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The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily Edited by Roksana Chowaniec and Marta Fituła
Harrassowitz Verlag
The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily Edited by Roksana Chowaniec and Marta Fituła
2022
Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
The publication is fully financed by Polish Ministry of Education and Science (Ministerstwo Edukacji i Nauki) DNM/SP/512266/2021, signed December 22, 2021, within the framework of the program DOSKONAŁA NAUKA. © for the archaeological artefacts for the Archaeological Mission at Akrai: Soprintendenza per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali in Syracuse, Italy and Parco Archeologico e Paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai – Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Italy.
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Contents
1
149
Rosa Lanteri Introduction to the Book ‘The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily’
5 9
Transport Amphorae from Akrai/Acrae
169 177
Roksana Chowaniec
201
Sealing, Stamping, Protecting, Securing … Lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae
61
Laurent Chrzanovski Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae: an Amazing Diversity Partially Unveiling the Details of Longdistance Trade Routes and Confirming the Boom of Micro-regional Productions
139
Krzysztof Domżalski Changes in the Fine Pottery Supply Pattern in South-Eastern Sicily during the Late Republican and Early Imperial Period as Reflected by Finds from the Recent Excavations in Akrai/Acrae
Jolanta Młynarczyk Mortaria, lekanai, kraters? Large Open-form Vessels from Akrai/Acrae, Their Formal Typology, Chronology and Function
Cristina Soraci On the History of South-Eastern Sicily during the Early Roman Empire
21
Jerzy Oleksiak Kitchen Ware from Akrai/Acrae
Roksana Chowaniec & Marta Fituła Foreword
Marcin Matera
Weronika Stanik Ceramic Building Materials from Akrai/Acrae: First Remarks on Roof Tiles with Stamps and Further Reflections
213
Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad Selected Terracotta Figurines from Akrai/Acrae
237
Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone South-Eastern Sicily Ceramic Production: an Example of Multidisciplinary Study
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VI | Contents
247
Agostina Musumeci
289
A Greek Vase from the Countryside of Palazzolo Acreide
255
Ireneusz Jakubczyk Repertoire of Brooches from Akrai/Acrae
275
Preliminary Notes on the Caves in the District of ‘Pisciarello’ at Palazzolo Acreide (Syracuse)
297
Angela Maria Manenti
Ermelinda Storaci
Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/ Acrae, from the Middle of the 3rd Century BC to the 7th Century AD, by Archaeobotanical Analyses
Preliminary Notes on Bronze Finds from Akrai: Clarifications and Anticipations
283
Paolo Daniele Scirpo
313
Notes of Contributors
Akrai: the Pair of pinakes
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Introduction to the Book ‘The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily’ Rosa Lanteri
Introduction The town of Akrai, founded by the Syracusans in 664–663 BC, is now part of the S.39 Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai. Within the perimeter of the newly established Park (2019), much larger than the previous one, Syracuse and the sub-colonies are therefore included: Eloro (Municipality of Noto) along the southern coastal road; Akrai (Municipality of Palazzolo Acreide) and Kasmenai (Municipality of Buscemi), along the via Selinuntina. As is known, Akrai’s public monuments were known above all thanks to the excavations carried out by baron Gabriele Judica in the early decades of the 19th century. 1 Subsequent excavations, conducted by the Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA. of Syracuse, had then explored the temple of Aphrodite and resumed investigations in the quarries of the city, 2 the urban area (the decumanus particularly) 3 and the Aphrodision area. 4 Little known, however, was the urban organisation of the town, with its network of roads, blocks and housing structures. Thus, when in 2009 Roksana Chowaniec, director of the Archaeological Mission, proposed a research project aimed at highlighting the town, the proposal was immediately accepted and shared by the Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA. of Syracuse, territorially competent at the time. 1 2 3 4
Judica 1819. Bernabò Brea 1956; Bernabò Brea 1986. Pelagatti 1966; Voza 1999. Leggio 2013. Excavations carried out in 2005–2006 by Maria Musumeci are unpublished.
After the first campaigns, dedicated to the surveys and the geophysical investigations, and after the careful evaluation of the collected results, in the area between two stenopoi (south of the main plateia and west of the supposed agorà), the excavations began. In the course of these works the remains of a Late Hellenistic-Roman houses were unearthed, showing various stages dated back to the 3rd century BC up to the Late Roman and Byzantine periods. Since 2009, the Italian-Polish archaeological mission has thus reached its thirteen year! The extraordinary results of the excavations were promptly presented to the scientific community, both through communications at conferences and the publication in the form of articles in scientific journals, and as monographs, of which this is the fourth. This volume collects the contributions of scholars who took part in the archaeological mission in various capacities: professors and researchers, archaeologists, and Phd-students. The 18 scientific contributions, testimony of a collective effort and multidisciplinary approach, address monographic themes aimed at illustrating material culture, particularly refereed to the Roman period, although some studies concern more ancient chronological phases. I like to remember that in recent years we have also tried to share the results with a wider non-specialist public. So in 2016, at the Archaeological Museum of Palazzo Cappellani in Palazzolo Acreide, an exhibition was set up with materials from the latest excavation campaigns, which offered to the common people a picture of
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2 | Rosa Lanteri the daily life of the ancient inhabitants of Akrai. In December 2019, shortly before the outbreak of the pandemic, another exhibition was organised, showing materials from the Akrai area, until then kept in the deposits of the Archaeological Museum “Paolo Orsi” in Syracuse. The exhibition was inaugurated by Calogero Rizzuto, the first director of the new Archaeological Park, who a few months earlier (July 2019), freshly appointed, had personally wanted to begun the Akrai excavation campaign (fig. 1). This volume is dedicated to him. Fig. 1. Calogero Rizzuto, the first director of the new Archaeological Park, who wanted to begun the Akrai excavation campaign.
Introduzione Il sito archeologico di Akrai, fondata dai Siracusani nel 664–663 a.C., è oggi parte del S.39 Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai. All’interno del perimetro del Parco di nuova istituzione (2019), ben più esteso del precedente, ricadono quindi Siracusa e le sub colonie: Eloro (Comune di Noto) lungo la via costiera meridionale, Akrai (Comune di Palazzolo Acreide) e Kasmenai (Comune di Buscemi), lungo la via Selinuntina. Come è noto, di Akrai si conoscevano soprattutto i monumenti pubblici (teatro e bouleuterion fra tutti), grazie agli scavi del Barone Gabriele Judica nei primi decenni del ‘800. 5 Gli scavi successivi, condotti dalla Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA. di Siracusa, avevano poi esplorato il tempio di Afrodite e ripreso le indagini nelle latomie della città, 6 indagato l’area urbana, in particolare il decumano 7 e approfondito l’indagine dell’Aphrodision. 8 Poco conosciuta restava invece l’organizzazione urbana della città, con il suo reticolato stradale, gli isolati, le strutture abitative. Così, quando nel 2009 Roksana Chowaniec, direttrice della Missione archeologica, ha proposto un progetto di ricerca mirato alla messa in luce dell’abitato, la proposta è stata subito accolta e condivisa dalla Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA., all’epoca competente. Dopo le prime campagne dedicate all’attività di survey nel territorio e alle indagini geofisiche 5 6 7 8
Judica 1819. Bernabò Brea 1956, Bernabò Brea 1986. Pelagatti 1966; Voza 1999. Leggio 2013. Gli scavi condotti da Maria Musumeci nel 2005-2006 sono ancora inediti.
indirette e non invasive e la attenta valutazione dei risultati ottenuti, è così partita l’attività di scavo vera a propria nell’area compresa tra due stenopoi, a sud della plateia e ad ovest della supposta agorà. Dal lontano 2009, l’attività della Missione archeologica Italo-Polacca è così giunta al suo tredicesimo anno. Gli straordinari risultati degli scavi sono stati puntualmente presentati alla comunità scientifica sia attraverso le comunicazioni a convegni e pubblicazione di articoli su riviste scientifiche, per i quali si rimanda alla bibliografia, che in volumi monografici, di cui il presente è il quarto. Il volume raccoglie i contributi degli studiosi che a vario titolo hanno preso parte alla missione archeologica: professori, ricercatori, archeologi del Parco, dottorandi. I 18 contributi, testimonianza di una sforzo collettivo e di un approccio multidisciplinare, affrontano temi monografici, volti ad illustrare la cultura materiale, con particolare riferimento al periodo romano, anche se non mancano studi che fanno riferimento a fasi cronologiche più antiche. Mi piace ricordare che in questi anni si è voluto rendere partecipe dei risultati anche un più vasto pubblico non specialistico. Così nel 2016, presso il Museo archeologico di Palazzo Cappellani a Palazzolo Acreide, è stata allestita una mostra con i materiali provenienti dalle ultime campagne di scavo, che offrisse al pubblico uno spaccato della vita quotidiana degli antichi abitanti di Akrai. Nel dicembre 2019, poco prima dello scoppio della pandemia, un’altra mostra ha esposto i materiali provenienti dal territorio di Akrai, fino a quel momento custoditi nei depositi del Museo arche-
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Introduction to the Book ‘The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily’ | 3
ologico Paolo Orsi di Siracusa. La mostra è stata inaugurata dal primo direttore del Parco, l’architetto Calogero Rizzuto, che pochi mesi prima (luglio 2019), fresco di nomina, aveva personal-
mente voluto dare il via alla campagna di scavi di Akrai (fig. 1). Questo volume è dedicato a lui.
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4 | Rosa Lanteri
Literature Bernabò Brea, L. 1956. Akrai, Catania. Bernabò Brea, L. 1986. Il Tempio di Afrodite ad Akrai, Napoli. Judica, G. 1819. Le antichità di Acre scoperte, descritte ed illustrate dal Barone Gabriele Judica, Messina. Leggio, D. 2013. Riti e misteri ad Akrai. Interpretazione del complesso sacro. Akrai – Area a Nord dell’Aphrodision. Scavi 2005–2006, Siracusa.
Pelagatti, P. 1966. ‘Akrai (Palazzolo Acreide – Siracusa). Saggi di scavo nell’area urbana’, Bollettino d’Arte LI: 112. Voza, G. 1999. Nel segno dell’antico. Archeologia nel territorio di Siracusa, Palermo.
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Foreword Roksana Chowaniec & Marta Fituła
‘The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily’ is the fourth multiple authors volume which describes the results of interdisciplinary archaeological research and excavations conducted between 2009 and 2020 within the zone of the residential area of the Graeco-Roman town Akrai/Acrae and its vicinity. It consists of seventeenth chapters covering history of southeastern Sicily in the Roman Imperial period and Late Antiquity, various examples of elaboration of material culture, and multidisciplinary studies outlining the methodology of research. This volume is focused around historical and archaeological artefacts being a determinant of all cultural processes which occurred in Antiquity. Ancient Akrai/Acrae, situated in the central part of south-eastern Sicily, happens to be a significant place on the archaeological map of the island and the whole Mediterranean. 1 The ancient town is located to the south-west of the modern town of Palazzolo Acreide, in the Hyblaean Mountains, atop naturally protected hill, called Acremonte, surrounded by an area composed of large plateaus (amounting to over 600–800 m asl). Akrai/ Acrae, as one of the towns founded by Syracuse in 664/663 BC, was located about 35km from the coast and the main port. Fertile land, forests, and two 1
In addition, the strategic position had an importance to keep control on the Sicels tribes inhabited in the hilly coastal hinterlands. Must to be remember that Greek town was not founded on a virgin territory, taking into the consideration numerous prehistoric sites in its surroundings and a certain number of artefacts coming also from the area of excavation at Akrai. Favorable environmental condition of this area had an impact to the development of human settlements since the Palaeolithic.
rivers the Anapo (Anapus) and the Tellaro (Helorus) envelope the town. It is highly probable that before settlements appeared, the majority of the area was covered by Mediterranean woodlands, with abundant wild game and lush, dense vegetation. The foundation of the town was linked to both, political and economic factors. Moreover, the plateau offered a perfect view of the surrounding area, permitting early detection of any potential danger as well as to control the cultivated lands and grazing areas. For centuries, Akrai was a place on Syracuse’s boundary. Until the 3rd century BC, the town had little importance and functioned under the Syracusan dominance. Intensive development probably began in the mid-3rd century BC, at the time of Hiero II, ruler of the Syracusan Kingdom. Following the fall of Syracuse, Akrai, like other Syracusan towns, fell under the Roman administration. The town, now dependent on Rome (civitas decumana) continued to be inhabited and functioned well enough in the new political structures, as suggested by the fact that it was able to pay the decuma to Rome. 2 The recent studies (2009–2020) unearthed the households, whose original basic plans were created by the end of the 3rd century BC. The construction effort seems to have taken place during the final phase of rule of the Syracusan tyrant, Hiero II and/or at the beginning the formal Roman administration (after 212 BC). The new stage of excavations (2011–2017) 3 yielded 2 3
Chowaniec 2015a (on history of research); Chowaniec 2017. Special acknowledgments go to Dr. Rosa Lanteri, for her great support of research at Akrai, first on behalf of the Soprintendenza dei Beni Culturali e Ambientali di
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
6 | Roksana Chowaniec & Marta Fituła archaeological material dated from the end of 3rd century BC up to the beginning of 8th century AD, which provides a vivid picture of the inhabitants’ life. The residential complex built in the Late Hellenistic-Early Roman period, was later used in the Imperial period and destroyed by natural disaster in the 50s–70s of 4th century AD, later, in the late 4th century AD the area was intentionally levelled and reused as place for various activities until the 8th century AD. 4 Also the field survey and non invasive investigations brought informations about vicinity of town. 5 The multidisciplinary research conducted therein is of great importance not only due to the status of the archaeological site, but even more so due to the challenges and scholarly problems it poses. Up to date, the town has been excavated only in a small degree mainly around the area comprising of public buildings (a theatre, a temple, a bouleuterion and fragments of an agora), remaining more than 70.0% of the archaeological site is yet to be explored. The present monograph is focused on various artefacts, and each chapter contains separate references and bibliography. For the reader’s convenience, all illustrations have been placed either in the texts or at the end of respective chapters. In the introduction of the publication, we find a text addressing an international scholarly cooperation, which allowed to create the extraordinary results of the excavations presented to the scientific community, both through communications at conferences and the publication in the form of articles in scientific journals, and as monographs (Rosa Lanteri). Next chapter is focused on the comprehensive introduction to the history of south-eastern Sicily during the Early Roman Empire (Cristina Storaci). It is followed by a chapters dedicated to the presentation and discussion about various sets of artefacts. The reader will find articles which provide following issues: lead-seals from Akrai and their multifaceted elaboration, shedding light on sealing, stamping and securing processes in Antiquity (Roksana Chowaniec); diversity of lamps from Akrai dated from the Late Republican period to the 3rd century AD in the context of long-distance trade routes and micro-regional productions (Laurent Chrzanovski); changes in the fine pottery supply pattern in south-eastern Sicily during the Late
4 5
Siracusa and later the Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai. Chowaniec 2015b; Chowaniec 2017, 130–177. Chowaniec et al. 2021.
Republican and Early Imperial period as reflected by finds from the recent excavations in Akrai (Krzysztof Domżalski); repertoire of transport amphorae from recent excavation in Akrai/Acrae (Marcin Matera); main kitchen and cooking ware categories with their typology and technological groups (Jerzy Oleksiak); and mortaria, lekanai, kraters? that is about large open-form vessels from Akrai/Acrae, their formal typology, chronology and function (Jolanta Młynarczyk). First remarks on ceramic building materials from Akrai/Acrae, with particular reference to roof tiles with stamps (Weronika Stanik). Next chapters are devoted to the overview of terracotta figurines from residential contexts from Akrai (Aleksandra Konrad and Marta Fituła) and to the multidisciplinary study on ceramic production in south-eastern Sicily supported by an artificial neural network (ANN) (Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo, Germana Barone). Further five chapters of the monograph are dedicated to the special artefacts coming from new and old excavations, as well as from museum collections. The Reader will find articles discussing: Greek vase from the countryside of Palazzolo Acreide (Agostina Musumeci); assemblage of selected types of brooches excavated in the domestic contexts with their typological and chronological identifications (Ireneusz Jakubczyk); selected bronze finds from Akrai (Angela Maria Manenti); pair of pinakes from Akrai (Ermelinda Storaci); and preliminary notes on the caves in the district of ‘Pisciarello’ in Palazzolo Acreide (Paolo Daniele Scirpo). The book is closed by detailed analyses of archaeobotanical materials from the recent excavations within the residential area of Akrai/Acrae along with addressing the issues of landscape and landuse in Akrai/Acrae from the middle of 3rd century BC to the 8th century AD (Matilde Stella and Girolamo Fiorentino). At this point, we would like to offer our warm and deep gratitude to all the Contributors for the immense amount of work and input they invested in the preparation of this book. All of the Authors graciously submitted to a long and arduous editorial process, and we are especially grateful for their kind indulgence and fortitude, cooperation and involvement. This book grew out of the marvellous, fruitful, and constructive collaboration and engagement shown by them during the excavations as well as the process of the laboratory and library studies. The views and interpretations offered here are the
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
Foreword | 7
results of long conversations, shared experiences, and cross-cooperation. Leading the project and excavations with all these people was an enjoyable challenge. Beyond the practical aspects, we wish to emphasize the help which we have received from them, and still hope to receive. This help arose from a bond of friendship between us. For we are all united by a common goal, namely the honest and rigorous elaboration and publishing of the results of research. Our appreciation goes also to all those who collaborated with Archaeological Mission, supported it and made its proceedings possible in the first place. Among them are (in alphabetical order): Dr Maurizio Aiello, Arch. Donatella Aprile, Dr Beatrice Basile, Dr Concetta Ciurcina, Dr Salvatore Gallo, Dr Lorenzo Guzzardi, Dr Orazio Micali, Dr Mariella Muti, Dr Francesca Gringeri Pantano, Dr Andrea Patanè, Prof. Rosalba Panvini, Dr Elena Pizzo, Prof. Mariangela Puglisi, Dr Luca Russo, Dr Carlo Scibetta, Prof. Mariarita Sgarlata†, Arch. Carlo Staffile, and all the employees of the archaeological park in Akrai/Acrae. The book is dedicated to the Director of the Archaeological Park of Syracuse, Dr Calogero Rizzuto† (1955–2020). We had a great pleasure and honour to work with him. One cannot forget about Dr Sebastiano Tusa† (1952–2019), a great archaeologist and Councilor for Cultural Heritage for the Sicilian Region. The last few excavations of Archaeological Mission at ancient Akrai/Acrae have been possible due to the support and assistance both of them. Much work was contributed by undergraduate and postgraduate students from Polish, Italian, Dutch and American universities, as well colleagues and friends from the universities and laboratories in Catania, Lecce, Athens, Kiel, Syracuse, Toruń, and Warsaw. We are grateful for their labour and the efforts they put into this research. Particular acknowledgements go to Dr Rosa Lanteri, who demonstrated great dedication and goodwill in supporting the scholarly proceedings of the Archaeological Mission and – first on behalf of the Soprintendenza dei Beni Culturali e Ambientali di Siracusa, now Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai – ensured their high quality, and Dr Lorenzo Guzzardi, who initiated this cooperation. Special acknowledgements go also to Dr Maria Musumeci, for all the given help.
Last but not least, we give separate and warm thanks to Mr Armando Albanese who provides great support for archaeological research. It is also a pleasure to acknowledge the help provided by Mr Stephan Hassam, and Mr Andrew Rigsby who are very much responsible for this volume getting done. They provided their time for translation and proofreading of all the texts. This work would be impossible without their help and understanding. We appreciate the keen interest in our research shown us by the President of Sicily Dr Sebastiano Musumeci and Councilor for Cultural Heritage for the Sicilian Region Arch. Alberto Samonà during their visits at excavation area of Akrai/Akrae in 2019 and 2020. The fieldwork at the archaeological site in Akrai/ Acrae has been possible thanks to the financial assistance of numerous institutions and private sponsors. The excavations in 2011–2012 were supported by a grant from the Polish National Science Centre (N N109 104940). The scientific research in 2013–2014 was possible thanks to another grant from the Polish National Science Centre (UMO–2011/03/B/HS3/00567). The achievements of the Archaeological Mission in 2012–2020 would have never happened without for financial support of the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education (4815/E–343/SPUB/2012/3; 4815/E– 343/SPUB/2013/3–1; 4815/E–343/SPUB/2014/1; 4815/ E–343/SPUB/2015/1; 4815/E–343/SPUB/2016/2–1; 4815/ E–343/SPUB/2018/1; 21/E–343/SPUB/SP/2020). All these institutions have our deepest gratitude for advocating archaeological research in Akrai. In turn, the research presented in this book would have never been published without financial aid of the Polish National Science Centre (UMO–2011/03/B/HS3/00567). The publication is fully financed by Polish Ministry of Education and Science (Ministerstwo Edukacji i Nauki) DNM/SP/512266/2021, signed December 22, 2021, within the framework of the program DOSKONAŁA NAUKA. Finally, we give our appreciation to all those who sincerely support us and archaeological research in Akrai/Acrae and waited their results with honest interest. The present monograph is fourth of series excavation results and hopefully will be continued.
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8 | Roksana Chowaniec & Marta Fituła
Literature Chowaniec, R. 2015a. ‘Comments on the history and topography of Akrai/Acrae in the light of new research’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrea in southeastern Sicily, Warsaw: 43–78. Chowaniec, R. 2015b. ‘General remarks on the new archaeological studies in Akrai (2009–2014)’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrea in south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 31–41.
Chowaniec, R. 2017. The Coming of Rome. Cultural Landscape of South-Eastern Sicily, Warsaw. Chowaniec, R. Fetner, R., Fiorentino, G., Gręzak, A. & Stella M. 2021. ‘Akrai, south-eastern Sicily. Multidisciplinary study on ancient human impact on the natural landscape’, in: Prescott, Ch., Karivieri, A., Campbell, P., Goransson, K. & Tusa, S. (eds.), Trinacria, ‘an island outside time’. International archaeology in Sicily, Oxford-Philadelphia: 33–44.
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On the History of South-Eastern Sicily during the Early Roman Empire Cristina Soraci
Abstract While literary sources depict a sometimes bleak and often fragmentary picture of the history of Sicily during the Early Roman Empire, archaeological and epigraphical remains prove that several centres had a very long and uninterrupted history, although they cannot claim the existence of particularly developed urban centres. This paper contextualises the few remaining literary sources and compares the data from history and archaeology to examine some concrete examples of south-eastern Sicilian cities which scholars believe no longer existed during the Imperial age, but which in reality continued their lives as minor centres. Groups, large and small, of inhabitants moved elsewhere and the sites remained the residence of a few people, who often exploited them for production purposes, to continue a family tradition or to live a life away from the problems of the cities; some of these centres could boast renowned products, as saffron, honey, tuna fish and wine. Roman Imperial period, Sicily, minor centres, splendour vs. decay, production
Introduction Modern scholars commonly identify regular shifts in the history of ancient Sicily: from periods of splendour, with typical moments of military glory and successful political experiments, to times of crisis and decay. More generally and most importantly, according to the perspective that originated from the revolutionary uprisings of the 19th century which came back into vogue even after the Second World War of the 20th century, scholars have for years contrasted Greek Sicily and its moments of political independence with the events of Roman Sicily, considered a relic of the glorious past. Only the revival of internal autonomy during the Roman Republican domination was considered in parts
noteworthy, although not comparable to the splendours of the Greek period. 1 In the last few years, some scholars have preferred to abandon the comparative method, re-evaluating the history of the periods previously considered as the ‘darkest’. The so-called ‘defeated minorities’ often showed great initiative and vitality, re-purposing the representative structures of the ancient polis to become part of political relations with the city of Rome and its leaders 1
Among the studies and reflections, however masterful, which profoundly influenced the subsequent works, for example cf. Holm 1898, 220–225; Finley 1968; Clemente 1980, 468–473; Coarelli 1979, 380–381; Ruggini 1980, 483–487; Mazza 1980–1981, 338–344.
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10 | Cristina Soraci (be they consuls, proconsuls, or emperors); 2 they produced artistic and architectural masterpieces, reinterpreting models that came from the centre of power with masterful originality. 3 While literary sources depict a sometimes bleak and often fragmentary picture, archaeological and epigraphical remains show quite a different situation. It would indeed be reductive to speak of a decline in the case of the continuous occupation of inhabited areas, towns, and countryside: life was transformed and Sicily continued to be well-populated throughout the ancient age, albeit differently at different periods. Of course, each settlement had its unique history, and any research that can sheds more light on it is welcome 4. It is undeniable that political and economic reasons led Augustus to favour a few coastal cities, which were elevated to the rank of the colony and had the task of serving as bulwarks of Romanity and loyalty to the emperor; other small towns were granted municipal statute and limited groups of people received Latin law. 5 Several sites lost their administrative autonomy and were politically incorporated into the largest neighbouring urban centres. 6 On the other hand, the renewed attention given to the productivity of agricultural areas and the tendency towards the constitution of vast estates (latifundia) in the hands of a single owner, under whom numerous people worked as settlers, led to a more definitive shift of the population towards the countryside and in consequence to more or less total abandonment of some smaller towns. 7 However, loss of administrative autonomy and partial depopulation does not mean loss of interest in a site from the local population or even from its conquerors. 8 Archaeological remains prove that
2 3 4 5 6 7
8
Salmeri 2004; Prag 2014; Salmeri 2015, 94; Soraci 2016; Soraci 2018a; Soraci 2018b; Pfuntner 2019, 12–15. Portale 2005; and especially Portale 2007. For an overview, cf. Pfuntner 2019. Soraci 2019a (with bibliography). Soraci 2019b, 1061; Pfuntner 2019, 207. Alföldi 1987, 143–144 and 198–200; Mazza 1987, 29–30; Wilson 1990, 155; Soraci 2016b, 117–118. The cities, in any case, will never have hosted all the agricultural workers, who had to live for the most part in the countryside (Duncan-Jones 1974, 259–260). In this regard, the hypothesis of Chowaniec 2017, 144–145 is very interesting: observing the prevailing number of ‘purely’ Roman artefacts in Acrae between the end of the 1st century BC and the beginning of the 1st century AD, she speculates that a new group of settlers may have arrived in Acrae in that time. Whether they were Roman citizens who had decided to move to this provincial town, or whether they were local elites in
several centres had a very long and uninterrupted history, although they cannot claim the existence of particularly developed urban centres; groups, large and small, of inhabitants moved elsewhere and the sites remained the residence of a few people, who often exploited them for production purposes, to continue a family tradition or to live a life away from the problems of the cities. 9 Although archaeological remains attest, in several of these cases, to a continuous occupation of the sites, it is necessary to contextualise the few remaining literary sources correctly. Chronology is paramount.
The evidence of ancient literary sources Thanks to Pliny the Elder, we know of sixty-eight communities in Sicily; Pliny’s list and numbers differ from those offered by other sources but, as Robert Thomas Pritchard reminds us, ‘in all our discussions on the question, the stumbling block no doubt lies in the precise meaning of civitas. Some would accept a site with a sprinkling of human habitation as a civitas, whereas others would strictly limit this term to a well-established community, exercising some form of self-government and recognised by Rome. The evidence, however, points to many more than Cicero’s 65 or Pliny’s 68’. 10 Pliny mentions some cities in south-eastern Sicily: Oppida Leontini, Megaris, amnis Pantagies, colonia Syracusae cum fonte Aretusa, quamquam et Temnitis et Archidemia et Magea et Cyane et Milicie fontes in Syracusano potantur agro, portus Naustathmus, flumen Elorum,
9 10
contact with Rome, the phenomenon is, however, indicative of the constant interest held by the island centres in the eyes of the upper-middle class. On the advantages of a life led away from the city, cf. Hor. Epist. 1.14. Pritchard 1975, 37–41. This subject was emphasised by scholars in the past: Pais 1888, 132–135; Beloch 1889, 71–83; Ciccotti 1895, 60–65; Holm 1898, 375–377; Carcopino 1905, 4–9 (= Carcopino 1914, 207–211); Cavallari 1951, 27–29; Pace 19582, 321; Calderone 1960, 5–8; Kahrstedt 1968, 246–267 (especially 251–255 and 258–260); Sartori 1974, 246–248; Bartošek 1977, 119–121; Manni 1981, 24–26; Genovese 1993, 196–207; Pinzone 1999, 93–101.
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On the History of South-Eastern Sicily during the Early Roman Empire | 11
promunturium Pachynum, a quo, fronte Siciliae flumen Hyrminum, oppidum Camarina, fluvius Gelas (…). Stipendiarii Assorini, Aetnenses, Agyrini, Acestaei, Acrenses, Bidini, Citarini, Drepanitani, Ergetini, Echetienses, Erycini, Entellini, Eini, Egguini, Gelani, Galacteni, Halesini, Hennenses, Hyblenses, Herbitenses, Herbenses, Herbulenses, Halicuenses, Hadranitani, maarenses, Ianenses, Ietenses, Mutustrani, Magelini, Murgentini, Mutcenses, Menaini, Naxi, Noini, Petini, Paropini, Phintienses, Semelitani, Scherni, Selinunti, Symaethii, alarenses, Tissienses, Triocalini, Tyracienses. 11 According to scholars, Pliny’s data goes back to the Augustan period rather than to the Flavian reign. 12 In these passages, Pliny mentions both towns and populations, respectively employing two terms (oppida and stipendiarii) which are a little ambiguous to us. As Patrick Le Roux has pointed out, the word oppidum bore a juridical-political meaning, which does not exclusively and automatically infer an equivalence with the municipium, but which définissait un certain degré d’urbanisation et d’organisation locale susceptible de conduire à la municipalisation; 13 in practice, Pliny employs oppidum when he has no details on the real status of the cities. Indeed, from the Republican age onward, the term could indicate, with the advantage of grouping them into a single term, both coloniae and municipia and, sometimes, even the peregrinae civitates. 14 The list of Sicilian stipendiarii is listed in alphabetical order. Contrary to what is generally believed, in Pliny’s work, the word stipendiarii does not have the meaning of ‘provincial cities subject to tax’, distinct from those that were exempt from it, nor does it denote subjection to a particular type of tax, the stipendium, but it indicates centres located on the lowest rung of the political-institutional hierarchy of the empire. In Pliny’s work, the distinction is based on the institutional status that linked each individual oppidum to Rome, from the condition considered closest to the model of the city, that of the colonies, to the one that most differed from it, represented by the subjects, the stipendiarii. Natu-
11 12 13 14
Plin. HN 3.14.89 and 91 (ed. H. Zehnacker). Cf. for example: Sallmann 1971, 89–107; Roddaz 1984, 572–591; Wilson 1990, 37–38; Vera 1996, 38–42; Zehnacker 2004, 192. Le Roux 1986, 339. Le Roux 1991, 580. Cf. also: Capalvo Liesa 1986, 55; Chastagnol 1987, 6–7; Tarpin 1999, 279–297; Sisani 2011, 727–740; Le Roux 2015, 162.
rally, the choice of the latter term, derived from official documents, had the advantage of encompassing both political and fiscal aspects. 15 Strabo’s picture of Sicily is very drastic in underlining the absolute ἐρημία (loneliness) of the inland settlements. However, scholars disagree on dating the information he provided, which could originate either from the Augustan age or from the years following the Servile Revolts. 16 In any case, the bleak picture offered by Strabo does not seem to correspond with the reality of neither period 17 and must be attributed to the concept of the decline of the classical πόλις – considered to be the result of the synoecism of the population, previously scattered between villages and countryside – with which the geographer compares the various local realities. Strabo, influenced by Posidonius’ description of the island in the aftermath of the Servile Wars, described Sicily in the light of his own categories; his vision was focused on the concept of the city, whose autonomy and local traditions, often kept in force by lively elites who, when he wrote his work, had almost or already disappeared from some centres. He, therefore, assumes that the ‘classical’ cities no longer existed, due to the absence of synoecism. 18 The verb συνοικέω (‘to live together, to make a synoecism’), employed with the negation οὔτε to define the status of ancient Greek centres, is noteworthy, especially when compared to ἐκλείπω (‘to leave, to quit’) or to ἐξαλείϕω (‘to delete, to destroy’), used immediately after – in regards to indigenous centres: the latter were completely abandoned while the former no longer existed as πόλεις. 19 Among the centres that were most affected by this phenomenon, which could be defined as deurbanisation, 20 Strabo mentions Leontini, which was
15 16
Soraci 2020, especially 28–38. Str. Geog. 6.2.6 (ed. F. Sbordone); Stone 1983; Manganaro 1988, 8; Stone 2002. Gallo 1980, 1264–1265 attributes the character of a topos to Strabo’s description. 17 Pfuntner 2013. 18 Str. Geog. 6.2.6: οὔτε γὰρ ‘Ιμέραν ἔτι συνοικουμένην ἴσμεν οὔτε Γέλαν οὔτε Καλλίπολιν οὔτε Σελινοῦντα οὔτ’ Εὔβοιαν οὔτ’ ἄλλας πλείους. Cf. already Manganaro 1988, 16–17, who spoke of reduction of cities to village level. 19 Str. Geog. 6.2.6: καὶ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν δ’ ἐξελείϕθησαν πολλαί (ed. A. Meineke); compare καὶ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν δ’ ἐξηλείϕθησαν πολλαί (F. Sbordone). Both verbs (ἐκλείπω and ἐξαλείϕω) proposed by Augustus Meineke and Francesco Sbordone in their editions are suitable. 20 Pfuntner 2019, 22–93.
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12 | Cristina Soraci seriously damaged, 21 Camarina and Gela, which were no longer cities in the classical sense. 22 Writing in the 2nd century AD, Ptolemy mentions Leontini, Netum and Acrae among the inland cities (πόλεις δέ εἰσι μεσόγειοι), but considers Gela, Camarina and Helorus to be inland cities too. 23 This apparent inaccuracy is probably due both to the geographer’s method and his sources, which were of two types (the periplus and the itineraries between the different towns of the interior). First of all, Ptolemy would have marked on his map the coastal locations identified by cabotage and then he would have located the centres of the interior of the island, which were included in the scripta or picta itineraries available to him. 24 Both itinerary sources that have come down to us from the imperial age date back in their present form to the 4th century AD. While the Tabula Peutingeriana mentions Acrae (Agris) as the only centre in south-eastern Sicily, 25 the Itinerarium provinciarum Antonini Augusti, a register of distances and stations placed along the empire’s roads, also counts Gela, Hible and Agris; the Itinerarium maritimum records also Megera. 26 Of course, the late antique Sicilian roads and especially those which some scholars call via Selinuntina, via Pompeia and via Elorina, still passed through several sites in south-eastern Sicily, which were not explicitly mentioned in the Itinerarium; among these, there must have been Megara Hyblaea, Leontini, Camarina, and Helorus. 27
Some examples: history and archaeology compared As we have seen, data from ancient sources can be interpreted differently to how they were commonly held in the past. Let us examine some concrete 21 22 23 24
25 26
27
Pfuntner 2019, 22–93: κεκάκωται δὲ καὶ ἡ Λεοντίνη πᾶσα. On Camarina, cf. Str. Geog. 6.2.5 (C 272) and infra, no. 20; on Gela, cf. supra, no. 18. Ptol. Geog. 3.4.7. Marrone 2018, 49–54. But, in order to understand some location ‘errors’, we must also take into account the serious gaps in the ancients’ understanding of longitude, cf. Tsorlini 2009. Miller 1906, 395–405. It. Ant. 88–89 (ed. O. Cuntz), but the mentions of Gela in the Itinerarium seems to refer to the river Gelas (Uggeri 2004, 254–255). It. Mar. 517.3. Both Itineraria are included in the Itinerarium Antonini Augusti. Uggeri 2004, 200–202, 223 and 230.
examples of cities (Acrae, Camarina, Gela, Hybla, Leontini, Megara Hyblaea, Netum) which scholars believe no longer existed during the Roman Imperial period, but which in reality continued their lives as minor centres. Acrae was mentioned by Pliny, Ptolemy and the Itinerarium Antonini; there can be no doubt that it continued to be occupied throughout the Roman period, to which several remains, even epigraphical ones, found during excavations date back. 28 It can be assumed that the city lost its political autonomy and was administratively incorporated into the territory of Syracuse. Scholars believed that Camarina ceased to exist after the Roman conquest of 258 BC, but it is now certain that it existed at least until the end of the 1st century AD. 29 It is worth noting that Strabo remembers only Camarina among the remains of ancient settlements in the midst of a situation of total abandonment that affected the southern coast of the island: so Camarina was no longer properly a πόλις, like Agrigentum and Lilybaeum, but there was still a ‘trace’ (ἴχνος) of the ancient colony (κατοικία). 30 In this case too, other literary sources (Pliny, Ptolemy, Solinus, Claudian) remember the existence of the city even in Imperial times and archaeological remains attest to life in the area. 31
28 Plin. HN 3.14.91 (Acrenses); Ptol. Geog. 3.4.7 (ed. K. Müller); It. Ant. 89.8 (Agris). CIL 10.7188 (1st–3rd century AD); Akrai 59 (1st–3rd century AD): d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublica) p(ecunia) f(ecit)/f(aciendum); Akrai 51: [P]lura [f]acias [et]/melior[a] aedif[i]/ces amen. Giacomo Manganaro dated the funerary inscription in Greek from Akrai (IG 14.235) in the Severian period (Manganaro 1988, 36). This inscription mentions an Ἄλφ(ιος) Κλῶδις, who would have participated three times in diplomatic delegations sent to the emperor for goods transport, cf. Chowaniec 2015, 58–60; Chowaniec 2017, especially 127–177; cf. also the various contributions: Chowaniec (ed.) 2018. 29 Uggeri 2015, 94–104 and 178–184; Pfuntner 2019, 46–47. 30 Str. Geog. 6.2.5 (C 272): Τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τῆς Σικελίας πλευρῶν ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Παχύνου πρὸς Λιλύβαιον διήκουσα ἐκλέλειπται τελέως, ἴχνη τινὰ σώζουσα τῶν ἀρχαίων κατοικιῶν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Καμάρινα ἄποικος Συρακουσίων; cf. already Pais 1888, 223–226. Literary sources speak only of conquest and not of destruction of the city, cf. Manganaro 1964, 415; Soraci 2011, 42. 31 Plin. HN 3.14.89 (oppidum Camarina); Ptol. Geog. 3.4.7, who mentions it among the centres of the interior; Solin. 5.16 (Camerina); Claud. Rapt. Pros. 2, v. 59 (Camerina palustri), cf. Pelagatti 1985, 295–296; Di Stefano 1994, 240–241. Giovanni Uggeri remembered that the most superficial layers were destroyed for agricultural purposes: those layers probably belonged to the Roman Imperial period and, in any case, it must be taken into account that a large part of the housing area has not yet been brought to light (Uggeri 2015, 184).
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On the History of South-Eastern Sicily during the Early Roman Empire | 13
Like Acrae, Camarina may also have lost its political autonomy and been incorporated into the territory of Syracuse. The question concerning Gela is more complex. In the Verrines the Gelenses are mentioned twice, but at the time of Strabo, Gela is listed among the Sicilian centres that were no longer inhabited. The Gelensens, therefore, should be the descendants of those Geloi who around 281 BC were transferred to Phintia by order of Agrigentum’s tyrant Phintia, after the destruction of their city. 32 However, Pliny still considers the Gelani and Phintienses to be distinct from each other: is this an error, as some scholars believe, or did Pliny consciously refer to the population of ancient Gela? 33 After all, the housing structures of the late Republican and Imperial era found in the surroundings during archaeological campaigns suggest that its inhabitants had not completely abandoned it, even if we cannot speak of the survival of a real city centre. 34 In any case, Gela could have been administratively incorporated into the territory of Syracuse or into that of its former colony, Agrigentum. Certainly, there are several cities in Sicily with the name Hybla, whose exact identification has always been a vexata quaestio; it seems, however, that one of these was located in south-eastern Sicily. 35 It is strange that the traces of the exact location of a city, so famous mostly in the Roman Imperial period from the production point of view, as we will soon see, have been lost.
32 Cic. Verr. 2.3.43.103 e 2.4.33.73; Str. Geog. 6.2.6 (C 272): ἡ δ’ ἄλλη κατοικία καὶ τῆς μεσογαίας ποιμένων ἡ πλείστη γεγένηται· οὔτε γὰρ ‘Ιμέραν ἔτι συνοικουμένην ἴσμεν οὔτε Γέλαν οὔτε Καλλίπολιν οὔτε Σελινοῦντα οὔτ’ Εὔβοιαν οὔτ’ ἄλλας πλείους. About Gela’s destruction and inhabitants’ transfer to Phintia, cf. Diod. Sic. Bibl. 22.2.2 and 22.7.1: Manganaro 1990, 391–408; Ghirafi 1991, 26. We know that the inhabitants continued to call themselves Geloi: Schubring 1873, 67–68; Bejor 1982, 815 and 820. Suggestive, but not entirely convincing (cf. for example, Uggeri 2004, 254–255, according to which Gela refers to the homonymous river), the hypothesis of La Torre 1993–1994, 769–770; La Torre 1994, 132–136, according to which the toponym Gela would have gone on to indicate the town found in the territory of Mazzarino and remembered by the It. Ant. 88.2 as Gela sive Filosophianis. 33 Plin. HN 3.14.91. According to Pace 19582, 323–325; Manni 1981, 24, Pliny made an error. Contra, cf. for example, Pais 1888, 236–239; Beloch 1889, 75; Wilson 1990, 358 and no. 47. 34 Panvini 1996, 122–130; Panvini 2002, 59–60. Cf. also Bergemann 2010. 35 Soraci 2011, 32–33 and no. 22. We cannot say if the Hyblenses mentioned by Pliny (Plin. HN 3.14.91) are the inhabitants of south-eastern Hybla.
Leontini continued to live as a city. Pausanias wrote that Λεοντίνων ἐρημωθεῖσάν ποτε ὑπὸ Συρακοσίων τὴν πόλιν κατ’ ἐμὲ αὖθις συνέβαινεν οἰκεῖσθαι: 36 if the inhabitants of Syracuse abandoned it, it was once again populated at the time of Pausanias. Perhaps the abandonment (and not the destruction, as the majority of scholars suppose: the contrast between ἐρημόω and οἰκέω proves it) cannot refer to events that occurred as far back as the 1st century BC, 37 but to the general lack of interest shown by the Syracusans towards the city during the Roman period and especially between the end of the 1st century BC and the beginning of the 1st century AD. 38 While Cicero considers Leontini civitas misera atque inanis 39 and refers to it mostly as an ager or campus, 40 the city continued to mint coins 41 and both Ptolemy and Pausanias count it among the cities in existence between the end of the 1st century AD and the beginning of the 2nd century AD, when Leontini must have flourished, albeit modestly. 42 Most scholars believe that Megara Hyblaea was uninhabited in the Roman times. 43 Strabo counts it among the cities no longer in existence at his time 44 but, as we have seen, he refers to a classical, politically independent πόλις. However, other literary sources and archaeological remains attest to its life
36 Paus. 6.17.9 (ed. G. Maddoli, M. Nafissi). 37 Moscati Castelnuovo 2004, 289–290 and no. 16 (with bibliography). 38 Massimo Frasca speaks of loss of importance (Frasca 2017, 93); Dario Palermo assumes that the city was deprived of an important component after the Roman conquest (Palermo 2020, 159–160 and no. 18). 39 Cic. Verr. 2.2.66.160. 40 Its χώρα was one of the best on the island: Cic. Verr. 2.3.18.47 (quod caput est rei frumentariae, campus Leontinus … in uberrima Siciliae parte) and 2.3.44.104 (duarum mihi civitatum reliquos feci agros, iudices, fere optimos ac nobilissimos, Aetnenses et Leontinum); Cic. Phil. 8.26 (Campanus ager et Leontinus, quae duo maiores nostri annonae perfugia ducebant). Cf. Soraci 2011, 15, nos. 35, 57 and 129. 41 But the dating is, as often in Sicilian coinage, controversial: G. Manganaro dates the coins between the 2nd and 1st century BC (Manganaro 2005–2006, 64–68); Mariangela Puglisi follows the dating to the years between the end of the 3rd century BC and the beginning of the 2nd century BC (Puglisi 2009, 281–282) proposed by Carroccio 2004, VIII. 42 Ptol. Geog. 3.4.7 (ed. K. Müller); Paus. 6.17.9. Pliny’s testimony (Plin. HN 3.14.89) date back instead, as we have seen, to the Augustan period. 43 Kahrstedt 1968, 247–248; Uggeri 2004, 200. Stone 1983, 19; Stone 2002, 145; Wilson 1990, 37 believe that the city ceased to exist at the time of Sextus Pompeius. 44 Str. Geog. 6.2.2 (C 267): τοὺς μὲν οὖν Χαλκιδέας κτίσαι Νάξον τοὺς δὲ Δωριέας Μέγαρα τὴν ῞Υβλαν πρότερον καλουμένην. Aἱ μὲν οὖν πόλεις οὐκέτ’ εἰσί.
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14 | Cristina Soraci during the Roman Empire: Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Ptolemy and the Itinerarium maritimum remember the city among those still in existence in their time and archaeological excavations have brought to light the remains of a small settlement from the Late Republican period (and then also from the 3rd–4th century AD): 45 evidently, Megara Hyblaea continued to exist as a small village and the clarification of the Itinerarium maritimum, according to which Megera was an oppidum, id est castellum Siracusanorum, confirms the loss of the political autonomy of the city (that is, in ‘technical’ terms, its disappearance as a πόλις) and its annexation to Syracuse. 46 Netum, however, probably had a shorter life. Pliny mentions its inhabitants among the people Latinae condicionis 47 and Ptolemy records the site as one of the inland cities, but we have no other information about it: except for the small epigraphic and archaeological finds from the Late Imperial period and proto-Byzantine era, the silence of sources from the Roman Imperial period is striking, especially if we consider that the city was an ancient foederata of Rome. 48
Economic prosperity and trade in Sicilian products Some products of south-eastern Sicily were very well known: in the 1st century AD, for example, Hybla was renowned for its saffron and honey. Saffron was appreciated, 49 but the honey from Hybla was especially and often renowned together with that from Attica, to the point that Martial could say: when you offer sweets from the hills of central Hybla, you are allowed to say that they are honeycombs
45 Pompon. 2.7.117 (Megarida); Plin. HN 3.14.89 (oppida Leontini, Megaris …); Ptol. Geog. 3.4.7 (Μέγαρα), who mentions it among the centres of the interior; about the archaeological remains, cf. Vallet, Villard & Auberson 1983, 174–175; Cacciaguerra 2007. 46 It. Mar. 517.3 (ab oppido Megera, id est castello Siracusanorum …). Already Ettore Pais thought that Megara Hyblaea continued to exist in Roman times as a ‘miserabile villaggio’ (Pais 1888, 218–223); cf. also Beloch 1889, 75. 47 Plin. HN 3.14.91. 48 Marotta D’Agata, Arcifa & La Rosa 1993; Manganaro 2001, 82–85. About Netum as civitas foederata, cf. Soraci 2016a, 109–111 (with bibliography). 49 Colum. Rust. 10, v. 170; Str. Geog. 6.2.7, C 273 speaks more generically of Sicilian saffron and Pliny (Plin. HN 21.17.31) of Centuripinus crocus.
from Attica. 50 It seems that what made it so good were the thyme flowers whose nectar drank by the bees. 51 Evidently, the Hybla honey was particularly appreciated in the Imperial times when it became a highly sought-after product, which was also used for therapeutic purposes. 52 The sea around Pachynum was also famous for what it could offer. The red coral of this area was renowned for its abundance 53 and the same can be said for tuna fish. According to Solinus, who wrote in the 3rd century AD, Pachyno multa thynnorum inest copia ac propterea semper captura larga; 54 tuna fishing in the Syracuse area was attested as early as the 5th century BC, as evidenced by the fact that Sophronius dedicated a comedy to this theme. 55 Other areas of south-eastern Sicily had famous products too: for instance, vinum Mesopotamium was exported to Carthage and perhaps Vindonissa at the end of the 1st century BC, to Pompeii in the 1st century AD. 56 Scholars have theorised that this 50 Mart. 13.105 (Cum dederis Siculos mediae de collibus Hyblae/Cecropios dicas tu licet esse favos); cf. also: 2.46, vv. 1–2; 7.88, v. 8; 9.11, v. 3; 9.26, v. 4; Verg. ecl. 1, vv. 53–54; Ov. ars 2, v. 517; 3, v. 150; trist. 5.6, v. 38; epist. 4.15, v. 10; Lucan. 9, vv. 285–292; Sil. 14, vv. 26 and 199–200; Petron. sat. fr. 29, v. 5 (ed. K. Müller, W. Ehlers); Str. Geog. 6.2.7, C 273 speaks more generically of Sicilian honey. 51 Verg. Ecl. 7, v. 37; Ov. Trist. 5.13, v. 22; Hor. Epist. 2.7, v. 26; Mart. 5.39, vv. 2–3; 11.42, vv. 3–4; Colum. Rust. 9.14.19 (bees from various parts of Sicily were brought to Hybla in the summer); Plin. HN 11.13.32; Stat. Silv. 2.1, v. 48; 3.2, v. 118; Ar. Ach. 1, vv. 556–557; Serv. Ecl. 1 v. 54 and 7, v. 37. Cf. Santagati 2017, 23–25. 52 In the 3rd century AD Ser. Med. 13, vv. 199–200 (ed. F. Wollmer) certifies the beneficial effects in the field of ophthalmology: Hyblaei mellis sucus cum felle caprino subueniunt oculis dira caligine pressis. Honey could be sold directly inside the honeycombs, cf. Santagati 2017, 29–30. 53 Diosc. Med. de materia medica 5.121 (ed. M. Wellmann) (εὑρίσκεται δὲ πλεῖστον ἐν τῷ κατὰ Συρακούσας ἀκρωτηρίῳ καλουμένῳ Παχύνῳ); cf. also Plin. HN 32.11.21 (who speaks of the laudatissimus red coral of the Aeolian archipelago and Trapani). Cf. Marzano 2013, 165. 54 Solin. 5.6. Cf. Felici 2020, 104–106. 55 Ael. Nat. Anim. 15.6. On the varieties of fish caught in Lipari (ἰχθύων παντοδαπῶν παρέχεται πλῆθος τοῖς κατοικοῦσι) cf. Diod. Sic. Bibl. 5.10.3. Ath. 7.315d. Between the 2nd and the 3rd century AD, speaks more generically of Sicilian tuna fish, which were very large, while Pollux (6.63) remembers ἐκ Σικελίας αἱ πλωταί. 56 About the vinum Mesopotamium at Carthage (CIL 8.22640, 60 instead certifies the presence of vinum Mamertinum), cf. an amphora dated 2nd BC (CIL 8.22640, 8 = AE 1893, 111 and 1895, 7): Q(uinto) Lepid(o) M(arco) Lollio co(n)s(ulibus)/AP/vinum Mesopotamium/L(ucio) Afranio Silvio. The same wine was perhaps found in Vindonissa (Bohn 1926, 205–206: MES/XIII) and in Pompeii: CIL 4.2602 and 2603, where the inscription MES was interpreted
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On the History of South-Eastern Sicily during the Early Roman Empire | 15
wine was from south-eastern Sicily because of the name of a statio which, in the Itinerarium Antonini, was called Mesopotamium and was located between Gela and Camarina. 57 The region around Syracuse supplied a sweet wine called Pollios. 58 Perhaps systematic archaeological investigations and detailed analyses of amphorae from the area will confirm the existence of vinum Mesopotamium and the production and distribution of Pollios. As has recently been demonstrated, the presence in Rome and Ostia of Sicilian products, such as wine and fish sauces, surged in the 2nd century AD, 59 thanks to a numerical increase in production areas and the consequent diversification of supply sources. Certainly some Sicilian fish sauces were packaged in specially made amphorae, such as Dressel 21–22. However, at the current state of research, it is difficult to establish which part of Sicily the wines and fish sauces that were contained in the amphorae found in Rome and Ostia came from. 60 One of the Sicilian workshops best known for the production of Dressel 21–22 amphorae is located in north-western Sicily 61 and its products were certainly exported to Campania, 62 but in south-eastern Sicily there was an important fish processing plant at Portopalo, near
a furnace for the production of amphorae, which has been identified but not studied in depth. 63 It is always possible that tuna fish products were packaged not only in amphorae produced for this purpose but also in other types of ceramic containers, including wine amphorae: 64 in this case it would be even more difficult to trace the spread of Sicilian products to Italy (and in the Mediterranean) and identify the exact area of origin. Sicilian oil, a tenth of the production of which arrived in Rome in the Roman Republican period, 65 is subsequently no longer mentioned, perhaps because it was destined only for the consumption of Sicilians. Sicilian oil probably could not outcompete the strong Spanish and African productions. 66 Nonetheless, oil devices have been found in structures belonging to the Roman Republican period serve as evidence of uninterrupted production activity. 67 In conclusion: the history of Roman Imperial Sicily, and in particular of the centres considered to be minor, can be rewritten. It should not be interpreted in terms of splendour and decline, of flowering and destruction, but in the light of the process that recorded alternating and intertwining phases – from the point of view of population, urban splendour, economic vivacity and so on.
as Mes(opotamium), cf. Héron de Villefosse 1893 (CIL 4.2618, 5563–5568 instead attest the vinum Tauromenitanum). Str. Geog. 6.2.3 (C 268–269) remembers only the wine produced in the Messina (Plin. HN 14.8.66 and 17.97 explicitly mentions both wines, Mamertinum and Tauromenitanum) and Catania areas. On this subject cf. Scramuzza 1937, 350–351; Pace 19582, 400–404; about possible wine vats found in Sicily, cf. Wilson 1990, 192. It. Ant. 96.1, cf. Uggeri 2004, 221. It was perhaps exported from Camarina (Uggeri 2015, 103), where, at the end of the 5th century BC, tetradrachms with images of amphorae were struck (Westermark & Jenkins 1980, nos. 149–157), but it is questionable what type of amphorae were represented on these coins: according to some scholars, they were wine amphorae (Schubring 1881, 387; Pace 19582, 403), according to others, oil amphorae granted as prizes for agonistic competitions (Stuart Poole 1874, 438; Salinas 1881, 362); for other hypotheses, cf. Westermark, Jenkins 1980, 50. Poll. 6.16: καί που γλυκὺς καὶ Πόλλιος· ἔστι μὲν ἐκ Συρακουσῶν; Ath. 1.31b; Ael. Var. Hist. 12.31. Radaelli 2021. Edoardo Radaelli, whom I thank, informed me that he had recognised in Rome and Ostia amphorae for wine from the north-east of Sicily, including Naxos and Lipari, and for the production of tuna fish from north-western Sicily (Alcamo?) and from Lipari. Cf. for example: Giorgetti, Gonzales & Botte 2006. La Rocca & Bazzano 2020; about the amphorae found in Pompeii, probably from north-western Sicily, cf. Toniolo 2020.
63 Marzano 2013, 109–110; La Rocca & Bazzano 2018, 300. 64 Wilson 1990, 192; La Rocca & Bazzano 2018, 297–298; La Rocca & Bazzano 2020, 144. There could also be other types of amphorae for wine: Tchernia 1986, 278–279. 65 Cic. Verr. 2.3.7.18–8.19. 66 Wilson 1990, 266–267 even thinks that African oil must have been available alongside Spanish oil in Sicilian markets of the 1st century AD. 67 Portale 2005, 48.
57
58 59 60
61 62
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16 | Cristina Soraci
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Sealing, Stamping, Protecting, Securing … Lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae* Roksana Chowaniec
Abstract The chapter presents recent studies on rich and diverse assemblage of lead-seals discovered within the residential area of ancient town Akrai, dated between Late Hellenistic period up to the Byzantine period. The lead-seals, both the official as well as trade ones, provide material evidence for the circulation of goods in Akrai, in reference to both the local and global markets, as well as for decisions and investments taking place in the town. These processes are also confirmed by other abundant imports flowing into the town from various directions. The objectives focus on the history of studies on the lead-seals, the various types, shapes, and functions of the lead-seals, typology of the Sicilian lead-seals, and detailed elaboration of the lead-seals from Akrai with its iconographical and chronological analysis. The research comprises also brief studies on the external and internal flow of goods or their circulation to/from Sicily, whose testimony could be assemblage of lead-seals. Seals, Sicilian lead-seals, piombi mercantili, trade, Hellenistic, Imperial, Byzantine periods, Akrai/Acrae
Introduction In the course of excavations in Akrai, namely within the remains of Late Hellenistic-Roman houses inhabited until the 350s–370s AD and then used for manufacturing activities since the late 4th century AD, 1 a huge and diverse assemblage of artefacts meant for sealing and protecting different goods was discovered (fig. 1). Among them were three Roman seal-boxes 2 used to
protect wax seals, 3 typically applied on letters 4 written both on tablets and papyrus, 5 or to seal soft containers (e.g. made of leather or textiles). Two
3
4 * 1 2
The present research has been financed by the Lanckoroński Foundation who enabled the author a one-month stay and work in the libraries of Rome in July 2021. Chowaniec 2017, 106–198. Chowaniec 2018, 50–53.
5
For more on this category of finds, cf. Hingley 2005, 50 and 98; Holmes 1995; Andrews 2012. The use of seals for protecting wax tablets has been questioned in the publication of the material from Augusta Raurica, cf. Furger et al. 2009, 17–21. However, Ton Derks points to the possibility of such a use, cf. Derks 2010, 72517. Alison Cooley believes that such finds are direct proofs of the use of Latin, cf. Cooley 2002, 12. A similar opinion has been expressed by Ton Derks and Nico Roymans, cf. Derks & Roymans 2002. However, the fact that they were used to protect purses or other containers does not automatically prove this hypothesis. Papyrus was commonly used in the Greek parts of the Empire for letters, lists, calculations, documents, etc.
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22 | Roksana Chowaniec specimens of copper alloy were egg-shaped and had a hinge mechanism joining their two parts (the base and the top), whereas three small holes were made in the middle of the base, so that they created a triangle. They are dated to the reign of Emperor Augustus, while their occurrence spans the whole 1st century AD. The third, is circular and decorated with concentric circles featuring a central hole and is dated to the 1st–2nd century AD. 6 They have been interpreted as containers for sealing documents circulated within the cursus publicus, 7 military letters, 8 and/or nuncupatio. 9 In the western and northern provinces of the Empire they tend to appear only occasionally in civilian contexts, however such uses cannot be entirely ruled out. 10 In general, it is known that seals of various types, shapes, and functions registered across the ancient world appeared already in the Near East, in Assyrian and Babylonian cultural contexts. 11 Over the centuries, they were made of clay or plastic fusible metals (e.g. lead), as well as less durable materials, such as wax. They are known under different names in the literature depending on the language or preferences of the author of a given publication. Hence, one encounters such terms as: ‘seal siegel’, ‘lead-seal’, ‘bulla’, ‘Bleisiegel’, ‘plomb’, ‘piombo mercantile’, ‘plomb du commerce’, ‘tessera frumentaria’, ‘fermaglio’, or ‘sigillo’. Sometimes, they are also referred to as ‘tesserae’ or ‘seal-tessera’, and as such are included in numismatic compilations. 12 Due to such a diversified nomenclature, the above-mentioned terms are often misused and extended beyond the seals proper by being applied to other artefacts also labelled as ‘seals’, such as stamped objects or tools used for stamping. The primary function of seals and lead-seals was to warrant the authenticity of the sealed content. Accessing the content required tearing off or breaking the seal or the cord used to attach it to the parcel. Tying everything together with a string or thong was a basic method for securing the shipped goods. The string or thong would then be sealed or reeved through an open container, with its bottom
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Derks & Roymans 2002, 27–28 and 92; Andrews 2012, 12, 15, 72 and 104. Holmes 1995, 391. Nevertheless, Simon Holmes does not exclude other uses, cf. Holmes 1995, 392. Derks & Roymans 2002, 99–100. Derks 1998, 224–231. Andrews 2012, 95–97. Regulski, Duistermaat & Verkinderen (ed.) 2012. Rostovcev 1903.
part then poured with beeswax 13 or secured with a lump of tar or clay upon which a stamp could be impressed. Finally, the whole container was carefully closed. As far as the Roman cultural circle is concerned, prototypes of the discussed seals and seal-boxes must have appeared already in the 1st century BC, if we take into account that Cicero commented in 63 AD: Thereupon we showed Cethegus his letter, he agreed that the seal was his and we cut the thread. 14 Later, Pliny the Elder complained that to think what life was in the days of old, and what innocence existed when nothing was sealed! Whereas nowadays even articles of food and drink have to be protected against theft by means of a ring (…). 15 In the late 2nd century AD, Clement of Alexandria decided to phrase himself in the following way: For if all were well trained, there would be no need of seals, if servants and masters were equally honest. But since want of training produces an inclination to dishonesty, we require seals. 16 Containers for wax seals were used until the mid-3rd century BC, when they were presumably substituted by leaden seals already popular in commerce as means for protecting bags, purses, etc. 17 In the Late Roman and Byzantine periods, seals again started to serve as protective measures and warrants of authenticity of documents, both in private contexts (including letters or last wills) 18 as well as official ones (ecclesiastical, military, or Imperial). 19 The most wide-spread were seals made 13 14 15 16 17 18
19
Traces of beeswax and impressions have been found on many specimens, e.g. from Wroxeter, cf. Andrews, 2012, 84. Cic. Or. III.4.10. Plin. HN XXXIII.26. Clem. Alex. Paedagogus III.2. Holmes 1995, 394. For a separate discussion on trade, taxes, and Sassanian seals, cf. Lukonin 1983, 712, 719, 732–733, 736, 738 and 742–743. Moreover, we decree that the end of a testament shall be the subscriptions and seals of the witnesses. For a testament not subscribed and sealed by witnesses must be considered imperfect, cf. Theodosian Code. Novels of the Sainted 16.5. Vikan & Nesbitt 1980, 10–12; Eerdmans Encyclopedia 2016, 228–229.
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Fig. 1. Plan of excavated area of Late Hellenistic-Roman house (© R. Chowaniec)
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24 | Roksana Chowaniec of various metals, 20 predominantly lead, manufactured with the use of iron tong pincers called a boullotèrion, clenched on a hot malleable flan transferring die impression on it, or with a stamp-seal or seal-ring. 21 On the obverse side of the flan, there would usually be letters or inscriptions in Greek or monograms, whereas the reverse would display religious images or mottoes. However, one-sided seals would also be used at times. According to the ‘Book of the Prefect’, traditionally dated to the reign of Leo VI the Wise (886–912), but certainly – just as many texts from this period – formed through systematic accumulation of knowledge: Grocers may keep their shops throughout the city as well as in the streets, so that the necessaries of life may be easily procurable ... (but) ... Any grocer who has weights or measures [which] do not bear the seal of the Prefect ... shall be flogged, shaved and exiled. 22 In practice, the vast majority of goods would be sealed, especially those imported or exported.
Typology of the Sicilian lead-seals The lead-seals in general, and those from Sicily in particular, belong to a group of artefacts extremely rarely mentioned in the literature, apparently mainly due to their poor visual appeal and problematic identification. Even if a seal is unearthed during excavations, 23 right after extraction it usually resembles a simple lump of lead. Only after a meticulous process of conservation, its shape as well as traces of stamps may become discernible. Hence, it seems safe to state that among thousands of Greek and Roman ‘labelled artefacts’, 24 trade seals were merely named, but received little to no treatment in scholarly discourse. It seems also worth adding that a prominent place in any discussion on lead-seals should be 20 Cheynet & Caseau 2012. 21 Vikan & Nesbitt 1980, 24–25; Cheynet & Caseau 2012, 133–134. For a more detailed discussion of the Byzantine lead-seals, known also as ‘usual seals’, cf. Oikonomides 1983. 22 Book of the Prefect 13.1–2. 23 The seals are sometimes of less than 1.00cm in diameter and heavily-deformed. Registering this category of finds is virtually impossible without metal detectors. 24 Allison 1997.
given to Sicily, as it is where a great number of these artefacts have been discovered, dated from the Late Hellenistic through the Roman Imperial to the Byzantine periods. 25 Despite their modest visual appeal, these seals are important sources of knowledge about the daily life, iconography, or technology, and studying them may help analyse mechanisms of trade. One of the earliest publications dedicated to ancient seals is a monograph by Francesco de Ficoroni from 1740 titled ‘I piombi antichi’, in which the author published numerous finds of seals – not only connected to trade – of various dating. 26 Unfortunately, while collecting the enormous material evidence for his seminal work, F. de Ficoroni failed to correctly identify many of the finds and mixed trade seals with those related to diplomatic uses, as well as bullae, or tesserae. It bears adding here that the lion’s share of these artefacts lacks any specific place of discovery. In 1755, Cesare Gaetani, Count della Torre, published a study on the assemblage of ancient trade seals (titled ‘Piombi antichi mercantili’) which – as he indicated himself in the subtitle – was meant as a supplement to the above-mentioned monograph by F. de Ficoroni. 27 C. Gaetani illustrated his publication with two charts in which he juxtaposed drawings of twenty-four seals (with standardised dimensions). On the other hand, the year 1788 saw publication of the work titled ‘Il traffico antico delle manifatture siciliane cavato da’ piombi mercatili’ by Giuseppe Logoteta, which discussed the questions pertaining to Sicilian craftsmanship on the basis of the discovered trade lead-seal. 28 G. Logoteta drew comparisons between the iconography of seals and images displayed on coins issued in Sicily by pointing to triskeles as an example, which seems incorrect as a matter of fact, but he emphasised that the trade seals had never be used for any other purposes than to identify given goods’ place of origin (region, site, or workshop). 29 The 1834 issue of the ‘Giornale di scienze, letteratura ed arti per la Sicilia’ contained a printed text by Francesco di Paolo Avolio which consisted of four letters sent to Abbot Niccolò Maggiore (from 16 February, 1 March, 28 March, and 6 May, 1833) 30 25 26 27 28 29 30
Still 1995, 27. de Ficoroni 1740. Gaetani 1755. Logoteta 1788, 12–18 (on trade seals). Logoteta 1788, 13–14. The indicated dates refer to the time when the letters were written, since they are treated as their dates of publication in the literature, despite they were not actually published before 1834.
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and discussing trade seals and Greek-Siculian mercantile relations. 31 In his first letter, he offered his addressee an outline of the history of studies on trade seals and stressed the role of C. Gaetani as the first scholar to correctly identify and publish these artefacts. However, he gives more attention, both in the first and the following letters, to circulation of goods and trade by highlighting the role of Sicily in the sea trade. It is not before his fourth letter that P. Avolio returns to the question of seals by enclosing a short catalogue of sixteen described specimens. 32 Another publication of extreme importance was ‘Descrizione di una raccolta di piombi antichi siciliani detti mercantili’ published in 1864 by a renowned numismatist and archaeologist, Antonio Salinas. 33 A. Salinas then expanded upon his studies in a paper titled ‘Piombi Antichi Siciliani’ 34 published in 1866. In his work from 1864, he stated that he was able to distinguish eighty-six types of seals, 35 all coming from Sicily, whose list (with brief descriptions) he presented in the paper. 36 The author paid attention to the construction of the seals by noting the lead strip (Italian striscia in piombo) as their distinguishing feature. This feature, in turn, made these artefacts remind him of textile seals e che sola può fornire un dato certo sulla destinazione di queste anticaglie. 37 Simultaneously, while describing images found on seals, he stated that they depict themes known from the world of art, nature, as well as fantastic imagery. In others, he found colligations with coinage, for instance from Akràgas (Latin Agrigentum, now Agrigento) or Syrakousai (Latin Syrācūsae, now Syracuse), and quotes a seal with the head of Apollo and with Pegasus as an example. A. Salinas suggested also that trade seals with the lead strip were character-
31 Avolio 1834. 32 Avolio 1834, 327–331 (the chart illustrating the artefacts which is placed before the text as a whole). 33 Salinas 1864. Naturally, other texts were published in the meantime, presenting other or the same examples of seals (e.g. Politi 1834; Garrucci 1847, who focuses mostly on official tesserae, but on p. 53, tabl. II–III.18 features nine lead-seals with the head of Gorgon and a boar found in Noto), but apart from introducing new specimens to the scholarly circulation, they did not provide any original insights. 34 Salinas, 1866. In his paper of 1971, Benedetto Rocco mistakenly referenced this publication as coming from the year 1871, cf. Rocco 1971, 27. Furthermore, in 1894 A. Salinas published seals unearthed in Reggio Calabria, cf. Salinas 1894. 35 One hundred thirty-four specimens in total. 36 Salinas 1864, 344–345. 37 Salinas 1864, 352.
istic for Sicily, which would be supported by their scarce number registered outside the island. 38 A. Salinas’s interest in seals, including the trade ones, was further developed in another text from 1866 by introducing twenty-eight new specimens coming mostly from Kentòripa (Latin Centuripae, now Centuripe) and Solontînos (also Solóeis, Soloûs, Latin Soluntum, now Solunto). 39 In his description and interpretation of the seals, he lists several peculiar ones, such as a seal with a frontal depiction of Medusa on the obverse and a vessel in a pearl border encircling the word ὕδωρ (water) on the reverse, which he rejects to see as a tesserae balnearia and instead hypothesizes that it could, for instance, warrant the right to draw a specific amount of water from a public cistern. 40 Since the publications of A. Salinas, only but a few newer studies have been presented, among which even fewer were focused solely on the trade seals. In 1892, in volume V of the ‘Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, d’après les textes et les monuments’, under the entry on ‘tessera’, the authors – Charles Victor Daremberg and Edmond Saglio – included a brief discussion on the leadseals. There, they stated that it was the most numerous group of seals unearthed in various locations across the ancient world, represented in diverse iconography, dated predominantly to the Roman Imperial period, and used for controlling and warranting goods. 41 The seals discovered in Sicily earned a special mention, due to their specific construction composed of a band-like slat joining the conical part which would be pushed through a plate with an opening on the opposing end of the slat and then compressed by striking a stamp. 42 The referential collection used by C. V. Daremberg and E. Saglio comprised more than a thousand specimens from the National Museum in Athens, dated mostly to the Roman Imperial period. 43 Obviously, this collection has been subjected to numerous more detailed studies, both earlier and later. For instance, Arthur Engel published an article in 1884 in which he discussed the repertoire of these artefacts and argued for their Greek (Crete, Euboea, Pergamon, Samos, 38 Salinas 1864, 354. 39 Salinas 1866, 19–21. 40 Salinas 1866, 23–24. This seal was published again by B. Rocco, cf. Rocco 1971, 35 and fig. XI.5. 41 Daremberg & Saglio 1892, 131–132. 42 The figure shows even the seal which was prepared, but never actually used, cf. Daremberg & Saglio 1892, fig. 6826. 43 Daremberg & Saglio 1892, 130–132.
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Fig. 2. Three main types of lead-seals prepared by B. Rocco in his paper titled ‘Nuovi piombi mercantili dalla Sicilia greca’ (redrawn after Rocco 1971: 28 and fig. I)
Smyrna, or Thebes) provenance 44 and chronological compatibility with the Hellenistic 45 and Roman Imperial periods 46. In his study, he often quoted the compilation by Albert Dumont, founder of the École française de Rome, titled ‘De plumbeis apud Graecos tesseris’. 47 One of the oldest and most orderly classifications of this category of finds (dated to various periods, from Antiquity to contemporary times, and of various functions) is the work by Mihail I. Rostovcev titled ‘Catalogue des plombs de l’antiquité du moyen age et des temps modernes conservés au Département des Médailles et Antiques de la Bibliothèque Nationale’. 48 In 1958, Biago Pace, while describing trade and manufacturing activities in Sicily in his monumental ‘Arte e civiltà della Sicilia antica’, touched upon the question of lead trade seals. In his enumeration of the known forms of seals, he mentions the cylindrical and conical types, but reserves a more detailed description for seals with a band-like slat. 49 In his study, quoting the aforementioned compilations by C. Gaetani, F. Avolio, or A. Salinas, he repeated the information that the seals could be used to mark textiles and compared them to objects known to him from his contemporary reality and used as a confirmation of payment or certification of a trademark. B. Pace 44 The author is aware that these artefacts are also found in other parts of the ancient world – Syria, Sicily, or Italy. 45 Mentioned as ‘Epoques macédonienne’, cf. Engel 1884. 46 Engel 1884, 1. 47 Dumont 1870. 48 Rostovcev 1900. This work is even often quoted as the first typology of the lead-seals, cf. Still 1995, 19. 49 Pace 1958, 418–420 (description like in Daremberg & Saglio 1892, 132).
concluded, however, that it remained unknown whether such trade seals were authorised by a public institution or rather by the manufacturers themselves. However, he was more inclined towards rejecting authorisation by manufacturers, because in this case the seals would be found also outside the island. On the other hand, by turning to the discussion on iconography, he returned to postulating, just like earlier authors, their analogies among some of the images on Syracusan coins (Pegasus, triskeles) or those from other Greek mints in Sicily: Kentòripa, Kamàrina (Latin Camarina, now Camarina), Akràgas. It is also worth to mention his comment regarding dating the lead trade seals which he identified as pertaining to the Greek and Late Hellenistic-Roman periods. 50 In 1971, Benedetto Rocco in his paper titled ‘Nuovi piombi mercantili dalla Sicilia greca’ attempted at typologising thirty-three trade seals, 51 which he divided into four basic types according to their manufacturing technique and morphology. 52 The first type (A) consists of a narrow bandlike slat terminating on one side with a round (or almost round) plate which prior to seal’s application had a conical form and was where the stamp would usually be struck, whereas the other side ends with a plate with an opening. Type A was further divided into Aa and Ab, although this internal division does not reflect differences in construction of A-type seals, but only informs whether the band-like slat was preserved or not. Type B consists of a cylindrical core terminated on 50 Pace 1958, 420. 51 The seals were found in Montelepre, Licata, Soluntum, and in one case – between Bagheria and Termini Imerese, cf. Rocco 1971, 35. 52 Rocco 1971, 27–28.
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both sides with two plates of different sizes, but always larger in diameter than the core. The stamp is usually seen on the smaller plate. Type C has a cylindrical core whose flat ends would be struck with a stamp (fig. 2). Type D constitutes, in a way, a variant of Type A, since both of its flat surfaces, approximately rounded in shape, are linked by two band-like slats. 53 In 1995, a doctoral dissertation titled ‘Roman Lead Sealings’ was defended at the University College London by Michael Charles William Still. Despite the thesis is available online, unfortunately it remains unpublished as a monograph. M. Ch. W. Still proposed a division into ten types, based on whether a given seal was one- or two-sided, on different sizes of plates, as well as on seals’ construction. 54 Sadly, in his typology, he did not include trade seals from Sicily which he considered dated to the Hellenistic and Byzantine periods and thus – outside the scope of his work. 55 However, the vast majority of the Sicilian seals are close to Type 4 according to M. Ch. W. Still, i.e. two-sided with two plates linked by a folded strip, clipped together, and dated to the 3rd century AD. In 2002, Giacomo Manganaro published several seals among many other metal artefacts coming from largely unspecified locations in centraleastern Sicily. 56 In his characteristic of this category of finds, he mentioned hundreds of such museum exhibits held in private collections and museums in Sicily. What he meant there was the so-called ‘Sicilian type’, consisting of a band-like slat linking the conical part pushed through the plate with an opening on the opposite end of the slat. According to G. Manganaro, thusly prepared seal would be heated and then compressed with the use of two differently-aligned negative stamps. The author even went on to distinguish two variants of such seals – thinner ones with an oval plate and more massive ones, both with different imagery. 57
53 Rocco 1971, 28–29. It is worth mentioning that B. Rocco believed that Type B would be casted in a mould, whereas Type C was cut off a cylindrical bar. 54 Still 1995, 35–50 and fig. 1. 55 Still 1995, 27 and 41–42. 56 Manganaro 2002. 57 Manganaro 2002, 553 and fig. 1.
Main types of the lead-seals from Akrai (excavations 2011–2019) The rich and diverse assemblage of lead-seals found within the residential district in Akrai serves to witness that settlement in the town not only continued over the centuries, but was very vivid and active. The seals (both the official as well as trade ones) provide material evidence for the circulation of goods in Akrai, in reference to both the local and global markets, as well as for decisions and investments taking place in the town. These processes are also confirmed by other, equally abundant, imports flowing into the town from various directions (terra sigillata, glassware, lamps, and amphorae). The seals of this type, as suggested by Gianfranco Purpura, were generally used to mark baskets, bags, or vessels, i.e. ‘containers’ of major volumes, which is supposedly confirmed by the varying lengths of the slats seen on the seals. The multitude of stamps appearing on the seals may indicate that many independent mercatores operated in the town. 58 However, it is possible also that the seals, besides protecting the goods, may have helped identify a manufacturer, a seller, or an owner, and prevented embezzlement of the transported commodities. Secondary reasons for sealing are important too. Care for hygiene and cleanness of products was beyond doubt a matter of significance for transportation of food. Sealing the commodity ensured its delivery to the receiver in a relatively intact state. In Akrai, we find all the above-mentioned types, including the so-called Sicilian seals, 59 a type similar to Still’s Type 4 60 or Rocco’s Type A. 61 Among the total of seventy-six registered seals unearthed at the site, 58.00% belonged to this type (44 seals). This variant is composed of a single element: a narrow band-like slat 6 to 7 centimetres long and tipped on one side with a round plate, on which usually a stamp would be struck, whereas on the other side there is a second plate with an opening. The seal would be closed by pulling the full plate through the one with the opening and welding them with heat. As may be observed, the lead was not always heated properly and so the plates do not always take the form of a full circle 58 59 60 61
Purpura 2014, 135–136. Manganaro 2002, 553 and fig. 1, 4. Still 1995, 27 and 41–42. Rocco 1971, 28–29.
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28 | Roksana Chowaniec
Quantity of lead-seals in each stratigraphic unit
Type 4 (Sicilian)
Type 9
Type 10
Type 5
Undefined
US.0 US.1 US.1E
1%7% 7%
28%
58%
Fig. 3. Typological statistic of lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae (© R. Chowaniec)
and are often deformed. The second most frequent type of lead-seals in Akrai was Still’s Type 9 or Rocco’s Type B, i.e. a one-sided seal with pedestal-foot projection on reverse, 62 which occurred in its alternative two-sided version with pedes1 tal-foot projection on reverse. Twenty-one such specimens were found, which amounted to 28.00% of all the discovered lead-seals. The remaining finds include a single specimen identified as Still’s Type 5 (one-sided with swelling on blank reverse, sometimes rising from surrounding flan), 63 five specimens belonging to Still’s Type 10 64 and five unidentified (fig. 3). 65 The firm majority of the finds (23 specimens) come from contexts from above the cardo I (USM.33) located to the east of the residential complex (stratigraphic units US.4, US.10, US.12, US.31, US.45, and US.46). The said layers are dated to the following time-periods (ordered top-tobottom): US.4 – 1st to the 3rd century AD; US.10 – late 3rd century BC to the mid-3rd century AD; US.12 – mid-3rd century BC to the 1st century AD; US.31 – 3rd century BC to the mid-1st century AD; US.45 – 2nd to the 1st century BC; US.46 – mid-3rd century BC to the mid-1st century AD. Ten specimens were obtained from the layers US.0 and US.1, which formed the topmost, heavily-mixed strata. Another set of nine seals were registered in layers dated to Late Antiquity (US.3, US.3A, US. 3D, and 62 63 64 65
Still 1995, 49–50. Still 1995, 42–45. Still 1995, 50–51. The finds were too damaged to enable ascribing them unambiguously to any particular type.
US.3 US.3A US.3D US.3F US.4 US.6 US.10 US.11 US.12 US.15A US.16 US.19 US.31 US.32 US.35 USM.9 US.36 US.45 US.46 US.51 US.52 US.53 US.54 US.58 US.63 US.69 US.70 US.71 US.74 US.77 US.78 US.82 0
2,5
5
7,5
10
12,5
Fig. 4. Quantity of lead-seals in each stratigraphic unit from Akrai/Acrae (© R. Chowaniec)
US.3F) and related to using the former residential space for manufacturing activity. 66 The rooms 10 (US.51) and 5 (US.58), the destruction strata under the wall USM.9, as well as the layers US.6, US.36, US.69, and US.74 contained two specimens each, whereas room 12 (US.63) and layer US.71 each yielded three specimens (figs. 4 and tab. 1). All the seals discussed in this study were made of lead. This metal was extremely popular in Antiquity and the Romans were its foremost and particularly versatile users, 67 as lead could be found in their construction anchors, repaired 1 pottery, water pipes, or even figurines. Reduction of lead from its oxide does not require high temperatures. At a relatively low temperature, its physical qualities enable quick melting of objects’ surfaces, whereas 327/328°C is enough to remelt them entirely. 68 According to the account by Pedanius Dioscorides (40–90 AD), a Greek physician from Cilicia serving the emperors Nero and Vespasian and author of ‘On medical material’ (in five books), lead was a valuable commodity which had always been mined in Sicily, and although he does 66 Chowaniec 2017, 192–198. 67 Cf. Humphrey et al. 1998, 117 and 214–215. 68 For more on metallurgical aspects, cf. Boulakia 1972; Scott 1991; Sinclair 2009.
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Table 1: Lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae Cat. no.
Quantity
Stratigraphic unite
Stratigraphic dating
40 (type 4, Sicilian), 53 (type 4, Sicilian), 64 (type 9), 67 (type 9)
4
US.0
mixed, no diagnostic
14 (type 4, Sicilian), 22 (type 4, Sicilian), 23 (type 9), 55 (type 4, Sicilian), 60 (undefined)
5
US.1
mixed, no diagnostic
63 (type 9)
1
US.1E
end of the 4th–5th century AD
2 (type 4, Sicilian), 7 (type 5), 44 (type 4, Sicilian), 61 (type 4, Sicilian), 65 (type 4, Sicilian)
5
US.3
end of the 4th–mid 7th century AD
17 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.3A
end of the 4th century AD
25 (type 9), 43 (type 9)
3
US.3D
end of the 4th–7th century AD
59 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.3F
end of the 4th–5th century AD
24 (type 9), 49 (type 4, Sicilian), 55 (type 9)
3
US.4
1st–3rd century AD
2 (type 4, Sicilian), 48 (type 4, Sicilian)
2
US.6
6th–beginning of the 8th century AD
10 (type 4, Sicilian), 13 (type 4, Sicilian)
2
US.10
end of the 3rd century BC–mid 3rd century AD
3 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.11
end of the 3rd–2nd century BC
29 (type 9), 35 (type 4, Sicilian), 36 (type 9)
3
US.12
mid 3rd century BC–beginning of 1st century AD
11 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.15A/room 7
3rd/2nd century BC–1st century AD
6 (undefined)
1
US.16
end of the 3rd–4th century AD
9 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.19
4th century AD
15 (type 4, Sicilian), 16 (type 9), 20 (type 4, Sicilian), 27 (type 4, Sicilian), 30 (type 4, Sicilian), 31 (type 4, Sicilian), 32 (type 9), 33 (type 9), 70 (type 4, Sicilian), 72 (type 4, Sicilian), 73 (type 9)
10
US.31
3rd century BC– mid-1st century AD
5 (type 10)
1
US.32
2nd century BC
76 (type 10)
1
US.35
3rd/2nd century BC–Octavian August reign
4 (type 4, Sicilian), 12 (type 4, Sicilian)
2
Destruction strate under the wall USM.9
2nd century BC–2nd century AD
8 (type 9), 19 (type 9)
2
US.36 = US.36+US.37+US.39
3rd century BC–Octavian August reign
37 (undefined)
1
US.45 (cardo I)
2nd–1st century BC
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30 | Roksana Chowaniec
Cat. no.
Quantity
Stratigraphic unite
Stratigraphic dating
18 (type 4, Sicilian), 21 (type 4, Sicilian), 28 (type 4, Sicilian), 52 (type 4, Sicilian)
4
US.46 (cardo I)
mid-3rd century BC–to the mid-1st century AD
26 (type 4, Sicilian), 34 (type 10)
2
US.51/room 10
3rd century BC
41 (type 9), 42 (type 4, Sicilian), 45 (type 4, Sicilian)
3
US.52/room 12
3rd century BC
38 (type 9)
1
US.53
2nd–1st century BC–Octavian August reign
39 (type 9)
1
US.54
end of the 3rd century BC–beginning of the 1st century AD
46 (type 4, Sicilian), 47 (type 10)
2
US.58/room 5
end of the 3rd century BC–beginning of the 1st century AD
50 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.63/room 12
end of the 3rd century BC– beginning of the 1st century BC/1st century AD
52 (type 10), 62 (type 4, Sicilian)
2
US.69
end of the 4th–5th century AD
57 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.70
end of the 4th century AD
56 (undefined), 58 (type 10), 73 (type 9)
3
US.71
second half of the 4th century AD
66 (undefined), 69 (type 4, Sicilian)
2
US.74
2nd–1st BC–Octavian August reign
68 (type 9)
1
US.77
end of the 4th–first decade of the 5th century AD
71 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.78
5th–7th century AD
75 (type 4, Sicilian)
1
US.82
3rd–2nd century BC
76
Conclusions
not specify its exact provenance nor suggest its exceptional importance for the island’s economy, this information is still valuable. 69 Therefore, making use of this material significantly expanded the range of potential users and producers. Its low melting point meant that practically anyone could secure their container, letter, or shipment. Shipments were also closed, in addition to seals, with a string or wire. In this context, the so-called seals of the Sicilian type were an exception, since they were completely made of lead and their long slats were used to wrap the package.
Sicily, due to its geographical situation and role as a joint between naval corridors leading from the east westward and from the south northward, was simultaneously a final destination for transported goods and an intermediary station on long-range trade routes. The eastern coast of the island – with ports in Syracuse or Catania – and the Strait of Messina were important stops on the path to Italian ports. Analogously, ports located along the south-western coast of the island 70 served as
69 Pedanius Dioscorides V.5–102.
70 It seems that certain fragments of the Sicilian coastline were avoided, mainly due to the rocky shores, treacherous currents, violent western winds, and the lack of sheltered bays, cf. Ducin 1997, 17.
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stops on routes between Spain, Gaul, and North Africa. 71 Ships would sail from the east, Asia Minor, islands on the Aegean Sea, and the Peloponnese to the west, through the Strait of Messina to ports in Latium, sometimes anchoring briefly in Sardinia or Corsica. Other transports would depart from Civitavecchia, Ostia, Portus Tiberinus, Portus Claudius, Portus Traianus, or Brundisium, and ships headed toward the southern coast of Gaul, to the port of Messala (now Marseilles), only to turn south and reach today’s Tunisia. 72 They also followed the northern coastline of Africa to go through the Sicilian Channel to Italy, having first visited ports in Utica or Carthage and embarked some local goods. Within this artery, two routes could be chosen: through Lilybaeum, thus encircling western Sicily and cutting through the Tyrrhenian Sea to reach Puteoli (Pozzouli) or ports in Rome, or through Caralis (Cagliari) in Sardinia and then through the Strait of Bonifacio to the same destinations. 73 Thanks to such proximity of busy naval routes, Sicily had access to all goods circulating around the Mediterranean Sea. 74 First, they were available in ports. Thence, they were distributed inland, to such places as Akrai. 75 It has to be remembered that it was uneconomic, and even dangerous to some degree, to sail unloaded ships, so as soon as a load was sold new goods would be taken in its stead. Therefore, if any commodities were left on the island, Sicily had to cover for the arising deficits in weights. Therefore, apart from grain, Sicily produced also vegetables, fruits, olive oil, epithyrum, wax or honey, 76 as well as livestock products, such as wool, hides, or ovine and cow
71 Taylor, Robinson & Gibbins 1997, 9–20; Arnaud 2005. 72 Similar routes were used to circulate, for instance, imitations of the antoniniani, cf. Więcek 2015. 73 Arnaud 2011; Papaioannou 2011, fig. 11.5–11.6; Wilson 2011. 74 Clemente 1988, 116–120. 75 This was precisely the case in Akrai. For more on imported goods registered in Syracuse, cf. Malfitana & Franco 2011, 116–142. On some of the goods from Akrai, cf. Chrzanovski 2015; Domżalski 2018; Chowaniec 2019. 76 For example, about the honey from Sicily: (…) but the name of Hybla still endures, because of the excellence of the Hyblaean honey (Strabo VI.2); The honey is always best in those countries where it is to be found deposited in the calix of the most exquisite flowers, such, for instance, as the districts of Hymettus and Hybla, in Attica and Sicily respectively (Plin. HN XI.13.32); Attic [Athenian] honey is the best, especially that called hymettium; the next best is that from the Cyclad Islands, and that from Sicily called simblium (Pedanius Dioscorides II.2–101).
cheese. 77 Theophrastus (370–287 BC) reported also that artichoke and cardoon were growing on the island. 78 The Greeks introduced vine and olive trees. 79 Wines from Sicily 80 were mentioned several times by Pliny the Elder, who named graperies of Morgantina and Taormina and wines from Messina, honey wine from Haluntium, and the best and cherished by the Romans – wine from Tauromenium. 81 Also Pedanius Dioscorides noted that the island’s soil was used to grow: The adrianum and the mamertianum (…). Both have thick particles, are mildly astringent, grow old quickly, and affect the strength less because of their mildness. 82 Moreover, a solid piece of evidence for the flow of goods is provided by remains of numerous wrecked merchant ships discovered around the island. 83 This may be well illustrated by a shipwreck found 5km away from Syracuse and dated to ca. 200 AD. This ship carried various goods, including kitchen and table ware, olive lamps, glass and metal vessels, amphorae with garum, and oil produced in Italian and North African 77 And in the matter of grain, honey, saffron, and certain other products, one might call it even superior. There is, furthermore, its propinquity; for the island is a part of Italy, as it were, and readily and without great labour supplies Rome with everything it has, as though from the fields of Italy. And in fact, it is called the storehouse of Rome, for everything it produces is brought hither except a few things that are consumed at home, and not the fruits only, but also cattle, hides, wool, and the like (Str. Geog. VI.2.7). Naturally, the Republic benefitted intensively, especially at the beginning, from the fertile Sicilian soil, particularly from the grain grown there (Soraci 2011, 12). However, after the conquest of Spain or Egypt, and later also Pannonia or Thracia, these lands would also become major grain suppliers (Sirago 1995, 181–187 and 365–391; Erdkamp 2005, 206–208 and 225–226; Soraci 2011, 97), even though, as pointed out by Vincent Scramuzza it is not likely that Octavian, as soon as he had acquired Egypt, lost all interest in Sicily (Scramuzza 1937, 349). Similarly, Dominic Rathbone states that Egypt’s contribution should not be exaggerated. The myth repeated in various first century AD writers that Rome could starve without the grain from Egypt probably derives from Augustan propaganda, and crumbles if probed – the ’front-line’ and dominant suppliers of public grain were still Sicily and Africa (Rathbone 1993, 86). 78 Kokoszko, Jagusiak & Rzeźnicka 2014, 158. 79 Sirago 1995, 163. 80 For a multifaceted study on wine from Sicily, cf. Vandermersch 1994. 81 Plin. NH XIV.25.4, XIV.35.1–2, XIV.66.4–5 and XIV.80.4. 82 Pedanius Dioscorides V.5–102. 83 Wrecks of merchant ships have been discovered in many locations around the island, as well as on particular sea routes, cf. Parker 1992.
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32 | Roksana Chowaniec workshops. It moved from the south northward and was loaded with large amounts of North African products, whereas the Italic commodities were to be sold during its return to Sicily. 84 It seems that the final destination was Ostia, while Rome served as a commercial outlet, since as reported by Aelius Aristides:
It should be remembered that the inflow of goods on the island relied on free and safe passage by the sea, which, in turn, depended not only on the
weather conditions, but also political and administrative factors. Therefore, for instance, when barbaric tribes, such as Goths or Vandals, isolated Africa from Italy and ships ceased to circulate on a regular basis, Sicilian ports also received fewer commodities. 86 In any case, be it for internal flow of goods or their circulation to and from Sicily, commodities could be protected and certified with the use of seals. Due to their diversity, equally in terms of morphology and iconography or epigraphy, but, even more importantly, because of the scarcity of published compilations based on closed archaeological assemblages it is yet impossible to determine their functions in an unambiguous way. It is worth noting, however, that different kinds of seals may have served different purposes, even at the same time. Therefore, it is perhaps unnecessary to distinguish between their primary and secondary functions. The cultural practice seems to indicate that things, when put in use, are multi-functional and it is through their context (e.g. archaeological) and appearance or design that desired meanings and functions emerge.
84 Taylor, Robinson & Gibbins 1997, 9–19. 85 Aristid. To Rome 11–13.
86 Chowaniec 2019, 57.
Your farmlands are Egypt, Sicily, and all of cultivated Africa. Seaborne arrivals and departures are ceaseless, to the point that the wonder is, not so much that the harbour has insufficient space for all these merchant vessels, but that the sea has enough space (if it really does). Just as there is a common channel where all waters of the Ocean have a single source and destination, so that there is a common channel to Rome and all meet here: trade, shipping, agriculture, metallurgy – all the arts and crafts that are or ever were and all things that are produced or spring from the earth. 85
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Catalogue The following is a catalogue of lead-seals recorded in Akrai, compiled in accordance with the rules observed in previous publications of archaeological material from this site. Abbreviations: Inv. no. – inventory number; A – hectare/are/square; B – stratum; C – preserved length of seal; D – diameter of flan/s; E – width of strip; F – thickness.
No. 1 (fig. 5) Inv. no. AK12/I/6–172 A. XXIX/64/2; B. US.6 C. 2.30cm; D. 1.50cm; E. 0.60cm; F. 0.30–0.60cm
One-sided (?) consisting of one flan with short, broken strip. Rounded flan with obverse in the middle of which is vertical cavity (a minor possibility that it is the letter ‘P’ because the lead-seal was rather not used). Uses: commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4
No. 3 (fig. 7) Fig. 5 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with bee, frontally. Reverse flan with rounded stamp, illegible. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
Inv. no. AK14/I/11–300 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.11 C. 3.20cm; D. 1.40–2.10cm; E. 0.30cm; F. 0.40cm
No. 2 (fig. 6) Inv. no. AK14/I/3–236 A. XXIX/54/2; B. US.3 C. 2.10cm; D. 1.90cm; E. 0.80cm; F. 0.37cm
Fig. 7 One-sided consisting of one flan with thin, broken strip. Oval flan (obverse and reverse) flat and blank. Uses: commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Manganaro type ‘thinner with an oval flan’
No. 4 (fig. 8) Inv. no. AK14/I–612 A. XXIX/56/1; B. rubble under the wall 9 C. 3.00cm; D. 1.70cm; E. 0.50cm; F. 0.50cm Fig. 6
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34 | Roksana Chowaniec Two-sided consisting of two rounded flans. On the obverse flan is visible rounded stamp, illegible. Formed from two flans between which the string was sandwiched. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the AD 15–30. Type: Still type 10
No. 6 (fig. 10) Inv. no. AK14/I/16–667 A. XXIX/55/2–56/1; B. US.16 C. 1.80 × 2.00cm; F. 0.25cm
Fig. 8 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short, disconnected strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp, most probably with head of lion in the right. 87 Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 5 (fig. 9) Inv. no. AK14/I/32–626 A. XXIX/54/2; B. US.32 D. 1.40–1.50cm; F. 0.30cm Fig. 10 One-sided consisting of one quasi rectangular flan. Obverse flan with rectangular (?) stamp presenting letters CA–b. On the upper right side of letter ‘A’ very small cross. Reverse flan flat and blank. Left edge slightly bent upwards. Uses: official. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: undefined
No. 7 (fig. 11) Fig. 9 87 Similar to the tessera made of lead, from Asia Minor, dated to the 1st–3rd centuries AD (?). Obverse: head of lion in the right; revers: palmette. Lion’s head was also present on the coins of Leontinoi, dated to the first half of 5th century BC.
Inv. no. AK14/I/3–743 A. XXIX/54/2; B. US.3 C. 2.60 × 1.70cm; D of stamp 1.00 × 0.80cm; F. 1.30cm One-sided with swelling on blank reverse rising from surrounding flan. On the upper part of flan
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is visible bezel of the rings or die used to make it, with human figure in the right, before which thin moon-shaped object (shield?), and below the indefinite shape (object). The swelling is pointed and irregular, starts a few millimeters from the edge of the flan. Deep impression and rounded borders. Uses: Imperial; taxation; provincial; civic; cohorts. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Still type 5
One-sided with pedestal-foot projection on reverse. Upper flan, slightly concave, skewed relative to the lower flan. Reverse flan with rounded stamp presenting Latin ‘HA’. Reverse flan flat and blank. Known from Sicily, but without certain dating. 89 Uses: legionary (?). Dated to the Early Roman Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 9 (fig. 13) Inv. no. AK15/I/19–39 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.19 C. 3.10cm; D. 1.50cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.50cm
Fig. 11
No. 8 (fig. 12) Inv. no. AK14/I/39–782 A. XXIX/65/2; B. US.36 88 D. 1.20cm; F. 0.35cm
Fig. 13 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with male bust in the right, wearing helmet with buccula, on the right surrounded by crescent-shaped row of pearls. The shape of the male neck starts from the buccula and extends downwardly. 90 Is impossible to tell whether or not the bust is bearded. Reverse flan with rounded stamp with radiated Medusa head, frontally. Known from Sicily, dated to the Hellenistic period (?). 91 Uses: official (?). Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, similar to Still type 4/Rocco type A
Fig. 12
88 Initially defined as US.39.
89 Still 1995, 49. 90 Analogous lead-seal of Sicilian type, with male bust in the right, wearing helmet with buccula (inv. no. 1856,1226.1120) has also been registered in British Museum, among finds bequeathed by Sir William Temple in 1856. 91 Still 1995, 41.
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36 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 10 (fig. 14) Inv. no. AK15/I/10–187 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.10 C. 1.50cm; D. 1.30cm; F. 0.20cm
Two-sided consisting of one flan with short broken strip. Obverse flan with rounded, but illegible stamp, around visible outer ring. Reverse flan with rounded stamp with eagle standing in the right, head in the left. 92 Uses: official (?). Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 12 (fig. 16) Inv. no. AK15/I/–241 A. XXIX/56/1; B. rubble under the wall 9 C. 2.10cm; D. 1.30cm; E. 0.60cm; F. 0.45cm
Fig. 14 Preserved one-sided flan probably joined by a strip (probably with second flan). Obverse flan with quasi rounded stamp with Medusa head, frontally, surrounded by curly hair. Reverse flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period and Roman Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, similar to Still type 4/Rocco type A Fig. 16
No. 11 (fig. 15) Inv. no. AK15/I/15A–218 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.15A C. 3.00cm; D. 1.60cm; E. 0.50cm; F. 0.40cm
Fig. 15
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short-broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with quasi rounded stamp with bee frontally, surrounded by the band and four short lines radiating. Reverse flan with rounded stamp with bust of Athena (Minerva) to the right, wearing Corinthian helmet, 93 surrounded by the circle of dots and rays. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
92 Similar to the lead-seal, cf. Salinas 1866, 20 and no. 17 (obverse with goat to the right; reverse with eagle to the right). 93 Similar to the lead-seal, cf. Avolio 1834, 328 and no. 5 (obverse with head in Corinthian helmet; reverse with pigeon).
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No. 13 (fig. 17) Inv. no. AK15/I/10–243 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.10 C. 2.90cm; D. 1.45cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.55cm
Fig. 17 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with Medusa head, frontally. 94 Reverse flan illegible, on the left side surrounded by the dots. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 14 (fig. 18) Inv. no. AK15/I/1–385 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.1 C. 4.85cm; D. 1.60cm; E. 0.62cm; F. 0.50cm Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium length strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with small cross. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
94 Similar to the lead-seal, cf. Salinas 1866, 20 and no. 23 (obverse with Medusa head frontally; reverse with vase and letters YΔΩΡ). Analogous lead-seal of Sicilian type, with Medusa head frontally (inv. no. 1856,1226.1119) has also been registered in British Museum, among finds bequeathed by Sir William Temple in 1856.
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Fig. 18
38 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 15 (fig. 19) Inv. no. AK15/I/31–430 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.31 C. 4.20cm; D. 2.40cm; E. 0.90cm; F. 0.60cm
Sicily, but without certain dating. 96 Uses: commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
Fig. 20
No. 17 (fig. 21) Inv. no. AK15/I/3A–507 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.3A C. 4.90cm; D. 1.80–2.60cm; E. 1.50cm; F. 0.65cm
Fig. 19 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with star in upper field and weight (?) and large ‘Δ’. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 16 (fig. 20) Inv. no. AK15/I/31–459 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.31 D. 2.20cm (upper), 1.50cm (lower); F. 0.70cm
Fig. 21 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium length strip, side by side but no clipped together. Obverse flan with partially visible stamp with monogram ‘ΛΠ’. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Roman period. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
One-sided with pedestal-foot projection on reverse. Upper flan slightly concave, with rounded stamp with monogram ΚΑΡ ΠΟΝ 95 in mirror image. Reverse flan flat and blank. Known from
95 The noun καρπός – it is generally fruit, grain, produce, harvest; in a literal and figurative sense.
96 Still 1995, 49.
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No. 18 (fig. 22) Inv. no. AK15/I/46–509 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.46 C. 2.70cm; D. 1.45cm; E. 0.50cm; F. 0.47cm
Fig. 23
No. 20 (fig. 24) Inv. no. AK15/I/31–525 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.31 C. 5.50cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.30cm
Fig. 22 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with insect (probably bee), 97 frontally. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 19 (fig. 23) Inv. no. AK15/I/36–516 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.36 D. 2.10cm (upper), 2.00cm (lower); F. 0.70cm One-sided with pedestal-foot projection on reverse. Upper flan slightly concave, bent on one side, with rounded stamp with large M (?). 98 Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: –. Dated to the Byzantine period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
Fig. 24 One-sided consisting of one flan with long, thin, broken strip. Oval flan, bent on one side, with rounded stamp with ant frontally (partly stamped on the flan). Reverse flat and blank. Uses: commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Manganaro type ‘thinner with an oval flan’
97 The representation of bee is usually associated with Ephesus. Tesserae are dated to the 1st century AD, but the bee was presents on all coins of Ephesus, dated from the 6th century BC. 98 Similar to the monogram on the reverse of follis of Justinian II.
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40 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 21 (fig. 25) Inv. no. AK15/I/46–528 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.46 C. 1.40cm; D. 1.10cm; E. 0.30cm; F. 0.20cm
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip (disconnected), clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with man (Herakles?) in the right, kneeling on his left knee, stringing bow with both hands. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 23 (fig. 27) Inv. no. AK16/I/1–75 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.1 D. 1.50cm (upper), 1.30cm (lower); F. 0.80cm Fig. 25 One-sided consisting of one flan with thin, broken strip. Oval flan, with rounded stamp with scarce remains of presentation on obverse side. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Manganaro type ‘thinner with an oval flan’
No. 22 (fig. 26) Inv. no. AK16/I/1–59 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.1 C. 5.20cm; D. 2.00cm; E. 0.60cm; F. 0.40cm
Fig. 27 One-sided with pedestal-foot projection on reverse. Upper flan flat and blank. Reverse flan slightly concave and partially chipped, with rounded stamp presenting Greek ‘Δ’ (delta). Uses: undefined. Dated to the Greek period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 24 (fig. 28) Inv. no. AK16/I/4–130 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 D. 1.50cm (upper), 2.10cm (lower); F. 0.70cm
Fig. 28
Fig. 26
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One-sided with pedestal-foot projection on reverse. Upper flan rounded flat and blank. Reverse flan deformed and blank. Uses: undefined. Chronology undefined. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 25 (fig. 29)
rounded stamp with scarce remains of presentation, illegible. Reverse flan deformed and blank. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 27 (fig. 31)
Inv. no. AK16/I/3D–269 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.3D D. 2.70cm (upper), 2.10cm (lower); F. 0.80cm
Inv. no. AK16/I/31–300 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.31 C. 4.80cm; D. 1.60cm; E. 0.70cm; F. 0.40cm
Fig. 29 One-sided with pedestal-foot projection on reverse. Upper flan rounded with regular rounded stamp deviated from the centre of flan. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Chronology undefined. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 26 (fig. 30) Inv. no. AK16/I/51–284 A. XXIX/65/1; B. US.51 C. 2.00cm; D. 1.20cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.40cm
Fig. 30 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip (broken), clipped together. Obverse flan with
Fig. 31 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a long strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp: on the right: male figure standing right (Genius/Bonus Eventus?) in the contrapposto, head to the left, holding object (patera/apple?) in his right hand, being crowned by (Victoria) Victory advancing left, holding wreath in outstretched right hand over her head and something 99 in her left hand. Almost round object (shield?/vase?) between two figures. 100 Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
99 Palm frond (?) 100 Similar to the lead tessera from Egypt, dated to the 2nd–3rd centuries AD. Obverse: male figure standing right, being crowned by Nike, who advances left and holds palm; between them, cantharus set on ground. Reverse: Nilus riding hippopotamus left, holding two corn-ears and cornucopiae; L-Γ (date) across fields. Dattari (Savio) 6462; Köln 3572.
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42 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 28 (fig. 32) Inv. no. AK16/I/46–302 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.46 C. 3.80cm; D. 1.20cm; E. 0.45cm; F. 0.35cm
Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly convex, bent on one side, with stamp with monogram large C·NA (?). Reverse flan flat with schematic representation of cista 101 (or modius). 102 Uses: official. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 30 (fig. 34) Inv. no. AK16/I/31–338 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.31 C. 1.65cm; D. 1.70cm; F. 0.25cm
Fig. 32 Two-sided consisting of one flan with long, twisted and broken strip. Oval flan with stamp with large letters (?) illegible. Type: Sicilian, Manganaro type ‘thinner with an oval flan’ Fig. 34
No. 29 (fig. 33) Inv. no. AK16/I/12–303 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.12 D. 2.00cm (upper), 2.00cm (lower); F. 1.10cm
Preserved one-sided flan probably joined by a strip (probably with second flan). Obverse flan with oval stamp with Medusa head, frontally, surrounded by curly hair. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period and Roman Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, similar to Still type 4/Rocco type A
Fig. 33 101 Cista, a wicker square or cylindrical basket for holding fruits and vegetables, later came to mean a box or casket used for a variety of purposes, but of a small size. 102 Commonly depicted on the coins modius is accompanied by corn-ears.
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No. 31 (fig. 35) Inv. no. AK16/I/31–638 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.31 C. 2.20cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.30cm; F. 0.45cm
Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly convex, bent on one side. Reverse flan smaller and flat. Uses: commercial. Dated to the Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 33 (fig. 37) Inv. no. AK16/I/31–670 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.31 D. 1.90cm (upper), 1.50–2.10cm (lower); F. 0.70cm
Fig. 35 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a thin strip (broken), clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with schematic head frontally (Medusa?), radiated from the left side. 103 Reverse flan with stamp presenting grain ear, solid line to the left, large ‘X’ below. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 32 (fig. 36) Inv. no. AK16/I/31–667 A. XXIX/56/2; B. US.31 D. 2.00cm (upper), 2.00cm (lower); F. 1.10cm
Fig. 37 Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly concave, blank. Reverse flan smaller with rounded stamp presenting two grain ears. Uses: commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 34 (fig. 38) Inv. no. AK16/I/51–677 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.51 D. 1.40cm (upper), 1.00cm (lower); F. 0.25cm
Fig. 36 103 Similarly to the reverse of cat. no. 9.
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Fig. 38
44 | Roksana Chowaniec One-sided consisting of two rounded flans. Obverse flan with stamp, maybe representing figure to the right (?) but illegible. Reverse flan slightly concave, with remains of stamp illegible. Formed from two flans between which the string was sandwiched. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Still type 10
No. 36 (fig. 40) Inv. no. AK16/I/12–704 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.12 D. 2.00cm (upper), 2.00cm (lower); F. 1.10cm
No. 35 (fig. 39) Inv. no. AK16/I/12–694 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.12 C. 3.00cm; D. 1.50cm; E. 0.50cm; F. 0.65cm
Fig. 40 Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly concave, with round tiny dent in the middle. Reverse flan with rounded stamp with monogram large C·.…, father large letter (s) illegible. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 37 (fig. 41) Inv. no. AK17/I/45–78 A. XXIX/76/1–66/3; B. US.45 C. 1.40–1.30cm; F. 0.15cm
Fig. 39 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip (broken), clipped together. Obverse flan with quasi rounded stamp with double cornucopia. Reverse flan illegible, with some scrapes. Uses: official (?). Dated to the 1st century BC and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
Fig. 41
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One-sided consisting of one quasi rectangular flan. Obverse flan with oval stamp with Eros (Amor) standing right, stringing bow. Reverse flat and blank. Uses: official. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: undefined
No. 38 (fig. 42) Inv. no. AK17/I/53–137 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.53 D. 1.50cm (upper), 1.30cm (lower); F. 0.70cm
Fig. 43 Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly concave, with round tiny dent in the middle. Reverse flan with stamp, shifted toward the edge, with large ‘ΓΟ’. Uses: official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 40 (fig. 44) Inv. no. AK17/I/0–173 A. XXIX/64/4; B. US.0 C. 2.30cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.20cm; F. 0.50cm
Fig. 42 Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly convex, blank. Reverse flan smaller and rather flat and blank. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 39 (fig. 43) Inv. no. AK17/I/54–138 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.54 D. 3.20–3.00cm (upper), 2.30cm (lower); F. 0.85cm Fig. 44
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46 | Roksana Chowaniec Preserved one-sided flan joined by a strip (probably with second flan). Obverse flan, rounded and convex (not used?). Reverse flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period and Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, similar to Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 41 (fig. 45) Inv. no. AK16/I/52–194 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.52 D. 2.10cm (upper), 1.50cm (lower); F. 0.50cm Fig. 46
No. 43 (fig. 47) Inv. no. AK17/I/3D–196 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.3D D. 1.70–1.80cm (upper), F. 1.00cm
1.30–1.40cm
(lower);
Fig. 45 Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly deformed, blank. Reverse flan with scarce remains of presentation. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 42 (fig. 46)
Fig. 47
Inv. no. AK17/I/52–195 A. XXIX/55/1; B. US.52 C. 3.00cm; D. 1.20cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.55cm Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp, illegible. Reverse flan with rounded stamp, illegible. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly convex and blank. Reverse flan with quasi rounded stamp with Zeus seated on throne to left, holding something in his right hand (Nike?) and long spear in his left. 104 Uses: official. Dated to the Late Roman-Byzantine periods. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B 104 Similar to the Philip Philadelphos AR Tetradrachm, Syria, under Roman rule. Aulus Gabinius, proconsul, 57–55 BC, Reverse: BAΣIΛEΩΣ ΦIΛIΠΠOV/
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No. 44 (fig. 48) Inv. no. AK17/I/3–199 A. XXIX/64/4; B. US.3 C. 1.70cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.35cm
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a thin strip (broken), clipped together. Obverse flan perhaps with rounded stamp with radiated head (?) frontally. 105 Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 46 (fig. 50) Inv. no. AK17/I/58–212 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.58 C. 3.90cm; D. 1.70cm; E. 0.60cm; F. 0.65cm
Fig. 48 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a short, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with figure standing in the right (?), under the figure boat-shaped object. Very scarce remains of presentation. Reverse flan with blank. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 45 (fig. 49) Inv. no. AK17/I/52–202 A. XXIX/55/2; B. US.52 C. 2.80cm; D. 1.50cm; E. 0.45cm; F. 0.45cm
Fig. 50
Fig. 49 EΠIΦANOVΣ ΦIΛAΔEΛΦOV, Zeus seated on throne to left, holding Nike in his right hand and long spear in his left; below throne, monogram of ‘ΛI’; to left, in field, monogram of AΥΛΓB.
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with oval stamp with symbols ‘I X’ or ‘N/M’ (?). Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
105 Most probably similar to the reverse of cat. no. 9.
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48 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 47 (fig. 51)
commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
Inv. no. AK17/I/58–231 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.58 D. 1.20–1.30cm; F. 0.40cm
No. 49 (fig. 53) Inv. no. AK17/I/4–341 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 1.70cm; D. 1.00–1.30cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.50cm
Fig. 51 Two-sided consisting of two flans clipped together. Obverse flan (probably preserved within stamp) with stamp representing single filled cornucopia. Reverse flan illegible, with some scrapes. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the 1st century BC and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Still type 10
No. 48 (fig. 52) Inv. no. AK17/I/6–327 A. XXIX/64/4–65/3; B. US.6 C. 3.10cm; D. 1.00cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.30cm
Fig. 53 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with ant frontally. Reverse flan with scarce remains of stamp with single cornucopia set on globe (?). Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the 1st century BC and 1st century AD. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 50 (fig. 54) Inv. no. AK17/I/63–480 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.63 C. 2.40cm; D. 1.30cm; E. 0.30cm; F. 0.50cm Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with bust of Athena (Minerva) to the right, wearing Corinthian helmet. 106 Reverse flan with rounded stamp with spider frontally. Stamp off-center, with two flans clipped together. Uses: commercial/official (?).
Fig. 52 Probably two-sided consisting of one not used flan with a medium size strip. Prepared flan with one side conical and second flat and blank. Uses:
106 Similar to the lead-seal, cf. Avolio 1834, 328 and no. 5 (obverse with head in Corinthian helmet; reverse with pigeon).
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Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 52 (fig. 56) Inv. no. AK18/I/69–46 A. XXIX/44/4; B. US.69 D. 2.10cm (upper), 2.50–3.00cm (lower); F. 0.85cm
Fig. 56 Two-sided consisting of two flans clipped together. Obverse flan flat and blank. Reverse flan with some scrapes, damaged. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Still type 10
Fig. 54
No. 51 (fig. 55) Inv. no. AK17/I/46–513 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.46 C. 2.00cm; D. 1.80cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.30cm
No. 53 (fig. 57) Inv. no. AK18/I/0–232 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.0 D. 2.00–1.50cm; D. 1.65cm; E. 0.50cm; F. 0.30cm
Fig. 55 Probably the flan of two-sided seal joined by strip. Prepared flan with one side hemispherical and second flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A (?)
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Fig. 57
50 | Roksana Chowaniec Preserved one-sided flan with a broken strip. On the obverse is visible oval bezel of the rings or die used to make it, with some scarce remains of standing figure to the right (?), illegible. Reverse blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods (?). Type: Sicilian, similar to Still type 4/Rocco type A (?)
or thyrsos), surrounded by row of pearls. 108 Small stamp impressed on the previously used seal (slightly visible remains of previous stamps). Above large letter ‘Γ’. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the beginning 5th century BC. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 54 (fig. 58) Inv. no. AK18/I/4–236 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.4 D. 1.10–1.20cm (upper), 1.00cm (lower); F. 0.55cm
Fig. 58
Two-sided with very low pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan flat and blank. Reverse flan with rounded stamp with large letters ΛΡΝ or ARN. 107 Uses: official/commercial. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B Fig. 59
No. 55 (fig. 59) Inv. no. AK17/I/1–353 A. XXIX/44/4; B. US.1 C. 3.30cm; D. 1.50cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.50cm
No. 56 (fig. 60) Inv. no. AK18/I/71–387 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.71 D. 1.10cm; F. 0.20cm
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with small rounded stamp with naked Silenus squatting, inclined slightly to the left, holding something in his left hand (usually a cantharus
One-sided consisting of one flan. Obverse flan, deformed, with stamp with large letters ΡΑVΔ (A) and vase to the left. Reverse flan, deformed and
107 Similar to the stamp on the roof tile found in Akrai (e.g. AK18/I/3F–401).
108 Similar to the tetradrachm or hemidrachm of Naxos, dated to 410–405/2 BC.
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blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: undefined
No. 58 (fig. 62) Inv. no. AK18/I/71–954 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.71 D. 1.40cm (upper), 1.20cm (lower); F. 0.35cm
Fig. 60
No. 57 (fig. 61) Inv. no. AK18/I/70–950 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.70 C. 1.60cm; D. 1.20cm; E. 0.50cm; F. 0.60cm Fig. 62 One-sided consisting of two rounded flans. Obverse flan flat and blank. Reverse flan flat and blank. Formed from two flans between which the string was sandwiched. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Roman Imperial period. Type: Still type 10
No. 59 (fig. 63) Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–955 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.3F C. 2.00cm; D. 1.75cm; E. 0.55cm; F. 0.50cm Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with oval stamp with plow 109 (?) 110. Fig. 61 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with irregular, deformed stamp with large letters (fragments of letters) ‘IΛ’ or by reversing ‘VI’. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
109 Similar to the lead-seal, cf. Rocco 1971, 30 and fig. VI.1 (obverse with plow; reverse with two olive branches). 110 Analogous to Æ Hexas of Kentòripa (344–336 BC). Obverse: draped bust of Persephone right, grain ear in hair; stalk of grain behind; revers: plow with a small bird standing on the share; two pellets to left (Calciati 1983–1987, CNS III.175.7; SNG ANS 1322ff); bronze of Panormos (208–180 BC). Obverse: veiled head of Demeter left, plow(?) behind; Reverse prow right, monogram above (SNG ANS 580–3) or sextans of Kentòripa (211–190 BC). Obverse: wreathed and draped
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52 | Roksana Chowaniec Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial/ official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic/Roman Republican period. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
One-sided consisting of one flan with long, wide, broken strip. Almost round flan with rays radiating out from convex dot centred. Strip decorated with three ribbed lines, with two rows of pearls between. Reverse flat and blank. 111 Uses: undefined. Chronology undefined. Type: undefined
No. 61 (fig. 65) Inv. no. AK18/I/3–960 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.3 D. 1.40cm; D. 1.20cm; E. 0.35cm; F. 0.35cm
Fig. 63
No. 60 (fig. 64) Inv. no. AK18/I/1–957 A. XXIX/44/4; 45/3–4; 46/3; B. US.1 C. 5.85cm; D. 2.20cm; E. 1.20cm; F. 0.50cm
Fig. 65 Preserved one-sided flan with a broken strip. On the obverse is visible oval bezel of the rings or die used to make it, with some scarce remains of standing figure to the left (?), illegible. Reverse flat and blank. Uses: undefined. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period and Imperial period (?). Type: Sicilian, similar to Still type 4/Rocco type A (?)
No. 62 (fig. 66) Inv. no. AK19/I/69–85 A. XXIX/44/4; B. US.69 C. 2.60cm; D. 0.50–0.60cm; E. 0.15cm; F. 0.20cm
Fig. 64
bust of Demeter to the right; grain ear behind her neck; reverse: KENTO-PIΠINΩN plow to the right, with a bird standing right on mouldboard; to left, two pellets (Campana 1996, 5; Calciati 1983–1987, CNS III.175.7).
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a thin strip, clipped together. Obverse flan oval with
111 It is unknown whether it’s lead seal.
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large letter Λ or V. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial. Dated to the Imperial period. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Manganaro type ‘thinner with an oval flan’
Two-sided with very low pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly convex with stamp with the representation of flaming comet of eight rays and with tail upward (could be also interpreted as spider in the web), stamped on the previous representations. Reverse flan with two arc-shaped lines. Uses: official/commercial. Dated to the end of 1st century BC and beginning of 1st century AD. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B (?)
No. 64 (fig. 68) Inv. no. AK19/I/0–116 A. XXIX/75/4; B. US.0 D. 1.30cm (upper), 1.20cm (lower); F. 0.35cm
Fig. 66
No. 63 (fig. 67) Inv. no. AK19/I/1E–110 A. XXIX/75/3; B. US.1E D. 2.20–2.40cm (upper), 2.00cm (lower); F. 0.85cm
Fig. 68 Two-sided with very low pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan slightly convex with stamp with the representation of ant frontally, stamped on the previous stamp with large letter S. Reverse flan flat and blank (maybe with previous stamp but illegible). Uses: official/commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic period and Imperial period (?). Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
Fig. 67
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54 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 65 (fig. 69) Inv. no. AK19/I/3–159 A. XXIX/64/4; B. US.3 D. 1.40cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.70cm; F. 0.20cm
One-sided consisting of one flan with wide, broken strip. Almost oval flan with rays radiating out from convex dot centred, shell-formed. Reverse damaged and illegible. 112 Uses: undefined. Chronology undefined. Type: undefined
No. 67 (fig. 71) Inv. no. AK19/I/0–290 A. XXIX/75/3; B. US.0 D. 1.70–2.20cm (upper), F. 1.10cm
1.90–3.00cm
(lower);
Fig. 69 Preserved one-sided flan with the hole, with a broken strip. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic period and Imperial period (?). Type: Sicilian, Still type 4 (?)
No. 66 (fig. 70) Inv. no. AK19/I/74–165 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.74 C. 2.10cm; D. 2.20cm; E. 1.80cm; F. 0.60cm
Fig. 71 Two-sided with pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan flat with engraved loopy ‘G’. Reverse flan with engraved representation similar to the large letter Δ. Uses: official/commercial. Dated rather to the Late Roman/Byzantine period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 68 (fig. 72) Inv. no. AK19/I/77–341 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.77 D. 1.20–1.40cm (upper), 1.00cm (lower); F. 0.40cm Two-sided with very low pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan blank, deformed. Reverse with flat and
Fig. 70
112 It is unknown whether it’s lead seal.
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blank. Uses: undefined. Dated rather to the Late Roman/Byzantine period. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
cial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
No. 70 (fig. 74) Inv. no. AK19/I/31–442 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.31 C. 4.10cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.80cm; F. 0.50cm
Fig. 72
No. 69 (fig. 73) Inv. no. AK19/I/74–361 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.74 C. 1.70cm; D. 1.20cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.40cm
Fig. 74
Fig. 73 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size, broken strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with galley to the right (?) with large letter ‘Π’ (?) next to the stern. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commer-
Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with cut large letters ‘HR’ and the letter ‘A’ inscribed in the letter ‘H’. Reverse flan flat and measuring tools (measuring divider?/ square level?) engraved. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
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56 | Roksana Chowaniec
No. 71 (fig. 75) Inv. no. AK19/I/78–458 A. XXIX/64/4; B. US.78 C. 3.40cm; D. 1.90cm; E. 0.30cm; F. 0.35cm
Fig. 76
No. 73 (fig. 77) Fig. 75 Preserved one-sided flan with the hole, with a broken strip. Uses: commercial (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods (?) Type: Sicilian, Still type 4 (?)
Inv. no. AK19/I/31–470 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.31 D. 1.60cm (upper), 1.50cm (lower); F. 1.00cm
No. 72 (fig. 76) Inv. no. AK19/I/31–469 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.31 C. 3.40cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.40cm; F. 0.60cm Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size strip, clipped together. Obverse flan with rounded stamp with star and crescent. In the lower part in the right twisted rim. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Roman Imperial periods. Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A Fig. 77
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Sealing, Stamping, Protecting, Securing … Lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae | 57
Two-sided with low pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan with rounded stamp, illegible. Reverse flan with small rounded stamp, illegible. Uses: official/commercial. Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 74 (fig. 78) Inv. no. AK19/I/71–531 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.71 D. 1.50cm (upper), 1.50cm (lower); F. 0.50cm
Fig. 79
No. 76 (fig. 80) Inv. no. AK19/I/35–563 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.35 C. 1.90cm; D. 1.40cm; E. 0.80cm; F. 0.40cm
Fig. 78 Two-sided with low pedestal-foot projection. Upper flan with rounded stamp with star and crescent. Reverse flan flat and blank. Uses: official/ commercial. Dated to the Roman Imperial periods. Type: Still type 9/Rocco type B
No. 75 (fig. 79) Inv. no. AK19/I/82–538 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.82 C. 2.30cm; D. 1.25cm; E. 0.45cm; F. 0.50–1.10cm Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size strip, connected but not clipped together. Obverse flan small, unused, threaded through the hole of Reverse flan, flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods (?) Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
Fig. 80 Two-sided consisting of two flans joined by a medium size, broken strip. Obverse flan oval, with scarce remains of stamp, illegible. Reverse flan, flat and blank. Uses: commercial/official (?). Dated to the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods (?) Type: Sicilian, Still type 4/Rocco type A
Copyright Fig. 5–80. Lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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58 | Roksana Chowaniec
Written sources Aristides Aelius, Orations. The Complete Works, Loeb Classical Library 533, Trapp, M. (trans. and ed.), Cambridge 2017. Cicero, Orations. In Catalinam 1–4. Pro Murena. Pro Sulla. Pro Flacco, Loeb Classical Library 324, MacDonald, C. (trans.), Cambridge 1976. Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus: the Instructor, Roberts, A. (trans.), Donaldson, J. & Cleveland Coxe, A. (eds.), Buffalo 2015. Pedanius Dioscorides, De Materia Medica, Osbaldeston, T. A. (trans.), online access: http://www. cancerlynx.com/dioscorides.html
Pliny the Elder, Natural History. Books 8–11, Loeb Classical Library 353, Rachham, H. (trans.), Cambridge 2006; Natural History. Books 12–16, Loeb Classical Library 370, Rachham, H. (trans.), Cambridge 1945; Natural History. Books 33–35, Loeb Classical Library 394, Rachham, H. (trans.), Cambridge 1952. Strabo, Geography. Books 6–7, Loeb Classical Library 182, Jones, H. L. (trans.), CambridgeLondon 2016. Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions, Pharr, C. (trans. and comm.), Princeton 1952.
Literature Allison, P. M. 1997. ‘Why do excavation reports have finds catalogues?’, in: Cumberpatch, C. & Blinkhorn, P. (eds.) Not so much a pot more a way of life. Recent Approaches to artefact studies, Munich: 77–84. Andrews, C. 2012. Roman seal-boxes in Britain, BAR International Series 567, Oxford. Arnaud, P. 2005. Les routes de la navigation antique. Itinéraires en Méditerranée, Paris. Arnaud, P. 2011. ‘Ancient sailing-routes and trade patterns: the impact of human factors’, in: Robinson, D. & Wilson, A. (eds.), Maritime Archaeology and Ancient Trade in the Mediterranean, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology Monographs 6: 61–80. Avolio, F. P. 1834. ‘Lettera del presidente F. P. Avolio all’ab. N. Maggiore sopra il commercio de’ Greco-siculi confermato da taluni vetusti piombi mercantili’, Giornale di scienze, letteratura ed arti per la Sicilia XLV (gennaio, febbraio e marzo): 307–331. Boulakia, J. D. C. 1972. ‘Lead in the Roman World’, American Journal of Archaeology 76.2: 139–144. Cheynet, J.–C. & Caseau, B. 2012. ‘Sealing practices in the Byzantine administration’, in: Regulski, I., Duistermaat, K. & Verkinderen, P. (eds.), Seals and sealing practices in the Near East. Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistory to the Islamic Period. Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo on December 2–3, 2009, Leuven–Paris–Walpole, MA: 133–148. Calciati, R. 1983–1987. Corpus Nummorum Siculorum. La Monetazione di Bronzo, vol. I–III, Milano.
Campana, A. 1996. Corpus Nummorum Antiquae Italiae, Zecche minori, vol. I, Mantova. Chowaniec, R. 2017. The Coming of Rome. Cultural Landscape of South-Eastern Sicily, Warsaw. Chowaniec, R. 2018. ‘Articulating the local Roman culture in Hellenistic Sicily. The small finds illustrate the local history’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the borders of Syracuse: Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 33–68. Chowaniec, R. 2019. ‘Vandals, Ostrogoths and Byzantine Footprints in Sicily: an archaeological-historical review’, Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 19.2: 51–61. Chrzanovski, L. 2015. ‘The lamps of the 2011–2014 campaigns and their contribution towards a better understanding of the lychnological phenomenon in the Hyblaean highlands’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrea in south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 171–248. Clemente, G. 1998. ‘Sicily and Rome. The Impact of Empire on a Roman Province’, in: Yuge, T. & Doi, M. (eds.), Forms of Control and Subordination in Antiquity, Leiden–New York–København–Köln: 105–120. Cooley, A. E. 2002. ‘Introduction’, in: Cooley, A. E. (ed.), Becoming Romans, writing Latin? Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West, Journal of Roman Archaeology 48, Portsmouth: 9–14. Daremberg, Ch. V. & Saglio, E. 1892. Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, d’après les textes et les monuments, Paris.
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Derks, T. 1998. Gods, Temples, and Ritual Practices: The Transformation of Religious Ideals and Values in Roman Gaul, Amsterdam. Derks, T. 2010. ‘Seal-boxes in context: a new monographic study from Augst’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 23: 722–727. Derks, T. & Roymans, N. 2002. ‘Seal-boxes and the spread of Latin literacy in the Rhine delta’, in: Cooley, A. E. (ed.), Becoming Romans, writing Latin? Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West, Portsmouth. Domżalski, K. 2018. ‘Quantifying and contextualizing pottery from Akrai. General information with particular attention to the Fine Ware evidence’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the borders of Syracuse: Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 209–223. Ducin, S. 1997. Sztuka nawigacji w starożytnej Grecji i w Rzymie, Lublin. Dumont, A. 1870. De Plumbeis apud Graecos tesseris. Thesim Facultati litterarum Parisiensi proponebat, Lutetiae Parisiorum. Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology, Finney, P. C., Grand Rapids, Michigan 2016. Engel, A. 1884. ‘Choix de tessères grecques en plomb. Tirèes des collections Athèniennes.’, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 8: 1–21. Erdkamp, P. 2005. The Grain Market in the Roman Empire. A social, political and economic study, Cambridge. Ficoroni de, F. 1740. I piombi antichi, Roma. Furger, A. R., Wartmann, M., Riha, E., Hunger, K., Hildbrand, E., Hubert, V., Wörle, M. & Spangenberg, J. E. 2009. Die römischen Siegelkapseln aud Augusta Raurica, Forschungen in Augst 44, Augst. Gaetani, C. 1755. Piombi antichi mercantili. Dissertazione accademica recitata alla presenza di Monsignor Francesco Testa vescovo di Siracusa nel MDCCLV, Siracusa. Garrucci, R. 1847. I piombi antichi raccolti dall’Eminentissimo Principe il Cardinale Lodovico Altieri, Roma. Halsall, G. 2007. Barbarian migrations and the Roman West, 376–568, Cambridge. Hingley, R. 2005. Globalizing Roman Culture: unity, diversity and culture, London. Holmes, S. 1995. ‘Seal-boxes from the Roman London’, The London Archaeologists 7.15: 391–395. Humphrey, J. W., Oleson, J. P., Nikolic, M. & Sherwood A. N. 1998, Greek and Roman Technology: A Sourcebook: Annotated Translations of Greek and Latin Texts and Documents, London–New York. Kokoszko, M., Jagusiak, K. & Rzeźnicka, Z. 2014. ’Dzika flora jadalna’, in: Kokoszko, M. (ed.),
Dietetyka i sztuka kulinarna antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum (II–VII w.). Pokarm dla ciała i ducha, Łódź: 144–168. Logoteta, G. 1788. Il traffico antico delle manifatture siciliane cavato da’ piombi mercantili dal signor d. Giuseppe Logoteta lettore di teologia dommatica, e parroco di S. Giacomo di Siracusa, Siracusa. Lukonin, V. G. 1983. ‘Political, social and administrative institutions: taxes and trade’, in: Yarshater, E. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Iran 3.2. The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian periods, Cambridge: 681–746. Malfitana, D. & Franco, C. 2011. ‘Contesti archeologici, cultura materiale ed economia dal territorio di Priolo e dall’hinterland in età romana e tardo romana. Dati ed evidenze dal „Roman Sicily Project: Ceramics and Trade’, in: Malfitana, D. & Cacciaguerra, G. (eds.), Priolo romana, tardo romana e medievale. Documenti, paesaggi, cultura materiale, Catania: 111–142. Manganaro, G. 2002. ‘Instrumentum domesticum in metallo, ellenistico, bizantino e medievale, in Sicilia’, Archeologia Classica 53.3: 551–563. Oikonomides, N. 1983. ‘The Usual Lead Seal’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 37: 147–157. Pace, B. 1958. Arte e civiltà della Sicilia antica. Volume primo: I fattori etnici e sociali, Milan–Rome– Naples–Città di Castello. Papaioannou, Th. 2011. ‘A reconstruction of the maritime trade patterns originating from western Asia Minor during late Antiquity, on the basis of ceramic evidence’, in: Robinson, D. & Wilson, A. (eds.), Maritime Archaeology and Ancient Trade in the Mediterranean, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology Monographs 6: 197–210. Parker, A. J. 1992. Ancient shipwrecks of the Mediterranean & the Roman provinces, BAR International Series 580, Oxford. Politi, R. 1834. ‘Lettera di Raffaello Politi al presidente F. P. Avolio’, Giornale di scienze, lettere ed arti per la Sicilia 46: 165. Purpura, G. 2014. ‘Il χειρέμβολον e il caso di Saufeio: responsabilità e documentazione nel trasporto marittimo romano’, Annali del Seminario Giuridico dell’Università degli Studi di Palermo LVII: 129–151. Rathbone, D. 1993. ‘Egypt, Augustus and Roman taxation’, Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 4.1: 81–112. Regulski, I., Duistermaat, K. & Verkinderen, P. (eds.) 2012. Seals and sealing practices in the Near East. Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistory to the Islamic Period. Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Nether-
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60 | Roksana Chowaniec lands-Flemish Institute in Cairo on December 2–3, 2009, Leuven–Paris–Walpole, MA. Rocco, B. 1971. ‘Nuovi piombi mercantili della Sicilia greca’, Sicilia Archeologica 4: 27–36. Rostovcev, M. I. 1900. Catalogue des plombs de l’antiquité du moyen age et des temps modernes conservés au Département des Médailles et Antiques de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Rostovcev, M. I. 1903. Tesserarum Urbis Romae et Suburbi Plumbearum Sylloge, St. Petersburg. Salinas, A. 1864. ‘Descrizione di una raccolta di piombi antichi siciliani detti mercantili’, Annali dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica 36, 343–355. Salinas, A. 1866. ‘Piombi Antichi Siciliani. I. Articolo’, Annali dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica 38: 18–28. Salinas, A. 1894. ‘Piombi antichi rinvenuti in Reggio Calabria’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità (without number): 409–427. Scott, D. A. 1991. Metallography and microstructure of ancient and historic metals, Los Angeles. Scramuzza, V. M. 1937. ‘Roman Sicily’, in: Tenney, F. (ed.), An economic survey of ancient Rome, vol. III, Baltimore: 225–377. Sinclair, R. J. 2009. The Extractive Metallurgy of Lead, Carlton Victoria.
Sirago, V. A. 1995. Storia agraria romana. Fase ascensionale, vol. I, Napoli. Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, The Collection of the American Numismatic Society, New York 1988. Soraci, C. 2011. Sicilia frumentaria. Il grano siciliano e l’annona di Roma V a.C.–V d.C., Roma. Still, M. Ch. W. 1995. Roman Lead Sealings, London (Phd thesis). Taylor, R. J., Robinson, V. J. & Gibbins, D. J. L. 1997. ‘An investigation of the provenance of the Roman amphora cargo from the Plemmirio B shipwreck’, Archaeometry 39.1: 9–21. Vandermersch, C. 1994. Vins et amphores de Grand Grèce et de Sicile IVe-IIIe s. avant J.–C., Naples. Vikan, G. & Nesbitt, J. 1980. Security in Byzantium: Locking, Sealing, and Weighing, Washington, D.C. Więcek, T. 2015. ‘Preliminary remarks on antoniniani imitations from recent excavations at Akrai/ Acrae’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrea in south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 111–128. Wilson, A. 2011. ‘Developments in Mediterranean shipping and maritime trade from the Hellenistic period to AD 1000’, in: Robinson, D. & Wilson, A. (ed.), Maritime Archaeology and Ancient Trade in the Mediterranean, Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology Monographs 6: 33–59.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae: an Amazing Diversity Partially Unveiling the Details of Long–distance Trade Routes and Confirming the Boom of Micro-regional Productions Laurent Chrzanovski
Abstract This paper is a detailed catalogue of 126 intact or fragmentary lamps unearthed by the Polish Mission at Acrae. The corpus gathers lamps dated from the Late Republican period to the end of the second third of the 3rd century AD, and continues to show, as underlined in previous researches, the extraordinary vitality of the trade networks linking Acrae to Syracuse and further, with huge links first to Central Italy and then with North Africa as far as imports are concerned. As a matter of fact, within a rather small quantity of lamps, we witness no less than 13 main ‘Roman standard’ types, 1 typical Sicilian type, to which many African subtypes – some of them rather rare outside Africa – have to be added. On the iconographical point of view, the corpus delivers 53 different discus ornaments, among which 2 lamps adorned with a previously unknown palm tree depiction, adding this new motif to the vast repertoire of the prolific African lamp-maker Caius Ivnivs Draconis. In addition, the corpus unveils a new signature among the vast south-eastern Sicilian production of the Agyrii family of lamp-makers, leading to the hypothesis that the fragment of a base discovered at Acrae opens the door to further discussions about a new and previously unknown member of this family. All these factors, as well as the later lamps to be published soon, continue to confirm the floruit of the city of the Hyblaean Mounts, supplied by the latest novelties reaching Syracuse by the sea or made in different areas of Sicily. Roman lamps, Acrae/Akrai, imports, local productions, trade routes, Late Roman Republican period, Roman Imperial period
Introduction The further we continue our examination of the lychnological material unearthed year after year by the Archaeological Mission at Acrae, led by Roksana Chowaniec, the more we find ourselves deeply immersed into the Socratic paradox, described by Plato as ἕν οἶδα ὅτι οὐδὲν οἶδα… Honestly, despite 25 years devoted to lamps of many and very diverse geographic horizons and timeframes of the ancient world, for what regards the lamps found in eastern Sicily and in particularly at Acrae, all we know is that we know nothing.
This challenging research situation is valid for all the lychnological periods with the exception of the late Hellenistic period and early Late Antiquity. For those realities, the lamps fit to well-established typologies. In the first case, all of the (few) lamps found belong to insular and micro-regional traditions, while in the second case, the very numerous artifacts unearthed have ‘simply’ to be divided between Tripolitanian and Tunisian original imports and the huge diversity of the various Sicilian-made copies of standard types born on
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62 | Laurent Chrzanovski the southern Mediterranean shores. Furthermore, those two periods together gather ca. 90% of the already poor lychnological bibliography of the island, with a neat preponderance, growing year after year, for the late antique African lamps – and ceramics – as well as their imitations. 1 As we pointed out for the late Republican period types witnessed at Acrae, 2 a work that will have to be written again due to the amount of lamps of this timeframe recently discovered, the import-adoption-copy-reinvention of Dressel types 4a and 4b is a complete chain of production found only in Apulia, where workshops, as in eastern Sicily, elaborated dozens of different versions with different slips, additional ornaments, etc. Elsewhere, we are limited to the standard logic import-adoption-copy, a phenomenon which is witnessed all around the Roman Empire. In our last study 3 we pointed out, not without astonishment how long the inhabitants of Akrai, then Acrae, liked the very simple wheel-made ‘Ricci type C’ lamps, for offerings as well as for daily use. A social phenomenon of long-lasting appreciation of a lamp type way after its disappearance in all the major regions and sites, apprehended in very diverse areas or cities of the Mediterranean basin and also in the Black Sea.
Roman lamps from the 1st to 3rd centuries AD: the Acrae surprise For the chronology proposed by the Editor for this volume, we were confident as those centuries are our privileged period of study and, in addition, we just finished research on more than 7000 lamps from the ‘harbor garbage’ of the Trinquetaille sector of Arelate’s harbour, a single underwater archaeological excavation which will radically change many of our axioms of ceramics and lamps made from the 70 AD to 120 AD. Our preliminary study of the discus-decorations 4 is eloquent on this subject, being at the heart of a multimodal exchange pole (sea-river-roads): the diversity of the lamps found – unveiling 361 different motifs – is, for a comparison, way more than number of discus 1 2 3 4
For a status quaestionis of the lychnological bibliography in Sicily, cf. Chrzanovski 2015, 155–157 and 218–222. Chrzanovski 2018. Chrzanovski & Chowaniec 2019. Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018.
decorations studied in major cities like Trier, Köln, Ampurias or even the whole of the Swiss territory, after more than a century of excavations. Well, going in depth into the corpus of lamps found at Acrae between the years 2012 and 2019, our presumption way that would be ‘an easy job’ faded quicky. If we focus on the discus-scenes, on only 127 artifacts, from intact lamps to tiny fragments, we count no less than 53 different motifs, which show a diversity of choices – and of supply sources – rarely seen in an urban context that is neither a big city nor a sea harbour. In addition, 6 previously unknown motifs are discussed, one of them – the palm tree (motif M42) – joins the repertoire of the prolific workshops of Caius Iunius Draco; also new to us are a new way of rendering Sol Radiatus (M10), as well as the rendering of a peasant or fisherman alone (motif M18). Even more interesting and unique is a later African lamp of a very eclectic shape, almost never exported outside of Africa (Bonifay type 15A) adorned with a unique representation of a sea-monster (or griffin) with a bird’s head, lion’s legs and fish tail (motif M13). But we reached a sort of ‘impossible treasure hunt’ when we conducted research on 2 artifacts, ornamented with scenes clearly made possible by the Roman conquests of Asia Minor and Egypt and their consequences on Roman Art. The first is an early imperial lamp of Loeschcke type IA adorned with a hunting rider with a javelin, his horse prancing, looking exactly like known depictions Alexander’s hunt (motif M14), while the second is a fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII bearing an extremely carefully-rendered wild pig on a scarce river shore looking vegetal landscape, certainly inspired by ‘Nilotic’ scenes or by an original motif invented by Alexandrine lamp-masters (motif M15). As far as the typology is concerned, 14 types and some additional sub-types are way more than expected. The presence at Acrae of African lamp types that were produced for very short periods are very rare outside their motherland (Busière type C.I.2.; Bonifay type 2, 1st series; Bonifay type 2, 2nd series; Bonifay type 15A) and provide as many clues to make us understand how well Acrae was linked to Syracuse, the only market and harbour with the capacity to attract, among all imports, also those very rarely witnessed types. If we start from the earliest lamps, we can underline the presence of a hybrid lamp (cat. no. 1) composed with elements belonging either to lamps Dressel type 4b or to later lucernae of Loeschcke type IA, another testimony to the immensely inno-
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 63
vative talents of some of the most skilled workshops located in Syracuse. This type is followed by very a small number of accurately made lamps of Loeschcke type IA and, shortly after, by the very fragile mono- or bilychnis Loeschcke type III, adorned with their characteristic handle ornament (26 specimens found). Among these, with a perfectly preserved acanthus leaf-shaped, bronze-green glazed handle ornament (cat. no. 10), Acrae is a brand-new findspot on the map of the western Mediterranean with only 7 finding spots outside the area of Naples where the 13 known lamps of this extremely rare and beautiful Vesuvian production have been found.
Some neglected Roman imperial standard types: possible motivations Seduced by this quality of artifact, it is no wonder why lamps with a rougher (or simpler) aspect were not seductive: there are only 3 lamps of Loeschcke type IB/C. Of the following types, there are only three lamps of Loeschcke type 4 – though one is a perfectly made product adorned with the exceptional Nilotic wild pig, and that lamps of Loeschcke type V are completely absent. Those types are not rough per se – on the contrary, if we look at the Italian, Micro-Asiatic, Gallic and Rhine valley productions, they show skilful workmanship and bear the floruit of Roman iconographical diversity – but the few representatives of types which reached Acrae are very unskilful productions, underling the problem of their original production sites, as not all of them could be attributed to local ceramicists copying imported artifacts. The absence, if confirmed, of lamps with half-volutes on the nozzle (Loeschcke type V) may instead really be a regional form of neglecting this type, above all as its production date sets it in competition with the lighting devices belonging to the newly born rounded standard type (Loeschcke type VIII), which seduces all of Sicily. This phenomenon reminds us of a similar one, taking place in the same period in Pannonia, where lamps of Loeschcke type IB/C were very appreciated and produced quite late in their chronology: as a consequence, this province almost ‘skipped’ the next type (Loeschke type IV, extremely rarely
found), yet enjoyed the later one, the very Loeschke type V absent from Acrae. Another reason for the very seldom finds of lamps of the three mentioned types is the impressive quantity of a typical form of monolychnis Loeschcke type III, probably created and certainly developed by Proklos Argyrios (cf. epigraphical index) and his successors, a Catania-based family of lamp-makers the products of which are well attested, in our area, from Syracuse to Gela. At Acrae only, Sicilian lamps of this type, unfortunately represented only by fragments, are no less than eleven.
The overwhelming dominance of lamps of Loesche type VIII made in Africa Finally, we face a huge corpus (87 individuals, intact or fragmentary) of lamps belonging to the standard, round-body with round nozzle shape (Loeschcke type VIII), the popularity of which begins around 50 AD and does not decrease until the end of the 4th century AD. We can observe a mix of imports and locally made copies or imitations. Concerning their original manufacturing place, we can consider that almost 70% of our artifacts are African-made, 25% are Sicilian-made and only 5% seem to be Italian-made. Before entering in-depth macro-economic considerations, we must make a precision concerning the methodology of our work. As a matter of fact, lamps belonging to Loeschcke type VIII constitute almost 3 of the 4 kg. of lamp fragments (from all chronological periods) that were too small to deliver any further useful information. This is an overwhelming proportion if we consider the timeframe of the present paper. In addition, we chose not to take into consideration an additional group of 34 inventoried fragments, all belonging to standard lamps of Loeschcke type VIII (preserving either the handle and a part of shoulder or the nozzle and a part of shoulder). They were all surface finds or intrusions into late antique contexts and did not add to the present corpus, motivating us not to take them into account. After a careful examination of each piece, not only did this group deliver exactly the same sub-typological information gathered by the artifacts proposed in this catalogue but also showed similar proportions concerning their origins. In more detail, we counted 24 African-made lamp
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64 | Laurent Chrzanovski
Fig. 1. Map of the maritime routes based on the sea currents (after Arnaud 2005, 56–57)
fragments, 6 Sicilian-made lamp fragments and 2 Italian-made lamp fragments.
Long distance trade: Traces revealed by the present corpus Among the marks found, we can observe a predominance of the products of Caius Iunius Draco (12 marks), far more than those made by Caius Iunius
Alexis (3 lamps). A single lamp produced by a third African lamp-maker, N. Anchia(li), completes the picture. What is at a first glance quite bizarre is the absence of the third of the most prolific contemporary Tunisian-based lamp-maker alongside Caius Iunius Draco and Caius Iunius Alexis, the wellknown Marcus Novius Iustus. No trace also of the prolific Italian lamp-maker Caius Oppius Restitutus, based near Rome but with a filial active very early in Tunisia too, not to mention many other African and central Italian manufacturers whose
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 65
lamps are found in good quantities in Hispania Tarraconenis, Gallia Narbonensis as well as in Sardinian ports, which remain one of the major western trans-Mediterranean transit hubs, and also, in small quantities, in the sites of the northwestern part of Sicily, in primis at Lilybaeum, as well as in the island of Lipari. On the contrary, for the rest of the central Italian prolific lamp-makers, their scarce export to southern Italy and Sicily is a well-known fact. We are hence facing the same anomaly identified for the Balearic Islands, not far from the major and well-studied harbours of Hispania Tarraconensis, but with a lychnological reality made by central Italian imports taking the lions’ share, with only a small percentage of the long-distance traded lamps coming from African production centers. Fortunately, a recent lamp-marks focused volume had a small sub-chapter that enlightens us: in her exemplary research, Silvia Marini dedicated five pages to ‘La Sicilia: un possibile indicatore di provenienza?’ 5 Short and to the point, we can observe two major obstacles in the Italian and African supplies that were not exclusively headed to Sicily as final destination: the whole southern coast is extremely dangerous, which was already a known fact, but, above all, the maritime currents allowing long-distance trade between Rome and Africa during the navigable period (March to October) avoided Sicily. The Itinerarium Antonini (493.13) mentions for this travel the route Carthage–Rome via Cagliari, confirming the reason of the immense mark repertoire gathered by Giovanna Sotgiu 6 and recently completed by two articles written by Antonio Sanciu on the latest lamps with marks discovered in the harbour of Olbia 7. Vice-versa, the recent study of one of the most known specialists on Roman maritime routes, Pascal Arnaud, showed that from Carthage to Rome, one of the best variants was the trip with a stop at Lilybaeum, 8 while the eastern coast was well connected to southern Italy as well as with Lilybaeum with an intense network of harbours allowing a safe coastal trade, as is testified by many ancient sources (figs. 1–2). 9
5 6 7 8 9
Marini 2019, 72–76. Sotgiu 1968. Sanciu 2002; Sanciu 2011. Arnaud 2005, 160–163 (routes to and from Sicily). Arnaud 2005, 189.
Fig. 2. The maritime routes known by ancient sources (after Arnaud 2005, 187)
How to understand such a massive presence of African lamps at Acrae Having seen the sea trade routes, it is now time to draw a lychnological hypothesis, largely based on previously unpublished work we made once. In the late 1990’s, Prof. Luisa Musso entitled us to study the enormous corpus of lamps unearthed by the Archaeological Mission of the University ‘Roma Tre’, which she directed the site of the luxurious Roman villa of Uadi-er-Rsaf, located on the seaside some hundred meters from the western wall of Leptis Magna. Years passed, the regime changed, and as a result the corpus will likely never be published – with the exception of a synthesis of the ceramics of a huge midden deposit dated to between 150–180 AD 10 – admitting the deposits of the local museum have not been sacked during the war against Gaddhafi’s regime or during the everlasting fights between factions, that are still ongoing. During the suburban excavations undertaken in Leptis Magna, we observed the quantity of lamps marked IVNALEX, CIVNDRAC and MNOVIVST, but also the diversity of the clay used. We hence obtained the permission from the Direction of
10
Pentiricci et al. 1998.
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66 | Laurent Chrzanovski the Institut National du Patrimoine, thanks to Dr. Mongi Ennaïfer, to sample non-inventoried fragmentary lamps without context, bearing those three marks in all Tunisian museum reserves. From Thuburbo Maius, Bulla Regia and Utica, via Carthage, Hadrumetum, Sfax, El Djem, to Sbeitla and Gabes, we were welcomed and performed the ‘masochistic’ task (for a lychnologist) to break off a tiny fragment of each lamp of interest with surgical clamps. Our findings, even if only macro-optical coupled with a simple microscopic view, were quite surprising. We indicate here a maximum (optical) and a minimum (taking into account oven temperature/ oxidation, etc.): Tunisian-found (and made) CIVNDRAC and IVNALEX marked lamps delivered a minimum of 6 to a maximum 11 different clays with diverse inclusions, while Tunisian-found (and made) MNOVIVST marked lamps were made from a minimum of 3 to a maximum 5 different clays with diverse inclusions. To all those different clays, we must add at least three different ones, used by all three potters, having clays that we could identify as being characteristic of Tripolitanian wares. All these clay fabrics are in contrast with a real homogeneity (or, perhaps better put, a similarity) of the slips and the quality of the lamps and impression of the mark, which led us to think about workshops distributed in the northern hinterland of Tunisia, in the area of Utica and Carthage, the central hinterland Tunisia, the southern hinterland of Tunisia and somewhere near the southern Gulf of Gabès (Lesser Syrtis also known as Syrtis Minor), plus, almost certainly, at Sabratha and in two other unidentified areas, probably between Sabratha and Tripoli, as good clay banks seem to be rare further East. The same phenomenon, but this time for huge quantities of diverse productions, is well known to us in the very same area, if we look where, three centuries later, Late African Terra Sigillata and lamps of Atlante type IX and XI will be produced. Evidences speak by themselves: we are not dealing at all with the everlasting dispute of a filial workshop versus a counterfeiting one producing mediocre lamps – if compared to the African originals – which is the case of the moulds and the lamps marked CIVNDRAC found near Gades (Cadiz) in southern Spain. 11 We are clearly dealing with major lamp-makers, not known to have produced other ceramics, which needs would have justified transports of enormous quantities
11
Corzo Sánchez 1982; Corzo Sánchez 1982b; Haley 1990.
of different clays – as was the case for the main production centres of terra sigillata in this period. It is logical and was certainly much easier for them to settle their small to medium sized – if compared to other fine wares factories – lamp workshops and kilns near the best clay banks and the richest cities or the best harbours for export. Just an excursus regarding Acrae: none of the lamps found there had a clay similar to the ones we have observed in Tripolitania for the three mentioned lamp-makers. Tripolitanian merchandise certainly reached Sicily throughout the Roman period, but 4th century Tripolitanian lamp imports, found – and copied – in enormous quantities in Sicily, inaugurated a new ‘lychnological’ era.
Instead of a conclusion, we wait for the next years and their lamp deliveries! If we do take into account this combination of clay deductions, associated with the trade routes mentioned above, we could understand why exactly the potters having the biggest network of workshops could export so many lamps to southeastern Sicily. One of the most important harbours, Hadrumetum (now Sousse), but also the smaller harbours situated southwards, were as many ideal starting points, using the Cap Bon as a transit area for a direct navigation to one of the capes of area of Pachino (Pachymè) and then a smooth and short end of the trip up to the area of Syracuse. Slightly later than the period we study here, it will be even easier for the Tripolitan lamp producers, as the sea current bring the big ships directly to the southeastern corner of Sicily. We definitively should abandon the ‘Carthage axiom’ of our archaeological minds and consider the Capital of Africa Proconsularis just as one among many highly important origin harbours for long distance maritime trade. This short hypothetical digression shows well that if starting from Carthage (or Utica), any cargo will end at Lilybaeum, while the currents starting from the eastern cliff of the Cap Bon would divert towards the East all the ships coming from southern harbours. The materials charged on them will hence have no trouble to reach southern and eastern Sicily: Agrigento, Gela and their territories could be reached by coasting trade starting from Camarina, while the Hyblaean highlands and Acrae could receive
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 67
their merchandises and lamps by chariots starting either from Camarina or Syracuse. As we will see in the typological, iconographic and epigraphic indexes as well as the complete catalogue of the lamps, Acrae unveils, again, its prosperity, testified by the diversity of its connections with eastern Sicilian regions, up to Catania at least, as well as with Mediterranean harbours
delivering the latest African novelties. The results of the excavations of Archaeological Mission led by Roksana Chowaniec continue to confirm the city’s role as one of the best non-coastal observation points to understand the material economy of this area, as rich in antiquity as it is poor in modern archaeological research and publications. We just cannot wait to see, yearly, newly discovered.
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68 | Laurent Chrzanovski
Typological index Transitional types from Dressel 4b to Loeschcke type I (40 BC to 15/20 AD): catalogue no. 1–3 These lamps are extremely rare outside Italy, yet it seems that the boom of lamps of Dressel type 4 we witness at Acrae 12 within the imported and, mostly, the regional-made productions, generated, in the island’s best workshops, the adoption of all kind of transitional, very rare ‘hybrid types’ of lamps made during the late Republican period. As a matter of fact, the corpus of lamps being unveiled in situ year after year, shows a massive presence not only of conventional Vogelkopflampen (Dressel type 4a), but also their local versions, skilfully adorned with more ornaments and sometimes black-glazed according to the old Greek fashion. The same observation can be made as far as lamps of Dressel type 4b are concerned, all nicely adorned on their discus with some of the first gladiatorial scenes as well as with vegetal patterns. This fashion hence continued – probably in Syracuse – by adopting and producing the almost intact lamp (cat. no. 1) and the two fragments (cat. nos. 2–3), which shows a spatula-shaped nozzle as well as their applied handle, typical of the lamps of Dressel type 4, are there happily combined with a body, a shoulder and a round, large, decorated discus already identical to the ones already observed on lamps of early Loeschcke type I.
Catalogue nos. 4–6 Type IB/C, the ‘standard’ form with closed discus, is dated from 30 AD to 100 AD.
Catalogue nos. 7–9 This type of lamp is the first Roman Imperial standard form, soon imported and adopted in all newly conquered regions. If the early lamps (subtype IA) are rare, and are almost exclusively made in Italy and, more seldom, in Asia Minor, the ‘standard’ type (I B/C) will be imported and produced almost everywhere in the Roman Empire, until at least the 2nd century AD, with late revivals in some Mediterranean provinces, as we see hereunder with the African lamps belonging to Bonifay type 15A/Bussière type E.I.1. At Acrae, only three Loeschcke IA and 3 Loeschcke B/C were discovered. Contrary to what one might have expected when witnessing such an impressive presence of late Republican Italian creations – Vogelkopflampen and ‘late’ Dressel 4a lamps with adorned discuses – these types, direct successors of the previously mentioned Republican to early Imperial type, are astonishingly rare at the moment.
A specific kind of Loeschcke type III, the bronze-like green glazed lamps (25–75 AD): catalogue no. 10
Loeschcke type I, dated in Italy from Augustan to Early Flavian times Type IA, with its small drop-shaped ‘channel’ linking the discus to the nozzle, is dated from Caesar’s death to Tiberius’ reign.
Our acanthus-leaf, green glazed handle, is a rare example of a beautiful and very rare typical Campanian production. As a matter of fact, it is a testimony to the excellence of the skills of the Italian lamp makers of this time. 12
Chrzanovski 2018, 239–246.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 69
Our artifact is part of a rare group, a precursor of the lamps belonging to the conventional Loeschcke type III. The clear intention of their inventors was to nearly perfectly imitate the big bronze lamps of similar shape through their very precise slip that, when perfectly preserved, can create an optical illusion mimicking a bronze artifact. Earlier, those lamps were known only through rare fragments and three intact lamps published, all discovered in Pompeii and its surrounding area, like the example preserved in Berlin. 13 Since 2006, we can admire 27 perfectly preserved or little damaged lamps of this specific type, preserved in the National Archaeological Museum Naples, and at the Antiquarium as well as the storage rooms of Pompei. 14 Meanwhile, the number of well-preserved lamps known outside Campania is also increasing year after year, the Iberian Peninsula counts 5 such lamps now at Ampurias, Elche, Cerro de los Infantes (Granada), Astorga and Numancia, 15 in addition to the one found in Kertch (Crimea), 16 proving, together with our handle, that these unique artifacts were exported. Only some Danubian and Iberian provinces succeeding in producing green glazed pottery, but much later, no earlier than the end of the 1st century AD for Spain and the mid-2nd century AD for Pannonia, Moesia and Dacia. The most conclusive element came in 2015, when a group of chemists 17 had the authorization to examine and analyse several glazed artifacts of the National Archaeological Museum of Naples, a lamp among them. 18 The analysis of the lamp proved that it was entirely made in the area of Pompeii, the lamp as well as the glaze, and not imported from Asia Minor and then glazed in Campania, as has been suggested by some scholars, 19 proving that the contemporary production of similar, but unglazed, lamps well attested at Corinth had a parallel life. 20
13 14 15
Heres 1972, 14–15, no. 14, pl. 4. Di Gioia 2006, 65–106. Cf. Maccabruni 1987; Casas i Genover & Merino i Serra 1990; Morillo Cerdán 1996; Greene 2007; Morais 1997– 1998; Morillo Cerdán 2017, 409–411. 16 Waldhauer 1914, 40, no. 220, pl. XXII. 17 Giannossa et al. 2015. 18 Inv. 76/165 = Di Gioia 2006, 65–66, lamp no. 1. 19 Cf. Ziviello 1989, 204. 20 As example, cf. Broneer 1930, 170, no. 409, pl. IX.
Loeschcke type III, dated from Augustus to Nero in Italy: Catalogue nos. 11–17; handleornaments nos. 18–26
These large lamps, with one or two volute-flanked ogive-shaped nozzles are distinguished by the presence of a reflector, most often of triangular or moon crescent-shaped form standing on the handle. This is a ‘deluxe’ version, on very fragile terracotta lamps, which adopt in their entirety the shape of bronze lamps from the Augustan period, with an added-value: the discus scene. Their production, which begins according to Donald M. Bailey in the time of Augustus, ceases under the reign of Nero in the case of the most refined copies, and its last in more neglected cases, in provincial production in the last quarter of the 1st century AD. The original Italian lamps are rare and seem to have been appreciated – or accessible – only in the rich cities located on the shores of the Mediterranean. Finally, smaller, simpler-looking copies continue to be made throughout the Roman provinces such as Egypt, at least until the end of the 2nd century AD. Their most traditional western Mediterranean handle-ornaments are the following:
Lunar crescent-shaped ornaments: catalogue nos. 18–20 Lunar crescent shaped handle-ornaments are one of the most typical shapes adorning lamps of Loeschcke type III. The simply-rendered, seldom decorated, lunar crescent, was invented during the late 1st century BC as a reflector for bronze lamps. As early as the reign of Augustus, it was added by the most skilled Italian and Aegean workshops to clay volute-lamps, initially on the bilychnis type imitating bronze prototypes and, later, on more simple types with a single nozzle. If, in Italy, those ornaments disappear before the end of the 1st century AD, they were so much appreciated in the
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70 | Laurent Chrzanovski southern Mediterranean that they were produced, mainly in Africa but also in Egypt, until the 3rd century. Exact parallels to our handles are countless. In Algerian museums only, for instance, more than a dozen intact lamps with this kind of handle and 40 single identical intact handles have been published. 21
Almond-/globular-shaped handle ornaments decorated with the ‘opened fruit’ motif: catalogue nos. 21–24 The almond-shaped (as well as the more elaborated globular shaped) handle ornament is decorated in its centre with the well-known motif of the ‘opened fruit’ or ‘female genitalia’, topped by a small knob at its apex and an impressed point on its base. Very accurate example of a central Italian, or – less probably, an Egyptian import, to be dated during the 1st century AD. This type of handle ornament, born in central Italy in Late Augustan times, lasted there not later than the third quarter of the 1st century AD, 22 and was very seldom exported outside Italy, only few examples being known in the Germanies and in Iberia. On the contrary, it had a much longer success in Egypt, where it started to be produced during the 1st century and lasted at least throughout the 2nd century AD. Considered as possible imports, such handles are very rare in the western Mediterranean region. A single Algerian example, recently studied, underlines this fact. 23
Triangular-shaped handle ornaments: catalogue nos. 25–26 By far the most popular shape with the moon crescent, the triangular handle ornaments were adorned, in the western Mediterranean part of the Empire, by simple vegetal compositions – mainly a palmette rising from two horizontal acanthus leaves rendered in profile – or, sometimes with the ‘open fruit’ motif. In the eastern part of the Empire,
21
Cf. discussion and further bibliography in: Bussière 2000, 70–72, type B. II. 22 Cf. Bailey 1980, 212, lamp Q 1025, p. 213 and pls. 32, 36, as well as the fragment Q1050, p. 221 and pl. 36. 23 Bussière 2000, 258 no. 244, pl. 29, with the most complete bibliography possible and the different interpretations of the motif.
they almost always bear depictions of Isis or Sarapis, as well as representations of other deities, a vogue started by innovative lamp-makers from Alexandria and quickly adopted by the best workshops located in Asia Minor and the Aegean. 24
Loeschcke type IV, dated from 30 to 100 AD in Italy: catalogue nos. 27–29
Lamps of this shape are very popular in the Mediterranean provinces as well as in the western part of the Roman Empire. The canonical dating of the type in Italy extends from ca. 30 AD to the end of the 1st century AD, with the exception of some precursors, with their beautiful prominent outer volutes stuck to the body of the lamp, which date from the Augustan period to the reign of Tiberius in the peninsula. In several provinces, the ‘standard type’ production and various derivatives survive at least until the end of the 2nd century AD, sometimes even until the first half of the 3rd century AD. At Acrae, this type seems to have enjoyed a very scarce popularity, with only three artifacts found, demonstrating a rejection of the next ‘standard Roman shape’, the discus lamps with half-volutes above the ogive nozzle (Loeschcke type V), which are totally absent from our corpus.
Sicilian variant of Loeschcke type III, monolychnis, mainly made by Proklos Argyrios and his filials (50–150 AD): catalogue nos. 30–40 These large lamps are an exclusively Sicilian production, produced mainly by the Catania-
24 Cf. Chrzanovski bibliography).
2020,
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215–229
(with
further
Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 71
based lamp-maker Proklos Argyrios and his affiliated workshops (see the epigraphic index for a list of parallels and details) and well diffused in almost all of the eastern part of Sicily, and especially present in the actual provinces of Catania, Caltanissetta, Syracuse and Gela. 25 They are local interpretations of the standard monolychnis lamps of Loeschcke type III, with – often – a special emphasis on the upper volutes, rendered in high relief. Decorations are generally geometric, both on the rather small to very small (and then concave) discus and on the broad shoulder, with some exceptions, like the fragment with a shoulder adorned with an oak crown (catalogue no. 33). Handles are generally of triangular shape, rarely adorned with an eagle, and more frequently with small lines intended to render the nervures of a leaf (catalogue no. 35–36); some rare productions bear a handle in the form of a human head, rendered in bi-dimensional or tri-dimensional shape. We also find the traditional lunar-crescent as well as the ‘open-fruit’ oval handle ornaments.
Bonifay type 2, 1st series (Bussière type C.I.1 but with anvil-shaped nozzle): catalogue nos. 41–42 These Tunisian-made products imitate an original Italian creation (among the lamps of the vast and little coherent Bailey Italian type K). 26 They were mainly produced by the African manufactures of Caius Iunius Draco and Iunius Alexis. We face a very rare exemplar with anvil-shaped nozzle and the only known one with a decorated discus and rows of dotted triangles on the shoulder, while one third of the lamps known are totally undecorated
25 Cf. Branciforti 1992; Manganaro 2003. 26 Bussière 2000, 83; Bonifay 2004, 313.
and the remaining two thirds have an undecorated drop-shaped discus opened to the channel and three rows of small relief dots (or globules) adorning their shoulder. A similar lamp, without discus decoration and marked CIVNDRAC, has been found in a tomb at Contrada Lannari (province of Caltanissetta). 27
Bonifay type 2, 2nd series, Bussière type C.V.2: catalogue n. 44 (with the mark CIVNDRAC)
Elongated body with a rounded nozzle and a moulded, pierced ring-handle placed over the shoulder. Round undecorated discus. The wide, rounded shoulders curve into the nozzle and are decorated with rows of raised points, which gave to this type its Italian name: ‘lucerne a perline’. If we consider the whole of the material gathered by Donald M. Bailey, Jean Bussière & Michel Bonifay, 28 we can see this type of lamp as a probable central and southern Italian creation of the last quarter of the 1st century AD, which was then inundated by the quantity of Tunisian products of the 2nd and 3rd century AD, the latest productions showing a 27 Panvini 2002b, 246 and no. 18, fig. 23. 28 Bailey 1980, Q 1116, 250 and pl. 42; Bussière 2000, 83, C.V.2; Bonifay 2004, 313, with discussion of the lamp from Pupput signed OMISE on fig. 176, no. 7, p. 316.
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72 | Laurent Chrzanovski diverse development of the shoulder decoration, including vegetal volutes, heart-shaped patterns, etc. Our example fits perfectly among the Tunisian production, according to its clay and slip characteristics and with the primary workshops of the potter. The lamps signed by Caius Iunius Draco are dated to between 120 and 200 AD and the prolific lamp maker had several production centres, the primary one(s) being in Tunisia, at least one in Tripolitania and maybe even one early workshop in Italy. 29 Moulds with its mark have recently been found also in southern Spain. In Sicily, a similar lamp from an Italian lamp maker (Celsus?) was found in a grave of the northern necropolis of Sofiana 30 together with a coin minted under Claudius’ reign and another minted under Trajan’s reign. From the same Italian massive production, with its derivatives, an incredible number of lamps has been unearthed in major sites from Puglia and Calabria (see a complete bibliography and a discussion of the typo-chronological issues in recent research based on the imperial lamps found at Egnatia). 31
Loeschcke type VIII, dated from 50 AD to the end of the 2nd century AD in Italy
The ‘standard’ Imperial Roman lamp par excellence, characterized by its small round nozzle, was created during Claudius’ reign and lasted, depending on the region of the Empire, until the 5th century AD. Chronological definitions of the subtypes of this large group, formulated by Annalis Leibundgut, 32 but also by Donald M. Bailey, 33 are generally based on nozzle shape. They are certainly valuable elements, provided that we 29 Hypothesis made by M. Bonifay on his lamp of type 4 no. 1, cf. Bonifay 2004, 317. 30 Lauricella 2002, 167 and no. 58, fig. 38. 31 Fioriello 2003, 63–66. 32 Leibundgut 1977, 34–36. 33 Bailey 1980, forms O 1–3, P 1–2, but also Q.
accept only the first date given by these authors as being the date of creation and the beginning of the diffusion of the different variants. In provincial contexts, in fact, these proposals remain valid as the terminus post quem from which these lamps appear. Nevertheless, the enthusiasm of potters and populations for this or that variant of nozzle does not allow the complete ranges proposed by these two researchers to be adopted, developed for the lamps discovered on Swiss territory for the former and for the original Italian productions for the latter. Hereunder we will see the specificities of the Acrae lamps, and the latest chronological and sub-typological proposals made for Africa and for Italian lamps made by potters with workshops also in Africa. As a matter of fact, all the debate for Acrae is to see the ceramic quality of the artefact, as this standard type and its subtypes have been widely adopted by central Italian workshops – a challenge doubled by the Italian potter’s marks frequently found on this type, as most of them belong to a very prolific Italian lamp having a well attested filial in Africa – and, last but not least, imitations and over-moulded productions made by Sicilian lamp-makers.
Standard African lamps (Bonifay type 4, Bussière form D.I and D.II): catalogue no. 45–61 and fragments no. 76–127
Arriving at the African sub-types, we must stress that the most accurate proposal is of course the one made by Michel Bonifay 34 basing his study on the stratigraphy and contexts of the excavations led in Pupput. Jean Bussière’s colossal work on all intact lamps preserved in Algeria 35 has, of course, lots of interesting information and cautious proposals, but with so many lamps of unknown context, the
34 Bonifay 2004. 35 Bussière 2000.
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sub-typologies were often made according to the morphological evolution doubled by the nozzle shape (see figure hereunder). 36 If both researchers propose mostly identical dates and groups, the few incoherencies between both works are the result of Bonifay’s evidence that within most groups, rare nozzle forms can be found beside the common ones, hence pointing out that this particularity is not relevant for defining the typo-chronology for each sub-group. Lamps of Loeschcke type VIII have a slightly convex shoulder and round nozzle, with a shoulder that is either undecorated or decorated with demi ovules surrounding the external circular discus-rim. The most frequent nozzle is the elegant rounded-shaped one, defined on the shoulder by a horizontal incision, ending on each side with an impressed dot.
The classification of the nozzles witnessed on African-made lamps as proposed by Jean Bussière
Bonifay type 5 (Bussière type D.II.1): catalogue nos. 62–65 Rare, slightly later, standard African lamps of Loeschcke type VIII: variant with undecorated shoulder, double concentric raised rim surrounding the discus, nozzle defined by a horizontal incision on the shoulder or with heartshaped (and other more seldom nozzle-variants), generally ornamented with a rosette, often also with the ibex running rightwards). 40 This group of lamps is not so well-defined if compared to the ‘standard type’. The discus is defined by two rings in relief. Original Tunisian lamps generally adorned with a simple rosette – more rarely the ibex running – are very well attested and dated between the second half of the 2nd and the first third of the 3rd century AD, most of them being signed in incised letters with the marks AVGENDI, LVCCEI and MAVRICI.
Bussière type D.VIII.3 (60 to 150/ 200 AD): catalogue no. 66
The main subtypes of Bonifay type 4 found at Acrae are the following: Bonifay type 4A early version, Bussière type D.I.2: early types, with a rounded nozzle defined by one or two incisions on the shoulder, ending on each side with an impressed dot. Those lamps are seen by Bussière as a specific group within the vast categories of lamps with the same nozzle shape. Both scholars agree on the broad chronological production period, from 120 to 200 AD, as the most represented potter’s marks – first Italian and, in our case, Tunisian – are the very prolific AVFFRON, CIVNDRAC, CIVNALEX, MNOVIVST and CCORVR. 37 Bonifay types 4A and 4B, Bussière D.II ‘classical form’: lamps of Loeschcke type VIII with standard African nozzle defined by a horizontal incision on the shoulder. 38 Bonifay type 4C, Bussière type D.IX.2 ‘classical form’: lamps of Loeschcke type VIII with heartshaped nozzle. 39
36 37 38 39
For the discussion of each type: Bussière 2000, 88–92. Bussière 2000, 92–93; Bonifay 2004, 317. Bussière 2000, 96–98; Bonifay 2004, 317. Bussière 2000, 104; Bonifay 2004, 321.
Distinguishing itself by its compact shape, typical of lamps of Loeschcke type VIII, from the standard Italian Loeschcke type V lamps from which it borrows the half-volutes, this African type is very rare. It was created as such by Bussière and must generally be dated, in Africa, to the 2nd century AD. Nevertheless, the quite rough quality of the lamp preserved as well as the band ornamented with points on the external part of the discus are not a common pattern of African manufactured lamps of this type. Lacking any direct parallel, we hence see the artifact found at Acrae (no. 66) as a Sicilian production imitating a Tunisian creation without over-moulding it.
40 Bussière 2000, 96–98; Bonifay 2004, 322–323, nos. 1–2, fig. 180.
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74 | Laurent Chrzanovski
Bonifay type 8, late variant, Bussière type D.X.1.b (150–250 AD): catalogue no. 67
Loeschcke type VIII lamps with this very type of discus decoration characterized by the raised omphalos around which is arranged a geometric concentric decoration, are first produced in Italy, where all the details are generally very accurate and relatively more complex than in our case. They constitute subtype 2 of the Italian-made lamps of Bailey type Q, which are dated between Hadrian’s reign and Septimius Severus’ reign. 41 A little later, they are also massively produced in North Africa, 42 where they are dated to the second half of the 2nd century AD for the Algerian specimens: where they survive much longer, the single difference between the productions being the more or less ornamented shoulder, from no decoration at all to simple half ovules like in our case. They are dated to around the end of the 2nd century to the beginning of the 3rd century AD. The category with omphalos and either curved lines or a very fine and complicated vegetal crowns made with olive branches on a more convex shoulder are considered specific, later types (Bonifay types 9 and 10, see hereunder), which are produced until the beginning of the 4th century AD. Our only lamp of this type is almost identical to a huge number of African productions, among which the nearest may be the lamp from Cherchel, bearing the mark SEMPRONI 43 as well as a lamp from Pupput and marked CHELIAN. 44
Bonifay type 9, Bussière type D.X.3 a/b (60 to 150/200 AD): catalogue no. 68 Loeschcke type VIII lamps, almost identical to the previous type, but with incised waves as shoulder-ornament, with undecorated discus (Bussière 41 Bailey 1980, 339–341. 42 Bussière 2000, 107, type D.X.1.b; Bonifay 2004, 325, type 8. 43 Bussière 2000, 349, no. 3143, pl. 86. 44 Bonifay 2004, 325, no. 10, fig. 183.
D.X.3a) or with omphalos-adorned discus (Bussière D.X.3b). This sub-type is traditionally dated between the mid-2nd century AD and the first quarter of the 3rd century AD. 45
Bonifay type 10; Bussière type D.X.IV (150–225 AD): catalogue nos. 69–71
Loeschcke type VIII lamps, almost identical to the previous type, but with shoulders adorned with a carefully rendered myrtle or laurel crown. 46 Rarely exported, it is worth underlining that an intact lamp of this type, an excellent African-made import, has been found in a tomb at Contrada Lannari (province of Caltanissetta). 47
Bonifay type 12, Bussière type D.X.5 (ca. 225 to 250/275 AD): catalogue nos. 72–74 Lamps of Loeschcke type VIII with shoulder decorated with a vine-wreath in relief while the outside part of the discus is composed by a concentric band ornamented with incised lines rendering sunbeams and the nozzle is rendered in the Greek 3rd century AD trapezoidal shape. Original production of workshops located in Africa, where short production of vine-wreath decorated lamps – and
45 Bussière 2000, 108–109; Bonifay 2004, 329, fig. 183. 46 Bussière 2000, 109; Bonifay 2004. 329–331. 47 Panvini, 2002b, 254–255, no. 51, fig. 35.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 75
of the adoption of this nozzle shape – is situated to between 225 and 275 AD. 48
few specimens have been found outside Africa: at Rome, Ordona, Tharros – signed LASCIVI, 50 Lipari, Ibiza and Ampurias. 51 It is worth noting that the African lamp-maker, Aurelius Lascivus, whose lamp of Bussière type E.I.1 has been found in Tharros is known in one exemplar of the same type, unearthed in north-eastern Sicily at Halaesa (actual town of Tusa, not far from Messina). 52
Bonifay type 15A, Bussière type E.I.1 (ca. 175–250 AD): catalogue no. 75 Late volute-lamps, a sort of African-only eclectic ‘revival’ of Loeschcke type I, with their nozzle adorned side-volutes and ending in anvil- or trapezoidal-shape and are very rare. Found from Tripolitania to Mauretania, they have been produced most provably by workshops located in Tunisia and then imitated in the neighbouring areas, from 175 to 250 AD 49. This rare type of lamps seems to have been the specialty of the three most prolific African lamp-makers: Iunius Alexis, Caius Iunius Draco and Marcus Novius Iustus. Only a
48 For the description of the type and a list of parallels, cf. Bussière 2000, 110–111; Bonifay 2004, 331–334. 49 Bussière 2000, 114.
Copyright Re-elaboration by the author of Jean Bussière's drawings (Bussière 2000), with the authorization of Late Jean Bussière and of the Editions Monique Mergoil.
50 Cf. Sotgiu 1968, 79, no. 438, pl. VIII. 51 Cf. Bussière 2000, 169, motif 1.b.10.(13); Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 87, 316 discussion and further parallels on E902. 52 Lamp illustrated and discussed in: Carettoni 1961, 238.
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76 | Laurent Chrzanovski
Iconographic index M1. Bust Jupiter with the eagle, wings spread wide: catalogue no. 77
to the mid-3rd century AD, the motif itself being born during the late 1st century and being reproduced in all the eastern Mediterranean provinces and in Africa too until at least the end of the 4th century AD. 54
M3. Two winged Cupids, the left one trying to hold the right one on his feet, drunk and holding wine grapes: catalogue no. 117
If it is impossible to ascertain the exact depiction that adorned the discus, observing a frontally- or centrally-male rendered head with hair, points to the extremely popular motif of the bust of Jupiter holding a with an eagle dominating the background, wings fully spread, holding lightning in its claws. 53
M2. Bust of Athena Promachos (?): catalogue no. 73
The motif of the bust in left profile of Athena Promachos looking leftwards, adorning identical lamps with the same shoulder-decoration, is one of the most classic productions of Athenian and Corinthian workshops from the end of the 2nd 53 For this immensely popular depiction on all kind of discus-lamps, cf. Leibundgut 1977, 137 (motif 28); Bussière 2000, 151–152 (motifs 1– 3); Rodríguez Martín 2002, 44–45 (motif 1.3, nos. 4–5); Cahn 2009, 305 (motif 2).
The drunk cupids are an eclectic scene belonging exclusively to the African repertoire. In the southern shores of the Mediterranean, it has been reproduced on lamps of Bussière type D.X.3, with two such lamps signed EX OFI Q SEM, an African Lamp-maker active between 175 and 225 AD, respectively found at Tipasa and Hippone, 55 but mainly on lamps of Bussière type D.X.5, two lamps dated 225–275 AD and preserved at Algiers and Philippeville, 56 to which we must add a lamp preserved at the Getty Museum, 57 though most specimens are found at Carthage. 58 The motif continues to appear on a few lamps of Bussière type E.I.1, dated between 175 and 250 to 280 AD. In fact, only one lamp was found at Carthage 59 and a tiny fragment unearthed at Cosa. 60 Outside Africa, we find only one such lamp, of Bussière
54 55 56 57 58
Cf. Bailey 1988, 7. Cf. Bussière 2000, 355, nos. 3296–3297, pl. 91. Cf. Bussière 2000, 361, nos. 3520–3521, pl. 97. Bussière & Wohl 2017, 277, nos. 392. Cf. a complete list of parallels in Bussière 2000, 163 (motif 39, motif 1.b.1). 59 Deneauve 1969, 215, no. 1065, pl. 96. 60 Fitch & Goldman 1994, no. 799, pl. 3.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 77
type D.X.5, preserved in the Museum of Cagliari, signed EX OFI VICTORIS. The manufacturer of the Sardinian-found artifact was carefully studied by Sotgiu, 61 who made an extensive list of findings bearing his mark, showing clearly that Victor’s workshop was very probably located in Africa: in addition to eight lamps discovered in the Sardinia, only two lamps are attributed to it in continental Italy and one in Spain – to which we have to add two lamps found at Ampurias, 62 contrasting with the more than 15 items exported to the Danubian regions, of course, with 32 specimens found in North Africa.
M5. Winged Eros seen in three quarters left profile, raising his right hand leftwards while holding a vegetal crown with his left: catalogue no. 52, with mark CIVNDRAC
M4. Two winged Cupids walking rightwards: catalogue no. 8 This scene seems to be extremely rare, as we found a single parallel for it: another Caius Iunius Draco production, issued from a very used mould, on a similar lamp but with undecorated shoulder, unearthed at Sabratha. 64
M6. Bacchic allegory: lioness drinking from Dionysos’ krater: catalogue no. 9 This depiction of a Cupid on the right, bearing a small towel on his left arm while lying on his right hand, turning his head to watch a second Cupid following him, seems to have enjoyed a great success on lamps of Loeschcke types I and IV produced first by Italian workshops and then by Rhine Valley workshops (the right Cupid being is also often represented alone, contrary to his companion). 63
61 Sotgiu 1968, 142, no. 484a2, pl. 21. 62 Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 293–294, E782. 63 For bibliography and parallels: Leibundgut 1977, 147–148 (motif 88); discussion on Italian lamp Q 899 – dated 40–80 AD: Bailey 1980, 24; Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 196 (motif 16); Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 99 (motif M47).
This scene is a rarity. As a matter of fact, the majestic lioness (whose head and short mane have suffered a lot from erosion on our fragment) drinking from a nicely decorated krater appears only on lamps of early Loeschcke IA type, found in Cyprus, Canopus (Egypt) and Italy (Bachofen Collection). 65 The scene should be considered an original creation of Faustus, the famous Italian lamp-maker active in Central Italy in the Augustan period before closing its peninsular workshop and 64 Joly 1977, 128, no. 381, pl. 14. 65 Cf. Bailey 1988, 67, 233, pl. 32, Q1887, with a list of parallels.
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78 | Laurent Chrzanovski opening new ones in the Levant and in Egypt during the twenties of the 1st century AD. 66 Later, another lamp very close to ours, but with much less detailed execution, is an Italian Loeschke type I found at Carthage, in which the lioness’ mane is incised and the motif is rendered in an oblique way, not perpendicular to the nozzle’s axis. 67 Later, but rendered in mirror image (i.e the vase is in the bottom right of the composition), the scene of the female panther – no longer of a lioness, being more adapted to the wide-spread imagery of the favourite animal of the god of wine – drinking from a krater is known on Italian and African lamps of Loeschcke types IV and VIII, among which two, belonging to the first type, are marked with the stamp LMADIEC. Lucius Munatius Adiectus, according to Donald Bailey 68 suggested two contemporarily active workshops, respectively located in central Italy and in Africa Proconsularis, where his products abound.
M7. Head of a Satyr or a Silenus: catalogue no. 79
M8. Victoria, on a globe, rendered left, holding a shield: catalogue nos. 1–3
This rendering where Victory is originally standing on the globe is certainly the most popular and widely produced representation of the goddess, to be found on lamps of Loeschcke types I and IV but also on much later round lamps of Loeschcke type VIII. Originally made in Italy, the motif will soon join the repertoire of southern Gallic, Spanish and Rhine Valley workshops, as well as African ones. 70
M9. Bust of Sol Radiatus with seven sunrays bearing a full toga: catalogue no. 47 (with mark IVNIALEXI) and the same bust, variant with brooches on the toga: catalogue no. 48 Even if very damaged, our fragment shows a careful rendering of the beard and hair, making it almost certainly among the vast group of ivy-crowned satyr heads, a motif which appears on Italian Loeschcke type IB/C lamps as soon as Tiberius’ reign and reproduced then, mainly in the Rhine Limes area and in Iberia, on lamps of Loeschcke IB/C, IV, V and VIII, with several different variations in the details of rendering of the head. 69
66 67 68 69
Bailey 1988, 97. Deneauve 1969, 112, no. 312, pl. 37. Bailey 1980, 98. Cf. two exhaustive lists of known parallels in: Bussière 2000, 159 (motif 10.a.10.11); Morillo Cerdán 1999, 188–18 (motif 37).
Our first lamp (no. 47) fits the iconography of the bust of Sol with hair adorned with seven sunrays bearing his toga on both shoulders perfectly. It is witnessed widely on Loeschcke VIIII lamps found in Africa, from Tripolitania to Mauretania, but also at Lipari, in Sardinia and in Spain, 71 on which the most frequent mark is MNOVIVST – belonging to Marcus Novius Iustus – a Tunisian lamp maker active from 120 to 180 AD, while our fragment has to be inscribed within the list of parallels made by Bussière and quoted in the preceding motif. With 70 Cf. Leibundgut 1977, 133, pl. 23 (motif 3); discussion on lamp Q 132: Bailey 1980, 28; Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 201–202 (motif 32); Bussière 2000, 166 (motif I.b.9.1); Rodríguez Martín 2002, 75–6, no. 98 (motif 6.3.b); Bémont & Chew 2007, 74 (motif D 71); Cahn 2009, 310 (motif 20); discussion on E398 and E401: Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 82, 233–234; Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 105 (motif M69). 71 Cf. a full list of parallels in: Bussière 2000, 164 (motif 1.b.5.2).
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 79
two brooches with discus-endings holding the toga on the shoulder, our fragment is almost identical to an unsigned lamp found at Tipasa. 72
nine sunrays, a number we have not been able to find on other busts, to be situated between the old-fashioned 10 very long rays – adorning the busts of some rare Italian lamps of early Loeschcke type I – and the eight rays adorning the very thick hairdressing of the god we can see on the upper part of two moulds found at Pompeii in the lamp factory, created to produce Loeschcke type VIII lamps. 74
M. 11. Lunar crescent on a pointed globe, a four-branched star above it: catalogue no. 54 (mark CIVNDRAC) M. 10. Bust of Sol Radiatus bearing the toga only on his left shoulder: catalogue no. 53 (with mark CIVNDRAC)
Our lamp is a unicum. As a matter of fact, the bust of Sol with toga only on the shoulder is a very common Italian and African motif on lamps of Loeschcke type VIII: we can observe among the producers a net predominance of the potters Bassus, Gabinianus, Caius Oppius Restitutus, Caius Heliodorus (Central Italy), Lucius Munatius Adiectus (Central Italy and a filial in Africa) as well as Iunius Alexis (Africa), and see a repartition of the lamps adorned with this in the whole western Mediterranean world, from Libya to Morocco to Spain to southern France and Italy as well as its islands. 73 Nevertheless, all those lamps are standardly rendered with only five sunrays adorning his hair, rendered exactly like on our lamp. The novelty lies in the choice made by Caius Iunius Draco for adorning his production with 72 Bussière 2000, 307, no. 1907, pl. 56. 73 Bussière 2000, 164 (motif 1.b.5.3), with an extensive list of parallels.
Like for the Bust of Sol Radiatus with nine branches, in this case too, CIVNDRAC innovates with a small detail a very common rendering, known as a typical African manufacturer’s motif, but usually ornamented, above the crescent, with a six-branch star. 75 We know only one almost exact parallel: an identical lamp but with half ovules adorning the shoulder, bearing, also, Caius Iunius Draco’s mark and preserved in Berlin. 76 An intact lamp with this motif, signed with the mark CIVNDRAC (mirror-rendered), has been unearthed at Priorato, Butera (province of Caltanissetta). 77
M. 12. Lunar crescent on a pointed globe: catalogue nos. 94–96 This motif, qualified as a ‘pendent’ or ‘amulet’ was very popular among Italian, African and Iberian productions. 78 Three intact lamps, all signed CIVNDRAC, mirror-rendered, and ornamented 74
Cerulli Irelli 1977, 64–65, molds nos. XV, XVI, pl. 42, nos. 37–38. 75 Bussière 2000, 165 (motif I.b.7.3), with list of parallels. 76 Heres 1972, 56, no. 277, pl. 33. 77 Cf. Panvini 2002a, 91, 92, no. 1, fig. 3a-b. 78 Cf. all parallels in: Bussière 2000, 165–166 (motif I.b.7.4).
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80 | Laurent Chrzanovski with this motif have been found in the necropolis of Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta). 79
M13. Griffin running leftwards (Bussière type E.I.1): AK15/I/15–264
This motif is an absolute unicum, both within the griffins and the sea-monsters’ repertoires. As a matter of fact, the monster with a bird’s head, legs and a fish-tale do not find any parallel known to us. Griffins are always winged and with four legs, and can be rendered either with a lion’s body and a lion’s head, or with an eagle’s head on a lion’s body. 80 On the other hand, sea-monsters, very popular in African lamp imagery, have always a fish-tale and two forward legs rendered either with a lion’s head or with a horse head 81 – if the horse’s head is rendered without legs the motive is then considered among the different depictions of hippocampi.
M14. Hunting horseman (Alexander’s hunt? Meleager hunting the Calydonian boar?): catalogue no. 6
As the precedent, this motif is an absolute unicum, but belonging to the very early Imperial years. Produced as an innovation by a central Italian workshop, the motif of the horseman hunting with his spear, while his horse, very nervous, is prancing, projecting his forelegs as if it had to jump over an obstacle. As, for the moment, only military cavaliers, always rendered with shield and helmet, were known on lamps, there are two possibilities to consider the scene adorning our ‘exclusivity’. The first and the most probable is to consider a micro-asiatic influence, not per force on lamps, but on statuary, as it was the case for the first friezes of weapons (see hereunder) inspired by the reliefs of the most important buildings Pergamum and Miletus. We could hence see a reproduction of one of the famous lost sculptures of Alexander’s hunt, the first made by Lisyppos and the second made by his scholar, Euthyrates (both being quoted by Piny the Elder, NH 34.64 and 34.66), considered being reproduced in the so-called Alexander’s sarcophagus – a masterpiece found at Sidon, dated around 310–320 BC, now preserved at the National Archaeological Museum at Istanbul. Augustus’ admiration for Hellenistic art and for Alexander is known to every scholar, and the specific scene of the ‘god-king hunting’ will be adopted, in many artistic forms, by the court’s artists during all the 1st century AD, becoming the real symbol of the Emperor with Domitian, who can be seen on
79 Lauricella 2002, 132, no. 57, fig. 24 a-b, and no. 7, p. 184 and figs. 10 a-b, p. 185; no. 33, p. 193 and fig. 28 a-b, p. 134. 80 Cf. Bussière 2000, 177 (motifs I. e.3, 1 to 7). 81 Cf. Bussière 2000, 177 (motifs I. e.5, 1 to 4).
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 81
the reverse of several coins in the same position as the personage of our discus, jumping over the defeated enemy’s weapons instead of hunting. 82 The second hypothesis, much less probable, is to see Meleager hunting the Calydonian wild-boar. Yet the problem is that Meleager is always represented on foot and never riding a horse, on lamps and on other forms of minor and major Arts, until late Antiquity, when we find the Halicarnassus mosaic rendering the mythological hero hunting a panther, dressed exactly as our personage.
end, the shepherd disappears leaving the scene only depicting sheep and a goat under a tree or, on multiple lamps, the rendering is built around only the three sheep without a tree or goat. 83
M16. Single figure on a small boat, rowing: catalogue no. 100
M15. Shepherd, goats and sheep under a tree (Titurus myth?): catalogue no. 27
Our fragmentary Loeschcke VIII lamp, a mediocre copy made by a regional workshop by imitation – not over-moulding – is more than likely ornamented with the most complete rendering of the shepherd watching his cattle of sheep and a goat under a tree. This scene, in the very rare first appearances on central Italian made Loeschcke IV lamps, bears sometimes the name TITVRVS in relief. It becomes a progressively more popular motif, mainly in the eastern provinces, but by simplifying it or by simply losing its components one by one: the name will never appear again, the shepherd’s mantle will be rendered as a normal one, the number of animals will be reduced. In the
82 Cf. Tuck 2005.
This motif is extremely rare, observed only on a standard African Loeschcke type VIII lamp bearing the mark of Caius Iunius Draco and preserved in Berlin. 84 Gerald Heres interprets the boat as an inflated bovine skin, the stern being constituted by the animal’s head, an interesting hypothesis if we look, in our example too, at the configuration of the stern. Later, rendered in a mirror and with a much longer oar, the motif is rendered as a small part of the beautiful large depictions of harbours and fishermen on highly decorated Tunisian-made lamps. Contemporary parallels always show two persons on a similar small boat: one acting as a rower and another one seated, the actors of the scene being rendered either as two humans or as two monkeys. 85
83 Discussion on Q 869, cf. Bailey 1980, 44–45. 84 Heres 1972, 55, no. 266, pl. 32, who quotes an identical lamp from an auction. 85 For the first rendering, cf. Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 102; discussion on E1019, for the second depiction, cf. Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 129, M128, two monkeys on a small skiff, with all parallels known.
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82 | Laurent Chrzanovski
M17. Deep sea sailing boat: catalogue no. 78
The motif is clearly a rare rendering of a navis oneraria: we can still observe the large central mainmast (malus), its maintop (carchesium), the mainsail (velum subductum) wrapped on its yard (antenna), which supports two stylized halyards (chalatorii funes). Defining the heavy deck, we can see, on the right, a large bow (prora) and, on the left, the upper stern (puppis) which supports the rudder (gubernaculum). The artifact discovered at Akrai is a very important piece as no direct parallels could be found. 86 Even if it is less frequent than the representations of warships (galerae) or of the multiple use navis longa, the motif of the navis oneraria is very popular on Roman discus lamps of almost all types, produced in Italy, Gaul, the Germanies, Attica, Asia Minor and Africa, from the 1st century AD to at least the 4th century AD. If we look at the general shape of the mast and of the boat, the Akrai fragment is clearly inspired by Attic productions such as the lamps made in Athens during the second half of 3rd to the first half of the 4th century AD, 87 which are themselves a reinterpretation of the very popular and simply rendered motifs of the Ephesian productions of the Antonine period. 88
86 For a complete analysis of boats on lamps, cf. Bounegru 1984; Trusz 2015. 87 From the most detailed no. 1023, signed Eutyches, to the very stylized no. 1029: Perlzweig 1961, 132, pl. 21. 88 Cf. Bailey 1988, 45–46, 377, pl. 102, Q 3051, and a list of such lamps found as far as the Adriatic and the Black Sea regions.
M18. Figure (fisherman?) walking rightwards: catalogue no. 126
Again, we are facing a unicum. Even more, the right part of the scene is lost, impeaching us to guess what kind of activity the central personage is performing. Nevertheless, the way he is dressed, with a short loincloth and the well-known round hat with wide brim, give us important clues. Those garments are typical and exclusively reserved for three categories of professions: travellers, farmers and fishermen. One hypothesis would be seeing a viator or a farmer bearing a paenula (short mantle – represented as falling from his back, almost invisible due to the erosion of the mould) attacked by a bear – a scene we have with a child on a later lamp. 89 In this sense, the head of the bear has to be recognized on the blurred element facing the figure’s front, occupied with both hands to push the wild beast back. Another hypothesis, following the widely diffused scene with cupid holding the forelegs of a dog, would be to see a viator or a farmer coming home and being greeted by his dog. Finally, on an earlier lamp of Loeschcke type IV without any parallels, said to be found in Egypt but looking rather Italian, we find the fisherman alone, mirror rendered yet in the same position, with the exception made that he is in the sea up halfway up his calves. 90 The same fishermen, with different positions of the foot and leg, one being close to ours, is part of one of the most carefully rendered later lamps with idyllic depictions of a harbour and fishermen (one on the rocks, one on a small ship), dated to 175–225 AD.
89 Bussière 2000, 179 (motif. II.a.3.16). 90 Bussière & Wohl 2017, 129, no. 180, proposed date: 40 to 70 AD.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 83
M19. Figure walking rightwards and holding a stick: catalogue no. 119
lamp-makers, 93 mostly by Iunius Alexis and Marcus Novius Iustus, from 120 to ca. 200 AD.
M21. Crossed double cornucopia: catalogue no. 91
Our fragment, though the figure holds the stick in a higher position, could be a variant of the motif identified by Jean Bussière as a very rough rendering of the older, much more detailed and accurately rendered scene of the ithyphallic grotesque playing with sticks and looking backwards. 91 The nearest motif to our fragment is found on the discus of a lamp found in the Necropolis of Tipasa. 92 There, the position of the stick excluded, we find an identical rendering of the figure. The Tipasa lamp bears the mark COPPIRES – certainly a production of the African filial of Caius Oppius Restitutus (active from 90 to 140 AD).
The double crossed ornamented cornucopiae are a very popular theme among African productions of Loeschcke type VIII, most of them being made by the workshops of Caius Iunius Alexis, Caius Iunius Draco and Marcus Novius Germanus. 94
M22. Skyphos: catalogue no. 91
M20. Bust of young woman with toga on his left shoulder: catalogue nos. 97–99
This bust finds countless parallels in Africa, Spain, Sardinia and Lipari and a few in Central Italy, being almost exclusively produced by African
91 Bussière 2000, 190 (motif II.d.10.3). 92 Bussière 2000, 320, no. 2273, pl. 63.
Looking at the very numerous parallels found in the western Mediterranean, from Italy (including Sardinia and Lipari) to Spain and southern Gaul, and from Tripolitania to Mauretania, one can observe that the enormous majority of them were produced by the three most prolific African lampmakers: Iunius Alexis, Caius Iunius Draco and Marcus Novius Iustus. 95 We can quote also addi93 For discussion on Q 1681–Q1682; cf. Bailey 1988, 53–54; Bussière 2000, 194 (motif II.g.1.11). 94 Bussière 2000, 169 (motif I.b.10.13). 95 For discussion on Q 1312 cf. Bailey: 1980, 48; discussion on Q 1680 and Q 1681: Bailey 1988; Bussière 2000, 181–182. He counted no less than 10 perfectly preserved
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84 | Laurent Chrzanovski tional, identical lamps recently found in Sardinia, at the harbour of Olbia, marked CIVNALEX and CIVNDRAC. 96 An intact lamp with the same motif, bearing the mark ATTINI, has been found in a tomb at Contrada Lannari (province of Caltanissetta). 97
M24. Complete representation of gladiatorial equipment: catalogue nos. 11–12
M23. Krater with vine and grapes: catalogue no. 101
This simple but very ornamental motif – we can recognize the rim and the one of the curbed handles of the vessel – was much appreciated in the Western Roman Empire. In its most complete version, the vines start on each side with a grape and end on each side with two other grapes. The motif knows several variants, according to the workshop where it was produced, and its production lasts a very long time, observable since the earliest Loeschcke type I lamps to the late Loeschcke type VIII lamps. Born in Italy and in the Aegean world, it is quickly adopted by workshops located in Africa, southern Gaul and the Rhine Valley. 98
identical lamps with identical motifs preserved in Algerian museums (motif II.a.4.9); discussion and new parallels on the five African lamps found at Ampurias: Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 100–101. 96 Sanciu 2011, 198, 199, no. 1225, fig. 6:1, marked CIVNALEX; no. 1163, p. 198 and fig. 6.6, p. 198, marked CIVNDRAC. 97 Panvini, 2002b, 255, no. 52, fig. 36. 98 Cf. Leibundgut 1977, 186–187, pl. 52 (motif 354); Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 266–267, pl. 41 (motif 217); D. M. Bailey mentions an unpublished Loeschcke type IV lamp preserved at the Museum of Lyon, cf. Bailey 1988, 49–51; Bussière 2000, 182 (motif II.a.4. 12); Rodríguez Martín 2002, 148, no. 205, fig. 15 (motif 2.1); Cahn 2009, 326 (motif 80); discussion on E867, E973 and E982, cf. Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 101–102; Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 130–131 (motif M 131).
On both our fragmentary lamp and our tiny fragment, the discus is decorated with the most complex representation of gladiatorial equipment known to us. We can distinguish a Phrygian-style helmet (galea) as well as a pair of greaves (ocreae). The representation of gladiatorial – or, more seldom, military – equipment displayed around a plain discus pierced in its centre by the fill-hole, started with this exact model, the most complete one in terms of weapons represented (ca. 15–18 motifs, some of them repeated twice), and was consecutively reduced to 11 motifs and then to a much simpler frieze, constituted by 8 largely diffused motifs. The first series of lamps with this exact motif, all belonging to the Loeschcke I type, is made in Italian and Asia Minor workshops and are dated from the last quarter of the 1st century BC to the first third of the 1st century AD. The primary creation of the motif, proposed by art historians as being an interpretation of the huge Hellenistic low relief friezes that decorated the Propylon of Miletus and the Temple of Athena at Pergamum, could hence lead one to attribute these to one of the more creative Asia Minor workshops rather than to an Italian one. Their export and the consecutive production in skilled provincial workshops are well attested, at least from the 20’s of the 1st century AD on. 99 A further and quite interesting piece of information about another artifact, set into the Egyptian-made lamps of the British Museum cata-
99 Cf. Bailey 1988, 58, fig. 68, quoting Pomos in Cyprus – a Micro-Asiatic lamp – and Luni in Italy – a central Italian lamp – for lamps from contexts excavated in the ‘60s and the ‘70s.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 85
logue, 100 is that it was donated by a certain Mr. Virzi and supposedly came from Gela, Sicily. There are other original Italian lamps very similar to our fragment but, except for the fragment discovered in Vindonissa. 101 They are all without any provenance and can be found in the collection of the Museo Teatrale alla Scala, Milan, 102 in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, 103 and at the University Museum of Bonn. 104 The only parallel unearthed in Sicily is a perfect central Italian production, with very damaged discus, recently discovered at Monte Iato, adorned with a triangular handle-ornament with the careful depiction of a palmette. 105
M25. End of the fight between two gladiators: catalogue nos. 4–5
M26. Theatre mask: catalogue no. 93
The comedy mask with very delicate hairdressing, carefully parted in the middle of the top is reproduced on lamps of Loeschcke types IV and VIII first by Italian, then by African lamp-makers. The motif can be found among Caius Iunius Draco’s repertoire. 108
M27. Erotic scene (1): catalogue no. 29 On his knees, a man leans with his left hand on the bed while he holds his left hand the leg of his lover.
This scene, created in Italy to adorn lamps of Loeschcke type I, like our lamp and our fragment became very popular on provincial made lamps of Loeschcke types I, IV and V, mainly manufactured in Africa and in the Rhine Valley. 106 A very closely related lamp has been unearthed at Lipari, though this example maintains the original central Italian elegance for the rendering of the scene. 107 100 D. M. Bailey considers Q 1885 a perfectly preserved lamp, as an Alexandrine production, cf. Bailey 1988, 233, pl. 32. 101 Leibundgut 1977, 170, pl. 43 (motif 231). 102 Bessi & Moncini 1980, 67, no. 58, pl. VIII. 103 Rosenthal & Sivan 1977, 24 no. 68. 104 Hübinger 1993, 115, no. 212, pl. 27. 105 Käch 2006, 192, no. 991, pl. 19. 106 Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 233 (motif M91); Bussière 2000, 184 (motif II.c.1.8); Cahn 2009, 333–334 (motif 109); discussion on E492 to E 494: Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 107, 248; Bussière & Lindros Wohl 2017, 84, no. 108. 107 Bernabò Brea & Cavalier, 1965, 340 (no. 29), no. 22, pl. 228.
The woman, knees bent, lays her right hand on the bed. This very rare scene is a central Italian motif made to adorn lamps of Loeschke type I, soon copied by Rhine Valley workshops to adorn a very small series of lamps of Loeschke types I and IV. 109
M28. Erotic scene (2): catalogue no. 120 On his knees, a man leans with his right hand on the bed while he lays his left hand on the back of his lover. The woman, knees bent, lays her right hand on a pillow while holding her left arm between her legs. This motif saw an inverse level of diffusion in 108 Cf. Bussière 2000, 191 (motif II.e.2.3), with exhaustive list of parallels. 109 Leibundgut 1977, 162–163 (motif 174); Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 238–239 (motif 136).
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86 | Laurent Chrzanovski imported African lamp without any potter signature has been found in a tomb at Contrada Lannari (province of Caltanissetta). 112
M30. Ibex running rightwards: catalogue no. 63–65
comparison to the previous one: born in Italy on Loeschcke type I lamps, it was quickly reproduced on the same type of lamps by the Rhine Valley workshops, while it is absent from Spain and Africa, where it appears much later, in Tunisia, Loeschcke type VIII lamps. 110
M29. Small lioness running leftwards: catalogue no. 118
On the original depiction, the lioness is recognizable by its udders and bears a delicate collar. The scene is well attested on the same type of lamps (Bussière type D.X.2), from Mauretania to Tripolitania, and was unknown until today outside Africa. 111 Among the workshops known to have this scene in their repertoire, we mainly find the marks CAPRARI and PVLLAENORV, as well as AGRI, belonging to three African lamp-makers active from 175 to 225 AD. A perfectly-made, intact,
110 Cf. Leibundgut 1977, 163, pl. 38 (motif 178); discussion on lamps Q1081, Q924 and Q835: Bailey 1980, 67; Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 236–237, pl. 14 (motif 130); Cahn 2009, 352 (motif 176a); Bussière 2000, 193 (motif II.f.2 8), with complete list of 2nd and 3rd c. AD African variants; Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 153 (motif M188). 111 Cf. Bussière 2000, no. 3243, p. 359 and pl. 89; discussions and list of parallels: motif III.a.2. (1), p. 196.
The running ibex is one of the most appreciated animal motifs of Africa, even if it was scarcely diffused in the Roman world, being copied locally only in southern Gaul and Spain. It appears mostly on lamps made in Tunisia and in Tripolitania. 113 If, compared to other inhabitants of the African desert, this mammal appears on the medallions of lamps later than others – it is first encountered at the end of the 1st century AD – it enjoys an unusual popularity. It is reproduced almost identically for more than four centuries, its last representations being witnessed on African lamps of the 6th century AD. On lamps of the same type as our specimen with heart-shaped nozzle, signatures are infrequent, but one can nevertheless associate the theme with the workshops of QMARCI and MDATI, both Tunisian, and both active from 175 to 225 AD. Though many lamps with identical iconography and type have been discovered in Tripolitania, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco. They were also produced in Spain and in Sicily. We can cite only two parallels in Sicily: the first, discovered in a hypogeum in the necropolis of Vigna Cassia 114 and the second, at Lilibaeum. 115
112 Panvini 2002b, 242–243, no. 7, fig. 6. 113 Discussion on Q1699, 1706–1707, cf. Bailey 1988, 71; Bussière 2000, 198–199 (motif III.a.7.6), with list of parallels. 114 Vitale 1998, 401 and note 19. 115 Di Stefano 1975, 206, no. 5, pl. 55:4, 56:2.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 87
M31. Bear bouncing rightwards: catalogue no. 84
IV, discovered at Arles and at Alesia. The fragmentary piece found at Arles has the most accurate rendering. 117 Our fragments are too small to ascertain to which type they belonged, and a revival of this appreciated animal scene (or a mirroring of the previous one) is not to be excluded on Loeschcke type VIII lamps made in Africa.
M33. Wild pig on m very delicately rendered vegetation: catalogue no. 28
This powerful, hairy pair of paws correspond to the extremely popular depiction of the bear pouncing rightwards. This scene is among the most popular within the motifs representing an animal alone. 116 Its birth is certainly attributed to Italian workshops and quickly imitated by their counterparts in Africa, the Rhine Valley and Gaul. The popularity of the bear leads to the reproduction of the animal for more than three centuries, from lamps belonging to Loeschcke type IA up to Loeschcke type VIII. Among the artifacts framed within this last type, the most popular signatures, when we can read one, are without a doubt the ones of Caius Clodius Successus and of Caius Oppius Restitutus, both owners of a central Italian workshop and of an African filial, active between 80/90 to 140 AD and 80 to 160 AD, respectively.
M32. Bear running leftwards: catalogue nos. 114–115
Contrary to the previous scene, this one is known to us on only two Italian lamps of Loeschcke type 116 For the huge number of analogies, cf. Bailey 1980, 73–74; Bailey 1988, 69; Bussière 2000, 196–197 (motif III.a.3 1); Bémont & Chew 2007, 243, pl. 37, GA 62, p. 125 (motif D 216); Cahn 2009, 358 (motif 200); discussion on E295: Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 122–123 and Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 162 (motif M209).
Our discus belonging to a lamp of Loeschcke type IV is another unicum found at Acrae. Looking certainly more like a wild pig rather than a white boar, with its hair depicted only on its back and with very small teeth, the animal stands in left profile on a carefully rendered soil line, being surrounded by very tiny flourishing plants full of leaves. If the clay and slip exclude an Alexandrine or Micro-Asiatic production, the origin of the scene could very well be from the Egyptian metropolis. Two main reasons led us to this hypothesis: on the one hand, Alexandria innovated with eclectic themes like the cooking of pork – a very delicate and impure task if not properly done – that were very in vogue before seducing Italy and, on the other hand, contrary to the rest of the Mediterranean, Egypt was a province where only a variety of wild pigs could be hunted, while wild boars never had been able to live in such a warm area without any forests.
117 Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 162 (motif M210).
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88 | Laurent Chrzanovski
M34. Standing bull, looking rightwards: catalogue no. 102
Our discus-fragment, like many African renderings of this motif, presents a very rough variant of a very well-known representation: the standing elegant horse or bull, a motif witnessed on Loeschcke IV lamps made in Africa since the second half of the 1st century AD and then on all kind of Loeschcke type VIII lamps, all around the southern Mediterranean shores. Considered first as a depiction of a horse among poorly detailed Tunisian productions, more than a few scholars, among them Jean Bussière, prefer to consider the African blurred motif as a standing bull, according to the affinities with carefully made contemporary eastern Mediterranean productions. 118
M35. Deer running leftwards: catalogue no. 116 The running deer is one of the most common motifs within the wild mammals’ repertoire, no matter if heading rightwards or – a little more seldom – leftwards, as in our case. It can be found in almost all Roman provinces and on all types of discus lamps, from early Italian Loeschcke I to Italian and provincial Loeschke types IV, V, and VIII, the last examples of the latter type being produced until the 4th century AD at least. On Loeschcke type VIII lamps made in Italy and Africa, it is associated with the marks CCLOSVC, BASSA, LMADIEC, CLOHEL, MVNTREPT, and COPPIRES – the workshops (Italian and African) of Caius Oppius Resti-
118 Cf. discussion and list of parallels, produced mainly in Africa, but also in Iberia and by the Rhine Valley workshops, in Bussière 2000, 202 (motif III.a.12.1).
tutus (active from 90 to 140 AD) are quantitatively the most common. 119
M36. Rabbit running leftwards: catalogue no. 85
We recognize the very carefully rendered ear of the classical scene depicting a rabbit or a hare bouncing to the left from a tree situated on the right part of the discus. This motif 120 was very popular: originating from Italy and Africa, a possible creation of Lucius Munatius Adiectus and Caius Oppius Restitutus – both owners of a central Italian workshop and of an African filial and active respectively from 90 to 140 AD/from 80 to 160 AD, the scene was then copied in Gaul on both types of lamps where it is reproduced by its creators: Loeschcke types V and VIII.
119 For a complete list of bibliography including references with further lists of analogies, cf. Bussière 2000, 198 (motif III.a.7 3), with further parallels in Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 163 (motif M.213). 120 Bussière 2000, 199 (motif III.a.8.4), with list of parallels, completed in Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 168 (motif M227).
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 89
M37. Rabbit running rightwards: catalogue no. 81
M39. Bird on a branch (1): catalogue no. 103 The bird on a branch is one of the most popular zoomorphic motifs known: here, we face the African-preferred variant: the bird, his left wing spread, standing on a myrtle branch and picking fruit, born in Gaul, Africa and Iberia and inspired by a previous Italian-made variant of the motif
This scene is quite rare, and produced exclusively on Loeschcke type IV and VIII lamps by some of the best Italian lamp-makers like Caius Oppius Restitutus (active from 80 to 160 AD) – like our fragment – and then re-shaped, sometimes in a stylistically naïve way, by several African workshops like the ones with the marks Caius Cornelius Ursus (active from 150 to 180 AD) and the very prolific Marcus Novius Iustus (active from 120 to 180 AD). 121
M38. Naïvely depicted rabbit looking rightwards: catalogue no. 82
Our fragment, one of the most carefully rendered known, is part of a rarely represented motif, present on some eclectic African lamps, on which the few marks known are LFEDISEC (African workshop active during the first half of the 2nd century AD), and CLOSVC, owner of a central Italian workshop and of an African filial, active between from 80/90 to 140 AD. 122 121 Cf. Bussière 2000, 199 (motif III.a.8.1), with list of parallels, including one found in Lipari. 122 Cf. Bussière 2000, 199 (motif III.a.8.3), mentioning Algerian, Tunisian and Sardinian findspots.
where the bird stands in the same position on an olive branch. 123 A complete lamp with an identical bird was found at Acium (province of Caltanissetta). 124 It bears the stamped mark of the Tripolitanian lamp maker Caius Cornelius Ursus, active between 130 and 200 AD.
M40. Bird – peacock? – on a branch (2): catalogue no. 104
Our second fragment, with an elongated geometrically rendered tail, could perhaps be a new kind of African rendering of another well-known variant 123 Discussion on, cf. Bailey 1988, 81–82; Bussière 2000, 205 (motif III.b.6 2); Bémon & Chew 2007, 146 (motif D 282); Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 180, 182– 183, discussion; Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 180 (motif M259). 124 Amari 2006, 135, no. 18b.
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90 | Laurent Chrzanovski of the ‘bird on a branch’: the peacock with folded tail on a pomegranate branch, rendered with a spread wing imitating the bird of the previous composition, making a major change if compared to the 1st century Italian originals and their imitations made in southern Gaul, all ornamenting earlier lamp types. 125
found in Sicily is preserved in the Museum of Catania. 130
M42. Palm tree: catalogue no. 55 (lamp with mark CIVNDRAC) and no. 56
M41. Dolphin swimming rightwards in front of a rudder: catalogue nos. 105–107
This scene, with many differences in the rendering – mainly of the fish’s tail and the rudder – has been widely produced by African manufactures, mainly by Iunius Alexis, Caius Iunius Draco and Marcus Novius Iustus. 126 For additional lamps recently found in Sardinia, see the two lamps found at the harbour of Olbia. 127 In Sicily, an intact lamp marked CIVNDRAC has been found in a grave at Lannari near Caltanissetta. 128 Dated to the 2nd century AD, it looks, in all its aspects, very near to our first lamp, and could also be part of a counterfeited group. On the contrary, a Tunisian original contextually dated to the 2nd – 3rd century AD, similar to our second fragment and made from a brand-new mould was found in a grave of the eastern necropolis of Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta), together with a second lamp from the same lamp maker. 129 Finally, a third lamp
125 For productions fitting the traditional rendering, cf. Bussière 2000, 205 (motif III.b.5.2); Bémont & Chew 2007, 146 (motif D 281), Chrzanovski & Djaoui 2018, 18 (motif M 270). 126 Cf. Bussière 2000, 200 (motif 3.a.9.7), with productions to be found from Tripolitania to Mauretania and from southern Iberia to southern Gaul, as well as in Sardinia and in Lipari. 127 Sanciu 2011, 190, 192, without number and pl. 3:1, p. 193, marked AVFFRON; no. 1092, p. 198 and fig. 6:3, p. 199, marked CIVNDRAC. 128 Panvini 2002b, 241, no. 1, fig. 1. 129 Lauricella 2002, 184–185, no. 6, figs. 7–8a,b.
Both our lamps constitute a unicum due to their discus ornament, allowing us to add the palm tree as an additional motif to the extremely rich repertoire of the discus adornments used by the workshops of Caius Iunius Draco. As a matter of fact, the only near parallel for type and dimensions, but where the two bottom branches have been replaced by two date clusters, ornamenting two lamps found in Pollentia (nowadays Alcudia, Mallorca), both marked with a stamped leaf on its base. 131 Except on very eclectic, later Algerian productions, 132 we will have to wait the late antique floruit of African Terra Sigillata lamps of Hayes type II (Atlante X a.s.o) to see the floruit of the palm tree as an extremely popular central decoration of lamps.
M43. Myrtle crown: catalogue no. 76
Among the innumerable representations of the myrtle wreath (corona obsidionalis), the rendering 130 Libertini 1930, 275, no. 1303, pl. CXXIV. 131 Palanques 1992, 82–83, 225, 228, no. 595, pl. 19; no. 627, pl. 22. 132 Cf. Busssière 2000, motifs IV.d.1. (1–3), all without parallels.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 91
of our specimen, where the wreath seems to define the area of the filling hole, is an adaptation of the African workshops on Loeschcke type VIII of a theme developed originally on lamps of Loeschcke types I and IV by Italian lamp-makers, soon followed by southern Gaulish workshops. 133
seamen’s personal lamps of the 200 AD shipwreck of Plemmirio, near Syracuse. 138
M45. Two palm leaves: catalogue no. 83
M44. Two oak leaves: catalogue nos. 122–125
We observe here the very common motif known as the ‘two palm branches’. This expression, used by Donald M. Bailey 134 in comparison with other standard decorative patterns clearly inspired by palms, is not fully satisfactory to us. We prefer to interpret it as two oak leaves, a decorative pattern also bearing a strong symbolic significance, as the oak is the tree of Jupiter and its leaves, as well as its acorns, represent fidelity, loyalty, strength, majesty and durability. 135 According to D. M. Bailey the pattern is extremely common on standard North African Loeschcke VIII lamps, mainly signed AGRI, LVCCEI and LVCCI, MAVRICI, QMARCI or PVLLAENI, all late Antonine and Severan period potters, whose productions are to be found all around the western Mediterranean, from Libya to Sardinia, Sicily, southern France, Spain, Portugal, Morocco and Algeria. 136 In Sicily, an intact lamp of this kind was found at the aqueduct collector of Bigini in Selinunte, near Castelvetrano. 137 A second one, marked IVNDRA, was discovered among the 133 discussion of the theme, cf. Bailey 1980, 88; Bailey 1988, 89; Bussière 2000, 210–211, motifs included in theme IV.b.5. (2); Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 140, discussion of the theme. 134 Bailey 1980, 79. 135 Guillaume-Coirier 1993. 136 Cf. Bailey 1988, 92; Bussière 2000, 211–212 (motif IV.c.2.1) and further parallels on the Ampurias-found African imports in Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 298 (discussions on E800, E782), 318 (E 904), 332 (E988). 137 Fiorelli 1885, 292, lamp illustrated on fig. 10.
The motif of the two curved palms appears timidly on lamps of Loeschcke types IV and V, before becoming one of the most popular vegetal ornaments on discuses adorning lamps of Loeschcke type VIII. Most of the original lamps of this type came from the great workshops of central Italy and Tunisia, 139 evidence attested by the presence of marks on the majority of known copies, before being copied throughout the Empire. The Italian productions, in any case, but also the apex of African productions, are in line with the dating proposed by Bailey, to be situated between 90 and 140 AD. Among the most popular marks found on the lamps of Loeschcke type VIII, we notice the acronyms of the Italian lamp-maker Gabinius Mercator (GABMERC), the Italian lamp-maker with an African filial Caius Oppius Restitutus (COPPIRES), and the prolific African Marcus Novius Iustus (MNOVIVST).
M46. Two almost vertical palm leaves: catalogue no. 109 Exactly as the precedent motif, the ornament of our artifact is massively produced mostly by central Italian and African lamp-makers, and only on Loeschcke type VIII lamps of the 2nd century AD. 140 We can also cite an additional, 138 Gibbins 1989, 18–19, no. 4, fig. 14:1. 139 Cf. Bailey 1980, 88 and 320–321 (Q 1262), pl. 65; Bussière 2000, 212 (motif IV.c.2. 3). 140 Cf. Bussière 2000, 212 (motif IV.c.2. 3); Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 310–312, discussion and new parallels on E876.
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92 | Laurent Chrzanovski identical lamp recently found in Sardinia, at the harbour of Olbia. 141
M47. Rosette of four vertical palm leaves: catalogue no. 121
Peninsula and from the Rhine limes to Africa. 144 The parallels are innumerable and the rendering is found, identical, on most of the produced types of Imperial discus-lamps: Loeschcke types I, IV, V and VIII.
M49. Rosette with 10 petals: catalogue nos. 86–89 (Loeschcke type VIII and fragments) and no. 43 (Bonifay type 2, 1st series)
Contrary to the precedent representation, the small rendering adorning our fragment shows a small vertical palm which could better fit one of the rare compositions made of four such palms diametrically disposed on the discus, alternating with four small pistils, starting from the fill-hole. 142 We find many similarities with a lamp found in a tomb in the necropolis of Tipasa, ornamented with an identical shoulder-decoration – the main difference being a variation of the palm rendering, bearing the mark CHELIAN, belonging to an African workshop active from 175 to 225 AD. 143
M48. Rosette with four pointed petals: catalogue no. 110 The four-petalled rosette will seduce all the western Roman provinces, from Italy to the Iberian
141 Sanciu 2011, 206, no. 1208 and fig. 10:1, p. 207, marked LMADIEC. 142 Cf. Bussière 2000, 208 (motif IV.a.2.6). 143 Bussière 2000, 347, no. 3057, pl. 84.
Discus decorated with a 10 petals rosette, the centre of which is constituted by the fill-hole. This iconography adorning lamps of Loeschcke type VIII is mainly a regional specialty of Tunisian originals – some Central Italian manufacturers continuing also to produce it, imitating a pattern born in Italy as soon as Tiberius’ reign, with the first wave of Loeschcke IB/C and soon reproduced by workshops situated in all the western part of the Empire, on lamps of Loeschcke types I, IV, V and VIII. Less popular than the following 12 petals rosette, a 144 For the most complete lists of analogies and bibliography, cf. Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 272 pls. 48, 62 (motif 235); Bailey 1988, 160–161, discussion on Q 1529; Bussière 2000, 207 (motif IV.a.2. 4); Bémont 2002, 107 (motif D174); Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 316, discussion on E 896.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 93
specific ornament of an African type of its own (cf. next motif), the 10 petals rosette is, as mentioned, mostly witnessed on African lamps made in Africa Proconsularis, the main potters signing productions with this vegetal pattern being Iunius Alexis and Caius Iunius Draco. 145
M51. Concentric petals on almost all the discus: catalogue nos. 16–17
M50. Rosette with 12 petals: catalogue nos. 112–113
Discus decorated with a 12 petals rosette, the centre of which is rendered by a raised circle, on the middle of which the fill-hole is pierced. The discus is defined by two rings in relief. The lamp is a regional counterfeit of Tunisian originals. The very numerous small, raised dots resulting from oxygen bubbles remaining in the mould clearly indicate a quick and careless over-moulding procedure of a Tunisian-made original. This ornament is very well attested, as all lamps bearing this ornament belong to Bonifay type 5, a not so accurate group of lamps if compared to its predecessors, dated between the second half of the 2nd and the first third of the 3rd century AD, most of them being signed in incised letters with the marks AVGENDI, LVCCEI and MAVRICI. 146 A complete lamp with this motif was found in the eastern necropolis of Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta). 147
This motif, with different number of petals (from 14 to more than 20) is very common on lamps of early Loeschcke type IA. Like our two fragments, it is predominantly made by central Italian and Asia Minor lamp-makers before being copied in well Romanized provinces like Gallia Narbonensis, Baetica and Africa Proconsularis, and will survive on later lamps of Loeschcke types III, IV, V, and VIII, made in central Italy as well as in the provinces, mainly in Africa. 148
M52. Concentric sunbeams starting from one or more raised circles surrounding the fill-hole: catalogue no. 111
This rendering of a very early motif, appearing already on Augustan lamps of Loeschcke type 145 Bussière 2000, 208 (motif IV.a.5.3); for other provinces and further bibliography, Cf. Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 274 and pl. 21 (motif 239); Cahn 2009, 370 (motif 256); Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, 286 discussion on E 735. 146 Cf. Bonifay 2004, 322, 323, nos. 1–2, fig. 180; Joly 1977, 121, no. 293, pl. XII; cf. also a list of analogies in Bussière 2000, 208–209 (motif IV.a.5.5). 147 Lauricella 2002, 182, no. 1.
148 Cf. Bussière 2000, motives IV.a.5. (7–13), references and parallels for his type B.I; Cahn 2009, motif 261, p. 371 and a list of the most recent parallels – all of Loeschcke IA – in Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, cf. discussions on the Ampurias lamps E31, E34, E50, E51, pp. 168–170, in the same book, cf. the main discussion and parallels for the motif on other types, pp. 135–140.
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94 | Laurent Chrzanovski I made in central Italy, gave birth to provincial renderings, mainly on Loeschcke types IV, V and VIII made in almost all Mediterranean and Rhine provinces. Our fragment has to be set within an immense series of mainly Italian and – less so – African, Loeschcke type VIII adorned with the same motif, equally rendered either with undecorated shoulder or with some half ovules we can observe on a small part of our fragment. We can add that the ‘banality’ of this very popular pattern has not attracted the attention of most scholars, making it difficult to establish a list of parallels. 149 A complete lamp with this motif, adorned with wine leaves on the shoulder, was found in the eastern necropolis of Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta). 150
M53. Concentric sunbeams on the external part of the undercoated discus: catalogue no. 90
This composition on a Loeschcke VIII is extremely rare, as, before being excluded from the discus and joining the patterns used to adorn the inner part of the shoulder, it is generally associated with a main motif on the discus or with lamps bearing a myrtle crown on their shoulder and a raised omphalos on the centre of the discus, surrounding the fill-hole. We can propose here a local imitation of a typical pattern found in Italian and African lamps, but without any further decoration, the same phenomenon we have met for a series of lamps of Loeschcke type IV, all made by early 2nd century AD workshops located in southern Gaul. 151 A complete lamp with this motif, with a 149 Cf. all parallels quoted by Bussière 2000, 213, motif V.a.1 (2); Cahn 2009, 372–373, motif 273; Casas i Genover & Soler i Fusté 2006, discussion on p. 144. 150 Lauricella 2002, 182, no. 2. 151 Bémont 2002, 167–168, nos. 178–179 and motif D197, p. 113.
much more concave discus and bearing the mark CIVNDRAC, has been found in the necropolis of Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta). 152
Copyright M1. Discus of a central Italian Loeschcke VIII lamp preserved at the Ermitage (Waldhauer 1914, no. 284, pl. 19) M2. Discus with a bust of Athena Promachos (Böttger 2002, no. 26, pl. 9) M3. Discus of the lamp with two winged Cupids (re-elaboration by the author of the discus of Jean Bussière's and Birgitta Lindros Wohl image (Bussière & Wohl 2017), with the Authorization of Late Jean Bussière and Birgitta Lindros Wohl) M4. Discus of a central Italian Loeschcke type IV (re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M5. Discus of the lamp of Sabratha (Joly 1977, no. 381, pl. 14) M6. Discus details of the lamp found at Carthage (left) and of one of Faustus’ lamps (right) (left: Deneauve 1969, no. 312, pl. 37; right: Bailey Q1887: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M7. Our fragment no. 79 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M8. Discus of our lamp no.1 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M9. Discus of our intact lamp no. 47 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M10. Discus of our lamp no. 53 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M11. Discus of our lamp no. 54 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M12. Fragment no. 94 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M13. Discus of our lamp no.13 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M14. Our fragment no. 6 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) and possible inspiration. M15. Two discus parts of our fragmentary lamp compared to the perfectly-made discus of a Central Italian Loeschcke IV with short nozzle (Bailey 1980, Q869: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey). In blue,
152 Lauricella 2002, 184, no. 7 and figs. 10a,b, p. 185.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 95
the discus parts matching both lamps taking into account the difference of quality M16. Discus of the African Loeschcke VIII with mark CIVNDRAC (Heres 1972, no. 266, pl. 32) M17. Discus of our lamp no. 78 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M18. Discus of our lamp no. 127 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M19. Discus of a lamp marked COPPIRES found at Tipasa (Bussière 2000, no. 2273) M20. Our fragment no. 97 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M21. Discus of an intact African Loeschcke type VIII lamp bought in Italy and preserved in the Ermitage (Waldhauer 1914, no. 265 and pl. 28) M22. Discus of a Loeschcke VIII lamp marked CIVNDRAC (Bailey Q1680: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M23. A similar, not identical discus of an African lamp of Loeschcke type VIII marked CCORVRS (Heres 1972, no. 275, pl. 33) M24. Discus of the lamp discovered at Monte Iato (Käch 2006, no. 991, pl. 19) M25. Discus of our complete lamp no. 4 and the positioning of the fragment no. 5 on it (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M26. Our fragment no. 93 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M27. Drawing of a discus with erotic scene (Goethert-Polaschek 1985, 239, M136) M28. Original well-depicted the scene on a discus of an earlier Loeschcke IV lamp found in the Rhône at Arles (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering) M29. Discus of an African Loeschcke VIII marked CIVNDRAC (Heres 1972, no. 284, pl. 35) M30. Discus of an African lamp made from a used mould, found at Tharros (Baley 1988, Q1699: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M31. Our fragment no. 84, situated on the discus of an Italian Loeschcke VIII lamp (Bailey 1988, Q1290: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey, © Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M32. Fragment found in the underwater harbor garbage at Arles (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering) M33. Discus of our fragmentary lamp no. 28 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M34. Discus of a Loeschcke type VIII lamp made and fund in Ephesos (Bailey 1988, Q3085: re-elab-
oration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M35. Discus of the Italian lamp of Loeschcke type VIII with the mark COPPIRES (Bailey 1980, Q 1263: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M36. Discus of an over-moulded production made in southern Gaul, found in the Rhône river (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering) M37. Discus of lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, marked CCORVR (Kricheldorf 1962, no. 141, pl. 17) M38. Our fragment no. 82 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M39. Our fragment no. 103 positioned on the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII found at Carthage (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai; Bailey 1988, Q3032, pl. 99) M40. Original Italian peacock on a discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type IV copied in Gaul, found at Arles in the underwater harbour dump (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering) M41. Discus of an African lamp of Loeschcke type VIII (Heres 1972, no. 276, pl. 33) M42. Discus of our lamp no. 42 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M43. Discus of the Gaulish-made Loeschcke IV found during the AR3 underwater excavations at Arles (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering) M44. Our fragment no. 123 on the discus of Oristano-found lamp marked EXOFFAT|ILI (African workshop dated 175–225 AD), presenting the same imperfections – bubbles from the oxygen left in the plaster mould (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai; Bailey 1980, Q6596: re-elaboration by the author of the discus of D. M. Bailey image (Bailey 1988), with the Authorization of Late D. M. Bailey) M45. Our fragment no. 83 on the discus of a Carthage-found lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserved in Budapest (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai; Szentléleky 1969, no. 158) M46. Discus of the Central Italian lamp of Loeschcke type VIII marked SVCCESSI (Bailey 1988, Q3032, pl. 99) M47. Discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VII with the mark CHELIAN, found in the necropolis of Tipasa (Sapelli 1979, no. 199, pl. 20) M48. Discus of a Loeschcke IV lamp found in the underwater harbour dump at Arles (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering)
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96 | Laurent Chrzanovski M49. Discus of our lamp no. 43 (elongated Bonifay type 2, 1st series (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M50. Our fragment no. 113, typical on lamps of Bonifay type 5 (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) M51. Discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type IA (Cahn 2009, 372) M52. Discus of a fragmentary lamp belonging to Loeschcke type IV or V, made in south Gaul, found
during the AR3 underwater excavations (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering) M53. Discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type IV made in south Gaul and found during the AR3 underwater excavations (© Musée départemental Arles antique/L. Chrzanovski for the rendering)
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 97
Epigraphic index AN(C?)[HIA?]: 1 lamp, catalogue no. 80 The mark ANCHIA or NANCHIA – for N. Anchia(li), according to Sotgiu, 153 who numbered 16 finds in Africa, 6 in Italy and four in Sicily, all in the Palermo Museum – is quite rare, but sufficiently well attested to be defined by Bussière as a belonging to a Tunisian workshop active from the end of the Flavian dynasty to the beginning of Antonine rule. 154 If lamps of this manufacture are more numerous in Africa, it has been shown that they are not rare in Italy, demonstrating a quality export, as the imported lamps found, for instance, in Sardinia, show a much more accurate signature, exactly like ours, made in relief into an incused box, while the examples from Algeria bear only incised marks of this workshop. 155
CIVNDRAC: 12 lamps, catalogue nos. 44, 50–55, 57–61 Caius Iunius Draco is one of the most prolific lampmakers, active between 120 and 200 AD, with at least two main workshops in Africa Proconsularis (one in actual Tunisia and one in Tripolitania), had most probably subsidiary workshops also in Mauritania. 156
IVNIALEXI: 3 lamps, catalogue nos. 46–47, 49 Caius Iunius Alexis was, with Marcus Novius Iustus, second only to Caius Iunius Draco for the quantity of the exports of his workshops, located certainly in Africa Proconsularis and active from around 120 AD with latest productions witnessed
153 Sotgiu 1968, 30–31. 154 Bussière 2000, 215. 155 Cf. the latest discussion on this potter in: Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 46 with all the available bibliography. 156 Cf. Sotgiu 1968, 74–77; Bailey 1988, 98; Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 49–50 with all the available bibliography; cf. further discussions on this potter on the articles dedicated exclusively to his productions: Corzo Sánchez 1982a; Corzo Sánchez 1982b; Haley 1990.
around 210 AD, as proven from the excavations led in Benghazi. 157
Θ (?)EO/AΓΥ: 1 lamp, catalogue no. 34 Agyrios was a very active lamp producer from the second half of the 1st to first half of the 2nd century AD. Argyrios’ products reached all the south-eastern Sicilian micro-regions, as shown by two monographic studies dedicated to his workshop and to the family of ceramists founded by the most attested person, Proklos Agyrios – ΑΓΥ being witnessed on all the signatures known, from ΠΘΟΚ/ΑΓΥΘ to ΠΘΟΚ/ΑΓΥ to ΑΓΥΘ[ΙΟ] Υ or simply ΑΓΥ (and maybe also the author of the few lamps marked A, found in Sofiana’s necropolis) all considered as being shortenings of Proklos Agyrios, the founder of a family of ceramicists based in Catania, with lamps found in southeastern Sicily, without mentioning all the lamps preserved in the Museums of Catania and Syracuse, catalogued by Maria Grazia Branciforti. 158 We can add to the abovementioned corpus a number of lamps illustrated in the exhibition catalogue dedicated to this area, showing its presence at Bitalemi 159 and Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta) 160 as well as at Contrada Lannari (province of Caltanissetta). 161 Our base seems an absolute novelty, as it has certainly been made by a yet unknown a member of the Argyrios’ family, as it cannot be found in lists elaborated through the years by different scholars. 162 The founder of the workshop is Προκλος, who was followed by three known lamp makers, direct family members or newly freed liberti, named Γαιος, Πουπλιυς (which is believed to have himself a son with the same name), and Σεβερος. 163 All these Hellenized versions of Roman names (Proclus, Caius, Publius, Severus) 157 Sotgiu 1968, 70–74; Bailey 1985, 75; cf. the latest discussion on this potter in Casas i Genover & Soler Fusté 2006, 46 with all the available bibliography. 158 Branciforti 1992. 159 Panvini 2002a, 70, nos. 27, 59–61. 160 Lauricella 2002, 133–135. 161 Panvini 2002b, 241–242, no. 3, pp. 247–248, no. 28, p. 256, no. 56. 162 Cf. Bailey 1988, 104; Branciforti 1992; Manganaro 2003. 163 Manganaro 2003.
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98 | Laurent Chrzanovski are typical in Sicily, where they find their roots in a deeply Hellenized culture. Seeing the well witnessed names and the distinctive second raw, clearly indicates that it has been crafted by one of the Argyrios’ family workshops. The incised signature on our base fragment has two possible clues of interpretation. The ‘easy’ but not so convincing interpretation considers the inscription as being made by a very tired or poorly literate worker, unable to write correctly the abbreviation used by Severos’ manufacture, ΣΕΒ, with an unreadable sigma, a nice epsilon and an unreadable beta. The ‘tempting’ interpretation would be to see the first evidence of a new member of the family, with a divinity-linked original Greek name, by reading the first rank letters as ΘΕΟ. We would hence obtain, as examples, Theodotou, Theologou or Theodorou the last being used often by several mid-1st and 2nd century AD lamp-makers based in Cyprus, Antioch on the Orontes, Alexandria, Palmyra and many other cities of the Levant. 164 In those areas, we witnessed lots of thetas rendered this way, while decomposed/badly made alpha or omicron have different renderings.
164 Oziol 1977, 184–185.
Furthermore, this very name, Θεόδωρος, whose Latin version became popular only during late antiquity, was attested already in Sicily, at the highest level, before and during Roman rule: the very procurator of the island under Augustus was a Tarsus-born member of the Roman élite, as we know thanks to an anecdote mentioned by of Plutarch in his ‘Sayings of Kings and Commanders’, a booklet within the Moralia (III, 207, 5): ν δὲ Σικελίᾳ Ἄρειον ἀντὶ Θεοδώρου κατέστησε διοικητήν · ἐπιδόντος δέ τινος αὐτῷ βιβλίον, ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένον ἦν, φαλακρὸς ἢ κλέπτης Θεόδωρος Ταρσεύς τί σοι δοκεῖ; ἀναγνοὺς C Ὑαῖσαρ ὑπέγραψε, ‘δοκεῖ In Sicily he appointed Areius procurator in place of Theodorus; and when someone handed him a paper on which was written, ‘Theodorus of Tarsus is a bald-pate or a thief; what opinion do you have?’ Caesar, having read it, wrote underneath, ‘It is my opinion.’ 165 (F. C. Babbitt (edition and translation), Plutarch: Moralia, Volume III (Loeb Classical Library 245), Cambridge 1931).
165 Plut. Mor. III.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 99
Catalogue The following is a catalogue of lamps recorded in Akrai, compiled in accordance with the rules observed in previous publications of archaeological material from this site. Abbreviations: inv. no. – inventory number; A – hectare/are/square; B – stratum; C – preserved length; D – diameter of disc; E – width; F – thickness; G – Fabric; H – Munsell colour chart
Derivatives of Dressel type 4a/ prototypes of Loeschcke type IA, early form (40 BC–35 AD) No. 1 Inv. no. AK16/II/4–250 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 11.80cm; E. 7.30cm G. fine clay, no slip; very low density of fine grain limestone H. 2.5YR 5/3 (reddish brown); core: 10R 5/8 (red)
Extremely interesting piece, comporting mixed characteristics belonging to lamps of the Dressel type 4a category, such as the flat nozzle without side-volutes, while the discus rim is identical to the one present on lamps of the early and canonical Loeschcke type IA; the applied handle as well as the small conical-shaped nozzle linking the discus to the beginning of the nozzle being typical of both types. Nozzle ending lost, base lost as well as a huge portion of the right shoulder and of the right part of the discus; small part of upper right side of the discus lost. As far as the motif is concerned, Victoria standing on a globe (cf. motif M8) her shield, as on the quoted parallels, was adorned by an incised inscription made by the potter before
firing. Alas unreadable on our artifact, it should, as it was conventional, be an abbreviation of OB CIVES SERVATUS, rendered, for instance, as OB SER on a lamp found in Algeria. Our artifact is almost certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: late 1st century BC–Tiberian times
No. 2 Inv. no. AK16/I/1c–118 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.1 C. 5.00cm; E. 3.20cm G. medium quality clay; clusters of fine grain limestone H. 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 4/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4/3 (reddish brown)
Fragment of discus with identical decoration (M8) to the precedent one, but without the certitude it belongs to the same type, as the same iconography is repeated with the same quality and rendering on Italian and then provincial lamps of Loeschcke types IA, IB/C and IV. Our artifact is almost certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 20 BC–80 AD
No. 3 Inv. no. AK16/I/10–220 A. XXIX/76/1 B. US.3 C. 3.70cm; E. 3.50cm;
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100 | Laurent Chrzanovski G. quite good quality clay; medium density of very fine grain mica; medium density of fine-medium and large grain limestone H. 10YR 7/3 (very pale brown); slip: 2.5YR 4/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4,2 (weak red)
Fragment of discus with, very probably, an identical decoration (M8) to the precedent example, with the same typo-chronological problems. Our artifact is almost certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 20 BC–80 AD
No. 4 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–158 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 3.40cm; E. 5.00cm G. good quality clay; well fired; high density of very fine grains of limestone and small density of very large grain limestone H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: 2.5YR 4/3 (reddish brown) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
central Italian lamps, found in the last years of excavations at Acrae. All the lamps found, exactly like this one, are made in regional clay and underline the Romanization of the workshops located in Syracuse as well in the neighbouring area, which reproduced massively and sometimes adapted, according to their taste, all the latest Republican types, i.e., Vogelkopflampen, Dressel 4a and Loeschcke I. 167 In our case, we can see some small bubbles, for instance under the right arm of the standing gladiator, witnessing residual small oxygen bubbles which remained in the mould due to the use of the over-moulding copy technique, i.e., making the matrix a from another lamp and not from an archetype. This widely used way, in regional workshops, to copy the most appreciated novelties produced in Italy and Asia Minor – types, details, discus ornaments – meant alas to lose the acuity of the details of the scene and resulted often in the remaining of residual oxygen bubbles born extracting the original lamp from the fresh mould. Once making a lamp with this mould, the bubbles will become small, rounded dots in relief, betraying the ‘counterfeited’ product. Our artifact is almost certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: layer dated from the 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: Early Augustan–Tiberian times
No. 5 Inv. no. AK15/I/43–514 A. XXIX/55/3; B. US.43 C. 5.00cm; E. 1.40cm G. good quality clay, with small medium-grained limestone inclusions, well-burned H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: 5 YR 4/3 (reddish brown)
Early Loeschcke type IA lamp, 166 with a flat base standing on a slowly raised base-ring, decorated with a gladiator scene (cf. motif M24). The lamp is almost intact exception made of the attached ribbon-handle as well as the final part of the nozzle, lost. This artifact belongs to a series of micro-regionally made rather fine imitations of
166 For a precise chronology of central Italian made lamps, cf. Bailey 1980, 132, type A.II.
167 Cf. Chrzanovski 2015, 239–245; Chrzanovski 2018.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 101
Small fragment of the shoulder and beginning of the handle of an early Loeschcke type IA lamp, in all points identical to the precedent artifact, from its clay and slip to its gladiatorial decoration (cf. motif M24). Our artifact is almost certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: fragment found within the filling of a cistern, among mixed materials dated from Late Hellenistic-Late Roman period Lychnological date: Early Augustan–Tiberian times
Lamps of Loeschcke type I B/C (10–40 AD) No. 7 Inv. no. AK17/I/53–113 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.53 C. 6.00cm; E. 7.10cm G. very low density of fine grain mica and limestone (possibly also crushed ceramic) H. 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 6/8 (light red) – 2.5YR 5/8 (light red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
Lamps of Loeschcke type IA. (40 BC–35 AD) No. 6 Inv. no. AK17/I/62–185 A. XXIX/76/2 B. US62 C. 7.20cm; E. 5.90cm G. low quality, medium grain clay; not well fired; high density of medium grain organic inclusion H. 5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow); slip: 5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
Almost entirely preserved discus of an early Loeschcke IA lamp, only its bottom being missing. All the rest of the lamp is lost. This artifact shows for the first time ever, as far as we could find out, a representation of a mythical hunting horseman on a lamp (cf. hypothesis and discussion on motif M14). Archaeological context and date: 3rd–2nd century BC; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: Early Augustan–Tiberian times
Average quality production. Fragment of the bottom part of a classical lamp of Loeschcke type B; flat base. The too small portion of the discus preserved, added to the huge combustion traces covering almost 70% of it, do not permit proposing any iconographic interpretation of the motif adorning it. Central Italian or Campanian or, less probably, Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD Lychnological date: 10–40 AD
No. 8 Inv. no. AK19/I/10–424 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.10 C. 8.30cm; E. 6.50cm G. low density of fine grain mica H. 7.5YR 4/6 (red); slip: (slightly washed off) 7.5R 3/1 (dark reddish grey)
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102 | Laurent Chrzanovski Fragment of upper side of the bottom part of a classical lamp of Loeschcke type B, adorned with two cupids (motif M4). Shoulder ornamented with a row of impressed half ovules. Very good quality production. Central Italian or Campanian import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 10–40 AD
Acanthus-leaf, green glazed handle, typical Campanian production.
No. 9 Inv. no. AK17/I/53–228 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.53 C. 5.20cm; E. 3.60cm G. very good quality clay; well fired; very low density of very fine grain mica; single grains of organic inclusion H. 2.5YR 6/6 (light red); slip: 5YR 5/4 (reddish brown) – 5YR 3/1 (very dark grey)
Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: last quarter of the 1st century BC–mid-1st century AD
No. 11 Inv. no. AK15/I/4–96 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 C. 10.40cm; E. 7.20cm; F. 3.30cm G. fine and pure; low density of volcanic sand H. 10R 3/4 (weak red) – 2.5YR 5/8 (red): slip: 10R 5/8 (red)
Small fragment of discus with the depiction of a bacchic allegory: a lioness drinking from Dionysus’s krater (cf. motif M6). Superb rendering, probably belonging to an Italian-made lamp of Loeschcke type I. Archaeological context and date: 2nd/1st century BC– Augustus times Lychnological date: early 1st century AD
Lamps of Loeschcke type III (25 BC–125 AD) No. 10 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–676 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.4 C. 10.70cm; E. 7.40cm G. fine clay with a mixture of fine-grained quartz, limestone and mica H. YR 7/4 (pink) to 6.4 (light reddish brown); glaze: 5 Y 3/2 (very dark greyish green) – 10 Y 3/2 (very dark greyish olive)
Typical Loeschcke type III lamp, of which the handle, the handle ornament, the end of the nozzle as well as a huge part of the left side and of the discus are lost. Flat base standing on a large, low base-ring. It is the second time in Sicily, according to published materials, that we find the most complete frieze adorned with gladiatorial equipment, known previously only on a lamp found at Monte Iato (cf. motif M24 for discussion). Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 10–40 AD
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 103
No. 12
No. 14
Inv. no. AK 14/I/8B–282 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.8 C. 4.50cm; E. 1.80cm G. fine clay with mica inclusions (very low density) H. 5 YR 6/6 (red yellow); slip: 10R 5/8 (red); fine slip: 2.5 YR 5/8 (red)
Small fragment of the upper part of the discus, of the shoulder, and of the beginning of the handle ornament attachment of a totally identical lamp to the previous artifact, belonging to the same type and bearing the same motif (M24), of which we can distinguish a galea and of a pair of ocreae. Original central Italian production. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 10–40 AD
No. 13 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–111 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.54 C. (from left nozzle to infundibulum) 8.00cm; E. (shoulder to infundibulum) 3.30cm G. fine clay; mica and limestone inclusions H. 2.5Y 3/1 (very dark grey)–7.5YR 4/2 (brown); slip: 2.5Y 4/1 (dark grey) –7.5YR 4/2 (brown)
Portion of the upper part and one full nozzle of an undecorated bilychnis lamp of Loeschcke type III. Very probably Italian production. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd cent ury BC–early 1st century AD Lychnological date: first half of the 1st century AD
Inv. no. AK19/I/1C–69 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.1C C. 3.90cm; E. 3.90cm G. medium density of fine grain mica and lime stone H. 2.5YR 5/8 (red); slip: 2.5YR 5/1 (dark reddish gray)
Portion of the discus – with too a blurred rendering to identify the motif – of a bilychnis lamp of Loeschcke type III. Certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: first half of the 1st century AD
No. 15 Inv. no. AK19/I/71–4 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.71 C. 6.00m; E. 5.90cm G. medium density of fine grain limestone; single large grains of limestone H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 6/6 (light red)
Portion of the upper part of an undecorated bilychnis lamp of Loeschcke type III, still preserving the beginning of the left nozzle as well as of the stem of the handle-ornament. Certainly a Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: second half of the 4th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: first half of the 1st century AD
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104 | Laurent Chrzanovski
Discus fragments of lamps of Loeschcke type III No. 16 Inv. no. AK15/I/10–277 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.10 C. 5.10cm; D. 9.00cm; E. 6.00cm G. low density of very fine grain limestone; single fine grain volcanic inclusions; single medium grain organic matter H. 7.5YR 7/2 (pinkish grey); slip: (partially washed off) 10R 5/8 (red) – 10R 7/8 (light red)
Fragment of the discus of a very carefully made lamp of Loeschcke type I or III adorned with concentric petals starting from a raised circle surrounding the filling-hole (cf. motif M51). Sicilian very skilled production. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 10–40 AD
No. 17 Inv. no. AK17/I/4–23 A. XXIX/76/1, 66/3; B. US.4 C. 5.20cm; E. 2.70cm G. medium density of very fine grain limestone; small density of mica clay H. 7.5YR 6/4 (light brown); slip: semi-gloss: 5YR 3/4 (dark reddish brown) – 5YR 6/4 (light brown)
Tiny fragment of the discus of a very carefully made lamp of Loeschcke type I or III adorned with
the same pattern as seen on the previous artifact (cf. motif M51). Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 10–40 AD
Handle ornaments of lamps of Loeschcke type III Lunar crescent-shaped ornaments No. 18 Inv. no. AK12/I/3–124 A. XXIX/65/1; B. US.3 C. 3.30cm; E. 3.60cm G. fine clay with mixture of black inclusions (medium density), quartz inclusions (small density) and seldom limestone inclusions H. 5Y 7/3 (pale yellow); slip: 5Y 5/1 (grey) – 4/1 (dark grey)
Handle ornament in the shape of a moon crescent. Probably an African rather than an Italian production. Archaeological context and date: late 4th–mid-7th century AD, with many rubbles; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 19 Inv. no. AK17/I/53–101 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.53 C. 4.60cm; E. 2.80cm G. clay without visible inclusions H. 5Y 8/2 (pale yellow)
Handle ornament in the shape of a moon crescent. Probably an Italian production, according to the contextual date.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 105
Archaeological context and date: 2nd and 1st century BC to Augustus times Lychnological date: 1st century AD
No. 20 Inv. no. AK16/I/12–650 A. XXIX/56/1,3; B. US.12 C. 3.00cm; E. 3.70cm G. clay with low density of fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 5/4 (brown); slip: 7.5YR 7/3 (pink)
Handle ornament in the shape of a moon crescent. Probably an African rather than an Italian production. Archaeological context and date: mid-3rd century BC–1st century AD Lychnological date: 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
Almond/globular-shaped handle ornaments decorated with the “opened fruit” motif No. 21 Inv. no. AK14/I/12–45 A. XXIX/56/1, 2; B. US.12 C. 3.00cm; F. 4.50cm G. fine clay, no inclusions H. 10 R 5/4 (weak red) – 2.5 YR 6/6 (light red); 5 Y 6/4 (light reddish brown)
Almond-shaped handle ornament as well as part of the shoulder, decorated with a raw of impressed
half-ovules. Probably an African or an Italian production. Archaeological context and date: mid-3rd century BC–1st century AD Lychnological date: 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 22 Inv. no. AK15/I/31–454 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.31 C. 4.90cm; E. 3.50cm G. medium quality clay; well fired; high density of fine grain limestone H. 5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow); slip: 5YR 6/8 (reddish yellow)
Almond-shaped handle ornament as well as part of the shoulder, decorated with a raw of impressed ivy leaves. Probably an African or an Italian production. Archaeological context and date: 3rd century BC–1st century AD Lychnological date: 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 23 Inv. no. AK16/II/15–323 A. XXIX/65/3; B. US.15 C. 2.90cm; E. 2.90cm G. single fine grains of limestone H. 2.5YR 6/4 (light reddish brown); slip: 2.5YR 6/4 (red)
Upper part of an almond-shaped handle ornament. Probably an Italian production, considering the contextual chronology. Archaeological context and date: 3rd–2nd century BC to 1st century AD Lychnological date: 1st century AD
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106 | Laurent Chrzanovski
No. 24 Inv. no. AK19/I/10–520 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.10 C. 6.10cm; E. 4.20cm G. clay with low density fine grain mica; very low density of fine grain limestone H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: 2.5YR 5/8 (red)
Globular-shaped handle ornament as well as part of the shoulder, undecorated. Probably an African or an Italian production. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
Triangular-shaped handle ornaments No. 25 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–238 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.54 C. 4.00cm; E. 3.30cm G. well fired; low density of very fine grain mica H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); clay: 10YR 4/1 (dark grey); slip: 5YR 5/4 (reddish brown) – 2.5YR 4/2 (weak red)
Triangular handle ornament adorned with the ‘open fruit’ motive. Probably an Italian production better framing the contextual chronology.
Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD Lychnological date: first half of the 1st century AD
No. 26 Inv. no. AK16/I/12–242 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.12 C. 3.60cm; E. 4.00cm G. fine clay medium density inclusions of very fine grain limestone and mica H. 2.5YR 7/4 (light reddish brown); slip: (lustrous) 2.5YR 3/1 (dark reddish grey) – 2.5YR 4/3 (reddish brown)
Very delicate and totally unknown variant, more pique shaped than triangular, of a Sicilian-made handle ornament decorated with a rich palmette in relief. Archaeological context and date: mid-3rd century BC–1st century AD Lychnological date: 1st century AD
Loeschcke type IV (30–70 AD) No. 27 Inv. no. AK14/I/11–221 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.11 C. 6.50cm G. rather pure clay but with plenty of limestone inclusions as well as mica organic mixture inclusions (medium density) H. 7.5 R 6/3 (light red); slip: orange-brown slip Very damaged upper part of a Loeschcke type IV constituted by two fragments, preserving the nozzle, with traces of combustion proving that the lamp was used, a very narrow convex shoulder and, surrounded by a circular rim, adorned, most probably, with the richest rendering of the ‘Titurus’ myth’, i.e., a shepherd watching his goats and sheep under a tree (cf. motif M15). Fine Italian import, very damaged by the soil – whitish traces
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 107
No. 29 Inv. no. AK17/I/62–226 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.62 C. 7.50cm; E. 5.00cm G. low quality, medium grain clay; not well fired; high density of medium grain organic inclusions H. 5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow); slip: 5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
on the discus and traces of secondary burning on its back. Archaeological context and date: mid-3rd–2nd century BC Lychnological date: 30–60/70 AD
No. 28 Inv. no. AK15/I/10–161 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.10 C. 6.50cm; E. 7.30cm G. fine clay with single, fine grains of limestone H. 2.5YR 7/1 (light reddish grey); slip: (very good quality) 5YR 5/1 (grey)
Discus fragment of a lamp of large dimensions, very probably belonging to Loeschcke types I or IV. The very erased motif shows an erotic scene (cf. motif M27), created in Italy and copied by Rhine Valley workshops to adorn precisely the two abovementioned types. Probably a Sicilian copy made with the over-moulding technique, after an Italian original. Archaeological context and date: 3rd–2nd century BC; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 0–50 AD
Sicilian variants of Loeschcke III with triangular nozzle (‘Argyrios-type’) (50–150 AD) Extremely high-quality upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type IV, of which only the narrow, convex shoulder and the discus, surrounded by three concentric rims, are preserved. The last is adorned with a unique rendering of a wild pig on a soil line, surrounded by Nilotic-style vegetation (cf. motif M15). Without ruling out the possibility of a Levantine workshop (Alexandrian or Alexandrian-influenced Eastern), we most likely are dealing with a masterpiece invented by a central Italian or Campanian workshop imitating a natural scene depicted on Nilotic fashioned wall-paintings and mosaics. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 30–60/70 AD
No. 30 Inv. no. AK16/I/31–152 A. XXIX/56/2; B. US.31 C. 3.40cm; E. 5.00cm G. good quality clay; very well fired; single large grains of limestone; very small density of fine grain crushed ceramic H. 2.5YR 5/8 (red); slip: 2.5YR 4/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4/2 (weak red)
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108 | Laurent Chrzanovski Fragment of the lower right upper part of a Sicilian-type lamp, preserving the upper right volute of the nozzle, the flat shoulder surrounded by two circular rims and adorned by raised dots and part of the discus, decorated with impressed sunbeams starting from the filling-hole area, lost. Archaeological context and date: 3rd century BC– mid-1st century AD Lychnological date: mid-1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 31 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–124 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.54 C. 3.20cm; D. 3.50cm G. fine clay; small density of fine gran limestone; small density of organic inclusion H. 7.5YR 5/4 (brown) – 5YR 5/6 (yellowish red)
impressed heart-shaped ivy leaves, the product of another group of ceramists. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 33 Inv. no. AK14/I/21–303 A. XXIX/55/1; B. US.21 C. 3.60cm; E. 4.00cm G. no slip; very fine clay with mica H. 2.5 YR to 6/8 (light red) Fragment of the nozzle, part of the base and part of the discus (unreadable motif). Shoulder decorated with incisions made after the moulding. Our fragment is very near to an intact lamp, signed by Proklos Agyrios and preserved at the Museum of Syracuse, without known finding spot. 168 Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
Fragment of the nozzle and part of the undecorated discus. Shoulder decorated with very delicate
Small part of the shoulder ornamented with an oak wreath. The Akrai fragment has an exact parallel, which could even be issued from the same mould, as all small details as well as the round circle surrounding the discus were incised by hand after taking the lamp from the mould and before firing. Asserted to be a product Sicilian origin, it is a lamp preserved in the British Museum, a huge lamp of Broneer type XXI with large nozzle-volutes, with a plastic eagle-shaped handle ornament. On the shoulder, the eagle’s talons hold the upper part of the crown. On the base there is an incised Greek mark: ΠΟY | Α. 169 These two lamps distinguish themselves from any known parallel for the choice of the very precise theme, retouched by hand after moulding. As a matter of fact, exuberant vegetal wreaths on Italian and, mostly, African lamps are
168 Branciforti 1992, 95, no. 7, fig. 1.
169 Bailey 1988, 210, Q 1865, pl. 30.
No. 32 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–175 A. XXIX/75/1, 2; B. US.54 C. 6.70cm; E. 4.00cm G. fine clay; low density of fine grain limestone; low density of organic inclusions H. 7.5YR 5/4 (brown) – 5YR 5/6 (yellowish red)
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 109
to be divided into four specific crowns consisting of myrtle, laurel (see previous fragment), olive and vine. At the moment, no oak-wreath has been published as far as we know. The Akrai fragment and the British Museum lamp are hence not only of vital importance for lychnological studies, but also for iconographical and political studies. First, it is very important to underline that all these crowns are also depicted on discuses of Roman lamps from the 1st until the 4th century, but they appear as shoulder decorations only in specific regionally and chronologically well-defined types. As we have detailed in a monographic study about honorary crowns, 170 each vegetal crown was codified and had very specific importance, though the ivy and vine crowns are only the symbol of festivity. As a matter of fact, the olive crown was offered to the winner of a sport competition (gladiator, charioteer, pugilist, discus thrower, etc.); the myrtle wreath was offered to the gods, but also, like the laurel crown, to victorious soldiers. It is known as the corona obsidionalis. Our fragment shows a part of the oak-wreath, which was named corona civica and was designed in Republican times as the highest distinction a normal soldier could be awarded. After Augustus, who received it by a decree from the Senate in 27 AD, only the emperors have the right to bear it. For another Sicilian lamp of less delicate manufacture, bearing an eagle incised on its triangular handle-ornament and the incised letter A on its base (maybe a production of the Catania-based workshop of Argyrios), see the discovery at Sofiana (province of Caltanissetta). 171 Archaeological context and date: 3rd/2nd century BC–3rd century AD Lychnological date: mid-1st century AD
No. 34 Inv. no. AK17/I/19–8 A. XXIX/54/2; B. US.19 D. (diameter of the base): 5.00cm G. very fine clay, inclusions of golden mica; low density of very fine grain limestone H. 2.5YR 6/8 (light red); slip: 2.5YR 6/8 (light red) Fragment of a flat base, defined by two concentric incised grooves surrounding a slightly raised half-tubular rim. In the centre, we can read the incised mark Θ(?)ΕΟ/ΑΓΥ (cf. the epigraphical
170 Chrzanovski 2005. 171 Lauricella 2002, 179, no. 38.
index for the discussion and interpretation of the mark). Archaeological context and date: 4th century AD; levelling layer; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 35 Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–331 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.3F C. 3.80cm G. very low density of very fine grain silver mica H. 5YR 6/1 (grey); slip: 2.5YR 7/8 (light red)
Small pique-shaped handle ornament adorned with incisions. A perfect parallel for our handle has been recently unearthed at the rural settlement of Castel di Iudica (province of Catania). 172 It is seen as a product of a specific workshop, named after the AΓΥΡΙΝΑΙΟΙ family. Archaeological context and date: late 4th–5th century AD; with many rubbles; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 36 Inv. no. AK19/I/79–162 C. 3.70cm; E. 3.20cm; F. 2.00cm G. very low density of very fine grain silver mica H. 5YR 6/1 (grey); slip: 2.5YR 7/8 (light red)
172 Bonacini & Turco 2015, 24, 35, no. 67 and Ill.29.
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110 | Laurent Chrzanovski Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 39
Handle ornament identical to the previous one. Archaeological context and date: end of the 4th century AD; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
Inv. no. AK16/I/28–609 A. XXIX/64/2; B. US.28 C. 3.50cm; E. 3.10cm G. high density of fine and medium grain limestone H. 2.5YR 4/8 (red); slip: 2.5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
No. 37 Inv. no. AK15/I/4–145 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 C. 4.40cm; E. 3.20cm G. medium density of fine and medium grain limestone; low density of very fine volcanic inclusions H. 2.5YR 6/1 (reddish grey); slip: 10YR 6/2 (light brownish grey)
Handle ornament identical to the previous one. Archaeological context and date: end of the 4th– mid-7th century AD; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 40
Rough acanthus leaf-shaped handle ornament adorned with impressed volutes. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
Inv. no. AK17/I/45–107 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.45 C. 4.00cm; E. 3.20cm G. good quality clay; single grains of mica H. 2.5Y 6/8 (light red); slip: 10R 4/8 (red)
No. 38 Inv. no. AK15/I/0–16 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.0 C. 3.50cm; E. 3.10cm G. medium density of fine grain limestone; medium density of fine grain organic matter H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: 2.5YR 6/6 (light red)
Very delicate handle-ornament in the shape of a palmette. It is a unicum as far as we know. Archaeological context and date: 2nd–1st century BC; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
Handle ornament identical to the previous one. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 111
Rare types recalling components of earlier Italian lamps: Bussière type C.I.2 (end of the 1st to beginning of the 2nd century AD) No. 41 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–17 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.54 C. 6.70cm; E. 4.00cm G. quite good quality clay; very fine grain; medium density of very fine grain mica; medium density of fine grain limestone H. 10R 5/6 (red); slip: 5YR 4/1 (dark grey) – 5YR 4/2 (dark reddish grey)
G. slip: not preserved; fine clay with naturally present gold mica; no other inclusions visible H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red) Fragment of the rear upper part of a lamp of the same type of the previous one, moulded handle preserved. African import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 75–125 AD
Rare types recalling components of earlier Italian lamps: Bonifay type 2, 1st series, Bussière type C.V.1 (second half of the 1st century AD) No. 43
Fragment of the upper part of a pear-shaped lamp with triangular nozzle, a type we can deduce by the typical sunken space on the beginning of the nozzle, situated immediately under the external rim defining the undecorated discus. African import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 75–125 AD
Inv. no. AK17/I/54–162 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.54 C. 13.40cm; E. 7.00cm; F. (measured from handle) 4.20cm G. fine clay; low density of fine grain limestone H. 2.5R 5/1 (grey) – 2.5R 4/1 (dark grey); slip: 7.5YR 2.5/1 (black)
No. 42 Inv. no. AK18/I/10–307 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.10 C. 4.80cm; E. 5.40cm
Almost intact lamp, with the exception of the lost right part of the nozzle ending; typical example of this rare, pear-shaped lamp with short anvilshaped nozzle and carefully moulded ring-handle at the rear. Our artifact is adorned on its slightly concave shoulder by a row of impressed triangles with an impressed dot in their centre. The discus is
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112 | Laurent Chrzanovski adorned with a rosette made of ten petals (cf. motif M49). Flat, tear-shaped base. African import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 50–100 AD
Rare types recalling components of earlier Italian lamps: Bonifay type 2, 2nd series, Bussière type C.V.2 (2nd to 3rd century AD) No. 44 Inv. no. AK12/I/1–63 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.1 C. 7.00cm; F. 4.60cm G. fine clay with numerous limestone fine grained inclusions and some black inclusions H. 7.5YR 6/4 (light brown) – 7/4 (pink); slip: accurate slip, partly lost; 2.5YR 5/8 (red)
Almost intact lamp. Elongated body with a rounded nozzle (partially lost) and moulded, pierced ring-handle placed over the shoulder. Round undecorated discus slightly opened towards the nozzle. The wide, rounded shoulders curve onto the nozzle and are decorated with rows of raised points, which give the type its Italian name (lucerne a perline). On the base, carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphical index). Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 100–200 AD
Standard Loeschcke VIII lamps (almost intact artifacts) Bonifay type 4, Bussière form D.I and D.II for African productions (50–200 AD for Italy, 120–200 AD and later for the African “boom”) No. 45 Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–302 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.3F C. 9.70cm; E. 7.20cm G. fine clay; fine grain golden mica (naturally present); single grains of organic inclusion H. 5YR 6/3 (light reddish brown) – 5YR 6/4 (light reddish brown); slip: (currently not lustrous) 2.5YR 4/2 (weak red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
Upper part of a standard lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, with undecorated shoulder, undecorated discus defined by a circular rim surrounded by two grooves, and an impressed horizontal line ending on each side with an impressed dot, marking the beginning of the rounded nozzle. Very fine African import. Archaeological context and date: late 4th–5th century AD, with many rubbles; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 80–160/200 AD
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 113
Standard Loeschcke type VIII lamps made by the workshops of Caius Iunius Alexis (120–210) and correlated iconography No. 46 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–113 A. XXIX/56/2; B. US.4 C. 6.00cm; E. 7.10cm G. very low density of fine grain mica and limestone (possibly also crushed ceramic) H. 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 6/8 (light red) – 2.5YR 5/8 (light red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red) Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–210 AD
No. 48
Fragment of centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark IVNIALEXI (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–210 AD
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–510 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.4 C. 3.30cm G. fine clay with very fine inclusions of mica and limestone (small density) H. 7.5 YR 5/2 (brown); slip: (brown)
No. 47 Inv. no. AK18/I/4–325 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.4 C. 11.20cm; E. 7.00cm G. fine clay; low density limestone inclusions H. 7.5YR 6/4 (light brown) – 7.5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow); slip: 5YR 5/3 (reddish brown) – 5YR 5/6 (yellowish red) Well preserved, except for the right side, partially lost, lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. Undecorated shoulder, rounded nozzle defined near the discus by an impressed line, carefully moulded, pierced handle. Discus adorned with the representation of the bust of Sol Radiatus with seven sunrays bearing the toga on both shoulders (cf. motif M9). On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark IVNIALEXI (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import.
Small discus fragment with the same depiction seen on the previous one, but with two buttonshaped brooches on the toga, on each shoulder of Sol (cf. motif M9). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–210 AD
No. 49 Inv. no. AK15/I/12–373 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.12 C. 6.60cm; E. 5.00cm G. well fired; small density of very fine grain mica; medium density of single fine grains of limestone H. 10YR 7/4 (very pale brown); slip: 10R 6/6 (light red)– 10R 4/6 (red)
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114 | Laurent Chrzanovski Almost intact lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, except for the nozzle, lost. Undecorated shoulder and undecorated discus. Nicely moulded, pierced handle at the rear. On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 51
Small part of the bottom side of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark IVNIALEXI (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: mid-3rd century BC–1st century AD; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 120–210 AD
Inv. no. AK12/I/3–164 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.3 C. 10.70cm; E. 7.50cm; F. 4.00cm G. fine clay with inclusions of silver mica (low density) and a few of limestone (very low density) H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) – 7/6 (reddish yellow); slip: 2.5YR 3/4 (dark reddish brown)
Standard Loeschcke type VIII lamps made by the workshops of Caius Iunius Draco (120–200 AD) correlated iconography and Sicilian copies No. 50 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–31 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.4 C. 7.30cm; E. 5.00cm; F. 4.00cm G. not well distributed; very pure clay H. 10YR 8/6–7/6 (yellow); slip: 7.5YR 5/4 (brown) – 5/6 (strong brown)
Almost intact lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, except for the discus, completely lost. Undecorated shoulder. Nicely moulded, pierced handle at the rear. On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: late 4th–mid-7th century AD, with many rubbles; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 52 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–635 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.4 C. 7.60cm; F. 2.40cm G. fine clay with inclusions of quartz, organic matter (low density), and some limestone (very low density) H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) – 7/6 (reddish yellow); slip: orange
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 115
On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 54
Damaged lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserved only on its frontal and right side. Round nozzle defined by an impressed line on the shoulder, adorned by impressed half ovules. On the discus, we can observe a winged Eros seen three quarters left profile, raising his right hand leftwards while holding a vegetal crown with his left (cf. motif M5). On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 53 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–570 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.4 C. 7.40cm; E. 5.60cm; F. 3.20cm G. very pure clay H. 2.5Y 7/3 (pale brown); slip: 2.5Y 3/3 (dark olive brown)
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–168 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.4 C. 7.40cm G. very fine clay H. 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: orange-brown
Almost intact lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, except for the nozzle, lost. Undecorated shoulder. Discus adorned with the representation of the lunar crescent on a pointed globe and with a four-branched star in relief rendered above it (cf. motif M11). On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 55 Inv. no. AK 13/I/4–36 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.4 C. 7.50cm G. fine clay with fine-silver inclusions (small density) H. 10YR 7/4 (very pale brown); slip: 2.5YR 6/8 (light red) – 5/8 (red) Almost intact lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, except for a large part of the right bottom part, lost, and of the moulded, pierced handle, broken. Undecorated shoulder. Discus adorned with the representation of the bust of Sol Radiatus with seven sun-rays bearing the toga on both shoulders (cf. motif M10).
Almost intact lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, exception made the nozzle, broken as well as a part of the right side. Undecorated shoulder. Round nozzle defined by an impressed line on the shoulder. Discus adorned with the unique representation of a palm-tree (cf. motif M42). On the centre of the
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116 | Laurent Chrzanovski H. 7.5YR 7/6 (reddish yellow); slip: (not lustrous) 2.5YR 5/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 56 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–618 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.4 C. 7.00cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica, limestone and quartz (small density) H. 7.5YR 6/3 (light brown); slip: 7.5YR 3/2 (dark brown)
Fragment of the frontal part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, with undecorated shoulder and rounded nozzle. The discus adorned same pattern of the previous artifact (cf. motif M42). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 57 Inv. no. AK18/I/70–301 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.70 C. 8.60cm; E. 7.30cm G. naturally present inclusion of mica; low density of fine grain limestone
Bottom and rear part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, with undecorated shoulder and carefully moulded, pierced, handle. On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: late 4th century AD; fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 58 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–543 A. XXIX/56/1–4, 66/1–4; B. US.4 C. 3.00cm G. fine clay with a few inclusions of limestone H. 7.5 YR 8/3 (pink); slip: very worn; remains of orange-red slip
Left part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, with undecorated shoulder and lost discus. Round nozzle defined by an impressed line on the shoulder. On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the first letters CI of very carefully impressed mark – CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 117
No. 59 Inv. no. AK19/I–155 A. XXIX/46/3; B. USM.9 C. 5.20cm; E. 4.60cm G. low density of very fine grain limestone; very low density of very fine grain mica; very low density of very fine grain organic matter H. 2.5YR 7/4 (light reddish brown); slip: 5R 4/4 (weak red)
Bottom part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. On the centre of the slightly raised base, we can read the upper part of each letter of the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: among the destruction of the wall no. 9 Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 60 Inv. no. AK16/I/1–45 A. XXIX/56/2; B. US.1 C. 6.20cm; E. 3.30cm; diameter of base: 3.30cm G. low density of very fine grain limestone; single fine grain volcanic; high density of fine grain mica H. 7.5YR 6/4 (light brown); slip: (almost completely washed off) 10YR 7/4 (very pale brown)
Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 61 Inv. no. AK15/I/1B–216 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1B C. (diameter): 4.00cm G. medium density of very fine grain limestone; medium density of medium grains of volcanic H. 10YR 6/2 (light brownish grey); slip: (mat) 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
Tiny fragment of a slightly raised base of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, the lower part of the first letters (CIVN) of the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC are legible (cf. epigraphic index). Very skilful Sicilian imitation, with perfectly rendered letters. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
Loeschcke VIII lamps (almost intact lamps/correlated fragments) African subtype Bonifay type 5, Bussière type D.II.1 (80–200 AD) No. 62 Inv. no. AK14/I/21–246 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.21 C. 3.00cm G. fine clay with inclusions of limestone, mica and organic grains (low density) H. 2.5Y 7/3 (light brown); slip: lost
Bottom part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. On the centre of the slightly raised base, the first part – CIV (N?) – of the very carefully impressed mark CIVNDRAC is legible (cf. epigraphic index). Original African import, very damaged by soil conditions.
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118 | Laurent Chrzanovski Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. Very convex undecorated shoulder and part of the discus, decorated with a rosette (cf. motif M50), the centre of which is rendered by a raised circle, on the middle of which the filling-hole is pierced. The discus is defined by two rings in relief. The lamp is a regional counterfeit of Tunisian originals. The very numerous small, raised dots resulting from oxygen bubbles remained in the mould clearly indicate a careless over-moulding procedure of the original. African mediocre import according to the clay characteristics, without excluding a possible southern Italian or Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: 3rd/2nd century BC–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 63 Inv. no. AK16/I/36–46 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.36 C. 5.30cm; E. 3.00cm G. good quality clay; well fired; medium density of fine grain organic inclusion; singular grains of limestone H. 10YR 8/3 (very pale brown); slip: 10YR 6/4 (light yellowish brown) – 10YR 3/1 (very dark grey)
Fragment of the heart-shaped nozzle, the undecorated shoulder and of the left part of the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, adorned with an ibex running to the right (cf. motif M30). Original very fine African import. Archaeological context and date: 3rd century BC– Augustus times Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 64 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–573 A. XXIX/56/1–4, 66/1–4; B. US.4 C. 4.00cm G. fine clay with inclusions of very fine mica and quartz (low density) H. 2.5 Y 8/2 (pale brown); slip: none
Small fragment of undecorated shoulder and of bottom part of the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, adorned with the same motif of previous lamp (cf. motif M30). Original very fine African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 65 Inv. no. AK14/I–62 A. XXIX/66/1 C. 5.20cm G. slip: none; clay with inclusions of limestone (high density) H. 2.5YR 5/2 (weak red) – 2.5YR 6/6 (light red), and even 2.5Y 8/2 (pale brown)
Complete discus with a very effaced representation of the same motif adorning the previous artifacts (cf. motif M30). Regional imitation of an African lamp obtained by using the over-moulding technique. Archaeological context and date: among the destr uct ion of USM.16 Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
Rare eclectic type of Loeschcke VIII lamp with half-volutes on the nozzle Bussière type D.VIII.3 (60 to 150/200 AD) No. 66 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–538 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 6.50cm; F. 5.20cm
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 119
G. partly lost; pure clay with very fine-grained inclusions of limestone H. 2.5YR 6/8 – 2.5YR 7/6 (light red); slip: accurate red-orange slip
Almost intact lamp of Loeschcke type VIII with simplified volutes on the nozzle top. Only a part of the nozzle is lost. The discus, defined by two concentric grooves, is plain and flat but surrounded by a circular band decorated with raised points. The base, flat and slightly raised, is defined by a circular incision. The nozzle is topped by two volutes rendered in very low relief. The handle, moulded and pierced, is decorated with two sunken lines and its base is surrounded, on the shoulder, by an impressed point on each side and two other points marking the beginning of the sunken lines. Careful Sicilian simplified imitation of an eclectic African. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 60–160/200 AD
Loeschcke VIII lamps (almost intact lamps/correlated fragments) African subtype Bonifay type 8, late variant, Bussière type D.X.1.b (150–250 AD)
lost. The very slightly convex shoulder is decorated with impressed semi-ovals; from the outside to the centre, the discus is composed of concentric bands of decorations. The first is flat and undecorated; the second is ornamented with incised lines rendering sunbeams and the third is again flat and undecorated, surrounding a raised omphalos decorated with incised lines and pierced by the filling-hole; second filling-hole pierced just nearby, on the right. If we look at the very careless rendering of our lamp, as well as its clay and slip, we can assert we have an over-moulded production made outside Africa, probably in southern Italy and maybe even in Sicily. Archaeological context and date: 70s of 3rd–4th century AD Lychnological date: 150–250 AD
Loeschcke VIII lamps (almost intact lamps/correlated fragments) African subtype Bonifay type 9, Bussière type D.X.3 (150–225 AD) No. 68 Inv. no. AK13/I/1–568 A. XXIX/54/2, 55/1, 55/2, 56/2, 1; B. US.1 C. 2.80cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica (small density) H. 5YR 7/8 (reddish yellow); slip: 5YR 2.5/1 (black)
No. 67 Inv. no. AK13/I/7–315 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.7 C. 6.20cm G. fine clay with inclusions of very fine mica (medium density), fine limestone (low density) H. 2.5YR 6/8 (light red); slip: remains of orange-red slip Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. Two thirds of the upper part of the lamp are preserved, the reservoir and the base as well as the nozzle are
Fragment of the shoulder of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. Convex shoulder decorated with S-shaped incised waves starting from the two concentric circular grooves defining the discus. African import.
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120 | Laurent Chrzanovski Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 150–225 AD
Loeschcke VIII lamps (almost intact lamps/correlated fragments) African subtype Bonifay type 10, Bussière type D.X.IV (175–225 AD) No. 69
Fragment of the rear part of a lamp identical to the previous entry. The uncarefully-made moulded handle is preserved, as well as a part of the flat shoulder adorned with the myrtle crown decoration and a part of the flat, round base. Mediocre African import. Archaeological context and date: late 4th–5th century AD, with many rubbles; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 71
Inv. no. AK15/I/1–90 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1 C. 4.50cm; E. 3.90cm G. medium density of very fine grain limestone H. 2.5YR 6/2 (pale red) – 2.5YR 3/1 (dark reddish grey); slip (barely preserved): 7.5YR 7/2 (pale red)
Small portion of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the flat shoulder adorned with the myrtle crown decoration as well as a part of the of the undecorated discus with a poorly preserved raised omphalos in its centre. African import, very damaged by the soil conditions. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 70 Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–315 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.3 C. 5.10cm; E. 4.00cm G. good quality clay; quite well fired; high density of fine grain mica; single, fine grains of limestone; single fine grains of organic matter H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: 10YR 6/4 (light yellowish brown)
Inv. no. AK18/I/69–388 A. XXIX/44/4; B. US.69 C. 2.90cm; E. 6.50cm G. medium density of very fine grain silver mica; low density of very fine grain of limestone; secondary burned H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: 5YR 5/2 (reddish grey) – 5YR 5/3 (reddish brown)
Fragment of the rear part of a lamp identical to the previous ones. The carefully made moulded handle is preserved, as well as a part of the flat shoulder adorned with the myrtle crown decoration. African import damaged by the soil conditions and showing traces of fire. Archaeological context and date: late 4th–5th century AD, with many rubbles; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
Loeschcke VIII lamps (almost intact lamps/correlated fragments) African subtype Bonifay type 12, Bussière type D.X.5 (ca. 225 to 250/275 AD) No. 72 Inv. no. AK14/I/24–225 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.24 C. 3.70cm
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 121
G. fine clay with inclusions of limestone (plenty density) and organic inclusions (small density) H. 2.5YR 6/4 (red-light brown); slip: 2.5YR 5/4 – 5YR 4/4 (red brown)
Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. Only a part of the nozzle, of the discus, and of the deeply almost flat shoulder is preserved. The shoulder is decorated with a vine-wreath in relief while the outside part of the discus is composed by a concentric band ornamented with incised lines rendering sunbeams. An air-hole is pierced on the middle of the band, just in front of the beginning of the nozzle. The nozzle is rendered in the Attic-style of the 3rd century AD trapezoidal shape. African import. Archaeological context and date: end of the 3rd century AD Lychnological date: 225–275 AD
unveils two elements belonging to a bust of Athena Promachos (cf. motif M2): on the upper part, we observe the end of Athena’s war helmet, and on the lower part, the hymation she wears on her chest. Small imperfections, and above all the huge dot above the goddess’ helmet are the result of oxygen bubbles remaining during an over-moulding procedure. Nevertheless, we can observe that the over-moulding was carefully made on a lamp itself belonging to a very new series, as the sharpness of the original details remained almost unaffected by the copying process. Sicilian imitation of a Corinthian original (also copied in Africa), to be dated to the 3rd century AD. Archaeological context and date: end of 3rd–mid-4th century AD Lychnological date: 3rd century AD
No. 74 Inv. no. AK18/I/70–342 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.70 C. 3.20cm; H. 4.00cm G. low density of fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 5/1 (grey); slip: 7.5YR 6/2 (pinkish grey) – 7.5YR 5/1 (grey)
No. 73 Inv. no. AK14/I/16–58 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.16 C. 5.90cm G. fine clay with inclusions of limestone (low density) H. 5YR 3/1 (grey brown); slip: none
Fragment of a very small, almost shoulder-incorporated nozzle of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. With lateral diagonal incisions, the nozzles recall the Attic-style 3rd century trapezoidal shape. Very probably a Sicilian original creation adopting a nozzle-form which progressively became popular in Africa too. Archaeological context and date: late 4th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 225–275 AD
Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. On the remaining part of the flat shoulder, two concentric bands rendered as a twisted cord, followed inwards by two raised large circles, surround the discus, interrupted in the middle by a low, rectangular, side-lug. The preserved part of the discus
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122 | Laurent Chrzanovski
Late African revival very near to Loeschcke type IB/C Bonifay type 15A, Bussière type E.I.1 (ca. 175–250 AD) No. 75 Inv. no. AK15/I/15–264 A. XXIX/65/3; B. US.15 C. 9.40cm; E. 5.30cm; F. 2.70cm (at infundibulum) G. fine clay; low density of fine grain mica H. 7.5YR 5/3 (brown); slip: 5YR 4/2 (dark reddish grey)
Fragments of all sub-types of Loeschcke VIII (in suggested chronological order) No. 76 Inv. no. AK14/I/31–252 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.31 C. 3.80cm G. fine clay with inclusions of limestone (plenty dense) H. 7.5YR 7/2 (red grey); slip: 7.5YR 4/2 (brown)
Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving part of the undecorated shoulder, the beginning of the rounded nozzle defined by a horizontal impressed line and a tiny lower part of the discus, adorned with a myrtle crown (cf. motif M43). Excellent quality Italian import. Archaeological context and date: 3rd century BC– mid-1st century AD Lychnological date: mid to second half of the 1st century AD Extremely fine example of this very rare type, except for the handle and a part of the right side, from the shoulder to the nozzle, lost. Slightly convex undecorated shoulder, anvil-shaped nozzle surrounded by two volutes. Round, flat, slightly raised base. Two concentric raised circles define the discus, adorned with a unique way of rendering the griffin (mammal bust and forelegs, fish-tail, bird’s head) running leftwards (cf. motif M13). Archaeological context and date: 3rd century BC–1st century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 175–250 AD
No. 77 Inv. no. AK15/I/15–157 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.15 C. 2.40cm; E. 3.80cm G. medium density of very fine volcanic inclusions; single grains of fine grain limestone; very low density of fine grain organic inclusions H. 2.5Y 6/1 (grey); slip: (very washed off) 2.5Y 7/4 (pale brown)
Small fragment of a lamp with shoulder decorated with half ovules and broken handle. Discus ornamented, most probably, with Jupiter and the eagle (cf. motif M1). Sicilian imitation of an Italian lamp.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 123
Archaeological context and date: 3rd century BC–1st century AD Lychnological date: second half of the 1st century AD
No. 78 Inv. no. AK12/I/1–10 A. XXIX/54/4, 55/3–4, 56/3; B. US.1 C. 7.00cm; F. 3.00cm G. fine clay with inclusions of fine-grained limestone (very low density) H. 7.5YR 6/1 (grey) – 10YR 7/3 (very pale brown); slip: 7.5YR 4/2 – 5/2 (brown)
Rear upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII with undecorated shoulder and broken handle. Discus ornamented with a huge sea sailing boat (cf. motif M17). Very probably an Italian import, damaged by soil conditions. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–first half of the 2nd century AD
No. 79 Inv. no. AK18/I/71–314 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.71 C. 3.40cm; E. 2.40cm G. fine clay; single grains of quartz; low density of very fine limestone H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) – 7.5YR 7/6 (reddish yellow); slip: (not lustrous) 2.5YR 4/3 (reddish brown)
motif M7). Sicilian copy or import very damaged by soil conditions. Archaeological context and date: second half of the 4th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: second half of the 1st–2nd century AD
No. 80 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–609 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 3.80cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica and limestone (low density) H. 5YR 7/6 (reddish yellow); slip: 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
Small fragment of the central part of the base of a of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. Flat, defined by an incised circle, bearing into a rectangular cartouche the very carefully rendered mark AN(C?), certainly belonging to the known early Tunisian lamp-maker N. Anchia(li) (cf. epigraphic index). Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 60–120 AD
No. 81 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–247 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 3.70cm; E. 2.90cm G. good quality clay, well fired; very low density of fine grain organic and limestone inclusions H. 10YR 7/3 (very pale brown); slip: 2.5YR 4/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4.2 (weak red)
Small fragment of discus with the very blurred depiction of the head of a Satyr or a Silenus (cf.
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124 | Laurent Chrzanovski Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving part of the undecorated shoulder and the centre-right part of the discus, adorned with a rabbit running rightwards (cf. motif M37). Italian or African production. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 70–140 AD
Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 90–140 AD
No. 82 Inv. no. AK18/I/0–319 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.0 C. 3.40cm; E. 4.50cm G. single very fine organic matter; single very fine grains of limestone H. 5YR 8/4 (pink); slip: (delicately lustrous) exterior – 10R 5/8 (red); interior – 2.5YR 5/6 (red)
Central part of the discus of a Loeschcke type VIII lamp, ornamented with a naïvely depicted standing rabbit looking rightwards, his forelegs on the soil, as if it were eating something in front of it, remembering the elder scene of the rabbit and the bunch of grapes, absent from this well-known later composition (cf. motif M38). Very fine Italian or African import. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 80/90–140 AD
No. 83 Inv. no. AK 13/I/4–698 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 7.00cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica, limestone and quartz (low density) H. 10YR 7/3 (very pale brown); slip: 5YR 3/3 (dark reddish brown) Fragment of the discus and almost complete upper external part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving its undecorated shoulder and carefully moulded handle. The discus was adorned with two curved vertical palm leaves (cf. motif M45). Very fine Italian import.
No. 84 Inv. no. AK18/I/70–340 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.70 C. 3.00cm; E. 2.60cm G. low density of very fine gold mica; single grains of very fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 5/2 (brown); slip: 7.5YR 4/2 (brown)
Very tiny fragment of the left part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, showing an undecorated shoulder and the rear paws of the popular depiction of the bear leaping rightwards (cf. motif M31). Original very fine African import. Archaeological context and date: late 4th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 85 Inv. no. AK15/I/1–53 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1 C. 4.70cm; E. 4.70cm G. very small density of fine grain limestone; very fine grain mica H. 5YR 5/3; slip: 10R 5/6 (red) – 7.5R 8/2 (red) Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving part of the very-carefully moulded handle, an undecorated shoulder and a part of the discus where we can observe the ear of a
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 125
rabbit running leftwards (cf. motif M36). African production. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 86 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–544 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 4.70cm G. pure clay with inclusions of mica (low density), single grains of limestone H. 7.5YR 8/4 (pink); slip: scarce remains of orangered slip
Fragment of the upper and right part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving its moulded handle, its undecorated shoulder, as well as a small portion of the discus, adorned with the very common pattern of the rosette made of ten petals (cf. M49). African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 87 Inv. no. AK19/I/10–62 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.10 C. 4.20cm; E. 2.30cm G. medium density of very fine grain limestone and fine silver mica H. 2.5YR 4/8 (red); slip: (not lustrous, thin, badly preserved) 2.5YR 4/6 (red) Tiny fragment of the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, adorned with the same pattern seen on the previous artifact (cf. M49). African import,
damaged by soil conditions, hence almost the entirety of its slip is lost. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 88 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–71 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.54 C. 6.30cm; E. 3.35cm G. well fired, pure clay; low density of very fine grain crushed ceramic H. 7.5YR 4/1 (pink); slip: 7.5YR 4/1 (dark grey) – 7.5YR 4/2 (brown) – 2.5YR 7/3 (pale brown)
Tiny fragment of the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, adorned with the same pattern seen on the previous artifacts (cf. M49). African or Italian import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–early 1st century AD; a fragment of a lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 89 Inv. no. AK18/I/71–339 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.71 C. 4.00cm; E. 3.50cm G. very fine grain limestone; very fine grain organic matter H. 5YR 6/4 (light reddish brown); slip: 10YR 4/2 (dark greyish brown) Fragment of the lower upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the beginning of its rounded nozzle, defined by an impressed line, its undecorated shoulder, as well as a small portion of the discus adorned with the same pattern seen
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126 | Laurent Chrzanovski on the previous artifacts (cf. M49). Very mediocre quality African import or Sicilian copy (?). Archaeological context and date: second half of the 4th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 90 Inv. no. AK15/I/4–149 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 C. 4.20cm; E. 6.00cm G. medium density of fine and medium grain volcanic inclusions; medium density of medium and large organic matter; single fine grains of limestone; low density of fine grain mica H. 10YR 7/3 (very pale brown); slip: (barely preserved) 7.5YR 5/3 (brown)
Large central portion of the upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the undecorated shoulder, the beginning of a heartshaped nozzle, as well as two thirds of the discus, adorned with concentric sunbeams decorating only the outer part of the discus, near the shoulder rim (cf. M53). Sicilian original imitation made by inspiration and not using the over-moulding technique. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 80–160 AD
No. 91
H. 10 YR 6/3 (pale brown); slip: 10 YR 2/2 (very dark brown)
Small fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, with the beginning of the nozzle, an undecorated shoulder and a huge part of the discus, adorned by a crossed double cornucopia (cf. motif M21). African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–180 AD
No. 92 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–8 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 C. 2.10cm; E. 2.30cm G. medium density of very fine grain limestone; low density of very fine grain volcanic inclusions H. 10YR 7/3 (very pale yellow); slip: (bright) 2.5YR 5/8 (red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red) – 7.5YR 5/3 (brown)
Very small fragment of a discus adorned with the central part of a very delicately rendered skyphos (cf. motif M22). Sicilian skilled imitation of a very popular motif on African lamps, made in an enormous majority by Caius Iunius Alexis and Caius Iunius Draco. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–180 AD
No. 93
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–616 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 3.60cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica and of limestone (small density)
Inv. no. AK18/I/4–30 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.4 C. 3.00cm; E. 2.90cm G. low density of very fine grain mica
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H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) – 7.5YR 6/4 (light brown); slip: (bright) 2.5YR 5/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserved handle, the upper shoulder and part of the discus, with the depiction of the ‘lunar amulet’ (cf. motif M12). Very high-quality Italian or African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 96 Small discus fragment with a theatre mask (motif M26). Very fine African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–180 AD
No. 94
Inv. no. AK15/I/1–60 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1 C. 6.00cm; E. 4.50cm G. small density of fine grain organic matter; single large grains of limestone H. 10YR 8/4 (pink); slip: 10R 5/6 (red)
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–200 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 3.20cm G. very fine clay H. 2.5YR 4/3 (reddish brown); slip: 5YR 6/2 (pinkish grey)
Fragment of a discus with the depiction of the “lunar amulet” (cf. motif M12). Very nice quality Italian or African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 95 Inv. no. AK 3/I/4–569 A. XXIX/56/1 B. US.4 C. 5.00cm; E. 3.50cm G. very fine clay H. 2.5Y 7/2 (light grey); slip: dark brown
Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the rounded nozzle, a small part of the shoulder and of the discus, with the depiction of the ‘lunar amulet’ (cf. motif M12). Sicilian imitation obtained by over-moulding, as we can observe by the small, raised globule on the right side, betraying an oxygen bubble in the mould. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 97 Inv. no. AK15/I/10–138 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.10 C. 4.00cm; E. 5.80cm G. well fired clay; medium density of fine- and medium-grain limestone; low density of fine grain mica H. 10YR 7/4 (very pale brown); slip: 2.5YR 4/4 (reddish brown) – 2/5YR 4/2 (weak red)
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128 | Laurent Chrzanovski Fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII with undecorated shoulder. The discus bears a quite delicate rendering of the popular motif of the masculine bust (our motif M20). African import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
No. 98 Inv. no. AK18/I/70–327 A. XXIX/45/4, 46/3; B. US.70 C. 3.90cm; E. 3.20cm G. fine clay; very fine grain silver mica H. 7.5YR 5/6 (light brown); slip: 7.5YR 5/6 (strong brown) – 7.5YR 6/6 (reddish yellow)
No. 100 Inv. no. AK11/I/1–141 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.1 C. 3.60cm G. very pure clay H. 2.5YR 7/4 (light reddish brown); slip: 2.5YR 4/8 (red)
Very small fragment of discus with the unique depiction of a personage alone on a small boat, rowing (cf. motif M16). Very probably an Italian import, damaged by soil conditions. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 101 Fragment of a discus with the same motif of the previous artifact, almost completely erased due to its staying in a corrosive soil (our motif M20). Original African import. Archaeological context and date: late 4th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
Inv. no. AK13/I/9–653 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.9 C. 5.70cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica, limestone and quartz (low density) H. 7.5YR 7/2 (pinkish gray) – 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 5YR 7/4 (pink)
No. 99 Inv. no. AK19/I/74–66 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.74 C. 2.00cm; E. 2.30cm; F. 0.25cm
Fragment of a discus with the same motif of the two previous artifacts, nicely rendered (our motif M20). African import. Archaeological context and date: 2nd/1st century BC–Augustus times; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 120–200 AD
Small fragment with its discus adorned with a very erased krater with vine and grapes (cf. motif M23). Probably an African import, very damaged during its presence in the layer, presenting traces of secondary combustion. Archaeological context and date: end of the 3rd century BC–beginning of 2nd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 102 Inv. no. AK17/I/55–7 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.55 C. 3.70cm; E. 4.10cm
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G. low density of very fine grain limestone; medium density of fine and large grain volcanic inclusions H. 2.5YR 5/6 (red); slip: (very mat and very washed off) 2.5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
Central part of a quite erased discus bearing the representation of a standing bull, looking rightwards (cf. motif M34). Sicilian imitation of an African production obtained using the overmoulding technique. Archaeological context and date: no diagnostic material to date a context Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 103 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–96 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 2.30cm; E. 2.30cm G. good quality clay, well fired, small density of fine grain limestone H. 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 10R 5/6 (red) – 2.5YR 4/6 (red)
Small fragment of discus adorned with the representation of the bird on a branch, its left wing spread, heading to a fruit (cf. motif M39). African import made in a used mould, hence a little lost on the acuity of the details. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 104
H. 5YR 7/3 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 5/8 (red) – 10R 3/6 (dark red)
Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the very-carefully molded handle, an undecorated shoulder and the left part of the discus, witnessing its decoration made with a bird, probably a peacock, standing on a branch (cf. motif M40). African import. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 105 Inv. no. AK 13/I/4–303 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 4.10cm; E. 3.20cm G. fine clay with small inclusions of limestone and mica (small density) H. 7.5YR 6/3 (light brown); slip: 5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving part of the very carefully moulded handle, an undecorated shoulder and the left part of the discus, showing its decoration made with the theme of the dolphin swimming rightwards in front of a rudder (motif M41). African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 106
Inv. no. AK15/I/1B–49 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1B C. 6.40cm; E. 1.20cm G. fine grain limestone; single grains of organic
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–612 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 6.40cm; E. 1.20cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica and quartz (low density)
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130 | Laurent Chrzanovski H. 10YR 8/3 (very pale brown): slip: 10YR 3/3 (dark brown)
in the mould: two characteristics, together with characteristics of the clay and slip, which indicate clearly an over-moulding procedure of an original Tunisian lamp. Our artifact was probably made in southern Italy or even in Sicily. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 108
Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving part of a roughly moulded handle, an undecorated shoulder, the beginning of the rounded nozzle and the main of the discus, decorated with the same theme seen on the previous artifact (motif M41). Sicilian production or unknown African import. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
Inv. no. AK15/I/4–131 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 C. 3.80cm; E. 3.00cm G. low density of fine grain limestone; single large grains of limestone; very fine volcanic inclusions H. 10R 7/4 (pale red); slip: (low quality) 10R 6/6 (light red)
No. 107 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–612 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.4 C. 7.00cm; E. 3.30cm G. fine clay with inclusions of mica and quartz (low density) H. 10YR 8/3 (very pale brown); slip: 10YR 3/3 (dark brown)
Small part of the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, decorated with the same theme seen on the previous artifact (motif M41). Sicilian imitation of nice quality, obtained by using the overmolding technique. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 109
Almost complete upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII. The discus, defined by a circular groove, is decorated with the same theme as seen on the previous artifacts (cf. motif M41). The nozzle is separated from the shoulder by three deep incised horizontal lines underlined on their junction by two impressed points. The handle, moulded and pierced, is decorated with two sunken lines and its base is surrounded on the shoulder by an impressed point on each side. As we can observe, the lamp has a few raised dots and impressed points resulting from oxygen bubbles and remnants of rough material remained
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–552 A. XXIX/65/2; B. US.4 C. 4.20cm G. fine clay with very fine inclusions of limestone and mica H. 7.5YR 7/3 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 4/4 (reddish brown)
Left upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving its undecorated shoulder, the
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beginning of the rounded nozzle defined by an impressed line and almost all of the right side of the discus, adorned with almost vertical palm leaves (cf. motif M46). Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 110 Inv. no. AK18/I/10–310 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.10 C. 6.60cm; E. 6.00cm G. medium density of fine grain silver mica; low density of fine grain limestone H. 5YR 6/4 (light reddish brown); slip: (interior and exterior) 2.5YR 5/8 (red)
Upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the undecorated shoulder, the handle, and a very tiny portion of the discus, enough to allow us to see a pointed leaf, belonging to the very popular pattern of a rosette of four pointed petals (cf. motif M48). Italian or African import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 111 Inv. no. AK15/I/4–75 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 C. 4.50cm; E. 2.30cm G. low density of very fine grain volcanic; low density of very fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 8/4 (pink); slip: none
Fragment of the upper part of a Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the shoulder, adorned
with carefully impressed half ovules, and a good portion of the discus is adorned with concentric sunbeams starting from the raised circles surrounding the filling-hole (cf. M52). Very nice Sicilian production. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd century AD
No. 112 Inv. no. AK13/I/10A–559 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.10A C. 3.50cm G. very pure clay H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 10R 3/4 (dark red)
Fragment of the upper part of a of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the shoulder, decorated with impressed half ovules, the broken base of the moulded handle as well as a small portion of the discus adorned with the very common pattern of the rosette made of twelve petals (cf. M50). Archaeological context and date: late 2nd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: AD 150–225 AD
No. 113 Inv. no. AK14/I/21–246 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.21 C. 3.70cm G. fine clay with inclusions of limestone, mica and organic grains (low density) H. 2.5Y 7/3 (light brown); slip: none or lost
Left upper part of a of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the undecorated shoulder, as well as a good portion of the discus adorned with the same
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132 | Laurent Chrzanovski pattern seen on the previous artifact (cf. M50). Sicilian production obtained by over-moulding, as we can observe by the numerous small, raised globules, betraying as many oxygen bubbles remained in the mould. Archaeological context and date: 3rd/2nd rd century BC–3 century AD Lychnological date: 150–225 AD
No. 114 Inv. no. AK19/I/3G–253 A. XXIX/75/4; B. US.3G C. 4.10cm; E. 3.00cm G. low density of fine grain organic matter H. 2.5YR 6/6 (light red); slip: 2.5YR 5/8 (red)
Small part of the discus of a lamp of undetermined type, showing the rear paws of a bear running leftwards, a unique witness of reproduction, outside Italy, of this motif known on very few perfectly made central Italian Loeschcke type IV (cf. motif M32). Original very fine Italian import. African production (?). Archaeological context and date: under study as far as its date range is concerned Lychnological date: 2nd–3rd century AD
No. 115 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–639 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.4 C. 4.50cm G. very pure clay H. 10R 6/4 (red); slip: 10R 6/4 (red)
Small part of the discus of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, showing the rear paws of a bear – the same decoration seen on the previous artifact (cf.
motif M32). Very faint details. African production heavily damaged by soil conditions. Archaeological context and date: 1st–3rd century AD Lychnological date: 2nd–3rd century AD
No. 116 Inv. no. AK19/I/1C–41 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.1C C. 4.50cm; E. 6.60cm G. small density of very fine grain organic; small density of very fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 2.5YR 6/6 (light red)
Rear part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, with undecorated shoulder and handle lost; the large part pf the discus preserved shows a deer running leftwards (cf. motif M35). African production very damaged by the soil conditions. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 150/175–225 AD
No. 117 Inv. no. AK18/I/0–400 A. XXIX/44/4, 45/3–4, 46/3; B. US.0 C. 2.30cm; E. 1.90cm G. medium density of very fine grain limestone; single fine organic matter H. 2.5YR 7/6 (light red); slip: (almost completely washed off) 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) – 7.5YR 8/4 (pink)
Small fragment of discus with the depiction of two winged Cupids, the left one trying to maintain on his feet the right one, drunk and holding a wine grape (cf. motif M3). Probably an African import, totally deteriorated by its presence on the surface layer.
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Late Republican to 3rd Century AD Lamps Found at Acrae | 133
Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 118 Inv. no. AK13/I/8–542 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.8 C. 5.20cm G. fine clay with inclusions of fine mica and single grains of limestone H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 10YR 2/1 (black)
Fragmentary upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the discus and of the shoulder – decorated with small, impressed incisions. The discus is ornamented with a small lioness running leftwards (cf. motif M29). Very probably an African import. Archaeological context and date: 3rd/4th century AD Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 119 Inv. no. AK19/I/83–548 A. XXIX/64/4; B. US.83 C. 3.60cm; E. 3.70cm G. low density fine grain mica; very low density of fine grain limestone H. inside: 2.5YR 5/1 (grey); outside: 5YR 6/3 (light reddish brown); slip: 5YR 4/2 (dark reddish grey) – 5YR 5/3 (reddish brown)
on the discus rim and on the shoulder, betraying an oxygen bubble in the mould. Archaeological context and date: end of the 4th– beginning of the 6th century AD; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 120 Inv. no. AK18/I/10–303 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.10 C. 4.20cm; E. 5.90cm G. silver mica; small density of fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 6/3 (light brown) – 7.5YR 6/4 (light brown); slip: not preserved
Fragmentary upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a small part of the discus and of the shoulder as well as of the handle. The small part of a motif allows to recognize an erotic scene (cf. motif M28), revived by African workshops one century after the apex of its popularity, in Italy and the northern Mediterranean provinces, during the first 40 years of our era. Regionally made production of extremely mediocre quality, without excluding – by considering the presence of silver mica and of the good quality of the clay – a very decadent African import. Archaeological context and date: late 3rd century BC–mid-3rd century AD Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
No. 121 Inv. no. AK19/I/1C–186 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.1C C. 3.60cm; E. 3.30cm G. fine clay; high density of very fine gold mica; very low density of fine grain limestone H. 5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 10R 6/8 (light red) Fragment belonging to a typical Loeschcke type VIII production of Severan times, according to the shoulder decoration made of relief sunrays and the rendering of a personage holding a stick, on which not a few hypotheses can be drawn (cf. motif M19). Sicilian-made lamp obtained by over-moulding, as can be observed through several raised globules
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134 | Laurent Chrzanovski Small fragment of the upper part of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving the shoulder, ornamented impressed half ovules, as well as the upper side of the discus, adorned with one small palm leaf, very probably belonging to the rare rendering of the rosette made of four vertical palm leaves (cf. motif M47). African import. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 175–225 AD
as the previous artifact (cf. motif M44). Probably an Italian import damaged by the soil conditions, hence losing its slip and erasing the motif. Archaeological context and date: 3rd/4th century AD Lychnological date: 175–230 AD
No. 122 Inv. no. AK11/I/3–191 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.3 C. 3.80cm G. fine clay with inclusions of fine-grained limestone and fine-grained mica H. 7.5YR 7/3 (pink); slip: 7.5YR 4/4 (brown)
No. 124 Inv. no. AK15/I/0–76 A. XXIX/65/3; B. US.0 C. 7.00cm; E. 4.50cm G. medium density of fine grain limestone; medium density of fine grain organic matter H. 2.5Y 8/2 (pale brown); slip: (barely preserved) 7.5YR 5/3 (brown)
Small fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the left undecorated shoulder and a part of the left side of the discus, adorned by two oak leaves (cf. motif M44). Sicilian fine production obtained using the over-moulding technique, witnessed by two small, raised globules, betraying oxygen bubbles remaining in the mould. Archaeological context and date: 4th–mid-7th century AD; with many rubbles; a fragment of the lamp of a residual character (intrusion) Lychnological date: 175–230 AD
No. 123 Inv. no. AK14/I/8B–95 A. XXIX/65/2; B. US.8B C. 3.80cm G. slip: lost; fine clay with inclusions of limestone (low density), organic inclusions (low density) H. 7.5YR 5/3 (brown) Small fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the beginning of the handle, of the left undecorated shoulder and of the left side of the discus, adorned by the same pattern
Full discus, part of the undecorated shoulder and of the beginning of the nozzle of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, adorned by the same pattern as the previous artifacts (cf. motif M44). Probably an Italian import damaged by soil conditions, hence losing its slip and erasing the motif. Archaeological context and date: mixed, superficial Lychnological date: 175–230 AD
No. 125 Inv. no. AK16/I/27–664 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.27 C. 2.70cm; E. 3.50cm G. low density of fine grain limestone H. 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) – 6/6 (reddish yellow); slip: (partially washed off) 7.5YR 5/3 (brown) Small fragment of a lamp of Loeschcke type VIII, preserving a part of the left undecorated shoulder
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over-moulding technique, testified by numerous small raised globules, betraying oxygen bubbles remained in the mould. Archaeological context and date: end of the 5th century BC but, being a secondary deposit, it delivered heavily mixed materials of much later date, like our fragment Lychnological date: 175–230 AD
and of the left side of the discus, adorned with the same pattern as the previous artifacts (cf. motif M44). Sicilian production obtained using the
Copyright All images: © Archaeological Mission at Akrai
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136 | Laurent Chrzanovski
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Bussière, J. 2000. Lampes antiques d’Algérie, Montagnac. Bussière, J. & Lindros Wohl, B. 2017. Ancient Lamps in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. Cahn, E.–M. 2009. ‘Die römischen Bildlampen aus Köln’, Kölner Jahrbücher 42: 7–391. Carettoni, G. 1961. ‘Tusa (Messina): Scavi di Halaesa (seconda relazione)’, Notizie degli scavi di Antichità 15: 266–321. Casas i Genover, J. & Merino i Serra, J. 1990, ‘Troballes de ceràmica vidrada d’època romana a les comarques costaneres de Girona’, Cypsela VIII: 139–155. Casas i Genover, J. & Soler i Fusté, V. 2006. Llànties romanes d’Empúries. Materials augustals i alto-imperials, Girona. Cerulli Irelli, G. 1977. ‘Una officina di lucerne fittili a Pompei’, in: Carandini, A. (ed.), L’instrumentum domesticum di Ercolano e Pompei nella prima età imperiale. Atti di un incontro di Studi. Napoli, 30 maggio – 3 giugno 1973, Quaderni di cultura materiale 1: 53–72 and pl. XXVI–XLV. Chrzanovski, L. 2005. ‘Corona lucens. Le thème de la couronne végétale sur les lampes à huile antiques du Musée d’art et d’histoire’, Genava 53: 109–115. Chrzanovski, L. 2015. ‘The lamps of the 2011–2014 campaigns and their contribution towards a better understanding of the lychnological phenomenon in the Hyblaean highlands’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town, Akrai/Acrae in south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 155–221. Chrzanovski, L. 2018. ‘For a lychnological panopticon of Akrai before and during the Early Imperial period’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the Borders of Syracuse. Multidisciplinary Studies on the Ancient Town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw 2018: 231–251. Chrzanovski, L. 2020. Lampes antiques, byzantines et islamiques du Nil à l’Oronte. La Collection Bouvier, Warsaw. Chrzanovski, L. & Djaoui, D. 2018. ‘A (partial) Iconographical Dictionary of Early Roman Imperial lamps (70–130 AD). A Short Study of 290 Discus-motifs Adorning the Lamps Discovered within the Harbour Garbage Covering the “Arles-Rhône 3” Shipwreck and of their Geographic Repartition’, Peuce 16: 55–198. (http:// revistapeuce.icemtl.ro/wp-content/uploads/05– Chrzanovski-Peuce–16–2018_opt.pdf ) Chrzanovski, L., Chowaniec, R. 2019, ‘The popularity of the Ricci C wheel-made lamps in south-
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easten Sicily: questions and hypotheses’, in: Zych, I. & Chrzanovski, L. (eds.), Ancient lamps from Spain to India. Trade, influences, local traditions, Warsaw: 1. Corzo Sánchez, R. 1982a. ‘El ceramista Caius Iunius Dracus’, Boletín del Museo de Cádiz 3: 55–60. Corzo Sánchez, R. 1982b. ‘Un taller de ceramista en la Bahía de Cádiz Gaius Iunius Dracus’, in: Arce, J. (ed.), Homenaje a Sáenz de Buruaga, Badajoz: 389–395. Denaro, M. 2002. ‘Sofiana. Necropoli orientale – Settore settentrionale’, in: Bonacasa Carra, R. M. & Panvini, R. (eds.), La Sicilia centro-meridionale tra il II ed il VI sec. d.C. Catalogo della mostra: Caltanissetta-Gela, aprile–dicembre 1997, Caltanissetta: 225–236. Deneauve, J. 1969. Lampes de Carthage, Paris. Di Gioia, E. 2006. La ceramica invetriata in area vesuviana, Studi della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei 19, Roma. Di Stefano, C. A. 1975. ‘Nuove lucerne da Lilibeo’, Kokalos 21: 205–213. Fiorelli, G. 1885. ‘Castelvetrano. Relazione del cav. Prof. A. Salinas sugli aquidotti di Selinunte e sulle lucerne trovate nella vasca di Bigini presso Castelvetrano’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, gennaio 1885: 288–298. Fioriello, C. S. 2003. Le lucerne imperiali e tardoantiche di Egnazia, Bari. Fitch, C. R. & Goldman, N. W. 1994. ‘Cosa: The Lamps’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 39, Ann Arbor. Giannossa, L. C., Fico, D., Pennetta, A., Mangone, A., Laviano, R. & De Benedetto, G. E. 2015. ‘Integrated investigations for the characterisation of Roman lead-glazed pottery from Pompeii and Herculaneum (Italy)’, Chemical Papers 69.8: 1033–1043. Gibbins, D. J. L. 1989. ‘The Roman wreck of c. AD 200 at Plemmirio, near Siracusa (Sicily). Second interim report. The domestic assemblage, 1. Medical equipment and pottery lamps’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 18: 1–25. Goethert-Polaschek, K. 1985. Katalog der römischen Lampen des Rheinischen Landesmuseums Trier. Bildlampen und Sonderformen, Mainz. Guillaume-Coirier, G. 1993. ‘Les couronnes militaires végétales à Rome. Vestiges indo-européens et croyances archaïques’, Revue de l’histoire des religions 210.4: 387–411. Greene, K. 2007. ‘Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Invention and Innovation: The Case of LeadGlazed Pottery’, American Journal of Archaeology 111.4: 653–671.
Haley, E. W. 1990. ‘The lamp manufacturer Gaius Iunius Draco’, Münstersche Beiträge zur antiken Handelgeschichte 9.2: 1–13. Heres, G. 1972. ‘Die römischen Bildlampen der Berliner Antiken-Sammlung’, Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur der Antike, Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR 3, Berlin. Hübinger, U. 1993. Die antiken Lampen des Akademischen Kunstmuseums der Universität Bonn, Berlin. Joly, E. 1974. Lucerne del Museo di Sabratha, Roma. Käch, D. 2006. ‘Die Öllampen vom Monte Iato. Grabungskampagnen 1971 – 1992’, Studia Ietina 9, Lausanne. Lauricella, M. 2002. ‘I materiali’, in: Bonacasa Carra, R. M. & Panvini, R. (eds.), La Sicilia centro-meridionale tra il II ed il VI sec. d.C. Catalogo della mostra: Caltanissetta-Gela, aprile–dicembre 1997, Caltanissetta: 115–218. Leibundgut, A. 1977. Die römischen Lampen in der Schweiz. Eine kultur- und handelsgeschichtliche Studie, Bern. Libertini, G. 1930. Il Museo Biscari, Milano-Roma. Maccabruni, C. 1987. ‘Ceramica romana con invetriatura al piombo’, in: Lévèque, P. & Morel, J. P. (eds.), Céramiques Hellènistiques et Romaines 2, Paris: 167–182. Manganaro, G. 2003. ‘Agyrios capostipite di una famiglia di lucernari nella Catania del II sec. d.C.’, in: Epigraphica. Atti delle giornate di studio di Roma e di Atene in memoria di Margherita Guarducci (1902–1999), Roma: 135–140. Marini, S. 2019. Lucerne bollate in Italia centrale e settentrionale: (I–II sec. d.C.): aspetti tecnici, epigrafici, commerciali, Roma. Morais, R. (1997–1998). ‘Estudo de duas lucernas vidradas de época romana encontradas em Bracara Augusta’, Cadernos de Arqueologia 2: 14–15 and 165–173. Morillo Cerdán, A. 1996. ‘Lucernas vidriadas de época romana en la Península Ibérica. Dos ejemplares inéditos depositados en el Museo Arqueológico Nacional’, Anuario de la Universidad Internacional SEK 2: 29–44. Morillo Cerdán, A. 1999. Lucernas romanas en la región septentrional de la península ibérica. Contribución al conocimiento de la implantación romana en Hispania, Montagnac. Morillo Cerdán, A. 2017. ‘La ceramica vidriada romana y su presencia en Hispania’, in: Fernández Ochoa, C., Morillo Cerdán, A. & Zarzalejos Prieto, M. (eds.), Manual de cerámica romana III. Cerámicas romanas de época altoimperial III: cerámica común de mesa, cocina y almacenaje. Imitaciones hispanas de de series romanas. Otras producciones, Madrid: 381–433.
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138 | Laurent Chrzanovski Oziol, T. 1977. Les Lampes du Musée de Chypre, Salamine de Chypre 7, Paris. Palanques, M. L. 1992. Las lucernas de Pollentia, Palma de Mallorca. Panvini, R. 2002a. ‘Gela e il suo territorio’, in: Bonacasa Carra, R. M. & Panvini, R. (eds.), La Sicilia centro-meridionale tra il II ed il VI sec. d.C. Catalogo della mostra: Caltanissetta-Gela, aprile– dicembre 1997, Caltanissetta: 57–94. Panvini, R. 2002b. ‘Il territorio di Caltanissetta’, in: Bonacasa Carra, R. M. & Panvini, R. (eds.), La Sicilia centro-meridionale tra il II ed il VI sec. d.C. Catalogo della mostra: Caltanissetta-Gela, aprile– dicembre 1997, Caltanissetta: 237–268. Pentiricci, M., Chrzanovski, L., Cirelli, E., Felici, F. & Fontana, S. 1998. ‘La villa suburbana di Uadi er-Rsaf (Leptis Magna): il contesto ceramico di età antonina (150–180 d.C.)’, Libya Antiqua 4:41–98. Perlzweig, J. 1961. Lamps of the Roman period. First to Seventh Century after Christ, The Athenian Agora 7. Princeton. Rodríguez Martín, F. G. 2002. Lucernas romanas del Museo Nacional de Arte Romano (Mérida), Madrid. Rosenthal, R. & Sivan, R. 1978. Ancient Lamps in the Schloessinger Collection, Jerusalem.
Sanciu, A. 2002. ‘Lucerne con bolli di fabbrica dal porto di Olbia’, in: Khanoussi, M., Ruggeri, P. & Vismara, C. (eds.), L’Africa romana: lo spazio marittimo del Mediterraneo occidentale, geografia storica ed economia. Atti del 14. Convegno di studio, 7–10 dicembre 2000, Sassari, V.2, Roma: 1281–1299. Sanciu, A. 2011. ‘Marchi di fabbrica su lucerne a becco tondo e cuoriforme del porto di Olbia’, Erentzias’, Erentzias 1: 183–218. Sotgiu, G. 1968. Iscrizioni latine della Sardegna 2.1. L’instrumentum domesticum: Lucerne, Padua. Trusz, K. 2015. ‘Depictions of ships on roman lamps’, International Journal of Environment and Geoinformatics 2.3: 27–33. Tuck, S. L. 2005. ‘The Origins of Roman Imperial Hunting Imagery: Domitian and the Redefinition of Virtus under the Principate’, Greece and Rome 52.2: 221–245. Vitale, E. 1998. ‘Intervento – Ceramiche di produzione locale e ceramiche d’importazione nella Sicilia tardo-antica (Carra R. M.)’, Kokalos XLIII– XLIV.1 (1997–1998): 397–452. Waldhauer, O. 1914. Kaiserliche Ermitage, die antike Tonlampen, Saint Petersburg. Ziviello, C. 1989. ‘Le terrecotte invetriate’, in: De Luca, L. (ed.), Le collezioni del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Roma: 87–89 and 202–205.
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Changes in the Fine Pottery Supply Pattern in South-Eastern Sicily during the Late Republican and Early Imperial Period as Reflected by Finds from the Recent Excavations in Akrai/Acrae Krzysztof Domżalski
Abstract Archaeological excavations within the residential area of ancient town Akrai allowed to obtain and elaborate a large number of pottery fragments, among them fine wares, dated between 4th century BC–8th century AD. The fine wares come from various stratigraphic units and it allowed to built the precise quantitative analysis of the this type of pottery used by the inhabitants. The particular attention was paid the south-eastern Sicilian provenience of Orange Terra Sigillata. The chapter presents a general picture of the diachronic changes in the fine pottery supply pattern. Tableware, terra sigillata, Campana C ware, Orange Terra Sigillata, Eastern Sigillata, Italian Terra Sigillata, Late Roman Republican period, Early Imperial period, Akrai/Acrae
The analysis of the fine pottery finds reflecting one of the interesting aspects of the material culture in the very long and uninterrupted history of the Greek-Roman settlement in Akrai/Acrae between the 7th century BC and the 8th century AD 1 shows a very important change in their supply pattern which took place during the Late Roman Republican and Early Roman Imperial periods, corresponding with the similar situation in the whole south-eastern part of Sicily. This change consisted in a gradual departure from the regional model of supplying the highest quality tableware produced in the south-eastern corner of the island in favour of the vessels imported mainly from the neighbouring overseas regions: the Italian Peninsula and North Africa. This chapter is focused on exposing this process, related at the same time to the decline of the long-lasting tradition of producing blackgloss vessels and to the beginnings of the manu-
facture and spread of terra sigillata. The remarks below are based on the macroscopic and morphological analyses of the finds from the recent excavations in Akrai, as well as on the studies of the published materials from other archaeological sites in Sicily. Archaeological investigations in the central part of Akrai 2 allowed to collect a large number of pottery fragments from various stratigraphic units and to conduct precise quantitative analysis of the fine wares used by the inhabitants, especially between the times directly preceding the construction of the excavated residential complex in the late 3rd century BC and its final abandonment in the 8th century AD. 3 A diachronic study of these materials, including also rich accumulations of the Late Classical and Early Hellenistic sherds (4th–3rd century BC) deposited as rubbish in the 2
1
Cf. Chowaniec 2015a; Chowaniec 2017, 130–177.
3
Chowaniec 2015a; Chowaniec 2015b; Chowaniec et al. 2017. Domżalski 2015; Domżalski 2018.
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140 | Krzysztof Domżalski area chosen for the construction of the residential house allowed to identify gradual changes in the imported fine pottery supply pattern resulting from the location of the investigated town in the region with the fine pottery production infrastructure developed in the Classical and Hellenistic times and, on the other hand, situated near the crossroads of maritime trade routes. The essence of the most important of the observed changes consisted in the shift from the domination of the regional black-gloss and colour coated vessels produced in various pottery workshops in south-eastern Sicily, which lasted until the late 1st century BC, to the beginning of the regional production and then the massive imports of terra sigillata as the basic kind of fine wares vessels in the Early Roman, Late Antique, and Early Byzantine times from the neighbouring supra-regional production centres operating on the Italian Peninsula in the late 1st century BC–1st century AD and after their decline from the ones located in Northern Africa, from the 2nd century AD onwards. The attempt to produce terra sigillata in southeastern Sicily was possible owing to the experience and infrastructure used earlier for manufacturing the black-gloss ware but the stimulus was the inspiration taken from the imports of this kind of vessels from the Eastern Mediterranean. This production, however, after the initial success, ultimately collapsed around the mid-1st century AD due to the above-mentioned intensive terra sigillata imports from the Italian Peninsula, characterised by a much better quality, at that time. It is also worth to note the supplementary share of terra sigillata vessels from some other workshops involved in the long-distance trade in the discussed part of the Mediterranean, which embraced mostly the eastern producers, Aegean and Levantine, instead of the Gaulish or Spanish ones. These vessels arrived to south-eastern Sicily especially between the late 1st century BC and the late 2nd century AD, as well as during the Vandal occupation of Northern Africa in AD 430–530. The beginning of the discussed transformation from using the regional products to the imports from the overseas workshops took place during the Late Republican period when the Roman expansion embraced the whole Mediterranean and resulted in a dynamic development of the economic activity connected with the maritime trade, with the Italian Peninsula as the central part of the newly created empire. The increased number of merchant ships crossing the Strait of Messina led to the appearance of large numbers of attractive products in the ports adjoining it. It turned out that the fine
pottery vessels brought there, especially Levantine terra sigillata, which already dominated in the Eastern Mediterranean at that time, gained great popularity among the inhabitants of south-eastern Sicily, leading to the gradual enrichment of the regional pottery market dominated by the blackgloss vessels, with the imported Levantine ones of very similar shapes, but covered with red slip. In order better to understand the essence and dynamics of these changes, which are reflected by the finds from Akrai, it is necessary to present the starting point, i.e., the situation of the fine pottery production and distribution in southwestern Sicily in the 2nd century BC. At that time the vessels covered with the black slip, produced in many places in the traditional style having its roots in the Classical period, and conventionally called black-gloss ware, were predominant. 4 These vessels were used as tableware, hence they were mainly plates and bowls. They differed in their quality both as regards the precision of shaping and the appearance of the slip. The vessels of worse quality should be denoted with the popular in the Eastern Mediterranean name given to this kind of Hellenistic pottery: colour-coated ware, 5 yet, this name has not been introduced by the researchers in Sicily and the adjoining regions. Interestingly, some amounts of the black-gloss and also colour-coated vessels were more and more often fired in two colours: red inside and black on the outside. This was due to the fact that they were fired in compact stacks, without separators, which prevented the penetration of the reduced atmosphere into the inner parts of the vessels, but allowed to achieve larger production volumes. In the course of the 2nd century BC a distinctive group of the black-gloss vessels produced with the use of a slightly different technology began to gain popularity. The shapes of these vessels were precisely standardized. Their glossy slip and the frequently used technique of rouletting broad bands inside the biggest vessels made them look as if they were made of metal. These vessels are traditionally called Campana C ware, 6 as the third group of pottery which, according to an initial hypothesis, came from Campana. In fact, the vessels described above were made in some south-eastern Sicilian workshops and differed from the two other groups: A – true Campanian and B – Etrurian, by their greater degree of standardization, a smaller number of vessel forms, a 4 5 6
Stone 2014, 142–146 and 164–167. Hayes 1991, 23–31. Stone 2014, 146–164 (with further literature).
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Changes in the Fine Pottery Supply Pattern in South-Eastern Sicily as Reflected by Finds in Akrai | 141
broader use of the rouletted decoration and the limited presence of the stamped ornaments. Of the three groups only Campana A was successfully exported almost all over the Mediterranean and beyond, whereas the other two were rather meant for the regional markets. Starting from the mid-2nd century BC, the Campana C vessels became the main kind of tableware in the south-eastern Sicilian homes, gradually supplanting the other black-gloss and colour-coated products. Interestingly, Campana C ware resembled in their forms and precise shaping the predominant in the Eastern Mediterranean Levantine vessels covered with red slip, called Eastern Sigillata A (ESA). 7 The process of development of production of the two fine pottery wares groups occurred parallely in the 2nd century BC. The difference between them consists in the fact that the Levantine workshops, having started with the black-gloss and bi-coloured, black and red vessels, already in the second half of the 2nd century BC moved on to the production of the vessels completely covered with red slip. In contrast, the Sicilian workshops producing Campana C ware strictly followed the tradition of firing the completely black variant, not allowing to the production of bi-coloured or red ones. The domination of the black-gloss Campana C ware in the south-eastern Sicily started to decline when considerable numbers of the above-mentioned Eastern Sigillata A vessels began to be imported from the Levant. The finds from numerous archaeological sites in Sicily and Italian Peninsula indicate that the regular imports of the Eastern Sigillata A began to arrive since the early 1st century BC and it was continued in the following decades. 8 From the late Augustan period, when the terra sigillata production expanded significantly to the western Mediterranean, especially in the Italian Peninsula, the volume of these imports decreased, yet the Levantine vessels occasionally were brought through the Strait of Messina until the late 2nd century AD. It seems that the influence of the terra sigillata vessels imported in the Late Republican period from the East was crucial for the initiation and development of the production of vessels completely covered with red slip in Sicily and on the Italian Peninsula from the late 1st century BC onwards. The finds from south-eastern Sicily, including those from Akrai, prove that the imported Eastern
7 8
Hayes 1985, 9–48. Malfitana, Poblone & Lund 2005, 201.
Sigillata A vessels became popular there in the second half of the 1st century BC. The number of finds was considerable and the fact that some of the broken ESA vessels were carefully repaired with the use of lead clamps (see below) clearly indicates that they were highly valued. No such practices have been recorded so far among the Campana C ware found in large numbers at the investigated settlement. It seems that the presence of the terra sigillata imports from Levant encouraged the potters from south-eastern Sicily to switch from firing black vessels to red ones and thus follow the trend predominant in the Eastern Mediterranean. Observations of the macroscopic and morphological features of the discussed vessel fragments found in Akrai indicate that the first step in the departure from the reduction firing was the production of red variants of Campana C vessels, which shapes were already designed similarly to the imported Eastern Sigillata A ones. Such vessels found in Morgantina were called Republican red-gloss pottery. 9 In fact, the description of most of the fabrics of these vessels reveals their similarity both to Campana C ware and to the pottery group recently called Campanian Orange Sigillata. 10 Therefore, the discussed shift from producing black-gloss vessels to the red-gloss ones may have taken place in the workshops initially producing Campana C ware and this process resulted in the emergence of terra sigillata produced in Sicily, which was most probably the above-mentioned Orange Terra Sigillata, 11 prematurely called Campanian. The majority of vessels found in Morgantina, described as Republican red-gloss ware, seems to represent in fact the initial phase of Orange Terra Sigillata production. 12 In the last decades of the 1st century BC Orange Terra Sigillata became the main kind of fine ware in south-eastern Sicily, gradually changing their shapes under the influence of the terra sigillata vessels made on the Italian Peninsula. This domination caused that the number of the earliest finds of Italian Terra Sigillata in the investigated region is very small. In the course of the first decades of the 1st century AD the situation has changed completely: the increasing imports of Italian Terra
9 10 11
12
Stone 2014, 169–192. Kenrick 1985, 283–302; Soricelli 1987; Ettlinger et al. 1990, 12–13; Kenrick 1996, 43; McKenzie-Clark 2012. A tentative name Orange Terra Sigillata has been used later on, emphasizing the most typical macroscopic feature of the ware’s fabric only, cf. Domżalski 2018, 215–216. Stone 2014, 169–192.
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142 | Krzysztof Domżalski
Stratigraphic unit US.31 579 fragments
8% 6%
Campana C Ware Eastern Sigillata A
16%
49%
Orange Terra Sigillata Italian Terra Sigillata Italian Thin Walled Ware
13%
Other wares 8%
Fig. 1. Quantitative and percentual shares of the discussed fine ware groups found in stratigraphic unit US.31 (© K. Domżalski)
Stratigraphic unit US.45 46 fragments
15%
Campana C Ware 18%
Eastern Sigillata A Orange Terra Sigillata 67%
Fig. 2. Quantitative and percentual shares of the discussed fine ware groups found in stratigraphic units US.45 and US.46 (© K. Domżalski)
Sigillata reaching their greatest intensity in the second and third quarters of the 1st century AD
occurred simultaneously with the gradual decline of the Orange Terra Sigillata workshops and
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Changes in the Fine Pottery Supply Pattern in South-Eastern Sicily as Reflected by Finds in Akrai | 143
Fig. 3. Best preserved Campana C ware vessels found in Akrai, Trench I, 2011–2016 (© K. Domżalski, M. Gwiazda)
Fig. 4. Best preserved Eastern Sigillata A vessels of the Late Hellenistic series (forms 4A, 12 and 22B) found in Akrai, Trench I, 2011–2016 (© K. Domżalski, M. Gwiazda)
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144 | Krzysztof Domżalski
Fig. 5. Eastern Sigillata A plate, form 7 with traces of repair (indicated with arrows) found in Akrai, Trench I (© K. Domżalski, M. Zawistowska, M. Gwiazda).
resulted in the discontinuation of its production during that time. The above-presented hypothesis concerning the south-eastern Sicilian provenience of Orange Terra Sigillata contradicts the currently present in the literature opinion of its supposedly true Campanian origin. So far, the place of origin of the discussed pottery group has not been convincingly determined. In 1976 it was tentatively called Terra Sigillata Imitation 13 but a decade later a new name – Tripolitanian Sigillata – was proposed reflecting large numbers of such vessels found on that part of the African coast. 14 A few years later this hypothesis was modified by an accidental find made in Naples of two deformed by fire fragments of the discussed vessels, and by a series of physico-chemical analyses which indicated the similarity of the clay from which these vessels were made to the raw materials from Campania. This resulted in naming these vessels Campanian Orange Sigillata 15 or even Vesuvian Sigillata. 16 According to the present author, the Campanian origin of Orange Terra Sigillata is just as inaccurate as Tripolitanian. Instead, south-eastern Sicily as the production place is suggested mainly by the macroscopic similarity of the Orange Terra Sigillata fabric to that of the Campana C ware and to 13 14 15 16
Hayes 1976, 75–77. Kenrick 1985, 283–302. Soricelli 1987; Ettlinger et al. 1990, 12–13; Kenrick 1996, 43. McKenzie & Clark 2012.
the vessels of similar shapes, described in Morgantina as Republican red-gloss ware. The next argument supporting this hypothesis are very similar differences in the quality of the Orange Terra Sigillata vessels and Campana C ware ones. Some of the vessels representing both groups were shaped and fired very accurately achieving top quality, while some amounts of them were manufactured and fired rather carelessly. Most probably the observed differences in quality, with the overall similarity of the raw materials and the shapes of the vessels within the both groups, are due to the fact that they were produced in several workshops located at a distance from one another. The southeastern Sicilian origin of Orange Terra Sigillata has been also indicated by, besides its numerous presence there, the central location of the workshops in the relatively broad distribution area linked by maritime trade routes between Tripolitania and Campania. However, in order to get closer to the final explanation of the origin of Orange Terra Sigillata more investigations are necessary, including physico-chemical analyses. 17 The number of fragments of the above-mentioned pottery groups, essential for the discussed issue, discovered during the recent excavations in the central part of Akrai is considerable: Campana C ware – 763 fragments, Orange Terra Sigillata – 17
The introductory archaeometric analyses of selected fragments of the discussed vessels from the recent excavations in Akrai are being conducted at the archaeometric laboratory, University of Catania.
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Changes in the Fine Pottery Supply Pattern in South-Eastern Sicily as Reflected by Finds in Akrai | 145
Fig. 6. Best preserved Orange Terra Sigillata vessels found in Akrai, Trench I, 2011–2016 (© K. Domżalski, M. Gwiazda)
323 fragments, Eastern Sigillata A – 178 fragments, Italian Terra Sigillata – 580 fragments. It should be, however, noted that a large part of these finds are residual materials from much later contexts (stratigraphic units) dated to the Late Antique and Early Byzantine times. As it has been mentioned
at the beginning of the paper, the best represented contexts are those connected with the construction of the residential complex in the late 3rd century BC, its destruction and partial abandonment in the late 4th century AD, and its final abandonment in the 8th century. However, the above presented outline can
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146 | Krzysztof Domżalski be illustrated by several contexts, which, despite a relatively small number of finds comparing with the ones listed above, show a clear picture of the described process. The contexts used to illustrate it are the accumulations of the pottery materials covering the street adjoining the residential complex from the east. The largest amounts of the analysed materials were found in stratigraphic unit US.31: 335 fragments. The absence of the ‘traditional’ forms of black-gloss and colour-coated vessels combined with the domination of the Campana C ware fragments indicate that the accumulation of the pottery sherds began in the first half of the 1st century BC, while the few fragments of the Italian Terra Sigillata and African Red Slip ware are the latest components dated to the late 1st–early 2nd century AD. As it is shown in fig. 1, the accumulation embraces a sequence of four groups of fine wares which dominated in south-eastern Sicily in the 1st century BC and 1st century AD (in the chronological order): Campana C ware, Eastern Sigillata A, Orange Terra Sigillata, and Italian Terra Sigillata. Among those groups the Campana C ware and Italian Terra Sigillata (ITS) are the most numerous, which well illustrates the beginning and the final phases of the above presented shift from the initially predominant products made regionally to the domination of the ones imported from neighbouring overseas workshops. The remaining groups: Eastern Sigillata A and Orange Terra Sigillata, in turn, illustrate the first phase of the regular terra sigillata imports from the Eastern Mediterranean and, respectively, the impact of these imports resulting in the first attempt to produce terra sigillata vessels in Sicily. The two remaining stratigraphic units US.45 and US.46, although containing much less abundant material, and dated to a narrower period, from the 1st century BC to the early 1st century AD, reveal very similar proportions of the fragments of the above mentioned fine ware groups (fig. 2). The best preserved fragments of the vessels representing the three morphologically related
pottery groups: Campana C ware, Eastern Sigillata A and Orange Terra Sigillata are presented on figures 3–6. They are also examples of the most popular vessel forms in these groups. An interesting specimen among these finds is the carefully repaired ESA plate, proving that the vessel was highly valued by its owner (fig. 5). Similar trace of repair was also revealed on another ESA plate, illustrated in figure 4:1. No examples of such meticulous repairs have been found among the contemporary to them fine ware vessels of regional origin. Among the Orange Terra Sigillata finds the forms having equivalents in early Italian Terra Sigillata shapes are predominant (fig. 6). It explains why such ITS forms, imported from the Italian Peninsula, are found in Akrai sporadically. Among the latest of the discussed groups, Italian Terra Sigillata vessels from the second and third quarters of the 1st century AD are the most numerous. This overview should be completed with the remark that the analysed vessels covered with black or red slip were accompanied with quite a numerous group of vessels called thin-walled ware. Although they were also fired in two colours, black/grey or red/brownish, but as a separate group of only drinking vessels, they did not undergo strictly the recorded change which concerned only the tableware. Therefore, such vessels fired black or grey were also distributed in the 1st century AD. The above-presented outline of the diachronic changes in fine pottery supply pattern provides only a general picture, which should be followed by more detailed typo-chronological analysis of the vessels from the discussed groups. This will be possible when a larger source base of materials from the contexts dated to the period in question is revealed. It is also necessary to expand the number of physico-chemical analyses which will shed light on the origins of the Orange Terra Sigillata vessels, which is pivotal for the understanding of the above discussed process of change.
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Literature Chowaniec, R. 2015a. ‘General remarks on the new archaeological studies in Akrai/Acrae (2009– 2014)’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the Past of an Ancient Town. Akrai/Acrae in South-Eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 31–41. Chowaniec, R. 2015b. ‘Comments on the history and topography of Akrai/Acrae in the light of new research’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the Past of an Ancient Town. Akrai/Acrae in SouthEastern Sicily, Warsaw: 43–78. Chowaniec, R. 2017. The Coming of Rome. Cultural Landscape of south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw. Chowaniec, R., Młynarczyk, J., Domżalski, K., Więcek, T., Wagner, M., Gręzak, A., Misiewicz, K., Więch, M., Chmielewski, K., Lanteri, R., Fituła, M., Stobiecka, M. 2017. ‘Akrai/Acrae – The Greek Colony and Roman Town. Preliminary Report on the Excavations by the University of Warsaw Archaeological Expedition in 2015’, Archeologia 66:105–130. Ettlinger, E., Hedinger, B., Hoffmann, B., Kenrick, P. M., Pucci, G., Roth-Rubi, K., Schneider, G., Von Schnurbein, S., Wells, C. M. & Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger, S. 1990. Conspectus formarum terrae sigillatae Italico modo confectae, Bonn. Domżalski, K. 2015. ‘Roman and Late Antique fine pottery from Akrai (2011–2014). First discoveries and research problems’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the Past of an Ancient Town. Akrai/Acrae in South-Eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 277–293.
Domżalski, K. 2018. ‘Quantifying and contextualizing pottery from Akrai. General information with particular attention to the Fine Ware evidence’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the borders of Syracuse. Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 209–223. Hayes, J. W. 1976. ‘Pottery: stratified groups and typology’, in: Humphrey, J. H. (ed.), Excavations at Carthage 1975 Conducted by the University of Michigan, vol. 1, Tunis: 47–123. Hayes, J. W. 1985. ‘Sigillate orientali’, in: Caratelli, G. P. (ed.) Ceramica fine romana nel bacino mediterraneo (tardo ellenismo e primo impero), Atlante delle forme ceramiche II, Enciclopedia dell’Arte antica, classica e orientale, Roma:1–96. Hayes, J. W. 1991. The Hellenistic and Roman Pottery, Nicosia. Kenrick, P. M. 1985. The Fine Pottery. Excavations at Sidi Khrebish, Benghazi (Berenice) 3.1, Tripoli. Kenrick, P. M. 1996. ‘The importation of Italian sigillata to Algeria’, Antiquités africaines 32: 37–44. Malfitana, D., Poblome, J. & Lund, J. 2005. ‘Eastern Sigillata A in Italy. A socio-economic Evaluation’, Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 80: 199–212. McKenzie-Clark, J. 2012. Vesuvian Sigillata at Pompeii, London. Soricelli, G., 1987. ‘‘Tripolitanian Sigillata’: North African or Campanian?’, Libyan Studies 18: 73–87. Stone, S. C. 2014. The Hellenistic and Roman Fine Pottery, Princeton.
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Transport Amphorae from Akrai/Acrae Marcin Matera
Abstract The paper is a short presentation of the amphorae repertoire discovered during the excavations conducted by the Archaeological Mission at Akrai/Acrae. Due to the specificity of the explored layers most data on amphorae types refer to the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine periods. Fragments of Roman and Hellenistic amphorae are represented quite poorly. The very wide spectrum of amphora types shows that Akrai/Acrae received goods from numerous, sometimes distant centres, from both the western and eastern Mediterranean basin. However, a major significance in the supply of products at that time had North Africa, especially in the region of modern Tunisia. Local trade also played an important role, as evidenced by the finds of Sicilian amphorae. Transport amphorae, import of goods, Hellenistic amphorae, Roman amphorae, Late Roman amphorae, Akrai/ Acrae
Introduction Since 2017 systematic studies of amphorae from the excavation site, including typological, statistical and chronological analyses were conducted. 1 Due to the specificity of the explored layers most data on amphorae types refer to the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine periods. This allows us to create the most complete picture, and probably one closest to historical realities, of both the scale and direction of imports of goods to the city at that time. Fragments of amphorae from earlier periods of the town’s history, although present in the archaeological material, are represented quite poorly.
1
An elaboration of amphorae in 2014–2015 was done by M. Więch, cf. Chowaniec et al. 2015 (2017).
At this point it is necessary to mention the methodological problem related to the attribution of individual amphora types to separate groups of materials corresponding to the periods of the site’s history. 2 As is commonly known, fragments of amphorae belong to one of the most frequent archaeological finds on all archaeological sites, especially those of an ancient urban character. In addition, they are a group of relatively well-developed materials, both in terms of typology and chronology. This applies in particular to stamped Hellenistic amphorae, which, thanks to the development of ceramic epigraphy, 3 can now be dated 2 3
Chowaniec 2017. On the history of development of ceramic epigraphy, Cf. Brašinskij 1961, 293–306; Sztetyłło 1962, 4–6; Brašinskij 1966, 332–340; Sztetyłło 1971, 6–19; Kac & Tunkina
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150 | Marcin Matera
Fig. 1. Fragments of Greco-Italic amphorae (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
very precisely. The situation with unstamped amphorae is much worse. Their utilitarian character and a kind of distinguishing mark, which was the form of the vessel itself (not to mention the specificity of the ‘artisanal’ character of production typical for ancient production) made it so that the production of particular types often lasted even several hundred years. Nevertheless, amphora sherds are often used as dating material. Although the chronology obtained from the amphorae, with the exception of the use of ceramic epigraphic data, is not precise, the quantity of finds in most cases eliminates the risk of confusion associated with the processes of residence and the permeation of artefacts. However, relatively wide dates make it difficult to attribute the material to particular groups corresponding to the periodisation applied in historical sciences or periods of the site’s history. 4 Taking into account all of the above factors, it should be stated that the process of attribution of material to particular groups conceals a certain risk of image distortion, as it may suggest changes of a historical nature, changes that never actually took place or were connected with supra-regional processes. The description of amphorae that were chronologically contemporary and a misattribution of only one of them to different groups may also lead to an aberration of the depicted image of imports in a given period of time. At this point, the division of material within Hellenistic, Late Republican and the Early Imperial periods should be explained. This division
4
1990, 111–122, cf. Tunkina 2002, 348–354; Sztetyłło 1990, 404–407; Badal’ânc 2000, chap. II, § 2 and 50–62; Garlan 2000, 11–20; Kac 2007, 50–93; Garlan 2011, 11–14; Badoud 2019, 9–13. Precise periodisation of pottery is done for the closed contexts, e.g. cistern, cf. Chowaniec et al. 2020.
reflects the two traditions of amphora production – indigenously Greek from non-Greek – rather than an alleged chronological division. Taking into account the fact that Lamboglia 2 amphorae allocated to the Late Republican/Early Imperial group were produced from the 2nd century BC until the last thirty years of 1st century BC and Dressel 1 amphorae, depending on the variant, from the 40s to the 30s of the 2nd century BC until the last decade of the 1st century BC, occurred exactly in the same period as amphorae from Rhodos, Knidos or Kos. Besides, Dressel 1 amphorae are an evolutionary form of Greco-Italic amphorae. Given Akrai’s geographical location, it should be assumed that the majority of products arriving in amphorae were likely to arrive to the town via the port in Syracuse. The exception was probably local Sicilian products supplied in amphorae such as the Catania flat-bottomed, Catania MR 1a and Spinella. Therefore, with the exception of local amphorae, it is difficult to speak of direct contacts and trade links of Akrai itself. It seems, however, that the distance of the town from the coast has not had a major impact on the spectrum of imported goods 5. The variety of amphorae types present at the site is very large. Approximately 40 types of amphorae can be separated for (the best certified and represented archaeological materials) the Late Antique period. It should be stressed that with the accumulation of more excavation materials and the development of research, this number will continue to grow for each period of the town’s history. At this stage of research, the number of materials dated to the earliest stage of Akrai’s history is too poor to provide any basis for information on trade relations during these times. So far, only few
5
Chowaniec 2017.
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Fig. 2. Microscopic view of different groups of clay of Greco-Italic amphorae (photo Matera, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
fragments of Archaic or Early Classical amphorae have been discovered. First, more or less, the data on amphorae from Akrai related to the Hellenistic period. The
percentage share of Hellenistic amphorae in the total ceramic material is, however, still quite poor. The analyzed material shows a predominance of Greco-Italic amphorae (fig. 1). It indicates the exist-
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Fig. 3. Fragments of type B amphorae (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
ence of intensive and developed local or regional trade and the import of goods from Italy as well. These amphorae were produced in various centres, both in Sicily and Magna Graecia, Campania, Lazio and Etruria. 6 Indeed, within the materials found in Akrai there are several different groups of clay matrices (fig. 2). Similarly, Dressel 1 7 amphorae were produced in ceramics factories located both in Italy and in Sicily itself, but in this case the distinctive so called ’black sand fabric’ predominates, which is related to Campanian productions. 8 To the group of Hellenistic materials belong also the fragment of the so-called type B or Corinthian type B amphorae (fig. 3). 9 The morphology of discovered examples allows for dating from the mid-4th to the middle of the 3rd century BC. Among them are fragments made at least from
6
7 8
9
More on Greco-Italic amphorae, cf. Will 1982, 338–356; Manacorda 1986; Vandermersch 1986; Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 25–30; Hesnard et al. 1989; Vandermersch 1994; Paczyńska 2002, 107–120; Olcese 2004; Olcese 2010. More on Dressel 1 amphorae, cf. Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 30–33. Tchernia & Zevi 1972, 37, 39, tabs. II.3 II.4, 40; Panella & Fano 1977, 145; Riley 1979, 149; Hesnard 1980, 143; Steinby 1984, 268; Peacock & Williams 1986, 87–88; Tchernia 1986, 45 and 47; Williams & Peacock 2005, 141–142; Theodore Peña & McCallum 2009, 177–178; Gasner & Sauer 2016, 4–6. On the analyses of chemical composition of Dressel 2–4 amphorae in ‘black sand fabric’, cf. Hesnard et al. 1989, 38–41. More on type B amphorae, cf. Koehler 1981, 452–454; Keler (Koehler) 1992, 272–277; Whitebread 1995, 258–261; Göransson 2007, 88–97.
three different types of clay (fig. 4). 10 Some of them seem to belong to the production of Corcyra. The discovery of a pottery workshop in Corfu 11 confirmed the existence of a local production of the ‘Corcyrean’ type B amphorae. 12 The results of recent archaeometric and archaeological research show the possibility of existence of multiple workshops producing type B amphorae in Greece, Albania, and southern Italy 13 including Sicily. 14 The presence of the fragments of Lamboglia 2 and/or Dressel 6 certifies the import of goods from the Adriatic Coast (fig. 5). 15
10
11 12 13
14 15
On the fabrics, mineralogical and petrographical analyses of type B amphorae, cf. Whitebread 1986, 99–98; Keler (Koehler) 1992, 272–274; Whitebread 1995, 274–278; Göransson 2007, 90–93. Preka-Alexandri 1992. Kourkoumelis 1992, 43–44 and 46. Barone et al. 2004; Katić 2004; Barone et al. 2005, 20–25; Santos Retolaza 2008, 126–127; Gamberini & Vecchietti 2011, 422 and no. 54; Gassner 2011; Aleotti 2015, 102; Gassner 2015, 349–354; Hernandez 2017, 256; Finocchiaro et al. 2018, 180 and 185–186. Barone et al. 2012. The researchers emphasized the similarity of the form and fabric of both types of amphorae, cf. Riley 1979, 151; Peacock & Williams 1986, 99; Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 33.
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Fig. 4. Microscopic view of different groups of clay of type B amphorae (photo Matera, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 5. Rim of Lamboglia 2 amphora with stamp ABSAL(O)M(AS) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Dodecanese centres are represented by the amphorae from Rhodes, 16 Cnidus 17 and Kos, 18 which very clearly indicates the directions of imports of goods from this region from the 3rd century at least up to the end of the 2nd century BC. In the group of Hellenistic amphorae, examples of ceramic stamps were also recorded. These are mainly Rhodian stamps dating back to the first and second half of the 2nd century BC. Among them, the stamps of eponyms Ἀλεξιάδας, Ἀριστόγειτος, Ἀρχοκράτης 2nd and Κλειτόμαχος, and fabricants Ἀγορᾶναξ, Γοργίας, Τιμόθεος, and Δαμοκράτης were registered (fig. 6). Around the middle of the 1st century BC or a little earlier, goods from southern Spain are also beginning to arrive in Akrai, as evidenced by the findings of fragments of Haltern 70 type amphorae. 19 At the end of this century goods in Dressel 7/Beltran 1 amphorae start to flow to Akrai as well. Perhaps it testifies to the gradual reorientation of Mediterranean trade that took place in the 1st century BC and prove that this process also extended to south-eastern Sicily. Amphorae known as the Koan type and their Italian variant Dressel 2–4 are a separate group.
16 17
18
19
General characteristics of Rhodian amphorae, cf. Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 18–20; Monahov 2003, 111–122; Monachov (Monahov) 2005, 69–95. General characteristics of Cnidian amphorae, cf. Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 20–22; Monahov 1999, 161–172; Monahov 2003, 101–110; also Doksanaltı, Karaoğlan & Zoroğlu 2019. General characteristics of Koan amphorae, cf. Hesnard 1986, 75–78; Empereur & Hesnard 1987, 22–23; Papuci-Władyka 1997, 47–54; Papuci-Władyka 1998, 155–165; Monahov 2014, 196–216. More on Haltern 70 amphorae and their production, cf. Carreras Monfort 2000, 422–424; Carreras Monfort 2003; Puig 2004; Carreras Monfort 2018, 217–223.
Fig. 6. Rhodian amphorae handles with stamps of eponyms: a) Ἀλεξιάδας, b) Ἀριστόγειτος (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Among the materials from Akrai there are at least several variants of these amphorae produced in different centres (fig. 7). Ten different ceramic masses were separated and determined for further petrographic analyses. Their results will help to establish their provenance and carry out further typological analyses. Distinctive ‘black sand fabric’ 20 and the presence of the stamp LE(V)M(A) C[H]I (fig. 8) indicates a Campanian origin for some of them, 21 as the Eumachius family is wellknown on Pompeii and the vicinity of Pompeii. 22
20 Tchernia & Zevi 1972, 37, 39, tabs. II.3 II.4, 40; Panella & Fano 1977, 145; Riley 1979, 149; Hesnard 1980, 143; Steinby 1984, 268; Peacock & Williams 1986, 87–88; Tchernia 1986, 45 and 47; Williams & Peacock 2005, 141–142; Theodore Peña & McCallum 2009, 177–178; Gasner & Sauer 2016, 4–6. On the analyses of chemical composition of Dressel 2–4 amphorae in ‘black sand fabric’, cf. Hesnard et al. 1989, 38–41. 21 Panella & Fano 1977, 149; van der Werff 1989, 359–360; Theodore Peña & McCallum 2009, 177. 22 Lucius Eumachius and Lucius Eumachius Eros are presumably the individuals named in a large number of tile stamps from Pompeii, cf. van der Werff 1989, 360; Theodore Peña & McCallum 2009, 177.
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Fig. 8. Handle of Koan type amphora with stamp LE(V)M(A)C[H]I (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 7. Fragments of Koan type amphorae (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 9. Koan type amphora handles with a light yellow to beige-pink slip (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
It was also possible to record the presence of amphora fragments from the Koan type group made of ceramic fabric resembling in macroscopic view the fabric of Spinella type amphorae (fig. 9). As in the case of Spinella amphorae, fired in an oxidising atmosphere, their surface is covered with a light yellow to beige-pink slip. Perhaps this permits the assumption that it is a local, Sicilian production of this type of amphorae. Dating of various amphorae from the Koan type group is closed in intervals of the 1st century BC–the first half of the 2nd century AD. 23 although examples from the beginning of the 3rd century AD are also known. 24 These amphorae were produced in
many centres: 25 in Italy, 26 in the territory of today’s Spain, 27 France, 28 Switzerland, 29 England, 30 Egypt, 31 in the territory of Cilicia, in North Africa, 32 on the coast of Karia and nearby islands, 33 and in many other regions. 34 Their production also took place on the southern shores of the Black Sea in Pontic
23 Vnukov 2000, 54. 24 Freed 1989, 616–617; Desbat & Savay-Guerraz 1990, 203–213.
25 Peacock 1977, 266; Peacock & Williams 1986, 105. 26 Hesnard 1977, 157 and 161–162; Facchini 1989, 560–561. 27 Tchernia & Zevi 1972, 36–40; Pascual 1977; Beltrán 1977, 108–110 and 112–114. 28 Tchernia & Villa 1977, 231–232; Becker 1989, 578–579; Morel 1989, 558–559. 29 Martin-Kilcher 1992, 51–58. 30 Castle 1978, 386, 391. 31 El-Asmhawi 1998, 62. 32 Bonifay 2004, 146. 33 Empereur & Picon 1989, 225–227. 34 Vnukov 2000, 56; Vnukov 2003, 197.
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Fig. 10. Peacock-Williams class 11 amphora handle (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Herakleia (light clay amphorae of the Vnukov C I type) 35 and in Sinope (light clay amphorae of the Vnukov Sin III type). 36 Amphorae from this group started to reach Akrai perhaps even earlier than the amphorae Beltran 1 and Haltern 70 types, because they are already being made at the beginning of the 1st century BC. When considering the issue of amphora imports during the Hellenic period, it should be stressed out that it is extremely difficult to make an unambiguous, rigid division of parts of the material between the period in question and Late Republic and Early Imperial periods. Rather, it should be borne in mind that the 1st century BC was probably a period of gradual change, when the island centres of Greece lost their importance and new centres of the western Mediterranean appeared in the circle of product suppliers. At that time, however, products from both directions could reach Akrai, at least over a period of about 25–50 years. The most complete data about amphorae reaching Akrai are related to the Roman and Late Antique periods. These materials constitute over 75.0% of all fragments of amphorae discovered at the site. From the 1st century AD, Akrai is also supplied with products imported in amphorae of Peacock-Williams class 11 (fig. 10) 37 and amphorae
35 Vnukov 1988, 198–202; Vnukov 2000, 57; Vnukov 2003, 197. 36 Vnukov 2000, 57; Vnukov 2003, 197. 37 Peacock & Williams 1986, 107–108.
originating in Gaul. 38 The import of Dressel 7/ Beltran 1 amphorae is also continued. The chronological framework for the production of Dressel 7/Beltran 1 amphorae originating in Spain covers the period from the turn of the millennium to the end of 1st century AD. Peacock-Williams class 11 amphorae were produced in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. Their provenance has not yet been established. Gaulish amphorae, depending on the variant, were produced from the first to the 3rd century AD. It is worth noting that in the period under discussion, Akrai’s market is also receiving imitations of these amphorae, probably produced in Sicilian and/or Italian workshops. 39 During the first centuries of our era Dressel 14 amphorae were also coming to Akrai. The chronological framework for the production of these Lusitanian amphorae closes in the period from the mid-1st century 40 to the beginning of the 3rd century AD. 41 Among them, the largest group are amphorae from North Africa. Thanks to typological attributions, it is possible to separate amphorae from several different regions from Egypt in the east to Mauritania in the west. Among the North African amphorae, a large group consist Tunisian productions (fig. 11). These include the following types: Keay III, 42 Keay IIIA and IIIB Sim, 43 Keay IV, 44 Keay V Bis, 45 Keay VI, 46 Keay VII, 47 Keay VIIIA and B, 48 Keay XXV, 49 Keay XXXV, 50 Keay XXXVI, 51 Keay XL, 52 Keay XLII, 53 Keay LXI, 54 Keay LXII, 55 Keay LXIV, 56 Keay LXXXV 57 and Ostia XXIII. 58 The Keay XXVI 59 amphorae (fig. 12) belongs also to the group of North African containers. 38 On the typology and chronology of Gaulish amphorae, cf. Laubenheimer 1989, 105–138; Raynaud 1993. 39 Menchelli & Picchi 2016, 230–234. 40 Dias Diogo 1987, 182. 41 Fabião 2004, 393. 42 Keay 1984, 100–108. 43 Keay 1984, 101–102. 44 Keay 1984, 110–114. 45 Keay 1984, 115–118. 46 Keay 1984, 118–121. 47 Keay 1984, 121–126. 48 Keay 1984, 126–129. 49 Keay 1984, 184–212. 50 Keay 1984, 233–240. 51 Keay 1984, 240–245. 52 Keay 1984, 250–252. 53 Keay 1984, 255. 54 Keay 1984, 303–309. 55 Keay,1984, 309–350. 56 Keay 1984, 352. 57 Keay 1984, 376–379. 58 Bonifay 2004, 101. 59 Keay 1984, 212–219.
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Fig. 11. Fragments of North African amphorae (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 12. Fragment of Keay XXVI amphorae (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 13. Fragments of Spanish amphorae (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Their fragments were discovered at the kiln site of Ariana near Carthage. 60 The production of these amphorae was also confirmed in the area of ancient town of Neapolis (modern Nabeul). 61
The production of centres in Mauritania is represented by fragments of Keay I amphorae produced from the beginning of the 4th to the mid-5th century AD. 62
60 Keay 1984, 215; cf. Bonifay 2005, 452. 61 Bonifay 2005, 452; Ghalia, Bonifay & Capelli 2005, 496.
62 Keay 1984, 95–99.
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Fig. 14. Fragment of Keay LXXIX amphora (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 15. Catania flat-bottomed amphora (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Amphorae of type Keay IX/Tripolitana II 63 and Keay XI/Tripolitana III 64 reached Akrai from Tripolitan areas. A group of amphorae from the south of Spain (fig. 13) is also well represented in the material dated to Roman and late antique periods: Keay XIII, 65 Keay XVI, 66 Keay XIX 67 and Keay LXIX. 68 The Keay XXIII amphorae (fig. 13) come also from the Iberian Peninsula, where they were produced in many places in Lusitania 69 and southern Hispania. 70 Lusitanian production are also Keay XXII amphorae, what is confirmed by discoveries of kilns in the Tagus 71 and Sado 72 valleys and Algarve region. 73
The presence of Keay LXXIX amphorae (fig. 14) 74 at Akrai is the proof certifying imports of goods from Balearic region. 75 The production of Egyptian centres includes Peacock-Williams class 53 amphorae, the production of which dates from the end of the 4th to the mid-6th century AD. 76 Fragments of Egyptian amphorae type LRA 5 were also present in the ceramic material from Akrai. They are dated from the end of the 5th century AD until the period of the Umayyads. 77 It should be noted, however, that examples of Egyptian amphorae occur sporadically in the materials from Akrai. A large group of finds are also fragments of Sicilian flat-bottomed amphorae: the Catania flat-bottomed, Catania MR 1 (fig. 15), Naxos Keay 52 and Naxos flat-bottomed amphorae (fig. 16). 78 The chronology of the various flat-bottomed
63 64 65 66 67 68 69
Keay 1984, 129–131. Keay 1984, 133–136. Keay 1984, 140–146. Keay 1984, 149–155. Keay 1984, 156–168. Keay 1984, 360–362. Parker 1977, 36–37; Fabião 2004, 390–394, 396, 398–401 and 404; Bernardes & Viegas, 2016, 84–85, 87 and 89. 70 Quevedo & Bombico, 2016, 312. 71 Raposo, Santos & Antunes 2016. 72 Dias Diogo 1987, 183; Mayet &Tavares da Silva 2016, 61, 63, 68–69 and 71. 73 Dias Diogo 1987, 183; Bernardes & Viegas, 2016.
74 Keay 1984, 369. 75 Ramon 1986, 32, 25 and fig. 10, 4–6; Ramon 2008, 416, 418, 421, fig. 2, 10–1, 427 and fig. 8, 1–2. 76 Peacock & Williams 1986, 206–207. 77 Reynolds 2003, 726. 78 More on Sicilian flat-bottomed amphorae and their production, cf. Pacetti 1998; Ollà 2001, 48–49; Casalini 2014; Franco & Capelli, 2014a; Franco & Capelli 2014b.
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Fig. 17. Late Roman 1 amphora (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 16. Fragments of Naxos flat-bottomed amphorae (photo Jakubczyk, I.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Sicilian amphora variants is broad and covers the period from the second half of 1st to the first half of 5th century AD. 79 Amphorae of type MRA 3 dated from 1st to the 4th centuries AD and LRA 3 dated from the end of the 4th to the end of the 6th century AD are most likely to come from the area of West Asia Minor. 80 79 Franco & Capelli 2014a, 350. 80 For origin of MRA 3 amphorae, cf. Riley 1979, 184. For origin of LRA 3 Amphorae, cf. Rautman 1995, 81.
The LRA 1 amphorae (fig. 17) registered in archaeological material from Akrai probably came from several different production centres. In a macroscopic analysis, at least 6 different ceramic fabrics were distinguished. Among them, the fragments of LRA 1 amphorae of Cilician or Cypriot provenance were registered. 81 These amphorae were there produced from the second half of 4th century to the 7th century AD. 82 Levantine production is represented at Akrai by the fragments of LR 4 amphorae, which were 81
On production of LRA 1 amphorae on Cyprus and in Cilicia, cf. Demesticha 2000; Manning et al. 2000; Demesticha & Michaelides 2001; Demesticha 2003, 471–472; Piéri 2005, 80; Piéri 2007, 613–614; Iacomi 2010, 25; Autret 2012, 254; Demesticha 2014, 601. In earlier works the production on Cyprus and in Cilicia has been suspected on the basis of epigraphic evidence, visual observation of the fabrics and geological grounds, cf. Lang 1976, 57–58; Empereur & Picon 1988, 33, 35 and fig. 21; Empereur & Picon 1989, 236–243; Leidwanger 2014, 898–899. 82 Autret 2012, 263.
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Fig. 18. Fragment of rim of C Snp I amphora (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
produced from the 4th to 7th century AD; however, wider bodied versions are common in Beirut from the early 2nd to mid-3rd century AD. 83 A very interesting find is a fragment of Zeest100 84/C Snp I 85 amphora (fig. 18). Amphorae of this type are well known from antique sites in the Black Sea basin 86 and the sites of Chernayakhov culture. 87 They were produced in the Sinope region 88 from the beginning/first half of the 4th to the third quarter of the 6th century AD. 89
Reynolds 2005, 575. Zeest 1960, 120 and tab. 39, 100. Kassab Tezgör 2010, 128–129. Böttger 1982, 14, tab. 21, 14–15 and 249–250; Opaiţ 1996, 217; Bjelajac 1996, 78–79 and fig. XXVIII, 51; Magomedov 2011, 367. 87 Rikman 1972, 90; Magomedov 1987а, 35, fig. 8; 9, 1; Magomedov 1987b, 49, fig. 34, 3–6; Magomedov 2011, 367. 88 Kassab Tezgör 2010, 132; Smokotina 2011, 358. Detailed information on the dating of C SnpI amphorae by various researchers and further literature, cf. šnaâ 2015, 130–131. 89 Sazanov 1989, 50.
There were also fragments of amphorae in the ceramic material, the provenance of which is still unknown or debatable. These are Keay XXIV type amphorae, 90 Keay XXXVIII, 91 Keay LXV/LRA 2, 92 and Keay LXXII. 93 The data presented above suggests a wide range of imports into Akrai from both the western and eastern Mediterranean basin. However, North Africa played a major role in the supply of products at that time, especially in the region of modern Tunisia. The role of local products is also worth emphasizing, as evidenced by the relatively high percentage of Sicilian amphorae in the total analyzed material. During this period, the western centers also played an important role in the supply of goods, as confirmed by the finds of Lusitanian, Spanish and Ebusitan amphorae. To sum up, it should be emphasized once again that the presented picture is still incomplete. This applies in particular to the early stages of Akrai’s history. We have the most complete data for late antiquity and early Byzantine period. In this case, it is highly probable that the presented picture of trade contacts is a fairly complete reflection of historical reality. It will likely be supplemented and specified, as in the case of other periods of the town’s history, with the inflow of new source material.
83 84 85 86
90 Keay 1984, 179–184. 91 Keay 1984, 247–250. 92 Keay 1984, 352–357. A possible kiln site producing LRA 2 amphorae has been recorded near Kounoupi in the Argolid: Peacock & Williams, 1986, 182. 93 Keay, 1984, 364–366. Recent archaeometric studies suggest that Keay LXXII amphorae would be Ebusitan or local/regional products from the Valencia area, cf. Cau Ontiveros et al. 2019, 4050 and 4052.
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Kitchen Ware from Akrai/Acrae Jerzy Oleksiak
Abstract This chapter discusses kitchen and cooking pottery produced during excavation seasons between 2017 and 2019. New ceramic evidence brings to light a wide horizon of various types of kitchen and cooking pottery classes dated from 1st century BC till the beginning of the 3rd century AD. Chapter is focused mainly on two dominant classes represented in this timespan: Pompeian Red Slipped Ware and Mica-Rich Cooking Ware. Analysis of this material put an important comment on the changing trends of supplying the site with the most primary pottery as well as making a point about periodization of the site. Kitchen ware, cooking ware, caccabi, Pompeian Red Slip Ware, Mica-Rich Cooking Ware, Akrai/Acrae
Introduction This paper deals with the continuation of the study of the kitchen and cooking ware started by Urszula Wicenciak during the early years of excavations at the site of Akrai and closed with the publication of preliminary studies in 2015. 1 The aim of this article is to present the preliminary study of material acquired in the seasons 2017, 2018 and 2019, broaden by closer study focused on pottery dated to Late Roman Republican and Early Imperial periods excavated during archaeological works within the Late Hellenistic-Roman insula 2. The above-mentioned publication from 2015 presents the main kitchen and cooking ware categories discovered and registered at the archaeological site along with typology of forms within those technological groups. The analysis of the fabrics as well as distinguishing Akrai Cooking Ware as a category
1 2
Wicenciak 2015. Chowaniec 2017.
of most probably locally made vessels prepared a marvelous base for further study. Fortunately, most of the pottery material collected during 2017, 2018 and 2019 seasons came from undisturbed and closed layers, which allows us to take a closer look into more precisely dated pottery assemblages.
Research methods For a clearer image of the statistics shown in the subsequent part of the chapter, a short explanation of research methods is needed. First, the excavated ceramic material was washed and dried. Further, all the material was divided into following categories (the very same division proposed by U. Wicenciak: 3
3
Wicenciak 2015, 250.
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170 | Jerzy Oleksiak Table 1. General visual description of new wares of material from 2017 and 2018 Wares no.
General visual description
Category of vessels
W13
Corade fabric; hardness – 1 (hard); inclusion – abundant ammount of small and medium white inclusions (quartz?); sporadic dark brownish red inclusions (vulcanic?); surface colour – light reddish brown (5YR.6/3) to light grey (5YR.7.1); core colour – dark grey (Gley.4)
Storage vessels/large pithoi
W14
Medium fabric; hardness – 2 (medium); inclusion – many small black inclusions (vulcanic?); rare very finely grained white and sand inclusions; surface/section colour – yellowish red (5YR.5/8)
Storage and utility ware Large lids
W15
Medium fabric; hardness – 2 (medium); inclusions – many small sandy inclusions, abundant ammount of medium flakes of golden mica; surface colour – from reddish grey (2/5YR.5/1) to dark reddish brown (2.5YR.3/2); section colour red (2.5YR.5/8)
Kitchen and Cooking Ware (Mica-Rich Ware)
1. Fine Ware (FW) – imported tableware, includ ing terra sigillata. 2. Plain Ware (PW) – primarily undecorated ware used mainly for the preparation and serving meals and liquids and storing them (forms such as jugs, basins, bowls, table amphorae etc.). 3. Kitchen and Cooking Wares (KW) – vessels and other utensils for the thermal treatment of food, both those imported from outside the area of Sicily and local and regional products. Storage vessels/pithoi and other stationary vessels used for storing food products were included in this category. 4. Amphorae (AM) – vessels that serve the purpose of transporting food products, mainly liquids, including both those made in Sicily and imports from elsewhere. 5. Ceramic Building Material (CBM) – roof tiles, pipes. Afterwards, all of the fragments were counted and weighted separately in each of the aforementioned categories. Out of the fragments of each pottery category, only diagnostic fragments (rims, handles, bases/bottoms, characteristic parts of necks or decorated fragments) were collected and kept for further documentation and closer processing. The reasoning for this somewhat crude selection was due to vast amount of pottery sherds collected during the studied seasons from all sections of the Late Hellenistic-Roman residential area and the limited period in which they could be analyzed. Minimum-number-of-vessels
method 4 was not used during pottery processing because of its time-consuming nature and (in case of some contexts especially) the very fragmented condition of the material. While all wares were subjected to these methods, the Fine Ware, Plain Ware, Amphorae and Ceramic Building Material categories will not be subject of this article.
Kitchen and Cooking Ware: general description Each of the eleven cooking and kitchen wares types distinguished by U. Wicenciak were also present in 2017 and 2018 contexts. 5 By means of macroscopic analysis another three wares have been distinguished and described (table 1). Samples considered as representative fragments of wares W14, W15 and W9 (AkCW) were selected for further laboratory analysis. 6 Such research seems to be crucial for determining the origin of these groups. Wares catalogued in previous years and those described in table 1 were included in the following technological groups present within material of Akrai: 4 5 6
Voss & Allen 2010, 1–9. Wicenciak 2015, 257. The material is still under examination and research has not yet been completed. W13 had too few representative fragments to assemble a reasonable sample-set. However, this ware begs further research: based on macroscopic observation of specimens’ visual characteristics, this fabric is similar to the Late Antique Maltese transport vessels.
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Kitchen Ware from Akrai/Acrae | 171
Table 2. Dating based on Kitching and Cooking Ware pottery in comparison to coin dating Dating
Context
Cooking Ware dating
Coin dating
US.3
2 –6 century AD
5 century AD
US.3F
2nd–5th century AD
end of 3rd–2nd half of 4th century AD
US.4
1st–3rd century AD
3rd BC–3rd century AD
US.6
?
8th century AD
US.10
1st–2nd century AD
3rd BC–3rd century AD
US.12
2nd BC–1st century AD
Republican period
US.19
2nd BC–1st century AD
1st century BC–Late Roman period
US.22
1st century BC–Late Roman period
4th century AD (?)
US.23
1st–3rd century AD
?
US.28
3rd century-Late Antiquity
8th century AD
US.32
half of 1st–3rd century AD
3rd–1st century AD
US.38
1st–3rd century AD (?)
1st century BC (?)
US.40 (R4)
1st BC–1st century AD
1st BC–1st century AD
US.45
1st BC–1st century AD
1st century BC
US.46
2nd BC–1st century AD
1st century BC
US.50
1st century BC–Late Roman period
?
US.51
3rd BC–1st century AD
3rd century BC
US.53
1st BC–1st century AD
2nd BC–1st century AD
US.54
1st century AD–Late Antiquity
3rd BC–1st century AD
US.55
1st century AD–Late Roman period
?
US.58
1 BC–2 century AD
?
US.59
1st century AD
3rd BC–1st century AD
US.60
2nd BC–1st century AD (?)
3rd BC–2nd century AD
US.62
1st BC–1st century AD
3rd–2nd century BC
US.63
1st century AD (?)
3rd BC–1st century AD
US.67
1st century AD–Late Roman period
3rd BC–1st century BC
US.68
3rd–5th century AD
?
US.69
1st–5th century AD
4th–5th century AD
US.70
end of 1st–3rd century AD
end of 3rd century AD
US.71
1st–3rd century AD
2nd century AD
nd
st
th
nd
th
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172 | Jerzy Oleksiak 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
African Cooking Ware (ACW) 7 Pantellerian Ware (PW) Aegean Cooking Ware (AeCW) Akrai Cooking Ware (AkCW) Mica-Rich Cooking Ware (MRCW) Pompeian Red Slip Ware (PRSW)
The main goal of this article is to focus on the characterization and identification of Late Republican and Early Roman pottery assemblages. A closer look will be taken at the two most representative categories for these periods: MRCW and PRSW.
Statistical data and chronology In the 2017 and 2018 field seasons, kitchen and cooking pottery was recorded in 35 stratigraphic units. A total of 2218 diagnostic fragments were collected and recorded. The chronological spectrum of cooking and kitchen pottery excavated in trench I spans the Roman Republican period (2nd century BC) and Late Antiquity (through the 7th century AD). Dating for each layer was provided by the analysis of precisely dated artefacts, 8 e.g. imported FW (most commonly African Red Slip Ware or Campana ‘C’) with a wide horizon of forms dated from the 1st century BC to the 7th century AD, numismatic finds, 9 lamps and on KW material as well, thanks to developing studies of various technology groups such as ACW, 10 PRSW 11 or PW 12. Parallel material to MRCW from the Italian Peninsula brought important data that allowed more precise dating of contexts (table 2). 13 Figure 1 and 2 show the percentages of the technological groups relative to all of the pottery sherds from each stratigraphic unit. The aim of this statistical illustration is to show the change in the origins of pottery used in ancient Akrai. Comparing them with table 2, one can clearly observe the sequence of the most popular wares and trend changes. Some of the well stratified layers give us the possibility to consider prelim-
7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Shortcuts of full technology group’s names will be used in the further part of this chapter. Chowaniec 2017; Chowaniec 2022. Chronological data provided by Tomasz Więcek. Hayes 1972, 200–211; Bonifay 2004, 213–238. Goudineau 1970. Baldassari 2018, 186–196. Quercia 2008, 198–217.
inary dating of certain wares distinguished in previous years. In the Late Roman Republic and Early Roman Imperial periods MRCW and PRSW, together with Black Top Ware, 14 the predecessor of ACW, were the most common and numerous materials within archaeological contexts dated to this time span. An interesting remark may be made concerning vessels formed in W12, previously distinguished by U. Wicenciak. 15 Most of the representative fragments were found in a context dated to the Early Imperial period. However, a conclusion cannot be made yet and this remark awaits further evidence and analysis. In the Early Roman Imperial (2nd-first half of 3rd century AD) and Late Roman periods (from the second half of the 3rd century AD to the end of Vandal era in the 6th century AD), ACW material becomes dominant within archaeological contexts. Together with African pottery, more and more Aegean imports appear within the ceramic assemblage. With the beginning of Byzantine period (after Justinian reconquest of the Vandal Kingdom in the first half of the 6th century AD) a clear change in the pottery assemblage is visible. 16 ACW disappears from the contexts and AkCW takes on a major role. Every premise seems to justify the proposal of dating this category to the Byzantine period. Interestingly, PW is only one category of pottery present throughout the centuries, although intensified usage of this category is visible in the Late Antique and Byzantine periods.
Pompeian Red Slip Ware (PRSW) and Mica-Rich Cooking Ware (MRCW) PRSW In the last two field seasons, the category of so-called Pompeian Red Slip Ware appeared in more numerous quantities. This type, first recognized by Sigfrido Loeschke, 17 comprises shallow flat-based cooking vessels (pans) characterized by a large diameter, a thick layer of internal red slip
14 15 16 17
Hayes 2009, 11. Wicenciak 2015, 256. Domżalski 2015; Domżalski 2018; Chowaniec 2019. Loeschke 1909, 268–271.
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Kitchen Ware from Akrai/Acrae | 173
100% 2,30% 44,40%
3,80% 20,10% 15,60% 5,40%
3,60%
4,30%
1,80%
5,10% 18% 19,60% 1,90%
4,40% 8,80%
Other Imports
80%
PRSW
5,00% 2,10%
70%
Fabric 12
1,90%
60%
11,20% 6,20%
90%
1,60% 1,50% 17,40% 11,30% 2,20%
Black Top Class
50%
AeCW
40%
Mica-Rich Ware
30% PW 20% ACW
10%
AkCW
0%
3
4
6
10
12
19
22
28
30
38
40 (r4)
45
46
51
53
54
55
58
59
60
62
63
67
Fig. 1. Percentage contribution of technological groups within each context from season 2017 (© Oleksiak, J.) 100%
3,90% 41,60%
1,80% 3,20% 3,40%
90%
Other Imports
80%
PRSW
70%
Fabric 12
60%
Black Top Class
50%
4,10%
AeCW
2,80%
40%
3,50%
30%
Mica-Rich Ware
20%
PW
10% 0%
ACW 3
3F
4
10
23
28
32
50
68
69
70
71
AkCW
Fig. 2. Percentage contribution of technological groups within each context from season 2018 (© Oleksiak, J.)
and a coarse uncoated external surface, together with lids with no slip applied. All of the fragments found at Akrai represent the very same hard fabric, with many medium-sized black sand inclusions, few small white particles and occasional flakes of mica. The colour of the ware is reddish-brown (2.5YR 4/6). The characteristic slip inside is dark red (from 10YR 4/6 to 10YR 4/8). Based on the macroscopic analysis, fragments found at the Akrai site should be attributed to one of the fabrics already distinguished by David P. S. Peacock (Fabric 1). 18 This technological group was widely distributed at many sites all around the 18
Peacock 1977, 149–153. However, Jeffrey A. Blakely, Robert Brinkmann & Charles J. Vitaliano basing on the petrographic and xeroradiographic research argued with D. P. S. Peacock’s division of fabrics. They postulate that fabric 1 and fabric 2 distinguished by D. P. S. Peacock originate from one geological source due to
Mediterranean basin as well as Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, and the British Islands. 19 D. P. S. Peacock strongly suggests its Campanian origin due to the similarity with Dressel 1 and Dressel 2–4 amphorae fabrics (more precisely Cumae was suggested as a production site). 20 The collection of homogenous PRSW material from Akrai gives more evidence to support the Neapolitan origin of Fabric 1, as a relatively close production center. The chronological sequence of the forms spans between the end of the 2nd century BC and the end of the 1st century AD (fig. 3). 21 The characteristically out-turned rim becomes less and less distinctive with time. Most common forms dated to the similarity of the inclusions, cf. Blakely, Brinkmann & Vitaliano 1989. 19 Goudineau 1970, 162. 20 Podavitte 2014, 125. 21 Chronology based on the Goudineau 1970, 166–181.
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174 | Jerzy Oleksiak
Fig. 3. PRSW cooking pan with internal slip. Forms from the 1st BC–1st century AD. Chronological sequence (draw: Oleksiak, J.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 5. Late Roman Republican and Early Roman Imperial forms of MRCW: 1) caccabi cooking pots, 2) lids (draw: Oleksiak, J.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 4. PRSW lids. Forms dated to the 1st century AD (draw: Oleksiak, J.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Augustan times have only a slightly thickened and rounded simple rim. Two latest forms are pan with internal groove for placing lid (fig. 3.6), and large lid with cylindrical rim attached at the triangularly ending body part (fig. 4.2). D. P. S. Peacock in his work from 1977 supposed possible decline of the Campanian Fabric 1 production center due to the eruption of Vesuvius and following earthquake. Certainly, PRSW material at Akrai disappears from the assemblage in the end
of the 1st century AD. Is it the evidence of economic change postulated by J. A. Blakely, 22 reflecting the turn of production of remaining centers of PRSW to the eastern consumption sites? Most of the analyzed PRSW material from other sites was strongly connected with military activity. D. P. S. Peacock, Christian Goudineau and Cristina Podavitte suggested that PRSW, due to its durability and technological advantage of slipped internal surface that prevents food from sticking to the bottom of the vessel during cooking 23 was the part of legionnaires’ equipment. Consequently, two questions arise: who used PRSW vessels in ancient Akrai and were the users part of the military crew of the city?
22 Blakely, Brinkmann & Vitaliano 1989, 221. 23 Blakely, Brinkmann & Vitaliano 1989, 206.
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Kitchen Ware from Akrai/Acrae | 175
Conclusion
Fig. 6. MRCW imitations of early ACW forms (draw: Oleksiak, J.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
MRCW The second most common imported cooking and kitchen ware group found in the Early Roman Imperial layers was deep cooking pots (caccabi) and lids of various diameter, all in fabric W15 (table 1). This technological group as well as its parallel forms were observed and described at many municipal sites in the central and southern Italian Peninsula. 24 Caccabi cooking pots especially are one of the most characteristic types of cooking vessels dated to the Early Roman Imperial period (fig. 5.1). 25 Few lids were found similar to this type of pottery that was distinguished in Metaponto (fig. 5.2). 26 Interestingly, in this very same fabric some of the early ACW forms were present (shallow casserole, fig. 6). 27 The production center of this material is yet unknown; however, an abundant amount of golden mica inclusions indicate that clay might have been originating from southern Italy, which is closest geologically mica-rich clay source. 28 Samples of W15 have been selected for petrographic analysis to proof its supposed source. The earliest forms of material of this group collected in the Late Hellenistic-Roman residential area are dated to the second half of the 1st century BC, and the latest to the first half of the 2nd century AD.
24 25 26 27 28
Olcese 2003; Quercia 2008. Olcese 2003, 27–28 and 113–115. Quercia 2008, 215–216 and 225. Ikäheimo 2003, pl. 15.80; Bonifay 2004, 218–223. Barone et al. 2005, 745–750.
The material dated to the Early Roman Imperial period was fully imported from other production centers and one cannot observe any traces of local production in this period (suggested for the assemblages of the later periods). 29 It is possible to observe strongly visible connections of material from Akrai with the southern half of the Italian Peninsula by the high quantity of MRCW and PRSW material. Pottery forms and the overall contribution of technological groups within contexts dated to the Late Roman Republican and Early Roman Imperial periods are rather similar to material from Metaponto, Ostia and sites in the region of Lazio. 30 Early forms of ACW appear infrequently in the early levels. More often the traces of the pottery’s traditional connection with the African coast are visible in the imitations of certain types in fabric W15, which is peculiar. What was the reason for the limited availability of African cooking wares at Akrai throughout these periods? Or perhaps was this a case of conscious choice between already known and more technologically advanced PRSW and MRCW categories, made in favor of the later forms? Forthcoming results of the laboratory analysis of the rest of the wares appearing within the Early and Middle Roman Imperial contexts will be crucial to better understand the pottery usage trends in this period.
Acknowledgements I would like to thank Urszula Wicenciak who kindly shared with me not only her documentation but her experience and knowledge gained during her work in Akrai as well. I would like to thank Roksana Chowaniec for her permission and possibility to work with the Akrai material and her guidance in my first year of work at the site. At last, I would like to thank Mikołaj Budner who helped me by finishing the recording of the material collected in 2019.
29 Wicenciak 2015, 274. 30 Quercia 2004, 217.
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176 | Jerzy Oleksiak
Literature Baldassari, R. 2018. La produzione della ceramica di Pantelleria e la sua circolazione in età tardo antica, unpublished PhD thesis. Barone, G., Lo Giudice, A., Mazzoleni, P., Pezzino, A., Barilaro, D., Crupi, V. & Triscari, M. 2005. ‘Chemical characterization and statistical multivariate analysis of ancient pottery from Messina Catania Lentini and Siracusa (Sicily)’, Archaeometry 47: 745–762. Blakely, J. A., Brinkmann, R. & Vitaliano, Ch. J. 1989. ‘Pompeian red ware: Processing archaeological ceramic data’, Geoarchaeology: An International Journal 4.3: 201–228. Bonifay, M. 2004. Etudes sur la céramique romaine tardive d’Afrique, BAR International Series 1301, Oxford. Chowaniec, R. 2017. The Coming of Rome. Cultural Landscape of south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw. Chowaniec, R. 2019. ‘Vandals, Ostrogoths and Byzantine Footprints in Sicily: an archaeological-historical review’, Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 19.2: 51–61. Chowaniec, R. 2022. ‘Sealing, stamping, protecting, securing….Lead-seals from Akrai/Acrae’, in: Chowaniec, R. & Fituła, M. (eds.), The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Wiesbaden: 21–57. Doksanalti, E. M. 2010. ‘The coarse ware from a “Late Roman House” in Knidos’, in: Bonifay, M. & Tréglia, J-Ch. (eds.), LRCW. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean. Archaeology and archaeometry 3, vol. II, BAR International Series 2185 (II), Oxford: 769–780. Domżalski, K. 2015. ‘Roman and Late Antique fine pottery from Akrai (2011–2014). First discoveries and research problems’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrea in south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 277–294. Domżalski, K. 2018. ‘Quantifying and contextualizing pottery from Akrai. General information with particular attention to the Fine Ware evidence’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the borders of Syracuse: Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 209–223. Goudineau, C. 1970. ‘Note sur la céramique à engobe interne rouge-pompéien («Pompejanisch-Roten Platten»)’, Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 82: 159–186. Hayes, J. W. 1972. Late Roman Pottery. A Catalogue of Roman Fine Wares, London.
Hayes, J. W. 1983. ‘The Villa Dionysos Excavations, Knossos: The Pottery’, The Annual of the British School at Athens 78: 97–169. Hayes, J. W. 2009. ‘Castelporziano Excavations at the Imperial Vicus 1985–7 and 1996–8 Trenches S and SA: pottery finds and lamps’, in: Lauro, M. G. (ed.) Castelporziano IV. Campagne di scavo e restauro 1992–1998, Oxford: 4–35. Ikäheimo, J. P. 2003. Late Roman African Cookware of the Palatine East Excavations, Rome: A holistic approach, BAR International Series 1143, Oxford. Loeschke, S. 1909. ‘Die Gafaßtippen’, Mitteilungen der Altertumskommission für Westfalen V: 128–318. Olcese, G. 2003. Ceramiche comuni a Roma e in area romana: produzione, circolazione, tecnologia, (tarda età repubblicana – prima età imperiale), Mantova. Peacock, D. P. S. 1977. ‘Pompeian Red Ware’, in: Peacock, D. P. S. (ed.), Pottery and Early Commerce, Pottery and Early Commerce: Characterization and Trade in Roman and Later Ceramics, London-New York-San Francisco: 147–162. Peña, J. T. 1990. ‘Internal Red-Slip Cookware (Pompeian Red Ware) from Cetamura del Chianti, Italy’, Mineralogical Composition and Provenience, in: American Journal of Archaeology 94.4: 647–661. Podavitte, C. 2014. ‘Pompeian Red Ware in Roman London: Insights on Pottery Consumption in Colonial Environments’, in: Platts, H., Pearce, J., Barron, C., Lundock, J. & Yoo, J. (eds.), TRAC 2013: Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, King’s College, London, 4–6 April 2013, Oxford-Philadelphia: 122–139. Quercia, A. 2004. ‘La ceramica da fuoco dello scarico 1 dal kerameikos di Metaponto’, in: Cracolici, V. (ed.), I sostegni di fornace del kerameikos di Metaponto’, Bari: 175–199. Quercia, A. 2008. ‘La ceramica da fuoco di Metaponto’, in: Filippi, F. (ed.), Horti et Sordes. Uno scavo alle falde del Gianicolo, Roma: 197–232. Wicenciak, U. 2015. ‘Kitchen and Cooking wares. First remarks’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrae in southeastern Sicily, Warsaw: 249–270. Voss, B. A. & Allen, R. 2010. ‘Guide to Ceramic MNV Calculation Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis’, Technical Briefs in Historical Archaeology 5: 1–9.
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Mortaria, lekanai, kraters? Large Open-form Vessels from Akrai/Acrae, Their Formal Typology, Chronology and Function* Jolanta Młynarczyk
Abstract Within the Plain Table Were from Akrai/Acrae numerous fragments belong to the large open vessels used during different stages of food preparation. Their characteristics such as details in shape and particularities of the fabric are taken in exam in this chapter. The indication of the parallels from other archaeological contexts is useful for determination of their function and dating. In addition, the usage of large open vessels, such as mortaria, lekanai, basins, big bowls and kraters can be supported by the recipes of the antique dishes mentioned by Greek and Latin authors. This first overview of category allowed to propose a new typology for the specific forms on the domestic context of Akrai, shedding new light on the customs of its inhabitants. Mortaria, lekanai, basins, kraters, Plain Table Ware, Akrai/Acrae
Introduction The category of pottery from Akrai locally termed Plain Table Ware (PTW) and used for the preparation and serving of food embraces a number of closed and open vessel forms. As regards the latter category, while the small- to medium-sized open-form vessels were used for consuming individual portions of food or drink, the group of large vessels is of particular interest because of the way in which they were used is not always clear: either they were used for preparing a variety of foods, or for serving it, or both. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to discuss the particularities of large open *
The present research has been funded by the Lanckoroński Foundation, which allowed the author for a one-month study in the libraries of Rome in September 2019. Words of gratitude are due to Roksana Chowaniec, the director of the Akrai project, for her constant interest and encouragement, and to Mariusz Burdajewicz who is the author of all the pottery drawings and figures.
vessels, with an emphasis on their formal typology. The dating of individual types has been based on (or supported by) published parallels from elsewhere, mainly in Sicily and southern Italy, because most of the Akrai layers which yielded the vessels under discussion are chronologically non-homogeneous and uncontaminated ceramic contexts are few. One should also bear in mind that most shapes of domestic vessels used in food preparation were fairly long lived, and it would be difficult to properly follow their formal development. The most difficult task seems to be the determining of possible uses of individual vessel types, which is also an issue of terminology. In most publications, the large open shapes are very broadly defined as
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178 | Jolanta Młynarczyk mortaria and/or ‘basins’. 1 However, more accurate definitions can be proposed through the examination of details in shape and the particularities of the fabric. Of the basic macro-fabrics originally distinguished among the PTW vessels in Akrai, 2 those represented in the large open shape vessels are the local/regional F1, F3 (including what can be described as intermediary F1/F3, perhaps identical with the Syracusan ‘San Giuliano’ ware), F4 and F7, while F2 and F5 are rarer. Apart from these, there are several unidentified fabrics, some of them clearly imported, others perhaps local or regional, but technologically different, and probably pertain to the late antique period. From the point of view of their possible function, the most obvious division of the large-sized open shapes of PTW is into shallow and deep vessels, respectively. The shallow (or relatively shallow) vessels, their mouth diameter ca. 30.00cm or more, may be described as mortaria, or basins, while deep vessels would be defined as basins/lekanai, kraters (mixing vessels for liquids) or, when the mouth diameter ranges between 15.00 and 20.00cm, as jars (food containers). With division, however, one has to bear in mind that given the fragmentary state of preservation of most of pottery it is sometimes impossible to tell with certainty if the vessel was shallow or deep.
Overview of the forms
type known from several Italian sites, dated to the Middle and Late Roman Republican period. 5 The third variant of the mortarium is no. 4 with an oval-sectioned rim; its fabric identifies it as an imported vessel, while the shape is close to type CC25 from Grammichele, said to be present in Sicily from the late 7th century till the 3rd/2nd century BC. 6
Shallow mortarium with ‘knobbed’ rim No. 5 (fig. 1) in a version of F1 with large admixture of very fine calcite was found in context with pottery of the 3rd–2nd centuries BC, 7 and was described as a ‘basin’ due to its smooth surface finishing. However, another example of the same form discovered in Akrai is in a completely different fabric: F7, which is typical of mortaria. 8 By the shape, these vessels are possibly related to form CC11 from Grammichele. 9
Basin with ledge rim (fig. 1, nos. 6–8) Rather deep-bodied vessels in F3 (nos. 6 and 8) and in F2 (?) with thick slip inside (no. 7), in terms of shape seem to be late developments of the mortaria like nos. 1–3 (above) and pertain to the Late Roman period as attested by finds from Agrigento 10 and Naples. 11 They resemble a mortarium/basin from Caesarea, dated to the 3rd–4th centuries AD. 12
Mortarium: heavy rim, externally thickened (fig. 1, nos. 1–4) This type of mortarium comprises in fact three different variants, of which no. 1 is closest to its Greek prototypes, specifically to Corinthian type II.4 of the classification by Paola Matteucci they were used to date from the second half of the 5th to the 2nd century BC. 3 Its fabric (coarse version of F2?) does not seem to be local, and the item is probably residual in a Late Republican to Early Imperial context. 4 To the second variant there pertain nos. 2–3, both of presumably local F7, which appear as another development of the aforementioned Greek type. They are comparable to the mortarium 1 2 3 4
E.g.: Olcese 2003, tav. XXXIV–XL: Ceramica per la preparazione. Bacini/mortaria. Młynarczyk 2015, 267–269. Matteucci 1987, 257–258 and tav. XI; Villing & Pemberton 2010, 563 and fig. 3. Cf. Młynarczyk 2018, 215–217 and pl. 5:47.
Mortarium: drooping rim (fig. 1, nos. 9–10) Made of coarse fabrics, this is another type based on Greek prototypes, according to the classification by P. Matteucci, it corresponds to her type II.6 described as an imitation of the Corinthian type, manufactured in Magna Graecia between the second half of the 4th century and the first half of the
5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Olcese 2003, 103–104 and tav. XXXVIII:1–2: bacini/ mortaria tipo 8. Carè & Cavallo 2006, 255 and note 52; cf. also Quercia 2008, fig. 5:4. Młynarczyk 2018, pl. 9:90. Młynarczyk 2015, 298–300 and pl. 1:11. Carè & Cavallo 2006, 252 and note 28. Rizzo & Zambito 2010, fig. 2:1–3, dated to the 6th and early 7th centuries AD. Arthur 1994, type 11 and fig. 80. Johnson 2008, 38 and no. 278.
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Mortaria, lekanai, kraters? | 179
Fig. 1. Mortaria with heavy rim, externally thickened (nos. 1–4); shallow mortarium with ‘knobbed’ rim (no. 5); basins with ledge rim (nos. 6–8); mortaria with drooping rim (nos. 9–10); basins with drooping rim (nos. 11–12) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 2. Mortaria/basins with raised lip and extended (projecting) rim (nos. 13–22) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Mortaria, lekanai, kraters? | 181
2nd century BC. 13 No. 9 represents a shape variant which goes back to a form attested at Caracausi (a site to the north-east of Akrai) in the Early Hellenistic period, 14 known also in the area of Gela, 15 while in Otranto it is attested in contexts dated between the 2nd–1st centuries BC and 2nd century AD. 16 It is comparable to a mortarium type 12 from Ostia and a mortarium/basin found in Caesarea in a sealed locus attributed to the 1st–2nd centuries AD, 17 while no. 10 is closer to the mortarium type 11 from Ostia. 18
Basin: drooping rim (fig. 1, nos. 11–12) Their rim profile repeats that of no. 9, but the vessels are smaller, apparently deeper and made of smoother fabrics (F1, F2?). They are comparable to basins CC20–CC21 from Grammichele, dated to the 6th–4th centuries BC and to the first half of the 4th century BC respectively, 19 as well as to a Hellenistic type of basin manufactured at Giancola (Brindisi). 20 A vessel especially close to the shape of no. 11 is known from a layer dated to the Augustan times in Rome. 21
Mortarium/basin: raised lip and extended (projecting) rim (fig. 2, nos. 13–22) The origin of this shape goes back, again, to the Greek prototypes of the 6th–5th centuries BC. In the classification by P. Matteucci, it corresponds to type II.8 dated to the 3rd century till the mid-2nd century BC. 22 The extended rim is either tilted or horizontal. As a rule, it has a thumb-indented (‘pie-crust’) decoration the purpose of which would be to facilitate carrying the vessel. Some of the Akrai examples (nos. 17–18) preserve their spout which was another standard element of the shape in question. In nos. 13–18 (all of them of coarse fabrics)
13
Cf. Matteucci 1987, 258–259 and tav. XII:II.6; Villing & Pemberton 2010, fig. 3: ‘projecting rim form’. 14 Musumeci 1989a, fig. 13, nos. 478 and 480. 15 Bergemann 2010, fig. 24, no. 11 and fig. 25, no. 26. 16 Semeraro 1992, fig. 4:4, no. 364. 17 Olcese 2003, tav. XXXIX:5; Olcese 2008, 63 and no. 715, respectively. 18 Olcese 2003, tav. XXXIX:3. 19 Carè & Cavallo 2006, 254, notes 41 and 44–45. 20 Biffino 2012, tav. XXXIX:150b-c. 21 Quercia 2008, fig. 5:7. 22 Matteucci 1987, 260 and tav. XII; cf. Villing & Pemberton 2010, 563 and fig. 3.
the rim is slightly tilted. The rims of no. 13 and no. 16 23 are provided with a ‘pie-crust’ decoration. The parallels to this type of mortarium/basin come from the turn of the 1st century BC and the early 1st century AD to the mid-1st century AD. 24 The same shape from a Late Roman Republican-Early Roman Imperial context is represented by no. 20 which, due to its much smaller dimensions and a smooth fabric (F3), has been described as a saucer which may have also served as a large lid. 25 Another variant of the same form represented by nos. 21–22 has a horizontal projecting rim rather than a tilted one; some of the examples preserve the ‘pie-crust’ decoration, e.g. no. 21 made of coarse-grained F7, 26 while no. 22 is of a smooth F1. Finally, mortarium fragment no. 19 is very specific in terms of the fabric which resembles F1 (bright red with small white grits and pale beige slip), but in the vessel’s inner surface are inserted bits of a black volcanic rock. It is comparable to a mortarium from Heraclea Minoa dated to the 4th–5th centuries AD, bearing also resemblance to a vessel from the pottery workshop at Alcamo broadly dated to the period between the 1st–4th century AD. 27
Mortarium/basin: raised lip, drooping rim (fig. 3, nos. 23–27) The type of mortaria represented by nos. 23–26 is generally dated to the late 4th and 3rd century BC. 28 This shape corresponds to Grammichele forms CC16–CC17, said to be common in the Greek world from the 7th/6th till 1st century BC. 29 At the site of Caracausi it belongs to type 1 of mortai a macinello. 30 The same form at Contrada Aguglia (farm) is dated to the Roman Republican period, and in Otranto
23 Młynarczyk 2018, 222, note 59, and pl. 7:72; a parallel made of F7 comes from US.12: Młynarczyk 2015, 272, pl. 2: 18. 24 Olcese 2012, tav. 4.XVI:102; Olcese 2003, 104 and tav. XXXIX:3–4: mortaria tipo 11. 25 Młynarczyk 2018, 214, note 32 and pl. 3:34. 26 Młynarczyk 2018, 216 and pl. 5:48. 27 Hayes 2006, fig. 5: MO 801; Muro 2011, 43 and fig. 12:84; cf. also Bergemann 2010, fig. 25 and no. 8 (from the area of Gela). 28 Jones, Graham & Sackett 1973, 384 and fig. 10:93 and 95 (from Attica); Olcese 2003, 100–101 and tav. XXXIV (from southern Etruria and Latium); Olcese 2012, tav. 4.I and no. 13 (from Agrigento); Chiaramonte Treré 1984, tav. 94:9 (from Pompeii). 29 Carè & Cavallo 2006, 253 and notes 35–36. 30 Musumeci 1989a, fig. 13 and nos. 475–477.
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Fig. 3. Mortaria/basins with raised lip, drooping rim (nos. 23–27); basins with raised lip and extended tilted rim with upturned outer edge (nos. 28–29); basins/large bowls with rounded raised lip and downturned exterior rim (nos. 30–32); basins with concave rim with external flange (nos. 33–34) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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to ca. the mid-1st century AD. 31 Fragment no. 23, in a fabric typical of mortaria (F7), was discovered in context with pottery of the Late Roman Republican to Early Roman Imperial periods, apparently as a residual object, 32 while no. 24, its spout preserved, made of F1 with a thick smooth white slip, was found in a Late Roman Republican context. 33 Nos. 24–26 are also close to a mortarium from Casa del Fauno in Pompeii and related to Olcese’s bacini/ mortaria tipo 10, dated from the Late Roman Republican period to the 1st century AD. 34 Finally, no. 27, distinctly different in its fabric, wall thickness and profile, seems to be a late descendant of the same form. It is paralleled by a vessel from Otranto found in a mid-1st century AD context, 35 but also by several examples from different sites attributed to the Late Roman period. 36
Basin: raised lip and extended tilted rim with upturned outer edge (fig. 3, nos. 28–29) This type is obviously related to the previous group. The surface of the tilted rim is rilled. The vessels are in a variant fabric F1/F3 characteristic of the Roman Imperial period. However, their contexts (US.3F and US.69) contain heterogenous pottery in terms of chronology: mainly Late Roman, but with significant admixture of ceramics from earlier periods, mostly 2nd–3rd century AD. The type, and especially no. 29, is paralleled by a basin from Agrigento dated to the 6th century AD 37 and by a basin from the San Pietro site, in the region of Gela. 38
Basin/large bowl: rounded raised lip and downturned exterior rim (fig. 3, nos. 30–32) This is another shape similar to what can be called a mortarium/basin with a raised lip and drooping rim such as nos. 23–27 above. Already attested in Akrai in coarse ware, 39 it appears in Giancola (Brindisi) as a spouted mortarium dated to the 1st century BC–1st century AD. 40 However, the same shape of basin occurs in the Late Roman period (5th century AD), e.g., in the region of Agrigento (identified as a common African ware), as well as in Naples. 41 It is said to be modeled on the African Red Slip ware, form Hayes 91 of the 6th century AD. 42 The Akrai examples nos. 30–32 come from the same stratigraphical units as those of the previous group (i.e. from US.3F and US.69), and their fabric variants suggest the Late Roman period.
Basin: concave rim with external flange (fig. 3, nos. 33–34) A few fragmentary shallow basins seem to constitute a branch of the above-discussed group. On the other hand, they could derive from the lekanis type such as that represented by a vessel from Caracausi of the 4th century BC which, however, is of much smaller dimensions, with a mouth diameter amounting to just ca. 16.00cm. 43 The form in question seems to have continued into the 1st century AD judging by a similar vessel found in the Casa del Fauno in Pompeii. 44 The Akrai examples, made of F1 and F1/F3, may be dated to the Late Roman Republican period as suggested by the context of no. 33 (US.46/16). 45
Basin/lekane: extended rim, horizontal or slightly tilted 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38
Pelagatti & Curcio 1970, figs. 74a and 77b-c; Semeraro 1992, fig. 4:4 and no. 368, respectively. Młynarczyk 2018, 216–217, pl. 5:49 and note 47. Młynarczyk 2018, 222 and pl. 8:78; for another Akrai example, cf. Młynarczyk 2015, 271 and pl. I:13. Bruckner 1975, Abb. 205:9; Olcese 2003, 104 and tav. XXXIX:1. Semeraro 1992, fig. 4:4 and no. 365. Arthur 1994, type 20 and fig. 82; Amico 2014, 344 and fig. 3:8; Caradonna 2016, 154 and type CC 14. Rizzo & Zambito 2010, fig. 2:8. Bergemann 2010, fig. 22 and no. 194.
This large group embraces medium-deep to shallow vessels with extended rim, which is horizontal or slightly tilted, either plain or rilled. 39 Młynarczyk 2015, 272 and pl. 2:19. 40 Biffino 2012, 247–249 and tav. XXXVIII: 143. 41 Amico 2014, 344, fig. 1:4–5 and fig. 3:6; Arthur 1994, type 17 and fig. 82. 42 Olcese 2012, tav. 2.1 and no. 3. 43 Musumeci 1989b, fig. 17 and no. 532. 44 Bruckner 1975, Abb. 205:6. 45 Młynarczyk 2018, 220 and pl. 7:71; cf. also Młynarczyk 2015, pl. 3:30, in F1/F3.
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Fig. 4. Basins/lekanai with: plain rim (nos. 35–39), rilled rim (nos. 40–42), plain extended rim, externally thickened (nos. 43–45) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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a) Plain rim (fig. 4, nos. 35–39) The basin form with plain rim goes back to the beginnings of the Hellenistic period. Thus, no. 36 in F1 with almost horizontal plain rim has parallels in Magna Graecia mainly in the 4th–3rd centuries BC. 46 However, another parallel to it comes from Sutri (Viterbo) where it is dated to the period between 50 and 150 AD. 47 Also in Ostia and Rome, the vessels similar to nos. 35–36 are assigned to the 1st–2nd centuries AD. 48 Other comparable vessels in Akrai made of F1 and F1/F3 were found in chronologically heterogeneous layers. 49 Nos. 37 (F1/F3) and 38 (F1), with slightly tilted rim have parallels in Caracausi in the late 4th century BC. 50 However, a similar vessel from Alcamo (Trapani) is attributed to the 1st century BC/1st century AD. 51 No. 39 of F1 is a variant of the form with an arched rim profile, that is lacking any distinct border between the rim and the body interior. A parallel to it comes from Giancola (Brindisi). It is a basin with horizontal handles allegedly of ca. the 1st century BC. 52 In Akrai, except for chronologically mixed contexts, the vessels of this group occur in stratigraphical units which appear to pertain to the Late Roman Republican (no. 39: US.46/16) and Early Roman Imperial (no. 38: US.31/16) periods. 53
b) Rilled rim (fig. 4, nos. 40–42) Vessels with slim extended rim the top of which is rilled occur in both shallow (nos. 40 and 42) and medium-deep (no. 41) variants. Very shallow no. 40, perhaps a dish or platter rather than a basin in variant fabric F1/F3, comes from a context with imperial period pottery. 54 The shape of no. 41 (F3) has parallels among the products of pot making centre in Sutri (Viterbo) dated to the period between 50 and 150 AD. 55 They, especially no. 42, are paralleled by a basin (standing on a ring base) to those from the archaeological site of Contrada Aguglia in the vicinity of Akrai, dated to the Roman Republican period. 56 The fabric of no. 42
46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56
Carè & Cavallo 2006, 251 and note 22 (form CC4). Olcese 2012, tav. 2.LI and no. 11. Olcese 2003, tav. XL:2 (basin type 14). Młynarczyk 2015, 272 and pl. 2:20–21, respectively. Musumeci 1989a, fig. 10, lekanai nos. 424 and 426. Muro 2011, fig. 22:82. Biffino 2012, tav. XLI:157a. Młynarczyk 2018, pl. 7:70 and pl. 4:42, respectively. Młynarczyk 2018, 215, pl. 4:41. Olcese 2012, tav. 2.LI and no. 13. Pelagatti & Curcio 1970, 479–480 and fig. 60d.
seems to be a variant of F1 with a white slip on the exterior and worn red slip inside.
c) Plain extended rim, externally thickened (fig. 4, nos. 43–45) In Akrai, the fragments of these deep to medium-deep basins come from the layers containing material of the Roman Imperial to Late Roman period (US.3F/18, US.4/18, US.69/18). Of them, especially nos. 43–44 (F1/F3 and F1 respectively) resemble a deep basin from Kaukana found in a context of the late 6th to early 7th century AD and another one, of the same date, found in Agrigento. 57
d) Rilled extended rim, externally thickened (fig. 5, nos. 46–47) This form of the rim accompanies rather shallow basins, of which no. 46 with horizontal rim top of F1/F3, and another Akrai example of F3, both of them from mixed contexts, 58 have a parallel in Rome dated to the Antoninian period. 59 Related fragment no. 47 has a slightly arched profile of the rim with irregular ribbing inside.
Basin: shelf rim with exterior overhang (fig. 5, nos. 48–53) This is a very common shape of deep to medium-deep basin. The vessels share an extended heavy rim, its upper surface more or less horizontal and thickened at its outer edge which assumes a hooked profile. The prototype for the group should be looked for among the vessels like no. 53 in F2 decorated with red paint, with two circular suspension holes, found in a Hellenistic context. 60 In Sicily, its shape is closely paralleled by a late 4th century BC lekane from Caracausi (Lentini) 61 and another vessel of the same period from San Pietro site, Gela area. 62 Most of our examples (usually of F1/F3 or F1) are definitely descendants of a group of lekanai such as those present at the site of Caracausi at the late
57 Hayes 2014, fig. 47:13; Rizzo & Zambito 2010, fig. 2:9, respectively. 58 Młynarczyk 2015, pl. 2:22. 59 Quercia 2008, type 14, 209 and fig. 6:14. 60 Młynarczyk 2018, 225–226, note 69 and pl. 9:89. 61 Musumeci 1989a, fig. 11 and no. 433, with more examples of this Early Hellenistic group in fig. 10, no. 428, and fig. 11, nos. 429–432 and 434. 62 Bergemann 2010, fig. 22 and no. 104.
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Fig. 5. Basins/lekanai with extended horizontal, slightly tilted, externally thickened or rilled rim (nos. 46–47); basins with shelf rim with exterior overhang (nos. 48–53); basins with arched rim and exterior overhang (nos. 54–55) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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4th century BC. 63 Unlike the Caracausian vessels, however, the Akrai examples (e.g., nos. 48–50) seem to have almost cylindrical bodies. 64 Some of them, specifically nos. 50–51, would be related to a vessel type from Grammichele said to be present at Magna Graecia mainly in the 4th–3rd centuries BC (form CC3 from Grammichele). 65 On the other hand, no. 50 is near a basin from a pottery workshop at Alcamo (Trapani) attributed to the 1st century BC/1st century AD. 66 Another vessel similar to nos. 49–50 is dated to the 1st century AD, or even the early 2nd century. 67 The profile of no. 52 is very close to that of a vessel described as a pelvis from the Early Roman Imperial period at Otranto, 68 and related to a lekane (?) from Caesarea, from a sealed locus dated to the late 1st or 2nd century AD. 69 In general, this form of basin can be considered as a fairly long-lived one.
Basin: arched rim with exterior overhang (fig. 5, nos. 54–55) The rim profile related to the above-described group characterizes very large open-shaped vessels. It assumes an arched form splayed at the end. Of them, no. 55 with a ‘pie-crust’ rim decoration may be identified as a mortarium due to its fabric which seems to be a coarse version of F1. By its form, it resembles a basin from a level dated to the Augustan times in Rome. 70
Basin: inward-sloping rim (fig. 6, nos. 56–62) This large group of fragmentary vessels in smooth fabrics (F3 and F1/F3) includes several variants of rim and wall profile. Some vessels seem to be more or less cylindrical and deep (nos. 56–58 and 62); some others are medium-deep with walls tapering towards the base (nos. 59–60), and some (e.g., no. 61) are shallow, perhaps related to no. 40 (fig. 4). To judge by the rim shape, nos. 56–58 seem to be related to basins nos. 48–55 (fig. 5). Their proto63 Musumeci 1989a, fig. 12 and nos. 436–438. 64 For another example from Akrai, cf. Młynarczyk 2015, 273 and pl. 3:24, in F1. 65 Carè & Cavallo 2006, 251 and note 22. 66 Muro 2011, 35 and fig. 7:53. 67 Quercia 2008, 208 and fig. 5:3e. 68 Semeraro 1992, fig. 4: 4 and no. 366. 69 Johnson 2008, 43 and no. 350. 70 Quercia 2008, fig. 5:8; cf. Młynarczyk 2018, 217 and pl. 5:50.
types might have been looked for in a Hellenistic lekane from Apollonia in Illyria. 71 No. 56 with a relatively small diameter of the mouth is paralleled by a vessel from Ostia from a context dated to 35–30 BC. 72 However, vessels comparable to no. 58 found in Ostia and Rome are said to represent the type of rather long use, comprised between the Late Roman Republican period and the 3rd century AD. 73 Basins nos. 59–61 have their rims thickened and downward-sloping interior more or less densely rilled. Among them, fragment no. 60 is closely paralleled by a lekane from Caracausi (Lentini), dated to the end of the 4th century BC(!) 74 which may seem strange because other vessels similar to nos. 59–60 come from the Late Antique (6th to early 7th century AD) contexts in the region of Agrigento. 75 Fragment no. 61 might have been classified together with no. 47 (fig. 5) with which it shares the profile. They seem to betray a relationship to a vessel from Alcamo. 76 Finally, fragment no. 62 features a plain arched rim. Actually, all the fragments of the discussed group from Akrai have come from Late Roman contexts (US.69, US.70 and US.71).
Basin/lekane: concave rim (fig. 6, nos. 63–66) Large shallow basins, with their widened concave interior rim, their body profile either rounded (e.g., no. 63) or delicately carinated (nos. 64–65); no. 65 preserves traces of a horizontal handle, while the rim of no. 66 bears a thumb-indented (‘pie-crust’) decoration. In Akrai, examples of this group have been found in contexts dated from the Imperial to the Late Roman period (e.g., US.1c, US.4, US.10, US.12). Fragment no. 67 (fig. 6) in F1/F3 seems to be a variant of the same shape as nos. 63–66, with a widened beveled rim lacking a cavity on top. It is similar to a vessel from a pottery workshop at Alcamo, dated to the 1st century AD. 77
71 Fabbri 2008, 339 and fig. 3:5. 72 Pavolini 2000, 184 and nos. 88–89. 73 Olcese 2003, tav. XL: 5–6, basin type 15a (from Ostia); Quercia 2008, fig. 5:12c. 74 Musumeci 1989a, fig. 10 and no. 427. 75 Rizzo & Zambito 2010, fig. 2: 5; Amico 2014, 344 and fig. 3:12. 76 Muro 2011, tav. 20:38. 77 Muro 2011, 42 and tav. 12:52.
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Fig. 6. Basins with inward-sloping rim (nos. 56–62); basins/lekanai with concave rim (nos. 63–66) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 7. Basins/lekanai with in-turned lip and flanged rim exterior (nos. 68–73); basins/lekanai: out-turned rim, flanged or moulded exterior (nos. 74–80) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Basin/lekane: in-turned lip, flanged rim exterior (fig. 7, nos. 68–73) These are large medium-deep vessels with rim diameter amounting to 30.00–36.00cm. Their horizontal ‘S-shaped’ handles, circular in section, are attached below the rim. The body profile is rounded (e.g., nos. 69, 73) or slightly carinated (nos. 71–72). Both the form and the fabric (variants of the local F1 or ‘mixed’ F1/F3) are characteristic of the Hellenistic period and have parallels at a number of sites such as Grammichele, where it is identified as catino form CC44 dated to the 3rd century and the first half of the 2nd century BC, 78 or Contrada Aguglia from a context dated between the 3rd and ca. mid-1st century BC. 79 In Akrai, fragments of this form of lekane are found in Hellenistic and Late Roman Republican contexts. As residual finds, they also occur throughout the layers of the Roman Imperial period, while they are very rare in the Late Roman contexts. 80
Basin/lekane: out-turned rim, flanged or moulded exterior (fig. 7, nos. 74–80) The mouth diameter of these vessels, typically made of F1 or F1/F3, ranges between 26.00cm and 36.00cm. The rim exterior is flanged, either drooping (nos. 74–75) or with a ridge on the wall below giving it a moulded look (nos. 76–80). At least some examples in both variants had horizontal handles of the same type as in the previous group. The first variant, without-turned drooping rim (nos. 74–75), has parallels in Grammichele which are dated to the 4th–3rd centuries BC. 81 No. 74 is also very close to a vessel from the region of Heraclea Minoa, dated to the 2nd–1st centuries BC. 82 It should be noted that, as far as the body profile is concerned, no. 75 may be alternatively classified with nos. 11–12 (fig. 1) of the same date. The characteristics of its fabric, however, would point towards a later part of the Roman period. The origin of the second variant, nos. 76–80 and other Akrai examples, 83 characterized by the wall ridged 78 Carè & Cavallo 2006, 263 and notes 91–92. 79 Pelagatti & Curcio 1970, 490 and fig. 77a. 80 Cf. Młynarczyk 2018, pl. 4: 44–45 and pl. 7:68–69; Młynarczyk 2015, pl. I:12. 81 Carè & Cavallo 2006, 251 and 253, notes 22 and 32 (forms CC 6 and CC 14, respectively). 82 Hayes 2006, fig. 3 and no. 586. 83 Cf. Młynarczyk 2015, 271 and note 8, pl. I:10 of F1, as well as pl. 3:26 of F7.
right below the rim, goes back to the basins of the late 4th century BC found at Caracausi, 84 paralleled also by the finds from Grammichele attributed to the 4th/3rdcentury BC 85 and from early Hellenistic Agrigento. 86 Especially interesting is no. 79 made of presumably local F1, turned greyish green and cracked on the surface due to over-firing. This defect of production is suggestive of the local manufacturing source of the vessel.
Basin/lekane with sinuous rim profile (fig. 8, nos. 81–90) A group of medium-deep to deep lekanai which, given their shape and delicate structure, probably served as mixing vessels for liquids (kraters). Their rim diameter ranges between 30.00cm and 45.00cm.The horizontal handles, when preserved, are attached right below the rim to a kind of neck, or at the slight carination of the body. In Akrai this group, represented by many fragments, comprises as many as three subgroups. Their fabrics are variants of F1 and F3 with the exception of no. 82 which is of a coarser F7. A marked cavity inside a raised lip characterizes nos. 81–82 (of which the latter has a thumb-indented decoration on the rim) apparently stem from an Aegean mixing vessel shape, such as those present in a cooking ware in Rachi settlement at Isthmia as early as the beginning of the 3rd century BC. 87 In Corinth, this type continues to the third quarter of the 1st century AD. 88 The Akrai examples are paralleled by lekanai from Monte Iato, probably of about the mid-1st century AD. 89 Similar vessels are very common in Beirut where they are rightly considered as a late (probably mid-1st century AD) local version of Greek Classical and Hellenistic types. 90 Another shape variant (nos. 83–86) has an upright rim ending in a slight external flange. Nos. 83–84 are especially close to some examples from Boscoreale paralleled by several finds from Pompeii that are of a pre–79 AD date. 91 Similarly, no. 85 is related to a vessel from Alcamo (Trapani), 84 Musumeci 1989a, fig. 12 and nos. 468–469. 85 Carè & Cavallo 2006, 261 and note 85 (ciotola/dish form CC 41). 86 Olcese 2012, tav. 4.I and no. 14. 87 Anderson-Stojanović 2004, 625 and pl. 304, IP 7713. 88 Fabbri 2008, 339 and fig. 4:1. 89 Riediker-Liechti 2018, figs. 9–10. 90 Pellegrino 2007, 155–156 and fig. 9, and another vessel of the same form is in a non-local fabric: Pellegrino 2007, 157 and fig. 14:13. 91 De Caro 1994, 157, fig. 36 and nos. 97–98.
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Fig. 8. Basins/lekanai with sinuous rim profile (nos. 81–90) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 9. Deep vessels: kraters and/or jars (nos. 92–100) (draw: Burdajewicz, M.; © Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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also of the 1st century AD. 92 On the other hand, however, it has fairly close parallels in Naples as early as the late 3rd-first half of the 2nd century BC. 93 Finally, a related example comes from a ‘sealed locus, post–70 CE’ in Caesarea. 94 A shape variant represented by nos. 87–90 is characterized by a ‘knobbed’ form of the lip of a sinuous rim. Specifically, nos. 87–88 seem to be related to a vessel from Lipari dated to the 1st century BC/1st century AD. 95 Several bases, e.g., no. 91, have been attributed to the vessel shape in question.
Deep vessels: kraters and/or jars (fig. 9, nos. 92–100) This is a group of relatively deep open vessels, that can perhaps be described as ollae. Their wall profile approaches a cylindrical shape with a steep (near-vertical) wall and flat base. The mouth diameter measures ca. 20.00cm, although in some examples (e.g., no. 97) it is larger, and in others (e.g., nos. 93, 95–96) smaller. Only in one case (no. 92) an entire shape can be restored. This vessel, as well as sherds nos. 93–94, all of them made of F1, as well as another sherd from Akrai made of F3, with an imprint of a horizontal handle, 96 are paralleled by a deep vessel with horizontal handles from Benevento, from a site dated to the period between the end of the 4th century BC and the 2nd century AD. 97 Indeed, a vessel from Gianicolo in Rome closely comparable to no. 94 is said to have a long period of use, going from the Late Roman Republican period to the 3rd century AD. 98 On the other hand, nos. 92–94 are also similar to the shape of a vessel from Naples broadly dated from at least the 3rd to the 6th century AD. 99 Our no. 95 of F5 comes from a Hellenistic context, 100 while no. 96 of F1 was found in context with pottery of the Late Roman Republican to Early Roman Imperial periods. 101 As far as the rim profile is concerned, nos. 93–96 are related to the ‘basin with extended rim’ such as no. 35 (fig. 4 above), thus when only rim parts are 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101
Muro 2011, 42 and fig. 12:48. Olcese 2012, tav. 3.LI, nos. 8–11. Johnson 2008, 43 and no. 343. Olcese 2012, tav. 4.XV:90; cf. Młynarczyk 2018, p. 215 and pl. 4:46. Młynarczyk 2015, 273 and pl. 3:25. Olcese, 2011–2012, tav. 3.II and no. 15. Quercia 2008, fig. 5:12a. Arthur 1994, type 75, 199 and fig. 91:75.1–75.3. Młynarczyk 2018, 244, note 67 and pl. 9:87. Młynarczyk 2018, 215 and pl. 4:43.
preserved, it is possible to confuse the two forms with each other. The profile of rim no. 97 is paralleled by a basin type from Giancola (Brindisi) dated to the 1st century BC, 102 but it is also similar to that of Late Roman basins such as Akrai nos. 6–8 (fig. 1 above) and a vessel from Agrigento. 103 Among the flat bases attributed to this group of vessels one can distinguish two kinds, one of which is thinner (no. 92 in F1 and no. 98 in F3, the latter resembling a disc base), and the other is heavy, made of coarse fabrics (nos. 99–100). Finally, there are some fragments that come from other large open vessels in PTW which are difficult to classify in terms of their shape details. They are exemplified by no. 101 identified as the rim of a krater (in a variant of F3 with blackpainted decoration), 104 and a heavy rim no. 102 of coarse fabric, 105 both found in a Hellenistic context (US.50/16 sounding).
The function As mentioned at the beginning of the present paper, the large open-shaped vessels used during different stages of food preparation and in food serving are described in publications as mortaria, basins, lekanai, big bowls and kraters. It is worthwhile, however, to attempt to connect the individual vessel forms with their specific function. For this, it is necessary to refer to ancient recipes. The most recent overview of ancient sources regarding Sicilian cuisine has been provided by R. Chowaniec, even if these sources contain only general information, they allow for compiling the list of foodstuffs available in Sicily. 106 As far as the site of Akrai is concerned, this list has been verified and supported by the examination of faunal and floral remains retrieved from the excavations. 107 Select pots were also subjected to lipid analyses of organic remains. 108 Except for the cooking vessels, they included some PTW examples, among which are large open forms, specifically, nos. 15, 72 and 100. Among the large-sized open PTW forms, the easiest to identify is the mortarium, a large shallow 102 103 104 105 106 107 108
Biffino 2012, 252, tav. XL:154. Rizzo & Zambito 2010, fig. 2:2. Młynarczyk 2018, pl. 8:77. Młynarczyk 2018, 222 and pl. 8:79. Chowaniec 2020, especially 404–405. Chowaniec, Dotsika, Gręzak 2018. Performed by Florinda Notarstefano, University of Salento, Lecce, cf. Chowaniec, Dotsika, Gręzak 2018, 151 and 159; Chowaniec 2020, 407, note 10.
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194 | Jolanta Młynarczyk vessel typically made of fabrics like F7, the coarsegrained admixture which made its interior suitable for grinding, pounding and crushing. It has a heavy wall, and a rim provided with a spout, the latter feature proving that the vessel could be used for the preparation of semi-fluid sauces of creamy consistence. Thus, the vessels identified as the mortaria are nos. 1–4 and 9–10 (fig. 1), nos. 13–19 and no. 21 (fig. 2) and no. 23 (fig. 3), some of which (nos. 10, 17–18 and 23) preserve their spout. However, exactly the same forms are shared by some vessels made of smoother fabrics, 109 such as no. 5 (fig. 1), nos. 20 and 22 (fig. 2), and nos. 24–26 (fig. 3). Logically, the latter could be used for processing ingredients which did not require heavy pounding, such as, for instance, pureeing cooked vegetables, pulping some fresh herbs alone or with grated cheese. A large number of dishes mentioned by both Greek (including Archestratos of Gela or Syracuse) and Latin (e.g., Cato, Virgil, Apicius) authors would require the use of a mortarium. An important step in food processing was pounding salt with spices, of which the most commonly used were thyme, oregano, cumin, and lovage. Mortaria also served to prepare a variety of salad dressings and pastes based on herbs, vegetables, eggs, with some addition of liquids such as olive oil, vinegar, or fish sauce; an example may be the Apician salacattabia (chicken salad). 110 Also, celery puree described by Apicius required the crushing of herbs (lovage, oregano) in a mortar together with onion, to which wine, fish sauce and oil were subsequently added. 111 Pounding cheese with olive oil into a smooth, firm paste was a part of the recipe for baked bream according to Archestratos. 112 To obtain moretum (garlic cheese) which was a daily food of the everyday Roman, garlic was ground with salt into a pulp, adding cheese and herbs, then liquids (olive oil and vinegar), finally shaping the mixture into a ball. 113 Mortaria would also be used in the processing of medicinal herbs. 114 One of the discussed Akrai mortaria, no. 15 (fig. 2) was subject to a lipid analysis which detected a vegetable oil (from cereal seeds?), animal fats and wax. It would seem that the vessel in question served to prepare a kind of paste or dressing with the addition of cheese, honey(?) and oil.
109 110 111 112 113 114
Młynarczyk 2018, 215. Dalby & Grainger 2012, 126–127. Dalby & Grainger 2012, 107. Dalby & Grainger 2012, 76–77. Dalby & Grainger 2012, 104–105. Annecchino 1977, 110.
As mentioned above, a group of vessels related to the mortarium by shape but made of smooth fabrics, as well as other forms of shallow basins (e.g., nos. 36–42, 63–67, 68–73), might have been used for pulping more delicate ingredients. They would probably be used also in kneading alimentary products, like a sheep’s cheese as described by Cato in his recipe for placenta 115 or simple dough. Actually, multi-purpose domestic basins that can be broadly described as pelvis, used for washing, kneading and mixing food are represented by a range of shapes. 116 The residue analysis of the basin/lekane no. 72 (fig. 7) detected a composition similar to that found in mortarium no. 15 (fig. 2): vegetable oil, animal fats and wax (probably contained in honey). One should add that these kind of large shallow (or medium deep) vessels may have been used not only in preparation, but also in serving food to the table, for instance salads or sauces in which the bread could be dipped. 117 Some deeper forms of open vessels, e.g., nos. 48–51 (fig. 5), nos. 56–62 (fig. 6), nos. 81–91 (fig. 8) may have been destined to mix liquids or semi-fluid foods; they can be described as lekanai or, more specifically, as kraters. Flat-based deep vessels with extended rim (nos. 92–100, fig. 9) may have been another form used as kraters, but on the other hand, they could have functioned as ollae, vessels used for keeping fruits (grapes, figs, plums). 118 Flat base no. 100 of a coarse fabric from a context attributed to the Roman Imperial (Late Imperial?) period is one of several bases of this type found at Akrai which preserve a characteristic whitish sediment on the bottom. The lipid residue analysis of this vessel detected ‘vegetable content, probably from plants or seeds; pine resin, wax’ which means that this vessel could indeed have contained fruits (grapes?), with the resin probably used as a preservative. However, even if the residue of this particular sample did not indicate any traces of animal fats or vegetable oils, it is possible that the vessels of this shape may have also contained products other than fruit, e.g., olives in brine or marinade (vinegar, oil, salt) or pickled vegetables. To sum up this very first overview of the largesize open-form domestic vessels from Akrai, we have been able to propose their classification according to both their shape and fabric, but also, rather importantly, to suggest their specific 115 Dalby & Grainger 2015, 113; for Sicilian cheese, cf. Chowaniec 2020, 404–405. 116 Annecchino 1977, 109–110. 117 Cf. Chowaniec 2020, 404. 118 Annecchino 1977, 111.
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usage, based on a range of scientific analyses and ancient written sources. The typology presented above, however, calls for establishing of more sound connections between the recognized vessel forms and their stratigraphical context. This task,
hopefully, will be accomplished during the next excavation seasons, shedding more light on the domestic context of Akrai’s society between the 4th/3rd century BC and 8th century AD.
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196 | Jolanta Młynarczyk
Illustrated pottery Serial number on plate – register number – fabric identification – stratigraphical (US) number/year
Fig. 1 1. 409/16 – F2 coarse – US.31/16 2. 366/18 –F7 – US.68/18 3. 47/17 – F7 – US.45/17 4. 34/17 – reddish yellow fabric with large, white and tiny black grits; smooth slip: dark brown exterior, orange-red interior –US.54/17 5. 370/16 – F1 variant(?) – US.20/16 6. 141/18 – F3 – US.69/18 7. 392/18 – F2? (pink fabric banded yellow with black and brown grits, thick pale yellow-pink slip) – US.50/18 8. 152/18 – F3 – US.68/18 9. 124/16 – coarse (non-local) fabric – US.4/16 10. 25/17 – F7 – US.19/17 11. 194/16 – F1 – US.10/16 12. 85/17 – similar to F2? (occasional tiny dark red grits, very smooth surface, remains of brownish red slipped outer part of the rim) – US.54/17
Fig. 2 13. 331/16 – coarse fabric with peeling ‘white’ slip – US.12/16 14. 332/16 – F1/F3 coarse version – US.12/16 15. 355/16 – coarse fabric (reddish brown with many black and some brown grits, surface greenish beige with ‘white’ peeling slip) – US.12/16 16. 470/16 – F2 (?) coarse version – US.46/16 17. 400/16 – F7 – US.36/16 18. 483/16 – F7 – US.53/16 19. 394/18 – F1 late variant? (bright red fabric with small white grits; with basalt(?) bits on the inner surface, very pale brown slip) – US.50/18 20. 419/16 – F3 – US.31/16 21. 410/16 – F7 – US.31/16 22. 101/17 – F1 – US.54/17
Fig. 3 23. 411/16 – F7 – US.31/16 24. 378/16 – F1 – US.50/16 sounding 25. 6/17 – F5 (pale yellow fabric banded grey, with numerous tiny, white and rare black grits; pale yellow surface with peeling whitish slip) – US.12/17 26. 374/18 – F2 – US.10/18
27– 61/18 – F1 late variant (light red fabric with thick light grey core, very pale brown wash with dark grey and occasional big white eruptions) – US.3/18 28. 42/18 – F1/F3 – US.3F/18 29. 143/18 – F1/F3 (thin semi-transparent whitish wash?) – US.69/18 30. 41/18 – F1 – US.3F/18 31. 147/18 – F1 late variant (bright red fabric with partial grey core; very pale brown surface wash with white eruptions) – US.69/18 32. 149/18 – F2 late variant? (break pale yellow with large black grits, surface white) – US.69/18 33. 474/16 – F1 – US.46/16 34. 326/16 – F1/F3 – US.12/16
Fig. 4 35. 68/17 – very soft fabric, red banded yellow with small white grits; whitish slip – US.19/17 36. 12/17 – F1 – US.55/17 37. 192/16 – F1/F3 – US.10/16 38. 412/16 – F1 with thin whitish slip – US.31/16 39. 471/16 – F1 – US.46/16 40. 413/16 – F1/F3 – US.31/16 41. 109/16 – F3 (? ‘sandwich’ section: orange to yellowish brown, some tiny white grits and occasional black grits; surface orangish pink) – US.1c/16 42. 334/16 – F1 (white slipped exterior, worn red slipped interior) – US.12/16 43. 132/18 – F1/F3 – US.69/18 44. 45/18 – F1 – US.3F/18 45. 138/18 – fabric pinkish beige (grey core at rim) with voids and white grits including large eruptions – US.69/18
Fig. 5 46. 84/18 – F1/F3 (semi-transparent whitish wash) – US.4/18 47. 56/17 – F3 – US.54/17 48. 48/18 – F1 (hard baked with grey core) – US.3F/18 49. 135/18 – F1/F3 – US.69/18 50. 322/18 – F1 (partial grey core) – US.71/18 51. 393/18 – F1/F3 (partial grey core) – US.50/18 52. 323/18 – F1/F3 (grey core) – US.71/18 53. 367/16 – F2 with red to dark red paint on rim – US.20/16
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54. 58/18 – F3 – US.3/18 55. 414/16 – F1 coarse version – US.31/16
Fig. 6 56. 90/18 – F3 – US.68/18 57. 46/18 – F1/F3 – US.3F/18 58. 189/16 – F1/F3 – US.10/16 59. 321/18 – F3 – US.71/18 60. 193/18 – F3 – US.70/18 61. 140/18 – F3– US.69/18 62. 319/18 – F1/F3 – US.71/18 63. 195/16 – F1 – US.10/16 64. 196/16 – F1/F3 – US.10/16 65. 109/17 – F3 – US.54/17 66. 327/16 – red fabric with some white grits and small glistening particles; inner surface pink, outer surface with whitish slip; geometrical motifs painted in red, inside and out – US.12/16 67. 133/16 – F1/F3 – US.4/16
Fig. 7 68. 321/16 – F1 – US.12/16 69. 416/16 –F1 variant? (granular fabric with many small white grits and peeling yellowish white slip) – US.31/16 70. 472/16 – F1/F3 – US.46/16 71. 473/16 – F1/F3 – US.46/16 72. 354/16 – F1/F3? (yellowish red fabric with lots of pale grey tiny grits, a few white grits and single voids; inner surface light red, outer surface with peeling whitish slip) – US.12/16 73. 417/16 – F1 – US.31/16 74. 83/17 – F1 – US 54/17 75. 389/18 – F1 late variant? (fabric bright red with small white grits, very pale brown slip) – US.50/18 76. 66/18 – F1/F3 – US.3/18 77. 390/18 –F1 – US.50/18 78. 79/17 – F1 – US.51/17 79. 82/18 – F1 (surface fired green, cracked: overfired) – US.4/18 80. 391/18 – F2? (pink fabric banded yellow, with black and brown grits, thick yellowish white slip) – US.50/18
Fig. 8 81. 113/16 – F1 variant (with peeling whitish slip on the exterior and some white eruptions)– US.1c/16 82. 201/15 – F7 (surface white slipped with sizeable black eruptions) – US.37/15 83. 90/17 – F1/F3 – US.53/17 84. 84/17 – F1/F4 (?) – US.54/17 85. 56/15 – F1 – US.3a/15 86. 32/17 – F1/F3 – US.54/17 87. 418/16 – F3 – US.31/16 88. 18/17 – F1/F3 – US.19/17 89. 108/16 – F1 variant (light red fabric, light brown surface with peeling pale beige slip and some white eruptions)– US.1c/16 90. 377/18 – F1/F3 (semi-transparent whitish wash) – US.10/18 91. 106/18 – F1/F3 – US.69/18
Fig. 9 92. 125/16 – F1 – US.4/16 93. 126/16 – F1 – US.4/16 94. 85/18 – F1/F3 – US.4/18 95. 368/16 – F5 (surface fired white) – US 20/16 96. 415/16 – F1 – US.31/16 97. 325/18 – F1 – US.71/18 98. 91/18 – F3 – US.69/18 99. 92/18 – coarse fabric, light red with many dark grey grains, some small white grits and voids – US.69/18 100. 338/16 – coarse fabric, grey banded orange, with many large dark grey grits and some small white ones; outer surface yellowish brown with many large brown and white eruptions, inner surface with thick pink slip – US.12/16 101. 377/16 – near F3? reddish brown fabric with some small white grits and a black-painted band on the rim – US.50/16 sounding 102. 380/16 – coarse brownish pink fabric, with some small white grits and very large dark reddish-brown grits; pale beige thick slip – US.50/16 sounding
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198 | Jolanta Młynarczyk
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Ceramic Building Materials from Akrai/Acrae: First Remarks on Roof Tiles with Stamps and Further Reflections* Weronika Stanik
Abstract The main goals of the chapter are to conduct preliminary analysis of roof tiles with stamps found in Akrai/ Acrae, south-eastern Sicily and present further reflections on ceramic building materials and ideas how to examine such material. In the first part of chapter, production of roof tiles and manners of stamping ceramic building materials in Sicily is described. Set of roof tiles from Akrai/Acrae collected during excavations until 2020 is examined from different perspectives: from traditional typology to epigraphic and iconographic analysis of the stamps. In the third part of the article analogies are displayed and possible interpretation of stamps is given. The last part of article contains remarks on further analysis and general view on multifunctionality of roof tiles. Roof tiles, tegula/tegulae, imbrex/imbrices, stamps, inscriptions, ceramic building materials, Akrai/Acrae
Introduction As it was stated by David Hally, pottery can be undoubtedly called subject of more study and discourse than any other class of artifacts. 1 Although the thesis was formulated in 1983 it still seems to be accurate. However, archeologists had shown too little interest in how pottery was used in households focusing rather on measuring, counting and dividing collected material. Typological analysis of ceramic materials was well known and is still widely used, yet interpretive potential of pottery from domestic context seems neglected and requires deepened exploration. Studying material culture in typological manner *
1
I would like to express my profound gratitude to prof. Roksana Chowaniec for giving me an opportunity to publish among such outstanding researchers and for all given advices and encouragement. Hally 1983, 163.
was a principal task of archeologists, but it is crucial to move beyond positivistic descriptions of things and semiotic approach of treating things as texts and symbols 2 to give them capacity to speak for themselves. Through past ten years of multidisciplinary research on field of Akrai detailed studies on mass pottery material has been both conducted and presented. Nevertheless, there are two remaining categories of pottery, that are still awaiting analysis: storage ware and ceramic building materials. 3 This paper is focused on the second category (CBM), which is narrowed to a representative group of roof tiles with stamps. Not only the analysis will be conducted, but also further reflections
2 3
Domańska 2006, 171. Domżalski 2018, 213.
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202 | Weronika Stanik on how roof tiles can be used in wider context will be proposed. First question that requires to be answered is why archeologists need to change their optics on household objects and also ceramic building materials, which are not necessarily only part of ‘house shell’. Throughout many years of excavations and research some disturbing trends can be observed. One tendency that can be seen is treating household artefacts and architecture separately, which somehow deprive objects from their context. 4 The main interest lies then in finding information about phasing, dating and typology rather than on social aspects of life, which are far more human-centered than collecting numbers. Other tendency is being discouraged by modest quality and repetitive character of founded artifacts and also by their shortage, 5 especially it refers to pottery. Such perspective values only objects with extraordinary look or extreme magnitude underestimating ordinary finds as useful information holders. 6 Sometimes the quality and quantity of artifacts does not determine manner in which they are published, but lack of idea to not present them separately, but as detailed picture of household assemblage. It is crucial to state, that by looking closely to pottery and other finds it should be possible to describe way of storage, usage and display of objects in the household, but also it gives opportunity to create model of social relations within the house. These mentioned worrying tendencies can somehow be seen as motivation for choosing different methodological approach for examining roof tiles with stamps from Akrai than quantifying and classifying them in traditional way. Partially it will be executed by using epigraphic sources. Final methodological remark is to state that in the article author will try to challenge antiquarian approach to Hellenistic and Roman finds, 7 which has been present in classic archeology from XIX century so far.
In famous work of Vitruvius ‘De architectura’ it is possible to find two main passages concerning ceramic building materials 8 like specific recom-
mendations on usage of brick and longitude of their storage. 9 Despite fact that word tegula is introduced several times in tractate there are no detailed information about production of roof tiles. Even if they were present Vitruvius himself spent most of his life in northern and central part of Italy, thus he has not experienced the reality of manufacturing and building traditions in southern part of mainland not to mention Sicily. In consequence his work will not play major role in discussing Sicilian workshops and characteristics of their products. Manufacturing terracotta roof tiles and other roof ornaments existed, both in Magna Graecia and Sicily, going back to the 6th century BC 10 and usage of ceramic building materials has a long tradition in Sicily (except from brick, which become commonly used in the 3rd and the 2nd century BC). Consequently, it is no surprise that many kilns, that were designed to produce bricks and roof tiles were found, for example in Morgantina, Camarina or Taormina and many others. Smaller towns also had their local brickyards. 11 Before closer look on production in Sicily it is pivotal to add that a lot of ceramic building materials, also one dated to Roman Imperial period, have stamps with Greek inscriptions, since most of the province was still Greek-speaking. So, the question that evokes is what are specifics of roof tiles produced in Sicily? Unfortunately, Roman roof tiles in Sicily have not been subject of many studies. Vast majority of the results that had been published are effect of fieldbased observation or museum study. Sicilian roof tiles in Roman Republican and Imperial periods care usually thicker than roof tiles produced in Italy, thus thickness will not be use as indicator of different period. 12 So far three types of roof tiles have been distinguished. 13 First type of the tiles have flanged edge on parallel sides, is rather flat and either rectangular or square in shape. It is dated to Roman Republic period but probably was known since the 6th century BC. The flange had usually rounded or angular profile and was made in that manner to interlock another roof tile firmly when other is overlaps (tegulae and imbrices in Roman nomenclature, tegola and embrace in Italian). Roofs made from these roof tiles are usually build in so-called ‘Laconian’ system (in which tegulae are overlapping the top of both tiles below). The second type of tiles is not semi-cylindrical, but has
4 5 6 7 8
9 10 11 12 13
Production of roof tiles
Ault & Nevett, 1999, 45. Ault & Nevett, 1999, 45. Olsen 2010, 34. Allison 1999, 57. Wilson 1979, 11.
Vitruvius De arch. 2.3. Wilson 1979, 11. Wilson 1979, 18. Amari 2007, 123. Wilson 1979, 20.
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much shallower curving profile. However, their distinguished feature is having crudely fashioned flange at the narrow end. 14 This type is absent in sites abandoned in the 1st century BC. It is probable that around the 1st century AD Laconian system was no longer widely used and it is visible in material that flat tegulae are nearly completely absent. The third and last type is very similar to the second type, but it is lacking the rudimentary flange and it was habitually decorated with combed stripes. It was introduced in the Late Roman period and survived through the Byzantine times. 15
Roof tiles with stamps After distinguishing basic types of roof tiles in Sicily it is necessary to narrow this wide group to roof tiles with stamps, with particular emphasis on those with Greek inscriptions. Epigraphic characteristic of Sicily, seen as a crossroad of Latin-speaking and Greek-speaking parts of the Roman Empire, eludes from traditional linguistic dichotomy. There are two facts that can be undoubtedly stated: epigraphic culture is born in Sicily in Archaic period and even in times of intensified romanization most of inscriptions are Greek. The biggest quantitative and qualitative growth of Sicilian inscriptions is dated to Hellenistic period. 16 Quick increase of inscriptions from the 4th to the 1st century BC can be easily observed, especially in the 3rd century BC. It is clearly visible in the case of Syracuse, principally in period of reign of Hiero II of Syracuse (ca. 269–215 BC) and the tendency is spread to interior vicinity of coastal city, 17 which evidently includes Akrai. To study either Hellenistic or Roman inscriptions several tools are useful. One of those are naturally Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, etc., however new searching tool ‘I. Sicily’ has been created. 18 Unfortunately, author has to relay on traditional utensils, because ‘I. Sicily’ is still vividly developing project and since any of inscriptions published in the article was entered it would not help examination. Inscriptions are displayed on many categories of instrumentum domesticum from amphorae and lamps to roof tiles.
14 15 16 17 18
Wilson 1979, 20. Wilson 1979, 23. Prag 2018, 132. Prag 2018, 136. Prag & Chartrand 2018, 240.
According to Roger J. A. Wilson tradition of stamping marks or names on roof tiles can be dated at least to the 5th century BC and has reached its pick in the 3rd and 2nd century BC. 19 As it was brought up before three main types of roof tiles can be distinguished. First traditional Greek type (I), second Roman Imperial type (II) and third Byzantine type (III), but only first two had stamps on them. 20 Positioning of the stamp can be also indicator to which type roof tiles belongs. Traditionally, Greek type (I) roof tiles have stamps placed in the central part, but no strict rule can be found. Roman Imperial type (II) roof tiles have the stamp located nearly to the edge parallelly or perpendicularly. Roman Imperial type (II) was probably introduced around half of the 3rd century BC, thus it should rather be named ‘Roman’ than ‘Imperial’ and to that nomenclature author will refer in rest of the paper. Byzantine type (III) was perhaps introduced around 475 AD. 21 Stamps of Hellenistic period can also be distinguished in two categories: one with official sign of the town/place of production and other with cognomen of producer or at least owner of latifundia. Secondly, there are stamps specifically prepared for one building like in case of theater in Taormina. Thirdly some roof tiles are stamped with name of judge during which office they were produced (beginning with ETI, meaning in the time of). Stamps from Roman Imperial period are causing more difficulties. They are usually name of producer or landowner, but assuming, which one is it is not always possible. After inquiring about all different kinds of roof tiles and inscriptions it is time to take closer look on materials found in Akrai.
Roof tiles with stamps from Akrai/Acrae There are several issues that are evoked by group of roof tiles from Akrai. First of all, there are two question that has been already posed for Syracusan pottery workshops: are we dealing with the local production or interregional or even national type of production (?) and trade and how epigraphic sources can enrich the analysis? 22 Akrai
19 20 21 22
Wilson 1979, 23. Wilson 1999, 538. Wilson 1999, 538. Malfitana & Caciaguerra 2016, 74.
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204 | Weronika Stanik
Fig. 2. Group of roof tiles with cylindrical stamps (cat. nos. 5, 13) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 1. Group of roof tiles with ‘ΛΕ’ stamp (cat. nos. 1, 2, 3) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
was founded as a colony of Syracuse as it was mentioned by Thucydides. 23 For some period, it can be seen as a satellite town of its coastal predecessor. 24 This is the reason why so many analogies can be drawn and similar questions can be asked. Thanks to both archeological and epigraphical research several conclusions will be shown. First group of analyzed roof tiles are those with inscription ‘ΛΕ’, 25 stamped in round notch, probably made with matrix. Placement of mark, particularly artifact cat. no. 1, and flat section suggests that roof tile belongs to Greek type (I). 23 Thucydides III. 24 Chowaniec 2017. 25 IGRR XIV.2393.597.
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Fig 3. Group of roof tiles with ΑRWͶ stamp (cat. nos. 7, 10, 11, 14) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Inscription provides us with information that roof tiles (fig. 1) where produced in Leontinoi, thus it leads to the conclusion that Akrai inhabitants imported at least part of ceramic building materials from other cities, but that cannot be proven yet. The same interpretation seems accurate for second group of roof tiles found in Akrai. Referring to the typology created by R. J. A. Wilson stamps with city symbols belong also to Greek type (I). So far two roof tiles with round cylindric marks has been found. One depicting star and other witch big round button in the middle with surrounding rays (fig. 2). As the consequence of their placement, which is made rather freely, author would like to suggest that they both belong to Greek type (I). Although exact analogies have not been found many similar examples of figurative stamps will be shown in next part of the article. From looking closely to both mentioned group of roof tiles from Akrai one main conclusion can be stated in during
that period of functioning of city inhabitants imported from at least with few different centers of production. The most numerous are roof tiles with stamps from Akrai are one inscribed ΑRWͶ (fig. 3). 26 This stamp is only one that could be found in Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum and it is a ligature for word ΑRAIΩN. Gabriele Judica, first explorer of ancient Akrai, already found same inscription on coin. 27 The coin had been minted in Akrai, 28 therefore it is nearly sure that roof tiles with the same inscription has been also made locally. This group of roof tiles can be categorized to Roman type (II) according to positioning of stamp, centrally on edge of object. However, one of the objects from
26 CIG III.5435.b. 27 Judica 1819, tav. I, nos. 1–2. 28 Więcek 2018, 274.
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Fig. 5. Group of roof tiles with different written stamps (cat. nos. 6, 8, 9) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai) Fig. 4. Group of roof tiles with ‘X’ signs (cat. nos. 4, 12) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
this group have slightly changed its purpose and became amphora stopper. Third group consists of three different fragments of roof tiles with nearly fully or partially preserved stamps. It was collected together because of difficulty in ascribing them to either Greek or Roman type (I/II). First one (fig. 5, cat. no. 6) has [Α…V] inscription on it. It is rather flat seeing from the section. The positioning of the stamp cannot be clearly indemnified thus attribution to the Greek type (I) is much more potential. Second one (fig. 5, cat. no. 8) has inscription with letters ‘MK’. Section of artifact is curvy and inscription probably is initials of manufacturer or owner of latifundium/ latifundia. Due to both stated features it is probably Roman type (II) but because of poor state of preservation and lack of rim it cannot be verified. The last one is a roof tile with stamp with letter
‘M’. Fragment is really small and mark is not full preserved. Last category of roof tiles found in Akrai are two objects with no inscriptional mark on them (fig. 4, cat. no. 4 and cat. no. 12). Stamps that can be seen on fragments of roof tiles are signs made probably by manufacturer to check the roughness of the clay. According to R. J. A. Wilson’s typology they should be ascribed to Byzantine type (III) as a consequence of not having any stamp. Although, those two roof tiles seem less elaborate than others it is worth acknowledging that the marks made on them are less repetitive and more ‘personal’.
Analogies Several parallel examples for material found in Akrai are visible. First group of roof tiles with stamps is assumed to be manufactured in Leon-
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tinoi. Currently no excavations are taking place at the supposed origin provenience, however referring to epigraphic sources some analogies can be drawn. In Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum two identical inscriptions are present. First one has been found in Herbessos and it is confirmed that it was a stamp on a roof tiles. 29 It was dated to Hellenistic period as it was done in article. Second one comes from Akragas, and it is dated for late Hellenistic period. 30 Nonetheless, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum is providing us with information that probably this specific inscription epsilon has been changed for delta therefore parallelism is not certain. However, there is also the third one, 31 inscription coming from Panormos. According to epigraphic information Leontinoi probably was place where manufacture of brick and tiles was present in Hellenistic period and it has traded their goods to different cities in southwestern Sicily, however this hypothesis requires further exploration. Roof tiles with figurative stamps also have several parallels, but more on level of similar way of designing the stamp. For example, alike stamp from Segesta depicting bull, which was a symbol of the city, 32 thus the concept was the same. Another even more related case are the stamps on either brick or flat tegula developed in Taormina. Chronology of evoked stamps from Taormina is narrowed to the 3rd–2nd centuries BC. Two samples of stamps have been discovered, they are both, similarly to Akrai group (fig. 2), cylindrical and have rotational factor in them, they depict simple triskeles. 33 It is possible that there is some even tighter parallel between those stamps and one originating from Akrai. Especially while looking closer to object cat. no. 8. somehow solar character of stamp can be spotted and following theory of solar origins of triskeles analogies are visible. Now, referring to two groups of roof tiles from Akrai: with inscription ΑRWͶ and other written inscriptions. As it was presented before, ΑRWͶ (decipherment of ligature ΑRAIΩN) is visible both on roof tiles from Akrai and on coin minted at the city. Current state of knowledge on this inscription ends at ceramic finds excavated only in Akrai itself. Author lean to the thesis that roof tiles produced in Akrai were dedicated for local usage only. It is also probable that artifact cat. no. 6 originates from 29 30 31 32 33
SEG 53:984.3. SEG 45:1351,3. IG XIV.2393,597. Wilson 1999, 538. Lentini & Muscolino 2013, 278.
Akrai and is stamped with name of the city written differently. Two inscriptions other and roof tiles do not have any clear parallel so far. Due to poor state of preservation no uncertain conclusions shall be presented. Last group of roof tiles with stamps from Akrai is one ascribed to Byzantine type (III). Examples with similar marks can be found in Acium. 34 Roof tiles discovered in Acium has nearly identical sign to artifact cat. no. 12 and as well is ascribed to Byzantine type (III).
Further reflections Analysis of roof tiles from Akrai had shown that combing epigraphical and archeological evidences can create coherent picture, but the question is: can the enquiry go deeper? And in author’s opinion there are two paths for further research: exploring deeper meaning of finding roof tiles in household contexts and investigating what were other ways of using roof tiles than as a constructional material for a roof. Roof tiles, as any other kind of pottery, are obviously ordinary category of artifacts found in household contexts. However, excavated in many different circumstances they provide researchers with whole variety of information. During excavations in Morgantina huge amount of roof tiles was discovered in the middle of the room. The conclusions that were taken form that suggested that roof has collapsed. 35 Other case was described after excavations at Akragas where certain arrangement of roof tiles and other ceramic building materials revealed that building had a second floor. 36 Also, as it can be seen at insula excavated in Akrai sometimes roof tiles took over role of bricks and they are reused in structures of walls. Such premises combined with geoarchaeological for example, evidences can help creating wider perspective of life of inhabitants, and what difficulties they had to face. Combined studies on roof tiles can also provide researchers with information about social structure and ceramic building materials trade market and if there was local manufacture. Epigraphic analysis of stamps on roof tiles from Akrai had shown new possibilities for future exploration and conclusions, like to considering Leon-
34 Amari 2007, 123. 35 Souza et al. 2019, 20. 36 Pecoraro 2016, 362.
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208 | Weronika Stanik tinoi as a potential center of production of ceramic building materials for neighboring cities. Now let us move to more non-classical reflections. Usually, archeologists try to find way of what object was used. However, as anyone know from own experience objects are used in many different ways. That statement can be demonstrated by example of roof tiles in Greek type (I) which were used in upright position for inhumation burials and also to cover the burial itself (to form tomba alla cappuccina). 37 That thesis can be as well proved with material founded in Akrai. Fragment of roof tile cat. no. 11 was recycled and reformed to amphora plug. Such finds are hint to study things while keeping in mind their multifunctionality. Despite all ways of using roof tiles mentioned before the most exciting one seems to be applying roof tiles as weapon of urban violence profoundly described by William D. Barry. Not only he basis his investigation on Thucydides, Plutarch, Livy and others, but also, he analyzes social aspect of who were tiles-throwers and how effective this weapon was. 38 It is excitingly interesting to read about physical calculations on effectiveness of roof tiles beside reflections on
ways of adjusting roof tiles as a weapon (broke in pieces or through straightly from the roof). 39 The way of incorporating archaeological feature, like patterns of roofing and fact that no nails were used with social analysis based on literary sources, ex. non-gender or class factor was crucial in finding out who the thrower was, 40 is an exquisite example in what why should exploring ancient ceramic building materials should proceed.
37 Wilson 1979, 20. 38 Barry 1996, 55.
39 Barry 1996, 63. 40 Barry 1996, 67.
Conclusions Despite the fact that roof tiles, with their not attractive appearance and supposed obvious interpretative potential, do not seem as interesting category of pottery but they are great source of knowledge both as an archeological and epigraphic evidence but also as inspiration for historical investigations. Groupe of roof tiles from Akrai is positive example of the thesis and evokes many questions yet not answered. Author hopes to continue investigation on ceramic building materials form Akrai in upcoming seasons.
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Catalogue The following is a catalogue is compiled in accordance with the rules observed in previous publications of archaeological material from Akrai. Abbreviations: Inv. no. – inventory number; A – hectare/are/square; B – stratum; C – Munsell colour chart.
No. 1 (fig. 1: 1) Inv. no. AK14/I/9–682 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.9 Fragment of roof tile wit stamp – ‘ΛΕ’. Roof tile is flat in section with convex rant. Clay has large quantity of coarse-grained organic addition, is well burn out, with small addition of fine-grained mica. C. 10YR 8/2 (very pale brown) Type: Greek (I)
No. 2 (fig. 1: 2) Inv. no. AK15/I/31–437 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.31 Fragment of roof tile with stamp – ‘ΛΕ’. Stamp is place in the middle, in relation to upper edge of the artifact. Roof tile was probably produced in Leontinoi. C. inside: 2.5Y 7/4 (pale brown); outside: 2.5Y 8/3 (pale brown); cross section 5YR 7/4 (pink). Type: Greek (I)
No. 3 (fig. 1: 3) Inv. no. AK15/I/12–382 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.12 Fragment of roof tile with stamp – ‘ΛΕ’. Stamp is place vertically, in relation to upper edge of the artifact. C. inside: 2.5Y 7/4 (pale brown); outside: 2.5Y 8/3 (pale brown); cross section: 5YR 7/4 (pink). Roof tile was probably produced in Leontinoi. Type: Greek (I)
No. 4 (fig. 4: 4) Inv. no. AK15/I/1–340 A. XXIX/mass material; B. US.1 Roof tile made of clay with a graffiti on the upper sider resembling a double ‘X’ shape. Many particles of ceramic are visible in the section and on surface.
A few big particles of calcium are visible specially on the lower side. One of the edges is curvy. C. lower part: 7.5Y 8/6 (reddish yellow); top part, where graffito is: 2.5Y 8/3 (pale brown), cross section 2.5Y 8/3 (pale brown). Type: Byzantine (III)
No. 5 (fig. 2: 5) Inv. no. AK15/I/1–93 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1 Fragment of roof tile with stamp. In section coarse-grained volcanic admixture can be seen. The stamp is fragmentarily preserved, shaped in circular way, with 10 rays, which are resembling arms of a star. C. inside:10R 5/8 (red); outside 7.5YR 7/6 (reddish yellow). Type: Greek (I)
No. 6 (fig. 5: 6) Inv. no. AK15/I/1–68 A. XXIX/65/3; B. US.1, from destruction of wall USM.2 Fragment of a roof tile with stamp, very damaged. It is not possible to define shape. In the center notch of stamp is placed. Inside the notch two letters can be seen [A….V]. Section has large quantity of brown, grey and black coarse-grained admixture. C. inside/section: 2.5YR 5/8 (red); outside: 2.5Y 8/3 (pale brown). Type: Roman (II) (?)
No. 7 (fig. 3: 7) Inv. no. AK15/I/4–59 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.4 Fragment of a roof tile with stamp made with a matrix. Medium-grained admixture can be seen. Stamp is fully preserved and has a writing on it (ΑRWͶ). In the left corner hole can be seen.
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210 | Weronika Stanik C. inside/section: 2.5YR 6/8 (light red); outside 10YR 8/6 (yellow). Type: Roman (II)
No. 8 (fig. 5: 8) Inv. no. AK16/I/10–121 A. XXIX/56/2; B. US.10 Fragment of roof tile with nearly fully preserved stamp. Made form clay of low quality, with coarsegrained organic admixture. The stamp has two letters on it: ‘MK’, second one poorly preserved and broken. C. 10YR 8/2 (very pale brown); 10YR 8/4 (very pale brown). Type: Greek (I)
No. 9 (fig. 5: 9) Inv. no. AK18/I/71–393 A. XXIX/45/4 and 46/3; B. US.71 Fragment of roof tile with stamp. Stamp was made with matrix and has letter ‘M’ written on it. Finegrained admixture of calcium can be seen and addition of golden mica. C. slip 5YR 7/4 (pink); section 2.5YR 8/4 (red). Type: Greek (I)
No. 10 (fig. 3: 10) Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–406 A. XXIX/45/4 and 46/3; B. US.3F Fragment of roof tile with stamp. Made with clay with high density of coarse-grained volcanic admixture, basalt admixture and organiC. Stamp is fully preserved, in shape rectangle and has a writing on it (ΑRWͶ). Clay in section is triple-layered. C. outside and inside: 2.5YR 6/6 (light red) – 5/6 (red); core: 2.5Y 6/4 (light yellowish brown) – 6/6 (olive yellow); outer surface: 2.5Y 7/4 (pale brown) to 7/6 (yellow). Type: Roman (II)
No. 11 (fig. 3: 11) Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–401 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.3F Amphora plug made from fragment of roof tile with stamp. Made with clay with high density of
coarse-grained volcanic admixture, basalt admixture and organiC. Single grains of calcium can be seen. Stamp is partially preserved, in rectangular shape and has a writing on it (ΑRWͶ). Clay in section is triple-layered. C. outside and inside: 2.5YR 6/6 (light red) – 5/6 (red); core: 2.5Y 6/4 (light yellowish brown) – 6/6 (olive yellow); outer surface: 2.5Y 7/4 (pale brown) to 7/6 (yellow). Type: Roman (II)
No. 12 (fig. 4: 12) Inv. no. AK18/I/50–216 A. XXIX/64/4; B. US.50 Fragment of roof tile with mark resembling ‘X’ near the edge of the rim. Sign was probably made to check if clay was dry by maker (similarly seen on amphoras). Large quantity of coarse-grained organic admixture, volcanic admixture and grains of calcium is present. C. section 7.5YR 7/4 (pink) to 7/6 (reddish yellow). Type: Byzantine (III)
No. 13 (fig. 2: 13) Inv. no. AK19/I/76–579 A. XXIX/55/1; B. US.76 Fragment of a roof tile. Only small part of the edge is intact. The top of the roof tile is decorated on the preserved edge. The decoration consists of a large rounded shape in relief, slightly eroded. In the center of the decoration lies a rounded relief button, from which seem to radiate rays. C. 2.6YR 7/4 (light reddish brown) Type: Greek (I)
No. 14 (fig. 3: 14) Inv. no. AK19/I/1D–203 A. XXIX/75/3, 4; B. US.1D Fragment of roof tile with stamp. Made with clay with high density of coarse-grained volcanic admixture, basalt admixture and organic. Stamp is fully preserved, in shape rectangle and has a writing on it (ΑRWͶ). C. 10R 5/8 (red), 7.5YR 7/4 (pink); slip: 2.5Y 7/3 (pale brown). Type: Roman (II)
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Inscriptions CIG = Boeckh, A. (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum, vol. III, Berlin 1828–1877 IG= Inscriptiones Graecae
IGRR= Inscrptiones Graece ad res Romanes prtinentes, Paris 1901–197 SEG= Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
Literature Allison, P. M. 1999. ‘Labels for ladles: Interpreting the material culture of Roman households’, in: Allison, P. M. (ed.) The Archaeology of Household Activities, Routledge-London-New York: 57–77. Amari, S. 2007. ‘A Late Roman Pottery and Brick Factory in Sicily (Santa Venera al Pozzo)’, in: Waksman, S. Y. (ed.) Archaeometric and Archaeological Approaches to Ceramics, Papers presented at EMAC’05, 8th European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, Lyon 2005, BAR International Series 1691, Oxford: 121–128. Ault, B. A. & Nevett, L. C. 1999. ‘Digging houses: Archaeologies of Classical and Hellenistic Greek domestic assemblages’, in: Allison, P. M. (ed.) The Archaeology of Household Activities, Routledge-London-New York: 43–56. Barry, W. D. 1996. ‘Roof Tiles and Urban Violence in the Ancient World’, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 37.1: 55–74. Chowaniec, R. 2017. The Coming of Rome. Cultural Landscape of south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw. Domańska, E. 2006. ‘Return to the Things’, Archaeologia Polona 44: 171–185. Domżalski, K. 2018. ‘Quantifying and contextualizing pottery from Akrai. General information with particular attention to the Fine Ware evidence’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the borders of Syracuse. Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 209–223. Forgia, V. 2019. Archeology of Uplands on a Mediterranean Island. The Madonie Mountain Range in Sicily, Cham. Garozzo, B. 2003. ‘Nuovi dati sull’instrumentum domesticum bollato-anfore e laterizi-dal Palermitano’, in: Corretti, A. (ed.), Atti delle Quarte Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull’area Elima (Erice 1–4 dicembre 2000), Pisa: 557–685. Hally, D. 1983. ‘The Interpretative potential of pottery from domestic contexts’, Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 8.2: 163–196. Judica, G. 1819. Le antichità di Acre, scoperte, descritte ed illustrate da Gabriele Judica, Messina. Lentini, M. C. & Muscolino, F. 2013. ‘Fornaci e produzioni di anfore e laterizi tra Naxos e Taormina (III–I secolo a.C.) e rapporti con le
aree tirreniche’, in. Olcese, G. (ed.) IMMENSA AEQUORA, Workshop, Ricerche archeologiche, archeometriche e informatiche per la ricostruzione dell’economia e dei commerci nel bacino occidentale del Mediterraneo (metà IV seC. a.C. – I seC. d.C.), Atti del convegno (Roma 24–26 gennaio 2011), Rome: 275–286. Malfitana, D. & Caciaguerra, G. 2016. ‘Archeologia della produzione ceramica a Siracusa tra l’età̀ ellenistica e la prima età imperiale’, in: Cucuzza, N., Giannattassio, B. M. & Pallecchi, S. (eds.), Archeologia delle produzioni ceramiche nel mondo antico. Spazi, prodotti, strumenti e tecniche. Atti del convegno (Genova, 1–2 dicembre 2014), Ariccia: 71–102. Olsen, B. 2010. In Defense of Things. Archaeology and the Ontology of Objects, Lanham. Pfunter, L. 2019. Urbanism and Empire in Sicily, University of Texas Press, Ashley and Peter Larkin Endowment in Greek and Roman Culture, Austin. Prag, J. R. W. 2018. ‘The birth of epigraphic culture in the western Mediterranean: Sicilian epigraphic culture in the later Hellenistic period’, in: Beltrán Lloris, F. & Díaz Ariño, B. (eds.), El nacimiento de las culturas epigráficas en el occidente Mediterráneo. Modelos romanos y desarrollos locales (ss. III–I a.E.), Anejos de AEspA LXXXV, Madrid: 131–144. Prag, J. R. W. & Chartrand, J. 2018. ‘I. Sicily: Building a Digital Corpus of the Inscriptions of Ancient Sicily’, in: De Santis, A, & Rossi, I. (eds.), Crossing Experiences in Digital Epigraphy, From Practice to Discipline, Warsaw-Berlin: 240–252. Pecoraro, A. R. 2016. ‘La casa II D del Quartiere ellenistico-romano di Agrigento’, in: Parello, M. C. & Rizzo, M. S. (eds.), Paesaggi Urbani Tardoantichi. Casi a confronto, Atti delle Giornate Gregoriane VIII Edizione (29–30 novembre 2014), Bari: 359–426. Souza, R., Walthall, A., Benton, J., Wueste, E., Tharler, A., Crowther, B. & Schirmer, C. 2019. ‘Preliminary Report on the 2016 Field Season of the American Excavations at Morgantina: Contrada Agnese Project (CAP)’, The Journal of Fasti Online: http://www.fastionline.org/docs/ FOLDER-it–2019–450.pdf
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212 | Weronika Stanik Więcek, T. 2018. ‘The coin of Akrai. La primavera’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.) On the borders of Syracuse. Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 271–328. Wilson, R. J. A. 1979. ‘Brick and Tiles in Roman Sicily’, in: McWhirr, A. (ed.), Roman Brick and Tile: Studies in Manufacture, Distribution, and Use in the Western Empire, BAR International Series 68, Oxford: 11–43.
Wilson, R. J. A. 1990. Sicily under the Roman Empire: The Archaeology of a Roman Province 36 B.C.–A.D. 535, Warminster. Wilson, R. J. A. 1999. ‘Iscrizioni sui manufatti siciliani in età ellenistico-romana’, in: Gulletta, M. I. (ed.), Sicilia EpigraphicA. Atti del convegno internazionale, Erice 15–18 ottobre 1998, Pisa: 531–555.
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Selected Terracotta Figurines from Akrai/Acrae* Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad
Abstract Among tonnes of pottery sherds, archeological excavations in the domestic area of Akrai yielded a significant amount of terracotta fragments. This preliminary article aims to present a small selection – 22 pieces which allow to observe the broad scope of the present themes among the terracotta finds. Some of the figurines are identifiable as deities, others as secular representations (associated with the dramatic or animal world), as well as examples that reveal themselves challenging to identify solely through iconographical approach. So far, the study of the terracottas from Akrai revealed finds analogous with examples from the biggest productions centers in the Island. Concurrently, the study of the assemblage from the site serves as a great opportunity to further study the function terracottas played within domestic contexts and in domestic cults. Terracotta, coroplastic, domestic cults, Sicilian chthonic deities, Demeter/Persephone, Attis, Artemis, actor, masks, Akrai/Acrae
Introduction Museum exhibits dedicated to the ancient Mediterranean often house collections of terracotta figurines, inviting visitors into forgotten religious customs, to which only decayed structures and ancient sources bear testimony. Rare opportunities arise to learn about the daily rituals punctuating the lives of ancient city dwellers. The continuous urban sprawling over ancient residential areas through time, in conjunction with the inclination of many archeologists to focus on public areas, put *
Some examples of the selected artifacts were analyzed by Aleksandra Konrad and presented in Bachelor's thesis titled: Selected terracotta figurines from Akrai, Sicily. Iconographic interpretation (2017) and Master’s thesis titled Material culture of ancient Akrai, in south–eastern Sicily, as indications of domestic cults (2020), under supervision of prof. Roksana Chowaniec.
Akrai on the exclusive list of Mediterranean sites that allow the archeological study of quasi-intact remains of domestic life, and therefore an undisturbed investigative terrain for domestic cults. Terracotta figurines are objects which by nature are prone to absorb and preserve cultural changes, artistic influences, as well as social and economic shifts. These artifacts reflect the relationship of personal preferences, popular trends, and ultimately – as it will be examined here – rituals and/ or beliefs. 1 While the study of statuettes from sanctuaries offers a more accessible analytical framework, figurines from other contexts, such as domestic ones, pose a methodological challenge.
1
Barrett 2015.
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214 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad Difficulties in interpretation usually stem from the lack of accurate analogies, the result of a limited number of preserved domestic sites in Sicily.
Demeter and Persephone Within the selected terracottas from Akrai there are 4 fragments that can be associated to the most diffused in ancient Sicily chthonic deities – Demeter and Persephone. 2 Both of them (mother and daughter) were goddess of the harvest and agriculture. The cult of Demeter/Persephone was especially widespread between 5th–3rd century BC 3 and after the Roman conquest when Sicily became so-called the ‘granary of Rome’, as this newly found status resonated with the godly attributes of soils fertility. The generosity of the Goddess and her strong connection with Sicily was underlined by Diodorus Siculus, who in the 1st century BC wrote: After the Rape of Corê, the myth does on to recount, Demeter, being unable to find her daughter, kindled torches in the craters of Mt. Aetna and visited many parts of the inhabited world, and upon the men who received her with the greatest favor she conferred briefs, rewarding them with the gift of the fruit of the wheat. 4 The main iconographic characteristic of Demeter, the torch, can be found in the recounting of the myth. Although differentiation between Demeter and Persephone is often arbitrary, due to shared attributes, it has been suggested that figurines with a veil above the polos are more likely to represent Persephone. 5 Indeed, a polos headdress covered with a veil is likely a reference to Persephone’s mythical marriage to Hades. Further attributes shared by the two chthonic deities include the phiale, a piglet, ears of wheat, and a cornucopia. The most characteristic features of the goddesses include the chiton with low kolpos, and piglet held above the breasts or lowered in one hand 6. The popularity of the cult of Demeter and Persephone is reflected also by numerous finds of
2 3 4 5 6
Demeter was called also Cerere (Latin Ceres), while Persephone – Core by the Greeks and Proserpina or Libera by the Romans, cf. Rizzo 2012, 77 and 190. Bell 1981, 33. Diod. Sic. Bibl. V.4.3. Bell 1981, 28. Bell 1981, 14.
terracotta figurines in Sicily, such as in Syracuse (Piazza della Vittoria), 7 Lentini, 8 Eloro, 9 Morgantina, 10 Catania, 11 Monte San Mauro di Caltagirone, 12 Camarina, 13 Gela (Bitalemi), 14 Licata, 15 Agrigento (S. Anna), 16 Entella 17, Lipari, 18 A figurine of Demeter/Persephone was also found during a filed survey in Contrada Granieri. 19 Their main production centers were Agrigento, Gela, Camarina, Syracuse, Catania. 20 In the end of the 5th century BC begun the production in the Syracusan workshop, which predominance local market in the 4th century BC. 21 Undoubtedly this important production center had an impact for the other smaller cities and influenced trends for a long time in south-eastern Sicily. Indications for centers of production of terracotta figurines can be found i.a. in Centuripe (functioning from the 3rd century BC until Early Roman Imperial period, Monte Iato, Morgantina, Adrano, Syracuse, Gela, Lentini, Catania and Camarina. Studies conducted in Akrai have shown local production of ceramic items and presence of local fabrics. 22 In regards to terracotta finds specifically, instances of molds are being regularly found, indicating terracotta figurines could also be locally manufactured. 23 From the excavations conducted in 2013 at Akrai comes a fragmentarily preserved figurine, which depicts a female head wearing a tall headdress (polos) and veil (fig. 1). The face is oval with hardly visible lips and the nose is not preserved. The figure’s hair is swept back in a wave like pattern divided in the center resembling Knidian coiffure. This hairstyle was popular among Syracusan coroplasts in the 3rd century BC. 24 Analogies can be observed with the group of standing Persephones from Morgantina. 25 The figurine was
7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Voza 1999, 97–99. Lagona 1971; Frasca 1995. Currò 1966; Copani 2005, 251. Bell 1981, 33–34; Bignasca 1992, 18–53. Rizza 1960; Van Buren 1961, 386–387; Pautasso 1995, 144; Taormina 2015, 290. Orsi 2019, 221–232. Pisani 2008, 35–36. Orlandini 1966, 20, pl. 10 and fig. 4. De Miro A. 1985, 97–124. Fiorentini 1969. Onorati 2016, 23–100. Sardella & Vanaria 2000, 102–111. Chowaniec 2013, 76–83; Chowaniec & Matera 2013. Onorati 2016, 29 and 34. Sardella & Vanaria 2000, 108. Barone et al. 2016a; Barone et al. 2016b; Barone et al. 2020. Chowaniec 2015; Chowaniec 2017. Bell 1981, 66. Bell 1981, fig. 60.
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Fig. 1. Female terracotta head with polos and veil (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 2. Fragment of female terracotta figurine wearing a high polos (Demeter/Persephone) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 3. Fragment of female terracotta figurine (Demeter/Persephone) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
recovered from a layer dated to second half of the 3rd century BC to the mid-4th century AD, and can be dated per analogiam to the previously mentioned figurine from Morgantina. On the right side of
the figure from Akrai a protruding bulge is visible and is possibly either a fold of the veil or top part of a torch (as it would be too high for a phiale). In representations such as these from Piazza della Vittoria in Syracuse Demeter is holding a torch. 26 From the stratigraphic unit (US.32) dated to the 2nd century BC explored inside the room no. 11, a terracotta no. 4 was recovered. A female figurine has a high polos and veil (fig. 2). The front and back sides of the figurine are partially preserved. The face of the woman is slightly tilted to the left, exposing a long and thick neck. On the right side of the neck, a lock of hair is visible. The hairstyle is symmetrical, forming delicate waves of locks. The woman is wearing a high polos with a slightly wider volute on its top and a veil falling delicately to the left side. Next to the veil, a small fragment of torch is noticeable. The back side of the preserved fragment is plain, with the rim of the firing hole visible in the lowest part. Another artefact which may be included in this group is a small frontal fragment of a female figure standing in contrapposto (fig. 3). The woman is dressed in a himation falling from the left arm, across the body to the right hip and forming a V-shaped neckline exposing the neck. The left hand is visible grasping a staff – possibly a torch – slightly distanced from the left hip. The upper part of the fragment probably outlines two symmetrical locks of hair falling to the arms. Similar terracotta is a standing woman in contrapposto with elaborate himation diagonally crossing the body from the left shoulder to right hip over a chiton (fig. 4). The weight is shifted to the figurines right side. A V-shaped neckline is exposing part of the neck. A fragmentarily preserved object in the figurines right hand held close to the body is visible, perhaps remains of cornucopia or a torch. Both figures are stylistically very similar, the contrapposto reflecting a delicate movement and the execution and position of the folds of the chiton and himation. Fabrics are also of very similar composition, but the first one contains a higher density of volcanic inclusions. While the surface of the second one is covered by yellowish slip and remains of white paint, whereas the terracotta no. 2 is very worn out without visible traces of pigment. To the present group can be add five fragments of standing figurine (fig. 5). They were found in US.51, dated to the 3rd century BC, but only two of them are matching. The biggest sherd depicts the 26 Voza 1999, 97–99.
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216 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad
Fig. 4. Fragment of elaborate draperies of a female figurine (Demeter/Persephone) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 5. Lower part of terracotta figurine (5 sherds) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
figurine with body covered by elaborate, layered drapery. The base is partially preserved – irregular in shape. Due to the rich drapery and pedestal the terracottas finds parallels with numerous Demeter/Persephone figurines found in particularly in Syracusan province. 27 Despite the fragmentary state of preservation of these four exemplars which not allow to indicate the precise parallels, they can be treat as a proof of Demeter/Persephone cult at Akrai. It was recently 27 Numerous examples of figurines on pedestal are exposed in the Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi in Syracuse.
confirmed by the results of archaeological excavations conducted in 2005–2006 by Soprintendenza of Siracusa on the area of thesmophorion. Between the Temple of Aphrodite and the Greek theatre of Akrai was brought to light a sanctuary dedicated to these divinities. 28 However, the presence of the terracottas in the domestic context underline that spiritual sphere of life was not limited only to the rituals within the sacral complex.
28 Leggio 2013.
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Artemis Among the selected finds from Akrai there are two artefacts, which can be related to Artemis cult. The goddess like a Demeter and Persephone belongs to the chthonic deities. 29 She was a deity of the hunt, the wilderness, wild animals and chastity. 30 Including the typical symbols of Artemis: moon, bow, quiver of arrows, deer, stag, dog, in Sicily appear also the lion and palm tree, which as a cypress-tree was her sacred plant. The goddess was usually depicted as a young woman dressed in chitoniskos tight to the waist, braces crossed on the bust (periammáta), which support the bow and the quiver and high wear (endromides). 31 Very often her hair was gathered in a high bun, or covered by lion’s skin (leonitè) with its head on the top. Syracuse was the main center of the Sicilian cult of Artemis, one of the major sanctuaries being located on the island of Ortigia. In Syracuse, Artemis was also the goddess of springs and importance of her cult can be accentuated by Diodorus Siculus: (...) and Artemis received from the gods the island at Syracuse which was named after her, by both the oracles and men, Ortygia. On this island likewise these Nymphs, to please Artemis, caused a great fountain to gush forth to which was given the name Arethusa (...). 32 In Syracuse, clay statuettes representing the goddess come from the rock sanctuary of Scala Greca, 33 the Artemision of Belvedere, 34 ‘well of Artemis’ in the Piazza della Vittoria 35 and Temple of Apollo 36. Similar artifacts were found in other localities of the island: Mégara Hýblaea, 37 Avola Antica (Contrada Ronchetto), 38 Noto (Contrada Niura), 39 Eloro, 40 Scornavacche, 41 Camarina, 42 29 Finds from a sanctuary of chthonic divinities in Camarina, include also figurines of Artemis along with large numbers of figurines of Demeter and Persephone, cf. Fisher-Hansen 2009, 220. 30 Artemis was identify with the Roman Diana, cf. Rizzo 2012, 31. 31 Sardella & Vanaria 2000, 125. 32 Diod. Sic. Bibl. V.3.5. 33 Orsi 1900; Germanà Bozza 2014. 34 Orsi 1915, 192–193. 35 Pisani 2008, 60; Alfieri Tonini 2012, 196. 36 Fischer-Hansen 2009, 210. 37 Sardella & Vanaria, 2000, 125. 38 Muscato Daidone 2011, 48 39 Lanteri & Fituła 2018; Lanteri & Fituła 2019, 39. 40 Militello 1966, 321. 41 Di Vita 1958, 99; Portale 2000, 270–271 and fig. 11. 42 Orsi 1899, 232–233 and fig. 26; Pisani 2008, 58–70.
Fig. 6. Fragment of terracotta with an animal (Artemis) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Gela, 43 Butera (Fontana Calda), 44 Licata, 45 Ravanusa (Monte Saraceno), 46 Agrigento, 47 Selinunte, 48 Manfria, 49 Piazza Armerina (Valle Ruscello), 50 Morgantina, 51 Acicatena (Contrada Reitana), 52 Himera, 53 Tindari, and Lipari 54. Among the terracottas from Morgantina, Malcolm Bell outlines the ‘Artemis group’ and observes the special role Syracusan workshops played in their production in the first half of the 4th century BC, where the goddess’ cult originated at least since the reign of Dionysius I. 55 Artemide Sicula type (standing goddess, dressed in chitoniskos barring hunter attributes) was the principal type of terracottas made in furnace of Camarina. 56 43 Orlandini & Adamesteanu,1956, 248–249; Orlandini, 1957, 54–55; Orlandini 1960, 58–59; Orlandini 1968, 56–59; Adamesteanu 1958, 62; Adamesteanu & Orlandini 1962, 363 and 365; Spagnolo, 1991, 63; Spagnolo 2000, 190; Sardella & Vanaria, 2000, 125. 44 Adamesteanu 1958a, 641– 642; Guzzone 1998; Guzzone 2003; Portale 2008. 45 De Miro 1985, 108–109. 46 Calderone 2002, 21 and fig. 6. 47 Marconi 1932, 422; Marconi, 1933, 67 and tav. XV.6. 48 Gabrici 1927, Tav. LXXVII.8. 49 Adamesteanu 1958b, 302–303. 50 Cottonaro 2011. 51 Bell 1981, 91–92, 154–157 and Tav. LII–LV. 52 Magro 2016, 27. 53 Pisani 2008, 60. 54 Sardella & Vanaria, 2000. 55 Bell 1981, 22–27; Sardella & Vanaria 2000, 124. The proto-Corinthian oinochoe from Ortygia with Potnia Theron (Mistress of the Animals) depicted is an Artemis-type deity, the oldest testimony and the first image of goddess venerated on the island, few decades after the foundation of the colony, cf. Pelagatti 1999, 29–35; Voza 1999, 79; Fisher-Hansen 2009, 209. 56 Pisani 2008, 59. The definition of Artemide Sicula (Sicels’ Artemis), introduced by Biagio Pace, cf. Pace 1945, 507 (today appears outdated to modern scholars).
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218 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad The exploration of the US.46 during the season 2017 at Akrai brought to light fragment of terracotta interpreted as standing Artemis with an animal, perhaps a dog (fig. 6). The animal sits straight to the right side of the figure, holding its right hand on the animal’s head, covering its right ear. Its eyes are upturned and well defined, the left year is very pointy, the tip of the nose is not preserved, yet the mouth is visible. The figure is dressed in nebris over a short chition, vertical folds are very pronounced. The figure wears high boots with wide shoe uppers. The relief is very well made, with attention to detail. It is possible to identify this fragmentarily preserved terracotta due to the fact that similar representations of the goddess are found throughout the Mediterranean Basin. 57 Artemis is presented as Pontia Theron, identifying her aspect as the goddess of hunting and hunters. The fragment from Akrai bears a strong similarity with the terracottas of Artemis with a lion from Gela’s acropolis and village of Scornavacche, from the second half of 4th century BC. Several compositional elements allow to classify this figurine to the same type: the muzzle of the animal on the right side of the figure, the hand on the animal’s head and upper part of the goodness’s shoe (sandals for hunting) seam to belong to the same type. The chiton is shorter than those from Gela, but it can be its variation. Terracottas of Artemis with a lion, on the same side and similar configuration, have been found in Valle Ruscello (Piazza Armerina) and Centuripe. 58 The goddess, placing her hand on the head of a lion, appears in some fragments of terracottas from Scala Greca in Syracuse. A similar configuration can be observed on artifact from Giardino Spagna. 59 While in the case of terracottas from Gela, Scornavacche and Vallone Ruscello, a lion can be clearly identified on the right side of goddess, the animal in the Akrai figurine is more evocative of a dog. Another figurine found during the recent excavation campaigns and identified as Artemis is wearing a Phrygian cap (fig. 7). It is a small remnant with only fragmentarily preserved temple, wavy hairstyle, and the headdress. In the back of the figurine fingerprints are preserved. It is very similar to the figurine identified as Artemis Bendis from the British Museum (1919.0620.5) recovered from Corinth and dated to ca. 4th century BC 57 That includes of terracotta figurines from Metapontion, Corinth, Scornacacche, Valle Ruscello in the territory of Piazza Armerina. 58 Kekulé 1903, 163 and fig. 8. 59 Cultrera 1943, 117.
Fig. 7. Fragment of terracotta figurine wearing a Phrygian cap (Artemis?) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
or figure CA159 probably from Tanagra stored in Louvre also dated to the same period. Diodorus Siculus describes her as Kourotrophos – a child nurturer, reflecting her healing and care giving properties to babies and the youth 60 what can explain presence of terracotta figurines within the domestic contexts. The stratigraphic units, where 2 fragments have been found have a similar dating: US.46: from the end of 3rd-early 1st century BC (no. 5), US.74: from the 2nd/1st century BC–Octavian Augustus reign (no. 6). The Temple of Artemis in the 3rd century BC Akrai was mentioned epigraphically, yet it was not attested otherwise. 61
Female head with a diadem (Aphrodite?) The female head wearing a large diadem (fig. 8) was discovered in room 4, in a layer dated to second half of the 3rd–2nd century BC. The face is oval with delicate facial features, pronounced chin, small full lips, very delicately open, straight nose and widened at nostrils. The deep wrinkles visible to the sides of the nose. The large, almond shaped eyes are emphasized by pronounced eyelids and brownie. She has a tall forehead and face surrounded by elaborate locks of hair divided in the center, tied at the top back in a cylindrical bun. The diadem is placed in the frontal part of
60 Diod. Sic. Bibl. V.73.5. 61 Fisher-Hansen 2009, 215.
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Tanagra
Fig. 8. Female terracotta head with a diadem (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
the head, bottom part of the diadem plain, the upper rim of the diadem is decorated with triangular motives with centrally located triangular dents. Figurine discovered in Myrina 62 is the most stylistically similar to the one from Akrai, however the diadem is much less elaborate than on the presented example. The head from Akrai also bares similarities with a figurine of Aphrodite from Mirin, dated to after 150 BC currently in the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (1983, cat. no. 72). This figurine is definitely larger (8.10cm in height) then other terracotta heads found during the excavations of the domestic area, suggesting it could have played role in the context of the domestic cult, perhaps as a part of domestic ‘sacra’ following Colin Renfrew’s classification. 63 Unfortunately, no additional pieces have been found for further interpretation. Aphrodite had to have a certain importance in the city. According to Luigi Bernabò Brea, two large, female busts from the Gabriele Judica collection found at the centre of Akrai (probably nearby, or in the sanctuary area), 64 can be interpreted as representations of Aphrodite. 65 62 Kekulé 1903, 65 and fig. 5. 63 Renfrew 1985, 23. 64 Inscription of Kaibel 2017 found by G. Judica recorded 3 principal temples on the city: Koreion, Aphrodision and Artemision. 65 Bernabò Brea 1956, 28. Other elements lead the scholar to the deduction of the existence in this place a sanctuary dedicated to Aphrodite, such as the memorial stone or votive pillar in the shape of a Doric temple bearing on the epistyle of the main face the dedication to the that goddess.
Around the first quarter of the 3rd century BC, a new type of terracotta figurines appears, often representing a draped woman, which breaks away from the previous modes of representation and production of terracotta statuettes. The Tanagra figurines were made in double molds, allowing the figurines to be highly detailed on both sides and thematically striding away from formalist representations of draped women towards less tensed, more expressive and more lively representations. The new Syracusan types are found throughout most of the island, in Morgantina, Centuripe, and Tarentum. 66 In general, Tanagra figurines are between 12.0cm and 30.0cm in height, polychrome and represent a woman with elaborate dresses, jewelry, hats and fans but also encompass movement of the figure, but smaller and larger examples are also known. 67 Terracotta heads of females are devoid of characteristics to consider them representations of deities. The Greek new ‘fashion’ also reached Akrai with some examples. One of the figurines of Tanagra type was found in 2015 in US.20 dated to the 4th/3rd century BC. It is a fragment of female head with the lean face and elongated with large, almond-shaped eyes, thickened eyelids and thickened eyebrows (fig. 9). The nose is straight and symmetrical, lips are fleshy and curve in a slight grimace the chin is slightly extended. Figurine’s ears are accentuated, with the right ear still bearing a half-moon shaped earring. The female head is based on long, slim neck slightly tilted to its left. The hair is organized in 8 locks in the front, separated from one another by sharp cuts starting in the front view and then getting less sharp moving towards the back of the head, with the centrally places partition being the clearest. The locks are organized in parallel bands of curls made in a fairly deep relief – ‘melon coiffure’. The hair bun at the occipital is braided into a circular pattern with a large hole in the middle. From the same stratigraphic unit (US.20) comes an exemplar of Tanagra type figurine no. 10 (fig. 10). A fragment of the head slightly tilted to the figures right side, the face is round, resting on a robust, long neck The hairstyle is symmetrical, creating an 8-band ‘melon coiffure’ of delicately braided hair, tied in a circular bun at the back of the head. The hair is covering the figure’s ears.
66 Bell 1981, 53. 67 Masséglia 2015, 140.
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Fig. 9. Tanagra style female terracotta head (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 10. Tanagra style female terracotta head (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 11. Fragment of Tangara style terracotta figurine (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
On the central part of preserved neck two incised lines are visible. The type is known from Leontini, Mégara Hýblaea, Akrai, Grammichele and all towns in the sphere of Syracuse; in the Etna region, at Hadranon, and in Agrigentum, Selinus and Soleis. 68 Another example of Tanagra style terracotta is a female head slightly tilted towards left found in US.1. She has a ‘melon coiffure’ hairstyle with 8 stripes of hair tied in a donut shaped lock in the back of the head (fig. 11). The head is characterized by an oval face, widely open eyes with visible line of delicate eyebrows and quite wide base of the nose, which is not preserved. To this group has to be added figurine no. 12, which is a bit different from the above presented
Tanagra type. However, there is only very fragmentary preserved item presented (fig. 12). It depicts the lower part of the face and small portion of the neck. Full lips bear a mild smile, in flattened ‘M’ shape. Chin of the figurine is round, separated from the lips by a horizontal dimple and rather broad and is gently extended forward. The artifact was recovered from a layer above the street, dated to the end of the 3rd–1st century BC. The function and representation is quite problematic to interpret, having at disposal only a fragment of the terracotta. Similar images can be observed for example on the bust thymiateria representing mostly Aphrodite or Dionysus often found in houses in Olbia Pontike 69 as well as in female and
68 Bell 1981, 53.
69 Shevchenko 2015.
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Fig. 12. Fragment of terracotta figurine with flattened ‘M’ shape smile (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 13. Head of veiled female (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
male busts, such as from Taranto region. 70 The recovered fragment does not allow to identify the gender, however the general shape of lips resembles those of the Praxitelean sculptures, which could be dated to the Early Hellenistic period in Sicily.
From the US.3D comes fragment of a female head with the remains of white pigment on the surface (fig. 14). Figurine has a full and round face with a chubby chin and elaborated hairstyle, symmetrically in the center of the head and braided around the forehead. Even this terracotta can be of the late production. The stratigraphic unit is dated to the end of the 4th–4th/5th century AD.
Other female terracottas Among the selected finds few exemplars stay out from the previous terracottas, even if has some common particulars. One of them is a veiled female head with slightly tilted to the right (fig. 13). She has expressive, almond shaped eyes in defined eye sockets, straight nose and plain lips bearing inexpressive grimace. Low headdress (low polos) is midway wrapped in a veil. Stratigraphical unit is dated to the end of the 4th–mid-7th century AD, so it may belong rather to the late production.
70 Ferruzza 2017, 39.
Male representations Even in a minor quantity, among the selected finds from Akrai there are also male representations. From the stratigraphic unit (US.74), dated to the 2nd/1st century BC–Octavian Augustus times, comes terracotta head of a young male (fig. 15). The face is oval, presented en face, almond-shaped eyes close to one another, the right eye is better preserved, the nose is wide and long with visible nose trills, the figures chin is pronounced. The youth is wearing a Phrygian cap. From underneath the pilos, short, slightly curly hair is visible on the
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Fig. 14. Terracotta female head (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 15. Terracotta head of a male youth wearing pilos headdress (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
forehead, and towards ears. The Phrygian cap is a key identifying element. 71 The figurine can be interpreted as Attis, who is often present alongside Kybele and whose cult was popular in Sicily during the Hellenistic period. Attis is presented as a youth or a (cupid-like) child. 72 One of the largest sanctuaries, Santoni, dedicated to Kybele is located near Akrai and dated to the 3rd century BC. 73 In reliefs II and VIII from the Santoni sanctuary, Attis is presented alongside Kybele. Representations of Attis became widespread in the Greek world ca. 3rd century BC with examples from Sicily, Athens, Delos, Amphipolis, and Olynthos. 74 Terracotta figurines of Attis were also recovered from courtyards of Roman houses in Syracuse, south from street ‘viale Paulo Orsi’. 75 Terracottas of Attis from Pala71 Johnston 1996, 107. 72 Johnston 1996, 108. 73 Judica 1819, 15; Bernabò Brea 1956, 89; Vermaseren 1977, 152–165; Bellia 2007; Pedrucci 2009. 74 Roller 1999, 181. 75 Gentili 1954, 328.
tine 76 and Regio IV in Ostia Antica 77 represent him as a very young shepherd seated on a rock, playing syrinx, an attribute found since 4th/3rd century BC, 78 or heading animals – referring to his Oriental shepherd qualities. An iconographically very similar figurine was recovered in Morgantina and was interpreted as a representation of Telesphoros, serving a minor role in the cult of Asklepios. 79 Another representation of a youth, with similar facial features, yet differing headdress (wearing a paenula), is the figurine from Ruvo (Puglia), dated to the 1st century AD. Other analogous examples include figurines presented and interpreted by Reinhard Kekulé von Stradonitz as Attis recovered from Macedonia, Cyprus and Amphipolis. 80 The figurine from US.46 dated to the 2nd–1st century BC has preserved only upper part (fig. 16) 76 77 78 79 80
Vermaseren 1966, 15. Calza 1947. Vermaseren 1982, 92–93. Bell 1981, 174 and fig. 356. Kekulé 1903, 372 and fig. 1, 5, 9.
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Fig. 16. Fragment of (probably) male terracotta figurine (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 17. Fragment of male figurine with a tri-fold, horizontal ‘belt’ (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
With a great probability it is a head of male youth, as it can be observed on facial traces – very worn out. The head slightly tilted to right side has large almond shaped eyes, wide nose and round cheeks. Hairstyle is symmetrical, composed of two large, closed curls on both sides reaching below the ears and touching the neck, large, circular lock with braids between them. Another find from Akrai probably presenting a male is fragment of terracotta no. 17 (fig. 17). The fragment from layer dated to the 3rd/2nd century BC–1st century AD shows the right side of the figure’s body from below the shoulder. The figurine is made very precisely, with great attention to detail. The top of the fragment is broken horizontally. The central part has a form resembling a tri-folded belt. The belt also encompasses the lower part of the sleeve of the figure’s right arm. The wrist and hand are straight on the body – the hand, with clearly visible thumb and fingers, is laid flat below the hips. Traces of treatment are visible on the internal part. It is preserved very fragmentarily and the low quality of the product unfortunately does not allow further iconographic elaboration and/or identification. Tri-folded horizontal belt has one of the statuettes from extra urban sanctuary in Lipari – il gongolante, grotesque personage who is associated to the satiric drama. 81 The fabric of the figurine, although studied just superficially is also different from other terracotta
finds from the site, calling for further studies of the specimen.
81
Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 2000, tav. XXVI.4.
Actors and Masks Terracotta figurines recovered in Akrai also display examples related to theater. They include a figurine of a comic actor and garment of a mask, likely related to the town theater. According to L. Bernabò Brea, the construction of the theater in Akrai is related to the significant architectural changes during reign of Hiero II. 82 Theaters of different sizes arose almost exclusively in urban contexts, nearby agoras and shrines dedicated mostly to chthonic deities. 83 The ‘theatre boom’, while it lasted till the third quarter of 3rd century BC in south-eastern part of island, was supported by the local tyrants as well as by local inhabitants, and itself it served not only for entertainment, but also served a political and religious function. 84 One of the terracotta figurines is preserved only in central part (fig. 18). The figurine is wearing a short dress, ending at the height of the hips. Below the chitoniskos, both joined legs visible to the height right below the knee. In the central part of the remaining fragment, arms are folded on the 82 Bernabò Brea 1956, 39–40. 83 Other towns likely include: Eraclea Minoa, Monte Iato, Morgantina, Siracusa, Solunto, Taormina, Tindari, cf. Modeo 2018, 121–122. 84 Modeo 2018, 122; Katz 2010, 46.
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Fig. 18. Fragment of terracotta of comic actor (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
abdomen, which bears visible remains of brownish slip in the depths, and fingers of the right hand. In the uppermost part – small part of the neck and possible remains of a hood can be identified (paenula?). Underneath the chitoniskos, an outlined phallus. On the right side of the figurine, elongated, vertical shape, similar to a chlamys placed over one arm reaching knee height is preserved. This figurine can be interpreted as a comic actor. Analogous examples of terracotta figurines of actors were uncovered in Lipari, Morgantina, Syracuse, Lipari, Fontana Calda (Butera), but similar representations of actors in various poses are known from other parts of the Greek world (i.a. Athens, Smyrna, Canono, Vulci). 85 Figures conveying the idea of farce, with disproportionate, padded bodies and grotesque masks characterize the actors. They were popular during the Hellenistic period. The earliest known examples of terracottas inspired by the stock characters of Middle Comedy come from the grave in Attica, dated to the 4th century BC. According to L. Bernabò Brea, the comic statuettes from Lipari related to the Middle Comedy from the second quarter of the 3rd century BC were reproduction of the types of the second half of 4th century thanks to the great popularity among the public. 86 Figures of actors are usually derived from Attic prototypes illustrating the roles of Middle Comedy (mese). 87 The characters were holding attributes in order to help the audience in their identification. 88 85 Kekulé 1903. Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 2002. 86 Bernabò Brea & Cavalier 1994, 112 and Tav. LXXIII. 87 For example in Morgantina the roles were most likely derived from phlyax plays (phylakes) – characters from local comedy of Magna Graecia, cf. Bell 1981, 68. 88 Neiiendam 1992, 56.
Fig. 19. Fragment of miniature theatrical mask (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
The difficulty in the interpretation of actors’ figurines is their very often fragmentary state, or that they are not presented in specific, identifiable situations. The protruded abdomen depicts the padding of comic actors, which diminishes during the Middle Comedy (mese) first for the young men and women and later for older citizens and only slaves maintain their pronounced padding until soon after the third quarter of the 3rd century BC. 89 Another example of terracotta associated with theater is a fragment of a mask (fig. 19). In the central part of the fragment, a tall, straight delicate nose is almost completely preserved. On the upper left side, open eye hole with outlined shape of the eye. The bottom part of the figurine is open mouth with gentle lips. The surface is smooth with remains of pinkish color. The back surface of the fragment shows traces of fingerprints. The dimensions of the figurine allow to suggest it was not used in plays, but perhaps was a decorative object.
89 Green 2002, 104–105.
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Greek theatre masks were popular in Athens and Beotia through Old and Middle Comedy terracottas, however their representations of New Comedy were also found on South Italian vases and in Attic, to a lesser extent. 90 They served as decorative motives in mosaics, frescoes, reliefs and architectural decorations during the roman imperial period. Julius Pollux, in his fourth book of Onomastikón (ca. 170 AD), described various kinds of theatrical masks and costumes. Due to the fragmentary state of preservation and the lack of distinctive elements, it is not possible to identify the exact type of character defined by Pollux, however the mask from Akrai does share some features with masks, such as: pánchrestos, oùlos, pároulos, ochrós and párochros belonging to the neaniskoi (youths/young men). It could also be a female representation of katákomos, mesókouros ōchrá or prósphatos. L. Bernabò Brea noticed a relation between theatrical terracotta masks and the cult of Dionysus pointing towards the use of terracottas in connection to a cult of a particular deity. 91 The presence of masks and theatrical terracottas in funeral context known from Sicily and in Magna Graecia is associated with the cult of Dionysos. 92 Tragic masks were found in association with terracotta figurines of comic actors, dancers, Erotes, Attis and female busts as well as other representations of divinities such as Aphrodite, attested by finds from necropolis of Casino (Centuripe). 93 The popularity of theatrical representations is also witnessed by architectonical decorations, particularly antefixes of Roman households, such as in Regio V in Pompeii. The mentioned antefixes varied in sizes, some reaching almost 50.0cm in height and width. 94
Feet Among the selected group of terracottas with anthropomorphic features there are two fragments of feet (figs. 20 and 21). The first one is a pair of adjoining feet. The left foot of the figurine is fully preserved with all five toes visible, whereas the toes and heel are missing on the right foot. The fragment is flat on the bottom. In the upper part 90 91 92 93 94
Webster 1949, 97. Bernabò Brea, Coen & Descœudres 1992, 23–31. Cavalier 2009. Musumeci 2010, 88–89; Piccioni 2018, 346. Kekulé 1903, Pl. XIV and fig. 1.
Fig. 20. Fragmentarily preserved joint feet of a terracotta figurine (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 21. Fragments of terracotta foot, a large figurine (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
of the preserved fragment a rectangular, hollow, central opening is visible also exposing the grayish core. Since the fragment has preserved heels, it can be expected it belonged to a standing figurine and can be interpreted as a votary. The right foot fully preserved with all five toes visible, left foot – toes and heel missing. The fragment is flat on the bottom. In the upper part of the preserved fragment a rectangular, hollow opening is visible. The second example is a fragmentarily preserved left foot. The preserved part of the object is very elaborately made, three toes are preserved (digit II pedis-digit IV pedis) and a small space between digit II and digit I pedis is visible. The bottom of the fingers is also not preserved suggesting it could have been attached to a base. Carefully carved nails are visible at the tips of the toes as well as phalangeal joints of the digit IV pedis are elaborated. Once again, although only a small fragment is preserved it ought to have belonged to either a large terracotta figurine or could have been votive foot, being an example of anatomical offerings. Votive feet (and other anatomical fragments) are
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226 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad known from the Mediterranean basin, from Greek and Roman worlds, and are believed to be related to healing sanctuaries. Although ‘specialized’ sanctuaries addressing different ailments existed (e.g. Sanctuary of Asclepius in Athens specialized in ocular diseases, in Corinth specialized in limb and genital-urinary disease, and in Ponte di Nona near Rome in feet, legs, migraines). 95 The foot fragment from Akrai was discovered in layer above the cardo dated to from the 3rd century BC to mid-1st century AD. The example from Akrai can be fragmentarily preserved due to post depositional processes but a ritualistic destruction of the foot can also be considered. 96
Lion Much rarer, but also present in Akrai inventory are the zoomorphic representations. From the US.45, dated to the 2nd/1st century BC, comes fragment of the terracotta depicts the profile of an animal, most likely a lion (fig. 22). The animal’s head faces right has an elongated muzzle, a relief formed eye, large upper eyelid. In the uppermost part of the piece a small, pointy ear is visible. The mouth of the animal is open and rounded, which causes the nose to wrinkle. Scarce bands of hair visible on the animal’s neck. Paolo Orsi connected the presence of the lion on terracottas in Syracuse with the cult of Kybele. 97 This seems to be a direct reference to her Anatolian roots in Greek world: the lion in Anatolia was just one of several animal attributes and it symbolized strength and power, but also served as a reminder of her foreign origin. 98 In the opinion of Emanuele Ciaceri, terracottas from Syracuse depicting lion and female figure can be attributable to the cult of Artemis, which flourished in the city during the Classical period. 99 Rhea, personification of the earth, regarded as the Great Mother and identified with the Anatolian Kybele, had swayed over the animal creation. Iconographically, she is represented accompanied by, or riding, lions. Kybele was considered a Mother deity with roots deep down in Anatolian prehistory, adapted considered by the Greeks and the Romans and Phrygian. 100 In Anatolia, she was 95 96 97 98 99 100
Oberhelman 2014, 47. Comella 2001. Orsi 1900, 385. Roller 1999, 148. Ciaceri 1911, 165–174. Simon 1989, 744.
Fig. 22. Zoomorphic shaped terracotta (lion head?) (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
worshiped as a deity of the mountain and water sources, master of wild animals and the protector of houses and settlements. 101 The cult of Kybele spread into the Greek world, in southern Italy and Sicily since at least the 7th century BC 102. Called the Great Mother (Megale Meter) by the Greeks, she was described in the ‘Homeric Hymns’ as: clear voice Muse, daughter of great Zeus, sing me the mother of all gods and all human beings, she takes pleasure in the joyful sound of castanets and drums and the din pipes, the howl of wolves and roar of bright-eyed lioness, the echoing mountains and the wooded glens. 103 In the 6th century BC, a new element is added to the Greek iconography of Kybele votives, which later became an important symbol in her Hellenic cult, the tympanum. Although the image of Kybele with lions can be traced directly to its Anatolian origins, the tympanum, leaning on her left arm, does not have Anatolian precedents. 104 The Greek adaptations and additions, such as the lion and phiale, although adopted from the 101 102 103 104
Simon 1989, 745. Gagarin 2009, 339 and 355. Hom. Hymn Dem. 14.1–5. Roller 1999, 136.
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Anatolians, carried a different meaning. Kybele was not transferred into a Greek deity but non other deities apart of her hold a tympanum – her image converted away from Phrygian and into a Greek concept of how an Oriental deity would be represented. 105 In earliest representations of votive reliefs of the goddess, dated to ca. the 5th century BC, tympanum already appears lion is seated on her lap, phiale is in her right hand. Tympanum was the most characteristic attribute of Kybele, and it remained as such until the Late Roman period. 106 In Hellenistic times, Kybele was the protector of the cities, wearing a crown shaped like city walls and the lion echoed her wilderness and strength. Kybele as the ‘Mother of Mountains’ was worshipped in rock cut sanctuaries (such as Santoni). 107 Representations of Kybele with lions are known from marbles, rock carvings and terracotta statuettes. Terracotta figurines of Kybele are found in sanctuary, funerary and domestic contexts. 108 The lions can be on Kybeles’ laps, on the sides of the throne or used as footstool. 109 The lion appears in Greek mythology, most notably the Nemean lion killed by Heracles. Cyrene wrestled with the lion attacking father’s sheep and killed another one to protect the terrorized citizens of Libya. The head of a roaring lion facing right appears on coins of Leontini in the 5th century BC, and it is mostly associated with laureate head of Apollo. 110 Among other examples of lions, the motive of the lion’s head was in use as an element of architecture. Water spout in the shape of a lion’s head were largely widespread in Sicily, for instance in the central part of Euryalus Fortress (4th century BC) or Temple of Athena (5th century BC) in Syracuse, Insula IV in Tindari. During the Roman Republic period, this animal held a certain significance in other religions across the Mediterranean Basin. Simulacrum made of clay in shape of human figure with the lion’s head, represented a divinity, dated to the 2nd–1st century BC, were found in the Tophet of Tharros (Sardinia). 111 Its moulding and shape of the mouth (muzzle), viewed in profile, is reminiscent of the terracotta from Akrai.
105 106 107 108 109 110 111
Conclusions Attempting to provide an iconographic interpretation of nine selected fragments of figurines from archaeological site of Akrai, is challenged by the very fragmentary preservation of the finds, stratigraphy of the site and layers of land fill with finds dated to different periods. The interpretative effort is also challenged by the limited literature of the region of interest. The interpretation of the figurines, although of a very marginal number and surely not exhausted, adds another layer to the research into the town’s existence. The different styles of figurines and the demand of thereof is to a certain extent an expression of identity of the peoples, customs and habits, but the context of their recovery gives a hint of their function in the social realities. Figurines, thanks to mould manufacturing, were to be produced in mass. The moulds on the other hand could be easily transported, but an extended use would cause clogs. This in turn would lead to the mould being remodeled or the figurines would be worked on before drying. Changes in the moulds and the final result, would reflect adaptations to local demands, and any changes in their style or volume produced are sensible indicators of change, which carefully followed broadens the picture of the history of the peoples. Figurines were also inspired by other forms of art, such as vase painting, pottery, sculpture, perhaps serving as a substitute of the more luxurious products. Following the figurine from the center of production, noticing the distribution patterns and general preference of certain types over others builds a wider net of connections between towns and city dwellers. In this work, the evolution of certain types of figurines was discussed and the finds from Akrai served as illustrations of the broader context of the coroplastic forms in Sicily. More broadly, it allows to pinpoint potential major workshops and show the changes in the material due to an evolving economy and social organization.
Roller 1999, 148–149. Roller 1999, 136. Simon 1989, 745. Simon 1989, 754. Simon 1989, 752. Leake 1856, 60. Zucca 2007, 64. From the Punic cemetery in Tharros comes also 4th century BC incense burner in shape of Heracle – Melkart, whose head is covered by leontè.
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Catalogue The following is a catalogue of terracotta recorded in Akrai, compiled in accordance with the rules observed in previous publications of archaeological material from this site. Abbreviations: Inv. no. – inventory number; A – hectare/are/square; B – stratum; C – preserved length of fragment; D – width of fragment; E – thickness; F – fabric; G – Munsell color chart
No. 1 (fig. 1) Inv. no. AK13/I/7–558 A. XXIX/55/3; B. US.7 C. 6.30cm; D. 5.50cm; E. 0.15–0.20cm F. Well fired clay with low-density inclusions of fine grain mica and medium density of medium-grained limestone G. 7.5YR 6/3 – light brown (surface) Female head; presented en face; wearing polos with veil; full, round, hardly visible lips; nose preserved only in central part; vertical bump to the figures right; hair symmetrical; organized in wave-like pattern; only front part of the figurine preserved; figurine calcified specially in the grooves. Stratigraphical dating to the second half of 3rd century BC–mid-4th century AD.
No. 2 (fig. 2) Inv. no. AK18/I/32–374 A. XXIX/55/1; B. US.32 C. 7.60cm; D. 4.50cm; E. 2.30cm F. Medium quality clay with small density organic inclusion G. 7.5YR 7/6 – reddish yellow to 5YR 6/4 – light reddish brown (surface); 5YR 7/6 – reddish yellow (section); 5YR 6/1 – gray (core) Female figurine in high polos. Upper part of the figurine preserved; face badly damaged; nose, left cheek, and lips (very small) not preserved; wearing polos headdress with slightly wider volute on its top; in the right side of the polos a veil is visible. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd century BC.
No. 3 (fig. 3) Inv. no. AK18/I/32–84 A. XXIX/55/1; B. US.32 C. 4.60cm; D. 5.00cm; E. 0.30–0.60cm F. Fine grain clay with numerous inclusions: small density of fine and medium grain limestone; medium density of small medium and large grain
organic; high density of very fine grain gold mica, low density of very fine grain quartz G. 2.5YR 7/6 to 2.5YR 6/8 – light red (surface); 7.5YR 6/1 – gray (core) Standing female; presented en face; holding a staff in her left hand; dressed in a tunic and partially preserved veil (or peplos) falling on the figures left arm; v-shaped neckline delicately exposed; elaborated draperies falling to the figures right side; remains of yellowish slip on the surface, almost completely washed off. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd century BC.
No. 4 (fig. 4) Inv. no. AK19/I/1C–351 A. XXIX/73/3; B. US.1C C. 14.50cm; D. 4.80cm; E. 1.80cm F. Very fine clay with golden mica inclusions and fine grain limestone of low density G. 5Y 7/2 – light gray (surface); 2.5YR 6/6 – light red (section) Figurine depicting a standing woman; elaborate himation diagonally crossing the body from the left shoulder to right hip; himation put over a chiton; V-shaped neckline exposing part of the neck; in the right hand fragmentarily preserved object (cornucopia, torch?); yellowish slip on the surface; remains of white paint. Stratigraphical dating: mixed.
No. 5. (fig. 5) Inv. no. AK16/I/51–339 A. XXIX/61/1; B. US.51 C. 2.30cm; D. 8.20cm F. Fine grained clay with high density inclusions of fine-grain limestone and mica; small density of fine-grain pyrite G. 5YR 7/8–6/8 – reddish yellow (surface); Grey 1/4/N – dark grey (core) Five fragments of standing figurine on a base; two fragments matching; three not matching fragments of draperies; body covered with elaborate, layered
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drapery; base partially preserved – irregular in shape and surface (semi-rectangular), enlarged in the bottom; three fragment of draperies – well elaborated. Stratigraphical dating to the 3rd century BC.
No. 6 (fig. 6) Inv. no. AK17/I/46–518 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.46 C. 8.30cm; D. 5.40cm; E. 0.50cm F. Good-quality clay, well baked, with very low quantity of large organic matter inclusions G. 10YR 7/3 – very pale brown (surface) Right side of a figure holding right hand on a head of a dog, covering the animals’ right ear; seated straight dog with upturned eyes and well defined, very pointy left ear; not preserved the tip of the nose; visible mouth; figure dressed in short tunic, reaching above knees (only right knee is preserved); very pronounced vertical folds; high boots with wide shoe uppers; very well made, relief with attention to detail. Stratigraphical dating to the end of 3rd-early 1st century BC.
No. 7 (fig. 7) Inv. no. AK19/I/74–418 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.74 C. 4.50cm; D. 3.30cm; E. 2.40cm F. Very fine clay with mica and volcanic inclusions G. 5YR 8/4 – pink (surface) Fragment of terracotta, triangular in shape; intact one edge; preserved portion of the right-side face, head and possibly Phrygian cap; curly hair; portion of eye; fingerprints on the backside. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd/1st century BC–Octavian Augustus reign.
No. 8 (fig. 8) Inv. no. AK17/I/40–232 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.40 C. 8.10cm D. 6.10cm; E. 7.65cm F. Medium quality clay, well fired, with very fine grain organic and crushed ceramic as well as medium density of limestone inclusions G. 2.5Y 7/3 – pale brown to 2.5YR 6/4 – light reddish brown (surface); 2.5YR 6/6 – light red (core) Female terracotta head with a diadem, face oval; delicate facial features; pronounced chin, small full lips, very delicately open; straight nose, widened at nostrils; deep wrinkles visible to the sides of
the nose; large, almond shaped eyes emphasized by pronounced eyelids and brownie; tall forehead; face surrounded by elaborate locks of hair divided in the center; tied at the top back in a cylindrical bun; head topped with a tall diadem located in the frontal part of the head; bottom part of the diadem plain, tops decorated with beading decoration composed by triangular shaped elements. Stratigraphical dating to the 3rd–2nd century BC.
No. 9 (fig. 9) Inv. no. AK15/I/20–491 A. XXIX/54/4; B. US.20 C. 6.00cm; D. 3.00cm; E. 3.40cm F. Good quality clay, well-burned with inclusions of fine-grained mica (high density) G. 5YR 6/6 – reddish yellow (surface) The female head, based on long, slim neck slightly tilted to its left. The hair is organized in 8 locks in the front, separated from one another by sharp cuts starting in the front view and then getting less sharp moving towards the back of the head, with the centrally places partition being the clearest. The hair bun at the occipital is braided into a circular pattern with a large hole in the middle. The locks are organized in parallel bands of curls made in a fairly deep relief – ‘melon coiffure’. Lean and elongated with large, almond-shaped eyes, thickened eyelids and thickened eyebrows. nose is straight and symmetrical, lips are fleshy and curve in a slight grimace, the chin is slightly extended. Figurine’s ears are accentuated, with the figurines right ear still bearing a half-moon shaped earring. Tanagra type. Stratigraphical dating to the 4th/3rd century BC.
No. 10 (fig. 10) Inv. no. AK15/I/20–515 A. XXIX/54/4; B. US.20 C. 4.00cm; D. 2.50cm; E. 4.20cm F. Fine quality and well baked clay with large quantity of fine-grained mica inclusion and medium quantity of medium-grained limestone inclusion G. 5YR 7/6 – reddish yellow (surface); 5YR 6/6 – reddish yellow (core). Female head of Tanagra type; tilted to the right; oval face; long thick neck; low forehead; well-defined eyes; straight (slightly broken) nose; pursed, well-defined lips; small, slightly sticking out chin; incised grooves in the central part of the neck; symmetrical hairstyle with a defined split in the
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230 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad middle, four rows on each side of locks tied in the middle of the occiput in a round, fragmentarily preserved bun. Stratigraphical dating to the 4th/3rd century BC.
No. 11 (fig. 11) Inv. no. AK15/1/1–47 A. XXIX/65/3; B. US.1 C. 3.00cm; D. 3.50cm; E. 1.90cm F. Purified clay; G. 2.5Y 8/2 – pale brown (surface) Female head of Tanagra type; slightly tilted towards left; oval face; widely open eyes with visible line of delicate eyebrows; nose is not preserved; quite wide base of the nose; ‘melon coiffure’ hairstyle with 8 stripes of hair tied in a donut shaped lock in the back of the head; thin ribbon holds the bun, underlined by a small groove between the bun and the head; preserved around 0,8 cm of the neck. Dated per analogiam to the 3rd century BC.
No. 12 (fig. 12) Inv. no. AK13/I/4–60 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.4 C. 4.20cm; D. 4.20cm; E. 0.60–0.90cm F. Clay with high density inclusions of fine grain mica; small density of very fine grains of quartz, limestone and organic material G. 5YR 6/6 – reddish yellow (surface) Full lips bearing a mild smile (very flattened ‘M’ shape) in the center; round chin, separated from the lips by a horizontal dimple, rather broad; small portion of the neck preserved. Stratigraphical dating to the end of the 3rd–1st century BC.
No. 13 (fig. 13) Inv. no. AK15/I/43–346 A. XXIX/55/3; B. US.43 C. 2.70cm D. 3.80cm E. 2.20cm F. Well-fired clay with high density inclusions of fine-grained mica and single grains of organic impurities G. 2.5YR 6/6 – light red (surface) Veiled female head; slightly tilted to the right; expressive, almond shaped eyes in defined eye sockets; straight nose (partially preserved); plain lips bearing inexpressive grimace; with the ends of the lips turned downwards; symmetrical, organized in separate waves with a clear partition in the middle (resembling ‘melon coiffure’); hair
encircles the upper oval and displays thick neck below; low headdress (low polos) midway wrapped in a veil; figurines flat and smoothened in back side; visible traces of calcification on the surface. Stratigraphical dating to the end of the 4th–mid-7th century AD.
No. 14 (fig. 14) Inv. no. AK16/I/3D–241 A. XXIX/74/2; B. US.3D C. 3.60cm; D. 4.80cm; E. 2.80cm F. Medium quality well baked clay with inclusions of very fine-grained mica (small density) and thickgrained white particles (calcium) in high density G. 7.5YR 6/3 – light brown (surface): 9.5/N – white (pigment remains) Fragment of a female head: full lips; closely set eyes, round with visible thick eyelids and brow lines; very corroded nose and lips; full and round face with a chubby chin; elaborated hairstyle; symmetrically hair in the center of the head and braided around the forehead; preserved small piece of the broad neck; single braided hair around the upper oval of the face between the ears; part of the figurine above the visible hair has a convex fold followed by a concave flattened area and then again a fold right before the break; remains of white polychrome visible along the neck, below the hairline, on the eyes, part of lips, forehead and parts of the neck. Stratigraphical dating to the end of the 4th–4th/5th century AD.
No. 15 (fig. 15) Inv. no. AK19/I/74–482 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.74 C. 4.40cm; D. 2.20cm; E. 2.40cm F. Very fine clay with golden mica inclusions G. 10YR 8/2 – very pale brown (surface) Face of the figurine is oval shape of the face, presented en face; almond-shaped eyes distant from one another; better preserved right eye; wide, long nose with visible nose trills; pronounced chin; the youth is wearing a tall pilos headdress; from underneath the pilos, short, slightly curly hair visible on the forehead and towards ears. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd/1st century BC– Octavian Augustus reign.
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No. 16 (fig. 16) Inv.no. AK15/I/46–985 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.46 C. 3.80cm; D. 2.30cm; E. 3.20cm F. Low quality clay, moderately well fired with large quantity of fine-grained organic inclusion G. 10YR 7/3 – very pale brown (surface) Head of male youth (?); facial traces very worn out; head is slightly tilted to right side; large almond shaped eyes; wide nose, narrow, pursed lips; round cheeks; symmetrical hair composed of two large, closed curls on both sides reaching below the ears and touching the neck, large, circular lock with braids between them, visible around the figures head; long and smooth neck; bad state of preservation. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd–1st century BC.
No. 17 (fig. 17) Inv. no. AK14/I/15–268 A. XXIX/65/2; B. US.15 C. 4.10cm; D. 3.00cm F. Well fired clay with low density inclusions of fine grain mica and medium density of medium grain limestone G. 7.5YR 6/3 – light brown (surface) Right side of the figure’s body – below the shoulder; top of the fragment is broken horizontally; central part a tri-fold, horizontal ‘belt’ encompassing also lower part of the sleeve of the figures right arm; wrist and hand straight along the body; palm with clearly visible thumb and three fingers, laid flat below the hips; very precisely made surface, with high attention to detail; fingerprints on the internal side. Stratigraphical dating to the 3rd/2nd century BC–1st century AD.
No. 18 (fig. 18) Inv. no. AK14/I/25–627 A. XXIX/30/1; B. US.25 C. 7.00cm; D. 4.00cm; E. 0.30cm F. Well fired clay with very small density inclusions of large grains of calcium; high density of medium and large grains of organic material and clay pebbles G. 10YR 7/4 – very pale brown (surface) Fragment of terracotta depicting a comic actor; short dress, ending at the height of hips chitoniskos/chlamys; small part of the neck and possible remains of a hood preserved; elongated, vertical
shape, similar to a cloak placed over one arm on the right side; both legs joined, preserved little below the knees; arms folded on abdomen to the figures left side; right arm holds the left arm covered by chitoniskos/chlamys; rounded back of the figurine, without any decorations; well made, precisely and with attention to details; brownish slip preserved in the depths fingers of the right hand. Dated per analogiam to the 3rd century BC.
No. 19 (fig. 19) Inv. no. AK19/I/74–516 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.74 C. 4.00cm; D. 4.70cm; E. 1.90cm F. Very good quality clay, low-density inclusions of very fine grain mica; low density, fine grain limestone; medium density of fine grain volcanic G. 5Y 8/2 – pale yellow (surface); 2.5YR 4/2 – pale red (core) Fragment of tragic mask. Tall, straight delicate nose; right eye hole surrounded by outlined shape of eye; open mouth with gentle lips; surface smooth; remains of pink polychromy; fingerprints on the interior. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd/1st century BC–Octavian Augustus reign.
No. 20 (fig. 20) Inv. no. AK15/I/0–5 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.0 C. 3.00cm; D. 2.40cm F. Fine grain clay with inclusion of very fine limestone G. 2.5YR 6/8 – light red to 2.5YR 5/8 – red (surface) Lower part of the figure: pair of joint feet; right foot fully preserved with all five toes, right foot – toes and heel missing; flat on the bottom; a rectangular, hollow opening visible in the upper part of the preserved fragment. Stratigraphical dating: mixed.
No. 21 (fig. 21) Inv. no. AK16/I/31–222 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.31 C. 2.90cm; D. 3.20cm; E. 0.60–1.10cm F. Good quality clay with low quantity fine grain mica G. 10YR 8/3 – very pale brown (surface); 10YR 5/1 – gray (core) Fragment of left foot. Elaborately made foot with three toes preserved (digit II pedis-digit IV pedis)
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232 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad a small space between digit II and digit I pedis is visible. The bottom of the fingers is also not preserved. Carefully carved nails are visible at the tips of the toes as well as phalangeal joints of the digit IV pedis is elaborated. Stratigraphical dating to the 3rd century BC–mid-1st century AD.
No. 22 (fig. 22) Inv. no. AK15/I/45–492 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.45 C. 4.70cm; D. 4.20cm; E. 0.30–1.00cm
F. Clay with small inclusions of very fine-grained limestone G. 5YR 6/6 – light reddish brown (surface); 10YR – gray (core) Head of an animal, possibly a lion; facing to the right head; face of the animal with an elongated, a relief formed eye, large upper eyelid, in the uppermost part of the piece; small, pointy ear; open, rounded mouth what causes the nose to wrinkle; scarce bands of hair visible on the animal’s neck; matrix formed relief. Stratigraphical dating to the 2nd/1st century BC.
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Ancient sources Diodorus Siculus, The Library of History V, Loeb Classical Library edition, 1939.
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234 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad Chowaniec, R. & Matera, M. 2013. ‘New Terracotta Figurine of Demeter/Ceres from The SouthEastern Sicily’, Arheologija i prirodne nauke 8: 7–18. Comella, A. 2001. Il materiale votivo tardo di Gravisca, Roma. Copani, F. 2005. ’Alle origini di Eloro, L’espansione meridionale di Siracusa arcaica’, ACME – Annali della Facoltà di Studi Umanistici dell’Università degli Studi di Milano 58.2:245–263. Cottonaro, M. 2011. ‘Una statuetta della fine del IV secolo a.C. dal santuario delle divinità ctonie di Valle Ruscello, nel territorio di Piazza Armerina’, in: Congiu, M., Miccichè, C. & Modeo, S. (eds.), Timoleonte e la Sicilia della seconda metà del IV sec. a.C. (Atti del VII Convegno di studi, 22–23 maggio 2010, Caltanissetta), Caltanissetta: 185–191. Cultrera, G. 1943. ‘Siracusa. Scoperte nel Giardino Spagna’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 48.7.4: 33–126. Currò, M. T. 1966, ‘Eloro (Noto, Siracusa). Saggi di scavo nell’area urbana a Santuario di Demetra e Kore’, Bollettino d’Arte 51: 97– 98. De Miro, A. 1985 ‘Il santuario Greco di località Casalicchio presso Licata’, in: Bonacasa, N. & Castellana, G. (eds.), Atti della seconda giornata di studi sull’archeologia licatese e della zona della Bassa Valle dell’Himera (Licata, Palazzo Frangipane 19 gennaio, 1985), Licata: 97– 111. De Miro, E. 1985. ‘La plastica Siceliota nella seconda metà del V sec. a.C.’, in: Pugliese Carratelli, G. (ed.), Sikanie. Storia e civiltà della Sicilia greca, Milano: 233–242. Di Vita, A. 1958. ‘Camarina e Scornavacche in età timoleontea’, Kokalos 4: 83–99. Ferruzza, M. L. 2017. Ancient terracottas from South Italy and Sicily in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. Fiorentini, G. 1969, ‘Il santuario extra urbano di S. Anna presso Agrigento’, Cronache di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte 8: 63–80. Fisher-Hansen, T. 2009. ‘Artemis in Sicily and South Italy, A Picture of Diversity’, in: Fischer-Hansen, T. & Poulsen, B. (eds.), From Artemis to Diana, The Goddess of Man and Beast, Copenhagen: 207–260. Frasca, M. 1995. ‘Leontini. Piccola coroplastica ellenistica da un’abitazione rupestre di contrada Crocefisso, Bollettino d’arte 91 (Maggio-Giugno): 1–23. Gabrici, E. 1927. ‘Il santuario della Malophoros a Selinunte’, Monumenti Antichi dei Licei 32: 6–419. Gagarin, M. 2009. Ancient Greece and Rome, Oxford. Gentili, G. V. 1954. ‘Siracusa – saggio di scavo a sud del Viale Paolo Orsi in predio Salerno Aletta’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità VIII: 328.
Germanà, B. G. 2014. ‘Santuari in grotta e sedi oracolari nella Sicilia sud-orientale in età greca’, Ruggieri, R. (ed.), Atti VIII Convegno Nazionale di Speleologia in Cavità Artificiali XV, Ragusa 2012, Ragusa: 131–141. Green, R. 2002. ‘Towards a reconstruction of performance style’, in: Easterling, P. & Hall, E. (eds.), Greek and Roman Actors: Aspects of an Ancient Profession, Cambridge: 93–126. Guzzone, C. 1998. ‘Butera: santuari e fattorie di età greca nel territorio’, in: Panvini, R. (ed.), Gela. Il Museo Archeologico, Gela: 243–251. Guzzone, C. 2003. ‘La stipe o deposito votivo di Fontana Calda’, in: Panvini, R. (ed.), Butera dalla preistoria all’età medievale, Caltanissetta: 121–131. Johnston, P. A. 1996. ‘Kybele and Her companions on the Northern littoral of the Black sea’, in: Lane, E. N. (ed.), Cybele, Attis and Related cults. Essays in Memory of M. J. Vermaseren, Leiden–New York– Köln: 101–116. Judica, G. 1819. Le antichità di Acre, scoperte, descritte, ed illustrate da Gabriele Judica, Messina. Kekulé von Stradonitz, R. 1903. Die antiken Terrakotten. Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten, vol. III. 2, Winter, F. (ed.), Berlin–Stuttgart. Lagona, S. 1971. ‘Forme fittili lentinesi’, Cronache di Archeologia 10:75–92. Lanteri, R. & Fituła, M. 2018. ‘Ancient settlements in the territory of Noto (Syracuse province): New data from the Gioi and Niura districts’, Światowit 13/14.A/B (2015/2016): 307–319. Lanteri, R. & Fituła, M. 2019. ‘Resti di pasto da una cisterna di eta greca in Contrada Niura, Noto (SR)’, in: Congiu, M., Miccichè, C. & Modeo, S. (eds.), Cenabis bene. L’alimentazione nella Sicilia antica, Caltanissetta: 33–42. Leake, W. M. 1856. Numismata Hellenica. A Catalogue of Greek Coins, London. Leggio, D. 2013. Riti e culti ad Akrai. Interpretazione del complesso sacro. Scavi 2005–2006, Siracusa. Magro, M. T. 2016. ‘Recenti scoperte in contrada Reitana di Acicatena’, Agorà 57: 25–29. Marconi, P. 1932. ‘Agrigento. Scoperte minori negli anni 1927–1930’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 6.8: 405–422. Marconi, P. 1933. Agrigento arcaica. Il santuario delle divinità ctonie e il tempio detto di Vulcano, Roma. Masséglia, J. 2015. Body Language in Hellenistic Art and Society, Oxford. Militello, E. 1966. ‘Eloro III. Relazione degli scavi del 1958–59’, Monumenti Antichi dei Licei 47: 299–335. Modeo, S. 2018. Dionisio in Sicilia. Mythos, Symposion, Hades, Theatron, Mysteria, Caltanisetta.
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Muscato Daidone, C. 2011. Avola. Storia della città. Dalle origini ai nostri giorni, Siracusa. Musumeci, A. 2010. ‘Le terracotte figurate della necropoli di contrada Casino in Centuripe’, in: Biondi, G. (ed.), Centuripe. Indagini archeologiche e prospettive di ricerca, Enna: 39–114. Neiiendam, K. 1992. The Art of Acting in Antiquity: Iconographical Studies in Classical, Hellenistic and Byzantine Theatre, Copenhagen. Oberhelman, S. M. 2014. ‘Anatomical Votive Reliefs as Evidence for Specialization at Healing Sanctuaries in the Ancient Mediterranean World’, Athens Journal of Health 1.1: 47–62. Onorati, M. T. 2016. ‘La coroplastica’, in: Spatafora, F. (ed.), Il Thesmophorion di Entella. Scavi in Contrada Petraro, Pisa: 83–100, 383–396. Orlandini, P. 1957. ‘Tipologia e cronologia del materiale archeologico di Gela dalla nuova fondazione di Timoleonte all’età di Ierone II’, Archeologia Classica 9: 44–75, 153–173. Orlandini, P. 1960. ‘Materiale archeologico gelese del IV–III sec. a.C. nel Museo Nazionale di Siracusa’, Archeologia Classica 12: 57–70. Orlandini, P. 1966. ‘Lo scavo del thesmophorion di Bitalemi e il culto delle divinit ctonie a Gela’, Kokalos XII: 8–35. Orlandini, P. 1968. ‘Gela, Topografia dei santuari e documentazione archeologica dei culti’, Rivista dell’Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte 15: 20–66. Orlandini, P. & Adamesteanu, D. 1956. ‘Gela. Ritrovamenti vari’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 81: 203–401. Orsi, P. 1899. ‘Camarina (campagna archeologica del 1896)’, Monumenti Antichi dei Licei 9: 201–278. Orsi, P. 1900. ‘Nuovo Artemision di Scala Greca’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 24: 353–387. Orsi, P. 1910. ‘Di un’anonima città siculo-greca a Monte San Mauro presso Caltagirone’, Monumenti Antichi dei Lincei XX: 729–850. Orsi, P. 1915. ‘Siracusa-Artemision di Belvedere’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 26.12: 192–193. Orsi, P. 2019. Monte San Mauro e il contado di Caltagirone. Tutti i testi, Seminero, D. (ed.), Caltagirone. Pace, B. 1945. Arte e civiltà della Sicilia Antica, vol. 3, Città di Castello. Pautasso, A. 1995. Terrecotte arcaiche e classiche del Museo Civico di Castello Ursino a Catania, Catania. Pedrucci, G. 2009. Cibele Frigia e la Sicilia. I santuari rupestri nel culto della dea, Roma. Pelagatti, P. 1999. ‘L’oinochoe di Artemide’, in: Voza, G. (ed.), Siracusa 1999. Lo scavo archeologico di Piazza Duomo, Palermo–Siracusa: 29‑35. Piccioni, A. 2018. ‘Mimēsis for a Cult: The case of Western Greek clay figurines of female dancers’,
Reid, H. L. & DeLong, J. C. (eds.), The many faces of Mimesis. Selected essays from the 2017 symposium of the Hellenistic Heritage of Western Greece, Sioux City: 339–355. Pisani, M. 2008. Camarina. Le terrecotte figurate e la ceramica da una fornace di V e IV secolo a.C., Roma. Portale, E. C. 2000. ‘Le Terrecotte da Scornavacche e il problema del “classicismo” nella coroplastica siceliota del IV secolo’, in: Stramare, T. & Chessari, G. (eds.), Un ponte fra l’Italia e la Grecia. Atti del Simposio in onore di Antonino Di Vita (Ragusa, 13–15 febbraio 1998), Padova: 265–282. Portale, E. C. 2008. ‘Coroplastica votiva nella Sicilia di V-III secolo a.C.: la stipe votiva di Fontana Calda a Butera’, Sicilia Antiqua 5: 9–58. Renfrew, C. 1985. The archaeology of cult. The sanctuary of Phylakopi, London. Rizza, G. 1960. ’Stipe votive di un santuarium di Demetra di Catania’, Bollettino d’Arte 45: 247–262. Rizzo, R. 2012, Culti i miti della Sicilia antica e protocristiana, Caltanissetta–Roma. Roller, L. 1999. In search of God the Mother, Berkeley– Los Angeles. Sardella, A. & Vanaria, M. A. 2000. ‘Le terracotte figurate di soggetto sacrale del santuario dell’ex proprietà Maggiore di Lipari’, in: Bernabò Brea, L. & Cavalier, M. (eds.), Meligunís Lipára, vol. 10, Roma: 87–184. Shevchenko, T. M. 2015. ‘Bust Thymiateria from Olbia Pontike’, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt 13: 1–22 (https://doi.org/10.4000/acost.582). Spagnolo, G. 1991. ‘Recenti scavi nell’area della vecchia stazione di Gela’, Quaderni dell’Istituto di Archeologia della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia dell’Università di Messina 6: 55–70. Spagnolo, G. 2000. ‘Le terrecotte figurate dall’area della stazione vecchia di Gela e i problemi della coroplastica geloa nel V sec. a.C.’, Quaderni di Archeologia 11: 179–207. Taormina, A. 2015. ’Nuove ricerche archeologiche nel teatro antico di Catania’, in: Nicoletti, F. (ed.), Catania Antica. Nuove prospettive di ricerca, Siracusa: 281–349. Uhlenbrock, J. P. 2002. ‘La coroplastica nella Sicilia orientale nell’età dei due Dionisi: Problemi di stile e cronologia archeologica’, in: Bonacasa, N., Braccesi, L. & De Miro, E. (eds.), La Sicilia dei due Dionisî. Progetto Akragas II. Atti della Settimana di studio (Agrigento, 24–28 febbraio 1999), Roma: 321–337. Webster, T. B. L. 1949. ‘The masks of Greek comedy’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 32.1: 97–133. Van Buren, A. W. 1961. ‘News Letter from Rome’, American Journal of Archaeology 65: 386–387.
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236 | Marta Fituła & Aleksandra Konrad Vermaseren, M. J. 1966. The legend of Attis in Grek and Roman art. Études Préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire Romain, Leiden. Vermaseren, M. J. 1977. Corpus cultus Cybelae Attidisque (CCCA) IV: Italia – Aliae provinciae. Études Préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l’Empire Romain, Leiden.
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South-Eastern Sicily Ceramic Production: an Example of Multidisciplinary Study Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone
Abstract The provenance assessment of fine pottery, usually based on geochemistry characterization and comparison with raw materials, in many cases requires the implementation of advanced statistical methods. In this chapter, an artificial neural network (ANN) was implemented to facilitate provenance attribution of ancient ceramics. The artificial neural network was trained by using a Sicilian Plio-Pleistocene clay sediment database and tested on numerous pottery samples from Sicilian archaeological sites. The potential of this approach was evaluated in the light of the archaeological hypothesis and in comparison with other classical statistical methods. Pottery provenance, archaeometry, artificial neural network, raw material, Sicily
Introduction Pottery is one of the most important material artefacts of Antiquity, because it is the most frequent and best preserved find in archaeological contexts. Therefore, the archaeometric study of archaeological ceramics is a key element in reconstructing both economic and social history of an ancient civilization. Indeed, these studies allow deriving important information on the daily routine of a community, trade, traditions, behaviours and religious. In these studies, the identification of the production centers of the artifacts represents an important element, because this allows to know the aforementioned aspects of each community and its relations with others. However, the ancient pottery workshops were very numerous and neighboring centers often produced similar objects, therefore nowadays the morpho-typological classification is not enough to distinguish their provenance and a multidisciplinary scientific approach is essential. Compositional studies on archaeological materials
and comparisons between ceramics and reference clays or laboratory experimental mixes are usually carried out to identify the production sites and provide clues on the ancient commercial routes. 1 However, the archaeometric studies are not developed homogeneously in the territory, thus, only some workshops are better known of many others. Moreover, the complexity of production process doesn’t make easy these correlations; 2 in fact, the artefacts could have been made by mixing clay sediments sampled in different outcrops. Moreover, the geochemical fingerprint of the raw materials might be altered by the addition of tempers or by depuration processes. Generally, a large chemical dataset, often obtained by X-ray fluorescence analysis (XRF), is usually used for the implementation
1 2
Tite 2008; Pollard & Heron 1996; Price & Burton 2011. Heimann & Maggetti 2014.
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238 | Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone of statistical methods aimed to predict relations among samples. 3 Even considering possible limits in provenance studies of archaeological ceramics, 4 XRF data are often treated thought statistical approaches, such as principal component analysis (PCA), factor analysis (FA), linear discriminant analysis (LDA), cluster analysis (HCA). 5 In this scenario, artificial neural networks (ANNs), widely appreciated in different materials science fields, 6 have been recently proposed for archaeological issues. 7 ANNs are computational modelling tools used to solve complex problem; they are organized with dense architectures, highly interconnected by computing elements (known as nodes or artificial neurons) able to perform parallel calculations for data processing. 8 In detail, they are set on a hierarchical structure with three main layers: input layer, hidden layer (one or more) and output layer, linked through weighted connections (i.e. values) (fig. 1). 9 These latter ones work as nerve cells able to receive inputs, which are elaborated by specific iterations, whose output results are exchanged with the other connected processing elements, and so on. The artificial neurons need a training session before to be used in the learning process, guaranteeing better correlations. The fundamentals of the ANN model highlight its predisposition to every scientific field, including the processing of archaeological datasets. However, few studies highlight the potential of this statistical approach, especially for archaeological issue. 10 The training of a neutral networks requires the availability of a reference database and serval computations, which complexity often favour the use of classical statistical methods. In this perspective, a successfully research study based on the creation of ANNs for the provenance assessment of archaeological ceramics using clay sediment database has been recently proposed. 11 In detail, a compositional database of Sicilian clay sediments was used to train and test an artificial neural network 3 4
5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Panchuk et al. 2018. Bellanti et al. 2008; Carrero et al. 2010; Giménez et al. 2008; Seetha & Velray 2016; Fermo et al. 2004; 2008; Aruga, Mirti & Casoli 1993; Remolà et al. 1996; De Benedetto et al. 2005; Rampazzi et al. 2006; De Bonis et al. 2016. Panchuk et al. 2018. Finocchiaro et al. 2020; Karakoç & Keleş 2020; GarciaMateo et al. 2007. Aprile, Castellano & Eramo 2014; Pagnotta et al. 2018; Qi et al. 2018. Haykin 1994; Daniel 2013. Basheer 2000. Baxter 2008. Baxter 2008.
Fig. 1. Schematic representation of a simple feed forward ANN consisting in three layers (© P. Mazzoleni, C. Finocchiaro, S. Raneri, G. Spagnolo & G. Barone)
with the aim of improving the provisional provenance attribution based on chemical composition; results were thus compared with those obtained by conventional statistical approach (PCA and LDA). 12 Overall, the workflow steps, are summarized as following: – creation of a Sicilian clay sediments database; 13 – mathematically determination of theoretical compositional clay mixings considering different clay sediments among the datasets; – development of artificial neural network trained by compositional clay mixings and tested by archaeological ceramics already characterized by archaeometric studies and classified as specific local productions, avoiding a priori assumptions; 14 – comparison of correct provenance attribution obtained by using different statistical method, namely ANNs vs PCA and LDA; – final refinement of the created neural network by using probability factors based on historical and archaeological evidences.
12 13 14
Barone et al. 2019. Aquilia et al. 2012; Barone et al. 2004; Barone et al. 2005; Barone et al. 2009; Barone et al. 2011; Barone et al. 2012; Barone et al. 2014. Aquilia et al. 2012; Barone 2002; Barone et al. 2004; Barone et al. 2005; Barone et al. 2009; Barone et al. 2014.
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South-Eastern Sicily Ceramic Production: an Example of Multidisciplinary Study | 239
Fig. 2. Map of Sicily with the area of sampling (© P. Mazzoleni, C. Finocchiaro, S. Raneri, G. Spagnolo & G. Barone)
Materials This work considers raw materials and ceramics from some production centers among the most studied so far and located in different areas of the Island: Milazzo, on the north coast; Catania and Siracusa, on the east; Gela and Agrigento, on the south; and Lentini in the inland (fig. 2).
Clay deposits Sicily offers large sedimentary deposits located in different tectonic setting (e.g., along divergent and convergent plate boundaries), reflecting the geological complexity of the island; 15 they are originated after sedimentation phases following the Messinian Salinity crisis occurred about 5 million years ago and the main Miocenic phase (5–23 Ma) of orogenic building of the Sicilian chain. 16 Sixty-five samples of the Plio-Pleistocene clays from different
15 16
geological formations (Fm.) and outcropping in different areas of the south-eastern sector of Sicily were sampled and analysed (table 1), being widely used for local ceramic production since antiquity. Due to genetic reasons, these geological formations are characterised by some compositional overlapping as well as differences within the same geological site, determining uncertainties when used as reference raw materials in provenance studies. The Plio-Pleistocene clays were thus used to create mathematically determined clay mixing and to trigger the artificial neural network.
Archaeological pottery A set of 118 pottery samples was used to test the artificial neural network. Selection criteria were based on the grain size of the samples (i.e., medium and fine sorting to avoid errors in the computational process due to temper composition) and the correct classification already assessed by previous minero-petrographic and geochemical analy-
Lentini & Carbone 2014. Grasso 2011.
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240 | Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone Table 1. Geological and sampling details on 65 sedimentary deposits analysed Name of sedimentary formation
Geological scale time
Area of sampling
Geological environments13
Number of samples
Rometta Fm.
Upper Pliocene-Lower Pleistocene
Milazzo
High-medium grade metamorphic basement
14
Bluish Clay Fm.
Lower-Middle Pleistocene
Catania
Volcanic (Mt. Etna volcano)
10
Bluish Clay Fm.
Lower-Middle Pleistocene
Lentini
Foreland area: basaltic lava cover and limestone sequences
13
Bluish Clay Fm.
Lower-Middle Pleistocene
Siracusa
Foreland area: limestone sequences
10
Mt. Narbone Fm
Middle-Upper Pliocene
Gela
Front of the Sicilian trust belt
8
Mt. Narbone Fm
Middle-Upper Pliocene
Agrigento
Front of the Sicilian trust belt
10
sis. 17. Selected potteries consist thus in reference groups manufactured in different Greek colonies through Sicily (i.e., Milazzo, Catania, Lentini, Siracusa, Gela, Agrigento) (table 2). Chemically, these productions reflect the variability of the employed geological sources.
Methods Materials characterization The clayey sample set was characterized by mineralogical, chemical and textural points of view. Results are available in Barone et al. 2019. 18 Chemical composition of major and trace elements was performed on both clays and ceramics by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) spectrometry. 19 Geochemical data related to potteries used for testing the ANN are available in previous studies. 20
17 18 19 20
Barone et al. 2019. Baxter 2008. Barone et al. 2019. Barone 2002; Barone et al. 2004; Barone et al. 2005; Barone et al. 2009; Barone et al. 2014.
Creation of clay mixing and ANN architecture XRF data obtained on clays were used to create mathematical clay mixings, by considering all the possible triplets of samples and varying the 20% of mass fraction. Overall, 30000 clay sediment mathematical mixings were used to train the artificial neural network, which is constituted by an input layer (a standardization function based on chemical composition), a hidden layer and an output layer consisting in the six investigated sites (Agrigento, Catania, Gela, Lentini, Milazzo and Siracusa). A Multilayer Perceptron Model (MLP) was applied to construct a feed forward neural network by SPSS version 23.0.0.0 software. 21
Results and discussion For the purpose of comparison, classical statistical methods were applied to the mathematically created clay mixings. Principal component analysis (PCA) was applied on trace elements. Results are reported in fig. 3, describing the first three principal components, which account the
21
IBM, SPSS Neural Networks 23, 2011.
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South-Eastern Sicily Ceramic Production: an Example of Multidisciplinary Study | 241
Table 2. Archaeological information on selected pottery Typology of pottery
Period 6th–3rd century BC
Black glazed pottery Black glazed pottery
Site Milazzo Catania
Common ware
Hellenistic period
Common ware
Lentini
Black glazed pottery
Number of samples 11
Ref. Barone et al. 2009
10 11
Barone et al. 2005
32 6
Common ware
Siracusa
Fine unpainted and black glazed pottery
Archaic-Hellenistic period
Gela
11
Barone et al. 2012
Transport amphorae
6th–5th century BC
Gela
22
Barone 2002
Agrigento
4
Barone et al. 2014
Lamps
3
Barone et al. 2014
Hellenistic-Roman period
8
Fig. 3. Plots of the first three principal component (PC) obtained by the multivariate statistical analysis of the 30000 mathematically created clay mixes (5000 for each site) (modified from Barone et al. 2019)
74.7% of the total variance. Clay sediment mixes of Lentini and Catania exhibit the higher PC1 score, Milazzo mixes might be discriminated by PC3 scores, otherwise the other Plio-Pleistocenic clay mixes are largely overlapped. Trace elements were also used for Linear Discriminant Analysis (LDA); based on the results reported in table 3, the LDA analysis account the 91.5% of correct classification, largely improving the provisional discrimination obtained by PCA analysis. The ANN trained for ceramic analysis and based on clay sediment mixes has foreseen in one
hidden layer of 5 units (neurons) able to separate the mathematically constructed mixes during the learning procedure. 22 A multiple averaging method was applied to refine the network and assure predictions based on strong data, through several reiterations: changing each time the input order of variables and evaluating the averaging probability obtained. Eleven runs enabled to reach a satisfactory prediction level, namely 95%
22 Knerr, Personnaz & Dreyfus 1990.
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242 | Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone Table 3. Provenance classification for clay sediments mixes expressed in % based on LDA analysis (modified Barone et al. 2019) Predicted site (%) Agrigento
Catania
Gela
Lentini
Milazzo
Siracusa
Agrigento
94.0
0.0
4.5
1.5
0.0
0.0
Catania
0.0
100.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
Gela
30.0
2.4
57.9
0.0
0.0
9.7
Lentini
1.5
0.0
0.0
96.9
0.0
1.6
Milazzo
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
100.0
0.0
Siracusa
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
100.0
Table 4. Optimisation of the ANN: prediction capability for each training and testing steps (modified Barone et al. 2019) Number of runs
Fig. 4. Example of ANN architecture after eleven training runs (modified from Barone et al. 2019)
of correct prediction in training and the 75.5% in testing (fig. 4 and table 4). The ANN trained by clay sediment mixes was thus tested by archaeological ceramics; the extent of correct provisional attribution was compared with classical statistical methods, namely principal component analysis (PCA) and linear discriminant analysis (LDA). By using PCA, the first three PC explain 79.5% of the total variance; however, similarly to clay sediments, several overlapping fields prevent an overall correct attribution. Other-
Training (%)
Testing (%)
1
84.9
70.3
2
81.7
72.9
3
95.9
67.0
4
90.7
66.1
5
86.7
59.3
6
89.7
61.8
7
85.1
54.3
8
92.3
65.2
9
96.4
67.0
10
92.1
73.7
11
95.0
75.5
wise, in linear discriminant analysis the only 50% of correct provenance attribution was observed for pottery samples (table 5). On the contrary, the application of ANN on archaeological ceramics enables the 78% of correct provenance provisional attribution. The most accurate match is verified for Catania (100%), Lentini (93.8%) and Milazzo (81.8%); 50–60% of correct classification is verified for Siracusa, Gela and Agrigento (table 6). In an ANN, the reliability of correct prediction can be improved using correction factors based
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South-Eastern Sicily Ceramic Production: an Example of Multidisciplinary Study | 243
Table 5. Provenance classification for ceramic samples expressed in % based on LDA analysis (modified Barone et al. 2019)
0.0
100.0
0.0
0.0
Gela
9.1
4.5
31.8
Lentini
6.3
75.0
Milazzo
0.0
Siracusa
0.0
6.7
Agrigento
53.3
0.0
26.7
20.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
Catania
0.0
100.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
22.7
0.0
31.8
Gela
13.6
0.0
63.6
22.7
0.0
0.0
0.0
15.6
3.1
0.0
Lentini
0.0
6.3
0.0
93.8
0.0
0.0
9.1
0.0
0.0
72.7
18.2
Milazzo
0.0
9.1
0.0
0.0
81.8
9.1
0.0
0
17.6
0.0
82.4
Siracusa
5.9
0.0
0.0
35.3
0.0
58.8
Total
78.0
Catania
0.0
Catania
Siracusa
Catania
Milazzo
20.0
Lentini
46.7
Gela
0.0
%
Agrigento
26.7
Predicted provenance
Siracusa
Lentini
Agrigento
ANN
Milazzo
%
Gela
Predicted provenance Agrigento
LDA
Table 6. Provenance classification for ceramic samples expressed in % based on ANN analysis. (modified Barone et al. 2019)
Table 7. Bayesian probability correction factors for (a) less and (b) more restrictive scenarios (modified Barone et al. 2019) a) 0–1
Predicted provenance Agrigento
Catania
Gela
Lentini
Milazzo
Siracusa
1
0.6
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.4
Catania
0.6
1
0.6
0.8
0.6
0.6
Gela
0.8
0.6
1
0.6
0.4
0.4
Lentini
0.6
0.8
0.6
1
0.6
0.6
Milazzo
0.4
0.4
0.4
0.6
1
0.4
Siracusa
0.4
0.6
0.4
0.4
0.4
1
Agrigento
b) 0–1
Predicted provenance Agrigento
Catania
Gela
Lentini
Milazzo
Siracusa
1
0.3
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.2
Catania
0.3
1
0.3
0.4
0.3
0.3
Gela
0.4
0.3
1
0.3
0.2
0.2
Lentini
0.3
0.4
0.3
1
0.3
0.3
Milazzo
0.2
0.2
0.2
0.3
1
0.2
Siracusa
0.2
0.3
0.2
0.2
0.2
1
Agrigento
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244 | Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone Table 8. Provenance classification for ceramic samples expressed in % based on ANN analysis, applying (a) less and (b) more restrictive Bayesian probability factor (modified Barone et al. 2019) a) %
Predicted provenance Agrigento
Catania
Gela
Lentini
Milazzo
Siracusa
Agrigento
53.3
0.0
26.7
20.0
0.0
0.0
Catania
0.0
100.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
Gela
13.6
0.0
68.2
18.2
0.0
0.0
Lentini
6.3
0.0
0.0
93.8
0.0
0.0
Milazzo
0.0
9.1
0.0
0.0
90.9
0.0
Siracusa
0.0
5.9
0.0
23.5
0.0
70.6
Total
81.4
b) %
Predicted provenance Agrigento
Catania
Gela
Lentini
Milazzo
Siracusa
Agrigento
80.0
0.0
6.7
13.3
0.0
0.0
Catania
0.0
100.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
Gela
9.1
0.0
72.7
18.2
0.0
0.0
Lentini
0.0
3.1
0.0
96.9
0.0
0.0
Milazzo
0.0
9.1
0.0
0.0
90.9
0.0
Siracusa
0.0
5.9
0.0
11.8
0.0
82.3
Total
88.1
on archaeological, historical and geographic variables. The correction factor quantifies the probability that a sample, found in an archaeological site, is produced in a different site. For such a purpose, a Bayesian probability correction factor (consisting in a value ranging between 0–1) was applied to the ANN for improving the computational model; the correction factor reflects the political and social relationship among the selected Greek colonies (table 7). In fact, the use of correction probability factor improves the provenance provisional attribution, namely from 78% to 81.4% and 88.1% considering two different geographic, social and political scenarios (table 8a-b).
Conclusion This chapter intends to discuss the merits of artificial neutral networks in archaeological applications, also in comparison with classical statistical methods. Results favour ANN computational model, suggesting the extent of several uncertainties when common classification analysis as LDA or PCA are used to treat datasets characterized by wide overlapping compositional regions. The introduction of correction parameters into Bayesian probability equation adds relevant effort to the model, weighting also variables able to take in account non only analytical data but also the historical and archaeological contexts. When a neural network is properly trained and a representative database of reference material is available, ANN is a powerful supervised recognition technique in archaeometric research.
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South-Eastern Sicily Ceramic Production: an Example of Multidisciplinary Study | 245
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246 | Paolo Mazzoleni, Claudio Finocchiaro, Simona Raneri, Grazia Spagnolo & Germana Barone Garcia-Mateo, C., Capdevila, C., Caballero, F. G. & De Andrés, C. G. 2007. ‘Artificial neural network modeling for the prediction of critical transformation temperatures in steels’, Journal of Materials Science 42: 5391–5397. Giménez, R. G., De La Villa, R. V., Domínguez, M. D. P. & Rucandio, M. I. 2006. ‘Application of chemical physical and chemometric analytical techniques to the study of ancient ceramic oil lamps’, Talanta 68: 1236–1246. Grasso, M. 2001. ‘The Appenninic-Maghrebian orogen in southern Italy and adjacent areas’, in: Vai, G. B. & Martini, J. P. (eds.), Anatomy of an Orogen: the Appennines and sdjacent Mediterranean Basins, Bologna: 255–286. Haykin, S. 1994. Neural Networks: A Comprehensive Foundation, New York–Toronto. Heimann, R. B. & Maggetti, M. 2014. Ancient and historical ceramics: materials technology art and culinary traditions, Stuttgart. Karakoç, A. & Keleş, Ö. 2020. ‘A predictive failure framework for brittle porous materials via machine learning and geometric matching methods’, Journal of Materials Science 55: 4734–4747. Knerr, S., Personnaz, L. & Dreyfus, G. 1990. ‘Singlelayer learning revisited: a stepwise procedure for building and training a neural network’, in: Soulié, F. F. & Hérault, J. (eds.), Neurocomputing: Algorithms, Architectures and Applications, Berlin– Heidelberg: 41–50. Lentini, F. & Carbone, S. 2014. ‘Geologia della Sicilia’, Memorie Descrittive della Carta geologica d’Italia. Geology and History days. Technical Periodicals, XCV: 7–414. Pagnotta, S., Legnaioli, S., Campanella, B., Grifoni, E., Lezzerini, M., Lorenzetti, G., Palleschi, V., Poggialini, F. & Raneri, S. 2018. ‘Micro-chemical evaluation of ancient potsherds by µ-LIBS scan-
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A Greek Vase from the Countryside of Palazzolo Acreide Agostina Musumeci
Abstract In January 1912, an occasional discovery in the countryside of Palazzolo Acreide, an Attic red-figure pelike filled with cremated bones was found on a farm. The vase was purchased by Paolo Orsi from the owner of the land and after that registered in the inventory of the Soprintendenza of Syracuse. The style and technique of execution, as well as the interpretation of the depicted scene, became the elements to establish the chronology of pottery. Its dating was set to the second half of the 5th century BC. The meaning of the presence of a precious vase in the countryside, far from the center of Akrai, it becomes the starting point for a reflection on the historical reconstruction of the Syracusan chora in the Classical period. Discovery, purchase, iconography, value, trademark, countryside, meaning
Introduction: the history of the discovery The pelike of Palazzolo 1 (fig. 1) is an Attic vase made in the red-figure technique, who is dated down to around 450 BC. It found in Palazzolo Acreide in the Fùrmica region, in the property of the doctor Antonio Azzaro and later it was purchased by the Soprintendenza of Syracuse on 12th February 1913 ‘at half price according to law’. So we read in the inventory register at no. 33713 and, as a consequence, this informs us that the vase was found by the owner of the land, who as such he was entitled to half of the value, as a recovery prize. 2
1
2
Beazley Archive Pottery Database no. 14118; CVA 1941, III.1.5, vol. 6 and latest, Classical Art Research Centre, University of Oxford (accessed 12.02.2022); cf. Musumeci 2019, 563, 5 and 96. The photographs of pelike by G. Gallitto, photographer del Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai. The recovery prize it cannot be higher than 1/4 of the value of the property for the owner and 1/4 for the
In January 1912, Paolo Orsi writes that in the Fùrmica region, quite far from the center of Palazzolo Acreide, in the Tellaro valley, a red-figure pelike, 38.00cm high, full of cremated bones found during rural works, which he purchased for the museum. About the vessel, considerable for the quality of the technique and above all the topographical importance, he noted that Fùrmica is quite distant from Akrai and much less from the fief of Castelluccio of Noto and explains it in reference also to other similar finds, which he attributes to the existence of big farms dispersed in the region: Non altrimenti parmi s’abbia da spiegare la presenza di questi vasi greci in terreni molto discosti dal centro di Akrae. 3
3
discoverer (Codice dei Beni Culturali no. 42/2004, art. 90–93). Orsi 1915, 210–211 and fig. 19.
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Fig. 1. Attic red-figure pelike from Palazzolo Acreide, side A (photo: Gallitto, G.; © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
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A Greek Vase from the Countryside of Palazzolo Acreide | 249
Fig. 2. Attic red–figure pelike from Palazzolo Acreide, detail from side A: exchange of glances between the two figures (photo: Gallitto, G.; © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Description of the scene The scene painted on the main side it portrays a girl who she’s looking into a mirror, in the presence of two young men, one naked with a stick in his left hand, the other in attitude of expectation, like an observer who he’s watching leaning on a pillar. The first young man reveals his naked and well-designed body: the pose of the ephebe shows the beauty of his young body, with which he wants to stimulate the woman’s desire. The man’s attribute is the stick, an inseparable accessory of the male body which serves to specify his status of real (Greek) citizen in all respects. The woman is represented in profile: she is dressed in a long close-fitting chiton, bordered on the side and she’s portrayed in an almost provocative attitude of the body, to represent her availability; she jeweled with earrings, necklace and armlets on the wrists and shows the hair gathered in a large bandage. The attemption is however placed on the exchange of glances between the two and, in the middle, the mirror held by the girl in her hand, an object with strong sexual connotation (fig. 2). Her gesture and gaze represent the iconic signs of love desire and allude to the reciprocity of intentions. 4
The mirror is a female attribute for excellence, it evokes femininity, beauty, eroticism: the small oval of the specimen reflects the woman’s face, rendered with a few wise traits. In this case, the mirror has a functional as well as symbolic value: in fact, in addition to guarantee the material image of the individual, it also to ensure the immortality of her soul: this double meaning of life and death explains the frequency with which it’s represented and why there are so many mirrors found in tombs. 5 In this precise game of iconographic correspondence, the young man’s stick used to allude to his status is equivalent to the mirror in the woman’s hand, a symbol of femininity. Another young man is leaning against a pillar with the right elbow and he witnesses the scene as a spectator (fig. 3): he wears the clam wrapped around his left forearm which goes down to the heel, and he has crossed his legs, with his right foot pointed to the ground, vertically. The scene is bordered at the bottom by a meander band with a cross in the center. This man is very similar to the first, and he is interpreted as his ‘double’ who is represented in the pose of Pothos, Aphrodite’s son and symbol of the love desire that cannot be satisfied: 6 the same young man before is portrayed
4
5 6
Baggio 2004, 75 and 81.
Vanaria 2005, 81–87. Bazant 1994, s.v. Pothos I, 503.
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Fig. 3. Attic red-figure pelike from Palazzolo Acreide, detail from side A: young man witnesses the scene as spectator (photo: Gallitto, G.; © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
here as dead, he witness from outside the scene as a spectator, to the scene of his falling in love and the doubling of the figure has the meaning of a ritual communication with the afterlife. At the end of the 5th century BC, in Greek art, the representation of the personification of abstract concepts in reference to the sphere of love and seduction was affirmed, which determined the spread of representations of Eros, but also of his companions Himeros and Pothos (Desire and Love’s pain), to visualize the feeling. These are mythical figures
but they spread at the time when the myth has lost its hieratic character to become romantic and idyllic. This change in iconography is suggested by a profound change in the sphere of ethical values of Greek society at the end of the 5th century BC, and by an increased interest in the principles on which they focus: the love and the harmony of life in the oikos. The institution of marriage to aim at the birth of legitimate children it had become extremely necessary and urgent in wartime and fundamental to Athenian democratic stability; it’s managed to offer a new centrality to female figures. 7 On the back side of pelike the ‘Three Cloaked’ are depicted: in the center, there is a young man who is wrapped in his cloak arranged sideways baring the chest and the right arm, while he leans over the stick placed against his left hip (fig. 4). On the sides, two other young completely wrapped in large cloaks, baring only the head and their bare feet, look towards the central figure. 8 The representation of the three cloaked figures on the back side of the vase by many researchers was interpreted as a filler, without any meaning, adopted by the ceramologists to not leave the vase’s surface completely painted in black. 9 But there were also those who preferred to understand these characters as having funerary significance and explain the two lateral figures as perpetual guardians of the deceased; 10 there are others who instead interpreted them in an erotic key. There is another interesting suggestion for the reading, 11 which underlines three different representation’s aspects: the diversity of the three figures and the superiority of the central one, the sense of passivity that pervades the scene, the moment of waiting. According to this reconstruction, on the reverse side of our vase, the two lateral figures are passive and subordinate, compared to the central one, who once again he’s portayed as a citizen with full rights by the presence of stick. All of them are represented as if they’re waiting for an event that it’s going to happen, which, in our case, we can understand as the transition to the better life of the young protagonist of the main side. The secondary decoration shows, at the top of the neck, a branch of olive leaves and below, under
7 8 9 10 11
Baggio 2004, 109–111. I don’t agree with the Paolo Enrico Arias’s interpretation of scene how about ‘conversation between three cloaked female figures’; cf. Arias 1941, 5. Beazley 1959, 51. Schimdt, Trendall & Cambitoglou 1976, 25 with note 27. Isler-Kerenyi 1996, 49–50 (with bibliography).
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A Greek Vase from the Countryside of Palazzolo Acreide | 251
Fig. 4. Attic red-figure pelike from Palazzolo Acreide, side B: ‘The Three Cloaked’ (photo: Gallitto, G.; © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
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252 | Agostina Musumeci the figured scene, a meander band interrupted by a box with the Greek cross painted in free field.
About the trade of Greek vases Under the foot of pelike (fig. 5) there’s the monogram ‘HP’ which is painted in light red, probably a commercial mark, 12 which was hidden under the foot because it shouldn’t have been seen, but at the same time it provided the vase with some useful information, probably about the production and distribution of Attic ceramics in the West. The mark was interpreted as the price of the pelike which might amount to 1 drachma + 1.3 obol or 9.3 obols, if we read the monogram consisting of a half acca + a vertical rod + semicircle attached to the preceding rod. This interpretation was made possible by a comparison with a graffito inscription on the bottom of a red-figure crater by the painter of Kadmo, 13 and it’s confirmed by the 9 obols (1 drachma + 3 obols) required for a blackfigure crater by Camarina. 14 If we accept Boardman’s equivalence 15 – 1 drachma, which was the wages of a craftsman for a day’s work, is equivalent to $ 100 today –, we can think that our pelike cost roughly $ 150. But the prices 16 were made in Athens at the point of departure of the vase, without including the costs of transport that would have increased its value. So this ceramic vessel, which was not particularly expensive in the domestic market, when it was sold abroad, acquired a higher commercial 17 value both 12
13 14
15 16 17
These marks were studied as ‘trademarks’ on the basis of their distribution and provided useful indications on the commercial routes of Attic ceramics. Although the debate around their meaning remains open, these signs can be interpreted as the initials of the merchant who commissioned a specific type of vase and a selection of images, suitable for the western market, but were also intended to have a numerical value, referencing the sale price; cf. Johnston 1979; Johnston 1996, 81–87 and fig. 1. Boardman 2001, 157 and fig. 183. Johnston 1996, 84 and fig. 1.6. The our pelike would be worth less than the ‘18 oboli for a Camarina hydria and almost as much as a red-figure crater of Bowdoin which was valued at 10 oboli’. Boardman 2001, 157. Boardman 1988, 27–33; Johnston 1996, Appendix 86–87. Boardman 2001, 157–158 and 161: If in the home market the vases were not particularly expensive, they became so when arriving at their destination in Italy or Africa. The surplus production – they would hardly have set about making such a massive surplus for trade if it had not proved to be worthwhile – which was destined for trade, was loaded onto ships. On reaching his destina-
Fig. 5. Attic red-figure pelike from Palazzolo Acreide, detail of the monogram painted under the foot of the pelike (photo: Gallitto, G.; © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
as an exotic product but also for the many steps that it underwent before reaching the customer. It is evident that not everyone could afford to have an Attic vase at home, and even more, to deposit it in a grave. A final consideration looks at the type of vase just described, the pelike: the choice of this vessel (i.e. an amphora with a swollen body at the bottom) as a funeral urn, 18 a function generally performed by the krater, is an important indication of chronology, because this vascular typology was affirmed since 450 BC and is definitively attested in the last quarter of the 5th century BC.
18
tion, the merchant-skipper has taken his load of pottery ashore, which he delivers to a local merchant, if was not an emporos himself, and in that case he too might have to negotiate the sale to a local merchant rather then himself attempt to retail it. Where the market was remote from the port, middlemen were certainly involved, which meant a further mark-up of the price. The use of the ‘pelike’ for secondary cremation was noted in the necropolis of Syracuse, Agrigento and Gela since the middle of the 5th century BC; the ritual it’s widespread not only in Greek cities but also in indigenous centers; cf. De La Geniere 2011, 93, note 29 and 94–95.
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A Greek Vase from the Countryside of Palazzolo Acreide | 253
The our interpretation of the Acrense countryside To close our brief investigation, I think to re-propose the same question that Paolo Orsi himself asked more than a century ago, about the meaning of the presence of a valuable Attic vase, in the Acrense isolated countryside. The Fùrmica plain is known for to have given back many archaeological materials (fig. 6): a couple of oil mills was found between Fùrmica and the neighboring Falabia region; in the 1959, five tombs were discovered in Fùrmica, near the Mirona building, which yielded Greek material, dated between the end of the fifth and the fourth centuries; also, in the Messina property another tomb was found without grave goods and in the Scollo property was found a louterion foot of accurate workmanship, and also some rooms with traces of plaster on the walls and a floor composed of limestone slabs were excavated. So, without a doubt we can think that the Tellaro valley was inhabited in the classical Greek period and the discoveries of the Scollo property above all, lead to believe that they were luxurious houses, inhabited by the owners. Along the ancient road ‘Palazzolo Falabia-Fùrmica’, which follows the route of the road that descended from Akrai to Tellaro, the Fùrmica plain is located within the wide valley of the river del Tellaro, the ancient city of ‘Heloros’ which marks the western limit of the Akrai plateau. A rich area with fertile soils where olive trees, vines, almond trees and grain production thrive to this day: this wealth of soils led to the proliferation of numerous settlements, mainly agricultural in nature. So, the our discovery has its topographical importance: beyond the known centres (Syracuse, Akrai, Monte Casale) it’s evident that there were smaller settlements, probably ‘farms’ spread in the countryside, 19 where the owner lived with his family and his servants, who is buried where he lived, using for himself the most precious pottery as a ‘cremation ossuary’, and the vase’s representation itself becomes a marker of the status of the dead. Since the 4th century BC, we witness the rapid disappearance of many towns in southern and central Sicily, affirming a different phase of occupation of the territory, with few farms grouped in the locality of the valley, while the cities are reduced, mostly concentrated on the north and east coast of the island. This is a profound transforma-
19
Curcio 1979, 79–90.
Fig. 6. Plan of the Fùrmica plain (after Curcio 1979, 80)
tion which come from the change in the dominant mode of production, characterized by large fields cultivating cereals and raising livestock. 20 The ‘Acrense’ countryside also fits into this historical context: it is widely inhabited and draws her income from agriculture, based on small land ownership, which still enjoys prosperity throughout the Hellenistic period, 21 before the spread of the latifundium. We interpret other ‘excellent’ finds made in the area around Syracuse in the same way, such as the calyx-krater of Canicattini found in the Alfano property of the Bagni region, or the same krater of Bimisca discovered in the countryside between Noto and Pachino, which Orsi himself reports. 22
20 Martin & Vallet 1981, 336–340; Martin, Pelagatti & Vallet 1981, 420–431. About the residence and production of Greek farms in Sicily, to same time, cf. Di Stefano 2002, 95–115. 21 I think of, above all, the Aguglia farm: Curcio & Pelagatti 1970, 436–499. 22 Orsi 1915, 212 and fig. 20.
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Literature Baggio, M. 2004. I gesti della seduzione. Tracce di comunicazione non verbale nella ceramica greca tra VI e IV secolo a.C., Roma. Bazant, J. 1994. ‘Pothos I’, in: Ackermann, H. Ch. (ed.), Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae VII. Oidipous-Theseus, Zürich–München–Düsseldorf: 501–503. Beazley, J. D. 1959. ‘Spina e la ceramica greca’, in: without editor, Atti del I Convegno di Studi Etruschi. Ferrara, 8–11 settembre 1957. Spina e l’Etruria Padana, Studi Etruschi suppl. XXV, Firenze: 47–56. Beazley, J. D. 1963. Attic Red-figure Vase-painters, Oxford. Boardman, J. 1988. ‘Trade in Greek decorated Pottery’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 7: 27–33. Boardman, J. 2001. The History of Greek Vases, London. CVA 1941. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, Italia XVII. Siracusa, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Arias, P. E. (ed.), Roma. Curcio, A. 1979. ‘Resti di fattorie antiche nella vallata del Tellaro’, Sicilia Archeologica 12: 79–90. Curcio, G. & Pelagatti, P. 1970. ‘Akrai (Siracusa) Ricerche nel territorio”, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità XXIV: 436–523. De La Geniere, J. 2011. ‘Le dèpart du guerrier à Camarina’, in: Giudice, G. & Giudice, E. (eds.), Αττικόν … κέραμον Vedere greco a Camarina dal principe di Biscari ai nostri giorni, vol. II, Catania: 89–96. Di Stefano, G. 2002. ‘La casa greca nel IV secolo nella Sicilia sud-orientale. Il caso della chora di Camarina’, in: Bonacasa, N., Braccesi, L. & De Miro, E. (eds.), La Sicilia dei due Dionisi. Atti della settimana di Agrigento 1999. 24–29 febbraio, Roma: 93–115.
Isler-Kerenyi, C. 1996. ‘Un cratere selinuntino e il problema dei giovani ammantati’, in: I vasi attici ed altre ceramiche coeve in Sicilia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale: Catania, Camarina, Gela, Vittoria, 28 marzo-1 aprile 1990, vol. I, Palermo: 49–53. Johnston, A. W. 1979. Trademarks on Greek Vases, Warminster. Johnston, A. W. 1996. ‘Fifty Century Prices’, in: without editor, I vasi attici ed altre ceramiche coeve in Sicilia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale: Catania, Camarina, Gela, Vittoria, 28 marzo-1 aprile 1990, vol. II, Palermo: 81–87. Martin, R., Pelagatti, P. & Vallet, G. 1981. ‘Alcune osservazioni sulla cultura materiale. Le città come centro di scambi. Città e campagna’, in: Gabba, E. & Vallet, G. (eds.), La Sicilia Antica, vol. I.2, Napoli: 420–431. Martin, R. & Vallet, G. 1981. ‘L’architettura domestica’, in: Gabba, E. & Vallet, G. (eds.), La Sicilia Antica, vol. I.2, Napoli: 321–354. Musumeci, A. 2019. ‘Dall’età arcaica all’ellenismo. L’archeologia delle città greche’, in: Malacrino, C. & Musumeci, M. (eds.), Paolo Orsi. Alle origini dell’archeologia tra Calabria e Sicilia. Catalogo della mostra (Reggio Calabria, 3 luglio-8 settembre 2019), Reggio di Calabria: 563, no. 5.96. Orsi, P. 1915. ‘III. Palazzolo Acreide (Acrae)’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 1915.6: 210–211. Schimdt, M., Trendall, A. D. & Cambitoglou, A. 1976. Eine Gruppe Apulischer Grabvasen in Basel. Studien zu Gehalt und Form der unteritalischen Sepulkralkunst, Basel. Vanaria, M. G. 2005. ‘Gli specchi’, in: Bernabò Brea, L. & Cavalier, M., Bellezza ed eleganza femminile nella Lipari greca ed ellenistica, Palermo: 81–87.
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Repertoire of Brooches from Akrai/Acrae* Ireneusz Jakubczyk
Abstract This chapter is focused on the repertoire of brooches from Akrai. Excavations carried out between 2012– 2020, in the residential area of town, yielded 42 bronze fibulae and their fragments (figs. 1–7). They primarily represent various types: Jezerine, Alesia, Gorica, and Almgren 65. This set of brooches is supplemented by a single Middle La Tène fibula, dated to the 260/250–120 BC, with some items occurring still at the beginning of Roman Imperial period. 14 brooches have been identified as Jezerine type, appeared around the middle of the 1st century BC and continued during the Augustan period. 3 fibulae probably belong to the Gorica type, dated mainly to the Augustan period, while they remain in use in some cases into the reign of Tiberius. Another 5 fragments were identified as Alesia type used by the Roman army, from the middle of the 1st century BC to the beginning of the 1st century AD, before being replaced by the Avcissa type. Next 2 brooches belong to the Almgren 65 type dated to the second quarter of the 1st century BC (90/70 BC). Their production flourished in the Late Republican period and went out of use in the early Augustan period between 35/30 and 15/10 BC. Sicily, Akrai, fibula, Middle La Tène brooch, Jezerine, Alesia, Gorica, Almgren 65
Middle La Tène brooches The assemblage of brooches from Akrai includes a Middle La Tène fibula (inv. no. AK15/I/4–250), with a four coil spring with bottom chord and arched bow, round in section (fig. 1:1). The end of the foot and the pin catch is located lower than the head of the bow. This type of fibulae can be found from the Iberian Peninsula in the west, to the Near East and south Russia in the east. 1 It is generally considered to have appeared ca. 260/250–120 BC, with sporadic
* 1
This study does not include Avcissa type fibulae, which will be the subject of separate study prepared by Roksana Chowaniec. Dionisio 2012, 173 and 174.
finds as late as the early stages of the Empire. 2 Analogous finds from Sicily 3 were found in the sanctuaries of Demeter Malophoros 4 in Selinunte (Trapani province) and Erice 5 (Trapani province),
2 3 4 5
Reinecke 1902, 54 and 63; Reinecke 1911, 364, no. 1141 and Pl. 63; Beltz 1911, 665; Gebhard 1989, 74 and 118; Baitniger 2012, 365. Middle La Tène fibulae form Sicily and Calabria were elaborated by H. Baitiger (cf. Baitniger 2012). Gabrici 1927, 361, fig. 155 and 363; Baitniger 2012, 366 and fig. 1a. Baitniger 2012, 368 and fig. 2.
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Fig. 1. Brooches from Akrai: 1) A Middle La Tène fibula; 2, 4–5) Jezerine IIb brooches; 3) Jezerine IIa brooch; 6) Jezerine III brooch (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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as well as the sanctuary of the Palici (province of Catania). 6 Middle La Tène fibulae discovered in Sicily are mainly found in settlement contexts (Selinunte, Monte Iato, Megara Hyblaea, Morgantina), but also in sacral contexts – such as the sanctuary of Malophoros in Selinunte and in the vicinity of the necropolis of Mozia – however, they have never been found in a burial context. They are usually considered imports to the island, due to the symmetrical coil originating from Central Europe, which contrasts with the widely used local unilateral spirals. 7 The dissemination of Middle La Tène fibulae was probably the result of the extensive employment of mercenaries throughout the Hellenistic period. Iberian and Celtic mercenaries could have been drawn to Sicily, serving alongside Punic and Roman armies. As for determining a detailed chronology of the Sicilian finds, indicators are unfortunately very limited and unreliable at this stage. The oldest of these Middle La Tène fibula could probably be dated to the 3rd century BC, the earliest, whereas the earliest were found along with Almgren 65, Jezerine or Avcissa fibulae. 8
Fibulae of Jezerine type The Jezerine fibulae ensemble in Akrai consists of 14 fragments, the largest group of the collection under analysis. Considered to be Roman in origin, it displays features of Celtic craftsmanship. This type of fibulae is quite widespread, with occurrences in the Iberian Peninsula and Greece. They are most often found in the regions laying to the south and southeast of the Alps, suggesting the Po Valley and the southeastern Alps as a point of origin. 9 In Sicily, the largest number of Jezerine fibulae was discovered in Morgantina: an ensemble of 60 artifacts – compared to Monte Iato, where 18 were found. 10 Single finds were recorded in Erice 11 and
6 7 8 9
10 11
Maniscalco 2008, 235, nos. 540, 542–543 and fig. 149; Baitiger 2012, 374 and fig. 5: a, b. Lo Schiavo 2010; Baitiger 2012, 384. Baitiger 2012, 384. Adam & Feugère 1982, 149–150 and fig. 13; Erice Lacabe 1995, 71–75 and Pl. 11: 88–92; Demetz 1999, 102–103 and maps 29–31; Baitinger & Rasbach 2018, 51 and fig. 6; Woźniak 2020, 174 and 175. Baitiger & Rasbach 2018, 51. Bovio Marconi 1950, 96 and Pl. 6.
Mozia (Trapani province), 12 at the sanctuary of Palici near Mineo, 13 Megara Hyblea and Palagonia (Catania province). 14 Jezerine type fibulae have been addressed in comprehensive typological works found in Elisabeth Ettinger, 15 Anne-Marie Adam and Michel Feugère 16 and Stefan Demetz. 17 Stefan Demetz distinguished three types of Jezerine fibulae, based on the shape of the bow. His classification is an extension of the division proposed by A. Adam and M. Feugère. 18 Type I consists of fibulae with smooth rectangular bows, Type II fibulae whose rectangular bows are decorated with ribs, while Type III have non-rectangular bows. The Jezerine fibulae discovered in Akrai are fragmentarily preserved. In this ensemble, parts of the bow are often preserved, sometimes with the whole four coil springs, and exceptionally, the foot. Despite this limited state of preservation, they can certainly be assigned to Type II according to S. Demetz’s classification. As mentioned above, this type is characterized by a rectangular shape of the bow and decorated with plastic ribs. The S. Demetz’s classification also includes sub-types. Type IIa is characterized by a bow, reinforced in the middle with a narrow, low rib, which can often be clearly corrugated or ribbed. In Akrai, only one Type IIa fibula was found (inv. no. AK12/I/1– 81) (fig. 1:3). It has two preserved coils of spring with lower chord. The fragmentarily preserved bow has a single rib, running through its center. Along the rib, only on the left side, a row of small rectangular hollows is visible: the trace of the puncheon. Jezerine Type IIb fibulae are characterised by having three to five ribs, more or less the same size, placed on the bow which forms a structure of strips at regular intervals. This sub-type is most represented in the finds in Akrai. The differences between the individual fibulae rest solely on the number of ribs and their decoration. Five plastic ribs run along the bows of 6 fibulae: inv. nos. AK 13/I/4–206; AK13/I/6–671; AK16/I/31–264; AK20/I/31–482; AK18/I/71–379; AK15/I/46–1010 (fig. 1:2; fig. 1:4; fig. 1:4; fig. 1:6; fig. 2:1; fig. 2:2). Slight differences can be observed between the width and height of individual ribs. The ductility may manifest itself in the presence of a wide and
12 13 14 15 16 17 18
Spatafora 1978, 67 and Pl. 1, fig. 2–4. Maniscalco 2008, 240 and fig. 545–546. Baitiger & Rasbach 2018, fig. 13. Ettlinger 1973, 45. Adam & Feugère 1982, 131–133. Demetz 1999, 99–105. Adam & Feugère 1982, 129–133.
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Fig. 2. Brooches from Akrai: 1–5) Jezerine IIb brooches; 6–7) Jezerine III/Feugèr 11d brooch (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 3. Brooches from Akrai: 1–2) Jezerine III/Feugère 11d brooches; 3–5) Gorica brooches; 6) Alesia brooch (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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260 | Ireneusz Jakubczyk low middle rib, which is limited from the edge by two more narrow and slightly lower ones (inv. nos. AK 13/I/4–206; AK16/I/31–264; AK15/I/46–1010) (fig. 1:2; fig. 1:4; fig. 2:2) or through a high and narrow center (inv. no. AK20/I/31–482) (fig. 1:6). In this group, only two copies bear additional decorations. In the first case, ornamental incisions are found in the middle of the ribs (inv. no. AK15/I/46– 1010) (fig. 2:2). In the second, there are notched lines on the four lower ribs imitating granulation (inv. no. AK18/I/71–379) (fig. 2:1). A triple ribbing on the bow of fibula recovered from layer US.1 is notable (inv. no. AK15/I/1–136) (fig. 2:3). In this case, the ribs are placed at the edge of the bow: smooth and low, except the middle rib, which is slightly higher and larger, with an ornament imitating pearling. The location of the triple ribbing is similar to that of the fibula discovered in layer US.33 (inv. no. AK19/I/33–237) (fig. 2:5). The ribs on the bow are the same height and the middle one is slightly wider. An additional variant can be found in brooches registered under the inv. no. AK16/I/12–642 (fig. 2:4): only the edges of the bow are raised, while its center is gently profiled without a clearly accentuated rib. Greater challenges in typological assignment arise for three fragmentary fibulae (inv. nos. AK 15/I/12–1011; AK16/I/46–685; AK20/I–442) (fig. 2:6–7; fig. 3:1). These fibulae are characterized by a four-coil spring with a lower chord. Their bow is ellipsoidal in shape, the foot is narrow. In Richard Hattat’s 19 study, such fibulae are considered to be protoplasts of the Nauheim group, which the author dates to the 1st century BC/1st century AD. M. Feugère 20 grouped fibulae with similarly formed bow into Type 11d, present in scarce numbers from the second half of the 1st century BC. S. Demetz 21 classified similar forms to Jezerine Type III. Such a group is exemplified in Akrai by brooch from US.44 (fig. 3:2). This fibula also has a four-coil spring with a lower chord. The bow is short, slightly ellipsoidal in shape, and almost rectangular in section. Unfortunately, the fragmentary state of preservation limits further interpretation. The production of Jezerine fibulae began around the middle of the 1st century BC and continued during the Augustan period. 22 Their presence in 19 20 21 22
Hattat 1999, fig. 149: 238–240. Feugère 1985, 247–253. Demetz 1999, 101 and Pl. 26: 1. Ettlinger 1973, 42; Rieckhoff 1975, 24; Adam & Feugère 1982, 167; Demetz 1999, 104–105; Hattat 2000, 292, fig 151:13 and 746.
Sicily is interpreted in two ways. In both cases, it is associated with the relocation of Roman troops taking part in the civil war, for example, as part of the army of Sextus Pompey, who ruled the island between 42 and 36 BC. They may also date to the time of Octavian who, after his victory over Sextus Pompey, settled the veterans of the civil war on the island. 23
Fibulae of Gorica type Fragments of three fibulae discovered in Akrai probably belong to the Gorica type (inv. nos. AK20/ I–444; AK17/I/4–116; AK17/I/53–156) (fig. 3:3–5). All of them are equipped with a four-coil spring and a lower chord. Two of them have a slim and narrow bow, triangular in section with an accentuated rib. One of them is also decorated with rows of small diagonal incisions on its sides. In the case of one fibula, the bow is tape shaped with a slightly marked rib running through its center. This form was described by Sabine Rieckhoff 24: it features a spring mechanism and an oval or polygonal section of the bow. S. Demetz divided fibulae of this type into two main groups, with variants based on the cross-section of the bow and decorative presence. The occurrence of the Gorica type fibulae largely coincides with the range of Jezerine type fibulae, encompassing alpine areas. 25 S. Demetz dated both groups mainly to the Augustan period, considering them the earliest discoveries from the graves of Arquà Petrarca 5 and Valeggio 104, while they remain in use in some cases into the reign of Tiberius. 26
Fibulae of Alesia type The fragments of 5 fibulae discovered in Akrai, discovered in layers: US.0 (inv. no. AK15/I/0–21) (fig. 3:6), US.4 (inv. no. AK16/I/4–144) (fig. 4:1), US.12 (inv. no. AK15/I/12–999) (fig. 4:2), US.31 (inv. no. AK16/I/31–257) (fig. 4:3) and US.37 (inv. no. AK16/I/37–710) (fig. 4:4), belong to the Alesia type,
23 Baitiger & Rasbach 2018, 51. 24 Rieckhoff 1975, 24. 25 Rieckhoff 1975, map 5; Feugère 1985, 438; Demetz 1999, 102. 26 Demetz 1999, 102; Hattat 2000, 292 and fig. 151: 745; Meller 2012, 95; Dionisio 2012, 178; Dizdar & Tonc 2013, 55–58.
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as determined by E. Ettlinger’s classification – also identified as Type 28, following S. Rieckhoff 27 and M. Feugere, 28 and S. Demetz. 29 The Alesia type was identified by Alain Duval. 30 Alesia type fibulae were the first Roman type of fibula with a hinge mechanism. 31 Usually, their bow has the shape of a narrow triangle, wide at the head of the fibula and narrowing towards the foot. Some have smooth bows, while others have incised decoration; 32 they are almost always triangular in shape. The pin catch is most frequently rectangular and the foot ends with a nodule. These artifacts are considered to be the protoplast of Avcissa type fibulae. 33 These fibulae were in use by the Roman army, from the middle of the 1st century BC to the beginning of the 1st century AD, before being replaced by the Avcissa type. 34 Alesia type fibulae are mainly found in Italy and Spain. Their presence in different cultural contexts suggests that they accompany the spread of Roman interests’ activities to the north and the east, 35 or as, pointed out by S. Demetz 36 may be a marker of the movement of civilians following the army. This resulted in an extensive terminology: Type 28 (Ettlinger), Type 5.1 (Riha), Type 21 (Feugère). 37 S. Demetz divided them into two large groups, with variants and sub-variants, using the morphology of the bow and the ornament as the main criteria. 38 M. Feugère proposed a similar classification, dividing the Alesia type – Type 21 – into several variants, in which type 21a has a triangular-shaped bow with a few ornaments, and in the case of variant 21b, the bow shows a more complex scheme. 39 The Alesia type fibulae discovered in Akrai were found 27 Rieckhoff 1975, 18. 28 Feugère 1985, 299–311. 29 Due to their large variety they are addressed as the Alesia group (Demetz 1999, 156–164). 30 Duval 1974, 67. 31 Duval, 1974, 67; Dionisio 2012, 193; Lafli & Buora 2018, 397 and 398. 32 Lafli & Buora 2018, 397 and 398; Feugère 2015, 66 and fig. 3. 33 Ettlinger, 1973, 89; Pieta, 1982, 39; Feugère 1985, 300; Demetz 1999, 156; Hattat 2000, 316 and fig. 175; Lafli & Buora 2018, 397 and 398. 34 Rieckhoff, 1975, 25; Demetz 1999, 163 and 164; Dionisio 2012, 193; Feugère 2015, 65; Lafli & Buora 2018, 397. 35 Rieckhoff, 1975, 25; Demetz 1999, 162 and 163; Buora 2005, 85 and fig. 1; Feugère 2015, 65; Lafli & Buora 2018, 397. 36 Demetz 1999, 163. 37 Ettlinger 1973, 89–92; Riha 1979, 113; Feugère 1985, 299–311. 38 Demetz 1999, 157–162. 39 Feugère 1985, 299–311.
in a fragmented state. The upper parts of the pin catch of three of them is preserved. For one of the fragments, typological determination was made on the basis of the preserved foot and the lower part of the pin catch, whereas another fibula has a broken off fragment of the foot and the pin catch. All of the bows of the above-mentioned fibulae are decorated. The upper part of the bow of fibula of the inv. no. AK15/I/0–21 has a smooth, horizontal, rectangular space below with incised decorative lines, forming a motif of two hanging triangles directed downwards. Between them, in the central part of the bow there is an almond shaped ornament. Encompassing these decorations there is an ornament made of thin incised lines, arranged in a rhomboid pattern. The bow of fibula (inv. no. AK16/I/4–144) (fig. 4:1) is incised with three lines running along its edge and vertically through its center. A fragment of the clasp of inv. no. AK16/I/37–710 (fig. 4:4) is decorated with incised lines and a diagonal grid arranged in a triangular motif. The motif of the triangles is also visible on fibula inv. no. AK16/I/31–257 (fig. 4:3). On its bow, there are two triangles with their apex directed downwards, decorated with a diagonal grid ornament. The triangles are organized in two rows, there are three in the upper part and two below. The fibula from layer US.12 (inv. no. AK15/I/12– 999) (fig. 4:2) features a different kind of ornamentation: a bow decorated in the upper part with two horizontal incised lines separated from the edges by stroked, oval, depressions. Below the line, there is a row of three concentric circles punched out from underneath, separated below with a double incised line. Underneath, through the center of the bow, there are two incised lines with a stroked circle at the center. The passage of the bow into the foot is accentuated by an ‘X’ motif with stroked points, framed in its top and bottom by two horizontal incised lines. Unlike the previous examples, this element seems to have been made with little attention to detail. Among the Alesia type fibulae discovered in Akrai, a difference in fabrication, previously underlined by M. Feugère in his studies, is also observable. 40 The hinge mechanism in the case of Alesia fibulae was created by the appropriate shaping of the upper part of the bow and accurate folding to form a hinge. The direction of the folding is important in this case. The early forms were characterized by the hinge bent inwards, while the later
40 Feugère 2015, 66.
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Fig. 4. Brooches from Akrai: 1–4) Alesia brooches; 5) Alesia IIa brooch (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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ones were rolled outwards. 41 The fibulae discovered in Akrai (inv. nos. AK16/I/4–144; AK16/I/31– 257) (fig. 4:1; fig. 4:3) have a hinge folded inward, while the different ornamentation of the fibulae (inv. no. AK15/I/12–999) (fig. 4:2) has a hinge folded outward. Fibula of inv. no. AK17/I/54–193 (fig. 4:5) could probably be categorized as S. Demetz’s Alesia Type IIa. These are characterized by the presence of rectangular tiles placed on the bow. 42 In M. Feugère’s 43 classification, they belong to Type 21b. Marco Guštin 44 carried out detailed research into this question, being the first to draw attention to the diversity the tiles form. In general, the entire Alesia II Type fibulae group is characterized by the presence of a segmented forming of the bow, which varies in shape. 45
Fibulae of Almgren 65 type Fragments of two fibulae discovered in Akrai are identified as Almgren 65 (inv. nos. AK16/I/0–100; AK16/I/4–53) (fig. 5:1–2). In both cases, the head and a fragment of the bow with plastic decoration is preserved. Oskar Almgren’s research set new standards on many aspects of the handling of fibulae. While developing this classification, he assumed that the development of fibulae had to be progressive, from simpler to more complicated forms 46. He considered the type Almgren 65 and Almgren 67 forms to be the protoplasts of heavily profiled fibulae, representing, according to him, group IV. 47 The types Almgren 65 and 66 fibulae were later further elaborated in detailed publications. 48 Fibulae of this form originate from the areas of present-day northern Italy and western Austria. 49 Most of them are made of bronze. There are also some made out of precious metals and iron, the latter being imitations of fibulae made of non-fer-
41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49
Feugère 2015, 66. Demetz 1999, 160. Feugère 1985, 304 and 306. Guštin 1986; Guštin 1991. Feugère 1985, 304, 311 and fig. 42; Demetz 1999, 160; Istenič 2005, 185. Almgren 1923, 72. Almgren 1923, 4; Demetz 1998, 137. Ettlinger 1973, 48–54, as 8 – Knotenfibeln type; Buora, Candussio & Demetz 1992; Demetz 1999, 32–38; Meller 2012, 53–70. Demetz 1999, 32, 33 and maps 1−5; Meller 2012, 66, 67 and maps 13−16.
rous metals. 50 Iron specimens are particularly found in Alpine areas, and they are completely absent in areas south of the Po. 51 S. Demetz, distinguished 4 subtypes and their variants on the basis of the ornamental bubbles, and shapes of the head and foot. The first group consisted of ‘classic’ Almgren 65 fibulae whereas the second encompassed derivative forms. 52 Fibulae obtained from well-datable contexts allowed them to be dated to the second quarter of the 1st century BC (90/70 BC). Their production flourished in the Late Republican period and went out of use in the early Augustan period between 35/30 and 15/10 BC. 53
Other brooches Within the analyzed ensemble, there was one plate fibula (inv. no. AK13/I/4–133) (fig. 5:3). This fragmented bronze fibula is circled by six nodules. The shape of the nodules is similar to that of a triangle, on which two round convex nodules are placed. The plate, probably with an empty central part, is decorated on the outer and inner circumference with plastic, convex nodules forming a pearl motif. The middle part of the disc is decorated with convex nodules and vertical lines. The hinge mechanism is unfortunately not preserved. Generally, the state of preservation of the mentioned artifact allows it to be assigned to Emilie Riha’s group 7. 54 According to the systematization proposed by M. Feugère, 55 this fibula corresponds to type 24, in particular 24a and 24c. Very often, these fibulae are decorated with a geometric pattern in the form of an imprinted granulation. The deformed and damaged middle part of the plate makes this object very difficult to identify typologically. For instance, whether a tutulus was present in the central part is difficult to determine, based on the number of the preserved nodules surrounding the plate. Fibulae of this type are dated to the Claudian period, and their presence is attested from 30/40 to 60/70 AD. 56
50 Gebhard 1991, 14, 15, 27 and 28; Demetz 1999, 28 and note 57. 51 Demetz 1999, 28 and 244; Meller 2012, 68. 52 Meller 2012, 54–65. 53 Demetz 1998, 139; Demetz 1999, 37. 54 Riha 1979, 186 and Pl. 60, 61; Riha 1994, 159 and Pl. 41, 42. 55 Feugère 1985, 335–350. 56 Feugère 1985, 344.
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Fig. 5. Brooches from Akrai: 1–2) Almgren 65 brooches; 3) Riha 7.11–12 (?) fibula; 4–5) Unidentified brooches (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 6. Brooches from Akrai: 1–6) Unidentified brooches (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
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Fig. 7. Brooches from Akrai: 1–6) Unidentified brooches (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Conclusions The analyzed ensemble also included 14 fibulae, of which the state of preservation did not allow for an elaborated typological identification. In some cases, despite the fact that large parts of them are preserved, it seems impossible to assign them to particular types, due to the lack of diagnostic features. These include a bronze fibula (inv. no. AK15/I/31–446) (fig. 5:4) with a massive, triangular cross-section bow and a frame foot, and a massive iron fibula (inv. no. AK19/I/31–416) (fig. 5:5) with an elliptical bow with a semicircular profile. Fibula of inv. no. AK14/I/24–707 (fig. 6:1), with a tapering bow, triangular in section, was also assigned to the group of indeterminate fibulae. Its short leg is probably ended with a plastic nodule. Fragments of fibulae (inv. nos. AK12/2/I/4–139; AK 13/I/1–142) (fig. 6:2–3) with a four-coil spring with a bottom chord may be remains of a Gorica-type fibula or fragments of a Middle La Tène fibula. Most probably, fibula of inv. no. AK15/I/31– 526 (fig. 6:4) belongs to the Middle La Tène type;
however, the lack of preserved foot makes it impossible for an accurate typological identification. Fragments of following fibulae: inv. nos. AK17/ I/4–140; AK18/I/3–245; AK18/I/69–291; AK19/I/31– 365; AK19/I/75–154; AK19/I–102; AK20/I–433 (fig. 6:5–7; fig. 1–6), are characterized by partially preserved elements of a spring mechanism or pin catch. The fibulae discovered so far at Akrai represent a chronologically compact ensemble, dated from the second quarter of the 1st century BC to the middle of the 1st century AD. The overall aspect of the fibulae suggest strongly that their dissemination is related to the expansion of Roman interests associated with the movement of the Roman army or movement of civilians following the army. Their owners may have been part of the armies of Sextus Pompey, who ruled the island between 42 and 36 BC. They may also date from the time of Octavian Augustus, who, after his victory over Sextus Pompey, offered settlement to civil war veterans on the island.
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Catalogue The following is a catalogue of brooches recorded in Akrai, compiled in accordance with the rules observed in previous publications of archaeological material from this site. Abbreviations: Inv. no. – inventory number; A – hectare/are/square; B – stratum; C – preserved length of brooch; D – bow width; E – diameter
No. 1
No. 4
Inv. no. AK12/2/I/4–139 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 C. 6.50cm; D. 0.50cm Three fragments of bronze fibula with four coil spring and bottom chord. Bow uniform in thickness, oval in section (?), fragmentarily preserved. Foot and pin catch missing (fig. 6:2). Type: unidentified
Inv. no. 13/I/1–142 A. XXIX/56/1; B. US.1 C. 6.50cm Fragment of bronze fibula. Four coil spring, bottom chord, and pin preserved (fig. 6:3). Type: unidentified
No. 5
No. 2 Inv. no. AK13/I/1–81 A. XXIX/55/1; B. US.1 C. 2.50cm; D. 0.80cm Fragment of bow and coil of bronze fibula. Two of the original four coils preserved with bottom chord and fragment of rectangular in section band bow with accentuated rib running through the middle. Along the rib, on the left side, a row of rectangular depressions (punched?) is visible. Foot and catch missing (fig. 1:3). Type: Jezerine IIa
No. 3 Inv. no. AK13/I/4–133 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.4 E. 3.30cm Fragmentarily preserved bronze, plate fibula. Six, triangular protuberances with two round nodules on each. The plate, probably hollow or tutulus, decorated on the internal and external circumference with granulation. The central part of the plate is decorated with granules separated from one another by double, vertical ribs. Hinge not preserved (fig. 5:3). Type: Riha 7.11–12 (?)
Inv. no. AK13/I/4–206 A. XXIX/66/1; B. US.4 C. 5.20cm; D. 1.20cm Fragment of fibula. Central part is slightly convex, separated from the edge with two, plastic ribs (fig. 1:2). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 6 Inv. no. AK13/I/16–671 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.6 C. 7.30cm; D. 1.20cm Fragmentarily preserved bronze fibula. Four coil spring with bottom chord. Bow, rectangular with four, semicircular, convex, perpendicular reels. The reels are smooth and not decorated. The bow is deformed, ‘uncoiled’. Foot and catch missing (fig. 1:5). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 7 Inv. no. AK14/I/21–235 A. XXIX/55/3; B. US.21 C. 4.60cm Fragment of bronze fibula. Single coil of spring and pin preserved, pin missing the tip (fig. 7:5). Type: unidentified
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No. 8 Inv. no. AK14/I/24–707 A. XXIX/55/4; B. US.24 C. 6.70cm; D. 1.70cm Corroded, iron (?) fibula. Bow triangular in section, tapering downwards, short foot concluded probably with a round, plastic nodule. Head of the bow, pin and spring not preserved. Quadrangular pin catch, needle holder not preserved (fig. 6:1). Type: unidentified
No. 9 Inv. no. AK15/I/0–21 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.0 C. 3.20cm; D. 1.90cm Fragment of deformed bronze fibula. Spring and pin not preserved. The bow is triangular, in the upper part there is a rectangular field, below which a decoration of incised triangles with their apexes facing down is located. Between them there is an almond-shaped ornament in the central part of the bow. Around these ornaments there is a decoration made of thin engraved lines forming a motif of rhombus-shaped grid. The foot is triangular, tapering towards the pointed end. There is a plastic rib in the middle of the foot. The edges of the bow and the foot are accentuated with a convex rib (fig. 3:6). Type: Alesia
No. 10 Inv. no. AK15/I/1–136 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.1 C. 3.70cm; D. 1.00cm Fragment of bronze fibula. Two coils of the spring and bottom chord preserved. Bow is rectangular with three, plastic, perpendicular ribs. Ribs closer to the edge are smooth and short; ribs in the middle are more pronounced, larger, notched/with beading. Foot and catch missing (fig. 2:3). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 11 Inv. no. AK15/I/4–250 A. XXIX/??/??; B. US.4 C. 7.20cm; D. 0.30cm
One-piece construction, bronze fibulae of middle La Tène type. Four coil spring with upper chord. High arched bow. Triangular, wire-foot (fig. 1:1). Type: middle La Tène
No. 12 Inv. no. AK15/I/44–422 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.44 C. 2.50cm; D. 0.80cm Fragmentarily preserved one-piece, bronze fibula with pronouncedly tapered foot. Four coil spring, bottom chord (fig. 3:2). Type: Jezerine III (?)
No. 13 Inv. no. AK15/I/31–446 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.31 C. 4.60cm; D. 1.00cm Fragmentarily preserved bronze fibula with a massive, triangular in section bow and frame foot. Ring placed at the head of the bow (?) (fig. 5:4) Type: unidentified
No. 14 Inv. no. AK15/I/31–526 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.31 C. 4.30cm; E. 0.40cm Fragmentarily preserved one-piece bronze fibula. One coil of the spring preserved. Pin not preserved. The bow delicately arched, circular in section, foot narrow, also circular in section, fragmentarily preserved. Pin and catch missing (fig. 6:4). Type: unidentified
No. 15 Inv. no. AK15/I/12–999 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.12 C. 6.20cm; E. 1.50cm Bronze fibula with hinge terminating in a plastic nodule. Bow tapering downwards, triangular in shape. Decorated in the upper part with two horizontal incised lines separated from the edges by stroked oval, depressions. Below the line, there is a row of three concentric circles punched out from underneath, separated below with a double incised line. Underneath, through the center of the bow, there are two incised lines, in the center of
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which a stroked circle is located. The passage of the bow into the foot is accentuated by an ornament consisting of an ‘X’ motif with stroked points, also limited from the top and bottom by two horizontal incised lines. Ornament made with little attention to detail. Pin and catch missing (fig. 4:2). Type: Alesia
No. 16 Inv. no. AK15/I/46–1010 A. XXIX/56/3; B. US.46 C. 6.90cm; E. 1.00cm Fragmentarily preserved, deformed, bronze fibula. The bow is rectangular with accentuated central roll at the length. On both sides of the central rib, slightly shorter, less clear parallel ribs with horizontal, incised linear decoration. Edges of the bow raised. Foot distinct from the bow, solid, quadrangular needle catch preserved (fig. 2:2). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 17 Inv. no. AK15/I/12–1011 A. XXIX/66/3; B. US.12 C. 5.70cm; E. 1.70cm Bronze, slightly deformed, one-piece of fibula. Four coil spring with bottom chord. Ellipsoidal bow with a single incised line in the center. Tapered, quadrangular needle catch preserved, pin missing. Type: Jezerine III (?) (fig. 2:6)
No. 18 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–53 A. XXIX/56/2; B. US.4 C. 4.20cm; E. 1.20cm Fragment of a bronze fibula. Head and central part preserved with a massive, semicircular roll limited on both sides with single, smaller rolls. Fragment of frame catch preserved. Pin and spring missing (fig. 5:2). Type: Almgren 65
No. 19 Inv. no. AK16/I/0–100 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.0 C. 4.00cm; E. 1.40cm
Fragment of a bronze fibula. Head and central part preserved with a massive, semicircular roll limited on both sides with single, smaller rolls (fig. 5:1). Type: Almgren 65
No. 20 Inv. no. AK16/I/4–144 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 6.00cm; E. 2.00cm Fragment of triangular bow of bronze fibula. Bow decorated with three incised lines along the edges, and vertically through the center (fig. 4:1). Type: Alesia
No. 21 Inv. no. AK16/I/31–257 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.31 C. 3.30cm; E. 2.00cm Triangular bow of bronze fibula. Bow decorated with two rows of triangles with apex directed downwards. In the interior of the triangles – incised decoration forming a grid. In the upper row there are three triangles and below there are two (fig. 4:3). Type: Alesia
No. 22 Inv. no. AK16/I/31–264 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.31 C. 4.10cm; E. 1.20cm Fragmentarily preserved one-piece bronze fibula. Spring fragmentarily preserved, originally had four coils with bottom chord. Bow rectangular, profiled, with raised edges. Fragmentarily preserved in the upper part, where a decoration of plastic circles is visible (fig. 1:4). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 23 Inv. no. AK16/I/12–642 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.12 C. 3.50cm; E. 1.00cm Fragmentarily preserved one-piece, bronze fibula. Four coil spring with bottom cord. Quadrangular foot, profiled, with raised edges (fig. 2:4). Type: Jezerine IIb
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No. 24 Inv. no. AK16/I/46–685 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.46 C. 2.50cm; E. 1.10cm Two fragments of one-piece fibula. Four coil spring with bottom chord. Bow elliptically formed, rectangular in section, fragmentarily preserved. Narrow foot, solid pin catch completely preserved (fig. 2:7). Type: Jezerine III
No. 25 Inv. no. AK16/I/37–710 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.37 C. 3.10cm; E. 1.00cm Foot and fragment of triangular bow of bronze fibula. Bow decorated with incised lines and diagonal grid (fig. 4:4). Type: probably Alesia
No. 26 Inv. no. AK17/I/4–116 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 4.50cm; E. 0.40cm Fragmentarily preserved, one-piece, bronze fibula. From the original four-coil spring, only two coils preserved with bottom chord. Bow almost semi-circular in section, fragmentarily preserved. In the center of the bow, a row of horizontal incisions. Foot missing (fig. 3:4). Type: Gorica
No. 27 Inv. no. AK17/I/4–140 A. XXIX/76/1; B. US.4 C. 5.10cm Fragment of pin and one coil of spring preserved. The pin is missing the tip (fig. 6:5). Type: unidentified
No. 28 Inv. no. AK17/I/53–156 A. XXIX/75/2; B. US.53 C. 3.60cm; E. 0.50cm Fragmentarily preserved one-piece, bronze fibula. Four-coil spring with bottom chord. Fragmen-
tarily preserved bow, rectangular in section with vertical rib along the center. Foot missing (fig. 3:5). Type: Gorica
No. 29 Inv. no. AK17/I/54–193 A. XXIX/65/4; B. US.54 C. 6.00cm; E. 1.40cm Bronze fibula with hinge construction. Triangular bow, made of segments of rectangular plates (fig. 4:5). Type: Alesia IIa
No. 30 Inv. no. AK18/I/3–245 A. XXIX/44/4; B. US.3 C. 6.50cm Fragment of bronze fibula (fig. 6:6). Type: unidentified
No. 31 Inv. no. AK18/I/69–291 A. XXIX/44/4–45/3; B. US.69 C. 2.70cm Fragment of bronze fibula. Pin catch and garment of narrow foot preserved (fig. 6:7). Type: unidentified
No. 32 Inv. no. AK18/I/71–379 A. XXIX/46/3; B. US.71 C. 3.70cm; E. 1.00cm Fragmentarily preserved, bronze fibula. Four-coil spring with bottom chord. Rectangular bow with five ribs. Middle rib is plain, other decorated with horizontal incisions. Pin catch and pin missing (fig. 2:1). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 33 Inv. no. AK18/I/3F–396 A. XXIX/45/4; B. US.3F C. 4.10cm
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Fragment of bronze fibula. Two spring coils and garment of round in section bow are preserved (fig. 7:4). Type: Gorica or middle La Tène
section bow. Short foot, catch extends beyond the foot (fig. 5:5). Type: unidentified
No. 39
No. 34 Inv. no. AK19/I–102 A. XXIX/46/3 C. 2.00cm Pin catch of a bronze fibula (fig. 7:2). Type: unidentified
Inv. no. AK20/I–433 A. XXIX/76/3 C. 3.30cm Fragment of a pin catch of a bronze fibula (fig. 7:3). Type: unidentified
No. 40
No. 35 Inv. no. AK19/I/75–154 A. XXIX/45/3; B. US.75 C. 1.40cm Fragment of spring and pin of a bronze fibula (fig. 7:1). Type: unidentified
No. 36
Inv. no. AK20/I–442 A. XXIX/75/3 C. 4.70cm; D. 0.90cm Bronze fibula. Two-spring coil preserved. Ellipsoidal bow rectangular in section. Quadrangular, solid catch (fig. 3:1). Type: Jezerine III
No. 41
Inv. no. AK19/I/33–237 A. XXIX/55/3; B. US.33 C. 4.30cm; D. 1.00cm Fragment of bow and foot of bronze fibula. Spring not preserved. Bow decorated with three, ribs of same height. Middle rib wider than the ribs on the sides (fig. 2:5). Type: Jezerine IIb
No. 37
Inv. no. AK20/I–444 A. XXIX/75/1 C. 2.80cm; D. 0.50cm Fragment of a one-piece, bronze fibula. Four-coil spring with bottom chord. Short bow, slightly ellipsoidal, rectangular in section. Lowest part of the bow and pin catch missing (fig. 3:3). Type: Jezerine III
No. 41
Inv. no. AK19/I/31–365 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.31 C. 7.00cm Fragment of bronze fibula. Four coil spring, upper chord and pin preserved (fig. 7:6). Type: unidentified
No. 38 Inv. no. AK19/I/31–416 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.31 C. 5.20cm; D. 1.40cm Fragmentarily preserved massive, iron fibula. Spring not preserved. Ellipsoidal, semi-circular in
Inv. no. AK20/I/31–482 A. XXIX/76/3; B. US.31 C. 6.60cm; D. 1.00cm Bronze fibula. Band shaped bow with a central rib. Edges accentuated with ridges. Two grooves on the sides of the central rib. In the place where the bow passes into the foot, there is a ring made of tape clamped from the bottom of the bow. The narrow leg is fragmentarily preserved, thin catch missing (fig. 1:6). Type: Jezerine IIb
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Literature Adam, A. & Feugère, M. 1982. ‘Un aspect del l’arc alpin oriental et en Dalmatie au Ier s.av. J.-C.: les fibules du type dit de Jezerine’, Aquileia Nostra 53: 129–188. Almgren, O. 1923. Studien über nordeuropäische Fibelformen der ersten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderte mit Berücksichtigung der provinzialrömischen und südrussischen Formen, Mannus-Bibliothek 32, Leipzig. Baitinger, H. 2012. ‘Fibeln vom Mittellatèneschema auf Sizilien und Kalabrien’, Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz 59: 365–389. Baitinger, H. & Rasbach, G. 2018. ‘Lockruf des Geldes – “Keltische” Söldner auf Sizilien?’, Antike Welt 3: 47–53. Beltz, R. 1911. ‘Die Latènefibeln’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 43, 664–817, 930–943. Bovio Marconi, J. 1950. ‘El problema de los Elimos a la luz de los descubrimientos recientes’, Ampurias 12: 79–96. Buora, M. 2005. ‘Osservazioni sulle fibule del tipo Alesia nell’arco alpino orientale e nell’alto Adriatico. In memoria di Jochen Garbsch’, Vjestnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, 98: 83–91. Buora, M., Candussio, A. & Demetz S. 1992. ‘Fibule ad arpa o del tipo Almgren 65 in Friuli’, Quaderni Friulani di Archeologia II/1992: 65–84. Demetz, S. 1998. ‘Almgren Gruppe IV, Fig. 65–67: Zum Beginn der kräftig profilierten Fibeln’, in: Kunow, J. (ed.), 100 Jahre Fibelformen nach Oscar Almgren. Internationale Arbeitstagung 25.–28.05.1997, Kleinmachnow, Land Brandenburg, Wünsdorf: 137–148. Demetz, S. 1999. Fibeln der Spätlatène- und frühen römischen Kaiserzeit in den Alpenländern, Rahden/ Westf. Duval, A. 1974. ‘Un type particulier de fibule galo-romaine précoce: la fibule ,,d’Alesia”’, Antiquités Nationales 6: 67–76. Dionisio, A. 2012. ‘Le fibule dal V al I sec. a.C.’, in: Benedettini, M. G. (ed.), I bronzi della Collezione Gorga, Roma: 156–191. Dionisio, A. 2012. ‘Le fibule a cerniera dalla metà del I a.C. al II secolo d.C.’, in: Benedettini, M. G. (ed.), I bronzi della Collezione Gorga, Roma: 192–206. Dizdar, M. & Tonc, A. 2013. ‘Finds of fibulae from 1st century BC in Croatia: Trade and exchange between Eastern Alps, the Danube and the northern Adriatic area before and during Roman conquest’, in: Grabherr, G., Kainrath, B. & Schierl, T. (eds.), Relations Abroad. Brooches and
other elements of dress as sources for reconstructing interregional movement and group boundaries from the Punic Wars to the decline of the Western Roman Empire. Proceedings of the International Conference from 27th−29th April 2011 in Innsbruck, Innsbruck: 49–76. Erice Lacabe, E. 1995. Las fíbulas del nordeste de la Península Ibérica: siglos I a.e. al IV, Zaragoza. Ettlinger, E. 1973. Die römischen Fibeln in der Schweiz, Bern. Feugère, M. 2015. ‘L’arc ajouré des fibules d’Alésia, d’Aucissa et de Bagendon: liens typologiques et culturels’, in: Lemaître, S. & Batigne Vallet, C. (eds.), Mélanges Armand Desbat, Autun: 65–71. Feugère, M. 1985. Les fi bules en Gaule méridionale, de la conquête à la fi n du Ve siècle après J.-C., Revue archéologique de Narbonnaise 12. Gabrici, E. 1927. Il santuario della Malophoros a Selinunte, Milano. Gebhard, R. 1989. Der Glasschmuck aus dem Oppidum von Manching, Die Ausgrabungen in Manching 11, Stuttgart. Gebhard, R. 1991. Die Fibeln aus dem Oppidum von Manching, Die Ausgrabungen in Manching 14, Stuttgart. Guštin, M. 1986. ‘Fibule tardorepubblicane del Caput Adriae’, Aquileia nostra 57: 678–683. Guštin, M. 1991. ‘Les fibules du Type d’Alésia et leur variantes’, in: Duval, A. (eds.), Les Alpes à l’Âge du Fer, Paris: 427–434. Hattatt, R. 2000. A Visual Catalogue of Richard Hattatt’s Ancient Brooches, Oxford. Istenič, J. 2005. ‘Brooches of the Alesia group in Slovenia’, Arheološki vestnik 56: 187–212. Lafli, E. & Buora, M. 2018. ‘Five Roman fibulae in the museum of Kahramanmaraş in southeastern Turkey’, Folia Orientalia LV: 397–410. Lo Schiavo, F. 2010. Le fibule dell’Italia meridionale e della Sicilia dall’età del bronzo recente al VI secolo a. C, Stuttgart. Maniscalco, L. 2008. Il santuario dei Palici. Un centro di culto nella valle del Margi. Collana d’area, Palermo. Meller, H. 2012. Die Fibeln aus dem Reitia-Heiligtum von Este (Ausgrabungen 1880–1916). Studien zu den Spätlatèneformen/Le Fibule del santuario di Reitia a Este (scavi 1880–1916). Studi sulle forme tardo-lateniane, Mainz am Rhein. Pieta, K. 1982. Die Púchov-Kultur, Nitra. Reinecke, P. 1902. ‘Zur Kenntniss der La Tène-Denkmäler der Zone nordwärts der Alpen’, in: Reinecke, P., Reeb, W., Schumacher, K., Beck, L. & Lindenschmit, L., Festschrift zur Feier des
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fünfzigjährigen Bestehens des Römisch-Germanischen Centralmuseums zu Mainz, Mainz: 53–109. Reinecke, P. 1911. ‘Grabfunde der ersten La TèneStufe aus Nordostbayern’, in: Lindenschmit, L. Die Altertümer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit/5, Mainz: 281–287. Rieckhoff, S. 1975. ‘Münzen und Fibeln aus dem Vicus des Kastelle Hüfingen (SchwarzwaldBaar-Kreis)’, Saalburg Jahrbuch 32: 5–104. Riha, E. 1979. Die römischen Fibeln aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, Augst.
Riha, E. 1994. Die römischen Fibeln aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, Die Neufunde seit 1975, Augst. Sedlmayer, H. 2009. Die Fibeln vom Magdalensberg: Funde der Grabungsjahre 1948–2002 und Altfunde des 19. Jahrhunderts, Klagenfurt am Wörthersee. Spatafora, F. 1978. ‘Un gruppo di fibule bronzee da Mozia’, Sicilia Archeologica 11 (36): 66–72. Woźniak, M. 2020. ‘New finds of the Jezerine-type fibulae from Poland’, Arheološki vestnik 71: 173–192.
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Preliminary Notes on Bronze Finds from Akrai: Clarifications and Anticipations Angela Maria Manenti
Abstract The analysis of some metal finds from the previous excavations in Akrai and artefacts stored in archeological museums offer a contribution in the reconstruction of urban life after the Roman conquest of Sicily. One of the excellent examples of masterpieces is the ‘Medusa bronze bust’ from Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi in Syracuse, which in the light of the recent analyses could be made in one of the workshops in Syracuse, or other nearby centers. The statuette of Venus Anadyomene found during the Giuseppe Voza’s exploration of the decumanus represents a common type of the bronze from the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. Another bronze statuette, which recalls the iconography of Venus is exposed in Museo Archeologico Gabriele Judica in Palazzolo Acreide. The bronze figurine found during the 1992 excavations can be interpreted as refiguration of Minerva or Athena Promachos and maybe was used as an appliqué or a counterweight (aequipondium) of steelyard. From the same trench comes a fibula of Aucissa type used by soldiers of Augustan times and attested in many Sicilian sites. The find of a small lead amphora, considered as containers for aromata or medicamenta enriches the collection and open a discussion of issues of the production and diffusion of products in eastern Sicily over a long period. Bronze finds, ‘Medusa bronze bust’, Aphrodite, Athena, Minerva, Venus Anadyomene, fibula, Aucissa, small lead amphora, Akrai
In the first volume of the inventory of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi in Syracuse, published in 1885 by Antonio Sogliano, 1 a ‘Medusa bronze bust’ from Akrai (figs. 1 and 2), donated to the museum by the Syracusan bishop Monsignor Giuseppe Maria Amorelli, is reported and hypothesized to be an ornament for wood furniture. A plaster cast of this Medusa may be found in the inventory of Gaetano Judica’s collection, which the notary Cappellani wrote up in 1931 in consul-
1
Concerning the inventory, cf. note 18, XV from the Lamagna’s introduction in the volume Paolo Orsi. I taccuini I (Orsi 2018).
tation with Paolo Orsi, 2 since it was part of baron Gabriele Judica’s collection until 1835, according to Paolo Scirpo. 3 Approximately 17.00cm high, it is certainly ‘a great work of Syracusan bronze 2
3
Musumeci 2008, 38. This contribution may help in reconstructing the vicissitudes of the collection of the ‘finder’ of Akrai, the baron G. Judica, who wrote the first inventory on January 2, 1829. Scirpo 2015, 489–490 (previous references), fig. 14. Reconstructing the events concerning the giving of the find to the bishop, perhaps during a pastoral visit to Palazzolo, might be helpful to reconstructing the complex history of the collection considering the great number of findings from Akrai scattered and stored in several museums all over the world.
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276 | Angela Maria Manenti craftsmanship’, because of all the fine details of the face, of the hair, but also of the aegis, 4 as Nicola Bonacasa underlined. 5 The rear should be better analyzed in order to determine which piece of furniture it could be related to. It could date to the period between the second half of the 3rd and the 2nd century BC. Concerning its production, the debate on the presence of workshops and craftsmen in large centers and the distribution of products made in all likelihood in Syracuse, 6 especially the towns under Hieron II’s reign, has to be dealt with again. Akrai is one of these towns and its history in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods, known from literary sources. 7 This preliminary remark relating to some metal finds from Giuseppe Voza’s excavations between the 1960’s and the 1990’s, 8 now stored in Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi in Syracuse and demands further study, offers a small contribution in the reconstruction of urban life after the Roman conquest of Sicily. In the systemic exploration of the decumanus conducted in 1969, two fragments of a bronze statue were found (fig. 3), that iconography of which recalls the known type of the statue of Venus Anadyomene getting out of the bath, while squeezing her hair, a work made in Hellenistic style and deriving from Apelles’ painting in the long tradition of naked Aphrodite. 9 This iconography is well known and becomes a common type in bronze figures from the Late Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. 10 The statue found in Akrai is 10.00cm high and has
4 5 6 7 8
9 10
Ciurcina 1996, 747 and no. 371. Bonacasa & Joly 1986, 293 and fig. 342. Bonacasa 1996, 422–423. General problems about production and distribution of metalworks are widely discussed by Michail Yu Treister. cf. Treister 1996, 7–20. Chowaniec, Misiewicz & Małkowski 2010, 121–122 and 138. Excavations: Voza 1973, 127–128; general outlook Voza 1999, 129–137. Many thanks have to be given to those who made this remark, from excavation to restoration and photographic documents. Photos come from the Archivio Fotografico del Parco Archeologico di Siracusa, Eloro e villa del Tellaro. LIMC II.1984, s.v. Aphrodite, in periferie orientali; cf. Havelock 2008, 86–92 (about Aphrodite Anadyomene). At least three or four whole pieces of similar dimensions and typology are stored in the collections of the National Archaeological Museum of Florence they date to between the 1st and 2nd century AD. Concerning the spread of Aphrodite statues, which, according some sources from Ptolemaic Egypt, could be part of a bride’s dowry. Because of variations of the marble prototype, cf. also Barr-Sharrar 2017, 107–113, in particular concerning an Aphrodite statue at New York Metropolitan Museum, dating between 150–100 BC.
Fig. 1. 'Medusa bronze bust' (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
missing the lower parts of its right arm. It bends its left arm, squeezing its hair, which should be long and flowing, as can be inferred from the remnants on its shoulders. Its body shows abundant and sinuous forms, slightly bending its right leg next to the left, on which its body weight stands. The appeal of the find, which is still in course of restoration as shown by the encrustations and abrasions on its surface, lies also in an internal element functioning as a pivot or support that may be seen in two corresponding parts of the statue connected to its external wall (fig. 4). It is not clear if it is a component relates to an old restoration or to the making of the statue itself: an interesting debate may be started about the manufacturing techniques for small bronze pieces, why there just but a few examples in Sicily. 11 One of the naked
11
According to the catalogue, the statue comes from the area of Giardino Spagna in Syracuse, and it arrived at the Museum at the end of the 19th century with other finds of the Ardizzone collection. Concerning full forms similar to the Akrai bronze, it may be dated to the 2nd century BC. Similar to the statue from Palazzolo for its dimensions and its bent left arm – unfortunately its
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Preliminary Notes on Bronze Finds from Akrai: Clarifications and Anticipations | 277
Fig. 2. Inventory note reporting donation of ‘Medusa bronze bust’ from Akrai (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Fig. 4. Two parts of Venus statue (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Aphrodite statues is exhibited in the Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi in Syracuse, in vetrine of the sector D, near the big marble Aphrodite Landolina statue (fig. 5). In the vitrines of the Museo Archeologico in Palazzolo Acreide, among the finds of the Judica collection, is another bronze statuette, about 10.00cm high, which recalls the iconography of Venus. It is headless, lacking the right forearm and lower extremities from the knees down. She has her left arm bent at the shoulder and seems to be holding something with her hand. On the other shoulder and between the legs there are adhesions and traces of bronze, indications of unfinished work. Aphrodite’s representation recalls the cult statue bestowed to the goddess in the archaic temple that was dedicated to her, which is referred to the 2nd
Fig. 3. Statue of Venus Anadyomene from Akrai (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
head is missing – is a bronze statue found in a recent survey by Göttingen University, led by prof. Johannes Bergemann in the territory of Agrigento in the Platani Valley, missing after (Bergemann 2017). Cianciania concerning the influence of Knidia of Praxiteles during the Late Hellenistic period and for ornamental and religious purposes of statue types in small-scales, cf. Cyrino 2010, 77–78.
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278 | Angela Maria Manenti
Fig. 6. Athena statue (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse) Fig. 5. Venus from Syracuse (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
century BC epigraphs. They are themselves the matter of many studies and interpretations. 12 From investigations in the following years, beyond several small fragments of possible tools that should be furtherly analyzed, an interesting bronze finger that was found in 1979 has to be remarked upon. It is ca. 6.00cm long and probably relates to the hand of a larger statue.
12
For the temple, cf. Bernabò Brea 1986; for the attested cult to Aphrodite in inscriptions, cf. Brugnone 2015, 115–126, note 71 on page 123 with references. In particular, Manganaro 2004, 121, note 41 suggests that the Koreion should be identified in the temple excavated by Luigi Bernabò Brea rather than Aphrodite’s temple, cf. Leggio 2013, concerning the interpretation of the sacred temple excavated in 2005–2006. Observations on the cults between Nymphs and Kore-Persephone that Madeleine Mertens Horn synthetically but exhaustively gives from the stylistic analysis of an antefix from Akrai in a work that after 30 years is still a valid instrument in the study of eastern Sicilian terracottas, are very interesting; cf. Mertens Horn 1991, 21.
Fig. 7. Athena statue (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
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Preliminary Notes on Bronze Finds from Akrai: Clarifications and Anticipations | 279
Fig. 8. Fibula of Aucisa type (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Fig. 9. Sketch of fibulas’s head (draw: Manenti, A. M.)
Fig. 10. Small lead amphora (© Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
During the 1992 excavations, in a 3.80m deep trench, was found a small bronze statue of Athena with a high crested helm, an upright right arm that would have held a spear while with the left arm bent forward, probably to hold a patera. 13 The solid statue stands on both legs lean backwards slightly on a 2.70mm square base that is 7.00mm tall. The figure wears a peplum and maybe a cloak, whose diagonal right fold may be seen, especially from its side. All the details of the face, hair and body are not evident, as the texture of the statue is not particularized. From the back other details may be seen (figs. 6 and 7). The Minerva type is the most common depiction of the goddess in the bronze pieces of northern Italy in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods, as may be inferred
in the aforementioned work, due to the different goddess’ ‘competences’ in various fields (military, writing, health, and passing over rivers). The statue found in Palazzolo does not seem to have religious features: maybe it was an applique or could be the counterweight (aequipondium) of steelyard, if the suspension hole on the higher end of the crest and the hole under the statue square base, which maybe had to be filled somewhat, 14 are to be taken into account. There are no precise comparisons for this statue, which seems to show the iconography of the archaic Athena Promachos. In Roman bronzes, Minerva’s bust aequipondia are common. In the same trench was found a bronze fibula of Aucissa type, group 5, variant 2, according to the current classification (fig. 8), 15 which is consid-
13
Concerning analogies on the spread of bronze types called Verona-Parma, cf. Bolla 2012, 93. Absence of aegis might suggest that the goddess is Aphrodite enoplion. For more on this cult, cf. Budin 2010, 79–112. As small bronze statues are not easily identified, cf. Sollima 1998, 402–408, particularly about figs. 3 and 4.
14 15
A large presentation with related references on counterweights in Roman Imperial and Late Roman periods, cf. Guzzetta 2014, 29–39. Riha 1979, 115–118 and taf. 23–24; Riha 1994, 21 and tab. 18, 19.
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280 | Angela Maria Manenti ered a distinguishing feature of military dress in the Augustan period. The fibula arch is decorated with relief ribs along its whole length and a square plate at its head has many engraved decorative elements and it is not yet understood whether it is an inscription (fig. 9). On the other extremity of the arch the triangular bracket ends in a slightly pressed globe; the head of the needle is inserted in a hinge with a nail on it. This piece may be added to the 12 fibulae, which are similar but show different parts, which have been found in this excavation area by Archaeological Mission in Akrai in the last ten years. 16 This type, used by soldiers of Augustan period, is attested in many Sicilian sites with different shapes. To conclude, this brief clarificatory note presents the sporadic find of a small lead amphora (fig. 10) from the 1991 excavations, measuring 5.30cm long and weighing 32.14g. It belongs to the tight and long type with a large and flared mouth and two small vertical handles. Its surface is mainly decorated in relief with geometric motifs on several strips: on the shoulder underneath the two handles are unreadable letters (ΛOS, with lunate sigma?).
They could hint at the name of pharmacopola or the owner’s name. Maybe the fact that the two molds used to make the amphora were already degraded at the time of production led to the worn-out state of the amphora surface. P. Orsi bought a similar amphora from Akrai in 1905, which is published by Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli in the main book about Akrai. 17 The inscription MYPΩ/NOΣ, on the upper strip was interpreted as an anthroponym deriving from term of unguent (μυρων). The number of lead amphoras, considered as containers for aromata or medicamenta – maybe a single dosed collyrium lykion? – is becoming richer. Concerning this find, which must be analyzed further, issues of serial production and diffusion of products in eastern Sicily over a long period can be addressed. The study of the context of this discovery, which ought to be continued – even when it comes to the other aforementioned finds – will be useful and decisive in the definition of their functions and chronologies, which are still referred to simply as belonging to the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods.
17 16
Chowaniec 2018, 47–50, with complete references (the author skillfully worked on these materials, widely spread in the northern areas of the Roman Empire, often in military contexts). Other military fibulae, still in course of restauration and study, are among the metal materials from Akrai stored in the Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi di Siracusa.
Bernabò Brea 1956, 173, no. 61 and tab. XL.70. Cf. Taborelli & Marengo 2010, 231 and note 90 in a review article of lead amphoras containing medicamenta (ca. 70 in the counting, cf. Rahmani 2003). To understand different aspects of production, see many papers of the same author, especially cf. Taborelli 2017, 75–87, where the different phases of the harvest of medicinal herbs up to drug production are clearly highlighted, from the making of the containers to the sale of the product.
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Preliminary Notes on Bronze Finds from Akrai: Clarifications and Anticipations | 281
Literature Barr-Sharrar, B. 2017. ‘Assertions by the Portable: What Can Bronze Statuettes Tell Us about Major Classical Sculpture?’, in: Daehner, J. M., Lapatin, K. & Spinelli, A. (eds.), Artistry in Bronze. The Greeks and Their Legacy. XIXth International Congress on Ancient Bronzes, Los Angeles: 107–113. Bergemann, J. 2017. Statuetta bronzea del tipo di Aphrodite Anadyomene proveniente da Ciancianìa, www. cianciana.info (http://www.cianciana.info/index. php/archeologia–89939/2320–statuetta-bronzea-del-tipo-di-aphrodite-anadyomene-proveniente-da-cianciania, accessed in June 2020). Bernabò Brea, L. 1956. Akrai, Catania. Bernabò Brea, L. 1986. Il Tempio di Afrodite di Akrai, Napoli. Bolla, M. 2012. ‘Minerva nella piccola bronzistica dell’Italia settentrionale’, in: Denoyelle, M., Descamps-Lequime, S., Mille, B. & Verger, S. (eds.), Bronzes grecs et romains, recherches récentes. Hommage à Claude Rolley, Paris: 93–118. Bonacasa, N. 1996. ‘Scultura e coroplastica in Sicilia nell’età ellenistico-romana’, in: Pugliese Carratelli, G. (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, Milano: 421–436. Bonacasa, N. & Joly, E. 1986. ‘L’ellenismo e la tradizione ellenistica’, in: Pugliese Carratelli, G. (ed.), Sikanie. Storia e civiltà della Sicilia greca, vol. 2, Milano: 277–358. Brugnone, A. 2014. ‘Divinità femminili ad Akrai’, in: Struffolino, S. (ed.), Dinamiche culturali ed etniche nella Sicilia orientale dall’età classica all’epoca ellenistica. Atti del Convegno di Studi, Milano 19–20 settembre 2013, Milano: 115–126. Budin, S. L. 2010. ‘Aphrodite Enoplion’, in: Smith, A. C. & Pickup, S. (eds.), Brill’s Companion to Aphrodite, Leiden-Boston: 79–112. Ciurcina, C. 1996. ‘Scheda’, in: Pugliese Carratelli, G. (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, Milano: 747, no. 371. Chowaniec, R., Misiewicz, K. & Małkowski, W. 2010. ‘Acrae antica alla luce di indagini non invasive’, Rivista di Topografia Antica XIX:121–138. Chowaniec, R. 2018. ‘Articulating the Roman culture in Hellenistic Sicily. The small finds illustrate the local history’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), On the border of Syracuse. Multidisciplinary studies on the ancient town of Akrai/Acrae, Sicily, Warsaw: 33–68. Cyrino, M. S. 2010. Aphrodite. Gods and Heroes of the Ancient World, London-New York. Guzzetta, G. 2014. Il “tesoro dei sei imperatori” dalla baia di Camarina, 4472 antoniniani da Gallieno a Probo, con contributi di Giovanni Di Stefano, Maria Agata Vicari Sottosanti, Viviana Lo Monaco, Catania.
Havelock, C. M. 2008. The Aphrodite of Knidos and her successors. A Historical Review of the Female Nude in Greek Art, Ann Arbor. Leggio, D. 2013. Riti e misteri ad Akrai. Interpretazione del complesso sacro. Scavi 2005–2006, Siracusa. Manganaro, G. 2004. ‘Affitto di spazi pubblici per le panegyreis ad Akrai’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 147: 115–122. Mertens Horn, M. 1991. ‘Una “nuova” antefissa a testa femminile da Akrai ed alcune considerazioni sulle ninfe di Sicilia’, Bollettino d’Arte 66 (marzo-aprile): 9–28. Musumeci, M. 2008. ‘Gabriele Judica, le sue ricerche e la collezione Judica’, in: Crispino, A. & Musumeci, A. (eds.), Musei Nascosti. Collezioni e raccolte archeologiche a Siracusa dal XVIII al XX secolo, Napoli: 33–39. Orsi, P. 2018. I taccuini I. Riproduzione anastatica e trascrizione dei taccuini 1–4, Lamagna, G. & Monterosso, G. (eds.), Roma. Portale, E. C. 2015. ‘Sicilia ed Egitto in età ellenistica: riflessioni sulle relazioni artistico-culturali fra Siracusa e Alessandria’, in: Famà, M. L., Inferrera, I. & Militello, P. (eds.), Magia d’Egitto. Mostre archeologiche e convegni in Sicilia, Palermo: 159–174. Rahmani, L. Y. 2003. ‘On Some Roman to Early Medieval Lead Miniature Amphorae’, Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology 2: 33–62. Riha, E. 1979. Die römischen Fibeln aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, Augst. Riha, E. 1994. Die römischen Fibeln aus Augst und Kaiseraugst. Die Neufunde seit 1975, Augst. Scirpo, P. D. 2015. ‘Eroi, Dei e Demoni nella vita religiosa di Akrai (Sicilia) in età ellenistica’, Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4.1: 479–494. Sollima, I. 1998. ‘Era, Artemide e Afrodite in Magna Grecia e in Grecia. Dee armate o dee belliche?’, Melanges de l’École francaise de Rome, Antiquité 110.1: 381–417. Taborelli, L. 2017. ‘Sull’isola del Gattopardo’, in: Reggiani, N. (ed.), Papiri, medicina antica e cultura materiale. Contributi in ricordo di Isabella Andorlini, Parma: 75–87. Taborelli, L. & Marengo, S. M. 2010. ‘Microcontenitori per medicamenta di epoca ellenistica e romana’, Archeologia Classica 61: 211–242. Treister, M. Y. 1996. The role of metals in Ancient Greek History, Leiden. Voza, G. 1973. ‘Akrai’, in: Pelagatti, P. & Voza, G. (eds.), Archeologia nella Sicilia sud-orientale, Napoli: 127–128. Voza, G. 1999. Nel segno dell’antico. Archeologia nel territorio di Siracusa, Palermo.
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Akrai: the Pair of pinakes Ermelinda Storaci
Abstract Among the finds coming from the archaeological excavation conducted in 1980’s by Giuseppe Voza limestone relief deserves special attention. The pinax found in a domestic context, along the cardinal street of the urban center depicts a couple holding in their hands cornucopias. There are also other elements, which have a symbolic meaning, related to the Greek and Roman believes. Cornucopia, patera, and snake suggest a possible identification of the couple with protective deities of the house: Agathe Tyche and Agathodaimon. The snake may have a connection with the cult of Tyche-Fortuna and her male alter ego-Agatodemon, which was widespread in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods. The pianx finds a similarity with another bass-relief acquired by Paolo Orsi for Archeological Museum in Syracuse and who believed it came from Akrai. Pinax/pinakes, relief, Tyche-Fortuna, Agatodemon, Agathos Daimon, snake, cornucopia, Akrai
The object of this study is a pinax found in 1988, during the archaeological excavation of the trench open in the area of the main urban road, the plateia, which crossed the ancient town of Akrai from east to west (fig. 1). 1 The pinax is a limestone relief, measuring 32.50cm × 23.50cm × 9.00cm and fractured into two pieces that have been fastened together with plaster on the rear surface in correspondence with the fracture (fig. 2). 2 In the central
1 2
Voza 1980, 503–506 and figs. 55–57; Voza 1999, 137, 139 and figs. 101–103. The pinax was registered under no. 102461 of the asset inventory register of the Archeological Museum Paolo Orsi, in the year 2013. I wish to thank prof. Giuseppe Voza, Superintendent Emeritus of Syracuse and Honorary Director of the Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi in Syracuse, at the time director of the excavation, for the affectionate liberality with which he granted me the study of this find.
hollow two figures are rendered in high relief, bordered by a frame. Both figures sit on a surface protruding from the bottom of the front part of the frame. With the left hand they hold a cornucopia with piramidia at the top and in the right hand, at the height of the knees, they hold a patera. The female figure has a plump face with a wide straight nose, large globular eyes and a forehead framed by wavy locks of hair. At the center of the head there is a high truncated conical polos. She wears a long chiton pleated tight at the waist, with a triangular neckline and short sleeves, with large oblique folds under the knees. The face of the male figure is abraded at the nose and mouth. The eyes are globular and the forehead is surrounded by wide furrows. He wears a tunic with short sleeves and high triangular neckline, above which he wears a long-pleated cloak stopped on the left shoulder, which descends along the side leaving the right side uncovered. In the central
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284 | Ermelinda Storaci
Fig. 1. Urban scheme of Akrai (after Voza 1980, 505)
Fig. 2. Pinax, inv. no. 102461 (photo: Gallitto, G, © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Fig. 3. Detail of Agatodemone in the pinax, inv. no. 102461 (photo: Gallitto, G, © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
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Akrai: the Pair of pinakes | 285
Fig. 4. Pinax, inv. no. 36968 (photo: Gallitto, G, © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Fig. 6. B-side of the pinax, inv. no. 36968 (photo: Gallitto, G, © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Fig. 5. B-side of the pinax, inv. no. 102461 (photo: Gallitto, G, © Photo Archive of Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi, Syracuse)
Her male alter ego – Agatodemon, is usually depicted as a snake in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, but is rendered here with human features and made identifiable by the small snake clinging to the top of the cornucopia on his left. In Greek religion, the Agathos Daimon was a tutelary genius of the house, the vineyards, the countryside and the state. At the end of the meal, the ancient Greeks would pour drops of pure wine from their cup as an offering in his honor, a practice considered as a legacy of the cult of Dionysus, before he was accepted among the Olympic gods. An iconographic parallel is offered by a small bas-relief in limestone, quadrilateral in shape (25×26 cm) … collected by villagers within an old rubble, purchased by Paolo Orsi in 1915 (fig. 4). 3 On the left side of the picture is a rigidly frontal seated female figure dressed like the deity on the relief under study, carrying a patera and a cornucopia in the same way. On its right side is an altar topped by a cone, representing a flame, around which a snake with a crest and beard, or Agatodemone, is wrapped. P. Orsi though that, due to its religious content, the relief used to decorate one of the infinite niches carved in the rock of the Akrai Acropolis (Palazzolo Acr.). 4 This kind of artistic product, the result of local craftsmen, may have been placed in one of the countless niches carved into the walls of the quar-
upper part of the cornucopia, a snake is carved in relief which seems to come out from the base of an upside-down incised triangle (fig. 3). Cornucopia, patera, and snakes are propitiatory symbols that suggest a possible identification of the couple with Agathe Tyche and Agathodaimon, protective deities of the house. Tyche-Fortuna, a god who guaranteed the prosperity and fate of a city, is represented as Demeter, recognized in ancient literature as the guardian of earthly and otherworldly things and governor of the seasons. She is distinguished by the typical headdress placed on the ‘melon’ hairstyle, which was widespread in the plastic terracotta production of the Hellenistic period. The snake is one of the symbols of her representation also, a metaphor for the earth and resurrection.
3 4
Registered at no. 36968 of the asset inventory register of Archeological Museum Paolo Orsi; Bernabò Brea 1956, 149, 20 and tav. XXXII, 1. The two passages of the text shown in italics are taken from the catalogue entry, handwritten by P. Orsi.
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286 | Ermelinda Storaci ries called Templi Ferali 5, where several dedications to Agatodemone are kept. Next to the inhabited area of Palazzolo Acreide along the old provincial road to Noto, these ancient disused quarries were witnesses to a cult honoring the heroic dead that developed between the 4th and 1st century BC, also attested in Syracuse, Noto Vecchio (Noto Antica), Lentini, Camarina. 6 Returning to our ‘couple’, the question that arises spontaneously is how the pinax is linked to a residential area. From a direct observation of both artifacts, the rear surface of no. 102461 presents not a smooth surface, but a polished and fairly homogeneous one that lacks traces of lime residues which would indicate the installation of the artefact inside a niche in the sanctuary (fig. 5). While artifact no. 36968 has a slightly roughened rear surface, with signs of decisive chiseling, which could suggest both the choice not to show this surface and the object’s detachment from the seat where it was originally placed (fig. 6).
5 6
Bernabò Brea 1956, 73–86; Crispino 2013, 185 and fig. I.1.20; Scirpo 2015, 488–489 and fig. 13. Cavallari 1891, 17 and tav. IV; Orsi 1898, 82–87; Orsi 1904, 276; Bernabò Brea 1956, 59–61.
The difference in treatment of the two surfaces would suggest that the purpose of the pinax with the pair of divinities linked to the house could have belonged to a small household shrine. The pinax was found in a domestic context, along the cardinal street of the urban center, during one of the excavations conducted between the 1970s and 1980s, through which it was possible to identify the walls of the houses facing the street. 7 The two sections that make up our find were found opposite each other on the eastern and western sides of the trench, at a depth of just over a meter, the border framing the motif represented is incomplete and the face of the male figure is abraded. The state of preservation of the relief, at the time of the discovery, suggested a phase of destruction experienced by the city of Akrai and, considering that the chronology of the artefacts date back to the 3rd century BC, the terminus post quem could be related to the events surrounding the Roman occupation of the territory of Syracuse.
7
Voza 1980, 504.
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Literature Bernabò Brea, L. 1956. Akrai, Catania. Cavallari, F. S. 1891. Appendice alla topografia archeologica di Siracusa, Torino-Palermo. Crispino, A. 2013. ‘Catalogo. La vita religiosa’, in: Di Pasquale, G. & Parisi Presicce, C. (eds.), Archimede. Arte e scienza dell’invenzione. Catalogo della mostra (Roma, 31 maggio 2013–12 gennaio 2014), Firenze: 185. Orsi, P. 1897. ‘Sicilia. XV. Noto Vecchio (Netum) Esplorazioni archeologiche. Preliminari’, Atti della Reale Accademia Dei Lincei. Notizie degli Scavi 5.2: 69–90.
Orsi, P. 1904. ‘Sicilia. V. Siracusa, Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 1904: 275–291. Scirpo, P. D. 2015. ‘Eroi, Dei e Demoni nella vita religiosa di Akrai (Sicilia) in età ellenistica’, Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4.1: 479–494. Voza, G. 1980. ‘Akrai’, in: Romero, R., Storia della Sicilia I, Napoli: 502–506, figs. 55–57. Voza, G. 1999. Nel segno dell’antico. Archeologia nel territorio di Siracusa, Palermo.
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© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
Preliminary Notes on the Caves in the District of ‘Pisciarello’ at Palazzolo Acreide (Syracuse) Paolo Daniele Scirpo
Abstract In district Pisciarello, on the rocky ridge of the northern slope of Acremonte, at a much lower altitude than that of the paved surface of the modern panoramic road surrounding the archaeological site of Akrai, there are two cavities of different dimensions and depth. The natural formulation of the larger grotta (cave) has been exploited by humans who have amplified its depth constructing another adjacent cavity of smaller dimensions. The rock complex described and documented in this paper for the first time was object of an initial survey. Despite all the difficulties due to the poor conservation conditions, in the absence of excavations in the extensive layers of collapse, by the ceramic traces that found, we can reasonably assigned to the greater cave a sacred value that has remained diachronically unchanged over the centuries and witnessed in recent times, by a Christian character’s rock relief. The smaller and artificial cave served as a burial place for the inhabitants of the Hermitage instead. Acrae, Akrai, archaeology, cults, caves, sanctuaries, Hermitages
Introduction In the district of ‘Pisciarello’, on the rocky ridge of the northern slope of Acremonte (fig. 1), at a much lower altitude than that of the paved surface of the modern panoramic road surrounding the archaeological site of Akrai, 1 there are two cavities 1
The realization of this study was possible thanks to the material and spiritual help of many people. I’d like to dedicate this paper to the memory of my father, Giuseppe Alessandro Scirpo (1936–2020), to whom I owe the discovery of the cave during a hot summer of my adolescence. Many details are due to his memories of the cave, a refuge for my family during the Allied bombing of Palazzolo Acreide, on the 9th and 10th of July 1943. Also, I would like to thank Roksana Chowaniec who gave me the opportunity to publish this first note on the caves and Violetta Zefki for the splendid English
of different dimensions and depth. The natural formulation of the larger grotta (cave) has been exploited by humans who amplified its depth constructing another adjacent cavity of smaller dimensions (fig. 2).
Description The first ‘cavity’, adapted into a sheepfold in recent times, probably used to be a rock-cut tomb. A
translation of the paper. Cf. Scirpo 2015 for a complete bibliography on Akrai (updated to 2015).
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Fig. 1. Archaeological site of Akrai: 1) Baths (?), 2) Bouleuterion, 3) Aphrodision, 4) Urban Quarry [Intagliata], 5) Urban Quarry [Intagliatella] 6) Theater, 7) Plateia, 8) “Lamia’s Breasts”, 9) ‘Senebardo’ Cave (© Archaeological Mission at Akrai)
Fig. 2. Plan of caves: cave A (G1), Arcosolia 1–3 (A1–3), rock relief (R), cave B (G2) (draw: Scirpo, P. D.)
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Preliminary Notes on the Caves in the District of ‘Pisciarello’ at Palazzolo Acreide (Syracuse) | 291
Fig. 5. Arcosolium 1 (photo: Scirpo, P. D.) Fig. 3. Entrance to the cave A (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
Fig. 6. Arcosolium 2 (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
Fig. 4. Plan of cave A (draw: Scirpo, P. D.)
modern coarse built brick wall (possibly of reused material) reduces the width of the entrance by half (fig. 3). 2 The almost rectangular chamber (6.00 × 4.30m), with a not-particularly-high roof (2.21m), presents three arcosolia of various dimensions, disposed on the three sides of the chamber (fig. 4). 3 Inside 2 3
Dimensions of the entrance: height – ca. 2.00m; width – 1.83m. Currently the dry-stone wall reduces the width of the door to 0.81m. Dimensions of the arcosolia and niches: Arcosolium 1 (height – 1.55m; length – 1.95m; pr. 0.80m), Arcosolium
Fig. 7. Arcosolium 3 (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
the room, there were at least three or four niches (loculi). Immediately on the right upon entering, there is Arcosolium 1, the smallest of them, approx2 (height – 1.70m; length – 2.36m; pr. – 1.00 m). I could not measure the dimensions of the Arcosolium 3 as it is poorly preserved.
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Fig. 8. Fragment of cement (?) rendering on the west wall of cave A (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
imately a quarter-sphere in shape. It had been transformed into a sheepfold but conserved the dimensions of the single burial niche that hosts it. A modern wall made of two rows of stones (large flat stones at the lower row, small irregular stones with mortar or concrete in the upper one) is topped by a wooden trunk perfectly inserted into two holes opened at both ends of the arcosolium. The interior of the niche is full of dust, small stones and straw residue (fig. 5). Opposite of the first arcosolium, there is a second one (Arcosolium 2), larger in size, in an almost regular parallelepiped shape. It has also been transformed into a sheepfold but the modern wall (built with a construction technique similar to the one in Arcosolium 1) has reduced the dimensions of the niche by one third. In the upper left corner, there is an opening dug out at a later stage, although it is not possible to say if it is due to natural causes or human intervention. The interior of the niche (loculus) is also covered with dust, stones and residues of dried straw (fig. 6). Arcosolium 3 has been dug in the back wall of the chamber, large in size and very poorly preserved (clearly visible are some traces of pickaxes and small landslides, due to the humidity and the fury of men). It is possible that there were two adjacent niches in its interior. This would explain the rectangular shape of the chamber, when Arcosolium 3, once containing two burials, was completely emptied. The holes supporting the piece of wood, once surmounting the wall of the sheepfold, are still present. The sheepfold did not occupy the dimensions of the two niches (loculi) completely. A horizontal row of four large stones, roughly square in shape, are still conserved in loco and probably constituted the wall of the sheepfold (fig. 7). At the bottom of the right wall (to the west)
Fig. 9. Internal cavity on the west wall (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
Fig. 10. Hole X on the floor (© P. D. Scirpo)
Fig. 11. Hole Y on the floor (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
there is a horizontal stripe of plaster, greyish in color, stained by mold and humidity (fig. 8). There are two small cavities in the shape of a niche, carved on the western wall and on the back wall (to the south), that are almost rectangular in
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Fig. 12. Plan of cave B: terraces (A–D), external wall (m), maximum width (α–α’), maximum depth (β–β’) (draw: Scirpo, P. D.)
shape. Perhaps they were used to hold oil lamps or other things (fig. 9). On the cave roof there are plenty of holes, a result of human intervention, perhaps opened with a pickaxe. It is known, in fact, that peasants ransacked ancient tombs either to sell their grave goods, albeit poor, or to prevent scholars and tourists from destroying their crops. In this sense, the troubled story of the Santoni is exemplary. 4 On the floor there are two holes (X and Y), filled with medium and large sized stones. The hole X is opened at the foot of the eastern wall; it is almost square in shape (0.80 × 0.68m) and the internal surface of its walls bears a kind of plaster, similar in color to that of the western wall (fig. 10). At the foot of the latter, the hole Y, rectangular shape (1.40 × 0.80m), is opened (fig. 11). It was possible to collect very few pottery sherds from the surface: among them, only a fragment of an introverted rim belonging to an open vessel (perhaps a basin), of Late Roman sigillata type, should be mentioned. 5 The second ‘cavity’, much larger than the first, is certainly a cave of natural origin but, over the 4 5
Cf. Scirpo & Cugno 2017. Dimensions: length – 9.50cm; height – 4.00cm; max. sp. – ca. 2.80m.
centuries, human intervention has softened the harsh edges and regulated its entrance. It has a strange irregular cornucopia shape (12.00 × 6.50m) and a very variable height (from 1.00 to 6.00m) since part of the large vault has collapsed due to frequent water infiltrations (fig. 12). A large modern dry-stone wall (1.90 × 5.10 × 0.90m) narrows the entrance consisting of a small staircase of seven steps of stone, half-hidden by dust and vegetation. A rectangular frame has been engraved on the rocky wall to the left of the entrance. The internal walls are deeply furrowed with cracks and large ripples. Inside the cave there are some strong differences in height. Entering, on the right, there is a first terrace (A), almost rectangular in shape, made of earth and stones (probably collapsed from the roof), rich in vegetation and scattered pottery fragments emerging on the surface. At the end of the staircase, at a lower altitude (approx. 1.0m), there is Level B1 (most likely the collapsed layer of the vault), separated by a second dry stone wall of only three rows of stones, poor in vegetation and pottery sherds and covered with large rocks and small stones. Under this, the compact Level B2 follows (presumably the virgin soil), consisting of red earth and measuring a few centimeters in thickness. To the left of the staircase, on the other hand, at an intermediate level between A and B2 (+ 0.70m from B2), there is a small terrace (C) of an irregularly curved ogival shape. The hard rocky bank is devoid of vegetation and pottery sherds, covered only by a layer of fine red dust. The bottom of the cave is filled with earth and stones, diminishing in height and width and ending in a ‘funnel’ neck. Through a deep opening, however, it is possible to barely have a glimpse of the rest of the cavity. In the modern period, the bottom of the cave was blocked by a wall of which the foundation rows are still visible among the backfill. The tomb raiders, in search of ‘fabulous treasures’, have demolished it. Some pottery fragments, recovered mostly from the surface, can contribute to the chronological framework of the hermitage. 6 6
Numerous pottery fragments from various periods have been found from the classical Greek to the late Roman periods. Among them, the following are mentioned for their particular shapes: closed-shaped base fragment (kotyle?) of fine Greek black glazed pottery, decorated with three engraved lines parallel to the base (width – 3.80cm; height – 1.50cm.; thickness 0.40cm); rim fragment of extroverted open shape (cup?), of late, fine, pottery with light colored paint (width – 4.50cm; height – 2.80 cm; thickness – 0.70cm); wall fragment
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Fig. 13. Rock relief between the two caves (photo: Scirpo, P. D.)
Interesting enough is the discovery of a small rock relief, 7 located in the rocky buttress between the two caves (closer to the first than to the second), about 30.0cm from the modern floor (fig. 13). Three standing human figures are depicted inside a niche carved into the rocky wall (fig. 14). The niche is separated from the rock by a recess which becomes a real base projecting on the lower side. This frame, of curvilinear shape in the upper part of the relief, is broken approximately in the middle of the semicircle. The water, penetrating from that crack, has eroded the figures to a great extent, especially in their upper part (head and torso). A thick layer of fungus has almost completely covered the surface of the relief. The main human figures are both standing, on a small pedestal, in
7
with a closed loop attachment (?) of coarse pottery, with very slight traces of pictorial decoration at the base of the handle where concentric lines are visible (length – 7.70cm; height – 8.00cm, max. thickness – 1.40cm); wall fragment of an open shaped vessel (swallow’s nest cup) in coarse pottery, rich in inclusions (length – 12.30cm; height – 9.00cm; thickness – max. 2.60cm). Among the non-ceramic finds, worthy of mention are various small splinters of bone, a flint-stone blade (length – 2.00cm; height – 7.00cm; thickness – approx. 0.50cm) and a small lithic basin (length – 16.40cm; height – 6.00cm; thickness – 11.00cm), broken in two. The only reports of this relief that I have found, three in total, are in: Lombardo & Allegra 1984, 60 (where there is a simple photograph with the caption ‘Palazzolo Acreide: Sacra Famiglia – Rilievo rupestre (Panoramica)’); Atlante dei Beni Culturali Siciliani 1988, 282: ‘«Località Pisciarello: bassorilievo rupestre»’; Tringali & La Rosa (eds.) 1993, 232: ‘«Contrada Pisciarello: bassorilievo rupestre»’.
Fig. 14. Rock relief (drawing) (draw: Scirpo, P. D.)
parallelepiped shape. 8 The feet of the first female figure (A) are depicted parallel and centered, in a typical standing position. The second male figure (B), on the other hand, has a different posture of the feet, both placed to the left, although parallel. Most likely, this male figure is leaning against a column or a tree trunk. 9 However, both figures are not perfectly centered within the niche, as they are displaced more to the left (from the viewer’s perspective). They bear two different dresses: Figure A (left) wears a long chiton with vertical pleats and Figure B (right) wears a peplum with oblique and vertical pleats. The third figure, largely damaged by erosion, is placed between the previous two and has smaller dimensions. The identification of the represented subject as the Holy Family (Joseph, Mary and child Jesus between the two) is based on the comparisons made by Luigi Lombardo and Corrado Allegra with its contemporary votive shrines scattered in the Hyblaean countryside. The date attributed to the series of shrines with this subject is the period between the middle and the end of the 19th century. 10
8
9 10
On the right pedestal (fig. B), a graffito can be seen in the mold. At first glance, it seemed to me like a moody sigma. On a second reading, however, three Latin letters (GIU) appeared more clearly. I owe this remark to my brother Cristian who, on seeing the relief for the first time, convinced me of this interpretation. Cf. Lombardo & Allegra 1984.
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Exegesis As we have already hypothesized previously, 11 the natural cave in the locality of ‘Pisciarello’, having undergone transformations in its use over the centuries, shows, albeit heavily backlit, a sacred character like the other caves excavated in the Acremonte rock. Pending confirmation by the regular excavations inside the cave, a reconstruction of human activities is proposed, based on the similarities with the contemporary natural and artificial cavities of the surrounding area and the presence of pottery. In prehistoric or proto-historic times, the largest cave would have been chosen as a refuge and/or burial site. The presence of Greek pottery (at least from the Hellenistic period) makes the natural cavity fall under the sacred sphere. The rock sanctuary, facing to the north and located on the course of a route, visible nowadays on the path that descended from Akrai to the valley, along the course of the Anapo river, is very reminiscent of the famous sanctuary of Artemis, located in the natural caves that open onto the cliffs of Epipolai to protect the northern gates of Syracuse. 12 From the repeatedly quoted Greek epigraph collected by George Kaibel, we know for sure the existence of an Artemision, used as a reference point for the allocation of spaces during the city’s panegyris. 13 The goddess, being Artemis Agrotera, would have protected the fertility of the fields and at the same time marked the sacred border between the polis and the chora. In the province of Syracuse and especially on the Hyblaean plateau, a lot of hermitages or artificial shelters have been found, dug into the rock. In most cases, these were new diggings by Byzantine monastic communities, which spread in Sicily as a consequence of the Byzantine conquest of the island in the 6th century AD. 14 However, there are examples of reuse and expansion of Sicilian tombs, also dug into the limestone, in isolated and highly inaccessible areas. 15 Therefore, the comparisons
11 12 13 14 15
Scirpo 2005, 52 and note 25; Scirpo 2010, 104 and note 9. Orsi 1900; Tonini Alfieri 2009; Germanà Bozza 2009; Germanà Bozza 2012. Cf. Judica 1819; Kaibel (ed.) 1890; Arias 1935; Manganaro 1996–2004. For a recent review on Sicily in the Byzantine era, cf. Valpreda 2015; Valpreda 2020. Cf. Cugno 2016.
with the hermitage of the Pisciarello district are much too many for this brief discussion. In some other cases, however, common and interesting elements are found so that we can offer a more precise exegesis to this small cave complex on the slopes of the Acremonte. It is difficult to formulate a dating hypothesis for the district ‘Pisciarello’ complex due to the scarcity of diagnostic pottery material that would be helpful, if compared to other contemporary ceramics studied in certain historical contexts, and due to the absolute lack of frescoes, epigraphs or coins that could fill these serious gaps. It is plausible to think that all this is due to the poor state of conservation, not only due to natural causes (earthquakes, landslides, erosion due to atmospheric agents, etc.) but, above all, due to the fury of humans. However, the presence of the relief, which offers some starting points for discussion on the many possible comparisons, the hypothesis of seeing this small hermitage as tangible proof for the spread of a new religious dogma in the mountainous area of Akrai seems fascinating.
Conclusions In conclusion, this cave complex presents interesting avenues for research, because its presence is attested in a chronological period that goes from prehistoric times to the present day. Further excavation research would better clarify these phases and especially the use of the caves in each of them. The greatest difficulty would consist in the everpresent danger of the collapse of the vault in the main cave due to water infiltration. 16 However, it is hoped that in the near future the local Superintendence would start these investigations before nature reclaims a place used by humans over the centuries in order to live in symbiosis with one another.
16
The same toponym, very widespread throughout Italy, would suggest the existence of a source of water that was used to feed one of the troughs of the plowing oxen or transhumant livestock.
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Literature Alfieri Tonini, T. 2012. ‘Culti e templi della Sicilia sudorientale nelle iscrizioni: Apollo e Artemide’, in: Copani, F. & Bagnasco Gianni, G. (eds.), Convivenze etniche e contatti di culture. Atti del Seminario di Studi (Università degli Studi di Milano, 2324 novembre 2009), Aristonothos 4, 187–208. Arias, P. E. 1935. ‘Artemis acrense’, Rendiconti Lincei VI.11: 263–267. Centro regionale per l’inventario la catalogazione e la documentazione (ed.) 1991. Atlante dei Beni Culturali Siciliani 1988, Palermo. Cugno, S. A. 2016. Dinamiche Insediative nel territorio di Canicattini Bagni e nel bacino di alimentazione del Torrente Cavadonna (Siracusa) tra Antichità e Medioevo, BAR International Series 2802, Oxford. Germanà Bozza, G. 2009. ‘Luoghi di culto e degli insediamenti fortificati su altura nella Sicilia orientale’, in: Congiu, M., Miccichè C. & Modeo, S. (eds.), ΕΙΣ ΑΚΡΑ. Insediamenti d’altura in Sicilia dalla Preistoria al III sec. a.C. Atti del V Convegno di Studi (Caltanissetta, 10–11/5/2008), Caltanissetta: 245–267. Germanà Bozza, G. 2014. ‘Santuari in grotta e sedi oracolari nella Sicilia sud-orientale in età greca’, in: Ruggieri, R. (ed.), Atti VIII Convegno Nazionale di Speleologia in Cavità Artificiali (Ragusa, 7–8–9 Settembre 2012), Ragusa: 127–137. Judica, G. 1819. Le antichità di Acre scoperte, descritte ed illustrate dal Barone Gabriele Judica, Messina. Kaibel, G. (ed.) 1890. Inscriptiones Graecae. Vol. XIV. Inscriptiones Italiae et Siciliae additis Graecis Galliae, Hispaniae, Britanniae, Germaniae inscriptionibus, Berlin. Lombardo, L. & Allegra, C. 1984. Edicole votive della Sicilia sud-orientale, Avola. Manganaro, G. 1996–2004. ‘Affitto di spazi pubblici nel contesto urbano di Akrai’, Studi Acrensi 3: 1–16.
Orsi, P. 1900. ‘Nuovo Artemision a Scala Greca’, Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità 8: 353–387. Scirpo, P. D. 1996–2004. ‘Bibliografia generale di Akrai (1537–2002)’, Studi Acrensi 3: 213–295. Scirpo, P. D. 2004. ‘Un esempio sul rapporto delle sub-colonie siceliote con la metropolis: Syrakousai-Akrai’, Diachronia 6: 23–32. Scirpo, P. D. 2005. ‘Sui culti delle sub-colonie arcaiche di Siracusa’, in: Scirpo, P. D. (ed.), Triskeles, Athína: 49–58. Scirpo, P. D. 2005–2013. ‘Bibliografia generale su Akrai. Addenda e Corrigenda’, Studi Acrensi 4: 150–172. Scirpo, P. D. 2015. ‘Akrai/Acrae. A selected bibliography (1558–2015)’, in: Chowaniec, R. (ed.), Unveiling the past of an ancient town. Akrai/Acrae in south-eastern Sicily, Warsaw: 327–362. Scirpo, P. D. 2016. ‘Η θρησκευτική πολιτική του Ιέρωνος του Β’ στις Άκρες (Σικελίας)’, in: Μουρελάτος, Δ. (ed.), Θρησκεία και Πολιτική». Πρακτικά της Β’ Επιστημονικής Συνάντησης Νέων Ερευνητών του περιοδικού ΔΙΑΧΡΟΝΙΑ (Αθήνα, 22–24/4/2010) [Διαχρονία. Παράρτημα 4], Athína: 101–118. Scirpo, P. D. & Cugno, S. A. 2017. ‘I cd. «Santoni» di Akrai. Alcune note sul santuario rupestre di Cibele’, in: Cugno, S. A., Patrimonio culturale, paesaggi e personaggi della Sicilia sud-orientale. Scritti di archeologia e museologia iblea, BAR International Series 2874, Oxford: 47–59. Tringali, S. & La Rosa, R. (eds.) 1993. Territorio Siracusa: un censimento dei beni culturali, storici e ambientali della provincia di Siracusa, Ispica. Valpreda, S. 2015. Sikelia. La Sicilia orientale nel periodo bizantino, Acireale–Roma. Valpreda, S. 2020. Sikelia 2. La Sicilia dei Bizantini. I Bizantini di Sicilia, Castelvetrano (TP).
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Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/Acrae, from the Middle of 3rd Century BC to the 7th Century AD, by Archaeobotanical Analyses Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino
Abstract The aim of this chapter is to try to reconstruct the landscape, the dynamics of resources exploitation and the relationship between man and environment in ancient Akrai/Acrae. Through archaeobotanical analysis of plant remains (seeds, fruit and charcoals) it is possible to discover dietary preferences, food production and storage on the site, from the Late Hellenistic period till Late Antiquity. Results highlight a diet based on locally sourced products of the Mediterranean triad (cereals, grapevines and olive trees) for the examined chronological period. Some changes in agricultural management are perceptible in the Late Antiquity phase where flax, a new industrial product, was introduced. Furthermore, the study of the paleo-environment confirms an intensive use of the soil and a progressive forest degradation. Archaeobotany, Akrai/Acrae, Sicily landscape, land-use
Introduction Since 2016 the Laboratory of Archaeobotany and Palaeoecology of the University of the Salento is involved in the archaeological project of excavation in ancient town Akrai. This project, which continues today, made it possible to carry out archaeobotanical and palaeoenvironmental investigations as part of the Akrai Archaeological Mission in 2016– 2017 and 2019–2020. These investigations aspired to reconstruct the history of the landscape and ancient vegetation during the successive phases of occupation of the site by means of stratigraphic sampling and laboratory analysis.
Environmental context Ancient Akrai and the modern city of Palazzolo Acreide are part of the geological formation
known as the Hyblaean foreland. 1 The region is characterised by the modest presence of forests, and to a lesser extent maquis, garrigue, prairie, as well as a small quantity of riparian vegetation. The forest is characterised by stands of evergreen and deciduous oaks. Widespread in the area is Quercus virgiliana, in association with Quercus ilex (holm-oak) and other sclerophyllous species indicative of xeric environments, such as Olea europaea subsp. oleaster (olive and wild olive), Pistacia lentiscus (mastic) and Rhamnus alathernus (buckthorn). In addition to deciduous and evergreen oaks, 2 common on the sunnier slopes and on rocky soils, there are other thermophile species such as Clematis cirrosa, Prasium majus (white 1 2
Grande 1996, 20. Pavone et al. 2008; cf. Minissale, Sciandrello & Spampinato 2007, 154.
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298 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino hedge-nettle), Ceratonia siliqua (carob), Anagyris foetida, Teucrium flavum (yellow germander) and Euphorbia dendroides. 3 At the edge of the forest are bushes of Crataegus monogyna, Rubus ulmifolius and Rosa canina (Rubo-Crataegetum brevispinae), and to a lesser degree garrigues of Helichrysum scandens and Erica multiflora (Helichryso-Ericetum multiflorae). Limited to the riparian areas are woods of Populus alba and Pinus nigra (Populetalia albae) and bushes of Rubus ulmifolius and Aristolochia altissima (Rubo-Aristolochietum altissimae). Along the Anapo river valley, there are also areas of Platano Salicetum pedicellatae, a common association in the Hyblaean Mountains which includes Platanus orientalis, common above all on the western edge of eastern Sicily and Salix pedicellata, commonly found along watercourses throughout Sicily. 4 A phytosociological study 5 conducted specifically in the area of Akrai confirmed the general panorama of the flora, identifying the presence of many wild species belonging to the classes Parietarieteae judaicae, Adiantetea capilli-veneris, Stellarietea mediae (Brometalia rubenti-tectori, Geranio-Cardaminetalia hirsutae), Polygono-Poetea annuae, Helianthemetea guttatae, Lygeo-Stipetea, Cisto-Micromerietea and Quercetea ilicis (Pistacio-Rhamnetalia alaterni), which are found together with the ornamental species introduced by human beings in modern times. Lastly, there are the plants originating from agriculture, which today occupy a large part of the landscape and include arable and woody crops (herbaceous plants, shrubs and trees), especially those of traditional agriculture (olives, almonds, orchards and vineyards). 6
Table 1. List of stratigraphic units (US) and litres of sediment sampled in the 2016 excavation campaign Excavation campaign
2016
3 4 5 6
Litres
4
2
20
5
31
46
49
50
Table 2. List of stratigraphic units (US) and litres of sediment sampled in the 2017 and 2019 excavation campaigns Excavation campaign
2017
Materials and methods The archaeobotanical samples were taken from the archaeological levels of Trench I, in the residential quarter of the ancient town. Chronologically, these samples are associated with the period from the middle of 3rd century BC to the 7th century AD. The sampling strategy first entailed a subdivision of the trench into quadrants or areas. Where necessary, all the sediment in the quadrant was collected. Otherwise, a more targeted approach based on naked-eye inspection was adopted. During the 2016 excavation campaign, seven
US
2019
Minissale, Scelsi & Spampinato 1996. Cf. Brullo, Grillo & Guglielmo 1996. Guglielmo, Pavone & Tomaselli 2006. Bazan, Raimondo & Schicchi 2006, 34.
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US
Litres
3d
2
6
40
22
20
40
50
52
80
53
10
54
10
56
34.3
57
11
12
6
31
12
35
6
46
6
79
6
78
6
80
6
81
12
82
6
83
12
84
12
Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/Acrae by Archaeobotanical Analyses | 299
stratigraphic units were sampled: US.4, US.20, US.31, US.46, US.49, US.50, US.53. Subsequently, in 2017, nine stratigraphic units were sampled: US.3D, US.6, US.22, US.40, US.52, US.53, US.54, US.56, US.57, together with the contents of two bowls, no. 1 and no. 3, belonging to stratigraphic unit US.57. Lastly, the 2019 excavation campaign saw the total sampling of twelve stratigraphic units: US.12, US.31, US.35, US.36, US.46, US.76, US.78, US.80, US.81, US.82, US.83, US.84 and the naked-eye sampling of five stratigraphic units: US.4, US.43, US.50, US.74, US.75, as well as the sampling of the contents of two amphorae, no. 1 and no. 2, and one jug belonging to the US.50 and three lamps, one from US.12 and two from US.31. All the samples were suitably packed and transported to the Laboratory of Archaeobotany and Palaeoecology at the University of Salento where they underwent analysis. The sampling used the volume of a site bag (6–7 litres) as an average unit of measurement (tabl. 1 and tabl. 2). Once gathered, the samples were sieved using 4.00mm and 1.00mm meshes, which yielded a coarse fraction and a fine fraction, making it possible to recover macro-remains in a range of size classes. Subsequently, the samples were dried. The sediment produced by the sieving was sorted in order to isolate the plant remains from fragments of the other classes of materials such as fauna (especially malacofauna), ceramics and glass. The material was sorted using magnifying glasses (magnification 2×) and a stereoscopic microscope (Nikon SMZ 445, magnification 10×). Identified among the plant remains were fragments of charred woody tissue (anthracological remains), seeds/fruits (carpological remains), both charred and mineralised, and modern plant macro-remains indicating potential contamination of the archaeological layer. The carpological remains (seeds and fruits) were taxonomically identified by analysing biometric and morphological features with a stereoscopic microscope (Nikon SMZ 445, magnification 10×). The anthracological remains were analysed by reflected light metallographic microscope (Nikon Eclypse Me 600) with magnification from 100× to 400×, enabling examination of the anatomical micro-structure of the woody tissue in three dimensions (transversal, longitudinal and longitudinal-radial cross-section). The taxonomic nomenclature was taken from La Flora d’Italia by Sandro
Pignatti, 7 while reference was made to atlases of wood anatomy 8 and carpology 9 for the determination of species. In addition, the data were compared with reference collections available in the Laboratory of Archaeobotany and Palaeoecology at the Department of Cultural Heritage of the University of the Salento in Lecce.
Results We present here the results of the analyses of samples gathered during the excavation campaigns of 2016 and 2017, while the archaeobotanical assemblages gathered during the 2019 excavation campaign are still being processed. 10 A total of 1794 fragments underwent anthracological analysis, of which 1602 were assigned to the following taxa (tabl. 3, fig. 1 and fig. 2): Aesculus sp., Arundo donax, Castanea sativa, Cistus sp., Conifereae, Fagus sp., Ficus carica, Fraxinus sp., Juglans regia, Laurus sp., Leguminosae; Morus sp., Olea europaea, Ostrya carpinofolia, Pistacia sp., Platanus orientalis, Populus/Salix, Prunus sp., Quercus sp., Quercus type cerris, Quercus type robur, Quercus type suber, Rosaceae/Maloideae, Rhamnus/Phillyrea, Platanus sp., Ulmaceae, Ulmus sp. and Vitis vinifera. Evergreen oaks (Quercus type suber), deciduous oaks (Quercus type robur) and Olea europaea are consistently represented from the middle of 3rd century BC to the 7th century AD, accounting respectively for 43.0%, 6.00% and 9.00% of total remains. The reconstruction of the dynamics of management and exploitation of the territory in ancient times is complemented by the results obtained from the analysis of carpological remains. A total of 1576 carpological remains were analysed, of which 1483 were assigned to the following taxa (tabl. 4 and figs. 3, 4): Ajuga chia, Avena sp., Brassica sp., Caryophillaceae, Chenopodium sp., Corylus avellana, Euphorbia sp., Ficus carica, Galium sp., Hordeum vulgare, Leguminosae, Linum usitatissimum, Lolium sp., Maloideae, Malva sp., Medicago sp., Olea europaea, Phalaris sp., Poaceae, Polygonaceae, Rubus sp., Triticum aestivum/durum, Triticum dicoccum, Triticum
7 8 9 10
Pignatti 1982. Cambini 1967; Giordano 1981; Schweingruber 1990. Martin & Barkley 1961; Kats, Kats & Kipiani 1965; Berggren 1981; Nesbitt & Goddard 2006; Jacomet 2006; Bojňansk & Fargašová 2007. Cf. Stella 2018a; Stella 2018b; Stella et al. 2018.
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cfr. Fagus
cfr. Aesculus 0 0
cfr. Rhamnus/Phillyrea 0 0
Rhamnus/Phillyrea 1 3
cfr. Pistacia 14 139
300 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
middle of III BC -I I AD- middle of IV BC AD
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
cfr. Fagus cfr. Aesculus cfr. Rhamnus/Phillyrea Rhamnus/Phillyrea cfr. Pistacia Pistacia sp. cfr. Quercus type suber Quercus type suber Quercus type cerris cfr. Quercus type robur Quercus type robur cfr. Quercus Quercus sp. cfr. Olea europaea Olea europaea cfr. Ulmus Ulmaceae Ulmus sp. Leguminosae cfr. Laurus Laurus sp. cfr. Morus Morus sp. Coniferae cfr. Populus/Salix Populus/Salix cfr. Prunus Prunus sp. Rosaceae/Maloideae cfr. Castanea sativa cfr. Platanus orientalis Arundo donax cfr. Fraxinus Fraxinus sp. cfr. Vitis vinifera Vitis vinifera cfr. Cistus Cistus sp. Juglans regia Ficus carica Ostrya carpinofolia cfr. Ostrya carpinifolia
Fig. 1. Values in percentage of anthracological remains Anthracological analysis: values in percentage of different taxa for each chronological period (prepared: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.)
Fig. 2. Trasversal section of anthracological remains (magnification 100×): a) Arundo donax; b) Quercus type robur; c) Prunus sp.; d) Rhamnus/Phillyrea; e) Coniferae; f) Fraxinus sp.; g) Platanus orientalis; h) Olea europaea; i) Quercus type suber (photo: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.)
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Table 3. Chronological and stratigraphical distribution of anthracological remains Age
1st–middle of 4th century AD
4th–1st century BC
end of 4th–8th century AD
US 20
US 31
US 53
US 40
US 52
US 56
US 57
US 4
US 46
US 54
US 6
US 22
US 49
US 50
Castanea sativa
-
2
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
cfr. Aesculus
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
cfr. Arundo donax
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
4
cfr. Cistus
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
cfr. Fagus
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
cfr. Fraxinus
-
-
1
-
1
-
-
1
-
-
-
2
-
-
cfr. Juglans regia
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
cfr. Laurus
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
cfr. Morus
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
-
-
-
-
cfr. Olea europaea
-
-
-
1
12
2
7
-
-
1
3
4
-
-
cfr. Ostrya carpinifolia
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
cfr. Pistacia
-
-
-
-
1
2
-
-
-
-
7
-
-
-
cfr. Platanus orientalis
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
12
-
cfr. Populus/ Salix
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
cfr. Prunus
-
-
-
-
3
-
1
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
cfr. Quercus
-
-
-
-
2
2
8
-
-
4
16
13
-
-
cfr. Quercus type robur
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
1
11
3
-
-
cfr. Quercus type suber
-
-
-
1
8
6
6
-
-
14
26
19
-
-
cfr. Rhamnus/ Phillyrea
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
3
-
-
-
cfr. Ulmus
-
-
-
2
-
-
-
-
2
-
-
-
-
cfr. Vitis
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
Cistus sp.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
Coniferae
-
-
-
1
-
6
3
93
-
-
4
-
-
-
Ficus carica
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Taxon
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302 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino
Age
1st–middle of 4th century AD
4th–1st century BC
end of 4th–8th century AD
US 20
US 31
US 53
US 40
US 52
US 56
US 57
US 4
US 46
US 54
US 6
US 22
US 49
US 50
Fraxinus sp.
1
-
-
-
3
1
-
1
2
1
-
-
1
6
Laurus sp.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
Leguminosae
-
-
-
-
1
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Morus sp.
-
-
2
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Olea europaea
15
26
7
8
15
20
36
-
1
20
-
11
-
1
Ostrya carpinifolia
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
Pistacia sp.
1
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
2
-
-
-
Populus/Salix
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Prunus sp.
1
3
-
1
4
2
4
1
-
1
2
2
8
-
Quercus sp.
10
-
-
-
5
9
3
1
5
7
5
8
-
-
Quercus type cerris
-
-
-
1
-
4
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Quercus type robur
11
7
2
6
9
12
5
3
2
15
7
6
19
3
Quercus type suber
6
82
140
93
41
40
21
12
90
40
25
12
12
12
Rhamnus/ Phillyrea
-
1
-
-
1
2
3
13
1
-
1
1
38
99
Rosaceae/ Maloideae
7
-
-
-
1
2
5
-
1
-
-
-
58
-
Ulmaceae
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
Ulmus sp.
-
3
1
-
1
1
2
-
3
2
-
-
-
-
Vitis vinifera
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
5
-
Taxon
monococcum, Triticum sp., Vicia ervilia, Vicia faba var. minor, Vicia sp. and Vitis vinifera. The carpological remains were sorted into macro-categories: Leguminosae, Graminaceae, weeds/ruderals, fruit trees and shrubs. The taxonomic identification helped to distinguish between wild plants and crops. Hence, Graminaceae were separated into Poaceae (wild grasses) and cereals. The most frequently attested taxa are Olea europaea, Vitis vinifera and cereals (Hordeum vulgare, Triticum aestivum/durum, Triticum dicoccum, Triticum monococcum, Triticum sp.), which account for 32.0%, 16.0% and 12.0% of total remains. Weeds/
ruderals, which include Poaceae (Ajuga chia, Avena sp., Brassica sp., Caryophillaceae, Chenopodium sp., Euphorbia sp., Galium sp., Hordeum vulgare, Lolium sp., Phalaris sp. and Polygonaceae) and Leguminosae (Medicago sp., Vicia ervilia, Vicia faba var. minor, Vicia sp.), account for 10.0% and 11.0% of total remains. US.49 and US.50 were characterised by the presence of a high number of fragments of Linum usitatissimum (372), accounting for 25.0% of the total fragments identified in those stratigraphic units.
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0
Poaceae
11
Phalaris sp.
2
1
Lolium sp.
2
Avena sp.
1
Triticum sp.
1
Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/Acrae by Archaeobotanical Analyses | 303
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
middle of III BC -I I AD- middle of IV BC AD
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
Medicago sp. Brassica sp. Leguminoseae Vicia ervilia Vicia faba var. minor Vicia sp. Poaceae Phalaris sp. Lolium sp. Avena sp. Triticum sp. Triticum dicoccum Triticum monococcum Triticum/Hordeum Triticum aestivum/durum Hordeum vulgare Chenopodium sp. Malva sp. Euphorbia sp. Caryophillaceae Ajuga chia Polygonaceae Galium sp. Olea europaea Vitis vinifera Rubus sp. Ficus sp. Maloideae cfr. Maloideae Corylus avellana Linum usitatissimum cfr. Linum usitatissimum
Fig. 3. Seed and fruit analysis: values in percentage of different taxa for each chronological period (prepared: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.)
Fig. 4. Seeds and fruit remains: a) Olea europaea; b) Vitis vinifera; c) Triticum aestivum-durum; d) Avena sp.; e–f) Modern vs ancient Linum usitatissimum (photo: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.)
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1
304 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino Table 4. Chronological and stratigraphical distribution of plant macro remains Age
1st–middle of 4th century AD
4th–1st century BC
end of 4th–8th century AD
US 20
US 31
US 40
US 52
US 53
US 56
US 57
US 4
US 46
US 54
US 6
US 22
US 49
US 50
Ajuga chia
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Avena sp.
-
1
-
1
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
Brassica sp.
-
-
-
4
-
-
-
-
-
1
1
-
-
Caryophillaceae
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
cfr. Linum usitatissumum
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
2
cfr. Maloideae
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
7
cfr. Vitis vinifera
-
-
-
-
-
-
6
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Chenopodium sp.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
Corylus avellana
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Euphorbia sp.
-
-
-
2
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
2
-
-
Ficus sp.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
Galium sp.
1
-
-
2
9
-
-
-
-
2
2
-
1
-
Hordeum vulgare
1
1
-
7
-
6
5
-
-
8
4
-
9
4
Leguminosae
-
-
-
3
2
1
2
-
-
9
3
1
-
1
Linum usitatissimum
-
-
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
162
210
Lolium sp.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
Maloideae
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
7
6
Malva sp.
-
3
-
2
4
-
-
2
-
2
-
-
-
1
Medicago sp.
2
-
-
1
3
1
-
-
-
3
1
-
-
-
Olea europaea
1
125
4
20
128
98
13
2
30
59
3
-
-
-
Phalaris sp.
-
-
-
4
2
2
5
-
-
1
1
-
1
-
Poaceae
1
7
-
1
2
-
-
-
-
1
2
-
3
17
Poligonaceae
-
-
-
1
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Rubus sp.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
1
Triticum aestivum/durum
4
1
1
2
1
1
6
-
-
-
1
1
1
5
Taxon
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Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/Acrae by Archaeobotanical Analyses | 305
Age
1st–middle of 4th century AD
4th–1st century BC
end of 4th–8th century AD
US 20
US 31
US 40
US 52
US 53
US 56
US 57
US 4
US 46
US 54
Triticum dicoccum
-
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Triticum monococcum
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
Triticum sp.
2
-
-
3
-
-
1
-
-
2
-
Triticum/ Hordeum
-
3
2
13
1
31
12
-
-
5
3
Vicia ervilia
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Vicia faba var minor
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
-
Vicia sp.
1
2
5
-
-
2
-
-
13
Vitis vinifera
40
2
54
12
6
66
1
5
22
Taxon
16
Forest degradation The Greek colonists saw the forests as a resource with which to meet the need for fuel (enabling large-scale metallurgy) and timber for handicrafts and construction, forest clearance having the added advantage of freeing up land for pasture and crops, and for the Romans it was no different. 11 Some studies have estimated that before Greek colonisation the forested areas in Sicily accounted for between 50.0% and 80.0% of the total area of the island. 12 The recourse to forest resources in Antiquity is obviously a result of their immediate accessibility, but it could also be due to a deliberate decision based on the physical properties of the species available. The holm oak (Quercus ilex) for example is characterised by an intrinsic hardness. Vitruvius lists it among the types of timber suitable for construction and carpentry. 13 Pliny the Elder refers to ash trees and their use for making carts, furniture and agricultural implements. 14 Of the forest that covered the area of Syracuse in ancient times, the little that remains today is 11 12 13 14
Fedeli 1990, 74. Linee guida del piano paesaggistico territoriale, regione Siciliana 1996, 30. Vitr. De arch. 9.8–9; Antico Gallina 2011, 40 and 258. Plin. NH XVI.29; Antico Gallina 2011, 42.
US 6
US 22
US 49
US 50
1
1
1
1
1
3
3
5
4
7
13
1
-
-
-
-
-
-
1
1
9
3
8
-
limited to certain districts and patches of high ground. Riparian woods with formations of Platanus orientalis, stands of evergreen oaks and mixed woods of Quercus virgiliana in association with other broadleaf trees survive in small quantities, as a look at the landscape and environment demonstrates. 15 In addition, the current tree coverage in the province of Syracuse is largely the product of expansion since 1820. The data for 1823 attest to the presence of formations of broadleaf trees such as holm oak, downy oak, cork oak, ash and elm. 16 The landscape and environmental picture that emerges from the analysis suggests that in the past the site of Akrai was characterised by the presence of extensive stands of evergreen oaks (Quercus type suber) and, to a lesser degree, deciduous oak (Quercus type robur), today largely degraded. The results also show the presence of Mediterranean scrub species such as Pistacia sp., Laurus sp. and above all Rhamnus/Phillyrea, in addition to species typical of mixed meso-thermophile woods (Quercus type suber; Quercus type cerris in association with Ulmus, Fraxinus; Ostrya carpinifolia, and Coniferae), the exploitation of which seems to decrease in the later phases (fig. 5). The earliest attestation of Platanus orientalis is dated to Late Antiquity. The plane tree is a species
15 16
Antico Gallina 2011, 31. Turibio 1996.
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Rosaceae/ Maloideae Vitis vinifera
306 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
100% 90%
maquis
80%
garrigue
70% 60%
mesothermophile forest
50% 40%
anthropic vegetation
30% 20%
riparian vegetation
10% 0%
middle of III BC - I AD- middle of I BC IV AD
cfr. Quercus type suber 1 2
1 14 45
Fig. 5. Anthracological analysis: values in percentage of riparian vegetation, anthropic Quercus type cerris Quercus type robur Quercus type robur cfr. Quercus vegetation, mesothermophile forest,cfr.garrigue and maquis for each chronological period 423 5 1 52 (prepared: G.) 142 0 Stella, M. & Fiorentino, 1 20
Quercus type suber
61
0
that prefers cool and moist conditions and grows along the banks of watercourses, 17 and the giant cane (Arundo donax) is also characteristic of such environments. This may reflect a more extensive exploitation of the resources at the bottom of valleys or near seasonal streams.
Landscape reconstruction Over time, the environment has undergone transformations of varying intensity due to human activities, not only regarding the density of forest coverage but also favouring the presence of certain species rather than others. The anthracological analyses show the presence of various species directly linked to anthropisation, indicating that the use of the soil was guided by a deliberate strategy. There are fruit trees such as chestnut (Castanea sativa), walnut (Juglans regia), mulberry (Morus sp.), olive (Olea europaea) and fig (Ficus carica), as well as vines (Vitis vinifera) and the Rosaceae group, which includes Prunoideae (plum, almond, etc.) and Maloideae (apple, pear, etc.). On the basis of a comparison of species and a diachronic reading, we note the presence of Olea
17
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
Pignatti 1982, 486.
14
35
12 4 29
Quercus sp.
europaea from the middle of 3rd century BC until Late Antiquity, while in this period it is found less frequently. Late Antiquity also saw an increase in fruit trees (Maloideae and Prunoideae), present in the more ancient phases but to a lesser degree, and the appearance of the grapevine Vitis vinifera. The lack of Vitis vinifera and the decrease in Olea europaea over the centuries is linked to the economic role that these crops played in the landscape. After the Roman Imperial period we see a new rational organisation of resources and a shift away from grapevines and olive trees towards other forms of cultivation. The greater exploitation of Rosaceae as a fuel could be explained by the expansion of fruit crops, whose wood can be used to light fires, or by the degradation of forest formations, on the margins of which Prunoideae and Maloideae usually grow. In this phase we also note a rise in food production and handicraft activity (fig. 6). Observation of the plant macro-remains from the middle of 3rd century to the 7th century AD reveals the constant presence of olives, grapevines and cereals in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial phases, suggesting an economy based on ‘the Mediterranean triad’ (fig. 7). The morphological conditions of the Mediterranean landscape are ideal for the growth of these three species, whose annual cycles alternate harmoniously, enabling the harvest of cereals in late spring and summer, vines in August and
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2 13 13
Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/Acrae by Archaeobotanical Analyses | 307
100%
15 1 Triticum/Hordeum 58 23
0 0 7 62
25
27
90% 100%
Olea europaea
80% 90%
Leguminosae Rosaceae/ Maloideae weeds/ruderals Vitis vinifera sp. Hordeum
70% 80% 60% 70% 50% 60% 40% 50%
Triticum sp.
30% 40% 20% 30%
Triticum/Hordeum
10% 20% 0% 10%
0%
middle of III BC - I AD- middle of I BC IV AD
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
middle of III BC - I AD- middle of I BC IV AD
100% 90%
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
Fig. 6. Anthracological analysis: Values in percentage of Rosaceae, Olea europaea and Vitis vinifera for each chronological period (prepared: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.) 0 0 2021 28 20
mesothermophile forest
89 128 63
anthropic vegetation
riparian vegetation
187 28 100% 97 90%
80% 70% 60%
2 0 19
50%
cereals
40%
80%
30%
Linum usitatissimum
70% 60%
20% 10%
Olea europaea
50% 40%
0%
middle of III BC I BC
Vitis vinifera
30%
cfr. Rhamnus/Phillyrea 0 0
20%
Rhamnus/Phillyrea 1 3
cfr. Pistacia 14 139
10% 0%
Pistacia sp.
cfr. Quercus type suber
0 7
middle of III BC -I I AD- middle of BC IV AD
1 2
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
1 14 45
Quercus type sube
42 142 61
0 0
Fig. 7. Seed and fruit analysis: Values in percentage of Vitis vinifera, Olea europaea, cereals and Linum usitatissimum for each chronological period (prepared: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.) cfr. Fagus Vicia faba var. minor
cfr. Aesculus cfr. Rhamnus/Phillyrea Vicia sp. Rhamnus/Phillyrea cfr. Pistacia Pistacia sp. cfr. Quercus type suber Quercus type suber Quercus type cerris cfr. Quercus type robur Quercus type robur cfr. Quercus Quercus sp. cfr. Olea europaea Olea europaea cfr. Ulmus Ulmaceae Ulmus sp. Leguminosae cfr. Laurus Laurus sp. cfr. Morus Morus sp. Coniferae cfr. Populus/Salix Populus/Salix cfr. Prunus Prunus sp. Rosaceae/Maloideae cfr. Castanea sativa cfr. Platanus orientalis Arundo donax cfr. Fraxinus Fraxinus sp. cfr. Vitis vinifera Vitis vinifera cfr. Cistus Cistus sp. Juglans regia Ficus carica
Poaceae
Phalaris sp.
11 September and olives in 0October and November. The most common cereal crops were barley2 and wheat, but in the Roman Imperial period the latter became dominant. Columella states that ‘no other
AD
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
Lolium sp.
18
Columella, Rust. XI.9.14.
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
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Avena sp.
Triticum sp.
1 cereal offers better protection against hunger’ in moments 2of famine. 18 1 1 Sicily played an important role in the Roman Imperial food market, although there is a shortage of information on the production of Sicilian grain
Medicago sp. Brassica sp. Leguminoseae Vicia ervilia Vicia faba var. minor Vicia sp. Poaceae Phalaris sp. Lolium sp. Avena sp. Triticum sp. Triticum dicoccum Triticum monococcum Triticum/Hordeum Triticum aestivum/durum Hordeum vulgare
1
308 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino
100%
23 2 25
Triticum/Hordeum
90%
62 5 27
Leguminosae
80%
weeds/ruderals
70% 60%
Hordeum sp.
50%
Triticum sp.
40%
Triticum/Hordeum
30% 20% 10% 0%
middle of III BC - I AD- middle of I BC IV AD
end of IV ADVI/VII AD
Fig. 8. Seed and fruit analysis: Values in percentage of Leguminosae, weeds/ruderals, Hordeum sp. and Triticum sp. for each chronological period (prepared: Stella, M. & Fiorentino, G.)) 202 28 20
100% 90%
cerealsLigure) 23 and Aquileia 24 and the species that were cultivated. Pliny the Sabatia (near modern Vado Elder tells us of the existence in northern and central Italy and Egnatia (near the 80% of a grain cultivated in the hilly areas of Sicily that ripened with the modern Fasano) 25 in the south. Evidence regarding 70% Linum spring rains in just two months. 19 However, the the Medieval period has been found in central and usitatissimum 26 most common type was probably the grain sown northern Italy, as well as in the south, in Castrum 60% during the autumn. The famous production of Minervae (near modern Castro), 27 Segesta 28 and Olea europaea 50% grain was accompanied by that of wine, exported Palike (near modern Rocchicella di Mineo. 29 to Rome and elsewhere, and In Late Antiquity there was also an increase in 40% oil. Vitis vinifera However, in Late Antiquity, olive and grape the representativeness and variety of cereal taxa 30% production seems to have declined in favour of (Triticum aestivum/durum, Triticum dicoccum, Tritcereal cultivation, with the icum monococcum, Hordeum vulgare), emmer wheat 20% probable addition of a new industrial crop, flax (fig. 7). In the light of (Triticum dicoccum) being the dominant source 10% the data it is not yet possible to establish the origin of food in the Roman Republican and Imperial and use of flax, which is found almost exclusively periods. 0% middle of III BC -I I ADmiddle of The enddata of IV ADin the samples from US.49 and US.50. The reorobtained for the macro-categories of IV AD weeds/ruderals, VI/VII AD ganisation of agriculture must haveBCinvolved the leguminosae and cereals (divided replacement of previous crops or the allocation of into the two taxa of Hordeum sp. and Triticum sp.) new land to non-food crops such as flax. Informashow an evolution of crop management based tion on flax in the Roman period comes from the Pliny the Elder 20 and Columella. 21 The remains Vicia faba var. minor Vicia sp. Poaceae Phalaris sp. Lolium sp. Avena sp. Triticum sp. of flax seeds have been discovered in 11 the sites 23 Arobba, Bulgarelli & Caramiello 2010; Arobba et al. 0 1 2013. dated back to the Roman Imperial period and Late 22 24 Scotti Antiquity: Mutina (near modern Modena), Vada 2 2 & Rottoli 2007. 1 1
19 20 21 22
Plin. NH XVIII.70. Plin. NH XII.35. 100% Columella, Rust. II.7. Bosi, Rinaldi & Bandini Mazzanti 2011; Bosi et al. 2017.
25 Stellati et al. 2012. 26 Van der Veen 1985 (for Molise); Buonincontri et al. 2017 (for Tuscany); Bosi, Mercuri & Bandini Mazzanti 2009; Bandini Mazzanti, Bosi & Mercuri 2005 (for Emilia Romagna); Maritan 2012 (for Veneto). 27 D’Aquino 2015–2016. 28 Castiglione & Rottoli 1997. 29 Unpublished data currently being processed at the Medicago sp. Laboratory of Archaeobotany and Palaeoecology of the University of the Salento. Brassica sp.
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
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Leguminoseae Vicia ervilia Vicia faba var. minor Vicia sp. Poaceae Phalaris sp. Lolium sp. Avena sp. Triticum sp. Triticum dicoccum Triticum monococcum Triticum/Hordeum Triticum aestivum/durum Hordeum vulgare Chenopodium sp. Malva sp. Euphorbia sp.
1
Landscape and Landuse in Akrai/Acrae by Archaeobotanical Analyses | 309
on seasonal and annual yields, providing useful insight into rotation cycles. The presence of weeds/ ruderals (Ajuga chia, Brassica sp., Caryophillaceae, Euphorbia sp., Galium sp., Lolium sp., Malva sp., Phalaris sp., Poligonaceae) including Poaceae in association with Leguminosae (Medicago sp., Vicia ervilia, Vicia sp., Vicia faba var minor) is constant throughout the period in question. The association of cereals with Leguminosae, Poaceae and weeds/ ruderals is an indicator of the presence of uncultivated fields or of spring-type crops (fig. 8). Since cereals consume nitrogen while legumes produce it, leaving fields fallow or sowing them with pulses returns lost nutrients to the soil. Pulses also constituted a food source for human beings and cattle. Such plants may indicate the existence of fields cultivated for fodder or uncultivated spaces intended for grazing. The cycle of plants, especially their flowering, provides important information on the relationship of crop rotation and the seasonal dimensions of cereal cultivation.
Conclusions The abundance of environmental resources and the morphology of the region, whose alternating gentle slopes and deep valleys ensured easy control over the surrounding area, helped to make the Hyblaean foreland ‘a humanised landscape’, 30 one of the first parts of Sicily to become subject to anthropic influence. The topographical position of the site of Akrai was chosen for reasons of defence, hygiene (considering that the low areas near the rivers tended to be marshy and infested with malaria) and economics. Indeed, the economy, centred on agriculture, hunting and grazing, played a decisive role in the growth and development of the settlement. The results obtained from the analyses made it possible to reconstruct and formulate hypotheses regarding the economic organisation of the natural space and the dynamics of exploitation of the region in a broad chronological arc (from the middle of 3rd century BC to the 7th century AD). Starting in the 3rd century BC, and above all during the reign of Hiero II, Akrai enjoyed a period of economic and cultural splendour, supplying grain for the armies and population of Rome even before it had become a Roman province. 31 After
30 Grande 1996, 25. 31 Soraci 2003.
the Roman conquest, cereal cultivation continued, accompanied by vines and olives. From the 1st century BC onwards a new organisation of rural space is perceptible throughout the island, with a growing number of settlements and farms. 32 The agriculture of the Hellenistic period, founded on the so-called ‘Mediterranean triad’ (olives, vines and cereals), seems to have broadly continued in the Roman Imperial period, when these crops were expanded together with the production of fruit. From the Republican period onwards 33, Sicily was the main source of cereals for Rome and it would remain so throughout the Imperial period. The intensive exploitation of the territory of Akrai in this historic phase clearly emerges from the increased forest clearance and the deterioration of the holm oak forest and mixed deciduous woods, a process that had already begun in the Hellenistic period. The exploitation of the forests was accompanied by the systematic planning of crops and fields used for growing animal fodder or pasture. Akrai is mentioned in the Itinerarium Antonini and cited in the Tabula Peutingeriana, 34 as well as on the map of Ptolemy, 35 confirming the site’s importance as a transit point on major routes of communication and exchange. If this is so, then it may be assumed that it played an active economic and commercial role, considering the benefits that derived from the influence of Syracuse, then enjoying a period of great wealth, with all manner of products (including luxury goods) arriving at its port. Following the seismic event that struck the island in the second half of the 4th century AD, the site was abandoned, although it was reoccupied a few decades later. In this period the agricultural sector was affected by new upheaval, with the exploitation of the forests probably shifting down to the bottom of the valleys and the banks of the watercourses. This phase saw intense craft and industrial activity, as attested by the archaeological discoveries in Trench I (among others: metal objects, slag from iron production and pottery stamps). 36 The economic recovery and the introduction of new industrial activities unfolded against the general backdrop of prosperity that
32 Bejor 1983, 370. 33 Soraci 2009, 84. 34 It. Ant. 89.8 (Agris); Chowaniec & Misiewicz 2009–2011, 124. 35 Cf. Chowaniec 2017; Chowaniec 2018. 36 Chowaniec 2017; Chowaniec 2018.
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310 | Matilde Stella & Girolamo Fiorentino affected Sicily in Late Antiquity, 37 when the main crops were cereals and grapes. The dominant role of cereals (and the increasing variability of species) in the agriculture of this epoch is also perceptible in Akrai, while there appears to be a temporary reduction in the cultivation of vines and olives, a pattern seen in other sites in the area of Syracuse. 38 Among the economic activities of this phase is the introduction of a new crop, flax, a species that had already been cultivated in the Roman Imperial period. Its cultivation in Akrai cannot be affirmed with certainty, and it may well have been imported, but its introduction as a resource is a vital clue to the economic history of the site and the reconstruction of its spread and adoption in Italy. The research and the results obtained in this study, which will be updated and revised in the light of new data, have shown that with the right
eye for assessing the interaction between nature and human beings, human actions can be reconstructed from the environment.
Acknowledgments The research of Matilde Stella was supported by the Programma Operativo Nazionale Ricerca e Innovazione 2014–2020 (CCI 2014IT16M2OP005), Fondo Sociale Europeo, Azione I.1 ‘Dottorati Innovativi con caratterizzazione Industriale’ for the project ‘La dieta mediterranea tra archeologia, tradizione e innovazione: il contributo dell’archeobotanica’ (DOT 1312593). We would also like to thank the Akrai mission directed by Roksana Chowaniec, as well as George Metcalf for the English revision of the text.
37 Wilson 1990; Vaccaro 2013. 38 Megara Hyblaea, Giarranauti, Santa Caterina, cf. Cacciaguerra 2008, 444.
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Notes of Contributors
Barone Germana is Professor at the University of Catania, a senior lecturer in mineral geo-resources and mineralogical and petrographic applications for the environment and cultural heritage at the Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences. She works mainly in the field of archaeometric characterization of cultural heritage materials, also in collaboration with national and international research agencies, museums and intendancies. The main topics of her scientific productions regard innovative destructive and non-destructive analytical methods for the minero-petrographic and geochemical study of rocks and artificial stone materials.
University of Warsaw – Faculty of Archaeology – ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 – 00–927 Warsaw, Poland – [email protected]
University of Catania – Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences, C.so Italia, 57 – 95129 Catania, Italy – [email protected]
Doctoral and Postdoctoral School of Historical Sciences – ‘Lucian Blaga’ State University – Bd. Victoriei nr. 10 – 550024 Sibiu, Romania
Chowaniec Roksana is a Professor at the University of Warsaw and a Director of the Archaeological Mission at Akrai/Acrae. Her field of interest includes: Hellenistic-Roman Sicily, acculturation and‚ Romanization’ processes, the role of the Greek colonies in new Roman province, landscape studies and reconstruction of ancient diet, as well as cognitive problems of the education and promotion in archaeological heritage. She has published many articles and two books on ancient Sicily, with particular focus on Akrai. She leads scientific research projects and excavations there. She has cooperated with and published materials from excavations’ projects in Greek colony of Tanais in Russia and Roman military camp in Novae in Bulgaria.
Domżalski Krzysztof is a researcher and an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw. His fields of interest include material culture in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea region from the Hellenistic period until the Late Antiquity, especially fine pottery production, trade and consumption: qualitative, typo-chronological and functional aspects, as well as long-distance trade patterns. He has published several articles on pottery finds form various excavation sites: Ptolemais in Cyrenaica, Chhim and Jiyeh (Porphyreon) in Lebanon, Pompeiopolis and Sinop in northern Anatolia, Novae in Bulgaria, as well as in Nymphaion, Tanais and Olbia in the Pontic region.
Chrzanovski Laurent is Professor at the Doctoral and Postdoctoral School of Social Sciences at the University of Sibiu (Romania). Specialized on light and lamps in Antiquity and beyond, he founded in 2003 the International Lychnological Association, where he acts as Secretary-General. He is the author/editor of 22 scientific volumes and more than 120 articles, a majority of them dedicated to ancient lamps from different sites and museums around Europe and North Africa.
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
314 | Notes of Contributors Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology – Polish Academy of Sciences – Aleja “Solidarności” 105 – 00–140 Warsaw, Poland
has published many articles (over 200) on different topics and participate to different international projects.
Finocchiaro Claudio is a geologist and PhD in Earth and Environmental Sciences, whose doctorate project has foreseen the valorisation of volcanic ash coming from Mt. Etna volcano (Sicily) through an alkaline synthesis process for restoration works in Cultural Heritage field. Recently, he is researcher at the Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences of Catania University (Italy) within a project aimed to green and innovation topic. In these years, he grew his knowledge for material sciences and characterization analyses, consolidating geological and mineralogical aspects. Moreover, he carries out archaeometric studies on local find of high archaeological interest to extend his research field. He attended to different International Conference as well as he supported several times the organization of National and International Conference. Moreover, he collaborates with National and International Institutions, publishing different scientific papers.
Laboratorio di Archeobotanica e Paleoecologia – Dipartimento di Beni culturali – Via Dalmazio Birago, 64 – Università del Salento, Lecce, Italy – [email protected]
University of Catania – Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences, C.so Italia, 57 – 95129 Catania, Italy – Claudio.finocchiaro@ unict.it Fituła Marta is an archaeologist, living and working in Sicily (Italy). Her main research topics are focused on Mediterranean culture and art, especially Neolithic period, and also modern technologies in archaeology and traditional graphic documentation. She is an author of many scientific articles, cultural and scientific events (exhibitions, conferences, laboratories). She is also an author of a convention between University of Warsaw, Poland and Soprintendenza dei Beni Culturali in Syracuse, Italy. She is also an originator of the regional consular of SiciliAntica Association. C. da Gioi – S.P. Noto-Pachino, km. 1 – 96–017 Noto (Sr), Italy – [email protected] Fiorentino Girolamo is Professor at the Department of Cultural Heritage, University of Salento where he leads the Laboratory of Archeobotany and Palaeoecology. His field of interest includes: Environmental Archeology, Archeobotany and stable isotope analyses for the reconstruction of ancient diet, landscape and palaeoclimate. He works on Mediterranean Basin with a chronological range from Palaeolithic to Medieval time. He
Jakubczyk Ireneusz is Adjunct at the Faculty of Archaeology, University of Warsaw. His main research topics are focused on brooches in the Barbaricum and Roman provinces, archeology of the Roman and Migration periods, contacts between barbarian tribes and Roman Empire. He took part in ‘The early medieval cemetery in Almalyk-Dere at the foot of the Mangup in southwest Crimea’ project, funded by the Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum. He was the principal investigator for two National Science Center grants: ‘Roman imports in central Poland’ and ‘Almgren group VI brooches in the Przeworsk culture’. He is involved in excavations in Akrai since 2017. University of Warsaw – Faculty of Archaeology – Krakowskie Przemieście 26/28 – 00927 Warszawa, Poland – [email protected] Konrad Aleksandra completed her MA in Archaeology at the University of Warsaw. Her thesis focused on material evidence of domestic cults in Akrai, through the study of terracotta figurines. Her main field of interest include coroplastic studies and domestic cults, particularly in Hellenistic-Roman Sicily. She is an active participant of the excavations in Akrai since 2015. During her studies at the Faculty of Archaeology, she participated in field excavation projects in Montenegro, Armenia and Poland. She is the recipient of a scholarship from the Foundation of the Institute of Archaeology, and was part of the EU-funded projects INNOVARCH for Public Archaeology and since 2021, ‘Tracce di memoria’ – TRaME project. Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences – Al. Solidarności 105 – 00140 Warsaw, Poland Lanteri Rosa is an archaeologist, specialised in ancient topography. Actually she is a director responsible for the Operative Unit of ‘Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai’. From September 2011 to June 2016 she was director responsible for the Archaeological Operative Unit of Soprintendenza per i Beni
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Culturali in Syracusa. She took part in archaeological expedition in Turkey (Kyme) and Libya (Leptis Magna). Her scientific work ranges from studies in ancient topography, carried out in the area of Syracuse, to the prehistory, with particular regard to the funerary monuments, and numismatic. More recently, his research has focused on the topography of the ancient Syracuse. U.O. 2 del S.39 Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro – Villa del Tellaro e Akrai – Viale Teocrito 66 – 96100 Siracusa – rosa.lanteri@regione. sicilia.it Manenti Angela Maria is an archaeologist working in ‘Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai’ since 2015. Her main scientific interests include terracotta figurines from Sicily, numismatics, jewellery studies, as well as issues related to the problems related to the coexistence and integration of indigenous inhabitants and Greeks in Sicily. She was one of the collaborators creating the Numismatic Collection of the Paolo Orsi Museum in 2010. She works in collaboration with Italian and foreign scholars. Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro – Villa del Tellaro e Akrai – Viale Teocrito, 66 – 96100 Syracuse, Italy – angelamaria.manenti@ regione.sicilia.it Matera Marcin is a researcher and an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw. His fields of interest include material culture in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean region from the Hellenistic to Roman period, especially ceramics epigraphy, amphora trade and consumption, as well as long-distance trade patterns. He participated in the excavations of Tanais (Russia), Tyritake (Ukraine), Risan (Montenegro) and Akrai (Italy). Since 2015 he leads the excavations and scientific projects in Tanais and Konsulovskoe. He has published several articles dealing with ancient Black Sea region and with amphora stamps. University of Warsaw – Department of Archaeology – ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 – 00–927 Warsaw, Poland – marcinmatera@ uw.edu.pl Mazzoleni Paolo is a Professor at the University of Catania, at the Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences, where he has
lectured numerous courses in petrography and applied petrography. He works also as a lecturer in many training and specialization courses in the context of geo-mineralogical disciplines applied to ‘Environmental and Cultural Heritage’. Since the academic year 2010/11 he has been the President of M.Sc. Course in Geology in Catania. He currently conducts researches on the use of innovative methodologies in mineralogy and microstructure of stones and pottery analysis, also in collaboration with both Italian and foreign researchers. University of Catania – Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences, C.so Italia, 57 – 95129 Catania, Italy – [email protected] Młynarczyk Jolanta is a researcher and a Professor at the Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw. Her field of interest includes archaeology of Near East in the Greco-Roman and Byzantine periods with particular focus on religious life, the cultures of ancient Cyprus as well as different categories of ceramics (oil lamps included) of the 1st millenium BC and the Roman to Byzantine period. She participated in the excavations of Nea Paphos and Yeronisos (both on Cyprus), in Alexandria (Egypt), Shaar ha-Amakim and Beit Jimal in Israel; she also directed excavations of a Byzantine church in ancient Hippos (Israel). She published and edited books as well as authored numerous papers, dealing with ancient Cyprus, Palestine and with ceramic assemblages from a number of sites in Cyprus, Egypt and Israel/Palestine. University of Warsaw – Department of Near Eastern Archaeology – ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 – 00–927 Warsaw, Poland – [email protected] Musumeci Agostina is an archaeologist of the Regional Department of Cultural Heritage and Sicilian Identity, at the ‘Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai’. She previously worked at the Soprintendenza of Caltanissetta, Syracuse and the Paolo Orsi Archaeological Museum in Syracuse. She has participated in several excavations in the cities of Catania, Lentini, Syracuse. Her field of interest includes the study of terracottas in Classical and Hellenistic Sicily. She also deals with material culture of the classical Greek period. Currently she is working on the early medieval pottery. She has published numerous papers on ceramic and coroplastic materials. She has been co-curator of an exhibition of the Soprintendenza of Syracuse entitled ‘Musei Nascosti’.
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0
316 | Notes of Contributors Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro – Villa del Tellaro e Akrai – Viale Teocrito, 66 – 96100 Syracuse, Italy – agostina.musumeci@ regione.sicilia.it Oleksiak Jerzy is a Phd student of Interdisciplinary Doctoral School of Univeristy of Warsaw. He is a graduate of the Faculty of Archaeology and Chair of Arabic and Islamic studies at University of Warsaw. His main specialisation is ceramology and as a ceramic specialist he cooperates with archaeological projects at many archaeological sites in the Mediterranean and beyond such as Nea Paphos in Cyprus, Akrai in Sicily, Berenike in Egypt and Sopara in India. His field of interest includes: regional and long-distance trade and connectivity in the Late Antiquity and Early Islamic era, economy of Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphates, Early Islamic Jordan and Mediterranean amphorae and kitchen and cooking wares studies in the 1st millennium AD. University of Warsaw – Interdisciplinary Doctoral School, ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 – 00–927 Warsaw, Poland – [email protected] Raneri Simona is a conservator of Scientist for Cultural Heritages and Geologist. Her expertise in non-invasive and non-destructive methods for cultural heritage materials allowed supporting several scientific research projects fundend by Italian and European agencies, mainly focused on archaeometry and geomaterials characterization in Cultural Heritages. She is co-author of several scientific papers on national and international journals and she has been invited to give contributes at numerous national and international conferences. In honour of her scientific contribute to the Italian Mineralogical and Petrological Sciences she received in 2015 the National Prize ‘Angelo Bianchi’ bestowed by the Italian Society of Mineralogy and Petrology (SIMP). ICCOM–CNR – Institute of Chemistry of Organometallic Compounds – National Research Council – Via G. Moruzzi, 1 – 56124 Pisa, Italy – [email protected] Scirpo Paolo Daniele is a post-doc researcher in Classical Archaeology at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (Greece). As a member of Sicilian and Greek Cultural Associations, he works at the Italian Archaeological School in Athens. His field of interest includes Greek Sicily and its relationship with Greece (cults,
institutions, etc.) and the history of ancient Greek religion from prehistoric times to the Hellenistic period. He had published reviews and articles on ancient Sicily (with particular focus on Akrai, Akragas, Gela, Syracuse), Crete and Rhodes. National & Kapodistrian University of Athens – School of Philosophy – Department of History & Archaeology – University Campus – 15784 Athens (Greece) – [email protected] Spagnolo Grazia is a researcher and Professor of Classical Archaeology at the Department of Ancient and Modern Civilizations, University of Messina (Italy). Her research has developed in different fields of archaeology and archaeometry, with particular focus on the urban planning of the Greek cities in Sicily as well as on different classes of artifacts, especially coarse tableware, transport amphoras, terracotta figurines. She has conducted archaeological excavations in Siciliy, at the site of Gela and at the site of Monte Saraceno of Ravanusa. She has participated in several projects of archaeometric analyses on ancient ceramics and architectural terracottas. University of Messina – Department of Ancient and Modern Civilizations – Polo Universitario dell’Annunziata – 98168 Messina, Italy – [email protected] Stanik Weronika is currently a young researcher at the University of Bologna. She studied Art History and Archaeology at the University of Warsaw while being enrolled at College of Interdisciplinary Individual Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Her interests are focused on theoretical archaeology and linguistic landscape of Sicily in Hellenistic-Roman period. She was a vice-president of Student Scientific Club of Numismatics and Roman Archaeology and has organised few student conferences on classical archaeology. She recently became a team member of Archaeological Mission in Akrai. Currently, she aims to contribute to newly established inscriptions corpus – I.Sicily. University of Bologna, Department of History and Cultures – Piazza S. Giovanni in Monte 2 – 40124 Bologna, Italy – [email protected] Stella Matilde is a Phd student of University of Salento. She is interested in archaeobotany, paleoecology, botany, agronomy, landscape archaeology, Greek and Roman archaeology. She
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has cooperated with several excavations’ projects in Sicilian archaeological sites.
grano siciliano e l’annona di Roma (V a.C.–V d.C.)’ and ‘La Sicilia romana (secc. III a.C.–V d.C.)’.
Laboratorio di Archeobotanica e Paleoecologia – Dipartimento di Beni culturali – Via Dalmazio Birago, 64 – Università del Salento, Lecce, Italy – [email protected]
Università degli studi di Catania Via Biblioteca 4 – 95124 Catania, Italy – [email protected]
Soraci Cristina is a researcher and an Associate Professor at the University of Catania. Her fields of interest include the political, institutional, social and economic history of the Roman Republic and Empire, with a particular focus on the history of Hellenistic-Roman Sicily and the role of the Greek cities in the new Roman province. She has published numerous articles and four books, two of which on ancient Sicily: ‘Sicilia frumentaria. Il
Storaci Ermelinda is an archaeologist and has been working for more than thirty years at the ‘Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro, Villa del Tellaro e Akrai’. As a scientific collaborator of the Superintendence of Cultural Heritage of Syracuse, she carried out several excavations. Parco archeologico e paesaggistico di Siracusa, Eloro – Villa del Tellaro e Akrai – Viale Teocrito, 66 – 96100 Syracuse, Italy – ermelinda.storaci@ regione.sicilia.it
© 2022, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11862-0 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39286-0