Urban Dynamics and Transcultural Communication in Medieval Sicily 3770561678, 9783770561674

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URBAN DYNAMICS AND TRANSCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN MEDIEVAL SICILY

MITTELMEERSTUDIEN

Herausgegeben von

Martin Baumeister, Mihran Dabag, Nikolas Jaspert und Achim Lichtenberger

BAND 17

Theresa Jäckh, Mona Kirsch (Eds.)

URBAN DYNAMICS AND TRANSCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN MEDIEVAL SICILY

Wilhelm Fink | Ferdinand Schöningh

Titelillustration: Angelo Callimaco, De laudibus Messanae, Vitt.Em.55, fol.18v, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Dieses Werk sowie einzelne Teile desselben sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Fällen ist ohne vorherige schriftliche Zustimmung des Verlags nicht zulässig. © 2017 Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, ein Imprint der Brill-Gruppe (Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, Niederlande; Brill USA Inc., Boston MA, USA; Brill Asia Pte Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Deutschland) Internet: www.fink.de | www.schoeningh.de Einbandgestaltung: Evelyn Ziegler, München Herstellung: Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn ISBN 978-3-7705-6167-4 (Fink) ISBN 978-3-506-78629-6 (Schöningh)

Contents Preface................................................................................................................ 7 Dynamics of communication in medieval Sicily. An urban, regional and Mediterranean perspective ................................................................................. 9 THERESA JÄCKH & MONA KIRSCH Die griechischen Gemeinden in Messina und Palermo (11. bis 13. Jahrhundert) .................................................................................. 27 VERA VON FALKENHAUSEN Space and place in Norman Palermo ............................................................... 67 THERESA JÄCKH Dynamic landscapes and dominant kin groups: hydronymy and water-management in Arab-Norman western Sicily ........................................ 97 ALEX METCALFE Counter-narratives in 12th century Norman art and architecture ................... 141 THOMAS DITTELBACH … ut omnes habitatores Messane tam latini quam greci et hebrei habeant predictam libertatem … Vita cittadina e cittadinanza a Messina tra Normanni, Angioini e Aragonesi ................................................................... 159 JULIA BECKER Dynamiken muslimischer Städte im staufischen Sizilien: Migration und Kommunikation ............................................................................................. 173 RICHARD ENGL Palermo in the late Middle Ages: territory and population (13th–15th century) .......................................................................................... 207 KRISTJAN TOOMASPOEG

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Les communautés marchandes de Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge (c. 1250–c. 1500) ........................................................................................... 227 HADRIEN PENET Il governo vescovile nella diocesi di Catania tra fenomeni di comunicazione, presenze di forestieri e culti devozionali (secoli XIV–metà del XVI) ............................................................................ 251 FABRIZIO TITONE Archives and sources for medieval Sicily: a study upon the urban reality of a port (Messina in the 15th century) ........................................................... 277 ELISA VERMIGLIO The Sicilian sugar trade in the western Mediterranean in the later Middle Ages ........................................................................................... 291 MOHAMED OUERFELLI Abstracts ........................................................................................................ 305 Index .............................................................................................................. 311

Preface This volume is the outcome of an international conference on Urban Dynamics and Transcultural Communication in Medieval Sicily that was held in Heidelberg on the 26th and 27th of November 2015. The meeting was a joint-venture financed by the Cluster of Excellence ‘Asia and Europe in a Global Context’ and the Junior Research Group ‘Protection’ of the Transcultural Studies Research Area. The Hochschule für Jüdische Studien Heidelberg kindly supported our conference by providing their facilities for the meeting. The proceedings concern medieval Sicily’s urban centres and their transcultural societies. As nodes of urban, regional and Mediterranean networks, Sicilian cities enabled exchange and entanglement amongst groups and individuals of various linguistic, religious, ethnic and political backgrounds. By analysing different means and contexts of communication such as trade, administration, material culture or religious practices, this volume sheds new light on urban centres and their dynamic potential. Most of the papers contained in this volume were presented at the 2015 conference. However, some of the contributions were, unfortunately, not published in this volume (Mark Aloisio, ‘The meat rejected by them’: Regulation, manipulation and anti-Jewish rhetoric in the meat markets of medieval Sicily; Giuseppe Mandalà, Città e saperi: qualche riflessione sulla diffusione della cultura araba nella Sicilia medievale). Elisa Vermiglio contributed a paper to this volume which was given in another workshop on medieval Sicily, held in Heidelberg on the 23rd of October 2014. We would like to express our sincere gratitude to the aforementioned institutions for generously funding the meeting as well as the publication of the conference proceedings. Special thanks are due to our supervisors, Dr Jenny Oesterle and Prof Nikolas Jaspert, who have provided us with advice and guidance. We also wish to thank the advisory board of the Mittelmeerstudien for accepting our volume into their series, and the publishers at Fink und Schöningh, namely Dr Diethard Sawicki, for the friendly cooperation. We are grateful to those who have assisted us during the process of editing: For the language editing, John Aspinwall, Erica Lorenzoni and Magali Memponte; Cynthia Schöpp and Tiana Weidemaier for supporting the early stage of typesetting. However, our greatest debt is due to the authors for their contributions and their cooperation to share insights into their current research. Theresa Jäckh and Mona Kirsch Heidelberg, July 2017

THERESA JÄCKH / MONA KIRSCH

Dynamics of communication in medieval Sicily. An urban, regional and Mediterranean perspective At the very heart of the Mediterranean, the island of Sicily has long been a place of settlement, expansion and trade; a dynamic region of contacts, competition and conflict.1 Since antiquity, the island’s remarkably diverse ethnic, religious and linguistic transitions have ensured that Sicily has served as an exceptional arena from which scholars may trace the rise and fall of geo-political, economic, social and religious formations and ideas. For many would-be masters, the vision that control over Sicily, as a neuralgic key-point of the island-to-island route, would grant dominion of the Mediterranean, proved a powerful lure. Following the disintegration of the Roman Empire, the island was witness to multiple conquests and the manifold migration-flows of the Vandals, the Byzantines, various Muslim groups and dynasties, the Normans, their Staufen successors, the Angevins and the Aragonese. As heir to the legacy of these passing rulers, Sicily has been bequeathed a diverse physical, linguistic, religious and social legacy: the startling variety of this inheritance has led modern historians to describe Sicily in terms of a multi-layered culture. Indeed, the circulation of people, commodities, knowledge, artefacts and skills has left behind a remarkable wealth of material. In particular, cities received and absorbed diverse elements of language, art, administration and economics. As centres of such interaction processes, they lie at the core of our volume ‘Urban dynamics and transcultural communication in medieval Sicily’. This urban perspective is illustrated by a unique veduta of the city of Messina adorning the front-cover of this publication.2 As part of an early 16th-century 1

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Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell emphasise the importance of islands for maritime networks because they “lie at the heart of the medium of interdependence: they have all-round connectivity”, Peregrine HORDEN / Nicholas PURCELL, The Corrupting Sea. A Study of Mediterranean History, Oxford / Malden / Victoria 2000, p. 227. According to John Pryor “control of the islands […] which dominated the trunk routes […] became the major focus of attention in the wider struggle for maritime supremacy”, whilst Sicily built a neuralgic part of the islandto-island route along the northern shore of the Mediterranean, John H. PRYOR, Geography, Technology, and War. Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean, 649–1571 (Past and Present Publication), Cambridge / New York / Victoria 2000, p. 101. On Sicily’s position in the Mediterranean, see David ABULAFIA, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms 1200– 1500. The Struggle for Dominion (The Medieval World), London / New York, pp. 3‒5; Giuseppe PETRALIA, Im Herzen des Mittelmeers: Das mittelalterliche Sizilien zwischen regionaler Dimension und mediterreanen Systemen, in: Konstruktionen mediterraner Insularitäten, ed. Reinhard VON BENDEMANN / Annette GERSTENBERG / Nikolas JASPERT et al. (Mittelmeerstudien 11), Paderborn 2016, pp. 117–135. We are most grateful to dott. Andrea De Pasquale, director of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma, for generously allowing us to reproduce this miniature contained in the codex

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manuscript held in the Biblioteca Nazionale di Roma, the exceptional miniature serves as the programmatic representation of a poem composed in hexameter verses by the Sicilian writer Angelo Callimaco.3 From the mythical landing of Aeneas to Ferdinand III of Naples († 1516), the narrative of Callimaco’s poem is emphatically a history that maintains a keen focus upon Sicily as a land of successive and changing rulerships. From here, Callimaco sets out to praise the Sicilian cities whilst naming their famous features and recounting their fluctuating fortunes. It is between these two sections that the veduta of the Messina is placed.4 Betraying the work of a highly-skilled artist, the miniature of Messina is remarkable for both its detail and the vibrant splendour of its colours. Guarded by a double-towered gate, Messina is draped in a radiant gold light: the many-steepled sky punctuated by one and two naved basilicas, a three-storey rotunda and a vast three-tiered fortification. Girdling the walls of the city, a turquoise sea fills a harbour-basin that bustles with carracks, caravels and galleys; the breeze directing the barks both to and from Mediterranean ports. Above, a seemingly evanescent sky lifts the beholder’s gaze beyond the cityscape. Here, the sun-lit uplands of the Sicilian hinterland, loosely swathed in nebula, are populated by disparate towers. Lastly, looming above these billowing ridges of rock, lies the Calabrian coast, the bridge to the South Italian mainland. For all its considerable artistic glory, this miniature depicts the Sicilian city as a dynamic hub of local, regional and Mediterranean networks. Here, Messina may stand as a local entity, a city that is regionally interwoven with the Sicilian hinterland and its minor towns and settlements. Furthermore, the port of Messina with its barks transporting people, goods and knowledge, symbolises the interaction with transregional networks of and beyond the Mediterranean. It is in this spirit that we propose an analysis of Sicilian cities and their hinterland, of Mediterranean contacts and processes of exchange. The focus on the physical entities of cities and hinterland is enriched by an analysis of their communities, societies and actors as well as their different means and contexts of communica-

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Vitt.Em.55, entitled as De laudibus Messanae or Rhegina Messana, fol. 18v; Scheda manoscritto, in: Manus OnLine: http://manus.iccu.sbn.it/opac_SchedaScheda.php?ID=67787 [8.7.2017]. An edition of the poem is provided by Il “De laudibus Messanae” di Angelo Callimaco Siculo, ed. Antonio DE STEFANO (Biblioteca del Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani 8), Florence 1955. According to the library catalogue the work is datable between 1500 and 1510. The writer and the artist of the codex are unknown, the owner was a certain Pio Amori. The De laudibus Messanae is discussed by Adolfo CINQUINI, In lode di Messana. Per la storia letteraria di Messina nel Quattrocento (nozze Picardi-Durante), Rome 1910; Oskar KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum. A Finding List of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic Manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and other Libraries, vol. 2, 3rd ed. London / Leiden / Boston et al. 1998, p. 126; as for Angelo Callimaco, see Giancarlo SCHIZZEROTTO, Angelo Callimaco, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 16, Rome 1973, pp. 754‒757. For Callimaco, who dedicated his poem to the Messina-born Cardinal Pietro Isvalies, the Rhegina Messana is assigned the most prominent role amongst the Sicilian cities. The miniature on fol. 18v carries a caption that praises Messina as Gloria terrae / Es Siculae.

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tion. This includes trade, administration and material cultures that had initiated or reflected processes of urban development.5 The contributions of this volume span from the late 11th to the mid 16th-century and feed into the afore-mentioned categories of analysis that shall not be considered as distinct sections of an exclusive character, but rather as connective spheres: interwoven and mutually dependent upon one another. Within the volume, the papers are chronologically ordered. Yet, for the purpose of this introduction, they shall be discussed from different disciplinary angles in an attempt to trace down the manifold processes of urban dynamics and transcultural communication within their urban, regional and Mediterranean context. Our approach shall highlight underlying research questions and issues that may not only be of interest to Sicilianist scholarship, but, indeed, shall stress the importance of further integrating medieval Sicily into the field of Medieval Mediterranean studies. I. Urban centres and transcultural societies

Since the 16th-century, cities have been a key focus of Sicilianist historiography. It was with Claudio Mario Arezzo and Tommaso Fazello that an account of Sicilian history was first conducted via an investigation of the island’s urban centres.6 The reasons why cities have traditionally constituted a major field of interest for historical scholarship is certainly presupposed by what Arnold Esch has famously described as Überlieferungschance7: the sources have been bestpreserved in the cities’ ecclesiastical and civic archives and, therefore, research has necessarily assumed a predominantly urban perspective. Furthermore, the long-standing historiographical interest in various forms of rule (Herrschaft) 5

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As for the research term “communication” see e. g. Gerd ALTHOFF (Ed.), Formen und Funktionen öffentlicher Kommunikation im Mittelalter (Vorträge und Forschungen 51), Stuttgart 2001; Jan DUMOLYN, Political Communication and Political Power in the Middle Ages: A Conceptual Journey, in: Edad Media. Revista de Historia 12 (2012), pp. 33‒55, Romy GÜNTHART / Michael JUCKER (Ed.), Kommunikation im Spätmittelalter. Spielarten – Wahrnehmungen – Deutungen, Zürich 2005; Sophia MENACHE, The Vox Dei. Communication in the Middle Ages (Communication and Society), New York 1990; Marco MOSTERT, New Approaches to Medieval Communication?, in: New Approaches to Medieval Communication, ed. IDEM (Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 1), Turnhout 1999, pp. 15‒37; Hedwig RÖCKELEIN (Ed.), Kommunikation (Das Mittelalter 6,1), Berlin 2001; Karl-Heinz SPIEß (Ed.), Medien der Kommunikation im Mittelalter (Beiträge zur Kommunikationsgeschichte 15), Stuttgart 2003; Richard UNGER, Commerce, Communication and Empire: Economy, Technology and Cultural Encounters, in: Speculum 90, pp. 1–27; for an extensive bibliography on medieval communications, see Marco MOSTERT, A Bibliography of Works on Medieval Communication (Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy 2), Turnhout 2012. Claudio Mario AREZZO, De situ insulae Siciliae, Palermo 1537; Tommaso FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis decades duae, Palermo 1558. Arnold ESCH, Überlieferungs-Chance und Überlieferungs-Zufall als methodisches Problem des Historikers, in: Historische Zeitschrift 240 (1985), pp. 529–570, see particularly pp. 536‒593.

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was, in Sicily8, bound to a predominantly urban context as the Sicilian cities – particularly Palermo and Messina – have functioned as centres of political rule and of religious, legal and civic authorities from an early stage. Besides the focus on rule and authority, an investigation of urban centres is benefited by encompassing both the physical structure, that is the topography, as well as the composition of the “human unit”, that is the urban society and their varied processes of communication.9 Any negotiations resulting from contacts between or amongst different urban groups, could result in conflict over powers, rights, status within the urban community. Such processes, in turn, often left their mark upon the city and its society.10 One way to consider such urban dynamics is by analysing the urban layers and their topographic transformation. Theresa Jäckh discusses how the Norman conquerors acquired the city of Palermo. Hereby, the new rulership was communicated via topographical interventions: transformed or newly established religious and political spaces, such as churches and castles, seem to have immediately preceeded the conquest.11 Whilst changes in living and community spaces were more gradual, they were nevertheless profound. As the social aspect of groups also carries a spatial dimension, shifts in the composition of the urban society also became tangible via the topographical structure.12 Most notably, this concerns the marginalisation of the 8

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See among others Horst ENZENSBERGER, La struttura del potere nel Regno: corte, uffici, cancelleria, in: Potere, società e popolo nell’éta sveva 1210–1266. Atti delle seste giornate normanno-sveve. Bari – Castel del Monte – Melfi, 17–20 ottobre 1983 (Centro di Studi NormannoSvevi 6), Bari 1985, pp. 49–70; Norbert KAMP, Monarchia ed episcopato nel Regno svevo di Sicilia, in: ibidem, pp. 123–149; Lioba GEIS, Die Hofkapelle als Herrschaftsinstrument Rogers II. für Sizilien?, in: Zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit. Herrschaft auf Sizilien von der Antike bis zum Spätmittelalter, ed. EADEM / David ENGELS / Michael KLEU, Stuttgart 2010, pp. 283–305; Georg VOGELER, Die Urkunden Kaiser Friedrichs II. für die Empfänger auf der Insel Sizilien. Herrschaftspraxis zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie, in: ibidem, pp. 307‒323; Pietro CORRAO, Governare un regno. Potere, società istituzioni in Sicilia fra Trecento e Quattrocento (Nuovo Medioevo 39), Naples 1991; IDEM, Policentrismo die poteri contrattazione politica nel regno di Sicilia (1282–1458). La fisionomia e la negoziazione interna (città, monarchia, nobilità, parlamento). Résumé, in: Avant le contrat social. Le contrat politique dans l’Occident médiéval XIIIe–XVe siècle. Colloque international de Madrid (2008), ed. François FORONDA (Histoire ancienne et médiévale 107), Paris 2011, pp. 715f.; Fabrizio TITONE, Citizens and Freedom in Medieval Sicily, in: A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, ed. Annliese NEF (Brill’s Companions to European History 5), Leiden / Boston 2013, pp. 489–524. For Fernand Braudel, communication and cities stand for the “human unit” in contrast to the “physical unit” of climate and history, see Fernand BRAUDEL, La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II, vol. 1, 2nd ed. Paris 1966, chapter 5: L’unité humaine : routes et villes, villes et routes, pp. 253‒322. As for urban change as an indicator of political developments, see recently Laura SCIASCIA, Palermo as a Stage for, and a Mirror of, Political Developments from the 12th to the 15th Century, in: NEF, Companion (as n. 8), pp. 299‒323. Cf. Theresa JÄCKH, Space and Place in Norman Palermo, pp. 72–89. On the spatial dimension of urban minority groups see e. g. Susan G. MILLER, An Introduction to the Mediterranean Minority Quarter, in: The Architecture and Memory of the Minority Quarter in the Muslim Mediterranean City, ed. EADEM / Mauro BERTAGNIN, Cambridge, Mass.

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Muslim community13, a trend that appears to have been accelerated following the consolidation of the Kingdom around the Norman capital of Palermo after 1130. A different and varied insight into a minority group is given by Vera von Falkenhausen for the Greeks who left a considerable body of evidence; documentary, literary and artistic. With this, von Falkenhausen analyses the Greekspeaking communities in Messina and Palermo during the Norman period.14 Here, the picture is that of a minority group whose representatives excercised a remarkably disproportional influence in the administration and organisation of the Norman realm. Whilst Messina had long-been a foot-hold for Byzantine culture, the Greeks also became politically dominant in the largely Arabic-influenced city of Palermo following the Norman court’s relocation from Messina. Here, it is interesting to note that influential Greeks became increasingly visible in the urban space, e. g. via religious foundations.15 However, despite integration into the Palermitan urban society, the Greeks often maintained their ties to Messina and eastern Sicily with the bordering Calabria as an important cultural and religious point of reference. The ability to operate in different spheres appears to have been a key to success: Greek-speakers acted as effective agents and intermediators between the Arabic and Latin speaking groups.16 Within the last years, the outcome of such communication processes has frequently been addressed with reference to the research paradigm of transculturality.17 Although the concept of transculturality emphatically opposes “a juxtaposition of clearly delineated cultures”18, it has attracted scholarly interest in terms of communication between groups or individuals that are alledgedly forced to overcome sizeable cultural gaps (e. g. Arabic-Greek-Latin).19 In his analysis of late medieval Palermo, however, Kristjan Toomaspoeg focuses on ur-

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2007, pp. 10‒33; in terms of the structures and institutions of Islamic cities, Gustave von Grunebaum’s 1955 article has been particularly influential and broadly acknowledged, see Gustave VON GRUNEBAUM, The Structure of the Muslim Town, in: American Anthropologist 57 (1955), pp. 141‒158; for a general view on the social aspects of grouping and outsiders see Frank REXROTH, Mediävistische Randgruppenforschung in Deutschland, in: Mittelalterforschung nach der Wende 1989, ed. Michael BORGOLTE (Historische Zeitschrift. Beiheft N.F. 20), Munich 1995, pp. 427‒451. Cf. JÄCKH, Space, pp. 90–94. Cf. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Die griechischen Gemeinden in Messina und Palermo (11. bis 13. Jahrhundert), pp. 27–66. Cf. ibidem, for Messina pp. 46; for Palermo pp. 51–56. Cf. ibidem, p. 44, pp. 59f. See pp. 22–26 of this introduction for further notes. Wolfgang WELSCH, Transculturality ‒ The Puzzling Form of Cultures Today, in: Spaces of Culture: City, Nation, World, ed. Mike FEATHERSTONE / Scott LASH (Theory, Culture & Society), London 1999, pp. 194–213, here p. 203; for a medievalist’s perspective see Georg CHRIST / Saskia DÖNITZ / Daniel G. KÖNIG et al., Transkulturelle Verflechtungen. Mediävistische Perspektiven, Göttingen 2016, here chapter 2.2.9: Transkulturalität, pp. 72‒77. For Medieval Sicily, such assumptions have often relied upon the idea that, due to the manifold ethnic, religious and linguistic minority groups, Sicily was a medieval cauldron of cultures, see e. g. Henri BRESC / Geneviève BRESC-BAUTIER (Ed.), Palerme 1070–1492. Mosaïque de

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ban groups from different ‘Latin’ origins. Whilst Palermo had become a Christian, Catholic city, it had, by no means, lost its pluralism of peoples.20 As people immigrated into the city from various ‘Latin’ origins, conflicts were by no means reduced and the picture of the urban society remained complex. This analysis, hence, challenges a simplistic conception of ‘Latinisation’. In fact, the evidence suggests that the debate concerning transcultural communications must also consider interactions between different ‘Latin’ groupings and cannot rely on monolithic understandings of ‘Arabic’, ‘Greek’ and ‘Latin’ cultures. In terms of the city’s population, Toomaspoeg also demonstrates how minority groups acted as proxies for urban transformation or conflict. It is made clear how, even in times of less radical political changes, the acceleration of change can often be indicated by the level of ‘Latin’ immigration.21 The different immigrant groups of Palermitan society also transformed the physical space of the city. Here, Toomaspoeg approaches the architectural landmarks as markers for political and social structures. The relationship of people and territory further evokes questions concerning the legal status of a city’s population.22 The broader Medievalist approach to cities has arguably been strongly focused on analyses of their legal status. Here, research has also sought to examine questions concerning civic rights and citizenship.23

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peuples, nation rebelle : la naissance violente de l’identité sicilienne, Paris 1993; Simon SIMONSOHN, Sicily: a Millennium of Convivenza (or almost), in: The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries). Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Speyer, 20–25 October 2002, ed. Christoph CLUSE (Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 4), Turnhout 2004, pp. 105‒121; Nadia ZELDES, The Last Multicultural Encounter in Medieval Sicily: A Dominican Scholar, an Arabic Inscription, and a Jewish Legend, in: Mediterranean Historical Review 21 (2006), pp. 159‒191; Stefan BURKHARDT / Thomas FÖRSTER (Ed.), Norman Tradition and Transcultural Heritage. Exchange of Cultures in the ‘Norman’ Peripheries of Medieval Europe, Farnham 2013. Cf. Kristjan TOOMASPOEG, Palermo in the Late Middle Ages: Territory and Population (13th– 15th Century), pp. 207–226. Cf. ibidem, pp. 211–214. As is well-known, affiliation with a city could bring certain liberties and rights. Here, the spatial and juridical definition of a city was of crucial importance, see e. g. Clausdieter SCHOTT, Bürger und Bauer scheidet nichts als ein Zaun und eine Mauer – Studie zu einem Rechtssprichwort, in: Signa Iuris 13 (2014), pp 273‒292. The spatial definition of urban and rural entities was also relevant in the Islamic juristic discussion, see Baber JOHANSEN, The All-Embracing Town and its Mosques. Al-miṣr al-ǧāmiʿ, in: Revue de l’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 32 (1981–1982), pp. 139–161; IDEM, 'Amwāl Ẓāhira and Amwāl Bāṭina. Town and Countryside as Reflected in the Tax System of the Hanafite School, in: Studia Arabica et Islamica. Festschrift for Iḥsān Abbās on his Sixtieth Birthday, ed. Wadād AL-QĀḌĪ, Beirut 1981, pp. 247– 263. Such scholarly approaches have been strongly influenced by the conceptions of Max Weber’s considerations on cities and their urban societies, see Max WEBER, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Die Wirtschaft und die gesellschaftlichen Ordnungen und Mächte. Nachlaß, ed. Wilfried NIPPEL (Max Weber Gesamtausgabe, Abteilung I: Schriften und Reden 22‒5), vol. 5: Die Stadt, Tübingen 1999; on citizenship in medieval Sicily, see Carmelo TRASSELLI, I privilegi di Messina e di Trapani (1160–1355) con un appendice sui consolati trapanesi nel sec. XV (Collana di testi e studi storici 5), Messina 1992, pp. 32–34; E. Igor MINEO, Palermo in the 14th–15th Century: The Urban Society, in: NEF, Companion (as n. 8), pp. 269–296, pp. 283–287.

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Focussing on the city of Messina, Julia Becker contributes to a nuanced understanding of medieval citizenship.24 The status of citizenship was by no means uniform: terms such as oriundus and habitator were used to distinguish between persons who had been born within the city walls and those who had resided in the city for a certain amount of time. As the population of Messina included strong Jewish and Greek communities, Becker demonstrates how the lives of the citizens amongst the Latins were regulated by the city’s statutes. The Messinese consuetudines consist of a complex body of legal traditions and customs that address, inter alia, inner- and interreligious legal questions. Some of the privileges granted to the city, however, were directed explicitly to the different groups that coexisted in Messina, thus including Latins, Greeks and Jews alike. With a reference to Palermo, Julia Becker concludes that Messina provided more favourable fiscal and legal conditions to its Jewish and Greek / non-Latin citizens which might have resulted from the rivaly with the capital city on the one hand and Messina’s strategic position as a vivid commercial hub on the other. Interestingly, whilst the diverse groups appear as one legal community (in contrast to the non-citizens), the documentary evidence indicates that an individual’s identity largely depended upon their cultural and ethnic identification.

II. A dynamic landscape: the hinterland and its patterns of communication The political, social, religious and legal structures of cities have often been assumed to facilitate an understanding of wider regional and transregional structures. Thus, many assumptions concerning the Sicilian hinterland have actually been based on studies that are mainly concerned with the urban centres. An extrapolation of the urban findings onto the hinterland is, however, methodologically problematic. Historically, analysis has been hampered by the fact that the hinterland presents a paucity of extant written sources that in some parts still remain unpublished and, hence, not extensively recognised.25 Nevertheless, scholarly exploration of the hinterland promises fruitful rewards. In fact, the 24

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Cf. Julia BECKER, … ut omnes habitatores Messane tam latini quam greci et hebrei habeant predictam libertatem …Vita cittadina e cittadinanza a Messina tra Normanni, Angioini e Aragonesi, pp. 159–171. On the relationship between urban centres and hinterland, see Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Economie et société en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèques des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), vol. 1, Rome / Paris 1986, see particularly pp. 7‒21; Stephan R. EPSTEIN, An Island for Itself. Economic Development and Social Change in Late Medieval Sicily (Past and Present Publications), Cambridge 1992; Vincenzo D’ALESSANDRO, Città e campagna in Sicilia nell’età angiono-aragonese, in: La Sicilia rupestre nel contesto delle civiltà mediterranee. Atti des sesto Convegno Internazionale di Studio sulla Civiltà Rupestre Medioevale nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia, (Catania – Pantalica – Ispica, 7–12 settembre 1981) (Saggi e ricerche. Università degli Studi di Lecce, Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche e Sociali 18. Convegni di studio sulla civiltà rupestre medioevale nel mezzogiorno d’Italia 6), Galatina 1986, pp. 199–212.

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hinterland can be considered alongside the valuable records of archaeological surveys that have resulted in important and thought-provoking sets of data. Here, the evidence indicates that the hinterland offers fertile ground from which to explore settlements patterns and migration flows, as well as questions of how rule was exercised.26 Adressing the vexed questions concerning ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’ in medieval Sicily, Alex Metcalfe approaches the ditches (ḫandaq) of the Western Sicilian hinterland via the Monreale boundary descriptions. The presentation of this important, and as yet unpublished set of data27, brings to light an overlooked system for the provision of water that was both basic and powerful. As the ḫandaq-system was easy to construct and difficult to control, it was maintained by local kingroups without intervention from the central political power.28 This research vividly depicts a dynamic hinterland populated by groups that achieved a degree of regional autonomy. In terms of communication, Metcalfe demonstrates how Latin lords negotiated with representatives of Muslim kingroups over the control of water resources. Hence, this approach also demonstrates that the Muslim communities of western Sicily arguably enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy both during and immediately following the Norman period. The idea of autonoumous structures in the hinterland is also addressed by Richard Engl. Here, the situation of Muslim communities in the period that stretched from the collapse of Norman power until their displacement to the mainland is analysed in terms of migration processes within the western Sicilian hinterland.29 Evidencing the longevity of the Muslim communities, several com26

27 28 29

Here, a considerable number of studies have combined archeological and historic approaches in order to gain a deeper understanding of socio-religious and cultural processes, see e. g. Jeremy JOHNS, Monreale Survey: Indigines and Invaders in Medieval West Sicily, in: Papers in Italian Archaeology. The Cambridge Conference, ed. Caroline MALONE / Simon STODDARTS (BAR International Series 246), vol. 4: Classical and Medieval Archaeology, Oxford 1985, pp. 215‒223; in this volume: Alex METCALFE, Dynamic Landscapes and Dominant Kin Groups: Hydronymy and Water-Management in Arab-Norman Western Sicily, pp. 97–139; Alessandra MOLINARI, Paesaggi rurali e formazioni sociali nella Sicilia islamica, normanna e sveva (secoli X‒XIII), in: Archeologia Medievale 27 (2010), pp. 229‒245; Lucia ARCIFA / Alessandra BAGNERA / Annliese NEF, Archeologia della Sicilia islamica: nuove proposte di riflessione, in: Histoire et archéologie de l’Occident musulman (VIIe‒XVe siècles). Al-Andalus, Maghreb, Sicile, ed. Philippe SÉNAC (Villa 4), pp. 241‒274; Lucia ARCIFA / Annliese NEF (Ed.), Les dynamiques de l’islamisation en Méditerranée centrale. Nouvelles propositions et découvertes récents (Collection de l’École française de Rome 487), Rome 2014. Several ongoing research projects are expected to bring to light further data, such as the bilateral project on Castronovo, see http://www.sicilyintransition.org/; as for their 2015 results see Martin CARVER / Alessandra MOLINARI, Sicily in Transition Research Project. Investigations at Castronovo di Sicilia. Results and Prospects, 2015, in: The Journal of Fasti Online 13 (2016), pp. 1‒12, and the forthcoming volume of Alessandra MOLINARI, The Archaeology of Medieval Sicily. Cultures, Social Structures, Economies, in: Studies in the Archaeology of Medieval Europe (forthcoming 2019). Cf. METCALFE, Landscapes, pp. 126–137. Cf. ibidem, pp. 110f., pp. 115f. Cf. Richard ENGL, Dynamiken muslimischer Städte im staufischen Sizilien: Migration und Kommunikation, pp. 173–206.

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munication media such as letters, diplomatic exchanges and coinage appear to give a useful insight into questions concerning their self-conception and their struggles to retain autonomy.30 Whilst this research has endeavoured to show the dynamics of the Muslim groups within the Sicilian hinterland and, in particular, their attempts to expand their influence beyond the island’s borders, it may be illustrative that this group – so heavily dependent on the central authority – often sought to act in times of central power struggles. Insights into the interaction between local communities and the urban representatives of authority, both political and religious, are given by Fabrizio Titone.31 Via an investigation of the episcopal government in the diocese of Catania, Titone demonstrates a keen interest in communication processes between urban centres and the hinterland. Whilst his analyses of (micro-)migrations not only contributes to an understanding of the territory’s diverse society in terms of its social and religious groups, it furthermore reveals much concerning their communication processes. Documents such as requests to and responses from the authority stress the dense communication patterns of the Catanese diocese. This view is enriched by a perspective on the means of communication, here cults and devotional practises. By observing examples such as the cult of Saint Agatha, Titone reveals how the urban authorities aimed to centrally regulate religious practises within the hinterland.32 With this, Catania was able to expand its control beyond the confines of its territory. Whilst it has been debated whether any city other than Messina could exercise control over their rural hinterland33, Mohamed Ouerfelli emphasises the close connection between the city of Palermo and its countryside with regard to the Sicilian sugar trade.34 Regular contacts ensured that the product, which was grown, harvested and manufactured outside of Palermo, was transported and sold at the markets of the city. Messina’s unique position amongst the Sicilian cities is also stressed by Hadrien Penet and Elisa Vermiglio35: the city not only controlled a vast hinterland since the beginning of the 14th-century36, but it had also established a close connection with mainland Italy, namely Calabria, from which it is only separated by the narrow Strait of Messina or “lu faru”. Therefore, for the supply of agricultural products, Messina not only relied on its sur30 31 32 33

34 35

36

Cf. ibidem, pp. 199–201. Cf. Fabrizio TITONE, Il governo vescovile nella diocesi di Catania tra fenomeni di comunicazione, presenze di forestieri e culti devozionali (secoli XIV–metà del XVI), pp. 251–276. Cf. ibidem, pp. 260–267. According to Epstein, urban powers in medieval Sicily – with the exception of Messina – were largely unable to exercise control of the hinterland. For the various reasons, see EPSTEIN, Island (as n. 25), pp. 132f. On Messina, see ibidem, pp. 240–267. Cf. Mohamed OUERFELLI, The Sicilian Sugar Trade in the Western Mediterranean in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 291–304. Cf. Elisa VERMIGLIO, Archives and Sources for Medieval Sicily: A Study Upon the Urban Reality of a Port (Messina in the 15th Century), pp. 277–290; Hadrien PENET, Les communautés marchandes de Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge (c. 1250–c. 1500), pp. 227–250. EPSTEIN, Island (as n. 25), p. 133.

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rounding rural districts, but also on trade with Calabria.37 The hinterland of Messina was used to cultivate crops such as sugar-cane and grain which was the most sought-after Sicilian export.38 Local businessmen maintained contacts with the hinterland while foreign merchants were mainly concerned with the commercial ties between Messina and its foreshore.39 The port city served as a distributive centre for local products such as grain and for imports that consisted of cloths, slaves, and spices. Furthermore, Messina was part of several regional commercial networks that linked the urban centre to the rest of Sicily, Apulia, Calabria, Campania, Sardinia, and the Aeolian Islands.40 Hence, the hinterland played a pivotal role for the internal market structures of Sicily and for the supply of agricultural goods, part of which were shipped from there to other cities along the Mediterranean coasts.

III. Nodes of communication: merchants, commodities, and Mediterranean transfer Trade functions as an important interacting category of medieval Mediterranean communications. Maritime commerce became an essential “factor in the improvement of the communication networks among the three main cultures of the Mediterranean world”.41 In the papers of this volume, communication processes will be analysed with regard to a diverse range of source material: the merchants themselves, the commercial goods they carried and the routes and sea lanes along which they moved.42 The important Sicilian harbour cities, first and foremost Palermo and Messina, served as crucial meeting points for merchants from different Mediterranean regions, for local sellers and consumers as well as for buyers from the 37 38 39 40 41

42

Cf. VERMIGLIO, Archives, p. 288. Cf. ibidem, p. 285. Cf. PENET, Communautés, pp. 248f. Cf. ibidem, p. 248; VERMIGLIO, Archives, pp. 286–288. Ruthi GERTWAGEN, Geniza Letters: Maritime Difficulties along the Alexandria-Palermo Route, in: Communication in the Jewish Diaspora. The Pre-Modern World, ed. Sophia MENACHE (Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies 16), Leiden / New York / Cologne 1996, pp. 73–90, p. 90. Michael McCormick has approached early medieval economic history with the premise that people and things on the move as well as the resulting patterns of trade and exchange, serve as indicators of communication processes: Michael MCCORMICK, Origins of the European Economy. Communications and Commerce AD 300–900, Cambridge / New York / Port Melbourne et al. 2001, reprint 2005; see also HORDEN / PURCELL, Corrupting Sea (as n. 1), chapter 5 and 9. For a discussion of McCormick’s ideas see Edward JAMES / Michael MCCORMICK / Joachim HENNING et al., Origins of the European Economy: A Debate, in: Early Medieval Europe 12 (2003), pp. 259–324; Sarah Davis-Secord adopts a similar method in order to analyse communication and exchange within Sicily and the Mediterranean from the 6th to the 11th-century whilst questioning the paradigm of the island as a major hub of political and commercial relations, see Sarah C. DAVIS-SECORD, Sicily and the Medieval Mediterranean. Communication Networks and Inter-Regional Exchange, PhD Thesis Notre Dame, Indiana 2007, p. 4, n. 5.

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surrounding countryside.43 Joint trading adventures that had been fixed in commenda or societas-contracts, mirror the business relations between fellow Sicilian citizens as well as between investors, ship owners and merchants from different parts of the Mediterranean. Merchants often served as mediators between cultures who, along with new commodities, brought innovative techniques as well as their cultural mindset, their ideas, moral values and religious beliefs with them.44 But the newcomers, too, were influenced by the experiences that resulted from their encounter with the indigenous population.45 Various forms of communications evolve and result from these exchanges that included individuals and groups with different cultural backgrounds and interests.46 43

44 45

46

Sicily’s role within Mediterranean networks as well as the extent to which the island was integrated into larger trading units has inspired numerous publications; for the period under consideration see e. g. Shelomo D. GOITEIN, Sicily and the Southern Italy in the Cairo Geniza Documents, in: Archivio Storico per la Sicilia orientale 67 (1971), pp. 9–33; David ABUALFIA, The Two Italies. Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought 3,9), Cambridge 1977; IDEM, Commerce and Conquest in the Mediterranean, 1100–1500 (Variorum Collected Studies Series 410), Aldershot 1993; Marco TANGHERONI, La Sicilia e il mercato mediterraneo dalla fine del Duecento alla metà del Trecento, in: Archivio Storico Siciliano 23 (1997), pp. 151–166; Mark A. ALOISIO, A Test Case for Regional Market Integration? The Grain Trade between Malta and Sicily in the Late Middle Ages, in: Money, Markets and Trade in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Lawrin ARMSTRONG / Ivana ELBL / Martin ELBL (Later Medieval Europe 1), Leiden / Boston 2007, pp. 297–309; Stephan KÖHLER, Handel und Wirtschaft Siziliens im Mittelalter. Verschiedene Betrachtungsweisen von innen und von außen, in: Siziliens Geschichte. Insel zwischen den Welten, ed. IDEM / Wolfgang GRUBER (Expansion, Interaktion, Akkulturation 24), Vienna 2013, pp. 144–167. For the period following the Vespers in 1282, Sicilian trade has been primarily considered in the light of the political conflicts between the Angevin and Aragonese rulers and the economic decline of Southern Italy. This discussion has been heavily influenced by the research paradigms of the economic dualism and the questione meridionale: Illuminato PERI, Industrializzazione e sviluppo economico, Palermo 1972; BRESC, Monde (as n. 25); EPSTEIN, Island (as n. 25); Clifford BACKMAN, The Decline and Fall of Medieval Sicily. Politics, Religion, and Economy in the Reign of Frederick III, 1296–1337, Cambridge 1995. Historians such as Henri Bresc and Clifford Backman have emphasised Sicily’s dependence upon foreign trade and thereby the exploitation of its valuable trading commodity, grain, by the North Italian and Aragonese merchants. Other researchers have questioned the notion of the poverty-stricken south; Stephan Epstein, for instance, focuses on the regional specialisation of different products and the development of internal market structures. In this volume, Hadrien Penet and Elisa Vermiglio – with regard to Messina – argue for a more nuanced view in terms of the city’s regional, transregional and Mediterranean networks. Kathryn L. REYERSON, Commerce and Communication, in: The New Cambridge Medieval History, ed. David ABULAFIA, vol. 5: c.1198–c.1300, Cambridge 1999, pp. 50–70, p. 53. Several merchant manuals of the early 14th-century document the awareness of European merchants concerning the cultural and religious differences of their Eastern counterparts. Their accommodating attitude towards their Muslim associates should be regarded in the light of their commercial objective – entry into a succesful business relationship. On this point, see John E. DOTSON, Perceptions of the East in Fourteenth-Century Italian Merchants’ Manuals, in: Across the Mediterranean Frontiers. Trade, Politics and Religion, 650–1450. Selected Proceedings of the International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds, 10–13 July 1995, 8–11 July 1996 (International Medieval Research 1), Turnhout 1997, pp. 173–192. For Sicily, see e. g. Mario DEL TREPPO, I mercanti catalani e l’espansione della corona d’Aragona nel secolo XV (Università degli studi di Napoli. Seminario di storia medioevale e moderna

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The attempts to reconstruct these medieval commercial networks often suffer from the relative dearth of sources.47 Over the course of the centuries, the Sicilian archives experienced heavy losses by wars or natural disasters.48 The surviving archival records, however, are often concerned with long-distance trade whereas local commercial activities remained largely undocumented.49 In addition to the documentary preponderance on high value, foreign based trade most of the notarial registers that include commercial contracts originate from western Sicily, mostly from the city of Palermo. Hence, a close look at the existing sources as well as at the pattern of documentary survival serve as an important precondition for analysing Sicily’s trade relations and its economic development. The study by Elisa Vermiglio on the socio-economic structures of a medieval Sicilian city demonstrates the inherent benefits of a source based-approach.50 Turning away from Palermo whose archival sources had often been used as the basis for the historical research on the dynamics of Sicilian trade, she offers a micro-historical analysis of the city of Messina. Her study is based on an introductory overview of the ecclesiastical, diplomatic as well as private charters and notary acts that reflect upon the business activities in late medieval Messina. Because of its favourable geographical position, the city was a centre of attraction for foreign merchants and a commercial hub between the urban centre and its surrounding regions as well as between Sicily and mainland Italy. It can be assumed that Messina, even though it might not have fully exploited its advantages51, was to a greater extent actively engaged in Mediterranean trade and more economically active than modern historiography has so far acknowledged. Hadrien Penet, too, underlines Messina’s nodal position in Mediterranean trading networks and its importance as a staging post for exchange on a regional

47

48 49 50 51

4), Naples 1972, pp. 149–187; David ABULAFIA, Catalan Merchants and the Western Mediterranean, 1236–1300: Studies in the Notarial Acts of Barcelona and Sicily, in: IDEM, Italy, Sicly and the Mediterranean, 1100–1400 (Variorum Collected Studies Series 250), London 1987, pp. 209–242; IDEM, The Role of Trade in Muslim-Christian Contact during the Middle Ages, in: IDEM, Mediterranean Encounters, Economic, Religious and Political, 1100–1550 (Variorum Collected Studies Series 694), Aldershot 2000, pp. 1–24; Pietro CORRAO, Uomini d’affari stranieri nelle città siciliane del tardo medioevo, in: Revista d’Història Medieval 11 (2000), pp. 139–162; Gian L. BORGHESE, The City of Foreigners: Palermo and the Mediterranean from the 11th to the 15th Century, in: NEF, Companion (as n. 8), pp. 325–348. For the trading privileges of foreign merchants in the Sicilian cities, see Rosa M. DENTICI BUCELLATO, Fisco e società nella Sicilia aragonese. Le pandette delle gabelle regie del XIV secolo (Acta curie felicis urbis Panormi 2), Palermo 1983; TRASSELLI, Privilegi (as n. 23). Georg CHRIST / Daniel KÖNIG / Margit MERSCH et al., Netzwerke, in: CHRIST / DÖNITZ / KÖNIG et al., Transkulturelle Verflechtungen (as n. 18), pp. 65–67. For an overview over the unpublished and published source material on the economic history of (late) medieval Sicily, see BRESC, Monde 1 (as n. 25), pp. 25–36. EPSTEIN, Island (as n. 25), pp. 18f.; VERMIGLIO, Archives, p. 278. EPSTEIN, Island (as n. 25), pp. 15f. For general considerations on this issue, see ESCH, Überlieferungs-Chance (as n. 7), pp. 535f. Cf. VERMIGLIO, Archives, pp. 277–290. Cf. ibidem, p. 289.

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and macro-regional level52: from the 12th-century onwards, numerous merchants from various nationalities entered the port of the Sicilian city; some of them left Messina immediately after their business had been completed. Others stayed longer, some settled down and acquired citizenship. Hence, there must have been many occasions for interaction and commerce between foreign and local merchants. In Messina, merchants who shared a common local background formed communities such as the Genoese, Pisans, Venetians, Marseillais and Catalans. The presence of these foreign merchant communities left its traces in the cityscape: Their fondachi and warehouses were to be found in the port area. A consul represented commercial and political issues that involved a member of his merchant community before the local authorities.53 Not only was Messina a place of foreign merchant settlement and trade, but Messinese merchants also took an active part in the Mediterranean trade networks. Merchants from Messina can be found in the important western Mediterranean trading cities such as Genoa, Marseille, Venice and Tunis. Messina, too, had long-distance trading contacts with the Levant and Egypt, Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes and Genoese Romania. The Messinese citizens became specialised in maritime transport: Local shipmasters often entered into the service of Catalan merchants who used Messina as a hub to reach into the eastern Mediterranean.54 Further insight into the complex communication processes can be gained from a close look on the commodities that were shipped to and from medieval Sicily.55 Messina, for instance, took an active part in the trade with slaves from Romania.56 Local sellers acted as intermediaries for Catalan slave traders who carried their human cargo from the Sicilian island further south into the Mediter52 53 54 55

56

Cf. PENET, Communautés, pp. 227–250. Cf. ibidem, pp. 232–234. Cf. ibidem, pp. 247; VERMIGLIO, Archives, pp. 287f. For the benefits that can be gained by a nuanced study of the Sicilian trading commodities, see David ABULAFIA, The Pisan bacini and the Medieval Mediterranean Economy: A Historian’s Viewpoint, in: IDEM, Italy (as n. 46), pp. 287–302; IDEM, Industrial Products: the Middle Ages, in: IDEM, Mediterranean Encounters (as n. 46), pp. 333–358; as for material objects as proxies of cultural exchange and entanglement see below, pp. 22–26 with note 60. Cf. PENET, Communautés, pp. 247; VERMIGLIO, Archives, pp. 293f. For the Sicilian slave trade, see Charles VERLINDEN, L’esclavage en Sicile sous Frédéric II d’Aragon 1296–1337, in: Homenaje a Jaime Vicens Vives, vol. 1, Barcelona 1965, pp. 675–690; IDEM, L’ésclavage dans un quartier de Palerme. Aspects quantitatifs, in: Studi in memoria di Federigo Melis, ed. Luigi DE ROSA, vol. 3, Naples 1987, pp. 505–526; BRESC, Monde 1 (as n. 25), pp. 439–475, 2, pp. 443–450; IDEM, Une société esclavagiste médiévale : l’exemple de la Sicile, in: Sardegna, Mediterraneo Atlantico tra medioevo ed età moderna. Studi storici in memoria di Alberto Boscolo, ed. Luisa D’ARIENZO, vol. 2, Rome 1993, pp. 297–314; BACKMAN, Decline (as n. 43), pp. 247–302; Laura SCIASCIA, Schiavi in Sicilia. Ruoli sociali e condizione umana, in: De l’esclavitud a la llibertat. Esclaus i lliberts a l’edat mitjana. Actes del Colloquio Internacional celebrat a Barcelona, del 27 al 29 de maig de 1999, ed. María T. FERRER I MALLOL / Josefina MUTGÉ I VIVES (Anuario de estudios medievales. Anejo 38), Barcelona 2000, pp. 527–547; Henri BRESC, Esclaves noirs et esclaves blancs en Sicile (vers 1300–vers 1450). Entre déshumanisation et socialisation, in: Couleurs de l’esclavage sur les deux rives de la Mediterranee

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ranean. The range and variety of goods, the processes of production as well as of transport and distribution allow the historian to discern the establishing of economic relationships and shared commercial entreprises as well as patterns of commercial exchanges that cross the political, cultural and religious barriers of the Mediterranean regions. Mohamed Ouerfelli whose paper focuses on the production and trade with Sicilian sugar in the late Middle Ages sheds light on the important role of Pisan businessmen.57 It was also due to their investment that Palermo turned into a centre for sugar production. Merchants from Pisa participated in the trade with Sicilian sugar and helped to enhance the reach of their trading trading contacts. The Sicilian sugar trade spanned from the southern part of the Mediterranean, from the Maghreb and Egypt, to Northern Europe, to Flanders and England. Such long-distance networks underline the idea of a medieval Mediterranean that stretches far wider than the geographic entity itself.58

IV. Motifs and images: transcultural discourses and perceptions Commercial exchange enabled various processes of cultural entanglement.59 Within urban, regional and Mediterranean networks, people and goods as well as ideas and knowledge, images, and motifs crossed both natural as well as political boundaries. An outcome of such contacts were material objects and artefacts.60 Indeed, Siculo-Norman art is widely-recognised for its artistic brilliance as well as for its variety of motifs and forms that have often been described as a mixture of Latin, Greek and Islamic art. Here, the process of translation has been used to describe the process of creating and, literally, reading Norman art.61

57 58 59 60

61

(Moyen Age–XXe siècle), ed. Alessandra STELLA / Roger BOTTE (Hommes et sociétés), Paris 2012, pp. 55–84. Cf. OUERFELLI, Sicilian Sugar Trade, pp. 291f., 302f. BRAUDEL, Méditerranée 1 (as n. 9), chapter 3: Les confins ou la plus grande Méditerranée, pp, 155‒210; HORDEN / PURCELL, Corrupting Sea (as n. 1), pp. 7‒25. MCCORMICK, Origins of the European Economy (as n. 41). Ulrike RITZERFELD, Materialisierte Verflechtungen und ihre Deutungen, in: CHRIST / KÖNIG / MERSCH et al., Transkulturelle Verflechtungen (as n. 18), p. 123; Alex METCALFE / Mariam ROSSER-OWEN (Ed.), Forgotten Connections? Medieval Material Culture and Exchange in the Central and Western Mediterranean (Al-Masāq 25,1), London 2013. The attempt to categorise Norman art was inter alia done by using terms such as ‘hybridity’, see e. g. William TRONZO, The Cultures of His Kingdom. Roger II and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo, Princeton 1997, p. 14: “Norman art is a hybrid, we infer from the literature, because Norman society itself was a hybrid, and art reflects society”; as for Norman art as a Mediterranean koine, Christine UNRUH, Die normannischen Gartenpaläste in Palermo: Aneignung einer mittelmeerischen koiné im 12. Jahrhundert, in: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 51 (2007), pp. 1‒44; as for an analysis of language and script from an art-historical perspective see Isabelle DOLEZALEK, Fashionable Form and Tailor-Made Message: Transcultural Approaches to Arabic Script on the Royal Norman Mantle and Alb, in: The Medieval History Journal 15,2 (2012), pp. 243‒268.

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Certainly, the creation and perception of objects and artefacts entails a communicative process. However, as the exploration of the material lives of artwork shows their sheer variety of media, of contexts and of interpretations is vast. As such, any monolithic attributions must be critically questioned.62 The questions of how and in which context motifs and images evolved and how they were supposed to be perceived is dealt with by Thomas Dittelbach.63 He analyses some of the most famous objects and visual images of Siculo-Norman art, such as the Palatinate and Monreale mosaics, Roger II’s mantle, the famous epitaph for Anna or the ellipsoidal ivory casket from the Cappella Palatina. With reference to the trilingual Norman chancery, Dittelbach states that the production of art was similar in the respect that it was intended to transmit messages to the trilingual peoples of the Norman realm. As such, the unique visual repertoire appeared as a programmatic construct and an understanding of this artistic language as a communicative process that transmitted messages can be understood “between the lines”.64 Here, Dittelbach uses the concept of narratives and counter-narratives to discuss the socio-political and religious messages contained in artefacts and architecture that, for Dittelbach, served as the transmitters of an ambiguous narrative. That is, messages could be transformed without changing whilst only the context altered and became de-constructed before being re-constructed or re-contextualised in a modified interpretation. This communicative strategy served the multi-cultural people of the Norman Kingdom. Undoubtly, the sheer existence of images and motifs can be understood in terms of communication with the beholder.65 Whilst interpretation is a dynamic process bound to time, space and context, such notions of discourses and perceptions become particularly tangible in a historiographical context. Indeed, the question of how historiography has depicted Sicily in terms of its multi-layered history is revealing. Here, it is immediately noteworthy that the transcultural remains attesting to Sicily’s multifaceted imprint have long-been neglected and, often, dismissed. This fact is well-illustrated by the poet Angelo Callimaco who recounted the history of his homeland. For Callimaco, it was Aeneas who established the first

62

63

64 65

See e. g. Avinoam SHALEM, Dangerous Claims. On the ‘Othering’ of Islamic Art History and How It Operates within Global Art History, in: Universalität der Kunstgeschichte, ed. Matthias BRUHN / Monica JUNEJA / Elke A. WERNER (Kritische Berichte. Zeitschrift für Kunst- und Kulturwissenschaften 40, Heft 2), Ulm 2012, pp. 69‒86. Cf. Thomas DITTELBACH, Counter-Narratives in 12th-Century Norman Art and Architecture, pp. 141–157. Cf. ibidem, pp. 141f. As other articles in the present volume indicate, political messages and ideologies could be communicated via representations, images or objects, too. For the urban topography and architecture such as city gates as representation of victory, see JÄCKH, Space, pp. 81–86; as for a self-understanding and representation of independency via coinage see ENGL, Dynamiken, pp. 203f.

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‘Latin kingship’ on Sicily.66 However, Aeneas’ patrimony was then usurped by the ‘Greeks’ (the Byzantines) and, later, the ‘Muslim infidels’.67 It was only with the Normans that the Sicilian Kingdom returned to its rightful, Latin-Christian, glory; this decisive moment re-established a legitimate line of ‘many great kings’68 that culminated in the reign of his royal contemporary, Ferdinand III. Like Callimaco’s poem, 16th-century Sicilian historiography is noteworthy for its attempt to chronicle the island’s history from its ancient origins onwards. Whilst acknowledging that Sicily’s history was heavily influenced by its foreign and relatively transient rulers, for many of these historiographers it was the Norman creation of the Kingdom of Sicily which witnessed the island’s historical (re-)birth. This claim is well evidenced by reference to Tommaso Fazello’s formative account of Sicilian history that was published in 1558. Composed in elegant Latin, Fazello’s long and complex work sought to explain the history of Sicily alongside the island’s inhabitants and their customs. Whilst conventionalising the Norman conquest of Sicily as the starting point of the ‘valuable’, Christian Sicilian history, Fazello’s strong urban focus ensures that he could not entirely dismiss the island’s Muslim past. Many surviving monuments and objects in the cities’ urban spaces recalled the Islamic-Arabic influence that Fazello did not ignore but, nevertheless, often misunderstood.69 Indeed, despite the importance of this multi-faceted culture for explaining the uniqueness of the Sicilian historical legacy, the transcultural inheritance long remained understudied. A growing sense of appreciation of the Arabic-Islamic facet of Sicilian history can be traced to the 18th-century.70 However, such abstract notions did not find adequate articulation until the time of Michele Amari.71 Whilst Amari himself was dismissed by fellow historians72, the somewhat biased view on Sicilian history resolved into a more balanced one, as indepth studies carried to light more sources and analysed them in a time in which national considerations dwindled or were, at least, increasingly questioned. It is 66 67 68 69

70 71

72

Biblioteca Nazionale di Roma, Vitt.Em.55, fol. 1r. Ibidem, fol. 8r. Ibidem, fol. 8v. Here, Fazello identifies the ‘Saracen’ or Arabic-Islamic heritage often as Punic or Chaldaean, see e. g. FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as n. 6), lib. 8, pp. 164‒170. See e. g. Gregorio ROSARIO, Rerum arabicarum quae ad historian Siculam spectant ampla collectio, opera ac studio, Palermo 1790. Michele AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 3 vols., ed. Carlo A. NALLINO, 2nd ed. Catania 1933‒1937. For Amari, the Sicilian “otherness” well-served to reinforce his wider political beliefs of a Sicilian independence, see e. g. Bianca MARCOLONGO, Le idee politiche di Michele Amari, in: Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia, ed. Andrea BORRUSO / Rosa D’ANGELO / Rosa SCAGLIONE GUCCIONE (Societa Siciliana per la Storia Patria), Palermo 1991, pp. 190‒240. In terms of Amari’s assumption that the Norman dīwān was inpired by the Fatimids, Johns remembers the incident in which “Carlo-Alberto Garufi, a figure of insular stature with none of Amari’s breadth and depth of scholarship, pretended to disprove Amari’s argument by means of a detailed philological discussion, regardless that he knew no Arabic”, see Jeremy JOHNS, Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily. The Royal Dīwān (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization), Cambridge 2002, p. 7.

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here that the term “transculturality” has offered an important component to critically challenge constructs of national states and civilisations.73 The study of the history of Sicily has also benefited from a new trend in historiography termed ‘Mediterranean studies’. Undoubtly, the most influential stimulus for a new approach to Mediterranean history was the opus of Fernand Braudel.74 It was in the spirit of Braudel, that Nicholas Purcell and Peregrine Horden approached the Mediterranean in their book The corrupting sea. Here, the authors focussed on the ancient and medieval period that had been spared by Braudel or, rather, remained unpublished.75 By the time that David Abulafia wrote a biography of the Mediterranean Sea76, Mediterranean studies had already become a dynamic and complex field of scholarly debate.77 For our purpose it shall be enough to refer to this development in terms of a historiographic discourse. For the study of medieval Sicily, this has resulted in a wider acknowledgment of the island’s multilayered history and the role of cross-cultural interactions within the Mediterranean and provided powerful arguments for the understanding of Sicily in a Mediterranean context. Such notions fit well with attempts to study the regions of the Mediterranean in terms of a shared, interwoven (connected and intersected) history that is girdled by fluid borders of both political entities and scholarly

73

74 75 76

77

As for globalist notions in art history and the methodological, maybe ideological problems, see Monica JUNEJA, Vorwort des Chair for Global Art History am Exzellenzcluster „Asia and Europe in a Global Context“ an der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg, in: Kulturerbe und Denkmalpflege transkulturell. Grenzgänge zwischen Theorie und Praxis, ed. EADEM / Michael FALSER, Bielefeld 2013, pp. 9‒34, here pp. 21‒23. BRAUDEL, Méditerranée (as n. 9). HORDEN / PURCELL, Corrupting Sea (as n. 1), p. 1 and pp. 39‒43. Here, whilst stressing the geographical similarities and shared historical experiences within the Mediterranean, Abulafia also emphasises both the diversity within this dymanic area and it’s distinctivness from other regions, see David ABULAFIA, The Great Sea. A Human History of the Mediterranean, London 2011, pp. xxiii‒xxxi. As for Mediterranean studies as a field of interdisciplinary research, see e. g. Rania ABDELLATIF / Yassir BENHIMA / Daniel KÖNIG et al. (Ed.), Construire la Méditerranée, penser les transferts culturels. Approches historiographiques et perspectives de recherche (Ateliers des Deutschen Historischen Instituts Paris 8), Munich 2012, see particularly IIDEM, Introduction à l’étude des transferts culturels en Méditerranée médiévale. Aspects historiogaphiques et méthodologiques, pp. 14–44; Mihran DABAG / Dieter HALLER / Nikolas JASPERT et al., Handbuch der Mediterranistik. Systematische Mittelmeerforschung und disziplinäre Zugänge (Mittelmeerstudien 8), Paderborn 2015, see particularly the contribution of Nikolas JASPERT / Sebastian KOLDITZ / Jenny OESTERLE, Mittelalterliche Geschichte, pp. 303‒324; as for an art historical perspective on Mediterranean history see e. g. Jaynie ANDERSON (Ed.), Crossing Cultures. Conflict, Migration and Convergence. The proceedings of the 32nd International Congress in the History of Art. The University of Melbourne, 13‒18 January 2008, Carlton / Victoria 2009, see particularly chapter 5: Fluid Borders: Mediterranean Art Histories, pp. 134‒178; Gerhard WOLF, Alexandria aus Athen zurückerobern? Perspektiven einer mediterranen Kunstgeschichte mit einem Seitenblick auf das mittelalterliche Sizilien, in: Lateinisch-griechisch-arabische Begegnungen. Kulturelle Diversität im Mittelmeerraum des Spätmittelalters, ed. Margit MERSCH / Ulrike RITZERFELD (Europa im Mittelalter 15), Berlin 2009, pp. 39‒62.

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disciplines. As such, the fluctuating trends of research paradigms may well-illustrate how history itself is interpreted. Here, the discourses that such paradigms stimulate can often reveal much about the perceptions of our time and space of writing.

VERA VON FALKENHAUSEN

Die griechischen Gemeinden in Messina und Palermo (11. bis 13. Jahrhundert) Messina und Palermo waren in normannischer und staufischer Zeit die beiden wichtigsten Städte Siziliens1; beide werden in den zeitgenössischen Quellen µεγαλόπολις genannt, die Hauptstadt Palermo allerdings seltener als Messina.2 Dagegen spielte damals die alte byzantinische Hauptstadt Syrakus, von 663 bis 668 Residenz Kaiser Konstans’ II.3, später Sitz der Strategen von Sizilien4 und seit dem 8. Jahrhundert der griechischen Erzbischöfe mit der Jurisdiktion über die dem Patriarchat von Konstantinopel unterstehenden sizilianischen Diözesen5, anscheinend keine große Rolle mehr. Messina war die erste Stadt Siziliens, die von den Normannen erobert wurde (1061). Nach Malaterra soll Roger I. sie als quasi clavem Siciliae, also als den Schlüssel zu Sizilien, betrachtet haben6, eine Bezeichnung, die Saba Malaspina am Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts wieder aufgriff.7 Bis zur Eroberung von Palermo dauerte es dann noch gute zehn Jahre. 1 2

3

4

5

6

7

Ibn Ǧubayr, Viaggio in Ispagna, Sicilia, Siria e Palestina, Mesopotamia, Arabia, Egitto, übers. v. Celestino SCHIAPARELLI, Rom 1906, S. 322. Palermo: I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia. Pubblicati nel testo originale, tradotti ed illustrati, hg. v. Salvatore CUSA, Bd. 1,1, Palermo 1868, S. 27; Messina: ibidem, S. 324, S. 341, S. 352, 362; I diplomi greci ed arabi, hg. v. IDEM, Bd. 1,2, Palermo 1884, S. 637; Ermanno AAR, Gli studi storici in Terra d’Otranto, in: Archivio storico italiano IV ser. 9 (1882), S. 235–265, hier S. 253– 255; Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina. Enquête sur les populations grecques d’Italie du Sud et de Sicile (XIe–XIVe s.), hg. v. André GUILLOU (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi e monumenti 8), Palermo 1963, Nr. 15, S. 125f., App. II, S. 208–214; Cristina ROGNONI, Messina 1208: un contratto matrimoniale greco (ADM 1302), in: Νέα Ῥώµη 4 (2007), S. 331– 342, hier S. 334. Weitere Urkunden, in denen Messina µεγαλόπολις genannt wird, sind noch unediert: Toledo Archivo General de la Fundación Casa Ducal de Medinaceli, Fonds Messina, Nrn. 1258, 1278, 1284, 1290, 1326, 1332. Im Folgenden werden die Urkunden aus diesem Archivfond mit der Sigle ADM bezeichnet. Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Erste Abteilung (641–867), hg. nach Vorarbeiten v. Friedhelm WINKELMANN v. Ralph-Johannes LILIE / Claudia LUDWIG / Thomas PRATSCH et al., Bd. 2, Berlin / New York 2000, # 3691, S. 480–484. Ewald KISLINGER, La città bizantina in Sicilia come centro amministrativo, in: La Sicilia bizantina. Storia, città e territorio. Atti del VI Convegno di Studi, hg. v. Marina CONGIU / Simona MODEO / Massimo ARNONE, Caltanissetta 2010, S. 147–157; Mikaël NICHANIAN / Vivien PRIGENT, Les stratèges de Sicile. De la naissance du thème jusqu’au règne de Léon V, in: Revue des études byzantines 61 (2003), S. 97–141. Vivien PRIGENT, L’évolution du réseau épiscopal sicilien (VIIIe–Xe siècle), in: Les dynamiques de l’islamisation en Méditerranée centrale et en Sicile : Nouvelles propositions et découvertes récentes, hg. v. Annliese NEF / Fabiola ARDIZZONE (Collection de l’École française de Rome 487), Rom / Bari 2014, S. 89–102. Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis et Roberti Guiscardi Ducis fratris eius, hg. v. Ernesto PONTIERI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores2 5,1), Bologna 1928, lib. III, cap. 32, S. 77. Die Chronik des Saba Malaspina, hg. v. Walter KOLLER / August NITSCHKE (MGH SS 35), Hannover 1999, lib. VIII, cap. 10, S. 296: Messanem … civitatem, que clavis et custodia est totius Sycilie.

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Dort wurde alsbald ein Erzbistum eingerichtet – das vorerst einzige in Sizilien8, was wohl bedeutet, dass der Status der arabischen Hauptstadt auch unter den normannischen Eroberern aufrechterhalten werden sollte. Für die ersten Jahrzehnte der normannischen Herrschaft ist die Quellenlage für Palermo unergiebig: Robert Giuskard setzte dort erst einen normannischen Ritter, Peter Vidon, als Emir, also als lokalen Gouverneur ein9, dem anscheinend alsbald der Notar Eugenios, ein Grieche aus dem ostsizilischen Städtchen Troina10, und schließlich Christodoulos, ein griechisch-arabischer Christ, der wohl aus der Gegend von Marsala stammte, folgten.11 Offensichtlich musste dieser Posten auf die Dauer mit einem Beamten besetzt werden, der die beiden Landessprachen, Arabisch und Griechisch, beherrschte. Die normannischen Herzöge behielten gegenüber den Grafen von Kalabrien und Sizilien die Oberhoheit über die Stadt: Eine griechische Inschrift über den Neubau der Kirche San Pietro de Balneariis im Hafenviertel von Palermo aus dem Jahre 1081 ist in die Zeit Robert Guiskards und seiner Frau Sikelgaita datiert, während Roger I. gar nicht erwähnt wird12; ebenso beriefen sich die zuständigen Beamten auf die Autorität τοῦ ὑπερλάµπρου oder πανυπερλάµπρου δουκός und nicht auf die des Grafen von Kalabrien und Sizilien.13 Roger I. hatte zwar lange und erfolgreich in Sizilien gekämpft, scheint aber nie länger dort residiert zu haben. In seinen Urkunden, die zum allergrößten Teil nur in später überarbeiteten Abschriften oder Übersetzungen erhalten sind14, wird nur selten der Ausstellungsort angegeben. Zwi8

9

10

11 12

13

14

Italia Pontificia, Bd. 10: Calabria – Insulae, hg. v. Dieter GIRGENSOHN, Zürich 1975, S. 221, S. 228f. Léon-Robert MÉNAGER, Amiratus – Ἀµηρᾶς. L’Émirat et les origines de l’amirauté (Xe–XIIIe siècles), Paris 1960, S. 23–26. In einer Urkunde Rogers I. vermutlich aus dem Jahre 1083 unterzeichnet er als στρατηγὸς Πανόρµου τοῦ ὑπερλάµπρου δουκός: Documenti latini e greci del conte Ruggero I di Calabria e Sicilia, hg. v. Julia BECKER (Richerche dell’Istituto Storico Germanico di Roma 6), Rom 2013, Nr. 6, S. 55; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Ancora sul monastero greco di S. Nicola dei Drosi (prov. Vibo Valentia). Edizione degli atti pubblici (secoli XI–XII), in: Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 79 (2013), S. 37–79, hier S. 40–45. MÉNAGER, Amiratus – Ἀµηρᾶς (wie Anm. 9), S. 26–28; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci del regno normanno, in: Byzantino-Sicula, Bd. 5: Giorgio di Antiochia. L’arte della politica in Sicilia nel XII secolo tra Bisanzio e l’Islam. Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Palermo, 19–20 Aprile 2007), hg. v. Mario RE / Cristina ROGNONI (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici “Bruno Lavagnini”. Quaderni 17), Palermo 2009, S. 165–202, hier S. 175–177. MÉNAGER, Amiratus – Ἀµηρᾶς (wie Anm. 9), S. 28–44, S. 180–183; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 180–183. André GUILLOU, Recueil des inscriptions grecques médiévales d’Italie (Collection de l’École française de Rome 222), Rom 1996, Nr. 195, S. 210f.: ἐν ἡµέραις τοῦ λαµπροτάτου δουκὸς Ῥουµβέρτου καὶ Σικελγαίτας τῆς αὐτοῦ συνεύνου. BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), Nr. 6, S. 55; VON FALKENHAUSEN, Ancora sul monastero greco di S. Nicola dei Drosi (wie Anm. 9), S. 45; Léon-Robert MÉNAGER, Recueil des actes des ducs normands d’Italie (1042–1127), Bd. 1: Les premiers ducs (1046–1087) (Società di storia patria per la Puglia. Documenti e monografie 45), Bari 1981, Nrn. 52–54, S. 181–186, Tav. 53; Jeremy JOHNS, Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily. The Royal Dīwān (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization), Cambridge 2002, S. 68f. BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), S. 12.

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schen Dezember 1094 und Februar 1095 stellte er vier Urkunden in Palermo aus, davon zwei für Erzbischof Alcherius.15 Auch Messina ist nur gelegentlich als Ausstellungsort angegeben.16 Seine offizielle Residenz in Mileto, wo er auch begraben ist, hat Roger nie aufgegeben.17 Nach Rogers Tod (1101) scheint sich seine Witwe, die Regentin Adelasia, dagegen oft und lange in Messina und im Val Demone aufgehalten zu haben, soweit man das aus den Ausstellungsorten und Empfängeradressen ihrer Privilegien schließen kann.18 Im Jahre 1112 zog der normannische Hof jedoch in die alte arabische Hauptstadt Palermo um.19 Die Gründe dafür sind nicht ganz eindeutig: Vielleicht spielten dabei die Aufstände der Barone im Osten der Insel eine Rolle20; vielleicht wollte man auch mit der Präsenz des Hofes die normannische Herrschaft im Westen der Insel intensiver ausbauen, da sich inzwischen schon viele normannische Feudalherren dort niedergelassen hatten.21 Entscheidend war wohl der Tod des Herzogs Roger Borsa (1111), der als Lehnsherr der Grafen von Kalabrien und Sizilien bis dahin seine Rechte dort geltend gemacht hatte.22 Auch der schon erwähnte Emir Christodoulos, ein griechich-arabischer Christ aus Westsizilien, der seit 1107 in der Umgebung der Regentin nachzuweisen ist und bis in die zwanziger Jahre des 12. Jahrhunderts an der Spitze der Verwaltung der Grafschaft von Sizilien und Kalabrien stand, könnte diesen Entschluss mitbeeinflusst haben.23 Auf seinen Besitzungen bei Marsala hatte Christodoulos ein Kloster gegründet, Santa Maria della Grotta, das im Jahre 1107/1108 ein Privileg von der Regentin Adelasia erhielt.24 Schon im Jahre 15

16 17

18

19 20 21 22

23 24

Ibidem, Nr. 49, S. 197–199, Nr. 52, S. 205–207. Empfänger der beiden anderen in Palermo ausgestellten σιγίλλια war das Kloster San Filippo di Fragalà im Val Demone: ibidem, Nrn. 45– 46, S. 184–189. Ibidem, † 11, S. 74f. (1087), Nr. 16, S. 89–91 (1091), Nr. 21, S. 107–111 (1092), Nr. 28, S. 127– 130 (1092), Nr. 34, S. 147–149 (1093), Nr. 50, S. 200f. (1095). Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Mileto tra Greci e Normanni, in: Chiesa e Società nel Mezzogiorno. Studi in onore di Maria Mariotti, hg. v. Pietro BORZOMATI, Bd. 1, Soveria Mannelli 1998, S. 109–133. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zur Regentschaft der Gräfin Adelasia del Vasto in Kalabrien und Sizilien (1101–1112), in: Aetos. Studies in Honour of Cyril Mango Presented to him on April 14, 1998, hg. v. Ihor ŠEVČENKO / Irmgard HUTTER, Stuttgart / Leipzig 1998, S. 87–115, hier S. 105–115; Julia BECKER, Un dominio tra tre culture. La contea di Ruggero I alla fine dell’XI secolo, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 88 (2008), S. 1–33, hier S. 16. Hubert HOUBEN, Roger II. von Sizilien, Herrscher zwischen Orient und Okzident, 2. Aufl. Darmstadt 2010, S. 29f. Michele FASOLO, Alla ricerca di Focerò, Rom 2008, S. 9f. VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zur Regentschaft der Gräfin Adelasia (wie Anm. 18), S. 94f., S. 98. Im Sommer 1086 hatte er drei Urkunden in Palermo ausgestellt: MÉNAGER, Recueil des actes des ducs normands (wie Anm. 13), Nrn. 52–54, S. 181–186, Tav. 53. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 69–74; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 180–183. Das Privileg ist nicht erhalten und wird nur in einer Bestätigungsurkunde Rogers II. erwähnt, die nur in einer nicht ganz korrekten lateinischen Übersetzung überliefert ist. Dort wird als Datum von Adelasias Urkunde das Jahr 6606 und die 1. Indiktion angeben (Carlo A. GARUFI, I documenti inediti nell’epoca normanna in Sicilia, Bd. 1 [Documenti per servire alla storia di

30

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1113, gleich nach dem Umzug des normannischen Hofes nach Palermo, stiftete er auch dort, neben dem palatium, eine Kapelle, die im Beisein der Bischöfe von Palermo, Messina, Agrigent und Syrakus geweiht wurde. Es handelt sich vermutlich um einen Bau, der später als die sogenannte cripta in die Cappella Palatina integriert wurde.25 Es ist also durchaus wahrscheinlich, dass Christodoulos aktiv an der Verlegung der Residenz des Grafen von Kalabrien und Sizilien nach Palermo beteiligt war. Von da an war Palermo die offizielle Residenz der normannischen Herrscher, auch wenn Roger II. sich in seinen ersten Regierungsjahren nur selten dort aufgehalten hat26; dort residierte der vorerst einzige sizilianische Erzbischof27, und schließlich wurde dort die königliche Zentralverwaltung (doana regia) eingerichtet.28 Messina dagegen fungierte sozusagen als zweite Hauptstadt: Auch dort gab es einen königlichen Palast29, in dem die normannischen Könige oft residierten30, und, um die Stadt auch auf kirchlicher Ebene aufzuwerten, kämpften die normannischen Könige und die lokalen Bischöfe jahrelang mit unterschiedlichem Erfolg um die Einrichtung eines Erzbistums in Messina, das schließlich

25

26 27 28 29

30

Sicilia pubblicati a cura della Società Siciliana di Storia Patria I,18], Palermo 1899, S. 22). Im Jahre 6606, einer 6. Indiktion, regierte jedoch noch Roger I., deshalb erscheint es mir wahrscheinlich, dass das Privileg im Jahre 6616, das einer 1. Indiktion entspricht, ausgestellt worden ist: VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zur Regentschaft der Gräfin Adelasia (wie Anm. 18), Nr. 10, S. 107. GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), S. 9–11; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 182, Anm. 98; Vladimir ZORIĆ, Arx praeclara quam palatium regale appellant …: Le sue origini e la prima Cappella della corte normanna, in: La città di Palermo nel Medioevo, hg. v. Franco D’ANGELO (Officina di Studi medievali. Machina Philosophorum 2), Palermo 2002, S. 85–193, hier S. 113–119, 141. Erich CASPAR, Roger II. (1101–1154) und die Gründung der normannisch-sicilischen Monarchie, Innsbruck 1904, S. 491–520. GIRGENSOHN, Italia Pontificia (wie Anm. 8), S. 221, S. 228–232. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13). Patrick GAUTIER DALCHÉ, Du Yorkshire à l’Inde. Une “géographie” urbaine et maritime de la fin du XIIe siècle (Roger de Howden?) (École pratique des Hautes Études. Sciences historiques et philologiques. V. Hautes Études médiévales et modernes 89), Genf 2005, S. 210: anchoratio est bona et sicura sub menibus civitatis prope palatium regis. Ibn Ǧubayr, Viaggio (wie Anm. 1), S. 322; Annliese NEF, Venti blocchi frammentari con iscrizioni arabe in lode di Ruggero II dal Palazzo di Messina, in: Nobiles Officinae. Perle, filigrane e trame di seta dal Palazzo Reale di Palermo, hg. v. Maria ANDALORO, Bd. 1, Catania 2006, S. 503–510. Die contrata Palacii Regii, die sich in veteri civitate Messanae befand, wird 1213 erwähnt: Raffaele STARRABBA, I diplomi della Cattedrale di Messina raccolti da Antonino Amico (Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia pubblicati a cura della Società siciliana di storia patria I,1), Palermo 1888, Nr. 46, S. 61f. Roger II.: CASPAR, Roger II. (wie Anm. 26), S. 485, 487, 494, 497, 499, 504, 510, 516f., 522f., 548, 554–558, 562, 567; Wilhelm I.: Guillelmi I. regis diplomata, hg. v. Horst ENZENSBERGER (Codex diplomaticus regni Siciliae ser. I, tom. 3), Köln / Weimar / Wien 1996, Nr. 3, S. 9–11, Nr. 5, S. 14–16, Nr. 21, S. 58f.; Wilhelm II.: Wilhelm BEHRING, Sicilianische Studien, Bd. 2, Berlin 1882, S. 15–19, 22, 24; Horst ENZENSBERGER, Beiträge zum Kanzlei- und Urkundenwesen der normannischen Herrscher Unteritaliens und Siziliens (Münchener historische Studien. Abt. Geschichtl. Hilfswissenschaften 9), Kallmünz 1971, S. 122f., 127f., 133–135; Tankred: BEHRING, Sicilianische Studien (wie Anm. 30), S. 24f.; Tancredi et Willelmi III regum diplomata, hg. v. Herbert ZIELINSKI (Codex diplomaticus regni Siciliae ser. I, tom. 5), Köln / Wien 1982, Nr. 15–19, S. 36–47, Nr. 28, S. 68f., Nr. 31f., S. 75–79.

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im Jahre 1166 von Papst Alexander III. offiziell bewilligt wurde.31 Nach der Teilung der doana de secretis in staufischer Zeit blieb der Sitz der Zentralverwaltung in Palermo, während der Sekret, der für Ostsizilien und Kalabrien zuständig war, in Messina residierte.32 Die Stadt war nicht nur ein bedeutender internationaler Mittelmeerhafen33, sondern vor allem auch der wichtigste Brückenkopf für die Verbindung der Insel mit den süditalienischen Provinzen des normannischen Reiches.34 Schließlich, um zu meinem Thema zu kommen, gab es in beiden Städten große und lebendige griechische Gemeinden, deren unterschiedliche Strukturen im Folgenden dargestellt werden sollen. Sowohl in Palermo als auch in Messina sind die weitaus meisten erhaltenen Privaturkunden des 12. Jahrhunderts auf Griechisch ausgestellt, und in beiden Städten ist die Ausstellung griechischer Privaturkunden im 13. Jahrhundert rapide rückläufig35, was allerdings für ganz Sizilien und Kalabrien gilt.36 Man sollte aber die sprachliche oder kulturelle Identität einer mittelalterlichen Stadt nicht nur an den dort ausgestellten Privaturkunden messen; meiner Ansicht nach waren die griechischen Gemeinden in diesen beiden Städten ganz unterschiedlich strukturiert und haben sich entsprechend unterschiedlich entwickelt. 31

32

33

34

35

36

GIRGENSOHN, Italia Pontificia (wie Anm. 8), S. 330, 339f.; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN / Jeremy JOHNS, An Arabic-Greek Charter for Archbishop Nicholas of Messina (November 1166), in: Νέα Ῥώµη 8 (2013), S. 153–168, hier S. 156–159. Norbert KAMP, Vom Kämmerer zum Sekreten. Wirtschaftsreformen und Finanzverwaltung im staufischen Königreich Sizilien, in: Probleme um Friedrich II., hg. v. Josef FLECKENSTEIN (Vorträge und Forschungen 16), Sigmaringen 1974, S. 43–92, hier S. 55, 89–91; Christian FRIEDL, Studien zur Beamtenschaft Kaiser Friedrichs II. im Königreich Sizilien (1220–1250) (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl. Denkschriften 337), Wien 2005, S. 74, 478–482, 497–501. Al-Idrīsī, Il Libro di Ruggero. Il diletto di chi è appassionato per le preregrinazioni attraverso il mondo, übers. und hg. v. Umberto RIZZITANO, Palermo 2008, S. 35; Ibn Ğubayr, Viaggio (wie Anm. 1), S. 321; Enrico PISPISA, Messina, Catania, in: Itinerari e centri urbani nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo, Atti delle decime Giornate normanno-sveve (Bari, 21–24 ottobre 1991), hg. v. Giosuè MUSCA, Bari 1993, S. 147–194, hier S. 162–165; Hadrien PENET, L’organisation des réseaux d’un port de détroit : le cas de Messine (XIe–XVe siècle), in: Espaces et Réseaux en Méditerranée, VIe–XVIe siècle, hg. v. Damien COULON / Christophe PICARD / Dominique VALÉRIAN, Bd. 1, Paris 2007, S. 41–56. IDEM, Clavis Siciliae. Les activités portuaires du détroit de Messine (XIIe–XVe siècles), in: Ports maritimes et ports fluviaux au Moyen Âge. XXXVe Congrès de la SHMES (La Rochelle, 5 et 6 juin 2004) (Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public. Série Histoire ancienne et médiévale 81), Paris 2005, S. 261–276, hier S. 268–271. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, La presenza dei Greci nella Sicilia normanna. L’apporto della documentazione archivistica in lingua greca, in: Byzantino-Sicula, Bd. 4: Atti del I Congresso internazionale di archeologia della Sicilia bizantina, hg. v. Rosa Maria CARRA BONACASA (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Quaderni 15), Palermo 2002, S. 31–72, hier S. 42–72. EADEM / Mario AMELOTTI, Notariato e documento nell’Italia meridionale greca (X–XV secolo), in: Per una storia del notariato meridionale, hg. v. Mario AMELOTTI (Studi storici sul notariato italiano 6), Rom 1982, S. 7–69, hier S. 11f.; EADEM, I Greci in Calabria fra XIII e XIV secolo, in: Petrarca e il mondo greco. Atti del Convegno internazionale di Studi (Reggio Calabria, 26–30 novembre 2001) (Quaderni Petrarcheschi 12–13, 2002–2003), Bd. 1, Messina 2007, S. 21–50.

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Vor der arabischen Eroberung Siziliens im 9. Jahrhundert war die Insel weitgehend gräzisiert, zumindest war das Griechische die gängige Schriftsprache. Seit etwa der Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts – das Datum ist umstritten37 – unterstand die Kirche dem byzantinischen Patriarchen38, und die sizilianischen Bischöfe besuchten die Synoden und Konzilien in Konstantinopel.39 Die Verwaltung lag in den Händen von großen Teils aus Byzanz entsandten griechischen Beamten, wie aus der beachtlichen Anzahl byzantinischer Bleisiegel ersichtlich wird, die in Sizilien gefunden wurden, auf denen Namen, Titel und Ämter der Funktionäre in griechischer Sprache geprägt sind.40 Zahlreiche griechische spätantike und frühmittelalterliche Inschriften sind auf der Insel gefunden worden und teilweise noch erhalten41, und griechisch war auch die Literatur, die damals in Sizilien produziert und auch im byzantinischen Reich rezeptiert wurde: Es handelt sich meistens, aber nicht ausschließlich, um hagiographische Texte. Man denke beispielsweise an die Passiones der heiligen Bischöfe Markianos von Syrakus42 und Pankratios von Taormina43, an die Vitae der Bischöfe Zosimos von Syrakus44 und Leo von Catania45, an die liturgischen Kontakia, die sizilianischen Hymnographen zugeschrieben werden46, oder auch an den Brief des Mönchs und γραµµατικός Theo37

38 39

40

41 42

43

44

45 46

EADEM, Chiesa greca e Chiesa latina in Sicilia prima della conquista araba, in: Archivio storico siracusano nov. ser. 5 (1978–1979) [1985], S. 137–155. Wolfram BRANDES, Das Schweigen des Liber pontificalis. Die ‚Enteignung‘ der päpstlichen Patrimonien Siziliens und Unteritaliens in den 50er Jahren des 8. Jahrhunderts, in: Fontes Minores 12 (2014), S. 187–201. PRIGENT, L’évolution du réseau épiscopal (wie Anm. 5), S. 89–102. So z. B. die Bischöfe von Lilybaeum, Carini, Triokala, Catania, Syrakus, Lentini, Messina und Lipari: GIRGENSOHN, Italia Pontificia (wie Anm. 8), S. 254, 259, 266, 283, 300, 326, 330f., 355f. Um hier nur eine kleine Auswahl des bekannten Materials vorzustellen: Ewald KISLINGER, Sigilli bizantini di Sicilia. Addenda e corrigenda a pubblicazioni recenti, in: Archivio storico Messinese 75 (1998), S. 5–33; Vivien PRIGENT, La Sicile de Constant II : l’apport des sources sigillographiques, in: La Sicile de Byzance à l’Islam, hg. v. Annliese NEF / Vivien PRIGENT, Paris 2010, S. 156–185; BRANDES, Das Schweigen (wie Anm. 37), S. 154–162. Vittorio Giovanni RIZZONE, Opus Christi edificabit. Stati e funzioni dei cristiani di Sicilia attroverso l’apporto dell’epigrafia (secoli IV–VI), Catania 2011. Augusta ACCONCIA LONGO, L’encomio per s. Marciano di Siracusa (BHG 1030): un’opera di età normanna?, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 33 (1996), S. 3–12, Wiederabdruck in: EADEM, Ricerche di agiografia italogreca (Testi e studi bizantino-neoellenici 13), Rom 2003, S. 75–84. Cynthia STALLMAN, The Life of S. Pancratius of Taormina, Diss. Oxford 1986 (unveröffentlicht); Augusta ACCONCIA LONGO, Siracusa e Taormina nell’agiografia italogreca, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 27 (1990), S. 33–54; Wiederabdruck in: EADEM, Ricerche di agiografia italogreca (wie Anm. 42), S. 53–74. EADEM, La Vita di Zosimo vescovo di Siracusa: un esempio di “agiografia storica”, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 36 (1999), S. 5–17; Wiederabdruck in: EADEM, Ricerche di agiografia italogreca (wie Anm. 42), S. 9–22; Mario RE, La Vita di s. Zosimo vescovo di Siracusa come fonte per la storia della Sicilia del VII secolo, in: NEF / PRIGENT, La Sicile de Byzance à l’Islam (wie Anm. 40), S. 189–204. Augusta ACCONCIA LONGO, La Vita di s. Leone vescovo di Catania e gli incantesimi del mago Eliodoro, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 26 (1989), S. 3–98. EADEM, Il Concilio calcedonense in un antico contacio per s. Eufemia, in: Analecta Bollandiana 96 (1978), S. 305–337.

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dosios über die arabische Eroberung von Syrakus im Jahre 878, sowie an dessen Gedichte in anakreontischem Versmaß und seinen Traktat über ungewöhnliche Wörter und Ausdrücke in den canones des Johannes von Damaskus.47 Einige Sizilianer, die im Laufe des 9. Jahrhunderts auf die Peloponnes oder nach Konstantinopel übersiedelten, wie Joseph der Hymnograph48, der Dichter Konstantinos Sikelos49 sowie der spätere Patriarch Methodios50 gehörten zu den führenden byzantinischen Literaten bzw. Theologen ihrer Zeit. Wie in allen muslimischen Ländern gab es auch in Sizilien nach der arabischen Eroberung weiterhin zahlreiche christliche Gemeinden51: griechische Klöster, wie z. B. Santa Maria di Vicari im Val di Mazara52, San Filippo d’Agira53 und San Filippo di Fragalà im Val Demone54 werden erwähnt, ebenso wie griechische Erzbischöfe von Catania55 und Palermo56, und vielleicht auch ein Bi-

47

48

49 50 51

52

53

54

55

56

Carlo Oreste ZURETTI, La espugnazione di Siracusa nell’880. Testo greco della lettera del monaco Teodosio, in: Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari, Bd. 1, Palermo 1910, S. 165– 173; Gregorio DE ANDRÉS, Carta de Teodoro gramático (s. IX) sobre el léxico de los cánones de san Juan Damasceno, según el códice Complutense ‘Villamil n.° 30’, in: Emerita 41 (1973), S. 377–395; Fausto MONTANA, L’inizio del lessico di Teodosio grammatico ai canoni liturgici nel Laur. 57. 48, in: Rivista italiana di filologia classica 123 (1995), S. 193–200; Cristina ROGNONI, Au pied de la lettre? Réflexions à propos du témoignage de Théodose, moine et grammatikos, sur la prise de Syracuse en 878, in: NEF / PRIGENT, La Sicile de Byzance à l’Islam (wie Anm. 40), S. 205–228; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, La conquista di Siracusa (878) nella memoria storica di Costantinopoli, in: Per Gabriella. Studi in ricordo di Gabriella Braga, hg. v. Marco PALMA / Cinzia VISMARA (Collana di studi umanistici 6), Bd. 2, Cassino 2013, S. 836–848. Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Zweite Abteilung (867–1025), hg. v. Ralph-Johannes LILIE / Claudia LUDWIG / Thomas PRATSCH et al., Bd. 3, Berlin / New York 2013, # 23510, S. 402–405. Ibidem, # 23741, S. 539–541. WINKELMANN / LILIE / LUDWIG / PRATSCH, Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit 2 (wie Anm. 3), # 4977, S. 233–243. Alex METCALFE, Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily. Arabic Speakers and the End of Islam (Culture and Civilization in the Middle East), London / New York 2003, S. 13–17; Mario RE / Cristina ROGNONI, Cristiani e musulmani nella Sicilia islamica. La testimonianza delle fonti letterarie italogreche, in: NEF / ARDIZZONE, Les dynamiques (wie Anm. 5), S. 119–128. Mario SCADUTO, Il monachesimo basiliano nella Sicilia medievale. Rinascita e decadenza, sec. XI–XIV (Storia e Letteratura. Raccolta di studi e testi 18), 2. Aufl. Rom 1982, S. 122–123; BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), Nr. 59, S. 228–231. Lynn T. WHITE, Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily (The Mediaeval Academy of America 31), Cambridge, Mass. 1938, S. 32–33; Cesare PASINI, Vita di s. Filippo d’Agira attribuita al monaco Eusebio (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 214), Rom 1981, S. 13–22. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Die Testamente des Abtes Gregor von San Filippo di Fragalà, in: Harvard Ukrainian Studies 7 (1983) = Okeanos. Essays Presented to Ihor Ševčenko on His Sixtieth Birthday by His Colleagues and Students, S. 174–195. Der Erzbischof von Catania, Leo, unterzeichnet im Februar 997 in Konstantinopel einen Synodaltomos des Patriarchen Sisinnios II.: Georgios A. RHALLES / M. POTLES, Σύνταγµα τῶν θείων καὶ ἱερῶν κανόνων, Bd. 5, Athen 1854, S. 19; PRIGENT, L’évolution du réseau épiscopal sicilien (wie Anm. 5), S. 100. Bei der Eroberung von Palermo fanden die Normannen einen Erzbischof natione graecus vor: Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii (wie Anm. 6), lib. II, cap. 45, S. 53.

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schof von Taormina.57 Man gewinnt allerdings den Eindruck, dass die meisten griechischen Gemeinden im Nordosten der Insel überlebten. Das ist umso verständlicher, wenn man bedenkt, dass sich auch in byzantinischer Zeit das Interesse der Regierung im Wesentlichen auf den Osten der Insel mit der Hauptstadt Syrakus konzentriert hatte.58 In diesem Zusammenhang ist es meiner Ansicht nach bezeichnend, dass der größte Teil der bekannten griechischen Literatur Siziliens damals im Osten der Insel geschrieben wurde.59 Wir wissen wenig über Messina in arabischer Zeit, aber es war wohl eine militärisch wichtige sizilianische Hafenstadt, von der aus die Angriffe auf das byzantinische Festland gestartet wurden, und die ihrerseits das Ziel byzantinischer Angriffe war.60 Ende der dreißiger und Anfang der vierziger Jahre war sie sogar eine Weile von den Byzantinern besetzt.61 Man kann sich also vorstellen, dass die arabische Regierung nicht an einer großen griechischen Bevölkerungsgruppe in einer militärisch so exponierten Grenzstadt interessiert war. Die zeitgenössischen Chronisten, die die normannische Eroberung Siziliens beschreiben, Malaterra und Amatus von Montecassino, berichten für Messina nur von muslimischen Kämpfern und Gefangenen62, während für Troina, einer kleinen Stadt an den Hängen des Etna, die christliche griechische Bevölkerung, die sich anfangs über die „Befreiung“ durch die Normannen gefreut haben soll, aus-

57

58 59 60

61 62

Im Jahre 1103 vermachte Ἴακωβος ἐπίσκοπος – seine Diözese wird nicht genannt – Bischof Ansgar von Catania das Kloster San Giovanni di Fiumefreddo (τοῦ ἐπιλεγοµένου Ψυχροῦ ποταµοῦ) in der Umgebung von Taormina, das ihm Graf Roger I. geschenkt hatte (Léon-Robert MÉNAGER, Notes critiques sur quelques diplômes normands de l’Archivio Capitolare di Catania, in: Bullettino dell’Archivio paleografico italiano nov. ser. 2–3 [1956–1957], S. 145– 174, hier S. 167–169). Bei dem ansonsten unbekannten Prälaten könnte es sich um einen ehemaligen Bischof von Taormina handeln, dessen Bistum nach der normannischen Eroberung und in der darauffolgenden Reorganisation der sizilianischen Kirche eliminiert worden war (Horst ENZENSBERGER, Fondazione o ‘rifondazione’? Alcune osservazioni sulla politica ecclesiastica del conte Ruggero I, in: Chiesa e società in Sicilia. L’età normanna. Atti del I Convegno internazionale organizzato dall’arcidiocesi di Catania [25–27 novembre 1992], hg. v. Gaetano ZITO, Turin 1995, S. 21–49, hier S. 33), oder um den ehemaligen griechischen Bischof von Catania, den die Normannen durch einen Prälaten aus der Bretagne ersetzt hatten: Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Tra Catania e Paternò: testimonianze greche dell’età normanno-sveva, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 37 (2000), S. 159–181, hier S. 162f. EADEM, Die Städte im byzantinischen Italien, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 101,2 (1989), S. 401–464, hier S. 406–435. Siehe Anm. 42–47. Michele AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia. Seconda edizione modificata e accresciuta dall’autore, pubblicata con note a cura di Carlo Alfonso NALLINO, Bd. 1, Catania 1933, S. 570, Bd. 2, Catania 1935, S. 91–94, 111, 280, 303, 311, 366–367; Alex METCALFE, The Muslims of Medieval Italy (The New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys), Edinburgh 2009, S. 31, 55, 80, 82. Jonathan SHEPARD, Byzantium’s Last Sicilian Expedition, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 14–16 (1977–1979), S. 145–159. Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii (wie Anm. 6), lib. II, cap. 4, S. 30f.; Amato di Montecassino, Storia de’ Normanni, hg. v. Vincenzo DE BARTHOLOMAEIS (Fonti per la Storia d’Italia pubblicate dall’Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo 76), Rom 1935, lib. V, cap. 10, S. 232; lib. V, cap. 14–18, S. 235–237.

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drücklich erwähnt wird.63 Es ist also verständlich, dass Roger I. seinen ersten festen Stützpunkt auf der Insel und das erste lateinische Bistum in Sizilien in Troina gründete; allerdings wurde der Sitz des Bischofs schon 1096 nach Messina verlegt.64 Nach der normannischen Eroberung im Jahre 1061 soll Messina durch den Tod bzw. die Flucht der arabischen Verteidiger eine verlassene Stadt gewesen sein: la cité estoit vacante des homes liquel i habitoient avant. Deshalb, so schreibt der Chronist Amatus von Montecassino, habe Robert Guiskard seine Ritter dorthin beordert.65 Aber alsbald wurde aus der befestigten Grenzstadt der wichtigste Verbindungshafen zwischen den durch den Stretto geteilten normannischen Provinzen Kalabrien und Sizilien und zog entsprechend neue Einwohner an, darunter viele Griechen aus Kalabrien. Roger I. war von seinem Bruder mit der Grafschaft Kalabrien und dem noch zu erobernden Sizilien belehnt worden.66 Im Gegensatz zu anderen Teilen des byzantinischen Süditaliens war Kalabrien in Bezug auf Sprache – zumindest was die Schriftsprache angeht –, Kultur und Religion eine rein griechische Region: Alle bekannten kalabresischen Urkunden aus vornormannischer Zeit sind auf Griechisch ausgestellt, ohne jegliche lateinische Zeugenunterschrift.67 Die Kirche unterstand dem Patriarchen von Kostantinopel68, und die erhaltene Literatur ebenso wie alle bekannten Handschriften, die in byzantinischer Zeit dort geschrieben wurden, sind griechisch.69 Nach der normannischen Eroberung 63 64

65 66 67

68 69

Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii (wie Anm. 6), lib. II, cap. 18, S. 35, lib. II, cap. 29, S. 39f. Giovan G. MELLUSI, La rifondazione della diocesi di Messina e le sue vicende in età Normanna, in: “Panta rei”. Studi dedicati a Manlio Bellomo, hg. v. Orazio Condorelli, Bd. 3, Rom 2004, S. 589–609; Julia BECKER, Graf Roger I. von Sizilien, Wegbereiter des normannischen Königreichs (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 117), Tübingen 2008, S. 172– 176. Troina behielt allerdings noch jahrzehntelang ein eigenes Domkapitel. Amato di Montecassino, Storia de’ Normanni (wie Anm. 62), lib. V, 19, S. 238. BECKER, Graf Roger I. von Sizilien (wie Anm. 64), S. 38–54. Francesco TRINCHERA, Syllabus Graecarum membranarum, Neapel 1865, Nrn. 13–14, S. 13– 17, Nr. 29, S. 32–34, Nrn. 37–38, S. 45–48, Nr. 40, S. 49–51, Nrn. 43–44, S. 55–58, Nr. 46, S. 60f.; André GUILLOU, Saint-Nicolas de Donnoso (1031–1060/1061) (Corpus des actes grecs d’Italie du Sud et de Sicile. Recherches d’histoire et de géographie 1), Vatikanstadt 1967; IDEM, Saint-Nicodème de Kellarana (1023/1024–1232) (Corpus des actes grecs 2), Vatikanstadt 1968, Nr. 1, S. 19–24; IDEM, La Théotokos de Hagia-Agathè (Oppido) (1050–1064/1065) (Corpus des actes grecs 3), Vatikanstadt 1972; IDEM, Le brébion de la métropole de Règion (vers 1050) (Corpus des actes grecs 4), Vatikanstadt 1974; IDEM, Saint-Jean-Théristès (1054–1264) (Corpus des actes grecs 5), Vatikanstadt 1980, Nr. 1, S. 39–42; IDEM, Les actes grecs des fonds Aldobrandini et Miraglia (XIe–XIIIe s.) (Corpus des actes grecs 6), Vatikanstadt 2009, Nr. 7, S. 41–47; IDEM / Cristina ROGNONI, Une nouvelle fondation monastique dans le thème de Calabre (1053–1054), in: Byzantinische Zeitschrift 85 (1992), S. 423–429; EADEM, Les actes privés grecs de l’Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli (Tolède), Bd. 1: Les monastères de Saint-Pancrace de Briatico, de Saint-Philippe-de-Bojôannès et de Saint-Nicolas-de-Drosi (Calabre, XIe– XIIe siècles), Paris 2004, Nrn. 1–11, S. 62–118, Nr. 25–27, S. 189–207. Vivien PRIGENT, Les évêchés byzantins de la Calabre septentrionale, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 114,2 (2002), S. 931–951. Antonio Maria ADORISIO, Produzione libraria e biblioteche, in: Storia della Calabria medievale, Bd. 2: Culture, arti techniche, hg. v. Augusto PLACANICA, Rom 1999, S. 117–148, hier S. 122–125.

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wurden die kalabresischen Diözesen Rom unterstellt, die meisten griechischen Bischöfe wurden nach und nach durch lateinische ersetzt, ohne dass jedoch der griechische Ritus eingeschränkt worden wäre70; in einigen Diözesen – z. B. in Gerace – amtierten noch bis ins 15. Jahrhundert griechische Bischöfe.71 Eine solche Region war nur mit Hilfe von Verwaltungsbeamten griechischer Sprache zu regieren, und genau das tat Roger I.: Er übernahm byzantinische Verwaltungsstrukturen – besonders im Bereich der Finanzverwaltung72 – mit den dazugehörigen Beamten.73 Die meisten seiner Urkunden – auch die für nicht griechische Empfänger – ebenso wie später die seiner Witwe Adelasia sind auf Griechisch ausgestellt, auch wenn viele nur in lateinischer Übersetzung erhalten sind.74 Nach der Eroberung Messinas und Siziliens gingen die Normannen auch dort entsprechend vor: Es wurden zwar lateinische Bischöfe – oft französischer Herkunft – eingesetzt75, aber der griechische Ritus wurde nicht eingeschränkt. Mit dem Ausbau der Zivilverwaltung über die eroberten Gebiete betraute Roger I. seine kalabresischen Verwaltungskader: z. B. den Kämmerer Nikolaos von Mesa76, den Logotheten Leo77 und den Notar und Richter Bonos78, um nur einige zu nennen. Gleichzeitig stellte er einige gebildete sizilianische Griechen ein, die mit der arabischen Sprache vertraut waren, wie den Protonotar Johannes und den schon erwähnten Notar und späteren Emir Eugenios, den Stammvater einer griechischen Beamtendynastie in normannischen Diensten, die beide aus Troina stammten.79

70

71 72

73 74 75

76 77 78 79

Dieter GIRGENSOHN, Dall’episcopato greco all’episcopato latino nell’Italia meridionale, in: La Chiesa greca in Italia dall’VIII al XVI secolo. Atti del convegno storico interecclesiale (Bari, 30 aprile–4 maggio 1969) (Italia Sacra. Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica 20), Padua 1973, S. 25–43; Peter HERDE, Il papato e la Chiesa greca nell’Italia meridionale dall’XI al XIII secolo, in: La Chiesa greca in Italia (wie Anm. 70), S. 213–255; Annick PETERS-CUSTOT, Les Grecs de l’Italie méridionale post-byzantine. Une acculturation en douceur (Collection de l’École française de Rome 420), Rom 2009, S. 234–266. Enzo D’AGOSTINO, Da Locri a Gerace. Storia di una diocesi della Calabria bizantina dalle origini al 1480, Soveria Mannelli 2004, S. 126–130, 171–180, 185–187, 192–194, 199–224. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Amministrazione fiscale nell’Italia meridionale bizantina (secoli IX–XI), in: L’héritage byzantin en Italie (VIIIe–XIIe siècle), Bd. 2: Les cadres juridiques et sociaux et les institutions publiques, hg. v. Jean-Marie MARTIN / Annick PETERS-CUSTOT / Vivien PRIGENT (Collection de l’École française de Rome 461), Rom 2012, S. 533–556, hier S. 552–556. BECKER, Graf Roger I. von Sizilien (wie Anm. 64), S. 110–122. EADEM, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9); VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zur Regentschaft der Gräfin Adelasia (wie Anm. 18), S. 105–115. Norbert KAMP, I vescovi siciliani nel periodo normanno: origine sociale e formazioni spirituali, in: ZITO, Chiesa e società in Sicilia. L’età normanna (wie Anm. 57), S. 63–89, hier S. 64–68; BECKER, Graf Roger I. von Sizilien (wie Anm. 64), S. 168–189. VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 169–172. Ibidem, S. 172f. Ibidem, S. 178–180. Ibidem, S. 174–177.

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Seine griechischen Getreuen aus Kalabrien beschenkte der Graf dann mit Ländereien in der Umgebung von Messina, um auf diese Weise auch die personelle Verankerung zwischen Sizilien und dem kalabresischen Festland zu verstärken. Im September 1098 schenkte Roger I. z. B. dem Scholarios Palates oder τοῦ Παλατίου aus Reggio – der dem Beschenkten normalerweise zugeschriebene Familienname Grapheos80 ist aus der Luft gegriffen – Grundstücke in Phergala und Pherla, im Tal Bordonaro, südlich von Messina.81 Einige Jahre danach überschrieb Rogers Schwiegersohn, Gosbert de Lucy, dem Bruder des Scholarios, Moules τοῦ Παλατίου Grundbesitz im nah gelegenen Massa82, gleichfalls südlich von Messina. Auf diese Weise wurden wohl nicht wenige Kalabresen dazu ermuntert, sich in Sizilien niederzulassen. Im April 1135 unterschrieb z. B. der Arzt Philippos Xeros, Sohn eines bekannten Mediziners aus Reggio, als Zeuge eine Urkunde in Messina83, und in den zwanziger Jahren des 12. Jahrhunderts kopierte der Notar und Kalligraph Leo aus Reggio mehrere Handschriften in Troina (Provinz Messina).84 Einige dieser kalabresischen Einwanderer gründeten dann Klöster auf den in Sizilien geschenkten Grundstücken und übernahmen gegebenenfalls im Alter sogar als Äbte die Leitung ihrer Gründungen.85 Viele dieser Klöster wurden von Roger I. und seinen Nachfolgern großzügig gefördert. Aus den Jahren zwischen 80 81 82

83

84 85

SCADUTO, Il monachesimo basiliano (wie Anm. 52), S. 116. BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), Nr. 62, S. 239–241. ADM 1323 (unediert); Santo LUCÀ, Lo scriba e il committente dell’Addit. 28270 (ancora sullo stile “rossanese”), in: Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata nov. ser. 47 (1993), S. 165– 225, hier S. 193–199. ADM 1384 (unediert); Santo LUCÀ, I Normanni e la Rinascita del XII secolo, in: Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 60 (1993), S. 1–91, hier S. 38f., 49–57; Anna Maria IERACI BIO, La medicina greca dello Stretto (Filippo Xeros ed Eufemio Siculo), in: La cultura scientifica e tecnica nell’Italia meridionale bizantina. Atti della VI Giornata di Studi Bizantini (Arcavacata di Rende, 8–9 febbraio 2000), hg. v. Filippo BURGARELLA / Anna Maria IERACI BIO, Soveria Mannelli 2006, S. 109–123. Santo LUCÀ, Il Vaticano greco 1926 e altri codici della Biblioteca dell’Archimandritato di Messina, in: Schede medievali 8 (1985), S. 53f. So z. B. die beiden Brüder Scholarios und Nikolaos Palates oder τοῦ Παλατίου aus Reggio, die im Tal Bordonaro auf den von Roger I. und seinem Schwiegersohn Gosbert de Lucy geschenkten Gütern die Klöster San Salvatore di Bordonaro und Santa Maria di Massa gründeten. Unter den Mönchsnamen Sabas und Nikodemos leiteten sie dann später ihre frommen Institutionen (SCADUTO, Il monachesimo basiliano [wie Anm. 52], S. 116–122). Nikolaos von Mesa war nicht nur Gründer des Klosters San Pancrazio di Scilla in Kalabrien, in der Nähe seines Heimatsortes, sondern auch von Santa Maria di Gala im Hinterland von Messina, das auf seinen ihm von der Gräfin Adelasia geschenkten Besitzungen errichtet wurde (ibidem, S. 143f.; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Nuovi contributi documentari sul monastero greco di S. Maria di Gala [Sicilia orientale] in epoca normanna, in: Medioevo, Mezzogiorno, Mediterraneo. Studi in onore di Mario Del Treppo, hg. v. Gabiella ROSSETTI / Giovanni VITOLO, Bd. 1 [Europa mediterranea. Quaderni 12], Neapel 2000, S. 111–131). Sowohl der Logothet Leo als auch Nikolaos von Mesa förderten das Kloster San Filippo di Fragalà im Val Demone, das schon vor der normannischen Eroberung bestand und unter Roger I. einen unerhörten Aufschwung nahm: VON FALKENHAUSEN, Die Testamente (wie Anm. 54), S. 175f.; Shara PIROTTI, Il monastero di S. Filippo di Fragalà (secoli XI–XV): organizzazione dello spazio, attività produttive, rapporti con il potere, cultura, Palermo 2008, S. 221–225.

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1083 und 1100 sind 24 Privilegien bekannt, die Roger I. für griechische Klöster in Sizilien – zum aller größten Teil in der Diözese Messina – ausstellte. Das ist mehr als ein Viertel seiner erhaltenen Urkundenproduktion.86 In der Gründungsurkunde des Archimandritats von Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari (1133) werden die Namen von mehr als 30 griechischen Klöstern in der Diözese Messina genannt, die vermutlich nicht alle, aber großen Teils nach der normannischen Eroberung gegründet oder zumindest restauriert worden waren.87 Ein weiterer griechischer Kalabrese, der gebildete Bischof Lukas von Isola Capo Rizzuto, der in seiner Heimat als Heiliger verehrt wird, war anscheinend zwischen Ende des 11. und beginnenden 12. Jahrhunderts jahrelang als Missionar in Ostsizilien tätig.88 Die sizilianischen Muslime, die sich zum Christentum bekehrten, nahmen bekanntlich meistens den griechischen Ritus an, der ihnen seit Jahrhunderten vertraut war.89 Aufgrund der Immigration aus Kalabrien hatten viele griechische Messinesen Grundbesitz auf beiden Seiten des Stretto: Das gilt z. B. für die schon erwähnte Familie Palates oder τοῦ Παλατίου90 und die des Notars Nikolaos Patrikios, die vermutlich auf Philipp, den Sohn des byzantinischen Patrikios Gregor zurückging, der sich bei der normannischen Eroberung von Syrakus große Verdienste erworben hatte.91 Ebenso hatte die Familie Logothetes, de Logotheta oder τοῦ Λογοθέτου, die ursprünglich aus Reggio stammte, sowohl einen kala-

86

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BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), Nr. † 7, S. 56f., Nr. 13, S. 78–81, Nr. 16, S. 89–91, Nrn. 18–19, S. 97–103, Nrn. 24–26, S. 117–124, Nrn. 28–29, S. 127–135, Nr. 34, S. 147–149, Nrn. 45–46, S. 184–190, Nr. 48, S. 193–196, Nrn. 58–59, S. 226–231, Nr. 62, S. 239– 241, Nr. 66, S. 249f., Nr. 70, S. 264–268, Dep. 2, S. 298, Dep. 12, S. 308, Dep. 15–16, S. 311– 313, Dep. 22, S. 319. SCADUTO, Il monachesimo basiliano (wie Anm. 52), S. 185–187; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, L’Archimandritato del S. Salvatore in lingua phari di Messina e il monachesimo italo-greco nel regno normanno-svevo (secoli XI–XIII), in: Messina. Il ritorno della memoria, Palermo 1994, S. 41–52, hier S. 46f. Vita di S. Luca, vescovo di Isola Capo Rizzuto, hg. v. Giuseppe SCHIRÒ (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi 2), Palermo 1954, S. 90; VON FALKENHAUSEN, Die Testamente (wie Anm. 54), S. 180f. Jeremy JOHNS, The Greek Church and the Conversion of Muslims in Norman Sicily?, in: Byzantinische Forschungen 21 (1995), S. 133–157; Giuseppe MANDALÀ / Marcello MOSCONE, Tra latini, greci e ‘arabici’: Ricerche su scrittura e cultura a Palermo fra XII e XIII secolo, in: Segno e testo 7 (2009), S. 143–238, hier S. 180–185. LUCÀ, Lo scriba e il committente dell’Addit. 28270 (wie Anm. 82), S. 191–199. VON FALKENHAUSEN, La presenza (wie Anm. 35), S. 38. Im November 1144 bestätigte ihm Roger II. Familienbesitz im Süden Kalabriens (ADM 1323): Die Urkunde ist noch unediert, aber es gibt ein Regest bei CASPAR, Roger II. (wie Anm. 26), Nr. 181, S. 558. Im folgenden Jahr war der Notar Nikolaos Patrikios in einen Prozess verwickelt, in dem es um seine Besitzungen im Tal des Bordonaro, südlich von Messina ging (ADM 1301, unediert), und in den achtziger Jahren wird in derselben Gegend ein Simeon τοῦ Πατρικίου als Grundbesitzer erwähnt (ADM 1325, 1374). Ein weiteres Familienmitglied, dessen Vorname nicht zitiert wird, war 1198 in der Kirche Santa Dominica in Messina beigesetzt worden. Eine lange, heute verlorene metrische Inschrift hebt seine vornehme Abstammung hervor: GUILLOU, Recueil des inscriptions grecques (wie Anm. 12), Nr. 192, S. 205–207.

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bresischen als auch einen messinesischen Zweig.92 Nikolaos Takes, der im Mai 1208 in Messina die Tochter des Protopapas Johannes Mansos heiratete, brachte beachtlichen Grundbesitz in und bei Reggio mit in die Ehe.93 In den zwanziger Jahren des 12. Jahrhunderts begann Roger II. mit der Gründung des großen griechischen Archimandritats des Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari, eines königlichen Klosters, das schon bald nach seiner Fertigstellung im Jahre 1131 zu einer der reichsten monastischen Einrichtungen Siziliens wurde, wiederum mit zahlreichen abhängigen Klöstern, Metochien und ausgedehntem Grundbesitz auf beiden Seiten des Stretto. Es ist bezeichnend, dass der erste Archimandrit und die ersten Mönche aus dem Kloster Patir bei Rossano in Kalabrien stammten94, und dass es dort auch in späterer Zeit immer wieder Mönche kalabresischer Herkunft gab.95 Im Kloster des Santissimo Salvatore wurde eine reichhaltige Bibliothek eingerichtet mit einem bedeutenden Scriptorium; dort wurden zahlreiche liturgische, patristische und theologische, aber auch weltliche Handschriften erworben, kopiert und aufbewahrt.96 In der ersten Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts scheint Messina eine im Wesentlichen griechische Stadt gewesen zu sein, und blieb es auch, nachdem der Hof um 1112 offiziell nach Palermo übergesiedelt war. An der Spitze der religiösen griechischen Gemeinde stand ein Protopapas mit seinem Sitz in der sogenannten Καθολική, die der Theotokos geweiht war.97 Der erste bekannte Protopapas 92

93 94 95

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Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I logoteti greci nel regno normanno. Uno studio prosopografico, in: Dentro e fuori la Sicilia. Studi di storia per Vincenzo D’Alessandro, hg. v. Pietro CORRAO / E. Igor MINEO, Rom 2009, S. 101–123. ROGNONI, Messina 1208 (wie Anm. 2), S. 331–342. SCADUTO, Il monachesimo basiliano (wie Anm. 52), S. 165–190; VON FALKENHAUSEN, L’archimandritato (wie Anm. 87), S. 45–47. Maria Bianca FOTI, Il monastero del S.mo Salvatore in Lingua Phari. Proposte scrittorie e coscienza culturale, Messina 1989, S. 33–39, 42, 51f. Eine noch unedierte, nur in lateinischer Übersetzung erhaltene Urkunde des Klosters aus dem Jahre 1179 / 1180 ist z. B. unterschrieben von Dionisius Reginus praecentor monachus: Cod. Vat. lat. 8201, fol. 285r. Mario RE, Il Typikon del S. Salvatore de Lingua Phari come fonte per la storia della biblioteca del monastero, in: Byzantino-Sicula, Bd. 3: Miscellanea di scritti in memoria di Bruno Lavagnini (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Quaderni 14), Palermo 2000, S. 249– 278; FOTI, Il monastero del S.mo Salvatore in Lingua Phari (wie Anm. 95); Maria Teresa RODRIQUEZ, Bibliografia dei manoscritti greci del fondo del SS. Salvatore di Messina (Testi e studi bizantino-neoellenici 12), Rom 2002; Donatella BUCCA, Catalogo dei manoscritti musicali greci del SS. Salvatore di Messina (Biblioteca Regionale Universitaria di Messina), Rom 2011; EADEM, Ancora un’osservazione sui fogli di guardia dello Scilitze madrileno, in: Νέα Ῥώµη 11 (2014), S. 151–168; Santo LUCÀ, Sul Teodoro Studita Crypt. Gr. 850 (olim Crypt. Β. α. LΙΧ, nr. III), in: Studi bizantini in onore di Maria Dora Spadaro, hg. v. Tiziana CREAZZO / Carmelo CRIMI / Renata GENTILE / Giocchino STRANO (Orpheus 2), Acireale / Rom 2016, S. 245–276; Andrea LUZZI, Hymnographica Eugeniana inediti, giambici e ritmici, in una interessante silloge italogreca tramandata nel ms. Scorial. X.VI.8 (gr. 403), in: ibidem, S. 277–297. Giovan Giuseppe MELLUSI, La Chiesa greca nella Sicilia nord-orientale dai Normanni alla prima età moderna, in: Νέα Ῥώµη 11 (2014), S. 183–247, hier S. 194–196. Der Name der Kirche τῆς Θεοτόκου Γραφέως, der vermutlich auf den Familiennamen eines eventuellen Stifters namens Γραφεύς (Graffeo) zurückgeht, wird, soweit ich weiß, zum ersten Mal in einer Urkunde aus dem Jahre 1146 erwähnt (ADM 1245), die von dem Priester Nikolaos τῆς ἀχράντου Θεοτόκου Γραφ(έως) unterschrieben wurde. Eine allerdings nicht sehr klare Photographie der

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war Nikephoros (belegt 1135–1136)98; in den Jahren 1146–1183 amtierte Theoprepes99 und zwischen 1189 und 1208 Johannes Mansos100; im September 1234 ist ein weiterer Protopapas namens Johannes belegt.101 Als oberste zivile Autorität setzte die normannische Regierung Strategen ein, die bis zum Tode Rogers II. (1154) Griechen waren. Es handelt sich um Johannes (belegt: Juni 1119–September 1137)102, Georgios (belegt: Juli 1142)103, Nikolaos (belegt: 1146/1147–Mai 1148)104 und Georgios (belegt: Mai 1152).105 Der erste lateinische Stratege war Richard von Aversa (belegt: Juli 1155–September 1164)106, dem weitere lateinische Strategen folgten.107 Gegen Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts amtieren dann manchmal gleichzeitig zwei Strategen, ein griechischer und ein lateinischer.108

98

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101 102

103 104 105 106 107

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Unterschrift findet sich in: Paola DEGNI, Le sottoscrizioni testimoniali nei documenti italogreci: uno studio sull’alfabetismo nella Sicilia normanna, in: Bizantinistica. Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Slavi II ser. 4 (2002), S. 107–154, hier Tafel II, 2a. Cristina ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” de l’Archivio de Medinaceli (Toledo). Regestes des actes privés grecs, in: Byzantion 72 (2002), S. 497–553, hier Nr. 22, S. 506f.; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 297f., der allerdings die Unterschrift des Protopapas nicht gelesen hat. ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nr. 22, S. 506f. (1146), Nr. 61, S. 515 (1163/1164), Nr. 70, S. 517f. (1169), Nr. 77, S. 519 (1170), Nr. 114, S. 528 (1183); CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 323–325 (1172), GARUFI, I documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 37, S. 88f. (1163), Nr. 67, S. 166f. (1178). GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), App. II, S. 208–214 (1189), Nr. 15, S. 124–126 (1193), ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nr. 139, S. 534 (1202); EADEM, Messina 1208 (wie Anm 2), S. 334. Stefano CARUSO, Una pergamena greca del tempo di Federico II. Nota su una famiglia arabogreca di Messina, in: Byzantion 46 (1976), S. 308–329, hier S. 322f. ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nrn. 18, 21–22, S. 506f.; GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nr. 5, S. 62–66; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 521f. ADM 1331: DEGNI, Le sottoscrizioni testimoniali (wie Anm. 97), Tafel III, 3. ADM 1301 (inedito); ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nr. 41, S. 510f.; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 620f. GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nr. 8, S. 84–90. ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nrn. 47, 48, 50, 55, 56, S. 512–514. Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (1103–1250), hg. v. Léon-Robert MÉNAGER (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi 9), Palermo 1963, S. 40f. Allerdings ist der erste Teil von Ménagers Strategenliste unzuverlässig: Johannes Graffeos ist nirgendwo als Stratege belegt; Wilhelm (Januar 1093) war Stratege von Mileto (BECKER, Documenti latini e greci [wie Anm. 9], S. 36, 38, 45, 48, 107, 111, 290, 293); Robert von Butera kommt in der angegebenen Urkunde gar nicht vor (ibidem, Nr. 40, S. 165–168), und der Notar Konstantin war Stratege von Castiglione di Sicilia und nicht von Messina (Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zum griechischen Kloster S. Salvatore di Placa in Sizilien, in: Νέα Ῥώµη 7 [2012], S. 297–315, hier S. 300f.). In den Jahren zwischen 1178 und 1188 amtierte z. B. der griechische Stratege Konstantin von Taormina zusammen mit nacheinander den lateinischen Strategen Johannes de Aluara und Hugo de Camullia: CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1–2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 357f., 631f.; GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nrn. 12–13, S. 111–117; MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), Nr. 9, S. 97, Tafel I (wo die Unterschrift Konstantins nicht korrekt gelesen wurde); ADM 1318, 1374. Richtig gelesen lautet seine

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Im 12. Jahrhundert wurden, wie gesagt, so gut wie alle Privaturkunden in Messina auf Griechisch ausgestellt. Auch Lateiner ließen ihre Urkunden in griechischer Sprache ausfertigen109, und mehrfach findet man griechische – vermutlich nicht eigenhändige – Unterschriften von dem Namen nach offensichtlich lateinischen Zeugen, sogar von den κριταὶ Λατίνων Peter de Limoges und Johannes von Aversa.110 Aus dieser Zeit sind mir nur zwei lateinische Privaturkunden aus Messina bekannt111, gegenüber mehr als sechzig in griechischer Sprache112, wobei die beiden lateinischen das Formular der griechischen Privaturkunden mit den dem Text vorangestellten signa manus der Aussteller übernommen haben. Ebenso wurden oft auch die Privilegien Rogers I. und Rogers II. für lateinische Empfänger in Messina, wie z. B. Bischof Robertus (1096) und den genuesischen Konsul Ogerius (1116), auf Griechisch ausgestellt.113 Nur die Bischöfe beziehungsweise Erzbischöfe urkundeten in der Regel auf Lateinisch114 – und auch die nicht immer115 – und gelegentlich ein normannischer Feudalherr.116

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Unterschrift: + Ὁ τῆς Ταυρωµη(νίας) Κωνστ(αντ)ῖν(ος) στρατ(η)γ(ὸς) Με(σσ)ή(νης). Eine Urkunde des Erzbischofs von Messina (Juli 1199) wurde von Allexius stratigotus Messane und einem griechischen στρατηγὸς Μεσήνης namens Sergios unterzeichnet: Documenta Pactensia. L’età sveva e angioina, hg. v. Paolo DE LUCA, Bd. 2,1, Messina 2005, Nr. 6, S. 19–22, Tafel 6. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 620, 631; GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nr. 8, S. 88–90; ADM 1406, 1357; Cristina ROGNONI, Legal Language and Practice in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Messina: the Evidence from Greek Private Documents, in: Multilingual and Multigraphic Manuscripts from East and West, hg. v. Giuseppe MANDALÀ / Immacolada PÉREZ MARTÍN, Piscataway 2017 (im Druck), S. 47–66, hier S. 51f. GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nr. 8, S. 88–90; ADM 1241. MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), Nr. 8, S. 94–97 (August 1181), Nr. 9, S. 98–106 (Juli 1196). Rocco PIRRI, Sicilia sacra, Bd. 2, Palermo 1733, S. 1004–1006; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1–2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 297f., 323–325, 330–338, 351–353; 369–376, 521f., 620f., 629–33; AAR, Gli studi storici in Terra d’Otranto (wie Anm. 2), S. 253–255; GARUFI, I documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 37, S. 88f., Nr. 67, S. 166f.; GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nrn. 5–6, S. 65–77, Nr. 8, S. 88–90, Nrn. 12–15, S. 111–126, App. S. 208–214; ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nrn. 18. 21–23, 29, 31, 39, 41, 48, 50, 55–56, 61, 65, 70–71, 76–83, 94–95, 110–112, 114, 116–118, 123–124, 131, S. 506–532. BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), Nr. 53, S. 208–211; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 359f. STARRABBA, I diplomi della Cattedrale di Messina (wie Anm. 29), Nr. 3, S. 4, Nrn. 5–6, S. 6–9, Nr. 11, S. 14f., Nrn. 18–20, S. 28–31, Nrn. 24–25, S. 34–38, Nr. 27, S. 39–40; GARUFI, I documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 6, S. 15f., Nr. 45, S. 103–106; MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), Nr. 1, S. 43–48, Nr. 4, S. 63–70. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 59–60: Palermo, Feb. 1138: der Elekt von Messina Heinrich für den Notar Leo; ibidem, S. 297f.: 1135/1136: die recht fehlerhafte Edition einer Urkunde des Erzbishofs Hugo für den Notar Konstans; ADM 1261 (unediert): April 1177: Erzbischof Nikolaus für den griechischen Abt Sabas von San Salvatore di Bordonaro. In dieser Urkunde heißt es, dass sie geschrieben worden sei: τῇ ἡµετέρᾳ κελεύσει διὰ χειρὸς τοῦ γραικοῦ ἡµῶν νοταρίου ἱερέως Κωνσταντίνου. Der lateinische Erzbischof verfügte also über einen griechischen Notar. ADM 1313 (unediert): Februar 1192: Erzbischof Berard für den Mönch Philaretos. STARRABBA, I diplomi della Cattedrale di Messina (wie Anm. 29), Nr. 13, S. 17–19; Carlo A.

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Natürlich bekam Messina als wichtige Hafenstadt im Laufe des 12. Jahrhunderts einen großen Zulauf von lateinischen Einwanderern: Ich erwähnte schon die Genuesen117, aber es gab auch Einwanderer aus Kampanien118, besonders aus Amalfi119, Pisaner120, und Franzosen, wie die Familie de Limoges, aus der einige lateinische Richter sowie ein Stratege hervorgingen121, aber anscheinend kaum Araber. Ibn Ğubayr, der andalusische Pilger und Kaufmann, der sich 1184/1185 in Sizilien aufhielt schreibt über Messina: „[D]ort gibt es nur wenige Moslems, normalerweise Bedienstete, deshalb fühlt sich der muslimische Ausländer isoliert.“122 Diese Bediensteten waren anscheinend hauptsächlich im königlichen Palast tätig. Im Gegensatz zu Palermo sind keine arabischen Privaturkunden aus Messina erhalten; es gibt auch keine arabischen Zeugenunterschriften unter

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121

122

GARUFI, Catalogo illustrato del Tabulario di S. Maria Nuova in Monreale (Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia pubblicati a cura della Società siciliana per la storia patria I,16), Palermo 1902, Nr. 1, S. 161f. David ABULAFIA, The Two Italies. Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought 3,9), Cambridge 1977, S. 62–71. Z. B. Johannes aus Capua (1132): ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nr. 21, S. 506, oder die Familie de Aversa, die zum ersten Mal mit dem παρµεντέριος (Pelzmacher, Schneider) Johannes im Jahre 1142 in den messinesischen Quellen auftaucht (ADM 1331): im Mai 1152 unterzeichnet Johannes als κριτὴς Λατίνων (GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina [wie Anm. 2], Nr. 8, S. 89). Ricardus de Aversa ist dann der erste lateinische Stratege von Messina (1155–1164): MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), S. 40. In einer Urkunde aus dem Jahre 1183 erscheint ein Ravellos µαΐστωρ τῶν Μαλφηνῶν: CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 632; vermutlich kann man ihn mit dem gleichnamigen µαΐστωρ τῶν µαγείρων identifizieren, der in einer nur abschriftlich erhaltenen und vielleicht falsch kopierten Urkunde von 1187/1188 erwähnt wird: GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nr. 13, S. 116. Es gab anscheinend in Messina ein eigenes amalfitanisches Viertel; es werden z. B. die ruga Amalfitanorum und die Malfitania major Messane erwähnt, in der 1253 zwei Brüder aus Ravello Häuser besaßen: Hadrien PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina. Il tabulario di S. Maria di Messina (1250–1500), Bd. 1: Actes latins conservés à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris (1250–1429) (Biblioteca dell’Archivio storico messinese 26), Messina 1998, Nr. 4, S. 93–97. Annali genovesi di Caffaro e de’ suoi continuatori dal MXCIX–MCCXCIII, hg. v. Luigi Tommaso BELGRANO (Fonti per la storia d’Italia pubblicati dall’Istituto storico italiano 11), Bd. 1, Rom 1890, S. 24; David ABULAFIA, Pisan Commercial Colonies and Consulates in TwelfthCentury Sicily, in: The English Historical Review 93 (1978), S. 68–91; Wiederabdruck in: IDEM, Commerce and Conquest in the Mediterranean, 1100–1500, Aldershot 1993, VI. Im 13. Jahrhundert wird in Messina auch eine ruga Pisanorum erwähnt: MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), Nr. 20, S. 156. Peter de Limoges: GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), Nr. 5, S. 65 (1135), als κριτὴς Λατίνων: Nr. 8, S. 89 (1152); Andreas Limogiis Messanae judex: ibidem, Nr. 12, S. 112 (1178) und Stratege zwischen 1168 und 1170: MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), S. 41. Im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert gehörten die de Limogiis zur städtischen Elite von Messina: Carlo A. GARUFI, Ricerche sugli usi nuziali nel Medio Evo in Sicilia, in: Archivio storico siciliano nov. ser. 21 (1896), S. 209–307, hier: S. 268–272; Carmen SALVO, Giurati, feudatari, mercanti. L’élite urbana di Messina tra Medio Evo e Età Moderna, Rom 1995, S. 30f. Ibn Ğubayr, Viaggio (wie Anm. 1), S. 322f.; METCALFE, Muslims and Christians (wie Anm. 51), S. 109f.

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griechischen Urkunden oder arabische Überschriften der Urkundenaussteller. Ich kenne auch nur zwei ῾alāmāt, die personalisierte Standardunterschriften arabischer Beamter, unter einer in Messina ausgestellten griechischen Urkunde: Dabei handelt es sich um die Beglaubigungsformeln von zwei Beamten des Diwan aus Palermo, die dienstlich in Messina zu tun hatten (November 1158).123 Außerdem gibt es auf einer griechischen Urkunde von 1164/1165 eine kaum leserliche, noch unedierte arabische Notiz neben dem Namen des Ausstellers, eines höheren Beamten des Arsenals (µαΐστωρ τῆς δαρσάνης), der sich als νεοφωτίστης, also als Konvertit, bezeichnet.124 Ein islamischer Friedhof in der Nähe des Hafens wird in einem verfälschten Privileg Rogers II. (Februar 1134) erwähnt, soll aber schon damals nicht mehr in Betrieb gewesen sein (τὰ χωράφια ὡς ἄρχεται εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ ἀκρωτήριον τοῦ ῥηθέντος λιµένος ἕως ὅλου τοῦ λιβαδίου τοῦ Ἁγίου Ιακύνθου ἔνθα εἰώθασϊν θάπτεσθαι οἱ Ἀγαρηνοὶ).125 Die einzigen erhaltenen arabischen Inschriften in Messina sind meines Wissens die 20 Fragmente einer panegyrischen Intarsien-Inschrift zu Ehren Rogers II. – opus sectile auf weißem Marmor –, die ursprünglich im königlichen Palast angebracht war.126 Außerdem wurden in Messina Tarì und Kupfermünzen mit arabischer Legende geprägt.127 Am Ende des 12. und zu Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts taucht in den Quellen eine christliche arabische Familie namens Boulkerames (Bū’lkarrām128) auf, die allerdings fest in die griechische Gesellschaft Messinas integriert war: Die Söhne des 1189 schon verstorbenen Johannes Boulkerames wa123

124 125

126

127

128

Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Griechische Beamte in der duana de secretis von Palermo. Eine prosopographische Untersuchung, in: Zwischen Polis, Provinz und Peripherie. Beiträge zur byzantinischen Geschichte und Kultur, hg. v. Lars M. HOFFMANN, Wiesbaden 2005, S. 381– 411, hier S. 403–406. ADM 1287; ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nr. 65, S. 516; EADEM, Legal Language (wie Anm. 109), S. 54f. ADM 1251. Der griechische Text, der wohl am Ende des 12. oder im frühen 13. Jahrhundert auf der Basis eines echten Privilegs Rogers II. (1133) geschrieben wurde, ist noch unediert, aber eine lateinische Übersetzung ist publiziert: PIRRI, Sicilia sacra 2 (wie Anm. 112), S. 974– 976; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci del fondo Messina dell’Archivo General de la Fundación Casa Ducal de Medinaceli (Toledo). Progetto di edizione, in: Vie per Bisanzio. Atti del VII Congresso dell’Associazione Italiana di Studi Bizantini, hg. v. Antonio RIGO / Andrea BABUIN / Michele TRIZIO, Bd. 2, Bari 2013, S. 665–687, hier S. 672. Dieser islamische Friedhof wird nicht erwähnt von Alessandra BAGNARA / Elena PEZZINI, I cimiteri di rito musulmano nella Sicilia medievale. Dati e problemi, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 116/1 (2004), S. 231–302. NEF, Venti blocchi frammentari con iscrizioni arabe (wie Anm. 29). Jeremy JOHNS hat auf die große technische und inhaltliche Ähnlichkeit der Fragmente aus Messina mit denen einer arabischen Inschrift gleichfalls zu Ehren Rogers II. aus dem königlichen Palast von Palermo hingewiesen: Jeremy JOHNS, Tre lastre frammentarie con iscrizioni arabe in lode di Ruggero II dal palazzo di Palermo, in: ANDALORO, Nobiles Officinae (wie Anm. 29), S. 498–501, hier S. 499. Vielleicht stammen sie aus derselben Werkstadt. Lucia TRAVAINI, La monetazione nell’Italia normanna (Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo. Nuovi studi storici 28), Rom 1995, S. 5, 62, 65–67, 81, 284, 299–302, 308f., 317–321, 324. Girolamo CARACAUSI, Lessico greco della Sicilia e dell’Italia meridionale (secoli X–XIV) (Lessici siciliani 6), Palermo 1990, S. 115.

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ren Neffen von Ulô Graphea, der Witwe eines ἐπὶ τοῦ σεκρέτου aus Messina und Gründers zweier griechischer Klöster in der Stadt, bzw. in ihrem Hinterland. Im Jahre 1213 kopierte Simon Boulkerames im Auftrag des Archimandriten von San Salvatore den Traktat des Neilos Doxopatres De oeconomia Dei, während in einer Urkunde von 1234 der Mönch Sabas Boulkerames als der inzwischen verstorbene Besitzer eines Weinberges in der Umgebung von Messina erwähnt wird.129 Die jüdische Gemeinde – nach Benjamin von Tudela etwa 200 Familien130 – scheint nicht sehr bedeutend gewesen zu sein: Im Jahre 1153 schrieb Joseph ben Peraḥyā, dessen Familie von Tunis nach Mazara übergesiedelt war, an seinen Vater, dass es schwierig sei, in Messina zu studieren und zu beten. Außerdem bemängelt er die schmutzigen Straßen der Stadt.131 Unter den Wilhelmen bekommt Messina nicht nur lateinische Strategen, die grundsätzlich auf Lateinisch unterschreiben, auch die Unterschriften von lateinischen Richtern und Zeugen nehmen rapide zu.132 Es fällt auf, dass seit der zweiten Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts viele lateinische iudices von Messina gleichzeitig Ärzte sind, vielleicht Absolventen der Schule von Salerno.133 In diesen Jahren sind viele griechische Urkunden aus Messina von den iudices Johannes medicus134, Riccardus medicus135, Petrus medicus136 und magister Robertus medicus unterschrieben.137 Gleichzeitig findet man Unterschriften von griechischen Richtern, die ausgesprochen ungewandt sind138; die offizielle Urkundensprache bleibt jedoch noch einige Jahrzehnte lang das Griechische. Trotzdem scheint Messina auch noch in der zweiten Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts eine Stadt mit einem großen griechischen Bevölkerungsanteil gewesen zu sein. Der anonyme englische Verfasser des Traktats De viis maris, vielleicht Roger de Howden, der Messina anscheinend am Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts besucht hatte, gibt eine idyllische Schilderung vom Kloster des Santissimo Salva129

130 131

132 133

134 135 136 137 138

GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), App. II, S. 213f.; CARUSO, Una pergamena greca (wie Anm. 101), S. 308–329. Benjamin da Tudela, Libro di viaggi, übers. und hg. v. Laura MINERVINI, Palermo 1989, S. 95. Shlomo Dov GOITEIN, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders, Princeton 1973, Nr. 75, S. 327– 330; Shlomo SIMONSOHN, The Jews in Sicily, Bd. 1: 383–1300, Leiden / New York / Köln 1997, Nr. 180, S. 405–408. ROGNONI, Legal Language (wie Anm. 109), S. 53f. Dasselbe Phänomen lässt sich schon zuvor im kalabresischen San Marco Argentano feststellen: GUILLOU, Les actes grecs des fonds Aldobrandini et Miraglia (wie Anm. 67), Nr. 41, S. 185 (1130), Nrn. 43–44, S. 193, 196 (1134, 1135). CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 329 (1172); ADM 1277 (1156), 1284 (1169), 1350 (1169), 1357 (1170), 1307 (1171), 1358 (1172), 1237 (1172). ADM 1284 (1169). CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 329 (1172); ADM 1284 (1169), 1307 (1171), 1330 (1171), 1358 (1172), 1237 (1172). CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 329 (1172); ADM 1284 (1169), 1330 (1171), 1358 (1172). DEGNI, Le sottoscrizioni testimoniali (wie Anm. 97), S. 107–154, hier Tafel 4; EADEM, Le scritture dei notai italogreci nella Sicilia di età normanna e sveva, in: Νέα Ῥώµη 3 (2006), S. 265–304, hier Tafel 6.

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tore de Lingua Phari, in dem 100 griechische Mönche (monachos griffones, id est Grecos) in friedlicher Askese lebten.139 Einen anderen Aspekt des Zusammenlebens von Griechen und Lateinern beschreibt der sogenannte Hugo Falcandus im Zusammenhang mit dem Aufstand in Messina gegen Stephan de Perche im Jahre 1167, zu Beginn der Regierung Wilhelms II. und seiner Mutter, der Regentin Margarete: Als einige Graeci, die von französischen Rittern aus dem Gefolge des Odo Quarell provoziert worden waren und gewaltsam reagiert hatten, bestraft werden sollten, opponierten die griechischen Einwohner Messinas erfolgreich gegen den städtischen Strategen. Daraufhin hätten die Latini – wer das auch sein mochte140 – verärgert über eine neue Steuer auf die Schiffe, die nach Syrien auslaufen sollten, die Graeci noch mehr gegen die arroganten Neuankömmlinge aus der Normandie und Frankreich mit dem Argument aufgehetzt, dass letztere die Griechen vertreiben und um ihr ganzes Hab und Gut bringen wollten. Deshalb sollen während der folgenden Unruhen in der Stadt Greci transalpinos quotquot invenire poterant getötet haben.141 Ein ähnliches Bild geben die englischen Chronisten, die den Aufenthalt des englischen Königs Richard Löwenherz in Messina (Herbst 1190 bis zum Frühjahr 1191) auf dem Wege nach Jerusalem während des dritten Kreuzzuges und sein gewalttätiges Auftreten in der Stadt beschreiben. Die Einwohner Messinas werden auch hier ebenso wie die Bevölkerung Kalabriens Griffones (Griechen) genannt: cives namque nequam, vulgo dicti Griffones et patribus progeniti plures eorum Sarracenis.142 Die Chronisten berichten, dass Griffones vero ante adventum regis Angliae erant potentiores omnibus regionem illam inhabitantibus, und bestätigen auch den schon von Falcandus beschriebenen Hass dieser Griffones auf die Ultramontani.143 Richard Löwenherz soll sich übrigens damals mit seinen Rittern und dem gesamten Kriegsschatz im monasterium Griffonum einquartiert haben, das in medio fluminis de Far, inter Calabriam et Messanam lag, das heißt also im Archimandritat des Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari; die Mönche und ihre Knechte sollen derweil vertrieben worden sein.144 Der Name Matagrifonum, den der englische König dem Kastell gab, das er damals zur 139 140 141

142 143 144

GAUTIER DALCHÉ, Du Yorkshire à l’Inde (wie Anm. 29), S. 210f. Es ist nicht klar, ob es sich dabei um einheimische oder auswärtige Schifffahrtsunternehmer und Kaufleute handelte. La Historia o Liber de Regno Sicilie e la Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane Ecclesie thesaurarium di Ugo Falcando, hg. v. Giovanni B. SIRAGUSA (Fonti per la storia d’Italia 22), Rom 1896, § 55, S. 147–153. Romuald von Salerno, der den Aufstand in Messina kurz beschreibt, erwähnt allerdings die Griechen nicht: Romualdi Salernitani Chronicon, hg. v. Carlo A. GARUFI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores VII,1), Città di Castello 1929, S. 256f. Itinerarium regis Riccardi, hg. v. William STUBBS (Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi scriptores 38,1), London 1864, Nachdruck 1964, S. 154f. Chronica magistri Rogerii de Houedene, hg. v. William STUBBS (Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi scriptores 51,3), London 1870, Nachdruck 1964, S. 67. STUBBS, Chronica magistri Rogerii de Houedene (wie Anm. 143), S. 55. Über die verschiedenen Texte englischer Chronisten zu den Griffones in Messina: PISPISA, Messina, Catania (wie Anm. 33), S. 176, Anm. 175.

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Kontrolle der Stadt errichten ließ, spricht für sich. Vermutlich hatte der Verfasser von De viis maris oder sein Gewährsmann Messina vor der englischen Besatzung erlebt. Aber man findet die Griechen Messinas nicht nur als fromme Mönche oder bei Straßenkämpfen und in der städtischen Guerrilla. In der zweiten Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts gehörten zur griechischen Oberschicht der Stadt z. B. der ἐπὶ τοῦ σεκρέτου Johannes (aktiv zwischen 1141 und 1168) und sein Sohn Roger, der in den sechziger Jahren gleichfalls als ἐπὶ τοῦ σεκρέτου in der doana regia tätig war.145 Die Familie besaß mehrere Immobilien in Messina selbst und ausgedehnten Grundbesitz, besonders Weinberge im Hinterland, nordwestlich und südlich der Stadt. Roger und seine Frau, die schon erwähnte Ulô Graphea, die verwandt und verschwägert waren mit griechischen Familien in Messina, wie den schon genannten de Logotheta und Boulkerames146, aber auch mit hohen Beamten der doana regia, wie dem Admiral Nikolaos Grapheos, und Vertretern des mittleren normannischen Adels, wie Wilhelm Martorana, gründeten in den sechziger Jahren ein Nonnenkloster Santa Anna in ihrem Stadthaus in Messina – die erste Äbtissin war eine de Logotheta – und ein Männerkloster südlich der Stadt im Tal des Bordonaro.147 Ein Mitglied der Familie Patrikios erhielt 1193 in der Kirche Santa Dominica eine lange, heute verlorene metrische griechische Grabinschrift, in der seine Herkunft aus einer edlen senatorischen (συγκλητική) und reichen Familie hervorgehoben wird.148 Wir wissen nicht, ob sich Griechen aktiv an dem lebhaften Seehandel beteiligten, den die Messinesen besonders im östlichen Mittelmeer betrieben.149 Dies ist wohl nicht wahrscheinlich, wenn wir dem Bericht des Falcandus über den Aufstand Messinas im Jahre 1168 glauben dürfen, denn dort heißt es, dass die Latini – es wird nicht gesagt, ob einheimische oder auswärtige – empört gewesen seien über die neue Besteuerung der Schiffe, die nach Syrien ausliefen, und deshalb die Griechen der Stadt zur Rebellion angefeuert hätten. Aber ansonsten fehlt es, so weit ich weiß, an eindeutigen Hinweisen. Im 13. Jahrhundert kam es sowohl in Kalabrien als auch in Sizilien zu einem deutlichen Rückgang der griechischen gegenüber der lateinischen Sprache: 1) war nach der Gründung des Königreichs durch Roger II. die griechische Bevölkerung gegenüber der lateinischen in der Minderheit, und erfahrene lateini145 146 147

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VON FALKENHAUSEN, Griechische Beamte (wie Anm. 123), S. 381–390; EADEM / JOHNS, An Arabic-Greek Charter for Archbishop Nicholas of Messina (wie Anm. 31), S. 155f. Siehe Anm. 92, 129. André GUILLOU, Les archives grecques de S. Maria di Bordonaro (Sicile), in: Zbornik Radova Vizantinološkog Instituta 8 (1963), S. 135–148, Wiederabdruck in: IDEM, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), App. II, S. 197–214 und IDEM, Studies on Byzantine Italy, London 1970, VI. Ἐκ µὲν γένους γὰρ οὗτος εὐκλεοῦς ἔφυ / τῆς πατρικίων εὐφυοῦς ῥίζης κλάδου / συγκλητικῶν τε πατέρων καὶ πλουσίων: IDEM, Recueil des inscriptions grecques (wie Anm. 12), Nr. 192, S. 205–207. Bruno FIGLIUOLO, Pergamene messinesi due-trecenteschi relative all’Oriente latino, in: Crusades 13 (2014), S. 211–235.

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sche Beamte aus Kampanien und Apulien, sowie Engländer und Franzosen konnten eingestellt werden; 2) lebte die griechische Bevölkerung in einer kulturellen und religiösen Diaspora, was besonders für die Zeit des lateinischen Kaiserreichs von Konstantinopel (1204–1261) gilt, während das spirituelle und kulturelle Klima im lateinischen Italien des 13. Jahrhunderts z. B. durch die Gründung der Bettelorden und der Universitäten höchst stimulierend war; 3) wurden in staufischer Zeit immer mehr Beamte mit Universitätsbildung eingestellt150, und in den Universitäten lehrte man auf Lateinisch. Es ist also verständlich, dass sich auch in Messina die griechische Oberschicht zunehmend latinisierte: Immer mehr Mitglieder der alten griechischen Aristokratie wie z. B. der Familie de Logotheta nahmen die lateinische Schriftsprache an und traten in den lateinischen Klerus ein. Der magister Riccardus de Logotheta, vermutlich ein Dominikaner, war z. B. von 1249 bis 1253 Bischof von Cefalù151, während dagegen gleichzeitig ὁ Λογοθέτης Λέων in Messina noch auf Griechisch einige Privaturkunden unterschrieb.152 Auch die Familie de Riso, die während den Vespri siciliani in Messina eine große Rolle spielte, könnte ursprünglich aus Reggio eingewandert sein153, war jedoch anscheinend in der zweiten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts vollkommen latinisiert.154 Immerhin sind bis zum Ende der fünfziger Jahre des 13. Jahrhundert noch 15 in Messina ausgestellte griechische Privaturkunden bekannt155, die von teilweise durchaus kompetenten Notaren wie z. B. Nikolaos τοῦ Δανιήλ, einem ehemaligen Notar des σέκρετον, und Theodor φιλόσοφος καὶ ῥηγικὸς νοτάριος τοῦ πραιτωρίου Μεσήνης geschrieben wurden.156 Hin und wieder findet man noch

150

151

152 153 154

155

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Norbert KAMP, Die sizilianischen Verwaltungsreformen Kaiser Friedrichs II. als Problem der Sozialgeschichte, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 62 (1982), S. 119–142, hier S. 129–131. VON FALKENHAUSEN, I logoteti greci (wie Anm. 92), S. 121; EADEM, I greci in Calabria (wie Anm. 36), S. 39–41; Norbert KAMP, Kirche und Monarchie im staufischen Königreich Sizilien, I.: Prosopographische Grundlegung: Bistümer und Bischöfe des Königreichs 1194–1266 (Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 10), Bd. 3: Sizilien, München 1975, S. 1063–1068. Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò, hg. v. Diego CICCARELLI (Biblioteca dell’Archivio Storico Messinese 6), Bd. 1: 1093–1302, Messina 1986, Nrn. 28f., S. 62, 64. Nach Gerhard ROHLFS, Due problemi toponomastici, in: Rivista storica calabrese nov. ser. 4 (1983), S. 549–553, hier S. 551f., war der altfranzösische Name der Stadt Rise. Enrico PISPISA, Messina medievale uno sguardo d’insieme, in: IDEM, Medioevo Fridericiano e altri scritti (Collana di testi e studi storici 9), Messina 1999, S. 195–220, hier S. 202f.; IDEM, Economia e società a Messina nell’età di Federico III, in: ibidem, S. 251–264, hier S. 252, 263. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1–2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 353f., 339f., 377f., 636–638; Elena SKRZINSKAYA, Esame e datazione del contratto di Messina conservato nel codice Sinaitico, in: Studi bizantini e neoellenici 4 (1935), S. 141–151, hier S. 149–151; CARUSO, Una pergamena greca (wie Anm. 101), S. 322f.; CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (wie Anm. 152), Nr. 8, S. 16–18; ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nr. 136, S. 533, Nrn. 138f., S. 533f., Nrn. 141–143, S. 534f., Nr. 147, S. 536, Nr. 153, S. 537f.; EADEM, Messina 1208 (wie Anm. 2), S. 331–342. DEGNI, Le scritture dei notai italogreci nella Sicilia (wie Anm. 97), S. 297–301, Tafel 10b, 11a; ROGNONI, Messina 1208 (wie Anm. 2), Tafel I.

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griechische Zeugenunterschriften unter lateinischen Urkunden.157 Es gab auch weiterhin griechische Richter: Sergios (1202)158, Gregor (1203, 1208, 1209)159 und Philipp von Taormina (1209).160 1214 unterschrieb der κριτὴς Leo eine Verkaufsurkunde der Äbtissin Eupraxia des griechischen Klosters San Giovanni Prodromos161, und in den Jahren zwischen 1246 und 1255 amtierte Ἀλέξανδρος τοῦ Ἀλεξανδρίνου κριτὴς Μεσίνης, der lateinische Urkunden auf Griechisch unterzeichnete.162 Man muss also bei gebildeten Messinesen mit einer gewissen Zweisprachigkeit rechnen: Der Notar Paganus Collura (belegt zwischen 1257 und 1267) konnte sowohl lateinische als auch griechische Urkunden ausfertigen.163 Einige Notare unterzeichnen mit Unterschriften, die halb auf Lateinisch und halb auf Griechisch geschrieben sind, eine Praxis, die auch aus Kalabrien bekannt ist.164 So liest man z. B. unter einem Pachtvertrag von 1243: Nicolaus Gaymarius imperialis publicus Messane notarius ἔγραψα καὶ ὑπέγραψα.165 Zweisprachige Notare übersetzten griechische Urkunden ins Lateinische: z. B. Guillelmus de Mileto, imperialis publicus notarius sciens grecam licteram et latinam (1240)166, Gregorius de Garofalo (1263–1277), qui novit utramque litteram grecam scilicet et latinam167, Leo de Sancto Matheo Grecorum (1266– 1267) regius publicus notarius, der gleichfalls utramque litteraturam grecam scilicet et latinam beherrschte168, Carnilivarius Cepulla (1303), utraque lictera scientem169, und noch 1346 Vitalis de Leone de Messina regius publicus eiusdem

157

158 159 160 161 162

163 164 165

166 167

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Carlo A. GARUFI, Monete e conii nella storia del diritto siculo dagli Arabi ai Martini, in: Archivio storico siciliano nov. ser. 23 (1898), S. 1–171, hier: Nr. 7, S. 161; CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (wie Anm. 152), Nr. 12f., S. 28, 30, Nr. 50, S. 100, Nr. 81, S. 169, PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 119), Nr. 17, S. 124f. (1263); Rosaria STRΙCUZZI, Il tabulario di S. Maria dell’Alto di Messina (1245–1718), in: Archivio storico messinese 89–90 (2008–2009), Nr. 1, S. 72 (1245). ADM 1258 (unediert). Wenn man die beiden Unterschriften vergleicht, handelt sich wohl um den gleichnamigen ehemaligen Strategen von Messina (1199), siehe Anm. 108. GARUFI, Ricerche sugli usi nuziali (wie Anm. 121), S. 272; ROGNONI, Messina 1208 (wie Anm. 2), S. 335; ADM 1262, 1314 (unediert). ADM 1314, 1262 (unediert). CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (wie Anm. 152), Nr. 3, S. 8–11. Ibidem, Nr. 17, S. 36; PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 119), Nr. 8, S. 102–104 (1255). VON FALKENHAUSEN, I Greci in Calabria (wie Anm. 36), S. 31. Ibidem, S. 31. CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (wie Anm. 152), Nr. 13, S. 44; PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 119), Nr. 17, S. 124f.: ὁ εὐτελὴς Βεράρδος ἱερεὺς de Sancto Ycono testor (1263). MÉNAGER, Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 107), Nr. 23, S. 168–170. PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 119), Nr. 17, S. 124f.; CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (wie Anm. 152), Nr. 75, S. 150f.; DE LUCA, Documenta Pactensia (wie Anm. 108), Nr. 104, S. 260–262, Nr. 129, S. 337–343. Ibidem, Nr. 66, S. 172–174; Léon-Robert MÉNAGER, L’abbaye bénédictine de la Trinité de Mileto, en Calabre, à l’époque normande, in: Bollettino dell’Archivio paleografico italiano nov. ser. 4–5 (1958–1959), Nr. 6, S. 24–26. STRΙCUZZI, Il tabulario (wie Anm. 157), Nr. 18, S. 128–133.

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civitatis notarius … qui utramque literaturam novit, litaraturam grecam scilicet et latinam.170 Mit anspruchsvollerer Literatur beschäftigten sich Bartholomäus aus Messina, der am Hofe König Manfreds aristotelische und pseudo-aristotelische Texte ins Lateinische übertrug171, und magister Stefanus Tacca oder Taccy de Messana, der für Manfred und später auch für Karl I. von Anjou medizinische Texte aus dem Griechischen und Arabischen übersetzte.172 Letzterer gehörte zu der griechischen Familie Takes oder Takkes, die sowohl in Reggio als auch in Messina belegt ist, und die im 13. Jahrhundert enge Beziehungen zum Archimandritat des Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari unterhielt173, und mit dem Protopapas von Messina, Johannes Mansos, verschwägert war.174 Schließlich wird im Jahre 1243 ein Theodorus imperialis philosophus als Besitzer eines Weinberges im Tal des Camaro, südwestlich von Messina erwähnt.175 Vermutlich handelt es sich um den Philosophen, Arzt, Astrologen und Übersetzer Theodor von Antiochia, der seit etwa 1225/1226 am Hof Friedrichs II. tätig war.176 Besonders deutlich zeigt sich die Kontinuität der griechischen Gemeinden in Messina im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert im kirchlichen Bereich: Eine lateinische Urkunde über die Wahl des neuen Protopapas von Messina im Jahre 1281 wurde von 26 Priestern der verschiedenen griechischen Pfarreien der Stadt auf Griechisch unterschrieben177, was für ein immer noch sehr lebendiges griechisches Gemeindeleben spricht. In der Aufstellung der Rationes decimarum von 1308/1309 betreffen 186 von 521 Einträgen aus der Diözese Messina griechische Kleriker und kirchliche Institutionen, darunter vier Nonnenklöster in der

170

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Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, Il monastero di S. Maria di Gadera poi S. Maria la Latina esistente nel secolo XII presso Polizzi, in: Archivio storico siciliano nov. ser. 5 (1880), S. 15–50, hier S. 27– 29. Salvatore IMPELLIZZERI, Bartolomeo da Messina, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 6 (1964), S. 729f.; Gianfranco FIACCADORI, Umanesimo e grecità d’Occidente, in: I Greci in Occidente. La tradizione filosofica, scientifica e letteraria dalle collezioni della Biblioteca Marciana. Catalogo della mostra, hg. v. Gianfranco FIACCADORI / Paolo ELEUTERI, Venedig 1996, S. XL; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I Greci in Calabria (wie Anm. 36), S. 36f. Ludwig SCHUBA, Die medizinischen Handschriften der Codices Palatini Latini in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek, Wiesbaden 1981, S. 203; IDEM, Die Quadriviums-Handschriften der Codices Palatini Latini in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek, Wiesbaden 1992, S. 203. VON FALKENHAUSEN, I Greci in Calabria (wie Anm. 36), S. 36f. ROGNONI, Messina 1208 (wie Anm. 2), S. 334. CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (wie Anm. 152), Nr. 13, S. 29. Ibidem, S. LIV–LVI; Wolfgang STÜRNER, Friedrich II., Teil 2: Der Kaiser 1220–1250, Darmstadt 2009, S. 422–429. Es kann sich natürlich auch um eine Homonymie handeln, denn im Jahre 1209 schrieb ein Theodor φιλόσοφος καὶ ῥηγικὸς νοτάριος τοῦ πραιτωρίου Μεσήνης, der also aus zeitlichen Gründen nicht mit dem unseren identisch sein kann, zwei Privaturkunden in Messina: ADM 1262, 1314; ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messine” (wie Anm. 98), Nrn. 141f., S. 534f.; DEGNI, Le scritture dei notai italogreci nella Sicilia (wie Anm. 97), S. 300f. Giovan G. MELLUSI, La Chiesa greca nella Sicilia nord-orientale dai Normanni alla prima età moderna, in: Νέα Ῥώµη 11 (2014), S. 183–247, hier S. 230–233.

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Stadt selbst.178 Auch der Archimandritat des Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari florierte weiter, wenn auch nach dem Tod Rogers II. seine Privilegien von Seiten der Erzbischöfe von Messina mit päpstlicher Unterstützung erheblich eingeschränkt worden waren.179 Ein noch unedierter Pachtvertrag des Archimandriten Niphon vom April 1325 wurde von 32 Mönchen auf Griechisch unterschrieben.180 Im Scriptorium des Santissimo Salvatore wurden weiterhin kompetent redigierte griechische Codices produziert181; am Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts arbeiteten dort nicht nur einheimische Schreiber, sondern auch fähige Kopisten von auswärts, wie Makarios aus Reggio182 und Nikolaos aus Oria im Salento.183 Nun zu Palermo: Wie gesagt verlegten die Regentin Adelasia und der junge Graf Roger II. den Regierungssitz im Jahre 1112 von Messina nach Palermo, einer im wesentlichen arabischen Stadt mit einer teils muslimischen teils christlichen Bevölkerung184, einer Stadt, die diesen Charakter auch in normannischer Zeit bis zu einem gewissen Grade beibehielt: Ibn Ǧubayr sah dort im Winter 1184/1185 Moscheen und Kirchen.185 Außerdem gab es in der Stadt eine beachtliche arabisch sprechende jüdische Gemeinde. Benjamin von Tudela, der Palermo in den sechziger Jahren des 12. Jahrunderts besuchte, spricht von 1.500 178

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181 182 183

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Pietro SELLA, Rationes decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV. Sicilia (Studi e testi 112), Vatikanstadt 1944, Nrn. 397–918, S. 46–68. Bei den Nonnenklöstern handelt es sich um San Giovanni (Nr. 403), San Salvatore Philanthropos (Nr. 407), Santa Maria de Malfinò (Nr. 444) und Sant’Anna de Solario (Nr. 447). Thomas HOFMANN, Papsttum und griechische Kirche in Süditalien in nachnormannischer Zeit (13.–15. Jahrhundert). Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Süditaliens im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter, Diss. Würzburg 1994, S. 75–79; IDEM, “vidimus totum monasterium deductum quasi in ruyna propter absenciam abbatis”. Griechische Klöster in Süditalien im Blickfeld der Visitatoren, in: Bausteine zur deutschen und italienischen Geschichte. Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Horst Enzensberger, hg. v. Maria STUIBER / Michele SPADACCINI (Schriften aus der Fakultät Geistes- und Kulturwissenschaften der Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg 18), Bamberg 2014, S. 219–242, hier S. 228–230; Horst ENZENSBERGER, Der Archimandrit zwischen Papst und Erzbischof: der Fall Messina, in: Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata nov. ser. 54 (2000), S. 209–225. Ein kurzes Regest mit einer Beschreibung der Urkunde befindet sich in: PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 119), Nr. B 10, S. 591, II, Nr. 187, S. 163. Die Unterschriften sind ediert in: GUILLOU, Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina (wie Anm. 2), App. I, Nr. 17, S. 192–197. FOTI, Il monastero del S.mo Salvatore in Lingua Phari (wie Anm. 95), S. 61–63. Santo LUCÀ, Membra disiecta del Vat. Gr. 2110, in: Bollettino della badia greca di Grottaferrata nov. ser. 43 (1989), S. 3–52, hier S. 12–28. André JACOB, Nicolas d’Oria, un copiste de Pouille au Saint-Sauveur de Messine, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 65 (1985), S. 133–158; Mario RE, Nota su Nicola d’Oria, in: Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata nov. ser. 43 (1989), S. 53–60. Schon Ibn Ḥauqal bemerkt im 10. Jahrhundert, dass die Töchter aus muslimisch-christlichen Mischehen in der Regel Christinnen geblieben seien: Alex METCALFE, Transkultureller und sozio-religiöser Wandel im muslimischen und frühen normannischen Sizilien, in: Siziliens Geschichte. Insel zwischen den Welten, hg. v. Wolfgang GRUBER / Stephan KÖHLER, Wien 2013, S. 68–98, hier S. 79f. Ibn Ğubayr, Viaggio (wie Anm. 1), S. 322, 330f.

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Personen (oder Familien?).186 Die arabischen Christen waren weitgehend zweisprachig (arabisch und griechisch) in Wort und Schrift und benutzten die beiden Sprachen so, wie die Umstände es verlangten.187 Griechische, arabische, lateinische und französische Namen kommen bunt gemischt in denselben Familien vor188, und einige Personen waren sowohl unter einem griechischen als auch unter einem arabischen Namen mit ähnlicher Bedeutung bekannt: So erscheint z. B. der schon erwähnte Emir Christodoulos in den zeitgenössischen Quellen auch als ῾Abd al-Raḥmān al-Naṣrānī189 und der ἐπὶ τοῦ σεκρέτου Eugenios τοῦ Καλοῦ (belegt zwischen 1175 und 1198) als Abū l-Tayyib.190 Die Toponomastik Palermos blieb auch in normannischer und nachnormannischer Zeit großen Teils arabisch191, und im Gegensatz zu Messina befanden sich arabische Inschriften nicht nur in den königlichen Palästen und in der Cappella Palatina192, sondern man kennt auch arabische Grabinschriften aus Palermo, wie z. B. die des Ibn Muḫallaf al-Kommād von 1123.193 In normannischer Zeit gab es in Palermo vor allem drei Bereiche in denen die Griechen in besonderem Maße sichtbar sind: 1) die Kirche, 2) die städtische und staatliche Verwaltung (die doana regia) und 3) den königlichen Hof. 1) Nach der Eroberung (1071/1072) fanden die Normannen in Palermo einen griechischen Erzbischof namens Nikodemos vor, der zwar 1072/1073 von Papst Alexander II. in seinem Amt bestätigt worden war, aber schon im April 1083 von Gregor VII. durch den Franzosen Alcherius ersetzt wurde, der bis 1093 belegt ist.194 Es bleibt offen, ob Nikodemos einige Jahre nach seiner Bestätigung durch den Papst verstarb, oder abgesetzt und in ein Kloster relegiert wurde.195 186

187 188

189 190 191

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Benjamin da Tudela, Libro di viaggi (wie Anm. 130), S. 95; Giuseppe MANDALÀ, The Jews of Palermo from Late Antiquity to the Expulsion (598 to 1493), in: A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, hg. v. Annliese NEF, Leiden / Boston 2013, S. 437–485. MANDALÀ / MOSCONE, Tra latini, greci e ‘arabici’ (wie Anm. 89), S. 180–194. Henri BRESC, Arabi di lingua, greci per rito, i mozarabi in Sicilia, in: Byzantino-Sicula 5 (wie Anm. 10), S. 263–282, hier S. 264–272; MANDALÀ / MOSCONE, Tra latini, greci e ‘arabici’ (wie Anm. 89), S. 194–204. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 69f. Ibidem, S. 170f.; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 193f. Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, Contrade e rughe, shera e sucac di Palermo esistenti ne’secoli XII, XIII, e XIV, in: Archivio storico siciliano nov. ser. 11 (1887), S. 263–385; Henri BRESC, “In ruga que arabice dicitur zucac …” : Les rues de Palerme (1070–1460), in: Le paysage urbain au Moyen Âge. Actes du XIe Congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public (Lyon, 1980), Lyon 1981 (Wiederabdruck in: IDEM, Politique et société en Sicile, XIIe–XVe siècles, Aldershot 1991, VIII, S. 155–185). Jeremy JOHNS, Le iscrizioni e le epigrafi in arabo in rilettura, in: ANDALORO, Nobiles Officinae (wie Anm. 29), S. 47–67; IDEM, Iscrizioni arabe nella Cappella Palatina, in: La Cappella Palatina a Palermo, hg. v. Beat BRENK, Modena 2010, S. 353–368. IDEM, Iscrizioni funerarie, in: ANDALORO, Nobiles Officinae 1 (wie Anm. 29), Nr. VIII.6, S. 516f. GIRGENSOHN, Italia Pontificia (wie Anm. 8), S. 228f. In einem Privileg Rogers I. vom Oktober 1097 für Abt Jakob von Santa Maria di Vicari wird der inzwischen verstorbene Abt Nikodemos erwähnt, den der Graf beschenkt hatte (CUSA, Documenti greci ed arabi 1,1 [wie Anm. 2], S. 6; BECKER, Documenti latini e greci [wie

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An der Spitze der griechischen Kirche von Palermo stand ein Protopapas: Wir kennen Basileios (belegt zwischen 1138 und 1146)196, Christodoulos τοῦ Καλοῦ (belegt zwischen 1163 und 1174), der zu einer bekannten griechisch-arabischen Beamten-Familie Palermos gehörte197, Konstantin, Sohn des verstorbenen Basileios (belegt zwischen 1177 und 1201)198, Philippos (belegt zwischen 1239 und 1243)199 und Michael (belegt zwischen 1275 und 1280).200 Die Hauptkirche (καθολική) der griechischen Gemeinde und Sitz des Protopapas war dem heiligen Johannes geweiht: Eine auf Anordnung des Protopapas ausgestellte Urkunde von 1138 ist unterschrieben vom Priester Basileios τοῦ Ἁγίου Ἰωάννου Kαθολικῆς.201 Es ist ungewiss, um welche Johannes-Kirche in Palermo es sich handelt, vielleicht um San Giovanni alla Galka. Es gab in Palermo zahlreiche

196

197

198

199 200

201

Anm. 9], Nr. 59, S. 230; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci nell’Archivio Storico Diocesano di Palermo, in: Storia & Arte nella scrittura. L’Archivio Storico Diocesano di Palermo a 10 anni della riapertura al pubblico [1997–2007]. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi, hg. v. Giovanni TRAVAGLIATO, Palermo 2008, S. 427–453, hier Nr. III, S. 431–433, Fig. 3). Könnte es sich bei diesem Abt um den ehemaligen Erzbischof handeln? Zeitlich könnte das passen, obwohl natürlich Nikodemos ein recht verbreiteter griechischer Mönchsname war. – Eine nur in einem lateinischen Transumpt (Mai 1309) erhaltene Schenkung Rogers I. aus dem Jahre 1092 ist an Nicodemus archiepiscopus adressiert. Die Schenkung als solche – es handelt sich um die Überschreibung von 39 villani in Nicotera –, die 1145 unter demselben Datum, aber ohne Namen des Prälaten von Roger II. und später auch von Konstanze bestätigt wurde, ist unverdächtig (BECKER, Documenti latini e greci [wie Anm. 9], Nr. 27, S. 125f.). Vielleicht könnte man den Namen des nicht mehr amtierenden Erzbischofs damit erklären, dass die Schenkung tatsächlich noch vor der Einsetzung des Alcherius an Nikodemos – vielleicht mündlich – gemacht worden ist und erst 1092 offiziell registriert wurde. Einen ähnlichen Fall von mündlichen Schenkungen durch Roger I., die erst später schriftlich beurkundet wurden, kennen wir für das griechische Kloster San Salvatore di Placa: VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zum griechischen Kloster S. Salvatore di Placa (wie Anm. 107), S. 305–307. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 59f., 71–73; Lidia PERRIA, Una pergamena dell’anno 1146 per la chiesa di S. Maria dell’Ammiraglio, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 61 (1981), S. 22–24. Antonino MONGITORE, Sacrae domus mansionis sanctissimae Trinitatis urbis Panormi et magni eius praeceptoris monumenta historica, Leiden 1721, Col. 33f.; Kristjan TOOMASPOEG, Les Teutoniques en Sicile (1197–1492) (Collection de l’École française de Rome 321), Rom 2003, Nr. 9, S. 562; JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 170f., 313; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 193f.; EADEM, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta rinvenuti a Termini Imerese, in: Byzantino-Sicula, Bd. 6: La Sicilia e Bisanzio nei secoli XI e XII [= Atti delle X Giornate di Studio dell’Associazione Italiana di Studi Bizantini (Palermo, 27–28 Maggio 2011)], hg. v. Renata LAVAGNINI / Cristina ROGNONI, Palermo 2014, S. 215–242, hier 218, 229f., 238. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi (wie Anm. 2), S. 47–50, 85–89, 109f., 120–124, 494, 670–676, 681–683; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta (wie Anm. 197), S. 215–242, hier Nrn. 4–6, S. 236–238. Der Name Basileios ist nicht ausgefallen genug, als dass man Konstantins Vater mit dem gleichnamigen Protopapas von 1138 bis 1146 identifizieren könnte. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 96–98, 676–678. SELLA, Rationes decimarum Italiae (wie Anm 178), Nr. 83, S. 13; Mario RE, La sottoscrizione del Vat. gr. 2294 (ff. 68–106): Il copista Matteo sacerdote e la chiesa di S. Giorgio de Balatis (Palermo, 1260/1261), in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 42 (2005), S. 188. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 60.

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griechische Kirchen in verschiedenen Stadtteilen: in den palermitanischen Urkunden unterschreiben die griechischen Priester von Sant’Agata, Santa Barbara, San Nicola Bark(), San Demetrio (1146)202 und San Pantaleo (1164)203, aber zu den griechischen Kirchen gehörten auch San Michele, Santa Paraskeve, San Pancrazio, San Nicola de Cufra und die Kirche der 40 Märtyrer von Sebaste204, ebenso wie San Tommaso dei Greci im Cassaro, San Nicola La Carrubba in der Kalsa, San Nicola de Kemonia205 und San Giorgio de Balatis, wo noch im 18. Jahrhundert eine griechische Mosaikinschrift zu sehen war.206 Einige hohe griechische Beamte der Zentralverwaltung gründeten ihre Kirchen in der Hauptstadt: Die bekannteste und prachtvollste ist Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio, eine Gründung des Georgios von Antiochia, mit ihren wunderbaren griechisch beschrifteten Mosaiken207 und den metrischen griechischen Grabinschriften der Familienmitglieder des Gründers.208 Aber nicht weit entfernt lag San Salvatore, eine Gründung des Emirs Eugenios209, und auch der Logothet Nikolaos (belegt zwischen 1160 und 1176) hatte in Palermo eine Kirche: San Nicola de Logotheta.210 Das Kloster Santa Maria della Grotta wurde in besonderem Maße von den σεκρετικοί der doana regia, oft griechisch-arabischen Christen, gefördert.211 Viele dieser Kirchen waren vergleichsweise klein und manchmal über unterirdischen Grotten errichtet, wie z. B. Santa Paraskeve und San Pancrazio und die Kirche des schon genannten Klosters Santa Maria della Grotta im Stadtteil Albergheria. Außerdem wurden zahlreiche Privaturkunden in Palermo von taboularioi geschrieben, die dem geistlichen Stande angehörten.212 Schließlich gibt es 202 203 204 205 206

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208 209 210 211 212

Ibidem, S. 73 (1146); PERRIA, Una pergamena dell’anno 1146 (wie Anm. 196), S. 14. Ibidem, S. 119. Elena PEZZINI, Palermo in the 12th Century: Transformations in forma urbis, in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (wie Anm. 186), S. 195–230, hier S. 217f. Henri BRESC, Religious Palermo: a Palermo between the 12th and the 15th Centuries, in: ibidem, S. 349–382, hier S. 35. RE, La sottoscrizione (wie Anm. 200), S. 167–180; IDEM, Postilla ad un articolo recente (sul perduto mosaico della chiesa palermitana di S. Giorgio de Balatis), in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 43 (2006), S. 165–175. Ernst KITZINGER, The Mosaics of St. Mary’s of the Admiral in Palermo (Dumbarton Oaks Studies 27), Washington D. C. 1990; Augusta ACCONCIA LONGO, S. Maria Chrysè e S. Maria dell’Ammiraglio, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 25 (1988), S. 165–183; EADEM, Considerazioni sulla chiesa di S. Maria dell’Ammiraglio e sulla Cappella Palatina di Palermo, in: Νέα Ῥώµη 4 (2007), S. 267–293. EADEM, Gli epitaffi giambici per Giorgio di Antiochia, per la madre e per la moglie, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 61 (1981), S. 25–81. Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, Sul porto antico e su le mura, le piazze e i bagni di Palermo dal X al secolo XV, Palermo 1884, S. 91. DE LUCA, Documenta Pactensia (wie Anm. 108), Nr. 9, S. 27. VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta (wie Anm. 197), S. 215–242. Der Prister und taboularios Johannes ist zwischen 1170 und 1198 belegt (EADEM, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta [wie Anm. 197], S. 234–238; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 [wie Anm. 2], S. 47–50, 85–88, 109f., 122–124, 494; 1,2, S. 669–672); der Priester und taboularios Basileios zwischen 1201 und 1207 (CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 [wie Anm. 2], S. 89; DI GIOVANNI, Sul porto antico [wie Anm. 209], S. 90–92). Vermutlich ist er nicht identisch mit dem gleichnamigen Priester und taboularios, der zwischen 1236 und 1239 tätig war

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in den palermitanischen Urkunden viele griechische Unterschriften von Klerikern und Priestern, die den Namen ihrer Kirchen nicht angeben. Wenn man von den Kanonikern der Kathedrale und der Capella Palatina absieht213, sind dagegen Unterschriften von lateinischen Geistlichen bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts relativ selten.214 Es gab jedoch in Palermo kein griechisches Kloster, das in seinen wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Dimensionen auch nur im Entferntesten mit dem Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari in Messina mit seinem ausgedehnten Grundbesitz und den zahlreichen Metochien auf beiden Seiten des Stretto und seinem bedeutenden Scriptorium verglichen werden könnte. Bisher ist z. B. nur eine griechische Handschrift bekannt, die mit Sicherheit in Palermo geschrieben wurde, und zwar der Codex Vat. gr. 2294, der verschiedene liturgische Texte enthält, und der laut Kolophon im Jahre 1260/1261 von dem Priester Matthäus in der Kirche San Giorgio τῆς Πλακώτης kopiert worden war.215 In Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio scheint man auf Bildung Wert gelegt zu haben, denn zwei ihrer Rektoren werden als φιλόσοφοι bezeichnet: der Diakon Johannes (1172)216 und Matthäus (1217–1221). Letzterer war allerdings Archidiakon von Crotone, Hofkaplan Friedrichs II. und interpres et familiaris von Papst Honorius III.217 Es ist unwahrscheinlich, dass ihm viel Zeit blieb, sich um das spirituelle und kulturelle Leben der Griechen in Palermo zu kümmern. So erklärt sich wohl, dass der Archimandritat von Messina auch für Griechen, die in Palermo lebten oder dort tätig waren, eine große Anziehungskraft besaß: Der einzige bekannte griechische Richter am königlichen Gerichtshof unter Wilhelm I., der sogenannte Judex Tarentinus oder Κριτὴς Ταραντινός, war dort 1173 Μönch geworden und hatte den Archimandriten zu seinem Testamentsvollstrecker ernannt218, während der hochgebildete ἀµηρᾶς und magister regie

213

214 215

216 217 218

(CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 [wie Anm. 2], S. 92–96; 1,2, S. 676–678). 1243 war der griechische taboularios von Palermo der Diakon Nikolaos (ibidem, S. 96–98), den man, wenn mich der Schriftvergleich nicht täuscht, nicht mit dem gleichnamigen Priester und taboularios von 1260 (VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta [wie Anm. 197], S. 242) identifizieren kann, der inzwischen in der geistlichen Hierarchie hätte aufgestiegen sein können. Rocco PIRRI, Sicilia sacra, Bd. 1, Palermo 1733, S. 85, 112; Tabularium Regie ac Imperialis Capellae collegiatae Divi Petri in Regio Panormitano Palatio, Palermo 1835, Nr. 3, S. 7, Nr. 10, S. 25, Nr. 17, S. 40; GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 39, S. 93, Nr. 72, S. 174, Nr. 89, S. 221. Ibidem, Nr. 48, S. 146, Nr. 60, S. 150, Nr. 86, S. 210. Mario RE, Il copista Matteo (wie Anm. 200), S. 164–180, hat den Kopisten überzeugend mit dem im Jahre 1263 erwähnten gleichnamigen palermitanischen Ekklesiarches identifiziert, und die Kirche mit San Giorgio de Balatis. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 81; Tabularium Regie ac Imperialis Capellae collegiatae (wie Anm. 213), Nr. 14, S. 33. Lioba GEIS, Hofkapelle und Kapläne im Königreich Sizilien (1130–1266) (Bibliothek des Deutschen historischen Instituts in Rom 128), Berlin / Boston 2014, Nr. 67, S. 398–402. AAR, Gli studi storici (wie Anm. 2), S. 253–255; Evelyn JAMISON, Judex Tarentinus. The Carreer of Judex Tarentinus magne regie curie magister justiciarius and the Emergence of the Si-

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Dohane baronum et de secretis Eugenios, ein Enkel des gleichnamigen schon erwähnten Emirs aus Troina, Sohn und Neffe hoher griechischer Beamter, Dichter und Übersetzer naturwissenschaftlicher und literarischer Texte aus dem Arabischen und Griechischen ins Lateinische (ca. 1130–1202), ein Gedicht auf den Friedhof vom Santissimo Salvatore schrieb, den der Archimandrit Onouphrios eingerichtet hatte.219 Wollte er vielleicht selbst dort begraben werden? Schließlich hatte Barlaam, der zweite Abt von Santa Maria della Grotta in Palermo (ca. 1196–1200), der aus der Gegend von Messina stammte, enge Beziehungen zum Archimandritat des Santissimo Salvatore, und war wahrscheinlich vor seiner Berufung nach Palermo dort Mönch gewesen.220 Mario Re hat viel wichtiges Material über das Überleben der griechischen Kirche in Palermo im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert zusammengetragen. Es gab weiterhin einige griechische Klöster und Kirchen in der Stadt und Notare und Kleriker, die aus dem Griechischen ins Lateinische übersetzen konnten. Noch unter den Anjous wird der griechische Klerus erwähnt.221 Zum Beispiel befreite Karl I. von Anjou Jahre 1270 die Kanoniker und Kleriker Palermos, tam Latinorum, quam Grecorum civitatis eiusdem von angariis, exactionibus omnibus, et collectis in civitate ipsa impositis.222 In den Rationes decimarum der Jahre 1308 bis 1310 wird als einziges griechisches Kloster in Palermo Santa Maria della Grotta angegeben und außerdem ein presbiter Lucas grecus genannt.223 Ein lateinischer Pachtvertrag, den Abt Romanos von Santa Maria della Grotta im Jahre 1314 abschloss, wurde von ihm selbst und sechs Mönchen auf Griechisch unterschrieben; allerdings sind die Unterschriften von drei Mönchen nicht eigenhändig.224 Wenn man annimmt, dass Santa Maria della Grotta das bedeutendste griechische Kloster in Palermo war, dann erscheint die monastische Gemeinschaft im Vergleich mit der des Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari in Messina zahlenmäßig recht bescheiden. Eine weitere lateinische Urkunde aus dem ehemaligen Klosterarchiv von Santa Maria della Grotta aus dem Jahre 1367 ist dann nur in griechischen Buchstaben von einem Zeugen mit den Worten Εγο Ἀνδρι(ας))

219

220

221 222 223 224

cilian regalis magna curia under William I and the Regency of Margaret of Navarra, in: Proceedings of the British Academy 53 (1967), S. 289–344; Wiederabdruck in: Studies on the History of Medieval Sicily, hg. v. Dione CLEMENTI / Theo KÖLZER, Aalen 1992, S. 467–522. Eugenii Panormitani Versus iambici, hg. v. Marcello GIGANTE (Istituto siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi 10), Palermo 1964, Nr. 14, S. 97–98: … Ὀνουφρίῳ κρατοῦντι τῶν µονοτρόπων, / δείµαντι, κοσµήσαντι τόνδε τὸν δόµον. Vermutlich ist er auch der Verfasser zweier jambischer Kanones, die in einer Handschrift aus dem Archimandritat von San Salvatore überliefert sind: LUZZI, Hymnographica Eugeniana (wie Anm. 96), S. 288–297. VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta (wie Anm. 197), S. 225–228; Horst ENZENSBERGER, Modelli romani in Sicilia? Santa Maria della Grotta a Palermo, in: Byzantino-Sicula 6 (wie Anm. 197), S. 202–214, hier S. 206–214. RE, Il copista Matteo (wie Anm. 200), S. 180–201. Tabularium Regie ac Imperialis Capellae Collegiatae (wie Anm. 213), Nr. 55, S. 74f. SELLA, Rationes decimarum (wie Anm. 178), Nrn. 118, 136, S. 16f. Palermo, AS, Case ex-gesuitiche. Collegio Massimo e chiesa di Palermo, B, 66, fol. 195.

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δε πρεσβιτερο τεστι σουµ unterschrieben.225 Wie in allen ehemals griechischen Regionen Süditaliens drückte sich die griechische Identität immer mehr durch die Schrift und nicht mehr die Sprache aus.226 Man muss außerdem berücksichtigen, dass nach Ludolph von Sudheim, der sich in den dreißiger Jahren des 14. Jahrhunderts in Sizilien aufhielt, dort neben dem lateinischen und dem griechischen auch der ritus Saracenorum zelebriert wurde227, und das galt vermutlich besonders für den Westen und Südwesten der Insel. 2) Was die Zivilverwaltung anging, so führten die Normannen auch in Palermo sofort einige byzantinische Institutionen mit den entsprechenden griechischen Beamten ein: Der schon genannte Logothet Leo unterschrieb im Jahre 1086 in Palermo auf Griechisch drei lateinische Privilegien Roger Borsas228, und die Parathalassitai – Beamte der Hafenaufsicht – Leo und Nikolaos gründeten 1080/1081 zusammen mit dem Priester und Tabularios Nikolaos die Kirche San Pietro de Balneariis im Hafenviertel. Die griechische Gründungsinschrift ist noch erhalten.229 Wie in Messina so sind auch aus Palermo keine Urkunden aus muslimischer Zeit erhalten. Die Anwesenheit des schon erwähnten Tabularios Nikolaos zeigt aber, dass schon kurz nach der Eroberung von den Normannen eine griechische Notariatsorganisation eingerichtet wurde; die erste erhaltene griechische Privaturkunde aus Palermo stammt allerdings erst aus dem Jahre 1138.230 Möglicherweise waren frühere Urkunden nicht auf Pergament, sondern wie zahlreiche Diplome Rogers I. auf Papier geschrieben231 und haben deshalb nicht überlebt. Aus den Jahren zwischen 1138 und 1260 sind 46 griechische Privaturkunden aus Palermo bekannt, die entweder im Auftrag des Protopapas oder eines Richters (κριτής) von einem Notar oder taboularios für lateinische, griechische und arabische Aussteller geschrieben wurden.232 Damit das System funktionierte, wurden auch nach Palermo erfahrene griechische Notare und Richter aus Kalabrien berufen: Wir kennen z. B. die städtischen Richter Nikolaus (1123)233, 225

226 227

228 229 230 231

232 233

Ibidem, fol. 196. Allerdings ist auf dem Verso der Urkunde in eleganter griechischer Minuskel der Vermerk geschrieben: Τῶ ἐνγραφ(ὸν) τοῦ µαρκήσι Σκαλφάτζου τῶ ϊκων τ(ῆς) θύρ(ας) τῆς Ἁγί(ας) Ἀγᾶθης. Rocco DISTILO, Κάτα Λατίνον. Prove di filologia greco-romanza, Rom 1990. Ludolph de Suchem, De Itinere Tarrae Sanctae, hg. v. Ferdinand DEYCKS, Stuttgart 1851, S. 20; Henri BRESC / Annliese NEF, Les Mozarabes de Sicile (1100–1300), in: Cavallieri alla conquista del Sud. Studi sull’Italia normanna in memoria di Léon-Robert Ménager, hg. v. Enrico CUOZZO / Jean-Marie MARTIN, Rom / Bari 1998, S. 137f., Wiederabdruck in: Henri BRESC, Una stagione in Sicilia, hg. v. Marcello PACIFICO, Bd. 1, Rom 2010, S. 8f. MÉNAGER, Recueil des actes des ducs normands (wie Anm. 13), Nrn. 52–54, S. 181–186, Tav. 53. GUILLOU, Recueil des inscriptions grecques (wie Anm. 12), Nr. 195, S. 210–211. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 59f. Julia BECKER, Die griechischen und lateinischen Urkunden Graf Rogers I. von Sizilien, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 84 (2004), S. 1–37, hier S. 2f.; EADEM, Documenti latini e greci (wie Anm. 9), S. 14. VON FALKENHAUSEN / AMELOTTI, Notariato e documento (wie Anm. 36), S. 33–35. CUSA, I dioplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 472.

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Petrus Kalomenos (1153, 1155)234 und Leo (1160–1174)235, die alle aus Reggio stammten, und den kalabresischen Notar und Tabularios Theodor (1154).236 Das Urkundenformular entsprach dem byzantinischen, wie es schon vorher in Kalabrien benutzt wurde, aber im Gegensatz zu Messina unterschrieben viele Zeugen in arabischer Sprache und Schrift237; ebenso schrieben zahlreiche Aussteller ihren Namen am Anfang der Urkunde auf Arabisch.238 Auffallend sind auch die zahlreichen Arabismen im griechischen Text: Worte wie ἀλκάδιος (Richter), χαρσία (Wald), χήρπη (unbebautes Land), δάρα (Haus), φαβάρα (Quelle), φισκία (Wasserbehälter) und viele andere gehörten zum normalen Sprachgebrauch.239 Im Gegensatz zu Messina wurden in Palermo in normannischer Zeit auch arabische Privaturkunden ausgestellt240, die allerdings geringere Überlieferungschancen hatten, und oft nur in späteren lateinischen Übersetzungen überliefert sind.241 Da aber dort nie die Namen der Schreiber oder Notare angegeben werden, sondern nur die Namen der Zeugen, scheint es kein organisiertes arabisches Notariatssystem gegeben zu haben.242 Der erste bekannte lateinische tabellio publicus in Palermo war Gottfried, der ab 1197 belegt ist.243 Allerdings wurden auch schon vorher lateinische Privaturkunden ausgestellt: In einer griechischen Verkaufsurkunde vom August 1160 wird auf einen älteren ἀγωρευτικὸς χάρτης ὁ ῥωµαικός Bezug genommen244; in zwei lateinischen Urkunden, die von venezianischen Familien in den Jahren 1171 und 1186 zugunsten ihrer Kirche 234 235 236 237 238 239

240

241

242 243 244

Ibidem, S. 31–33; GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 36, S. 85–87. CUSA, Documenti greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 661–662, 107–108, 663–664, 665–666; GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 36, S. 85–87. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 31–33. IDEM, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1–2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 77, 79, 88, 664, 666, 669. Ibidem, S. 167, 110, 667, 669, 676; VON FALKENHAUSEN / AMELOTTI, Notariato e documento (wie Anm. 36), Tafel 10; RE, Il copista Matteo (wie Anm. 200), Tafel 3. Girolamo CARACAUSI, Arabismi medievali di Sicilia (Centro di studi filologici e linguistici siciliani. Supplementi al Bollettino 5), Palermo 1983, S. 98f., 178, 187–189, 204f., 224–226. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 315–325; Henri BRESC / Annliese NEF, Les actes en arabe dans la Sicile d’époque normande, in: L’autorité de l’écrit au Moyen Âge (Orient et Occident). XXXIXe Congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public, Le Caire, 30 avril–5 mai 2008, Paris 2009, S. 73–87; Marcello MOSCONE, Translators of Arabic, Greek and Bilingual (Arabic-Greek or Greek-Arabic) Documents in Palermo Between the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century, in: MANDALÀ / PÉREZ MARTÍN, Multilingual and Multigraphic Manuscripts (wie Anm. 109) (im Druck), S. 79–120, hier S. 87–95, 97. Henri BRESC, La proprieté foncière des Musulmans dans la Sicile du XIIe siècle : trois documents inédits, in: Del nuovo sulla Sicilia musulmana. Giornata di Studio (Roma, 3 maggio 1993) (Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Fondazione Leone Caetani 26), Rom 1995, S. 69–97, hier S. 89–97. BRESC / NEF, Les actes en arabe (wie Anm. 240). MANDALÀ / MOSCONE, Tra latini, greci e ‘arabici’ (wie Anm. 89), S. 145–173, 232–235. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 661f. Über die Bedeutung von ῥωµαικός: Carolina CUPANE, Ἡ τῶν Ῥωµαίων γλῶσσα, in: Byzantina Mediterranea. Festschrift für Johannes Koder zum 65. Geburtstag, hg. v. Klaus BELKE / Ewald KISLINGER / Andreas KÜLZER / Maria A. STASSINOPOULOU, Wien / Köln / Weimer 2007, S. 137–156.

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in Palermo, San Marco, ausgestellt wurden, in der sie begraben und kommemoriert werden wollten, wird in der Corroboratio kein Notar genannt, sondern es heißt nur: presens scriptum inde fieri fecimus nostris propriis manibus subscriptum et signatum in presentia subscriptorum testium oder ähnlich.245 Es handelte es sich dabei also um eher private Schreiben ohne offizielle notarielle Beglaubigung. Ansonsten urkundeten in Palermo wie in Messina die Erzbischöfe auf Lateinisch246 und hohe Beamte oder Barone, die über private Notare verfügten.247 Aus dem 13. Jahrhundert sind mir noch zwölf in Palermo ausgestellte griechische Urkunden bekannt, die letzte vom September 1260/1261248, aber noch im Jahre 1290 amtierte dort der Notar Benedikt als publicus tabellio grecus et latinus civitatis eiusdem.249 Benedikt erscheint, soweit ich weiß, zum ersten Mal im Jahre 1259, als er eine Urkunde für Abt Philaretos von Santa Maria della Grotta als Βενεδίκτος ταβουλάριος πόλεως Πανόρµου unterschrieb.250 In den Jahren zwischen 1259–1291 begegnet er mehrfach als Schreiber lateinischer Urkunden und von Transumpten griechischer und griechisch-arabischer Urkunden, die er im Allgemeinen in Zusammenarbeit mit anderen zweisprachigen Experten ins Lateinische übersetzte und auf Lateinisch unterzeichnete.251 Es fällt allerings auf, dass am Ende des 13. und beginnenden 14. Jahrhunderts einige der in Palermo tätigen Übersetzer aus dem Griechischen, die Priester Nikolaos aus Troina und Vassallos aus Milazzo und der Notar Johannes aus Naso252 nicht einheimisch waren, sondern aus Ostsizilien stammten, wo die Gräzität tiefer verwurzelt war. Die wichtigsten Berater oder „Minister“ Rogers II. waren zwei Griechen: der schon mehrfach genannte Emir Christodoulos (belegt 1107–1125), den er von seiner Mutter übernommen hatte, und der ἄρχων τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ ἀµηρᾶς τῶν ἀµηράτων Georgios von Antiochia. Beide hatten aber einen – wenn auch unterschiedlichen – arabischen Hintergrund: Christodoulos stammte wohl aus dem westlichen Sizilien, wo dieser Name bei christlichen Arabern oder Graeco-Ara245 246

247 248

249 250

251

252

GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 60, S. 149f., Nr. 86, S. 209f. PIRRI, Sicilia sacra 1 (wie Anm. 213), S. 84; Tabularium Regie ac Imperialis Capellae (wie Anm. 213), Nr. 2, S. 7, Nr. 17, S. 39f. Im Gegensatz zu Messina ist mir jedoch keine griechische Urkunde eines Erzbischofs von Palermo bekannt. GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 107, S. 257–264, Nr. 111, S. 269–271. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 89–98; 1,2, S. 676–681; DI GIOVANNI, Sul porto antico (wie Anm. 209), S. 90–92; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta (wie Anm. 197), S. 239–242. GARUFI, Documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 12, S. 27–33. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 678–681; RE, Il copista Matteo (wie Anm. 200), Tafel 4. TOOMASPOEG, Les Teutoniques en Sicile (wie Anm. 197), S. 505–508, 510–512, 515–517, 599–609, 606–609, 611–613, 615, 623, 632f., 640, 650f., 653; RE, Il copista Matteo (wie Anm. 200), S. 192–195; MOSCONE, Translators (wie Anm. 240), S. 85, 94–99, 102f. GARUFI, I documenti inediti (wie Anm. 24), Nr. 12, S. 27, 32, Nr. 18, S. 45; Giuseppe SPATA, Le pergamene greche esistenti nel Grande Archivio di Palermo, Palermo 1862, S. 451–456; MOSCONE, Translators (wie Anm. 240), S. 106, 110, 112.

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bern verbreitet war.253 Georgios kam dagegen ursprünglich aus einer vielleicht armenisch-byzantinischen Familie aus Antiochia und hatte jahrelang in leitender Stelle in der ziridischen Finanzverwaltung in Ifrīqiya gearbeitet. In den Jahren 1108/1109 war er nach Sizilien geflohen, wo er alsbald eine glänzende Karriere machte. Nach der Krönung Rogers II. hatte er in Palermo damit begonnen eine Zentralverwaltung, den Diwan, nach fatimidischem Vorbild aufzubauen.254 Unter Roger II. stellte der Diwan griechische, arabische, aber meist zweisprachig griechisch-arabische Urkunden aus; 22 Exemplare sind bekannt.255 Nach Georgios’ und wenig später Rogers Tod (1154) wurde der Diwan von Lateinern, wie Maio aus Bari und Matthäus d’Aiello, und arabischen Palasteunuchen, wie Martin, Peter und Richard, geleitet256, so dass der griechische Einfluss zurückging. Aus der Zeit Wilhelms I. (1154–1166) sind zwei arabische und zwei griechisch-arabische Urkunden aus dem Diwan bekannt257, und aus der Zeit Wilhelms II. zwei arabische, zwei arabisch-griechische, drei griechisch-arabische und eine lateinisch-griechische.258 Die große Urkunde für Monreale von 1182, in der die divisae der einzelnen Besitzungen aufgezeichnet sind, die dem Kloster geschenkt worden waren, ist auf Lateinisch-Arabisch ausgestellt.259 Unter den Wilhelmen arbeiteten zwar immer noch Griechen im Diwan, aber in eher mittleren Positionen.260 Obwohl in einigen griechischen Familien der Posten im σέκρετον fast erblich war261, hatten viele von ihnen keine Wurzeln in Palermo, sondern der Schwerpunkt ihres Lebens lag weiterhin in ihren Heimatstädten: Der schon erwähnte ἐπὶ τοῦ σεκρέτου Roger aus Messina gründete z. B. mit Unterstützung seines Vaters, des Sekreten Johannes, und seiner Frau Ulô Graphea, zwei Klöster in und im Hinterland von Messina262, während der Sekret Gottfried aus Centuripe (belegt 1171–1174) im Jahre 1174 in der Nähe seiner Besitzungen bei Paternò eine Kirche erwarb, in die er mit Erlaubnis des Bischofs von Catania den griechischen Mönch Sabas als Abt einsetzte.263 Sein Sohn Adam war 1183 ἐξουσιαστής in Centuripe.264 Daneben amtierten die zweisprachigen graeco-arabischen oder arabo-griechischen Beamten wie Eugenios τοῦ 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263

264

JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 66–88. Ibidem, S. 80–87. Ibidem, S. 303–309. Ibidem, S. 219–234. Ibidem, S. 309–311. Ibidem, S. 311–314. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 179–244; JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 186–192. VON FALKENHAUSEN, Griechische Beamte (wie Anm. 123), S. 381–405. Ibidem, S. 386–403. Wie Anm. 147. Iohannes B. DE GROSSIS, Catana sacra sive de episcopis Catanensibus, Catania 1654, S. 97f.; VON FALKENHAUSEN, Griechische Beamte (wie Anm. 123), S. 390–397; EADEM, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 192f. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 432–434; Laura SCIASCIA, Le donne e i cavalier, gli affanni e gli agi. Famiglia e potere in Sicilia tra XII e XIV secolo, Messina 1993, S. 31–52; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 192f.

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Καλοῦ mit ihren engen Beziehungen zu Santa Maria della Grotta.265 Auch im Kreis der Familiaren, der engsten Berater Wilhelms I., der Regentin Margarete und Wilhelms II. gab es keine Griechen. Die kleine Gruppe bestand aus einigen ausgewählten Bischöfen, hohen, manchmal arabischen Verwaltungsbeamten und gelegentlich einem Vertreter der Feudalaristokratie.266 Die königliche Kanzlei Rogers II. war dreisprachig: lateinisch, griechisch und arabisch. Die Privilegien für Empfänger in Kalabrien und Sizilien wurden meist auf Griechisch ausgestellt, auch wenn diese, wie z. B. der Erzbischof von Palermo oder die Bischöfe von Lipari-Patti und Cefalù, Lateiner waren.267 Mehrfach werden griechische Privilegien am Ende durch einen Zusatz in arabischer Sprache ergänzt, in dem z. B. die Grenzangaben geschenkter Ländereien nach arabischen Katastern genau definiert oder die Namen der geschenkten Bauern (villani) in arabischer Schrift, manchmal mit griechischer Translitteration, aufgezeichnet werden.268 Die griechischen Texte sind normalerweise gut leserlich mit wenig Abkürzungen und im Allgemeinen ohne orthographische und grammatische Fehler von kompetenten Schreibern geschrieben worden.269 Da jedoch, wie in den byzantinischen Kaiser- und Beamtenurkunden und im Gegensatz zu den lateinischen Urkunden der normannischen Könige, in den griechischen die Namen der Notare nie angegeben werden, wissen wir nicht, wer in der griechischen Abteilung der königlichen Kanzlei tätig war. Roger II. signierte seine griechischen und arabischen Urkunden – und manchmal auch die lateinischen270 – mit einer griechischen Standardunterschrift, die bestimmt von einem professionellen Kalligraphen geschrieben wurde: † Ῥογέριος ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῶ τῶ Θ(ε)ῶ εὐσεβὴς κραταιὸς ῥὴξ καὶ τῶν χριστ(ια)ν(ῶν) βοηθός † † †.271 Außerdem be-

265

266

267

268

269 270

271

JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 170f., 313; VON FALKENHAUSEN, Griechische Beamte (wie Anm. 123), S. 398–402; EADEM, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 193f.; EADEM, I documenti greci di S. Maria della Grotta (wie Anm. 197), S. 229–232. Hiroschi TAKAYAMA, The Administration of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, Leiden / New York / Köln 1993, S. 98–101, S. 115–125; Annkristin SCHLICHTE, Der „gute“ König. Wilhelm II. von Sizilien (1166–1189) (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts 110), Tübingen 2005, S. 9–16. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 24–28, I. 2, S. 515–521; Giuseppe SPATA, Le pergamene greche esistenti nel Grande Archivio di Palermo, Palermo 1862, Nr. 2, S. 423– 428; JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 90f. Z. B. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 515–519; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN / Nadia JAMIL / Jeremy JOHNS, The Twelfth-Century Documents of St George’s of Tròccoli (Sicily), in: Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 16 (2016), S. 36–42, Tafel 4. Ibidem, Tafeln 2, 4. Rogerii II. regis diplomata Latina, hg. v. Carlrichard BRÜHL (Codex diplomaticus regni Siciliae ser. I, tomus 2,1), Köln / Wien 1987, Nr. 16, S. 45–48 (1131, für die Santissima Trinità di Cava), Nr. 64, S. 183–186 (1144, für das Kloster Santa Maria di Valle Giosafat in Kalabrien), Nr. 65, S. 187–189 (1144, für den Elekten von Messina), Nr. 66, S. 189–192 (1144, für das Kloster Santa Maria di Macchia in Kalabrien). Carlrichard BRÜHL, Diplomi e cancelleria di Ruggero II, Palermo 1983, Tafel 11; VON FALKENHAUSEN / JAMIL / JOHNS, The Twelfth-Century Documents (wie Anm. 268).

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nutzte er griechische und zweisprachig griechisch-lateinische Gold- und Bleisiegel, die die Ikonographie der byzantinischen Kaisersiegel imitierten.272 Aus der Regierungszeit Rogers II. nach seiner Krönung zum König von Sizilien (1130–1154) sind über sechzig griechische Diplome überliefert, davon zehn griechisch-arabische.273 Unter seinen Nachfolgern ging die Ausstellung griechischer Privilegien rapide zurück: Von Wilhelm I. sind nur fünf erhalten, davon ein lateinisch-griechisches und ein griechisch-arabisches274; von Wilhelm II. sind mir acht bekannt, davon ein Deperditum und zwei lateinisch-griechische275, und von Tankred und Konstanze nur je ein lateinisch-griechisches.276 Die Kanzlei Friedrichs II. stellte wohl gar keine griechischen Urkunden mehr aus; bei den königlichen Mandaten in griechischer Sprache, die in einigen griechischen Beamtenurkunden zitiert werden277, handelt es sich eindeutig um Übersetzungen aus dem Lateinischen, die vermutlich von den Beamten selbst oder ihren Notaren stammen.278 Die rückläufige Tendenz des Bedarfes an professionellen griechischen Schreibern und Notaren in der königlichen Kanzlei in der zweiten Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts hat vermutlich bewirkt, dass sich weniger Griechen in Palermo in diesen Berufen ausbilden ließen. Wenn in der Darstellung der königlichen Kanzlei im Liber ad honorem Augusti des Petrus von Eboli die notarii greci in der letzten Reihe hinter den lateinischen und arabischen sitzen279, dann ist das vermutlich ein realistisches Bild der damals gültigen Rangordnung in der Kanzlei. Es ist gewiss kein Zufall, dass wir im Gegensatz zu Messina in Palermo kein Kloster mit einem funkionierenden Scriptorium kennen.

272

273 274 275

276

277 278

279

Arthur ENGEL, Recherches sur la numismatique et la sigillographie des Normands de Sicile et d’Italie, Paris 1882, S. 85f., Tafel I, 12–13; Mauro INGUANEZ, Diplomi cassinesi con sigillo d’oro (Miscellanea Cassinese 7), Montecassino 1930, Tafel II,1; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I diplomi dei re normanni in lingua greca, in: Documenti medievali greci e latini. Studi comparativi. Atti del seminario di Erice (23–29 ottobre 1995), hg. v. Giuseppe DE GREGORIO / Otto KRESTEN, Spoleto 1998, S. 253–308, hier S. 287–289. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (wie Anm. 13), S. 303–309, Nrn. 12–15, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 30. ENZENSBERGER, Guillelmi I. regis diplomata (wie Anm. 30), Nr. 3, S. 9–11, Nr. 9, S. 26–28, Nr. 21, S. 58f., Nr. 23, S. 64–66, Nr. 32, S. 85–87. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Un diploma greco di Guglielmo II. (marzo 1168), in: Storie di cultura scritta. Studi per Francesco Magistrale, hg. v. Paolo FIORETTI, Spoleto 2012, S. 377– 389, hier S. 377–380. ZIELINSKI, Tancredi et Willelmi III regum diplomata (wie Anm. 30), Nr. 30, S. 72–75; Die Urkunden der Kaiserin Konstanze, hg. v. Theo KÖLZER (MGH Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae XI,3), Hannover 1990, Nr. 4, S. 12–16. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 440, 443f. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Friedrich II. und die Griechen im Königreich Sizilien, in: Friedrich II. Tagung des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom im Gedenkjahr 1994, hg. v. Arnold ESCH / Norbert KAMP (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 85), Tübingen 1996, S. 235–262, hier S. 249. Petrus von Eboli, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis. Codex 120 II der Bürgerbibliothek Bern. Eine Bilderchronik der Stauferzeit, hg. v. Theo KÖLZER / Marlis STÄHLI, Sigmaringen 1994, S. 58, fol. 101.

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3) Wie der kaiserliche Hof der Komnenen in Konstantinopel so zog auch der Hof der normannischen Könige in Palermo zahlreiche Künstler und Intellektuelle an. Romuald von Salerno schreibt, dass Roger II. si quos probos et sapientes viros, sive de terra sua sive aliunde genitos, laicos seu clericos invenire poterat, sibi adherere iubebat, et prout cuiusque exigebat conditio, eos diversis honoribus exaltabat.280 Zu diesen auswärtigen sapientes viri gehörten auch Griechen, wie z. B. der Mönch, Kanonist und Theologe Neilos Doxapatres, der vermutlich aus Konstantinopel stammte, und der zwischen 1142/1143 und 1146 und vielleicht auch länger in Palermo weilte, wo er im Auftrag Rogers II. sein Werk Τάξις τῶν πατριαρχικῶν θρόνων schrieb, eine Notitia episcopatuum der griechischen Kirche, in der er zeigt, dass er auch über die jüngste Geschichte der ehemals griechischen Diözesen in Süditalien wohl informiert war.281 Er scheint gut in die griechische Gesellschaft in Palermo integriert gewesen zu sein, denn im November 1146 unterschrieb er als Zeuge eine Verkaufsurkunde der Nachkommen des schon genannten Emirs Eugenios an die Kleriker der Kirche Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio, einer Gründung des Georgios von Antiochia.282 Der Mönch und φιλόσοφος Philagathos Kerameus oder Keramites, ein hochgebildeter Prediger, dessen Homilien auch in Byzanz rezeptiert wurden, predigte in Palermo unter Roger II. und Wilhelm I., und zwar in der Cappella Palatina, auf deren prachtvolle Ausstattung durch Marmor und Mosaiken er eigens hinweist283, in der Kathedrale284, in Santo Stefano285 und in einer Johannes-Kirche286, die man vielleicht mit der Καθολική, dem Sitz des Protopapas, identifizieren kann. Ich halte es für unwahrscheinlich, dass Philagathos aus Cerami in Sizilien stammte, wie allgemein angenommen wird.287 Der Bei- oder Familienname kann leicht von dem Handwerk eines κεραµεύς (Töpfer) oder von einem gängigen Toponym wie Κέραµος oder Κεραµεία abgeleitet werden. Gut belegt sind dagegen Philagathos’ Beziehungen zu Kalabrien und Ostsizilien: Er war 280 281

282 283

284 285 286 287

GARUFI, Romualdi Salernitani Chronicon (wie Anm. 141), S. 234. Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Doxapatres Nilo, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 41 (1992), S. 610–613; Stefaan NEIRYNCK, Nil Doxapatres et son ‘De oeconomia Dei’. La théologie byzantine en terre sicilienne au XIIe siècle, in: Byzantino-Sicula 6 (wie Anm. 197), S. 175–185, hier S. 175–178. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 73; PERRIA, Una pergamena dell’anno 1146 per la chiesa di S. Maria dell’Ammiraglio (wie Anm. 196), S. 22–24. Giuseppe ROSSI TAIBBI, Sulla tradizione manoscritta dell’omiliario di Filagato da Cerami (Istituto siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Quaderni 1), Palermo 1965, S. 74, 80; Filagato da Cerami, Omelie per i vangeli domenicali e le feste di tutto l’anno, Bd. 1: Omilie per le feste mobili, hg. v. Giuseppe ROSSI TAIBBI (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi 11), Palermo 1969, S. LV, Nr. 27, S. 174–182; Beat BRENK, L’importanza e la funzione della Cappella Palatina di Palermo nella storia dell’arte, in: IDEM, La Cappella Palatina a Palermo (wie Anm. 192), S. 27–78, hier S. 33f. Filagato da Cerami, Omelie (wie Anm. 283), S. LV. Ibidem, Nr. 23, S. 148–155. Ibidem, Nr. 35, S. 239–244. Luca AMELOTTI, Filagato da Cerami, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 47 (1997), S. 564f.

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unter Bartholomäus von Simeri, dem Gründerabt des Klosters Patir im Norden Kalabriens, Mönch geworden; an dessen Todestag hat er eine Predigt gehalten.288 Außerdem predigte er mehrfach in der nah gelegenen Kathedrale von Rossano289, in der Καθολική von Reggio290, in Messina291 und dort auch im Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari auf den Tod eines Mitbruders292, ebenso wie in Troina293 und Taormina.294 Auch eine Identifikation von Philagathos mit dem Abt des Klosters τῶν Ἀσωµάτων in Cerami, der aus Rossano stammte (τὸν ἡγούµενον τῶν Ἀσωµάτων τὸν Ῥουσανίτην) und in einer Urkunde aus den Jahren zwischen 1139 und 1142 erwähnt wird295, erscheint mir wenig überzeugend, denn in den Titeln seiner Homilien wird er nie als ἡγούµενος bezeichnet; außerdem wird in der Überschrift einer Predigt, die er wohl in der Kathedrale von Rossano gehalten hatte, seine Rückkehr aus Sizilien erwähnt (ἐλέχθη ἐν τῷ ἄµβωνι τῆς ἀρχιεπισκοπῆς µετὰ τὴν ἐκ Σικελίας ὑποστροφήν)296, was eher dafür spricht, dass sein fester Wohnsitz in Kalabrien war. Auch Philagathos’ Schüler, Sabas Mesimerios, Verfasser einer Predigt auf den Palmsonntag, stammte wohl nicht, wie vermutet wurde, aus dem sizilianischen Misilmeri297; Mesimerios ist nämlich ein im damaligen Kalabrien bekannter Familienname.298 Von einem anonymen griechischen Beamten299, der unter Georgios von Antiochia († 1151) im Königreich Sizilien Karriere gemacht hatte und – es wird nicht gesagt, warum – mit seiner Familie nach Malta ins Exil geschickt worden war, ist ein langes griechisches Gedicht überliefert. In diesem langatmigen Poem, das vor Gelehrsamkeit strotzt, fleht er seinen Patron an, ihn aus der Ver288

289 290

291 292 293 294 295 296 297

298

299

ROSSI TAIBBI, Sulla tradizione manoscritta (wie Anm. 283), S. 54; Gaia ZACCAGNI, Il Bios di san Bartolomeo da Simeri (BHG 235), in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 33 (1996), S. 193–274, hier S. 201–204. Ibidem, S. 80f.; Filagato da Cerami, Omelie (wie Anm. 283), S. LIV; Nr. 31, S. 206–220. ROSSI TAIBBI, Sulla tradizione manoscritta (wie Anm. 283), S. 57; Stefano CARUSO, Le tre omilie “Per la Domenica delle Palme” di Filagato da Cerami (LI, LII, LIII Rossi-Taibbi), in: Ἐπιτερὶς Ἑταιρείας Βυζαντινῶν Σπουδῶν 41 (1974), S. 109–127, hier S. 124–127. ROSSI TAIBBI, Sulla tradizione manoscritta (wie Anm. 283), S. 57; CARUSO, Le tre omilie (wie Anm. 290), S. 121–123. Filagato da Cerami, Omelie (wie Anm. 283), Nr. 6, S. 35–44. Ibidem, Nr. S. 183–190. Ibidem, Nr. 29, S. 191–198. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi 1,1 (wie Anm. 2), S. 307. Die Datierung der Urkunde ist unklar, da Indiktion und Weltjahr nicht übereinstimmen. Filagato da Cerami, Omelie (wie Anm. 283), Nr. 12, S. 78. Stefano CARUSO, Un’omilia inedita di Saba da Misilmeri, in: Byzantino-Sicula, Bd. 2: Miscellanea di scritti in memoria di Giuseppe Rossi Taibbi (Istituto siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Quaderni 8), Palermo 1975, S. 139–164. Francesco TRINCHERA, Syllabus Graecarum membranarum, Neapel 1865, Nr. 51, S. 69, Nr. 53, S. 73; Erich CASPAR, Die Chronik von Tres Tabernae in Calabrien, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 10 (1907), S. 1–56, hier S. 38; Alessandro PRATESI, Carte latine di abbazie calabresi provenienti dall’Archivio Aldobrandini (Studi e testi 197), Vatikanstadt 1958, Nr. 192, S. 445. In dem einzigen erhaltenen Manuskript fehlen die ersten Seiten, auf denen vermutlich der Titel des Gedichts und der Name des Verfassers aufgezeichet waren.

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bannung zu befreien.300 Augusta Acconcia Longo hat auf stilistische Parallelen zu den griechischen Epitaphien auf Georgios von Antiochia und seiner Familie in Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio aufmerksam gemacht.301 Wir wissen nur wenig über die Biographie des Autors aus der Zeit vor seinem Exil, aber nach einer einleuchtenden Hypothese von Marc Lauxtermann, der besonders auf die bemerkenswerten Lateinkenntnisse des Autors hinweist, soll auch dieser Autor kein geborener Sizilianer gewesen sein.302 Unter Wilhelm II. und Tankred war Eugenios, ein Enkel des gleichnamigen schon erwähnten Notars aus Troina, Sohn und Neffe hoher griechischer Beamter, Emir und magister regie Dohane baronum et de secretis. Heinrich VI. schickte ihn 1194 mit anderen Anhängern der normannischen Dynastie in Gefangenschaft nach Deutschland, aber schon nach weniger als zwei Jahren kehrte er nach Sizilien zurück, wo man erfahrene dreisprachige Beamte wie ihn auf die Dauer nicht entbehren konnte. Eugenios hat ein Korpus griechischer Gedichte hinterlassen, darunter ein panegyrisches Poem auf König Wilhelm II.303, das dieser vermutlich nicht verstehen konnte, hat sich als Übersetzer aus dem Arabischen (die Optik des Ptolomaios) und Griechischen ins Lateinische betätigt und war in Kontakt mit der geistigen Elite des Königreichs.304 Von Amts wegen war er im Wesentlichen in Apulien und Kampanien tätig, wo er lateinische Urkunden auf Griechisch unterschrieb.305 Seine Familie besaß jedoch Immobilien in Palermo, darunter eine Salvatorkirche, die sein Großvater oder er selbst gestiftet hatte.306 Andererseits hatte er die Kontakte mit Troina, der ursprünglichen Heimat seines Großvaters im Osten Siziliens nicht aufgegeben, wo die Familie, die sich später de Ammirato nannte, noch über ausgedehnten Grundbesitz verfügte und das vom Notar Eugenios 1092 gegründete Kloster San Michele förderte.307 Die griechischen Intellektuellen am normannischen Hof waren also, abgesehen vielleicht zu einem gewissen Grad von Eugenios, nicht unbedingt ein Ausdruck der griechischen Gemeinde in Palermo. Als dann die königliche, bzw. kaiserliche Residenz in Palermo unter Friedrich II. praktisch aufgegeben wurde308, blieben 300 301

302

303 304 305 306 307 308

Joseph BUSUTTIL / Stanley FIORINI / Horatio C. R. VELLA, Tristia ex Melitogaudo: Lament in Greek Verse of a XIIth Century Exile on Gozo, Malta 2010. ACCONCIA LONGO, Gli epitaffi giambici (wie Anm. 208), S. 51f.; EADEM, S. Maria Chrysè (wie Anm. 207), S. 180–183. Marc D. LAUXTERMANN, Tomi, Mljet, Malta. Critical Notes on a Twelfth-Century Southern Italian Poem of Exile, in: Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik 64 (2014), S. 155–176, hier S. 157f. GIGANTE, Eugenii Panormitani versus iambici (wie Anm. 219), Nr. 24, S. 126–131. Evelyn JAMISON, Admiral Eugenius. His Life and his Work, London 1957; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Eugenio da Palermo, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 43 (1993), S. 502–505. JAMISON, Admiral Eugenius (wie Anm. 304), App. I, Nrn. I, III, S. 317–319, 321–323, Tafeln I–III. DI GIOVANNI, Sul porto antico (wie Anm. 209), S. 91. SCADUTO, Il monachesimo basiliano (wie Anm. 52), S. 392–394; VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci (wie Anm. 10), S. 177. Benoît GRÉVIN, Linguistic Cultures and Textual Production in Palermo, From the End of the 11th to the End of the 15th Century, in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (wie Anm. 186),

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auch die griechischen hommes de lettres aus. Die griechischen Poeten im Umkreis des Kaisers wie Johannes Grassos und Georgios von Gallipoli stammten aus dem Salento.309 Ähnlich sieht es mit den Künstlern aus, die die Kirchen von Palermo, im Auftrag des Königs und seines engsten Mitarbeiters Georgios von Antiochia mit Mosaiken dekorierten; man denke an Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio und die Cappella Palatina. Anfangs waren es griechische Mosaizisten, die nach byzantinischen Vorbildern arbeiteten und die einzelnen Heiligen und biblischen Szenen mit griechischen Inschriften versahen; aber nach und nach bildeten sich lokale Fachkräfte aus, die ihre Darstellungen in lateinischen Inschriften erklärten.310 Die Mosaikausstattung von Monreale ist nicht nur fast ausschließlich auf Lateinisch beschriftet, sondern auch das ikonographische Programm hat viele westliche Einflüsse und Modelle miteinbezogen.311 Abschließend lässt sich sagen, dass in Messina und Ostsizilien die schon in muslimischer Zeit bestehenden griechischen Gemeinden im Kontakt mit Kalabrien und im Zusammenspiel mit den kalabresischen Einwanderern während der normannischen Herrschaft aufgeblüht und lebendig waren. Sie erlahmten langsam, als die lokale griechische Oberschicht auf beiden Seiten des Stretto sich in Sprache und religösem Ritus zunehmend an die herrschende lateinische Regierungsklasse anpasste. In Palermo scheint die griechische Kultur und Kunst dagegen vielleicht etwas künstlich aus Prestigegründen besonders unter Roger II. und seinen Beratern vom königlichen Hof gefördert worden zu sein, und als der Hof sich nicht mehr dafür interessierte und schließlich die Residenz in Palermo aufgab, erstarben auch die griechischen Gemeinden. So erklärt sich, dass seit dem Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts immer wieder Griechen aus Kalabrien und Ostsizilien herangezogen werden mussten, wenn es in Palermo darum ging, Posten zu besetzen oder Aufgaben zu erfüllen, die Griechischkenntnisse voraussetzten. Man denke an die Priester Nikolaos von Troina und Vassallos aus Milazzo und den Notar Johannes aus Naso, die am Ende des 13. und zu Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts griechische Urkunden ins Lateinische übersetzten312, an Abt

309

310

311

312

S. 413–436, hier S. 413: über die lange Abwesenheit Friedrichs II. von Palermo: nur vier Monate zwischen 1220 und 1233, und gar nicht mehr nach 1233. Michael B. WELLAS, Griechisches aus dem Umkreis Kaiser Friedrichs II. (Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 33), München 1983, S. 75–96; Augusta ACCONCIA LONGO, Poesia greca nel Salento medievale, in: Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici nov. ser. 51 (2015), S. 245–279, hier S. 250–252, 255–258. Ich will mich hier nicht in die Debatte der Kunsthistoriker über die Datierung der alttestamentarischen Szenen in der Cappella Palatina einmischen (zuletzt: Beat BRENK, Concetto e significativo dei mosaici e delle pitture della Cappella Palatina a Palermo, in: Byzantino-Sicula 6 [wie Anm. 197], S. 257–273, hier S. 258–269), aber die Umstellung auf die lateinische Beschriftung ist bestimmt ein Symptom der zunehmenden Latinisierung des normannischen Hofes. Sulamith BRODBECK, Les saints de la cathédrale de Monreale en Sicile. Iconographie, hagiographie et pouvoir royal à la fin du XIIe siècle (Collection de l’École française de Rome 432), Rom 2010. MOSCONE, Translators (wie Anm. 240), S. 106, 110, 112.

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Barlaam von Santa Maria della Grotta, der aus Messina stammte313, und an den Archidiakon von Crotone, Matthäus φιλόσοφος, der Prior von Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio wurde.314 Auch der Name des letzten bekannten griechischen Priors dieser Kirche, Jordan de Bruzzano (belegt zwischen 1309 und 1323)315, deutet auf den Herkunftsort Bruzzano im Aspromonte hin.

313 314 315

Wie Anm. 220. Wie Anm. 217. Tabularium Regie ac Imperialis Capellae collegiatae (wie Anm. 213), Nrn. 62, 67, 75, S. 97, 111, 129.

THERESA JÄCKH

Space and place in Norman Palermo I. Introduction and problematisation In the famous Liber ad honorem Augusti by Peter of Eboli, the city of Palermo mourns the death of King William II († 1189): Hactenus urbs felix, populo dotata trilingui.1 Accompanying this passage, the doleful lament of the Civitas Panormi lugens is visually presented to the reader via the medium of a remarkable illustration (fig. 1). Represented namely by the Cappella Regia, the palace complex appears as a fortified structure that visibly dominates the city. Walls and the sea enclose the city whilst the harbour is depicted as being guarded by a great chain. The hinterland that opens beyond the palace district into the fertile conca d’Oro is indicated by the royal gardens, viridarium genoard, the latter a word that derives from the Arabic ǧannat al-arḍ, earthly paradise.2 The Castrum maris lies at the foot of the Cappella Regia and appears to be separated from the city and its districts. The quarters are divided from each other, and each of them is associated with a specific population. The miniature also holds the names of the quarters that are all reducible to an Arabic origin: Cassarum, from al-qaṣr, the castle or palace. Ideisini, probably named after the Palermitan stream ad-dannāsīn al-kibār.3 Alza deriving from al-ḫāliṣa4, the pure, and Scerarchadium from šāriʿa ʾl-qāḍi, street of the Islamic magistrate. 1

2

3

4

Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis, Codex 120 II der Burgerbibliothek Bern: eine Bilderchronik der Stauferzeit, ed. Theo KÖLZER / Marlis STÄHLI, Sigmaringen 1994, fol. 98r, pp. 45 and 47. In the Quran, the term al-ǧanna is used more than a hundred times to indicate the paradise as a garden per se. See for example, gardens with water or rivers 2:25, 3:15, 5:12, 13:35, 47:15 and 56:89 as a garden of delight. The interrelation of authority and of the representation of power, of palaces and gardens has widely been discussed in Islamic art history. As for Palermo see e. g. Christine UNGRUH, Die normannischen Gartenpaläste in Palermo: Aneignung einer mittelmeerischen koiné im 12. Jahrhundert, in: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 51 (2007), pp. 1‒44. This stream would have flowed in the area between the royal palace and the Zisa palace. Today, this may be remembered by the via Danissini which ‒ coming from the porta Nuova – opens on the left-hand side and runs parallel to the Via Cappuccini. The stream ad-dannāsīn al-kibār is also mentioned in an Arabic deed of sale dating to 1183, see I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia, ed. Salvatore CUSA, repr. Cologne / Vienna 1982, pp. 491‒493; Jeremy JOHNS, Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily. The Royal Dīwān, Cambridge 2002, doc. 19, p. 321; here, Jeremy Johns reads ad-diyyāsīn al-kibār; however, this reading remains ambigious as there is no interpunctation in the original document, see Archivio di Stato di Palermo, Diplomatico, Tabulario della Mensa vescovile di Cefalù, pergamena n. 22. Alternatively, there is also evidence to suggest that the Ideisini may be identified with the Jewish quarter, situated around the via Divisi, see Girolamo CARACAUSI, Arabismi medievali di Sicilia, Palermo 1983, pp. 209f. A reading of Calza was promoted by the editors Kölzer and Stähli, see Petrus de Ebulo, Liber (as n. 1), p. 46. However, closer-inspection suggests that the word is more likely to read Alza:

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Fig. 1 Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis, Burgerbibliothek Bern, Cod. 120 II, fol. 98r

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The arabised facet of the city and its districts is toponomastically emphasised; the Muslim population, recognisable by their turbans, is associated with the Scerarchadium. In the Alza, Latins as well as a Greek with a pointed beard are represented. The Ideisini quarter probably depicts parts of the Muslim and possibly the Jewish population in view of the fact that the male figures are wearing headcovers. The Latins are mainly represented next to the palace and in the Cassarum – the former a seemingly homogeneous Latin quarter. Whilst Peter of Eboli is not necessarily topographically accurate5, the miniature is undeniably remarkable and has been used almost as a topos to accentuate the rhetoric of an urbs felix and its diverse people.6 However, rather than to map the city or to emphasise its “multi-” or “transcultural society”, the author instead appears to be depicting a city that stands on the edge of a decisive turning point in its history: this being the irrecovable collapse of Norman power and the first seismic shift of rulership in the city for over one hundred years.7 Thus, on the eve of Staufen dominion, the illustration of Palermo is that of a royal capital which has been shaped and defined by its Norman legacy. At the time of the Norman capture of the city in 1071/1072, Palermo had been the provincial-capital of Islamic Ṣiqillīya. Here, the conquerors initially formed only a minority population that reflected their dominance upon the cap-

5

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7

Whilst a similarly curved C precedes the description of the Civitas panormi [sic], the same Ccurvature is used as décor in the titles of the other quarters in the miniatures. The reading Alza is further supported by the fact that a document of Frederick II, issued in April 1205 in Palermo, refers to the quarter as in loco, qui dicitur Alza, see Die Urkunden Friedrichs II., ed. Walter Koch (MGH DD 14), vol. 1: 1198‒1212, Hannover 2002, n. 49, pp. 99‒101, here p. 101. The editor’s description that is contained in the 1994 edition of Peter of Eboli identifies all the terms and even refers to the ad-dannāsīn al-kibār, which lay to the north of the Palermitan palace. However, with reference to the road axis, one may easily be tempted to interpret the quarters topographic position according to the 17th-century division of Palermo, see Petrus de Ebulo, Liber (as n. 1), p. 46. The idea of Sicily’s trilingual population can be regarded an antique expression that had been already used by Apuleius to speak about the Sicilians as Siculi trilingues, see Apulei metamorphoseon libri XI, ed. Maaike ZIMMERMANN (Oxford Classical Texts), Oxford 2012, lib. 11, v. 5, p. 261. For the Norman times, however, the term populus trilinguis is often used when scholars have sought to emphasie the religious, linguistic or ethnic diversity of the Norman kingdom and its capital. Jeremy Johns even speaks of this folio in the Peter of Ebulo manuscript as a symbol of “the Norman policy of populus trilinguis”, see JOHNS, Arabic Administraion (as n. 3), p. 285; similar, yet stronger expressed by IDEM, Arabic Inscriptions in the Cappella Palatina: Performativity, Audience, Legibility and Illegibility, in: Viewing Inscriptions in the Late Antique and Medieval World, ed. Antony EASTMOND, Cambridge 2015, pp. 123‒147, here p. 143; Henri BRESC, La formazione del populo siciliano, in: IDEM, Politique et société en Sicilie XIIe‒XVe siècles, Aldershot 1990, pp. 243‒265. As indicated by Alex Metcalfe, the single quarters with their specific population may, conversely, highlight distinction and segregation, see Alex METCALFE, The Muslims of Medieval Sicily (New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys), Edinburgh 2009, p. 247. The change of authority and legitimate rule is an underlying theme in the Liber ad honorem Augusti. Here, it is almost inevitable that Peter of Eboli’s narrative intersects with that of minorities given that these groups were particularly affected by processes of political and religious expansion.

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tured urban spaces.8 Hence, the new Norman rule was consolidated and visualised inter alia by means of topography and architecture. For the case of Palermo, this is of increased significance when the city later emerged as the capital of the newly established Norman kingdom.9 As such, Palermo has been the object of scholarship for centuries. Until today, an important point of reference is the 16th-century work of Tommaso Fazello or Claudio Mario Arezzo, both of whom composed histories of Sicily that were intersperced with topographic details.10 This formative period has proved invaluable to scholars who have also benefited from early maps of the city.11 These are the sources that the great authorities such as Rocco Pirri, Agostino Inveges and, later, Michele Amari based many assumptions upon.12 However, research conducted up until the 19th and early 20th-century, is not only a 8

9

10 11

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The so-called spatial turn put a new emphasis on the investigation of spaces. Here, spatial systems and urban topography are approached as not only a physical but as a cultural process. A general overview is given by Jörg DÖRING / Tristan TIELMANN (Ed.), Spatial Turn. Das Raumparadigma in den Kultur- und Sozialwissenschaften, Bielefeld 2008; Markus SCHROER, Räume, Orte, Grenzen. Auf dem Weg zu einer Soziologie des Raumes (Suhrkamp-Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 1761), Frankfurt 2006; Stephan GÜNZEL / Franziska KÜMMERLING (Ed.), Raum. Ein interdisziplinäres Handbuch, Stuttgart 2010, see pp. 90‒109, 134‒144, 266‒279. On cities and cityscapes as symbolic spaces for the formation of political ideas see Christian EMDEN / Catherine KEEN / David MIDGLEY (Ed.), Imagining the City (Cultural History and Literary Imagination 8), vol. 1: The Politics of Urban Space, Bern 2006. On urban transformational processes (destruction, preservation and re-use) in the Mediterranean: Michael GREENHALGH, Constantinople to Córdoba. Dismantling Ancient Architecture in the East, North Africa and Islamic Spain, Leiden / Boston 2012. In 1112 Adelaide and her son Roger II signed a privilege in Palermo in palatium nostrum, see Rogerii secundi regis diplomata Latina, ed. Carlrichard BRÜHL (Codex diplomaticus Regni Siciliae Ser. 1, t. 2,1), Cologne 1987, n. 3, pp. 6‒8. This is the last case of Adelaide issuing a joint charter with her son who had now reached his majority. Furthermore, the date can be regarded as the decisive transfer of the court from Messina to Palermo, see Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Zur Regentschaft der Gräfin Adelasia del Vasto in Kalabrien und Sizilien (1101– 1112), in: Aetos. Studies in Honour of Cyril Mango Presented to Him on April 14, 1998, ed. Ihor SEVCENKO / Irmgard HUTTER, Stuttgart 1998, pp. 87‒115, here p. 95. Tommaso FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis decades duae, Palermo 1558. Even earlier but less widely cited Claudio Mario AREZZO, De situ insulae Siciliae, Palermo 1537. Notable examples of these early maps come from the pioneering cartographers Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg, Civitates orbis terrarum, vol. 1, Cologne 1572, with a brief description of Palermo on fol. 49r and a veduta on fol. 49v. Furthermore, the 1580 map of Horatius Maiocchus and Natalis Bonifatius, Palermo, città principalissima nella Sicilia, Rome 1602, Bibliothèque nationale de France GED-1568. A further example is a map of 1629 printed in Francesco Bertelli, Theatro delle città d’Italia con le sue figure, Padua 1629. From 1926 a reproduction has been held in Florence in the Istituto Geografico Militare, Collezzione Bianconi, n.° 390 c. 239. Here, the influence of Tommaso Fazello on the Sicilian historiography cannot be overestimated. In most of the important later works concerning Sicily, Fazello is cited and referred to extensively, see e. g. Rocco PIRRI, Chronologia regum penes quos Siciliae fuit imperium post exactos Saracenos, Palermo 1643, that developed to be extended as the famous Sicilia sacra disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrata, 3 vols., Palermo 1644‒1647. Agostino INVEGES, Annali della felice città di Palermo, prima sedia, corona del Re, e Capo del regno di Sicilia, 3 vols., Palermo 1649‒1651; followingly cited will be vol. 3 only. However, also in the north-alpine tradition, Fazello quickly became a main authority, see e.g. the geo-historical description of

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corpus of high-quality and thorough scholarship but it also functions as a source itself. This is due to the centuries-old accumulation of changes to Palermo’s urban structure. These changes, which have accompanied the city’s shifting fortunes and its changing rulers, have resulted in diverse contributions to a distinct architectural legacy. Yet, by peeling back the overmantling style of the Baroque era and by reversing the destruction wrought by the military conflicts of the Risorgimento13 and the bombardment of the city in the Second World War, many scholars have attempted to deconstruct these accumulated changes and reconstruct the medieval city.14 Here, it is undeniably noteworthy that the scholarship on Palermo by Sicilian and, particularly, Palermitan researchers has been distinctively strong. Nevertheless, in the past decade, Palermo has been at the centre of what has become an increasingly international scholarly interest.15 This paper, therefore, builds upon a vast body of literature on Palermo’s topography, its urban development and, its society. However, this article does not propose another reconstruction of the Palermitan topography, nor does it attempt to offer a comprehensive account of its development. Rather, a deliberately selective approach shall engage with the questions of how and where the Normans shaped the urban space and which practises they used to implement topographical changes. To do so, this article shall further seek to address the disjointed and disconnected historiographical assumptions and interpretations by returning to the important 16th and 17th-century sources from which many of our modern assumptions are based. Such an approach to the (implemented) urban dynamics of Palermo has the potential to offer new solutions to the vexed questions concerning the consolidation of power, strategies of rule and the representation of legitimacy. Out of the various processes of urban development, three phenomena shall exemplarily demonstrate the meaning of spaces and

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Philipp CLÜVER, Sicilia Antiqua cum minoribus insulis ei adjacentibus, Leiden 1619; Michele AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 3 vols., Florence 1854‒72, 2nd ed. by Carlo A. NALLINO, Catania 1933‒1939. Amongst them, Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, La topografia antica di Palermo. Dal X al XI secolo, 2 vols., Palermo 1889‒1890; Gaetano M. COLUMBA, Per la topografia antica di Palermo, in: Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari. Scritti di filologia e storia araba, vol. 2, Palermo 1910, pp. 395‒426. Adalgisa DE SIMONE, Palermo araba. Custodia Panormi est: intra baych et ferach, in: Storia di Palermo, ed. Rosario LA DUCA, vol. 2: Dal tardo-antico all’Islam, Palermo 2000, pp. 78‒113; Ferdinando MAURICI, Palermo araba: una sintesi dell’evoluzione urbanistica (831‒1072), Palermo 2015; IDEM, Palermo normanna: vicende urbanistiche d'una città imperiale (1072‒ 1194), Palermo 2016. Among others, the volume edited by Annliese NEF (Ed.), A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, Leiden / Boston 2013 is particularly widely recognised. Here, see particularly the article by Elena Pezzini, who has adressed numerous questions concerning the 12th-century city, see Elena PEZZINI, Palermo in the 12th Century: Transformation in forma urbis, in: ibidem, pp. 196‒230 and Alessandra BAGNERA, From a Small Town to a Capital: The Urban Evolution of Islamic Palermo (9th–mid 11th-century), in: ibidem, pp. 61‒88.

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places and their transition. These are namely centres of authority and rule, religious spaces, and city districts.

II. Centres of authority and rule Three contemporary Latin conquest histories recount the siege and capture of Islamic Palermo by the Normans.16 After an aborted attempt to conquer the city in 106417, the ‘Hauteville’ brothers Robert Guiscard and Roger besieged Palermo again in 1071. The chroniclers Geoffrey Malaterra and William of Apulia record that, unlike the last siege, the offensive was, this time, conducted from two sides: Roger harried the city based around the land route north-west of Palermo whilst Guiscard’s sea-borne forces approached from the east.18 After a siege that stretched over several months, the city had fallen to Norman forces by 1072.19

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Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis et Roberti Guiscardi Ducis fratris eius, ed. Ernesto PONTIERI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 5,1), Bologna 1925– 1928; William of Apulia, La geste de Robert Guiscard. Édition, traduction, commentaire et introduction, ed. Marguerite MATHIEU (Testi e Monumenti. Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi 4), Palermo 1961; Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire de li Normant. Édition du manuscript BnF fr. 688, ed. Michèle GUÉRET-LAFERTÉ (Les classiques frainçais du Moyen Âge 166), Paris 2011. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 36, p. 46; Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire (as n. 16), lib. 5, cap. 26, pp. 405f. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45‒46, pp. 52‒54; Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire (as n. 16), lib. 6, cap. 17‒19, pp. 429‒431; William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 204‒336, pp. 174‒182. Several dates are proposed: Geoffrey Malaterra states that Robert Guiscard and Roger accepted the terms offered to them in 1071: Dux comesque gaudentes, quod offerebatur libenter suscipiunt, anno Dominicae incarnationis MLXXI, see Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; Amatus of Montecassino claims that Palermo fell on Christmas 1071, see Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire (as n. 16), lib. 6, cap. 22, pp. 432f.: Mes lo duc Robert, liquel estoit si glorioz en touz ses faiz, en V moiz veinchi Palerme; quar de lo moiz de agouste passa la mer, et en la nativité de Jesu Christ […] et par la grace de Dieu tint ce que il veinchi et acquestera continuelment. Writing in the 12th-century, Romuald of Salerno erroneously states that Bari had fallen in April 1071 and, that indeque movit exerticum, Siciliam properavit obseditque Panormum ditissimam Sicilie civitatem … cepitque eam anno ab incarnatione Domini 1071. Indictione 9, being commented as Eodem anno Robbertus dux … Urbis Bari, in quintadecima die mensis Aprilis cepit … et in sequenti predictus dux cepit civitatem Panormum in mense Ianuarii, see Romualdi Salernitani Chronicon, ed. Georg H. PERTZ (Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores 19), Stuttgart 1866, p. 407. A date that places the fall of the city in the year 1072 is suggested in the Lupi Protospatarii annales, ed. Georg H. PERTZ (Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores 4), Hannover 1844, pp. 51‒63, here p. 60: 1072. Mense Ianuarii die 10. Introivit Robertus dux in Panhormum civitatem Siciliae. Anonymi Barensis chronicon, ed. Ludovicus MURATORI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 5), Milan 1726, pp. 147‒156, here p. 153: Mill. LXXI … in medio mens Aprilis fecit Bari cum ipso Duca et in mens Magi exivit, et perrexit Palermo cum nabali exercitus, et obsedit eam per mare, et terram. Mill.LXXII.(37) Ind.X. Capta est Palermo ab ipso Duca.X. die intrant.mens.Jan.

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Geoffrey Malaterra makes special reference to an urbs exterior and William of Apulia to an urbs nova to indicate the first quarter that was captured by the Normans. It was here that the Norman conquerors negotiated the handover of the city and, with that, of the population.20 From the perspective of the conquest histories, the importance of distinguishing the two antonymously named urbae is evident. However, the knowledge on why this terminology was crucial became (partly) lost over the centuries and its importance was only recognised alongside the scholarly “re”-discovery of the Arabic sources for the topography of Islamic Palermo.21 As a provincial town, the actual madīna of Islamic Palermo was divided from its administrative centre. Two 10th-century geographic works, namely by Ibn Ḥawqal and al-Muqaddasī, refer to Palermo and give an insight into the city’s topography. Like the Latin chroniclers, the Arabic authors distinguished two cities from one another with Palermo being called the old city, al-madīna alqadīma.22 The other city, named al-ḫāliṣa, is described as the administrative district that served as the residence of the ṣultān and his entourage as its own urban entity.23 This is also the case on a map in the so-called Book of Curiosities where al-ḫāliṣa is depicted as a building with a qubba to the right of the Palermitan walls and labelled as “the castle of the sulṭān and his residence and his slaves” (see fig. 2).24

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Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; Wilhelm of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 320, p. 180. Research on the Norman conquest has often concluded that the urbs nova / exterior was merely an ordinary quarter that was built later than the Cassarum quarter and was located outside of the walls. Ferdinand CHALANDON, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile, vol. 1, Paris 1907, repr. New York 1960, pp. 207‒209; Julia BECKER, Graf Roger I. von Sizilien. Wegbereiter des normannischen Königreiches (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 117), Tübingen 2008, p. 59; Graham A. LOUD, The Age of Robert Guiscard. Southern Italy and the Norman Conquest (The Medieval World), Harlow 2000, p. 160. A topographic description of al-ḫāliṣa is given by Di GIOVANNI, Topografia 1 (as n. 13), pp. 125‒155. Here, it is interesting to note that the Arabic chronicles also use the adjective “old” to indicate the city of Palermo, al-madīna al-qadīma, see Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḍ, ed. Michael J. DE GOEJE / Johannes H. KRAMERS (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2a), 2nd ed. Leipzig 1938, pp. 121f. Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat (as n. 22), p. 119; Al-Muqaddasī, Kitāb Aḥsan at-taqāsīm fī maʿrifat alaqālīm, ed. Michael J. DE GOEJE (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 3), Leiden 1877, p. 225. Indeed, also the much later geographical work Kitāb ar-rawḍ by al-Ḥimyarī lists alḫāliṣa as an independent urban entity, see Ibn ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al- Ḥimyarī, Kitāb ar-rawḍ almi‘ṭār fī ḫabar al-aqṭār. A Geographical Dictionary, ed. Iḥsan ‘ABBĀS, Beirut 1975, pp. 213f. Qaṣr as-sulṭān wa-sakanhu wa-ʿabīdihi, see Yossef RAPOPORT (Ed.), An Eleventh-Century Egyptian Guide to the Universe. The “Book of Curiosities” (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 87), Leiden 2014, MS Arab. C. 90, fol. 32B–33A, p. 464. As for the “Book of Curiosities” as a ‘new’ source on Sicily, see Jeremy JOHNS, Una nuova fonte per la geografia e la storia della Sicilia nell’XI secolo. Il Kitāb Gharāʾib al-funūn wa-mulaḥ al-ʿuyūn, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Age 116,1 (2004), pp. 409‒449.

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Fig. 2 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Kitāb Gharāʾib al-funūn wa-mulaḥ al-ʿuyūn, MS. Arab. C. 90 fol. 32B–33A, Detail of Palermo. With courtesy of The Bodleian Libraries, The University of Oxford

The district, which Ibn Ḥawqal and al-Muqaddasī called al-ḫāliṣa, was separately walled. However, in comparison to the Palermitan walls, Ibn Ḥawqal suggested that they were of an inferior quality.25 As regards the entrances, the Arabic authors claim that the walls of al-ḫāliṣa were punctuated by four gates; they were likely arranged with a single gate on the northern, eastern, western and southern wall. Whilst Ibn Ḥawqal is generally the more detailed source, in this instance al-Muqaddasī is needed to glean the names of the gates. These are namely: bāb al-bunūd (gate of the banners), bāb aṣ-ṣināʿa (gate of the arsenal), bāb Kutāma (gate of the Kutāma) and bāb al-futūḥ (gate of the conquests / victories).26 Whilst the bāb al-bunūd and the bāb aṣ-ṣināʿa suggest a connection with the military armoury of the al-ḫāliṣa, it is worthwhile mentioning that the names and topographic position of the bāb al-futūh and the bāb Kutāma point to the Fatimids, who were, at least nominally, the sovereigns of Ṣiqillīya from 25

26

Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat (as n. 22), p. 119. By the 1070s, Malaterra claimed that the gates of the urbs exterior were made of iron, see Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53. Romuald of Salerno also refers to iron gates forming part of the Norman booty following the conquest of Palermo, see Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon (as n. 19), p. 407: Et exinde portas ferreas et columpnas marmoreas quam plures eum capitibus fecit afferri in Troiam causa victorie sue. Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan at-taqāsīm (as n. 23), p. 225.

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the mid 10th to the mid 11th-centuries.27 That being said, the bāb al-futūh and the bāb Kutāma probably lay on the southern and north-western wall of al-ḫāliṣa in front of each other and were possibly connected via a main street.28 Here, the gates symbolise and memorialise the victorious Fatimids and an instrument of their power, the Berber tribe of the Kutāma.29 As the purpose-built centre of Islamic Sicily, al-ḥāliṣa was the “castle of the sulṭān and his entourage and his slaves”.30 It would have contained the houses of the ruler, his family and the military as well as the administration. With their attack, the Normans penetrated the heart of the Islamic centre of authority and administration. In this light, it may not be surprising that Robert Guiscard and Roger negotiated the handover of Palermo, and thereby the conditions of its population, within the walls of the al-ḫāliṣa district. Interestingly, William of 27

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The complex of al-ḫāliṣa was built under the Fatimid prerogative. The names and topographic relation of the al-ḫāliṣa gates are remarkable as they bear striking similarities to the Fatimid palace cities of al-Mahdīya (founded in 916), al-Manṣūrīya (founded in 946) and, later, alMuʿizzīya al-Qāhira (founded in 969). Within just a few decades, the Fatimid caliphs had founded these palace cities that functioned as the centre of their political and ideological rule. The Fatimid palace cities share certain topographical and architectural concepts. As a provincial town, al-ḫāliṣa is, however, different from the three caliphal cities. This becomes clear when considering their appellation: the other foundations are named with an abstract-substantive, the nisba, and hence refer to their caliphal founders. See the general but weighty contributions of Heinz HALM, Das Reich des Mahdi: Der Aufstieg der Fatimiden (875‒973), Munich 1991, pp. 305‒307, pp. 367‒372; IDEM, Die Kalifen von Kairo: Die Fatimiden in Ägypten (973‒1074), Munich 2003, pp. 18‒25, pp. 362‒369. The palace cities were walled and strictly divided from the actual town that contained the mercantile centre. They were, however, connected via well-guarded gates. The spatial division between palace and city is mentioned in AlMaqrīzī, Al-mawāʿiẓ wal-iʿtibār fī ḏikr al-ḫiṭaṭ wal-āṯār, ed. Gaston WIET (Mémoires de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire 30/33), 5 vols., Cairo 1911‒1928, see vol. 1 (1911), pp. 374‒377 and vol. 2 (1914), pp. 107f.; see furthermore Naser-e-Khosrou, Safarname. Ein Reisebericht aus dem Orient des 11. Jahrhunderts, ed. and transl. Seyfiddin NAJMABADI / Siegfried WEBER, Munich 1993, pp. 88f. and pp. 103f. An overview of the Fatimid rule in Sicily is given by Alex METCALFE, Muslims (as n. 6), pp. 44‒69. As for an insight into the Palermitan history and court-culture of this time see the recently published study by Giuseppe MANDALÀ, The Martyrdom of Yūḥannā, Physician of Ibn Abī ’l-Ḥusayn Ruler of the Island of Sicily. Editio Princeps and Historical Commentary, in: Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 3 (2016), pp. 33‒118. Interestingly, in al-Qāhira, the bāb al-futūh lies north whilst opposite to the bāb Zawīla, and also for the circular city of al-Manṣūrīya a facing arrangement has been suggested; see Ayman Fu’ād SAYYID, La Capitale de l’Égypte jusque’à l’époque Fatimide. Al-Qāhira et al-Fusṭāṭ. Essai de reconstitution topographique (Beiruter Texte und Studien 48), Beirut 1998, pp.103‒ 106 and pp. 397‒431. As for the programmatic names of the city gates, their topographical relation and their connectivity via rituals and processions in Fatimid Cairo, see Paula SANDERS, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo (Series in Medieval Middle East History), Albany 1994, here specifically pp. 40‒42. It is worthwhile mentioning that the Zawīla as well as the Kutāma functioned as important pillars of Fatimid rule. The Zawīla were slaves recruited from south-Sudan Fazzān, whereas the Kutāma were a Berber tribe that, from the early 10th-century onwards, were drawn into the political orbit of al-Mahdi and, thereby, were recruited to further Fatimid ambitions in Ifrīqiya and, later, in Egypt. Furthermore, they played a key role in the Fatimid ceremonies that connected the palace city via processions; see HALM, Mahdi (as n. 27), pp. 167, 198f., 367‒370. See RAPOPORT, Book of Curiosities (as n. 24), A fol. 32B–33A, p. 464.

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Apulia states that an amiratus was then engaged to rule the city in absence of the brothers.31 The use of the term amiratus in the Geste suggests that, due to the demands of the post-conquest settlement, the immediate Norman policy was to adopt the administrational strategies of their predecessor. Indeed, Malaterra also infers that the Normans adapted at least some of the fiscal and administrative systems of their newly conquered people.32 However, the Normans apparently did not take on the physical space of al-ḫāliṣa. After the Norman victory, the conquerors did not maintain nor transform the Islamic palace district. Yet, neither is there evidence for a systematic Norman destruction of the complex.33 As it seems, the Normans merely abandoned al-ḫāliṣa and did not use it as a palace city. The only, yet undoubtedly important, trace of the complex in later times is to be found in the Latinised name Alza / Kalsa.34 For the Norman period, it is only the geography of al-Idrīsī that mentions al-ḫāliṣa and gives information about the former role when explaining that this was the quarter in which the sulṭān and his entourage had lived in Islamic times.35 31 32

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William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 340‒343, p. 182. On paying tribute to the conquerors, see Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; as for the Norman administration in the early years, see JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 3), pp. 31‒90. After months of war and decades of political decline, the structures of al-ḫāliṣa could simply have fallen into disrepair. Indeed, in his reconstruction of the consolidation of Norman power after the conquest, Inveges described three Palermitan fortifications. These are namely, “la Rocca Occidentale, e Terrestre” (which he identifies with the later royal palace on the Acropolis), “[la] Rocca Orientale, e Maritima” (which he identifies with the Castellamare) and a third fortification: “la Città di Muraglia, per lo lungo assedio di Cinque Mesi in più luoghi rovinata”, see Inveges, Annali (as n. 12), f. 78. A piece of problematic but, nonetheless, tantalising evidence is a document of Roger I, issued in 1093 for Agrigento. The charter mentions destroyed castles, cities and also refers to palaciorum suorum. The suggestion that the conquest had resulted in high-levels of material destruction may well reflect the post-conquest situation in Palermo. As such, it is not implausible to suggest that the al-ḫaliṣa complex may have sustained considerable damage during the siege: Quis etenim visa castellorum et civitatum eorum ampla et diffusa ruina et palaciorum suorum studio mirabili compositorum ingenti destructione percognita Sarracenorum, quorum usibus superfluis hȩc deserviebant in commoditates, non adtendat esse multiplices miserias magnas et detrimenta innumerabilia, see Documenti latini e greci del conte Ruggero I di Calabria e Sicilia, ed. Julia BECKER (Ricerche dell’Istituto Storico Germanico di Roma 9), Rome 2013, n. †36, pp. 152‒155, here p. 155. This later forgery is mutually dependend upon two other charters and all three share a very similar Arenga, see, ibidem, n. †33, pp. 143‒146, n. †35, pp. 150f. New archeological studies in tha Kalsa district have been conducted recently, see Francesca SPATAFORA / Emanuele CANZONIERI, AlKhāliṣa: Alcune consideranzioni alla luce delle nuove scoperte archeologiche del quartiere della Kalsa, in: Les dynamiques de l’islamisation en Méditerranée centrale et en Sicilie: nouvelles propositions et découvertes récentes, ed. Annliese NEF / Fabiola ARDIZZONE (Collection de l’École Française de Rome 487), Rome 2014, pp. 233‒246; see also Fabiola ARDIZZONE / Elena PEZZINI / Viva SACCO, Lo scavo della Chiesa di Santa Maria degli Angeli alla Gancia: indicatori archeologici della prima età islamica a Palermo, in: ibidem, pp. 197‒224. See above n. 4. One of the ancient city gates carried the name porta dei Greci and was located in the Kalsa disctrict where a Greek was depicted by Peter of Eboli. As for a localisation and history of the porta dei Greci see Gaetano GIARDINA, Le antiche porte di Palermo non più esistenti. Opera postuma publ. di Edi TIZIANO, Palermo 1732, pp. 12‒14; see also fig. 3. Al-Idrīsī, Kitāb nuzhat al-muštāq. Liber ad eorum delectationem qui terras peragrare studeant,

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Following the handover of Palermo within the al-ḫāliṣa-walls, the Normans occupied the city and fortified strongholds. William of Apulia notes that munia castrorum fecit robusta parari; Malaterra speaks of castello firmato et urbe pro velle suo disposita; Amatus of Montecassino’s 14th-century translator writes that une forte roche was build on un lieu molt haut which appears to point to the Palermitan acropolis.36 The only (and in many respects overlooked) source, to localise the castle more precisiely is the anonymously written Historia Sicula.37 Its mid 12th-century author records that two strongholds were fortified. The Historia furthermore spatially distinguishes these castles by adding that one of them was located near the sea and the other one in loco, qui dicitur Galca.38 The castle iuxta mare can probably be identified with the later castellum maris.39 36

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ed. Enrico CERULLI / Alessio BOMBACI (Opus geographicum 4), vol. 5, Naples 1974, p. 591. William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 337, p. 182; Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire (as n. 16), lib. 6, cap. 23, p. 434. The importance of the Historia Sicula as a mid 12th-century source, has long been neglected, now see John ASPINWALL / Alex METCALFE, Norman Identity and the Anonymous Historia Sicula, in: The Norman Edge: Peoples and Power in Medieval Europe, ed. Andrew JOTISCHKY / Alex METCALFE / Keith J. STRINGER, London 2017 (forthcoming); Charles D. STANTON, Anonymous Vaticanus: Another Source for the Normans in the South?, in: The Haskins Society Journal 24 (2012), pp. 79–94; Jakub KUJAWINSKI, Alla ricerca del contesto del volgarizzamento della Historia Normannorum di Amato di Montecassino: il manoscritto francese 688 della Bibliothèque nationale de France, in: Bullettino dell’istituto storico Italiano per il medio evo 112 (2010), pp. 91–136. Anonymus Vaticanus, Historia Sicula ab ingressu Normannorum in Apuliam usque ad annum 1282, ed. Ludovico A. MURATORI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 8), Milan 1726, col. 765. Fazello gives almost the same account, and adds that the castle next to the sea “ritiene anchor il nome”, FAZELLO, Re rebus siculis (as n. 10), p. 643. Whilst this present paper was already in the editing process, an article that uses this phrase for its title was published by Ruggero Longo. Interestingly, the approach is similar in so far as the author reviews both the sources and the historiography in order to trace down continuities and discontinuities for this crucial period that saw the genesis of Norman Palermo. See Ruggero LONGO, “In loco qui dicitur Galca”. New Observations and Hypotheses on the Norman Palace in Palermo, in: Journal of Transcultral Medieval Studies 3 (2016), pp. 225‒317. An important question that has divided scholarly opinion is whether the Normans built or merely re-fortified the Palermitan castle(s). As for the acropolis, previous structures are attested in both the documentary and archaeological record. With the discovery of the Book of Curiosities we can also assume that a fort next to the harbour existed in Islamic times, see RAPOPORT, Book of Curiosities (as n. 24), A fol. 32B–33A, p. 464. Here, the structure is named qaṣr alsilsila; the silsila refers to the chain that enclosed the harbour and this is drawn in the miniature of Peter of Eboli and is also mentioned by Geoffrey Malaterra, see Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 34, p. 45; during the Norman siege of Palermo, William of Apulia mentions the chain of the harbour, see William of Apulia, La geste (as n 16), lib. 3, v. 251, p. 178. It is interesting to note that the structure in the Islamic map corresponds with a late Catalan church, dedicated to Santa Maria della Catena (Saint Mary of the Chain), that is found on the other side of the Palermitan bay. However, the castellum maris might well be built in the same area as the qaṣr al-silsia in Islamic times without having preserved the exact architectural structure. Nevertheless, in this context, it is worth mentioning that Falcandus identifies the castellum maris as an antiquissimum Sarracenorum templum, see Hugo Falcandus, La historia o liber de regno Sicilie e la Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie Thesaurarium, ed. Giovanni B. SIRAGUSA (Fonti per la storia d’Italia 22), Rome 1897, ristampa Turin 1966, p. 115.

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As it is well-known, the Galca described the palace district in Norman times and probably derived from the Arabic ḥalqa, which translates as “to enclose”.40 The Galca, therefore, comprised not only the palace itself, but also a specific space that surrounded the palace. Indeed, under Roger II the palace and its surrounding district had developed to be the administrative and representative centre of the kingdom. In this context, it is interesting to note that Hugo Falcandus41 spoke of portae Galcule and distinguished them from the portae palatii.42 He suggests that these portae were guarded by castellani, custodiendi and a gavarettus, who regulated the entrance to the palace district.43 This appears to point to a high level of administration of space. However, in this example, this is a

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In any case, Malaterra’s use of the Latin verb firmare can be regarded as an important indicator of spatial acquisition and consolidation of power. Here, it is notable that Malaterra uses firmare in the context of the Normans conquering and garrisoning already existing fortified structures. On only three occasions does he actually use construere or aedificare. In book one, construere appears in the context of the Normans fortifying Melfi: castrum quod Melfa dicitur, construxerunt. In book three, aedificare is used by the author when describing the Norman fortification of Messina: Eodem anno idem comes, sumptibus pluribus apparatis, undecumque terrarum artificiosis caementariis conductis, fundamenta castelli, turresque apud Messanam jacens, aedificare coepit. See, Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 1, cap. 9, p. 12, lib. 3, cap. 32, p. 77; another time Malaterra uses construere in the context of Robert Guiscard wintering in a temporary castrum that had been built near to Durazzo, see ibidem, lib. 3, cap. 27, p. 74. Fazello explained the origin of the word as following: … spatium erat alterum ingens sanè, lato muro cinctum, à Sarracenis Yhalca Punicè vocatum, quod circonseptum locum latinis significat …, see FAZELLO, Historia (as n. 10), p. 173. The term occurs also in Greek as γάλκα, see CUSA, Diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 3), pp. 31, 74, 92, 662. An instructive account on the Norman palace district is given by Vladimir ZORIÇ, Arx praeclara quam Palatium Regale appellant. Le sue origini e la prima Cappella della corte normanna, in: La città di Palermo nel medioevo, ed. France D’ANGELO (Machina Philosophorum. Testi e studi dale culture euromediterranee 2), Palmero 2002, pp. 85‒193. According to Rolf Köhn, the identity of Hugo Falcandus can almost certainly be regarded as consistent with Abbot Hugo V of St. Denis, see Rolf KÖHN, Noch einmal zur Identität des ‚Hugo Falcandus‘, in: Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 70 (2014), pp. 499– 541. For a critical evaluation of the various identifications, I direct my thanks to Graham Loud who generously provided me with an advance copy of his forthcoming article: Graham A. LOUD, The Problem of Pseudo-Hugo. Who wrote the History of “Hugo Falcandus”?, in: Transforming the Early Medieval World. Studies in Honour of Ian N. Wood, ed. N. Kivilcim YAVUZ / Richard BROOME, Leeds 2017. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 46: usque ad portam palatii; ibidem, p. 49: per viam Coopertam, usque ad portam Galcule; the same gate might be mentioned in a Greek document dating to 1153 that speaks of τῆς πύλης γάλκας, see CUSA, Documenti greci ed arabi (as n. 3), p. 31. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), pp. 71f.: Moxque, non solum palatii, sed et omnibus Galcule portis diligentius obseratis, armati viri per murorum ambitus sunt dispositi, ut si necessitas ingrueret, primos plebis impetus propulsarent; ibidem, p. 85: extra portam que semiaperta erat … ad inferiorem ingressum palatii; ibidem, p. 46: In ingressu vero civitatis plurima tam virorum ei quam mulierum turba obviam exierunt, cum ingenti eum gaudio usque ad portam palatii prosequentes; p. 49: per viam Coopertam, usque ad portam Galcule. Some of the castellani are nominally mentioned, see Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 52: Malgerium castellanum palatii; ibidem, p. 113: Ansaldum palacii castellanum; ibidem, p. 154: Matheo castellano; ibidem, p. 53: the custodiendi and the gavarettus palatii; and ibidem, pp. 55 and 154: gavarretus.

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space of immense importance for the stability of the city and, hence, the kingdom. Hugo Falcandus described on several occasions how the palatial sphere formed a special space for a specific group of people that comprised the ruling / palatial / courtly elite. As such, the palatial and urban spheres were, not only spatially, but also socially delimited from each other.44

III. Religious spaces After concluding the treaties in al-ḫāliṣa, the Norman conquerors acquired the city of Palermo. With this victory, the demonstration of ‘Christian’ renewal would play a decisive role in the transformation of religious spaces. In fact, the conquest histories record that the Normans sought to restore the city to Christendom before even beginning to re-fortify Palermo’s defences.45 As for religious spaces, unlike al-ḫāliṣa, existing structures could be preserved via (re-)consecration. This process holds true for the main mosque of the Islamic city.46 For the conquest chroniclers, the mosque was identifiable with the old Byzantine cathedral that had been “violated by the Saracens”.47 Geoffrey Malaterra records how “with great catholic devotion” the Normans restored the Palermitan cathedral via offerings and liturgical furnishings and that they dedicated it to the sanctissima Dei Genetrix Maria.48 44

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The German “Hofforschung” distinguishes between courtly / palatial and urban spaces and their social systems. For this approach see e.g. the critical examination of the concept of “Systemtheorie” by Niklas LUHMANN, Soziale Systeme. Grundriss einer allgemeinen Theorie, Frankfurt 1984; for the Hofforschung see, Jan HIRSCHBIEGEL, Der Hof als soziales System ‒ Das Angebot der Systemtheorie nach Niklas Luhmann für eine Theorie des Hofes, in: Hof und Theorie. Annäherungen an ein historisches Phänomen. Dresdener Gespräche I zur Theorie des Hofes, ed. Reinhardt BUTZ / Jan HIRSCHBIEGEL / Dietmar WILLOWEIT (Norm und Struktur 22), Cologne 2004, pp. 43‒54; Werner PARAVICINI / Jörg WETTLAUFER (Ed.), Der Hof und die Stadt. Konfrontation, Koexistenz und Integration in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. 9. Symposium der Residenzen-Kommission, Halle an der Saale, 25.‒28. September 2004, Ostfildern 2006. Here, the chosen approach with the division between spaces might be slightly “overconstructed” and not entirely chronologically faithful: the conquest histories unanimously emphasise that the cathedral was transformed before the castles were fortified. The idea that Malaterra sought to stress the religious legitimisation of Count Roger has recently been discussed by Marie-Agnès LUCAS-AVENALL, Le recit de Geoffroi Malaterra ou la legitimation de Roger, Grand Compte de Sicile, in: Anglo-Norman Studies Proceedings of the Battle Conference 34 (2012), pp. 169–192. Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat (as n. 22), p. 119; Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan at-taqāsīm (as n. 23), p. 225. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 332‒336, p. 182. When consecrating the church, not only the spatial transformation was that of continuity. The Normans retained the services of the Greek bishop Nikodemos who had served in the church of San Ciriaco during Islamic rule, see Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; Nikodemos is later mentioned in a charter of Roger I dating to the year 1093, see BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (as n. 33), n. 27, pp. 125f. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53; William of Apulia only

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Here, the vocabulary used by Geoffrey Malaterra draws striking comparisons with the consecration of the cathedral in Troina in 1078. The patrocinium is the same; the church is dedicated to the Holy Virgin. More accurately, however, Malaterra attributes it to the Maria Puerpera.49 For Troina, Malaterra describes in detail and distichal verses the church building, its liturgical furnishings and devotional practices. This passage alludes to the Norman foundation as having provided a physical structure for Christian worship in Sicily; a space that contained both, the visible and, more importantly, the audible symbols of Christianity.50 Indeed, Malaterra stresses how the sweet melodies and the word of the lex sacra would swell the divinus cultus with adherants from amongst the gentes. Here, like in Palermo, the chronicler’s emphasis is the Normans as the restorers of Sicily’s Christian faith.51 Laquearia tectorum ligantur ecclesiae; Parietes depinguntur diverso bitumine; Consecratur in honore Virginis Puerperae. Multa dote augmentatur, terris sive decimis; Ornamentis palliatur, et diversis copiis. Cathedra pontificatus sublimatur infulis. Sacer clerus augmentatur, prout sumptus suppetit. Altaris vasa, vel vestis plusquam clero sufficit: Candelabra, cruces, textus, acerra, turibuli; Ex metallo signa fiunt, plebem invitantia: Melodiam dulcem reddunt, pulchre consonantia. Melodizat sacer clerus hymnos sacris laudibus. Praesul verba sacrae legis seminat in gentibus: Divinus cultus accrescitur pluribus credentibus.52

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makes mention of the matris Virginis, see William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 334, p. 182. The Historia Sicula also refers to the Dei Genetrix, see Anonymus Vaticanus, Historia Sicula (as n. 38), col. 765. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 3, cap. 19, pp. 68f. The earliest charter by Roger I for the church in Troina dates to the year 1080 and was presumably issued after its foundation, see BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (as n. 33), n. 2, pp. 40‒43. After Gregory VII confirmed the foundation of the church in Troina, Roger granted rights to it in 1082 and probably made it a patrimonio, see ibidem, n. 5, pp. 49‒52. Here, the patron of the church is named as the sancta dei genitrix Maria, cf. ibidem, p. 51. It cannot be discounted that Malaterra chose to use the epithet puerpera so as to work within the metre of his verse. The penetration and acquisition of space via sound is a well-known practise that has been stressed in several contexts. A broad range of considerations are collected in a recently published volume by Susan BOYNTON / Diane J. REILLY (Ed.), Resounding Images: Medieval Intersections of Art Music, and Sound (Studies in the Visual Cultures of the Middle Ages 9), Turnhout 2015, see specifically the contribution of Tom NICKSON, The Sound of Conversion in Medieval Iberia, in: ibidem, pp. 71‒90. Indeed, the 1080 charter by Roger I also uses similar vocabulary when emphasising how the church of Troina shall serve to defend the Christian, catholic faith contra perfidos Saracenos, and, how the lex divina shall be restored, cf. BECKER, Documenti latini e greci (as n. 33), n. 2, pp. 40‒43. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 19, p. 68.

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Also for Palermo, there are testimonies for the well-known practice of spatial acquisition by means of religious foundations. The foundation that appears to have immediately preceded the siege of Palermo was located at the spot from which the Normans first broke into al-ḫāliṣa. This episode has long-been shrouded in legends that have led to a long-standing historiographical confusion concerning which of the Hauteville brothers dealt the decisive blow against the city. Malaterra records that following the brothers besieging different parts of the city, the Guiscardensibus climbed a poorly guarded stretch of wall. According to Malaterra, this action culminated in the fall of the urbs exterior.53 For William of Apulia, it was Robert Guiscard who had conquered Palermo – not only by military force and bravery, but also due to an inspiring speech that he had given to his men outside the city walls.54 However, whereas both Malaterra and William of Apulia claim that Palermo was breached by scaling ladders55, the anonymous author of the Historia Sicula specifically mentions that a gate had been deliberately left open by an arabicus miles audacissimus. Here, upon the gate shutting with Roger and Robert’s nephew trapped inside, the chronicle records how the gate was witness to a miraculous event in which the nephew, aided by Christ, subsequently escaped. The text continues by noting that, the next day, the brothers besieged the city from the spot where Roger’s forces were situated. According to the author, it was from here that Guiscard was able to shatter the gates, and thereby open the city to the Norman forces.56 In his pioneering work Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, Michele Amari described a city gate called victoria that had been commissioned, complete with a votive image of Mary, by Robert Guiscard.57 Unfortunately, we have no evidence for this from any of the conquest histories. However, a source from 1489 suggests that a gate with its Norman chapel was restored a fundamentis and 53 54

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Ibidem, lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53. His animat dictis Robertus corda suorum. Ascensis scalis properant conscendere muros, see William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 296f., p. 180; for Roberts’ speech see ibidem, v. 284‒295, pp. 178 and 180. The gates and walls of this urbs are particularly emphasised in the account of William of Apulia, see e. g. ibidem, lib. 3, v. 208, p. 174: Urbs vallata pavet; muros turresque claudunt; lib. 3, v. 223f., p. 176: Nostri vi moenibus urbis / Hos impellentes, laeti sua castra requirunt; lib 3, v. 271, p. 178: Adversae portas dum perveniatur ad urbis. Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis (as n. 16), lib. 2, cap. 45, p. 53: … scalis appositis, murus trascenditur …; William of Apulia, La geste (as n. 16), lib. 3, v. 297, p. 180: Ascensis scalis properant conscendere muros. Dux omnium sapientissimus … portas frangit … interiores muros occupat atque retinet, see Anonymus Vaticanus, Historia Sicula (as n. 38), col. 765. Michele AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, ed. Carlo A. NALLINO, vol. 3, 2nd ed. Catania 1937, p. 128; it is interesting to note that Fazello, like the anonymous author of the Historia Sicula, claims that the conquest was a joint victory of the brothers, see FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as n. 10), p. 434: Normanni fratres … urbem Panormum Robertus, et Rogerius triumphantes. However, when speaking about the gate that granted access to Palermo, Fazello reports that the porta quaedam hodie clausa, à Victoria nomens habens, qua Rogerius Siciliae Comes urbem ingressus, see ibidem, p. 187.

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furnished with the image of the Madonna and enclosed with walls built around the consecrated altar.58 The tradition of enacted remembrance may be reflected in the fact that shortly after, in 1497, the Palermitan Archbishop and Senate initiated a “festival” to be held in the church of the victorious Virgin on the second of January.59 In the 16th-century, an inscription was installed that celebrated the conquest and promoted Roger as the conqueror.60 Again, this foundation is dedicated to the Maria Deipara who equates to the Maria Genetrix.61 58

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[A]edificandi Cappellam intus moenia eiusdem Urbis, supra Portam vulgò dictam, la Vittoria, ubi posita est Imago quaedam Intemeratae Virginis Mariae, in qua plures Christiani devotionis gratia confluent, et in eadem Cappella dicta Imago Virginis Gloriosissimae ibi reposita, et incluse remaneat …, see the 1489 licence of Vicerè Ferdinand to rebuild the church, cited by Antonino MONGITORE, Palermo devoto di Maria vergine e Maria vergine protettrice di Palermo, Palermo 1719, pp. 251‒253; see also INVEGES, Annali (as n. 12), ff. 76‒78; GIARDINA, Antiche porte (as. n. 34), p. 11. Here, the festival is to celebrate another liberation, that of the plague in 1493; see MONGITORE, Palermo (as n. 58), p. 254; AMARI, Musulmani (as n. 53), pp. 128f. with note 4. It is, nevertheless, interesting to note that the Norman conquest of the city appears to have strengthened the cult of the Virgin Mary and, indeed, facilitated her transformation into a special protector of the city. Mongitore, who aimed to stress the importance and the ancient tradition of a strong devotional cult of Mary in Palermo, stated that the glorisissimi Principi Normanni were protected by Mary, enforced her cult and left memorabilia in ogn’ angolo della Sicilia, see MONGITORE, Palermo (as n. 58), p. 22. GIARDINA, Antiche porte (as n. 34), p. 11, claimed that the inscription was composed by the Sicilian poet Antonio Veneziano da Monreale. Here, Roger is promoted as invictissimus, whilst Robert is not mentioned. According to Giardina, a church that was located at the spot from where Robert had besieged the city, was furnished with an inscription in 1598/1599. This church, which also bears the epithet of the victory, was located at the Padri Minimi di San Francesco di Paola, see GIARDINA, Antiche porte (as n. 34), p. 12; INVEGES, Annali (as n. 11), f. 77f. The inscription reads: Roberto Panormi Duce, et Siciliae Rogerio Comite imperantibus, Panormitani Cives ob Victoriam habitam, hanc Aedem B. Mariae sub Victoriae nomine sacrarunt. An.Dom. 1071. From a topographic and a strategic point of view, this position seems implausible. A possible solution to this problem is that the promotion of Roger I better-served the ideological agenda of the time. Here, it is not inconceivable to imagine that it was more convenient to 16th-century political sensibilities to promote the father of the founder of the Kingdom of Sicily. It is notable, that Michele Amari, himself a follower of the anti-monarchic Garibali, strongly disputed this view as “invenzioni degli eruditi” stating that “ognun vede che renda la tradizione qual correa presso gli eruditi nel XVI secolo; poichè vi e nominato Ruggiero in luogo di Roberto …”, see Amari, Musulmani (as n. 57), pp. 128f. with note 2. See furthermore MONGITORE, Palermo (as n. 58), p. 32; Gioacchino DI MARZO, I Gagini e la scultura in Sicilia nei secoli XV e XVI. Memorie storiche e documenti, vol. 1, Palermo 1880, p. 138 with note 2; Salvatore BOSCARINO / Maria GIUFFRÈ, Storia e restauro di architetture siciliane (Storia architetture N.S. 2), Rome 1996, p. 158. The devotional cult of the Maria Genetrix / Deipara is particularly characteristic for the tradition of the Greek church with Mary being venerated as the Θεοτόκος. As such, Byzantine style icons of Mary are to be found on the southern Italian mainland that point to the continued prominence of the Greek tradition in Apulia and Calabria, see generally Icone di Calabria e alter icone meridionali, ed. Maria Pia DI DARIO GUIDA, Messina 1993. A tantalising link between the Byzantine representation of Mary and the ‘Hauteville’ dynasty can be found in the church of San Sabino in Canosa di Puglia, the location of Bohemond of Antioch’s mausoleum. Here, a Byzantine icon of the Maria della fonte is venerated and local tradition maintains that this icon was brought back from the First Crusade by Bohemond himself, see Marina FALLA

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Porta haec, in quam Rogerius invictissimus Siciliae Comes irrumpens aditum exercitui Christiano ad Urbem hanc Panormum ab indigna Saracenorum servitute emancipandam venienti, patefecit, Victoria cognomento, ab eo devictorum Hostium summo cum honore ob insignem reportatam Victoriam, Deipara Virginis cultui, victoris ejusdem Principis ardenti, ac pio desiderio consecrata est Quintili Mense Dom. Incarnationis anno M.LXXI.62

If Michele Amari was correct, this inscription could still be seen on a board that was affixed near to the second altar in the south nave of the church, in the mid 19th-century.63 If this can be credited, it is a tantalising piece of evidence to support the theory that the altar of the Holy Virgin cultu victoris originally corresponded with the porta victoria (see fig. 3).64 Indeed, up until the mid 19th-century, this church was located in a piazetta that bore the name vittoria.65 In the modern cityscape, this gate would be roughly located between the Chiesa Santa Maria degli Angeli and the Oratorio dei Bianchi.66 As such, the porta victoria assuredly belonged to the al-ḫāliṣa complex, more specifically to its southern wall. As we learn from al-Muqaddasī, the southern wall had a gate that was named bāb al-fuṭūh.67 This literally translates as the “victory” or “conquest” gate. Here, it is possible that the gate’s name was Latinised or, rather, translated from the Arabic by the Normans. However, Michele Amari did not credit this correlation.

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CASTEL-FRANCHI, Conosa, in: Enciclopedia dell’arte medievale, ed. Angiola M. ROMANINI, vol. 4: Burgenland‒Cîteau, Rome 1993, pp. 143‒150. Even if this is a later tradition, this example nonetheless exemplifies a thought-provoking link between Norman conquests and the (Greek) devotional cult of Mary. Cited according to GIARDINA, Antiche porte (as n. 34), p. 11. AMARI, Musulmani (as n. 57), pp. 128f. with note 2. This is also reported by Fazello, who claims that the Normans penetrated the city through this gate, which ab eo facto porta Victoriae appellatur, see FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as n. 10), p. 434; however, by Fazello’s time, it had already lost its function as a gate, see ibidem, p. 187. See AMARI, Musulmani (as note 57), pp. 128f. with note 2. However, this piazzetta della Vittoria is not to be confused with the piazza della Vittoria that today lies in front of the Palazzo dei Normanni, see e. g. DI GIOVANNI, Topografia (as note 13), pp. 192f. GIARDINA, Antiche porte (as n. 34), p. 9. Indeed, the Oratorio dei Bianchi contains a chapel dedicated to the Santa Maria della Vittoria. In this, a fresco shows the Virgin Mary and Child in a seated position (fig. 4). The arrangement of the fresco could be interpreted as evoking the Maria nikopoia. This interpretation is reinforced by the fact that Mary is holding, in her left hand, a standard – a red cross on a white background. To her right foot, is the head of a man in adoration. According to the Palermitan tradition, this man can be identified as count Roger I. This claim is also to be found in contemporary documentary records, see the citation of the Vitae Sanctorum Siculorum by Ottavio Gaetano in MONGITORE, Palermo (as n. 58), p. 32: in eo loco templum aedificatum est, et Imago posita Sanctissimae Deiparae vexillum manu gestantis in beneficii memoriam; ibidem, p. 256: “Sotto l’Immagine di Maria si vede dipinta la porta, per cui il trionfante Ruggiero entrò vittorioso in Palermo: e sotto l’altare della Vergine, rimovendo il suo palio, vedesi … che diede al detto Conte Ruggiero l’ingresso nella Città …”. See Al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan at-taqāsīm (as n. 23), p. 225.

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Fig. 3 Lipario T IZIANO, Le porte della città di Palermo, in: GIARDINA, Porte antiche (as n. 34), f. 65. With courtesy of the National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C. Porte antiche di Palermo: 1. Porta Baich, o Patitelli; 2. Porta de Schiavi 3. Porta della Vittoria; 4. Porta de Greci; 5. Porta Rota; 6. Porta de Giudei, e del’ Trabbocchetto; 7. Porta di S. Agata della Villa; 8. Porta di Pulizzi; 9. Porta de Gordari; 10. Porta Oscura; 11. Porta di Mazzara; 12. Porta Bebilbacal; 13. Porta del’Palazzo, e Porta di Ferro; 14. Porta Busuemi; 15. Porta del’ Molo Vecchio. Porte di Palermo esistenti: A. Porta Nova; B. Porta di Castro; C. Porta di Montalto; D. Porta di S. Agata; E. Porta di Vicari; F. Porta di Termine; G. Porta de Greci; H. Porta Felice; I. Porta dello Scarricatore; K. Porta della Dogana; L. Porta della Pescaria; M. Porta del’Carbone, e Legna; N. Porta della Calcina; O. Porta di Pie di Grotta; P. Porta di S. Giorgio, oggi di S. Rosalia; Q. Porta di Macheda; R. Porta di Carini; S. Porta d’Ossuna

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Fig. 4 Oratorio dei Bianchi, La cappella della Vittoria (photo T. Jäckh)

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In this context, the suggestion by the 15th and 16th-century sources that the Normans erected their altar in cultu victoris in the vicinity of the porta victoria, is made more compelling. Even if this were a later tradition, the memoria enacted here would mark a programmatic demonstration of conquest and acquisition: the erecting of a victory altar where the Normans took over the city would have carried the added emphasis of being located in the former centre of Islamic rule – the palace district of al-ḫāliṣa. Here, it is interesting to note that the memory of the al-ḫāliṣa complex seems to have already been forgotton by the 15th-century.68 In Norman Palermo, an abundant number of foundations and churches are attested to for the period following the conquest.69 This is also true for the period after the creation of the Kingdom of Sicily in 1130. These foundations pervaded the city’s inner-urban sphere, that is, they were mainly concentrated inside the old walls. Here, it is notable that these churches were not only royal foundations, 68

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This may well explain one possible origin of the confusion regarding the place from where either Robert Guiscard or Roger I first penetrated the city, see e.g. FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as n. 10), p. 434; INVEGES, Annales 3 (as n. 11), p. 76; GIARDINA, Antiche Porte (as n. 34), p. 10; MONGITORE, Palermo (as n. 58), p. 32. Since Tommaso Fazello had claimed that the church of San Giovanni (later dei Lebbrosi) was founded during the siege of Palermo by Robert Guiscard and Roger I, there has been a scholarly debate as to whether this church can be regarded as the first Norman foundation in Palermo; see FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as note 10), p. 187; INVEGES, Annales 3 (as note 11), f. 78. Here, it is interesting to note that, for Inveges, it was Robert Guiscard alone who had founded the church; Guido DI STEFANO, Monumenti della Sicilia normanna (Società siciliana per la storia patria), Palermo 1955, pp. 17‒19. Whilst the dating may remain uncertain, from a spatial perspective, it is interesting to note that the church lies in front of the south-eastern city walls where Norman troops had been positioned during the siege of Palermo; according to Inveges, this position had been occupied by Roger and his troops, see INVEGES, Annali (as n. 12), f. 77. Whilst an inherently problematic source, Amatus of Montecassino is the earliest evidence that points to the existence of this structure. Here, Amatus mentions a Chastel Johan, see Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire (as n. 16), lib. 5, cap. 23, pp. 402f. and chaste[l] Saint Jehan, lib. 6, cap. 16, pp. 428f. However, in the documentary record, the church first appears when it was endowed with property by Roger II, see BRÜHL, Diplomata Rogerii (as n. 9), n. 68, p. 312; Guillelmi I regis diplomata, ed. Horst ENZENSBERGER (Codex diplomaticus regni Siciliae I ser. 3), Cologne 1996, n. 4, pp. 11‒14, n. 8, pp. 23‒26. The traveller Ibn Ǧubayr mentions a hospital as he came towards Palermo, see The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, ed. William WRIGHT, rev. Michael J. DE GOIJE (Elias J. W. Gibb memorial series 5), Leiden / London 1907, p. 330. Expected to continue until 2019, the promising project “In Quest of the Islamic Heritage in Sicily: The San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi (Palermo) Archaeological Complex in Transition (From Islamic to Norman Periods, 10th‒12th Centuries”, directed by Guiseppe Mandalà and María Ángeles Utrero, may bring to light new evidence for this complex. Furthermore, it is reported that Robert Guiscard founded the church of Santa Maria di Gerusalemme, FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as n. 10), p. 434; INVEGES, Annali (as n. 12), f. 78; DI GIOVANNI, Topografia 2 (as n. 13), p. 216. A surviving Norman inscription for the now-destroyed church of San Pietro de balnearis records how Robert Guiscard commissioned the foundation with his wife Sikelgaita. The inscription is in Greek characters and dates to the year 1080/1081; Roger I is not mentioned. See André GUILLOU, Recueil des inscriptions grecques médiévales d’Italie (Collection de l’École française de Rome 222), Rome 1996, n. 195, pp. 210f., and, see in this volume the article of Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Die griechischen Gemeinden in Messina und Palermo (11. bis 13. Jahrhundert), especially pp. 51‒56.

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but were also connected to individuals who were in contact with the palace.70 It is, therefore, well worth noting that several foundations were located close to the palace district. Indeed, churches were found in the Galca district in particular.71 Thus, it is a compelling argument to suggest that significant places were spatially and architecturally connected to each other. This can be observed in the relationship between the cathedral and the palace that were physically connected via a covered walkway. According to the late 12th-century traveller Ibn Ǧubayr, this walkway was used by the king to reach the cathedral.72 The fact that Ibn Ǧubayr and his companions were allowed to enter the palace district and to use this walkway could hence be considered a privilege.73 Hugo Falcandus frequently evokes the idea of a select-group of individuals being granted access. This is, again, where gates are of importance in terms of the granting or refusing of entry into the palatial sphere.74

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Hugo Falcandus, Epistola (as n. 39), pp. 182f., here, Hugo Falcandus uses names of the houses and foundations of known individuals as points of orientation when describing the city of Palermo. Amongst them are the domus Maionis admirati, the domus Sedicti sarraceni, the edes Silvestri comitis and the capella Georgii admirati. Maio’s house is also mentioned by Falcandus in the Historia, see ibidem, pp. 44, 46, 49. Furthermore, among the surviving documents, there are deeds of sale that attest to individuals who were in contact with the inner court or obtained offices in the royal palace. Among them is a certain Ansaldus, “master of the upper castle”, who bought a house of Abanella di Petralia inside the Galka, ἐντὸς τῆς γάλκας, see CUSA, Diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 3), pp. 74f. Another example is Blasius, a clericus domini regis, who sold a house to Bartolomeus of Salerno who is described as the king’s doorkeeper. The house was located near to the gates of San Costantino, which lay within the confines of the Galka, see ibidem, pp. 109f.; as for the location of San Costantino, see also DI GIOVANNI, Topografia 2 (as n. 13), pp. 40f. Two examples, where a representive of the clerical elite bought property from Muslims date to 1137 and involve Henry, bishop of Messina. Another dates to 1161 and concerns Raul, cleric of the Palermitan cathedral, buying property in al-qaṣr al-qādim, see CUSA, Diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 3), pp. 61‒67 and pp. 101‒106. However, there is also evidence for royal eunuchs, namely Martin and Peter, owning land in the proximity of the palace, more precicely in the Kemonia quarter, see Johns, Arabic Administration (as n. 3), pp. 222 and 234, Hugo Falcandus even suggests that the eunuch Peter had his own palace build there, see Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), pp. 98f.: gayt[us] Petr[us] … fingens se novum adire velle palatium quod in ea parte civitatis que vocatur Kemonia nuper construxerat, cum paucis eunuchis quos secum decreverat adducendos. Besides the above mentioned church, San Costantino della Galka (see n. 70), many other churches are attributed to the Galka district. However, in a majority of cases, the early documentary evidence is missing: namely “le Chiese greche di Santa Maria la Pinta, S. Barbara de Graecis, S. Maria Maddalena, S. Costantino, S. Maria de Itria, le latine di San Pietro (Cappella Palatina), S. Barbara la soprano, S. Maria de Mazara, San Giacomo, S. Paolo, S. Giovanni de Galga e il monastero di S. Teodoro”, see DI GIOVANNI, Topografia 1 (as n. 13), p. 303. Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla (as n. 69), p. 331. See ibidem. Coming from Cefalù, Ibn Ǧubayr and his travel companions sought entrance to the city of Palermo and “were guided to a gate close to the palaces of the Frankish king” to be questioned by an official. According to Ibn Ǧubayr, all foreigners were subject to such practices. In any case, this example points to (guarded) accessibility and a certain level of spatial organisation with the king being the focal point of this palatial arrangement, see ibidem, p. 330. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), pp. 32, 56, 137, 156 for guarding the palace.

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Besides this architectural connection between palace and cathedral, the seat of the Norman kings contained, of course, a palatine chapel.75 There still remain many open questions as for the exact purpose and use of the cappella palatina.76 However, archeological and art historical studies of the Favara, the Menani and Zisa palaces have resulted in evidence for other palatine foundations.77 The connection between religious or ‘sacred’ spaces and palaces, as centres of authority

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Here, the first foundation is said to date back to the year of or shortly after the conquest with Mary being the patron of the church, see FAZELLO, De rebus Siculis (as n. 10), p. 434; INVEGES, Annali (as n. 12), f. 78. This interpretation possibly goes back to Amatus of Montecassino. His translator states that, once Robert was in possession of Sicily il eslut un lieu molt haut, la ou il fist une forte roche, et la fist molt bien garder, et la forni de choses de vivre pour lonc temps et a grant abondance. Et, un jour, ala par tote la roche et vit grandissime pala[iz] de li sarrazin, entre liquel vit l’eglize de Sainte Marie a la maniere d’un four, see Amatus of Montecassino, Ystoire (as n. 16), lib. 6, cap. 23, p. 434. In the text of the Ystoire, this church appears to be a different one than l’eglize de Saint[e] Marie, laquel eclize avoit esté temple de li sarrazin, which indicates the cathedral, see ibidem, lib. 6, cap. 19 and 20, pp. 431f. However, in documentary sources, a palatine chapel is only mentioned at a time when the palace had already assumed an important role following the creation of the Kingdom of Sicily. Here, a forgery dating to 1132, mentions the palatine chapel as a parrochia with Saint Peter as a patron, see, Luigi GAROFALO, Tabularium regiae ac imperialis capellae collegiate divi Petri in region Panormitano palatio, Palermo 1835, n. 2, pp. 7f. As for the foundation charter of April 1140, see BRÜHL, Diplomata Rogerii (as n. 9), n. 48, pp. 133‒138. An overview, which includes the early modern sources and histories, is given by ZORIÇ, Ars praeclara (as n. 40), pp. 127‒134; see also DI STEFANO, Monumenti (as n. 69), pp. 28‒31. For an extensive bibliography, see Jeremy JOHNS / Ernst J. GRUBE, The Painted Ceilings of the Cappella Palatina (Supplement to Islamic Art), London / New York 2005, pp. 282‒495. The scholarly contributions on the Cappella Palatina are vast and, in parts, quite controversial. An overview is given by Vladimir ZORIÇ, Considerazioni sulla Cappella Palatina, in: Byzantino-sicula, vol. 6: La Sicilia e Bisanzio nei secoli XI e XII. Atti delle X Giornate di Studio della Associazione Italiana di Studi Bizantini (Palermo, 27‒28 Maggio 2011), ed. Renata LAVAGNINI / Cristina ROGNONI, Palermo 2014, pp. 275‒298; see also the contributions of Dorothée SACK, Bauchforschung in der Unterkirche der Cappella Palatina, and Vladimir ZORIÇ, Die Cappella Palatina Rogers II. und ihre späteren Umbauten, in: Die Cappella Palatina in Palermo: Geschichte, Kunst, Funktionen: Forschungsergebnisse der Restaurierung, ed. Thomas DITTELBACH, Künzelsau 2011, pp. 87‒130. As for an art historical interpretation, see William TRONZO, The Cultures of His Kingdom: Roger II and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo, Princeton 1997. Furthermore, the past decade of studies conducted by Jeremy John have resulted in new insights into the Arabic inscriptions as well as the painted ceilings of the palatine church, see JOHNS / GRUBE, Cappella Palatina (as n. 75); JOHNS, Inscriptions (as n. 6). See generally Adolf GOLDSCHMIDT, Die normannischen Königspaläste in Palermo, in: Zeitschrift für Bauwesen 48 (1898), pp. 542‒589; DI STEFANO, Monumenti (as n. 69), pp. 70‒72, 74‒78; Hans-Rudolf MEIER, Die normannischen Königspaläste in Palermo. Studien zur hochmittelalterlichen Residenzbaukunst, Worms 1994, see especially pp. 33‒91. The Zisa castle is connected to a church dedicated to the Santissima Trinità, also called Cappella palatina della Zisa, see Giovanni BELLAFIORE, La Zisa di Palermo, Palermo 1994; Ursula STAACKE, Un palazzo normanno a Palermo: La Zisa. La cultura musulmana negli edifici dei Re, Palermo 1991; Lucio TRIZZINO, SS. Trinità alla Zisa: progetto di restauro, Palermo 1979. The Favara or Maredolce palace contains a church for the Santi Filippo (e Giacomo), see Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, Il castello e la chiesa della Favara di S. Filippo a Mare Dolce in Palermo, in: Archivio Storico Siciliano N.S. 22 (1898), pp. 301‒374.

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and rule, is by no means a Siculo-Norman innovation alone.78 It is, however, remarkable that later forgeries of Norman documents refer to the Norman palace by the epithet sacrum.79 In this context, it is entirely plausible to suggest that the idea of the palace as a “sacred” place was a deliberate evocation.80 This is a perception that well fits with an anecdotal piece of evidence recorded by Ibn Ǧubayr. As the traveller left the palace, he claims to have met two Christians at a palace gate. Addressing Ibn Ǧubayr one of them referred to the palace as alḥaram al-maliki, the royal ḥaram.81 Interestingly, the term ḥaram opens up a semantic spectrum that evokes the idea of a prohibited, protected, if not, a sacred space.

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Examples can be found in the Norman palaces of England. Most famously, construction work on the palace of Westminster was begun under the Anglo-Saxon monarch Edward the Confessor and continued under his Norman successors. Here, the Abbey was designed to be connected to the palace. See the general but recently published volume Westminster: The Art, Architecture and Archaeology of the Royal Palace and Abbey, ed. Warwick RODWELL (The British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 39), 2 vols., London 2016. A further example is found in the Pfalz of Aachen which was erected as the purpose-build residence of Charlemagne, see the classic article by Leo HUGOT, Die Pfalz Karls des Großen in Aachen. Ergebnisse einer topographisch-archäologischen Untersuchung des Ortes und der Pfalz, in: Karl der Große, Lebenswerk und Nachleben, ed. Wolfgang BRAUNFELS, vol. 3, Düsseldorf 1965, pp. 534–572. On the connection of the Byzantine palace of Blachernae with the church of Θεοτòκος τών Βλαχερνών, see e. g. Ruth MACRIDES, The “other” palace in Constantinople: the Blachernai, in: The Emperor’s House. Palaces from Augustus to the Age of Absolutism, ed. Michael FEATHERSTONE / Jean-Michel SPIESER / Gülru TANMAN et al., Berlin 2015, pp. 159–168; as for Islamic palace complexes, besides the examples of Fatimid palaces and their caliphal mosques, see e.g. the Ummayad palace city of Madīnat az-zahrāʾ with its mosque, Basilio PAVÓN MALDONADO, Memoria de la excavación de la mezquita de Madinat al-Zahra (Excavaciones arqueológicas en España 50), Madrid 1966; Kristina KRÜGER, Die Palaststadt Madīnat al-Zahrāʾ bei Córdoba als Zentrum kalifaler Machtausübung, in: Visualisierung von Herrschaft. Frühmittelalterliche Residenze. Gestalt und Zeremoniell, ed. Franz Alto BAUER (Byzas. Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Istanbul 5), Istanbul 2006, pp. 233‒271. See furthermore the broad range of studies collected in: Medioevo: la chiesa e il palazzo. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Parma, 20‒24 settembre 2005, ed. Arturo C. QUINTAVALLE (I convegni di Parma 8), Milan 2007. In the charters of Roger II see n. †11, p. 31 (circa 1430); n. †26, p. 74 (circa 1230); n. †33, pp. 93, 94 (circa 1240); n. †60, p. 202 (circa 1240); n. †70, p. 204 (circa 1240); n. †76, p. 218 (after 1250); Additamentum ad diplomata latina Rogerii II. regis, ed. Carlrichard BRÜHL, in: ENZENSBERGER, Diplomata Guillelmi I. (as n. 69), n. †27, p. 139. Interestingly, the palace of the Byzantine emperor was called ἱερὸν παλάτιον, see Otto TREITINGER, Die oströmische Kaiser- und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im höfischen Zeremoniell, 2nd ed. Darmstadt 1956, see particularly p. 51 note 17 with the many references to the De ceremoniis. In their Greek intitulationes, the Norman kings are referred to as ἅγιος, the same adjective that was used by the Byzantine emperors. Here, I am indebted to Vera von Falkenhausen whose knowledge has proofed invaluable. Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla (as n. 69), p. 331; Broadhurst translates this term as “the King’s protection”, see The Travels of Ibn Jubayr: Being the Chronicle of a Spanish Moor Concerning his Journey to the Egypt of Saladin, the Holy Cities of Arabia, Baghdad the City of the Caliphs, the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, ed. and trans. Roland BROADHURST, London 1952, p. 347.

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IV. The urban space The gate that Ibn Ǧubayr had passed through marked the transitional space between the palatial and the urban sphere. Although, the latter is not explicitly mentioned by name in the conquest histories, it is, along with its quarters, a space that deserves consideration. Throughout the historiographical evidence it is particularly difficult to trace topographic development in the urban space. One explanation may be that districts were not actively affected by the immediate post-conquest re-configuration of the churches and fortifications. Here, it may be assumed, that the districts of the city were not the foremost interest of the chroniclers because they were not the primary and necessary object for the consolidation and representation of power. Nevertheless, as the royal capital, the stability of the city of Palermo was inevitably bound to royal power. Whereas the topography of Norman Palermo has repeatedly been subject to historiographical re-assessesments, its reconstruction has proved tortuous for many parts. This is largely due to the fact that the extant evidence is both scarce and disparate. It is, therefore, difficult to trace down topographical shifts and developments. However, in the 12th-century historiography, the city of Palermo is the subject of numerous vivid descriptions that report upon the urban dynamic shifts of the populus Panormitanus; topographical information is given by the authors to localise and emphasise events and should, hence, be seen in context. This is true for one quarter in particular, the Cassarum, which is, on several occasions, attested to as the scene of urban violence. The word cassarum used in Norman charters derives from the Arabic al-qaṣr, a term that described the old city of Palermo in certain Arabic sources of the royal dīwān and in the geography of al-Idrīsī.82 The narrative sources are in accordance when describing the Cassarum as the oldest of the Palermitan city quarters and enclosed by walls. Indeed, the sources further praise the quarter’s beautiful buildings, wealthy mansions, its streets and its squares.83 In the Epistola of Hugo Falcandus, the description of the Cassarum is notable for the fact that the area is filled with clusters of Arabic toponyms which, in a select number of cases, may indicate Islamic (ex-)institutions.84 Indeed, this is perhaps not overly surprising given 82

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Al-Idrīsī, Nuzhat al-muštāq (as n. 35), pp. 591f. In the Norman charters al-qaṣr or al-qaṣr alqadīm are mentioned and correlate in Latin to cassarii locus or cassarum, see CUSA, Diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 3), pp. 44, 62, 102, 195, 200 and 206. Hugo Falcandus, Epistola (as n. 39), pp. 177‒182, especially pp. 180f; Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla (as n. 69), pp. 331‒334; Al-Idrīsī, Nuzhat al-muštāq (as n. 35), pp. 590‒592. Hugo Falcandus describes the Cassarum as the inner city that was walled and traversed by three main roads. The central road, the via Marmorea, led from the palace straight down to the socalled porta Inferiora, the gate close to the harbour. According to Falcandus, on the way to this gate, a palatium Arabum and a forum Saracenorum could also be located and non-specified goods were sold on the road. Unfortunately, it remains unclear which building or square Hugo Falcandus intended. Remarkably, however, he is using the adjective arabus/-a/-um uniquely. Hugo Falcandus, Epistola (as n. 39), pp. 180f. Besides this case, Hugo Falcandus uses the term

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that the evidence suggests that the Muslims still maintained their properties in the former centre of the Islamic city into the reign of William I. However, at the same time, the Cassarum was becoming susceptible to penetration by courtly elites at a time when the court was becoming increasingly dominated by Latin influences.85 Whereas al-Idrīsī confined himself (as is typical throughout his work) to a brief topographical and architectural overview of al-qaṣr, Ibn Ǧubayr and Hugo Falcandus described the quarter’s population and historical events. In particular, Hugo Falandus is a source that is rich in detailing groups and actors. This is to such an extent that it is a compelling argument to suggest that one of the key narrative devices of his Historia is the relationships between different groups of differing interests. In the Historia, a decisive episode is recorded as occurring in the year 1161. Here, Hugo Falcandus reports upon a rebellion, led by a group of Latin nobiles, against King William I.86 This revolt, which is also reported in the Chronicon of Romuald of Salerno, is interesting as it shows the interdependence of spaces between the urban and palatial sphere and the role of actors within. For both authors, the conspiracy grew among a group of disaffected nobles. The uprising started in the lower part of the city and spread up to the palace where the prisons were opened. In the account of Romuald of Salerno, the king, nescius et ignarus, went to a window of the Pisan tower, where he called for help as the events unfold.87 Like the palace gates, the window can be regarded a transitional threshold between the palatial and the urban sphere. Without further royal support, the palace fell and William was captured and imprisoned.88 Alongside the king, the rebellion also targeted the palace eunuchs and resentement over their privileged and influential position at the Norman court is a grievence that is particularly stressed in the Historia.89 Indeed, Falcandus rec-

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saracenus / Saracenus to indicate the Muslim population or the eunuchs at court, whereas Masmudi (only as a plural) appears in the context of North Africa and, hence, might describe the Almohads, see e. g. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 38), pp. 25f., 28 and 99f. The forum Sarracenorum could indicate a market place which would support the claim that goods were traded by Muslims on the via Marmorea. See ibidem, p. 57. Adalgisa de Simone proposed that it could also indicate a square of (former) religious function, for instance a muṣalla. DE SIMONE, Palermo araba (as n. 14), p. 88. This is notwithstanding the fact that also the Greek courtly elites would have had influence there and would become, once in respectable positions, architecturally active in the urban space. Besides the house and the famous church foundation of George of Antioch for a general overview see, Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I funzionari greci del regno normanno, in ByzantinoSicula, vol. 5: Giorgio di Antiochia. L’arte della politica in Sicilia nel XII secolo tra Bisanzio e l’Islam. Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Palermo, 19–20 Aprile 2007), ed. Mario RE / Cristina ROGNONI (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici “Bruno Lavagnini”. Quaderni 17), Palermo 2009, pp. 165–202. See also METCALFE, Muslims (as n. 6), pp. 185f. Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon (as n. 19), p. 431. Ibidem. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), pp. 44‒57.

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ords how the insurgents penetrated the palace district, attacked and murdered the eunuchs whilst destroying the material products of their power, the recordbooks of the dīwān.90 The palace stood open, unguarded, and its treasures were plundered.91 According to Falcandus, violence spread throughout the city and a mob of homines etate, moribus genereque diversi attacked the Muslim inhabitants of the city.92 For Romuald of Salerno, it was the physical absence of the legitimate royal authority that resulted in the violence escalating into an urban civil war.93 The chronicler, recorded that inter Sarracenos et christianos eiusdem civitatis [Panormi] bellum maximum est exortum, et multi de Sarracenis mortui sunt et expoliati.94 Here, it is notable that both authors infer that it was the fall of the royal palace and the subsequent collapse of royal authority that had facilitated the violent reaction against the Palermitan Muslims. As such, this is a strong indication that the status and the protection of the Muslims and, indeed, the Palermitan people was bound up with the notions of royal prestige and authority. As the pioneering research of Jeremy Johns has demonstrated, these notions were, in turn, represented and reinforced by Palermo’s royal palace that served as a vehicle for royal agendas.95 The fall of the royal palace shattered the well-defined border between the urban and the palatial space; the Muslims, whose security was a representation of royal authority in itself, were thrust into a dangerous and vulnerable position. Indeed, explaining the outbreak of violence against the Muslims in terms of anti-monarchical sentiment is a compelling argument when considering Hugo Falcandus’ explanation for the anger of the nobiles. He mentions, in context with this attack, the goods and chattels of the Muslims and their field of activity: their shops, houses, selling of goods and, the collection of taxes.96 Falcandus furthermore stresses that the Muslims could

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That the riot appears to have particulary targeted the dīwānī documents is evidenced by the fact that, following the rebellion, William was urged to reinstate the cleric and notary Matthew of Salerno, who had been imprisoned in connection with the Matthew Bonellus conspiracy, to recompile the defters, see Hugo Falcando, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 69: … ut ad componendum novos defetarios. Ibidem, p. 56. Ibidem; Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon (as n. 19), p. 431. Legitimate as the conspirators proclaimed William’s I son, Roger, as their new king by making him ride through the city, see Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon (as n. 19), p. 431; Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), pp. 57f. Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon (as n. 19), p. 431. Jeremy Johns emphasises that script and language, most visible in the documents of the royal dīwān and in royal inscriptions, can be read as statements of royal authority. Here, the central administration that was crucial to the execution of this royal policy was situated within the Norman palace. See generally, JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 3), in particular, chapter 11 “Royal dīwān and royal image”, pp. 284‒300; see also Jeremy JOHNS / Nadia JAMIL, Signs of the Times: Arabic Signatures as a Measure of Acculturation in Norman Sicily, in: Muqarnas. An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic World 21 (2004), pp. 181‒192; palace as a sphere of display and performativity, see JOHNS, Arabic Inscriptions (as n. 6). Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 57.

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not defend themselves since they had been disarmed the year before.97 This may well explain why the Muslims could only appear to offer limited resistance and why they fled the quarter to a part of the city that Falcandus called trans Papiretum. The Muslims were continuously attacked there, but were able to securely barricade themselves in.98 Following this spread of violence, Romuald of Salerno notes that the conspirators became vero timore adtoniti and so they went ad pedes regis humiliter and asked for gratiam et misericordiam.99 The king, now free, went to a window of the Pisan tower and spoke to the Palermitan people as a universo populo. The urban violence ended.100 The Muslims, however, would not return to the Cassarum and remained in the quarter on the other shore of the stream Papireto, outside the old city walls.

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Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 57; It remains uncertain if the prohibition on carrying weapons only applied to the Palermitan Muslims. From numerous accounts, particularly in Hugo Falcandus, it is known that there was a more general problem with urban violence. For example, the troops of Matthew Bonellus flagrantly marched through the city whilst rioting, ibidem, pp. 33‒57. However, the Assizes of Ariano do not mention the prohibition of carrying weapons, cf. Le assise di Ariano. Il testo con introduzione, traduzione e note, ed. Ortensio ZECCHINO, Cava dei Tirreni 1994. The constitutiones of Frederick II legislated against the carrying of weapons and even specified which weapons and instruments fell within the scope of the statute, cf. I 10. Indeed, this legislation included an important clause that noted individual exemptions alongside the prescribed penalties in the case of non-observance. Here, it is certainly noteworthy that amongst those who were exempted of the general prohibition included: Curialibus autem et servientibus eorum, quousque nobiscum in curia commorantur vel domum aut domo redeunt vel pro nostris servitiis transmittuntur arma predicta prohibita illis deferre permittimus (I 10) and Castellanis et servientibus castrorum nostrorum, cum a magistro iustitiario, iustitiariis aut aliis officialibus curie nostre extiterint requisiti pro negotiis aliquibus, que ex mandato culminis nostris aut auctoritate imperii vel iurisdictionis eorum ipsis officialibus nostris incumbunt, extra castra permittimus arma deferre. (I 15), see Die Konstitutionen Friedrichs II. für das Königreich Sizilien, ed. Wolfgang STÜRNER (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Constitutiones 2 Suppl.), Stuttgart 1996, Const. I 10‒15, pp. 160‒165. The constitutional reforms of Frederick III specifiy that: Saracenis arma, ferrum, lignamina, caeteraque inhibita deferri, sei vendi prohibuit, & tam contrafacientibus, quam consentientibus certas poenas imposuit, inviolabiliter custodiri, & observari jubemus …, see Capitula regni Siciliae quae ad hodiernum diem lata sunt edita cura ejusdem Regni Deputatorum, ed. Regni Deputatorum, vol. 1, Palermo 1743, cap. 83, p. 87. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 57: Sarraceni … relictis domibus quas plerique eorum in civitate media possidebant, in eam partem que trans Papiretum est secesserunt, ubi Christianis in eos impetum facientibus, aliquam diu frustra conflictum est. Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon (as n. 19), p. 432. Ibidem. According to Hugo Falcandus, who appears more familiar with the palatial topography, the king appeared at the window of the Ioharia tower. However, both authors agree that it was this specific signal that ended the unrest: … dehinc ad Ioharie fenestras eum [regem] perducunt. Tunc vero, viso rege, totius multitudinis clamor et tumultus ingens exoritur; portas ocius postulant aperiri censentque non oportere proditores evadere. Rex autem, manu silentium indicens, iubet eos quiescere, satis inquiens ad promerendum fidelitatis titulum sufficere quod eorum sit opera liberatus; deinceps arma deponant eosque libere sinant egredi, quibus ipse quo maluerint eundi concesserit libertatem; alioquin eos posse gratiam suam, quam integre promeruerant, iterum demereri. Sic igitur, tumultu plebis utcumque sedato, reseratis foribus exeuntes, Cacabum transfugerunt, see Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 60.

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Writing about his stay in Palermo in 1184, Ibn Ǧubayr sullenly portrayed the situation of the Palermitan Muslims about 25 years after the rebellion. For Ibn Ǧubayr, Palermo’s Muslims were legally deprived given that they were forced to pay a tax twice a year and it had become impossible for them to enjoy the resources of land as they had been used to.101 This legal marginalisation also had a topographical dimension for the Palermitan Muslims. From Ibn Ǧubayr’s account, it is tempting to suspect the existence of Muslim quarters that lay outside the confines of the old town, the Cassarum. Here, the Muslims lived separated from the Christians and had their own mercantile and religious institutions102 ‒ more specifically a mosque offering the obligatory prayer, a quranic teacher as well as an Islamic magistrate.103 As for the institution of the Islamic magistrate, the qāḍi, it can be added that it might have given its name to the Scerarchadium quarter that was depicted in the Peter of Eboli miniature.104 This district stretched north and north-east of the old city and would neatly correlate with what Hugo Falcandus described as trans Papireto.105 However, in the account of Ibn Ǧubayr certain Muslims appear to have lived “apart from their brothers who are under the ḏimma (protection) of the unbelievers”. The traveller further states that “they do not have security (amān) for their property, their women or children”.106 It has already been observed that this statement has important implications for the Muslim communities of Palermo, their legal and social status as well as their administration.107 However, Ibn Ǧubayr’s remarks suggest that there might also have been a topographical dimension to this. If so, it is tempting to consider that a certain group of Muslims lived – quite literally – outside the legal protection of the king.

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Saʿatin fī-l-arḍi kānū yaǧidūna-hā, see Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla (as n. 69), pp. 332 and 324; Ibn Ǧubayr almost certainly refers to the poll-tax that the Muslims of Sicily had been obliged to pay by the Norman administration, cf. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 3), here p. 36. Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla (as n. 69), p. 324. Ibidem, p. 332. Peter de Ebulo, Liber (as n. 1), p. 46. Hugo Falcandus, La Historia (as n. 39), p. 57. In the Arabic sources of Islamic Sicily, a certain topographic coherence with the ḥārat aṣ-ṣaqāliba of Islamic times can be assumed. In the “Book of Curiosities” the ḥārat aṣ-ṣaqāliba (here written with sin) is depicted as lying in front of the gate of Ibn Qurhub. As for its localisation see DE SIMONE, Palermo araba (as n. 14), p. 92. Furthermore, it is stated that this ḥāra was itself walled, maʽa al-sūr, see RAPOPORT, Book of Curiosities (as n. 24), A fol. 32B–33A, p. 464. As for the description of the ḥārat aṣ-ṣaqāliba in the 10th-century, see Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat (as n. 22), p. 119. However, the size of the quarter was not inconsiderable. According to Columba, it stretched to the north and north-east of the old city, from the site of the church of Sant’Anna al Capo, now destroyed, to piazza Valverde and porta San Giorgio and through the Terracina to the Castellamare, see COLUMBA, Topografia (as n. 13), p. 147. Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla (as n. 69), p. 332. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 3), p. 36; METCALFE, Muslims (as n. 6), p. 224.

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V. Concluding remarks As has been demonstrated, the illustration of the city of Palermo in Peter of Eboli’s famous miniature does not merely represent an accurate map of the city. Instead, the miniature emphasises places of symbolic importance on the eve of Norman dominion on the island. These places are namely, the palatial, the religious and urban spaces. In this vein, rather than attempting a reconstruction of the topography of the Norman capital, this article has approached the historiographical record by focussing on issues concerning space and place in Norman Palermo. Starting with the Norman conquest of the city and the consolidation of Norman power, this article has aimed to not only examine the relationships between spaces, but has also sought to question how strategies of rule and representation of legitimacy were excersised within them. Concerning the aftermath of the conquest of Islamic Palermo, it has been noted how the Normans attempted to acquire political and religious spaces for symbolic and functional aspects. Here, the important role that was played by the fortification of castles increased significantly when the city of Palermo became the capital of the kingdom under Roger II. The fortified castrum in loco, qui dicitur Galca became the nerve-centre of Norman rule. Here, the Palermitan palace served as the centre of administration and the key vehicle for the creation and promotion of royal representation: important components of monarchical power upon which the stability of the city of Palermo depended. Furthermore, the Normans rebuilt and founded churches and the vocabulary used by the contemporary chroniclers emphasised the Normans as the restorers of the Christian faith. Here, it is noteworthy that the patronage of the Maria Genetrix had been particularly favoured by the conquerors. Certainly, the foundation of religious institutions can be seen as a strategy of control and command that visibly consolidated, represented and reinforced Norman power. Indeed, so successful was this strategy, that well into the 19th-century, historians rountinely celebrated the Norman achievement primarily in terms of their defeat of the “Saracens” and their subsequent restoration of the Christian faith. With the creation of new central spaces, the newly founded kingdom also saw the establishment of new social groups and networks that were tied to the palace complex. This resulted in separation and a pressing need for connections between the different spheres. This is particularly true for the urban space. Here, the interlinked spheres that were located between the palatial and urban space can best be understood by the movement of groups and actors between them. Within this, understanding and utilising Palermo’s Muslims as proxies or indicators of change within these spaces is a compelling methodological approach. Compared to the immediate spatial interventions after the Norman conquest, the Muslim experience is characterised by a gradual socio-cultural change. The inner-urban migration of the Palermitan Muslims, described by Hugo Falcandus as relictis domibus shows how closely the security of this group was linked to Norman power and, more importantly, the spatial dimension of this.

ALEX METCALFE

Dynamic landscapes and dominant kin groups: hydronymy and water-management in Arab-Norman western Sicily I. Introduction and problematisation A defining characteristic of Muslim Sicily was the dominant role played by the island’s metropolitan centre, Palermo.1 Long-held support for this finds justification in its rapid growth after its fall to the Muslims in 831 when it became an increasingly centripetal gathering place for the colony’s rulers, generals, clerics and officials. Renamed al-Madīna (‘the city’), Muslim Palermo attracted scores of religious scholars, jurists and literati; it served as the main garrison for the army, and as a commercial hub for merchants. Given that Palermo was the great focal point of the island, it is tempting to think that Muslim Sicily was therefore a highly centralised state, or at least that Palermo’s size and gravity should inform, if not define, ideas about the capital’s relationship with its provinces. On this, however, the non-survival of charter material has left historians with relatively little to say, and the centre-periphery debate has been driven by archaeology. Here, a disparate record of settlement finds fitted into structuralist frameworks has shaped important models about rural Sicily’s political, economic and territorial organisation, with implications for the island’s putative centralisation.2 In whatever ways we choose to reconstruct Sicily’s social, political and economic dynamics, there is widespread agreement that the agricultural sector of the economy was robust, especially in Muslim-dominated western Sicily.3 These 1

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While there are many isolated articles on Muslim Palermo, probably the most comprehensive study remains the collected essays in Rosario LA DUCA (Ed.), Storia di Palermo, vol. 2: Dal tardo-antico all’Islam, Palermo 1999; also Francesco GABRIELI / Umberto SCERRATO (Ed.), Gli arabi in Italia: cultura, contatti e tradizioni, Milan 1979. See also the more recent studies in Annliese NEF (Ed.), A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, Leiden 2013, especially pp. 39–132, which deal with the Islamic period. For Arab-Sicilian cultural centres outside Palermo, see Adalgisa DE SIMONE, I luoghi di cultura arabo-islamica, in: Centri di produzione della cultura nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo. Atti delle dodicesime giornate normanno-sveve, Bari, 17–20 ottobre 1995, ed. Giosuè MUSCA, Bari 1997, pp. 55–87. See the influential thoughts of Henri BRESC, La formazione del popolo siciliano, in: Tre millenni di storia linguistica della Sicilia. Atti del convegno della Società italiana in Glottologia, Palermo 1983, Pisa 1985, pp. 241–258; also Alessandra MOLINARI, Le campagne siciliane tra il periodo bizantino e quello arabo, in: Acculturazione e mutamenti. Prospettive nell’archeologia medievale del Mediterraneo. VI ciclo di lezioni sulla ricerca applicata in archeologia (Certosa di Pontignano – Museo di Montelupo, 1993), ed. Enrica BOLDRINI / Riccardo FRANCOVICH, Florence 1995, pp. 361–377; EADEM, Paesaggi rurali e formazioni sociali nella Sicilia islamica, normanna e sveva, in: Archeologia Medievale 37 (2010), pp. 229–245. For an introduction and overview of the rural economy, see Michele AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani

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lands were the first to be conquered and inhabited by the Muslims from the 840s, and even if there are doubts about the extent of latifundia estates in Late Antique Sicily or the subsequent impact and innovation brought by the ‘Green Revolution’, it is generally accepted that both the internal and export economies were driven by agricultural production of a type later signalled in the Cairo Geniza letters, and supported by eyewitness reports of the island’s fertility and productivity. The role of Palermo in all this in terms of input, investment and intervention is unclear, but the long-held suspicion again points to bureaucratic, metropolitan regulation in which high-ranking state officials were concessionaires, beneficiaries and stakeholders in the rural economy. Thus, we find in the Fatimid and Kalbid periods, the eunuch Ǧawḏar with his logging interests, and the amīr Yūsuf who seems to have had a monopoly on pack animals, presumably for use by the army.4 The scribe and poet Ibn al-Ṣabbāġ was also known to have held an orchard and plot from the state in the time of last Kalbid amir of Sicily, Ṣamṣām al-Dawla, between around 1040 and 1053.5 Again we run into a series of unknowns: how much land was managed by the state? How were disputes resolved? What relations held between small landholders and tax-collecting agencies? The issues concern not only the rural economy, but also questions of centre and periphery. That these relationships were fundamentally important to the political stability and well-being of Palermo is shown by repeated tax revolts which began in the countryside in the first decades of the 1000s when both ‘the great and the small’ eventually descended on the capital, precipitating the dissolution of central power from the 1030s that unhinged provincial Sicily from its metropolitan centre in the so-called ṭāʾifa period.6

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di Sicilia, ed. Carlo A. NALLINO, vol. 2, 2nd ed. Catania 1933, pp. 506–511; more recently, Leonard C. CHIARELLI, A History of Muslim Sicily (Central Mediterranean Studies Series 1), Santa Venera 2011, pp. 213–222. Al-Ustāḍ al-Ǧawḏar, Inside the Immaculate Portal. A History from Early Fatimid Archives. A New Edition and English Translation of Manṣūr al-ʿAzīzī al-Jawdharī’s Biography of alUstādh Jawdhar, ed. and transl. Hamid HAJI (Ismaili Texts and Translations Series 16), London 2012, here nos. 49, 52 and 56, pp. 126–127, 129f. and p. 132; for the Arabic see pp. 129f., p. 134 and 137. See also the Kalbids’ monopoly on pack animals and horses, Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arib, in: Biblioteca Arabo-Sicula. Ossia raccolta di testi Arabici che toccano la geografia, la storia le biografie e la bibliografia della Sicilia, ed. Michele AMARI / Umberto RIZZITANO, vol. 2, 2nd ed. Palermo 1988, p. 497 (following BAS2 Ar.); Idem, Nihāyat al-arib, in: Biblioteca Arabo-Sicula. Ossia raccolta di testi Arabici che toccano la geografia, la storia le biografie e la bibliografia della Sicilia. Raccolti e tradotti in Italiano, ed. Michele AMARI / Umberto RIZZITANO / Andrea BORRUSO et al., vol. 2, Palermo 1997, p. 140 (following as BAS2 It.); also Giuseppe MANDALÀ, The Martyrdom of Yūḥannā, Physician of Ibn Abī l-Ḥusayn Ruler of the Island of Sicily. Editio Princeps and Historical Commentary, in: Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 3,1‒2 (2016), pp. 3‒118. Iḥsān ʿABBĀS, Muʿǧam al-ʿulamāʾ wa-l-šuʿrāʾ al-Ṣiqilliyyūn, Beirut 1994, pp. 211–220; see also the important article by Mirella CASSARINO, Arabic Epistolography in Sicily: the Case of Ibn al-Ṣabbāġ al-Ṣiqillī, in: Quaderni di studi arabi nov. ser. 10 (2015), pp. 123–138. Al-Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arib, in: BAS2 Ar. 2 (as n. 4), p. 496; BAS2 It. 2 (as n. 4), p. 139.

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As for water provision and management in and around Muslim Palermo, ideas have formed mainly from archaeology, toponymy, and an eyewitness account by Ibn Ḥawqal from 973. A long-held view of Michele Amari is that the Maredolce or Favara palace, well known from Norman times, was originally a Muslim governor’s residence continues to divide opinion.7 This has found some recent, albeit limited, support from archaeology to suggest that it may have been connected to a subterranean water gallery or qanāt in pre-Norman times.8 On marginally safer grounds, place-names highlight an important link between water resources and the island’s army and rulers. Ibn Ḥawqal mentioned a staterun mine in Aghlabid times and a nearby spring called ʿAyn al-Ḥadīd (‘spring of the iron’) that seems to have shared its name. Water for the outlying area of al-Muʿaskar (‘the army camp’) was supplied by the Ġirbāl and two other large springs – ʿAyn Abī ʿAlī and ʿAyn Abī Saʿīd.9 Ibn Ḥawqal was very clear that the spring of the former was named after a Sicilian governor or walī.10 This may be the same Abū ʿAlī during whose time the anonymous Cambridge Chronicle mentioned a truce between the Muslims and the Byzantines almost a century

7 8

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AMARI, Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia 2 (as n. 3), p. 407. Inter alia, Maria S. CALÒ MARIANI, Utilità e diletto: l’acqua e le residenze regie dell’Italia meridionale fra XII e XIII secolo, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen-Âge 104/2 (1992), pp. 343–372; Rosa DI LIBERTO, Norman Palermo: Architecture between the 11th and 12th Century, in: LA DUCA, Storia di Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 139–194, at pp. 159–161 with references; for a ground plan and images, see Nicola GIULIANO / Eliana MAURO / Carla QUARTARONE et al. (Ed.), Siculo-Norman Art. Islamic Culture in Medieval Sicily, Vienna 2004, pp. 115–118. The well-attested Ǧirbāl spring, which supplied the mills of Wādī ʿAbbās, possibly derives from a pre-Muslim-era toponym. It corresponds to the modern Sorgente di Gabriele in Stradella Riserva Reale on the eastern suburbs of Palermo towards Monte Caputo. It was mentioned by Ibn Ḥawqal, who said that the spring was known for its abundance of water and supplied the inhabitants of al-Muʿaskar, Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḍ, ed. Michael J. DE GOEJE / Johannes H. KRAMERS (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2a), 2nd ed. Leipzig 1938, p. 123. The same description was given in the “Book of Curiosities”, where it was also marked on the map of the island, see Yossef RAPOPORT (Ed.), An Eleventh-Century Egyptian Guide to the Universe. The “Book of Curiosities” (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 87), Leiden 2014, A fol. 32B–33A, p. 464 (following: Book of Curiosities). For a pun on the name in the verses of Ibn Qalāqis written in Sicily, see Adalgisa DE SIMONE (Ed.), Splendori e misteri di Sicilia in un’opera di Ibn Qalāqis, Soveria Manelli 1996, pp. 20, 61f. Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḍ (as n. 9), p. 123. The best sources for hydronyms in and around Muslim Palermo are found in Ibn Ḥawqal and the Book of Curiosities. In the map of the Book of Curiosities, the following hydronyms are attested: ʿAyn al-Makawirīya (unknown); Al-Ġirbāl 464 (‘the sieve’); ʿAyn Suġdī(?); ʿAyn Muʿāfā (‘the spring of sanctuary’); Al-Fisqīya (‘the fountain’); ʿAyn Abū ʿAlī (‘the spring of Abū ʿAlī); ʿAyn al-Sabʿ (‘the spring of the seven’); al-Fawwāra al-Ṣaġīra (‘the small fountain’ / lesser Favara); al-Fawwāra al-Kabīra (‘the large fountain’ / greater Favara), ʿAyn al-Qādūs (‘the spring of ʿAyn al-Qādūs’), see RAPOPORT, Book of Curiosities (as n. 9), pp. 464–466. From the description of Palermo in the Book of Curiosities (based on the account of Ibn Ḥawqal), we find: ʿAyn al-Tisʿ (‘spring of the nine’, near the suburb of al-Muʿaskar); al-Bayḍāʾ (named after the suburban village of Baida, literally ‘the white’); ʿAyn al-Šifāʾ (‘the spring of health’); ʿAyn Abī Saʿīd (‘the spring of Abū Saʿīd’); ʿAyn al-Ḥadīd (‘the spring of the iron’); ibidem, pp. 457–459.

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before in 895 to 896.11 The spring is also mentioned on the 11th-century map of Sicily in the Book of Curiosities.12 As for the spring of Abū Saʿīd, the name at least coincides with that of the commander-governor, Abū Saʿīd Mūsā ibn Aḥmad al-Ḍayf, who restored order between 916 and 917.13 The place-name may also have endured in the modern hydronym, Danissini.14 In Ibn Ḥawqal’s selective and partisan account of Palermo’s water resources, he made no mention of the qanāt and, as Adalgisa De Simone shrewdly noted, he may have deliberately overlooked ‘public’ water provision from the Wādī ʿAbbās (modern river Oreto), general access to which was legally ensured by jurists for whom he had limitless antipathy. In its place, he chose to focus his critical attention on the brackish water from wells that the general populace had to drink instead.15 For a landholder, the construction of a well could be a costly undertaking relative to drawing water from overland irrigation channels as we learn from the letter of Ibn al-Ṣabbāġ who complained to the state property manager (mutawallī) that he had undertaken the expense of building a well when in fact water from an irrigation channel and water-storage tank (sāqiya and ǧābiya) would have been enough for his lands.16 It is evident from the fatwā collections of the great medieval Maghribi jurists such as Saḥnūn, al-Wanšarīsī and al-Māzarī that ‘the ordinances of water’ (aḥkām al-miyāh), their application and interpretation, whether relating to running, reserved or subterranean water, was a breeding ground for dispute. By Ibn Ḥawqal’s time, basic legal precepts were clear enough: flowing water could not be ‘owned’, and priority to it normally depended on which party had discovered it first, or else it depended on the user’s proximity to the source. There were, however, any number of stipulations and provisos. Problems were particularly liable to occur over water that had been conveyed via some device or channel since those involved in the construction could claim greater access rights and 11

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14

15 16

Cambridge Chronicle, in: BAS2 Ar. 1 (as n. 4), p. 193; BAS2 It. 1 (as n. 4), p. 280. On Abū ʿAlī, see the important notes in AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia 1 (as n. 3), pp. 572– 574. RAPOPORT, Book of Curiosities (as n. 9), no. 133, p. 136, 138 and 466. Cambridge Chronicle, in: BAS2 Ar. 1 (as n. 4), p. 195; BAS2 It. 1 (as n. 4), p. 282; see also Ibn al-Aṯīr, al-tarīḫ, in: BAS2 Ar. 1 (as n. 4), p. 297; BAS2 It. 1 (as n. 4), pp. 410–411; Ibn Ḫaldun, Kitāb al-ʿIbar, in: BAS2 Ar. 2 (as n. 4), pp. 529–530; BAS2 It. 2 (as n. 4), pp. 193–194. AMARI, Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia 2 (as n. 3), pp. 184–189. Adalgisa DE SIMONE, Palermo araba, in: LA DUCA, Storia di Palermo (as n. 1), p. 99. The identification of ʿAyn Abī Saʿīd with Danissini is primarily based on their approximate locations outside Palermo, rather than on a phonetic match. For the latter, it is not implausible to suggest that the district of Ideisini in Peter of Eboli’s well-known illustration of late Norman Palermo was that of Danissini. If this were the case, then the relative location of the city’s quarters in the sketch should not be taken as strictly accurate. Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis, Codex 120 II der Burgerbibliothek Bern: eine Bilderchronik der Stauferzeit, ed. Theo KÖLZER / Marlis STÄHLI, Sigmaringen 1994, p. 46. Adalgisa DE SIMONE, Custodia Panormi est: intra baych et ferach …, in: LA DUCA, Storia di Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 77–127, here p. 99. ʿABBĀS, Muʿǧam al-ʿulamāʾ (as n. 5), p. 220; CASSARINO, Arabic Epistolography (as n. 5), p. 127.

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incur maintenance responsibilities according to their level of labour contribution.17 That there was a juridical aspect to the question of Palermo’s water provision is of no surprise in a large 10th-century Muslim city, and this may find support in the hydronym Guadagna, which formed a section of the Wādī ʿAbbās, and which seems likely to be derived from Wādī l-ʿĀmm (‘river of the general population’).18 The earliest and most detailed written evidence for the practical implementation of water rights in Sicily post-dates the period of Muslim rule, and comes from an exchange (mubādala) that was written in Arabic and agreed in 1132.19 This concerned irrigation turns (nuwab, sing. nawba) in the countryside on the western outskirts of Palermo. It is unclear why this document should have survived or why a written memorandum had been required. What is evident, however, is the delicate nature of rights and access as shown by the fastidious care with which times of access, their duration, the springs in question, and the water measures (durūb) to be extracted were set out and repeated before witnesses. The formal, legalistic language clearly shows that it had been composed by a trained Muslim jurist. Evidence of water management in Palermo during the Muslim period is barely sufficient to form anything other than a general picture. That said, the general picture is consistent with that of a large metropolitan Muslim centre in which the rulers, army generals and jurists all had an input into questions of resource-regulation, control and access. If and when disputes over rights arose, there would certainly have been no shortage of officials or legal experts in Palermo to pass judgement. A few, well-connected landholders could appeal in an informal capacity to their high-ranking friends who were state officials instead of making a petition, as the example of Ibn al-Ṣabbāġ shows.20 On the other hand, out in the countryside of western Sicily, it is much harder to imagine that recourse to such juridical-administrative infrastructure occurred or was even possible. Indeed, there is reason to believe that, unlike Palermo, religious and institutional organisation in provincial centres (iqlīms) was under-developed until at least the late 960s, and that in many places Christians were in the majority, 17

18

19

20

For an introduction to water-related issues in Islam, see Toufic FAHD et al., Māʾ, in: The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 5, 2nd ed. Leiden 1986, pp. 859–889; Patricia KABRA, Water Rights and Irrigation Practices in the Medieval Maghrib, in: Islamic Law: Theory and Practice, ed. Robert GLEAVE / Eugenia KERMELI, London 2001, pp. 107–118. For translated sections of the Aḥkām al-sulṭānīya of al-Māwardi (d. 1058) that relate to water provision, see The Ordinances of Government, trans. Wafaa H. WAHBA, Reading 1996, pp. 194–201. DE SIMONE, Palermo araba (as n. 14), p. 99, pace Girolamo CARACAUSI, Dizionario onomastico della Sicilia: repertorio storico-etimologico di nomi di famiglia e di luogo, vol. 1: A‒L, Palermo 1994, p. 765 who prefers a derivation from Wādī l-ʿAyn or a nickname formed from the late Latin verb ‘guadaniare’. I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia, ed. Salvatore CUSA, repr. Cologne / Vienna 1982, pp. 6–12. Gaetano TROVATO, Sopravvivenza arabe in Sicilia. Luoghi, contrade, feudi, fonti e castelli siculi di origine araba. I comuni siciliani, con particolare riguardo a quelli di origine araba. I cognomi siciliani di origine araba, Monreale 1949, pp. 40–50. See n. 5.

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unlike at Palermo.21 As such, there is at least a prima facie case – which we will put to the test later in this paper – that practices and concerns at Palermo may not have been reproduced in the same way in rural western Sicily during the Muslim period. The lack of data from the Islamic period is a serious obstacle to this type of inquiry. From the mid-1030s and the ṭāʾifa period of civil war we enter a ‘dark age’ that not even archaeologists can illuminate. When the lights come back on from the 1130s, the royal administration of lands and men was in full swing. Here, historians have also tended to describe a model of a reconstructed centralised state, particularly in Sicily and Calabria that were managed as the kings’ personal demesne by officials of the royal fiscal administration or Dīwān. On the island, concessions to Latin lords were limited relative to the mainland, and most lords held their lands outside western Sicily. As such, western Sicily is generally regarded in terms of continuity with respect to its Muslim population until the foundation of Santa Maria Nuova at Monreale by the mid-1170s, and the concession of c. 1,200 km2 of estates in western Sicily to its abbot-bishop.22 After the death of William II in 1189, these lands were at the epicentre of a revolt that formed an independent amirate until the deportation of the rebel Muslims to Lucera from the 1220s. Thus, as uprisings in western Sicily had marked the end of Muslim rule in Sicily, so too revolts marked the final phase of Muslim settlement at the end of the Norman period. Indeed, the last years of Muslim resistance against Frederick II on Monte Iato took place in a province that was contiguous to that of Palermo itself.23

II. Socio-economic modelling of western Sicily Between 1178 and 1183, three bilingual ‘lists’ or ǧarāʾid (sing. ǧarīda) were issued by the royal Dīwān to Monreale. These confirmed the details of large grants of lands and men that had been made over the previous decade, and they offer our most far-reaching and detailed insights into the region.24 A long Arabic21 22 23

24

See n. 2. For a survey of the church’s foundation and holdings, see Lynn T. WHITE, Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily, Cambridge Matt. 1938, pp. 132–145. In the Monreale register of boundaries from 1182, the limits of Ǧāṭū (modern San Giuseppe Iato) adjoined those of Palermo as evident from the Monreale boundaries, line 225: wa-min hunā infaṣal ḥadd Ǧāṭū min ḥadd al-Madīna (“and from here the boundary of Iato is divided from the boundary of Palermo”). The Monreale 1178 list of men in Arabic and Greek (387 cm by an average width of 60 cm); 1182 list of boundaries (537 cm by av. 56 cm) in Arabic and Latin; Monreale 1183 list of men in Arabic and Greek (574 cm by av. 52 cm). CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 19), pp. 134– 179 and 245–86. New critical editions of these are in preparation. For discussion of diplomatic contexts, see Jeremy JOHNS, Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily. The Royal Dīwān, Cambridge 2002, especially pp. 144–211. In this article, the referencing system relates to the manuscript itself and to the forthcoming critical edition. The numerical value refers to the row of the

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Latin list of land boundaries from 1182 comprises 375 lines of text that define the outer limits of four provinces (Iato, Calatrasi, Corleone and Battallaro) and forty-six of their internal estates.25 The point-to-point descriptions contain around 1,100 place-names and microtoponyms. The overwhelming majority of these are derived from Arabic, supporting the idea of dominant Muslim settlement in the area. The microtoponyms provide details of physical geography and natural resources: caves, river crossing points, hills and crests, mountains and passes, pools, ponds, ravines, rivers, rock outcrops, springs, streams, uncultivated lands, wastelands, watercourses, woods, and many types of flora and fauna. In addition, we find numerous references to anthropogenic impacts on the landscape: boundary marker stones, bridges, churches, a mosque, derelict buildings, ditches, a lookout post and towers, orchards, pastures, ploughed fields, plots of land, settlements of various types, sheepfolds, threshing floors, vineyards, water channels, wells and watermills in addition to data about sowing yields and areas under cultivation. On the 1178 name-list, those registered were mainly from two well-populated centres: Corleone and Calatrasi.26 In addition, many of their outlying estates and those of the province of Iato were recorded. This was by no means the entire population – many estates were not mentioned at all. Besides which, registered landholders and craftsmen had their own family members as well as others working in their service who were not listed. Overall, this probably gives a roughly calculated population of at least a couple of thousand inhabitants in each provincial centre with perhaps a total population on Monreale’s lands of around 15,000 to 20,000. When combined with the many personal names, sobriquets and monikers found on the name-lists that suggest occupations, kin-group ties, ethnic or regional origins, the data allows for a degree of socio-economic modelling such as that found in the widely cited, pioneering study of Une abbaye latine dans la société musulmane : Monreale au XIIe siècle by Henri Bercher, Annie Courteaux, and Jean Mouton.27 It would seem hard to disagree with the picture that these authors have painted of an economically integrated region with a variety

25

26 27

manuscript starting from 001 at the top; the letter value relates to the column running from right-to-left across the page. The number _78 or _83 refers to the date of the list: 1178 or 1183. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 19), pp. 179–244; for discussion, see JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 24), pp. 180–192. For local contexts and later references, see the unconventional, but useful work of Giocchino NANIA, Toponomastica e topografia storica nelle valli del Belice e dello Jato, Palermo 1995. For topographic details of the southern parts, see Maria A. VAGGIOLI, Note di topografia nella Sicilia medievale: una rilettura della jarīda di Monreale (Divise Battallarii, Divisa Fantasine), in: Atti delle quarte giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima (Erice, 1–4 dicembre 2000), Pisa 2003, pp. 1247–1317. At Calatrasi, 444 families were registered across the two name-lists. For Corleone, the total was 276. Henri BERCHER / Annie COURTEAUX / Jean MOUTON, Une abbaye latine dans la société musulmane : Monreale au XIIe siècle, in: Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations 34/3 (1979), pp. 525–547.

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of produce for both local and distant markets. Larger settlements were connected by a network of roads, at least one of which was considered old, and that linked centres as far away as Palermo, Mazara and Agrigento.28 The population was engaged in a wide range of activities and occupations: agricultural, pastoral, crafts and trades. We also find some acting in prestige roles as community leaders, representatives, minor clerics, soldiers, and notaries. Western Sicily was predominantly Muslim – but not exclusively so, as shown by the 53 Christian families at Corleone, who represented almost one in five of the registered population there.29 It has also been noted elsewhere that this was an interfaith, ethnically mixed and regionally diverse population.30 If the villani, as they were invariably and misleadingly labelled in Latin sources, from near-contemporary Cefalù were typical, then we should assume that there could be significant material inequality between ‘villein’ families, as shown by wide variations in their tax obligations.31 This variation is of no great surprise, and is reinforced by reference to the extensive lands held by some of the villani of Mezzoiouso (Manzil Yūsuf) around the same time.32

III. Latin lordship: from order to chaos? Bercher, Courteaux and Mouton argued that the driving force behind western Sicily’s prosperity was its high level of territorial organisation and cohesive socio-economic activity that was destroyed by the sudden imposition of Monreale’s feudal lordship: the Muslims revolted; the revenue system collapsed, and western Sicily was plunged into chaos from which it never recovered. It is tempting to credit such a clearly sequenced process, but closer inspection of the lists’ composition and dating reveals the distinctive imprint that Latin lordship had already made on western Sicily prior to Monreale’s foundation. In the list of boundary clauses, it is fair to assume that at least some historic place-name data from the Muslim period had been carried forward into Norman times, even if this is difficult to prove. For example, there may or may not be a 28 29 30

31

32

For the ‘the old road to Iato’ (al-ṭarīq al-qadīma li-Ǧāṭū) see Monreale 1182, lines 248 and 254. On the road network, see NANIA, Toponomastica (as n. 25), pp. 171–195. Monreale 1178_32A–37F. Alex METCALFE, Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily. Arabic Speakers and the End of Islam (Culture and Civilization in the Middle East), London / New York 2003, pp. 93–97; IDEM, The Muslims of Medieval Italy (The New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys), Edinburgh 2009, pp. 209–229. Rollus Rubeus: privilegia ecclesiae cephaleditane, a diversis regibus et imperatoribus concessa, recollecta et in hoc volumine scripta, ed. Corrado MIRTO (Società siciliana per la storia patria. Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia I ser. 29), Palermo 1972, pp. 39–41. Of the 83 ‘villeins’ the highest tax burden was 40 ṭarī, but 73 of them paid 8 ṭarī or less. Jeremy JOHNS, The Boys from Mezzoiuso. Muslim jizya-Payers in Christian Sicily, in: Islamic Reflections, Arabic Musings. Studies in Honour of Professor Alan Jones, ed. Robert HOYLAND / Philip KENNEDY, Cambridge 2004, pp. 243–255.

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coincidence between the name of a spring – ʿAyn Ibn al-Qāf in Manzil Zarqūn – and the high-ranking secretary (kātib) known as Ibn al-Qāf, and his brother of the same name, both of whom composed verses in the late Kalbid period.33 In other respects, it is much easier to detect data that can be linked to the Norman period. For example, at least a couple of boundary clauses can be shown to have been compiled from earlier 12th-century records.34 In addition, there are present tense references to unresolved disputes suggesting that at least some of the data formed part of an ongoing concern.35 Other details hint that it may have been written out post-1130, rather than in the Islamic period. For example, we find references to the Norman Dīwān itself.36 To this might be added new ecclesiastical lordships that pre-date Monreale, such as the Greek-rite church of San Nicolò di Chúrchuro with its concession of lands, men and a mill by 1149, and the nunnery of Santa Maria Maddalena at Corleone, first attested in 1151.37 We also find the estates of al-Kinīsya (The Church) and Šantaġnī (Sant’Agnese) as well as the Hospital of Sant’Agnese all of which seemed to lie within the district of Corleone.38 We find a named priest too39; the ‘estate of the notary Yūsuf’ that may refer to the chancery scribe of the same name who said that he had copied out the Arabic of the document.40 Non-Islamic influence can be discerned in the practice of delimiting lands with reference to the eastern boundary first in a Christian ‘Romano-Byzantine’ style, rather than the south-first Islamic way. Indeed, two-thirds or more of the internal boundaries of estates in the province of Iato were defined in this way. Similarly, the use of noun reduplication, which is .

33 34

35

36

37

38

39 40

ʿImād al-Dīn al-Iṣfahānī, Ḫarīdat al-qaṣr, in: BAS2 Ar. 2 (as n. 4), p. 717; BAS2 It. 2 (as n. 4), p. 453. For ʿAyn Ibn al-Qāf in the estate of Manzil Zarqūn, see Monreale 1182, line 270. The limits of Raḥl al-Wazzān were defined in 1149; Raḥl Ibn Sahl and Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī had been defined in 1154. These boundaries appeared verbatim in the Monreale confirmation. For comparative analysis, see JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 24), pp. 175–183. Monreale, 1182, line 254: “This district, excluding the area about which there is a dispute, can be sown with 7,000 mudd …”; line 258: “there is a dispute between the inhabitants of Qurullūn and the inhabitants of Malbīṭ …”. Monreale 1182, line 220: “it was written from the record books of the Dīwān al-Taḥqīq alMaʿmūr’; line 258: The men of the Dīwān al-Maʿmūr reported that …”; line 270: “the boundary of the Dīwānī lands (al-ribāʿ al-dīwānīya) …”; line 276: “the men of the Dīwān al-Maʿmūr have there what can be sown with 20 mudd”. See Jeremy JOHNS / Alex METCALFE, The Mystery at Chúrchuro: Conspiracy or Incompetence in Twelfth-Century Sicily?, in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62/2 (1999), pp. 226–259, and WHITE, Latin Monasticism (as n. 22), pp. 158f. At the risk of duplication, the following references to churches are of note: “the church which is within the boundary of Ǧāṭū and is in the possession of the lord of Corleone …” (Monreale 1182, line 227); “[the boundary] rises straight on to Kudyat Bātrū (‘Peter’s Hill’) where there is a church …” (line 234); “to the church of Bātrū (Peter) …” (line 237); “the land in the possession of the monks of the church of al-Hurhur …” (line 316); “descending from the west of the church. The church is in the boundary of Iato …” (lines 319–320); “along the aforesaid road to the church which is near to Bāb Ġār Ibn Zaydūn …” (line 332); “the west of the church that is near Wādī Qurullūn …” (line 364); “near the road leading from the church to Burǧ alMarāʾ and Manzil ʿAqār” (line 365). Bāb Šant Bātrū (Monreale 1182, line 334; Ǧaliṣu); li-l-qissīs Salmūn (line 367, Calatrasi). For ‘the boundary of Raḥl al-kātib Yūsuf’, see Monreale 1182, line 244.

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common throughout the document, was an expression that originated in Latin and especially Byzantine Greek boundary perambulations or periorismoi, suggesting that the boundaries had only been written down after the Norman conquest.41 The above evidence is circumstantial, but it nonetheless points in the same direction; namely that the boundary descriptions were a composite product of the 1100s, probably post-1130. Of lords in the area, we find the well-established Forestal family of Roger and his son, Walter – presumably Normans – who had held villeins in Corleone and Ǧāliṣū from the time of Roger I.42 Reference was made to an estate once held by Paganus de Gorgis, a well-known Norman knight of the post-conquest period.43 Others, of whom we know nothing of detail, were also said to have land holdings in the area from the conquest era of the 1070s.44 Two named lords, Roger and Richard, again presumably ‘Latins’ were mentioned in the Monreale name-list.45 From a boundary inquest in May 1152 we learn that the lord of alǦurf (ṣāḥib al-Ǧurf) was a Latin called William.46 This same Norman name, possibly referring to the lord of Malbīṭ, occurs in the toponym compound mandra Guillelmi and in Arabic, marḥalat Ġuliyālim (‘William’s sheepfold’ or perhaps ‘ranch’).47 The stronghold of Calatrasi was the holding of the Norman Malcovenant family until 1162. The Norman lord, Geoffrey Battellaro, had held a vast estate that had taken its name from him.48 And, like the lord of the large estate of Malbīṭ, who had encroached on the lands of the Dīwān to build a watermill, so too the Norman lord of Battellaro had two watermills which were outside the confines of his own estate.49 Latin lords of a town or estate in the 41

42 43

44

45 46 47 48 49

For example, ‘per viam viam’ ‘keeping to the road’, see Alex METCALFE, Orientation in three Spheres: Medieval Mediterranean Boundary Clauses in Latin, Greek and Arabic, in: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (2012), pp. 37–55; and IDEM, Language and the Written Record: Loss, Survival and Revival in Early Norman Sicily, in: Multilingual and Multigraphic Manuscripts and Documents of East and West, ed. Giuseppe MANDALÀ / Inmaculada PÉREZ MARTÍN, Piscataway NJ 2016, pp. 3–31. Within the limits of Battellaro there may be a reference to earthquake damage, possibly from the catastophic event of 4 February 1169: ʾilā alḥaǧar al-ṭawīl al-wāqif al-laḏī li-ṭaraf zalāzil Anṭalla. Monreale, 1182, lines 349–350. CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 19), pp. 127–129. For “the ruins that used to be an estate belonging to Paganis de Gorgis, which is within the boundary of Iato” (al-ḫirab al-laḏī kāna raḥl ʾilā Bāyān D.ġ.r.ǧ wa-huwa fī ḥadd Ǧāṭū), see Monreale 1182, line 368; CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 19), p. 242. Paganus de Gorgusio or Gorgis frequently appeared as a witness to privileges conceded by Roger I between 1090 and 1097. See Documenti latini e greci del conte Ruggero I di Sicilia, ed. Julia BECKER (Ricerche dell’Istituto Storico Germanico di Roma 9), Rome 2013, p. 79, 81, 85, 88, 173, 174, 176, 179, 191, 192, 223, 225, 233 and 234. See for example, Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis et Roberti Guiscardi Ducis fratris eius, ed. Ernesto PONTIERI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 5,1), Bologna 1925–1928, lib. 3, cap. 20, p. 69. See Monreale 1178_26F and 47F respectively. Toledo, Archivo general de la fundación casa ducal de Medinaceli, no. 1120 verso; see JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 24), p. 309. Monreale 1182, lines 25 (Latin) and 257 (Arabic). Ibidem, lines 344–363. Ibidem, lines 347–348: “to the two watermills which are in al-Qaṣaba. Al-Qaṣaba, with all its

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Monreale lists were referred to as domini – hence, the dominus Malviti and dominus Battallari. However, we also find references to an unknown dominus Corilionis suggesting that this important provincial centre might also have been in the hands of a Latin lord, and not overseen by an ʿāmil, strategot or other royal chancery official.50 So, of four provinces conceded to Monreale, only Iato seems not to have had a Latin lord at some point between the Norman conquest and the foundation of Monreale. If the provincial sectors of royal lands were overseen by busy officials from the Dīwān, then we hear little of them.51 Nor do we have any evidence for the direct involvement of Muslim jurists either. When we come across officials or arbiters in action, it was to define crown land for alienation, rather than to resolve a dispute. Otherwise, some minor officials / agents are attested who may have co-ordinated taxes locally, for example in a market where local producers had access to commerce, but these were people from the area, not chancery officials.52 In particular, there is only one mention of an ʿāmil or provincial governor, and he would appear from his name to have been a Christian.53 Instead, when there was a dispute over boundaries, it was the shaykhs of the local and wider area who were the key arbiters. Complaints that were sufficiently serious to have been put to the centre may have gone unheeded: when those living on crown lands complained against the lord of Malbīṭ who had encroached on their land, the Dīwān had apparently done nothing and the dispute went unresolved. Clearly, this had been going on for some time – the lord had even built a watermill – and got away with it. The fragmented records of estates from the region are also revealing. The chancery aspired to hold its records centrally in Palermo. The extent, detail, accuracy and coverage of these records are open to question – on several occasions the chancery claimed to know more than it actually did.54 As for Monreale, there was no reason why the Dīwān should not have written out everything that was on file from its central in-house records for the lands and men in question. It would appear, however, that they either had data about lands or about men – but not both at the same time. And there were many estates about which they passed

50

51 52

53 54

limits is within the Corleone boundary, but they [i.e. the watermills] are among the property of the lord of Battallaro” – ʾilā al-zawǧ muṭāḥin al-laḏī fī l-Qaṣaba wa-l-Qaṣaba bi-ǧamīʿ ḥudūdiha daḫila fī ḥadd Qurullūn wa-hum [sic] fī milk ṣāḥib Baṭṭallārū. Ibidem, lines 59 and 179 (for the dominus Malviti and dominus Battallari), lines 12 and 13 for the dominus Corilionis. In Arabic, the equivalent term used for dominus was ṣāḥib (see lines 227, 258 abd 348). For officials working in tandem with locals to delimit lands, see JOHNS / METCALFE, The Mystery at Chúrchuro (as n. 37), pp. 244–252. See, for example: al-kātib (notary) ʿAbd Allāh; al-wakīl (deputy, agent) Yūsuf; ʿAlī mutaqabbil al-sūq (market official); ʿUmar al-faqīh (legal expert); al-qāḍī (‘magistrate’); Ḥasan alqasṭallānī (castellan); ṣāḥib al-sūq (market supervisor), see CUSA, I diplomi greci ed arabi (as n. 19), p. 160, 247, 262, 285, 476, 574 and 577. For Abū l-Ṭayyib, son of the shaykh Iṣṭafān, who was the ʿāmil of Iato in the mid-1100s, see JOHNS / METCALFE, The Mystery at Chúrchuro (as n. 37), pp. 230f. IDEM, The Muslims of Medieval Italy (see n. 30), pp. 155–157.

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on no data at all. Adding to the patchy chancery records were lists that local lords had drawn up with varying degrees of competence, thus contributing to the inconsistency of recordkeeping. In this light, the region was not so much characterised by well-ordered regularity of social, economic and administrative structure, but rather by demographic variation, socio-economic difference, religious pluralism, diversity of landholding, and variant terms of tenure as well as hit-and-miss data-collection. That said, when we look at social organisation whether in larger settlements, medium-sized estates or small hamlets, we find striking similarities in terms of segmentary lineages and extended kin groups in communities across the entire region.

IV. Kin groups and social organisation The name-lists offer unequivocal evidence for social organisation into familial groupings, many of which can be traced horizontally and vertically. A handful of families can even be tracked over three generations as seen in Table 1.

Abū Bakr al-Dalīl (13H)

Ǧaʿfar bin Mann Allāh (22E)

Mann Allāh bin al-Dalīl (17E)

Yūsuf bin al-Dalīl (26H)

Abū ʿAbd Allāh bin Mann Allāh (24H)

ʿImrān bin Mann Allāh (10C)

Tab. 1 Familial relations from the Monreale 1178 name-list

To find named blood-relations among the list is by no means difficult.55 When we drill down into the smaller internal estates, some of which were very small, 55

Others among the 1178 list of men include: the Banū Abī Ḫubza from Corleone comprising Ibn Abī Ḫubza (21D); ʿAbd Allāh bin Abī Ḫubza (33B), and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān bin Abī Ḫubza (91E). The Banū Abī l-ʿAbbās (ahl from Corleone: Ḥasan bin Abī l-ʿAbbās (9H); Abū Bakr bin Ḥasan bin Abī l-ʿAbbās (29E), and Aḥmad bin Ḥasan bin Abī l-ʿAbbās (29F). The Banū Abī Šuqayr: ʿUmar bin Bū Šuqayr (47A) from ‘the men of al-Ṭanābirī’; ʿAlī bin ʿUmar bin Bū Šuqayr (51A), a newly-wed from Rāya, and Bū l-Qāsim an in-law of Bū Šuqayr (91N), whose estate was not mentioned. Finally, the Banū l-Rāhib: ʿAbd al-Kaṯīr bin al-Rāhib (041H); Ḥusayn bin al-Rāhib (041K); Ḥasan bin al-Rāhib (44A); ʿAlī bin al-Rāhib (53A), and Ḥusayn ‘the man of’ (raǧul) al-Rāhib (90G). On the internal prosopography in the name-lists, see JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 24), pp. 48–51 and pp. 156–165.

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we see the same picture of family heads whose names (nasabs) more closely identify them with a wider kin group or clan. For example, ʿAbd Allāh bin Ḥaydūs i.e. ʿAbd Allāh of the Ḥaydūs clan, rather than a simple patrilineal relationship as in ʿAbd Allāh bin Ǧaʿfar i.e. ʿAbd Allāh, the son of Ǧaʿfar. Such was the influence of kin groups that some individuals seem to have formed (or to have been formed) into fictive clans, probably according to socio-fiscal criteria because they had agreed to be taxed collectively even if they were not themselves unlikely to have been related by blood or marriage.56 Those registered on the 1183 name-list were arranged under two category headings: ‘the smooth men’ (al-riǧāl al-muls) and the riǧāl al-maḥallāt, here translated as ‘men of the camps’. Most came from small villages or homesteads, rather than from the main provincial centres. In total, 31 % were ‘smooth men’; 9 % were ‘men of the camps’, and the other 60 % were plain ‘men of the registers’.57 The classification of ‘smooth men’ has been dealt with elsewhere in some detail.58 In short, they appear to have been in some sense new to the lists – for example, because they were new to the area or because they had agreed to be fiscally responsible for lands that were un- / under-populated or un- / under-cultivated. We do not know about their tax liabilities. Overall, 17 % of the ‘smooth men’ had some familial relationship with other ‘smooth’ families. Almost half (48 %) of those listed as ‘men of the camps’ (al-maḥallāt) were registered as having some familial relationship with other ‘men of the camps’. Also striking is how many kin groups among them included three, four or five households. Evidently, these formed conspicuous, and presumably influential, groupings within their villages. For example, dominant among the nine families of Raḥl al-Sikkāk were the Banū l-Burdunānī brothers of Ḫalīfa, Maḫlūf, and ʿAbd Allāh.59 Of seven households registered at Manzil Zammūr, five were brothers from a single family – Maḫlūf al-Qaṣīr, Ibrāhīm, ʿUṯmān, Mūsā and ʿĪsā.60

56

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59 60

The best example of this is Banū Ǧundīya (‘the army clan’) from Dasīsa (1183_63D–E). See also, among others, the five members of the Banū l-Madīnīya (‘the Palermo clan’) from Raḥl al-Sikkāk and Manzil Ḫarrāz (125A–C and 136A of the 1183 list). In total, there were 1,129 ‘men of the registers’; 568 ‘smooth men’, and 161 ‘men of the camps’. JOHNS, Arabic Administration (as n. 24), pp. 147–152; see also the contrasting views of Annliese NEF, Conquêtes et reconquêtes médiévales : une réduction en servitude généralisée? (AlAndalus, Sicile et Orient latin), in: Les formes de la servitude : esclavages et servages de la fin de l’Antiquité au monde moderne (Actes de la table ronde de Nanterre, 1–13 décembre 1997) (Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 112/2), Rome 2000, pp. 579–607; EADEM, Conquérir et gouverner la Sicile islamique aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 346), Rome 2011, pp. 493–515. Monreale 1183, 123A–D. Ibidem, 47A–E.

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V. Water supply: practices, techniques, and resource management Turning now to water use in the Norman period when a century or so after Ibn Ḥawqal, Amatus of Montecassino famously described the fertility of the area around Palermo.61 At the height of the Norman period, al-Idrīsī re-iterated widely held views about the island’s fertility brought about by irrigation channels and water-wheels (dāliya, pl. dawālin). On the Monreale estates too we find a certain ḫandaq al-dāliya or ‘the ditch of the water-wheel’.62 The fullest contemporary description of irrigation devices is found in the anonymous, late 12th-century Epistolam ad Petrum: “… you may also see wells being emptied and the cisterns next to them being filled by buckets which rise and fall as the water-wheel turns around, and the water being drawn through canals to different places to that the irrigated plots may become green”’.63 In the Monreale boundary clauses, particular care was taken to record the location and type of water sources that demarcated or crossed a limit. These need not have been impressive structures nor technologically ingenious. A simple water trough (masqā, pl. masāqin), for instance, was attested along a river on the limits of Qurūbniš.64 Such examples offer a particularly rich source of data which can complement the existing corpus of works dealing with hydrology, hydronymy and hydrotechnologies.65 61

62

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En lo séquent jor partirent lo palaiz et les chozes qu’il trovèrent fors de la cité, donnent a li prince li jardin delectoz, pleins de frutte et de eaue, et pour soi chevalier avoient li choses royals et paradis terrestre, Amatus of Montecassino, Storia dei Normanni volgarizzata in antico francese, ed. Vincenzo DE BARTHOLOMAEIS (Fonti per la storia d’Italia pubblicate dall’Istituto storico italiano 76), Rome 1935, lib. 6, cap. 16, p. 278. On the estate of Raḥl al-Ǧadīd, see Monreale 1182, line 277. The collocation of the term suggests that the Latin scribe’s rendition as vallonem vitis (line 86) was a mistranslation that consequently misled Reinhart DOZY, Supplément aux Dictionnaires Arabes, vol. 1, Leiden 1881, p. 459. The History of the Tyrants of Sicily by ‘Hugo Falcandus’ 1154–69, trans. Graham A. LOUD / Thomas WIEDEMANN (Manchester Medieval Sources Series), Manchester 1988, p. 261. For the Latin, ubi et rote volubilis obsequio descendentibus itemque ascendentibus urceolis puteos videas exhauriri cisternasque adiacentes impleri, et inde aqua per rivulos ad loca singola derivati ut irrigati areolis vegetent, see Hugo Falcandus, La Historia o Liber de Regno Sicilie e la Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane Ecclesie Thesaurarium, ed. Giovanni B. SIRAGUSA (Fonti per la storia d’Italia 22), Rome 1897, p. 184. Monreale 1182, line 261: al-wādī l-wādī ʾilā al-masqā ʾilā Wādī ʿAyn Ǧamāʿa al-Kabīr (“keeping along to river to the trough, to the river of ʿAyn Ǧamāʿa al-Kabīr”). On the geomorphology and hydrology of the Conca d’Oro, see Pietro TODARO, Guida di Palermo sotterranea, Palermo 2002, pp. 20–22; IDEM, Palermo sotterranea, in: LA DUCA, Storia di Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 238–256; IDEM, Utilizzazioni del sottosuolo di Palermo in età medievale, in: Palermo medievale. Testi dell’VIII colloquio medievale, Palermo, 26–27 aprile 1989, ed. Cataldo ROCCARO (Schede medievali 30‒31), Palermo 1998, pp. 109–128; Vincenzo BIANCONE / Sebastiano TUSA, I qanāt nell’area centro settentrionale della piana di Palermo, in: Archeologia e territorio (1997), pp. 375–389; Giuseppe BARBERA, La rivoluzione agricola araba in: LA DUCA, Storia di Palermo (as n. 1), Palermo 1999, pp. 221–235. Salvatore TRAMONTANA, Mulini ad acqua nella Sicilia normanna, in: Le parole, le immagine, la storia. Studi e ricerche sul Medioevo, ed. IDEM / Carmela M. RUGOLO, Messina 2012, pp. 75–90; Henri BRESC / Paolo DI SALVO (Ed.), Mulini ad acqua in Sicilia: i mulini, i paratori, le cartiere e altre applicazioni,

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Water-management practices and techniques were not exclusive to the Arabs, but it is well known that many hydrotechnology terms in later Sicilian dialect derive from Arabic.66 Of course, this is not necessarily evidence that such watermanagement techniques were introduced by the Muslims, but rather that these terms of reference were adopted during a period when Arabic speakers were dominant. Unlike al-Andalus, we can say little of detailed water-management strategies from other sources, such as irrigation channel maintenance under a ṣāḥib al-sāqiya. As with legal cases, this is because we lack the relevant documentation – the Monreale registers were not intended to provide this data. At best, we can find only a handful of diggers and irrigation channelers on the name-lists.67 On other, rare, occasions, we can detect disputes that had arisen over watermills.68 Nonetheless, the proliferation of water-related terms in the Monreale boundary register itself confirms the importance that was attached to water rights, resource access and irrigation management. For example, the direction of the water flow towards a particular estate was routinely recorded.69 Of note here is an ambiguity in the use of the Arabic particle li- which could mean ‘towards’ or ‘belonging to’ – or, indeed, both. What emerges from a combination of personal names and place-names relating to wells, ditches, streams, springs, canals, pools, rivers, watermills, bath-houses, crossing points and sea-

66

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69

Palermo 2001; Donald MATTHEW, The Norman Kingdom of Sicily (Cambridge Medieval Textbooks), Cambridge 1992, pp. 80–82. For a more abstract view of water, see the important chapter in Salvatore TRAMONTANA, Il Regno di Sicilia. Uomo e nature dall’XI al XIII secolo (Biblioteca di cultura storica 221), Turin 1999, pp. 369–421. Giovan-Battista PELLEGRINI, Gli arabismi nelle lingue neolatine. Con speciale riguardo all’Italia, vol. 1, Brescia 1972, p. 150. ǧābiya, pl. ǧawābin (water tank) > ggèbbia, Giorgio PICCITTO / Giovanni TROPEA, Vocabolario siciliano (Opera del vocabolario Siciliano), 5 vols., Palermo 1977‒2002, here vol. 2: F‒M (1985), p. 204; nāʿūra, pl. nawāʾir (water-wheel) > nòria; vol. 3: N‒Q (1990), p. 287; qanā, pl. qanawāt (underground canal) > qanat; sāniya, pl. sawānin (water scoop) > sènia; vol. 4: R‒S (1997), p. 812; sāqiya, pl. sawāqin (irrigation channel) > sàia; vol. 4: R‒S (1997), pp. 325–326; attested in Greek as σάκια, Girolamo CARACAUSI, Lessico greco della Sicilia e dell’Italia meridionale (secoli X–XIV), Palermo 1990, p. 508; qādūs bucket, tube for water mentioned by Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḍ, p. 123 > catusu, see Girolamo CARACAUSI, Arabismi medievali di Sicilia, Palermo 1983, pp. 166f. Several other irrigation terms in Sicilian, such as ddarbu (measure of water) and dàchala (partially flooded field) are most likely of Arabic origin. Ibidem, p. 199 and 207. See also BARBERA, La rivoluzione agricola araba (as n. 65), p. 233. From the Monreale 1178 name-list, we find a l-m.wāz.b (canal-digger) 105H and 127L; alsaqqāʾ (ditch-digger), 27C and 118H; al-sāqī (water-carrier), 14B. Of these, see Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, I mulini della discordia sul Fiumefreddo, in: Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, ed. Errico CUOZZO / Vincent DÉROCHE / Annick PETERS-CUSTOT et al., Paris 2008, pp. 225–238; David S. POWERS, Law, Society and Culture in the Maghrib, 1300–1500, Cambridge 2002, pp. 113–119, on the balance of irrigation and milling that could be upset by the construction of upstream mills in systems where milling was subsidiary to irrigation, such as often found in Muslim lands. See also references in n. 38 for the failed petition of a powerful Muslim kin group from Biṯirrāna in 1123. For example: “[The boundary] descends down the ditch, rises to the top of the allotment of alFawarīya, it continues along the ridge, descends to the meeting of the ditches. The western flow of water [belongs] to Ǧāṭū and the eastern to Sūm.nī” (Monreale 1182, lines 251f.)

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sonal watercourses, is that many bore the Arabic names of individuals or kin groups (see appendix A). This naming pattern endured throughout the medieval period, but very few second-element Arabic names survived in such toponym compounds. Thus, we find that later Sicilian dialect terms with the prefixes of Daino-, Donna- or Canna- (from the Arabic ʿayn ‘spring’) tend not to be followed by anthroponyms. The famous ʿAyn al-Abbās, which became Donnabesi, is thus an exception rather than the rule. Before leaping to the conclusion that such names necessarily indicate possession or accession rights of a living person or clan, it is worth recalling that at least some important Sicilian hydronyms had endured across generations as we have seen from Ibn Ḥawqal’s note about ʿAyn Abī ʿAlī at Palermo. Suffice to say that there was at least a tradition of naming water-resource sites after those who had some type of rights or access to them. In western Sicily, when localities changed their name, at least some of those changes were reported in the record. Perhaps the clearest example of this updating process is the boundary of Raḥl al-Būqāl which ‘begins from the top of the stoney hill (al-ḥārik al-ḥiǧār), known in the past as Ibn al-Armal, but now known as Jābir’.70 To illustrate the prevalence of personal names in Sicilian water toponyms of this particular period and place, a selection of target terms can be elicited from appendix A: ʿayn (‘spring’), biʾr (‘well’), fawwāra (‘source’), ḥammām (‘baths’) ḫandaq (‘ditch’), maḍīq (‘strait’), maǧāz (‘crossing’), maṭḥana (‘mill’), and wādī (‘river’). This produces a dataset in which 54 water-related toponyms bear the name of a person, kin group, clan or ‘tribe’. In some water-sources, this predominance is almost total, for example in the case of wells, some of which were enclosed by gates and walls.71 Thus, we find Biʾr Bū Ḥaǧar; Biʾr al-Ḥammāmī; Biʾr al-Ḥināš; Biʾr Ibn ʿAtīq; Biʾr Ibn Yūsuf, and Biʾr al-Šārif. A salient difference emerges between the naming of watermills, rivers and bath-houses on the one hand, and all other water-related sources on the other. If watermills, rivers and bathhouses are excluded, then about half of all the toponyms recall the name of an individual or kin group.72 However, taken on their own, mills, rivers and bathhouses have about double the number of ‘municipal’

70

71

72

[Y]abtadī min raʿs al-ḥārik al-ḥiǧār al-maʿrūfa qadīman bi-Ibn al-Armal wa-tuʿrif alān biǦābir (line 281). It is unclear what, if any, link there might be to Ġār Ǧābir (‘Ǧābir’s cave’) or marḥalat Ibn al-Armal (‘the sheepfold of Ibn al-Armal’) at line 249 in al-Maġāġī and line 257 in Malbīṭ. The personal name Ǧābir was not uncommon in Sicily. The limits of Calatrasi are notable for its inclusion of three pieces of historic landholding data: “the orchard that used to be Riynūn Kazān’s …; the plot of lands that used to be the priest’s Salmūn …”; the ruins that used to be an estate of Bāyān D.ġ.r.ǧ (lines 366–368). “Keeping to the wall [the boundary goes] to the gate of the well” (yatamādī maʿ al-ḥāyiṭ alḥayiṭ ilā bāb al-bīr). See also bāb bīr al-Šārif, translated as porta putei elseref, Monreale 1182 lines 224 and 238/8 and 29 respectively. Enclosures around wells may have been designed to keep out animals. Springs, wells, sources, ditches, straits and crossings: 50 % personal names; 30 % ‘municipal’ / settlement-related names; 10 % descriptive names; 10 % other.

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names of villages or towns than kin groups or individuals.73 If this evidence is understood as reflecting at least access rights, if not de facto ‘possession’, then it suggests that most local water resources were in the hands of kin groups, whereas the production points such as watermills or directly taxable sources such as bath-houses, were ultimately in the hands of the estate and / or its overlord.74

VI. Hydonymy, hydrology, and the ḫandaq network Of all water-related toponym compounds, the most commonly found was ḫandaq – here it is probably best translated as ‘ditch’.75 As an indication of this term’s prominence in the Monreale boundary definitions, it is attested more times than ʿayn (‘spring’) and the same number of times as wādī (‘river’).76 It is striking that, like rivers, wells and springs, many ḫandaqs were known by a specific name, often taking the name of a person, clan or social, ethnic or faith group.77 A minority took the names of villages78; some appear to be descriptive.79 For others, the meaning is unclear, especially in cases when the term in Arabic may have been a loan word.80 Not all the meanings of such key terms are as established or as straightforward as they may at first appear. In this respect, ḫandaq is no exception.81 It was widely attested in the medieval languages of 73

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Mills, rivers and bathhouses: 24 % personal names; 51 % ‘municipal’ / settlement-related names; 14 % descriptive names; 11 % other. This recalls the famous comment of Ibn al-Athīr that the Normans had “not left a single bathhouse, shop, mill or oven to its inhabitants”. Here, however, it again confirms the level of intervention of Latin lords before the foundation of Monreale. Ibn al-Aṯīr, Kāmil al-tawārīḫ, in: BAS2 Ar. 1 (as n. 4), p. 320; BAS2 It. 1 (as n. 4), p. 449. In Vidal Castro’s typology of irrigation terms in 15th-century Nasrid Granada, his translation of ḫandaq is ‘ravine’, although this seems to overlook its more prosaic meaning of ‘ditch’. See Francisco VIDAL CASTRO, Water and Farm Estates in the Arabic Documents of the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada, in: From Al-Andalus to Khurasan: Documents from the Medieval Muslim World, ed. Petra M. SIJPESTEIJN / Lennart SUNDELIN / Sofia TORALLAS TOVAR et al., Leiden 2007, p. 41, 49, pp. 50f. Overall, the number of attested instances are: wādī (x 60); ḫandaq (x 60); ʿayn (x 48); biʾr (x 8); fawwāra (x5). Ḫandaq al-Aḥsan and Ḫandaq Bin al-Aḥsan (x 2); Ḫandaq Bin Šabīb; Ḫandaq Bū Ṣadaqa; alḪandaq al-Farrāš; Ḫandaq al-Ġulām; Ḫandaq al-Ḥannāwīya (x 3); Ḫandaq Ḫaṭṭāb; Ḫandaq Ibn Ḥawwās; Ḫandaq Karrām (also known as Ḫandaq al-Kātib, mentioned 4 times); al-Ḫandaq alKundār; Ḫandaq al-Qatīl; Ḫandaq al-Rūmī; Ḫandaq al-Sallāḥ; Ḫandaq Šaraf; Ḫandaq al-Šayḫ; Ḫandaq al-Yahūd. Ḫandaq al-Balāṭ; Ḫandaq al-B.lwīn; Ḫandaq al-Ġ.rīzī; Ḫandaq Ḥiǧār al-Šubbāṭ; al-Ḫandaq Ǧafla; Ḫandaq Mārtū; Ḫandaq al-Qallāla. Ḫandaq al-Dāliya; al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq (x 9); Ḫandaq al-Kabīr; Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab (x 4); al-ḫandaq al-raqīq; al-ḫandaq al-saghīr (x 3); Ḫandaq al-Ṭarfā; Ḫandaq al-Tīn. Ḫandaq B.ln.bū; Ḫandaq al-B.trā (x 2); Ḫandaq al-F.rmā; Ḫandaq al-Fūliyāt; Ḫandaq al-Lubb. The noun maǧrá, for example, was translated as a ‘drainage ditch’ by VIDAL CASTRO, Water and Farm Estates (as n. 75), p. 41, pp. 49f. For Pizzuto Antinoro (p. 102) the same term referred to an underground channel in al-Andalus akin to a qanāt. See Massimo PIZZUTO ANTINORO,

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the central Mediterranean, especially Arabic, Greek, and Maltese.82 Its basic meaning in Arabic was ambivalent – it could refer to either a ravine, naturally formed by water, wind and soil erosion, or it could refer to a man-made ditch. For Arabic-speaking Muslims, the most common point of reference in Classical Arabic was to the famous defensive strategy of Prophet Muḥammad at the Ġazwat al-ḫandaq (‘Battle of the Trench’) in which ḫandaq clearly referred to a man-made ditch – a Classical Arabic meaning that it has not lost.83 Hence, a back-formation of the verb ḫandaqa (‘to dig a ditch’) is later attested in Andalusi Arabic and in Maltese.84 In modern Sicilian dialect, cánnaca refers to a ‘crevice’, whereas cánnacu is a ‘drain’.85 In the medieval Latin of Sicily, ḫandaq was almost invariably translated as vallonis, while the late medieval Sicilian valluni meaning a ‘torrent’ shows an enduringly close connection with the idea of a water-bearing channel.86 In both Sicily and Malta, ḫandaq could be included in toponym formations that referred to an estate or to an area of cultivated land. For example, ‘in th land of Ḫandaq al-Aḥsan is an allotment of land’.87 Some ditches took their name

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85

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Gli Arabi in Sicilia e il modello irriguo della Conca d’Oro, Palermo 2002, p. 102. In the Monreale documents, from the collocation of the term, it can be inferred to have had a non-technical literal sense of ‘[water-]course’. This was frequently attested in south Italian Greek as χάνδακ without inflection, suggesting that Greek speakers may not have recognised it as a Greek term, cf. the medieval toponym Chandax in Crete. Also attested in medieval Maltese as ħandaq or ħondoq meaning ‘a narrow fosse or ditch generally applied to narrow and deep valleys’. Joseph AQUILINA, Maltese-English Dictionary, Valletta 1987, 1, p. 495. It can also refer to a moat. Cf. also the well-known locality in central Malta, and ħondoq ir-Rummien on Gozo from which many late medieval microtoponyms were derived. Godfrey WETTINGER, Place-Names of the Maltese Islands, San Ġwann 2000, pp. 296–297. For water-resources in medieval Malta, see Keith BUHAGIAR, Water Management Technology as a Contributing Factor in the Development of the Rural Landscape of the Maltese Archipelago: Making a Case for the Late Medieval Period, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, 2 vols., University of Malta 2014. Q: 33. For the verb in Andalusi Arabic and the ambiguity of meanings between ‘ravine’ and ‘ditch’, see Federico CORRIENTE, A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic, Leiden 2011, p. 168. The Andalusi pilgrim, Ibn Ǧubayr, used ḫandaq in the sense of ‘ravine’ when referring to channels incised by down flows of water from hills surrounding Messina. See Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla, in: BAS2 Ar. 1 (as n. 4), p. 84; BAS2 It. 1 (as n. 4), p. 144. For attested usages in medieval Sicily, see CARACAUSI, Arabismi (as n. 66), pp. 246–248 and IDEM, Lessico greco (as n. 66), p. 615. For the Sicilian dialect terms, cánnaca (‘spacco, fenditura’) and cánnacu ‘fogna’, see ibidem, p. 615. For the use of cannachi and cànnacu in toponymic compounds, see IDEM, Dizionario onomastico 1 (as n. 18), p. 274. Only one instance was transliterated: thus, ḫandaq al-Karrām became chandac Kerram (Monreale 1182, lines 233/21). For instances elsewhere in later medieval Sicily, such as Handac il mutalab, Handaq il Kemmum, Handehelomeli, Handiki Belchegi, see CARACAUSI, Dizionario onomastico 1 (as n. 18), p. 784. For the meaning of ‘valluni’ as ‘torrens’ in Sicily of the 1500s, see Lucio SCOBAR, Il Vocabolario siciliano-latino di Lucio Cristoforo Scobar, Palermo 1990. p. 300. Monreale 1182, lines 235–236: In the land of Ḫandaq al-Aḥsan is an allotment of land. The people of Iato reported that it is [part] of the lands of al-Qumayṭ. Its sowing capacity is forty mudd…. the boundary of al-Duqqī begins from the junction of the two ditches surrounding alQallāla, that is to say Raḥl al-Qallāla, known as Ḫandaq bin al-Aḥsan. wa-fī rabʿ Ḫandaq al-

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from the estate in which they were located, such as Ḫandaq Mārtū, Ḫandaq alYahūd or Ḫandaq al-Balāṭ. In both Sicily and Malta, a tract of land could also take its name from a ḫandaq, as could an actual settlement such as Canicattì, which is probably derived from Ḫandaq al-Tīn.88 It could even be attested in a personal name – Nicholas Chandakis – perhaps implying an occupation as a ditch-digger.89 From their collocations, we can refine the meaning of ḫandaq in Sicily, supplementing it with contextual data. Above all, ḫandaqs held or conveyed flows of water.90 The direction of flow was often said to be downward; some ḫandaqs divided into two or were connected to others.91 They intersected with fields; they fed, and were fed by, other water supplies, and so they were very frequently close to, or linked with, water sources – rivers, streams, baths, wells, and springs.92 Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab, for instance, was fed by a river.93 Some were described as having an outlet of water that issued from them.94 In one case, a ḫandaq appears to

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93

94

Aḥsan ḥiṣṣat rabʿ ḏakarū ahl (236) Ǧāṭū anna-hā min ribāʿ al-Qumayṭ baḏr-hā arbaʿīn mudd zāyida ʿalā al-alāf mudd… Ḥadd al-Duqqī yabtadī min maǧmaʿ al-ḫandaqayn al-muḥīṭayn bil-Qallāla wa-huwa Raḥl al-Qallāla yuʿrif bi-Ḫandaq bin al-Aḥsan… cf. line 309: wa-yaṭluʿ maʿ al-ḫandaq ʿurif bi-l-Qallāla. For the toponym Canicattì and a modern surname, see CARACAUSI, Dizionario onomastico 1 (as n. 18), p. 273. For χανδάκης, see IDEM, Lessico Greco (as n. 66), p. 615. See also νικόλαον χανδακάριν, ϊωἄννης τοῦ χανδακάριου and λέος χανδακης in: ibidem. Of many examples, Monreale 1182, line 325: ʾilā al-ḫandaq al-laḏī yanzil fī-hi mā ʿAyn alʿUllayqa ‘to the ḫandaq in which the water of ʿAyn al-ʿUllayqa (‘Spring of the Brambles’) descends’; line 239: min hunāk maʿ maǧrī l-mā wa-huwa ḫandaq al-Fūliyāt. “From here with the flow of water that is ḫandaq al-Fūliyāt.”; line 281: ʾilā baṭn al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq al-laḏī yaṣubb ʿalay-hi mā al-ḥārik (“to the midst of the sunken ditch where water from the hill pours into it”). Monreale 1182, line 250: al-ḫandaq al-šarqī li-Ǧāṭū wa-al-ġarbī li-Sūmīnī (“the eastern ḫandaq goes to Iato and the western one to Sūmīnī”). Line 234: ʾilā an yantahī maltaqā alḫanādiq al-laḏī fī Raḥl al-Qallāla. ‘Until it ends at the meeting of the ḫandaqs that are at Raḥl al-Qallāla’. Monreale 1182, line 330: maṣabb al-mā ʾilā Ḫandaq al-ġarīq fī ḥadd Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī (“The flow of water to Ḫandaq al-ġarīq is in the boundary of Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī”). Line 315: ʾilā al-wādī ʾilā Ḫandaq al-Yahūd ʾilā ʿAyn K.rāk.r… (“to the river, to the ḫandaq of the Jews to the spring of K.rakr…”). Line 322: ʾilā an yaṣil ʾilā maǧārī mā Ḫandaq B.ln.bū (“until it reaches the streams of water of ḫandaq B.lnbu”). Line 325: ʾilā al-ḫandaq al-laḏī yanzil fī-hi mā ʿAyn alʿUllayqa (“to the ditch in which the water of ʿAyn al-ʿUllayqa [‘Spring of the Brambles’] descends”). Line 281: “The boundary descends to the midst of al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq from which water of the aforesaid mountain issues.” Line 285: yanzil al-maǧrī l-maǧrī ʾilā al-ḫandaq alnāzil min Biʾr Ibn Yūsuf (“it descends right along the stream to the ḫandaq leading down from Biʾr Ibn Yūsuf”). Line 289: maṣabb al-mā al-šarqī li-Mārtū wa-l-ġarbī li-Barṭīniq ʾilā al-Q.līʿa ʾilā al-sharaf Ġadīr al-Sūdān ʾilā Ḫandaq Mārtū ʾilā al-Inǧāṣa (“the eastern flow of water [belongs] to Mārtū and the western to Barṭīniq; to al-Q.līʿa to the top of the lake of al-Sudan, to the ḫandaq of Martu, to the pear orchard”). Monreale, 1182, line 279: ʾilā Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab ʾilā multaqā Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab wa-Wādī lBārida yanzil maʿ Wādī l-Bārida ʾilā multaqā Wādī l-Bārida wa-Wādī Barqūq (“it passes right along the road to Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab [‘Ditch of the Canes’], to the meeting of Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab and Wādī l-Bārida [‘Cold River’]”). Monreale, 1182, line 274: yatamādā nāzilan ʾilā Ḫandaq al-Ḥanāwīya al-ḫandaq al-ḫandaq

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ALEX METCALFE

supply a mosque.95 At the edge of one ditch there was said to be storehouses (maḫāzin).96 The ḫandaq system of water-collection seems to have been designed as a way of adding to the supply of water from rivers, springs and wells by collecting the rainfall that ran down from the watershed catchment area into purpose-dug trenches. Although this system might also have helped to mitigate seasonal flooding, many of the ḫandaqs were presumably connected to storage basins and / or a network of smaller irrigation channels leading to cultivated areas.97 More importantly, digging a ḫandaq to collect water did not need any orchestration with state officials – it was quite unlike building an aqueduct or excavating underground qanāts. Nor did a ḫandaq require any expertise to plan, design or construct, nor the investment of multiple partners or stakeholders. Given the association between the ḫandaqs and the Arabic names of individuals, kin groups and clans, it is fair to infer that these persons were responsible for them and that they were most likely locally accessed, dug and maintained. But if so, is there any counter-evidence to suggest the co-ordination of labour and finances either in the wider province or with intervention from the state? For example, we occasionally find that a ḫandaq was mentioned in two contiguous estates – but were there ḫandaqs which ran across several estates? The short answer to this is ‘no’. But, here, the Monreale land registers offers a pivotal and problematic case: al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq.

VII. ‘The submerged ditch’ (al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq) Al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq or ‘the submerged ditch’ stands out from all the others in that it was mentioned in seven different boundary descriptions as seen in the table below:

95

96

97

ʾilā Wādī Bū Ḫabīth yaṭluʿ ʾilā maṣabb Ḫandaq al-B.trā (“it continues descending to Ḫandaq al-Ḥanāwīya, right along the ditch, to Wādī Bū Ḫabīth. It rises to the outlet of Ḫandaq alB.trā”); line 276: “it descends to the ditch, to Wādī Bū Ḫabīth, rises right along the river to the outlet of Ḫandaq al-Ḥanāwīya”. Line 248: nāzilan maʿ al-ḫandaq ʾilā qurb sāqīya Sūm.nī (“descending along the ditch to nearby the irrigation channel (sāqīya) of Summini”). Monreale, 1182, line 322: ʾilā Masjid al-Bārid yatamādā ʾilā raʿs al-ǧabal ʾilā an yaṣil ʾilā maǧārī mā Ḫandaq B.ln.bū (“to the al-Bārid mosque. It extends to the top of the mountain until it arrives at the flows of water of Ḫandaq B.ln.bū [‘Dove / Pigeon(?) Ditch’]”). Line 272: Ḥadd Raḥl Ibn Baraka yabtadī min multaqā Wādī l-Faluw wa-Wādī l-Wazzān min ṭaraf Ḫandaq al-B.trā ḥayṯ al-maḫāzin (“The boundary of Raḥl Ibn Baraka begins from the meeting of Wādī l-Faluw ([Foal’s River’] and Wādī l-Wazzān [‘Weighman’s River’] at the edge of Ḫandaq al-B.trā [‘Peter’s(?) Ditch’] where there are the storehouses”). On the use of smaller sāqīya in Sicily to convey water into fields for the cultivation of onions, see Ibn al-ʿAwwām, Kitāb al-Falāḥa in: BAS2 Ar. 2 (as n. 4), pp. 613–615; BAS2 It. 2 (as n. 4), pp. 305–307.

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DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

Arabic

Divisa98

Latin

Lines

ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Iato: magna divisa

vallonem elgaric

227/1299

al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Raḥl Bū Furīra

vallonis garik

245/39100

ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Raḥl Bū Furīra

vallonis garik

245/41101

al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Raḥl al-Māya

vallonis garik

246/41102

al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Raḥl al-Būqāl

vallonis Garik

281/91103

ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Corleone

vallonem Garic

319/143104

ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī

vallonem elgarik

330/158105

ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī

vallonem Garik

330/159106

ḫandaq al-ġarīq

Qurūbnish

vallonem garik

260/62107

Tab. 2 al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq in the Monreale 1182 boundary register

98

99 100

101 102 103

104

105

106 107

The identification of Raḥl Bū Furīra is associated with the modern toponym Bifarera. The location of Raḥl al-Māya is unknown, but from the description of the estate, it was clearly at the foot of Busambra, contiguous to Raḥl Bū Furīra. The other relevant identifications by toponymic association are: Raḥl al-Būqāl and Masseria Arcivocale, 8 km south-east of Iato; Qurūbniš: and the contrada, case and feudo of Cúrbici, one to two km west of Camporeale; Ḥaǧar alZanātī in the vicinity of Conrada Margana, 7 km north-west of Corleone. For references, see Ferdinando MAURICI, L’insediamento nel territorio della provincia di Palermo: inventario preliminare degli abitati attestati dalle fonti d'archivio (secoli XI–XVI), Palermo 1998, p. 84, 97; NANIA, Toponomastica (as n. 25), pp. 92f., 106f., 150; CARACAUSI, Dizionario onomastico 1 (as n. 18), p. 486; Franco D’ANGELO, Curbici di Camporeale: un problema di insediamento, in: Archeologia Medievale 2 (1975), pp. 455–461. Monreale 1182, line 227 “It [the boundary] joins Wādī Ibn Zurra, then goes to Ḫandaq al-ġarīq, to Raḥl Baḥrī, which is in the district of Ǧāṭū”. Monreale 1182, lines 245–247 “…to the top of the plain of ʿAbd al-Wāḥid, to ʿAyn bin alZabūǧī (‘The Spring of Ibn al-Zabūǧī’), to the large hill, to half way along al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq, to the white rocks which are above the well, to the plain of ʿAbd al-Wāḥid, to ʿAyn al-Zabūǧī, to the overlooking hill, descending to half way along al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq, it returns to the white rocks, to the Ǧāṭū road to Ḥiǧār al-Šubbāṭ”. See n. 93. See n. 93. Monreale 1182, line 281 “It begins from the top of al-Ḥārik al-Ḥiǧār (‘the stoney hill’) known in the past as ‘Ibn al-Armal’ (‘Son of the Widower’), but known now as ‘Ǧābir’. The boundary descends to the midst of al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq from which water of the aforesaid mountain issues.” Monreale 1182, line 319 “It extends right along the river until it ends up at Ḥaǧar Zanātī. It joins Wādī Ibn Zurra to Ḫandaq al-ġarīq to Raḥl Baḥrī in the district of Ǧāṭū and which is in the hands of the inhabitants of Qurullūn.” Monreale 1182, line 329 “It extends right along the road to al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq, then it returns north right along the peak.” Monreale 1182, line 330 “The flow of water to ḫandaq al-ġarīq is in the boundary of Ḥaǧar alZanātī.” Monreale 1182, line 260 “The boundary of Qurūbniš begins from the east from Ḥaǧar al-ʿUqāb (‘Eagle’s Rock’) descending along the stream of water to ʿAyn Kundur (‘Frankincense Spring’), right along the stream to the Qalʿat Ṭrazī road. It returns southwards to ḫandaq al-ġarīq, descends to the river, to Ḥaǧar Salāma, extends along the Qalʿat Fīmī road ...”.

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The adjective ġarīq usually means ‘drowned’, but in the context of a ditch it can also mean ‘under water’, hence ‘sunken’ or ‘submerged’.108 As such, it seems more likely to refer to a ditch than to a hillside ravine. The importance of alḫandaq al-ġarīq – if it refers to a single, continuous channel – is that it traversed multiple estates and at least two provinces, and it must therefore have run for tens of kilometres across the western Sicilian countryside. If so, it implies the centralised input of a state or of at least a province, rather than just the co-ordinated efforts local leaders across successive estates. Do we have here a prime example of ‘state’ intervention in rural water management and irrigation systems? Maybe, but there is a problem. Although some of these estates were contiguous, that of Qurūbnish was a long distance from any of the others.109 This suggests that the ditch could not have been the same one. Worse still, al-Idrīsī also mentioned a place called al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq.110 This was on the other side of the island, near Syracuse, probably now Capo Santa Panagia. In other words, it looks as if ‘submerged ditch’ was a common way of describing any waterfilled ditch. As such, it would be dangerous to proceed on the assumption that there could have been a single, extensive, water-channelling system across swathes of western Sicily.

VIII. Identifying a ḫandaq The ḫandaq system of ditch-digging and water-channelling has certain resemblances to the ḫaṭṭāra system found in parts of modern western Maghrib.111 However, such analogies are problematic given the proliferation of near-synonymous terms and the almost insuperable difficulties of identifying – let alone dating – a medieval ḫandaq in later times. Similarly, it is perfectly possible that few, if any, have survived without either changing their course or having been filled in. However, help may come from the early modern period. In 1409, a boundary clause confirmed the limits of Casalotto ‘dei monaci’. This estate, which could yield 180 salme, lay a short distance to the south of medieval Calatrasi (on and around Monte Maranfusa) and modern Roccamena.112 It first 108 109

110

111

112

For example, ʾarḍ ġariqa “land in the utmost state of irrigation”, Edward W. LANE, ArabicEnglish Lexicon, vol. 6, London 1863, repr. New York 1955, p. 2251. It is possible to infer from toponymic evidence of later periods that some of these estates were contiguous. Even with its shortcomings, probably the best map of the area in the Norman period is the (unpaginated) fold-out map in NANIA, Toponomastica (as n. 25). Al-Idrīsī, Nuzhat al-muštāq, ed. Alessio BOMBACI / Enrico CERULLI (Opus geographicum 4), vol. 2, Naples 1972, p. 624. For the use of landless, low-status settlers in the maintenance of a ḫaṭṭāra system in the modern period, see Hsain ILAHIANE, Small-Scale Irrigation in a Multiethnic Oasis Environment: the Case of Zaouit Amelkis Village, Southeast Morocco, in: Journal of Political Ecology 3 (1996), pp. 89–106. For the early modern context of the feudi around Corleone, see Rita L. FOTI, Corleone antico e nobile: storie di città e memorie familiari (secoli XV–XVIII), Palermo 2008, p. 51, 63, 92 and 98.

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

119

appeared on Lello’s map of 1596 and that of Del Giudice from 1702, both of which showed the relative position of Monreale’s feudi (see fig. 1a and 1b).113 The estate’s location is easily found on a modern IGM map (see fig. 5).114 At the top left and bottom right of the maps are descriptions of the estate’s outer boundaries and inner divisions (see appendix B). In 1740, as the result of a boundary dispute on this same estate, an inquest was held; witnesses’ accounts were recorded, and a digest of the result was included in annotated and to-scale sketches of the estate (see figs. 3 and 4).115 The Latin of the ‘universal description’ is typical for the late medieval period, if not earlier. On the other hand, the Sicilianised Latin of the internal particulars of the estate suggests that it is post-medieval.116 Based on the accompanying collection of notes at the time, it is highly likely that the Latin boundary description dates from 1409, and the Sicilian one from 1740. Indeed, the inquest of 1740 proceeded on the same assumption.117 Running through the centre of the estate was a ḫandaq called the vallonis de Morandi. This was carefully marked on the map with the letter ‘H’ following its course. It was also coloured in blue like the river marked as the Fiumara di Corleone, Batticani e Busambara (fig. 3), known today as the Fiume Frattina or Bélice Sinistro. The modern aerial photograph of the area shows a field system that splits where once the course of the vallone ran (see fig. 6).118 The vallone is no longer a ditch, but it can be seen to have run down a gentle slope (see fig. 2), supplying water to the fields on either side of it. In the absence of archaeology, this remarkable map may be the best, and perhaps the only, hope of tracing the 113

114 115

116 117

118

The present-day homesteads at Casalotto lie 4 km SSE of Monte Maranfusa and 2 km SSE of Roccamena. For maps of the late medieval and early modern feudi, see Giovanni L. LELLO, Historia della Chiesa di Monreale, Rome 1596, and Michele DEL GIUDICE, Descrizione del real tempio e monasterio di Santa Maria Nuova di Morreale, Palermo 1702. For modern reproduction of the maps, see fig. 1 (below); Antonietta I. LIMA, Monreale (Palermo), Palermo 1991, p. 103 (with extensive bibliography). Istituto Geografico Militare 1:25000, sheet 258 III N.E. Monte Bruca 1969. Archivio Storico Collegiata, Monreale: Fondo dei Benedettini, Serie 2, no. 595 and 597. I would like to thank Dott. Giovanni Vitale and the staff at Archivio Diocesano in Monreale, and to Don Mario Campisi at the church of the Collegiata in Monreale for their help and advice. For example, in the phrases: usque ad quemdam lapidem grossum and usque ad quosdam roccazios magnos. See Appendix B, § IX. The frontispiece of n. 597, which accompanies the map, reads: Volume delli scritti per li quali s’impugna la Carta geodetica fatta da Dr Salvatore Attinelli con li reassunti delle note tutte poste alle distinte parti de’i feudi di Galardo e Casalotto controsegnate con lettere dal medesimo, ma che si oppongono a quanto chiama nel 1409: la scrittura della giusta loro divisione. (‘Volume of writings that contest the topographic map made by Dr Salvatore Attinelli, including the summaries of all the notes relating to the particular parts of the feudi of Galardo and Casalotto marked with letters by that same person, but which counter that which was claimed in 1409, namely the writing of their correct parts’). I am grateful to the staff of the Assessorato Regionale Territorio ed Ambiente Dipartimento Urbanistica: Servizio Cartografico ed Informative in Palermo for their assistance with providing aerial photographs from flight ATA 1987, fg. 607/619, strip 40 F photos 2, 3, 5, 8, and volo ATA 1987, fig. 607/619, strip 41D photos 22, 24, 26, 27, 29.

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described course of a medieval vallonis. Another important point of the Casalotto vallone is what it might reveal of the practicalities of such an irrigation system. First to observe is that it ran down a slight inclination beginning at the top of a slope near the water-shed, thus it functioned without the need of a precipitous hillside. Evidently, it was a well-known and important feature of the estate that continued across much of the estate, but not apparently beyond it. In 1740, the vallone was called vallone di Morando, presumably an important local or one of the monks, who had also given his name to some of the adjacent fields, thus maintaining the long-standing naming practice.

Fig. 1a Map of Giovanni L. LELLO, Historia della Chiesa di Monreale, Rome 1596

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

121

Fig. 1b Michele DEL GIUDICE, Descrizione al Tempio di Santa Maria Nuova di Monreale, Palermo 1702

Fig. 2 Inclined slope of the vallone at Casalotto (photo: A. Metcalfe)

122

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Fig. 3 Sketch map of Casalotto dei Monaci from 1740. Archivio Storico Collegiata, Monreale: Fondo dei Benedettini, Serie 2, no. 595

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

123

Fig. 4 Sketch map of Casalotto dei Monaci from 1740. Archivio Storico Collegiata, Monreale: Fondo dei Benedettini, Serie 2, no. 597

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Fig. 5 Modern map of Casalotto. Istituto Geografico Militare 1:25000 sheet 258 III N.E. Monte Bruca, 1969

Fig. 6 Aerial photograph (photo: Assessorato Regionale Territorio ed Ambiente Dipartimento Urbanistica: Servizio Cartografico ed Informative, Palermo)

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

125

IX. Some conclusions Overall, the ḫandaq system fills a missing gap in our understanding of waterirrigation management in Arab-Norman Sicily, which has tended to focus on complex technologies, such as water-raising devices, underground channels or turbine technologies. Instead, the ḫandaq system was a cost-effective, easy-tobuild, easy-to-maintain alternative that enhanced the power of the landscape and seasonal rainfall. It did not require expert construction or tricky inter-communal co-ordination of finances and labour other than digging and clearing the ditches locally. Given the kin-group social organisation of these small estates, and the hydronymy of the area, we can infer that the ḫandaq system was able to be maintained by families and kin groups without the need for any intervention or investment from the state, provincial officials or an overlord. It would, of course, be highly vulnerable to any form of competition for water resources, such as the construction of watermills which seem to have been the privilege of non-Muslim lords in the area, and who had already built mills to the detriment and chagrin of the local population. By the 1170s, the local Muslim population had lost the grace and favour of the crown since their complaints about the encroachment of lords had fallen on deaf ears. Indeed, while much of western Sicily was overseen from a distance by the crown and its officials, many of its small landholding Muslim families were used to living at much closer quarters with Latin lords who had overseen large areas of lands long before they were handed over to the Latin Church. Returning to the question of centre and periphery in Sicily, which opened this paper. It is well known that the area around Palermo, known later as the Conca d’Oro, was fertile and well irrigated in the Islamic and Norman periods, as described by Ibn Ḥawqal, Amatus, Idrīsī and Falcandus. However, the establishment and management of the ḫandaq network across western Sicily stands in contrast to the elaborate system of underground water supplies that fed Palermo and its hinterland. Although the geomorphology of that area lends itself to this type of hydrology, it is significant that in the Norman period – and quite probably in the Muslim period too – that this expensive and labour-intensive system can be linked to the interests of the rulers and their officials, the army and a cadre of religious jurists. Water-resource management can thus be taken as an indicator of difference between state intervention and investment centred on the metropolis that did not extend beyond the Conca d’Oro to the countryside of western Sicily where there was a locally maintained system closely based on the capture and conveyance of rainwater. This works against some of the usual assumptions about a dominant metropolitan centre of Palermo. On the contrary, where there was intervention in western Sicily, it was not usually from the crown, but from Latin lords whose encroachment and construction of watermills fitted with the wider picture of dispossession and displacement of Muslims that had continued from the time of Norman conquest itself a century before the foundation of Monreale,

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pace the hypothesis of Bercher, Courteaux, and Mouton that western Sicily was tranquil, orderly and prosperous until the foundation of the church Santa Maria di Monreale in the 1170s.

Appendix Appendix A: Dataset of Arabic-Latin hydronyms from the Monreale ǧarīdat al-ḥudūd of 1182 Arabic

Estate

ʿAyn ʿĪsá ʿAyn ʿAbd al-Kāfī ʿAyn ʿAbd al-Kāfī ʿAyn al-ʿAmm alKabīra ʿAyn al-Ašǧār ʿAyn ʿAyyās or ʿAbbās

fontis háyse al-Raḥl al-Ǧadīd Laqamūqa

Line reference 271– 272/77–78 277/86–7 276/84

Ǧaṭīna

fontem abdelkéfi fontem abdelkcefi fontem elam magnum fontem Elisiar

Baṭṭallārū

fontes albesi

347/178

fontes hayes

320/145

fontem frigidum fons frigidus

fons luti fontem filii zebugi

259/60 315/139 234–235/22 & 25 346/176 245/39

fonte caballi

323/150

fons dunkar

315/139

fontem fersa

326/154

fontes Kabith fontem hasa

302/119 310/131

al-Duqqī

ʿAyn al-Bārida ʿAyn al-Bārida

Corleone – magna divisa Malbīṭ al-Aqbāṭ

ʿAyn al-Bārida

Maġnūǧa

ʿUyūn ʿAyyāš

Latin

ʿAyn al-Bāṭān Baṭṭallārū ʿAyn Bin al-Z.būǧī Raḥl Bū Furīra Corleone – magna ʿAyn al-Birḏawn divisa ʿAyn al-Dāmūs ʿAyn al-Dāmūs ʿAyn D.nk.r al-Aqbāṭ Corleone – magna ʿAyn Faršaḥ divisa ʿUyūn Ḥabīb Manzil ʿAbd Allāh ʿAyn al-Ḥaṣā Ǧaṭīna

fons frigidus

237–238/28 311/132

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DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

ʿAyn al-Ḥaṣā ʿAyn Ḥasan ʿAyn Ibn al-Qāf ʿUyūn al-Iǧrāf ʿAyn al-Inǧāṣa ʿAyn Ǧalāq.n ʿAyn Ǧamāʿa alKabīra al-ʿAyn al-Kabīr al-ʿAyn al-Kabīra al-ʿAyn al-Kabīra al-ʿAyn al-Kabīra al-maʿrūfa bi-ʿAyn Šantaġnī alMašhūra ʿAyn al-Karāfs wa-tusmī bi-ʿAyn al-Mintina ʿAyn Ḥabīb ʿAyn al-Ḫurūq ʿAyn al-Ḫurūq ʿAyn Kundūr ʿAyn K.rāk.r ʿAyn Kudyat Bāṭrū ʿAyn al-Māzarīn

al-Ġār al-Duqqī Manzil Zarqūn Corleone – magna divisa Corleone – magna divisa Baṭṭallārū

ʿAyn al-Šaḥim

312/133 238/29 270/75

fontes rupium

321/147

fontem pirerii

327/154

ayn elgelakan

361/197

see Wādī ʿAyn Jamāʿa l–Kabīra Ǧaṭīna Usbiṭāl Shantaghnī Faṭṭāṣina

magno fonte fons magnus fons magnus

310/131 342/175 335/

Usbiṭāl Šantaġnī

fons magnus qui vocatur fons sanctagni

337/168

Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī

fontem apii qui etiam vocatur fons fetidus

330/159

see ʿUyūn Ḥabīb al-Randa al-Randa Qurūbnish al-Aqbāṭ Maġnūǧa Jāliṣu

al-ʿAyn al-Mintina Sūm.nī ʿAyn al-Nusūr ʿUyūn al-Rayḥān ʿAyn al-Samār

fonte hisa fontem hassen fontem filii lakaf

Ǧaṭīna Iato: magna divisa Baṭṭallārū Corleone – magna divisa

fontem urúc fontem pannorum fontem kcundur fontem karácher fontem monticuli petri fontem mazariensium fontem fetidum (see also ʿAyn alKarāfs). fontem vulturum fontes mortille fons simar

312/134 313/135 260/62 315/139

fontem Sahan

321/146

236/27 334/164 253/52 311/132 231/18 358/193

128 ʿAyn Šantaġnī alMašhūra ʿAyn al-Tuffāḥa ʿAyn al-ʿUllayqa ʿAyn al-ʿUllayqa ʿAyn al-ʿUllayqa ʿAyn al-Zarqa ʿAyn al-Zubar ʿAyn al-Z.būǧī ʿAyn al-Zufayzafa al-Bīr al-Bīr al-Bīr Bīr Bū Ḥaǧar Bīr al-Ḥammāmī Bīr al-Ḥināš Bīr Ibn ʿAtīq Bīr Ibn ʿAtīq Bīr Ibn Yūsuf Bīr al-Šārif Bīr al-Zuqāq al-fawwara al-fawwāra fawwārat alQaṣaba Fawwārat Raqla Fawwārat alṬabarī al-Ġadīr Ġadīr Ḥalīma Ġadīr al-Kattān

ALEX METCALFE

see al-ʿAyn al-Kabīra l-maʿrūfa bi-ʿAyn Šantaġnī alMašhūra Baṭṭallārū fontem pomerii 362/199 Raḥl al-Būqāl fons rubeti 283/94 Baṭṭallārū fontem rubbet 346/176 Corleone – magna fontis Ullíca 325/152 divisa Mārtū fontem zarca 290/102 Raḥl Bijānū flumen zabar 307/125 fontem zebugi (see Raḥl Bū Furīra also ʿAyn Bin al246/41 Z.būǧī). Corleone – magna fontes zufei zefe 321/147 divisa al-Duqqī puteum 238/29 Raḥl Bū Furīra puteum 245/39 see also Bāb al-Bīr Baṭṭallārū puteum bahagar 356/191 puteum balneatoRaḥl ʿAmrūn 279/88 ris see Ḥārik Biʾr al-Ḥināš Calatrasi putei Beneatik 365/203 Calatrasi puteum filii eatik 365/203 Raḥl al-Ġalīẓ puteo filii ioseph 285/96 see Bāb Biʾr al-Shārif Faṭṭāṣina puteum zucaki 336/167 Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī favaria 332/163 Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī favaria 328/157 Jāliṣu

favaria canneti

333/164

Iato: magna divisa

favaria heraclii

232/19

Iato: magna divisa

favara tabri

224/8

Baṭṭallārū Qurūbnish Raḥl ʿAmrūn

lacum lacum halime lacum lini

350/183 261/64 280/90

129

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

Ġadīr Sittāt Ġadīr al-Suʿdī Ġadīr al-Suʿdī Ġadīr al-Zuġundī al-Ḥammām

Calatrasi Raḥl Bū Furīra Raḥl al-Māya Baṭṭallārū Baṭṭallārū

gadir seitet lacum ciperi lacum ciperi lacum zagandi hamem, balneum

al-Ḥammām

Baṭṭallārū

hamem, balneum

al-Ḥammām Ḥammām Anṭalla Ḫandaq al-Aḥsan Ḫandaq al-Balāṭ Ḫandaq Bin alAḥsan Ḫandaq Bin alAḥsan

Calatrasi Calatrasi Maġnūǧa Iato: magna divisa

Balneo Balneum Hantella vallonis lachasen vallonem baláte vallo filii lahacssén

Ḫandaq Bin Šabīb Ḫandaq B.ln.bū Ḫandaq al-B.lwīn Ḫandaq al-B.trā Ḫandaq al-B.trā Ḫandaq Bū Ṣadaqa Ḫandaq al-Dāliya al-Ḫandaq alFarrāš Ḫandaq al-F.rmā Ḫandaq al-Fūliyāt al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq Ḫandaq al-ġarīq al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq Ḫandaq al-ġarīq Ḫandaq al-ġarīq

al-Duqqī

368/207 244/38 246/40 356–7/191 349/181 351– 352/183 371/212 370/210 235/25 231/18 236/26

al-Duqqī

vallo filii lahacsen

240/31

Corleone – magna divisa Corleone – magna divisa al-Maġāġī Raḥl Ibn Baraka Raḥl Ibn Baraka Manzil ʿAbd alRaḥmān al-Raḥl al-Ǧadīd

vallonem bensebbib

326/154

vallonis palumbu

322/147

vallo beluyni vallonis péra vallonis pítra

248/43 272/79 274/82

vallone bussádaca

308/127

vallonem vitis vallonem cadaverum vallonem forme vallonem fuliet vallonis garik vallonis garik vallonis garik vallonis Garik vallonem elgaric vallonem garik

277/86

Qurūbniš al-Suflī Qurūbnish al-Duqqī Raḥl Bū Furīra Raḥl Bū Furīra Raḥl al-Māya Raḥl al-Būqāl Iato: magna divisa Qurūbnish

264/68 261/63 239/31 245/39 245/41 246/41 281/91 227/12 260/62

130 Ḫandaq al-ġarīq Ḫandaq al-ġarīq Ḫandaq al-ġarīq Ḫandaq al-Ġ.rīzī Ḫandaq al-Ġulām Ḫandaq alḤannāwīya Ḫandaq alḤannāwīya Ḫandaq Ḫaṭṭāb Ḫandaq Ḥiǧār alŠubbāṭ Ḫandaq Ibn Ḥawwās al-Ḫandaq Ǧafla Ḫandaq al-Kabīr Ḫandaq Karrām / Ḫandaq al-Kātib Ḫandaq Karrām / Ḫandaq al-Kātib Ḫandaq Karrām / Ḫandaq al-Kātib Ḫandaq Karrām / Ḫandaq al-Kātib Ḫandaq alḤannāwīya al-Ḫandaq alK.ndār Ḫandaq al-Lubb Ḫandaq Mārtū Ḫandaq al-Qallāla

ALEX METCALFE

Corleone – magna divisa Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī al-Maġāġī Baṭṭallārū

vallonem Garic

319/143

vallonem elgarik vallonem Garik vallem granzi vallonem servi

330/158 330/159 248/43 357/192

Raḥl Laqamūqa

vallone hanne uíe

275/83

Raḥl Laqamūqa

vallonis hanneuye

276/85

Raḥl Bū Furīra

vallonem chatab vallo lapidum sabat vallonem ebenhaues vallone cephala

244/37

Iato: magna divisa

vallem karram

222/5

Iato: magna divisa

vallem karram

233/5

Iato: magna divisa

chandackerram

233/21

Iato: magna divisa

vallonem notarii

233/21

Raḥl Ibn Baraka

vallonem hanneuye

274/82

Usbiṭāl Shantaghnī

vallo Gindar

337/169

Iato: magna divisa Mārtū al-Qumayṭ

vallonem lupi vallonem mertu vallonem Kallele vallonem cannarum vallonis cannarum vallonis cannarum

232/19 289/101 309/128

Raḥl Bū Furīra Maġnūǧa Raḥl Bū Furīra al-Duqqī

Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab

Raḥl ʿAmrūn

Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab

Calatrasi Calatrasi

243/36 234/22

243/37 239–240 magnum vallonem /31–32

279/89 363/201 365/203

131

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab Ḫandaq al-Qatīl al-ḫandaq al-raqīq Ḫandaq al-Rūmī al-ḫandaq al-saġīr al-ḫandaq al-saġīr

Calatrasi al-Raḥl al-Ǧadīd Baṭṭallārū Iato: magna divisa Baṭṭallārū Calatrasi

vallonis cannarum vallonem occisi vallonem subtilem vallonem rúmi vallonem parvum vallonem parvum

ḫandaq saġīr

Calatrasi

vallonem parvum

Ḫandaq al-Sallāḥ Ḫandaq Šaraf Ḫandaq al-Šayḫ Ḫandaq al-Ṭarfā Ḫandaq al-Tīn

Baṭṭallārū Raḥl al-Ǧawz Baṭṭallārū Raḥl al-Ġalīẓ Baṭṭallārū

Ḫandaq al-Yahūd

al-Aqbāṭ

vallone sellhá vallonem saraf vallonem veterani vallonem tamarici vallonem ficus vallonem iudeorum modíca

al-maḍīq al-maḍīq al-maḍīq al-laḏī fīRaḥl Ibn Baraka hi al-sayyālī maḍīq Ibn Rizq Raḥl al-Waṭā Allāh Corleone – magna maḍīq ʿIyāḍ divisa maḍīq Manzil Qurūbnish al-Suflī Lulu Corleone – magna maḍīq al-Ṣaqāliba divisa Corleone – magna maḍīq tillīs divisa maǧāz Iato: magna divisa maǧāz Dasīsa maǧāz Raḥl al-Ǧadīd maǧāz Calatrasi maǧāz Ġadīr alRaḥl ʿAmrūn Kattān

372/213 277/86 356/190 231/18 349/181 364/201 369– 370/210 352/186 314/137 347/178 285/96 362/199 315/138 / 112 262, 273, 297, 317 /

mudíca ubi stillat aqua

273/80

strictum rescalla

266/71

mudíca yad

324/151

strictum menzelleuleu

264/68

mudica sicalbe

321/147

strictum usque ad modica yelbes vado vado fluminis

324/150

vadum

232/19 295/109 277–278/ 371/212

vado lacini

278/88

132 maǧāz alḤammām maǧāz Qalʿat Ṭrazī maǧāz al-Qunnab al-maṭāḥin maṭāḥin alWazzān maṭḥana maṭḥana

ALEX METCALFE

Calatrasi

371/212

al-Raḥl al-Ǧadīd Iato: magna divisa

transitum kalatatrasi vadum cannabi molendinos

Ǧaṭīna

molendina usen

310/131

Iato: magna divisa Raḥl al-Ǧawz

molendum molendinum

233/21 314/137 328– 329/157– 158

Calatrasi

maṭḥana

molendinum

maṭḥanat Alḏrū

Corleone – magna divisa

maṭḥanat And.rīya

Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī

maṭḥanat Manzil Hindūn maṭḥanat Qalʿat ʿAlī maṭḥanat alsayyālī Wādī Anṭalla Wādī Anṭalla Wādī Ašǧār Ǧuǧǧūwā Wādī ʿAyn Ǧamāʿa al-Kabīra Wādī l-Bārid

vadum balnei

Raḥl al-Ǧawz Calatrasi

molendinum deru molendinum andree molendinum menzelhindun molendini kalatahali

368/207 277/86 228/14

321/146 329/157 314/137 369/209

Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī

molendinum syeli

329/158

Calatrasi Baṭṭallārū

flumen Hantalla flumini hentalla

371/212 348/180

Raḥl Ibn Sahl

flumen esiar ágiu

305/122

Raḥl ʿAmrūn

flumen fontis gemaá magnum flumen frigido

Wādī l-Bārid

Iato: magna divisa

flumen frigidum

Wādī Barqūq Wādī Barqūq Wādī Bin Ḥammūd

Raḥl ʿAmrūn Iato: magna divisa

flumen barcoc flumen barcoc

279/89 229– 230/15–16 279/89 230/16–17

Raḥl Bū Furīra

flumen benhamut

244/37

Qurūbnish

261/63

133

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

Wādī Bū Ḫabīṯ Wādī Bū Ḫabīṯ Wādī Ḥaǧar alZanātī Wādī l-Ḥiǧār Wādī Ḥuǧǧāǧ

Raḥl Ibn Baraka & Laqamūqa Iato: magna divisa Ḥaǧar al-Zanātī Iato: magna divisa Manzil Zarqūn

Wādī Ibn Muḥsin

Manzil ʿAbd Allāh

Wādī Ibn Muḥsin

Ġār Šuʿayb

Wādī Ibn Muḥsin

Ǧurf Bū Karīm

Wādī Ibn Muḥsin

Manzil ʿAbd alRaḥmān

Wādī Ibn Muḥsin Wādī Ibn Zurra Wādī Ibn Zurra

Ġār Šuʿayb Iato: magna divisa Corleone – magna divisa flumen benzúrra

flumen buchabíd flumen buchabith flumen haiar zeneti flumen hágem fluvium chagi flumen belmuhusen flumen benmuksen flumen benmuchsen magnum flumen quod vocatur flumen benmuksen flumen benzúrra flumen benzúrra

274– 276/82–84 231/19 331/161 224/8 269/75 300/117 304/121 306/124 308/127 303–304/ 227/12 319/143

Wādī l-Darǧa

al-Ġār

flumen darge

Wādī l-Faluw Wādī l-Faluw Wādī l-Faluw Wādī l-Faluw Wādī l-Ǧawbārīya

Raḥl Ibn Baraka Dasīsa Dasīsa Ǧaṭīna Raḥl Biǧānū

flumen felu flumen félu flumen felu flumen felu flumen iubérie

Wādī l-Ǧawbarīya

Manzil ʿAbd Allāh

flumen Iubérie

al-Wādī l-Kabīr

al-Qumayṭ Corleone – magna divisa Baṭṭallārū Calatrasi

flumen magnum

311/132– 133 272/79 295/109 297/112 310/131 307/126 302/117– 118 309/130

magnum flumen

321/146

fluvium magnum flumen magnum

Iato: magna divisa

flumen fullonis

347/179 366/204 308–309/ 233/21

al-Wādī l-Kabīr al-Wādī l-Kabīr al-Wādī l-Kabīr al-Wādī l-Kabīr Wādī l-Qaṣṣār

134 Wādī l-Qaṣṣār Wādī l-Wazzān

ALEX METCALFE

al-Randa Raḥl Ibn Baraka Ḥadd al-rabʿ bi-yad ruhbān kinīsyat alHurhur

flumen fullonis flumen uzen

313/135 272/79

flumen uzen

317/141– 142

Wādī Maġnūǧa

al-Qumayṭ

flumen Magnuge

Wādī Malbīṭ Wādī Malbīṭ Wādī Mārtū

Ǧurf Bū Karīm Ġār Šuʿayb Mārtū

flumen malvíti flumen malviti fluvio mertu

Wādī Muʾmin

Raḥl al-Ǧawz

flumen mumen

Wādī Niǧifūr Wādī Qalʿat Ṭrazī Wādī Qalʿat Ṭrazī Wādī Q.b.r.sh Wādī Qurūbniš Wādī Qurūbniš Wādī Qurullūn Wādī Rabīʿ Wādī Rabīʿ

Manzil Zarqūn Iato: magna divisa Calatrasi Baṭṭallārū al-Andulsīn Qurūbnish al-Suflī Calatrasi Baṭṭallārū Baṭṭallārū

flumen nichifori flumen kalatrasi flumen kalatarasi flumen capres flumen corubnis flumen corubnis flumen corilionis flumen rahabi flumen rahabi

Wādī Rabīʿ

Baṭṭallārū

flumen rahabi

Wādī Raḥl alṮawr Wādī Raḥl alWaṭā

Corleone – magna divisa

flumen rahaltauri

Qurūbnish al-Suflī

flumen rahalúta

265/69

flumen Sibei

319/144

flumen sulle

327/155

flumen thut

352/185

Wādī l-Wazzān

Wādī Sabāya Wādī Šantaġnī Wādī Sulla Wādī Ṭūṭ

Corleone – magna divisa see Wādī Šantaġnī Corleone – magna divisa Baṭṭallārū

308–309 128 306/124 303/120 289/102 313–314 136 269/75 228/13 368/207 354/188 267/72 265/69–70 364/201 352/185 355/190 355/189– 190 320/144– 145

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

135

Appendix B. Dataset boundary description and legend on the Casalotto map of 1740 (see also fig. 4) Descrizione Universale del Feudo I In primis incipiendo a quodam lapide posito aliqu-/liter super via publica qua itur ad Fundacacium q(uo)dam/ Do(mi)ni Jacobi de Cusimino militis [Legend]: la pietra nella pianta e segnata A

II Et inde a dicto lapide ascendendo sursum versus Cor-/leonem usque ad quandam serram plani Morandi/ [Legend]: la serra del piano di Morando D: D

III Et inde directe ascendendo versus Corleonem per dic-/tam serram serram dividentem per(?)dictum tenimentum a/ terris monasterii Sa Marie de Nemore Calatamauri/ vocatis li terri di Morando [Legend]: le terre di murando dal D all F

IV Directe usque ad quemdam magnum lapidem qui est/ in dicta serra/ [Legend]: La pietra grossa F

V Et inde a predicto lapide sursum ut supra ascendendo/ usque ad quemdam margium [Legend]: Il margio G:

136

ALEX METCALFE

VI Et inde descendo (sic) per dictum margium usque ad vallo/ nem vocatum di Murando [Legend]: Il vallone H.H.H.H.

VII Transeundo dictum vallonem ascendendo versus me-/ridiem per quamdam serram serram dividentem dic-/ tum tenimentum a terris monasterii S. Salvatoris ter-/re Corleonis [Legend]119: Pervenit portio predicta que est ut/ correspondet versus meridiem in qua/ includuntur Terre Murandi cifra flu-/ men [exceptuata insula Carrabbe] ac/ mons Gipsi et locus proprius Casalotti

Divisione Particolare del feudo I In primis incipiendo a predicto lapide in quo posi-/ta et orta est dicta arbor ficus, primo fine sive termi-/no(?) dicti tenementi qui est aliqualiter super via qui/ itur ad fundacacium dicti Dom[ini] Jacobi [Legend]: La pietra nella pianta A. [Legend]: La via nella pianta B.B.B

II Et a dicto lapide recto tramite et juxta aliqua-/liter super predicta via usque ad dictam viam per non nimiam distantiam et inde a predicta via/ divisionem predictam ducentes per dictam viam/ viam

III usque ad quemdam vallonem descendentem a/ plano Murandi [Legend]: Il vallone e segnato H.H.H.H.

119

Written in the top right of the map and as such it is unclear to which section of the description this legend refers. Indeed, it reads in effect as a continuation of the previous section.

DYNAMIC LANDSCAPES AND DOMINANT KIN GROUPS

137

IV Qui vallonus (sic) ducitur prope dictam viam viam a parte/ superiori

V Et exinde per dictum vallonem vallonem usque/ ad vallonem vocatum La Canna Masca [Legend]: Il vallone e segnata 26.26.26.

VI Et ibidem dicta divisio transit et trasvia fluvi-/am, et descendit per dictum vallonem vallonem/ Cann(a)e Masch(a)e versus occidentem usque ad flu-/ mariam vocatam Batticani, Corleonis, et Busambr(a)e

VII Inde ascendendo per dictam flumariam usque ad quemdam passum dict(a)e flumari(a)e vocatum lo passo dell’Isola della Carrabba, et ibidem transit et dimittit istam flumariam per dictum passum ultra dictam flumariam et ascendit sursum versus occidentem usque ad quemdam lapidem grossum [Legend]: Il passo e segnato col no 28. La pietra grossa 29.

VIII Et abinde directe sursum accedendo ad quemdam alium/ lapidem [Legend]: la […] pietra e segnata 31

IX Et abinde ascendendo per non nullos alios lapides et/ puntales(?) trasversando viam qua itur a Corleone Sa-/lem et sursum versus serram accedendo per non nul-/los termines lavinarios et lapides coadunatos seriose per predictos expertos positos et ordinatos usque ad quos-/ dam roccazios magnos in medio quorum est quodam por-/ tella ducens dictas terminos per medium dict(a)e portell(a)e. [Legend]: li roccazzi sono segnati 34.34

138

ALEX METCALFE

Appendix C. Ibn Ḥawqal on Palermo’s water sources.120 [The quarter of Ibn Saqlāb] is large, but there is no water nearby, so the drinking water for its population comes from wells. At its edge is the river known as Wādī ʿAbbās which is a mighty river; although it has many watermills, orchards and gardens on it, they gain no benefit from it … The gate overlooks a river (nahr) and spring called ʿAyn Šifāʾ after which the gate is known … Then there is the gate known as Rūṭah. Rūṭah is a large river that heads down to the gate [of Sant’Agata], and its source is beneath this gate. Its waters are healthy and there is a succession of watermills along it … [The city] is surrounded by many springs issuing [water] from west to east, and which have the power to turn a mill (raḥan); in fact, there is no place where its waters do not turn a mill. The flow of water from springs at its source to its outflow at the sea runs alongside many lands (arāḍin) predominated by marshes (sabāḫ) with reeds in which are Persian canes, lakes (baḥāʾir) and good cucurbits (m.qātin).121 In the midst of these lands is a plain where papyrus (al-b.rbīr), that is to say, the papyrus plant (al-bardī) is widespread and from which scrolls are made. I am not aware of an equal to the papyrus of Egypt on the face of the earth except in Sicily. The majority of it is wound into rope for ships’ anchors, while the lesser part is used by the administration (sulṭān) from which they make scrolls of paper, but they do not exceed their minimum requirement. Drinking water for the population of Palermo near its circuit wall in the area from Bāb al-Riyāḍ towards Bāb ʿAyn Šifāʾ is from these springs. Drinking water for the rest of the people, those from al-Ḫāliṣa and all the people of the other neighbourhoods drink from wells around them. The water is both of a light and a heavy type. They have sweet water due to the abundance of fresh running water around them, and as their diet has many onions. The people of al-Muʿaskar drink from a spring known as al-Ġirbāl [‘the Sieve’] whose waters are good. At al-Muʿaskar there is a spring known as ʿAyn Tisʿ which is inferior to al-Ġirbāl with regard to its abundance of water. There is also a spring known as ʿAyn Abī Saʿīd, again inferior, and a spring known as ʿAyn Abī ʿAlī who was one of their governors, and who has given his name to it. Drinking water in the area known as al-Ġarbīya comes from the spring known as ʿAyn al-Ḥadīd [‘Spring of Iron’] as there is also a state iron mine (maʿdin li-l-sulṭān min al-ḥadīd) which pays for whatever needs arise for their ships and fleet. This mine used to belong to the Banū l-Aġlab from which they procured a great deal. The mine is near a village known as Bulhurā where

120 121

Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḍ (as n. 9), p. 119, pp. 122f. The term can refer specifically to cucumbers, but here the sense may be a more general reference to plants of the cucurbitaceae family, such as squashes, pumpkins, courgettes, watermelons, cucumbers etc. DOZY, Supplément 2 (as n. 44), p. 317.

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springs and rivers pour forth from it to increase the force of Wādī ʿAbbās. Around it, there are numerous orchards and vineyards (al-busātīn wa-l-kurūm). Less well-known springs surround the town, and their waters are put to good use, like that of al-Qādūs in the southern part where there is the Little Fawwāra and the Great Fawwāra on the spur of a mountain above the town and whose springs provide plenty of water. These waters irrigate their vegetable gardens (aǧinna). The village of al-Bayḍāʾ has a fine spring known as al-Bayḍāʾ which is close to al-Ġirbāl and al-Ġarbīya. The drinking water of this area known as Burǧ alBaṭṭāl [‘tower of the brave’] comes from the spring called ʿAyn Abī Mālik. Most of the water to the west of the town’s lands goes to their gardens (aǧinna) by water-raising devices (al-sawānī). They have many fine gardens (aǧinna), productive orchards and lands fed by rainwater (buḫūs), and not [artificially] irrigated as in Syria. Most of the water of the town and its quarters comes from wells and is heavy and unhealthy. Nonetheless, water from wells attracts their desire to drink rather than drinking the fresh running water due to their lack of healthiness and the abundance of onions in their diet, which, with the amount of them they eat uncooked, dulls their senses.

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Counter-narratives in 12th century Norman art and architecture* I. Rethinking the method When the first statistics were published relating to young people who had travelled to Syria and Iraq under the influence of Islamic State propaganda, a new term entered public discourse from the discipline of sociolinguistics: the counter-narrative. There were calls to develop concepts that deconstruct the “masternarratives” of IS, which are textual and visual stories staged with professional media expertise. The idea was to counter these with other stories or counternarratives staged to equally realistic effect. The basic underlying question in all this was how these counter-narratives could be staged and communicated convincingly via the media of text and image while avoiding a polemical approach. In the meantime, we know that the stories behind those blatant IS images reflect a sorry reality. Nonetheless, we ask ourselves whether the “unreal”, gruesome realism of their video images is not the result of masterly editing. The videos seem wholly contrived, the edited sequences with voiceover commentary recalling animated comic strips. We ask ourselves whether it isn’t the anonymity of the masked, faceless protagonists of these stories that constitute the manifest fascination of these images. And we go on to ask ourselves whether it isn’t the original soundtrack, underneath the victory hymns, of death – sterile, soundless, odourless – that seems to have such a seductive effect on thousands. Is it ultimately the abstraction of the flat screen, creating the necessary degree of visual separation from the blood and destruction, that exercises this dubious fascination? What would suitable counter-narratives look like that address the subject of conflict through a combination of text and image while at the same time offering solutions leading to de-escalation?1 The history of medieval art works with “narratives”, that is, with textual sources and visual images depicted individually or in sequences. With questions that concern the socio-political context of images, however, traditional interpretive models, as offered by iconography and stylistic analysis, quickly reach their * This essay is the extended version of a presentation given on occasion of the interdisciplinary conference Urban Dynamics and Transcultural Communication in Medieval Sicily at the Ruprecht-Karls-Universität in Heidelberg. 1 Michael BAMBERG, Considering Counter Narratives, in: Considering Counter-Narratives: Narrating, Resisting, Making Sense, ed. IDEM / Molly ANDERSON (Studies in Narrative 4), Amsterdam / Philadelphia 2004, pp. 351–371. The impact of counter-narratives on the social media has been emphasised by the 2015 founded research project at the Vienna Observatory for Applied Research on Terrorism and Extremism (Vortex).

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limits. The following examples can hardly amount to more than an attempt to give an answer. The simple, but fundamental idea of this paper is that every conflict contains “antidotal” capacities of de-escalation, and hence every narrative implies a counter-narrative. In mediaeval and early modern times, works of art constituted the medium for disguised and transformed messages. Under certain socio-political conditions art invited the beholder to deconstruct the narrative “on the visual surface” while exercising his capabilities of tracing and deciphering the code “between the lines”. An exciting scholarly side-effect ensuing from this phenomenon has been the rethinking of traditional methods of interpreting textual sources and visual images in constructing methodological counter-narratives. This paper attempts to put forward an interdisciplinary template for scholarly discussion that might be of use both for mediaeval and cultural studies. This should allow for scholarship to intervene in the current political discourse. In the past, the fascination of the Norman art of Sicily was always tied up with the fact that the Norman rulers succeeded within just a few decades in establishing a relatively peaceful rule on the foundations of a predominantly Islamic multinational state. They were able to establish a kingdom in Sicily that endured for over a hundred years without waging the extermination of the Muslims. Scholars have seldom posed the question of what kind of narratives these rulers deployed to secure their rule. A modern-day concept of tolerance, integration or inclusion is inadequate here as an explanatory model. Instead, we must assume that the trilingual Norman court chancery succeeded in continuously intertwining counter-narratives into the master narrative of an uncompromising feudal system.2

II. The empty ruler’s throne One of the most effective symbols of the Norman king’s public propaganda was the empty ruler’s throne. The reason why the empty throne was so effective had its explanation in the fact that it had played a key role in the court ceremonial of the Byzantine emperor since the 10th century – the book of ceremonies of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos was well known at the Norman court – but also because it was the symbol used in the Apocalypse of St John (22:1–4) for the Adventus Secundus, the Second Coming of Christ. The empty throne or hetoimasia in Monreale and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo (fig. 1–2) alluded to the impending Last Judgement and thus to the 2

Literature and bibliographical cross-references to Norman art and architecture in Sicily cf. Thomas DITTELBACH (Ed.), The Cappella Palatina in Palermo. History, Art, Functions. Results of the Restoration. Edited on Behalf of the Würth Foundation by Thomas Dittelbach, Künzelsau 2011. Selected sources cf. Benedetto PATERA, L’arte della Sicilia normanna nelle fonti medievali, Palermo / Sao Paulo 1980.

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dawn of a paradisiacal Golden Age.3 It was a symbol of the history of salvation. The image came from the eastern Mediterranean, but, as far as I am aware, never belonged to the repertoire of images representing the majesty of the Byzantine ruler. In Sicily from around 1140 it was frequently represented and assuredly also explicated as such by clerics with the result that it became conventionalised and thus comprehensible for the majority. It is striking that it appears in the surviving iconographic programmes of all the coronation churches in Sicily. In all cases, there is a direct visual axis from the throne of the secular ruler to the throne of the celestial ruler in the apse. The decisive factor in all this was that the throne should remain empty as frequently as possible. The Sicilian king was confronted with various expectations and some of these contradicted one another diametrically in religious and cultural terms. Thus, he did not espouse a unified image or standard portrait like the Roman imperial busts of antiquity, but, instead, made sure that he played at least three different roles, which manifested themselves in various images: the image of the protector of Muslims and Jews, the preserver of Byzantine traditions and the renewer of the Gallican Latin church. Contemporary sources are agreed that all three legitimate kings were successful in this. The Andalusian pilgrim Ibn Jubayr declared in his journal in 1184 that he was convinced the Norman king, William II, was a Muslim at heart because he could speak and write Arabic, surrounded himself with eunuchs and women of the harem whilst allowing Muslims at court to secretly adhere to Islam.4 This image, which William carefully contrived with his advisors, seems to contradict the fact that, since the beginning of his reign, he had been occupied in building the largest Christian church in the Western world: the cathedral of Monreale.

III. The cathedral of Monreale The church was not only William’s coronation church and dynastic burial place but also the largest baptismal church in the world at that time, where conversions were carried out more or less continuously.5 But appearances are deceptive: William made the archbishop of Monreale feudal overlord and thus protector of the entire Arab-populated surrounding region. The Muslim villages expressly retained their own jurisdiction represented by a qāḍī. At the same time, William had to make his mark as ruler and representative of the Greeks and Latins, who constituted the minority of the population in western Sicily. This is 3 4

5

See Thomas DITTELBACH, Rex Imago Christi – Der Dom von Monreale. Bildsprachen und Zeremoniell in Mosaikkunst und Architektur, Wiesbaden 2003, fig. 77. The Travels of Ibn Jubayr: Being the Chronicle of a Spanish Moor Concerning his Journey to the Egypt of Saladin, the Holy Cities of Arabia, Baghdad the City of the Caliphs, the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, ed. and trans. Ronald BROADHURST, London 1952, pp. 340–342. DITTELBACH, Rex Imago Christi (as n. 3), pp. 281–286.

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narrated in the coronation mosaic above his throne, and, in keeping with Norman tradition depicts him as a ruler crowned by God himself (fig. 3). For the Latin population and above all for the minor nobility in the countryside who had now been presented with the archbishop as their new liege lord, the Latin inscription of the mosaic “For my hand will help him” was a promising invitation to support the gigantic construction project nonetheless. The Norman kings deliberately sought to establish an ambivalent image of their kingship and to respond to the expectations of their Greek, Latin, Muslim and Jewish people with an individually adapted pictorial vocabulary. It is evident from the great number of works of art and buildings, created within three generations, that the physical presence of the monarch in this endeavour constituted nothing but a distraction. The aim was to create a myth, a “narrative” that would be convincing to everybody. The splendid edifices and mosaics with which the Normans surrounded themselves were the true protagonists of this narrative. The narrative presence of the king was immaculately organised and staged. All that remained was for texts to be offered to the Arabic-speaking Muslims and Jews that replaced and / or complemented these images. The precondition for this was a trilingual chancery at court, as depicted in the codex of Petrus de Ebulo, folio 101r (fig. 4) from around 1196 (Codex 120 II, Burgerbibliothek Bern). Greci, Saraceni and Latini worked simultaneously and side-by-side in the scriptoria of the palace.6 However, they did not always compose the same texts on a particular subject and interpreted it – albeit mostly only in the finer details – in their own way. This was what they had been charged with doing.

IV. The quadrilingual epitaph This is also what happened in the case of the gravestone commissioned by the court cleric Grisandus, who had a funerary chapel built for his deceased mother Anna in a church in Palermo. For this, he commissioned a quadrilingual epitaph (fig. 5). The marble slab is today preserved at the Zisa Castle, a former Norman summer palace in Palermo.7 At the centre of the hexagonal slab a medallion has been cut out of the marble; inlaid into this is a Greek cross made of fragments of antique porphyry; in between the arms of the cross is the Greek hymn of victory, “Christ Victorious”. Surrounding the cross are four carved panels that 6

7

Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis. Codex 120 II der Burgerbibliothek Bern. Eine Bilderchronik der Stauferzeit herausgegeben von Th. Kölzer und M. Stähli. Textrevision und Übersetzung von Gereon Becht-Jördens, ed. Theo KÖLZER / Marlis STÄHLI, Sigmaringen 1994. Wilfried SEIPEL (Ed.), Nobiles Officinae. Die königlichen Hofwerkstätten zu Palermo zur Zeit der Normannen und Staufer im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert. Kunsthistorisches Museum 31. März bis 13. Juni 2004. Palermo Palazzo dei Normanni, 17. Dezember 2003 bis 10. März 2004, Vienna 2004, pp. 294–297, here fig. p. 36.

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display four versions of a text with the same content: in Hebrew above, in Latin on the left, in Greek on the right and in Arabic below.8 The Virgin Mary is addressed not as the “Mother of God” in the Hebrew and Arabic inscriptions but as the mother of the al-Mahdī, the “Guided One”. The author of these inscriptions scrupulously avoids infringing the linguistic and cultural conventions of the individual members of the religious community. At the same time, he does not refrain from addressing them as Christian converts, which they must have been in order to be allowed to enter a Christian church.

V. The ellipsoidal casket of the royal palace chapel It was not only in the scriptoria but also in the artisan workshops of the Norman palace in Palermo that Muslims, Jews and Christians worked side by side and hand in hand. It is a characteristic of Sicilian decorative arts from the 12th and 13th century for objects to be embellished with verses and victory hymns from Arabic poetry. Even items that made their way to the West from Cairo, Damascus or Jerusalem and became reliquaries for Christian saints retained their Arabic-Islamic inscriptions. The ellipsoidal wooden casket with inlaid ivory pieces, which is today preserved in the treasury of the Royal Palace Chapel, the Cappella Palatina, in Palermo (fig. 6), was probably made in the last quarter of the 12th century, that is, during the reign of William II of Sicily.9 Measuring 39 x 40 x 23.5 centimetres, it is large enough to have served as a secular receptacle for a dowry or other valuable objects. Eventually the casket arrived as a donation in the royal chapel – which was expressly exempted from the control of the archbishop of Palermo. At that moment, the casket was probably put to another use in its new context, now holding saintly relics instead of a dowry. Although the internal contours of the lions and falcons depicted on its surface have vanished, the Arabic inscription running over the lid and corpus is still legible. The nasḫī scripts were initially translated from Arabic into Italian by Michele Amari: Io son il giardino delle [nobili] brigate. Tu [occhio che mi guardi] rimarrai imprigionato nelle mie stanze. / Io racchiudo dei gioielli che ti fian grati: iscrizioni vergate col calamo perch’uom le legga. / Stupiscono i risguardanti del lavorio che m’ [ha creato]; poiché son io per vero [un] de’miracoli dell’arte. / Benedizione al possessore di questo [arnese] e possanza e gloria. / Delizia dell’occhio son io quando fo mostra di me; son ricettacolo di ogni bella cosa, sian drappi o sian gemme. / Il mio ammanto disgrada [la vaga vista che fanno] i prati quando li ricama la man delle nubi. / Spazia tu dunque lo sguardo nelle mie bellezze che rallegrano l’animo […]10 8 9 10

Jeremy JOHNS, Die arabischen Inschriften der Normannenkönige Siziliens: eine Neuinterpretation, in: ibidem, p. 47. SEIPEL, Nobiles Officinae (as n. 7), pp. 220–222. Michele AMARI, Le epigrafi arabiche di Sicilia, vol. 1: Iscrizioni edili, Palermo 1875; vol. 2: Iscrizioni sepolcrali, Palermo 1879–1881; vol. 3: Iscrizioni mobili o domestiche, Palermo 1885.

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The text is striking because it transforms the message of the dowry casket that was originally intended for a Muslim bride. It conveys to the onlooker of the casket the illusion that he or she is being personally addressed by the object itself. In the West of the 12th century, the “speaking” work of art was used exclusively in a Christian context and was thus read by Christians solely as a sacral message. Most of these were images of the Virgin Mary that addressed themselves directly to the beholder. The person who commissioned this casket was able to protect his work from destruction by applying – or rather implying – it with a counter-narrative in the form of the text that was also acceptable for Latin and Greek Christians.

VI. The coronation mantle The images and inscription of the so-called “coronation mantle” of Roger II can only be seen in their entirety when the garment is hung spread out in a semicircle, as it is displayed today in the Secular Treasury of the Vienna Hofburg (fig. 7).11 This is important for understanding that it was probably not conceived as a piece of clothing to be worn. At all events, it was not worn by Roger II at his coronation. Instead, I surmise that it was exhibited like an image of the ruler in the palace chapel on special occasions or at audiences and paraded in public processions. Like the empty throne, the unworn mantle represented pars pro toto for the claim to power that expressed itself in the physical absence of the monarch. It was the narrative symbol that created the image and not the body of the king. The Arabic inscription running from right to left along the lower border of the mantle includes the place and date of its making at the end: the capital, Palermo, and the Islamic Hegira date of 528, corresponding to 1133/34.12 The palace workshops are extolled and associated with the wish that their marvellous artefacts may be appreciated. This is the desire of the author of the inscription, who certainly was also the person who commissioned the mantle. At this point, the indicative mood changes to the subjunctive or optative. The addressee of the mantle, that is, Roger II, is not mentioned. Instead, the individual who commissioned it expresses concrete expectations towards the king that are coupled with his gift: rich rewards, generosity, reputation, and above all the fulfilment of his vows and hopes: “May he enjoy a good reception there, rich profits, acts of generosity, splendour, reputation, magnificence, and the fulfilment of [his] vows and hopes”.13 11 12 13

Nuova edizione a cura di Francesco GABRIELI, Palermo 1971, pp. 305–309. Rotraud BAUER, Der Mantel Roger II. und die siculo-normannischen Gewänder aus den königlichen Hofwerkstätten in Palermo, in: SEIPEL, Nobiles Officinae (as n. 7), pp. 114–123. JOHNS, Die arabischen Inschriften (as n. 8), pp. 48f. “Eseguita nel tirâz reale dove la felicità e l’onore, il benessere e la perfezione, il merito e l’eccellenza hanno la loro dimora; POSSA ivi godersi della buona accoglienza, di ricchi profitti, di

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The mantle is made of kermes-dyed silk brocade and embroidered with gold thread and hundreds of small pearls. The semicircle of the mantle is bisected vertically by a date palm, which, when the mantle is worn, is in exact alignment with the wearer’s spine (fig. 8). The left and right quadrants contain a pair of addorsed lions facing outwards crouched over dromedaries and holding them fast with their claws. The master-narrative is evident: the Norman lion dominates the desert animal of the Berbers and Arabs, Christianity dominates Islam. If the narrative had stopped at this point, with this message, the mantle would have constituted an egregious insult for the Muslims, both at court and in the city. But the story also contains a counter-narrative: the palm tree in the middle is not only a palm of victory but also a tree of paradise, in Islam as well as in Christianity. In the Christian tradition, it also has the meaning of the lignum vitae or “tree of life”. The tree of life is the central motif of a story related in the Old Testament from the Fourth Book of the prophet Daniel. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar had a dream. In his dream, he saw a tree that reached to heaven and spread its branches out over all the whole earth. In its shade animals fed on its fruits. But then a guardian from heaven came down and ordered (Dan. 4:11): “Hew down the tree, and cut off its branches, shake off its leaves, and scatter its fruit, let the beasts get away from under it.” Daniel then interprets Nebuchadnezzar’s dream and tells him that he is the tree that is to be felled. The dream becomes reality. But after he has vowed to God to show mercy to the poor and to abandon his pride, Nebuchadnezzar is restored as king. Everyone who saw the mantle spread out would recognise that the dromedaries are depicted wearing bridles and saddle cloths, that is, they are domesticated animals (fig. 9). They are the animals, which in Daniel’s interpretation peacefully ate of the fruit of the tree. But the tree threatened to grow as far as heaven – like Roger II, who, with his conquest of Malta, and al-Mahdia, had controlled the north coast of Ifrīqiya since 1132. On the mantle, the tree of life and the dromedaries that ate of the rich fruit of the tree – before the lions came – place the Norman conqueror in dangerously close propinquity to the prideful and unjust Nebuchadnezzar. With this in mind, image and text now read like an exhortation addressed to the ruler. This will have been clear to Christians, Muslims and Jews. Nevertheless, the message remained implicit, rather like an accidental footnote. And everyone had the option of accessing this footnote and accessing the additional level of interpretation. This is what makes a good counter-narrative. Messages are transformed without being substantially changed. It is only

grandi liberalità, d’un alto splendore, della reputazione, della magnificenza, come anche del compimento dei voti e delle speranze; POSSANO i giorni e le notti ivi scorrere nel piacere senza fine né mutamento … Nella capitale della Sicilia l’anno 528.” English translation by the author after Filippo POTTINO, Le vesti regali normanne dette dell’incoronazione, in: Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Ruggeriani (Palermo 1954), vol. 1, Palermo 1955, pp. 277– 294.

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the context that changes. The context becomes de-constructed before being reconstructed or re-contextualised in an altered interpretation. Anna De Fina and Alexandra Georgakopoulou state in their narratological study Analyzing Narrative: Contextualization crucially functions through cues such as rhythm, intonation, code or style switches, voice, etc. which provide frames for interpretations of what is going on in an interaction […] This process implies the possibility of continuously introducing changes in the frame of understanding of discourse and therefore of recontextualizing meanings.14

Applied to the visual arts it is crucial to know that images and texts were mostly conveyed orally to the mediaeval beholder. Depending on the content, it was the courtiers or clerics who assumed this task. Narratology would here speak of an “external narrator” or “focalizor”.15

VII. The muqarnas ceiling As a final example of a counter-narrative, it is worth considering a work of Norman art that in this form was unique in the Western and Eastern world: the muqarnas ceiling in the Cappella Palatina in Palermo (fig. 10). The structure of the vaulting that spans the central nave is based on the technical idea of modular construction that could be extended indefinitely and was nonetheless extremely stable. Wooden panels of a thickness of only one millimetre thick were glued to make convex and concave cells that grow upwards from the two-dimensional surface into three-dimensional space, uniting to form a self-supporting vault. The aesthetic effect is achieved by skilful use of light, which allows the beholder to see the figural painting of the muqarnas elements even from a distance and to decipher the Arabic inscriptions that run around the twenty stelliform octagonal compartments on the vertex of the vault (fig. 11).16 The inscriptions consist of various strung-together words in Kufic characters. These are mainly nouns, more rarely adjectives, which are joined by an “and”. The words are repeated in various combinations. One compartment begins with: The victory and the perfection and the perfection and the abilities and the power and the reputation and the wealth and the purchase and the victory and the power and the perfection and the health.

As we have already seen in the inscription of the mantle, these are set phrases lacking any grammatical syntax. They can be read both as the ruler’s hymns of victory and as litanies of wishes uttered by subjects to their king: wishes ex14 15 16

Anna DE FINA / Alexandra GEORGAKOPOULOU, Analyzing Narrative. Discourse and Sociolinguistic Perspectives, Cambridge 2012, p. 133. Mieke BAL, Narratology: Introduction to the Theory of Narrative, 3rd ed. Toronto 2009, pp. 165–167. JOHNS, Die arabischen Inschriften (as n. 8), pp. 49–52.

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pressed as a desire, not as a given. In the former case we would complete the nouns with a predicate in the indicative mood, in the latter case with a predicate in the subjunctive mood; the choice lies with the beholder. The inscriptions are accompanied by the images. These are also of figures that, like the nouns, are seemingly presented without context either singly or at the very most in twos. All stylistic levels are here made use of, from images of the ruler to genre scenes. In several places, lions occur that at first glance appear to fulfil the usual pattern of a master-narrative: from pagan heraldic animal to the sacred symbol of the Solomonian ruler. However, there are also images in which the lion is depicted with a jackal (fig. 12). This motif derives from Kalila and Dimna, a famous collection of Persian fables that had been translated into Arabic by the 8th century and was familiar at the Palermitan court. It belongs to a genre of courtly literature called “mirrors for princes”. The stories with their many episodes would have been told over many sittings, often in separated rooms depending on the rank and gender of the auditory. In the case of Kalila and Dimna, the storyteller was enabled to put moral and political advice into the mouths of animals. Consequently, the finale of each episode is pointing a moral. The principal requirement was not to offend a royal listener. The main characters are two jackals named Kalila and Dimna who tell stories of intrigue in the lion’s kingdom. Through intrigue and flattery, they succeed in becoming counsellors to the king and ultimately deceive him.17 It was exactly this that the highest-ranking official of King William I, Maio of Bari, was accused of. Like the false counsellors in Kalila and Dimna, Maio was alleged to have commited a conspiracy. Eventually, he died a violent death in 1160. Maio had endowed the Muslim population with privileges, invoking the displeasure of the Sicilian barons. He had also advised the king against appearing in public, which led to the rumour that the king was dead. This was followed only a few weeks later by a pogrom against Palermo’s Muslims. The king only narrowly escaped being assassinated by fleeing to a tower in the palace. It was here that his son and designated heir Roger was eventually shot. There are grounds for believing that the painting of the muqarnas ceiling, and the biblical scenes below it, were not carried out until after these historic events of 1160/61. William was now evidently concerned to replace his physical absence by a narrative presence. The ties with Islamic culture flourished for one last time under William II. At the same time, thousands of Muslims converted to Christianity of their own accord or under compulsion. Nevertheless, no other comparable social conflicts to those of 1160/61 took place before the end of Norman rule. When William II 17

Cf. Löwe und Schakal, Altarabische Fabeln. Aus dem Arabischen übertragen und bearbeitet von Gernot ROTTER (Bibliothek Arabischer Klassiker 6), Tübingen / Basel 1980; Carolina CUPANE, Eugenios von Palermo. Rhetorik und Realität am normannischen Königshof des 12. Jahrhunderts, in: Dulce Melos II, ed. Victoria ZIMMERL-PANAGL, Pisa 2013, pp. 247–270, see 251f.

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died in 1189, the system of the narrative presence of the king collapsed. It could only function as long as the master-narrative of the omnipotent ruler was continually being deconstructed and re-contextualised with the aid of images and inscriptions, that is, by means of a virtual reality. The scribes of the trilingual Norman chancery succeeded in creating a unique balance of master- and counter-narrative in Sicily that preserved the identity of all ethnic groups in their recently established state. Rather than pitting one strategy against the other, which would have meant confronting one master-narrative with another, the Norman scribes tried to outline the possibility of comprehending alternatives that run counter to a dominant and hegemonic ideology by implementing narratives-in-interaction. It may well be that this theory also provides a framework for analysing the co-presence of master- and counter-narratives in everyday communicative processes.

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Fig. 1 Main apse, Cappella Palatina, Palermo, about 1143/1177 (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

Fig. 2 Hetoimasia, main apse, Cappella Palatina, Palermo, about 1143/1177 (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

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Fig. 3 Coronation mosaic, Cathedral of Monreale, about 1177 (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

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Fig. 4 Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis. Codex 120 II, fol. 101r, Burgerbibliothek Bern, about 1196 (© Burgerbibliothek Bern)

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Fig. 5 Quadrilingual epitaph, marble and opus sectile, after 1148, Museo d’Arte Islamica, Palermo (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

Fig. 6 Ellipsoidal casket, wood with inlaid ivory and mastic asphalt, gilded bronze fittings, about 1180/90, treasury of the Cappella Palatina, Palermo (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

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Fig. 7 Coronation mantle of Roger II, kermes-dyed silk brocade, embroidered with gold thread and pearls, 1133/34, Secular Treasury, Hofburg, Vienna (© Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien)

Fig. 9 Coronation mantle of Roger II, domesticated dromedary, detail

Fig. 8 Coronation mantle of Roger II, date palm, detail

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Fig. 10 Muqarnas ceiling, Sicilian fir (abies nebrodensis), nave, Cappella Palatina, Palermo (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

Fig. 11 Kufic inscriptions, muqarnas ceiling, nave, detail, Cappella Palatina, Palermo (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

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Fig. 12 Kalila and Dimna (Mirrors for Princes), muqarnas ceiling, nave, Cappella Palatina, Palermo (photo: Th. Dittelbach)

JULIA BECKER

… ut omnes habitatores Messane tam latini quam greci et hebrei habeant predictam libertatem … Vita cittadina e cittadinanza a Messina tra Normanni, Angioini e Aragonesi La città medievale di Messina offre condizioni quasi perfette per uno studio sulla comunicazione transculturale e sulle dinamiche urbane riguarda il continuo scambio di persone e merci nel porto messinese da tutto il mondo e la interazione con gli altri centri portuali come Pisa, Genova o Palermo. Perciò il presente articolo si concentra sulla città Peloritana e in particolare sulle condizioni di vita che poteva fornire ai suoi abitanti culturamente eterogenei, nel periodo tra l’XI e il tardo XIII secolo, quindi dall’inizio del regno normanno fino al passaggio con il dominio degli Angioini sulla casa d’Aragona. Messina assumeva presto – condizionata anche per la sua posizione centrale e strategica nel Mediterraneo – una posizione privilegiata accanto a Palermo. Già alla fine dell’XI secolo il cronista normanno Goffredo Malaterra ha designato Messina come clavis Siciliae, visione probabilmente condivisa dal conte Ruggero I, il quale si dedicò ampiamente al suo consolidamento politico e ecclesiastico.1 A giudicare dalla cronaca di Saba Malaspina († ca. 1298) composta durante gli anni 80 del XIII secolo, la città sembra aver mantenuto questo ruolo anche nei duecento anni a seguire. In essa Messina viene infatti descritta persino come clavis et custodia totius Siciliae.2 Anche in alcune fonti diplomatiche del XII e XIII secolo la rilevanza di Messina è ormai manifesta, venendo essa intitolata come megalopolis3 e come magna civitas.4 1

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Et, quia hanc, quasi clavem Siciliae, aestimabat prae caeteris urbibus quas habebat, fidelibus tutoribus deputatis, arctiori custodia observabat. Ecclesiam etiam in honore sancti Nicolai in eadem urbe cum summa honorificentia construens, turribus et diversis possessionibus augendo dotans, clericis ad serviendum deputatis, pontificali sede aptavit; sed eam cum Traynensi cathedra univit, Goffredo Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis et Roberti Guiscardi Ducis fratris eius, ed. Ernesto PONTIERI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores² 5,1), Bologna 1925–1928, lib. III, cap. 32, p. 77. Sul consolidamento ecclesiastico di Messina si veda Julia BECKER, Graf Roger I. von Sizilien. Wegbereiter des normannischen Königreichs (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 117), Tubinga 2008, pp. 175–176. Messanam ad hec civitatem, que clavis et custodia est totius Sycilie, Die Chronik des Saba Malaspina, ed. Walter KOLLER / August NITSCHKE (MGH SS 35), Hannover 1999, lib. VIII, cap. 10, p. 296. Conciliazione di una lite nel 1173 alla corte di Guglielmo II a Messina: ἐν τῆ µεγαλοπόλει Μεσήνης, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia. Pubblicati nel testo originale, tradotti ed illustrati, ed. Salvatore CUSA, Palermo 1868–1882, ristampa Colonia 1982, p. 326. Documento di Guglielmo I a favore di Santa Maria di Messina del 1157: Guglielmo I da l’ordine di rilasciare il privilegio in magna felici civitate Messane (Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina, ed. Léon-Robert MÉNAGER [Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi

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Al tempo della conquista normanna Messina si distingueva in modo determinante dalle altre due maggiori città siciliane di Palermo e Catania. Come testimoniano numerosi monasteri greci nella zona circostante, i quali erano ancora attivi all’arrivo di Ruggero I, Messina costituiva il centro delle tradizioni grecocristiane. Grazie alla sua posizione strategica e al porto cittadino, fungeva come unico ponte tra l’isola e la terraferma. Attraverso un commercio copioso e vivace era inoltre in costante contatto con diversi altri centri commerciali panmediterranei.5 Anche il consolidamento ecclesiastico di Messina ha avuto luogo presto, già al tempo di Ruggero I. Tuttavia, a causa delle condizioni ancora incerte di Messina, il primo conte siciliano fondò inizialmente il vescovato di Troina, che fu a tal fine accorpato in un’unione personale.6 L’elevazione all’arcidiocesi avvenne solo nel 1131 tramite Anacleto II che subordinava a Messina i suffraganei Catania, Cefalù e Lipari.7 Tale decreto non venne però riconosciuto da Innocenzo II. Fu solo Alessandro III a confermare Messina come sede metropolitana nel 1166.8 Fortemente influenzata dalla sua sede episcopale con Ansgerio come primo vescovo, la città di Catania ebbe al contrario un ruolo chiave nella “relatinizzazione” della Sicilia.9 A causa della popolazione in gran parte araba di Catania e dell’area circostante, Ruggero I dovette prestare particolare attenzione alla stabilizzazione del suo regno, affidando di conseguenza il governo della città ad Ansgerio.10 Il monastero benedettino di Sant’Agata di Catania, che era unito sotto la stessa persona alla sede episcopale, è fortemente in-

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e documenti 9], Palermo 1963, p. 81, n. 6). Atto di donazione del 1226/27 (Il tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò, vol. 1: 1093–1302, ed. Diego CICCARELLI [Biblioteca dell’Archivio Storico Messinese VI. Testi e documenti 3], Messina 1986, p. 18, n. 8). In tutti e due casi si tratta però di una copia latina di un documento originariamente in greco, quindi deriva sicuramente dal greco µέγας πόλις. La posizione particolare di Messina viene percepita anche nelle fonti narrative: Messana nobilissima metropolis est in Sicilia, habundat enim frumento, oleo et vino, Annales Colonienses maximi, ed. Georg H. PERTZ (MGH SS 17), Hannover 1861, p. 832. Per Messina si veda Enrico PISPISA, Medioevo meridionale. Studi e ricerche (Collana di testi e studi storici 6), Messina 1994, pp. 323–326; per le attività di commercio nel porto di Messina si veda Hadrien PENET, Clavis Siciliae. Les activités portuaires du détroit de Messine (XIIe– XIVe siècles), in: Ports maritimes et ports fluviaux au Moyen Age. XXXVe Congrès de la SHMES (La Rochelle, 5 et 6 juin 2004) (Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public. Série Histoire ancienne et médiévale 81), Parigi 2005, pp. 261–276 (http:// www.persee.fr/doc/shmes_1261-9078_2005_act_35_1_1883) [19.4.2016]. BECKER, Graf Roger I. (come n. 1), pp. 175–176; Horst ENZENSBERGER, Die lateinische Kirche und die Bistumsgründungen in Sizilien zu Beginn der normannischen Herrschaft, in: Rassegna Storica online 2 (2000), pp. 1–39, qui pp. 13–15 (http://www.medioevoitaliano.org/enzensberger.kirche.pdf) [19.4.2016]. Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab condita ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXCVIII, vol 1, ed. Philipp JAFFÉ, redat. Samuel LÖWENFELD / Ferdinand KALTENBRUNNER / Paul EWALD, Lipsia 1885, n. 8423. Italia Pontificia, vol. 10: Calabria – Insulae, ed. Dieter GIRGENSOHN, Zurigo 1995, pp. 340– 341, n. 26. PISPISA, Medioevo meridionale (come n. 5), pp. 324–325; BECKER, Graf Roger I. (come n. 1), pp. 178–180. Goffredo Malaterra sottolinea cìo con lievo stupore: Sicque solemniter episcopatum concedens, quod nulli episcoporum fecisse cognoscitur, totam urbem sedi suae cum onmibus appendicis

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fluenzato dall’immigrazione di monaci latini provenienti dalla Francia e dai collegamenti con la terraferma calabrese, soprattutto con la residenza comitale di Mileto.11 Insediamenti aleramici arrivati con la terza moglie di Ruggero I, Adelasia del Vasto, rafforzarono l’influenza della parte settentrionale della penisola italiana e accelerarono il processo di latinizzazione dei dintorni Catanesi. A differenza di Messina, Catania aveva meno contatti con le altre città in quanto a scambi portuali e commerciali, tuttavia era molto più attiva in ambito religioso.12 Queste circostanze consentirono al vescovo di Catania di avere maggiori poteri nella gestione diretta della vita della comunità. In un privilegio del 1168 il vescovo Giovanni di Catania concesse ai cittadini catanesi libero scambio di merci fuori e dentro le mura e stabilì che Latini, Graeci, Iudaei et Saraceni, unusquisque iuxta legem suam iudicetur.13 Paragonando ora a seguire Messina a Palermo, si evidenziano le differenze notevoli fra le due città come la prevalanza di elementi arabo-islamici a Palermo.14 Fin dall’inizio la città ricoprì la carica di capitale politica del regno normanno, fatta eccezione per un breve periodo sotto la reggenza di Adelasia (1101–1112), in cui Messina divenne la residenza della corte posizione ceduta a favore di Palermo già nel 1111.15 Palermo quindi costituiva il centro politico dell’isola già al tempo della dominazione araba16, motivo per cui i Normanni si concentrarono proprio su di essa per attuare il cambio di regime. Mentre Palermo si distingue per la sua forte popolazione araba, Messina è caratterizzata più dal suo aspetto cristiano. Questo aspetto venne notato anche dal geografo e poeta arabo Ibn Jubayr, che durante un suo viaggio in Sicilia tra il 1184/85,

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suis sub chirographo et testibus haereditaliter possidendam assignavit, Goffredo Malaterra, De rebus gestis (come n. 1), lib. IV, cap. 7, p. 89. Vi sono indizi sull’esistenza di rapporti speciali tra San Michele Arcangelo di Mileto e Sant’Agata di Catania, si veda BECKER, Graf Roger I. (come n. 1), pp. 180–181. Si veda PISPISA, Medioevo meridionale (come n. 5). Inoltre anche il contributo di Fabrizio Titone in questo volume: pp. 251–276. Codice Diplomatico dei Giudei di Sicilia, ed. Bartolomeo LAGUMINA / Giuseppe LAGUMINA (Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia pubblicati a cura della Società Siciliana per la Storia Patria I ser. 6), Palermo 1884, p. 12, n. 15; Rosario GREGORIO, Considerazioni sopra la storia di Sicilia dai tempi dei Normanni sino ai presenti, vol. 1, Palermo 1805, p. 164. Si veda anche il contributo di Vera von Falkenhausen in questo volume: pp. 27–66. Si veda Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Mileto tra Greci e Normanni, in: Chiesa e Società nel Mezzogiorno. Studi in onore di Maria Mariotti, ed. Pietro BORZOMATI / Giuseppe CARIDI et al., Soveria Mannelli 1999, pp. 109–133, qui p. 129; EADEM, Zur Regentschaft der Gräfin Adelasia del Vasto in Kalabrien und Sizilien (1101–1112), in: ΑΕΤΟΣ. Studies in Honour of Cyril Mango Presented to Him on April 14, 1998, ed. Ihor ŠEVČENKO / Irmgard HUTTER, Stoccarda / Lipsia 1998, pp. 87–115, qui pp. 89–95; Horst ENZENSBERGER, Messina e i re, in: Messina. Il ritorno della memoria. Messina, Palazzo Zanca (dal 1 marzo al 28 aprile 1994), Palermo 1994, pp. 331–336, qui p. 331. Sulla dominazione islamica a Palermo si veda recentemente Annliese NEF, Islamic Palermo and the dār al-islām: Politics, Society and the Economy (from the mid-9th to the mid-11th Century), in: A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, ed. EADEM, Leida / Boston 2013, pp. 39–59. Sullo sviluppo urbano di Palermo nel periodo islamico si veda Alessandra BAGNERA, From a Small Town to a Capital: The Urban Evolution of Islamic Palermo (9th–mid-11th Century), in: ibidem, pp. 61–88.

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descrisse Messina come “emporio dei mercatanti infedeli”. In essa i musulmani si sentivano del tutto estranei, poiché la città era “zeppa di adoratori delle croci”.17 Il racconto del viaggiatore arabo arricchisce le fonti cristiane occidentali di una prospettiva culturale completamente diversa, rispecchiando però una visione dell’isola limitata ad un brevissimo margine di tempo. D’altra parte si sofferma anche ad annotare il continuo traffico di scambi da tutto il mondo.18 Confrontando le descrizioni che le fonti contemporanee del XII e XIII secolo hanno lasciato della città di Messina, si scopre come queste evidenzino un quadro contradditorio, con connotazione leggermente negativa. Così Ibn Jubayr continua: “la città è piena di sudiciume e di fetore; schiva e inospitale: pure ha mercati ricchi e frequentati.”19 L’incredibile sporcizia cittadina la confermano altrettanto i fratelli ebraici Perahyā e Moses Yijū durante il loro viaggio da Mazara a Messina alla metà del XII secolo. Si lamentano anche della mancanza della vita religiosa nella città, in particolare della preghiera pubblica del pomeriggio e della sera.20 Nonostante la sporcizia e il cattivo odore della città portuale, Ibn Jubayr trova altresì parole positive per la sicurezza che incontravano visitatori stranieri di giorno e di notte sulle strade di Messina.21 Tale affermazione contraddice chiaramente il cosiddetto Ugo Falcando nel Liber de regno Sicilie, evidenziando la propensione criminale dei Messinesi: “questa città, costruita di forestieri, di pirati e di ladri, raccolse fra le sue mura quasi ogni razza di gente rotta ad ogni scelleratezza, pronta ad ogni delitto, che reputava lecita qualsiasi cosa purché potesse farla.”22 Nonostante il giudizio negativo sul com17

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Ibn-Giubair, Rehla, in: Biblioteca arabo-sicula. Versione italiana, vol. 1, ed. Michele AMARI, Torino / Roma 1880, pp. 35–45, qui p. 36. Nel frattempo è stata pubblicata anche una versione tedesca tradotta da Regina Günther: Ibn Dschubair, Tagebuch eines Mekkapilgers (Bibliothek arabischer Klassiker), trad. Regina GÜNTHER, Ratisbona 2004, p. 239. “This city is the mart of the merchant infidels, the focus of ships from the world over, and thronging always with companies of travelers by reason of the lowness of prices. But it is cheerless because of the unbelief, no Muslim being settled there. Teeming with worshippers of the Cross, it chokes its inhabitants, and constricts them almost to strangling”, The Travels of Ibn Jubayr: Being the Chronicle of a Spanish Moor Concerning his Journey to the Egypt of Saladin, the Holy Cities of Arabia, Baghdad the City of the Caliphs, the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, ed. e trad. Ronald BROADHURST, Londra 1952, pp. 338–339. “It is full of smells and filth; and churlish too, for the stranger will find there no cortesy. Its markets are animated and teeming”, ibidem, p. 339. “Were not the town unfit for you to live in (you could find a good job here). However, the town is mediocre; one cannot live here. (Here, it requires an) effort to study and to pray. Since we arrived, there has been no public prayer in the afternoon and the evening, while the morning prayer is said before dawn; at daybreak, they are already through with it. If we lived here, we would miss the prayer; and it is impossible to walk in the streets here because of the dirt”, Shlomo D. GOTEIN, Sicily and Southern Italy in the Cairo Geniza Documents, in: Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale 67 (1971), pp. 9–33, qui pp. 29–30. “Your days and nights in this town you will pass in full security, even though your countenance, your manners and your tongue are strange”, BROADHURST, Travels of Ibn Jubayr (come n. 18), p. 339. Hec enim civitas ex convenis, piratis, predonibus adunata, omne fere genus hominum intra menia sua conclusit, nullius expers sceleris, nullum abhorrens flagitium, nichil eorum que possit putans illicitum, Hugo Falcandus, La historia o liber de regno Sicilie e la Epistola ad Petrum

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plesso della vita messinese, “Ugo Falcando” – forse da identificare come Ugo Foucault, abate dell’abbazia di Saint Denis (1186–1197), secondo l’ultima tesi di Rolf Köhn nel lungo dibattito della ricerca –23, fornisce una descrizione autentica di questo centro commerciale panmediterraneo sulla costa siciliana, dove si incontravano mercanti di diverse origini e culture. Leggermente più positiva è la descrizione di Messina donata dal geografo arabo al-Idrīsī che, su incarico di Ruggero II, aveva realizzato un compendio contenente informazioni geografiche e diverse mappe del mondo medievale, fra l’altro la Tabula Rogeriana. Anch’egli infatti evidenziò il costante andirivieni di gente proveniente da tutte le parti del Mediterraneo nel porto Messinese.24 Tornando a Palermo si nota come prevalgono invece valutazioni costantemente positive. Gli autori precedenti, Ibn Jubayr ed al-Idrīsī, rimarcarono entrambi la bellezza e l’eleganza dei suoi edifici25; Ibn Jubayr rimase altrettanto impressionato dall’attiva vita reli-

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Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium, ed. Giovanni B. SIRAGUSA (Fonti per la storia d’Italia 22), Roma 1897, ristampa Torino 1966, p. 108. Rolf Köhn è riuscito a dimostrare in modo convincente che l’autore finora molto discusso del Liber de regno e della Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie può essere identificato probabilmente con Ugo Foucault (Fulcaudus, Foucaut) V, abate di Saint Denis dal 1186 al 1197, come aveva proposto già François Clément nel 1869 (François CLÉMENT, Hugues Foucaut. Abbé de Saint-Denis en France, in: Histoire littéraire de la France 15 [1869], pp. 274–282). Si veda Rolf KÖHN, Noch einmal zur Identität des ‚Hugo Falcandus‘, in: Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 70 (2014), pp. 499–541. La sua riscoperta ha confutato la tesi di Alexander Franke ed Edoardo d’Angelo, che consideravano in modo indipendente l’uno dall’altro come autore Pietro di Blois (ca. 1135–1203) oppure suo fratello Guglielmo di Blois (ca. 1130–1204): Alexander FRANKE, Zur Identität des ‚Hugo Falcandus‘, in: Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 64 (2008), pp. 1–13; Edoardo D’ANGELO, Intellettuali tra Normandia e Sicilia (per un identikit letterario del cosiddetto Ugo Falcando), in: Cultura cittadina e documentazione. Formazione e circolazione di modelli, ed. Anna L. TROMBETTI BUDRIESI, Bologna 2009, pp. 325–349. “È da noverare Messina tra i più egregi paesi e più prosperi, [anche per la gran gente] che va e viene. Qui l’arsenale; qui [un continuo] ancorare, scaricare e salpare di legni provenienti da tutti i paesi marittimi dei Rum; qui raccolgonsi le grandi navi: I viaggiatori e i mercatanti, sia dell terre de’ rum, o sia de’ Musulmani, vi traggono d’ogni banda. E [però] splendidi i mercati, numerosi i compratori, facilissima la vendita. I monti di Messina racchiudono miniere di ferro, che si esporta ne’ paesi vicini. Il porto [infine] è una gran maraviglia, rinomato in tutto il mondo; poiché non avvi nave smisurata che sia, la quale non possa ancorare sì accosto alla spiaggia, da scaricare le merci passandole di mano in mano”, Al-Idrīsī, La Sicilia e il Mediterraneo nel libro di Ruggiero, ed. Michele AMARI / Celestino SCHIAPARELLI, s.l. 2013, pp. 78– 79. “It is the metropolis of these islands, combining the benefits of wealth and splendour, and having all that you could wish of beauty, real or apparent, and all the needs of subsistence, mature and fresh. It is an ancient and elegant city, magnificent and gracious, and seductive to look upon”, BROADHURST, Travels of Ibn Jubayr (come n. 18), p. 348. Simile da Al-Idrīsī: “Palermo abbonda di frutte; i suoi edifizii e le sue eleganti villette confondon chi si metta a descriverle ed abbagliano gli intelletti. [...] [Di tutta la città] i passaggieri attestano lo splendore; levanla a cielo i viaggiatori, [anzi] dicono a dirittura che non [trovansi al mondo] edifizii più mirabili che que’ di Palermo, né siti più eletti che i suoi luoghi di delizia: e che i suoi palagi sono i più nobili, le sue case le più piacenti [che uom possa vedere]”, Al-Idrīsī, La Sicilia (come n. 24), pp. 74–75.

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giosa dei musulmani nella città.26 Ed anche “Ugo Falcando”, che normalmente scrive in modo molto critico, tesse un ampio elogio dei meriti, della bellezza ed eleganza di Palermo.27 Quest’immagine negativa di Messina che ci trasmettono fonti di diversa origine in confronto ad una percezione di Palermo relativamente positiva non può essere ignorata. Ma come si spiega questa differenza e a che cosa è correlata? Al continuo viavai nel porto di Messina, così cospicuo da non essere soggetto ad alcun controllo, alla società cosmopolita che si incontra e convive a Messina oppure alla centralità del porto Messinese nel commercio panmediterraneo? Sicuramente la continua rivalità con la capitale Palermo per il primato politico, commerciale, sociale e giuridico influenza il quadro che disegnano le fonti contemporanee di Messina. Concretamente ci si pone la domanda, se la continua ascesa verso una posizione di megalopolis influisca sulla vita dei suoi cittadini culturamente eterogenei e sul suo rapporto giuridico che di volta in volta si instaurerà con i sovrani, siano essi Normanni, Angioini o Aragonesi. Il forte carattere panmeditteraneo della città, la costante presenza di commercianti e mercanti stranieri, come per esempio Pisani e Genovesi, la circolazione di beni materiali ed immateriali furono elementi in grado di dinamicizzare lo sviluppo della comunità cittadina e la comunicazione con i sovrani? Rimane ancora da comprendere in che misura la cittadinanza di Messina fosse in grado di garantire determinate prestazioni o privilegi alla popolazione locale. Di particolare interesse in questo contesto sono i cittadini ebraici, greci e – anche se presente in misura minore – i cittadini musulmani di Messina. Ma in pratica che cosa significa il concetto sociologico della cittadinanza? Il sociologo inglese Thomas H. Marshall definisce cittadinanza come piena appartenenza ad una comunità arricchita da un consistente apparato di diritti: civili, sociali e politici.28 Secondo la “Staatsrechtslehre” che ha sviluppato l’austriaco Hans Kelsen, la cittadinanza è considerata uno status personale da cui emergono diritti ed obblighi (servizio militare, fedeltà, diritti politici, protezione del cittadino etc.).29 Tuttavia è molto difficile trasferire questo concetto astratto della cittadinanza sulla vita cittadina delle città medievali, perché in considerazione delle grande varietà e frammentazione della società medievale non è possibile

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“The muslims of this city preserve the remaining evidence of the faith. They keep in repair the greater number of their mosques, and come to prayers at the call of the muezzins. In their own suburbs they live apart from the Christians. The markets are full of them, and they are the merchants of the place”, BROADHURST, Travels of Ibn Jubayr (come n. 18), p. 348. Quis vero preclare huius urbis miranda edificia; quis fontium passim ebullientium suavissimam ubertatem; quis semper virentium arborum amenitatem aut aqueductus civium habundanter usibus servientes satis mirari sufficiat?, Hugo Falcandus, La historia (come n. 22), p. 184. Si veda Thomas H. MARSHALL, Cittadinanza e classe sociale, Torino 1976. Si veda Hans KELSEN, Teoria generale del diritto e dello Stato, Milano 1966; in particolare anche i suoi saggi in: La cittadinanza. Appartenenza, identità, diritti, ed. Danilo ZOLO, Roma / Bari 1994.

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individuare un tipo ideale di cittadinanza o di cittadino.30 Come spiega anche Pietro Costa, la cittadinanza “non è uno status uniforme: I suoi contenuti sono determinati da parametri volta a volta diversi che danno luogo a complicate tipologie: cittadini originari o acquisiti, cives ex privilegio o de gratia, cittadini di antica o recente immigrazione; ancora: cittadini che abitano prevalentemente in città o cittadini residenti per lungo tempo fuori città, e allora dotati di minore tutela.”31 Dall’appartenenza a una città medievale quindi derivano diritti e doveri, ma soprattutto la cittadinanza offre ai singoli individui la possibilità di far parte o di entrare in una comunità politica.32 Normalmente i diritti di un cittadino medievale consistevano nella facoltà di ricorso ai tribunali cittadini, nel possedere immobili nel territorio comunale, nella protezione contro rappresaglie ed infine nella partecipazione politica. Gli obblighi invece erano principalmente legati all’ambito militare e finanziario della vita cittadina.33 Premesso ció, come si può definire la cittadinanza a Messina? Una definizione relativamente “classica” di cittadinanza per Messina viene offerta solamente dal privilegio falsificato di Ruggero II del 1129: Civis di Messina era chi originariamente era nato a Messina (oriundus) oppure poteva diventare chi abitava (habitator) per un anno, un mese, una settimana e un giorno in città.34 I diritti e doveri dei cittadini Messinesi e la coesistenza delle diverse comunità religiose nella vita urbana sono stati regolati da un insieme eterogeneo di basi giuridiche come il diritto romano e bizantino, a cui si aggiungono diverse leggi religiose così come una serie di leggi emanate ex novo dai sovrani normanni ed infine dagli statuti della città stessa. Infatti i Normanni non imponevano alla popolazione multietnica di Sicilia una legislazione uniforme, piuttosto effettuavano aggiunte e correzioni alle leggi e agli statuti consueti prevalenti. E così, proprio all’inizio delle cosidette Assise di Ariano, fu annotato come i diritti appena proclamati dovessero essere assolti da tutti, ma che “però usi, consuetudini e leggi non sarebbero stati annullati per la molteplicità dei popoli soggetti al nostro regno, così come sinora sono stati rispettati finchè qualcosa non risulti in evidentissimo contrasto con le nostre disposizioni”.35 I singoli diritti consuetu30

31 32 33 34

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Si veda Laura DE ANGELIS, Immigrazione e concessioni di cittadinanza a Firenze e nei Comuni italiani tra XIV e XV secolo, in: Città e vita cittadina nei paesi dell’area mediterranea Secoli XI–XV, ed. Biagio SAITTA, Roma 2006, pp. 423–437, qui p. 424. Pietro COSTA, Civitas. Storia della cittadinanza in Europa, vol. 1: Dalla civiltà comunale al settecento, Roma / Bari 1999, p. 15. Si veda anche DE ANGELIS, Immigrazione (come n. 30), pp. 424–425. Ibidem, p. 425. Civis enim verus erit et verus oriundus tractabitur, qui illic per annum, mensem, ebdomedam et diem habitaverit nec alibi domicilium habuerit, Rogerii II regis Diplomata latina, ed. Carlrichard BRÜHL (Codex diplomaticus regni Siciliae I ser., tom. 2,1), Colonia 1987, doc. †11 (D Ro. II. †11). Leges a nostra maiestate noviter promulgatas pietatis intuitu asperitatem nimiam mitigantes mollia quodam moderamine exaucuentes; obscura dilucidantes, generaliter ab omnibus precipimus observari, moribus, consuetudinibus, legibus non cassatis pro varietate populorum nostro regno subiectorum, sicut usque nunc apud eos optinuit, nisi forte nostris his sanctionibus

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dinali quindi venivano limitati solo nei casi in cui si trovavano in aperto contrasto con la legislazione normanna. Pertanto anche Messina manteneva una miscela di diversi pareri giuridici e organismi di controllo, come per esempio giudici ebrei e greci.36 Gli statuti cittadini cercavano di regolare almeno alcuni degli aspetti nominati. Il ius proprium civitatum è stato messo per iscritto nella maggior parte delle città siciliane intorno alle metà del XIII secolo. Probabilmente una prima parte degli statuti Messinesi venne registrata al tempo dei re normanni, dato deducibile dalla circostanza che in essi sono confluite soltanto normative dei sovrani del suddetto periodo.37 Inoltre Federico II nelle sue constitutiones ‘De cassandis privilegiis Messane, Neapolis, Salerni, Averse et aliorum locorum’ (Cost. I 106) si riferisce espressamente alle consuetudines di Messina.38 Questo fatto suggerisce che gli statuti Messinesi devono essere stati scritti almeno prima del 1231. Ampie parti dei diritti cittadini di Messina hanno costituito la base per le consuetudines di Trapani, Agrigento, Patti e Lipari.39 Per la problematica prima discussa sono soprattutto interessanti le condizioni di vita che le consuetudines di Messina offrivano ai suoi abitanti culturamente e religiosamente eterogenei, vale a dire ai suoi cittadini greci, ebraici e musulmani. Di rilevanza a questo proposito è per esempio il paragrafo 47 ‘De testibus / sui testimoni’ delle consuetudines Messinesi, in cui si afferma che non sono ammessi come testimoni né gli ebrei contri i cristiani né i cristiani contro gli ebrei.40 Anche le consuetudines di Trapani e di Siracusa documentano la nullità reciproca di testimonianza. Negli statuti della città di Palermo invece i cristiani hanno il permesso di testimoniare

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adversari quid in eis manifestissime videatur, Le assise di Ariano. Testo critico, ed. e trad. Ortensio ZECCHINO, Cava dei Tirreni 1984, p. 26. Così per esempio nel privilegio di Ruggero II del 1129: Igitur perpetuo statuimus, ut in eadem Civitate sit in capite Regia Curia Principalis, in qua presint annualis straticotus et iudices ordinarii, tam Greci quam Latini, ibi et non alibi, in primis iudiciis Cives et habitatores Messane, D Ro. II. †11 (come n. 34). Wilhelm VON BRÜNNECK, Siciliens mittelalterliche Stadtrechte nach alten Drucken und Handschriften, Halle 1881, pp. 42–43. Privilegia quibusdam locis a nobis aut predecessoribus nostris indulta necnon consuetudines in locis ipsis obtentas veluti Messane, Neapoli, Salerni, Averse vel aliis quibuscumque, per que citati a curia nostra vel a iustitiariis regionum super causis, que ad eorum iurisdictionem spectare noscuntur, se hactenus tuebantur, ne loca ipsa tenerentur exire ad iustitiam faciendam, ac propterea citationibus spretis penam contumacie evitabant et sic licentius maleficia committebant, a presenti irrita et inania esse censemus, Die Konstitutionen Friedrichs II. für das Königreich Sizilien, ed. Wolfgang STÜRNER, Hannover 1996, p. 295, Cost. I 106. Si veda Andrea ROMANO, Consuetudini, statuti e privilegi cittadini nella realtà giuridico-istituzionale del Regno di Sicilia, in: Das Privileg im europäischen Vergleich, ed. Barbara DÖLEMEYER / Heinz MOHNHAUPT (Studien zur Europäischen Rechtsgeschichte 125), Francoforte 1999, pp. 117–142, qui p. 132; VON BRÜNNECK, Siciliens mittelalterliche Stadtrechte (come n. 37), pp. XLIV–XLVII. ‘De testibus’: Nec Judaei adversus Christianos nec Christiani adversus Judaeos in testimonio admittuntur, Consuetudines et statuta nobilis civitatis Messane, ed. Otto HARTWIG, Rinteln 1867, p. 67; BRÜNNECK, Siciliens mittelalterliche Stadtrechte (come n. 37), p. 93.

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contro gli ebrei, ma non nel caso inverso.41 La stessa regolamentazione vale per il Ius prothimisios, paragrafo che deriva dal diritto bizantino. Il diritto della προτίµησις è un diritto di prelazione dei parenti (iure sanguinis) e vicini di casa (iure contiguitatis) sui terreni in vendita.42 Escluse erano a Messina espressamente chiese, monasteri, conti e baroni: ecclesiae monasteria comites et barones ius prothimisios in civitate Messanae non habent.43 Le consuetudines di Palermo e Trani escludevano anche ebrei ed arabi (saraceni) dall’applicazione del diritto di prelazione.44 Il possesso di schiavi cristiani è stato vietato agli ebrei e ai pagani già nelle cosiddette Assise di Ariano (paragrafo 12), divieto riportato quasi letteralmente in una sezione corrispondente delle consuetudines Messinesi: Che gli ebrei e pagani non osino comprare né possedere ad alcun titolo un servo cristiano. Dovessero farlo, vengano confiscati tutti i loro beni e diventino schiavi della curia. Se per caso con empio ardimento o con consigli lo abbiano indotto a circoncidersi o a rinnegare la fede, siano puniti con la pena di morte.45 In aggiunta, le consuetudines di Palermo concedono validità agli atti notarili ebraici, arabi e greci.46 Una clausola simile si trova nelle consuetudines Messinesi, tuttavia non esplicitamente, trattandosi solamente di una clausuola generale sulla presenza di un notaio pubblico per la vendita di cose immobili (§30): Venditiones rerum stabilium debent per curiam celebrari: quae cum fuerint debita solemnitate peractae scilicet cum designatione rei venditae per publicum notarium

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‘De Judaeis, et Saracaenis aliisque haereticis a testimonio repellendis’: ... quod Judaei contra Christianos nullo modo producantur in testes nec vel arbitros eligantur, vel assumantur, nec valeat eorum testimonium si a Christianis, et contra Christianos in judiciis producantur, cum eos Christianis subjacere oporteat. [...] Sed Christiani admittantur, et recipiantur in testimonium contra Judaeos omnes nec sit aequalitas inter eos, et semper stetur testimonio Christianorum contra Judaeos, nisi Christiani per jura communia repellantur, ibidem, p. 15. ‘De iure prothimisios’: Ius prothimisios competit tam ratione consanguinitatis quam contiguitate loci, ibidem, p. 88. Ibidem, p. 89. ‘De his quibus jus prothimisii non competit’: Etsi generaliter omnes cives Panhormi ad petendum jus prothimisii, sicut ex consuetudine superiori colligitur, admittantur, quibusdam tamen ex antiqua, et approbata consuetudine civitatis, juris hujus est sublata commoditas, et a petitione talium jurium excluduntur, videlicet fiscus, ecclesia, monasteria, comites, barones, Judaei, Saraceni nullatenus ad praedicta jura sunt ex jam dicta consuetudine admittendi, ibidem, p. 23. ‘De Iudaeis’: Iudaeus sive paganus non audeat comparare servum Christianum, nec possidere aliquo titulo, sed si praesumpserit, omnes res eius confiscantur, et ipse fiat servus curiae, quem servum si forfan nefario ausu, vel suasu fecerit circumcidi, vel negare fidem puniatur supplicio capitali, ibidem. Per il corrispondente passo nelle assise di Ariano si veda ZECCHINO, Le assise di Ariano (come n. 35), p. 34. Vendictiones que facte sunt vel fiunt in posterum per Sarracenos, Judeos et Grecos Siciliam habitantes de rebus stabilibus et mobilibus ab eis possessis omnimodam optineant firmitatem; et instrumenta confecta de vendictionibus vel permutationibus earum aut quibuscumque contractibus aliis in lingua arabica, greca et ebraica per manus notariorum sarracenorum, grecorum vel ebreorum vel arabicorum, et si sollempnitatibus careant Christianorum, nec non et instrumenta que in posterum fient modo predicto, firma et stabilia perseverant, BRÜNNECK, Siciliens mittelalterliche Stadtrechte (come n. 37), p. 27.

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publice facta et instrumento confecto per eundem et tam suprascriptionibus iudicum et straticoti communito: nunquam ab ipsis venditoribus vel eorum haeredibus ex aliqua causa retractari possunt.47

Tra i diritti dell’avente cittadinanza di Messina era incluso l’acquisto di una proprietà e, naturalmente, anche il permesso di rivenderla. A questo proposito risulta utile analizzare un atto del 1246 che attualmente si trova nell’Archivio di Stato di Palermo, edito da Ciccarelli, il quale documenta la vendita di un vigneto nel territorio di Messina effettuata – a giudicare dai nomi – da due cittadini greci di Messina, Bartolomeo ed Errico Cafiri, in favore di un certo Mainetto Palmintero, anch’egli civis di Messina, al prezzo di 3700 tarì.48 Quest’atto di compravendita, oltre a comunicarci che il compratore ed il venditore erano cives Messane, ci consente di verificare il meccanismo in uso per la certificazione, scoprendo che uno dei giudici firmatari, Ἀλέξανδρος τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρανου, non solo era messinese ma in primo luogo greco.49

Fig. Atto di vendita del 1246: Palermo, Archivio di Stato, Sede Gancia, Tabulario di Santa Maria di Malfinò, perg. 14

Quali ripercussioni ebbe l’aumento della testualizzazione dei diritti e dei doveri dei cittadini ed in particolare lo scambio costante delle consuetudines delle altre città siciliane sui rapporti tra Messina e i suoi sovrani, siano essi Normanni, Angioini o Aragonesi? Nel momento in cui andava al potere un nuovo sovrano, i rappresentanti delle città potevano approfittare della situazione proponendo nuove interpretazioni o estensioni delle loro consuetudines, così come vederle semplicemente confermate. Sembra che i cittadini messinesi conoscessero molto bene i loro diritti legali. A tal proposito, il già nominato “Ugo Falcando” racconta come in occasione della rivolta del 1167 contro lo stratigoto Riccardo d’Aversa, i Messinesi chiesero al re Guglielmo II il rispetto ed il ripristino di alcune consuetudines. Nel corso di una manifestazione davanti al palazzo reale 47 48 49

Ibidem, p. 88. Palermo, Archivio di Stato (ASAP), Tab. S. Maria di Malfinò, perg. 14. + Κἀγὼ Ἀλέξανδρος τοῦ Ἀλεξανδράνου κριτὴς Μεσίνης +, Documento del 1246, ed. CICCARELLI, Tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò (come n. 4), n. 17.

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i cittadini protestarono ad alta voce e con striscioni, perché vedevano che il cancelliere del re rispondeva distaccato e tiepidamente alle loro richieste. Quindi misero per iscritto le loro lamentele, le appesero in cima a delle aste e le issarono davanti al palazzo accompagnando con grida l’azione, affermando che fosse ingiusto che tutti gli altri avrebbero avuto i loro diritti e che solo i Messinesi, sempre fedeli al re, fossero stati presi in giro e non ascoltati da parte dalla curia.50 Come reagirono i sovrani normanni a questa richiesta di conferma delle consuetudines da parte dei cittadini Messinesi? In quali privilegi si concretizzano i diritti dei cittadini di Messina e quali privilegi tengono conto delle dinamiche particolari della popolazione etereogenea di Messina? La risposta a queste domande è purtroppo resa difficile dal fatto che una gran parte dei documenti tramandati dai sovrani siciliani è stata falsificata o è persa.51 Nel privilegio che Ruggero II concesse nel 1129, il cui documento pseudo-originale si trova nell’Archivio Ducal de Medinaceli, non vengono solo definiti i criteri di cittadinanza di Messina, come già accenato, ma anche concessi privilegi nuovi e di vasta portata per i cittadini di Messina, che dovevano applicarsi a Iudeis simul cum Christianis.52 Precedenti studi di Giardina, Martino e Brühl concordano nel giudicare falso il contenuto del presente atto; discussa è solamente la data della falsificazione, secondo Federico Martino53 riconducibile alla fine del XIII secolo nel contesto dei Vespri Siciliani, in contrasto con l’affermazione di Camillo Giardina, il quale la colloca nel XV secolo sotto il regno di re Alfonso I († 1458).54 Anche in questo caso il Liber de regno Sicilie di “Ugo Falcando” conferma l’esistenza di un privilegio con il quale Ruggero II avrebbe dapprima concesso immunità doganale a Messina, per poi pentirsene e ritirarla. Circa al ripristino di questo privilegio per quanto riguarda i propri diritti e vantaggi fiscali, nel 1167 i primi (principali) cittadini di Messina chiedevano al re Guglielmo II e al suo cancelliere Stefano Perche: 50

51

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[I]lli vero […] videntes cancellarium negligentius ac tepidius respondere, rursus accusationes in scripta redigunt, eaque a summitatibus harundinum suspendentes, ante palatium ingentem clamorem attollunt, miserum esse dicentes, ceteris omnibus ius suum consequentibus, solos Messanenses, qui regi fidelissimi semper extiterint, haberi ludibrio et eorum voces in curia non audiri, Hugo Falcandus, La historia (come n. 22), p. 132 (Traduzione deriva dall’autrice). Per la ricostruzione e interpretazione delle pergamene Messinesi si veda il lungo dibattito tra Giardina (Camillo GIARDINA, Capitoli e privilegi di Messina, Palermo 1937), Trasselli (Carmelo TRASSELLI, I privilegi di Messina e di Trapani [1160–1355] con un’appendice sui consolati trapanesi nel sec. XV [Collana di testi e studi storici 5], ristampa Messina 1992) e Martino (Federico MARTINO, Documenti dell’“Universitas” di Messina nell’Archivio Ducale di Medinaceli a Siviglia, in: Quaderni Catanesi di studi classici e medievali 2 [1980], pp. 641–706; IDEM, Una ignota pagina del Vespro. La compilazione dei falsi privilegi Messinesi, in: Archivio Storico Messinese 57 [1991], pp. 19–76). [S]upradictis immunitatibus et graciis gaudebunt Iudey simul cum Christianis, D Ro. II. †11 (come n. 34). Sulla discussione relativa alla falsificazione di questo documento si veda GIARDINA, Capitoli (come n. 51), pp. XXX–XXXV; TRASSELLI, Privilegi (come n. 51), pp. 11–13; MARTINO, Una ignota pagina del Vespro (come n. 51), pp. 27–30. Ibidem, pp. 41–46. Secondo Martino il testo falsificato del documento di Ruggero II fu solo “riscoperto” nell’età alfonsina. GIARDINA, Capitoli (come n. 51), pp. XXX–XXXVII.

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Paucis autem diebus post adventum regis maiores civium cum magnis muneribus cancellarium adeuntes, rogabant eum instantissime ut privilegium eis reddi faceret quod olim Rogerius rex supra quibusdam civitatis immunitatibus factum, postea, penitentia ductus, eis abstulerat.55

Il testo e contenuto di questo privilegio primigenio di Ruggero II purtroppo non sono conservati. Sembra che nello stesso anno Gugliemo II abbia risposto a tale richiesta, nonostante anche questo privilegio non sia tramandato, cosicché si possono fare soltanto delle ipotesi sul suo contenuto.56 In termini di coesistenza e diritti di differenti comunità della città è interessante soprattutto il privilegio di Enrico VI risalente al 1194, la cui autenticità è tuttavia anch’essa contestata: in questo privilegio che attualmente viene conservato nell’Archivo Ducal Medinaceli a Toledo (ADM, Toledo, perg. 540) Enrico VI concede ai cittadini di Messina libertà di commercio nel regno come nel regno di Sicilia e li libera dagli obblighi militari.57 Inoltre viene stabilito che i cittadini debbano avere due giudici latini e un giudice greco.58 Espressamente sono inclusi in questa disposizione omnes habitatores Messane tam latini quam greci et hebrei.59 Federico Martino ritiene possibile l’autenticità del privilegio, in quanto il suo contenuto rispecchia “speranze e aspirazioni del ceto dirigente messinese del periodo.”60 Tale privilegio è stato confermato dall’imperatrice Costanza quattro anni dopo.61 Nel 1292 Federico, luogotenente generale in Sicilia di re Giacomo d’Aragona, concesse ai cittadini di Messina – e nel suo privilegio incluse sia gli abitanti ebrei che cristiani – l’uso dei colori vegetali per la tintura della seta, ad eccezione dell’indaco.62 Inoltre, nel caso avessero agito per conto dei Genovesi, i Messinesi avrebbero goduto degli stessi privilegi doganali accordati con il re Giacomo.63 Anche questo privilegio oggi si trova nell’Archivo Ducal Medinaceli a Toledo (ADM, Toledo, perg. 64) e la sua autenticità non è stata messa in 55

56 57

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59 60 61 62

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Hugo Falcandus, La historia (come n. 22), p. 131. Si veda anche Annkristin SCHLICHTE, Der „gute“ König. Wilhelm II. von Sizilien (1166–1189) (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 110), Tubinga 2005, p. 30. Si veda ibidem, p. 30, nota 139. Item concedimus eisdem civibus Messane ut habeant plenam perpetuo libertatem in Messana et totum imperium et regnum vendendi et emendi, tam per mare quam per terram, in introitu et exitu, tam in parvis quam in magnis rebus […] Nemo etiam de ipsa civitate Messane invitus cogatur ire in exercitum imperialem aut regalem terra et mari, exceptis illis qui feoda tenent, MARTINO, Una ignota pagina (come n. 51), p. 73. Preterea ponere debemus in eadem civitate Messane baiulum et iudices annuos tres, duos latinos et unum grecum, de concivibus Messane et ipse baiulus habeat baiulationem, ita quod alius eum non possit supplantare plus offerendo, nisi prius finita baiulatione, ibidem, pp. 73–74. Ibidem, p. 75. Ibidem, p. 26. Constantiae imperatricis et reginae Siciliae Diplomata (1195–1198), ed. Theo KÖLZER (MGH DD 11,3), Hannover 1990, doc. 45 (DD Ks. 45). Videlicet quod a primo septembris proximo futuri sexte indicionis in antea tam iudeis quam christianis liceat setam, cucullum, cindatos, faciolos et alios pannos in eadem civitate tingere de coloribus erbarum preterquam de indico cuius indici tintura cabelle tintorie civitatis eiusdem per onmia reservetur, GIARDINA, Capitoli (come n. 51), p. 82. Ibidem, p. 83.

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dubbio dalla ricerca.64 Nella lavorazione della seta gli ebrei siciliani erano fortemente rappresentati e questo fatto spiega perché nel suddetto documento vengono menzionati esplicitamente accanto ai cittadini cristiani di Messina. Attraverso la comunicazione tra i vari sovrani e i cittadini possiamo cogliere solo brevi periodi nei quali veniva regolamentata la coesistenza dei cittadini eterogenei di Messina. Questi ci consentono di avere una visuale, seppur superficiale, sulle condizioni di commercio e sui privilegi doganali dei Messinesi, ma lasciano lacune circa al funzionamento della vita urbana quotidiana. Anche se i privilegi – qui per motivi di spazio solo brevemente discussi – sono probabilmente stati falsificati al tempo dei Vespri Siciliani o alla metà del XV secolo sotto il regno di Alfonso I, re di Napoli e di Sicilia († 1458), è comunque sorprendente quanto si tenesse alla conferma delle consuetudines Messinesi e alla distinzione dei cittadini di Messina.65 Gli scontri con i vari sovrani liberarono sicuramente dinamiche urbane ed ambizioni d’autonomia ed accelerarono anche il processo di mettere per iscritto le consuetudines delle città. In confronto alle condizioni di vita a Palermo le minoranze etniche e religiose di Messina approfittarono dell’“internazionalità” e delle attività commerciali della città. Anche il tentavivo di Messina di trarre vantaggi dal conflitto tra Angioini e Aragonesi ebbe un successo notevole. Grazie agli stabilimenti commerciali di numerosi mercanti pisani e genovesi a Messina e viceversa la città sullo stretto era in costante contatto e confronto con le condizioni commerciali e di vita nelle città portuali dell’Italia settentrionale. Da questo scambio di idee e dalla comunicazione con altri mercanti Messina riusciva a ricavare vantaggi economici.66 Complessivamente rimane l’impressione che Messina probabilmente a causa della sua forte attività di commercio, la sua posizione strategica, la sua centralità nel Mediterraneo e la rivalità con la capitale politica – poté temporaneamente offrire in termini fiscali e legali (altri aspetti ci sfuggono per mancanza di fonti) condizioni migliori soprattutto ai suoi abitanti greci ed ebraici rispetto alle altri grandi città siciliane.67

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Si veda MARTINO, Una ignota pagina (come n. 51), p. 20, nota 3. Per l’argomentazione di Federico Martino con cui conforta la sua tesi di anticipare la falsificazione dei documenti al XIII secolo si veda ibidem, pp. 58–72. Giardina ci tramanda un documento di Manfredi del 1252, in cui egli concede ai Messinesi gli stessi privilegi doganali, in quanto li possiedono anche i Pisani, GIARDINA, Capitoli (come n. 51), pp. 35–36, n. XIII. L’impressione derivante dagli statuti della città che gli ebrei di Messina avevano una posizione migliore rispetto per esempio agli ebrei palermitani, trova conferma anche nelle diverse tasse che dovevano essere pagate dagli ebrei: a Messina pagavano tam Christianorum quam Iudeorum un’unica cabella bucherie senza alcuna differenziazione, invece a Palermo esisteva una tasse speciale (la cabella fumi) esclusivamente per gli ebrei in aggiunta alla normale cabella buchirie sive scannature, Giuseppe LA MANTIA, Le pandette delle gabelle regie antiche e nuove di Sicilia nel secolo XIV, Palermo 1906, p. 269.

RICHARD ENGL

Dynamiken muslimischer Städte im staufischen Sizilien: Migration und Kommunikation Wer heute ins Landesinnere Westsiziliens reist, stößt auf geradezu idyllisch unberührte Gegenden: kaum Städte, nur kleine Straßen, verschlafene Ebenen zwischen schroffen Felshöhen. Die Wurzeln jener Abgeschiedenheit liegen fast acht Jahrhunderte zurück: Zwischen 1223 und 1247 wurde eine ganze Bevölkerungsgruppe aus der Region vertrieben, die Muslime Siziliens.1 Mit dem damaligen dramatischen Bevölkerungsverlust nahm seinen Anfang, was heute als Verschlafenheit des westsizilischen Binnenlandes wahrzunehmen ist. Die Vertreibung beendete eine ganze Ära muslimisch-christlichen Zusammenlebens auf der größten Mittelmeerinsel: Vier Jahrhunderte lang hatten dort bekanntlich Muslime gesiedelt, zunächst als Eroberer im Zuge der fulminanten Ausdehnung des Islam, ab dem 11. Jahrhundert als Unterworfene, nachdem lateinchristliche Zuwanderer vor allem aus der Normandie Sizilien in Besitz genommen hatten.2 Im 13. Jahrhundert aber wurden die Muslime zu Zehntausenden auf das süditalienische Festland deportiert. 1

2

Zur Vertreibung der sizilischen Muslime demnächst mit modifizierter Datierung Richard ENGL, Religionskonflikt im Protostaat? Die Deportation der Muslime Siziliens durch Kaiser Friedrich II. (1223–1246/7), in: Erzwungene Exile. Umsiedlung und Vertreibung in der Vormoderne (500–1850), hg. v. Thomas ERTL, Frankfurt a. M. 2017 (im Druck); bislang insbes. Annliese NEF, La déportation des musulmans siciliens par Frédéric II : précédents, modalités, signification et portée de la mesure, in: Le monde de l’itinérance en Méditerranée de l’Antiquité à l’époque moderne. Procédures de contrôle et d’identification, hg. v. Claudia MOATTI / Wolfgang KAISER / Christophe PÉBARTHE (Études 22), Bordeaux 2009, S. 455–478; Ferdinando MAURICI, L’emirato sulle montagne. Note per una storia della resistenza musulmana in Sicilia nell’età di Federico II di Svevia, Palermo 1987; IDEM, Uno stato musulmano nell’Europa cristiana del XIII secolo: L’emirato siciliano di Mohammed Ibn Abbad, in: Acta historica et archaeologica mediaevalia 18 (1997), S. 257–280; IDEM, Le guerre musulmane di Federico II in Sicilia e il castello ossidionale di Jato, in: Castel del Monte. Inedite indagini scientifiche. Atti del primo convegno interdisciplinare su Castel del Monte (Bari, 18–19 giugno 2015), hg. v. Giuseppe FALLACARA / Ubaldo OCCHINEGRO (Archinauti. Atti 70), Bari 2015, S. 135–180; zum westsizilischen Bevölkerungs- und Siedlungsverlust beispielsweise Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Économie et société en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), Bd. 1, Palermo / Rom 1986, S. 15f., 60–66; Ferdinando MAURICI, Per una storia dell’insediamento nella Sicilia federiciana, in: Federico e la Sicilia. Dalla terra alla corona, hg. v. Carmela A. DI STEFANO / Antonio CADEI, Bd. 1: Archeologia e architettura, Palermo 1995, S. 3–25, hier S. 7–11; IDEM, L’insediamento nella Sicilia di Federico II. Eredità normanna e innovazioni: abbandono di centri abitati, nuove fondazioni urbane, costruzione di castelli, in: Un regno nell’impero. I caratteri originari del regno normanno nell’età sveva: persistenze e differenze (1194–1250). Atti delle diciottesime giornate normanno-sveve (Bari – Barletta – Dubrovnik, 14–17 ottobre 2008), hg. v. Pasquale CORDASCO / Francesco VIOLANTE, Bari 2010, S. 403–492, hier S. 419–443. Vgl. als Standardwerke zur Geschichte der sizilischen Muslime Alex METCALFE, The Muslims of Medieval Italy (The New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys), Edinburgh 2009, und trotz überholter

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Dieser Exodus, wohl eine der bedeutendsten hochmittelalterlichen Umsiedlungen im zentralen Mittelmeerraum, beschloss eine ganze Reihe außergewöhnlicher Migrationsbewegungen der sizilischen Muslime seit dem späten 12. Jahrhundert. In mehreren Wellen waren die muslimischen Bevölkerungsteile aus den Ebenen und dem Küstenland zunächst auf Hochplateaus im westsizilischen Landesinneren und später wieder zu Tal gezogen.3 Diese Phase hoher Migrationsaktivität fiel in die Herrschaftszeit der Staufer über Sizilien, deren Abkömmling Heinrich VI. die Insel 1189 ererbt und 1194 in Besitz genommen hatte; 1198 bis 1250 herrschte sein berühmter Sohn Friedrich II. über Sizilien. Die staufische Epoche war also eine Periode großer Dynamik in der Geschichte der sizilischen Muslime. Dessen ungeachtet schenkte die Forschung jener Ära weit weniger Aufmerksamkeit als der vorangegangenen Normannenzeit.4 Einerseits mag das an nationalen Wissenschaftstraditionen liegen; beispielsweise konzentrierten sich die beeindruckend produktiven englischen und französischen Erforscher der sizilischen Muslime auf die Zeit der ihnen näherliegenden Normannen.5 Zum anderen betrachtete die Forschung die Stauferzeit großteils als unaufhaltsame Niedergangsepoche der muslimischen Gemeinschaft: Unter dem Eindruck des beschriebenen fatalen Endes des Islam auf Sizilien wurden schon die vorhergehenden Jahrzehnte als Zeit unvermeidlich fortschreitender Marginalisierung der Muslime gedeutet.6 Gegenüber der Normannenzeit mit ihrer vielberufenen kulturellen Diversität erschien die sizilische

3

4

5 6

Passagen noch Michele AMARI, Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia, seconda edizione modificata e accresciuta dall’autore, hg. v. Carlo A. NALLINO, 3 Bde., 2. Aufl. Catania 1933–1939; zu den Muslimen unter normannischer Herrschaft besonders auch Jeremy JOHNS, Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily. The Royal Dīwān (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization), Cambridge / New York 2002; Annliese NEF, Conquérir et gouverner la Sicile islamique aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 346), Rom 2011. Dazu bislang insbes. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 34–49; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 265–275; in weiten Passagen gleichlautend zu IDEM, Federico II e la Sicilia. I castelli dell’Imperatore, Catania 1997, S. 91–110, IDEM, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), S. 409–418, und IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 142–169; vgl. auch METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 275– 287. Gar von einer „congiura del silenzio“ sprachen MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 258, und Amedeo FENIELLO, Sotto il segno del Leone. Storia dell’Italia musulmana, Rom / Bari 2011, S. 232. Aktuell sind insbes. Jeremy Johns, Alex Metcalfe und Annliese Nef zu nennen, wobei Letztere auch besonders intensiv zur islamischen Epoche Siziliens forscht. Vgl. beispielsweise Aziz AHMAD, A History of Islamic Sicily (Islamic Surveys 10), Edinburgh 1975, insbes. S. 74f.; Henri BERCHER / Annie COURTEAUX / Jean MOUTON, Une abbaye latin dans la société musulmane : Monreale au XIIe siècle, in: Annales 34 (1979), S. 525–547; Vera VON FALKENHAUSEN, Il popolamento: etnìe, fedi, insediamenti, in: Terra e uomini nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo. Atti delle settime giornate normanno-sveve (Bari, 15–17 ottobre 1985), hg. v. Giosuè MUSCA (Centro di studi normanno-svevi. Università degli Studi di Bari Atti 7), Bari 1987, S. 39–73, hier S. 51; MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 259, 275; IDEM, Federico II (wie Anm. 3), S. 75f.; IDEM, Breve storia degli Arabi in Sicilia, Palermo 2006, S. 8; IDEM, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), insbes. S. 481–484; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 135f.; FENIELLO, Segno (wie Anm. 4), S. 231–241; wobei der Beginn dieses Prozesses teils schon in der späten Normannenzeit angesetzt wurde.

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Stauferzeit also in dieser Hinsicht vergleichsweise uninteressant. So forschte seit Jahrnzehnten fast nur der Sizilianer Ferdinando Maurici dezidiert zu den stauferzeitlichen Muslimen der Insel.7 Dabei erlebten die Muslime zwischen 1189 und 1250 in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine Periode großer Dynamik. Ihre gesteigerte Migrationsaktivität war Voraussetzung soziopolitischer Entwicklungen, die wiederum ein erstaunliches kommunikatives Ausgreifen bedingten: Zeitweilig gründeten westsizilische Muslime ein Emirat und standen mit den großen Akteuren des zentralen Mittelmeerraumes in Kontakt.8 Diesen Kommunikationsprozessen und den zugrundeliegenden Migrationen wendet sich der vorliegende Beitrag zu. Entgegen dem erwähnten teleologischen Niedergangsparadigma wird er stärker die Offenheit der Entwicklungen und die Möglichkeiten der Muslime zur aktiven Einflussnahme aufzuzeigen versuchen. Dazu werden zuerst die muslimischen Migrationen in ihrem zeitlichen, räumlichen und demographischen Ausmaß, ihren Ursachen und Konsequenzen analysiert, sodann Reichweite und Bedeutung ausgewählter Kommunikationsprozesse betrachtet. Zentraler Ort der Untersuchung sollen die Hochplateaus des westsizilischen Binnenlandes sein, die Ausgangs- und Zielpunkt muslimischer Wanderungs- und Austauschprozesse waren. Die dortigen Siedlungszentren werden etwas gewagt ‚Städte‘ genannt, was bis zu definitiveren Erkenntnissen künftiger archäologischer Studien ein Arbeitsbegriff ist.9

I. Migration Beginnen wir also mit den stauferzeitlichen Migrationen der sizilischen Muslime. Diese erfolgten zunächst in drei großen Wellen aus Städten des westsizilischen Küstenlandes und der Ebenen sowie Dörfern des Hinterlandes auf die Anhöhen des Binnenlandes. Dort etablierten sich die Ankömmlinge auf allseits schroff abfallenden Hochplateaus zwischen Palermo im Norden, Agrigent im Süden und Segesta im Westen. Teile der Forschung sahen dies vor allem als 7

8 9

Vgl. seine in Anm. 1 genannten Schriften; ansonsten insbes. NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1); skizzenhaft James M. POWELL, Frederick II and the Rebellion of the Muslims of Sicily, 1220– 1224, in: IDEM, The Crusades, the Kingdom of Sicily, and the Mediterranean (Variorum Collected Studies Series 871), Aldershot / Burlington VT 2007, S. 13–22; Gesamtdarstellungen zu den sizilischen Muslimen widmen der Stauferzeit nur kurze Abschnitte; berücksichtigenswert inbes. das kluge, aber knappe Kapitel mit eher impliziter Argumentation in METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 275–287. Dazu unten in den Abschnitten 1.4 und 2 dieses Beitrags. Vgl. auf Basis der bisherigen archäologischen Befunde Alessandra MOLINARI, Paesaggi rurali e formazioni sociali nella Sicilia islamica, normanna e sveva (secoli X–XIII), in: Archeologia Medievale 37 (2010), S. 229–245, hier S. 238; Alessandro CORRETTI / Michela GARGINI / Chiara MICHELINI et al., Tra Arabi, Berberi e Normanni: Entella ed il suo territorio dalla tarda antichità alla fine dell’epoca sveva, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge 116 (2004), S. 145–190, hier S. 160, 162; vgl. auch METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 211: „walled towns“.

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Rückzugsbewegung verzweifelter Marginalisierter10, die nun in abgelegenen Bergregionen als „Briganten“ oder gar „Halbnomaden“ hausten.11 Tatsächlich waren die neuen Siedlungszentren aber keineswegs armselig und hinterwäldlerisch: Sie lagen an strategisch wichtigen Punkten12, die Passstraßen, Zugänge wichtiger Flusstäler, Brücken und Ebenen Westsiziliens kontrollierten (Abb. 1).

Abb. 1 Karte Siziliens mit gesicherten und anzunehmenden muslimischen Rebellenorten: 1) Cinisi, 2) Monte Palmeto, 3) Monte Jato, 4) Segesta, 5) Calatrasi, 6) Corleone, 7) Gallo, 8) Entella, 9) Celso, 10) Platano, 11) Guastanella; sowie von Muslimen bedrohten oder überfallenen Orten: A) Monreale, B) San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi, C) Cefalù, D) S. Maria di Rifesi, E) Agrigent (Darstellung: R. Engl)

Die größeren dieser Anhöhen boten Raum für ganze Städte mit Kastellen, Palästen und Befestigungsanlagen, soliden Straßen, Friedhöfen und Zisternen, Vierteln für Handwerker und sogar Landwirtschaft in kleinem Umfang.13 10

11

12 13

Vgl. beispielsweise AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 559; MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 265; ähnlich BERCHER / COURTEAUX / MOUTON, Abbaye (wie Anm. 6), S. 543; MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 48. Olaf B. RADER, Friedrich II. Der Sizilianer auf dem Kaiserthron. Eine Biographie, 3. Aufl. München 2011, S. 422: „Aus Bürgern, die seit Generationen auf Sizilien in städtischen Verhältnissen lebten, wurden nun Halbnomaden, die mit Sack und Pack umherzogen und … in abgelegenen Bergorten oder schwer zugänglichen Kastellen lebten“; Salvatore TRAMONTANA, Ceti sociali, gruppi etnici, rivolte, in: Potere, società e popolo nell’età sveva (1210–1266). Atti delle seste giornate normanno-sveve (Bari – Castel del Monte – Melfi 17–20 ottobre 1983), hg. v. Giosuè MUSCA (Centro di studi normanno-svevi. Università degli Studi di Bari Atti 6), Bari 1985, S. 151–166, hier S. 152: „… tanti avevano trovato più sicura l’adesione a quell’antico fenomeno sociale che era il brigantaggio“; vgl. ibidem, S. 159. Vgl. schon MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 40: „punti chiave del territorio“. Vgl. insbes. das unter jenen Siedlungen am repräsentativsten ergrabene Entella; dazu CORRETTI / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), insbes. S. 156–163; ähnliche Befunde

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Schon in der Antike hatten sich hier nicht unbedeutende Städte befunden14, und auch in der islamischen Epoche waren die gut zu verteidigenden Anhöhen mit dort errichteten Kastellen entscheidende Stützpunkte muslimischer Herrschaft gewesen.15 Solche Schlüsselpositionen hatten die normannischen Eroberer natürlich nicht in den Händen der Unterworfenen belassen, die Befestigungen vielmehr unter ihre eigene Kontrolle gebracht. Diesen Prozess der Verdrängung der Unterworfenen aus ihren befestigten Plätzen bezeichnete Henri Bresc als „decastellamento“.16 Erst in Kenntnis dieser Vorgeschichte erschließt sich meines Erachtens die volle Bedeutung der stauferzeitlichen Migrationen ins Bergland: Sie brachten die Muslime zeitweise in den Besitz von Stützpunkten, die in vergangenen Jahrhunderten Unterpfand islamischer Herrschaft über Sizilien gewesen waren. Die Zielorte ihrer Abwanderung hatten den Migranten also wesentlich mehr zu bieten als Flucht vor Bedrohung. Zuvor mehrheitlich in offenen Dörfern im Tal lebende Muslime des Hinterlandes17 besetzten nun wieder Kastelle beziehungsweise die ihnen angeschlossenen befestigten Siedlungen18; teilweise trafen sie dort schon auf Glaubensbrüder inmitten von Christen, doch nun dominierten die Muslime die Orte wieder. Surveys in Westsizilien haben den beschriebenen Entvölkerungsprozess offener Siedlungen des Hinterlandes zugunsten fester Plätze auf den Höhen als verbreiteten Vorgang des späten 12. und frühen 13. Jahrhunderts bestätigt.19 Insgesamt stellt sich dieser Aspekt der muslimischen Migrationen in der Stauferzeit also als eine Art ‚reincastellamento‘ dar.

14 15

16

17 18

19

deuten sich für den Monte Jato an, wenn dort auch bisher nur die Randbezirke der einstigen muslimischen Siedlung ergraben wurden; dazu beispielsweise Hans P. ISLER, Monte Iato, in: DI STEFANO / CADEI, Federico e la Sicilia (wie Anm. 1), S. 121–150. Das antike Theater auf dem Monte Jato beispielsweise hatte über 4.000 Personen Platz geboten; vgl. Hans P. ISLER, Monte Iato. Guida archeologica (Museo 3), Palermo 1991, S. 42–44. Vgl. übersichtlich Henri BRESC, Terre e castelli: le fortificazioni nella Sicilia araba e normanna, in: Castelli. Storia e archeologia. Relazioni e comunicazioni al Convegno tenuto a Cuneo il 6– 8 dicembre 1981, hg. v. Rinaldo COMBA / Aldo A. SETTIA, Turin 1984, S. 73–87, hier S. 80. Henri BRESC, L’incastellamento in Sicilia, in: I Normanni. Popolo d’Europa 1030–1200, hg. v. Mario D’ONOFRIO, Venedig 1994, S. 217–220, hier S. 217f.; bei allen Einwänden gegen das Konzept, die beispielsweise MOLINARI, Paesaggi (wie Anm. 9), S. 230f., 236, und NEF, Conquérir (wie Anm. 2), S. 398f., ansprechen, wird es immerhin für die genannten Höhenfestungen aufrechtzuerhalten sein; vgl. bereits differenzierter BRESC, Terre (wie Anm. 15); und allgemein Ferdinando MAURICI, Castelli medievali in Sicilia. Dai bizantini ai normanni (La pietra vissuta 5), Palermo 1992, S. 139: „Questa tendenza all’espulsione degli indigeni dagli abitati muniti e, di più, la delimitazione di vere e proprie aree insediative difese, riservate ai latini dominatori, è attestata in maniera indiscutibile“. Zu ihnen und ihrem Umfeld in diesem Band Alex Metcalfe, S. 97–139. Vgl. zuletzt MAURICI, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 143–165; zur Kopräsenz von Kastell und befestigter Siedlung auf den meisten jener Anhöhen übersichtlich BRESC, Terre (wie Anm. 15), S. 81; zudem zu Guastanella Jeremy JOHNS, Monte Guastanella. Un insediamento musulmano nell’Agrigentino, in: Sicilia Archeologica 16 (1983), S. 33–51, hier S. 33, 50; zu Entella Alessandro CORRETTI, Entella, in: DI STEFANO / CADEI, Federico e la Sicilia (wie Anm. 1), S. 93– 110, hier S. 93–95; CORRETTI / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), S. 149–163; zu Platano MAURICI, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 162f. Vgl. beispielsweise Jeremy JOHNS, Monreale Survey. L’insediamento umano nell’Alto Belice

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Auf den Hochplateaus erweiterten die Neuankömmlinge überwiegend vorhandene Siedlungen oder begründeten vereinzelt verlassene neu.20 Laut archäologischen Untersuchungen zumindest der bedeutenderen Anhöhen wuchs dort vom Ende des 12. bis weit in die erste Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts die Siedlungsfläche, neue Häuser wurden in rascher Abfolge errichtet sowie Befestigungen und herrschaftliche Bauten erweitert.21 Der Lebensstandard war keinesfalls armselig, die am repräsentativsten ergrabene Höhensiedlung Entella jedenfalls wurde von einem eindrucksvollen zweistöckigen Palast mit massiven Mauern, Innenhöfen und dem einzig bekannten palatialen Hammam Siziliens außerhalb der Normannenpaläste bekrönt; in der Siedlung selbst zirkulierte viel Münzgeld, es gab eine blühende Keramikproduktion und eventuell auch Eisenverarbeitung.22 Bescheidenere Funde an anderer Stelle müssen dies nicht grundsätzlich in Frage stellen, scheinen sie doch lediglich Verhältnisse in ärmlicheren Siedlungsrandbezirken abzubilden.23 So waren die neuen muslimischen Zentren auf den Hochplateaus nach derzeitigem Erkenntnisstand Orte einer intakten, wenn auch an der Peripherie der islamischen Welt gelegenen Zivilisation mit städtischem Charakter.24

20

21

22 23

24

dall’età paleolitica al 1250 d.C., in: Giornate internazionali di Studi sull’Area Elima. Atti (Gibellina, 19–22 settembre 1991), Bd. 1, Pisa / Gibellina 1992, S. 407–420, hier S. 415f.; IDEM, Nota sugli insediamenti rupestri musulmani nel territorio di S. Maria di Monreale nel dodicesimo secolo, in: La Sicilia rupestre nel contesto delle civiltà mediterranee. Atti del sesto Convegno internazionale di Studio sulla civiltà rupestre medioevale nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia (Catania – Pantalica – Ispica, 7–12 settembre 1981), hg. v. Cosimo D. FONSECA (Università degli Studi di Lecce. Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche e Sociali. Saggi e Ricerche 18), Galatina 1986, S. 227–233, hier S. 232f.; CORRETTI / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), S. 176f. Zu den einzelnen Siedlungen unten bei Anm. 49f.; Entella und der Monte Palmeto waren wohl in der Normannenzeit verlassen gewesen; vgl. CORRETTI / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), S. 154–156; Jeremy JOHNS, Entella nelle fonti arabe, in: Alla ricerca di Entella, hg. v. Giuseppe NENCI, Pisa 1993, S. 61–97, hier S. 74f.; Ferdinando MAURICI / Benedetto GIAMBONA, La ‘Montagnola del Monte Palmeto’. Un despoblado en la provincia de Palermo, in: Acta historica et archaeologica mediaevalia 18 (1997), S. 509–522, hier S. 514f.; die übrigen Orte waren kontinuierlich besiedelt. Vgl. insbes. ISLER, Monte Iato (wie Anm. 13), S. 124f.; CORRETTI, Entella (wie Anm. 18), S. 93; CORRETTI / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), S. 156–163; zum vermutlichen Bevölkerungsanstieg auch auf dem Monte Palmeto bei Cinisi MAURICI / GIAMBONA, Montagnola (wie Anm. 20), S. 514f.; widersprüchlich die diesbezüglichen Meinungen zu Calatrasi; vgl. JOHNS, Nota (wie Anm. 19), S. 232; IDEM, Survey (wie Anm. 19), S. 415; Francesca SPATAFORA, Calatrasi. L’età medievale a Monte Maranfusa, in: DI STEFANO / CADEI, Federico e la Sicilia (wie Anm. 1), S. 163–171, hier S. 163. Vgl. CORRETTI, Entella (wie Anm. 18), S. 94f.; IDEM / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), S. 158–160. Die Grabungen auf dem Monte Jato, die für das 13. Jahrhundert tendenziell ärmlichere Funde zu Tage förderten, waren auf das Zentrum der antiken Stadt fokussiert, wo aber im Mittelalter ein Randbezirk lag; vgl. ISLER, Monte Iato (wie Anm. 13), S. 124–126; so ist das muslimische Zentrum noch aufzufinden; zur tendenziellen sozialen Stratifikation muslimischer Städte vom Zentrum zur Peripherie beispielsweise André RAYMOND, Islamic City, Arab City: Orientalist Myths and Recent Views, in: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 21 (1994), S. 3–18, hier S. 13f. Zum urbanen Charakter siehe Anm. 9.

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Insgesamt bewirkten die genannten Migrationswellen in der Stauferzeit damit eine gravierende Gewichtsverlagerung muslimischer Urbanität: Während zuvor Palermo25 und weitere Städte insbesondere des Küstenlandes jahrhundertelang die gesellschaftlichen Zentren der sizilischen Muslime gewesen waren, stiegen nun die beschriebenen Bergstädte des Binnenlandes in diesen Rang auf. Was aber waren die treibenden Kräfte dieser epochalen Verlagerung und der späteren Gegenbewegungen? In welchen Etappen und historischen Zusammenhängen vollzogen sich die Übersiedelungen und wer waren die beteiligten Muslime? Um die Motive, Akteure und Hintergründe der Migrationen besser zu verstehen, sollen diese nun in chronologischer Abfolge betrachtet werden.

1. Die erste Migrationswelle 1189 bis 1190 Ein erster massiver Aufbruch von Muslimen ins Bergland fand im Winter 1189 statt, nachdem der letzte legitime Normannenherrscher, Wilhelm II. von Sizilien, am 18. November jenes Jahres gestorben war. In den Thronwirren nach seinem Tod war es in Palermo zu Ausschreitungen gegen die dortigen Muslime gekommen.26 „Aus Furcht vor den Christen“ übersiedelten daraufhin die betroffenen Palermitaner Muslime auf die Hochplateaus des Binnenlandes, unter ihnen fünf offenbar weitgehend autonome und gleichberechtigte Anführer.27 Eine Hauptströmung der jüngeren Forschung erhob den sich hier abzeichnenden ethnisch-religiösen Konflikt zur Erklärung für alle muslimischen Migrationswellen der Stauferzeit: Auf eine von den Christen betriebene gewaltsame totale Marginalisierung hätten die Muslime mit verzweifeltem, rebellischem Ausweichen reagiert.28 Dabei war eine religiös bedingte Anfeindung als Auslöser von Fluchttendenzen schon bei dieser ersten Migration am Übergang zur Stauferzeit nur die halbe Wahrheit: Zu den Palermitaner Muslimen stießen nämlich 1190 Glaubensbrüder vom Land, die selbständig und offenbar aus soziopolitischen Gründen aktiv wurden. Es waren hörige muslimische Bauern, vermut25 26

27

28

Dazu in diesem Band Theresa JÄCKH, Space and Place in Norman Palermo, S. 67–95. Vgl. Annales Casinenses, hg. v. Georg H. PERTZ (MGH SS 19), Hannover 1866, S. 303–320, hier S. 314; vgl. auch Hugonis Falcandi Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium de calamitate Sicilie, in: Hugo Falcandus, La historia o liber de regno Sicilie e la epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium, hg. v. Giovanni B. SIRAGUSA (Fonti per la Storia d’Italia 22), Rom 1897, S. 167–186, hier S. 173. Vgl. Richard von San Germano, Chronica, hg. v. Carlo A. GARUFI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores2 7,2), Bologna 1937–1938, S. 9: … quinque Sarracenorum Regulos, qui ob metum christianorum ad montana confugerant …; PERTZ, Annales Casinenses (wie Anm. 26), S. 314; vgl. auch Hugonis Falcandi Epistola ad Petrum Panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium (wie Anm. 26), S. 173. Vgl. insbes. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 48; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 265, 274; ähnlich schon BERCHER / COURTEAUX / MOUTON, Abbaye (wie Anm. 6), insbes. S. 527, 543; TRAMONTANA, Ceti (wie Anm. 11); und jüngst Alessandro VANOLI, La Sicilia musulmana, Bologna 2012, S. 215.

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lich von den königlichen Domänen29, die im Konflikt um die Nachfolge Wilhelms II. Partei ergriffen: Sie opponierten gegen einen der Konkurrenten um den sizilischen Thron, Tankred von Lecce, zugunsten des anderen, des Staufers Heinrich VI., Ehemann der Normannenerbin Konstanze.30 Tankred war drei Jahrzehnte zuvor in einem innernormannischen Thronkonflikt an Übergriffen gegen Muslime, deren Eliten eine von ihm bekämpfte Partei gestützt hatten, beteiligt gewesen.31 Nun lehnten die muslimischen Bauern ihn als Herrn ab; zudem entkamen sie im Zuge ihrer Abwanderung ihrer bisherigen Hörigkeit.32 Aus ganz unterschiedlichen Gründen vereinigten sich also 1189 bis 1190 muslimische Städter und Bauern zur Übersiedelung ins Bergland, und gerade dies verlieh der ersten Migrationswelle am Übergang zur Stauferzeit ihre spezifische Dynamik. Es ist sogar zu überlegen, ob am Anfang der Palermitaner Ausschreitungen gegen die Muslime nicht ebenfalls die Parteinahme muslimischer Anführer im Thronstreit gestanden hatte.33 So hätte ein ursprünglich politischer Konflikt „religiöse Obertöne“34 angenommen. Wie viele Muslime 1189 bis 1190 abwanderten und welche Anhöhen ihr genaues Ziel darstellten, ist für jene erste Migrationswelle noch nicht gut belegt. Der durchreisende Engländer Roger von Howden verzeichnete immerhin 100.000 muslimische Bauern, Männer und Frauen mit ihren Kindern und ihrem Vieh35; doch sind solche chronikalischen Zahlenangaben bekanntlich mit Vor29

30 31

32 33

34 35

Vgl. Roger von Howden, Gesta Regis Ricardi, in: Gesta Regis Heinrici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis, hg. v. William STUBBS (Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi Scriptores 49,2), Bd. 2, London 1867, S. 72–252, hier S. 141: plusquam centum millia paganorum …, qui in regno Siciliae erant servi Willelmi regis Siciliae, … indignati sunt servire regi Tancredo, wobei servi regis vermutlich Hörigen- und nicht nur Schutzbefohlenenstatus gegenüber dem Königtum bezeichnet; analog Roger von Howden, Chronica, hg. v. William STUBBS (Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi Scriptores 51), Bd. 3, London 1870, S. 69; entsprechend schon AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 557; Roger von Howden überwinterte 1190 in Begleitung seines kreuzfahrenden Königs Richard Löwenherz auf Sizilien und war daher gut informiert; dazu John GILLINGHAM, Roger of Howden on Crusade, in: IDEM, Richard Coeur de Lion. Kingship, Chivalry and War in the Twelfth Century, London 1994, S. 141–153. Vgl. Roger von Howden, Gesta Regis Ricardi (wie Anm. 29), S. 141; Roger von Howden, Chronica (wie Anm. 29), S. 69. Vgl. Hugonis Falcandi Liber de regno Sicilie, in: Hugo Falcandus, Historia (wie Anm. 26), S. 3–165, hier S. 69f.; dazu in diesem Kontext schon MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 34; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 262, 266; IDEM, Federico II (wie Anm. 3), S. 85; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 143; METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 275. Vgl. Roger von Howden, Gesta Regis Ricardi (wie Anm. 29), S. 141; Roger von Howden, Chronica (wie Anm. 29), S. 69. Vgl. Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti sive de rebus Siculis. Codex 120 II der Burgerbibliothek Bern. Eine Bilderchronik der Stauferzeit, hg. v. Theo KÖLZER / Marlis STÄHLI, Textrevision und Übersetzung von Gereon BECHT-JÖRDENS, Sigmaringen 1994, V. 84–87, 90, S. 49: Post lacrimas, post exequias, post triste sepulchrum / Scismatis exoritur semen in urbe ducum. / In sua versa manus precordia sanguinis hausit / Urbs tantum, quantum nemo referre potest. / … Quisque sibi petit in regem, quem norat amicum. METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 276: „religious overtones“. Roger von Howden, Gesta Regis Ricardi (wie Anm. 29), S. 141; Roger von Howden, Chronica (wie Anm. 29), S. 69; zu Rogers Sizilienreise oben Anm. 29.

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sicht zu genießen. Das Siedlungsgebiet der Migranten erstreckte sich definitiv in die Diözese Agrigent36, während über eine Besetzung von Anhöhen im Territorium des westsizilischen Klostererzbistums Monreale noch nichts bekannt ist.37 Zur ersten muslimischen Migrationswelle am Übergang zur Stauferzeit ist also festzuhalten, dass die Umsiedler aus einer komplexeren Motivationslage als reiner Marginalisierung aktiv wurden und insofern nicht als bloße Getriebene eines langfristigen Prozesses agierten.

2. Die Rückübersiedelung 1190 Ungefähr ein Jahr nach ihrer Abwanderung übersiedelten die Muslime erneut. Im November 1190 hatte Tankred seine mittlerweile errungene Königsherrschaft durch ein Abkommen mit dem englischen König Richard Löwenherz stabilisiert, der mit einem Kreuzfahrerheer auf Sizilien überwinterte; die Muslime, die die Kreuzzügler fürchteten38, lenkten gegenüber Tankred ein und kehrten mehr oder minder freiwillig von den Anhöhen in ihr ursprüngliches Lebensumfeld zurück.39 Dafür beließ Tankred sie gegen Stellung von Geiseln in ihrer ursprünglichen Rechtsstellung, die sie schon unter seinen Vorgängern innegehabt hatten40, und beschäftigte weiterhin kryptomuslimische Eunuchen in der Reichsverwaltung, wie es die bisherigen Normannenherrscher ebenfalls getan hatten.41 36

37

38

39 40 41

Vgl. Die Register Innocenz’ III., hg. v. Othmar HAGENEDER / Anton HAIDACHER (Publikationen der Abteilung für Historische Studien des Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom, 2. Abteilung: Quellen, 1. Reihe: Die Register Innocenz’ III.), Bd. 1: 1. Pontifikatsjahr, 1198/99, Graz / Köln 1964, Nr. 180, S. 268, vom 12. Mai 1198; die dortige Erwähnung von Schäden in der Diözese Agrigent während des Aufruhrs (seditio) zwischen Christen und Sarazenen ist gewiss auf den Konflikt nach 1189 zu beziehen und nicht, wie im Editionskommentar ibidem, Anm. 2 vorgeschlagen, auf die über hundert Jahre zurückliegende Eroberung Siziliens; so auch Norbert KAMP, Kirche und Monarchie im staufischen Königreich Sizilien. I. Prosopographische Grundlegung. Bistümer und Bischöfe des Königreichs 1194–1266 (Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 10), Bd. 3: Sizilien, München 1975, S. 1152. Ein von AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 559, und Ferdinand CHALANDON, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicilie (Burt Franklin Research and Source Works Series 6), ND New York 1960, S. 429, angeführtes Diplom Heinrichs VI. erwähnt nur allgemein Zerstörungen auf den sizilischen Gütern des Klosters Santa Maria Latina zu Jerusalem „in der Zeit des Krieges nach dem Tod Wilhelms II.“, ohne die Muslime als Beteiligte zu nennen; vgl. jetzt die Vorabedition Urkunden Heinrichs VI. für Empfänger aus dem Regnum Siciliae, hg. v. Peter CSENDES, hier BB 393, S. 52–54 (http://www.mgh.de/fileadmin/Downloads/pdf/ Heinrich_VI _Csendes_2013-12-23.pdf) [17.9.2016]. Vgl. Abū Šāma, Kitāb ar-rawḍatayn fī aḫbār ad-dawlatayn an-nūriyya wa aṣ-ṣalāḥiyya, hg. v. Ibrāhīm az-Zaybaq, Bd. 4, Beirut 1997, S. 217. Vgl. Richard von San Germano, Chronica (wie Anm. 27), S. 9; Roger von Howden, Gesta Regis Ricardi (wie Anm. 29), S. 141; Roger von Howden, Chronica (wie Anm. 29), S. 69. Vgl. ibidem. Vgl. deren Erwähnung anlässlich der zeitweisen Gefangenschaft Kaiserin Konstanzes im Palermitaner Palast 1191 in Petrus de Ebulo, Liber ad honorem Augusti (wie Anm. 33), V. 889, 894, S. 149: ingrediens Augusta palacia patris, / … / Fausta sedens neutris imperiosa iubet;

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So hatte die erste Abwanderung der Muslime nur bis zum folgenden Winter 1190 Bestand und endete letztlich in einer spiegelbildlichen Rückübersiedelung. Was blieb, war aber eine größere Geschlossenheit der muslimischen Städter und Landleute42, die künftig schneller zu gemeinsamem Aktivwerden bereit waren.

3. Der große Auszug nach 1198 Die zweite, folgenreichere Migrationswelle auf die westsizilischen Hochplateaus begann wieder in einer Zeit der Schwäche der Zentralgewalt: Der Staufer Heinrich VI. und seine Frau Konstanze, die nach Tankreds Tod 1194 das sizilische Königtum doch noch errungen hatten, waren in rascher Folge 1197 und 1198 gestorben. Zurück blieb nur der dreijährige Sohn des Paares, Friedrich II., unter der Vormundschaft des Papstes Innozenz III. Während der folgenden langen Minderjährigkeitsregierung Friedrichs und seiner späteren Abwesenheit zwecks Durchsetzung seines römisch-deutschen Königtums war den Muslimen Siziliens über zwei Jahrzehnte lang das Feld überlassen. Wohl ab 1199 und sicher vor 1206 begannen sie sich in den westsizilischen Bergstädten und dortigen Kastellen zu etablieren.43 Für diese anscheinend Jahre fortdauernde Migrationswelle44 sind Herkunft und Zielorte der Umsiedler genauer bekannt: Sie ent-

42 43

44

sowie eines gewissen Abdeserdus, wahrscheinlich ʿAbd as-Sayyid, als Palastkämmerer und Magister der Festlandsverwaltung, der duana baronum, in Tancredi et Willelmi III regum diplomata, hg. v. Herbert ZIELINSKI (Codex diplomaticus Regni Siciliae 1,5), Köln / Wien 1982, Nr. 17, S. 40f., vom 18. Juli 1191; allgemein zu den – offiziell christlichen, verdeckt den Islam praktizierenden – Eunuchen in der normannischen Verwaltung Siziliens insbes. JOHNS, Administration (wie Anm. 2), S. 212–256. Vgl. METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 276. Laut dem Breve chronicon de rebus Siculis, hg. und übers. v. Wolfgang STÜRNER (MGH SS rer. Germ. 77), Hannover 2004, S. 50–117, hier S. 64, begann die muslimische Rebellion, nachdem die Erzbischöfe von Palermo und Capua im Sommer beziehungsweise Herbst 1199 gestorben waren; zu ihnen Norbert KAMP, Kirche und Monarchie im staufischen Königreich Sizilien. I. Prosopographische Grundlegung. Bistümer und Bischöfe des Königreichs 1194–1266 (Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 10), Bd. 1: Abruzzen und Kampanien, München 1973, S. 109, 111; IDEM, Kirche (wie Anm. 36), S. 1119, 1122; das Bündnis mit dem im Herbst 1199 eingetroffenen und im Sommer 1200 Monreale besetzenden Markward zeigt, dass die Muslime bereits gegen ihre Grundherren aktiv waren; Grabsteine implizieren muslimische Zuwanderung auf den Monte Iato vor 1204/1205; vgl. Vittoria ALLIATA, Le epigrafi islamiche su pietra da Monte Iato, in: Sicilia Epigraphica. Atti del convegno internazionale. Erice, 15–18 ottobre 1998, hg. v. Maria I. GULLETTA (Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa IV. ser. Quaderni 1), Pisa 1999, S. 15–32, hier S. 17, 21; 1206 waren die Bergstädte definitiv von autonomen muslimischen Gemeinschaften bevölkert; vgl. Die Register Innocenz’ III., hg. v. Andrea SOMMERLECHNER (Publikationen des Historischen Instituts beim Österreichischen Kulturforum in Rom, 2. Abteilung: Quellen, 1. Reihe: Die Register Innocenz’ III.), Bd. 9: 9. Pontifikatsjahr, 1206/1207, Wien 2004, Nr. 158, S. 283–285; vgl. auch die Erwähnung der Migration in den Gesta Innocentii III, in: The “Gesta Innocentii III”: Text, Introduction and Commentary, hg. v. David R. GRESS-WRIGHT, Ann Arbor 1993, S. 1–354, hier cap. 40, S. 58. Vgl. insbes. ISLER, Monte Iato (wie Anm. 13), S. 125.

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stammten insbesondere dem weitläufigen Grundbesitz der westsizilischen Bistümer Monreale und Agrigent45, zudem wohl wieder den königlichen Domänen.46 Indem sie aus ihren Dörfern zu Füßen der Anhöhen mit Hab und Gut in die Bergstädte umzogen, begingen sie quasi Landflucht47: Im Zuge der Migration schüttelten sie ihre Hörigkeit ab, wie es ja schon 1190 vorübergehend geschehen war. Zielorte waren wohl zehn, ab 1208 elf Bergstädte beziehungsweise Festungen in den Diözesen Monreale, Agrigent und Mazara.48 Von ihnen sind Jato, Entella, Calatrasi, Corleone und Guastanella namentlich bekannt und sicher lokalisiert, Platano, Cinisi, Celso und Gallo mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit identifiziert49; hinzu kamen möglicherweise Segesta und ein weiterer Ort beim heutigen Cinisi (Abb. 1).50 Im Gegensatz zum Winter 1189–1190 sind für die Migrationswelle am Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts allerdings keine Beweggründe in den Quellen überliefert: keine Rede etwa von christlichen Übergriffen, die die Muslime zur Flucht getrieben hätten. Prominente Stimmen der Forschung füllten diese Erklärungslücke wieder recht selbstverständlich mit der Annahme einer prinzipiellen, unversöhnlichen Gegnerschaft der religiösen Kulturen, die nun endgültig zur Eskalation führen musste: Bereits die Ereignisse von 1189 hätten den Muslimen verdeutlicht, „dass die Zeit der möglichen Kooperation für immer 45

46

47 48

49 50

Vgl. zu Monreale insbes. Die Urkunden Friedrichs II., hg. v. Walter KOCH (MGH DD 14), Bd. 1, Hannover 2002, Nr. 141, S. 273f.; ein Teil der von dort entlaufenen Hörigen suchte offenbar Palermo auf, viele müssen aber in die Bergstädte übersiedelt sein; vgl. oben Anm. 19, 21, 43f., 47; zu Agrigent Agrigentinae Ecclesiae tabularii chartae vetustiores, in: Le più antiche carte dell’archivio capitolare di Agrigento (1092–1282), hg. v. Paolo COLLURA (Documenti per servire alla storia della Sicilia 1,25), Palermo 1960, S. 1–258, hier Nr. 77, S. 154f., wo die Herkunft der später als Rebellen deportierten entlaufenen Muslime vom Agrigentiner Kirchengut bezeugt ist; vgl. auch unten bei Anm. 108. Die Angabe des Breve chronicon (STÜRNER, Breve chronicon [wie Anm. 43], S. 64), die muslimische Rebellion habe zur großen materiellen Not Friedrichs II. beigetragen, lässt vermuten, dass die Entlaufenen der Krone steuer- und abgabenpflichtig waren; demenstprechend gehörte beispielsweise auch der muslimische Rebellensitz Monte Guastanella ursprünglich zur königlichen Domäne; vgl. JOHNS, Monte Guastanella (wie Anm. 18), S. 33f. Vgl. KOCH, Die Urkunden Friedrichs II. (wie Anm. 45), Nr. 141, S. 273f.; ALLIATA, Epigrafi (wie Anm. 43), S. 17, 21, sowie oben Anm. 18f. Die Anzahl von elf befestigten Orten ist aus al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī, hg. v. Abū alʿĪd DŪDŪ / ʿAdnān DARWĪŠ, Damaskus 1981, S. 194f., zu erschließen und passt zu den übrigen historisch-archäologischen Zeugnissen; dazu unten Anm. 49f. und 107; das Kastell von Corleone nahmen die Muslime erst 1208 ein; vgl. GRESS-WRIGHT, Gesta Innocentii III (wie Anm. 43), cap. 40, S. 58. Vgl. zuletzt MAURICI, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 151–165; zuvor IDEM, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 59–69; IDEM, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), S. 410–412. Der aus den Quellen des frühen 13. Jahrhunderts als Cinisi zu entnehmende Ort könnte auf der Montagnola des heutigen Monte Palmeto gelegen haben, oder es handelte sich doch um zwei unabhängige Siedlungen; vgl. MAURICI, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 161; Segesta wird durch Münzfunde als vermutlicher weiterer muslimischer Rückzugsort ausgewiesen; vgl. Franco D’ANGELO, La monetazione di Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbbād emiro ribelle a Federico II di Sicilia, in: Studi Magrebini 7 (1975), S. 149–153, hier S. 149f.; IDEM, Le monete delle rivolte. Circolazione di denari sfregati e di Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbbād, in: DI STEFANO / CADEI, Federico e la Sicilia (wie Anm. 1), S. 85–92, hier S. 87.

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vorbei war“51; dementsprechend seien die Migranten damals auch nur zum Teil in ihre Dörfer zurückgekehrt beziehungsweise hätten sich „in einem Zustand chronischen Aufruhrs“ bereitgehalten.52 Dieser Ansicht widersprechen jedoch Quellenzeugnisse, die eine fortgesetzte Kooperation von Muslimen und Christen Siziliens nach der Rückübersiedelung von 1190 belegen. So hatten im Herbst 1194, nachdem Tankred gestorben war, muslimische und christliche Truppen Seite an Seite für dessen Witwe gekämpft53, und auch mit dem neuen Herrscher Heinrich VI. hatten sich die Andersgläubigen Ende 1194 arrangiert, „jeder an seinem Ort und in dem Status, in dem er zuvor war“.54 Noch 1197 waren die Muslime Palermos und anderer Gemeinwesen mit den dortigen lateinischen und griechischen Christen einmütig für Heinrichs Ehefrau Konstanze eingetreten55, was der Forschung bislang entgangen ist. Entgegen den oben zitierten Ansichten war also weiterhin interreligiöse Kooperation möglich, war das christlich-muslimische Zusammenleben mit dem Beginn der Stauferzeit keineswegs endgültig gescheitert56: Für fortge51

52

53

54

55

56

MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 265: „… che il tempo della possibile collaborazione era finito per sempre …“; ebenso IDEM, Federico II (wie Anm. 3), S. 91; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 143; vgl. auch VON FALKENHAUSEN, Popolamento (wie Anm. 6), S. 51: „la frattura etnicoreligiosa era irreparabile“. Vgl. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 35, mit dem Zitat: „… in uno stato ormai endemico di agitazione …“; ähnlich IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 266; IDEM, Federico II (wie Anm. 3), S. 92; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 143f.; TRAMONTANA, Ceti (wie Anm. 11), S. 152f.; auch Jeremy JOHNS, La Monreale Survey. Insediamento medievale in Sicilia occidentale: premesse, metodi, problemi e alcuni risultati preliminari, in: Structures de l’habitat et occupation du sol dans les pays méditerranéens : les méthodes et l’apport de l’archéologie extensive, hg. v. Ghislaine NOYÉ (Collection de l’École française de Rome 105 / Publications de la casa de Velázquez – Série Archéologie 9), Rom / Madrid 1988, S. 73–84, hier S. 83, ging als Arbeitshypothese von einer fortgesetzten Rebellion seit 1189 aus: „Dal 1189 al 1246 la regione montuosa della Sicilia occidentale costituì uno stato musulmano ribelle e indipendente“; analog auch VON FALKENHAUSEN, Popolamento (wie Anm. 6), S. 51; David ABULAFIA, Herrscher zwischen den Kulturen. Friedrich II. von Hohenstaufen, München 1991, S. 151, zu 1221: „Ihr Aufbegehren gegen die Krone hatte in den Jahren um Friedrichs Geburt begonnen und war seitdem nicht wieder verebbt”; IDEM, Ethnic Variety and its Implications: Frederick II’s Relations with Jews and Muslims, in: IDEM, Mediterranean Encounters (Variorum Collected Studies Series 694), Aldershot 2000, S. 213–224, hier S. 216; und noch VANOLI, Sicilia (wie Anm. 28), S. 215. Vgl. Ottobonus Scriba, Annales Ianuenses, in: Annali Genovesi di Caffaro e de’ suoi continuatori dal MXCIX al MCLXXIV al MCCXXIV, hg. v. Luigi T. BELGRANO / Cesare IMPERIALE DI SANT’ANGELO (Fonti per la Storia d’Italia 12), Genua 1901, S. 1–66, hier S. 50; CHALANDON, Histoire (wie Anm. 37), S. 485; METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 277. Roger von Howden, Chronica (wie Anm. 29), S. 269f.: Venerunt etiam ad praedictum Romanorum imperatorem omnes pagani et Judaei qui erant in regno Siciliae, et satisfacientes illi remanserunt in regno, unusquisque in locum suum, sub ea conditione qua ante fuerat. Vgl. Ignoti monachi cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria Chronica, hg. v. Augusto GAUDENZI (Società Napoletana di storia patria. Monumenti storici, Ser. 1: Cronache 3), Neapel 1888, S. 1– 46, hier S. 32; dazu demnächst Richard ENGL, Der lange Weg in den Süden: Neues zu Heinrich VI., Konstanze und den Muslimen Siziliens, in: Friedrich Barbarossa (Schriften zur staufischen Geschichte und Kunst 36), Göppingen 2017 (im Druck), Abschnitt 2.2. Sogar die arabische Verwaltungstradition der Normannenzeit wurde unter Konstanze ansatzweise wiederbelebt; dazu Nadia JAMIL / Jeremy JOHNS, A New Latin-Arabic Document from

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setzten Widerstand muslimischer Gruppen gibt es keine Anhaltspunkte, lediglich für deren gewachsene Bereitschaft zu aktiver politischer Parteinahme. Angesichts dieser Erkenntnisse sind die beiden Migrationswellen nach dem Tod Wilhelms II. beziehungsweise nach Heinrichs VI. und Konstanzes Ableben deutlich zu trennen, auch hinsichtlich ihrer Ursachen: Die Ausschreitungen von 1189 können nicht als Auslöser zweier – immerhin ein Jahrzehnt auseinanderliegender – Übersiedlungen gelten. So ist für die erneute Migration an der Wende zum 13. Jahrhundert gesondert nach den Beweggründen zu forschen. Eine Beobachtung könnte dabei relevant sein: Mit dem Aufsuchen der Bergstädte vermochten die muslimischen Landbewohner ihre Hörigkeit abzuschütteln. Insbesondere diese Aussicht könnte den Aufbruch bedingt haben; immerhin parallelisieren die Quellen das Vorgehen der Muslime ab 1199 mit jenem christlicher Großer des sizilischen Reiches, die auf Kosten des Kindkönigs ihre sozioökonomische Situation zu verbessern trachteten.57 Wie jene Akteure witterten offenbar viele Muslime in den anarchischen sizilischen Verhältnissen des beginnenden 13. Jahrhunderts die Chance, materielle Vorteile, Rechte oder sogar Herrschaftspositionen zu erlangen. Dass dies von zentralem Interesse für die Muslime insgesamt war, impliziert auch ein Schreiben des damaligen Papstes Innozenz III., der sie 1199 mit der „Mehrung ihrer guten Gewohnheiten“ zu locken versuchte.58 Die entscheidende Bedeutung der genannten Emanzipation zeigt sich auch an den Bündnis- und Konfliktkonstellationen, in die die binnenländischen Muslime ab 1199 eintraten: Über zwei Dekaden lang stellte ihre Gegnerschaft zu den Bischöfen von Monreale und Agrigent eine wichtige Konstante sizilischer Politik dar.59 Als formalrechtliche Herren der meisten Abwanderer wollten jene Bischöfe die Muslime natürlich zur Rückkehr aus den Bergstädten zwingen60, wogegen die Entlaufenen opponierten. Beide Parteien suchten Unterstützung,

57 58

59

60

Norman Sicily (November 595 H/1198 CE), in: The Heritage of Arabo-Islamic Learning. Studies Presented to Wadad Kadi, hg. v. Maurice A. POMERANTZ / Aram A. SHAHIN (Islamic History and Civilization. Studies and Texts 122), Leiden / Boston 2016, S. 111–166. Vgl. STÜRNER, Breve chronicon (wie Anm. 43), S. 64. Die Register Innocenz’ III., hg. v. Othmar HAGENEDER / Werner MALECZEK / Alfred A. STRNAD (Publikationen des Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom, 2. Abteilung: Quellen, 1. Reihe: Die Register Innocenz’ III.), Bd. 2: 2. Pontifikatsjahr, 1199/1200, Rom / Wien 1979, Nr. 217, S. 421–423: … attendentes etiam mansuetudinem apostolice sedis, que vos non solum manutenere vult in bonis consuetudinibus sed augere, in devotione nostra et fidelitate regia persistatis … Dedimus autem eidem legato et omnibus nuntiis nostris districtius in preceptis, ut vos manuteneant et defendant et in bonis curent consuetudinibus adaugere. Vgl. beispielsweise BERCHER / COURTEAUX / MOUTON, Abbaye (wie Anm. 6), S. 538–540; KAMP, Kirche (wie Anm. 36), S. 1152f., 1185 mit Anm. 8, 1194f.; zu den größeren Bündniskonstellationen Ronald NEUMANN, Parteibildungen im Königreich Sizilien während der Unmündigkeit Friedrichs II. (1198–1208) (Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe III: Geschichte und ihre Hilfswissenschaften 266), Frankfurt a. Main / Bern / New York 1986, S. 57f., 127– 129, wobei Neumanns Postulat politischer Programme mit Vorsicht zu betrachten ist. Vgl. insbes. KOCH, Die Urkunden Friedrichs II. (wie Anm. 45), Nr. 141, S. 273f.; KAMP, Kirche (wie Anm. 36), S. 1152f., 1194f.

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und so involvierte der Konflikt schließlich sogar Friedrich II. und dessen Vormund Innozenz III.: Da die gefährdete Herrschaft des Kindkönigs unter der Obhut des fernen Papstes auf die Unterstützung der mächtigen westsizilischen Prälaten von Monreale und Agrigent angewiesen war, ergriffen Friedrich und Innozenz im Gegenzug deren Partei.61 Die Muslime gerieten dadurch auch zur sizilischen Reichsspitze in Gegensatz. Dafür boten sich ihnen aber Bündnisse mit den Gegnern des jungen Königs, des Papstes und der westsizilischen Bischöfe an – getreu dem Prinzip ‚der Feind meines Feindes ist mein Freund‘. Zunächst war dies der Deutsche Markward von Annweiler, ein Getreuer Heinrichs VI., der nun unter Berufung auf den verstorbenen Kaiser die Vormundschaft über Friedrich II. beanspruchte. Bei den Muslimen fand er zunehmend bereitwillige Aufnahme, nachdem er im Herbst 1199 in Westsizilien gelandet war.62 1200 kämpfte ein großes muslimisches Kontingent mit Markwards deutschen, pisanischen und mittelitalienischen Verbündeten vor Monreale gegen die päpstliche Partei63; und auch wenn die Schlacht verlorenging, konnte Markward ein Jahr später die Regentschaft erringen. Die Muslime hatten auf den erfolgreichen Kandidaten gesetzt.64 Als „anomalen und verzweifelten Bund“65 wird man das Zusammengehen also nicht bezeichnen müssen. In den Folgejahren kooperierten die muslimischen Bewohner der lokalen Bergstädte und Festungen noch mit einer Gräfin aus der Gegend von Agrigent gegen den dortigen Bischof66 und im Gebiet von Monreale wohl sogar mit dortigen Benediktinermönchen: Der Konvent von Monreale, zugleich Domkapitel, lag wie die Muslime mit dem Erzbischof in erbittertem Streit. 1203 hatten die Mönche die erzbischöflichen Kastelle Jato und Calatrasi besetzt, wo zeitgleich schon die migrierten Muslime gesiedelt haben dürften.67 So lebten die widerspenstigen Mönche und Andersgläubigen wohl ‚Tür an Tür‘. Auf dem Monte 61 62

63 64 65

66

67

Vgl. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 40; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 270. Vgl. STÜRNER, Breve chronicon (wie Anm. 43), S. 64, 66; HAGENEDER / MALECZEK / STRNAD, Die Register Innocenz’ III. 2 (wie Anm. 58), Nr. 212, S. 411–414; GRESS-WRIGHT, Gesta Innocentii III (wie Anm. 43), cap. 26, S. 30. Vgl. ibidem, S. 31–34. Ähnlich AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 595; skeptischer METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 278. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 37: „la … alleanza con Marcovaldo e poi con Capparone fu un connubio anomalo e disperato“; vgl. IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 267: „strana coalizione“; jeweils in der Vorannahme eines sozusagen naturgegebenen Gegensatzes zwischen Christen und Muslimen; vgl. schon BRESC, Monde méditerranéen (wie Anm. 1), S. 14: „alliance … désespérée“. Vgl. COLLURA, Agrigentinae Ecclesiae tabularii chartae vetustiores (wie Anm. 45), Nr. 78, S. 155–171, hier S. 159, 165f., 169; dies wird im Winter 1220/1221 gewesen sein; vgl. KAMP, Kirche (wie Anm. 36), S. 1153; MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 38f. Vgl. Die Register Innocenz’ III., hg. v. Othmar HAGENEDER / John C. MOORE / Andrea SOMMERLECHNER (Publikationen des Historischen Instituts beim Österreichischen Kulturinstitut in Rom, 2. Abteilung: Quellen, 1. Reihe: Die Register Innocenz’ III.), Bd. 6: 6. Pontifikatsjahr, 1203/1204, Wien 1995, Nr. 93, S. 149–151.

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Jato bestätigen Bestattungen jedenfalls eine Kopräsenz von Christen und Muslimen im frühen 13. Jahrhundert.68 Ziehen wir eine Zwischenbilanz: Auch in der Stauferzeit war interreligiöse Kooperation weiterhin möglich. Es gab keine grundsätzliche Feindschaft zwischen Christen und Muslimen, die als Auslöser der zweiten großen Migrationswelle in die westsizilischen Bergstädte gelten könnte. Laut den verfügbaren Quellen fand an der Wende zum 13. Jahrhundert auch kein Marginalisierungsschub der sizilischen Muslime statt. Die Landbewohner dürften also weniger aufgrund zunehmend untragbarer Lebensbedingungen als zugunsten der Abschüttelung von Abgabenpflicht und Schollenbindung übersiedelt sein. Dass die neuen Wohnorte zumeist nicht weit von den alten Dörfern entfernt lagen, und dass von den Anhöhen weiterhin Landwirtschaft in den Tälern betrieben werden konnte69, wird den Muslimen den Aufbruch erleichtert haben. Sie erscheinen so insgesamt weniger als Getriebene denn als aktiv Handelnde: Wie auch viele Christen nutzten sie die Chance des Machtvakuums in den Jugendjahren Friedrichs II. zur Verbesserung ihrer sozioökonomischen Position. Ähnliches dürfte auch für muslimische Städter gegolten haben, deren Übersiedelung auf die Anhöhen Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts zwar weniger gut belegt ist70, aber ebenfalls stattgefunden haben wird. Schließlich lagen dort nun die gesellschaftlichen Zentren der sizilischen Muslime, was den Zuzug von Eliten vorausgesetzt und ihn ebenso nach sich gezogen haben wird. Spätestens für 1206 ist die Führung der Bergstädte Entella, Platano, Jato und Celso durch einen Kadi und lokale quwwād belegt.71 Kadis waren bekanntlich Richter des islamischen Rechts, den Titel qāʾid (Pl. quwwād) trugen die arabischen Eliten Siziliens, die zum Palermitaner Hof oder zur Führungsschicht städtischer und ländlicher Muslime gehört hatten.72 Nun residierten die einflussreichsten von ihnen als weitgehend autonome Führer der muslimischen Gemeinschaften auf den Anhöhen, wobei die quwwād offenbar für je eine Bergstadt verantwortlich waren, der Kadi für alle gemeinsam. So ist auch 1222 ein „Kadi Siziliens“ auf dem Monte Jato bezeugt.73 Dass hier in einer Person die oberste richterliche Zuständigkeit für die Insel vereint war, bestätigt nochmals die Verlagerung der zen68 69

70

71 72

73

Vgl. ISLER, Monte Iato (wie Anm. 13), S. 127–129; vgl. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 36. Letzteres ist aus einer Nachricht von 1224 ablesbar, derzufolge die Muslime der Bergstädte während einer Belagerung durch Friedrich II. ihre Ernte nicht einbringen konnten, im Falle seines Abzugs aber sehr wohl; vgl. Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV, Urkunden und Briefe zur Geschichte des Kaiserreichs und des Königreichs Sizilien, hg. v. Eduard WINKELMANN, Bd. 1, Innsbruck 1880, ND Aalen 1964, Nr. 261, S. 237–240. Der Verkauf einzelner Immobilien vor allem Palermitaner Muslime ist jedenfalls kein sicherer Beleg für eine Nettoabwanderung, da vor allem bei christlichen Neueigentümern eine Überlieferungschance bestand, was das Bild höchstwahrscheinlich verzerrt; vgl. aber vorsichtig METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 276. Vgl. SOMMERLECHNER, Die Register Innocenz’ III. 9 (wie Anm. 43), Nr. 158, S. 283–285. Zu Letzteren insbes. NEF, Conquérir (wie Anm. 2), S. 463–471, 507f.; zu den quwwād bei Hof JOHNS, Administration (wie Anm. 2), S. 212–256. Vgl. al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 100.

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tralörtlichen Funktion ins Binnenland.74 Die überregionale Anziehungskraft einer derartigen Verschiebung wird an einem weiteren prominenten Beispiel deutlich: Wohl vor dem zweiten Jahrzehnt des 13. Jahrhunderts immigrierte Muḥammad ibn ʿAbbād, der spätere Emir Siziliens, aus der nordafrikanischen Stadt al-Mahdiyya auf die Insel und heiratete in die führende Familie der Bergstädte ein.75 Es gab also noch in der Stauferzeit Einwanderung aus der muslimischen Welt, während eine zunehmende Emigration sizilischer Muslime Ende des 12. und Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts kaum belegt ist.76 Insgesamt bleibt die Attraktivität der Bergstädte für urbane Eliten festzuhalten, denen dort – fern der Zwänge und Intrigen des christlichen Hofes – die Möglichkeit zu politischer Entfaltung, ja Herrschaft offenstand. Für sie wie für ihre Glaubensgenossen vom Land waren offenbar sozioökonomische pull-Faktoren in den neuen Siedlungszentren ausschlaggebender als die von der Forschung gern bemühten religiös-kulturellen push-Faktoren an den Herkunftsorten. Die Entscheidung zum Aufbruch erfolgte demnach unter weniger Druck als oft vermutet wurde.

4. Die Zwangsmigrationen 1223 bis 1225 Als dynamisch Handelnde traten die binnenländischen Muslime auch im zweiten Jahrzehnt des 13. Jahrhunderts in Erscheinung, als sie auf Basis der Migrationen ihre Emanzipation auf eine neue Stufe hoben: Sie begründeten ein Emirat in Westsizilien. Nachdem sie die Grundherrschaft der Bischöfe von Monreale und Agrigent sowie die Anordnungen Friedrichs II. zu deren Gunsten zurückgewiesen und Orte der Herrschaft über das Umland besetzt hatten, verließen sie nun vollends den christlichen Herrschaftsverband. Man kann die Brisanz dieses Vorgangs kaum genug betonen: Seit der normannischen Eroberung waren keine Muslime mehr Herren auf Sizilien gewesen. Nun aber waren die angeblich so Perspektivlosen dabei, einen erheblichen Teil des staufischen Königreichs der Welt des Islam (dār al-islām) zuzuführen. In den meisten Handbüchern und Grundlagenwerken zur Herrschaftszeit Friedrichs II. ist diese kategorial neue Dynamik muslimischer Emanzipation kaum erwähnt.77 74

75 76 77

Bei diesem Kadi Siziliens handelte es sich wohl um einen Oberkadi (qāḍī al-quḍāt bzw. alğamāʿa); möglicherweise war der Kadi Palermos in der Normannenzeit ebenfalls überregional verantwortlich, doch ist dies überlieferungsbedingt unsicher; vgl. NEF, Conquérir (wie Anm. 2), S. 323 mit Anm. 90, S. 569. Vgl. al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 99. Ähnlich METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 284; Emigration aber beispielsweise laut AHMAD, History (wie Anm. 6), S. 75. Vgl. Salvatore TRAMONTANA, La monarchia normanna e sveva, Turin 1986, S. 229; ABULAFIA, Herrscher (wie Anm. 52), S. 151–154; Wolfgang STÜRNER, Friedrich II., Bd. 2: Der Kaiser 1220–1250, Darmstadt 2003, S. 66–69; Hubert HOUBEN, Kaiser Friedrich II. (1194– 1250). Herrscher, Mensch und Mythos, Stuttgart 2008, S. 41f.; RADER, Friedrich II. (wie Anm. 11), S. 422.

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Dabei war sie der Hintergrund der nächsten, folgenschweren Migrationswellen der sizilischen Stauferzeit: Wie einleitend thematisiert, wurde im dritten Jahrzehnt des 13. Jahrhunderts ein Großteil der Muslime des westsizilischen Berglandes in zwei Etappen auf die süditalienische Halbinsel umgesiedelt; der Rest musste in die Täler Siziliens zurückkehren. Ob für diese Zwangsmigrationen religiös-kulturelle oder doch politische Ursachen verantwortlich waren, ist umstritten. Ferdinando Maurici zufolge hätten Abendländer und Muslime einen „totalen“, heiligen Krieg um Sizilien geführt, wobei Niederlage und Vertreibung der muslimischen Rebellen durch den christlichen Herrscher die unvermeidlichen Konsequenzen gewesen seien.78 Gegen diese auch jüngst wieder vertretene Auffasung wandte sich 2009 bereits Annliese Nef.79 Sie sah einen genuin politischen Konflikt als Ursache der Deportationen80, und zwar statt zwischen Muslimen und sizilischem Herrscher zwischen Muslimen und christlichen Grundherren, die die königliche Schutzherrschaft über die Muslime gestört hätten. Mit den Umsiedlungen habe Friedrich II. nur jene Schutzherrschaft gemäß eigener Konzeption neu begründen wollen; als Rebellen habe der Staufer die Muslime also nicht gesehen. Bei aller Meinungsverschiedenheit bezüglich der Konfliktursachen stimmten die beiden Forschungsrichtungen in der bereits häufiger angeklungenen Sicht auf die Muslime als Objekte christlichen Planens und Handelns mit wenig nachhaltigen Einflussmöglichkeiten überein.81 Aufgrund der bisherigen Ergebnisse dieses Beitrags erscheint dies überprüfenswert: Hatte nicht bereits beachtlicher politischer Gestaltungswille die unterschiedlichen muslimischen Gruppen zu einer Herrschaft geeint und Friedrich II. dadurch seinerseits unter Zugzwang gesetzt? Das staufische Königtum konnte ja kaum grundsätzlicher als durch eine konkurrierende Reichsbildung angefochten werden. So stellt sich die Frage, inwieweit Friedrich II., nachdem er 1221 zur Wiederaufrichtung der darniederliegenden Herrschaftsordnung in sein sizilisches Reich zurückgekehrt war, bei den Muslimen große Entwürfe durchzusetzen vermochte. Im sich entspinnenden Kampf war der Staufer jedenfalls nicht immer der überlegene Akteur. Während er die christlichen Großen erstaunlich rasch zur 78

79 80

81

Vgl. MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 271: „uno scontro totale“, „una vera e propria reconquista“; ibidem, S. 273: „jihad“; ibidem, S. 259: „l’annullamento totale sotto Federico II non sia stato un incidente, … bensì … l’estrema ed inelutabile conseguenza del processo di acculturazione violenta iniziato dagli Altavilla“; IDEM, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 26: „La lotta dei musulmani contro Federico II e la loro inevitabile sconfitta“; vgl. IDEM, Federico II (wie Anm. 3), S. 108; IDEM, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), S. 417; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 167. Vgl. NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1). Ebenfalls politische Ursachen nahm POWELL, Frederick II (wie Anm. 7) an, allerdings in offenbarer Unkenntnis der arabischen Quellen und der neueren italienischen Literatur: Er sah Friedrichs Vorgehen gegen die Muslime in deren Bündnis mit Genueser und Marseiller Kaufleuten begründet. So schon Ernst KANTOROWICZ, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite, Bd. 1, ND Düsseldorf / München 1963, S. 121, der die Deportationen im Glauben an das Gestaltungsrecht des politischen Genies als „bewundernswerte(n)“ demiurgischen Akt des Stauferkaisers feierte; mit berechtigtem Befremden dazu FENIELLO, Segno (wie Anm. 4), S. 232f.

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Raison bringen konnte, gelang dies bei den Muslimen nicht so leicht. Vier Jahre lang musste Friedrich II. sie mit allen militärischen und finanziellen Ressourcen seines sizilischen Restreiches bekämpfen82; 1222 bis 1225 ließ er die muslimischen Bergstädte und -festungen Sommer für Sommer belagern, drei Jahre davon in persönlicher Anwesenheit, obwohl ein versprochener Kreuzzug ins Heilige Land drängte.83 Die Hochplateaus waren nicht umsonst die gehüteten Stützpunkte der jeweiligen Herren Siziliens gewesen: Sie waren quasi uneinnehmbar.84 So musste Friedrich II. sich mit deren langwieriger Einschließung sowie der Verwüstung des Umlandes begnügen.85 Einen ersten Schlag konnte er 1222 allem Anschein nach nur mit Hilfe einer Täuschung führen: Als der Emir auf Druck einer verhandlungswilligen Partei in den eigenen Reihen zu einer vermittelten Unterwerfung vor Friedrich erschien, ließ der Staufer ihn offenbar abredewidrig hinrichten.86 Die Muslime verblieben daraufhin im Widerstand. Selbst, als im Folgejahr 1223 erste Höhensiedlungen kapitulierten mussten, hielt die Mehrzahl der Rebellen auf den übrigen Hochplateaus aus.87 82 83

84

85

86

87

Vgl. STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 66–69; MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 40–46; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 271–273; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 165–168. Vgl. STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 66–69; zu Anfangs- und Enddaten unten bei Anm. 110 bis 115. Die Verteidigungsstärke einhellig in Annales S. Pantaleonis, hg. v. Georg WAITZ (MGH SS rer. Germ. 18), Hannover 1880, S. 197–299, hier S. 231; STÜRNER, Breve chronicon (wie Anm. 43), S. 72; Annales Marbacenses, hg. v. Hermann BLOCH (MGH SS rer. Germ. 9), Hannover / Leipzig 1907, S. 1 103, hier S. 88; Jean-Louis-Alphonse HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi sive constitutiones, privilegia, mandata, instrumenta quae supersunt istius imperatoris et filiorum eius. Accedunt epistolae paparum et documenta varia, Bd. 2,1, Paris 1852, S. 393f.; Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, Bd. 2: Inde ab a. MCXCVIII usque ad a. MCCLXXII (1198–1272), hg. v. Ludwig WEILAND (MGH Const. 2), Hannover 1896, Nr. 116, S. 148–156, hier S. 150. Zur dreijährigen Belagerung und Verwüstung des Umlandes explizit GAUDENZI, Ignoti monachi cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria Chronica (wie Anm. 55), S. 38; Annales Siculi, hg. v. Ernesto PONTIERI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores2 5,1), Bologna 1925–1928, S. 109–120, hier S. 117; vgl. auch J. F. Böhmer, Regesta Imperii V. Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter Philipp, Otto IV, Friedrich II, Heinrich (VII), Conrad IV, Heinrich Raspe, Wilhelm und Richard. 1198– 1272, nach der Neubearbeitung und dem Nachlasse Johann F. Böhmer’s neu hg. und erg. v. Julius FICKER und Eduard WINKELMANN, Bd. 1,1, Innsbruck 1881, Nr. 1396–1402, 1502; Bd. 4,6: Nachträge und Ergänzungen, berarb. v. Paul ZINSMAIER, Köln / Wien 1983, Nr. 232– 237A; WAITZ, Annales S. Pantaleonis (wie Anm. 84), S. 253; WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 261, S. 237–240. Zwar beruht diese Information insbesondere auf dem interessengeleiteten Bericht eines sizilischen Muslims, der beim Ayyubidensultan al-Kāmil in Harran um Hilfe für seine heimischen Glaubensgenossen bat, doch spricht für den grundsätzlichen Realitätsgehalt erstens, dass Ibn ʿAbbād sich kaum ohne aussichtsreiche vorherige Absprachen unterworfen hätte, zweitens, dass al-Kāmil auf Basis des Berichts einen Brief an Friedrich II. schrieb, weswegen ein zu starkes Abweichen von der Wahrheit unklug gewesen wäre; vgl. al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ almanṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 100, 194f.; zu Parallelquellen und ihrer Problematik JOHNS, Entella (wie Anm. 20), S. 83–91; insgesamt auch MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 41–43; Gerd ALTHOFF, Die Macht der Rituale. Symbolik und Herrschaft im Mittelalter, Darmstadt 2003, S. 159. Vgl. Richard von San Germano, Chronica (wie Anm. 27), S. 109.

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Dies war der Hintergrund, vor dem Friedrich II. mit der etappenweisen Deportation der Besiegten auf das süditalienische Festland begann. Sein ursprünglicher Plan, die entlaufenen Muslime in die Hörigkeit ihrer Grundherren zurückzuzwingen, war an der Hartnäckigkeit des Widerstandes der Vielzahl muslimischer Stützpunkte gescheitert.88 So sah Friedrich sich offensichtlich gezwungen, durch Entfernung besiegter Muslime aus dem Rebellengebiet dem Aufbegehren langsam die Basis zu entziehen. Letztlich dürften die Deportationen also der Dynamik des muslimischen Widerstandes geschuldet gewesen sein. Dass Friedrich II. eher situationsabhängig reagierte, lässt auch sein Umgang mit den zuletzt Besiegten erkennen: Sie, die ja bereits von ihren deportierten Glaubensbrüdern getrennt waren, ließ der Staufer 1225 nicht mehr auf das italienische Festland übersiedeln, sondern in die sizilischen Ebenen zurückkehren.89 Im Rahmen eines ‚Grundsatzprogramms‘ gegenüber den Muslimen wäre dies inkonsequent gewesen, nicht jedoch als strategische Reaktion. Damit scheint auch eine eindeutigere Antwort hinsichtlich des Motivs der Deportationen möglich: Sie erfolgte offenbar vor allem als politische Maßnahme gegen die Rebellion der Muslime und nicht aus Glaubensgründen. Überhaupt waren Zwangsumsiedlungen im Königreich Sizilien eine verbreitete Strafmaßnahme gegenüber notorischen Rebellen, auch gegenüber Christen90: Beispielsweise deportierte Friedrich II. die Einwohner der widerspenstigen Abruzzenstadt Celano 1223 über eine ähnliche Entfernung wie die Muslime.91 Es sind also politische Beweggründe anzunehmen, wie sie auch Annliese Nef vermutete, doch entgegen Nefs Ansicht sehr wohl in einer Rebellion der Muslime gegen Friedrich II. begründet: Die Missachtung seiner Privilegien und die Etablierung eines konkurrierenden muslimischen Herrschertums musste der Staufer natürlich als Aufbegehren begreifen, wie die Formulierungen zeitgenössischer Beobachter und seiner eigenen Kanzlei bestätigen.92 88

89

90 91

92

Vgl. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 45; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 274; ABULAFIA, Herrscher (wie Anm. 52), S. 154; schließlich drohten die Bezwungenen, sobald die Kaiserlichen andere Schauplätze aufsuchten, ihre rebellierenden Glaubensgenossen jeweils wieder zu verstärken. Vgl. PONTIERI, Annales Siculi (wie Anm. 85), S. 117, zu 1225 gemäß Indiktionsangabe in Kombination mit Alberich von Troisfontaines, Chronica, hg. v. Paul SCHEFFER-BOICHORST (MGH SS 23), Hannover 1874, S. 631–950, hier S. 916; zur größeren Verlässlichkeit der Indiktionsangaben der Annales Siculi gegenüber den Jahresdatierungen unten bei Anm. 124f.; bei der bisher üblichen Zuordnung zu 1224 bestand das Problem widersprüchlicher Nachrichten bezüglich der Umsiedlungen nach Apulien oder doch nur in die Täler Siziliens. Vgl. insbes. VON FALKENHAUSEN, Popolamento (wie Anm. 6), S. 46f.; NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 462–465. Die notorisch rebellierenden Celanesen wurden vom Festland nach Sizilien deportiert; dazu beispielsweise STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 64; die Umstände der muslimischen Deportationen waren also nicht so außergewöhnlich wie von NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 464f., ihrer Argumentation zugrunde gelegt. Vgl. Richard von San Germano, Chronica (wie Anm. 27), S. 110f.; Marchisius Scriba, Annales Ianuenses, in: BELGRANO / IMPERIALE DI SANT’ANGELO, Annali Genovesi di Caffaro (wie Anm. 53), S. 155–202, hier S. 192; Annales Placentini Gibellini, hg. v. Heinrich PERTZ (MGH SS 18), Hannover 1863, S. 457–581, hier S. 469; KOCH, Die Urkunden Friedrichs II. (wie

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Zielgebiet der Deportationen war die festlandsitalienische Region Apulien – und die dortige Situation der Neuankömmlinge bestätigt nochmals die Zweitrangigkeit religiöser Motive für die Zwangsmigrationen; die muslimischen Lebensbedingungen waren nämlich weniger eingeengt, als hartnäckige Gerüchte in Forschung, Medien und lokaler Bevölkerung besagen: Ihnen zufolge wurden die Deportierten auf einen einzigen Ort – nämlich die apulische Stadt Lucera oder sogar nur die dortige imposante Festung93 – beschränkt, und mussten im Gegensatz zur Vielfalt ihres sizilischen Lebens als Soldaten kaserniert leben.94 Tatsächlich aber wurde die große Festung von Lucera erst Jahrzehnte nach der Ansiedlung der Muslime errichtet und ausschließlich mit südfranzösischen Wehrbauern bemannt.95 Die Deportierten müssen also andernorts untergekommen sein; dies erfolgte eindeutig im weitläufigen Ortsgebiet von Lucera selbst, eigentlich einer christlichen Bischofsstadt.96 Innerhalb weniger Jahre wurde diese nun zur Civitas Maura97, zur maurischen Stadt, wo die christliche Vorbe-

93

94

95

96

97

Anm. 45), Nr. 141, S. 273f.; WEILAND, Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum (wie Anm. 84), Nr. 116, S. 148–156, hier S. 150; entgegen NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 466f.: „le terme de rébellion … ne qualifie jamais les actes des Arabo-musulmans“; damit ist auch Powells in Anm. 80 zitierte These zurückzuweisen, schließlich war Friedrichs Konflikt mit den Muslimen weit mehr als ein Nebenprodukt seines Zerwürfnisses mit Genueser und Marseiller Kaufleuten. Vgl. beispielsweise AHMAD, History (wie Anm. 6), S. 105; BERCHER / COURTEAUX / MOUTON, Abbaye (wie Anm. 6), S. 538; implizit NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 470; in Nachfolge von Ferdinand GREGOROVIUS, Wanderjahre in Italien, 5. Aufl. München 1997, S. 611, 613, und Émile BERTAUX, Les arts de l’Orient musulman dans l’Italie méridionale, in: Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’École française de Rome 15 (1895), S. 419–453, hier S. 427f. Vgl. KANTOROWICZ, Kaiser (wie Anm. 81), S. 121: „Lucera, … eine sarazenische Militärkolonie“; ABULAFIA, Herrscher (wie Anm. 52), S. 400; IDEM, Variety (wie Anm. 52), S. 217: „a garrison town“; MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 273: „celebre colonia militare“; ebenso IDEM, Federico II (wie Anm. 3), S. 108; und jüngst noch IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 167. Dazu unlängst eingehend Lukas CLEMENS / Michael MATHEUS, Christen und Muslime in der Capitanata im 13. Jahrhundert. Eine Projektskizze, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 88 (2008), S. 82–118, hier S. 96–105; IIDEM, Musulmani e provenzali in Capitanata nel XIII secolo. I primi risultati di un progetto internazionale e interdisciplinare, in: Federico II e i cavalieri teutonici in Capitanata. Recenti ricerche storiche e archeologiche. Atti del Convegno internazionale (Foggia – Lucera – Pietramontecorvino, 10– 13 giugno 2009), hg. v. Pasquale FAVIA / Hubert HOUBEN / Kristjan TOOMASPOEG (Acta theutonica 7), Galatina 2012, S. 369–404, hier S. 384–393, mit der älteren Literatur. Vgl. Nunzio TOMAIUOLI, Lucera svevo-angioina, in: Lucera. Topografia storica, archeologia, arte, hg. v. Elena ANTONACCI SANPAOLO, Bari 1999, S. 103–135, hier S. 104 mit Abb. 3, 106; und schon Pietro EGIDI, La colonia saracena di Lucera e la sua distruzione, in: Archivio storico per le provincie Napoletane 36 (1911), S. 597–694; 37 (1912), S. 71–89 und 664–696; 38 (1913), S. 115–144 und 681–707; 39 (1914), S. 132–171 und 697–766, hier 36 (1911), S. 604 mit Anm. 3, S. 624; Arthur HASELOFF, Die Bauten der Hohenstaufen in Unteritalien, Bd. 1: Textband, Leipzig 1920, S. 103–105. Le Cartulaire de S. Matteo di Sculgola en Capitanate (Registro d’Istrumenti di S. Maria del Gualdo), hg. v. Jean-Marie MARTIN (Codice Diplomatico Pugliese 30), Bd. 1: 1177–1239, Bari 1987, S. 447–452 mit Anm. 4.

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völkerung als Minderheit lebte98; baulich wie akustisch begannen die Muslime den Stadtraum ihres neuen Hauptortes zu dominieren.99 Dass Friedrich II. den Besiegten ein solches Auftreten in ‚Eroberermanier‘ erlaubte100, spricht nochmals gegen religiös-kulturelle Absichten bei der Umsiedlung. Zudem konnten sich die westsizilischen Neuankömmlinge weitere Räume neben der Stadt Lucera erschließen: Sie bevölkerten die übrigen Provinzen Süditaliens101 und griffen auf das apulische Umland aus. Siedlungsschwerpunkte waren dabei zunächst vier im Umfeld Luceras gelegene Orte (Abb. 2)102; weitere 98

99

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101

102

Vgl. WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 1005, S. 768– 780, hier S. 771; und gerade in ihrer Polemik diesbezüglich beweiskräftig die Vita Gregorii IX. in: ‚Le liber censuum de l’Église Romaine‘ publié avec une préface et un commentaire, hg. v. Paul FABRE / Louis DUCHESNE (Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome. Bibliothèque), Bd. 2, Paris 1905, S. 18–36, cap. 32, S. 31; Jean-Marie MARTIN, La colonie sarrasine de Lucera et son environnement. Quelques réflexions, in: Mediterraneo medievale. Scritti in onore di F. Giunta, Bd. 2, Soveria Mannelli 1989, S. 797–811, hier S. 798; STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 74; entgegen ABULAFIA, Variety (wie Anm. 52), S. 217: „… expelled the Christian population of Lucera“. Der Bischofssitz musste vor die Stadtmauern weichen, die Domkirche verfiel, dafür wurde eine Freitagsmoschee errichtet; weitere Kirchen wurden vermutlich zu Quartiermoscheen umfunktioniert; vgl. Jean-Louis-Alphonse HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi sive constitutiones, privilegia, mandata, instrumenta quae supersunt istius imperatoris et filiorum eius. Accedunt epistolae paparum et documenta varia, Bd. 5,1, Paris 1857, S. 249– 258; Codice diplomatico dei Saraceni di Lucera, hg. v. Pietro EGIDI, Neapel 1917, Nr. 655, S. 331–334; Nr. 745, S. 368f.; Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontificum Romanorum selectae, hg. v. Karl RODENBERG (MGH Epp. saec. XIII), Bd. 1, Berlin 1883, ND München 1982, Nr. 676, S. 573–576; Nr. 750, S. 645–654; zudem konnten Freitagsgebet und Gebetsruf öffentlich stattfinden, was sogar im normannischen Sizilien nicht allgemein erlaubt gewesen war; rückzuschließen aus Calega Panzano, Sirventese contro il clero e per la venuta di Corradino, in: Poesie provenzali storiche relative all’Italia, hg. v. Vicenzo DE BARTHOLOMAEIS (Fonti per la Storia d’Italia 72), Bd. 2, Rom 1931, Nr. CLXIX, S. 250–257, hier S. 254f., in Zusammenschau mit Ibn Wāṣil, Mufarriğ al-kurūb fī aḫbār Banī Aiyūb, hg. v. Ḥasanayn M. RABĪʿ, Bd. 4: 615 h.–628 h., Kairo 1972, S. 248, gegenüber Ibn Ğubayr, Riḥla, hg. v. William WRIGHT, 2. Aufl. bearb. v. Michael J. DE GOEJE (E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series 5), Leiden / London 1907, S. 329. Üblicherweise widmeten Muslime nach der Eroberung christlicher Städte deren Versammlungsgebäude zu ihrem Eigengebrauch um und ersetzten Glockenklang durch Gebetsruf, etwa im Fall Palermos im 9. Jahrhundert die Kathedrale zur Freitagsmoschee, was die Normannen im 11. Jahrhundert wieder rückgängig machten; vgl. Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris eius, hg. v. Ernesto PON2 TIERI (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 5,1), Bologna 1925–1928, lib. 2, cap. 45, S. 53; vgl. allgemein Nikolas JASPERT, Zeichen und Symbole in den christlich-islamischen Beziehungen des Mittelalters, in: Religiosità e civiltà. Le comunicazioni simboliche (secoli IX–XIII). Atti del Convegno Internazionale. Domodossola, Sacro Monte e Castello di Mattarella, 20–23 settembre 2007, hg. v. Giancarlo ANDENNA (Le Settimane internazionali della Mendola. Nuova Serie 2007–2011), Mailand 2009, S. 293–342. Vgl. Registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239–1240, hg. v. Cristina CARBONETTI VENDITELLI (Fonti per la Storia dell’Italia medievale. Antiquitates 19), Bd. 1, Rom 2002, Nr. 352, S. 357. Nämlich Girifalco, Castelluccio dei Sauri, Stornara und das casale San Salvatore Abbatis Aldi in einem Radius von 10 bis 40 Kilometern um Lucera; vgl. ibidem, Nr. 270, S. 280–286; Hubert HOUBEN, Neue Quellen zur Geschichte der Juden und Sarazenen im Königreich Sizilien (1275–1280), in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 74

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Ländereien im Umkreis nutzten die Muslime zur landwirtschaftlichen Produktion103, und als Kaufleute durchzogen sie das gesamte süditalienische Festland.104 Die Annahme, die muslimischen Migranten hätten als „mohammedanische Insel im christlichen Meer“105 leben müssen, ist damit relativiert. So wird auch das Mysterium hinfällig, wie weite Bevölkerungsteile der größten Mittelmeerinsel in einer einzigen süditalienischen Stadt beziehungsweise Festung Platz gefunden haben sollten.

Abb. 2 Karte Nordapuliens mit muslimischer Siedlungsaktivität (ausgefüllte Markierungen) und Pacht (Umfeld der umrahmten Markierungen) in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Darstellung: R. Engl, modifiziert nach Jean-Marie MARTIN, La Pouille du VIe au XIIe siècle [Collection de l’École française de Rome 179], Rom 1993, Carte 11)

103 104

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(1994), S. 335–359, hier Nr. 9, S. 351f.; I registri della Cancelleria Angioina, hg. v. Riccardo FILANGIERI (Testi e documenti di storia napoletana), Bd. 3: 1269–1270, Neapel 1951, Nr. 150, S. 119; MARTIN, Colonie (wie Anm. 98), S. 803, 806. Vgl. EGIDI, Codice diplomatico dei Saraceni di Lucera (wie Anm. 99), Nr. 54, S. 17f. Vgl. CARBONETTI VENDITELLI, Registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239–1240 (wie Anm. 101), Nr. 270, S. 280–286; WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 792, S. 619; letzteres Schreiben war offensichtlich die Antwort auf eine Anfrage anlässlich entsprechender muslimischer Handelsaktivitäten. EGIDI, Colonia 36 (wie Anm. 96), S. 604: „… isola islamita in mare cristiano …“; analog AHMAD, History (wie Anm. 6), S. 105; ABULAFIA, Herrscher (wie Anm. 52), S. 154.

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Ähnlich divers wie zu den Zielorten der Zwangsmigrationen waren auch die Ansichten zu ihren Ausgangspunkten. Einig war sich die Forschung immerhin über eine Deportation aus der Provinz Agrigent, nicht aber vom Monte Jato oder anderen westsizilischen Bergstädten.106 Kaum beachtet wurde dabei eine arabische Quelle, die jedoch einschlägige Angaben eines westsizilischen Muslims überliefert: In der zweiten Hälfte der 1220er Jahre seien acht von elf Widerstandszentren entvölkert gewesen; nur die Einwohner Jatos, Entellas und Cinisis lebten noch vor Ort, die Gallos in der Nähe.107 Die Muslime aller übrigen sieben entvölkerten Städte und Festungen dürften demnach auf das italienische Festland umgesiedelt worden sein. Anhand der Kenntnis des Rebellengebiets sind in jenen Ausgangsorten Platano und Guastanella in der Diözese Agrigent, aber auch Calatrasi, Celso und Corleone in der Diözese Monreale zu vermuten, vielleicht auch Segesta in der Diözese Mazara (Abb. 1).108 Die Muslime der genannten übrigen vier Zentren dürften hingegen nach ihrer Niederlage Mitte der 1220er Jahre in die sizilischen Täler überführt worden sein.109 Wann fanden die erörterten muslimischen Migrationen aus den Bergstädten auf das Festland statt? Dies ist noch zu klären, schließlich datierten Kenner der Materie den Beginn uneinheitlich zwischen 1222 und 1224, das Ende auf 1225 oder noch später.110 Gegen die Frühdatierung 1222 ist jedoch einzuwenden, dass 106

107 108 109

110

Laut AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 614, 620, EGIDI, Colonia 36 (wie Anm. 96), S. 604, und MARTIN, Colonie (wie Anm. 98), S. 798, seien in den 1220er Jahren nur Muslime der Provinz Agrigent deportiert worden, laut Julie TAYLOR, Muslims in Medieval Italy. The Colony at Lucera, Lanham / Oxford 2003, S. 11, hingegen 1223 vor allem vom Monte Jato; ebenso laut NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 461, im Jahr 1225; Maurici, Metcalfe und andere äußern sich nicht zu den genauen Herkunftsorten. Vgl. al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 194f.; teilediert auch in JOHNS, Entella (wie Anm. 20), hier S. 89f. Vgl. oben bei Anm. 49f.; zu Deportationen aus der Diözese Agrigent explizit COLLURA, Agrigentinae Ecclesiae tabularii chartae vetustiores (wie Anm. 45), Nr. 77, S. 154f. Die Herren (ʾaṣḥāb) jener vier Zitadellen werden die maiores gewesen sein, die laut lateinischen Quellen bis 1225 rebellierten: 1224 hatten sie sich der Unterwerfung ihrer Glaubensbrüder entzogen, wehalb Friedrich bis 1225 nochmals Geld und Truppen aufgeboten hatte; im Sommer 1225 waren sie jedoch offensichtlich besiegt und mussten in sizilische Dörfer herabziehen; gegen diese Identifikation schien al-Ḥamawīs Zuordnung des letzten Widerstandes zum Jahr 1229 zu sprechen, doch ist seine Datierung zu überdenken: Schon Friedrichs II. Rückkehr nach Sizilien gab al-Ḥamawī drei Jahre zu spät an, und über ein Jahr wird die Nachricht benötigt haben, um aus Sizilien von einem Pilger über Mekka nach Harran hinterbracht worden zu sein; sie könnte also dem Frühjahr 1225 entstammen, als die letzten muslimischen Rebellen noch Hilfe benötigten; vgl. al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 99, 194f.; JOHNS, Entella (wie Anm. 20), S. 89f.; Richard von San Germano, Chronica (wie Anm. 27), S. 119f.; oben Anm. 89; und die 15 Monate Reisezeit, die etwa der berühmte Pilger Ibn Ğubayr von Sizilien nach Harran benötigte. Einen Beginn im Jahr 1222 vermuteten TAYLOR, Muslims (wie Anm. 106), S. 11, und FENIELLO, Segno (wie Anm. 4), S. 245; von 1223 gingen hingegen aus AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 613f. mit Anm. 1, MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 45, IDEM, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), S. 416; METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 282, sowie NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 461; von 1224 Eduard WINKELMANN, Kaiser Friedrich II. (Jahrbücher der Deutschen Geschichte), Bd. 1: 1218–1228, Leipzig 1889, ND Darmstadt 1963, S. 537f., EGIDI, Colonia 36 (wie Anm. 96), S. 604, Anm. 3, und MARTIN, Colonie (wie Anm. 98), S. 798; eine

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damals noch keine Unterwerfung relevanter muslimischer Bevölkerungsteile überliefert ist, die hätten deportiert werden können; und die Spätdatierung 1224 mit einer zweiten Umsiedlungswelle auf das Festland 1225 beruht auf der zweifelhaften Interpretation eines Mandats Friedrichs II. vom Herbst 1223111: Damals äußerte der Staufer den Plan zur Deportation aller rebellischen Muslime, was als Beweis für den Beginn der Maßnahme im Folgejahr angesehen wurde; doch kann bei Ausstellung des Schreibens natürlich schon ein Teil der Muslime überführt gewesen sein. So erscheint das Zeugnis des Chronisten Richard von San Germano entscheidend, der als Notar einer von den Kriegsbelastungen betroffenen Gemeinde das Jahr 1223 als glaubwürdigen Termin für eine erste Zwangsumsiedlungswelle nach Apulien angibt.112 Im Folgejahr erfolgte dann ein zweiter großer Deportationsschub auf das Festland nach der Unterwerfung der Muslime Platanos im Agrigentino.113 Die 1225 besiegten Muslime dürften hingegen, wie erwähnt, nur mehr in die Dörfer Siziliens zurückbefohlen worden sein.114 Danach sind bis in die 1240er Jahre keine Deportationen sizilischer Muslime mehr überliefert.115 Zuletzt ist noch die muslimische Bevölkerungszahl der sizilischen Bergstädte und -festungen im ersten Viertel des 13. Jahrhunderts zu erörtern, die nach Apulien transferiert wurde. Aufgrund zweifelhafter mittelalterlicher Zahlenangaben116 schätzte die Forschung die Anzahl der Deportierten auf etwa 16.000117 bis 20.000 beziehungsweise 15.000 bis 30.000 Muslime.118 Gesichertere Rück-

111 112 113 114 115

116

117 118

zweite Welle im Jahr 1225 postulierten AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 620, WINKELMANN, Kaiser (wie Anm. 110), S. 537f., EGIDI, Colonia 36 (wie Anm. 96), S. 604, Anm. 3; MARTIN, Colonie (wie Anm. 98), S. 798; NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 461; und MAURICI, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), S. 417; eine weitere Welle Ende der 1230er Jahre vermuteten Maurici und Metcalfe; dazu unten Anm. 115; FENIELLO, Segno (wie Anm. 4), S. 239, implizierte sogar kontinuierliche Deportationen bis 1243. Vgl. das Insert in Richard von San Germano, Chronica (wie Anm. 27), S. 111f. Vgl. ibidem, S. 109. Vgl. GAUDENZI, Ignoti monachi cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria Chronica (wie Anm. 55), S. 38. Vgl. oben bei Anm. 109. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 47, und METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 285, spekulierten über eine weitere Zwangsmigration kurz vor Ende 1239, lediglich gestützt auf ein Dokument vom Dezember jenes Jahres, das dudum auf das Festland deportierte Muslime Siziliens erwähnt; doch kann dies auch ‚einst‘ und nicht nur ‚jüngst‘ stattgefundene Deportationen bezeichnen und wird somit die Zwangsmigrationen der 1220er Jahre meinen; vgl. CARBONETTI VENDITELLI, Registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239–1240 (wie Anm. 101), Nr. 352, S. 357. Die Ignoti monachi cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria Chronica (GAUDENZI, Ignoti monachi cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria Chronica [wie Anm. 55], S. 38), berichtet von 15.000 Deportierten im Jahr 1224; al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 195, von 170.000 Personen insgesamt; dabei dürfte letzterer Wert eine interessengeleitete Übertreibung der muslimischen Betroffenen darstellen; vgl. STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 67f.; METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 284. Vgl. KANTOROWICZ, Kaiser (wie Anm. 81), S. 121. Vgl. David ABULAFIA, The End of Muslim Sicily, in: Muslims under Latin Rule 1100–1300, hg. v. James M. POWELL, Princeton 1990, S. 103–133, hier S. 104: 20.000; IDEM, Monarchs

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schlüsse dürfte eine bislang noch nicht ausgewertete Quelle erlauben: Zu 1237 bezeugt der oberitalienische Notar Parisius de Cereta, der als Verfasser einer Notarschronik Daten und Zahlen akribischer verzeichnete als gewöhnliche Historiographen119, den oberitalienischen Einsatz von 7.000 muslimischen Bogenschützen aus Apulien.120 Von dieser Zahl lässt sich zurückrechnen: 7.000 wehrfähige Muslime setzten eine Gesamtbevölkerung von mindestens 28.000 bis 35.000 apulischen Zuwanderern im Jahrzehnt nach den Deportationswellen voraus. Wenigstens in dieser Größenordnung muss die 1223 bis 1224 aus Sizilien übersiedelte Population – und damit erst recht die muslimische Bevölkerung der entsprechenden Bergstädte – gelegen haben. Eine zahlenstärkere und ausgedehntere muslimische Bevölkerung als in Teilen der Forschung angenommen besiedelte also noch nach den Zwangsmigrationen Süditalien; die Marginalisierung der Muslime war auch insofern nicht so zielstrebig vorangeschritten, wie es zunächst den Anschein hatte.

5. Der letzte Zug in die Berge 1245 Nach zwei Jahrzehnten relativer Ruhe121 kam es im letzten Herrschaftsjahrzehnt des Stauferkaisers Friedrich II. nochmals zu Migrationen der sizilischen Muslime. Wiederum „stiegen“ diese „gleich Rebellen ins Bergland und nahmen Jato und Entella“.122 Auch diesmal ist die Chronologie klärungsbedürftig: Die entscheidenden Annales Siculi überliefern die Ereignisse nämlich mit widersprüch-

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and Minorities in the Christian Western Mediterranean around 1300. Lucera and its Analogues, in: Christendom and its Discontents. Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion 1000–1500, hg. v. Scott L. WAUGH / Peter D. DIEHL, Cambridge 1996, S. 234–263, hier S. 235; IDEM, La caduta di Lucera Saracenorum, in: Per la storia del Mezzogiorno medievale e moderno. Studi in memoria di Jole Mazzoleni (Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato 48), Neapel 1998, S. 171–186, hier S. 172, und IDEM, The Last Muslims in Italy, in: Dante Studies 125 (2007), S. 271–287, hier S. 273: 15–30.000. Zu Parisius und seiner Chronik Bruno BRESCIANI, Un notaio cronista del XIII secolo (Paride da Cerea), in: Atti e memorie della Accademia di agricoltura scienze e lettere di Verona 6,4 (1954), S. 89–96; Gian M. VARANINI, Parisio da Cerea, in: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 81 (2014) (http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/parisio-da-cerea_(Dizionario-Biografico)/) [17.9.2016]; zum entsprechenden Charakter von Notarschroniken allgemein insbes. Cornelia COGROSSI, Per uno studio intorno alle cronache dei notai ed agli atti notarili nei comuni dell’Italia settentrionale (XII–XIV sec.), in: Jus 28 (1981), S. 333–360. Vgl. Parisius de Cereta, Cronica Verone (1115–1260), in: Il Chronicon Veronense di Paride da Cerea e dei suoi continuatori, hg. v. Renzo VACCARI, Bd. 1: La Cronaca Parisiana (1115– 1260) con l’Antica Continuazione (1261–1277), Legnano 2014, S. 121–177, hier S. 146. Nicht berücksichtigt wird hier innersizilische muslimische Zuwanderung nach Palermo in den späten 1230er Jahren, da sie keine muslimisch dominierten Städte involvierte, die dieser Beitrag behandelt; vgl. CARBONETTI VENDITELLI, Registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239–1240 (wie Anm. 101), Nr. 39, S. 41f. PONTIERI, Annales Siculi (wie Anm. 85), Hs. A, S. 118: omnes Saraceni de Sicilia, tanquam rebelles, ascenderunt in montana, et ceperunt Jatum et Autellam; zum Zutreffen der Ortsangabe „Entella“ anstelle „Licata“ aus Hs. B MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 48, mit Anm. 89;

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lichen Jahres- und Indiktionsangaben.123 Bislang wurde fast ausschließlich den Jahresdatierungen vertraut124, doch wies Wolfgang Stürner den plausibleren Weg, nämlich den konsistenteren, mit der übrigen Überlieferung besser vereinbaren Indiktionsangaben zu folgen.125 Demnach fand die letzte muslimische Rebellion von Juli 1245 bis Sommer 1246 statt.126 Erneut sind keine unmittelbaren christlichen Übergriffe überliefert, die die Muslime in die Berge getrieben hätten127, und wiederum war die christliche Herrschaft zeitgleich destabilisiert: Friedrich II. war soeben auf dem Lyoner Konzil von Papst Innozenz IV. für abgesetzt erklärt worden, italienische Adlige hatten sich gegen ihn verschworen; 1246 wurde in Deutschland sogar ein Gegenkönig gewählt. Ein letztes Mal nutzten die Muslime also eine Phase der Instabilität staufischer Herrschaft, vielleicht wieder in Abstimmung mit christlichen Kaisergegnern.128

6. Die finale Zwangsmigration 1246/1247 Allerdings war die Rebellion diesmal nur von kurzer Dauer: Bereits ein Jahr nach ihrer Ankunft mussten die Muslime wieder von den Anhöhen herunterziehen und sich unterwerfen.129 Zwischen September 1246 und spätestens August 1247 wurden dann „alle Sarazenen Siziliens“ laut den Annales Siculi auf das

123 124

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METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 286, mit Anm. 31; CORRETTI / GARGINI / MICHELINI et al., Entella (wie Anm. 9), S. 164, mit Anm. 67. Vgl. PONTIERI, Annales Siculi (wie Anm. 85), S. 118f. Vgl. AMARI, Storia 3,2 (wie Anm. 2), S. 630–632; MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 48f.; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 274f.; IDEM, Insediamento (wie Anm. 1), S. 418; IDEM, Guerre (wie Anm. 1), S. 169; TAYLOR, Muslims (wie Anm. 106), S. 18; METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 286f.; NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 461f. Vgl. STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 71, Anm. 148; vgl. auch Ernesto PONTIERI, Premessa, in: Gaufredus Malaterra, De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae (wie Anm. 100), S. 111– 114, hier S. 114: „Se l’indicazione dell’anno qualche volta non coglie nel segno, lasciandosi indietro un anno o due, invece quasi sempre preciso è il computo dell’indizione“; folgte man den Jahresdatierungen der Annales Siculi, musste verwundern, dass die Muslime schon 1245 aus Sizilien vertrieben worden sein sollten, während sie anderen Quellen zufolge dort noch bis 1246 rebellierten. Vgl. PONTIERI, Annales Siculi (wie Anm. 85), S. 118: mense iulii eiusdem (tertiae) indictionis; WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 387, S. 339, nach 17. Juli 1246; ebenso Jean-Louis-Alphonse HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi sive constitutiones, privilegia, mandata, instrumenta quae supersunt istius imperatoris et filiorum eius. Accedunt epistolae paparum et documenta varia, Bd. 6,1, Paris 1860, S. 471f.; vgl. STÜRNER, Friedrich II. 2 (wie Anm. 77), S. 70f. Wenn ihre Situation auf Sizilien auch nicht mehr die angenehmste war, soweit sie jedenfalls im Registerfragment Friedrichs II. zum Ausdruck kommt; vgl. CARBONETTI VENDITELLI, Registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239–1240 (wie Anm. 101), Nr. 182, S. 165f.; Nr. 186, S. 172–174; Nr. 280, S. 294–297; Registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239–1240, hg. v. EADEM (Fonti per la Storia dell’Italia medievale. Antiquitates 19), Bd. 2, Rom 2002, Nr. 842, S. 752–754. Vgl. MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 48; IDEM, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 274. Vgl. WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 387, S. 339; HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi 6,1 (wie Anm. 126), S. 471f.

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Festland zwangsumgesiedelt.130 Diesmal war es tatsächlich das Ende muslimischen Gemeinschaftslebens auf der größten Mittelmeerinsel. Eventuell verbliebene Muslime dürften in die islamische Welt emigriert oder in der christlichen Mehrheitsbevölkerung aufgegangen sein.131 Die große Konsequenz dieses Vorgangs findet in einem nachfolgenden Schreiben Friedrichs II. Bestätigung, in dem die Klage der kaiserlichen Kontrolleure der sizilischen Lehen über das Verschwinden aller Muslime, die noch zu den Landverhältnissen hätten Auskunft geben können, überliefert ist.132 Sechs Jahrzehnte intensiver muslimischer Migrationsaktivität in und aus den westsizilischen Bergstädten waren beendet, der Islam nach Jahrhunderten prägenden Einflusses von der größten Mittelmeerinsel verdrängt. Die Anbahnung dieser Zäsur war laut den Ergebnissen dieser Untersuchung jedoch keineswegs geradlinig und unausweichlich erfolgt. Die genaue Analyse der Orte, Zeiten und Ereigniszusammenhänge der stauferzeitlichen Migrationen ergab stattdessen, dass es die Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten der Muslime unterschätzen hieße, sie auf Opfer einer prinzipiengelenkten historischen Entwicklung zu reduzieren, statt auch sie als dynamische Akteure wahrzunhemen, die zeitweise selbst Zugzwang ausüben konnten. Soweit zur Dynamik der Migrationen, also der Zu- und Abwanderung von Menschen in und aus den muslimischen Bergstädten der Stauferzeit. Wie aber stand es mit dem Zu- und Abfluss von Informationen, der Kommunikation? Auch sie erweckte angesichts spärlicher Überlieferungsbestände eher einen bescheidenen Eindruck, was aber angesichts der Zwischenergebnisse dieser Untersuchung überprüfenswert erscheint. Dazu ein kurzes zweites Kapitel.

II. Kommunikation Die Kommunikation der Muslime der westsizilischen Bergstädte zu analysieren ist insofern schwierig, als im Zuge der Deportationen neben den Personen selbst auch ihre schriftlichen Hinterlassenschaften fast komplett von der Insel verschwanden. Schon in der Normannenzeit bestand ja vor allem im Bannkreis christlicher Institutionen eine Überlieferungschance; in der Stauferzeit gingen die arabischen Zeugnisse dann endgültig während der muslimischen Emanzipation vom Königtum und den Prälaten sowie während der nachfolgenden Vertreibungen verloren. Dies sollte aber nicht dazu verleiten, die stauferzeitliche kommunikative Kultur der sizilischen Muslime für ursprünglich marginal zu halten. Eine andere Sprache sprechen nämlich die besser überlieferten Außenkontakte der muslimischen Bergstädte: Sie zeigen schlaglichtartig ein dynami130 131 132

Vgl. PONTIERI, Annales Siculi (wie Anm. 85), S. 119. Vgl. ABULAFIA, End (wie Anm. 118), S. 104, 112, 130–132; METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 287. Vgl. WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 924, S. 701f.

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sches kommunikatives Ausgreifen, was im Folgenden an fünf Beispielen verdeutlicht werden soll.

1. Briefkontakt zum Papst Ein erster bedeutender Kommunikationspartner der sizilischen Muslime Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts war das römische Papsttum. Zwischen 1199 und 1206 richtete Papst Innozenz III. mehrere Schreiben an die Muslime Siziliens. Schon allein die Kontaktaufnahme des geistlichen Führers der westlichen Christenheit zu muslimischen Untertanen war einzigartig: Zwar hatte es zeitweise diplomatischen Austausch von Päpsten mit Herrschern der islamischen Welt gegeben, doch Schreiben an muslimische Untertanen eines christlichen Reiches ergingen außer jenen an die stauferzeitlichen Muslime Siziliens im gesamten Mittelalter nicht.133 Und auch inhaltlich überraschen die Briefe: Sie zeigen Papst Innozenz III. in einer um Unterstützung der Muslime werbenden Position. 1199 sicherte er ihnen dafür bereits seine Anerkennung und Förderung ihrer Lebensformen zu134; 1206 erkannte er ihre Migrationen in die Bergstädte und ihre politische Emanzipation faktisch an, indem er den erwähnten Kadi und die quwwād der Bergstädte als Verhandlungspartner akzeptierte.135 Nun standen ja, wie oben erläutert, Innozenz III. und die westsizilischen Muslime in den politischen Konstellationen der Minderjährigkeitszeit Friedrichs II. zumeist auf gegnerischen Seiten.136 Während einige Forscher dies grundsätzlichen, religiös bedingten Vorbehalten beider Seiten zuschrieben137, zeigt der Wortlaut des Schreibens von 1206 Papst und Muslime in pragmatischem Einvernehmen. Der Brief wirbt nämlich dafür, die von den Muslimen geübte „Beständigkeit der Treue gegenüber König Friedrich“ nicht kurz vor dessen Mündigkeit aufzugeben.138 Königstreue bedeutete aber während Friedrichs Minderjährigkeit nichts anderes 133 134 135 136 137

138

Für eine freundliche Bestätigung danke ich herzlich den Professoren Nikolas Jaspert und Daniel König, Heidelberg. Vgl. HAGENEDER / MALECZEK / STRNAD, Die Register Innocenz’ III. (wie Anm. 58), Nr. 217, S. 421–423. Vgl. SOMMERLECHNER, Die Register Innocenz’ III. (wie Anm. 43), Nr. 158, S. 283–285. Vgl. oben bei Anm. 61. Konversions- und Eindämmungsabsichten des Papsttums gegenüber den Muslimen unterstellten BERCHER / COURTEAUX / MOUTON, Abbaye (wie Anm. 6), S. 527, Sorgen der Muslime vor einer geistlichen Regentschaft Friedrich BAETHGEN, Die Regentschaft Papst Innozenz III. im Königreich Sizilien (Heidelberger Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neueren Geschichte 44), Heidelberg 1914, S. 22, und expliziter Thomas C. VAN CLEVE, Markward of Annweiler and the Sicilian Regency. A Study of Hohenstaufen Policy in Sicily during the Minority of Frederick II, Princeton / Oxford 1937, S. 133; die Möglichkeit eines aufrichtigen Einvernehmens zwischen Muslimen und Papst bezweifelte auch MAURICI, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 37. SOMMERLECHNER, Die Register Innocenz’ III. (wie Anm. 43), Nr. 158, S. 283–285: Gaudemus plurimum et sinceritatem vestre fidei commendamus, quod, … ab ea, quam erga carissimum in Christo filium nostrum F(redericum) Sicilie regem illustrem, dominum vestrum, habetis, fidelitatis constantia minime recessistis.

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als Unterstützung des Papstes als Regenten. Indem der Brief diese Unterstützung im Jahr 1206 als seit einiger Zeit gegeben nennt, lässt er auf ein zeitweises Einvernehmen von Papst und Muslimen schließen – vielleicht seit 1204, als auch Markwards politische Erben ihren Frieden mit Innozenz gemacht hatten.139 Bei aller sonstigen, offensichtlich politisch bedingten Feindschaft zwischen Papst und sizilischen Muslimen gab es also eine Phase der Kooperation Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts.140

2. Gesandtschaft zu den Almohaden Nicht nur mit dem Papsttum, auch mit weiteren Mächten des Mittelmeerraumes standen die westsizilischen Muslime des frühen 13. Jahrhunderts in vorteilhaftem Kontakt. Ein Partner ist dabei quasi von der gesamten bisherigen Forschung außer Acht gelassen worden141: das maghrebinische Almohadenreich, bekanntlich ein Berberreich, das sich in Nachfolge der Almoraviden von Nordwestafrika bis ins muslimische Spanien erstreckte. Laut seines Chronisten Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī wandten sich die Muslime Siziliens im Jahr der Hedschra 607, also 1210 bis 1211, an den almohadischen Gouverneur in Tunis, um die Abhaltung ihrer Freitagspredigt im Namen der Almohaden mitzuteilen.142 Ein solches Ritual bedeutete in der islamischen Welt aber bekanntlich die Anerkennung des genannten Herrschers als Kalifen, als oberste Autorität in der Prophetennachfolge. Damit unterstellten sich die sizilischen Muslime nach einem Jahrzehnt der Emanzipation von ihren Grundherren nominell dem Almohadenreich, damals Siziliens mächtigstem muslimischem Nachbarn und einem vielversprechenden Partner: Bekanntlich verdankten die Almohaden ihren Aufstieg einer gegen andersdenkende Muslime wie gegen Juden und Christen gerichteten islamischen Erneuerungsbewegung und standen noch vor ihrer entscheidenden

139

140 141

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1204 erkannte Markwards Nachfolger Wilhelm Capparone die päpstliche Regentschaft an; dafür wurde er vom Bann gelöst und seinerseits als faktischer Träger der Regierungsgewalt auf Sizilien akzeptiert; vgl. BAETHGEN, Regentschaft (wie Anm. 137), S. 86; NEUMANN, Parteibildungen (wie Anm. 59), S. 45f.; schon im Herbst 1200 hatte Innozenz die sizilischen Familiaren zu einem Separatfrieden mit den Muslimen autorisiert, sofern diese nur die königlichen und päpstlichen Weisungen achten wollten; vgl. das Insert in GRESS-WRIGHT, Gesta Innocentii III (wie Anm. 43), cap. 31, S. 38–40. Selbst METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 279, scheint dies nur als nicht verwirklichte Option anzusehen. Vgl. nur die archäologische Spezialstudie ALLIATA, Epigrafi (wie Anm. 43), S. 22, sowie ein knapper Verweis in Adalgisa DE SIMONE, Il Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo visto dall’Islam africano, in: Il Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo visto dall’Europa e dal mondo mediterraneo. Atti delle tredicesime giornate normanno-sveve, Bari, 21–24 ottobre 1997, hg. v. Giosuè MUSCA, Bari 2002, S. 261–293, hier S. 289f. Vgl. Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, al-Bayān al-muġrib fī aḫbār al-Andalus wa al-Maġrib, hg. v. Muḥammad I. AL-KATTĀNĪ u. a., Beirut 1985, S. 257.

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Niederlage beim spanischen Las Navas de Tolosa, weswegen sich die sizilischen Muslime von ihnen wohl Rückhalt erhoffen konnten.143 Sogar der Aufstieg des Nordafrikaners Ibn ʿAbbād zum sizilischen Emir könnte aus dieser Konstellation zu erklären sein: Auf bisherigem Kenntnisstand konnte ja verwundern, wieso die Muslime der Bergstädte gerade einen nordafrikanischen Einwanderer zum Emir erhoben; nun zeichnet sich aber ab, dass dem aus der almohadischen Provinz Ifrīqiya stammenden und gegenüber Friedrich II. vergleichsweise intransigent eingestellten144 Ibn ʿAbbād die Herrschaft infolge des Zusammengehens mit den Almohaden zugebilligt worden sein könnte. Dazu würde passen, dass die westsizilischen Muslime ab dem zweiten Jahrzehnt des 13. Jahrhunderts vermehrt Übergriffe auf christliche geistliche Institutionen begingen.145 Fest steht jedenfalls, dass die muslimischen Städte der Stauferzeit wesentlich weitere transmediterrane Beziehungen unterhielten als bislang bekannt. Nach ihrer Lösung aus dem christlichen Herrschaftsverband erklärten sie sich sogar zur Provinz des expansiven Almohadenreichs. Insofern wird ihre Verselbständigung weiter fortgeschritten und zunächst auch aussichtsreicher gewesen sein als bislang vermutet.146

143

144 145

146

Ähnlich ALLIATA, Epigrafi (wie Anm. 43), S. 23; zu den Almohaden beispielsweise HansRudolf SINGER, Der Maghreb und die Pyrenäenhalbinsel bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, in: Geschichte der arabischen Welt, hg. v. Ulrich HAARMANN / Heinz HALM, 5. Aufl. München 2004, S. 264–322, hier S. 299–306; Jean-Pierre MOLÉNAT, Sur le rôle des almohades dans la fin du christianisme local au Maghreb et en Al-Andalus, in: Al-Qanṭara 18,2 (1997), S. 389– 413; Vincent LAGARDÈRE, Le ğihād almohade: Théorie et pratique, in: Los almohades: Problemas y perspectivas, hg. v. Patrice CRESSIER / Maribel FIERRO / Luis MOLINA (Estudios Árabes e Islámicos. Monografías 11), Bd. 2, Madrid 2005, S. 617–631; Maribel FIERRO BELLO, A Muslim Land without Jews or Christians. Almohad Policies Regarding the ‘Protected People’, in: Christlicher Norden – Muslimischer Süden. Ansprüche und Wirklichkeiten von Christen, Juden und Muslimen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter, Matthias M. TISCHLER / Alexander FIDORA (Erudiri sapientia 7), Münster 2011, S. 231–247. Vgl. al-Ḥamawī, at-Taʾrīḫ al-manṣūrī (wie Anm. 48), S. 99f. 1211 bedrohten die rebellischen Muslime Monreale, später überfielen sie tatsächlich Kloster und Kastell; vor 1219 schädigten sie die ebenfalls vor den Mauern Palermos gelegene Spitalskirche San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi; vermutlich im Winter 1220/1221 besetzten und plünderten Muslime der Bergfestung Guastanella den Dom, den Campanile und weitere Kirchengebäude in Agrigent; den Bischof hielten sie bis zur Zahlung eines Lösegeldes gefangen; vgl. KOCH, Die Urkunden Friedrichs II. (wie Anm. 45), Nr. 144, S. 278–280; Jean-Louis-Alphonse HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi sive Constitutiones, privilegia, mandata, instrumenta quae supersunt istius imperatoris et filiorum eius. Accedunt epistolae paparum et documenta varia, Bd. 4,2, Paris 1855, S. 905–913, hier S. 909; Bd. 5,1, Paris 1957, S. 249–258, hier S. 251; Bd. 1,2, Paris 1852, S. 590f.; COLLURA, Agrigentinae Ecclesiae tabularii chartae vetustiores (wie Anm. 45), Nr. 78, S. 155–171, hier S. 159, 165f., 169. Anders noch MAURICI, Stato (wie Anm. 1), S. 275, der das westsizilische Emirat als „una anacronistica ed effimera riesumazione“, beziehungsweise in IDEM, Emirato (wie Anm. 1), S. 50, als eine von mehreren „posizioni antistoriche“ und in IDEM, Storia (wie Anm. 6), S. 8, als „uno di quegli sforzi disperati“ einschätzte.

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3. Gesandtschaft zum römisch-deutschen Kaiser Dass die muslimische Emanzipation zunächst alles andere als auf verlorenem Posten stand, erweist noch eine weitere stauferzeitliche Kontaktaufnahme: Als der welfische Konkurrent staufischer Herrschaft, Otto IV., 1211 im Glanz des neuerworbenen Kaisertums nach Süditalien kam, um das Königreich Sizilien zu übernehmen, schickten ihm die Muslime eine Gesandtschaft. Die Rebellen gegen Friedrich II. „luden“ Otto IV. gemeinsam mit einigen Fürsten „ein und versprachen ihm, ganz Sizilien seiner Herrschaft zu unterwerfen“.147 Und tatsächlich sah es im Jahr 1211 so aus, als wäre die Herrschaft Friedrichs II. nicht mehr zu retten; man verspottete ihn schon als ‚Königlein‘ und erzählte später, er habe ein Schiff zur Flucht aus seinem Reich bereitgehalten.148 Nur der plötzliche Seitenwechsel des Papstes und eine Fürstenopposition im fernen Deutschland verhalfen dem Staufer doch zur Wahrung seiner Herrschaft und zuletzt sogar zum Kaisertum. Wie anders wäre wohl die Geschichte der westsizilischen Muslime verlaufen, hätte Otto IV. ihnen seine Durchsetzung als sizilischer König zu einem wesentlichen Teil zu danken gehabt.149 Vor Friedrichs Erfolgen waren die Migrationen der Muslime ins Binnenland und ihre dortige politische Entfaltung also keineswegs perspektivlos, vielmehr standen die Muslime der Bergstädte im zweiten Jahrzehnt des 13. Jahrhunderts mit dem römisch-deutschen Kaiser als weiterem großen Akteur im Mittelmeerraum neben dem Papsttum und den Almohaden in gutem Kontakt.

4. Münzzirkulation des sizilischen Emirs Ibn ʿAbbād Noch ein weiteres herrschaftliches Kommunikationsmedium neben dem diplomatischem Verkehr vermochten die vermeintlichen ‚Briganten‘ und ‚Halbnomaden‘ zu beanspruchen: Um 1220 ließ Ibn ʿAbbād Münzen prägen und zirkulieren, die ihn als Emir der Muslime (amīr al-muslimīn) auswiesen; auf der Rückseite trugen sie das Bekenntnis zu Allah und seinem Propheten.150 Diese Münzen glichen in Größe und Legierung genau den zeitgenössischen Denaren Friedrichs II.151, was die technischen Möglichkeiten der Muslime verdeutlicht, aber auch das politische Selbstbewusstsein, das in den Bergstädten geherrscht 147

148 149 150

151

WAITZ, Annales S. Pantaleonis (wie Anm. 84), S. 231: Otto imperator … totam sibi Apuleam et Calabriam subiecit … Ibi etiam quidam principes Siciliae cum Saracenis, qui fortissima castra in montanis tenebant, eum invitantes, totam Siciliam eius ditioni subdendam promittebant. Vgl. Wolfgang STÜRNER, Friedrich II., Bd. 1: Die Königsherrschaft in Sizilien und Deutschland, 1194–1220, Darmstadt 2003, S. 137, mit Quellenverweisen in Anm. 43. Ähnlich, wenngleich vorsichtiger METCALFE, Muslims (wie Anm. 2), S. 279. Vgl. D’ANGELO, Monetazione (wie Anm. 50), mit Tav. 1; IDEM, Monete (wie Anm. 50), S. 87, 91, Abb. A21–A24. Vgl. D’ANGELO, Monete (wie Anm. 50), S. 87.

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haben muss. Indem die Prägung des Emirs die Münzen Friedrichs II. konterkarierte, vermittelte sie zugleich einen Gegenanspruch und eine Herausforderung. Schließlich war die Münzemission bei Christen wie Muslimen eine herrschaftliche Prärogative – im islamischen Bereich gemeinsam mit der Nennung in der Freitagspredigt. So zeigten beide Elemente die westsizilischen Muslime im zweiten Jahrzehnt des 13. Jahrhunderts unter einem Emir mit dem subkalifalen Herrschertitel amīr al-muslimīn152 als nominelle Untertanen des Almohadenkalifats.153 Das Kursieren von Münzen Friedrichs II. und seiner Vorgänger mit gelochtem, geknicktem, zerkratztem oder zerbrochenem Herrscherbild und gleichermaßen getilgter christlicher Symbolik154 zeigt, dass dieser Anspruch nicht nur vom Emir kommuniziert, sondern auch von der Bevölkerung der Bergstädte weitergetragen wurde.

5. Verhandlungen mit dem sizilischen König In ihren Außenkontakten und ihrem inneren Anspruch konnten sich die westsizilischen Muslime also vielversprechende politische Optionen eröffnen. Doch wurden diese von den Ereignissen im Mittelmeerraum, in Deutschland und Sizilien überholt, die Muslime isoliert und besiegt. Dass ihnen trotzdem selbst im Moment der Niederlage nicht jegliche Einflussmöglichkeiten abhanden kamen, soll anhand einer letzten Kategorie kommunikativer Akte gezeigt werden: anhand ritueller Unterwerfungen, zu denen sich die Muslime bereitfanden. Solche sogenannten deditiones beruhten bekanntlich auf einer Selbstdemütigung der Aufrührer und einem Gnadenakt des Herrschers gemäß vorherigen Absprachen.155 Während Theo Broekmann annahm, solche Akte symbolischer Kommunikation seien im Königreich Sizilien ab dem zweiten Drittel des 12. Jahrhunderts nicht mehr möglich gewesen156, zeigt ein erneuter Blick in die Quellen, 152

153

154 155

156

Zum Titel bereits Max VAN BERCHEM, Titres califiens d’Occident. À propos de quelques monnaies mérinides et ziyanides, in: Journal Asiatique ou recueil des mémoires d’extraits et de notices 10ème sér. 9 (1907), S. 245–335, hier insbes. S. 270–295; anders unbegründet BERCHER / COURTEAUX / MOUTON, Abbaye (wie Anm. 6), S. 539: „Amīr al-muslimīn … veut … signifier … le califat“; NEF, Déportation (wie Anm. 1), S. 460: „titulature califale“; sowie VANOLI, Sicilia (wie Anm. 28), S. 215: „titolo califfale di amīr al-mu’minīn(!)“. BRESC, Monde méditerranéen (wie Anm. 1), S. 15, ging hingegen noch von einer Orientierung in Richtung der Abbasiden bei eher kühlen Beziehungen zu den Almohaden aus: „le titre d’amīr almuslimīn, … qui appartient à la titulature almoravide, réserve les droits des ʿAbbāsides et évite un compromis, ou une compromission avec les Almohades“. Vgl. D’ANGELO, Monete (wie Anm. 50), S. 85–90. Vgl. Gerd ALTHOFF, Das Privileg der deditio. Formen gütlicher Konfliktbeendigung in der mittelalterlichen Adelsgesellschaft, in: IDEM, Spielregeln der Politik im Mittelalter. Kommunikation in Frieden und Fehde, 2., um ein Nachwort erg. Aufl. Darmstadt 2014, S. 99–125; IDEM, Mittelalterliche Verfassungsgeschichte und Spielregeln der Politik: ein Nachwort, in: ibidem, S. 361– 404, hier S. 387–394. Vgl. Theo BROEKMANN, Rigor iustitiae. Herrschaft, Recht und Terror im normannisch-staufischen Süden (1050–1250) (Symbolische Kommunikation in der Vormoderne), Darmstadt 2005, S. 195.

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dass selbst den westsizilischen Muslimen das Privileg zu eben solchen rituellen Unterwerfungen eingeräumt wurde, denen entsprechende Übergabeverhandlungen vorausgingen.157 Abzuleiten ist, dass die Muslime die Zwangsmigrationen akzeptierten, um noch schlimmerer Strafe zu entgehen, wie sie entsprechend sizilischer ‚Strenge der Gerechtigkeit‘ möglich gewesen wäre. Selbst als Besiegte hatten die Einwohner der Bergstädte also noch Wahlmöglichkeiten und nutzten diese aktiv, indem sie Friedrich II. um Verhandlungen angingen.158 Bei aller beklagenswerten Härte ihres Schicksals büßten die Muslime also selbst in der Niederlage nicht jegliche Einflussmöglichkeiten ein.

III. Fazit Der Beitrag rückte die von der Forschung vergleichsweise vernachlässigten muslimischen Städte des westsizilischen Binnenlandes in den Fokus, die in der Stauferzeit Gravitationszentren muslimischer Migration und Kommunikation waren. Festzustellen ist, dass die Migrationen in dieses neue Lebensumfeld wie die Vertreibungen von dort offenbar weniger auf interreligiösen Animositäten als auf politisch-sozialen Ambitionen der Muslime und deren Zurückweisung durch Friedrich II. basierten. Die muslimischen Migranten agierten weniger als Getriebene als bislang angenommen; selbst als Besiegten verblieb ihnen noch ein gewisser Handlungsspielraum. Im Bereich der Kommunikation zeigten fünf exemplarisch thematisierte Zeugnisse die weitreichenden politischen Kontakte und Ansprüche der westsizilischen Muslime in der Stauferzeit: Für einige Jahrzehnte nahm ihre Gemeinschaft als Akteur am mediterranen Mächtespiel teil, zeitweise sogar im Einvernehmen mit dem Papst und den Almohaden. Insgesamt präsentieren sich die muslimischen Siedlungszentren der Stauferzeit somit keineswegs als armselige Zufluchtsorte einer unausweichlich marginalisierten Religionsgruppe. Mit dem Zurücktreten einer solchen teleologischen

157

158

Vgl. BLOCH, Annales Marbacenses (wie Anm. 84), S. 88, zusammenfassend: Friderico imperatore remanente in Sycilia … Sarracenos … multo labore … ad deditionem coegit; Vorverhandlungen in WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 261, S. 237–240, deren Umsetzung bezeugt wird durch GAUDENZI, Ignoti monachi cisterciensis S. Mariae de Ferraria Chronica (wie Anm. 55), S. 38, und Richard von San Germano, Chronica (wie Anm. 27), S. 119; der rituelle Charakter einer solchen Unterwerfung dann explizit in WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 387, S. 339: Sarraceni Sicilie … ad pedes excellencie nostre prostrati … se tradiderunt; HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi 6,1 (wie Anm. 126), S. 471f.: … solam benignitatis auguste misericordiam implorantes. Vgl. ein entsprechendes Ansuchen der Muslime in WAITZ, Annales S. Pantaleonis (wie Anm. 84), S. 253; WINKELMANN, Acta imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV (wie Anm. 69), Nr. 261, S. 237–240; eine analoge Aufforderung Friedrichs II., in der er den muslimischen Rebellen bei Genugtuungsleistung (satisfactio) binnen Monatsfrist Gnade statt eines strengen Gerichtsurteils offerierte, in HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi 6,1 (wie Anm. 126), S. 456f.

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Betrachtungsweise könnte sich auch die Aufmerksamkeit für die archäologischen Funde und historischen Erkenntnisse verstärken, die bis heute in den vergleichsweise unerforschten Anhöhen Westsiziliens schlummern. Für noch lebendigere Bilder muslimischer Urbanität im stauferzeitlichen Sizilien wird man verstärkt dort graben müssen.

KRISTJAN TOOMASPOEG

Palermo in the late Middle Ages: territory and population (13th–15th century) Writing about Palermo in the late Middle Ages can be a great challenge for the historian. Whilst there already exists a considerable body of scientific literature on Palermo for the period between the first half of the 13th and the end of the 15th centuries, an approach that combines an overarching historical, archaeological, topographical and architectural study on the evolutions of the city has yet to be realised. The situation is quite different when examining the history of Palermo in the previous centuries under the Byzantines, Arabs, Normans and, in some respects, under the Staufens. The recently published collection of essays, A Companion to Medieval Palermo, having gathered some of the best specialists in this field, not only updates and deepens the issue, but also offers a convincing summary of the history of the city.1 Among the works dedicated to Palermo in the last centuries of the Middle Ages are those of Henri Bresc. His 1986 monograph Un monde meditérranéen, alongside a long series of other books and papers, provides very detailed information on Palermo and its society whilst also crediting other important scholarship on this issue.2 This begins with the very detailed monograph of Patrizia Sardina on Palermo under the rule of the Chiaramonte family in the second half of the 14th century.3 It also includes, for example, the papers of the 1989 conference Palermo medievale (published in 1998)4 and the research carried out by historians like Pietro Corrao, Franco d’Angelo, Rosario 1

2

3

4

Annliese NEF (Ed.), A Companion to Medieval Palermo. The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500, Leiden / Boston 2013. Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Économie et société en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), Palermo / Rome 1986. Among the works of Bresc, available also in two collected studies volumes: IDEM, Politique et société en Sicile, XIIe–XVe s. (Variorum Collected Studies 329), London 1991 and IDEM, Una stagione in Sicilia, ed. Marcello PACIFICO (Quaderni Mediterranea Ricerche Storiche 11), Palermo 2010, I quote here especially IDEM, Les jardins de Palerme (1290–1460), in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge-Temps Modernes 84–1 (1972), pp. 55–127; IDEM, “In ruga que arabice dicitur zucac ...” : les rues de Palerme (1070–1460), in: Le paysage urbain au Moyen Âge. Actes du XIe Congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public, Lyon 1981, pp. 155–186. A very stimulating summary of the topic, oriented also to the non-specialists, is given in IDEM / Geneviève BRESC-BAUTIER (Ed.), Palerme 1070–1492. Mosaïque de peuples, nation rebelle : la naissance violente de l’identité sicilienne (Mémoires 21), Paris 1993. Patrizia SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte: splendore e tramonto di una signoria. Potere nobiliare, ceti dirigenti e società tra XIV e XV secolo (Medioevo mediterraneo 1), Caltanissetta / Rome 2003. Cataldo ROCCARO (Ed.), Palermo medievale. Testi dell’VIII colloquio medievale, Palermo 26– 27 aprile 1989 (Schede medievali 30–31), Palermo 1998.

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La Duca5, Igor Mineo and Fabrizio Titone, just to mention some names among many. Yet, all the data that can be obtained from these works must still be gathered, merged and summarised in research that describes every single aspect of the history of the city. This is not the aim of my paper. Instead, I intend to approach the subject from a critical point of view that describes the evolution of the city in large lines, which shall emphasise the main problems related to the issue. Its landmarks will be the political and social structures of Palermo and it shall include the minority groups of the local society, the nodes of communication and, finally, the relationship between the city and its hinterland. While collocating Palermo inside the urban framework of the late Middle Ages, it is important to keep in mind that there was a period between the 13th and the 15th centuries that was characterised by a demographic collapse. As it was noted by Karl J. Beloch6 and then by James M. Powell7, the city had benefited from the significant growth of its population since the Islamic domination and reached the number of some 40 to 50,000 inhabitants in the second half of the 13th century. In these times, Palermo was definitively a large city that was comparable with some metropolises of the Eastern world: bigger than Rome and almost the same size as Genoa and Bologna. Yet, as it was pointed out by Henri Bresc in the middle of the 14th century, the population of the city suffered from a fast decline. At the end of this century, the city totalled 20,000 to 25,000 inhabitants. Some historians even propose a much lower number of some 15,000 persons living in the city in these times.8 At the end of the 15th century (after the expulsion of the local Jewish community), the city population was about 22,000 inhabitants.9 Comparing Palermo with Naples, the then capital of the mainland Kingdom of Sicily, highlights that, equally, the population of Naples was struggling. Medieval Naples had, more or less, the same area as Palermo, but in the 1270s the density of its population was much lower with less than 30,000 in-

5

6 7 8

9

Among the works of Rosario La Duca on the topography, urban space and evolution of Palermo, see for example Rosario LA DUCA, Cartografia della città di Palermo dalle origini al 1860, Palermo 1962; IDEM, Per un dizionario toponomastico del medioevo palermitano, in: Le città medievali dell’Italia meridionale e insulare. Atti del convegno, Palermo, 28–29 novembre 2002, ed. Aldo CASAMENTO / Enrico GUIDONI (Storia dell’urbanistica / Sicilia 4), Rome 2004, pp. 121–127; IDEM (Ed.), Storia di Palermo, vol. 4: Dal Vespro a Ferdinando il Cattolico, Palermo 2008. Karl J. BELOCH, Bevölkerungsgeschichte Italiens, vol. 1, Berlin 1937, pp. 119–121. James M. POWELL, Medieval Monarchy and Trade: the Economic Policy of Frederick II in the Kingdom of Sicily, in: Studi Medievali III ser. 3 (1962), pp. 420–524, here p. 423. Pietro CORRAO, La popolazione fluttuante a Palermo fra ‘300 e ‘400: mercanti, marinai, salariati, in: Strutture familiari, epidemie, migrazioni nell’Italia medievale, ed. Rinaldo COMBA / Gabriella PICCINNI / Giuliano PINTO (Nuove ricerche di storia 2), Naples 1984, pp. 435–450, here p. 435, based on Carmelo TRASSELLI, Sulla popolazione di Palermo nei secoli XIII–XIV, in: Economia e Storia. Rivista italiana di storia economica e sociale 11 (1964), pp. 329–344. Henri BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century: Urban Economy and Trade, in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 235–268, here p. 236.

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habitants. Then Naples overtook Palermo in a decisive way and must have had at least 150,000 inhabitants at the end of the 15th century.10 Three existing tax lists and population censuses of the 15th century, studied and published by Raffaele Starrabba11, Antonino Giuffrida12 and Armando Di Pasquale13, give us precise data about two of the five districts of Palermo, the Kalsa and the Cassaro. The first one had between 4,000 and 5,000 inhabitants and the second one between 2,000 and 3,000. From this, a total city population of between 20,000 and 25,000 can be estimated. To this has to be added people who were living temporarily in the city, the “floating population” as it has been defined by Pietro Corrao.14 As a comparison, you can note that actually, the former area of medieval Palermo (inside the walls), consists of about two hundred hectares of land15, and has a population of circa 22,000 persons.16 The decline of the population was provoked by three main factors. Of course, the plague, arrived on the island in the autumn of 1347.17 The first effects were described by the chronicle of Michele da Piazza18 as having dealt a blow to the population of the whole island between the 14th and the 15th centuries19, creating what Henri Bresc has defined as “villes-cimetières” (“cemetery-cities”).20 Then, the long war following the Sicilian Vespers in 1282 not only devastated parts of the island, but also had consequences for the local society and population. One of those consequences was the famine, social unrest and armed struggles which affected Palermo very frequently following the death of King Frederick III in 1337.21 This was to the extent that the sources of the middle and second half of the 14th century (and also of the early part of the 15th century) often give us an image of a city in ruins with its population reduced to poverty. But, if we observe the case of Palermo in the long perspective as a historical process, we 10 11 12

13 14 15 16 17 18

19 20 21

BELOCH, Bevölkerungsgeschichte (as n. 6), pp. 169–171. Raffaele STARRABBA, Censimento della popolazione di Palermo fatto nel 1479, in: Nuove effemeridi siciliane 2 (1870), pp. 269–272. Antonino GIUFFRIDA, “Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro”. Note sul quartiere del Cassaro et Palermo nella prima metà del secolo XV, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge-Temps Modernes 83 (1971), pp. 439–482. Armando DI PASQUALE, Palermo nel 1480. La popolazione del quartiere della Kalsa, Palermo 1975. CORRAO, La popolazione fluttuante (as n. 8). BELOCH, Bevölkerungsgeschichte (as n. 6), p. 119. Panormus. Annuario di statistica del Comune di Palermo 2011, ed. Unità di Staff Statistica. Sistema Statistico Nazionale, Palermo 2012, p. 73. Illuminato PERI, La Sicilia dopo il vespro. Uomini città e campagne, 1282–1376 (Biblioteca Universale Laterza 304), 2nd ed. Rome 1990, pp. 171f. Michele da Piazza, Cronaca, ed. Antonino GIUFFRIDA (Fonti per la storia di Sicilia 3), Palermo 1980, pp. 82f. and 84–87. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 2), pp. 81–87. Ibidem, p. 87. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), for example p. 14, 17, 27 and pp. 33–37. These difficulties persisted in the middle of the 15th Century: see Fabrizio TITONE, Il tumulto popularis del 1450. Conflitto politico e società urbana a Palermo, in: Archivio storico italiano 163 (2005), pp. 43–86, especially pp. 64f.

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should go back to 1212 when Frederick II left the city to undertake his journey to Germany. In fact, the Royal Court never returned to Palermo which caused the political peripheralisation of the city and afterwards, in the 14th century, the kings preferred to reside in eastern Sicily.22 So, the first point to note is that the city suffered from a negative trend during the period of time we are observing which had consequences on its urban and social structures. Though, at the point of departure, in the 12th and 13th centuries, there was a quite intense period of urbanisation. This process began under Norman rule when the city was (at it was said by Henri Bresc), an “empty shell” that was to be repopulated.23 This was carried out with a great intensity under Frederick II and his sons when the logistical demands of a new population (brought into the city from the rebel centres of eastern Sicily) required the acquisition of space for the building of houses and stores.24 However, most of this development took place without the direct intervention of the public authority and was the result of actions that were undertaken by the major landowners (mostly churches and monasteries) who parcelled out their agricultural land in the city and rented it to individuals who then built houses and stores. In fact, at the end of the Middle Ages, the percentage of people who were not owners but tenants of their houses was very high in Palermo. Then, from the Aragonese era, the process collapsed resulting in the abandonment of buildings in favour of agricultural land in some parts of the city.25 Despite this, Palermo always remained the biggest city of the island26 and consistently contained some ten percent of its whole population.27 The existing literature gives us a precise idea of the formation of the urban space in Palermo. The nucleus of the city was the area of Cassaro, flanked by the rivers Kemonia and Papireto28, and surrounded by walls29, which followed those of Punic and Roman Palermo. Indeed, some of the cityʾs roads dated back to the 4th century.30 However, from the Islamic period onwards, the urban fabric exceeded the limits of the first fortified urban core. Under the Fatimids a new fortified “habitat” of al-ḫāliṣa was constructed and then, under the Kalbid dynasty, three ḥārāt (large urban areas with surrounding walls) were added.31 The 22 23 24

25 26 27 28 29 30

31

BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century (as n. 9), p. 236. IDEM, In ruga que arabice dicitur zucac (as n. 2), pp. 155f. See the order given by King Manfred in May 1256 and its application in benefice of the new settlers in October of the same year in Kristjan TOOMASPOEG, Les Teutoniques en Sicile (1197– 1492) (Collection de l’École française de Rome 321), Rome 2003, doc. n. 116, pp. 596–597. BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century (as n. 9), p. 236. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), p. 9. CORRAO, La popolazione fluttuante (as n. 8), p. 435. Vivien PRIGENT, Palermo in the Eastern Roman Empire, in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 11–38, here p. 26. On the old walls of Cassaro, see for example Rosario LA DUCA, Norme edilizie nella Palermo del Trecento, in: ROCCARO, Palermo medievale (as n. 4), pp. 19–30, here pp. 27–30. Elena PEZZINI, Palermo in the 12th Century: Transformations in forma urbis, in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 195–232, here p. 196. See Alessandra BAGNERA, From a Small Town to a Capital: the Urban Evolution of Islamic

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definitive formation of the urban space took place in Norman times, with the construction of a new and more extensive city wall, which surrounded all the settlements.32 The city was divided, officially from Anjou times33, into a series of districts34 among which the most important were: Cassaro (including also the sub-quarter of Galca where the royal palace was located), the Cathedral and the surroundings of the big central street ruga Marmorea (more or less today’s Corso Vittorio Emanuele) until the Piazza Marina, then Kalsa (the former headquarter of the Fatimid rulers combined with the quarter of ḥārat al-jadīda or Hartilgidie), then Albergaria and the initially quite rural Seralcadi. In between, at the junction of Seralcadi, Cassaro and Kalsa, was the district of Porta Patitellorum, known later as Conciaria (“tannery”) which contained some vital institutions of the city, like the big slaughterhouse of Vucciria35 and also the residences and shops of many foreign merchants. The “points of gravity” of the city changed over time: Cassaro36 lost some of its importance after the final departure of Frederick II from Sicily and the Kalsa became a new centre of the city under the rule of the Chiaramonte, in the 14th century. Furthermore, Kalsa (located between the Porta dei Greci gate, the city walls between Porta dei Greci and Porta di Termini, the Feravecchia square and the great Platea Marittima square – Piazza Marina) is today the best studied medieval district of Palermo.37 It has also been noted that the commercial zones of the city (originally concentrated in the surroundings of the port, in the Pisans

32 33 34

35

36

37

Palermo (9th–mid-11th Century), in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 61– 88. On the defensive walls of Palermo, see Franco D’ANGELO, Le mura della Palermo del Trecento, in: ROCCARO, Palermo medievale (as n. 4), pp. 47–64. E. Igor MINEO, Palermo in the 14th–15th Century: the Urban Society, in NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 269–296, here p. 271. An exhaustive description of the city structures can be found in the basic works of Salvatore MORSO, Descrizione di Palermo antico ricavata sugli autori sincroni e i monumenti de’ tempi, Palermo 1827; Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, La topografia antica di Palermo dal secolo X al XV, Palermo 1889. An updated study in: BRESC / BRESC-BAUTIER, Palerme 1070–1492. Mosaïque de peuples (as n. 2); Franco D’ANGELO / Vladimir ZORIC, La città di Palermo nel Medioevo (Scrinium. Quaderni e estratti di Schede medievali 11), Palermo 2002; Franco D’ANGELO, Palermo alla fine del Duecento e inizi del Trecento. Contrade e chiese dei quartieri della città desunte dai documenti d’archivio, in: Contrade e chiese nella Palermo medievale (Schede medievali 34–35), Palermo 1999, pp. 7–29; PEZZINI, Palermo in the 12th Century (as n. 30). About Conciaria, see Beatrice PASCIUTA, La nuova espansione dei quartieri a mare dalle imbreviature di Bartolomeo de Citella, in: ROCCARO, Palermo medievale (as n. 4), pp. 141–167, here pp. 146–154. See GIUFFRIDA, Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro (as n. 12); Simona SCIBILIA, Palermo negli atti del notaio Bartolomeo de Citella: il Cassaro, l’Albergheria e le contrade fuori porta, in: ROCCARO, Palermo medievale (as n. 4), pp. 131–140. DI PASQUALE, Palermo nel 1480 (as n. 13); Giovanna CASSATA / Evelina DE CASTRO / Maria M. DE LUCA (Ed.), Il quartiere della Kalsa a Palermo. Dalle architetture civili e religiose delle origini alle attuali articolate realtà museali. Atti del ciclo di conferenze e attività di aggiornamento per docenti, Palermo, Galleria Interdisciplinare Regionale della Sicilia di Palazzo Abatellis gennaio–maggio 2012, Palermo 2013.

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Street, in Porta Patitellorum and in the actual sub-quarter of Ballarò), spread out in the 15th century into the other quarters, mainly in the Albergaria. In contrast, the Kalsa and the Piazza Marina were transformed into more “residential” areas.38 A good testimony of this change is contained in the circa 1456 to 1460 list of tenants of the houses of the Teutonic Order in Palermo. This mentions fiftyseven houses, many of them of considerable size, being held by certain important figures of the society. These were located in Kalsa (mostly on the ground of the big garden of Hartilgidie) and parcelled and rented out by the Teutonic Knights. In Conciaria there are another twelve houses, mostly of significant value, while the 28 buildings of Cassaro, the 34 of Albergaria and the 25 of Seralcadi belonged to the more modest categories of living houses, taverns, shops and gardens.39 The history of 14th and 15th century Palermo leaves us with a quite paradoxical image. The city, even if it was suffering from important demographic decline, had been the object of several urban projects which were not always fully concluded.40 Above all, there was a new centralisation of the local power centres that followed the building of the Palazzo Pretorio41 and of the church of St Anthony in Conciaria (with its tower serving as main landmark of the city)42 in the first half of the 14th century. This process was particularly intensified in the following century after the difficulties suffered under the Chiaramonte had left a big part of the city that include the Royal Palace, Palazzo Steri and the Castello a Mare in ruins.43 Just to take some examples, in 1429 all the slaughterhouses of the city were united in a Macellum magnum in Conciaria.44 In 1431 the new Great Hospital was founded which, from 1457, united a series of smaller hospitals.45 At the same time, between 1431 and 1443, all the prostitutes of the city had to work in a unique official brothel (lu burdellu) that was built in the Conciaria (a commercial area close to the port)46, at the expense of the city and rented to a Catalan butcher.47 Then, between 1458 and 1472, important works were carried out like the rebuilding of Palazzo Pretorio, the construction of the new palace of the 38 39

40 41 42

43 44 45 46 47

BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century (as n. 9), p. 258. Kristjan TOOMASPOEG, Terra, uomini e denaro. Un inedito censuale siciliano del Quattrocento, in: Annali dell’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici 27 (2012–2013), pp. 379–456, here pp. 385– 388. Henri BRESC, Spazio e potere nella Palermo medievale, in: ROCCARO, Palermo medievale (as n. 4), pp. 7–18, here p. 17. Ibidem, pp. 12f. Vincenzo D’ALESSANDRO, Città e società urbane in Sicilia fra XIII e XV secolo. Aspetti socioculturali, in: CASAMENTO / GUIDONI, Le città medievali dell’Italia meridionale e insulare (as n. 5), pp. 51–57, here p. 53. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), p. 345. BRESC, Spazio e potere (as n. 40), p. 16. D’ALESSANDRO, Città e società urbane (as n. 42), p. 55. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), p. 444. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 2), p. 753.

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archbishop and the extension of the Piazza Marina which retains almost the same dimensions in today’s Palermo.48 The new “points of gravity” of the city also included also an Archiepiscopium (the clerical quarter near the cathedral)49 and were related to the itineraries conntected to the royal entrances and other such processions.50 Palermo had two main types of urban structures and “habitat” that were well documented by the notary acts and by the existing population census of the 15th century. The most ancient part of the city, especially the Cassaro district, was based on a dense network of small streets originally called by their Arabic name zucac and later known as vanelle and ruge, which were linked to darb (“inner courts”) that were surrounded by buildings and which were accessible from only one or two entrances.51 Today, an example of this kind of area can be seen near the former Hospitaller church of San Giovanni alla Guilla which was originally located in a very marshy area with unhealthy living conditions near the river Papireto.52 Besides these structures existed the new streets and squares, the ruge, ruge magne and platee. A good example of medieval city planning is given by the case of the Via Alloro in the Kalsa district. The street, known as ruga Alamannorum or ruga nova de Alamannis, was created mostly on the grounds of the Teutonic Order, rented to private tenants, and, in the 15th century, ended up as the residence of some of the most powerful men in Palermo. At the end of the 1450s, these included three former praetors of the city, Stefano de Ponte, Jaymus Paruta and Tommaso de Giliberto, Onorio Garofalo Junior (a member of the Senate of Palermo), Antoni Sin (the Treasurer of the Crown) and the jurist and Royal Officer Bernat Pinos.53 Several other similar cases are known that mostly relate to the actions of specific groups of the population. For example, the ruga Pisanorum or strata seu ruga logie Pisanorum54 (today’s Via Alessandro Paternostro), connected to the ruga Alamannorum through the important market place of Feravecchia or platea Asinorum55 (the actual Piazza Rivoluzione), was considered, in 1420, to be one of the “most important and most beautiful” streets of Palermo.56 To these can be added streets like ruga Centorbi or ruga Miney which refer to the provenance 48 49 50 51 52

53 54 55

56

MINEO, Palermo in the 14th–15th Century (as n. 33), p. 295. BRESC, Spazio e potere (as n. 40), p. 12. Ibidem, pp. 10f. See IDEM, In ruga que arabice dicitur zucac (as n. 2). See the descriptions of this specific area in DI GIOVANNI, La topografia antica (as n. 34), pp. 297–298; Gaspare PALERMO, Guida istruttiva per Palermo e i suoi dintorni, Palermo 1858, pp. 611f.; Vincenzo DI GIOVANNI, Palermo Restaurato, ed. Mario GIORGIANNI / Antonio SANTAMAURA, Palermo 1989, p. 64. TOOMASPOEG, Terra, uomini e denaro (as n. 39), pp. 397–398. PASCIUTA, La nuova espansione (as n. 35), p. 143. BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century (as n. 9), p. 247; PASCIUTA, La nuova espansione (as n. 35), p. 157. BRESC, Spazio e potere (as n. 40), p. 11.

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of their inhabitants who settled here from eastern Sicily. Most of those streets had their origins in the 13th century and were sometimes related to the urban projects undertaken by Frederick II and his sons. At the same time, as it is well documented by the fiscal sources of the 15th century as well as by many earlier notary acts, several smaller streets and squares (especially in the Cassaro’s dense net of zuzac and darb) took the names of some of their important inhabitants. Let us take the case of Onorio Garofalo (junior) who lived in the 1440s and 50s with his loyalists in the Cassaro on a street bearing his own name ruga Honoriu Galofaru.57 There are many other similar examples.58 As a result of different “typologies” of urbanisation, of the consequences of demographic collapse, of the displacement and reorganisation of centres of power and economy and of the usual division between the residential-commercial and more humble quarters (including those dedicated to the activities such as tanning leather) the city had quite a variegated aspect. Already in the 12th century, as it has been affirmed by Elena Pezzini, the private housing of Palermo presented a far from uniform prospect.59 There are many testimonies of big palaces, some of them like the Palazzo Abatellis, still existing and many others of small houses with only the ground floor.60 The transformation of the urban space, strictly supervised by the municipal authorities61, sometimes ensured that the coexistence of these different areas was difficult. Just to give an example: In 1449 Jaymus Paruta, a noble of Tuscan origin and an inhabitant of Kalsa in a house that belonged to the Teutonic Order, asked the permission of the city council to demolish the humble houses near to his palace “for the dignity and the beauty of the city”.62 The inner life of some of those buildings, like the noble palaces and the shops and stores of the artisans, can today be reconstructed thanks to the publication and in-depth study of the late medieval Sicilian inventories realised recently by Geneviève Bresc-Bautier and Henri Bresc.63 Since the Norman times, Palermo was one of the most cosmopolitan cities of Europe with a rather heterogeneous population. Following the numerous waves of immigration and dynastic changes, in which the ancient élites were sup57 58

59

60 61 62 63

GIUFFRIDA, Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro (as n. 12), p. 463 and 472; TOOMASPOEG, Terra, uomini e denaro (as n. 39), p. 397, 402, 431. See, for Cassaro, the street list and map in GIUFFRIDA, Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro (as n. 12), pp. 462–463, with toponyms like ruga domini Iohanni de Calvellis or vanella di Bertinu Imperaturi. PEZZINI, Palermo in the 12th Century (as n. 30), p. 221. See also EADEM, Alcuni problemi relativi all’uso delle fonti notarili per lo studio dell’edilizia privata a Palermo (fine XIII prima metà XIV secolo), in: CASAMENTO / GUIDONI, Le città medievali dell’Italia meridionale e insulare (as n. 5), pp. 201–223. Angela MAZZÉ, Tipi edilizi nel paesaggio urbano della Sicilia medievale, in: ibidem, pp. 100– 120, here p. 109. See LA DUCA, Norme edilizie (as n. 29), an exhaustive study based on the statutes and deliberations of the city. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 2), p. 755. Geneviève BRESC-BAUTIER / Henri BRESC, Une maison de mots. Inventaires de maisons, de boutiques, d’ateliers et de châteaux de Sicile. XIIIe–XIVe siècles, Palermo 2014.

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planted but not eliminated, the city was a melting-pot where everybody had diverse origins without a dominating “mainstream” majority.64 But, from the 13th century, it was no more the Norman Palermo where there had coexisted several ethnic and religious minorities – it had essentially become a “Latin” and catholic melting-pot. In fact, as it has been noted by Igor Mineo, the city had not lost its pluralism but “its meaning had altered” as the Muslims had disappeared and the Greeks had been largely absorbed into the society.65 There is, naturally, an exception that is represented by the local Jewish community. I do not dwell on this issue as it has been studied by many authors 66, in alphabetical order, from David Abulafia67 to Leopold Zunz.68 Indeed, the subject has been the object of a chapter of the book of Patrizia Sardina on Palermo in the second half of the 14th century69, of the PhD thesis of Mariuccia Krasner on the Jews of Palermo in the 15th century70 and of papers written by Luciana Pepi71 and by Giuseppe Mandalà.72 Instead, what has to be examined is the question of if there was an exclusively “Jewish” quarter in the city. As affirmed by all the authors, there existed no ghetto in Palermo and the Jews lived in several parts of the city.73 Yet, there was a Iudaica straddling the quarters of Cassaro and Albergheria which contained the great synagogue74, ritual baths, slaughterhouses75 64 65 66

67 68

69 70

71 72 73

74 75

See the very stimulating approach in BRESC / BRESC-BAUTIER, Palerme 1070–1492. Mosaïque de peuples (as n. 2). MINEO, Palermo in the 14th–15th Century (as n. 33), pp. 270f. The basic works on Jews in Sicily remain Henri BRESC, Arabi per lingua, ebrei per religione. L’evoluzione dell’ebraismo siciliano in ambiente latino dal XII al XV secolo, Messina 2001; Shlomo SIMONSOHN, The Jews in Sicily, 18 vols., Leiden / Boston 1997–2010 and IDEM, Between Scylla and Charybdis. The Jews of Sicily (Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies 43), Leiden / Boston 2011. See for example, David ABULAFIA, La comunità di Sicilia dagli arabi all’espulsione, in: Storia d’Italia, Annali 11: Gli ebrei in Italia, ed. Corrado VIVANTI, Turin 1996, pp. 47–83. Leopold ZUNZ, Storia degli Ebrei in Sicilia, in: Archivio Storico Siciliano nov. ser. 4 (1879), pp. 69–113. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), chapter VIII, Melior et maior omnibus aliis iudariis regni, pp. 401–425. Mariuccia BEVILACQUA KRASNER, La comunità ebraica palermitana nel XV secolo attraverso uno studio sui documenti notarili, PhD thesis, University of Tel Aviv 2002; see also her papers on the issue of Jews in Sicily, like EADEM, L’onomastica degli ebrei di Palermo nei secoli XIV e XV: nuove prospettive di ricerca, in: Materia Giudaica. Rivista dell’Associazione Italiana per lo Studio del Giudaismo 11/1–2 (2006), pp. 97–112. Luciana PEPI, Gli ebrei a Palermo nel Medioevo, in: ROCCARDO, Palermo medievale (as n. 4), pp. 141–160. Giuseppe MANDALÀ, The Jews of Palermo from Late Antiquity to the Expulsion (598–1492– 93), in: NEF, A Companion to Medieval Palermo (as n. 1), pp. 437–485. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), p. 402; PEPI, Gli ebrei a Palermo (as n. 71), p. 150; MANDALÀ, The Jews of Palermo (as n. 72), p. 479. On the topography of the Jewish settlement in Palermo, see IDEM, The Jews of Palermo (as n. 72), pp. 475–480. PEPI, Gli ebrei a Palermo (as n. 71), pp. 151–152. See for example Michele LUZZATI, Carne “cristiana” e carne “ebraica”: la bocciaria della judaica di Palermo, in: Ebrei e Sicilia, ed. Nicolò BUCARIA / Michele LUZZATI / Angela TARANTINO, Palermo 2002, pp. 135f.

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and other institutions of the community which might have offered some security to its members during the periods of overt anti-Semitism. Many Jews of Palermo rented the houses from the Teutonic Order. This made the Jews, by consequence, a part of the group of familiars of this German institution.76 As not all the Jews lived in the Iudaica, it is difficult to evaluate the size of their community. A number of 2,000 to 3,000 persons has been proposed which equates to roughly ten percent of the population of the city.77 But, this could only include the Jewish inhabitants of Cassaro and of its surroundings. In the beginning of the 14th century King Frederick III ordered the expulsion of the Jews from Cassaro which seems to have provoked a depopulation of a big part of the district. Here, in 1312, the king facilitated the granting of Palermitan citizenship on the new (Christian) settlers78 and, in 1334, the Corleonese were encouraged to settle down in Cassaro.79 Despite this, both the fiscal and the notary sources of the 15th century prove that this expulsion had only temporary effects. Another ancient minority group were the Arabs of orthodox religion who were a very specific phenomenon of Norman Palermo. These were already latinised in the late Middle Ages but conserved (in some cases) the memory of their origins (as it was shown by Annliese Nef80, Giuseppe Mandalà and Marcello Moscone81) and, even in the 15th century, some families of Palermo could refer to their ancient Greek or Arabic past. However, it was only a small minority in a new urban society. The chapters of the City Customs (statutes) still dealt with issues like the interdiction to the “Saracens” to witness against Christians in the court82, the validity of the acts redacted by Arabic, Jewish or Greek notaries83, the Greek dowry system and the mixed marriages between Greeks and Latins.84 However, these were, in some cases, a reminiscence of the past and, in others, concerned mostly the non-permanent inhabitants of the city. 76

77 78 79 80

81

82

83 84

Kristjan TOOMASPOEG, L’Ordine Teutonico in Sicilia. Una minoranza fra le altre, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 85 (2005), pp. 104–126; IDEM, Les Allemands, les juifs et les musulmans en Sicile : exemple d’une cohabitation médiévale, in: Chrétiens, juifs et musulmans dans la Méditerranée médiévale. Études en hommage à Henri Bresc, ed. Benoît GRÉVIN / Annliese NEF / Emanuelle TIXIER, Paris 2008, pp. 115–130. GIUFFRIDA, Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro (as n. 12), pp. 449f. Michele DE VIO, Felicis et fidelissimae urbis Panormitanae selecta aliquot Privilegia, Palermo 1706, p. 43. Ibidem, p. 138f. Annliese NEF / Henri BRESC, Les mozarabes de Sicile (1100–1300), in: Cavalieri alla conquista del Sud. Studi sull’Italia normanna in memoria di Léon-Robert Ménager, ed. Errico CUOZZO / Jean-Marie MARTIN, Bari 1998, pp. 134–156. Giuseppe MANDALÀ / Marcello MOSCONE, Tra latini, greci e ‘arabici’: ricerche su scrittura e cultura a Palermo fra XII e XIII secolo, in: Segno e testo. International Journal of Manuscripts and Text Transmission 7 (2009), pp. 143–238. Raccolta delle consuetudini siciliane con introduzioni ed illustrazioni storico-giuridiche, ed. Luigi SICILIANO VILLANUEVA (Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia II ser. 4), vol. 1, Palermo 1894, pp. 229–233. Ibidem, pp. 300–303. Ibidem, pp. 359–365.

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Therefore, in 1500, Palermo cannot be considered as the “mosaic of peoples” that it had been in the 12th century and was mostly, with the exception of an important Jewish community, a Latin and a Catholic city. Yet, this did not mean that the city had lost its pluralism85 and there was a continuous influx of new inhabitants from Italy, the Iberian Peninsula and elsewhere. This process had begun in the Norman times with the apparition of “local communities” such as those that had been formed by the natives of Amalfi.86 One of the most relevant “groups of origin” was formed in Palermo by the Tuscans87 who had come, mostly from Pisa, but also from other urban centres from the time of Frederick II. These men entered into the local “middle class”, as jurists and merchants (sometimes also among the nobility) and their families maintained their position into the 15th century. It is enough to take the case of Ruggero Mastrangelo. One of the chiefs of the insurrection of the Sicilian Vespers in 1282, Mastrangelo was one of the most powerful men of the kingdom. Equally, Mastrangelo came from a family of Tuscan origin.88 At the same time, there was a constant arrival of new people coming from Tuscany during the 14th and 15th century.89 Here, there are many examples of their insertion into the society and of the formation of new families of the urban elite. So, in the case of La Grua (a family of merchants from Pisa), they arrived in Sicily sometime after 1330. To this family belonged Ubertino La Grua, Captain of Palermo and highranking officer of the court of Kings Martin I and Martin II at the end of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th centuries.90 The immigration of Pisans was further accelerated after the conquest of the city by Florence in 1406.91 The Pisans were followed by other Tuscans, especially from Florence but also by “Lombards” of today’s Piemonte, Genoese, Venetians, Neapolitans and then particularly by Catalans.92 It would be, however, quite hard to list all the existing minority groups of the city. This is because you have to add to those coming from the other parts of the Italian Peninsula or Europe (like Genoa, Ischia, Marseille, Naples, Narbonne93) and also the internal migrations. In fact, there was always, since the Norman times, a constant afflux of settlers and temporary workers from the island. This process followed quite complicated pat85 86 87 88

89 90 91 92

93

MINEO, Palermo in the 14th–15th Century (as n. 33), pp. 270f. See CORRAO, La popolazione fluttuante (as n. 8), p. 438 and n. 9. See for example PASCIUTA, La nuova espansione (as n. 35), p. 157. Laura SCIASCIA, Per una storia di Palermo nel Duecento (e dei toscani in Sicilia): la famiglia di Ruggero Mastrangelo, in: “Come l’orco della fiaba”. Studi per Franco Cardini, ed. Marina MONTESANO (Millennio medievale 87. Strumenti e studi nov. ser. 27), Florence 2010, pp. 581– 593. See Giuseppe PETRALIA, Banchieri e famiglie mercantili nel Mediterraneo aragonese: l’emigrazione dei pisani in Sicilia nel Quattrocento, Pisa 1989. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), pp. 239–258. D’ALESSANDRO, Città e società urbane (as n. 42), p. 51. See the works published in Marco TANGHERONI (Ed.), Commercio, finanza, funzione pubblica: stranieri in Sicilia e Sardegna nei secoli XIII–XV, Naples 1989. BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century (as n. 9), p. 259.

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tern. In the 14th and 15th centuries a major part of Palermo’s new citizens came from western Sicily – from localities like Corleone, Ciminna or Partenico94 – but this immigration concerned the whole territory of the island.95 At this point, some details have to be clarified. At first, the “strangers”, once settled in Palermo, ended up by taking a specific Sicilian or Palermitan identity (e.g. in the case of Ruggero Mastrangelo) which means that a distinction has to be made. In the 15th century, one has to differentiate between the “local” Tuscans, Genoese, Catalans (and others) and the visiting merchants of the same origin who represented the commercial interests of their homelands whose number remained consistent.96 The relations between the local and visiting “strangers” might not have been automatically good. As such, the interaction between these persons can be studied only if we do not consider them, by definition, as members of “communities” of foreign origin, but, instead, as members of an urban social stratum. Palermo, especially since the insurrection of the Vespers of 1282, was not an oasis of peace and the existing sources leave us with an image of a restless and violent urban landscape. But, there are only two cases of what we could call interethnic or interreligious violence. At first, the Jewish community of the city was under attack during the crises of the 14th century; in 1339 and in 1348.97 Then, in 1348, there was a revolt of the “Latins” against the “Catalans”.98 In the first case, their motivations were religious, in the second, political and economic: the issue of unrest was not related to the difficulties of cohabitation. In fact, during these and later times, the political factions of the city (like those supporting and those opposing the Chiaramonte family) were not formed according to the more or less distant origins of the persons and their families. At the end of the 14th century there were, for example, Tuscans and particularly families from Pisa both in the side of Chiaramonte and of the King, Martin I. However, the power struggles for the domination of the city affected the old urban elites and caused a certain renewal of the local leadership so that some “old” families were substituted with “new” ones. Therefore, rather than framing the debate in terms of “closed communities” or “minorities” (of course with the logical excemption of the Jews), it is more useful to view the families of the urban elite as being comprised of groups of various origins. Unlike in the Norman times, the origin of 13th and 15th century groups became fluid and, as it has been noted, it is not possible to talk about “national” streets in the cases of place names like ruga de Lipari99, ruga Pisa94 95 96 97 98 99

CORRAO, La popolazione fluttuante (as n. 8), p. 444. See for example the map in: ibidem, p. 447. For example, only in March–April 1350, 53 merchants from Liguria were present in Palermo: ibidem, p. 439. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), p. 403. A list of major aggressions committed in Sicily against Jews is available in BRESC, Arabi per lingua (as n. 66), p. 91. SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3), pp. 19f. Patrizia SARDINA, Ceti dirigenti, società ed economia del quartiere Kalsa nei secoli XIV e XV,

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norum, ruga Alamannorum or Amalphitania.100 There were also shared spaces.101 Among them, the buildings of the local municipal administration, but also, as a very special case, the church of St Francis. The new church was built up at the very beginning of the 14th century in the district of Kalsa102 and quickly became the sacred space of the entire urban ruling class103 – in some cases as a substitute for the “national” churches of the Pisans or Catalans. In fact, among the persons buried in St Francis, we find representatives of almost every “group of origins” present in the city: Amalfitans, Catalans, Genoese and Pisans.104 The quoted population census of the 15th century gives us the image of a melting-pot with people living in the same street not because of their origins, but, sometimes, for economical and social reasons like when they belonged to the familiares of some rich and powerful men. The social and economic stratification of the population of Palermo is well documented by the sources and there was also a certain tension between the different groups of inhabitants which could explode in form of an insurrection. Fabrizio Titone has examined this point of view in the case of the revolt of 1450 where a distinction can be made between the powerful gentilomini, the mercatores, the borgesi and the magistri.105 As in all the other European cities, the notion of “people”, populus, remains, in Palermo, quite undefined and imprecise.106 While the urban society of Palermo had undergone many radical changes since the Norman times, the economic basis of the city has always stayed the same. On one hand, the commercial activities of the port were always relevant. On the other, the hinterland of Palermo had an essential role in its economy.107 The city ruled over huge agricultural estates in the underpopulated western part of Sicily in an area that extended until Corleone at the least (which was a source of revenues for many local entrepreneurs).108 At the same time, the surrounding

100 101

102

103 104 105 106

107 108

in: CASSATA / DE CASTRO / DE LUCA, Il quartiere della Kalsa a Palermo (as n. 37), pp. 15–27, here p. 16. BRESC, Palermo in the 14th and 15th Century (as n. 9), p. 258. IDEM, L’espace public à Palerme, in: Fortifications, portes de villes, places publiques dans le monde méditerranéen, ed. Jacques HEERS (Cultures et civilisations médiévales 4), Paris 1985, pp. 41–65. Mariano D’ALATRI, A proposito dei più antichi insediamenti francescani in Sicilia, in: Francescanesimo e cultura in Sicilia (secc. XIII–XVI). Atti del convegno internazionale di studio, Palermo, 7–12 marzo 1982 (Schede Medievali 12–13), Palermo 1987, pp. 25–35, here p. 34. MINEO, Palermo in the 14th–15th Century (as n. 33), p. 287. SARDINA, Ceti dirigenti (as n. 99), p. 17. TITONE, Il tumulto popularis del 1450 (as n. 21), especially pp. 50–55. Salvatore TRAMONTANA, Palermo e la sua immagine, in: Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, ed. Errico CUOZZO / Vincent DÉROCHE / Annick PETERS-CUSTOT et al. (Collège de France-CNRS. Centre de recherche d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance. Monographies 30), Paris 2008, pp. 711–730, here p. 723. This dualism already existed in the Byzantine era: PRIGENT, Palermo in the Eastern Roman Empire (as n. 28), p. 30. On this issue is largely dedicated BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 2). As for Corleone, its economy and population see Iris MIRAZITA, Corleone: ultimo Medioevo, eredità spirituali e patrimoni terreni, Palermo 2006.

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fertile plain of Palermo, the Conca d’Oro, was exploited by the citizens in a very intense way.109 The difference between the Norman and the later times is the introduction and extension of some crops, especially sugar. A huge quantity of sources, largely, but not exclusively, notary acts, record the exploitation of the hinterland by the population of the city. If we take, for example, the case of the Teutonic Order (one of the major land owners in those territories), we note the application of different forms of agriculture that ranged from the semi-direct management of the cereals and livestock (through the socalled mezzadria) to the location, in small parcels, of the vineyards, olive groves and gardens.110 The high degree of urbanisation of these areas is also reflected in their administration: the Teutonic Knights, like many others, did not selfadministrate these lands as they did in some other territories like the Capitanata.111 They always raised a monetary rent or percentage. This is in contrast to their other territories where part of the rent was payed in natural products. The possessions list of the Teutonic Order from the 1450s (that I have quoted above) offers many cases of people renting a house in the city and (in the contemporary) more or less important agricultural ground in its surroundings. A quite typical example of this is the noble Nicola Balunga, who rented a big house in Conciaria and a vineyard outside the city in Danisinni.112 At the same time, we also find in the list a group of entrepreneurs like the members of the families of Iarrusso113, Carastono114 and Garofalo, making a fortune with the exploitation of the resources of the plain (especially the sugar plantations). The money could bring a person to nobility, like in the case of the Garofalo family who came from modest origins.115 At the same time, the case of the Teutonic Order allows for a topographic and micro-topographic study of the city territory. For example, the core of the Order’s possessions (the surroundings of the Trinity church in Kalsa) was related to the important market square of Feravecchia through the ruga Alamannorum, while its other properties are documented on the nearby ruga Pisanorum, which is close to the Porta di Termini gate. Then, on the other side of the gate, in the rural areas outside the walls, the knights held lands in the district (contrada) of 109 110

111

112 113 114

115

For a deeper study, see BRESC, Les jardins de Palerme (as n. 2). This issue is widely treated in TOOMASPOEG, Les Teutoniques en Sicile (as n. 24), a further updated analysis in: IDEM (Ed.), La contabilità delle Case dell’Ordine Teutonico in Puglia e in Sicilia nel Quattrocento (Acta Theutonica 2), Galatina 2005, pp. LXXI–CVI. IDEM, Gli insediamenti templari, giovanniti e teutonici nell’economia della Capitanata medievale, in: Federico II e i cavalieri teutonici in Capitanata. Recenti ricerche storiche e archeologiche. Atti del Convegno internazionale, Foggia-Lucera-Pietra Montecorvino, 10–13 giugno 2009, ed. Pasquale FAVIA / Hubert HOUBEN / Kristjan TOOMASPOEG (Acta Theutonica 7), Galatina 2012, pp. 183–214. TOOMASPOEG, Terra, uomini e denaro (as n. 39), p. 421 and 430. GIUFFRIDA, Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro (as n. 12), p. 452 and 470. On the Carastono family see for example D’ALESSANDRO, Città e società urbane (as n. 42), pp. 56f. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 2), p. 237 and 248.

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Porta di Termini, in the surroundings of the Admiral Bridge on the river Oreto, in Dattileto (with a big plantation of date palms nearby), and, around the Order’s Leper Hospital which was dedicated to St John. This quite compact series of possessions was dotted with waterways and watersources and was well relayed to the urban markets. Similar kinds of observations can also be made in other areas of suburban possessions of the Teutonic Order in Palermo and around the city in Danisinni, Zisa, Ucciardone and elsewhere.116 The administration of the hinterland required municipal interventions and regulations. This brings us to one of the key issues of the history of Palermo in the Late Middle Ages. This is precisely the question of urban autonomy which is related to the topic of local power and its representation.117 The issue can be summarised and divided into different phases. At first, the Sicilian Vespers of 1282 had opened a door to the emancipation of the city and, since the first half of the 14th century, under the rule of King Frederick III (1296– 1337)118, the city had acquired a series of important privileges.119 In reality, some of these had already existed in former times. If we leave aside the economic considerations, the most important privilege of Palermo was that of autonomous jurisdiction, i.e., its citizens could not be extracted from the city.120 The concept of citizenship itself had been specified under Frederick III and the most obvious way of obtaining it was to have lived in the city for one year, one month, one week and one day.121 However, there also existed also the possibility of becoming a citizen through marriage.122 The city was also granted quite extensive selfgovernment. From the first half of the 14th century, Palermo had no longer been directly governed by a King’s Officer, a baiulus. Instead, the city had had a more 116 117

118

119

120

121 122

TOOMASPOEG, Les Teutoniques en Sicile (as n. 24), pp. 77–79 and 83–87. The general issue of the municipal autonomy in southern Italy and of its evolutions is too vast to be observed here, the best overview of the topic is given in Francesco CALASSO, La legislazione statutaria dell’Italia meridionale, le basi storiche, le libertà cittadine dalla fondazione del regno all’epoca degli statuti (Biblioteca della Rivista del diritto italiano 3), Rome 1929. See also Fabrizio TITONE, Governements of the Universitates. Urban Communities in Sicily in the 14th and 15th Centuries, Turnhout 2009, which does not examine the specific case of Palermo but offers a ground study on the topic of urban administration and municipal autonomy. For the historical context and some details, see Clifford R. BACKMAN, The Decline and Fall of Medieval Sicily: Politics, Religion, and Economy in the Reign of Frederick III (1296–1337), Cambridge 1995. See the two main collections of privileges and statutes of Palermo DE VIO, Felicis et fidelissimae urbis (as n. 78) and SICILIANO VILLANUEVA, Raccolta delle consuetudini siciliane (as n. 82). This privilege was confirmed as already granted by Frederick II in 1224: DE VIO, Felicis et fidelissimae urbis (as n. 78), pp. 15f., so that it could theoretically go back to the times of the Norman King William II. The first version of the Customs of Palermo, the city statutes, is by the way also known through a confirmation of Frederick II, from 1233, which should refer to the Norman era, see SICILIANO VILLANUEVA, Raccolta delle consuetudini siciliane (as n. 82), p. 87. D’ALESSANDRO, Città e società urbane (as n. 42), p. 52. DE VIO, Felicis et fidelissimae urbis (as n. 78), p. 37 and pp. 176–178; D’ALESSANDRO, Città e società urbane (as n. 42), p. 52.

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independent administration that was composed of a local senate formed by twelfe elected jurati123 and led by the chief of the executive power, a praetor, who was simultaneously at the service of the city and of the king. There was also a series of other local municipal officers.124 Furthermore, all magistrates and officers had to be citizens of Palermo.125 The local administration could profit from the weakness of the kings who succeeded Frederick III, but, from the 1340s, the city fell under the influence and rule of the Chiaramonte family.126 However, the local administration maintained the structures and privileges it had acquired after the Vespers. The Chiaramonte and some other powerful families like the Sclafani acted as protectors of the municipal autonomy of Palermo. Then, at the end of the 14th century, Palermo became subject of the largely strong Aragonese kingship and, in the following century, the administration of the city depended upon a complex process of arbitration that involved the local magistrates, the king (and / or the viceroy) and his officials. The municipal institutions not only had to divide their authority between the king and the Church, but also with the representatives of local communities (like the Jews) whilst also considering the interests of the consulates of foreign merchants.127 Just to give an example, in the 1480s and 90s, the Senate of Palermo had a German member, Johannes Adam. Adam simultaneously represented his own countrymen as “consul of the Germans in Palermo”128, the city as juratus, for he was the executor of the 1480 population census in Kalsa129, and also the Royal Court, in which he acted as a high ranking officer.130 The Late Middle Ages, or more precisely the years between 1200 and 1500, were a transition period in the history of Palermo. This transition can be observed in all fields. These stretch from urban development into art and architecture.131 The slow disappearance of the private and public thermal baths which 123

124 125

126 127 128 129 130 131

See Fabrizio TITONE, I magistrati cittadini. Gli ufficiali scrutinati in Sicilia da Martino I ad Alfonso V (Storia e Cultura di Sicilia 22), Caltanissetta / Rome 2008, p. 9. See also DE VIO, Felicis et fidelissimae urbis (as n. 78), p. 40, 46, 65 and 130. See the list of those officers, with commentary, in: SICILIANO VILLANUEVA, Raccolta delle consuetudini siciliane (as n. 82), pp. 449–493. By order of Frederick III in 1314: DE VIO, Felicis et fidelissimae urbis (as n. 78), pp. 50f. The functioning of the local administration is well documented in the series of edition of the Acta Curie Felicis Urbis Panormi, 12 vols., Palermo 1892–2007, offering sources from 1274 to 1410. On this issue, see always SARDINA, Palermo e i Chiaramonte (as n. 3). See for example BRESC, Spazio e potere (as n. 40), p. 17 Regesta ordinis S. Mariae Theutonicorum 1198–1525, ed. Erich JOACHIM / Walther HUBATSCH, Göttingen 1948–1950, doc. nr. 17608. DI PASQUALE, Palermo nel 1480 (as n. 13), pp. 66f. Regiu locumtenens di conservaturi, see ibidem, p. 66, n. 20. See first of all Geneviève BRESC-BAUTIER, Artistes, patriciens et confréries. Production et consommation de l’œuvre d’art à Palerme et en Sicile occidentale (1348–1460) (Collection de l’École française de Rome 40), Rome 1979, then Marco Rosario NOBILE, Palermo e la Sicilia occidentale, in: Artigrama. Revista del Departamento de Historia del Arte de la Universidad de Zaragoza 23 (2008), pp. 241–264; Aldo CASAMENTO, Palermo nel Trecento: appunti per

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were initially very important in the city life whilst only marginally at the beginning of the modern times can be interpreted as quite a symbolic phenomenon.132 The cosmopolite and multi-confessional Norman capital became an essentially Latin city, with the exception of its Jewish community (even if much of the old heritage was still “bewared”). But, inside this mostly Catholic and Latin environment, the society was, in fact, divided into “groups of origin”; Tuscans, Genoese, Catalans, Sicilians who hailed from several parts of the island amongst other places. The most fortunate of these ended up forming a new municipal elite which was, for some time, dominated by the Tuscans or Genoese and then by the Catalans. Thereby they acquired a specific identity of cives panormitanus. The city benefited from an autonomy that was affected, but not destroyed, by the demographic crisis of the 14th century and which was due mostly to the action of these various “groups of origin”. By the way, we cannot really talk about “closed communities” in the case of Palermo (even if this issue should still be studied in detail). At the same time, the relations between the city and its agricultural hinterland (in western Sicily and in the plain surrounding Palermo) show us a quite efficient organisation that was based on the total domination of the city over the land. For several reasons, Palermo can be considered to be a special case in medieval urban history. At first, the growth and the prosperity of the city was based on the developments of the Early Middle Ages, which began under Byzantine and Arabic rule and was completed by the time of the Norman and Staufen rule. But, from the departure of the Royal Court from the city in 1212, Palermo became a periphery. This situation was definitively aggravated by the economic and political crisis of the 14th century. Unlike many other important European cities, Palermo never recovered from the crisis and maintained only about a half of its original inhabitants. The composition of this population, with its variegated origins and without a dominating majority, is one of the most “original” elements of the city. At the same time, many aspects of the history of Palermo can be compared with the developments experienced by other “western” cities. So, despite the aspiration for local autonomy (even if it was acquired relatively late, in the first half of the 14th century), Palermo never became a “commune” or a signoria comparable to those of northern and central Italy. Instead, Palermo had a system of self-government and ruled over a very extensive agricultural hinterland. The

132

una analisi della “forma Urbis”, in: La città europea nel Trecento. Trasformazioni, monumenti, ampliamenti urbani. Atti del convegno internazionale, Cagliari, 9 e 10 dicembre 2005, ed. Marco CADINU, Rome 2008, pp. 152–161; TRAMONTANA, Palermo e la sua immagine (as n. 106). Laura SCIASCIA, Dal bagno di Entella alla pila di Caterina: immaginario e realtà dei bagni nella Sicilia medievale, in: Bains curatifs et bains hygiéniques en Italie de l’Antiquité au Moyen Âge, ed. Marie GUERIN-BEAUVOIS / Jean-Marie MARTIN (Collection de l’École française de Rome 383), Rome 2007, pp. 309–319.

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inner divisions of the local society, with its social tensions and clashes, are not dissimilar to those of other big cities. The question is, how much the heritage of the multi-cultural Norman era had left its mark on the Palermo of the 14th and 15th century. In the 12th century, the city could still be divided into communities that lived in separate areas and had specific ways of coexistence. In the period of consideration, this coexistence concerned mostly the Jewish inhabitants of the city. For the rest, it was substituted by a very fast integration of new inhabitants. Clashes between the “groups of origin” who formed the local society were, all things considered, relatively rare. Like in most of southern Italy, the abrupt expulsion of the Jewish community at the end of the 15th century marked an important breaking point which could be used, symbolically, to indicate the start of the “modern era”. To those small observations on the history of the city in the last centuries of the Middle Ages shall be added some notes on topics which still have to be explored or studied in more depth. At first, the very rich documentation of the archives of Palermo is only partially edited and known. I make reference especially to the notary acts of the State Archives. Those were catalogued thirty years ago by Henri Bresc133, but there is still a lack of a systematic study and repertory. The situation is evolving regarding the sources of the 14th century thanks to the works of, for example, Beatrice Pasciuta and Marcello Moscone.134 Yet, this study is much less advanced for the following century. There exists, of course, a long series of important studies based on this documentation. Yet, what we need is a total and systematic catalogue of those sources. It could take a lifetime for a single scholar to realise such a work, but it could be completed by a group of researchers in less than 10 years. In addition, the nefarious distinction between the medievalists and the “Quattrocentisti” (i.e. the specialists of only the 15th century), which is still present in the Italian tradition, will have served its time and should be definitively abandoned. This could bring, especially in the case of a topic like the history of Palermo, much better results. The same also applies to the collaboration between Sicilian and foreign scholars which should be intensified. Finally, the population of the city of Palermo in the Late Middle Ages deserves an exhaustive prosopographic study. This could be realised once the two conditions I have just mentioned are met. There are excellent examples of these kind of works on the population (especially the elites) of Sicily.135 In the case of Palermo, the best examples are given by the studies on the 15th century popula133 134

135

BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 2), pp. 25–31. Beatrice PASCIUTA, I notai a Palermo nel XIV secolo. Uno studio prosopografico, Soveria Mannelli 1995; Marcello MOSCONE, Notai e giudici cittadini dai documenti originali palermitani di età aragonese (1282–1391) (Archivio di Stato di Palermo. Scuola di Archivistica, Paleografia e Diplomatica. Quaderni. Studi e strumenti 6), Palermo 2008. Pietro CORRAO, Governare un regno. Potere, società e istituzioni in Sicilia fra Trecento e Quattrocento, Naples 1991; E. Igor MINEO, Nobiltà di Stato. Famiglie e identità aristocratiche nel tardo medioevo. La Sicilia, Rome 2001.

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tion census. For example, Antonino Giuffrida’s setting together of the fiscal sources and the coeval notary documents.136 This has also been seen through certain studies on single communities within the city’s population. To this could also be added a topographic study of the urban space that is based on both the archival documents and the archaeological field research. Thus, even if a lot of research remains uncompleted, it is evident that Palermo represents a very special case while examining late medieval urban dynamics. Even when suffering from a negative demographic trend, the city offers an example of an urban society without a dominating majority and composed of persons with variegated origins. The interaction between these “groups of origin” (which cannot be considered as closed communities) allowed Palermo to acquire a municipal autonomy and to build up a local economy that was based on the total domination of the city upon the surrounding rural areas. At the same time, the last centuries of the Middle Ages were a period of transition for Palermo from the “multicultural” and plurireligious Norman city to a mostly Latin melting-pot in the Aragonese times.

136

GIUFFRIDA, Lu quarteri di lu Cassaro (as n. 12), p. 450.

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Fig. Palermo from the 13th to the 15th century (BRESC / BRESC-BAUTIER, Palerme 1070–1492. Mosaïque de peuples [as n. 2], S. 251)

HADRIEN PENET

Les communautés marchandes de Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge (c. 1250–c. 1500) [M]ultitudo advenarum qui a diversis mundi partibus in eandem civitatem, quasi in centro positam, confluunt.

Cette formule, extraite d’un acte de Charles d’Anjou de 12721, suggère que Messine fut à la fin du XIIIe siècle un port de première importance et un point de convergence des trafics méditerranéens. Pourtant, une doxa historiographique tenace a induit pendant longtemps les historiens à sous-estimer le rôle de Messine dans le grand commerce méditerranéen médiéval. L’ouvrage fondateur de G. Yver, publié en 1903, définit ainsi la cité du détroit comme une simple escale pour les marchands d’Italie du Nord. Le rôle joué par les marchands du Mezzogiorno y serait très secondaire, à l’exception notable de celui des Amalfitains.2 Les études de G. Heyd et A. Schaube relevaient tout de même que Messine n’était pas qu’une simple étape de passage pour les marchands étrangers, mais qu’elle constituait aussi un centre de commerce actif, en particulier pour les marchandises orientales. Cependant, ces auteurs maintenaient encore les marchands de Messine dans un statut de simples agents de redistribution sur le marché local de marchandises importées par des étrangers.3 De nombreux travaux ont par la suite repris cette vision des villes d’Italie du Sud, qui n’auraient jamais été guère plus que de simples ports de transbordement ou d’escale, contrôlés par les marines étrangères.4 Le caractère lacunaire et dispersé des sources messinoises explique en partie ces pesanteurs historiographiques. Jusqu’à la fin du XIVe siècle, en effet, la majeure partie de la documentation est constituée des archives de quelques grands établissements religieux locaux, qui recèlent avant tout des actes fonciers et donnent très peu d’éclairages sur le commerce et les marchands. Le XVe siècle est un peu mieux doté, avec quelques registres de notaires, qui contiennent de nombreux contrats marchands. Mais cette documentation est encore inédite et très peu exploitée.5 1 2 3

4 5

Carmen SALVO, Una realtà urbana nella Sicilia medievale. La società messinese dal Vespro ai Martini (I libri di Erice 17), Rome 1997, p. 19. Georges YVER, Le commerce et les marchands dans l’Italie méridionale au XIIIe et au XIVe siècle, Paris 1903, pp. 181–184. Wilhelm HEYD, Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Âge, Leipzig 1885–1886 ; Adolfo SCHAUBE, Storia del commercio dei popoli latini nel Mediterraneo sino alla fine delle Crociate, Turin 1915. Par exemple Clifford R. BACKMAN, The Decline and Fall of Medieval Sicily. Politics, Religion and Economy in the Reign of Frederick III 1296–1337, Cambridge 1995, p. 106. Les travaux portant sur les marchands messinois à partir des sources locales sont peu nombreux : Maria ALIBRANDI, Messinesi in Levante nel Medioevo, in : Archivio Storico Siciliano

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Depuis les années 1950, divers historiens de la Sicile, au premier rang desquels C. Trasselli, ont toutefois soutenu la thèse d’une participation active des Siciliens dans le commerce avec l’outre-mer.6 Plus récemment, c’est à E. Ashtor7 et surtout à D. Abulafia8, que l’on doit d’avoir mis le plus nettement en lumière le rôle joué par Messine dans le commerce méditerranéen. Le succès de Messine, pour D. Abulafia, repose sur la conjonction de trois facteurs. En premier lieu, la conquête normande puis les Croisades ont conféré à certains ports, dont Messine, un rôle de “ tremplins ” pour les grandes cités commerciales d’Italie du Nord, qui y ont implanté des colonies. En second lieu, Messine a su tirer profit d’un commerce fondé sur l’exportation de productions locales spécialisées, auxquelles les cités du Nord n’avaient pas nécessairement accès : le vin, le bois et le fer d’abord, puis le sucre et la soie à partir de la fin du XVe siècle. À l’instar d’autres “ cités commerciales mineures ”, comme Narbonne ou Ancône, Messine a ainsi pu tisser son propre réseau, en intégrant le grand commerce spécialisé à son “ économie domestique ”. Enfin, le troisième facteur est fondamental : Messine a fait office de “ porte d’entrée ” et de carrefour commercial et administratif du détroit. Cette fonction de plaque-tournante du commerce méridional entre la Sicile et la Calabre aurait joué un rôle essentiel dans le dynamisme économique de la cité. Pour S. R. Epstein, ce facteur aurait d’ailleurs été plus déterminant que l’insertion de Messine dans le commerce international, qu’il juge négligeable.9 Dans ce cadre, étudier les “ communautés marchandes de Messine ” nécessite de s’interroger à la fois sur la présence de communautés marchandes étrangères à Messine, et sur la présence des communautés marchandes de Messine dans les autres ports de la Méditerranée médiévale. Dans un troisième temps, il convient d’analyser les dynamiques et les interactions entre les hommes, les flux et les espaces considérés.

6 7 8

9

21–22 (1971–1972), pp. 97–110 ; Bruno FIGLIUOLO, Pergameni messinesi due-trecentesche relative all’Oriente latino, in : Crusades 13,1 (2014), pp. 211–235 ; IDEM, Lo spazio economico dei mercanti messinesi nel XV secolo (1415–1474), in : Nuova Rivista Storica 93,3 (2013), pp. 757–800. Carmelo TRASSELLI, Sicilia, Levante and Tunisia nei secoli XIV e XV, Trapani 1951. Eliyahu ASHTOR, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton 1983. David ABULAFIA, The Two Italies. Economic Relations Between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought 3,9), Cambridge 1977 ; IDEM, The Merchants of Messina: Levant Trade and Domestic Economy, in : Papers of the British School at Rome 54 (1986), pp. 196–212 ; IDEM, The Levant Trade of the Minor Cities in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries: Strengths and Weaknesses, in : The Medieval Levant. Studies in Memory of Eliyahu Ashtor (1914–1984), éd. Benjamin Z. KEDAR / Abraham L. UDOVITCH (Asian and African Studies 22), Haifa 1988, pp. 183–202. Stephan R. EPSTEIN, An Island for Itself. Economic Development and Social Change in Late Medieval Sicily (Past and Present Publications), Cambridge 1992, en particulier le chapitre 5, pp. 240–267.

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I. Une forte présence étrangère La présence étrangère à Messine est précoce : des Génois10 et des Pisans11 apparaissent dans la documentation dès le début du XIIe siècle, suivis d’Amalfitains12, de Florentins13 et de Vénitiens.14 Au XIIIe siècle, le paysage se diversifie avec l’apparition de marchands vénitiens et marseillais15, puis à partir de la fin du siècle, de sujets de la Couronne d’Aragon (Barcelonais, Valenciens, Majorquins), qui deviennent majoritaires au XVe siècle.16 A côté de ces groupes principaux, Messine attire plus ponctuellement des marchands d’autres cités d’Italie du Nord ou du Centre17, des Anglais (au début du XIIIe 10

11 12

13 14

15

16

17

Les Génois obtiennent des privilèges du pouvoir normand dès 1116 : David ABULAFIA, Pisan Commercial Colonies and Consulates in 12th Century Sicily, in : English Historical Review 93 (1978), pp. 68–81, p. 70 ; IDEM, The Two Italies (comme n. 8), p. 92. Ces privilèges attirent les trafics génois vers Messine, bien attestés à la fin du XIIe siècle dans les actes des notaires ligures : Notai liguri del sec. XII, t. 1 : Oberto Scriba de Mercato (1190), éd. Mario CHIAUDANO / Raimondo MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA, Turin 1938, doc. 207 ; Notai liguri del sec. XII, t. 2 : Guglielmo Cassinese (1190–1192), éd. Margaret W. HALL / Hilmar C. KRUEGER / Robert L. REYNOLDS, t. 2, Turin 1938, doc. 300, doc. 362, doc. 468, doc. 1145, doc. 1203, doc. 1615, doc. 1721. Dès 1129 : ABULAFIA, Pisan Commercial Colonies (comme n. 10), p. 72. En 1172, on note la présence de Ravellus magister Amalphitanorum Messane : HEYD, Histoire du commerce (comme n. 3), p. 183 ; en 1183, il achète à Richard, fils de Richard d’Aversa, un terrain situé dans la fiumara d’Ambuto, à l’ouest de Messine : I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia. Pubblicati nel testo originale, tradotti ed illustrati, ed. Salvatore CUSA, Palerme 1868, n. 145, p. 631. Une rua Florentinorum est connue dès 1193 : Rocco PIRRI, Sicilia sacra disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrata, Palerme 1733, réimpr. 1987, p. 1288. Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI–XII, éd. Raimondo MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA / Antonio LOMBARDO, t. 2, Turin 1940, doc. 217, doc. 278, doc. 279, doc. 299, doc. 337, doc. 377, doc. 553, doc. 578, doc. 611. La riche documentation publiée par Louis Blancard, notamment les contrats du notaire marseillais, Giraud Amalric, de 1248, montre que Messine était une destination régulière des trafics marseillais et une escale obligée du commerce avec le Levant (Documents inédits sur le commerce de Marseille au Moyen Âge, éd. Louis BLANCARD, t. 1, Marseille 1884). Sur une cinquantaine de marchands étrangers que nous pouvons identifier dans la documentation notariée entre 1401 et 1431, plus de 80 % sont des ressortissants de la Couronne d’Aragon, provenant de Cagliari, de Majorque et surtout de Catalogne (Barcelone, Valence, Perpignan, Gérone, Banyoles, Sant Feliu de Guixols, Sant Llorenç). Des marchands ligures de Savona sont attestés en 1240, à l’occasion d’une bagarre à main armée avec des marchands génois : Jean-Louis-Alphonse HUILLARD-BREHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici Secundi sive Constitutiones, privilegia, mandata, instrumenta quae supersunt istius imperatoris et filiorum eius. Accedunt epistolae paparum et documenta varia, t. 5,2, Paris 1859, p. 816. Outre les Florentins, on rencontre d’autres Toscans, originaires de Sienne, de San Miniato, de San Gimignano et surtout de Lucques. Plus ponctuellement on trouve également des marchands d’Ancône (Enrico PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento. Politica, economia, società, Messine 1980, p. 9 ; Séville, Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli, Fondo Mesina, n. 706), de Rome (ibidem, n. 1186) ou de Plaisance (Robert-Henri BAUTIER, Les marchands et banquiers de Plaisance dans l’économie internationale du XIIe au XVe siècle, in : Il ‘registrum magnum’ del Comune di Piacenza. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studio [Piacenza, 1985], Plaisance 1987, p. 185, n. 19 ; Pierre RACINE, Plaisance du Xe à la fin du XIIIe siècle. Essai d’histoire urbaine, Lille 1979, p. 496, n. 77).

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siècle)18 et auXVe siècle des marchands d’autres régions ibériques.19 Cette concentration de nations étrangères à Messine s’explique par un faisceau de causes. En premier lieu, l’attractivité du port de Messine réside dans son site et sa situation exceptionnels. En effet, le port possède l’une des rades naturelles les plus vastes et profondes de la Méditerranée et peut ainsi abriter de nombreux navires de gros tonnage. Sa situation sur le détroit de Sicile fait de Messine une escale parfaite, au croisement de plusieurs routes maritimes, notamment l’axe reliant les grands ports de la Méditerranée occidentale avec le Levant. Elle confère également au détroit le rôle de “ pont ” entre la Sicile et la Calabre, Messine assurant la fonction de port de transbordement entre les deux rives. Il faut tenir compte, en second lieu, des raisons politiques : ainsi, l’essor de Messine aux XIIe et XIIIe siècle résulte en grande partie de l’unification par les Normands du Mezzogiorno et des Croisades, qui ont eu un rôle moteur. Des raisons économiques ont également joué : grâce à un courant d’immigration fort et continu, Messine devient rapidement une métropole importante dès le XIIe siècle, la seconde ville de l’île après Palerme, et atteint peut-être 30.000 habitants à la fin du XIIIe siècle. La ville constitue donc un marché de consommation important, d’autant plus qu’au XIVe siècle, elle est fréquemment le siège de la Cour royale et donc, de facto, la capitale de l’île. L’économie viticole, dès le XIIe siècle, l’exploitation du minerai de fer et du bois des Monts péloritains, l’essor à la fin du XVe siècle de l’industrie sucrière et de la soie en Sicile nordorientale, contribuent également à l’extraversion économique du port. Enfin, des raisons techniques sont à prendre en compte : Messine est le principal arsenal de l’île et abrite de nombreux artisans spécialisés dans la construction navale ; elle offre également de nombreux services d’hôtellerie et un notariat important et compétent, souvent lié aux services des finances royales.20

18

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C’est ce que suggère l’existence d’une ruga Anglicorum et d’une église dédiée à Saint-Thomas de Contorbéry, et la présence ponctuelle de quelques individus portant le cognomen “ Anglicus ”. Principalement Portugais et Basques. Sur ces derniers : Carmelo TRASSELLI, Sui Biscaglini in Sicilia tra quattro e cinquecento, in : Mélanges de l’École française de Rome 85,1 (1973), pp. 143–158. Sur ces différents aspects, je renvoie à mes précédents articles : Hadrien PENET, Clavis Siciliae. Les activités portuaires du détroit de Messine (XIIe–XVe siècles), in : Ports maritimes et ports fluviaux au Moyen Âge. XXXVe Congrès de la SHMES (La Rochelle, 5 et 6 juin 2004) (Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public. Série Histoire ancienne et médiévale 81), Paris 2005, pp. 261–276 ; IDEM, L’organisation des réseaux d’un port de détroit : le cas de Messine (XIe–XVe siècle), in : Espaces et Réseaux en Méditerranée, VIe–XVIe siècle, éd. Damien COULON / Christophe PICARD / Dominique VALERIAN, t. 1 : La configuration des réseaux, Paris 2007, pp. 41–56 ; IDEM, Du port à la ville : fonctions portuaires et urbanisation à Messine (fin XIe–début XVIe siècle), in : Villes portuaires de Méditerranée occidentale au Moyen Âge. Îles et continents, XIIe–XVe siècles (Quaderni Mediterranea. Ricerche storiche 26), éd. Jean-André CANCELLIERI / Vannina MARCHI VAN CAUWELAERT, Palerme 2015, pp. 201– 227.

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Fig. 1 L’ouverture méditerranéenne dans la topographie de Messine

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La simple mention, dans la documentation, de marchands dont le nom indique une origine étrangère, ne suffit pas à identifier des communautés à part entière. Il s’avère par ailleurs très difficile de connaître le nombre de marchands étrangers présents à Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge. Quelques indices ponctuels permettent des estimations grossières : en 1474, 30 marchands génois se réunissent pour l’élection d’un nouveau consul21 ; entre 1416 et 1431, sur une cinquantaine de marchands étrangers repérables dans les actes du notaire messinois Tommaso Andriolo, une quarantaine sont des ressortissants de la Couronne d’Aragon, alors qu’on ne compte qu’un seul Génois.22 On peut donc supposer que les principales communautés comptaient chacune quelques dizaines de membres, sans pouvoir être plus précis. Pour repérer les communautés marchandes, on peut recourir à un faisceau d’indices. Les communautés marchandes véritables sont dotées d’une personnalité juridique, qui s’incarne par des privilèges commerciaux et / ou des consuls dont la fonction est de représenter la communauté auprès des autorités locales, et de protéger, administrer et régir les ressortissants de leur ville d’origine ; leur rôle est principalement judiciaire mais ils peuvent exercer d’autres responsabilités. De ce point de vue, la communauté la plus précoce fut sans conteste celle des Génois.23 La présence étrangère marque profondément la topographie urbaine (fig. 1) : elle se traduit notamment par l’existence de lieux communautaires, fondachi et loges, localisés dans la partie de la cité située près du port, délimitée par la vieille ville, la Cathédrale et le bourg Saint-Jean, qui constituait le cœur commercial et artisanal de la ville. Les exemples les plus anciens sont ceux des Génois24 et des Pisans25, dès la fin du XIIe siècle, mais les autres communautés (Florentins, Vénitiens, Marseillais, Catalans) possèdent aussi leurs fondachi ou loges propres dès la seconde 21

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Giuseppe MIRAGLIA, L’elezione del console dei Genovesi a Messina nel 1474. Nota con un documento inedito, Palerme 1907 : publication d’un acte du notaire Matteo Pagliarino, du 5 juillet 1474 : trente marchands génois, degentes et commorantes à Messine, se réunissent dans l’église de Saint-Pierre des Pisans, déposent de sa charge de consul des Génois Antonio Saccano, pour élire à sa place le magnifique Giovanni de Stayti. Remarquons au passage que ces deux personnages sont tous deux issus d’éminentes familles de la noblesse civique messinoise. Artalus Tarigus, en 1431 : Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 4,1, fol. 60v–62r. En 1116, le comte Roger concède à Ogerio, consul des Génois à Messine (probablement Ogerio Capra, consul de la commune de Gênes de 1114 à 1118), et à son frère Amico, un terrain situé à proximité de la fiumara qui prend sa source à S. Leonzio, près du château comtal et de la mer, pour un y construire un ospition ; il leur confère également une exemption de la taxe de kommerkion pour leurs trafics depuis et vers la Sicile, à concurrence de 60 tarì d’or. En 1156, ils obtiennent de nouveaux privilèges : les navires génois venant à Messine ne paient pas de taxe, sauf s’ils arrivent directement de Gênes ; les navires génois revenant d’Alexandrie ou de Syrie paient un commercium de 3 %, et aucune taxe s’ils ne vendent aucune marchandise dans l’île : ABULAFIA, Pisan Commercial Colonies (comme n. 10), p. 70 ; IDEM, The Two Italies (comme n. 8), pp. 62–64, 92. Le fundicum Sancti Johannis est attesté dès 1194 : IDEM, Pisan Commercial Colonies (comme n. 10), p. 71. La loge des Génois était quant à elle située in contrata ferrariorum (Messine, Archivio di Stato, Pergamene, Ospedale S. Maria la Pietà, n. 312, a. 1332). Un hospitium consulum pisanorum Messane est connu par un acte établi en septembre 1189 : ABULAFIA, Pisan Commercial Colonies (comme n. 10), pp. 75–76, 79–80. En 1198, une lettre

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moitié du XIIIe siècle.26 Plus généralement, l’importance de certaines communautés influence la toponymie de cette partie de la ville. Certaines d’entre elles sont suffisamment importantes pour donner leur nom à des rues (comme la ruga Florentinorum, la ruga Pisanorum, la ruga Anglicorum)27, des portes (la “ Porte Pisane ”, encore appelée “ Porte Saint-Pierre ”, près de l’église Saint-Pierre des Pisans), des quartiers (comme l’Amalfitania parva et l’Amalfitania magna)28 ou encore des églises (l’église Saint-Pierre Pisanorum, l’église de Santa Maria de Castellammare, fondée au XIIe siècle et appelée plus tard l’ “ Annunziata dei Catalani ”, quand elle devint le siège de la confrérie des marchands catalans). Le grand nombre de consuls présents à Messine est un indice très révélateur de la place de premier plan qu’occupait ce port dans l’organisation du commerce extérieur sicilien (fig. 2). Si Messine possède un moins grand nombre de consuls que Palerme29, elle polarise en revanche un espace beaucoup plus vaste, articulé par l’intermédiaire de vice-consuls, dépendant des consuls de Messine. C’est très clair pour les vice-consuls catalans (Messine polarise un espace qui couvre toute la Sicile

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envoyée par le Pisan Alberto Celone à son compatriote Baratterio Congiario, est rédigée in domo Bonaccursi Unguenti et consortum, prope ecclesia S. Petri di Cannicio, église qui fut nommée plus tard Saint-Pierre des Pisans (ibidem, pp. 80–81). Au XVe siècle, la loge des Pisans était toujours située dans le même quartier, dans la ruga Spatariorum : Maria ALIBRANDI INTERSIMONE, Pergamene dell’Archivio di Stato di Messina provenienti dal Museo Regionale (1225–1270), in : Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato 32,3 (1972), pp. 477–507, n. 91. En 1260 est mentionné le fondaco des Marseillais, détruit par un incendie : fundicum positum in castro maris Messane, in quo Marsilienses hactenus morabantur, in incendio civitatis Messane combustum : Hadrien PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina, t. 1 : Actes latins conservés à la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris (1250–1429), Messine 1998, n. 67. En 1273, les Florentins tiennent leur loge dans un magnum hospitium qu’ils louent à la cour royale pour 30 onces annuelles, et les Vénitiens louent pour 50 onces annuelles un magnum casalenum curie, sis dans le quartier du vieil Arsenal, qu’ils ont transformé en magnum fundicum : Ernesto PONTIERI, Ricerche sulla crisi della monarchia siciliana nel secolo XIII, 3e éd. Naples 1965, pp. 250–251. La loge catalane est attestée dès 1286, le consul dès 1303 : Codice diplomatico dei re aragonesi di Sicilia, éd. Giuseppe LA MANTIA, t. 1, Palerme 1917, n. 149 ; Laura SCIASCIA, Pergamene siciliane dell’Archivio della Corona d’Aragona (1188–1347), Palerme 1994, n. 41. Ruga Florentinorum : voir supra, n. 12. Ruga Pisanorum, en 1239 : Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (1103–1250), éd. Léon-Robert MENAGER, Palerme 1963, n. 20. Ruga Anglicorum, en 1246 : Il tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò, t. 1 : 1093–1302, éd. Diego CICCARELLI (Biblioteca dell’Archivio Storico Messinese VI. Testi e documenti 3), Messine 1986, n. 18. Amalfitania parva, en 1320 : Il tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò, t. 2 : 1304–1337, éd. Diego CICCARELLI (Biblioteca dell’Archivio Storico Messinese VI. Testi e documenti 4), Messine 1987, n. 198. Amalfitania magna, cohoperta ou vecchia, situé près du vieil Arsenal, attestée dès 1253 : PENET, Le Chartrier 1 (comme n. 26), n. 3. Avec Palerme, Messine est le principal centre portuaire de l’île abritant des consuls étrangers, devant Trapani et Syracuse : Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Economie et société en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), t. 1, Palerme / Rome 1986, p. 386.

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orientale, de Gela aux îles Lipari)30, mais aussi pour les vice-consuls génois (Messine polarise un espace qui s’étend jusqu’à Catane et Lentini). En comparaison, Palerme semble apparaître comme un pôle isolé, la forte concentration étrangère y étant probablement liée à la fonction de capitale et à l’existence d’un marché de consommation important ; Trapani, quant à elle, articule un espace commercial moins vaste, qui englobe le Sud-Ouest de l’île.

Fig. 2 La hiérarchie consulaire en Sicile (XIIIe–XVe siècle)

II. La présence messinoise en Méditerranée L’analyse de la documentation propre des grands ports de Méditerranée occidentale permet de repérer, dès le XIIe–XIIIe siècle, une “ diaspora ” messinoise relativement importante, à Gênes et à Marseille. Elle est beaucoup plus ponctuelle en revanche dans le reste de l’Italie du Nord, du Midi de la France et de la Catalogne. Les contacts des Messinois avec les ports d’Afrique du Nord sont, quant à eux, relativement fréquents (fig. 3).

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Carmelo TRASSELLI, Frumento e panni inglesi nella Sicilia del XV secolo, in : IDEM, Mediterraneo e Sicilia all’inizia dell’epoca moderna. Ricerche quattrocentesche (Fonti e ricerche per la storia della Calabria e del Mezzogiorno 2), Cosenza 1977, pp. 289–329, p. 297.

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Fig. 3 Le commerce messinois en Méditerranée médiévale (XIIe–XVe siècle)

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La présence d’une communauté messinoise active à Gênes est attestée à l’époque souabe. C’est au total une quinzaine de mentions qu’on peut rassembler pour la période s’étendant du milieu du XIIe à la fin du XIIIe siècle.31 Maigre moisson, sans doute, mais suffisamment révélatrice d’une présence durable à Gênes, de marchands méridionaux, parmi lesquels, selon G. Jehel, “ les Siciliens sont certainement parmi les plus nombreux ”, en particulier les Messinois.32 Le profil social de ces Messinois est divers : petits négociants33, artisans et boutiquiers34, prêteurs35 et changeurs36, armateurs37, transporteurs38, patrons de na31

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Georges JEHEL, Les Génois en Méditerranée occidentale (fin XIe–début XIVe siècle). Ébauche d’une stratégie pour un empire, Amiens 1993. Quelques notices ponctuelles peuvent être également relevées dans les actes des notaires génois : Mario CHIAUDANO, Contratti commerciali genovesi del secolo XII, Turin 1925 ; Il cartolare di Giovanni Scriba, éd. Mario CHIAUDANO / Mattia MORESCO, 2 t., Turin 1935 ; CHIAUDANO / MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA, Notai liguri 1 (comme n. 10) ; HALL / KRUEGER / REYNOLDS, Notai liguri 2 (comme n. 10) ; Notai liguri dei secoli XII e XIII, t. 3 : Bonvillano (1198), éd. Joyce E. EIERMANN / Hilmar C. KRUEGER / Robert L. REYNOLDS, Gênes 1939 ; Notai liguri dei sec. XII e XIII, t. 4 : Oberto Scriba de Mercato (1186), éd. Mario CHIAUDANO, Turin 1940 ; Notai liguri dei secoli XII e XIII, t. 5 : Giovanni di Guiberto, éd. Margaret W. HALL-COLE / Hilmar C. KRUEGER / Ruth G. REINERT / Robert L. REYNOLDS, 2 t., Gênes 1939–1940. JEHEL, Les Génois (comme n. 31), p. 206. On trouve à Gênes des “ quasi-Messinois ”, tel cet Oddo di Milazzo connu à la fin du XIIe siècle. Le 24 septembre 1191, le Génois Ogerio Porco prend une commanda d’Oddone di Milazzo, pour commercer à Constantinople : CHIAUDANO, Contratti commerciali genovesi (comme n. 31), doc. 53. Ce personnage revient à plusieurs reprises dans ces contrats sous les noms d’Oddo de Melaço, de Melazzo, de Milazzo. Le même individu est cité comme témoin dans un acte de février 1191 : HALL-COLE / KRUEGER / REYNOLDS, Notai liguri 2 (comme n. 31), doc. 1615. Il meurt avant 1203, ses héritiers sont installés à Gênes et y possèdent une maison : HALL-COLE / KRUEGER / REINERT / REYNOLDS, Notai liguri 5,1 (comme n. 31), doc. nn. 992 et 993. JEHEL, Les Génois (comme n. 31), p. 325, n. 58 : le 2 avril 1213, Oberto de Messine vend à Otto de Barli trois balles de futaine au prix de 30 livres. Il n’y a aucune preuve que la marchandise est sicilienne, mais en revanche elle est vendue par un Sicilien. Ibidem, p. 206, n. 404 : le 31 août 1251, Cremente de Messine engage 40 sous dans une société artisanale, contractée avec Boneto Battifolio, le contrat expirant à Noël. Ibidem, n. 405 : le 13 juin 1252, Giacomo de Messine réside dans une boutique en location, située à Gênes ; l’acte indique que Giacomo doit s’absenter quelques temps pour aller à Messine ; durant son absence, Vivaldo faber de Rapallo, artisan local (mais aussi méridional), lui sous-loue cette boutique, promettant de libérer les lieux dans les huit jours après le retour de Giacomo. Ibidem, p. 206, n. 402 : Giacomo Musso de Messine, le 7 août 1248, récupère une somme de 28 livres, 10 sous, prêtée à Turello de Voltaggio en 1239. EIERMAN / KRUEGER / REYNOLDS, Notai liguri 3 (comme n. 31), doc. 58 : le 1er octobre 1198, Anselmus Berzus passe un contrat de change maritime avec Petrus de Messana. HALL-COLE / KRUEGER / REINERT / REYNOLDS, Notai liguri 5,1 (comme n. 31), doc. 544 : le 13 septembre 1203, Gualterius, fils de feu Panis et Vini de Messine, reçoit de Baldoinus de Porta 81 ½ livres génoises pour change maritime en onces de tarì (à raison de 45 onces), au poids de Messine. JEHEL, Les Génois (comme n. 31), pp. 291–292, n. 534 : le 27 août 1267 est réglé un litige concernant le transport d’une cargaison de blé, le long du littoral nord-africain, par deux Génois, Nicolo et Giacomino de Musso, qui agissent pour le compte de Guido de Sant’Angelo, bourgeois de Messine ; ce Giacomino de Musso doit être rapproché de Giacomo Musso de Messine, présent à Gênes en 1248 ; le diminutif suggère qu’il s’agit probablement de son fils. Le litige, soulevé entre les transporteurs et le client, est tranché en faveur de ce dernier. Ibidem, p. 206, n. 407 : le 21 juin 1252, le Génois Giovanni Bavoso est chargé, par une procuration établie à Messine, de représenter à Gênes le sicilien Guglielmo Pastono, afin de vendre,

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vire.39 Quelques-uns semblent être installés en permanence à Gênes40 ; certains dirigent leurs affaires depuis la cité ligure, vers Messine ou l’Afrique du Nord ; d’autres assurent des liens pendulaires entre les deux cités ; d’autres encore semblent plus mobiles, à l’instar de ce Paganus de Messina, qu’on retrouve en 1158 à Gênes puis en 1169 à Venise pour un voyage à Constantinople.41 Ces quelques mentions semblent attester l’existence probable d’un “ axe lombardosicilien ”42, polarisé par Gênes, au sein duquel les marchands messinois occupent une place active, tandis que les relations avec les autres cités de la plaine du Pô, comme Plaisance, semblent beaucoup plus faibles.43 La présence messinoise à Gênes ne semble cependant pas suffisante pour permettre à la communauté messinoise de jouir d’un consulat propre au XIIIe siècle. Ce sont les bonnes relations tissées avec les Génois qui permettent d’obtenir leur intercession auprès des autorités communales, conférant ainsi une sorte de “ citoyenneté génoise par procuration ”, et la protection juridique qui y est associée.44 En revanche, on note la présence d’un consul à partir du XVe siècle.45 La documentation publiée il y a plus d’un siècle par L. Blancard reste une mine peu exploitée.46 Une communauté messinoise non négligeable est attestée à Marseille au milieu du XIIIe siècle, à la fin de l’époque frédéricienne, bien avant l’époque angevine, où les relations avec Marseille étaient plus attendues : Charles d’Anjou, qui règne sur la Sicile de 1266 à 1282, était en effet comte de Provence, depuis son mariage avec Béatrice de Provence en 1246. Les chartes commerciales de la famille des Manduel font état de liens réguliers entre les

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en son nom, une cargaison de 60 cantari de coton, transportée depuis Messine par Enrico de Ricobaldo, citoyen de Messine. Ibidem, p. 279, n. 412 : le 29 mai 1269, Bonanato de Messine, patron de navire, loue une taride à Bernardo Poneio de Barcelone. Ibidem, p. 206, n. 406 : en avril 1236, Giovanni Nigro qui solitus eram esse habitator Messane et Saracusie, donne procuration à sa femme Druda pour procéder en son nom à la vente de ses biens, situés à Syracuse, probablement pour s’installer définitivement à Gênes ; HALL-COLE / KRUEGER / REYNOLDS, Notai liguri 2 (comme n. 30), doc. 819 : présence parmi les témoins d’une constitution de dot, de Iohannes et Matelda jugales de Messinis en 1191. CHIAUDANO / MORESCO, Il cartolare di Giovanni Scriba 2 (comme n. 31), p. 315, doc. 26 ; MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA / LOMBARDO, Documenti (comme n. 14), doc. 217. JEHEL, Les Génois (comme n. 31), p. 325. RACINE, Plaisance (comme n. 17), p. 496, note 77 : Milo de Pontimilio reçoit en commenda d’Oberto Pagano, bancherius de Plaisance, 10 livres génoises à porter à Messine (3 septembre 1226). JEHEL, Les Génois (comme n. 31), p. 206, n. 409 : le 25 juillet 1251, Ogerio Guas, demande au Génois Ansaldo Mallono d’intercéder auprès de la commune de Gênes en faveur de Giovanni Barberio de Messine, afin qu’il obtienne, sur ordre du podestat, une indemnité de 25 livres pour compenser les violences physiques que ledit Giovanni a subies d’un autre sicilien, Guglielmo Falconerio. En contrepartie, Ogerio s’engage à protéger Ansaldo contre tout acte de rétorsion qui pourrait survenir à cause de ce soutien apporté à Giovanni Barberio. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 436r : le 24 août 1418, deux citoyennes de Messine désignent pour procureur un marchand catalan qui devra se rendre à Gênes pour recouvrer auprès du marchand Berto de Ansalono, consul des Messinois à Gênes, les biens laissés par feu Bartolomeo Saccano. BLANCARD, Documents inédits 1 (comme n. 15).

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deux ports méditerranéens, de 1235 à 1261.47 Mais ce sont surtout les notules commerciales du notaire Almaric qui contiennent un indice probant : en l’espace de cinq mois de l’année 1248, ce sont neuf Messinois qui sont repérés avec certitude.48 À l’instar de leurs compatriotes installés à Gênes, ces Messinois ont des profils divers : quelques-uns interviennent explicitement dans des trafics. Ainsi, Foulque Collanera de Messine, qui achète des meules et des fers à un marchand montpelliérain49 ; Raimond Messine, associé à Guillaume Riperia et R. Martin, reçoit en nolisement le Saint-Gilles, pour un voyage via Messine jusqu’à Bougie50 ; Simon “ Banquerius ” de Messine a, quant à lui, un surnom et des activités qui ne laissent guère de doute sur sa profession de banquier et de changeur.51 Le grand nombre de contrats (31 contrats de commanda, société, nolisement, lettres de change), concernant directement Messine, montre l’importance du port sicilien qui n’est pas qu’une escale, mais une destination privilégiée des marchands de Marseille. Il est vrai que les différents navires en partance pour Messine, que l’on repère durant ces quelques mois de l’année 1248, doivent en général poursuivre leur voyage vers la Tunisie ou la Terre Sainte. En dehors de ces deux pôles portuaires, dont on comprend assez bien les relations étroites avec Messine du fait de leur proximité et de leur situation géographique, on trouve assez peu de Messinois dans les autres ports occidentaux. Une présence précoce mais assez faible à Venise52, et quelques relations entre 47

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Marseille, 19 avril 1235 : commande de 96 livres de coronats, pour 40 onces de tarì d’or, donnée par Bernard de Manduel à Abraham, juif, fils de Bolfarag (= Abû al-Faraj), embarqué sur la Bonne-Aventure à destination de Messine : ibidem, doc. 61, pp. 88–89. Marseille, 24 avril 1251 : commande faite à Guillaume Mercerius, épicier, par Jean de Manduel, de 10 livres d’épicerie, à porter et à vendre à Messine, ou ailleurs, au risque du cédant, avec ¼ du lucre pour le commandité (ibidem, doc. 115, pp. 189–190). Marseille, 24 mars 1261 : jugement d’Albert Lavandier, juge de Marseille ; Jean de Manduel a déposé une plainte contre Pierre Aicard, citoyen de Marseille, lui réclamant le ¼ d’un navire donné deux fois en commande, à destination de Tunis puis de Messine, et un chargement de sel en commande pour Messine, ou l’équivalent, estimé à 230 livres 5 sous ; le plaignant est finalement débouté de sa demande, et Pierre Aicard réclame des dommages et intérêts (ibidem, doc. 135, pp. 218–220). Si on écarte les noms de Nicolas Merulla (ibidem, p. 15) et de Bonaventura Bevaigua “ d’Acre ” (ibidem, pp. 109, 126, 145, 260), dont les noms rappellent simplement des familles messinoises connues à la fin du Moyen Âge. Ibidem, doc. 68 et 72, pp. 289–291. Ibidem, doc. 180, p. 340. Documents inédits sur le commerce de Marseille au Moyen Âge, éd. Louis BLANCARD, t. 2, Marseille 1885, doc. 409, p. 25 : Oberto Bagarato de Plaisance, promet à Pierre Ressier, de Montpellier, de lui payer à la Pentecôte 165 livres de melgoriens, somme qu’il a garantie pour Simon Banquerius de Messine, débiteur de Pierre Ressier. Le même Simon laisse en dépôt 16 ballots de peaux d’agneau et 50 livres chez Durand Bourgogne, changeur marseillais (ibidem, doc. 593, p. 112). On y retrouve Paganus de Messine, en 1169, déjà rencontré à Gênes en 1158 : Naymerus Senatoris de Equilo passe avec Johannes Sergi un contrat de prêt maritime pour voyager jusqu’à Constantinople cum nave de Longobardis in qua nauclerus vadit Paganus de Missina de hic in Constantinopoli : MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA / LOMBARDO, Documenti (comme n. 14), doc. 217, p. 215 ; on ne trouve rien en revanche dans Nuovi documenti del commercio veneto dei sec. XI–

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les marchands vénitiens et la cité péloritaine, sont perceptibles aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles. Messine semble être le principal pivot du commerce vénitien en Sicile, en association avec les places orientales, Constantinople, Acre et Alexandrie.53 Des liens commerciaux entre Messine et l’Afrique du Nord existent dès le milieu du XIIe siècle.54 Les choses se précisent cependant à partir du milieu du XIIIe siècle, les trafics impliquant parfois des Messinois, qui agissent depuis Gênes.55 Dès 1286, les Messinois ont un consul à Tunis, représentant tous les Siciliens.56 A partir de la fin du XIIIe siècle, à l’exception notable du commerce avec la Berbérie qui reste actif, et du développement des relations avec l’Adriatique, les relations directes entre marchands messinois et les grands ports de Méditerranée occidentale, comme Gênes ou Marseille, se réduisent sensiblement. Tandis que perdurent les contacts réguliers avec la Tunisie, Tripoli et la Berbérie57, ainsi

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XIII, éd. Raimondo MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA / Antonino LOMBARDO, Venise 1953. En 1293, Orlandus de Hugolino, de Messine, y achète un navire : Messine, Archivio di Stato, Pergamene, Ospedale Santa Maria la Pietà, n. 48. MOROZZO DELLA ROCCA / LOMBARDO, Documenti (comme n. 14), doc. 278 (mars 1176) : change maritime stipulé à Acre pour Messine ; n. 279 (septembre 1176) : prêt pour un voyage aller-retour pour Messine ; n. 299 (mars 1179) : prêt pour un voyage vers Alexandrie, Messine et retour ; n. 337 (janvier 1183) : colleganza pour trafic avec Messine et ailleurs ; n. 377 (mars 1190) : colleganza pour trafic avec Messine et ailleurs ; n. 578 (août 1218) : commenda pour commercer avec Messine. Le monastère de San Salvatore de Messine jouissait depuis 1133 d’un privilège accordé par Roger II lui permettant d’exporter jusqu’à 200 salmes de froment vers l’Afrique chaque année : Mario SCADUTO, Il monachismo basiliano nella Sicilia medievale. Rinascita e decadenza, sec. XI–XIV, Rome 1947, pp. 189–190. En 1253, un navire messinois est nolisé, devant un notaire génois, pour un voyage vers le Maghreb : Robert-Henri BAUTIER, Les relations commerciales entre l’Europe et l’Afrique du Nord et l’équilibre économique méditerranéen du XIIIe au XIVe siècle, in : Bulletin philologique et historique (1953–1954), pp. 399–416, p. 406. En 1293, le Saint-Nicolas, de Messine, revient de Tripoli, chargé de pelleteries (essentiellement des peaux de bœuf, de renard et de chameau, mais aussi quelques peaux de hyène, de chacal et de chat sauvage), et est capturé par une galère niçoise devant Augusta : Charles DE LA RONCIERE, Un inventaire de bord en 1294 et les origines de la navigation hauturière, in : Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 58 (1897), pp. 394–409. D’autres exemples dans JEHEL, Les Génois (comme n. 31), pp. 291–292, n. 534, p. 417, nn. 570–571. EPSTEIN, An Island for Itself (comme n. 9), p. 244. En 1318, les jurats de Messine obtiennent la transcription des lettres du roi Frédéric III, exemptant les Messinois des droits d’octroi dans les îles de Djerba et de Kerkenna (Séville, Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli, Fondo Mesina, n. 337). Un acte daté de 1345 fait référence à deux contrats de commenda reçus par Nicolaus de Abobio, concernant tous les deux un voyage suivant l’itinéraire Messine-Agrigente-Malte-Tripoli, pour le transport de froment pour le compte de Matheus Calciamira : 650 salmes en 1322, 500 salmes en 1332 (Palerme, Archivio di Stato, Tabulario di S. Maria Maddallena di Valle Giosafat, n. 375). En mars 1350, Leonardo Cattaneo assure la cargaison de blé d’un marchand messinois, à destination de Tunis, avec une prime de 18 %, un taux très élevé, qui s’explique sans doute par la dangerosité des mers, alors infestées de pirates et de corsaires : Jacques HEERS, Le prix de l’assurance maritime à la fin du Moyen Âge, in : Revue d’histoire économique et sociale 37 (1959), pp. 7–19, p. 8. En 1380, Benedetto di Protonotaro commerce avec la Tunisie : PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento (comme n. 17), p. 111. On trouve des références fréquentes à l’Afrique du Nord dans les registres notariés du

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qu’avec Venise et Raguse (beaucoup de contrats indiquant simplement le “ Golfe de Venise ” comme destination)58, les registres des notaires messinois du début du XVe siècle ne comprennent qu’un contrat à destination de la Ligurie59, et un autre à destination d’Aigues-Mortes.60 Il est vrai que faute de sources provenant directement des ports concernés, la perspective peut être faussée. Mais tout laisse penser que désormais le commerce des Messinois semble basculer vers l’est et se tourner résolument outre-mer. Les relations entre la Sicile et le Levant syro-palestinien et l’Egypte sont anciennes. Elles s’expriment d’abord dans le cadre de cette “ société méditerranéenne ” qu’illustre l’abondante documentation de la Géniza du Caire, étudiée par S. D. Goitein, essentiellement aux Xe et XIe siècles.61 Les Croisades consolident les liens qu’entretient Messine avec le Levant, comme escale des navires croisés et de pèlerins, comme centre de prieurés importants de Terre Sainte, et comme emporium pour les marines occidentales en contact avec l’Orient. La présence des Messinois est attestée à Acre dès le XIIIe siècle. Il semble en effet, que les gens de Messine y jouissaient, dès 1229, de franchises de douane, à l’instar des marchands de Pise.62 C’est surtout à partir de la fin des années 1270, que l’installation des Messinois semble se renforcer, après que Marie d’Antioche, nièce d’Amaury Ier, roi de Jérusalem, ait cédé ses droits sur Acre à Charles d’Anjou, en 1277.63 Un acte de 1279 révèle ainsi la présence à Acre d’au moins six Messinois.64 Un commerce intense semble s’établir entre Messine et Acre au début des années 1280, comme le suggèrent plusieurs documents datés

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début du XVe siècle : Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 23v–24r (Tripoli), 85r–85v (Berbérie), et surtout beaucoup de contrats dont la destination n’est pas explicite, qui indiquent simplement que le commandé pourra se rendre partout ut pote en Syrie ou en Berbérie. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 23v–24r, 28v–29r, 46v–47r, 61v– 62r, 62r–62v ; 2e série, fol. 81r–81v. C’est à Venise qu’un grand marchand de Messine, Pino Campolo, meurt en 1381 : PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento (comme n. 17), pp. 113–120. Sur les relations entre Raguse et la Sicile : Moncilo SPREMIC, Ragusa-Dubrovnik. Una città mediterranea e balcanica: relazioni con la Sicilia nei secoli XIV e XV, in : Città e vita cittadina nei paesi dell’area mediterranea, secoli XI–XV. Actes du Colloque international en l’honneur de S. Tramontana, éd. Biagio SAITTA, Rome 2006, p. 301–311. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 264r : vers Gênes ou Savona. Ibidem, fol. 158r. Shlomo D. GOITEIN, Sicily and Southern Italy in the Cairo Geniza Documents, in : Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale 67 (1971), pp. 9–33. En 1229, les consuls pisans d’Acre obtiennent de Frédéric II des droits en vertu des traités garantissant aux Messinois et Pisans les immunitates libertatis doanae, que dicitur de catena Accon : HEYD, Histoire du commerce (comme n. 3), p. 337. En 1252, les Capitula de Conrad, approuvés à Foggia, reconnaissent que les Messinois sont exemptés de douane à Acre, comme les Pisans : LA MANTIA, Codice diplomatico (comme n. 26), p. 99. SALVO, Una realtà (comme n. 1), p. 19. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Pergamene, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse, n. 124 : les biens de Petronio de Puteo, marchand messinois, mort à Saint-Jean d’Acre, sont assignés à sa veuve, par les exécuteurs testamentaires du défunt, Matteo Calciamira, Bulgarino de Castello et Brancacio de Astingo.

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de 1282 et 1283.65 L’importance d’Acre pour les marchands de Messine explique sans doute pourquoi la possibilité de pouvoir créer une loge marchande à Acre fit partie des revendications soumises à Charles d’Anjou par les délégués de Messine, dans les premiers temps de la révolte des Vêpres.66 C’est d’ailleurs sans doute à cette occasion que fut forgé un faux privilège daté du mois d’août 1160, par lequel le roi Guillaume Ier confirme aux Messinois un autre privilège, donné à Palerme en mai 1160, autorisant les gens de Messine à établir des loges où ils le désirent outre-mer, en particulier à Jérusalem et Acre.67 Les Messinois semblent avoir été présents à Acre jusqu’à sa chute, comme le suggère une procuration établie en 1287, prouvant la présence d’au moins trois marchands de Messine dans le port palestinien.68 La disparition des Etats latins d’Orient n’entraîne pas un coup d’arrêt des relations entre Messine et le Levant. À l’instar des autres marchands italiens, les marchands péloritains vont, dans un premier temps, se replier sur les îles, en particulier à Chypre. Mais rapidement, les contacts reprennent au XIVe siècle, comme le montre un contrat d’assurance maritime établi en 1346 pour un voyage vers Beyrouth.69 Divers privilèges royaux ou pontificaux, permettant aux Messinois de commercer avec les régions “ illicites ” du sultan de Babylone, et la récurrence au début du XVe siècle, des contrats

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Le 24 novembre 1282, Pierre d’Aragon notifie à Pere de Solavella, son représentant à Syracuse, qu’un navire pisan et un navire messinois, revenant d’Acre, sont retenus à Syracuse et doivent être libérés : PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento (comme n. 17), p. 7. En 1283, Bonagiunta de Scarlata, de Messine, est autorisé à exporter 300 salmes de blé vers Acre sur des navires pisans (ibidem, p. 7) ; Giuseppe de Viagio, de Messine, obtient le droit d’exporter du grain et du fromage d’Augusta vers Acre (ibidem, p. 15) ; Nicoloso Mataraffo, loyal au roi, informe ce dernier qu’il a contracté une commenda avec le traître Matteo de Riso : 30 onces investies en vin et fromage à porter à Acre, 106 salmes de vin rouge et 51 cantares de fromage pour la Terre Sainte (ibidem, p. 13) ; Tommaso da Sciacca, de Messine, est autorisé à exporter laine et fromage sur son navire, le San Nicola, à partir de Syracuse, vers Acre (ibidem, p. 13) : Leone da Siracusa, un autre Messinois, est autorisé à exporter 300 salmes de blé et de fromage en Syrie, depuis Augusta, avec ses associés Aldoino di Solano, et Orlando di Benedetto, messinois, sur le San Domenico, navire des Messinois Perrono di Romano et Bulgarino de Castello (ibidem, p. 13). Federico MARTINO, Messana nobilis Siciliae caput. Istituzioni municipali e gestione del potere in un emporio del Mediterraneo, Rome 1994, p. 33. Guillelmi I regis diplomata, éd. Horst Enzensberger (Codex diplomaticus regni Siciliae ser. I, t. 3), Cologne / Weimar / Vienne 1996, n. 30 : in sancta urbe Hierusalem, omnibus et singulis aliis civitatibus, terris et locis Aragenorum et aliorum infidelium, quas nobis subjecimus et Domini brachio subjecimus, etiam in civitate Acri, concedimus, damus et volumus observari, in quibus dicti cives logias ubicumque voluerint, possint ad eorum voluntatem et valeant edificare, consulem statuere cum plena auctoritate velut in eodem privilegio decleratur. Hadrien PENET, Le Chartrier de S. Maria di Messina, t. 2 : Essai de reconstruction raisonnée, Messine 2005, n. 118. ALIBRANDI INTERSIMONE, Pergamene (comme n. 25), n. 141 ; commentaire dans ALIBRANDI, Messinesi in Levante (comme n. 5) : Corrado di Sallimbene, de Syracuse, reçoit 35 onces d’or du Messinois Francesco Paulillo pour un voyage vers Beyrouth ; le prêteur participera au voyage et pourra transporter 2 cantari de marchandises ; le débiteur devra lui fournir des vivres tant que la dette n’aura pas été remboursée.

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de commenda, prévoyant la Syrie comme destination possible, sont aussi révélateurs de la continuité du commerce messinois avec les terres d’Orient.70 Les manuels de marchandise de la fin du Moyen Âge suggèrent d’ailleurs que le trafic de Messine avec la Syrie et la Palestine était probablement plus important que pourraient le laisser penser les rares documents qui ont survécu. En effet, c’est en fonction des mesures de Messine que sont comparées celles d’Acre et d’Alexandrie.71 Le commerce des Messinois avec Alexandrie, bien qu’attesté au milieu du XIIIe siècle72, ne devient cependant perceptible qu’au début du XVe siècle, d’après les données fournies par les premiers registres de notaire conservés. Les sources, qui demeurent relativement sporadiques, montrent que chaque année, plusieurs navires siciliens, dont la majorité vient de Messine, se rendent en Egypte et en Syrie.73 Il reste que la majeure partie du commerce entre la Sicile et le Levant continue à être dominée par les Catalans, Génois et Vénitiens, et que les Siciliens, qui n’ont pas de fondouk propre, se placent sous la protection du consul des Catalans à Alexandrie.74 Il faut tout de même évoquer la figure exceptionnelle de Pietro Rumbulo de Messine, modèle d’aventurier occidental et sorte de “ Marco Polo ” messinois. En 1403, à l’âge de 18 ans, il part à Alexandrie, avec un marchand génois ; il reste au Caire pendant trois ans, puis son patron meurt en lui laissant de l’argent. Il accompagne ensuite un ambassadeur du roi d’Éthiopie, séjourne 37 ans à la cour du Négus et se marie avec une Éthiopienne. En 1444, il est ambassadeur en Inde et en Chine, à la tête de huit navires. Il achève sa carrière en 1450, comme ambassadeur à Naples auprès d’Alphonse V.75 70 71 72

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Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 6v–7r, 9r, 12v, 28r, 32v, 34r, 36r, 83v. ASHTOR, Levant Trade (comme n. 7), p. 16 et pp. 356–357. Exportation de fromage de Messine vers Alexandrie en 1243 : GOITEIN, Sicily (comme n. 60), p. 15. À l’époque angevine, les Messinois Inguio di Sciacca, Matteo de Trara, Antonio Grinisano et Giovanni Longo sont prisonniers à Alexandrie, et Bonagiunta Scarlata, Gerardo Lombardo, Palmenterio et Cagnaccio, tous Messinois, commercent entre Venise et Alexandrie : SALVO, Una realtà (comme n. 1), p. 20. ASHTOR, Levant Trade (comme n. 7), p. 238 : en 1404, Simone Amato, marchand sicilien, arme le navire de Pascal Pauli de Messine à Alexandrie, pour exporter du poivre à Augusta et Messine. La même année, le San Niccolo, venant de Messine, jette l’ancre à Alexandrie ; il y est présent à nouveau en 1405, où Simone Amato le charge de peaux et de cire. L’itinéraire prévu (il ne fut pas suivi) devait passer par Candie (cire déchargée), puis Syracuse, Messine (chargement de vin) et Palerme (déchargement du vin). En 1405, le Santa Maria della Scala, navire de Pascal Pauli de Messine, est à Alexandrie et reçoit un chargement de deux marchands de Candie pour un voyage vers la Crète et Damiette. Toujours la même année, le Santa Maria della Scala et le San Villano, navires du marchand messinois Antonio Ponzello, sont vendus à Alexandrie pour 3500 ducats. En 1405, on note la présence d’Antonius Calafat de Messine à Alexandrie (ibidem, p. 540, appendice A6). On retrouve des Messinois dans le port égyptien quelques années après : en 1417, Antonio Falanga, avec un navire chargé de blé sicilien, qu’on retrouve en Syrie en 1419 (ibidem, p. 239) ; en 1423, Thucius de Constantino, patron de navire messinois, passe plusieurs contrats : chargement de marchandises à Syracuse, puis voyage vers la Crète et Alexandrie, retour par Rhodes et Candie (ibidem, p. 350). Ibidem, p. 239. Carmelo TRASSELLI, Un Italiano in Etiopia nel XV secolo, Pietro di Rombolo de Messina, in : Rassegna di studi etiopici 1 (1941), pp. 173–202.

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La chute des États latins d’Orient entraîne un repli des Messinois sur les îles de Méditerranée orientale. On retrouve ainsi des gens de Messine en Crète, dès la fin du XIIIe siècle76 ; à Chio, où ils jouissent de privilèges accordés par les Génois77 ; à Rhodes, dont les liens avec Messine s’expliquent par la présence de la commanderie des Hospitaliers.78 C’est cependant à Chypre qu’une véritable communauté messinoise transparaît à la lecture des notaires génois d’outre-mer. Les actes de Lamberto di Sambuceto, entre 1300 et 1301, livrent ainsi les noms de 32 Messinois, dont la présence d’au moins 21 d’entre eux est assurée à Famagouste.79 Plus généralement, c’est près d’une cinquantaine de Messinois qui apparaissent à Famagouste entre 1296 et 1301.80 Les Messinois ne dépareillent pas dans le milieu cosmopolite qu’est Famagouste en 1300, aux côtés de Génois, dont ils arborent parfois la

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Mario CHIAUDANO / Antonino LOMBARDO, Leonardo Marcello, notaio in Candia, 1278–1281 (Fonti per la storia di Venezia 3), Venise 1960, n. 12 (7 janvier 1279) : Costa Sclavo et Marcus de Missina attestent avoir reçu du juif Michael, mensuras boni furmenti cretensis 50 ; n. 303 (22 octobre 1280) : le même Marcus de Missina, habitator in castro Temallo, atteste avoir reçu du juif Salamon, habitant de Candie, 9 mesures de froment de Crète. ABULAFIA, The Merchants of Messina (comme n. 8), p. 205 : un Nicolaus de Messina revient comme témoin récurrent dans les actes du notaire vénitien à Candie, Pietro Pizolo. YVER, Le commerce (comme n. 2), p. 276, évoque dans les années 1330 la présence de Niccolò Piedigrocia de Messine, dont le vaisseau est arrêté à Candie par le vénitien Niccolò Morosini. Antonino LOMBARDO, Zaccaria de Fredo, notaio in Candia (1352–1357), Venise 1968, n. 62 (16 septembre 1352) : Marcus de Missina habitator castre Themeni, déjà repéré en 1280, et désormais fixé, reçoit un prêt d’un habitant de Candie ; nn. 71, 77 (septembre 1352) et 129 (avril 1357) : Micaletus de Messina apparaît plusieurs fois comme témoin. Séville, Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli, Fondo Mesina, n. 325 : en 1426, les Génois concèdent aux Messinois de ne pas payer le droit de 0,5 % dû dans l’île de Chio au titre de la gabelle des 3 hyperpères exigée à Péra. ALIBRANDI INTERSIMONE, Pergamene (comme n. 25), n. 144 ; commentaire dans ALIBRANDI, Messinesi in Levante (comme n. 5) : en 1355, le marchand de Messine Raynerius de Scala, frère d’Angelus de Scala, donne en prêt, pour assurance, au patron pisan Nerio Porcellino la somme de 66.18 onces, pour un voyage à faire de Messine à Rhodes, puis vers Palathia et Theologia, avant un retour à Messine. D’autres contrats à destination de Rhodes, mais concernant des Génois : Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 65r, 65r–65v ; vol. 4, t. 1, fol. 80v–81v. Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (3 luglio 1300–3 agosto 1301), éd. Valeria POLONIO, Gênes 1982 : Ardizonus Gallus, civis Messane ; Bartholomeus de Bonavita de Messana ; Bartholomeus de Cossa, civis Messane ; Bertholotus de Messana ; Berthozius de Messana ; Guillelmus de Benedicto de Messana ; Guillelmus de Cantono de Messana, pelliparius ; Guirardus Nam de Messana ; Iacobus Chianterius (ou Zanterius) de Messana quondam Bartholotti Chianterii ; Ianinus Bonavita de Messana ; Iohannes de Pando de Messana ; Iohannes magister axie de Messana ; Laurencius de Messana ; Manfredus de Messana, civis Ianue ; Petrus, magister faber, de Messine, habitator Famagoste ; Petrus quondam Petri Vidalis de Messana, habitator de Messana, mais génois ; Petrus magister de Messana ; Puzius Datus filius quondam Iohannis Dati de Messana ; Raynerius de Cossa de Messana (frère de Bartholomeus) ; Raynerius Roberti de Messana ; Sanctorum de Sanctorum de Messana (sic). Les autres mentions de Messinois qui apparaissent dans l’index sont trop ambiguës pour être retenues. ABULAFIA, The Merchants of Messina (comme n. 8), p. 206.

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“ nationalité ”81, mais aussi de marchands italiens d’origines variées, par exemple de Lipari82 ou d’Ancône.83 Certains personnages illustrent un repli depuis Acre : le cas de Johannes de Castello, “ de Accon ” (Acre), ne laisse guère de doute, et il est fort possible qu’il s’agisse du même individu que l’on trouve cité, avec son parent Bulgarinus de Castello, dans un acte établi en 1279 à Acre.84 Une certaine diversité sociale transparaît à la lecture de ces actes, montrant que l’émigration messinoise outre-mer ne concerne pas que des marchands proprement dits, mais aussi des banquiers85 et des artisans spécialisés, en particulier des forgerons86 ou maîtres de hache87, deux activités typiques de l’artisanat messinois. Chypre apparaît enfin comme un pôle d’organisation de trafics, auxquels les Messinois participent directement, notamment vers l’Arménie88, où des Messinois sont présents dès 1274.89 Malgré des sources moins abondantes, les Messinois apparaissent encore nombreux à Famagouste au milieu du XIVe siècle, comme l’attestent plusieurs contrats. En 1346, une assurance maritime est conclue à Messine, entre Francisco Paulillo et Corrado de Sallimbene, pour un voyage passant par Beyrouth et Chypre.90 Le contrat est garanti par le marchand messinois Baldoyno de Brugnali, qu’on retrouve à Famagouste en 1352, dans la loge des Catalans : Vitale Gato, de Messine, lui donne quittance de 625 besants chypriotes, dûs au titre d’un instrumentum cambii donné à Messine la même année devant quatre témoins messinois (Damiano Amatore, Clemente Henrici, Jacobo Barono et Mateo Peroni).91 Quatre autres Messinois sont présents à Famagouste en 1360– 1361 : Salvus de Brugnali, sans doute un parent de Baldoyno, Matheus de Cal81 82 83 84 85 86 87

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POLONIO, Notai genovesi (comme n. 79), n. 65, 79, 135, 346 : Petrus quondam Petri Vidalis de Messana, januensis ; n. 308 : Manfredus de Messana civis Janue. Ibidem, n. 63 : Petrus de Lipari est le témoin de la vente d’un esclave par Johannes de Pando, de Messine, à un Pisan. Ibidem, n. 6. Ibidem, n. 175 ; Messine, Archivio di Stato, Pergamene, Corporazioni Religiose Soppresse, n. 124. POLONIO, Notai genovesi (comme n. 79), n. 63 : Ugolinus de Messana, bancherius. Ibidem, n. 249 : magister Petrus de Messana faber habitator Famagoste ; n. 349 : Andreas faber de Messana ; n. 359 : Perrotus faber de Messana. Ibidem, n. 204 : Iohannes, magister axie de Messana, atteste avoir reçu 80 besants d’or des mains de Petrus Rovetus de Vulturo, et s’engage à servir sur son navire pendant trois mois, pour y exercer son magistère et l’arte marinarie. Ibidem, nn. 220 et 224. Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Laiazzo da Federico di Piazzalunga (1274) e Pietro di Bargone (1277, 1279), éd. Laura BALLETTO, Gênes 1989. On rencontre quatre Messinois à l’Aias en 1274 : Nicoleta de Messanna filius Stephani de Vintimilio (n. 39), Bandus quondam Vassalli de Messana, Enricus Maurotalasa de Messana et Iohanninus de Montanea filius quondam presbiteris Iohannis de Messana (n. 96). Les Messinois jouissent de privilèges commerciaux avec l’Arménie en 1330 : PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento (comme n. 17), p. 112. ALIBRANDI INTERSIMONE, Pergamene (comme n. 25), n. 140 ; ALIBRANDI, Messinesi in Levante (comme n. 5), n. 2. ; FIGLIUOLO, Pergameni messinesi (comme n. 5), n. 4. ALIBRANDI INTERSIMONE, Pergamene (comme n. 25), n. 143 ; ALIBRANDI, Messinesi in Levante (comme n. 5), n. 3. ; FIGLIUOLO, Pergameni messinesi (comme n. 5), n. 6.

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varoso, Johannes de Pelegrinis, et Napolion Porcus, qui prêtent de l’argent et investissent dans des trafics à destination de Candie et de Venise.92 Les Messinois sont également présents dans la Romanie génoise. On observe ainsi la présence d’immigrants originaires de Messine à Péra (deux en 1281), à Caffa (trois en 1289–1290), à Soudak (un en 1274). Les Messinois, après les gens d’Ancône, sont de loin les plus nombreux parmi les Italiens d’Italie centrale et méridionale. À titre de comparaison, les Vénitiens n’y sont guère plus nombreux (deux à Péra, six à Caffa). Messine apparaît donc comme l’une des rares villes avec Venise, Valence, Montpellier et Ancône, à avoir des marchands relativement actifs en Romanie génoise.93 De tous les ports siciliens, Messine est clairement celui qui a les relations les plus intenses avec la Mer Noire.94 Si au XIVe siècle la présence messinoise à Caffa semble disparaître95, quelques indices revèlent leur présence à Chilia96 et à Péra.97 En outre, les registres des notaires messinois contiennent un nombre relativement important de contrats qui témoignent de la continuité du commerce messinois avec la Romanie génoise au début du XVe siècle.98

III. Dynamiques et interactions Pour analyser les relations entre marchands, le concept de communauté présente un inconvénient : on a tendance à penser la communauté comme formant une entité homogène, autonome et fermée. Le concept a son utilité, notamment dans une perspective macro-économique, pour définir les grandes lignes des réseaux commerciaux par exemple. Mais quand on observe la réalité des pratiques marchandes au niveau micro-économique des contrats, la notion de communauté apparaît beaucoup moins nette, et l’ “ identité ” individuelle des marchands peut 92 93 94

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Nicola de Boateriis, notaio in Famagosta e Venezia (1355–1365) (Fonti per la storia di Venezia 3), éd. Antonino LOMBARDO, Venise 1973, nn. 21, 22, 23, 84. Michel BALARD, La Romanie génoise (XIIe–début du XVe siècle), Rome 1978, p. 243 et pp. 265–266. Gheorghe I. BRATANIU, Recherches sur le commerce génois dans la Mer noire au XIIIe siècle, Paris 1929. Voir par exemple, à l’index, les occurrences des ports siciliens : Palerme (1), Syracuse (1), Trapani (2), Messine (8). Aucun messinois n’apparaît dans les actes de Caffa (1343–1344) et Licostomo (1373–1384), édités par Giovanna BALBI, Silvana RAITERI, Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Caffa e Licostomo (sec. XIV), Gênes 1973. Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Chilia da Antonio di Ponzo (1360–1361), éd. Geo PISTARINO, Gênes 1971, n. 68 : en 1361, on repère un certain Georgius Malfante burgensis Messane parmi les témoins d’un acte. BALARD, La Romanie génoise (comme n. 93), p. 303 ; Gênes et l’Outre-Mer, t. 2 : Les actes de Kilia du notaire Antonio di Ponzo, 1360, éd. IDEM, Paris / La Haye / New York 1980, n. 10, pp. 39–40 : les Messinois participent à la traite esclavagiste. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 205r–206r et 217v–218r (Caffa) ; t. 4, t. 1, fol. 50r–51r et 129v–130r (Romanie en général), fol. 121r–122r, 125r–125v, 128v–129r (Péra).

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varier en fonction des circonstances. David Abulafia a montré dans plusieurs articles que pour beaucoup de marchands de “ cités mineures ” qui commercent avec le Levant, l’adoption d’une nationalité autre que celle de la ville d’origine est une pratique courante. Par exemple, beaucoup de Toscans, comme les marchands de San Gimignano, se déclarent Pisans quand ils sont outre-mer ; les marchands d’Ancône se déclarent souvent comme Génois, Pisans ou Vénitiens.99 Ces marchands utilisent donc une identité nationale de substitution, qui agit comme une sorte de “ pavillon de complaisance ”, permettant d’obtenir des avantages fiscaux et une protection juridique, mais qui implique également des contraintes. Le cas de Pietro Vitale de Messine, “ Ianuensis ”, présent à Chypre à la fin du XIIIe siècle est probablement un cas du même type. En effet, s’ils détiennent quelques privilèges, les Messinois ne semblent jamais avoir possédé de consulats propres en Orient, pas plus que les autres Siciliens, à la différence des grandes nations marchandes. À Alexandrie, les Messinois relèvent ainsi de la juridiction du consul catalan, et il est très probable que beaucoup de marchands de Messine se fassent passer au Levant non comme des Messinois, mais comme des Génois ou des Catalans. Les marchands des cités mineures, comme Messine, arrivant dans le sillage des grandes nations “ submergent leur identité et commercent comme membres des communautés les plus favorisées et puissantes ” pour des raisons purement pragmatiques.100 Par ailleurs, quand on observe les contrats messinois du XVe siècle, l’impression donnée est celle d’un milieu marchand très cosmopolite, où des personnages d’origines très diverses s’associent pour des affaires ponctuelles, en dehors de toute considération d’appartenance communautaire. Un exemple frappant est fourni par un contrat passé en 1417 : Petrus de Albone, un marchand de Barcelone, Francesco Serra, patron de nef probablement catalan également, Samuel Rudi, juif de Cagliari et Samuel Isac, juif de Marseille, engagent comme pilote Giorgio de Constancio, originaire de Sibenic, pour un voyage vers le golfe de Venise, avant de revenir à Messine et de se rendre ensuite en Sardaigne.101 Selon David Abulafia, la coopération et la spécialisation dans certaines activités étaient, pour les “ cités mineures ”, une nécessité pour s’assurer une viabilité dans un contexte de concurrence commerciale dominé par les grandes nations marchandes.102 Les Messinois semblent ainsi avoir joué un rôle d’intermé99

100 101 102

David ABULAFIA, A Tyrrhenian Triangle: Tuscany, Sicily, Tunis, 1276–1300, in : Studi di storia economica toscana nel Medioevo e nel Rinascimento in memoria di Federigo Melis, éd. Cinzio VIOLANTE (Biblioteca del Bollettino Storico Pisano. Collana Storica 33), Pise 1987, pp. 53–75, ici pp. 55–56 ; IDEM, Crocuses and Crusaders: San Gimignano, Pisa and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, in : Outremer. Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, éd. Benjamin Z. KEDAR / Hans E. MAYER / Raimund C. SMAIL, Jérusalem 1982, pp. 227–243 ; IDEM, The Anconitan Privileges in the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Levant Trade of Ancona, in : I comuni italiani nel regno crociato di Gerusalemme, éd. Gabriella AIRALDI / Benjamin Z. KEDAR, Gênes 1986, pp. 525–570, ici pp. 536–540. ABULAFIA, The Levant Trade (comme n. 8), p. 186. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 23v–24r. ABULAFIA, The Levant Trade (comme n. 8).

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diaires spécialisés, au moins dans deux types d’activité : le commerce des esclaves et les services de transport. La participation des Messinois à la traite esclavagiste est montrée à la fois par les contrats passés à Messine et par ceux des notaires d’outre-mer. Au XVe siècle, les hommes d’affaires de Messine investissent parfois de façon très explicite dans l’achat d’esclaves de Romanie. Par exemple, en 1426, Nardo de Pascali, marchand de Messine, reçoit en accomanda 80 onces de la part de quatorze investisseurs, pour un voyage vers Caffa, le capital devant être utilisé “ in servis ”.103 En février-mars 1418, le marchand messinois Stefano Branca vend une dizaine d’esclaves, qu’il a apportés de Bosnie et d’Orient.104 On retrouve des Messinois impliqués dans la traite des esclaves parfois à grande échelle, dans deux places importantes : Péra et Famagouste. A Péra par exemple, sur 766 esclaves grecs mis en vente en 1351, 656 sont achetés par trois traitants associés, dont l’un est un marchand de Messine, Enrico de Rustico.105 L’analyse des contrats de vente d’esclaves à Messine, dans la première moitié du XVe siècle, illustre également le rôle d’intermédiaires joué par les Messinois auprès des Catalans : ces derniers sont deux fois plus nombreux parmi les acheteurs que parmi les vendeurs, qui sont très majoritairement (aux 2 3) des gens de Messine. La spécialisation des Messinois dans les services de transport maritime peut également être mise en lumière par quelques exemples. En 1276, les licences d’exportation de blé sicilien vers la Tunisie, pour un volume de 4000 salmes, sont toutes accordées à des Pisans ou à d’autres Toscans, mais parmi la dizaine de navires qui assurent le transport, deux sont des navires en partance de Trapani, qui appartiennent à des Messinois, et qui assurent à eux seuls le transport du tiers du volume de blé exporté.106 Entre 1416 et 1431, les registres du notaire Tommaso Andriolo permettent d’identifier à Messine les noms de 35 patrons de navire, dont les deux-tiers sont des Messinois, pour la plupart à la tête de nefs, parfois de bonne taille. Les non-Messinois sont soit des régnicoles, capitaines d’embarcations de petite taille destinées au cabotage régional ou à la course, soit des capitaines de grosses nefs étrangères, génois ou catalans.107 Le faible 103 104 105 106 107

Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 205r. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 71r–71v, 82r–82v. BALARD, La Romanie génoise (comme n. 93), p. 303. ABULAFIA, A Tyrrhenian Triangle (comme n. 99), pp. 57–59. Les patrons identifiés comme citoyens de Messine sont Rogerius de Scandore, Antonius Falanga, Petrus de San Jervasio, Bertus Schota, Antonius Cathaniri, Johannucius de Bartholomeo, Thucius Stagnaru, Damianus de Markisio, Bartholomeus de Markisio, Bonsignorus Pinchellu, Thucius de Constancio, Nicolaus de la Ficarra et Nicolaus de Palma, Angelus de Compagno, Bartholomeus de Viterbo, Brancas de la Rocca, Antonius de Judice, Jacobus de Viterbo, Nardus Purili et Andriotta Starrellu, Nicolosus Firranti : Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 6r–6v, 7r–8v, 16v–17r, 26r, 28v–29r, 32v–33r, 61v–62r, 62r–62v ; 2e série, fol. 6v– 7v, 8r–8v, 9r, 12v, 28r, 10r, 29v, 30v, 34r, 57r–57v, 83v, 264r, 287v–288r, 291v–292r, 417r–419r ; vol. 4, t. 1, fol. 8r–8v, 9r–9v, 74r–74v, 80v–81v, 60v–62r, 75r–76r, 77v–78r, 119r–120r, 125r–125v. Les non-Messinois identifiés sont Antonius Coronatus (de Gênes), Johannes de Stige (Catalan), Simonellus de Gayeta, Johannes Martinus de Sibilla, Johannes de Rocca de Valenciis, Paulus de Melacio (de Syracuse), Franciscus Gines (Catalan), Johannes de Campo Rotundo (Catalan),

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nombre de capitaines catalans contraste avec le grand nombre de marchands catalans présents à Messine à la même époque, qui passent des contrats de nolisement, prioritairement avec des patrons messinois. Ces données ponctuelles suggèrent donc que les Messinois jouent un rôle actif de transporteurs au service de marchands catalans, qui utilisent Messine comme une base avancée en Méditerranée pour organiser leur trafic. Un exemple très frappant du rôle de pivot maritime joué par Messine est fourni par un contrat daté du 9 février 1428108 : deux Messinois, Bartolomeo de Viterbo et son fils Giacomo, louent leur nef à un marchand de Barcelone, Francesco Malleo, pour deux voyages successifs. Le premier part de Messine pour se rendre au caricatore sicilien de Montechiaro (entre Agrigente et Sciacca), où sont chargées 800 salmes de froment, puis à Augusta où le chargement est complété, avant de se rendre ensuite à Modon. Au second voyage, la nef se rend de Modon à Candie, puis rentre à Messine pour y charger des marchandises qui sont acheminées ensuite à Palerme puis à Barcelone (fig. 4).

Fig. 4 Itinéraire d’une nef messinoise nolisée à un marchand catalan en 1428

La complémentarité des marchands étrangers et messinois s’observe également à une échelle plus régionale. Une sorte de “ division internationale du travail ” s’établit entre les marchands étrangers, dont l’activité repose essentiellement

108

Franciscus Gascu et Guillemus de Turri (de Pantelleria), Johannes Garoffalus et Birardus de Pirino (de Trapani), Franciscus Furmusa (de Syracuse), Johannes Juagnes de Riola de Villa de Deria (Basque) : Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 65r–65v, 66r– 67v, 75v–76r, 99r–100r, 155v–156r ; 2e série, fol. 36v–37r, 37v, 49v, 67v, 155r, 197r bis, 200r, 240v– 241r, 220v–221r. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 2e série, fol. 317r–319r.

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sur les liens commerciaux entre Messine et son avant-pays (exportation de marchandises siciliennes comme le blé ; l’importation de biens manufacturés comme les draps), et les marchands locaux dont l’une des fonctions, mais non la seule, est d’assurer le lien entre le port et son arrière-pays. Ainsi, le rôle de Messine comme point de diffusion des soieries, mais aussi des draps, de Catalogne, de France, de Toscane, vers les principales foires de Calabre méridionale (Reggio, Tropea) et de Sicile orientale (Piazza, Catane, Randazzo, Nicosia, Caltagirone) est bien attesté dans les contrats du XVe siècle où ce commerce itinérant apparaît comme une spécialité des marchands juifs.109 Messine serait ainsi, comme le suggère S. R. Epstein, l’une des principales “ portes d’entrée ” de l’île pour les marchandises étrangères, et polarise une région fortement intégrée.110 Plusieurs contrats du XVe siècle montrent enfin que Messine est le point d’articulation de plusieurs réseaux régionaux mettant en relation, autour du détroit, les Pouilles, la Calabre, la Campanie, la Sardaigne, les îles Lipari et le reste de la Sicile. Un système de relations triangulaires entrelacées et emboîtées organise cet espace fortement intégré, reposant sur la complémentarité et la spécialisation des productions locales. Ainsi, le bois calabrais est souvent utilisé comme monnaie d’échange : apporté à Palerme, qui en manque, il sert à acheter, dans les caricatori de Sicile occidentale, le froment nécessaire au ravitaillement de la cité. Un long acte de nolisement, datant de 1421, illustre assez bien ce système d’intégration régionale : Johannes Martinus, patron d’un navire sévillan, loue son navire, une spinasse, à un Calabrais, Antonello de Muni de San Noceto. Partant de Messine avec des tonneaux vides, il doit se rendre d’abord à Tropea, pour compléter le chargement avec d’autres tonneaux, puis à San Noceto, l’un des principaux points de production et d’exportation de vin de Calabre, pour charger le navire de 80 tonneaux de vin, avant de se rendre à l’île de Prochida puis de décharger sa cargaison à Naples ou Gaète.111

IV. Conclusion La présence précoce et durable de nombreuses communautés marchandes étrangères et la diffusion dans toute la Méditerranée des marchands autochtones illustrent une caractéristique majeure de Messine, à savoir sa très forte extraversion économique. De toutes les villes siciliennes, c’est la plus ouverte aux échanges extérieurs et celle dont les marchands locaux furent les plus actifs dans les autres ports de Méditerranée, en particulier en Afrique du Nord et au Levant.

109 110 111

Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1ère série, fol. 37r, 45v, 55r, 47v–48r, 49v–50r ; 2e série, fol. 42v, 216r, 220r, 221v, 230r, 233v, 249r, 261r. EPSTEIN, An Island for Itself (comme n. 9), p. 240–267. Messine, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Notarile, t. 2, 1e série, fol. 99r–100r.

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Cette extraversion doit être mise en relation avec un autre trait notable : le haut degré de connectivité112 entre Messine et d’autres ports en fait une cité pleinement intégrée aux grands courants d’échanges transméditerranéens, et la place au cœur d’un processus d’intégration régionale à l’échelle du Mezzogiorno. Ainsi, Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge fut bien plus qu’une escale importante ou un emporium dominé par des marines étrangères : la cité a joué, au moins à une échelle régionale, mais aussi à l’échelle de la Méditerranée occidentale, un rôle de hub portuaire concentrant et redistribuant de nombreux flux. Cette ouverture aux échanges ne doit pas être réduite à la seule marchandise. Messine fut aussi, dès le XIIe siècle, une métropole cosmopolite où se croisaient, dans une sorte de “ mouvement brownien ”, des hommes de toutes origines mais aussi des idées, éléments qui peuvent expliquer, en partie, la personnalité rebelle et les tendances autonomistes de la cité.

112

Ce concept est au cœur de l’essai stimulant de Peregrine HORDEN / Nicholas PURCELL, The Corrupting Sea. A Study of Mediterranean History, Oxford 2000.

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Il governo vescovile nella diocesi di Catania tra fenomeni di comunicazione, presenze di forestieri e culti devozionali (secoli XIV–metà del XVI)* I. Introduzione Con questo studio è mia intenzione considerare alcuni dati, per la diocesi di Catania nel tardo Medioevo e principio dell’età moderna, relativi alla presenza di immigrati, a culti devozionali, a fenomeni di comunicazione tra le comunità; aspetti che analizzerò in correlazione al governo vescovile.1 Farò inoltre riferimento alle relazioni tra le comunità urbane e rurali (universitates) ed il sovrano. La diocesi di Catania offre elementi suggestivi nella ricostruzione dei temi citati per alcune ragioni che senza pretesa d’esaustività e in maniera concisa posso così sintetizzare: un ruolo vescovile nel tardo Medioevo in graduale consolidamento in un contesto sociale ibrido dal punto di vista culturale, flussi migratori significativi, un territorio denso per comunità, una significativa diffusione di pratiche devozionali e d’istituzione di confraternite, una dipendenza economica crescente della diocesi dai contributi economici dei laici. Metterò in luce come l’incremento del ruolo del governo vescovile fosse risultato di una costante interazione tra le autorità ecclesiastiche e il mondo laico, in un processo in cui sarebbe limitativo dedurre che fosse esito unicamente d’una azione delle prime ma che in mia opinione veniva anche influenzato, seppur gradualmente, dalla comunità laica. Da questo punto di vista l’attività giurisdizonale vescovile si contraddistingueva per una politica improntata alla mediazione. In proposito va richiamato il contesto di profondi mutamenti politici con il controllo dell’Isola da parte degli esponenti di quattro famiglie eminenti (1377–1392), mi riferisco al periodo di governo noto come età dei Vicari, e la * Questo studio fa parte del progetto di ricerca HAR2013-44088-P finanziato dal Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad de España. Abbreviazioni utilizzate: ASDC (Archivio Storico Diocesano di Catania). In merito alla datazione dei documenti qui considerati l’anno iniziava il 25 marzo. Nelle note del presente testo all’anno indicato nel documento si fa seguire quello secondo lo stile moderno a partire dal primo gennaio, mentre nel testo si indica unicamente la data secondo lo stile moderno. 1 Sulle relazioni tra vescovo e comunità nella diocesi di Catania ho in corso di preparazione una monografia. Per un’indagine sulla giurisdizione vescovile, con riferimento alle unioni matrimoniali, mi permetto di rinviare a Fabrizio TITONE, The Right to Consent and Disciplined Dissent: Betrothals and Marriages in the Diocese of Catania in the Later Medieval Period, in: Disciplined Dissent: Strategies of Non-Confrontational Protest in Europe from the Twelfth to the Early Sixteenth Century, ed. IDEM, Roma 2016, pp. 139–168. In merito al rapporto tra la città di Catania ed il territorio circostante, si veda la sintesi di Lucia ARCIFA, La città nel Medioevo: sviluppo urbano e dominio territoriale, in: Catania. L’identità urbana dall’Antichità al Settecento, ed. Lina SCALISI, Catania 2009, pp. 84–86, 95–96, 101–103.

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conseguente restaurazione regia, a partire dal 1392, di Martino I. Una fase caratterizzata tra l’altro per la contrapposizione tra Martino I ed il vescovo di Catania Simone del Pozzo colpevole di avere sostenuto il governo dei Vicari2: nel contesto dello scisma d’Occidente (1378–1417) Simone del Pozzo si era infatti mantenuto fedele al papa di Roma contro gli scismatici catalani. Erano anni di tensione e di duri confronti politici, durante i quali l’autorità episcopale viveva la necessità, così come l’opportunità, d’incrementare un ruolo guida per le popolazioni della diocesi prima in un rapporto d’intesa con i Vicari poi, successivamente a del Pozzo, con Martino I. Il controllo del territorio da parte del vescovo o dei suoi rappresentanti era risultato d’un consolidamento graduale. In proposito si consideri, ad esempio, la coordinazione vescovile del crescente numero di benefici a favore di ecclesiastici associato all’impressionante aumento di messe in suffragio dei defunti3, così come l’incremento d’interventi giurisdizionali spesso esito di una richiesta dal basso ad esempio da parte dei contraenti le unioni matrimoniali. Nel presente studio all’analisi degli strumenti utilizzati dall’episcopo o dei suoi rappresentanti nell’attività giurisdizionale e nel controllo del territorio, seguirà una discussione di alcuni casi sull’interazione tra l’autorità religiosa ed i residenti delle comunità, così come sui possibili fenomeni di comunicazione tra queste ultime.

II. L’attività giurisdizionale e il sistema delle visite Per potere cogliere le modalità di relazione tra l’autorità episcopale e le comunità della diocesi credo sia necessario considerare, seppur in maniera breve ed orientativa, quale fosse l’organizzazione dei tribunali che costituivano un elemento chiave di raccordo nella relazione tra il vescovo e le comunità laiche e non laiche. Menzionerò, quindi, il sistema delle visite come ulteriore e fondamentale elemento nell’amministrazione del territorio. L’attività giurisdizionale (ho considerato in particolare casi relativi all’ambito matrimoniale) si caratterizzava per quella che sembra essere una significativa fluidità d’informazioni tra la curia / curia episcopalis con sede a Catania e le curie spirituali presenti nelle altre comunità. Emerge una certa variabilità nella composizione del tribunale spirituale sia di primo grado sia di appello. La curia episcopalis a Catania era generalmente formata da un ecclesiastico con il ruolo di vicario generale, da un giudice legum doctor delegato all’esame della causa (che però poteva essere realizzata solo dal vicario), da un magister notarius preposto alla registrazione delle deposizioni dei testimoni e in generale de2

3

La deposizione avveniva nel 1394 ma sarebbe stato privato formalmente del titolo episcopale nel 1396; si veda Salvatore FODALE, Scisma ecclesiastico e potere regio in Sicilia. Il duca di Montblanc e l’episcopato tra Roma e Avignone (1392–1396), Palermo 1979, pp. 53–60, 75– 82. Per questi elementi ho utilizzato la serie archivistica Tutt’Atti in ASDC.

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gli atti.4 Ai monterii e / o ai servientes spettavano funzioni operative come convocare le parti e riferire l’esito di una sentenza.5 L’appello era abitualmente responsabilità della magna curia episcopalis, la cui composizione poteva variare. Poteva essere coordinata dallo stesso vicario generale o da un altro ecclesiastico da lui individuato, così come abitualmente il vicario generale individuava un giudice legum doctor responsabile della sentenza d’appello. Il giudice legum doctor a volte era l’unico ufficiale preposto all’appello.6 In questa sede non mi soffermerò sulla possibilità di potere ricorrere ad ulteriori appelli7 e neanche su possibili variazioni d’intervento della curia spiritualis e della magna curia episcopalis rispetto alle modalità indicate.8 Con riferimento alle altre universitates la composizione della curia spiritualis poteva registrare alcune variazioni, ordinariamente includeva un vicario, la carica vicariale coincideva con quella di arciprete, ed era abitualmente coadiuvato da un giudice. Una volta che la curia concludeva le indagini, il vicario generale o il vescovo potevano richiedere la trasmissione degli esiti dell’indagine.9 Ciò non toglie che la sentenza di primo grado potesse essere realizzata dalla stessa curia periferica, l’appello invece era di competenza della magna curia.10 Ordinariamente era il vicario generale ad assumere un ruolo centrale nell’attività giurisdizionale sia a Catania, comunità nella costa centro-orientale dell’Isola, sia nelle visite nelle comunità della diocesi. Aveva una funzione di particolare rilevanza in una politica di coordinazione e di supervisione del territorio e nell’assicurare la fluidità di comunicazione con l’autorità vescovile. Le modalità d’interazione indicate potevano variare significativamente ad esempio in base al grado d’interventismo del vescovo che poteva mutare, come emerge ponendo a confronto le politiche messe in atto dai diversi preposti alla diocesi da fine Trecento sino a metà Cinquecento – arco cronologico a cui si fa riferimento in questa sede. Non mancavano casi in cui la delicatezza di un’indagine inducesse il vescovo a recarsi personalmente nel luogo per seguire le necessarie verifiche. Era quanto 4

5 6

7

8 9 10

ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 2, fol. 1rv [1405]. ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 13, fol. 41v–42v, 19 gennaio Ind. 2 1478/1479. In merito all’esercizio della giustizia ecclesiastica per la sfera matrimoniale rinvio per un confronto a Claude GAUVARD / Alessandro STELLA (Ed.), Couples en justice IVe–XIXe siècle, Paris 2013. ASDC, Sententiae, Carpetta 1, quinternus 5, fol. 4v, 21 febbraio indizione 10 14[47]. ASDC, Sententiae, Carpetta 1, quinternus 2, fol. 1v, 25 settembre indizione 2 [1423]. Tutt’Atti vol. 13, fol. 2v, 8 agosto indizione 11 1478. Tutt’Atti, vol. 15, fol. 78v, 25 giugno indizione 6 1488. Alcuni dati in Giacomo PACE, Giuristi e apparati di Curia a Catania nel Quattrocento, in: Chiesa e società in Sicilia: I secoli XII–XVI. Atti del II convegno internazionale organizzato dall’arcidiocesi di Catania, 25–27 novembre 1993, ed. Gaetano ZITO, Torino 1995, pp. 72–76. Aspetti che approfondirò nella mia monografia in corso di preparazione, si veda nota 1. Ad esempio ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 7, fol. 95r, 19 febbraio indizione 2 1453/1454 (richiesta al vicario di Augusta). ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 7, fol. 56v–57r, 13 marzo indizione 1 [1453] (Castrogiovanni, il vicepriore e il giudice erano i responsabili del processo di primo grado).

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faceva nel 1471 il vescovo Guglielmo Bellomo per il processo, in corso a Castrogiovanni, per la richiesta di scioglimento di un matrimonio tra il venerabile frate Antonio de Matruna e Bartolomea puella di mastro Simone de Nida.11 Il padre di Bartolomea, che l’aveva rappresentata nel contratto matrimoniale, ne aveva chiesto successivamente lo scioglimento. Bellomo stabiliva che “simili cause matrimoniali e cause ardue e molto pregiudiziali” dovessere essere discusse dinanzi a lui e decise solo da lui. Richiedeva che Reynaldo de Terranova vicario generale ed il nobilis notarius Giovanni de Collitortis, giudice della curia episcopale, interrompessero il processo sino al suo arrivo. Dunque, il carattere burocratico dell’esercizio giurisdizionale non escludeva una possibile valutazione delle specificità di determinate denunce o di richieste d’ascolto. Va aggiunto che la vasta area territoriale della diocesi non scoraggiava il sistema delle visite non includendo rilievi montuosi significativi, con la notevole eccezione dell’Etna. L’ampia area piana che ingloba diverse comunità tra cui Catania e Paternò, così come il paesaggio più collinare in cui si trovano le comunità di Castrogiovanni (l’odierna Enna) e di Piazza nella Sicilia centrale, non rendevano gli spostamenti particolarmente impervi.12 Con ciò non intendo escludere che le condizioni delle strade potessero essere mediocri, come attestato a fine Duecento ed a fine Quattrocento ad esempio per quelle da Catania ai vicini paesi dell’Etna.13 In merito ai collegamenti viari da Catania, quelli interni s’incrementavano dall’età altomedievale con le fondazioni monastiche nella zona dell’hinterland (prevalentemente l’area etnea), per estendersi nei secoli successivi ed avere nella comunità di Paternò, a ovest di Catania, un’area di snodo. Sempre con riferimento ai collegamenti interni e alla loro graduale organizzazione ed espansione va menzionato, nel Trecento, quello da Catania verso sud sino a Lentini, comunità della diocesi di Siracusa. Invece le connessioni costiere s’incrementavano a partire dall’età sveva con significativi sviluppi in età bassomedievale, tra cui il rafforzamento, in particolare verso nord, da Catania sino ad Aci e, da fine Trecento, il nuovo itinerario da Catania a Messina nella diocesi per l’appunto messinese.14

III. L’immigrato Il tessuto sociale si caratterizzava per un carattere ibrido per origine culturale dei residenti, così come per chi viveva la mobilità di residenza come un fattore ordinario. In proposito mi pare opportuno considerare il fenomeno migratorio come un movimento di individui o di gruppi sia per una riallocazione permanente sia per una riallocazione temporanea. La ragione di questa scelta nasce 11 12 13 14

ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 11, fol. 29rv, 27 maggio 1471 indizione 2. Stephan R. EPSTEIN, Potere e mercati in Sicilia. Secoli XIII–XVI, Torino 1996, pp. 28–35. Patrizia SARDINA, Tra l’Etna e il mare: vita cittadina e mondo rurale a Catania dal Vespro ai Martini 1282/1410, Messina 1995, p. 34. ARCIFA, La città nel Medioevo (come n. 1), pp. 84–86, 95–96, 101–103.

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dal fatto che potevano essere entrambe due condizioni non determinate a priori bensì dall’evolversi degli eventi, la percezione quindi che si aveva del nuovo arrivato, così come quella che questi aveva di sé stesso, era di una persona a cui non sempre era chiara sin dall’inizio la durata della sua riallocazione. La composizione socio-culturale del tempo si caratterizzava per una disomogeneità, mi riferisco per l’appunto al caso di immigrati ora dall’interno della stessa isola ora dall’esterno, così come alla presenza di schiavi provenienti da differenti territori15, al retaggio culturale islamico, alla presenza di comunità ebraiche, ecc. Geneviève e Henri Bresc attribuiscono agli immigrati del XII secolo, Lombardi, Francesi, Calabresi e Beneventani, una rilatinizzazione dell’Isola dopo la conquista musulmana, posto che ulteriori flussi si sarebbero registrati nel Trecento e nel Quattrocento.16 Erano diffusi costumi distanti dalle norme ecclesiastiche e ciò spesso causava un maggiore coinvolgimento dei tribunali spirituali e delle autorità ecclesiastiche (ma non per questo necessariamente incisivo) ad esempio nelle modalità formative delle famiglie. Per i periodi precedenti alla fase che qui esamino, la legislazione regia include aspetti che puntano a marcare una discontinuità con pratiche non cristiane. Allo stesso tempo non mancano interventi che rivelano importanti elementi d’apertura ai differenti gruppi presenti nel regno, in proposito ricordo il primo articolo delle Assise di Ariano promulgate nel 1140. Come è noto Ruggero II (r. 1130–1154) nel primo articolo dichiarava che le consuetudini, le tradizioni e le leggi dei governati non sarebbero state abolite se non in contraddizione manifestissime con le nuove leggi.17 Hiroshi Takayama, ponendo in discussione la tesi di una tolleranza Normanna tout court, evidenzia le mutevoli relazioni (migliori a partire da Ruggero II) tra i governanti Normanni e la popolazione musulmana e mette in evidenza politiche normanne di riconoscimento dell’altro, così come azioni esclu-

15

16

17

Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Économie et société en Sicilie 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), vol. 2, Roma / Palermo 1986, pp. 406– 407; IDEM, Une société esclavagiste médiévale : l’exemple de la Sicile, in: Sardegna, Mediterraneo ed Atlantico tra medioevo ed età moderna. Studi storici in memoria di Alberto Boscolo, ed. Luisa D’ARIENZO, vol. 2, Roma 1993, pp. 297–314. Si veda anche Domenico VENTURA, Aspetti economico-sociali della schiavitù nella Sicilia medievale (1260–1498), in: Annali della Facoltà di Economia e Commercio dell’Università di Catania a. 24 (1978), pp. 77–130. Geneviève BRESC-BAUTIER / Henri BRESC, Lavoro agricolo e lavoro artigianale nella Sicilia medievale (1a edizione 1980), in: Una stagione in Sicilia, ed. Marcello PACIFICO (Quaderni – Mediterranea. Ricerche storiche 11), Palermo 2010, p. 477. Leges a nostra maiestate noviter promulgatas pietatis intuitu asperitatem nimiam mitigantes mollia quodam moderamine exaucuentes; obscura dilucidantes, generaliter ab omnibus precipimus observari, moribus, consuetudinibus, legibus non cassatis pro varietate populorum nostro regno subiectorum, sicut usque nunc apud eos optinuit, nisi forte nostris his sanctionibus adversari quid in eis manifestissime videatur, in: Le Assise di Ariano. Testo critico, ed. Ortensio ZECCHINO, Cava dei Tirreni 1984, p. 28. Si veda almeno IDEM, Alle origini del costituzionalismo europeo. Le assise di Ariano 1140–1190 (Fonti e studi. Centro Europeo di Studi Normanni 1), Roma / Bari 1996.

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denti.18 Mi pare si possa parlare di una politica sia con elementi d’apertura, sia caratterizzata da una strategia esclusiva di tipo selettivo: Ruggero II nell’Assisa De coniugis legitimis celebrandis (1140)19, che sarebbe stata in parte recepita dall’imperatore Federico II nella costituzione De matrimoniis contrahendis (1231)20, legiferava sulle unioni contro tradizioni non cristiane dichiarando di volere pravas consuetudines extirpare e sanciva la benedizione delle nozze.21 Sempre in età normanna la costituzione De maritandis ordinibus, secondo Carlo Alberto Garufi emanata dal re Guglielmo I (r. 1154–1166), richiedeva la benedizione degli sponsalia.22 Interventi diversi che evidenziano, sia per l’epoca normanna sia per l’epoca sveva, una preoccupazione dei legislatori per marcare una discontinuità rispetto alla dominazione musulmana. Va aggiunto che, per l’età normanna, questi testi normativi davano anche espressione al conseguimento di un equilibrio politico con l’autorità pontificia, da ciò un’enfasi in merito alla presenza di pratiche non cristiane. Va ricordato che in età musulmana vi erano stati casi di significativa contrazione o scomparsa di associazioni cristiane ma anche il mantenimento di chiese, di monasteri e di comunità cristiane che conservavano la loro identità a livello religioso e linguistico.23 Nel Trecento e nel Quattrocento la realtà era in parte diversa con interventi del legislatore laico che appaiono meno allarmati nel contrasto di pratiche non cristiane, comunque oggetto d’interventi disciplinanti però più in una strategia di prevenzione di possibili disordini sociali. Non è mia intenzione sostenere che la cultura cristiana fosse da fine Duecento ormai uniformemente imperante, bensì che i sovrani vivessero una pressione meno urgente dei loro predecessori nella difesa dei principi cristiani. Appaiono suggestivi i provvedimenti del re 18

19 20

21 22

23

Hiroshi TAKAYAMA, Religious Tolerance in Norman Sicily? The Case of Muslims, in: Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, ed. Errico CUOZZO / Vincent DEROCHE / Annick PETERS-CUSTOT et al. (Monographies. Centre de Recherche d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance 30), Paris 2008, pp. 623–636. Il riferimento al primo articolo delle Assise a p. 631. ZECCHINO, Assise di Ariano (come n. 17), p. 46. Die Konstitutionen Friedrichs II. von Hohenstaufen für sein Königreich Sizilien. Nach einer lateinischen Handschrift des 13. Jahrhunderts, ed. Hermann CONRAD / Thea von der LIECKBUYKEN / Wolfgang WAGNER (Studien und Quellen zur Welt Kaiser Friedrichs II. 2), Colonia / Vienna 1973, p. 274. ZECCHINO, Assise di Ariano (come n. 17), p. 46. Sull’assisa De coniugis legitimis celebrandis e De maritandis ordinibus si veda Carlo A. GARUFI, Ricerche sugli usi nuziali del Medioevo in Sicilia, Palermo 1980 (1a edizione 1896), pp. 28–33, in particolare pp. 29–30 sull’attribuzione a re Guglielmo. IDEM, Il matrimonio “per verba de futuro” di un Siciliano studente leggi in Bologna nel 1349, in: Il Circolo Giuridico 38 (1897), pp. 63–70, torna sull’argomento e richiama la costituzione de matrimoniis contrahendis di Federico II che ritiene sancisca la benedizione per gli sponsalia. Inoltre rinvio ad Antonio MARONGIU, Matrimonio e famiglia nell’Italia meridionale (sec. VIII–XIII) (Documenti e monografie 39), Bari 1976, pp. 75–78 in merito sia alla benedizione da parte del prete nell’assisa de coniugiis legitimis celebrandis di Ruggero II, sia a conferme successive della benedizione e dell’unione in facie ecclesiae / in ecclesia per le comunità di Reggio nel 1273 e di Bitonto nel 1306. Alex METCALFE, Muslim and Christians in Norman Sicily. Arabis Speakers and the End of Islam (Culture and Civilization in the Middle East), London / New York, 2003, pp. 13–17.

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aragonese Federico III re di Sicilia (r. 1296–1337) nei primi del Trecento relativi ai rituali di passaggio dei matrimoni e delle celebrazioni funerarie. Provvedimenti realizzati principalmente per disattivare fonti di disordini e possibili scontri tra gruppi contrapposti e forme d’ostentazione di potere. Federico III interveniva tra l’altro contro le reputantes e cioè professioniste dell’espressione del cordoglio, che realizzavano i loro riti secondo pratiche non cristiane.24 Il loro intervento consisteva nell’esternare il dolore in maniera fortemente esplicativa, con grida, battiti del petto e tirandosi i capelli. In particolare accompagnavano i loro gesti con il repito o reputationes o cantilena: la recitazione, ma anche enumerazione (reputare, da cui la loro identificazione più diffusa) e / o canto di versi evocanti momenti della vita del deceduto, anche attraverso l’ausilio di strumenti musicali.25 Credo che la preoccupazione regia, così come di suoi successori, vada collegata al timore che potessero fomentare disordini ed acuire contrapposizioni esistenti, più che alla natura non cristiana delle loro pratiche.26 In effetti, le processioni in omaggio al defunto erano possibili occasioni di episodi conflittuali, eventi in cui il coinvolgimento emotivo era più difficilmente controllabile da parte delle autorità. Un dato che è chiaramente richiamato nel provvedimento del 1322, con cui Federico III stabiliva che i preti ed i monaci di Palermo dovessero seguire il corpo del defunto e prevenire possibili tumulti.27 Non si trattava della promozione di nuove forme di celebrazione del defunto, bensì il suo intervento dimostra la difficoltà dei religiosi di confrontarsi con le stesse professioniste, così come con contesti spesso espressione di stati conflittuali. Il fatto che le reputantes fossero una presenza molto diffusa non implica un loro ruolo esclusivo nell’omaggio al defunto; al contrario l’intervento delle confraternite laiche durante i funerali rivela una marcata distanza rispetto alle professioniste nelle modalità d’espressione del cordoglio. Vale la pena richiamare un passaggio della normativa della confraternita di san Nicola di Palermo (conosciuta anche come Prima Cumpagna di la disciplina di Palermu) del 1343, in cui si evidenzia l’importanza dell’orazione in silenzio da parte dei confrati nel momento in cui accompagnavano il corpo di un confratello nella chiesa o nel luogo di sepoltura: [Q]uelli della casa del defunto non lo facciano seppellire fino a che vengano i fratelli della disciplina, che lo vogliono portare e accompagnare alla sepoltura. E i rettori siano tenuti a farlo sapere a tutti quelli della compagnia, che vengano bene 24 25 26

27

Capitula regni Siciliae, quae ad hodiernum diem lata sunt, ed. Francesco M. TESTA, vol. 1, Palermo 1741, capitula C–CIC, pp. 92–93. Fabrizio TITONE, Bewailing the Dead. Social Tension and Mourning Practices in Late Medieval Sicily, in: Viator 45,3 (2014), pp. 237–260. Martino I ad esempio in un intervento per Catania non vietava a una coppia di proseguire nella loro attività di professionisti del cordoglio, Real Cancelleria, Archivio di Stato di Palermo, vol. 38, fol. 277v–278r, 1401. Salvatore SALOMONE MARINO, Le reputatrici in Sicilia nell’età di mezzo e moderna. Ricerche storiche, Palermo 1886, p. 15.

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e devotamente e che siano almeno 18 ... e sei portino il corpo del defunto e gli altri sei seguano il corpo e vadano con le mani in croce con devozione, dicendo buone orazioni per l’anima del defunto in silenzio ... E i rettori siano tenuti, il primo giorno che si va in processione per la terra o il giorno che si stabilisce, di andare nella chiesa dove verrà seppellito il soprascritto defunto e di recitare il Padre Nostro sopra la fossa in silenzio.28

Le professioniste del cordoglio erano oggetto di sistematiche politiche di stigmatizzazione da parte delle autorità ecclesiastiche, che rifiutavano il loro messaggio lontano da una concezione cristiana della morte.29 In generale per l’età bassomedievale è significativo il ruolo delle autorità vescovili contro pratiche eterodosse e mi riferisco anche, volendo allargare il raggio d’osservazione, ai numerosi interventi dei tribunali spirituali sulle unioni matrimoniali tra l’altro per contrastare il fenomeno della bigamia. In proposito un’indagine che veniva realizzata a metà Quattrocento costituisce un caso paradigmatico e chiarificatore del sistema di comunicazione tra la magna curia di Catania e gli altri tribunali non solo della diocesi ma anche esterne a queste. Inoltre permette di richiamare l’incisività e l’ordinarietà del fenomeno migratorio, con effetti rilevanti nelle relazioni tra le autorità ecclesiastiche e la comunità laica. Erano frequenti i casi d’accertamenti per appurare lo stato civile dei forestieri. Nel 1452 l’arciprete di Calatafimi, comunità nord-occidentale dell’isola, riceveva una lettera del magister Antonio Bonafidi attraverso il vicario di Catania Giovanni di Starfillico.30 L’interazione tra il vicario e l’arciprete di Calatafimi indica come le modalità di cooperazione tra i tribunali di diocesi diverse fossero le medesime di quelle tra le curie della diocesi catanese. Bonafidi era evidentemente originario di Calatafimi ma in quella fase residente a Catania e chiedeva che si comprovasse che non avesse moglie, i parenti infatti della donna che desiderava sposare dubitavano che non fosse sposato. Non è un dato marginale che l’iniziativa dell’indagine prendesse le mosse da parte dell’aspirante marito, dato che comunemente era la famiglia della donna a richiedere un controllo in contesti in cui il lavoratore emigrante era generalmente l’uomo. Evidentemente in questo caso Bonafidi agiva per le perplessità di chi intendeva 28

29 30

[K]illi di la casa di lu defuntu ki non lu mandinu ad interrari fina in tantu ki vegnanu li soy frati di la disciplina, ki lo volinu purtari et acumpagnari a la sepultura. Et li recturi sianu tinuti di farilu a ssapiri a tucti killi di la cumpagna, ki chi vegnanu beni et devotamenti, e ki a lu minu sianu XVIII ... e VI ki portinu lu corpu di lu dictu defunctu, e li altri VI vayanu appressu lu corpu e vayanu cum li manu in cruchi cum divuciuni, dichendu boni oracioni per l’anima di lu defunctu, cum silenciu ... E li ricturi sianu tinuti, ki lu primu iornu ki si va a processioni per la terra, oy altru iornu a zo urdinatu, si diia andari a la eclesia uvi rirrà sepillitu lu supra scriptu defunctu, e dirinchi oracioni cum Patri Nostri supra la fossa cum silenciu, in: Regole, costituzioni, confessioni e rituali, ed. Francesco BRANCIFORTI, Palermo 1953, pp. 15–16. TITONE, Bewailing (come n. 25), pp. 237–260. ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 7, fol. 45r, 16 e 22 ottobre indizione 1 [1452]; il documento è registrato due volte: in un caso si indicano tre testimoni dompnus Guglielmo de Carachio, presti Marco di Abbinanti, Antonio de Lombardo clericus; nel seguente non si riporta Lombardo.

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sposare ma, in ciò che sembra riflettere il desiderio di conseguire una risposta quanto prima, era lui stesso a contattare il tribunale a Catania. Sembra scorgersi un’ansia da parte dell’aspirante marito di vedere sfumare l’opportunità di sposare la donna che aveva incontrato. Va però evidenziato che colui che lasciava il luogo d’origine non fosse necessariamente solo l’uomo. Bresc ha visto nella realtà migratoria il possibile fenomeno di coppie che condividevano un medesimo bagaglio culturale: era il caso di emigranti dalla Liguria che andavano a risiedere in comunità siciliane, in cui l’insediamento di gruppi provenienti dall’Italia centro-settentrionale (identificati come Lombardi) ne caratterizzavano costumi e identità, e non trovavano quindi contesti a loro estranei.31 Nel caso che qui prendo in esame doveva trattarsi però molto probabilmente di una persona sola, anche perché la curia spirituale non convocava suoi conoscenti per conoscere le loro testimonianze. Le modalità investigative sull’immigrante potevano variare in base ai contesti ed ai soggetti in questione ed erano comunque tutte coordinate dal tribunale spirituale della comunità di provenienza. La scelta di rivolgersi al vicario di Catania, la certezza della propria posizione, tanto da confidare nelle autorità religiose di Calatafimi, erano già una chiara prova della buona fede di Bonafidi le cui vicende personali dovevano essere note nella sua comunità d’origine: le testimonianze di alcuni prebisteri dimostravano che fosse vedovo. Nel 1479 Francesco Iacco decretorum doctor e vicario del vescovo ricordava che era prassi in tutto il regno realizzare gli opportuni accertamenti sui pretedenti forestieri.32 Queste testimonianze indicano non solo che la concentrazione delle indagini per eventuali casi di bigamia riguardasse emigranti ma che fossero percepiti dalle autorità diocesane come un potenziale canale per la diffusione di pratiche non ortodosse. La bigamia era un fenomeno effettivamente diffuso e Maria Sofia Messana in uno studio per il Cinquecento ne riconduce le cause sia alla consuetudine con il mondo del Maghreb, con cui i Siciliani erano in stretti contatti commerciali e militari, sia alla solitudine per lavori lontani dal luogo di origine, sia a ragioni sessuali.33 I soggetti che avevano bisogno di una conferma in merito allo stato civile dell’aspirante marito trovavano nell’autorità vescovile un valido appoggio, potendo questi attivare gli ecclesiastici della comunità d’origine e fare realizzare le indagini necessarie. Si attivava allo stesso tempo un ulteriore meccanismo: mi riferisco ad un riconoscimento dell’autorità vescovile da parte dei richiedenti, così come del carattere pubblico dell’unione matrimoniale promosso dalla chiesa. 31

32 33

Henri BRESC, Europe: Town and Country (Thirteenth–Fifteenth Century), in: A History of the Family, vol. 1: Distant Worlds, Ancient Worlds, ed. André BURGUIÈRE / Christiane KLAPISCHZUBER / Martine SEGALEN et al., Cambridge MA 1996 (1a edizione 1986), p. 435. ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 13, fol. 88rv, 3 maggio indizione 12 1479. Maria S. MESSANA, Bigami in Sicilia di fronte all’Inquisizione spagnola e al tribunale diocesano della Visita (1550–1750), in: Famiglie. Circolazione di beni, circuito di affetti in età moderna, ed. Renata AGO / Benedetta BORELLO, Roma 2008, pp. 217–240.

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IV. Pratiche devozionali e rappresentanze al governo I movimenti migratori, i contatti tra le comunità, la diffusione di notizie, lo spirito d’emulazione potevano dare vita a fenomeni opposti a quanto temuto dal vicario Francesco Iacco. La diffusa presenza di pratiche eterodosse, la frequenza d’interventi regolatori da parte dei tribunali, offrono una testimonianza parzialmente rappresentativa delle pratiche sociali dell’epoca, che erano caratterizzate tra l’altro per significative forme devozionali, diffuse reti di pellegrinaggio, così come per le fondazioni di luoghi di culto ad opera di confraternite e di privati. Si tratta di realtà spesso caratterizzate da fenomeni di comunicazione e da reciproche influenze tra le comunità. I maggiori luoghi di devozione nel sud della penisola erano San Benedetto a Montecassino, San Matteo a Salerno, San Nicola a Bari, San Michele nel monte Gargano, Sant’Agata a Catania. Non erano geograficamente lontani, anche in considerazioni d’ulteriori luoghi di devozione meno noti lungo gli itinerari verso i centri citati. Volendo limitarmi ai santuari maggiori indicati e ricorrendo un possibile itinerario a partire da Montecassino sino a San Matteo a Salerno la distanza era di circa 30 km, mentre da Salerno sino a San Michele di circa 40 km, quindi da questo ultimo sino a San Nicola a Bari poco meno di 30 km e infine da Bari a Catania di circa 116 km (evidentemente in questo caso va aggiunta la difficoltà del passaggio dello stretto in mare). Realtà che avrebbero fortemente influenzato le forme devozionali radicando le pratiche del pellegrinaggio, così come un diffuso consolidamento e ampliamento di fondazioni di luoghi di culto nell’Isola e al di fuori.34 Si tratta di un contesto che contribuiva ulteriormente al carattere mobile della società ma se l’immigrato era fonte di timori per la corte vescovile, il pellegrino assicurava una diffusione di pratiche cristiane. Una diffusione che aveva ulteriori canali, quali i contatti commerciali e politici esistenti tra le comunità, tra cui il centro celebre per la presenza di reliquie e le forme devozionali collegate ecc. Prendendo in esame il caso di Catania ed il culto della santa martire Agata († 251) e facendo particolare riferimento alle pratiche devozionali degli artigiani, intendo approfondire secondo quali modalità queste pratiche potessero consolidarsi e quali effetti politici avessero. In merito al culto di sant’Agata (che non veniva meno durante la dominazione musulmana – il corpo sembrerebbe che rimanesse presso la chiesa di sant’Agata la Vetere – e si rivitalizzava durante 34

Un fenomeno presente nella diocesi con interventi per la loro erezione ora di singoli ora di confraternite. In questa sede mi limito a ricordare, ad esempio, la societas fustigantium seu disciplinancium dominarum atttiva da fine Trecento, che aveva come luogo di culto l’oratorio di Santa Maria di Giosafat (Josaphat) situato fuori le mura. Un’oratorio riedificato ad cultum divinum grazie al loro impegno e interesse. Tutt’Atti, vol. 1, fol. 98r, 15 maggio 1390 indizione 13. Inoltre si veda Carmelina NASELLI, Notizie sui Disciplinati in Sicilia, in: Il movimento dei Disciplinati nel settimo centenario dal suo inizio (Perugia 1260). Celebrazione del 8 centenario del movimento dei Disciplinati 1260–1960. Convegno internazionale, Perugia, 25–28 settembre 1960 (Deputazione di storia patria per l’Umbria. Appendice al Bolletino 9), Perugia 1962, pp. 317–327.

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il XII secolo quando sono anche attestati casi di devozione tra i Musulmani)35, alla sua rilevanza nella società e alle connessioni con le rappresentanze politiche, importanti elementi chiarificatori vengono per l’appunto dalle corporazioni degli artigiani. La capacità degli artigiani catanesi d’incrementare il proprio ruolo politico era esito di un graduale processo di riconoscimento della loro rilevanza sempre più diffuso nella comunità e anche nei governanti. Costituivano un gruppo economicamente e politicamente in ascesa in particolare durante il regno di Alfonso V (r. 1416–1458). Una loro contrapposizione nel 1422 agli artigiani ebrei offre dei primi elementi d’approfondimento. Nella realtà cittadina la lavorazione della cera, anche in relazione al culto per sant’Agata, aveva una funzione economica di rilievo per gli esercenti nel settore. Il vescovo Giovanni Podoniucis nel 1422 rendeva nota una petizione presentata a lui e al viceré Nicola Castagna, definito dal vescovo socio / consocio nel governo del regno.36 Il viceré e il suo consiglio decidevano però di demandare la decisione all’autorità vescovile in ragione del fatto che si trattava di una materia spirituale. La petizione candelariorum exercencium ministerium candelarie laboracionis cere proponeva una serie di drastici limiti all’esercizio degli artigiani ebrei che, in un processo di radicale differenziazione, venivano stigmatizzati come hereticos perfidos iudeos. La tipologia della petizione e le modalità perseguite nell’elaborazione della stessa assicuravano un sicuro accoglimento da parte del vescovo; si avanzava la difesa di un diritto secondo il principio che gli artigiani cristiani dovessero essere i soli a lavorare la cera per le festività religiose e per le attività liturgiche (quod predicti iudey non audeant ceram laborare). Una pratica che pur non avendo riscontri nella società catanese del tempo, in cui anche religiosi (come denunciato nella petizione dagli stessi artigiani) vendevano cera usata e benedetta agli ebrei, non poteva che ottenere una risposta favorevole. Per evitare scandali il vescovo stabiliva che gli ebrei non avrebbero dovuto lavorare la cera destinata alla celebrazione del culto divino, inoltre non avrebbero potuto comprare o scambiare cera usata in chiesa.37 35

36 37

Paul OLDFIELD, The Medieval Cult of St Agatha of Catania and the Consolidation of Christian Sicily, in: Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62,3 (2011), pp. 439–456, il riferimento alla dominazione musulmana a pp. 440–441. Sui casi di devozione tra i Musulmani, ibidem, pp. 453– 454. Sulla conservazione del corpo presso la chiesa di sant’Agata la Vetere ed in generale sul culto in età medievale si veda Giuseppe SCALIA, La traslazione del corpo di S. Agata e il suo valore storico, in: Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale 23–24 (1928), pp. 38–157, a pp. 48– 52 il riferimento al corpo prima della traslazione a Costantinopoli. ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 3, fol. 80rv, 17 marzo indizione 15 1421/1422. Iohannis miseracione divina episcopus Cathaniensis ac in regno Sicilie una cum socio Vicerex presentis scripti serie notum fieri volumus universis tam presentibus quam futuris presens decretum et scriptum autenticum inspecturis quod pro parte nonnullorum fidelium christianorum ministerium candelarie de cera exercencium et laborancium nobis ac magnifico domino Nicolao Castagna in regimine regni consocio nostro porrecta peticio videtur hec verba: Magnifici et potentes domini coram magnificenciis vestris humiliter et devote genibus humi[liter] flexis cum ea reverencia qua decet pro parte candelariorum exercencium ministerium candelarie

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Il successo del 1422 con il pieno appoggio vescovile credo che avrebbe avuto un’influenza indiretta sulle negoziazioni successive con la corte regia. Va precisato che l’autorità ecclesiastica era il referente principale nella coordinazione dei culti religiosi ma non esclusiva, è possibile infatti rintracciare ulteriori informazioni in base all’interazione tra il mondo laico e l’autorità regia. Nel 1435 gli artigiani presentavano al sovrano una serie di regolamentazioni e tra queste che annualmente ogni arte si riunisse per eleggere due consoli e due consiglieri; richiedevano peraltro che tutti i consoli partecipassero al consiglio generale. Alfonso V accettava le richieste.38 La partecipazione al consiglio generale sarebbe stata al centro di un lungo confronto politico con i genthilomini e di successivi interventi da parte del viceré e del re. La richiesta di una formalizzazione delle corporazioni, così come di una loro rappresentanze al governo, si compivano dichiarando sia la partecipazione degli

38

laboracionis cere tam in civitate Cathanie quam in aliis civitatibus regni Sicilie antiquitus fuerit semper ministratum et laboratum ac usque ad presens ministratur et laboratur in aliis civitatibus regni ac etiam extra regnum per solos christianos et Christi fideles et non per iudeos (et) hoc non inmerito quoniam cum candelis brandonibus et alia cera laborata ministratur sacrum et divinum officium et maxime quando celebratur et elevatur ac etiam ministrantur carattara (sic) sacra ut puta benedictio aque sancti baptismatis et aliarum benedicionum nec videtur congruum quod talia sacra Christo sacratissima officia ministrentur per instrumenta constructa per hereticos perfidos iudeos et a modico tempore citra in hac civitate Cathanie iudey ausu temerario ducti se imminiscuerunt et immiscunt in laboracione cere et instrumentorum predictorum in non modicum fidey christiane et sacrorum officiorum lesionem ac periudicium et interesse fidelium christianorum exercencium ministerium predictum et quod peius est accidit sepes sepius quod tales iudey emunt et soliti sunt emere ceram laboratam a presbiteris et monachis quae fuit et est forte benedicta de qua in dispendium et derogacionem fidei nostre nil boni faciunt et propterea recurritur ad magnificencias vestras supplicando quod dignemini talem errorem corrigere nec permittere talia enormia transire et quod predicti iudey non audeant ceram laborare ut dominus vos conservet in tempora longiora amen. Qua peticione recepta et [termine espunto] eius tenore perletto de consensu et matura deliberacione predicti domini Nicolai et tocius (regni) consilii ex eo quare agebatur de negocio spirituali decisio ipsius nobis fuit racionaliter commissa. Nos vero volentes super hoc (..) procedere iussimus dictam peticionem per fidedignos testes verificari et factis informacionibus et receptis testibus in numero (competenti) reperimus quod dicti iudey numquam fuerunt soliti dictum ministerium exercere nisi a pauco tempore citra et attendentes (quod multa) inconveniencia secuntur ex hoc quam maior pars cere (operatur) pro divino cultu celebrando et ad ecclesiasticum opus (christianum) sepius contingit ceram seminconsuntam in ecclesia inno(...) proventa ad posse iudeorum fidey christiane detrimentum (...ssorum) igitur consideracione pro scandalis in talibus evitandis statuimus quod dicti iudey ceram quod sit pro divino cultu celebrando et ad ecclesiasticum opus ac etiam pro factis et negociis ecclesiasticarum personarum nullatenus operari presumant nec etiam ceram semiconsuntam in ecclesiis permutari vel emere valeant si quis vero iudeorum quam hanc nostram provisionem et decretum veniret presumpserit viginti florenorum auri camere regie applicandorum inremissibiliter penam incurrat et eandem penam incurrat quilibet christianus qui ceram benedictam vel semel servicio ecclesiastico expositam iudeis vendere vel permutare directe vel indirecte vel ceram laboratam vel operatam pro divino cultu emere (presumpserit) ab eisdem. Datum Cathanie in nostro episcopali palacio XVII mensis marcii XV indictionis anno domini millesimo CCCCºX(XI), ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 3, fol. 80rv. Capitoli inediti delle città demaniali di Sicilia, ed. Salvatore GIAMBRUNO / Luigi GENUARDI, Palermo 1918, pp. 150–154.

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artigiani alle festività religiose sia la loro venerazione a sant’Agata. Nel 1435 enfatizzavano la loro devozione facendosi così portavoci di una pratica radicata nella comunità, che era anche testimonianza del carattere disciplinato della rappresentanza al governo da loro richiesta.39 Motivavano il loro intervento per la perdita di buone ed antiche consuetudini, quali la partecipazione alla festa della Madonna sancta Agata, e stabilivano che per mantenere la devozione i consoli degli artigiani avrebbero ordinato che annualmente nel mese di febbraio ogni maistru (maestro titolare nella bottega) e laborante (lavorante salariato) e locato (chi compiva l’apprendistato) avrebbero dovuto partecipare alla festa o mandato un cero il cui peso poteva variare. Il mastro doveva dare un rotolo (cioè 800 grammi) di cera, il lavorante mezzo rotolo e colui che prestava servizio temporanemante un quarto di rotolo.40 Stando alla norma proposta risulta una coincidenza tra ministrale e maestro, che però non era sistematica, in altri passaggi delle norme con il termine ministrale ci si poteva infatti riferire alle differenti categorie dei lavoratori di un’arte, quali il maestro, il lavorante e l’apprendista. Nel caso degli artigani d’armature di maglie (ministrali laboranti la cota) si prevedeva una contribuzione economica per il cero per la Chiesa Maggiore di sant’Agata (la Cattedrale).41 Inoltre in generale i ministrali, ogni sabato al suono delle campane della madre Chiesa 39 40

41

Ibidem, pp. 151–153. In questa petizione emerge una coincidenza isolata tra ministrale e mastro (ministrali, laboranti, locati; anche indicati come maistru, laboranti, locatu). “Alcune persone e principalmente ministrali e altri artisti hanno rotto la buona e antica consuetudine, come questa di venire alla festa della Madonna sant’Agata cittadina, avvocata e signora e parte di questa città, per la qual cosa sono molti a non venire alla luminaria, per la qual cosa la devozione è diminuita e la eresia è peggiorata, che sia sua bontà concedere ai detti consoli di potere ordinare che ogni ministrali di qualsiasi arte e lavorante e apprendista debbano venire o mandare un cero per ciascuno di un certo peso, che stabiliscono i detti consoli, alla festa di sant’Agata il mese di febbraio di ogni anno, cioè il mastro un rotolo, il lavorante mezzo rotolo e l’apprendista un quarto, salvo nei casi in cui la povertà non lo permetta.” – Item pero chi alcuni persuni et assay e maxime ministrali et altri artisti hannu ructu la bona et antiqua consuetudini, como esti di viniri ala festa di madonna sancta Agata citatina avocata et signura et partifichi di quista citati, per la quali cosa multu su in maxima quantitati chi non veninu ala dicta luminaria, per la quali cosa la devocioni esti diminuita et la eresia esti deteriorata, chi sia sua merci concediri ali dicti consuli putiri ordinari chi omni ministrali di qual si vogla arti et laboranti et li locati diianu veniri oy mandari unu chiliu per chaquidunu di certu pondu ordinandu per li dicti consuli ala festa di sancta Agata di mense februarii quolibet anno, scilicet lu maistru rotulu unu lu laburanti rotulu meczu et lu locatu quartarunnia unu, salvu li povertati extrema ki impachiassi, ibidem, pp. 152–153. Sulla distinzione tra salariato e apprendista si vedano alcune rapide osservazioni in BRESC-BAUTIER / BRESC, Lavoro agricolo (come n. 16), pp. 484–486. “I detti consoli possano ordinare e stabilire che ogni ministrale che lavora armature debba pagare ogni anno in questo modo, cioè il mastro 11 grana, il lavorarore 5 grana, l’apprendista 2 grana e questo denaro si converta per realizzare il cero che deve essere portato e assegnato alla luminaria a beneficio dell’opera della chiesa maggiore di sant’Agata.” – Item li dicti consuli poczanu ordinari et statuiri ki omni ministrali laboranti la cota digia apagari quolibet anno in quistu modu, videlicet lu mastru gr. XI, lu lavuranti gr. V et lu locatu gr. II et quista pecunia si converta alu opu di fari lu chiliu per portari et assignari ala dicta luminaria in beneficiu dell’opira di la ecclesia maiuri di sancta Agata, GIAMBRUNO / GENUARDI, Capitoli (come n. 38), p. 153.

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all’ora del vespro, avrebbero chiuso per metà le finestre delle loro botteghe in segno di reverenza per la domenica seguente.42 In linea con questi dati i consoli degli artigiani avrebbero potuto costringere chi non lo facesse a rispettare le feste stabilite dalla Chiesa.43 In altri termini non tralasciavano nessuno aspetto della loro attività per dimostrare la coerenza del loro comportamento, inclusa una maggiore sobrietà nelle attività commerciali precedenti la domenica. Il riferimento alle buone ed antiche consuetudini è particolarmente significativo perché si evidenziava la tradizione culturale di cui gli artigiani erano stati fedeli partecipi e si dava così maggiore forza alle responsabilità e al ruolo di cui si facevano portatori. Allo stesso tempo la denuncia di tradizioni disattese da artigiani rafforzava il valore della loro richiesta e la capacità di autocritica rispetto a quelle consuetudini che venivano richiamate come doveri da rispettare.44 Nel 1444 si assicuravano il controllo della magistratura elettiva preposta alla guardia notturna: ottenevano conferma che solo artigiani e cittadini di Catania – che avevano assicurato grandi utilitati a la repuplica (sic) – sarebbero stati eletti all’ufficio.45 Dall’aprile 1446 è documentabile una netta contrapposizione 42

43

44

45

“I ministrali ogni sabato debbano chiudere per metà le finistre delle loro botteghe quando suoneranno le campane della chiesa madre nell’ora del vespro e chi non lo fa paghi una pena di un tarí per il cero come fanno gli altri buoni cittadini, in reverenza della santa domenica seguente.” – Item ki li dicti ministrali quolibet die sabati [diianu] kiudiri lu meczu di loru finistrali di li potigi et esti quando sonirannu li campani di la matri ecclesia in la hura di lu vistiri et cui non lu fachissi sia in pena di pagari unu tari alu chiliu comu fannu altri boni chitatini per reverencia di la sancta dominica seguenti, ibidem, p. 153. “Per il fatto che le cattive consuetudini vanno avanti e le buone sono abbandonate e lasciate, come non attendere le feste principali, per la qual cosa si offende Dio e i suoi santi e la sua santa Madre e gli altri santi, i detti ministrali supplicano alla sacra regia maestà che sia sua bontà concedere ai detti consoli che debbano e possano costringere a ciascuno di loro di attendere le feste stabilite dalla santa madre Chiesa, di non fare alcun servizio e chi dovesse contravvenire paghi un tarí e cinque grana da dare per il detto cero.” – Item pero ki li mali consuetudini vannu innanti et li boni abandunati et lassati, ma cussi comu non guardari li festi principali, per la quail cosi sindi offendi Deu et li soy santi et la sua santa Matri et li altri santi, supplicanu li dicti ministrali ala sacra regia magestati chi sia sua merci concediri ali dicti consuli ki digianu et poczanu costringiri a chiquidunu di li altri loru, ki digianu guardari li festi ordinate per la sancta matri ecclesia, ne chi fari serviciu alcunu et contravenissi sia in pena di tarì unu et gr. V applicandi a lu dictu chiliu, ibidem, pp. 153–154. L’evocazione di un tempo passato migliore e punto di riferimento nella riscoperta di valori perduti nella processione di sant’Agata era un dato che sarebbe tornato successivamente, nei primi del Cinquecento, ma in questo caso non ad opera d’artigiani. Si veda il documento pubblicato da Rosalia DI LIBERTO, La festa di S. Agata a Catania nel ‘cerimoniale’ di Alvaro Paternò, in: Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale 48 (1952), pp. 18–27. GIAMBRUNO / GENUARDI, Capitoli (come n. 38), p. 170, p. 173. Per le liste degli eletti si veda Fabrizio TITONE, I magistrati cittadini. Gli ufficiali scrutinati in Sicilia da Martino V ad Alfonso V, Caltanissetta / Roma 2008, pp. 179–189. Per un confronto sulle nozioni di res publica e di utilitas publica e sul loro uso si veda Vincent CHALLET, Political topos or Community Principle? Res publica as a Source of Legitimacy in the French Peasants’ Revolts of the Late Middle Ages, in: Empowering Interactions. Political Cultures and the Emergence of the State in Europe 1300–1900, ed. Willem P. BLOCKMANS / André HOLENSTEIN / Jon MATHIEU, Farnham 2009, pp. 205–218.

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dei gentilomini catanesi, l’elite cittadina formata da facoltosi proprietari terrieri e facoltosi mercanti appartenenti a famiglie ora di origini antiche ora più recenti, con il fine d’escludere gli artigiani dal governo.46 Ottenevano dal viceré Lope Ximen Urrea una riduzione del diritto di voto degli artigiani al consiglio.47 Nuovamente il 31 ottobre del 1446 denunciavano, ma in questo caso ad Alfonso V, i consoli perché rei di forme abusive di potere e di deroghe ai privilegi che avevano ottenuto. Nella denuncia riproponevano ma senza risultato l’abolizione delle corporazioni.48 L’attacco contro gli artigiani aveva il suo dato più radicale nell’affermare che agivano a favore di parti e non della comunità dunque a danno dello stato pacifico della comunità. Rappresentanti del mondo artigianale, ministrali et artisti, reagivano a questo tentativo di esclusione.49 Chiedevano al sovrano di potere riottenere una rappresentanza nel consiglio di due consoli per ogni arte e non di due per tutte le arti. Alfonso V però consentiva un diritto di rappresentanza di due consoli per tutte le arti.50 La loro rappresentanza era così ridotta rispetto a quanto sperato ma la loro esclusione era scongiurata. Lo scontro politico riguardava il diritto di partecipare al governo. Un diritto che rivendicavano in nome del loro interesse per il bene della comunità. Denunciavano che il governo dell’ospedale non sempre era idoneo e ciò causava un danno nella distribuzone di rendite ai poveri (“le rendite dell’ospedale sono mal distribuite e i poveri mal serviti”).51 Denunciavano inoltre che i Giurati, tra i principali ufficiali elettivi provenienti principalmente dalle file dei genthilomini, non rispettavano la bolla apostolica che richiedeva dovessero scegliere tra loro, come rappresentante nel governo dell’ospedale, colui che aveva la migliore reputazione e in nome del mancato rispetto del privilegio chiedevano l’esclusione del Giurato. Il sovrano non accettava la richiesta d’esclusione ma richiedeva il rispetto della bolla apostolica in merito al governo dell’ospedale52, era un messaggio politico di significativa apertura agli artigiani che consolidavano così il loro ruolo come garanti del bene pubblico. Il secondo dato riguarda ancora una volta l’enfatizzazione della loro devozione con la costruzione di un 46

47 48

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50 51 52

Nel 1436 i genthilomini presenti nei dibattiti consiliari (si veda Matteo Gaudioso, Atti dei Giurati di Catania, Archivio Storico Comunale di Catania, vol. 4, 1435–1436–1437, fol. 15rv), appartenevano a famiglie di proprietari terrieri di antiche origini (Ansalono, Castelli, Gioeni, Traversa), a famiglie di origine militare (Rizzari) ed a famiglie borghesi di origine più recente (Paternò); si veda BRESC, Un monde (come n. 15), p. 726. GIAMBRUNO / GENUARDI, Capitoli (come n. 38), pp. 181–182. Ibidem, pp. 184–185. Su questi aspetti rinvio a Fabrizio TITONE, Developing Strategies of Protest in Late Medieval Sicily, in: The Age of Revolt in Comparative Perspective, ed. Justine FIRNHABER-BAKER / Dirk SCHOENAERS, London 2017, pp. 297–299. Sugli appellativi di ministrali e artisti qualche elemento di confronto in BRESC-BAUTIER / BRESC, Lavoro agricolo (come n. 16), pp. 482–483. Si confronti inoltre con il caso di Barcellona, Carmen BATLLE GALLART, La crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo XV, vol. 2, Barcelona 1973, p. 36, pp. 98–99, 404–405. GIAMBRUNO / GENUARDI, Capitoli (come n. 38), pp. 190–191. Ibidem, p. 193. Ibidem.

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crocifisso e per la Madonna sancta Agata di due organi.53 Il fermo rifiuto di accuse relativi ad interessi di parte, cui si contrapponeva un loro interesse per il beneficio regio e per il bene pubblico della città, aveva nel culto devozionale un elemento d’importante giustificazione.54 Dati che richiamano l’idea di religione cittadina nel connotare di valenze religiose quelli che erano valori civili55: gli artigiani intrecciavano forme di fedeltà religiosa con valori corporativi, così come il culto per la santa patrona si esprimeva parallelamente alla denuncia sulle inadempienze dell’ospedale. Ottenevano buona parte delle loro richieste: potevano dare un massimo di due voti nel consiglio ma ottenevano, sempre nel 1446, che i consoli degli artigiani potessero riunirsi indipendentemente dal consiglio senza restrizioni.56 Della contrapposizione politica richiamata, che si esplicitava attraverso differenti canali istituzionali, mi preme mettere in luce come nelle negoziazioni realizzate dagli artigiani questi ritenessero di particolare rilevanza enfatizzare il loro impegno economico nelle celebrazioni religiose. Era un messaggio politico forte per proporsi al re come interpreti di un sentimento religioso diffuso nella popolazione catanese, per dimostrare la natura conservatrice della loro richiesta di rappresentanza negando il carattere disgregatore di cui erano accusati. Il ruolo delle corporazioni nell’Isola avrebbe subito un rallentamento nel 1451, quando Alfonso V, su richiesta del Parlamento, vietò che eleggessero propri consoli.57 Il divieto però sembrerebbe avere avuto un effetto di breve durata, ad esempio a Catania consoli degli artigiani risultano nuovamente eletti dal 1460.58 Le corporazioni catanesi, il loro modello organizzativo e le loro regolamentazioni avrebbero costituito un esempio anche per altre comunità, era il caso di quella di Randazzo nella diocesi messinese, che così si rivolgeva al Viceré Lope Ximen Urrea nel 1466: Anche perché sempre si deve prendere il buon esempio dalle buone città del Regno per potere vivere maggiormente in quiete, la detta università supplica alla vostra illustre signoria di concederele che per tutti gli artisti di ciascuna arte ci sia un

53 54 55 56 57 58

Ibidem, pp. 195–196. Ibidem, pp. 196–197. Giorgio CHITTOLINI, L’Italia delle civitates. Grandi e piccoli centri fra Medioevo e Rinascimento (Cliopoli n.s. 3), Roma 2015, pp. 183–185, per la realtà dell’Italia centro-settentrionale. GIAMBRUNO / GENUARDI, Capitoli (come n. 38), pp. 196–197, avrebbero dovuto solo notificare l’intenzione di riunirsi ai Giurati ed agli altri ufficiali. TESTA, Capitula regni (come n. 24), capitulum CDXXVII, p. 367. Archivio Storico del Comune di Catania, Atti dei Giurati di Catania, regesti di Matteo Gaudioso, vol. 16, fol. 8rv, fol. 15r, 1460; vol. 21, fol. 17r, 1475; vol. 26, fol. 2v, 1483. È difficilmente appurabile se gli artigiani in effetti subissero una marginalizzazione a Catania negli anni immediatamente seguenti alla seduta del Parlamento del 1451. La documentazione del governo locale è andata distrutta a metà Novecento, la conosciamo principalmente attraversi i regesti di Gaudioso degli Atti dei Giurati; regesti che, relativamente a quegli anni, sono molto pochi: il volume 14 per gli anni 1451–1455 conta sette fogli, quindi si passa al 1457.

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console e che sia eletto ogni anno e il suo ufficio sia così come si osserva e si ordina nella chiarissima città di Catania.59

Il Viceré accettava la richiesta.

V. Esposizione del sacro e forme d’appropriazione La notorietà delle corporazioni aveva verosimilmente nei contatti di tipo commerciale uno dei suoi principali canali di diffusione. I fenomeni di comunicazione e d’emulazione potevano avere ulteriori canali, mi riferisco, come ho anticipato, alla fondazione di luoghi di culto di cui si richiedeva la legittimazione vescovile. Paul Oldfield ha evidenziato per l’Italia del sud nei secoli XI e XII come la crescita di luoghi devozionali, così come la presenza di reliquie, si registrasse in contesti locali in crescita demografica (non necessariamente comunità maggiori, era il caso di Troia) e fossero fattori in grado di risolvere le tensioni politiche.60 Erano anche contesti che promuovevano incontri, circolazioni d’informazioni, formazioni di contatti. Le reliquie di sant’Agata costituivano un’importante realtà devozionale nella Sicilia orientale ma la loro fama andava ben oltre quest’area. Si tratta di un dato che non è oggetto d’analisi del presente saggio e che intendo approfondire in altra sede, per cui mi limito a citare sia la vicina presenza di Messina, porto crociato, che aveva contributo alla diffusione della loro notorietà61, sia gli stretti contatti politici e culturali con gli altri territori della Corona d’Aragona che erano un elemento d’ulteriore diffusione. Le celebrazioni agatine e l’interesse delle corporazioni catanese per il culto, dovevano evidentemente avere una forte eco ancor di più nei centri prossimi a Catania. Va premesso che le reliquie di sant’Agata risultano assenti da Catania per la maggioranza del secolo XI e un quarto del secolo XII, tradizionalmente si attribuisce al generale bizantino Maniace il loro trasferimento a Costantinopoli nel 1040. Parrebbe che rientrassero nuovamente a Catania nel 1126 riportate da Costantinopoli da due cristiani che realizzavano il furto. Un trasferimento che si caratterizzava per diverse tappe e finalmente quando giungevano a Messina il 59

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Item perché lu bonu exemplu sempri si divi prindiri da li boni chitati di lu Regnu per putirisi maiurmenti quiete viviri, supplica la dicta Universitati ad Vostra illustri Signuria conchedirili chi infra tucti li artisti di chasquiduna arti essirichi unu Consulu da essiri electu omni annu, et lu so officiu sia cussì comu si observa et ordinasi in la clarissima chitati di Cathania., Vito LA MANTIA, Consuetudini di Randazzo, Palermo 1903, p. 2. Paul OLDFIELD, Sanctity and Pilgrimage in Medieval Southern Italy, 1000–1200, New York 2014, pp. 64–106, in particolare pp. 95–106. Sul ruolo in tal senso di Messina, all’interno del contesto delle crociate, si veda OLDFIELD, Medieval Cult (come n. 35), p. 449, 452. Inoltre sulla diffusione della devozione per sant’Agata si confronti con Gaetano ZITO, Su sant’Agata nuovi documenti medievali a Catania: un lacerto di pergamena e un sigillo plumbeo, in: Una santa, una città: Agata e Catania in nuove fonti medievali, ed. IDEM / Gianluca M. MILLESOLI / Giovan Giuseppe MELLUSI (Paleographica 4), Spoleto 2015, p. 14, pp. 16–18.

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vescovo di Catania Maurizio inviava due monaci per verificarne l’autenticità. Infine, una processione ad ulteriore conferma della loro autenticità accompagnava il loro rientro in città.62 È suggestivo immaginare una crescita delle aspettative dei fedeli parallelamente alla diffusione della notizia dell’arrivo e di conferme delle aspettative grazie a precisi interventi del vescovo, sino alla solenne celebrazione del loro ritorno nella comunità. D’altro canto il luogo di provenienza, Costantinopoli, punto di riferimento per la cristianità, era già un elemento di profonda rilevanza in un primo riconoscimento della genuinità dei resti della santa. Il loro arrivo ne ravvivava la rilevanza ed è probabile che desse anche vita ad un interesse molto accentuato delle parrocchie d’altri centri per possedere delle reliquie in un rapporto di competizione rispetto a Catania. Era un culto che avrebbe avuto un valore crescente per le forme devozionali catanesi nei secoli seguenti e questo aiuta a comprendere la valenza strategica delle richieste già discusse degli artigiani della città a metà del Quattrocento di proporsi come sinceri devoti della santa, nel momento in cui puntavano a rafforzare la loro rappresentanza al governo. Il ruolo degli artigiani nelle attività commerciali era un ulteriore tramite di diffusione della notorietà e della forza aggregatrice dei resti sacri. Non era comune per una parrocchia di un centro di medie dimensioni, la parrocchia di Santa Margherita a San Filippo (San Filippo d’Argirò)63, avere alcune reliquie in particolare se della Vergine, in quello che appare un fenomeno comune dato dallo sviluppo di culti mariani.64 A San Filippo l’attrazione esercitata da questi oggetti sacri andava usata in maniera sistematica e il vescovo Arias de Avalos interveniva con efficacia. Nel 1449 confermava la presenza in quella fase di alcune reliquie della Vergine (ecclesia Sancte Margarite parrochialis, posita in terra Sancti Philippi, ubi pars reliquarum sanctarum eiusdem gloriose Virginis ad presens existit).65 Un riferimento che fa ipotizzare una presenza recente e / o un possibile trasferimento nel futuro. Posto che ai resti sacri si attribuisse un potere soprannaturale, il loro trasferimento come è noto era molto comune potendo essere comprate, vendute, rubate, divise, come qualsiasi altro bene.66 Un commercio con effetti anche paradossali quali numerosi casi di mol62 63 64

65 66

Su questi aspetti rinvio a SCALIA, La traslazione (come n. 35), pp. 90–94 e OLDFIELD, Medieval Cult (come n. 35), pp. 441–444. Si confronti con ZITO, Su sant’Agata (come n. 61), p. 16, n. 23. Negli anni Quaranta del Quattrocento contava 300–375 fuochi, BRESC, Un monde (come n. 15), p. 65; EPSTEIN, Potere (as n. 12), p. 46. In proposito per una comparazione rinvio ai casi studiati da Gervase Rosser che guarda anche al tardo medioevo, Gervase ROSSER, All for One – Constructing an Identity for the Republic of Genoa in the Seventeenth Century: Official Memory and its Resistance, in: Memoria, Communitas, Civitas. Mémoire et conscience urbaines en occident à la fin du Moyen Âge, ed. Hanno BRAND / Pierre MONNET / Martial STAUB (Beihefte der Francia 55), Ostfildern 2003, pp. 33– 38. ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 6, fol. 24r, 30 luglio 1449 indizione 12. Patrick J. GEARY, Furta Sacra. Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages, edizione rivista Princeton 1990; IDEM, Sacred Commodities: the Circulation of Medieval Relics, in: The Social

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tiplicazione di corpi o di reliquie identiche, che però, ricorda Patrick Geary, raramente davano vita a seri episodi conflittuali.67 Arias de Avalos concedeva 40 giorni d’indulgenza a chi si fosse recato il giorno della Vergine in chiesa, confesso e penitente, per venerarle con onori congrui. Dava inoltre il permesso che fossero esposte solennemente durante la festività per tutta la terra, per tutti gli otto giorni di preghiera e di pellegrinaggio; estendeva questi vantaggi spirituali a coloro che durante questo periodo avessero dato elemosine per la fabbrica della chiesa, per la sua illuminazione e per gli ornamenti.68 L’intervento episcopale offre numerosi spunti d’analisi perché compendia diversi aspetti, innanzitutto un suo riconoscimento dell’autenticità degli oggetti sacri attraverso la concessione dell’indulgenza (il commercio che ho citato giustificava interventi di questo tipo). Quindi, promuoveva la costruzione o l’incremento della carica devozionale da parte della comunità attraverso l’esposizione pubblica delle reliquie e il richiamo di pellegrini.69 Inoltre, incentivava la possibile funzione aggregante dell’oggetto di culto tra i fedeli; infine con questo intervento consolidava il suo ruolo di guida spirituale nella comunità.70 In merito al primo aspetto Geary individua i periodi di maggiore concentrazione del commercio sia nella fase che va dal 750 all’850, risultato dell’espansione carolingia e dello sviluppo di parrocchie rurali, sia nell’XI secolo a causa della crescita della popolazione, della fondazione di nuove chiese e della competizione dei culti.71 Si tratta di periodi distinti da quello qui preso in considerazione ma evidentemente gli effetti di questo commercio e di possibili falsificazioni avevano un risultato di lunga durata. D’altro canto come ho detto le reli-

67 68

69

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Life of Things. Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun APPADURAI, Cambridge / New York 1986, pp. 169–191. IDEM, Furta Sacra (come n. 66), pp. 52–53. Cupientes igitur ut ecclesia Sancte Margarite parrochialis, posita in terra Sancti Philippi, ubi pars reliquarum sanctarum eiusdem gloriose Virginis ad presens existit, congruis frequentetur honoribus, et a Christi fidelibus plus solito iugiter veneretur, omnibus vere penitentibus et confessis qui ad ipsam ecclesiam in festivitate eiusdem Virginis, in qua auctoritate nostra dispensantes concedimus eidem ecclesie et volumus quod reliquie ipsius Virginis possint per totam dictam terram circumcirca devotius et sollempniter apportari, et per totam eius octavam devotius orationis, peregrinationis causa confluerint, aut elemosinarie seu pro fabrica, luminaribus et ornamentis ecclesie ipsius seu alias manus suas porrexerint adiutrices, de omnipotentis Dei misericordia beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius auctoritate confisi, quatraginta dies de vera indulgentia die quolibet misericorditer elargimur presenti nostra gratia, pro futuris temporibus semper valitura, ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 6, fol. 24r, 30 luglio 1449 indizione 12. Sebbene per un’epoca anteriore si vedano le suggestive considerazioni di Peter BROWN, Relics and Social Status in the Age of Gregory of Tours, in: IDEM, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity, Berkeley / Los Angeles 1982, pp. 222–250, in particolare pp. 238–240, sulla correlazione tra acclamazione e reliquie, così come sul ruolo della reliquia nel rivelare i legami relazionali nella società e le reazioni di questa rispetto all’oggetto di culto. Per un confronto con il culto delle reliquie nei tempi presenti rinvio allo studio di Francesca SBARDELLA, Antropologia delle reliquie. Un caso storico, Brescia 2007. GEARY, Sacred Commodities (come n. 66), p. 176. In merito alla politica carolingia e al valore delle reliquie anche IDEM, Furta Sacra (come n. 66), pp. 35–43.

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quie di sant’Agata erano assenti da Catania per la maggioranza del secolo XI e un quarto del secolo XII. Con riferimento all’intervento del vescovo a San Filippo, l’esposizione e la teatralizzazione dell’evento, in cui la comunità tutta era coinvolta, rivelano l’intensità emotiva cui poteva dare vita il valore mistico degli oggetti sacri. L’autorizzazione vescovile di procedere alla processione aveva un’ulteriore valenza e cioè promuovere da parte della comunità il conferimento di un riconoscimento d’onore alle reliquie stesse.72 Alcuni dei dati richiamati ritornano qualche anno dopo nel caso di un’ulteriore manifestazione religiosa nella stessa comunità. Va premesso che i lavori di manutenzione in una chiesa, oltre ai costi ordinari, erano una spesa rilevante e proporzionalmente maggiore al numero degli oggetti custoditi; l’usura che aveva danneggiato il fercolo (vara oy vaxellu) usato per esporre il Corpo di Cristo era all’origine di una denuncia contro l’arciprete Andrea de Timpanaru. Nel 1487 il vicario generale Andrea de Patrimone riceveva una relazione in seguito alla quale decideva d’intervenire per porre fine a una causa, che vedeva coinvolto per l’appunto Timpanaru.73 L’accusa nei confronti di quest’ultimo risaliva alla festa del glorioso Corpo di Gesù Cristo (festa de lu gloriu corpu di Iesu Christu) celebrata l’anno precedente. Il fercolo su cui si doveva porre il Corpo e portarlo in processione appariva in cattive condizioni, tanto da indurre l’arciprete, temendo che si rompesse o potesse dalla stessa cadere, di proporre di portarlo lui stesso (portandulu in li soi proprii manu) per proteggerlo. Dopo avere ottenuto il parere favorevole degli ufficiali cittadini si decideva quindi di realizzare il rito senza ricorrere alla vara. I concisi dati sulla celebrazione della festa lasciano alcuni margini di dubbio, se fosse l’esposizione eucaristica o l’esposizione della statua di Cristo. Mi sembra più probabile che si trattasse del’esposizione eucaristica (il peso di una statua rende inverosmile che il sacerdote potesse portarla in processione), dunque con vara oy vaxellu credo s’intendesse il fercolo su cui deporre l’ostensorio. Il riferimento ai magistrati richiama il comune coinvolgimento delle autorità secolari in processioni religiose, che potevano essere cariche di significati politici e di visioni della comunità contrapposte. Mervyn James in un pioneristico studio ha sostenuto in maniera suggestiva che il tema del culto del Corpus Christi fosse la società vista come un corpo, che offriva alla comunità un rituale – attraverso l’esposizione dell’Ostia – in cui le opposizioni potevano essere affermate in una tensione creativa; un culto il cui fine era l’espressione di legami sociali e d’integrazione sociale.74 Ciò non escludeva, come James nota, tensioni e conflitti, era in particolare il caso delle processioni che riflettevano l’ordine gerarchico della società. Invece nelle rappresentazioni (cycle plays) del Corpus Christi, che enfatizzavano uguaglianza e mobilità sociale, si creava una com72 73 74

Si confronti con IDEM, Furta Sacra (come n. 66). Tutt’Atti vol. 15, fol. 25v–26r, 5 novembre 1487 indizione 6. Mervyn JAMES, Ritual, Drama and Social Body in the Late Medieval English Town, in: Past and Present 98 (1983), pp. 3–29, il richiamo a aspetti conflittuali alle pagine pp. 18–19.

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pensazione alle gerarchie esistenti nella società e una risoluzione delle tensioni.75 Sulle processioni del Corpus Christi è intervenuta tra gli altri Miri Rubin, che in particolare si richiama, per distinguersene, allo studio di James. Facendo riferimento alle forme d’esclusioni d’individui e / o di gruppi dalle processioni, ritiene che queste ultime non si possano considerare un momento d’unione ma testimonianza d’una iconografia del potere, che si sviluppa in connessione alla realizzazione del culto e che dimostra la penetrazione di aspetti secolari e civicipolitici nel rito.76 Sottolinea come i simboli cui dava espressione il rituale non erano rasserenanti, nelle rappresentazioni del Corpus Christi (Corpus Christi drama) i momenti centrali erano l’esposizione del corpo sofferente di Cristo e la crocifissione, che avrebbero indotto tensioni nella comunità più che risolverle.77 Il corpo mistico era divenuto così esposto e pubblico da divenire un bene pubblico che i patrizi cercavano di controllare.78 Con riferimento alla coralità della partecipazione nelle processioni ora del santo patrono ora della vergine, invece Giorgio Chittolini per l’Italia del centro-nord ha notato come pur riflettendo precise gerarchie, volesse essere segno di coesione della comunità.79 Prendendo le mosse dalle letture citate, un rituale religioso il cui simbolismo aveva una diffusa notorietà nella popolazione era inevitabilmente anche testimonianza d’una iconografia del potere – con rigorosi sistemi di precedenze e successioni nella processione80; non poteva essere autonomo da aspetti secolari e politici anche nella scelta del percorso per la sua realizzazione. L’esposizione e il carattere pubblico della celebrazione evidentemente potevano divenire oggetto di mire politiche da parte di esponenti della classe di governo, però la notorietà del rito e l’essere bene pubblico potevano costituire una compensazione ed una forma di controllo ad uno uso privatistico della processione. L’osservazione di Rubin sul carattere non rasserenante cui dava espressione il rituale, caratterizzato da forte drammaticità e passione che sarebbe stato quindi fonte di tensione, era una conseguenza frequente ma non sistematica. La gravitas della processione, l’esposizione del corpo di Cristo potevano sì dare vita a tensioni ma potevano anche essere fonti d’intimorimento, di compenetra75 76

77 78 79 80

Ibidem, pp. 15–19 Miri RUBIN, Corpus Christi. The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture, Cambridge / New York 1991, pp. 243–271, il riferimento all’iconografia del potere a p. 259, la critica a Mervyn James ed anche a Victor Turner, che sostengono che il rituale esprimesse un legame essenziale della società, alle p. 266, pp. 270–271. Ibidem, p. 267. Ibidem, p. 270. CHITTOLINI, Italia (come n. 55), pp. 167–168. Ad esempio si veda Gérard DELILLE, Famille et propriété dans le royaume de Naples (XVe– XIXe siècle) (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 259. Démographie et sociétés 18), Roma / Paris 1985, pp. 109–110. Inoltre in merito alla commistione di aspetti sacri e profani, con riferimento alla festa in onore di Sant’Agata in età contemporanea, si veda Raimondo CATANZARO e Rosario MANGIAMELI, Sant’Agata e Catania tra religiosità e giochi di potere, in: il Mulino 1 (2017), pp. 145–154.

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zione, di silenzio, di compassione e di dissuasione di fenomeni conflittuali. Si tratta di possibili effetti che non è escluso variassero rispetto all’origine sociale dei partecipanti, dati che ho avuto modo di comprovare a Palermo nel 2007 in una processione religiosa con l’esposizione della statua di Cristo durante la Settimana Santa. Premetto che realizzavo una ricerca in tre mercati storici della città su diversi aspetti, provando a ricorrere alla metodologia che l’antropologa Colette Pétonnet ha felicemente definito dell’osservazione fluttuante: non mobilitare l’attenzione su un oggetto preciso, ma lasciarla ‘fluttuare’ affinché le informazioni la penetrino senza filtro, senza preconcetti, fino a quando non compaiano punti di riferimento, convergenze, e si riesca allora a scoprire regole soggiacenti.81

La processione in quella zona è stata per me un evento del tutto inaspettato e di particolare interesse anche in considerazione del contesto sociale difficile, il mercato della Vucciria, in un quartiere che ho avuto modo di conoscere nei suoi diversi aspetti. Durante l’evento la statua, i trasportatori del carro, i bottegai, l’improvviso silenzio erano tutti fonti d’informazioni. I lavoratori trovavano un elemento di coesione ora nel pulire la strada (per cui abbandonavano le loro attività e ignoravano i clienti), ora nello stendere sul suolo segatura per evitare infortuni ai trasportatori e infine nel silenzio. Reazioni comuni lungo l’intero percorso con una partecipazione corale dei proprietari e degli aiutanti delle botteghe e tra loro anche di alcuni (uno zio e un nipote i cui negozi di prodotti distinti erano adiacenti) che si erano contrapposti giorni prima in una lite violenta. Nel momento in cui passava la statua e ancora di più nei momenti di sosta del carro si diffondeva uno stato di rispetto e quasi d’intimorimento, molto distante da qualsiasi sensazione d’esasperazione degli stati d’animo o di recrudescenza di rancori. Il caso appena discusso può essere generalizzato? Farlo sarebbe una scelta inefficace come ogni generalizzazione. Non vanno esclusi casi d’ostentazione di potere e d’uso dell’evento e di disordini, in particolare quando alla festa religiosa si associavano momenti di festa popolare, come a Valenza nel tardo Medioevo durante la Settimana Santa.82 Mentre in comunità di medie-piccole dimensioni nel regno di Napoli nel Cinquecento e nel Seicento, il tragitto delle processioni religiose poteva essere un mezzo per enfatizzare i confini dei luoghi della comunità, ciascuno di pertinenza di diverse famiglie, quasi a formalizzarne la sacralità e l’inviolabilità.83 Una realtà comunque distante dall’imposizione d’un percorso da parte della famiglia mafiosa del luogo, come recentemente

81

82

83

Colette PÉTONNET, L’osservazione fluttuante. L’esempio di un cimitero parigino, in: Antropologia dell’Europa. I testi della riflessione francese, ed. Francesca SBARDELLA, Bologna 2007, pp. 105–117, la citazione a p. 107. Rafael NARBONA VIZCAÍNO, Pueblo, poder y sexo: Valencia medieval (1306–1420), Valencia 1992, pp. 49–50. DELILLE, Famille (come n. 80), pp. 109–111.

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accaduto durante la processione della Madonna del Carmine nel quartiere di Ballarò sempre a Palermo o per i festeggiamenti di santa Barbara a Paternò.84 Torniamo a San Filippo dove si compiva una processione che si svolgeva ordinatamente. Il voto dei magistrati locali a favore della richiesta dell’arciprete era insieme sia garanzia del loro ruolo politico, sia del loro ruolo regolatore dell’ordine pubblico. Si tratta di riti che avevano ordinariamente al centro l’ecclesiastico, posto che in questo caso l’arciprete assumeva un’enfatizzazione ulteriore e non ordinaria rispetto a quanto era prassi nella comunità, con un contatto diretto tra lui e il Corpo di Cristo. D’un tratto il prete otteneva, e chi da lui si sentiva rappresentato, una centralità che andava ben oltre quella tradizionalmente conferitagli: non era più solo il corpo di Cristo emblema d’armonia a mediare tra la comunità e Dio ma era l’ecclesiastico a far suo il potere mediatore, probabilmente così offuscando la presenza di altri personaggi della comunità. Non tutti erano d’accordo, Iaconu Philippo di Galati con presunzione insensata (imbecilli presumpcioni) e il nobilis Iaymo di Lauria richiedevano all’arciprete di riporre il corpo sulla vara e realizzare così la processione, proponendo in caso contrario che pagasse 30 onze per la camera apostolica. Una volta che il rito si realizzava, Galati procedeva alla denuncia contro l’ecclesiastico, un attacco di cui non sono chiare le ragioni ma per il quale credo si possano ipotizzare due letture tra loro non escludenti. La prima è un rifiuto di una rivisitazione di quell’iconografia propria della processione, in cui l’ordine e le gerarchie tra i partecipanti erano esito di delicati equilibri e di consolidate tradizioni. Come opportunamente evidenzia James per le città inglesi, le processioni del Corpus enfatizzavano lo status, la gerarchia, il ruolo delle autorità.85 La seconda ipotesi è che Galati avesse potuto ritenere compromesso lo stesso principio dell’esposizione che poteva essere garantito attraverso un supporto, senza il quale la visibilità dell’Eucaristia sarebbe stata fortemente ridotta. Il vicario però rendeva noto al nuovo arciprete Pietro de Baiberio che non avrebbe proceduto contro Timpanaru, notava infatti che toccare il Corpo per venerarlo e / o proteggerlo era un atto di devozione, così inoltre si poté celebrare la festa senza alcun disordine e senza che le modalità adottate avessero creato alcuno scandalo. Il richiamo all’assenza di scandalo, in un evento che probabilmente contava con la partecipazione non solo di residenti ma anche di forestieri, la presa di posizione degli ufficiali in favore o contro la scelta dell’arciprete, testimoniano sia la rilevanza dell’evento per la comunità sia come l’espleta-

84

85

La Repubblica, Palermo: la processione si ferma davanti alle pompe funebri del boss, 29 luglio 2014 http://video.repubblica.it/edizione/palermo/palermo-la-processione-si-ferma-davanti-allepompe-funebri-del-boss/173663/172241; La Repubblica, Processione con doppio inchino al boss (e musica del Padrino): questore ferma i portatori, 3 dicembre 2015 http: //palermo.repubblica.it/cronaca/2015/12/03/news/inchino_al_boss_e_il_questore_di_catania_blocca_la_ processione-128732098/. JAMES, Ritual (come n. 74), p. 21.

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mento di un rito potesse divenire espressione di rivalità politiche ma potesse essere anche fonte di controllo delle stesse: Noi fratello Andrea de Patrimone decano della chiesa di Catania e della medesima chiesa vicario apostolico generale nelle materie spirituali e temporali, al nostro diletto figlio in Cristo presbitero Pietro de Baiberio arciprete della terra di San Filippo della diocesi di Catania [auguriamo] salvezza eterna [in nome] del Signore. In questi giorni da poco trascorsi abbiamo ricevuto una relazione che l’anno passato della quinta indizione si voleva in questa terra com’è costume celebrare la festa del glorioso Corpo di Gesù Cristo portandolo per la terra e per i luoghi consueti, il venerabile don Andrea de Timpanaru, allora arciprete della terra e così maggiore ufficiale ecclesiastico della medestima terra, avendo il governo spirituale della predetta terra ritenendo che la fercola o in verità vaxellu in cui si suole riporre il Corpo di Cristo non fosse in quel periodo in condizioni perché vecchio per il trasporto del Corpo di nostro signore Gesù Cristo, deliberò di portarlo nelle sue mani piuttosto che nel fercolo o vaxellu come altre volte era stato fatto per evitare che nel caso il fercolo o vaxellu dovessero correre pericolo il Corpo di nostro Signore in nessun modo si sporcasse e in merito a questo i nobili ufficiali della terra hanno votato con il venerabile arciprete; e una volta realizzata questa decisione Iacono Filippo di Galati della detta terra, non si sa per quale fine ma quasi per una presunzione imbecille, e anche il nobile Aimo de Lauria della stessa terra hanno richiesto che il detto venerabile arciprete, sotto pena di 30 onze per la camera episcopale, dovesse riporre il Corpo di Cristo sul predetto fercolo e su quello portarlo per la detta terra; non considerando che se il fercolo fosse incorso in alcun incidente a causa del trasporto così il sacro Corpo di Cristo si sarebbe sporcato [...] a ingiuria e offesa della somma eterna maestà divina. E così si celebrò la festa secondo le modalità indicate e il predetto Filippo di Galati non contento di quanto accaduto denunciò per la detta pena don Andrea, che ci ha umilmente supplicato che non avendo compiuto dolo né avendo attuato male nel portare il detto Corpo di Cristo come descritto e non essendosi compiuto alcuno scandalo nel trasporto di provvedere in suo favore. Noi in verità avendo per prima considerazione che l’arciprete non attuò né in dolo né in malignità né in ignoranza e che l’imposizione della detta pena non fu imposta legittimamente, deliberammo che il medesimo Andrea non incorra in alcuna pena e, se fosse incorso in alcuna pena, in considerazione della venerazione da lui usata nel portare il Corpo di Cristo con il presente lo rimettiamo e lo assolviamo e pertanto vi diciamo e comandiamo espressamente che in merito all’imposizione di una pena di tale natura di non molestare don Andrea e che non permettiate che sia molestato ma che osserviate il nostro presente comando e remissione senza fare il contrario. Data nel convento della detta chiesa 5 novembre indizione sesta (1)487. Posdata: facciate cassare la garanzia a lui [richiesta] per ordine del prete Andrea Curriali nostro commissario nella diocesi. Data come sopra. Noi frate Andrea de Patrimone vicario apostolico come sopra. Nicola de Guirrerio maestro notaio. [In nota di cancelleria] A favore di don Andrea de Timpanaro.86 86

Nos frater Andreas de Patrimone decanus ecclesie Cathaniensis et eiusdem ecclesie in spiritualibus et temporalibus vicarius apostolicus generalis, dilecto nobis in Christo filio presbitero Paulo de Baiberio archipresbitero terre Sancti Philippi Cathanie dyocesis Cathaniensis salutem in Domino sempiternam. In quisti iorni non longe decursi relacione vero fuista nobis facta havimo noticia ki in lu annu proximo passatu quinte indictionis volendosi in quissa terra sicut

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VI. Conclusione La mobilità sociale per flussi emigratori ora per ragioni lavorative ora per forme di pellegrinaggio, che aveva nella diocesi di Catania un’area di arrivo o di transito, così come le forme di comunicazione tra le comunità lasciano tracce più o meno dirette. Un possibile punto d’osservazione risiede nelle politiche di governo del tribunale vescovile. Il nuovo arrivato che intendeva sposarsi era frequentemente oggetto d’indagini per appurare se fosse celibe e così controllare il diffuso fenomeno della bigamia. D’altro canto era protagonista inconsapevole di un rafforzamento dell’autorità, della presenza e del ruolo dei tribunali ecclesiastici. Le interazioni tra le comunità erano causa d’integrazione del territorio dal punto di vista amministrativo, culturale ed economico. Con riferimento alla gestione del culto ad opera degli artigiani catanesi, tra i tanti protagonisti della

moris est celebrari la festa di lu gloriusu corpu di Ihesus Christi et quillu divirisi portari per la terra et loki di quilla consueti, lu venerabilis don Andrea de Timpanaru, allura archipresti di la dicta terra et (oi)ussi maiuri officiali ecclesiasticu eiusdem terre, havendu la gubernacioni dilu spirituali terre predicte parendoli la vara oy vero vaxellu in lu quali si soli reponiri lu corpu di Christo die et tempore predicto non era ita disposito propter sui antiquitatem ad delacionem eiusdem corporis domini nostri Ihesu Christi, deliberau plui tostu portandulu in li soi proprii manu ki in la vara et vaxellu predictu comu altri volti è statu costumatu ne forte aliquo casu fortuito la dicta vara oy vaxellu venissi a periclicari et cussi lu corpu di nostru Signuri predictu havissa aliquo modo adessa(n) maculatu et in hoc li nobili officiali di la dicta terra proinde attendendu a quistu foru in voto cum lu dictu venerabile archipresti; et facta huiusmodi deliberacionis Iaconu Philippi di Galati di la dicta terra, nescitur quo ausu sed quasi imbecilli presumpcione, etiam lu nobili Aymu di Lauria de eadem terra requersaru lu dictu venerabilis archipresti ki, sub pena unciarum trenta di aplicari a la cammara episcopali, divissi reponiri lu dictu corpu di Christu in la vara predicta et in quilla portarisi per la dicta terra; non considerandu loru ki si aliquo modo la dicta vara patissi alcunu sinistru propter delacionem predictam et cussi lu sacru corpu di Christu in aliquo fussi maculatu oy mynus (rendenter) delatu quantu iniuria et contumelia si fachia ad ipsa summa eterna maiestate divina. Et cussi si celebrau la festa per modum ut supra lu quali (iamdictum) Philippum di Galati non contentu di hiis denunciau la dicta pena contra lu dictu don Andrea, pro parte cuius ni fu humiliter supplicatu ki actentu ki ipsu don Andrea non dolo nec malo versatu portau lu dictu corpu di Christu per modum ut supra et non chi intervinni in delacione illius scandalu alcunu divissimu a la sua indepnitate providiri. Nuy vero in hiis havendu consideracioni primo qua non dolo aut malignitate nec ignorancia lu dictu archipresti fichi zoki fichi et la imposicioni di la dicta pena fu minus legitimamenti inposita, deliberammu etiam (nunciammu) eumdem don Andrea non essiri in pena alcuna et, aforti in aliqua pena havissi incursu, actenta la veneracioni la quali usau lu dictu don Andrea circa lu portari di lu corpu di Christu de modo presencium quella li remectimu et di quilla absolvimu et pertantu vi dichimu et comandamu expresse ki per huiusmodi imposicionis pene lu dictu don Andrea non molestari ne permictiri sia molestatu ymo li observati la presenti nostra provisioni et remissioni ut supra non fachendu lu contrariu. Datum in nostro conventu dicte ecclesie die quinto novembris VI indictionis CCCCºLXXXVIIº. Post datum li factazi cassari la pregiria la quali ipsu prefatu per comandamentu di presti Andrea Curriali nostru commissariu in la dyocesi. Datum ut supra. Nos frater Andreas de Patrimone vicarius apostolicus ut supra. Nicolaus de Guirrerius magister notarius. [In nota di cancelleria] [Pro] donno Andrea de Timpanaro, ASDC, Tutt’Atti, vol. 15, fol. 25v–26r, 5 novembre 1487 indizione 6.

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manifestazione in onore di sant’Agata, credo testimoni efficacemente l’intreccio di aspetti religiosi, profani e politici così come la possibile costituzione di una realtà di riferimento per le comunità vicine. È del tutto verosimile che le celebrazioni per il culto mariano a San Filippo, sapientemente gestito ora dal vescovo ora dal suo vicario, avessero nella realtà catanese un ambito d’ispirazione. L’universitas di San Filippo partecipava al fenomeno del pellegrinaggio, che aveva in Catania uno dei luoghi di maggiore notorietà, non semplicemente come area di transito ma come possibile luogo di richiamo per i pellegrini. Le manifestazioni religiose avevano nella partecipazione della comunità e ancor di più nell’accrescimento di questa partecipazione una delle loro principali ragioni d’essere. Rispetto a questi fenomeni il vescovo ed i tribunali ecclesiastici fungevano sia da raccordo tra le comunità minori e Catania, sia di recupero d’istanze della società laica, così come di controllo di equilibri di potere caratterizzati da una pluralità di protagonisti. Si tratta di aspetti che denotano un consolidamento dei tribunali spirituali e dei gruppi socio-professionali in un rapporto di sistematica interazione. In merito all’esposizione delle reliquie della Vergine così come alla processione del Corpo di Cristo, sono fenomeni evidentemente con numerosi elementi comparabili e tra questi il possibile valore aggregante del culto per la comunità. Non è chiara la ragione del rifiuto da parte di alcuni dell’esposizione del Corpo di Cristo ad opera dall’arciprete, se ciò fosse motivato da un atto contrario alla tradizione, da invidie personali o da una riduzione dell’effetto della processione e quindi della partecipazione agli effetti della stessa. L’assenza di scandalo e la capacità dell’arciprete di avere garantito la processione, erano elementi sufficienti per il vicario per non avvallare alcuna denuncia. L’elasticità mostrata dal vicario sembra infine riconoscere la capacità dell’arciprete di avere interpretato l’urgenza di non lasciare disattese le aspettative della comunità, rispetto alla realizzazione della processione seppure secondo modalità non ordinarie. Scelte in linea con il governo vescovile che incrementava il proprio ruolo nella diocesi cercando il consenso della comunità o almeno della sua maggioranza.87

87

Alcuni possibili elementi di comparazione in Ian FORREST, The Transformation of Visitation in Thirteenth-Century England, in: Past and Present 221 (2013), pp. 3–38.

ELISA VERMIGLIO

Archives and sources for medieval Sicily: a study upon the urban reality of a port (Messina in the 15th century)* This paper will be focused on the economic district of the Strait of Messina, between Calabria and Sicily. This issue is, at present, widely debated by both historical and financial analysts, mainly due to the interest raised by the project of a bridge over the Strait, but also because both Reggio Calabria and Messina have recently been included in the list of Italian metropolitan areas.1 In view of the reevaluation and reassessment of this geographical district (which extends from Gioia Tauro to Messina and lies at the heart of the Mediterranean Sea) the historical background is of primary importance. The aim of my research is to carry out a micro-historical analysis of a specific area of southern Italy: the city of Messina. I then intend to place the results of this undertaking in a Mediterranean perspective by means of late medieval archival documents.2 As we know, the historical events of both before and after the unification of Italy have caused many archives to be split up. These developments have made conservation and consultation problematic.3 As a premise, *

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This paper was presented at the international workshop New Perspective on the Research of Medieval Sicily: Prospects and Challenges, organised by the Cluster of Excellence “Asia and Europe in a Global Context” (Heidelberg University, 22nd October 2014). Already in the 1960’s Lucio Gambi, in his human geography studies, offered, through a careful analysis of the repopulation of Messina and Reggio after the earthquake in 1908, a historical reading of the phenomenon coming to an intuition which anticipated the debate on the strict conurbation. The formation of a large urban area that included Messina, Reggio Calabria and Villa San Giovanni, represented, for this eminent scholar, the only choice for future development. Lucio GAMBI, La più recente e più meridionale conurbazione italiana, in: Quaderni di geografia umana per la Sicilia e la Calabria 5 (1960), pp. 3–7. Enrico Pispisa wrote: “Today the history of cities, especially small ones, which are the subject of our interest, it is proposed as a topic of major investigations: not only because the line of studies, dedicated to small centers, participates to the so-called micro-history problems [...], but also because of the renewed focus on local customs, on traditions of fairly restricted territorial areas, largely encouraged by an intellectual orientation committed to recover particular realities”, Enrico PISPISA, Città, storia locale, microstoria. Questioni di metodo, in: “Ante quam essent episcopi errant civitates”. I centri minori dell’Italia tardomedievale, ed. Francesco P. TOCCO (Percorsi medievali 4), Messina 2010, p. 7. The micro-historical analysis of a Mediterranean seaport may offer interesting insights to understand the broader context of international trade. For the micro-history, please see Giovanni LEVI, A proposito di microstoria, in: La storiografia contemporanea, ed. Peter BURKE (Biblioteca universale Laterza 401), Rome / Bari 1993, pp. 111–134. As we know, at the end of the 18th and early 19th centuries the suppression of the religious orders meant that most of the documents were moved to the State Archives. As a consequence, there was a dispersion of the archive series with the new classification, for example, based on themes. The Italian archive system, after the unification of Italy and the laws of 1939 and 1963, assumed the current characteristics with a State archive in each provincial capital and some sections in towns with an important historical tradition (like Prato). However, not all archive

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in order to link this paper to the “Archives and Sources” topic that was assigned to me, I would like to illustrate the available sources for the socio-economic reconstruction of medieval Messina. By doing so, I hope to help direct students and scholars who are about to carry out research on the city.

I. The sources Like other medieval cities, the archival documentation concerning Messina, although varied, is incomplete. Indeed, a great part of the historical documentation has been lost. Firstly, the earthquake of 1908 destroyed Messina and Reggio Calabria. Secondly, the area was bombed during the Second World War.4 However, historical memory can be found in survivor sources, which – just to quote George Duby – appear to historians as an “unravelled cloth to be sewn together”.5 Nonetheless, if we compare the documents of Messina with those of other south Italian cities, we can say that both private and public archive material is more than enough to define the social and economic structure of this area and to provide an interpretation that can be compared with the available bibliography.6 The sources for reconstructing medieval Messina come from different types of documents. These include narrative sources which are either generally concerned with Sicilian history, or, focused on Messina (like the Iconologia della Vergine by P. Samperi).7 Further information also derives from chroniclers’, voyagers’ and geographers’ descriptions.8 These are a mixture of contemporary

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material was moved to the State Archives. There are many archives of religious orders which were not suppressed or other organisations such as hospitals or private entities. This has caused a problem for conservation and consultation. The earthquake of 1908, but above all the conflicts and the bombings of World War II led to the dispersal of most of the archival property of the city. On the effects of the earthquake, see Giuseppe MERCALLI, Contributo allo studio del terremoto Calabro-Messinese del 28 dicembre 1908, in: Bollettino della società sismologica Italiana 13 (1908–1909), pp. 305–326; Messina e Reggio prima e dopo il terremoto del 28 dicembre 1908, Florence 1909; Gaetano OLIVA, Messina prima e dopo il disastro, Messina 1914, printed again with “Introduzione” by Carmelo Trasselli, Messina 1987. George DUBY, Il sogno della storia, Milan 1986, p. 40. Please refer to the following notes. Placido SAMPERI, Iconologia della gloriosa Vergine madre di Dio Maria protettrice di Messina, Messina 1644, anastatic reprint with introduction by Giuseppe LIPARI, Enrico PISPISA and Giovanni MOLONIA, Messina 1991. Information about Messina can be deduced from the descriptions of Arab travelers gathered by Michele AMARI, Biblioteca arabo-sicula. Testo italiano, Turin / Rome 1880–1882. The port of Messina evoked the special admiration of Al-Idrīsī, an Arab traveler to the Norman court, so much so that he described the port in glowing terms: “it receives large ships as well as travelers and merchants of various Latin and Muslim countries; markets are flourishing, the merchandise are sold off and many patrons pour out there [...] it is much talk in the world because there is no ship of any tonnage, that cannot drop its anchor near the beach so from the unloading of the goods passing them from one to another hand to the mainland”, Al-Idrīsī, Il libro di Ruggero,

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and later documentation. Equally, however, information may be inferred from juridical, diplomatic, and financial sources. Of particular interest are documents that originated in places such as the Royal Magistrates’ Office (e.g. the Royal Chancellery) of the Angevin and Aragonese kingdoms which dominated the city.9 In addition, ecclesiastical documents (such as the tabularii of abbeys and religious corporations), families’ private archives, notarial acts (either local or from towns linked to Messina by business activities), constitute an important source of information.10 As mentioned above, I will try to provide an overview of the remaining documentation and archives in Messina.

II. Ecclesiastical sources The tabularii provide us with valuable information for the reconstruction of the patrimonial events of many of Messina’s ecclesiastical bodies. They can also shed light on the political and economic management of the city and contain information on the emerging classes of urban society. The tabularii which remain include those of the Benedectine Monastery of San Placido Calonerò that had been founded by Count Roger II. At present, two volumes, conserved in the State Archive of Messina (Archive entitled ‘Suppressed Religious Orders’), represent the only surviving trace of this documentation. The 117th and 118th volumes contain acts of perpetual lease of property belonging to the monastery between 1453 and 1495. The volumes also include contemporary copies belonging to the first half of the 16th century and also eighteenth-century copies of deeds, wills and donations whose original dates of composistion range from 1326 to 1670.11

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transl. by Umberto RIZZITANO, Palermo 1966, p. 41. Among the Norman age chronicle cf. Bartholomeus de Neocastro, Historia Sicula (aa. 1250–1293), ed. Giuseppe PALADINO (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 13), Bologna 1922. The magistrates of the kingdom since the 13th century: Real Chancellor’s Office, Real Estate and Protonotaro Court can be consulted in the State Archives of Palermo. Among the published sources, some references to Messina and its territory can be traced in the records of letters and documents of Acta Curie Felicis Urbis Panormi, in the Angevin records (I registri della cancelleria angioina ricostruiti da Riccardo Filangeri con la collaborazione degli archivisti napoletani, ed. Riccardo FILANGERI, Naples 1950–1987) and into the published sources of Aragonese age. Specifically, for the privileges of the city of the Strait Raffaele STARRABBA, Consuetudini e privilegi della città di Messina sulla fede di un codice del XV secolo posseduto dalla Biblioteca comunale di Palermo, Palermo 1901; IDEM, I diplomi della cattedrale di Messina raccolti da A. Amico, in: Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia, vol. 1 (fasc. I–II), Palermo 1993. See later in these notes. Information about Messina may be obtained from the notarial acts of the city, but also from the archives of the main commercial realities with which the city came into contact. Reference is made to Achille BONIFACIO, Il monastero benedettino di S. Placido di Calonerò e la sua biblioteca, in: Archivio Storico Messinese 3 (1976), pp. 91–177.

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However, there are other parchment manuscripts preserved in the State Archive of Palermo. These are called “Tabulario S. Maria Maddalena di Valle Iosaphat” and the “San Placido Calonerò”.12 In the latter archive, there are also 952 manuscripts that originate from the archive of the convent of Santa Maria di Malfinò, later named Santa Barbara. This was a nunnery of Greek rite that had been founded in 1195 by Leone Malfinò. Many of these documents have been edited by Diego Ciccarelli.13 The State Archive of Messina also contains manuscripts from the Benedectine Convent of Santa Maria delle Scale. Amongst these collections are copies of transactions and emphyteutic contracts that were drawn up between the 12th and the 18th centuries.14 Finally, among ecclesiastical documents, we must consider the acts from the Monastery of Santa Maria Moniali in Messina. The manuscripts from this Benedictine monastery (built by Roger I and Countess Adelaide) are now preserved in the National Library of Paris.15

III. Manuscripts As far as the manuscripts are concerned, the diplomatic archive is very rich. The core of this collection is in the State Archive of Messina. This includes 720 that date from between 1225 and 1832 which originated in the archives of several suppressed clerical corporations. The manuscript collection of the Hospital of 12

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State Archive in Palermo, Tabularium of Santa Maria Maddalena di Valle Iosaphat. The fund is part of the Diplomatic State Archives of Palermo and consists of 1398 parchments covering a very wide time span between 1095 and 1716. A register of these parchments was compiled in the early ‘900 by Giuseppe La Mantia, at that time archive officer. The manuscripts are dated between 1093 and 1600. Diego CICCARELLI, Il Tabulario di Santa Maria di Malfinò (Biblioteca dell’Archivio storico messinese), vol. 1 (1093–1302), vol. 2 (1304–1337), vol. 3 (1338–1383), Messina 1986–2005. In the fund are merged other archives of church entities from Messina as the convent of San Domenico (Vladimír J. KOUDELKA, Pergamene del convento domenicano di Messina [1218–1397], in: Archivum Fratrum predicatorum 44 [1974], pp. 61–92), San Francesco (Diego CICCARELLI, Pergamene dell’Archivio di San Francesco di Messina nel tabulario di S. Maria di Malfinò [1320–1615], in: Atti dell’Accademia Peloritana 245 [1974–75], pp. 7–93), and Santa Caterina Val Verde. The documents are part of the fund of the suppressed religious corporations of Messina, at the shelf mark 270a; the volume contains copies of documents produced between the 12th and 18th century by the Benedictine monastery, regarding acts of an economic nature, especially long lease contracts, relating to the administration of the entity. One can refer to Les actes grecs de S. Maria di Messina. Enquête sur les populations grecques d’Italie du Sud et de Sicile (XIe–XIVe s.), ed. André GUILLOU (Istituto Siciliano di Studi bizantini e neoellenici. Testi e monumenti 8), Palermo 1963 and Les actes latins de S. Maria di Messina (1103–1250), ed. Léon-Robert MENAGER (Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Testi e documenti 9), Palermo 1963, publications of the Sicilian Institute of Byzantine and Neo-Hellenic studies under the direction of Bruno Lavagnini; Le chartrier de Santa Maria di Messina. Il tabulario di S. Maria di Messina (1250–1500), ed. Hadrien PENET (Biblioteca dell’Archivio storico messinese 26/38), 2 vols., Messina 1998–2005.

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Santa Maria della Pietà founded in 1542 contains the archives of the medieval hospitals of Messina and can be dated to between 1184 and 1691.16 Other manuscripts can be found in certain civic libraries and archives. In the Minor Capuchin Friars Library, there are 69 manuscripts related to the city’s hospitals that date from between 1336 and 1625.17 The archive of the Cistercian Convent of Santa Maria dell’Alto is stored in the Church of Santa Maria di Montalto. It includes 82 manuscripts that date from between 1245 and 1715 (the edition of these manuscripts having been edited by Rosaria Stracuzzi).18 Finally, in the Regional Academic Library in Messina, there is a diplomatic archive that is composed of 107 manuscripts from different sites. These are dated from between the 13th and the 16th centuries.19

IV. Other sources In the same library, there is the collection of the “La Corte Cailler”. This includes many fifteenth-century manuscripts and documents that are either original or copies (of different periods and various subjects) that were recovered after the 1908 earthquake.20 Even more useful for defining commercial and harbour activities are the notarial deeds that are kept in the State Archive of Messina. These consist of 14 thick volumes which refer to the period between 1401 and 1495. Indeed, there

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Inventory and regesti in Alfio SEMINARA, Le pergamene dell’archivio di Stato di Messina. Inventario e regesto, Messina 2007. The manuscripts relate more to hospitals in Sant’Angelo della Capperina, Sant’Agata del Faro, San Giovanni Gerosolimitano and Sant’Angelo Grande called San Leonardo. Medieval hospitals then converged on the 16th century structure of the hospital dedicated to Santa Maria della Pietà, Rosaria STRACUZZI, Le pergamene della Biblioteca Provinciale dei Cappuccini di Messina, in: Scritture e libri della Sicilia cappuccina, ed. Giuseppe LIPARI (Libri e biblioteche 2), Messina 2009, pp. 263–298. The archivist has also studied the manuscripts preserved in the same library together with Carmen Puglisi. Carmen PUGLISI / Rosaria STRACUZZI, I manoscritti della Biblioteca Provinciale dei Cappuccini di Messina, in: Francescanesimo e cultura nella provincia di Messina. Messina 6–8 novembre 2008, ed. Carolina MICELI / Agostina PASSANTINO, Palermo 2009, pp. 273–283. Rosaria STRACUZZI, Il tabulario di S. Maria dell’Alto di Messina (1245–1718) (Archivio Storico Messinese 89–90), Messina 2008–2009. The fund has collected 107 manuscripts, all purchased with the fund of “La Corte Cailler”, except one. It provides a list with a dating of individual acts. For the edition of some of them see Bruno FIGLIUOLO, Pergamene messinesi due-trecentesche relative all’Oriente latino, in: Crusades 13 (2014), pp. 211–235. The examined documents are dated between 1279 and 1359 and they refer to the crusade in Acre and commercial relations between Messina and Cyprus. The material collected from “La Corte Cailler”, a scholar from Messina of the early 20th century, was bought by the Regional Library in Messina in 1927. It consists of 177 volumes and it is inventoried in a printed catalog edited by A. M. Sgrò: Catalogo dei manoscritti del Fondo La Corte Cailler nella Biblioteca regionale universitaria di Messina, ed. Anna M. SGRÒ (Biblioteca dell’Archivio storico messinese 4. Strumenti 2), Messina 1985.

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are further documents. Specifically, these include another 251 contracts that had been entered by the notary Leonardo Camarda in 1473.21 Among private acts, it is important to remember the Avarna (“Warna” or “Guarna”) family archive. This is incompletely indexed and is composed of numerous volumes.22 Finally, I would like to mention an archive that has been preserved in Toledo: the archive of the Ducal Foundation Medinaceli of Seville. These documents, only accessible since 1990, concern the Cathedral, the University and the Archbishopric of Messina.23

V. Notarial acts The most relevant sources for my research are undoubtedly the notarial acts. Documents provided by notarial deeds during the 15th century are collected in a limited number of registers. Nonetheless, the data that can be extracted from over 14.000 deeds is unexpectedly rich and varied. As we know, consulting the notary was a routine practice.24 This was not only when important transactions 21

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These 11 registers bound in 15 volumes, covering the time from 1401 to 1495, scored in the fund of ancient notaries of Messina into vols. 1–11, instead the other contracts of the notary Leonardo Camarda are included in vol. 21b, cc. 174–221, 239–51 and 319. The acts are varied and reflect the vibrancy of a city, that is a commercial strategic hub, a network among various regions. For the consistency of a part of the volumes you can refer to Bruno FIGLIUOLO, Lo spazio economico dei mercanti messinesi nel XV secolo (1415–1474), in: Nuova Rivista Storica 97 (2013), pp. 757–800, here p. 757. The fund Avarna, Warna o Guarna, not completely inventoried, is composed of 586 volumes, copies of the 15th cenutry documents in support of economic activities of the family. Aldo SPARTI, Il fondo Messina dell’Archivio della casa Ducale di Medinaceli di Siviglia, in: Messina. Il ritorno della memoria. Catalogo della mostra (Messina, Palazzo Zanca, 10 marzo– 28 aprile 1994), Palermo 1994, pp. 191–199; Cristina ROGNONI, Le fonds d’archives “Messina” de l’Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli. Regestes des actes privés grecs, in: Byzantion 72 (2002), pp. 497–554; EADEM, Les actes privés grecs de l’Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli (Tolède), vol 1: Les monastères de Saint-Pancrace de Briatico, de Saint-Philippe-de-Bojòannès et de Saint-Nicolas-des-Drosi (Calabre, XIe–XIIe siècles), Paris 2004; Carmen SALVO, Regesti delle pergamene dell’Archivio Capitolare di Messina (1275–1628), in: Archivio Storico Messinese 62 (1992), pp. 87–174; EADEM, Regesti delle pergamene dell’Archivio dell’opera della Cattedrale o Maramma di Messina (1267–1609), in: Archivio Storico Messinese 65 (1993), pp. 51–104. Alfonso LEONE, Il notaio nella società del Quattrocento meridionale, Salerno 1979; Salvatore TRAMONTANA, Il notariato a Messina e in Valdemone. Appunti e documenti del secolo XV, in: Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale 92 (1996), pp. 199–224; Andrea ROMANO, Bastardelli, protocolli e registri. La registrazione notarile degli atti in Sicilia fra medioevo ed età moderna, in: Archivi per la storia 6 (1993), pp. 61–78; Maria G. FALLICO, Le fonti archivistiche (1296–1337), in: Archivio Storico Siciliano 23 (1997), pp. 59–80; Rosa M. BUCCELLATO DENTICI, Fonti notarili per lo studio della mercatura in Sicilia, in: Medioevo oggi. Tra testimonianze e ricostruzione storica: metodologie ed esperienze a confronto (Agrigento, 26–27 ottobre 2007), ed. Alessandro MUSCO / Salvatore D’AGOSTINO (Schede medievali 48), 2010, pp. 79–103; Orazio CONDORELLI, Profili del notariato in Italia Meridionale, Sicilia e Sardegna (secoli XII–XIX), in: Handbuch zur Geschichte des Notariats der europäischen Traditionen,

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had to be concluded, but also for regulating employment contracts, daily disputes, purchase agreements of goods of prime necessity and consumption of, for example, wine and corn. Thus, it quickly becomes apparent how notarial documentation might be relevant for historians who are studying social and economic relationships in towns. This especially holds true for historians who are focusing on shipping and artisan activities. The notarial archive has never been systematically investigated. Nonetheless, certain researchers in the 1970s and 1980s (among them Trasselli, Rugolo, Militi and Tramontana) drew some of their information from these sources. This approach is opposed to others who mainly based their Messina studies on sources other than the notarial acts, such as ecclesiastical or diplomatic sources.25 This kind of documentation has recently been reevaluated by B. Figliuolo, who, in 2013, published a study based on an examination of maritime records from the years between 1415 and 1474.26 Here, the analysis of these 15th century notarial documents revealed the central importance of the port in terms of allowing for a social and economic reconstruction of the territory. Indeed, these records proved invaluable for reconstructing the settlement which was concentrated around the harbour.

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ed. Mathias SCHMOECKEL / Werner SCHUBERT (Rheinische Schriften zur Rechtsgeschichte 12), Baden-Baden 2009, pp. 65–123; Stefano PALMIERI, I registri della cancelleria angioina editi dagli archivisti napoletani, in: Le eredità normanno-sveve nell’età angioina. Persistenze e mutamenti nel Mezzogiorno. Atti delle quindicesime giornate normanno-sveve. Bari, 22–25 ottobre 2002, ed. Giosuè MUSCA (Atti. Centro di Studi Normanno-Svevi Bari 15), Bari 2004, pp. 381–406; Andreas KIESEWETTER, La cancelleria angioina, in: L’État Angevin. Pouvoir, culture et société entre XIIIe et XIVe siècle. Actes du colloque international organisé par l’American Academy in Rome (Rome–Naples, 7–11 novembre 1995) (Collection de l’École française de Rome 245. Nuovi studi storici 45), Rome 1998, pp. 361–41; Pietro CORRAO, Il notariato nella Sicilia catalano aragonese, in: Actes del I Congrés d’historia del notariat català, Barcelona 1994, pp. 479–492. Cf. Carmelo TRASSELLI, Storia dei banchi in Sicilia, 2 vols., Palermo 1958–1968; Salvatore TRAMONTANA, Antonello e la sua città, Palermo 1981; Carmela M. RUGOLO / Maria G. MILITI, Per una storia del patriziato cittadino a Messina (Problemi e ricerche sul secolo XV), in: Archivio Storico Messinese III ser. 23–25 (1972–74), pp. 113–165; Carmela M. RUGOLO, Maestri bottai in Sicilia nel secolo XV, in: Nuova Rivista Storica 69 (1985), pp. 195–216; EADEM, Agricoltura e classi rurali nel Messinese. Ricerche su documenti inediti del secolo XV, in: Archivio storico per la Sicilia Orientale 70 (1974), pp. 237–265. The fund has remained largely unpublished, not a subject of a systematic study; more recent studies about Messina have focused in particular on other sources (Daniela SANTORO, Messina l’indomita. Strategie familiari del patriziato urbano tra XIV e XV secolo [Medioevo mediterraneo Caltanissetta 2], Caltanissetta / Rome 2003) as well as synthetic work on Sicily and on the foreign presence in the island. FIGLIUOLO, Lo spazio economico dei mercanti messinesi (as n. 21). You can refer to n. 2 on p. 757 for a detailed description of the fund and the consistency of the volumes.

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VI. The human settlement From a geographical point of view, Messina extends along the coast, between the Peloritan mountains, it not being far from Etna, and is surrounded by the Nebrodi mountains. Already by the time of the third Crusade, Messina was the principal port of call for the east. Messina’s strategic importance for trade is underlined by the existence of numerous settlements belonging to foreign merchants. They began to arrive from northern Italy in the 12th century. At first the merchants were from Amalfi, Pisa and Genoa. Later they would also hail from Venice, Marseille, Provence and especially Catalonia.27 What made the city an attractive centre for trade, was primarily its strategic geographic position between the island and the mainland, and between the eastern and western Mediterranean. Described by Saba Malaspina as clavis et custodia totius Siciliae28, the port was praised by the Arab geographer Al-Idrīsī in the 12th century as “a wonder where ships of every country and any size could anchor near the city centre, where goods could be unloaded directly”.29 The port was a catalyst for economic activity and social development. Besides the consuls and foreign merchant areas, there are many documents which show there were various local artisan activities connected with maritime trade.30 The economic life of the city was characterised by a dynamic society that was concentrated around the harbour; land ownerships, modest in size (compared to the feuds of Palermo), were located in the hinterland of the city and were between the plain of Milazzo and Catania. They were taken on lease and aimed to harvest specialised products such as sugar.31

27

28 29 30

31

The role of the foreign merchants in Sicilian economy has been the subject of numerous studies; often the dominance of foreign trade on the economy of the South was seen as a cause of the southern underdevelopment. For a discussion of the problem through the different historical interpretations see Stephan R. EPSTEIN, Potere e mercati in Sicilia. Secoli XIII–XVI, Turin 1996, pp. 4–23. Saba Malaspina, Rerum Italicarum Historie (1250–1285), in: Cronisti e scrittori sincroni napoletani, ed. Giuseppe DEL RE, vol. 2, Naples 1868, p. 341. Al-Idrīsī, Il libro di Ruggero (as n. 8). See the survey on terminology of Messina artisans’ crafts and equipment by Aldo MESSINA, Artigiani messinesi nei secoli XIII–XIV, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 76 (1996), p. 77–93; IDEM, Artigiani messinesi nei secoli XIV e XV. Nuovi dati, in: Archivio Storico Messinese 76 (1998), pp. 5–20. The sugar crushers were stationed in the area of Fiumedinisi and Santa Lucia in the plain of Milazzo, like those of the magnificent Giovanni Stayti that, in the last years of the century, was configured as an entrepreneur of a company organized under the pre-capitalist schemes. From Messina, the city where he lived, the magnificus dominus stipulated the contracts for the conduction of the crusher, dealing with procuring firewood and finding the necessary manpower to the duties involved. On the 7th September 1492, for example, are enrolled in the same day, at the beginning of the season, four workers ad opus servendum as employees in different jobs: from focalorus, dedicated to the cooking of sugar, to the sciroppaturi. State Archive in Messina (as of now ASM), Fondo notai, Matteo Pagliarino, 7II, fol. 478r; fol. 478v; fol. 479r; fol. 479v.

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The settlement of foreign merchants as well as agricultural and artisan labourers leads us to think about the migratory phenomenon.32 The port, like all the island during the late medieval period, became an attractive centre for a considerable flow of migrants. These migrants had different typologies and characteristics. Among the “fluctuating population” – according to the definition of Pietro Corrao – those who emigrated between the 14th and 15th centuries included various social groups: merchants, artisans, agricultural labourers and other workers who flocked to the city for different reasons, especially economic ones.33 According to the modality and time of migration, we should distinguish between the long-term (or permanent) migration and the temporary (or seasonal) one. A further kind of migration has recently been defined by modern historiography as “push and pull” (this roughly corresponds to modern commuting). Another distinction should be made according to the type of migration: the long-range one involved merchants, mostly foreigners. The short-range type was restricted to the geographical area between Sicily and neighbouring Calabria, from Reggio to Tropea on the Tyrrhenian Sea, as far as Taranto on the Ionian Sea and occasionally from localities in the Campania such as Gaeta.34 As investigated by G. Petralia in his studies on the population that came from Pisa to Sicily35, there was a sort of direct relation between the distance of migration

32

33

34

35

From the analysis numerous districts of foreigners can be found; often, as attested by other sources, they represent a long lasting presence dating back, in some cases, to the NormanSwabian age. They also confirm the strategic importance of the geographical location of the Strait in Mediterranean trade dynamics. Pietro CORRAO, La popolazione fluttuante a Palermo fra ‘300 e ‘400: mercanti, marinai, salariati, in: Strutture familiari, epidemie, migrazioni nell’Italia medievale. Atti del Convegno internazionale “Problemi di storia demografica nell’Italia medievale” (Siena, 28–30 gennaio 1983), ed. Rinaldo COMBA / Gabriella PICCINNI / Giuliano PINTO (Nuove ricerche di storia 2), Naples 1984, pp. 435–449. The role of the immigrant population through trade in the formation of urban society since the 11th century was highlighted by H. Pirenne. Pirenne launched an historical debate aimed at reconsidering the emigrants not as extranei in relation to the city, but as a group with its own characteristics, able to impact in the process of urbanisation of the late medieval city. Henri PIRENNE, La città del Medioevo, Bari 1971, p. 103. For a historiographic summary of the historical demography studies, see Elisa VERMIGLIO, Problemi e studi sulla migrazione, in: EADEM, L’area dello Stretto. Percorsi e forme della migrazione calabrese nella Sicilia bassomedievale, Palermo 2010, pp. 9–18. Giuseppe PETRALIA, Per la storia dell’emigrazione quattrocentesca da Pisa e della migrazione Toscana-Sicilia nel Basso Medioevo, in: COMBA / PICCINNI / PINTO, Strutture familiari, epidemie, migrazioni nell’Italia medievale (as n. 33), pp. 373–388; IDEM, Crisi ed emigrazione dei ceti eminenti a Pisa durante il primo dominio fiorentino: l’orizzonte cittadino e la ricerca di spazi esterni (1406–1460), in: I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana del Quattrocento, ed. Donatella RUGIADINI, Florence 1987, pp. 291–352; IDEM, Sui Toscani in Sicilia tra ‘200 e ‘300: la penetrazione sociale e il radicamentonei: radicamento nei ceti urbani, in: Commercio, finanza, funzione pubblica. Stranieri in Sicilia e in Sardegna nei secoli XIII–XV, ed. Marco TANGHERONI, Naples 1989, pp. 129–209; IDEM, Banchieri e famiglie mercantili nel Mediterraneo aragonese. L’emigrazione dei Pisani in Sicilia nel Quattrocento, Pisa 1989.

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and work specialisation: the greater the distance the more specialised were the workers. However, in Messina, this situation, whilst similar, was more complex. Archival research also provides information relating to the socio-economic aspects of the city. From this point of view, Messina – as stated by historians – was the least Sicilian in character compared with other towns, with a definite Mediterranean vocation.36 However, despite the flourishing commercial activity, the city did not grow in importance. Therefore, it may be useful to illustrate the influence of foreign trade on the local economy and the role of local merchants. We are trying to explain, through documents and concentrating our attention on a wide-range of maritime trade participants in commercial activity, the goods imported and exported, navigation contracts, and trade routes. The study by B. Figliuolo showed that, in the perspective of the world-economy of Braudel, the economic area of Messina was the same as that of the great seafaring powers, Venice and Genoa. This economic area extended from the east to the north of Europe and included the Balearic Islands and the North African coast.37 Port activities in Messina were the midpoint of a dynamic system involving trade between the town and the surrounding districts (exchange between city and country), between Sicily and mainland (interregional exchange or cabotage), and national and international commerce with merchants sailing through the Strait (Mediterranean trade). Thus, Messina played a double role as both a port between two coasts and as a channel for the Mediterranean.38

VII. Merchants and import-export products The presence of foreign merchants can be corroborated by several documents and many studies.39 But who were the merchants of Messina? The term mercator 36

37 38 39

Giuseppe ROMANO, Messina nel Vespro siciliano e nelle relazioni siculo-angioine de’ secoli XIII e XIV fino all’anno 1372, in: Atti della R. Accademia peloritana 15 (1899–1900), p. 227; Enrico PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento. Politica, economia, società, Messina 1980, pp. 5f. FIGLIUOLO, Lo spazio economico dei mercanti messinesi (as n. 21), here p. 762. VERMIGLIO, L’area dello Stretto (as n. 34), p. 308. Pietro CORRAO, Mercanti stranieri e regno di Sicilia. Sistema di protezione e modalità di radicamento nella società cittadina, in: Sistema di rapporti ed élites economiche in Europa (secoli XII–XVI), ed. Mario DEL TREPPO, Naples 1994, pp. 87–112; IDEM, Uomini d’affari stranieri nelle città siciliane del tardo medioevo, in: Revista de Historia Medieval 11 (2000), pp. 139– 162; Rosa M. DENTICI BUCCELLATO, Forestieri e stranieri nelle città siciliane del basso medioevo, in: Forestieri e stranieri nelle città medievali. Atti del seminario internazionale di studio, Florence 1988, pp. 235–248. On the presence of foreign merchants see specifically: Pietro CORRAO, Mercanti veneziani ed economia siciliana alla fine del XIV secolo, in: Medioevo. Saggi e Rassegne 6 (1981), pp. 131–166; Carmelo TRASSELLI, I lucchesi in Sicilia, in: Lucca archivistica storica economica. Relazioni e comunicazioni al XV Congresso Nazionale di Archivistica, Rome 1973, pp. 224–231; IDEM, Genovesi in Sicilia, in: Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria 83 (1969), pp. 153–178; IDEM, Sui biscaglini in Sicilia tra Quattro e Cinquecento, in: Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Temps Modernes 85,1 (1973), pp. 143–158; PETRALIA, Sui toscani in Sicilia (as n. 35), pp. 129–209; IDEM, Banchieri e famiglie mercantile

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seldom appears in documents in the 15th century. Commercial activity was practised by Nobili viri, honorabili, discreti also known as “urban patriciate”.40 This definition is quite ambiguous and the profile of this social class, between feudality and bourgeois, has been widely disputed by historians over the last decades. According to the more recent historical opinions, the 15th century witnessed a profound change in society as the merchant classes increasingly identified themselves with the noble citizens of the town.41 During the 15th century, the status of the noble / merchant became a prerequisite for rising in the urban hierarchy. This gave rise to a new “ennobled bourgeoisie” who were investing retail revenues and their gains from public offices. For example, the Mirulla family who were land-owners, probably of humble origin as the family name suggested (the family name perhaps etymologically deriving from some form of association with “butchery”) emerged through their lending activities (undertaken by their bank in Messina), through their trade with the Cabini family from Pisa, and through their investments in silk exports to Flanders.42 Exported merchandise consisted of goods of prime necessity or semi-manufactured products. These included silk, wheat, grain, wood, pitch, salted sardines, wine, oil and sugar. Imports were finished products, mainly cloth, garments, and slaves.43 This can be interpreted as an “uneven exchange”, or an interdependence between north and south Italy (the “two Italies”, as defined by Abulafia in his famous paper). According to this author, Messina might be defined only as “a Norman phenomenon and a phenomenon of the Crusades”.44

40

41

42

43 44

(as n. 35); Illuminato PERI, La questione delle colonie “Lombarde” in Sicilia, in: Bollettino storico-bibliografico subalpino 57 (1959), pp. 253–280. Enrico PISPISA, Messina nel Trecento (as n. 36), p. 112. “Si origina una nuova figura, il patrizio-mercante che traffica personalmente o indirettamente con Europa, Africa, che a Messina si tiene in contatto con mercanti di ogni nazione”, SANTORO, Messina l’indomita (as n. 25), p. 138. Penet observes the difficulty in uniquely defining the leadership of the city that is represented with a varied terminology: urban patrician class, civic nobility, aristocracy, elite, ruling class, etc. Hadrien PENET, Les familles de la noblesse civique à Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge: hégémonie féodale ou société polycentrique?, in: Famiglie e poteri in Italia tra medioevo ed età moderna, ed. Anna BELLAVITIS / Isabelle CHABOT (Collection de l’École française de Rome 422), Rome 2009, pp. 117–130, here p. 119. For a detailed analysis of the problem see Federico MARTINO, Messana nobilis Siciliae Caput. Istituzioni municipali e gestione del potere in un emporio del Mediterraneo, Rome 1994; Carmen SALVO, Giurati, feudatari, mercanti. L’elite urbana a Messina tra Medioevo ed età moderna, Rome 1995. TRAMONTANA, Antonello (as n. 25), p. 47. The surname “Mirulla”, according to Trasselli, would refer or to an ironic nickname or to butchery as an ancient craft (from mirudda or midollo). Some members of the family, Giovanni e Pietro, possessed a very active city bench in the 15th century. Carmelo TRASSELLI, I messinesi tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento, in: Annali della Facoltà di Economia e Commercio 10 (1972), pp. 309–392, here p. 340. For the slave trade see Elisa VERMIGLIO, Il commercio di schiavi nello Stretto nel tardo medioevo. Note da documenti d’archivio, in: Rivista Storica calabrese 36 (2015), pp. 169–188. David ABULAFIA, Le due Italie. Relazioni economiche fra il regno normanno di Sicilia e i comuni settentrionali (L’altra Europa 5), Naples 1991, p. 24. For the thesis on economic dualism and backwardness of the South, see EPSTEIN, Potere e mercati (as n. 27), pp. 3–23. A

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Local historians, from Trasselli to Intersimone Alibrandi attenuated this consideration and also emphasised the important role of the city in eastern trade. Epstein, in his study on Sicily, An Island for Itself, highlights the role of Messina as the administrative and commercial gateway to Sicily, and provides evidence of its progressive economic growth following the first decades of the 15th century. He claims this was based mainly on the development of specific agricultural policies and the creation of an integrated area of the Strait which extended from the eastern Val Demone to southern Calabria.45 Following the import-export routes, we can identify markets which were different, but also closely dependent on each other. Indeed, Messina was not only the port of import and export but also played a role in the redistribution of merchandise (such as spices and slaves). As far as the regional and Mediterranean network was concerned, Calabria supplied Messina with agricultural products and primary goods to be redistributed to the island’s markets (wood) and to the Mediterranean area (silk). It was also an area of redistribution of imported products, such as cloth from London, Marseille and Flanders.

VIII. Ships Maritime cabotage services were carried out by means of ships and small boats – belonging to the local merchants – such as tophae, liuti, lontri and sagittae. Also, long-distance route vessels, such as galleys and galleons of foreign merchants, anchored in Messina.46 On the other hand, local merchants and foreigners used to cooperate as was demonstrated by the societas maris, hiring and the use of contracts of commenda ad negociandum. Both artisans and small retailers benefited from sea trading, since they both invested in either maritime cabotage services or trade by means of colonna contracts. These were opportunities for easy profits which were largely without risk. Maritime investments, for either near or distant destinations, attracted investors

45

46

survey, on the economic viewpoint, between northern Italy and southern Italy between the 12th and 14th centuries was conducted during the conference organised by the European Centre of Norman Studies of Ariano Irpino: Giuseppe GALASSO (Ed.), Alle origini del dualismo italiano. Regno di Sicilia e Italia centro-settentrionale dagli Altavilla agli Angiò (1100–1350) (Ariano Irpino, 12–14 settembre 2011) (Fonti e studi nov. ser. 2), Soveria Mannelli 2014. According to Epstein, Messina was configured in the second half of the 15th century as a “commercial capital of the region and [...] one of the main cargo ports in the Western Mediterranean”; its economic growth was strengthening thanks to some industrial specializations such as wine, oil, sugar and especially silk that more and more decreed its role as a strategic hub in the macro area of the Strait, EPSTEIN, Potere e mercati (as n. 27), pp. 246–266, here p. 266. Elisa VERMIGLIO, Modelli contrattuali di utilizzazione della nave in uso nel Quattrocento nell’area dello Stretto: analisi di alcuni documenti inediti dell’Archivio di Stato di Messina, in: Atti in memoria di Elio Fanara, ed. Umberto LA TORRE / Giovanni MOSCHELLA / Francesca PELLEGRINO et al., vol. 2, Milan 2008, pp. 469–482.

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of different social levels: mostly nobles, but also magistri, artisans, sailors and, indeed, anyone who had some money to invest.47

IX. Conclusion To return to the sources, the documentation examined has provided us with a portrait of Messina that has allowed us to trace the main aspects of its socioeconomic organisation and urban system. Looking into the commercial phenomenon on the basis of documents and historiography, we have to go back to the initial issue. This involves the participation of local merchants in trade and the consequences of Mediterranean trade on the 15th century urban economy. Urban nobles who traded with Flanders or with the east, seldom had enough means or capital to run their own maritime affairs and had to rely on Venetian, Genoese or Catalan merchants to export their products. In some circumstances, they rented out their own ships to foreign merchants who then redistributed the imported wares throughout the territory. The local merchants had a monopoly of cabotage services. This position allowed the merchants to undertake a triangular trade between Messina, Calabria and southern Italy.This ensured the allimportant provision of wheat (and the influx of primary goods into Calabria). The demand of the Mediterranean market favoured the development of specialised activities, such as the cultivation of sugar cane, and sectors of commerce and craft. Also, it induced the development of satellite activities that were connected with trading. This is confirmed by the high number of artisan workshops close to the port which attracted apprentices and young manual-labourers from neighboring Calabria.48 To sum up, both the regional and Mediterranean trade areas were, in fact, complimentary. However, Messina’s society was not able to fully exploit its advantageous geographical position in the Mediterranean. Local merchants were incapable of playing a primary role in long distance trade and this was probably because of a lack of capital or “entrepreneurial spirit”.49 The local elite gained profits from Mediterranean trade but their interests were mainly focused on their property and family position. In other words, trade, far from being their main activity, was just an investment. However, the presence of foreign merchants did not halt or damage the local economy, causing a “questione meridionale” ante litteram. Neither does Messina comply with the picture of a “monolithic Sicily” – as Bresc affirmed. Ra47 48

49

Marco TANGHERONI, Il Mediterraneo bassomedievale, in: Storia Medievale (Manuale di storia Donzelli), Rome 1998, pp. 463–492, here p. 482. For a reconstruction of the settlement of late medieval Messina and urban development around the harbour, see Maria Grazia MILITI, Vicende urbane e uso dello spazio a Messina nel secolo XV, in: Antonello a Messina, ed. Giovanni MOLONIA, Messina 2006, pp. 59–72. For a detailed analysis of the role of the local trade in the Mediterranean commerce see FIGLIUOLO, Lo spazio economico dei mercanti messinesi (as n. 21).

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ther Messina was the expression of an economically dynamic society. In the 15th century, Messina had an economic and demographic growth that had been facilitated by the creation of an economic system integrated with that of Calabria.50 The latter region assumed the role of the agricultural hinterland of the city. This relationship therefore assumed some of the same characteristics that are typically seen in studies that have attempted to explain the dynamics between “town and country” localities. In a dynamic society with a variety of trades, important testimonies can be traced in wills and also the luxury goods that were requested by the local aristocracy. In conclusion, the importance of notarial sources should be underlined in order to better understand the multifarious aspects of medieval society. This data should be compared and enriched by other sources that include unwritten testimonies; archeology, iconography, anthropology and even popular traditions. This synthesis of sources will allow us to obtain a more complete picture of economic history whilst also offering new perspectives on the research of medieval Sicily.51 In order to retrieve this lost identity, we need to recover our past. We must draw upon the still-living anthropological heritage and cultural traditions of both the Val Demone and the area around Reggio Calabria. Here, we must study the deep-rooted medieval religious celebrations, devotions and culinary habits that remain in these areas. By doing so, the historian may discover that these still-living cultural traditions have the potential to reveal much about the shared identities of the peoples and cultures which inhabit the areas on each side of the Strait of Messina.

50

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The thesis on the economic immobility of Sicily, a land of agricultural exploitation, is theorised by Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Economie et societé en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), 2 vols., Rome 1986, p. 3, 16; IDEM, Reti di scambio locale e interregionale nell’Italia dell’alto medioevo, in: Storia d’Italia, Annali 6: Economia naturale, economia monetaria, ed. Ruggiero ROMANO / Ugo TUCCI, Turin 1983, p. 157. For the economic growth of the city of the Strait in the 15th century, see investigations of EPSTEIN, Potere e mercati (as n. 27), pp. 246–266. It is necessary to apply, to the historical research, the comparative method of the Annales school through an analysis in a comparation with other sciences in a global vision of the past. The issue of a “complex dialogue” between different disciplines was supposed in 2010 at the Congress of Medieval Studies Society presided over by Giuseppe Petralia. Giuseppe PETRALIA, Sauro GELICHI / Marco COLLARETA et al., Archeologia medievale. Storia dell’arte medievale, antropologia culturale, in: Reti Medievali, 12,2 (2011), pp. 5–60.

MOHAMED OUERFELLI

The Sicilian sugar trade in the western Mediterranean in the later Middle Ages I. Introduction Although 15th century Sicily was sparsely populated and its territory unevenly developed, the feudal aristocracy which possessed the labour force was able to find the best solutions to finance its farming enterprises and to develop its production capacities.1 To reach its goals, the aristocracy formed an alliance with businessmen and bankers who were capable of finding new export outlets.2 This alliance grew stronger and changed due to the arrival of a great number of Pisan businessmen, who, having left their city, chose to settle in Sicily (in particular, Palermo), from the first decade of the 15th century.3 These new arrivals founded banks, commercial companies of an international scope and took part in almost every economic activity. Thus, with an economy that was increasingly favourable for exports to international markets, the sugar industry grew steadily more important. This development placed Sicily in the middle of commercial networks and it became the preferred destination for merchants who were willing to invest in sugar enterprises.4 Such processes have left key questions that concern the role of these businessmen in the opening of the Sicilian market. What were the means whereby these businessmen secured control of their supply? How did they develop the production of sugar away from the Sicilian capital? What enabled these merchants to take an active part in the export of sugar, a luxury good, to the great market places. In this paper, I will discuss three points that are relevant to the medieval Sicilian sugar trade. The first one is the development of the sugar industry in the area around Palermo. The second point will address the networks resulting from sugar transactions and their establishment in the Sicilian capital. In the last part, I will analyse the agents of this lucrative activity, and by what means they exported Sicilian sugar to important markets. 1 2

3 4

Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Économie et société en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), vol. 2, Palermo / Rome 1986, pp. 880–887. Mohamed OUERFELLI, Production et commerce du sucre en Sicile au XVe siècle : la participation étrangère, in: Food and History I/1 (2003), pp. 103–122; IDEM, Le sucre, production, commercialisation et usages dans la Méditerranée médiévale (The Medieval Mediterranean 71), Leiden / Boston 2008, pp. 160–165. Giuseppe PETRALIA, Banchieri e famiglie mercantili nel Mediterraneo aragonese. L’emigrazione dei Pisani in Sicilia nel Quattrocento, Pisa 1989. Gaetana LOMBARDO, Traffici, corsari e pirati nelle acque di Messina (Ricerche su documenti notarili del secolo XV), in: Saggi e documenti / Civico Istituto Colombiano (Studi e testi. Serie storica 3), vol. 2, Genoa 1981, p. 251.

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II. The development of the sugar industry in the area around Palermo Initially, it is important to remember that the beginnings of sugar production in Sicily, particularly in Palermo, can be traced back to the 9th century and it was one of the first western Mediterranean regions to have grown sugar cane. Coming from the extreme Orient in the wake of the Muslim conquests, this subtropical plant was initially grown and developed in a modest way in state fields to generate a limited production that aimed to satisfy the needs of the Prince’s court. Presumably, the first reference to the export of Sicilian sugar towards Ifrīqiya dates from 945. However, it may be possible to predate this even further given that al-Mālikī claimed that the Kairaouan Sunnite faqīh, Abū al-Fadl alMammāsī refused to eat cakes made with sugar as they had come from the Fatimid Sultan’s properties (diyā‘ al-sultān) in Sicily.5 During his visit to Sicily, the geographer Ibn Hawqal enumerates the commercial products available in Palermo and among such products he indicates candy sugar, although there are not considerable quantities of it.6 Rather, it is a sparse and expensive product whose usage is still reserved for the upper classes or medicine and pharmacopoeia. Having been forgotten by the 13th century Palermitans, Frederick II fruitlessly endeavoured to restore the art of refining sugar by sending out emissaries to Syria-Palestine to recruite experts.7 As such, it was only in the 14th century that the sugar industry returned to Sicily. Dissatisfied by the conquest of their city by the Florentines in 1406, it was undoubtedly the arrival of a remarkable number of Pisan businessmen, who catalysed the renaissance of the Sicilian sugar trade. The capitals they possessed not only allowed them to fund producers, but equally, to locate outlets from which they could disperse their product to international markets.8 Thus, only by the end of the 14th century did sugar gain a wide circulation. This phase was marked by a rapid extension of the plantations and the augmentation of the number of trappeti (sugar mills). It was equally characterised by the increase of gabelle incomes. This upturn indicates that sugar production had become of great commercial interest. Yet, alongside mercantile profits, the Ara5 6 7

8

Al-Mālikī, Riyād al-nufūs, ed. Barich AL-BAKKOUCH, vol. 2, Beirut 1981, pp. 294f.; OUERFELLI, Production (as n. 2), p. 104; IDEM, Le sucre (as n. 2), p. 151. Ibn Hawqal, La configuration de la terre (Kitāb sūrat al-ard), trad. by Johannes H. KRAMERS / Gaston WIET, vol. 1, Paris 2001, p. 131. Jean L. A. HUILLARD-BRÉHOLLES, Historia diplomatica Friderici Secundi sive constitutiones, privilegia, mandata, instrumenta quae supersunt istius imperatoris et filiorum eius. Accedunt epistolae paparum et documenta varia, vol. 5,1, Paris 1857, p. 571; Vincenzo D’ALESSANDRO, Spazio geografico e morfologie sociali nella Sicilia del basso medioevo, in: Commercio, finanza, funzione pubblica. Stranieri in Sicilia e Sardegna nei secoli XIII–XV, ed. Marco TANGHERONI (Europa mediterranea. Quaderni 3), Naples 1989, pp. 1–32, p. 11; OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), p. 154f. IDEM, Production (as n. 2), pp. 103–122.

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gonese Crown quickly understood that lucrative sums could be extracted from the industry by granting producers certain privileges to facilitate the expansion of the plantations and sugar mills in Palermo.9 A clear indicator of the presence of sugar mills in Palermo by 1417 is that the number of production units had exceeded 31 refineries. This was conducive to a plethora of problems. Some entrepreneurs did not hesitate to abusively invade public areas to install their trappeti.10 In order to eschew their excesses, the authorities were compelled to take action to better regulate this activity. As such, on the 31st of May 1417, a law was passed that aimed to regulate the circulation of the carriages that transported sugar canes and wood to the refineries.11 This document allows us to reconstruct a complete picture of the owners and the locations of the working refineries in Palermo. It suggests that there were 31 refineries. These were subsumed into six groups that are unequally categorised. According to the document, each group has specified routes to the sugar mill. The third group, being the most important, encompasses ten trappeti. The fifth group is constituted of only one sugar mill. From the 1420s, this industry in Palermo faced an acute crisis due to the installation of sugar mills at the centre of the city and the difficulties they encountered to stock up on sugar cane and firewood, along with the competition between them. These problems were compounded by fluctuations in the international commercial markets and the difficulties involved in exporting sugar to these external markets. Due to this crisis, the important exchanges with Venice, that guaranteed the exportation and redistribution of a significant part of insular production, were thereby obstructed.12 As a consequence, the number of trappeti was reduced by half. In 1430 and 1434, only 16 functioning trappeti in Palermo can be indentified. Indeed, only 15 are well-documented due to Giovanni Traversa’s notary acts.13

9 10

11

12 13

IDEM, Le sucre (as n. 2), p. 160–165. Carmelo TRASSELLI, Storia dello zucchero siciliano, Caltanissetta / Rome 1982, p. 68; Mohamed OUERFELLI, Organisation spatiale et répercussions de l’industrie du sucre sur le paysage urbain : Fustāt et Palerme (XIVe–XVe siècle), in: Villes méditerranéennes au Moyen Âge, ed. Élisabeth MALAMUT / Mohamed OUERFELLI, Aix-en-Provence 2014, pp. 197–216, p. 207. Palermo, Archivio communale, Atti del Senato, no 26, fol. 12v–13v; Mohamed OUERFELLI, Ficarazzi : un centre industriel de production du sucre au XVe siècle, in: Les industries rurales dans l’Europe médiévale et moderne, ed. Jean-Michel MINOVEZ / Catherine VERNA / Lilian HILAIRE-PÉREZ (Flaran 33), Toulouse 2013, pp. 113–118, p. 116; IDEM, Organisation (as n. 10), pp. 214f. Henri BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen. Économie et société en Sicile 1300–1450 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 262), vol. 1, Palermo / Rome 1986, p. 238. Archivio di Stato di Palermo (ASP), Notai defunti (ND), Giovanni Traversa, 775.

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Fig. 1 Trappeti of Palermo in 1417

THE SICILIAN SUGAR TRADE IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

Fig. 2 Main centers of sugar production in Sicily (15th century)

295

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The trend was always one of expansion towards the east of the island. This placed the means of production in the hands of the upper-class families of Palermo and enshrined the merchant’s capital in the industry where Pisans played a central role.14 Despite the forced nature of this migration of entrepreneurs to the east of the island, the eastward migration allowed for the exploration of rivers and fertile territories. As an added caveat, this brought the trappeto closer to their source of fuel. It also helped the sugar industry to avoid some of the excesses of the tax system which remained intimately fixed to the Sicilian capital. This is the same process that occurred with the navel anchorage stations for Sicilian sugar in Carini15, Collesano, Brucato, Buonfornello, Roccella, and principally in Ficarazzi. These were where the greatest industrial districts, not only on the island, but also in western Mediterranean, were based.16 With the creation of new sugar mills, new associate industries were also developed. These included workshops to manufacture and transport sugar substances, designated to a conditional use, and workshops to produce tiles and bricks. As a result, new settlements developed around these areas. These newly industrial centers provided the chance of higher salaries and transformed the nexus of rural habitation around the castle of the land owner. Despite the fact that these industries were removed from the capital, Ficarazzi sugar mills remained related to Palermo through a network of maritime and terrestrial communication networks. Indeed, the Ficarazzi mills retained sugar stores in Palermo.17 These exchange processes, therefore, preserved perpetual rapport between the countryside and the city; the countryside provided the product whilst the city was not only home to a large group of customers and an important internal market, but also served as the gate to external markets.

III. Networks centred on Palermo Numerous networks were established around Palermo to ensure the exportation of sugar to important markets. To be able to establish them, I will illustrate two informative examples that are taken from the Archivio di Stato of Palermo. More precisely, these are acts that were issued by Palermitan notaries. The first act is one that concerns shipping in Palermo harbour, in particular the type of ship and 14 15

16

17

OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 165–167. Antonino GIUFFRIDA, La produzione dello zucchero in un opificio della piana di Carini nella seconda metà del sec. XV, in: La cultura materiale in Sicilia. Atti del primo convegno internazionale di studi antropologici siciliani, Palermo 1980, pp. 141–155; re-ed. in: IDEM / Giovanni REBORA / Domenico VENTURA, Imprese industriali in Sicilia (secc. XV–XVI), Caltanissetta / Rome 1996, pp. 27–45. Stephan R. EPSTEIN, An Island for Itself. Economic Development and Social Change in Late Medieval Sicily (Past and Present Publications), Cambridge 1992, p. 212; IDEM, Potere e mercati in Sicilia. Secoli XIII–XVI, Turin 1996, pp. 207–209; OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 165f. IDEM, Ficarazzi (as n. 11), pp. 113–128.

THE SICILIAN SUGAR TRADE IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

297

their role in sugar transportation. The second example deals with maritime insurances and, hence, provides a precise idea on the destinations of Sicilian sugar. Since the beginning of the 15th century, there had been a significant presence of large vessels in Sicilian waters. This is a sign of the domination of Genoese and Catalan navigation that sought to channel the island’s markets to cereal exportation.18 Yet, since the second decade of the 15th century, the presence of Genoese merchants in Palermo harbour gradually diminished because of the events of 1420 and the subsequent retaliation against them.19 On the other hand, Catalans possessed the highest number of vessels. These were notably the “naves” and, for them, Sicily stood as a regular station. Yet even at the moment when the Genoese were absent, the numeric superiority of Catalan ships does not indicate a predominance in the sugar transportation market.20 The continuous presence of huge vessels in Sicilian waters should not lead to the undermining of the important role of the galley in transporting sugar, mainly from Palermo harbour. Starting in 1390, convoying Venetian galleys secured regular liaisons with Aigues-Mortes, Flanders, and England.21 Florentines inaugurated their first trip in 1422 and regularly passed by Palermo to load sugar.22 From 1444, the flag of French galleys was detected in Sicilian waters.23 Concomitant with the high rates of consumption, the increasing interest in the transportation of this merchandise corresponds to a boom in the island’s sugar industry. King Alphonse V endeavoured to make a profit from this lucrative enterprise and, in vain, attempted to launch ships to search for English and Flemish markets in 1451.24 Pursuant to the failure of projects conducted by the Aragonese Crown and the secession of Catalan ships, from 1440, the vessels that frequently stopped by Sicilian stations became more diversified. This catalysed an increasing number of small ships that were associated with the conveyance of cheese cargoes, tunny (salted tuna) and principally sugar to the Kingdom of Naples and also to 18 19 20 21

22

23 24

IDEM, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 371f. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 12), p. 302 and p. 418. The Crown of Aragon ordered the expulsion of all Genoese after the capture of two Sicilian naves by Genoese galleys in 1420. OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 456–459. Domenico VENTURA, Sul commercio siciliano di transito nel quadro delle relazione commerciali di Venezia con le Fiandre (sec. XIV–XV), in: Nuova rivista storica 70 (1986), pp. 15–32, here p. 24; Doris STÖCKLY, Le système de l’Incanto des galées du marché à Venise (fin XIIIe– milieu XVe siècles), Leiden / New York / Cologne 1995, pp. 152–168. Armando SAPORI, I primi viaggi di Levante e di Ponente delle galere fiorentine, in: Archivio storico italiano 114 (1956), pp. 69–91; re-ed. in: IDEM, Studi di storia economica medievale, vol. 3, Florence 1967, pp. 3–21; Michael MALLET, The Florentine Galleys in the Fifteenth Century, Oxford 1967, p. 115f. Michel MOLLAT, Jacques Cœur ou l’esprit d’entreprise au XVe siècle, Paris 1988, p. 159. Constantin MARINESCO, Les affaires commerciales en Flandre d’Alphonse V d’Aragon, roi de Naples (1416–1458), in: Revue historique 221 (1959), pp. 33–48, p. 36; Carmelo TRASSELLI, Note per la storia dei banchi in Sicilia nel XV secolo, vol. 2: I banchieri e i loro affari, Palermo 1968, p. 211, n. 35.

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Rome.25 These small constructions, with light tonnage, ensured the wealth of the new navies of Gaeta, Lipari, and Malta that provided close harbours and ensured the rapid as well as the regular transfer of sugar loads towards consumption centres.26 Maritime insurance contracts – most of which were issued by the notaries Antonino Aprea27 and Giacomo Comito28 (who specialised in substantial commerce) – provide a precise insight into the networks that were devoted to sugar. Similarly, this documentation allows for the geographical reconstruction of maritime routes from the Tyrrhenian to the North Sea which passed by Mediterranean harbours. Of 262 collated insurance contracts, 179 contracts were, representing 68.3 %, uniquely concerned with the transportation of sugar and its derivative products. Sugar was transported with animal skins and leather eleven times, textile products eight times, and silk only four times. However, cheese and salted tuna are proportionally represented. They constitute, along with sugar, the principal exports from the island towards Tyrrhenian harbours. The overall figure of 179 contracts, uniquely addressing sugar transportation, amounts to approximately 18,000 onze (90,000 florins). This is an average of 100,55 onze (502 florins) in one transaction. As such, this provides a revelatory image of sugar cargoes and maritime insurance investments. Nevertheless, this figure is highly variable from one decade to another. This is signified in figure 3.

Fig. 3 Contracts of maritime insurances in onze (1420–1489) 25 26 27 28

EPSTEIN, An Island for Itself (as n. 16), p. 294. OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 372f. ASP ND Antonino Aprea, n° 797–820. ASP ND Giacomo Comito, n° 843–861.

THE SICILIAN SUGAR TRADE IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

299

When sugar was dispatched to a harbour close to Sicily, the insurance fee was generally lower than the average. Nevertheless, this number remarkably augments when the destination is remote. This is especially true for Aigues-Mortes, Flemish and English harbours. As it is displayed in the graph of Sicilian sugar destinations between 1428 and 1480, Tyrrhenian harbours absorb the highest part of the island’s exports. This solid demand of high-value products, such as sugar, is well-accounted for by the relative peace and security that circumstances, as well as the presence of affluent courts such as those of Rome and Naples brought to the region. Here, the remarkable position of Porto Pisano is noted. This accommodates an intense network with Palermo in particular and is justified by the presence of Pisan immigrants who were forcefully imposed onto the island. The number of contracts concerning the large maritime cities of Genoa and Venice is not elevated when compared to both consumption and redistribution. Genoese merchants conveyed a greater interest in the market of the Kingdom of Granada than that in Sicily.29 Venetians, on the contrary, are inclined to Sicilian. Yet, for the part that represents them, the graph is limited and stands for only 8.27 % of the overall contracts. Their participation ought to be more important, as 22 resumed contracts are concerned only with loads assumed on private vessels. However, the galleys of Venetian state-transport “great cargoes” are not part of the insurance contracts.

Talamona

5%

Savona 2% Roma

Venice 10%

15%

Rappallo 1% Porto Napoli Pisano 6% 9%

AiguesMortes 14% Ancona 1% Barcelona 11% Cornetto 4%

Majorca 2%

Gaeta Flanders 4% 8% La Spezia Genoa 2% 5%

Fig. 4 Sicilian sugar destinations between 1428 and 1480

Iberian cities, foremost among them Barcelona, regularly imported considerable quantities of sugar. Yet this rate diminished from the second half of the 15th century due to the closeness of the Kingdom of Granada, the development of the Valencian plantations, and the break-out of the civil war that curbed sugar im29

Mohamed OUERFELLI, Gênes et les réseaux du commerce du sucre à la fin du Moyen Âge, in: Les Cahiers de FRAMESPA [online] 16 (2014) (http://framespa.revues.org/2906) [04/12/ 2016].

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portation. However, despite this, Sicily remained a preferred destination for the Catalans. On the other hand, the development of exports towards Aigues-Mortes and the North Sea was made possible by Venetian galleys regularly crossing these areas. This movement was amplified with the establishment of Florentine convoys, the arrival of Jacques Coeur’s vessels and the sporadic departure of Aragonese ships to both Flemish and English harbours. Maghrebian harbours also received vessels and sugar cargoes.30 But, here, the emphasis is mainly concerned with underscoring the unexpected change in the commercial network that consisted of Florentine merchants exporting molasses from Palermo and exchanging them with spices in Alexandria.31 The considerable augmentation of the number of maritime insurance contracts attests not only to the directions in which Sicilian sugar was exported to the great international markets, but also to the businessmen who used this technique (maritime insurance) in merchants’ milieus. The significant curtailment of such activites from the 1460s, echoes a novel propensity which opted for simple contracts that were devoid of any notary services. In this case, the private archives will be the sole ones that can be used as guidance as this type of contract was signed directly between the merchants and the insurance agents.

IV. Sugar commerce agents By analysing the numerous agents involved in sugar commerce, it is possible to claim that, from the 15th century, the circulation network of sugar commerce was reorganised and re-located in Sicily to be at the heart of intense commercial activity. At this time, the cargos assumed in Palermo – and occasionally in other Sicilian harbours – were multiplied. This contributed to an increase in the number of merchants from every harbour. These were, firstly, commercial cities that accounted for the largest part of these activites and, secondly, businessmen who were of lesser importance and appeared infrequently and only participated occasionally in insular sugar exportation and commerce. Initially, the Genoese, who were the first to be engaged in the Sicilian sugar trade, exported it to the metropolis and other destinations. Notwithstanding the presence of known families such as the Lomellini, Doria, and Spinola, the Genoese lacked the network of relationships that would allow them to reach markets in the North Sea area. The modesty of their Sicilian business can be traced back to the difficulties they faced in 1420 and the fact that the metropolis was not 30 31

ASP ND G. Comito, 847, 11.03.1434; 850, 02.03.1458. John WANSBROUGH, A Mamluk Commercial Treaty Concluded with the Republic of Florence 894/1489, in: Documents from Islamic Chanceries. First Series, ed. Samuel M. STERN (Oriental Studies 3), Oxford 1965, pp. 39–79, p. 49; OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), p. 466; BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 12), p. 560. See some examples of expeditions of molasses from Palermo to Alexandria, ASP ND G. Comito, 843, 12.10.1431; 847, 24.05.1439; 850, 27.09.1459.

THE SICILIAN SUGAR TRADE IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

301

demanding high quantities of Sicilian sugar – at least not as high as that of the Kingdom of Granada. Some Genoese merchants who were present in Sicily only dispatched their sugar to Ligurian and Tyrrhenian harbours.32 Date

Patron

Seller

Sum in onze

Source

19.09.1439

Urbano Cappello

Aloysio de Campo

120.11

ASP ND G. Mazzapiedi 840

09.10.1450

Niccolo de Molino et Niccolo Querini

Tommaso Crispo

235.3.18

ASP ND G. Comito 847

09.12.1450

Francesco de Priuli

Matteo de Crapona

240.28.4

ASP ND A. Aprea 808

14.09.1450

Francesco de Priuli

Matteo de Crapona

70.22.13

ASP ND A. Aprea 808

02.06.1451

Jacopo quandam Paolo de Molino

Giovanni de Septimo

213.2.17

ASP ND A. Aprea 807

02.06.1451

Conversino de Conversino

Jacopo de Crapona

107.28.4

ASP ND A. Aprea 807

14.07.1452

Bartolomeo Giorgi

Giovanni Rosselmini

286 + 10 carratels of sugar in comanda

ASP ND A. Aprea 809

29.07.1452

Marco Giustiniano

Antonio de Septimo

186½ ducats of Venice

ASP ND G. Comito 847

12.07.1462

Girolamo Bembo

Mariano Aglata

421

ASP ND G. Comito 851

Tab. 1 Purchase of sugar by Venitian patrons of galleys

Venetians were less numerous than the Genoese or the Catalans, inasmuch as the involvement of Venice in the Sicilian market is presumably due to the creation of the Aigues-Mortes convoy.33 This latter sought to export this product to the metropolis and also to disperse it in Catalonia, the Languedoc and other Provençal markets whose clients represented notable sugar consumers. Accordingly, Venetians were merely forwarding agents and only a limited number of them lived on the island.34 However, they carried the most important cargoes 32 33

34

OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 450–455. Bernard DOUMERC, Le trafic commercial de Venise au XVe siècle. Le convoi d’Aigues-Mortes, in: Recherches sur l’histoire de Montpellier et du Languedoc. 110ème congrès national des sociétés savantes, Montpellier 1985, Paris 1986, pp. 179–195; STÖCKLY, Le système (as n. 21), pp. 165–168; OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 466f. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 12), p. 426.

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and some operations were realised by the patrons of galleys as shows the table 1. Flanders and Aigues-Mortes convoys constantly loaded these cargoes and their arrival and departure through Palermo transformed it into a great fair. Catalan traders in Palermo were numerous. They represented 35.8 % of the number of merchants in Sicily between 1440 and 1449.35 However their role in sugar commerce was not as central as it has been at the beginning of the 15th century.36 At this time, most operations they conducted were of a smaller scale.37 Numerous examples reveal that Catalan merchants were limited in number and they rapidally disappear from the documentary record. This signifies the frailty of their engagement in commerce and their fragile financial structures.38 Here, there is a dearth in the continuity and regularity of commercial operations that could only be attained through Catalan relationship networks and other factors.39 These characteristics can be detected among Tuscans who dominated insular sugar exports until the 1480s. This appears to have largely occurred via the immigration of Pisan families, and fluctuations within the mercantile world after the nobility were subsequently taken from the Florentines by the Pisans. Regardless, multitudinous businessmen are settled in Palermo in particular and are assimilated without cutting ties with their homelands. This surge of Tuscan families is highly beneficial as it subverts the panorama of economic activities on the island. This is especially true for commerce and banks. Indeed, the Sicilian bank system was made a Pisan monopoly.40 Pisan businessmen were the most proactive agents in the Sicilian sugar market. Due to their financial and commercial system, they succeeded in establishing a series of banks and constructing a comprehensive relationships network that reached Bruges and touched Pisa, Florence, Naples, Genoa, and Barcelona.41 This success was consolidated by their participation in production enterprises and then by the opening of new sugar markets notably in the North Sea where many Tuscans made fortunes.42 As is indicated in the following table, it was these Pisans who undertook the most important export operations.

35 36

37 38 39 40 41 42

Ibidem, p. 423, n. 198. Claude CARRÈRE, Barcelone, économique à l’époque des difficultés 1380–1462, vol. 1, Paris 1967, p. 32; Mario DEL TREPPO, I mercanti catalani e l’espansione della Corona d’Aragona nel secolo XV (Università degli studi di Napoli. Seminario di storia medioevale e moderna 4), Naples 1970, pp. 160f. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 12), p. 419; OUERFELLI, Production (as n. 2), pp. 118f. They founded two banks that disappeared quickly; PETRALIA, Banchieri (as n. 3), p. 297. BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 12), pp. 423f.; OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 456–459. Carmelo TRASSELLI, Siciliani fra Quattrocento e Cinquecento, Messina 1981, p. 117; BRESC, Un monde méditerranéen (as n. 12), p. 411. PETRALIA, Banchieri (as n. 3), pp. 332f. OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), pp. 459–465.

THE SICILIAN SUGAR TRADE IN THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN

Family

Period of commercial activity

Number of business operations

Aglata

1439–1467

27

Bonconti

1431–1471

35

Campo

1446–1465

6

Crapona

1443–1465

23

Damiani

1448–1459

8

Gaytano

1431–1461

4

Jacopo di ser Guglielmo

1448–1464

19

Rosselmini

1445–1458

14

Septimo

1444–1475

20

Vinaya

1451–1458

4

303

Tab. 2 Sugar exportation operations achieved by Pisans in Palermo (1428–1480)

It is equally important to underscore the role of some Sicilian families who in partnership with the Pisans in Palermo participated in international trade. Since 1439 the Regio family rented vessels and dispatched sugar towards various destinations, such as Talamone43, Corneto44, Rome45, and Flemish harbours.46 The numerous affairs of these family members reveal that they were specialised in the traffic of expensive products where they gained profits. Their style is rather based on quality and not quantity. This is similar to the Pisans’ commercial methods. The role of Jewish community in sugar commerce in Sicily cannot be overlooked.47 As they established the first sugar foundations in Palermo in the 15th century, they played an intermediary role between producers and exporters.48 They collected limited quantities from small sugar mills possessed by Jews and Christians, in order to refine them and to offer them to businessmen, mostly Italians, who possessed the means and networks to reach the commercial markets.49 43 44 45 46 47

48 49

ASP ND G. Comito 845, 06.06.1439; 847, 09.09.1450; A. Aprea 804, 04.09.1448; 808, 13.01.1451; 811, 08.03.1454. ASP ND A. Aprea 799, 13.07.1443; 804, 10.02.1448; 804, 04.09.1448; 805, 10.02.1449; 809, 02.06.1452; 814, 07.04.1458. ASP ND G. Comito 846, 19.06.1444; ASP ND A. Aprea 799, 20.08.1444; 803, 30.12.1447. ASP ND G. Comito 853, 11.12.1465. Mohamed OUERFELLI, Le rôle des communautés juives dans la production et le commerce du sucre en Méditerranée au Moyen Âge : les exemples de l’Égypte et de la Sicile, in: Chrétiens, Juifs et Musulmans dans la Méditerranée médiévale. Études en hommage à Henri Bresc, ed. Benoît GRÉVIN / Annliese NEF / Emmanuelle TIXIER, Paris 2008, pp. 57–74. TRASSELLI, Note per la storia dei banchi (as n. 24), p. 147. IDEM, Storia dello zucchero siciliano (as n. 10), pp. 89f.; OUERFELLI, Le sucre (as n. 2), p. 472.

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In conclusion, notwithstanding the successes of some individual attempts and the breakthrough of Sicilian merchants, notably Jews, the sugar enterprise, clustered around Palermo, despite its expansion toward the eastern part of the island, remained concentrated in the hands of the merchants who were based in the maritime cities. To ensure regular liaisons with the larger Mediterranean harbours, it is important to rely on these merchants. The most significant role was that of foreign merchants who were originally from Pisa. Thanks to their effective commercial techniques and the international dimension of their banks and their affairs, the commercial-reach of Sicilian sugar was diversified to such an extent that (by way of Venice, Pisa, Genoa, Aigues-Mortes, and Barcelona) Sicilian sugar was at the heart of a trade that stretched to the harbours of Alexandria in the east and to those of England in the north.

Abstracts VERA VON FALKENHAUSEN – Die griechischen Gemeinden in Messina und Palermo (11. bis 13. Jahrhundert) During the Norman and Hohenstaufen period Palermo and Messina were the most important cities in Sicily (µεγαλοπόλεις). In both there were significant Greek communities. Surveying the production of private and public Greek documents, manuscripts and literature, the presence of Greeks in the local and royal administration and the foundation and survival of Greek churches and monasteries, the article describes and analyses the different structures and evolution of these communities.

THERESA JÄCKH – Space and place in Norman Palermo Within the past decades, much attention has been payed to the urban transformation of Palermo as the city shifted from Islamic to Norman rule. As with these studies, this article intends to investigate the crucial period that saw the genesis of the Norman kingdom and its capital. However, the objective of this study is not to propose another competing reconstruction of the Palermitan topography, nor is it to attempt a comprehensive account of its development. Rather, a deliberately selective approach shall engage with the questions of how and where the Normans shaped the urban space and which practises they used to implement topographical changes. Given that the conquerors initially only formed a minority population, the Normans reflected their dominance upon the captured urban spaces. The new Christian rule was consolidated and visualised inter alia by means of topography and architecture. Out of the various processes of urban development, three examples shall demonstrate the meaning of spaces and places and their transition. These are namely: centres of authority and rule, religious spaces, and city districts. Approaching the (implemented) urban dynamics of Palermo in this way has the potential to offer new solutions for the vexed questions concerning the consolidation of power, strategies of rule and the representation of legitimacy.

ALEX METCALFE – Dynamic landscapes and dominant kin groups: hydronymy and water-management in Arab-Norman western Sicily In Arab-Norman Sicily, the centre-periphery debate focuses on the extent to which state intervention from the metropolis of Palermo with its political and administrative centre drilled down to the rural life of Muslim-dominated western Sicily. This article takes an oblique angle of approach to this old problem.

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From the chancery’s own records of lands and men, it recalls that social organisation in small estates of western Sicily was firmly based around local kin groups. From the same records, it observes a widespread and long-lived naming practice that linked individuals, families and clans to the local landscape including its water resources. Of all water-management features mentioned in the records, the most common was the ḫandaq, a type of ditch or irrigation channel that was often named after a person or kin group. From the collocations of this term, the ḫandaqs can be inferred to have transported water down from the water-shed to surrounding fields and other channels, thus providing a low-cost, simple-to-maintain and locally used supply system that required no input from lord, province or state – quite unlike the complex water-management system of Palermo and its hinterland that was known for its underground galleries and qanāts, wells, water-raising devices and large springs whose provision and regulation was closely integrated with the interests of the island’s governors, army generals and religious jurists.

THOMAS DITTELBACH – Counter-narratives in 12th century Norman art and architecture In mediaeval and early modern times, works of art constituted the medium for narratives, disguised and transformed messages. The groundbreaking idea of this paper is that every conflict contains “antidotal” capacities of de-escalation, and hence every narrative implies a counter-narrative. Under certain socio-political conditions the artefacts invited the beholder to deconstruct the narrative while exercising his capabilities of tracing and deciphering the code between the lines. In the past, the fascination of Norman art in Sicily was always tied up with the fact that the Norman rulers succeeded within just a few decades in establishing a relatively peaceful rule on the foundations of a predominantly Islamic multinational state. They were able to establish a kingdom in Sicily that endured for over a hundred years without waging the extermination of the Muslims. The Norman kings sought to establish a polyvalent image of their kingship and to respond to the expectations of their Greek, Latin, Muslim and Jewish people with an individually adapted pictorial vocabulary. It becomes evident that the bodily presence of the king in this endeavour had only a symbolic character and became substituted by a “narrative presence”. In contrast stand the splendid artefacts: mosaics, textiles, ivory boxes, monumental multilingual inscriptions, the painted ceilings with which the Norman kings surrounded themselves. This paper attempts to cast a light on the key question how the Norman rulers succeeded in securing their rule? A modern-day concept of tolerance, integration or inclusion is inadequate here as an explanatory model. Instead, we must assume that the trilingual Norman court chancery succeeded in continuously

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307

intertwining counter-narratives into the master narrative of an uncompromising feudal system.

JULIA BECKER – … ut omnes habitatores Messane tam latini quam greci et hebrei habeant predictam libertatem … Vita cittadina e cittadinanza a Messina tra Normanni, Angioini e Aragonesi The Sicilian city of Messina played an early and particularly prominent role besides the city of Palermo, probably due to its strategic position. Not without good reason is Messina described as clavis totius Siciliae and as a megalopolis in the contemporary sources. This paper attempts to investigate the impacts of this prime position on the life of her culturally heterogeneous citizens and on her legal relationship to the Norman, Angevin and Aragonese rulers. Based on the constitutional concept of citizenship, which is defined as full membership of a community that has been furnished with respectable rights (Thomas H. Marshall), this paper will examine to what extent did Messina’s city statutes regulate the communal-living of the city’s various ethnic groups. Whilst studies of Palermo have often emphasised the importance of the Arabic inhabitants of the city, in Messina we find a significant number of Latin and Greek Christians. The Arabic geographer Ibn Jubayr noted during his journey in Sicily (1184/85) that the city of Messina was “the mart of the merchant infidels”, in which the Muslims have no place, because the city was “cheerless because of the unbelief, no Muslim being settled there”. At the beginning of the Norman dominion the northeast of the island with its capital Messina presented the densest concentration of Greek Christians and Greek monasteries. Moreover, according to the description of Benjamin of Tudela, a Jewish community of around 200 members lived in Messina. The coexistence between Jewish and Christians citizens was a frequent topic in the city statutes. Hereinafter it will be analysed whether and in which way the citizenship of Messina engaged in a constant rivalry with the citizens of the capital Palermo, could offer certain advantages and privileges to the Jewish and Greek peoples who lived there. For example, in a charter from 1292, Frederick III of Sicily, the regent of James of Aragon, gave permission for the citizens of Messina to colour their silk with vegetable dyes tam iudeis quam christianis. Especially in comparison to the statutes of the other Sicilian cities, this paper will discuss the conditions of the Jewish, Greeks and Muslims citizens in Messina.

RICHARD ENGL – Dynamiken muslimischer Städte im staufischen Sizilien: Migration und Kommunikation From the Norman conquest of Sicily well into the Hohenstaufen era, the Muslims – previously the dominant force on the island – had been subjected to Christian rule, until they were deported by the Emperor Frederick II in the

308

ABSTRACTS

13th century. On account of this violent end to interreligious coexistence, previous research has tended to consider the Muslims of the Hohenstaufen era as objects of inevitable marginalisation, and scholars have therefore rather neglected their history of this period. However, the Hohenstaufen era was in fact marked by considerable Muslim dynamism, as this paper intends to demonstrate by means of two aspects: firstly, by the migration activities of Muslims from western Sicily, and, secondly, by their far-reaching communication contacts. Based on a reconsideration of dates, locations, the extent and motives of these migrations and a new appreciation of Muslim trans-Mediterranean communication, this paper aims to revise the hitherto existing teleological paradigm. From the end of the 12th and into the first half of the 13th century, it is clear that the Muslims cannot simply be regarded as desperate objects of religious and cultural marginalisation. For a considerable period, they again dominated the towns of western Sicily, even established an emirate and entered into cooperation with the pope, the German emperor and the Maghrebi Almohads; they were able to politically and militarily pressure the Hohenstaufen ruler and showed an unexpected freedom of action even at the moment of their defeat. Presenting Muslim history in the Hohenstaufen period as more dynamic and more open, this paper hopes to encourage further research on this topic. In particular, intensified efforts to excavate the western Sicilian Muslim towns could considerably deepen our knowledge of Muslim urbanity in the Hohenstaufen period.

KRISTJAN TOOMASPOEG – Palermo in the late Middle Ages: territory and population 13th–15th century) During the last centuries of the Middle Ages, Palermo was considerably different from the Byzantine, Arab and Norman city. The mosaic of the 12th century peoples had been transformed into a mostly catholic and Latin society. Yet, the city continued to represent a melting pot of different “groups of origin”, that included Tuscans, Genoese and many others. Indeed, a very consistent part of its population was Jewish. With the help of the existing sources and literature, this paper aims to consider the inner evolutions of the minority groups of Palermo, its political and social structures, its nodes of communication and, finally, the relationship between the city and its hinterland. Here, this paper shall maintain that Palermo represents a very special case in the history of urban dynamics in the late medieval period.

HADRIEN PENET – Les communautés marchandes de Messine à la fin du Moyen Âge (c. 1250–c. 1500) Contrary to an idea held by a certain historiography, medieval Sicilian cities took an active part in the main Mediterranean trade, as the example of Messina

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309

shows. Here, foreign settlers had arrived in early days. Indeed, this appears to have occurred as early as the 12th century; Genoese, Pisans, Venetians, Massilians and Catalans created communities that were represented by consuls owning privileges, lodges and warehouses. As such, these communities inevitably left their mark on the urban toponymy. The characteristics of Messina’s port, its outstanding situation of the city over the Sicilian strait and the unification policy conducted through the Mezzogiorno by the Norman Kings and their successors explain why it became a preferred port of call. Early on, the merchants of Messina were involved with the great Mediterranean trade networks. Here, they were present in the western Mediterranean (namely in Genoa, Marseilles, Venice and in Tunisia) but they also maintained long-term relationships with the Levant and Egypt whilst creating active communities in the Eastern Mediterranean islands (mainly in Cyprus, but also in Crete and Rhodes altogether) as well as in Genoese Romania. Within mobile and cosmopolitan communities, the merchants of Messina often acted as specialist intermediaries in the slave trade and transport services. The port of Messina functioned as a hub for maritime exchanges at a regional, macro-regional and Mediterranean scale. Characterised by its economical extroversion, Messina illustrates the strong “connectivity” of the medieval Mediterranean.

FABRIZIO TITONE – Il governo vescovile nella diocesi di Catania tra fenomeni di comunicazione, presenze di forestieri e culti devozionali (secoli XIV–metà del XVI) This study is concerned with the diocese of Catania in the late medieval, and at the beginning of the early modern period, and more specifically with the presence of immigrants, with religious cults and with interactions between the various communities. The analysis is conducted in terms of the impact of the episcopal government upon the diocese. New arrivals wishing to get married were frequently subject to investigation, to ascertain whether they were single and thus to avoid the practice of bigamy. On the other hand, they participated unwittingly in a reinforcing of the presence, role and authority of the ecclesiastical courts. Communications between the various universitates served to integrate the territory, as is shown by the cult of Saint Agatha. The supervision of the latter by, among others, Catanian artisans, bears witness to the intertwining of sacred, profane and political concerns. By the same token, their management of the cult testifies to the possible constitution of a genuine reference point for the neighbouring communities. The Marian cult in the community of San Filippo, skilfully managed sometimes by the bishop and sometimes by his vicar, had probably drawn inspiration from Catania. The universitas of San Filippo encouraged lay participation in the forms of devotion and operated not only as a zone of transit but also as a reference point in the pilgrimages. In relation to these same phenomena, the bishop and the ecclesiastical courts variously served

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to reconcile the minority communities with Catania, to take into account certain preoccupations of the secular society, and finally, to oversee balances of power between a plurality of protagonists.

ELISA VERMIGLIO – Archives and sources for medieval Sicily: a study upon the urban reality of a port (Messina in the 15th century) During the late Middle Ages, Sicily represented an important basis for Mediterranean commerce. This article carries out a micro historical survey of a specific area of the Italian Mezzogiorno via archival sources that refer to the city of Messina. Situated in north-eastern Sicily, in an area of strong contacts between the Orient and the Occident, the history of the city can be reconstructed via sources of different types. Among the varied panorama of sources and archivist material, the registri notarili are the most interesting. Although limited in their number, the notary records offer an important contribution for the study of the socio-economic structures of Messina in the 15th century and display a more dynamic city than the historiography has so far acknowledged. The harbour of the city represents a catalyst for the economy of Messina, but also the centre of attraction for foreign merchants who, within this district, had concentrated their own settlements. The documentation that has been analysed traces Mediterranean economic dynamics and the role of commerce as an agent of integration in the local and interregional development of the city in the 15th century.

MOHAMED OUERFELLI – The Sicilian sugar trade in the western Mediterranean in the later Middle Ages At the beginning of the 15th century, Sicily had become one of the most important centres of sugar production and exportation in the western Mediterranean. Many Pisan businessmen aided the development of this activity by bringing capital into the production structures and by organising the transport and trade of sugar to distant markets. This ensured that Palermo became a centre of intense commercial activity: this is in relation to its hinterland which had been transformed into a well-equipped industrial territory that was linked to the capital city by a communication network. Cargoes of sugar loaded at Palermo and other Sicilian ports increased and great numbers of businessmen attempted to establish regular links not only with the Maghrebian and Egyptian ports, but also with Flanders and England via Venice, Aigues-Mortes and Barcelona. The great commercial cities were the first to exploit this lucrative trade before minor businessmen sporadically appeared and engaged in exporting Sicilian sugar.

Index ῾Abd al-Raḥmān al-Naṣrānī, see Christodoulos, amīr of Sicily Abū al-Fadl al-Mammāsī, faqīh of Kairouan, 292 Abū Saʿīd Mūsā ibn Aḥmad al-Ḍayf, commander-governor of Sicily, 100 Abū l-Tayyib, see Eugenios tou Kalou Abulafia, David, 25, 215, 228, 246, 287 Acconcia Longo, Augusta, 64 Aci (CT), 254 Acre (Palestine), 239–241, 244 Adam, stratigotus of Centuripe, 59 Adelaide, countess of Sicily, wife of Roger I († 1118), 29, 36, 50, 161, 280 Adriatic Sea, 239 Aeneas, mythical Trojan prince and ancestor of Romulus, 10, 23f. Aeolian Islands, 18, see also Lipari Agatha, Saint, 17, 260f., 263, 266f., 270, 276 Agrigento (AG), 104, 175f., 186, 248 - bishop of, 30, 185f., 188 - bishopric of, 181, 183, 195 - consuetudines of, 166 - province of, 195 Aigues-Mortes, 240, 297, 299–302, 304 Alcherius, archbishop of Palermo, 29, 51 Alexander II, pope († 1073), 52 Alexander III, pope († 1181), 31, 160 Alexandria (Egypt), 239, 242, 246, 300, 304 Alfonso V, king of Aragon, king of Naples and Sicily (as Alfonso I) († 1458), 169, 171, 242, 261f., 265f., 297

Almaric, notary, 238 Almohads, Berber dynasty, 201–205 Almoravids, Berber dynasty, 201 Amalfi (SA), 42, 217, 284 Amalfitan(s), 219, 227, 229 Amari, Michele, 24, 70, 81, 83, 99, 145 Amatus of Montecassino, chronicler, 34f., 77, 110, 125 Amaury I, king of Jerusalem, 240 de Ammirato, family, 64 Anacletus II, anti-pope († 1138), 160 al-Andalus, 111 Ancona, 228, 244–246 Andrea Curriali, priest and commissioner of the diocese of Catania, 274 Andrea de Patrimone, vicar general and dean of the church in Catania, 270, 274 Andrea de Timpanaru, archpriest of San Filippo in Catania, 270, 274 Angelo Callimaco, Sicilian poet, 10, 23f. Angevin(s), 9, 55, 159, 164, 168, 171, 211, 237 kingdom, 279 see also Charles I of Anjou Anna, mother of Grisandus, 23, 144 Ansger, bishop of Catania († 1124/25), 160 Antioch (Syria), 59 Antonello de Muni, 249 Antoni Sin, royal treasurer, 213 Antonino Aprea, notary, 298 Antonio Bonafidi, magister in Catania, 258f. Antonio de Matruna, 254 Apulia, 18, 47, 64, 192, 194, 196f., 249

312 Aragon, Aragonese, 9, 164, 168, 171, 210, 222, 225, 256, 300 - crown of, 229, 232, 267, 297 - kingdom, 279 - royal house of, 159 - see also Alfonso V, Ferdinand el Catolico, James II, Martin I Arezzo, Claudio, 11, 70 Ariano Assizes of, 165, 167, 255 Arias de Avalos, bishop of Catania, 268f. Armenia, 244 Ashtor, Eliyahu, 228 Augusta (SR), 248 Avarna (Warna, Guarna), family, 282 Aversa (CE), 166 Babylon sultan of, 241 Baldoyno de Brugnali, merchant of Messina, 244 Balearic Islands, 286 Barbara, Saint, 273 Barcelona (Spain), 229, 246, 248, 299, 302, 304 Bari (BA), 59, 260 - Basilica di San Nicola, 260 Barlaam, abbot of Santa Maria della Grotta, 56, 66 Bartholomew of Messina, translator, 49 Bartholomew of Simeri, abbot of Patir, 63 Bartolomea, daughter of Simone de Nida, 254 Bartolomeo, Greek citizen of Messina, 168 Bartomoleo de Viterbo, 248 Basileios, protopapas of Palermo, 52 Battallaro (PA), 103, 107 Beatrice de Provence, wife of Charles I of Anjou, 237 Beirut (Lebanon), 241, 244

INDEX

Beloch, Karl, 208 Benedict, notary, 58 Benjamin of Tudela, Jewish traveller, 44, 50 Bercher, Henri, 103f., 126 Bern - Burberbibliothek of, 68, 144, 153 Bernat Pinos, royal officer, 213 Black Sea, 245 Blancard, Louis, 237 Bonos, notary and protonotary under Roger I, Adelaide and count Roger II, 36 Braudel, Fernand, 25, 286 Bresc-Bautier, Geneviève, 214, 255 Bresc, Henri, 177, 207–210, 214, 224, 255, 259, 289 Brucato (PA), 296 Bologna (BO), 208 Bordonaro (ME), 37, 46 Boulkerames (Bū’l-karrām), family, 43, 46 - Johannes, 43 - Sabas, 44 - Simon, 44 Bosnia, 247 Bougie (Béjaïa in Algeria), 238 Broekmann, Theo, 204 Bruges (Belgium), 302 Bulgarinus de Castello, 244 Buonfornello (PA), 296 Byzantium, 32, 62 Byzantine(s), 9, 13, 24, 27, 32–36, 38, 56f., 59–61, 79, 105f., 143, 207, 223, 267 - emperor, 142f., see also Constans II, Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos - law, 165, 167 - patriarch, 32 - truce with the Muslims, 99 Cabini, family, 287 Caffa (Feodosia in Crimea), 245, 247

313

INDEX

Cairo (Egypt), 98, 145 Calabria, 13, 17f., 31, 35, 37–39, 45f., 48, 56f., 60, 62f., 65, 102, 228, 230, 249, 277, 285, 288–290 counts of Sicily and, 28–30, see also Roger I, Roger II county of Sicily and, 29, 35 Greeks from, 35, 45, 65 Norman province of, 35 Calabrian(s), 10, 35, 37–39, 57, 255 - administrative officials, 36, 56 - dioceses, 36 - fairs, 249 - immigrants, 37, 65 - mainland, 37, 161 Calatafimi (TP), 258f. Calatrasi (PA), 103, 106, 118, 176, 183, 186, 195 Caltagirone (CT), 249 Camaro, river in Sicily, 49 Campania, 18, 42, 47, 64, 249, 285 Candia (Heraklion in Crete), 245, 248 Capitanata, 220 Carastono, family, 220 Carini (PA), 296 Carnilivarius Cepulla, notary, 48 Casalotto (PA), 118, 120–124 Castrogiovanni (modern Enna), 254 Catalonia, 234, 249, 284, 301 Catalan(s), 21, 212, 217–219, 223, 232f., 242, 244, 246–248, 252, 297, 300–302 - merchants, 21, 218, 233, 242, 248, 289, 302 Catania (CT), 160f., 234, 249, 252– 254, 258–260, 266–268, 270, 276, 284 - bishop of, 59, 161, see also Ansgerio, Arias de Avalos, Giovanni, Giovanni Podoniucis, Guglielmo Bellomo, Leo, Maurizio, Simone del Pozzo - cathedral of, 260, 263 - citizens of, 161, 264

-

curia episcopalis, 252–254 diocese of, 17, 160, 251, 258, 274f. - Greek archbishop of, 33 - Sant’Agata la Vetere, church, 260 Cefalù (PA), 104, 176 - bishop of, 61, see also Ricardus de Logotheta - diocese of, 160 Celano (AQ), 191 Celso (PA), 176, 183, 187, 195 Cerami (ME), 62f. Charles I of Anjou, king of Sicily and Naples, 49, 55, 227, 237, 240f. Chiaramonte, family, 207, 211f., 218, 222 Chilia (Tulcea, Romania), 245 China, 242 Chios, 243 Chittolini, Giorgio, 271 Christodoulos, amīr of Sicily († circa 1125/26), 28–30, 51, 58 Christodoulos, protopapas of Palermo, 52 Ciccarelli, Diego, 168, 280 Cinisi (PA), 175, 185, 195 Clemente Henrici, 244 Collesano (PA), 296 Conca d’Oro (PA), 67, 125, 220 Constance, empress, queen of Sicily († 1154), 61, 170, 180, 182, 184f. Constans II, Byzantine emperor († 668), 27 Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos, Byzantine emperor († 959), 142 Constantinople, 32f., 62, 237, 239, 267f. - Latin Empire of, 47 - patriarchate of, 27, 35, see also Methodios I - Pera, 245, 247 Corleone, 103–106, 119, 176, 183, 195, 218f. - al-Kinīsya (The Church), 105

314 -

Santa Maria Maddalena, monastery, 105 - Šantaġni (Sant’Agnese), 105 Corneto (Tarquinia in Italy), 303 Corrado de Sallimbene, resident of Syracuse, 244 Corrao, Pietro, 207, 209, 285 Costa, Pietro, 165 Courteaux, Annie, 103f., 126 Crete, 21, 243 Crusader states, 241, 243 Cyprus, 21, 241, 243f., 246 D’Angelo, Franco, 207 Damascus (Syria), 145 Damiano Amatore, 244 Daniel, biblical prophet, 147 De Fina, Anna, 148 De Simone, Adalgisa, 100 Del Giudice, Michele, 119, 121 Di Pasquale, Armando, 209 Doria, family, 300 Duby, George, 278 Egypt, 21f., 240, 242 England, 22, 297, 304 English, 47, 164, 180, 229, 273 - harbours, 299f. - markets, 297 Enrico de Rustico, merchant of Messina, 247 Entella (PA), 176, 178, 183, 187, 195, 197 Epstein, Stephan, 228, 249, 288 Errico Cafiri, Greek citizen of Messina, 168 Esch, Arnold, 11 Ethiopia - Negus of, 242 Etna, 34, 254, 284 Eugenios, ‘the amīr’, early Norman administrator, 28, 36, 53, 62 Eugenios, amīr, author, grandson of Eugenios ‘the amīr’, 55, 64

INDEX

Eugenios tou Kalou, magister duane baronum under William II, 51, 59f. Eupraxia, abbess of San Giovanni Prodromos, 48 Europe, 22, 214, 217, 286 Famagusta (Cyprus), 243f., 247 Fatimid(s), Egyptian dynasty, 59, 74f., 98, 210f., 292 Fazello, Tommaso, 11, 24, 70 Ferdinand el Catolico, king of Aragon, Sicily and Naples († 1516), 10, 24 Ficarazzi (PA), 296 Figliuolo, Bruno, 283, 286 Flanders, 22, 287–289, 297, 302 Flemish - harbours, 299f., 303 - markets, 297 Florence (FL), 217, 302 - Istituto Geografico Militare, 124 Florentine(s), 229, 232, 292, 297, 300, 302 merchants, 300 Foulque Collanera, Messinese in Genoa, 238 France, 45, 234, 249 French, 36, 45, 51, 174, 192, 255, 297 Francesco Iacco, decretorum doctor and vicar of the bishop of Catania, 259f. Francesco Malleo, merchant of Barcelona, 248 Francesco Serra, 246 Francisco Paulillo, 244 Frattina (Bélice Sinistro), river in Sicily, 119 Frederick II, emperor, German king and king of Sicily and Jerusalem († 1250), 49, 54, 61, 64, 102, 166, 174, 182, 186–191, 193, 196–200, 202–205, 210f., 214, 217, 256, 292 Frederick III, king of Sicily († 1337), 170, 209, 216, 221f., 257

INDEX

Gaeta (LT), 249, 285, 298 Ğālișu (PA), 106 Gallo (PA), 176, 183, 195 Garofalo, family, 220 Garufi, Carlo, 256 Ğawdar, eunuch, 98 Geary, Patrick, 269 Gela (CL), 234 Genoa (GE), 21, 159, 208, 217, 234, 236–239, 284, 286, 299, 302, 304 Genoese, 41f., 170, 229, 217–219, 223, 229, 232, 234, 237, 243, 246f., 297, 300f. merchants, 21, 164, 171, 218, 232, 242, 289, 297, 299, 301 Geoffrey Battellaro, Norman lord, 106 Geoffrey Malaterra, chronicler, 27, 34, 72f., 76f., 79–81, 159 Georgakopoulou, Alexandra, 148 George Maniakes, Byzantine commander, 267 Georgios, stratigotus of Messina (1142), 40 Georgios, stratigotus of Messina (1152), 40 Georgios of Antioch, amīr of amīrs († 1151), 53, 58f., 62–65 Georgios of Gallipoli, poet, 65 Gerace (RC), diocese of, 36 Germany, 64, 198, 203f., 210 German(s), 186, 216, 222 kingdom, 182 emperor, 65, 186, 197f., 203, see also Frederick II, Henry VI, Otto IV Giacomo Comito, notary, 298 Giacomo de Viterbo, 248 Giardina, Camillo, 169 Gioia Tauro (RC), 277 Giorgio de Constancio, 246 Giovanni, bishop of Catania, 161 Giovanni Podoniucis, bishop of Catania, 261

315 Giovanni de Collitortis, notary and judge of the bishop’s court, 254 Giovanni di Starfillico, vicar of Catania, 258 Giovanni Traversa, notary, 293 Giuffrida, Antonino, 209, 225 Goitein, Shlomo, 240 Gosbert de Lucy, son-in-law of Roger I, 37 Gottfried, tabellio publicus, 57 Gottfried of Centuripe, secretus, 59 Granada, kingdom of, 299, 301 Gregorius de Garofalo, notary, 48 Gregory VII, pope († 1085), 51 Gregory, iudex of Messina, 48 Grisandus, court cleric, 144 Guastanella (AG), 176, 183, 195 Guglielmo Bellomo, bishop of Catania, 254 Guillaume Riperia, 238 Guillelmus de Mileto, notary, 44 Gulf of Venice, 240, 246 Henry VI, emperor, German king and king of Sicily († 1197), 64, 170, 174, 180, 182, 184–186 Heyd, Wilhelm, 227 Holy Land, 190, 238, 240 Honorius III, pope († 1227), 54 Horden, Peregrine, 25 Hugo Falcandus, chronicler, 45f., 78f., 87, 90–95, 125, 162–164, 168f. Hugues Foucault (Fulcaudus, Foucaut), abbot of Saint-Denis, 163 Iaconu Philippo di Galati, 273f. Iarrusso, family, 220 Iato (PA), 103, 105, 107, 183, 186f., 195, 197 Iaymo de Lauria, nobleman of Catania, 273 Iberian Peninsula, 217 Ibn al-Armal (Jābir), 112

316 Ibn Ǧubayr, Andalusi traveller-pilgrim, 42, 50, 87, 89–91, 94, 143, 161–163 Ibn Ḥawqal, geographer and traveller, 73f., 99f., 110, 112, 125, 291 Ibn al-Ṣabbāġ, scribe and poet, 98, 100f. Ibn ʿAbbād, amīr, leader of Muslim rebels, 188, 190, 202f. Ibn ʿIḏārī al-Marrākušī, chronicler, 201 Ibn al-Qāf, secretary, 105 Ibn Muḫallaf al-Kommād, 51 al-Idrīsī, cartographer, 76, 90f., 110, 118, 125, 163, 284 Ifrīqiya, 59, 147, 202, 292 India, 242 Innocent II, pope († 1143), 160 Innocent III, pope († 1216), 182, 185f., 200f. Innocent IV, pope († 1254), 198 Intersimone Alibrandi, Maria, 288 Inveges, Agostino, 70 Ionian Sea, 285 Iraq, 141 Ischia, 217 Italy, 47, 217, 277, 287 - central, 223, 245, 259, 271 - mainland, 17, 20, 191f., 195 - north, northern, 171, 227–229, 234, 259, 271, 284 - south, southern, 35, 56, 62, 193, 197, 203, 224, 227, 267, 277, 287, 289 Italian(s), 145, 198, 224, 245, 277, 303 - central, 186 - merchants, 227, 241, 244 - north, 197 - peninsula, 161, 217, 260 - south, 10, 31, 173, 189, 191, 194, 278

INDEX

Jacobo Barono, 244 Jacques Coeur, merchant and financier of Charles VII († 1456), 300 James II, king of Aragon († 1327), 170 James, Mervyn, 270f., 273 Jaymus Paruta, praetor of Palermo, 213f. Jehel, Georges, 236 Jerusalem, 45, 145, 240f. Johannes, deacon of Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio, 54 Johannes, protonotary under Roger I, 36 Johannes, protopapas of Messina, 40 Johannes, secretus, 46, 59 Johannes, stratigotus of Messina, 40 Johannes Adam, consul of the Germans in Palermo, 222 Johannes of Aversa, 41 Johannes de Castello de Accon, 244 Frederick II, 65 Johannes of Damascus, Saint, 33 Johannes Grassos, poet and notary of Johannes Mansos, protopapas of Messina, 39f., 49 Johannes Martinus, 249 Johannes medicus, iudex of Messina, 44 Johannes of Naso, notary, 58, 65 Johannes de Pelegrinis, 244 John the Baptist, Saint, 50, 221 John, author of the Apocalypse, 142 Johns, Jeremy, 92 Joseph ben Peraḥyā, 44, 162 Joseph the Hymnographer, 33 Judex Tarentinus, master justiciar of the royal court, 54 Kalbid dynasty, 98, 105, 210 Kelsen, Hans, 164 Kemonia, river in Sicily, 210 Köhn, Rolf, 163 Komnenoi, Byzantine dynasty, 62 Konstantin, protopapas of Palermo, 52

INDEX

Konstantinos Sikelos, poet and grammatikos, 33 Krasner, Mariuccia, 215 Kutāma, Berber tribe, 74f. La Duca, Rosario, 207f. La Grua, family, 217 Lamberto di Sambuceto, notary, 243 Languedoc, 301 Las Navas de Tolosa (Spain), 202 Lauxtermann, Marc, 64 Lello, Giovanni, 119f. Le Midi, 234 Lentini (SR), 234, 254 Leo, Saint, bishop of Catania, 32 Leo, iudex of Palermo, 57 Leo, parathalassites of Palermo, 56 Leo, krites, 48 Leo the logothete, under Roger I, Adelaide and count Roger II, 36, 56 Leo of Reggio, notary and calligrapher, 37 Leo de Sancto Matheo Grecorum, notary, 48 Leonardo Camarda, notary, 282 Leone Malfinò, founder of Santa Maria di Malfinò, 280 Levant, 21, 230, 240–242, 246, 249 Liguria, 240, 259 de Limoges, family, 42 Lipari, 234, 244, 249, 298 - consuetudines of, 166 Lipari-Patti, diocese of, 160 - bishop of, 60 Logothetes (de Logotheta), family, 38, 46f. - magister Ricardus de Logotheta, bishop of Cefalù, 47 Lombards, 217, 255, 259 Lomellini, family, 300 London (England), 288 Lope Ximen Urrea, viceroy of Sicily under Alfonso V, 265f.

317 Lucas, bishop of Isola Capo Rizzuto, 38 presbiter Lucas grecus, 55 Lucera (FG), 102, 192f. Ludolph of Sudheim, German traveller, 56 Lyon (France) - council of (1245), 198 al-Mahdia, al-Mahdiyya (Tunisia), 147, 188 al-Mālikī, jurist from Qayrawān, 292 Maghreb, 22, 118, 259 Mainetto Palmintero, citizen of Messina, 168 Maio of Bari, amīr of amīrs, 59, 149 Majorcans, 229 Makarios of Reggio, scribe at Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari, 50 Malcovenant, family, 106 Malta, 63, 114f., 147, 298 Mandalà, Giuseppe, 215f. Manduel, family, 237 Manfred, king of Sicily († 1266), 49 Margarete of Navarre, wife of William I († 1183), 45, 60 Maria of Antioch, pretender to the throne of Jerusalem, 240 Markianos, Saint, bishop of Syracuse, 32 Markward of Anweiler, duke of Ravenna and Romagna († 1202), 186, 201 Marsala (TP), 28f. Marshall, Thomas, 164 Marseille, 21, 217, 234, 237, 239, 246, 288 merchants of, 238, 284 Martin I, king of Sicily († 1409), 217f., 252 Martin I, king of Aragon, king of Sicily (as Martin II) († 1410), 217

318 Martin, palace eunuch, 59 Martino, Federico, 169f. Mary, Saint, 81 - cult of, 268, 276 - Dei Genetrix, 79, 82, 95 - Madonna del Carmine, 273 - mother of God, 145 - mother of the al-Mahdī, 145 - Puerpera, 80 - Theotokos, 39 - the Virgin, 80, 82f., 145f., 268f., 271, 276 Massa (ME), 37 Mateo Peroni, 244 Matheus de Calvaroso, 244f. Matthew, archdeacon of Crotone, chaplain of Frederick II, 54, 66 Matthew, priest of San Giorgio, 55 Matthew d’Aiello, vice-chancellor, 59 Maurici, Ferdinando, 175, 189 Maurizio, bishop of Catania, 268 Mazara (TP), 44, 104, 162 - diocese of, 183, 195 al-Māzarī, jurist, 100 Mediterranean, Mediterranean Sea, 9– 11, 18–22, 25, 159, 163, 171, 173– 175, 194, 199, 201, 203–205, 207, 230f., 235, 240, 248f., 277, 286, 288f. - central, 116 - eastern, 21, 46, 143, 243 - harbours, ports, 10, 31, 228, 230, 234, 238f., 249, 298, 304 - networks, 10, 20, 22, 288 - trade, 20f., 160, 163f., 227f., 286, 289 - western, 230, 234, 250, 284, 292, 296 Melfi - constitutions of, 166 Messana, Maria, 259 Messina, 9f., 12f., 15, 17f., 20f., 27, 29–31, 34–37, 39, 41–47, 49–51, 54–58, 61, 63, 65f., 159–169, 171,

INDEX

-

-

-

227–234, 237–250, 254, 267, 277– 281, 283f., 286–290 (arch)bishop of, 30, 35, 50, 58, see also Robertus Amalfitania magna, 233 Amalfitania parva, 233 archbishopric of, 30, 38, 49, 160, 266, 282 Biblioteca Provinciale dei Cappuccini di Messina, 281 Borgo San Giovanni, 232 Byzantine attack on, 34 cathedral of, 232, 282 charters, 29, 31, 37, 41–44, 47f., 57f. citizens, citizenship of, 15, 21, 164–166, 168–171, 287 clavis […] Siciliae, 27, 159, 284 consuetudines of, 15, 166–169, 171 foreigners, foreign merchants in, 20f., 163f., 171, 227, 229f., 232, 232, 248, 284–286, 288f. Greeks, Greek community of, 13, 15, 38f., 43–47, 49, 166, 168, 170f. hinterland of, 17f., 37, 44, 46, 59, 249, 284, 290 Jews, Jewish community of, 15, 44, 50, 170f. Latin immigrants, 42 megalopolis, µεγαλόπολις, 27, 159, 164 merchants, merchant communities of, 21, 227f., 239–241, 247, 288f. Muslims of, 164 Norman conquest of, 27, 35f., 160, 228 notaries of, 232, 240, 245 Ospedale Santa Maria della Pietà, 280f. port, harbour of, 10, 31, 34f., 42, 159f., 162–164, 227, 230, 232f., 238, 249, 283–286, 288f.

319

INDEX

-

province of, 37 royal palace of, 30, 43, 169 ruga Anglicorum, 233 ruga Florentinorum, 233 ruga Pisanorum, 233 San Pietro dei Pisani, church, 233 San Placido Calonerò, monastery, 279f. - Sant’Anna, monastery, 46 - Santa Maria de Castellammare (Santissima Annunziata dei Catalani), 233 - Santa Maria dell’Alto, monastery, 281 - Santa Maria delle Moniali, monastery, 280 - Santa Maria delle Scale, monastery, 280 - Santa Maria di Malfinò (Santa Barbara), monastery, 168, 280 - Santa Maria di Montalto, church, 281 - Santa Maria Maddalena di Valle Iosaphat, monastery, 280 Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari, 38f., 44f., 49f., 54f., 63 - State Archive of, 279–281 - territory of, 168 - under Arab rule, 34 - under Norman rule, 13, 27 - university of, 282 Methodios I, patriarch of Constantinople († 847), 33 Mezzoiouso (PA), 104 Michele da Piazza, chronicler, 209 Mineo, Igor, 208, 215 Michael, protopapas of Palermo, 52 Milazzo (ME), 58, 65, 284 Mileto (VV), 29, 161 Militi, Maria, 283 Mirulla, family, 287 Misilmeri (PA), 63 Monreale (PA), 176, 186 - archbishop of, 102, 143, 185f., 188

-

archbishopric of, 181, 183, 195 Archivio Storico Collegiata, 122f. cathedral of (Santa Maria Nuova), 102, 126, 142f., 152 - estate of, 102f., 110, 148, 186 - feudal lordship of, feudi, 104, 119 - Ḫandaq al-Aḥsan, 114 - ḫandaq al-dāliya (ditch of the water-wheel), 110 - al-ḫandaq al-ġarīq (the submerged ditch), 116–118 - Ḫandaq al-Qaṣab (ditch of the canes), 115 - monastery of, 59, 103–105, 107, 125, 186 - mosaics of, 23, 65 - Muslim kin groups of, 108f., 112f., 116 - population of, 103f. - Qurūbniš, 110 - registers of men and land boundaries (ǧarāʾid) (1178, 1182 and 1183), 16, 102–104, 106–111, 113, 116f. Monte Iato (PA), 102, 176, 185–187, 195 Monte Gargano (FG) - Sanctuary of Monte Sant’Angelo, 260 Monte Maranfusa (PA), 118 Monte Palmeto (PA), 176 Montecassino (FR), monastery, 260 Montechiaro (AG), 248 Montpellier (France), 245 merchants of, 238 Moscone, Marcello, 216, 224 Moses Yijū, 162 Moules Palates, brother of Scholarios Palates, 37 Mouton, Jean, 106, 128 Muḥammad, prophet of Islam, 116 al-Muqaddasī, Arab geographer († circa 1000), 75f., 85

320 Naples (NA), 208f., 217, 242, 249, 299, 302 - kingdom of, 208, 272, 297, see also Alfonso V, Charles I, Ferdinand el Catolico, Neapolitans, 217 Napolion Porcus, 245 Narbonne (France), 217, 228 Nardo de Pascali, merchant of Messina, 247 Nebrodi, mountain range in Sicily, 284 Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, 147 Nef, Annliese, 189, 191, 216 Neilos Doxopatres, Greek monk, theologian, canonist, 44, 62 Nicholas Chandakis, 115 Nicola Balunga, nobleman of Palermo, 220 Nicola Castagna, viceroy of Sicily under Alfons V, 261 Nicola de Guirrerio, notary, 274 Nicolaus Gaymarius, notary, 48 Nicosia (EN), 249 Nikephoros, protopapas of Messina, 40 Nikodemos, Greek archbishop of Palermo, 51 Nikolaos, logothete under William II, 53 Nikolaos, parathalassites of Palermo, 56 Nikolaos, stratigotus of Messina, 40 Nikolaos, tabularius, 56 Nikolaos τοῦ Δανιήλ, notary, 47 Nikolaos Grapheos, 46 Nikolaos of Mesa, chamberlain and protonotary under Roger I, 36 Nikolaos of Oria, 50 Nikolaos Takes, son-in-law of Johannes Mansos, 39 Nikolaos of Troina, priest, 58, 65

INDEX

Niphon, archimandrite of Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari, 50 Normandy, 46, 175 Norman(s), 9, 12f., 16, 23f., 27–29, 34–36, 38, 40f., 50f., 56f., 64, 69– 73, 75–81, 83, 86, 89f., 95, 99, 102, 104–107, 110, 125, 144f., 147, 149f., 159–161, 164–166, 168, 174, 177–180, 188, 199, 207, 210f., 214–220, 223–225, 228, 230, 255f., 287 - aristocracy, 46 - art, 22f., 142, 148 - court, 13, 29f., 39, 51, 62, 64, 91, 142–144, 147 - kings, 30, 60, 62, 88, 142–144, 165f., 169, 181, 184, see also Roger II, William I, William II - realm, 13, 23, 29, 31, 65, 159, 161, 179, 181 North Africa, 201, 234, 237, 239, 249, see also Ifrīqīya North Sea, 298, 300, 302 Odo Quarell, master of the royal household, 45 Ogerius, consul of the Genoese in Messina, 41 Oldfield, Paul, 267 Onorio Garofalo Junior, member of the Palermitan senate, 213f. Onouphrios, archimandrite of Santissimo Salvatore de Lingua Phari, 55 Oreto, river in Sicily, 100, 221 Orient, 240–243, 246f., 292 Otto IV, emperor († 1218), 203 Oxford Bodleian Library, 74 Paganus Collura, notary, 48 Paganus de Gorgis, Norman knight, 106

321

INDEX

Paganus de Messina, 237 Palates (τοῦ Παλατίου), family, 38 Palermo, 12–15, 17f., 20, 22, 27–31, 39, 42f., 50–59, 61f., 64f., 67, 69– 75, 77, 79–81, 90, 92, 94f., 97f., 100–102, 104, 107, 110, 112, 125, 142, 144–146, 148, 151, 154, 156f., 159–161, 163f., 168, 171, 175, 179, 207–226, 230, 233f., 241, 248f., 257, 272f., 284, 291– 293, 296f., 299f., 302–304 - (arch)bishop of, 30, 58, 60, 82, 145, see also Alcherius, Stephen du Perche - al-ḥālīsa, 67, 73–77, 79, 81, 83, 86, 210 - al-madīna al-qadīma, 73, 97 - Albergheria, 53, 211f., 215 - Amalphitania, 219 - Archiepiscopium, 213 - bāb al-bunūd, 74 - bāb al-futūḥ, 74f., 83 - bāb aṣ-ṣināʽa, 74 - bāb Kutāma, 74 - Ballarò, 212, 273 - Cappella Palatina, 23, 30, 51, 54, 62, 65, 67, 88, 142, 145, 148, 151, 154, 156f. - Cassaro, 53, 90f., 93f., 209–216 - Castello a Mare, 67, 77, 212 - cathedral of, 54, 62, 79, 87f., 211, 213 - charters, 29, 31, 43, 53–62, 97 - Chiesa dei Quaranta Martiri di Sebaste, 53 - citizens, citizenship of, 216, 218, 220–222 - Conciaria, 211f., 220 - consuetudines of, 167, 216 - Danisinni, 220f. - Dattileto, 221 - doana regia, 30f., 46, 51, 53 - Feravecchia, 211, 213, 220 - Galca, 77f., 87, 95, 211

-

-

-

Greek archbishop of, 33, see also Nikodemos Greeks, Greek community of, 13, 31, 51f., 54, 56, 59, 61f., 64f. Hartilgidie, 211f. hinterland of, 125, 208, 220f., 223 Ideisini, 67, 69 Iudaica, 215f. Jews, Jewish community of, 50, 69, 145, 208, 215–218, 222–224, 303 Kalsa (Alza), 53, 67, 69, 76, 209, 211–214, 219f., 222 La Favara, palace, 88, 99 La Zisa, palace, 88, 144, 221 Menani, palace, 88 Muslims of, 13, 92–95, 149, 179f., 184 Norman conquest of, 12, 28, 51, 69, 72f., 79, 81 Oratorio dei Bianchi, 83, 85 Ospedale di San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi, 221 palace eunuchs, 59, 91f., 143, 181 palace of the archbishop, 211f. Palazzo Abatellis, 214 Palazzo Pretorio, 212 Palazzo Steri, 212 Piazza Marina, 211–213 Ponte dell’Ammiraglio, 221 port, harbour of, 211f., 219, 296f. Porta dei Greci, 211 Porta della Vittoria, 83–86 Porta di Termini, 211, 220f. royal palace, 67, 69, 76, 78, 87– 89, 91f., 95, 144–146, 149, 211f., 214 ruga Alamannorum, 219f. ruga Centorbi, 213 ruga Honoriu Galofaru, 214 ruga de Lipari, 218 ruga Marmorea, 211 ruga Miney, 213 ruga Pisanorum, 213, 218–220

322 -

San Demetrio, church, 53 San Francesco d’Assisi, church, 218 San Giorgio de Balatis, church, 53 San Giovanni alla Galka, church, 52 San Giovanni alla Guilla, church, 213 San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi, 176 San Marco, church, 58 San Michele, church, 53 San Nicola Bark(), church, 53 San Nicola de Cufra, church, 53 San Nicola de Kemonia, church, 53 San Nicola de Logotheta, church, 53 San Nicola La Carrubba, church, 53 San Pancrazio, church, 53 San Pantaleo, church, 53 San Pietro de Balneariis, church, 28, 56 San Salvatore, church, 53 San Tommaso dei Greci, church, 53 Sant’Agata, church, 53 Sant’Antonio Abate, church, 212 Santa Barbara, church, 53 Santa Maria degli Angeli, church, 83 Santa Maria della Grotta, church and monastery, 53, 55, 58, 60 Santa Maria Genetrix or Victoria, chapel, 81f. Santa Paraskeve, church, 53 Santissima Trinità della Magione, church, 220 Santo Stefano, 62 Senate of, 82, 213, 222 Seralcadi (Scerarchadium), 67, 69, 94, 211f. State Archive of, 168, 224, 280, 296

INDEX

-

trappeti (sugar mills), 292–294 Ucciardone, 221 under Angevin rule, 211 under Aragonese rule, 210, 225 under Byzantine rule, 207, 223 under Muslim rule, 28f., 69, 72f., 76, 79, 86, 91, 101f., 161, 207, 223 - under Norman rule, 13, 27f., 50f., 57, 76, 78, 86, 90, 95, 99, 207, 210f., 214–220, 223–225 - under Staufen rule, 69, 207, 223 - Via Alloro, 213 Pankratios, Saint, bishop of Taormina, 32 Papireto, river in Sicily, 93f., 210, 213 Paris National Library of, 280 Parisius de Cereta, notary, 197 Pasciuta, Beatrice, 224 Paternò (CT), 59, 254, 273 Patrikios, family, 46 - Nikolaos, notary, 38 - Philipp, 38 Patti (ME) - consuetudines of, 166 Peloponnese (Greece), 33 Peloritani, mountain range in Sicily, 230, 284 Pepi, Luciana, 215 Peter, palace eunuch, 59 Peter de Limoges, krites of Messina, 41 Peter Vidon, Norman amīr of Palermo, 28 Pétonnet, Colette, 272 Petralia, Giuseppe, 285 Petrus de Albone, merchant of Barcelona, 246 Petrus de Ebulo, Latin poet, 61, 67, 69, 94f., 144, 153 Petrus Kalomenos, iudex of Palermo, 57 Petrus medicus, iudex of Messina, 44 Pezzini, Elena, 214

INDEX

Phergala (ME), 37 Pherla (ME), 37 Philagathos Kerameus, monk of Santa Maria del Patir, 62f. Philaretos, abbot of Santa Maria della Grotta, 58 Philipp of Taormina, iudex of Messina, 48 Philippos, protopapas of Palermo, 52 Philippos Xeros, physician from Reggio, 37 Piacenza (PC), 237 Piazza (EN), 249, 254 Piemonte, 217 Pietro de Baiberio, archpriest of San Filippo in Catania, 273 Pietro Rumbulo di Messina, 242 Pietro Vitale di Messina, 246 Pirri, Rocco, 70 Pisa (PI), 159, 217f., 285, 287, 302 - Porto Pisano, 299 Pisan(s), 186, 219, 229, 232, 246f., 296, 302f. - immigrants, 42, 217, 299, 302 - merchants, businessmen and bankers, 21f., 164, 171, 217, 240, 284, 291f., 302, 304 Platano (AG), 176, 183, 187, 195f. Po, river in Italy, 237 Powell, James, 208 Procida, 249 Provence, 237, 284 Ptolemy, Greek mathematician and astronomer, 64 Purcell, Nicholas, 25 R. Martin, 238 Ragusa (RG), 240 Raimond Messine, 238 Randazzo (CT), 249, 266 Re, Mario, 55 Reggio Calabria (RC), 37–39, 47, 49f., 57, 63, 249, 277f., 285, 290 Regio, family, 303

323 Reynaldo de Terranova, vicar general of Catania, 254 Rhodes (Greece), 21, 243 Riccardus medicus, iudex of Messina, 44 Richard I Lionheart, king of England († 1199), 45, 181 Richard, palace eunuch, 59 Richard, lord in western Sicily, 106 Richard of Aversa, stratigotus of Messina, 40, 168 Richard of San Germano, notary, chronicler († 1244), 196 de Riso, family, 47 Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily († 1085), 28, 35, 72, 75, 81 Robertus, bishop of Messina, 41 magister Robertus medicus, iudex of Messina, 44 Roccamena (PA), 118 Roccella (ME), 296 Roger I, count of Sicily († 1101), 27– 29, 35–38, 41, 56, 72, 75, 81–83, 106, 159–161, 280 Roger II, count and king of Sicily († 1154), 23, 30, 39, 40f., 43, 46, 50, 58–62, 65, 78, 97, 146f., 155, 163, 165, 169f., 255f., 279 Roger, infant son of William I († 1161), 149 Roger, lord in western Sicily, 106 Roger, secretus of Messina, 46, 59 Roger Borsa, duke of Apulia († 1111), 29, 56 Roger of Howden, chronicler († 1201/02), 44, 180 Romania, 21, 247 Genoese, 21, 245 Romanos, abbot of Santa Maria della Grotta, 55 Rome, 36, 208, 252, 298f., 303 Biblioteca Nazionale di Roma, 10

324 Romuald, archbishop of Salerno, chronicler († 1181), 62, 91–93 Rossano (CS), 63 cathedral of, 63 Patir, monastery, 39 Rubin, Miri, 271 Ruggero Mastrangelo, 217f. Rugolo, Carmela, 283 Saba Malaspina, chronicler († 1297/98), 27, 159, 284 Sabas Mesimerios, monk, disciple of Philagathos Kerameus, 63 Saḥnūn, jurist, 100 Salento, 50, 65 Salerno, 44, 166, 260 cathedral of, 260 Salvus de Brugnali, 244 Samperi, Placido, 278 Samuel Isac, Jew of Marseille, 246 Samuel Rudi, Jew of Cagliari, 246 Ṣamṣām al-Dawla, Kalbid amīr of Sicily, 98 San Filippo d’Argirò (EN), 268, 270, 273f., 276 San Gimignano (SI) merchants of, 246 San Nicolò di Chúrchuro (church) (PA), 105 San Noceto (Calabria), 249 Santa Maria della Grotta (TP), monastery, 29 Santa Maria di Rifesi (AG), 176 Sardina, Patrizia, 207, 215 Sardinia, 18, 246, 249 Schaube, Adolfo, 227 Scholarios Palates, chaplain of Roger I, 37 Sciacca (AG), 248 Sclafani, family, 222 Segesta (TP), 175f., 183, 195 Sergios, iudex of Messina, 44 Sibenik (Croatia), 246

INDEX

Sicily, 9–12, 16, 18, 20f., 23–25, 27f., 31–35, 37–39, 42, 46, 56, 59f., 62– 64, 80, 97f., 100–102, 114, 125, 142f., 150, 160f., 170, 173f., 178, 181, 187–190, 196f., 201, 203f., 211, 217, 228, 230, 233f., 239f., 242, 249, 277, 285f., 288–292, 295, 297, 299–303 - Arab conquest of, 32f. - bishoprics, bishops of, 27f., 30, 32, 35, 183 - central, 254 - count of, 83, 160, see also Roger I and Roger II - counts of Calabria and, see Calabria - county of Calabria and, see Calabria - diyā‘ al-sultān, 292 - eastern, 13, 31, 34, 38, 58, 62, 64f., 210, 214, 230, 233f., 249, 267 - Greeks of, 36 - history of, 11, 24, 25, 70, 78, 282 - Jews of, 171, 303f. - Kingdom of, 24, 63, 70, 78f., 86, 142, 170, 182, 189–191, 203f.; mainland Kingdom of, see Naples - kings of, 24, 61, 143, 169, 182, 189, 203, see also Alfonso V, Charles I, Ferdinand, Frederick II, Frederick III, Henry VI, James II, Manfred, Martin I, Martin II, Roger II, Tancred of Lecce, William I and William II - Muslims of, 38, 81, 173–175, 177– 205 - Norman conquest of, 24, 34, 36 - Norman province of, 35 - population of, 165, 199, 224 - royal demesne, 102, 180, 182 - under Angevin rule, 9, 237 - under Aragonese rule, 9 - under Byzantine rule, 9, 34

INDEX

-

under Muslim rule, 9, 69, 75, 97, 102, 125, 177 - under Norman rule, 9, 125 - under Staufen rule, 9, 174f., 177, 179–181, 184, 187–189, 199f., 202f., 205f. - western, 17, 20, 29, 59, 100, 103f., 106f., 114, 120, 127f., 146, 175, 178f., 188, 191, 208, 220, 222, 225, 249 Sicilian(s), 10, 18–21, 24, 33, 63f., 71, 99, 112, 114f., 119, 145, 156, 175, 180, 185f., 188, 191f., 195f., 199, 202, 205, 214, 218, 223f., 228, 236f., 239, 242, 246, 259, 286, 291, 296f., 300, 302f. - barons, 149 - caricatore, 248f. - cities, 10, 12, 18–20, 27, 160, 166, 168, 171, 249 - coast, 163 - dialect, 111f., 114 - eastern, 28 - grain, 18, 247, 249 - harbours, ports, 18, 34, 238, 245, 300 - hinterland, 10, 15–17 - market, 291, 201 - merchants, 304 - sugar, 17, 22, 291f., 296f., 299– 301, 304 - trade, 20, 233 - Vespers, 47, 169, 171, 209, 217, 221 - western, 118, 173–175, 181–183, 186f., 189, 193, 195, 199–205 Sikelgaita, wife of Robert Guiscard († 1090), 28 Simon “Banquerius” di Messina, 238 Simone de Nida, 254 Simone del Pozzo, bishop of Catania, 252 Solomon, king of Israel, 149 Spain, 201

325 Spinola, family, 300 Starrabba, Raffaele, 209 Staufen, dynasty, 9, 69, 174f., 177, 179–182, 184, 187–191, 196f., 199, 202f., 205, 207, 223 Stefano Branca, merchant of Messina, 247 Stefano de Ponte, praetor of Palermo, 213 Stephen du Perche, chancellor of the Kingdom of Sicily, archbishop of Palermo († 1168), 45 169 Stracuzzi, Rosario, 281 Strait of Messina (Stretto), 17, 35, 38f., 54, 65, 171, 277, 286, 288, 290 Stürner, Wolfgang, 198 Sudak (Crimea), 245 Syracuse (SR), 27, 34, 118 - Arab conquest of, 33 - bishop of, 30, see also Zosimos - Capo Santa Panagia, 118 - consuetudines of, 166 - diocese of, 254 - Norman conquest of, 38 Syria, 46, 141, 242 Syria-Palestine, 292 Takayama, Hiroshi, 255 Takes (Takkes), family, 49 Stefanus Tacca de Messana, 49 Talamone (GR), 303 Tancred of Lecce, king of Sicily († 1194), 61, 64, 180–182, 184 Taormina (ME), 63 - bishop of, 33f., see also Pankratios Taranto (TA), 285 Theodore, notary and tabularius, 57 Theodore, notary, 47 Theodore of Antioch, astrologer of Frederick II, 49 Theodosios, Greek monk and grammatikos, 32f. Theoprepes, protopapas of Messina, 40

326 Titone, Fabrizio, 208, 219 Tiziano, Lipario, 84 Toledo - Archivo Ducal de Medinaceli, 169f., 282 Tommaso Andriolo, notary, 232, 247 Tommaso de Giliberto, praetor of Palermo, 213 Tramontana, Salvatore, 283 Trani - consuetudines of, 167 Trapani, 234, 247 - consuetudines of, 166 Trasselli, Carmelo, 228, 283, 288 Tripoli (Libya), 239 Troia (FG), 267 Troina (EN), 28, 34, 36f., 55, 58, 63f. - bishopric of, 35, 160 - cathedral of, 80 - San Michele Arcangelo, monastery, 64 Tropea (VV), 249, 285 Tunis (Tunisia), 21, 44, 201, 239 Tunisia, 238f., 247 Tuscany, 217, 249 Tuscan(s), 214, 217f., 223, 246f., 302 Tyrrhenian Sea, 285, 298 - harbours, 298f., 301 Ubertino La Grua, captain of Palermo, 217 Ulô Graphea, wife of Roger, secretus of Messina, 44, 46, 59 Val Demone, 29, 288, 290 - San Filippo d’Agira, monastery, 33 - San Filippo di Fragalà, monastery, 33 Val di Mazara - Santa Maria di Vicari, monastery, 33 Valencia (Spain), 245, 272 Vassallos of Milazzo, 58, 65

INDEX

Venice (VE), 21, 237f., 240, 245, 284, 286, 293, 299, 301, 304 Venitian(s), 57, 217, 297, 299–301 - merchants, 21, 289, 299 Vienna (Austria) - secular treasury of the Hofburg, 146, 155 Vitale Gato, 244 Vitalis de Leone, notary, 498 al-Wanšarīsī, Maghribi jurist, 100 Washington D.C. - National Gallery of Art, 84 William I, king of Sicily († 1166), 45, 54, 59, 60–62, 91, 149, 241, 256 William II, king of Sicily († 1189), 45, 59–61, 64, 67, 102, 143–145, 149, 168f., 179f., 185 William, lord of al-Ğurf, 106 William, lord of Malbīt, 106 William of Apulia, chronicler, 72f., 75–77, 81 William Martorana, 46 Yūsuf, Kalbid amīr of Sicily, 98 Yūsuf, notary, 105 Yver, Georges, 227 Zosimos, Saint, bishop of Syracuse, 32 Zunz, Leopold, 215