su, victim => Pro; -if oily trigger = DO, victim

Pro/Ilay+Pro;

-if oily victim = Su, victim =s> Ilay+Pro; -if only victim = DO, victim

Pro/Ilay+Pro,

except when victim = Su; -if both trigger and victim =/= Su or DO, then victim

Pro/Ilay+Pro

except when victim = Genitive;

Mote: = Is; =/= Is Not; / = Either Or;

1.3.0

= show(s) up as.

Non-Animate Trigger Assumption. Assuming that the trigger is referential, singular and

non-animate and furthermore: a. if both the trigger and its victim occupy the Su position, then the victim goes into a Zero-pronoun preferably although Ilay + Pronoun is sometimes possible; b. if both the trigger and its victim occupy the DO position, then the victim can optionally go into a Zero-pronoun, Ilay + Pronoun or sometimes a Pronoun, although sequences with a Pronoun are generally not very good; but

368

c. if both the trigger and its victim do not occupy the Su or the DO position, then the victim goes into Ilay + Prononn except when the trigger is either an Oblique or a Genitive, in which case the victim can optionally surface into a Demonstrative —here Io "this."

1.3.1

Both Trigger and Victim Are Sus. When both the trigger and its victim occupy the Su

position, then the latter preferably goes into a Zero-pronoun although Ilay + Pro is sometimes a definite possibility:

(70)a.

Nirodana ny trano^ f a fell

efa

be simba loatra 0^.

the house^ since already big damage too it^

"The house^ fell since it^ had too much damage."

b.

*Nirodana ny trarex fa fell

c.

efa be simba loatra izy^.

the house^ since al. big damage too

he^

Nirodana ny trano^ f a efa be simba loatra ilay izy^. fell

the house^ s. al.big damage too

it^

"Hie house^ fell since it^ had too much damage."

d.

*Nirodana ny trano^ fa efa be simba loatra io^. fell

(71)a.

the house^ s. al. big damage too this^

Nilatsahan' ny varatra ny trano^ ka niatonta 0^. fallen-on-by the thunder the house^ so fell "Thunder fell on the housesubsequently, it^ fell."

369

b.

*Nilatsahan'ny varatra ny trance ka niatonta ìzy^. fallen-by the thunder the house^ so fell

it^

c. ?*Nilatsahan'ny varatra ny tranoi ka niatonta ilay izy^. fallen-by the thunder the house^ so fell

it^

"Thunder fell on the house^; subsequently, it^ fell."

d.

*Nilatsahan1 ny varatra ny trano.^ ka niatonta io^. fallen-by the thunder the house^ so fell

this^

In (70) and (71), both the trigger and its victim are Sus and the grammatically pattern found in the above sentences suggests that the victim goes into a Zero-pronoun: all of the a. sequences are perfectly grammatical, whereas the ones in the c. versions with Ilay + Pronoun are sometimes grammatical, as in (70)c., and sometimes of doubtful grammatically, as in (71) c.

1.3.2

Both Trigger and Victim Are DOs. When both the trigger and its victim occupy the DO

position, then the victim can optionally go into a Zero-pronoun, Ilay + Pronoun, or even into a Pronoun sometimes:

(72)a.

Nanandrana nandrodana ny trano^ ry Paoly tried

tore-down the housei p au l and associates

fa tsy naharodana but neg managed-to-tear-down "Paul and Associates tried to tear down the house, but did not manage."

370

b.

TNanandrana nandrodana ny trano^ ry Paoly tried

!

tore-down the house^ Paul and associates

fa tsy naharodana

azy^.

but neg managed-to-tear-down "Paul and Associates tried to tear down the house, but did not manage."

c.

Nanandrana nandrodana ny trano^ ry Paoly tried

tore-down the house^ Paul and associates

fa tsy naharodana

(an') ilay izyj.

but neg managed-to-tear-down

itj

"Paul and Associates tried to tear down the house, but did not manage."

d.

*Nanandrana nandrodana ny trano^ ry Paoly tried

tore-down

the house^ Paul and associates

fa tsy naharodana

(an') io^.

but neg managed-to-tear-dcwn

(73)a.

this^

Nitady ny fiara^ i p fa tsy nahita Oj. sought the ear^

p but neg saw

Oj

"P was looking for the car^, but did not find itj."

b.

*Nitady ny fiara^ i p fa tsy nahita azy^. sought the ear^

p but neg saw

itj

371

c.

Nitady ny fiarai i p f a sought the e a ^

tsy nahita (an1) ilay izyi.

p but neg saw

i^

"P was looking for the carif but did not find it^"

d.

*Nitady ny fiara^^ i P fa tsy nahita (an') ioj. sought the car

p but neg saw

it.^

"P was looking for the car v, but did not find itj."

In (72) and (73), both the trigger and its victim are DOs and as a result, there is a choice between three possibilities although the zero-pronoun appears to be the nost natural. The sentences (72)a., (72)c., (73)a. and (73)c. with either a Zero-pronoun or Ilay + Izy are perfectly grairmatical; those in (72)d. and (73)d. with the demonstrative Io "this," ungrammatical; and those with the Pronoun azy sometimes, as in (72)b., of dubious grairmaticality, if not totally ungrammatical, as in (73)d.

1.3.3.1

Only the Trigger Is Either a Su Or a DO. When cxily the trigger is either a Su or a DO, then the

victim goes into Ilay + Pronoun obligatorily:

(74) a.

*Nirodana ny trano^^ f a tsy tia handany vola fell

the house^ but neg want fut-spend money

anty-(h intsony ny tompo-ny^. on-it^ longer

the owner-its^

"Hie house ^ crumbled down since its cwner no longer wanted to spend any money on it.."

372

b. ?*Nirodana ny trance fell

fa tsy tia handany

vola

the housej but neg want fut-spend money

ami-nyj intsony ny tompo-nyj. on-itj longer the cwner-itsj "The housej crumbled down since itsj owner no longer wanted to spend any money on itj."

c.

Nirodana ny tranoj fa tsy tia handany fell

vola

the housej but neg want fut-spend money

amin'ilay izyj intsony ny tompo-nyj. on

it i

longer

the owner-itSj

"The housej crumbled down since itSj owner no longer wanted to spend any money an itj." d. ?*Nirodana ny trano j fa tsy tia handany fell

vola

the housej but neg want fut-spend money

amin'ioj intsony ny tompo-nyj. on

(75)a.

thiSj longer the owner-itSj

*Nirodana ny tranOj fa tsy tia hanarina fell

the housej but neg want fut-erect

ny vatana-Oj intsony ny tompo-nyj. the body-of-Oj longer the owner-its^ "Ihe housej fell but itSj owner no longer wanted to erect itSj body."

373

b.

*Nìrodana ny tranOj fa tsy tia hanarina fell

the housej but neg want fut-erect

ny vata-ny^

intsony ny tompo-nyj.

the body-of-itj longer the owner-itSj

c.

Nirodana ny tranoj fa tsy tia hanarina fell

the housej but neg want fut-erect

ny vata-n'ilay izyj intsony ny tompo-nyj. the body-of itj

longer the owner-itSj

"The housej fell but

itSj

owner no longer wanted to

erect itSj body."

d.

*Nirodana ny tranOj fa tsy tia hanarina fell

the housej but neg want fut-erect

ny vata-n' iOj

intsony ny tompo-nyj.

the body-of thiSj longer the owner-itSj

(76)a.

*Nandrodana ny tranOj ry Paoly tore-down the housej Paul and associates

fa tsy tia handany

vola amy-Oj intsony.

but neg want fut-spend money on-Oj longer "Paul and Associates tore the housej down since they no longer wished to spend money on it.."

374

b.

*Nandrodana ny tranOj ry Paoly tore-dcwn the house^ Paul and associates

fa tsy tia handany

vola ami-nyj intsony.

but neg want fut-spend money on-itj longer

c.

Nandrodana ny tranOj r y Paoly tore-down the house^ Paul and associates

fa tsy tia handany

vola amin'ilay izyj intsony.

but neg want fut-spend money cm

itj

longer

"Paul and Associates tore the housej down since they no longer wished to spend money on itj."

d.

*Nandrodana ny tranOj ry Paoly tore-dcwn the housej Paul and associates

fa tsy tia handany

vola amin'iOj intsony.

but neg want fut-spend money on thiSj longer

(77)a.

*Nandrodana ny tranOj ry Paoly tore-down the house Paul and associates

fa tsy tia hanarina ny rindrina-Oj intsony. but neg want fut-erect the wall-Oj

b.

longer

*Nandrodana ny tranOj ry Paoly tore-down the house Paul and associates

375

fa tsy tia hanarina ny rindri-ny^ intsony. but neg want fut-erect the wall-its^ longer

c.

Nandrodana ny trano^ r y paoly tore-down the house Paul and associates

fa tsy tia hanarina ny rindri-n'ilay izy^ intsony. but neg want fut-erect the wall-of

it^

longer

"Paul and Associates tore the house^ down since they no longer wished to erect its^ walls."

d.

*Nandrodana ny trano^ r y Paoly tore-down the housei paul and associates

fa tsy tia hanarina ny rindri-n'io^ intsony. but neg want fut-erect the wall-of it^ longer

In (74) and (75), only the trigger is a Su, whereas in (76) and (77) only the trigger is a DO. Only the c. sequences with Ilay + Pronoun are perfectly grammatical in the intended readings.

1.3.3.2

Only the Victim Is Either a Su Or a DO. When only the victim is either a Su or a DO, then it

goes into Ilay + Pronoun although when the trigger is either an Oblique or a Genitive, the victim can optionally show up as a Demonstrative —here Io "this":

(78)a.

*Nipetraka tao amin'ilay trano^ r y Paoly dwelt

in

the housei P a u l

m á

associates

376

na dia

malemy aza Oj.

although shaky neg (h

b.

*Nipetraka tao amin'ilay tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

na dia

in

the house^ Paul and associates

malemy aza izyj.

although shaky neg itj

c.

Nipetraka tao amin'ilay tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

na dia

in

the housej Paul and associates

malemy aza ilay izyj.

although shaky neg

itj

"Paul and Associates lived in the housej although itj was shaky."

d.

Nipetraka tao amin'ilay tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

na dia

in

the housej Paul and associates

malemy aza iOj.

although shaky neg thisj "Paul and Associates lived in the housej although it. was shaky."

(79)a.

*Nipetraka tao amin'ilay tranOj r y Paoly dwelt

in

the house. Paul and associates

377

na dia

tsy tia (h aza.

although neg like (K neg "Paul and Associates lived in the house^ although they did not like itj."

b.

*Nipetraka tao amin'ilay trano^ ry Paoly dwelt

in

na dia

the house^ Paul and associates

tsy tia azyj aza.

although neg like itj neg

c.

Nipetraka tao amin'ilay tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

in

na dia

the house^ Paul and associates

tsy tia an'ilay izyj aza.

although neg like

itj

neg

"Paul and Associates lived in the house^ although they did not like itj."

d.

Nipetraka tao amin'ilay tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

in

na dia

the housej Paul and associates

tsy tia an'iOj aza.

although neg like

this, neg

"Paul and Associates lived in the housej although they did not like itj."

(80)a.

*Nahita ny sari-n' saw

ny tranOj ry Paoly

the picture-of the housej p a u l

m d

associates

378

na dia

tsy mazava tsara aza (h.

although neg clear well neg CL

b.

*Nahita ny sari-n'

saw

ny

tranOj r y Paoly

the picture-of the house^ Paul and associates

na dia

tsy mazava tsara aza izyj.

although neg clear well neg itj (compare with (80)a. above)

c.

Nahita ny sari-n' saw

ny tranOj r y Paoly

the picture-of the house^ p au l and associates

na dia

tsy mazava tsara aza ilay izyj.

although neg clear well neg

itj

"Paul and Associates saw the picture of the housej although itj was not quite visible."

d.

Nahita ny sari-n' saw

ny tranOj ry Paoly

the picture-of the housej Paul and associates

na dia

tsy mazava tsara aza iOj.

although neg clear well neg thiSj "Paul and Associates saw the picture of the housej although itj was not quite visible."

(81)a.

*Nahita ny toera-n' ny tranOj r y paoly saw

the site-of the house. Paul and associates

379

rehefa nitady O^. when

b.

sought CK

*Nahita ny toera-n1 ny trano^ ry Paoly saw

the site-of the house^ Paul and associates

rehefa nitady azy^. when

c.

sought it^

Nahita ny toera-n1 ny tranoi ry Paoly saw

the site-of the house^ Paul and associates

rehefa nitady an'ilay izy^. when

sought

it^

"Paul and Associates saw the site of the house^ when they looked for it^."

d.

Nahita ny toera-n' ny trano^ ry Paoly saw

the site-of the house^ Paul and associates

rehefa nitady an'io^. when

sought

this^

"Paul and Associates saw the site of the house^ when they looked for it^."

In (78) and (79), the trigger is an Oblique, whereas in (80) and (81) it is in the Genitive. In each pair of sentences, the victim shows up as a Su in the first and as a DO in the second.

380

1.3.3.3

Both Trigger and Victim Other Than Su or DO. When both the trigger and its victim are neither a Su

nor a DO, then the victim goes into Ilay + Pronoun although when the trigger is an Oblique or a Genitive, the victim can optionally go into a Demonstrative —here Io "this":

(82)a.

*Nipetraka tao amin'ny trano^ ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

the house^ Paul and associates

tsy nandany vola tamy-CK.

although neg spent

b.

money on-it^

?Nipetraka tao amin'ny trano^ ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

the house^ Paul and associates

tsy nandany vola tami-ny^.

although neg spent

money on-it^

"Paul and his associates lived in the house. although they did not spend noney on it^."

c.

Nipetraka tao amin'ny trano^ ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

the house paul and associates

tsy nandany vola

although neg spent

tamin'ilay izy^.

money on

it^

"Paul and his associates lived in the house^ although they did not spend noney on it..»

381

d,

Nipetraka tao amin'ny trano^ ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

the housej Paul and associates

tsy nandany vola

although neg spent

money

tamin'iOj. on

thiSj

"Paul and his associates lived in the housej although they did not spend money on itj."

33)a.

*Nipetraka tao amin'ny tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

tsy nety

the housej Paul and associates

nanome ny hofa-Oj.

although neg accepted gave

b.

the rent-Oj

?Nipetraka tao amin'ny tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

tsy nety

the housej Paul and associates

nanome ny hofa-nyj.

although neg accepted gave

the rent-itsj

"Paul and his associates lived in the housej although they did not accept to give itSj rent."

c.

Nipetraka tao amin'ny tranOj ry Paoly dwelt

kanefa

in

tsy nety

the housej Paul and his associates

nanome ny hofa-n'ilay izyj.

although neg accepted gave

the rent-of

itj

"Paul and his associates lived in the housej although they did not accept to give itSj rent."

382

d.

Nipetraka tao amin'ny trano^ ry Paoly dwelt

in

kanefa

tsy

the house^ Paul and associates

nety nanome ny hofan-'io.

although neg accepted gave

the rent-of thiSj

"Paul and his associates lived in the housej although they did not accept to give rent for itj."

[84)a.

*Tsy nety

nanome ny hofa-n' ny tranOj ry Paoly

, neg accepted gave the rent-of the housej Paul & assoc.

fa tsy tia hovoarohirchy

tamy Oj.

but neg want will-be-involved with Oj

b.

*Tsy nety

nanome ny hofa-n' ny tranOj ry Paoly

neg accepted gave the rent—of the house. Paul & assoc.

fa

tsy tia hovoarohirohy

tami-nyj.

but neg want will-be-involved with-itj

c.

Tsy nety

nanome ny hofa-n' ny tranOj ry Paoly

neg accepted gave the rent-of the housej Paul & assoc.

fa

tsy tia hovoarohirohy

tamin'ilay izyj.

but neg want will-be-involved with

itj

"Paul and his associates did not accept to give the rent for the housej since they did not want to be involved with itj."

383

d.

Tsy nety

nanome ny hofa-n" ny trano^ ry Paoly

neg accepted gave the rent-of the house^ Paul & assoc.

fa

tsy tia hovoarohirohy

tamin' iOj.

but neg want will-be-involved with thiSj "Paul and his associates did not accept to give the rent for the housej since they did not want to be involved with itj."

(85)a.

*Nijanona tany

ivela-n' ny tranOj ry Paoly

remained there outside-of the housej Paul & assoc.

fa tsy tia hiditra

tao anaty Oj.

but neg want will-enter in inside Oj

b.

Nijanona tany

ivela-n' ny tranOj ry Paoly

remained there outside-of the housej Paul & assoc.

fa tsy tia hiditra

tao

anati-nyj.

but neg want will-enter there inside-of-itj "Paul and his associates stayed outside the housej since they did not want to enter itj."

c.

Nijanona tany

ivela-n' ny tranOj ry Paoly

remained there outside-of the housej Paul & assoc.

fa tsy tia

hiditra

tao

anati-n' ilay izyj.

but neg want will-enter there inside-of

it.

384

"Paul and his associates stayed outside the house^ since they did not want to enter it^."

d.

Nijanona tany

ivela-n' ny trano ry Paoly

remained there outside-of the house^ Paul and associates

fa tsy tia hiditra tao

anati-n' io^.

but neg wan will-enter there inside-of this^ "Paul and associates stayed outside the house^ since they did not want to enter it^."

In (82) and (83), the trigger is an Oblique, whereas in (84) and (85), it is a Genitive. The grammaticality pattern in the first pair suggests that there is a choice between Ilay + Pronoun, as in (82)c. and (83)c., and the demonstrative j£ "this," as in (82)d. and (83)d. Furthermore, a ooreferential clitic pronoun seems marginally possible, as in (82)b. and (83)b. As for the second pair, the choice subsists between Ilay + Pronoun, as in (84)c. and (85)c., and the demonstrative io "this," as in (84)d. and (85)d. Last but not least, notice that when both the trigger and its victim, as in (85)b., occupy the Genitive position, the sequence with the coreferential clitic pronoun becomes fully granmatical.

1.3.4

Summary: NOn-Animate Trigger and Pronominalization. All of the above information from 1.3.1 to 1.3.3.3 can

be summarized in the following manner on Table 9.

385

Table 9 Anaphoric Pronominalization: Non-Animate Trigger

Trigger

/

/

SU

SU

DO

0; *Pro

?0; *Pro

?ilay + pro *io

DO

Victim

*0; *Pro ilay + pro

ilay + pro *io

0; *Pro ilay + pro

10

OBL

*0; *Pro ilay + pro

GEN

*0; *Pro ilay + pro

*io

*io

*0; *Pro

*0; *Pro

ilay + pro

ilay + pro

*io

*io

*io

*io

*0; *Pro

*0; ?*Pro

*0; ?Pro

*0; *PrO

10

QBL

GEN

ilay + pro

ilay + pro

ilay + pro

ilay + pro

io

io

io

io

*0; *Pro ilay + pro io

*0; ?*Pro ?ilay + pro io

*0; ?Pro

*0; Pro

ilay + pro

ilay + pro

io

io

Mote: 0 = Zero-pronoun; * = Ungrammatical; Pro, Ilay + Pro, or io = Alternate forms. Absence of * = Grammatical. See summary overleaf.

386

Assumptions: 1. Trigger = Referential; 2. Trigger =/= Animate; 3. Trigger = Singular. Sunmary: a. When both trigger and victim = Su, then, victim

Zero-pronoun

although Ilay + Pronoun also possible sometimes; b. When both trigger and victim = DO, then, victim => Zero-pronoun/ilay + pronoun sometimes also a Pronoun; c. When both trigger and victim =/= Su or DO, then -when only trigger = Su or DO, victim =» ilay + pronoun; -when oily victim = Su or DO, victim => ilay + pronoun; -when both trigger and victim =/= Su or DO, then, victim => Ilay + Pronoun although when trigger = Obi or Gen, victim

Denonstrative optionally.

Section 2

Other Relevant Parameters

2.0

Introduction. Section 2 will show that: 1. the "precede" parameter is not relevant; 2. only the "command" parameter is relevant; 3. Forward Pronominalization is possible whether the

trigger conmands its victim or not; and

387

4. Backward Pronominalization is possible only when the trigger commands its victim.

2.1.1

The "Precede" Parameter. The "precede" parameter is not relevant since in each

one of the following sentences, the trigger may precede or follow its victim — i n these instances a Zero-pronoun— yet, all the sequences are perfectly granmatical:

(86)a.

Tsy fantatr'i P na handeha i J\ n a tsy handeha 0^. neg known-by P if will-go

J i Q r neg will-go

"It is not known to P whether J will go or not," i.e. "P does not know whether J will go or not."

b.

Tsy fantatr'i P na handeha (h na tsy handeha i J^. neg known-by P if will-go Ch or neg will-go "P does not know whether J will go or not."

(87)a.

Nitsangana i P^ dia nandray ny boki-ny CK. stood-up

P^ and took

the book-his

"P stood up and took his book."

b.

Nitsangana dia nandray ny boki-ny (L i p^. stood

and took

the book-his (L p^

"P stood up and took his book."

(88)a.

Nitsangatsangana i P i f a tsy nahalala 0^. took-a-walk

but neg knew

"P^ took a walk since hej did not know."

J^

388

b.

Nitsangatsangana fa tsy nahalala Oj i Pj. took-a-walk

but neg knew

Oj

Pj

"Pj took a walk since hej did not know."

(89)a.

Nianatra i Pj sy namaky kitay Oj. studied

Pj and chopped wood Oj

"P did some studying and chopped wood."

b.

Nianatra sy namaky kitay Oj i Pj. studied and chopped wood Oj

Pj

"P did seme studying and seme wood-chopping."

(90)a.

Nianatra i Pj dia namaky kitay Oj. studied

Pj and chopped wood Oj

"P did some studying and chopped wood."

b.

Nianatra dia namaky kitay Oj i Pj. studied and chopped wood Oj

Pj

"P did some studying and seme wood-chopping."

(91)a.

Nianatra i Pj ary koa namaky kitay Oj. studied

Pj and also chopped wood Oj

"P did seme studying and cut wood."

b.

Nianatra ary koa namaky kitay Oj i Pj. studied and also chopped wood Oj

Pj

"P did some studying and some wood-chopping."

389

(92)a.

T-any

i Pj fa tsy t-eto

Oj.

past-there Pj but neg past-here Oj "P was there but not here."

b.

T-any

fa tsy t-eto

Oj i Pj.

past-there but neg past-here Oj

Pj

"P was there but (certainly) hot here."

(93)a.

Nalahelo i Pj f a was-sad

tsy afaka

Oj.

Pj because neg successful Oj

"Pj was sad because hej did not succeed."

b.

Nalahelo fa

tsy afaka

Oj i Pj.

was-sad because neg successful Oj i Pj "Pj was sad because hej did not succeed."

(94)a.

Raha vao

tonga

i Pj dia hiakatra

any

Oj.

as soon as arrived Pj then will-go-up there Oj "As soon as Pj comes, hej will go up there."

b.

Raha vao

tonga

dia hiakatra

any

Oj i Pj.

as soon as arrived then will-go-up there Oj

Pj

"As soon as hej comes, Pj will go up there."

(95)a.

Rahatrizay any i Pj dia hikarakara whenever

an'io Oj.

there Pj then will-take-care-of this Oj

"Whenever Pj gets there, hej will take care of this."

390

b.

Rahatrizay any whenever

dia hikarakara

an'io Ch i Pj.

there then will-take-care-of this Oj Pj

"Whenever he^ gets there, Pj will take care of this."

(96)a.

Mianatra i Pj studies

no sady

mampianatra Oj.

Pj at same time teaches

Oj

"P studies and at the same time teaches."

b.

Mianatra no sady

manpianatra Ch i Pj.

studies at same time teaches

(h

Pj

"P is both a student and a teacher."

(97)a.

Nilaza i Pj fa said

handeha Oj.

Pj that will-go Oj

"Pj said that hej will go."

b.

Nilaza fa said

handeha Oj i Pj.

that will-go Oj

Pj

"Pj said that hej will go."

(98)a.

Nanantena i Pj fa hoped

ho-afaka

Oj.

Pj that will-be-successful Oj

"Pj was hoping that hej would be successful."

b.

Nanantena fa hoped

ho-afaka

Oj i Pj.

that will-be-successful Oj

Pj

"Pj was hoping that hej would be successful."

391

(99) a.

Nisotro taoka i drank

booze

ka

mano

0i.

P i go drunk Oi

"P drank and subsequently got drunk."

b.

Nisotro taoka ka mamo (h i p^. drank

book so drunk CL

p^

"P drank and got drunk."

(100) a.

Nikasa

(ny)

handeha 0 i i p^^ kan jo tsy lasa

intended (carp) will-go 0 i

but

neg gone 0 i

"P wanted to go, but did not leave."

b.

Nikasa

(ny)

handeha kanjo tsy lasa (h i p^.

intended (camp) will-go but

neg gone CK

p^

"P wanted to, but did not leave."

In all of the a. sentences from (86) to (100), the trigger precedes the victim with the possible exception of the relevant portion of (100)a., whereas in the b. sequences it is the victim which precedes the trigger.

2.1.2

Evidence Against the "Precede" Parameter. The "precede" parameter is not relevant since in each

one of the following sentences, the trigger may precede or follcw its victim—in each of the following instances, a Pronoun— yet, nearly all the sequences are grammatical. Hie two cases which seem to be exceptional will be dealt with below.

392

(101)a.

Niresaka tamin'i ^ i p dia nanatitra azyj. talked

to

0\

p and escorted her^

"P talked to J^ and then, after the talk, escorted her j.11

b.

Niresaka tami-nyj i p dia nanatitra an'i Jj. talked

to-her^

p and escorted

Jj

"P talked to Jj and then, escorted herj."

c.

Niresaka tami-nyj sy nanatitra an'i ^ i P. talked

to-herj and escorted

Jj

P

"P talked to Jj and then, escorted her^."

(102)a.

Nananatra an'i Jj i p no sady nibedy advised

ON

azy^.

P and also reprimanded her^

"P gave ON some advice and at the same time reprimanded herj."

b.

Nananatra azy^ i p no sady nibedy advised

her^

an'i Jj.

p and also reprimanded

Jj

"P gave her^ some advice and at the same time reprimanded Jj."

c.

Nananatra azyj n o sady nibedy advised

an'i Jj i P.

herj a t also reprimanded

Jj

P

"P gave herj some advice and at the same time reprimanded J.."

393

(103)a.

Nilaza tamin'i J. i p fa said

to

hanome

azy^ vola.

p that will-give her^ noney

"P told Jj that he will give herj noney."

b.

Nilaza tami-ny^ i p fa said

to-her ^

hanome an'i Jj vola.

p that will-give

Jj money

"P told herj that he will give jv money."

c.

Nilaza tami-nyj fa said

hanome an'i Jj vola i P.

to-herj that will-give

Jj money P

"P told herj that he will give Jj money."

(104)a.

Nanantena ny fahatongava-n'i J. i P hoped

the coming-of

kanefa tsy tonga but

X

p

izyj.

neg arrived she^

"P was hoping that Jj would come, but shej did not."

b.

Nanantena ny fahatongava-ny^ i p hoped

the coming-of-hiSj

kanefa tsy tonga but

p

i Jj.

neg arrived

"P was hoping that Jj would come, but shej did not."

c. *Nanantena ny fahatongava-ny^ i p hoped

the ocaning-of-his.

p

394

kanefa tsy tonga but

i J. i P.

neg arrived

X

p

"P was hoping that Jj would come, but shej did not.

(105)a.

T-any

amin'i J. i P taloha

past-there with

ami-ny^

X

fa tsy any

P previously but neg there

intsony izao.

with herj no-more now "P used to be at Jj's, but not any longer."

b.

T-any

ami-ny^

taloha

fa tsy any

past-there with-her^ previously but neg there

ami-n'i X with

intsony

izao i P.

X no-longer now

P

"P used to be at Jj's, but not any longer."

c.

T-any

ami-ny^

taloha

fa tsy any

past-there with-her^ previously but neg there

ami-n'i X with

intsony

izao i P.

Jj no-longer now

P

"P used to be at Jj's, but not any longer."

(106)a.

Niaraka

tami-n'i X

accompanied with

X

i p taloha P previously

395

kanefa tsy mahita azyj intsony. but

neg see

her^ no-longer

"p used to go out with X although he no longer sees herj."

b.

Niaraka

tami-nyi i p taloha

accompanied with-her^ P previously

kanefa tsy mahita an'i J^ intsony. but

neg see

0\ no-longer

"p used to go out with J^ although he no longer sees her^"

c.

Niaraka

tami-ny^ taloha

kanefa tsy mahita

aaxscpanied with-hsr^ previously but

neg see

an'i J. intsony i P. J^ no-longer P "p used to go out with CT although he no longer sees her.,."

(107)a.

Nalahelo an'i J. i p fa tsy nahita azy^ intsony. missed

J^

p but neg saw

her^ no-longer

"p missed J^ since he no longer saw her^."

b.

Nalahelo azyi i p fa tsy nahita an'i Jj intsony. missed

heri

p but neg saw

J\j_ no-longer

"p missed her^ since he no longer saw J^."

396

c.

Nalahelo azy^ f a tsy nahita an'i J^ intsony i P. missed

her^ but neg saw

J^ no-longer P

"P missed her^ since he no longer saw J^."

(108)a.

Raha mikotaba amin'i J. i p dia manome azy^ rariny. if

make-fuss with

J^

"If P makes a fuss with

P so give

her^ right

, he will make her^ cause

sound right."

b.

Raha mikotaba ami-ny^ i p dia manome an'i J^ rariny. if

make-fuss with-her^ P so give

J^ right

"If P makes a fuss with her^, he will make the cause of J^ sound right."

c.

Raha mikotaba ami-ny^ dia manome an'i J^ rariny i P. if

make-fuss with-her^ so give

J^ right

P

"If P makes a fuss with her^, he will make the cause of J^ sound right."

Rahatrizay manome boky an'i J^ i P whenever

give

book

J^

p

(109)a. dia hampahatsiahy azy^ ilay resaka. so will-remind "Whenever P gives

her^ the talk (a) book(s), he will remind her^

of the talk."

Rahatrizay manome boky azy^ i p whenever b.

give

book her^

p

397

dia hampahatsiahy an'i X so will-remind

ilay resaka.

J^ the talk

"Whenever P gives J i ( a ) book(s), he will remind heri of the talk."

c.

Rahatrizay manane boky azy^ dia hampahatsiahy whenever

give

book her^ so will-remind

an'i J. ilay resaka i P. ^

the talk

P

"Whenever P gives heri (a) book(s), he will remind ^ of the talk."

The sentence (104)c. is ungrammatical since the sequence has two Sus; this obviously does not relate to the issue under consideration. On the other hand, (103)b. poses problems that will be taken up under 2.2.3.1 and 2.2.3.2. Otherwise, the grammatically of the b. and c. sequences, from (101) to (109), suggests that the "precede" parameter is not relevant since in each one of them the victim precedes its trigger.

2.2.1

The "Command" Parameter. The

"command" parameter, as proposed

in Langacker

(1969), is relevant since the following sequences show that whenever the trigger commands the victim —here, a Zero-pronoun— the sentence is grammatical, whereas whenever the trigger does not command the victim, the sentence becomes ungrammatical:

398

(110)a.

Nandeha i P^ [{fa sao/fandrao/andrao} maninona went

P^ for fear that

o^].

do-something

"Pi left for fear that something should befall him^."

b. *Nandeha 0 i [{fa sao/fandrao/andrao} maninona went

CK

for fear that

i pi].

do-something Pj^

"Pi left for fear that something should befall him^."

(111) a. Nilaza [fa nandeha 0^] i Paoly^. said

that went

CK

"Pauli said that hei

left

Paul^ -"

b. *Nilaza Ch [fa nandeha i Paoly^]. said

0 i that went

Pau^

"Pauli said that hei left."

(112) a. Nanantena [fa hoafaka hoped

i Paolyi.

that will-be-successful 0i

Pauli

(same as (98)b.) "Pauli was hoping that he^ would be successful."

b.

*Nanantena (h [fa hoafaka hoped

0i that will-be-successful Pauli

"Pauli was hoping that hei

(113)a.

i Paolyi].

^ successful."

Nisotro taoka [ka mamo 0i] i paoly^. drank

booze so drunk (h

(same as (99)b.) "Paul drank and got drunk."

Pauli

399

b. *Nisotro taoka 0 i [ka mamo i Paolyj]. drank

booze (L

so drunk Paulj

"Paul drank and got drunk."

(114)a.

Naláhelo [fa was-sad

tsy afaka

(L] i paolyj.

since neg successful CK

(same as (93)b.)

paulj

—

"Paul^ was sad because hej did not succeed."

b. *Nalahelo 0 i [fa was-sad

tsy afaka

i Paolyj].

(L since neg successful Paulj

"Paul^ was sad because hej did not succeed."

(115)a.

Raha vao

tonga

[dia hiakatra

any

Ch] i paolyj.

as soon as arrived so will-go-up there Oj

Paulj

(same as (94)b.) "As soon as Paulj comes, hej will go up there."

b.

Raha vao

tonga

Oj [dia hiakatra

any i Paolyj].

as soon as arrived Oj so will-go-up there Paulj "As soon as he .J comes, Paulj will go up there."

In (111)a., (112)a., (113)a., and (114)a., there is a pause just before the main clause Su, toward the end of each sentence. All of these sequences are grammatical, the subordinate clause being embedded under each matrix in the absence of Postposition. In all of the ungrammatical sentences, i.e. as seen in (110)b., (lll)b., (112)b., (113)b., and (114)b., such a pause comes right after the

400

main clause verb, suggesting that the explicit Su belongs in the lower clause: in the relevant reading, where the Zero-pronoun is coreferential with the Su of the embedded clause, all of these sentences are ungrammatical. However, there exists a totally different, non-coreferential interpretation where this second set of sentences are grammatical. This describes a situation where (Hi) b., for example, would come as the second of a pair of utterances and, more specifically, would constitute a reply to a question relative to what a previously mentioned person did. The same holds true of (112)b., (113) b., and (114) b. But again, this is the non-coreferential reading and therefore, is not relevant. As far as (115)b. is concerned, it is grammatical since, as will be seen in 3.4.2 of Section 3, Adverb Preposing applies after pronominalization.

2.2.2

Relevance of the "Command" Parameter. The following sentences also show that the "command"

parameter is relevant since whenever the trigger commands the victim —rhere, a Pronoun— the sentence is grammatical, whereas whenever the trigger does not command the victim, the sentence is ungrammatical:

(116) a.

Nilaza i P a o ^ [fa tsy noraharahi-nyj^ said

Paul^ that neg was-oonsidered-by-him^

ny olona [(izay) nanafitohina azy^]]. the people who

irritated

hinu

"Paul^ said that he^ ignored the people who irritated him. "

401

*Nilaza izy^ [fa tsy noraharahi-nyj said

he^ that neg was-consider ed-by-h imj

ny olona [(izay) nanafitohina an'i Paoly/]]. the people who

irritated

Paul^

*Nilaza izyj [fa tsy noraharahi-n' said

i Paolyj

he^ that neg was-considered-by Paulj

ny olona [(izay) nanafitohina azy^] ]. the people who

irritated

hiith

"He^ said that hej ignored those who irritated Paulj.

Tsy fantatr'i Paolyj [na handeha izyj na tsia 0j]. neg known-by Paulj

if will-go hej or neg

"It is not known to Paul^ whether hej will go or not, i.e. "Paulj does not know whether hej will go or not.

*Tsy fanta-nyj

[na handeha i Paolyj na tsia Oj].

neg known-by-himj if will-go

Paulj or neg

"Hej does not know whether Paulj will go or not."

Nankany amin'i Jeanne^ i Paoly went

to

Jeanne.

[fa sao naninona

paul

izy^].

for fear did-something she^ "Paul went to see Jeannei for fear that something should happen to her. ••

402

b. *Nankany ami-ny^ i paoly went

to-her^

Paul

[fa sao naninona

i Jeanne^].

for fear did-something

Jeanne^

"Paul went to see her^ for fear that soirething should happen to Jeanne^."

In all of the a. sentences, from (116) to (118), the trigger belongs in the matrix clause and, as such, commands the victim. By contrast, in all of the b. sequences, the trigger belongs in the lower clause and, therefore, does not command the victim. All of the a. sentences are perfectly granmatical, whereas none of the b. sequences are, at least, in the relevant, ooreferential reading.

2.2.3.1

One Apparently Anomalous Case. Hie sentence (103)b. presents not a coordinate but a

subordinate structure since, like a typical subordinate, it allows a n^ complementizer, Passive, and DO-Fronting. Hius, the following is a typical subordinate structure and allows:

Ny-complementizer:

(119)

Nikasa

ny

handeha (h i paoly

intended camp will-go CK

Paul^

"Paul was planning to leave."

403

Passive and DO-Fronting:

(120)

[Ny handeha 0^ no nokasai-n'

i Paolyj.

oomp will-go Oj part was-intended-by Paulj "It was hisj leaving which was intended by Paulj," i.e. "To leave, that was what Paul was planning."

Uie sentence (103) allows both of the above:

(121)

Nolaza-in'i P^ tami-ny fa hanome an'i J vola izyj. was-said-by Pj to-her that will-give

J money hej

"Pj told her that hej will give her money."

Ny complementizer and DO-Fronting:

(122)

Ny

hanome an'i Jj vola no

nolaza-in'i P tami-nyj.

camp will-give Jj money part was-said-by P to-herj "It was the giving JN money which was told herj by P," i.e. "What P told herj was that he would give Jj money."

2.2.3.2

De Dicto vs. De Re Interpretation. Furthermore, there is a systematic difference of per-

spective between (103)a., on the one hand, and (103)b. and (103) c., on the other; the first has a "de re" interpretation, whereas the last two have a "de dicto" reading. Since the latter is accompanied by some kind of emphasis, (103)b. and (103)c. can be considered Marked. If that is indeed the case, then the command parameter still remains relevant for all Unmarked structures.

404

2.3.1

Forward Pronominalization. Forward Pronominalization

is possible, whether the

trigger commands its victim or not: 1. In the examples given above, the following involve Forward Pronominalization, where the trigger commands its victim: (86)a., (87)a., (88)a., (89)a., (90)a., (91)a., (92)a., (93)a., (96)a., (97)a., (98)a., (99)a., (100)a., (101)a., (103)a., (104) a., (105)a., (106)a., (107)a., (116)a., and finally (117)a. All of these sentences are granmatical. 2. In the examples previously given, the following involve Forward Pronominalization, where the trigger does not command its victim: (94)a., (95)a., (108)a., and (109)a. All of these sentences are granmatical.

2.3.2

Backward Pronominalization. Backward Pronominalization is possible only when the

trigger commands its victim: 1. In our previous examples above, the following involve Backward Pronominalization: (86)b., (87)b., (88)b., (89)b., (90) b., (91)b., (92)b., (93)b., (94)b., (95)b., (97)b., (99)b., (100) b., (101)b., (101)c., (102)b., (102)c., (104)b., (105)b., (105) c., (106)b., (106)c., (107)b., (107)c., (108)b., (108)c., (109)b., and (109)c. All of these are grammatical sentences. 2. In the examples already provided, the following involve Backward Pronominalization, where the trigger does not command its victim: (110)b., (lll)b., (112)b., (113)b., (114)b., (116)b., (117)b., and (118)b. All of these sentences are ungrammatical.

405

Section 3

The Cyclic Convention

3.0

Introduction.

r

Section 3 will attempt to shew that: 1. The interaction of Pronominalization and Reflexivization provides some evidence in favor .of Rule Ordering and against Simultaneous or Free Order Rule Application. 2. The interaction of Backward Pronominalization and Adverb preposing argues against Simultaneous Rule Application. 3. The application of Zero-pronominalization and Raising-to-DO argues against Free Order Rule Application. 4. Given the above, the rules must be ordered; furthermore, Pronominalization is a Cyclic Rule — i n the sense of Ross (1967) and Baker

(1978)— since in one case Adverb Preposing

precedes Pronominalization, whereas in another Pronominalization precedes Adverb Preposing, thus presenting an Ordering Paradox.

3.1

ftjainst

Simultaneous and Free Order Rule Applications.

Clause-Union feeds Reflexivization, but bleeds Pronominalization since we have the following pair of sentences:

(123)a.

/[ N-ank- [adala i Jeanne^ i Jeanne^]/ past-caus[crazy

b.

N-ank-adala

Jeannei

Jeanne^

tena^ i Jeanne^,

past-caus-crazy selfi

jeannej

"Jeanne^ d r Q v e herselfi crazy."

406

c. *N-ank-adala

i jeannei.

past-caus-crazy O i

Jeanne^

Both (123)b. and (123)c. derive from the same underlying representation shown in (123)a., where the environment for Pronominalization is met: the trigger is the Su of the matrix clause and its victim, the underlying Su of the embedded clause. Yet, the sentence (123)c., where Pronominalization has applied, is ungrammatical in the relevant reading. If a Simultaneous or Free Order Rule Application were possible, we should have evolved a grairmatical sequence, which is not the case at all. The other interpretation, which is not relevant for present purposes, is the one where the Zero-pronoun and the NP _i Jeanne of (123) c. are not coreferential. In this case, the Zero-pronoun refers to an arbitrary set of individuals necessarily comprising the speaker, the hearer or both.

3.2

Against Simultaneous Rule Application. If we are to apply Backward Pronominalization and

Adverb Preposing simultaneously to:

(124)a.

/[Atao-ko [ fa h-ikarakara

an'io i Paoly^

done-by-me that will-take-care-of this Paul^

[rahatrizay tonga whenever

b.

arrived there Paul^

[Rahatrizay tonga whenever

any i Paoly ^j]/

any i Paoly^j aia ataoko

arrived there Paul^ part done-by-me

407

[fa hikarakara

an'io

that will-take-care-of

0^]].

this 0. l

"Whenever PaoL arrives, it is believed by me that (he^ w i u take care of this," i.e. "Whenever Pauli shows up, I think he^ will take care of this."

c. * [Rahatrizay tonga whenever

any

0^ dia ataoko

arrived there 0^ part done-by-me

[fa hikarakara

an'io i Paoly^j.

that will-take-care-of this Paul^

Barring the "de dicto" interpretation for (124)c., the sequence is ungrammatical for the same reason as (103)b. above, as explained in 2.2.3.2. If that is so, then a Simultaneous Rule Application has an undesirable effect: the constraint on Backward Pronominalization whereby it can take place only when the trigger commands its victim will have to be abandoned, although such a constraint is needed on independent grounds.

3.3

Against Free Order Rule Application. The following data argues against free ordering of

rules:

(125)

/M-ihevitra ["Mahay pres-thing

intelligent

aho^»] i Paolyj/ Paul^

408

(126)

*M-ihevitra ho

mahay

izy^ i Paolyi

pres-think corap intelligent he^

Paul^

"Paul considers him to be intelligent," i i (127)

*M-ihevitra ho

mahay

0 i i Paolyi

pres-think comp intelligent Ch "Paul^ considers

(127')

to be intelligent,"

/[N-ilaza ["Handeha aho^] i Paoly^/ past-say will-go

(128)

Paul^

*N-ilaza [fa

Paul^

handeha izy^ i paolyj

past-say that will-go he^

Paul^

"Pauli said that he^ would go,"

(129)

N-ilaza [fa

handeha 0.^] i Paolyi

past-say that will-go 0^

Paul^

"Pauli said that hei would go."

Given an underlying representation of the type of (125) and assuming an Indirect Discourse Formation Rule, which shifts aho "I" into the third person singular pronoun izy along with the insertion of the ho complementizer, as shown in (126), we should be able to obtain a grammatical sequence after application of Zeropronoun since both the trigger and its victim are Sus underlyingly in (125) and the potential trigger commands its victim. Instead, the output, as seen in (127), is irretrievably ungranmatical. This output must be blocked. There exist two possibilities:

409

1. ordering Raising-to-DO before Zero-pronoun; or 2. positing a Global Rule which would state that no pronoun derived from a first person as a result of Indirect Discourse Formation can delete under Zero-pronominalization. - Now, given an underlying sequence of the type of (127'), with Indirect Discourse Formation, we get (128), which is ungrammatical; but with Zero-pronoun, the sentence becomes perfectly grammatical, as in (129). However, our hypothesis number 2 above predicted that (129) should be ungrammatical. Since (129) is definitely grammatical and since hypothesis 2 makes the wrong prediction, it can only be inferred that it is defective and must be abandoned. We are thus left with hypothesis number 1, which involves Rule Ordering.

3.4.1

Ordering of Rules. Given the above, we may assume at this stage that rules

such as Pronominalization are ordered. But then, the following sequences involving Pronominalization and Adverb Preposing show that in one case Adverb Preposing precedes Pronominalization, whereas in another, Pronominalization precedes Adverb Preposing:

(130)

[Rahatrizay tonga whenever

any

i Paoly^] dia atao-ko

arrived there Paul^

[fa h-ikarakara

part done-by-me

an'io 0^].

that will-take-care-of this (same as (124)b.) "Whenever Pau^ shows up, I think this."

will take care of

410

(131)

[Rahatrizay tonga whenever

any

0^ dia atao-ko

arrived there 0^ part done-by-me

[fa h-ikarakara

an'io i Paolyj.

that will-take-care-of

this Pauli

(same as (124)c. except for Rule Ordering) "Whenever he^ shows up, I think Paulj will take care of this."

(132)

[Rahatrizay m-anome boky an'i Jeanne^ i Paolyj] whenever

dia

pres-give book

Jeanne^

Paulj

[h-ampahatsiahy azy^ ilay resaka Oj].

part will-remind

her^ the talk

Oj

(same as (109)a.) "Whenever Paulj gives Jeannej (a) book(s), hej will remind herj of the talk."

(133)

[Rahatrizay m-anome whenever

dia

boky azyj i Paolyj]

pres-give book her^

Paulj

[h-ampahatsiahy an'i Jeanne^ ilay resaka Oj].

part will-remind

Jeannej the talk

Oj

(same as (109)b.) "Whenever Paulj gives herj (a) book(s), hej will remind Jeannej of the talk."

In (130) and (132), Adverb Preposing applies to the adverbial clause before Pronominalization; the reverse is true of (131)r

411

where Zero-pronominalization has applied first, and (133), where pronominalization to the independent ooreferential pronoun azy has already taken place.

3.4.2

Derivations. Here are the derivations for (130) and (131):

(130')a. /Atao-ko

[ fa

h-ikarakara

an'io i Paoly^

done-by-me that will-take-care-of

[rahatrizay tonga whenever

b.

[fa

any i Paoly^]]/.

arrived there Paul^

[Rahatrizay tonga whenever

any i P a o l y d i a

arrived there Paul^

h-ikarakara

an'io

that will-take-care-of

c.

[Rahatrizay tonga whenever

[fa

any

i Paoly.

this Paul. l i Paoly^] dia ataoko

an'io

that will-take-care-of

[ fa

ataoko

part done-by-me

arrived there Paul^

h-ikarakara

(131')a. /Atao-ko

this Paul^

part done-by-me

0^].

this 0^

h-ikarakara

an'io

done-by-me that will-take-care-of

this

i Paoly^ Paul.

412

[rahatrizay tonga whenever

b. Ataoko

any i Paoly^]]/.

arrived there Paul^

[fa

h-ikarakara

an'io i Paoly^

done-by-me that will-take-care-of

[rahatrizay tonga whenever

c.

[fa

any

(h] dia ataoko

arrived there

h-ikarakara

In the derivation of

part done-by-me

an'io i Paoly^].

that will-take-care-of

yielding

(h ] ].

arrived there

[Rahatrizay tonga whenever

any

this Paul^

this Paul. l

(130), Adverb Preposing applies first,

(130')b., followed by Pronominalization, as seen in

(130')c. On the other hand, that of (131) requires the application of Forward Pronominalization, as in (1311)b., followed by Adverb Preposing, as shown in (131')c.

3.4.3

More Derivations. Here are the derivations for (132) and (133):

(132')a. /[H-ampahatsiahy an'i Jeanne^ iiay resaka i Paolyj will-remind

Jeanne^ the talk

[rahatrizay m-anome

boky an'i Jeanne^ i paolyj]]/.

whenever

pres-give book

Jeanne^

Paulj

paulj

413

b.

[Rahatrizay m-anome whenever

boky an'i Jeanne^ i Paolyj]

pres-give book

Jeanne^

Paulj

dia [h-anpahatsiahy an'i Jeanne^ ilay resaka i Paolyj]. part will-remind

c.

[Rahatrizay m-anome whenever

dia

Jeanne the talk

Paulj

boky an'i Jeanne^ i Paolyj]

pres-give book

Jeanne^

Paulj

[h-anpahatsiahy azy^ ilay resaka Oj].

part will-remind

her^ the talk

Oj

)a. /[H-anpahatsiahy an'i Jeanne^ ilay resaka i Paolyj will-remind

[rahatrizay m-anome whenever

b.

Paulj

boky an'i Jeanne^ i Paolyj]]/.

pres-give book

Jeanne^

Paulj

[H-ampahatsiahy an'i Jeanne^ ilay resaka i Paolyj will-remind

[rahatrizay m-anome whenever

c.

Jeanne.^ the talk

Paulj

boky azyi Oj]].

pres-give book her^ Oj

[Rahatrizay m-anome whenever

Jeanne^ the talk

boky azy^ Oj]

pres-give book her^ Oj

dia [h-anpahatsiahy an'i Jeanne.^ ilay resaka i Paolyj]. part will-remind

Jeannei the talk

Paulj

414

In the derivation of (132), Adverb Preposing applies first, as seen in (132')b., followed by Pronominalization, as shown in (132')c. On the other hand, that of (133) involves Forward Pronominalization, as in (133')b., before Adverb Preposing, as in (133')c.

4.0

Conclusions. In conclusion, it seems that in order to be able to

describe Pronominalization in Malagasy, we have to factor out Marked structures, not only of the type presented under 0.2 but also that explained under 2.2.3.2. Furthermore, it has been necessary to assume throughout this chapter that a Zero-pronoun, a Pronoun, Ilay + Pronoun, or a Demonstrative as a victim of Pronominalization always has a trigger within the sentence. This has enabled us to discard a sequence of the type:

(134)

Tonga

0?

perf-arrived 0 "He/she or you has/have arrived?"

whose main characteristics are (a) that it only has a victim, but no explicit trigger, and (b) that the Zero-pronoun here can be used to refer to a third person toward whom sane deference is due or to the hearer with whom the speaker does not wish to have a confrontation situation. In other words, (134) can be used for the sake of Politeness and is therefore Marked. Last but not least, structures like (134) are inherently ambiguous and we have confined ourselves to the transparent reading in the case of sequences which do lend themselves to the

415

same type of ambiguity. Thus, in quite a few cases —like (27), where the victim occupies the DO position, or (31), where it is an jo, and (64), where it is an Oblique— there is a reading on which Zero-pronoun can refer to a trigger whose referent encompasses the speaker, in which case the sequence would be grammatical. We have held this assumption constant throughout all of the examples given.

4.1

Distribution of the Different Forms. Given the two assumptions made under 0.1 relative to

the nature of the trigger (referential and singular), it appears that the four possible forms (0.1 above) of the victim under Pronominalization are in complementary distribution with respect to the syntactic/semantic positions occupied by the trigger and its victim on the Keenan-Comrie Hierarchy, and according to whether the latter is human, non-animate or non-human, but animate. In this connection, it is interesting to note that: 1. Zero-pronominalization is heavily syntactically conditioned since it can only occur if both the trigger and its victim are jointly Sus; 2. at the other end of the scale, when the trigger is low on the Keenan-Comrie Hierachy and if it refers to a non-animate thing, a Demonstrative can replace a Pronoun; 3. when the trigger is human, the form of the victim is the least Marked, whereas this is not the case when it has either a non-animate or an animate but non-human referent. This also justifies the decision taken to leave the plural forms out of consideration since for example izy ireo "he/she these" involve

416

the simple Pronoun izy in combination with the plural Demonstrative ireo. 4. We have a tripartite division, where when both the trigger and its victim are Sus, then Zero-pronoun is obligatory, as opposed to when both the trigger and its victim do not occupy the Su or the DO positions; falling in between, we have a situation where both trigger and victim are DOs, in which case we can optionally have either one of two forms belonging to the outer positions. And furthermore, 5. only the "conmand," but not the "precede" parameter is relevant, and Pronominalization is a Cyclic Rule, as shown in the last section of this chapter. Finally, in Chapter Uiree on Reflexivization in its Subsection 5.6.1, it is shown that the form —independent or clitic— the victim, i.e. Pro of Pronominalization, could take, is heavily conditioned by its syntactic/semantic position.

417

CHAPTER POOR FOOTNOTES

Icoreferentiality between the victim and its trigger is assumed. 2

I will also set aside those cases where a clause is embedded

under noho/tamina "because of" Causal-Oblique (see Passive):

Sosotra i Jeanne^ noho angry

izy^ tsy nahita an'i Paoly.

Jeanne^ because she^ neg saw

Paul

"Jeanne^ was angry due to her^ not seeing Paul."

*Sosotra i Jeannei noho/tamina Oi tsy nahita an'i Paoly. angry

Jeannei because

Oi neg saw

Paul

*Sosotra i Jeannei noho/tamina tsy nahita an'i Paoly ìzy^ angry

Jeannei because

neg saw

Paul shei

*Sosotra i Jeannei noho/tamina tsy nahita an'i Paoly Oi. angry

Jeannei because

neg saw

Paul Oi

The word order in the embedded clause is marked since instead of the usual VOS, we have SVO. Likewise, I am discarding complex cases where the pronoun is accompanied by modifiers, as in:

Niaraka

tamin'izy

accompanied with

roa i Paoly.

they two

Paul

"Paul went with the two of them."

3

In all of the b. sequences in 2.2.1, there is a strong pause

after the zero-pronoun, just like in the a. sentences.

CHAPTER FIVE

PASSIVE ZATION

0.0

Introduction. The purpose of this chapter is to describe how the pro-

cess of Passivization operates: first, in Section 1, at the level of the simplex sentence; then, in Section 2, in its interaction with other processes such as Equi-1, Equi-2, Raising-to-DO, and Raising-to-Su, the last two being defined as in Postal (1974). Furthermore, Section 1 comprises three divisions: 1. Subsection 1 deals with the classification of Malagasy verbs; 2. Subsection 2, with the cline between a typically transitive and a typically intransitive verb and the connection between the two; and 3. Subsection 3 addresses the issue of the order of the different types of Oblique. Section 2 explores the behavior of Passive, first in non-Causative constructions in Subsection 1, then in Causative Constructions in Subsection 2.

419

Section 1

The Basic Process

0.1

Introduction. The purpose of Section 1 is to show that: 1. Malagasy has five different passive affixes: a. (no)...(ina), both elements of which are optional,

depending on the type of predicate dealt with and on the tense of the verb (see 1.2.5); b. voa; c. a; d. tafa; and e. an/i...i/ana —

the so-called "circumstantial form"-

- the alternation an/i depending on the prefix of the verb, as will be explained under 1.1.7, whereas that between i/a of the suffix does not seem to be predictable; 2. that the distribution of the above affixes is constrained by the following factors: a. the class to which a given verb belongs; b. whether the verb is transitive or intransitive; c. whether it is in the imperfective/perfective aspect; d. as well as the syntactic/semantic position occupied by the NP to be promoted to Su position on the Keenan-Comrie Hierarchy (1977).

0.2

Scope of Present Study. The description of Passivization in Malagasy will be

confined to the process at work with verbs of Classes 1 and 2, as

420

defined under 1.1.1 and 1.1.2 below, since: 1. only these two represent open classes; and 2. with the exception of Class 5

comprising two verbs

and which, therefore, could be considered marginal, Class 2 presents the relevant features of Classes 3 and 4, as can be seen on Table 10.

1.0

Hie Relevant Parameters. It will be shown that: 1. Verbs in Malagasy subdivide into five different

classes, the first two of which are open, all the others being closed. Classes 1 and 2 are the cries which give verbs that take the above-mentioned passive affixes. 2. The distribution of the different passive affixes are, in part, constrained by a combination of two factors, i.e. transitivity and aspect: a. if the verb is typically transitive and in the imperfective aspect (see 1.1.8(1)), no...ina is used, although when an Cfcject-Incorporation has taken place within the VP, only the a form can show up —for illustrative examples of Object-Incorporation in other languages, see Mardirussian (1975) and Sugita (1974)— ; however, if the verb is in the perfective aspect, then we have voa instead of no...ina and tafa instead of a; b. if the verb is optionally transitive, there is a choice (see 1.1.8(2)) between no...ina and a in the imperfective aspect, and between voa and tafa in the perfective aspect; and c. if the verb is typically intransitive and does not have the corresponding transitive verb with the an(a) prefix, it can only take the circumstantial form an/i...i/an in the imper-

421

fective aspect; however, if a typically intransitive verb has the corresponding transitive verb with the an (a) prefix, and if the latter is a root (this holds for class 2.M), it can take no...ina in the imperfective aspect, and voa in the perfective aspect, but if the latter is an intransitive verb with an _i prefix, the a form is to be used in the imper fective aspect and tafa in the perfective aspect (see 1.1.8(3)). 3. Furthermore, it is possible to promote to Su an NP occupying

a syntactic/semantic position between Su and Comit-

ative-Oblique on the hierarchy: a. if the NP to be promoted is a DO or an 10 and if the verb is in the imperfective aspect, it takes the no...ina circumfix; b. if the NP to be promoted is an Oblique-Intermediary (or, henceforth, Intermediary, for short) or an Instrumental and if the verb is in the imperfective aspect, the latter takes the a prefix; c. however, if in (a) and (b) above, the verb is in the perfective aspect, then the latter takes the voa prefix; and d. if the NP to be promoted is an Instrumental, a Beneficiary, a Manner, a Locative, or a Temporal, then the verb takes the an/i...i/ana circumfix, depending on its subclass.

1.1.0

Malagasy Verb Classification. Verbs in Malagasy subdivide into five different classes

according to: 1. whether the root corresponding to a given verb is used in isolation or not.

422

2. If the root is used, it will have to be determined whether it is used in an active or passive construction; 3. whether a given verb has an affixal form or not. 4. And if so, whether such a derivative form is used in an active or passive construction. Only sample illustrations will be provided in the text although more verbs belonging to different classes will be given in the appendices.

1.1.1

Class 1 Verbs. In Class 1, the root corresponding to a given verb can-

not be used in isolation but only with an affix, thus yielding both an active and a passive derivative verb. Thus, with a root like loto "dirt":

(l)a.

*Loto ny trano ny ankizy. dirt the house the child(ren)

b.

N - an - doto ny trano ny ankizy. past-pref-dirt the house the child(ren) "The children were dirtying the house."

c.

No - loto -in' ny ankizy pass-dirt-by

ny trano.

the child(ren) the house

"The children were dirtying the house."

d.

Voa - loto - n' ny ankizy pass-dirt-by

ny trano.

the child(ren) the house

"Hie house has been dirtied by the children."

423

1.1.2

Class 2 Verbs. In Class 2, the root corresponding to a given verb can

be used in isolation as a passive, although it also yields both an active and passive derivatives, both in the non-perfective and the perfective aspects . Thus, latsaka "be in the state of having been dropped" gives:

(2)a.

Latsaka ny taratasy. dropped the letter "The letter is in the state of having been dropped."

b.

N - an - datsaka ny taratasy i Paoly. past-pref-dropped the letter

Paul

"Paul wàs dropping the letter."

c.

N - a - latsak'

i Paoly ny taratasy.

past-pass-dropped-by

Paul the letter

"The letter was being dropped by Paul."

d.

Voa - latsak' pass-dropped-by

i Paoly ny taratasy. Paul the letter

"Paul has managed to drop the letter."

1.1.3

Class 3 Verbs. In Class 3, the verb is only used as a root passive and

does not present an active or a passive derivative. Thus, lasa "be gone" gives:

424

(3)a.

Lasa ny entana. gone the luggage "The luggage is gone."

b.

*N - an - dasa ny entana i Paoly. past-pref-gone the luggage Paul (intended meaning provided belcw) "Paul was taking the luggage."

c.

*N - a - lasa - n' i Paoly ny entana. past-pass-gone-by

Paul the luggage

"The luggage was being taken by Paul."

d.

*No - lasa - n' i Paoly ny entana. pass-gone-by

Paul the lugage

"The luggage was being taken by Paul."

Although (3) a. with the root passive lasa is perfectly grammatical, if it is combined with the active prefix an, as in (3)b., or the nonperfective aspect affixes a, as in (3)c., and no...ina, as in (3)d., the sequence becomes irretrievably ungrammatical. The verbs belonging to Class 3 are limited in number and comprise the following: afaka "can," tokony "should," aleo "had rather," tonga "be in the state of having arrived," and avy "in the process of coming."

1.1.4

Class 4 Verbs. In Class 4, the verb is also used as a root passive and

it has an active derivative:

425

Re

(4) a.

ny vaovao.

heard the news "Hie news has been/was heard."

b.

N - an - dre

ny vaovao i Paoly.

past-pref-heard the news

Paul

"Paul was hearing the news."—

c.

*N - a - re

ny vaovao i Paoly.

past-pass-heard the news

Paul

?*No - re - nes - in' i Paoly ny vaovao. pass-heard-by

Paul the news

"The news has been/was being heard by Paul."

In (4) a. and (4)b., the root re is used as a passive and in the active voice in combination with the prefix an, respectively, and the sentences are grammatical, whereas in (4)c., it is combined with the Affixal Passives a, and the resulting sequence is irretrievably ungrammatical. The sequence (4)d. is only marginally acceptable and is characteristic of Foreigner Talk. Class 4 has a limited set of verbs which comprise: hita "be seen," very "be lost," lafo "be expensive," and afaka "be liberated."

1.1.5

Class 5 Verbs. ' In Class 5, the root is used as an active, although it

also has a passive derivative. With mila "need," we get:

426

(5)a.

M - ila

ny boky i Paoly.

pres-need the book

Paul

"Paul needs the book(s)."

b.

*N - an - ila

ny boky i Paoly.

past-pref-need the book

c.

Paul

*N - a - ila - n' i Paoly ny boky. past-pass-need-by Paul the book

d.

N - ila - in past-need-by

1

i Paoly ny boky. Paul the book

"The book was needed by Paul."

In (5) a., the root mi la is used as an active and it can also be used, as in (4)d., with the Affixal Passive n(o) ...in(a) since the latter is a perfectly grammatical sentence. Hcwever, it cannot be combined with the active prefix an, as can be inferred from the ungrammaticality of (4)b., or with the Affixal Passive prefix a. Class 5 has oily two members: mi la "need," and sahy "dare."

1.1.6

Sunmary: Hie Verb Classes of Malagasy. All of the information provided in the paragraphs from

1.1.1 to 1.1.5, which pertain to the different verb classes of Malagasy, can be summarized on Table 10, according to whether a verb is a root or a derivative and hew it is used.

427

Table 10

Verb Classes

Cl.l

CI.2

CI.3

CI. 4

CI. 5

as Active

*

*

*

*

OK

as Passive

*

OK

OK

OK

*

Active Derivative

OK

OK

*

OK

*

Passive Derivative

OK

OK

*

*

OK

Root Used

Note: CI. = Class; * = NOt Used; OK = Used.

1.1.7

Transitivity. Furthermore, the verbs in Classes 1 and 2 can be sub-

divided according to whether: 1. their DO must occur, in which case we have a typically transitive verb; 2. it can optionally be left out; and 3. it can never take a DO, in which case we have a typically intransitive verb. For purposes of illustration, we will confine ourselves to Class 1 —except for Subclass 2.M under 1.1.8— which can be subdivided into the following three categories, depending on whether the verb must take a DO, can optionally take one or cannot:

428

1. Typically transitive verbs, i.e. those that must have a DO: a. l.A, the TVP or transitive verb phrase has the an prefix and does not have the corresponding intransitive verb with the jL prefix (see (6)d.); b. l.A1, the TVP has the i prefix but not the corresponding intransitive verb with the _i prefix (see (7)d.); and c. l.B, the TVP has the an prefix and has the corresponding intransitive verb with the i. prefix, but the latter cannot co-occur with an Instrumental or with a Causal (see(8)a.). With a verb from one of the above subclasses, Object Incorporation cannot take place, as opposed to the last two: d. l.C, the TVP has the an prefix (see (9)a.); e. l.C', the TVP has the ^prefix (see (10)a.); and where Object Incorporation can take place, as in (10)f. and g.

2. Optionally transitive verbs, i.e. those whose DO can be left out: a. l.D, the TVP has the an prefix and has the corresponding intransitive verb with i, which can take an Instrumental but not a Causal (see (11)d. and (11) e.); b. l.E, the TVP has the an prefix and has the corresponding transitive verb with _i, which cannot take an Instrumental (see (12) e.), or a Causal (see (12) f.); c. l.F, the TVP has the an prefix and the corresponding intransitive verb with i, which cannot take an Instrumental (see (13)e.), or a Causal (see (13)f.); however, with this Subclass, there is a possibility of Object Incorporation (compare (13)h and (13) i.);

429

d. l.G, the TVP with an has the corresponding intransitive with i., which can take a Causal, but not an Instrumental (see (14)d.); e. l.H, the TVP with an has no corresponding intransitive with i (see (15) d.). With a verb from Subclass l.D to l.H, Object Incorporation cannot take place, as opposed to the next two: f. 1.1, the intransitive verb has the an prefix (see (16)); and g. I.J., the intransitive verb has the i prefix (see (17)); which result frcm Object incorporation.

3. Typically intransitive verbs, i.e. those which cannot take a DO at all: a. l.K, the intransitive verb has the an prefix, but there exists no corresponding TVP (see (18)); b. l.L, the intransitive verb has the i^ prefix, but there is no corresponding TVP (see (19)); c. 2.M, the intransitive verb is a root denoting a State (see (20)); and d. 2.M', the intransitive predicate is an adjective (see (20') and (21)).

1.1.8

Distribution of Passive Affixes. Hie distribution of the different passive affixes is as

follows:

430

1. With typically transitive verbs, as defined above, and in the imperfective aspect: a. with Subclasses l.A, l.A', and l.B, only no...ina can be used (see (6) to (8)); however b. with Subclasses l.C and l.C', which originally have an Intermediary, but which undergo Object Incorporation, oily the a form is possible (see (9) and (10)).

2. With optionally transitive verbs in the imperfective aspect: a. with Subclass l.D, no...ina is the passive form used (see (11)); b. with Subclass l.E, there is a choice between no. .• ina and a (see (12)b. & (12)g.); and c. with Subclass l.F, l.G, l.H, 1.1, and l.J, only the a form of passive is used (see (13) to (17)).

3. With typically intransitive verbs in the imperfective aspect: a. with Subclasses l.K and l.L, there is no possibility of using no...ina nor a; only the circumstantial form an/i...i/ana can be used (see (18) and (19)); b. with Subclass 2.M, if the corresponding intransitive verb with the

prefix exists, then it is possible to use the a

form to introduce the Agent (see (20)c.); otherwise, no...ina has to be used (see (20')d. and (21) d.); and c. with Subclasses 2.M and 2.M1, if the corresponding active derivative with an exists, but not the intransitive verb with i, then the no...ina affix can be used.

431

1.1.8.1

Illustrative Examples of Verbs in l.A to l.C*. In this Section, Subclasses l.A to l.C', as defined

above, will be illustrated:

(6)a.

N - an - dodona an'i Jeanne i Paoly. [l.A] past-pref-hurry

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was hurrying Jeanne."

b.

No-dodona-n' i Paoly i Jeanne, pass-hurry-by Paul

Jeanne

"Jeanne was being hurried by Paul."

c.

Voa-dodo-n'

i Paoly i Jeanne,

pass-hurry-by Paul

Jeanne

"Jeanne has been hurried by Paul."

d.

*N-i-dodona

i Jeanne.

past-pref-hurry Jeanne "Jeanne hurried."

e.

*N-a-dodona

i Jeanne.

past-pass-hurry Jeanne "Jeanne was being hurried."

(7)a.

N-i-kendry

ny varavarana i Paoly. [l.A']

past-pref-aim-at the window "Paul was aiming at the windcw."

Paul

432

b.

NO-kendre-n'

i Paoly ny varavarana.

pass-aim-at-by

Paul the window

"The window was being aimed at by Paul."

c.

Voa-kendr-in1

i Paoly ny varavarana.

pass-aim-at-by

Paul the window

"The window has been aimed at by Paul."

a.

*N-i-kendry

i Paoly.

past-pref-aim-at Paul *"Paul was aiming at."

e.

*N-a-kendr-in'

i Paoly ny varavarana.

past-pass-aim-at-by Paul the window "The window was being aimed at by Paul."

(8) a.

N-ana-pasaka

ny ovy

i Jeanne. [l.B]

past-pref-smash the potato Jeanne "Jeanne was smashing the potatoes."

b.

NO-pasah-an' i Jeanne ny ovy. pass-smash-by Jeanne the potato "The potatoes were being smashed by Jeanne."

c.

Voa-pasak'

i Jeanne ny ovy.

pass-smash-by Jeanne the potato "The potatoes have been smashed by Jeanne."

433

d.

N-i-pasaka

ny ovy.

past-pref-smash the potato "Hie potatoes burst open."

e.

*N-a-pasak1

i Jeanne ny ovy.

past-pass-sraash-by

f.

*N-i-pasaka

Jeanne the potato

tamin'

ny sotro ny ovy.

past-pref-smash past-with the spoon the potato g.

*"Hie potatoes burst open with the spoon."

*N-i-pasaka

ny òvy

tamin'

i Paoly.

past-pref-smash the potato because-of Paul "Hie potatoes burst open because of Paul."

(9) a.

N - an - doa ny vola i Paoly. [l.C] past-pref-pay the noney Paul "Paul was paying the money."

b.

*No - loa- v-in' i Paoly ny vola. pass-pay-by

c.

Paul the money

Voa-loa-n' i Paoly ny vola. pass-pay-by Paul the money "Hie money has been paid by Paul."

d.

*N - i - loa

ny vola.

past-pref-pay the money

434

e.

N-a-loa-n'

i Paoly ny vola.

past-pass-pay-by Paul the money "Hie money was being paid by Paul."

f.

N-an-doa

vola i Paoly.

past-pref-pay money Paul g.

(compare with (9)a.) "Paul was paying money."

N-anao loa

vola i Paoly.

past-do payment money

Paul

"Paul made a money payment."

(10) a.

N - i - telina

ny fanafody ny marary. [l.C1]

past-pref-swallow the medicine the patient "Hie patient was swallowing the medicine."

b.

*NO-telo-m-in'

ny marary ny fanafody.

pass-swallcw-by the patient the medicine

c.

Voa-teli-n'

ny marary ny fanafody.

pass-swallcw-by the patient the medicine "The medicine has been swallowed by the patient."

a.

*N - i -telina

ny marary.

past-pref-swallow the patient *"Hie patient swallowed."

435

e.

N-a-tel'i-n'

ny marary ny fanafody.

past-pass-swallow-by the patient the medicine "Hie medicine was being swallowed by the patient."

f.

N-i-telina fanafody ny marary. past-pref-swallcw medicine the patient (compare with (10)a.) "Hie patient swallowed (some) medicine."

g.

Nanao

teli-noka

ny marary.

past-do swallcwing-of-insect the patient "Hie patient was gulping down (something)."

Hie grammatically pattern in (6), (7), and (8) suggests that with Subclasses l.A, l.A', and l.B, only no...ina can be used, as opposed to that found in (9), (10), and (11), where only the a form of Affixal Passive is possible.

1.1.8.2

Illustrative Examples of Verbs in l.D to l.J. Hie following sentences illustrate Subclasses l.D, l.E,

l.F, l.G, l.H, 1.1, and l.J:

(11)a.

N-an-dalotra

ny trano i Paoly. [l.D]

past-act-plaster the house

Paul

"Paul was plastering the house."

b.

No-lalor-in'

i Paoly ny trano.

pass-plaster-by Paul the house "Hie house was being plastered by Paul."

436

c.

Voa-lalotr' pass-plaster-by

i Paoly ny trano. Paul the house

"The house has been plastered by Paul."

d.

N-i-lalotra

t-amin'

ny loko ny trano.

past-pref-plaster past-with the paint the house "The house was plastered with the paint."

e.

*N-i-lalotra

ny trano t-amin' i Paoly.

past-pref-plaster the house past-with Paul

*N-a-lalotr' f.

i Paoly ny trano.

past-pref-plaster-by Paul the house "Hie house was being plastered by Paul."

N-ana-tono (12) a.

ny hena i Jeanne. [l.E]

past-pre f-barbecue the neat

Jeanne

"Jeanne was barbecuing the meat."

No-tono-in' b.

i Jeanne ny hena.

pass-barbecue-by Jeanne the meat "The meat was being barbecued by Jeanne."

Voa-tono-n' c.

i Jeanne ny hena.

pass-barbecue-by Jeanne the meat "The neat has been barbecued by Jeanne."

437

d.

N-i-tono

ny hena.

past-pref-barbecue the meat "The meat was in the state of having been barbecued."

e.

*N-i-tono

taraina

vy

ny hena.

past-pref-barbecue past-with iron the meat "The meat was in the state of having been barbecued with iron."

f.

*N-i-tono

ny hena tamin'

i Jeanne,

past-pref-barbecue the meat past-with Jeanne g-

"Hie meat was in the state of having been barbecued because of Jeanne."

N-a-tono-n'

i Jeanne ny hena.

past-pass-barbecue-by Jeanne the meat "Hie meat was being barbecued by Jeanne."

(13) a.

N-am-(p)etraka ny vola tao amin'ny banky Paoly.[l.F] past-pref-put the money in

the bank Paul

"Paul was putting the money into the bank."

b.

*No-petraha-n' i Paoly tao amin'ny banky ny vola. pass-put-by

c.

Paul

in

the bank the money

Voa-petrak' i Paoly tao amin'ny banky ny vola. pass-put-by

Paul

into

the bank the rroney

"Hie money has been deposited by Paul at the bank."

438

a.

N-i-petraka tao amin'ny banky ny vola. past-pref-put in

the bank the money

"The noney was in deposit at the bank."

e.

*N-i-petraka tao amin'ny banky tamin'ny lakile ny vola. past-pref-put in

the bank with the key the money

*"The money was in deposit at the bank with the key."

f.

*N-i-petraka tao amin'ny banky ny vola tamin' i Paoly. past-pref-put in

the bank the money because-of Paul

"Hie noney was in deposit at the bank because of Paul."

g.

N-a-petrak'

i Paoly tao amin'ny banky ny vola.

past-pass-put-by Paul

in

the bank the money

"The money was being put into the bank by Paul."

h.

N-am-(p)etraka vola tao amin'ny banky i Paoly. past-pref-put money in

the bank

Paul

"Paul was putting (seme) money into the bank." (same as (13)a.)

i.

N-anao petra-bola

tao amin'ny banky i Paoly.

past-do deposit-noney in

the bank

Paul

"Paul made a money deposit at the bank."

(14) a.

N-an-dahatra

ny mpianatra i Paoly. [1.6]

past-pref-line-up the pupils "Paul lined 15» the pupils."

Paul

439

b.

*No-láhara-n1

i Paoly ny mpianatra.

pass-line-up-by

Paul the pupils

"The pupils were being lined up by Paul."

c.

Voa-lahatr'

i Paoly ny mpianatra.

pass-line-up-by Paul the pupils "The pupils have been lined up by Paul."

d.

N-i-lahatra

ny mpianatra noho

past-pref-line-up the pupils

i Paoly

because-of Paul

"The pupils lined up because of Paul"

/*tamin'ny tady. with the rope "with the rope."

e.

N-a-lahatr'

i Paoly ny mpianatra.

past-pass-line-up-by Paul the pupils "The pupils were being lined up by Paul."

(15)a.

N-an-dripaka

ny fahavalo ny tafika. [l.H]

past-pref-destroy the enemy

the array

"The array was destroying the enemy."

b.

*No-ripah-an'

ny tafika ny fahavalo.

pass-destroy-by the army

the enemy

440

c.

Voa-ripaky

ny tafika ny fahavalo.

pass-destroy-by the array

the enemy

"The enemy has been destroyed by the army."

d.

*N-i-ripaka

ny fahavalo.

past-pref-destroy the enemy

e.

N-a-ripaky

ny tafika ny fahavalo.

past-pass-destroy-by the army

the enemy

"The enemy was being destroyed by the army."

f.

Ripaky

ny tafika ny fahavalo.

destroyed-by the ariny

the enemy

"The enemy has been destroyed by the army."

(16)a.

N-an-dainga i Paoly. [1.1] past-pref-lie Paul "Paul was lying."

b.

N-anao lainga i Paoly. past-do lie

Paul

"Paul was making up (a) lie (s)."

c.

N-anao lainga be i Paoly. past-do lie

big

Paul

"Paul was making up (a) big lie(s)."

441

d.

N-anao an'ilaý lainga be i Paoly. past-do

the lie

big Paul

"Paul was making up the said lie(s)."

e.

N-atao-n'

i Paoly ilay lainga be.

past-pass-do-by Paul the lie

big

"The big lie was being made up by Paul."

f.

*No-tao-n' i Paoly ilay lainga be. pass-do-by

Paul the lie

big

"The big lie was being made by Paul."

(17)a.

N-i-fofofofo

ny rivotra. [l.J]

past-blcw-violently the wind "The wind was blowing violently."

b.

N-anao f ofofofo ny rivotra. past-do violence the wind "There was (were) (a) violent gust(s) of wind."

c.

N-a-fofofofo-n'

i Paoly ny rivotra.

past-pass-violence-by Paul the wind "The wind was made to blow violently by Paul," i.e. "Paul was letting the wind blow violently."

d.

*No-fofofofo-n' i Paoly ny rivotra. pass-violence-by Paul the wind

442

Hie grammatically pattern shows that the generalization made under 1.1.8 holds. The sentence (13)i. suggests that the apparent DO vola "(some) noney" originates in some other case, here Genitive, since we literally have "deposit of money," whereas if it had the definite article n^, the underlying representation would have been something like Nanao petraka tamin'ny vola i Paoly. literally "Did deposit with the money Paul," i.e. "Paul made a deposit with the money." Furthermore, the oily difference between (12)b. with no...ina and (12)g. with a is that in the first case, "Jeanne is actively engaged in the process of barbecuing the meat," whereas in the second, "she just put it on the fire and let it take care of itself," so to speak. Finally, in the a. versions of (16) and (17), we have intransitive verbs with an and jl prefixes respectively, whereas in the b. versions, their unincorporated DOs show up; if the DOs are definite and get promoted to Su position, as in (16) e. and (17) c., the a form of Affixal Passive is used. ( I, 1.1.8.3

Illustrative Examples of Verbs in l.K to 2.M'. The following sentences illustrate Subclasses l.K, l.L,

2.M and 2.M':

(18)a.

N-an-javona

i Paoly. [l.K]

past-pref-disappear Paul "Paul disappeared."

b.

*N-an-javona

ny mpianatra i Paoly.

past-pref-disappear the pupils

Paul

443

c.

*No-zavona-n1

i paoly ny mpianatra.

pass-disappear-by Paul the pupils

d.

*N-a-zavona-n'

i Paoly ny npianatra.

past-pass-disappear-by Paul the pupils

e.

Omaly no n-an-javona-n1

i Paoly.

yesterday part past-circ-disappear-by Paul "It was yesterday that Paul disappeared."

(19) a.

N-i-lomano

i Paoly. [l.L]

past-pref-swim Paul "Paul was swiircning."

b.

*N-i-lomano

ny ranoniasina i Paoly.

past-pref-swim the sea

Paul

*"Paul was swimming the sea."

c.

*No-lomano-s-an' i Paoly ny ranomasina. pass-swim-by

d.

Paul the sea

*N-a-lcmano-s-an' i Paoly ny rananasina. past-pass-swim-by Paul the sea

e.

Ny ranomasina no the sea

n-i-lomano-s-an' i Paoly.

part past-circ-swim-by Paul

"It was in the sea that Paul was swimming."

444

(20) a.

Latsaka ny taratasy. [2.M] dropped the letter "The letter is in the state of having been dropped.

a'.

*Latsaka ny taratasy NP. dropped the lètter NP "Someone dropped the letter."

b.

N-i-latsaka

ny taratasy.

past-pref-dropped the letter "The letter dropped."

c.

N-a-latsak'

i Paoly ny taratasy.

past-pass-dropped-by Paul the letter "The letter was being dropped by Paul," i.e. "Paul was dropping the letter."

a.

*No-latsaha-n1

i Paoly ny taratasy.

pass-dropped-by Paul the letter

(20")a.

Rovitra ny taratasy. [2.M] torn-up the letter "Ihe letter is in the state of having been torn up.

a'.

*Rovitra ny taratasy NP. torn-up the letter NP "Someone tore up the letter."

445

b.

*N-i-rovitra

ny taratasy.

past-pref-torn-up the letter

c.

*N-a-rovitr'

i Paoly ny taratasy.

past-pass-torn-up-by Paul the letter

d.

No-rovit-in'

i Paoly ny taratasy.

pass-torn-up-by Paul the letter "Hie letter was being torn up by Paul," i.e. "Paul was tearing up the letter."

>l)a.

Mainty ny volo. [2.M'] black the hair "The hair is black."

a'.

*Mainty ny volo NP. black the hair NP "Someone blackened the hair."

b.

*N-i-mainty

ny volo.

past-pref-black the hair

c.

*N-a-mainti-n'

i Paoly ny volo.

past-pass-black-by Paul the hair

d.

NO-mainti-s-in' i Paoly ny volo. pass-black-by

Paul the hair

"Paul was dyeing the hair black."

446

The contrast in gramraticality between the a. and the b. versions in (18) and (19) and that between the a. and the b. versions in (20), (20'), and (21) suggests that these are typically intransitive predicates, with Subclasses l.K and l.L, the granmaticaiity pattern shows that only the circumstantial voice with an/i. .^j/ana is possible since only the e. versions of (18) and (19) are granmatical. As for Subclass 2.M, the Affixal Passive with a is possible only if the intransitive verb with the _i prefix corresponding to the root passive, as in (20)b. but not in (20')b., exists. This is in conformity with what was stated under 1.1.8(2) above.

1.2.1

Additional Parameters: Tense and Aspect. As the tripartite division seen under 1.1.7 above sug-

gests, the cline between a typically transitive and a typically intransitive verb is important. However, it is not the only factor involved in the selection of the different passive forms. It appears that the distribution of the affixes listed under 0.1 is also constrained by: 1. the perfective or imperfective aspect of the verb, the latter being defined as in Comrie (1976a); and 2. the tense of the verb.

1.2.2

Prototypical Transitivity and Aspect. If a verb is typically transitive —whether it has an

an or an i prefix— and furthermore, if it is in the imperfective aspect, then it will take the no...i/ana circumfix:

447

(22)a.

N-an-didy

ny mofo i Jeanne.

past-pref-cut the bread Jeanne "Jeanne was catting the bread."

b.

Nò-didi-n' i Jeanne ny nofo pass-cut-by Jeanne the bread

fa tsy voa-didi-ny. but neg pass-cut-by-her "The bread was being cut by Jeanne, but was not successfully cut by her," i.e. "Jeanne was trying to cut the bread, but in vain."

(23)a.

N-i-jery

ny mpianatra i Jeanne.

past-pref-seek the pupils

Jeanne

"Jeanne was looking for the pupils."

b.

Nò-jere-n' i Jeanne ny mpianatra pass-seek-by Jeanne the pupils

fa tsy hita-ny. but neg seen-by-her "The pupils were being sought by Jeanne but not successfully," i.e. "Jeanne was trying to look for the pupils, but in vain."

However, if a verb is transitive but in the perfective aspect/ then it will take the voa passive prefix:

448

(24)

Voa-didi-n' i Jeanne ny mofo pass-cut-by

Jeanne the bread

"The bread has been cut by Jeanne,"

*fa tsy voa-didi-ny. but neg pass-cut-by-her "but in vain." "The bread has been cut by Jeanne,*but has not been cut."

1.2.3

Optional Transitivity and Aspect. Now, if a verb is optionally transitive and is in the

imperfective aspect, then it will take the a passive prefix:

(25)a.

N-i-janona past-pref-stop

i Jeanne, Jeanne

"Jeanne stopped (on her own)."

b.

N-a-janon-n'

i Paoly i Jeanne

past-pass-stop-by Paul

Jeanne

fa tsy voa-jano-ny. but neg pass-stop-by-him "but in vain." "Paul tried to leave Jeanne behind, but in vain."

However, if the optionally intransitive verb is in the perfective aspect, then the relevant passive prefix is tafa;

449

(26)

Tafa-janona (*i Paoly) i Jeanne pass-stop

(by Paul)

Jeanne

"Jeanne was left behind,"

*fa tsy voa-jano-ny. but neg pass-stop-by-him "but in vain." "Jeanne was left behind, *but was not left behind."

In (26), the Agent cannot be expressed at all since the sequence comprising the genitive NP i Paoly is ungrammatical (also see Chapter One, Section 2.2.2.2).

1.2.4

Suirmary: Distribution of the Passive Affixes. The above information in 1.2.2 and 1.2.3 is summarized

on Table 11:

Table 11

Distribution of the Different Verbal Affixes

Transitive Verb

-an-/-i-

Intransitive Verb

-i-

Active

Imperfective

Passive

Imperfective

no. ..i/ana

-a-

Perfective

voa-

tafa-

450

1.2.5

The Semantics of Passive Affixes. As was stated under 0.1(1.a.), both elements in the

circumfix no...ina can be left out altogether or cxily ina shows up. this yields the following situation: 1. On the one hand (see 1.2.6): a. when the verb is a root, i.e. the bare form with no affix, it denotes a State or Autonomous Event, i.e. without an Agent, or is Abilitative with one; b. when the verb is a root which can take the tafa prefix, it acquires the meaning of Abilitative or Accidental; and c. when other affixes go on the verb, then it denotes a Deliberate Activity. 2. On the other hand (see 1.2.7): a. when the verb only has the ina suffix, it refers to a Habitual Activity or Event if there is no Agent, but if there is one, then it refers to an ongoing Activity or Event or even something imminent; and b. when the verb has no...ina, it refers to the equivalent of the English past tense or even the immediate past, as opposed to ho...ina, which refers to the future.

1.2.6

Illustrative Examples for Case 1. The following examples illustrate case 1 made under

1.2.5 above:

(27)a.

Loka

ny biriky.

[State]

with-hole the brick "The brick has a hole in it."

451

b.

Efa

loka

ny biriky fa tsy nisy n-an-doka.

already with-hole the brick but neg there past-hole "The brick already had a hole in it/ but no one made it."

c.

*Fanahy inian'

i Paoly loka

deliberately-by

ny biriky.

Paul with-hole the brick

"Paul deliberately made a hole in the brick."

(28)a.

N-i-tombona

i Paoly (noho

past-pref-fall Paul

i Jaona).

(because-of John)

"Paul fell (because of John)."

b.

Tafa-tombona (tsy satry) pass-fall

i Paoly. [Accidental]

(neg deliberately) Paul

"Paul fell (inadvertently)."

c.

*Fanahy inian' deliberately-by

i Paoly ny

tafa-tonibona.

Paul camp pass-fall

*"Paul fell inadvertently and deliberately."

(29) a.

Loka-n'

i Paoly ny biriky. [Abilitative]

with-hole-by Paul the brick "Paul made a hole in the brick," or "Paul managed to make a hole in the brick."

b.

N-aha-loka

ny biriky i Paoly.

past-caus-with-hole the brick

Paul

"Paul managed to make a hole in the brick."

452

(30)a.

Zaka-n'

i Paoly ny entana. [Abilitative]

bearable-by Paul the luggage "Paul oould carry the luggage," or "Paul managed to carry the luggage."

(31) a.

No-lQh(a)-an'

i Paoly ny biriky. [Activity]

pass-with-hole-by

Paul the brick

"Paul was making a hole in the brick."

b.

Fanahy inian' deliberately-by

i Paoly no-loh(a)-ana ny biriky. Paul pass-^with-hole the brick

"Paul was deliberately making a hole in the brick."

The sentence (27) does not have an Agent, therefore, the bare form denotes a State/Autonomous Event, as opposed to (29) a. and (30)a., which do have an Agent and which have the Abilitative interpretation; the sequence (28)b. shows the Accidental meaning, although tafa in tafa-tsangana, for example, translates into "managed to stand up." In (31), with both no and an (a), the verb denotes a Deliberate Activity.

1.2.7

Illustrative Exarrples for Case 2. The following examples illustrate case 2 under 1.2.5:

(32)a.

(Tokony) ho-kapch-ina

ny zaza maditra.

should fut-pass-strike the child unruly "Unruly children (must) receive corporal punishment."

453

b.

(Tokony) no-kapdh-ina

ny zaza maditra.

should past-pass-strike the child unruly "Hie unruly children (should) have received corporal punishment."

(33)a.

Kapoh-in'i Paoly amin'ny fehikibo ny zaza maditra. strike-by Paul with the belt

the child unruly

"Paul is in the process of administering corporal punishment to the unruly children," or "Paul is about to administer corporal punishment to the unruly children."

b.

No-kapch-in' i Paoly tamin'ny fehikibo ny zaza maditra. past-strike-by Paul with the belt

the child unruly

"Paul was administering corporal punishment to the unruly children."

c.

Ho-kapoh-in' i Paoly amin'ny fehikibo ny zaza maditra. fut-strike-by Paul with the belt

the child unruly

"Paul will be administering corporal punishment to the unruly children."

First, the examples (32) and (33) contrast with (l)a. under 1.1.1 above in that the latter is ungraiimatical, whereas the first two are perfectly grammatical. However, all three share the same characteristic in that they are not root verbs and, as a result of this, the passive affixes are mandatory, as opposed to the case seen in (29)a. and (31)a., where the affixes are optional

454

since we have a root passive to start with . Furthermore, the prefix no encodes the past tense, as can be seen in (33)b., and differs from ho, which can replace it, in that the latter refers to the future, as is quite apparent in (33)c.

1.3.1

Relevance of the Keenan-Comrie Hierarchy. As explained above under 1.0(3), it is possible to

promote any NP occupying anyone of the semantic/syntactic positions from DO down to Source-Oblique to Su. In the process, the NP loses its preposition, but the equivalent information is encoded oi the verb itself. First, it will be shown that the Oblique encompasses a number of positions, then the order of these different types of Oblique will be investigated.

1.3.2

Order of the Different 'types of Oblique. Assuming the Keenan-Comrie Hierarchy and leaving aside

the Goal-Oblique, we have the following types of Oblique in Malagasy: 1. Intermediary 2. Instrument 3. Directional 4. Beneficiary 5. Manner 6. Locative 7. Temporal 8. Source 9. Ccmitative 10. Causal

455

in the order just stated.

1.3.2.1

Case-Marking and the Active Voice. In the active voice, the following prepositions mark

the different cases on the noun. When the Intermediary is a comiron NP, whether it is definite or not, there is no preposition accompanying it, as can be seen in (13)a. and (13)h. above. Furthermore, we have:

(34)

N-an-(t)ohana ny fiara tamin'ny vato i Paoly. past-act-block the car

Instr the stone Paul

"Paul was blocking the car with the stone."

(35)

N-an-daka

ny baolina tamin'ny loha-ny

past-act-kick the ball

with

the head-his

"(Paul) was kicking the ball with his head"

ho ao amin'ny but i Paoly. Direct

the goal Paul

"into the goal."

(36)

N-an-ome past-act-give

an'ilay mofo tamin-kafaliana/ the bread Manner joy/

"(Jeanne) was giving the bread with joy/"

0

haingana ho an'ny mpiasa i Jeanne.

Manner quick

Benef the worker

"quickly for the worker(s)."

Jeanne

456

(37)

N-i-asa

tsara i Paoly tany Antsirabe.

past-act-work well

Paul Loc Antsirabe

"Paul was working well at Antsirabe."

(38)

N-i-anatra

tao Antsirabe 0

taloha/

past-act-study Loc Antsirabe Temp previously "(Paul) was studying at Antsirabe previously/

tamin'io

fotoana io

Terrp this time

i Paoly.

this

Paul

"at that time."

(39)

N-an-dre

an'ity vaovao ity avy

past-act-heard

this news this coming from

"(Paul) heard this news from "

tany Toamasina omaly

i Paoly.

Loc Tamatave yesterday

Paul

"Tamatave yesterday."

(40)

N-i-ainga

avy

tao Antsirabe

past-act-leave coming from Loc Antsirabe " (Jeanne) departed from Antsirabe"

n-iaraka

tamin' i Paoly i Jeanne.

past-accompany Comit "with Paul."

Paul

Jeanne

457

(41)

N-i-ainga n-iaraka

tamin' i Bozy i Paoly

past-leave past-accompany Comit

Bozy

Paul

"Paul left with Bozy'•n

noho

i Jeanne.

because-of

Jeanne

"because of Jeanne.ii

In (34), the underlined NP represents an Instrument-Oblique; in (35), it is a Directional; in (36), the preposition tamina is optional with a Manner-Oblique, but obligatory with a Beneficiary. The underlined NP in (37) is a Locative, and in (38), it is a Terrporal-Oblique; in (39), we have a root verb avy "coming" combining with an ordinary Locative tany for Source-Oblique; in (40), we have the verb miaraka "to accompany" in the past tense with the general preposition (t)amin(a), also in the past tense, as marked by the presence of the tense-prefix Jt. Finally, in (41), noho "because of" signals a Causal-Oblique. The following sentences show that indeed verbs are used instead of prepositions for Source and Comitative Obliques:

(39')

Avy

t-any

Toamasina i Paoly.

coming past-there Tamatave (portion of (39)) "Paul came from Tamatave.ii

Paul

458

(40')

N-i-araka t-amin' i Paoly i Jeanne. past-go

past-with Paul

Jeanne

(portion of (40)) ii 'Jeanne accompanied Paul."

1.3.2.2

Criteria for Setting up Different Types of Oblique. In the active voice, the position of the Oblique NP

relative to Su —whether to its left or to its right— (in conjunction with the preposition used as well as the possibility of Clefting) allows us to differentiate ten types of Oblique. Thus:

(42)a.

N-an-defa an' i Jaona i Paoly. John

past-send

Paul

"Paul was sending John."

b.

*N-an-defa

i Jaona i Paoly. John

past-send

Paul

"Paul was sending John.ii

(43)a.

N-an-(t)ohana ny fiara tamin'ny vato i Paoly. past-block

the car

with the stone Paul

(same as (34)) "Paul was blocking the car with the stone.n

b.

*N-an-(t)ohana ny fiara i Paoly tamin'ny vato. past-block

the car

Paul with the stone

"Paul was blocking the car...with the stone."

459

(44) a.

H-an-deha ho any Toamasina i Paoly. fut-go

to

Tamatave

Paul

"Paul will be going to Tamatave."

b.

H-an-deha i Paoly ho any Toamasina. fut-go

Paul

to

Tamatave

"Paul will go to Tamatave."

(45) a.

N-i-tondra mofo ho an'ny npiasa i Jeanne, past-bring bread for the worker

Jeanne

"Jeanne was bringing bread for the worker(s)."

b.

N-i-tondra nofo i Jeanne ho an'ny mpiasa. past-bring bread Jeanne for the worker "Jeanne was bringing bread for the worker(s)."

(46) a.

N-i-laza ny vaovao tamin'alahelo lehibe i Paoly. past-tell the news with grief

big

Paul

"Paul was announcing the news with great sorrow."

b.

N-i-laza ny vaovao i Paoly tamin'alahelo lehibe. past-tell the news

Paul with grief

big

"It was with great sorrow that Paul was announcing the news."

(47) a.

N-ana-tono

ny hena tao amin'ny lakozy i Jeanne,

past-barbecue the meat

in

the kitchen Jeanne

"Jeanne was barbecuing the meat in the kitchen."

460

b.

N-ana-tono

ny hena i Jeanne tao amin'ny lakozy.

past-barbecue the meat Jeanne

in

the kitchen

"Jeanne was barbecuing the meat in the kitchen (emphasis)."

(48) a.

N-an-ohatra ny akanjo tamin'ny alakamisy i Jeanne, past-try-on the robe

on the thursday

Jeanne

"Jeanne was trying the robes on on Thursday."

b.

N-an-ohatra ny akanjo i Jeanne tamin'ny alakamisy. past-try-on the robe

Jeanne

on the thursday

"On Thursday, Jeanne was trying the robes on."

(49) a.

N-i-ainga avy tany Toamasina tamin'ny fito i Paoly. past-leave from

Tamatave

at the seven Paul

"Paul departed from Tamatave at seven."

b.

N-i-ainga tamin'ny fito i Paoly avy tany Toamasina. past-leave at the seven Paul

from

Tamatave

"Paul left at seven from Tamatave."

(50) a.

N-an-deha niaraka tamin'i Paoly i Jeanne, past-go

with

Paul

Jeanne

"Jeanne was leaving with Paul."

b. ?*N-an-deha i Jeanne niaraka tamin'i Paoly. past-go

Jeanne

with

"Jeanne was leaving with Paul."

Paul

461

(51) a.

N-an-defa ny entana i Jeanne noho

i Paoly.

past-send the luggage Jeanne because-of Paul "Paul was sending the luggage because of Paul."

b.

*N-an-defa ny entana noho

i Paoly i Jeanne,

past-send the luggage because-of Paul

Jeanne

"Jeanne was sending the luggage off because of Paul."

If the Oblique NP is an Intermediary, as in (42)b., or an Instrument, as in (43)b., then it cannot be moved to the right of Su. But, if it is a Directional, as in (44), or a Beneficiary, as in (45), then it can be noved to the right of Su. Now, if it is a Manner-Oblique, as in (46), or a Locative, as in (47), then it can be moved to the right of Su, although in the latter position, it carries with it some emphasis; therefore, this is the Marked position. If the Oblique NP is Temporal, as in (48), its Unmarked position is after the Su, although it can be reordered in front of Su, in which case, there is a pause after the DO ny akanjo; this, therefore, is the Marked position. In the case of SourceOblique, as in (49), or a Comitative-Oblique, as in (50), the marker is a verb and the Oblique NP can always show up after the Su, either as an afterthought or for the purposes of emphasis: there must be a pause after the Su, for the utterance to be acceptable, but even then, as can be seen in (50) b., native speakers'judgments vary. Finally, if the Oblique NP is a Causal, then it can oily occur after Su, as can be deduced from the grammaticality pattern emerging from (51).

462

1.3.2.3

additional Tests. The above distinction is corroborated by the possibi-

lity or impossibility of Clefting, with or without retention of the preposition:

(52)a.

Nanolotra an' i Jaona an'i Jeanne i Paoly. past-hand

John

Jeanne

Paul

"Paul was handing John to Jeanne."

b.

*(*An) i Jaona no

nanolotra an'i Jeanne i Paoly.

John part past-hand

(53)a.

Nandoto

ny ankanjony

Jeanne

Paul

tamin'ny fotaka ny ankizy.

past-dirty the clothes-their with the mud the child "The children were dirtying their clothes with mud."

b.

(Tamin')ny fotaka no nandoto with the mud

ny akanjony ny ankizy.

part past-dirty the cl.-their the ch.

"It is with the mud the children were dirtying their clothes."

(54)a.

Nandefa

vola ho any amin'ny ankizy i Jeanne,

past-send money to

the child

Jeanne

"Jeanne was sending money to the children."

b.

*(*Ho any amin')ny ankizy no nandefa to

vola i Jeanne.

the child part past-send money Jeanne

"It is to the children that Jeanne was sending money."

463

(55) a.

Nandoko

ny trano ho an'ny namany

i Paoly.

past-paint the house for the friend-his Paul "Paul was painting the house for his friend."

b. *(*Ho an')ny namany

no

nandoko

ny trano i Paoly.

for the friend-his part past-paint the house Paul "It was for his friend Paul was painting the house."

(56)a.

Nandeha tamim-pilaminana ny mpianatra. past-go with-quiet

the student(s)

"The students were leaving quietly."

b. ?*(Tamim-)pilaminana no nandeha ny mpianatra. with

quiet

part past-go the student(s)

"It was with calm that the students were leaving."

(57) a.

Nanindrona

ny ankizy tao amin'ny efitra i Paoly.

past-give-shots the child

in

the room

Paul

"Paul was giving shots to the children in the roan."

b.

*(Tao amin')ny efitra no nanindrona in

ny ankizy i Paoly.

the room part past-give-shot the child Paul

"It was in the room that Paul was giving shots to the children."

(58)a.

Nanohatra

ny akanjo i Jeanne tamin'io andro io.

past-try-on the robe

Jeanne

on this day this

"Jeanne was trying the robes on that day."

464

b.

:

(Tamin')io andro io no on

nanohatra ny akanjo i Jeanne

this day this part past-try-on the robe Jeanne

"It was that day Jeanne was trying the robes on."

(59)a.

Niainga

avy tany Toamasina i Paoly.

past-leave

from

Tamatave

Paul

"Paul was departing frcni Tamatave."

b.

r

(Avy tany) Toamasina no niainga from

i Paoly.

Tamatave part past-leave Paul

"It was from Tamatave that Paul was leaving."

(60)a.

Nandeha niaraka tamin'i Paoly i Jeanne, past-go

with

Paul

Jeanne

"Jeanne was accompanying Paul."

b.

t(*Niaraka tamin') i Paoly no nandeha i Jeanne. with

Paul part past-go

Jeanne

"It was Paul that Jeanne was accompanying."

(61) a.

Nandefa

ny entana i Jeanne noho

i Paoly.

past-send the luggage Jeanne because-of Paul "Jeanne was sending the luggage because of Paul."

b.

*(*Noho)

i Paoly no nandefa

ny entana i Jeanne,

because-of Paul part past-send the luggage Jeanne "It was because of Paul that Jeanne was sending the luggage."

465

in (52) t we have an Intermediary an'i Jaona which cannot be clefted, whether the preposition is retained or deleted; in (53), the Instrument tamin'ny fotaka "with the mud" can be optionally clefted and if clefted, the preposition can be dropped or retained optionally; in (54), the Directional ho any amin'ny ankizy cannot be clefted at all; likewise for the Beneficiary ho an'ny namany in (55); cleftlng on a Manner-Oblique does not yield a very good sentence, as can be seen in (56), even when the preposition is retained; from (57) to (59), we respectively have a locative, a Temporal, and a Source, and Clefting is Optional although retention of the relevant preposition is obligatory; finally, (60) and (61) show that it is impossible to cleft on a Comitative or on a Causal Oblique.

1.4.1

Case-Marking and the Passive Voice. In the case of passive structures, the information

which was available with the noun is encoded in the verb so that the distribution of the different passive affixes along with Clefting should also allow us to distinguish between the ten types of Oblique. That indeed seems to be the case since each syntactic/semantic position has its own features with the possible exception of Manner and Causal.

1.4.2

The Relevant Examples. The following set of sentences provide all the relevant

features needed to determine whether our distinction between the ten different types of Oblique holds in passive structures, as was shown to be the case for their active counterparts:

466

(62) a.

N-a-tolotr'

i Paoly an'i Jeanne i Jaona.

past-pass-hand-by Paul

Jeanne

John

"John was being handed to Jeanne by Paul."

b.

(*An) i Jaona no n-a-tolotr'

i Paoly an'i Jeanne.

John part past-pass-hand-by Paul

Jeanne

"It was John that was being handed to Jeanne by Paul."

(63)a.

N-an-doto-an'

ny ankizy ny akanjo-ny

ny fotaka.

past-circ-dirt-by the child the clothes-their the mud "The mud was being used by the children to dirty their clothes."

b.

(Tamin') ny fotaka no with

the mud

n-an-doto-an'

ny ankizy

part past-circ-dirt-by the child

ny akanjo-ny. the clothes-their "It was with the mud that the children were dirtying their clothes."

(64) a.

N-an-defa-s-an'

i Jeanne vola ny ankizy.

past-circ-send-by

Jeanne money the child

"Hie children were being sent money by Jeanne."

b.

(*Ho any amin') ny ankizy no to

n-an-defa-s-an'

the child part past-circ-send-by

467

i Jeanne vola. Jeanne money "It was to the children that money was being sent by Jeanne."

(65)a. 7?*N-an-doko-an'

i Paoly ny trano ny nama-ny.

past-circ-paint-by Paul the house the friend-his "Paul was painting for his friend(s)."

b.

(Ho an1) ny namany for

ho

n-andoko-an'

the friend-his part past-circ-paint-by

i Paoly ny trano. Paul the house "It was for his friend that Paul was painting the house."

(66)a.

*tf-an-ome-z-an1

i Jeanne mofo ho an'ny mpiasa

past-circ-give-by Jeanne bread for the worker

ny hafalia-ny. the joy-her "Jeanne was giving bread for the workers out of joy."

b.

*(Tamin-)kafaliana no with

joy

n-an-ome-z-an'

i Jeanne

part past-circ-give-by Jeanne

nofo ho an'ny mpiasa. bread for the worker

468

"It was with joy that Jeanne was giving bread for the workers."

(67) a. ?*N-an-indro-n-an'

i Paoly ny ankizy ny efitra.

past-circ-give-shot-by Paul the child the room "The room was where the children were being given shots by Paul."

b.

*(Tao amin1) ny efitra no in

n-an-indro-n-an1

the room part past-circ-give-shot-fcy

i Paoly ny ankizy. Paul the children "It was in the room that the children were being given shots by Paul."

(68) a.

N-an-ohar-an'

i Jeanne ny akanjo io andro io.

past-circ-try-on-by Jeanne the robe this day this "that was the day when Jeanne was trying the robes an."

b.

(Tamin')io on

andro io

this day

no

n-an-ohar-an'

this part past-circ-try-on-by

i Jeanne ny akanjo. Jeanne the robe "It was on that day that Jeanne was trying on the robes."

469

(69) a.

*N-i-aing(a)-anI

i Paoly Toamasina.

past-circ-depart-by Paul Tamatave "Tamatave was where Paul departed from."

b.

(Avy tany) Toamasina no from

n-i-aing(a)-an' i Paoly.

Tamatave part past-circ-depart-by Paul

"It was from Tamatave that Paul departed."

(70)a.

*N-i-araka tamin' i P no past-act-go with

n-an-deha-n-an' i J.

P part past-circ-go-by

J

"J left with P."

b.

*(*N-i-araka tamin') i P no past-act-go with

n-an-deha-n-an'i J.

P part past-circ-go-by J

"It was with P that J left."

(71)a.

*N-an-defa-s-an'

i Jeanne ny entana i Paoly.

past-circ-send-by Jeanne the luggage Paul "Paul was being sent the luggage by Jeanne."

b.

*(Noho) i Paoly no n-an-defa-s-an'i Jeanne ny entana. because Paul part past-circ-send-by J. the luggage "It was because of Paul that Jeanne was sending the luggage."

in (62), the verb has the a form of Affixal Passive and the no.-•-•ina form would yield an ungrammatical sequence (this holds true °f all the sentences from (62) to (71)); the grarrmaticality pat-

470

tern in (62) suggests that Clefting is optional since (62)a. with no Clefting and the version of (62) b. not comprising the preposition an are perfectly grammatical. For (63), Clefting is optional since both (63) a. without Clefting and (63) b. with Clefting are grammatical; the preposition tamin' can be retained optionally, as indicated by the graitmaticality of both sequences in (63). In (64), Clefting is optional, as is apparent in the graitmaticality pattern, although the sequence in (64)b. comprising the prepositional phrase ho any amin is ruled out, which shows that the preposition cannot be retained. In (65), Clefting is preferred, judging from the awkwardness of (65)a., whereas the possibility of both sequences in (65)b., i.e. with or without the relevant prepositional phrase, indicates that the latter is optional. In (66), Clefting with preposition retention is obligatory. In

(67), Clefting is preferred, and the preposition,

obligatory. In (68), Clefting is optional, and the preposition, optional. As for (69), Clefting is obligatory, but the preposition, optional. Hie granmaticality pattern emerging from (70) indicates that Clefting is impossible, whether the preposition is retained or not. Finally, for (71), Clefting is obligatory, and the preposition must be retained. Note that the different types of Oblique show up in the sentences from (62) to (71) in the order given under 1.3.2 above.

1.4.3

Promotion to Su and Distribution of Passive Affixes. Hie following data show the correlation between the

type of Oblique which is promoted to Su and the Affix which can go on the verb:

471

(72) a.

*No-tolor-an' i Paoly an' i Jeanne i Jaona. pass-hand-by

Paul

Jeanne

John

(compare with (52)) "John was being handed by Paul to Jeanne."

b.

N-a-tolotr'

i Paoly an'i Jeanne i Jaona.

past-pass-hand-by Paul

Jeanne

John

(same as (62)a.) "John was being handed by Paul to Jeanne."

c.

*(*fln) i Jaona no n-an-(t)olor-an' i Paoly an'i Jeanne. John part past-circ-hand-by Paul

Jeanne

"It was Paul who was being handed by Paul to Jeanne."

(73) a.

*No-toha-n-an' i Paoly ny fiara ny vato. pass-block-by

Paul the car the stone

"the stone was being used by Paul to block the car."

b.

N-a-toha-n'

i Paoly ny fiara ny vato.

past-pass-block-by Paul the car

the stone

(compare with (43)) "The stone was used by Paul to block the car."

c.

N-an-(t)oh(a)-an' i Paoly ny fiara ny vato. past-circ-block-by Paul the car

the stone

(compare with (34)) "The stone was used by Paul to block the car."

472

(74)a.

*No-lefa-s-an'i Jeanne vola ny ankizy. pass-send-by

Jeanne money the child

"The children were being sent money by Jeanne."

b.

*N-a-lefa-n'

i Jeanne vola ny ankizy.

past-pass-send-by Jeanne money the child "The children were sent money by Jeanne."

c.

N-an-defa-s-an' i Jeanne vola ny ankizy. past-circ-send-by Jeanne money the child (same as (64)a.) "The children were being sent money by Jeanne."

(75) a.

*Nb-loko-in' i Paoly ny trano ny nama-ny. pass-paint-by Paul the house the friend-his "Paul was painting the house for his friend(s)."

b.

*N-a-loko-n'

i Paoly ny trano ny nama-ny.

past-pass-paint-by Paul the house the friend-his "Paul painted the house for his friend(s)."

c.

(Ho an') ny nama-ny for

no

n-an-doko-an1

the friend-his part past-circ-paint-by

i Paoly ny trano. Paul the house (same as (65) b.) "It was for his friend(s) that Paul was painting the house."

473

(76) a. *Tamin-kafaliana no with joy

n(o)-cme-n' i Jeanne mofo

part past-give-by Jeanne bread

ho an'ny itpiasa. for the worker (compare with (66)b.) "It was with joy that Jeanne was giving bread for the workers."

b.

*Tamin-kafaliana no with joy

n-a-(o)me-n'

i Jeanne mofo

part past-pass-give-by Jeanne bread

ho an'ny mpiasa. for the worker. "It was with joy that Jeanne was giving bread for the workers."

c.

Tamin-kafaliana no with joy

n-an-ome-z-an'

i Jeanne mofo

part past-circ-give-by Jeanne bread

ho an'ny mpiasa. for the worker "It was with joy that Jeanne was giving bread for the workers."

(77)a. •**Nò-tsindrom-in' i Paoly ny ankizy ny efitra. pass-